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STUDIES  IN  ROMANCE  PHILOLOGY  AND 
LITERATURE 


UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW 

IN    THE 

OLD  FRENCH  CHANSONS  DE  GESTE 


COLUMBIA 

UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

SALES  AGENTS 

New  York: 

LEMCKE  &*BUECHNER 

30-32  West  27th  Street 

London : 
HENRY  FROWDE 
Amen  Corner,  E.C. 

Toronto : 
HENRY  FROWDE 
25  Richmond  Street,  W. 


UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW 


IN   THE 


OLD  FRENCH  CHANSONS  DE  GESTE 


A  STUDY  IN  THE  SUEVIVAL  OF  MATRIARCHY 


BY 

WILLIAM  OLIVER  FARNSWORTH 


Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfilment  of  the  Requirements  for 

THE  Degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy,  in  the  Faculty 

OF  Philosophy,  Columbia  University 


Bm  Pork 
COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1913 


Copyright,  1913 
By  Columbia  University  Pres» 

Printed  from  type  June,  1913 


PRESS  OF 

THE  NEW  ERA  PRINTING  COMPANY 

LANCASTER,  PA. 


r  3  5- 


NOTE 

The  following  dissertation  has  been  accepted  by  the 
Department  of  Romance  Languages  and  Literatures  of 
Columbia  University  as  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
history  of  the  subject  of  which  it  treats. 

Henry  Alfred  Todd. 

Columbia  University 
November,  1912 


PREFACE 

The  study  which  follows  represents  the  gleanings  from  some 
three  hundred  thousand  verses  of  Old  French  poetry,  compris- 
ing nearly  all  the  published  epics  down  through  the  thirteenth 
century.  A  marked  feature  of  this  reading  is  its  corroborative 
nature;  each  poem  strengthens  the  impression  produced  by  the 
others,  and  the  characteristics  of  the  relations  between  the 
uncle  of  the  epic  and  his  nephew  are  so  consistently  depicted 
that  one  can  scarcely  fail  to  receive  the  impression  of  some 
elemental  force  at  work  influencing  the  poets'  treatment  of 
the  subject.  The  idea  that  imitation  alone  is  responsible  for 
this  remarkable  consistency  is  speedily  dispelled  as  one  finds 
oneself  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  early  family  life  which 
have  been  disclosed  by  the  researches  of  the  sociologists  and  as 
the  connection  of  our  subject  with  man's  primitive  nature 
becomes  apparent. 

In  general,  where  several  editions  of  a  text  have  been  pub- 
lished, reference  is  made  to  the  one  accepted  by  scholars  as 
the  best,  but  occasional  references  have  been  made  to  early  edi- 
tions when  the  later  one  was  not  at  hand;  this  does  not  require 
an  apology,  inasmuch  as  the  sentiment,  rather  than  the  exact 
dialectical  wording,  is  the  essential  consideration  for  our  pur- 
pose. It  was  not  easy  to  decide  how  far  the  citations  should 
be  standardized;  the  printed  texts  vary  in  many  details  of 
spelling,  punctuation,  and  so  forth,  but  it  was  thought  best 
to  retain  the  peculiarities  of  each  editor,  with  a  few  exceptions 
calculated  to  render  easier  the  part  of  the  reader:  each  verse 
has  been  made  to  begin  with  a  capital  letter,  portions  spoken 
by  the  various  characters  have  been  set  off  by  quotation  marks, 
the  useless  hyphens  and  grave  accents  of  the  early  editions 
have  been  discarded,  initials  standing  for  proper  names  have 
been   replaced   by   the   names   in   full,    parentheses   enclosing 

vii 


Vlll 


PEEFACE 


missing  letters  supplied  by  the  editors  have  been  discarded, 
and  the  most  vicious  specimens  of  incomprehensible  punctua- 
tion have  been  modified. 

It  was  originally  intended  to  include  all  the  poems  desig- 
nated in  Langlois'  Table  des  Noms  Propres,  hence  several 
fitting  citations  are  introduced  from  the  Naissance  du  Chevalier 
au  Cygne,  which  is  not  an  epic  poem;  some  few  of  the  later 
poems  were  not  obtainable,  and  it  was  finally  decided  to  dis- 
regard those  that  showed  too  markedly  a  romantic  rather  than 
an  epic  tendency. 

The  testimony  from  other  literatures  has  been  gleaned 
largely  at  second  hand.  Although  the  sociological  data  are 
common  property,  acknowledgment  has  been  made  to  the 
writer  who  discusses  the  points  rather  than  to  his  source.  An 
ideal  way  would  have  been  to  trace  these  points  in  the  reports 
of  learned  societies,  etc.,  but  as  the  object  was  only  to  record 
as  much  evidence  as  possible  in  support  of  the  theory  here 
developed,  the  opinions  of  sociologists  of  reputation  have  been 
frankly  adopted  without  personal  verification  of  their  sources. 

Adepts  in  the  reading  of  Old  French  will  not  be  incon- 
venienced by  the  translations  of  citations;  these  have  been 
placed  in  an  unobtrusive  position  at  the  foot  of  the  page,  for 
the  convenience  of  those  who  may  take  an  interest  in  the  sub- 
ject but  would  not  enjoy  the  deciphering  of  so  much  Old 
French.  The  translations  are  without  pretension  to  literary 
style,  and  aim  only  to  be  suggestive  of  the  wording  of  the 
original  while  conveying  its  exact  sense;  for  that  reason,  and 
in  view  of  the  discussion  in  the  Introduction,  the  word  nies  or 
neveu  is  rendered  always  by  '  nephew  \  in  cases  where  modem 
English  would  employ  another  term;  these  cases  are  very  few, 
and  the  word  usually  does  mean  '  nephew'.  In  referring  to  the 
many  characters  of  the  poems,  it  was  possible  to  employ  con- 
sistently the  accusative  case  of  the  name,  a  deviation  from 
this  rule  being  made  in  only  a  few  instances ;  ^  Gui ',  for 
example,  being  familiar  to  modem  ears,  seems  preferable  to 
'  Guion '. 


CONTENTS 

Page 
Introduction.     Statement   of   the   Problem 1 

Matriarchy — Purpose  of  this  study — Use  of  oncle,  ni4s, 
cosin — Confusion  in  application — Old  use  of  'nephew'  in 
E  n  g li s h — Schrader 's  linguistic  explanation — Tables  of 
derivation. 

Chapter  I.     Attitude  of  Father  Compared  with  that  of 

Uncle 21 

Harshness  of  father — Sons  as  hostages — Sacrifice  of  the 
son — Instances  of  the  kind  father — Sentimental  impor- 
tance of  the  uncle. 

Chapter    II.    Points    of    Contact    between    Uncle    and 
Nephew 44 

(a)  Fosterage— (Z>)  Knighthood — (c)  Marks  of  favor — 
(d)  Uncle  provides  a  wife  for  the  nephew — (e)  Nephew 
as  messenger — Eesponsible  offices — (/)  Solidarity  between 
uncle  and  nephew — {g)  Association  in  war — (7i)  Mutual 
dependence — (i)  Nephew  as  successor  or  heir — (j)  Eole  of 
uncle  In  the  blood-feud — (Jc)  Eole  of  nephew  in  the  blood- 
feud — (0  Claims  of  nephew — Axioms. 

Chapter  III.     Stylistic  Treatment  in  the  Poems 117 

Emotional  manifestations— (a)  Anxiety  of  uncle — Re- 
joicing— (&)  Occasional  quarrels — (c)  Grief  of  uncle — 
Laments — (d)  Attitude  of  nephew — (e)  Lack  of  recogni- 
tion—  (/)  Descent  traced  through  uncle — {g)  Names  con- 
nected in  lists  of  combattants — {h)  Forms  of  address — (t) 
Pagan  uncle  and  nephew — {j)  Family  of  traitors. 

Chapter  IV.     The  Sister's  Son 198 

(a)  In  the  Chansons  de  Geste — Prominence— Eoland  as  a 
prototype — Legends  of  Eoland 's  birth — Uncertainty  of 
paternity — (6)  In  other  literatures — The  Grail  story — 
Arthurian  legends — English  ballads — Teutonic  legends 
Ancient  mythology — Italian  and  Spanish  literature. 

xi 


Xii  CONTENTS 

Chapter  V.     The  Prevalence  of  Mother-right 225 

Mediaeval  chronicles— Tacitus — Ancient  Germans — Caesar 
— Picta — Celts — Antiquity — Modern  travellers '  reports — 
Position  of  the  nephew  in  primitive  tribes — India — Arabia 
—  Ethiopia — China — Thibet — Caucasus — Africa — Polynesia 
— The  Americas. 

Chapter  VI.     Conclusion 239 

Appendix  A.    Formulas  of  Identification  of  the  Sister's 
Son  245 

Appendix  B.    Bibliography 252 

(a)  ChaTisons  de  Geste — (h)  General  works. 


INTRODUCTION 

Statement  of  the  Problem 

Our  modern  conception  of  the  family  as  consisting  of  father, 
mother,  children,  would  at  first  thought  seem  to  go  back  in  an 
unbroken  line  to  Roman  laws,  so  that  it  is  puzzling  to  discover 
that  French  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages,  in  its  delineation 
of  certain  aspects  of  family  life,  shows  markedly  the  influence 
of  the  earliest  state  of  human  society  about  which  we  have  in- 
foiTQation.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  Old  French  Chansons  de 
Geste  show  plainly  that  there  existed  in  the  eleventh,  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries,  in  the  form  of  tradition  at  least,  a 
survival  of  an  earlier  condition  in  which  the  family  was  based 
upon  the  matriarchal  principle. 

Matriarchy  is  that  stage  in  the  development  of  the  human 
family  during  which  descent  is  traced  through  the  woman's  side 
alone.  It  does  not  presuppose  nor  has  it  anything  to  do  with 
female  supremacy,  but  is,  broadly  speaking,  a  state  of  society 
which  goes  back  to  primitive  times,  to  a  period  in  which  the 
physiological  principles  of  paternity  were  as  yet  unknown.^ 
Marriage  was  nothing  more  than  mating;  mother  and  children 
remained  at  home  with  the  mother's  family,  while  the  father 
lived  with  his  own  family  of  brothers  and  sisters  and  sister's 
children.  Thus  offspring  were  the  exclusive  possession  of  the 
woman,  while  her  brothers  were  their  natural  guardians. 
Property  and  power  were  not  transmitted  from  father  to  son, 
but  from  a  man  to  his  sister's  son,  so  that  the  most  distinguish- 
ing characteristic  of  mother-right,  or  matriarchy,  is — to  use  the 
very  apt  term  of  the  German  sociologists — nephew-right  {Nef- 
fenrecht). 

Says   Professor   F.    H.    Giddings :    "  There    are    no   means 

1  E.  S.  Hartland,  Primitive  Paternity,  1,  p.  259. 
2  1 


2  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

'of  eertaiuly  determining  the  character  of  the  primitive  human 
family.  The  geological  record  does  not  reveal  it,  and  we  can- 
not be  sure  that  the  lowest  savage  societies  of  the  present  day 
exactly  reproduce  all  the  features  of  primitive  communities."  ^ 
But  by  combining  geological  and  biological  facts  and  the  tes- 
timony of  archeological  material  with  our  observation  of  ex- 
isting savage  societies,  we  are  able  to  make  inferences  which 
reveal  approximately  what  must  once  have  been  the  condition 
of  the  first  human  beings  who  formed  family  groups.  Since  in 
early  times  a  man's  own  children  were  either  unknown  to  him 
or  neglected  by  him,  while  his  sister's  children  occupied  his 
affection  in  their  stead,  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  any 
mediaeval  literature  which  reveals  distinct  and  consistent 
traces  of  that  state  of  affairs  must  necessarily  have  been  under 
the  influence  of  very  ancient  traditions;  so  that  the  prominence 
w^hich  the  nephew  in  general,  and  the  sister's  son  in  particular, 
holds  in  the  French  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages  is  to  be  con- 
fidently ascribed  to  a  legendary  survival  of  the  notion  of 
nephew-right  long  after  it  had  disappeared  in  fact  and  as  an 
institution  or  a  custom. 

For  the  examination  of  this  inviting  theme  the  Chansons  de 
Geste  present  an  interesting  and  profitable  field,  and  if  we  can 
succeed  in  showing  a  parallelism  between  the  manifestations 
of  the  uncle-nephew  relations  in  our  mediaeval  poems  and 
those  of  ancient  legends,  of  chronicle  history,  and  of  modern 
practises  among  primitive  tribes,  we  shall  establish  a  connec- 
tion that  not  only  brings  out  the  human  side  of  the  Chansons, 
but  also  puts  us  closely  in  touch  with  an  early  stage  in  the  evo- 
lution of  family  life.  If,  however,  not  all  the  manifestations 
of  the  matriarchal  system  are  discovered  in  the  Chavisons,  it 
will  only  mean  that  the  increasing  importance  of  the  Roman 
view  of  the  family  had  already  acquired  a  power  that  left  of 
the  once  prevailing  nephew-right  nothing  more  than  a  senti- 
mental tradition.^ 

2  F.  H.  Giddings,  Principles  of  Sociology,  p.  264. 

3  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  depreciatory  sense  of  'nepotism'  is 


INTRODUCTION  3 

Even  the  more  or  less  casual  reader  of  the  Old  French  epic 
poems  cannot  have  failed  to  be  impressed  by  their  constant, 
pervading,  and  almost  obtrusive  glorification  of  the  relations 
between  uncle  and  nephew.  Although  they  have  been  touched 
upon  incidentally  by  various  wi-iters,  to  whom  reference  will  be 
made  in  the  course  of  these  chapters,  the  present  study  is  ap- 
parently the  first  to  investigate  these  relations  in  detail.^ 
Students  of  Old  French  know  also  that  the  words  oncle  and 
nies  ^  have  varying  meanings,  so  that  it  is  necessary  first  of  all 
to  make  an  excursus  into  the  field  of  linguistics  in  order  to 
ascertain  how  far  it  is  safe  to  assume  that  our  citations  will 
denote  the  same  family  affiliation  as  that  indicated  by  the 
English  derivatives  of  the  French  terms. 

not  attached  to  the  word  'nephew-right/  which  signifies  a  senti- 
mental as  well  as  a  material  preferment  of  the  nephew  still 
further  distinguished  from  nepotism  in  that  it  is  the  natural 
development  of  primitive  family  relations,  while  the  former  word, 
originally  euphemistic  in  purpose  and  with  an  ecclesiastical  appli- 
cation, designates  preferment  morally  unjustifiable.  The  Encyclo- 
paedia Britannica  says :  ' '  An  euphemistic  use  of  '  nephew '  is  that 
of  the  natural  son  of  a  pope,  cardinal,  or  other  ecclesiastic,  and 
from  the  practise  of  granting  preferments  to  such  children  the 
word  'nepotism'  is  used  of  any  favoritism  shown  in  finding  posi- 
tions for  a  man's  family".  The  Century  Dictionary  defines 
'nepotism'  as:  "Favoritism  shown  to  nephews  and  other  rela- 
tives; patronage  bestowed  in  consideration  of  family  relationship 
and  not  of  merit.  The  word  was  invented  to  characterize  a  pro- 
pensity of  the  popes  and  other  high  ecclesiastics  in  the  Eoman 
Catholic  Church  to  aggrandize  their  family  by  exorbitant  grants 
or  favors  to  nephews  or  relatives." 

4  The  dissertations  of  Dr.  Murray  Potter  (Sohrab  and  Eustem) 
and  Carl  Schubert  (Der  Pflegesohn),  and  the  article  of  Professor 
F.  B.  Gummere  (The  Sister's  Son  in  the  English  Ballads),  develop 
the  subject  at  some  length.  The  article  by  Professor  W.  A.  Nitze 
(The  Sister's  Son  and  the  Conte  del  Graal)  appeared  after  the 
greater  part  of  this  essay  was  written. 

5  Old  French  nies  (nepos),  nominative;  neveu  (nepotem), 
accusative. 


4  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

In  our  poems  the  term  nies  is  applied  indifferently  either  to 
the  brother's  or  to  the  sister's  son,  while  oncle  means  either 
father's  or  mother's  brother,  with  reference  to  the  child; 
these  names,  then,  correspond  to  the  accepted  use  in  English 
of  ^  nephew ',  *  uncle '.  When,  as  is  very  often  the  case,  the 
poet  Welshes  to  indicate  plainly  descent  in  the  female  line,  he 
is  careful  to  characterize  the  nephew  as  -jiz  sa  seror  (^  son  of 
his  sister');  he  sometimes  reiterates  this  mode  of  differentia- 
tion to  an  extent  which  makes  it  seem  almost  an  obsession  on 
his  part.  But  we  find  nies  applied  not  seldom  to  persons  who 
are  also  called  cosin,  and  are  specifically  characterized  as  the 
children  of  two  brothers  or  of  brother  and  sister.  In  a  few 
instances  it  is  applied  to  a  grandson;  conversely,  the  grand- 
father is  addressed  as  oncles.  The  question  arises,  is  there 
any  danger  of  mistaking  the  proper  relationship  in  an  impor- 
tant passage?  How  is  the  term  to  be  taken  in  the  many  in- 
stances where  the  relationship  is  indicated  only  once  or  twice 
in  the  course  of  the  poem  ? 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  these  single  instances  intro- 
duce Saracens  or  other  enemies  of  France,  and  are  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  unimportant,  so  that  the  possibility  of  confusion 
need  not  be  dwelt  upon  here;  the  term  is  probably  to  be  taken 
in  its  ordinary  meaning  of  ^  nephew '.  Indeed,  even  these 
flitting  forms  are  often  carefully  labelled,  as:  Cil  ert  nies 
Vamirant  et  de  sa  sereur  nes  ^  {Fierahras, 4:065).  The  relation- 
ship specified  as  II  estoit  ses  cosins  et  de  sa  seror  nez  ^  {Parise, 
664)  is  plain  enough :  the  poet  evidently  has  '  nephew '  in 
mind,  but  the  loose  use  of  cosins  satisfies  him  and  gives  the 
required  number  of  syllables.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  at 
all  uncommon  to  find  nies  and  cosins  used  without  distinction; 
this  interchange  has  already  been  discussed  in  a  German  dis- 
sertation.^ From  the  evidence  there  adduced,  Professor  Jean- 
roy  draws  the  conclusion  that  the  two  teims  became  synony- 

a  He  was  nephew  to  the  Emir  and  born  of  his  sister. 

b  He  was  his  cousin^  and  born  of  his  sister. 

G  J.  W.  Determann,  Epische  Venvandtschaften,  p.  12. 


INTRODUCTION  5 

mous,  especially  in  the  vocative,  and  that  nies  became  as  it 
were  "une  appellation  que  se  donnaient  indiSeremment  entre 
eux  tons  les  membres  de  la  geste.  On  sait  du  reste  que  le  mot 
avait  pris  une  singuliere  extension  de  sens  et  qu'il  est,  dans 
divers  textes,  reduit  au  role  de  simple  appellation  amicale."  '^ 
It  may  be  taken  for  granted,  then,  that  this  superficial  confu- 
sion is  nothing  out  of  the  ordinary;  a  few  examples  to  sup- 
plement those  of  Determann  will  show  the  method  of  the  poet. 
Huon  de  Bordeaux  meets  a  girl  in  the  castle  of  the  giant 
Orgileus  who  tells  him  that  she  is  fille  le  conte  Guinemer, 
nieclie  Sewin,  de  Bordiax  la  eite^  {Huon,  4831).  Seguin  is 
Huon's  father,  so  that  Huon  says  to  her  correctly,  ma  cousine 
estes  (4837),  yet  she  calls  him  hiax  nies  (4865).  The  Abbot 
of  Cluny  tells  Huon  that  Sewins  vos  peres  fu  mes  germains 
cousins,^  then  calls  him  biaus  nies,  hiax  tres  doux  nies,  and 
biax  cosins,  all  within  the  space  of  three  hundred  verses  (640, 
680,  685,  975).  The  Pope  at  Rome  first  addresses  Huon  twice 
as  hiax  nies,  then  in  giving  him  a  sort  of  letter  of  introduc- 
tion to  Garin  de  Saint  Omer  he  says,  Ses  cousins  estes  et  li 
miens,  en  non  Be^  (2501,  2563,  2566). 
On  reading  the  letter,  Garin  understands: 

Qu'i  fu  ses  nies  et  de  son  parente 
Et  fu  cousins  I'apostole  sene.*^ 
{Huon,  2714) 

But  several  times  he  calls  Huon  hiax  nies,  then  tells  his  wife 
that  Huon  mes  cousins  est  (2772,  2804).  The  hermit  Ge- 
riaume  also  addresses  Huon  first  as  hiaus  nies,  then  as  cousin 
(3826,  3834).    The  poet  says  that  Guichart  cousins  estoit  Huon 

a  Daughter  to  Count  Guinemer,  niece  to  Seguin,  of  Bordeaux, 
the  city. 

b  Seguin,  your  father^  was  my  cousin  german. 

c  You  are  his  cousin  and  mine,  in  the  name  of  God. 

d  That  he  was  his  nephew  and  his  kin,  /  And  was  cousin  to  the 
wise  Pontiff. 

7  A.  Jeanroy,  ''Notes  sur  la  Legende  de  Vivien '',  Bomania, 
XXVI  (1897),  p.  183,  note. 


6  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

•Ze  haceler,  yet  makes  Guiehart  immediately  address  the  latter 
as  hiax  nies  (2398,  2402).  This  is  probably  the  most  striking 
collection  of  citations  applied  to  one  person  within  a  single 
poem. 

The  same  looseness  is  seen  in  Menaut  de  Montauhan  with  re- 
gard to  several  characters.  The  poet  says  that  Renaus  en  a 
Maugis  son  cousin  apele,  but  in  the  next  line  makes  Renaut 
address  him  as  hiaus  nies  {Renaut,  p.  126,  36;  also  p.  97). 
Maugis  addresses  both  Renaut  and  his  brother  Guiehart  as 
cosin  (p.  98,  4,  10,  23,  35).     Aalart,  another  brother,  says: 

..."  Cosins  Maugis,  ne  nos  contralies. 
Vos  estes  de  ma  jeste,  fils  mon  oncle  le  fier, 
Et  Ogiers  li  Danois,  fils  m'antain  par  mon  cief ."  * 
{Renaut,  p.  212,  12) 

In  speaking  of  Renaut  and  his  brothers,  Ogier  himself  uses 
both  terms  within  a  small  compass: 

"  Bien  me  doit  tot  li  mons  et  blamer  et  hounir. 
Quant  onques  mes  neveus  a  tel  besoin  fali, 
Mais  par  ice  seignor  ki  de  mor  surexi, 
A  mes  cousins  germains  ne  f  audrai  mais  isi."  ^ 
{Renaut,  p.  205,  13)    ' 

The  poet  uses  neveu  and  Ogier  uses  cosin  directly  afterwards 
(p.  194,  40).  Aalart  calls  Ogier  neveu,  then  cousins  (p.  196, 
33,  p.  197,  17).  Ogier  refers  to  the  four  brothers  as  his 
cousins  (p.  216,  27).     Charlemagne  says  to  Ogier: 

"Vos  estes  de  lignage   Girard  de  Rossillon; 
S'estes  cosin  Renaut,  le  fil  au  viel  Aymon."  ^ 
{Renaut,  p.  146,  12) 

a ' '  Cousin  Maugis,  do  not  gainsay  us.  /  You  are  of  my  family, 
the  son  of  my  uncle,  the  bold,  /  And  Ogier  the  Dane  is  the  son  of 
my  aunt,  'pon  my  head." 

b"  Everyone  must  indeed  revile  and  shame  me,  /  For  having 
once  failed  my  nephews  in  such  need,  /  But  by  that  Lord  who  rose 
from  the  dead,  /  I  shall  never  again  fail  my  cousins  german  so. ' ' 

c  <■  <■  You  are  of  the  lineage  of  Girart  de  Roussillon ;  /  And  you 
are  cousin  to  Eenaut,  the  son  of  old  Aymon. ' ' 


INTRODUCTION  7 

And  Mangis  says  to  Ogier: 

"  Ja  fustes  vos  cousins  Girart  de  Rossillon, 
Et  Doon  de  Nautueil  et  due  Buef  d'Aigremon."  ^ 
{Benaut,  p.  205,  12) 

According  to  the  more  specific  indications  of  the  poem,  Ogier 
is  the  cousin  of  these  three,  his  father  and  theirs  being  sons  of 
Doon  de  Mayence;  Aymon  is  another  son,  so  that  his  son 
Renaut  and  Ogier  are  second  cousins,  not  cousins  germains; 
Maugis  is  the  grandson  of  Bovon,  and  is  therefore  the  second 
cousin  of  Renaut.^ 

In  the  Guillaume  cycle  nies  is  frequently  applied  by  one 
cousin  to  another,  especially  between  Bertrand  and  Vivien : 
Nies  Vivien,  or  vos  verrai  morir^  {Aliscans,  158) ;  Ce  est  Ber- 
tranz  tes  nies  ^  {Cordres,  1906) ;  Bertran  mon  neveu  que  faim 
de  grant  bonte^  {Enfances  Vivien,  4749).  Between  Vivien 
and  Girart,  son  of  Bovon  de  Commarchis:  AM!  Gerars,  hiaiis 
nies^  {Chevalerie  Vivien,  985) ;  Beposes  vos,  beas  nies^  (949) ; 
Nies  Viviens,  ce  n'est  pas  jeus  partis^  (381).  Guichart  cries 
to  Bertrand:  Bertran,  nies,  ou  es  tu^  {Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  298, 
variant).  Guillaume  says  to  Gaidon:  Naie,  certes,  biaus  nies,  ^ 
then :  Naie,  cousins,  dist  Guillaumes  li  fiers  ^  {Moniage  Guil- 
laume, 2274,  2287).  On  the  other  hand:  Li  cuens  adobat 
son  cosing  meaning  Bertrand,  his  brother's  son  {Enfances  Vi- 

a  * '  You  were  indeed  cousin  to  Girart  de  Rous&illon,  /  And  Doon 
de  Nanteuil  and  Duke  Bovon  d'Aigremont." 
b  Nephew  Vivien,  now  I  shall  see  you  die. 
c  He  is  Bertrand  thy  nephew. 

d  Bertrand,  my  nephew,  whom  I  love  with  great  affection, 
e  Ah !  Girart,  fair  nephew, 
f  Eest,  fair  nephew. 

g  Nephew  Vivien,  this  is  not  an  even  match, 
h  Bertrand,  nephew,  where  art  thou? 
i  Not  I,  surely,  fair  nephew. 
3  Not  I,  cousin,  said  Guillaume  the  bold. 
^  The  Count  knighted  his  cousin. 

8  Cf .  Determann,  p.  35  and  table  on  p.  49. 


8  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

vien,  3823);  Si  en  mena  Bertran,  son  chier  cosin^  (4615).^ 
Bertrand  is  the  uncle  of  Foucon,  yet  the  latter  sometimes  calls 
him  cosins,  and  the  poet  speaks  of  Bertran  lo  palazin  et  dan 
Foucon,  un  suen  germain  cousin  ^  {Foucon  de  Candie,  620, 
2971,  5943). 

A  few  scattered  examples:  Doret  reviles  his  uncle  Aiquin, 
who  has  deserted  him : 

"Alas,  dist  il,  cousin  desbarate.  .  .  . 
Ja  en  Bretaigne  n'en  auray  poeste, 
Quant  de  mon  oncle  suy  enxin  degreppe."  ^ 
{Acquin,  2548-2555) 

Alori  calls  to  Gillebert  de  Clarvent: 

Ses  cousins  ert,  bien  le  tint  a  parent; 
"  Biaus  nies,  dist  il,  pour  Dieu  alons  nous  ent."  ^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  817) 

Manuel  Galopin  is  the  (illegitimate)  cousin  of  Garin,  Begon, 
and  Heluis;  the  latter  says  to  him: 

"Diex,  dist  la  dame,  ja  es  tu  mes  cousins. 
Por  Dieu,  biaus  nies,  dont  venez  vous  ici  ?  "® 
{Garin,  II,  p.  105) 

The  poet  states  that  Girart  de  Dijon  is  Cousin  le  roi  de  France 
le  roion,^  but  King  Louis  himself  exclaims :  Mors  est  mes  nies  ^ 

a  And  lie  led  away  Bertrand,  his  dear  cousin. 

b  Bertrand  the  paladin  and  Sir  Foucon,  his  cousin  german. 

c'^Alas!"  said  he,  ''discomfited  cousin."  .  .  ./''Now  in  Brit- 
tany I  shall  have  no  power,  /  When  by  my  uncle  I  am  thus 
abandoned. ' ' 

3  His  cousin  was  he,  near  kin  he  considered  him ;  / "  Fair 
nephew, ' '  said  he,  ' '  for  Heaven 's  sake  let  us  go  away  from  here. ' ' 

e ' '  Heaven, ' '  said  the  lady,  ' '  indeed  thou  art  my  cousin.  /  For 
Heaven's  sake,  fair  nephew,  whence  come  you  here?" 

f  Cousin  to  the  King  of  France,  the  realm. 

s  Dead  is  my  nephew. 

9  This  is  according  to  ms.  1448 ;  ms.  774  reads :  son  chier  ami, 
while  the  Boulogne  ms.  has:  Et  ses  cousins  li  palaisins  Bertramt. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

{Moniage  Guillaume,  4250,  4261).  When  Charlemagne  hears 
of  the  havoc  wrought  in  Rome  by  the  pagans,  he  sends  his 
nephew  Gui  thither: 

Et  Guion  de  Bourgoigne  a  a  lui  apelle; 
Fils  ert  de  sa  seror  et  de  sa  parente: 
"  Cosins,  vous  en  irres  soeoure  la  cite."  * 
{Destruction  de  Borne,  1179) 

In  another  poem  Charlemagne  says  to  Gui:  Vous  estes  mes 
cousins  et  mes  parenz  privez  ^  {Fierahras,  2310).  If  we  accept 
the  statement  of  Gui  that  he  is  the  fls  d'une  des  filles  au  due 
Millon  d'Aingler  (3406),  this  use  of  cousin  would  be  incorrect, 
for  the  grandson  of  Milon  would  be  the  grand-nephew  of  the 
Emperor;  since  in  the  next  verse  Gui  also  calls  himself  the 
cousin  germain  Bollant,  we  had  best  consider  that  the  poet  has 
the  genealogy  confused,  especially  as  Gui  is  elsewhere  repre- 
sented as  the  sister's  son  of  the  Emperor  {Gui  de  Bourgogne, 
216;  Destruction  de  Borne,  1179) ;  cousin  in  that  sense  is  not  so 
uncommon  in  address. ^^  The  Emir  Galafre  refers  to  the 
death  of  his  nephew  at  the  hands  of  Huon,  saying: 

"  .1.  mien  cousin  m'ocist  ier  au  joster, 
Sorbrins  ot  nom,  fix  de  ma  seror  ert."  ° 
{Huon  de  Bordeaux,  7883) 

The  relationship  between  Bovon  and  Milon  is  given  as:  II 
estoit  ses  cosins  et  de  sa  seror  nez  {Parise  la  Duchesse,  664). 
King  Louis  addresses  his  sister's  son  Raoul  as  Biaus  nies  Baoiil, 
then  directly  afterwards  calls  him  cousin  {Baoul  de  Camhrai, 
469,  475). 

In  the  verse  Benaus  a  tant  en  France  et  parens  et  nevous 

a  And  he  called  Gui  de  Bourgogne  to  him;  /He  was  his  sister  ^s 
son  and  Ms  kin.  /  ' '  Cousin,  you  will  go  to  succor  the  town. ' ' 

t"  You  are  my  cousin  and  my  close  kin. 

c ' '  He  slew  a  cousin  of  mine  yesterday  in  the  tourney ;  /  Sorbrin 
was  his  name ;  he  was  my  sister 's  son. ' ' 

10  Cf.  E.  Langlois,  Table  des  Noms  Propres. 


10  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

{Benaut,  p.  160,  23),  tlie  interpretation  must  be  ^cousins',  ac- 
cording to  the  genealogy  given  by  Determann.^^  There  are 
occasional  passages  in  which  cosins  and  nies  are  used  in  rhetor- 
ical contrast,  yet  the  implication  is  not  necessarily  that  the 
poet  had  a  clear  distinction  in  mind: 

"He,  Dex!   ce  dist  }.i  rois,  com  doloirox  hustin! 
N'ai  mais  prochain  parant  ne  nevou  ne  cosin; 
Tuit  son  mort  an  bataille  et  ale  a  lor  fin."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CCLXVII,  13) 

When  Charlemagne  tries  to  starve  out  the  garrison  of  Montau- 

ban: 

Li  uns  amis  por  I'autre  vait  mugant  sa  quisine, 
Et  li  fix  por  le  pere,  li  nies  por  sa  cosine.^ 
{Benaut,  p.  346,  20) 

Guillaume  leaves  the  battlefield  at  Aliseans  after  the  death  of 
Vivien:  0  lui  n'en  moine  ne  neveu  ne  cosin^  [Foucon,  7). 
The  poems  do  not  mention  any  cousin  of  Guillaume,  and  we 
know  of  none,  unless  it  be  the  mysterious  Gautier  de  Termes, 
qui  fu  neveu  Aymeri  lo  her  {Mort  Aymeri^  156) ;  Aymeri  ad- 
dresses Gautier  as:  Biau  sire  nies,  un  petit  m'entendez  (483) ; 
Guillaume  calls  him  Sire  Gautier  in  the  printed  edition  of  the 
poem,  while  the  variants  give  Sire  cosins  (2211). ^^  Leon 
Gautier's  analysis  of  Hernaut  de  Beaulande  says  of  the  mar- 
riage of  Hernaut  and  Fregonde  that  "  le  premier  fils  qu'ils  en- 
gendrerent  f ut  cet  Aimeri,"  etc.  ;^^  this  of  course  does  not  pre- 

a  * '  Ah,  God ! ' '  thus  spoke  the  King ;  '  *  what  a  grievous  strife !  / 
I  have  no  more  a  close  relative,  neither  nephew  nor  cousin ;  /  All 
are  dead  in  battle  and  gone  to  their  end." 

b  One  friend  goes  hiding  his  food  from  the  other,  /  The  son 
from  the  father,  the  nephew  from  his  cousin. 

c  With  him  he  takes  neither  nephew  nor  cousin. 

11  Epische  VerwandtscJiaften,  pp.  43,  49. 

12  Ms.  Brit.  Mus.  Old  Eoy.  20,  Dxi;  ms.  Bib.  Nat.  fr.  24370, 
anc.  La  Vail.,  2 3 A. 

"i-s  Epopees  Frangaises,  IV,  217;  ms.  de  PArsenal,  3351, 
f°  33  r*. 


INTEODUCTION  11 

elude  the  possibility  of  the  birth  of  other  sons  whom  some  of 
the  poets  may  have  had  in  mind  as  a  part  of  the  legend,  al- 
though none  are  specified;  thus  there  is  only  slight  evidence 
that  Gautier  is  the  nephew  of  Aymeri.  On  the  other  hand, 
Langlois  concludes,  after  Jeanroy,  that  Gautier  de  Termes  and 
Gautier  de  Blaivies  are  identical  with  Gautier  le  Tolosan.^* 
The  latter  addresses  Vivien  as  nies  {Chevalerie  Vivien,  1466), 
is  connected  with  Guillaume  and  is  characterized  as  the  fil  de 
sa  suer  {Couronnement  Louis,  1648),  yet  he  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  list  of  grandsons  of  Aymeri  {Aymeri  de  Narbonne, 
4626  ff . ) .  The  evidence  is  not  very  conclusive  in  either  direc- 
tion; if  we  accept  the  information  of  the  Mort  Aymeri,  the 
word  neveu  is  to  be  taken  literally,  and  the  poem  is  thus  con- 
sistent in  itself;  if  we  adopt  Jeanroy's  argument,  the  question 
becomes  more  complicated,  but  then  we  can  take  the  neveu  of 
the  Mort  Aymeri  as  ^grandson',  which  is  a  not  uncommon 
meaning  in  the  legend  of  Aymeri. 

Still  another  character  whose  provenience  has  aroused  dis- 
cussion is  Romanz;  he  is  the  son  of  Garin  in  the  Narhonnais 
(4000  3.),  his  nephew  in  the  Enfances  Vivien.  Suchier  says: 
"  Comme  cette  derniere  chanson  ne  connait  pas  un  frere  de 
Vivien  appele  Romanz,  il  a  represente  Romanz  comme  etant 
le  fils  d'une  soeur  de  Garin,  bien  que  dans  les  Nerbonois  il  soit 
son  fils."  Suchier  finds  nothing  unusual  in  the  fact  that  "il 
traite  Aymeri  d'oncle,  et  qu'il  en  soit  appele  neveu.  Faut-il 
rappeler  ici  que  oncle  pent  signifier  cousin  ?  "^^ 

0  voit  son  oncle,  si  I'en  a  apele  .  .  . 
0  voit  son  oncle,  si  li  dist  en  oiant  .  .  . 
"  Je  sui  ses  nies  et  ses  charniex  amis  "... 
"  Garissiez  hui  mon  neveu  I'adure  "... 
"  Qex  sera  il,  biax  nies?"  dist  AjTueris.^ 

{Narhonnais,  4554,  4568,  4703,  4769,  5123) 

a  When  he  sees  his  uncle,  he  called  him.  .  .  .  /  When  he  sees  his 

14  E.    Langlois,    Table    des    Noms    Propres,    and    Jeanroy,    in 
'Romania,  XXVI,  p.  183,  note. 

15  H.  Suchier,  Les  Narbonnais,  II,  pp.  x,  lis. 


12  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

It  is  plain  here  that  onde  and  neveu  correspond  to  ^grand- 
father' and  'grandson';  in  the  same  poem  Romanz  calls  his 
father's  brother  Guibert  both  oncle  and  cosin  (5617,  5623 ).i^ 
This  meaning  of  '  grandson '  occurs  less  often  elsewhere  than 
in  the  Aymeri  legend,  and  there  not  so  often  as  in  the  sense  of 
'  cousin '.  Vivien  is  called  the  neveu  of  Naimon,  who  is  really 
his  maternal  grandfather  [Enfances  Vivien,  3207,  3218). 
Vivien  himself  says: 

"  Se  ge  n'abat  des  mellors  de  lor  geste, 
Ans  ne  fui  nies  Aymeri  ne  Guillelme."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1S86) 

This  last  is  an  interesting  passage,  inasmuch  as  nies  means  first 
'  grandson  ',  then  '  nephew '.  Bertrand,  likewise,  is  Aymeri's 
grandson,  but  the  poet  says  that  Aymeris  haisse  dant  Bertran 
son  nevot;  ^  he  asks  the  hand  of  Nubie  for  him :  Mes  nies  Ber- 
tranz  te  demande  ta  fille;  ^  he  addresses  him  as :  Sire  Bertran^:,. 
car  i  alez,  biaus  nies;  ^  and  even  the  Saracens  say : 

"  C'est  Aymeris  qui  amoine  gTant  force, 
Ses  nies  Bertranz  li  conduit  riehe  flote." 

{Prise  de  Cordres,  2023,  2063,  2325,  2203 )« 

uncle,  he  said  to  him  audibly.  .  .  ./''I  am  his  nephew  and  his 
intimate  friend."  .  .  ./''Protect  today  my  nephew,  the  practised 
warrior."  .  .  ./''What  can  it  be,  fair  nephew,"  said  Aymeri. 

a  "  If  I  do  not  hew  down  some  of  the  best  of  their  race,  /  Never 
was  I  '  nephew '  of  Aymeri  nor  of  Guillaume. ' ' 

t)  Aymeri  kisses  Lord  Bertrand  his  nephew. 

c  My  nephew  Bertrand  asks  thy  daughter  of  thee. 

^  Sir  Bertrand,  pray  go  thither,  fair  nephew. 

e "  It  is  Aymeri  who  is  bringing  a  great  force,  /  His  nephew 
Bertrand  is  leading  a  powerful  troop  for  him." 

isSuchier's  edition  of  the  Nardonnais,  Vol.  I,  p.  149,  note, 
inserts  an  additional  laisse  found  in  mss.  Brit.  Mus.,  royal  20  D- 
XI,  and  Bib.  Nat.  fr.  24369,  dating  from  about  1300,  half  a 
century  later  than  the  mss.  utilized  above,  in  which  it  is  said  that 

Eomans  i  fu  qui  ot  le  euer  uaillant, 

Filz  de  la  fille  Ay'  le  sachant. 
Cf.  Vol.  II,  p.  iii. 


INTEODUCTION"  13 

We  read  of  Kallos  U  nies  Pepin  {Chevalerie  Ogier,  2934),  and 
of  CharloSy  li  nies  Pepin,  li  fiex  Charlon,  le  roi  o  le  cuer  fier  ^ 
(Enfances  Ogier,  5940).    Charlemagne  says  to  Huon,  Chatelain 
<de  Saint  Omer,  referring  to  his  daughter's  son  by  Ogier: 

"  Hue,  ne  vous  chant  d'esmayer, 
Car  je  ferai  vo  neveu  chevalier, 
Se  en  aage  vient  k'armes  puist  baillier."  ^ 
(Enfances  Ogier,  7911) 

Determann  makes  Aalais  the  daughter  of  Loeys  in  Raoul  de 
Camhrai,  thus  assuming  that  neveu  applied  to  Raoul  means 
^  grandson '  ;^'^  but  Aalais  is  distinctly  stated  to  be  the  sister  of 
the  King,  so  that  neveu  is  to  be  taken  in  its  ordinary  meaning : 

"  Di  ma  seror  o  le  simple  visaige  "... 
"  Li  miens  chiers  f  reres  qi  France  a  a  garder  "... 
"  Fix  ei-t  vo  suer,  qe  de  fit  le  seit  on  "  .  .  .  ^ 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  142,  3561,  4869) 
Icil  Raous  Seignor,  que  je  vos  di, 
De  la  seror  fu  le  roi  Loeiz.*^ 
{Mort  Garin,  3698) 

The  term  neveu  is  used  also  to  indicate  gTaudchildren  in 
general : 

Et  Aimeris  et  tot  si  .vi.  enfant, 

Et  si  neveu  et  si  apartenant.® 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  5972) 

a  Chariot^  the  '  nephew '  of  Pepin,  the  son  of  Charles,  the  stout- 
hearted king. 

b ' '  Huon,  you  must  not  be  uneasy,  /  For  I  will  make  your 
nephew  a  knight,  /  If  he  comes  to  the  age  when  he  can  bear  arms. ' ' 

c ' '  Tell  my  sister  with  the  open  countenance. "  .  .  .  /  ' '  My  dear 
brother  who  has  France  in  his  keeping. "  .  .  .  / "  He  was  your 
sister's  son,  for  it  is  known  with  certainty." 

<i  This  Kaoul,  my  lords,  as  I  tell  you,  /  Was  from  the  sister  of 
King  Louis. 

e  And  Aymeri  and  all  his  six  children,  /  And  his  '  nephews '  and 
his  near  relatives. 

17  Epische  Verwandtschaften,  p.  24. 


14  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Quens  Aymeris  a  toz  ses  filz  mandez, 
Et  ses  neveuz  et  son  riehe  barne.* 

{Mort  Aymeri,  552) 
Mes  il  manda  de  ses  autres  amis, 
De  ses  neveuz  la  on  il  les  sot  vis, 
Qu'il  viegnent  a  Nerbone.^ 

{Mort  Aymeri,  549) 

There  are  two  instances  of  this  in  the  much  later  Naissance  du 
Chevalier  au  Cygne  which  it  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  cite 
here,  although  the  poem  is  not  a  Chanson  de  Geste;  in  the  first, 
the  mother  of  the  king  speaks,  in  the  second  it  is  Lotaire  him- 
self, who  addresses  his  sons  after  they  have  been  changed  back 
into  human  form: 

"  Fiux,  jo  t'ainc  autretant  com  moi,  mien  escient, 
Et  qui  tu  ameras,  amerai  le  ensement; 
Se  j'ai  de  toi  neveu,  joie  et  devinement 
Avra  tos  jors  de  moi,  et  esbanoiement."  ^ 
{Elioxe,  740) 
"  Et  jou  marierai  ma  fiUe  hautement, 
Soit  a  roi  u  a  prince  u  due  u  amirant; 
Si  arai  des  nevels,  s'ierent  mi  bien  aidant."  ^ 
{Elioxe,  2979) 

This  appears  to  be  a  long  list  of  cases  in  which  oncles,  nies 
and  cosins  are  confused,  but  the  confusion  is  only  apparent, 
and  nearly  always  the  precise  relationship  can  be  plainly  made 

a  Count  Aymeri  has  summoned  all  his  sons,  /  And  his  *  nephews' 
and  Ms  powerful  barons. 

bBut  he  summoned  his  other  -friends,  /  His  'nephews'  wherever 
he  knew  them  to  be  alive,  /  That  they  come  to  Narbonne. 

c ' '  Son,  I  love  thee  as  much  as  myself,  I  am  sure,  /  And  whom 
thou  Shalt  love,  I  shall  likewise; /If  I  have  'nephews'  by  thee, 
joy  and  go'^d  omen  /  Will  always  be  with  me,  and  delight." 

d  < '  And  I  shall  marry  off  my  daughter  nobly,  /  Either  to  a  king 
or  prince  or  emir;  /  And  I  shall  have  'nephews',  and  they  will  fcj 
my  faithful  helpers." 


INTEODUCTION  15 

out.  It  is  evident  that  nies  has  a  connotation  of  close  and 
affectionate  relations,  and  that  the  poets  frequently  apply  the 
term  in  intercourse  between  cousins,  particularly  in  address, 
when  an  expression  of  endearment  is  desired;  by  extension,  it 
becomes  a  term  of  flattery  much  as  does  the  word  amis  or 
freres?-^  The  study  of  the  French  epic  shows  how  natural  it 
is  that  it  should  have  become  a  term  of  endearment.  Josiane, 
daughter  of  Bradmund,  desires  to  send  a  messenger  to  her 
lover;  she  calls  a  man,  addressing  him  as:  Beau  frere,  dist  ele, 
vus  feres  ma  volunte^  {Boeve  de  Haumtone,  725);  similarly 
Guillaume  addresses  his  nephew  Alelme  as  frere,  his  niece 
Aaliz  as  Bele  suer,  douce  amie,  ma  hele  niece,  and  his  wife 
as  Dame  Guihor,  douce  suer,  hele  amie  [C ouronnement  Louis, 
1790,  Aliscans,  3177,  467,  ed.  Jonckbloet).i»  Baudus,  fighting 
with  his  cousin  Renoart  and  trying  to  moderate  his  fanaticism, 
calls  him  Rainouars,  frere,  and  then  explains:  Mes  cousins  est, 
car  de  m'antain  fu  nes^  {Aliscans,  ed  Halle,  7275).  The 
meaning  ^  grandson ',  which  is  less  common,  seems  to  go  back 
to  an  earlier  use  of  nies,  when  it  had  not  acquired  a  settled 
meaning,  but  was  still  affected  by  the  original  meaning  of  the 
Latin  nepotem?^  An  example  cited  by  Godefroy  bears  this 
out :  "  Cil  qui  nait  de  moi  et  de  ma  feme  est  en  mon  poer,  et 
cil  qui  nest  de  mon  fil  et  de  sa  feme  est  mis  nies  et  ma  niece, 

a'^Fair  brother,"  said  she,  "you  will  do  my  will. '* 
b  ' '  He  is  my  cousin,  for  he  was  born  of  my  aunt. ' ' 

18  Cf.  W.  A.  Stowell,  Old-French  Titles  of  Respect,  Chapters 
I  and  XIII. 

19  The  verse  of  the  Halle  edition  corresponding  to  this  last  cita- 
tion, 452  a,  reads  dous  cuer  et  douce  amie,  and  the  editor  remarks 
that  '^die  Lesart  suer  giebt,  auf  Guiborc  bezogen,  keinen 
geniigenden  Sinn."  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  a  very  common 
term  of  endearment  applied  to  the  wife,  occurring  particularly 
often  in  the  Willame;  furthermore,  the  majority  of  the  mss.  have 
suer  in  this  verse. 

20  Cf.  pages  18  and  19  for  a  tabulated  arrangement  of  tho 
Teutonic  and  Eomance  equivalents. 


16  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

et  lor  enfanz  sunt  en  mon  poer."-^  The  word  is  also  found 
occasionally  in  the  sense  of  near  relatives  as  well :  A  cest  mal- 
vais  failli  roi  neveu  sommes,^  says  Guillaume,  objurgating 
Louis  for  not  sending  aid  to  Vivien  {Enfances  Vivien,  3224).-- 
That  these  are  not  to  be  taken  as  serious  discrepancies  is 
attested  by  the  older  use  of  the  words  in  English.  It  has  been 
jDointed  out  that  '  cousin  %  ^  coz ',  in  the  English  ballads,  prob- 
ably mean  '  nephew  '.-^  Shakspere,  mentioning  his  grand- 
daughter Susannah  in  his  will,  calls  her  his  '  niece  '.  Murray^s 
New  English  Dictionary  states  that  ^nephew',  with  the  mean- 
ing of  '  grandson ',  now  obsolete,  was  common  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  gives  examples  from  the  year  1287  on.-* 
Murray  also  cites  an  instance  in  Shakspere  of  the  use  of 
^  nephew '  for  *  cousin ' : 

Henry  the  Fourth,  grandfather  to  this  king, 
Deposed  his  nephew  Richard,  Edward's  son. 
The  first  begotten,  and  the  lawful  heir 
Of  Edward  king,  the  third  of  that  descent. 

{Henry  the  Sixth,  Part  I,  Act  II,  Scene  5,  64) 

The  archeologist  Bachof  en  draws  the  conclusion  that  "  der 
altere  deutsche  und  englische  Gebrauch  ruht  auf  dem  Einfluss 
des  romischen,"  which  would  be  equally  true  of  the  Romance 
use.-^  Bachofen's  explanation  is  interesting,  because  he  sees 
in  the  use  of  the  terms  for  nephew  and  grandson  an  illustration 
of  the  change  from  maternal  to  paternal  descent:  nepos  was 
originally    '  sister's    son '    among   the    ancient   Etruscans,    but 

a  We  are  'nephews'  of  that  wretched,  cowardly  king. 

21  Dictionnaire  de  VAncien  Frangais,  nies,  citing  Liv.  de  jost.  et 
de  plet,  I,  9  §  2,  Eepetti. 

22  Cf.  Determann,  p.  11. 
23Gummere,  The  Sister's  Son,  p.  141. 

24  In  this  connection,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  remark  that  the 
voiced  sound  of  v  in  the  word,  which  is  historically  the  correct  one, 
is  still  heard  in  England. 

25  J.  J.  Bachofen,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  II,  p.  122. 


INTRODUCTION  17 

Rome  changed  the  nepos  ex  sorore  into  the  nepos  ex  filio  vel 
■filia,  because  the  grandson  continued  the  family,  just  as  orig- 
inally the  sister's  son  had  done;  he  gives  examples  in  classical 
and  mediaeval  Latin  of  what  he  thinks  the  earlier  use.^s 

Schrader,  however,  goes  farther  back  and  more  deeply  into 
the  matter,  showing  conclusively  the  uniformity  of  formation 
and  the  stability  of  meaning  of  names  for  the  closest  kin  in 
the  Indo-European  family  in  early  times,  names  for  father, 
mother,  brother,  sister,  son,  daughter;  but  as  regards  uncle, 
nephew,  grandparents,  etc.,  "there  is  no  uniformity  in  the 
formation  of  their  names,  and  the  meanings  of  these  names  of 
kin  seem  to  have  been  in  a  continual  state  of  flux."  ^^  He  gives 
examples  to  show  that  "  the  European  languages  very  fre- 
quently foim  the  name  of  the  mother's  brother  from  a  stem 
which  also  designates  the  grandfather  or  grandmother."  So 
the  Latin  avus,  whence  avunculus  >  oncle.  Diez  had  already  re- 
marked that  in  the  Lex  Salica  avunculus  is  used  for  patruus;-^ 
the  latter  word  is  lost  in  the  Romance  languages,  and  the  exten- 
sion of  meaning  given  to  the  former  is  a  natural  one  in  a  stage 
of  family  life  which  begins  to  see  no  difference  between  the 
functions  of  the  mother's  and  those  of  the  father's  brother. 
The  confusion  between  the  meanings  ^  grandfather '  and  '  uncle  ^ 
seems  to  have  its  origin  in  the  general  development  of  the  avo- 
stem,  which  originally  meant  '  forefather '  in  general.^^  There 
is  a  parallel  in  the  derivatives  of  the  stem  *nepot-,  and  Schrader 
expresses  the  opinion  that  ^'when  in  certain  European  lan- 
guages derivatives  from  avo-  cam.e  to  be  applied  to  the  mother's 

2Q  Antiquarische  Brief e,  II,  pp.  113,  117,  119. 

27  O.  Schrader,  Prehistoric  Antiquities,  trans,  by  Jevons, 
p.  369  ff. 

28  Etymologisclies  Worterbuch. 

29  Prehistoric  Antiquities,  p.  379.  Cf .  the  Cymric  ewythyr, 
'uncle',  '  great -uncle '  (paternal  or  maternal);  Cornish  eviter^ 
eiviter ;  Breton  eontr  ('maternal  uncle ')<  Celtic  *aivon-tro,  no 
other  near  equivalent  but  Latin  avun-culu-s,  perhaps  'petit  aieul', 
caressing  term  for  maternal  uncle  {fils  de  I'dieul  maternel). 


o 
o 


18  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

brother,  the  stem  *  nepot-  took  the  same  direction,  and  was  used 
to  express  relation  to  the  mother's  brother  and  the  mother's 
sister."  ^^  The  many  citations  from  the  Old  French  epic 
made  in  the  early  part  of  this  chapter  show  a  relation  to  the 
development  in  the  Teutonic  languages  as  tabulated  by  Dr. 
Schrader.2^ 

With  regard  to  the  diversity  of  usage  in  the  Romance  field, 
the  following  conclusion  is  reached  by  Dr.  Ernst  Tappolet  so 
far  as  the  popular  speech  is  concerned: 

"  Das  Lateinische  hat  in  seinem  doppelsinnigen  NEPOS  eine 
^  verhangnissvolle  '  Erbschaf  t  hinterlassen.  Die  hiberischen 
Idiome  allein  haben  die  lateinische  Hauptbedeutung — mit  An- 
schluss und  Ersatz  der  andern — beibehalten.  Das  gallische 
Sprachgebeit  hat  die  Zweideutigkeit  auf  die  Lange  nicht 
ertrangen  und  durch  die  ihm  eigene  adjectivische  Zusammen- 

30  Prehistoric  Antiquities,  p.  379. 

31  Prehistoric  Antiquities,  p.  374. 

Sanscrit:  ndpdt,  wdpiar  =  ' descendant '  in  general,  later  ^grand- 
son'. 
Iranian    languages:    Zend   napdt  =  ' grandson^;    Greek    verrodes^ 
'brood',  with  derivatives  meaning  'child  of  brother  or  sister'; 
Latin  nepot-  =  '  grandson ',  then  later  '  nephew '. 
Teutonic    languages :     Anglo-Saxon    nefa  =■ '  grandson,    nephew ' ; 
Old  Norse  /le/e  =  ' kinsman ' ;    Old  High   German  7iefo,   Middle 
High  German  7ieve=' sister's  son'^  rarely  'brother's  son',  also 
'uncle',  then  'kinsman'  in  general  (Kluge) ;  Old  Norse  nipt  = 
'sister's  daughter,  niece';  Old  High  German  nift,  Middle  High 
German   niftel,   Gothic   nithjis  = '  cousin ' ;    Old   Norse   nithr  = 
'  descendant '. 
Old  Slavonic :  neiiji  = '  nephew '. 
Old  Irish :  nia  = '  sister 's  son '. 

The  same  material  may  be  found  in  Kluge 's  Etymologisches 
Worterbuch,  from  which  Schrader  draws.  In  the  seventh  (1910) 
edition,  Kluge  adds  that  "Luther  gebraucht  Neffe  als  'Enkel'; 
die  heutige  Bedeutung  gait  zur  Zeit  Frisch  (1741)  nur  in  vorneh- 
men  Kreisen  und  erst  am  Schluss  des  18  Jahrhunderts  ist  das  Wort 
mit  der  heutigen  Bedeutung  schriftspraehlich  geworden."  (See 
word  Neffe.) 


INTEODUCTION  19 

setzung  bei  Verwandtsehaftsbegriffen  den  dringend  notigen 
Ersatz  geschaffen.  Das  Ital.  und  Rum.  stehen  ihm  darin  weit 
zuriiek  und  leiden  immer  noch  an  der  traditionellen  Zwei- 
deutigkeit."  ^- 

He  systematizes  the  situation  in  a  diagram  showing  that  the 
meaning  ^gTandson'  is  found  in  Spanish,  Portuguese,  Old 
French,  Roumanian,  Albanian,  and  that  of  'nephew'  in  Old 
French,  Modern  French,  Rhaeto-Romance,  Roumanian,  Ital- 
ian, Albanian ;  he  questions  whether  the  earlier  meaning  of  the 
Latin  original  remains  in  the  spoken  language  of  Italy,  and 
adds :  "  In  der  Toseana  mag  es  noch  gelegentlich  der  Fall  sein 
unter  dem  Einfluss  der  offlziellen  Sprache;  aber  in  der  Volks- 
sprache  des  Nordens  und  Siidens  lebt  NEPOS  =  Enkel  nicht 
mehr  und  so  ist  Italien  thatsachlich  dem  jetzigen  Zustand  in 
Frankreich  nicht  mehr  gar  zu  fern."  ^^  He  cites  the  following 
derivatives  in  the  sense  of  '  nephew '  :  ISTepos  >  altit.  nievo; 
altvenez.  nievo,  nevo;  prov.  nep-s;  altfranco-prov.  nes  (nevou) ; 
altfranz.  nies  (neveu) ;  rhae.-rom.  nefs;  alban.  nip.  Nepotem  > 
ital.,  sard,  nipote;  Oberitalien,  Siidfrankreich,  Balearen, 
franco-prov.,  rum.  nepote;  mittel-  und  nordfranz.  neveu. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  go  further  into  this  linguistic  prob- 
lem :  Kluge  and  Schrader  make  plain  the  development  of  the 
stock  from  '  descendant '  and  *  grandson '  to  the  Latin  use  of 
'  grandson  \  later  '  nephew ',  and  the  Teutonic  use  of  '  grand- 
son, sister's  son,  nephew',  while  Tappolet  shows  that  in  the 
Romance  field  the  double  meaning  exists  only  in  Old  French, 
Roumanian  and  Albanian,  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  adopt- 
ing the  meaning  'grandson',  the  French  and  Italian  that  of 
'nephew'.^*    Its  importance  for  present  purposes  is  that  the 

32  E.  Tappolet,  Eomanisclie  VenvandtscJiaftsnamen,  p.  91. 
C^Td.,  pp.  86,  87.     It  is  a  question  whether  Ms  statement  may 
not  be  a  little  too  sweeping,  although  based  on  observation  of  the 
spoken  language. 

34  The  terms  ooicle  a  la  mode  de  Bretagne,  '  cousin  of  one  or  the 
other  parent',  and  neveu  a  la  mode  de  Bretagne,  'son  of  a  cousin', 
undoubtedly  have  some  connection  with  this  development,  just 
what  has  not  yet  been  made  clear. 


20  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

very  terms  oncle,  nies,  as  used  in  the  French  epic  of  the  twelfth 
and  thirteenth  centuries,  call  up  a  discussion  of  relationship 
in  an  earlier  state  of  society;  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  then, 
that  the  relations  between  uncle  and  nephew  as  portrayed  in 
the  Chansons  de  Geste  should  contain  many  elements  dating 
from  primitive  times.  Whatever  the  superficial  confusion  in 
the  application  of  terms  may  be,  each  poem  is  practically  con- 
sistent in  itself  as  regards  the  actual  family  relationship.^^ 

35  That  the  terms  under  discussion  are  not  always  employed 
with  precision  even  today  is  shown  by  the  recent  play  of  Un  Bon 
Petit  Viable,  by  Mme.  Edmond  Eostand  and  her  son  Maurice,  in 
which,  throughout  the  play,  Charle  calls  Mme.  Mac'Miche,  his 
guardian's  wife,  ma  cousine,  while  she  calls  him  mon  neveu. 

35a  The  poem  of  Bueves  de  Commarchis,  a  copy  of  which  was 
not  available  at  the  time  the  foregoing  chapter  was  written,  con- 
tains an  important  example  of  the  double  sense  of  nies.  In  vs.  59, 
Gerart  and  Guielin  are  said  to  be  neveus  of  Aymeri,  and  in  vs.  69 
they  are  neveus  of  Guillaume.  Aymeri  is  their  grandfather, 
Guillaume  is  their  uncle;  cf.  vss.  2547,  2676. 


CHAPTER    I 

Attitude  of  Father  Compared  with  that  of  Uxcle 

In  order  to  connect  the  primitive  elements  in  the  Chansons 
de  Geste  with  that  state  of  society  called  Mother-right,  it  is  nec- 
essary first  to  make  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  poems  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  the  exact  position  of  the  nephew  with 
regard  to  the  uncle,  the  attributes  or  conventional  qualities  at- 
tached to  the  latter,  and  the  rights  and  claims  of  the  one  upon 
the  other.  As  will  be  seen,  the  tendency  is  to  minimize  the 
intimacy  between  father  and  son,  while  exalting  that  between 
uncle  and  nephew;  in  the  latter  case  the  closest  solidar- 
ity is  the  almost  invariable  rule,  while  for  the  most  part 
the  attitude  of  the  father,  when  the  poet  goes  into  the  subject 
at  all,  is  one  of  severity  and  injustice,  breeding  dissension  and 
disruption  of  the  family  relations. 

For  example,  in  Doon  de  Mayence,  when  Doon^s  father  is 
about  to  send  the  boy  off  to  his  uncle  for  training,  after  a  long 
tirade  filled  with  good  advice,  he  raises  his  hand  and  strikes  his 
son ;  this  is  by  no  means  the  ^  accolade '  which  accompanies  the 
knighting  of  a  youth,  but  a  furious  blow,  particularly  unjusti- 
fiable in  the  case  of  Doon,  who  has  for  eight  years  taken  the 
tenderest  care  of  his  blind  father;  yet  the  poet  does  not  speak 
of  the  blow  as  anything  extraordinary: 

Lors  le  fiert  de  la  paulme  sur  le  viz,  qu'il  ot  gTas; 
Puis  luy  a  dit :  "  Beaul  fiz,  bellement  et  par  gas 
Pour  ce  t'ay  je  feru  que  ja  ne  Toubliras."  ^ 
{Doon  de  Mayence,  2478) 

a  Then  he  strikes  him  with  his  palm  upon  his  face,  which  was 
plump.  /  Then  he  said  to  him :  ' '  Fair  son,  gently  and  in  jest  /  Did 
I  strike  you,  so  that  you  will  not  forget  it. 

21 


J  J 


22  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

In  the  Narbonnais,  we  find  the  father  Aymeri  equally  brutal 
towards  his  sons;  he  keeps  the  youngest  at  home,  sending  off 
the  others  to  make  their  way  in  the  world,  and  when  his  wife 
ventures  to  oppose  his  harshness,  he  strikes  her  to  the  ground. 
In  the  end  he  succeeds  (in  this  poem)  only  in  embittering  his 
sons  against  him.  His  intentions  are  doubtless  good,  but  this 
display  of  the  iron  hand  is  a  characteristic  of  the  epic  father 
which  makes  the  benevolence  of  the  uncle  all  the  more  notice- 
able by  contrast: 

"  Esploitiez  vos,  que  ne  vos  targiez  mie. 
Si  issiez  tost  de  ma  cite  garnie ! 
Que,  par  celui  qui  tot  a  en  baillie, 
Se  vos  i  tniis  demain  dedanz  compile, 
N'an  manroiz  arme  ne  destrier  de  Sulie, 
Si  samblera  hontage."  ^ 
•{Narbonnais,  296) 

In  Guibert  d'Andrenas,  which  is  as  yet  inedited,  Aymeri  de- 
cides to  bequeath  his  lands  to  a  godson  and  to  disinherit  the 
youngest  son,  Guibert;  the  latter  rebels,  exclaiming: 

"Non  ferez,  pere!  par  Dieu  lo  fil  Marie! 
Deseriter  me  volez  par  folie, 
S'estranges  hon  a  ma  terre  sesie."  ^ 

Upon  his  refusal  to  retract  this  unfilial  speech,  Aymeri  flies 
into  a  passion  and  calls  him  glos,  lechiere,  fil  a  gargon,  mauvais 
couart  provez,"^  and  the  browbeaten  son  submits.^^    In  Elie  de 

a ''Hasten,  do  not  delay  at  all,  /  And  quickly  leave  my  rich 
city !  /  For,  by  Him  who  has  all  in  his  power,  /  If  I  find  you  here 
tomorrow  by  the  end  of  complines,  /  You  shall  not  take  away  arms 
nor  steed  of  Syria,  /  And  it  will  seem  a  shame. 

b  '' You  shall  not  do  it,  father!  By  God  the  son  of  Mary!  /  You 
wish  to  disinherit  me  through  madness,  /  If  a  stranger  is  possessed 
of  my  inheritance. ' ' 

c  Eake,  dog,  low-born  son,  vile  proven  coward. 

