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3 2044
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llarfaarb College TLihvavp
FROM THE
BRIGHT LEGACY
One half the income from this Legacy, which was re-
ceived in i88o under the will of
JONATHAN BROWN BRIGHT
of Waltham, Massachusetts, is to be expended for books
for the College Library. The other half of the income
is devoted to scholarships in Harvard University for the
benefit of descendants of
HENRY BRIGHT, JR.,
who died at Watcrtown, Massachusetts, in i686. In the
absence of such descendants, other persons are eligible
to the scholarships. The will requires that this announce-
ment shall be made in every book added to the Library
under its provisions.
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TYLER'S Quarterly Historical
THE BARAH OONSTANT, QOODSPEED AND DISCOVERY
The Ships That Brought the Founders of the Nation to Jftmeetown, 1607.
and
Genealogical Magazine
Editor: LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL. D.
VOLUME in.
Richmond, Va.
Richmond Prbss, Inc., Printbrs
1922
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US ir iob, ao. 10
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SUBJECT INDEX
VOL. III.
The Ashburton Treaty (1842), 256, 257.
The American Luther League, 14.
Amherst Co.: Militia Officers, 216.
Appomattox Church, 71.
Armistead, Ellyson, 70.
Bailey, Robert, sport and gambler, 54-58.
Baker, John, will of, 51.
Baker, Judith, tombstone of, 153.
Bedinger, Henry, tombstone of, 53.
Berkeley County, West Va., 44-53.
Bird, lliomaa, will of, 137.
Black Beard, 19.
Book Reviews: The Mortons and Their
Kin, 72j Andrew Meade of Ireland.
147; History of the University of
Virginia, 147, 148; American Lib-
erty Enlightening the World, 148;
Bulletin No. 1 of the Fauquier Co.
Historical Society, 220; Old Marster
and other Verses, 220.
Botetourt, Lord: Sketch of, 106-108;
announcement of his death, 109;
statue voted him, 108, 116; his
library, 123-126; founds two gold
medaUic prizes, 107, 108; leaves to
the Virginia Council his coach and
portraits of the King and Queen,
112, 114.
Bursoyne's captured army, 6-13, 28-44.
Bushrod, Thomas, 300.
Butler, Benjamin F., his Order No. 28
in New Orleans, 7-8.
The Chenoweth Family, 186-194.
Chiskiack: Indian tribe; name of Lee
home, 302.
Claiborne, Capt. Thomas, 219.
Deeds and Wills, when recorded in Vir^
ginia, 253-255; an outgrowth of Eng-
fish Statutes, 255.
Democracy: Bom at Jamestown in 1619,
227; finds an exponent in Jefferson,
81.
Dr. Evans and the War (1861-1865), 157-
164.
Federal Armies: character under Mo-
Clellan, under Grant, under Sher-
man, 158.
Fredericksburg, Physicians and Surgeons
of, 219.
Fontenoy, Battle of, 1-2.
Gamble, Capt. Robert, 36, 40.
Gates, Maj. Gen. Horatio, his deeds to
property, 48-49.
General Warrants in Virginia, 252, 253.
Gerrard, John, Will of, 61.
Greensville Co., Va., Marriage Bonds,
58-66, 194-210.
Harrison, Benjamin: Letters resjardinf
Virginia's necessitous condition in
1781, 23-27.
Harrisburg Convention: How John Tyler
was nominated Vice-President, 214-
216.
Hawkins, Joseph H. : A founder of Texas,
20-23.
Hessians: Experience as Prisoners, 6-13.
Hite, John, Will of, 49.
Hite, Thomas, Inventory of, 49.
Honor System, 85, 86, 148.
Jefferson, Thomas, exponent of de-
mocracy, 80, 240; religious freedom^
81; and education, 83; ignored by
propagandists, 149-162; founder of
^'Americanism," 154, 234.
King George Co. Will Book returned, 71.
Lane, Joseph, Jr., and his Descendants,
166-174.
Lanier Family, 126-143, 210, 211.
Lee, Jesse, Apostle of Methodism to New
England, 2-6, 18.
Lee, Major Gen. Charles, his will, 46-48.
Leigh, Benj. Watkins, and the Vice-Presi-
dency, 214-216.
Leland, John, Baptist Missionary,
preaches democracy, 18.
Letters: Benjamin Harrison, 23-27; O.
Towles. 29; Moses Hunter. 31;
John Roberts, 33: John Nevill, 33;
La Fayette, 34; F. Gannt, 35; Fra.
Taylor, 36; Ro. Gamble, 36. 40;
James McCalester, 37; Cad Janes^
41; J. Syme, 42; C. Blackburn, 42;
Thos. Bowyer, 43; Wm. Nelson,
John Randolph, Robert Carter
Nicholas, George Wythe, Jno. Blair,
109-111, 113-115, 116-117, 117-118;
Duke of Beaufort, 111-113, 115,
118-119; Eli«. Williams, 39; Dr. M.
F. T. Evans, 158-163; de la Pena,
164; W. O. Davis, 210; Mrs. Charles
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INDEX
W. DijKon, 211; H. R. Pollard, 212;
Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, 214-216; Mrs.
Julia G. Tyler 255; George Percy,
260; John Norton, 288; George
Wythe, 289, 290; John Page, 291;
Martha Jaquelin, 292; E. H. Moee-
ley. 293: Anne Matthews, 294;
Robert C. Nicholas, 295; Courtenay
Norton, 295, 297; Robert Miller,
296; Frances Norton, 297.
Madison, James, Sr., Notice of, 70.
Marriage Bonds (Greenesville Co.), 58-
66, 194-210.
Maury, Matthew Fontaine, 237.
Maurv, Walker, his school, 219.
Mayflower Compact, 73.
Mckinne, Patience, and her Descend-
ants, 166-174.
Morg^, Morgan. Will of, 52.
Morrison, Dr. A. J., Remarks on the
Civil War, 14-16.
Mumford and Munford Families, 66-68.
New England — ^How it learned De-
mocracy, 2-6; Methodism brought
by Jesse Lee to, 3-6; description of
the inhabitants of, 9-12; Illiteracy
and drinking in, 9: an autocracy
political, educational and religious,
17-19, 73-84.
Norton Correspondence, 287-298.
Notes from Va. Gaaette, 219.
'*01d Marster and other Verses." By B.
B. Valentine, 220.
Old times in Virginia, 257.
Otis, James, false claim made for, 150,
249.
Percy's "A Trewe Relacyon," 259-282.
The Players, 219.
Pollard Family, 211-214.
Poynor-Digges, 71.
Provincetown, Mass., forbids the erection
of a Methodist Church; lumber
burned, 81.
Propaganda, 149-152.
Quakers, 302.
Queries: Wimbish-Henderson, Poynor-
Digges, 71; Finch, 72; Palmer, 72;
YcTby-Stoneham, or Stonum, 220;
Brame, 301.
Rebel and Rebellion: terms resented by
Americans of the Revolution and
Southerners in 1861.
Riedesel. General, Commander-in-chief
of tne Hessians, 6-13.
Robinson, John Hamilton, Notice of,
154-156.
Rolfe Family, 301.
Rumsev, Inventor of the steamboat, his
Rutherford, Robert, Accounts-Current,
50; Inventory, 52.
Rutherford, Thomas, Jr., 50.
The School Ideal in America, 81.
The Stamp Act, 246-251.
Susar BiU, 246-248.
Sydnor Family Bible Records, 282-287.
Swann, Samuel, Marriage Deed, 68.
Swearingen, Thomas, Will of, 52.
Tabb, Edward, will, 52.
Tabb, George, will, 50.
Tabb, Robert, Account, Current, 50.
Thornton Family. 181-185.
Tombstones: Juoith Baker, 53; Major
Henrv Bedinger, 53; Isaac Brown,
69; Capt. John Hill Smith, 69; Alex-
ander Mathy, 69.
Towles, Col. Oliver, a prisoner at Long
Island, 29-30.
Tyler, John, and the Ashburton treaty,
256, 257; and the Vic^-Presidency,
214-216.
Van Meter, Heniy, Will of, 50.
Virginians: Why mdolent, 11, 12; women
very industrious, 12.
Virginia: Its Priorities, 84-86, 226-237;
founder of the nation and its Ideals,
84-85; founder of the World's Navies,
84-97; her resolutions in May. 1769
stirs the Continent, 107; leadership
in the Stamp Act, 246-248; exclusive
legislative powers, 249-255; Percy's
account of, from 1609 to 1612; wheat
farming in, 258.
The Vir^nia Dynasty, 252-253.
The Virginia or Merrimac: Revolutionises
Naval Warfare, 84-97, 287; defeats
the Monitor, Ibid.
Vobe. Mrs. Jane, Ordinary Keeper, 218,
219.
Washingtons of Surry, 142-143.
Washington, Charles, will of, 52.
Washington, Saml., will of, 51.
Washington, Susanna, will of. 51.
Washington, Thornton, will of, 52.
Washington and Lee: Ideal Americans,
218, 236.
Wills: James Rumsev, 45; Major General
Charles Lee, 46; Hite, John, 49;
George Tabb, 50; Thomas Ruther-
ford, 50; Henry Van Metre. 50;
John Baker, 51; John Gerrard, 51;
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INDEX
m
Robert Carter Willis, 51; Samuel
Washington, 51: Charles Washing-
ton, 52; Morgan Morgan, 52jThomas
Swearingen, 52; Thornton Washing-
ton, 52; Edward Tabb, 52; Thomas
Bird, 132; John Lanier, 144; Nicholas
Lanic^ 145.
Whiting, Francis, estate recorded, 52.
Whiting Matthew, account current, 52.
Willis, Robert Carter, Will of, 51.
Wimbish, Henderson, 71.
Worden, John Ly his report, 98-106.
Williamsburg: Caricatured, 164; gold-
smiths and silversmiths in, 298;
Henry Bowcockj tavern keeper in,
299; gunsmiths m, 299.
Wood, Col. James, correspondence, 28-
44.
William and Mary CoU^: C. de hi
Pena, professor of Modem Lan-
ffuages at, 164, 165; a school of
honor, 148.
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!▼
INDEX
GENERAL INDEX
Abbott, 276, 279.
Abingdon Parish. 66. 67.
Adams (Addams), 60, 61, 74, 79, 85, 145,
155, 165, 196, 207, 238, 239, 244,
249, 276.
Adams, The Founding of New England,
74.
Alabama Territory, 155.
Albemarle, 31.
Albemarle Co., 32, 33, 155, 217.
Allen, 61, 66, 194, 195, 200, 206, 208.
Allen Co., Ky., 170.
Allenton, 51.
Alexandria, Va., 33, 38.
Algemown^s Fort, 264, 266, 268, 278.
279 280.
Amelia to,, 66, 67, 158, 160, 174, 177.
American Farmer, 257.
Amherst Co., 216.
American Luiher League, 149.
AnceU, 72.
Anderson, 67, 70, 170, 171, 172, 289.
Andover, Mass.^ 76.
Andrew Co^ Missouri, 193.
Andrews, Fathers of New England, 75,
80.
Andrews, Colonial Folk Ways, 76.
Andros, 106.
Annapolis, 232.
Anson Co., N. C, 172.
Appleton, 20.
Applewhite, 209.
Apomatake, 273.
Appomattox C. H., 71.
Arbuckle, 39.
Ardier, 264.
Argoll, 270, 272, 282.
Armistead, 70.
Armstrong, 302,
Arsetock, 265.
Artis, 202, 206.
Arundel, 126.
Asbury, 3.
Ashbrooke, 189.
Ashburton, 255, 256, 257.
Ashby, 39.
Ashton, 51, 72, 190.
Asten. 173.
Astona, L. I., 216.
Athawes, 288.
Adkins, 62, 138, 199. 205.
Atkinson, 58, 196, 203.
Augusta Co., Va., 33, 49, 154, 171, 172
302.
Austin, 22, 171.
Avent, 60, 198, 209.
Avery. 208.
Aycock, 167, 168.
Ayhner, 300.
Bacon. 128, 227.
Bacon^s Rebellion, 127, 218, 228, 300.
Bagby, 212, 213.
Badminton, 113, 119.
Bailey, 54, 55, 57.
Baker, 49, 51, 53, 281, 295.
Baldivia, 265.
Baldridge, 71.
Balfour, 293.
Ballard, 288.
BaUow, 217.
The Baltimore, 95.
Baltimore, 24, 35, 47.
Baltimore Co., 186, 187, 189-191.
Baltimore, Lord, 193.
Bancroft, 107, 156, 239.
Banister, 177.
Banks, 72.
Barbadoes, 128.
Barber, 299.
Barbour, 70.
Barker, 143.
Barlow, 206, 208.
Bamer, 72.
Barnes, 45.
Barr, 171.
Barraud, 293.
Barrow, 34, 129.
Barwick, 288.
Baskerville, 147.
Bass. 59, 64, 198, 207, 209.
Batchellor, 72.
Battaile, 184.
Batte, 59, 61, 64. 65.
BaJUUs and Leadere of the Ciml War, 99.
Baur, 153.
Baxter, 180.
Baylor, 184, 288, 298.
Beale, 49, 72.
BeaU, 31.
Beaufort, Duke of, 108-109.
The BeavfoH, 88.
Beaufort Co., N. C, 128, 129, 136.
Beckley, 32.
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INDEX
Beckwith, 72.
Bedinger, 53.
Beecher, 85.
Beeson, 44.
Bel Air, 181, 184.
Belgium, 2.
Beli;215.
Bellfield, 72.
Bellinger, 166.
Bellview, 47.
Benedict XV., 148.
Bennett, 52, 201, 254.
Berkeley, 106, 108, 127, 128, 187, 301.
Berkeley Co., 11, 31, 34, 44-53, 170, 187,
188 101
Bermudas, 261, 264, 270, 281.
Bernard, 248j 291.
Berkel^Sprmgs, 11.
Benyman, 52, 62, 200.
Bertie Co., N. C, 166.
Betty, 129.
Beveridge, 239, 240, 245.
Beverley, 178.
Billon, Annals cf St. IxmUt IM*
Bird, 46. 131, 132.
Birmingham, Ala., 302.
Biron, 1.
Bishop, 209.
Blackheath, 127.
Black Beard, 9.
Blackburn, 42, 43.
Blackenell, 283.
Blackley, 131.
Blair, 33, 111, 177.
Blanchan, 72.
Bland, 108, 151, 177, 249, 250, 251.
Bland Papers, 177.
Blanks. 59, 61, 202, 205.
Bliss, Old Colony Town, 82.
Blizsard, 201.
Blount, 156.
Blue Ridge, 12.
Blunt, 1^.
Boggs, 187.
Boisseau, 137, 226.
Boiling, 175, 258.
BoUingbrook, 126.
Bonner, 207.
Boogher, Oleamings of Va, History, l71,
172.
Booker, 67, 158, 299.
BootJi, 180.
Border, 171.
Bosher, 222.
Boston, 9-11, 15, 231, 232, 241, 246, 248,
291.
Botetourt, Lord, 106.
Botetourt Co., 54.
Botomley, 72.
Bott, 170.
Boush, 299.
Bowcock, 298. 299.
Bowie, 296, 297.
Bowyer, 39, 44.
Boyle, 302.
Bradford, 84, 167, 239.
Bradley, 209, 293.
Brame, 301. 302.
"Brandon '^ 258.
The Brandyvnne, 88, 89.
Bransford, 18.
Branscomb, 60, 62, 63, 206, 208, 209.
Bray, 219.
Brent, 43, 45.
Brenton, 77.
Brewer, 58, 130, 137, 143, 194, 200, 209.
Briggs, 143.
The BriUiant, 290.
Bristol, 8, 114, 116.
Brittle, 210.
Broadus, 148, 209.
Brodnax, 125, 126, 177, 298.
Brooke, 87, 237, 289.
Brooking, 176.
Brooklyn, N. Y., 100.
Brooks, 51, 157.
Brown, 60, 68, 69, 138, 201, 204, 207.
Brown, First Republic, 253.
Bruce, 191.
Brunswick Co., Va., 72, 130. 132, 137,
141, 144. 146, 208, 209, 210.
Brunswick, da., 169.
Brush, 299.
Bruster, 270, 274, 275, 279, 280.
Bryan, 298.
Buchanan, 88, 89, 290.
Buckner, 182.
Bucks Co., Penn., 168.
Buggs, 169.
Bureh, 132-135.
Burgoyne, 6, 28.
Bumaby, 251.
Burnett, 63, 65, 209.
Burr, 156.
Burrell, 198.
Burrow, 145.
Burton, 139.
Burwell, 61, 63.
Bush, 288.
Bushrod, 300, 301.
Butler, 7, 8, 135, 190.
Butts, 62.
Bynum, 204.
Byrd, 1, 75, 178.
Cabell, 42, 217.
Cacapon, 186, 189.
Cain, 197, 201, 209.
CaldweU, 72.
Calhoun, 72, 245.
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▼1
INDEX
Caline, 106.
CaU, 139.
Calvert, 181.
Cambridge, 12.
Camm, 296.
Camp, 59, 60, 198, 199, 200, 207, 209,
210.
Camp ABhley-Hill, S. C, 36, 40.
Campbell, The Puritan, Ac, 255.
CampbeU, 45. 165.
Camida, 7, 12.
Cape Cod, 229.
CapeU,200.
C^;)e Henry, 101.
Capitol Landing, 300.
Caroline Co., 30, 181, 182, 184, 301.
Carrington, 41.
Carth^ena, 261.
Carter, 30, 186, 191, 250, 268.
Caruth (Camith), 170-173.
Camith Fort, 171.
Casey, 39, 40.
Catlett, 184.
Cato, 61, 64, 201, 202, 206, 207.
Causey, 116, 117.
Cawsons, 177.
Chabanes, Count, 1.
Chalmers, 139.
Chalkley, New Augusta County Ree,, 172.
Chamberlain, 210.
Chamberlin, 134.
Chambliss, 59, 65, 207.
Champe, 51.
Chaphn's Choice, 174.
Chapman, 51.
Charles, 202.
Charles I., 228.
Charles XL, 228, 251.
Charles City Co., Va., 70. 72, 130, 174,
175, 176, 177, 180, 266, 301.
Charles Fort, 270.
Charlestown. 45, 60, 52.
Charlotte, 126.
Charlotte Co., 212.
Charlestown. Mass., 87.
Chariottesville. 8, 11, 12, 28.
Chenoweth (Chennerweth Ac), 186-193.
Cherokee, 49.
Cherry, 31.
Chester, 54.
Chesterfield Co., 38.
Chew, 30.
Chicago, 72, 181.
Chihuahua, 154, 156.
Chiconamians, 271.
ChiUy (Chfle), 265.
China, 72.
Chiskiack, 302.
Chisman, 300. 301.
Chowan, 19, 68, 128.
Christ Church, Alexandria, 180.
Christian, 71.
Cincinnati, 21.
Clack, 146, 203.
Claiborne. 207, 219.
Claibome^s Rebellion, 228.
Clanton. 205.
Clarke Co.. Ga., 167, 168, 169.
Clarke (Clark). 23, 30, 31, 68, 64, 67,
196, 201, 202, 205, 209, 300.
Clarke North Carolina Records, 135, 143.
Clay, 22, 55, 215, 216.
Clayton, Digest of the Laws of Oeorgia,
169.
Cleaveland, 141.
Clifton, 194, 197, 202, 210.
Clinton, 12,34.
Coleman (Coalman), 60.
Cochran, 64.
Cocke. 72, 209, 290, 292.
CoghiU, 169.
Coker62, 53, 298.
Cole, 165, 189, 216, 219.
CoUey, 168.
Collier, 61, 62, 65, 196, 198, 204.
Colonial Famtlies in the Southern States,
52.
Colston, 72.
Combs, 202.
The Congress, 88, 89.
Connecticut, 18, 29, 33, 77, 79.
"Conjurore Neck," 174.
Constable, 95.
Conway, 182, 184.
Cook (Cooke), 63, 65, 72, 208.
Copsey, 188.
Cordall, 195.
Corder, 287.
Com, 58.
Comwallis, 34.
Corinth Farm, 170.
Cosby, 160.
Coues, Pike's Expedition, 156.
Cotton, 60.
Cowpens, 64.
Cox. 166, 192, 197.
Crabb, 48.
Craghm,51.
Craney Island, 92, 95, 97.
Creek Indians, 140, 169.
The Creole, 257.
Cresswell, 189.
Crittenden, 215.
Crocket, 31.
Crookehaven, 281.
Cross, 283, 284.
Culpeper Co., 33, 64.
Cumberland Co., Va.. 232.
Ciunberland, Duke ot, 1.
Cumberland Co., Penn., 173.
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INDEX
The Cumberland, 88, 89, d3, 95.
Currie, 176, 177, 182 (Curry).
The Currituck, 107.
Curtis, 142, 179, 255.
Cutshaw, 182.
Dabney, 148.
Dade, 182, 185.
Dahlgreen, 88.
Dale, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280.
DaUaa, 171.
Dallaa Co., Texas, 170, 171.
Dancy, 198.
Dandndge, 31.
Daniel, 30.
Darke. 50.
Darnell, 170.
Dan, 149, 150.
Davenport, 294, 295.
Davis, 59, 60, 72, 159, 161, 176, 194, 198,
204, 208, 210, 216, 217, 266, 268,
272, 273, 278, 279, 280.
Dean, 64, 200, 206.
Delbridge,60.
Ddkin, 33.
Delony, 204.
Denby, 165.
Dennison. 202.
Denton Co., Tex., 170.
Derby, Eng., 69.
Dickson, 198, 220.
Dickmeyer, 153.
Dictionary of National Biography, 126.
Dips, 71, 288. -^ '' ^*
DiflSrd, 217.
Dillehay, 61.
Dinwiddie, 72, 293.
Dinwiddle Co., 71, 145, 177.
The Discovery, 226, 227.
Dod. 153.
Dorr^s Rebellion, 234.
Dover Road, 282.
Downing, 191.
Draper, 190, 191.
Drew, 32, 45, 48, 49, 209.
Drewry's Bluff, 97.
Dubois, 72.
Dudley, 183.
Duem&ng, 153.
Dumfries, 46.
Dungall, 58.
Duninore, 44.
Dunmore Co., 44.
Dunn, 46, 47.
Dupree, 60, 61, 65, 196, 202, 203.
Du Roy, 11.
Early (Yardley), 270.
Eaton, 137.
Eaves, 199, 209.
Edgecomb Co., N. C, 166, 167.
Edmunds, 129. 130.
Edmunstone, 10.
Edwards, 47, 58, 72, 198, 208.
*" ideston, 147.
h 172, 173.
t>erton Co., Ga., 168.
Elisabeth City Co., Va., 219, 288.
Elizabeth River, 88, 96, 293.
EUettsville, Ind., 181.
Ellis, 179.
Ettinge. 72.
Enmierley, 65, 196, 209.
Endicott, 175.
England, 8, 16, 55, 255, 259, 266.
Eppes, 61, 207.
Erricsson, 86.
Essex, 185.
Essex Lodge, 300.
Esten, 108.
Evans, 63, 157-163, 201, 208.
Everard, 147.
Eves, 133.
Ewell, 209.
Exum, 166.
EseU, 63.
Pagan, 134.
Fa&fax, 188.
"Fairfield," 184.
"FaU HiU." 52, 185.
Fanning, 23, 197.
Farmer, 129.
Farraxut, 14.
FarrdA Janes, 116.
Fauquier, 83, 117, 185, 250.
Fauquier Co., 184, 185, 220.
Fayette Co., Ky., 21.
Feddenia, 35.
Fendall, 68.
Fenn, 219.
Fennell, 62.
Fenton, 8, 194.
Ferguson, 61. 63, 165, 206, 208, 209.
Fern Bank, Ohio, 81.
Finch, 72.
Fiske, 239.
Fisher, 199, 202.
Fitzgerald, 185.
Fitshugh, 140, 142, 181, 182, 184.
Fleet, 213, 287.
Fletcher, 126.
Flint, 167.
Florida, 155, 233, 240, 261.
Floumoy, 170.
Flowerdew, 287, 297.
Floyd, 170.
Fludger, 297, 298.
Fontaine, 299.
Fontenoy, 1.
Forbes, 185.
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Google
INDEX
Ford, 140, 142.
Fort Monroe, 88, 92, 94, 96-98.
Fort Sumter, 242.
Fort Wayne, Ind., 109.
Fort Washington, 53.
Foster, 63, 191.
Fox, 66, 198, 207.
France, 1, 7.
Francis, 68.
Franklin, 86, 246.
Frederick, 36.
Fredericksburg, 41, 186, 219, 268.
Frederick Co., 186, 187, 189, 190, 191,
192, 193.
Frederick Springs, 11, 12.
Fredericktown, 12, 38.
Freeman, 68, 199, 203, 210.
French, 219.
Freuchtenecht, 164.
Frog Island, 169.
Fry, 70.
Gaines, 211-214.
The Galena, 97.
Galliardo, 126.
Gait, 66.
Gamble, 37, 40.
Gardiner, 266.
Garland, 283.
Gamer, 64, 209.
Garrett, 60, 300.
Garris, 197.
The Gaspee, 231.
Gates, 7, 48, 49, 229, 260, 261, 264, 268,
269, 270, 271, 274, 279, 280, 281.
Gatling, 14.
Gault, 288.
Gaunt, 36.
Gay, 189.
Geddes, 178.
Geddy, 299.
Gee, 138, 147.
George III., 217.
George, 210.
Georgetown, D. C, 166.
Germantown, 81.
Gerrard, 61.
Gibbs, 33, 49.
Gildersleeve, 147.
Gilliam, 203.
Gilmer, 49, 221.
Gist, 36.
Gloucester Co., 34, 62, 66, 67, 106, 109^
174, 180.
Glynn Co., Ga., 169.
Goddard, 47. 48.
Goldsborough, 96.
Gooch, 169.
Goodnch, 64, 66, 132, 136, 196, 201, 203,
206,206.
Goodrum, 69, 200, 203. 209.
The Goodspeed, 226, 227.
Goodwyn, 68, 63, 204, 207.
Gooeeley, 299.
Gowing, 68, 60, 66, 204.
Gowyn, 62.
Graham, 69, 201.
GranviUe Co., N. C, 129, 140.
Grant, 69. 86, 168, 218.
Gravatt, 222.
Graves, 69.
Gravesend, 288.
Gray, 169.
Graydon, 218.
Gray's Inn, 282.
Grayson, 46, 201, 302.
Great Creek, 132.
Great Cacapacon, 188.
Greene (Green), 5, 30, 69, 90, 91, 96, 99,
100, 106, 208, 209.
Greenbrier Co., 64.
The Greerwale, 296.
Greenway, 208.
Greenwich, 127, 282.
Greenville, Tenn., 140.
Grenville, 246.
Gregory, 62, 69, 72.
Gretworth, 142.
Griffin, 69. 61, 199.
Griffith, 60.
Grigg, 69, 63, 66, 66, 194, 197, 202, 204,
^06,208.
Griiiard, 197, 200.
Groome, 220.
Grosvenor Square, 116.
Grote, 289.
Grove, 180.
Grymes, 183.
Gutierrez, 166.
Gwin, 184.
Haden, 72.
Hagerstewn, 36.
Hale, 238.
Halifax, 140, 166, 176, 176, 177, 299.
Hall, 60, 176, 177.
Halloway, 289.
Hamilton, 86, 148, 164, 166, 246.
Hamlin, 144.
Hammonds, 60.
Hampshire Co.. 186, 188, 192, 193.
Hampten Roads, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 104,
106, 267.
Hampton River, 94.
Hancock, 9.
Hanna, 187.
Hanovertown, Penn., 173.
Hanover Co.. Va., 69, 169, 282, 289.
Hapley Creek, 186.
Hi^xlaway, 147.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
iz
Harden Ck)., Ky., Id3.
Hardy, 52, 64,
Harewood, 51.
Harford Co., Md., 190.
Hargroye, 60.
Hannon, 68.
Haman, 1^.
Harper's Ferry, 45.
Harris, 58, 59, 60, 61, 194, 203, 205, 206,
209.
Harrisburg, 214.
Harrison, 23-27, 30, 60, 204, 205, 206,
209, 215, 218, 219, 258.
Hart, 61, 65, 143.
Harvard C:k>llege, 76, 82, 256.
Harwell, 59, 66.
Harwood, 180.
HaUiawav, 128.
Hauterocnee, 1, 2.
Hawkins Ck>., Tenn., 302.
Hawkins, 299.
Hawthorne, 15.
Hay (Hai), 1, 2.
Hayden, Va. Genealogiest 28.
Hayley, 58, 61.
Haywood, 72, 98, 166, 167.
Haslewood, 201.
Hearin, 62, 209.
Heartwell, 210.
Heath, 61.
Heathcock, 62, 209.
Henderson, 71.
Hendricks, 170.
Henericas Fort, 280.
Heitman, 53.
Hening, StattUes at Large, 251.
Henry, 42, 229, 231, 233, 248, 249, 250.
Henry, Life of Henry, 79, 139.
Hermitage Camp, 156.
Hemdon, 183, 289.
Hicks, 62, 129, 138, 206, 207.
HiU. 58, 59, 63, 68, 69, 168, 205, 289, 300.
Hilliard, 299.
Hines, 59, 209.
Hinton, 167, 206.
Hite, 44, 49, 54, 72.
Hoar, 215.
Hobbs, 62,66.
Hodgkin, 289.
Holden (Holding), 51, 52.
Holland, 255.
Holly, 62.
Hollywood Cemetery, 222.
Hohnes. 13, 212.
Holt, 62.
Holterman, 153.
Holy Minories, 126.
"Hominy HaU,'' 52.
Hood, 159.
Hopewell, 127.
Hopkin, 71.
Homer. 160.
Horrocks, 115, 296.
Horsford, 255, 256.
Horseshoe, 140.
House, 62, 105, 201, 203.
Howe. 10.
Howell, 207.
Howkicroft, 270.
Hubberd, 295.
Hudson, 58.
Hudgins, 130.
Huldane, 62.
Hues, 52.
Hunt, 59, 62.
Hunter, 3, 31, 167, 209, 293.
Hutchinson, 248.
Illinois, 189.
Ingram, 62, 200, 210.
Inman, 63.
Innes, 185.
Irbv, 301.
Ireland, 48.
Irvin. 192.
Israel, 63.
Ivey, 64. 195, 199, 200.
"Jack of the Feathers," 279.
Jackson, 13, 58, 63, 85, 184, 208.
Jackson Co., Ga., 169.
Jacksonville, 182.
James City Co., 131, 180.
James River, 2, 127, 180, 226, 237, 288.
Jameson, 76, 295.
Jamestown, 17, 78, 84, 90, 94, 166, 226,
227, 228, 229, 232, 250, 263, 265,
266, 268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274,
275, 278, 280, 292, 300, 302.
Jaquelin, 292.
Jarratt, 2, 63, 197, 209.
Jay's Treaty, 245.
Jefferson Co., Ky., 187, 192.
Jefferson, 15, 17, 18, 19, 63, 78, 79, 83-
85, 108, 149, 150, 161, 162, 161, 204,
232, 233, 234, 235, 238, 239, 242.
Jefferson Co., 44, 48, 53.
Jeffries, 62, 63, 195, 203, 205, 207, 209.
Jenkins, 63.
Jesse 184.
Jeterl 60. 63, 65, 195, 200, 203.
Jetersville, 160.
Johnson, 63, 64, 72, 126, 130, 160, 182,
196,202.
Johnston, 45, 85, 96.
Jolley, 168.
Jolliffe, 186.
Jones, 41, 42, 58, 61, 62, 64, 65, 88, 89, 91,
93, 97, 132, 176, 181, 195, 196, 197,
200, 206, 222.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
Jordan, 60, 64, 142, 169, 195, 198, 203,
206,209.
Jordan's Point, 127.
Jorifisen, 72.
Julian, 219.
Justice, 65.
Kanahway, 54.
Kansas City, 72.
The Kear9age, 105.
Keeler, 105.
Keith, 45, 49, 186, 193, 287.
Kekowaton, 265, 268, 270, 274.
Kempes, 271.
Kendall, 29.
Kennedy, 31.
Kennon, 174, 177, 178.
Kentucky, 21, 22, 72, 188, 192.
Kerby, 209.
Kerr, 139, 191.
Kerwin, 65.
Key, 219.
Kincade, 42, 43.
King, 139, 172.
King George Ck)., 71.
King Georee, 9.
King and Queen Ck)., 67, 212-214, 219.
King James, 251.
King's Mountain, 134, 141, 168.
King William, 76.
King William Ck)., 219.
Kinkeade, 34.
Kirkpatrick, 168.
Kirtfey, 182.
Knibb, 301.
Knight (see Night).
Lacy, 170.
Lafayette, 7, 35.
Lafavette Co., Mo., 287.
Lamb's Creek Church, 71.
Lancaster, 33, 60.
Lancaster Co., 282.
Lancaster Co., Penn., 173.
Land, 203.
Lane, 65, 72, 166-177.
Langdon, 39.
Limier, 59, 61, 126-147, 197, 201, 203,
206, 210, 211.
Laughlin, 185.
Lawrence, 65, 66, 132, 201, 208, 209.
Lawrenceville, 141.
La Ware, Lord, 270, 276.
La Ware^s Fort, 274.
Leconfield, Lord, 260.
Lee, 2-6, 18, 46-48, 65, 80, 81, 85, 148,
157, 159, 160, 161, 162, 218, 231, 232,
236, 302.
Leeds, Yorkshire, 177.
Lee Valley, 302.
Leigh, 179, 214-216, 295.
Leland, 5, 18, 80.
Lenoir, 141.
Lewis, 51, 65, 181, 217, 233.
Lexington, Ga., 169.
Lexington, Mass., 232.
Lexington. Va., 21, 22, 237, 256.
Library ot Congress, 72.
Lifsay, 194, 209.
Lilley, 289.
Lillington, 68.
Limbrecke, 278, 279.
Linoobi Co., 111., 171, 179.
Linoobi Co., N. C, 172, 173.
Linoohi, 14, 17, 85, 148, 149, 218, 242,
243, 245.
LitUe, 44, 209.
Littie Rock, Ark., 171.
LitteU, 288.
Uewellin, 65, 196.
Locke, 65, 158, 198.
Lockhart, 65, 194.
Lodge, 15, 20, 21.
London, 108, 180, 251, 288, 289, 290, 294,
296,297.
London Company, 229.
Long, 60, 201.
Long Creek. 169.
Long Island, 12, 28.
Los Angeles, Cal., 182.
Louisiana, 155, 156, 171, 233, 240.
Love, 66, 129.
Lowry ,168.
Lucas, 59, 63, 66, 200, 203.
Luekie, 168.
Lunday, 60.
Lundy (Lundie), 194, 197, 204.
Lunenburg Co., 138, 140, 282.
Lyde, 289.
Lyle, 44.
Lynch. 217.
L3mchburg, 30.
Mabry, 59, 62, 194, 195, 202, 203. 207,
208.
Mackey, 294, 295.
Maclin, 62, 133, 135, 145, 194, 195, 202,
209.
Macon Co., Tenn., 171.
Madison, 22, 39, 70, 84, 85, 232, 238,
239, 240, 242, 244.
Madison, Wis., 190.
Madison Co., 182.
Magelane, 261.
Magill, 45.
Magna Carta, 150.
Magruder, 300.
Mahan School, 72.
Maholland, 195.
Maine, 177, 205, 229.
Majors, 167.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
Malinos, 278.
Mallory, 167.
Malone, 195, 197, 199, 208.
Malvern HUl, 159.
Manf^um, 65, 195, 204.
Manion, 171.
Mansfield, 89, 171.
Marie Michaux, 156.
Mark, 48, 49.
Marlborough, 46.
Marot, 299.
Marshall, 53, 84, 85, 185, 232, 239, 241,
288.
Marshman. 112, 117.
Marston Church, 300.
Martin, 48, 94, 217, 262, 263, 264, 267,
277, 278.
Martinsbrough, 38, 45.
Marvin, 108.
Maryland, 3, 12, 35, 36, 159.
MaBon, 54, 64. 136, 170, 195, 197, 202,
209, 234, 252.
Mown and Dixon's Line, 235.
Massachusetts, 5, 7, 10. 12, 17, 18, 74-
80, 82, 86, 107, 150, 161, 230, 235,
236, 246, 247. 248, 254, 300.
Massey, 60, 95, 207.
Matthews, 28, 212.
Mathy, 69.
Maury, 219, 237.
Mayes, 59, 99, 202.
The May Flower, 73, 74, 229.
McCabe, 148.
McCalister. 38.
McCarty, 182, 192.
McQellan, 158, 162.
McCormick, 173, 237.
McGuire, 13.
McHenry, 34.
McKain. 51.
McKendree, 60, 63, 194.
McKee, 39.
McKinne, 166, 177.
McLean Co.-, Kentucky, 170.
McLemore, 199.
McMullen, 173.
McQueen, 173.
Meade, 147.
Meanes, 72.
Meade & Baker, 159.
Meachum, 196.
Mecklenburg Co., N. C, 171, 172, 179.
Mecklenburg Co., Va., 71, 176, 177, 301.
MedeU, 196.
Megrow, 189.
Mendoza, 261.
Mercer, 46, 53.
Merchants Hope, 144.
Meredith, 255.
The Metrimac, 87, 104, 237.
Merriwether, 42, 72, 181.
Metcalf. 194.
Mevis, 275.
Mexico. 155, 156.
Middlebrook, 38, 39.
Middlesex Co., Va., 301.
Mill Creek, 187, 219.
Miller, 192, 296.
Mills, 29, 188.
Mine a Burton, 22.
The Minnesota, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96,
101, 103, 104.
Mina, 155.
Minor, 88, 89, 147.
Miranda, 156.
Missouri Territory, 155.
Missouri, 22, 72, 181.
Mississippi, 155, 170.
Mitchell. 39, 62, 196.
MitcheU^s Chreek, 138.
Moir, 294, 295.
Moncure, 43.
The Monitor, 86, 106, 237.
Monroe, 155, 189, 233, 238, 239, 240, 244,
245.
Monroe County, 54, 181.
Montesquieu, 83.
Montgomery Co.. Md., 190.
Montgomery, 170, 190.
Montross, 71.
Montzall, 50.
Moore, 65, 189, 196, 201.
Moore's Cr. Bridge, 231.
Morgan, 34, 44, 62, 53, 68, 186, 238-240,
244, 245.
Morres, 47.
Morris, 65, 190, 194, 196, 197, 200, 209,
238.
Morrison, 14, 16, 17, 20, 257.
Morrow, 45.
Morton, 72, 209.
Moryson, 219.
Moseley, 196, 293, 294.
Motherehead, 92.
Mountfort, 124.
Mountjoy, 72.
"Mt. Airy," 258.
Muhlenburg Co., Ky., 37, 42, 170, 182,
183.
Mumford, 174, 180.
Munetute, 279.
Munford, 174-180.
Munn, 169.
Murfee, 197.
MurreU, 197, 205.
Muse, 213.
Naked Creek, 172.
Nance, 38.
''Nanjemoy," 258.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
Nansemond Ck>., 66.
Nanny, 197.
Nanamondies, 277.
Nansemunde, 262.
Nash, 192.
NaflBau, 257.
The Naugaiuck, 95.
Naval War Records, 93, 95, 96.
Neclu, 296, 297.
Neill, 134.
Neill, Virginia Vettuta, 259.
Nelson, 111, 114, 137, 138, 141, 194, 211,
263,294.
Nevada, 181.
Nevil (Neavil, NeviU, NeviUe), 34, 44, 49,
216, 217.
New, 197, 209.
Newb«m, N. C, 172.
Newberry Library, 72.
New Castle, 34, 69.
New England, 2-6, 17, 18, 75, 77, 78, 79,
80, 81, 84, 86. 151, 152, 229, 230,
233, 235, 236, 239, 240, 242-248, 255,
257, 282.
New England Hiet, & Gen, Mag,, 142.
New Jersey, 3, 10.
Newitt, 209.
New Hampshire, 77, 215.
New Haven, 77, 83.
New Kent, 219.
New London, Conn., 180.
New Orleans, 7. 22, 84, 86, 240.
Newport, 140, 261, 278.
Newport News, 88.
Newsom, 60, 197, 205.
New York, 3, 8, 10, 12, 27, 33, 34, 48,
53, 72, 86, 102, 104, 241.
New York Gen. & Biog, Mag., 135.
New York Herald, 45.
New York Home Journal, 48.
New York Evening Poet, 93, 218.
Nicholas, 21, 22, 106, 109, 115, 117, 122,
131, 132, 247, 287, 288.
Nichols, 63.
Nilee Ilsgieter, 155, 156, 214.
Night (Knight), 64.
Nixon, 189.
NoUey, 197, 201, 202, 205.
Norbome, 182.
Norfleet, 182.
Norfolk, 87, 88, 91, 95, 96, 104, 231, 293,
294.
Norfolk Co., Mass., 17, 77.
North, 13, 183.
Northampton, 70, 254.
Northamptonshire, 42.
North Carolina, 3, 9, 19, 25, 32, 49, 68,
102.
The North Carolina, 102.
North Carolina Hist. & Gen. Reg., 167.
North Carolina Records, 128, 142, 166,
167, 231.
North Garden, 181.
Northington. 197.
Northumberland Co., N. C, 167.
Northumberland, Earl of, 259, 260.
Northwestern University, 15.
Norton, 63, 116, 287-298.
Nova Scotia, 229.
Norwood, 197.
Nottoway Co., 176.
Nourse, 49.
Nutt, 220.
O'Bannon, 49.
Oconee, 169.
Oglethorpe Co., Ga., 168.
Old Church, 69.
Oldham, 45.
Oldham Co., Ky., 181.
Orange, 36, 70.
Orange Co., Va., 181, 219.
Orcutt, 46.
Orgain, 130.
Ormsby, 184.
Osbum, 130.
Oswald, 47.
Otis, 150, 153, 246, 248, 249, 252.
Ottahotin, 302.
Overton, 142.
Owen, 196, 197, 215.
Oxford, N. C, 140.
Osmoor, 197.
Pace, 167.
Paige, 180.
Painville (Painsville), 157, 159, 160.
Palfrey, New Enf^nd, 95, 249.
Pahner, 72, 299.
Palmerston, Lord, 8.
Pannill, 72.
Pargiter, 142.
Parham, 61, 197, 207, 209.
Parker, 182.
Parks, 197, 203.
Parton, 8.
Paspake, 271, 274, 276.
Paspayheans, 271.
Patrick, 197.
Patterson, 50, 52, 53.
Payne, 196, 198, 199.
Pearis, 49.
Pearson, 51, 198, 209.
Peebles, 60. 64, 144, 198, 201, 207, 209.
Pelham, 62, 63, 64, 198, 199, 202, 204,
206.
Peiho, 97.
Pemberton, 14.
De La Pena, 164, 165.
Pendleton, 45, 211-214.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
xui
Penn, 216.
Pennsylvania, 10, 54, 72, 167, 161, 172,
173, 218.
Pentecost, 210.
Pepper, 199.
Percy, 269, 260.
Pereos, 278, 279.
Perquimans Ck>., N. C, 19, 68.
Pemn, 61, 62, 72, 288.
Perry, 136, 200.
Perry, El., 193.
Person, 61, 196, 198.
Peters. 134. 204.
PetersDurgh, 41.
Peterson, 194, 198, 200, 202.
Petit, 186.
Pettus, 147, 180.
'Tetworth House," 259.
Pettway, 62, 136, 198, 202, 209.
Peyton, 163, 177.
Phettiplace, 266.
Philadelphia, 23, 24, 26, 43, 45, 46, 47,
54 232
Phillips Co.] Ark., 220.
Pike, 164.
Piland, 198, 200.
Pilkinton, 198.
Pitt Co., N. C, 129.
Pittsylvania Ck)., Va., 139.
Pleasants, 139.
Plymouth, Mass., 73, 74, 76, 82, 84, 86,
229 264.
Point Comfort Cr., 219, 287.
. Point Comfort, 264.
Pollard, 199, 211-214.
Pope, 142.
Pope's Creek, 71.
Pope's Island, 179.
Poquosin, 66.
Porch, 66, 199, 208.
Porter, 87, 237.
Portsmouth, Va., 34. 38, 237.
Potomac, 2, 44, 49, 266.
Powell, 180, 199, 207, 274, 275, 297.
Powhatan Co., 21.
Powhatan, 266, 271, 279.
Poynor, 71, 72.
Prentis, 288.
Preston, 216.
Presley, 33, 34.
Price, 173, 190, 196, 197, 207.
Pride, 67.
Prince, 210.
Prince George Co., Va., 130, 137, 144,
174, 176, 177.
Prince George Co., Md., 188.
Proctor, 64.
Providence Island, 166.
Provincetown, 4, 82.
Pryor, 30, 72.
Pryse, 269.
Pugh, 189.
Pumell, 199.
Putney, 206.
Puttock, 276, 276.
Pyankitank river, 302.
Quakers, 300.
Queen Elizabeth, 86.
Quincy, 162.
Quitman, 14.
Radford, 179.
Radand, 199.
Rakestraw, 168.
Raleigh, 98.
Raleigh Parish, 67.
The Raleigh, 98.
Rains, 199.
Ramsgate, 288.
Randall, 199.
Randolph, 69, 84, 111, 206, 209, 231.
Randolph Co., Va., 189.
Rattliffe, 264, 266, 266.
Rawlings, 60, 199, 210.
Rebellion Records, 89.
Redeout, 43.
Reed, 237.
Reese, 64, 199, 201, 206.
Reynolds, 61, 296.
Rhode Island, 77, 80, 82, 86, 140, 180,
231.
Ricahock, 30.
Rice, 169.
Richlands, 61, 199.
Richardson, 199, 200, 208, 210.
Richmond, 54, 167, 158, 169, 263, 302.
Richter, 163.
Riddle, 199, 200.
Riedesel, 6-12.
The Rinaldo, 96.
Rippe, 164.
Ripraps, 88, 98.
Rivers, 64, 66, 200, 206.
Rives, 62, 63, 196, 197, 200, 204, 205,
206.
The Roanoke, 88, 101.
Roanoke Island, 88.
Roberts, 33.
Robertson, 290, 292, 296.
Robinson, 19, 44, 62, 66, 154-156, 196,
198, 199, 202, 206, 206, 210.
Rockbridge Co., 64.
Rockey Mills, 42.
Rockfish Gap, 33.
Roddy, 182.
Roe, 200.
Rogers, 147, 197, 296.
Rogersville, Tenn., 302.
RoBe, 301.
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
Rollings, 190.
Roper, 200.
RoeeweU, 291.
Robs, 24. 201.
Rosser, 200.
Rowan Co., N. C, 172.
RoweU, 200, 204.
Rowland, 201.
Royall, 72.
Royster, 185.
Ruifin, Farmer's Register, 257.
Rump, 153.
Rumsey, 46, 46, 49, 237.
Rutherford, 44, 49, 50, 52.
Ruth, 49.
Ryland, 213.
Ryon, 219.
The Sabine, 102.
The Sachem, 102.
Salem, 15.
The San Jacinto, 96.
Salsberry, 186.
Sammons, 62, 201.
Sandiford, 63.
Santa F^, 154.
Saut^e, 20.
The Sarah Constant, 226, 227.
Saratoga, 6, 26.
Saunders, 64, 122, 123, 210.
Sayer, 289.
Saxe. 1.
Scanlin (Scantlin), 220.
Scheuman, 154.
Schl6zer, 8.
Schroeder, 154.
Schuyler, 12.
Scoggin, 129.
Scotland, 16.
Scott, 43, 63, 70, 173, 196, 207, 220, 233,
287.
Seay, 160.
Seawright, 172.
Selden, 180, 258. ,.„.,„ .,.
Seldens of Virginia and Allied FamUtes,
31.
Semple, 148, 219.
Seven Pines, 157.
Seward, 17, 64, 201.
Sexton, 44, 59, 201,
"Shabby Hall," 180.
Shaw, 156.
Shawnee Indians, 192.
Shearling, 195.
Shehom,201,207.
Shelby Co., Tenn., 181.
Shelhorse, 63.
Shelton, 37, 201.
Shenandoah Co., 44.
Shepard, 201.
Shepherdstown, 45, 48, 49, 53.
Sherman, 85, 158, 180.
Sherrard, 179.
Sherwin, 176.
Sherwood, 179.
"Sherwood Forest," 256.
Shippen, 47.
Shore, 201.
Short, 201.
Shurling, 201.
Sicklemore, 264, 265.
Sills, 62, 98, 201, 206.
Sims, 200, 201, 210.
Simmons, 61, 141.
Simpson, 169.
Skinner, Journal of Agricidiure, 258.
Sissoms, 63.
Slack, 170.
Slate, 210.
Slaughter, 46.
Sclecht, 72.
Sledge, 63, 202.
SUddl, 14.
SmaU, 83, 84, 197.
Smelly, 58. ^ ^^ ^^
Smith (Smithe), 28, 30, 48, 61, 62, 66,
69, 72, 135, 147, 164, 167, 186, 188,
194, 198, 199, 202, 204, 207, 210,
259, 262, 263, 264, 295.
Smoot, 182.
Society Hill, 182.
Somers, 261, 268, 270.
Southall, 69.
Southampton Co., 209.
South Carolina, 1 1, 36, 49.
SoiUhem Historical Society Papers, 91,
Southington, 18.
Spam, 202.
Span, 202.
Sparks Fort, 169.
Speed, 140.
Spence, 203.
Spencer, 61, 195, 197, 203.
Spottsyivania Co., 30, 183, 185, 219.
Spotswood, 299.
Spraggins, 139, 140.
St. An^w's i>arish. 134, 137, 144, 146.
St. George's Parish, Md., 186, 189.
St. Luke^s Hospital, 221, 222.
St. Joseph, Mo., 72.
St. Michael's Parish, 128.
St. Michelles, 281.
St. Olave Parish, 126.
The St. Lawrence, 88, 89.
Stafford Co., 181.
Stanard,220.
Stanley, 182, 186.
Stark (Starke), 59, 174, 197, 202, 283,
284, 285, 286, 287.
Staunton, 54.
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INDEX
XV
Stephens, 31, 44, 45, 48.
Stepney, 68.
Steptoe, 46, 51.
Stewart, 293.
Steuben, 41.
Stevens, 143.
Stevenson, 172, 289.
Stewart, 63, 197, 202, 204.
Stimess, 105.
Stith, 208.
Stockton, 157.
Stogden, 44.
Stoke Gifford, 106, 109.
Stokes, 129.
Stone, 76, 170.
Stonum, 220.
Stony Run, 141.
Stoval, 216.
Stracy, 278.
Strode, 44.
Stuart, 187.
Sturdivant, 64, 202.
Sturgis, 49.
Suggs, 170.
Surry Co., 131, 142, 143.
Sussex Co., 133, 134, 135, 136, 209.
Sussex, Eng., 259.
Sutheriin, 52.
Swain, 167, 168.
Swann, 68.
Swearingen (Swearington), 44, 48, 51, 52.
Sweathouse Creek, 175, 176.
Sweden. 17, 294.
Sweet Springs, 55.
Swift, 52. 53.
Sydnor, 282-287.
Sykes, 59, 65, 203, 204.
Syme, 42.
Syms, 228.
Symmes. 181.
Tabb, 50, 52, 67.
Talbot, 67, 170.
Taliaferro, 181, 182.
Tallmadge, 225.
Tarpley, 72.
Tarry, 67.
Tatum, 196, 203.
Tayloe, 258.
Taylor, 36, 203, 233.
Tazewell, 197.
The Teazer, 89.
Temple, 144, 199.
Tennessee, 139, 140.
TerreU, 72.
Tewell 195
Texas, 'SS, 23, 155, 170. 171, 233, 235.
Thach (Thatch, Teach), 19.
Thacher, 246.
Thackers, 203.
The Thames, 226.
Thomas, 35, 203.
Thomson, 289.
Thompkinson, 165.
Thompson, 195, 197, 203, 217.
Thornton, 51, 52, 72, 181-185, 203.
Thruston, 46, 47.
Thweatt, 59.
Tiffen, 50.
Tillar, 194, 203.
TiUman, 203.
Timberlake, 165.
Toffev, 105.
Toledo, 155.
Tomahun Cr.. 177.
Tomlinson, 200, 203, 204.
Torke, 194, 203, 204.
Towles, 28, 30.
"Travelers Rest," 48.
Trueheart, 283, 286.
Tucker, 31, 204, 265, 267.
TumbuU, 146, 147, 208.
Turner. 194, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207, 209,
210. 213,
Tuttle, 302.
Tyler, 14, 16, 85, 88, 151, 179, 214-216,
221, 233, 246, 251, 255, 256, 257,
259, 299, 301.
Tyler, Texas, 85, 170.
iS^e, 194.
Tyus, 60, 194,204, 208.
TyrreU Co., N. C, 128.
IVrtaeus, 151.
Ulster, 48, 49.
UnderhiU, 204.
Underwood, 205.
Union Co., Ky., 169.
University of N. C, 86.
University of Penn., 157.
University of Va., 86, 147.
Upper Chippokes Creek, 131.
Valentine, 220.
Valley Forge, 9.
Van Brunt, 91, 92, 95, 101.
Van Meter (van Mater), 50, 72, 192.
Vaughan, 58, 61, 64, 139, 205.
Vanse, 39.
Vernon Co., Mo., 181.
Vick, 195, 199.
Victor, 21, 22.
Vincent, 64, 66, 197, 205, 207.
Vines, 205.
Virginia Company of London (London,
Company), 66.
The Virginia, 87-104, 108, 237.
Virginia QatetU, 108, 251, 299.
Virginia Magazine, 127, 214, 252, 254,
255,282.
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XVI
INDEX
Virginia Hiatarieal Society CoUeetian8, 91,
94
Vobe, 218.
Voltaire, 127.
Waggoner, 39, 40.
WfiSe Co., Ga., 167.
Wakefield, 51.
Waldrip, 219.
Walkers, 60, 66, 68, 72, 183, 204-206, 287,
296.
Wall, 63. 196, 201, 204, 205, 210, 220.
Waller, 274.
Walton, 135, 176, 195, 198, 199, 200, 203,
205, 206, 208.
Ward, 175.
Wampole, 46.
Ware, 219.
Wariscoyans, 273.
Warwick Co., 66, 67, 174.
Warner, 300, 301.
Washington, Jl, 11, 14, 16, 24, 26, 34, 72,
85, 91, 129, 131, 141, 143, 148, 232,
236, 257.
Washington College, 256.
Watery Branch, 36.
Watkins, 36, 62, 66, 201, 206.
Watkinsville, 169.
Watson, 59, 140, 186, 196, 199, 203, 206,
208, 209, 210.
Wayman, 271.
Webb, 70, 205, 206.
Wedderbum, 183.
Webster, 85, 255, 256, 257.
Weedon, 40, 42, 53.
Weld, 108.
Welford, 219.
West, 181, 263, 264, 266, 271, 275, 277. .. jv^^, .^, .^.
Westmoreland Co., Va., 2, 51, 52, 71, Wycke, 130, 137
165, 177, 214, 219, 221, 222, 235,
259, 299.
WiUiam and Mary CoU, Quarterly, 96,
108, 128, 133, 148, 152, 175, 177, 250,
252, 257, 287, 292, 299.
Williams, 2, 3, 62, 77, 105, 138, 139, 140,
206,293.
Williamsburg, 28, 83, 164, 177, 218, 219,
221, 247, 289, 290, 296, 298, 299.
Williamson, 61, 135, 204.
Willis, 30, 44, 51, 52, 53.
Wats Co., Eng., 106.
Wilson, 20, 21, 49, 72.
Wimbish, 71, 139, 140.
Winchester, 12, 13, 28, 36, 42, 43.
Windham, 207.
Windsor, 181.
Wingfield, 185, 207.
Winwow, 14.
Winston, 179.
Winthrop, 75.
Woddrop, 180.
Womack, 203.
Wood, 13, 28, 31^ 42-44, 51, 72.
WoodaU, 62.
Woodford, 29, 65, 195, 201, 289.
Woodley, 209.
Woodroof (Woodruff), 60, 200, 205, 207,
208, 210.
Woolfolk, 213.
Worden, 86, 90, 91, 94, 98, 106.
Wormeley, 44.
Worthington, 17a
Wotten, 207.
Wrenn, 59, 195, 196, 197, 205, 208, 209,
Wright, 295.
Wyatt, 174, 208.
Wycher, 195, 199, 205, 207, 208.
142.
'Westover," 258, 301.
Westover Parish, 130, 174.
West Virginia, 48.
Wheeler, North Carolina, 140, 141.
Wheeler, Reminiscences, 139.
Whig Convention, 214.
White, 43, 45. 46, 47, 48, 295, 297.
Whitehom, 63, 209.
Whitfield, 206.
Whitefield, 288.
Whiting, 52.
Whittington, 63, 199, 204, 206, 207.
Wigg, 56.
Wilbum, 61.
Wilkes, 252.
Wilkes Co., N. C, 141, 167.
Wilkins, 195, 198, 199, 201, 206, 207.
Wilkinson, 194, 196, 198, 202, 207, 288.
Wiley, 157, 159.
William and Mary Coll., 83, 86, 107, 109, Zane, 39.
Wyndham, 260.
Wynkoop, 45.
Wynne, 208.
Wythe (With), 111, 247, 287, 289, 295.
Wythe Co., 302.
Yale University, 77, 229.
Yardley, 253.
Yangchow, 72.
Yates, 208.
Yerby, 220.
York, 33, 34.
York County, 254, 287, 288, 295, 300.
York Co., Va., Records, 180.
York River, 34, 97, 98.
The Yorktown, 89, 164
Yorktown, 83, 232, 287, 292, 296, 297,
299 202.
Young, 61, 62', 64, 131, 132, 199, 203, 208.
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«•» -iTfi
Vol. III. No. 1,
-JULY, 1921
anb
^emalosteal jHaga^tne
Editor: LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL, D.
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iLj
Wpkf^ ©uarterlp Jligtorical anb
(Genealogical JUasa^ine
Vol, III.
JULY, 1921.
No. 1.
NOTICE
Annual subscription, $4.00. Single numbers, $1.25.
As back numbers of the old William and Mary Quarterly, of which I was
proprietor, have become very scarce, single copies, as far as had, may be ob-
tained from me at $2.00 apiece.
LYON G. TYLER, Editor
711 Travelers Building, . - - Richmond, Va.
CONTENTS
Battle of Fontenoy 1
How New England Learned Democracy 2'
As Others Saw Us 6
Remarks on the Civil War 14
Black Beard 19
Joseph H. Hawkins 20
Benjamin Harrison's Mission to Philadelphia 23
Correspondence of Col. James Wood 28
Berkeley County, West Virginia 44
Robert Bailey 54
Register of Marriage Bonds of Greensville County, Vir-
ginia, 1781-1808 58
Mumford and Munford Families 66
Samuel Swann's Marriage to Elizabeth Fendall 68
Tombstones 69
James Madison, Sr 70
Historical and Genealogical Notes 70
Book Notice 72
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O^pler's! (Suarterlp ^ts(tontal anb
Genealogical iMaga^ne
Vol. III. JULY, 1921 No. 1
BATTLE OF FONTENOY.
Fontenoy is a village of Belgium, in the Province of Hainaut,
five miles southeast of Touraine, the ancient capital of France.
Here on May 11, 1745, the French, about 50,000 strong under
Marshal Saxe, defeated nearly an equal number of English, Han-
overians, Dutch and Austrians, under the Duke of Cumberland^
In that age France, like Germany in ours, aspired to universal
dominion, and was opposed by the combined power of Europe.
The battle at Fontenoy was obstinate to the last and was only
decided for the French by a smashing charge of the Household
troops and the famous Irish brigade. The allies lost 8,000 men
and the French 7,000.
This is the battle where the English and French played AU
phonse and Oaston. As related by Voltaire in his PrScis du Steele
de Louis XV :
'Ties oflRciers Anglais salu^rent les Francais en dtant leurs
chapeaux. Le Compte Chabanes, le due de Biron, qui setaient
avanc6s, et tous les oflSciers des gardes-francais leur rendirent
le salut. Milord Charles Hai, capitaine aux gardes-anglaises,
cria, 'Messieurs des gardes-francaises, tirez.^
Le Comte de Hauteroche, alors lieutenant des grenadiers et
depuis capitaine, leur dit a voix haute : 'Messieurs, nous ne tirons
jamais les premiers; tirez vous-niemes.^
Les Anglais firent feu roulajit; cest-a-dire quils tiraient par
divisions, &c.^'
Translated this reads:
"The English officers saluted the French by lifting their hats.
Count Chabanes and the duke de Biron, who had advanced in front
of the line, and all the officers of the French Guards returned the
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2 Tyler's Quarterly Magazine
salute. Lord Charles Hay, captain of the British Guards, cried,
^Gentlemen of the French Guards, begin the attack/ Count de
Hauteroche, then lieutenant of the Grenadiers and since captain,
said to them in a loud voice: ^Gentlemen, we. Frenchmen, never
are the first to attack, we wait to be attacked/ Then the Eng-
lish made a rolling fire, that is to say they fired by divisions, one
after the other, &c/^
HOW NEW ENGLAND LEARNED DEMOCRACY.
Just as there was a Washington family on the southside of the
James River, distinct from the Washington family of Westmore-
land County, so there was a Lee family on the Southside which
appears to have had no connection with the distinguished Lee
family of the county on the Potomac.
The Lee family of the Southside laid no pretensions to aristoc-
racy, but they furnished two brothers, Jesse and John Lee, who
performed an important part in the life of Virginia and the na-
tion itself. They were both Methodist preachers, sons of a re-
spectable and religious farmer, Nathaniel Lee, of Prince George
County. The ministrations of John Lee were confined to the
South, but the ministrations of Jesse Lee were almost nation wide,
and his great work was chiefly in the New England States, whert
he was the agent above all others in establishing the Methodist
Church.
He was bom in Prince George County in 1758, fell under the
influence first of Rev. Dexereaux Jarrett, an Episcopal minister
with Methodist leanings, and later was received in the folds of
the church by Rev. Robert Williams, who was the pioneer of Meth-
odism in Virginia. Methodism, indeed, had its stronghold in this
State. In 1779 there were in the United States forty-two min-
isters and 8,577 members and nearly one-half of this number were
in Virginia. It was here the largest labor was employed and
here the greatest product was gathered. The situation of things in
religion was especially favorable. The church was here, and had
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How New England Leabned Democracy 3
been here from the foundation of the Colony. There were many
worthy ministers of the old established church living when Wil-
liams came in 1772^ but their religion was formal and lifeless^ and
had little power of opposition.
Mr. Lee moved to North Carolina in 1779, and the following
year was drafted into the army. But though he responded to the
call, he soon made it known that, though willing to do any other
service, his principles forbade him to use a gun. So he was em-
ployed as a teamster, and was so successful in mingling religious
teachings to the soldiers with attentions to his duties that, when
he left the army, he received a highly honorable discharge, and
went to his old home in Virginia with credit.
It was in 178^ that, yielding to the earnest entreaties of Bishop
Asbury, he consented to go on a circuit, and in 1783 he was ad-
mitted into "travelling connection,^^ and entered on a wide field of
usefulness. He spent six years preaching in North Carolina, Vir-
ginia, Maryland, New Jersey and New York, winning many to
the Methodist Church, and increasing his reputation as one of the
ablest preachers in the United States. The revival in 1787 was
a noted one, especially in Virginia, and Mr. Lee played a great
part.
New England alone remained untouched by the free spirit
of the Methodist Church, which alone among the Protestant bodies
had no predestination article in its creed. This region, New Eng-
land, stood out like an iceberg in the cold and stem formalism of
its religion. But there the church organization, unlike the Colo-
nial Church of Virginia, had tremendous power. The preachers
were entrenched behind special legislation, and in administering
religion, they employed it as a great political force to dominate
society. This was accomplished by emphasizing those parts of the
Calvinistic creed, which dealt in terror and fatalism. Thus the
preachers and a group of lawyers and wealthy laymen in each com-
munity grasped all power, and the people had either no say, or
servilely accepted what was marked out for them by this auto-
eratic establishment.
To assail this rock of bigotry and prejudice required no ordi*
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4 Tyleb'b Quabtesly Magazine
nary courage, but Jesse Lee, of Virginia, was not the man to
know fear.
In 1789 he began the almost hopeless undertaking of convert-
ing this section of the Union, and for a long time his experiences
were discouraging — very discouraging. He received much harsh
treatment. Was often denied the use of the meeting houses and
often had to preach on the streets. Then the pulpit opened its
mouth and soundly belaboured what its ministers called the ^^dam-
nanable principles of Methodism.*^ Of his reception at Greenwich,
Mr. Lee wrote: "The priest and deacon of the place had taken
much pains to convince the people of the evil of letting me preach
in the parish, and withal they told the people, if the society is
broken up, they must beai the blame. Poor priests, they seem
like frightened sheep, when I come near them.'^
Mr. Lee's account of the fast days in New England shows that
the observance of these days was, like all the other church institu-
tions, entirely devoid of any real devotional feeling. He wrote:
"The manner of fasting, in general, is to eat a hearty breakfast
as usual, then attend public worship in the forenoon and after-
noon, without eating any dinner, and then have supper before
nighf It could be no great mortification of the body to fast
twelve hours on two hearty meals.
Mr. Lee visited all parts of New England and sometimes found
'lewd fellows'' in the crowds, disposed to insult the minister,
and bring his services into contempt, but with a man of Mr. Lee's
intrepidity and great readiness of speech, these attempts to bring
ridicule upon him was never a safe experiment, and there were
occasions when he had resort to scathing and withering words of
rebuke. The spiritual desolation of large parts of the country
through which Mr. Lee passed was as surprising aft it was painful.
There were hundreds of families and neighborhoods where a min-
ister never came. In Provincetown, where the Pilgrim Fathers
first put foot to land, the town meeting refused to allow the Meth-
odists to build a church, and, when the Methodists nevertheless,
collected materials to proceed with the work, a company of men
assembled in the night and burnt the lumber. Mr. Lee visited the
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How New England Learned Democracy 5
melancholy scene in the morning, and said sadly, "I feel astonished
at the conduct of the people, considering we live in a free country,
and no such conduct can be justified.'^
Mr. Lee spent the greater part of eight years in New England,
returning to the South in 1797. But he had accomplished a great
work. Not only had he set the Methodist Church on a firm
footing in New England, but the doctrines which he taught of
perfect freedom went to leaven the whole mass of society. Never
again was the Congregational Church the same. Society might
have much the same appearance, but it was radically changed at
heart. I^aws were soon to be passed disestablishing the church and
the authority of the autocrats declined. Presdestination became an
obsolete dogma in the platforms of all the churches.
One might say that the springs of action set in motion by Lee,
the Methodist apostle to New England, were continued by another
man who, though born in Massachusetts, had spent his early and
active manhood in Virginia. This was John Leland, who had
taken a leading part in disestablishing the Episcopal Church in
Virginia. He was a Baptist, and by long residence was a Vir-
ginian in heart and principle. From a different standpoint, he,
like Lee, contended for religious freedom, and found on the na-
tional stage a representative in the statesman Jefferson.
So the election of 1804 was especially one where the issue was
democracy and freedom, religious and political. The victory that
Jefferson won has no equal for principle or thoroughness. Espe-
cially was it so in New England. He carried all the New England
States except one. For the first time in their history a real democ-
racy began to exert its influence upon the Puritan States.
On a plain marble slab in the old Methodist burying ground
in Baltimore appears the following inscription :
In Memory of
The Eev. Jesse Lee
Born in Prince George County, Va., 1758.
Entered the Itinerant Ministry of the M. E. Church, 1783, and
Departed this life September, 1816.
Aged 58 years.
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6 Tylee's Quabteely Magazine
A man of ardent zeal and great ability as a minister of Christ.
His labours were abundantly owned by God.
Especially in the New England States, in which he was truly the
Apostle of American Methodism.
AS OTHERS SAW US.
The Memoirs of General Frederick Adolphus Biedesel, and the
Memoirs of his lady, afford interesting reading. They hold up a
mirror somewhat different from that in which our ancestors were
accustomed to view themselves.
General Biedesel was Commander-in-Chief of the German
troops hired by the British to fight the Americans. He came over
in 1776, and was soon joined by his wife and three children, who
shared his campaign and captivity.
These German troops, generally referred to as "Hessians^*
from one of tlie provinces from which they came, were terribly
abused by the Americans, who spoke of them as mercenaries accept-
ing blood money. There was no limit of censure of the British
government for hiring them. And yet no real difference existed
between their case and that of the Germans, who in the Civil War
were given large bounties for enlisting, and fighting the South.
During the war whole regiments, unable to speak a single word of
English, were captured by the Confederates. They were, never-
theless, extolled as patriots and heroes by the Northern press.
Major General Biedesel served in the campaign which had its
fatal termination at Saratoga. The British General Burgoyne
was a bull headed kind of man, and averse to taking advice. Had
he minded Biedesel, he might not have been forced to surrender.
When the surrender took place at Saratoga, October 17, 1777,
Biedesel estimated the Armerican army to number 22,350 men,
of whom there were in actual service 20,817. The British and
German Army numbered only 5,801 men, of whom 327 were camp
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As Others Saw Us 7
servants. Gates' figures reduced the Americans to half the num-
ber, and left the enemy at about the number given by Riedesel.
But Burgoyne signed the articles after assurance from Gates that
the Americans were four times as numerous. However stated,
there is not as much glory in the surrender as we have been taught
in our school histories. Nevertheless, the importance of the vic-
toiy cannot be over-estimated, as it decided France to take active
steps in our behalf.
Probably the most discreditable feature of the war, on the
part of the Americans, was their breach of the article which guar-
anteed the prompt return of the captured troops to England on
parole. Eiedesel had advised Burgoyne to make Canada their
place of return, which could have been accomplished at once. But
Burgoyne, as in other matters where Riedesel showed excellent
judgment, declined the advice, and the delay occasioned by waiting
for the means of transportation enabled the fault finders in Con-
gress to defeat the terms of the treaty. In this matter, the influ-
ence of General La Fayette was decisive. The British were bound
by the articles not to fight the Americans, but he argued that they
were under no obligations not to fight the French, who were on
the point of becoming allies of the Americans.
So the captured army were retained as prisoners of war for
many years, during which time they suffered many hardships and
many died.
They first went under guard to Boston, and Lady Riedesel
writes :
"Boston is quite a fine city, but the inhabitants were out-
rageously patriotic. There were among them many wicked people,
and the persons of my own sex were the worst. They gazed at me
with indignation and spat when I passed by them.^*
Spitting at people is an abominable breach of good manners,
but Lady Riedesel ascribed it to "outragous patriotism,*^ Ben-
jamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, directed his general order No.
28, in the Civil War, at New Orleans, against "any word, gesture
or movement, on the part of any female,'* expressive of insult or
contempt to a Federal officer or soldier. The words for prevention
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8 Ttleb's Quabtebi^y Magazine
thereof expressed a presumption so shocking that Prime Minister
Lord Pahnerston denounced the order in Parliament "as unfit to
be written in the English language." Even read at this lapse of
time^ the language is undoubtedly the most revolting attaching
to any order in modem military annals. And yet the patriotism
of some people was so ^^outrageous" that it actually found defenders
in the Nortii. Butler in his ^^ook*' prides himself upon the fact
that Lincoln and his government approved his administration and
never revoked his order, and James Parton, his biographer, claims
to find ample vindication of Butler in the public meetings in New
York and Boston that greeted him on his return to the North.
But returning to Lady Riedesel, her remarks must not be taken
as applying to all the women in Boston but to some* only, and
that some Americans of the Revolutionary period, as some of the
Civil War, were not very lovable people is shown by the following
additional testimony from her:
"I had, during my residence at Bristol in England, made the
acquaintance of a Capt. Fenton, whom the Americans claimed,
but who remained faithful to his Sovereign. Upon this the in-
furiated rabble seized his wife, who was a most respectable woman
and a daughter of the age of fifteen, who was very beautiful, and
stripped them both of their dresses, without regard to their moral
worth, their beauty and their delicacy ; and, after having besmeared
them with tar and covered them with feathers, drove them through
the city. What had one not to fear from a people maddened to
that degree of hatred?"
It was maddened people of this character, disguised as In-
dians, that have been glorified in history because they threw the
tea overboard in Boston harbor in 1773. Such, too, was the char-
acter of the mob in 1770, who attacked the British soldiers in the
streets of Boston and had the unfortunate results which they drew
*The German officer, Schlttzer, speaks very differently of the wo-
men whom he encountered on the way from Boston to New York in
the course of their march to their prison camp at Charlottesville, Va.:
^So they stood hy doiena all along the road, laughed mockingly at us,
or, from time to time, dropped a michievous courtesy, and handed ua
an apple."
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As Othebs Saw Us 9
upon themselves emblazoned in history as a massacre of the inno-
cent. Between these so-called patriotic incidents, and lynching of
negroes in the South for abominable crimes, there is very little
diflEerence. Mob rule can never be justified, no matter how good
the cause.
November 20, 1777, was a gala day in Boston, when Governor
Hancock attended and hundreds of people dressed in holiday at-
tire were present from the country around. The crowds delighted
to taunt the helpless British by cheering "King Hancock^' in
mockery of King George. At this time General Biedesel entered
in his journal the following description of the New Englanders:
"One can see in these men, here assembled, exactly the na-
tional character of the inhabitants of New England. They are
distinguished from the rest by their manner and dress. Thus they
all, under a thick and yellow wig, have the honorable physiognomy
of a magistrate. Their dress is after the old English fashion;
over this, they wear, winter and summer, a blue blouse, with
sleeves, which is fastened around the body with a strap.
One hardly sees any of them without a whip. They are gen-
erally thickset and middling tall, and it is difficult to distinguish
one of them from another.
Not one tenth of them can read writing and still fewer can
write. This art belongs, aside from the literary men, exclusively
to the female sex. The women are well educated, and, therefore,
know better than any other matrons in the world how to govern the
men.
The New Englanders want to be politicians, and love therefore
the taverns and the grogbowl; behind the latter of which they
transact business, drinking from morning till night."
This is not a very pleasant picture and was surely overdrawn.
Certainly the men of New England were not so ignorant or
drunken, nor the women so learned and unfeminine, as represented.
In November, 1778, came orders that the prisoners must march
to Virginia. This state and North Carolina had provided the pro-
visions that saved the American Army from starvation at Valley
Forge the winter before. And now again no flour could be had in
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10 Tylee's Quabterly Magazine
the Northern States for the British prisoners, and only in Vir-
ginia was there a chance to supply them with food. Hence their
removal.
Lady Riedesel went along with the army, and had several un-
pleasant experiences. They passed through the States of Massa-
chusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
This is what occurred at the home of Col. Howe, to whom she
meant to pay a compliment, by asking if he was related to the
British General Howe.
"*6od forbid,' replied he, in great anger, ^e is not worthy
of that honor.' The colonel was a man of very fair reputation and
spent in husbandry the time which he was not obliged to devote
to military service. He had a daughter, who was about 14 years
old, and quite pretty, but very ill-natured. Sitting with her at
the fireside, she said, on a sudden, staring at the blaze, *0h, if
I had here the King of England, with how much pleasure I could
roast and eat him.' I looked at her with indignation and told
her, ^I am almost ashamed to belong to a sex, which is capable of
uttering such fancies,' I shall never forget that detestable girl,
and I was impatient to leave her, though we had very good ac-
commodations."
The patriotism of some people of Virginia was hardly less
"outrageous" than that of some people of Boston. Lady Riedesel
writes:
"After our arrival in Virginia, and when we were in a days
journey distant from the place of our destination, we had for our
last meal tea and a piece of bread and butter for each. This was
the end of our little stock and we could have procured no more
either for our present and future wants,— except some fruit, which
a peasant gave us for our guineas. At noon we reached a house
where we begged for some dinner, but all assistance was denied us,
with many imprecations against the royalists. Seeing some maize,
I begged our hostess to give me some of it, to make a little bread.
She replied that she needed it for her black people; ^they work
for us'; she added, 'you come to kill us.' Captain Edmunstone
then offered to pay her one or two guineas for a little wheat, but
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As Others Saw Us 11
she returned, * You shall not have it, even for hundreds of guineas,
and it will be so much the better if you all* die/ ^'
On their arrival at Charlottesville, Virginia, in the winter of
1779, the soldiers were afforded very poor accommodations. Their
sufferings must have been great. The troops were "billeted in
block houses, without windows, and poorly defended from the cold."
And the snow on the ground was three feet deep.
Fortunately, the weeks that followed were mild and the fruit
trees were blooming in the middle of February. The soldiers made
liaste to put up barracks which were made warm and comfortable.
Lady Riedesel secured good quarters and was treated with respect.
The summer following was very hot, and the General had a
sun-stroke which came near finishing him. He and his wife were
permitted to go to Frederick Springs in Berkeley County (now
known as Berkeley Springs), where they met General Washing-
ton's family. Unfortunately no printed account is given of their
relations to one another. Doubtless, Lady Riedesel saw a good
deal of dancing at the springs, for she makes this comment:
"The Virginians are naturally indolent, which may be attri-
buted to their hot climate, but on the least excitement they be-
come animated and dance and whirl about, and as soon as they
hear the reel, (an English or Scottish National dance), they look
for a partner and jump about with wonderful vivacity; but when
the music ceases, they are again like statues."
As her husband had experienced a severe sunstroke, it was
natural to refer the indolence of the Virginians to the heat of the
climate. Now heat is not wholly local but comes in waves, ex-
tending over great areas, and my experience has been that at
similar altitudes the temperature from Boston to South Carolina
does not differ materially in the summer. A much better explana-
tion is given by Du Roy, the Elder, who was commissary of the
^Notice the use of "you all." Some Northern readers might inter-
pret this to mean a singular as the woman was addressing Lady
Riedesel, but of course she meant a plural, referring to the whole
British army. No Southerner ever uses "you all" in the singular.
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12 Tyler's Quaeteelt Magazine
Second Division of the Hessians. He says that the men in Vir-
ginia were lazy, because they had negroes to do the work for them.*
The Biedesels left Frederick Springs in August, 1779, and
not long after Gen. Biedesel was exchanged. He was given by
Sir Henry Clinton, a command on Long Island and later one in
Canada. When peace occurred in 1783, he and his family returned
to Europe.
While recipients of bad treatment from some Americans, from
others they had many kindnesses. Lady Biedesel states that her
stay in Cambridge, Mass., was as happy as the conditions could
make it, that in New York General Philip Schuyler was especially
gentlemanly and considerate, and she makes no complaint of the
Virginians except as stated. Maryland receives her especial com-
mendations, not only on account of the courtesies of an opulent
lady of that State, but of the people in general ; "for in that coun-
try," she says, "it would be considered a crime to behave otherwise
to strangers."
By his exchange Biedesel was separated from his (Germans at
Charlottesville. In August, 1780, he estimated their number there
at 1,147. In 1781, when Cornwallis came into Virginia, they were
marched to Winchester, on the other side of the Blue Bidge, and in
January, 1782, they were marched to Fredericktown, Maryland.
*Thi8 writer, however, does not include the Virginia women in
the lazy catalogue. He writes: 'The women are a great deal more
industrious. A gentleman's wife considers it highly honorable to do
some of the work herself. She sees to it that all the clothes of the
family are made at home by the negroes • • • The women here de-
serve to be highly respected for their industrious tendencies. They
are quite the opposite of those in New England, and although not as
pretty as those as a rule, they are much more poUte and better man-
nered, also more courteous towards strangers." It is rather amusing
to find that Du Roy's description of the New Englanders is just the
reverse of the Virginia picture. The men are very industrious, espe-
cially in business, but they are selfish and not sociable. The women
are exceedingly proud, negligent and very lasy. The men have to do
all the outside work, as milking the cows etc. The woman in New
England is the laziest creature I know in the world." Journal of
Du Roy, the Elder.
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As Othees Saw Us 13
A letter written at this time to Col. James Wood, the Com-
mandant in charge of the prisoners, by Capt. Joseph Holmes,
shows that some of them were practically without clothes. At
other times they were practically without food; but it appears that
the guards fared little better.
'Winchester, 24th Jan., 1782.
Dear Coll:
In consequence of the appointment with Lieut. Col. North,
I have given the necessary orders, and disposition of March foi
the Guard and British prisnrs. They are to move tomorrow morn-
ing exactly at the hour of 10 o'clock. The British in one column,
the Anspachs,* in another. The extreme coldness of the season
has induced me to refer to your consideration the hardships and
diflBculty both guard and Prisn. must encounter on the March.
Many are almost as naked as the hour they were bom, & not an
ounce of animal food, whether you could not with pro-
priety detain them a few days, or one half of them, then there
might be a chance of getting into some sort of shelter at night.
It seems to shock the feelings of humanity to drive out of a warm
habitation a poor creature stark naked in such a season. I shall
be glad to have your opinion with respect to the march.
I am, dr. sir. Yours, &c.
J. Holmes.!
^The (German troopB.
t Joseph Holmes, of Winchester, was a captain in the army, mar-
ried Rebecca, a daughter of Capt. David Hunter. They resided at
Winchester and from them was descended Hunter Holmes McGuire,
the famous surgeon of Oen. Thomas J. Jackson.
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14 Tyler's Quabtekly Magazine
REMARKS ON THE CIVIL WAR.
By Dr. A. J. Morrison.
Those who have followed Dr. Tyler in his thoroughgoing de-
fence of the old South, know it to be his opinion that the North
and the South were virtually two distinct nations before 1861.
Southerners whose memory runs back even thirty years can readily
agree with that opinion. I, for one, can so agree. But I am by
inheritance a Carolina Whig. If I guess right, I should have
stayed with the South in 1861. And I have no desire now to sling
mud at my grandparents. A stand up fight is an excellent thing
hy way of human endeavor. How else settle the matter? The
smell of gunpowder may be very wholesome indeed. But there is
no peace anyway.