36  Ms.  Brit.  Mus.,  Bib.  Eeg.,  20  B  XIX,  fol.  152  r°.  The  cita- 
tions from  Guibert  were  obtained  through  the  courtesy  of  Professor 
Weeks,  who  possesses  copies  of  all  the  mss.  of  the  poem. 


ATTITUDE  OF  FATHER  23 

Saint  Gille,  Julien  despatches  his  son  under  much  the  same 
circumstances ;  his  intentions,  too,  are  good,  for  he  is  endeavor- 
ing to  arouse  the  rather  shiggish  Elie  to  a  life  of  activity,  but 
he  cuts  him  off  from  his  inheritance,  and  on  driving  him  forth 
he  gives  him  such  a  blow  that  the  maddened  boy  can  stand  it 
no  longer.  Elie  flees,  and  after  distinguishing  himself  at  a 
tournament  refuses  to  become  reconciled  to  his  now  admiring 
parent : 

Li  vieus  li  gaint  I'espee  a  son  senestre  les : 
II  a  hauciet  le  paume,  se  li  done  .i.  cop  tel 
Por  .i.  poi  ne  Fabat  et  nel  fist  enverser. 
Et  quant  le  voit  li  enfes,  le  sens  quida  derver; 
II  dist  entre  ses  dens  coiement  a  chele: 
"  Dan  vieus,  mout  estes  fans  et  gangars  et  enfles ! 
Se  I'eust  fait  .i.  autre,  ja  I'eust  compere; 
Mais  vous  estes  mes  peres,  ne  m'en  doi  airer."  ^ 
{Elie,  104;  cf.  35-165)3^ 

a  The  old  man  girds  the  sword  upon  his  left  side ;  /  He  raised 
Ms  palm,  and  gives  him  such  a  blow  /  It  almost  fells  him  and 
made  him  fall  backwards.  /  And  when  the  youth  sees  this,  he 
almost  went  mad.  /  He  muttered  to  himself  quietly  and  secretly,  / 
' '  My  lord,  old  man,  you  are  false  and  churlish  and  proud.  /  If 
another  had  done  it,  he  would  surely  have  paid  for  it !  /  But  you 
are  my  father,  I  must  not  become  angry." 

37  This  passage,  as  well  as  the  one  just  cited  from  Doon  de 
Mayence,  is  a  rather  far-fetched  illustration  used  by  A.  Schultz 
{Das  HofiscJie  Leben,  I,  p.  185)  as  an  example  of  the  colee  given 
when  a  youth  was  adoube;  "  es  ist  also  der  Eitterschlag  im  G'runde 
nur  eine  symbolische  Handlung,  dem  Knappen  die  Erinnerung  an 
die  guten  bei  dieser  Gelegenheit  erhaltenen  Lehren  noch  mehr 
einzupragen. "  The  symbolical  interpretation  is  undoubtedly 
correct,  yet  the  manner  of  application  in  the  case  of  Doon  and  in 
that  of  Elie  suggests  anything  but  kindly  intentions  on  the  part  of 
the  parent,  as  is  evinced  by  the  anger  of  Elie  when  he  receives  the 
violent  blow.  Gautier  (La  Clievalerie,  p.  325)  represents  the  father 
as  being  always  unnecessarily  brutal  in  this  feature  of  the  cere- 
mony, but  states  that   the  colee  was  of  eleventh  century  origin, 


24  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

In  Floovant,  the  anger  of  Clovis  at  his  son,  who  has  humiliated 
the  seneschal  by  cutting  off  his  beard  while  the  latter  was  sleep- 
ing, is  so  great  that  he  sentences  him  to  exile  for  seven  years. 
Floovant,  furious  at  such  unnecessary  harshness  for  a  mad 
prank,  steals  away  without  taking  leave  even  of  his  mother, 
qui  plus  le  tenoit  chier  que  elle  ne  fagoit  son  seignor  droiturier  ^ 
(156).  In  the  Couronnement  Louis,  Charlemagne  seems  to  re- 
gard Louis  more  in  the  light  of  a  political  successor  than  as  a 
\son  who  has  a  claim  upon  his  fatherly  affection.  At  the  coro- 
nation he  has  no  patience  with  the  shyness  of  the  boy,  who 
knows  not  how  to  act,  but  reviles  him  and  finally  decides  to 
make  a  monk  of  him.  To  be  sure,  the  Emperor  does  show  a 
spark  of  kindliness  when  Guillaume  succeeds  in  placing  the 
crown  upon  the  boy's  head :  Voit  Vempereres,  de  son  enfant  fu 
liez^  (149). 38 

That  parental  authority  was  enforced  by  blows  on  slight 
provocation  is  evident.  In  Aiol,  Elie  falls  into  a  rage  with  his 
son,  who  has  heaped  benefits  upon  him,  merely  for  pretending 
as  a  jest  that  his  father's  old  war-horse  is  dead;  the  father 
takes  a  stick  and  starts  to  beat  Aiol,  calling  him  faus  lecMeres, 
fol  glous  desmesures^  {Aiol,  8272).  When  Bertrand,  in  the 
Enfances  Vivien,  chafes  with  eagerness  to  take  part  in  the 
battle,  his  father  Bernart  strikes  him  and  roughly  tells  him: 
Tais  toi,  lichieres  orguillox,  fui  desi^  (3585),  while  his  uncle 

a  Who  held  him  dearer  than  she  did  her  rightful  lord. 

t>  The  Emperor  sees,  and  rejoiced  in  his  son. 

c  False  rake,  mad,  arrogant  glutton. 

^  Be  silent,  proud  rake,  make  haste  from  here. 

and  not  an  essential  feature  of  the  adoubement  (pp.  270,  286;  cf. 
Guilhermoz,  Origins  de  la  Noblesse,  p.  413).  It  is  significant  that 
our  texts,  while  treating  the  incident  in  a  broadly  humorous  way  in 
the  ease  of  the  father,  are  non-committal  as  to  the  colee  given  by 
the  uncle. 

38  The  reading  of  the  E.  Langlois  edition  (vs.  .147)  is  prefer- 
able: Veit  le  li  pere.  In  Huon  de  Bordeaux  (85  ff.),  Charlemagne 
publicly  denounces  his  son  Chariot,  giving  a  long  category  of  his 
defects  and  errors. 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  25 

Guillanme  good-naturedly  puts  him  off  with  a  laugh,  saying  he 
is  much  too  young: 

Ot  lou  Guillaumes  s'an  a  gete  .i.  ris; 
"  Bien  sire  nies  atendes  un  petit, 
Si  m'eist  Dex  vos  estes  trop  petis."  * 
{Enfances  Vivien^  3572) 

This  same  Bernart,  in  the  Charroi  de  Nimes,  urging  his  unwill- 
ing son  to  accompany  him  on  the  Saracen  expedition,  loses  his 
temper  and :  Hauce  la  paume,  si  li  a  done  grant  ^  (615) .  Some- 
times the  tables  are  turned  and  the  son  assumes  the  defensive, 
aij  is  seen  in  the  attitude  of  Antiaume,  who  has  been  befriended 
by  Aiol,  towards  his  father  Rainier,  who  shelters  Aiol  over 
night  and  then  treacherously  attempts  to  kill  him;  his  son 
threatens : 

"  Se  ne  fussies  mes  peres,  ja  presisse  loier 
De  vo  gTant  traison  a  I'espee  d^achier."  ^ 
(Aiol,  7656) 

This  is  an  exceptional  case,  however;  the  son  never  strikes  the 
father,  and  his  attitude  is  generally  one  of  complete  submis- 
sion. In  the  unpublished  manuscript  of  the  Siege  de  Barhastre 
there  is  a  case  of  unnecessary  brutality  on  the  part  of  the 
father:  Bovon  is  berating  his  son  Gerart  and  lauding  his  own 
prowess;  when  Gerart  tries  to  excuse  himself,  the  father  seizes 
a  stick  and  is  about  to  beat  Gerart,  but  is  prevented  by  the 
others  present.^^ 

There  are  numerous  examples  of  the  slight  value  set  upon 
the  son  by  the  father :  in  Huon  de  Bordeaux,  Charlemagne  con- 
ceives a  great  liking  for  Huon,  a  recent  arrival  at  court,  and 
when  the  latter  tells  him  that  he  has  killed  an  unknown  man, 

a  Guillaume  heard  him  and  uttered  a  laugh ;  /-' '  Fair  nephew, 
wait  a  little;  /  So  may  God  help  me,  you  are  too  little." 

bEaises  his  palm,  and  gave  him  a  good  one. 

c  "  If  you  were  not  my  father,  I  would  indeed  take  toll  /  For 
your  great  treachery  with  my  sword  of  steel." 

39  Ms.  1448,  fonds  fr.,  fol.  124  v°. 


26  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

the  Emperor  grants  him   his  protection   even   if  the  victim 
proves  to  be  his  own  son: 

"  Et,  foi  que  doi  al  vrai  cors  saint  Vingant, 
Se  vous  m'avies  ochis  .i.  mien  enfant, 
Karlot  mon  fil,  que  je  paraime  tant, 
N'ariies  garde  de  ce  jour  en  avant, 
Se  traissons  ne  vous  va  encoupant."  * 
{Huon  de  Bordeaux,  1208) 

In  Berte  aus  grans  pies,  Symon  has  opened  his  home  to  the 
friendless  Berte,  and  becomes  so  attached  to  her  that  he  calls 
her  his  niece  and  swears  that  he  loves  her  more  than  his  own 
•daughters :  Plus  Vaim  que  mes  en  fans,  si  soit  m'ame  sauvee  ^ 
(Berte,  2788).  In  Anse'is  de  Cartage,  Gui  nearly  kills  the 
Saracen  Aridafle,  whereupon  his  son,  who  has  come  over  to  the 
French,  expresses  his  indifference  and  announces  his  intentions 
of  sparing  no  relative  (7251).  This  attitude  of  murderous 
fanaticism  on  the  part  of  the  converted  Saracens  must  appeal 
particularly  to  the  poets,  so  often  do  they  introduce  the  idea; 
in  Aliscans  there  is  an  elaborate  account  of  the  combat  between 
Desrame  and  his  son  Renoart,  who  is  christianized.  The  son 
insults  his  father's  religion,  they  bandy  words,  then  each  tries 
to  kill  the  other,  and  each  escapes  by  a  mere  accident  (ed.  Halle, 
6597).  In  Baoul  de  Camhrai,  Guerri  loses  two  sons  in  battle, 
hut  during  a  truce  utterly  neglects  to  seek  their  dead  bodies, 
so  intent  is  he  on  finding  that  of  his  nephew  Raoul,  who  was 
killed  at  the  same  time  (3226,  3582 ).4o 

Sons  are  frequently  represented  in  the  epic  as  being  offered 

I)y  the  father  as  hostages,  even  when  death  is  absolutely  cer- 

V  tain  for  them.     In  the  Chanson  de  Boland,  Blancandrin  sug- 

a ' '  And  by  the  faith  that  I  owe  to  the  true  body  of  Saint  Vin- 
cent, /  If  you  had  slain  a  child  of  mine,  /  Chariot  my  son,  whom  I 
love  so  very  much,  /  You  should  have  no  care  from  this  day  on,  / 
Unless  treachery  accuses  you." 

b  I  love  her  more  than  my  children,  so  may  my  soul  be  saved. 

40  For  citation,  see  page  42. 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  27 

gests  to  the  pagan  king  Marsile  that  CharlemagTie  can  be  in- 
duced to  leave  Spain  by  sending  to  him  ten  or  twenty  of  their 
sons  and  by  promising  to  follow  him  to  France  and  become 
converted;  when  the  time  has  passed,  the  Emperor  will  be 
angry  at  their  breach  of  promise  and  will  kill  the  hostages. 
The  pagans  agree  to  this,  and  it  is  announced  to  the  emperor, 
who  is  not  in  the  least  hoiTified  when  Marsile  offers  his  own 
son  par  num  d'ocire: 

"  S'en  vuelt  ostages,  e  vus  I'en  enveiez. 
0  dis  o  vint  pur  lui  afiancier. 
Enveiums  i  les  filz  de  noz  muilliers; 
Par  num  d'ocire  enveierai  le  mien. 
Assez  est  mielz  qu'il  i  perdent  les  chiefs, 
Que  nus  perdiiun  Fhonur  ne  la  deintet, 
Ne  nus  seium  cunduit  a  mendeier." 
Paien  respundent :  "  Bien  fait  a  otreier  "... 

^'  Viendrat  li  jurz,  si  passerat  li  termes, 
N'orrat  de  nus  paroles  ne  nuveles. 
Li  Reis  est  fiers,  e  sis  curages  pesmes: 
De  noz  ostages  f  erat  trenchier  les  testes ; 
Asez  est  mielz  que  la  vie  il  i  perdent 
Que  nus  perdium  clere  Espaigne  la  bele 
Ne  nus  aium  les  mals  ne  les  suffraites." 
Dient  paien :  "  Issi  poet  il  bien  estre."  ^ 
{Boland,  ^0  n.) 

a ' '  If  he  wishes  hostages,  do  you  send  Mm  some.  /  Ten  or 
twenty,  to  give  him  confidence.  /  Let  us  send  him  the  sons  of  our 
wives ;  /  Even  were  he  to  be  put  to  death,  I  will  send  mine.  /  Much 
better  is  it  for  them  to  lose  their  heads  /  Than  for  us  to  lose  our 
lands  and  our  estates,  /  And  be  reduced  to  begging. ' '  /  The  pagans 
reply :  "  It  is  well  to  grant  this. "  .  .  .  /  "  The  day  will  come,  the 
limit  will  pass,  /  He  will  not  hear  word  or  news  of  us;  /  The  King  is 
haughty,  and  his  heart  is  implacable ;  /  He  will  have  the  heads  of 
our  hostages  cut  off ;  /  Better  is  it  that  they  shall  lose  their  lives,  / 
Than  that  we  shall  lose  bright  Spain,  the  beautiful,  /  And  have 
woe  and  suffering. ' '  /  The  pagans  say :  ' '  This  can  well  be  so. ' ' 


28  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

"  De  cez  paroles  que  vus  avez  ci  dit 
En  quel  mesure  en  purrai  estre  fiz  ?  " 
"  Par  bons  ostages,  go  dist  li  Sarrazins, 
Dunt  vus  avrez  o  dis  o  quinze  o  vint. 
Par  num  d'ocire  i  metrai  un  mien  filz. 
E  n'en  avrez,  qo  quid,  de  plus  gentilz."  * 
{Boland,  145) 

In  the  Couronnement  Louis,  King  Galafre  offers  his  sons  in  the 
same  way,  even  urging  that  they  be  hanged  if  the  terms  of  the 
agreement  are  not  carried  out: 

"Et  se  c'est  chose  que  de  covent  vos  faille, 
Endui  mes  filz  recevez  en  ostage, 
Que  reangon  un  denier  ne  lor  vaille, 
Ainz  les  pendez  amedeus  a  un  arbre."  ^ 
{Couronnement  Louis,  479) 

There  is  no  indication  that  the  poet  tries  either  to  please  or 
to  shock  his  hearers  by  attributing  such  inhumanity  to  the 
Saracens,  for  the  offer  of  sons  is  accepted  each  time  as  a 
matter  of  course,  and  the  same  peculiar  attitude  is  assigned 
to  the  French  as  well.  In  the  Enfances  Ogier,  Gaufroi  sends 
his  son  to  the  Emperor  as  hostage;  to  be  sure,  there  is  no  dan- 
ger of  death  specified,  and  the  father  does  show  a  little  emotion 
at  parting  with  the  child: 

Toutes  ces  choses  volentiers  otroia, 

Ogier  son  fill  en  ostage  livra, 

Mais  au  livrer  un  petit  lermoia.*^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  218) 

a ' '  These  words  that  you  have  spoken  here,  /  To  what  extent  can 
I  be  assured  of  them?' V By  good  hostages,"  said  the  Saracen,  / 
' '  Of  whom  you  shall  have  ten  or  fifteen  or  twenty.  /  At  the  risk  of 
his  being  put  to  death,  I  will  add  a  son  of  mine.  /  And  you  will 
not  have,  I  think,  any  more  noble." 

b  ' '  And  if  there  is  anything  lacking  in  the  agreement,  /  Receive- 
both  my  sons  as  hostages ;  /  Let  not  ransom  avail  them  a  farthing,  / 
But  rather  hang  them  both  to  a  tree. ' ' 

c  All  these  things  he  granted  willingly ;  /  Ogier  his  son  he- 
delivered  as  hostage,  /  But  on  giving  him  up  he  wept  a  little. 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  29 

In  Renaut  de  Montauban,  it  is  astonishing  to  see  with  what  ease 
the  Emperor  is  persuaded  to  send  his  son  Lohier  as  messenger 
to  Bovon  d'Aigremont,  on  a  mission  all  the  more  dangerous  as 
the  implacable  Duke  has  already  killed  the  first  envoy ;  the  poet 
does,  indeed,  represent  Charlemagne  as  having  the  grace  to 
hesitate,  but  after  all  the  sentiment  is  perfunctoiy,  and  the 
lament  which  the  father  utters  when  he  learns  of  Lohier's 
death  lacks  the  genuineness  of  the  emotion  to  which  the  uncle 
so  often  gives  vent  (p.  8  ff.).  Likewise  in  the  Chevalerie  Ogier 
the  Emperor  makes  an  easy  sacrifice  of  his  son  Chariot  for  the 
sake  of  France  when  Ogier  offers  to  save  the  country  if  Chariot, 
against  whom  he  has  a  deep  grudge,  is  delivered  up  to  him  to 
be  put  to  death  (10281  ff.)-  -^^  Leon  Gautier  says:  "L'Em- 
pereur  consent  trop  facilement  a  la  mort  de  Chariot;  le  pere 
abdique  trop  tot  devant  le  roi."  ^^  It  is  very  plainly  an  after- 
thought of  the  poet  to  make  the  Emperor  appear  to  do  this  un- 
willingly, and  the  first  impulse  of  the  father  is  to  consent  to  the 
sacrifice  without  much  urging.  In  Jourdains  de  Blaivies,  when 
Renier  and  his  wife  are  imprisoned  for  refusing  to  deliver  their 
master's  son  to  his  enemy,  the  woman  conceives  a  plan  to 
surrender  their  own  son  and  thus  save  the  life  of  young  Jour- 
dain.  The  father  is  deeply  affected,  but  agrees — he  will  do 
anything  fors  seulement  Dameldieu  relenquir^  (480  ff.).  In 
Amis  et  Amiles,  the  Queen,  who  has  become  interested  in 
Amile,  offers  to  find  hostages  for  him  as  a  guarantee  of  his 
appearance  at  a  combat;  she  offers  herself,  her  son  and  her 
daughter : 

"  Mes  cors  mei'smez  le  voldra  ostaigier, 
Et  Belyssans,  por  cui  la  bataille  iert, 
Bueves  mes  fiz,  qui  moult  fait  a  prisier."  ^ 
{Amis  et  Amiles,  799) 

a  Save  only  to  abandon  God. 

b ' '  My  own  self  will  be  willing  to  be  hostage  for  him,  /  And 
Belissant,  for  whom  the  combat  will  be,  /  Bovon  my  son,  who  is 
much  to  be  praised." 

41  L.  Gautier,  Les  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  p.  252. 


30  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Charlemagne  accepts  the  offer  of  his  wife,  and  as  the  time  for 
fulfillment  approaches,  he  makes  gruesome  preparations  and 
informs  her  that  he  intends  to  eaiTy  out  the  sentence  and  that 
the  three  shall  be  dismembered  and  their  ashes  scattered;  for- 
tunately, the  sacrifice  is  rendered  unnecessary  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  substitute  for  Amile.  In  the  same  poem,  Amile 
wishes  to  aid  his  friend  Ami,  who  is  stricken  with  leprosy,  and 
offers  to  do  anything  in  his  power : 

"  Se  g'en  devoie,  quanques  a  moi  apant, 
Vendre,  engaigier  ou  livrer  a  torment, 
Nes  mes  douz  fiz  certez  ou  Belissant, 
Si  le  f  eroiie,  gel  voz  di  et  creant."  ^ 
(Amis  et  Amiles,  2839) 

When  one  of  the  children  is  told  by  the  father  of  his  inten- 
tion to  kill  him,  he  submits  willingly,  saying: 

"  Noz  sommez  vostre  de  vostre  engenrement, 
Faire  en  poez  del  tout  a  vo  talent."  ^  ^^ 
{Amis  et  Amiles,  3003) 

We  learn  from  the  poet  of  Gaydon  that  Sayari,  though  the 
son  of  Hertaut,  is  himself  no  traitor,  and  that  for  that  rea- 

a^'If  I  had  to,  all  who  belong  to  me,  /  To  sell  or  pledge  or 
deliver  them  up  to  torture,  /  Even  my  two  sons,  most  certainly, 
or  Belissant,  /  I  would  do  it,  I  tell  you  and  assure  you. '  ^ 

b ' '  We  are  yours,  of  your  begetting ;  /  You  can  do  with  us  alto- 
gether after  your  will." 

42  Power  of  life  and  death  over  the  son  was  not  a  poetic  fiction ; 
Caesar  observed  it  among  the  Gauls  {De  Bella  Gallico,  VI,  18,  19), 
and  absolute  power  was  given  by  law  to  the  father  among  the 
insular  Celts  (cf.  J.  L.  Gerig,  article  on  '' Morals  of  the  Celts" 
in  Hastings'  Encyclopedia  of  'Religion,  vol.  V,  in  press).  Among 
the  Franks  this  was  somewhat  modified  by  Germanic  customs,  but 
as  late  as  the  Merovingian  period,  ' '  les  pouvoirs  du  p&re  de  f  amille 
sur  ses  enfants  avaient  une  etendue  considerable.  II  pouvait  en 
effet  les  reeonnaitre  ou  les  desavouer,  les  recueillir  ou  les  aban- 
donner,  les  garder  aupr^s  de  lui  ou  les  vendre."  (C.  Galy,  La 
Famille  a  I'Epoque  Merovingienne,  p.  380.) 


ATTITUDE  OF  FATHEE  31 

son  his  father  li  fel  tra'itres  Tiet  moult  son  heritier^  (4178)  ► 
In  Aye  d' Avignon,  we  find  two  young  men  fighting  on  the 
side  of  their  uncle  against  their  fathers  and  betraying  to  him 
a  plot  of  the  latter.*^  One  of  the  most  striking  cases  in  which 
son  is  pitted  against  father  is  seen  in  Renaut  de  Montauban^ 
where  Aymon  remains  faithful  to  the  Emperor  and  fights  for 
him  in  the  long  war  against  his  own  sons;  sometimes  they 
meet  in  battle,  and  although  the  father  wavers  in  his  duty, 
he  nevertheless  attacks ;  but  when  Eenaut  is  in  a  position  to 
kill  his  father,  he  refrains,  for :  au  hien  et  au  mal  doit  on  son 
pere  amer  (p.  94,  7).    Aymon  debates  with  himself: 

"  Se  je  lais  ces  glotons,  puisque  je  les  vois  ci, 
Parjure  sui  vers  Karle,  ma  foi  li  sui  menti. 
Dame  Dex  me  confonde,  se  il  en  vont  issi. 
Las !  peehieres  dolans !  por  eoi  n'en  sunt  f ui  ? 
Ja  en  iert  la  bataille,  je  le  sai  tot  de  fi, 
Et  se  mi  fil  i  muerent,  mult  aurai  cuer  mari."  ^ 
(Renaut y  p.  79,  8) 

Many  more  illustrations  might  be  found  in  the  French  epic 
of  harshness,  lack  of  affection  and  downright  hostility  on  the 
part  of  the  father;  the  few  here  presented  are  merely  by  way 
of  pointing  out  the  contrast  in  the  attitude  of  the  uncle.  It 
has  been  stated  by  Fellinger  that  "wer  sein  Kind  lieb  hat, 
der  ziichtigt  es  auch,"  and  he  cites  :*^ 

a  The  villainous  traitor  deeply  hates  his  heir. 

^"If  I  leave  these  knaves,  since  I  see  them  here,  / 1  am  fore- 
sworn to  Charles,  I  have  belied  my  pledge  to  him.  /  May  Heaven 
confound  me^  if  they  go  away  thus.  /  Alas !  sorrowful  sinner ! 
Why  did  they  not  flee?  /  There  will  surely  be  a  fight  for  it,  I  know 
for  certain,  /  And  if  my  sons  perish  in  it,  I  shall  have  a  very  heavy 
heart. ' ' 

43  For  citation,  see  page  69. 

44  F.  Fellinger,  Das  Kind  in  der  altfranzosischen  Literatur, 
p.  157,  citing  ' De  I'Anperiz  de  Borne',  etc.,  in  Band  II,  Nouveau 
Eeceuil,  par  M.  Meon. 


32  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Et  li  peres  bat  et  chastie 
Plus  son  enfant  qui  a  sa  grace 
Que  celui  que  il  het  ne  f  aee.^ 

One  citation  of  this  sort  would  hardly  prove  the  point,  and  it 
may  be  doubted,  although  there  is  a  certain  amount  of  gen- 
eral truth  in  the  statement,  whether  such  an  explanation  ap- 
plies to  the  ill-treatment  of  the  son  in  our  Chansons  de 
Geste. 

It  is  by  no  means  the  invariable  rule  in  the  French  epic 
that  the  father  is  made  to  exercise  his  paternal  authority 
with  such  brutality  that  it  leads  to  a  family  feud;  on  the 
contrary,  there  are  many  passages  in  which  the  son  is  men- 
tioned with  pride  or  treated  with  kindness,  but  after  all  they 
only  intensify  the  general  impression  that  the  son  is  less 
dear  and  even  more  of  a  stranger  to  the  father  than  is  the 
nephew.  There  are  not  many  instances  of  such  love  and 
anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  father  as  are  shown  by  Elie 
towards  Aiol  (Aiol,  162-279) ;  this  is  in  marked  contrast  to 
the  treatment  of  Elie  by  his  own  father  in  the  first  part  of 
Elie  de  Saint  Gilles.  Instances  of  affection  on  the  part  of 
the  Saracen  father  are  found :  messengers  report  to  Baligant 
\  that  Roland  has  killed  his  son  quHl  tant  suleie  amer^  {Roland, 
2782);  Marsile  mourns  the  loss  of  his  son: 

"  Jo  si  nen  ai  filz  ne  filie  ne  heir ; 
Un  en  aveie ;  oil  f  ut  ocis  bier  seir."  ^ 
{Roland,  2744) 

Baligant  proudly  calls  attention  to  his  son: 

"  Veez  mun  filz,  ki  Carlun  vait  querant 
E  a  ses  armes  tanz  baruns  calenjant."  ^ 
{Roland,  3375) 
a  And  the  father  beats  and  reprimands  /  More  the  child  who  has 
Tiis  favor  /  Than  he  does  him  whom  he  hates, 
b  Whom  he  was  wont  to  love  so  much. 

c''I  have  neither  son  nor  daughter  nor  heir;  /  One  I  had;   he 
was  slain  yesterday  evening." 

d  ' '  See  my  son,  who  goes  seeking  Charles,  /  And  challenging  with 
his  weapons  so  many  barons." 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  33 

Elie  says  of  the  Emir: 

"  Plus  me  het  I'amiraus  que  nul  home  qui  vive : 
Je  li  ocis  son  fil  Ataignant  de  Sorbrie."^ 
{Elie,  1299) 

At  the  siege  of  Antioche,  Garsion's  son  offers  to  go  for  aid, 
and  the  father  weeps  when  sending  him  into  danger: 

"  Sire,  fait  il  a  lui,  g'irai  se  vous  voles ; 

Ne  deves  par  moi  estre  a  nul  besoin  fauses." 
"  Biaus  fieus,  dist  Garsions,  cine  cens  mercis  et  gre." 

De  pitie  et  de  dol  est  aval  aclines, 

Les  larmes  li  degotent  fil  a  fil  sor  le  nes, 

Sansadoine  embraga,  si  le  baisa  asses.  ^ 
{Chanson  d' Antioche,  V,  475) 

Corsuble,  father  of  Danemon,  moult  Vot  en  grant  ehiertS^  {En- 
fanees  Ogier,  587).     He  grieves  at  his  death: 

Quant  voit  Corsubles  que  Danemons  ses  fis 
Gist  sor  la  terre  et  que  il  ert  f  enis, 
De  cuer  en  fu  malement  deseonfis.*^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  6083) 

Ogier's  father  scolds  his  wife  for  ill-treating  the  Emperor^s 
messengers;  he  knows  that  his  son,  a  hostage,  must  suffer  for 
it,  and  he  is  much  grieved  at  the  prospect: 

a ' '  The  Emir  hates  me  more  than  any  man  living :  /  I  slew  his 
son  Ataignant  de  Sorbrie. ' ' 

t>"Sir, "  says  he  to  him,  "I  will  go  if  you  wish;  /You  must 
not  be  abandoned  by  me  in  any  need. "  / ' '  Fair  son, ' '  said 
Garsion,  ' '  five  hundred  times  thanks  and  gratitude. ' '  /  With  pity 
and  grief  he  bowed  himself;  /  The  tears  drop  in  a  stream  upon  his 
nose;  /He  embraced  Sansadoine  and  kissed  him  repeatedly. 

c  Held  him  in  great  affection. 

d  When  Corsuble  sees  that  Danemon  his  son  /  Lies  upon  the 
ground  and  that  he  was  dead,  /  He  was  greatly  discomfited  at 
heart  by  it. 

4 


^ 


34  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Forment  Pen  blasme  et  eliastie  et  reprent. 
Bien  set  c'  Ogiers  le  comparra  griement; 
Dedenz  son  cuer  en  ot  grant  mariment, 
Ne  set  que  f  aire,  ne  puet  estre  autrement.^ 
(Enfances  Ogier,  337) 

When  Ogier  and  his  father  meet  at  last:  De  lie  cuer  Vot  ses 
peres  regarded  {Enfances  Ogier ^  8008) ;  Ogier,  in  speaking  of 
his  (natural)  son  Bauduinet,  says:  Un  fil  avoie,  Bauduinet  qe 
foi  chier^  {Chevalerie  Ogier,  6092).  In  the  Mort  Bauduinet, 
edited  by  Voretzsch,  the  affection  of  Ogier  for  his  son  pervades 
the  Chanson,  and  his  grief  at  Bauduinet's  death  is  expressed  in 
very  touching  words.  Guillaume  explains  the  hatred  of  Duke 
Richard  for  him  as  natural : 

"  Et  il  me  het  plus  que  home  del  mont; 
Son  fill  ocis,  que  por  voir  le  set  hon."  ^ 

And  the  Duke  upbraids  him : 

"  Tu  me  tolis  le  meillor  heritier  "^ 

Qui  onques  fust  soz  la  chape  del  eiel."  ® 

{Couronnement  Louis,  2104,  2124)  y 

Anseis,  besieged  with  a  starving  garrison  in  Estorge,  is  wor- 
ried over  the  condition  of  his  wife  and  children: 

Dedens  Estorges  fu  li  vivres  faillis, 
N'ont  pas  viande  a  paser  le  tiere  dis. 
Dolens  en  est  li  bons  rois  Anseis 
Et  plus  li  poise  de  ses  enfans  petis; 

a  Greatly  he  blames  her  for  it  and  reprimands  and  reproaches 
her ;  /  Well  he  knows  that  Ogier  will  pay  for  this  dearly ;  /  In  his 
heart  he  had  great  grief;  /  He  knows  not  what  to  do;  it  cannot 
be  otherwise. 

bWith  a  glad  heart  his  father  looked  at  him. 

c  A  son  I  had,  Bauduinet,  whom  I  held  dear. 

d ' '  And  he  hates  me  more  than  any  man  in  the  world ;  / 1  slew 
his  son,  and  truly  people  know  this.'' 

e'^Thou  tookest  from  me  the  best  heir /That  ever  was  under 
the  mantle  of  the  sky." 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  35 

Pour  la  roine  estoit  forment  maris  ... 
"  Ma  feme  va  cle  fain  color  muant 
Et  mi  doi  fil,  dont  me  vois  dolosant."  * 

{Anse'is  de  Cartage,  7576,  8280;  cf.  8336,  8416) 

Even  Ganelon  the  traitor  shows  a  spark  of  paternal  affection  for 
his  son  Baudoin,  but  he  only  makes  use  of  him  as  a  last  argu- 
ment to  avoid  being  sent  to  Spain  as  the  Emperor's  messenger : 

"En  Sarraguce  sai  bien  qu'aler  m'estoet: 
Hum  ki  la  vait  repairier  ne  s'en  poet. 
Ensurquetut  si  ai  jo  vostre  soer. 
Si  'n  ai  un  filz,  ja  plus  bels  n'en  estoet: 
C'est  Baldewins,  se  vit,  ki  ert  prozdoem. 
A  lui  lais  jo  mes  houurs  e  mes  fieis. 
Guardez  le  bien,  ja  ne  V  verrai  des  oilz."  ^ 
(Roland,  292) 

In  such  passages  as  the  above  the  sentiment  appears  per-  r' 
functory — the  dramatic  situation  requires  an  expression  of^ 
emotion.  The  father  hates  the  slayer  of  his  son,  laments  the 
loss  of  his  heir,  embraces  the  son  who  brmgs  him  aid  or  good 
tidings — such  phases  of  affection,  expressed  largely  by  means 
of  stock  formulas,  are  not  very  convincing,  especially  as  they 
represent  an  episode,  and  not  a  theme.  More  important  is  the 
fact  that  the  Narbonnais  represents  the  youth  Romanz  as  fight- 
ing at  Narbonne  in  company  with  his  father  Garin  (4000  E.) ; 

a  Within  Estorge  the  food  had  given  out,  /  They  have  not  food 
enough  to  pass  the  third  day.  /  Grrieved  at  this  is  good  King 
Anseis,  /  And  the  thought  of  his  little  children  weighs  more  upon 
him ;  /  For  the  Queen  he  was  deeply  grieved  .  .  .  /  "  My  wife  goes 
about  pale  with  hunger,  /  And  my  two  sons,  wheref  or  I  go 
lamenting. ' ' 

b ' '  To  Saragossa  I  know  that  I  must  go ;  /  He  who  goes  there 
cannot  return.  /  But,  especially,  I  have  your  sister.  /  And  I  have  a 
son  by  her ;  one  would  not  need  a  finer.  /  That  is  Baudoin,  who,  if 
he  lives,  will  be  a  valiant  man.  /  To  him  I  leave  my  lands  and  my 
fiefs.  /  Tak3  good  care  of  him;  I  shall  not  see  him  more.*' 


36  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

this  association  of  father  and  son  is  not  frequent.  Likewise 
the  pathetic  description  of  the  sufferings  of  Ami  when  he  is 
about  to  kill  his  children  shows  more  genuine  emotion  (Amis 
et  Amiles,  2967  ff.),  as  does  the  passage  in  the  Enfances  Vivien 
which  depicts  Garin's  hesitation  to  accept  the  sacrifice  of  his 
son  (244).^^  Of  a  certain  importance  in  a  general  way  is  the 
remark  of  Louis  about  a  troop  going  to  a  tournament :  F'ier  m'i 
puis  com  pere  en  son  an f ant  ^  {Foucon,  7688),  but  affection,  as 
well  as  fidelity,  are  rather  a  characteristic  of  the  son  than  of 
the  father.  There  is  a  curious  comparison  in  the  Siege  de 
Barhastre  which  may  be  adduced  in  support  of  the  theory  that 
the  relation  of  son  did  not  imply  any  deep  affection  to  the 
mediaeval  poet:  the  French  arrive  at  Barbastre  and  succor  the 
besieged  Bovon;  he  and  his  two  sons  see  them,  and  throwing  a 
mantle  around  him,  with  a  son  on  either  hand,  Bovon  joyously 
descends  to  meet  his  friends.*^  The  poet  adds:  Bien  re- 
sanhle  'baron  entre  ses  M.  norris}^  That  is,  in  order  to  depict 
by  a  glowing  simile  the  father  and  son  in  this  happy  moment, 
the  poet  paints  them  in  terms  of  nourris,  as  if  that  relation 
were  closer  than  that  of  son.  Since  nephews  were  often 
brought  up  by  the  uncle,  that  fact  may  have  helped  to  give 
the  word  some  of  its  expressiveness.  Such  passages  are  scat- 
tered, as  indeed  are  those  that  mention  the  son  at  all,  while 
nephews  are  introduced  into  the  story  on  every  possible  occa- 
sion, and  their  intimate  relations  with  the  uncle  dwelt  upon  so 
insistently  that  the  reader  instinctively  feels  that  there  must 
be  an  underlying  reason. 

a  I  can  rely  upon  them  as  a  father  upon  his  child, 
b  Much    does    he    resemble    a    baron    between    his    two    foster- 
children. 

45  The  late  prose  version  expatiates  much  more  at  the  beginning 
on  Garin's  love  for  Vivien,  but  his  tears  and  prayers  are  well 
represented  afterwards  in  ms.  A. 

46  Ms.  Bib.  Nat.,  1448,  fonds  fr.,  fol.  144  r° ;  the  use  of  this 
citation  is  due  to  the  kindness  of  Professor  Weeks,  who  has  a 
copy  of  part  of  the  ms. 


ATTITUDE  OF  FATHEE  37 

There  is  a  very  large  number  of  passages  dealing  witli  the 
general  attitude  of  the  uncle  which  cannot  be  classified  under 
any  characteristic  or  attribute;  a  selection  from  them  at  this 
point  will  both  serve  to  mark  the  different  spirit  which  actu- 
ates their  use  from  that  distinguishing  the  citations  just  given, 
and  will  also  indicate  the  esoteric  tone  which  characterizes  the 
poetic  treatment  of  the  uncle-nephew  relations. 

It  is  significant  that  in  the  Chanson  de  Roland  no  mention 
is  made  of  the  father  of  the  preux  chevalier;  it  is  his  relation- 
ship to  the  Emperor  alone  that  counts  as  a  poetic  theme.  Plan- 
ning treason,  Ganelon  refers  to  the  gxeat  pride  which  Charle- 
magne has  in  Roland;  his  death  will  be  an  intolerable  blow  to 
the  Emperor's  ambition: 

"  Carles  verrat  sun  grant  orgoill  cadeir, 
N'avrat  talent  que  jamais  vus  gnierreit.'^  ^ 
{Roland,  573) 

When  the  Emperor  learns  that  his  nephew  is  to  be  in  the  rear- 
guard, the  most  dangerous  position,  on  the  homeward  march 
from  Spain,  he  at  first  falls  into  a  great  rage,  and  then  is  over- 
come with  concern: 

Quant  Tot  li  Reis,  fierement  le  reguardet; 
Si  li  a  dit:  "Yus  estes  vifs  diables; 
El'  cors  vus  est  entree  mortel  rage  "... 

Li  Emperere  en  tint  sun  chief  enbnmc ; 
Si  duist  sa  barbe  e  detoerst  sun  gernun ; 
Ne  poet  muer  que  de  ses  oilz  ne  plurt.^ 
{Roland,  745,  771) 

a ''Charles  will  see  his  great  pride  fall;  /He  will  have  no  more 
desire  to  wage  war  upon  you. ' ' 

b  When  the  King  hears  him,  he  looks  at  him  haughtily ;  /  And 
said  to  him :  ' '  You  are  the  devil  in  person ;  /  Into  your  heart  has 
come  deadly  rage. "  .  .  .  /  The  Emperor  at  this  held  his  head 
bowed ;  /  He  stroked  his  beard  and  twisted  his  moustache ;  /  He 
cannot  keep  the  tears  from  his  eyes. 


38  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

When  it  is  decided  to  submit  Ganelon^s  fate  to  the  jugement  de 
Bieu,  the  Emperor  prays  for  the  success  of  his  champion,  and 
after  the  victory  he  takes  Thieny  in  his  arms  and  dries  his 
face  for  him;  this  is  all  for  Roland's  sake  {Roland,  3815  ff.). 
In  Gui  de  Bourgogne,  Sanson  has  been  a  messenger  to  the 
mysterious  new  king  of  France,  his  own  son,  whom  he  does 
not  recognize,  but  on  reporting  to  the  Emperor  how  pleased  he 
was  with  him  and  how  he  embraced  him,  Charlemagne's  affec- 
tion makes  him  intuitive,  and  he  exclaims : 

"  Sanses,  dist  I'emperere,  par  la  vertu  du  ciel, 
Je  quit  e'est  vostre  fis  et  de  vostre  moillier; 
Maris  estes  ma  suer,  je  quit  qu'il  est  mes  nies."  * 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3166) 

When  the  Emperor  and  Gui  finally  meet,  the  poet  shows  us  a 
picture  of  deep  tenderness : 

Karles  connut  Guion,  s'est  encontre  levez; 
Andeus,  brace  estendue,  se  sont  entr'acole. 
Ains  peust  on  avoir  une  grant  line  ale 
Que  il  s'entrelassassent,  ne  peussent  parler.^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3950) 

In  the  Guillaume  cycle,  the  affection  of  Guillaume  for  Viv- 
ien parallels  that  of  Charlemagne  for  Roland;  many  details 
correspond  in  the  two  cases:  for  instance,  the  famous  passage 
in  which  Roland  blows  his  horn  and  his  uncle  hears  it  and 
instinctively  knows  whose  it  is,  has  a  counterpart  in  the  Clie- 
vdlerie  Vivien: 

Li  Emperere  s'estut,  si  I'escultat: 

"  Seignurs,  dist  il,  mult  malement  nus  vait. 

a ''Sanson,"  said  the  Emperor,  ''by  the  virtue  of  Heaven,  / 1 
think  it  is  your  son  and  your  wife's;  /  You  are  the  husband  of  my 
sister;  I  think  he  is  my  nephew." 

t>  Charles  recognized  Gui  and  rose  to  meet  him; /Both,  with 
arms  outstretched,  embraced.  /  One  could  have  gone  a  full  league  / 
Before  they  parted,  or  could  speak. 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  39 

Rollanz  mis  nies  hoi  cest  jur  nus  defalt; 
J'oi  a  V  corner  que  g-uaires  ne  vivrat."  * 
{Roland,  2105) 

"  Cest  Viviens  qui  sone  lai  eel  cor, 
Bien  I'ai  oit  et  al  son  et  as  mos; 
Tant  est  aquis  que  pres  est  de  la  mort."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1530) 

In  the  Aliscans,  Guillaume  addresses  himself  to  the  dead  youth, 
extenuating  his  inability  to  bear  him  away  from  the  field  of 
battle : 

'^  Biau  nies,  dist  il,  moult  vos  avoie  chier ; 
Se  je  vos  leis  nus  n'en  doit  merveillier, 
N'en  doi  avoir  honte  ne  reprovier. 
Car  n'est  homs  nez  qui  t'en  osast  portier."  ^ 
{Aliscans,  971) 

In  the  Cangun  de  Willame,  Guiburc  commends  her  nephew 
Guischard  to  the  care  of  her  husband: 

"  Sire  Guillelmes,  jot  chargerai  Guischart. 
II  est  mis  nies :  mult  est  pruef  de  ma  charn."  ^ 
{Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  1035) 

The  contrast  between  father  and  uncle  is  well  marked  in  the 
Enfances  Vivien,  where  Guillaume  is  throughout  the  nearest 

a  The  Emperor  stopped  and  listened ;  /  "  My  lords, ' '  said  he, 
''it  goes  ill  with  us.  /  My  nephew  Eoland  this  day  is  lost  to  us;  / 
I  know  by  the  sound  of  his  horn  that  he  will  not  live  long. ' ' 

b  ' '  It  is  Vivien  who  is  sounding  there  that  horn ;  /  I  have  heard 
it  well  both  by  the  sound  and  by  the  strains;  /He  is  so  exhausted 
that  he  is  near  death. ' ' 

c  ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  he,  ' '  full  dear  I  held  you ;  /  If  I  leave 
you,  none  must  marvel,  /  Nor  must  I  be  shamed  nor  reproached,  / 
For  there  is  no  living  man  who  would  dare  to  bear  you  away. ' ' 

d  ' '  My  lord  William,  I  shall  entrust  Guischart  to  you.  /  He  is  my 
nephew,  and  is  very  near  to  me." 


40  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

and  dearest;  Garin  plays  a  passive  role,  but  the  uncle  under- 
takes the  rescue  of  Vivien,  going  to  Louis  to  implore  his  aid: 

"  Or  vigne  avant  mes  sires  droituriers ; 
De  lui  meismes  me  volrai  conseiller 
Com  f  aitement  aura  secors  mes  nies."  * 
{Enfances  Vivien,  2998,  ms.  1448) 

In  the  Willame,  the  pagans  separate  the  uncle  from  the  nephew 
quil  poeit  tant  amer^  (2065).  In  Aymeri  de  Narbonne,  the 
love  of  Guillaume  for  the  four  sons  of  his  sister,  the  wife  of 
Droon  de  Montdidier,  is  indicated  as  a  matter  of  course : 

Forment  les  dut  Guillaumes  avoir  chier: 
Neveu  furent  au  eonte.° 
{Aymeri,  4634) 

Girart  comes  across  Aymeri,  son  chier  neveu  que  il  a  tant  ame^ 
{Aymeri,  4310).  Girart,  rescuing  his  nephew  from  a  dan- 
gerous attack  by  the  enemy,  is  characterized  as  si  ami  et  si  dru  ® 
(4355).  From  this  moment  the  two  are  inseparable,  and  their 
names  are  constantly  linked  together  in  the  rest  of  the  poem. 
In  the  Enfances  Ogier,  Charlemagne  decides  not  to  kill  the 
hostage  Ogier,  but  to  parole  him  in  the  care  of  his  uncle 
Naimon,  who:  son  neveu  avoit  moult  de  cuer  chier ^  (436). 
The  pagans,  black  as  they  are  painted,  still  have  family  affec- 
tions similar  to  those  of  the  Chi-istians:  Maehabre  threatens 
with  dire  privations  Doon,  qui  ochist  mon  neveu  que  tant  avoie 
ame^  {Gaufrey,  1578).    A  plain  case  where  the  nephew  is  pre- 

a"Now  let  my  rightful  lord  come  forward; /I  want  to  be 
advised  by  Mm  /  How  and  in  what  way  my  nephew  shall  have 
assistance. ' ' 

bWhom  he  loved  so  much. 

c  Passing  dear  must  Guillaume  have  held  them :  /  They  were 
nephews  to  the  Count. 

d  His  dear  nephew  whom  he  loved  so  much. 

e  His  friend  and  his  intimate. 

f  Held  his  nephew  dear  at  heart. 

g  Who  slew  my  nephew  whom  I  loved  so  much. 


ATTITUDE  OF  FATHEE  41 

ferred  to  the  son  is  found  in  Aliscans,  where  Desrame  encour- 
ages his  nephew  Baudus  to  attack  his  son  Renoart  (ed.  Jonck- 
bloet,  6322  ff.) ;  of  course  in  this  instance  the  son  is  an  apos- 
tate, and  it  is  a  general  principle  to  attack  relatives  under 
such  circumstances,  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  such  treatment 
of  a  nephew  or  an  uncle  is  hardly  to  be  found.*^  The  only 
example  at  hand  is  in  the  threats  of  Huidelon  against  Escor- 
faut  and  Emaudras  in  Gui  de  Bourgogne,  but  this  part  of  the 
poem  contains  so  many  supernatural  elements  that  its  testi- 
mony as  an  early  document  is  impaired: 

"  Je  ferai  eest  mesage,  bien  le  sachons  de  fi. 
Vers  le  roi  Escorfaut  que  mes  peres  norri; 
Certes,  il  est  mes  nies,  par  verte  le  vos  di  .  .  . 
Se  il  veut  trespasser  ne  mes  fais  ne  mes  dis, 
N'i  aura  amiste  vaillant  .i.  angevin."  * 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3208) 

"  On  I'apele  Maudrane,  Escorfaut  respondi. 
Si  la  tient  Emaudras,  .i.  culvers  maleis; 
II  fu  de  ma  serour  nez  et  angenoi's."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3476) 

Perhaps  the  most  striking  illustration  of  the  preference  for  the 
nephew  occurs  in  Baoul  de  Cambrai,  in  the  poignant  scene 
where  Guerri  forgets  his  dead  sons  while  seeking  for  the  body 
of  his  nephew  Raoul ;  on  finding  the  body  he  opens  it,  takes  out 
the  heart,  and  calls  the  knights  to  admire  it : 

Par  la  bataille  vont  les  mors  reversant. 
Qi  trova  mort  son  pere  ou  son  effant, 

a ''I  will  carry  this  message,  know  for  certain,/  To  King  Escor- 
faut, whom  my  father  brought  up ;  /  Assuredly,  he  is  my  nephew, 
I  tell  you  truly ;  /  If  he  wishes  to  baffle  my  deeds  or  my  words,  / 
Friendship  will  not  count  an  angevin's  worth/' 

b'^They  call  it  Maudrane,''  Escorfaut  replied, /"  And  Emau- 
dras holds  it,  an  accursed  knave ;  /  He  was  conceived  and  born  of 
my  sister." 

47  Cf.  page  26. 


42  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

Neveu  on  oncle  ou  son  apartenant, 
Bien  poes  croire,  le  cuer  en  ot  dolant. 
Et  Guerris  va  les  siens  mors  recuellantj 
Andeus  ees  fix  oublia  maintenant 
Por  son  neveu  Raoul  le  combatant.^ 
(Raoul  de  Camhrai,  3227) 

Then  when  RaouFs  mother  reproaches  him  with  not  having 
protected  her  son,  he  exculpates  himself  by  telling  her  how : 

"Por  mon  neveu  qe  j'en  fis  aporter, 
Me  covint  il  mes  .ij.  fils  oublier 
Qe  vi  ocire  et  les  menbres  colper. 
Bien  me  delist  li  cuers  el  cors  crever."  ^ 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  3583)*^ 

In  passages  like  the  above,  depicting  the  general  sentiments 
of  the  uncle,  the  actual  phraseology  is  of  less  importance  than 
the  underlying  point  of  view  on  the  part  of  the  poet;  the  use 
of  stock  i^hrases  is  quite  as  general  as  when  he  is  dealing  with 
the  attitude  of  the  father,  mo^i  neveu  que  avoie  chier  having  no 
more  ethical  value  than  mon  fils  que  avoie  chier.  By  them- 
selves, these  phrases  w^ould  have  little  weight,  but  in  the  con- 
nection in  which  they  occur  is  evident  the  deep  feeling  which 
characterizes  everywhere  the  attitude  of  the  uncle,  so  that  they 
become  the  manifestation  of  a  permeating  atmosphere  and  thus 
acquire  a  deeper  significance  than  the  fragmentary  and  cur- 

a  Over  the  battlefield  they  go,  turning  up  the  dead.  /  Whoever 
found  his  father  dead,  or  his  child,  /  His  nephew  or  uncle  or  near 
relative,  /  You  may  well  believe,  had  a  grief -stricken  heart  at 
this.  /  And  Guerri  goes  collecting  his  dead ;  /  Both  his  sons  he 
lorgot  now,  /  For  his  nephew  Eaoul  the  warrior. 

b ' '  For  my  nephew,  whom  I  brought  away,  /  It  was  necessary 
for  me  to  forget  my  two  sons  /  Whom  I  saw  killed  and  dismem- 
bered. /  Verily,  my  heart  should  have  broken  within  me. ' ' 

48  To  be  sure,  Raoul  had  been  entrusted  to  the  care  of  his  uncle 
(vss.  317,  3589),  but  in  any  case  the  situation  would  have  been 
the  same. 


ATTITUDE   OF  FATHER  43 

sory  allusions  to  an  occasional  vein  of  sympathy  on  the  part 
of  the  father.  This  opinion  is  intensified  by  an  examination  of 
the  various  points  of  contact  between  uncle  and  nephew,  classi- 
fied separately,  which  can  be  so  arranged  as  to  give  an  almost 
continuously  moving  picture,  so  to  speak,  of  their  mutual  re- 
lations. 


f 


CHAPTER    II 

Points  of  Contact  between  Uncle  and  Nephew 

(a)  Fosterage 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  French  epic  gives  little  detailed 
information  about  the  relations-  between  uncle  and  nephew 
before  the  latter  has  reached  the  age  of  knighthood,  when  the 
uncle's  interest  seems  to  become  more  acute;  it  is  natural  that 
in  poems  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  martial  deeds  children 
should  play  an  unimportant  part.  Still,  many  of  the  poems 
make  fragmentaiy  allusions  to  the  fosterage  of  the  child  by  his 
uncle,  a  practise  well  understood  by  the  poet's  audience,  since 
it  was  a  common  thing  for  children  to  be  educated  or  trained 
elsewhere  than  in  the  paternal  house.  In  the  legend  of  Roland 
the  child  becomes  a  protege  of  Charlemagne  when  about  eight 
years  old;  the  Chanson  de  Roland  represents  the  hero  at  the 
point  of  death  as  longing  for  France  and  for  the  uncle  ki 
V  nurrit  (2379).^^  According  to  the  Renaut  de  Montauhan, 
Ogier  has  been  brought  up  by  Girart  de  Roussillon,  Doon  de 
Nanteuil  and  Bovon  d'Aigremont;  these  three,  says  he,  furent 
mi  oncle  ki  m'ont  soef  nori^  (p.  215,  23).  In  Doon  de  May- 
ence,  when  Doon  has  reached  the  age  of  fifteen,  he  is  sent  by 
his  father  to  the  latter's  brother,  who  will  teach  him  to  fight, 
provide  him  with  armor  and  a  horse,  and  make  him  a  knight 
(2114).    In  Aiol,  Makaire  is  the  uncle  of  Feraut  and  several 

a  Were  my  uncles,  who  reared  me  tenderly. 

49  On  nourrir,  cf.  P.  Guilhiermoz,  Origine  de  la  Notlesse,  p.  431, 
note  54,  where  exception  is  taken  to  the  technical  sense  given  on 
p.  186  of  Gautier's  La  CJievalerie,  and  references  are  given  to  -the 
Vulgate  and  to  Saint  Augustine  and  to  Racine,  showing  that 
nutrire  and  nourrir  have  the  more  general  force  of  elever. 

44 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         45 

others,  who  we  are  told  are  si  neveu  et  de  sa  norichon  ^  (4617, 
7203).  In  Garin  le  Loherain,  Bishop  Henri  takes  Garin  and 
Begon,  the  sons  of  his  brother  Hervd,  and  they  remain  with 
him  seven  years  and  a  half  (I,  61).  In  Auheri  le  Bourgoing, 
Basin  gives  his  son  Auberi  into  the  care  of  his  brother  Henri, 
who  carries  him  off  to  Osteune  and  ill-treats  him  (p.  7) ;  here 
we  have  an  example  of  the  wicked  uncle,  to  be  discussed  later.^^ 
Tibaut  d'Aspremont  calls  the  Abbe  de  Saint  Denis  his  uncle 
and  nurturer  {Gaydon,  69-74).  Rigaut  hotly  denounces  his 
uncle's  murderers :  Blort  ont  Begon,  qui  soef  me  norri  ^  {Mort 
Garin,  1032.) 

In  the  legend  of  Vivien  as  given  in  Aliscans,  Vivien  and  his 
young  brother  Guichardet  have  been  brought  up  for  seven 
years  by  their  uncle  Guillaume : 

"  Je  vos  nouri  par  molt  grant  chierete. 
Et  ma  moillier  au  gent  cors  henore 
Biaus  sire  nies,  tant  vos  avoit  ame, 
.vii.  ans  tos  pleins  geiis  a  son  coste."  ^ 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  783) 

In  the  Willame,  it  is  fifteen  years,  and  Vivien  reminds  Gui- 
bure  of  this  when  imploring  her  for  aid : 

"  Sez  que  diras  dame  Guiburc  ma  drue  ? 
Si  li  remembret  de  la  grant  nun-eture, 
Plus  de  quinze  anz  qu'ele  at  vers  mei  oiie."  ^ 
{Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  685) 

a  His  nephews  and  his  foster-children. 

b  They  have  killed  Begon,  who  gently  reared  me. 

c"l  brought  you  up  in  great  affection.  /  And  my  wife,  comely 
and  honored,  /  Fair  nephew^  loved  you  so  much,  /  Full  seven  years 
thou  layest  at  her  side. ' ' 

d ' '  Knowest  thou  what  thou  shalt  say  to  Guiburc,  my  beloved 
lady?  /  Whether  she  remembers  the  long  bringing  up,  /  More  than 
fifteen  years,  that  she  gave  me. ' ' 

50  See  page  108  ff. 


46  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Professor  Cloetta,  wishing  to  account  for  the  great  affection 
existing  between  Vivien  and  Guillaume,  tries  to  reconcile  the 
contradictory  statements  of  the  different  poems  as  to  the  paren- 
tage of  Vivien  and  his  fosterage  by  Guillaume.^^  He  decides 
that  the  poet  of  the  Chevalerie  omits  all  references  to  Vivien's 
parents  because  otherwise  he  would  have  had  to  account  for 
Vivien's  being  brought  up  by  his  uncle  instead  of  at  home;  he 
quotes  a  verse  from  AUscans  to  show  that  Vivien's  parents 
were  dead : 

"  Je  sui  tes  oneles,  n'as  ore  plus  prochain, 
Fors  Damedieu,  le  verai  souverain.'^  ^ 

{AUscans,  ed.  Guessard,  827,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  888) 

Professor  Bedier,  likewise,  argues  that  the  parents  have  been 
dead  for  years,  "  car  jamais  la  pensee  de  Vivien  ni  de  personne 
ne  va  vers  eux."  ^^  j^  (joes  not  seem  to  require  any  explana- 
tion, however,  inasmuch  as  it  can  be  set  down  as  one  of  the 
many  instances  in  which  the  uncle  is  dearer  than  the  father. 
In  the  Enfances  Vivien,  in  which  both  parents  appear,  the 
uncle  is  again  the  nearest  and  dearest.^^  It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  throughout  the  French  epic  the  poet  practically  loses  sight 
of  the  parents,  when  once  he  has  set  himself  to  depicting  the 
affection  between  uncle  and  nephew;  seemingly  it  matters  little 
whether  the  parents  appear  in  the  story  or  not — to  the  poet 
and  to  his  audience  the  important  thing  is  the  fact  of  tutelage 
by  the  uncle. 

The  nourri  recurs  continually  in  the  Chansons  de  Geste,  and 


a ' '  I  am  thy  uncle,  thou  hast  now  none  nearer,  /  Save  the  Lord 
God,  the  true  sovereign. 


>> 


51  W.  Cloetta,  Die  Enfances  Vivien,  p.  72  ff . 

52  J.  Bedier,  Legendes  Epiques,  1,  p.  409.  The  argument  of 
Cloetta  based  on  the  use  of  the  past  tense_,  fil^  fu  Garin,  is  much 
more  potent,  as  the  epic  poems  commonly  make  use  of  this  tense 
to  indicate  that  the  parent  is  dead,  when  speaking  of  a  living 
character. 

53  Cf.  pages  25,  40,  50. 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE   AND  NEPHEW         47 

upon  him  the  seigneur  relies,  but  particularly  so  when  the 
nourri  is  also  a  nephew,  as  is  often  the  case.  '^  II  nait,  en  effet, 
une  sorte  de  parente  entre  le  nourri  et  le  seigneur  qui  I'a  eleve, 
entre  I'adoube  et  le  seigneur  qui  lui  a  donne  les  armes.  Elever 
un  enfant  c'est  prendre  la  place  du  pere."  ^*  A  German 
writer  expresses  the  opinion,  contraiy  to  that  of  Flach,  Lavisse 
and  Gautier,  that  the  institution  of  the  nourri  was  not  a  con- 
temporary practise,  but  rather  a  poetical  motif. 

"  Es  wird  uns  denn  sehr  wahrscheinlich,  dass  der  Nourri  in 
der  damaligen  Epik  lediglich  als  episch-poetisches  Motif 
lebendig  war.  Es  lag  bereits  den  altesten  und  beriihmtesten 
Epen,  wie  z.  B.  dem  Rolandslied  und  Aliscans,  zugmnde  und 
wurde  wohl  hauptsachlich  um  dieser  Vorbilder  willen  von  den 
spateren  Dichtern  immer  aufs  neue  benutzt."  ^^ 

This  writer  has,  however,  enough  material  from  other  poems 
in  his  dissertation  to  show  that  the  part  of  imitation  is  very 
slight,  and  that  the  cause  must  be  deeper;  he  suspects  its 
connection  with  primitive  conditions  of  society,  but  does  not 
take  advantage  of  his  material.^^ 

(b)  Knighthood 

The  first  really  important  step  in  the  life  of  the  young  baee- 
ler  is  taken  when  through  the  ceremony  of  adoubement  he  en- 
ters the  ranks  of  knighthood,  and  thus  becomes  an  active  mem- 
ber of  feudal  society.^"  He  is  now  an  armed  horseman,  a 
chevalier,  and  by  virtue  of  this  position  his  epic  interest  now 
begins.  While  it  was  ordinarily  the  privilege  of  the  king  to 
perform  the  ceremony  of  knighting,  the  poets  frequently  allot 

54  J.  Flach,  Le  Compagnonnage,  p.  155. 

55  Schubert,  Ber  Pflegesohii,  p.  52. 

56  Eoland  is  mentioned  as  the  nourri  of  the  Emperor  in  Boland, 
2380,  and  Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  156.  In  the  Provencal  Girart  de 
Boussillon,  ^'Aimon,  Aimeri  et  Andefroi  etaient  neveux  de  Thierry: 
ils  avaient  ete  eleves  chez  lui.  C'est  lui  qui  les  avait  arm^s  et 
equipes."     (Traduction  Meyer,  p.  114,  §213.) 

57  Cf.  Stowell,  Titles  of  Eespect,  p.  83. 


48  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

that  honor  to  the  uncle  of  the  youth;  in  the  Charlemagne 
legend,  it  is  king  and  uncle  in  the  same  person  who  dubs  his 
nephews  knights.^^  This  is  done  under  various  circumstances : 
the  youth  is  sometimes  fostered  and  trained  in  the  arts  of  war 
by  his  uncle,  then  knighted  by  him,  sometimes  he  is  sent  by 
his  father  to  the  uncle  for  that  particular  purpose,  or  again,  the 
honor  is  conferred  after  the  young  man  has  won  his  spurs  in 
battle. 

The  example  of  Roland  always  comes  first  to  the  mind,  for  in 
the  relations  between  him  and  the  Emperor  occur  virtually  all 
the  many  characteristics  which  make  the  epic  poems  so  remin- 
iscent of  that  early  state  of  society  when  the  mother's  brother 
stood  in  reality  in  closest  connection  with  the  child.  While  the 
Emperor  is  planning  to  lay  siege  to  the  castle  of  Renaut  at 
Montauban,  his  nephew  Roland,  still  a  mere  youth,  comes  to 
join  the  army;  the  Emperor  receives  him  warmly  and  knights 
him,  then  sends  him  in  command  of  twenty  thousand  men  to 
Cologne  to  subdue  the  Saxons;  on  seeing  his  nephew  so  unex- 
pectedly make  his  appearance  and  on  learning  who  he  is,  Char- 
lemagne declares  straightway :  Bias  nies,  nos  vos  adoheron;  ^ 
then  the  poet  tells  us  that : 

Karles  nostre  emperere  ot  le   cuer  forment  lie 
Por  amor  de  Rollant  c'on  li  a  envoie.^ 
{Benaut  de  Montauban,  p.  120) 

The  account  in  Aspremont  of  Roland's  knighting  differs  from 
this — as  related  by  Gautier,  it  takes  place  in  the  gorge  of  As- 
premont after  Roland  has  defeated  Eaumont  in  single  combat 

a  Fair  nephew,  we  will  dub  you  knight. 

b  Charles,  our  Emperor,  had  a  glad  heart,  /  For  love  of  Roland, 
who  waa  sent  to  him. 

58  For  examples  of  knighting  by  the  King  in  mediaeval  history, 
ef.  Guilhiermoz,  Origine  de  la  Noblesse,  p.  412  ff. ;  cf,  also  L. 
Gautier^  La  Chevalerie,  p.  259  ff.  The  Chansons  de  Geste  give  this 
office  to  the  king  less  frequently  than  one  would  suppose  from  these 
passages. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         49 

and  by  wresting  from  him  his  famous  sword  Durendal  has 
saved  his  uncle's  life.  "Pen  de  temps  apres,  en  presence  du 
Pape  et  de  tons  ses  barons,  I'Empereur  ceignait  solennelle- 
ment  Durandal  a  son  neveu  Roland;  Naimes  et  Ogier  lui  at- 
tachaient  les  eperons  et  I'Apostole  benissait  le  nouveau  che- 
valier." ^^  But  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  here,  as  in  all  his 
other  relations  with  Roland,  it  is  as  uncle  and  not  as  Emperor 
that  Charlemagne  is  acting.  At  the  beginning  of  Ansets  de 
Cartage,  Charlemagne  is  represented  as  knighting  the  young 
Ansei's,  his  nephew,  to  whom  he  gives  Spain  and  Carthage  as  a 
fief  {Anse'is,  100  £f.).  The  knighting  of  Vivien  by  Guillaume 
is  mentioned  in  several  poems;  in  the  Enfances  Vivien,  after 
the  youth  has  been  restored  to  his  parents  he  soon  tires  of 
home  life  and  longs  to  go  to  Orange  to  see  his  uncle : 

"  Je  sui  grans  si  sui  fors  et  sai  .xv.  ans  pases; 
Je  deusse  bien  estre  chevaliers  adoubes; 
Je  voel  aler  a  Orange  en  non  De 
Yeoir  mon  oncle  Guillaume  au  cort  nes  "  .  .  .^^ 
"Si  m'adoubra  mes  oncles  Guillaumes  li  doutes, 
Qui  tant  a  de  proeche."  ^ 

{Enfances  Vivien,  4745  ff.) 

He  goes,  and  presents  his  request  to  the  great  hero,  who 
gTants  it;  as  we  are  told  in  the  Chevalerie  Vivien,  out  of  love 

a ''I  am  large  and  am  strong  and  am  fifteen  and  more; /I 
ought  really  to  be  dubbed  knight.  / 1  want  to  go  to  Orange,  by 
Heaven,  /  To  see  my  uncle  Guillaume  with  the  short  nose. "  .  .  .  / 
' '  And  he  will  knight  me,  my  uncle  Guillaume  the  formidable,  /  Who 
has  such  prowess. ' ' 

59  Gautier,  Les  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  p.  87,  with  reference  to 
Aspremont,  ms.  Bib.  Nat.,  fr.  25529,  f°  55  v°. 

60  The  reading  cort  is  retained,  and  translated  '  short ',  although 
recent  conclusions  are  that  it  was  an  early  scribe's  misreading  of 
curb,  which  occurs  in  the  Willame,  and  is  then  translated  by 
'  crooked '. 

5 


50  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

for  his  nephew  the  uncle  knights  a  hundred  others  at  the  same 
time: 

A  Pantecoste,  que  Ton  dit  en  estei, 

Ot  Vivien,  son  nevol,  adoubei, 

Lou  fil  Garin,  .i.  suen  ami  chamei; 

Por  soie  amor  en  ot  .m.  adobes.* 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  7) 

There  is  a  reference  to  the  fact  also  in  Aliscans: 

"  Quant  jou  a  Termes  vos  oi  ai-mes  done, 
Por  vostre  amor  i  furent  adoube 
.c.  cevalier  tout  d'armes  conrae."  ^ 
{Aliscans,  ed  Halle,  784) 

Previously  to  this,  Guillaume  had  already  dubbed  his  nephew 
Bertrand  knight;  it  is  significant  that  when  he  wants  to  fight 
against  the  Saracens  in  the  Enfances  Vivien,  Bertrand  asks 
permission  of  his  uncle,  not  of  his  father,  who  is  nevertheless 
standing  near  by: 

A  sa  vois  clere  a  eserier  s'est  pris: 
"  Honcles,  dist  il,  entendes  en  vers  mi ; 
Je  voil  les  armes  que  tant  ai  deservi."  ^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  3565) 

Guillaume  puts  him  off  with  a  promise,  because  he  is  at  pres- 
ent too  young: 

"  Dega  Orenges  me  dones  .1.  respit 
Lors  vos  f  erai  chevalier  se  ge  vif ."  ^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  3579) 

a  At  Pentecost,  which  they  say  is  in  summer,  /  He  knighted 
Vivien,  his  nephew,  /  The  son  of  Garin,  and  a  clear  friend  of  his ;  / 
For  love  of  him  he  knighted  a  thousand  others. 

b ' '  When  I  gave  you  arms  at  Termes,  /  For  love  of  you  were 
knighted  there  /  A  hundred  chevaliers  all  equipped  with  arms. ' ' 

c  In  his  clear  voice  he  began  to  cry,  /  ' '  Uncle, ' '  said  he,  ' '  listen 
to  me;  / 1  want  the  arms  which  I  have  so  well  deserved." 

d ' '  Give  me  a  respite  as  far  as  Orange,  /  Then  I  will  make  you  a 
knight  if  I  live." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         51 

Nevertheless  the  impetuous  boy  rushes  off  into  the  battle  and 
performs  so  mafny  brave  deeds,  including  a  rescue  of  his 
father  from  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  that  after  the  fight  it  is 
decided  to  reward  him,  and  so :  Li  cuens  Guillaumes  adohat  son 
cosin^  {Enfances  Vivien^  3823).^^  When  Vivien  is  knighted, 
his  brother  Guichard  is  too  young  to  receive  arms  at  the  same 
time,  so  he  is  left  at  home  with  his  aunt  Guiborc;  when  he 
learns  of  Vivien's  distress,  he  persuades  her  to  grant  him 
arms  and  he  rushes  off  to  the  rescue;  learning  of  his  presence, 
Guillaume  is  pleased,  despite  this  violation  of  his  commands: 
Ot  lou  Guillelmes,  si  lo  cort  acoler^  (Chevalerie  Vivien,  1357). 
The  same  fact  is  stated  in  the  Cangun  de  Willame;  Guiborc 
arms  Gui,  who  is  only  fifteen  years  old,  and  sends  him  to  join 
Willame :    ' 

"  Se  jo  n'i  vois  en  I'Archamp  desur  mer, 
Ja  ne  verras  Guillelme  ot  le  curb  nes; 
E  si  jo  vois  voldrai  Fen  amener." 
Respunt  Guiburc:  "Dune  te  larrai  aler." 
Dune  li  vestirent  une  petite  broigne, 
Un  petit  helme  li  lacierent  desure. 
Petite  espee  li  ceinstrent,  mais  mult  bone, 
Al  col  li  pendent  petite  targe  duble. 
Puis  li  aportent  une  petite  lance.  .  .  .^ 
(Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  1539)62 

a  Count  Guillaume  knighted  his  cousin, 
b  Guillaume  hears  him,  and  runs  to  embrace  himL 
c ' '  If  I  go  not  to  Arehamp  by  the  sea,  /  Thou  wilt  ne  'er  see 
Guillaume  with  the  crooked  nose;  /And  if  I  go,  I  want  to  bring 
him  back. '  V  Guiburc  replies:  ''Then  I  will  let  thee  go.  "/Then 
they  clothed  him  in  a  little  coat  of  mail,  /  A  little  helm  they  laced 
upon  it,  /  A  little  sword  they  girt  upon  him,  but  a  good  one,  / 
About  his  neck  they  hang  a  little  double  targe,  /  Then  they  bring 
him  a  little  lance,  etc. 

61  Here  cosin  of  course  means  '  nephew  \ 

62  The  confusion  of  names  between  Guiborc 's  nephew  Guischard 
of  the  Willame  and  Vivien's  brother  Guichard  of  the  Chevalerie 
Vivien  does  not  affect  the  coherence  of  these  passages;   Suchier 


52  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

In  Girart  de  Vienne,  we  find  the  young  Aymeri  starting  the 
feud  between  Girart  and  Charlemagne  by  reporting  the  joke 
played  upon  his  uncle  Girart  by  the  Empress;  at  the  first  op- 
portunity, Aymeri  is  knighted  by  his  uncles  Girart  and  Renier 
and  his  father  Hernaut  {Girart,  p.  65).  When  Boon's  father 
sends  him  away  to  be  trained,  he  tells  him  that  his  uncle  will 
make  him  a  knight,  as  he  does  in  reality  {Boon  de  Mayence, 
3198  ft:.).  In  Gormont  et  Isemhard,  we  are  told  that  Hugon 
has  knighted  his  sister's  son  Gontier: 

De  I'autre  part  fut  danz  Guntiers, 

Cil  qui  fut  ja  sis  eseuiers, 

Fiz  sa  serur,  si  ert  sis  niez, 

— Ceo  dit  la  geste  a  Saint  Richier — 

Uneore  n'ot  oit  jurs  entiers 

Qu'il  1'  ot  arme  a  chevalier.^ 

{Gormont  et  Isemhard,  327) 

Aiol  has  served  Louis  without  making  known  to  him  who  he  is; 
when  the  Emperor  learns  that  he  is  his  nephew,  he  regrets  that 
he  had  not  known  it  before,  so  that  he  could  have  knighted  him 
on  his  first  apj)earance  at  court : 

Quant  ore  entent  li  rois  qu'Aiols  estoit  ses  nies, 
Onques  mais  ne  fu  il  si  joians  ne  si  lies; 
Isnelement  le  cort  acoler  et  baisier. 
"  Gentiex  damoiseus  sire,  por  coi  ne  le  dissies  ? 
Ja  vous  eusse  jou  adoube  tout  premiers 

a  On  the  other  hand  was  Sir  Gontier,  /  He  who  was  his  squire,  / 
His  sister 's  son,  he  was  his  nephew ;  /  Thus  saith  the  tale  at  Saint 
Richier;  /As  yet  it  was  not  eight  full  days  /  Since  he  armed  him 
chevalier. 

points  out  that  the  poet  of  the  Chevalerie  simply  transferred  the 
name  Guischard  of  the  earlier  WilUame  to  Vivien's  brother  Gui, 
whom  he  utilizes  in  the  Chevalerie  (Suchier,  Willame,  p.  IxiiifP.). 
Professor  Weeks  had  previously  come  to  the  same  conclusion  in 
*'The  Newly  Discovered  Changun  de  Willame,"  Modern  Philology, 
Vol.  II  (1904-5),  p.  232  ff. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         53 

Et  rendus  vos  honors,  vos  teres  et  vos  fies.'^ 
"  Sire,  je  nen  osoie,  par  les  sains  desousiel, 
Por  chou  que  j'ere  povres,  nus  et  mal  aaisies."  ^ 
{Aiol,  8106) 

In  Raoul  de  Cambrai,  it  is  Louis,  the  maternal  uncle,  who 
knights  Raoul  (471);  Guerri,  the  great-uncle  of  Gautier, 
knights  the  latter  so  that  he  may  pursue  vengeance  upon  the 
slayer  of  his  uncle  Raoul   (3752 ff.).^^ 

(c)  Marks  of  Favor 

The  epic  uncle  distinguishes  his  nephew  by  bestowing  upon 
him  gifts  and  favors  of  various  kinds,  tangible  and  intangible, 
he  confers  dignities  upon  him,  makes  him  valuable  presents, 
and  grants  him  fiefs.  Taken  symbolically,  this  typefies  the 
period  when  it  was  the  duty  of  the  uncle  to  provide  for  his 
nephew,  to  set  him  up  in  life,  as  it  were,  and  in  the  epic  we 
see  that  such  aggrandizement  of  the  nephew  is  treated  more  or 
less  as  a  matter  of  course,  in  such  a  way  that  it  does  not  arouse 
the  surprise  nor  the  admiration  of  the  audience  at  the  uncle's 
generosity. 

The  Chanson  de  Roland  makes  of  the  temble  sword  Duren- 
dal  a  living  force;  it  is  by  means  of  this  sword,  which  is  given 
to  him  by  the  Emperor,  that  the  hero  Roland  is  enabled  to  rein- 
force his  natural  prowess  to  the  extent  that  he  conquers  all  his 

a  Now  when  the  King  hears  that  Aiol  was  his  nephew,  /  Never 
before  was  he  so  joyful  nor  so  glad;  /  Quickly  he  runs  to  embrace 
and  to  kiss  him.  / ' '  Gentle  youth,  sir,  why  did  you  not  say  so  ?  / 1 
w«uld  indeed  have  knighted  you  first  of  all,  /  And  restored  your 
honors,  lands  and  fiefs. "  /  '  ^  Sire,  I  dared  not,  by  the  saints  of 
Heaven,  /  Because  I  was  poor,  unclad,  and  ill  at  ease. ' ' 

63  Guilhiermoz,  p.  414,  note  64,  names  two  historical  characters 
who  were  knighted  by  a  maternal  uncle:  Etienne,  future  king  of 
England,  the  son  of  Etienne  de  Blois,  who  was  knighted  by  Henry 
the  First  (Orderic  Vidal,  ed.  Le  Prevost,  IV,  p.  189),  and  Foulque 
Rechin,  Count  of  Anjou,  who  was  knighted  by  Geoffrey  le  Bel 
(Marchegay  et  Salmon,  Chroniques  des  Comtes  d' Anjou,  p.  379). 


54  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

enemies — thus  the  very  element  of  his  success  is  contributed  by 
his  uncle.  We  are  familiar  in  the  work  of  the  modern  novelist 
Zola  with  that  literary  method  which  assigns  a  kind  of  super- 
human force  to  an  inanimate  object  which  plays  an  important 
part  in  that  it  affects  the  relations  and  the  actions  of  the  char- 
acters of  the  novel,  and  we  see  in  the  Roland  something  more 
than  a  suggestion  of  this  method:  the  sword  is  a  symbol  of 
power  conferred  upon  the  nephew,  and  the  uncle  is  the  primum 
mobile  and  the  natural  source  of  such  power.  Roland  himself 
speaks  of  Durendal  as  ma  bone  espee  que  li  Reis  me  dunat  * 
{Roland f  1121) ;  the  poet  of  Aiquin  alludes  to  the  gift  in  a 
reference  to  the  battle  of  Aspremont,  in  which  Roland  fought 
so  well: 

Et  y  conquist  Valentin  Fabrive, 

Et  Durendal  o  le  plon  d'or  nielle, 

Don  il  fut  puis  chevalier  adobe.^ 
{Acquin,  1844) 

The  poem  of  Aspremont  itself  relates  the  circumstances  under 
which  Roland  defeats  the  owner  of  the  sword  in  single  combat, 
and  is  rewarded  by  the  King  with  the  blade.®*  The  institu- 
tion of  the  twelve  peers  as  related  in  Aspremont^  as  a  body- 
guard for  Roland,  may  be  considered  a  signal  mark  of  favor : 

Li  Empereres  ne  volt  plus  demorer, 

.XL  vaxaus  ala  faire  sevrer 

Des  plus  gentils  qu'il  se  pot  porpenser, 

Es  quiex  bons  sires  se  pooit  mialz  fier : 

"Biax  nies,"  dist  Karles,  "vos  seroiz  .XXL  per. 

Ces  vos  doing  je  por  vostre  cors  garder. 

a  My  good  sword  which  the  King  gave  me. 

b  And  won  there  Valentin  the  impetuous,  /  And  Durendal  with 
the  hilt  inlaid  with  gold,  /  With  which  he  was  afterwards  knighted. 

64  Cf .  page  48.  For  other  legends,  cf .  Gautier,  Chanson  de 
"Roland,  vs.  2316  ff.  and  note,  and  J.  Geddes,  Chanson  de  Eoland, 
pp.  xxxvi  and  184,  note  2. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         55 

Cist  iront  la  ou  vos  voldroiz  aler. 
Tot  ce  f eront  que  voldroiz  commander."  * 
{Aspremont,  55  v°)^^ 

Roland's  horn,  the  olifant,  is  also  a  gift  from  the  Emperor. 
A  son  neveu  Rollant  V  olifant  c'  ot  conquis  ^  {Renaut,  p.  136, 7). 
An  allusion  to  Durendal,  the  olifant,  and  the  horse  Veillantif  is 
found  in  Aspremont,  where  the  Emperor  says: 

"  Ge  ai  le  cors  le  eheual  et  le  brant 
Que  ge  ai  done  a  mon  neueu  Rollant."  ° 
{Aspremont,  ed.  Bekker,  p.  47,  col.  1) 

A  peculiar  mark  of  favor,  indicative  of  the  position  which 
Roland  holds  with  reference  to  Charlemagne,  is  shown  in  the 
Pelerinage  de  Charlemagne:  the  knights,  on  being  entertained 
by  King  Hugon,  indulge  in  the  festive  sport  of  making  gabs 
before  going  to  sleep,  and  after  the  Emperor  has  made  his 
merry  boast,  instead  of  calling  upon  one  of  the  older  peers 
who  are  with  him,  he  turns  to  his  nephew,  saying :  Gahez,  hels 
nies  Rollanz  (469).  That  this  is  really  a  distinction  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  Roland  in  his  turn  calls  next  upon  his  owk 
best  friend  Oliver.  In  the  Renaut  de  Montauhan,  when  the 
Emperor  catches  sight  of  the  wonderful  horse  Bayard,  he  im- 
mediately longs  to  possess  him  in  order  to  give  him  to  Roland : 

"  Cis  cevax  est  mult  bons,  ves  com  va  randonant. 
Je  le  vaurrai  doner  a  mon  neveu  Rollant."  ^ 
{Renaut,  p.  130,  32) 

a  The  Emperor  does  not  wish  to  stay  longer;  /  Twelve  vassals  he 
went  and  set  aside,  /  The  noblest  that  he  could  think  of,  /  On 
whom  a  good  master  could  best  rely :  /  ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said 
Charles,  * '  twelve  peers  shall  you  be.  /  These  I  give  you  for  a  body- 
guard. /  They  will  go  wherever  you  would  go.  /  They  will  do  all 
that  you  may  command. ' ' 

b  To  his  nephew  Eoland  the  horn  that  he  has  won  in  combat. 

c''I  have  the  horn,  the  horse,  and  the  blade  /  Which  I  gave  to 
my  nephew  Roland.'' 

d ' '  This  horse  is  very  good ;  see  how  he  goes  speeding.  /  I  want 
to  give  him  to  my  nephew  Roland." 

65  Cited  by  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  89. 


56  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

In  Otinel,  when  Charlemagne  has  conquered  the  Saracens,  he 
sends  for  the  barons  in  order  to  distribute  fiefs  among  them; 
it  goes  without  saying  that  he  does  not  forget  his  nephew  in 
this  bounty: 

Nostre  emperere  ne  s^est  mie  oubliez: 
Apres  mengier  a  son  nevou  mandez.^ 
{Otinel,  2100) 

In  the  Roland,  the  Emperor  sends  word  to  Marsile  that  if  he 
will  become  his  vassal  he  shall  receive  half  of  Spain,  but  only 
half,  for  Ualtre  meitiet  avrat  Rollanz  li  her^  (XXVI,  7).  In 
Gui  de  Bourgogne,  Gui  tries  to  make  capital  out  of  the  well 
known  intentions  of  Charlemagne  with  regard  to  his  nephew 
by  pretending  to  Huidelon  that  the  Emperor  has  quarrelled 
with  Roland  and  that  he  swears  to  disinherit  him  and  give 
Spain  to  Huidelon  if  the  latter  will  come  to  him  and  embrace 
Christianity  (vs.  1703  ff.).  These  citations  show  how  current 
was  the  tradition  of  the  Emperor's  partiality  for  his  sister's 
son,  so  that  Ganelon  has  good  reason  when  he  designates  him 
as  ses  nies,  li  quens  Rollanz,  li  riches  {Roland,  585) ;  riches  of 
course  means  '  powerful,'  and  is  an  allusion  to  the  Emperor's 
favor. 

In  Anseis  de  Cartage,  the  Emperor  heaps  material  favors 
upon  the  young  Anseis,  who  is  his  sister's  son,  knighting  him 
and  giving  him  Spain  and  Carthage  as  a  fief  {Anseis,  100  ff.). 
During  the  Saxon  wars  he  plans  to  crown  Baudoin,  another 
nephew,  and  give  him  the  kingdom  of  Guiteclin,  a  plan  which 
he  accomplishes  upon  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  Saxon  king: 

"  Biaus  nies,  or  vous  souviengne  de  ce  chastoiement ; 
Car,  se  me  voules  croire,  je  vous  ai  en  convent 
K'ainQois  .i.  an  passe  ou  plus  prochainement 

a  Our  Emperor  has  not  forgotten;  /After  eating,  he  summoned 
Ms  nephew. 

b  The  other  half  shall  Eoland,  the  baron,  have. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         57 

Vous  ferai  coronner,  et  Sebile  au  eors  gent 
Vous  cuit  donner  a  femme,  se  Diex  le  me  consent/^  ^ 
{Saisnes,  LXXV,  14) 

King  Louis,  in  Raoul  de  Cambrai,  at  first  shows  great  favor  to 
his  nephew  Raoul,  but  has  no  fief  for  him;  he  makes  promises 
to  give  him  the  first  vacant  one,  and  presently  keeps  his  word 
and  gives  Raoul  certain  lands,  in  the  acquirement  of  which 
Raoul  starts  a  feud  that  does  not  end  even  with  the  loss  of  hi& 
own  life  (vs.  469  flf.)-  ^^  Aiol,  we  find  Makaire  calling  upon 
his  nephews  for  aid,  and  reminding  them  of  the  bounty  they 
owe  to  him : 

^' Ou  estes  vos,'^  dist  il,  "mes  parentes? 
Vos  qui  de  moi  tenes  hours  et  chites."  ^ 
{Aiol,  4430) 

In  Gaufrey,  Gloriant  bestows  Vauclere,  the  property  of  Doon,. 
upon  his  nephew  Maprin : 

"  Mapris,  venes  avant ;  bien  vous  estes  encontre ; 
Vous  estes  mon  neveu,  si  vous  ai  moult  ame. 
Vauclere  vous  otroie,  le  pais  grant  et  le."  ° 

{Gaufrey,  1520)  ' 

In  the  Enfances  Ogier,  Naimon  encourages  his  nephew  Ogier, 
who  is  about  to  fight  in  single  combat,  by  giving  him  his  own 
weapons : 


( i 


Fair  nephew,  now  bear  in  mind  these  instructions ;  /  For,  if 
you  will  believe  me,  I  promise  you  /  That  before  a  year  has  passed, 
or  sooner,  / 1  will  crown  you,  and  Sebile,  fair  of  form,  I  propose  to 
give  you  to  wife,  /  If  God  grants  it. ' ' 

b'<  Where  are  you,"  said  he,  ''my  kin? /You  who  through  me 
hold  towns  and  cities. ' ' 

c ''Maprin,  come  forward;  well-met  are  you; /You  are  my 
nephew,  and  I  have  loved  you  much.  /  Vauclere  I  grant  you,  that 
land  great  and  broad." 


58  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"  Biaus  niez,"  dist  Namles,  "  demain  serez  portans 
Mes  droites  armes,  car  teus  est  mes  coumans."  * 
{Enfances  Ogier,  2535) 

An  example  of  the  practise  of  giving  some  trophy  to  a  favorite 
nephew  is  found  in  the  story  of  the  famous  helmet  of  Marsile, 
which  Ganelon  had : 

Guibors  d'Orenges  lo  dona  puis  Folcon 
En  la  bataille  vers  Tiebaut  FEsclavon.^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  101) 

Louis  likewise,  when  knighting  his  sister's  son  Raoul,  gives 
him  a  trophy: 

Nostre  empereres  ama  molt  le  meschin; 
L'erme  li  donne  qi  fu  au  Sarrazin 
Q'ocist  Rolans  desor  I'aigue  del  Rhin. 
Desor  la  eoife  de  Fauberc  doublentin 
Li  a  assis,  puis  li  a  dit :  "  Cousin, 
Icis  ver  hiaumes  fu  a  .i.  Sarrazin."  ^ 
{Raoul,  471)    . 

(d)  Uncle  Provides  a  Wife  for  his  Nephew 

One  of  the  pleasantest  duties  of  the  epic  uncle  is  the  be- 
stowal of  a  wife  upon  his  nephew;  this  seems  to  be  treated  by 
the  poets  more  in  the  light  of  a  reward  for  faithful  services, 
although  it  can  sometimes  be  considered  purely  a  mark  of  affec- 
tionate interest  in  the  nephew's  welfare.  In  the  Girart  de 
Yienne,  Charlemagne  affiances  Roland  to  Aude,  and  tells  her 

a  "Fair  nephew,"  said  Naimou,  ''tomorrow  you  shall  be  carry- 
ing /  My  own  weapons,  for  such  is  my  command. ' ' 

b  Guiborc  of  Orange  gave  it  then  to  Foucon  /  In  the  battle 
against  Tibaut  the  Slav. 

c  Our  Emperor  loved  the  lad  much;  /  The  helmet  of  the  Saracen 
he  gives  him,  /  Whom  Eoland  slew  across  the  water  of  the  Ehine.  / 
Upon  the  head-piece  of  the  double  hauberk  /  He  placed  it  for  him, 
then  said :   * '  Cousin,  /  This  shining  helm  was  a  Saracen 's. ' ' 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         59 

that  N'a  chevalier  millor  el  mont  vivant^  (p.  173).  In  Ckii  de 
Bourgogne,  when  the  two  French  armies  meet,  he  brings  the 
happy  couple  together  again : 

Li   rois   prist   bele   Audain,    s'a   Rollant   apele: 
"  Biaus  nies,  ves  ici  cele  que  tant  deves  amer." 
"  Si  fas  je  voir,  biaus  oncles,  ja  mar  le  mescreres."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  4012) 

After  Roland's  death  he  feels  it  necessary  to  do  something  for 
Aude,  and  so  offers  her  the  hand  of  his  son  Louis,  hardly  an 
equivalent  for  that  of  Roland  in  his  estimation,  but  the  best 
that  he  can  do;  so,  to  make  the  offer  more  enticing,  he  calls 
Louis  a  mult  esforciet  escange: 

"  Jo  t'en  durrai  mult  esforciet  escange : 
C'est  Loevis,  mielz  ne  sai  jo  qu'en    parle: 
II  est  mis  filz  e  si  tiendrat  mes  marches."  ^ 
{Roland,  3714) 

The  Emperor  promises  his  nephew  Baudoin  several  times  to 
give  him  Sebile,  the  wife  of  Guiteclin  the  Saxon,  and  after  the 
latter  has  been  conquered  he  does  this: 

Baudoin  apela,  le  fil  de  sa  seror: 
Toz  est  ses  cuers  espris  de  joie  et  de  baudor. 
S'iJ  en  a  la  saisine,  ne  plaint  pas  son  labor; 
Ne  la  randroit  nelui  por  chastel  ne  por  tor. 
"Dame,  ce  dit  li  rois,  "ci  a  .i.  poigiieor; 
/  Assez  est  riches  hom,  fiz  est  de  ma  seror. 
Se  vos  par  mariage  le  volez  a  seignor, 

a  There  is  no  better  knight  alive  on  earth. 

b  The  King  took  the  beautiful  Aude,  and  called  Eoland :  /'' Fair 
nephew,  see  here  the  one  you  must  love  so  much. "  /  * '  So  do  I, 
truly,  fair  uncle;  doubt  it  not." 

c ' '  I  will  give  you  a  very  advantageous  substitute ;  /  That  is, 
Louis,  more  I  cannot  say ;  /  He  is  my  son,  and  will  have  my  states 


) } 


60  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Baptisier  vos  feroie  a  loi  cle  Creator. 
Rois  sera,  et  vos  dame  de  ceste  grant  honor."  ^ 
(Saisnes,  CCV,  12) 

An  allusion  to  this  is  found  in    the  Benaut : 

Sebile  la  roine  qui  tant  ot  cler  le  vis, 
Dona  a  son  neveu  Baudoin  le  marchis; 
A  son  neveu  Rollant  I'olif  ant  c'ot  conquis.^ 
{Benaut,  p.  136,  7) 

Ordinarily,  the  disposal  of  the  lady's  hand  is  apparently  not 
considered  of  much  importance  to  the  lady  herself ;  Sebile  how- 
ever is  pleased,  being  already  in  love  with  Baudoin,  but  in- 
stances occur  where  the  matter  is  settled  without  consulting 
either  of  the  interested  parties,  as  in  Garin  le  LoJierain,  where 
Count  Bernart  says,  speaking  of  Blancheflor : 

"  Car  la  donnons  dant  Isore  le  gris, 
Ou  mon  neveu  Guillaume  de  Monteelin."  ^ 
{Garin,  II,  6) 

Auberi  is  besought  by  his  nephew  Gasselin  to  bestow  upon  him 
the  lady  of  his  choice : 

"  An  non  dieu,  oncle,  d'autre  chose  vos  pri : 
le  uos  demant  la  fille  au  roi  Ouri."  ^ 
{Auheri,  ed.  Tobler,  145,  20) 

a  Baudoin  he  called,  his  sister's  son;  /All  kindled  is  Ms  heart 
with  joy  and  ardor.  /  If  he  has  possession  of  her,  he  regrets  not  his 
toil ;  /  He  would  not  give  her  up  to  anyone  for  castle  nor  tower.  / 
' '  Lady, ' '  said  the  King,  ' '  here  is  a  warrior ;  He  is  a  man  of  power, 
my  sister 's  son.  /  If  you  wish  him  for  your  lord  in  marriage,  / 1 
would  have  you  baptized  according  to  the  law  of  the  Creator.  / 
He  will  be  king,  and  you  the  lady  of  this  great  domain. ' ' 

b  Sebile,  the  queen  so  bright  of  face  /  He  gave  to  his  nephew 
Baudoin  the  marquis;  /To  his  nephew  Koland  the  horn  which  he 
had  won. 

c ' '  Pray  let  us  give  her  to  Sir  Isore  the  gray,  /  Or  to  my  nephew, 
Guillaume  de  Monteclin.'' 

d ' '  In  Heaven 's  name,  uncle,  I  ask  another  thing  of  you :  / 1  ask 
of  you  the  daughter  of  King  Ouri." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         61 

In  Anse'is  de  Mes,  Bierengier  finds  a  husband  for  Asseline  in 
the  person  of  his  nephew  Beraut,  and  suggests  that  if  the 
latter  does  not  want  her,  he  could  bestow  her  hand  upon  an- 
other nephew,  Fouquere^: 

"  Biaus  sire  nies,"  dist  Bierengiers  li  gris, 
"  Je  vos  donrai  et  le  rose  et  le  lis 
Et  le  plus  biele  que  dex  a  el  mont  mis."  ^ 
{Anse'is  de  Mes,  449,  10) 

Later,  Bierengier  consoles  Clarisse  for  the  death  of  her  son 
Ansel's  by  offering  her  his  nephew  Fouqueret : 

Chou  dist  li  quens :  "  Dame  ne  vos  anuit ! 
J.  neveut  ai  Fouqueret  le  petit  .  .  ."^ 
{Anse'is  de  Mes,  471,  1) 

{e)  Nephew  as  Messenger 

Not  only  do  we  find  our  epic  uncle  setting  up  his  nephew 
as  ruler  over  conquered  teiTitory,  but  we  find  also  many  in- 
stances of  his  giving  the  nephew  other  important  work  to  do : 
he  makes  him  a  messenger  or  an  envoy,  or  entrusts  an  army  to 
him.  It  is  not  so  much  the  mere  fact  that  a  nephew  is  made 
the  messenger  of  his  uncle  that  is  important,  as  that  it  shows 
the  close,  confidential  relations  which  exist  between  the  two.  It 
would  seem  that  the  choicest  plums  of  the  diplomatic  service 
fall  into  the  mouth  of  the  nephew,  that  the  most  desirable 
ofaces  in  general  come  to  him,  yet  there  are  instances  where 
he  is  sent  on  the  most  dangerous  missions,  in  which  death  is 
almost  certain ;  and  such  instances  give  the  poet  an  opportunity 
for  enlarging  upon  the  distress  and  despair  of  the  uncle  at  the 
necessity  which  compels  him  thus  to  expose  the  life  of  his 
favorite.     Even  more  significant,  perhaps,  is  the  fact  that  it  is 

a ''Fair  nephew,  Sir,"  said  Bierengier  the  gray,/' 'I  will  give 
you  both  the  rose  and  the  lily,  /  And  the  fairest  that  God  has 

placed  in  the  world. '  ^ 

bThus  spoke  the  Count:  ''Lady,  grieve  not!  /I  have  a  nephew, 

Fouqueret  the  young." 


62    .  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

not  so  often  the  great  heroes,  the  well-known  nephews,  who  are 
selected  by  the  poet  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  messenger,  as 
the  less  important  nephews,  who  are  sometimes  introduced  into 
the  story  merely  for  such  a  purpose;  it  becomes,  then,  not  an 
attribute  which  the  poet  assigns  to  his  great  hero  in  order  to 
heighten  his  literary  value,  but  a  characteristic  phase  of  the 
relationship  in  general. 

In  the  Guillaume  cycle,  the  nephew  frequently  plays  the  part 
of  the  Greek  chorus,  giving  Guillaume  information  which  the 
poet  wants  him  to  have  for  the  continuance  of  the  story.  It 
is  not  always  easy  in  our  poems  to  separate  the  traditional  from 
the  literary  material,  and  to  be  frank,  this  element  of  the 
nephew-theme  appears  on  the  surface  to  be  a  literary  inven- 
tion, or  would  so  appear,  were  it  not  that  it  is  also  a  corrobor- 
ative detail  of  the  general  predominance  of  the  nephew,  which 
has  a  legendary  basis.  Guillaume's  nephew  Bertrand  brings 
him  the  important  news  that  the  Emperor  has  in  his  disgust  at 
his  son  Louis  vowed  to  make  him  a  monk: 

D'une  forest  repere  de  chacier : 
Ses  nies  Bertrans  li  corut  a  I'estrier.* 
{Couronnement  Louis,  116) 

When  Acelin  becomes  turbulent  and  threatens  to  seize  the 
crown  of  Louis,  Guillaume  sends  his  own  nephew  Aliaume  to 
call  him  to  order: 

II  en  apela  Alelme  le  baron. 
"  Va,  si  me  di  Acelin  I'orgoillos 
Dreit  viegne  faire  Loois  son  seignor 
Isnelement,  quar  de  lui  se  plaint  molt."  ^ 

{Couronnement  Louis,  ed.  Langlois,  1785) 

Guielin  is  selected  by  Guillaume  to  get  a  message  through  the 
lines  at  the  siege  of  Orange : 

a  From  a  forest  he  is  returning,  from  hunting; /His  nephew 
Bertrand  ran  to  his  stirrup. 

b  He  called  Aliaume  the  baron.  /  ' '  Go,  and  say  for  me  to  Acelin 
the  haughty  /  That  he  come  straightway  and  make  Louis  his  lord  / 
Quickly,  for  he  makes  much  complaint  of  him. ' ' 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         63 

"  Nies  Guielins/'  ce  dit  li  cuens  Guillelmes ! 
"  Desi  a  Nymes  ne  fines  ne  ne  cesses, 
Bertran  ton  frere  me  diras  eez  noveles, 
Qu'il  me  seeore  o  la  gent  de  sa  terre."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  1412) 

Another  nephew,  Girart,  brings  Willame  the  news  of  Vivien's 
danger  at  the  battle  of  I'Archamp : 

"  Avant,  Girarz !   Si  di  de  tes  noveles ! " 
Co  dist  Girarz :  "  Jo'n  sai  assez  de  pesmes."  ^ 
{Changun  de  Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  961) 

Gautier  is  a  messenger  to  Aymeri: 

Quens  Aymeris  a  Gautier  apele 
Qui  lo  mesaje  lor  ot  dit  et  eonte: 
"  Biau  sire  nies,  un  petit  m'entendez."  '^ 
{Mort  Aymeri,  481)^^ 

In  Girart  de  Roussillon,  Foucon  is  the  close  friend  and  fre- 
quently the  envoy  of  his  uncle  Girart  (vs.  1381  ff.)-^^  Fou- 
con and  Amadeus  are  Girart's  envoys  to  the  Emperor  to  sue 

a ' '  Nephew  Guielin, ' '  said  Count  Guillaume,  /  ' '  From,  here  to 
Niine8  stay  thee  not  nor  stop ;  /  To  Bertrand  thy  brother  thou  wilt 
tell  this  tidings,  /  That  he  assist  me  with  the  men  of  his  land. ' ' 

b' 'Hither,  Girart,  and  tell  thy  news !'-'/ Said  Girart:  '^I  know 
some  full  bad. ' ' 

c  Count  Aymeri  called  Gautier,  /  Who  told  and  related  the 
message  to  them :  /  '  ^  Fair  nephew,  Sir,  listen  to  me  a  little. ' ' 

66  Cf.  page  10.  It  is  plausible  that  the  poet  really  had  in  mind 
the  nephew  relationship  here. 

67  In  the  Provencal  Girart,  Foucon  offers  on  behalf  of  Girart  to 
become  a  hostage  if  the  Emperor  will  cease  his  warfare:  ''Nous 
serons  a  titre  d'otages,  par  la  foi  que  je  vous  dois,  cent  barons  de 
naissance,  damoiseaux  choisis. "  (Translation  of  P.  Meyer,  p.  63, 
§  119.)  In  the  Provengal  poem,  Foucon  is  the  cousin  of  Girart, 
being  the  son  of  Odilon,  although  the  poet  uses  the  term  neps  (cf. 
pp.  161  and  259,  notes) ;  in  the  French  Girart  and  in  Eenuut  he  is 
a  nephew,  and  in  the  Mort  Maugis  a  relative. 


64  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

for  peace  in  Renaut  de  Montauban  (p.  37  ff.).  In  JBoeve  de 
Haumtone,  Graunder  is  his  uncle's  messenger  to  the  prison  in 
which  Bovon  is  confined;  when  he  learns  of  Bovon's  escape, 
Bradmund  and  his  nephew  pursue  him  together: 

Meymes  icel  jour  Bradmund  se  leva, 
Son  neveu  Graunder  a  sei  apella : 
"  Graunder,"  f  et  Bradmund,  "  a  la  prison  tost  va, 
Dy  a  mes  chartrers,  ke  il  veignent  a  mei  sa."  ^ 
{Boeve  de  Haumtone,  1147) 

The  Abbe  Lietri  is  the  messenger  of  his  uncle  Garin  to  discuss 
a  truce  with  Froment,  who  says: 

"  Vos  me  mandastes  par  Fabe  Lieteri 
Paiz  et  acorde  deci  a  quinze  dis."  ^ 
{Mort  Garin,  227;  cf.  6  ff.) 

Another  nephew  of  Garin,  Auberi,  is  a  messenger  in  the  sense 
that  he  is  commissioned  to  escort  Garin's  son  Girbert  to  Pepin 
to  be  knighted  by  him  {Mort  Garin,  364).  In  Anse'is  de  Mes, 
the  relations  between  Berengier  and  his  nephews  are  very 
close,  and  Fouqueret  is  commissioned  to  cany  his  uncle's 
standard : 

"Fouques  biaus  nies,  vos  portres  m'oriflor. 
Gardes  que  Flandres  i  ait  par  vos  honor ! "  ^ 
{Anse'is  de  Mes,  411,  1) 

In  the  Renaut  de  Montauban,  no  sooner  has  the  youth  Roland 
presented  himself  to  the  astonished  Emperor  as  his  sister's  son 
than  he  is  knighted  by  his  uncle  and  sent  off  in  charge  of 
twenty  thousand  men  to  defend  Cologne  against  the  Saxons : 

a  On  that  day  Bradmund  rose,  /  His  nephew  Graunder  he  called 
to  him :  /  "  Graunder, ' '  said  he,  ' '  to  the  prison  go  speedily,  /  Say 
to  my  warders  that  they  come  to  me  here. ' ' 

t> ' '  You  sent  me  word  by  the  Abbe  Lietri  /  Of  peace  and  harmony 
for  fifteen  days  from  now." 

c  ' '  Fair  nephew  Foueon,  you  will  carry  the  standard ;  /  Take  care 
that  Flanders  receive  honor  through  you." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         65 

"  Dous  nies,"  dist  I'emperefe,  "  je  t'en  doing  le  congie  "... 
"  Biaus  nies,  je  vos  ai  ore  mon  barnage  chargie. 
Gardes  par  vos  ne  soit  honi  ne  vergoignie."  ^ 
{Renautj  p.  120) 

In  the  Destruction  de  Borne,  when  Charlemagne  hears  of  the 
havoc  wrought  in  Rome  by  the  pagans,  he  sends  his  nephew 
Gui  to  succor  the  town: 

Et  Guion  de  Bourgoigne  a  a  lui  apelle : 
Fils  ert  de  sa  seror  et  de  sa  parente : 
"  Cosins,  vous  en  irrez  socoure  la  cite."  ^ 
{Destruction  de  Borne,  1179) 

When  the  Emperor  is  commanded  by  an  angel  to  go  and  pray 
at  the  shrine  of  Saint  Jacques,  he  leaves  his  entire  aimy  in 
charge  of  Gui,  admonishing  him :  Et  vos,  hiaus  sire  niez,  de 
eeste  oevre  pansez^  {Gui  de  Bourgogne,  4126).  Guillaume, 
when  placing  a  g-uard  around  the  monastery  preparatory  to  de- 
livering King  Louis,  gives  an  important  post  to  a  nephew : 

Li  cuens  Guillelmes  en  apela  Gualtier 
Le  Tolosain,  ensi  Foi  noncier, 
Fill  de  sa  suer,  un  gentil  chevalier: 
"A  cele  porte  qui  tome  vers  Peltiers, 
La  m'en  irez,  filz  de  franche  moillier, 
Ensemble  o  vos  avra  vint  chevaliers; 
Guardez  n'en  isse  nuls  om  qui  seit  soz  ciel."  ^ 
{Couronnement  Louis,  ed.  Langlois,  1657) 


J  ? 


a  ' '  Gentle   nephew, ' '   said   the   Emperor,   ' '  I   give   you   leave 
.  .  .  /  "  Fair  nephew,  I  have  now  entrusted  to  you  my  barons.  / 
Take  care  by  you  they  be  not  shamed  nor  dishonored." 

bAnd  Gui  de  Bourgogne  he  called  to  him;  /He  was  his  sister's 
son  and  his  kin ;  /  "  Cousin,  you  will  go  to  the  aid  of  the  city. ' ' 

c  And  you,  fair  nephew,  Sir^  mind  this  work. 

d  Count  GuDlaume  called  Gautier  /  The  Tolosan,  thus  I  heard  him 
named,  /  His  sister's  son,  a  noble  chevalier;  / ''To  that  gate 
which  faces  Poitiers,  /  There  shall  you  go,  son  of  a  noblewoman;  / 

6 


66  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

The  poet's  general  conception  of  the  "  avuncular "  relations 
militates  against  allowing  the  nephew  to  be  sent  deliberately 
into  danger,  while  as  we  have  seen  the  tendency  is  to  represent 
the  father  as  making  an  easy,  if  not  a  willing  sacrifice  of  the 
son.  When  the  story  absolutely  requires  that  the  nephew  be 
sacrificed,  either  apparently  or  really,  the  sentiment  on  the  part 
of  the  uncle  appears  much  more  genuine  than  that  of  the 
father.  The  story  of  the  Roland  revolves  in  large  measure 
around  the  attitude  of  the  uncle,  who  is  compelled  by  force  of 
circumstances  to  forego  his  inclination  and  his  duty  to  favor 
and  to  protect  his  nephew.  It  does  not  seem  possible  that 
such  poignant  grief  as  is  depicted  in  many  passages  of  the 
poem  can  come  wholly  from  the  poet's  imagination,  but  rather 
does  the  treatment  bear  the  impress  of  a  legendaiy  point  of 
view  common  to  the  uncle  in  general,  in  which  the  personal 
equation  so  far  as  the  poet  is  concerned  is  reduced  to  a  mini- 
mum. The  apparent  contradiction  of  this  theory  to  be  found 
in  the  Enfances  Vivien  is  easily  explained:  the  legend  of  the 
son  acting  as  hostage  for  the  father  is  mentioned  in  the  Cheva- 
lerie  Vivien,  which  says  of  Vivien  that: 

Filz  fu  Garin,  qui  tant  par  est  proisiez. 
Qui  d'Anseiine  fu  sire  et  jostisiers; 
En  Roncevaus  fu  il  pris  et  liez, 
Si  I'en  mena  Marados  vostre  nies. 
Por  Vivien  fu  il  cuens  ostagiez.^ 

{Covenant  Vivien,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  143;  cf.  121)^^ 

This  incident  is  naturally  enlarged  upon  by  the  later  poem,  in 
which  it  becomes  an  important  theme;  here  we  see  Guillaume 

Together  with  you  will  be  twenty  knights ;  /  Take  care  there  issue 
forth  no  man  whatsoever  upon  earth." 

a  He  was  son  to  Garin,  so  much  esteemed,  /  Who  was  of  Anseiine 
the  lord  and  judge ;  /  At  Roncevaux  he  was  captured  and  bound,  / 
And  Maradoc  your  nephew  led  him  away.  /  For  Vivien  was  the 
count  held  in  ransom. 

68  The  last  verse  reads  in  the  Terracher  edition :  Par  eel  glouton 
fut  U  cuens  ostegies  (vs.  142). 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         67 

deciding  regretfully  but  firmly  that  Vivien  shall  take  his 
father's  place  as  hostage  in  a  pagan  prison,  but  although  he  is 
condemning  his  nephew  to  apparent  death,  Guillaume  vows  to 
avenge  him  most  abundantly.  The  earlier  versions  of  the  poem 
say  very  little  of  Garin's  love  for  his  son,  while  representing  as 
always  the  demonstrativeness  of  the  mother's  affection;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  late  prose  version  goes  into  a  long  description 
of  the  father's  attitude,  and  in  fact,  the  very  ascription  of 
Garin  as  father  to  Vivien  is  of  late  origin;  thus  we  see  that  to 
the  later  author  the  paternal  sentiment  in  general  makes  the 
stronger  appeal,  while  to  the  earlier  poet  that  of  the  uncle 
assumes  the  greater  weight.^^     Now  when  Guillaume  says : 

"  Neuos  et  oncles  et  parens  sont  asses, 
Mais  vn  sien  freire  ne  puet  on  recourer; 
Nies  Vivien,  com  ies  a  Terme  nes, 

«  Ma  boche  juge  qe  tu  soies  liures 
En  la  prison  por  ton  pere  saluer."  * 

{Enfances  Vivien,  337,  ms.  Bib.  Nat.  1448) 

he  is  not  speaking  in  harmony  with  the  sentiments  of  the  poems 
of  the  twelfth  century;  the  Enfances  in  general,  as  an  epic 
genre,  are  of  later  origin  than  the  other  poems,  and  they  illus- 
trate very  well  the  decline  of  the  epic  importance  of  the  nephew 
just  as  presumably  the  tradition  of  an  older  state  of  society  de- 
clined in  the  minds  of  poets;  as  the  Enfances  in  many  in- 
stances invented  a  father  whom  they  might  attach  to  great 
heroes,  so  they  probably  invented  sentiments  like  the  above. 
The  father  and  his  sentiments,  then,  assume  an  importance  in 
the  later  poems  which  is  foreign  to  the  point  of  view  of  the 
earlier  ones,  and  which  comes  about  through  a  growing  desire 

a ''Nephews  and  uncles  and  relatives  are  plenty,  /  But  one's 
brother  cannot  be  replaced.  /  Nephew  Vivien,  as  thou  wert  born  at 
Termes,  /  My  mouth  decides  that  thou  shalt  be  consigned  /  To 
prison,  to  save  thy  father. ' ' 

69  Cf .  Enfances  Vivien,  244  ff.  The  Wahlund  edition  gives  the 
readings  o±  the  various  mss. 


68  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

for  novelty ;  as  Professor  Lanson  wittily  puts  it :  "  Les  fils  en- 
gendrent  les  peres,  et  les  dieux  naissent  aprds  les  peres/'  "^^ 

(/)    Solidarity  between  Uncle  and  Nephew 

The  solidarity  between  uncle  and  nephew  is  consistent  and 
marked:  not  only  is  the  nephew  singled  out  for  superlative 
favor  and  given  work  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  do  by  his 
uncle,  but  the  latter  acts  always  as  the  guide  and  adviser  of 
the  young  chevalier.  The  anxiety  of  the  uncle  when  his  nephew 
is  in  danger  and  his  rejoicing  at  his  success  in  battle  give  rise 
to  some  of  the  most  intense  passages  of  the  French  epic.  The 
bond  between  the  two  is  most  sympathetic;  if  it  is  threatened 
by  occasional  wordy  quarrels,  it  rarely  suffers  serious  dam- 
age. The  poets  appear  fond  of  introducing  an  exchange  of 
vilification — vox  et  praeterea  nihil — not  in  order  to  arouse  the 
apprehension  of  the  listener  for  the  fate  of  his  favorite  char* 
acter,  but  merely  as  a  comic  element  which  comes  as  a  necessary 
relief  to  the  intensity  of  the  passions  of  war  and  the  animosity 
of  enemies,  and  the  initiated  hearer  is  well  aware  that  the  bond 
is  not  so  quickly  broken  as  that  between  the  poetic  father  and 
son.  It  is  upon  the  nephew  that  the  uncle  depends  for  aid 
when  in  danger  and  for  revenge  when  worsted,  and  the  nephew 
looks  to  the  uncle  for  the  same  ministrations.  In  order  to 
portray  with  exactness  the  close  association  of  the  two,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  tell  the  story  in  detail  of  many  poems,  which  is 
obviously  impossible  here.  A  few  illustrations  of  the  various 
phases  of  such  association  must  suffice,  but  it  is  necessary  to 
bear  constantly  in  mind  that  the  veiy  sum  and  substance  of  the 
plot  and  the  very  life  of  the  poem  depend  in  many  instances 
upon  the  closeness  of  the  uncle-nephew  relations,  which  is  re- 
vealed far  more  convincingly  by  the  general  tone  than  could 
be  done  by  any  detached  quotation  from  the  actual  words  of  the 
poet.  Many  scattered  passages  might  be  adduced  to  show  the 
regard  of  Charlemagne  for  his  nephew  Roland,  but  would  they 
he  as  conclusive  as  the  impression  which  a  comprehensive  read- 
me G.  Lanson,  Litterature  Frangaise,  p.  39. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         69 

ing  of  the  entire  Chanson  de  Boland  must  give?  The  whole 
cycle  of  Guillaume  brings  out  the  fundamental  conception  of 
solidarity  as  expressed  between  Guillaume  and  Vivien,  Guil- 
laume and  Bertrand,  and  others.  What  would  the  Emperor's 
Saxon  war  be  but  a  dreary  recital  of  military  details  if  it  were 
not  for  the  dramatic  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  his  nephew 
Baudoin  ?  Undoubtedly  the  mediaeval  reciter  held  his  audience 
spell-bound  by  the  stories  of  battles  and  tournaments,  by  the 
minute  descriptions  of  all  their  phases,  and  by  the  vigorous 
delineation  of  the  lust  of  conquest  and  the  glory  of  religious 
proselyting,  but  after  all  must  we  not  assume  that  the  element 
of  human  interest  was  also  very  keenly  felt  both  by  the  poet 
and  by  his  listeners'? 

Leon  Gautier  has  brought  out  many  parallels  between  the- 
French  and  the  Greek  epic ;  '^^  the  same  comparison  can  be  made 
of  the  human  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  the  heroes  in  both 
epics.  And  in  the  French  epic  it  is  the  nephew  whose  career 
we  watch  with  interest,  admiration,  or  suspense;  it  is  not  be- 
cause he  is  the  nephew  of  a  great  legendary  personage,  for  since 
the  epic  deals  with  kings  and  nobles  the  nephew  must  of  neces- 
sity be  of  high  rank  himself,  but  just  because  he  is  a  nephew, 
just  because  of  that  relationship  in  itself,  and  just  because  the 
whole  poetic  legend  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Guillaume  and  of 
other  dominant  spirits  brings  out  the  significance  of  that  re- 
lationship. Then  too  the  French  epic  introduces  numerous 
minor  characters  who  exemplify  the  same  attitude  of  solidar- 
ity and  mutual  dependence — difficult  to  enumerate,  so  many 
are  there — and  yet  are  introduced  more  or  less  incidentally  into 
the  story.  A  striking  example  of  the  solidarity  between  uncle 
and  nephew  is  found  in  Raoul  de  Cambrai.  Duty  to  a  master 
comes  before  all  else  in  the  mediaeval  conception  of  allegiance, 
so  that  Bemier  at  first  does  not  waver  in  his  allegiance  to 
Raoul,  not  even  when  the  latter  in  the  most  heartless  manner 
destrovs  the  convent  of  Bernier's  mother,  and  the  abbess  and 

71  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  IV,  passim.     See  also  Andrew  Lang, 
Homer  and  Ms  Age,  pp.  297-309  {French  Mediaeval  Epics). 


70  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

her  nuns  perish  in  the  flames,  but  when  Raoul  attempts  to 
drive  Beniier's  uncles  from  their  land,  then  the  squire  rebels. 
Still,  he  is  willing  to  continue  in  his  service  if  Raoul  will  be- 
come reconciled  with  his  opponents.  Here  the  uncle  plainly 
counts  more  than  the  master : 

"  Je  suis  vostre  hom,  a  celer  nel  vos  qier, 
De  mon  service  m'as  rendu  mal  loier : 
Ma  mere  as  arce  la  dedens  eel  mostier, 
Des  q'ele  est  morte  n'i  a  nul  reeovrier. 
Or  viex  mon  oncle  et  mon  pere  essilier ! 
N'est  pas  mervelle  s'or  me  vuel  corecier: 
II  sont  mi  oncle,  je  lor  volrai  aidier, 
Et  pres  seroie  de  ma  honte  vengier."  ^ 
{Baoul,  1644) 

"  Et  pardonrai  trestot,  par  saint  Richier, 
Mais  que  mes  oncles  puisse  a  toi  apaier."  ^ 
{Raoul,  2284;  ef.  3070) 

When  Bemier  has  finally  killed  Raoul,  the  latter's  uncle  Gueni 
rejects  all  attempts  at  reconciliation  made  by  the  King  on 
behalf  of  Bernier,  and  is  indignant  that  Louis  looks  upon  Ber- 
nier  with  favor,  since  Raoul  was  Louis'  nephew: 

"  Comment  poroie  esgarder  eel  glouton 
Qi  mon  neveu  ocist  en  trai'son? 
Fix  ert  vo  suer,  qe  de  fit  le  seit  on."  ^ 
(EaowZ,  4867) 

a ' '  I  am  your  man,  I  wish  not  to  conceal  it  from  you,  /  Thou 
hast  given  me  poor  reward  for  my  service ;  /  My  mother  thou  hast 
burned  within  that  monastery;  /Now  that  she  is  dead  there  is  no 
redress.  /Now  thou  wouldst  destroy  my  uncle  and  my  father!  /No 
wonder  is  it  if  now  I  wish  to  loose  my  anger;  /They  are  my 
uncles,  I  wish  to  aid  them,  /  And  I  should  be  near  avenging  my 
shame. ' ' 

b ' '  And  I  will  pardon  all,  by  Saint  Eichier,  /  If  only  I  may 
reconcile  my  uncles  and  you. ' ' 

c ' '  How  could  I  look  at  that  villain  /  Wlio  slew  my  nephew  by 
treachery ?/ He  was  your  sister's  son,  for  it  is  known  of  a 
certainty. ' ' 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         71 

In  Aye  d' Avignon,  Charlemagne  abandons  Garnier,  yielding  to 
the  representations  of  his  enemies;  two  of  Garnier's  nephews 
overhear  the  plot  to  betray  him,  and  although  they  are  in 
the  service  of  the  Emperor,  their  duty  towards  their  uncle 
makes  them  rebuke  Charlemagne  and  leave  his  court: 

Gamiers  ot  .ii.  neveus,  Guichart  et  Alori, 
Qui  sont  de  ses  serors  ne  et  engenui'; 
Li  .i.  fu  fiz  Sanson  et  li  autre  Amaugin, 
Et  servoient  por  armes  Karlon  le  fiz  Pepin. 
Quant  oent  el  palais  le  conseill  descouvrir, 
C'est  de  Nentuel  abatre  et  de  Garnier  trahir, 
Ce  ne  puent  il  onques  endurer  ne  soffrir.^ 
{Aye  d' Avignon,  2649) 

Family  ties  should  be  so  strong  that  Pepin  ought  not  to  be 
angry,  so  the  Abbe  of  Saint-Denis  tells  him,  when  a  dear  friend 
has  been  killed  by  his  nephew-in-law : 

Se  Gascelin  a  mort  .i.  aversier, 
Vers  si  haut  homme  ne  vous  deves  irier; 
Car  vostre  niece  a  or  prise  a  mollier.^ 
{Auheri,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  131) 

Auberi  himself  has  so  great  faith  in  the  bond  between  uncle  and 
nephew  that  he  will  not  believe  his  own  uncle  is  a  traitor,  who 
is  planning  to  kill  him: 

"  Ja  est  mes  oneles  Oedes  et  mes  amis : 
Et  si  dui  fil  sont  mi  germain  cousin. 

a  Garnier  had  two  nephews,  Guichart  and  Alori,  /  Who  were  con- 
ceived and  born  of  his  sisters.  /  The  one  was  son  to  Sanson^  the 
other  to  Amauguin,  /  And  with  arms  they  served  Charles  the  son  of 
Pepin.  /  When  they  hear  within  the  palace  the  plot  disclosed,  / 
That  is,  to  overthrow  Nanteuil  and  to  betray  Garnier,  /  This  they 
can  never  endure  nor  suffer. 

t> ' '  If  Gascelin  has  killed  an  enemy,  /  Towards  a  man  so  high  you 
must  not  feel  angry,  /  For  he  has  now  taken  your  niece  to  wife, ' ' 


72  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Ne  me  f  audront  por  home  qui  soit  vis."  * 
{Auheri,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  17) 

In  the  Tobler  extracts  from  Auheri,  the  bond  between  Auberi 
and  his  sister's  son  Gascelin  appears  of  the  closest;  the  two  are 
inseparable  companions,  and  Gascelin  exclaims  le  sui  vos  nies, 
ie  ne  vos  faudrai  ja^  (p.  12,  30). 

The  relationship  is  sometimes  made  use  of  to  make  a  taunt 
or  a  threat  more  bitter.  During  the  combat  between  Otinel 
and  Roland,  the  former  cries  to  the  Emperor:  Vous  ocirai 
vostre  neveu  Eollant^  (Otinel,  337).  Acelin  says  to  Aleaume, 
a  nephew  of  Guillaume:  Voir,  de  ion  oncle  ne  dorreie  un 
denier^  [Couronnement  Louis,  1831).  When  Tedbald  declares 
that  Willame  will  not  dare  come  to  the  battle,  Vivien  passion- 
ately gives  him  the  lie: 

"  Cil  nen  est  nez  de  sa  mere  ne  vis, 
De  ga  la  mer  ne  de  dela  le  Riu,'^^ 
N'entre  les  noz  n'entre  les  Arabiz, 
Mielz  de  mei  ost  grant  bataille  tenir,  * 

Fors  sul  Guillelme  al  curb  nes  le  marchis. 
II  est  mes  uncles,  vers  lui  ne  m'aatis."  ^ 
(Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  83) 

Girart  taunts  the  coward  Esturmi,  whom  he  has  unhorsed, 
saying : 

a ' '  Indeed,  he  is  my  uncle  Odon  and  my  f  riendj  /  And  his  two 
sons  are  my  cousins  german.  /  They  will  not  fail  me  for  any  man 
alive. ' ' 

b  I  am  your  nephew,  I  shall  never  fail  you. 

c  I  shall  slay  your  nephew  Eoland  for  you. 

3  Forsooth,  I  would  not  give  a  farthing  for  your  uncle. 

e ' '  He  is  not  born  of  mother,  nor  is  alive,  /  This  side  the  sea, 
nor  across  the  Channel,  /  Neither  among  us  nor  among  the  Arabs,  / 
Who,  more  than  I,  dare  fight  a  great  battle,  /  Save  only  Guillaume 
of  the  crooked  nose,  the  marquis.  /  He  is  my  uncle,  with  him  I  do 
not  rival.*' 

72  Suchier  conclusively  defends  his  reading  Bin;  the  ms.  has  rui. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN   UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         7S 

"  Ultre,  lechiere !  Prise  as  or  mortel  hunte ; 
Net  vanteras  ja  a  Tedbald  tun  uncle."  ^ 
•  {Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  425) 

The  closeness  of  the  relations  between  Guillaume  and  his 
nephews  is  evident  from  many  passages  in  the  Guillaume  cycle. 
During  the  siege  of  Orange,  Guillaume  relies  upon  the  aid 
which  his  relatives  will  bring  him,  and  refuses  to  leave  the 
palace  where  he  has  taken  his  stand;  in  fact,  it  is  his  nephew 
Bertrand  who  comes  to  his  rescue: 

Lor  heaumes  ostent  li  chevalier  vaillant. 
Puis  s'entrebesent,  de  joie  vont  plorant. 
Li  cuens  Bertrans  I'en  apele  avant : 
"  Comment  t'est,  oncles  ?    Ne'l  me  celer  neant."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  1800;  cf.  1090,  ff.) 

When  Vivien  is  ready  to  succumb  at  the  battle  of  Aliscans,  his 
thoughts  revert  to  his  uncle,  and  at  the  very  point  of  death  he 
strives  to  keep  on  fighting,  in  order  to  do  honor  to  his  rela- 
tionship to  Guillaume: 

"  Ne  vos  verrai  ja  mais,  oncles  Guillermes, 
Ne  mon  lignage,  mes  amis  ne  ma  geste ; 
Hui  en  orroiz  si  tres  pesme  novele !  .  .  . 

Oncles  Guillelmes,  ja  mais  ne  me  vareis! 
Dame  Guibor,  Deus  vos  eroise  bonteis.  .  .  . 

Se  ge  n'abat  des  miolz  enparenteis, 
Et  des  mellors  et  des  plus  abrives, 
Se  ge  les  puis  devent  moi  ancontreir, 
Ans  ne  fui  nies  dan  Guillelme  au  cor  neis."  ^ 

{Clievdlerie  Vivien,  ed.  Terracher,  606, 1455, 1902) 

a ''Away,  knave!  Thou  hast  received  a  mortal  shame; /Never- 
more wilt  thou  boast  to  Tedbald  thy  uncle." 

b  Their  helms  the  valiant  knights  remove,  /  Then  they  embrace, 
and  go  weeping  for  joy.  /  Count  Bertrand  calls  out  to  him:  /  ''How 
is  it  with  thee,  uncle?     Conceal  it  in  no  wise  from  me." 

c ' '  Never  again  shall  I  see  you,  uncle  Guillaume,  /  Nor  my  kin, 
my  friends,  nor  my  family;  /Today  you  will  hear  such  very  bad 


74  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

The  attraction  of  the  uucle  towards  an  unknown  nephew  is  seen 
when  Girart  de  Vienne  is  immediately  drawn  to  Oliver,  whom 
he  sees  for  the  first  time : 

"  Voir/'  dist  Girars,  "  cestui  aurai  je  chier, 
Que  molt  fors  me  resamble."  ^ 
(Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  54) 

When  Rainier  kills  one  of  the  Emperor's  partisans  Ajnneri  says 
to  him: 

"  Par  f oi,  biaz  oncles,"  ce  li  dist  Aimeris, 
"  Or  vos  aim  plus  que  home  qui  soit  vis."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  65) 

In  another  poem,  Aymeri  rebukes  the  Emperor  for  having  un- 
justly deprived  Girart  of  his  land: 

"  Mes  bien  savez  trop  aviez  mespris, 
Qant  a  mon  oncle  toliez  son  pais."  ^ 
{Aymeri  de  Narbonne,  730) 

Apparently  uncles  and  nephews  are  usually  in  each  other's 
confidence,  for  the  messenger  in  Aiol,  after  vowing  that  he  will 
not  betray  Aiol's  secret  to  nul  home  en  tere  qui  soit  sousiel^ 
(3955),  thinks  that  that  is  not  sufficiently  comprehensive,  for  he 
promises  not  to  reveal  it  even  to  neveu  ne  a  oncle  ne  a  moillier. 
Guillaume  and  his  nephews  are  connected  even  in  the  minds  of 

news !  "  .  .  .  /  "  Uncle  Guillaume,  nevermore  will  you  see  me !  / 
Lady  Guiborc^  may  God  increase  his  favors  to  you. ''  .  .  .  / ' '  If  I 
fell  not  some  of  their  best  connected,  /  And  best  and  most  eager,  / 
If  I  can  meet  them  face  to  face,  /  Never  was  I  nephew  to  Sir 
Guillaume  of  the  crooked  nose. ' ' 

a '' Forsooth, "  said  Girart,  ''this  one  I  shall  hold  dear,  /  For 
he  very  much  resembles  me. ' ' 

b  <  (  Truly,  fair  uncle, ' '  said  Aymeri  to  him,  /  ' '  Now  I  love  you 
more  than  any  man  alive." 

c ' '  But  well  you  know  that  you  committed  a  very  great  wrong,  / 
When  you  took  from  my  uncle  his  land." 