If the Whig party, which made the preservation of the Union
the paramount consideration in 1861 could have subsisted, it ift
conceivable that the war might have been avoided, but as our af-
fairs go, the war could not have been avoided. Slavery bred mas-
ters, very masterful men. The industrialism of the North bred
masters, very masterful men also. Those groups went to war, and
the group that was the more diversely experienced won the war.
It is amazing how many men the South furnished to beat the
South. There was Dr. Gatling, for instance. There was Farragut,
and there was Winslow, and there was any number of others, espe-
cially navy men. There was Abraham Lincoln himself. Those
men were somehow convinced that the experience of the North
was more to the point in nineteenth century business. Of course
there were Pemberton, Quitman, Slidell and any number of others
that the North furnished the South. Naturally enough, those men
fought for their homes and the country that had been kind to them.
As for Abraham Lincoln, God knows what he was. No man
can say. Lincoln seems to have been a human being who could
talk like Falstaff and write like Goldsmith. What we call *Lin-
coln's prose' is enough to constitute his title to a place in our his-
tory. Lincoln's politics, on the other hand, must be matter of
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Ebmaeks on the Civil Wae IS
debate as long as there are investigators into the grounds of men's
conduct.
What was the experience of the North in contrast to that of
the South? In a political way, it is manifestly misleading to
teach that New England or the North was democratic. A very
little study of the political history of Boston will show how fierce
the struggle was there between the Federalists and the Republicans
before 1821. And after 1821 Nathaniel Hawthorne grew up
at Salem, where a Jeflfersonian Democrat was shunned in good
society, and Henry Cabot Lodge grew up in a quarter of Boston,
where a Democrat was supposed to be a ruffian. The idea of a League
of Nations is not at all more efficient than the idea of a league
of peoples in any given community. If New England and other
parts of the North could have been made to understand that there
was a very considerable democracy at the South, there might have
been less trouble. It is remarkable that in this year 1921, the
incoming of a Eepublican administration is held by many people
to be a democratic event. Provincialism seems to be one of the
primal duties. As things go, it is difficult for any individual or
community to exist without incessant self-defence.
Mr. Jefferson knew a thing or two about New England. He
said, "I felt the very foundations of the government shaking under
me from those New England town meetings.** He said also,
"Great part of the West has been settled by New Englanders un-
willing to put up with the bigotry of New England." Jefferson
desired to see a wholesome United States of North America, and
spent his last years bothering with an educational programme that
he hoped might help. He thought that many men would act dif-
ferently on beginning business if they had been taught something
of books in their youth. Even today, to what are we to ascribe the
bungling transportation of the Valley of Virginia? And why have
we not branch lines, steam or electric, down all the necks of Tide-
water Virginia?
Sheridan harried the Valley of Virginia. The North won and
the South suffered. We established our league of commonwealths,
first and lost by blcod and iron. If proof was wanted, the Civil
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16 Ttlee's Quabteely Magazine
War proved that there was resourcefulness, that there was every
sort of brains, at the South. But the Whig party was gone, and
there was a "solid South" for many years after the war [happy
time in very many ways], exhibiting a wonderfully happy democ-
racy. It was striking during those years how like the North and
the South were to England and Scotland. The Scotsman regards
the intricately organized country to the south of him as cold.
What problems there are before us! How is the world to get
together, with organization as it is now almost everywhere? If
we cannot solve these problems in America, with all the oppor-
tunities we have had and have, the outlook is dismal indeed.
A Southern man, who finds it very diflBcult to fit into organiza-
tion as it is, North and South, I have set down these few scatter-
ing thoughts suggested by Dr. Tyler's article in the January num-
ber of this magazine. I have been compelled to subscribe to a
philosophy that looks at the world as an organism capable of end-
less development at the expense of sore discomfort to individuals,
communities, or nations whose processes may be hampering the
general plan. As Job might have said, *^It is certainly surprising
to me that the devil is such a powerful instrument in the divine
purpose.^^
WasJiington, D. C, April 13, 1921.
Editorial Comments.
Dr. Morrison's paper furnishes food for thought. Was the
Civil War inevitable? Men are very prone to regard a past fact
as inevitable. Dr. Morrison himself suggests a doubt as to the in-
evitableness of the War between the States, in favor of the Whig
Party, could it have survived. Considered in the light of late
events, the war might readily have been avoided if "the master-
ful men" of the North had recognized the doctrine of self-deter-
mination, now so generally admitted. It appears almost an anach-
ronism that eight millions of people, with a thoroughly established
government, occupying a territory half the size of Europe, and
capable of fighting one of the greatest wars on record, were not
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Bemabks on the Civil Wab 17
permitted to set up for themselves. Since the Civil War we have
seen Norway and Sweden separate in peace, and much of Europe
reconstructed, with general acquiescence, on new national lines.
This is the way Seward in his note of March 15, 1861, to the
Confederate Commissioners, put the case of the masterful men of
the North: "He (the President, Lincoln), sees in them (the
actions of the Southern States) not a rightful and accomplished
revolution and an independent nation, with an established govern-
ment, but rather a perversion of a temporary and partisan excite-
ment to the inconsiderate purposes of an unjustifiable and un-
constitutional aggression upon the rights and authority vested in
the Federal government, &c.*^
Will any Northern historian «ay at this date that the secession
M the Southern States was "a temporary and partisan excite-
ment?^' or that "they had no established government ?'' The right
of self-determination might be freely questioned in the case of the
Philippine Islands or many of the countries under British rule,
for they have shown no capacity for self-government, but this
could hardly be said of the Southern people.
Dr. Morrisoft'f comments on democracy are well worth con-
sidering. If thi present United States stand for any well defined
principle it is democracy, and this found its first concrete expres-
sion in this coun^ in the Assembly at Jamestown in 1619, elected
By the free voicg of all the people of Virginia. Later three Vir-
ginians especially brought the light to New England. In those
States the idea of a superior class and an established church con-
tinued to prevail long after the American Revolution. The town
meetings were little oligarchies, controlled by a bunch of haughty
autocrats who held office indefinitely. It was the organization,
not the democracy of the towns, which Mr. Jeflferson felt as a
power. As late as 1793 a newspaper writer complained that in
Connecticut the chief magistrates were often chosen by one*
twentieth of the legal voters. And in 1798 a writer from Norfolk
County, iMass., declared that ^*the country people this way, in
general never prepare their minds previous to a town meeting,
and were, therefore, under the influence of their most influential
and learned men, particularly the moderator/'
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18 Tyleb's Quabtbbly Magazine
Pre-eminent in political influence were the Congregational
preachers^ who used the doctrine of predestination^ in the sense of
fatalism^ to damn any opponent from a beginning that never began
to an ending that never ended.
It was Jesse Lee> of Virginia, the Methodist evangelist^ and
John Leland, of Virginia, the Baptist missionary, that led the way
to better things. Through their fearless and ceaseless ministra-
tions in New England, travelling day and night and visiting every
comer of those States, they warmed the icy air of religion and
raised the poorer class to a better appreciation of their dignity and
rights.
The cause represented by Lee and Leland in religious matters
was lifted to a national plane by Jefferson. He was not a doctri-
narian like them, but the freedom they demanded as the road to
heaven he deemed equally essential to the government which regu-
lated life on earth. The real issue between the Federalists and
Republicans at Jefferson^s second election in 1804, was no less a
one than freedom and democracy extended to both church and
State. And the Republicans won the fight.
In many ways this victory was the most complete ever won.
Jefferson actually carried all of the New England States, except
Connecticut, against the combined wealth and power of all the
clergy and aristocrats of that section. And this happened in a
region where there had been no limit to the abuse hurled at the
heads of Jefferson and his Southern democrats.
Thus in Connecticut, a Southington pastor at Branford,
scrupled not to call Jefferson '^a debauchee, an infidel and a liar,"
and in Massachusetts, the chief justice, in a charge to the grand
jury, denounced him, in company with "the French system mon-
gers," as an "apostle of atheism and anarchy, bloodshed and plun-
der." It was usual to refer to all Virginians as "jacobins," a
faction in France, somewhat similar in their radicalism to the
Russian bolshevist.
After Jefferson's great victory the old laws which maintained
the State religion in New England were gradually modified or
repealed, and the people were encouraged to come to the polls and
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Remabks on the Civil Wab 19
share in the govermnent. And yet despite this, there are many
Northern writers of the present day, who only grudgingly give
any merit to their best friend and benefactor, Thomas Jefferson.
Perhaps this has an historic explanation. The aristocracy of
Virginia in colonial times had been largely spectacular without
much real power, but the aristocracy of New England, without any
pretensions to great show, had been essentially an autocracy. It
has been harder to get rid of, and to a Southerner, who visits the
North to-day, and is thrown in what is known as *T>est society,*'
the relics of this narrowness is surprisingly apparent. There is still
discerned among these people, descendants of the old autocrats, the
old contempt for the poor and the ill-bom.
There are signs that this spirit will pass away some day. The
fact that in recent years a graduate of Yale College has thought
that '^Republicanism in New England" is worthy of being seriously
treated in book form, is one of these signs. (See "Jeffersonian
Democracy in New England," by William A. Bobinson, Ph. D.,
1915.)
BLACK BEARD.
Although the name of Blackbeard is variously spelled Thach
and Teach in Governor Spotswood's letter regarding his execution,
it appears that, in the subsequent correspondence on the rival
claims of Virginia and North Carolina to the captured French ves-
sel and its cargo, the spelling is uniformily Thach, The scene
of his activities was the upper coastal region of North Carolina,
and there in 1740, in Chowan County, resided a man called John
Thach, whose name appears as witness to two wills. See a volume
published by the State Department of North Carolina, consist-
ing of abstracts of wills. Then in 1790 the North Carolina census
gives three or four persons of the name of Thatch as residing in
this region — Chowan and Perquimans. This is only a slight change
in the spelling, and the "f * was doubtless introduced to make the
spelling more suggestive of the sound.
The case is almost complete that Black Beard's real name was
Capt. Edward Thach.
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20 Ttlbb's Quabteblt MAOAzms
JOSEPH H. HAWKINS.
By Dr. A. J. Morrison.
Some thirty years ago Senator Lodge drew up an interesting
statement of the case regarding ''Ability in the United States."
Appleton's Dictionary of American Biography was then a new
work, and Mr. Lodge took the trouble to glance through all the
six volumes of Appleton (about 15^000 names) to determine what
the ability of the United States had been and whence it had
sprung. The six volumes of Appleton are still the best thing we
have, the nearest approach to a critical survey of American biog-
raphy. But the slightest examination of that faithful piece of
work will make it clear that Mr. Lodge's conclusions should be
entitled, "Ability in the United States as exhibited by Appleton's
Dictionary." General Wilson, the editor, and John Fidce, the
assistant editor of Appleton, let in a good many names on very
slim evidence of ability, and they left out a great many names
that might have been included.
General Wilson has said that the idea of that dictionary oc-
curred to him in 1879. Ten years later the six volumes had been
issued. In his essay (as not pertinent) Mr. Lodge did not men-
tion the fact that nearly one-sixth part of Appleton is Latin
American. Besides, there is in Appleton a good show of Cana-
dian entries. The plan having been so ambitious, if six volumes
was set as the limit, it is at once apparent that the editors were a
good deal lumbered up, and with the best intentions had to neglect
much of the abilily on record in the United States. And then
they set down to iii^ir task about the year 1880 or 1882:. Those
editors, both of them fair minded men, of exceptional intelligence,
and knowing the United States very well indeed, those really
lovable men, James H. Wilson and John Fiske, could not possibly
know much about the significant names in Southern achievement
And if they had come South and made special inquiry around the
year 1879, they could not have found out Something had hap-
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Joseph H. Hawkins 21
pened. The region had been stunned. It is hardly going too far
to assert that a dictionary of biography, made up of Southern
names entirely, and running to six volumes, could be compiled
from the facts of Southern achievement during the decade from
1850 to 1860. A full list of important books written by South-
erners during those years would make a startling catalogue. Just
as in the few years before 1914 English-speaking people were
impelled to do certain work (which another century may take
stock of curiously) ^o in the South, during the ten years before
ihe Civil War, there was a mysterious impulse to do— else the thing
could not be done. An examination of the list of Southern books
from 1850 to 1860 is sufficient proof.
The war knocked winding many of those books. But the print-
ing press recommends itself in some respects. If a book is printed
in an edition of a thousand copies, and all but one are lost, that
one may reach the public in the end. For instance, who knows
anything of William B. Victor^s 'TLiife and Events.'^ published at
Cincinnati in 1859? It seems rather plain that this book was
unknown to General Wilson or to John Fiske around the year
1882, and it very likely that Senator Lodge knew nothing of the
book in 1892. The present writer bought a copy for a quarter of
a deflation dollar at a beneficent store of old books not long ago.
The book should be worth at least $2.50.
William B. Victor has left no trace in the biographical dic-
tionaries. Why he called his book 'Tldfe and Events" is some-
thing of a guess. He might as well have called it ^Tilgrims'
Progress,*' or "A Western Comedy** (after the manner of Dante).
The book is really a very interesting, if loosely constructed, ac-
count of the Nicholas family of Kentucky, and its connections,
in a political way. Joseph H. Hawkins married a daughter of
Colonel Greorge Nicholas, of Kentucky, and it is Joseph H.
Hawkins that this memorandum is about.
Mr. Hawkins was born in Powhatan County, Virginia. He
studied law and went out to Lexington, Kentucky. When barely
eligible he was elected to the legislature from Fayette Counly in
1810. So he was bom about 1786, when Powhatan County was
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22 Tixeb's Quabtbbly Maoazhtb
beginning to think fondly of its brief past Were the facts ac-
cessible^ you could put together a large biographical dictionary
touching the divers business of the old Buckingham road, from
tidewater to the West through Powhatan.
Mr. Hawkins took his part ably in the Kentucky l^slature.
He furthered the plans of the Madison administration in those
two years, and was in 1813 elected speaker of Uie House. After
the war, Henry Clay being appointed a peace commissioner, Mr.
Hawkins was sent to Congress in the place of Mr. Clay. Mr. Clay,
having finished his business abroad, naturally resumed his seat in
Congress. Mr. Hawkins returned to the practice of ihe law at his
home and in 1819 removed to New Orleans. As early as 1807 Mr.
Hawkins had made the acquaintance of the Austins, father and
son. Moses Austin, then living at Mine i Burton in Missouri,
brought his son, Stephen, to school at Lexington, Kentucky, in
1807. Stephen Austin lived for a while in Mr. Hawkins' house
at Lexington.
After his removal to New Orleans, Mr. Hawkins was ap-
proached by Moses Austin on the subject of the colonization of
Texas. The two came to an agreement. Mr. Hawkins, in con-
sideration of capital supplied, was to have a half interest in the
Austin grants. Moses Austin dying, his son, Stephen, confirmed
these articles of agreement in November, 1821. William B. Victor
makes plain statements to this effect, and cites the documents.
We suppose that he knew. A great mass of Nicholas papers were
in his hands. The account here given does not profess to be
critical.
Stephen Austin going to Mexico in 1821 on the business oi
his grants was detained there until August, 1823. Upon Mr.
Hawkins at New Orleans fell the burden of sending down to Texas
the three hundred families whose settlement was requisite to the
grants. Mr. Hawkins attended to all the di£Scult business of the
transportation and the provisioning of those first three hundred
families for the Texas grants. He became involved financially,
was worried, his health suffered, and he died at New Orleans
early in October, 1823. His estate seems not to have been reim-
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Benjamin Habrison^s Mibbion to Philadelphia 23
bursed. It had been his plan to settle in Texas himself. One
of his sons, Norborne B. Hawkins (named for (Jovernor Bote-
tourt) lost his life in a very honorable way in the Fannin expedi-
tion, March, 1836. The boy was but sixteen years old. The
Mexican oflBcer who captured Colonel Fannin and his party i^as
willing to connive at the escape of young Hawkins. *^To this he
answered that two cousins had joined the army with him, they were
prisoners also, if they could be permitted to escape he would grate-
fully accept the oflfer. This the c^cer refused. Young Hawkins
replied, 'I will share the fate of my cousins.' They were marched
out and shot with the others.^'
BENJAMIN HARRISON'S MISSION TO PHILADELPHIA.
(From Papers Concerning the Army of the Revolution, Vol.. 1,
Va. State Archives.)
Benjamin Harrison to the Governor of Virginia:
Philadelphia, Feb. 12, 1781.
Sir:
I arrived at this place late in the evening of yesterday after
a most disagreeable journey, which has been considerably length-
ened by the great difficulty I found in exchanging State money
for Continental, and with all my trouble I fear I have not pro-
cured as much as will support me. I am just returned from the
board of war who have given me an order for four ton of powder;
as you were not particular in the kind that would be wanted, I
have taken it one half in musket the other in cannon powder,
which I suppose will be about the proportion that will be wanted
for the service for which it is intended. I have no doubt of getting
it on the way in a day or two, as the board are giving me every
assistance in their power. I think you would do well to advise
Col. Clarke as soon as possible of its being on the way, that he may
send an escort to meet it, as the board informs me there is some
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24 Ttler'u Quabtxblt MAOAZiNm
danger of its being destroyed on the way without it, there being
a considerable body of disaffected people in that quarter. The
expense of transportation I must pay out of the money you en-
trusted me with, there being not a shilling in the Continental
Treasury; the new congress money for this State and the Jerseys
pass at seventy-fiye for one, whilst that of Virginia will only
bring thirty-seven and a half, and will not do even that, but from
the speculators, a set of men that nothing but necessily shall cause
me to deal with, I shall endeavor if possible to exchange Hie money
wiHi the public and have some little expectations of succeeding.
The Continental powder at Baltimore amounted only, to 2500 wt
I therefore, thought it better to take the whole here. I must fear
no great success will attend my Embassy, it appearing to me that
Congress can not command men, and if they had them, have they
any quantity of necessaries to furnish them for the field; tiiere
is great abundance of cloathing in this Town, but it cant be pro-
cured without money or tobacco, nor will the latter do, unless tiie
Enemy leave our country, yet would it not be well that Boss
should send an agent here if I cant procure them, to try the ex-
periment. Of my success you shall have immediate notice. I am
with great esteem and respect.
Your most obedient and most humble servant,
Benj» Harrison.
[Endorsed on the back]
Speaker Harrison's Letter
Feb. 81.
[Addressed] On Public Service,
His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia
Benjamin Harrison to General Washington,
Philadelphia, February 16, 1781.
My Dear Sir:
I arrived at this place five days ago, sent by our assembly to
make application to congress for immediate assistance in men,
anus, ammunition and cloathing, and was also directed to wait on
you on the same subjects; on Wednesday last I laid before a corn-
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Benjamin "ELaxbibon^b Mission to Philadelphia 25
mittee of that body the businesses I had in charge, as fully as it
was in my power to do, without answers to letters I had written
to the Grovernor of N. Carolina and Gen. Green, requesting of the
one the situation of his Government as to the necessaries for carry-
ing on the war, and of the other his wants and a return of what
regular troops he had fit for duty, & from whence they came ; these
letters were written in ike most respectful terms, and with an as-
surance that the only motives tiiat actuated me were the General
good, however as answers are witheld, I suppose the enquiry was
looked on as improper, tho^ I cannot yet by any means think so.
Our Assembly on taking a full and accurate view of the Southern
war, as of our own situation, on whom very much of its success
depends, are justly alarmed; they find the Country greatly ex-
hausted in the articles of provisions, arms, and military stores
of all kinds, and that there is but little prospect of assistance in
these particulars from the adjoining states, except as to provisions
from N. Carolina, and even these we have but too much reason
to fear will be furnished in but scanty proportion. The greatest
part of the ammunition sent to the South went from Virginia,
by which means we are left with about 47000 wt of powder of aU
kinds, and much of that must be worked over before it can be
used; several thousand arms have also gone on, but very few of
them have been returned and those in such wretched order that
they are useless to us for want of artificers to repair tiiem; from
this summary state of the matters you may easily conclude, that
our own safety forbids us to disfumish ourselves any farther,
as from ihe frequency of invasions of late we have abundant reason
to conclude that the i<nemy mean to overrun us whenever an op-
portunity shall offer; but our wants and distresses do not end here,
we have still a greater which seems to be almost insuperable ; what
men we have in the field are so naked, that they can render but
little service, many of them have been ordered into Quarters, and
the remainder must soon follow unless a supply can be had ; every
method has been tried by the Assembly and executive to furnish
them, but with very little success, not more than 300 suits of
cloaths and about as many blankets have been obtained, tho' we
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have made use of impress where it was necessary. The assembly
haye passed a bill for raising 3000 men, I think we may expect
at least 2500 from the law, but without cloaths, &c., tiiey will
also be useless; next to Congress we look up to you for assistance,
not doubting but you will do every thing within your line to
forward the service.
Since the above, congress have taken into their consideration
the subject of the Southern defence, and have agreed on several
resolutions which I understand have been forwarded to you; I
hope tiiey will not derange any plans that you may have formed,
for you may depend on it less will not save the Soutiiem states.
If the supplies expected by congress should arrive to the East-
ward, we hope you will devise ways to get the proportion assigned
us sent on, for without your interposition, but little of them will
probably fall to our share. I should most certainly have waited
on you at Camp if your journey eastward had not prevented me,
where I could have explained our wants and difficulties more fully,
than I can by letter, but it being impossible for me to wait your
return, I use tiie only method now left, that of enclosing to you
the several papers I have with me which will throw some light on
the subject. I wish you every felicity and success, and am with
the
Most perfect friendship, &c.,
B. H.
To Gen. Washington.
[Endorsed] Ben Harrison,
Feb. 16, 1781.
Benjamin Harrison to The President of Congress
Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1781.
Sir:
I had it in express charge from the State of Virginia to press
your honorable Body in the strongest terms to give immediate
orders for the removal of the Saratoga Prisoners out of the State.
I took the liberty to lay before the Committee appointed to con-
fer with me, the many cogent reasons that induced the Assembly
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Benjamin Habbison^s Mission to Philadelphia 27
to give me such directions, and had my hopes that this business
would have been done on the favorable report made, but I am this
moment informed that this part of it is postponed. I hope I shall
not be thought to intrude on Congress by requesting them to call
the subject again into consideration: The members of the Com-
mittee will I make no doubt give the many reasons I urged for
the measure, from which I am induced to hope Congress will im-
mediately order their removal. The great distress of our officers,
Prisoners in New York, has been made known to our Assembly,
they wish most earnestly to relieve them, but have it not in their
power, without Congress will give a sanction tx) their sending
some of the Commodities of the Country to be sold in New Yoik
for that purpose. Specie is so scarce in the State that it is not
to be obtained but at such an exhorbitant discount that no country
on earth can bear it, add to this the certain tendancy that buying
it will have in depreciating the new Continental money; I beg
leave to request the favor of Congress to take the subject into con-
sideration and enable me to lay their determination before oui
Assembly which will be sitting when I return,
I have the honor to be
With, 4c.
B. Harrison.
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COBBESPONDENCE OF COL. JAMES WOOD.
These papers are selected from a number in the State Library,
all formerly in the possession of Col. Wood, though all do not seem
to be addressed to him. He was son of James Wood, founder of
Winchester. He filled many important oflBces including that of
Governor. In 1778 he was appointed to the command of Bur-
goyne's imprisoned army, and held command at Charlottesville,
and at Winchester, when they were removed to that place. In
1782 he was appointed President of the Board of Arrangements
of the Virginia Line, created by a resolution of Congress. For an
excellent sketch of Col. Wood, see Hayden, Virginia Oenealogies,
pp. 428-437.
Long Island, Sept. 12, 1779.
Dear Sir:
Your kind favour of the 26th. ultimo which came to hand yes-
terday, was very consolatory to me at a time when in some measure
I despaired of my Friends at camp retaining any remembrance of
me. This despondency I think you will determine not to have
been ill founded, when I inform that yours are the only lines I
have been favoured with from my Virginia acquaintances in the
Army since my arrival here the 19th. last March; except a short
epistle from L. Smith Esq., received about three days past, and
that I can but be the more sensible of the obligation I am under to
you, for restoring me to hopes that I am not yet quite forgotten.
I return you my thanks for your pleasing information respect-
ing my family, from whom I have received no letter since last
May ; I shall be greatly obliged if you will be kind enough to con-
tinue your inquiries about them and inform me on that head as
often as you conveniently can.
Letters from you to Mr. Thomas Towles will be speedily an-
swered, my last to him and Mrs. Towles was by Col. Mattiiews,
who set out on Parole for Virginia about eight days ago and prom-
ised to touch at my house on his way to Williamsburg. Being
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COBBESPONBBNCE OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 29
then very full it is unneceesary to write them now, if you please
when opportunity offers you may inform them I am in such per-
fect health, that it seems to me as if I had acquired a new leare
to secure me a Terrene abode for a considerable number of years
yet to come, (accidents excepted) for which I ought to be very
Thankful when I reflect that once since my being a Captive, the
old one appeared to be somewhat on the point of expiring.
My finances being low at present occasioned in some measure
by my having advanced, out of my little stock of solid coin, small
sums to sundries which when added together make somthing con-
siderable at least so to me in my present situation. I am induced
from that motive as well as from my knowledge of your readiness
to afford me your friendly aid, to take the advantage of your kind
offer to serve me by troubling you with the collection of the in-
closed amounts. General Woodford I am sure will pay at once. '
Capt. Kendall may have probably removed to the soutii, if so it
is my desire that you will with paper endeavor to atchieve the
debt due from him on the best terms you can, as it is not my
wish to put him to a farthing of unnecessary expence, although
if our destinies had been reversed in this particular, I think he
should not have experienced the same neglect from me that I have
found from him; with respect to Mr. Mills he has been exchanged
near ten months and I was in hopes to have heard sometliing from
him ere now, but have not received so much as a scrip although I
have frequently written him, he is a native of Connecticut, and
when made a prisoner was brought to Philadelphia, badly wounded
and appearing to be a worthy young man in distress for want of
cash, I was induced to advance the eum of £10.17 Pens
currency to him, not doubting his replacing it as soon as it might
be in his power; if you cant otherwise procure ihe debt, I must
entreat your using the same method as directed for Capt Kendall,
which when they consider it as ihe only expedient I can use to
have my own money replaced, and when without too great injus-
tice to myself I have been as forbearing as was in my power, they
can not with reason complain. Youl find enclosed an order for £320
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30 Tylee's Quaeteely Magazine
to be used if necessary. Should the paymaster refuse it, apply to
General Greene or Col. Bob H. Harrison, who I hope will second
your endeavors to obtain it
Your brother is quite hearty, as also the oflBcers here in general.
Those of your acquaintance desire to be kindly remembered to you.
I am now to request your tendering my most respectful compli-
ments to the Virginia Officers ; I can't pretend to enumerate them
if I should begin where should I end; say to (Major) John Pryor,
and Capt. John Carter that our friend Capt. Willis is well, and
that we are determined in future to tease them with long and fre-
quent miscellaneous epistles, touching on every subject that the
whirl of fancy may suggest (except those forbidden by our pres-
ent situation) They probably may prove as tiresome for them
to peruse as this may to you both to read and perform.
Be pleased to forward mine to Capt. Smith and believe al-
ways to find from me an equal return of unfeigned respect and
esteem with that you express, & have always shown for
Dear sir,
Your aflfectionate hbl servt.
0. Towles.*
Major Clarke.
[Endorsed on back]
Major Jonathan Clark.
^Oliver Towles was son of John Towles of Middlesex Couny and
Margaret Daniel his wife. Bom Sept 1, 1736» and died 1825. He was
a lawyer* became at the opening of the war captain of the 6th Va.
Reg., taken prisoner at Germantown and not exchanged till 1780.
Commissioned Feb. 12, 1781, Lt. Col. 5th Ya. Reg., to rank from
Feb. 1, 1778, and retired January 1, 1783. After the war he settled in
Lynchburg. He married Mary, widow of John Smith, of "Rickahock,"
and daughter of Larkin Chew, of Spotsylvania. Thomas Towles
mentioned in the letter was first cousin, once removed, of Col. Oliver
Towles. He married Mary Smith, daughter of Col. Towles' wife. At
the beginning of the Revolution he was Quartermaster to the Caroline
Militia. After the Revolution he was major of militia and repre-
sented Spotsylvania Co. in the House of Delegates In 1783, 1784, 1785.
See Towles Family, Ya. Mag., YIII, 320, 428; IX, 198, 324, 433.
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COBBESPONDENCE OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 31
This letter was sent by post to Jonathan Clark, Esq., Com-
missary Gen. Convention Troops by mistake, and by him forwarded
to J. W.
Berkeley, 26th. March, 1780.
Dear Sir:
I take the liberty to Eecommend to you the bearer Capt. Wil-
liam Cherry, a gentleman who entered the service in the spring
of 1776, as second Lieut, in Capt. Isaac Beall's company & served
with as much reputation as any oflBcer of his rank, till the army
was new modled when he became a supernumerary officer, a cap-
tain. He is now called into the state service, in the western Begi-
ment, which are to be embodyed at the post where you command,
he expects to take his proper command in the Regiment & depends
much on your seeing justice done him. you probably remember
him as he served in the Grand Army at the same time you Did.
I w'd have wrote to Col. Crocket, but have not the honour of being
acquainted with that gentleman, he will request your interest so
far as to obtain him proper justice. I can only say sir that he is
an officer, from his former services which I think entitled to the
strictest justice, and shall esteem it a particular favour if you'l
have him placed in his proper rank in the Regiment.
I have the honour to be sir, your most Obdt.
Hble Servt.
Moses Hunter.*
[Addressed]
Col. James Wood, Comdt.
Fav^ by Capt. Cherry at the Barracks, Albermarle.
^Moses Hunter served as quartermaster during the Revolution
and was in the House of Delegates for Berkeley County in 1779 and
continuously till 1786. From 1785 to 1795 he was clerk of Berkeley
Ck>unty. He married Anne, daughter of Oen. Adam Stephen and
widow of Capt. Alexander Spotswood Dandridgc. His daughter,
Anne Evelina, married Henry St. George Tucker, President of the
Va. Supreme Court of Appeals. Mosee Hunter was uncle of Gen. David
Hunter, of the U. S. Army. For Hunter Family, see Kennedy, Seldens
of Virginia and Allied Families, II, 131-153.
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32 Ttlbb'b Quabtsbly 'Maqazuxs
In ibe Hoaee of Delegates,
the 9tii. June, 1780.
Beeolved that the Governor and Council be requested to issue
peremptory orders immediately to all the ofScers and soldiers be-
longing to the Convention Troops who are now absent from the
Barracks to reapir tiiither forthwith, and if the future move-
ments of the Common Enemy indicate a design of rescueing, the
said Convention Troops, that he also give orders for their re-
moval to a place of greater security.
Teste,
John Beckley C. H. D.
9 June, 1780,
Agreed to by the Senate,
Will Drew C S.
A copy, John Beckley, C. H. D.
[Endorsed on back] Besolu. of Assembly 9th. June, 1780.
In Council, June 9, 1780.
It having been reported that the enemy are advancing through
the en tenor Country of North Carolina, and a doubt arising whether
they may not mean to attempt a rescue of the Convention Troops,
the Governor is advised to instruct Col. Wood inmiediately to call
in all the said officers and & soldiers to the barracks ; that he have
everything in readiness to move them over the blue ridge at a
moments warning; that he post some of his light horses at proper
intervals from the barracks to the neighborhood of the hostile
army with orders to convey to him from time to time intelligence
of their movements and particularly whether they advance towards
his station; that whensoever he shall find it necessary he embody
such proportion of the militia of the county of Albemarle and of
the counties adjacent thereto as he shall think necessary; that it
be submitted to him whether it may not be immediately proper,
without further intelligence to embody and draw to the barracks.
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COEBESPONDENCE OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 33
80 many of the militia of Albemarle as may suflBce to guard the
prisoners on their march, & embody & draw to Bockfish gap so
many of those of Augusta as may secure that pass and that if it
should become necessary to remove the said prisoners, the removal
be in such direction as Col. Wood in his discretion shall think
most likely to withdraw them from danger.
A copy Arch. Blair, C. C.
[Endorsed] Order of Council, 9th. June, 1780.
Lancaster, July 8, 1781.
Hon. Sir:
I this day set out from this place to Connecticut with ihe
British & German oflScers. I expect it will be the last of August
before I return. I have bin to Alexandria since I left home, on
Board of a flag ship sent round from Newyork with money & other
articles for the British OflScers. I find it very expensive traveling
nothing is going in this part of the world but hard money, it is
so plenty that I have not seen one shilling of paper money since
I left Virginia, pray endeavor to get me all the hard money you
possible can, as I meane to continue in the service, & have bor-
rowed about eight ginneys that I am obliged to pay when I return.
I would advise you to procure all the hard money you possible
can for you may depend their will be nothing else going in a short
time. I think it would be adviseable for you to purchase & make
all the heamp & tobaco you possible can. Bless God, I am in good
health, hoping you and the family are hearty, my most particular
love & comp^ts to you. Mama, brothers, sisters and all friends
and beleave me. Dear Father & Mother, to be your ever dutiful son,
John Hoberts.*
Delkin, five miles of York,
31th. May, 1777.
Dear Sir:
I got to this place in two days from Mr. Gibbs, then I was
but seven miles Behind Presley. But alas I went to bed and
never has been out of since, not even to get it made and this the
*Joliii Roberts, Major, Culpeper Co.
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34 Tylee's Quabterly Magazine
firgt time I have attempted to sit up with a Prop to my Back.
I believe you never saw a man more Reduced in the time. From
a late order of Genral Washington's it will be requisit for yr.
Brother to proceed to camp, for not a Capt. nor any other oflScei
can Draw a farthing of pay for his compy. nor pay them, the
pay master is to pay every soldier and oflBcer in the Kegt. and our
men has now 3 month's due. They will grumbel if not paid soon.
I think it would not be amis to send of [f] the quarter master and
adjutent. I am told by some oflScers from the camp they alwas
march with the first division and it is wondered at that yours have
not gone and you and myself likewise.
Yr. Humb. Serv.
John Nevill*
[Endorsed on back] To Colin. James Wood.
Since I wrote the within I heard a fine complement paid you.
Majr. Lyne, Mr. Kinkeade & myself, some gentry that meet
Presley & his company, was speaking of the Ohio Kegiment as
they call it, below, and what a fine one it was and what a Pittey
Coll. Morgan & his field oflScers and Adjutant had not had that
Eegt. What service it might have been to the States; they were
in the next room. I made no answer to it. I have at length got
a Doctr. who tells me it is the Right Camp fever I have.
New Castle,
6th. August, 1781.
Dr. Sir:
Since my letter to you, through Wm. McHenry, enclosing
Commodore Barron's report, the last spoken of entered York
River and landed their Troops. They are fortifying on the Glo-
cester Side, and have made a place of armes of York. Lord
Cornwallis is present with his whole army. The Oarrison of
Portsmouth Excepted — It appears that a part of this fleet was
originally intended for New York; but a dispatch arriving from
General Clinton produced the present arrangement; It is very
essential to your safety tliat we should be in force here, for this
*John Nevill, Colonel, Berkeley Co.
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COEEESPOISDENCE OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 35
purpose I have ordered on all the lines with the utmost expedition.
But I would beg leave to observe that Maryland might make some
disposition for her own defence. The enemy do not lose sight of
Baltimore ; and they may only wait for a more favorable moment
You are on the spot and acquainted with its strength, and of
course know best what measures should be taken. In all cases,
you will take care of the Publick Stores.
I am, Dr. Sr,
Your Obdi,
Layfayette.
Brig. Genl. Gist.
[Endorsed] Copy
M. Layfayette, 6th. Aug. 1781.
Feildenea (?), July 30th, 1783.
Dear Sir:
Since I parted with you last afternoon a matter has occurred to
me which may not be amiss to mention ; If it be the design of those
which have the direction of British prisoners, within this State to
confine them, I will provide land for that purpose, within five
miles of F. Town, paying me only for the timber necessary for stock-
ade, &c. and deliver them cord word at 7/6 per cd.; the value of
building timber I will leave to yourself and make no charge for
the land during the war.
Soon after the prisoners now at Frederick arrived there. Dr.
Thomas informed me that he received orders from our -Governor
to stockade the Barracks, but found a difficuliy in providing tim-
ber as he was not supplyed with money for that purpose; on my
telling him that he might be supplyed from my land a number
of wood cutters went to worke, untill their superintendent thought
they had what was sufficient, some of which has been taken away
and a considerabl part yet remains.
At your return to Virginia I flatter myself with the pleasure of
seeing you here. I wish you a good journey and remain.
Your respectful hum. Sert.
P. Gaunt
[Endorsed]
Col. James Wood, P. Town.
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36 Tylejb's Quaeteelt Magazine
Orange, July 26, 1782.
Dear Sir:
I am making my account for depreciation of pay while I served
in the Regiment guarding the convention prisoners, and as it
may be required by the Auditor of Public accounts to have it certi-
fied by you when that service ended, I will thank you to certify the
same & enclose to me which my brother Edmund Taylor will con-
vey to me.
On the 8 June, 1781, the Convention Prisoners arrived at Wat-
kins's ferry, and the OflBcers of the Regiment Guards were per-
mitted to return, but being on foot and living at great distances
from that place, I told them to make their pay to the 15th. The
9th. June, I delivered the troops at Hagars Town in Maryland
and waited on my return at Winchester for your arrival, which was
the 15 of June, when you informed me I might depart & the next
day I left Winchester. I have charged my pay to 15 June, 1781,
to which date please certify my being in the Regiment. Please
present my compliments to Mrs. Wood, and believe me to be, Dr,
Sr,
Tour most Hble servant,
Pra. Taylor.
[Endorsed on Back] Col. James Wood,
Frederick County.
Favour of Mr. Taylor.
Camp Ashley-hill, So. Carolina,
Novem. 7th. 1782.
Sir:
Lest the gentlemen I have wrote to may not be at the arrange-
ment, and you being commanding officer in Virginia, I have taken
the Liberty to address a line to you.
My secular affairs is such that with the wretched provision
our country makes for us, I find that my continuing in service
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Correspondence of Col. James Wood 37
disables me from making that provision for my family, which
duty requires, and would therefore wish to avail myself the privi-
lege of retiring from service as of necessity many of my rank
micst, for want of commands.
To enter into a detail of my circumstances would not be enter-
taining to you, and must be painful to myself, — I wish therefore
to bespeak your attention to this my request, & hope it will be in
the power of you & the Board to grant me a respite that will put
it in my power to endeavor to make some provision for the sup-
port of myself & family.
I also hope the officers in general will be actuated by princi-
ples more generous than that of the thirst of the junior officers for
promotion should oblige those whose circumstances makes it neces-
sary, they should embrace the opportunity of retiring either t«
ressign or serve to their utter ruin, and that the consideration of
an officer persevering to continue in the army, from the commence-
ment of the war to this date, will also have its due weight.
I flatter myself you will not think this letter an intrusion.
And that all the attention consistant with the good of the ser-
vice will be paid to my requisition.
With perfect respect, esteem & regard, I am Dear Oeneral,
your most Hum. Servt
Bo. Gamble, Capt. 8 Va. R.
Genl. Muhlenberg.
[Addressed] The Hon. Brigadier G^nl. Muhlenberg, Virginia.
[Endorsed on back]
Fav'd by Capt. Shelton.
Capt. Gamble's letter.
Dear Coll:
I received your letter with the (Jovemor's Warrant the 23rd.
of last month, since which time I have done every thing in my
power to answer the trust you was pleased to repose in me. I
have collected a good quantity of hay, com in plenty, flour in
abundance, Beef & Pork scarce. I have got about 30 head of
cattle and have about 6,000 wt. of beef yet. Shall provide as
much more as possible, but I had sent a small drove to the com-
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missary general just before I reed, your letter. The expectation
of the Convention Troops staying here prevented us from send-
ing down the flour we had on hand. Pray let me know if you
please, whether I am to expect any troops stationed here this
winter, or whether I had better send what flour is on hand to
Alexandria. I have stabling & forrage for 20 or 30 horses, (turn)
I will be exceeding glad to see you here, and if you can make
it convenient should be glad to hear by a letter before, that I
might be at home; but should it not be in your way, be so kind
as write on the above to
Dear Coll.
Your most obedt and most hum! Servt,
James McCalister.
Martinsburg,
the 15 Deem. 1780;
Coll. Wood at Frederick Town.
N. B. Please to let me know how much I am to give the
wagons pr day that is in the service.
J. Mc.
[Addressed] Col. James Wood,
Commanding at
Frederick Town.
Gentlemen :
I concieve myself much injured in Bank by the arrangements
that have formerly been made in the Virginia Line, but have not
hitherto had it in my power to represent the claim I am entitled
to. For I was ordered on command to Tarry-Town the day the
Board of Field Officers began to arrange the line in 1778 at White
Plains, and was not relieved until the Army marched from thence;
which excluded me the opportimity other oflScers had to state their
claim. A Board I have been informed sat at Middle-Brook the
winter following. Then it was my fate to be in Virginia.
At Chesterfield in Feb. 1781, I was in command with the
Militia near Portsmouth and was unavoidably detained so long,
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Correspondence of Col. James Wood 39
that before I got back, a preliminary article was made to govern
that arrangement — That the Board would hear no claim respect-
ing rank, but that the former arrangements would be their guide,
to that purpose.
The opportunity which now offers of having justice done gives
me pleasure, and wish it were in my power to wait on you person-
ally, as perhaps some explanations may be necessary, that being
impracticable, I beg the Honbl. Gentlemen will bear with me
whilst I give them the following representations.
The assembly of Virginia in the fall session of 1776, when
the six additional Begiments were ordered to be raised, Resolved
that the five companies then in service on the Western waters,
should compose part of the twelfth regiment, viz: Captn. Wag-
goners, Ashby^s, M. Bowyers, Arbuckles & McKee's companies, and
that five more Captains should be appointed to compleat the Eegi-
ment, which was done, viz, Capt. Mitchell, Vause, Langdon, Mad-
dison and Thos. Bowyer. Wallace, Zane, Casey & myself were
the senior Lieutenants. Capt. Arbuckle & McKee, refused to join
the army, this of course made two vacancies for promotion of
Lieuts. And Lieut. Wallace who joined the army in Octo. 1777,
with a detachment of men that he & the oflBcers with him, pro-
vailed on to go with them, got his commission, I have understood
dated in the Month of March, on the day the two mentioned cap-
tains refused marching; this was filling up one vacancy. From
the same principle, Lieut. Zane ought to have succeeded to the
other, but he resigned about the first of August, 1777, which is the
date Lieut Casey^s commission ought to have been, hut he had
been sent on command to Virginia in June 1778, and did not re-
turn till the winter. And during the stay of the Army at Middle-
Brook, he died. As he and myself were the persons principally
concerned, and neither being at the first Arrangement to state
these circumstances. The Board for want of information, or in-
attention (I must suppose), promoted Casey to the rank of Cap-
tain only, at the resignation of Mitchell on the first day of Sep-
tember, 1777, which most undoubtedly is the date that my com-
mission ought to be of.
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40 Ttles's Quabterly Magazins
ThuB I have endeavored to state facts, which I presume will
give you (Jentlemen, such information, (with what can be learned
from the officers of that Regiment) as will enable you to judge
clearly.
I have the firmest reliance on the justice & candour which
influences the Board and believe the gentlemen will give the
feelings of a soldier injured in rank its proper weight, as they
are susceptible of those delicate sensations. And if they think
with me that my commission ought to be dated the 1st day of
September, 1777. The argument that this matter will introduce
other claims that may give them trouble, will not have weight
enough to prevent them doing justice, but I believe there is not a
a case samiliar to mine, all vacancies in other Begiments having
been duly attended to.
Neither can the plea that Capi Casey would have had no com-
mand be admitted. As the Regiment was the nearest being com-
plete in numbers of any of the Six, and Captain Waggoners Com-
pany alone consisted of a number nearly sufficient for two com-
panies.
I have the honor to be Gentlemen with the highest sentiment
of esteem & respect
Your most humb. Servt
Bo. Gamble, Capt 8th. Virg Reg.
Camp Ashly-Hill, S. Carolina,
7th. Novemr. 1782.
[Endorsed on back]
Captain Gamble's letter.
[Addressed] The Honbl. The President, and Board of Officers,
for Arrangeing the Virginia Line.
Dr. General:
I have the pleasure to inform you, that your friends in Phila-
delphia were all well a few days ago. I called on your brother
but he was out, and had not the pleasure of seeing him to get his
comands to you. Constable desired me to give his particular re-
spects to you and begs you'l write him. General Weedon shewed
me your orders directing all the officers of the Va. line to appear
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CoEilESPONDENCK OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 41
at Winchester; as I have publick business to settle, for the trans-
action as Q master to the marquis' Army, it will not be in my
power to attend, therefore must entreat your friendship to act
for me as you think most advisable. My claim is from the resolu-
tion of congress when they determined that every regiment com-
manded by Lieut. Col. commandant should have two majors; as
being the eldest captain of Dragoons belonging to the State Vir-
ginia, I claimed a majority which the Baron Steuben gave me the
command as such in the First Regt. Dragoon, which I believe you
were made acquainted with, some dispute arose respecting the
rank of officers of the Cavalry, which has never been settled to
this day; as the matter was unsettled & Col. Washington in-
sisted on my joining his regt. as Capt, or to relinquish my claim
as such in his regiment; being sensible of the propriety of my
claim as Major, I gave him from under my hand, that unless I had
the rank of a Major which I knew myself to be entitled to, given
me, that I would no longer claim the rank of an officer in his
regt., and that he might conceive it as a resignation from that
date, which was some time in March/81. Just before I joined the
Marquis, who drew me into the scrape of Q. Master, which I have
been eternally pestered with ever since, by application to the Com-
mander in chief, and congress, who at last have determined that
I should deliver the whole transaction over to Col. Carrington.
I must beg your pardon for pestering you with a detail of my af-
fairs, but as I have so often experienced your friendship, it has
induced me to take this liberty. I shall remain at Petersburg
for some time in order to get all my publick accounts adjusted,
should you have any comands in that quarter, I shall be very happy
to execute them, pray write me by the first oppty.
I am dear sir.
Yours aflfecty.,
Cad Jones.
Predksburg, December 9, 1782.
P. S. My appointment by the Baron was in Dec. 80 and I believe
the resolution of congress which entitled me to a Majority was in
October or November/80.
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42 Ttleb's Quabterly Magazine
[Endorsed on back] Capt. Cad Jones' letter.
[Addressed] The Hon. General Muhlenberg,
To the care Genl. Weedon.
Winchester.
Rockey Mills, 8th. Jan. 1783.
Dear Sir:
I have been advised by many gents, & partly by Doctor Walker,
to apply to you for two Hessian Stone masons, and which I now do
by Mr. Paul Woolfolk, & have sent by him One Hundred & eighty
dollars, the price as I am informed of two. However, should it
not be quite sufficient, if he wishes to take another tradesman, or
two, I will confirm it, & pay any further moneys into the treasury
immediately, or in any manner you chu3e. I Doubt not your
shewing Mr. Woolfolk all the countenances you can, & being of
any assistance consistent with your oflBce; being with much
Esteem,
Dear Sir,
Your Mo. obedt. Servi
J. Syme.*
[Addressed] Col. James Wood at
By Mr. P. Woolfolk; Winchester.
Dear Cousin:
I am sorry I did not know that you were at the Springs before
Mr. Blackburn went up, if I had you certainly would have had
a scroll from me. I heard that you could not go on account of
Mrs. Eincades illness at your house. I heard she had lost a little
one and was very ill, pray let me know [how] she does by this
*Thi8 was Col. John Syme, half brother of Patrick Henry. He
served for many years in the House of Delegates and the Senate. He
married Mildred Meriwether, dau. Nicholas Meriwether, Jr. He had
issue John Syme, Jr., Nicholas Syme and Sarah Qjme, who married
Col. Samuel Jordan Cabell. For Syme Family, see Wm, and Mary
Coll. Quarterly, XI, 77. 78.
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COEEESPONDENCE OF CoL. JaMES WoOD 43
opportunity. I write this by the hesBion doctor whom I recom-
mend to you as a good physician^ and a sensible man^ he has
practiced in our family with great success. I'm sorry to hear
that you and your poor little girl stand so much in need of a
Doctor, but hope to hear of Cols, safe return, which I am sure
will cure you. The sattin I told you of was sold before I got down
but sould (should) there any thing else in this part of the
world that I could lay the money out in for you, please let me
know, if not I will send the money up by the first safe hand, let
me know how you liked Mrs. Bedeout and the rest of the strangers
at the springs this season. Please remember me affly to Mrs.
Wood and White and Mrs. Kincade, Mr. Brent goes up with the
hession, write by him and believe me your ever afift. cousin and
Humble Servant,
C. Blackbume.*
[Addressed] Mrs. Woode, Winchester.
Winchester, Decembr. 29th, 1782^.
Gentn.
As my rank is not settled as I think is my right, or at least
as it was settled by the board of warr at Philadelphia, I shall be
glad to retire. I have served my country under this hardship this
three years past and I believe it is well known as faithfully as
any officer in the line to this day. Circumstances being so, never
could have a hearing before now, indeed I thought my right so
just that it would have bore no dispute, however if this reason is
not sufficient for my retirement I shall expect all the older of-
ficers of our line, I mean the Capts., will not be at liberty to retire
*C. Blackburn was, before her marriage with Lt. Col. Thomas
Blackburn, Christian Scott, daughter of Rev. James Scott Mrs. Wood
was Jean Moncure, daughter of Rev. John Moncure and wife of CoL
James Wood. For notice of these interesting ladies, see Hayden,
Virginia OeneaJogiet,
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44 Tyi.ee's Quabteely Magazine
as very few of them who are of a senior rank to me have done
but very little duty for a long time past.
I am gentn. your obed't. Hble Servt.
Thos. Bowyer, Capt.
Colo. Wood, presid't. of the Board of
arangement
[Endorsed]
Capt. Bowyer's letter.
Capt Jas. Wood, Presidt of the Board of Arangement
BERKELEY COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA.
I
By an act of the Virginia Legislature, February, 1772, the
counties of Berkeley and Dunmore were separated from Frederick
County, and given a separate organization. In 1777 Dunmore
County received the name of Shenandoah.
Berkeley County bordered on the Potomac River in the most
beautiful part of the Valley of Virginia.
The first court was held May 19, 1772, at the house of Edward
Beeson, and the justices commissioned by his excellency Lord
Dunmore, were Ralph Wormeley, Jacob Hite, Van Swearingen,
Thomas Rutherford, Adam Stephen, John Neavill, Thomas Swear-
ingen, Samuel Washington, James Nourse, William Little, Robert
Stephen, John Briscoe, Hugh Lyle, James Strode, William Mor-
gan, Robert Stogden, James Seaton, Robert Carter Willis and
Thomas Robinson.
Ralph Wormeley, John Nevill, Samuel Washington, James
Nourse, William Little, John Briscoe, James Strode, James Seaton,
Robert Carter Willis, and perhaps Thomas Robinson, came from
the country east of the Blue Ridge mountains, and if they are to
be taken as an index they show the presence in the Valley of a
large emigration from the eastward.
In 1801 the County of JeflFerson was formed from Berkeley.
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Berkeley County, West Vikginia 45
It contained three towns well know to history, Shepherdstown,
Charlestown and Harpers Ferry.
At this first court held for Berkeley County, William Drew,
having produced a commission from Thomas Nelson, Esq., the
Secretary of State, was sworn clerk. Adam Stephen was sworn
sheriff and Samuel Oldham under sheriff. James Keith, John
Magill, George Brent, George Johnston, Philip Pendleton and
Alexander White produced licenses to practise law.
Alexander White, having produced a commission, was sworn
King's deputy attorney, he having first taken the usual oaths to
his majesiy^s person, the abjuration oath and repeated and sub-
scribed the test.
In the clerk's oflBce of Berkeley County, at Martinsburg, are
recorded the wills and deeds of many distinguished persons, who
at different times resided in the county.
1. Will of James Rumsey, Inventor of the Steamboat.
Being in sound health, boath of body and mind, I make and or-
dain this my last will and testament. Item, it is my will that all
my estate, both real and personal, shall be devised as followeth, towit:
One third to my affectionate wife and the remainder to be divided into
equal shares, two of which to be given to my son James, as soon as
he shall be of the age of Twenty-one years, one Do to be given to
my daughter Susanna, as soon as she arrives at the age of eighteen,
or gets married, to the satisfaction and with the approbation of Mary
Rumsey, Edward Rumsey, Mary Morrow and Joseph Barnes; one
other share to be given to my daughter Clarissa, at the same age, and
nnder the same restrictions of Susannah, and the last share or fourth
to come to Edward Rumsey, Junr, at my death. I also ordain him my
executor of this my will. The children to be Educated in as ample a
manner as the income of their estates will allow. In Testimony of
this my will I have hereunto set my hand and affixed my seal this fif-
teenth day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun-
dred and eighty eight.
James Rumsey.
Witnessed in the presents of
Benjamin Wynkoop
Joseph Wynkoop.
Proved and recorded in the oflce of George Campbell, Esq.,
Register of the probate of wills in the City and County of Philadelphia
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4C Tylee's Quarterly Magazine
26 March, 1793. Isaac Wampole D. Regr. Letters of adm. issued to
Edward Romsey, Jr.
This will duly authenticated by the Register of the City of Phila-
delphia was presented to the Court of Berkeley Co. "by Edward Rum-
sey, the exor therein named, who made oath thereto, according to law,
and ordered to be recorded; certificate is granted him for obtaining a
probate thereof in due form. Given security with Nicholas Orcutt and
Smith Slaughter, who entered into and acknowledged bond in the
penalty of 2000 pounds, conditioned for his true and faithful admn.
of said Decedent's EsUte."
2. Will of Major General Oharlei Lee:
I, Major-General Charles Lee, of the County of Berkeley, in the
Commonwealth of Virginia, being in perfect health and of sound mind
considering the certainty of death and the uncertainty of time it may
happen, have determined to make 'this my last will and testament in
manner following, that is to say, I give and bequeath to Alexander
White, Esq. one hundred guineas, in consideration of the zeal and
integrity he has displayed in the administration of my aftairs; also
the choice of any two of my colts or fillies under four years of age.
Item — I give and bequeath to Charles M. Thruston Esq., fifty guin-
eas in consideration of his good qualities and the friendship he has
manifested for me; and to Buckner Thruston, his son I leave all my
books as I know he will make good use of them. To my friend John
Mercer Esq., of Marlborough, in Virginia, I give and bequeath the
choice of two brood mares, of all my swords and pistols and ten guineas
to buy a ring. I would give him more, but, as he has a good estate and
a better genius, he has suflELcient, if he knows how to make good use
of them.
I give and bequeath to my former Aid-de-Camp, Otway Bird,
the choice of another brood mare and ten guineas for the same pur-
pose of a remembrance ring. I give and bequeath to my worthy
friend. Colonel William Grayson, of Dumfries, the second choice of
two colts and to my excellent friend Wm. Steptoe, of Va., I would
leave a gread deal, but as he is so rich, it would be no less than rob-
bing my other friends who are poor. I, therefore, entreat that he
will accept of five guineas which I bequeath to him to purchase a
ring of aftection.
I bequeath to my old and faithful servant, or rather humble
friend, Guiseppi Minghini, three hundred guineas, with all my horses,
mares and colts of every kind, those above mentioned excepted. Like-
wise, all my wearing apparel and plate, my wagons and tools of agri-
culture, and his choice of four milch cows.
I bequeath to Mizabeth Dunn, my housekeeper, one hundred
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Beekeley County, West Virginia 47
guineas and my whole stock of cattle, the four milch cows above
mentioned only excepted. I had almost forgot my old friends (and
I ought to be ashamed of it) Mrs. Shippen, her son Thomas Shippen,
and Thomas Lee, Esq.» of Bellvlew, I beg they will except ten guineas
each to buy rings of affection.
My Landed Estate of Berkeley I devise may be divided into three
equal parts acording to quality and quantity. One-third part I devise
to my dear friend Jacob Morres of Philadelphia, one-third part to
EiVan Edwards, both my former Aids-de-camp, and to their heirs
and assigns; and the other thirt part I devise to Eleazor Oswald, at
present at Philadelphia, and William Goddard, of Baltimore, to whom
I am under obligations, and to their heirs or assigns, to be equally
divided between them. But these devises are not to enter until they
have paid off the several legacies above mentioned, with interest
from the time of my death, and all taxes which may be due on my
estate.
In case I should sell my said landed estate, I bequeath the price
thereof, after paying the above said legacies, to the said Jacob
Morres, Evan Edwards, Eleazor Oswald and William Goddard, in the
proportion above mentioned.
All the slaves, which I may be possessed of at the time of my
decease, I bequeath to Guiseppi Minghini, and Dunn, to be equally
divided between them.
All my other property of every kind and in every part of the
world after my decease, (funeral charges and necessary expenses of
administration are paid) I give, devise and bequeath to my sister
Sidney Lee, her heirs and assigns forever.
I desire most earnestly that I may not be burled in any church or
churchyard, or within a mile of any Presbyterian or any Baptist
Meeting house. For since I have resided in this country I have
kept so much bad company when living that I do not choose to con-
tinue it when dead. I recommend my soul to the Creator of all
worlds and of all creatures, who must from his visible attributes be in-
different to their modes of worship or creeds, whether Christians, Mo-
hammedans or Jews, whether justified by education or taken up by
reflection, whether more or less absurd; as a weak mortal can no more
be answerable for his persuasions or notions or even skepticism in
religion than for the color of his skin.
And I do appoint the above mentioned Alexander White and
Charles Minn Thruston, executors of my last will and testament, and
do revoke all other wills by me heretofore made.
In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this
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48 Tylee's Quabteely Magazine
day of in the year of our Lord» one thousand seyen
hundred and eighty-two (1782)
CHAS. LEE (SEAL)
Signed, sealed, published and declared by the said Major-Cteneral
Chas. Lee as for his last will and testament, in the presence of Jas.
Smith, Samuel Swearington, Wm. Gk>ddard.
At a Court held for Berkeley County this 15th day of April 1783.
This last will and testament of Charles Lee, deceased was presented
in Court by Alexander White one of the EiXecutors herein named who
made oath thereto according to law and the same being proved to be
executed on the fourth day of September 1782 by the oath of James
Smith and Samuel Swearington, two of the witnesses thereto, and
ordered to be recorded. And on the motion of the said Executor who
entered into Bond with Adam Stephen, Esquire, his security, in the
Penalty of twenty Thousand pounds conditioned for his true and
faithful administration of the said Estate, certificate is granted him
for obtaining a probate thereof, in due form of law.
Teste: —
Will Drew, Clk.
I, Paul H. Martin, Clerk of the County Court of Berkeley County,
W. Va., do certify that the above is a true, correct and accurate copy
of the will of MaJor-€reneral Charles Lee, as it appears in Will Book
No. 1, page 308, a record Book of my oflELce.
Given under my hand and seal his 3rd day of Feb. 1921.
Paul H. MarUn.
3. Deeds of Major General Horatio Oates.
C^eneral Gates lived at "Travellers Rest," purchased from Joseph
Crabb and Mary his wife by deeds of lease and release dated the 16th
and 16th March 1773. The estate lays in that part of Berkeley County
which was later Jefterson County. It contained about 720 acres, and
was sold on his leaving the county for New York to John Mark of
Shepherdstown, Sept. 14, 1790. On August 26 of that year he sold to
Mark, for 800 pds current money, six negroes to be free March 1,
1796, 11 negroes to serve until 28 years of age, and a mulatto named
Titura, to be free at 21, and also six horses and four colts, one bull,
XI cows and calves, 46 hogs, 16 shoats and a number of pigs, 19 sheep,
and ten lambs, besides sundry household and farming utensils. Gates
was a great friend of John Mark, who came from Ulster in Ireland
. to the Valley, first taught school, and later prospered as a merchant.
They were in the habit of familiar correspondence, and several of
Gates' letters to Mark, on domestic and general subjects were pub-
lished many years ago in early issues of the New York Home Jeumah
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Berkeley County, West Vibginia 49
About 1800 John Mark moved to ^Fredericksburg, and there took the
leading part in the establishment of the first Presbyterian Church in
that City. Chiefly through him Samuel B. Wilson, a native of Ulster,
like himself, was induced to come from North Carolina in 1806 to
be the minister. In a letter, dated January 18, 1812, Mark speaks of
our just getting into our "New Church," which was "well finished
and situated." John Mark's daughter Anne married Hon. John
Baker, a distinguished lawyer of Shepherdstown, and a Federalist
member of Congress from 1811 to 1813. In 1786, Anne Baker was a
passenger with Gen Horatio Gates, and others on James Rumsey's
boat, when he demonstrated the possibility on the Potomac River of
propelling a vessel against a current by steam. Her daughter Anne
married Gov. Thomas Walker Gillmer and there is a pretty little
silver pitcher preserved by one of Anne Mark's descendants, and it
has A. M. engraven upon it]
OTHER WILLS— AND RECORDS— ABSTRACTS.*
John Hite, datea 25 Oct. 1776, proved 18 Mch., 1777. To wife
Sarah half of the plantation on which he now lives, the other half
to son Jacob O'Bannon, who shall also have all lands in West
Augusta. ''Inasmuch as my father has been killed by the hand of
Violence, A it is probable ho left no will behind him, whereby the
inheritance of his lands will descend to me, but as brotherly aftection
will not permit me &c, if my brothers and sisters will be at equal
expence in securing the right ft title to that tract of land in So.
Carolina, lying in the Indian Country within the State of South
Carolina, Part whereof being an undivided tract held by my father
under a deed granted by the Cherokee Nation to Richard Pearis, the
said Pearis' son, and my father, and part whereof being a purchase
from John Neville 6c;" children Jacob O'Bannon, Mary Catherine
and the infant unbaptized; sisters Mary and Elizabeth. Executors:
Rev. Daniel Sturgis, Tavana Beale, Thomas Rutherford, William Gibbs,
and James Keith.
Thomas Hite, dated 22 Sept., 1776, proved 17 Augt., 1779, names
wife Frances, and mentions children without naming them. Execu-
tors: Wife, James Ruth, James Nourse and Dolphin Drew. The ap-
praisement shows the following books: Dictionary of the Arts and
Sciences £32; Bailey's Dictionary £8; Ainsworth's Dictionary
£16; Cole's Dictionary £6; Josephus, 4 vols. £12; Elements of Navi-
gation, 2 vols., £6; Davidson's Virgil, 2 vols., £5; Smart's Horace 2
*Where it is not otherwise stated, a will is intended.
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50 Ty lee's Quabteely Magazine
yol3., £4; Pamela, 4 vols., £4; Rambler, 6 vols, £6; Guardian, 2
volB., £3; Pennington's Letters, 2 vols. £1.10; Shenstone's works, 2
Yols. £2; Amelia and Sophia, 2 vols. £2; Adventures of a Guinea, 2
vols. £2; Nature Displayed, 7 yoIs. £10; Browne's works, 4 yols. £4;
Beauties of the Spectator, 2 yols. £3; Country Maid, 2 vols. £1.10;
Lydla, 2 yols. £1; Hbl. Quality, 3 yols. £1.10; Eaton's Book of Rates,
3 vols. £3; Generous Britain, 10s.; Country Cousins, 10s.; History of
Ellja, lOs.; Bondes Principal, £1.10. Seneca's Morals, £2; The Art
of Speaking, £1.10; Brown on Liberty, lOs.; Farmers Forms of Rent,
10s.; Virtuous Widow, lOs.; The Adopted Daughter, £1.10; Long's
Word, lOs.; Correct Junr, 10s.; Extract of the History of England,
£1; Intriguing Coxcomb, lOs.; Young Man's Beet Companion, £1;
Pardan's Arithmetlck, £1; Religious Courtship, 10s.; An Introduction
for Making Latin, £1; Book of Interest, 10s.; The Words of the Wise,
£6; Bible, £2; Church Catechism Explained, 5s.; Flask's Justice bound,
£3; Ditto unbound, £2; Sundres Single Plays, £2; Cook on Arith-
metlck, lOs.; Common Prayer Book, 10s.; Desk and Book Case, £120.
George Tabb, dated Augt. 23, 1S20, proyed 9 Noy., 1829. Names
4 elder children, Edward, John, Anne Patterson, wife of George Pat-
terson, wife Anne Tabb and six young children Bailey, Seaton E.,
Mary, Elizabeth, Mildred and Harlot Ann: Exos., Wife Anne and
son Bailey.
Robert Tabb's Account Current, 1776-1780; Tabbs mentioned: —
Susannah Tabb, Elizabeth Tabb, Bailey Tabb, Seaton Tabb, Thomas
Tabb, Robert Tabb and Edward Tkbb.
Thomas Rutherford, jr., dated 6 July, 1780, proyed 25 July, 1790.
Names wife Mary, to whom 2 lots in Charlestown Ac, one where 1
now dwell, purchased of Dr. Tlffen, and the other purchased of Rich-
ard Montzall; to wife all household furniture; all other estate to be
sold and placed at interest till daughter Sarah comes of age; men-
tions partnership with brother Van Rutherford, and purcluse made
from John Griffith, eldest son of Robert Griffith, deceased; wife Mary;
father Thomas Rutherford & worthy friend William Darke.
Henry Van Mater, Sen,, dated March 3, 1790, proyed 17 Deer.,
1793. Names son Nathaniel, to whom all landed estate in Berkeley
County, as well as the plantation on which I now liye; other sons,
Henry and John, daughter Alice, wife Elizabeth, sons Joseph and
Nathaniel; Executors, son Nathaniel and William Garrett. A tract
of land, west side of Ohio rlyer In Indian Country, & deyolyed to me
by the death of my son Joseph bequeathed to son Joshua, & another
tract in SufFerlng(?) Valley that also belonged to my son Joseph
bequeathed to grandson Joseph, son of son Nathaniel
Accounts current of the estate of Robert Rutherford, dec. by his
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Berkeley County, West Virginia 51
widow Elizabeth, examined and reported by Joseph Swearingen.
Feb 16, 1796.
John Baker, dated 3d Sept, 1795, proved 26 June 1798. Witnessed
by William Brooks, Qeorge S. Washington and Nathaniel Craghill.
Names son John, and seven dans. Ann, Gary, Sucka, Polly, Peggy,
Elce and Juliet. [This was John Baker, Sr., who married Judith
Wood, and was father of Hon. John Baker. See Baker Family in
William and Mary College Quarterly, Vol. VI., pp. 94-97.]
John Gerrard, dated August 19, 1787. proved 18 Sept., 1787. Names
Wife Mary, and children Daniel, John, Josiah, Nathaniel, William,
Jonathan, Isaac, Phebe, Nancy, Sarah Buckner, daughter Mehitabel's
children William and Mehitabel, Jr.; Phebe and Nancy under age.
Robert Carter Willis, proved 21 Oct 1783. Directs his land to be
equally divided between his sons Lewis Burwell Willis ft Robert Car-
ter Willis, who are under age, wife Martha Willis; if both sons
should die without heirs, then his estate to go to John McKain, my
sister Elizabeth, John McKaln's son, and his sons forever. Execu-
trix Martha Willis my wife (For Willis Family, see William and Mary
College Quarterly, VI., 27-29, 206-214.)
Susanna Washington, dated December 16, 1782, proved May 20,
1783. Names son John Perrin Washington; first husband George Hold-
ing, daus Nancy Holding and Susannah Holding, friend Francis
Willis, of Gloucester county, to "breed" him (her son) and educate
him at his discretion; sister Willis to take and educate my daughter
Susannah Holding and sister Lewis, of Gloucester, to take and edu-
cate my daughter Nancy. Exors Friends Francis Willis, ft William
Reynolds, of York. [Susanna Washington was Susanna Perrin, of
Gloucester, daughter of John Perrin. She married (1) George Holden
(2) Samuel Washington, brother of George Washington. He, Sam-
uel, married 5 times. William and Mary Quarterly, V., 174, 176.]
Samuel Washington^ dated Sept. 9, 1781, proved 18 December,
1781: To wife the land on which I now live containing 230 acres,
also a tract called Rutherfords, son Thornton, dau. Harriet, sons
Lawrence Augustine, Ferdinand, George Steptoe, and John Perrin
Washington. Exors.: Brothers John Augustine Washington, George
Washington, and Charles Washington. [Col. Samuel Washington, of
"Harewood," Berkeley County, 2nd son of Augustine and Mary (Ball)
Washington, of "Wakefield," Westmoreland Co., was a colonel in the
Continental Army. He married 1, Jane Champe, d. of Col. John
Champe; 2d, Mildred Thornton, daughter of Col. John Thornton; 3d
Lucy Chapman, daughter of Nathaniel and Constantia (Pearson)
Chapman; 4th, Anne (Steptoe) Allerton, widow of Willoughby Aller-
ton, and daughter of Col. James and Hannah (Ashton) Steptoe, of
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52 Tylek^s Quarterly Magazine
"Hominy Hall/' Westmoreland County, Va.; and, 5th, Saaannah Perrin,
daughter of John Perrin, of Gloucester County, and widow of George
Holden.]
Estate of Francis Whitingy deceased, recorded 15 Sept., 1778.
Charles Washington, dated 25 July, 1799, proved Sept 23, 1799.
To wife Mildred certain slaves, and after her death to Samuel Wash*
ington. [Charles Washington, brother of Gen. George Washington
lived In Charlestown, and was born May 2, 1738. He married Mil-
dred Thornton, daughter of Col. Francis and Mildred (Gregory)
Thornton, of "Fall Hill," Spotsylvania County. They had an only
child, Mildred, who died an infant. See Stella Pickett Hardy's
Colonial Families in the Southern States of America.]
Estate of Francis Whiting, deceased, recorded 15 Sept., 1778.
Account Current of Matthew Whiting, 1796.
Inventory of Robert Rutherford, jr,, taken this 14 June 1785.
Morgan Morgan, dated 11 Oct., 1797, proved 25 Dec, 1797. Names
wife Mary, Brother Evan Morgan, eldest son Morgan Morgan, and
sons Zackewell, and David Morgan, daughters Phebe and Rebecca.
Executors, sons Morgan and Zackwell. Refers to Father's deed re-
corded in Frederick County.
Thomas Sweoringen, jr., dated 18 Feb. 1780, proved 21 March,
1780. Names wife Hanah, and Sarah Bennett, my sisters daughter.
Exors., Col. Van Swearlngen, Capt. Josiah Swearlngen, Hezekiah
Swearingen, and Thomas Rutherford. Witnessed by Thomas Ruther-
ford, Robert Rutherford, Jr., Benjamin Rutherford, and James Suth-
erlin.
Thornton Washington, dated 26 July, 1787, proved 16 Oct.. 1787.
Names wife Frances Townshend and her son Samuel; other two sons
by my former wife Mildred; my three half brothers and sisters; Wil-
liam Berryman, of Frederick County to be guardian of my two sons
by my former wife; friends Lawrence Washington, jun., of Chotank,
and Warner Washington, of Frederick Co. [Thornton Washington
married 1. Mildred Berryman (?) 2. Frances Townshend Washing-
ton.]
Edux^d Tahh, dated 9 Sept. 1795, proved 11 January, 1819. Names
Brother William Tabb's sons John and William and Brother Gteorge
Tabb's son Edward. Executor, Brother George Tabb.
At a court held for Berkeley County the 20th day of August,
1776. Present:
Samuel Washington Godwin Swift
Robert Carter Willis William Patterson
John Coke Morgan Morgan
Gent. Justices.
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Berkeley County, West Virginia 53
An Ordinance of the Honorable Convention of this Common-
wealth that the the different members named in the former commis-
sion of the Peace should continue to act in the said office upon their
taking the oaths presented In the said Convention: Whereupon the
said Ordinance being Read Robert Carter Willis and John Coke ad-
ministered the said oath to Samuel Washington, who administered
the same to the said Godwin Swift, Morgan Morgan and William
Patterson, who severally took the same and were sworn Justices of the
Commonwealth of Virginia accordingly.
The old Episcopal Church and graveyard at Shepherdstown in
Jefferson County, formerly part of Berkeley are deserted, but some
tombstones in the graveyard still remain. The following inscriptions
appear on two of these:
Sacred to the Remains of
Judith Baker,
Who departed this Life
the 19th day December, 1806,
Aged 71 years.
Sacred to the memory of
BfAJOB HbNBT Bn>INOEB,*
Who was born on the 16th day of
October, 1763, and died the 14th day
of May, 1843, aged 89 years,
six months and 28 days.
He served his country on the tented field from the
day of the beginning, until the close of the Revolution,
which gave his country a place amongst the nations of
the Eiarth, was wounded and taken prisoner at Fort
Washington, New York, and continued a short time on
board of the Jersey Prison ship, belonging to the British
Government, was a prisoner four years. He was an
upright magistrate, a kind friend, and an affectionate
relative, who discharged the duties of Life(?) He died,
as he lived, a firm believer in the divinity and religion
of Jesus Christ
^According to Heitman, he was Captain of the 3d Virginia Regi-
ment — the heroic Third, commanded successively by Weedon, Mercer
and Marshall.
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54 Tyleb'b Quabtebly Magazine
ROBERT BAILEY.
Perhaps the most all around sport that ever lived in Virginia
was Robert Bailey. He was undoubtedly possessed of talents,
which, had they been properly directed, might have ensured him
high position. He wrote a biography, which was printed in Rich-
mond by J. & S. Cochran, 1822, in which he gave an account of
himself that is as perhaps as near the truth as a man of his loose
character could make it. According to this he was bom in Chester,
Pennsylvania, April 29, 1773. His father was an Irishman, and
in the American Revolution was a major of artillery. He was
killed at the battle of the Cowpens. His mother was Margaret
Hite, a rich Quakeress.
The family lost their money by the Revolution, and after the
death of his father they removed to Culpeper Co., Virginia, which
he always afterwards claimed as the place of his birth, though it
was not.
The incidents of his early youth — ^his struggles to support his
mother and get an education — were much to his credit, and despite
every handicap he became a successful merchant of Staunton, and
was made captain of the best uniformed infantry company in that
city.
Then began his career of a gambler, into which he was seduced
by falling into bad company on a visit to Philadelphia. He went
the limit with women and cards, travelled all over the United
States, and was a constant attendant at the races and faro banks.
Sometimes he had thousands of dollars in his possession, and at
other times was in absolute penury. At one time, in 1803 he was
indicted at Staunton for keeping a faro bank, was convicted and
ordered to be hired out under the vagrancy law, a penalty which he
managed to evade.
But as he apparently never cheated or resorted to the low
tricks of gamblers, he contrived to retain a certain respect, and at
one time came within three votes of an election to Congress, in
the District represented by the Counties of Rockbridge, Bote-
tourt, Monroe, Greenbrier, Eanahway and Mason. He was owner
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Robert Bailey 55
of the Sweet Springs^ and at another time kept a Boarding house
in Washington frequented by members of Congress and other
public men.
The value of his book, if it has any at all, consists
in the side lights it throws on life in the United States in
the early part of the 19th century. It is evident that standards
of morality were not high. The spirit of betting was universal,
and raged in England and France as well. Charles James Fox
was a notorious gambler in England and Henry Clay in America
is said to have loved cards passionately. Men would wake up in
the morning, and the first thing they thought about was to get
up a bet on something, no matter how trivial. Fox bet with a
friend on the holes in a cullender and Fox won by taking the pre-
caution quietly beforehand to bore an extra hole.
Some idea of the boldness and resources of Bailey is afforded
in the following extract from his extraordinary confessions.
He went to England to sell mountain lands at one dollar an
acre, but he did not find the English as easy as he expected and
managed to dispose of only a thousand acres. The money thus
secured he soon got rid of and this adventure then occurred:
"After loseing and spending the whole of my last thousand dol-
lars, for which I sold the land, I did not know how to raise a new
fund. I walked incessantly, trying to sell more land, not a cent
in my pocket. I will here introduce the anecdote on myself, which
I preceedingly promised, it is one that I have often told in Hiis
country. I walked and got all the information I could. I at
length discovered where the noblemen played dice; after dining
together, they passed about sixty yards, to a house kept for that
purpose; they would have a porter at each door, and the house
afforded attendants and every refreshment.
"I must confess, I studied on this project; on a very dark
night I placed myself at this house, and waited until about twenty
of the nobility came rushing out, full of wine; and as they passed
me I caught one by the arm, in as familiar a way as if I had been
one of the party, as he supposed; we kept locked arms, and we
walked these sixty yards; he says to me, my lord, I feel very much
like winning tonight, I cant say so, I replied, I am rather dejected ;
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56 Tyler's Quarterly Magazine
why 80 my lord? damn it, you want another glass of Burgundy or
Champaign, we mush replenish when we get in; I will, sir, said
I; as we entered the first door I lay a little back, let several pass
me, and let my companion go in ; my heart palpitated as much as
when I fought Wigg;* I summoned all by resolution and yen-
tured up; all busily engaged; I seated myself with these nobility.
"My companion addressed himself to this lord, whom he sup-
posed he had been walking with, and said, will you drink Cham-
paign or Burgundy; as your spirits are low, I would recommend
Champaign. Why, so, do you suppose my spirits low? Because,
you observed, as we came along, that you felt dejected. I, sir,
you are mistaken ; very well sir, any way, take a glass of Burgundy
or Champaign, I want to make ten thousand out of you tonight;
tiiey took their wine together.
"I mixed in the crowd, and drank two glasses of Champaign;
this encouraged me very much, I felt as if I was socially asso-
ciated with old friends and pot fellows; they commenced the
game most eagerly, I among the rest; no person appeared to no-
tice me; an Irish nobleman, a very liberal gentleman, proposed
betting fifty thousand pounds sterling that he was in, when the
box came to him.
"Some one observed, tiiat it was too extravagant a bet, with-
out it was guaranteed by some real estate; the Irish nobleman,
pulling out his pocket book, and putting down the roll bills on
the bank, replied, by Jesus, gentlemen, I will shew you the roll
maps themselves to guarantee the bet; and the bet was made, and
the Irish nobleman won it.
"The box was coming near me, and by this time they had
sipped of the nectar copiously, and those who did notice me sup-
posed I had dined with them; this Irish nobleman who had won
the fifty thousand pounds looked at me stedfastly, and observed,
air, dont you bet? Yes sir, said I, but you bet too low for me;
tfiis gentleman observed, what do you wish to bet? I observed I
would bet fifiy thousand pounds, this gentleman to my right
*He refers to a duel he had with a man of this name, in which he
broke Wigg's arm with his pistol fire.
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EoBEBT Bailey 57
throws out, and one hundred thousand pounds I throw in; and
laid down an elegant pocket book, without one cent in it. Luck-
ily for me, the gentleman threw out; I let my pocket book re-
main, and the fifty thousand pounds that I had won; and lifted
the dice box and shook them well, to throw for the hundred thous-
and pounds. I was well acquainted with the game, having played
before for thousands. I dashed away, as bold as any of the party,
but fortune frowned, and I threw out
^'J was instantly seized with a sensation that disqualified every
faculty; I arose from the table in silence; upon reflection I ob-
served, gentlemen, you must act with me as you please, I am an
imfortunate young man, I have not one cent, I have imposed my-
self upon you; I passed the porters without notice, I came in
with you all, thinking by good fortune, I might raise some money
to take me home; I am from America, bred and bom in the State
of Virginia; I have lost and spent all I had, and now I have no
way to get home; I am honest; seeing and knowing as I did,
where you played, and this being a dark night, on your return
from your place of dining I took this gentleman by the arm and
walked with him as a companion, and ventured in among your
lordships to try my fortune ; I never was guilty of such impudence
before, and I do hope to be treated with lenity by your lordships.
*^This Irish gentleman, who had won the fifty thousand pounds,
first spoke, saying, he had won fifty thousand pounds, and had
lost it with me; and added, young gentleman you stand perfectly
excused, and I think you ought to have won, for the large dash
you made at us; pray sir, what is your name? and where did your
father go from? I told him my name was Bobert Bailey, and
my father was an Irishman, from the county of Derry, my mother
was bom and raised in America; he observed, that he knew all
my father's family, that they were respectable good people, linnen
drapers, and for the respect he had for the name and country,
and my bold dash, if I would accept of twenty guineas, it would
afford him pleasure to give it to me; and several others contri-
buted, to the amount of fifty guineas; I took two glasses of Cham-
paign, made them a bow and left the room, much elated with
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58 Tyleb's Quabtbrlt Magazine
my fortunate escape ; but iiad dame fortune smiled upon me, by
bestowing one hundred and fifty thousand, then indeed would my
heart hare been exulted, and I should have stood excused by my
own judgment, for so bold and hazardous an adventure. I have
often thought since, that if I had wone the one hundred and fifty
thousand, I would have relinquished the practice of gaming^ but
my nature is such, that a sum like that might have plunged me
into other excesses, than those to which I had been addicted, upon
a larger scale/'
REGISTER OP MARRIAGE BONDS OF GREENSVILLE
COUNTY, VIRGINIA, 178M808.
(Continued from Vol. II, p. 256.)
Compiled by Mbs. Dora Hedges Goodwyn, Emporia, Va,
Francis, Cordall & Letitia Hayley, 10 March, 1796. Henry
Hayley, father, consents. Willie Clark, Sec.
Freeman, Allan & Tempy Smelly, 24 Oct, 1798. Rhoda
Smelly, mother, consents. Isham Edwards, Sec.
Freeman, Edward & Molly Vaughan, 24 Oct, 1798. Isham
Edwards, Sec.
Freeman, Miles & Margaret Hudson, 12 March, 1804. Wm.
Atkinson, Sec.
Freeman, Peter & Sarah Jackson, 25 Feb., 1795. William
Edwards, Sec.
Gowing, Benjamin & Catherine Harris, 29 March, 1806.
Frances Hill, Sec.
Gowing, James & Rebecca Adams, 24 Nov., 1785. William
Brewer, Sec.
Gowing, Mark & Sarah Jones, 29 Sepi, 1794. Thomas Jones,
father, consents. Robert Brooks Com, Sec.
Gowing, Thomas & Sarah Jones, 24 July, 1794. William W.
Dungell, Sec.