•3  Any  man  on  earth,  under  the  sky. 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE   AND  NEPHEW         75 

the  other  characters  of  the  poems,  for  we  find  the  Saracen  king 
Arragon  threatening  to  annihilate  them  all  together : 

"Morz  iert  Guillaumes  et  a  sa  fin  alez, 
Et  ses  neveuz  a  forches  encroez."* 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  605) 

The  idea  of  lignage,  or  kinship,  is  dominant  in  the  family  of 
Aymeri;  it  supports  them  in  distress  and  spurs  them  on  to 
greater  effort ;  Vivien  declares : 

"  Se  ge  n'abat  des  mellors  de  lor  geste, 
Ans  ne  fui  nies  Aymeri  ne  Guillelme."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien^  1886) 

The  nephews  of  Girart  are  constantly  with  him:  Ampres  lui, 
sui  neveu  sunt  souvant  trestuit  quatre  ^  ( Girart  de  Roussillon, 
1691).  The  nephews  of  Garin  and  Begon  are  in  their  com- 
pany in  all  their  battles : 

Qui  done  veist  et  Hernaut  et  Gerin  ^ 

Apres  lor  onele  en  la  presse  venir !  ^ 
{Mort  Garin,  791) 

Gamier  is  surrounded  by  a  troop  of  nephews  in  his  combats: 

Li  dus  Garnier  sot  bien  rengier  ses  compaignons; 
Girart  ot,  son  neveu,  le  fi^;  au  due  Othon, 
Renier,  et  Fouquerrant,  et  Garin  de  Mascon  .  .  .  ® 
{Aye  d' Avignon,  2113) 

a ' '  Guillaume  will  be  killed  and  gone  to  Ms  end,  /  And  his 
nephews  hanged  upon  forked  branches." 

b^'If  I  strike  not  down  some  of  the  best  of  their  race,  /  Never 
was  I  '  nephew '  to  Aymeri  nor  Guillaume. ' ' 

c  With  him  are  often  his  nephews,  all  four. 

d  One  ought  then  to  have  seen  Hernaut  and  Gerin  /  After  their 
uncle  coming  in  the  throng.  , 

e  Duke  Garnier  knew  well  how  to  arrange  his  companions ;  /  He 
had  Girart,  his  nephew,  the  son  of  Duke  Otho,  /  Eenier,  and 
Fouquerant,  and  Garin  de  Macon. 


76  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Bemier,  who  has  always  been  morally  a  supporter  of  his  uncles,, 
although  his  sense  of  allegiance  has  compelled  him  to  serve  his 
master  Raoul,  connects  himself  with  them  after  his  break  with 
Raoul : 

"  Raous  mes  sires  nos  vieut  toz  essilier, 
Et  tos  mes  oncles  de  la  terra  chacier."  * 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  1835) 

The  minor  nephews  of  the  Guillaume  legend,  when  they  are 
brought  into  the  story,  are  made  by  the  poet  to  exhibit  the  same 
spirit  of  concord  as  do  Vivien  and  Bertrand;  Gaudin  and 
Savari  set  out  to  help  Guillaume,  whom  they  meet  by  the  way : 

Gaudins  li  bruns  les  conduit,  li  marchis, 
Et  avec  lui  fu  li  preuz  Savaris: 
Cil  furent  nies  Guillaume  au  fier  vis. 
En  France  en  vont  socorre  Looys. 
Quant  s'entr'contrent  a  merveille  lor  vint, 
II  s'entrebesent,  neveu  sont  et  ami.^ 
(Couronnement  Louis,  1480) 

Such  closeness  of  association  would  naturally  give  the  uncle- 
greater  authority  than  the  father,  and  it  is  not  surprising  then 
that  we  find  the  uncle  disposing  of  his  nephew  under  various 
circumstances;  for  instance,  it  is  Guillaume  who  decides  in  the 
family  council  that  Vivien  shall  take  his  father's  place  in  the 
Saracen  prison,  and  in  fact,  Guillaume  has  the  beau  role  to  the 
end — it  is  he  who  restores  Vivien  to  his  family  and  points  out 
to  the  father  the  son  whom  he  thought  lost.'^^     According  to  the 

a^'Eaoul  my  master  wishes  to  destroy  us  all, /And  drive  all  my 
uncles  from  their  land. ' ' 

t>  Gaudin  the  swarthy  leads  them,  the  marquis,  /  And  with  him 
was  the  valiant  Savari ;  /  These  were  nephews  to  Guillaume  of  the 
lofty  countenance.  /  To  France  they  go  to  succor  Louis ;  /  When 
they  meet,  splendidly  it  suited  them ;  /  They  embrace,  nephews  are 
they  and  friends. 

73  Enfances  Vivien,  337  (cited  on  page  67)  and  4562.  There  are- 
a  number  of  instances  where  the  uncle  disposes  of  the  hand  of  his- 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         77 

Willame,  the  uncle  gives  Renoart  all  the  possessions  of  Vivien 
after  the  latter's  death: 

Willame  li  donad  set  chastels  en  fez, 
&  Ermentrud  li  dunent  a  moillier, 
&  tote  la  tere  Viuien  le  ber.^ 

{Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Chiswick,  3498) 

(g)  Association  in  War 

The  Petit  Larousse  neatly  defines  an  epic  as  a  "  poeme  de 
longue  haleine  siir  un  sujet  heroi'que ; "  heroic  deeds  are  in- 
terpreted to  mean  maiiial  deeds,  for  in  this  earlier  stage  of 
civilization  the  refinement  of  moral  heroism  is  neglected  to  the 
advantage  of  deeds  of  prowess;  so  the  modern  reader  has  his 
mind  attuned  to  a  recital  of  "battle,  murder,  and  sudden 
death,"  and  although  his  sjonpathetic  interest  may  not  have 
been  awakened,  yet  he  is  in  a  receptive  mood  towards  the  long 
descriptions  of  battles  and  combats  to  which  all  else  in  the 
Chansons  de  Geste  is  but  a  preliminary  appetizer.  The  poet 
often  beseeches  his  audience  to  listen  patiently,  for  a  bone 
cangun  is  to  follow  directly,  meaning  that  he  is  about  to  take 
his  hearers  to  the  battle-field  and  point  out  to  them  eveiy 
detail  of  the  long  and  bloody  fight.  Thus  we  must  expect  to 
find  our  poet  pursuing  his  uncle-and-nephew  theme  with  a 
keener  interest  when  he  is  treating  of  the  companionship  of  his 
characters  in  war. 

It  is  not  easy  to  classify  the  poetic  references  to  these  rela- 

a  Willame  gave  him  seven  chateaux  in  fief,  /  And  Ermentrud 
they  give  him  to  wife,  /  And  all  the  land  of  Vivien  the  baron, 

niece  in  marriage,  and  his  authority  in  these  cases  seems  to  be 
undisputed;  it  takes  only  a  word  on  the  part  of  Guillaume  when  he 
bestows  the  hand  of  Aaliz  upon  Renoart,  and  he  notifies  rather  than 
consults  her  father,  King  Louis,  in  the  matter  {Aliscans,  ed.  Halle, 
8164).  Hardre  rewards  Ami  for  concealing  his  cowardice  in  battle 
by  giving  him  his  niece;  Ami  passes  her  on  to  Amile,  who  marries 
her  at  once  (^Amis  et  Amiles,  470). 


78  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

tions  as  regards  the  association  in  war  and  the  spiritual  atti- 
tude of  each  pair  of  characters,  many  phases  overlapping  one 
another,  but  even  the  crudest  grouping  will  serve  to  point  out 
the  different  features  of  such  contact.  After  being  knighted, 
the  next  important  step  in  the  life  of  the  nephew  is  to  distin- 
guish himself  as  a  warrior;  he  may  have  already  done  so,  thus 
winning  his  spurs,  but  in  any  case  we  see  him  as  the  insepar- 
able companion  of  the  uncle  in  our  poetic  narrative.  Unlike 
the  original  Mentor,  the  uncle  may  not  always  be  an  impec- 
cable guide  and  prudent  counsellor,  but  he  at  least  performs 
that  offtce  always  with  his  nephew's  interests  at  heart. 

The  earlier  part  of  the  Chanson  des  Saisnes  contains  many 
passages  showing  the  watchful  care  of  the  Emperor  over  his 
nephew  Baudoin,  who  accompanies  him  on  the  Saxon  campaign 
and  whose  love  adventures  fill  the  poem  from  the  moment  of 
his  first  appearance,  when: 

Karles  tint  an  sa  main  .i.  baston  de  sapin 
Et  apela  o  soi  son  neveu  Baudoin.^ 
(Saisnes,  L,  8) 

Charlemagne  forbids  him  to  cross  the  Rune  to  make  love  to  his 
enemy's  wife,  not  because  it  is  morally  wrong,  but  because  it  is 
dangerous : 

"  Biaus  nies,"  dist  I'empereres,  "  entendez  mon  talent : 
Je  vueil  faire  seur  vous  .i.  mien  commandement, 
Qui  est  tez  que  je  vueil  trestout  certainement 
Que  plus  ne  passes  Rune,  car  je  le  vous  deffent; 
Et  se  plus  i  passez  seur  mon  deveement. 
Tons  soies  asseiir  d' avoir  mon  maltalent."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  LXXV,  1) 

a  Charles  held  in  Ms  hand  a  staff  of  fir,  /  And  called  to  him  his 
nephew  Baudoin. 

b  * '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  the  Emperor,  ' '  hear  my  will :  /  I  wish  to 
put  upon  you  a  command  of  mine,  /  Which  is  that  I  desire  above 
all,  positively,  /  That  you  cross  the  Eune  no  more,  for  I  forbid 
it  you,  /  And  if  you  cross  again,  against  my  prohibition,  /  Be  fully 
assured  of  having  my  displeasure." 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         79 

Baudoin  is  always  with  him,  and  when  the  attack  upon  the 
Saxons  is  planned,  the  Emperor  assigns  him  a  position  first  of 
all,  one  that  will  please  him: 

Son  neveu  Baudoin  en  apela  premier: 
"  Biax  nies,"  dist  Fampereres,  "  bien  vos  vuel  aasier : 
Androit  le  tre  Sebile  irez  enuit  gaitier, 
Et  seront  an  ta  rote  .xx.M.  chevalier. 
Bien  sai  que  c'est  li  leus  que  vos  avez  plus  chier."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  XCIII,  2) 

He  is  ever  alert  in  his  nephew's  behalf,  and  when  Baudoin  gets 
into  a  serious  quarrel  with  Berart,  Charlemagne  interferes  and 
acts  as  peace-maker: 

"  Biax  nies,"  dist  I'ampereres,  "  laissiez  vostre  plaidier, 
Que  par  celui  Seignor  que  nos  devons  proier, 
Mar  direz  a  Berart  qi  li  doie  enuier/' 
Ensi  fait  I'ampereres  les  paroles  laissier.^ 
{Saisnes,  CXXV,  48) 

When  Charlemagne  retires,  leaving  his  nephew  in  authority 
over  the  conquered  Saxons,  he  directs  his  further  actions,  giv- 
ing him  parting  advice: 

Nostre  ampereres  Karles  son  neveu  molt  chastie  .  .  . 
"  Mes  bien  gardez,  biax  nies,  f  olors  ne  vos  sorpraigne  "... 
"  Contenez  vos  ensi  c'on  n'an  face  parlance, 
Que  vostre  lignage  ne  tomast  a  pesance."  .  .  .  ° 
{Saisnes,  CCXIV-CCXVII) 

a  His  nephew  Baudoin  he  called  first ;  /  "  Fair  nephew, '  *  said 
the  Emperor,  "I  wish  indeed  to  content  you;  /Near  the  tent  of 
Sebille  you  will  go  and  watch  tonight,  /  And  in  your  troop  will  be 
twenty  thousand  knights.  /  Well  I  know  that  that  is  the  place  which 
you  hold  dearest." 

t ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  the  Emperor,  ' '  cease  your  dispute,  /  For 
by  that  Lord  to  whom  we  must  pray,  /  In  evil  hour  shall  you  say 
to  Berart  what  must  annoy  him. ' '  /  Thus  the  Emperor  makes  him 
cease  his  words. 

c  Our  Emperor  Charles  advises  his  nephew  much. . . .  /  "  But  take 


80  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

Similarly,  he  advises  Anseis  as  to  the  best  way  to  govern  the 
fief  which  he  gives  him: 

Quant  ot  pense,  parmi  les  flans  I'embraehe; 
Puis  li  dist :  "  Nies,  diex  te  croist  bamage."  * 
{ Anseis  de  Cartage,  100  ff.) 

At  Aspremont  the  Emperor  gives  Roland  command  of  one  of 
the  five  divisions  of  his  army,  then  when  he  is  compelled  to 
leave  him,  he  tearfully  recommends  him  to  the  vigilance  of 
Ogier : 

"  Ha !  Ogier,  sire,  tenez  moi  covenant 
De  mon  neveu  por  ce  qu'a  cuer  d'enfant. 
A  Damedieu  et  a  toi  le  comant." 
Li  rois  le  seigne,  si  s'en  tome  plorant.^ 

{Aspremont,  cited  by  L.  Gautier,  Ep.  Fran., 
Ill,  89) 

The  watchfulness  of  Guillaume  over  his  favorite  nephew 
Vivien  does  not  avail  to  save  him,  but  at  the  outset  of  the 
latter's  career  he  anxiously  warns  him  against  going  into  the 
fight: 

"  Vos  estes  jones,  laissies  tels  foletes  "... 
"  Nies,"  dist  Guillelmes,  "  tant  suis  ge  plus  dolans. 
Car  or  sai  bien  ne  vivres  longement; 
Ociront  vos  li  Sarrasin  pulant. 
Je  en  plorai  et  tuit  vostre  parent."  ^ 

(Chevalerie  Vivien,  ed,  Terracher,  29-46) 

good  heed,  fair  nephew^  lest  imprudence  take  you  unawares, "  .  .  .  / 
' '  Eestrain  yourself,  so  that  they  may  make  no  talk,  /  Lest  for  your 
family  it  should  turn  to  sorrow." 

a  When  he  had  meditated,  he  puts  his  arms  about  his  waist;  / 
Then  said  to  him :  ' '  Nephew,  may  God  increase  your  valor. ' ' 

b ' '  Ha !  Ogier,  Lord,  make  a  compact  with  me,  /  About  my 
nephew,  because  he  has  the  heart  of  a  child.  /  To  the  Lord  God  and 
to  you  I  commend  him. ' '  /  The  King  blesses  him,  and  turns  away, 
weeping. 

c  ' '  You  are  young,  give  up  such  follies. "  .  .  .  /  "  Nephew, ' '  said 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW  81 

Naimon  acts  as  the  guardian  and  counsellor  of  Ogier  throughout 
the  Enfances  Ogier;  the  Emperor  entrusts  Ogier  to  his  care, 
and  he  goes  bond  for  him,  and  looks  after  him  on  the  campaign 
on  which  he  takes  him : 

Fer  ne  chaienne  ainc  I'enfes  n'i  porta, 
K'au  chastelain  dux  Namles  Farrea 
Et  loiaument  li  encouvenenga 
C'Ogiers  de  lui  ne  se  departira.^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  234) 

Charlemagne  recognizes  the  interest  of  the  uncle  in  his  nephew 

and  the  right  that  he  may  have  for  interceding  on  his  behalf; 

if  he  does  not  get  the  father,  for  whom  Ogier  is  hostage,  he 

says : 

"En  son  despit  fei'sse  trayner 
Ogier  son  fill  et  pendre  et  encroer, 
Sachiez  de  voir,  n'en  peiist  eschaper, 
Mais  pour  son  oncle  le  lairai  ore  ester, 
Le  due  Namlon,  c'on  doit  bien  hounorer."  ^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  531) 

In  the  Provencal  Girart,  the  nephews  are  so  closely  associated 
with  the  uncle  that  when  the  messenger  Pierre  annoimces  to  the 
Emperor  the  intention  of  Girart  to  keep  on  with  the  feud,  his 
thoughts  cannot  help  turning  to  the  danger  of  the  nephews;  he 
says:  "Girart  gardera  sa  rancune  (puisse  Dieu  proteger  ses 
neveux  et  ses  hommes)  jusqu'a  ce  qu'il  fait  vaincu."  ^* 

Guillaume,  ' '  all  the  more  sorrowful  am  I,  /  For  now  I  know  well 
you  will  not  live  long ;  /  The  filthy  Saracens  will  slay  you.  / 1  shall 
weep,  and  all  your  relatives.'* 

a  Fetters  nor  chains  the  youth  never  bore.  /  For  Duke  Naimon 
placed  him  with  the  warden,  /  And  faithfully  he  promised  him  / 
That  Ogier  shall  not  separate  from  him. 

b  < '  To  his  humiliation  I  would  have  Ogier  /  His  son  dragged  and 
hanged  and  exposed ;  /  Know  truly,  he  could  not  escape,  /  But  for 
his  uncle  I  will  let  him  be,  /  Duke  Naimon,  whom  we  must  honor. ' ' 

74  Girart  de  Eoussillon,  traduction  Meyer,  p.  150,  §  303. 
7 


82  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

[h]  Mutual  Dependence 

During  their  association  in  war  the  mutual  dependence  of 
uncle  and  nephew  is  evident  throughout;  where  one  is,  there  is 
the  other  to  be  found,  and  each  looks  after  the  welfare  of  the 
other.  This  attitude  of  mutual  helpfulness  is  recognized  by  the 
other  characters,  and  the  poet  himself  sometimes  ventures  the 
statement  that  it  is  a  natural  thing.  A  passage  of  the  Chan- 
son de  Boland  brings  out  nicely  the  extreme  reliance  of  the 
Emperor  on  Roland;  Marsile  asks  Ganelon  if  the  Emperor  is 
never  going  to  weary  of  fighting,  and  Ganelon,  thinking  of  the 
close  bond  between  them,  replies:  Co  n^iert  tant  cum  vivet  sis 
nies^{Eoland,  544) ;  if  his  nephew  were  only  out  of  the  way, 
it  would  be  a  death-blow  to  the  Emperor's  pride  and  ambition, 
the  loss  of  his  right  arm,  as  it  were,  and  then  Spain  would  be 
left  in  peace: 

"  Carles  verrat  sun  grant  orgoill  eadeir, 
iT  N'avrat  talent  que  jamais  vus  guerreit."  ^ 

{Roland,  577) 
"Ki  purreit  faire  que  Rollanz  i  fust  morz, 
Dune  perdreit  Carles  le  destre  braz  de  1'  eors ; 
Si  remeindreient  les  merveilluses  oz, 
N'asemblereit  Carles  si  grant  esforz; 
Jamais   el'    chief   n'avrat   curune    d'or; 
/  Trestute  Espaigne  remeindreit  en  repos."  '^ 

{Roland,  596) 

More  noticeable  still  is  the  degi^ee  to  which  Guillaume  leans 
upon  his  nephew  Bertrand,  especially  for  moral  support  and 

a  That  will  not  be,  so  long  as  his  nephew  lives. 

b ' '  Charles  will  see  the  fall  of  his  great  pride,  /  He  will  have  no 
desire  to  wage  war  upon  you  more. ' ' 

c  ^ '  If  anyone  could  manage  that  Eoland  should  die  there,  /  Then 
Charles  would  be  losing  the  right  arm  of  his  body ;  /  The  marvel- 
lous armies  would  come  to  an  end,  /  Charles  would  never  assemble 
so  great  a  force  again ;  /  Never  will  he  have  a  golden  crown  upon 
his  head; /All  Spain  would  remain  in  peace. 


> ) 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         83 

encouragement;  he  takes  care  of  Vivien,  but  Bertrand  takes 
better  care  of  Guillaume  himself,  and  the  uncle,  seemingly  un- 
able to  do  without  his  sympathy,  requires  his  assent  or  approval 
on  all  occasions,  some  of  which  are  indeed  triviaU^  While 
talking  with  the  porter  of  the  monastery  where  Louis  is  con- 
fined, he  attracts  Bertrand's  attention : 

Bertran  apele :  "  Entendez,  sire  nies, 
Oistes  mes  si  bien  parler  portier?"^ 

{Couronnement  Louis,  1543;  cf.  1587,  1634) 

He  is  continually  asking  advice  of  Bertrand: 

Bertran  apele :  ''  Sire  nies,  entendez, 
Por  amor  Deu,  quel  conseill  me  donez? 
Li  rois,  mes  sires,  est  touz  desheritez."  ^ 
[Couronnement,  2650) 
"  Biax  nies,"  dist  il,  "  conseill  vos  demandomes 
De  cest  traitre,  comment  le  destruiromes  ? " 
Ce  dist  Bertrans :  "  Que  pensez  vos,  biaus  oncles. 
Or  li  metons  enz  el  chief  tel  corone, 
Dont  la  cervele  li  espande  en  la  bouche."  ^ 
{Couronnement,  1909) 

TV^hen  Bertrand  advises  his  angry  uncle  to  continue  in  the  ser- 
vice of  Louis,  he  follows  the  advice,  as  he  does  when  Bertrand 
suggests  that  he  had  better  ask  the  Emperor  for  Nimes  and 
other  ijnconquerable  cities  as  a  fief: 

a  He  calls  Bertrand :  ' '  Listen,  sir  nephew,  /  Did  you  ever  hear 
porter  speak  so  well?" 

b  He  calls  Bertrand :  ' '  Sir  nephew,  listen ;  /  For  love  of  God,  what 
advice  do  you  give  me  ?  /  The  King,  my  master,  is  completely  dis- 
inherited. ' ' 

CFair  nephew,"  said  he,  ''we  ask  advice  of  you  /  About  this 
traitor,  how  we  shall  destroy  him."  /Bertrand  said:  ''What  think 
you,  fair  uncle,  /  Now  let  us  put  upon  his  head  a  crown,  /  Out  of 
which  his  brain  may  pour  down  into  his  mouth." 

75  Cf.  the  Nerhonesi,  vol.  II,  p.  143,  E  pai  Beltramo  si  tamo  a 
Giiglielmo,  die  sanza  lui  nan  potea  stare. 


84  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"Vo  droit  seignor  ne  devez  pas  haster, 
Ainz  le  devez  servir  et  hennorer, 
Centre  toz  homes  garantir  et  tenser/'  ^ 
{Charroi  de  Nimes,  423) 

"Vos  dites  voir,  beau  nies. 
La  leaute  doit  I'en  toz  jorz  amer: 
Dez  le  commande,  qui  tot  a  a  jugier."  ^ 
{Charroi,  442) 

"  Nies,"  dit  Guillaumes,  "  de  bone  heure  f  us  nez, 
Quar  tot  ausi  Favoie  ge  pense, 
Mes  ge  voloie  avant  a  toi  parler."  ^ 
{Charroi,  461) 

Guillaume  insists  upon  having  Bertrand  and  Guielin  with  him 
on  the  Spanish  expedition  {Charroi,  596  ff.;  763).  Once  set- 
tled in  Nimes,  he  is  affected  by  the  languor  of  the  spring,  and 
calls  Guielin  and  Bertand  to  confide  in  them,  ses  .ij.  neveus, 
que  il  pot  amer  tant  ^  {Prise  d'Orenge,  84).  No  sooner  has  he 
reached  Orange  on  his  matrimonial  quest  than  he  is  overcome 
by  stage-fright  and  begins  to  feel  the  need  of  Bertrand's 
prompting,  although  he  has  two  other  nephews  with  him  on  the 
scene;  at  a  loss  what  to  do,  he  asks  advice  of  Guielin,  and  the 
poet  slyly  offers  us  the  unusual  spectacle  of  the  hardened  war- 
rior giving  way  to  doubts  and  fears  and  meekly  reljdng  upon 
the  encouragement  of  the  youthful  knight,  his  nephew: 

"  Tant  par  est  riches  li  sires  de  ceanz, 
Que  pleust  Deu,  qui  forma  tote  gent, 

a  <  <  Your  rightful  lord  you  must  not  provoke,  /  But  rather  must 
you  serve  and  honor  him,  /  Protect  and  defend  him  against  all 


men.'' 


b ' '  You  say  truly,  fair  nephew,  /  Loyalty  must  one  always 
cherish;  /God  commands  it,  who  has  judgment  over  all." 

c ' '  Nephew, ' '  said  Guillaume,  ' '  in  a  good  hour  wert  thou  born,  / 
For  I  too  had  thought  of  it,  /  But  I  wanted  first  to  speak  to  thee. ' ' 

^His  two  nephews,  whom  he  loved  so  much. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         85 

Que  i  fust  ore  li  palazins  Bertrans 
0  tot  .X.M.  de  Frangois  combatans !  "  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  466) 

"  Oncle  Guillaume,"  Guielins  li  respont, 
Gentix  horns,  sire,  vos  querriez  amor: 
Vez  Gloriete,  le  pales  et  la  tor, 
Quar  demandez  ou  les  dames  en  sont, 
Bien  vos  poez  engaigier  por  bricon." 
Et  dist  li  cuens :  "  Tu  dis  voir,  valleton.'^  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  515) 

"Nies  Guielins,  qu'alons  nos  atendant?  .  .  . 
Ne  reverrons  ne  cosin  ne  parent."  .  .  . 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  vos  parlez  de  neant."  ° 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  905  fl.) 

"  Nies  Guielins,"  dist  il,  "  quel  la  f erons  ? 
James  en  France,  ce  cuit,  ne  revenrons, 
Ne  ja  neveu,  parent  ne  beserons."  .  .  . 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  vos  parlez  en  perdon  "... 
"  Nies  Guielin,  comment  le  poiTons  fere  ? 
Tuit  somes  mort  et  livre  a  damaige." 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  vos  parlez  de  folaige."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  1030-1057) 

a  "  So  powerful  is  the  lord  of  this  place,  /  That  I  would  to  God, 
who  created  all  men,  /  That  the  paladin  Bertrand  were  here  now  / 
With  ten  thousand  French  warriors ! ' ' 

b  ' '  Uncle  Guillaume, '  *  Guielin  replies,  /  ' '  Gentle  sir,  you  sought 
love;  /  See  Gloriette,  the  palace  and  the  tower; /Ask  where  the 
ladies  are,  /  You  can  well  engage  as  jester/'  /  And  the  Count  said: 
*'Thou  sayest  truly,  lad." 

c ''Nephew  Guielin,  what  are  we  awaiting?  .  .  ./We  shall  not 
see  again  either  cousin  or  relative."  .  .  ./"Uncle  Guillaume,  you 
talk  in  vain." 

<i'' Nephew  Guielin,"  said  he,  "what  do  we  here? /Nevermore, 
I  think,  shall  we  return  to  France,  /  Nor  ever  embrace  nephew  or 
relative. "  .  .  .  / "  Uncle  Guillaume,  you  speak  in  vain. "  .  .  .  / 
"Nephew  Guielin,  how  shall  we  manage? /We  are  all  killed  and 
delivered  up  to  ruin. "  /  ' '  Uncle  Guillaume,  you  speak  in  folly. ' ' 


86  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Guillaume  takes  Bertrand's  advice  to  marry  Orable  without 
delay : 

Et  dit  Bertrans:  "  Qu'alez  vos  atarjant? 

Tenez  li  bien  tot  le  suen  coiivenant, 

Si  I'espousez  a  joie  liemant." 

"  Nies,"  dist  Guillaumes,  "  tost  a  vostre  commant."  * 
{Prise  d^Orenge,  1858) 

When  Vivien,  his  favorite,  perishes,  it  is  Bertrand  to  whom  he 
turns  for  comfort: 

Bertran  ancontre,  ces  mos  li  a  conteis, 
Anbedui  plorent  par  fines  amisteis. 
"  Bias  nies  Bertrans,  pres  de  moi  vos  teneis, 
Tant  con  vos  voi  ne  puis  estre  esgareis."  ^ 

{Chevalerie   Vivien,  ed.   Terracher,  1926) 

The  poet  of  Foucon  represents  Guillaume  as  being  still  depen- 
dent on  Bertrand,  and  sighing:  Dex  de  Bertran  mon  neveu  c'or 
n'ai  ga^  (284,  ed.  Schultz-Gora),  while  Bertrand  on  his  part 
still  continues  to  advise  his  uncle  and  to  direct  his  movements : 

"  Mes  il  est  biens  que  mes  oncles  remaigne 
Et  si  dui  frere  et  li  dux  de  Bretaigne."  .  .  . 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,"  ce  dit  li  cuens  Bertranz, 
"  Vos  remandroiz  et  g'irai  as  anf  anz."  ^ 
{Foucon,   ed.   Schultz-Gora,   4184  ff.) 

a  And  Bertrand  says,  *'Why  go  you  delaying?  /  Keep  strictly 
agreement  with  her,  /  And  marry  her  joyfully  and  gladly."/ 
' '  Nephew ' ',  said  Guillaume,  ' '  at  your  command ! ' ' 

bHe  meets  Bertrand,  these  words  he  related  to  him;  /  Both  weep 
for  perfect  love.  /  ' '  Fair  nephew  Bertrand,  keep  near  me ;  /  So 
long  as  I  see  you,  I  cannot  lose  my  way." 

c  Oh  God!  For  my  nephew  Bertrand,  whom  I  have  not  here 
now ! 

d ' '  But  it  is  well  that  my  uncle  remain,  /  And  his  two  brothers 
and  the  Duke  of  Brittany. "  .  .  .  /  ' '  Uncle  Guillaume, ' '  says 
Count  Bertrand,  *  *  You  will  remain  and  I  will  go  to  the  youths. ' ' 


CONTACT   BETWEEN   UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         87 

The  marchande  of  the  Enfances  Vivien  asks  advice  of  her 
husband's  nephews,  who  are  with  her  on  her  bartermg  trip, 
when  she  desires  to  pass  Vivien  off  as  her  son  (771).  It  is 
Aymeri  the  nephew  of  Girart,  who  brings  him  aid,  and  upon 
whom  he  relies: 

"  Nies,"  dist  Girars,  "  vos  estes  mes  amis : 
Se  ne  puissiez,  tos  i  fuisse  bonis.  .  .  . 
Se  tu  ne  fusse,  je  fusse  mal  baillis."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  pp.  64,  72) 

On  behalf  of  his  uncle,  Aymeri  gets  possession  of  the  queen 
at  the  siege  of  Vienne,  while  Roland,  on  behalf  of  his  uncle  the 
Emperor,  rescues  her  {Girart,  p.  73).  When  Ernaut  is  hard 
pressed  by  Raoul  de  Cambrai,  he  depends  upon  his  nephew 
Rocoul  for  help : 

Fuit  s'en  Ernaus  broichant  a  esperon; 

Raous  Fenchauce  qi  cuer  a  de  felon. 

Ernaus  regarde  contremont  le  sablon, 

Et  voit  Rocoul  le  nobile  baron 

Qi  tint  la  terre  vers  la  val  de  Soisons. 

Nies  fu  Ernaut  et  cousins  Bernegon. 

Avec  lui  vinrent  .M.  nobile  baron. 

Ernaus  le  voit,  vers  lui  broiche  a  bandon; 

Merci  li  crie  por  avoir  garison. 

Ernaus  c'escrie,  poour  ot  de  mourir: 

"  Biaus  nies  Rocoul,  bien  me  devez  garir 

Envers  Raoul  qi  ne  me  vieut  guerpir, 

Ce  m'a  tolu  dont  devoie  garir, 

Mon  poing  senestre  a  mon  escu  tenir; 

Or  me  manace  de  la  teste  tolir." 

Rocous  I'oi,  del  sens  quida  issir: 

"  Oncles,"  dist  il,  "ne  vos  chaut  de  fair;  " 

a ''Nephew,"  said  Girart,  ^'you  are  my  friend;  /If  you  could 
not  prevent  it,  I  should  be  disgraced.  .  .  .  /  If  it  were  not  for  thee, 
I  should  be  ill  served." 


88  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

Bataille   ara  Raous,   n'i  puet   faillir, 
Si  fiere  et  dure  eon  il  porra  soufrir."  * 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  2887) 

The  nepliew  is  evidently  considered  an  important  asset  in 
time  of  war,  as  being  more  reliable  than  the  men  of  the  rank 
and  file,  and  more  valuable  even  than  the  ordinary  nourri; 
the  poet  of  the  Proven§al  Girart  ascribes  to  Bertrand  great 
influence  and  power  on  account  of  the  possession  of  a  large 
number  of  nephews :  "  Bertran  avait  vingt-cinq  neveux,  de 
grande  valeur,  tons  fils  de  frere  ou  de  soeur,  aucun  n'etait  d'un 
degre  plus  eloigne."  '^^ 

{i)  Nephew  as  Successor  or  Heir 

The  references  to  the  disposal  of  the  uncle's  own  property 
in  favor  of  the  nephew  are  not  many,  and  there  are  no 
specific  indications  that  the  son  is  ever  dispossessed  in  favor  of 
the  nephew,  the  retention  of  that  particular  phase  of  the  regime 
of  matriarchal  principles  seemingly  not  being  a  part  of  the  sur- 
vival. The  inference  to  be  drawn  is  that  the  legal  practise  of 
the  times  influenced  the  poet  in  this  respect  to  the  detriment 
of  the  coherence  of  the  sentimental  survival. 

aErnaut  flees,  digging  in  his  spurs; /Eaoul  pursues  Mm,  who 
has  the  heai^  of  a  knave.  /  Emaut  looks  up  along  the  sandy  plain,  / 
And  sees  Eocoul,  the  noble  baron  /  Who  held  the  land  about  the 
valley  of  Soissons.  /  He  was  nephew  to  Ernaut  and  cousin  to  Ber- 
ncQon.  /  With  him  came  a  thousand  noble  barons.  /  Ernaut  sees 
him,  spurs  towards  him  impetuously ;  /  Implores  him  to  come  to 
succor  him.  /  Ernaut  cries,  he  was  afraid  of  being  killed :  / '' Fair 
nephew  Eocoul,  you  must  indeed  protect  me  /  Against  Eaoul,  who 
will  not  let  me  go.  /  He  has  taken  from  me  that  with  which  I  was 
to  protect  myself,  /  My  left  hand,  to  hold  my  shield ;  /  Now  he 
threatens  to  deprive  me  of  my  head. '  ^  /  Eocoul  heard  him,  he 
almost  went  out  of  his  senses :  /  "  Uncle, ' '  said  he,  ' '  there  is  no 
need  to  flee ;  /  Eaoul  shall  have  battle,  he  cannot  fail,  /  As  fierce 
and  hard  as  he  can  endure. ' ' 

76  Traduction  Meyer,  p.  261,  §  562. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         89 

As  we  have  seen,  Charlemagne  makes  large  grants  to  his 
nephews,  but  Louis  is  the  natural  heir  to  the  realm,  and  yet 
the  Emperor  seems  to  leave  him  his  kingdom  regretfully,  know- 
ing his  unworthiness — he  is  a  malvais  iretier."''^  Professor  Hart 
remarks :  "  Like  Beowulf  to  Hygelac,  Roland  was  sister's  son  to 
Charlemagne.  The  relation,  obviously  enough,  was  a  close 
one,  though  in  both  cases  that  of  own  son  was  closer.  It  was 
Heardred,  it  will  be  remembered,  who  succeeded  Hygelac,  and 
of  Louis  Charles  says  to  Aude:  11  est  mes  p,z,  tendrat  mes 
marches  grandest  (Roland,  3716)."'''^  The  argument  is  not 
conclusive,  however,  that  the  son  stands  nearer  than  the  nephew, 
for  the  evidence  of  the  whole  poem  goes  to  show  that  the  senti- 
mental relation  between  uncle  and  nephew  is  much  closer  than 
that  between  father  and  son;  Louis  is  not  even  mentioned  be- 
fore this  passage,  and  Charles  makes  the  statement  that  he  i& 
his  heir  only  after  the  death  of  Roland,  when  he  is  trying  to 
console  Aude  and  to  compensate  her  as  best  he  can  for  the 
loss  of  her  fiance;  so  this  unpremeditated  exclamation  of  his 
must  not  outweigh  the  testimony  of  the  entire  poem.  Then, 
too,  there  is  the  outburst  of  the  Emperor  in  an  earlier  cam- 
paign, when  he  has  been  persuaded  by  Ganelon  that  his  nephew 
Roland  is  dead :  Car  jou  ai  perdu  cel{s)  ou  ma  couronne  apent  ^ 
[Fierahras,  4467).  The  poet  of  the  Entree  en  Espagne,  too, 
makes  him  say  to  Roland,  who  is  about  to  combat  Ferragus :  "  Si 
je  vous  perds,  je  vais  rester  tout  seul,  comme  pauvre  dame 
quand  a  perdu  Fepoux;  doux  ami,  je  n'ai  plus  de  fils  apres  ma 
mort."  ^^  So  that  on  the  whole  the  question  of  legal  inheritance 
is  disregarded  by  the  poet,  while  he  emphasizes  the  sentimental 

a  He  is  my  soiij  he  will  hold  my  great  estates. 
t>ror  I  have  lost  him  to  whom  my  crown  belongs. 

77  Cf.  Couronjiem-ent  de  Louis,  50  ff.;  Gautier,  Epopees  Fran- 
gaises,  HI,  737. 

7SW.  M.  Hart,  ''Ballad  and  Epic,'*  in  Harvard  Stud.  4'  Notes 
in  Phil.  4-  Lit.,  XI  (1907),  p.  231. 

79  Ms.  fr.  de  Venise,  XXI,  f  °  31  r%  cited  by  Gautier,  Ep.  Fran., 
Ill,  141. 


90  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

t 

bestowal  of  property,  and  as  will  be  seen,  this  sentimental 
aspect  is  merely  a  survival  of  what  was  once  the  legal  method 
of  disposal.  If  Charlemagne  does  not  return  from  his  long 
absence,  the  entire  realm  of  France  will  continue  in  the  hands 
of  the  temporary  king,  his  sister's  son  Gui,  who  is  the  natural 
heir : 

"  Et  se  il  ne  revient,  si  aura  I'erite ; 
Car  nos  ne  volons  mie  Karlon  deseriter."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  224) 

There  is  a  reference  in  Foucon  to  a  sword  of  Pepin's,  which 
descended  to  a  sister's  son,  and  eventually  came  into  the  posses- 
sion of  Foucon: 

"  Se  vers  Orenges  poons  penre  sejor, 
Ge  cuit  prover  mon  vert  bran  de  color,^^ 
Qui  fu  Pepin  lo  maigne  empereor, 
Dom  il  occist  Justamont  en  I'estor; 
Apres  sa  mort  I'ot  unz  fiz  sa  seror."  ^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  623) 

King  Gondrebuef  holds  the  realm  of  Brittany  for  his  nephew 
Anseis : 

Roi  Gondrebuef  truevent  et  sa  maisnie, 

Ki  de  Bretagne  tenoit  la  seignorie ; 

Pour>Anseis  avoit  I'onor  saisie, 

a ' '  And  if  he  returns  not,  he  will  have  the  heritage ;  /  For  we  do 
not  wish  to  disinherit  Charles. ' ' 

b '  *  If  near  Orange  we  can  make  our  stand,  / 1  expect  to  try  my 
blade  flashing  green,  /  Which  belonged  to  Pepin,  the  great  em- 
peror, /  With  which  he  slew  Justamont  in  the  combat ;  /  After  his 
death  a  son  of  his  sister  had  it." 

80  Schultz-Gora  reads  par  voir,  with  a  comma  before  and  after 
the  phrase,  but  the  Boulogne  ms.  has  prover,  which  is  certainly 
preferable. 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         91 

Ses  nies  estoit,  si  Faime  sans  boisdie.* 
{Anse'is  de  Cartage,  8985) 

Karaheu  claims  Rome,  because  it  once  belonged  to  his  uncle : 
"  Qu'il  vos  laist  Rome  tenir  vostre  herite, 
Ce  f u  vostre  uncle  Costentin  Falose."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Ogier,  1415) 

Boniface  asks  the  Emperor's  permission  to  make  his  nephew 
Garin  his  heir;  here,  to  be  sure,  the  reason  seems  to  be  that  he 
has  no  children : 

"  Vez  ci  Garin,  qui  est  de  mon  linaje, 
Filz  Aymeri  le  hardi  conte  et  saje, 
N'ai  filz  ne  fille  qui  ait  mon  eritaje. 
Se  il  vos  plest  et  il  vient  en  corage 
Que  je  li  doigne  ma  terre  et  mon  menaje? 
Qu'il  est  mes  nies,  del  mieuz  de  mon  linaje."  ° 
{Narhonnais,  3091) 

The  nephew  of  Aymer  de  Losengne  inherits  his  uncle's  land: 

"  D'Aymer  est  la  perte  reeovree, 
Le  bon  vassal  qui  la  vie  a  finee. 
Cist  est  ses  nies,  fiz  sa  seror  I'ainnee; 
Bien  doit  tenir  la  terre  et  la  contree 
Qui  fu  son  oncle  a  la  chiere  menbree."^ 
{Aymeri  de  Narhonne,  1881) 

a  King  Gondrebuef  they  find  and  his  household,  /  Who  held 
lordship  over  Brittany ;  /  For  Anseis  he  had  seized  the  land,  /  His 
nephew  was  he,  he  loves  him  without  deceit. 

ti^'That  he  let  you  hold  Eome,  your  heritage ;/ It  was  your 
uncle  Constantine  's,  the  honored. ' ' 

c ' '  See  Garin  here,  who  is  of  my  lineage,  /  Son  of  Aymeri,  the 
hardy  count,  the  wise;  /  I  have  no  son  nor  daughter  who  may  have 
my  heritage.  /  If  it  please  you,  and  is  your  will  /  That  I  give  him 
my  land  and  my  home? /For  he  is  my  nephew,  of  the  best  of  my 
race." 

d  "  Of  Aymer  is  the  loss  replaced,  /  The  good  young  noble  whose 
life  has  ended.  /  This  is  his  nephew,  son  of  his  sister  the  eldest 
born ;  /  Indeed  he  must  hold  the  land  and  the  territory  /  That  was 
his  unele  's  of  the  intelligent  face. ' ' 


92  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Gui  offers  to  protect  his  uncle's  wife  Guiborc  and  to  rule  the 
land  after  Willame's  death : 

Quant  I'ot  Guillelmes,  prist  le  chief  a  croller, 
Plurat  des  oeilz  tendrement  e  suef, 
L'enfant  apelet,  sil  prist  a  acoler, 
Treis  f eiz  le  baiset,  e  puis  li  at  mustre : 
"  A  la  f  ei,  nies,  sagement  as  parle. 
Cors  as  d'enfant,  e  raisun  as  de  ber. 
Apres  ma  mort  tei  seit  mis  fiez  donez."  * 
{Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  1476) 

At  the  end  of  the  poem  Willame  repeats  his  promise :  Apres  ma 
mort  tien  tot  m'erite^  (1981).  Girart  du  Frate,  when  about 
to  start  on  the  dangerous  expedition  to  the  gorge  of  Aspremont, 
bequeaths  his  property : 

Girart  du  Frate  a  la  chiere  membree, 
Si  tost  com  out  sa  terre  deuisee, 
A  ses  neuez  et  a  ses  fiz  donee  .  .  .  ^ 
{Aspremont,  ed.  Bekker,  p.  2,  col.  2) 

(j)    Bole  of  Uncle  in  the  Blood-Feud 

Most  conspicuous  among  all  the  attributes  of  the  uncle  is  his 
position  as  avenger  of  the  death  of  the  nephew.  In  starting  or 
in  carrying  on  the  blood-feud  it  is  the  uncle  who  plays  the  most 
important  part;  likewise,  the  prime  duty  of  the  nephew  is  to 
avenge  the  uncle's  death,  imprisonment,  or  defeat.  The  utmost 
vindictiveness  characterizes  this  thirst  for  vengeance,  only  one 

a  When  Guillaume  hears  him,  he  began  to  shake  his  head;  /He 
wept  tenderly  and  softly,  /  Calls  the  child  and  began  to  caress 
him;  /Three  times  he  kisses  him  and  then  points  out  to  him:  / 
**  Truly,  nephew;  thou  hast  spoken  wisely.  /  The  body  of  a  child 
hast  thou,  and  the  language  of  a  baron.  /  After  my  death  let  my 
fief  be  given  to  thee. ' ' 

b  After  my  death  hold  all  my  heritage. 

c  Girart  du  Frate  of  the  keen  visage,  /  As  soon  as  he  had  divided 
his  land,  /  And  given  it  to  his  nephews  and  his  sons. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         93 

or  two  cases  of  lenience  or  of  reconciliation  being  recorded,  in 
the  French  epic,  and  the  moral  obligation  of  the  uncle  in  this 
respect  is  very  strongly  emphasized  by  the  poet.  Occasionally 
the  uncle  applies  the  principle  of  an  eye  for  an  eye  in  his 
demand  of  a  nephew  for  a  nephew,  and  sometimes,  too,  he 
must  suffer  for  his  nephew's  crimes  or  shortcomings,  if  his 
enemy  can  lay  hold  upon  him.  The  instances  of  vengeance 
threatened  or  taken  are  numerous;  the  principle  and  the  lan- 
guage are  about  the  same  in  each  case.  This  and  the  ques- 
tion of  inheritance  are  the  most  noticeable  features  of  the  epic 
which  bear  a  resemblance  to  the  commoner  practises  of  Mother- 
right  as  we  know  them;  if  the  blood-feud  plays  a  larger  part 
in  the  epic  than  inheritance  does,  it  is  because  of  the  greater 
proportion  generally  given  to  war  and  battles;  inheritance,  like 
the  other  peaceful  relations  within  the  family,  has  less  occasion 
to  be  introduced  by  the  poet.  While  in  primitive  society  the 
legal  aspect  of  the  relations  between  the  two,  i.  e.,  inheritance, 
etc.,  was  equally  important  with  the  ethical  and  sentimental 
relations,  in  the  Chanson  de  Geste  it  is  the  latter  aspect  which 
predominates.  Thus  barbaric  influence  prevails  to  a  large 
extent  over  that  of  organized  society  in  its  effect  upon  the 
French  epic. 

Thus  Charlemagne  prays  to  God  for  the  power  to  avenge  the 
death  of  Roland : 

"  La  tue  amur  me  seit  hoi  en  present. 
Par  ta  mercit,  se  tei  plaist,  me  cunsent 
Que  mun  nevuld  poisse  vengier  Rollant."  ^ 
{Chanson  de  Roland,  3107) 

And  when  his  barons  try  to  dissuade  him,  asking  mercy  for 
Oanelon,  he  is  irritated  at  their  attitude,  and  exclaims:  Vus 
estes  mi  felun^  (3814).  In  the  Baligant  episode  he  takes  ven- 
geance upon  the  Saracens,  while  from  verse  3805  to  the  end 

a ' '  May  thy  love  be  present  with  me  today.  /  By  thy  mercy,  if  it 
pleaseth  thee,  grant  /  That  I  may  avenge  my  nephew  Roland. ' ' 
b  You  are  my  knaves. 


94  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

of  the  poem  he  is  engaged  in  his  work  of  punishing  Ganelon. 
In  Anse'is,  when  he  orders  the  execution  of  Marsile,  it  is  be- 
cause the  thought  of  Roland  comes  to  his  mind  and  induces  him 
to  make  his  vengeance  complete,  and  he  cries:  Vengier  vaurrai 
mon  cier  neveu  Rollant^  (10198). 

He  takes  vengeance  upon  the  guilty  Saxons  for  the  death  of 
Baudoin :  La  mort  de  son  neveu  vange  molt  fieremant  ^  {Saisnes, 
CCLXII,  5).  He  wants  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  Ogier,  qui 
son  neveu  li  a  ochis  Loihier^  {Chevalerie  Ogier ,  4318).  He 
starts  the  feud  with  Renaut  de  Montauban  because : 

Renaus  li  filz  Aimon  qui  tant  ot  de  bontez 
Oceit  puis  Bertolai  d'un  eschac  pointure, 
Le  neveu  Karlemaine,  dunt  li  rois  fu  irez.*^ 
(Vivien  de  Monhranc,  19) 

He  vows :  Jamais  ne  finerai,  s'es  aurai  vergondes  ®  (Renaut, 
p.  73,  21) ;  the  situation  is  summed  up  in  the  words  of  Renaut : 

"II  m'ot  ocis  mon  honcle,  dont  je  fui  mult  ires, 
Le  due  Buef  d'Aigremont  ki  tant  ot  de  bonte  .  .  . 
Bertolai  en  feri  .i.  cop  desmesure, 
.1.  neveu  Karlemaine  que  mult  avoit  ame.  .  .  . 
Adonc  me  prist  li  rois  de  France  a  regarder, 
Qu'il  me  voloit  ocirre  et  les  membres  coper. 
Mes  linages  nel  pot  sofrire  ne  endurer.  ... 
La  me  fist  a  mon  pere  guerpir  et  desfier, 
Que  jamais  entor  lui  ne  prendroie  .i.  disner."  * 
(Renaut  de  Montauban,  p.  227) 

a  I  want  to  avenge  my  dear  nephew  Roland. 

b  The  death  of  his  nephew  he  avenges  very  fiercely. 

c  Who  slew  his  nephew  Loihier. 

d  Eenaut,  the  son  of  Aymon,  who  so  much  goodness  had,  /  Slew 
Bertolai  then  with  a  painted  chesshoard,  /  The  nephew  of  Charle- 
magne, at  which  the  King  was  enraged. 

e  Never  shall  I  stop,  till  I  have  covered  them  with  dishonor. 

f  He  slew  my  uncle,  at  which  I  was  sore  angry,  /  Duke  Bovon 
d  ^Aigremont  who  had  so  much  goodness. '  *  .  .  .  / 1  struck  Bertolai 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         95 

Girart  de  Eoussillon  threatens  Ogier  for  the  death  of  his 
nephew  Pongon  de  Clarv^ent : 

"  Ogiers  de  Danemarche,  li  cors  Deu  te  eravant, 
Tu  as  mort  mon  neveu  que  je  amoie  tant. 
Se  je  puis  esploitier,  tu  en  seras  dolant."  * 
{Renaut  de  Montauhan,  p.  32,  10) 

Bovon  threatens  revenge  when  his  nephew  Coine  is  killed  by 
the  Emperor: 

Atant  parti  des  rens  dus  Bueves  I'alosse, 
Et  escrie :  "  Aigremont !  Karles  ou  ies  ale  ? 
Mon  neveu  m'as  ocis,  que  tant  avoie  ame. 
Jamais  ne  serai  lies,  si  I'auras  compare."  ^ 
{Benaut,  p.  34,  35) 

Wedon  de  Vermandois  declares  that  if  the  familv  of  Herbert 
slay  Kaoul,  his  uncle  King  Louis  will  avenge  him : 

^'  Nies  est  le  roi  qi  France  a  a  baillier : 
Se  I'ocions,  par  no  grant  encombrier, 
Ja  I'enpereres  mais  ne  nos  avra  chier : 
Toutes  nos  terres  nos  fera  essilier; 
Et,  s'il  nos  puet  ne  tenir  ne  baillier, 

a  furious  blow,  /  A  nephew  of  Charlemagne,  whom  he  loved  much. ' ' 
.  .  .  /  ' '  Then  the  King  of  France  began  to  look  at  me,  /  As  if  he 
wished  to  slay  me  and  dismember  me.  /  My  race  could  not  endure 
nor  suffer  him.  ^ '  .  .  .  /  There  he  made  me  to  be  forsaken  and 
repudiated  by  my  father,  /  So  that  nevermore  shall  I  take  dinner 
with  him !  ' ' 

a '^  Ogier  of  Denmark,  may  God  annihilate  thee; /Thou  hast 
killed  my  nephew  whom  I  loved  so  much.  /  If  I  can  succeed,  thou 
shalt  be  sorry  for  it. ' ' 

b  Straightway  started  Duke  Bovon  the  honored  from  the  ranks,  / 
And  cries:  "Aigremont!  Charles,  where  hast  gone? /My  nephew 
thou  hast  slain,  whom  I  loved  so  much.  /  Never  shall  I  be  joyful, 
till  thou  shalt  have  paid  for  it. '^ 


96  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

II  nos  f era  toz  les  menbres  tranchier."  ^ 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  2105) 

Ernaut  de  Douai  reproaches  Raoul: 

"  Par  Dieu,  Raous,  jamais  ne  t'amerai 
De  ei  qe  mort  et  recreant  t'avrai. 
Tu  m'as  ocis  mon  neveu  Bertolai, 
Et  Richer  in  qe  durement  amai, 
Et  tant  des  autres  qe  nes  recoverai."  ^ 
{Baoul,  2786) 

Ouerri  vows  vengeance  over  the  body  of  Raoul: 

Son  neveu  trueve,  s'en  fu  en  grant  esmai. 
II  le  regrete  si  con  je  vos  dirai : 
"  Biax  nies,"  dist  il,  "  por  vos  grant  dolor  ai. 
Qi  vos  a  mort  jamais  ne  Tamerai, 
Pais  ne  acorde  ne  trives  n'en  prendrai 
Desq'a  cele  eure  qe  toz  mors  les  arai; 
Pendus  as  f  orches  toz  les  essillerai."  ^ 
{Baoul,  3166) 

"  Mi  anemi  sont  ci  devant  voiant : 
Celui  m'ont  mort  qe  je  amoie  tant: 

a ' '  He  is  nephew  to  the  king  who  has  France  to  govern ;  /  If 
we  slay  him,  to  our  great  injury,  /  The  Emperor  will  nevermore 
hold  us  dear ;  /  All  our  lands  he  will  have  laid  waste ;  /  And  if  he 
can  seize  or  hold  us,  /  He  will  have  all  our  limbs  hewn  off. ' ' 

b  <  *  By  Heaven,  Eaoul,  nevermore  will  I  love  thee,  /  Until  I  have 
thee  conquered  and  dead.  /  Thou  hast  slain  my  nephew  Bertolai,  / 
And  Eicherin  whom  I  loved  deeply,  /  And  so  many  others  that  I 
shall  not  replace  them." 

c  His  nephew  he  finds,  and  fell  into  great  dismay.  /  He  laments 
him  as  I  shall  tell  you :  /  ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  he,  ' '  for  you  I  have 
great  grief.  /  Who  has  slain  thee  I  shall  never  love,  /  Peace  nor 
compact  nor  truce  shall  I  accept  /  Until  that  hour  when  I  shall  have 
them  all  dead ;  /  Hanged  on  the  gibbet  I  shall  destroy  them  all. 


> ) 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         97 

Se  je  nel  venge,  taing  moi  a  recreant."  * 
{Baoul,  3254) 

"  Se  ne  li  trais  le  foie  et  le  poumon, 
Je  ne  me  pris  vaillant  .j.  esperon."  ^ 
{Baoul,  3187) 

Raoul's  mother  comes  to  court  and  upbraids  the  king  for  let- 
ting Bernier  even  eat  at  his  table  after  killing  his  nephew;  if 
she  were  a  man,  she  would  show  him  before  sunset  with  a 
sword : 

"  Q'a  tort  ies  roi,  bien  le  pues  afichier, 
Qant  celui  laises  a  ta  table  mengier 
Qi  ton  neveu  fist  Ies  menbres  trenchier."  ^ 
{Baoul,  5230) 

Guerri,  too,  tries  to  induce  the  King  to  perform  his  duty  and 
punish  the  murderer  of  Raoul: 

"De  vo  neveu  fist  Farme  departir; 
Je  me  mervel  comment  le  pues  soufrir 
Qe  ne  li  fais  toz  Ies  menbres  tolir, 
Ou  pendre  as  f orches,  ou  a  honte  morir."  ^ 
{Baoul,   4882) 

In  the  ms.  of  Girbert  de  Metz,  Louis  really  does  take  vengeance 
on  the  slayer  of  Raoul  {Baoul,  Appendix,  657).  In  the  legend 
of  Auberi,  we  find  him  fearing  to  go  to  France,  dreading  the 
vengeance  of  the  king  for  the  loss  of  his  nephews: 

a  ' '  My  enemies  are  here  before  me  visible ;  /  Him  they  have  killed 
whom  I  loved  so  much ;  /  If  I  do  not  avenge  him,  hold  me 
cowardly. ' ' 

b ' '  If  I  do  not  tear  out  his  liver  and  his  lungs,  / 1  do  not  value 
myself  as  worth  a  spur. ' ' 

c ' '  That  wrongfully  thou  art  king,  well  thou  canst  affirm,  /  When 
thou  lettest  him  eat  at  thy  table  /  Who  had  thy  nephew's  limbs 

cut  off." 

d  ' '  He  caused  your  nephew 's  soul  to  depart ;  /  I  wonder  bow 
thou  canst  endure  /  Not  to  deprive  him  of  all  his  limbs,  /  Or  hang 
him  on  the  gibbet,  or  put  him  to  death  disgracefully." 

8 


98  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"  Se  uois  en  France,  la  serai  ie  ocis, 
Car  trop  me  bet  li  rois  de  Saint  Denis; 
Si  neueu  erent  cil  dui  que  i'ai  ocis."  * 
{Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  17) 

Early  in  the  career  of  Vivien,  we  find  his  uncle  Guillaume 
swearing  to  take  vengeance  if  any  ill  befall  him: 

"  Nies,"  dist  Guillaume,  "  Jesu  te  soit  garant ; 
Mais  par  I'apostre  que  quierent  peneant, 
Se  tu  i  meurs  por  toi  en  mora  tant 
De  celle  gent  qui  Deu  n'aiment  nient 
Que  nes  menroient  .iii.c.  cber  charroient." 
Qant  ot  ce  dit  do  cuer  vait  sospirant.'^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  359) 

In  the  Chevdlerie  Vivien,  when  the  ill-stan'ed  hero  is  mortally 
wounded,  Guillaume  promises  to  avenge  him:  Si  m'e'ist  Dex, 
mult  hien  vengies  sereis^  (1910).  The  pagans  seem  to  expect 
Guillaume  to  take  vengeance  after  the  death  of  his  nephew,  for 
Desrame,  after  gloating  over  the  vengeance  he  himself  has 
taken  on  Guillaume  for  the  death  of  his  own  nephew  Aenre, 
taunts  him  and  dares  him  to  do  his  duty: 

"  Perdu  aves  Vivien  le  vaillant  .  .  . 
Cuvert,  traitres !  Ja  I'amies  vous  tant. 
Vien,  si  le  venge  a  ton  acerin  brant !  "  ^ 
{AliscanSf  ed.  Halle,  5931  ff.) 

a ''If  I  go  to  France,  I  shall  be  slain  there,  /  For  the  King  of 
Saint  Denis  hates  me  much ;  /  His  nephews  were  those  two  whom 
I  slew". 

b  ' '  Nephew, ' '  said  Guillaume,  ' '  may  Jesus  be  thy  protector ;  / 
But  by  the  Apostle  whom  penitents  seek,  /  If  thou  diest,  for  thee 
shall  die  so  many  /  Of  that  race  who  love  not  God  at  all,  /  That 
three  hundred  removal  carts  would  not  bear  them  away. ' '  /  When 
he  had  said  this,  he  goes  sighing  from  his  heart. 

c  So  may  God  help  me,  full  well  shall  you  be  avenged. 

d ' '  You  have  destroyed  Vivien  the  valiant.  /  Treacherous  wretch, 
you  loved  him  so.  /  Come  thou,  and  avenge  him  with  thy  steel 
blade." 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW         99 

The  main  theme  of  the  poem  of  Foucon  concerns  the  endeavor 
of  the  hero  to  obtain  his  revenge  upon  the  slayers  of  his  uncle 
Vivien.  Likewise  much  of  the  poem  of  Raoul  and  other 
Chansons  in  addition  to  the  many  passages  in  which  the  in- 
tention to  take  vengeance  is  openly  announced,  make  this  an 
important  feature   of  the  story. 

(k)  Role  of  Nephew  in  the  Blood-Feud 

In  the  matter  of  vengeance,  the  solidarity  between  uncle  and 
nephew  is  complete,  for  it  is  the  duty  of  each  to  start  the 
blood-feud  for  the  death  of  the  other.  In  Raoul  de  Cambrai, 
the  child  Gautier  looks  on  the  dead  body  of  Raoul  with  emo- 
tion, and  vows  vengeance ;  the  quarrel  rests  until  he  has  reached 
an  age  to  bear  arms,  whereupon  Raoul's  mother  summons  him 
and  stirs  his  recollections;  he  refuses  to  make  peace  with  Ber- 
nier,  who  offers  a  composition,  or  indemnity: 

"  Oncles,"  dist  il,  "  tos  ai  duel  acointie. 
Qi  de  nos  .ij.  a  parti  I'amistie 
Ne  I'amerai  si  Farai  essilie, 
Ars  ou  destruit  ou  del  reg-ne  chacie.  .  .  . 
Se  Dex  se  done  q'aie  tant  de  duree- 
Qe  je  elise  la  ventaille  fermee, 
L'iaume  lacie,  enpoigne  I'espee, 
Ne  seroit  pas  si  en  pais  la  contree. 
La  vostre  mort  seroit  chier  comparee."  * 
{Raoul,  3614,  3641) 

Une  grant  piece  covint  puis  detrier 

Ceste  grant  guerre  dont  m'oes  ci  plaidier; 

Mais  Gauteles  la  refist  commencier. 

a  ' '  Uncle, ' '  said  he,  ' '  early  have  I  learned  to  know  sorrow.  /  The 
one  who  has  ended  the  friendship  of  us  two,  /  Never  shall  I  love 
him  till  I  shall  have  exterminated  him,  /  Burned  or  destroyed  or 
driven  him  from  the  realm. "  .  .  . "  If  God  grants  that  I  may  last 
so  long  /  Until  I  should  have  the  rental  closed,  /  The  helmet  laced, 
the  sword  in  hand,  /  The  region  would  not  be  so  at  peace.  /  Your 
death  would  be  dearly  redeemed." 


100  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

Tantost  com  pot  monter  sor  son  destrier, 
Porter  les  armes,  son  escu  manoier, 
Molt  se  pena  de  son  oncle  vengier.* 
{Baoul,  3732) 

"  Biax  nies,"  dist  ele,  "  or  sai  de  verite 
Raoul  vostre  oncle  aveiz  tout  oublie, 
Son  vaselaige  et  sa  nobilite."  ^ 
{Raoul,  3752) 

]  "  Qant  ces  nies  estes,  a  moi  vos  apaies; 

Prenes   Famende,   se   faire   le   dengnies. 
Vostre  horn  serai,  de  vos  tenrai  mes  fies."  ^ 
(Raoul,  4006) 

The  poem  of  Foucon  hinges  largely  upon  the  feud  under- 
taken to  avenge  the  death  of  Vivien  by  his  nephew  Foucon, 
who  bids  his  mother  prepare  letters  summoning  the  aid  of  the 
entire  family,  and  enunciates  the  principle  that  ains  venge  nies 
que  frere: 

"  Mais  f ai  escrivre  e  si  f ai  seialx  faire, 
Ses  envoiex  a  la  gent  de  vostre  aire, 
Cor  vos  secorent,  que  bien  lo  devez  faire; 
Toz  jors  I'oi  dire :  ainz  venge  nies  que  f  raire."  ^ 
(Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  534) 

a  A  long  time  it  was  necessary  then  to  defer  /  This  great  war 
which  you  hear  me  hear  relate;  /But  Gautier  caused  it  to  begin 
again.  /  As  soon  as  he  could  mount  his  steed,  /  Bear  arms,  handle 
his  shield,  /  He  strove  much  to  avenge  his  uncle. 

b  '  *  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  she,  ' '  now  I  know  in  truth  /  Eaoul  your 
uncle  you  have  quite  forgotten,  /  His  courage  and  his  nobility. ' ' 

c ' '  If  you  are  his  nephew,  make  peace  with  me.  /  Take  the 
reparation,  if  you  deign  so  to  do.  / 1  will  be  your  man,  and  hold 
my  fiefs  from  you." 

d ' '  But  have  letters  written  and  sealed,  /  And  send  them  to  the 
people  of  your  race,  /  That  they  aid  you  now,  for  truly  you  must 
■do  so ;  /  Always  I  hear  said :  rather  does  nephew  than  brother  take 
vengeance. ' ' 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       101 

Foucon  strikes  Tibaut  and  almost  kills  him,  and  tlie  poet 
remarks : 

Se  ne  tornast  en  son  poing  la  jostise, 

De  Vivien  fust  la  venjance  prise.^ 
{Foucon,  1712) 

And  Foucon  bears  in  mind  throughout  the  poem  the  object  for 
which  the  war  is  undertaken,  for  he  exclaims :  La  mort  mon 
oncle  ne  Vai  m'ie  obViee^  (7426). 

The  poem  of  Renaut  de  Montauban  is  filled  with  recrimina- 
tions and  threats  of  vengeance  on  the  part  of  uncle  or  nephew : 
Renaut  demands  vengeance  for  the  death  of  his  uncle  Bovon, 
and  kills  the  Emperor's  nephew  Bertolai  out  of  revenge,  thus 
renewing  the  feud  which  fills  the  rest  of  the  book : 


't? 


"  Mais  de  la  mort  mon  oncle  li  parlemens  sera, 
Que  feistes  ociiTC,  dont  malement  vos  va. 
De  lui  vos  demant  droit  par  eel  qui  nos  cria. 
Mi  honcle  et  li  miens  peres  s'amainerent  piega; 
Mais  endroit  moi,  dans  rois,  nel  creanterai  ja."  ° 
{Uenaut,  p.  51,  37) 

The  hatred  between  Renaut  and  Foucon  de  Morillon  is  mutual, 
and  for  a  similar  reason  in  each  case : 

Fouque  de  Moreillon,  que  Renaus  haoit  si; 
L'autre  an  ocist  son  oncle,  au  branc  d'acier  forbi."^ 
{Renaut,  p.  62,  1) 

a  If  the  judgment  had  not  turned  in  Ms  hand,  /  Vengeance  for 
Vivien  would  have  been  taken. 

t>  The  death  of  my  uncle  have  I  not  forgotten. 

c ' '  But  the  talk  will  be  of  the  death  of  my  uncle,  /  Whom  you 
had  slain,  wherefore  it  goes  ill  with  you.  /  For  him  I  demand 
satisfaction  of  you,  by  Him  who  created  us.  /  My  uncles  and  my 
father  became  reconciled  long  ago; /But  as  for  me,  Sir  King, 
I  will  not  grant  it.'' 

d  Foucon  de  Morillon,  whom  Eenaut  hated  so; /Last  year  he 
slew  his  uncle  with  his  polished  blade  of  steel. 