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Registbb of Mabriaoe Bonds 59
Goodrich^ John & Bhoda Goodrich^ 9 May, 1798. Benjamin
Goodrich, father, consents. Howell Harris, Sec.
Goodrich, Washington & Frances B. Batte, 21 Feb., 1799.
Sarah Batte, mother, consents, & is Sec.
Goodrum, John & Abigail Harwell, 25 Oct, 1799. Parten
Bass, Sec.
Grant, Drewry & Nancy Hines, 30 Dec., 1795. Barham Hines,
father, consents. Wm. Andrews certifies that the groom is 23
years of age & the bride 22. Joshua Mayes, Sec.
Graham, George & Sarah Stark, 9 Oct., 1786. Mark Sexton,
Sec.
Graves, William & Susanna Randolph, 12 Nov., 1808, William-
son Graves, Sec.
Green, Benjamin & Polly Mabry, 12 Nov., 1798. Edmund
Lucas, guardian, consents. John Camp Sec.
Green, Jesse & Polly Chambliss, 8 June, 1790. Henry Cham-
bliss, Sec.
Green, John & Judith Mabry, 21 Dec., 1796. Abner Hill,
oec.
Green, Miles & Elizabeth Hunt, 15 Oct., 1789. Judkins Hunt,
oec.
Green, Willie & Agnes Chambliss, 29 Jan., 1789. Henry
Chambliss, Sec.
Griffin, Bichard & Elizabeth Wrenn, 11 Sepi, 1807. Abner
Lanier, Sec.
Griffin, William & Nancy Sykes, 8 Feb., 1804. Matthews
Davis, Sec.
Oi'igg? Carrol & Martha Blanks, 11 Feb., 1786. Ingram Blanks,
Sec.
Grigg, Edmund & Elizabeth Gregory, 23 Aug., 1802. Ingram
Blanks, Sec.
Grigg, Jesse & Rebecca Thweatt, 27 May, 1783. Lewis Grigg,
Jr., Sec.
Grigg, Lewis & Edith Watson, widow, 22 Nov., 1785. Jones
Wrenn, Sec.
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60 Tyler's Quarterly Magazine
Grizzard, John & Elizabeth Massey, 28 Feb., 1788. Richard
Massey, father, consents. Avent Massey, Sec.
Gwathmey, Isaac & Mary Cotton, 24 May, 1787. William An-
drews, Sec.
Hall, Hugh & Amy G. Tyus, 13 April, 1707. Joshua Lunday,
guardian, consents & is Sec.
Hall, John & Elizabeth Dupree, 15 Oct., 1794. Jacob Dupree,
father, consents. John Brown, Sec.
Hall, John & Elizabeth Jordan, 1 Oct., 1802. Wylie Peeblees,
Sec.
Hall, Richard & Martha House, 4 May, 1799. Lucy House,
mother, consents. Robert Hall, Sec.
Hall, Willis & Mary Camp, 2 Oct., 1790. Sally Camp, mother,
consents. Edmond Delbridge, Sec.
Hammonds, William & Susanna Rawlings, 5 April, 1805.
Elizabeth Rawlings, mother, consents. James Adams, Sec.
Hargrove, Dudley & Polly Coalman, 19 Jan., 1791. Capt.
Howell Harris, guardian, consents and is Sec.
Harris, Absalom & Clara Jeter, 14 Dec, 1785. John Jeter,
Sr., consents. John Jeter, Jr., Sec.
Harris, Charles & Dolly McKendree, 27 July, 1797. William
Walker, Sec.
Harris, Reuben & Mary Rawlings, 19 Oct., 1785. Thomas
Newsom, Sec.
Harris, Robert & Ann Lancaster, 7 Dec., 1789. Joseph Harris,
Sec.
Harris, Simon & Rebecca Davis, 22 March, 1796. Samuel
Davis, father, consents. Charles Harris, Sec.
Harris, Sterling & Patsy Woodroof, 8 April, 1790. Samuel
Avent, Sec.
Harris, William & Frances Branscomb, 4 Feb., 1793. Thomas
Branscomb, Sec.
Harris, William & Amy Going, 19 Dec., 1805. James (lowing,
Sec.
Harrison, Charles & Annie Brown, 10 Nov., 1806. John
Brown, Jr., Sec.
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Register of Maejbiaoe Bonds 61
Harrison, Edward & Frances Wilburn, 10 July, 1787. Wil-
l)%m Wilburn, Sec.
Harrison, James & Susanna Jones, 4 Dec, 1801. Benjamin
Jones, Sec.
Harrison, John & Eebecca Dillehay, 21 Sept., 1793. Charles
Dillehay, Sec.
Harrison, Joseph & Elizabeth Ferguson, 31 Aug., 1786. Wm.
Allen, Sec.
Harrison, Richard & Phoebe Harrison, 12 Dec, 1808. Har-
mon Harrison, father, consents. William Bichardson, Sec.
Hart, Jesse & Lucy Cato, 17 Dec, 1787. John Cato, father,
consents. Bobert Harris, Sec
Harwell, John, Jr., & Ann Spencer, 24 July, 1794. Boberi;
Spencer, father, consents. Peyton Harwell, Sec.
Harwell, John & Elizabeth Vaughan, 18 Sept, 1804. William
Adams, Sec
Harwell, Peyton & Sarah Parham, 5 Feb., 1790. William
Batte, guardian, consents. James Batte, Sec.
Harwell, Hansom & Bebecca Smith, 13 Jan., 1806. Lewis
Dupree, Sec
Harwell, Bobert & Polly W. Eppes, 19 Oct., 1804. Ingram
Blanks, guardian, consents. Burwell, Jr., Sec.
Harwell, William & Amy Smith, 20 Feb., 1786. Drewry
Adams, Sec
Hay, Archer & Mary Simmons, 21 July, 1806. Abner Lanier,
Sec.
Hayley, James & Anne Person, 22 March, 1798. Mary Per-
son, mother, consents. Henry Person, Sec.
Hayley, James & Elizabeth Eppes, 16 April, 1804. Nancy
Eppes, mother, consents. Turner Williamson, Sec.
Heath, Nathan & Sarah Collier, 12 March, 1782. Daniel
Collier, Sec
Heath, John & Lucy Vaughan, 13 Feb., 1787. William GriflSn,
Sec.
Heath, John & Wilmuth Eichards, 27 Dec, 1800. Tarpley
Young, Sec.
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62 Tylee's Quabterly Magazine
Heathcock, Charles & Lavinia Hicks, 13 Dec., 1794. Chas.
Williams, Sec.
Heathcock, Colley & Grief JeflEries, 24 July, 1794. Andrew
JeflEries, father, consents. Shadrach JefEries, Sec.
Heathcock, Howell & Mary Woodall, 30 Jan., 1788. Alley
Woodall, father consents. George Collier, Sec.
Heathcock, Joel & Nancy Heathcock, 24 Dec. 1795. Bannis-
ter Mitchell, Sec.
Heathcock, Meshach & Elizabeth Jones, 26 Dec, 1789. Ed-
ward Jones, Sec.
Heathcock, Reuben & Mary Jones, 6 Aug., 1793. Braxton
Robinson, Sec.
Hinton, James & Winny Rives, 6 Dec., 1786. Balaam Berry-
man, Sec.
Hobbs, Gilliam & Rebecca Sammons, 24 Dec, 1803. Mat-
thew Hobbs, Sec.
Hobbs, John & Jane Mabry, 3 March, 1787. Daniel Mabry,
Sec
Hobbs, John, Jr., & Keziah Fennell, 10 Sept., 1804. Isham
Fennell, father, consents. James Fennell, Sec
Hobbs, John H. & Sarah C. Smith, 3 March, 1807. James
Smith, father, consents. Jesse Butts, Sec.
Holly, Ezekiel & Anna Jones, 15 March, 1801. Robert Wat-
kins, Sec.
Holt, William & Frances Mabry, 26 July, 1786. William
Pettway, Sec
Howard, Edwin & Nancy Gowyn, 26 Dec, 1794. Benjamin
Young, Sec
Hues, Jacob & Mason Hearin, 12 March, 1804. Freeman
Hearin, Sec
Huldane, James & Rebecca Maclin, 24 Dec, 1799. Eliza-
beth Maclin, mother, consents. Peter Pelham, Sec.
Hunt, John & Agnes Sills, 18 Nov., 1790. Agnes Sills,
mother, consents. Jesse Atkins, Sec.
Ingram, Gaskins & Nancy Branscomb, 8 Aug., 1799. Sally
Branscomb, mother, consents. Robert Branscomb, Sec.
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Begisteb of Mabriage Bonds 63
Ingram, Isaac & Martha Ferguson, 6 Aug., 1804. William
Ferguson, father, consents. Stephen Jackson, Sec.
Inman, Matthew & Nancy Nichols, 4 Jan., 1804. Henry
Evans, Sec.
Israel, Abel & Sarah Whitehorn, 3 March, 1786. John White-
hom. Sec.
Jackson, Stephen & Polly Ferguson, 2*5 Dec., 1794. William
Ferguson, father, consents. Isaac Branscomb, Sec.
Jarratt, John & Levina Whittington, 8 Jan., 1787. Frederick
Whittington, father, consents. Carrol Grigg, Sec.
Jefferson, Lewis & Polly Hill, 10 Jan., 1799. Littleton Jef-
ferson, Sec.
Jeffries, Achilles & Mary Wall, widow, 5 March, 1783. Tim-
othy Rives, Sec.
Jeffries, Drewry & Sylvia Scott, 28 Jan., 1790. Andrew Jef-
fries, Sec.
Jeffries, Henry & Sarah Shehom, 18 Feb., 1808. Uriah Cook,
Sec.
Jeffries, Nathan & Clera Norton, 23 June, 1791. Refts Ste-
wart;, Sec.
Jenkins, Thomas & Sally Lucas, 25 Jan., 1783. John Lucas,
Sec.
Jeter, John, Jr., & Mary Rives, 3 Jan., 1786. Miel Ezell,
Sec.
Jeter, Edmund & Rebecca Rives, 13 Jan. 1791. Sarah Rives,
mother, consents. James McKendree, Sec.
Johnson, Benj., W. & Polly Foster, 16 March, 1802. Thomas
Pelham, Sec.
Johnson, David & Winny Sledge, 10 Feb., 1789. Steriing
Sledge, Sec.
Johnson, Edward & Elizabeth Burnett, 11 May, 1807, John
Burwell, Sec.
Johnson, James & Lucy Sandiford, 11 July, 1793. John Good-
wyn, Sec.
Johnson, John & Lucy Sissoms, 30 Dec, 1790. Steriing
Sledge, Sec.
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Johnson, Moses & Sarah Seward, 27 Dec., 1787. William
Garner, Sec.
Jones, Benjamin & Martha Bivers, 1 Oct, 1783. Bobert
Eivers, father, consents. Peter Pelham, Sec.
Jones, Edmund & Martha Batte, 24 Jan., 1793. John Batte,
father, consents. Thomas Eivers, Sec.
Jones, Henry & Sally Saunders, 15 Feb., 1797. Anselm Ivey,
Sec.
Jones, Henry & Elizabeth Hardy, 19 Dec., 1801. John Jones,
Sec.
Jones, Howell & Priscilla Vaughan, 13 Feb., 1789. Thomas
Vaughan, Sec.
Jones, John & Ann Young, 20 Feb., 1804. Edmunds Mason,
Sec.
Jones, John & Patsy Dean, 12 Feb., 1801. William Jones, Sec.
Jones, Lattana & Lucretia M. Night, 19 Nov., 1788. Micajah
Proctor, Sec.
Jones, William & Nancy Dean, 27 Dec, 1791. Henry Jones,
Sec.
Jones, William & Martin Loftin, 11 March, 1797. Martha
Loftin, mother, consents. William Sturdivant, Sec.
Jones, Willie & Tempo Ivey, 21 Dec, 1805. Benjamin Jones,
Sec.
Jordan, Benjamin & Elizabeth Clark, 27 Aug., 1801. Richard
Beese, Sec.
Jordan, Drewry & Sally Cato, 13 Feb., 1804. John Jordan,
Sec.
Jordan, James & Sally Young, 3 March, 1808. Nathaniel Pee-
bles, Sec.
Jordan, Upshur & Patsey Rivers, 23 Jan., 1800. William
Hinton, Sec
Jordan, Warren & Sally Vincent, 4 Dec, 1805. Allen Bass,
Sec.
Jordan, Willie & Elizabeth Goodrich, 30 Dec, 1799. Roland
Cato, Sec.
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Register of Marriage Bonds 65
Justice, John & Mary Dupree, 30 Nov., 1787. Lewis Dupree,
Jr., father, consents and is Sec.
Kerwin, John & Lncretia Gait, 30 Jan., 1804. Burwell Grigg,
Jr., Sec.
Lane, John & Sally Jones, 17 Aug., 1799. Henry Jones, father,
consents and is Sec.
Lane, Simon & Nelly Jones, 27 May, 179Q, Henry Mangum,
Sec.
Lanier, Abner & Mary Grigg, 27 Dec, 1808. Burwell Grigg,
Sec.
Lanier, Edward & Amy W. Goodrich, 27 Oct., 1800. Ben-
jamin Goodrich consents. John Goodrich, Sec.
Lanier, William & Bebecca Bobinson, 9 Nov., 1785. W. M.
Robinson, father, consents. William Andrews, Sec.
Lawrence, Edmund & Sarah Lanier, 5 Feb., 1794. Devereux
Lawrence, Sec.
Lawrence, James & Martha Woodford, 25 Feb., 1805. Wil-
liam B. Collier, Sec.
Lawrence, Jonathan & Mary Hazlewood, 10 May, 1802. In-
gram Blanks, Sec.
Lee, James & Mary Collier, 27 April, 1786. Thomas Collier,
father, consents. Hubbard Sykes, Sec.
Lee, Littleberry & Lucy Cook, 19 Jan., 1792. Susanna Cook,
mother, consents. John Burnett, Sec.
Llwellin, Edmund & Priscilla Grizzard, 18 March, 1790. Fred-
erick Emmery, guardian, consents & is Sec.
Llwellin, Edward & Polly Fielding, 27 Dec., 1806. Edward
Moor, Sec.
Llwellin, Tyson & Sally Hart, 27 May, 1790. Frederick Em-
mory, Sec.
Lewis, Edward & Elizabeth Porch, 12 Nov., 1807. Ingram
Porch, father, consents. Lewis Chambliss, Sec.
Lock, Charles & Mary Batte, 15 July, 1790. John Batte, Sec.
Lockhart, James & Clara Morris, 2 Sept., 1807. James Jeter,
Sec.
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66 Tyler's Quarterly Maoazine
Love, Alexander & Bebecca Vincent, 28 June, 1787. John Vin-
cent, father, consents. Henry Gowing, Sec.
Love, Thomas & Lucy Allen, widow, 14 April, 1808. John F.
Walker, Sec.
Long, Joseph & Annis Lawrence, 8 Sept., 1786. Carrol -Grigg,
Sec.
Lucas, Edmund & Betsy Hobbs, 11 Dec, 1784. John Hobbs,
Sec.
Lucas, Nathaniel & Sarah Rivers, 16 April, 1783. Robert
Rivers, father, consents. John Lucas, Sec.
(To be continued.)
MUMFORD AND MUXFORD FAMILIES.
It is not positively known whether these two families were
distinct or not, but a Munford and a Mumford family lived side
by side in Amelia County. The clerks, however, spelt the names
of the early members of the Mtmford family "Mumford.'^
There was a Thomas Mumford. who went to Virginia in the
First Supply, and was in two voyages with John Smith that year.
He returned to England most probably, where he was one of the
adventurers of the second Virginia Company of London in 1609.
February 18, 1664 Thomas Mumpford patented 300 acres of
land in Nansemond County. (Land Book, V, p. 58.)
April 20, 1685, Edward Mumford patented 148 acres at the
head of Poquosin dams in Warwick Co. (Land Book, VIII, p.
461.) He married Mary Watkins, daughter of Joseph Watkins,
son of Richard Watkins. This is shown by a land grant to Joseph
Mumford, "son and heir apparent of Mary Mumford, widdow,
late wife of Edward Mumford.*' This grant is dated 21 April,
1690. (Land Book, VIII, p. 33.
Edward and Mary Mumford, besides Joseph Mumford men-
tioned in the land grant, had the following children named in the
register at Abingdon Parish, Gloucester Co., where they appear to
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MUMFOBD AND MuNFORD FAMILIES 67
have lived after removing from Warwick Co.; Edward, bapt. July.
15, 1686, and Daniel, baptized Oct. 22, 1687.
It was probably Joseph Mumford named above, who had a son
Thomas, of Abingdon Parish, bom January 13, 1719-20, who on.
December 22, 1744, in the same parish, married Sarah Booker,
daughter of George Booker, of Gloucester Co.
This Thomas Mumford lived some years in King and Queen
County, and later moved to Amelia. The date of this change was
doubtless about 1757, for in that year Bichard Anderson and Hans-
ford Anderson of the Co. of King and Queen sold to Thomas Mum-
ford, "of the aforesaid County," 520 acres in Ealeigh Parish,
Amelia County, part of a grant of 1037 acres to Matthew Talbot
June 10, 1737.
On November 28, 1760, Thomas Tabb and John Tabb of the
Parish of Eawleigh, Amelia Co., for 60£, paid by Thomas Mum-
ford, one of the parties to these presents, made a release to "Bachel
Booker, Edward Booker, Bichard Marot Booker, exors. of Richard
Booker dec^d, Ann Booker and Edward Booker, exors. of Edward
Booker, decM., George Booker, Thomas Mumford, aforesaid and
Sarah his wife, Edward Booker and Hannah, his wife, James
Clarke and Samuel Tarry, all of the parish and couniy aforesaid.,'*
George Booker, of Gloucester County, father of Sarah Mumford,
was one of eight children of Capt Richard Booker, of Gloucester,
Edmund, Judith, Edward, Anne, Richard, John, Frances and
George, all of whom but George moved to Amelia Co. (See.
Booker Family, Va. Mag., VII, 94, et seq.; William and Mary.
QuaHerly, VII, 50.)
Thomas Mumford made his will in Amelia March 5, 1,785,
and in it names his children 1 Anne, 2 Thomas, 3 Martha Booker,
wife of Samuel Booker, 4 Edward, 5 Sarah Wiley. Witnessed by
George Booker, John Pride, Richeson Booker.
Thomas Mumford, jr., son of Thomas Mumford and ^arah
Booker his wife, made his will in Amelia 4th January, 1786, and
it was proved 25 January, 1787. Issue named, Mary Mumford,
to whom he gave his whole estate.
Edward Mumford, 2d son of Thomas Mumford was probably
the person of that name who served in the Revolution. He ap-
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68 Tti^eb's Quabtbblt Magazine
pears to hare left a son Marshall Booker Mumford named as
'Nephew'' in Thomas Mumford, jr's, will, and who married Mary
BMini in 1808. (Wm. A Mary Qnarteriy, XVI, p. 274). Ed-
ward Mumford had probably alao a non Thomas Mumford who
married Bebecca Hill.
(To be contintted.)
SAMUEL SWANN'S MARRIAGE TO ELIZABETH
FENDALL.
From ttie Records of Perquimons Co., K. C.
This Indenture made eighteenifa day of May Anno Domi 1698
between Samuel Swann of the precinct of Perquimons, of the
one part, and Henderson Walker, of the precinct of Choan of the
other part Witneeseth that whereas tiiere is a marriage shortly,
by Ood^s grace to be had and solemonized between the said Sam-
uel Swann and Elizabeth Fendall wid; and in consideration that
the said marriage takes effect frc ftc.
In Witness whereof the parties above said to these Indentures.
Interchangably hare set ihw hand and Seals, the day and year
firit id>eTe written.
Sealed and delivered in the presence of
Mary Lillington. Samuel Swann.
Robert R. Harmon, Inr Robert Fendall.
Acknowledged in Court the l(Mh day
of October 1698. Registered tiie
Hth day of October 1698.
John Stepney, Cler.
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TOMBSTO^XS 69
TOMBSTONES.
Communicated by Eev. S. 0. Southall, Dinwiddie, Va.
New Castle, Hanover County
Sacred to the Memory of
Mr. Isaac Brown. He was
a Natire of Derby in the
Island of Great Britain
But settled a merchant
in this place.
In tiie prime of Life,
* * * in the very moment of anxious
expectation,
♦ ♦ ♦ arrival of a beloved
♦ ♦ ♦ an infant family,
* ♦ ♦ pleased the Almighty
♦ ♦ ♦ take him to himself
♦ ♦ ♦ the Augt, 1785
♦ ♦ ♦ and Disconsolate widow
♦ ♦ ♦ t<^en of her aflPection
On the old Smith Place half a mile east of Diinwiddie C. H.
Capt John Hill,
Son of Col. Larkin Smith
Bom May 14, 1783,
Died March 28, 1843
'Vld Church/' Hanover Co.,
Here lies the corpse of Alexander
Mathy, son of Gabriel Mathy
Mercht in Greenoch who died
of his age.
30 af July, 1752, in the 20th year
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70 Tyler's Quabtehly Magazine
JAMES MADISON, SB.
James Madison, Sr., father of the President, was born March
27, 1723. He resided in Orange County and was Lieutenant
Colonel of the Orange Militia. He died February 29, 1801. Here
are copies of two papers in his handwriting now in possession of
W. W. Scott, the Law Librarian of the State.
1779 Majr Thomas Barbour to James Madison in Paper Cur-
reacy Dr
Novr 26. To 4% Sheet at 760 Dollars ^ £ S. D.
sheet is 3420 1 equal to 1026. 0.0.
To 6 Do at Do 4560r Do 1368.0.0
To Continental Certificate for 709 ** Do 212.14.0
1780, Octr, 28 Certificate from Henry Fry, Commissioner of
Culper for Beef 650. 0.0.
To Do from Johnny Scott, "
of Orange for Beef 785. 0.0.
To Do from Ditto Do
for Bacon 628.16.0.
To Do from Do Do
for Brandy 1000.10.0.
1800 April 12. Received at sundry times previouB to this the yalue
of thirty-four Pounds two shillings and seven pence towards dis-
charging Augustine Webb his ace to me: the balance appears now
to be due to me is one Pound seventeen shillings and ten pence %<i
paid to the Sheriff for Taxes ft Levies.
James Madison.
HISTORICAL AND GENEALOGICAL NOTES.
Armistead. — Northampton County Records, May 1, 1798:
"Account of the sales of the Estate of Capt. EUyson Armistead,
deced. To cash paid Susannah Armistead, widow of the decedent,
and guardian of Elizabeth and Frances Armistead, his orphans, as
per receipt.'* On Dec. 20, 1806, a division was made of his slaves
between Mrs. Armistead and Miss Frances Armistead. Capt
Armistead was son of Capt Ellyson Armistead of York County and
Jane, daughter of Rev. Charles Anderson, of Charles City Co.,
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Historical and Genealogical Notes 71
and Prances, his wife. He married Susannah Christian, of North-
ampton Couniy. See Vol. I, 192.
Appomattox Church in Westmoreland County was later
called Pope's Creek Church, but nothing of the original building
remains. It is said that the register of. baptisms, marriages and
burials of this church was extant about 1900, and a parishioner
had it in his home, where his children cut it up for paper dolls.
The will of Dorothy Baldridge, "of Appomattox, widow," dated
Nov. 2, 1662, and proved March 11, 1662-63, (recorded at Mon-
tross in "Deeds and Wills," No. 1, pages 188-89) contains this
provision : "It is my will and minde that a Bowie & Challace be
sent for out of England this shipping, & that my executor here-
after named shall pay two thousand pound of Tobacco & Caske
for them. Item, I give the said Cup or Bowie & Challace to the
Parish Church of Appomattox, to celebrate the Communion for-
ever. Item, It is my will that my name be engraved on the said
Bowie & Challace." Lamb's Creek Church, made of brick, ap-
pears to be the only one now standing within a few miles of Pope's
Creek.— C. A. Hoppin, 102 Waverly Place, New York.
King George Co. Will Book. — During the *TVar between the
States" many of the Record Books of the different counties of
Virginia were carried North by the Federal soldiers. Many have
been restored, either by purchase or by gift. Many doubtless still
remain somewhere in the North. Recently there has been re-
turned one of the will books of Bang George County, which it is
believed completes the colonial records of that historic county.
Queries.
Wimbish-Hendebson.— Two brothers, both physicians, of Salis-
bury, N. C, were married to two sisters of Halifax Co., Va., in 1851 —
Pleasant Henderson to Fanny Rebecca Wimbish and Alexander Martin
Henderson to Melinda Wimbish. I desire information regarding the
Wimbish family to which these ladies belonged. Address me: Archi-
bald Hendebsoit, Chapel Hill, N. C.
PonvoB-DiGOBS. — ^John Poynor, of French extraction, said to be of
Dinwiddle Co., Va., married Digges (Eliza) probably between
1775-1800. Who were their parents and from what Co.? Three of
their children (girls) married and lived in Mecklenburg Co., Va.;
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72 Tyler's Quabtebly Magazine
one Bon, Digges Poynor, lived in Brunswick Co., Va. Wm. Poynor,
Capt. in Va. Troops, Cont Line. Who was he?— M. W. J.
FiivcH.— Whose daughter was the wife of Wm. Finch (will 1773)
of Charles City Co., Va.? She was probably a Wilson. They had a
grandson, MaJ. Wilson Walker.— M. W. J.
Palmhu— Who were Capt Martin Palmer's (York Co.) wife and
children?— M. W. J.
Wanted.— Will pay any reasonable sum for No. 2, Vol. XTV (Octo-
ber, 1905) of William and Mary College Quarterly. ^BEXfj amis L.
Ancell, Mahan School, Yangchow, China.
BOOK NOTICE.
The Mortons and Their Kin, A genealogy and a source book. By
Daniel Morton, M. D., F. A. C. S., St. Joseph, Missouri. 1920.
Compiled between the years 1880 and 1920 and assembled in two
typewritten y'olumes. Volumes One being The Mortons, and Volume
Two being The Morton Kin.
A collection of genealogical material from original sources relat-
ing to the Morton family of Virginia and especially to John Morton
and his descendants, together with a great amount of data concerning
the following families kin to the Mortons: 1 Ashton, 2 Banks, 3
Batchellor, 4 Bamer, 5 Beale, 6 Beckwith, 7 Bellfield, 8 Blanchan, 9
Botomley, 10 Bos, 11 Caldwell, 12 Cocke, 13 Cooke, 14 Calhoun, 15
Colston, 16 Dayis, 17 Dinwiddle, 18 DuBois, 19 Edwards, 20 Eltinge,
21 Gregory, 22 Haden, 23 Hawkins, 24 Hite, 25 Johnson, 26 Jorrissen,
27 Lane, 28 Means, 29 Meriwether, 30 Motherhead, 31 Mountjoy, 82
Pannill, 33 Payne, 34 Perrin, 35 Pryor, 86 Royall, 37 Slecht, 38 Smith,
39 Tarpley, 40 Terrell, 41 Thornton, 42 Van Meter, 43 Wood. There
are hundreds of other surnames of interest to persons studying family
history connected with Virginia, New York, Pennsylvania and K^i-
tucky. All of which has been assembled from court records, county
records, legal papers, Bible records, family records, historical pikers,
letters, biographical sketches, funeral orations and other sources. A
family tree sets out the ancestry of the author and, of course, serres
the same purpose for all descendants of this line of Mortons and their
kin. There are eight hundred typewritten letter size pages bound in
two Tolumes of four hundred pages each. Only three copies of the
work haye been made, each copy being a set of two yolumes. One
set has been placed in the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
One set in the Newberry Library at Chicago, Illinois, and at the death
of the author one set will be placed in the Public Library at Kansas
City. It is hoiked that these records may be thus preserved against
destruction, and as far as possible, made available for every one in-
terested in the family histories herein set forth.
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l''0\l 3 1921 ';
Z^S/v 3o5".«i<5--i
Vol. in. No. 2.
OCTOBER, 1921
anb
(Genealogical iMagajine
Editor: LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL. D,
Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office in Richmond, Va., according
to act of Congress.
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^p(er'£( ©uarterlp ||is(torital antr
#enealosical iHaga^ine
Vol. III. OCTOBER, 1921. No. 2.
NOTICE
Annual subscription, $4.00. 8ingle numbers, S1.25.
As back numbers of the old William and Marj' Quarterly, of which I was
proprietor, have become very scarce, single copies, as far as had, may be ob-
tained from me at S2.00 apiece.
LYON G. TYLER, Editor
711 Travelers Building, - - - Richmond, Va.
CONTENTS
Ideals of America 73
Virginia, Founder of the World's Navies 84
Correspondence Relating to Lord Botetourt 106
The Lanier Family 126
Historical and Genealogical Notes 142
Book Reviews 147
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Genealogical iKaga^
Vol. III. OCTOBER, 1921 No. 2
IDEALS OF AMERICA.
The celebration of the settlement at Pljrmonth has given oc-
casion for a joy ride which has borne along all the writers for newt-
papers and popular magazines. Like a company of boys and girls
in a fast going automobile they fill the air with rapturous squeaks
and shrieks. The Mayflower compact is the starting point for
this maddening historic revel, and even as sedate a paper as the
New York Evening Post, in its issue of August 2, has given its
great influence to the claim that Pl]rmouth was ^'the birthplace of
democracy.'*
If all this was only a joy ride of a day^ a revel of a night, its
violation of historic truth might be passed by without serious
questioning. But this is not the case. Hundreds of pens this
moment are busy at work trying to make the words which are
shouted out on the palpitating air accepted matters of history,
and this sort of thing does not exactiy go down with those who
regard history as a serious matter, and not exactiy the thing to be
made subject to exploitation and propaganda.
Beginning witii democracy, it is not true in any sense that
the Mayflower compact warrants the claim that Plymouth was
the birthplace of democracy. The Mayflower compact was merely
an agreement of the 41 signers to associate together, make laws,
and obey the laws when made. In this they did nothing more
than other societies had done. The persons interested in the
London Company must have first assembled, associated together
and agreed to abide by the will of the majority. Had the com-
pany (certainly under the charters of 1609 and 1612) come to
America* the political authority which they wielded over the Cq1»
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74 Ttlsb's QuABTEBrv Magazine.
onists Bent over would have come into effect over themselves in-
dividually as well. The embodiment of their plans in a formal
paper voiced by the King did not alter the fundamental facts one
way or another. And so as has been well said by a recent writer^
the action of the Pilgrim fathers rose from the exigencies of their
situation and not from ^^any preconceived philosophical notions^'
of any kind. (Adams, The Founding of New England, 98.)
To show that they intended nothing out of the ordinary they
made haste the very next year to seek and obtain from the Ply*
mouth Company imder whose dominion they found themselves a
patent exactly of the same governmental nature as the Compact,
and in 1630 they obtained another. During this time they tried
their best to get a charter from the King.
It is sometimes said that because these patents did not receive
the sanction of the King, the Plymouth Colony existed from the
beginning to the end on the Majrflower Compact. But this reason-
ing is not at all satisfactory. The Plymouth Company had, under
their charter of 1620 full powers of government, and until the
King signified his dissent to their orders they had actual valid
authority. Even if they were illegal, so was the Mayflower Com-
pact, but the Plymouth Company^s grants, while giving the same
basis for a civil compact between the inhabitants of Plymouth, had
the advantage of being the last in time and were asked for and
accepted by them, despite the Mayflower Compact
But what was the society formed by the 41 signers? New
England writers represent it as a democracy, but it was no such
thing. It was an aristocracy pure and simple. The 41 signers
acted from the start as an exclusive body and only cautiously ad-
mitted new comers into partnership in power. In 1643 the num-
ber of males at Plymouth of military age was 627, but only 230
exercised the suffrage {Plymouth Records VIII, 173-177). As
the years rolled by the franchise became more and more restricted,
until it finally resembled the system which prevailed in the neigh-
boring colony of Massachusetts Bay (Channing, History of the
United States, I, 316). All power was vested in a few favored
individuals called ^^Freemen," in contrast to the poor ^^inhabi-
tants/' who constituted by far the greater part of the population.
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Ideals of Ambrioa. 75
While church membership was apparently not required for citizen-
ship at Plymouth and its associated towns^ every freeman had in
1671 to be "orthodox in the fimdamentals of religion/* And
Palfrey in his Nev? England admits that this law, which was very
probably only a legislative recognition of the practice of much
earlier times, amounted practically to a requirement of Church
membership. (Palfrey, New England, II, 8.) In 1691 the PJy-
mouth Colony was incorporated by the King with Massachusetts.
In his Fathers of New England, Dr. Charles M. Andrews of Yale
University, declares that with the single exception of giving to
New England the Congregational Church, the Plymouth settlers
were "without importance in the world of thought, literature or
education.*' Now it seems that Massachusetts Bay extended its
ideals to Plymouth rather than Plymouth to Massachusetts Bay.
And what were these ideals of Massachusetts? Autocracy,
persecution and a system of education, directed, as in Qermany be-
fore the World War, to autocratic ends. Not a suggestion of
democracy, freedom of religion, or education, contemplating a real
generous purpose or culture of a modem example.
As the charter of this colony vested authority only in those
named in it and such as they chose to elect to share the authority,
it appears that out of the hundreds that came with Endicott in
1628 and Winthrop in 1630 only about eleven had any voice in
the government. These, according to the use of the term, were
the only "freemen,** and though the number of freemen was
shortly increased by the favor of these first, citizenship was con-
strued as a privilege and not a right aad made to depend upon
membership in the Congregational Church, so timt during nearly
all the 17th century five-sixths of the people of Massachusetts
were deprived of the ballot and taxed without any real representa-
tion.
It accordingly follows that as the very limited number of
ireemen were the only persons permitted to vote in the towns,
the towns were oligarchies and not democracies. And this oligarchi-
cal character was intensified by the authority of religion, which
made a select clique consisting of the minister and deacons and a
few favored laymen of highly orthodox godliness the real rulers
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76 TtLBB's QOjimTHtLY IfAOAJaNX.
of every town. When a stranger asked Parson Phillips of the
South Church at Andoyer ^^f he were the parson who serves
here/' he received this reply^ ^T. am, sir, flie parson who rules here.^
(Charles M. Andrews in Colonial Folk Wa^, p. 166). This same
clique dictated who should represent the towns in the General
Court, which made the laws of the Colony. And the Councillors
or assistants, constituting the upper branch of the (General Court,
were secured a permanent oflScial tenure by reason of the law af*
fording to them ^^precedency of all others in nomination on the
election day.'' So the Bev. Mr. Stone iq)tly described Massadiu-
•etts in the 17th century as ^^a speaking aristocracy in face of
a silent democracy."
Though the charter of King William in 1691 introduced vari*
ous salutary political reforms in Massachusetts, chief among which
was the abolition of church membership for citizenship, the essen*
tial principles of the Massachusetts (Jovemment remained the same
till long after the American Bevolution. The same little cliques
maintained their hold on the towns and the ballot continued to be
very Umited. Dr. J. F. Jameson shows* that just before the
American Bevolution only half as many people voted in Massachu*
setts as did in Virginia.f Distinctions in society were as promi*
nent a feature in the life of the Commcmwealth as it had been in
that of the Colony. To the very end of the colonial days dis-
tinctiona were observed with such punctilious nicety that the
students at Harvard College were arranged according to the
dignity of their birth and rank.
The political ideas of Massachusetts were accepted in all the
other New England Ccdonies. The basis of rule in each was a
select body of "freemen," vested with the powers of government.
This proved true even of Bhode Island, whose towns began their
existence as a protest to the tyranny of Massachusetts by the estab»
lishment temporarily of real democratic governments. The first
authentic form of government established within the present ter^
ritorial jurisdiction of Rhode Island was the charter obtained
*Dr. Jameson in Now York NoHon for April 27, ISM.
tWilliam an4 liary Quarterly, VI, 7-11.
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Ideals ow Ami^uoa. 77
fram Parliament in 1644, which recognized the rule of a majori^
of the inhabitants. But this gorenmient had only a troubled and
barely recognized existence, and in 1668 a charter was granted to
William Brenton, Boger Williams, and others, inyesting them with
the powers of a close corporation. Only such persons as they se-
lected, had any concern in the government, ^^n short, it abro-
gated the democratic goremment established by the charter of
1644 and created an oligarchy in its stead.''* The ballot in Bhodt
Island became very restricted, and it took a rebellion in 184!S to
OYertum the aristocratic establishment
The governments of Connecticut, New Haven, New Hampshire
and Maine were in the same lines of exclusiveness. Church mem*
bership was not expressly required in Connecticut, but as the ap-
plicant for the franchise had to be a man of ^^peaceable and honest
conversation,'' this was very apt to mean church membership in
practice. No one but a church member could be elected governor
and in choosing the Assistants or Councillors, the same rule of
^'preference" prevailed here as in Massachusetts. In none of the
colonies was the tenure of oflBce more constant or persevering.
In New Haven the aristocratic model was adopted by Bev.
John Davenport and his followers, and a strictly church State was
erected. The body of free burgesses was very cautiously enlarged
from Court to Court
'^y no stretch of the imagination," says Dr. Charles M. An-
drews, Professor of History at Yale University, "can the political
conditions in any of the New England Colonies be called popular
or democratic. Government was in the hands of a very few men."
Neither was there much change with the American Bevolution.
The towns still continued in the grasp of the autocratic cliques.
As late as 1793 a newspaper writer complained that in Connecti-
cut the chief magistrates were often chosen by one-twentieth of
the legal voters. And in 1798 a writer from Norfolk County,
Massachusetts, declared that "the country people this way in gen-
eral never prepare their minds previous to a town meeting, and
^"Memorial of the Democratic Members of the Rhode Island
Legislature," in Report of Mr. Burke, 28th Congress, 1st Session.
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78 Tylsb's Quabtsbjly Magazine.
)
were therefore under the influence of their most influential and
learned men, particularly the moderator.'^ (BobinBon, Jeffer-
sonian Democracy in New EngUtnd.) This explains why New
England became the headquarters of the Federalist pariy, which
had a fear of and contempt for popular rule.
It was not till 1804 that a real democratic spirit began for
the flrst time to exert itself upon the Puritan States. It came
with the second election of Jefferson who carried all New Eng-
land, except Connecticut And the democratic influence in 1804
did not come from Plymouth, but from Virginia. A brief re-
view of the facts will make this clear.
During the Colonial times in Virginia the chief power was
▼ested in the House of Burgesses, and the basis of this house was
remarkably free. Two years before the Pilgrims came to America
the London Company, granted to Virginia a charter which auth-
orized ''the inhabitants'' to elect burgesses to share in the govem-
ment By virtue of this authority the first Assembly met at James-
town July 30, 1619. This was more than a year before the Ply-
mouth Compact.
After the revocation of the charter the right of suffrage was
restricted to the ''freemen,'' but this did not mean a selected num-
ber as in Massachusetts, but all persons not servants or slaves. It
included even free negroes. In 1671 the suffrage was limited to
''householders" and "freeholders," but as the act did not designate
the amount of the freehold, the status of the suffrage was not
materially changed by this law. (Spottswood's Letters, II, p. 1.)
It was not till 1736, after the House of Burgesses had existed 117
years, that a real limitation ensued. In that year the require-
ment of a definite amount of land was for the first time declared.
But even after that time many more people voted in Virginia
than in Massachusetts. (Dr. J. F. Jameson in New York Nation
April 27, 1893.) Notice too that suffrage rested on a general law,
not on selection.
It is not denied that there was a strong aristocratic influence
in Colonial Virginia. But it was largely spectacular, and con-
etantiy lost power. Negro slaves took the place of the menial
whites of New En£:land, and color, and not class, became the real
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Ideals of Ambbica. 79
distinction in society ; and as time went on every white man in the
18th century had to be treated as an equal and be accosted in public
as 'Tiister" — ^a term of respect Writing of the times immediately
anterior to the Bevolution, Si G^rge Tucker said that there was
no such thing as 'dependence of classes'* in Virginia, and that
•'the aristocracy of Virginia was as harmless a set of men as ever
existed/'
Edmund Randolph, who was one of the aristocrats, referred to
the influence of the aristocracy at the beginning of the Revolution,
as 'little and feeble and incapable of daring to resist any privilege
clashing with the rights of the people at large/' (Henry's Henry,
I, 209.) Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to John Adams as late as
1814, derided the power of the Virginia aristocracy both before
and after the Revolution and referred, in contrast, to the "tradi-
tionary reverence" paid to "certain families in Massachusetts and
Connecticut, which had rendered the offices of those governments
nearly hereditary in those families." (WiHiam and Mary College
Quarterly, XXIII, 227; XXVI, 279.)
Nor were there any rules regarding quality at William and
Mary College, nor any election laws affecting the precedence of
applicants for office, as in New England.
The ultimate consequences of the social forces in Virginia and
New England made themselves felt when for the first time after
the American Revolution the two communities had the opportunity
of directing, without foreign restraint, the government of their own
country. Virginia became the headquarters of the Democratic
Republican pariy — the party of popular ideas — and New Eng-
land the headquarters, as we have observed, of the Federalist party
— ^the party of aristocratic ideas.
In the literature of the first twenty-five years after Inde-
pendence nothing is more conspicuous than the hatred displayed
by the oligarchies of New England against Jefferson and Virginia.
He expounded a doctrine that was particularly hateful to them, and
he soon felt the government shake under him by their frantic efforts
in the town meetings. But in 1804 came his re-election as Presi-
dent and glorious victory, when he carried all New England ex-
cept Connecticut Twelve years later the Federalist party — ^the
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80 Tylbb'8 Quastbut MxaAZUHK.
pet of New England— had ceased to ezisir— and the Jeflersomaii
principle of the equalily of men was adopted by all parties and
carried by New England to an excess.
The second principle characteristic of New England was per-
secution. Maasachuaetts led in tbis^ as in the autocratic prin-
ciple^ and Episcopalians^ Baptists and Quakers successively felt
the weight of her iron hand. Pljrmouth was never as great a
sinner as Massachusetts^ but as we have seen the basis of its politi-
cal life was the Congregational Church, and there as elsewhere
the other sects were outside the pale. In Plymouth very severe
proceedings were adopted against the Quakers, with warm protests
from those who sympathized with them, but Connecticut pun-
ished any town for permitting them to remain within its jurisdio-
tion, and any ship captain who landed them had to take them out
again under heavy penalties. In New Haven a much sharper
treatment still was visited upon them. Even in Bhode Island
founded on the Puritan persecutions of Massachusetts, and where
liberty of conscience was first preached in America, the ideals of
Massachusetts blackened the record. Among the first laws enacted
in Bhode Island after the charter of 1663 was one denying to Bo-
man Catholics the right to vote or hold ofSce.
Again Dr. Andrews may be quoted concerning religious con-
ditions in Colonial New Enyg^and, ^'Of toleration in New England
except in Bhode Island there was none.'' (Andrews, The Fathers
of New England, 74.)
Virginia had been by no means free from the persecuting spirit
in colonial times, but the courts seldom inflicted severe punish-
ments, and in the Declaration of Rights in 1776 freedom of con-
science was put for the first time upon a philosophic footing. The
paper of George Mason has this distinctive characteristic and no
other paper previous to it has. After the Bevolution the con-
stitution of Massachusetts still gave the Congregational Church
the preference and New England as a whole was priest ridden.
The labors of the Methodist apostie, Jesse Lee, of Virginia (from
1789 to 1797), and the Baptist missionary, John Leland (from
1799-1824), who though bom in Massachusetts, was by long
residence a Virginian in heart and principle, prepared the way for
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Urn statesman Jefferson, whose sncoess in 1804 was as much one for
rtligious freedom as for political liberty.
We are told in the Memoin of Bct. Jesse Lee that the old
qf>irit of persecution in New England was still so rampant at ilia
time of his risit that he reoeiyed much harsh treatment, and was
often denied the use of the meeting houses and had to preach on
liie streets. The spiritual desolation of large parts of the country
through which Mr. Lee passed was as surprising as it was pain*
ful. There were hundreds of families and neighborhoods where
a minister ncTer came. He sometimes found 'lewd fellows'' in
the congregations disposed to insult the minister and bring his
serrices into contempt In Provincetown, where the Pilgrims
first put foot to land, he and his fellow Methodists were refused
by the town authorities the right to put up a church, and when
the Methodists nevertheless collected materials to proceed with
the work a company of men assembled at night and burned the
lumber.
Mr. Lee Tisited the melancholy scene in the morning and said
sadly: ^'I feel astonished at the conduct of the people, consider-
ing we live in a free country and no such conduct can be justified.''
Jefferson's re-election in 1804 put the stamp of success upon
the work of Lee and Leland; and the doctrine of religious free*
dom, which they all three taught, went to leaven the whole mass
of society in New England. Never again was the diuroh the same
in that section of the country.
Through the great infiuences of the light brought from Yir*
ginia, laws were gradually passed disestablishing religion, and the
authority of the autocrats declined. The Calvinistic doctrine of
Predestination upon which the preachers based their political in*
fluence became an obsolete dogma.
We now come to the third ideal of Massachusetts, which has
been greatiy exploited — ^its school system. No nation laid greater
strsss on its school system than Germany before the late World
War, and yet there were no greater sinners against humanity and
the international law than the (German professors. It all de«
pends upon the object to which a school system is directed
whether it is a good thing or not In Germany the whole pur-
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pose was to strengthen the hands of the autocrats^ and in Massa-
chusetts the schools serred a similar purpose. The maintenance
of the theocracy was the real things which is proved by the fact
tiiat the law forbade all but members of the Congregational Church
from teaching school. '^Every grammar master had to be ap-
proved by the minister of the town and the ministers of the two
next adjoining towns^ or any two of them^ by certificate under their
hands.''
When we come to consider the operation of the system^ it was
singularly defective. The selectmen had to appoint the teacliers
but the parents had to pay them^ so the schools were never free
schools in our sense. Nor was there any regularity in the schools.
The statutes complain from time to time of the ^'shameless neglecf
of the towns in observing the laws. Many towns preferred to pay
the fines than have a school^ and in the records there is frequent
mention of gross ignorance of the children, which required them
to be bound out The few schools that existed were taught two
months in winter and two months in summer^ and the education
imparted was a bare ability to read and write. Most of the people
could do neither.
The autocratic ideal of education^ of which Massachusetts was
the champion^ entered into the life of all the other Colonies of
New England. Whatever real output there was went to the main-
tenance of the church. Sometimes^ out of the dense mass of igno-
rance^ there arose a learned minister^ who had been through the
Harvard Grammar School^ but very seldom a learned lawyer or
learned anybody else. The people, especially of Rhode Island and
Plymouth, were singularly illiterate, and records written by town
officers and letters written by even prominent persons in New
England are full of bad spelling. Of Plymouth, W. Boot Bliss writes
in his Old Colony Tatan: *There were no free schools. 'Every
scholler that comes to wright or syfer or to lem Latin shall pay
3 pence per weeke, if to Beade Only then to pay three half pence
per weeke,' says the town Becord of July 31, 1699." As late as
1793 a project to establish a school for girls at Plymouth was op-
posed because it might teach wives how to correct their husbands
errors in spelling.
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Ibxals of Ahbkioa. 83
The true ideal of Public Education came from a native and
resident of Virginia^ not from the Massachusetts School System.
This colony had many more educated people than New England^
and the single County of York (including Williamsburg and York-
town) had more private libraries than perhaps all New England
put together. In making the education of the poor and the estab-
lishment and support of William and Mary College a matter of
public legislation^ it recognized that education was a matter of
public concern. Now while it cannot be claimed that this recogni-
tion extended to the present educational ideal, it was a Virginian,
Thomas Jefferson (taught at William and Mary) that gave to the
world the true plan of the public education. The principles of his
great bill of 1779 afforded, for the first time, the real basis of the
public school system as it exists in the United States to-day. No
other person had so complete a grasp of the situation, and his
measure was the most luminous conception ever presented to a
legislative body. Under his system education was to be free and
it was to be a State matter, not a town matter, a unit and not
a plurality. More important still its object was to enable the citi-
zen to know his rights and duties as such, which was something
totally different from the Massachusetts idea of strengthening and
maintaining a theocratic oligarchy.
To what is to be attributed the origination by Virginia or at
least by Virginians, of the ideals which now dominate the Ameri-
can people? The answer is to be found in the spread of the free
thought and scientific enquiry that characterized the middle of
the eighteenth century. The writings of Voltaire, Bousseau and
Montesquieu, repudiating the dogmatism of the churches and the
authority of rulers, were reinforced by the researchers of the natural
philosophers, and found a generous welcome in Virginia. In 1758
Francis Fauquier, a devotee of the sciences and Fellow of the
Soyal Society, arrived as governor and the same year Dr. Wil-
liam Small, the associate of Erasmus Darwin and James Watt,
came to Williamsburg as professor of mathematics and natural
philosophy in the College of William and Mary. At Williams-
burg speculation on all kinds of questions became rife. Fauquier
and Small delighted in the society of young men, and at Fau-
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84 Tylkr's Quavtebly Mai^jucink
qoicr't taUe^ wli«re Small was a eonstant attandaat^ tiie youth of
Virginia karned th«ir leatons in the ciril and religioas lights of
nuuL Among the stodents on whom profound impremon was
made was Thomas Jeflerson.
He absorbed the spirit that floated about him and became its
noblest expression. And witii his marrelons power of impiesBing
others, he created the Americanism of today and is incomparably
tile greatest vital force in American histoiy.
VIRGINIA, FOUNDER OF THE WORLD'S NAVIES.
Virginians at Jamestown in 1607 laid the Fovkbatiok of this
great Republic, and in 1619 they laid broad and wide the Pouvda*
TiON of its democracy, at the Ass^nbly that year, elected by tiie
free Tote of all the ''inhabitants*' of Virginia. By Virginians
driving away the French in 1613 and 1614 from the New Eng-
land Coast, and saving the Plymouth Colony from starvation in
1622^ as the good Bradford himself narrates, they enabled the
Pilgrim Fathers to make their stand on this continent, and thus
Virginia was the Founder of New England.
More than any other of the colonies, Virginia, under the leader-
^ip of Patrick Henry and George Washington, Foundbd the Union
and secured the independence of the Country. And under the
leadership of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, George Mason,
John Marshall and Edmund Randolph they had a chief part in
Founding for that Union the government under which we live.
Democracy, whose foimdation a century and a half before,
had been laid at Jamestown, had admittedly, at the time of the
American Revolution and afterwards, its best expression in the
Statesman Thomas Jefferson, who wrote the immortal Dedara*
tion of Independence; and the Democratic-Republican party, of
irtiich he was the head and inspiration, had its headquarters in Vir-
ginia, during all the early days of the Republic. The Federalists^
who had their headquarters in New England, had Httle confidence
in a strictly popular rule.
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ViBoiNLi^ FouimsB OF TM Wo»ld'» Navy. fiS
Threugh its Prestdents^ Waahingtoni JefEenon^ Monroe aBi
Tyler^ the Republic was expanded tiU^ in the place of a fledgling
nation stretching along the Atlantic coast about 400 miles inland,
there was Foundbd tf Continental power reaching 3^00 miles
from one ocean to the other.
No State or Naticm, of either the old or new worid, has fur-
nished to history such a host of ideal men as Virginia, and we
can challenge any of them to show two such noble characters as
George Washington and Bobert Edward Lee. And there were
also such men as Jefferson, Madison, Marshall, Monroe, Joseph E.
Johnston, Stonewall Jackson, &c. — ^masterful men — pure of speech,
chaste of action and sublime of eharacter.
The North, on tiie other hand, though it has produced many
able men, masterful men, has produced no ideals. We can admire
the intellectual power of Benjamin Franklin and Alexander
Hamilton, but their private lives were highly immoral and not fit
to be cited for the imitation of the youth of the land. We can
admire some of the writings of Abraham Lincoln, a distinctly in-
ferior man intellectually to Franklin or Hamilton, but, if there
were no other objections to him, and there are not a few, we would
hardly care to teach our children to imitate his example of telling
filthy stories.
And so in regard to Webster, John Adams, John Quincy
Adams, Ulysses S. Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, Henry Ward
Beecher, &c. In them we recognize plenty of intellectuality but
often traits so unlovely as forever to prevent ihem from being
ideals. The best of these morally were the two Adamses, but the
childish vanity of the one and Uie fierce malignity of the other,
as shown by his Diary, can not justly give either of them a place
among America's ideal heroes.
The simple truth has been that the North, in laying stress
upon the commercial values of men, has not been able in any age
to produce that ideality which is a combination of supreme pa*
triotism, complete disinterestedness and perfect purity of speech
and conduct The society of Virginia and the South, with all its
imperfections, resulted in inspiring a high and scrupulous sense
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86 Tyucb's Quarterly Maoazinb.
of honor/ and the Southern citizen^ however faulty himBelf^ de-
manded perfection in his heroes.
This sentimental value attaching to men in the South explains
why the favorite songs of the nation have been songs redolent of
the South. Each state of the South has its songs^ and ^^Dixie'^ is
the song of a section which never fails, whenever heard, to arouse
enthusiasm. The "Sewanee Biver," "My Old Kentucky Home/*
"Carry Me Back to Old Virginia/* and countless other songs, by
authors wherever bom, were inspired by the spirit of the South.
Indeed, the euphonious names of the Southern States — ^Virginia,
Carolina, G^rgia, Alabama, &c., lend themselves to song, but it
is well-nigh impossible to associate song with such raucous names
as Massachusetts, Bhode Island, Connecticut, and New York.
There is no song like "Dixie'* marking oflE the North as a distinct
section. Indeed, history shows that the State and locality ap-
pealed more to the Southern man than to the Northern.
There is, in truth, a kind of all embracing meaning attaching to
the name of Virginia, which is very suggestive. Virginia was the
name given to the whole of North America by the Virgin Queen
Elizabeth of England, and Plymouth and New England and New
York were only parts of North Virginia. "United States of
America** are not a name but mere words of description. The
real historic name for the Bepublic is Virginia, and there could
be no sweeter, cleaner or purer designation.
Call this talk "heroics** if you choose, but it is at least satis-
factory to the writer, and wil suit very well as an introduction to
his article. So many Foundings were accomplished throu^ the
agency of Virginia, that it is not surprising that, in addition to
what has been mentioned, Virginia may claim to be Founder of
the World's Navies.
The publication in this magazine, for the first time, it is be-
lieved, of the official report of John L. Worden, captain of the
Ericsson Battery, the Monitor, revives the memory of an affair
*Hence the "honor system" which prevailed at William and Mary
College, the University of Virginia, the University of North Carolina
and other Southern schools and colleges.
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ViEGINIA, FOUNDEB OF THE WoBLD's NaVY. 87
which justifies the claim^ and it may be set forth briefly as follows :
During the night of April 20, 1861, the United States forces
abandoned the Norfolk Navy Yard, after a pariial destruction of
the ships, stores and cannon at that depot. Among the vessels
then at the Navy Yard, out of commission, was thje United States
frigate Merrimac. She belonged to the new class of fifty gun
frigates of 3,500 tons, with auxiliary steam power. She was built
at Chariestown, Massachusetts, in 1855, and had made several
cruises, and upon returning from her last cruise was put out of
commission at the Norfolk Navy Yard and was moored alongside of
the dock. In her best days, her speed, under steam power, had not
exceeded seven miles, and it had run down, at the dose of her last
service, to four or five miles per hour. At the evacuation of Nor-
folk, she was set on fire and burnt to the water^s edge, and her
machinery and boilers were still further damaged.
The Confederate Government did not lose much time, but raised
the hull of the Merrimac, which was about 275 feet in length, and
put her in the dry dock. Then under the management of those two
masterful engineers and constructors, John Mercer Brooke, of
Virginia, and John L. Porter, of Virginia, who may be considered
as the Fathebs of the modem naval warfare, they covered the
central part of the hull, about 160 feet long, with a roof of oak and
pine wood, 22 inches in thickness, inclined at an angle of 35 de-
grees.
Upon this structure of wood they caused to be placed 4 inches
of iron, consisting of plates about eight inches wide and two inches
thick. There were two courses of these plates— one longitudinal
and the outer course up and down. The forward and after ends
of the roof were rounded, and the apex of the roof was flat, al-
most eight feet wide, and covered over with permanent gratings
of two inch square iron. The gratings were pierced by four hatch-
ways to permit egress from the gun decks to the grating or outside
of the ship. That part of the ship's bow and stem not enclosed in
the casemate, about 58 feet at each end, was covered with decking
plank and was under water. The vessel, when in fighting trim,
had much the appearance of the roof of a house afloat Her prow
was of cast iron, projected four feet from the stem, was under
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88 TtLSB's Q1JABTKEI.T MAOAEilfX.
water two feet^ and weighed one thousand five hundred ponndi.
Her engines and boilers were the dd ones still farther impaired
by the action of fire and sea water.
Her battery consisted of 4 Brooke rifle guns and six nine-inch
Dahlgren shell guns. She was capable of a speed not exceeding
8% miles an hour.
On the 8th of March, 1862, this strange crafty now christened
''The Virginia,^' with Captain Franklin Buchanan in command,
Lt. Bo. D. Minor as second in command and Lt Catesby ap B.
Jones as third in command, cut loose from the Na^y Yard, and,
attended by two small wooden vessels, the Beaufort and Raleigh,
mounting one gun each, moved slowly down the Elizabeth Biver.
As no one aboard knew what her capabilities were, the men
of the crew were subjected to some mental anxiety. The boat
under its new conditicms, being utterly untried, the prevailing
doubt, both on the shore and on board, was that, at the first broad-
side from the enemy, she might experience some sudden disaster,
and go headlong to the bottom of the water. She had a crew on
board of 320 men, most of whom had never been on a ship before,
"land-lubbers" that had little but their courage to recommend
them as sailors. Without a trial trip, with workmen on the ship
up to the last minute, with a crew and oiBScers strangers to each
other and to the ship, with no opportunity to get things into shape
or to drill the men at the guns or instruct them in their various
duties, the Virginia, went forth to challenge the power of the
great Federal Gk>vemment.
On this day the United States had at anchor in Hampton
Boads, oflE Newport News, the steam frigate Congress (50 guns)
and the steam sloop Cumberland (24 guns), and near Fort Monroe
were the frigates Minnesota (48 guns), the Roanoke (40 guns),
St. Lawrence (50 guns) and Brandywine (50 guns), and there
were in addition, twelve gunboats carrying 33 guns, making in all
295 guns afloat. On these ships there were considerably over 3,000
men. In a position to assist this formidable fleet were the batteries
at Fort Monroe, the Bipraps and Newport News, which mounted
more than an equal number of guns, and were manned by several
thousand soldiers.
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ViBGINIA, FOUNDBB OF THE WoBLD's NaVY. 89
A formidable collection of fighting materials truly ! The sailors
on the Federal battleeliips were trained seamen, brave men, proud
of their ships and flag and used to their duties. The men on shore
were trained soldiers, oflScered by experienced superiors. They
were confident of their powers and they could not believe that
the proud array of which they were a part had anything to fear
from one slow-moving iron-clad vessel of ten guns supported by
five small wooden steamboats of eleven guns, for, as the Virginia
reached the Roads, she was joined from James River by the steam-
boats, Patrick Henry, Yorktown and Teazer.
The complete victory won by the Virginia on that day is so
universally admitted that it is not necessary to go into details.
She sank the Cumberland, burnt the Congress, silenced the forts
at Newport News, badly crippled the Minnesota, drove the Roanoke,
St Lawrence and Brandywine to the protection of the guns of
Fort Monroe, and scared off the gunboats constituting the rest of
the fleet like a flock of small birds.
In the course of the fight the Confederate fleet had some 45
men killed and wounded, most of them being on the wooden
auxiliaries. The total loss on the Virginia were two men killed
and eighteen wounded. Capt. Buchanan and Lieut. Minor were
tadly wounded, and the command of the Virginia devolved on
Lieutenant Catesby ap R Jones. The Federals lost 30 men in
prisoners, and had about 400 officers and men on the ships killed
and wounded. Gen. Mansfield, who commanded at Newport News,
and had part in the fight, wrote : "Our ships were perfectly help-
less against the Merrimac, as our broadsides produced no material
effect upon her." The Rebellion Records show that the govern-
ment fell into a perfect panic, and at a cabinet meeting Secretary
Stanton said, "the Merrimac will change the whole character of
the war."
In this remark of Stanton is read the significance of the vic-
tory. It was not a mere defeat of the Federal fleet, but a demon-
stration that scrapped the navies of the world. By her prowess
that day the Virginia changed the character of naval warfare
everywhere by showing that a wooden vessel, no matter how gal-
lantly served and manned, had little chance in combat with an
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90 Ttlsb's QaABTBBLT Maoazivs.
iron dad one, even when of very imperfect make and manned with
raw militia.
Then and there Virginia Pounded the present navies of the
world.
But in the same spirit that places the cart before the horse,
makes 1620 an earlier date than 1607, snubs Jamestown out of
existence and celebrates the landing of the Pilgrims as the first
colony, most Northern writers turn the whole world-wide signifi-
cance on the subsequent battle of March 9th. The Monitor, which
had no share in the battle of the 8th, is lugged in to share with
the Virginia, the glory of the new departure in naval construction
and warfare, or even to monopolize the glory. And so great adepts
at propaganda have been the Northern people as a rule that they
have actually persuaded some Southern writers to accept their
views in this matter, as tliey have done in many other unreasonable
things.
As a matter of fact, however, the battle of March 9th had no
real significance of a worldwide nature. It was a contest be-
tween ironclads, and the most that could be decided in such a fi^t
was a question of superior courage or one of superiority of ijpe
in the iron ships.f
We have no wish to cast any doubt upon the excuse given by
Capi Worden for his long delay in making his official report,*
as in relating the details of the fight, his report is more candid
than that of Lieutenant S. Dana Greene, who succeeded him in
command. There is overwhelming evidence from both Pederal
and Confederate sources that the Monitor first retired from the
engagement and this was later admitted by Lieutenant Greene, but,
in his official report of March 12th, 1862, Greene says nothing
about it Captain Worden, in his official report, is honest enough
to state the fact without concealment After a shell from the
Virginia exploded on the outside of the pilot house, damaging it,
tThe modem iMtttleship is apparently a combination of the Vir-
ginia and Jfonitor— retaining the shape of the first and the revolying
turret of the other.
•Captain Franklin Buchanan, who was also badly wounded, made
his report, eighteen days after March 9th, 1862.
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Virginia, Fouitdbb of thb World's Navy. 91
and seriously injuring Capt Worden^s eyes, he, thinking that his
ship had received some serious injury, gave the order "to sheer
oS/' The only really objectionahle thing about the report is that,
after this admission, he should say that the Virginia was driven
oflE "crippled and discomfited/' A vessel that had "sheered oflP'
from the fight was in no position to claim that it had driven its
antagonist away, because tiiat antagonist did not choose to await
the pleasure of its return.
How long, indeed, did the Monitor remain away from the fight?
In the ofiBcial report of Lt. Greene there is, as stated, no mention
of this retirement, but in his article later on he admits that after
Worden was wounded there was great confusion on the Monitor,
which "moved without direction'* (whatever that means) for at
least 20 minutes. (S. Dana Greene in Century Magazine for
March, 1885). Capt. Worden in this report seems to say that the
Monitor under Greene only returned to the scene of battle after
the Virginia had left for Norfolk. Lt Jones, who commanded the
Virginia in the fight, says that "the Monitor did not leave the
shoal to which she had retreated, until we had crossed the bar on
the way to Norfolk.*' And Midshipman Virginius Newton, later
one of the most prominent citizens of Bichmond, goes further and
declares that the Virginia waited for the Monitor to return three-
quarters of an hour, and that ^%e had a distinct recollection that
at this time when the Virginia had crossed the bar and was well
on her way to Norfolk," the Monitor "while she fired a gun, made
no motion to come out into deep water." {Southern Historicai
Society Papers, XX, pp. 1-26. See also account of Dinwiddie
Brazier Phillips, surgeon on the Virginia, in Va. Historicai 8o'
ciety Collections, Vol. VI.)
In strong confirmation of Mr. Newton's statement is the of-
ficial report of C. J. Van Brunt, captain of the Minnesota, which
had been stranded, and was the very ship the Monitor had come
out expressly to protect.
In relating the withdrawal of the Monitor after the injury to
the pilot house, and the wounding of Captain Worden, Van Brunt
says the Monitor "stood down for Portress Monroe and we thought
it probable that she had exhausted her supply of ammunition, or
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suBtained some injury/* that, when "soon after the Merrimac
headed for his ship/' he then "felt to the fullest extent his con-
dition/* and characterizing it "as an extreme dilemma** ordered,
on consultation with his oflScers, "every preparation to be made
to destroy the ship after all hope was gone of saving her.**
Certainly, then, Capt. Van Brunt was far from regarding
the action of the Monitor as that of a victorious vessel chasing oflf
a "discomfited** adversary, or even that of a temporary retirement.
In these words and all that follow in his report, there is not a
syllable about the Monitor's returning to his assistance or any
hint that he owed his salvation to her. On the contrary, if his re-
port of things means anything, it gives positive evidence that the
Monitor retreated to Fort Monroe three miles distant, leaving
the Virginia in possession of the field, and the Minnesota, which
had fought vigorously, unprotected and at her mercy.
Capt. Van Brunt gives a pitiful account of the condition of
his ship. He was hard and immovably aground. During the
time the Virginia fought the Monitor she had also fought the
Minnesota, and put several shells into her which had done much
damage. A shell had blown up the tug boat Oregon which lay
alongside, producing much consternation. And now there was no
friend around to help him, not even a tug boat.
But it seems the Virginia did not drive Capt. Van Brunt to
his last desperate resolves, for he says that when he ascended to
the poop deck, after the council with his ofl&cers, he saw that "the
enemy*s vessel had changed its course and was heading for Craney
Island.**
Then how was his ship saved? Why, by tlie great draught of
the Virginia which was 23 feet. While engaged with the Monitor
she had fired repeatedly at the Minnesota, which was assisting the
Monitor with her powerful broadsides, but she could not come
close enough to do the work of destruction eflEectively. This is the
reason that Capt. Van Brunt gives why he was not destroyed the
day before. "Very fortunately the iron battery drem too much
water to come within a mile of us/^ So that the same reason which
saved him when the Monitor was not around, saved him when she
was.
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ViEoiNiA, Founder of the World's Navy. 93
The inability to reach the Minnesota, while it proved the sole
reason that she was saved^ was not the sole reason that induced the
return of the Virginia to Norfolk. She had not come off alto-
gether without injury, in the fight of the previous day. The fact
is that so long as the great wooden battleships remained afloat
they had proved far more dangerous than the Monitor. When the
Cumberland, the Congress and the Minnesota discharged their
broadsides, there was something doing. So while the Virginia
had received no injury from the Monitor and not one of her of-
ficers or men had been hurt by any of the shots from that vessel,
she had, according to the report of Lt. Jones, (Naval War Records,
7, p. 42), incurred considerable damage in the fight of the first
day (March 8). She had lost her prow in ramming the Cumber-
land, and two of the ten guns had their muzzles knocked off. The
anchors and all flagstafib were shot away and the smoke stack and
steam pipe were riddled, which made it diflBcult to keep the fires
going in the furnaces. The pilot of the Virginia having assured
Lt. Jones that he would inevitably run aground, if he attempted to
proceed much nearer to the Minnesota, the Monitor itself being
out of reach, the ship needing repairs and the men worn down
with two days consecutive fighting, the oflScers of the Virginia
determined to avail themselves of the remaining two and a half
hours of fiood tide and return to her base at Norfolk. There was
no more reason to attribute retreat to her for doing this now, than
if she had returned to her base for repairs on the day before, as
ordinary prudence should have suggested to Lieutenant Jones.
All the honor of the battle, therefore, remains with the Vir-
ginia. She had won two great victories in two successive days.
A similar performance was unknown to Naval Annals. Called
upon to fight two battles without hardly an intermission, her un-
trained crew were necessarily under great mental strain and phy-
sical fatigue. There can be little doubt that if the Virginia had
met the Monitor the day before, when the men were fresh and the
boat intact, she would have sent the Monitor to the bottom of the
Boads. And this, despite the fact that the Monitor was far more
heavily armored than the Virginia, scarcely presented any surface
above the water, and was exceedingly nimble by the lightness of
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her draft which was only eleven fleet. The crew of the Monitor,
unlike that of the Virginia were picked seamen and the boat too,
according to Capt. Worden, himself, was fully tested before sail*
ing, in nearly every particular.
Without underestimating the competency and courage of the
Monitot^s crew, or its own remarkable adaptedness to warfare,
I am sure that the prow and great weight of the Virginia would
have done the business for her, if employed under favorable condi-
tions. Dr. Charles Martin, Surgeon of the Cumberland, was dis-
tinctly of this view. (Virginia Historical Collections, Vol. VI.
^'Career of the Virginia," by Dinwiddie B. Phillips).
That this is not a far-fetched conclusion is shown by the at-
titude assumed by the respective governments. After the Virginia
had been repaired and her formidable prow restored, the Con-
federate Government and the oflScers of the Virginia tried very
earnestly to force a new engagement in Hampton Boads, but the
Federal Government laid the Monitor under strict injunctions not
to risk herself in another battle without ample support and oppor-
tunity of taking the Virginia at disadvantage.
Twice the Virginia returned to the Boads and challenged the
Monitor, April 11, 1862, and May 8, 1862, but in each case the
Monitor declined a new encounter.
In the first of these visits, on April 11th, the Virginia cruised
around the Boads undisturbed the whole day. The Monitor lay
under the guns of Fort Monroe, and though the Virginia by way
of challenge, fired three shots at her, {Naval War Records, Vol.
7, p. 222), she never left her station or even made a return fire.
One of the wooden gun boats, the Jamestown, that accompanied
the Virginia, steamed up under the guns of the Monitor, and at
the mouth of Hampton Biver captured three federal vessels — a
schooner and two brigs ladened with supplies. The Monitor did
nothing to prevent this insult For this daring act, the Con-
federates were cheered by the men of the English corvette Rinaldo,
commanded by Captain W. N. Hewitt, later an admiral
This inertness on the part of the Monitor greatly mortified the
Monitor's crew, who on April 25th, addressed a letter to their
wounded captain, then off duty, in which, after reciting that the
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VntQINIA, FOUNBBB OF THB WoBLD'b NaVY. 95
Monitor, on April 11th, *'fired not one shot,*' they said: 'The
Norfolk papers say we are cowards in the Monitor and all we want
is a chance to show them where it lies with you as our Captain
we can teach them who is cowards/^ (Naval War Records, Vol.
7, p. 40). The New York Herald, of April 16, commenting on
this affair said, 'The public are very justly indignant at the con-
duct of our Navy in Hampton Boads on Friday last''
The Virginia subsequently stationed herself near Craney Is-
land, occasionally going back to Norfolk, for more repairs. Be-
tuming from such a trip on May 8th, she found the Monitor, and
the Federal fleet, shelling the Confederate batteries at Sewell's
Point. The Virginia made straight for them, but the enemy
ceased firing and retired with all speed to Fort Monroe.
This kind of conduct was very unlike that of a conqueror con-
fident of his prowess, and its explanation was still less so. It was
a desperate manoeuvre, as confessed by Commander Goldsborough,
of the United States Navy, to entice the Virginia single-handed
to engage Fort Monroe and the Monitor, while the immense wooden
steamer VanderbUt, the Baltimore, San Jacinto, and other mer-
chant vessels, should simultaneously hurl themselves upon her re-
gardless of their own safety. (Naval War Records, Vol. 7, p. 330.
See also report of D. C. Constable, Lieut. Commanding TI. S.
Steamer, E. A. Stevens, otherwise called, "The Nav^atuclc," ibid.
332.) When in 1884 application was made to congress for $200,-
000 to be distributed to the men of the Monitor for defeating the
Virginia, the committee on Naval Affairs made a strong adverse
report: ^^e assume that the proof shows that the only serious
damage sustained by the Merrimac was inflicted by the Cumber^
land and that ihe Merrimac went back to Norfolk when her adver-
saries (the Monitor and the Minnesota) were out of reach, and
they being in shoal water and she on account of the great depth
of water which she drew unable to attack them, went into dock
for repairs and again came out and offered battle which was re-
fused.''
Hardly less disingenuous, from an historical standpoint, was
the wholly extravagant estimate placed for a long time upon the
capabilities of the Virginia by northern writers. The fears of tlic
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96 Tylsb's Quabtebly Magazh^is.
Federal government were taken as the measure^ not for her own
sake but for praising the Monitor, which was credited with prevent-
ing the destruction of not only the Minnesota but of all the North*
em coastal cities. As a matter of fact, it is very doubtful whether
the Virginia could have successfully run by the powerful guns of
Fort Monroe and escaped destruction from the Vanderhilt and its
fleet of suicidal assistant vessels. And if it had accomplished this
feat, she was so crudely constructed that she would have probably
foundered at sea in a short time.
The real truth is that the Monitor did not affect the situation
to any great degree, if at all. According to Lt. Greene himself,
she did not, with her much heavier guns, in her four hours* com-
bat do any damage to the Virginia., She did not save the Minne*
8ota nor any of the other Federal vessels. Their salvation was
due to the shoal water and to Fort Monroe^ to which they all
finally retired.
The result would have been probably the same, if the Monitor
had never appeared in the field of action. Fort Monroe was the
great factor on the Federal side. Had the Virginia been capable
of passing Fort Monroe and riding the ocean successfully, there
was no reason why she could not have calmly left the Monitor alone
and gone on her mission of destruction. But a perusal of the
Confederate documents, published in the Naval War Records,
makes it very clear that the danger of what seemed practically
suicide was duly appreciated by the Confederates, and her depar-
ture would have left Norfolk open to attack of any Federal vessel.
The Virginia effected in her short cruise all that could be
reasonably expected of her. Her victories were none the less com-
plete because she did not destroy the Monitor or the Minnesota.
She went out to do all the damage she could, and she did it.
After the ineffectual efforts on May 8, made to provoke the
Monitor to fight, the Virginia took her station two miles north
of the mouth of the Elizabeth river, where it was easy for the
enem/s vessels to engage her if they so desired. But the Monitor
and all the other Federal ships kept clear of the formidable iron-
clad.
Two days later, Norfolk was evacuated by Gen. Johnston's army
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Virginia, Founder of thb World's Navt. 97
and Commodore Josiah Tatnall, the Virginians new commander,
announced his determination to force his way past Fort Monroe,
if possible, and ascend* the York Biver. From this he was deterred
by the pilots who assured him that, if he could reduce the ship's
draught four feet they could take him up to Richmond.
The Commodore consented to attempt this, and lightened the
ship considerably by throwing everything but the ammunition
OTerboard. Then the pilots came to him and declared that, owing
to the unfavorable wind which had been blowing for some time,
it would be impossible to cross the bar with even 18 feet of water.
The ship was now in a condition that was perfectly defenseless.
The rudder and propeller were entirely improtected and the wooden
hull was everywhere exposed. The fresh water was all gone and
not enough provisions had been preserved to last another 24 hours.
The commodore, recognizing the helplessness of the situation,
stranded the vessel at Craney Island, disembarked the crew and
blew up the ship. This was on May 11, 1862.
Catesby Jones was the last oflBcer to leave the Virginia. He
and the rest were hurried to Drewry's Bluff up James River, seven
miles from Richmond, and there on May 15, they took part in
driving off the Monitor which, with the ironclad Galena and sev-
eral other vessels, attempted to force a passage to the Confederate
Capital.
The hopes of the Southern people concerning the Virginiit had
been as exaggerated as the fears of the Federal Covemment. Com-
modore Tatnall was assailed very severely for his destruction of
a vessel in which all the pride and glory of the South were cen-
tered. He demanded a court martial, and, after a full hearing,
was acquitted on every point
But there is, nevertheless, something distinctly disappointing,
even to a Southern man at this day, about the end of the Virginia,
There can be no question of the courage of Tatnall. He is tlie
man who in 1857 had aroused great enthusiasm in this country
when, in command of a United States vessel, he had interfered
to protect the English at Peiho from the barbarous Chinese, with
the declaration: 'That blood is thicker than water.'^ But the
heroic element makes an appeal to Americans eveiywhere. It
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98 Tyler's Quabtxkly Maoaunb.
mighty in a practical sense, have been a very unwise thing to at-
tempt, but one cannot but regret that Tatnall did not adhere to
his resolve to defy the guns at Fort Monroe and the Ripraps and
sail up the York. Had he succeeded in his purpose, he would
have added immensely to the discomfiture of the North, and to the
prestige of the South. Had his ship gone down in single combat
with tile Forts, the Monitor and the host of assistant vessels, her
career would have closed in a blaze of glory, fit ending for such a
ship.
In this connection, one thinks of Sir Richard Orenville, a hero
who stands on the threshold of American colonization. He com-
manded the expedition which Sir Walter Raleigh sent to Roanoke
Island in 1585. He was later in 1588 one of the Admirals who
helped to defeat the Spanish Armada. He performed other great
services, but nothing in naval warfare is more memorable than
his death. In an expedition led by Lord Charles Howard in 1591
against the Spanish plate fieet, Orenville was Yice-Admiral, and
he opposed his ship single-handed against five great Spanish gal-
leons, supported at intervals by ten others, and he fought them
during nearly fifteen hours. Then Orenville's vessel was so bat-
tered that it resembled a skeleton rather than a ship, and of the
crew few were to be seen but the dead and the dying. Orenville him-
self was captured mortally woimded, and died uttering these
words: ^^Here die I, Richard Orenville, with a joyful and quiet
mind, for that I have ended my life, as a true soldier ought to do,
fighting for his country, queen, religion and honor.'^
OmOB OF
NAVAL RSOORDS AND LIBRARY
NAVY DEPARTMENT
WABHiNGTOir« D. Cn 28 June* 1921
Mr. Lyon O. Tyler» Editor,
Tyler's Quarterly Historical
and Genealosical Magasine»
711 Travelers Buildiuf,
Riehmond, Virginia.
Dear Sir:
In reply to your letter of May SSth addressed to the Secretary of
the Navy in which you requested information concerning the report
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ViBOUnA, FOUKBSB OF THB WoWJ>'8 NaVY. 99
made by Captain John L. Worden of the Monitor in 1868 regarding
the action with the Merrimac fought at Hampton Roads on March
9, 1882.
There is enclosed herewith a copy of the report made by Captain
Worden. There have been other inquiries concerning this r^K>rt, but
whether or not it has been published in the sense of being printed is
not known here.
The olBcer who succeeded to the command. Lieutenant S. D.
Greene, and was consequently the commanding ol&cer, at the end of
the engagement, made the oi&cial report to the Secretary of the Navy
as is customary,— as you have doubtless noted on page 26 of the "Of-
ficial Records" (Yolume 7). His very brief account was somewhat
amplified by him in ''BatUes A Leaders of the avU War."
Trusting that this information may be of some senrice to you.
Very truly yours,
W. D. MacDougall, Captain, U. S. N.,
Officer in Charge, Office
of Naval Records and Library.
Enclosure.
OWWliM OF
NAVAL RSCORDS AND LIBRARY
NAVT DEPARTMENT
Wasbinoton, D. Cn 28 /mie, 1921.
MEMORANDUM.
To accompany copy of Report by Ci^Otain John L. Worden U. S. N.,
dated January 5, 1888, concerning the Fight between the U. S. S.
Monitor and the Merrimac, which occurred 9 March, 1862 at Hampton
Roads.
The original manuscript of Ci^Otain J. L. Worden, 4th paragraph,
leaves the date of commission blank. It would appear that he did
not remember the date and intended to fill it in later but did not do
80.
The Monitor was launched in New York January 20, 1862, com*
missioned in February, 25th, and sailed March 8, 1862 from New
York.
While it is true that Captain Worden of the Monitor did not
make a report immediately subsequent to the fight, it is obvious that
this was due to his being disabled by wounds. Lieutenant S. D.
Greene, as officer succeeding to the command, made the official report
of the action to the Secretary of the Navy, as is the Navy custom.
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100 Tylee's Quabtbklt Maoaztitk.
•Ad thlf report is found on page 25, rolume 7 of "Official Records
of tlie Union and Confederate Navies in the Wkr of the Rebellion."
Reports and letters of other officers on the same subject follow Lieu*
tenant Greene's official report
Captain Worden's report, while it includes an account of the
action, explains in the first paragraph that it is written for the pur-
pose of doing Justice to Lt Greene who "has been annoyed by un-
generous allusions to the fact that no official record existed at the
Department in relation to my (Captain Worden's) opinion of his
conduct on that occasion."
Captain Worden's letter or report written in 1868 was not in-
cluded in the "Official Records" as printed for the reason that the
compilers of these volumes from the beginning decided to print only
contemporary accounts of action.
W. D. MacDouoall, Captain, U. S. N.
Officer in Charge, Office of
Naval Records and Ldbrary, and
Historical Section.
Report of Captain John L. Worden, U. S. Navy, to the Secretary
of the Navy, concerning the services of Lieutenant S. D. Greene, U. S.
Navy, on the U. S. S. Monitor, March 9, 1882.
Bbookltn, N. T., January 6, 1868.
Sir: Recently learning that Lieutenant-Commander S. D. Greene
the executive officer of the Monitor in her conflict with the Merrimack
in Hampton Roads, on the 9th of March 1862, has been annoyed by
ungenerous allusions to the fact that no official record existed at the
Department, in relation to my opinion of his conduct on that occa-
sion, I desire now to remedy a wrong, which I regret should so long
have existed, and to do Justice to that gallant and excellent officer, as
well as to all the officers and crew of the Monitdr, who, without ex-
ception, did their duty so nobly in that remarkable encounter, by
placing on the files of the Department the following report.
In order to do full Justice to him and to the others under my
command, I beg leave to state narratively the prominent points in
the history of that vessel from the date of my orders to her, until
the encounter with the Merrimack.
I was ordered to her on the 13th of January 1862, when she was
still on stocks. Prior to that date. Lieutenant S. D. Greene had in-
terested himself in her and thoroughly examined her construction and
design, and informed himself as to her qualities, and notwithstanding
the many gloomy predictions of naval officers and of officers of the
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Ttleb^s Quabtbblt MaOA7INS. 101
acainst wind and sea. Between 7 and 8 o'clock however, we i^ot into
smoother water and were enabled to 8o far clear the engine room of
gtm as to permit the blower bands to be repaired and the blowers to
be gotten in motion, and by 8 o'clock were on our course again, with
the engines going slowly and a oomparatively smooth sea. This lasted
until shortly after midnight, when in crossing a shoal the sea sud-
denly became rough again, broke violently over the deck, causing fears
of another disaster to the blowers. The wheel ropes too, became en-
tangled and Jammed and for half an hour, until it was cleared, the
vessel yewed unmanageably and seriously endangered the towing
hawser, which fortunately held and in a short time we were clear
of the shoal and in smooth water again. From this time no further
serious mishap occurred, and about 4 o'clock p. m. of Saturday, March
8th, we passed Cape Henry light and soon after heard heavy firing in
the direction of Fortress Monroe, indicating ao engagement, which I
rightly concluded to be with the Merrimack. I immediately ordered
the vessel stripped of her sea rig, turret keyed up and in every
way to be prepared for action. About midway between Cape Henry
and Fortress Monroe, a pilot boat came alongside and gave us a pilot,
from whom we learned of the advent of the Merrimack, the disaster
to the Congress and Cumberland, and the generally gloomy condition
of affairs in Hampton Roads.
About 9 o'clock p. m. we anchored near the frigate Roanoke, Cap-
tain Marston, the senior officer present, to whom I reported, and who
suggested that I should go to the assistance of the frigate Minnesota,
then aground off Newport News. Finding difficulty in getting a pilot,
I accepted the services of Acting Master Saml. Howard, who earn-
estly volunteered for that service, and under whose pilotage we reached
the Minnesota about 11:30 o'clock p. m., when I reported to Captain
Van Brunt, her commanding officer, and anchored near him at about
1 o'clock a. m. of Sunday March 9th. He hoped to get his ship afloat
at high water, about 2 o'clock, but failed to do so. At daylight the
Merrimack, with several consorts, was ^JUscovered at anchor under
Sewell's Point. I went at once to see Captain Van Brunt, whose vessel
was still aground, a good deal damaged from the attack of the day
before and in a helpless condition. After a few minutes conversation
with him in relation to the situation of affairs, I left, telling him
that I would develop all the qualities, offensive and defensive, pos-
sessed by the "Battery" under my command to protect his vessel
from the attack of the Merrimack, should she come out again, and
that I had great faith in her capabilities. Soon after reaching my
vessel and at about 7:30 o'clock a. m. the Merrimack was observed
to be underway, accompanied by her consorts, steaming slowly. I
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102 ViBOINIA, FOUimEB OF THB WoBLD's NaVY.
mercantile marine as to the great probability of her sinking at sea,
volunteered to go in her, and at my request was ordered. From the
date of his orders, he api^ied himself unremittingly and intelligently
to the study of her peculiar qualities and to her iitting and equipment
When she was nearly ready for putting in commission, I was author-
ised by the Department to select a crew from the reoeiving ship North
Carolina, or any other yessel of war in the harbor of New York.
Under that authority I asked for volunteers from the North Carolina
and the frigate Sabine; and after stating fully 16 the crews of those
vessels the probable dangers of the passage to Hampton Roads, and
the certainty of having important service to perform after arriving
there had many more men to volunteer than was required. From
them I selected a crew, and a better one no naval commander ever
had the honor to command.
She was put in commission on the day of February 1862,
and from that time until her day of sailing, Lieutenant Greene and all
the officers and crew displayed untiring energy and seal in her fitting
and equipment, and in the conduct of the several trials of her engines,
turret machinery, etc
She left the lower bay of New York on the aftemoor of the 6th
of March, with a moderate wind from the westward and smooth sea,
in tow of a small tugboat, and accompanied by the U. S. steamers
Currituck and Sachem. About midday of the 7th, tne wind had
freshened to a strong breese, causing in our then position off the
capes of the Delaware, a rough sea, which broke constantly and vio-
lently over her deck and forcing the water in considerable quantities
into the vessel through the hawse pipes, under the turret and in vari-
ous other places. About 4 o'clock p. m. the wind and sea still in-
creasing, the water broke over the smoke and blower pipes, (the
former 6 feet and the latter 4 feet high) which wetting the blower
bands caused them to slip and finally to break. The blowers being
thus stopped, there was no draft for the furnaces and the engine and
fire rooms became immediately filled with gas. The senior engineer,
Mr. Isaac Newton, and his assistants met the emergency with great
determination, but were unable to fight against the gas, which in a
very short time prostrated them, apparently lifeless, upon the fioor
of the engine room, from which they were rescued and carried to the
top of the turret, where they finally revived. With motive power
thus useless for propulsion or pdmping, the water which was enter-
ing the vessel in many places, was increasing rapidly. The hand
pump was used and men set to work bailing, but with little efFect.
The tugboat, having us in tow, was ordered to head directly inshore,
but being light and of moderate pbwer, she could move us but slowly
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ViBoiNiA, FouimsB OF THB Wobld's Navy. 103
got underway as soon as possible aii4 stood directly for her» with
crew at quarters, in order to meet and engage her as far away from
the Minnesota as possible. As I approached the enemy, her wooden
consorts turned and stood back in the direction from which they had
come, and she turned her head up stream, against the tide, remain-
ing nearly stationary, and commenced firing. At this time, about
8 o'clock a. m. I was approaching her on her starboard bow, on a
course nearly at right angles with her line of keel, resenring my fire
until near enough that every shot might take eftect I continued to
so approach until within very short range, when I altered my course
parallel with hers, but with bows in opposite directions, stopped the
engine and commenced firing. In this way I passed slowly by her,
within a few yards, deliyering fire as rapidly as possible, and re-
ceiving from her a rapid fire in return, both from her great guns and
musketry, the latter aimed at the pilot house, hoping undoubtedly to
penetrate it through the lookout holes and to disable the command-
ing olficer and helmsman. At this period I felt some anxiety about
the turret machinery, it having been predicted by many persons, that
a heavy shot with great initial velocity striking the turret, would
se derange it as to stop its working, but finding that it had been
twice struck and stiU revolved as freely as ever, I turned back with
renewed confidence and hope and continued the engagement at close
quarters, every shot from our guns taking eftect upon the huge sides
of our adversary, stripping off the iron freely. Once, during the en-
gagement, I ran across and close to her stern, hoping to disable her
screw, which I could not have missed by more than 2 feet. Once,
after having passed upon her port side, in crossing her bow to get
between her and the Minnesota again, she steamed up quickly and
finding that she could strike my vessel with her prow or ram, I put
the helm "hard a port" giving a broad sheer, with our bow towards
the enemy's stem, thus avoiding a direct blow and receiving it at a
sharp angle on the starboard quarter, which caused it to glance with-
out Infiicting any Injury. The contest so continued except for an
interval of about fifteen minutes when I hauled off to remedy some
deficiency in the supply of shot in the turret, until near noon, when
being within 10 yards of the enemy a shell from her struck the pilot
house near the lookout hole, through which I was looking, and ex-
ploded, fracturing one of the "logs" of iron of which it was com-
posed, filling my face and eyes with powder utteMy blinding and in
a degree stunning me. The top of the pilbt house too, was partially
lifted off by the force of the concussion which let in a fiood of light,
so strong as to be apparent to me, blind as I was, and caused me
to believe that the pilot house was seriously disabled. I therefore
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104 Ttleb^b Quabtsslt Maoazinb.
gave orders to put the helm to starboard and sheer oft and sent for
Lieutenant Greene and directed him to take ocmmand. I was then
taken to my quarters and had been there but a short time when it
was r^[K>rted to me that the Merrimack was retiring in the direction
of Norfolk. In the meantime Lieutenant Greene, after taking his
place in the pilot house and finding the injuries there less serious than
I supposed, had turned the yessel's head again in the direction of
the enemy, to continue the engagement, but before he could get at
close quarters with her, she retired. He therefore very properly re-
turned to the Minnesota and lay by her until she floated.
The Merrimack haying been thus checked in her career of de-
struction, and driren back crippled and discomfltted, the question
arises should she hare been followed in her retreat to Norfolk? That
such course would commend itself very temptingly to the gallantry
of an oi&cer and be dil&cult to resist, is undeniable, yet I am con-
vinced that under the conditions of affairs then existing at Hampton
Roads, and the great interests at stake there, all of which were en-
tirely dependent upon the Monitor, good Judgment and sound discre-
tion forbade it It must be remembered that the pilot house of the
Monitor was situated well forward in her bows and that it was quite
considerably damaged. In following in the wake of the enemy, it would
have been necessary, in order to fire clear of the pilot house, to have
made broad "yaws" to starboard or port, involving in the excitement
of such a chase, the very serious danger of grounding in the nar-
rower portions of the channel and near some of the enemy's ba^
terles, whence it would have been very difficult to extricate her, pos-
sibly involving her loss. Such a danger her commanding ol&cer would
not, in my Judgment, have been Justified in encountering, for her
loss would have left the vital interests in all the waters of the Chesa-
peake at the mercy of future attacks from the Merrimack. Had there
been another ironclad in reserve at that point, to guard those inter-
ests, the question would have presented a different aspect, which could
not only have Justified him in following, but perhaps made it his im-
perative duty to do so.
The fact that the battle with the Merrimack was not more de-
cided and prompt was due to the wanf of knowledge of the endurance
of the Xl-inch Dahlgren guns with which the Monitor was armed,
and which had not been fully tested. Just before leaving New York,
I received a peremptory order from the Bureau of Ordnance to use
only the prescribed service charge, viz. 15 pounds, and I did not feel
Justified in violating those instructions, at the risk of bursting one of
the guns, which placed as they were in turret, would almost entirely
have disabled the vessel. Had I been able to have used the 30-pound
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ViBOINIA, FOUNDBB OF THE WoBLD's NaVY. 105
tiiarges which experience has since shown the gnns capable of en-
dnring, there is little doubt in my mind, that the contest would have
been shorter and the result more decided. Further the crew had
been but a few days on board, the weather bad, mechanics at work
on her up to the moment of sailing and sufficient opportunity had not
been afforded to practice them properly at the guns, the mode of
manipulating which was entirely novel. A few days at Hampton Roads
to have drilled them and gotten the gun and turret gear in smooth
working order (which from having been constantly wet on the pas-
sage was somewhat rusted) would have enabled the guns to have been
handled more quickly and effectively and with better results.
And now sir, I desire to express my high ai^redation of the seal^
energy and courage displayed by every officer and man under mj
command during this remarkable combat, as well as during the try-
ing scenes of the passage from New York. I conunend one and all
most heartily to the favorable consideration of the Department and
of the country.
Lieutenant Greene, the executive officer, had charge in the turret,
and handled the guns with great courage, coolness and skill and
throughout the engagement as in the equipment of the vessel, and
on her passage to Hampton Roads, exhibited an earnest devotion
to duty, unsurpassed in my experience, and for which I had the honor
In person to recommend him to the Department and to the board of
admirals (some three years siiice) for advancement, in accordance
with the precedent established in the case of Lieutenant-ConmiandMr
Thornton, the executive officer of the Kearsarge. I beg leave now,
most respectfully and earnestly to reiterate that recommendation.
Acting Master Saml. Howard, who volunteered as pilot, stood by
me in the pilot house during the engagement and behaved with cour-
age and coolness. He has since been promoted to acting volunteer
lieutenant for his services on that occasion.
Chief Engineer A. C. Stimers, U. S. N. made the passage in the
vessel to report upon the performance of the machinery, etc., and
performed useful service during the engagement in manipulating the
turret
First Assistant Engineer Isaac Newton, the chief engineer of
the vessel and his assistants, managed the machinery with attention
and skill and gave prompt and correct attention to all the signals
from the pilot house.
Acting Assistant Pasrmaster W. F. Keeler and Captain's clerk
Danl. Toffey, made their services very useful in transmitting my orders
to the turret
Peter Williams, quartermaster, was at the helm by my side and
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106 Tti^sb's Quabtbbly Magazine.
merited my admiration by hit cool and steady handling of the wheeL
Very respectfully, your obedient senrant,
John L. Worden,
Captain.
Hon. Gideon Welles*
Secretary of the Navy,
Washington, D. C.
COEEESPONDENCE EELATING TO LOED BOTETOUET.
There have recently come into the possession of the State
Library some interesting letters and papers relating to the death
and estate of Norborne Berkeley, Baron de Botetourt, who was
the most beloved and popular of all Virginia's colonial governors.
They constituted at one time a part of the papers of Bobert Carter
Nicholas, the celebrated treasurer of Virginia, who enjoyed his
Lordship's particular confidence and friendship, and was his execu-
tor in Virginia. Lord Botetourt was the son of John Symes
Berkeley, Esq., of Stoke Giflford, County Gloucester, England, by
his wife Elizabeth, daughter and coheiress of Walter Norbome
of Caline, County Wilts. He was bom in 1718, and served as
colonel of the North Gloucestershire militia and member of Parlia-
ment, and afterward in 1767 became constable of the Tower of
London.
Since the recall of Sir Edmund Andros in 1698, no govemor-
in-chief had resided in Virginia, but the emoluments of the office
had been shared between a govemor-in-chief, who resided in Eng-
land and a Lt Governor, who resided in Virginia. Now to appease
ihe growing discontent over the revenue law, the home authorities
sent Botetourt over with the full title and authority of Governor
(General. He was appointed in July, 1768, and arrived in the
Colony October 28, 1768.
His reception was enthusiastic, and his affitble deportment made
him inmiediately very popular, which was increased shortly after
his arrival when he joined with his council in declaring writs of
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COBRBSPONBSNCB RELATING TO LoBD BoTBTOUBT, 107
assistance illegal. The enforcement of these writs in Massa*
chusetts had stirred up a protest from James Otis in 1761^ but
his words had had no effect on the Massachusetts Gtovemor, and
the writs were enforced in that colony down to the Eevolution.
On another question Botetourt was not in harmony with the
people of Virginia. Massachusetts had passed some rery mild
resolutions condemning the Bevenue Act^ and Parliament had
gotten angry and sent over to have the offending parties arrested
and brought to England for trial. Massachusetts denied any in*
tention to resist^ and allowed British troops to quarter in Boston.
All the rest of the colonies were silent. But when the Virginia
Assembly convened in May, 1769, not long after Botetourt's ar-
rival, the Burgesses passed stirring resolutions condemning Parlia-
ment They reasserted the ancient right of taxation, maintained
the lawfulness of a concert of the colonies and particularly de-
nounced the flagrant iyranny of carrying persons beyond the sea
for trial.
The effect of this action was immense and Bancroft says, '*Vir-
ginia set the example for the continent,'* Everjrwhere there was
a rhapsody of praise, and soon the Virginia resolves were adopted
by every colony on the continent, in many of them, including
Massachusetts, word for word as they passed the Virginia Assem-
bly. Parliament felt the pressure and abolished all the taxes except
a small one on tea.
Botetourt did not approve the action of the British (Jovem-
ment, but he was too loyal to his superiors to countenance the
Virginia resolutions, and so he dissolved the Assembly. But he
counted upon a speedy repeal of the Revenue Act, and, when only a
partial repeal was made, it is said that he contemplated a resigna-
tion of his office, and was only prevented from sending it on by
his sickness and death, which occurred Oct 16, 1770.
There are various contemporary notices of his social acts, his
dinner companies at the palace, the distinction of his manners
and the urbanity of his address. Through his munificence two
gold medals were established in the College of William and Mary,
to be given annually, one for excellence in classical learning and
the other for excellence in philosophy. Eight of these prizes
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were bestowed, when the American Bevolution put a stop to them«
They were said by Wm. J. B. Marvin, Editor of the AtMricm^
Journal of Numismatics, to be the earliest of their kind in the
United States {William and Mary Quarterly, IV, 1^63).
Lord Botetourt was honored with a splendid funeral and he
was buried in a vault underneath the floor of the chapel of Wil-
liam and Mary. About five years later there was deposited in a
Tault near his own the remains of Peyton Bandolph who pre-
sided over the Assembly which passed the celebrated protest of
May 16, 1769, and was afterwards first President of the Conti-
nental Congress.
The nephew and heir of Lord Botetourt was Henry, fifth
Duke of Beaufort, son of his sister Elizabeth Berkeley. He
heired his estate and tide of Baron de Botetourt, for Lord Bote-
tourt was never married and left no issue. In his letters pub-
lished below, the Duke refers to a monument, which he intended
to erect to his uncle's memory, but it seems the intended monu-
ment was never raised. Probably it was prevented by the action
of the Virginia Assembly, who on July 20, IVVl, voted a statue
to his lordship's memory. Both the Council and House of Bur-
gesses were unanimous.
The statue was made in London by the best sculptor in Eng^
land, Richard Heyward, whose name is inscribed upon it. Its
pedestal was decorated with an inscription apparently^ composed
by Eichard Bland suggestive of the admiration and gratitude of
the people of Virginia {William and Mary Quarterly, V, 155).
It was taken to Virginia in The Virginia, of which Howard Esten
was captain, and reached there in May, 1773. The Va. Gazette of
May 20, 1773, making this announcement, said it cost 700
guineas. {Ibid,, XXI, 62.) Afterwards Gov. Benjamin Harrison
in a letter to Jefferson, put its cost at £950, inclusive of the cost
of shipping, but exclusive of the pay to the men sent over to put
it up. (Gov. Benjamin Harrison's Letter Book. p. 369.) It was
placed in the hall of the capitol. {WUliam and Mary Coll. Quar*
ierly XXVII, p. 241.) It was seen by Mr. Weld much mutilated
in that place in 1798. Some tiiae after this it was transferred to
the grounds of the College of William and Mary. Here it re-
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COBBESPOVTDENOK RsLATHfO TO LoBD BoTBTOUBT. 109
mained before the College steps nntil tne outbreak of the Civil
War, when it was transferred for preservation to the grounds of the
Eastern State Hospital for the Insane. After the war was over,
it was taken back to the College where it still stands in the path-
way before the main College building, rather the worse for wear.
It is one of the few pieces of statuary that survives the colonial
period and probably nothing in any of the colonies equalled it in
artistic character. The head and one arm was knocked off dur-
ing the American Revolution, but they were afterwards restored.
There is a cenotaph to Lord .Botetourt in the present church
of Stoke Gifford, Gloucestershire, doubtless put there by his nep-
hew, the Duke.
The letters below from the Duke are originals. Most of the
other papers are copies by Bobert Carter Nicholas, who doubtless
wrote the originals.
(See for an interesting account of Lord Botetourt William
und Mary College Quarterly, V, 165-171.)
Virginia, Octor. 30th. 1770.
My Lord Duke
It is with infinite concern that we acquaint your Grace with
the death of his Excellency Lord Botetourt, our late most worthy
Governor; which happened on the 15th. inst. after about three
weeks Illness. We think we may venture to say that never was a
loss more universally lamented; so large a share had his Lordship,
by his many endearing Qualities, gained of the affections of sJl
Ranks of people; and we flatter ourselves that your Grace will be
persuaded that every human Effort was exerted to preserve a life,
in which this whole Colony considered herself so exceedingly in-
terested.
Some embarrassments were occasioned by his Lordship's hav-
ing omitted, till it was too late, to give directions about his affairs
here ; these, however, it was endeavored to remedy in such manner,
as will be best explained by the enclosed Transcript from the Re-
cords of our General Court then sitting. The funeral was attended
with some expense, of which particular Accounts shall hereafter
be transmitted to your Grace. The managers, &c., we believe, the
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whole Country thought themselves called upon by every sentiment
of Gratitude & affection to pay the most respectful regard to hit
Lordship's memory^ and it will afford them no small satisfaction,
if the manner in which it was conducted, should meet with the
approbation of your Grace, and his Lordship's other friends in
England.
We have made an exact and perfect Inventory of his Lord-
ship's effects, of which you will receive a copy endos'd. Th i nk i n g
it rather indelicate to particularize his Lorddiip's wearing apparel
in the Inventory, we have there omitted it; but, for your satis-
faction, we send you a distinct account of every article. Some few
things in the House, of which we inclose a Memorandum, are of
80 perishable a nature, that we judge it most prudent to dispose
of them as soon as possible, and will take care to have it done in
the best manner. As to the rest, your Grace will be pleased to
give such Order about them, as you may think proper. It occurs
to us, as probable that some of the Articles, which you may not
chuse to have sent over to England, may suit his Lordship's suc-
cessors; many pieces of the Furniture are in the best taste, and
we believe most of the liquors are good in their kind. The Slaves
are reckon'd orderly ft valuable, ft perhaps, may be convenient to
our next Governor. His Lordsp brought over vrith him a good
many white Servants, and, after a short trial found it convenient
and necessary to purchase and hire Negroes to assist in the busi-
ness of his family, and do the Drudgery without doors. We pre-
sume your Grace will have no inclination to transport the Horses
to England; and, upon considering that the expense of maintaimng
them, till your pleasure can be known, must be very considerable,
we have thought it advisable to accept an offer made by a (Gentle-
man, by which he agrees to take them all at the same price they
cost his Lordship, and keep them at his own expence. Bisque, till
a new Gk>vemor arrives, and, if he chuses it, to let him have them
at the same Bates; this proposal was made and accepted, as well
to save charges to the Estate, as that the Governor may be accom-
modated with a Sett of horses immediately on his arrival if he
should incline to take these.
We have thought it advisable to retain in the Service of the
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Estate^ William Marshman^ who proved a most valuable and faith-
ful Servant to his Lordship, that the Furniture and other things
may be taken care of, and we have also continued, as his assistant,
Thomas Fuller another excellent Servant, till we receive your
Grace's commands. Permit us, if your Grace should incline to
treat with a succeeding Ctovemor for any of the articles contained
in the Inventory, to recommend referring the several prices to
to an appraisement to be made here by some reputable and judicious
persons upon Oath.
The exceeding great respect we have to his Lordship's mem-
ory will ever incline us to render every acceptable Service, in
our power, to your Grace and all others with whom he was con-
nected; if therefore you should think fit to honour us with your
Commands, we have only to beg the favour of you to be as particu-
lar and explicit as possible in every respect, that we may be able
with greater certainty and precision to answer your Grace's ex-
pectations and wishes.
We have the honour to be your Grace's
most respectful and Obedt. hble. Servts.
By Wm. Nelson,
John Bandolph,
Bobert Carter Nicholas,
Geo. Wythe,
Jno. Blair.
To the Honble. William Nelson, Esq.,
John Bandolph, Bobert Carter Nicholas, George Wythe, and
John Blair, Junr., Esquires.
The Monument cannot be conveniently erected over the Grave,
Gentlemen :
I did not till last night receive your letter of October dOth,
being the Duplicate, with the very melancholy account of Lord
Botetourt's Death, Or I should sooner have acknowledged it
I must beg leave. Gentleman, thro You to make my best com-
plimts. to the Council, and to return them many thanks for the
great care that they have taken of Lord Botetourt's affairs in Vir-
ginia by appointing such Gentlemen as you are, to be at the trouble
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of managing tfaem. And at the same time I can not be unmind*
full how much I and all Lord Botetoorf s Friends and Belationa
are indebted to yon, for the great Regard^ Bespect, and Esteem
You have shewn to my late Dear Friend by directing so yery hand*
tome a funeral and conducting it with so much Order and De-
oenqr; And I shall be most ready to pay any Ezpence that may be
incurred thereby.
I understand by a Letter from Marshman to lA. Botetourt's
agenty Wm. Conway, that his Lordship expressed a desire some
time before he died to be bur/d in Virginia, so that I do not
intend removing the Body to England, but hope the President;
ftc. of the College will permit me to erect a monument near the
place where he was buried, as the only means I have to show the
sincere a&ction and regard I bore him when alive, and to express
in some degree my sorrow and affliction for his Death. At the
same time I flatter myself it will not be disagreeable to the Vir-
ginians to have this remembrance of a person whom they held in
such high estimation and whose loss they so greatly lament.
As I wish as nearly as possible to fulfill Lord Botetourt^ s in-
tentions, and as I know it was one of them to present at his de-
parture the Pictures of tiie King and the Queen and the State
Coach with the furniture thereto belonging, to the Colony for
the use of the succeeding Governor, I must trouble you therefore.
Gentlemen, to desire the Council on behalf of the Colony to accept
of them, and to receive them of me as a small return for the many
distinguished marks of honor and esteem they have shewed my
dear friend when alive, the care and attention they bestowed on
him when ill, and the Respect and affectionate regard they paid
to his memory in his funend.
For my own part, Gentleman, my most sincere thanks are
due to you for the great assiduity and readiness with which You
undertook these affairs, and for the trouble you have been at on
my acct. by securing the Effects which by the generous Donation
of the kind testator devolve to me. It gives me great satisfaction
to hear that Marshman and all Lord Botetourfs Servants behaved
themselves so well to their late Master, and I approve entirely
of your Direction to Marshman to stay there till all the Effects
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COBBBSPOIIBSNOS RkLATTETO TO LoBD BoTSTOTTBT- 113
«ie diqxKed of^ and that there may be as much trouble aa possi-
ble taken off your hands, I have by this same opportunity directed
Blindford, of whose honesty and fidelily I have the highest opin-
ion^ to remain in Virginia and jointly to take your Direction and
to execute your commands.
I shall inclosed a list of those things that I would have sent
to England, the rest of the things I desire may be disposed of to tho
best advantage either by public or private sale.
I must desire Tou to be very careful of all of his public and
private Papers and Accounts, And to give Directions that they and
all his small things of Value should be put into the Mahogany
Desk or Library Table or any other package you shall judge most
proper^ and sent to England with the rest of the things in the
list, by the first opportunity of a ship to Bristol
I desire tiiat all Lord Botetourt's wearing apparell & body
Tiinnen may be given to Marshman.
It is unneoessaiy for me to add that I wish to have the State
of his Lordship's acct transmitted to me as soon as possible
I am.
Gentlemen
Your most Obed'nt« most oblig. humble
Ser't
Beaufort
Badminton.
Jan. 2, 17T1.
Virginia 27th May 1771.
My Lord Duke.
We have been honoured with your Grace's favour of the 2d.
of January & are much pleased to find that our Endeavours to
pay a proper tribute to the memory of our late worthy Governor,
have met with your approbation; We have already discharged
the whole expences of his Lorddiip's Funeral & every other demand
that we know of out of such fees & other Emoluments of the Gov*
emment as were due to him at the time of his death.
In Complyance with your Grace's Bequest, we have had such
Things as you were pleased to direct should be sent over to Eng*
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land^ carefully packt up & now only wait a good opportunity oi
shipping them. We have not yet been able to prevail with one of
the Bristol Captains to take them on tolerable Terms, & are appro*
hensiye that our Difficulties, in this respect, will continue, unless
your Grace can procure an order from some of the Merchants of
Bristol to one or more of their Captains to receive them; Our last
Crop of Tobo. was so exceedingly plentiful that the Captains very
readily procured their Freights of that commodity ft therefore
dont care to run the Bisque of incurring the Displeasure of their
owners by abridging consignments to them which yield so large
a profit. We will, however continue our Endeavours to procoie
a passage for your goods, ft so soon as this can be obtained, we
will not fail giving your Grace the earliest Notice of it, that you
may insure, or not, as you think ill
We have sold all the rest of Lord Botetourf s Effects in this
Country except a few things still remaining on Hand ft we think
to good advantage; Tho, from the great scarcity of money here,
we judged it most advisable to allow credit for all sums above £10,
till the 25th of Oct next; by this means tiie prices of most articles
were very considerably advanced. We hope in a short time to be
able to make your Grace a Bemittance ft to transmit full ft dis-
tinct accounts of the sales & of our whole Transactions; ft you may
rest assured that the Balance shall be sent to you as soon as we are
able to collect the money, after it becomes due.
We have communicated to his Majesi^'s Council that very
polite ft generous Paragraph of your Grace's letter, in which you
are pleased to desire their acceptance of the King's ft Queen's pic*
tures ft the State Coach for the use of the Colony; they have de-
sired Mr. President Nelson to offer their grateful acknowledg-
ments to your Grace for this obliging Favour, which they esteem
the more highly, considering it as a genteel memento of a dear
departed friend.
The President ft Professors of our College upon being in-
formed of yr. Grace's purpose to erect a monument to Lord Bote-
tourt's memory near the place of his Interment, have signified to
us their unanimous ft warmest approbation of it and we are pur-
suaded that the Virginians will be much pleased with this ft every
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COBBBSPOITDBNOB 'BjELATVSfG TO LOBD BoTBTOUBT.. 115
other Monument that tends to perpetuate amongst them the Be-
membrance of a Gk>yemor they held in such high estimation. That
your Grace may not be at a loss as to the size & Dimensions of a
monument which will best suit the Chapel we take the liberiy of
furnishing you with the enclosed memo. & for yr. farther Informa-
tion beg leave to refer you to the President of the College himself^
Mr. Commissary Horrocks, who will shortly embark for England
for the EecoTeiy of his Health & will pay his respects to your Grace
in person.
We have the Honor to be Yr; Grace's
Very respectful & most obi hble. servts.
(Bobert Carter Nicholas* writing)
The Monument cannot be conveniently erected over the Grave>
as it would spoil two principal Pews & incommode the Chapel
considerably in other respects.
If it is proposed to have it in the form of a Pyramid, it can
be placed conveniently in no part, except at the Bottom of the
Isle fronting the Pulpit, where it would appear to advantage, if the
Dimensions should not be thought too much confined; the Isle
itself is about ten feet wide; there must be a Passage left on
each side of the monument at least two feet ft an half, so that the
width of the monument, which will form the Front can be no
more than five feci
A flat monument may be fist still more commodiously in the
side of the wall nearly opposite to the Grave. Between two large
windows, there is a strong brick Pier six feet and an half wide;
the length of this pier from the ceiling down to the wainscot is
twelve feet and an half, ft from the Top of the wainscot to the
floor eleven feet and an half more ; if the Height from the Wainscot
to the ceiling should not be thought sufficient, we suppose there
would no Inconvenience in leting the monument down into the
wainscot as low as the Floor, but then the bottom Part of it would
be hid by the Front of the pew.
(Bobi Carter Nicholas' Writing.)
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Sir:
I reoeiTed jour letters of Noyr. 12th. ft Jan. 2d. with Bills
to the amount of 1809 10.7 stg. a few Days ago and cannot let
pass the earliest opportunity of acknowledging and at tiie same
time thanking you very sincerely for the very great trouble and
care you have taken of my affairs in Virginia. I am afraid that the
things sent by Capt Cawsey are lost, as notiiing has been heard of
his ship since he left Virginia. I cannot help mentioning how
extremely assiduous Mr. Norton has been to get the Statue, so
nobly voted by the Assembly to the memory of Lord Botetourt,
done in a handsome and elegant manner, to answer so generous
and so noble an Order. He was with me the other Day and shewed
me a Drawing that I believe he means to get completed, and if it
is executed properly by the man that undertakes it» I flatter my-
self it will give satisfaction to those who have expressed so much
regard to the Person it represents. I must beg leave again to
thank you for the great care you have been at and I should be
happy ever to have it in my Power to return your civilities, I am,
Sir, Your most obdient humble sevt
Beaufort
Orosvenor Square,
Mar. 6-72.
Virginia 8th. June 1771.
My Lord Duke:
Since our letter of the 27th. ulto we have agreed with Capt
John Cawsey of the Ship Planter belonging to ttie Messrs. Farel
ft Jones of Bristol to carry to that part the things you were pleased
to order This opportunity has offered much sooner than we ex-
pected, ft we believe was chiefly owing to a dreadful ft pretty gen«
eral Calamily which has happened by vast Floods of water issueing
down from the mountains and destroying such large quantities of
Tobacco in the public warehouses that the Captain could not so
readily procure his lading as was expected. We have agreed to
allow him 15. stg. for the Freight of the Goods ft £25 stg. for
his primage ft extraordinary care of the Plate, ftc. If your grace
should think the Freight too high, we have further agreed to refer
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COSBBSPOITDSNCS ReLATINO TO LOBD BoTBTOUBT, 117
it to you & the owners of the Ship to settle the matter in sndi
manner as you & they may think more reasonable. The captain
would by no means agree to take the Things unless something
certain was fixed here, & we thought it adriseable to come into
these terms, the very lowest that could be obtained, rather than
they should remain in the Country another year. We are appre-
hensive that he may be under Difficulties in landing the China &
perhaps some of the other articles. We would therefore recom-
mend it to your Grace previous to the arrival of the ship to procure
a license from proper authority; this was done when the late
Governor Fauquier^s china, &c. was sent over to England. We
cant with any Precision fix the value of the several articles, but,
if you choose to insure them we think you may venture to estimate
the whole at about £9000 stg; of this, however your Grace will be
the better Judge, as you have a copy of the Inventory & know
what things you have directed to be sent. The letter from Lord
Botetourf s agent arrived just in time to prevent the sale of 3
pipes of Madeira wine, so that all six will be sent. Mr. Marsh-
man & Thomas Fuller whom we had retained in the service of the
estate are very desirous of returning to England & will go with
Capt. Cawsey. This we the rather approved, that the things might
still continue under Marshman's eye, till they are delivered. We
have the Honor to be
Your Grace's
Very respectful & most obt. servts.
(Ro, Carter Nicholas' handwriting.)
Virginia, 25th. July, 1771.
My Lord Duke.
The foregoing is the third copy of a letter we had the Honour
of writing to your Grace some time ago, to which you'll be pleased
to refer to. We since find that Capt. Cawsey will not sail so soon
as he expected & have therefore thought it adviseable for Mr.
Marshman & Thomas Fuller to go Home with Capt. Samson, as
your goods are all delivered safe on Board of Capt. Cawsey 's Ship
& your Affairs here do not require their further attendance. We
were, my loid, such frequent witnesses of Marshman's exceeding
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good behavior during Lord Botetourt's life, & of his dutiful &
painful attention to his Lordship fhro'out his iUness^ & of his
great care & Diligence since his Death that we can not, in Justice
but recommend him to your Grace's Favour; we believe Thomas
Fuller also was & still continues an excellent and very faithful
servant.
You will receive inclosed a particular account of your receipts
& disbursements since Lord Botetourf s Death, Bala, in yr. Favour,
for which we sent you a Bill of Excha. on Messrs. Nortor & Son
Merchts. in London. The expences of the Funeral, &c. you'll
observe was pretty high, as we at first supposed; but we hope your
Grace will be persuaded that we have observed every kind of
Economy which could be decently used upon such an occasion.
We likewise send your Grace accounts of the Sales & of such
things as have been used in the Family since his Lordship's Death.
Mr. Marshman will be able to explain every article & give you
any farther satisfaction that you may desire. You may depend
upon having a full remittance as soon as the money becomes due
& we can collect it We have the Honor to be Your grace's very
respectful ft Mo. Obt Servts.
(Endorsed:) Copy of a Ltr. to the Duke of Beaufort by Wm.
Marshman.
Gentlemen
I have reed, your letters and beg leave to return you my sin-
cerest thanks for the very great care you have taken of every
thing tiiat did belong to Lord Botetourt, and of every thing that
has concerned his affairs since his Death, and for the repeated good
offices You have done for me, his Helation and Executr. The
Accounts shew with how great assiduity and exactness you have
managed every particular, but I must be further troublesome to
you to order the Vouchers of those Accounts to be copy'd and sent
over to me, (for Marshman informs me it is not proper to have
the Vouchers themselves sent over) as I think it will have a bet-
ter appearance for the Vouchers to go along with the Accoimts.
The very great Honor the Gteneral Assembly does Lord Bote-
tourt by their wishing to preserve to future ages the Esteem they
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COBBESPONDSNOE SxLATING TO LOBD BoTBTOUBT.. 119
had for him gives me infinite satisfaction and Pleasure, And I
must thro you (Gentlemen beg leave to present my sincere thanks
for this Testimony of their remembrance of Lord Botetourt^ and
to assure them that I will give their Agent in England all the
assistance in my power to render their wishes effectual that the
Statue may be like, tho I fear it must be in some measure im-
perfect as there is no Portrait of Lord Botetourt that has been
taken within the last five and twenty or thirty years, but there is
a Medal in Wax that is reckoned tolerably like, that shall be com-
municated to the person employed by the Assembly.
I have at present nothing further to trouble You with, but to
acknowledge the receipt of your Draft on Messrs. Norton ft Co.
for 645.0.6 and to assure You Gentlemen that I am with the
greatest sincerity.
Your most obedient and obliged humble sert.
Beaufort
Badminton.
13 Octr., 1771.
''Things to he Sent to England
In my Lords Bedchamber. Gold watch and Walking Cane.
Three seal skin Cases of surveyors instruments, one Shagreen case
contg. Eight Chas'd silver Tea Spoons and one pair of Tongs,
one Pair of Paste buckles, one red Leather case, a pair of stone
shoe and knee Buckles, two Morroco asses skin pocket books of
Memorandums, one Diamond Stock buckle, one pair of stone shoe
ft knee buckles, one Diamond Hatt Buckle, two Gold Seals, one
Steel Seal, one pair of Qooi Buttons, two setts of new steel shoe
ft knee buckles, one pair of cutt steel shoe ft knee Buckles, one
Handsome Tooth Pick Case.
In Dining Room.
The Public ft Private Papers and other things contained in
the Library Table and Mahogany Desk, to be put in the Most con-
venient of the Two and be sent carefully to England, the thirteen
Wax Portraits. The East India Firelock.
In Chamber over Dining Boom.
The Pistols with furniture ft five small swords.
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In Middle Boom.
Two Snuff Boxes^ one small Ivory Box.
In Store Boom.
One Piece of Fine Damask Napkining.
All the maps and all the books^ all the plate in Oeneiml 4
knives^ forks and spoons. All the China.
All the table and house linen. Three pipes of Madeira to bt
filled & well cas'd.
None of the Staffordshire ware to come.
"Standing Fumitwre at the Palac$
In the front Parlour.
34 Scripture prints
2 shades in Frames
2 Brass Branches
7 mahogany chairs
1 Iron grate
Fry & Jefferson's map in the Closet
In the hall and passage.
Arms & Colours 2 looking glasses
6 fire leather buckets
1 step ladder
In the Dining Boom.
1 Pr. brass sconces
1 side board with marble slate
In the Ball Boom.
19 Leather bottom Mahogany chairs
8 long Stools
8 stockae Brackets
6 brass branches
Supper Boom.
2 long walnut dining tables
16 walnut leather bottom chairs
1 glass lustre with 12 bronclies
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COEBESPONDBNCE BeLATING TO LoBD BoTSTOITBT.. 121
In the Porch. t
2 large deal benches
In the Powder Boom
2 dressers
In the little middle room.
Chimney & 2 brass sconces
a dresser & monumental piece to Thos Fairfax
an old glass Lanthome
1 pr. steps
In the pantry.
1 gilt looking glass
3 paintings over the door
Map of New England
4 leather bottom mahogany chairs
1 pr. old money scales
In the Passage up stairs.
3 large Roman Catholick pictures
1 glass LankorD
1 large looking glass, 1 pair steps
in the closet
Study.
1 looking glass
1 check curtain & rod
1 writing table
Chamber over the dining room.
2 looking glass with black frame & 2 glass sconces
2 outer window frames
10 prints in frames in the closet
1 looking glass with painted frame
Chamber over the Front parlour.
1 looking glass. 15 prints
Middle Boom.
2 long looking glasses with red gilded frames
1 large glass on the side of the room with carved gill Tt-ame
glass lustre with six branches
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122 Ttlbs's Qu;abtxbi.t ICAaunMa.
In his Lordship^s chamber,
one chimney looking glass
a shade
a stand of shelres
in the 8d. store room.
1 long box with a parcel of broken sconces
drd — 6 spring blinds, 4 billiard tacks, parts of bedst^ftd
1 brass sconce
a parcel of old iron
In passage upstairs.
4 very old black leather chaiiB
Room over his Lordship^s bed chamber.
1 looking glass with gilt frame
stand of shelves
Cellar,
wooden horses 1 rope
Garden.
13 leaden six stone flower potts
1 rotting stone — Tubbs ft orange tree ft roller for the Tobbi
Out house.
1 Hand mill
In the wine store.
1 step ladder ft old chair
3 horses, 2 large shelves.'^
[Subscription to the Iforifcotiss]
Sir: Please pay to
Mr. Saunders the sum of Sixty Pounds, current money, being the
Balance of Lord Botetourf s subscription to the Building of Work
house, the whole of which was one himdred pounds, ft part, yiz,
foriy pounds, received from his Lordship by myself was formerly
paid to Mr. Saunders —
Your most Obedient and very hble serrt
Nov. 13, 1770 J. Horrocks.
To: Bobi Carter Nicholas, Esqr.
Treasurer. :::
Digitized by VjOOQIC
CossBSPONDBiroB Relatxito to Losd Botbtoitbt* 123
(Endorsed on back:) Mr. Commissary^B note to pay Mr. Sanndera
for bal. of his Ldship's subscription for the Work House
£60—
"A C(Uatogu4 of Te Books in the lAbrwy.
No. of
Volumes.
3 Clarendon's History of the fiebellion
2 Postlethwayf s Dictionary
% Johnspn's Dictionary
7 Statutes at Large
2 Anderson on Commerce
3 Plinius Harduini
2 Miller's Gardener's Dictionary
1 Virginia Laws
1 Laws of Virginia
2 Balegs History of the World
1 Conquest of Mexico
1 Jacobs Law Dictionary
4 Bacons Works
3 Lockes work
Acts of Oeorge the second beginning in the 15 yr. of his Bdgn
ending the 30th
1 Coopers Dictionary
2 Traps Virgil
1 Ansons Voyage
1 Journal of the House of Burgesses
3 Minutes of the Lords from Jany 1765 to May 1768
1 TTniversal Dictionary of the marine
1 Map of Virginia
1 Virginia Laws
1 Pamphlet Military Devotion
1 Byron's narrative
1 Ode to Shakespear
1 Journal of H. Burgesses
1 Seat of the late war
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124 Tyi^kb's Quabtxblt MAGAJEnim
1 Map North America
1 Kerkead
1 Ignorant Philosopher
a parcel of Pamphlets & old magazines
1 atlas^ 3 books of prints & drawings in paste board
1 red Letter Case
6 Hanmers Shakespeare
1 Carters Epictetus
6 Popes Illiad
5 Popes Odyssey^ 2 Vols. Goldsmith's Boman History
4 SmoUets His. of England
9 Ciceronis opera Oliveti
3 Boberf s His. of Charles the 5th
3 Blackstones Commentaries^ 2 do^ 1 & 3 do lent out and not
returned
2 U Esprit des Loix
6 Humes His. of England (all missing E. B.), do
1 Observations on the Statutes
1 Plays.
1 Prussian Exercise
1 Ainsworth's Dictionary
1 Dictionare de Boyer
1 Caesar Auden dorpii
1 Boyers Dictionary
1 Littleton's do
26 Statutes at Large
20 TJniversal History
1 Bible & 1 Prayer Book
1 Diseases of the Army
1 Smiths His. of Virginia
1 Essays on Husbandry
1 Coiden's His. of Canada
1 Postlethayf 8 System
1 Pownal on the Colonies
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C0BBBSP02n>SNCX BsLATIlirO TO LoRD BOTBTOITBT.. 125
4 Sherlocks Sermons^
6 Oeuvres de Voltaire
2 Leiand's Demonthenes
9 Popes Works
1 Camp Discipline
1 Stat. Wm. 4 M. Coll
1 Virga. Laws^ abridged
1 Johnson^s Dictionary
2 Knox Historical Journal
2 Smolletf 8 Continuation
4 Atterbur3r's Sermons
2 Douglass's north America
' 2 European Settlements
1 Military Essay
1 Bailey^s Dictionary
1 Meiges do
1 Boyers do abridged
6 Tom Jones
9 Letters de Maintenon
6 L'Ami de Hommes
Sherlock 3d. volume^ not hia Lordship's -
1 Discource of trade
16 Treatise on Ventilators
1 Telemanque
3 L Esprit de La lique
6 Memoirs de Maintenon
1 Belisaire
2 Adventures of Jos. Andrews, 1 missing, only one,
1 Sprinkes Devotion *
8 Swiffs works
2 EUs. of the 5 Indian nations
10 Select plays, T & 1 TC.
9 do C. 2d. Mr. Stark.
6 Oeuvres de Moliere
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126 Ttlsb's Quaetiklt MAGJkJEDsrm
4 Fool of Qoalit?
2 Antonias's Meditation, Flora Yirginica.
1 Milton's Paridise lost.
Court & City register for 1768
Do 1769 & 1770
6 Virginia Almanack, 1669-177—
(Endorsed) Catalogue of books.
THE LANIEB FAMILY.
'The Laniers in England are stated in the Dictionanf of N0h
iional Biography, to have been of French origin. John Lanier,
who died in 1572 is referred to, in 1577, as haying been a musician
and a native of Bouen, France. He owned property in Crutched
Friars, parish of St Olave, Hart Street, London. He was {Nrobap
hlj father of 'John Lanyer, musician to her Ma^^' This John
Lanyer, or Lanier, married, Oct. 12, 1585, at the Church of the
Holy Minories, London, Frances, daughter of Marc Anthony Oal-
liardo, who had served as musician to Henry VIII and his three
fluccessors.
''The most distinguished of the family, Nicholas, son of John
Lanier just referred to, was baptized at the Holy Minories, Lon-
don, Sept. 10, 1588. He became a musician in the royal househdd
and in 1604 was 'musician of the flutes.^ He held, subsequently,
a high position among the royal musicians, both as a composer
and performer. Among other music he composed that for Ben
Jonson's masques: 'Lovers Made Men' (1617), and 'The Yisicm
of Delights,' as well as painting the scenery for the latter. At
the accession of James I he was made Master of the Music^ with a
pension of £200 a year. He was also a painter and skilled amateur
of works of art Li 1625 he was sent abroad by Charles I. to pur-
chase pictures and statues, and is considered to have been the first,
with tiie exception of Thomas, Earl of Arundel, to appreciate the
worth of drawings and sketches by the great masters. With the
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Thx Lanixb Famii«t. 127
Mibreak of the Ciril War the f ortones <rf the ianilj dtdinad, and
Nicholas Lanier followed the Stuarta into exile. At tiie Bestorar
tion he waa reatored to his office and dud Fek 16M-6.
''Another Nicholas Lanier, probably imde to tiie preceding,
was mu^cian to Queen Elizabetii in 1581, Ac. He owned consid-
erable property in East Greenwich, Blackheajh and the nei^-
borhood. He had four daughters and six sons, Jolm, (died 1650),
Alphonsb (died 1613), Innocent (died 1615), Jenme (died 1657),
Clement (died 1661) and Andrea (died 1659). All of these were
musicians in the service of the crown and eome of their duldren
succeeded to their posts. The will of Nicholas Lanyer, gent, ga^t
his lands &c. to his wife Lucreece, and 12 d. apMoa to his sons
named. Mrs. Lucretia Lanier was buried at Ghreoiwich, May 31>
1634.
^Another Nicholas Lanier, probably a cousin of the musician
and painter, was bom in 1568 and published two Tohmies of etch-
ings. He was probably the person of the name buried at St Mar-
tins-in-the-Fields, Not. 4, 1646.'' Virginia MagtuAne of Historf
and Biography, Vol. XXVIII, 341, 342.
There are in the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography
an abstract of the will of a John! Lanier proved in England, August
88, 1650, and an abstract of the will of his widow, Ellinor, proved
22nd. July 1652, and it is probable that they have some connee*
tion with the persons already mentioned. According to these wiUs
John and Ellinor Lanier had issues, three ehildren, J^n, Frances,
and Elizabeth.
While it appears impossiUe to trace all the Ameriean Laniers
to one American ancestor, it is not at all improbable that they all
descend from a common English ancestry.
The earliest person of the name connected by the records with
this ancestry was John Lanier, who was resident in Virginia in
1676. He was one of the rebels who took part with Bacon during
the disturbance known as Bacon Rebellion. Sir William Berkeley,
then Governor of Virgiida, was slow to act in defending the Colony
of Virginia against the Indians, and the men of the Southside of
James Biver took the matter in their own hands. They formed a
camp at Jordan's Point, near the present H<q>ewell in Prince
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128 Tyler's Quabtebly Magaziits.
George Cowitj, and selected John Lanier and John Woodlief to go
to the Gtovemor and ask him for authority to go against the In*
dians. But, Berkeley called them ^'fools and loggerheads," and
denied them their request. On their return the camp was visited
by Nathaniel Bacon who resided on the other side of the river at
Curies Neck, and he assumed the command, and the trouble began
by his going against the Indians without a commission from
Berkeley. (William and Mary Quarterly, XV, p. 77.)
Two years later Robert Lanier is found residing in the Parish
of St. Michael, Barbadoes, and there, on August 21, 1678, wa^
baptized Clement Lanier. As a Clement Lanier is found in Surry
County, adjoining Prince George, Virginia, in 1713, as shown by
a deed recorded there, and as many persons removed from Bar-
badoes to Virginia, it is reasonable to suppose that Clement Lanier,
bom in Barbadoes in 1678, was the same as the Clement Lanier
of Surry County. Moreover, as this Clement Lanier had a son
Nicholas and John Lanier had also a son Nicholas, it appears very
probable that John of Virginia had also come from Barbadoes and
was a brother of Robert Lanier.
Many of the descendants of both John Lanier and Clement
Lanier went southward into North Carolina, but it does not appear
that all of the name in that state had them as their progenitors.
As early as 1718 Lemuel Lanier filed a petition with the Council
at Sandy Point in Chowan precinct (North Carolina Records, II
308) and Robert Lanier was a juror in the same precinct in 1720
(Ibid., II, 473). A Robert Lanier lived in Tyrrell County, North
Carolina, and his will as given in Hathaway, North Carolina
Register, is dated 20th. September, 1744. In this will he mentions
his wife Sarah and both childi-en and grandchildren.
John Lanier, of Virginia, had a son Robert, but he will be
accounted for in his proper place. He had a grandson Lemuel
but of course he could not be the Lemuel of North Carolina. It
is probable that Robert Lanier and Lemuel Lanier of North Caro-
lina were two sons of Robert Lanier, of Barbadoes, and it is more
than probable that they were related to Jdm Lanier of Virginia.
This is all that can be said.
The old will books of Beaufort County, N. C, have been de-
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Thb Laiosr Family. 120
fitroyed and only a few of the ante-Bevolutionary wills remain.
But among those recorded in a special book is the will of John
Lanier, Esq., who represented Beaufort County in the North Caro-
lina Assembly in 1790. In his will dated Jan. 5th., 1794, he names
his wife Fanny, brother-in-law Thomas Barrow, Brother William
Lanier, and refers to children but does not name them. The will
of John Barrow, Esq., dated June 2nd., 1781. shows that John
Lanier married his daughter, Fanny.
Pitt County, adjoining Beaufort, has experienced a similar
loss. James Lanier was a prominent man in Martinsborough and
represented Pitt County in the Provincial Assembly during the
Revolution. His eldest son was Nathaniel Lanier, and deeds show
that he had also James, Jr., and Isom Lanier.
It would require an exhaustive search in the old records in
almost every County in Eastern North Carolina, to fully analyze
this branch of the Lanier family. Interest attaches to them, how*
ever, because of the fact that J. F. D. Lanier, who was a promi-
nent banker, was bom at Washington, Beaufort County. He wrote
a family sketch which is valuable as far as his own life and that
of his father, and that of his grandfather are concerned, but which
illustrates the fallibility of family narratives, when the writer
ventures on hearsay to go beyond this limit
Clement Lanier and His Descendants.
It has been noticed that Clement Lanier was living in Surry
County, Va., in 1713. In that year by deeds of lease and release
Thomas Farmer and Agnes, his wife, sold to Clement Lanier, of
Southwarke Parish, in Surry, fifty acres, and the next year fifty
acres adjoining was sold to him by William Scoggin. By deed
dated August 7, 1768, Nicholas Lanier and Mary, his wife, of the
parish of St Andrew and Couniy of Brunswjick, conveyed the
hundred acres to Alan Love, a merchant In the deed which is
recorded at Surry Court House, Clement Lanier is described as
^^father of said Nicholas, to whom as heir at law the said land de-
scended, the said Clement dying without having made any dis-
position of said land.^' Witnesses, H. Nicholson, Bobert Hick?,
Nicho. Edmunds, Silvanus Stokes, William Bet^.
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130 Ttueb'i Quabtxbz;7 Maoazhts.
Kieholas Lankr, ion of CUmeait, made his will 5th. April,
1788, which was proined in Brunswick Connty May 28, 1792. He
nam«6 his son CleBtot to whom he gives five shillings current
money; his daughter Sarah Bailey, to whom he gives the same
amount, and son-in-law Samuel Hudgins to whom ^^in oonsidera-
tion of his maintaining me during his life/' he gives the tract of
land on which lived, lying <m the east side of the Great Branch,
estimated at one hundred and twenty acres, also one negro woman
named Pretty and all the residue of his estate. He made his son*
in-law, Samuel Hudgins and his friend Sterling Edmunds, execu*
tors. Witnesses: Wm. D. Orgain, Wm. M. Johnson, John Turner,
William Orgain, and Smart Hawkins.
It is probable that John Lanier, of St. Andrews Parish, Bruns«
wick County, who made his will Idth. February, 1794, which was
jMTOved June 23, 1794, was a brother of this Nicholas. He names a
wife Selah and children, Clement, Edward and Sinah. The execu-
tors were Samuel Hudgins, William Osbum and Selah Lanier.
John Lanier and His Descendants,
As stated, John Lanier was living in that part of Charles City
Coxmty, afterwards known as Prince (George, as early as 1676. In
liS83 a land warrant was issued to him and Peter Wycke for 482
acres, located in the Parish of Westover, on the south side of James
Biver. Most of the records of Prince George were lost during the
Civil War, but fortunately the volume containing his will has been
preserved. He was bom about 1655 and died between Jan. 5,
1717-18, wh^i his will was dated^ and April 14, 1719 when a little
more than a year later his will was probated.
His children as named in his will, were (1) Bobert, to whom
he gave <me shilling; (2) John to whom he gave one shilling;
(3) Sampson, to whom he gave twelve shillings; (4) Sarah Brewer,
to whom he gave a cow or heifEer of 3 years old; (5) Nicholas, to
wh(»n be gave all the land he now lives upon and all his lands on
the otterdams, and all his movable and unmovable properly. He
made his son Nicholas execuior, and gave to his grandson John
Lanier, ^'the son of Nicholas^ my aoo,'^ a feather bed and bolster,
and blankets, and rug, all new and good and a smsll gunn well
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Thb Lasths Familt. 131
fixed, two pewter dipers and hmn^ one chest with lock and key and
■iz spoons, one iron pott and pott-hooks, and frying pann and a
nudl pair of Stillyards, two combs, a young horse of three years
•Id and three sheep.
Robert Lanier, Son of John Lanier.
As his brother Sampson states in a deposition in Surry Counfy
that he was about 56 in 1738, Bobert, who was probably tiie oldest
son, was bom about 1678. It is probable that he married more
than once. His wife, at the time of making his will. Sept 23,
1753, was Priscilla, and and in this will he speaks of '%er deceased
father, Bichard Washington.'' As Bichard Washington^ in his
will dated Nov. 9, 1724*, and proTed in Surry County, May 19,
1725, speaks of his daughter Priscilla Washington and his wife
Elizabeth Washington names her, in her will proyed May 21,
1735y as Priscilla Lanier, the marriage must have taken place be-
tween 1724 and 1735. Bobert Lanier spent all his life in Surry
Counly and his will Sept 23^ 1753, was recorded in the Clerk's
Office there May 18, 1756. According to which he left issue, John,
Thomas, Bobert and Priscilla. John Lanier, the eldest son, died
in 1766, when his estate was appraised.
John Lanier, Son of John Lanier.
John Lanier was bom about 1680. Of his death, or the num-
ber of his children, no record has been found. He appears to have
resided in Surry County, for in 1702 John Lanier was taken
into custody by the Sheriff of that County for not appearing as
a grandjuryman when summoned. He married Elizabeth Bird,
daughter of Thomas Bird, whose will was proved in Surry County
in 1687. There is a deed recorded in Surry County April 4, 1720,
by which George Nicholson and Mary, his wife, tenants during the
life of said Mary in certain lands, and John Lanier and Elizabeth,
his wife, and John Young and Tabitha, his wife, tenants of the
fevers ion of the fee simple after the death of said Mary, convey the
the said lands situated at the head of Upper Chippokes Creek in
James City County to William Blaikley, merchant of James City
Co. Later, on March 1, 1728, Elizabeth Lanier, who is described
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132 Ttlse^s Quabtbkly Magazins.
SB one of the daughters of Thomas Bird, releases to Richard Jones
and her sister Tabitha, his wife, all her interest in 300 acres, she
and Tabitha being the only surviving children of Thomas Bird.*
Of their children there is no record save this — One Bird
Thomas Jjanier appears in the records and was probably a son. In
1734 he was appointed by Brunswick Court overseer of the new
road to Shining Creek. From this his birth must have been prior
to 1713. In 1735 he was appointed Constable and on Jan. 2, 1737
Thomas Birdf Lanier had a land warrant for 312 acres in Bruns-
wick County on the south side of Oreat Creek. He sold this land
in 1739, at which time his wife Mary joined in the deed. It is
possible that his wife, Mary, was the Mary Ijanier whose will dated
April 28, 1798, and proved at September Court in the same year.
It names the following children: Edmund, who married Amy
Goodrich, daughter of Benjamin Goodrich, Bird, Abner, Tabitha
and Sally, wife of Edmund Laurence.
Sampson Lanier, Son of John Lanier.
Sampson Lanier, third son of John Lanier, was bom, accord-
ing to his deposition, about 1682, and he married Elizabeth Wash-
ington previous to 1724, the date of the will of Bichard Wash-
ington, who mentions his daughter Elizabeth Lanier, and son-in-
law, Sampson Lanier and his five Lanier grand-<!hildren : Arthur,
Thomas, Lemuel, Sampson, and Bichard. Sampson Lanier later
had two other children, Elizabeth, who married George Burch, and
James Lanier. His will was proved in Brunswick County, Jan.
8, 1742-3, and he mentions therein his children, Thomas, Samp*
son, Bichard, Elizabeth Burch, Lemuel, and James, which last
was under age. Thomas and Sampson were made executors.
Of these children, 1. Arthur, bom about 1706, died probably
^Thomas Bird left four ckildren: Thomas, who died without
lasne; Mary, who married Qeorge Nicholson and died without iaaue;
Blisabeth, who married John Lanier and Tabitha who married (1)
John Young, (2) Riduurd Jones.
tHe appears to have written his name sometimes as Bird Thomas
Lanier and aemetimea as Thomas Bird Lanier.
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The Lanixs Family. 133
joimg and without issue. He is not mentioned in his father's will.
2. Thomas^ bom about 1707, married Anne Maelin (for Maclin
family see William and Mary Quarterly, VII, 108). This mar-
riage took place previous to July 3, 1734, when William Maclin
executed a deed of gift "for love and affection to my daughter
Anne Lanier and her husband, Thomas Lanier" (Bninswick Co.,
Ya., Records). He made his will August 23, 1745, and mentions
his children, Jacob, Wiliam, Drury and Benjamin Lanier. Jacob
Lanier died in Greenville County in 1788, and as he leaves his
property to his '1)rother Thomas.** This Thomas must have been
a son of Jacob's father, and bom after 1745. He married Tabitha
Eves in 1744 (marriage bond at Brunswick C. H.). Benjamin
Lanier, another son of Thomas Lanier, removed to Sussex County,
where his will dated 11th. June, 1789, and proved 3 Sept. 1789,
names his children: (1) Herbert, (2) Augustine, (3) Benjamin,
(4) Sterling, (5) Littleton, (6) Patsy. Augustine Claiborne was
about this time Clerk of Sussex County and it is possible that
Benjamin Lanier married one of his sisters.
It is interesting to notice that one of these sons Sterling Lanier
had the same name as the grandfather of the Poet Sydney Lanier,
bom in Rockingham Co., N. C. But to observe what a
charming mangle of facts can be made by a poet, when he lets
his imagination run rampant in genealogy, compare his letter in
Mr. J. P. D. Laniards interesting "Sketch'* with the account
stated here taken from the records. Assuming that he
knew his line back to his grandfather Sterling, as the extreme
limit allowed by genealogy for mere tradition, his claim of a
descent from Buckner Lanier as his great grandfather must be
rejected. As will be seen, Buckner Lanier, son of Sampson Lanier,
grandson of John Lanier, had no son Sterling.
3. Lemuel Lanier, son of Sampson, was bom about 1710 and
married Hannah Peters, as is shown by a deed recorded af Sussex
C. H. dated April 14, 1755, from Thomas Lanier of North Caro-
lina to Thomas Peters, Jr., of Sussex County, Virginia, for 200
acres of land, expectant upon the determination of the lives of
Lemuel Lanier, and Hannah, his wife, the father and Mother of
the said Thomas Jjanier, which said Thomas Peters, Sr. by deed
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134 Tylsb's Quastxbx^t Maoazins.
of gift transferred to said Lemuel Lanier and Hannah, his wife,
the daughter of said Thomas Peters, and then to his grandson the
said Thomas Lanier. Lemuel Lanier lived in Albemarle Parish,
Sussex County and the parish Register shows that he had tlie fol-
lowing children by Hannah, his wife, (1) Thomas, bom July 6,
1733, (2) Elizabeth, bom June 10, 1735, (3) John, bom Dec.
88, 1738, (4) Lemuel, bom April 12, 1741, (6) Benjamin, bom
May 3, 1744.
In partnership with his brother, James Lanier, he patented in
1740 350 acres on the south side of Three Creeks in Brunswick
County. This land was afterwards divided, and Lemuel Lanier
sold his part, 175 acres, to Bobert Lanier, 26th. January 1763.
He became one of the sureties on tlie bond of Elizabeth Lanier,
widow of Sampson Lanier, and the guardian for their children.
Hannah, the first wife of Lemuel Lanier, died before 1763,
when a second wife, joining him in a deed of that date, had the
name of Elizabeth, who by a further deed 25th. Feb., 1765 ap-
pears to have been a dau^ter of John Peebles. This last deed
was a deed of gift to his daughters Milly and Sally Lanier, grand-
daughters of John Peebles. There is no record known to the writer
of the will of Lemuel Lanier, but Lemuel Lanier, his son, was very
probably Lemuel Lanier^ whote will was recorded in Robertson
Co., Tenn., in 1817. He had a daughter, Martha, who married
John S. Fagan, who served in the battle of King's Mountain. They
had a son Robert Lanier Fagan, who served in the war of 1812 and
was great grandfather of Mrs. H. H. Neill, widow of Chief Justice
Neill of San Antonio, Texas.
4. Sampson Lanier, son of Sampson Lanier, and Elizabeth
Washington, was bom about 1712. His first land warrant was
dated 17 March, 1736, at which time he was doubtless over 21.
He appears quite frequently in the records of Brunswick County,
as Vestryman of St. Andrews Parish, Justice of the County and
Sheriff. He married Elizabeth Chamberlin, daughter of Samuel
Chamberlin, as is shown by a bond of Sampson Lanier to Mary
Swanson dated Oct 8, 1752, and recorded, and by the will of
Samuel Chamberlin dated Sept. 14, 1752, and recorded. Samp-
son Lanier left no will and so his widow, Elizabeth, on Sept 2,
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Thx Lamixb Fahut. 135
1757 gaye bond to the Court of Branswick Co. to adminifter oa Ua
estate^ with Bichard Burch and Lemuel Lanier^ as two of her
eeenrities.
On NoTember 23, 1757, Edward Goodrich, Isaac Bowe Walton
and John Madin, gentlemen, laid off and aarigned to Elizabeth
Lanier, widow of Sampson Lanier, deceased, her dower of said
Sampson's estate.
A marriage bond, dated 23, Jnly, 1758, on file in Brunswick
County, Va., shows that ihe widow, Elizabeth Lanier, married
secondly Cuthbert Smith, and an order of Feb. 27, 1759, appointed
Cuthbert Smith guardian of Bebecca Lanier, orphan of Sampson
Lanier, and one of Sept. 5, 1759 appointed their Uncle Lemuel
as guardian of Burwell Lanier, Buckner Lanier, Winifred Lanier,
Martha Lanier and Anne Lanier.
No mention is made in these records of a son named Lewis
Lanier, who it is claimed was also a son of this couple, but there
is a marriage bond in Sussex County, dated Sept. 21, 1778, be-
tween ^^Lewis Lanier, son of Sampson Lanier and Anne Butler,
daughter of Thomas Butler.'* In Clarke's Norih Carolina Stata
Becords, Burwell and Lewis Lanier appear in Anson County, Norik
Carolina, the first as a witness in 1776 against James Perry, a
New light Baptist, and ihe second (Lewis) as a member of the
House of Commons in 1787 and 1788.
Of these children, Bebecca Lanier, married Walton Harris of
Brunswick County (Sketch of J. F. D. Lanier) ; Buckner, married
Bebecca Williamson, widow, in 1783 (marriage bond in Sussex).
Buckner's will dated May 18, 1811, was proved in Sussex County,
Va., Dec. 5, 1811, and names children, Frederick, Polly and John
(under age) to whom he gives the plantation whereon he Uvea
Winifred Lanier married Col. Drury Ledbetter of Brunswick
County, son of Henry Ledbetter, and was ancestor of Mr. Atwood
Violet of New York. (See article in New York Oeneaiogical and
Biographicai Magazine, January number, 1916.) Anne or Nancy
is said to have married Major Yaughan, of Boanoke.
4. Bichard Lanier, son of Sampson Lanier and Elizabeth
Washington, was bom about 1715 as seems indicated by his first
land transaction. On March 17, 1736, Sampson lAnier and
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136 Ttlsbl'b Quabtbbi^y Maoazink.
Bichard Lanier, Jr., were granted a patent for 354 acres on tlie
Watery Branch, adjoining the County line. If he was of age at
this time, his birth must have been as stated. Being called ^^Jun*
ior'' there is an indication that there was another Bichard Lanier,
perhaps a son of one of the other sons of John Lanier, but of him
nc tiling is known.
He married about April 2, 1759, with Ann Pettway, daughter
of Robert Pettway and widow of Isaac Mason (Marriage bond in
Sussex, and Sussex records). The Albemarle Parish Register
(Sussex County) shows that they had three children. Susanna
bom Jany. 1766, William, 28 June, 1768, and James, lo Feby.
1771. Anne Pettway Mason, when she married Richard Lanier^
had also four children by her former husband, Isaac Mason, John
Mason, Mary Ann Mason and Elizabeth Mason.
The late date of his marriage renders it possible chat hf had a
former wife and other children whose names are not handed down
to us. On August 18, 1780 at a court held in Sussex county the
church wardens were ordered to bind out, according to law, *^il-
liam and James Lanier, sons of Richard Lanier, it appearing to
this Court that the said Richard Ijanier neglects their education
and proper instruction.'*
5. Elizabeth Lanier, daughter of Sampson Lanier, is not men-
tioned in the will of her grandfather Richard Washington and so
is presumed to have been bom after its date — 1724. She married
Richard (?) Burch.
6. James Lanier, son of Sampson Lanier, also for a similar
reason is presumed to have been bom after 1724, and in his case
the presumption is rendered certain by the will of his father
Sampson Tinier (1743) who refers to him as under 21 years of
age. It is reasonably certain that he married Mary Cooke, daugh-
ter of Henry Cooke, with whom he had land transactions, and who
in his will dated Nov. 30, 1772 names his daughter, Mary Lanier.
While James Lanier, grandfather of J. F. D. Lanier, was
bom at Washington, Beaufort County, in a section of North Caro-
lina, where lived as seems descendants of the Ijanier name having
no immediate connection with the Virginia family, the tradition
of his descent from Samppon Tinier is so emphatic that in James
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The Lanusb Family. 137
Lanier^ as Thomas Forsythe Nelson piointed out^ may be found
the connecting link.
James Lanier^ grandfather of J. F. D. Lanier^ was bom Feb.
2y 1750^ and this fits in very well with a son of James Lanier,
youngest son of Sampson Lanier.
Sarah Brewer, Daughter of John Lanier.
Sarah Lanier was bom about 1684, and married G^rge Brewer,
whose will was proved in Brunswick County, August 2, 1744, and
names his children, Oliver, Henry. Nathaniel, Sarah, Lanier,
George, John and Howell.
Nicholas Lanier, Son of John Lanier.
Nicholas Lanier, whom his father made executor and to whom
he left the land on which he lived, was evidently from the date
of his death, and other particulars, much younger than any of his
brothers. He was probably the child of a second wife, and had not
like his half brothers, been provided for in his life time. Proba-
bly he had not long been married when his father died (1717)
and left a legacy to his son John.
He removed to St. Andrews Parish, Bnmswick County, and
various records show that his wife's name was Mary. In the same
parish resided also another Nicholas, son of Clement Lanier, and
his wife's name was also Mary, but there is no difficulty in dis-
tinguishing betw^n the two. By a deed dated April 2, 1728, and
recorded in Prince George County, Nicholas Lanier, described him-
self as son of John Lanier, and now stated to be of Brunswick
County, and Mary, his wife, conveyed the land patented formerly
by his father along with Peter Wycke in 1683, and that whereon
his deceased father had formerly lived, to Holmes Boisseau, of
Prince George County.
He was one of the first Justices of Brunswick County in 1736,
was Captain of a company of militia, SherifiE, Church warden of
St. Andrews Parish, &c. He lived to a very advanced age, and
his will was offered for probate 23d. April, 1779. It was contested
by his 'Tieir at law*' Nicholas Shepherd Lanier and was never ad«
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138 Ttlsb's Quabteslt Maoazii^s.
mittod to record. The original^ however^ dated 9 June^ 1776 was
found among the Court files by Mr. Thomas Forsythe Nelson^ and
it mentions the following devisees : his wife Mary^ son William, to
whom he gave the land on which he resided, 567 acres, son Nich-
las Shepherd Lanier, son Thomas Lanier, son Lewis Lanier, an&
daughter, Sarah Brown. Mary Lanier, the wife, appears to have
t>een Mary Lanier mentioned as daughter of William Nance in his
will dated Nov. 17, 1770 and proved Feb. 26, 1771. John, a son
mentioned in the will of his grandfather John Lanier, (1717) is
not mentioned in Nicholas' will, and so was dead without issue,
leaving Nicholas Shepherd as ^^son and heir.''
Nicholas Shepherd Lanier, son of Nicholas Lanier, was bom
after 1717 and before 1726, which is twenty-one years prior to
the date of his first land warrant, Oct 1, 1847 — say about 1720.
From a deed conveying this same land in 1750 we learn that the
name of his wife was Amy. He died before June 25, 1781, when
his own will was probated in Brunswick County. This will dated
August 28, 1780 shows that he had issue, (1) Bird, (2) Burwell,
(3) Elizabeth, then wife of Edwards, (4) Drury. The
will was proved by the oaths of Bobert Oee, Jr., Bichard Atkins
and John Lanier. His wife survived him.
Thomas Lanier, son of Nicholas Lanier, patented land ^^on
both sides of Mitchell's Creek" in Brunswick County, 12 Jan. 1747.
He was bom about 1722. From a deed dated 7th. August, 1753,
we learn that his wife's name was Elizabeth, which afterwards a
Bible record proves to be Elizabeth Hicks. He was one of the
first Justices of Lunenburg County, which was cut from Bruns-
wick in 1743. As furnished me, the Bible record has ^^Thomas
Lanier, married Elizabeth Hicks in 1742-3. Issue, (1) Molly,
bom April 28, 1744; (2) Bobert, bom Nov. 12, 1746; (8) SaUie,
bom, Dec. 12, 1748; (4) Betty Hicks, bom Sept. 29, 1750, mar-
ried Col. Joseph Winston; (5) Caiy, born July 31, 1752; (6)
Patsy, bom Nov. 26, 1754; (7) Eebekah, bom January 27, 1757^
married Col. Joseph Williams; (8) Thomas, bom Dec. 11, 1760;
(9) Susanna, bom April 13, 1763; (10) Lewis, bom Sept 21,
1765; (11) Fanny, bom Nov. 25, 1767; (12) William H., bom
Aug. 25, 1770. Perhaps Fanny and William were by his second wife.
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The Lanier Family. 139
Prances, who is mentioned in his will dated Dec. 14, 1804, and
proved in Granville County, N. C, at August Court, 1805. In this
will Thomas Lanier gives a small legacy to the heirs of his son Rob-
ert Lanier, "if any there be," and a similar legacy to the heirs of his
son Lewis. They were then dead. Mary was living and still
single. William was the only living son, and the other surviving
children were named as Elizabeth Winston, Sarah Williams, Cath-
arine Allen, Rebecca Williams, Susannah King and Fanny Sprag-
gins. His executors were Robert Burton, James Vaughan, John
R. Eaton, Melchisedeck Spraggins, William Hunt and Joseph
Williams.
Sarah Lanier, daughter of Thomas Lanier, married twice i
(1) Joseph Williams in 1766, (marriage bond at Oxford, N. C.;:
dated June 3, 1766, Joseph Williams to Sarah Lanier) ; (2) Rob-
ert Williams, (marriage bond at Oxford, N. C, dated October
10, 1774, Robert Williams to Sarah Williams).
Robert Williams moved to Pittsylvania County, Virginia, where
he was colonel of the militia in 1775 {Va. Mag. of Hist and Biog,
XIX, 307). He had by Sarah Lanier (1) Nathaniel Washington
Williams, Judge of Superior Court in Tennessee, (2) Mary mar-
ried Matthew Clay, M. C. 1797-1813, (3) Lucy married Robert
Call, (4) Martha married John Henry, (5) Sarah married James
Chalmers, (6) Elizabeth married Rev. John Kerr, a distinguished
Baptist minister, who served in congress from 1813 to 1817.
(Wheeler's Rsminiscences, 418.)
Halifax County, 17 April, 1801.
To Col. John Wimbish, Clerk:
This is to inform you that among many men I have seen
have made choice of Mr. John Kerr, the bearer hereof, for my
husband and request you to issue license from your office for the
completion of the above intention, & oblige,
Yours &c.
Eliza Williams,
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140 Ttlsb's Quabtebly Magazins.
John Eerr and Elizabeth Williams were great grandparents
of Mrs. C. G. Andrews^ wife of Mr. Walter Andrews, now of
Newport, Bhode Island.
The marriage bonds at Oxford, Granville County, N. C, show
that Martha (or Patsy) Lanier married Mr. William Watson,
Bebecca married in 1772 CoL Joseph Williams, Jr., a brother of
Robert Williams, Susannah married George King in 1781, and
Fanny married Melchisedeck Spraggins in 1780.
According to Wheeler's History of North Carolina, Joseph
Williams, Jr., was Lt CoL of the Surry, N. C. militia, and his
issue by Rebecca LarJer was (1) Gen. Robert Williams, member
of Congress from 1797 to 1803. Died in Tennessee. (2) John
Williams, a colonel in the battle of the Horseshoe against the
Creek Indians, (3) Lewis Williams, member of Congress in 1815,
died Feb. 22, 1842, (4) Thomas Lanier Williams, twin brother
of Lewis, and chancellor of Tennessee. (5) Dr. Alexander
Williams, of Greenville, Tenn, (6) Nicholas Lanier Williams,
(7) Rebecca Williams, who married John Wimbish, of Halifax,
Va., (8) Fanny, who married Jolin P. Irvin, of Nashville, Tenn.,
(9) Major Joseph Williams, of Suny Co., N. C.
That Thomas Lanier of Granville Couniy, N. C, was the same
as Thomas Lanier, of Lunenburg Co., Ya., is shown by the fact
that on Oct. 21, 1761, Thomas Ford and Eleanor, his wife, of
Granville County, N. C, sold land in that county to "Thomas
Lanier of Lunenburg County, Colony of Virginia,*' and there is a
deed on record in Lunenburg Co., Deed Book 9, page 492, dated
10 Jan. 1764, by which Thomas Lanier and Elizabeth, his wife,
of Granville Couniy, North Carolina, conveyed 200 acres <rf his
land in Lunenburg County, Ya., to David Christopher. These
deeds make it clear that he moved from Virginia some time before
October 21, 1761 and January 10, 1764.
He had large possessions, as the Census of 1790 credited him
with 1049 acres.
Lewis Lanier, son of Nicholas Lanier. There is a marriage
bond at Lawrenceville, the seat of Brunswick County Clerk's Of-
fice, dated 26th November, 1752, executed by Lewis Lanier to
Martha Speed, and assuming that he was about 25 years old at
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The Laioeb Fahilt. 141
the time, it shows that he was bom about 1727. He was a resi-
dent of Dinwiddie County, and there is recorded at Lawrenceville
a deed from Lewis Lanier of Dinwiddie County and Martha, his
wife, conveying 200 acres in Brunswick County on both sides of
Stony Bun to Benjamin Simmons, which he had purchased in
1765, from Isaac and William House.
Unfortunately the records of Dinwiddie Couiriy have been
destroyed except one rather late book and so we have no definite
information of his children if he had any. There is on record at
Lawrenceville, a deed of gift executed to him by his father, Nich-
olas Lanier, November 7, 1774, conveying to him four negroes.
He may have been the Lewis Lanier who represented Anson
County, North Carolina, in the North Carolina Legislature in
1787. But this Lewis may also have been Sampson Lanier's son
Lewis.
It is proper to state that work above on the Lanier Family was
largely facilitated by a report of Mr. Thomas Forsythe Nelson,
late of Washington, D. C, kindly furnished the editor by Mr.
Atwood Violett, of New York
A Lenoir family also resided in Brunswick Co., said to be like
tiie Laniers of French ancestry. The family names are similar to
those of the Lanier family, but it is hardly possible tiist Lanier
and Lenoir were the same, though they sound much alike. Gen-
William Lenoir, of Wilkes County, North Carolina, was very
prominent in the American Bevolution. He was a captain in Col.
Cleaveland's regiment in the battle of King's Mountain. He was
bom in Brunswick County, Va., May 20, 1751, 0. S., and wae
the youngest of a family of ten children. Wheeler's North Caro-
Ima, p. 462.
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142 Tyler's Quabteblt Magazine.
\
WASHINGTONS OF SURRY.
There ie a numerous family of Washingtons, who descend from
a John Washington, liying in Surry County in 1658, and doubtless
sereral years previous. He is not to be confounded with John Wash-
ington, ancestor of Oen. George Washington, who with his brother
Lawrence, came to Westmoreland County, Virginia, in 1657. These
last were sons of Rot. Lawrence Washington, rector of Purleigh, who
had a brother. Sir John Washington who married (1) Mary, daughter
of Philip Curtis, of Northamptonshire, and (2) Dorothy Pargiter,
daughter of William Pargiter of Oretworth, Esq. By the first mar-
fiage he had two sons, John and Mordaunt Now Theodore Pargiter,
brother of Dorothy, writes a letter from London, August 2, 1654, in
which he mentions his "cozen John Washington," apparently in
Barbadoes. As many people resident in Barbadoes emigrated to South-
side Virginia, it is not unlikely that John Washington, of Surry
County, was John Washington, of Barbadoes, in which case he and
John Washington, of Westmoreland Co., were first cousins. (See
New England Historical and Qenealogioal Magazine, Vol. 38, p. 424,
and Vol. 43, p. 405.)
John Washington, of Westmoreland Co., married Anne Pope, but
there is a deed in Surry dated November 15, 1656, in which John
Washington of Surry contracted marriage with "Mary fTord" (Ford),
a widow, who had also been the widow Blunt, since the marriage con-
tract makes provision also for "Tho: Blunt sonne of said Mary."
Later, on 29^ April, 1682, Thomas Blunt and Richard Washington ob-
tained from the land office of Virginia a grant for 330 acres of land,
which by deed dated 17th. Sept, 1686 and recorded in Surry, Thomas
Blunt conveys to "my brother Richard Washington, all my right, title
and interest in the patent and the land therein mentioned, 330 acres
in Surry County, Virginia, dated 29 April, 1682." There is no will
preserved of John Washington or of Mary, his wife, but the deed Just
mentioned proves that Richard Washington, of Surry, was the son
of John Washington, of Surry, and his wife, Mary Blunt-Ford.
In an "order book" at Surry C. H., under date of 6 July, 1681, it is
stated that Richard Washington, "being of full age," appeared in
Court and signed a deed for a parcel of land. This shows that Rich-
ard was bom about 1660, a year and a half after John Washington
married Mary Ford.
Richard Washington married Elizabeth Joi*dan, a niece of Col.
George Jordan, attorney general of Virginia, and daughter of Arthur
Jordon, who subscribed to a marriage contract with Elizabeth Bavinn
in 1654. In his will dated Sept. 24, 1698, Arthur Jordan, of South-
warke P^ish, Surry County, mentions "his son and daughter Wash-
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The Lanieb Family. 143
ington/' and his grandson "Arthur Washington." Richard Washing-
ton in his will dated Nov. 9, 1724, names his son Arthur Washington.
According to Clarke's "North Carolina State Records/' Richard
Washington, at the house of Henry Briggs in 1710, made his affidavit
as to the boundary line of Virginia and North Carolina, and the same
records show that a Richard Washington in 1720 was constable of
Chowan Precinct, 1739. This last was probably Richard, son of
Richard Washington, of Surry.
Richard Washington had 7 sons, George, Richard, John, William,
Thomas, James and Arthur, and five daughters, Elizabeth, married
Sampson Lanier, Priscilla, married Robert Lanier, Ann, married John
Stevens, Faith, married Josiah Barker, and Mary, married Robert
Hart
LANIER WILLS.
Will of John Lanier
IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN: I, John Lanier, in the County
of Prince George, being yerry weak and ailding in Body but in per-
fect mind and memory, thanks be given unto God therefore it is ap-
pointed for all men once to dye, I do make and ordain this my last
will and testament that is to say principally and first of all, I give
and bequeathe my sould into the hands of God that gave it, and for
my body I commend it to the Earth to be buried in a Christian Like
and Decent manner, to the Discretion of my Executor — ^nothing Doubt-
ing but at the genrall resurrection, I shall receive the same again, b^
the mighty power of God, and as touching such Worldly Estate where-
with it hath pleased God to bless in this Life, I give Devise and Dis-
pose of the same in the following manner and formr^
First, I give to my son Robert Lanier, one Shilling.