102  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

"  Seignor,  franc  chevalier,  mult  doi  hair  R^naut. 
A  gTant  tort  m'a  ocis  mon  honcle  Bertolai."  ^ 
{Renaut,  p.  164,  30) 

Maugis  renews  the  anger  of  Renaut  by  reminding  him  of  the 
death  of  his  uncle  Bovon:  Renaus  ce  fu  vostre  oncle  (p.  218, 
16).  Rispeu  threatens  Renaut's  brother  Richart,  who  is  a  cap- 
tive in  the  hands  of  the  enemy: 

"  La  mort  Foucon,  mon  honcle,  vos  f erai  comparer. 
Que  Renaus  m'a  ocis  sos  BalenQon,  as  gues."  ^ 
{Renaut,  p.  275,  31) 

Gontier  strikes  and  upbraids  Gormond  for  killing  his  uncle 
Hugon,  but  it  is  King  Louis  who  completes  the  vengeance : 

Al  rei  Gormund  brochant  en  vient, 
Sil  fiert  sur  sun  helme  vergie.'^ 
{Gormont  et  Isemhard,  341) 

The  murder  of  Begon,  brother  of  Garin,  arouses  his  nephews; 
the  bon  ahe  Lietri  threatens  to  tear  off  his  clerical  robe  and 
punish  the  murderer: 

"  Or  me  verrez  de  moniage  issir, 
Le  blanc  haubert  endosser  et  vestir."  ^ 
{Garin,  II,  250) 

The  young  Rigaut  stirs  up  the  family  to  vengeance,  announcing 
the  death  first  to  the  franche  enpereris,  his  aunt,  and  to  his 
uncle  Hernai's,  riding  first  to  Paris,  then  to  Orleans,  and  lin- 
gering only  long  enough  to  tell  his  story,  then  on  to  Blaives : 

a ''My  lords,  noble  knights,  I  must  hate  Eenaut  deeply;  /Wrong- 
fully he  slew  my  uncle  Bertolai. ' ' 

b ' '  The  death  of  Foucon,  my  uncle,  I  shall  make  you  atone  for,  / 
Whom  Eenaut  slew  near  Balengon,  at  the  ford." 

c  To  King  Gormond  spurring  he  comes,  /  And  strikes  Mm  upon 
his  carven  helm. 

d ' '  Now  you  will  see  me  leave  my  monkhood,  /  Clothe  and  garb 
me  in  the  white  hauberk." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       103 

"  Oneles,"  dist  il,  "  male  nouvelle  a  ci ! 
Qui  vous  a  mors  il  n'est  pas  mes  amins."  * 
{Gar in,  II,  254) 

Garsion  plans  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  uncle  Gui : 

Et  Garsibns,  ki  les  ceviaus  ot  blois, 
Ki  pour  Guion,  son  oncle,  fu  destrois, 
Vengier  le  cuide,  anchois  ke  past  li  mois.^ 
{Anse'is  de  Cartage,  10094) 

Richaii;  swears  vengeance  upon  the  Emperor: 

"  Dame,"  ce  dist  Richart,  "  ne  seroit  pas  reison. 
Kalles  ocist  mon  oncle  par  mortel  traison. 
En  sauf  conduit  I'ocist,  si  com  bien  le  savon. 
James  ne  I'ameroi,  foi  que  nos  vous  devon. 
Se  Diex  nos  donue  vie  encor  nos  vengeron."  ^ 
{Vivien  de  Monhranc,  p.  57) 

Otinel,  during  a  combat  with  Roland,  calls  for  vengeance :  la 
mort  de  mon  oncle  Fernagu  te  demant  {Otinel,  420).  Garnier, 
instead  of  taking  vengeance  for  the  death  of  his  uncle,  re- 
quires allegiance  of  his  murderers: 

"  Vos  et  vostre  lingnage  oceistes  Buevon, 
Mon  oncle  debonaire,  quant  venoit  d'Aigremont, 
Et  vos  estez  mi  homme  por  la  mort  an  baron. 
Qui  le  me  reprovez,  de  droit  vos  en  semon."  ^ 
{Aye  d^ Avignon,  166) 

a  ' '  Uncle, ' '  said  he,  ' '  bad  news  is  here !  /  He  who  killed  you  is 
no  friend  of  mine. ' ' 

b  And  Garsion,  the  blond-haired,  /  Who  for  Gui,  his  uncle,  was 
distressed,  /  He  thinks  to  avenge  him  ere  the  month  be  past. 

c  ' '  Lady, ' '  said  Kichart,  '  '■  that  would  not  be  right.  /  Charles 
slew  my  uncle  in  mortal  treason.  /  In  safe  conduct  he  slew  him,  as 
well  we  know.  /  Nevermore  shall  I  love  him,  by  the  faith  we  owe 
you.  /  If  God  gives  us  life,  we  shall  still  take  vengeance. ' ' 

d '  '■  You  and  your  lineage  slew  Bovon,  /  My  gentle  uncle,  when 
he  was  coming  from  Aigremont,  /  And  you  are  v^j  men  by  the 
death  of  the  baron ;  /  You  who  reproach  me  for  it,  rightfully  I 
summon  you." 


104  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

In  Anse'is  de  Mes,  we  find  a  nephew  introduced  apparently  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  taking  vengeance;  Ansei's  kills  Gillemer, 
whose  nephew  Pongon  immediately  avenges  him  by  slaying 
Anseis : 

Mort  le  trebuce,  qui  qu'en  poist  ne  cui  non. 

Dex,  com  en  poise  .1.  sien  neveut  Pongon !  * 
{Anse'is  de  Mes,  464, 18) 

There  are  occasional  instances  of  a  feud  being  carried  on  for 
injuries  or  insults  offered  to  the  uncle  or  the  nephew,  and  in 
such  cases  we  sometimes  find  a  nephew  who  is  not  important  in 
any  other  connection  taking  up  the  defense  of  his  uncle,  thus 
seemingly  being  introduced  into  the  story  for  this  particular 
purpose,  although  the  great  majority  of  instances  of  vengeance 
occur  at  the  hand  of  uncles  or  nephews  who  are  an  integral  part 
of  the  story.  Aymeri  precipitates  a  war  between  Girart  de 
Vienne  and  Charlemagne  by  telling  his  uncle  Girart  of  the  trick 
played  upon  him  by  the  Empress,  who  had  caused  him  to  kiss 
her  foot  instead  of  that  of  the  Emperor  in  doing  homage; 
Aymeri  attempts  to  wreak  a  smnmary  vengeance  upon  the  lady 
by  attacking  her  with  a  knife,  but  is  prevented,  and  reports  the 
affair  to  his  relatives  at  Vienne,  after  declaring : 

"Molt  est  proudom  Dam  Girart  le  guerrier; 
De  duel  morai,  se  je  ne  1'  puis  vangier."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  52) 

Gascelin  kills  Lambert  for  persecuting  his  uncle  Auberi;  Lam- 
bert's nephew  Helinant  demands  vengeance  of  Pepin,  and  the 
two  nephews  fight  in  single  combat  to  decide  which  is  in  the 
right  {Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  124  ff.)-  Gautier,  who  has  cap- 
tured the  Sultan,  threatens  to  kill  him  to  avenge  the  captivity 
of  his  uncle  Ogier,  whereupon  the  former  offers  to  purchase 
indemnity  by  giving  him  money  wherewith  to  ransom  Ogier : 

a  He  strikes  him  dead,  whether  it  may  grieve  anyone  or  not.  / 
Heavens!  How  it  grieves  his  nephew  Ponton! 

b  < '  Brave  and  honorable  is  Sir  Girart  the  warrior ;  /  I  shall  die  of 
grief,  if  I  cannot  avenge  him." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       105 

"Poureoi  alas  Ogier  emprisonnant, 
Le  plus  prodonme  de  ce  sieele  vivant? 
Or  te  ferai  ja  pendre  pour  .1.  tant; 
Si  en  sera  vengie  li  dux  puissant."  .  .  . 
"  Et  si  raurez  votre  chier  oncle  Ogier, 
Et  Moysant  sain  et  sauf  et  entier.  .  .  . 
Et  vous  rendrai  Ogier  qui  tant  est  ber, 
Votre  chier  oncle  que  tant  poez  amer."  ^ 
{Deliverance  Ogier ^  65,  88,  107) 

The  Count  of  Bourges  takes  up  the  defense  of  his  uncle  Elie, 
who  has  been  driven  from  his  estates  by  the  King : 

Le  signor  de  Boorghes  o  le  vis  cler 
Qui  guerroie  le  roi  par  grant  fierte 
Por  chou  qu'il  a  lor  oncle  desirete, 
Elie  le  franc  due  qui  tant  fu  ber.^ 
{Aiol,  1398) 

The  nephew  frequently  upholds  his  uncle's  honor  by  defend- 
ing his  cause  in  single  combat,  being  selected  as  champion  and 
engaging  in  the  fight  with  that  purpose  in  mind.  The  nephew 
is  sometimes  made  to  atone  for  the  uncle's  crimes,  or  a  threat 
to  that  end  is  made,  the  moral  effect  of  which  is  to  deter  the 
uncle  from  committing  some  deed  of  violence  that  he  has  in 
mind,  on  account  of  the  ultimate  effect  it  will  have  upon  his 
nephew's  fate.  Makaire's  nephew  Gerart  and  his  friends  try 
to  convince  him  that  he  had  best  not  kill  Aiol,  whom  he  has 
in  his  power,  because  the  King  has  the  flower  of  their  rela- 

a  ' '  Why  goest  thou  imprisoning  Ogier,  /  The  most  worthy  knight 
living  in  this  world? /Now  I  shall  have  thee  hanged  for  that;  / 
And  the  powerful  duke  will  be  avenged. "  .  .  .  /  "  And  you  will 
have  again  your  dear  uncle  Ogier,  /  And  Moysant  safe  and  sound 
and  whole. "  .  .  .  / "  And  I  will  restore  to  you  Ogier  the  dis- 
tinguished, /  Your  dear  uncle  whom  you  love  so  much. ' ' 

t)  The  lord  of  Bourges,  fair  of  face,  /  Who  is  warring  with  the 
King   so    haughtily,  /  Because   he    has    disinherited   their   uncle,  / 
Elie,  the  noble  duke,  the  distinguished. 


106  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

tives  and  will  surely  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  them  for  the 
death  of  his  sister's  son: 

"  Car  li  rois  a  la  fors  de  nos  millors  amis, 
Et  oncles  et   parens  et  neveus  et  cousins: 
S'or  ochies  Aiol,  ja  nes  reverons  vis."  ^ 
{Aiol,  8755;  cf.  9165) 

When  Aymeri  sees  his  son  Guibelin  nailed  to  the  cross  he 
sends  word  that  one  of  his  own  captives,  the  Emir's  favorite 
nephew,  shall  suffer  for  it,  and  the  uncle  is  thereby  induced  to 
show  mercy  to  his  victim: 

"  Se  ne  me  ranz  Guibelin  an  sante, 
Ja  sera  mort  le  neveu  Famire."  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Clargis  de  Valplenier, 

Desor  toz  homes  I'avoit  Famirant  chier; 

Ses  nies  estoit  .  .  . 

.  .  .  filz  sa  seror  Fainnee.^ 

{Narhonnais,  5292,  5366,  5668,  6518) 

Corsolt,  the  nephew  of  Galafre,  is  chosen  as  combattant  against 
Guillaume,  and  the  Saracen  king  offers  his  sons  as  hostages; 
these  passages  afford  an  interesting  comiDarison  of  the  relative 
practical  value  of  son  and  nephew:  the  hope  of  the  Saracen  is 
fixed  upon  his  nejDhew,  w^hile  the  sons  have  only  a  passive  part 
in  the  little  drama  {C ouronnement  Louis,  486  ff.,  620  ff.)-  The 
duel  between  Roland  and  Oliver  is  on  account  of  their  re- 
spective uncles,  whose  reputation  each  engages  to  defend 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  pp.  103  ff.,  133  ff.).  Girart  de  Rivier, 
niez  Gamier  et  de  sa  seror  nez,  offers  to  defend  his  uncle 
against  the  charge  of  treason,  but  Gamier  prefers  to  fight  for 
himself  {Aye  d' Avignon,  296  ff.). 

a  * '  For  the  King  has  out  there  some  of  our  best  friends,  /  And 
uncles  and  relatives  and  nephews  and  cousins; /If  now  you  slay 
Aiol,  we  shall  ne'er  see  them  again  alive." 

f  If  thou  dost  not  restore  Guibelin  to  me  unharmed,  /  The 
nephew  of  the  Emir  shall  be  put  to  death. "  .  .  .  /  Clargis  de  Val- 
plenier, /  Above  all  men  the  Emir  held  him  dear.  .  .  .  /  His  nephew 
was  he,  /  Son  of  his  sister,  the  eldest  born. 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       107 

(l)   Claims  of  Nephew 

The  allusions  are  many  to  the  claims  and  rights  of  the 
nephew,  the  poet's  own  statements  confirming  the  words  of  the 
characters  themselves.  The  nephew  calls  upon  his  uncle  for 
assistance  in  time  of  danger,  and  is  sure  of  its  being  granted, 
for  such  is  the  duty  of  the  uncle;  the  uncle  acts  contrary  to 
the  claims  of  relationship  when  he  arbitrarily  sends  the  nephew 
into  danger;  it  is  his  duty  to  love  his  nephew,  to  give  him  power, 
to  avenge  him.  We  have  seen  how  these  various  features  are 
carried  out  by  the  individuals  of  the  Chansons  de  Geste,  now 
it  remains  to  note  that  they  were  the  very  requirements  of  the 
relationship  itself.  The  poet  both  in  his  own  person  and  in 
that  of  the  characters  frequently  voices  opinions  as  to  the 
ethical  significance  of  this  relationship;  for  purposes  of  inves- 
tigation, his  dogmatic  utterances  are  more  important  than  his 
application  of  them  in  the  course  of  the  narrative.  His  con- 
ception as  to  the  duties  of  the  uncle  towards  the  nephew  and 
the  claims  of  the  latter,  his  uncompromising  belief  in  the 
fundamental  harmony  of  this  relationship,  his  consistent  proc- 
lamation of  the  rights  of  each  party,  constitute  a  tradition  that 
must  have  had  its  roots  far  back  in  the  life  of  the  people — 
a  root  that  in  the  poet's  own  time  must  still  have  supplied  con- 
siderable nourishment  to  the  branches  of  the  ^family  tree.' 

By  virtue  of  the  relationship  the  uncle  should  love  and  cher- 
ish the  nephew ;  he  who  does  not  is  a  knave : 

"  &  Deus  dist  Willame  vus  me  uolez  aider ; 
Fel  seit  li  uncles  qui  bon  nevov  nad  cher."  ^ 
(Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Chiswick,  2549) 

The  child  Gautier,  looking  upon  the  body  of  his  uncle  Raoul, 
thus  apostrophizes  the  murderer  Bernier: 

a ''Ah,   God!"  said  Willame,  ''you  wish  to  aid  me; /Be  the 
uncle  a  knave  who  holds  not  a  good  nephew  dear. ' ' 


108  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

"  Culvers  bastars,  con  tu  m'as  fait  irie ! 
Se  m'as  tolu  dont  devoie  estre  aidie."  * 
{Baoul  de  Camhrai,  3618) 

Berart  chides  the  Emperor  when  he  becomes  ruffled  at  the 
pranks  of  his  nephew  Baudoin: 

"  Vos  estes  d'un  lignage  andui  estrait  et  ne, 
N'ave  fors  lui  neveu :  tanez  le  an  cherte."  ^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  CXLI*,  33) 

Helissant  tells  Queen  Sibille  who  Baudoin  is : 

"  C'est  li  nies  Karlemaine,  tres  bien  I'os  afiier, 
De  sa  seror  germaine,  molt  le  doi[t]  avoir  chier. 
Ses  freres  fu  RoUanz,  li  compainz  Ollivier; 
Por  le  meillor  de  France  n'estuet  cestu  changier."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  LXVII,  29) 

Renaut's  friends  urge  King  Yon  not  to  betray  him  to  Charle- 
magne, for  his  sons  are  Yon's  nephews,  whom  he  must  cherish  r 

"  Vo  sereur  li  donastes  a  moillier  et  a  per, 
Renaus  en  a  .ii.  fils  que  mult  deves  amer."  ^ 
{Benaut  de  Montauban,  p.  157,  15) 

Henri  d'Ostenne  ought  to  love  his  nephew  Auberi,  but  does 
not: 

L'enf  ant  deiist  amer, 
S'il  fust  preudoms,  et  ses  honnors  garder: 

a'^Baseborn  wretch,  how  thou  hast  angered  me! /Thou  hast 
taken  him  from  me  by  whom  I  was  to  be  aided." 

b ' '  You  are  both  of  one  lineage  descended  and  born ;  /  You  have 
no  nephew  save  him :  hold  him  dear. ' ' 

c  "  He  is  the  nephew  of  Charlemagne,  well  I  dare  affirm  it,  /  By 
his  sister ;  very  dear  must  he  hold  him.  /  His  brother  was  Roland, 
the  companion  of  Oliver ;  /  For  the  best  in  France  there  is  no  need 
to  exchange  him." 

d^Your  sister  you  gave  him  to  wife  and  as  peerj  /Renaut  has 
two  sons  by  her,  whom  you  must  love." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       109 

Mes  il  le  het  de  la  teste  couper.* 
(Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,.  p.  5) 

Here  we  have  the  unusual  spectacle  of  the  wicked  uncle, 
common  enough  in  the  history  of  the  Merovingian  period,  but 
so  infrequent  in  the  French  epic  that  it  can  be  dismissed  with 
a  brief  reference.  Such  cases  doubtless  existed  often  enough 
in  mediaeval  France,  but  they  do  not  seem  to  have  appealed  to 
the  poets  as  material  for  epic  use.  Other  branches  of  literature 
utilize  the  theme  more  often;  for  instance,  the  wicked  uncle  is 
frequently  found  in  English  popular  literature.^^  The  very 
treatment  of  the  subject  shows  that  it  was  foreign  to  the  general 
conception  of  the  uncle;  the  poet  of  Auberi  makes  this  plain 
when  he  remarks: 

Or  ne  sai  je  la  ou  se  pent  fier 
Quant  I'oncle  velt  le  neveu  af  oler !  ^ 
{Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  6) 

This  is  said  in  connection  with  the  harsh  treatment  which 
Auberi  receives  at  the  hands  of  his  father's  brother  Henri. 
Odon,  likewise,  is  a  wicked  uncle  to  him,  plotting  to  kill  him 
at  the  moment  when  he  pretends  to  be  most  fond  of  him; 
Auberi  cannot  believe  this  when  he  is  inforaied  of  it,  for  Odon 
is  his  maternal  uncle,  and  as  such  cannot  fail  him,  he  thinks.^- 
After  his  speedy  disillusionment,  Auberi  refers  to  these  two 
uncles  as  mes  mortex  anemis.^^  Another  Odon,  the  uncle  of 
Huon  de  Bordeaux,  receives  his  nephew  very  kindly,  but  plots 
his  murder,  and  is  finally  killed  by  Huon : 

a  He  ought  to  have  loved  the  child,  /  If  he  had  been  a  man  of 
honor,  and  to  have  protected  his  lands,  /  But  he  hates  him  enough 
to  cut  off  his  head. 

b  Now  I  know  not  where  one  can  put  trust,  /  When  the  uncle 
wishes  to  injure  the  nephew! 

81  Cf.  F.  B.  Gummere,  'The  Sister's  Son,'  in  the  Furnivall 
Miscellany. 

82  Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  17,  cited  on  page  71. 

83  Auberi,  ed.  Tobler,  p.  104,  17. 


no  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Cist  maus  traistres  a  moult  le  sens  derve: 
C'est  fix  son  frere  qu'il  veut  la  jus  tuer.^ 
{Huon  de  Bordeaux,  4311) 

King  Louis,  while  not  intentionally  a  bad  uncle,  is  accused  of 
causing  the  whole  war  between  Raoul  and  the  Vermandois  by 
giving  away  his  nephew's  rightful  inheritance : 

Rois  Loeys  fist  le  jor  grant  folaige 
Qi  son  neveu  toli  son  eritaige.  .  .  . 

"Et  vos,  fox  rois,  on  vos  en  doit  blasmer: 
Vos  nies  est  I'enfes,  nel  delissies  penser, 
Ne  sa  grant  terre  vers  autrui  delivi'er."  .  .  . 

"  Drois  empereres,  Dex  te  doinst  encombrier ! 
Car  ceste  guere  f  eis  tu  eommencier, 
Raoul  mon  oncle  ocire  et  detranchier."  ^ 
{Eaoul  de  Camhrai,  135,  304,  5142) 

The  Emperor  Alexis  and  his  nephew  Tatice  (Tatixos)  have  a 
quarrel,  and  the  nephew  complains  that  the  former  has  not 
perfonned  his  duty  towards  him: 

Quant  Estatins  oi  que  il  fin  n'i  metra, 

De  son  oncle  est  partis  que  il  gaires  n'ama  .  .  . 

..."  Mon  oncle  trai  m'a, 
Li  cuivers  empereres  qui  sa  foi  menti  a. 
Dame  Diex  le  maudie  qui  le  mont  estora."*' 
{Chanson  d'Antioche,  II,  471,  477) 

a  This  vile  traitor  has  lost  his  senses;  /It  is  his  brother's  sod 
whom  he  wishes  to  kill  yonder. 

b  King  Louis  committed  that  day  a  great  folly,  /  Who  took  from 
his  nephew  his  heritage.  .  .  .  /  ' '  And  you,  mad  King,  one  must 
blame  you  for  it;  /This  youth  is  your  nephew;  you  ought  not  to 
have  thought  it,  /  Nor  to  have  delivered  his  broad  lands  to  another. '  ^ 
/' '  Eightf ul  Emperor,  may  God  give  you  ill !  /  For  thou  didst  cause 
this  war  to  begin,  /  And  Eaoul  my  uncle  to  be  slain  and  cut  to 
pieces.'' 

c  When  Tatice  heard  that  he  will  not  put  an  end  to  it,  /  He  left 


CONTACT   BETWEEN  UNCLE   AND  NEPHEW       111 

The  nephew  has  a  right  to  the  uncle's  favor  and  preference; 
Makaire  is  angry  with  King  Louis  because  of  favors  shown  to 
Aiol,  whom  he  thinks  a  stranger;  he  bitterly  exclaims: 

"  Or  sont  li  avole  miex  en  vo  court 
Que  ne  sont  vo  neveu  ne  li  millor."  ^ 
{Aiol,  4189) 

Raoul  asks  the  King  for  a  fief,  because,  he  says:  Vostre  nies 
sui,  ne  me  doi  meserrer^  {Baoul  de  Camhrai,  838).  The  uncle 
will  submit  to  liberties  taken  by  the  nephew;  othei'wise  Gui  de 
Bourgogne  would  not  dare  to  take  charge  of  the  kingdom  in 
the  absence  of  the  Emperor: 

"  Se  revieut  I'emperere  ariere  en  son  rene 
Et  il  trueve  celui  que  I'aions  corone, 
II  ne  Focira  mie,  de  son  linage  est  ne."  .  .  . 

"  Se  Dex  m'ait,"  se  dist  Karlemaine  au  vis  fier, 
"  S'il  ne  fust  mes  parens  mes  cousins  ou  mes  niez, 
II  ne  I'osast  panser,  por  les  membres  tranchier, 
Ne  li  enfant  de  France  ne  I'eussent  laissie 
Que  ja  corone  d'or  eust  mis  sor  son  chief."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  221,  3158) 

The  uncle  must  not  fail  his  nephew  in  time  of  need;  Guern^ 
the  uncle  of  Raoul,  declares : 

his  uncle,  whom  he  loved  not  much.  .  .  .  /  "Mj  uncle  has  betrayed 
me,  /  The  base  emperor  who  has  belied  his  pledge.  /  May  the  Lord 
God  curse  him,  who  established  the  world. ' ' 

a ''Now  are  strangers  better  off  at  your  court  /  Than  are  your 
nephews  or  the  best." 

b  Your  nephew  am  I,  I  cannot  be  mistaken. 

c''  If  the  Emperor  comes  back  to  his  kingdom,  /  And  finds  him 
whom  we  have  crowned,  /  He  will  not  slay  him,  of  his  lineage  he  is 
born. "  .  .  .  / ' '  So  help  me  God, ' '  said  Charlemagne  of  the  proud 
visage,  /  "  If  he  were  not  my  relative,  my  cousin  or  my  nephew,  / 
He  would  not  have  dared  think  it,  at  the  risk  of  his  limbs,  /  Nor 
would  the  youth  of  France  have  allowed  /  That  he  should  ever 
have  put  crown  of  gold  upon  his  head." 


112  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

"Ains  me  lairoie  toz  les  membres  colper 
Mon  neveu  faille  tant  com  puisse  durer."  * 
{Raoul  de  Cambrai,  317) 

Gautier,  the  grand-nephew  of  the  Emperor,  proclaims  his 
rights,  saying  that  Louis  ought  not  to  show  any  mercy  or  favor 
to  Gautier's  enemy  Bernier: 

"  Drois  empereres,"  dist  il,  "  grant  tort  aveis. 
Je  sui  vos  nies,  f  aillir  ne  me  deveiz."  ^ 
{Raoul  de  Cambrai,  5438) 

When  the  Saracens  attack  Narbonne  in  the  absence  of  Aymeri, 
it  is  suggested  that  he  shall  apply  to  his  uncle  Girart  for  help : 

"  Proierai  lui,  se  de  rien  vos  a  chier, 
Que  vos  secore  a  ce  besong  premier; 
II  est  vostre  oncles,  si  vos  doit  bien  aidier."  ® 
{Aymeri  de  Narbonne,  3797) 

Begon  expresses  his  willingness  to  help  his  nephew  Auberi,  and 
later  sends  to  his  own  uncle  Thierry  for  help : 

"  Je  ne  lairoie  por  tot  For  que  Diex  fist 
Que  n'aille  aidier  mon  chier  nevou  Aubri."  ,  .  . 

"  Aus  mons  d'Aussai  m'en  irez  a  Thieri, 
II  est  mes  oncles,  si  ne  me  doit  f  aillir."  ^ 
{Garin,  1,  273;  II,  102) 

By  virtue  of  this  relationship  the  nephew  has  claims  upon 
others;  Benoit  asks  Ogier  to  give  arms  to  his  brother  Gui, 

a ' '  Eather  would  I  let  all  my  limbs  be  cut  off,  /  Than  fail  my 
nephew,  as  long  as  I  can  last. ' ' 

b ' '  Rightful  Emperor, ' '  said  he,  ^ '  great  wrong  do  you.  /  I  am 
your  nephew,  you  must  not  fail  me." 

c '  'I  will  beg  him,  if  he  holds  you  dear  at  all,  /  That  he  help  you 
in  this  foremost  need ;  /  He  is  your  uncle,  indeed  he  must  aid  you. ' ' 

d ' '  I  would  not  fail,  for  all  the  gold  that  God  made,  /  To  go  and 
help  my  dear  nephew  Auberi. "  .  .  .  / ' '  You  shall  go  to  the  Monts 
d'Aussai,  to  Thierry;  /  He' is  my  uncle,  he  must  not  fail  me." 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       113 

because  he  is  the  Nies  BSron  qi  uos  par  ama  si^  (Chevalerie 
Ogier,  6973).  Maucion  bases  his  claims  to  the  crown  of  France 
upon  his  relationship  to  the  Emperor  through  the  marriage  of 
his  father  Ganelon  to  the  Emperor's  sister:^* 

"  E  si  est  mun  pere  Guenes,  k'od  Karlon  est  alez ; 
Sa  serur  od  a  femme,    si  ke  ben  le  savez: 
Pur  ce  dei  en  France  estre  haltement  coronez."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  p.  137) 

The  uncle  must  not  strike  or  threaten  his  nephew,  send  him  into 
danger,  nor  shall  he  make  fun  of  him : 

"Non  ferez,  frere,"  li  quens  Guillaumes  dit, 
"  II  est  tes  nies  et  de  ta  seror  fis."  ^ 
{Garin,  II,  245) 

"  Sire,"  ce  dist  dus  Namles,  "  merci,  pour  amour  De ! 
Rollans  est  vostre  nies  et  de  vo  sereur  nes; 
Se  vous  I'i  envoies,  jamais  ne  le  venres."  ^ 
{Fierahras,  2278) 

Quant  I'entendi  Aiols,  molt  fu  iries, 

Et  dist  entre  ses  dens  c'on  ne  I'ot  nient : 

"He!  Dieux!  chou  est  mes  oneles,  je  sui  ses  nies; 

Si  ne  me  delist  mie  contralier." 

Sel  seiist  I'emperere  qu'il  fust  ses  nies, 

Ja  n'i  fust  plus  gabes  ne  laidengies, 

a  The  nephew  of  Beron  who  loved  you  so  much. 

b ' '  And  my  father  is  Ganelon,  who  has  gone  with  Charles ;  /  He 
had  his  sister  to  wife,  as  well  you  know;  /For  that  should  I  be 
publicly  crowned  in  France.'' 

c'^You  shall  not  do  it,  brother,"  said  Count  Guillaume;  /''He 
is  your  nephew  and  your  sister ^s  son." 

d  ' '  Sire, ' '  thus  spoke  Duke  Naimon,  ' '  mercy,  for  the  love  of 
God!  /  Eoland  is  your  nephew,  and  of  your  sister  born; /If  you 
send  him  there,  never  again  will  you  see  him. ' ' 

8*  See  E.  Sauerland,  Ganelon  und  sein  GesclilecJit,  p.  39. 
9 


114  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Ains  fust  molt  richement  aparellies.* 
{Aiol,  2640) 

Charlemagne  considers  it  his  personal  duty  to  seek  for  the  body 
of  his  nephew  Roland: 

"  Kar  mei  mei'sme  estoet  avant  aler 
Pur  mun  nevuld  que  vuldreie  truver."  ^ 
{Roland,  2858) 

On  the  other  hand,  the  nephew  must  reciprocate  along  the 
same  lines;  he  must  love  and  serve  his  uncle  and  not  fail  him  in 
time  of  need;  particularly  must  he  avenge  the  death  of  his 
uncle — this  is  his  right,  his  duty  even  more  than  that  of  the  son 
or  brother.  Oliver  reminds  Roland  of  the  allegiance  he  owes 
the  Emperor : 

"Par  la  foi  que  deves 
Karle  vostre  oncle,  que  tant  amer  deves. 
Que  feissiez?"^ 

{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  76) 

The  Emperor,  after  quarrelling  with  Foucon,  the  nephew  of 
Girart,  offers  excuses  for  him : 

"  Bien  sai  qu'il  est  dolans  de  ce  qu'avons  a  f  aire 
Entre  moi  et  Girart;  mas  son  devoir  velt  faire 
De  servir  son  signeur,  son  oncle."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Roussillon,  1533) 

a  When  Aiol  heard  him,  much  was  he  angered.  /  And  said 
between  his  teeth  so  that  none  heard  him,  / ' '  Ah,  God !  he  is  my 
uncle,  I  am  his  nephew ;  /  He  ought  not  to  have  sought  a  quarrel 
with  me. '  *  .  .  .  /  If  the  Emperor  had  known  that  he  was  his 
nephew,  no  more  would  he  have  been  mocked  and  insulted,  /  But 
rather  would  he  have  been  richly  apparelled. 

b ' '  For  it  is  necessary  for  me  to  go  ahead  myself,  /  For  my 
nephew  whom  I  would  like  to  find." 

c ' '  By  the  faith  which  you  owe  /  Charles  your  uncle,  whom  you 
must  love  so  much,  /  What  would  you  have  done?  " 

d ' '  Well  I  know  that  he  is  grieving  at  what  we  have  to  do,  / 
Girart  and  I,  together ;  but  he  wishes  to  do  his  duty,  /  By  serving 
his  master,  his  uncle. ' ' 


CONTACT  BETWEEN  UNCLE  AND  NEPHEW       115 

The  Emperor  admonishes  Roland  of  his  duty : 

"  Et  vos,  biaus  nies  Rollans/'  I'empereres  a  dit, 
''  Quant  ee  vient  al  besoing,  ne  me  deves  f  aillir."  * 
(Renaut  de  Montauban,  p.  264,  13) 

Ogier  alludes  to  the  fealty  that  he  owes  his  uncle: 

"  Foi  que  je  doi  le  due  Namlon  porter, 

Le  mien  chier  oncle  que  je  doi  moult  amer."  ^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  2212) 

Garin  reminds  two  of  his  nephews  of  their  duty: 


a 


Et  vous    Girars  et  li  borgoins  Aubris, 
Mi  nevou  estes,  ne  me  devez  f  allir."  ^ 
(Garin,  II,  26) 

In  at  least  two  passages,  the  poets  seem  to  be  enunciating  an 
axiom :  in  the  poem  of  Foucon,  when  Foucon  hears  of  the  death 
of  his  uncle  Vivien,  he  is  anxious  to  start  at  once  and  pursue 
the  work  of  vengeance,  urging  his  mother  to  summon  her  fam- 
ily to  aid  him,  and  concluding  with  the  argument :  Toz  jors  Foi 
dire:  ainz  venge  nies  que  fraire^  {Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora, 
534).  The  poet  of  Aye  d' Avignon,  after  telling  the  story  of 
how  Guichart  and  Alori  learned  of  their  fathers'  plot  against 
their  uncle  Garnier  and  for  love  of  their  uncle  left  the  court 
and  hastened  to  warn  him,  joining  his  forces,  then  offers  this 
story  as  an  explanation  of  what  appears  to  have  been  an  axiom 
in  his  time :  For  ce  dit  on  encore :  ainz  venge  niez  que  fiz  ®  {Aye, 

a ' '  And  you,  fair  nephew  Eoland, ' '  said  the  Emperor,  /  ' '  When 
need  eomes^  you  must  not  fail  me. ' ' 

b ' '  By  the  faith  that  I  must  show  Duke  Naimon,  /  My  dear 
uncle,  whom  I  must  love  much. ' ' 

c  ' '  And  you,  Girart,  and  Auberi  le  Bourguigon,  /  You  are  my 
nephews,  and  must  not  fail  me." 

d  Always  I  hear  it  said :  rather  does  nephew  than  brother  take 
vengeance. 

e  For  this  they  still  say :  rather  does  nephew  than  son  take 
vengeance. 


116  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

2667).  These  two  passages  indicate  plainly  enough  that  the 
nephew's  obligation  in  the  blood-feud  had  passed  into  the  form 
of  a  popular  saying  with  which  the  poets  of  the  Chansons  de 
Geste  were  acquainted,  but  the  reason  for  which,  or  the  origin 
of  which,  had  become  lost;  thus  the  axiom  itself,  as  well  as  the 
application  of  it,  as  has  been  seen,  becomes  part  of  a  literary 
tradition,  carried  on  long  after  it  had  ceased  to  be  understood. 
The  principles  of  it  are  obviously  to  be  sought  in  a  period  when 
the  nephew  was  the  nearest  and  dearest,  and  we  have  abundant 
material  to  show  that  there  has  been  such  a  period,  which  we 
reach  by  tracing  the  way  back  from  literary  allusions  through 
popular  customs  to  primitive  right. 


CHAPTER   III 

Stylistic  Treatment  in  the  Poems 

Although  it  is  not  always  easy  to  draw  the  line  of  demarca- 
tion between  those  features  of  the  French  epic  which  are  an 
integral  part  of  the  nephew  tradition  and  those  which  may  be 
classified  as  characteristics  of  literary  style,  there  are  never- 
theless certain  phases  which  seem  to  come  more  appropriately 
under  the  head  of  personal  methods  of  treatment  rather  than 
under  a  subdivision  of  the  legend  proper.  These  are  of  three 
sorts,  the  emotional  expression  of  the  uncle-nephew  relations, 
the  use  of  certain  formulas  of  allusion  or  address  on  the  part 
of  the  characters,  and  the  attributing  of  the  conventional  rela- 
tions to  those  groups  of  uncle  and  nephew  about  whom  there 
could  scarcely  have  been  any  legend.  All  these  features  show 
the  hold  which  the  relationship  had  upon  the  mind  of  the 
mediaeval  poet.  As  we  have  thus  far  traced  the  story  of  the 
active  relations  between  the  epic  uncle  and  his  nephew,  the  poet 
has  been  following  the  legend  as  he  knew  it,  embroidering  it 
but  sparsely  with  the  threads  of  his  own  personality;  the  ex- 
ternal features  of  style  are  however  an  important  indication  of 
the  attitude  of  the  poet  and  in  many  cases  point  indubitably 
to  a  well-defined  convention. 

As  might  be  expected,  the  emotional  aspects  of  the  relations 
are  fairly  limited;  expressions  of  affection  predominate,  and 
are  particularly  striking  in  connection  with  the  uncle's  lament 
over  the  dead  body  of  his  nephew.  It  is  perfectly  in  keeping 
with  the  poetic  treatment  of  the  nephew  that  the  poet  should 
dwell  upon  the  uncle's  anxiety  when  the  young  chevalier 
is  in  danger,  and  upon  his  joy  over  the  latter's  successes  in 
battle.  Yet  it  is  surprising  to  find  the  poet  so  entirely  con- 
sistent in  the  matter:  we  must  either  give  him  credit  for  a 

117 


118  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

capability  of  invention  and  a  definiteness  of  purpose  that  are 
wonderful,  considering  the  ciTidity  of  his  conceptions  in  many 
places  and  the  lack  of  variety  in  general,  or  we  must  assume 
that  sOme  trace  of  an  older  society  has  left  its  impress  upon 
the  mental  habits  of  his  times  in  such  a  way  that  these  relations 
between  uncle  and  nephew  are  perfectly  familiar  to  him,  and 
that  he  reproduces  them  as  naturally  and  as  unconsciously  as 
he  does  other  peculiarities  of  the  period. 

At  any  rate,  citations  might  be  multiplied  almost  indefinitely 
to  show  that  emotionally  the  relations  under  discussion  are  in 
harmony  with  their  more  external  features.  The  Boland  must 
again  be  used  as  a  prominent  example  of  this,  just  as  it  un- 
doubtedly served  as  a  model  for  later  poets  to  follow;  yet  in 
characterizing  it  as  a  model,  we  must  be  careful  not  to  attribute 
utter  lack  of  originality  to  the  others.  Leon  Gautier,  to  men- 
tion only  one  critic,  has  probably  given  too  great  importance 
to  the  part  of  imitation  in  other  poems,  and  not  enough  to  the 
presumption  that  the  fondness  of  the  uncle  had  some  founda- 
tion in  family  life.  Speaking  of  Vivien,  Gautier  expresses 
himself  with  a  considerable  amount  of  disparagement: 

"  C'est  uue  pure  fiction,  c'est  une  pure  invention  de  nos 
^  epiques.  Voyant  la  place  que  tenait  Roland  aupres  de  Charle- 
magne, voyant  partout  le  succes  qu'avait  le  neveu  du  grand 
empereur,  ils  resolurent  de  creer  un  autre  Roland  dans  la  geste 
de  Guillaume.  Ils  dedoublerent  leur  heros  primitif,  et  calque- 
rent  le  neveu  de  Guillaume  sur  le  neveu  de  Charlemagne.  lis 
prirent,  en  quelque  maniere,  un  vieux  portrait  de  Roland,  et  se 
contenterent  d'ecrire  au  bas :  *  Vivien.'     Procede  naif !  "  ^^ 

A  thoughtful  examination  of  the  two  stories  will  show  that 
the  affection  between  the  Emperor  and  Roland  is  throughout 
purely  personal,  while  that  between  Guillaume  and  his  nephew 
is  less  personal  than  it  is  a  matter  of  lignage:  the  personal 
element  being  subordinated  to  the  worship  of  the  family,  so 
that  here  at  least  there  is  no  ground  for  depreciation  of  the 
invention  of  Vivien  as  an  epic  character.     Against  Gautier's 

85  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  IV,  417. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS  119 

opinion  may  be  set  that  of  Gaston  Paris,  who  says  of  the  cycle 
of  Charlemagne  and  of  that  of  Guillaume  that :  "  Ce  sont  done 
deux  cycles  independants  Fun  de  I'autre,  nes  dans  des  provinces 
differentes  et  restes  longtemps  sans  contact."  ^^  The  discovery 
in  1903  of  the  Changun  de  Willame,  whose  ancient  part  is  con- 
temporary with  the  Roland,  disproves  Gautier's  theory.*'^  It 
would  seem  then  that  the  safer  conclusion,  since  as  we  shall  see 
the  nephew  tradition  can  be  traced  back  historically  as  well  as 
poetically  to  remotest  antiquity,  is  that  it  is  an  essential  part  of 
the  earliest  French  versions  of  both  cycles,  and  that  when  the 
two  were  merged  it  persisted,  becoming  to  some  extent  influenced 
by  the  extreme  use  made  of  it  in  the  Chanson  de  Roland.  Just 
how  much  is  to  be  attributed  to  this  influence  and  how  much 
to  a  sociological  basis  can  probably  not  be  accurately  deter- 
mined; if  the  theme  were  so  utterly  an  imitation,  and  as  Gau- 
tier  believed,  a  calculating  one  at  that,  it  would  certainly  not 
have  remained  so  consistently  a  part  of  the  epic  traditional 
material  and  would  not  have  been  so  harmoniously  developed 
from  beginning  to  end,  but  like  the  majority  of  evident  imita- 
tions would  have  gone  from  bad  to  worse  until  it  finally  died 
of  exhaustion;  when  the  nephew-tradition  does  die  out  in  the 
epic,  it  is  not  from  over-exertion,  but  on  account  of  the  change 
in  social  conditions.  The  arbitrary  manufacture  of  genealog- 
ical ties,  pointed  out  by  Gaston  Paris  as  one  of  the  signs  of 
decadence,  is  in  itself,  so  far  as  the  nephew  is  concerned,  not  a 
mark  of  imitation ;  ^^  the  later  poems  really  make  less  use  of 
this  relationship  than  do  the  earlier  ones,  so  that  on  the  whole 
it  seems  likely  that  the  imitations  and  remaniements  of  the 
Chansons  de  Geste  neglected  this  phase  of  the  ancient  epic  more 
and  more,  probably  because  the  development  of  the  family  and 

86  Gaston  Paris,  Histoire  Poetique  de  Charlemagne,  p.  81. 

8T  Professor  Weeks,  in  TiOmania,  XKKTV  (1905),  p.  261,  note  1, 
was  perhaps  the  first  to  dissent  from  Gautier's  view,  saying 
briefiy:  "L.  Gautier  a  cru  le  type  de  Vivien  caique  sur  celui  de 
Eoland.     iSTous  ne  voudrions  pas,  cependant,  soutenir  cette  these." 

88  Litterature  frangaise  au  Moyen  Age,  p.  42. 


120  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

the  growth  of  closer  ties  between  parents  and  children  rendered 
such  points  less  intelligible  to  the  readers  of  a  later  period. 

(a)  Anxiety  of  Uncle 

The  intensity  of  the  uncle's  anxiety  or  fear  for  the  safety 
of  the  nephew,  and  the  exuberance  of  his  ultimate  rejoicing  at 
the  latter's  success,  are  well  represented  in  all  the  poems.  This 
anxiety  often  expresses  itself  in  the  form  of  a  prayer  for  the 
protection  of  the  nephew  during  a  battle  or  a  combat,  while 
the  rejoicing  is  sometimes  a  jjassionate  outburst,  sometimes  an 
embrace,  according  to  the  desire  of  the  poet  to  make  much  or 
little  of  the  situation.  When  Roland  first  makes  his  appear- 
ance in  the  army  of  the  Emperor,  the  uncle  entrusts  him  to 
the  care  of  Ogier,  on  account  of  his  extreme  youth : 

"  Ogier,"  dist  il,  "  tenez  moi  conuenant 
De  mon  neuou,  por  ce  quel  sai  enfant: 
Car  nule  rien  n'aime  ge  atretant."  ^ 

{Aspremont,  ed.  Bekker,  p.  44,  col.  2) 

Charlemagne's  distress  at  leaving  Roland  behind  on  the  retreat 
from  Spain  is  very  keen : 

Sur  tuz  les  altres  est  Charles  anguissus : 
As  porz  d'Espaigne  ad  laissiet  sun  nevuld. 
Pitiet  I'en  prent,  ne  poet  muer  n'en  plurt  .  .  . 

Pluret  des  oilz,  tiret  sa  barbe  blanche, 
Suz  sun  mantel  en  fait  la  cuntenance  .  .  . 

"  Jo  I'ai  laissiet  en  une  estrange  marebe. 
Deus!  se  jo  1'  pert,  ja  n'en  avrai  escange."'' 
{Chanson  de  Boland,  823,  829,  839) 

a  <■ '  Ogier, ' '  said  he,  ' '  keep  a  compact  with  me,  /  About  my 
nephew,  because  I  know  he  is  young ;  /  For  nothing  else  do  I  love 
so  much." 

t>  Above  all  others  is  Charles  anxious ;  /  In  the  mountain-passes 
of  Spain  he  has  left  his  nephew.  /  Pity  seizes  upon  him,  he  cannot 
help  but  weep  .  .  .  /  He  sheds  tears,  plucks  his  white  beard,  /  Under 
his  mantle  he  hides  his  countenance  .  .  .  /  "  I  have  left  him  in  a 
foreign  land.  /  God !  If  I  lose  him,  never  shall  I  have  his  like. ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         121 

On  arriving  at  Roneevaux  after  the  disaster,  his  first  word  is : 
U  estes  vus,  hels  nies^  (2402).  In  Fierdbras,  his  distress  is 
keen  when  he  has  been  falsely  persuaded  that  Roland  is  dead: 

"  Ahi !  Rollans,  biaus  nies,  com  vous  avoie  chier ! 
Jamais  ne  vous  venrai  .1.  tout  seul  jour  entier. 
Ja  Damedieu  ne  plaice,  qui  tout  a  a  jugier, 
Que  jamais  sur  mon  cief  port  coronne  d'oimier." 
Lors  se  pasma  li  rois  sur  le  col  du  destrier; 
Ja  en  alast  a  terre,  ne  fuissent  li  estrier  .  .  . 

"  He !  las/'  fait  il,  "  quel  perte  ai  fait  par  ma  f olour ! 
Biaus  nies,  je  vous  ai  mort  par  ma  mauvaise  errour."  ^ 
{Fierahras,  4565,  4574) 

And  when  he  hears  that  his  nephew  still  lives :  le  cuer  en  ot 
joiant;  il  ne  fust  pas  si  lies  pour  Vonnour  d'Oriant^  (4621).. 
He  prays  for  the  success  of  Roland,  who  is  engaged  in  single 
combat  with  Renaut: 

"  Glorieus  sire  pere,  par  vo  sainte  bonte, 
Garissies  moi  Rollant  de  mort  et  d'afoler, 
U  trametes  tel  signe  qu'il  soient  desevre."  ^ 
{Renaut  de  Montauhan,  p.  322,  19) 

a  "Where  are  you,  fair  nephew. 

b^'Ah!  Eoland,  fair  nephew^  how  dear  I  held  you!  /Nevermore 
shall  I  see  you  for  even  a  single  day.  /  May  God  not  please,  who 
has  all  to  judge,  /  That  ever  on  my  head  I  shall  wear  a  crown  of 
pure  gold. ' '  /  Then  the  King  fainted  upon  the  neck  of  his  steed.  / 
He  would  surely  have  fallen  to  the  ground,  were  it  not  for  the- 
stirrups.  .  .  .  /  ' '  Alas ! ' '  said  he,  ' '  What  a  loss  I  have  had  through 
my  folly !  /  Fair  nephew,  I  have  kille'^  vou  through  my  wretched 
error. ' ' 

c  His  heart  was  joyful  at  this;  he  would  not  have  been  so  happy 
for  all  the  lands  of  the  Orient. 

d ' '  Glorious  Lord  and  Father,  by  your  sacred  bounty,  /  Protect 
me  Roland  from  death  and  injury,  /  Or  send  me  such  a  sign  that 
they  are  parted." 


122  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

He  watches  during  the  combat  with  Otinel,  and  fears  when  his 
nephew  receives  some  hard  blows: 

"  Diex,"  dist  li  rois,  "  com  cist  cop  est  pesant ! 
Sainte  Marie,  garisses  moi  RoUant !  " 
Se  RoUans  chiet,  n'en  soiez  merveillant, 
Quant  son  cheval  est  desous  lui  morant.* 
(Otinel,  468) 

When  Roland  and  his  opponent  come  to  an  agreement  the  uncle 
asks: 

"  Biaus  nies,"  dit  il,  "  com  vos  est  convenant  ? 
Dites  le  moi,  quar  j'en  sui  moult  engTant."^ 
(Otinel,  604) 

His  anxiety  is  extreme  when  during  a  combat  with  Oliver 
Roland's  helmet  is  cleft  by  a  sword-stroke;  he  runs  to  him 
and  takes  off  his  helmet : 

Quant  sain  le  trouve,  grant  joie  en  a  eu. 
"  Bials  nies,"  dist  il,  "  grant  paor  ai  eu 
Que  ne  fussies  ne  mors  ne  confondus."  ^ 
(Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  92) 

In  this  fight  Roland  and  Oliver  are  engaged  in  combat  on  ac- 
count of  their  respective  uncles,  who  pray  each  for  the  safety 
of  his  nephew  during  the  fight  (p.  133  ff.). 

That  Baudoin  is  constantly  present  in  Charlemagne's  mind 
is  attested  by  his  joy  when  his  nephew  wins  a  tournament,  by 
his  attempts  to  dissuade  him  from  crossing  the  Rune,  by  his 
vexation  when  he  learns  that  Baudoin  has  disobeyed  his  com- 

a'^God!  "  said  the  King,  ''how  ponderous  is  that  blow!  /  Saint 
Mary,  protect  Eoland  for  me !  "  /  If  Roland  falls,  be  not  amazed 
at  it,  /  When  his  horse  is  dying  under  him. 

f  Fair  nephew,"  said  he,  ''how  goes  it  with  you? /Tell  me, 
for  I  am  very  anxious  about  it." 

cWhen  he  finds  him  sound,  he  feels  great  joy. /"Fair  nephew," 
he  said,  ' '  I  had  great  fear  /  Lest  you  might  be  killed  or  over- 
whelmed. ' ' 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS  123 

mand  and  crossed  once  more,  and  by  his  pretence  at  anger, 
concealing  his  real  joy,  when  they  meet  again: 

Grant  joie  ot  I'emperere  quant  son  neveu  enmaine; 
A  son  cors  desarmer  fu  la  premiere  paine, 
Puis  vesti  dras  de  lin  et  bliaut  taint  en  graine. 
Par  toute  I'ost  parolent  dou  neveu  Karlemaine, 
Qui  a  fait  outre  Rune  la  jouste  premeraine.^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  LXXVI,  1) 

"  Biau  nies,"  dist  I'ampereres,  "  trop  iestes  amors  [?] 
De  passer  outre  Rune :  trop  est  cruex  li  pors." 
"  Sire,"  dist  Baudoins,  "  qar  outre  est  mes  tresors : 
Ce  qi  est  gries  as  autres,  m'est  solaz  et  depors."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CV,  1-i) 

^^  He,  Dex !  "  dist  Karlemaines,  "  com  est  outraliez !  ^^ 
Se  Saisne  le  m'ocient,  suens  en  iert  li  pechiez, 
Et  miens  en  iert  li  diax  et  li  domages  griez."  ° 
{Saisnes,  CXXX,  20) 

Meisme  Karlemaines  s'en  est  .iij.  fois  seigniez, 
Ses  braz  li  giete  au  col  par  molt  granz  amistiez; 
La  fu  molt  Baudoins  acolez  et  baisiez. 
La  joie  est  comencie,  et  li  duels  est  laissiez. 

a  The  Emperor  felt  great  joy  when  he  leads  away  his  nephew;  / 
To  disarm  him  was  his  first  care,  /  Then  he  put  on  him  linen  gar- 
ments and  a  tunic  dyed  scarlet.  /  Throughout  the  army  they  talk 
of  the  nephew  of  Charlemagne,  /  Who  fought  across  the  Kune  an 
extraordinary  tourney. 

b^'Fair  nephew,"  said  the  Emperor,  "too  fond  are  you  /  Of 
crossing  the  Eune ;  too  dangerous  is  the  passage. "  /  "  Sir, ' '  said 
Baudoin,  ' '  on  the  other  side  my  treasure  is ;  /  That  which  is  hard- 
ship to  others,  to  me  is  pleasure  and  enjoyment. ' ' 

c  ' '  Ah,  God ! ' '  said  Charlemagne,  ' '  how  angry  he  is !  /  If  the 
Saxons  slay  him,  his  will  be  the  wrong,  /  And  mine  will  be  the 
grief  and  the  great  loss.'' 

89  Eead  contraliez?  Seemingly  a  confusion  between  outrecuidies 
and  contraliez. 


124  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Sor  toz  an  fu  li  rois  et  joianz  et  haitiez; 
Nequedant  samblant  fist  que  il  fust  molt  iriez.® 
{Saisnes,  CXXX,  52) 

The  emotion  of  Gondrebuef  on  hearing  of  the  pitiful  plight 
of  his  nephew  Ansei's,  who  is  besieged  in  Estorge,  is  equalled 
by  that  of  Charlemagne,  the  other  uncle  of  Ansei's : 

Rois   Gondrebues   mout  tenrement   plora; 

Quant  les  nouveles  oi  et  escouta, 

Ne  pot  respondre;  tons  li  cuers  li  sera  .  .  . 

Rois  Gondrebues  mout  petitet  menga, 
Pour  Anseis,  son  neveu,  sospira.^ 
{Anseis  de  Cartage,  9023,  9041) 

Quant  Karles  Tot,  mout  en  est  abosmes, 
Tenrement  plore,  li  cuers  li  est  seres, 
L'eve  li  cort  fil  a  fil  les  le  nes.^ 
{Anseis  de  Cartage,  9270) 

In  a  similar  way  the  poet  depicts  Guillaume's  anxiety  for 
Yivien,  who  is  fighting  in  Spain: 

Guillaumes  fut  corocies  deurrement, 
De  son  nevot  li  poise  aparement, 
Qu'est  en  Espaigne  entre  paiene  gent, 
Ou  se  conbat  a  I'acier  et  au  brant. 

a  Charlemagne  crossed  himself  three  times,  /  He  throws  his  arms 
about  Ms  neck  with  great  affection;  /  Then  was  Baudoin  much 
caressed  and  embraced.  /  Joy  has  begun,  and  grief  has  ceased.  / 
Above  all  men^  the  King  was  joyous  and  cheerful ;/ Nevertheless 
he  made  pretence  that  he  was  very  angry. 

b  King  Gondrebuef  wept  tenderly ;  /  When  he  heard  and  listened 
to  the  news,  /  He  could  not  reply ;  all  his  heart  was  oppressed. . . .  / 
King  Gondrebuef  ate  but  little,  /  For  Anseis,  his  nephew,  he 
sighed. 

c  When  Charles  hears  this,  he  is  much  downcast,  /  Tenderly  he 
weeps,  his  heart  is  oppressed,  /  The  water  runs  trickling  down 
along  his  nose. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         125 

"  Deu,"  dist  Guillaumes,  "  eon  j'ai  lou  cuer  dolant."  * 
{Enfances  Vivien,  3139) 

He  is  disturbed  by  a  dream  about  Vivien,  asks  Girart  for  news 
of  him,  and  hastens  to  the  rescue  at  the  battle  of  I'Archamp : 

Voit  lou  Guillelmes,  a  poi  qu'il  n'est  desves: 
Beaus  nies  Gerars,  por  Deu !  car  me  contes 
De  Vivien  novelles  et  vertes  "... 

Et  dist  Guillelmes:  "Baron,  car  vos  hasteis; 
Se  Viviens  i  est  a  mort  navres, 
A  tos  jors  mais  en  serai  adoleis."^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1102,  1269) 

His  anxiety  for  Vivien  is  intense  during  the  battle  of  Aliscans : 

Li  quens  Guillaumes  voit  ses  homes  morir ; 
Forment  li  poise,  quant  nes  pot  garandir. 
Vivien  kiert,  mais  ne  le  puet  veir; 
Quant  il  nel  traeve,  le  sens  quide  marir.^ 
(Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  40) 

His  joy  is  equally  keen  on  seeing  Bertrand,  who  has  just  been 
released  from  a  Saracen  prison  by  Renoart: 

"Biaus   nies   Bertrans,   n'est   or   liens   de   parler; 
Jou  ne  vos  puis  basier  ne  acoler, 

a  Guillaume  was  greatly  irritated ;  /  He  is  disturbed  evidently 
about  his  nephew,  /  Who  is  in  Spain  among  the  pagan  race,  / 
Where  he  is  fighting  with  his  steel  blade.  / ''God!  "  said  Guil- 
laume, ' '  how  sad  is  my  heart ! ' ' 

b  Guillaume  sees  him,  and  is  almost  beside  himself ;  / ' '  Fair 
nephew  Girart,  in  Heaven 's  name,  tell  me  /  News  of  Vivien  and 
true  reports. "  .  .  .  /  And  Guillaume  said :  ' '  Barons,  pray  hasten ; 
/  If  Vivien  is  wounded  to  death  there,  /  For  evermore  I  shall  be 
afflicted. ' ' 

c  Count  Guillaume  sees  his  men  dying ;  /  Greatly  it  disturbs  him, 
when  he  cannot  protect  them.  /  He  seeks  Vivien,  but  cannot  see 
him ;  /  When  he  finds  him  not,  he  almost  goes  out  of  his  senses. 


126  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Car  n'avons  mie  loisir  de  reposer."  * 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  5669) 

The  joy  of  Naimon  when  the  Emperor  consents  to  grant  his 
nephew  Ogier  a  reprieve  and  to  entrust  him  to  his  care  is  so 
great  that  he  cannot  leave  him  behind  when  starting  on  a 
campaign : 

Lors  s'est  dux  Namles  si  liez  dou  roy  sevres 

Que  de  liece  fu  si  ses  euers  combles 

Qu'ains  n'ot  tel  joie  des  I'eure  qu'il  fu  nes  .  .  . 

Li  bons  dux  Namles  d'une  rien  s'avisa : 
Que  son  neveu  Ogier  o  lui  menra: 
Tant  fist  au  roy  que  congie  Ten  donna.^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  453,  553) 

Naimon's  delight  at  Ogier's  success  is  exultant;  he  is  distressed 
when  his  nephew  and  a  companion  are  about  to  fight  a  duel 
with  two  Saracens,  and  almost  heart-broken  when  he  hears  that 
Ogier  is  dismounted  and  fighting  alone  against  a  hundred,  and 
at  the  end,  when  he  is  complimented  on  his  nephew's  brave 
performance,  he  luxuriates  in  quiet  enjoyment : 

Li  bons  dux  Namles  I'ot  mene  a  son  tre, 
Conjoy  Tot  de  cuer  plain  d'amiste. 
Car  assez  I'ot  baisie  et  acole 
Ains  que  de  riens  I'eiist  on  desarme. 
N'est  pas  merveille  se  il  I'ot  en  chierte, 
Selonc  ce  k'ot  cele  jornee  ouvre.^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  1320) 

a ''Fair  nephew  Bertrand,  now  is  no  place  to  talk; /I  cannot 
kiss  nor  embrace  you,  /  For  we  have  no  time  to  rest. ' ' 

b  Then  did  Duke  Naimon  part  from  the  King  so  joyfully  /  That 
his  heart  was  so  full  of  gladness  /  That  he  never  had  such  joy  since 
the  hour  that  he  was  born.  .  .  .  /  The  good  Duke  Naimon  thought 
of  something :  /  That  he  shall  take  his  nephew  Ogier  with  him ; 
/He  said  so  much  to  the  King  that  he  gave  him  leave. 

c  The  good  duke  Naimon  took  him  to  his  tent,  /  He  greeted  him 
with  heart  full  of  joy;  /Full  long  he  kissed  and  caressed  him,/ 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         127 

Charles  les  va  de  sa  main  benissant, 

Pour  aus  va  Namles  moult  de  cuer  souspirant  .  .  . 

Quant  li  dux  Namles  ceste  parole  entent, 
Tel  duel  en  a  pres  que  ses  cuers  ne  f ent : 
Ogier  regrete  li  dux  moult  souplement, 
En  graciant  Dieu  de  cuer  bounement.^ 
{Enfances  Ogier ^  2575,  3045) 

Namles  I'entent,  si  en  va  sousriant, 

Moult  li  estoient  cil  mot  au  cuer  plaisant  .  .  . 

Quant  Namles  a  son  neveu  regarde, 
De  courtoisie  si  duit  et  avise, 
Torment  li  plot.'' 

{Enfances  Ogier,  6982,  7003) 

In  the  same  way,  the  interest  of  Guerri  is  acute  during  the 
combat  of  his  grand-nephew  Gautier  with  Bernier;  he  prays 
to  God:  Garis  Gautier,  mon  neveu  le  vailant^  {Raoul  de  Cam- 
hrai,  4419  ff.)-  -^^  interesting  combination  is  found  in  the 
fact  that  it  is  Bemier's  nephew  Aliaume  who  acts  as  his  second 
in  this  encounter,  while  Gautier's  great-uncle  acts  for  him.  In 
the  geste  of  the  Lorrains,  Garin  is  in  despair  on  learning  of 
the  capture  of  his  nephews : 

Au  Loherenc  fu  la  nouvelle  dit 

Que  si  nevou  i  furent  trestuit  prins. 

Before  they  had  relieved  him  of  any  of  his  armor.  /  It  is  no  wonder 
if  he  held  him  dear,  /  According  to  what  he  performed  that  day. 

a  Charles  goes  blessing  them  with  his  hand,  /  For  them  Naimon 
goes  sighing  very  •  deeply.  .  .  .  /  When  Duke  Naimon  hears  this 
word,  /  Such  grief  has  he  that  his  heart  almost  breaks;  /  The  Duke 
laments  Ogier  very  humbly,  /  Thanking  God  courteously  and 
heartily. 

b  Naimon  hears  him,  and  goes  away  smiling ;  /  Very  pleasant  to 
his  heart  were  these  words.  .  .  .  /  When  Naimon  looked  at  his 
nephew,  /  In  courtesy  so  practised  and  gifted,  /  Greatly  he  pleased 
him. 

c  Protect  Gautier,  my  nephew  so  valiant. 


128  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Ez  vous  le  duel  contreval  Fost  Pepin.^ 
{Garin,  II,  p.  204) 

As  is  usual  with  the  uncle,  the  first  thought  of  the  wounded 
Gamier,  the  hero  of  Aye  d' Avignon,  on  reviving,  is  for  his 
nephews : 

Li  dus  ce  fu  pasmes,  mais  lues  s'est  esperis. 
"  Seignors,"  ce  dist  Garniers,  "  por  Famor  Dieu,  mercis. 
Ou  sont  mi  dui  neveu,  Guichart  et  Aulori  ?  "  ^^ 
{Aye,  3107) 

(6)   Occasional    Quarrels 

That  the  relations  between  uncle  and  nephew  are  not  always 
peaceful  bears  testunony  to  the  knowledge  which  the  poet 
possesses  of  the  vagaries  of  hiunan  nature;  intimate  as  the 
connection  is,  and  perhaps  by  virtue  of  its  very  closeness,  we 
find  its  harmony  temporarily  interrupted  by  occasional  pro- 
tracted disputes.  Surely  these  are  copied  from  life :  with  their 
violent  natures,  their  outbursts  of  pettishness,  their  abrupt 
descent  from  the  heights  of  greatness  to  the  level  of  ordinary 
humanity,  the  heroes  of  the  epic,  whether  Greek  or  French, 
certainly  appear  at  times  very  close  to  the  living  model.^^ 
Charlemag-ne  and  Roland  indulge  in  many  disagreements,  the 
Emperor  sometimes  striking  his  nephew  with  his  glove,  while 
Roland,  though  in  general  cool  and  reasonably  polite,  is  some- 
times goaded  by  rage  to  the  point  of  striking  back,  but  is 
always  prevented.  So,  too,  are  other  nephews  kept  from  strik- 
ing the  uncle  by  the  recollection  of  the  respect  due  him;  the 
consistency  with  which  the  poets  make  use  of  this  device  to 

a  To  the  Lorrain  the  news  was  told  /  That  his  nephews  were  all 
taken.  /  Lo !  the  grief  throughout  the  army  of  Pepin. 

b  The  Duke  had  fainted,  but  soon  regained  his  senses.  /  ^ '  My 
lords,"  said  Gamier,  ''for  love  of  God,  I  beg  of  you,  /  Where  are 
my  two  nephews,  Guichart  and  Alori?" 

90  Andrew  Lang  has  also  pointed  out  this  parallel  between  the 
two  epics,  pp.  297  ff.,  of  his  Homer  and  Ms  Age. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         129 

moderate  the  nephew's  wrath  suggests  a  very  deeply  rooted 
feeling  of  the  saeredness  of  the  uncle's  position  in  general. 
There  is  no  difficulty  in  reestablishing  friendly  relations,  and 
the  quarrel  ends  in  reconciliation.  The  effect  of  these  stormy 
scenes  from  a  dramatic  standpoint  is  to  enliven  the  monotony 
of  what  to  us  are  rather  tedious  accounts  of  battles,  and  it  may 
be  surmised  that  the  mediaeval  world  was  moved  by  these  inter- 
ludes not  to  terror  or  suspense,  but  rather  to  a  smile  of  ap- 
preciation. 