Secondly, I give to my son John Lanier, one Shilling.
Thirdly, I give to my son Sampson Lanier twelve Shillings
Fourthly, I give to Daughter Sarah Brewer one Cow or Heiffer
of three years old.
Fifthly, I give to my grandson John Lanier, the son of Nich-
olas Lanier my son, a feather bed and bolster and blanketto and ruggs
all new and good and a small gunn well flxt, and I give to him two
pewter Dishes and Bason and One Chest with lock and key and Six
Spoons, One Iron pott and potthooks, and frying pan and a small pair
of StiUyards and two Combs and a young Horse of three years old,
and three sheep.
Lastily, I give to my son Nicholas Lanier, all the land which
I now live upon, and all my land on the Otterdams, to him and his
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144 Ttueb^s Qvabtxblt MAOAfum.
heirs fdrever, and I gfre to my boh Nicholas all mj morablea a&d
frnmorahles. I do make my eon, Nldiolaa Lanier, mj whole and Mie
Bxor. of this mj Last Will and Testament, to see that it to performed
As Witness my hand and seal thto the 5th. of Jan>, of 1717.
John Lanier, Sealed with
red wasL
his
William X Peebles
marke
Hairy Peebles
hto
Thomas X Bnrrow
marke
At a Court held at Merdiantshope for the County of Prince George
on the second Tuesday in April being the fourteenth Day of the said
month Anno. Dom. 1719.
The aboTe written Last Will and Testament of John Lanier,
Deced. was exhibitted into Court by Nicholas Lanier hto Bxectr. who
made Oath thereto, and it being Duly prored by William Peebles,
Henry Peebles and Thomas Burrow the serel witnesses thereto to by
order of the Court truly recorded and Certificate to granted the said
Nicholas Lanier for Obtaining a Probate in Due form.
Teste. WuL Hamlin, CI. Cur.
A Copy,
Teste:
W. D. Temple, Clerk.
Will of Sampson Lanier.
Brunswick Co.« Virginia, Will Book 2, Page 52.
IN THB NAME OF GOD AMBN: I Sampson Lanier of tht
Parrtoh of Saint Andrew in the County of Brunswick calling to mind
the mortality of man do make and ordain thto to be my last WiU
and Testament reroking all former wilto by me made and thto only
to be my last Will and Restament to wit I give and bequeath unto
my son Thomas Lanier all the tract of land whereon I now live con-
taining one hundred and fifty acres to him and his h^rs forever but
it to my desire that my wife should have the use of the Ptontation
whereon I now liye with the land on the east side of branch during
her natural life makeing no waist on the same I also giye unto my
said son Thomas Five pounds cash and all my Cog^tm tooto I give
unto my son Sampson Lanier one Negro man called Mingo my wife
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Thx Lahubr Family. 145
to tare tlie labour of the said negro daring her widowhood I give
unto my son Richard Lanier two cows and calvea two cowi and pigs
one feather bed bolster a blankett and rugg and a pair of iheeta two
pouter dishes three pouter plates one good chest one iron pott also
one negro woman named Juda my wife haying the labour of the said
negro woman during her widowhood I give unto my Daughter Eliza
Burch one negro girl called Mou the said negro girl and her increase
to the use of my said daughter and the heirs of her body forever 1
give to my son Lemuel Lanier one negro girl called Agge to him and
his heirs also one feather bed and bolster a pair of sheets a rugg and
a blankett two pouter dishes and three pouter plates two cows and
calves one heifer one young mare bridle and saddle and all the hoggs
that is called his and agang of hoggs that yoused with the same one
iron pot and frying pann I give to my son James Lanier two cows and
calves two sows and piggs two pouter dishes two pouter plates one iron
pott or kettle one young nuure one small saddle and bridle one feather
bed bolster a pair of sheets a rugg and a blankett and one negro man
called Randol to him and his heirs but Lamuel Lanier to have the
labour of the said negro till my son James come to the age of twenty
one years I gtve unto my beloved wife Twenty Pounds cash which
the h%!Ok in her possession to her and her disposial and also let the use
<rf all the remainder part of my Bstate to my beloved wife during
her natural life or widowhood and after her death or marriage I give
all that part of my estate to my five sons to be equally divided among
them to them and their heirs my will and desire that my estate may
not be brought to an appraisement I also constitute and appcint my
two sons Thonuui Lanier and Sampson Lanier Eacor's of this my last
wlU and testament IN WITNB88 whereof I have hereunto set my
hand and afliced my seal this I2ighth day of January, 1742/8.
Sampson Lanier (Seal)
Signed sealed and delivered in
presence of us as his last will
and testament
James Maclin.
his
Peter X Adams
mark
Richard Lanier
At a Court 'sold fOr Brunswick Ck>unty May the 6th» 1748.
This will was presented In Court by Thomas Lanter and Sampson
Lanier the Oxer's therein named who made oath according to law and
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146 TTUfiB^S QUABTEBLY MaGAZINB.
the same being prove*! by the oaths of Jaixu's Madln and Richard
Lanier two of the witnesses thereto and ordered to be recorded, on the
motion of the said Ezor's certificate is granted them for obtaining a
probate thereof in due form.
TESTE:
Ster. Clack, Clerk Court.
A COPY,
TESTE:
R. H. Tumbull, D. Clerk.
WILL OF NICHOLAS LANIER
Original in the Court Files in Brunswick Co., Va.
(Not recorded)
IN THE NAME OF QOD, AMEN: I, Nicholas Lanier of the
parrish of Saint Andrews and County of Brunswick, being of sound
perfect mind and memory blessed be God do this Ninth day of June
in the year of our Lord Christ, one thousand seven hundred and
seventyHsix, make and publish this my last will and testament in
manner following Vize: First, I lend unto my beloved wife Mary
Lanier four negroes, to-wit: — Harry, Amey, Tom and Bett, also all
my House hold and kitchen furniture, also all my stock of all kinds
during her life. Also I give and bequeath unto my son William
Lanier the land whereon I now live, containing five hundred and sixty
seven acres, more or less, and all and singular the appertenances
thereunto belonging to him and his heirs and assigns forever. Also
I give and bequeath to my son William Lanier, three negroe slaves^
namely, Tom, Dick and Rachel, to him, his heirs and assigns forever.
Also I give and bequeath to my said son William Lanier all my house
hold and kitchen furniture of all kinds after his mother's decease, to
him and his heirs and assigns forever. Also I give and bequeath to
my son Nicholas Shepherd Lanier, one negro slave, namely, Jack^
to him his heirs and assigns forever. Also I give and bequeath to my
son Thomas Lanier two negro slaves, namely: JefT and Bet, to him
his heirs and assigns forever. Also I give and bequeath to my son
Lewis Lanier two negro slaves namely: Biary and Amy, after his
mother's decease, to him his heirs and assigns forever. Also t give
and bequeath to my daughter Sarah Brown one negro slave namely.
Tiny, to her her heirs and assigned forever, and I do bequeath that
if there be any of my estate which is not mentioned and herein be-
queath to my son William Lanier, to him his heirs and assigned
forever.
I do desire there may be no aprasement of my estate and I do leave
my son William Lanier my Executor.
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MUMFOBD AHD MVWVOKD FaMXLOS 147
QiTon under my hand and seal this Ninth day of Jane» one thou-
aand eeven hundred and serenty six.
Nicho. Lanier. (Seal).
Signed, sealed and acknowledged in the presence
of
Robert Gee, Jr.»
John LAnier,
his A COPY
William X Persons. TESTE:
mark R. Tumbull, Clerk.
BOOK REVIEWS.
Andrtw Meade, of Ireland and Virgini<i, His Ancestors and some of
his Descendants and Connections. By P. Hamilton BaskenriU,
A. M. (U. of Va.), Richmond, Virginia. Old Dominion Press,
Inc., Printers, 1921.
Mr. Baskervill, who not long ago favored the public with a book
on the BaskenriUs and their connections, has now, in this publicit-
tion, tried his hand on the Meades. In addition, he has sketches of
the Hardaway, Eggleston, Segar, Pettus and Orerton families. It is
very disappointing that he has not been able to trace these families
back to England, for they are all of acknowledged standing in the
chronicles of this State, '^here is no doubt that they belonged to the
gentry of the British Islands, but the proof of their descent is not
forthcoming. One of the sons, however, of Andrew Meade, the im-
migrant, by name David Meade, married Susanna Everard, daughter
of Sir Richard E^rerard, Governor of North Carolina, and with this
family the story is different. Through the Everares and their ante-
cedents, Mr. Baskerviirs children are descended from kings and dukes
without number, representing England, France and Scotland. Not^
withstanding all the difficulties, arising from broken records, Mr.
Baskervill has published a useful work. The list of authorities given
by him shows that he has consulted many sources. The book con-
tains 170 pages and has an excellent index.
Siitory of the UniverMy of Virginia, 1819-1919. By Philip Alexan-
der Bruce, LL. B., LL. D.
Since the notice in this magazine of the first two volumes of this
valuable publication, two more have appeared. These take the Uni*
versity through the period of 1841-1904. It is a great story, which
Dr. Bruce unfolds, and it makes its appeal to the friends of education
everywhere. It tells of the influence of Rogers, of George and Henry
St George Tucker, of Basil L. Gildersleeve, of Francis H. Smith,
John B. Minor, and many others of its famous professors upon the
youth of the South, promoting the development of those ideals which
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148 Book Bxvibws.
found ezpreesion in the careers of W. Gordon McCabe, Robert L.
Dabney, John A. Broaddus, and scores of former students who walked
in every avenue of life.
Perhaps in describing the "honor system" at William and Mary
College and the Uniyersity, Dr. Bruce gives to its origin too much of
a local coloring. I think that this system grew out of the conditions
of Southern life and, therefore, naturally found expression at these
institutions, as it did at all other Southern institutions, more or less.
Henry St. George Tucker, who offered the resolution about examina-
tions in 1842, had been a student of William and Mary College, and
grew to manhood in its shadow, and that ancient institution itself
was developed from what it first had been — a copy or a college at
Oxford— into an institution expressive of the Southern spirit. Neither
Washington nor Lee was a graduate of William and Mary College
or the University, but they were truly as much products of the honor
system as any alumni of those two famous "Schools of Honor."
The Northern States, in laying stress upon the materialistic values
of men, have been singularly free from producing ideals of character.
Thus Franklin and Hamilton were masterful men, but their private
lives were far from being idealistic and we would hardly care
for our children to copy after Lincoln's example of telling filthy
stories. Verily, verily human selfishness meets with its punishment
in time. The desire of Massachusetts to exploit the South through
high tarifte and bounties has driven away the old Puritan population
and handed that State over to the mongrels of Europe.
American lAbertp Enlightening the World, Moral Basis of a League
of Peace, By Henry Churchill Semple, S. J., moderator of
Theological Conferences of New Orleans, lately moderator of
Theological Conferences of New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons,
New York and London. The Knickerbocker Press, 1920.
The author who is a Roman Catholic priest was inspired to write
this plea by utterances of Pope Benedict XV, wherein that good man
announced his faith in the American people as his chief hope of re-
storing peace and order to the world. Father Semple believes in the
good old doctrine that treaties have a moral basis and cannot be
treated as scraps of paper. His discussion of the obligation of posi-
tive international law is very interesting. No nation can live to
itself and is more or less dependent on other nations, and col .^cts
between them should not be violated. How far the conduct of the
United States at the present time in withdrawing itself from obliga-
tions to insure the peace of other nations may be considered a depar-
ture from its true relations to the world, is a question of much doubt
Tlie policy may conduce to the peace of the United States, but Amer*
lea in the robe of self-interest hardly presents the figure of a nation
taking much interest in "enlightening the world."
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mos.Z(9.z
Vol. III. No. 3.
JANUARY, 1922
5Cpler*g (©uarterip ^^istorical
anb
(genealogical iWasajine
Editor: LYON G. TYLER, M. A.. LL. D.
Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office in Richmond, Va., according
to act of Congress.
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rl
K^ltfa ©uarterlp ftisitorical anb
#enealosical JHaga^ine
Vol. III. JANUARY, 1922. No. 3,
NOTICE
Annual subscription, $4.00. Single numbers, $1.25.
As back numbers of the old William and Mary Quarterly, of which I was
proprietor, have become very scarce, siugle copies, as far as had, may be ob-
tained from me at $2.00 apiece.
LYON G. TYLER, Editor
711 Travelers Building, - - . Richmond, Va.
CONTENTS
More Propaganda 149
Dr. John Hamilton Robinson, 1732-1819 154
Dr. Evans and the War (1861-65) 157
Williamsburg Caricatured 164
Some Descendants of Patience McKlnne and Joseph Lane, Jr.,
Halifax, N. C 166
Mumford and Munford Families 174
The TTiornton Family 181
The Chenoweth Family 186
Register of Marriage Bonds of Greensville County, Virginia,
1781-1808 194
Lanier Family „ . 210
Pollard Family 211
Mr. Leigh and the Vice-Presidency 214
Militia Officers Commissioned for Amherst Co.. Va 216
Historical and Genealogical Notes 218
Book Reviews 220
In Memoriam — Annie Tucker Tyler 221
H
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Z^ltfi (Suarterlp J|ts(toncal anb
Genealogical iHaga^ne
Vol. III. JANUARY, 1922 No. 3
MORE PROPAGANDA.
In the April number, 1920, and January number, 19.2^1, two
articles by the Editor appeared on "Propaganda in History,'* in-
tended in the nature of a protest against the wholesale misrepre-
sentations of facts in connection with Plymouth and Abraham
Lincoln. The protest was continued in the October number, 1921,
in an article on "American Ideals,** which shows how many North-
ern writers have completely reversed the truths of history.
Now comes another illustration of this regrettable disregard of
historical accuracy.
Fort Wayne, Ind., is the headquarters of a lot of gentlemen
who have organized a league ("The American Luther League'*)
apparently to create "one hundred per cent Americans** by flood-
ing the country with a little pamphlet on "Inalienable Rights,*'
by W. H. T. Dau, a copy of which was sent to the editor. Though
stating that "One Hundred Per Cent Americanism** must start
with the Declaration of Independence, this pamphlet does not
once mention the great author of that paper, but proceeds to
ascribe it to a lot of "authors,** or "framers,** leaving the number
beautifully undefined.
This ignoring of Thomas Jefferson, a Virginian, the real and
only author, is after the impudent manner in which Jamestown
has been ignored to make way for Plymouth as "the first colony,**
and Washington, the Father of his whole country. North and South,
removed from his pinnacle as the "First American** to make way
for Lincoln, who can never be justly regarded as other than the
representative of a section involved in a bloody war with his own
countrymen.
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150 Tylbb's Quabtbbly Maoazinb
At, Dau'8 psmphlet
"Analyziiig Bomewhat these statements in the Declaration of In*
dependence which glow with the convictions of its authors ftc." (Page
4.)
^But for our present purpose, it is sufficient to nail doWn this in-
controTertible fact that the framers of our Declaration of In-
pendence thought of one kind of rights— which they called inalien-
able." (page 7.)
But not content with dividing out Mr. Jefferson's work among
a number^ and not once mentioning his name^ the writer proceeds
next to make James Otis "the intellectual father'* of the Declara-
tion of Independence :
"The thoughts expressed in the Declaration of Independence, and
even some of its most expressive terms, had been current in the
American colonies for sometime prior to the 4th of July, 1776. The
intellectual father of this renowned document was James Otis 4kc."
(Page 6.)
In support of this the writer proceeds to quote from the speech
imputed to James Otis by John Adams fifty-six years after he
made it, and from a more authoritative pamphlet published by
Otis in 1764 on the ^'Rights of the British Colonies.''
It is hard to apply the proper name to Mr. Dau's comments.
The most charitable view to take is that he is crassly ignorant of
his subject; and has guilelessly accepted everything that New
England writers have written in magnifying the reputation of a
Massachusetts man.
The ignorance of Mr. Dau does not consist in saying "that
the thoughts expressed in the Declaration of Independence, and
even some of its most expressive terms, had been current in the
American colonies before the 4th of July, 1776,'' but in saying that
they were prevalent "sometime'' prior to that date and in ascrib-
ing their origination to one James Otis.
Why, the principles enunciated go back to Magna Carta, and
were current among the American people not "sometime prior to
the 4th of July, 1776," but from the time of their settlement on
these shores. They were clearly expressed in England by Locke
and Sidney in the 17th century, and afterwards in Prance by
Voltaire, Eousseau and Montesquieu. They were expressed by
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MoBE Propaganda 151
Bichard Bland, who, as a leader in Virginia, held quite as promi-
nent position as James Otis held in Massachusetts. See Bland's
letter in the Pistole Fee in 1753, and 'TTie Colonel Dismounted,''
written in 1763 in the dispute of the "Two Penny Act," some
months before Otis published his pamphlet on the "Eights of the
British Colonies." In this last pamphlet Bland used these words :
^TJnder the English government all men are free bom, and
only subject to laws made with their own consent and cannot
be deprived of the benefit of these laws, without a transgression
of them." And on the burning question soon to press for con-
sideration. Bland, instead of admitting as Otis did in his pamph-
let on the "Jlights of the British Colonies," the supremacy of
Parliament in all matters, denied that it had any authority what-
ever in matters purely internal — a position subsequently assumed
by the House of Burgesses in its resolutions of November 14, 1764,
far in advance of Massachusetts.
Jefferson says that in drafting the Declaration of Independence
he "turned to neither book or pamphlet." He never saw Otis'
pamphlet, and, of course, he could not read his speech on the Writa
of Assistance because it did not exist in print The fact is, it
was not necessary to do any of these things; for Jefferson had
been brought up in an English colony where the "inalienable rights
of man" were preached to him from early boyhood.
The intellectuality of the Declaration of Independence does
not consist in its origination of principles, but in the marvelous
marshaling of the factors as applied to the American cause. It
Bets out the inalienable rights of man, and then describes how
the king of England had violated tiiese rights, justifying armed
resistance and independence. In doing this it employs, in the
opinion of a well known New England writer, "a Demosthenic
momentum of thought and a fervor of emotional appeal such as
Tyrtaeus might have put in his war song." He well describes the
declaration as "a kind of war song;" "a stately, passionate chant
of human freedom," — "the most commanding and most pathetic
utterance in any age, in any language, of national grievances and
national purposes." (Moses Coit Tyler, Literary History of the
American Revolution.)
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152 TlXSB^S QUABTEBLY MaOAZINS
Nevertheless, Thomas Jefferson, the author of this unparalleled
paper, is to be set aside, and James Otis is to be made the father
of its intellectuality! — ^the one figuring on the national stage for
over sixty years as a leader of thought and of men, and the other
prominent, indeed, in his own colony, but scarcely known during his
lifetime outside of it; the one constantly from his youth defend-
ing the rights of the colonies and the other, when the critical
period of the Stamp Act arose, declaring resistance treason and
later counselling submission to the Revenue Act, — being much of
his time in an irresponsible mental condition.
And yet, despite his lack of a sense of justice, which nothing
can excuse, I cannot but realize that Mr. Dau has been made a
victim to New England misstatements. It begins with John
Adams, a man of great ability and sterling qualities it is true,
but intellectually disfigured by childish prejudices and vanities.
The contemporary opinion of the people of Massachusetts was
uttered by himself in 1776 when he gave to Patrick Henry of Vir-
ginia, "the credit with posterity of beginning and concluding this
great Revolution.''
Also in the contemporary opinion of John Adams and the
people of Massachusetts, Patrick Henry easily ranked as the great-
est of American orators. But John Adams, patriot and states-
man — for he was both — ^underwent a change. He grew jealous of
Virginians, and lugged James Otis to the front, manufacturing for
him a speech which has the real merits of march and fire, and pro-
nounced him a better orator than Henry. Later he did not hesi-
tate to say that he had heard a hundred speeches from Josiah
Quincy, Sr., better than any he ever heard from Patrick Henry.
New England writers took up the cue and ever since the ques-
tion of the ^TVrits of Assistance'* has figured in their histories as
the opening or, at any rate, "the prelude to the American Revolu-
tionary Drama.'' The truth is, there is nothing in the contem-
porary accounts calculated to impress us that anything very extra-
ordinary occurred when Otis spoke in 1761.
Hutchinson, the historian of Massuchusetts, who was alive to
every incident of his times, makes no such allusion. The affair
of the Writs of Assistance involved a legal question of search ap-
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MoBE Peopaganda 153
plicable as much in one part of the British Empire as another.
John Adams was present at the trial and took down some notes ^^in
a very careless manner/^ but there is nothing treasonable in the
remarks ascribed in these notes to Otis — ^nothing that might not
have been said in England as well as in America. The Supreme
Court of Massachusetts decided against Otis and the Writs were
most freely issued down to the Boston Port Bill. There is no
evidence whatever that the case attracted any attention in Vir-
ginia or other colonies.
As a matter of fact, the question in Virginia of the Pistole Fee
in 1763 and the Two Penny Act in 1758, both preceding the ques-
tion of the Writs of Assistance,*^ and both directly affecting the
question of local taxation, had much better claims to being con-
sidered **the prelude'* of the American Eevolution. These ques-
tions not only convulsed the colony of Virginia, but were carried
to England and produced warm controversy on both sides of the At-
lantic. Moreover, both were decided in favor of Virginia. The
latter question was one of long continuance and mingled with the
Stamp Act and the tax on tea, and powerfully swelled the tide
fwhich rolled the colony on to independence. (See William and
Mary College Quarterly, XIX, 10-27.) There is contemporary evi-
dence that Patrick Henry used words of treason in the matter of
the Two Penny Act, and none whatever that James Otis did in
the Writs of Assistance. All after evidence is apt to be affected by
after thoughts.
It seems from a letter head that the following appear as names
of those who are in command of the affairs of the "American
Luther League:"
Dr. H. A. Duemling, President.
Albert Buuck, 1st Vice President
P. J. Rump, 2nd Vice President
Hy. J. Doell, Pin. Secretary.
Paul Eichter, Treasurer.
W. D. Holterman, Secretary.
John C. Baur, General Secretary.
Members of Executive Board:
W. C. Dickmeyer.
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154 Tyleb^s Quabtekly Magazine
Wm. Fruechtenicht.
Louis C. Bippe.
C. W. Scheumann.
John P. Schroeder.
Here is a grouping of names that does not apparently contain
a single one of English origin^ and the Editor is bound to say
that to a person who lives in Virginia, where only about two per
cent of the population is foreign bom, this array of men of strange
Cognomens engaged in the cause of making ^^one hundred per cent
Americans'* by snubbing a man who was in his day the greatest
exponent of the inalienable rights and the founder of American-
ism, as we understand it, and is today the greatest living influence
on American thought, is one of the most astonishing pieces of
propaganda which has come under his notice.
DR. JOHN HAMILTON ROBINSON, 1732-1819.
Communicated by A. J. Morbison.
John Hamilton Robinson, son of David Robinson and Miriam
Hamilton, was bom in Augusta County, Virginia, Jan. 24, 1782.
He was bred a physician and came to St. Louis shortly after the
transfer of Louisiana to the United States. In 1806 and 1807
he was attached to Capt. Pike's celebrated party that went to
Santa F6 and Chihuahau.
Captain Pike set down plainly what he thought of Dr. Robin-
son: "He has had the benefit of a liberal education, without
having spent his time as too many of our gentlemen do in colleges,
in skimming on the surfaces of sciences, without ever endeavoring
to make themselves masters of the solid foundations. Robinson
studied and reasoned; with these qualifications he possessed a lib-
eraliiy of mind too great even to reject an hjrpothesis because it
was not agreeable to the dogmas of the schools ; or adopt it because
it had all the 6clat of novelty.
*^is soul could conceive great actions, and his hand was ready
to achieve them, — in short, it may truly be said that notiiing
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Db. John Hamilton Eobinson, 1732-1819 155
wag above his genius^ nor anjrthing bo minute that he considered
it entirely imworthy of consideration. As a gentleman and com-
panion in dangers^ difSculties and hardships^ I, in particular and
the expedition generally owe much to his exertions/^ That state-
ment was in print before the end of 1810.
Dr. Sobinson at Santa F6 and in the Chihuahua neighborhood^
temp. 1807> became very much interested in the fortunes of Mexico
and in the outlook for a self-determining Mexico. In 1810 he
persuaded Secretary Monroe to send him to Chihuahua on State
business. Dr. Bobinson made his reports during 1810 and 1811.
Mr. Monroe was not ready to commit the United States to a mili-
tant sort of co-adjutorship in the affairs of the republicans of
Mexico^ and Dr. Bobinson by the year 1813 was quite ready to be
a filibuster.
In 1815 he cast in his lot with the revolutionists in Mexico,
and ranked as general of brigade in their army as it was consti-
tuted from 1815 to 1819. And along with Gutierrez and Toledo^
Dr. Bobinson had been one of the first accredited representatives
in the United States from the republicans of Mexico.
In 1816 William Davis Bobinson of Georgetown, District of
Columbia, went to Mexico to supply (Jeneral Mina^s army with
muskets ^^at $20 the musket.^' He fell into the hands of the
Spaniards, and was long held a prisoner in Mexico and in.
Spain. The Spaniards at first thought he was Dr. Bobinson, and
throughout his troubles William Davis Bobinson suffered the more
because of his name. Both the Bobinsons were men of brains and
republican principles, and the Spanish authorities had reason to
look out for them.
John Hamilton Bobinson was early dissatisfied with the inci-
dence of the Southwestern boundary of the Louisiana Purchase.
In 1819 he published at Philadelphia a remarkable ^^Map of
Mexico, Louisiana, and the Missouri Territory, including also the
State of Mississippi, Alabama Territory, East and West Florida
&c/^ This was a large-scale map, and Dr. Bobinson desired in
this way to draw the attention of the United States (and the
attention of Secretary Adams) to Texas especially.
NUes^ Register (XIV, 359), under the caption Small Dif-
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ferencel remarked at the time: ^^Dr. John H. Bobinson's new
map of Louisiana and Mexico is noticed in a Natchez newspaper.
The boxmdary lines of the territorial claims of the United States
and Spain are marked on this map/' Niles then figored out the
enormous acreage lying between the lines so mariced. Niles wag
no annexationist and was not much interested in the map.
Natchez was the gateway to Texas from much of the United
States for some years. Dr. Bobinson^ during his service in Mexico,
^had settled his family there. He had married at St. Louis Sophie
Marie Michau. Several of their children died of yellow fever
at Natchez during 1818, and the next year. Sept 19, Dr. Robin-
son died there of the fever. His wife survived him many years.
Their son, Antoine Saugrain Bobinson, was living in St. Louis
in 1888, at the age of seventy-nine. He was for many years cashier
of the old Bank of Missouri
Some day perhaps. Professor Joslin Cox of Northwestern Uni-
versity, will write a Life of Dr. Bobinson. These notes have been
thrown together because the subject is undoubtedly interesting
and to emphasize the importance of gathering up for the bio«
graphical dictionary of the Virginia region a good many impor-
tant western names. John Hamilton Bobinson, as a subject for
biography, is immensely interesting.
Consider the times, and the plans of Blount, Hamilton, Burr,
Miranda, and how many others. It was not logical for the United
States to stay fenced off from the Great South Sea. But the logic
of the expansion was that America before and with the Bevolu-
tion had bred the expansionists.
REFERENCES.
iBillon, Annals of St. Louis, second series, p. 191.
sjosUn Cox, Am. Hist. Review, 1911, Vol. I, 208-215.
The Controversy of West Florida [Albert Shaw Lectures]
Johns Hopkins Univ., 1918.
scoues. Pike's Expedition, Vol. II, p. 498.
^William Davis Robinson, Memoirs of the Mexican Revolution,
VoL 1, Preface.
^Bancroft, History of Mexico, Vol. IV, 634.
amies' Register, XII, 222.
fBenate Reports, No. 89, 85th Cong., Ist Session, Vol. 1.
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Db. Evans and the Wab (1861-1865) 157
DB. EVANS AND THE WAR (1861-65).
The following letters^ the first dated at the beginning of the
war for Southern Independence, and the other at the close, were
written by Dr. Moses Ford Thomas Evans to his sister Mary, wife
of Prank B. Stockton, of Philadelphia, the novelist. Dr. Evans
was the son of Thomas F. Evans, and Mary Mansfield Brooks,
his wife, and was bom in South Carolina in June, 1820. He at-
tended a military school in that state and afterwards studied medi-
cine, with much distinction, at the University of Pennsylvania.
In 1847 he settled in Amelia county, Virginia, where for many
years he enjoyed an extensive practice. "When the war for South-
em Independence broke out in 1861, Dr. Evans entered the ser-
vice as lieutenant in the Painesville (Amelia County) Bifles, which
he did much to organize and drill. This company was mustered
into the Fourteenth Begimeni He was made Adjutant and soon
afterwards was promoted to Lt. Colonel. He was wounded slightly
at the battle of Seven Pines and not long afterwards was rendered
unfit for further service by a severe wound received at the battle
of Malvern Hill. He retired to Painesville, where he was residing
when Gkn. Lee evacuated Bichmond.
At the time of his death, January 16, 1877, he was superin-
tendent of schools for his county, and a better choice could not
have been made. The writer of his obituary says, ^T have rarely
ever met a man who united so many useful and graceful acquire-
ments. He possessed a strong, quick, incisive intellect, intensi-
fied and brightened by culture, research and thought. Not only a
physician of the highest professional attainments, he was also a
scholar and literateur. Skilled in occult sciences, he was devoted
to their intricacies and beauties, a mathematician, chemist and ma-
chinist. Yet, with these solid attainments, he was a lover of the
fine arts and polite literature — ^a rare and singulai' combination.*'
His funeral was largely attended, and he was interred in Amelia
County, in the graveyard of Capt. John Wiley.
Dr. Evans married twice: (1) Elizabeth Hulens Stockton,
of Philadelphia, sister of Frank B. Stockton, and (2) Mary Be-
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158 Tylkb's Quabterly Magazine
becca Wiley, of Amelia County, Virginia, by whom he had Sarah,
who married Yelverton Evans Booker.
These letters throw some interesting light upon the war. In
its destructive tendencies Grant's army held a kind of inter-
mediate relationship to McClellan's and Sherman's. Under Mc-
Clellan the Federal soldiers respected the persons of non-com-
batants and protected their private property. No praise can be
too great for George B. McClellan. Under Grant, the army, while
not cruel to individuals and did not as a rule bum private houses,
were wholesale looters of stock and personal property. Nothing
was safe — ^from the chicken sleeping peacefully on his roost, to
the Family Bible solemnly revered as containing the family register.
Plundering and robbing and looting amounted with them to a kind
of disease. Under Sherman, the Federal soldiers equalled the Ger-
mans in their indifference to the demands of humanity, and in
their barbarous destruction of homes and personal property. The
Germans might well have hesitated to drive away the whole popu-
lation of a French city, but Sherman did not Witness his con-
duct at Atlanta.
Hermitage Camp» near Richmond, Va.,
April SOth, 1861.
My dear Sister Mary
I am about to surprise you with a letter — that is* if Uncle Sam
is willing to carry it. A letter from me is a fit attendant upon the
times.
How hard it is to realize the strange calamity which has fallen
upon our country. War to the death! I have long looked for all this,
and yet cannot fully feel that it is a /teed /act noii?.
What is to be the end of it?
Both sections are actively and fully arming. Tou see one side—
I will tell you of the other.
Virginia has at this moment, of her own force, Seventy-five thou-
sand men in the field — drilling daily— this force is very votli armtdk.
Hie five months preceding the war have been so well spent by the
South in purchasing arms and ammunities of war in Europe and
at the North, that the whole South may be regarded as being as well
armed as any nation in Europe. What next?
The wish — ^the universal wish — is to march upon Washington —
then upon Philadelphia— another army at the same time upon Cin-
cinnati. But the authorities at the head of affairs may be more pru-
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Db. Evans and the Wab (1861-1865) 159
dent than to commit these blunders. Washington is properly onrs,
and soon will he really—hut no further. Maryland belongs to the
South, and will be fought for to the last extremity— but no Northern
invasion will be thought of by those in power here.
In Richmond we now have 25,000 troops— the other forces of the
state are at the yarious camps in different localities. Alexandria is
our depot
Virginia has officially joined the Southern Confederacy, and one
thousand South Carolina troops are now here. 20 thousand more will
be on next week. Jeff Dayis will be here in a few days. Richmond
will probably be the Ci^ital.
Ben, Hood, George Wily, ft Miller are here in Camp. All well
and in line spirits.
We hear from home about daily. All well there.
What are you ft Frank driving at in these times? Come south.
We want Frank to sketch the "Battle of Washington" for us. Won-
der if this letter will ever get through to you? doubtful! If it does—
dont tell on us.
Orderly Hood looks as savage as a meat axe. Ben don't like the
fun particularly — especially his new duties as Corporal of the Ouard>
George Wily enjoys the whole. Without intending to compliment
our little Painville Squad, I may say that the flower of the Bouthem
youths are in the field everywhere.
Our Genl Lee (Late U. S.) thinks the South invincible. So do I.
(two great men thus agree)
Oh what armies we are to see! America has yet known nothing
Uke it
Write what is going on — if you can. Loulu is suffering with
neuralgia. Sorry that I cannot be with her. We will take excellent
care of her, and return her in good condition when the war is over.
Jt will not last long.
Love to all. Write fully if you can. Your loving brother
M. F. T. Evans.
Enclosed in an Envelope to Meade ft Baker Druggists.
Painville, Amelia Co., Va.,
United States of North America,
Western Hemisphere, Earth,
Solar System No. — Nebula No. —
Universe, June 14, 1865.
My dear Sister Mary:
With the above patriotic heading, I suppose that I may safely
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160 Ttlbb's Quabtebly Magazine
write somewhat explicitly. Ai soon as President Johnson has estab-
lished, at the point of the bayonet, the respective numbers of our
solar system, and Nebula, I will fin the above blanks with pleasure,
and in the true Union spirit
Tour letters, and Loulu's, to Sister Bess, Mary, and Kate, have
just been received, and we poor rebels have derived much pleasure
from them. That you all love us still, is a marvel, considering the
multitude of magnificent lies concerning us, with which your papers
have favored you during the four eventful years which have just
passed. But as obedient, grateful, and well whipped curs, we should
perhaps be careful how we talk of misrepresentations, and only be
thankful if something much worse is not yet in store for us. Mrs.
Stockton's kind letter, though written before yours, came also today.
That you all sympathize with us is very grateful to our feelings, but
thank heaven we have not suffered so much as you very reasonably
expected we would from the rushing of two great armies over our
very bodies, I may almost say. For several days during the recent
transit, Amelia County was alive with the moving hosts of pursued
end pursuers — ^the whole county filled with Infantry, Cavalry, Artil-
lery, and immense wagon trains; but though many partial battles
occurred in the County, few houses were burnt or destroyed. A large
amount of horses, cattle, and provisions were stolen of course, and
crops in many place much injured.
A brigade of Federal Cavalry charged into Painville on Wednes-
day the 6th. of April, while we were at breakfast. They came at
full speed, with pistols cocked, sabers fiashlng, and yelling like demons
— about two thousand strong. The village, at the time, was defended
by Lieutenant General Nathan Seay, Major General Thos. I. Homer,
Brigadier Gen'l. Thos. B. Whitworth, Col. Edwin Cosby, and myself.
Our army consisting of women, children, and negroes. After a manful
defense for two whole seconds, we surrendered. The fight was fully
as fatal as that celebrated battle between the Dutch and Swedes at
Fort Christina, so graphically described by Diederick Knickerbocker.
Our conquerors behaved very well, only stealing all our horses, and
cows, and as much of our provisions as they could manage to get
After some hours, a body of Fits Lee's Cavalry came up and a
running fight commenced which continued from Painville to Jeters-
ville— the "Tanks" falling back most heroically. On Thursday the
7th. April, the 6th Army Corps, about fifteen thousand men, passed
through our village. No damage done by them to us, except the usual
stealings, which seem to be an essential part of military tactics.
My own losses may be summed up as follows: — ^two fine hordes;
two excellent milch cows; two barrels of fiour; about one hundred
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Db. Evans and the Wab (1861-1865) 161
pound of bacon; all my oats; nearly all of my fodder; about twenty
gallons of molasses; a hive of honey; a quantity of preserves, and
brandy, peaches; many dozen of eggs; about twenty hens; some ducks;
and geese, etc., etc.
But they did not get all of my supplies, as I had left six barrels of
flour; twenty barrels of corn; three hundred pound of bacon; and
other "flzings"— d>esides twenty one hens, and a good garden. So
you see we are not starving.
Upon the whole I will say, that the Yankee Army behaved here
almost as well as Oenl. Lee's Army did in Pennsylvania, which is
saying a good deal. A propensity to steal watches, and jewelry, was
the worst form of theft which I heard of, as this could not be based
upon any animal necessity. A clergsrman who was staying at my
house at the time had two watches taken from him. I had given
my watch to Lettie for safe keeping, and so saved it
Beck had hidden hers, with her jewelry, so we lost nothing in
this way.
Mary and Kate happened to be away from home.
Our house was not pillaged, but many indtances of complete sack-
ing occurred in the county — chiefly with houses deserted by the fam-
ilies through fear.
Of course the panic among the women was gieat. A Yankee of-
ficer, seeing Mrs. Garland Jefferson in great trepidation, exclaimed —
"Madam, we do not eat women and children!" This certainly should
have reassured her, but she might with truth have retorted, "Sir,
you do eat raw bacon, and half hatched eggs." But I cry out from
experience, "what will not army folks eat" — it is well for the women
and children on both sides that the war did net last a four years
longer.
You northern people have had no true idea of the condition of
things in the South during the war, as your papers have given you
little else than a tissue of enormous and ridiculous lies concerning
us. Even your true heart may, in some measure, have been turned
from us, by this continued abuse. I can only say here that the South-
em authorities and the southern people carried on the war with an
honest conviction of right. It was a war of the people— the authori-
ties being only * agents— we have had no tyranny— no anarchy—
within the Confederate lines, law and order have everywhere pre-
vailed. Our sufferings have been such as were necessarily incident
to a war of such tremendous magnitude. The conscription was un-
avoidable, and was regarded as proper by all thinking men. The op-
position here to President Davis was purely a party opposition, in
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162 Ttleb^s Quabtkbj^t Magazine
matters of opinion and policy, but all regarded him, and still regard
him, as a Virtuous state$manr and ChrUtian.
This sounds strangely to your ears, but if it la not all true, then
I shall lose faith in the best evidences of truth. Jefferson Darls had
about as much to do with the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, as you
had. That horrid deed shocked the whole Southern people quite as
much as it shocked the northern people, and it was as sincerely re*
gretted.
Another stupendous lie concerns the wilful starration of pris-
oners. It is true that the prisoners did often suffer mu6h from want
of food, but only when our own army suHered in like wumner, and
for the same good reason — never from wilful cruelty. Frequently,
however, they fared better than our army, because they were often
nearw to the transportation facilities. Concerning battles, too, the
lying has been by wholesale. I am now convinced from the teachings
of my own experience that there is no such thing as an accurate ac»
count of a battle, but independently of this apparently unavoidable
difficulty, the wholesale and evidently wilful deceptions about battles,
practiced by your papers, are inconceivable.
One example in particular has been a constant source of surprise
to me, the battles of Seven Pines and Fair Oaks, fought below Rich-
mond on the 81" May and l"" June, 1862. Tour papers and Gtenl. Mc-
Clellan's dispatches, represented the last day's fight as resulting in a
rout of our army— the troops heing hotly pursued to th« works near the
City. Now I was preset, and slept both nights on the battle field.
On the morning of the 2d. June, before day, our troops were marched
to a new position, in perfect order and quiet — no enemy near us, and
not a gun fired. The federals had retired beyond our reach. Now
how, think you, will history record these battles?
But why write of all this? We have been weighed in the bal-
ance and found wanting— not in courage, or ^idurance, but in men
and now that it has been proved that twenty millions of people, aided
by men and supplies from all the earth, can whip five millions, sealed
up within their own territory, it follows that further quarrelling had
better be dropped. We honestly desired a separate government, but
as that can not be had, we accept in good faith the alternative.
The southern people love peace and order as much as any people,
and as soon as all reasonable hope failed, the quarrel was dropped.
Do any imagine that those states could not have carried on the war
for a considerable period, even after Qenl. Lee's surrender? If so,
they are mistake. We stfll had large armies in the field, and in such
a country as ours, a guerilla warfare could be indefinitely waged.
But it was foreseen that final success was impossible, and so the ques-
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Db. Evans and the Wab (1861-1865) 163
tion was Bottled. We are not Mexicans, nor like them. The failure of
a fair triel — ^an honest trial — at separation, now leaves the south ready
and willing to restore the Union in good faith» and as the slavery
question, and the question of State Sovereignty, are settled forever
all over the Union, the South will have nothing more to do with re-
volutions — ^unless some forgetful Yankee state attempts to re-assert
the latter of the two above named doctrines, in which case, the South
will cheerfully treat her to a dish of cold bayonets.
Nobody here cares three figs about slavery now, except in regard
to the little matter of "money out of pocket"— and I hear very little
even about that. Very few, in my opinion, would wish to re-establish
it Let it go— and at once,
I hope that Congress will not foolishly pass any "gradual eman-
cipation" laws; and further hope that every state will now ratify "the
constitutional amendment" of the last session.
These sentiments, I believe, previ^il here generally.
So much for these matters.
What of literature? Have any books been published since the
war began? Are England, France, Russia, and Trinnicum still in
existence? Are there any great men now? If, so, who are they, and
as little Fort says, — "what for."
Sister Bess is at Mr. Peyton's doing well, and looking well. I do
not think that she has any idea of going to Philadelphia now — ^nor
have Mary and Kate. The northern people love us so much, and
value us so highly that these girls naturally fear that they will be
smothered in kindness, or hear too many pleasant things. But the
chief object of this letter is to ask you and Frank and Loulie to come
here. Tou see, from previous statements, that we still have some-
thing to eat — so you need not fear starvation. We will all be much
pleased to see you, and Sister Bess will blow up with joy. Ben — ^rare
Ben — is teaching school at Mr. Whitworth's in Painville. The same
cranky, odd fish, as of old. Beck is well and sends love. Mary lb
Kate ditto, ditto.
Little Fort grows apaca Yesterday was his birthday — ^four years
old. He gave a dinner to his friends, on the occasion, and treated
them to sponge cake, custard, raspberries and cream, etc.
Little Sallie Fleming (9 moe.) is a little beauty. She looks wise,
but says nothing-— a safe example for many of us.
But I am tired of this scrawl.
Come — one and all.
As ever your affectionate brother,
M. F. T. Evans.
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164 Ttls&'s Quabteblt Magazutb
WILLIAMSBURG CARICATURED.
0, De La Pena to John Adama Smith.
WiUlainaburg Norr 8rd 1827«
John A. Smith Esq.
Richmond.
Dear Sir:
AccordinsT to my promise I write to you from this sad place of
solitude and exile, which in former and better times was the Capital
of Virginia. As time destroys every thing, nothing remains here that
would ascertain its past glorfk», but an old statue of an old wretched
english general who was the first Goyenor of this State under the
british dominion to be seen on the College's yard, and many half
ruined wooden houses which afford a tranquil and peaceful asylum
to insects of every description. The streets give an idea of the won-
derful fertility of this jBoil, by their being covered with grass, and
several cows, pigs, horses, mules and goats are to be seen pasturing
undisturbed along them. I thought I was transported to Noah's
Ark, when I first came into this town, so prodigious was the quantity of
animals I met with, without seeing a single person till I reached the
post ofllce which stands in the osnter of Main St It is one of the
curiosities of this place. I tohish I could describe it to you, but such
thing is entirely out of my power, and I defy Walter Scott himself
to do it, notwithstanding his astonishing imagination, but as to enable
you to form an incorrect idea of this superb establishment I will
tell you that there is not article whatever in the world which could
not be found in it It is a Book Seller's store in which you will find
hams and french brandy; it is an iM[K>thecary's shop in which you
can provide yourself with black silk stockings and shell oysters; it
Is a post office in which you may have glisters, chewing tobacco ft in
a word it is a museum of natural history in which we meet every after-
noon to dispute about the Presidential election, and about the quality
of Irish potatoes.
I do not recollect who was the blessed soul who told me in Rich-
mond I would be delighted with the society here. I must confess that
I am not delighted with it, at least I cannot dislike it, as such thing
is by no means to be found in here.
I went some days past to the celebrated York, and scarcely had
I been half an hour in that town when I was acquainted with every
soul, having visited the famous Cafe in which the Commander of the
english Army abode on account of his not being acostomed to smell
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WiLLIAMBUBG CaEIOATUEED 165
the cannon powder, and he was some what afraid of its affects. Judge
how much pleased was I with that little bit of a town» that on my
returning to Williamsburg I was quite delighted as I thought I en-
tered in a Paradise.
Now I must speak in honest The few persons I know here have
paid me every kind of attention in their power and Doct. Cole's family
in which I board is a very agreeable and interesting one. My situa-
tion here is a great deal better than I could imagine. I will on Mon-
day next open my french class at the College as I think I will have
about 40 students attending to it I have also several scholars in
town ft in a few days I will very probably get more than I shall be
able to attend.
I intend to pay a visit to my good friends of Richmond about
Christmas time, and spend again in their society a few happy days.
Has Miss Martha heard from Mr. Thompkinson? Do present my
best respects to her, her sister, Mrs. Adams, Mrs. Deuby and Miss
Harvey and remember me to the recollection of the Doctor, and the
Messrs. D. Timberlake, R. Adams, Ferguson and all the members of
our Club partisans of the Administration. Tell Mr. Adams I am very
much indebted to him for his letter to Mr. Campbell who I found a
very amiable and polite gentleman with whose society I am very
much pleased.
Do write to me when you have nothing better to do, as I will al-
ways receive a great pleasure in hearing fr6m you.
Farewell my good friend. Do sometimes think of those poor
exiled who like me are far from their friends.
Adieu yours
de La Pena.*
*C. de La Pena was professor of Modem Languages at William
and Mary College for several years. The little that is known of him
Is furnished by this letter.
Pray excuse my bad english.
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166 Tylbb's Qfabtbbly Maoazinb
SOME DESCENDANTS OF PATIENCE MCKINNE AND
JOSEPH LANE, JR., OF HALIFAX, N. C,
( Communicated. )
1. Patience McKinne, daughter of Bamaby McKinne and Mary
Exum, his wife, was bom about 1715. Her estate, from her father
who died 1759, was given her Nov. 18th 1760 and the proceeding
recorded in N. C. Colonial and State Records, Vol. 6, pp. 383-384
and 481.
She married in Halifax, N. C, 1730, recorded in N. C. Colonial
and State Records Book 2, p. 317 and 519, Joseph Lane^ Jr. b.
1710 d. 1774, sone of Joseph Lane who lived in Jamestown^ Va.
before moving to N. C. In 1727 Joseph* Lane Sr., with Major
Barnabas McEinne and others, was elected a vestryman of the
N. West Parish of Bertie. N. C. Records Vol. 25, p. 210. In Vol.
5, p.. 982 '*The Executors of Joseph Lane,' former sheriflf of Edge-
combe County (N. C.) was allowed £16 as his salary for the years
1761 and 1762, he having fully accounted with Mr. Haywood,
former treasurer, and paid all taxes for these years, as also 40
shillings for summoning the court for Tryall of a negroe for felony
and executing said negroe and as by accoimt lodg'd with your com-
mittee £18— Nov. 27th 1758.'^ Joseph Lane,» Sr. bom 1665 d.
1758, it is supposed was the son of Jo* Lane b. in England 1631,
son of Richard^ b. 1597 and Alice^ b. 1605, sailed for Va. 1635-36.
'Tdcense to go beyond the seas April 16th 1635: these parties
hereafter expressed are to be transported to the Island Providence,
embarked in ye ^Expectation' Comeilius Bellinger, master, having
taken the oath of AUegience and Supremacie as likewise being
conformable to the church of England whereof they brought their
testamonie from the minister and justices of Peace of their Abodes:
Alice Lane,* aged 30; Jo Lane,* age 4; Samuel Lane* aged 7;
Oziel Lane,* aged 3 ; Richard Lane,* aged 38.''
In 1727 Joseph Lane,* Jr., so siyled himself. Hei was Justice of
Peace— Ordinances of Convention 1776, Vol 23, p. 996, N. C.
State Records. Boundary Commissioner 1748, Vol. 23, p. 287, N. C.
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DsscsimANTS OF Patience McKinnb and Joseph Lane 167
State Becords. Justice of Edgecombe Co. 11 Oct 1749 — and
juror in the same year. N. C. State Eecords, Vol. 4, pp. 621-622-
624-966. Granted land and approved in Edgecombe Co. Vol. 4,
pp 329-331-353-441-588-643-711-788.
The children of Patience McKinne and Joseph* Lane, Jr., were :
I. Joseph* m. Ferebe Hunter, II. Col Joel* m. Martha Hinton
2nd Maiy Hinton. The celebrated Senator and founder of Baleigh,
N. C. III. Jesse' m. Winifred Aycock. IV. James.* V. Barna-
bas.*
(These are mentioned in the records of Gov. Dafid Swain, a
descendant)
References: 1. life of Col. Joel Lane, Pioneer and Patriot, by
Marshall De Lancey Haywood. 2. History of N. C. and Early
Times in Baleigh, by Wheeler. 3. Historical Eecords of N. C, by
Gk)v. David Swain. 4. Hotten's List of Emigrants to America
1600 to 1700.
IL Jesse Lane,* bom July 3rd 1733, died Oct 28-1806 (?)
married Dec. 16th, 1756, Winifred Aycock" daughter of Wm Ay-
cock,^ who took out a grant of land in Northumberland Co. N. C.
500 acres Aug. 26-1746 (K C. Hist and Genealogical Register,
1900) and in Aug. 1779 — ^was one of the grandjurors in the first
court held in Wilkes Co., Georgia (G. G. Smith's *^Story of Geor-
gia*') and his wife, Bebecca Pace,* widow of Wm Bradford. Both
Wm and Bebecca Pace Bradford Aycock were Welsh. [The Welsh
name was Aweek.]
Winifred Aycock* Lane was bom April 11th 1741, died Dec.
16th, 1794, from pneumonia contracted from exposure when driven
from her home by the Indians. She is buried in the *^old cemetery*'
at Athens, Clarke Co., Ga. Her parents belonged to the church
of England, of which church she also was a member until con-
Terted to Methodism by Bev. Humphries and Mr. Majors.
An of Winifred Aycock and Jesse* Lane's children except the
youngest, Elizabeth, who was bom in Wilkes Co., (Ja., were bom in
Wake Co., N. C.
I. Charles b. Oct 2»* 1766 m. Elizabeth Mallory.
n. Eichard b. Feb. 9* 1769 m. Mary FUnt
in. Henry b. Mar. 28«» 1760 died in infancy.
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168 Tyler's Quaetbkly Magazine
IV. Caroline b. May 26^ 1761 m. David Lowiy who was killed
by the Indians. 2^ (Jeorge Swain.
V. Bhoda b. May 21»* 1763 m. John Eakestraw.
VI. Patience'' b. March 2S^ 1765 m. John Hart.
VII. Jonathan b. April S^ 1767 m. Patience Eogers 2»^ Mary
. CoUey.
VEIL John b. Dec. 25^ 1769 m. Elizabeth Street
IX. Simeon b. March lO*** 1771 m. Judith Humphrey.
X. Eebecca b. March 5^ 1773 m. James LueMe.
XI. Joseph b. March S^ 1775 m. Elizabeth Hill.
^11' ^"^ twins b. Jan. 18*^ 1777 °^ ,^^^^« Kirkpatrick
XIII. Sara m. John Kirkpatnck
brothers.
XIV. Winifred b. Oct. 11^ 1779 m. James Peleg Eogers.
XV. Jesse b. June 12«> 1782 m. Ehoda JoUey.
XVI. Elizabeth b. Sepi 6^ 1786 m. W" Montgomery.
Jesse Lane*^ was a grand old patriarch. He served in the
American Revolution, being an oflScer in the Third N". C. Conti-
nentals (Army Accounts, Vol. 13, Section AA, p. 50 — 1782, also
p. 175, 11-6, 1783). He with his son John (father of General
Joseph Lane of Oregon) was in the battle of King's Mountain. He
moved to Georgia in 1784 first to Elberton Co., and thence to
Oglethorpe County, thence to Jackson Co. (formed of a part of
Clarke Co.), where he settled. With his son Jonathan and son in
law, David Lowry, he built the first Methodist church in that part
of Georgia in 1787, which was dedicated by Rev. Humphries and
Majors.
III. Patience Lane,* daughter of Winifred Aycock and Jesse
Lane bom March 28**» 1765 married 1787 John Hart,* son of Ben-
jamin Hart* and Nancy (Ann) Morgan Hart of N. C. thought to
have been the daughter of Thomas and Bebecca Alexander Mor-
gan, and granddaughter of James Morgan of Bucks Co., Penna.
Nancy Morgan Hart was a woman of remarkable strength and de-
cision of character. History records many deeds of daring achieved
by her during the Eev. War and Georgia is justly proud of her,
having recently hung a potrait of her in the Capitol at Atlanta.
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DSSCENBANTS OF PaTIBNCB McKiNNB AND JoSEPH LaNE 169
Benjamin' Hart was the son of Thos.* Hart, b. 1679, d. 1755, of
Hanover Co. Va. and his wife Susanna Kice. Benj. was bom in
1730 and died in 1798 in Brunswick, Glynn Co. Ga. He was bu-
ried in the old cemetery on Wright's Square [which no longer ex-
ists]. Deeds for the transfer of his estate are on record in Glynn
Co., Vols. A, B, E, F, 1802. His brothers were ^Col. Thos. m.
Susanna Gray. 'John died having one daughter who had no issue
'David m. Susanna Munn ^Nathaniel m. Sarah Simpson, and a
sister 'Ann m. James Gooch, all of whom left descendants in Ken-
tucky, who have since scattered widely.
John Hart,* second son of Benjamin and Ann (Nancy) Mor-
gan Hart with four others founded Watkinsville, the couniy seat
of Clarke Co., Ga., after an act passed Dec. 5-1801 to divide Jackson
County. (Clayton's Digest of Laws of Ga. 1801 to 1810, p. 35.)
John and Patience lived in Long Creek in 1788, 3 miles from Lex-
ington in Oglethorpe Co. In 1791 they moved to Spark's Fort,
near Athens. In 1792 they moved to the Oconee, 3 miles below
Athens and in 1802 or 1803 moved to Ky. settling in Union County,
what is now Henderson County seven miles south of the town of
Henderson on the old Frog Island road. There in the family
burying ground on the side of the hill below the old log house he
and his wife and mother are buried. At the site of the house there
is a pile of bricks which formerly was the chimney and some bits
of broken crockery. Three long sunken graves — ^unmarked — are
the resting place of John, Patience, and his mother, Ann (Nancy)
Morgan Hart.
Gen. Joseph Lane of Oregon says : *^y father, John Lane, and
uncle John Hart and uncle Lowery were all good Indian fighters.
In pursuit of the Indians who had been robbing outside settlers,
they ventured too far, were attacked by warriors and XJnde Lowery
was killed. This battle was with the Creek Indians 16 Sept.
1787.'*
John Hart^s will is on file in Henderson Co., proved 16 Oct.,
1821. Will Book A, p. 346.
The children of Patience Lane and John Hart were
1. Thomas m. Sallie Buggs 2. John J. m Coghill — Jno
Jr was killed in a Mex. Skirmish. 3. Ann m. Jordon 4. Kezia m.
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170 Tyleb's Quabtesly Magazine
Wm. Standley 2"^ Wiley Suggs 5. Eebecca*^ m. Dr. Thomas Worth-
ington. 6. Susanna m. Floyd 2^^ Slack 3"*
Dixon 7. Bhoda m. Floyd 2«^ Talbot 8. Mary m. Dr.
Alex Bailey.
IV. Bebecea'^ Hart, daughter of Patience Lane and John Hart,
horn Feb. 28*»» 1797 in Georgia, died Aug. 15^ 1866 in Dallas Co.
Texas, married in Henderson Ky, 1817, Dr. Thos. Worthington,
eldest son of William Worthington* and his wife, Mary Mason,
bom May 27*** 1786 died in 1852 — an eminent doctor and minister
in Muhlenberg Co. Ky — where he lived and died, being buried at
Island, McLean Co., Ky.
After the death of her husband, Bebecca Hart Worthington
moved to Mississippi, but, at the outbreak of the war, moved to
Dallas Co., Texas, where she remained until her death. She is
buried at the W. W. Corinth Farm north of the ciiy of Dallas.
The children of Eebecca Hart and Dr. Thos. Worthington
were: 1. George (eldest child) m. Josie Bott. 2. Samuel m.
Elizabeth Lacy. 3. William m. Boxie Mc27eal. 4. Thomas m.
Lou Montgomery, 2nd Sallie McNeal. 5. Mark m. Eliza Mims.
6. Aaron m. Mamie Floumoy. 7. Mattie m. Wm Caruth. 8.
Elizabeth m. Dr. Peter Hendricks. 9. Ann Amanda m. Capt.
Walter Caruth
V. Ann Amanda* Worthington, youngest child of Bebecca Hart
and Dr. Thomas Worthington. bom July 2^*^ 1841 married March
5^ 1866 Captain Walter Anderson* Caruth bom Feb. 1»* 1826
in Allen Co. Ky— died Feb. Z^ 1897 Dallas Co. Texas— Capt
Caruth held large tracts of land in Dallas and Denton Counties.
He was quartermaster of the Confederate Army stationed at Tyler,
Texas during the Civil War, in Col. N. H. Damell^s regiment and
Col. Stone's regiment to the close of the War. He was the son of
John* Caruth bom 1800, died Jan. 9^ 1869 in Dallas Co., mar-
ried April 13^ 1824 Katherine Anderson, bom in Allen Co. Ky.
daughter of Wm Anderson thought to have been the son of John
*Note: Wm. Worthington was bom in Berkeley Co., Va., 1761.
Who were his parents. Also Mary Mason was from Philadelphia.
Who were her parents? His Rst. War recc^'dt to on file tn the Borean
of Pensions.
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Descendants of Patience McKinne and Joseph Lane l7i
Anderson of Augusta Co. Va., whose will 1787 is given by Boogher
in ^^Gleanings of Va. Hisf Jno. speaks of his son Wm who is to
have certain legacies "if he returns from his journey /^ It is
thought Wm. went to Ky. and remained there. It is Imown that
Eatherine Anderson Caruth (spelt Carruth interchangeably—
sometimes both ways in a single document in the old Ky. and
Texas records) had two brothers at least — Samuel and Hiram,
the latter moved to Louisiana where he died. If he left descen-
dants they are unknown to the writer.*
The children of Jno*^ Carruth and Katherine Anderson were:
1. Walter b. Feb. !•* 1826, d. Feb. 3^ 1897. 2. William b. 1828 d.—
Jno.* Carruth is buried in Dallas Co., Tex., on the W. W. Caruth
Farm north of the city of Dallas. He was the second son of Capt.
Walter* Carruth and Ann (Nancy) Barr, thought to have been a
daughter of Capt James Barr of Mecklenburg Co., N. C. (proof
desired). Capt. Walter* Carruth was bom about 1750 in N. 0.
presumably Mecklenburg Co., and died about 1820 in Macon Co.
Tenn. at Carruth Fort where he was buried with his wife. Their
children were.
1. Thomas (eldest child) b. abt 1898
2. Jno. b. 1800 m. Katharine Anderson 2^^ Emily Stark: no
issue.
3. Samuel m. Tabithea Manion
4. Mark m. Anderson (perhaps sister or cousin of Kath
arine).
6. Henry Clay m. Mary Mansfield.
6. Elizabeth m. Austin
Capt Walter* Carruth was Justice of Mecklenburg Co. 1778.
Was commissioned Captain of the Cavalry of the N. W. Border
from Lincoln Co. 1787. Apfd wagonmaster and Issuing Com-
mander 1782. (Original documents in the possession of Geo.
Wm. Caruth, Little Rock, Ark., son of Henry Clay Caruth.) He
was also given a very complimentary letter of introduction by
prominent N. C. men when he left IT. C. to go West He was ihe
third son of Adam' Carruth and Elizabeth . Adam Carruth
*Note: Proof 1m desired*
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172 Tyleb's Quabtbkly Magazine
was bom abi 1715 in Penna. d. 1782, Will recorded in Lincoln
N. C. Mentions "three sons and three sons-in-law/' Witnessed
by Major Jno. Carruth of Lincoln^ Bobert Carruth and Elizabeth
Carruth. It is presumed by the disposal of the estate that Eliza-
beth was his wife. Walter Carruth of Ark., son of Major Jno testi-
fies in a document owned by the writer that the sons were his f ather,
"uncles Walter and Robert Carruth.'* It is thought Robert Car-
ruth married Elizabeth, dau. of Bobi Anderson (the Bobi Ander-
son being mentioned in Adam Carruth's will). (See Boogher's
"Gleamings of Va. Hisi/' page 314.)
Adams' Carruth was the son of Walter* Carruth, and both came
from Penna. thru Va. to N. C. In 1747 Adam Carruth sold to
Jno King £7.10.0 current money Va. 8 acres 3 B. on a branch of
Naked Creek (Augusta Co. Va.) comer of Jno. Seawrighfs land.
Teste: Jno. Anderson, Jno. Seawright, Jno Stevenson. 4 Aug.
1747. Proved by all 19 Aug. 1747. Chalkley^s New Augusta Co.
Records, Vol. Ill, p. ^1.
N. C. State Becords, Vol. 22, p. 398. In "Capt. Alex Osbum's
Co.'' Among others "Adam Carruth October ye 30, 1759.''
In the land grants to Carruths: In 1763 and 1755 Walter*
Carruth Book 2, p. 128—300 acres in Anson Co. 1705 Book 6, p.
125 302 Acres in Bowan Co. 1753 Book 16, p. 30— 1755— Anson
Co. 300 acres, and no further issues to a Waiter, therefore it may
be said Walter* lived and died in Anson Co. N. C. though no will
or further proof has be^i obtained to date 1919. In N. C. Colonial
and State records. Vol. 4, p. 951. "At a council at New Bern 11^**
April 1749 — ^the Governor appointed Walter Carruth a Justice ol
the Peace with the County of Anson and was reappointed 1751,
p. 1243.
N. C. Land Grants, Book 6, p. 125. Jan. 1756. Adam Car-
ruth received 333 acres of land in Bowan Co.
Book 18, p. 148-381— in 1765 and 1767—100 and 251 acres
(resp.) in Mecklenburg Co. N. C.
Book 17— p. 164 April 1766—100 acres in Mecklenburg
it €€_€€ 428 €€ 1767—261 '' '' "
« 23—" 306 '' 1768—100 " '' ''
« «_a 8Q €€ 1767—164 " " "
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DBScEimANTS OF Patiencb McKinnb Ain> Joseph Lane 173
<« 65_^< 64 Nov. 1784—100 *' Lmcoln Co.
Which shows how he moved around. Walter^ and Adam* were
the first of the name to receive land.
Notes and Queries by Egle, Vol. I, series 3, p. 618 and Pa.
Genealogies by Egle, p. 384-386, are recorded the following notes
resp.
'^Alexander Asten, of Hanover, Pa. Will dated IIJ^S. Wife
Isabel, son James — ^legatees Jno. and Henry McCormick. Execu-
tors Walter CamUh and Jno. McQueen.*^
"Thomas McCormick, son of James McCormick, was bom about
1702, married in Ireland, Elizabeth Carruth bom about 1705,
died Jan. 1767, in Cumberland Co. Pa., daughter of Adam Carrath,
and sister of Walter Carmth both early setUers of Hanover Town-
ship, Lancaster Co. Pa.*'
Therefore it is thought the above Adam* was the father of
Walter,* whose son was Adam* father of Capt Walter* Carruth,
who died in Tenna, and whose grandson was Capt. Walter* An-
derson Carruth.
The children of Capt. Walter* Anderson Caruth and Ann
Amanda* Worthington were :
1. Minnie Belle b. 1866 died in infancy.
2. Mattie b. 1868 m. N. A. McMillan of Si Louis, Mo.
3. Walter Jr. b. 1869 died 1906, unmarried.
4. Ejstie b. 1874 died in infancy.
6. William b. 1876 m. Sidney Scott of Joplin, Mo.
6. Henry Clay b. 1878 died in infancy.
7. Raymond Percy b. 1886 m. Margaret Scmggs.
VI. Baymond Percy^ Carmth, the youngest child, was born
Jan. 27^ 1886 married June &^ 1912 Margaret Scmggs, daughter
of Marion Stuart Price and Gross Bobert Scmggs, bom Feb. 18**^
1892. Their children are:
VIL 1. Walter* Scmggs Camth b. July 15^ 1914.
2. Marianne Worthington Carath b. Sept 20**^ 1917 d. Dec.
e^ 1918.
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174 Ttleb's Quabtbrly Magazine
MUMFORD AND MTTITFOED FAMILIES.
(Continued from page 68.)
Quite distinct^ at least in later generations, from this Mum-
ford family, was the Munford family which had its habitat in
Prince George, Amelia and Mecklenburg Counties. This family
apparentiy begins with James Munford, who patented 60^4 acres
of land in '^estopher parish,'* Charles City Co., 20 April, 1689,
in that part of the County on the South side of James River, after-
wards Prince (George County. In this patent, as recorded, the
name is spelt Mumfort, and it may be that he was a brother of
Edward Mumford of Warwick and Gloucester Counties, and that
Edward and this James were children of Thomas '^umpford,*'
who patented in Nansemond Coimty in 1664.
A fragment of a Charles City record book shows that in 1684
James Munford was the executor of Robert Wyatt, deceased,
probably a son of Capt. Anthony Wyatt, who was bom in 1604 and
came to Virginia in 1624, and lived at Chaplin's Choice near
Jordan's Point. James Munford probably married the daughter
of Robert Wyatt, and hence the name of his son Robert Munford,
who under the name of Robert Mumford patented in 1704 the 60^
acres in Westover parish ^^formerly granted 20 April, 1689, unto
James Mountfort."
Robert Munford, spelt more generally "Mumford" in the vari-
ous patents obtained by Mm, married in 1701 Martha Kennon,
daughter of Col. Richard Kennon, of Conjuror's Neck. (Henrico
Co. Records.) He was a vestryman of Bristol Parish, colonel of
the Prince George militia, and member of the House of Burgesses.
He ceased to be a member of the vestry of Bristol Parish in 1736,
and probably died about that time.
He had issue 1 James Munford, to whom calling him '^son,"
he made a deed in 1727 (Prince George Co. records), 2 Robert.
There is no direct proof that Col. Robert Munford had a son
Robert, but there can be littie doubt. After Col. Robert Mun-
ford's name drops from the vestry book of Bristol Parish in 1736
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MUKFOSD AND MuNFOSD Fa3IILI£S 175
"Mr. Bobert Mirnf ord^' is elected a member. . 3 Edward, bom Nov.
11, 1726. (Bristol Parish Eegister.)
James Munford, son of Boberi^ Munford, Sr., served in the
vestry of Bristol Parish, Prince George Co., from 1728 to 1744,
and was major of militia. He is pleasantly mentioned by William
Byrd in his Lcmd of Eden. After 1744 he lived in Amelia County.
He married Elizabeth Boiling, daughter of Bobert Boiling, in
1727-28 (T7m. and Mary Quarterly, V, 276) and had issue named
in Bristol parish register 1 Martha bom 28 Sept., 1728, 2 James
bom Sepi 16, 1732, 3 Susanna bom March 29, 1734. Besides
these children, no one of whom is mentioned in his will, he had,
named therein, 4 William, 5 Eoberi He had also 6 Thomas
Boiling, not named in father's will, but named as 'brother'' in
5 Boberfs will, and 7 Edward, named as ^^rother'' in Thomas
Boiling Munford's will.
Major James Munford's will was dated March 16, 1754, and
proved in Amelia County 26 April, 1764. Besides his sons, Wil-
liam and Bobert, he names his wife Elizabeth, to whom he gives
land on the lower side of the Sweathouse Greek, including the
Plantation during her natural life, and after her decease to his son
William, together with all the furniture and stock of cattle, hogs,
&c., including *^one dozen silver spoons,'* which have the arms of
the Boiling Family.'' One of the legacies also to his son Bobert
was one dozen spoons marked B. M. In the inventory of the per-
sonal estate, there is mention of ^^1 doz. silver spoons to J. Mun-
ford."
Bobert Munford, son of Major James Munford, represented
Amelia in the House of Burgesses in 1765, 1766-68, 1769, 1770
and 1771. From 1760 to 1773 he was also clerk of Halifax County,
succeeding George Currie, who was clerk from 1752 to 1760. He
married Anne Brodnax (marriage bond Feb. 11, 1755), probably
the daughter of that name of Edward Brodnax, of Charles City
County, stated on family tradition not to have married {Wm. A
Mary Quarterly, XIV, p. 186). There is a deed recorded in Amelia
from Bobert Munford and Anne, his wife, William Munford and
Prudence, his wife, and William Wilson, Jr., dated March 31,
1773, by which 300 acres on the South side of Sweathouse Creek
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176 Tyleb's Quabteely Magazine
were transferred. William Wilson, Jr., had probably married one
of the daughters of James Mnnford.
Bobert Munford, calling himself of '^Nottoway Parish, Amelia
County,*^ made his will Sept. 9, 1771, but it was not proved till
1778. It names his wife Anne, who is to have the land on which
he now lives, and mentions children without naming them. Makes
**Brother Thomas Boiling Munford" and Vivian Brooking execu-
tors. Vivian Brooking married Elizabeth Brodnaz, sister of
Anne Munford. (See William and Mary Coll. Quarterly, XIV,
136.) In 1773 Robert Munford is called Robert Munford, Sr.,
to distinguish him doubtless from Col. Robert Munford, of Meck-
lenburg, who was rather younger.
William Munford, brother of Robert Munford, married Pru-
dence Ward (marriage bond dated Jany 11, 1768). He was a
captain in the War of the Revolution, and was living in 1780, when
he made a deed for land on both sides of Sweathouse Creek.
Thomas Boiling Munford, another brother, was a member of
the House of Delegates from Amelia County in 1777 and 1778.
He married Jane Watson (marriage bond, Feb.. 1766), and his
will, dated 24 April, 1780, is on record in Amelia. The inventory
of his personal estate was recorded Jan. 24, 1782. To his wife
Jane he devised 400 acres, including the buildings on ^'my Manor
plantation known as Bollinglroole," likewise a single chair, and
certain slaves, and after her death ''they and their increase to be
equally divided among my surviving children by my executors, as
they separately come of age.'' ''Brother Edward Munford and
worthy friends Richard Jones, Samuel Sherwin, Nathan Fletcher
and Samuel Davis" executors. Two of his sons were doubtless
Richard Jones Munford, and Thomas Munford, of Nottoway
County, who were living in 1800. See Wm. & Mary Quarterly,
XXVI, 42, 43.
Edward Munford, brother of Major James Munford, married
Elizabeth Hall, widow of Edward Brodnax of Charles City Co., who
died in 1748. He moved to North Carolina, and in 1760 Edward
Munford of Halifax County, North Carolina, conveyed 620 acres in
Amelia on Deep Creek, bounding on the land of Robert Munford,
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MUMFOKD AND MuNFOSD FAMILIES 177
(Amelia County records). And on May 1, 1769* Edward Munford
and Betly, his wife, of Halifax County, N. C, conveyed land on
Tomahun Creek in Charles Cily County, "devised for life to Betty
Brodnax now Munford/' (Charles City Co records.)
We now take up Eobert Munford, second son of Eobert Mun-
ford and Martha Kennon. He was vestryman of Bristol Parish,
Prince (Jeorge Co. from 1735, and represented the county in the
General Assembly from 1736 to 1740. The Bhmd Papers states
that he married Anna Bland, bom Feb. 26, 1711, 3rd daughter ,. ^-^^^ ^f
of Richard Bland &e_Antiguarj, and had issue three children: t^/^ j^/;.^\,.
Robert, Theodorick Bland (bom Feb. 21, 1742), and Elizabeth - ^v^
(bom Sept. 22, 1734).
Of these '^Captain'' Theodorick Bland Munford attended the
grammar school of William and Mary College in 1753-54, and died
at Col. John Banister's residence in Dinwiddle County, in Octo-
ber, 1772 {WUliam and Mary Qvarterly, IX, p. 240), and Eliza-
beth Munford married Col. John Banister in 1755 (marriage
bond. Ibid., XIX, 274-276). She appears to have been his first
wife, and is not noticed in the Banister pedigrees. Col. Banister
married 2dly. Martha, daughter of Col. Theodorick Bland, of
^'Cawsons,*' and 3rdly. Anna, daughter of John Blair, of Williams-
burg.
This Robert Munford, who married Anna Bland, died in De-
cember, 1744, whereupon his widow married George Currie, who
was first clerk of Halifax County, and had by him two daughters.
Robert Munford, eldest son of Robert Munford and Anna
Bland, was educated at the Academy in Leeds, Yorkshire, and,
on reaching manhood, served as captain in the French and Indian
War. Two of his letters written in 1758 from the *^camp near
Cumberland,'' are printed in the '^land Papers,'' while another
appears in the Calendar of State Papers. After the peace, when
the County of Mecklenburg was formed in 1765 he was appointed
county lieutenant, continuing in that office till his death in 1784.
*B7 mistake In the punctuation this date is given as the date of
the marriage of Edward Brodnax to Elizabeth Hall in William on€
Mary OolU Quarterly, XIV, 186.
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178 Tylbb's Quabtebly Magazine
He was also one of the first two representatives for that county in
the Honse of Burgesses^ remaining a member till 1775^ and in
1779 and 1780 he was a member of the House of Delegates.
During the American Eevolution Robert Munford performed
much service in recruiting soldiers for the American army. He
was a scholar^ and in 1798 his son William Munford published a
collection of his "Plays and Poems/* a copy of which is in the
State Library. The book was printed in Petersburg by William
Prentiss^ witii a Preface written by William Munford. He mar-
ried Anna Beverley, daughter of William Beverley, and died, as
stated in 1784. His will dated Dec. 16, 1783, and proved Feb.
8, 1784, was recorded in Mecklenburg County, and names chil-
dren (1) Elizabeth B. Kennon, (!^) Ursula A. Byrd and (3) Wil-
liam. He names also his sons-in-law Bichard Kennon, who suc-
ceeded him as county lieutenant and Otway Byrd.
William Munford, only son of Col. Bobert Munford and Anna
Beverley, his wife, was bom in Mecklenburg County August
15, 1776. He was only eight years old when his father died. He
studied the ancient languages and literature under George Wythe,
who conducted private classes in the classics in Williams-
burg, and studied law both under Wythe and Judge Tucker (1790-
1794) at the College.* He practiced law in the courts and was
member of the House of Delegates for Mecklenburg in 1798-99,
1800-01, and 1801-0!^. He also represented the county in the
Senate 1802-03, 1803-04, and 1805-06. In 1806 he removed to
Richmond, where he became one of the foremost lawyers, and on
the death of his old friend and preceptor, George Wythe, in that
year he made the funeral address. He was appointed to the Privy
Council, and served till 1811, when he was appointied clerk of the
House of Delegates, holding that office till his death. He also
acted as reporter of the Supreme Court of Appeals, and his work
is embodied in Hening and Munforcfs Reports (1808-1812), and
in Munford's Reports (1812-1818) — ^ten volumes in all.
*For extracts from Monford's letters while at College, see Wil-
liam and Mary College Quarterly, VIII, 153-167.
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MUHFOSD AND MuNFOBD FaMIUES 179
In 1819 he assisted Benjamin Watkins Leigh in the revision of
the Statute laws of Virginia.
Mr. Munford was one of the most scholarly men of his day^
and inherited the love of poetry from his father. But his tastes
and ability in this line were far greater. Of his poetry the earl-
iest published was in 1798 — ^^Toems and Compositions in Prose
on several occasions^ by William Munford^ of the. County of Meek*
knburg and State of Virginia/' The book was printed in Bich-
mond by Samuel Pleasants^ and a copy is in the State Library.
He occupied the leisure of his maturer year in making a transla-
tion of the ^^liad/' which has been pronounced by competent
critics superior to Pope's famous translation. It was published
posthumously in 1848. Mr. Munford died at Bichmond, Virginia,
June 21, 1825.
In 1802 he married Sarah Badford, daughter of William and
Bebecca (daughter of Geddes and Mary Jordan Winston) Bad-
ford, and had issue eight children (1) Gleorge Wythe, for a long
time Secretary of the Commonwealth, father of Brigadier General
Thomas Taylor Munford, C. S. A. Cavalry, (2) Anna Bebecca,
mar. John Sherrard, (3) John Durburrow, father of Beverley B.
Munford, whose brilliant book, 'The Attitude of Virginia To-
wards Slavery and Secession,'' 1909, acquired for him a national
reputation, (4) Bobert, M. D., who married Anna Elizabeth, dau.
of Dr. Henry Curtis and Christiana Tyler, youngest daughter of
Oov. John Tyler, Sr., (5) Elizabeth Madison, who married Wil-
liam Preston Peyton, (6) William Preston (7) Elvira H., married
Powhatan L. Ellis, (8) Carlton Badford, died unmarried.
For later generations, see Slaughter's Bristol Parish (194-199).
Charles City Co. Munfords. In Charles City County resided
another family of Munfords, but of them the loss of records per-
mits only an imperfect account.
In 1737 the will of Jeffrey Munford was produced in court and
proved. He was probably father of William Greene Munford, a
prominent citizen of that county. The latter was member of the
Charles City County Committee of Safety in 1775, and major of
the militia duriniic the Bevolution. He served in the House of
Delegates from 1781 to 1785, as a colleague of John Tyler. His
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180 Ttlsb's Quabtebly Magazine
will dated February 8, 1786 was proved May 3, 1786, and names
issue (1) Eobert (2) John, (3) Stanhope, (4) William Greene,
(5) Mary, mar. John Lightfoot, of James City Co, (6) Elizabeth.
His son, Bobert Munford, was lieutenant in the Berolution
and married Margaret W. Harwood, dau. of Major Samuel Har-
wood of Weyanoke and Margaret Woddrop, his wife. He was clerk
of Charles City County Court from 1797 to his death in 1800.
His will, dated December 12, 1799, was proved March 24, 1800,
and names two sons Samuel and Bobert. These two sons removed
to Gloucester County, where they died and lie buried. Margaret
Ann Munford, a posthumous child, of Bobert Munford, the clerk,
married Mr. John Sinclair, of "Shabby Hall,^' Gloucester Co.,
which was subsequently sold to Bobert C. Selden, and is now called
"Sherwood.** (See for Munford wills and notes thereon, Wnu
& Mary College Quarterly, XI, 260-264.)
Mtmfords of London. In 1669 Anne, widow of Augustine
Munford, grocer of London and John Munford, grocer of the
same place, appointed William Munford of York Biver, in Vir-
ginia, to demand certain debts from Capi John Grove, of James
Biver, and Elizabeth his wife, late wife of Col. Thomas Pettus.
The latter (William Munford) describing himself as "citizen and
mercer of London,'* entered into an agreement with Bobert Bax-
ter, Bobert Booth, Samuel Powell and John Munford, citizens and
grocers of London, to manage very considerable adventures of
money in Virginia. (York Coimty, Virginia, records.)
Mumfords of New England. There is in the yard of Christ
Church, Alexandria, Virginia, a tombstone to the memory of Capt
George Mumford, of New London, Connecticut, who died in
Georgetown July 17, 1773. His grandfather, Thomas Mumford,
is said to have come to Bhode Island from England, and married
Sarah Sherman. Capt Mumford had an elder brother, Thomai
Mumford, whose portrait is preserved by his descendant Edward
Winston Paige of New York. Wm. A Mary College Quarterly, X,
p. 107; XI, 76.
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The Thobnton Family 181
THE THORNTON FAMILY.*
CompUed by W. G. Stanabd.
(Contintied from Vol. VI., page 67.)
86. Chablbs Thobnton* (Anthony* Anthony,* Francis,*
WUliam^), of **North Garden/' Caroline County, Va., and of
Kentucky, commonly called "Captain'* Charles Thornton (doubt-
less from his holding that rank in the Militia) married, Ist, Mary,
daughter and heiress of Wm. Jones, of Essex. She had no issue.
He married 2ndly, Sarah, daughter of John MtzUgh, of ^'Belair,"
Stafford County, Va. Captain Thornton moved to Oldham County,
Ky., about 1812.
Issue: 161, Fitzugh,* married Caroline Pitzugh, and died in
Henry Couniy, Mo., in 1864 ; all of his children died without issue,
except Sarah Ann,^ who married James Todd, of Henry County,
Ky.; 162, Alice* died unmarried; 163, Henrietta,* married Prank
Taliaferro, of Orange County, Va.; 164, Katherine Presley,* mar-
ried Cole Pitzugh and had a daughter, Ann, who married Bichard
P. Taylor and lives near Windsor, Henry County, Mo.; 165, Eliza-
beth,* married Bichard Merriwether, of Shelby, Ky., and had one
son, Bichard, who died without issue; 166; Dr. Charles,* married
Mary Taliaferro, and had a large family, and has many descen-
dants; all of his children are dead, except Beuben T.^ Thornton,
of Nevada, Vernon County, Mo.; 157, Dr. John Henry Pitzugh,*
married, Ist, Mary Symmes, daughter of President William Henry
Harrison, and had issue: (a), Wm. Henry Harrison,^ of Ellettft-
ville, Monroe County, Indiana; unmarried; (b), Charles, surgeon
in the United States Army; died unmarried; (c) Anna Harrison/
died January 17, 1883, married Lee Mason Pitzugh, of "Eem
Bank,'* Ohio; (d), Alice Elizabeth,' married John C. Lewis, of
Chicago; (e), Lucy Harrison,' died young; (f) John Fitaugh,'
of "Pern Bank,*' married liela Morgan West, and had Charies;*
mua nuiii])6r of tli« Thomt^ Family, being out of prlal. Is r**
pnblislied here from Vol. VI. 109-113, WHUam and Maty College i^yofr-
terlv.
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182 Tyleb's Quabtebly Magazinb
died young. Dr. John Thornton married, 2ndly, Sarah Mtzugh,
and had Susan Rtzugh/ and George Pitzugh.^ 168, Daniel Mc-
Carty,* purser United States Navy, married, Ist, Susan, daughter
of Hay Taliaferro; 2ndly, Mary, daughter of Gen. Lawrence T.
Dade, and had issue: first marriage: (a) Charles Hay,^ served in
Confederate States Army; married Betiy Johnson, and had issue:
Charles Hay,* Virginia Susan,® and Nathaniel;* (b), Heniy,^
served in the Richmond Howitzers, C. S. A. ; married Betiy Con-
way, and had Henry* and Marian;* (c), Virginia^ married Dr.
Frederick Eoddy, of Richmond; (d), Enmia,^ married first, Na-
thaniel Norfieet, and secondly. Col. Wm. E. Cutshaw, C. S. A.,
of Richmond: (second marriage): (e), Lawrence^; (f), Baylor/
married; (g), Poxhall A. Parker,^ married; (h), Hay,^ mar-
ried; (i), McCarly,^ married; (j) Arthur Conway,'; (k),
Lucy,' married Catlett Conway; (1), Mary,' married Catlett Con-
way; 169, Henry,* married a Miss Cuny, and left an only son,
Charles Henry Thornton, who married twice, leaving by his first
marriage, a daughter, Sallie, and by the second (Mrs. Bdle Thorn-
ton, who survives, and is living at Los Angeles, California), two
children; 170, Francis,* married Anne Rose Thornton, and died
near Jacksonville, 111., leaving a number of children: 171, William
Tucker.*
87. Gborob* Thornton {Anthony,'^ Anthony,* Frands,^ Ffl-
Kam*), bom in Caroline County, Va., November 18, 1762; died
August 30, 1853, aged nearly 101 years; married June 9, 1774,
Margaret Stanley. He served in the Revolution as a private in
Capt. Wm. Buckner's and other companies of militia, and later
Teceived a pension; the papers in regard to it have been preserved.
About 1784 he removed to what is now Green County, Va. Issue :
172, Catherine Taliaferro,* bom August 18, 1775; 173, Ann,*
bom March 6, 1779; lived in Madison County, Va.; 176, Mary P.,*
bom September 20, 1781 ; married Willis Kirtley and removed to
Kentuc^; 176, Charles,* bom December 12, 1783; removed to
Muhlenberg County, Ky., and had a son, Edward^; 177, George*
bom March 3, 1786; 178, Lucy Buckner* (twin), bom March 3,
1786; married Smoot, Madison county, Va.; 179, Thomas
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Thk Thornton Family 183
S.,* married Mary Hemdon, and had George/ Varinda,^ and
Lucy^; 180, Anthony^; 181, John,* bom October 31, 1792; re-
moved to Muhlenberg county, Ky.
88. Bbuben» Thobnton {Anthony* Anthony,^ Francis,^ WU-
liam}), was justice of the peace for Spottsylvania in 1805; mar-
ried Mildred, daughter of Benjamin and Priscilla (Bootes)
Qrjrmes. Mrs. Mildred Thornton married, secondly, Peter Dudley.
In her will, dated March 16, 1822 and proved in Spotsylvania in
September 1822, she made bequests to her son^ Anthony B. Thorn-
ton, and his wife, Mildred B., and his daughter, Mildred Ann
Orymes Thornton; to Mary H., wife of her son, Benjamin G.
Thornton; to Ann, wife of her son, Wm. F. Thornton; to Maria,
wife of her son, Beuben Thornton; to Susan, wife of her son,
Nicholas C. Thornton; to Lucy B., wife of her son, Charles T.
Thornton; and to her nephew John A., son of Wm. Wedderbursu
Lucy Bootes Grymes made a will, dated April 18, 1812, and
proved in Spottsylvania November 3, 1817, in which she made be-
quests to her nephews, Benj. Grymes Thornton, Beuben Thornton,
Anthony Thornton, Wm. Fitzugh Thornton and Charles Tailia-
ferro Thornton; and to her sister, Mildred Dudley.
Issue: 182, Anthony B.* married Mildred B. Walker; 193,
Benjamin Grymes, married Mary H. North^; 184, William
Fitzugh^; 186, Beuben, married Maria ; 186, Ann*; 187,
Nicholas Cabell,* married Susan ; 188, Charles Taliaferro,*
married Lucy B. .
89. Pbeslby* Thornton (Anfhony,* Anthony,* Francis,* WU*
liam}), bom 1760; died in Kentucky, November 6th, 1811. He
was conmiissioned Comet in the Third Continental Dragoons Feb-
ruary 21, 1777; was promoted to Lieutenant and captain, and
served till 1783. On June 17, 1783, a warrant was issue to him
for 4,000 acres of bounty land for three years' service; and on
March 30, 1796, a warrant for 666 2/3 acres more for his seventh
year's service. When the first warrant was issued the following
certificate was filed:
'1 do certify that Captain Presley Thornton was appointed a
Comet in the 3d Begiment of Light Dragoons the 17th of March,
1777; he was promoted to the rank of Second Lieutenant the 27th
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184 Tyueb'b Quabtxbly MAOAziinD
of May^ 1778; also to the rank of First Lieut the 15th of Novem-
ber 1778; and to a Captaincy the 10th of May, 1780, which com-
mission he resigned the 25th of March, 1781.
Qbobgb Baylor,
Colo, of the Ist Regiment of Cavalry.*^
Caption Thornton subsequently reentered the army, and served
to the end of the war. He married Alice, daughter of Col. Francis
Thornton, of "Socieiy Hill.'' Issue: 189, Francis Anthony*; 190,
Sally Fitzugh,* died aged eighteen months; 191, McCarty,* died
in New Orleans, aged twenty-two years; 192, Presley,* died aged
one year; Elizabeth Presley,* married Dr. Avery Gwin of Kentucky.
91. Dr. Henry F.' Thornton (Anthony,* Anthony* Frxinds*
WUliam^), bom July 14, 1763; married Ann Bose, daughter of
John Fitzugh, of ''Bellair.'' Issue: 194, Anthony,* bom July 29,
1796; 196, John*; 196, Maria, married Edward Fitzugh; 197,
Susan, married Meriwether; 198, Hairiett married John
Conway; 199, Ann,* married Anthony Thornton; 200, Dr. Henry,
Jr., died unmarried; 201, Eliza*.
92. Thomas Griffin* Thornton {Anthony,"^ Anthony,* Fran^
CIS,* WUliani^), of Caroline County (he bought "Ormsby** from
his brother Anthony), was bom June 11, 1775. He was a justice
and Sheriff of Caroline, and, while holding that latter office, he
was murdered by a man against whom he had a writ Mr. Thorn-
ton was, in his day, noted as a fox hunter; and the American Turf
Begister and Sporting Magazine contains anecdotes illustrative of
the great excellence of his hounds. He married, October 19, 1796,
A Tin H., daughter of William and Sarah (Digges) Fitzugh, of
Fauquier county. Issue: 202, Susan*; 208, William*; 204,
Sarah,* married Lewis Battaile; 205; Harriet,* Biarried Oharlet
Jesse; 206, Gtordon*; 207, Thomas Griffin*; 208, Mary Digges,*
married Chas. Jesse (another); 209, Ellen,* married t^^. —
Oatieti
93. John* Thornton (Anthony,* Anthony,^ Ft<Qin0U^ WH^
liamr^), of "Fairfield,*^ near Guiney's station, Caroline county
(the place where Qenral Jackson died), and afterwaida of
*^Onnsby,'' was bom March 4, 1716 (so given in a o^y horn the
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The Thobitton Family 185
family Bible, but evidently erroneous, as his brother T. G. is giren
as bom on June 11 of the same year) ; married, first, September
17, 1796, Sarah daughter of George and Mary (Digges) Fitzugh,
of Fauquier county; married, secondly, Mildred Washington Dade;
married thirdly, October 22, 1811^, Jane Laughlin; no issue except
by first marriage. Issue: 210, Susan,* married Captain Eoyston;
211^ George Fitzugh,* John*; 212, Mary Ann,* married Wm.
Boyston; 213, Edward Digges*; 214, William Fitzugh*; 216, Ad-
dison F.*; 216, Elinor.*
102. EoBBBT HoBSLBT* THORNTON {Peter Presley,^ WUliam,^
Francis,^ WUHam* WUliam^), bom October 16, 1809; married
January 27, 1863, Louisa, daughter of Bev. Charles Wingfield, ol
Albemarle county. Issue: 217, Charles Presley,^ bom March 16,
1864; 218, Mary Cary,^ bom September 3, 1866; 219, Camilla
Jane,^ bom May 10, 1867; 220, Eobert Horsley,^ bom June 3,
1869; 221^ Marie Bosalie,^ bom August 4, 1861, and died May
24, 1863.
104. Francis* Thornton (Francis,^ Frands,^ Fronds,^ Fran-
cis,^ WUliarn^), of "Fall Hill,'' Spottsylvania County, bom 1760,
died -^ ; was appointed justice of the peace for Spottsylyania
couniy in 1790; married Sally, daughter of Judge Harry Innes,
of Kentucky, and niece of James Innes, colonel in the Revolution,
and attorney-general of Virginia. Issue: 222, Elizabeth,^ born
December 22, 1793; married J. H. Fitzgerald, of Fredericksburg;
223, Francis''; 224 Harry Innes^; 226, Sally Innes,^ bom Jan-
uary 11, 1799; married Murray Forbes, of Falmouth, Va. 226,
James Innes^; 227, Robert Callaway,^ bom 1802; died unmarried;
228, Catherine,^ bom 1804; married Thomas Marshall, of '^appy
Crrek,'' Fauquier county, Va.; 229, Butler Brayne, bom 1806;
died 1833.
(To be continued.)
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186 Tyler's Quabteblt Magazuhi
THE CHENOWETH FAMILY.
By Arthur L. Keith, Northfield, Minnesota.
The founder of this family appears to have been John Chino-
weih who died in Frederick County, Virginia, in 1746. He proba-
bly lived for a time in Baltimore County, Maryland, and in that
county part of his children continued to live after John Chino-
weth had moved on to Virginia. A descendant of John Chino-
weth, Jr., eldest son of John Chenoweth, Sr., gives me the informa-
tion that John, Jr., was bom in 1706.
This agrees well with the following items taken from the
records of St George's Parish, Baltimore Couniy. John Chenner-
worth (sic) and Mary Smith were married Nov. 26, 1730-31.
William Chennerworth, son of the above, was bom Jan. 8, 1732.
John Watson and Mary Chennerworth, spinster, were married
May 24, 1733. A comparison with the will of John Chinowetfa,
1746, Frederick Co., Va., given below, shows that these persons
belong to his family. These are the earliest records I have found
relating to the family of the blacksmith John Chinowetfa. Proba-
bly he came to this country shortly before 1730 and before 1746
with a part of his family moved to Frederick Co., Va. Arthur
Chenworth and Richard Chenworth were land-owners in Balti-
more County in 1750.
In Frederick Co., Va., on Apr. 11, 1746, John Chinowetfa, black-
smitfa, made liis will, probated May 6, 1746. Witnesses were Joseph
Stanley, Mary Stanley, and William JoUiflfe. He mentions vrife
(not by name), cliildren John (eldest), Bichard, Artfaur, William,
Tfaomas, Mary Watson, Hannafa Carter, and Buth Pettit; grandson
John Watson, Jr.; son-in-law Jofan Petit. Son Tfaomas Cfaino-
wetfa and James Carter were appointed executors.
Another John Chenowitfa (sic) made will in Frederick Co.,
Va., on Nov. 3, 1770, probated Mcfa. 5, 1771. Witnesses were Jofan
Salsberry, William Salsberry, and M. Morgan. He mentions wife
Mary, who is appointed executrix; eldest sons William and John,
wfao receive land in Hampsfaire Couniy on the Cacapon; sons
Absalom, Tfaomas, and Bichard, who receive land on which the
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Thb Chbnowbth Family 187
testator lives; son Abraham (probably an error for Absalom as he
is not heard of again); son Arthur; daughters Elizabeth^ Mary,
and Eachel; son-in-law James Stuart; granddaughter Mary Cheno-
with, daughter of eldest son, William, whose legacy is conditioned
on her remaining with her grandmother until she becomes of
age. Son Bichard is to receive testator's smith's tools. This Jdtui
of 1771 is undoubtedly the son of the John of 1746.
William Chenowith whose will was probated in Frederick
County, Va., in 1772 was the son of the John who died in 1771 and
identical with the William bom in Baltimore Counly, Jan. 8,
1732. He mentions wife Jane ; sons John, Jonathan, and William ;
and daughter Mary. He refers to Mary's deceased motber, so Jane
was not his first wife. From other sources it is known that this
William Chenoweth married 1. Euth Calvert and had John Cheno-
weth, bom 1755; Jonathan Chenoweth, bom 1757; Mary Cheno-
weth, bora 1759 (mentioned in the will of John, 1771, see above) ;
and William Chenoweth, bom June 18, 1760. This last named
William will be given below.
The will of Absolum Chenowith was probated in Berkeley
County, Va., Apr. 12, 1773. (Berkeley was formed from Fred-
erick in 1772). Tliis Absolum was bom 1745 and was the son of
John who died in 1771. The will was witnessed by James Seaton,
William Chenoweth, and John Hanna. Wife Ruth and Morgan
Morgan are named as executors. Testator mentions brother Wil-
liam's son William who had been bound to him to leam the black-
smith's trade. His children were James (bom Dec. 21, 1767, died
May 12, 1815) ; Absolum Chenoweth (who in 1821 was living in
Jefferson County, Kentucky, with wife Lydia, and children Stephen,
John, Ephraim, Ross, Mary, and Angelina) ; and Ann Chenoweth
(who married James Boggs).
In Berkeley Co., Va., on Mch. 16, 1773, Mary Chenowith, widow
of John Chenowith, Absolum Chenowith and Ruth, his wife, Arthur
Chenowith and Margaret his wife, all of Berkeley Co., Va.; and
Thomas Chenowith and Rachel, his wife, of Baltimore Co., Md.,
sell to George Scott land on the drains of Mill Creek and branch
of Opeckon, granted by patent to the aforesaid John Chenowith,
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1B8 Ttlbb's QuAJrrBBLT Magahkb
on Oct. 6, 1764. The Absolum^ Arthur, and Thomas of tiie above
deed are undoubtedly sons of the John who died in 1771.
Joseph Chenoweth of Berkeley Co., Va., made will Sept 23,
17S6, probated Oct 18, 1785. Witnesses were William Oheno-
wethy Gabriel Hays, and John Hays. Wife Sarah is mentioned and
daughter Newly (?). Brother Absolum Chenoweth is appointed
executor. This Josej^ was the son of the following William Cheno-
With.
William Chenowith of Berkeley County, Va., made will Oct
10, 1785, probated Dec. SO, 1785. He mentions wife Anne; sons
Absolum and William, and heirs of son Joseph, deceased; daugh-
ters Mary, Ann, and Hannah. Son William and wife Anne are ap-
pointed executors. This William could be no other than the son
of the blacksmith John Chinoweth of 1746. He is to be identi-
fied with William Chenoweth of Frederick Co., Va., who on Feb.
12, 1743-4 bought land on Mill Creek, a branch of the Opeckon,
from John Mills, Sr., of Prince George Co., Md. William Cheno-
worth of Fredericks Co., Va., in 1752 receiyed grant for 171 acres.
In Berkeley Counly on Oct. 6, 1788, Absolum Chenowith and
Anne Chenowith sold to Adam Smith land conveyed by John Mills
to William Chenowith.
We turn now to Hampshire County, Va. In 1753 John
Chenoth (sic) received grant for 248 acres on the Great Cacapehon.
On Nov. 26, 1771, William Chenoweth of Frederick Co., Va., and
wife Jane sold to John Chenoweth of Hampshire County 124
acres on Great Cape Capon, which had been bequeathed him by
his father John Chenoweth and granted to the said John Cheno-
weth, dec'd by Et Hon. Thomas Lord Fairfax, Mch 3, 1763.
The following heads of households were living in Hampshire
Counly in 1784; John Chenoworth, Sr (probably the son of John
who died in Frederick County in 1771), John Chenoworth, Jr
(probably son of the preceding), Jonathan Chenoworth (probably
0on of the William who died in Frederick County in 1772), and
Arthur Chenoworth (probably son of the John who died in 1771).
In Hampshire Counly in Apr. 1791, John Chenoweth and Mary,
his wife, sold land to John Copeey. On Apr. 19, 1811 John Cheno-
weth of Hampshire County made will, probated Sept 14, 1812.
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Thb Chbnowkth Family 189
Witne«i€8 were Abraham Cresewell, George Oole, William Nixon,
Joseph Nixon, and Thomas Megrow. He mentions wife Eleanor;
sons William, Absolom, John, James, and Elias Ohenoweth;
daughters Elizabeth Monroe, Eleanor Ashbrooke, Bachel Ashbrooke,
and Mary Ashbrooke. He refers to land on south side of Caeapon
Mountain. Executors are son William and John Monroe. This
'John Chenoweth is probably the son of the John who died in
Frederick County in 1771.
The following did military denice in the Berolution from
Va. : Jonathan Chenoweth, John Chineworth, Thomas Chinworth,
Bichard Chinoweth (captain), and William Chinoweth, the last
two names being found in the Illinois papers, indicating that they
probably served in Kentucky. On June 28, 1827, Mary Cheno-
weth, aged 75, widow of John, applied for a pension from Ban-
dolph Co., Va. Her maiden name is given as Fugh.
We now take up the records of Baltimore Counly, Maryland.
Notwithstanding published statements to the contrary, I regard
Arthur Chenworth and Bichard Chenworth, landholders in this
county in 1750, as certainly the sons of John Chinoweth, black-
smith, who died in Frederick Co., Va., in 1746. We shall note
their wills below. Thomas Chinworth and Bachel Moore were
married Sept. 14, 1766 in St. George's Parish, Baltimore Co., Md.
He was undoubtedly the son of the second John of Frederick Co.,
Va., as shown by the deed of Mch. 15, 1773, given above. Thomas
and Bachel Chenoweth had the following children: Elizabeth,
bom Apr. 8, 1768; Buxton, bom Dec. 12, 1769; and Maty, bora
Sept 8, 1772.
Tn 1766 Nicholas Buxton Oay of Baltimore Co., Md., made deed
of gift to Thomas Chenoweth, Jr and wife Bachel, "she being my
niece.'' From what Sr this Jr after Thomas's name is to distin-
guish him, I do not know imless it may be the son of Bichard of
of Arthur, both of whom had sons named Thomas living at this
time in Baltimore County. The Thomas who married Bachel
Moore seems to have died before Nov. 27, 17S3, for on that date
hii inventory is presented to the Baltimore court by James Moore,
his admr und nett of kin. Another Thomas Chinworth and Badiel
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190 Tyleb^s Quabteblt Maqazustk
Morris were married Jan. 1^ 1788^ apparently both of Harford
Co., Mi
The following took oath of fidelity in Baltimore County in
1778: Arthur Chinworth, Sr, Arthur Chenoweth, son of Eichard,
Thomas Chinworth, Thomas Chenoweth (twice), Samuel Chin-
worth, Bichard Chenoweth, and William Chenoweth. In 1778 in
Montgomery Co., Md., we find Bichard Chinoth, Thomas Chinotfa,
and Thomas Chinorsath (sic).
Bichard Chenoweth, blacksmith, of Baltimore Co., Md., made
will Oct 1, 1781, probated Dec. 4, 1781 (1785?). He mentions
wife Eezia ; sons Bichard, Arthur, Thomas, Joseph, William ; grand-
son Bichard, son of John, dec'd; and daughters Susanna Price,
Hannah Ashton, and Eezia Chenoweth, Jr. Executors are wife
Eezia and son Joseph. This Bichard Chenoweth I regard as cer-
tainly the son of John of Frederick Co., Va., 1746.
Arthur Chenoweth of Baltimore County made will Dec. 4,
1800, probated Apr. 7, 1802. He mentions sons Bichard, Samuel,
Thomas; daughter Butfa Butler; granddaughter Elizabeth, daugh-
ter of Bichard Chenoweth. Son Bichard is appointed executor.
I regard this Arthur Chenoweth as identical with the Arthur
Chenoweth, Sr of Baltimore County who in 1761 made deed of
gift to his son Arthur Chenoweth, Jr. Likewise in 1768 he made
gift of land to his son John Chenoweth. Sons Arthur and John
are not mentioned in the will of Arthur, given above, probably be-
cause they had received their portions by gifts. The date of birth
of this Arthur Chenoweth is given as 1716 in a chart of the family
prepared in 1893 by Nimrod H. Chenoweth of Dayton, Ohio. It
agrees well with the known facts of his life, his death in 1802
and the birth of his son John which is given as 1739. However,
the chart above referred to and some published accounts make
this Arthur, bom in 1716, the son of another Arthur of whom so
far as I can ascertain not one contemporary record survives.
Draper in his manuscripts now located at the state historical
library at Madison, Wisconsin, had accepted this tradition but offers
no records as proof. In my notes on tiiis family published in the
William and Mary Quarterly, XX, 113, 1 offer no objection to this
tradition but I now regard it as practically certain tiiat the Arthur
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The Chbnoweth Family 191
Chenoweth, bom 1716, died 1802, was the son of John Chinoweth,
the blacksmith, of Frederick Co., Va., 1746. John Chenoweth and
Samuel Chenoweth, sons of the Arthur who died in Baltimore
Counly in 1802, moved to Berkeley County, Va., where John died
in 1820, leaving a large progeny.
Draper in the manuscripts above referred to gives data on
the large family of one Thomas Chenoweth, whom I regard now
as the son of the John of 1746. The exactness of the dates indi-
cates that their ultimate source was the family Bible. The names
and dates are as follows: Martha, bom Dec. 25, 1744; Sarah,
born May 12, 1747; Mary, bom July 23, 1749; John, bom May
15, 1751; Thomas, bom Sept 10, 1763; Arthur, bom Dec. 6, 1756;
Richard, born Apr. 1, 1758; William, bom May 3, 1760; Elijah,
bom June 12, 1762; Ann, bom May 6, 1765; Hannah, bom Aug.
18, 1767; and Abraham, bom Jan. 25, 1770.
From the above mentioned children Sarah married T. Down-
ing. Thomas Chenoweth (bom 1753) married Cassandra Foster
and had John, Benjamin, Thomas, Joseph, Bichard, and Buth.
Arthur (bom 1755) married Elizabeth Carter and had Absolum,
Joseph, George, Hiram, Luke, Thomas, Martha, Amelia, Mary,
Elizabeth, Bachel, Buth, Addie, Harriet> and Mildred. Bichard
(bom 1758) married and had Arthur, 1786, Thomas,
1787, Hannah, 1788, Bichard, 1790, Sarah, 1791, Buth, 1793,
Uriah, 1796, Bebecca and Nathan, 1797, and Martha, 1799. Elijah
(1762) married Bachel Foster and had Thomas, John, Joseph^
Elijah, Elizabeth, Bichard, and Buth. Abraham (bom 1770)
married Bebecca Kerr and had Martha, 1791, William, 1792, Jacob,
1794, Anna, 1796, John, 1797, Susan, 1799, Mary, 1801,
Noah, 1803, Sarah, 1805, Hannah, 1806, Abraham, 1808, Be-
becca, 1809, Joel, 1811, and Gideon, 1813.
The following records are from the family Bible of James
Chenoweth, son of the Absolum who died in Berkeley Co., Va., in
1773 (see above).
James Chenoweth, bom Dec. 21, 1767. Bebecca Bruce, bom
June 6, 1770. They were married Sept 21, 1790. They had
Bachel B. Chenoweth, bom June 21, 1791. Buth Ann Chenoweth,
bom Dec. 3, 1792. George L. Chenoweth, bom Mch. 17, 1797.
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192 Tyls&'b Quabtsrlt MAOAzms
James B. Chenoweth^ bom June 2H, 1800. Sdwin O. Chenoweth,
bom May 5, 1803. Alfred W. Chenoweth, bom Sepi 18, 1811.
We now follow the Chenoweihs to Kentucky. Bichard Ohenoweth
'(later called captain) appeared in Ey. as early as 1776. He was
almost certainly the son of John Chenoweth of Frederick Co.,
Va., who died in 1771. Arthur Chenoweth who, like Bichard
-Chenoweth, settled in Jefferson County, Ky., was undoubtedly the
son of John of 1771, which gives an added reason for ascribing
Bichard to the same John. Capt. Bichard Chenoweth married
Peggy McCarty, probably daughter of Thomas McCarty of Hamp-
shire Co., Va. While living in the eastern part of Jefferson Co.,
Ey., about 1782 his family was involved in the famous Chenoweth
massacre at the hands of the Shawnee Indians. His son Gideon
Chenoweth was killed, his wife was scalped but survived and others
not of the family were killed.
In 1784 Isaac Cox and Bichard Chenoweth were justices in
Jefferson Co., Ey. In June, 1803, in same county, the death of
Bichard Chenoweth was entered on the records and the suit of
John Williamson vs Bichard Chenoweth in regard to disputed land
claims was continued against his heirs, namely, Thomas Cheno-
wethy James Chenoweth, Mildred Nash, Jane Miller, Naomi Cheno-
weth, Tabitha Chenoweth, and Ann Chenoweth. Thomas Cheno-
weth was appointed to defend Naomi, Tabitha, and Ann, being
minors. Margaret Chenoweth, widow of Bichard, was still living
on the disputed land in 1806. In Jefferson Co.^ Ey., on Aug. 24,
1811, license was granted to Benjamin Irwin to marry Margaret
Chenoweth, possibly the widow of Bichard. According to tiie
same records license was granted Apr. 9, 1792, to Haman (?)
Nash to many Mildred Chenoweth and on Apr. 22, 1793^ to Wil-
liam Miller to marry Jane Chenowetii. Arthur Chenoweth was a
grand juror in Jefferson Co., Ey., in 1795. In 1821 he was still
living there with wife and children Absolum, John, and Sarah.
One William Chenoweth appeared on Pottenger^s Creek in Ey.
in Aug. or Sept, 1779. On Mch. 5, 1782^ in Jefferson Co., Ey.,
he was appointed admr. of estate of David Henton. Later he mar*
ried the widow Mary Henton, who was the daughter of Jacob
Van Meter. This William Chenoweth was the son of the William
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The Chenoweth Family 193
who died in Frederick Co., Va., in 1772, and was not the son of
Thomas as I conjectured in the William and Mary Quarterly,
XX, 113. He was born June 18, 1760, and died Aug. 16, 1828.
His wife, Mary Van Meter (Henton) Chenoweth, was bom Feb.
11, 1767, and died June 29, 1832. They are buried near Deats-
'viile. Nelson County, Ky.
Their son Abraham Chenoweth was bom Dec. 27, 1785, died
Mch. 31, 1861, at Perry, Illinois. He married Bachd Chenoweth
who was daughter of Arthur and Elspa Chenoweth. This Arthur
was probably identical with the Arthur, son of the John of 1771.
Baehel Chenoweth was bom Jan. 31, 1789> and died Dec. 29, 1864.
Miles Hart Chenoweth, son of William and Mary (Van Meter)
Chenoweth, was bom July 7, 1791, died 1846 in Aiidrew Co., Mis-
'souri. He married Bebecca Fairleigh. A fairly complete account
of about 1200 descendants of William Chenoweth and wife Mary
(Van Meter) Chenoweth is ready for publication.
John Henton, son of the above Mary Van Meter by her first
husband David Henton, married Elatharine Eeith, daughter of
Alexander Keith, who lived until about 1773 in Hampshire Co.,
Va., and then until about 1780 in southwestern Pennsylvania and
later in Nelson and Hardin Counties, Ky.
The La FoUette Genealogy represents that the mother of this
Alexander Keith was a Chenoweth but the present writer after
examining the evidence is satisfied that this is an error. The name
Chinoth occurs as a Christian name in an early generation of the
Keith family. There was a close parallelism in tiie history of the
two families. They both lived in Baltimore County, Md., Hamp-
shire County, Va., and Nelson Counly, Ky., consecutively.
There are other coincidences, but in spite of them the present
writer does not believe there was any relationship between tiie two
families, at least until some later generation. Another erroneous
statement in the claim appearing in some published accounts of
the family that one of the early Chenoweths, the original John or
one of his descendants (the accounts do not agree on the particu-
lar Chenoweth) married a member of Lord Baltimore's family.
The claim is supported by no contemporary record.
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194 Ttleb^s Quabteblt MAGAznns
REGISTER OP MARRIAGE BONDS OP GREENSVILLE
COUNTY, VIRGINIA, 1781-1808.
Compiled by Mbs. Dora Hedges Goodwyn, Emporia, Va.
(Continued from p. 66.)
Ltmdie, Alexander & Susanna Maclin, 17 Dec., 1804. James
Maclin, Sec.
Lundie, Thomas Yates & Elizabeth Maclin, 9 June, 1800. Peter
Pelham, Sec.
Lundy, Edwin & Lucy Peterson, 3 Feb., 1789. Chislon Morris,
Sec.
Lundy, John & Elizabeth Nelson, 21 Aug., 1786. Prederick
Davis, Sec.
Lundy, John & Dorcas Tooke, 6 Peb., 1793, widow of Dempsey
Tooke. Isaac Metcalf, Sec.
Lundy, Joshua & Polly Tyus, 8 Sept, 1794. Byrd Lundy, Sec.
Lundy, Peyton & Dorothy Harris, 6 Oct, 1790. Samuel Clif-
ton, Sec.
Lundy, Isham & Dolly Haylay Riyes, 29 Jan., 1796. Benjamin
Rives, father, consents & is Sec.
Lifsay, John & HoUen Allen, 31 March, 1769. Benjamin
Brewer, Sec.
Lifsey, William & Panny White, 20 March, 1787. John Lif-
sey. Sec.
McElendree, James & Martha Wilkinson, 27 Dec., 1792.
Michael Ezell, Sec.
Mabry, Daniel & Mary Smith, widow, 16 June, 1785. John
Penton, Sec.
Mabry, Edward & Ann Turner, widow, 30 Sept, 1806, James
B. Lockhart, Sec.
Mabry, Richard & Amy Grigg, 23 Feb., 1793. Burwell Grigg,
fatiier, consents. John R. Tillar, Sec.
Mabry, Richard & Polly Braxton Mabry, 19 Aug., 1799. Henry
Mabry, Sec.
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Rbgisteb of Marrtaqe Bonds 195
Mabry, Eobert & Kebecca Mason, widow, 22 Sept., 1787. John
Mason, Sec.
Maclin, Frederick, Jr., & Mary Spencer, 14 July, 1806. Rob-
ert Spencer, father consents. Elliott Spencer, Sec.
Maclin, William & Winny Wyche, 27 Dec., 1781. Edmunds
Wilkins, Sec.
MahoUand, John & Lucy Sleuth, 27 Dec., 1785. Benjamin
Tarbor, Sec.
Malone, Joseph & Sarah Malone, 21 April, 1795. Thomas
Malone, Sec
Mangum, Henry, Jr., & Nancy Harrison, 9 Feb., 1801. Henry
Mangum, Sec,
Mangum, Isham & Patsy Allen, 1 Dec., 1800. William Allen,
father consents. Heniy Mangum, Sec
Mangum, Jeremiah & NaUcy Jackson, 20 Dec, 1796. Drewry
Walton, Sec
Mangum, Littlebury & Clara Jordan, 22 Jan., 1807. Sterling
Thompson, Sec
Mason, (George ft Elizabeth Jones, 7 Feb., 1807. Benjamin
Jones, father, consents and is Sec.
Mason, Henry ft Bebecca Jeter, 11 Not., 1796. John Jeter,
Mason, John ft Mary Maclin, 23 Oct., 1788. Achilles Jeffries,
Sec
Mason, John ft Lucy Oordall, 19 Nov., 1788. John Shearling,
Sec
Mason, Bichard ft Mary Woodford, widow, 14 Jan., 1799.
Henry Wrenn, Sec
Mason, Bichard ft Mary Vick, 25 Dec 1790. John Mason, Sec
Mason, William ft Bebecca Bichardson, 9 Aug., 1800. Jordin
Bichardson, father, consents. Thomas Spencer, Sec
Mason, William ft Tabita Wynn Tewell, 11 May, 1799. Hugh
Tewell, father, consents, and is Sec
Massey, John ft Anne Shehom, 12 Oct, 1799. Wilson She-
horn, father, consents. Pettipool Massey, Sec
Massey, William ft Fanny Goodrich, 26 Feb., 1796. W. Good-
rich, father, consents. John Bives, Sec
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196 Tyxobb^b Qdabtsblt Maoazhhs
Mayes^ Joshua & Hannah H. Dupree^ 28 Jan.^ 1790. Qardiner
Mayes^ Sec.
Meacham, Banks & Elizabeth Person, 6 Dec, 1786. William
Andrews, Sec.
Medill, Alexander & Martha Wall, 6 Nov., 1792. Sarah Wall,
mother, consents. Oresham Watson, Sec.
MitcheU, Bannister & Celia Mitchell, 12 Feb., 1796. Brax-
ton Bobinson, Sec.
Mitchell, David & Elizabeth Scott, 22 March, 1794. Philip
Jones, Sec.
Mitchell, Drewry, Jr., & Elizabeth Johnson, 12 Sept., 1808.
David Johnson, Sec.
MitcheU, Henry & Polly Mitchell, 2 Feb., 1797. Bannister
Mitchell, Sec.
Mitchell, James & Sally Uwellin, 7 June, 1789. Bobert
Mitchell, Sec.
Mitchell, Joseph & Molly B. Emmery, 22 May, 1793. Edmund
Llwellin, Sec.
Morris, Henry & Selah Clarke, 21 July, 1789. Peter Clarke,
Sec.
Morris, Nathaniel & Angelina Adams, 17 Sept, 1796. Eliza-
beth Adams, mother, consents. Tyson Llwellin, Sec.
Morris, William & Winny Wilkinson, 19 Aug., 1786. John
Morris, Sec.
Moore, Francis & Elizabeth Boilings, 11 Feb., 1806. Eliza-
beth Boilings, mother, consents. William Atkinson, Jr., Sec.
Moore, James & Permelia Payne, 10 May, 1802. Bandaii
Wrenn, Sec.
Moore, Joshua & Hannah Dui»*ee, Dec. 8, 1789. Elisabeth
Dupree, mother, consents.
Montgomery, Benjamin & Sally Tatum, 13 Dec., 1802. Batte
Tatum, Sec.
Moseley, Hartwell & Patsy Owen, 10 Dec., 1800. Henry Wrenn,
Sec.
Moss, Howell & Patsy Clark, 19 Dec., 1806. Sarah Clark-
mother, consents. Edwin Clark, Sec.
Moss, William & Elizabeth Collier, 4 Oct, 1785, Joel Prince,
Sec
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Eegisteb of Maebiagb Bonds 197
Morris, Chislon & Tabitha New, 30 Dec., 1794. George Coin,
Sec.
Morris, Jabez & Elizabeth Lundy, 19 Aag., 1783. Thomas
Morris, Sec.
Murfee, John & Jenny Thompson, 14 April, 1806. Sterling
Thompson, Sec.
Murrell, John & Charlotte Jones, 19 May, 1795. William
Ozmor, Sec.
Nanny, Wyatt & Elizabeth Lanier, 12 Jan., 1801. Kandolph
Price, Sec.
Newsom, Thomas & Sally Wrenn, 13 Aug., 1789. John
Jarratt, Sec.
Newsom, William & Mary Stark, 2 May, 1782. William
Fanning, consents. Henry Tazewell, Sec.
Nolley, Thomas & Susanna Nolley, 17 Dec., 1799. Nehemiah
NoUey, Sec.
Norwood, (Jeorge & Winifred Rives, 26 June, 1794. Michael
Ezell, Sec.
Northington, John & Sally Stewart, i^ Aug., 1784. Wm.
Orizzard, Sec.
Owen, Oronow & Elizabeth Simmons, 8 Dec., 1796. Benj.
Simmons, Sec.
Owen, Willis & Mary Ford Grigg, 10 Sepi, 1804. Frederick
Grigg, Sec.
Ozmor, William & Lucy Murrell, 13 Oct, 1789. Joseph Vin-
c^it Sec.
Parham, Thomas & Elizabeth Parham Batte, 20 Nov., 1794.
Sarah Batte, mother, consents. James Batte, Sec.
Parham, Thomas & Bebecca Mason, 30 Dec., 1805. Thomas
Spencer, guardian, consents. John B. Malone, Sec.
Parks, Henry & Milly Small, 20 Sept, 1794. Solomon Thomp-
son, Sec.
Parks, Joseph ft Elizabeth Garris, 24 Nov., 1790. Henry Cox,
Sec.
Patrick, Thomas & Cressy Clifton, , Cressy
Clifton, mother, consents. John Bogers, Sec.
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Google
198 Tyler's Quabtsblt Maoazins
Payne, Jacob ft SuBanna Collier, 26 Oct, 1805. Crawley
Houfle, Sec.
Pearson, Howell ft Dorothy Locke, 20 Jan., 1804. Charles
Locke, Jr., father, consents. George Walton, Sec.
Peebles, Herbert ft Sally Wilkinson, 30 Nov., 1796. Joel Wil-
kinson, father, consents. William Smith, Sec.
Peebles, Howell ft Bebecca Pox, 9 Sept, 1789. Eobert Fox,
Sec.
Peebles, Howell ft Hannah Dancy, 20 June, 1808. James Ed-
wards, Sec.
Peebles, Nathaniel ft Nancy Walton, 7 Feb., 1804. Isaac B.
Walton, Sec.
Peebles, Sterling ft Patsy Wilkins, 20 April, 1788. Douglas
Wilkins, Sec.
Peebles, Willis ft Colin Jordan, widow, 24 Ang., 1797. Jesse
Peebles, Sec
Pelham, Thomas ft Isabella Dickson, 4 Oct, 1799. William
W. Wilkins, guardian, consents. Peter Pelham, Sec
Pelham, Thomas ft Hannah Burrell, 3 Sept, 1801. Peter
Pelham, Sec.
Person, Anthony ft Bebecca Person, 5 April, 1790. Mary
Person, mother, consents. Burgess Bass, Sec.
Piland, James ft Mary Bobinson, 8 Dec, 1794. William Bobin-
aon, father, consents. Braxton Bobinson ft Samuel Avent, See's.
Person, Benjamin & Bebecca Parke, 13 May, 1805. James
Hayley, Sec
Peterson, William ft Sarah Bass, 11 Mardi, 1797. Fortune
Bass, mother, states bride is 35 years of age.
Pettway, Benjamin & Lucy Sills, 18 Dec, 1795. John Camp,
Sec
Pettway, John ft Elizabeth Smith, 12 Feb., 1800. John Smith,
father, consents. Williamson Smith, Sec.
Pettway, Bobert ft Frances Wilkinson, 27 May, 1799. Joel
Wilkinson, father, consents.
Pilkinton, Willis ft Mary Pettway, 3 March, 1783. Hinchia
Pettway, Sec.
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Google
Registeb of Massiaob Bonds 199
Pollard, George & Eebecca Davis, 8 April, 1806. James Davis,
Sec.
Porch, Frederick & Mariiia James, 4 May, 1801. Bride 21
years of age on Dec. 7, 1800. William Camp, Sec.
Porch, Howell & Elizabeth Atkins, 23 Dec, 1800. Wm. W.
Wilkins, Sec.
Powell, Eoberi; & Sarah Malone, widow, 23 Sept., 1786. Peter
Wyche, Sec.
Price, Sterling ft Mary Freeman, 30 June, 1791. William
Andrews, consents. William Eaves, Sec.
Pritchett, John ft Martha Mayes, 13 April, 1807. Henry
Wyche, Sec.
Pumell, William ft Elizabeth Wilkins, 1 Nov., 1799. Donglaa
Wilkins, father, consents. Peter Pelham, Sec.
Bagland, Stephen ft Mackavinia McLemore, 6 Jan., 1790. John
Fisher, Sec.
Baines, John H. ft Mary W. Watson, 13 Dec, 1806. Harmon
W. Temple, Sec
Eandall, John ft Sarah Whittington, 9 Dec, 1786. John Whit-
tington, father, consents.
Bandall, Thomas G. ft Bebecca Bobinson, 27 June, 1793. Braz«
ton Bobinson, Sec
Bandall, William ft Susanna Bobinson Bives, 24 Sepi, 1802.
Braxton Bobinson, guardian, consents. I. B. Walton, Sec
Bawlings, John ft Letha Smith, 21 Dec, 1799. Jacob Payne,
Sec.
Beese, Edward Perry ft Jane Watson, 10 Dec, 1788. John
Watson, Sec
Bichards, Williams ft Willie Young, 10 May, 1787. William
OrifSn, Sec
Bichardson, William ft Edith Vick, 24 June, 1790. William
Andrews, Sec
Bichardson, William, Jr., ft Sally Mayes, 10 March, 1800.
Allen Mayes, Sec.
Biddle, Elisha ft Susanna Pepper, 17 Jan., 1792. Anselm
Ivey, Sec.
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Google
200 Ttleb's Quabtebly Maoazhts
Biddle, Thomas ft Maiy Dean, 17 Jan.^ 1792. John Goodnun,
Sec.
Biyers, Thomas ft Elizabeth Jonea, 31 Dec^ 1782. Nathaniel
Lucaa^ Sec.
Birers, William ft Susaima Richardaon, 19 Dec, 1789. Thomaa
Bichardson, father, consents. Benjamin Woodroof, Sec.
Bivers, William ft Bliaha Jackson, 19 Jan., 1791. Thomas
Bivers, Sec.
Bives, John ft Amy Biyers, 17 Feb., 1794. l£artha Bivers,
mother, consents. Nathaniel Biyes, Sec.
Biyes, John ft Monming Perry, 28 Noy., 1799. William Tom-
linson. Sec.
Biyes, Nathaniel ft Lucy Bobinson, 18 Dec., 1783. Jamea
Bobinson, Sec.
Biyes, Nathaniel ft Elizabeth Biyers, 7 Dec., 1786. Bobert
Biyers, father, consents. Bobert Biyers, Sec
Biyes, William D. ft Lacy Jeter, 25 Feb., 1808. James Jeter,
f9ec
Bobinson, Braxton ft Fanny Walton, 20 Not., 1789. Wil-
liam Allen, Sec
Bobinson, Braxton ft Lacy Sims, 28 March, 1795. John
Camp, Sec.
Bobinson, Braxton ft Mary Hicks, widow, 28 Sept, 1799.
Kinchin Peterson, Sec
Bobinson, John ft Elizabetii Piland, 29 Jnly, 1786. John
Benyman, Sec.
Bobinson, William J. ft Sally Biyes, 1 Sept, 1797. Benj. Biyes,
Sec.
Boe, Bobert ft Milly Grizzard, 86 Oct, 1797. Samnel Andrews,
Sec
Boper, John ft Martha Capell, 20 Jan., 1791. Brittan Capell,
Sec
Bosser, George ft Ann Brewer, 26 Feb., 1790. John Ingram,
Sec.
Boweir, Isaac ft Susanna Morris, 9 Jan., 1782. Edmnnd Jeter,
Jr., Sec
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Google
Rboistbb of Massiaob Bonds 201
Bowland, John & Polly Woodford, M Dee., 1806. James
Moore, Sec.
Santee, William & Mary Blizzard, 17 Feb., 1786. Bobert
Brown, Sec.
Sammons, Newett ft Claramond Lawrence, 18 FeK, 1787.
Joseph Long, Sec.
Sexton^ Mark, son of Samnel Sexton, ft Elizabeili Graham, 28
March, 1786. Samnel Sexton, Sec.
Seward, Samnel ft Tabitha Lanier, 23 Jan., 1807. Tabiths
Lanier, mother, consents. Hamlin Allen^ Sec.
Shehom, John ftCrecy Gato, 28 Jnne, 1796. John Cato,
father, consents. Jesse Howard, Sec.
Shehom, William ft Jndith Evans, 11 Sept, 1736. William
EvaiiSy Sec.
Shehom, Wilson ft Priscilla Howard, widow, 20 Aug., 1803.
John Shehom, Sec.
Shelton, Buckner ft Betsy Cato, 26 Jnly, 1792. John Cato,
father, consents. Edmund Shelton, Sec.
Shelton, James ft Winifred Peebles, 28 Sept, 1786. Thomas
Shelton, Sec.
Shepardy George ft Nancy WiUdns, 14 Nov., 1808. James
Watkins, Sec.
Shore, Thomas ft Jane Gray Wall, 27 June, 1793. Sarah Wall,
mother, consentd. John Grayson, Sec.
Short, Armistead ft Elizabeth Boss, 4 Feb., 1808. George
Cain, Sec.
Short, John ft Susanna Andrews, widow, 1 Nov., 1806. George
Cain, Sec.
Shurling, Bichard ft Delilah Clarke, 5 Aug., 1789. William
Bennett, Sec.
Sills, Gray ft Sarah Wyche, 24 April, 1788. Henry Wyche, Sec.
Sills, Isham ft Patsy Hazlewood, 8 Nov., 1797. Wilkins Good-
rich, Sec.
Sins, Bichard ft Charlotte Clarke, 24 Nov., 1791. Travis
Clarice, father, consents. Edward P. Beese, Sec.
Sims, Howell ft Mary NoUey, 28 Sept, 1797. Nehemiah Kol-
ley, Sec.
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Google
202 Tyleb^s Quabtebly Maoazinb
Sledge^ Sterling ft Bhoda Johnson, 8 Jan., 1789. Moses John-
son, Sec.
Smith, Aaron ft Bebecca Turner, 28 Oct, 1790. Jesse Origg,
consents. Cordell Clifton, Sec.
Smith, Benjamin ft Dolly Mayes, widow, 27 Jan., 180^. Peter
Pelham, Sec.
Smith, David B. ft Dorothy J. Wilkinson, 14 May, 1808. John
Pettway, Sec.
Smith, John ft Mary Maclin, 31 Aug., 1789. James Maclin«
father, ccmsents. William Smith, Sec.
Smith, Lewis ft Julia Nolley, 13 May, 1786. Nehemiah NoUey,
Sec.
Smith, Bichard ft Ann Fisher, 19 Feb., 1787. D. Fisher,
father, consents. James Dennison, Sec.
Smith, William ft Sally Cato, 24 Sept, 1795. John Cato, See.
Smith, Williamson ft Bebecca Smith, 17 May, 1790. David
Smith, father, consents. William Smith, Sec
Starke, Belfield ft Lucy L. Bobinson, 22 Oct, 1805. George
Mason, Sec.
Stewart, Benjamin & Phatha Dupree, 7 March, 1798. Joshua
Mayes, Sec.
Stewart, Charles ft Elizabeth Grigg, 29 Sept, 1803. Frederick
Grigg, father, consents. Bandolph Grigg, Sec.
Stewart^ Dempsey ft Lucy Berry, 4 Feb., 1786. Connon Combs,
Sec.
Stewart^ Munford ft Deborah Trunnel, 8 Sept, 1806. Joshua
Clark, Sec
Stewart, Bichard ft Mourning Charles, widow, 22 June, 1786.
Batte Peterson, Sec
Stewart^ William ft Mary Artis, 3 Jan., 1792. John Jeter, Sr.,
Sec.
Sturdiyant, William ft Frances Loftin, 16 Jan., 1802. Martha
Loftin, mother, consents. Edmund Loftin, Sec
Span, Willis ft Ann Mabry, 8 May, 1786. Bobert Mabry, See.
Spain, Bichard ft Bebecca Mabiy, 13 Jan., 1790. Ingram
Blanks, Sec
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Google
Registeb of Massiage Bonds 203
Spencer, Bobert, Jr., & Mary Mabry, 24 Jan., 1793. Eyans
^abry. See.
Swanson, Frederick & Winny Adkins, 22 June, 1787. Edward
Freeman, Sec.
Sykes, William & Burchett L. Turner, 21 Ma, 1790. Simon
Turner, Sr., father, consents. Oreen Turner, Sec
Tarver, Andrew & Ann Young, 10 Oct., 1785. Ann Young,
mother, consents. Absalom Harris, Sec.
Tatum, Henry & Elizabeth Atkinson, widow, 23 Oct, 1798.
Paul Tatum, Sec.
Thacker, Joel & Bebecca Lanier, 11 Jan., 1792. Collins Lanier,
Sec.
Thomas, John & Frances Tyus, 19 April, 1790. Lewis Tyus,
Sec.
Thompson, Solomon & Nancy Jordan, 7 May, 1799. B. Spence
& Thos. Williford, Sec.
Thornton, William & Frances Goodrich, 12 June, 1804, Wil-
kins (Goodrich, Sec.
Thompson, Lodowick & Delilah Womack, 18 March, 1793.
Bichard Oilliam, Sec.
Thompson, Solomon & Mary Parks, 26 April, 1787. Joseph
Parks, Sec.
Taylor, John B. & 9 Dec., 1806. Isaac B.
Walton, Sec.
Tillar, James & Martha Dupree, 11 March, 1805. Thomas
Dupree, Sr., Sec.
Tillman, Boger & Martha Turner, 13 Oct., 1788. John Good-
rum, Sec.
Tooke, Thomas & Delin Howard, 30 April, 1808. John Clack,
Sec.
Tomlinson, Benjamin ft Nancy Edlow Watson, widow, 28 June,
1796. William Gilliam, Sec.
Tomlinson, Lucas ft Martha Shehom, 28 July, 1791. Wilson
Shehom, Sec.
Tomlinson, William S. ft Nancy Lucas, 24 May, 1808. Edmond
Lucas, father, consents. Bobert M. Land, Sec.
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204 Tyler's Quabtkrly Magazine
Tomlingon, William ft Elizabeth Stewart, 26 Sept., 1783. Law-
renee House, Sec.
Tucker, David, Jr., of Brunswick Co., ft Elizabeth Washing-
ton, 27 March, 1794. Edward Collier, Guardian, consents. John
Goodwyn, Sec.
Turner, Donaldson ft Mary Brown, widow, 8 May, 1794.
Turner, Etheldred ft Patience Bives, 1 March, 1797. Bride
sister of Timothy Bives ft about 25 years of age. Donaldson
Turner, Sec.
Turner, John ft Elizabeth Williamson, 3 Jan., 1791. Jesse
Grigg, Sec.
Turner, John W. ft Bowena Bowell, 15 March, 1808. Isaac
Bowell, Sec.
Turner, Joseph ft Anne Peterson, 19 Feb., 1785. Batte Peter-
son, father, consents. William Sykes, Sec.
Turner, Miles ft Charity Mangum, 25 Dec., 1794. Henry
Mangum, father gives consent^ ft is Sec.
Turner, Person ft Mason Taylor Peterson, 16 Feb., 1796. John
Sykes, Sec.
Turner, Person ft Nancy Turner, 9 Sepi, 1797. Blunt Turner,
guardian, gives consent to marriage of "Nancy Turner, dau. of
John Turner, dec*d,'' her mother, Priscilla Turner, also gives con-
sent John Wall, Sec.
Turner, Peter ft Drusilla Smith, 20 Jan., 1783. Andrew Jeter,
Sec.
Turner, Simon ft Nancy Bynum, 3 March, 1797. Brittin By-
num, Sec.
Turner, Simon ft Polly Peters, 8 Feb., 1800. John Peters,
father, consents. Sugars Turner, Sec.
Turner, Sugars ft Rebecca Delony, 30 May, 1804. Peter Pel-
ham, Sec.
Tyus, Edwin ft Nancy Whittington, 23 Nov., 1797. Frederick
Whittington, father, consents. William Price Walker, Sec.
Tyus, William G. ft Rebecca Lundy, 2 June, 1802. William
Lundy, father, consents. Benjamin Gowing, Sec.
XTnderhill, Henry ft Frances Harrison, 23 Dec, 1790. Mat-
thew Davis, Sec.
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Google
Reoisteb of MABBiAaE Bonds 205
Fnderhill, John & Bebecca Atkins, 6 April, 1797. Patty At-
kins, mother, consents. Jesse Atkins, Sec.
Underwood, Nathaniel & Nancy Underwood, 12 May, 1806.
Ingram Blanks, Sec.
Vaughan, Fielding & Prances Eives, 26 Sept, 1787. Eliza-
beth Bives, mother, consents. Bobert Bives, Sec.
Vaughan, Bandall ft Sarah Harris, 3 June, 1794.
Vaughan, Thomas & Lucy Harrison, 20 Aug., 1789. William
Vaughan, Sec.
Vincent, Benjamin ft Betsy Goodrich, 23 Aug., 1787. Joshua
Bives, Sec.
Vincent, Edmund ft Polly Wall Vincent, 16 Jan., 1799. Peter
Vincent, Sec.
Vincent, Joseph ft Sarah Clark, 8 July, 1795. Thomas Vin-
cent, Sec.
Vincent, Michael ft Nancy Webb, 6 May, 1790. Micajah Webb,
Sec.
Vincent, William & Margaret Newsom, 28 June, 1787. Holt
Clanton, Sec.
Vines, Jones ft Laurana Wrenn, 20 Sept., 1790. Anne Wrenn,
mother, consents. Henry Winfield, Sec.
Wall, Amos ft Sally Murrell, 17 May, 1789. Braxton Bobinson,
Sec.
Wall, James Augustus Wall, ft Bebecca Jeffries, 3 Sepi, 1808.
Mary Jeffries, mother, consents.
Wall, John ft Polly Turner, 15 Sept., 1784. John Turner,
father, consents. David Putney, Sec.
WaU, Willis ft Nancy NoUey, 27 Dec., 1787. Hannah NoUey,
mother, consents. Braxton Bobinson, Sec.
Waldript, Graffan ft Sally Barnes Bivers. William Bivers,
father, consents. Williamson Bivers, Sec. Bond dated 13 Feb.,
1798.
Walker, Benj. H. ft Tilly Wyche, 12 Jan., 1801. Henry Wyche,
father, consents. David Walton, Sec. Bride over 21 years of
age.
Walker, John F. ft Elizabeth Webb, 24 Sept, 1806. Francis
Hill, Sec.
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206 Tyleb's QuABTKfiLY Magazine
Walker, William & Jane Cato, 11 Dec., 1786. John Cato, Sec.
Walton, Daniel & Sally Webb, 7 Sepi, 1793. Micajah Webb,
father, consents. William Goodrich, Sec.
Walton, David & Kebecca Wyche, 28 Feb., 1788. William
Wyche, Sec.
Walton, Gresham & Nancy Edlow Watson, 3 Jan., 1793. Lewis
Grigg & Edith Grigg, consents. Edward Perry Eeese, Sec.
Walton, Isaac & Elizabeth Allen, 22 Nov., 1787. William
Allen, father, consents. Edward Ferguson, Sec.
Walton, Isaac B., Sr., & Polly Lanier, 12 Jan., 1807. Tabitha
Lanier, mother, consents. Edward Branscomb, Sec
Walton, Isaac B. Jr., & Bebecca Bandolph, widow, 24 May,
1800. Peter Pelham, Sec.
Walton, Littleton & Sally Phillips, 21 Dec., 1789. Braxton
Bobinson, Sec.
Watkins, Bobert & Sarah Dean, 12 Mar., 1787. Michael Wil-
Idns, Sec.
Watkins, Bobert & Nancy Jones, 10 Feb., 1796. Thomas Jones
ft Bebecca Jones, parents, consent Abraham Artis, Sec.
Webb, Warren ft Sidney Walton, 14 Mar. 1803. Isaac Walton,
father, consents, & is Sec.
Webb, John, Jr., ft Jane Vincent, 1 April, 1790. Bebecca Vin-
cent, mother, consents. Charles Webb, Sec.
Webb, Kinchen ft Patsy Harris, 26 Sepi, 1798. Gideon Harris,
father, consents. Thomas Allen, Sec.
Whitfield, John ft Jane Allen, 30 Aug., 1808. David Walton,
oec.
Whittington, Lewis ft Celia Sills, 17 Feb., 1803. Bobert Bives,
Whittington, William ft Sarah Barlow, 4 Feb., 1788. Selah
Barlow, mother, consents. John Whittington, Sec
Williams, Thomas ft Martha Grigg, 10 Nov., 1789. Carrol
Grigg, Sec.
Williams, William ft Bebecca Hinton, 28 Jan., 1808. James
Jordan, Sec.
Williams, William & Alcy Walton, 9 May, 1808. Isaac B.
Walton, Sr., «ec.
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Hegisteb of Mabsiage Bonds 207
Williamson^ James & Mary E. Turner, 22 July, 1808. Simon
Turner, Sr., consents. Edward Mabry, Sec.
Williamson, John & Mary Parham, 15 Feb., 1793. James
Parham, Sec.
Williamson, Edmund & Nancy Vincent, 16 Dec., 1707. Up-
shur Jordan, Sec.
Williamson, Tudah & Lindsay Adams, 14 Jan., 1807. John
Adams, Sec.
Williamson, Turner & Judith Brown, 24 Oct, 1787. P. Good-
wyn, consents.
WiUdns, John & Prances Powell, 28 Sepi, 1807. Sarah
Powell, mother, consents. Crawley House, Sec.
Wilkinson, Robert & Mary Camp, 4 Dec., 1804. John Camp,
father, consents. Philip Claiborne, Sec.
Wilson, Fisher & Nancy Eppes, 7 Sept, 1808. Williamson
Bonner, consents. Sterling Howell, Sec.
Wilson, John & Mary Chambliss Hicks, 6 Nov., 1794. Robert
Hicks, Sec.
Wilkinson, John & Patsy Whittington, 1 May, 1702. Sterling
Cato, Sec.
Windham, John & Sally Vincent, widow, 31 Aug., 1797. Wm.
Fox, Sec.
Wingfield, Edward, of Brunwick Co., & Frances Smith, 19 Dec.,
1786. David Smith, father consents. William Smith, Sec.
Wotten, Stephen & Fanny Scott, 2Q Dec., 1789. Drewry
Jeffries, Sec.
Woodroof, Benjamin & Elizabeth Bass, widow, 23 May, 1786.
John Peebles, Sec.
Woodroof, Benjamin ft Jinsey PeeMes, 31 Dec., 1794. Naih.
Woodroof, Sec.
Woodroof, John ft Jenny Chambliss, 13 Dec, 1807. Boiling
Chambliss, Sec.
Woodroof, John ft Susan Smith, 12 Oct, 1801. John Wyche,
Sec.
Woodroof, William ft Mary Shehom, 14 Oct, 1790. Wilson
Shehorn, father consents. Avent Massey, Sec.
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208 Tyleb's Quaktbely Maoazine
Woodroof, William & Nancy Ferguson, 29 Jan., 1796. Wil-
liam Ferguson, father, consents. Isaac Branscomb, Sec.
Wyatt, Hubbard, Jr., & Betsy S. Avery, 31 Dec., 1806, daugh-
ter of Billy H. Avery, of Prince George Co., Va. Robert Qreen-
Vay, Sec.
Wynne, Green ft Hannah Tyus, 22 Dec., 1785. Lewis Tyus,
father, consents. William Green, Sec.
Wyche, Henry & Elizabeth Walton, 9 June, 1800, Isaac Bow
Walton, Jr., Sec.
Wyche, Heniy ft Nancy Cook, 13 April, 1807. Foster Cook,
Sec.
Wyche, Peter ft Susanna Bosser, 22 Nov., 1800. John Bosser,
father, consents. David Walton, Sec.
Wyche, William ft Elizabeth Malone, 27 Aug., 1789. Peter
Wyche, Sec.
Wrenn, Alexander ft Lucy Lawrence, 21 Dec., 1785. Carroll
Grigg, Sec.
Wrenn, Bates ft Nancy Barlow, 15 Dec., 1787. Henry Wrenn,
Sec
Wrenn, Henry ft Sarah Harrison, 25 Oct, 1787. Jordin Bich-
ardson. Sec
Wrenn, Henry ft Lucy Porch, 27 Feb., 1794. Jephihah Porch,
father, consents. Nathan Jackson, Sec.
Wrenn, Jones ft Cecily Mabry, 5 Oct., 1790. Lewis Grigg, Sec
Yates, Benjamin P. ft Sophia Stith, 17 Dec, 1805. Eobert
TumbuU, Guardian, of Brunswick Co., consents. Isham B.
Trotter, Sec
Young, Henry ft Clark Evans, 5 Feb., 1803. William Evans,
guardian, consents ft is Sec.
Young, Tarpley ft Lucy Wrenn, 18 April 1791. Matthew
Davis, Sec
Young, William ft Sally Hart Cook, 22 June, 1797. Henry
Cook, father, consents ft is Sec
AnninoNAL Bonds.
Allen, Howell ft Mary Edwards, 29 Nov., 1785, in Bnmswick
county.
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Kegisteb of Mabbiage Bonds 209
Bass, McLin ft EKzabeih Watson, 18 Oct., 1792.
Bradley, Mical ft Mary Morton, 15 July, 1791, in Brunswick
Co.
Burnett, Dugger ft Branscomb, 8 Jan., 1801.
Brewer, John ft Mary Mitchell, 28 Nov., 1787.
Cain, George & Priscilla Bass, 23 Aug., 1787, in Southampton
Co.
Camp, Qreen ft Sally Broadus, 4 Dec, 1800.
Cocke, Howell Heath ft Mary Woodly, 30 Jan., 1788.
Cooper, Jesse & Sarah Applewhite, 23 Aug., 1786, in South-
ampton Co.
Emmery, Thomas ft Keziah Bishop, 16 April, 1787.
Ewell, Abel ft Sarah Whitehom, 7 Marcn, 1786.
Ferguson, Edward & Elizabeth Hunter, 6 Nov., 1787, in Bruns-
wick Co.
Gamer, Presley ft Betsy Avent, 30 March, 1786, in Bruns-
wick Co.
Goodnim, John ft Bebecca Paxham, 29 Nov., 1797.
Green, Sterling ft Amy Eaves, 24 Sepi, 1787,
Harris, Henry ft Mary Drew, 4 Oct., 1787.
Hines, Jacob ft Mason Hearin, 14 March, 1804.
Jarratt, John & Lucy Bandolph, 23 April, 1789.
Jefifries, Thomas ft Selona Heathcock, 28 Oct, 1789.
Kerby, Thomas ft Bebecca Bass, 25 Jan., 1787, in Southamp-
ton Co.
Lifsey, William ft Fanny White, 21 March, 1787.
Little, William & Betsy Bass, 6 Dec., 1785, in Southampton Co.
May, William ft Sally Wrenn, 8 July, 1795.
Maclin, Edmund ft Elizabeth Pettway, 27 Dec., 1798.
Mason, Peyton ft Martha Ann Person Turner, 2 Jan., 1809.
Simon Turner, Sr., father, consents. Edmunds Mason, Security.
Morris, Chislon ft Tabitha New, 30 Dec., 1794.
Newett, Sammons ft Claramond Lawrence, 18 Feb., 1787.
Peebles, Edmund ft Harriet Harrison, 20 Feb., 1786, in Sussex
County.
Pearson, Mossis ft Nancy Brewer, 27 Jan., 1788.
Phillips, Thomas ft Ann Clarke, 10 Nov., 1787.
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Google
210 Ttleb^s Quabteblt Magazine
Prince, John & Elizabeth Freeman, 24 Sept, 1787, in Brans-
wick Co.
EawlingB, Hambleton & Susanna Clifton, 25 Dec., 1797.
Bichardson, Samuel & Charlotte Woodraff, 10 April, 1791.
Eobinson, John & Polly Webb, 18 Dec, 1800.
Bobinson^ littleberry ft Sally Bobinson, 13 Dec., 1790.
Saunders, John & Peggy Pentecost, 28 Dec., 1785, in Bruns-
wick Co.
Sims, Howell & Lucy George, 30 Nov., 1785, in Brunswick Co.
Slate, Bobert & Sally Turner, 13 Nov., 1785.
Smith, Henry ft Betsy D. Turner, 22 Sept, 1791. Simon
Turner, Sr., father, consents.
Tarver, Andrew ft Elizabeth Heartwell, 28 Jan., 1791, in
Brunswick Co.
Turner, Henry ft Milly Brittle, 29 Sept., 1786, in Southampton
Co.
Wall, Willis ft Polly Camp, 7 Jan., 1791.
Walton, Drewry ft Grace Ingram, 26 Sept., 1785, in Bruns-
wick Co.
Watson, Gursham ft Nancy Watson, 3 June, 1807.
LANIER FAMILT— SOME CORRECTIONS OF ARTICLE
IN LAST NUMBER.
To the Editor of Tyler*$ Quarterli^ HittoricaJ and Cfenealogical Maga-
9ine:
I haye read with much interest what is contained in No. 2, Vol. 3,
of your Quarterly concerning John Lanier and his descendants. You
haye placed the numerous members of this family under many obliga-
tions. I regret that I did not know that you contemplated making
this publication, for I could haye helped you to ayoid a few errors
that I see. On page 134 you mention Sampson Lanier and his wife,
Elizabeth Chamberlain, and on the following page yon say that no
mention is made in the records of Brunswick County of a son named
Lewis Lanier. My great grandmother, Agnes Lanier, who married
William Dayis in Brunswick County on August 29, 1769, was a sister
of Lewis Lanier and a daughter of Sampson and Elisabeth. The pro-
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PoixAED Family 211
bate records of Brunswick County show that on April 23, 1763, William
Lanier was appointed Guardian for Lewis and Agnes Lanier, orphans
of Sampson Lanier, deceased. They also show that prior to this,
Lemuel Lanier was appointed guardian for Lewis and Agnes and de-
scribed them as orphans of Sampson Lanier. Burwell Lanier, after
he had reached his majority, acted for some time as guardian for
Lewis and Agnes. The same records that prove Wlnnifred, Buckner,
Martha, and Anne to be the children of Sampson and Elizabeth show
that Agnes and Lewis were also their children. The children all re-
ceiyed the same ffom the estate, except Buckner who was the oldest son
and inherited the land, there being no will. The error started with
Mr. Nelson who was employed by the descendants of some of the other
children. His notes show that Lemuel Lanier was appointed guardian
for Lewis and Agnes, orphans of Sampson, deceased, but he evidently
didn't investigate the matter any further.
Tours truly,
W. 0. Davis.
I
POLLARD FAMILY*
Mrs. Charles W, Dixon to Henry R. Pollard
Douglas, Arkansas
Oct 3, 1921
My dear Mr. Pollard:
I saw your name and address in the Virginia Magazine of History
d Biography, and that is why I take the liberty of writing you and
I trust you will pardon my intrusion. My ancestor, James Gaines,
Jr., the son of James Gaines, Sr. and B£ary Pendleton, (James 8r.
died in 1781, ft Mary in 1803) married Mildred Pollard in Virginia.
As I do know that they had children born between 1760 and 1770,
Si a son, Ahner, was bom in 1766, I feel that yon^ perhM>8, have a
history of the fine old Pollard family and can be of some assistance to
me, if you have the time, — ft rest assured, I shall be most grateful
for any information you may give me. I want the history of the
Pollard family from Mildred Pollard back as far as it goes in that line.
Also date of her birth, marriage ft death, including date of James
•For information In regard to Pollard Family, see William and
Mary Qitarterly, Vol. VII. 102, 103, 104; X, 202; XV, 64-69.
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212 Ttlsb's Quabtesly Magazine
Gaines, Jr., birth ft death. There is a tradition that he fought In
the Revolution— 'have you any record of this in your record.
My husband is a member of the N. C. Society in Genealogy for the
sake of our only son.
Abner Gaines, son of Mildred and James, Jr., b. 1766, married
Elizabeth Matthews, ft moved from Charlotte Co., Va., when MaJ.
John Pollard Gaines (their son) was a boy. Hoping to have an early
reply, and that you will not hesitate to notify me as to the charges
for this if there are any.
Tours very truly,
Mrs. Chas. W. Dixon.
Henry R. PoUard to Mrs, Charles W. Dixon,
31 October, 1921
My decur Madam: —
Tour favor of the 3rd inst, was duly received but on account of
the pressure of business I have not been able to give due conside^
tion of how your inquiries had best be answered, confronted as I am
with so little informatioh which would enable me to give a satisfac-
tory reply or one that would aid you in the quest you are in pursuit of.
After considwing the matter, I concluded that the best I could do
would be to send you a copy of the History of King and Queen County*
Virginia, written by my cousin and brother-in-law. Rev. Alfred Bagby,
D. D., of this City and though he is now in his 93rd year, his mental
faculties are unabated and his memory in many things reliable f^r be-
yond what would be expected of one of his age. This book, which I
send you by parcel post, contains much information concerning the
history of your ancestors and in order that you may readily refer to
what I think affords that information, at least in par^ I have taken
the time to re-examine it and make notation of the names and family
connections which relate to the descendants of the intermarriage be-
tween Jos^h Pollard and his wife Priscilla, who was Miss Holmes of
Caroline County, and of that marriage there were nine children, two
sons and seven daughters. One of the latter, Mildred, i^ken of fre-
quently as Milly, intermarried with Col. Bdmund Pendleton, a nephew
of Judge Bdmund Pendleton, who left no descendants, each of whom
figured prominently in public alfeirs immediat^y b^ore and after the
Revolutionary War. Bdmund Pendleton was a Colons in the Revolu-
tionary War and was an intimate friend and advisor of Wa^ington
in military affairs, and his descendants of the marriage mentioned
are numerous and I have practically no knowledge at my command
as to th^ names or prominence except that furnished by tho volume
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PoixASD Family 813
referred to above. Their descendants are frequently mentioned in
that book and I have made notation of the pages on which those refer-
ences are made, and they will be given in an addenda to this letter.
The cost of the book on sale in this City is $3.60, which you can remit
by postofflce order to Rev. Alfred Bagby, D. D., 2206 Monument Avenue,
together with the postage which you will be able to ascertain from the
wrapper.
I never had the pleasure of meeting with any of the Gaines family,
but I frequently heard my father and mother speak of this family
as people of great worth and as leading citizens of the County of
King land Queen, Va. John Gaines was an intimate lawyer friend of
my father, who was also a lawyer, and his broths, Harry Gaines of
Woodlawn, where he lived and where his wife, who was Miss Muse,
conducted a very popular female seminary which my mother. Miss
Juliet JefTries, attended as a pupil and to whom she was much at-
tached. See History of the Gaines F^miily by Rev. Chas. R. Ryland,
D. D., on page 335-6 of the book, and in the same connection see data
concerning the Fleet family on page 334, and concerning the Garnett
family on page 337.
The only descendant of Col. Edmund Pendleton whom I intimately
knew was Mrs. Anne Woolfolk, who before her marriage was Anne
Turner and whose moth^ was a granddaughter of Col. Bdmund Pen-
dleton. I knew her practically all her life. She was a native of Caro-
line County and was universally recognized as one of the most, if not
the most, popular young woman in her native and adjoining counties.
She left no issue. I have her picture, taken at the age of about seventy,
which bespeaks her beauty even at that age. She died in this City
about three years ago and was an intimate and loved relative of ours,
and Mrs. Pollard was especially devoted to h^ and had her frequently
as a visitor in our family. Mrs. H. R. Pollard, Jr., my oldest son's
wife, was at her bedside when she died as a devoted and intimats
friend. If you wish this picture copied and sent you I can do so but
I am really afraid to trust such a treasure to the mails.
For information concerning my own life, the volume sent largely
sets it forth and it need not be repeated here except to say that I am
now at the age of 76 years, or will be on the 28th proximo, and am stiU
serving as City Attorney of Richmond, having served as such since the
year 1898.
With assurances of high esteem, I remain
Sincerely yours,
H. R. Pollard.
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214 Ttles^s Qxjabtbxly Maoazikb
Memoranda of page references in History of King and Queen
County of Virginia, by Rev. Alfred Bagby, D. D., to Genealogy con-
coming the Pollard, Pendleton, Gaines and other families.
22, 49, 51-2, 65, 71, 72, 77, 82, 83, 87, 108, 121, 132, 135, 140, 141-2-3-5,
155, 155, 178, 177, 242-3, 249, 291-3, 298, 306, 310, 323, 333-4-5-6-7, 341,
842, 845, 356, 859, 863, 366, 367, 371, 378, 379, 380, 381, 385, 386, 389, 398.
Since writing the aboye, I find that President Madison in his last
message to congress concerning the conduct of certain military opera-
tions in the War of 1812 refers to Brigadier General Gaines, whom I
hare no donbt was a descendant from ancestors of King and Qneen
County, Va., but I hare no definite information at hand by which
this fact can bo sustained. H. R P.
MR. LEIGH AND THE VICE PRESIDENCY.*
To th€ EWtor of the Viroinia MoffOMkte:
Ton will pardon, I hope, a correction of the statement made In
yomr note 25 of the very interesting artlde aititled "Letters firom
William and Mary CoUege," puUished in your April number.
The mUoUoffraphy of the late Senator George F. Hoar Is quoted
to show that the Vice Prestdeney in 1839 was offered by the Whig
CaoTention at Harrisborgh, In the first Instance, to Benjanda WatUns
Leli^ and that John Tjrler recelTed it after Leigh's dedlnation of the
^Eer. This is a misstatement which is prored by a letter of Mr. Lrtgh
himself, highly honorable to his sense of fairness.
After Mr. Tyler vetoed tho Bank bills in 1841, the Whig s cs p e
dally the Northern Whig»— knew no limit in their abuse ef him.
Brery means was had to detract from him, and so this story among
other* was derised, only some had It that the nomination was of-
fered to half a doeen other persons besides Mr. Leigh, and that when
the Conventlott could tod no other to accept the nomination, they
unfortunately stumbled on John Tyl^.
Mr. LeU^ ww a strong party man, but wtthal an hoaoraible gm-
Uemaa, and the following Is what he says subrtanttelly is hia letter
nriler Re^Mer, VoL 51, p. 282.)
The Whig Convention met at Harrisburgh on December 4, 1889,
and was organised in the usual w«y. A grand eomHitfeBe was ap-
pointed consisting of one or more delegates from each State Delega-
^This letter was published in the Yirginia MagwHne, XXIX , No.
8« pp. 357-859. (July number, 1921.)
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Me. Leigh akd the Vice-Peesidency 215
UoQ. Before voting they were to consult their respective delegations
and receive instructions.
For the presidenej Mr. Clay had a plurality of the Grand Com-
mittee, hut he never could get a majority, and finally his enemies,
chiefiy Northern delegates who hated him for his compromising the
tariff in 1883, succeeded in securing the nomination of General Harri-
son. When next the Ghrand Conmiittee canvassed for Vice President,
Maine or New Hampshire led off with nominating John Tyler. Masssr
chusetts, where the opposition io Mr. Clay was greatest, nominated
B^ijamin Watkins Leigh, who was the Committeeman from the Vir-
ginia delegation. Mr. Lieigh rose and declined the nomination and
asked the Massachusetts Committee to go back and get their delega-
tion to release them. But says Mr. Leigh the request was not at
all necessary: "For the several Committees from the other delegations,
that from Virginia alone excepted, acting under instructions given
'before I had said a toord, and therefore uninfluenced by my declining
the nomination, announced in order as they were called the votes of
their respective delegations. Not anoUier vote was given to Me (Mr.
Leigh's Capitals). A majority of the whole number of votes and a
large majority was given for the nomination of Mr. Tjrler."
Mr. Leigh's narrative shows that Mr. Hoar did not know what he
was talking about. No doubt some of the same kind of intriguery
was attempted against Mr. Tyler that the Massachusetts delegation
and their allies tried with so mnch success against Mr. Clay. Bir.
Tyler's well known strong states rights views made him even more
distasteful to the Northern Nationalists, and it is perhaps true that
they tried to make Crittenden, Tallmadge, Leigh, Bell, Owen. Preston
and other prominent Whigs their instruments for defeating Mr. Tyler.
But these movements to Mr. Tyler's injury were mere whisperings in
dark comers, as evidenced by the admission of one of the conspirators,
who says that they had to give up William C. Preston "since not a
single Southern delegate approved the suggestion of his nomination."
In the single instance of Mr. Leigh was there any open manifesta-
tion of this opposition, and this was confined as above narrated to the
vote of a single delegation in the Grand Committee.
Mr. Leigh, who represented Virginia on the Grand Committee,^
did not vote ffom motives of delicacy, but he states that even before
the voting waft had he was satisfied from informal conversation with
members, that Bir. Tyler was the favorite, and be represents Gover-
nor Owen, who was chairman of the Grand Committee, as saying that
^He was the sole committeeman.
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216 Tylsb's Quabtvbly Magazins
Tyler's nomination would be "judiciouB" for yarious reasons which
he gires.
ICr. Leigh was a man of great ahility and would have made a line
Vice President* or fine President; but the simple fact is that in refus-
ing to obegr instructions from the State Legislature in 1836, he was
unpopular in 1839, and as he himself says no one of the Virginia dele-
gates erer suggested his nomination. On the other hand, John Tyler
iiad already been voted for by most of the Southern States for Vice
President, at the election before this, and as the martyr of instruc-
tions yielding up his seat as Senator in 1836, and as of much longer
National Service than Mr. Leigh, he was the most widely known South-
em Whig and the most influential, and so continued till as President
he oame into collision with Mr. Claj. This rupture was brought about
by Clay's reriying in Congress the old National Republican measures
of Bank Tarilf and internal improvements, which the Whigs as
shown by Dr. A. C. Cole, of the University of Illinois, in his recent
prise essay on the "Whig Party in the South," had expressly dis-
claimed in the canvass of 1840.
L<yon Q. Tjrler.
MILITIA OPPICEBS COMMISSIONED FOE AMHEEST
CO., VA.
Oommunicated by Wm. M. Swkbnby, Astoria, Long Island.
Court held June 5, 1769.
James Nevil, Colonel
Geo. Stoval Jr., Esq., lieut. Colonel
James Higginbotham, Esq., Major. Order Book, p. 498.
Court held July 3, 1769.
John Higginbotham, Captain
Gabriel Penn, Lieutenant
George Penn, Ensign. Order Book, p. 603.
Court held August 7, 1769.
Aaron Higginbotham, Captain
Charles Tuley, Captain
Nathaniel Davis, Lieutenant
Samuel Higginbotham, Lieutenant Order Bock, p. 519.
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Militia Officebs Commissioned fob Amherst Co. 217
The following is the form that was iised in entering all these
commissions as entered on the Order Book:
"At a Court held for Amherst County at the Courthouse the
seventh day of August 1769, aad in the ninth Year of the Reign
of our Sovereign Lord (Jeorge the third now King of Great Bri-
tain &c
Before his Majesty's Justices, to-wit
James Nevil James Dillard ^ „
Gentlemen
John Bose Henry Bose
Aaron Higginbotham produced his Commission to be a Captain,
Charles Tuley produced his commission to be a Captain, and
Nathaniel Davis and Samuel Higginbotham produced their Com-
missions to be Lieutenaats of the Militia of this County who sev-
erally took the usual Oaths to his Majesty's person & (Government,
and the abjuration Oath, & Bepeated & subscribed the abjuration
Oath & Test
Order Book, 1766-69, p. 619.
June 27, 1745.
William Cabell
Joseph Thompson
Charles Lynch ) Gent»
Thomas Ballow
David Lewis
Commissioned Captains of Militia.
July 25, 1745.
James Daniel \
James Nevels >Gent"
James Martin )
Albemarle County, (Va.) Order Book, 1744-1748.
Commissioned Captains of Militia.
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218 Tyleb's Quartebly Magazine
HISTOKICAL AND GENEALOGICAL. NOTES.
Washinotok akp Lcb: ^A stodj of the nsxaea of the men
comprising our expeditionary forces in France shows that there
were seventy-nine Robert E. Lees, Beveaty^our George Wash-
ingtons^ seven Grants and two Lincolns. Note the standing of
the two great Virginians.'' — Caaenove 0. Lee, Jn, Washington,
D. C, in New^ York Evening Post, August 4, 1921.
A LessoN IN FoLiTiOB.— After Bacon's BebelUon tiie Boyal
Legislature, assembled in 1677, imposed a fine of 400 pds of to-
bacco on any penion who by the employment of such terms as
"rebells," "traitors," &c., should delay the restoration of the Colony
to its "former condition of peace and love." After the
American Revolution the Virginia Legislature made haste to repeal
all the laws banishing the Tories, and Benjamin Harrison, tiie Gov-
ernor, directed all prosecutions against persons charged with un-
friendliness to tiie 8tate to cease, as the best means of healing the
sores of the war. The Northern Congress had little of this liberal-
ity after the war for Southern Independence.
How the Northern speakers and writers did love the term
"rebel." It was "rebel" this and "rebel" that, and neither cir-
cumstance nor place — ^neither delicacy nor generosity-^^ould in-
duce them to forego its use for long years after the war. It was
resented by Southern men not only as historically untrue, but
as an insult. In this matter the Northern people wore the cast off
shoes of the British, who applied the term during the American
Sevolution te Washington and te Americans generally. Alexander
Graydon, of Pennsjdvania, in \^% Memoirs, p. 227, says that the
term waa "extremely offensive to his ear, however appropriate it
might be" (in the particular case of the Americans in 1776).
He writes: ^^n the English language it is too much interwoven
with the idea of a stete of criminality to be other than highly
opprobrious."
Mrs. Jane Vobe. — Among the residents of Williamsburg well
known in her day was Mrs. Jane Yobe. She kept an ordinary in
Williamsburg which was much frequented from 1762 to 1784.
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HisTOBicAii AND Gensaxogical Notes 219
In Governor Benjamin Harrison's Letter Book, p. 287, she ap-
pears as the claimant against the State, in the latter year.