The  anger  of  Roland  because  Charlemagne  had  boasted  of 
the  veterans  of  his  army,  and  his  refusal  to  combat  Fierabras, 
stir  the  Emperor  himself  to  wrath;  while  Oliver  and  the  giant 
are  fighting,  he  upbraids  his  nephew  again;  and  he  finally 
punishes  him  by  threatening  to  send  him  on  a  dangerous 
mission : 

Karles  trait  son  gant  destre,  qui  fu  a  or  pares, 
Fiert  le  comte  Rollant  en  travers  sur  le  nes; 
Apres  le  caup  en  est  11  clers  sans  avales ; 
Rollans  jete  le  main  au  branc  qui  est  letres; 
Ja  en  ferist  son  oncle  se  il  n'en  fust  ostes. 
"  Ha,  Dix !  "  dist  Karlemaines,  "  comment  sui  vergondes, 
Quant  icil  me  ceurt  seure  qui  mes  nies  est  clamez."  * 
{Fierdbras,  166) 

*^  He  glous,"  dist  I'enperere,  "  bien  vous  ai  escoute ; 
N'i  ossastes  aler  pour  vostre  mauvaiste. 
Fils  a  putain,  eouars,  a  tart  aves  parle; 
Encor  vous  sera  il,  se  je  vif,  reprouve." 
Rollans  se  taist  tons  cois,  ne  li  a  mot  sonne, 

a  Charles  draws  off  his  right  glove,  which  was  embroidered  with 
gold,/  Strikes  Count  Eoland  across  his  nose;  /After  the  blow  the 
bright  blood  flows  down.  /  Eoland  puts  his  hand  to  his  blade,  which 
is  inscribed;  /He  would  surely  have  struck  his  uncle  with  it  had 
he  not  been  taken  away.  /  *  *  Ah,  God ! ' '  said  Charlemagne,  ' '  How 
I  am  shamed,  /  When  he  runs  at  me  who  is  called  my  nephew. ' ' 

10 


130  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Fors  taut  qu'il  dist :  "  Biaus  oncles,  dites  vo  volente."  * 
{Fierahras,  822) 

"Biaus  nies,"  ce  dist  li  rois,  "trop  sui  pour  vous  ires; 
Tel  lieu  vous  trametrai  anehois  .ii.  jors  passes, 
U  jamais  ne  venres  lumiere  ne  clartes."  ^ 
{Fierahras,  2264) 

At  another  time  lie  falls  into  a  passion  with  Roland  for  making 
peace  with  Oliver : 

"  Glous,"  ce  dist  Karl,  jamais  ne  t'iert  rove ! 
Fui  de  mon  ost !    Trop  i  a  demore." 
"  Non  ferai.  Sire,"  dis  Rollant  li  mambre. 
"  Ne  m'en  irai,  tant  com  vos  i  serez."  ^ 
(Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  159). 

When  Roland  mildly  pokes  fun  at  his  uncle  and  advises  him  to 
give  up  France  for  good  to  Gui  de  Bourgogne,  the  Emperor 
flies  into  a  passion  and  soon  arouses  the  resentment  of  his 
nephew,  who  answers  back  in  plain  language : 

Quant  I'entandi  Karlon,  si  a  le  chief  crolle, 
Qu'il  se  bien  que  ses  niez  Rollans  Pa  ranposne: 
"  Ha !  glous,"  dist  Femperere,  "  com  tu  es  f orsene ! 
Ains  ne  me  fu  par  toi  .i.  bons  eonsaus  dones  "... 

a ' '  Ha,  knave ! ' '  said  the  Emperor,  ' '  I  have  heard  you  per- 
fectly ;  /  You  dared  not  go,  for  your  cowardice.  /  Son  of  a  dog, 
coward,  too  late  you  have  spoken ;  /  You  will  still,  if  I  live,  be 
reproached  for  it. "  /  Eoland  is  quiet  and  silent,  nor  spoke  a  word, 
/  Save  that  he  said :  * '  Fair  uncle,  say  your  pleasure. ' ' 

b^'Fair  nephew,"  thus  spoke  the  King,  ''on  your  account  I  am 
very  angry;  /To  such  a  place  will  I  send  you  ere  two  days  be 
past,  /  Where  never  will  you  see  light  nor  gleam. ' ' 

c  ' '  Villain ! ' '  thus  spoke  Charles,  ' '  never  was  it  commanded !  / 
Flee  from  my  army !  Too  long  hast  thou  remained  here !"/''! 
will  not  do  so,  Sire, ' '  said  Eoland  the  prudent,  /  ' '  I  shall  not  leave^ 
so  long  as  you  are  here." 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         131 

"Laissomes  ce  viellart  qui  tons  est  assotez: 
A  .c.M.  dyables  soit  ses  cors  conunandes ! "  ^ 
(Qui  de  Bourgogne,  1042,  1061) 

Charlemagne^s  attempts  to  curb  the  ardent  nature  of  his 
nephew  Baudoin,  who  wishes  to  go  love-making  into  the  very 
midst  of  the  enemy,  lead  to  an  interchange  of  opinions,  be- 
ginning with  a  warning  on  the  part  of  the  uncle,  and  culminat- 
ing in  the  nephew's  taking  his  departure  in  a  fit  of  temper : 

"  De  passer  outre  Rune  vos  f  ais  banc  et  def ois, 
Baudoin  mon  neveu  et  ces  autres  Frangois."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CXXV,  6) 

A  lui  s'an  va  tot  droit,  ja  sera  araisniez : 
"  Baudoin,"  dist  li  rois,  "  mes  commanz  est  laissiez. 
Je  ai  veu  tel  ore  que  ja  ne  1'  pansissiez; 
Mes  de  mes  amis  sui  af  ebliz,  ce  cuidiez : 
Por  ce,  ce  m'est  avis,  me  covient  desprisier. 
Hom  privez  mal  achate,  ce  tesmoigne  li  bries. 
Li  autre  Font  tenu,  vos  estes  sorcuidiez. 
Vos  me  demostrez  bien  comment  vos  me  prisiez."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CXXX,  58) 

When  Baudoin  rushes  oflf  in  spite,  he  cries:  Et  se  je  an  retor, 

a  When  Charles  heard  him,  he  shook  his  head,  /  For  he  knows 
well  that  his  nephew  Roland  has  derided  him; /''Ha!  knave, *' 
said  the  Emperor^  ' '  how  mad  thou  art !  /  Never  was  good  counsel 
given  me  by  thee !  "  .  .  .  /  "  Let  us  leave  this  old  man  who  is  all 
besotted;  /  To  a  hundred  thousand  devils  let  him  be  commended!  " 

d ' '  From  crossing  the  Rune  I  prohibit  and  interdict  you,  / 
Baudoin  my  nephew,  and  these  other  Frenchmen." 

c  To  him  straightway  he  goes;  now  he  will  be  admonished;/ 
''Baudoin,"  said  the  King,  "my  command  is  neglected.  / 1  have 
seen  a  time  when  you  would  not  have  thought  it;  /But  I  am  weak 
in  friends,  you  think ;  /  For  this,  in  my  opinion,  it  suits  you  to  dis- 
dain me.  /  A  man  bereft  fares  ill,  so  the  writing  testifies.  /  The 
others  observed  it,  but  you  are  arrogant.  /  You  show  me  plainly 
how  you  esteem  me. ' ' 


132  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

jamais  m'amor  n'aurez^  (CXXXII,  33),  whereupon  his  uncle 
decides  that  he  will  cool  his  love  of  adventure  by  bidding  him 
go  among  the  enemy  and  bring  back  Sebile's  ring,  and  the 
Saxons  exclaim :  N'aimme  pas  son  neveu,  qu'ou  met  an  tel  ran- 
don^  (CXXXVI,  25).^^  Baudoin  quite  properly  resents  this 
foolish  whim; 

"Hai  Karles,  vieillarz!     Dex  te  doint  ancombrier! 
Se  je  muir  autre  Saisnes,  que  cuides  gaaigner? 
Tu  n'amas  onque  home  s'il  ne  fu  losangier 
Ou  tel  que  tu  peusses  tot  a  ton  vuel  plaissier. 
Par  ton  f  orf ait  f  u  morz  RoUanz  et  Olivier."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CXLIX,  39) 

In  the  Prise  d'Orenge,  Guillaume  becomes  angry  with  his 
ironical  nephew  Guielin,  and  says  to  him : 

"  Se  n'estoit  or  por  honte  et  por  viltage, 
Ge  te  dorroie  une  colee  large." 
Dist  Guielins :  "  Vos  f eriez  f olage. 
I  Huimes  dirai,  ne  me  chaut  qui  le  saehe: 

"'  '  ^  L'en  soloit  dire  Guillaume  Fierabrace, 

Or  dira  l'en  Guillaume  I'amiable.' 
En  ceste  vile  par  amistie  entrastes."  * 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  1558) 

a  And  if  I  return^  never  shall  you  have  my  love  again. 

i^He  does  not  love  his  nephew^  who  drives  him  to  such  violence. 

c'^Ha!  Charles,  old  man!  God  give  thee  ill!  /If  I  die  among 
the  Saxons,  what  thinkest  thou  to  gain?  /  Thou  didst  never  love  a 
man  if  he  was  not  a  flatterer,  /  Or  such  that  thou  couldst  bend 
wholly  to  thy  will.  /  By  thy  misdeed  was  Eoland  killed,  and 
Oliver. ' ' 

d '  <  If  it  was  not  for  shame  and  opprobrium,  / 1  would  give  thee 
•a  good  blow. ' '  /  Said  Guielin :  ' '  You  would  do  a  foolish  thing.  / 
Henceforth  I  shall  say,  and  I  care  not  who  may  know  it,  /  *  They 
were  accustomed  to  say  Guillaume  of  the  terrible  arms,  /  Now  they 
will  say  Guillaume  the  amiable. '  /  You  entered  this  city  through 
love. ' ' 

9iEead  on% 


STYLISTIC    TREATMENT    IN    THE   POEMS         133 

There  is  a  quarrel  between  Guerri  and  bis  nepbew  Raoul  when 
the  former  advises  against  continuing  the  feud  with  Herbert's 
sons: 

Raous  parole  au  coraige  hardi: 

"  On  soloit  dire  le  riche  sor  Guerri, 

Qu'en  tout  le  mont  n'avoit  .j.  si  hardi, 

Mais  or  le  voi  couart  et  resorti." 

Guerris  I'oi,  fierement  respondi: 

Por  trestout  For  d'Abevile  en  Ponti, 

Ne  volsist  il  qe  il  I'eiist  gehi, 

Ne  qe  ces  nies  Ten  elist  si  laidi.^ 
{Raoul  de  Camhrai,  2179) 

In  Garin,  Fromont  upbraids  his  nephew  Thiebaut  and  threatens 
to  strike  him,  but  is  prevented  by  friends. 

(c)   Grief  of  Uncle 

The  emotional  phase  which  seems  to  appeal  most  strongly 
to  the  poets  is  the  attitude  of  the  uncle  after  the  death  of  the 
nephew.  His  laments  are  endless,  and  the  poet  takes  evident 
pleasure  in  making  his  grief  as  heart-rending  as  possible. 
From  the  general  resemblance  of  such  passages  to  a  prototype 
in  the  Chanson  de  Boland,  it  might  be  assumed  that  here,  if 
anywhere  in  the  poetic  treatment  of  this  relationship,  the  later 
poets  must  be  taxed  with  imitation.  Yet  all  such  passages 
have  an  atmosphere  of  sincerity;  there  is  to  be  sure  an  occa- 
sional verse  or  hemistich  following  directly  after  the  announce- 
ment of  the  death  of  a  character,  which  sounds  as  if  the  poet 
were  perfunctorily  complying  with  the  hienseances  when  he 
does  not  wish  to  expatiate  upon  the  uncle's  grief,  but  he  so 
generally  does  wish  to  expatiate  upon  it  that  short  laments  are 

a  Raoul  speaks,  the  stout-hearted :  /  "  People  were  accustomed  to 
say  '  the  powerful  Sir  Guerri, '  /  For  in  all  the  world  there  was 
not  one  so  bold,  /  But  now  I  see  him  cowardly  and  faint-hearted. ' '  / 
Guerri  heard  him,  proudly  he  replied :  /  For  all  the  gold  in  Abbe- 
ville en  Ponthieu,  /  He  would  not  have  wished  that  he  had  declared 
this,  /  Nor  that  his  nephew  had  vilified  him  so. 


134  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

the  exception.     These  passages  are  in  the  main  so  long  that 
they  cannot  be  gone  into  here  in  detail. 

CharlemagTie's  grief  is  increased  when  he  finds  the  body 
of  Roland;  he  weeps  and  tears  his  hair  and  faints  repeatedly 
and  finally  denounces  Ganelon: 

Pitiet  en  ad,  ne  poet  muer  n^en  plurt  .  .  . 
Nen  est  merveille  se  Carles  ad  irur. 
Descent  a  pied,  alez  i  est  plein  curs. 
Si  prent  le  Cunte  entre  ses  mains  ambsdous, 
Sur  lui  se  pasmet,  tant  par  est  anguissus.^ 
{Roland,  2873,  2877) 

"  Jamais  n'iert  jurz  de  tei  n'aie  dulur. 
Cum  decarrat  ma  force  e  ma  baldur! 
Nen  avrai  ja  ki  sustienget  m'honur; 
Suz  ciel  ne  quid  aveir  ami  un  sul. 
Se  j'ai  parenz,  nen  i  ad  nul  si  prud." 

Trait  ses   crignels  pleines  ses  mains  ambsdous, 
Sur  lui  se  pasmet  tant  par  est  anguissus.^ 
{Roland,  2901) 

"  A  grant  dulur  tiendrai  pois  mun  reialme : 
Jamais  n'iert  jurz  que  ne  plur  ne  m'en  pleigne. 
Amis  Rollanz,  prozdum,  juvente  bele. 
Cum  jo  serai  ad  Ais  en  ma  capele, 
Viendrunt  li  hume,  demanderunt  nuveles; 
Je's  lur  dirrai  merveilluses  e  pesmes : 
Morz  est  mis  nies,  ki  tant  suleit  cunquerre"  .  .  . 

a  He  is  moved  to  pity,  and  cannot  help  but  weep.  .  .  ./  It  is  no 
wonder  if  Charles  feels  sorrow.  /  He  dismounts,  runs  to  him,  / 
Takes  the  Count  in  both  arms,  /  Faints  over  Mm,  so  distressed  is  he. 

b ' '  Never  will  there  be  a  day  when  I  do  not  lament  thee !  /  How 
my  strength  and  my  pride  will  fail  now !  / 1  shall  have  none  to 
defend  my  honor; /On  earth  I  do  not  think  I  have  a  single 
friend.  /  If  I  have  relatives,  I  have  none  so  brave. "  /  He  plucks 
out  his  hair  with  both  hands,  /  And  faints  over  him,  so  distressed 
is  he. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         135 

"  Ki  guierat  mes  oz  a  tel  poeste, 
Quant  cil  est  morz  ki  tuz  jurz  nus  cadelet? 
E !  France  dulce,  cum  remeins  hoi  deserte ! 
Si  grant  doel  ai  que  jo  ne  vuldreie  estre."  *  . 
{Roland,  2914,  2926) 

"  Si  grant  doel  ai  que  ne  vuldreie  vivre, 
De  ma  maisniee  ki  pur  mei  est  ocise. 
Co  me  duinst  Deus,  li  filz  seinte  Marie, 
Einz  que  jo  vienge  as  maistres  porz  de  Sizre, 
L'anme  de  1'  eors  me  seit  hoi  departie, 
Entre  les  lur  fust  aluee  e  mise, 
E  ma  car  fust  delez  els  enfuie." 
Pluret  des  oilz,  sa  blanche  barbe  tiret.^ 
{Roland,  2936) 

Echoes  of  this  grief  are  heard  in  other  poems :  in  giving  Aymer 
the  fief  of  Spain,  the  Emperor  weeps  and  says : 

"  Car  g'i  perdi  le  mielz  de  mon  barne, 
Le  mien  neveu,  don  j'ai  le  cuer  ire."  ^ 
{Narhonnais,  2968) 

a ''In  great  grief  I  shall  hereafter  hold  my  realm;  /Never  will 
there  be  a  day  I  do  not  weep  nor  lament.  /  Friend  Roland,  brave 
knight,  fair  youth,  /  When  I  am  at  Aix  in  my  chapel,  /  Men  will 
come,  they  will  ask  news ;  / 1  will  tell  them  strange  and  evil  things ; 
/My  nephew  is  dead,  who  was  so  accustomed  to  conquer"  .  .  ./ 
' '  Who  will  guide  my  hosts  with  such  authority,  /  When  he  is  dead 
who  always  leads  us? /Ah!  Sweet  France,  how  dost  thou  remain 
today  deserted !  /  So  great  grief  have  I  that  I  would  wish  not  to 
exist. ' ' 

t> ' '  So  great  grief  have  I  that  I  would  wish  not  to  live,  /  On 
account  of  my  household  which  is  slain  for  me.  /  May  God  grant 
me  this,  the  son  of  Saint  Mary,  /  Before  I  come  to  the  great  pass 
of  Cize,  /  That  my  soul  today  may  depart  from  my  body,  /  An<l 
should  be  set  and  placed  with  theirs,  /  And  my  body  buried  beside 
them. ' '  /  He  sheds  tears,  and  plucks  his  white  beard. 

c ' '  For  I  have  lost  the  best  of  my  knights  there,  /  My  nephew, 
wherefore  my  heart  is  aiOflicted. ' ' 


136  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

At  the  beginning  of  the  Aymeri  de  Narbonne,  Charles  is  rep- 
resented as  returning  from  Spain,  overcome  with  grief  at  the 
loss  of  Roland: 

"  Biaus  nies,"  dist  il,  "  vostre  ame  soit  garie, 
En  paradis  coronnee  et  florie  ! ''  .  .  . 

Nostre  enperere  se  prist  a  dementer, 

Et  son  neveu  Rollant  a  regreter, 

Et  ses  barons  que  tant  soloit  amer: 

"  Biaus  nies/'  dist  Charles,  "  com  mar  vos  vi  finer ! 

Ne  porrai  mes  tel  ami  recovrer, 

Ne  sai  en  cui  me  porrai  mes  fier ! "  .  .  . 

"  Biaus  nies,'^  fist  il,  "  cil  Dex  qui  ne  menti 
Ait  de  vostre  ame  et  pitie  et  merci."  ^ 
{Aymeri,  134,  540,  586) 

Lors  plora  Karlemaines,  tant  fu  d'ire  destrois, 
Et  maudit  Guenelon  le  traitor  renois 
Qui  son  neveu  vandi  as  paiens  espanois.^ 

{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  XVIII,  ms.  Arsenal,  n°  175) 

With  these  passages  can  be  compared  those  expressing  the 
Emperor's  grief  at  the  death  of  his  nephew  Baudoin : 

"  Molt  m'auront  mal  mene  ceste  gent  paienor : 
De  mes  amis  m'ont  mort  le  meillor  et  la  flor : 
An  Roneevax  ocistrent  Rolant  le  fereor, 
Que  Ganes  li  trai'tes,  li  cuverz  boiseor, 

a  ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  he,  ' '  may  your  soul  be  saved,  /  In  Para- 
dise crowned  and  bedecked!/ .../ Our  Emperor  began  to  grieve,/ 
And  to  mourn  for  his  nephew  Eoland,  /  And  his  barons  whom  he 
was  wont  to  love  so  much :  /  "  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  Charles,  ' '  how 
untimely  I  saw  you  pass  away !  /  Never  can  I  replace  such  a 
friend;  /  I  know  not  in  whom  I  can  henceforth  trust!  "  .  . .  /  ''Fair 
nephew, ' '  quoth  he,  ' '  that  God  who  did  not  lie,  /  May  He  have  pity 
and  mercy  on  your  soul." 

i»  Then  Charlemagne  wept,  so  crushed  was  he  with  grief,  /  And 
cursed  Ganelon,  the  renegade  traitor,  /  Who  sold  his  nephew  to  the 
Spanish  pagans. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT   IN    THE    POEMS         137 

Fist  oeire  as  paiens,  don  j'ai  au  euer  iror; 
De  ga  me  r'ont  ocis  Baudoin  mon  nevor, 
Qui  Cliques  par  meschief  ne  fist  vilain  retor. 
He,  Dex !  la  mort  m'anvoie,  sanz  f  aire  lone  demor !  "  * 
{Saisnes,  CCLIX,  19) 

Challes  nostre  ampereres  plore  fort  et  sospire, 
Sa  grant  barbe  ehenue  sache  foiment  et  tire, 
Comme  eil  qi  ot  euer  et  dolant  et  plain  d'ire; 
La  ou  Baudoins  gist,  le  f rainc  au  eheval  tire ; 
Qant  il  I'a  coneu,  lors  commenga  a  dire: 
Ha,  Baudoin,"  dist  il,  "  tant  as  sosfert  martire, 
Por  t'onor  essaucier,  por  garder  ton  ampire !  " 
A  donques  traist  I'espee,  q'il  se  voloit  ocire.^ 
{Saisnes,  CCLX,  1) 

"  Ha !  biau  nies,"  dit  li  rois,  sor  toz  homes  puissant, 
"  De  bien  f  erir  sambloies  ton  eliier  f rere  Rollant ; 
De  san  et  de  voisdie  I'aliez  trespassant." 
Lors  se  bat  I'amperere  et  va  forment  plorant, 
L'aive  des  oilz  li  va  de  la  face  colant; 
Ke  pust  eeler  son  duel,  q'il  n'an  face  samblant.*^ 
{Saisnes,  CCLXVIII,  5) 

a ''This  pagan  race  will  very  harshly  have  treated  me;  /Of  my 
friends  they  have  slain  the  best  and  the  flower ;  /  At  Eoncevaux 
they  killed  Eoland  the  combattant,  /  Whom  Ganelon,  the  lying 
traitor,  /  Caused  the  pagans  to  slay,  wherefore  I  have  grief  in  my 
heart ;  /  Here  they  have  slain  my  nephew  Baudoin,  /  "Who  never 
wantonly  made  a  saucy  retort.  /  Ah,  God!  send  me  death,  without 
making  a  long  delay ! ' ' 

b  Charles,  our  Emperor,  weeps  much  and  sighs,  /  His  long  hoary 
beard  he  pulls  and  plucks,  /  Like  one  whose  heart  was  full  of  grief 
and  wrath;  /There  where  Baudoin  lies,  he  draws  rein;  /When  he 
recognized  him,  then  he  began  to  say :  /  ' '  Ah^  Baudoin, ' '  said 
he,  ' '  such  martyrdom  hast  thou  suffered,  /  To  exalt  thy  fief,  to 
preserve  thy  empire !  "  /  Then  he  drew  his  sword,  for  he  wished  to 
kill  himself. 

c  ' '  Ah !  fair  nephew,  ^ '  said  the  King,  powerful  above  all  men,  / 
"In  hitting  hard  thou  didst  resemble  thy  dear  brother  Eoland;/ 


138  ^  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

The  lament  of  Guillaume  for  Vivien  is  suggestive  of  that  of 
Charlemagne  over  Roland,  but  it  is  more  violent,  quite  in 
keeping  with  his  passionate  nature,  and  it  has  besides  a  sin- 
cerity which  makes  it  penetrating  and  appealing: 

Ot  lou  Guillelmes,  li  sans  li  est  mueis ; 
N'ot  mais  teil  deul  des  Tore  que  fu  neis, 
Car  entor  lui  vit  ses  boias  copeis  .  .  .^^ 

A  grant  mervaille  fut  corocies  Guillelmes, 
Cant  Vivien  voit  gesir  a  la  terre  .  .  . 

Ans  n'ot  mais  deul  qui  si  li  fust  a  certes; 
De  son  destrier  ehiet  a  terre  et  chancelle, 
Li  uns  leis  Fautre  se  pasment  a  la  ten-e. 
Cant  se  redrece,  sa  dolor  renovelle : 
"  Nies  Viviens,  con  ai  en  toi  grant  perte ! 
De  vo  lignage  estes  li  plus  honestes."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1862-1874) 

Si  i  perdit  de  ses  homes  la  flur, 
E  sun  nevou  dan  Vivien  le  prou. 

Thou  didst  go  exceeding  him  in  wisdom  and  cleverness. ' '  /  Then 
the  Emperor  beats  his  breast  and  goes  weeping  hard,  /  The  water 
from  his  eyes  goes  running  down  his  face ;  /  He  could  not  conceal 
his  grief,  so  as  not  to  betray  it. 

a  Guillaume  hears  him;  his  blood  stirs;  /He  never  felt  such  grief 
since  the  hour  that  he  was  born,  /  For  around  him  he  saw  his  bowels 
ripped  open.  .  .  .  /  Marvelously  was  Guillaume  angered  /  When 
he  sees  Vivien  lying  on  the  ground.  .  .  .  /  Never  felt  he  grief 
which  would  have  been  so  keen;  /From  his  steed  he  falls  to  the 
ground  and  totters;  /  One  beside  the  other,  they  swoon  upon  the 
ground.  /  When  he  rises,  he  renews  his  grief :  /  "  Nephew  Vivien, 
what  a  great  loss  I  have  in  thee !  /  Of  your  lineage  you  are  the 
most  honorable." 

92  Ms.  de  Paris,  Bib.  Nat.  f r.  468,  has  two  additional  verses  here : 

Tel  duel  en  a,  a  pou  qu'il  n'est  desvez; 
Ja  n'iert  mes  liez  nul  jor  de  son  ae. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         139 

Pur  qui  tuztens  el  quer  out  grant  dolur.* 
{Willame,  ed.  Suehier,  8) 

"  Diex ! "  dist  Guillaumes,  "  com  ai  mon  cuer  dolant. 

Receii  ai  hui  damage  si  grant, 
.    Dont  me  daurai  en  trestot  mon  vivant." 

"  Nies  Vivien,  de  vostre  hardement 

Ne  fu  nus  hom,  puis  ke  diex  fist  Adan. 

Or  vos  ont  mort  Sarrasin  et  Persant. 

Terre,  car  ouvre,  si  me  va  engloutant !  ^^ 

Dame  Guiborc,  mar  m'ires  atendant; 

Ja  en  Orenge  n'ere  mais  repairant." 

Li  cuens  Guillaumes  vait  tendrement  plorant, 

Et  ses  .ii.  poins  vait  si  fort  detorgant, 

Ke  sor  les  jointes  en  vait  li  cuirs  rompant, 

E  li  clers  sans  des  ongles  degoutant. 

Vivien  vait  doucement  regTetant, 

Soventes  fois  se  claimme  las,  dolant. 

De  sa  dolor  mar  ira  nus  parlant, 

Car  trop  le  maine  et  orible  et  pesant. 

Au  duel  k'i  maine  si  chai  de  Bauchant, 

Encontre  terre  se  vet  sovant  pasmant.^ 
[Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  706  ff.) 

a  And  lost  there  the  flower  of  his  men,  /  And  his  nephew,  Lord 
Vivien  the  brave,  /  For  whom  he  had  always  great  sorrow  in  his 
heart. 

b  ' '  God ! ' '  said  Guillaume,  * '  How  sorrowful  is  my  heart.  /  I  have 
received  today  so  great  an  injury  /  From  which  I  shall  suffer  all 
my  lifetime. "  /  ' '  Nephew  Vivien,  of  your  courage  /  Never  was  any 
man,  since  God  made  Adam.  /  Now  Saracens  and  Persians  have 
killed  you.  /  Earth,  pray  open,  and  go  swallowing  me  up !  /  Lady 
Guiborc,  in  vain  will  you  be  awaiting  me ;  /  Never  more  shall  I  be 
returning  to  Orange. ' '  /  Count  Guillaume  goes  tenderly  weeping,  / 

93  Ms.  Arsenal  6562  inserts  here  Et  si  regoif  ce  chetif  las  dolant. 
The  75  verses  of  the  Halle  edition,  describing  this  episode,  deserve 
to  be  cited  in  full,  were  space  available;  intensity  of  feeling  and 
beauty  of  expression  combine  to  make  a  remarkable  passage. 


140  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"Mors  est  Bertrans,  dont  ai  au  cuer  dolor; 
De  mon  lignage  ai  hui  perdu  la  flor."  * 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  431) 

"  Las !  "  dist  Guillaiimes,  "  com  dolerens  reclaim ! 
De  mon  lignage  ai  perdu  tot  le  grain; 
Or  n'i  a  mes  ke  le  paille  et  I'estraim.'^  ^ 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  837) 

S'aves  oi',  franc  chevalier  gentil, 
De  la  dolor  qu'en  Aliscans  soufri, 
De  Viviien,  son  neveu,  qu'il  perdi, 
Et  de  Bertran,  que  paien  I'ont  saisi, 
Guicart  le  prou,  Gerart  et  Guielin  .  .  . 

"  De  mon  lignage  ai  perdue  la  flor, 
Ja  mais  par  home  n'i  averai  secors, 
Nus  ne  me  set  en  ceste  grant  tristour."  ° 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  15,.  3236) 

Vait  s'en  Guillelme,  perte  i  a  faite  grant, 
De  ses  .ii.  ielz  vait  tenrement  plorant 
Et  son  neveu  Vivien  regretant  .  .  . 

And  wringing  his  two  hands  so  hard,  /  That  over  the  joints  the 
skin  bursts,  /  And  the  bright  blood  drips  from  the  nails.  /  He  goes 
softly  lamenting  Yivien ;  /  Of ttimes  he  calls  himself  miserable,  sor- 
rowful. /  It  will  be  useless  for  anyone  to  continue  speaking  of  his 
grief,  /  For  he  feels  it  too  deeply  and  horribly.  /  At  the  grief  which 
he  feels,  he  fell  from  Baucent,  /  Toward  the  ground  he  goes  often 
swooning. 

a ' '  Bertrand  is  dead,  wherefore  I  have  grief  in  my  heart ;  / 1 
have  lost  today  the  flower  of  my  race.'' 

b  ' '  Alas ! ' '  said  Guillaume,  '  *  how  sorrowful  a  lament !  /  I  have 
lost  all  the  good  grain  of  my  race ;  /  Now  naught  is  left  save  the 
straw  and  the  litter." 

c  And  you  have  heard,  noble  and  gentle  knights,  /  Of  the  grief 
he  suffered  at  Aliscans,  /  Of  Vivien  his  nephew,  whom  he  lost 
there,  /  And  of  Bertrand,  how  pagans  captured  him,  /  Guichart  the 
brave,  Girart  and  Guielin.  /  ' '  Of  my  race  I  have  lost  the  flower ;  / 
No  more  shall  I  have  aid  from  men ;  /  None  knows  me  in  this 
great  sorrow." 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS         141 

"  Las !  mes  lignages  est  a  declin  tornez, 
Morz  est  mes  nies,  Yivienz  Talosez, 
Mes  chiers  amis  qu'ert  de  ma  seror  nez. 
Et  Guicharz  pris,  uns  novelx  adobez, 
Qui  ja  ne  fust  d'armes  mauves  elamez, 
Qui  empres  moi  tenist  mes  heritez."  ^ 

(Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  132,  335) 

Grief  and  anger  at  the  death  of  Raoul  de  Cambrai  combine 
to  increase  the  desire  for  revenge  on  the  part  of  his  uncle 
Guerri,  whose  love  for  him  is  so  great  that  he  goes  about  over 
the  battlefield  seeking  his  dead  body  and  quite  forgetting  the 
fate  of  his  own  sons,  who  are  killed  in  the  same  battle;  when 
he  is  reproached  by  Raoul's  mother  for  having  neglected  his 
nephew,  he  reminds  her  of  this  great  grief: 

Son  neveu  trueve,  s'en  fu  en  gxant  esmai. 

II  le  regrete  si  con  je  vos  dirai: 

"  Biax  nies,"  dist  il,  "  por  vos  grant  dolor  ai. 

Qi  vos  a  mort  jamais  ne  I'amerai, 

Pais  ne  acorde  ne  trives  n'en  prendrai 

Desq'a  cele  eure  qe  toz  mors  les  arai : 

Pendus  as  forches  toz  les  essillerai. 

Aalis  dame,  qel  duel  vos  noncerai! 

Jamais  a  vos  parler  nen  oserai"  .  .  . 

Guerris  se  pasme  sor  le  piz  del  baron  .  .  . 

Lors  ot  tel  duel  del  cens  quida  issir. 

a  Guillaume  goes  away;  he  has  suffered  a  great  loss;  /He  goes 
tenderly  weeping  with  both  eyes,  /  And  lamenting  his  nephew 
Vivien. /'*  Alas!  My  race  has  come  to  ruin,  /  My  nephew  is  dead, 
Vivien  the  honored,  /  My  dear  friend  who  was  born  of  my  sister.  / 
And  Guichart  captured,  a  new-made  knight,  /  Who  never  would 
have  been  called  bad  at  arms,  /  Who  after  me  would  have  held  my 
heritage. ' ' 


142  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"  Bias  nies,"  dist  il,  "  ne  sai  qe  devenir  "  ^  .  .  .  ®* 
{Raoul,  3166,  3181,  3192) 

The  laments  of  other  uncles  under  similar  circumstances 
are  of  the  same  nature;  when  Ogier  is  supposed  dead,  for 
example : 

Dux  Namles  a  Ogier  moult  regrete. 
"  Ha,  Diex !"  dist  il,  "  rois  plains  d'umilite, 
Vit  ainc  mais  nus  home  de  tel  ae 
Si  bel,  si  preu,  si  plain  de  selirte, 
Si  tres  courtois  ne  si  tres  apense? 
En  lui  n'avoit  nule  riens  fors  bonte. 
Quant  me  ramenbre  que  paien  Font  tue. 
Petit  s'en  f  aut  que  le  cuer  n'ai  creve."  ^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  3067) 

The  lament  of  Girart  over  the  death  of  his  nephews  is  in  a 
similar  strain: 

"  Mon  bon  neveul  Guibert  hai  hui  veu  ocirre : 
Jamais  de  si  grant  deul  ne  puis  que  me  consirre  "... 
Quant  voit  Booz  son  neveu  gisant  mort  en  la  presse, 

a  His  nephew  he  finds,  and  was  in  great  dismay.  /  He  laments 
him  as  I  shall  tell  you:  /^'Fair  nephew,"  said  he,  ''for  you  I  am 
in  great  grief.  /  Him  who  has  killed  you,  never  shall  I  love  him,  / 
Nor  accept  peace  nor  compact  nor  truce  from  him  /  Until  that 
hour  when  I  shall  have  them  all,  dead; /Hanged  upon  gibbets, 
I  shall  flay  them  all.  /  Aalis,  lady,  what  sorrow  shall  I  announce 
to  you !  /  Never  shall  I  dare  tell  you  of  it. "  /  Guerri  swoons  upon 
the  breast  of  the  baron.  /  Then  he  felt  such  grief  he  was  almost 
beside  himself.  /  ' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  he,  ' '  I  know  not  what 
to   do." 

b  Duke  Naimon  laments  Ogier  much.  /  * '  Ah,  God ! ' '  said  he, 
King  full  of  humility,  /  Lived  there  ever  any  man  of  such  an  age  / 
So  fair,  so  brave,  so  full  of  confidence,  /  So  very  courteous  or  so 
prudent? /In  him  there  was  naught  save  goodness.  /  When  I 
remember  that  pagans  have  killed  him,  /  It  lacks  but  little  ere  my 
heart  breaks." 

94  Cf.  page  41. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         143 

Une  grant  pesse  a  pris,  de  fort  plorer  ne  cesse, 
Et  dist :  "  Li  jones  preux !  li  ploins  de  courtoisie ! 
Li  biaux!  li  fors!  li  fiers!  ha  cy  perdu  la  vie?"^ 
{Girart  de  Boussillon,  1890,  4965) 

And  when  Charlemagne  attacks  the  fortress  of  Montauban 
with  showers  of  stones,  the  poet  says:  Mainz  plora  son  neveu 
et  avoec  son  ami^  {Benaut,  p.  349,  31). 

{d)  Attitude  of  Nephew 

Thus  far  the  position  of  the  uncle  has  been  treated  mainly 
as  an  objective  one;  it  will  be  interesting  to  pause  for  a  moment 
to  see  what  the  attitude  of  the  nephew  is  in  all  these  relations 
with  his  uncle,  and  to  examine  him  as  an  active  rather  than 
as  a  passive  element.  He  does  not  look  upon  his  uncle  with 
the  abasement  that  he  does  his  father — ^there  is  no  lack  of 
respect,  but  he  stands  before  him  as  man  to  man,  loving,  honor- 
ing and  serving  him  as  a  loyal  comrade,  not  as  a  master. 
Roland  is  usually  represented  as  impulsive,  headstrong,  and 
even  rebellious  at  times,  but  ready  to  perform  any  deed  of 
daring  on  behalf  of  Charlemagne;  the  later  poems  attribute 
to  him  fewer  good  qualities,  and  emphasize  his  defects  more 
than  do  the  earlier  ones,  as  they  do  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor 
himself,  so  that  if  we  take  the  accounts  of  his  life  in  pseudo- 
biographical  sequence,  we  find  him  to  be  decidedly  quarrel- 
some and  fairly  insubordinate  whenever  his  uncle's  wishes  do 
not  coincide  with  his  own.  The  Charlemagne  de  Venise  repro- 
duces what  must  be  considered  the  first  quarrel  between  the 
two;  when  the  Emperor  discovers  his  sister  and  her  husband 
in  their  retreat  at  Sutri,  he  attacks  them  with  a  knife,  where- 

a^'My  good  nephew  Giiibert  I  have  seen  slain  today; /JSTever 
can  I  resign  myself  to  such  sorrow, "  .  . .  /  When  he  sees  his  nephew 
Booz  lying  dead  in  the  crowd,  /  He  felt  great  grief,  he  ceases  not 
from  weeping  hard,  /  And  said :  ' '  The  brave  young  knight !  the 
type  of  courtesy !  /  The  fair !  the  strong !  the  bold !  Has  he  lost 
his  life  heref 

t>  Many  a  one  wept  for  his  nephew,  and  with  him  his  friend. 


144  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

upon  the  child  Roland  springs  at  him  like  a  little  fury,  grasp- 
ing his  hand  so  violently  that  "  le  sang  jaillit  des  ongles."  ^^ 
According  to  the  Entree  en  Espagne,  after  Roland  has  been 
slapped  in  the  face  by  his  uncle,  he  is  on  the  point  of  attack- 
ing him  with  his  sword,  but  remembers  the  many  favors  Char- 
lemagne has  shown  him,  so  he  refrains,  and  simply  deserts  the 
camp,  remaining  away  a  long  time : 

Le  roi  ferist,   quant  il  fu  remembrant 

Qe  il  I'avoit  noriz  petit  enfant. 

Del  treif  s'en  va  honteus  et  sospirant.^  ^^ 

Passages  have  already  been  cited  which  suggest  the  fitful  moods 
of  a  volcano,  while  from  the  tone  of  the  Chanson  de  Roland 
and  the  Pelerinage  de  Charlemagne  we  get  rather  the  impres- 
sion of  a  steady  flame  of  allegiance,  kept  burning  by  his  sense 
of  duty  to  his  uncle. 

Baudoin,  Roland's  half-brother,  is  equally  fiery,  yet  when 
he  has  quarrelled  with  his  uncle  he  quickly  repents;  he  is  in 
dismay  when  the  Emperor  is  vexed  with  him,  yet  he  teases  his 
uncle  a  little  before  becoming  reconciled  with  him: 

Baudoins  toz  iriez  repaira  a  sa  tante; 
A  son  oncle  est  meslez,  tart  est  que  se  repante; 
Ne  se  set  consoillier,  durement  se  demente.^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  CXXXLLL,  1) 

Molt  par  fu  Baudoins  plains  d'ire  et  abosmez. 
Mauvaisement  li  chiet,  ce  li  est  vis,  ses  dez ; 

a  He  would  have  struck  the  King,  when  he  remembered  /  That  he 
brought  him  up  as  a  child.  /  From  the  tent  he  goes,  ashamed  and 
sighing. 

b  Baudoin,  all  sorry,  repaired  to  his  tent ;  /  He  has  quarrelled  with 
his  uncle,  he  longs  to  show  penitence ;/ He  knows  not  what  to 
decide,  he  abandons  himself  to  grief. 

95  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  70. 

»G  Cited  by  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  170. 


STYLISTIC    TREATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS         145 

N'a  pas  le  gre  s^amie,  a  son  oncle  est  meslez.* 
{Saisnes,  CXLVI,  1) 

"  Gloriox  rois  celestes/'  ce  dit  li  nies  Karlon, 
"  Tant  sui  antelantez  de  f ole  antancion ; 
Je  voi  ici  venir  le  mien  oncle  a  bandon, 
Armez  sor  le  cheval,  destors  le  conphenon; 
Orandroit  euide  panre  de  ma  mort  vangison, 
Orient  que  ne  m'aieut  mort  Saisne(s)  et  Esclavon; 
Et  je  sui  tant  mauvais  et  ancrime  felon 
Que  de  son  bien  li  vuel  randre  mal  guerredon. 
Ne  me  puis  an  mon  euer  trover  nule  raison 
Que  pardoner  li  puisse  ne  ire  ne  tan^on 
Devant  que  je  I'aie  f  eru  sor  le  blazon."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CLVI,  3) 

The  real  test  of  the  closeness  of  their  relations  is  when  Bau- 
doin  is  left  in  command  of  the  Saxons,  who  are  still  rebellious 
though  their  leader  has  been  slain;  now  his  dependence  upon 
the  Emperor  is  more  marked;  he  misses  him,  longs  for  him, 
prays  for  him,  but  his  uncle  is  no  longer  within  reach: 

Baudoins  sanz  son  oncle  sofferra  I'anvaie, 
Dou  mainte  bone  targe  iert  troee  et  partie. 
Et  mainte  dure  broigne  derote  et  desartie  .  .  . 

"  Se  j'eusse  Karlon  mon  oncle  detenu. 

Par  f ol  se  fussent  Saisne  desor  moi  ambatu  "... 

a-  All  full  of  sadness  and  downcast  was  Bandoin,  /  Badlv,  he 
thinks,  do  his  dice  turn  out  for  him ;  /  He  has  not  the  favor  of 
his  friend,  and  has  quarrelled  with  his  uncle. 

b ''Glorious  celestial  King,"  thus  spoke  the  nephew  of  Charles,/ 
' '  So  full  am  I  of  a  foolish  plan ;  /  I  see  my  uncle  coming  swiftly 
hither, / Armed,  upon  his  horse,  with  standard  unfurled;  /Now  he 
expects  to  take  vengeance  for  my  death,  /  He  fears  that  Saxons 
and  Slavs  have  killed  me ;  /  And  I  am  such  a  wicked  and  confirmed 
rascal,  /  That  for  his  kindness  I  wish  to  give  him  a  poor  reward ;  / 
I  cannot  in  my  heart  find  any  reason  /  That  I  can  pardon  him 
either  anger  or  dispute  /  Until  I  have  struck  him  upon  the 
buckler. ' ' 
11 


146  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"  Et  ses  je  mant  mon  oncle,  il  vanra,  ce  cuit,  lant "... 

"  A  mon  oncle  direz  le  mien  contenement, 

An  Saissoigne  me  vaigne  soeorre  maintenant "... 

Des  biax  oilx  de  son  chief  commenga  a  plorer, 
Et  Karlemaine  d^Aiz  son  oncle  regreter  .  .  . 

"  Gardez,  se  il  vos  plaist,  de  mort  et  d'ancombrier, 
Karlemaine  mon  oncle  qi  tant  m'a  eu  chier."  * 

{Saisnes,  CCXIV,  29,  CCXXI,  22,  CCXXIII,  10,  22, 
CCXXXIV,  12,  CCLVII,  41) 

Gui  de  Bourgogne  is  throughout  the  conscientious  deputy  and 
the  faithful  general  of  his  uncle;  Anseis  de  Cartage,  leger  and 
unstable  as  he  is,  nevertheless  means  to  serve  the  Emperor,  and 
puts  his  trust  in  him,  confident  that  in  the  hour  of  his  distress, 
despite  his  own  shortcomings,  he  will  be  supported  by  his  uncle. 
Thus  all  his  nephews  place  implicit  confidence  in  the  Emperor; 
at  the  close  of  Roland's  career  his  trust  in  Charlemagne  is 
sublime : 

Co  dist  Rollanz :  "  Comerai  I'olif  ant ; 

Si  I'orrat  Carles,  ki  est  as  porz  passant. 

Jo  vus  plevis,  ja  retumerunt  Franc."  ^ 
{Boland,  1702) 

Of  the  various  nephews  of  Guillaume  Fierabrace,  Bertrand 

a  Without  his  uncle,  Baudoin  will  suffer  invasion,  /  In  which  many 
a  good  targe  will  be  pierced  and  broken.  /  And  many  a  hard  coat-of- 
mail  torn  and  crushed.  .  .  ,  /  * '  If  I  had  kept  my  uncle  Charles,  / 
In  vain  would  the  Saxons  have  rushed  down  upon  me.'' . . .  /  ''And 
if  I  summon  my  uncle,  he  will  come,  I  think,  slowly. ".../''  To  my 
uncle  you  will  tell  my  situation,  /  That  he  come  to  Saxony  to 
succor  me  now. "  .  .  .  /  He  began  to  weep  with  the  fair  eyes  in  his 
head,  /  And  to  lament  Charlemagne  of  Aix,  his  uncle.  .  ./"Pro- 
tect, if  you  please,  from  death  and  injury,  /  Charlemagne  my  uncle, 
who  held  me  so  dear. ' ' 

t>  Thus  spoke  Eoland:  ''I  will  sound  the  horn; /And  Charles 
will  hear  it,  who  is  crossing  the  passes.  /  I  assure  you,  the  Franks 
will  return.'' 


STYLISTIC    TREATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS         147 

not  only  has  the  most  active  relations  with  his  uncle,  but  he 
possesses  as  well  the  most  distinctive  character;  there  is  a 
great  deal  of  reciprocity  in  his  attitude  towards  his  uncle, 
while  in  the  ease  of  Vivien  there  is  a  highly  developed  senti- 
mental feeling  without  much  action  on  the  part  of  the  nephew. 
Bertrand  is  the  companion  and  often  the  adviser  of  Guillaume; 
he  argues  with  him,  objecting  to  his  undertaking  the  Saracen 
expedition;  he  is  deeply  sympathetic  when  Guillaume  loses  a 
part  of  his  nose  in  combat;  he  plays  chess  with  his  uncle  in 
Orange;  he  gives  him  good  advice,  and  reproves  him  in  mo- 
ments of  weakness;  he  plays  an  important  part  in  the  invention 
of  the  cJiarroi;  he  appears  as  the  intimate  and  inseparable  com- 
panion of  Guillaume,  following  him  to  war  and  doing  his  best 
to  help  him: 

Ses  nies  Bertrans  I'en  prist  a  aresnier: 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  estes  vos  enragiez  ? 
Ainz  mes  por  home  ne  vos  vi  esmaier ! "  * 
{Couronnement  Louis,  360) 

Si  le  besa,  cjuant  I'eaume  ot  deslacie. 
Tot  en  plorant  li  cuens  Bertrans  ses  nies, 
Et  Guielins  et  li  cortois  Gautiers. 
Tel  peor  n'orent  a  nul  jor  desoz  ciel. 
"  Oncles,"  f  et  il,  "  estes  sains  et  hetiez  ?  "  ^ 
{Couronnement,  1144) 

"  Vo  droit  seignor  ne  devez  pas  haster, 
Ainz  le  devez  servir  et  hennorer, 
Contre  toz   homes  garantir  et  tenser."  .  .  . 

a  His  nephew  Bertrand  began  to  address  him :  /  "  Uncle  Guil- 
laume, are  you  crazy? /Never  before  did  I  see  you  dismayed  for 
any  man ! ' ' 

b  And  then  kissed  him,  when  he  had  unlaced  the  helm,  /  All  the 
while  weeping,  Count  Bertrand  his  nephew,  /  And  Guielin  and  the 
courteous  Gautier.  /  Such  fear  they  never  had  any  day  on  earth.  / 
* 'Uncle,"  quoth  he,  ''are  you  sound  and  well?" 


148  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

..."  Vos  dites  voir,  beau  nies, 
La  leaute  doit  I'en  toz  jorz  amer; 
Dex  le  commande,  qui  tot  a  a  jugier."  ^ 
(Charroi  de  Nimes,  423,  442) 

"  Oncles,"  dit  il,  "  qu'avez  a  dementer, 
Estes  vos  dame,  qui  pleurt  ses  vevetez  ?  "  ^ 
{Charroi,  795) 

Ses  nies  Bertrans  Fen  prist  a  eliastoier: 
"  Oncles,"  dist  il,  "  tu  te  veus  vergoignier 
Et  toi  honnir  et  les   membres   tranchier."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  362) 

"  Dex !  "  dist  Bertrans,  "  beau  pere  droiturier, 
Cum  somes  ore  trai  et  engignie! 
Par  quel  folie  est  cet  plet  commencie, 
Dont  nos  serous  honi  et  vergoignie, 
Se  Dex  n'en  pense,  qui  tot  a  a  jugier."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  392) 

"  Oncle  Guillaume,  tant  f  eis  f  olement; 
Quant  en  Orenge  alas  si  faitement 
Cum  pautoniers  et  a  tapinement."  ® 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  1705) 

a ''Your  rightful  lord  you  must  not  provoke,  /  But  rather  must 
you  serve  and  honor  him,  /  Against  all  men  protect  and  defend 
him. "  .  .  .  /  "  You  speak  truly,  fair  nephew,  /  Loyalty  must  one 
always  love ;  /  God  commands  it,  who  has  all  to  judge. ' ' 

b"  Uncle,"  said  he,  "what  have  you  to  lament? /Are  you  a 
lady  who  bewails  her  bereavement?" 

c  His  nephew  Bertrand  began  to  admonish  him :  /  "  Uncle, ' ' 
said  he,  ' '  thou  wishest  to  shame  /  And  disgrace  thyself,  and  have 
thy  limbs  hewn  off." 

3  "God!"  said  Bertrand,  "fair  righteous  Father,  /  How  we  are 
now  betrayed  and  deceived !  /  By  what  folly  was  this  affair  begun,  / 
By  which  we  shall  be  shamed  and  disgraced,  /  If  God  gives  not 
heed  to  it,  who  has  all  to  judge." 

e ' '  Uncle  Guillaume,  so  foolishly  didst  thou,  /  When  thou  didst 
go  to  Orange  in  such  manner  /  As  a  low  wretch,  and  secretly. ' ' 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS  149 

Dit  Bertrans :   "  Sire,  s'or  avoie  auf errant ! 
D'aisdier  mon  oncle  ai  le  cuer  desirant."  ^ 
(AliscanSj  ed.  Halle,  5427) 

The  character  of  Vivien  is  marked  with  less  individuality 
than  that  of  Bertrand;  he  is  consistently  loyal  to  his  uncle  as 
the  real  chief  of  the  lignage,  and,  rather  passively  to  be  sure, 
has  a  deep  affection  for  him;  he  is  heroic  in  his  eveiy  act,  but 
never  helps  Guillaume  in  the  practical  ways  that  come  so 
easily  to  Bertrand,  and  on  the  whole  is  dependent  upon  his 
uncle  in  a  way  that  makes  him  a  pathetic  rather  than  a  sym- 
pathetic figure.^"^ 

"  Va,  si  me  di  a  Guillelme  mun  uncle, 
Si  li  remenbret  del  champ  desuz  Girunde, 
>         Quant  combatit  al  paien  Alderufe. 

Ja  set  il  bien,  desconfit  I'ourent  Hungre. 
Jo  vine  el  tertre  ot  treis  cenz  de  mes  homes, 
Criai  Munjoie  pur  la  presse  derumpre; 
Cele  bataille  fis  jo  veintre  a  mun  uncle."  ^ 
{Cangun  de  Willame,  ed  Suchier,  637) 

"  Dex !  ",  dist  il,  "  sire,  beau  pere  omnipotent. 
Par  qui  est  toute  creature  vivant, 
La  toie  force  ne  va  mie  faillant, 
Secor  mon  oncle,  se  toi  vient  a  commant !  "  ^ 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  410) 

a  Said  Bertrand :  ' '  Sir,  if  now  I  only  had  a  courser !  /  My  heart 
is  much  desirous  of  aiding  my  uncle. ' ' 

b''Go,  and  say  to  Guillaume  my  uncle,  /  If  he  remembers  the 
field  down  along  the  Gironde,  /  When  he  fought  the  pagan 
Alderufe.  /  Full  well  he  knows,  the  Hungarians  had  routed  him.  / 
I  came  to  the  hill  with  three  hundred  of  my  men,  / 1  cried 
'Monjoie,'  to  break  up  the  crowd;  /That  battle  I  made  my  uncle 
win. ' ' 

c  ' '  God ! ' ',  said  he,  '  ^  Lord,  Father  omnipotent,  /  Through  whom 
is  every  creature  living,  /  Thy  strength  goes  never  failing,  /  Help 
Thou  my  uncle,  if  such  is  Thy  will ! ' ' 

87  This  characterization  is  truer  of  the  Vivien  of  the  later 
epics,  as  distinguished  from  the  Vivien  of  the  Willame. 


150  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Guillamne    appears    to    rely    considerably    upon    his   nepihew 
Guielin : 

"  Oncle    Guillaume,"    Guielius   li   respont, 
"  Gentix  horns,  sire,  vos  querriez  amor : 
Vez  Gloriete,  le  pales  et  la  tor, 
Quar  demandez  ou  les  dames  en  sont, 
Bien  vos  poez  engaigier  por  brieon." 
Et  dist  li  cuens :  "  Tu  dis  voir,  valleton."  ... 

"  Nies  Guielins,"  dist  il,  "  quel  la  f  erons  ? 
James  en  France,  ce  cuit,  ne  revenrons, 
Ne  ja  neveu,  parent,  ne  beserons." 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  vos  parlez  en  perdon  "... 

"  Nies  Guielin,  comment  le  porrons  fere  ? 
Tuit  somes  mort  et  livre  a  damaige." 
"  Oncle  Guillaume,  vos  parlez  de  f  olaige."  ^ 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  515,  1030,  1055) 

Such  in  the  main  are  the  characteristics  of  the  nephew,  al- 
though there  are  individual  variations :  Bemier,  for  example,  is 
at  first  so  loyal  to  his  master  Raoul  that  he  accompanies  him  on 
an  expedition  against  his  uncles,  whereupon  his  mother  cries 
in  horror: 

"  II  sont  si  oncle,  si  qe  bien  le  seit  on ; 
Se  le  lor  perdent,  mar  les  i  verra  on !  "  ^ 
{Raoul  de  Cambrai,  1319) 

a ' '  Uncle  Guillaume, ' '  Guielin  replies,  /  ' '  Gentle  man,  sir,  you 
were  seeking  love ;  /  See  Gloriette,  the  palace  and  the  tower,  /  Ask 
where  the  ladies  are,  /  You  can  well  engage  as  jester.  "/And  the 
Count  said :  '  '■  Thou  sayest  truly,  lad. "  .  .  .  /  ' '  Nephew  Guielin, ' ' 
said  he,  ''what  do  we  here ?/ Never,  I  think,  shall  we  return  to 
France, /Nor  embrace  nephew  or  relative  again."  .  .  ./''Uncle 
Guillaume,  you  speak  in  vain. "  .  .  .  /  "  Nephew  Guielin,  how  can 
we  do  it? /"We  are  all  killed  and  overwhelmed. "/" Uncle  Guil- 
laume, you  speak  foolishly." 

b  ' '  They  are  his  uncles,  as  is  well  known ;  /  If  they  destroy  their 
nephew,  they  will  not  be  welcome  here ! ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         151 

Raoul  fails  to  assist  his  uncle  Guerri  in  battle,  gradually  sepa- 
rating from  him,  in  the  desire  to  perform  greater  feats  by 
himself : 

Mais  d'une  chose  le  taign  je  a  effant, 
Qe  vers  son  oncle  fausa  de  convenant; 
Guerri  g-uerpi,  son  oncle  le  vaillant 
Et  li  barons  qi  li  furent  aidant  .  .  . 

Mais  d'une  chose  le  taign  je  a  legier: 
Guerri  guerpi,  son  oncle  le  legier 
Et  les  barons  qi  li  durent  aidier.^ 
{Eaoul,  2664,  2710) 

The  nephew  is  frequently  represented  as  watching  anxiously 
his  uncle's  fate  in  a  combat,  or  as  being  overcome  with  grief  at 
his  defeat: 

Qant  Gautiers  voit  son  oncle  enprisonne, 
Tel  duel  en  a  le  sens  quide  derver.^ 
{Eaoul,  4071) 

"  Oncle,"  che  dist  Bertram,  "  vous  a  il  adesse  ?  " 
"  Nenil,"  dist  il,  "  biaus  nies,  la  merci  Damelde." 
Et  Bertram  passe  avant  a  loi  de  bacheler.^ 
{Elie  de  Saint-Gilles,  819) 

"  Pleust  au  roi  des  ciex  et  sa  mere  Marie, 
Que  je  fusse  por  vous  sous  vo  targe  florie."  ^ 
{Aye  d' Avignon,  491) 

a  But  in  one  thing  I  hold  him  childish,  /  That  towards  his  uncle 
he  broke  his  agreement ;  /  Guerri  he  left,  his  uncle  the  stout- 
hearted, /  And  the  barons  who  were  aiding  him.  .  .  .  /  But  in  one 
thing  I  hold  him  thoughtless :  /  He  left  Guerri,  his  uncle,  the  agile,  / 
And  the  barons  who  had  to  aid  him. 

b  When  Gautier  sees  his  uncle  taken  prisoner,  /  Such  grief  does 
he  feel,  he  is  almost  beside  himself. 

c ''Uncle, "  thus  spoke  Bertrand,  ''has  he  touched  you?''/ 
' '  Not  he, ' '  said  he,  ' '  fair  nephew,  by  the  mercy  of  God. ' '  /  And 
Bertrand  passes  on,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  knight 
aspirant. 

d"  Would  to  the  King  of  Heaven  and  his  mother  Mary, /That 
I  were  for  you  under  your  decorated  shield. ' ' 


152  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

The  Count  of  Boiirges  expresses  his  sympathy  with  his  exiled 
uncle : 

"  Elies,  biaus  dous  oneles,  je  sui  honis. 
A  tort  fustes  cachies  de  ees  pais. 
Si  vous  desireta  rois  Loeys. 
Je  sui  fieus  vo  seror,  se  Dex  m'ait, 
Dame  Marsent  la  bele  o  le  eler  vis."  * 
{Aiol,  3309) 

Foucon  sees  his  uncle  Guischart  in  danger,  and  exclaims:  Dex! 
de  mon  oncle!  si  volontiers  Vesgart^  {Foucon,  2474).  Galien 
rescues  his  uncles  Hernaut  de  Beaulande  and  Girart  de  Vienne 
from  the  Saracens.^^  Roland  saves  his  uncle's  life  by  slaying 
Eaumont  at  the  combat  in  the  gorge  of  Aspremont.^^ 

(e)   Lack  of  Becognition 

A  favorite  theme  with  the  poets  is  the  meeting  of  uncle  and 
nephew  who  do  not  know  each  other;  sometimes  they  are  mu- 
tually attracted  by  a  sympathetic  interest,  more  often  they 
fight,  yet  the  poet  does  not  impair  the  sacredness  of  the  family 
tie  by  introducing  a  serious  outcome,  but  on  the  contrary  dis- 
closes their  identity  to  each  other  and  reconciles  them  after 
he  has  momentarily  awakened  the  suspense  of  his  audience. 

In  one  instance  we  find  a  nephew  killing  his  uncle  by  mis- 
take, taking  him  for  an  enemy,  and  thinking  he  is  in  reality 
avenging  him;  Auberi,  the  uncle,  pardons  the  horrified  and 
grief-stricken  nephew,  Gascelin,  who  thereupon  pursues 
Auberi's  enemy  and  kills  him  {Auberi,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  119  ff.). 
Baudoin  jousts  with  Charlemagne,  who  does  not  recognize  him; 

a ' '  Elie,  gentle  uncle,  I  am  shamed.  /  Wrongfully  were  you 
driven  from  this  country,  /  And  King  Louis  disinherited  you.  / 1 
am  your  sister 's  son,  so  may  Grod  help  me,  /  Lady  Marsent  the 
beautiful  and  fair  of  face. '^ 

t>  God !  My  uncle !  So  gladly  do  I  look  out  for  him. 

98  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  p.  342. 

99  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  III,  p.  87. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         153 

merely  wishing  to  display  his  strength,  he  declares  himself  after 
he  has  won,  and  they  embrace: 

Baudoins  li  nies  Karlon  ne  vuet  que  si  panse 
Fussent  sen  ancor;  la  place  a  delivre, 
Plus  viste  c'uns  oisiax  sailli  an  mi  le  pre; 
Molt  desirre  q'il  ait  a  son  oncle  joste; 
Jamais  ne  desenflast  d'orgoil  ne  de  fierte 
De  ee  que  I'amperere  ot  devant  lui  chose, 
Jusque  tant  q'il  eust  son  grant  pooir  mostre.^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  CLVII,  1) 

In  Foucon,  the  pagan  Povre-Veii  meets  his  uncle  Girart,  que 
molt  delist  amer,  who  is  in  the  opposing  army,  and  as  the  twa 
are  not  aware  of  their  relationship  they  fight  (ed.  Tarbe,  p.  74). 
When  Aymeri,  son  of  Hernaut,  makes  his  first  appearance  at 
Vienne,  his  uncle  Girart  takes  him  for  a  jongleur,  which  so 
angers  the  nephew  that  he  strikes  Girart  and  makes  his  face 
bleed : 

Girars  escrie:  "Prenes  moi  eel  glouton! 

A  unes  f  orches  or  endroit  le  pandon ! " 

Plus  de  .LX.  li  courent  a  bandon. 

Dit  Aymeris :  "  Estes  arier,  glouton ! 

Ja  suis  je  fils  dant  Hemaut  le  baron 

Et  nies  Girars,  que  de  fi  le  seit  on  "  .  .  . 

"  Aymerit  nies,  cuers  aves  de  baron : 
Bien  traies  a  la  geste."^ 

{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  45) 

aBaudoin,  the  nephew  of  Charles,  does  not  wish  that  his^ 
thoughts  /  Should  be  known  as  yet;  he  has  cleared  the  field,/ 
Quicker  than  a  bird  he  has  leaped  into  the  middle  of  the  field;  / 
He  would  like  much  to  joust  with  his  uncle; /Never  would  he 
relax  his  presumption  and  haughtiness  /  Because  the  Emperor  had 
scolded  him,  /  Until  he  had  shown  his  great  strength. 

b  Girart  cries :  * '  Seize  me  that  knave !  /  Let  us  hang  him  directly 
to  a  gibbet ! "  /  More  than  sixty  run  swiftly  at  him.  /  Said 
Aymeri:  "  Stand  back,  knaves!  / 1  am  the  son  of  Sir  Hemaut  the 


154  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Aiol  attacks  King  Louis  without  knowing  that  he  is  his  uncle : 

Loeys  fu  a  piet  entre  ses  drus, 
Li  fieus  de  sa  seror  Fot  abatu.^ 
{Aiol,  3385) 

At  Orleans  the  Countess  Ysabiaus  sees  Aiol  seeking  a  lodg- 
ing, and  offers  him  shelter  without  knowing  him: 
C'estoit  hex  sa  seror,  de  son  linage  .  .  . 