The Platers. — A Mr. Byon asked permission in 1784 of Gov-
ernor Benjamin Harrison to introduce into the State a Company of
Commedians. The Governor very willingly gave his consent, de-
claring his opinion that ^^a well chosen & well acted play is amongst
the first of moral lessons and tends greatly to inculcate & fix in
the mind the most virtuous principles.'' Executive Letter Book,
p. 286.
Notes from the Virginia Gazette for 1780: (1) Wil-
liam Cole and John Cole advertise for sale the Estate of Capt
James Cole, of Goochland Co. (2) Martin Key and John Ware,
as commissioners for the State, advertise for sale the escheated
estate of Walter King. (3) Walker Maury's School in Orange Co.
(4) Notice of fees, by "the practiti(mers of Physic and surgery'' in
Fredericksburg and Spotsylvania County: Charles Mortimer,
John Julian, (Jeorge French, Robert Wellford. (5) Extraordinary
meteor seen in Williamsburg after sunset 31 October, 1779. (6)
A large collection of books, consisting of history, law, novds &c.,
belonging to the Estate of John Semple attorney at law to be sold
at King William C. H., July 20, 1780. Catalogue at printing of-
fice or at Mrs. Semple in King ft Queen Co.
Mill Creek. — This creek in Elizabeth City County seems to
get its name from a tidal mill established upon it at a very early
date. There was a grant made to Major Richard Moryson on June
6, 1645, for 160 acres commonly called "Downs* Field** on the
Strawberry Bank. The tract began at the ^Tiook out Tree" by
*Tine (Point) Comfort Creek*' (Mill Creek) side *'near the round
miH." (WiUiam and Mary Quarterltf, IX., pp. 90.)
Capt. Thomas Claiborne.— The wife of Capt. Thomae Clai-
borne, son of Col. William Claiborne, the Secretary of State, was
Sarah Fexm, of Middle Plantation^ daughter of Samuel Fenn.
(Ibid,, III, p. 77.)
After the deaft of Capt Thomas Claiborne, in 1701, his widow,
Sarah, married Capt. Thomas Bray, of New Ejnt She nrvived
him, and later establifilied a scbolarship in William and Mary
College. She died October 18, 1716. (Ihid., XIII, p. 266.)
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220 Tyleb's Quabtskly IiIagazinb
Tbbt-Stonham or Stonum. — In 1822 two brothers, Wm. and
Henry Terby, came to Axk. from Va. and bought land in Phillips
County. A little later their brother-in-law, Btonum, came.
Henry Yerby mar. a Miss Dickson.
William Terby mar. Delia Nutt. Anne Waddy, half sister to the
T^bys, mar. Ed Scanlin or Scantlin. I desire information regarding
the Terbys and Stonum. Address Mrs, David Wall, Lee Co., Marl-
anna. Ark.
BOOK REVIEWS.
Bulletin, No. 1, Fauquier Historical Society, published August, 1921.
Old Dominion Press, Inc., Printers, Richmond, Va.
We hail this pamphlet with great satisfaction as the initial num-
ber of what promises to be a decided contribution to the literary acti-
Yities of the State. The table of contents shows a fine selection of
Interesting articles. The first of these is yery pr(^>erly an account
of the aborigines of the county, first published in this magazine for
July, 1920. Then follows an account by H. C. Groome, of the Northern
Neck, of which Fauquier was a part This is decidedly the fullest and
most satisfactory history of the Northern Neck which has appeared.
The remaining papers are scarcely inferior in interest: "18th Century
Maps"; "Prices to be charged by Keepers or Ordinaries, 1760"; "Plan
of Warrenton"; "Robert Eden Scott"; "Marriage Bonds"; "North
Wales"; "Six Weeks in Fauquier." The Bulletin contains 108 pages
and its mechanical execution is faultless.
Ole Marster and Other Verses, By Benjamin B. Valentine, Richmond.
Va. Whittet ft Shepperson, Printers. 1921.
Probably no other writer — certainly no other poet — ^has so
aptly caught the spirit of the old Plantation Negro as Benjamin B.
Valentine, whose labors "will always live in a world which he has
himself left" The "Foreword," written by Mary Newton Stanard, is
a Just commentary upon both the author and the book. Bir. Valentine
would himself have been an ideal "Ole Marster," who regarded his
negroes as something far more than slayes, something more than ser-
vants, but as friends whom he loved, d^;>endent members of his funily
whom he cherished, and for whom he was ready to perish rather than
evil should befall. His negro dialect is undoubtedly excellent, and
his different poems illustrate admirably the quaint way in which the
negro viewed things happening about him. So, besides the humor and
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In Memobiam 221
^e quaintneBS, they afford a philosophy of life which is unique and
suggestiye of a condition that may have had its objections and abuses,
but was relieved by a happiness and cheer that has never been sur-
passed. That was slavery as it existed in old Virginia.
IN MEMORIAM.
ANNIE TUCKER TYLER.
Died, in the sixty-seventh year of her age, at St Luke's Hospital,
Richmond, Va., on Wednesday, November 2, 1921, at 10 o'clock A. M.,
after an illness of several months, ANNIE TUCKER TYLER, wife of
Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, and daughter of the late (Colonel St George Tucker,
of the Confederate Army, poet and novelist and of Elizabeth bilmet,
daughter of Thomas Walker Gilmer, Governor of Virginia, and for
some time Secretary of the Navy of the United States. Her father was
well known as author of "Hansford, A Tale of Bacon's Rebellion," and
as author of the "Cross of the South," a stirring lyric, which was very
popular in the South at the beginning of the war for Southern Inde-
pendence.
However, it was not the lineage from which she sprang that en-
nobled this much-lamented lady, but her own character. Never lived
a person who had sweeter and more lovely traits. As wife of one who
had charge of William and Mary College, as president, for many years
in its days of tri'*! and struggle, she was endeared to hundreds of
young men who attended the courses of that ancient and honorable
Institution. During that time, of how many entertainments for th«
college circle was sbe the guardian genius, and of how many visitors
from all over the world was she the sweet and genial hostess. Her
interest in the College never failed, and among other evidences of
this is the English ivy on the main College building and the Presi-
dent's house, developed from scions transplanted by her from the ivy
in the Jamestown churchyard.
Mrs. Tyler was formerly president of the Williamsburg Chapter
of the Daughters of the Confederacy, and was at the time of her death
a member of the Governing Board of the Colonial Dames of the State
of Virginia, a member of the A. P. V. A., and other useful and patriotic
organizations. To her was principally due the erection of the monu-
ment to the soldiers and sailors of the Confederacy, which stands to-
day on the Palace Green in Williamsburg.
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222 Tyleb's Qcabtebly Maoazins
Daiin^ her long lUneBs her room at St. Luke's Hospital was a
flower-garden, made so by the devoticm of her friends. She loyed
flowers as the emblems of immortality, and with the certainty of
death before her she said, ''I am seeing the flowers on my grave
before I die."
Attacked by disease when she never appeared so well or so happy,
she confronted the inevitable with a calnmess that was simply mar-
velous to those who love life, and she had every reason to be as one
of these; for, beloved by her husband, children and friends, and sur-
rounded by many of the good things of earth, it seemed especially hard
for her to leave them. But she looked death nobly and bravely in
the face and never questioned or complained. Was it her faith in a
future life that sustained her? As she drew nearer to the end she
was weak and passed most of the time in a semi-unconecious condition,
but in the dead hour of the night, shortly before her death, while her
husband was watching by her side, she cried in a strong, clear voice,
"Oh, Jesus, take me to Thy arms. Oh, Ood, care for Thy child!" It
was touching to observe how, almost to the very last day, when any
of her dear friends entered the room, she would rouse from her
comatose state and greet them by name and with a warmth of her old
cordiality. Her sufferings were intense, but they were greatly re-
lieved by the sympathy of her visiting friends, and the tender care
of her physicians and nurses. At last, after an interval of peace, she
passed into eternal rest with Just a sigh.
The esteem in which she was held was attested by numerous let-
ters of sympathy after her decease, received from members of Con-
gress, former Governors, judges of courts and others in public promi-
nence; from the president and faculty, students and alumni of William
and lAary Ck>llege, and from many of her numerous acquaintances.
Her remains were taken from St. Luke's Hospital to the home of
Charles O. Bosher, 422 East Franklin Street, where her face, ffeed
from its suffering and care and seeming among the roses that sur-
rounded It like that of some beautiful queen, was viewed by many
friends.
The final services took place on Thursday, at 4 o'clock P. M., at
Holy Trinity Church, under the ministration of Rev. J. J. Gravatt,
assisted by Rev. E. R. Jones, rector of Bruton Church, Williamsburg,
which she had attended so many years during her stay in that city.
The fioral offerings were beautiful and even magnificent She was
interred in the Tjrler section in Hollywood the same afternoon.
L.
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^KRD COCC
U5 I S 3o5'.ao*JL
PAGEANT NUMBER
ViRQiNiA Historical Pageant, Mat 22 to Mat 28, 1922
Richmond, Virginia
Vol. III. No. 4.
APRIL, 1922.
^Tyler's! (©uarterip ^iatotml
mil
((^enealosital Masa^im
Editors LYON G. TYLER, M. A., LL. D.
Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office in Richmond, Va., according
to act of Congress.
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II .S I'', 't^ 6 .'J c.x
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Virginia First
Dr. Lyon G. Tyler
The 8hip9 (hot Brouf^ the Pawukn
iifthe Nation
Jamettown, 1607
PMiahedby
T&s Colonial Daubs of Ambbica
in the
8tATB of VlBOINIA
Piret Edition, October, 19tl
Second Edition (revieed), November, 1921,
(Reprint)
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3fame<toton on ttie JameK
First honors due to Jamestown — Old Jamestown on the James,
Where our Fathers came a-sailing — a-sailing from the Thames,
In a Trinity of good ships — of Destiny in deed,
Sarah Condani as the flag ship, the DiBcovery and Goodspeed.
The birth-iJaoe of Virginia — ^The Mother Colony,
The birth-^ilaoe of our Freedom, Independence, Sovereignty;
The birth-place of Democracy by Legislative claims.
The birth-place of the Nation — is Jamestown on the James.
They reached there May the thirteenth in the 3rear of sixteen seven.
Thus priority of settlement to the famous spot is given.
Next day they made their landing on Jamestown's sacred sod.
When Robert Hunt with pious words made thankful prayer to God.
The Thames and James— Their waters — are one within the Sea,
Their Shores are one by Kindred-tie, and will forever be;
The English-tongue, our coomion tongue, weighed anchor in the Thames;
The Enfi^ish-tongue, our conmion tongue, drop'd anchor in the James.
Then let us sing of Jamestown — of Jamestown on the James,
Where our Fathers came a-sailing — a-sailing from the Thames;
The birth-place of the Nation that sweeps from sea to sea.
The birth-place of Democracy — the People's Sovereignty.
Stbbling BoisssAn, Richmond, Va.
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VIRGINIA FIRST.
The name First given to the territory occupied by the present
United States was Virginia. It was bestowed upon the Country
by Elizabeth, greatest of English queens. The United States of
America are mere words of description. They are not a name.
The rightful and historic name of this great Republic is 'Vir-
ginia.** We must get back to it> if the Country^s name is to have
any real significance.
IL
Virginia was the First colony of Great Britain, and her suc-
cessful settlement furnished the inspiration to English coloniza-
tion everywhere. For it was the wise Xx)rd Bacon who said that>
''As in the arts and sciences the first invention is of more con-
sequence than all the improvements afterwards, so in kingdoms
or plantations, the first foundation or plantation is of more dignity
than all that foUoweth.**
III.
On May 13, 1607, the pioneers brought over by the Sarah Con-
stant, the Oood Speed, and the Discovery arrived at Jamestown
on James River, and Founded the Republic of the United States
based on English conceptions of Justice and Liberty. The story
of this little settlement is the story of a great nation expanding
from small beginnings into one of more than 100,000,000 people,
inhabiting a land reaching finally from ocean to ocean and abound-
ing in riches and power, till when the liberties of all mankind
were endangered the descendants of the old Jamestown setUers
did in their turn cross the ocean and help to save the land from
which their fathers came.
IV.
Before any other English settlement was made on this conti-
nent, democracy was lorn at Jamestown by the establishment of
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England's free inBtitutionfl — Juiy trial, courtB for the adminis-
tration of justice, popular elections in which all the ^'inhabitants"
took part, and a representative Assembly which met at Jamestown,
July 30, 1619, and digested the first laws for the new common-
wealth.
V.
There at Jamestown and on James River was the cradle of the
Union — The first church, the first blockhouse, the first wharf,
the first glass factory, the first windmill, the first iron works, the
first silk worms reared, the first wheat and tobacco raised, the
first peaches grown, the first brick house, the first State house,
and the first free school (that of Benjamin Sjms, 1635).
VI.
In Virginia was the First assertion on this continent of the
indissoluble connection of representation and taxation.
In 1624 a law was passed inhibiting the governors from laying
any taxes on the people without the consent of the General Assem-
bly, and this law was re-enacted several times afterwards. In 1635
when Sir John Harvey refused to send to England a petition
against the fang's proposed monopoly of tobacco, which would
have imposed an arbitrary tax, the people deposed him from the
government and sent him back to England, an act without pre-
cedent in America. In 1652 when the people feared that Parlia-
ment would deprive them of that liberty they had enjoyed under
King Charles I, they resisted, and would only submit when the
Parliamentary Commissioners signed a writing guaranteeing to
tiiem all the rights of a self-governing dominion. And when after
the restoraKon of King Charles II, the country was outraged by
extensive grants of land to certain court favorites, the agents of
Virginia, in an effort to obtain a charter to avoid these grants,
made the finest argiiment in 1674 for the nght of self -taxation to
be found in the annals of the 17th century. Claiborne^s Bebellion
and Bacon's Bebellion prove that Virginia was always a Land of
Liberty.
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VntonriA Fibst 229
During the 18th century the royal governors often reproached
the people for their 'Tlepublican Spirit,'' until on May 29, 1765,
the reproach received a dramatic interpretation by Patrick Henry,
arousing a whole continent to resistance against the Stamp Act
VII.
Virginia Faunded New England. In 1613 a Virginia Gover-
nor, Sir Thomas Gates, drove the French away from Maine and
Nova Scotia and saved to English colonization the shores of Mas*
sachusetts and Connecticut. In 1620 the Pilgrim Fathers were in-
spired to go to North America by the successfid settiement at
Jamestown. They sailed under a patent given them by the Vir-
ginia Company of London, and it was only the accident of a storm
that caused them to settle outside of the limits of the territory of
the London Company, though still in Virginia. The Mayflower
compact, under which the 41 emigrants luiited themselves at Cape
Cod followed pretty nearly the terms of the original Virginia
Company's patent
In 1622 the people at Plymouth were saved from starvation
by the opportune arrival of two ships from Jamestown, which
divided their provisions with them. Without this help the Ply-
mouth settiement would have been abandoned.
The 41 Pilgrim Fathers established an aristocracy or oligarchy
at Plymouth, for they constituted an exclusive body and only cau-
tiously admitted any newcomers to partnership with them in auth-
ority. As time went on, the great body of the people had nothing
to say as to taxes or government.
Citizenship at Plymouth and in all New England was a matter
of special selection in the case of each individual. The terms of
the magistrates were made permanent by a law affording them
''precedency of all others in nomination on the election day.**
The towns of New England were littie oligarchies, not democracies.
It was different in Virginia. There the House of Burgesses, which
was the great controlling body, rested for more than a hundred
years upon what was practically universal suffrage (1619-1736),
and even after 1736 many more people voted in Virginia than in
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HaflsachTisetts. There was a splendid and spectacular body of aris-
tocrats in Virginia, but they had nothing like the power and pres-
tige of the New England preachers and magistrates.
^^y no stretch of the imagination,^^ says Dr. Charles M. An-
drews, Professor of History in Tale University, *'can the political
condition in any of the New England Colonies be called popular or
democratic. Goyemment was in the hands of a very few men.''
VIII.
Virginia led in all the measures that established the inde-
pendence of the United States. Beginning with the French and
Indian War, out of which sprang the taxation measures that sub-
sequentiy provoked the American Revolution, Virginia under Wash-
ington^ struck the first blow against the French, and Virginian
blood was the first American blood to flow in that war. Then,
when, after the war, the British Parliament proposed to tax
America by the Stamp Act, it was the Colony of Virginia that
rang ^^the alarm bell" and rallied all the other colonies against the
measure by the celebrated resolutions of Patrick Henry, May 29,
1765, which brought about its repeal.
Later when the British Parliament revived its policy of taxa^
tion in 1767 by the Revenue Act, though circumstances made
the occasion for the first movements elsewhere, it was always Vir-
ginia that by some resolute and determined action of leadership
solved the crisis that arose.
There were four of these crises:
(1) The first occurred when Massachusetts, by her protest,
in 1768, against the Revenue Act, stirred up Parliament to de-
mand that her patriot leaders be sent to England for trial. Mas-
sachusetts was left quite alone and she remained quiescent Vir-
ginia stepped to the front and by her ringing resolutions of May
16, 1769, aroused the whole continent to resistance, which forced
Parliament to compromise, leave the Massachusetts men alone, and
repeal all the taxes except a small one on tea. After the Assembly,
^Tlie Brave Virginians'' was the common toast throughout New
England.
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VntGINIA FiBST 231
(2) The next crisis occurred in 1772. In that year the occa-
sion for action occurred in the smallest of the colonies, Bhode
Island, by an attack of some unauthorized persons on the sloop
Gaspfe, which was engaged in suppressing 3muggling. The King
imitated Parliament by trying to renew the policy of transporting
Americans to England for trial, but Virginia caused the Eling
and his Counsellors to desist from their purpose by her system
of inier'Colonial committees, which brought about a real conti-
nental union of the colonies for the first time.
(3) The third crisis occurred in 1774, after a mob of dis-
guised persons threw the tea overboard in Boston harbor. Though
Boston did not authorize this proceeding, Parliament held her
responsible and shut up her port. Virginia thought this unjust,
and was the first colony to declare her sympathy with Boston, and
the first, in any representative character for an entire colony, to
call for a Congress of all the colonies.
And to that Congress which met September 5, 1774, she fur-
nished the first president, Peyton Randolph, and the greatest ora-
tors, Patrick Heniy and Bichard Henry Lee.
The remedy proposed by this Congress was a plan of non-
intercourse already adopted in Virginia, to be enforced by com-
mittees appointed in every county, city and town in America.
(4) The fourth crisis began in 1775 with the laws passed by
the British Parliament to cut ofiE the trade of the colonies, in-
tended as retaliatory to the American non-intercourse. This led to
hostilities, and for a year, during which time the war was waged
in ]^ew England, the colonists held the attitude of confessed rebels,
fighting their sovereign and yet professing allegiance to him. When
the war was transferred to the South with the burning of Nor-
folk and the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, this attitude became
intolerable to the Southerners, and they sought for a solution of
the difficulty in Independence.
While Boston was professing through her town meeting her
willingness 'Ho wait, most patiently to waif for Congress to act,
and the Assembly of the Province deferred action till the towns
were heard from, it was North Carolina, largely settled by Vir-
ginians, that on April 12, 1776, instructed her delegates in Con-
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gress to concur with the delegates from the other Colonies in de-
claring independence^ and it was Virginia that on May 15^ 1776,
commanded her delegates to propose independence. The first ex-
plicit and direct instructions for independence anywhere in the
United States were given by Cumberland County, in Virginia,
April 22, 1776. Unlike the tumultuary, unauthorised, and acci-
dental nature of the leading revolutionary incidents in New Eng-
land, such as the Boston Tea Party and the Battle of Lexington,
the proceedings in Virginia were always the authoritative and
official acts of the Colony.
All the world should know that it was Richard Henry Lee, a
Virginian, who drew the resolutions for independence adopted by
Congress July 2, 1776, and that it was Thomas Jefferson, a Vir-
ginian, who wrote "the Declaration of Independence" adopted July
4, 1776, a paper styled by a well known New England writer as
"the most commanding and most pathetic utterance in any age, in
any language, of national giievances and national purposes.''
IX.
During the war that ensued Virginia contributed to the war
what all must allow was the soul of the war — ^the immortal George
Washington, whose immense moral personalily accomplished more
in bringing success than all the money employed and all the armies
placed in the field; and the war had its ending at Yorktown, only
a few miles from the original settlement at Jamestown. The
Father of this great Republic was a Virginian.
X.
Virginia led in the work of organizing the Government of the
United States. She called the Annapolis Convention in 1786,
and furnished to the Federal Convention at Philadelphia which
met, as the result of tliis action, its chief constructor — James
Madison — ^who has been aptly described as Father of the Con-
stitution. She furnished the two greatest rival interpreters of its
powers, Thomas Jefferson and John Marshall, and gave the Union
its first President, Oeorge Washington.
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Vibgh^ia Fiest 233
XI.
Virginiay through her explorers^ generals and presidents^ made
the Union a continental power.
It was Patrick Henry and (Jeorge Rogers Clark who eflfected
the conquest of the Northwest Territory, which eventually added
five great States to the Union. Meriwether Lewis and William
Clark made the first thorough exploration of the West. And Lou-
isiana, Florida and Texas were added to the TJnion by Virginia
Presidents — Jeflferson, Monroe, and Tyler. Nor can it be for-
gotten that all the far West was the result of the annexation of
Texas by Tyler, indirectly leading to the Mexican War, whose
success was assured by two Virginia generals — ^Zachary Taylor
and Winfield Scott
Had the New England influences, which were opposed to the
Annexation policy, dominated, the United States to-day, if it
existed at all, would be confined to a narrow strip along the At-
lantic shore.
XII.
A Virginia President, James Monroe, gave to the world over
his name the Monroe Doctrine, which has regulated, to the present
day, the relations of America to the nations of Europe and the rest
of mankind. *^ America for Americans,'^ he said in substance.
XIII.
Virginians created those ideals for which the Republic of the
United States stands to-day — democracy, religious freedom, and
education.
Democracy: Not only did Virginia have the first legislative
Assembly, which rested for more than a hundred years on universal
suffrage, she was the headquarters, after the American Revolution,
of the great Democratic-Republican party, under the leadership of
Thomas Jefferson. This party was the champion of the popular
idea against the aristocratic notions of the Federalists, who had
their headquarters in New England. By completely destroying the
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Federalist party Virginia sowed the seeds of democracy through-
out the United States^ and the world. All political parties in the
United States since that time have the same creed as to the equality
of the citizen. Thomas Jeffei-son is incomparably the greatest
living influence in America. He is, in fact, the Founder of Ameri-
canism, as we understand it.
Through an act, of which the same great man was the author,
Virginia was the first State in the world to impose a penalty for
engaging in the slave trade (1778), and in the Federal Convention
in 1787 her delegates bitterly opposed the provision in the Consti-
tution supported by the Puritan delegates from New England, per-
mitting the slave trade for twenty years. New England men were
great shippers of slaves.
Religiovs Freedom: After the same manner Virginia sowed
the seeds of religious freedom. All New England, except Rhode
Island, in Colonial days, was principled against religious liberty.
Even after the American Bevolution the preachers and a group of
laymen in each community grasped all power and the people were
forced into submission. In 1793 only one in twenty of the people
in Connecti'cut exercised the right of sufib*age. Even in llhode
Island there were, till a late date, laws against Boman Catholics
voting or holding o£5ce, and it took Dorr's Rebellion in 1842 to
break up the restrictions on the ballot handed down from Colonial
days.
The persecuting spirit was not absent in Virginia, but it was
never so severe or relentiess as in New England. And for many
years before the American Revolution there were no religious quali-
fications for voting.
The Declaration of Rights of Virginia, drawn by (Jeorge Mason
in 1776, and imitated by all the other States, placed the principle
of religious freedom, for the first time, upon a truly philosophic
basis. Virginia was then the First State in the world to proclaim
absolute equality and freedom of religion to the people of all faiths
— Christians, Jews, Mohammedans, etc. The principle enunciated
by Mason was enacted into law by Thomas Jefferson, whose bill for
Religious Freedom in 1785 invested conscience with the wings of
heaven.
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VntoiNiA FntsT 235
Education: Finally^ it was a Virginian^ Thomas Je£Eer8on^ that
furnished the ideals of popular education. The system of schools
as they existed in Massachusetts in Colonial days did not remotely
resemble the present ideal. As a system they were under no central
authority, were not free to the scholar who had to pay for tuition,
and were primarily directed to the maintenance and upholding of
the Congregational Church. None but members of that Church
could be teachers in Massachusetts. In practice, the towns neg-
lected their responsibilities '^shamelessly," and a large percentage
of the people coidd neither read nor write.
Virginia did not go far in her educational system, but in her
ancient laws for educating poor children, and establishing and
financing William and Mary College, the colony clearly recognized
education as a public function. As to the general supply of edu-
cation, however, the Colony had by far the best libraries and teach-
ers, and, according to Mr. Jefferson, the mass of education, accom-
plished through tutors and private schools, ^'placed her among the
foremost of her sister States,'' at the time of the Revolution. But
it was the great bill of Thomas Jefferson in 1779, correlating the
different gradations of schools — beginning with the primary schools
and ending with the University, that furnished the real ideal on
which the public school system of the United States rests to-day.
XIV.
Before 1861 the Union consisted practically of two nations
separated by Mason and Dixon's line, differing in habits of thought,
customs, and largely in institutions. It was only the pressure of
British taxation that brought these two nations together, and im-
mediately after the peace in 1783 the separative forces began to
exert themselves. They were first sharply manifested in New
England, where plans of secession were discussed as early as 1800.
So far did this spirit proceed that in 1812-1814 the New England
States professed the extreme doctrine of States rights, and did all
they could to paralyze the arm of the Federal Government during
the course of a war with the greatest power in Europe. As late as
1844 the Massachusetts Legislature, after declaring that ^'uniting
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an independent foreign state" (like Texas) ^'with the United States
was not among the powers delegated to the General Goyenunent>"
stated its resolve to be ^^to submit to undelegated powers in no body
of men on earth/' and in 1845 it announced the doctrine of nullifi-
cation by declaring that the admission of Texas 'Srould have no
binding force whatever on the people of Massachusetts/'
But by this time the great increase in the wealth and popula-
tion of the North, diiefly due to the foreign immigration^ caused
New England to abandon the separative policy and substitute that
of nationality to be preserved by force. The South now being the
weaker section was compelled into the opposite policy^ and finally^
obeying the dictates of its economic and social forces^ seceded from
the Union and organized a separate government.
Virginia, who had a sentimental attachment to the Union, at-
tempted to preserve it by the Peace Conference, but finding that
impossible, and placed in a dilemma of fighting the northern
Union or fighting the Southern Confederacy, she allied herself with
the latter, of which she was really an integral part. In the light
of the doctrine of self determination, now so generally admitted,
it appears one of the most astonishing things in history that ei^t
millions of people, occupying a territory half the size of Europe,
with a thoroughly organized government, and capable of fighting
one of the greatest wars on record, were not permitted to set up for
themselves.
By the results of the war, one of the two nations of the old
Union was wiped out and incorporated into the other. But Vir-
ginia was the capital of the Southern Confederacy and the battle-
field of the war, and the veterans of Virginia and the South have
lived to see the principle of self government and self determination
for which they fought accepted by the world at large.
In the war for Southern Independence, as in the American
Bevolution, Virginia furnished the Ideal Man. In one war it was
George Washington, and in the other it was Bobert E. Lee. Both
these great men were distinguished by the union of a handsome
person with a supremely majestic soul, brave, refined, dignified and
clean. They were, indeed, kingly men.
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ViKGINIA FiBST 237
XV.
The contributions of Virginia to science should not be passed
by in this summary of her priorities. Among the creators of an
epoch the following may be mentioned particulariy. James Rumsey
first demonstrated in her waters in 1786 the possibilities of steam
as applied to a river boat. Cyrus Hall McCormick revolutionized
agriculture throughout the world by his invention of the reaper.
Matthew Fontaine Maury about the same time did the same thing
for ocean navigation. He furnished the plans for the laying of the
Atlantic Cable^ and was the father of the modem science of tor-
pedo and mine laying. In recent days Walter Beed, of Gloucester
Couniy, was foremost in discovering the cause of yellow fever and
rendering that dread disease innocuous.
During the war for Southern Independence^ it was the ironclad
Virginia (or Merrimac), constructed by two master engineers^ John
L. Porter, of Portsmouth, Va., and John Mercer Brooke, of Lex-
ington, Va., that showed in an epoch making battle fought in
Hampton Boads, March 8, 1862, with the Federal wooden battle-
ships, the superiority of iron ships over wooden ones, no matter how
gallantly manned and bravely fought
Then and there Virginia genius and invention Founded the
present navies of the world.
The Monitor, which engaged the Virginia the next day (March
9, 1862), had no share in this glory. Naval warfare would have
been revolutionized if it had never showed up. The battle of the
ninth is only interesting as it affords a test of the prowess of the
two vessels. The Monitor was driven from the field, and ever after
avoided conflict with the Virginia, though repeatedly challenged in
Hampton Boads to a new trial of strength.
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THE VIRGINIA DYNASTY.
The Life of James Monroe. By George MorgaD : Boston^ Samuel
Ma]mard & Company^ Publishers.
Mr. Morgan has written a yery valuable work, which should be
duly noticed by the public for several very good reasons. In the
first place, it shows a great amount of scholarship, and, in the
second place, it is an exception to the generality of books written
by Northern men. The author himself makes a tremendous, but
just indictment, of the writers of the North, when he says that
in that region ^^no historical misjudgment is so common as the
oflEhand condemnation of slave state statesmen" — "the very fact
that they came thence being sufficient warrant to neglect them or
minimize any merits they may be grudgingly allowed." Here are
fairness and frankness for you, and such a man is to be admired.
Mr. Morgan instances the late Henry Adams, of Massachusetts,
whom he states is *1iard on Monroe" in his history, and he deftly
repels many of Adams' ill-founded conclusions, by contrasting
them with those of his able grandfather, John Quincy Adams, who
appreciated Monroe and delivered a eulogy upon him. He in-
stances Edward Everett Hale, another man from New England,
who felicitated himself upon his ability through Henry Adams'
"very entertaining history of the United States" to tell the whole
truth about the "Virginia dynasty," Jefiferson, Madison and Mon-
roe. Hale describes it as a "precious example of failures, follies,
fuss and feathers and fol-de-rol."
Upon this Mr. Morgan remarks that *Ttf r. Hale is a good man
and a patriot who made his mark, but his ante-bellum history is
woefully distorted."
Next he instances Theodore Roosevelt, who, in his literary
works as in his political career, walked along with a big stick, a
poor excuse of an historian. This strenuous gentleman of aristo-
cratic antecedents, in his laudation of the ^Oiigh-strutting, federal-
istic and anti-6allican Gouvemeur Morris," calls poor democratic
Monroe "a frenzied Jacobinical republican," capering like an In-
dian before the French court
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The VmoiinA Dynasty 239
This is the way it has always been. With the exception of a
few noble and generous spirits like George Bancroft, John Rske,
Gamaliel Bradford, Charles M. Andrews, and now George Morgan,
the South has received very little mercy at the hands of Northern
writers, who, because they have the money and through it the ear
of the world, seem to feel that any statement in regard to South-
ern men must be either derogatory or positively malicious. Nearly
all history in the North has been written by persons with politics,
most out of sympathy with the South.
We have seen this spirit reach a climax, when men of standing
in the North, in the face of all the facts in history, wipe James-
town from the map and make Plymouth in New England the first
English colony in America and the beginning of the American
commonwealth. This shameless distortion of the truth has one
consoling feature, however, that it makes clear the fact, hard to
•believe, that the statements of few Northern writers or speakers
on matters of history can be accepted without important modifica-
tions.
Fortunate for the men from the Southern States who, like
John Marshall, had a measurably sympathetic connection with the
men of these northerly climates. They indeed have had a chance
to have their merits recognized. There is Mr. Beveridge, who has
written of Marshall a very interesting and valuable life, but,
with Mr. Beveridge, as with Mr. Henry Adams, Jefferson, Madi-
son and Monroe were largely theatrical performers, full of wild no-
tions incompatible with the safety of the republic.
One cannot help thinking Mr. Morgan intended his work as an
answer in some measure to Mr. Beveridge. Without naming him
to any great extent, he appears to show that he, like other critics
of the ^^irginia dynasty,*' is decidedly too uncharitable.
In the days of which Mr. Morgan has written, the struggle was
between the Demoeratic-Bepublican party and the Federalists.
The latter were completely destroyed, and for many years after
1816 Federalism was a word of scorn and contumely. In more
modem times an effort has been made to give it a good character,
and the Federalist party is referred to as "the party of law and
order." And so the attack has been made all along the line on the
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moidyesy ability and patriotism of Jeflfereon, Madison and Monroe.
Passing by, however, their minor shortcomings, which these
modem critics love to emphasis, the great measures of the "Vir-
ginia djmasty" give direction to the government to-day. The Union
rests quite certainly upon the strong foundation which they built.
And to no section of the Union have they proved greater benefac-
tors than to that section where they have been most abused and
carped at
What were these measures? (1) Mr. Morgan makes the tell-
ing point that "the prime, the vital struggle" of the Virginia
"dynasty*' was in behalf of "American democratic government
against the aristocratic rule of the few." Here is where the shoe
most pinches. New England and the Federalists, instead of stand-
ing for democracy, stood for the rule of the classes, and this
"slave-holding djmasty" stood for the rights of the people. This
seeming contradiction has an easy explanation in the fact that
slavery of the blacks did away in public with all the old distinc-
tions among white people. These distinctions continued in New
England because white people there had to do the menial duties.
In the South the suffrage, too, in colonial times had always rested
upon general laws, while in New England citizenship had been a
matter of special selection in each individual case.
(2) The next great measure for which these slave-holders stood
was annexation of territory. Mr. Beveridge claims that Mr. Jef-
ferson "did not want Louisiana" and cites his instructions to
Monroe as a proof, but the evidence set forth by Mr. Morgan is
that Jefferson and Madison^ his Secretary of State, were always
, alive to the importance of Louisiana as affecting the interests of
the Union, and that, while the instructions to Monroe contemplated
the acquisition of only New Orleans and Florida, there is noth-
ing in them to support the idea that Jefferson was hostile to the
acquisition of Louisiana. On the contrary, he readily accepted
the work of the Commissioners, of whom Monroe was one, and
did it against the strenuous opposition of the New England men,
who fought and continued to fight against any enlargement of the
territory of the Union. They fought against the annexation of
Florida, and later they threatened nullification against the an-
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Thb VmoiiOA Dynasty 241
nezation of Texas, and wanted neither New Mexico nor California.
Had the policy of the Federalists been accepted, the Union woidd
be to-day but a narrow strip along the Atlantic Coast
(3) Again the Virginia dynasty stood for Eturopean immigra'
tion. When Mr. Jefferson came in, he found laws on the statute
books requiring a residence of nineteen years in the country before
an alien could become a citizen, and these people were so hated by
the Federalists that the President had been given power to ship
any back on his mere suspicion of unfriendliness. Mr. Jefferson
had the law repealed, made the length of residence what it is now,
and encouraged all he could the admission of immigrants, and no
other act of his contributed more to the development of the coun*
try. These people, coming by thousands, filled the waste places, es-
pecially in the North and West and built up the vast fortunes of
Boston and New York. No part of the country profited by them
more than New England, where the old Puritan families exploited
in their factories the cheap labor thus afforded, like the Southern
planters exploited their slaves. From these immigrants came
chiefly the armies that finally defeated the South in 1865.
(4) Next the Virginia dynasiy stood for the protection of the
flag to every man and everything on board ship. They stood
against impressment, and declared for the doctrine accepted to-day
of ''Free ships make free goods.'* Where were the Federalists on
these matters? On impressment they made all sorts of excuses
for the British, and Marshall and his fellow Federalist judges de-
fended in American courts the English view of international law,
both as to allegiance and search.
(6) Then this ^^slave state dynasiy** opposed the claim of Mar-
shall and the Federalists for a universal common lam jturisdiciion
in the Federal Courts. The recognition of this claim would have
made every local question cognizable in the national courts, but
the accepted doctrine now is that the powers of such courts are
statutory only.
(6) Mardiall and the Federalists wanted to make the Federal
Supreme Court ''the arbiter^' on all questions involving sovereignty,
but here again their plan of action was defeated and has no place
in our governmental system to-day. Wherever the final arbiter
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242 Ttlb&'s Quabteblt Maoazinb
exists^ whether in the States, a convention of the States, or the
mass of the people^ it necessarily never did, and does not now rest
in the Supreme Court of the United States, or any other Federal
Court There are many questions of vital importance that can
never get before the Federal Courts for decision. Such, for in-
stance^ has been the tariff question, which came near bringing
about war in 1833 and which was the final factor in bringing about
war in 1861. After signing an order for the withdrawal of the
troops from Fort Sumter, Lincoln was induced to send troops
through the pressure of the high tariff governors who came to
Washington about April 1, 1861.
(7) Then there was the conscription bill proposed by Madi-
son's administration in 1814. It was bitterly denounced as con-
trary to the constitution, state sovereignty and individual ri^ts
by the Federalists, including Webster, who made a disunion speech
against it. It was by a far more drastic bill in these latter days
that the United States, under a Democratic President, was enabled
to muster its strength and decide the issues of the World War.
(8) There is next the slavery question, the moral side of which
the New Englanders have tried to monopolize, filling huge libraries
with books of self-laudation and abuse of Southern men as ^'slave
drivers,'* "slave barons,'' etc.
As a matter of fact^ the three members of the "slave state
dynasty*' were ccmspicuous for their opposition to slavery and the
slave trade^ greatly in contrast to the New Englanders, whose eager-
ness for commerce made their moral vision obtuse during all the
early history of the Union. Against the strong protests of James
Madison, one of the dynasly, the New England delegates in the
Convention of 1787 had voted to permit the slave trade for twenty
years. In that interval thousands of negroes were introduced in
the country, chiefiy by New England ships, and this influx fastened
slavery on the country. Under Jefferson in 1808 the slave trade
was prohibited by the national Congress, and under Monroe it was
declared piracy, and such was the zeal of the latter that he made
a treaty with Great Britain permitting the mutual right of search
off the coast of Africa.
(9) Even for the Embargo and Non-Intercourse laws New
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The ViEGiioA Dynasty 243
England historians should have a kind word, though they never
have. Similar measures were adopted by the country, including
New England^ before the Bevolution. The Embargo and Non-
Intercourse laws were hard on New England, but out of this policy
and the War of 1812 grew the high tariffs on which New Eng-
landers have luxuriated. They ou^t to be grateful to the '^slave
state dynasty" for diverting them from commerce to manufacture
ing.
(10) The Virginia dynasty was certainly not always consistent
in interpreting the powers of the government under the constitu-
tion, but on the fundamental question of the relation of the states
to the Union they undoubtedly took the states nghts view in con-
tradistinction to the principle of nationalism espoused by John
Marshall and carried by Lincoln and the Republican party to lengths
undreamed of by the great Chief Justice. The Virginia Presidents
clearly recognized that the Union consisted practically of two really
distinct nations, differing in occupations, institutions and ideals.
Their union had been brought about originally by the pressure of
British taxation and the constitution of 1787 had been only pos-
sible through compromise. The policy recommended by the Vir-
ginia dynasty was one of confining the government as much as pos-
sible to foreign relations so as not to awaken the sectional jealousy
inherent in the nature of the Union. But with extraordinary
fatuity the Northerners pressed the principle of nationalism which
meant, of course, sectional rule, and brought about the crises of
1820, 1833 and 1861.
Pushed to a conclusion at either of these earlier dates, nation-
alism would have undoubtedly broken the Union to pieces. It came
near doing so in 1861 when the North had increased enormously in
power through immigration, the tariff and other measures of the
Federal government. Even then, to conquer the South Lincoln had
to impress the negroes of the South, making the extraordinary con-
fession that without the 200,000 negro soldiers thus enlisted he
would have had to give up the war in 'Hhree weeks.''
The result of the war was to destroy the Southern nation and
there emerged out of the bloody strife but one nation — ^the Northern
nation, to whose wishes the South ever since has had to conform all
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244 Tyi.b&'s Quabterly Magazine
it3 political and economic activities. But in what kind of strain
would the eulogists of nationalism and the abusers of the Virginia
dynasty be talking, had the Union been broken under the aggres-
sive teachings of the nationalists? Certainly, then, it was a most
fortunate incident that the states rights principle prevailed in the
earlier days, for it made possible the compromises by which war,
with very probable fatal results to the Union, was averted both in
18*^0 and 1833, when the South was relatively much stronger than
in 1861.
(11) Finally that *^slave state dynasty'* stood for the Monroe
Doctrine. Here again little appreciation is shown. The zealous
attempt is made to divest Monroe of his true character as tde
author and to give the credit to a New Englander, John Quincy
Adams, the Secretary of State. Monroe is called a ^Veak Presi-
denf' and Adams is exalted, but the truth is, all the glory Adams
ever won came from separating himself from the Federalists, dis-
owning his own section and identifying himself with this much
reviled ^^irginia dynasty." I do not mean to detract from Mr.
Adams, who was an honor to the whole coulitry, but he was never
a leader of men, and his administration (1825-1829) was a con-
spicuous failure on account of his irritable nature and ferocious
prejudices that drove everybody from him. Subordinate to Mon-
roe, he performed his part well, but he was not the author of the
Monroe Doctrine.
In a broad construction of its meaning, the Monroe Doctrine ex-
pressed the stand of the ^^irginia dynasiy,*' which was "America
First** In manifesting friendliness to France, neither Jefferson,
Madison nor Monroe intended to ally themselves with the world-
conqueror. Napoleon. What was the situation of the Federalists?
They took sides with England, which was unfortunately allied
with the effete monarchies of Europe, who on the downfall of Napo-
leon entered into a ^^oly Alliance** to repress all reforms and
"representative governments.** When England declared against
this combination, the ^^irginia dynasty,** instead of siding with
France, stood by England*s side, and Jefferson wrote in her favor.
Mr. Morgan, however, seems to agree with Mr. Beveridge in
characterizing Mr. Jefferson as unfit to deal with menaciuje: condi-
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The Vibginia Dynasty 245
tions. Was this really a fact ? Who was more aggressive than Mr.
Jefferson in all the period leading^ to the American Revolution?
He was abused as (Jovernor of Virginia, but he had to deal with a
State which had sent all its arms to the north and the south. Is
it certain that any one could have done better? Why do Mr.
Morgan and Mr. Beveridge, after referring to Jay^s treaty as *^the
most humiliating'^ to the United States ever negotiated, justify the
soldier Washington in approving it, because it postponed war,
and condemn Mr. Jefferson for the Embargo and Non-intercourse,
when he had the same object in view?
Mr. Morgan, in another place in his book, remarks, ^T^e take
on prejudices early while in this mortal clay,'' and a statement of
his, rather unnecessarily brought in, shows that he is not entirely
free from the prejudices which he imputes to other Northern
writers when dealing with Southern slaveholders. He refers to
John C. Calhoun as representing **the dread idea of disunion and
death on many a bloody battlefield." This is a very cruel statement.
New England preached disunion long before Mr. Calhoun entered
public life and he was dead more than ten years before any war
ensued. The responsibility for ^^the bloody battlefield" lies with
Lincoln and his party, who declared that the Union could not
endure **half slave and half free." To the impasse thus announced
there were only two solutions possible — secession or war. The
South wished peaceable secession, and Lincoln would not permit it
and insisted on war. He made "the bloody battlefield."
When, however, all is said, we cannot be too grateful to Mr.
Morgan for writing this book. Mr. Monroe was a man of con-
summate tact and judgment, and Mr. Morgan's book is a splendid
defence of one of the ablest patriots of tiie country against the
miserable attempts which have been made to detract from his char-
acter and his ability. Few men, indeed, have trod the paths of
glory so wonderfully as James Monroe ! It almost seems as if moral
character counted as nothing with many Northern historians, who
exalt Benjamin Franklin and Alexander Hamilton into great ex-
emplars. Monroe was a contrast to these men in the purity of
his private life. It is a distinct element in his greatness which
the historian seeking an ideal may justly appreciate.
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LEADERSHIP OP VIRGINIA.
When, after the peace in 1763, George Grenville, Chancellor
of the Exchequer of Great Britain, took up his plan of taxing
America, he suggested a new sugar bill to be passed immediately
and a bill for levjring stamp duties in the colonies to be brought in
a year later. The Chancellor's resolutions to tiiis effect were agreed
to in Committee of the House of Commons; and on Mardi 10th,
1764, formally accepted by the House. On April 5th a bill called
the Sugar Act received the royal approval Agitation in the
colonies immediately commenced, but it is to be noted that, while
opposition in New England developed strcmgly against the Sugar
Bill, opposition in Virginia was directed chiefly against the pro-
posed Stamp Act
It is a mistake, therefore, to say that the resolutions proposed
by Samuel Adams at the Boston Town Meeting May 24th, 1764,
were a protest against the Stamp Act On the contrary, they
were directed against the Sugar bill. This is the character of the
memorial and instructions drafted by James Otis and adopted by
the House of Representatives on June 13th. It is also the char-
acter of the pamphlet written by him on ^The Rights of the British
Colonies,^' published in the early part of 1764, and of the pamph-
let by Oxenbridge Thacher on ^^Sentiments of a British-Ameri-
can,'' published two months later. These pamphlets had only
local significance, and were not known outside of Massachusetts.
It is likewise the character of the formal address of the Massachu-
setts Provincial Assembly adopted in October, 1764. It c<mtinued
to be the general tone of all the writings in New England until
the early part of November, 1764, when, in a leading newspi^r of
Rhode Island, there appeared the first serious consideration of the
proposed Stamp Act {Literary History of the American Revolu^
tion, by Moses Coit-Tyler, II, 61.) "From that time writings ap-
peared in New England taking notice of the impending measure,*'
but they were singularly free from grasping its appalling signifi-
cance. The center of objection in New England continued to b^
the sugar tax, but this was not a measure sufikiently general in its
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Leadership in Viboinia 247
operation to unite the Colonies at this stage of the Bevolution.
Palfrey, the New England historian, says that ^^it is by no means
improbable that> after all their remonstrances and complaints,
they (the New Englanders) would have ended by reconciling them-
selres to the new restrictions on commerce as they had done to the
Writs of Assistance/* and, as a matter of fact, the Sugar Bill con-
tinued in existence after the Stamp Act had been repealed. On
the other hand, '^the Stamp Act>'* to quote Palfrey's language,
'^ing simply the imposition of an internal tax, presented the
question of right in a form cleared from all subtlety and qualified-
tions/r It was chiefly the preamble of the Sugar Bill, describing
its purpose to raise rerenue that distinguished it from the Sugar
Bill of 1733, whieh, as a bill to regulate trade, had been submitted
to by all the colonies.
Now the new Sugar Bill cut very little figure in Virginia or any
of the Southern colonies. The New Englanders wanted molasses
from the West Indies to make rum for African slave trade, but a
stnmg sentiment against the continuance of this trade had sprung
up in Virginia.
The occasion of alarm in Virginia was almost entirely the
Stamp Acty in which they showed a much greater prescience than
the Northern brethren. This was a measure wholly unprecedented
and came to the fireside of every man on the continent^ since it
proposed a stamp on all wills, deeds and every species of writing.
It furnished a basis for union of colonial opposition, overriding
all differences of in^tutions and climate. Now, it is in the early
appreciation of what the Stamp Act meant to the continent that
Virginia undoubtedly leads Massachusetts.
On June 15, 1764, the Committee of Correspondence, meeting
at Williamsburg, ordered a letter to be written to their agent in
London to oppose with all his influence ^%e laying of any duties
on us and particularly taxing the internal trade of the colonies
without their consent," and on July 28th George Wythe and Rob-
ert Carter Nicholas, who had been appointed to write the letter,
proposed a draft which was adopted. The importance of the com-
munication lies in the fact that it is the flrst earnest discussion
of the Stamp Act in America. At the succeeding session, begin-
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248 Ttleb's Quabteblt Magazine
ning with October 31st^ strong resolutions against the Stamp Act
were adopted November 14th, 1764, and on December 18th, 1764,
three remonstrances, addressed to the King, Lords and Comm(His.
Nevertheless, the Stamp Act was approved by the King on Feb-
ruary 17th, 1766, but it was not to go into eflEect until November
1, 1765.
For a long time after its passage, the sentiments of New Eng-
land were pacific enough. When the Massachusetts Provincial
Assembly met in May, 1765, Otis recommended a Congress of
the colonies to be held in October to join in '^a united, dutiful,
loyal and humble representation of their condition to his Majesty
and Parliament New England gave unmistakable signs of sur-
render and Hutchinson, the Chief Justice, wrote to the ministry
that *^the Stamp Act would execute itself without trouble." It is
an old story, not necessary to be repeated here, that Virginia
sprang to the front and saved the day through the resolutions of
Patrick Henry, offered on May 29th, 1765. Otis pronounced them
^'treasonable," but, as Governor Bernard, of Massachusetts wrote,
"the publishing of the Virginia resolutions proved an alarm bell
to the disaffected." "Two or three months ago," he continued, "I
thought this people would submit to the Stamp Act."
In another respect full justice has not been done to Virginia,
and this is in regard to her stand taken in the inception of these
troubles as to the powers of Parliament. In 1761 the Massachu-
setts Assembly admitted the supremacy of Parliament in these
positive words: '^e have maturely considered and beg leave to
observe that we are far from apprehensive that an act of this Court
can alter an act of Parliament. . . . Every act we make, repugnant
to an act of Parliament, extending to the plantations, is ipso facto
null and void." After the passage of the Sugar Bill in 1764, this
doctrine was again admitted, both by the Massachusetts Assembly
and James Otis. The latter declared that "in all possible con-
tingencies Parliament has the right to levy internal taxes on the
colonies." With the full knowledge of these sentiments, the town
of Boston in May, 1765, re-elected Otis to the Assembly and that
body re-elected Thomas Oliver as Councillor, although he had been
appointed stamp distributor.
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Leadership in Vibginia 249
When Samuel Adams came to represent the spirit of New Eng-
land, Massachusetts took a bolder stand, but it did not (until a
much later date), go beyond denjring the power of Parliament to
tax America, after the example in each case had been set by
Virginia. Now, in Virginia, from the start the position tak^i
was not merely '^no taxation without representation,'' but no legis-
lation without representation. This doctrine had been asserted
by Bichard Bland in his pamphlet, composed in 1763 and pub-
lished about July, 1764, entitled "The Colonel Dismounted,"
and written as a reply to Reverend John Camm in the contro-
versy over the Two-Penny Act in 1758.
So this act passed in 1768 may be justly looked upon as the
true prelude to the Bevolutionary drama. It directly involved the
question of local taxation and asserted this right against the King's
authority, just as the resolutions of Patrick Henry in 1765 as-
serted the same right against the Parliament Tlie agitation over
the Two-Penny Act prevailed for years and involved the whole
colony of Virginia. It mingled with the agitation over the Revenue
Act of 1767, excited great interest in England, and powerfully
swelled the tide of opposition in Virginia.
On the other hand, the affair of the writs of assistance in Massa-
chusetts was a mere local matter and of short duration. The Su-
preme Court decided the issue against Otis, and the people of Mas-
sachusetts, according to Palfrey, became entirely reconciled to the
issuance of writs. (History of New England, V. 279.) It had
connection with the enforcement of the Sugar Act of 1733, which
was a trade measure and not a revenue measure ; and Otis' speech in
1761 was not known outside of Massachusetts. No copy of it has
been preserved and the importance attributed to it later is largely
due to John Adams, who many years after its delivery galvan-
ized it into historic importance. Otis spoke merely for the rights
of the British subject against general warrants, which were contrary
to the spirit of Magna Carta. Whatever credit Otis desrves for
his speech in 1761 is largely discoimted by his subsequent back-
down on the stamp act and revenue act, resistance to which he pro-
nounced "treason."
In the hot discussions over the lawfulness of the Two Penny Act
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250 Tyuse's Quabtekly JAaqazlkm
Col. Landon Carter, in 1759, and Bichard Bland, in 1760, assumed
the ground that the royal inetruetionB forbidding any change of the
law respecting taxation to pay the ministers could not stand in the
way of ''the solus popvli," and in 1763 Patrick Henry declared
that by disallowing the new act which had received the approval of
his Governor (Fauquier) the King had ''forfeited the all^iance of
the people of Virginia/' (William and Mary Collie Quarterly,
XVTII, 149, 150.)
Bland's pamphlet, however, "The Colonel Dismounted," written
the latter year, contained the fullest expressions of the controversy.
In this paper Bland denied that Parliament has any right to
make any laws for Virginia and asserted that Virginia's code of
law consisted of the common law, statutes of England made before
the settlement of Jamestown and the statutes of her own General
Assembly. He declared that any interference of England "may
be opposed." (See Bland's "Constitutional Argument," Wm. ft
Mary Coll. Quarterly, XIX, 31-48.)
In the resolutions adopted by the Assembly November 14,
1764, the same ground is taken as to local legislation, and one lodes
in vain for any admission like that of Massachusetts that Parlia-
ment is supreme.
After the passage of the Stamp Act» we find the same position
assumed in the resolutions of Patrick Henry, May 29th, 1765.
The fourth resolution in the series then o£Eered asserted that "his
Majesty's liege people of this most ancient colony have uninter-
ruptedly enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own
Assembly in the article of their taxes and internal police and that
the same hath never been forfeited or in any other way given up,
but has been constantly recognized by the King and people of Oreat
Britain."
From this it was an easy step for Richard Bland in the early
spring of 1766 to proceed to a position, probably never quite taken
by himself in his "The Colonel Dismounted." In a pamphlet en-
titled, "An Inquiry into the Bights of the British Colonies," which,
unlike all previous pamphlets, had a circulation both in America
and England, he announced the doctrine that the British colonies
in America were united to the Empire only through the British
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Lbadbbship in Vibginia 251
crown and not at all through the British Parliament^ and to the
acts of the latter they owed no more obedience than did the King's
Dominion of Hanover.
Dr. Moses Coit Tyler, in his ^Taterary History of the American
Revolution," declares the doctrine thus advanced "a prodigious in-
novation.'* But it was afterwards accepted by the American public,
and became the ground on which the union with Great Britain was
dissolved. In language still bolder than Bland's Jefferson expressed
similar views in 1774 in his '^Summary View of the Bights of the
British Colonies."
And yet, too much stress is not to be laid on Dr. Moses Tyler's
words. "A prodigious innovation" Bland's doctrine may have been in
New England, but it was not so in Virginia. It was not really a new
doctrine there that the colony was «olely dependent on the Crown.
As early as April, 162*4, the Virginia Company of London appealed
to Parliament, but King James told the House of Commons that
Virginia affairs were none of their business, and the petition was
withdrawn. Then, in 1676 a charter was obtained from King
Charles II, in which it was declared that Virginia should have an
immediate dependence upon the crown under the government and
rule of such governors as should be appointed from time to time.
(Hening's Statutes at Large, II, 532.) Next, in 1759 Beverend
Andrew Bumaby, an English traveler, wrote that "many of the
Virginians consider the colonies as independent states not connected
with Great Britain otherwise than by having the same common
king and being bound to her with natural ties of affection." Finally
this may be added. On November 11, 1773, when the doctrine of
entire independence of Parliament had been practically accepted
throughout the united colonies, a writer in the Virginia Oazette,
calling himself *'Hampden," reminded "the Parliament of Vir-
ginia" (meaning its General Assembly) that "you claim the honor
of being the first of the colonies that asserted its exclusive legisla-
tive power."
That some English Statutes of later date than 1606 had passed
current in Virginia was not deemed by Bland fatal to this claim of
independence of Parliament. "She submitted," he says, "as a weaker
vessel," but "power abstracted from right cannot give a first title
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252 Ttleb's Quabterlt Magazinb
to dominion'' and '^though submitted to because of a necessity, may
be resisted whenever the sufferer obtains strength enough to do so."
(See ^^irginia Leadership in the Revolution/' in William and
Mary College Quarterly, XVIII, 145-164, and XIX, 10-28, 219-
262.)
GENERAL WARRANTS.
It is interesting to note that on Januaiy 10, 1627, the General
Court of Virginia, consisting of the €k>vernor and his Council,
noting the inconveniences which had happened by the granting of
general warrants, ordered that no more should be issued, but a
group of named persons inhabiting in any single plantation might
be included in any single warrant. {Virginia Magazine, XXVII,
p. 145.) This was 134 years before James Otis spoke against writs
of assistance which permitted general warrants for the search of
any building suspected of holding smuggled goods. The Supreme
Court of Massachusetts overruled Otis and writs of the kind were
freely issued in that Colony down to the Boston Port bill.
It was different in Virginia, where in 1769 Governor Botetourt
and his Council declared such writs of assistance as illegal and con-
trary to Magna Carta.
It may be worth mentioning in this connection that it was not
till April 23, 1766, that the English House of Commons, at the
close of a long struggle, to which Wilkes' criticism in No. 45 of the
North Briton gave rise, declared general warrants illegal.
When Gteorge Mason drew his "Declaration of Rights*' in 1776,
which was imitated in all the other colonies, he made section X
declare "That general warrants, whereby an officer or messenger
may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of
a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or
where the offence is not particularly described and supported by evi-
dence, are grievous and oppressive, and ought not to be granted."
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RSOOBDATION OF DeEDS AND WiLLS 253
Nevertheless^ in our day and generation^ when past history is
known only to a few, we see a marked return to the evils against
which our ancestors struggled. The prohibitionists want general
warrants to enforce the laws against the sale of liquor. The good
church people want a board of censors to repress immoral repre-
sentations in the motion pictures, and legislation more or less in
restriction of the press is considered at each meeting of the Legis-
lature. This is all wrong. If the present laws are not effective,
the remedy should be sought in increased penalties both on of-
fenders and on the officers who are negligent of their duly. The
remedies proposed are against Magna Carta and our Declaration
of Bights and they afford a precedent, which, if invoked in a bad
cause, might lead to the gravest consequences.
BECOBDATION OF DEEDS AND WILLS.
The instructions given by the Virginia Company of London
to Sir George Yardley in 1618 required him and his Council to
assign to the inhabitants of Virginia their shares of land accord-
ing to designated rules. These basic deeds were called land grants
and the evidence of their registration is preserved in the Land
Office in Bichmond. An early book appears to be lost, for these
land books start with the year 1623^ which leaves a gap of four or
five years. It is in evidence that many persons received land be-
fore 1623 and there is no reason to suppose that they were not
recorded (Brown's First Republic, p. 605). The transfer of some
of these lands is sometimes entered in the same books.
The Council Journal from 1607 to 1622 has been lost and what
remains is defective, but on October 13, 1626, is this order:
"It is ordered yt a publication shall be sent to all plantations jrt
as soon as may bee alter the Death of any man there may be an in-
ventory taken of all his estate & goods whatsoever & yt such wills
and testaments shall be proved as soone as may be ft yt it be not de-
ferred beyond ye next quarter Court at ye ffarthest upon penaltye of
censure of ye Qovemor and Counsell as in a matter yt divers times
may prove of great inconvenience as has been apparent by many ex-
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254 Tyler's Quabteblt Magazuvx
amplee. And it is farther ordered yt all sucli ai haye not proTed anj
Wills or neglected to deliver forthw'th the Inventoryee of ye goods of
persons deceased within one year last past doe prove ye said wills and
deliver in ye Inventoryee at or before ye next quarter Ck>art held at
James CiUy upon ye penalty aforesaid.
"It is ordered at this Court yt all sales of lands and deeds of gifts
of lands made and agreed on between partyes w'thin this Colonye be
brought into ye Ck>urt at James Citty & there recorded and enroUed
within one year and a day next after ye date thereof." (See Virginia
Magazine of HiMtory and, Biography XXVI. p. 242.)
It is apparent from the language of the order regarding wills
that the proving of wills and taking of Inventories had
been usual in the past, but some irregularities had resulted which
needed to be corrected. Now, as in England the proof
of a will was accompanied by recordation, this was undoubtedly
the case in Virginia. Previous to this entry, but at the same
court, it was ordered in regard to Mr. Richard Bennett^ '^who de-
ceased about the 28th of August last,'' without a will, that ^^ye
severall Inventoryes of ye goods, & a receipt of all books and ac-
counts'' be "recorded in ye Court" Many proofs of wills occur
in these Council notes, previous to the general order cited.
June 6, 1625, a contract was recorded in the Council minutes.
{Ibid., XXV, 36.)
In 1634 counties were formed with coun^ courts. Only the
records of one of them are preserved from the first court-
Northampton County — and the registry of deeds and wills in this
county proves that it was common to all. In York Counfy, where
the earliest records are not preserved, a will is recorded in 1637.
In Massachusetts the first act requiring general registration was
in 1634. Plymouth had practically no records till 1633^ when its
first court book b^ins. In 1620 the settlers at Plymouth were
given a plot of land each, but there was no actual record of this
till 1627. (See Plymouth Records,) As this may be considered
a basic grant, it was subsequent to the basic grants in Virginia
(the Land Grants) and its recordation subsequent to the general
order as to deeds (October 13, 1626).
In Virginia it is probable that wills and inventories were
recorded from the very beginning (1607), and that deeds began to
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The Ashbubton Treaty, 1842 255
be recorded after 1619, when lands were laid out for the setUers.
There is nothing too ridiculous for some writers to assert, and
Douglas Campbeirs book, ^^The Puritan in Holland, England
and America" is a good example of this. The claim that he makes,
among other absurd things, that the recordation of deeds and wills
was brought to America from Holland by the Puritan settlers has,
like many other claims for New England, no foundation. The
settlers, being Englishmen, reproduced both in Virginia and New
England the institutions of their homeland, and the system of the
registration of deeds is the outgrowth of English statutes and
customs. For by 27 Henry 8th, Chap. 16, in order to be valid all
deeds of bargain and sale had to be recorded. The government of
Virginia adopted a system of allowing a wife to join in a deed on
privy examination, which was kept up till a few years ago. This
was following a custom of London^ and was nothing new. (See
Charles V. Meredith^s review of Mr. Campbell's book in Virginia
Magazine of History and Biography, I, 100-104.)
THE ASHBUBTON TREATY, 1842.
Lbttbr op Mbs. Julia G. Tyler.
Mr. Curtis
Dear Sir,
I had just replied to a letter from Prof. Horsf ord desiring me
if possible to furnish you with the notes of Mr. Webster to Prest
Tyler relating to the Ashburton Treaty, when I reed, through Mr.
Choate the expression of your wish on the same subject Nothing
would give me greater pleasure than to be able to enclose you the
notes referred to, but all the papers of my Husband, public and
private, left to my care at his death, were destroyed in the burning
of Rich'd, where I had stored them for safe keeping on leaving
Virginia in a perilous manner during the War.
It may be, however, that his sons who were his private sec'ies
for some time have preserved some interesting notes. I have
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256 Tyler's Quabteblt Magazine
written them making enquiry. I shall probably hear in reply in a
few days.
I have it in my power to say that Mr. Tyler always expressed
the warmest admiration for Mr. Webster — not only on account of
his great talents, but because of their harmonious association in
the cabinet Mr. Webster as Sec'y of State never forgot the rela-
tion in which he stood to the President and never acted indepen-
dently of him. Thus, in regard to the Ashburton Treaty, every
part of the correspondence passed under the Prest's supervision
Mr. Webster before communicating with Lord Ashburton always
rec'd. his views & brought his letters to him to revise as he wished.
Perhaps the original drafts may have been preserved among
Mr. Webster's papers & by their marginal additions or interlinea-
tions in the President's handwriting prove my memory to be cor-
rect of our conversations on the subject Mr. Webster in his notes
to the PresH cordially acknowledged his valuable aid. It was
these notes that Mr. Horsford must have seen (& writes me he
mentioned to you) when visiting us at Sherwood Forest
I hope, dear sir, I have not seemed to laud Mr. Tyler at ihe
expense of Mr. Webster. It is far from my intention, but, as a
true historian, I am sure you wish to do justice to their combined
noble intellects & generous natures.
I thank you for the kind & appreciative terms in which you
refer to my Husband in your note to Mr. Choate. I am yours.
With great respect,
J. G. Tyler.
Envelope addressed to D. Gardiner Tyler,
Lexington, Virginia.
Endorsed : Copy of letter to G. T. Curtis.
*Prof. B. N. Horsford, formerly of Harvard University, who mar-
ried snecesslvely two sisters— Misses Mary and Phebe Gardiner, first
cousins of Mrs. Tyler.
^lyBi.— me above is a copy of a letter written to George Ticknor
Curtis, and enclosed by Mrs. Tyler to her son, now Judge D. Gardiner
Tyler, then a student at Washington College, Lexington, Va. This
IdMitifles it as written when Mr. Curtis was engaged in preparing his
life of Daniel Webster. For an account of the Ashburton Treaty and
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OLD TIMES IN VIRGINIA.
Communicated by Db. A. J. Mobbison.
A correspondent in Middle Virginia^ writing for Edmund
Buffings Farmer^ Register (article copied in American Fanner,
Baltimore, May, 1834), said of those modem times: ^'A new era
seems to be commencing in Virginia, whether for good or ill, time
must determine. The simple grandeur of the Ancient Dominion
has departed — ^perhaps forever — and cannot long be enjoyed by
any country. With very little trade, but that free and simple,
and wiiii a hard money currency, the days of the wooden trencher
and pewter plates and dishes were glorious days — when every man
understood and minded his own business. Now many a planter
furnishes a carriage for his wife and daughter to ride in costing
more than the legacy he could bequeathe to each of his children.
Towns, villages and manufactories are beginning to be erected —
'^intemal improvements are much talked of, and every man is a
politician. If things progress as they have done for a year or two
past, we dhall soon have consumers enough within our own terri-
tory, and agriculture will be much encouraged.*'
the agency especially of President Tyler, apart from his Secretary of
State see Wm d Mary Quarterly, XXV, 1-8. This shows (1) that Mr.
Tyler long preceded Mr. Webster in his acceptance of the basic idea
that the North Eastern boundary was determinable only by com-
promise. (2) That what was known as the "Cruising Ck>nvention"
for the suppression of the slave trade was placed in the treaty at his
suggestion. (3) That it was due to his correction of the letter of
Lord Ashburton, as first submitted to him, that the principle was
saved which secured full damages under the Convention of February
S, 1853, for the slaves aided by the British authorities at Nassau in
escaping from the Creole. (4) That it was due to him that the three
subjects of the negotiations were submitted in one treaty for the rati-
fication of the Senate, against the opinion of Mr. Webster, who wanted
them submitted separately. (5) That it was largely due to his happy
tact and manners that the New England Commissioners and Lord
Ashburton» representing the British government were made to luu>
monize and deadlocks prevented — a fate which had overtaken all other
negotiations on the boundary question from Washington's administra-
tion 4own.
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258 Ttleb's Quabteblt Magazine
In this connection it is of interest to read a letter or two from
Tidewater, giving some idea of the wonderful wheat farming of
that region seventy-five or eighty years ago. Benjamin Ogle Tay-
loe reported in John Skinner^s Journal of Agriculture, July, 1846
(Vol. II, p. 57), that there had been a great improvement in farm-
ing methods below Fredericksburg. But, added Mr. Tayloe, a
former proprietor of "Mi Airy** had occasionally sent in one year
thirty thousand bushels of wheat to market at near two dollars a
bushel. And for 1846 Mr. Tayloe said that on his "Nanjemoy**
plantation he had 500 acres in wheat, early sowed and turning out
above the average. He had sowed before the middle of September.
Late in 1847 Robert B. Boiling, of Charles City County, wrote
to Mr. Skinner about the wheat crop {Journal of Agriculture, III,
461). He said that the past season his own wheat on 500 acres
had averaged twenty-three bushels; and that Hill Carter of "Shir-
ley**; William Harrison, of ^'Brandon,** and John Selden, of "West-
over,** had averaged thirty-one bushels on fields of 100 to 200 acres.
Naturally, those were the days when the Richmond mills were
so conspicuously in the South American trade. It was shortly be-
fore the Revolution that Virginia began to make wheat a money
crop.
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*^A TBEWE BELACYON^'
VIRGINIA FROM 1609 TO 1612
Students of Virginia history will be gratified to know that a copy
of George Percy's manuscript in regard to events occurring in Vir-
ginia between the years 1609 and 1612 has been obtained from Eng-
land and placed in the State Library. With the permission of the
Librarian it is published here for the first time.
Efforts to obtain a copy of this old document had been made sev-
eral times during the last forty years. In 1884, when Dr. Edward D.
Neill was preparing to publish his "Virginia Vetusta/' he ascertained
that a writing of interest purporting to be "A trewe relacyon of the
pcedeingee," by George Percy, was in the library of the then Lord
Leconfleld» at "Petworth House/' in Sussex.
Dr. Neill wrote to Lord Leconfield and asked for a copy of tho
manuscript to be incorporated in the volume he proposed to publish.
The first three pages and the last three were carefully copied and
forwarded to Dr. Neill with expressions of regret that the intervening
thirty-eight pages could not be found. However, Neill published the
fragments that were sent him and the dedicatory letter addressed
by George Percy to his brother, the Earl of Northumberland.
Some twenty years later Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, then President of
William and Mary Ck>llege, feeling sure that all the sheets of the
Percy manuscript must be somewhere in the "Petworth House" col-
lection, and that they had not really been lost, but were merely mis-
placed, wrote and asked that a copy be made and sent to him. But
Lord Leconfield at that time, apparently misconstruing the request
for a "copy" into a request for the original document replied that
he was not willing to part with it.
Not long ago Dr. Tyler renewed his efforts and finally succeeded,
through the fl*iendly ol&ces of Ambassador George Harvey, in obtain-
ing the consent of the present Lord Leconfield to have a copy of the
entire manuscript made and this copy was received February 8, 1922,
by Dr. Tyler and handed over to the Virginia State Library.
George Percy, as is well known, was three times at the head of
the affairs of the colony during the periods of the first and second
charters. So any observations made by him on the Virginia of his
period are of necessity of interest and of value to historians. The
manuscript throws a new light upon certain phases of Virginia history,
and is at places somewhat critical of Capt. John Smith; and gives a
fresh point of view.
The present Lord Leconfield, to whose kindness Virginia is in-
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260 Tyler's Quabteblt Magazine
debted for the copy of the Percy manuBcript is Charles Henry Wynd-
ham, Third Baron Leconfleld, who was bom in 1872, and succeeded to
the title and to "Petworth House" estate in 1901.
In his letter to Dr. Tyler, Ambassador Harvey says:
"It glTes me the very greatest pleasure to send on to you, with this
letter, a copy of the George Percy manuscript, which I have had made
through the help and good ol&ces of Lord Leconfield. I trust you will
permit me to present it through you to the Library Board of the
State of Virginia, which holds such a warm place in my memory and
affections.**
To the right honorable the Lorde Percy
MyLorde
This Belacyon I have here sente your Lordshiiq) is for Towe
respectts. The one to Sheowe how mutche I honnor yo" and desyre
to doe yo" service. The other in Regard thatt many untrewthes
concemeinge Theis proceedeinges have bene formerly published
wherein The Auther hathe nott Spared to Apropriate many de-
sertts to himselfe w^h he never $ formed and stuffed his Belacyons
w% so many falseties and malicyous detractyons nott onely of this
q^te and Tyme w^h I have selected to Treate of Butt of former
ocurrentes Also So thatt I coulde nott conteine my selfe butt
expresse the Trewthe imto your Lordshipp coneeminge Theis Af-
fayers. And all w^h I ayme att is to manyfeste my selfe in all
my Actyons bothe nowe and Always To be
Your Lordshipps humble and
faithfull Servante
O. P.
A Trewe Belacyon of the ^cedeinges and
Ocurrentes of Momente w*^h have hapned
in Virginia from the Tyme S' Thomas
Gates was shippwrackte uppon the Brat-
MUDBS an^ 1609 untiU my depture outt of
the Country w*1i was in an*> Dni 1612
If we Trewley Consider the diversety of miseries mutenies and
famishmentts w«h have Attended upon discoveries and plantacyons
in theis our moderne Tymes we shall nott fynde our plantacyon in
Virginia to have Suflfered Aloane.
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*'A Tbewb Eelacyon^' 261
Ladoniere had his share thereof in Florida nextt neighbour
nnto Virginia where his sowldiers did fall into mutenies and in
the ende weare allmoste All Starved for wante of foode.
The Spanyards plantacyon in the Biver of plate and the
streightes of Magelane Suffered also in soe mutche thatt haveinge
eaten upp all their horses to susteine themselves w%all^ mutenies
did Aryse and growe Amongste them for the w^h the generall
Diego Mendosa cawsed some of them to be executed Extremety
of hunger in forceinge other secrettly in the night to cutt downe
Their deade fellowes from of the gallowes and bury them in their
hungry Bowelles.
The plantacyon in Carthagena was also Lamentable thatt
wante of wholesome foode where w*h for to mainteyne Lyfe weare
inforced to eat Toades snakes and sutche lyke venemous wormes
sutche is the sharpnes of himger.
To this purpose many other examples mighte be recyted butt
the relacyon itt selfe beinge briefe I have noe intente to be Tedyous
butt to delyver the Trewthe briefly and plainely the w<^h I doutt
nott butt will rather Lyke then Loathe the Beader nor doe I pur-
pose to use any elloquentt style or phrase the w*^h indede in me
is wanteinge Butt to deljrver thatt trewly w*h myself and many
others have had bitter experyense of: Many other woes and
miseries have hapned unto our CoUonie in Virginia bothe before
and Since thatt Tyme w*h now I doe intende to Treate of Havcingc
selected this pte from the reste for towe Bespecttes first in regard
I was moste frequente and acquaynted w^h theis ^cedeinges being
moste pte of the tyme presydent and govemour next in respect
the leaste pte hereof hathe not bene formerly published. In the
yere of our Lorde 1609 S' Tho : Gates and S' George Somers acom-
panyed w^h djrvers gentlemen sowldiers and seamen in njme good
Shippes did beginne their voyage for Virginia the towe Rnightes
beinge in the Admirall whereof Christopher Newport was Cap-
tajme And haveinge sayled w% ^sperous wyndes many Leauges
at lenghte did fall upon the Bsrmudes where meteinge w^h A
vyoelentt storme the Admirall wherein the towe Eni^tes .were
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262 Tylee's Quabteblt Magazine
iubarqued suflEred wracke nevertheless hoyseinge outt their boate
safely Landed the 2 knightes and the Beste of thatt Company upon
tlie Bermudes of whome I will forbeare to Treate of further untill
their Arryrall in Virginia.
The other 8 shippes shorttly after Aryved in Virginia where
the passengers beinge noe sooner well landed butt presently A
discencyon did growe betwine them and Capte: Smiths then
presydentt, but after some debate all was quyeted and pacifyed
yett Capte: Smith e feareinge the worste and thatt the seamen and
thatt factyon mighte growe too stronge and be a meanes to depose
him of his govermentt so Jugled w*h them by the way of feasteinges
Expense of mutche powder and other unnecessary Trjnimphes That
mutche was Spente to noe other purpose butt to Insinewate w*h
his Eeconcyled enemyes and for his owne vayne glory for the w^h
we all after suflEred. And thatt w<^h was intollerable did give Leave
unto the Seamen to carry away whatt victewalls and other neces-
saryes they wolde doeinge the same more safly inn regard the
contentts thereof was in the Admirall w^h was caste away.
Nott long after Capte: Smithb sentt Capt: Martin and my
selfe w^h threskore people to goe for Nansemunde Capte: Mar-
tins Leftenantt leadinge moste of the men overland and we towe
w^h the Beste followed them by water where beinge Aryved we
inquyred of the Indyans of our men butt they acordinge to their
subtelltyes wold not acquaynte us therew*h whereupon I requested
Capte : Martin thatt I mightt goe Ashoare to discover the trewthe
to the w^h he wolde nott condiscende Neverthelesse the nighte
beinge stormy and wette I wente on Lande w*h my Company
where I fownde our men by goode fyers in Saflfety whereof I ad-
vertyzed Capte: Martin the nextt momeinge who presently w*h
his company did come Ashoare unto us where after some consolta-
cyon helde we sentte 2 messengers to the kinge of Mance-
MONDB To Barter w*h him for an Island righte opposite ageinste
the mayne we weare uppon for Cop^ hatches and other comodeties.
Butt our messengers stayeinge Longer then we expected we feared
thatt w«h after hapned. So Capte: Martin did Apointe w*h
halfe of our men to take the Island ^ force And beinge upon the
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"A Tbewe Eblaoyon'' 263
way we espyed A Canoe wherein we weare ^swaded our messengers
to be butt they ^ceaveinge ns retoumed backe from whense they
came And we never sett eye upon our Messengers after. Butt
understood from the Indyans themselves thatt they weare sacri-
fysed And thatt their Braynes weare cutt and skraped outt of
their heades w% mussell shelles beinge Landed and acquaynted
w*h their Trechery we Beate the Salvages outt of the Island burned
their bowses Eansaked their Temples Tooke downe ihe Corpes of
their deade kings from of their Toambes And caryed away their
pearles Cop^ and braceletts, wherew*h they doe decore their kings
funeralles.
In the meane Tyme Salvages upon the Mayne did fall into dis-
ceneyon w*h Capte: Maktin who seised the kings sonne and one
other Indyand and broughte them bownde unto the Island where
I was when a shipp Boye takeinge upp a PistoU accidentyallie
nott meaneinge any harme The pistoll suddenly fyered and shotte
the Salvage prisoner into the Breste. And thereupon whatt w*h
his passyon and feare he broake the Cordes Asunder where w^h
he was tyed and did swimme over unto the mayne w*h his wound
bleedinge And there beinge great store of maize upon the Mayne
I cowncelled Capteyne Martin to take possesyon thereof the w^h
he Befused pretendinge thatt he wolde nott putt his men into
hassard and danger. So haveinge seene Capte: Mabtik well
settled I Retoumed w*h Capte Nellson to James Townb ageine
Acordinge to apoyntementte.
Shorttly after Capte: Smithe sente Capteyne Francis West
w*h one hundrethe and fortye men upp to the falles w*h sixe
monthes victewells to inhabitt there. Where beinge Eeasonable
well settled dyvs of his men stragled from their foarte. some of
them comeinge hoame wownded. others never returned to bringe
any Tydeings butt weare cutt of and slayne by the salvages. So
thatt in small $cesse of Tyme Capteyne Smithe did take his
iomey upp to the falles to understand how things weare there
ordered when presently after his comeinge thether A greate devi-
syon did growe amongste them Capte: Smithe ^ceaveinge bothe
his authorety and $son neglected incensed and Animated the Sal-
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264 Ttlbb^b Quabtxslt Kaoazinx
vages agenste Capte: West and his company Beporteinge unto
them thatt our men had noe more powder lefte them then wolde
serve for one volley of shott And so Capte: Smiths Betouringe
to Jahss Towke ageine fownd to have too mutche powder abontt
him The w^h beinge in his pockett where the sparke of A Matche
Lighted very shrewdly burned him. And comeinge in thatt ease
to James Towne Capte Rattliepb Akcher and Martin prac-
tysed ageinste him and deposed him of his govemmentt Smithe
P beinge an Ambityous unworthy and vayneglorious fellowe At-
tempteinge to take all Mens Authoreties from them for bothe Rat-
LIEFE Abcher and Martin being formerly of the Cowncell Smithe
wolde Rule all and ingrose all authorety into his owne hands
Althoughe indede there was noe other certeine apointed gover-
mentt then Sir Tho : Gates had commissyon for who was then in
the Bermudes onely a yerely presidenttshipp to goveme by the
advyse of the Cowncell. Butt Smithe ayweinge att A soveraigne
Bule w*houtt the Assistance of the cowncell was iustely depryved
of all.
The place of govermentt beinge voyde the thre busy instru-
mentts in the plantacyon s^fered the same unto me the w^h att
firste I refused in Regaid of my Sicknes. Butt by their inpor-
tunetie ^miseinge to undergoe the Chefeste offices and Burthen
of govermentt for me untill I weare Recovered att lenghte I ac-
cepted thereof and then was Smithe presently sentt for England.
After I had bene presydentt some fowertene dayes I sentt
Capte: Rattliefe to pointe Comforte for to Buylde A foarte there.
The w^h I did for towe Respectts The one for the plenty of the
place for fisheinge The other for the comodious discovery of any
shippeinge w^h sholde come uppon the Coaste And .for the honnor
of Your Lordshipps name and howse I named the same Algeb-
N0WN8 Foarte.
Nott Longe after Capte : Martin whome I lefte att the Island
did come to James towne pretendinge some occasions of busyness^
i>ut indede his owne saffety moved him thereunto feareinge to
be surprysed by the Indyans^ who had made dyver excursions
againste him^ so thatt haveinge lefte Lieftenantt Sioklbmore to
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"A Tbewe Relacyon^' 265
Comawnd in his absence Amongste whose company shorttly after
did growe A dangerous mutenie in so mutche Thati dyvrs of his
men to the number of seaventene did take Away A Boate from him
^ force and wente therein to Kekowhaton pretendinge they
wolde trade therefore victwells, Butt they were served acordinge to
their desertts for nott any of them weare heard of after And in
all lykelyhood weare Cutt of and slayne by the Salvages and w*hin
fewe dayes after lieftenantt Sicklemore and dyvrs others weare
f ownd also slayne w*h their mowthes stopped full of Breade beinge
donn as it seamethe in Contempte and skome thatt others mighte
expecte the Lyke when they shold come to seeke for breade and
reliefe amongste them.
Baldivia a Spanishe Generall beinge served somewhatt An-
swerable hereunto in Chily in the Weste Indies who beinge
Surprised by the Indyans inforced him to drincke upp A certeine
quantety of melted gowlde useinge theis words unto him now
glutt thy selfe w*h gowlde Baldivia haveinge there sowghte for
gowlde as Sicelbmore did here for foode. And all the reste of
SiCKLEMOBS Company w^h weare liveinge Eetourned to us to
James towne to feede upon the poore store we had lef te us.
Also w*hin a shorte Tyme after Capte : Weste did come downe
to us from the Falles haveinge loste eleaven men and A Boate att
Absetocke besydes those men he loste att the Falles so our Num-
ber at James Towne increasinge and our store decreaseinge for in
charety we cold nott deny them to participate w*h us Whereupon
I apointed Capte: Tuceeb to Calculate and Caste upp our store.
The w^h att a poore alowanse of halfe a Cann of meale for A
man A day Amownted unto thre monthes ^vissyon yett Capte:
TucKEB by his industry and care caused the same to howlde outt
fowere monthes. Butt haveinge noe expectacyon of Reliefe to
come in so short A Tyme I sentt Capteyne Eatlibfb to Pow-
hatan to ^cure victewalls and come by the way of comerce and
trade the w^h the subtell owlde foxe att firste made good sem-
blanse of Althoughe his intente was otherwayes onely wajrteinge
A fitteinge tyme for their destruction As after planely appered.
The w^h was ^bly ocasyoned by Capte: Ra^tlibpes creduletie for
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266 Tylsr's Quabteblt MAOAZiing
Hareinge Powhatans sonne and dowghter Aboard his pinesse
freely suflfred them to depte ageine on shoare whome if he had
deteyned mighte have bene A Sufficyentt pledge for his saflfety And
after nott kepeinge A ^per and fitteinge Courte of Gnarde butt
suffreinge his men by towe and ihre and small Numbers in A Com-
pany to straggle into the Salvages bowses when the Slye owlde
kinge espyed A fitteinge Tyme Cutt them all of onely surprysed
Capte : Batliefe Alyve who he caused to be bownd unto a tree naked
w*h a fyer before And by woemen his fleshe was skraped from his
bones w% mussell shelles and befre his face throwne into the fyer.
And so for want of circumspection miserably fished.
In the Meane Tyme Capte : William Phetiplacb Bemayned in
the pinesse w^h Some fewe men and was dyvrs tymes assawlted by
the Indyans butt after dyvs conflictts w*h the losse of some of his
men hardly escaped and att lenghte Aryved att James Towne onely
w*h sixtene men the Eemaynder of fifty Capte Ratlibpb hathe
Charge of at his goeinge forthe And so he related unto us the
Tragedie of Capte : Ratlife nott bringeinge any Beliefe w*h them
either for ihemselves or us.
Upon w^h defeate I sentt Capte : James Davis to Algernowe
foarte to Comawnd there in Capte: Ratliefes place And Capte
Westb I sentt To Potoamack w*h aboutt thirty sixe men to trade
for maize and grayne where he in short tyme Loaded his pinesse
sufficyently yett used some harshe and Crewell dealinge by cutteinge
of towe of the Salvages heads and other extremetyes And comeinge
by Aloernowns foarte Capteine Davis did call unto them ac-
quainteinge them w*h our Greate wants exhortinge them to make
all the Spede they cowlde to Releve us upon w*h reporte Capte:
Wests by the ^swasion or rather by the inforcement of his com-
pany hoysed upp Sayles and shaped their course directly for Eng-
land and lefte us in thatt extreme misery and wante.
Now all of us att James Towne beginneinge to feele that sharpe
pricke of hunger w^h noe man trewly descrybe butt he
w*h hath Tasted the bittemesse thereof A worlde of miseries en-
sewed as the Sequell will expresse unto yo" in so mutche thatt
some to satisfye their hunger have robbed the store for the w^h
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"A TsBWB Relacyon'' 267
I caused them to be executed. Then haveinge fedd uponn horsee
and other beastes as long as they Lasted we weare gladd to make
shifte w% vermine as doggs Catts Batts and myce All was fishe
thatt came to Nett to satisfye Crewell hunger as to eate Bootes
shoes or any other leather some colde Come by And those being
Spente and devoured some weare inforced to searche the woodes
and to feede upon Serpents and snakes and to digge the earthe
for wylde and unknowne Bootes where many of our men weare
Cutt off of and slayne by the Salvages. And now famin begineinge
to Looke gastely and pale in every face thatt notheinge was spared
to mainteyne Lyfe and to doe those things w^h seame incredible
As to digge up dead corpses outt of graves and to eate them and
some have Licked upp the Bloode w^h hathe fallen from their
weake fellowes And amongste the reste this was moste Lamentable
Thatt one of our Golline murdered his wyfe Sipped the childe outt
of her woambe and threw itt into the River and after chopped the
Mother in pieces and salted her for his foode The same not beinge
discovered before he had eaten ^Pte thereof for the w*h crewell
and inhumane factt I aiudged him to be executed the acknowl-
edgm* of the dede beinge inforced from him by torture haveinge
hunge by the Thumbes w^h weightes att his feete a quarter of an
howere before he wolde confesse the same.
Upon theis Calameties haveinge one boate and A Canoe Lefte
us. Our Boate did accidentyally breake Loose and did drjrve fower
myles downe the River before she was espyed. "Whereupon Capte :
Martin Apointeinge some to followe her the w^h beinge neglected
and acquaynteinge me there w^h I stepped outt of my howse
w% my Sworde drawne and what w% my threates & their feares
happy was he colde shipp himselfe into the Canoe firste And so our
Boate thatt nighte was ageine Recovered yett wanteinge more
Boates for fif>hoinge and other nedfull ocassions Capte : Dani£Ll
Tucker by his greate industry and paines buylded A Large Boate
w% his owne hands The w^h was some helpe and A little Reliefe
unto us And did kepe us from killinge one of An other. To eate
many our men this starveinge Tyme did Runn Away unto the
Salvages whome we never heard of after.
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268 Ttlk&'s Quasteblt Maoazutb
By this Tjme being Beasonable well recovered of my sicknes
I did undertake A Jomey onto Algebnowns foarte bothe to un-
derstand how things weare there ordered as also to have bene
Bevenged of the Salvages att Kekowhatan who had trecheously
slajrne dyvrs of our men. Our people I fownd in good case and
well lykeinge haveinge concealed their plenty from us above att
James Towns Beinge so well stored ihatt the Crabb fishes where
w% they had fede their hoggs wold have bene a greate relefe unto
us and saved many of our Lykves But their intente was for to
have kept some of the better sorte Alyve and w*h their towe pin-
nesses to have Betoumed for England nott Begirdinge our miseries
and wantts at all where w% I taxed Capte: Davis And tolde
him thatt I had A full intente to bringe halfe of our men from
James Towne to be there Beleved And after to Retoume them
backe ageine and bringe the reste to bee susteyned there Also And
if all tiiis wolde nott serve to save our mens Lyves I purposed to
bringe them all unto Algebnowns foarte Tellinge Capte: Davis
that Another towne or foarte mighte be erected and buylded butt
mens lyves onse Loste colde never be recovered.
Our miseries now beinge att the hygheste and intendinge as I
formerly Related unto yo^ to Remove some of our men to Algeb-
nowns foarte the very nexte Tyde we espyed towe pinnesses come-
inge into the Baye nott knoweinge as yett whatt they weare butt
kepinge A Courte of Guard and watehe all That nighte The nexte
Momeinge we espyed A Boate comeinge of from one of the pin-
nesses So standinge upon our guard we hales them and understood
thatt S' Tho : Gates and S' Geobge Somebs weare come in those
pinnesses w*^h by their greate industry they had buylded in the Beb-
mudes w*h the rema3mder of their wrackt shipp and other woode
they fownde in the cowntry upon w^h newes we Receved no small
ioye Requesteinge them in the Boate to come A shoare the w^h
they refused. And Retoumed Aboard ageine for S*" Tho: Gates
haveinge noe knowledge of any foarte to be Builded there was
dowtfull whether we weare frends or noe butt beinge possessed of
the trewthe he and S"" George Somebs w^h djrvers others did come
A shoare att Algebnownes foarte And the nextt Tyde wente upp
to James Towne where they mighte Reade A lecture of miserie in
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"A Tkewb Rbulcyon" 269
our peoples faces and $ceve the skarsety of victewalles And under-
stande the mallice of the Salvages who knoweinge our weaknes had
dyvrs Tymes assawlted us w*houtt the foarte Fyndeinge of tjYe
hundrethe men we had onely lefte Aboutt sixty. The reste beinge
either sterved throwe famin or eutt of by the Salvages And those
w^h weare Liveinge weare so maugre and Leane thatt itt was La-
mentable to behowlde them for many throwe extreme hunger have
Bunne outt of their naked bedds beinge so Leane thatt they Looked
Lyke Anotamies Cryeinge owtt we are starved We are starved
others goeinge to bedd as we imagined in healthe weare fownd
deade the nexte morneinge And amongste the Beste one thinge
hapned w*h was very remarkable wherein god sheowd his iuste
Judgment for one Hughe Prtse being pinched w*h extreme famin
In A furious distracted moode did come openly into the markett
place Blaspheameinge exclameinge and cryeinge owtt thatt there
was noe god. Alledgeinge that if there were A god he wolde nott
suffer his creatures whom he had made and framed to indure those
miseries And to $ishe for wante of foods and sustenance Butt
itt appeared the same day that the Almighty was displeased w*h
him for goeinge thatt aftemoone w*h A Butcher A corpulentt fatt
man into the woods to seke for some Belief e bothe of them weare
slaine by the Salvages. And after beinge fownde gods Indignacyon
was showed upon Peyses Corpes w^h was Bente in pieces w*h
wolves or other wylde Beasts And his Bowles Tome outt of his
boddy beinge A Leane spare man And the fatt Butcher nott lyenge
Above sixe yardes from him was fownd altogether imtduched onely
by the Salvages Arrowes whereby he Beceiaved his deathe
Theis miseries considered itt was Besolved uppon By S' Tho :
Gates and the whole CoUonie w*h all Spede to Betoume for Eng-
land whereupon moste of our men weare sett to worke some to make
pitche And Tar for Trimminge of our shippes others to Bake
breaiie and fewe or noene not imployed in one ocassyon or another.
So thatt A Small Space of T3rme fower pinnesses weare fitted and
made Beddy. All prepareinge to goe Aboarde. and if S' Tho:
Gates had nott Laboured w*h our men they had sett the Towne on
fyer useinge theis or the lyke words unto them, my Masters lett
the towne Stande we knowe nott butt thatt as honneste men as our
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270 Ttlk&'s Quabtxslt Kagazutb
selves may come and inhabitt here Then all of us embarqueinge
our selves S' Tho: Gates in the deliveranse w*h his company S'
George Somebs in the patyence my selfe in the discoverie and
Capi Davis in the Virginia. All of us sayleinge downe the Eiver
w^h A full intente to have 5^ ceded upon our voyage for England
when Suddenlye we espyed A boate makeinge towards us wherein
we fownde to be Capte: Brustbb sent from my Lorde La Wabb
who was come unto us w^h many gentlemen of quallety And thre
hundrethe men besydes greate store of victewles municyon and
other ^vissyon whereupon we all Betoumed to James Towne
ageine where my Lorde shortly after Landed and sett all things in
good order selecteinge A Gowncell and makeinge Gapteines over
fifty men A piece. Then S*" Tho: Gates beinge desyreous for to be
Revendged upon the Indyans att Eeeowhatan did goe thither
by water w% a certeine number of men and amongste the reste A
Taborer w^h him beinge Landed he cawsed the Taborer to play and
dawnse thereby to Allure the Indyans to come unto him the w^h
prevayled. And then espyeinge A fitteinge oportunety fell in upon
them putt fyve to the sworde wownded many others some of them
beinge after fownde in the woods w*h Sutche extreordinary Lardge
and mortall wownds thatt itt seamed strange they Gold flye so
far. The reste of the Salvages he putt to flighte. And so pos-
seseinge himselfe of the Towne and the fertill groimd there unto
Adiacentt haveinge well ordered all things he lefte his lieftenantt
Eahbly to comawnd his company And then Betoumed to James
Towne, ageine and shorttly after did take his voyadge for Eng-
land. My Lord Generall aboutt this Tyme sentt Gapteine Howld-
GBOFTE to buydle A foarte in the woods neare unto Eeeowhatan.
The w^h beinge finished my Lord named the same Ghablbs foarte
in honour of our Kings Ma*** that now is.
Also my Lorde sentt S' George Somebs and Gapte : Abgoll in
towe shippes into the BEBiniDBS to make ^vissyon of hoggs and
fishe for us S*" George aryved there where Shorttly after he dyed
his men makeinge good $fitt of Amber griese and other eomodeties
Betoumed for England. Butt Gapte: Abgoll fayleinge of the
place fell to the North ward where he hapned up<»i some fishe
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"A Tbbwe Rilacyok'' 271
ihere w«h haTeisge salted and dryed Betourned there w^h to ns
to JameB Towne ageine
S' Ferdinando Wayiian aboutt this Tyme dyed whose deathe
was mutche Lamented beinge bothe An honeste and valyantt gen-
tleman.
My Lord Generall not forgetteinge onlde Pob'HATANS subtdl
Trecherie sentt A Messenger nnto him to demawnde oerteine Armes
and dyvrs men w^h we supposed mighte be liveinge in his cowntry
Butt he Retonmed noe other then prowde and disdaynefoll An-
swers.
Whereupon my Lorde being mutche incensed Cawsed A Comis-
sion to be drawne wherein he apointed me Chiefe Comawnder
over Seaventie men and sentt me to take Bevendge upon the Past
PAHEANs and Chiconamians and so Shippeinge my selfe and my
sowldiers in towe boates I depted from James Towne the 9^ ,6f
August 1610 And the same nighte Landed W^hin thre myles of
Paspahas towne Then draweinge my sowldiers into Battalio
placeinge a Capteyne or Leftenante att every fyle we marched to-
wards the Towne haveinge An Indyan guyde w^h me named
Kempes whome the $voste marshall ledd in A hande locke. This
Subtell Salvage was leadinge us outt of the waye the w*^h I mis-
dowteinge Bastinaded him w^h my Truncheon and threatned to
cutt of his heade whereupon tiie slave alltered his Cowrse and
browgbte us the righte way nW-^mitb the towne So that then I
Comawnded ever Leader to drawe A way his fyle before me to
besett the salvages houses thatt noene mighte escape w% a chardge
nott to geve the allarume untill I weare come upp unto them w%
the Cullers. At my comeinge I appointed Capte : William Wbstb
to geve the AUarume the w^h he $ formed by shooteinge of a
pistoll. And then we fell in upon them putt some fiftene or siztene
to the Sworde and Almoste all the reste to flyghte Whereupon
I cawsed my drume to beate and drewe all my Sowldiers to the
Cullers My Ldeftenantt bringeinge w% him the Queue aijid her
Children and one Indyann prisoners for the w^h I taxed him be-
cawse he had Spared them his Answer was thatt haveinge them
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272 Ttlb&'s Quabtkblt Maoazutx
now in my Cuatodie I mighte doe w^h them whatt I pleased. Upon
Hie same I cawsed the Indians heade to be cntt of. And then
disused my fyles Apointeinge my Sowldiers to bume their bowses
and to cutt downe their Come groweinge aboutt the Towne, And
after we marched w*h the quene And her Children to our Boates
ageine, where beinge noe sooner well shipped my sowldiers did
begin to murmur becawse the quene and her Children weare spared.
So upon the same A Cowncell beinge called itt was Agreed upon
to putt the Children to deathe the w^h was effected by Throweinge
tiiem overboard and shoteinge owtt their Braynes in the water
yett for all this Crewellty the Sowldiers weare nott well pleased
And I had mutche to doe To save the queues lyfe for thatt Tyme.
Then sayleinge some towe myles downe the River I sentt Capte :
Davis A shoare wth Moste of my Sowldiers my Selfe beinge
wearyed before and for my owne $te butt an easie foote man Capte
Davis att his landeinge was Apponted by some Indyans who spared
nott to send their Arrowes amongste our men but w^hin A shorte
Tjrme he putt them to flighte and landed w^houtt further opposi-
tyon marcheinge Aboutt fowrtene myles into the Cowntry cutt
downe their Come burned their bowses Tetiiples and IdoUes and
amongste the reste A Spacyous Temple cleane and neattly keptt
A thinge strange and seldome sene amongste the Indyans in those
$tes So haveinge $ formed all the spoyle he cowlde Betoumed
Aboarde to me ageine and then we sayled downe the Biver to
James Towne.
My Lord Oenerall not beinge well did lye A Shippboard to
whome we Bowed he being ioyfuU of our Safe Betoume yett
Seamed to be discontente becawse the quene was spared as Cap«
teyne Davis towlde me and thatt itt was my Lords pleasure thatt
we sholde see her dispatched 'Die way he ihowghte beste to Bume
her. To the first I replyed thatt haveinge scene so mutche Blood-
ahedd thatt day now in my Cowldbloode I desyred to see noe more
and for to Bume her I did not howlde itt fitteinge butt either
by shott or Sworde to geve her A quicker dispatche So Tuminge
my selfe from Capte Davis he did take the quene w*h towe sowl-
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"A Tbbwb Rklaoyon" 273
diers A shoare and in the woods putt her to the Sworde and al-
thoughe Capte : Davis towlde me itt was my Lords direction jrett
I ame ^swaded to the contrary.
Nott longe after our Betoume to James Towne Capte : Abgoll
was sentt w^h the lyke Commission ageinste the Wabisooyans.
Thq Salvages beinge warned by their neighbours harmes weare very
vigilante and Carefull and all of them fledd and escaped So thatt
Capte: Abgoll Cowlde have other Revendge then by Cutteinge
downe their Come bumeinge their howses and Sutdie lyke The
w^h being $ formed he Betoumed to James Towne ageine.
The Salvages still contineweinge their mallice Ageinste us
Sentt some as spyes to our foarte who beinge Apprehended my
Lord Cawsed one to have his hande Cutt of And so Sentte unto
his fellowes to geve them wameinge for Attemptinge the lyke.
Aboutt this Tyme there was A Conspiracy plotteinge amongste
some of our men w^h wrought in Iron mynes To Runn away w%
A barkque The same beinge discovered my Lord for An example
adiudged one of them by marshall lawe to be executed. The
execution sK^veinge strange And seldome heard of I thoughtte nott
to omitt, for the $ty beinge throwen of the Lather whatt w^h
the Swindge and weighte of his body the Boape did breake and he
fell upon the grownde And in Regard of the Accident my Lord
^doned him althowghe itt nothinge Avayled him haveinge Receved
his deathe w% the gerde of the Roape and extremety of the fall so
that w^hin 2 days after he dyed My Lord intendinge to searche
fcH* Mineralls and to make further $fe of the Iron mynes sentt
dyvrs men in A barkque upp to the falles and goeinge by A
PoAHATAKB they weare called A shoare by the Salvages and bednge
to fill their Baricoes w% water weare easely thereunto induced
and after iniysed by the Salvages upp to their howses pretendeinge
to feaste them butt our men forgetteinge their Subtellties lyke
greedy fooles accepted thereof more esteameinge of A Little foode
tiien their own lyves and saffety for when the Indyans had them
in their howses And found A fitteinge Tyme when they Leaste
dreaded any dawnger did fall upon them Slewe dyvrs and wownded
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274 Tyi.s»'8 Quabtxbly 'Kloaxote
all the rest who w^hin towe dayes after also dyed <mely Dowse
the Taborer who flyeinge to their boate was hardly pursewed hatt
gayneinge the same he made A vertewe of necoessily useinge ihe
Rudder insteade of A Targett to kepe their Arrowes oatt of his
body. And so skulldnge of by little and little gott out of their
Seache and freed himselfe The Salvages be nott Soe Simple as
many Imagin who be not Acquaynted w% their Subtdlties for they
had nott forgotten how their neighbours att Ekkowhatak w^r
alured And defeated by S* Tbo: Oatk when he had the same
Taborer with him
Presently after Capte: Brusteb was sentte upp to the falles
w^h A Certeine number of men To Attende there for my Lords
Comeinge who purposed to ^cede in the Searche of mineralles
In his iomey he had dyyrs encownters and skirmishes w^h the
Indyans Att Lengthe aryyeinge att the falles where my Lord did
shortly after Come unto him LeaTeinge the Chardge and Gomawnd
of James Towne w% me.
Now my Lorde beinge att the Falles and winter Comeinge on
he Cawsed A foarte to be buylded there bothe for their defence and
shelter and named the same Lawabbs foarte Intendinge to have
Beposed himselfe there all the winter and to have Reeded npon the
discoveiy of mineralls the next Springe where for A Tyme we
will LeaTe him and Betoume to our ^cedeinges att James Towne
ageine.
The goTermentt whereof beinge lefte to me Paspahb w^h a
small Troope of Indyans in sheowe did come unto our Blockhowse
thinkeinge by some poUecy either to have Surprysed the same or
some of our men. * The w«h comeinge to my hearinge I presently
sent Capte: Powbll then my Aihtentt w^h a certeine Number
of men to surprise Paspahb Allyre if possible they cowlde for the
same wolde have bene to good purpose if itt cowld have bene ef-
fected whereupon our men draweinge neare unto him where he
stoode upon the ende of A Banke when presently M' John Wallbb
stepped unto him and cawghtt howlde of him and gave the Watche
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"A Trbwk Relacyon*' 275
worde for the Beste to Come to Assiste him The w^h the Salvages
^ceyeinge dyvrs of tiiem Appeared w*^h before weare nott seene
aendeinge their Arrowea f rely amongste our men. The w^h Capte r
Powell seeinge did Apprcliend thatt their was small hope to
bringe in Paspahb Aljnre for he stmgled maynely Whereupon he
Thnute him twyse throwghe the body w^h his Sworde and for all
thatt the stowte Indyan Idved and was Caryed away upon Rafters
by the Salvages And lieftenantt Puttockb encowntringe w^h one
of the Salvages hande to fiste grapled w^h him and stabbed him to
deathe w^h his ponnyard.
My Lord Gtenerall all this Tyme Bemayneinge att the Falles
where nether sieknes nor sakrsety was wanteinge had dyvrs en-
cownters w^h the Indyans some of his men beinge slayne amonge
the Beste his Kinsman Capte: William Wbste sind Capteine
BBUvrsB narrowly escaped.
And now my Lords groweinge very Sicke he was inforced to
Alitor his former determinaeyon and to retoume to Jamea towne
ageine where his Sickness nothinge Abated butt rather increased
So thatt for the Becovery of his healthe he did take his voyadge
for the bathe att Mbuis in the Weste Indies Butt the wyndes not
favoreinge them they weare inforced to shape their Cowrse di^
rectly for England my Lorde haveinge lef te and apointed me
deputy govemour in his Absence To execute Marshall lawe or any
other power and Authority as Absolute as himself e.
After my Lords depture the Indyans did fall to their wonted
pracfyses ageine Comeinge one eaveninge Late and Called att our
blocke howse The w^h when I understood I presenily sentt to
Lieftenantt Puttockb who comawnded there tiiatt he sholde by
noe meanes Stur owtt of the Blocke howse^ butt to kepe An ex-
cedinge Carefull guarde and watches^ and to strengthen hiin I
aentt him more men to double his guard Ageine expresly geveinge
him Chardge thatt he shold nott goe owtt of the block howse upon
Any Tearmes whattBoever ^misseinge him that the nextt mom-
einge I wolde send him A oonvenyentt number of men to discover
whatt tii^y weare and of whatt strenj^tt w«h had soe called them.
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276 Tn^KB^s Quabtsblt Maoahnb
Butt lieftenintt Puttockb bdnge ctlled ageine early the neztt
momeinge before our watche was discharged in the foarte. Con-
trary to my Comawnde and moete tinadvysedly did goe ontt of the
Block howse w^h the small number of men he had Sheowinge m^e
vallour then will more fury then Judgementt And some fewe
Indyans bdnge in Sheowe he followed them w%ontt apprehensyon
of that w«h ensewed for the Salvages still Betyreinge he followed
them nntill they browj^te him into their ambuskado where beinge
five or sixe hnndrethe of Salvages lett fiye their Arrowes as thicke
As hayle amongste our handfull of men And defeated and Cutt
them all of in A moment The Arrowes w«h they had shott beinge
so many in Number thatt the grownd there aboutts waa allmoste
Covered w% them upon w^h defeate the Salvages did so Aclamate
Showte and hallowe in Tryumphe of their gayned victory thatt
the Ecchoe there of made bothe the Ayere and woods to Binge.
The w^h filleinge our eares in the Foarte presently w^h all Spede
I sentt lieftenant Abbott w*h fifty men to Assiste Puttockb
nott knoweinge derecttly whatt had befallen them Althoughe we
feared thatt w^h had alereddy hapned. Neverthelesse lieften^
Abbott encowntred w^h the Salvages They then Chaugeinge their
noate Cryeinge Paspahb Paspahb Thereby importeinge as mutche,
as thatt they had Bevendged his wrongs att lenghtt Abbott putt
the Indyans to flight Becovered the deade bodyes of our men
whome he browj^te to our foarte where they weare Buryed.
Upon this disaster I sentt A messenger unto Algebnowns foarte
supposeinge my Lorde La Ware had bene noe further on his voydge
to have informed him hereof butt the messenger Loste his Labour
my Lord beinge before depted. In shorte Tyme after Capte:
Addambs did come into our bay in a shipped called the blessinge
w% freshe Supply bothe of men and victewells geveinge us notice
thatt S' Tho: Dalb was to come shorttly after w% A greater
supply the w^h $ved Trewe for w^hin towe monthes after he
Aryved in Virginia and browghtt w^h him thre hundre&e men
besydes greatt store of Armour^ Municyon victewalk and other
^vissyon. And beinge Landed he ordeyned newe Lawes sett downe
. good Articles w^h weare well observed AU our men beinge setto
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"A Tbewb Eelaoton'' 277
worcke some to plante some to sowe come and others to bujld
boates and howees moste men inployed in one thinge or another.
All things in Tyme beinge well settled and ordered S' Thomas
Dalb made preparacyon and wente agdnste the Nancbmondibs
w% a hiindrethe men in Armour where he had dyvrs encownters
and skirmishes w^h the Salvages bothe by Lande and water dyvrs
of his company beinge wownded. Amongste the Beste Capte:
Francis Wbstb was shott into the Thyghe and Capteine Mabtik
into the Arme. Sir Tho : Dalb himself e narrowly eskapeinge for
An arrow light, iuste upon the edge or Brimme of his headepiece
The w^h if itt had fallen A thowght Lower mightt have Shott him
into the Braynes and indangered his Lyfe. In theis Conflictts
many Indyans beinge also slayne and wovmded. And nott beinge
acquainted nor acustomed to encownter w% men in Armour mntehe
wondered thereatt eepecyally thatt they did nott see any of our
men fall as they had donne in other conflictts. Whereupon they
did fall into their exorcismes coninracyons and charmes throw-
einge fyer npp into the skyes Btmneinge up and downe w% Battles
and makeinge many dyabolicall gestures w% many irigramantcke
Spelles and incantacionus Imageinge thereby to cawse Baine to fall
from the Clowdes to extinguishe and putt owtt our mens matches
and to wett and spoyle their powder butt nether the dievall whome
they ad<H« nor dl their Sorcerres did anytheinge Avayle them
for our men Cutt downe their Come Burned their bowses and
besydes those w^h they had slayne browghtt some of them pris-
Boners to our foarte.
S' Tho: Dalb makeinge more invasyons ft excursions upon the
Salvages had many conflictts w^ them and one thinge amongste the
reste was very remarkable The w^h may be supposed to have bene
ocasycmed by the Salvages Sorceries and Charmes for S' Thomas
Dalb w% Some of the better sorte sitteinge in An Indyans howse
A fantasy possessed them thatt they imagined the Salvages were
sett upon them cache man Takeinge one another for an Indyan
And so did fall pell mell one up<m An oth^ beateinge one another
downe and breakeinge one of Anothers heades, thatt Mutche mis-
chiefe mighte have bene donn butt thatt itt pleased god the fantasy
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29^ Tyxeb'b Quabteklt Maoaunx
^48 taken aw«y i^reby they had bene dduded and eTery man
understood his errour.
Aboutt this Tynie A Spanishe Caravell Aryred up<m the Coaste
and did come into the Bay w%owt command of Shotte. Thre
prindpall of the Spanyards comeinge A shoare in their Boate
nQtt furr of Alobbnowns foarte The w^h Capte : Davis espyeinge
layd in Ambushe for them they nott knoweinge of any foarte to
be theare and so sorprysed them the chefeste of them beinge one
Disoo Maunos a ccmiawnder of some foarte or houlde in the
Wbstb Indies the other Antonio Pbrbos his companyon The thirde
A pylott who wentt under the name and babbitt of A Spanyard,
butt was after fownde and discorered to be Inglishe man his name
bringe I^MBBBCKB haveinge lived many years Amongste the Span-
yards and Beputed to be A Ooode Pylott After the serpryseinge of
theis thr^ the boate wherein they did come putt from the shoare the
men therein beinge qnestyoned pretended to seke for one of the
Kinge of ^paynes shippes loaden w^h municyon bownd for the
Weste Indies Beqoesteinge Capte : Davis to lett them have A pylott
to brings their shipp into the harbour the w^h was grawnted Butt
hareinge the pylott noe soener a board hoysed upp their sayles and
caryed the pylott quyte away w% them Leaveinge the thre w^h
weare surprysed iii his steade bdiynd than, who weare thereupon
broughti to James Towne and sentt as prissoners A board severall
shippes And shortty after S' Tho: Dale sentt my Selfe Capte
Nbwpost and W Stracy secretary to the CoUonie to examin
them And so Acuseinge them to have come for spyes they utterly
denyed the same butt still urgeinge them there w^h Anto: Pbbeos
answered thatt we bad noe cawse att all to feare any thinge this
y^re butt whatt mightt happen the nextt he coulde nott tdl. And
itt aft^ appeared their intente was as eavdl as we imagined for
the Spanishe Ambassadour shorttly after gayned A Commissyon
from the Kings Ma^^ Elinge James Thatt we sholde send the
principall DiBGO Halinos into England the w^h w^h all spede was
eflseted Capte: Habtin beinge his conductt Don Dibqo stayed
nsitt loage in England. Butt was sentt hoame where he was made
Generall of six tall shippes in All lykeliehoode and as we weare
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"A Tbews Kmulcyon" 279
after c^tenely informed sett ontt of purpose to Supplantt us.
Butt hayeinge bene att Sea about A monthe A mutenie did growe
anMHdgBte them. in so mutdie thatt one of diegoes company stabbed
him to deathe Whereupon their Course was alltered and their
fmner determinacyon ceased. Antonio Perbos he dyed before in
Virginia and S' Tho : Dale att his goeinge for England did take
our hispanyolated Inglishe man Limbbecee w^ him. And acord-
inge to some pryvate Comissyon when he did come w^hin sighte of
tiie Inj^iahe Shoare he cawsed him to be hanged upp att the yardes
Anne as afterwards itt was trewly reported.
Before 8^ Tho: Dales depture Capte Davis att Algebnowns
foartd espyed nyne shippes upon the coaste Suppoeeinge them to
be Spanishe And Sendeinge notice thereof to Sir Tho: Dale he
presenttly sentt Capte: Bbustee and Ldeftenantt Abbott w^h
forty men to discover whatt they weare And they nott Betouminge
acordinge to Sir Thomas ezpectacyon he feared thatt they weare
either Surprysed or defeated. Whereupon he drewe All his forces
into forme and order reddy for encownter Calleinge A Cowncell
to Besolve whether itt weare beste to mete w^h them. A board
our shippes or for to maynteine the foarte. My q)inyon I delyv-
ered to Sir Tho: Dale and the Beste. Thatt is' was dowttfull
whether our men wolde stande unto itt A shoare and Abyde the
Brunte^ butt A shippboard of necessety they muste for there was
noe runneinge Away. So malceinge preparacyon to goe A board
Capt: Bbitsteb and lieftenantt Abbott retoumed and broughte
us certeine newee thatt itt was S' Tho : Oates flete who was come
now to be govemour And Aryved there thatt eaveninge w^h A
freshe supply bothe of men And ^vissyon haveinge unladen the
shippes & ordered other necessary ocassyons S' Tho: Gates
Apointed S' Tho: Dale their Marshall of the Collonie as itt
was agreed upon in England to passe upp into the Cowntry neare
unto the Falles w^h aboutt towe hundrethe men to inhabitt there
Capte: Bbustee Leadinge Moste of his men overland and him
selfe And A small company goeinge by water Capteyne Bbusteb
in his martche was dyvs tymes assawlted and encowntered by the
salvages beinge sente from Powhatak haveinge for their Leader
one Muiietute comonly called amongste vis Jacke of the feathers.
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280 Tylme'b Quabteblt Kaoazins
By Beaaon thatt he naed to come into the felde all covered oter
w% feathers and Swans wings fastened unto his showlders as
thowghe he meante to flye Capte : Brustsr comeinge to the place
apdnted where 8' Tho: Dalb did also mete w^h him. And after
dyvs encownter and skirmishes w^h the salyages gayned A con-
Yenyentt place for fortificatyon where presenttly they did begin
to buylde A foarte And S' Tho: Dalb named the same Hsnebioas
foarte in honnor of prinse Henry The Salvages weare nott Idle
all this Tyme butt hindred their deeignes as mnche as they colde
shoteinge Arrowes into the foarte where w^h dyvrs of our men weare
wownded ft others indangered And some haveinge inploymentt
w%outt The foarte did come shorte hoame and weare slayne by the
Salvages.
8^ Tho: Dalb haveinge allmoete finished the foarte and set-
tled A plantacyon in thatt $te dyvrs of his men beinge Idile and
not willeinge to take paynes did Bunne Away unto the Indyans
many of them beinge taken ageine S' 'Diomas in A moste severe
mannor cawsed to be executed. Some he apointed to be hanged
Some burned Some to be broken upon wheles, others to be staked
and some to be shott to deathe all theis extreme and crewell tor-
tures he used and inflicted upon them To terrefy the reste for At-
tempteinge the Lyke and some w^h Bobbed the store he cawsed
them to be bownd faste unto Trees and so sterved them to deathe.
So leaveinge S' Thomas busely inployed in finisheinge the
foarte and settleinge their habitacyons lett us Betoume to James
Towne ageine where our govemour S' Tho: Gates was resydentt
Onely by the waye Souihe A little att Algernownbs foarte the
w^ was accidentially burned downe to the grownd except Capte:
Davis howse and store howse. Whereupon Capte : Davis feareinge
to Beceve some displeasure and to be Bemoved from thense the
same beinge the moste plentifulleste place for food, he used sutche
expedityon In the Bebuyldeinge of the same ageine thatt it is
allmoste incredible.
Dyvrs Indyans used to come to our foarte att James Towne
bringeinge victewalls w^h them Butt indede did Bather come as
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"A Tbbws Rklacton" 281
Spyes then any good afFectyon they did beare unto ns. Some of
them S' Tho: Oatbs cawoed to be Apprehended and executed for
A Terrour to the Beste to cawse them to desiste from their snbtell
practysea.
Thus haveinge Belated nnto your Lordshipp the Trewe $ced-
einges in Virginia from S' Tho: Oatbs shippwracke upon the
Bbrmudbs imtill my depture outt of the cowntry w^h was the
22^ Aprell 1612 The w«h day I sett sayle in A shipp named the
Tryall And haveinge by computacyon sayled Aboutt 200 leauges
w% A Beasonable good wynde and fayere weather upon A Sudden
A Oreate storme did Aryse In so mutche thatt the mission maste
did springe w^h the vyolence of the wyndes. And lyeinge in the
Great Cabbin where the misson stoode I was thereby muche in-
dawngered and in perrill of my Lyfe^ for the same w% greate
force did grate upon my Cabbin and narrowly missed me And A
barrell full w% here Beinge in the Cabbin the misson strucke the
same to pieces thatt all the here did Bunne Aboutt the Cabbin.
The Storme ceasinge and our misson amended we BecoTered
flores Cowes and St Michelles nott towcheinge att any of theii
Islands Butt shaped our Cowrse Northwarde where, falleinge
becallmed our dawnger was greater then the former for feare of
famin and wante of foode haveinge butt a poore small quantetie
of freshe water and thatt was so stencheous thatt onely washeinge
my hands there w% I cold nott endure the sentt thereof. Our
greateste store of foode was pease. And those weare so corrupted
mowldie Botten worme eaten thatt there was noe Substance lefte
in them butt beinge stiwred wolde Crumbell into duste^ so thatt for
wante of foode we weare lyke to $ishe. Butt god lookeinge mercy-
fully upon uSy when we leaste expected to see our native Cowntry
ageine. We happely mett w% A shipp of London bownde for newe
fownd lande one Bakbb beinge master thereof who Beloved us w%
Befe fishe Breade here and Tobaco w^h. greattly Comforted us and
saved our Ijrves for itt was Above Thirty dayes after before we
made lande w^h was Ireland So after A longe dangerous voyage
we did fall w^h the Lande and putt into Cbookbhavbn. Where we
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282. Ttlsr'b Quabtxblt MAOAZune
Bemajmed some fowertene dayes in w«h Tyme we Befreshed our-
§dfe$. mud Beyicteweled our shipp. And then sett sajle tgeine
And w^hin eight dayes after Aryved in England and Anchored in
Dover Boadb^ where we did mete w^h S' Samuell Aboall bownde
for newe England To displante the frenche CoUonie there. The
w^Jh As I after hearde he vallianily ^formed^ Bntt how iuste the
Cawse was I refer the same to A Jadiiyons Censnre. So stayeinge
same fewe dayes att Dotxr to Acompany S' Samuell I toake poaate
horse and from thense Boade to London
finis
SYDNOB FAMILY AND ITS CONNECTIONS.
In the Virginia Magazine, Vol. XXX^ p. 44, is publiAed an
abstract of the will of Francis Sydnor, of Gray's Inn, Middlesex
Co., England, dated 1653. In it he refers to his kinsman For-
tunatus Sydnor, of Oreenwich, in Kent, aged about 15 years.
He was probably the Fortunatus Sydnor who figures in the
records of Lancaster County, Virginia, about 1670. There are
many references to his descendants in the Wm. and Mary College
Quarterly and in the Virginia Magazine, and persons of the Syd-
lior naitie are now to be foimd in many parts of the State. Wil*
liam Sydnor was living in Lunenburg Coimty in 1804, and accord-
ing to the Family Bible, whose record is given below, he appears^
to have been bom April 27, 1752, and was son of Anthony Sydnor
and Elizabeth his wife. Anthony Sydnor was bom January 18|
1712, and was a son of Fortunatus and Buth Sydnor. Fortunatoi
Sydnor was bom Not. 8, 1673, and was son of Fortunatus Sydnor
the immigrant to Virginia and Joanna, his wife.
A copy of the entries in the Family Bible made in 1896 was
furnished to the editor by Mr. Walter Sydnor, of Hanover County,
Virginia. The original Bible is still extant in Missouri.
Bible Bscoan.
Opposite to the first page of the Becord is written:
^'iiiis Bible is the property of William Sydnor, Lun^iburg.''
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Sybkob Fahily awd Its Connectioits 283
[First page^ first column, 2d Ttcan.]
^'Marriages
William Sydnor was married to Sarah Garland March 5tb
1778
A to his second wife ) „,. , xu n
the 87th Jany 1796 |El^«Aeth Cross.
Ann Sydnor Daughter to WiUiam ft Sarah Sydnor was married to
Thomas Blackwell the 1793
Elizabeth Taylor Sydnor Daughter to William ft Sarah Sydnor
was married to William Tmeheart the October 1799.
Amanda Tmeheart Daughter to William ft Elizabeth True-
heart was married to Burwell Starke the 15 of April 1828.
Burwell Starke ft Ann Baylor Hatchett daughter of William
Hatchett were married the 14th of March 1839
Burwell Starke ft Fanny Lewis Hatchett daughter of William
Hatchett were married the 29th of July 1853.
(Second page of Record.)
Births.
First Column
Children of Fortunatus Sydnor, an Englishman, ft Joanna
his wife ft their births viz.
Ruth Sydnor was bom April 11**» 1671
Fortunatus Sydnor was bom Nov' 8*^ 1673.
Ruth Sydnor was bom Augt 24^ 1676.
Joan Sydnor was bom Augt 2~* 1678.
William Sydnor was bom Nov' IS*"* 1680.
Anthony Sydnor was bom Jany 18*'» 1682
[of] Children of Fortunatus ft Ruth Sydnor his wife viz.
William Sydnor was bom Feby 26*"* 1699
Judith Sydnor was bom May 9^ 1705
Fortunatus Sydnor was bom Jany 23"* 1707
Joanna Sydnor was bom Feby 8^ 1709
Anthony Sydnor was bom Jany 18*"» 1711/12
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284 Tyi^x&'s Quarterly MAOAavB
Elizabeth Sydnor wife of AnfhcHiy Sydnor was bom March
2^ 1722
[of] Children of Anthony ft Elizabeth Sydnor his wife viz.
Portunatus Sydnor was bom Jany 80*"^ 1737/8
John Sydnor was bom March 19**' 1739/40
Second Column.
Catharine Sydnor was bom Jany. 3"* 1742/8
Judith Sydnor was bom April 16*^ 1746
Susanna Sydnor was bom May 27^ 1747
Joseph Sydnor was bom Oct 17*^ 1749
William Sydnor was bom April 27^ 1752
Bettey Sydnor was bom Feb ll*** 1756
Ann Sydnor was bom Sept 9*^ 1767
Buth Sydnor was bom January 1"^ 1760
Anthony Sydnor was bom May 27^ 1762
Fanny Mitchell Sydnor was bom Nov. 19**' 1766.
Sarah Sydnor wife to William Sydnor was bom Octob' 8^
1752
OF Children of William ft Sarah Sydnor his wife viz.
Ann Sydnor was bom Feby 18*"* 1779.
Elizabeth Taylor Sydnor was bom Nov 8*^ 1780.
Elizabeth Cross the second wife to William Sydnor was bom
in 1741.
(Third page of Becord)
First Column.
Burwell Starke was bom the 27^ May 1806.
ft Amanda his wife was bom the 31"^ Dec. 1809.
Benjamin Franklin son to Burwell ft Amanda Starke was bom
June 26^ 1829.
Elizabeth Taylor 1"^ Daughter to Burwell ft Amanda Starke
was bom March 27^ 1831.
William Thomas, second son of Burwell ft Amanda Starke was
bom March 5^ 1838
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Sypnob Family aio) Its CoirNscrioNS 285
Alfred Lewis third son o( Burwell & Amanda was bom April
I3*k 1835.
Amanda Trueheart second daughter of Burwell & Amanda
Starke was born 20**^ of April 1837.
Edwin Temple first son of Burwell ft Ann B. Starke was born
the 20*»» July 1840
Virginia Burwell first daughter of B ft Ann B. Starke was bom
18*^ July 1843
Judson second son of B ft Ann B. Starke was bom 21*^ Nov
1844
Edward Brooke third son of B ft Ann B. Starke was bom 17^
Sept 1846
James Newton fourUi son of B. ft A. B. Starke was bom 4^
of Odf 1847.
(Third page of Becord. Second column)
Deaths.
Fortunatus Sydnor departed this life 1722
Anthony Sydnor departed this life October 1759
William Sydnor departed this life Jan 23^ 1751
Fortunatus Sydnor departed this life March 14^ 1750
Joanna Sydnor departed this life young.
Anthony Sydnor departed this life Oct 5^ 1779
Fortunatus Sydnor departed this life February 12^ 1781
Judith Sydnor departed this life in March 1778.
Susanna Sydnor departed this life March 5^ 1766
Fanny Mitchell Sydnor departed this life Octob^ 27^ 1769
Sarah Sydnor first wife to W™ Sydnor departed this life Jan
T^ 1789
Ann Sydnor departed this life October 23*^ 1793
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286 Tti^kk'b Quabtxblt ILLOAJSEini
(Fourth page of record. Fint odmnn)
Elisabeth Sydnor second wife to William Sydnor Departed
thia life the 1 day of October 1815
Children of B ft Ann B. Starice
Edwin Temple bom July tV^ 1840
Virginia Borwell bom July 18^ 1843
Jndion bom Not 21<^ 1844
Edward Brooke Sept 17^ 1846
James Newton bom Oct 4^ 1847.
Children of B. ft Fanny L. Starke.
Maiy Ann bom May 17^ 1864.
William Owathmey bom Apr 24^ 1858.
Lewis Newton bom Not 1*^ 1859
Bobert Lee bom Aug 10^ 1861
Lucy Owathmey bom the 28^ of September 1863
Americus Hatdiett bom the 4^ of September 1865
(Fourth page of Record)
Second Column.
Amanda Starke wife of Burwell Starke ft daughter of Wil«
liam Tradieart departed this life July 10^ 1837 in - the
27** year of her age.
Ann Baylor 2^ wife of Burwell Starke ft daughter of Elder
W" Hatchett departed this life March 3^ 1851 in the 33'<i year
of her age.
Amanda Tmeheart 5^ child of Burwell ft Amanda Starice
died 20^ of July 1837 aged 4 month.
Alfred Lewis son of Burwell ft Amanda Starice departed this
life July 18^ 1855 in the 21*^ year of his age.
James Newton son of Burwell ft Ann Baylor Starice d^Mtrted
this life January 13^ 1855 in the 9^ year of his age.
Mary Ann first daughter of Burwell ft Fanny L. Starice his
wife was bom May the 17^ 1854 and died the 9^ of May 1855
William Owathmey first son of Burwell ft Fanny Lewis Starke
was bom the 24^ of April 1858 and died on the 2^ day of October
aged 5 months ft 8 days.
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NOBTON COBBBSPONDBNCE 287
Americus Hatchett son of B. and Fanny L. Starke died Oct.
16*^1890. Age 25-1-12
Fanny L. wife of Burwell Starke died July 2S^ 1891. Age
67-6-6.
Burwell Starke died July 16^ 1895. Age 89-1-19.
These Becords copied from the Family Becord in an old Bible
at present in possession of Lucy Gwathmey Fleet (nee Starke)
daughter of Burwell Starke by William B. Sydnor.
August 18«» 1896.
Corder: Lafayette County, Mo.
NOBTON COBEESPONDENCE.
John Norton came to Virginia and settled in Yorktown before
1746. He was one of the Justices of York County and repre-
sented the Couniy in the House of Burgesses in the Assembly of
1762-1764. He had a store and warehouse at Yorktown and be-
came one of the leading merchants of Virginia. He married Court-
ney Walker, daughter of Jacob Walker of Elizabeth Ciiy County,
who was brother of Margaret Walker, who married Thomas Wythe,
father of Chancellor Qeorge Wythe. Jacob Walker was son of
George Walker, pilot of James Eiver in 1697 and gunner and
storekeeper at Fort Point Comfort in 1723, and Anne Keith, hi»
wife, daughter of the celebrated George Keith, who figures ex-
tensively in Quaker history (William and Mary College Qvarterly,
IX, IIW; X, 207, 281; XVIII, 289-291).
John Norton was son of John Norton, of London, and Anne
Hatley, his wife, daughter of George Hatley and Miss Scott, widow
of John Flowerdew. By his marriage with Courtney Walker,
John Norton had four sons, John Hatley Norton, George Flower-
dew, Daniel and Henry, and one daughter, Frances.
After staying in Virginia many years, John Norton returned
to London in 1764, leaving his son John Hatley Norton to repre-
sent him at Yorktown. This gentleman was bom September 4,
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288 Tti^kk's Quastxelt Maoazinx
.1745, And was a Justice of York Counly and a prominent mer-
chant He married, first, Sarah Nicholas, daughter of the Treas-
urer, Bobert Carter Nicholas, and Bdly. Catherine Bush, daugh-
ter of Philip Bush, of Winchester. Prances Norton, his sister,
married her first cousin, John Baylor, son of John Baylor and
Lucy Walker, another daughter of Jacob Walker, of Elizabeth
Ciiy County.
The letters which follow are selected from a mass of papers in
the possession of Judge J. EL M. Norton^ of Alexandria, who is a
son of Gteorge Hatley Norton and his wife Anne Burwell Mar-
shall, grandson of George Hatley Norton and Maria Oault, his
wife, and great-grandson of John Hatley Norton and Sarah
Nicholas his wife.
To John Hatley Norton.
London the 10th may 1767.
Dear BBXXey.
I wrote you the 17th past ft intended it pr. Capt Wilkinson he
told me on change he was goe:g to Qravesend himself this afternoon*
that Mr. Athawes's youngest son wd. follow him in ye eYea.g after
with all his letters, ft if mine were sent any time in ye fomoon they
wd. be soon enough, but instead thereof I went with them to Hr.
AthaWes* in ye mom:g and he went down the Night Tide, so they were
left, ft those sent pr. post to Ramagate (it being a bye post) did not
get there till day Noon, ft they were left likewise as I expected, ft
have been since returned home, you have them pr. this opporty. in
which Mr. Ballard is passenger with Capt. Littell bound to Jas. River.
In looking over matters since ye ship sailed I find by Mr. Barwick's
neglect :g to make out 2 bills of pchs. 1 for Col. Edw. Digges ye other
Mr. Jno. Perrin for each a pr. of silk which your mother hot tor
her own wear:g but substituted them instead of those they ordered
neither of th«n hare been charged in their invoices. I have wrote
them off ft must charge them with it, also Mr. Barwick has added his
bill of patts(?) for Mr. Prentis's goods £10 short at least Mr.
Prentis is cha:d £10 too little for the same pr. his invoice, have
since charged him with ye error ft pr. the 1st opporty. advised him
of it We are all much as you left us, your Sr. has been to Whitfldds
^Samu^ Athaws a prominent merchant of London, in the Virginia
trade.
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NOETON COBBESPONDENCB 289
Tttbemacle ft satisfied her curiosity, she seined much disappointed,
his oratory fell greatly short of her expectations. I hare done little
in the Tobo. way since I wrote have sold only 10 hhds. of Sticky Stript
Leaf to Bfr. Grote at 8d ye 36 hhds. sold Lyde of Stript Leaf Pror'd
in gen'l very rotten on delirery, old Mr. Hodgkin too 900 allowce.
it won'd hardly agree to take them at that, many hhds. tum'd out
rotten gnite thro, they belonged to Mr. Benja. Hemdon, Geo. Halloway,
Hy. Hill, Geo. Brooke ft Wm. Thomson. I hare got off the leaf of
that Stamp to Andrews ft Ck>. ft Sayer, on pretty good terms, except
ye hhd. DVN wch. was so bad I let him have it at 2d ft without
allowce. I hare only hhds. Leaf ft 18 hhds. Stript of Anderson's
Cargo ft 80 of LiUey's by odd ships unsold, many of them by Lilley
being new I fear will stick on hand, but the old Tobo. I am not much
afraid of as most of the Merchts. hare dear'd their warehouses. Lilly
has put his ship up at the Coffee house to sail this mo. pr. him
probably you hear from me again at prest remain with all our good
wishes to you ft frds. in YirgaL.
Dr. Hadley
Yrs. Affectionately, John Norton.
P. S. I have pd. ye greatest part of the Tradesm^i ft hope ye
remainder will be so before the week expires.
To Mr. John Norton.
Dear Sir.
I shall be obliged to you if you will send me eight or ten gallons
of the best arrack in carboys properly secured and some gardenseeds.
Tour son left us this morning. He is in rery good health and spirits.
He was was going to Hanorer court With my best wishes f6r yours
and your family's haiH;»iness I am,
Dear Sir, Your most obedient sert.
G. Wythe.
Williamsburg, June 1768.
Addressed Tb Mr. John Norton, Merchant in London.
By favour of Mr. Stevenson.
On Back.
Virginia 1st June 1768, George Wythe. Reic'd 25th July. Mr. Steren-
SOB Goods entd. 452. Answd. the August 1768. Woodford
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290 Tyler's Quabtsblt Maqaelsm
To John Norton.
Dear Sir.
I wrote mmiiy months ago to Messrs. James Buchanan and Com-
pany for an elegant set of table and tea china, with bowls of the
same of different sises, decanters and drinking glasses, an handscnne
serrioe of glass for a desert, four middlesised and six lesser dishes,
and three dosen plates of hard metal, 100 skins of writing parchment
proper for enrolling our acts of assembly on, several bundles of bed
quilts, two pieces of blanketing and as many of rolls for senrants,
10 or 12 pair of shoes and two slippers for myself, and one or two
other articles which I do not recollect. At that time there was due
to me about thirty pounds, I belieye, for I have mislaid their last
account current; and besides I had shipped four hogshead of tobacco
to that house. The goods hare not come to hand, neither hare I yet
an account of sales of the tobacco. If they hare not sent, nor design
to send the goods, I desire you will be so kind as to let me hare them,
with a bonnet for Mrs. Wythe, and present the Inclosed order and re-
ceive the balance. A few days since I desired you would procure for
me an handsome well built charriot, with the device now sent painted
on it, for which you may depend on a seasonable rratiittance. I again
beg the favour of your attention to the affair of the journals. If they
are not to be procured let me be informed what 120 printed copies of
them to the year 1752 wlU cost If they do not exceed the sum I
suppose the assembly, I doubt not, will defray the expence. The pros-
pect of a benefit to me, I ilatter myself, will not only excuse the earn-
estness and frequency of my importunities, but stimulate your en-
deavors to serve me in this business. You will oblige me by sending
a copper plate, with the arms of Virginia neatly engraved, and some
impressions of them to be i>asted on the books belonging to the house
of burgesses. If any additions are made on the plate in consequence
of what is proposed within, I will cheerfully pay the extraordinary
cost J. H. N. left us a day or two ago in good health Ac I forgot
to menti<Mi that I had drawn bills on Messrs. James Buchanan and
company for about sixteen pounds payable to Mr. James Ck>cke.
I am. Dear Sir, Your sincere friend and well wisher,
G. Wythe.
Williamsburg. Aug. 18th 1768.
Addressed "To John Norton, Esq., Merchant in London.
On Back.
Virginia 18th Augst 1768. George Wythe Esqr. Rec'd 24th October.
Goods entd. pa: 76. pr. Gapt Robertson. Answd. the March 1769
pr. BriWant.
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Norton Cosbespondbnce 291
To John Norton,
Rosewell May the 27th 1769.
Dr. Sir.
I wrote to you some time ago thanking you for the confidence you
had put in me in sending me so many goods upon so small a con-
signment» acquainting you with my disappointment, & showing how
far I had complied with my promise of paying your Son 6c. I cannot
help assuring you again that I should not have sent you such an in-
voice last year if I had known the amount of my debts here, & could
have foreseen the expenses of Electioneering, for nobody hates the
thought of being in debt more than I do, but the great scarcety of
money here, the shortness of my crops for four years past, & the
necessary expences of an increasing family Joined to the commence-
ment of house-keeping in a large house, have forced me to submit to
it for a while; but I hope it will not be long, as I have a very good
prospect for a crop, have engaged a good overseer, have resolved not
to send to E2ngland for anjrthing this year, & have entered into the
Association. I like the Association because I think it will repeal
the disagreeable acts of Parliament, open the eyes of the people with
you, ft must certainly clear us of our debts. All North America will
join in this cheme. How must your Manufacturers curse the Minister
who has driven the Colonies to this! I am astonished at Ld. Hills-
borough. His method of quelling riots in London, & supporting the
civil power in America, as he terms it, will render him eternally
ridiculous & odious to both Bnglish & Americans. I am amazed at
the influence he seems to have over both houses of Parliament; their
Resolves are almost a copy of his letter to Qovemor Bernard. Is it
not shocking to think that he not only executed that dangerous 6
impolitic scheme of sending troops to Boston, but was able to get
the approbation of Lds. k Commons? Is not every honest Englishman
alarmed at their resolves it address? Mentioning their resolves &
address puts me in mind of ours,* but I suppose you will see them
before you get this. L4. Botetourt required nothing of the Assembly,
but they were so provoked at the resolves of the Lords & Commons
that they enter'd the resolves for which his Lordship thought proper
to dissolve them. This has not lessened him in their esteem, for
they suppose he was obliged to do so; he is universally esteemed here
for his great assiduity in his olBce, condescension, good nature ft true
Politeness.
I hope our unhappy differences will soon be soon at an end^ for
«The celebrated resolves of Biay 16, 1769, by which Virginia rallied
the whole continent to resistance.
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292 Ttlsb's Quabtsklt Maoa£ii7b-
I think that the Parliament moit be soon convinced that the acta
we complain of are onconatitutional ft anticommercial, k then will,
with a greatness of mind worthy of that august body, repeal them as
such.
I have given Capt Robertson 10 Hhds. which was all I had after
paying levies ft overseers. I shall be obliged to you if you will in-
sure than. I believe I have had one of the worst overseers in the
world. Hy wife Joins me in best wishes to you jr. lady ft Family.
I am yours sinoer^
John Page^ Junj*
On Back.
Virga.. 27th May, 1769. John Page, Jun.r. Revived 2&th July.
Ansd. the 2eth Augst. 1769. Capt Cocke.
To John Norton.
York, 14th Aug't, 1769
Dear 6lr,
Tour kind letter shou'd have been answer'd sooner but some little
disappointments and perplexities prevented me. I have now enclosed
a bill of Bzchange for some necessaries for Housekeeping; I imagine
youl be a little surprised at my undertaking; when I might with more
propriety perhaps have consulted the undertaker but such Is the
propensity of Mankind to be Whimsical that I am affknid wee shall
be so as long as wee live in this world.
Tou'l see by my invoice that I am an Assodator; that I am so
I am sure will give me some Merit with Mrs. Norton; not that I
doubt Mr. Norton neither: But believe me, our poor Country never
stood in more need of an effort to save her from ruin than now; not
more from the taxes, and want of trayd than from our own extrava-
gances. The 2 shilling linen being for my own Wear, I recommend
it to your choice; I expect to be dress't in Virginia doth very soon,
and as I am a little incommoded with corns, in Mockasins likewise.
I have given up the Article of Tea, but some are not quite so tractable;
however, if wee can convince the good folks on your side the Water
of their Error, wee may hope to see happier timea. Whatever our
fare may be I wish you and yours health and Happiness and remain.
Sir
Your Alft frioid
and oblgd hum Servt
M. Jaquelin*
*Martha Jaquelin, daughter of Edward Jaquelin, of Jamestown.
For other ladies of the Assodation, see William and Mary Quarterly,
VIII, 86.
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NOBTON COBBISPONDSNOB 293
To John Norton,
Virginia, Norfolk, December 17, 1769.
Dear Sir:—
It iB some time since I had the pleasure of hearing from yon, and
take this opportunity to ask the favour of your assistance, as I am
satisfied from your known disposition that you are always ready to
serve any of your friends in Virginia. I have been an Ofllcer of the
Customs, a Surveyor of Elizabeth River for better than thirty years
and by the records of the Court of Admiralty I have made more
seizures than most all the Oflicers in the Colony, and it is immagined
there will be a new Custom House Eh'ected at Norfolk soon. A few
days past Mr. Williams, Inspector General, arrived in Norfolk from
Boston who is appointed to inspect into the Oflices of the Customs in
the Several Colonys and on his return to the Commissioners at Bos-
ton his report will be accordingly, by what I can understand from
him he is much surprised a place of such Consequence in Trade should
be without a Custom House, tho he is very Cautious what he sals.
Since I made the three seizures which was last winter of two Brigs
A a Sloop which I wrote to the Commissioners relative thereto, I had
in answer a very polite Letter and highly approving of my conduct
upon the return of the inspector General if he thinks Norfolk ought
to have a Custom house Eh'ected there, the Commissioners is to report
it home and I am creditably informed Mr. Wm. Bradley is waiting for
that purpose, Elxpecting either to be appointed Collector or Naval
officer, now as I have been an officer there so many years, I think
in Justice I ought to be prefered, and if you can make Interest for
me with your friends to ingage one of those places either Collector
or Naval Officer, I shall readily pay with pleasure the Expense you'd
be at in obtaining it and do Earnestly beg you will do all you can
which I shall ever acknowledge. / hwoe wrote to Mr. Dinwiddie
and hope he will do aU in his power and shall he glad you will speake
to him about it also wrote to E. Bteuart hut am doubtful, as he is
fond of prefering his Countrymen, tho he promised me. I have not
mentioned a word to Col. Hunter for fear of his thinking of Balfour
or Barraud, thwefore the Sooner if possible it can be ingaged for me
the better, and if I am so happy to obtain it, it will suit me to live in
Norfolk it being so near and convenient to my Estate, and beg Dear
Sir you will be my friend and do all you can, which you may depend
I shall do all in my power here to serve you. Mrs. Moseley Joines me
with our best wishes to you and Mrs. Norton, and am with great
Esteem
D'r £Ur your mo't Humble Servt,
Bdw. Hack Moseley.
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294 Ttlek's Quabtbblt Magazine
I have forgot to mention to you one thing that is my ion Bassett
Hoseley who do0 busineei for himself in the dry goods way and is
well situated in the Town of Norfolk desires me that I would men-
tion him to you as he wants a few goods to sort his store to the
▼alue of one hundred ft fifty or two hundred pounds if you'l please
to send them out to him he will remit you for them in three or four
months tho I believe he will send you a bill much sooner by the next
ship. I am D'r Sir,
With great Exteem your
most H. Serrt
B. H. Moseley
Addressed to Mr. John Norton, Merchant in London.
To John Norton.
Virginia, July 20, 1770.
Sir:—
I beg you will excuse my presuming to trouble you with this,
perhaps you, or yr Lady, may Remember my Daughter Mary Moir
Left two sons ft a Daughter when she Dy'd. the boys I Brought up,
ft they are Bound one to a trade, the other to the sea. the girl my
Daughter Darenport took, ft is still here. I was oblig'd to break up
housekeeping ft Live with her after Mr. Davenport Dy'd, and have
been a cripple with the Rhumatism this three years. I am more than
70 years old, ft am helpt from the Bed to the chair, confined to one
Room. Now to the substance of what I Desire to acquaint you with,
if I may be permitted so to doe. Mr. Moir was here a few days since,
and inform'd me he had Rec'd a Letter from Mr. Mackey, which
married his sister, that a friend in Sweeden was Dead ft had Left him
a Leggacy, and Desired him to come to E2ngland, and to bring his
Daughter, ft his wife would take care of her and bring her up. this
I should be glad off, as I am so old, ft her Aunt Davenport is so very
Low ft weak, in a consumption, she is advis'd as the Last Remedy to
cross the sea, and is gone to Bermuda, if she should Die, god only
knows what will become of poor Nancy Moir, for she has no near Rela-
tion here Left. Mr. Wm. Nelson has Let Mr. Moir have money ft
goods, I am told, on that Lietter. Now what I humbly Request of
you is, if Mr. Mackey Does not Live at too great a Distance, that you,
or Tr Lady if it is not too great a favour to ask, could see Mrs.
Mackey, ft know from her, if she will send for her Niece Nancy Moir,
there is many prittey traids there that she might put her to, that is
not in my power to doe here, ft Nancy is very willing to goe to her
aunt, but she would not goe to Maryland with her father, as he has
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NOBTON COEBESPONDSNGE 295
another wife. I believe she was afraid he would Leave her with his
wife, ft not carry her to her aunt as you are the only person I know
in England, I thus made bold to write to you, and was incourag'd
so to Doe, as I know you both delight to doe good, & help the Dis-
trest, and such must poor Nancy Moir be without a friend. I am with
the greatest Respect yr most oblig'd & obed. Senrt.
Anne Matthews.*
Mr Daniel Mackey Lives in Friday Street Mercht in London
Addressed to John Norton, Esq., Mercht. in London
To John Norton.
WiUiamsburg 2d Jan, 1772.
Dear Sir:
This will be delivered to you by Mr. William Leigh,t a young Gen-
tlonan, who has lately flnish'd his Studies at our College ft is Just
embarking for England to take Holy Orders. His exceeding great
merit has Justly entitled him to the Esteem of all his Acquaintance
in Virginia ft I beg Leave to recommend him to your particular favour
and Regard.
Sincerely wishing you and all yours a long and uninterupted Ser-
vice of happy years, I am very truly, D'r Sir,
Tr. afft hbl. Servt.
Ro. G. Nicholas
To John Hatley Norton.
My Dear Son.
This is to congratulate you ft my daughter on your marriage wish-
ing you both all worldly happiness. I expected a letter by Cap. White
but imagine it might have miscarried as neither your father nor
myself have had any account from you in your last you mentioned
that you were to be married tomorrow but as tomorrow is a day that
may never come I did not rest myself satisfied with that certainty.
Pay my respectful compts to Mr. ft Mrs. Nicholas my cousin With
[Wythe] ft his lady, not forgetting my nephew Jacob Walker, my
dear father's favorate; as to your future settlement in life I must
•The will of Anne Matthews was proved in York County 21 Sept.,
1772. She names her 8on4n-law Mr. George Davenport (who was a
lawyer), and daughter Catherine, son John Baker and daughter Anne
Wright The will was witnessed by David James<m, Laurence Smith, Jr.,
and Matthew Hubberd.
fRev. William Leigh, father of Senator BenJ. Watkins Leigh.
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296 Ttleb's Quabteblt Maqazikb
Itave tliat to your f miller's adylce ft your own prndeace, should bo
glad to know what your plan Is by the first opportunity as a proper
beginning often terminates In a happy Issue. Ton are now blessed
with a woman capable of making you happy which I hope you will
love ft cherish as you lately promised, my best respects to all my
good friends not forgetting Mr. Rejmolds.* I will write him by Cap.
Necks as I cannot now being mudi Interrupted by my poor Harry's
Illness, the rest of the family thank God are rery well
Tour Affectionate Mother,
Courtenay Norton
Addressed 'To John Hatley Norton, Esq., In York Town, Virginia.
By favor of Cap. Robertson."
On back. London Mar. 72. Courtenay Norton, Rec'd June 72. Answd.
To John Norton,
Virginia, WUllamaburg, 26 March, 1772.
0lr:
*I am directed by the Presidt ft Proflessors of William and Mary
College to Inclose you a bill lading for 7 hhds. Toba. on board the
Greenvale Ci^ Bowleg addressed to you. They gave your son orders
for 13 hhds. which the Capt says he sent a craft for, but those were
only ready, the other 6 will go, probably, in one <^ your own ships
if they should arrive soon.
Mr. Camm, who was appointed Presidt. during the Comys.t ab-
sence, desires me to offer his compliments, ft that he would himself
have wrote you but that he is not quite recovered from a fit of the
gout in his hands.
Pray offer my respectful! compliments to Mrs. Norton ft your
family, ft be assured the Civilities I reed, from you while in London I
shall ever remr. with gratitude, ft wish for nothing more than an
opportunity of serving you.
I am with equal respt ft r^^d. Sir, Your mo. ob Servt.
Rob. Miller, Bursar of Wm. ft Mary College.
*Capt. Thomas Reynolds lived in Yorktown where he was partner
in many seagoing vessels. He married Susanna Rogers, daughter of
Capt William Rogers. Reynolds died in 1759 and Mr. John Nort<m
was one of his executors. His son William was the person re fe rred
to in the letter.
fRev. Thomas Horrocks, president of William and Mary College
and Commissary of the Church.
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Norton Cokbespondsncb 297
John Norton, Biq,
Addressed "To John Norton, Beq. ft Son, Merchants, London.
The Greenvale Capt Bowie, Q. D. C.
On Back.
VIrga. 26 March 1772. Robert Miller, Reed. 25 Blay. Answd. the
July.
To John Satley Norton.
May ye 6th— 1772.
My dear Son.
I hope this will be delivered yon by Mr. Powell who goes pas-
senger in Ci4>t. Necks with a few triflles for you ft my daughter
pray my love to her. I h<9e my dear you have had no retom of your
illness since your marriage but hope a good wife will take care of
you ft comfort you. Your Uncle Fludger* has lately had a stroke
of the palsey but hope if he has no return of it he may get the better.
Tour Fds. are well and desire' to be remembered to you. As I know
my dear my health is not indifferent to you I can with pleasure say
that I am a great deal better though not quite well. Pray God bless
you ft yours. Amongst the things your sister has sent a work bag
to her sister with her kind love to you both wishing you all the hi4»-
piness this world can afford.
Your truly affectionate mother
Courtenay Norton.
Addressed "To John Hatley Norton, Bsq., Merchant in York Town,
Virginia." To the care of Mr. Powell.
To John Hatley Norton,
Oct^r ye 28th 1772
Dear Brother
by your last letter I Understood you were gone up to the Springs
for your Health. I heartily wish you a reisstablishment of it as that
is Certainly the most Essential part of our happiness. I am sorry to
hear that my Sister has had an Inflammation in her eyes I have
been in the same state for near these 3 Months past at times so that
hardly able to attend either book or work but what has done me the
most good of any thing that I have yet Tried is Dipping my head in
Ccld water every Morning which thank God by his assistance has
made them well. My Mama sent out your Goods by Capt White
which she hopes will prove to your entire Satisfaction; she has made
some little alterations which she hopes will not be Disagreeable, as
•Plowerdew?
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298 Ttubr's Quabteklt Maoazuob
thej were ordered to the beet of her Judgment I must thank yon for
your kind letter ft the good Inetmctlon which it Contain'd I shall
try to follow as near as poesible so as deserve the good opinion that
my F'ds ft Relativee entertain of me ft especially to answer the ex-
pectations that my dear Parents have of me I have no news to Re-
late to you at Present except that is thought Wilks will be our Lord
Ifayor, the other Party have demanded a Scrutiny it will not be finally
ended till next Month my Brother George is a strong Wilkite he is
continually railing at the Bfinistry we laugh and tell him he knows
better how to add an 8th or a 16th to the pound in selling Tdbacco
my BCama tells him that neither he nor she were made to rule the
state my Aunt Fludger Joins in lore, she is now so blind as to be
Just able to sign her name, therefore beggs leave to assure you of her
sincerest wishes for your ft my Sisters happiness the same as if she
wrote my Bfama gives her love she received your lett^ but has
not leisure to answer it at Present we all Join in love to you ft my
Sister
I remain Dear Brother with FiUial Love
your Affectionate Sister
Frances Norton*
P. S.
pray my love to Mr. Reynolds tell him I
received his letter will answer it by
another importunity
Frances Norton
Td John Hatley Norton Esq. Williamsburg
•She married John Baylor
(To be continued.)
HISTOBICAL AND GENEALOGICAL NOTES.
Goldsmiths and Silversmiths. — ^These trades were repre-
sented at Williamsburg in colonial days. John Brodnax was a
goldsmith in Williamsburg before 1719, when his will was proved,
and John Coke before 1744. John Bryan was a silversmith before
1749, when he is mentioned as such. They imported plate from
England but also made some themselves. Thus, in the inventory
of Henry Bowcock, tavern keeper of Williamsburg, there is men-
tion of "silver** as follows:
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Historical and Qenealogical Notes 299
101 oz. 14 wi, plate of new sterling @ 68=£30.10. 2%
106 oz. 14 do. old sterling @ 5s— £29. 6.10
36 oz. 16 do. Virginia made @ 5s— £ 9. 4.10
Henbt Bowoook, Tavern keeper, of Williamsburg, names in
his will a son Henry, who married Elizabeth Lowe Tyler, sister
of John Tyler, marshall of the Vice Admiralty Court, and in
1742 Henry Tyler, her uncle, administered on the estate of Henry
Bowcock, who died without will. They appear to have had at least
two children, Mary, mentioned as such in the will of Agnes Hil-
liard (1746), and probably Henry Bowcock, a printer in Wil-
liamsburg, who died about 1779, when his will was proved at
Yorktown. In 1752 a deed shows that Elizabeth Lowe (Tyler)
Bowcock had married John Palmer, a lawyer, who was also bursar
of William and Mary College. He died in 1760. In 1775 John
Tyler (afterwards governor) advertised in the Va. Gazette **a brick
house and its appurtenances, belonging to the daughters of the late
John Pahner.'* {Wm. & Mary Quarterly, XVII, p. 150.) Eliza-
beth Palmer, one of the daughters, married in 1770 Sichard Marot
Booker, of Halifax County, Va., son of Col. Eichard Booker, of
Amelia, and Sachel Marot, his wife, daughter of John Marot of
Williamsburg. (Halifax Co. Marriage Bonds.)
Gunsmiths in Williamsbubg. — Governor Spotswood brought
to Virginia John Brush, as gunsmith. His daughter Susanna mar-
ried I, Thomas Barber, II, Eev. Francis Fontaine, Professor of
Oriental Languages in William and Mary College. (William and
Mary Quarterly, V, 195, 213.) In 1729 Henry Bowcock bequeaths
to his son Henry ^%is silver watch and gun made by John Brush,
and a case of pistols with brass barrels made by Hawkins, and my
bowsing and holster caps.*' In Henry Bowcock's inventory the
gun made by Brush is referred to as ^^1 bird piece made by Brush*'
(valued at) £2.10. After Brush came James Geddy, gunsmith, to
whom in 1738 Samuel Boush and Frances, his wife, sold lot 62 in
the plan of the City. And in 1751 David and William Geddy,
his sons, were smiths, who, besides repairing all kinds of gunwork,
made all kinds of cutlery. At Yorktown similar work was carried
on by Ephraim Qooslej. He stated that ^%is materials and work-
men were from the best shops in London.*' (William and Mary
Quarterly, XII, 83, 157.)
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300 Ttlsb's Quabteklt Maoaxotk
Mabston Chuboh in Yobk Countt. — ^This church was sit-
uated near Magruder, in York Countj^ and is marked by some old
brick and some tombstones of the Garrett family. It is referred
to in the following order: ^^t is ordered that Bichard Booker,
Oeni, be appointed surveyor of the Boad which leads from the old
church over the Capitol Landing, in the room of Bobert Clarke,
but it is ordered that he keep the said Bridge and cosway in good
repair at the County^s charge-**
BusHBOD, Thomas. — Judge Bushrod Washington was de-
scended from Bichard Bushrod (bom 1626). The last was brother
of Thomas Bushrod (bom 1604), who was a resident of York
County, Va. He appears to have come from Massachusetts, being
unable to reconcile himself to the rules of that despotic country.
Thus, in the Massachusetts Becords: ''3rd 7 month, 1639, Thomas
Bushrode being accused of defaming the Gk>Temment was con-
victed and fined 6£ ISs 4d wch paying to bee discharged."
Probably it was not long after this order that he removed to
Virginia. We find him in York Count in 1647, where he was a
member of the House of Burgesses in 1658-59. He sympathized
with the Quakers, and in 1661, when a persecution was begun
against them in Virginia, Bushrod was particularly obstreperous.
His wife was a Quakeress, and, for his interference with her,
Bushrod called Bev. Justinian Aylmer ''a blind priest," ''huU-
Christ" and ''proceeded from the Pope," and to Col. Augustine
Warner, one of the Council, Bushrod said that he would not meddle
with him as a councillor but that "hee ye said Warner," was "a
Bogue & a dogg." In these remarks, while paying due deference
to authority, he was quite positive in expressing his opinions of
Aylmer and Warner. He was arrested and remanded to the auth-
orities at Jamestown, but made his peace in some way.
Bushrod engaged in merchandising and acquired a large estate.
He married 1. Mary, widow of Capt. Thomas Hill, of Essex Lodge
in York County, and 2. Elizabeth whose eldest daugh-
ter, Lydia, apparentiy by another marriage, married Major Ed-
mund Chisman, of Bacon's Bebellion. Mr. Bushrod, describing
himself as of Essex Lodge, made his will December 18, 1676, and
desired to be buried "in my old garden by the side of my wife
Mary without comon prayeres or otiier cust(»net used at ffunerala.''
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HiSTOBIOAL ATSny GiBNEALOGIOAL NOTES 301
It is snggestiye of the inconstant actions of people at that time^
who were much like children in their sudden gusts of passion^ that
Augustine Warner was one of his executors.
Lydia Chisman was the heroine who, when her husband was
arraigned before Gov. William Berkeley, took all the blame of his
rebellion on herself and desired to be hanged in his stead. But Sir
William repulsed her in a very unworthy manner.
For Bushrod Family, see William and Mary College Quarterly,
XIV, p. 177, XI, 29-32.
In a notice in Vol. I, 30-33, there are some errors.
iBSY.—iWUliam and Mary Coll Qmrterly, VII, 61.) Mary
Tyler, sister of John Tyler, Governor of Virginia, married Wil-
liam Irby, Jr., not John Irby as stated. There is a deed dated
Nov. 24, 1799, from William Irby, Jr., and Mary, his wife, of
Charles City Co., Virginia and parish of Westover to littleberry
Irby, of the said counly, for 99:^ acres, which he, the said Wil-
liam Irby, purchased of Joshua Ejiibb. It probably indicates the
time of Irby*s removal from the couniy to South Carolina. There
was a commission appointed by the court priorly to examine the
said Mary, and the report says that she was examined March 5,
1802, and that William Irby was then dead.
BoLPB.— The will of William Bolfe, dated December 30, 1784,
is recorded in Mecklenburg Couniy, Va., in which he mentions his
wife, Elizabeth, sons William, Lewis, Edward and John, daughters
Elizabeth Brame and Sarah Brame, the wives respectively of
Thomas and James Brame and several grandchildren. The given
names Addison and Warner Lewis and James Washington appear
among the children and grandchildren of Thomas and James
Brame. It is desired to know the maiden name of William Bolfe's
wife, the names of his antecedents and whence he came to Meck-
lenburg County. It is also desired to know the maiden name of the
wife of Bichens Brame, whose will, probated in Mecklenburg
County, Va., December 14, 1789, mentions her as Susannah; he
removed from Cardine County, in 1760, to the portion of Lunen-
burg County now embraced in Mecklenburg. What was the maiden
name of the wife Mary of John Brame (grandfather of Bichens
Brame), who patented 200 acres of land in Middlesex Couniy, Va.,
October 23, 1690, and was he the ^nigrant of Hie family and
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302 Tyleb's Quabtebly Magazine
whom did Melchizedek^ Jemima, Eezia and Eerenhappuch Brame
(brother and sisters of the above Richens Brame), bom in 1717,
1719, 1720 and 172^4 respectively in Middlesex Connty, Va., marry
and who are some of their descendants? — Miss LucUe Brame, Apt
No. 2, 1 North Fifth Sreet, Richmond, Va.
Chiskiack. — ^At the time of the arrival of the whites the region
about the present Yorktown on the south side of York river was
ruled by the Chiskiack Indians, whose chief village was located at
a place three miles above Yorktown. These Indians were active in
assaulting the whites at Jamestown, and in 1612 their chief was
named Ottahotin. They took part in the Indian massacre of 1622,
and, afterwards, to escape the vengeance of the whites^ they emi-
grated to the Pyanketank river. Here they continued until they
dwindled away to nothing.
Among the early proprietors of land in the Chiskiack district
of the York was Heniy Lee, who was a phjrsician, and one of the
magistrates of York County. His residence, called 'Chiskiack,''
was not far from the Indian town. Later, his son of the same
name probably built the brick house which was burned and restored
not many years ago. It continued in the family till both property
and house were taken over by the Federal government in 1917. The
last proprietor was W. H. H. Lee, of Bichmond, and in the Rich-
mond newspapers is the announcement of the marriage of his
daughter, Elizabeth Yestella Lee to W. L. Armstrong^ of Boston,
by Rev. Dr. Tuttle, of the Methodist Church, on Friday, 11 o'clock,
March 31, 1922. The young couple will reside in Augusta County,
Virginia.
Information wanted concerning Thomas Lee, of Northum-
berland Co., Va. Afterwards of Wythe Co., Va., and as early as
1783 he had business transactions in the vicinity of Rogersville,
Tennessee. Later, deeds of sale and gift show that he resided there
in Lee VaUey, now Hawkins Co.
Was he llie Thomas Lee who was Adjutant of Orayson's Regi-
ment 1777 to 1778 ?
He is styled Capt. Thomas Lee. His will was probated July
4th, 1816. He calls his wife Mary Lee.— Ifrs. Peter A. Boyle, 2801
Rhodes Circle, Birmingham, Ala.
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Works of Lyon G. Tyler
711 Travelers Banding^ Richmond^ Va*
1. Letters and Times of the Tylers.
Being a work in two volumes (1884 and 1885) covering the lives of John
Tyler, Sr., Governor of Virginia, and his son, John Tyler, President of
the United States, with a running conunentary on political events from
1775 to 1861. Price, $5 (express to be paid by purchaser). Apply to
the author. In 1896 a small third volume of letters was added, but no
copies of this remain for sale.
2. Cradle of the Republic — ^Jamestown and James River.
A detailed history of JamestoTMi and the other James River settle-
ments. Second edition, rewritten, enlarged and copiously illustrated.
Only six copies of the edition remain. Price $10. each. Apply to the
author.
3. Williamsburg, the old Colonial Capital.
Copiously illustrated. Williamsburg is full of interest as the capital
of Virginia during the American Revolution, and the seat of William
and Mary College. Sent to any place in the United States free of
postage for $3.00. Apply to the author.
4. Parties and Patronage in the United States.
In (j. P. Putnam's "Questions of the Day." Out of print.
5. Narratives of Early Virginia (1606-1625).
Charles Scribncr^s Sons, PubUsherd, New York.
6. The English in America.
(Volume IV in Hart's American Nation.) Harper & Brothers, Pub-
lishers, New York.
7. Men of Mark in Virginia.
In five volumes. Men of Mark Publishing Co., Washington, D. C.
8. Biographical Dictionary of Virginia.
In five volumes. Lewis Historical Publishing Co., New Yorlc 1915*
9. William and Mary College Quarterly Historical and
Genealogical Magazine— 1892-1919. (27 volumes.)
Lyon G. Tyler, Editor and Proprietor. All unsigned articles contributed
by the Editor, Lyon G. Tyler. Discontinued with April number, 1919.
Back numbers furnished at 12.00 per copy by addressing the Editor,
711 Travelers Bldg., Richmond. Va.
10. Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Maga-
zine.
Lyon G . Tyler, Editor and Proprietor. All unsigned articles contributed
l)v the editor. Ann\ial subscription, $4.00. Single numbers, $1.25.
Began Julv, 1919.
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^
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i
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THE BORROWER WILL BE CHARGED
AN OVERDUE FEE IF THIS BOOK IS
NOT RETURNED TO THE LIBRARY ON
OR BEFORE THE LAST DATE STAMPED
BELOW. NON-RECEIPT OF OVERDUE
* .^JiQIICES DOES NOT EXEMPT THE
1 ^2SyA-.«i FROM X>VERDU5 FEES.
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