S'or  seust  Ysabieus  qu'il  fust  ses  nies, 
Molt  par  fust  ses  serviches  bien  enforcies.^ 
{Aiol,  1987,  2073) 

Bovon  de  Haumtone  takes  refuge  with  the  Bishop  in  Cologne, 
whom  he  does  not  know  to  be  his  father's  brother : 

L'eveske  fu  son  unkle,   sachez   de  verite, 
Mes  il  ne  sout  ke  il  fu  de  sou  parente.^ 
{Boeve  de  Haumtone,  1899) 

Guillaume,  searching  the  battle-field  for  Vivien,  is  attacked  by 
his  nephew,  who  takes  him  for  a  Saracen;  on  being  asked  his 
name,  Guillaume  replies: 

"  Paiens,"  dist  il,  "  ja  ne  vos  iert  celei. 
J'ai  non  Guillelmes,  li  marchis  au  cor  neis; 
Mes  peres  est  Aymeris  apeleis, 
Hernals  mes  freire,  li  chatis  Aymers, 
Guibers  li  rois  et  Beuves  li  saneis, 
Et  dans  Bemars  de  Brebant  la  citei, 

baron,  /  And  nephew  to  Girart,  for  this  is  known  in  very  truth. 
,  .  .  /  "  Aymeri,  nephew,  you  have  the  heart  of  a  baron,  /  And  well 
take  after  the  family." 

a  Louis  was  on  foot  among  his  friends,  /  His  sister's  son  had 
felled  him. 

bHe  was  her  sister's  son,  of  her  race.  .  .  ./If  Ysabiaus  had 
known  now  that  he  was  her  nephew,  /  Full  well  would  her  services 
have  been  forced  upon  him. 

c  The  Bishop  was  his  uncle,  know  in  truth,  /  But  he  knew  not 
that  he  was  of  his  kin. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         155 

Et  d'Anseiine  Guarins  li  adureis; 
Si  est  mes  nies  Viviens  I'aloseis, 
Por  cui  amor  suis  en  cest  champ  entreis."^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1841) 

When  Gui  dons  armor  and  comes  to  rescue  Willame,  the  latter 
does  not  recognize  him,  so  young  and  small  is  he: 

Cil  respundent :  "  Pur  quel  nus  demandez  *? 
Vostre  nevou  devez  conuistre  assez." 
Quant  I'ot  Guillelmes,  prist  le  chief  a  croller, 
Plurat  des  oeilz  tendrement  e  suef, 
Dune  prent  Guiburc  durement  a  blasmer.^ 
{Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  1618) 

Ogier  saves  his  uncle  Naimon  from  the  hands  of  the  Saracens, 
and  is  not  at  once  recognized;  on  learning  each  other^s  identity 
they  embrace  with  great  joy : 

Namles  I'entent,  Dieu  en  a  aore, 
Ainc  n'ot  tel  joie  en  trestout  son  ae, 
De  fine  joie  li  sont  li  oeil  lerme.^ 
{Enfances  Ogier,  1160) 

Combats  under  the  same  circumstances  between  other  close 
relatives  are  not  infrequently  naiTated,  and  particularly  common 
as  an  epic  theme  all  over  the  world  is  the  combat  between 
father  and  son;  the  origin  and  spread  of  the  latter  has  been 

a ' '  Pagan, ' '  said  he,  ' '  it  will  not  be  hidden  from  you :  /  My 
name  is  Guillaume,  the  marquis  with  the  short  nose ;  /  My  father 
is  called  Aymeri,  /  Hernaut  my  brother,  the  stripling  Aymer,  / 
Guibert  the  king,  and  Bovon  the  wise,  /  And  Sir  Bernart  of  Bra- 
bant the  city,  /  And  of  Anseune  Garin  the  inured,  /  And  my 
nephew  is  Vivien  the  renowned,  /  For  love  of  whom  I  came  into 
this  battle-field.'^ 

b  They  reply:  ''Why  ask  you  us?  /  You  must  know  full  well  your 
nephew. ' '  /  When  Guillaume  hears  it,  he  shook  his  head,  /  Then 
wept  tenderly  and  softly,  /  And  begins  to  rail  harshly  at  Guiburc. 

c Naimon  hears  it  and  praised  God:  /Never  in  all  his  life  had 
he  such  joy;  /With  extreme  joy  his  eyes  are  tearful. 


156  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

traced  by  Dr.  Mun'ay  Potter,  wlio  finds  its  roots  in  Matri- 
archy.^^o  Dr.  Potter  adds  that  the  poem  of  Maugis  "fairly 
swarms  with  encounters  between  fathers  and  sous,  nephews 
and  uncles,  and  brothers."  ^^^  There  is  this  great  distinction 
to  be  made  between  the  father-son  and  the  uncle-nephew  com- 
bat, as  will  be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  folk-lore  tales  to 
which  Dr.  Potter  refers  with  the  stories  of  the  French  epic: 
the  fight  between  father  and  son,  ritualistic  by  origin,  becomes 
the  denouement  of  the  story  of  '  a  son  in  search  of  a  father,' 
and  is  based  largely  upon  ignorance  of  paternity,  while  the 
theme  of  a  combat  between  uncle  and  nephew  is  merely  an 
episode,  and  never  in  the  French  epic  has  it  any  important 
bearing  upon  the  general  plot.^^^  Yet  more  or  less  episodic 
treatment  of  encounters  between  father  and  son  is  also  to  be 
found.^^^  The  two  themes  are  practically  alike  so  far  as  our 
Chansons  de  Geste  are  concerned,  in  that  with  very  few  excep- 
tions the  combat  ends  with  recognition  and  reconciliation. 

(/)   Descent  Traced  through  Uncle 

The  purely  literary  treatment  cannot  always  be  separated 
from  the  legendary  in  certain  phases  of  the  uncle-nephew  re- 
lations which  appear  in  the  Chansons  de  Geste,  yet  taken  from 
either  point  of  view  the  conclusions  must  be  the  same.  Certain 
conventional  expressions  recurring  so  frequently  that  they  may 
be  called  formulas  appear  to  have  no  part  in  the  transmission 
of  the  legend  of  one  character  or  another,  but,  if  a  faint  line 
of  demarcation  can  be  drawn,  they  seem  rather  to  give  that 
kind  of  unconscious  testimony  which  is  to  be  found  in  purely 

100  Sohrah  and  Eustem;  for  examples  in  the  Old  French  Epic, 
see  pp.  82,  83,  86-90,  and  Appendix  A. 

101  Id.,  p.  87. 

102  Cf .  the  story  of  Tristan  de  Nanteuil,  Galien,  Florent  ei 
Octavien,  Moniage  Eainouart,  in  Paulin  Paris,  Histoire  Litteraire, 
vol.  22. 

103  Cf .  Floovant,  Parise  la  Duchesse,  Eaoul  de  Cambrai  (Bernier 
and  his  son),  Macaire,  in  Hist.  Litt.,  vol.  22. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IX    THE    POEMS         157 

stylistic  treatment.  "When  the  poet,  as  we  have  seen,  follows 
a  well-defined  legend,  he  gives  direct  evidence  as  to  the  matter 
in  hand,  but  we  see  just  as  plainly,  if  indirectly,  from  his 
use  of  terms,  the  position  and  importance  that  a  given  subject 
assumes  in  his  own  mind.  Thus  the  constant  repetition  of 
phrases  of  description  produces  the  same  effect  upon  our  con- 
clusions that  the  recurrence  of  the  same  kinds  of  actions  does 
»  in  the  narrative. 

The  frequency  is  surprising  with  which  the  poet  makes  his 
characters  trace  their  descent  through  the  uncle;  when  the 
father  is  mentioned  at  all  in  such  circumstances,  it  is  usually 
after  the  uncle.  And  the  poet  himself  delights  in  recalling  the 
relationship,  not  only  in  the  case  of  his  well-kno^vn  heroes,  but 
whenever  it  is  possible  to  attach  an  uncle  to  a  nephew  or  a 
nephew  to  an  uncle,  even  though  the  character  be  introduced 
but  incidentally.  In  very  few  instances  is  the  father  mentioned 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  uncle,  but  the  cases  are  innumerable  in 
which  the  uncle-nephew  relationship  is  the  only  genealogical 
indication  given.  The  starting  pomt  of  this  method  of  treat- 
ment may  very  well  have  been  the  desire  to  attach  a  relative 
of  this  degree  to  the  great  heroes,  the  well-known  characters 
of  the  epic,  in  order  to  increase  their  mterest  for  the  audience, 
as  we  find  primarily  the  tendency  of  one  character  to  connect 
himself  by  his  own  statements  with  another  who  is  known  by 
his  great  feats  to  the  other  characters  of  the  poem,  but  we  also 
find  that  the  poet  in  his  own  person  links  uncle  and  nephew 
together,  not  only  when  one  or  both  are  well-known  characters, 
but  just  as  frequently  when  one  or  both  are  of  but  passing 
interest  to  the  story.  The  instances  in  which  the  poet  points 
out  relationship  of  this  sort  when  it  can  have  no  possible  effect 
on  the  stoiy  mount  into  the  hundreds;  yet  if  there  is  no  tech- 
nical or  literary  effect,  there  remains  a  moral  or  a  sympathetic 
effect.  In  other  words,  it  is  a  device  to  arouse  interest  in  his 
characters;  and  as  we  must  not  ascribe  to  the  poet  too  gTeat 
capability  of  literaiy  subjectivity,  it  remains  for  us  to  assume 
that  this  method  of  tracing  descent  or  of  claiming  relationship 


158  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

was  not  imcommon  in  his  actual  experience.  The  importance 
of  the  uncle  as  an  ancestor  is  modified  by  the  attitude  of  the 
period  towards  paternity  as  the  great  factor  in  tracing  heredity, 
but  it  is  plain  that  the  uncle  has  not  as  yet  entirely  lost  the 
dominant  power  which  he  once  possessed  as  the  head  of  the 
family  in  earlier  states  of  society.  It  is  then  a  legendary  sur- 
vival of  the  uncle  as  the  head  of  the  family  which  causes  the 
poet  to  attach  nephews  to  Charlemagne  and  to  Guillaume  and 
to  a  host  of  unknown,  unimportant  minor  characters  as  well. 
These  passages  are  of  two  kinds,  those  in  which  the  relationship 
is  indicated  by  the  characters  themselves,  and  those  in  which 
the  poet  speaks  in  his  own  person.  If  the  latter  class  appears 
here  much  smaller  than  the  former,  it  is  because  the  poet  more 
often  indicates  the  relationship  as  being  on  the  maternal  side, 
and  for  practical  purposes  these  citations  are  best  relegated  to 
a  subsequent  section.  As  the  actual  wording  varies  so  little, 
this  method  of  pointing  out  descent  might  be  called  formulas 
of  identification. 

"Ami,"  fait  il,  "on  m'appelle  Rollant: 
Nies  suis  Karl  I'Empereor  poissant."* 
{Girart  de  Yienne,  p.  75) 

"  Dame,"  ce  dist  li  quens,  "  fix  sui  Milon  d'Engler, 
Et  ai  nom  Rollans,  ensi  sui  apeles, 
Et  sui  nies  Karlemaine  au  courage  adure."^ 
{Fierahras,  2788) 

"  Son  nipote  di  Carlo  imperiero, 
E  son  il  fior  d'ogni  altro  cavaliero."  ^ 
(Vanto  dei  Paladini,  II,  7) 

a ' '  Friend, ' '  quoth  he,  ' '  they  call  me  Eoland ;  /  Nephew  am  I  to 
Charles,  the  powerful  emperor." 

b ' '  Lady, ' '  thus  spoke  the  Count,  ' '  I  am  the  son  of  Milon 
d  'Engler,  /  And  my  name  is  Eoland,  thus  am  I  called,  /  And  I  am 
nephew  to  Charlemagne  the  strong-hearted. ' ' 

CI  am  the  nephew  of  Charles  the  Emperor,  /  And  I  am  the 
flower  of  every  other  knight. ' ' 


STYLISTIC    TREATMENT   IN    THE    POEMS         159 

"Filz  sui  Girard  le  conte,  ung  nobile  baron, 
Qui  tient  quite  Viane  et  Lion  et  Mascon, 
Guibort  a  nom  ma  mere,  fille  le  due  Bueson, 
Niez  Hernaut  de  Biaulande  qu'a  flori  le  grenon, 
Et  eosins  Aimeri  qui  occit  le  dragon."  ^ 
{Boon  de  Nanteuil,  69) 

"  J'ai  non  Jofroi,  nies  suis  au  bon  Gaudin."  ^ 
{Garin  le  Loherain,  I,  80) 

"  Vassaus,"  fait  il,  je  ai  non  Olivier. 
Nes  suis  de  Genes,  fils  au  conte  Rainier. 
Mes  oncles  est  Dans  Hernaut  le  guerrier; 
Nies  suis  Girars  de  Viane  le  fier."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  75) 

Dit  Aimeris :  "  Estes  arier,  glouton ! 
Ja  suis  je  fils  Dant  Hernaut  le  baron 
Et  nies  Girart,  que  de  fi  le  seit  on"  .  .  . 

"  Fils  suis  Hermant  de  Biaulande  la  grant, 
Et  nies  Girars  au  corage  vaillant."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  pp.  45,  49) 

"  Li  rois  Garsile  est  mes  germains  cousins, 
Mes  oncles  fu  Fernagu  li  gentis, 

a  "  I  am  the  son  of  Girart  the  count,  a  noble  baron,  /  Who  holds, 
exempt  from  claim,  Vienne  and  Lyons  and  Macon,  /  (Guibort  is 
my  mother's  name,  daughter  of  Duke  Boson)  /  Nephew  of  Hernaut 
de  Beaulande  with  the  white  moustache,  /  And  cousin  to  Aymeri, 
who  slew  the  dragon. ' ' 

t) ' '  My  name  is  Geoffroy,  nephew  am  I  to  the  good  Gaudin. ' ' 

c  ' '  Noble  youth, ' '  quoth  he,  * '  my  name  is  Oliver.  /  I  was  born  at 
Genoa,  son  to  Count  Rainier.  /  My  uncle  is  Lord  Hernaut  the 
warrior;  /I  am  nephew  to  Girart  de  Vienne  the  bold." 

d  Said  Aymeri :  ' '  Stand  back,  knaves !  / 1  am  the  son  of  Sir 
Hernaut  the  baron,  /  And  nephew  to  Girart,  for  it  is  known  in 
truth. "  .  .  .  / "  I  am  son  to  Hernaut  of  Beaulande  the  great,  / 
And  nephew  to  Girart  of  the  stout  heart." 


160  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Icil  de  Na2;ze,  que  Rollans  m'a  oeis."  ^ 
{Otinel,  242) 

"Voir  on  m'apele  Aiol;  mes  peres  est  Elie; 
Nies  sui  I'enpereor  qui  Franche  a  en  baillie; 
Je  suis  fieus  sa  seror  la  gentil  dame  Avisse."  ^ 
{Aiol,  5392) 

"Sire,"  clie  dist  Elies,  "  je  nel  puis  amender; 
Nes  sui  de  douche  Franche,  de  mout  grant  parente : 
Guillaumes  est  mes  oneles,  li  marcis  au  cor  nes, 
Mes  grans  sire  Aymeris  de  Nerbone  sor  mer; 
Et  sui  fieus  Julien  de  Saint  Gille  le  ber."  ^ 
{Elie,  1083) 

^'  Filz  suis  Gairin  d'Anseiine  lou  dus 
Et  nies  Guillaume  a  la  fiere  vertus."  ^ 

{Enfances  Vivien,  4016;  cf.  700  note,  726  ff.) 

Se  li  demande:  "Amis,  dont  estes  nes?" 
Bertrans  respont,  ki  tos  ert  esf rees : 
"  Sire,  de  France,  nies  Guillame  au  cort  nes."  ® 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  5367) 

"  lo  ai  nun  Bertram  nies  Willame  al  eurbneis."  ^ 
{Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Chiswick,  3033) 

a ' '  King  Garsile  is  my  cousin  german,  /  My  uncle  was  Fernagu 
the  gentle,  /  He  of  Nazze,  whom  Eoland  slew. ' ' 

b'' Truly,  they  call  me  Aiol;  my  father  is  Elie;  /I  am  nephew 
to  the  emperor  who  has  France  in  his  power ;  / 1  am  son  to  his 
sister,  the  gentle  Lady  Avisse. " 

c  ' '  Sir, ' '  thus  spoke  Elie,  ' '  I  cannot  prevent  it ;  /  I  was  born 
in  sweet  France,  of  very  noble  stock;  /  Guillaume  is  my  uncle,  the 
marquis  with  the  short  nose,  /  My  grandsire  Aymeri  of  Narbonne- 
by-the-sea,  /  And  I  am  son  to  Julien  de  Saint  Gille,  the  baron. ' ' 

<i ' '  I  am  son  to  Garin  d  'Anseune  the  duke,  /  And  nephew  to 
Guillaume  of  the  bold  courage.'^ 

©He  asks  him:  ''Friend,  where  were  you  born?"  /  Bertrand 
replies,  who  was  much  terrified,  / ' '  Sir,  in  France,  nephew  to 
Guillaume  with  the  short  nose." 

f  My  name  is  Bertrand,  nephew  to  Willame  of  the  crooked 
nose. ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         161 

Dist  li  hermites :  "  Volentiers,  par  saint  Jake ! 
Nes  fui  de  France,  del  pais  honerable, 
Gaidons  ai  non,  nies  sui  dame  Anestasse, 
Feme  Garin  d'Anseune  le  large. 
Fils  fui  d'un  due  qui  fu  de  grant  parage, 
Gerars  ot  non  et  si  tint  quite  Blaives."  ^ 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  2220) 

"  Aymeris  f  u  mes  oncles,  par  ma  vie."  .  .  . 

"  Jou  ai  non  Landris  li  timoniers, 
Cousins  Guillaume,  fil  AjTQeri  le  viel."  ^ 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  3430,  3456) 

"Diva!  estes  vous  freres,  qui  si  vos  resenblez?" 
Et  respont  Aulori :  "  Cosins  sommes  eharnez, 
Car  nous  sommes  de  freres  et  de  .II.  serors  nez, 
Neveu  le  due  Gamier  de  Nentuel  la  cite."  ° 
{Aye  d'Avignoyi,  3424) 

Gentiex  hon  fu,  nies  fu  au  roi  Karlon; 
Par  son  baptesme  Anseis  ot  a  non; 
Fiex  fu  Rispeu  et  cousins  Salemon.^ 
{Anse'is  de  Cartage,  82) 

A  I'estor  vient  uns  damoisiaus  de  pris, 
Parens  f  u  Karle  et  cosins  Anseis ; 

a  Said  the  hermit:  ''Gladly,  by  Saint  James! /I  was  born  in 
France,  in  that  honorable  land;  /  G'aidon  is  my  name,  nephew  am 
I  to  Lady  Anestasse,  /  Wife  to  Garin  of  Anseune  the  great.  /  I  was 
son  to  a  duke  who  was  of  high  birth,  /  Gerart  was  his  name,  and 
he  held  Blaives  exempt  from  claims." 

b ' '  Aymeri  was  my  uncle,  by  my  life  1  "  .  .  .  /  ' '  My  name  is 
Landri  the  carter,  /  Cousin  to  Guillaume,  son  of  Aymeri  the  old. ' ' 

c^'What!  Are  you  brothers,  who  so  resemble  each  other?"/ 
And  Alori  replies :  ' '  We  are  own  cousins,  /  For  we  were  born  of 
brothers  and  of  two  sisters,  /  Nephews  to  Duke  Gamier  of  Nanteiiil 
the  city." 

dA  gentleman  was  he,  he  was  nephew  to   King  Charles; /By 
baptism  he  had  the  name  of  Anseis;  /He  was  son  to  Kispeu  and 
cousin  to  Salemon. 
12 


162  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Nies  fu  Sanson  et  ses  oneles  fu  Guis; 
C'est  Garsions,  ki  tant  fu  eseavis.* 
{Anse'is  de  Cartage,  10257) 

La  fu  pris  le  neuov  Willame  Bertram.^ 

{Cangun  de  Willame,  ed.  Chiswick,  1720) 

A  ees  parolles,  vint  Hemais  d'Orliens. 
leil  fu  nies  a  Garin  le  gnerrier, 
Et  freres  Huedon  I'esveque  droiturier.*^ 
XGarin,  I,  132) 

Girart  de  Commarchis  thus  makes  himself  kngwn,  in  the  Siege 
de  Barbastre: 

"  Et  si  suis  fils  Buevon,  qui  est  eeste  cites, 
Nies  Bernard  de  Brubant,  nies  Guillaume  au  comeis, 
Nies  Guarin  d'Anseiine,  qui  pros  est  et  sanes, 
Nies  Aymer  lou  conte,  qui  tant  vos  a  penes, 
Nies  Guibert  d'Andemai,  c'est  fine  verites, 
Et  freres  Guielin,  qui  tant  est  adures, 
Et  nies  dant  Aymeri,  qui  vieulz  est  et  melles."  ^ 
(Ms.  Bib.  Nat.,  1448  fonds  fr.,  fol.  122  v°) 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  noted  that  the  poet  both  in  his 
own  person  and  that  of  his  characters  is  fond  of  refemng  to  a 
man  as  the  nephew  (less  often  as  the  uncle)  of  another  rather 

a  To  the  combat  came  a  youth  of  worth ;  /  He  was  a  relative  of 
Charles  and  a  cousin  of  Anseis ;  /  He  was  nephew  to  Sanson,  and 
his  uncle  was  Gui ;  /  That  is  Garsion,  who  was  so  slender. 

b  There  was  captured  the  nephew  of  Willame,  Bertrand. 

c  At  these  words  came  Hernais  d  'Orleans.  /  He  was  nephew  to 
Garin  the  warrior,  /  And  brother  to   Odon,  the   righteous  bishop. 

d"And  I  am  son  to  Bovon,  to  whom  this  city  is,  /  Nephew  to 
Bernart  de  Brubant,  nephew  to  Guillaume  the  shortnosed,  / 
Nephew  to  Garin  d  'Anseiine,  who  is  valiant  and  wise,  /  Nephew  to 
Aymer  the  count,  who  has  tormented  you  so  much,  /  Nephew  to 
Guibert  d  'Andernai,  this  is  the  real  truth,  /  And  brother  to  Guielin, 
who  is  so  practised,  /  And  '  nephew '  to  Sir  Aymeri,  who  is  old  and 
gray. ' ' 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE   POEMS         163 

than  by  name;  frequently  the  name  appears  to  be  brought  in  as 
if  it  were  an  afterthought.  Such  passages  are  so  numerous  that 
only  a  small  selection  can  be  made  here.  In  every  instance  it 
seems  as  if  the  relationship  were  the  thought  uppennost  in  the 
mind  of  the  poet,  as  if  the  name  were  a  secondary  consideration 
and  he  were  making  every  effort  to  bring  out  that  relationship. 
Roland  is  everywhere  li  nies  Karlon  to  Franks  and  Saracens 
alike : 

"  Li  nies  Carlun  I'ad  mort  e  cunfundut."  .  .  . 

"  II  nen  ad  mie  de  RoUant  sun  nevuld."  .  .  . 

"  Rollanz  sis  nies  me  coillit  en  haiir."  ^ 

{Chanson  de  Roland,  2824,  3182,  3771) 

A  voiz  eserie :  "  0  est  I'ostel  Rollant, 
Le  neveu  Charle,  qui  des  bones  fist  tant?"^ 
{Narhonnais,  2333) 

Not  seldom  another  character  in  the  poem  addresses  Roland  as 
nies  Karlemaine  instead  of  by  name : 

"  Sire  nies  Karlemaine,  pour  Diu  vous  voel  proiier, 
Va  mon  ami  secourre  qui  je  voi  travillier."  ^ 
{Fierabras,  3503) 

"  Sire  nies  I'empereres,"  dist  Renaus,  "  entendez."  ^ 
{Renaut  de  Montauban,  p.  328,  1) 

The  Saxons  address  Baudoin  in  the  same  way,  and  apply  the 
same  term  to  him  indirectly  as  does  the  poet  in  his  own  words : 

"  Bele,"  ce  dit  Sebile  qui  fine  amors  mahaigne, 
"  Huchiez  au  neveu  Karle  qi  por  m'amor  ampraigne  "... 

a ' '  The  nephew  of  Charles  has  killed  and  destroyed  him. "  .  .  .  / 
' '  He  has  nothing  of  Roland  his  nephew.  '^  .  .  .  /  * '  Eoland  his 
nephew  took  a  hatred  of  me." 

b  Loudly  he  cries:  ''Where  is  the  hostelry  of  Eoland,  /  The 
nephew  of  Charles,  who  did  so  many  deeds?" 

c ''  Sir  nephew  of  Charlemagne,  for  Heaven  ^s  sake  I  want  to  beg 
you,  /  Go  aid  my  friend,  whom  I  see  there  in  sore  distress. ' ' 

a ''Sir  nephew  of  the  Emperor,"  said  Eenaut,  "listen." 


164  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Baudoins  li  nies  Karlon  descend!  en  I'erbois  .  .  . 

"  C'est  Baudoins  vo  nies,  jou  vos  di  en  plevine  "... 

II  et  li  nies  Karlon  en  ont  le  pris  porte  .  .  . 

Baudoins  li  nies  Karle  est  par  matin  levez  .  .  . 

"  Et  garde  Karlemaine  de  mort  et  d'encombrier, 
Baudoin  son  neveu  o  le  \dsage  fier."  ^ 

(Saisnes,    LXVIII,    10,    LXXI,    1,    LXXIV,    9, 
LXXXV,  19,  CCXXXVIII,  14,  CCXLVIII,  11) 

Vivien  is  to  the  pagans  li  nies  Guillaume,  and  seems  to  think  of 
himself  in  that  relation  rather  than  as  an  individuality,  when 
he  says: 

"  Se  ge  n'abat  des  miolz  enparenteis, 
Et  des  mellors  et  des  plus  abrives, 
Se  ge  les  puis  devent  moi  ancontreir, 
Ans  ne  fui  nies  dan  Guillelme  au  cort  neis."  ^ 
{Chevalerie  Vivien,  1902) 

"  Ses  vos  envoie  Viviens  I'aloses, 
.i.  nies  Guillelme,  lou  marchis  au  cor  neis  "... 

Dient  paien :  "  C'est  li  Guillelme  nies, 
C'est  Viviens,  li  fel,  li  enragies."  ^ 
(Chevalerie  Vivien,  116,  136) 

a ''Fair  lady,"  said  Sebile,  whom  extreme  love  torments./ 
' '  Call  to  the  nephew  of  Charles  who  is  full  of  love  for  me. "  .  .  .  / 
Baudoin,  the  nephew  of  Charles,  descended  to  the  meadow.  .  .  .  / 
' '  That  is  Baudoin,  your  nephew,  I  tell  you  with  assurance. "  .  .  .  / 
He  and  the  nephew  of  Charles  have  carried  off  the  prize.  .  .  .  / 
Baudoin,  the  nephew  of  Charles,  rose  early.  .  .  .  /  "  And  preserve 
Charlemagne  from  death  and  injury,  /  Baudoin  his  nephew  with  the 
haughty  countenance." 

b  "  If  I  do  not  overthrow  some  of  the  best  connected,  /  And  the 
TDest  and  most  ardent,  /  If  I  can  meet  them  face  to  face,  /  Never 
was  I  nephew  to  Sir  Guillaume  with  the  short  nose." 

c ' '  Vivien,  the  renowned,  sends  them  to  you,  /  A  nephew  of 
Guillaume  the  marquis  of  the  short  nose. "  .  .  .  /  Say  the  pagans : 
■' '  That  is  the  nephew  of  Guillaume,  /  It  is  Vivien,  the  cruel,  the 
furious. ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         165 

Anfelise  announces  her  desire  to  marry  Foucon: 

"  Mari  vueil  panre :  or  -^meil  que  me  loez. 
Nies  est  Guillelme,  qui  tant  vos  a  penez."  * 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  4229) 

During  the  fight  between  Roland  and  Otinel : 

Li  Sarrasin  a  la  color  muee; 
Tint  Courou^ouse,  dont  la  lemele  est  lee ; 
Au  neveu  Karl  la  fera  ja  privee.^ 
{Otinel,  5^6) 

Mes  li  nies  Karle  se  courut  adober  .  .  . 

Meis  li  nies  Charle  li  traverse  devant.° 
{Otinel,  74:7,  858) 

Aymer  refers  to  Guillaume,  not  as  his  brother,  but  as  the  uncle 
of  Bertrand! 

"  Cuvers  paiens,  li\T:es  estes  a  honte, 
Se  ne  me  rens  dant  Hernalt  de  Gironde, 
Lou  cuen  Bertran  et  Guillelme  son  oncle, 
Et  roi  Guibert  qui  bamages  abonde."'^ 
{Prise  de  Cordres,  338) 

The  poet  neglects  no  opportunity  of  keeping  the  relationship 
constantly  before  his  listeners  by  using  such  expressions  as: 
Li  nies  le  roi  de  Franche  i  entra  toils  premiers^  {Fierabras, 

a  ' '  I  -wish  to  take  a  husband ;  now  I  wish  you  to  approve.  /  He  is 
nephew  to  (jruillaume,  who  has  harassed  you  so  much. '* 

b  The  Saracen  changed  color; /He  held  Courouceuse,  whose 
blade  is  broad; /He  will  make  it  familiar  to  the  nephew  of 
Charles. 

c  But  the  nephew  of  Charles  ran  to  arm  himself.  .  .  .  /  But  the 
nephew  of  Charles  crosses  in  front  of  him, 

d ' '  Pagan  villain,  you  are  delivered  up  to  shame,  /  If  thou  dost 
not  surrender  to  me  Sir  Hernaut  de  Gironde,  /  Count  Bertrand 
and  Guillaume,  his  uncle,  /  And  King  Guibert,  in  whom  valor 
abounds. ' ' 

e  The  nephew  of  the  King  of  France  entered  first  of  all. 


166  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

3894);  Et  apela  o  soi  son  neveu  Baudoin^  {Saisnes,  L,  9); 
Son  neveu  Baudoins  qui  fu  freres  Rollant  ^  (Saisnes^  LIV,  18) ; 
Baudoins  li  nies Karlon  venoit  Uiz,'sox  errier^  (Saisnes,  LXVII, 
8);  Plaint  vus  o'ir  del  nies  dani,e  Guiburc^  {Willame,  1178); 
Et  Viviens  i  fut,  li  nies  Guillelme^  {Willa'ffie,  31) ;  Tiedhalz  li 
quens,  ot  sun  nevou  Esturmi^  {*Willame,  29) ;  Sire  Guillaumes, 
Bert  ran  cist  vostre  nies  ^  [Enfar^ces  Vivien,  3053);  Laissies 
Bertran,  molt  est  jones  mes  nies^  (Enfances  Vivien,  3060); 
A  Rollant  son  neveu  Va  Karles  commandee  *  (Benaut,  p.  143, 
35).  Thus  the  poet  explains  over  and  over  again  who  his 
character  is,  using  the  same  formula;  since  it  was  the  custom 
to  recite  only  a  portion  of  one  of  these  long  poems  at  a  time, 
this  method  kept  continually  before  the  mind  of  the  hearer  the 
relationship  of  the  character,  no  matter  at  what  stage  of  the 
story  the  recital  might  be  taken  up.^''^ 

As  examples  of  the  arbitrary  attachment  of  a  nephew  to  an 
uncle  by  the  poet  without  apparent  necessity  or  reason  may  be 
cited  such  instances  as  that  of  a  combattant  in  a  battle,  named 
Huon  de  Beorges,  of  whom  the  poet  says  that  he  nes  fu  a 
Danemarches;  uns  des  neveus  Ogier  ^  {Foucon,  ed  Tarbe,  p. 
73) ;  Elinant  is  mentioned  only  twice  in  the  poem  of  Aymeri, 
and  nothing  in  particular  is  said  of  him,  but  he  is  introduced 

a  And  called  to  Mm  liis  nephew  Baudoin. 

t>  His  nephew  Baudoin,  who  was  brother  to  Eoland. 

c  Baudoin  the  nephew  of  Charles  came  wandering  all  alone. 

<i  Do  you  wish  to  hear  of  the  nephew  of  Lady  Guiburc. 

eAnd  Vivien  was  there,  the  nephew  of  Willame. 

'  Tedbalt  the  count,  with  his  nephew  Esturmi. 

g  Sir  Guillaume,  Bertrand,  this  your  nephew. 

h  Leave  Bertrand ;  very  young  is  my  nephew. 

i  To  Eoland  his  nephew  did  Charles  commend  it. 

i  Born  in  Denmark  was  he ;  one  of  the  nephews  of  Ogier. 

104  cf.  also  :Raoul  de  Camhrai,  3337,  Prise  de  Cordres,  1133,  Mort 
Aymen,  3045,  Chevalerie  Ogier,  3224,  3749,  3845,  3855,  Doon  de 
Nantueil,  55,  Aye  d' Avignon,  864,  Parise  la  Duchesse,  1853,  1904, 
Mort  Garin,  4196,  4284,  Foucon,  5428,  5811,  7364,  Elioxe,  1639, 
2120,  2185. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN    THE    POEMS         167 

as  li  nies  Naimon  que  Charles  ot  tant  chier^  {Aymeri,  3656); 
in  connection  with  the  geste  of  Aymeri,  the  poet  speaks  of  li 
bons  rois  Otes  and  states  that  icil  fu  oncle  as  chevaliers  nobiles  ^ 
{Mort  Aymeri,  3085) ;  Berrous*  is  the  oncles  Benoit  le  vaillant 
escuier,  who  was  Ogier's  squire  {Chevalerie  Ogier,  3436) ;  in  the 
final  battle  between  the  Bretons  and  the  Norois  the  pagans  kill 
Garnier,  the  Duke  of  Quoquerie,  who  was  nies  VApostaire  qui 
Bomme  a  en  baillie  ^  {Acquin,  3010).  It  seems  to  be  a  stylistic 
trick  to  awaken  interest  in  one  character  or  the  other,  as  in  the 
account  of  a  battle  between  the  French  and  the  Saracens,  in 
which  the  poet  apparently  gives  all  the  necessary  information 
about  Matamart  in  one  descriptive  phrase : 

Rois  Matamars  son  eeval  esperone ; 
En  paienie  n'avoit  nul  plus  franc  home, 
Rois  Synagons  est  nies  et  il  est  oncles.^ 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  4214) 

{  g)  Names  Connected  in  Lists  of  Comhattants 

In  giving  lists  of  comhattants  in  battle,  or  of  hostages,  or 
in  recounting  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  to  an  army,  the 
poet  manages  to  introduce  a  gTeat  many  nephews  for  no  ap- 
parent reason,  usually  bringing  in  uncle  and  nephew  together; 
it  would  seem  that  the  association  of  the  two  in  war  was  a 
tradition  so  firmly  imprinted  upon  the  poet's  memory  that  such 
a  combination  of  names  has  to  him  as  it  w^ere  a  pictorial  sug- 
gestiveness.  Among  the  hostages  whom  the  King  gives  to 
Raoul  to  guarantee  his  promise  the  poet  mentions:  Et  Beren- 
gier  et  son  oncle  Sanson  {Baoul,  770) ;  there  is  no  further  men- 
tion of  either,  and  Langlois,  in  his  Table  des  Noms  Propres, 
considers  that  the  two  have  no  connection  with  other  characters 

a  The  nephew  of  Naimon,  whom  Charles  held  so  dear, 
b  He  was  uncle  to  the  noble  knights, 
c  Nephew  to  the  Pontiff,  who  has  Rome  in  his  power. 
«3  King  Matamart  spurs  his  horse ;  /  In  pagandom  there  was  not 
a  more  noble  knight ;  /  King  Synagon  is  nephew,  and  he  is  uncle. 


168  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

of  the  same  name,  so  that  it  appears  a  stylistic  device  which 
assigns  this  relationship  to  them.  Similarly,  when  Guerri  is 
about  to  get  the  upper  hand  of  Bemier,  two  unknown  nephews 
of  the  latter  come  to  his  rescue,  performing  their  function  in 
this  passage,  to  be  heard  of  no  more  in  the  poem: 

Devers  Bemier  est  li  gius  mal  partis, 
Qant  d'autre  part  eiz  ces  neveus  saillis : 
Ce  fu  Gerars  et  Henris  de  Cenlis.* 
{Baoul  de  Cambrai,  3448) 

Raoul  and  his  uncle  Guerri  are  associated  throughout  the  poem 
in  phrases  such  as : 

II  et  ces  oncles  vont  lor  gent  ordenant  .  .  . 

II  et  ces  oncles  qi  le  poil  ot  ferrant.^ 
{Baoul,  2411,  2492) 

In  a  list  of  the  Breton  knights  accompanying  Charlemagne 
against  the  Norois  we  find : 

Et  Tiori  et  son  nies  Salemon 

Qui  de  Bretaigne  tint  puis  la  region  .  .  . 

Et  Salemon,  filz  de  son  frere  esne.*^ 
{Acquin,  70,  747) 

In  Elie,  the  poet  makes  one  of  the  pagans  comment  upon  the 
wonderful  strength  of  one  of  the  combattants,  and  he  adds: 
C'est  Artus  de  Bretaigne  u  Gavain,  ses  nevos  (654).  Even 
among  the  pagans,  where  such  accurate  genealogy  is  surely  a 
poetical  invention,  we  find  uncle  and  nephew  going  together 
in  these  battle  episodes:  Et  Aarofles  et  ses  nies  Cladumeaus 

a  The  match  is  uneven  for  Bemier,  /  When  on  the  other  side,  lo ! 
his  nephews  have  sprung  out :  /  That  was  Gerart  and  Henri  de 
Senlis. 

b  He  and  his  uncle  go  arranging  his  men.  .  .  .  /  He  and  his  uncle 
who  has  iron-gray  hair. 

c  And  Thierry  and  his  nephew  Salemon,  /  Who  afterwards  held 
the  country  of  Brittany.  .  .  .  /  And  Salemon,  son  of  his  elder 
brother. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         169^ 

(Covenant  Vivien,  310) ;  Turlen  de  Dasturges  &  sis  nies  Alfais 
{Willame,  1710). 

Et  Anseys  fiert  le  vassal  Helye, 
Mort  le  trebiiche,  s'en  est  I'ame  partie ; 
Symons  ses  oncles  ocist  Aubert  de  Brie.* 
{Anse:is  de  Mes,  420,  27) 

When  Guillaume  sends  to  Huon  de  Floriville  for  help  to  avenge 
the  loss  of  Vivien,  the  poet  tells  us  that: 

Hue  et  ses  nies  furent  leve  par  main, 
Gaudins  li  bruns,  li  fiz  au  conte  Elain.^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  409) 

And  on  the  high  seas,  Foucon  and  his  companions  in  their  ship : 

En  haute  mer  eneontrent  un  dromon, 
Qui  fert  Morgan  et  le  neveu  Fanon.*' 
{Foucon,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  15)^°^ 

When  King  Louis  prepares  an  expedition  to  deliver  GuiUaume 
from  a  Saracen  prison: 

Li  rois  de  France  fait  faire  ses  escris, 
Un  en  envoie  son  neveu  Baudewin.^ 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  3721) 

In  Elioxe,  a  nephew  of  the  pagan  king  is  introduced  without 
reason  and  without  taking  any  further  part  in  the  action: 

a  And  Anseis  strikes  the  vassal  Elie,  /  He  strltes  him  dead,  and 
his  soul  departs;  /  Simon  his  uncle  slew  Aubert  de  Brie. 

^  Huon  and  his  nephew  had  risen  early,  /  Gaudin  the  dark,  the 
son  of  Count  Elain. 

c  On  the  high  sea  they  meet  a  ship  /  Which  carries  Morgan  and 
the  nephew  of  Fanon. 

d  The  King  of  France  has  his  letters  written,  /  One  he  sends  ta 
his  nephew  Baudoin. 

105  Another  version  reads:  Bel  premier  jal  eneontrent  un  dromon^ 
Qui  fu  Movant  et  lo  neveu  Fanon  (ed.  Schultz-Gora,  1290),  showing 
how  persistently  the  scribes  retained  the  idea  of  relationship,  even 
when  other  details  escaped  them. 


170  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

A  tant  mostra  sa  ciere 
Li  nies  le  roi  d'Artage  par  une  baotiere.* 
{Elioxe,  1061) 

It  has  already  been  pointed  out  by  Professor  Weeks  that  in  the 
Cangun  de  Willame  the  names  of  Gautier  de  Termes  and-Reiner 
are  always  placed  close  together;  Reiner  is  the  sister's  son  of 
Gautier,  and  it  seems  to  Professor  Weeks  that  "this  position 
is  not  an  accidental  circumstance."  ^*^^  In  enumerating  the 
battalions  drawn  up  for  the  combat  in  Anse'is  de  Mes,  the, rela- 
tionship seemingly  has  as  much  weight  with  the  poet  as  the 
names  of  the  leaders : 

Droges  le  tierce,  le  quarte  fist  Aimons, 

De  Tailleborc  .1.  siens  oncles  Simons 

La  quinte,  od  eux  .xx.  M.  eompaignons  ... 

Et  la  sissime  fist  li  rois  Anseis, 
De  Florivile  .1.  siens  oncles  Aikins.^ 
{Anseis  de  Mes,  414:,  Q  K) 

Thus  even  the  external  features  of  the  poet's  literary  style  bring 
out  the  inevitable  association  of  uncle  and  nephew. 

{h)  Forms  of  Address 

One  very  interesting  phase  of  the  poet's  method  is  the  form 
of  address  which  he  causes  his  characters  to  employ  towards 
one  another:  Biaus  oncles,  hiaus  nies,  sire  nies,  etc.,  with  or 
without  the  name  in  addition.  The  list  does  not  contain  much 
variety,  nor  does  it  give  much,  if  any,  assistance  in  analyzing 

a  Forthwith  showed  his  face  /  The  nephew  of  the  King  of  Artage 
through  an  opening. 

t>  Drogon  the  third,  Aimon  formed  the  fourth,  /  His  uncle  Simon 
de  Tailleborc  /  The  fifth,  with  them  twenty  thousand  companions. 
.  .  .  /  And  the  sixth  King  Anseis  formed,  /  His  uncle  Aiquin  de 
Floriville. 

106  Eaymond  Weeks,  ' '  The  Newly  Discovered  Changun  de 
Willame,"  Modern  Philology,  III,  p.  216. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS  171 

the  individuality  of  the  characters;  what  it  does  give,  however, 
is  a  mathematical  demonstration  of  the  importance  of  the  uncle- 
nephew  relations — oncles  and  nies  as  vocatives  outnumber  all-^ 
the  other  forms  of  family  address  combined.  In  this,  as  in 
many  other  phases  of  the  Old  French  Epic,  not  only  was  imita- 
tion not  frowned  upon,  but  the  saving  grace  of  originality  was 
not  even  recognized.  The  exordium  of  the  poet  to  his  hearers, 
the  endless  prayers  which  recite  the  whole  story  of  the  Old 
Testament,  the  descriptions  of  grief  and  of  death  itself,  these 
and  many  others  contain  features  of  style  that  amount  to  a 
regular  convention,  the  form  of  which  sometimes  degenerates 
into  mere  tags;  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  just  what  expres- 
sions shall  be  considered  tag-rhymes,  introduced  because  the 
poet's  invention  gives  out,  and  what  ones  are  to  be  considered 
as  representing  a  real  aspect  of  the  poet's  thought.  Gaston 
Paris  states  his  view  of  the  situation  clearly :  "  il  y  a  deja  dans 
le  Roland  beaucoup  de  formules  toutes  faites,  heritage  de 
Fepopee  anterieure,  qui  facilitent  au  poete  I'expression  de  ses 
idees,  mais  la  rendent  frequemment  banale,  et  qui  I'empechent 
trop  souvent  de  voir  directement  et  avec  une  emotion  person- 
nelle  les  choses  qu'il  vent  peindre."  ^^^  He  had  previously  said 
of  the  Roland:  "Pas  une  cheville,  aucune  concession  a  la 
rime."  ^^^  The  line  of  demarcation  between  the  conventional 
formula,  which  has  quite  as  much  raison  d'etre  as  those  of  the 
present  day,  and  the  meaningless  cheville,  which  is  as  its  name 
indicates  only  a  stop-gap,  is  so  easily  overstepped  that  each 
critic  will  probably  make  his  own  individual  classification.  If 
any  one  feature  of  the  poet's  use  of  terms  in  his  treatment 
of  the  dealings  between  uncle  and  nephew  deserves  to  be  called 
a  stop-gap,  it  is  the  formulas  of  address,  yet  nevertheless  there 
is  an  indefinably  sympathetic  character  about  them  which  effec- 
tually brings  out  the  nature  of  the  sentiments  expressed.  A 
few  examples  will  suffice  to  show  the  general  style,  which  is  com- 
non  to  French  and  pagans  alike:  AM!  Karles,  biaus  oncles, 

107  Litterature  Frangaise  au  Moyen  Age,  p.  63, 

108  Histoire  Poetique  de  Charlemagne,  p.  24. 


172  UNCLE   AND    NEPHEW 

jamais  ne  me  venres^  {Fierdbras,  3329);  Bertram,  beau  sire 
nies;  Entendez,  sire  nies;  Ha,  Bertran,  sire  (Couronnement 
Louis,  2184,  1543,  1169) ;  Oncle  Guillaume,  gentix  horns,  sire 
{Prise  d'Orenge,  515) ;  Dex  gart  toi,  nies  {Raoul  de  Cambrai, 
835) ;  Dous  nies  {Renaut  de  Montauban,  p.  120,  29). i*'^ 

There  is  also  a  type  of  characterization  which  amounts  to  a 
formula,  i.  e.,  the  terms  employed  by  nephew  or  uncle  in  speak- 
ing of  each  other  or  by  others  in  referring  to  them:  Karlon 
vostre  oncle  Vadure;  ^  Karlemaine  mon  oncle  qi  tant  m^a  eu 
chier  {Saisnes,  CCXXII,  24,  CCLVII,  42) ;  Ton  oncle  le  gentil^ 
a  Vadure  talent;  mon  neveu  le  Danois  alose;  Berart  mon  neveu, 
qui  tant  a  de  fiertes;  Son  neveu  Maprin,  que  durement  ama; 
Maprin,  non  neveu  le  guerrier  ( Gaufrey,  1125, 1575, 1771,  6058^ 
8858) ;  Gautier,  mon  neveu  le  vailant;  Mon  nevou  Raoul, 
c'amoie  tant  {Raoul,  4419,  ms.  de  Girbert,  662) ;  Bertran,  son 
neveu,  le  nobile;  Ses  .ij.  neveus,  que  il  pot  amer  tant;  Bertrans 

a  Ah,  Charles,  fair  uncle,  nevermore  will  you  see  me.  /  Bertrand,, 
fair  nephew,  sir.  /  Listen,  sir  nephew.  /  Ah,  Bertrand,  sir.  /  Uncle 
Guillaume,  gentle  sir.  /  God  guard  you,  nephew.  /  Gentle  nephew. 

i>  Charles,  your  uncle,  the  proven  knight.  /  Charlemagne,  my 
uncle,  who  held  me  so  dear.  /  Your  uncle  the  gentle,  of  the  proven 
ardor.  /  My  nephew,  the  honored  Dane.  /  Berart  my  nephew,  who 
has  such  boldness.  /  His  nephew  Maprin,  whom  he  deeply  loved.  / 
Maprin,  my  nephew,  the  warrior.  /  Gautier,  my  nephew  the  valiant. 
/  My  nephew  Eaoul,  whom  I  loved  so  much.  /  Bertrand,  his  nephew 
the  noble.  /  His  two  nephews,  whom  he  loved  so  much.  /  Bertrand 
my  nephew,  who  is  brave  and  valiant.  /  His  nephew.  Sir  Vivien,  the 
brave.  /  Sir  Godef roi,  your  valorous  uncle.  /  My  uncle  Guillaume, 
the  feared.  /  Guichart  my  uncle,  whose  heart  was  bold.  /  Protect 
today  my  nephew  the  practised.  /  My  dear  uncle  Naimon  of  the 
wise  heart.  /  My  uncle  Naimon  of  the  bold  heart.  /  Your  urcle 
Constantine  the  renowned.  /  My  nephew  whom  I  held  so  dear  / 
Your  dear  uncle,  who  brought  you  up  gently.  /  Fromondin,  who 
does  not  wish  to  leave  his  dear  uncle.  /  Enguelier  my  uncle,  who  did 
so  much  to  be  praised.  /  Bovon,  my  gentle  uncle. 

109  The  use  of  cosin  applied  to  a  nephew  as  a  term  of  endear- 
ment has  already  been  pointed  out  on  page  4  ff. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS  173 

mis  nies,  qui  est  preuz  et  vaillanz  (Prise  d/Orenge,  10,  84, 
1095) ;  Sun  nevou,  dan  Vivien  le  prou  {Willame,  ed.  Suchier, 
9) ;  Dant  Godefroi  vostre  oncle  de  valor;  Mes  oncles  Guillaume 
li  doutes  [Enfances  Vivien,  774,  4752);  Guichart  son  oncle, 
qui  le  cuer  at  Jiardi  (Foucon,  5429) ;  Garissiez  hui  mon  neveu 
Vadure  {Narhonnais,  4769) ;  Mes  chiers  oncles  N amies  au  cuer 
sene;  Mon  oncle  Namlon  au  cuer  hardi  (Enfances  Ogier,  1004, 
1115) ;  Vostre  uncle  Costentin  Valose;  Le  mien  neveu  que  favoie 
tant  chier  (Chevalerie  Ogier,  1416,  3856) ;  Vostres  chiers  oncles 
qui  souef  vous  norri  (Garin,  I,  146) ;  Fromondins,  qui  ne  vialt 
mie  son  chier  oncle  guerpir  (Mart  Garin,  4006) ;  Enguelier  mon 
oncle  qui  tant  fist  a  loer  (Gui  de  Nanteuil,  806) ;  Buevon,  mon 
oncle  dehonaire  (Aye  d' Avignon,  166).  Thus  there  seems  to  be 
on  the  part  of  the  poets  a  clear  intention  to  add  as  far  as  pos- 
sible a  complimentary  or  affectionate  epithet  in  characterizing 
the  uncle  or  the  nephew.  By  far  the  commonest  term  that  is 
applied  to  the  nephew  is  fiz  sa  seror,  a  formula  which  has  such 
an  important  bearing-  upon  our  whole  question  that  it  must  be 
treated  in  a  section  by  itself.  There  are  other  formulas  to  be 
found  in  the  language  of  the  epic,  the  most  important  of  which 
is  perhaps  that  of  allegiance :  Ogier  speaks  of  the  foi  que  je  doi 
le  due  Namlon  porter^  (Enfances  Ogier,  2212) ;  Oliver  reminds 
Roland:  Par  la  foi  que  deves  Karle  vostre  oncle  (Girart  de 
Vienne,  p.  76). 

(i)   Pagan  Uncle  and  Nephew 

Another  phase  of  the  epic  which  may  be  treated  as  a  purely 
stylistic  one  is  the  habit  of  connecting  the  Saracen  uncle  and 
nephew  just  as  is  done  with  the  French  characters;  each  poem 
is  remarkably  consistent  in  itself  and,  as  regards  the  leading 
enemies  of  France,  the  genealogy  varies  but  little  from  one 
poem  to  another,  so  that  it  would  appear  that  the  legendary 
material  of  the  Chansons  de  Geste  included  certain  Saracen 

a  Fidelity  that  I  must  show  Duke  Naimon.  /  By  the  fidelity  you 
owe  to  Charles  your  uncle. 


174  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

genealogies.  And  not  only  is  the  consistency  remarkable  with 
which  the  same  relationship  is  maintained,  but  the  number  of 
characters  among  the  Saracens  or  other  enemies  of  France  who 
are  described  as  the  nephew  or  the  uncle  of  another  is  very 
large;  this  combination  is  very  common  in  accounts  of  battles, 
where  the  nephew  frequently  appears  only  once  in  the  whole 
story.  The  most  frequent  method  is  to  attach  a  nephew  to  an 
uncle  who  is  a  more  important  character  in  the  poem,  but  not 
seldom  do  we  see  two  entirely  unknown  characters  combined 
in  this  way:  Roi  Ahsalon,  ki  nies  fu  au  soudant  ^  {Anseis  de 
Cartage,  3674) ;  Clariun,  nies  Vamirant  et  de  sa  sereur  nes 
{Fierdbras,  4065) ;  Machiner  e  sun  uncle  Blaheu  {Roland,  66) ; 
[Desrames]  et  Tacon,  le  fil  de  sa  seror  {Aliscans,  39)  ;^^° 
Luc'ion,  le  neveu  Vamustant  {Anseis,  3478) ;  Goniot  d'Ale- 
mengne,  nies  Savari  de  sa  seror  germaine  {Aymeri  de  Narhonne, 
1775).  Sometimes  the  nephew  is  not  even  named,  the  mere  fact 
of  the  relationship  seeming  to  answer  the  poet's  purpose :  Iluec 
ont  mort  A.  neveu  Desiier  {Anseis,  3191) ;  Et  Guis  ocliist  le  fil 
de  sa  seror  {Anseis,  2775) ;  Morant  et  lo  neveu  Fanon  {Foucon, 
1291) ;  .an.  donzel  et  uns  nies  Vamirant  {Foucon,  3899) ;  Et 
un  vallet,  qui  fu  nies  Vamire  {Foucon,  3924). 

The  Saracen  Amirant,  in  telling  the  history  of  Narbonne, 
mentions  a  battle  fought  there  under  the  Romans,  and  brings  in 
a  certain  Fenice,  who  nies  fu  Popee  {Narhonnais,  3712) ;  this 
is  the  only  mention  of  Fenice,  who  led  the  army  of  Caesar 

a  King  Absalom^  who  was  nephew  to  the  Sultan.  /  Clarion, 
nephew  to  the  Emir^  and  of  his  sister  born.  /  Machiner  and  his 
uncle  Maheu.  /  Desrame  and  Tacon,  the  son  of  his  sister.  /  Lucion, 
the  nephew  of  the  Emir.  /  Goniot  d  'Allemagne,  nephew  of  Savari 
by  his  sister.  /  There  they  killed  a  nephew  of  Desier.  /  And  Gni  slew 
his  sister's  son.  /  Morant  and  the  nephew  of  Fanon.  /  Four  youths 
and  a  nephew  of  the  Emir.  /  And  a  lad,  who  was  nephew  to  the 
Emir. 

110  This  is  the  reading  of  Jonckbloet;  the  Halle  ed.,  vs.  33,  reads: 
Le  jar  ont  mort  maint  gentil  vavasor,  /  Et  a  Guillafume  le  fil  de  sa 
seror. 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN    THE   POEMS         175 

against  the  Britons,  while  Pompey  appears  also  in  the  Prise  de 
Pampelune  (1677,  3024).  Another  curious  instance  of  the 
arbitrary  creation  of  a  nephew  is  found  in  the  Chanson  d'An- 
tioche:  the  poet  makes  Tatice  a  sister's  son  of  the  Emperor 
Alexis,  but  according  to  the  historian  Comnenus,  Tatice  (or 
Estatin  in  the  poem)  was  of  Saracen  origin  and  a  favorite  of 
Alexis,  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  related  to  him 
{Chanson  d'Antioche,  Chant  II  ft.).  It  is  also  curious  to  find 
that  the  relationship  of  the  pagans  is  kept  in  mind  by  the 
French  troops,  as  when  Gamier  addresses  King  Desrame,  and 
says  to  him:  Vos  et  Tiehauz  vostre  nies,  escoutez  {Foucon, 
7791).  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  pagans  are  always 
made  to  bear  in  mind  the  relationships  among  the  French; 
we  have  seen  already  many  examples  of  this. 

The  number  of  cases  of  this  relationship  among  the  pagans, 
the  extreme  care  which  the  poet  takes  to  point  it  out  and  to 
repeat  his  statements,  and  the  consistency  with  which  he  fol- 
lows out  this  partial  genealogy,  all  these  points  tend  to  indicate 
the  general  importance  which  the  uncle-nephew  tie  assumed  in 
his  mind.  He  delights  in  underlining  the  disastrous  effect 
which  the  loss  of  a  nephew  has  upon  the  leaders  of  the  enemy, 
and  he  constantly  makes  his  French  heroes  wreak  their  ven- 
geance for  their  own  losses  upon  the  nephew  of  the  amirant  or 
the  soudant  or  some  other  chief.  Furthermore,  despite  the 
general  tendency  to  paint  the  Saracens  as  black  as  possible  by 
the  free  use  of  uncomplimentary  epithets,  the  poet  attributes  to 
them  exactly  the  same  characteristics  in  the  uncle-nephew 
relations  that  he  does  to  the  French.  We  can  find  parallel 
illustrations  for  nearly  all  the  points  of  contact  between  uncle 
and  nephew  among  the  French  and  among  the  pagans,  but  in 
the  latter  case  particular  emphasis  is  given  to  their  association 
in  war  and  to  the  desire  for  vengeance;  the  frequency  with 
which  he  introduces  the  nephew  in  battles  is  surprising — a 
search  of  Langlois'  Table  would  show  hundreds  of  names.  A 
few  citations  will  show  the  attributes  which  the  poet  attaches 
to  the  Saracen  uncle  and  nephew. 


176  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

An  instance  of  the  bringing  up  of  the  nephew  by  the  uncle: 

C'est  li  fils  Faussetain,  qui  del  Franc  est  issus. 
A  Baudart  f  u  norris.    Si  1'  porta  Kahus 
Au  roi  Dinel  son  oncle,  qui  I'amirant  f  u  drus.^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  67) 

After  serving  his  uncle  well,  the  pagan  nephew  receives  marked 
favors,  is  granted  lands,  is  given  important  work  to  do  or  is 
made  the  confidential  messenger  of  his  uncle: 

"  Mapris,  venes  avant ;  bien  vous  estes  encontre ; 
Vous  estes  mon  neveu,  si  vous  ai  moult  ame. 
Vauclere  vous  otroi,  le  pais  grant  et  le."  ^ 
{Gaufrey,  1520) 

Qant  il  vit  Baudoin,  ne  f  u  mie  atalante ; 
Cuida  Caanins  fust,  fiz  (de)  sa  seror  Aiglante. 
"  Caanins,"  fait  il,  "nies,  ta  valors  m'atalante; 
Nul  plus  bel  chevalier  ne  sai  de  ta  jovente; 
De  .V.  citez  roiax  vuel  acroistre  ta  rante."  '^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  CXXIX,  5) 

"Sire,"  dist  il,  "je  irai  volantiers 
Dedens  Sebille  lou  mesage  noncier, 
Au  roi  Judas  mon  honcle  lou  guerrier."  ^ 
{Prise  de  Cordres,  2317) 

a  It  is  the  son  of  Faussetain,  who  is  the  issue  of  the  Frank,  / 
At  Baudart  he  was  reared,  and  Kahus  took  him  /  To  King  Dinel, 
Ms  uncle,  who  was  a  friend  of  the  Emir. 

f  Maprin,  come  forward;  you  are  well  met; /You  are  my 
nephew,  and  I  have  loved  you  much.  /  I  grant  you  Vauclere,  the 
region  great  and  broad." 

c  When  he  saw  Baudoin,  it  was  not  with  eagerness;  /  He  thought 
it  was  Caanin^  son  of  his  sister  Aiglante.  / ' '  Caanin, ' '  quoth  he, 
' '  nephew,  thy  valor  pleases  me ;  /  No  finer  knight  do  I  know  of  of 
thy  youth ;  /  By  five  cities  royal  I  wish  to  increase  thy  income. ' ' 

d  ' '  Sir, ' '  said  he,  * '  I  will  gladly  go  /  Within  Seville  to  announce 
the  message  /  To  King  Judas,  my  uncle,  the  warrior. ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         177 

Le  roi  de  Piconie  Glorians  appela, 
Et  son  neveu  Maprin,  que  durement  ama.* 
[Gaufrey,  6057) 

Meymes  icel  jour  Bradmund  se  leva, 
Son  neveu  Graunder  a  sei  apella: 
"  Graunder,"  fet  Bradmund,  "  a  la  prison  tost  va, 
Dy  a  mes  chartrers,  ke  il  veignent  a  mei  sa."  ^ 
{Boeve  de  Haumtone,  1147) 

"  En  Babiloine  t'en  covendra  aler 
Dire  mon  oncle,  qui  mout  fet  a  doter. 
Que  il  me  viegne  aidier  sanz  demorer."  ° 
{Narhonnais,  3434) 

When  King  Edgar  of  England  proposes  to  give  his  daughter 
in  marriage  to  Bovon's  son,  he  sends  for  the  latter's  uncles : 

L'eveske  de  Londres  ad  le  roi  mandez 

E  quatre  contes,  uncles  a  Bonn  le  senez  .  .  . 

Kant  Boves  veit  ses  unkles,  si  les  ad  beisez; 
Les  noveles  del  manage  unt  contez.*^ 
{Boeve  de  Haumtone,  3750,  3756) 

The  Danish  king  wants  the  hand  of  Flandrine  for  his  nephew, 
but  her  father  is  unwilling  to  grant  it,  and  the  two  pagans  are 
at  war  over  the  question : 

"  Le  roy  danois  la  quiert,  chen  sai  je  vraiement. 
Pour  donner  son  neveu,  .i.  damoisel  vaiUant, 

a  Gloriant  called  the  King  of  Piconie,  /  And  his  nephew  Maprin^ 
whom  he  deeply  loved. 

t>  That  same  day  Bradmund  rose,  /  His  nephew  Graunder  he 
called  to  him ;  /  ' '  Graunder, ' '  quoth  Bradmund,  ' '  to  the  prison  go 
straight,  /  Say  to  my  warders  that  they  come  to  me  here. ' ' 

c "  To  Babylon  you  must  go,  /  And  say  to  my  uncle,  who  is  much 
to  be  feared,  /  That  he  come  to  aid  me  without  delay. ' ' 

d  The  Bishop  of  London  summoned  the  King  /  And  four  counts, 
uncles  to  Bovon  the  wise ;  .  .  .  /  When  Bovon  sees  his  uncles,  he 
kissed  them;  /  They  related  the  news  of  the  marriage. 

13 


178  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Gontier  est  apele  des  vaus  de  Montbruiant."  * 
{Boon  de  Mayence,  6364) 

The  instances  of  mutual  affection  are  many:  the  pagan  Des- 
rame  shows  evident  preference  for  his  nephew  Baudus  over 
his  son  Renoart,  but  as  the  son  is  an  apostate,  the  poet  would 
naturally  set  the  father  against  him  in  battle: 

Dist  Baudus :  "  Sire,  or  sui  toz  aprestez ; 
A  Testandart,  biax  oncles,  vos  seez, 
Que  de  Guillaume  en  cest  jor  pes  aurez. 
S*il  m'ose  atendre  tost  sera  afrontez. 
De  Renoart  point  ne  vos  dementez, 
Car  hui  seront  toz  .ij.  a  fin  alez."  ^ 
{Aliscans,    ed.    Jonckbloet,    6347) 

Aarofle  is  indignant  because  Guiborc  forsook  her  husband,  his 
nephew,  and  married  Guillaume;  he  threatens  Guillaume: 

"  Ja  en  Orenge  ne  porres  mais  vertir 
A  la  putain,  ke  jou  doi  tant  hair, 
Ki  mon  neveu  Tiebaut  a  fait  honir."  ° 
{Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  1149) 

Grant  joie  maine  Tibaus  li  Arabis 

Del  roi  son  oncle  qui  est  encore  vis  .  .  . 

Lors  s'entr'acolent  li  oncles  et  li  nis.*^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  p.  453) 

a ' '  The  Danish  king  seeks  her,  that  I  know  in  truth,  /  To  give 
to  his  nephew,  a  valiant  youth;  /  Gontier  he  is  called,  of  the  Vales 
of  Montbruyant. " 

to  Said  Baudus:  <'Sir,  now  I  am  all  ready; /By  the  standard, 
fair  uncle,  place  yourself,  /  For  this  day  you  shall  have  peace  of 
Guillaume.  /  If  he  ventures  to  await  me,  straightway  will  he  be 
attacked.  /  Do  not  trouble  yourself  about  Renoart,  /  For  today 
both  will  be  gone  to  their  end. ' ' 

c ' '  Never  shall  you  return  to  Orange,  /  To  the  slut  whom  I  must 
hate  so  deeply,  /  Who  has  disgraced  my  nephew  Tibaut.** 

^Tibaut  the  Arab  feels  great  joy  /  Over  the  king,  his  uncle, 
who  is  still  alive.  /  Then  uncle  and  nephew  embrace. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         179 

"Mon  neveu  me  rendres  I'amiral  de  Persie, 
Et  vos  r'ares  Renaut  sain  et  sauf  et  en  vie."  .  .  . 

Garsions  d'Antioche  a  son  neveu  veu, 
Que  mais  ne  garira,  tant  a  del  sane  perdu; 
Plains  fu  de  maltalent,  s'ot  le  cuer  irascu.* 
(Chanson  d'Antioche,  V,  195,  229) 

.  "  Se  mon  neveu  enporte,  moult  par  seres  laignier."  ^ 

[Fierabras,  3886) 

Grant  doel  en  ot  li  glos  en  son  corage, 
Car  Synagons  estoit  de  son  lignage, 
Prere  sa  mere,  s'en  ot  au  cuer  la  rage.° 
(Moniage  Guillaume,  4642) 

Cel  jour  prisrent  li  nostre  Tamiral  des  Escles, 
Au  tref  Huon  le  Maine  la  fu  emprisones; 
Nies  estoit  Garsion  et  de  sa  seror  nes ; 
Sachies  quant  le  saura  moult  en  iei*t  adoles.^ 
(Antioche,  IV,  1011) 

"  Di  moi  mon  onele :  se  tost  ne  me  secor, 
De  son  lignage  perdra  ja  lo  meillor."  ® 
{Foucon,  2663) 

a ' '  My  uncle  the  Emir  of  Persia  you  will  restore  to  me,  /  And 
you  shall  have  Eenaut  back,  safe  and  sound  and  alive. "  . . .  /  Garsion 
of  Antioch  saw  his  nephew,  /  That  he  will  never  recover,  so  much 
blood  has  he  lost ;  /  Full  of  anger  was  he,  and  his  heart  was 
wrathful. 

t* ' '  If  he  carries  off  my  nephew,  most  cowardly  will  you  be. ' ' 

c  Great  sorrow  had  the  knave  in  his  heart  at  this,  /  For  Synagon 
was  of  his  race,  /  His  mother 's  brother,  and  his  heart  was 
wrathful. 

3  That  day  our  troops  took  the  Emir  of  the  Slavs;  /In  the  tent 
of  Huon  le  Maine  he  was  imprisoned ;  /  Nephew  was  he  to  Garsion, 
and  of  his  sister  born ;  /  Know  when  he  learns  this,  he  will  be 
much  grieved  by  it. 

e ' '  Tell  my  uncle  for  me ;  If  he  does  not  aid  me  straightway,  / 
He  will  indeed  lose  the  best  of  his  lineage. ' ' 


180  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

The  names  of  uncle  and  nephew  stand  always  in  close  con- 
nection in  accounts  of  battles,  the  nephew  combats  for  the 
uncle,  and  the  association  is  always  intimate.  Corsolt  defends 
the  side  of  the  Saracens  in  combat  against  Guillaume  {Couron- 
nement  Louis ^  620) ;  Sortin  fights  for  his  uncle  against  Jour- 
dain  {Jourdains  de  Blaivies,  1804) ;  Desrame  and  Tibaut  go 
side  by  side  throughout  the  story  of  Foucon,  as  do  Tacon  and 
Desrame  in  Aliscans,  Guiteclin  and  Baudamas  in  the  Chanson 
des  Saisnes,  and  others. 

Et  d'autre  part  Tiebaut  s'appareilla, 
Et  Desramez  mout  pres  de  lui  ala; 
Ce  fu  son  nies,  por  ce  plus  s'i  fia.^ 

{Narbonnais,  laisse  CLXXXVIII,  h,  17,  variant) 

Huidelon  vient  devant  et  Escorfaus  ses  nies.^ 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3626) 

Li  rois  de  Cordrez  ot  Orenges  assise; 

Ses  niez  Tiebauz  ot  sa  guerre  remprise ;  ^^^ 

Avec  lui  ot  sa  seror  Anfelise  .  .  . 

Tiebauz  descent  et  ses  oncles  li  rois  .  .  , 

"  Ha  las,  pechieiTe !  com  set  femme  engignier ! 
Guibors  et  ceste  me  vouront  essillier, 
Moi  et  mon  oncle  de  la  terre  chacier."  ° 

{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  702,  840,  4577) 

a  And  on  the  other  hand  Tibaut  equipped  himself,  /  And  Desrame 
went  close  beside  him ;  /  He  was  his  nephew,  therefore  he  relied 
upon  him  more. 

b  Huidelon  comes  forward  and  Escorf aut  his  nephew. 

c  The  King  of  Cordes  had  besieged  Orange ;  /  His  nephew  Tibaut 

had  resumed  the  war;  /With  him  he  had  his  sister  Anfelise / 

Tibaut  descends,  and  his  uncle  the  king.  .  .  .  /  "  Alas !  Miserable 
me!  How  doth  woman  know  how  to  use  deceit!  /  Guiborc  and  this 
woman  will  want  to  ruin  me,  /  Drive  me  and  my  uncle  from  the 
land.'' 

Ill  The  ms.  reads  Cordres  and  7iies,  as  Professor  Weeks  has 
verified. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS         181 

Le  chastelain  avoit  nom  Grimouart; 
Nyez  est  Aiquin  qui  vis  a  de  lepart; 
Moult  est  cruel  et  de  moult  male  part; 
Oveeques  luy  est  ung  sien  cousin  Girart, 
Et  Cherion,  et  son  niez  Avisart, 
Et  Flourion  et  son  nies  Aerochart.* 
{Acquin,  1293) 

Mes  Guiteclins  sospire  dou  cuer  desoz  I'aissele, 
*  Qant  voit  le  neveu  Karle,  tot  son  duel  renovele ; 

Baudamas  son  neveu  isn element  apele; 
Fiz  est  de  sa  seror  Odierne  la  bele.^ 
{Saisnes,  GUI,  18) 

Si  les  eonduisit  li  nies  a  I'amire. 
Ludaire  ot  nom,  molt  fu  jentis  et  ber; 
Devant  Nerbone  ot  este  adobes; 
Li  amiraus  le  tenoit  en  eierte.^ 
(Gerhert  de  Mes,  440,  94) 

E  soun  neveu  Graunder  un  autre  destrer  mounta  .  .  . 
Apres  sun  onele  Bradmund  Graunder  esporuna. 
Bradmund  fu  ale  devaunt,  sun  neveu  va  derere."^ 
{Boeve  de  Haumtone,  1178,  1181) 

a  The  master  was  named  Grimouart ;  /  Nephew  is  he  to  Acquin 
of  the  leopard  face;  /Full  cruel  is  he  and  of  evil  parts;  /With 
him  is  his  cousin  Girart,  /  And  Clarion,  and  his  nephew  Avisart,  / 
And  Florian  and  his  nephew  Acrochart. 

b  But  Guiteclin  sighs  in  his  heart  beneath  his  armpit ;  /  When 
he  sees  the  nephew  of  Charles,  he  renews  all  his  grief;  /  Baudamas 
his  nephew  he  quickly  calls ;  /  He  is  the  son  of  his  sister,  Odierne 
the  beautiful. 

c  And  the  nephew  of  the  Emir  led  them.  /  Ludaire  was  his  name, 
very  noble  and  brave  was  he ;  /  He  had  been  knighted  at  Nar- 
bonne ;  /  The  Emir  held  him  dear. 

d  And  his  nephew  Graunder  mounted  another  steed. . . .  /  After  his 
uncle  Bradmund  Graunder  spurred.  /  Bradmund  had  gone  ahead, 
his  nephew  goes  behind. 


182  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

As  estres  de  la  tour  estes  vous  Garsion 
Et  Solimant  de  Nique,  son  neveu  Rubion.* 
{Chanson  d'Antioche,  III,  869) 

There  are  occasional,  but  infrequent  quarrels  and  instances 
of  bad  faith  or  harsh  treatment  among  the  Saracen  as  well  as 
among  the  French  uncles  and  nephews.  Baldus  is  ill  received 
by  his  uncle  Judas  on  account  of  his  apostacy,  yet  the  nephew 
has  a  certain  amount  of  influence  with  him  still : 

Prumiere    chose    que    Judas   respondie, 

I  li  a  dit :  "  Honques  ne  f  us  mes  nies."  ^ 

{Prise  de  Cordres,  2366  ff.) 

Escorfaut  leads  the  French  to  the  stronghold  of  Maudrane,  and 
speaks  of  his  nephew  Emaudras,  of  his  trickeiy  and  craft,  and 
threatens  to  kill  him  if  he  will  not  surrender: 

"  On  I'apele  Maudrane,"  Escorfaut  respondi, 
"  Si  la  tient  Emaudras,  .i.  culvers  maleis ; 

II  f u  de  ma  serour  nez  et  angenois."  ^ 

{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  3476) 

There  is  a  violent  quarrel  between  Tibaut  and  his  uncle  Des- 
rame,  who  says: 

"  G'irai  derrieres,  que  mon  nies  m'a  rete 
De  coardise,  volant  tot  mon  barne."  ^ 
{Foucon,  4833) 

Acquin  has  escaped  the  pursuit  of  the  French,  leaving  his 
nephew  Doret  to  shift  for  himself ;  the  latter  is  angry,  and  in- 
veighs against  his  uncle: 

a  At  the  parapets  of  the  tower  behold  Garsion  /  And  Soliman  of 
Nicaea,  his  nephew  Eiibion. 

b  The  first  thing  that  Judas  replied,  /  He  said  to  him:  *' Never 
wert  thou  my  nephew." 

c'^They  call  it  Maudrane,"  Escorfaut  replied, /'' And  Emau- 
dras holds  it,  an  accursed  wretch ;  /  He  was  born  and  conceived  of 
my  sister. ' ' 

d  "  I  will  go  back,  for  my  nephew  has  accused  me  /  Of  cowardice, 
in  the  sight  of  all  my  army. 


)  J 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         183 

'^  Alas !  "  dist  il,  "  cousin  desbarate, 
Et  qui  s'en  est  par  haulte  mer  tourne, 
Ne  vivre  mes  en  paix  en  cest  regne, 
Quant  eil  me  fault  par  qui  g'estoye  aye."  .  .  . 
"  Ja  en  Bretaigne  n'en  auray  poeste, 
Quant  de  mon  oncle  suy  enxin  degTeppe."  * 
{Acquin,  2548,  2554) 

At  the  conclusion  of  a  disagreement  between  Tatice  (Tatixos) 
and  his  uncle,  the  former  cries: 

"  Mon  oncle  trai  m'a,     ^ 
Li  culvers  empereres  qui  sa  foi  menti  a. 
Dame  Diex  le  maudie  qui  le  mont  estora."  ^ 
{Chanson  d'Antioche,  II,  477) 

The  feelings  of  the  Saracen  uncle,  on  seeing  or  learning  of 
the  death  of  his  nephew  in  battle,  are  as  deeply  affected  as 
those  of  the  French  uncle ;  he  faints  and  laments  and  gives  way 
to  his  emotion  in  the  same  way ;  if  there  is  any  difference  at  all, 
it  is  that  the  poet  gives  much  less  space  to  the  grief  of  the 
pagan  uncle,  and  treats  it  with  a  degree  less  of  sympathy : 

Li  nies  Marsilie,  il  ad  num  Aelrot, 

Tut  premereins  chevalchet  devant  Tost  .  .  . 

Asez  ad  doel  quant  vit  mort  sun  nevuld.^ 
{Roland,  1188,  1219) 

a  < '  Alas ! ' '  said  he,  ' '  discomfited  cousin,  /  Who  has  withdrawn 
over  the  high  seas,  /  Nevermore  shall  I  live  in  peace  in  this 
realm,  /  When  he  fails  me  by  whom  I  was  aided.  .  .  .  /  Indeed,  I 
shall  have  no  power  in  Brittany,  /  When  by  my  uncle  I  am  thus 
forsaken. ' ' 

b ' '  My  uncle  has  betrayed  me,  /  The  wretched  emperor  who  haa 
belied  his  faith.  /  May  the  Lord  God  curse  him,  who  established 
the  worlds" 

c  The  nephew  of  Marsile  (his  name  is  Aelrot)  /  Rides  first 
before  the  army.  .  .  .  /  Much  grief  he  feels,  when  he  saw  his 
nephew  dead. 


184  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

"Vostre  nies  est  ocis,  qui  le  courage  ot  fier." 
Quant  le  voit  ramirans,  n'i  ot  que  courecier; 
.iiii.  fois  se  pasma  sor  son  escu  d'ormier. 
Moult  s'est  haut  eseries,  quant  vint  au  redreeier: 
"  Ahi !  nies  Clarion,  tant  vous  avoie  chier."  ^ 
{Fierabras,   4229) 

"  Perdu  i  ai  Maprin,  mon  neveu  le  guerrier ! "  ^ 
{Gaufreij,  8858) 

"  Perdu  as  Escorf  an,  le  fiz  de  ta  serour."  « 
{Floovant,  595) 

Pris  est  sis  nies,  Clargis  qu'il  aimoit  tant. 
Con  i  Pantant,  si  demena  duel  grant.^ 
{Narhonnais,  7589) 

But  the  mere  lament  is  not  all:  it  is  the  duty  of  the  uncle 
or  the  nephew  to  avenge  the  death  of  the  other,  and  we  find 
a  great  many  passages  in  which  he  either  threatens  or  attempts 
vengeance;  we  might  imagine  these  passages,  if  seen  detached 
from  the  connection,  to  apply  to  the  French,  were  it  not  for 
the  uncouth  pagan  names  and  for  the  fact  that  usually  satis- 
faction is  not  received  by  the  avenger — he  only  loses  his  own 
life  in  addition.  In  the  battle  at  Morligane,  Ansei's  kills  the 
aumachor  hi  tenoit  d/Inde  le  rikeche  et  Vonor^  and  the  poet 
adds  directly  that  Guis  ocliist  le  fil  de  sa  seror^  {Ansets  de  Car- 
tage, 2771,  2775).  In  Gaufrey,  the  pagan  Faradin,  nephew  of 
Nasier,  is  killed  by  Robastre ;  the  uncle  swears  vengeance :  Mes, 

a  ' '  Your  nephew  is  slain,  who  was  strong-hearted. ' '  /  When  the 
Emir  sees  him,  he  could  not  but  grieve;  /Four  times  he  swooned 
upon  his  shield  of  pure  gold,  /  Loudly  he  cried,  when  he  came  to 
rise :  /  ' '  Ah,  nephew  Clarion,  so  dear  I  held  you ! ' ' 

f  I  have  lost  Maprin,  my  nephew  the  warrior. ' ' 

c ' '  Thou  hast  lost  Eseorf ant,  thy  sister 's  son. ' ' 

^  Captured  is  his  nephew  Clargis,  whom  he  loved  so  much.  /  When 
he  hears  this,  he  gave  way  to  great  grief. 

eEmir  who  held  the  power  and  the  land  of  India. 

f  And  Gui  slew  his  sister 's  son. 


STYLISTIC    TEEATME'NT    IN    THE   POEMS         185 

foi  que  doi  Maliom,  chier  sera  comperee;  *  he  has  a  long  com- 
bat with  Robastre,  but  is  himself  killed  (3181  &..). 

Glorians  I'apela,  si  I'aresonne : 

"  Vassal,  per  Mahommet !  vous  aves  mal  ouvre. 

Mon  neveu  m'as  ochis,  comment  fus  si  ose? 

Ch'estoit  J.  des  meillors  de  la  paiennete; 

Mes  par  temps  te  sera  moult  chier  guerredonne."  .  .  . 

"  Le  bon  roi  des  Danois,  mon  neveu,  m'a  tue 
Quant  a  Vauclere  fu  par  forche  marie; 
Or  le  deliverroi  son  oncle  Faussabre, 
Et  au  frere  Amandon  le  fort  roi  areste; 
Si  en  prendront  venjanche  tout  a  lor  volente."^ 
{Gaufrey,  1493,  1514) 

"  Mes  Do  nous  a  moult  plus  que  n'a  Garins  greve, 
II  ochist  mon  neveu  le  Danois  alose, 
A  I'eure  que  il  fu  sus  I'Aubigant  ale." 
"  Mahom !  est  che  cheli,"  chen  respont  Machabre, 
"  Qui  ochist  mon  neveu  que  tant  avoie  ame?  "  ° 
{Gaufrey,  1574) 

"  Or  voeil  vengier  mon  oncle  et  son  bame."  ^ 

{Aliscans,  ed  Halle,  6836) 
a  But,  by  the  allegiance  which  I  owe  Mahomet,  dearly  will  it 

be  avenged. 

bGloriant  called  him  and  addressed  him: /''Noble  youth,  you 
have  wrought  ill.  /  Thou  hast  slain  my  nephew,  (how  wert  thou  so 
daring?)  /Who  was  one  of  the  best  in  pagandom.  /  But  in  time 
it  will  be  requited  thee  dearly.  /  The  good  king  of  the  Danes,  my 
nephew,  he  killed  /  When  he  was  harassed  by  a  troop  at  Vauclere ;  / 
Now  I  will  deliver  him  to  his  uncle  Faussabre,  /  And  to  the  brother 
of  Amandon,  the  powerful,  determined  king;  /And  they  will  take 
vengeance  upon  him  at  their  pleasure.'' 

c^'But  Doon  much  more  than  Garin  has  injured  us;  /He  slew 
my  nephew  the  honored  Dane,  /  At  the  hour  when  he  went  against 
the  Aubigant. ' V Mahomet !  Is  that  he,"  replies  Machabre,/ 
''Who  slew  my  nephew  whom  I  had  loved  so  much?" 

d'^Now  I  want  to  avenge  my  uncle  and  his  barons." 


186  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Molt  menace  Guillaume  le  conte  poigneor, 
Et  dit  quil  li  a  mort  le  fil  de  sa  seror. 
Encor  Fen  oecirra  a  son  branc  de  color, 
Se  ne  li  rent  sa  terre,  qui  fu  son  ancessor.* 
{Foucon,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  86) 

"  Mais  tu  m'es  mort  mon  nevot  Aucibier." 
"  Voir  dites,  sire/'  Aymers  respondie, 
"  Je  li  copai  a  m'espee  lou  chief. 
Que  fais,  paiens?  pause  de  I'esploitier, 
Ans  de  vengence  ne  f  us  mais  si  aissies."  ^ 
{Prise  de  Cordres,  223) 

Quant  Jossiens  voit  mort  Salatre  son  neveu, 
Le  cors  en  .ii.  moities,  ne  pent  muer  ne  plor: 
"  Mahon  et  Apolin,  mal  debet  aies  vous ! 
.  S'or  ne  faites  justiche  del  quiver  dolerous, 
Qui  m'a  mort  devant  moi  le  fil  de  ma  seror, 
Le  f er  de  ceste  lance  vous  metrai  el  cors  tout."  ^ 
{Elie,  448) 

Par  desor  I'iaume  fiert  un  Amoravi, 
Qui  tint  Biterne  et  Pampelune  ausi. 
0  cors  li  mist  le  fort  espie  forbi. 
Devant  son  oncle  le  vellart  Aupatri 
L'a  gite  mort  o  pandant  d'un  larri. 

a  Much  does  the  warrior  count  threaten  Guillaume,  /  And  he  says 
that  he  has  killed  his  sister 's  son.  /  He  will  yet  slay  him  with 
his  colored  blade,  /  If  he  surrenders  him  not  his  land^  which 
belonged  to  his  grandfather. 

b  ' '  But  thou  hast  slain  me  my  nephew  Aucibier. "  /  ' '  You  speak 
truly,  sir, ' '  Aymer  replied,  /  "  I  cut  off  his  head  with  my  sword.  / 
What  dost  thou,  pagan f  Take  care  to  make  haste, /Never  wert 
thou  so  within  reach  of  vengeance." 

c  When  Jossien  sees  Salatre  his  nephew  dead,  /  His  body  in  two 
halves,  he  cannot  help  but  weep :  /  ' '  Mahomet  and  Apollin,  mis- 
fortune be  upon  you!  /If  now  you  take  not  judgment  upon  the 
sorry  wretch,  /  The  steel  of  this  lance  I  shall  put  full  into  your 
body. ' ' 


STYLISTIC   TREATME'NT   IN   THE   POEMS         187 

Grant  duel  an  font  sa  gent  et  si  ami. 
"  Nies,"  dist  ses  oncles,  "  con  ai  le  cuer  marri ! 
Se  ne  vos  vanche,  bien  doi  estre  honi ! "  ^ 
{Narhonnais,  6147) 

Quant  Solimans  le  voit  de  doel  prist  a  fremir; 
"  Biaus  nies,"  dist  li  soudans,  "  com  vous  i  voi  morir ! 
Se  ne  vous  puis  vangier  ne  doi  terre  tenir."  ^  ^i- 
{Chanson  d'Antioche,  III,  110) 

"  Si  va  sus  Kallemaine,  qui  vous  ochist  Bremant, 
Ton  oncle  le  gentil,  a  I'adure  talent."  ^ 
{Gaufrey,1124:) 

Many  of  the  most  exciting  combats  in  the  French  epic  are 
undertaken  in  an  attempt  to  avenge  the  death  of  uncle  or 
nephew  on  one  side  or  the  other,  and  in  this  respect  the  poet 
readily  acknowledges  the  bravery  of  the  foreigner,  even  though 
he  is  usually  worsted  at  the  end.  In  Jourdains  de  Blaivies, 
the  Saracens  are  at  war  with  King  Mark,  and  when  one  of  the 
latter's  men  is  killed,  moult  en  peza  son  neveu  Elyot,^  who 
immediately  slays  the  offender  (1655).  During  the  combat 
with  Roland,  Otinel,  whose  anger  is  at  white  heat,  cries  to  him : 
La  mort  mon  ancle  Fernagu  te  demant^  (Otinel,  420).    As  we 

a  Upon  the  helm  he  strikes  an  Amoravi,  /  Who  held  Biterne 
and  Pampelune  also.  /  Into  his  body  he  put  Ms  stout  burnished 
spear.  /  Before  his  uncle,  the  old  Aupatri,  /  He  struck  him  dead, 
on  the  slope  of  a  fallow  field.  /  His  people  and  his  friends  exhibit 
great  grief.  /  ' '  Nephew, ' '  said  his  uncle,  ' '  how  sorry  is  my 
heart !  /  If  I  avenge  you  not,  indeed  I  must  be  shamed ! ' ' 

t)  When  Solimant  sees  him^  lie  began  to  quiver  with  grief ;  / 
' '  Fair  nephew, ' '  said  the  Sultan,  ' '  how  I  see  you  dying  there !  / 
If  I  cannot  avenge  you,  I  must  not  hold  my  land." 

c '  *  And  go  at  Charlemagne,  who  slew  Bremant,  /  Your  well-born 
uncle,  of  the  practised  will. ' ' 

<i  It  oppressed  much  his  nephew  Elyot. 

e  The  death  of  my  uncle  Fernagu  I  require  of  you. 

112  The  text  reads  doit. 


188  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

have  seen,  Bradmund  and  Ms  nephew  Graunder  pursue  the 
escaping  Bovon  together,  and  when  the  former  is  killed, 
Graunder  undertakes  to  avenge  him: 

En  haut  se  eserie,  "Boefs,  entendez, 
Einz  ke  jeo  mangue  en  haut  pendu  serrez."  ^ 
(Boeve  de  Haumtone,  1215) 

Desier  of  Pavia  goes  on  an  expedition  against  Basin,  who,  as 
he  says:  Mon  oncle  ocist,  que  favoie  tant  chier^  (Auberi,  ed. 
Tarbe,  p.  8).  When  Salazin  finds  his  uncle  wounded,  he  vows 
vengeance,  crying: 

"  C'est  du  neveus  Guillaume,  a  qui  Orenge  apent, 
Par  Mahomet  mon  Dieu,  j'en  panrai  vengement."  ^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  94) 

Et  respont  I'amirans :  "  Mahomet  te  maudie ! 
Que  tu  resambles  bien  Riehart  de  Normendie, 
Cil  qui  m'ochist  Corsuble  et  mon  oncle  Mautrie. 
Pleust  a  Mahomet  que  jou  ci  le  tenisse; 
Ne  mengeroie  mais  tant  com  seroit  en  vie."  ^ 
{Fierabms,  2612) 

A  tant  es  vous  le  fort  roi  Synagon. 
Quant  il  voit  mort  son  oncle,  a  tel  dolor. 
Par  mautalent  fiert  Girart  de  Dijon, 
Cousin  le  roi  de  France  le  roion.® 
{Moniage  Guillaume,  4247) 

a  Aloud  he  cries,  ''Bovon,  listen,  /  Before  I  eat,  you  shall  be 
hung  up ! ' ' 

b  Slew  my  uncle,  whom  I  held  so  dear. 

c ' '  It  is  on  the  nephew  of  Guillaume,  to  whom  Orange  belongs,  / 
By  Mahomet  my  God,  I  shall  take  vengeance  for  it." 

d  And  the  Emir  replies :  ' '  Mahomet  curse  thee !  /  For  thou 
resemblest  much  Eichard  of  Normandy,  /  The  one  who  slew  Cor- 
suble and  my  uncle  Mautrie.  /  Would  to  Mahomet  that  I  had  him 
here ;  / 1  would  not  eat  as  long  as  he  should  live. ' ' 

e  Lo,  the  powerful  King  Synagon.  /  When  he  sees  his  uncle 
dead,  he  feels  such  grief,  /  In  anger  he  strikes  Girart  of  Dijon,  / 
Cousin  to  the  King  of  France  the  realm. 


STYLISTIC   TKEATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         189 

When  Garin  tries  to  purchase  his  release  after  being  captured 
by  the  Saracens,  the  pagan  Cadort  refuses  to  accept  any  com- 
pensation, and  insists  upon  having  Vivien  as  hostage: 

la  nen  aura  son  argent  ne  son  or 
Mais  Vivien  son  chier  fil  au  gent  cors : 
"  Qar  son  ancestre  a  nion  lignage  mort 
Chaf  aut  mon  pere  et  mon  oncle  Sadort."  ^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  25) 

The  pagan  threatens  Vivien  with  divers  tortures  in  revenge  for 
what  the  latter's  grandfather  did: 

"  Encor  me  mambre  de  mon  pere  Chauf  art 
Et  de  mon  oncle  Faimiralt  Golias."  ^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  509) 

In  one  very  unusual  instance,  the  nephew  does  not  even  attempt 
to  carry  on  the  blood-feud,  but  pardons  the  death  of  his  uncle; 
this  is  the  pagan  Karaheu,  who  is  represented  always  as  of  a 
very  high  type  of  character: 

Tost  a  Frangois  la  f  aite  pardonee 
Qui  ont  ocis  ses  oncles  e  son  pere.° 
{CJievalerie  Ogier,  2276) 

In  Guihert  d'Andrenas,  Aymeri  liberates  Baudus,  whom  he  has 
just  captured,  on  condition  that  he  shall  deliver  up  to  him  his 
uncle  Judas;  Baudus  sends  a  messenger  ahead  to  his  uncle  to 
announce  the  misfortune: 

Cil  est  monte,  n'i  a  plus  atendu. 
A  Andernas  va  lo  chemin  batu. 

a  He  will  not  have  his  silver  nor  Ms  gold,  /  But  Vivien,  his  dear 
son,  fair  of  form :  / '  ^  For  his  grandfather  killed  my  family,  / 
Chaf  aut  my  father,  and  my  uncle  Sadort.'^ 

b  ' '  I  stiU  remember  my  father  Chauf  art,  /  And  my  uncle  the 
Emir  Golias.'' 

c  He  straightway  pardoned  the  French,  /  Who  slew  his  uncles  and 
his  father. 


190  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Treuve  Judas,  lo  fort  roi  mescreii, 
Conte  li  a  et  tot  reconneii, 
Comment  il  est  son  neveu  avenu. 
Judas  I'oi,  grant  duel  en  a  eii. 
II  a  jure  Mahomet  et  Cahu, 
Se  il  puet  tenir  Aymeri  lo  ehanu, 
Ne  lo  garra  toz  li  or  qui  ainz  fu.* 

(ms.  Brit.  Mus.,  Bib.  Reg.,  20  B  XIX,  157  v°) 

Then  Judas  goes  out  to  meet  his  nephew,  and  swears  anew  to 
avenge  him.  Thus  among  the  foreigners  the  duty  of  ven- 
geance very  plainly  devolves  upon  uncle  and  nephew. 

Such  a  view  of  the  solidarity  between  the  Saracen  uncles 
and  nephews  has  all  the  more  meaning  when  we  consider  how 
slight  is  the  bond  between  father  and  son,  father  and  daughter, 
and  husband  and  wife.  With  the  citations  above  may  be  com- 
pared the  passages  in  Aliscans  in  which  Renoart  and  his  father 
are  represented  as  fighting,  hurling  vituperation  at  each  other, 
and  seemingly  lusting  for  the  blood  of  their  kin ;  ^^^  the  read- 
iness with  which  the  pagans  in  Roland  offer  their  sons  as  hos- 
tages, knowing  that  their  speedy  death  is  assured;  ^i*  and  the 
frequent  betrayal  of  the  father  or  the  husband  for  the  sake 
of  the  new  French  lover  to  whom  the  pagan  daughter  or  wife 
takes  a  sudden  fancy.  Eselarmonde  betrays  her  father  Gau- 
disse  in  Huon  de  Bordeaux;  Floripas  demands  the  death  of  her 
father,  the  amiral  Balan,  in  Fierahras,  in  order  that  she  may 
depart  with  her  lover,  Gui  de  Bourgogne;  Orable  forsakes  her 

a  He  mounted,  and  waited  no  longer.  /  To  Andernas  he  goes 
along  the  beaten  road.  /  He  finds  Judas,  the  powerful  pagan 
king,  /  Eelated  and  confessed  all  to  him,  /  How  it  has  gone  with 
his  nephew.  /  Judas  heard  him,  and  felt  great  grief.  /  He  swore  by 
Mahomet  and  Cahu,  /  If  he  can  hold  Aymeri  the  hoary,  /  Not  all 
the  gold  that  ever  was  will  preserve  him. 

■^■^^  Aliscans,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  6045,  6122,  6322;  cf.  also  the  epi- 
sode from  the  Bataille  Loquifer  where  Kainouart  has  the  head  of 
his  father  hung  upon  a  pillar,  cited  by  Euneberg,  p.  86. 

''■^^  Eolamd,  42,  54;  cf.  also  the  Couronnement  Louis,  486. 


STYLISTIC   TREATMENT   IN   THE   POEMS         191 

husband  Tibaut  and  embraces  both  Christianity  and  a  new 
husband  by  marrying  Guillaume,  in  the  Prise  d'Orenge;  while 
Sebile,  in  the  Chanson  des  Saisnes,  is  perhaps  the  most  extreme 
type  of  the  wanton  wife.  The  poet  apparently  delights  in  sev- 
ering the  family  ties  of  the  enemy,  yet  withal,  the  bond  between 
uncle  and  nephew  is  not  impaired.  The  precept  by  which 
these  fickle  women  are  guided  is  formulated  in  one  passage : 

Bien  aves  oi  dire  et  as  uns  et  as  autres, 
Que  feme  aime  tost  home  qui  bien  fiert  en  bataille.* 
{Aiol,  5596) 

(j)   Family  of  Traitors 

In  general  the  poetic  treatment  of  the  race  of  traitors  is  even 
more  harsh  than  that  of  the  pagans,  yet  here  too  the  same 
solidarity  is  seen  between  uncle  and  nephew;  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted, however,  that  the  resentment  of  the  poet  against  these 
traitors  is  deeper  than  ag-ainst  the  Saracens,  since  he  ascribes 
to  them  less  magnanimity,  more  deceit  and  untrustworthiness, 
even  in  their  dealings  with  one  another.  Still,  the  mutual  de- 
pendence between  uncle  and  nephew  is  marked,  the  same  emo- 
tion appears  in  the  presence  of  death,  and  the  same  view  of 
the  blood-feud  is  taken.  As  among  the  pagans,  there  are 
nephews  galore,  many  of  whom  seem  to  be  introduced  into  the 
poem  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  increase  the  dramatis  per- 
sonae,  if  the  theory  is  not  accepted  that  the  name  *  nephew' 
offered  to  our  mediaeval  poets  a  concrete  image  of  the  closest 
type  of  family  relations.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  legend  of 
the  Roland,  which  makes  Ganelon  closely  related  to  the  Em- 
peror, was  disregarded,  and  Grifon  d'Hautefeuille  was  taken 
for  the  founder  of  the  family,  the  father  of  Ganelon,  while  a 
numerous  progeny  was  invented  for  literary  purposes  by  the 
poets,  in  accordance  with  the  mediaeval  notions  of  hereditary 

a  Indeed  you  have  heard  one  and  another  say,  /  That  woman 
loves  straightway  a  man  who  strikes  hard  in  battle. 


192  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

virtue  and  vice.^^^  If  we  consider  only  the  frequency  with 
which  nephews  are  introduced  into  the  poems,  the  branches  of 
this  family  tree  would  appear  to  be  occupied  by  them  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  sons.  A  previous  writer  has  called  attention  to  the 
predilection  of  the  poets  for  making  any  arch  traitor  a  nephew 
of  Ganelon :  "  Die  Stellung  als  Neffe  des  Ganelon  war  iiber- 
haupt  bei  den  jongleurs  am  beliebtesten,  wenn  es  gait,  einen 
Verrater  als  den  leiblichen  und  somit  auch  als  den  geistigen 
Nachkommen  Ganelon's  zu  kennzeichnen. "  ^^^  The  relation- 
ship varies  with  the  different  poems,  but  each  one  is  perfectly 
consistent  in  itself.  A  few  salient  examples  of  the  various 
phases  of  the  question  must,  as  heretofore,  suffice,  since  no  new 
information  is  brought  out  by  the  poetical  treatment  of  the 
race  of  traitors. 

When  Ganelon  starts  on  his  mission  to  Spain,  we  are  told 
that  Uestreu  li  tint  sis  uncles  Guinemers  ^  {Roland,  348) ;  this 
is  the  only  mention  of  Guinemer.  Ganelon  is  connected  with 
his  various  nephews  in  one  way  or  another:  Et  s'i  est  Ganelon 
et  dant  Hardre  ses  nies^  {Gui  de  Bourgogne,  1086) ;  Cil  sont 
fil  Pindbel  et  neveu  Ganelon^  {^ye  d^ Avignon,  152);  at  the 
€0urt  of  Charlemagne : 

.1.  damoisel  i  ot,  Hervieu  I'apeloit  on. 
Fix  f  u  de  la  seror  au  cuvert  Guenelon  .  .  . 

"  Hervieu,"  dist  Amalgre,  "  je  vous  ai  forment  chier, 
Nous  sommes  d'un  lignage  et  merveilleus  et  fier, 
En  Guenelon  nostre  oncle  ot  moult  bon  chevalier."  * 
{Gui  de  Nanteuil,  197,  231) 

a  His  uncle  Guinemer  held  the  stirrup  for  him. 

b  And  Ganelon  and  Sir  Hardre  his  nephew  are  there. 

c  They  are  sons  to  Pinabel  and  nephews  to  Ganelon. 

d  A  youth  was  there,  Hervieu  they  called  him,  /  He  was  the 
sister 's  son  of  the  wretch  Ganelon. . . .  /  ^' Hervieu, ' '  said  Amalgre, 
■''I  hold  you  very  dear;  /We  are  of  a  race  both  marvellous  and 
bold;  /In  Ganelon  our  uncle  there  was  a  very  good  knight,'' 

115  Cf .  Gaston  Paris,  Eistoire  Poetique,  p.  413. 

116  Sauerland,  Ganelon  und  sein  Geschlecht,  p.  10. 


STYLISTIC    TREATMENT   IN    THE    POEMS  193 

When  Auboin,  on  striking  Gamier  with  a  club,  is  rebuked  by 
the  Emperor,  he  expresses  his  willingness  to  go  to  hell,  where  he 
will  be  in  agreeable  company  with  his  uncle  Ganelon : 

"  Se  je  vois  en  enfer,  selon  m'entencion, 
Je  trouverai  laiens  mon  oncle  Ganelon, 
Pinabel  de  Sorenee,  et  mon  parent  Guion; 
Nous  seron  moult  gTant  geste  en  cele  region."^ 
{Aye  d' Avignon,  704) 

Amauguin  disputes  with  Charlemagne  over  the  possession  of 
Aye,  claiming  the  emperor's  pre\dous  agreement  to  give  her  to 
his  uncle  Berenger :  Car  la  fame  est  mon  oncle,  et  donnee  li  fu  ^ 
{Aye,  134),  and  it  is  Amauguin  who  announces  to  his  uncle  that 
his  plan  to  marry  Aye  has  failed  {Aye,  93).  The  King  at- 
taches Hervieu  to  the  line  of  traitors : 

"  Vous  estez  du  lignage  ou  moult  a  de  felon ; 
Assez  le  fist  ja  pis  vostre  oncle  Guenelon."  ^ 
{Gui  de  Nanteuil,  366) 

Ganelon  and  Hardre  are  mentioned  together: 

Atant  se  sunt  drecie  Guenelons  et  Hardres. 
Cis  Sires  les  maudie  qui  le  mont  a  crie ! 
Puis  ne  fu  que  .III.  ans,  ce  dist  on  par  verte, 
Qu'il  trairent  les  pers  comme  felon  jDrouve, 
Dont  puis  i  moururent  a  doel  et  a  viute.^ 
{Fierahras,  292) 

a ' '  If  I  go  to  hell,  according  to  my  opinion,  / 1  shall  find  there 
my  uncle  Ganelon,  /  Pinabel  de  Sorenee,  and  my  relative  Gui;/ 
We  shall  be  a  large  family  in  that  region. ' ' 

b  For  the  woman  is  my  uncle 's,  and  was  given  to  him. 

c ' '  You  are  of  the  line  in  which  there  are  many  knaves ;  /  Full 
worse  did  your  uncle  Ganelon  conduct  himself. ' ' 

<i  At  once  Ganelon  and  Hardre  arose.  /  May  the  Lord  curse  them, 
who  created  the  world!  /It  was  only  three  years  afterwards,  so 
they  say  forsooth,  /  That  they  betrayed  the  peers,  like  perfect 
knaves,  /  For  which  they  died  later  in  suffering  and  in  abjectness. 

14 


194  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Hervieu  and  Amalgre  plot  together  against  Gui : 

"  Seignors,"  che  dist  Hervieu,  "  barons,  eonseilliez  m'ent ; 
Nous  sommes  tuit  neveu  et  cousin  et  parent."  * 
( Gui  de  Nanteuil,  581 ) 

The  barons  beg  Charlemagne  not  to  engage  in  a  combat  with 
Doon,  because  they  are  related : 

"  Quer  si  cousin  tuit  sommes  et  de  son  parente, 
De  par  Guion  son  pere  et  son  oncle  I'ainsne."  ^ 
{Doon  de  Mayence,  6744) 

In  fighting  with  the  Lorrains  Fromondin  will  not  abandon  his 
uncle  Guillaume  de  Monclin: 

Et  li  preus  Fromondins 
Qui  ne  vialt  mie  son  chier  oncle  guerpir; 
Forment  s'i  fie,  molt  le  tient  por  ami.° 
{Mort  Garin,  4006) 

The  Emperor  requires  hostages  of  Amaury  and  Huon,  who 
tell  conflicting  stories  as  to  the  killing  of  his  son  Chariot,  and 
the  traitor  Amaury  offers  an  uncle  and  a  cousin : 

"Li\Tes  ostaiges,"  dist  Karles,  "Amauris." 
"  Sire,  ves  la  et  Rainf  roi  et  Henri ; 
L'uns  est  mes  oncles  et  I'autres  mes  cosins."  ^ 
{Huon  de  Bordeaux,  1441) 

When  Charlemagne  wishes  to  give  Eglantine  to  Hervieu  for 
wife,  she  objects,  alleging  his  relationship  to  Ganelon  as  her 
reason : 

a*<My  lords,"  thus  spoke  Hervieu,  ''barons,  counsel  me  about 
it ;  /  We  are  all  nephews  and  cousins  and  relatives. ' ' 

b  * '  For  we  are  all  his  cousins  and  his  kin,  /  Through  Gui  his 
father,  and  his  uncle,  the  eldest  born." 

c  And  the  doughty  Fromondin,  /  Who  is  all  unwilling  to  abandon 
his  dear  uncle ;  /  Greatly  he  relies  upon  him,  and  counts  him  his 
friend. 

fl^'Give  hostages,"  said  Charles,  ''Amaury."  / ''Sire,  behold 
both  Eainf roi  and   Henri ;  /  One   is  my  uncle  and  the  other  my 


cousin. ' ' 


STYLISTIC    TEEATMENT   IN    THE    POEMS         195 

"Sire,"  dist  la  piieele,  "lessies  m'a  vous  parler; 
Guenelon  fu  ses  onclez,  ne  le  puet  nus  cheler, 
De  la  mort  de  mon  frere  n'ai  je  soig  d'aeorder, 
Ne  d'Enguelier  mon  oncle  qui  tant  fist  a  loer."  ^ 
{Gtii  de  Nanteuil,  801) 

The  examples  of  feuds  and  vengeance  on  behalf  of  the  uncle  or 
the  nephew  are  many;  Aiol  gets  into  a  quarrel  with  Makaire 
and  kills  a  nephew  of  the  latter  who  intervenes,  whereupon 
Makaire  calls  upon  his  other  nephews  to  avenge  this  murder; 

Uns  des  neveus  Makaire  i  est  ales; 
Fieus  fu  de  sa  seror,  ch'oi  eonter  .  .  . 
"  Ou  estes  vos,"  dist  il,  mes  parentes? 
Vos  qui  de  moi  tenes  hours  et  chites, 
Dont  n'aves  vous  veii  cest  avole, 
Qui  mon  neveu  m'a  mort  et  afole 
Et  a  mes  ieus  voiant  Fa  ehi  tue  f  "  ^ 
{Aiol,  4402,  4430) 

When  the  nephews  take  up  the  feud,  Makaire  is  thrown  into 
prison : 

"  Con  nous  somes  trestout  honi  et  vergongie, 
Par  un  glouton  estrainge  cline  et  abaisie. 
Car  par  lui  est  mes  oncles  en  eartre  trebuchies  "... 
Et  por  chou  est  Makaires  lor  oncles  en  prison, 
Che  furent  si  neveu  et  de  sa  norichon.'^ 
{Aiol,  4619,  7203) 

a  "Sire,"  said  the  maid,  "let  me  speak  to  you;  /  Ganelon  was 
his  uncle,  none  can  conceal  it.  /  For  the  death  of  my  brother  I 
have  no  desire  to  be  reconciled,  /  Nor  for  Enguelier  my  uncle,  who 
deserved  so  much  praise." 

b  One  of  the  nephews  of  Makaire  went  there;  /His  sister's  son 
was  he,  as  I  have  heard  tell.  .  .  ./"Where  are  you,"  said  he, 
"my  kin? /You  who  through  me  hold  towns  and  cities,  /  Then  did 
you  not  see  this  stranger,  /  Who  has  killed  and  abused  my  nephew,  / 
And  here  before  my  eyes  has  slain  him?" 

c ' '  How  we  are  all  shamed  and  disgraced,  /  By  a  strange  knave, 


196  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Renars  de  Poitiers,  .i.  traitor ,  qui  Deus  doinst  encomhrier,^ 
complains  to  the  King  that: 

"Icil  Garins,   dont  vous  m'oiez  plaidier, 
Oeist  mon  oncle  a  Fespee  d'acier. 
Par  eel  Apostre,  que  requierent  paumier, 
Quant  ne  me  puis  de  lor  pere  vangier, 
Li  fil  por  lui  si  le  eomparront  chier."  ^ 
{Girart  de  Vienne,  p.  22) 

Fromont  kills  Girart,  but  the  blood-feud  is  only  a  pretence  to 
get  his  property ;  however,  it  is  a  valid  excuse,  as  he  states  it : 

"Fiuls  fu  Ami  au  vaillant  chevalier 
C'oeist  mon  oncle  Hardre  le  droiturier 
En  la  bataille  por  Amile  le  fier; 
Por  ce  puis  bien  la  guerre  encommeneier  "... 

"  Mes  oncles  iert,  s'en  sui  f  orment  iriez  "... 

"  C'est  por  mon  oncle  le  prou  conte  Hardre 
Qu'Amis  ocist  desouz  Paris  enz  pres. 
Mes  oncles  iert,  si  m'en  doit  molt  peser."  ^ 
{Jourdains,  76,  98,  224) 

low  and  degraded,  /  For  by  him  is  my  uncle  cast  into  prison. "... 
/  And  for  this  is  Makaire  their  uncle  in  prison,  /  That  they  were 
his  nephews,  and  reared  by  him. 

a  A  traitor,  to  whom  may  God  give  ill. 

t» ' '  This  Garin,  of  whom  you  hear  me  speak,  /  Slew  my  uncle 
with  his  sword  of  steel.  /  By  that  Apostle,  whom  palmers  seek,  / 
If  I  cannot  take  vengeance  on  their  father,  /  The  sons  for  him 
will  dearly  atone  for  it. ' ' 

c ' '  He  was  the  son  of  Ami  the  valiant  knight,  /  Who  slew  my 
uncle  Hardre  the  upright,  /  In  the  battle  for  Amile  the  bold ;  /  For 
this  I  can  well  begin  the  fight. "  .  .  .  /  My  uncle  was  he,  and  I  am 
deeply  grieved. "  .  .  .  /  ' '  It  is  for  my  uncle  the  brave  Hardre,  / 
Whom  Ami  slew  in  the  meadows  near  Paris.  /  He  was  my  uncle, 
and  it  must  weigh  heavy  upon  me." 


STYLISTIC   TEEATMENT    IN    THE    POEMS  197 

When  Fromont  is  conquered  by  Jourdain,  the  son  of  Girart, 
mercy  is  shown  to  all  except  Fromont  and  his  nephew : 

Ne  mais  Foucart,  que  il  fist  bien  serrer, 
Neveu  Fromont,  cui  Dex  puist  bien  craventer, 
Et  les  douz  sers,  dont  oi'stez  parler  .  .  . 

A  un  roncin  ont  Fromont  atele, 
Si  le  tramnent  contreval  la  cite, 
Et  son  neveu  ont  aprez  trainne.^ 
{Jourdains,  4085,  4123) 

In  Garin,  Fromont  appeals  to  Odon  to  take  vengeance  for  the 
death  of  his  father,  the  latter's  uncle : 

"  Que   dou  roi   suis   par  mautalent   partis 
Et  de  Garin  de  Mez,  le  fil  Hervi, 
Qui  m'a  mon  pere  destranchie  et  ocis, 
II  et  ses  nies  d'Orlenois  Hernais. 
Mors  est  mes  peres,  dont  j'ai  le  cuer  marri, 
Vostres  chiers  oncles  qui  souef  vous  norri."  ^ 
{Garin,  I,  146)  ""^ 

a  Except  Foucart,  whom  he  had  confined,  /  Nephew  to  Fromont, 
whom  may  God  overwhelm,  /  And  the  two  servants,  of  whom  you 
heard  me  speak.  /  They  tied  Fromont  to  a  beast  of  burden,  /  And 
they  drag  Mm  down  through  the  city,  /  And  his  nephew  they 
dragged  after  him. 

b  ' '  From  the  King  I  am  separated  by  ill-will,  /  And  from  Garin 
de  Metz,  the  son  of  Hervi,  /  Who  hacked  and  slew  my  father,  / 
He  and  his  nephew  Hernais  d'Orlenois.  /  Dead  is  my  father, 
wherefore  my  heart  is  oppressed,  /  Your  dear  uncle  who  gently 
reared  you. ' ' 

117  For  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  traitors  in  the  various 
Chansons,  see  Sauerland. 


CHAPTER   IV 

The  Sister's  Son 

(a)  In  the  Chansons  de  Geste 

Thus  far,  in  analyzing  the  poetic  attributes  of  the  uncle  and 
nephew  relationship,  we  have  made  no  distinction  between  the 
paternal  and  the  maternal  side  of  the  family.  However,  not 
only  do  the  poets  introduce  the  nephew  in  general  as  an  im- 
portant element  of  the  epic  story,  but  in  the  majority  of  cases 
they  take  particular  pains  to  characterize  him  as  the  sister's 
son;  if  they  do  not  do  this  in  all  cases  when  not  prevented  by 
the  exigencies  of  the  verse,  it  is  probably  because  the  original 
reason  for  the  introduction  of  the  nephew  is  lost  sight  of,  and 
they  are  affected  by  the  state  of  society  of  their  own  times,  in 
which  the  family  consists  of  father,  mother,  and  children, 
while  the  children  of  the  brother  are  on  the  same  footing  as 
those  of  the  sister  in  all  save  perhaps  a  sentimental  relation. 
The  fact  that  the  sister's  son  does  have  especial  prominence  in 
the  French  epic  shows  that  as  a  tradition  at  least  the  connec- 
tion between  uncle  and  sister's  son  implies  first  great  natural 
affection  and  second  particularly  close  intimacy.  Furthermore, 
it  is  the  relations  between  these  two  that  give  the  epic  its  human 
or  dramatic  interest;  if  the  epic  element  of  the  Chanson  de 
Boland  has  for  its  fundamental  idea  the  battle  of  Roncevaux 
and  its  national  consequences,  the  centre  of  gravity  of  the 
human  interest  lies  in  Roland  and  in  the  attitude  of  his  uncle 
towards  him — and  Charlemagne,  as  the  poet  shows,  is  the 
maternal  uncle  of  Roland.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  other 
poems:  the  epic  and  dramatic  interest  are  entirely  different, 
and  the  dramatic  element  each  time  centres  about  an  uncle  and 
a  sister's  son.  The  Saxon  war  is  one  element  of  the  Chanson 
des  Saisnes,  and  the  other  has  to  do  with  the  love  adventures 

198 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  199 

of  Baudoin,  the  interest  of  Charlemagne  in  him,  and  his  attempt 
to  secure  his  nephew  in  his  position  of  ruler  over  the  con- 
quered race.  The  efforts  of  the  hero  of  Anse'is  de  Cartage  to ' 
subdue  the  inhabitants  of  his  allotted  fief  yield  their  place  as 
the  main  element  of  the  poem  towards  the  end  of  the  stoiy  to 
the  efforts  of  Anseis  to  secure  help  from  the  Emperor;  and 
although  Charlemagne's  influence  is  seen  only  at  the  beginning 
and  at  the  end  of  the  poem,  yet  all  through  it  in  the  mixture  of 
love,  intrigue,  and  battles,  Anseis  is  the  central  figure.  In  Gui 
de  Bourgogne,  the  martial  element  predominates,  and  although 
the  Emperor  and  Gui  are  not  working  hand  in  hand  at  all  times, 
nevertheless  the  influence  of  one  upon  the  other  unconsciously 
fills  the  poem.  Now  all  these  heroes  are  sister's  sons  of  Char- 
lemagne, according  to  the  poetic  legend,  and  in  each  case  their 
fortunes  and  their  relations  with  the  uncle  form  the  very  sum 
and  substance  of  the  drama.  Since  the  relations  between  the 
Emperor  and  these  four  nephews  fall  essentially  into  the  same 
categories,  as  shown  in  the  preceding  chapter,  we  might  be  will- 
ing to  accept  the  theory''  long  ago  promulgated  that  all  this  is 
due  to  the  influence  of  the  Roland,  were  it  not  true  that  all  the 
details  of  these  relations  are  found  in  other  literatures,  in  his- 
tory, and  in  primitive  societies,  so  that  it  is  plain  that  the  reason 
for  this  glorification  of  the  sister's  son  is  to  be  sought  farther 
back  than  mediaeval  literature,  or  indeed  literature  at  all,  can 
reach,  and  that  its  appearance  as  an  epic  theme  in  the  Chan- 
sons de  Geste  is  only  a  manifestation  of  what  was  once  a  basic 
element  of  family  life  in  the  earliest  stages  of  society,  an  ele- 
ment which  comes  down  to  the  Middle  Ages  in  the  form  of  a 
tradition  so  well-established  or  rather  so  persistent  that  it  be- 
comes one  of  the  predominant  elements  of  the  French  epic. 

These  sister's  sons  may  be  roughly  divided  into  three  groups, 
according  to  their  importance  as  a  part  of  the  stoiy  of  the 
poem.  The  first  group  will  consist  of  those  who  are  protag- 
onists, around  whose  adventures  revolves  the  human  interest  of 
the  entire  plot;  in  this  group  are  included  the  four  nephews  of 
Charlemagne  mentioned  above,  Roland,  Baudoin,  Anseis  and 


200  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Gui.  Here  is  to  be  placed  Guillaume's  nephew  Vivien  also,  for 
in  those  poems  of  the  Guillaume  cycle  in  which  he  appears,  his 
•  clinging  trust  in  his  uncle,  the  latter's  heroic  endeavor  to  succor 
him,  and  his  ultimate  fate  and  its  effect  upon  Guillaume,  form 
the  main  element  of  the  story.  ^^^ 

The  second  group  consists  of  those  sister's  sons  whose  con- 
nection with  an  uncle  forms  an  integral  part  of  the  story,  with- 
out detracting  from  the  martial,  that  is,  the  epic  interest.  Here 
are  to  be  placed  Ogier,  the  sister's  son  of  Naimon,  Raoul  de 
Cambrai,  who  bears  the  same  relation  to  King  Louis,  Foucon, 
the  nephew  of  Vivien,  Gascelin,  in  Auberi  le  Bourgoing,  Aiol, 
the  nephew  of  Louis,  and  others. 

The  third  group  is  very  large,  in  which  the  nephews  are  intro- 
duced by  the  poet  without  much  characterization;  however,  it  is 
significant  that  he  finds  it  necessary  to  indicate  them  at  all  as 
sister's  sons,  since  so  many  of  them  do  not  affect  the  develop- 
ment of  the  story  in  any  way  whatever;  the  only  reason  then 
for  their  being  brought  thus  carefully  before  the  audience  in 
their  quality  of  sister's  sons  seems  to  be  that  thereby  the  poet 
makes  an  esoteric  appeal  to  the  sympathy  of  the  audience  and 
thus  creates  a  factitious  interest  which  the  character  himself 
does  not  arouse.  In  this  group  come  many  of  the  Saracens, 
traitors,  a  few  more  nephews  of  Charlemagne  and  of  Guillaume, 
and  a  large  number  among  whom  neither  uncle  nor  nephew  is 
of  any  special  interest  to  us  modern  readers.  Those  cases  where 
the  poet  does  not  specifically  characterize  the  nephew  as  a  sis- 
ter's son  must  for  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  be  disregarded, 
although  their  study  has  served  to  reveal  more  fully  the  various 
general  points  of  contact  between  uncle  and  nephew  considered 
in  a  previous  chapter.  To  restate  a  point  already  indicated: 
the  poet  does  not  realize  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  sur- 
vival of  which  he  feels  the  influence,  otherwise  when  adapting 
the  role  of  the  sister's  son  to  poetic  purposes  he  would  not  allow 

118  The  confusion  in  the  legend  which  makes  Vivien  sometimes  a 
brother's  son  of  Guillaume  is  discussed  on  page  209;  see  also 
page  66  ff. 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  201 

himself  to  be  affected  by  actual  conditions  at  the  time  of  com- 
position to  the  extent  of  allotting  the  same  part  to  the  brother^s 
son.  It  is  like  some  modern  applications  of  old  customs  which 
long  ago  passed  away  in  fact,  and  remain  now  only  as  more  or 
less  intelligible  traditions  adapted  to  modern  environment.  It 
appears  then  that  while  the  general  term  ^  nephew  ^  has  to  the 
poet  of  the  Middle  Ages  an  especial  significance,  that  of  '  sis- 
ter's son'  implies  a  still  closer  connection.  Two  questions 
confront  us  here,  why  this  is  so,  and  how  the  poet  makes  it 
apparent.  To  answer  the  former  it  is  necessary  to  go  outside 
the  field  of  the  French  epic,  so  that  it  seems  best  to  consider 
the  latter  first,  for  which  an  intensive  study  of  our  texts 
suffices. 

As  is  well  known,  Roland  is  the  nephew  of  Charlemagne 
who  receives  the  most  attention  at  the  hands  of  the  poets;  it 
is  significant  that  his  father  is  not  once  mentioned  in  the 
Chanson  de  Boland  and  that  it  is  only  the  fact  of  his  being 
sister's  son  to  Charlemagne  that  counts.  In  the  other  poems  his 
parentage  varies;  though  his  father  is  now  one  person,  now 
another,  and  though  his  mother's  name  is  not  always  the  same, 
his  relationship  to  the  Emperor  is  constant.  The  identification 
is  made  each  time  without  comment,  and  it  is  only  by  follow- 
ing the  course  of  the  story  that  we  perceive  the  inner  meaning 
of  the  term  ^  sister's  son.^  It  has  seemed  best  to  group  such 
passages,  as  well  as  similar  identifications  of  other  nephews,  in 
an  Appendix,  and  to  discuss  here  only  those  passages  which 
make  a  distinct  reference  to  the  prominent  position  of  the 
sister's  son. 

As  a  last  argument  against  being  sent  to  Spain  as  the 
Emperor's  messenger,  Ganelon  makes  use  of  his  relationship 
to  Charlemagne;  he  has  married  the  Emperor's  sister — 
Roland's  mother — and  by  her  has  a  son,  Baudoin,  whom  he 
commends  to  the  care  of  the  uncle: 

"En  Sarraguce  sai  bien  qu'aler  m'estoet: 
Hum  ki  la  vait  repairier  ne  s'en  poet. 
Ensurquetut  si  ai  jo  vostre  soer. 


202  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Si  'n  ai  un  filz,  ja  plus  bels  n'en  estoet : 
C'est  Baldewins,  se  vit,  ki  ert  prozdoem. 
A  lui  lais  jo  mes  honiirs  e  mes  fieus. 
Guardez  le  bien,  ja  ne  V  verrai  des  oilz."  * 
{Chanson  de  Boland,  292) 

Speaking  of  this  Baudoin,  the  Saxons  call  him  the  nephew 
of  Charlemagne,  his  sister's  son,  and  add  that  he  must  be 
very  dear  to  him: 

"  C'est  li  nies  Karlemaine,  tres  bien  I'os  ajQier, 
De  sa  seror  germaine,  molt  le  doi[t]  avoir  chier."  ^ 
{Chanson  des  Saisnes,  LXVII,  29) 

When  Baudoin's  death  is  announced  to  Charles,  the  messenger 
cries  out :  "  Baudoin  is  slain,  your  sister's  son,"  the  implication 
being  that  the  Emperor's  grief  will  be  all  the  keener: 

Li  mes  la  vint  poignant  desor  .i.  chaceor ; 
"Amperere  de  Rome,  or  croist  nostre  dolor: 
Baudoins  est  ocis,  fiz  de  vostre  seror."  ^ 
{Saisnes,  CCLIX,  9) 

Ganelon  has  another  son,  Maucion,  who  appears  only  in  the 
Gui  de  Bourgogne;  when  an  election  is  held  for  a  temporary 
ruler  of  France  during  the  absence  of  the  Emperor,  this  Mau- 
cion recites  his  claims,  emphasizing  the  fact  that  he  is  sister's 
son  to  Charlemagne: 

"  E  si  est  mun  pere  Guenes,  k'od  Karlon  est  alez ; 
Sa  serur  ad  a  f  emme,  si  ke  ben  le  savez : 

a ' '  To  Saragossa  I  know  well  that  I  must  go ;  /  He  who  goes 
there  cannot  return.  /  Above  all,  I  have  your  sister.  /  And  I  have 
a  son  by  her,  one  does  not  need  a  finer;  /That  is  Baudoin,  who, 
if  he  lives,  will  be  a  doughty  knight.  /  To  him  I  leave  my  lands 
and  my  fiefs.  /  Guard  him  well,  I  shall  not  see  him  more. ' ' 

t"  * '  He  is  the  nephew  of  Charlemagne,  I  venture  to  assert  it,  /  By 
his  sister,  and  dear  must  he  hold  him." 

c  The  messenger  came  spurring  upon  a  courser ;  /  ^' Emperor  of 
Eome,  now  our  grief  increases; /Baudoin  is  slain,  your  sister's 
son." 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  203 

Pur  ce  dei  en  France  estre  haltement  eoronez."  * 
{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  p.  137) 

The  influence  of  the  sister's  son  at  court  is  brought  out  by  a 
passage  from  the  Girart: 

Girars  avoit  a  court  de  ceulz  qui  consoillent 
Le  roi,  mains  malvuillans  qui  de  mort  le  hayoient; 
Les  filz;  au  due  d'Ardene  et  neveux  le  roi  Charle, 
Effens  de  sa  soreur,  c'est  de  quoi  je  parle.^ 
{Girart  de  Boussillon,  693) 

The  trouble  into  which  Gaufroi  has  gotten  with  the  Emperor 
is  all  the  more  annoying  to  Naimon  since  Gaufroi  had  man-ied 
his  sister,  and  their  son  Ogier  is  dear  to  the  uncle : 

Quant  li  dux  Namles  sot  ce  grant  destourbier, 
Bien  poez  croire,  mult  li  dut  anuier, 
Car  eiie  ot  sa  seror  a  moillier 
Icis  Gaufrois  dont  ci  m'oez  raisnier; 
N'en  ot  c'un  fill,  on  I'apeloit  Ogier.° 
{Enfances   Ogier,  97) 

The  poet  of  Aiol  seems  to  make  it  an  important  point  that  he 
knows  who  the  Count  of  Bourges  is,  whom  Aiol  captures  for 
Louis,  that  he  is  the  sister's  son  of  Elie,  and  that  he  is  waning 
with  the  king  on  account  of  the  latter's  injustice  to  his  uncle; 
apparently,  since  the  relationship  has  not  been  indicated  before, 

a ' '  And  my  father  is  Ganelon,  who  has  gone  with  Charles ;  /  His 
sister  he  has  to  wife^  as  well  you  know  j  /  For  this  I  must  be 
openly  crowned  in  France. ' ' 

b  Girart  had  at  court  those  who  counsel  /  The  King,  many  ill- 
wishers  who  hated  him  to  death:  /  The  sons  of  the  Due  d'Ardenne 
and  nephews  to  King  Charles,  /  Children  of  his  sister,  that  is  of 
what  I  speak. 

c  When  Duke  Naimon  learned  of  this  great  trouble,  /  You  may 
well  believe,  it  must  have  vexed  him,  /  For  he  had  his  sister  to 
wife,  /  That  Gaufroi  of  whom  you  hear  me  speak  here ;  /  He  had 
only  one  son  by  her,  he  was  called  Ogier. 


204  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

the  poet  makes  the  announcement  here  with  the  intention  of 
appealing  to  the  sympathy  of  his  hearers  for  the  unknown 
Count : 

Signor,  chis  gentiex  quens  que  je  vos  di, 
Dont  ne  saves  qu'il  fu  ne  dont  il  vint, 
Poi  est  de  jougleors  quil  vous  desist: 
II  ne  sevent  Festoire  ne  n'ont  apris; 
De  chou  sont  li  auquant  molt  escarni 
Et  li  plussor  s'en  font  por  fol  tenir, 
Quant  le  veraie  estoire  n'en  ont  coisi: 
Hon  qui  raison  commenche,  jel  sai  de  fi, 
Quant  il  al  daerain  n'en  set  issir, 
Por  fol  et  por  musart  s'en  fait  tenir. 
Mais  je  vos  dirai  bien  dont  li  quens  vint 
Et  de  con  faite  gent:  je  Fai  apris. 
Ja  fu  che  nies  Elie  le  due  gentil 
Qui  a  tort  fu  cachies  de  son  pais, 
Fieus  Marsent  sa  seror  o  le  cler  vis, 
Cousins  germains  Aiol  dont  je  vos  di. 
Por  chou  guereoit  il  roi  Loeys 
Qu'il  eneacha  son  onele  fors  del  pais.* 
{Aiol,  3210) 

The  Count  himself  laments  his  inability  to  restore  his  uncle's 
rights  to  him : 

a  My  lords,  that  gentle  count  of  whom.  I  tell  you,  /  Of  whom 
you  know  not  who  he  was  nor  whence  he  came,  /  Few  minstrels  are 
there  who  could  tell  you;  /They  do  not  know  the  story  and  have 
not  learned  it ;  /  For  that  some  are  derided  /  And  the  greater  part 
are  considered  fools,  /  When  they  have  not  perceived  the  true 
story; /A  man  who  begins  a  tale,  I  know  forsooth,  /  When  he 
knows  not  how  to  finish  it,  /  Makes  them  consider  him  a  stupid 
fool.  /  But  I  will  tell  you  whence  came  the  count,  /  And  of  what 
race :  I  have  learned  it.  /  He  was  indeed  nephew  to  Elie,  the 
gentle  duke,  /  Who  was  wrongfully  driven  from  his  land ;  /  The 
son  of  Marsent,  his  sister,  fair  of  face,  /  Cousin  german  to  Aiol  of 
whom  I  tell  you.  /  For  this  he  was  warring  with  King  Louis,  / 
That  he  drove  his  uncle  from  the  country. 


THE   SISTER'S   SON  205 

"  Elies,  biaus  dous  oncles,  je  sui  bonis. 
A  tort  fustes  caebies  de  ces  pais: 
Si  vous  desireta  rois  Loej^s. 
Je  sui  fieus  vo  seror,  se  Dex  m'ait, 
Dame  Marsent  la  bele  o  le  cler  vis."^ 
{Aiol,  3309) 

Of  tbe  affection  wbicb  binds  an  uncle  to  bis  sister's  sons  we 
are  told  wben  tbe  poet  enumerates  tbe  descendants  of  Ajmieri, 
among  wbom  are  four  sons  of  Guillaume's  eldest  sister: 

Qui  tant  aiderent  Guillaume  le  guen-ier, 
Crestiente  firent  molt  essaucier; 
Forment  les  dut  Guillaumes  avoir  cbier; 
Neveu  furent  au  conte.*' 

{Aymeri  de  Narhonne,  4626) 

Guillaume  bimself  unconsciously  sums  up  tbe  contents  of 
several  poems,  in  a  courteous  but  beartfelt  reproacb  wbicb  be 
addresses  to  Louis,  reminding  bim  tbat  it  is  tbrougb  serving 
bim  tbat  be  bas  lost  bis  dearest  relative,  bis  sister's  son, 
Vivien : 

"  Loeys  sii*e,  je  vos  tien  a  seigiior. 
Done  m'avez  grant  paine  et  grant  bonor: 
Perdu  en  ai  lo  fil  de  ma  seror,^^^ 
De  ma  meisnee  lo  balais  et  la  flor."  ^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Scbultz-Gora,  7736) 

a ' '  Elie,  gentle  uncle,  I  am  shamed.  /  Wrongfully  were  you 
driven  from  tMs  region,  /  And  King  Louis  disinherited  you.  / 1 
am  your  sister 's  son,  so  may  God  help  me,  /  Lady  Marsent  the 
fair  and  bright-faced." 

t>  Who  aided  Guillaume  the  warrior  so  much,  /  And  much  exalted 
Christianity;  /Deeply  must  Guillaume  have  loved  them;  /Nephews 
were  they  to  the  Count. 

c ' '  Louis,  Sire,  I  hold  you  my  master,  /  You  have  given  me 
great  sorrow  and  great  honor;  /I  have  lost  through  it  my  sister's 
son,  /  The  fairest  and  the  flower  of  my  household. ' ' 

119  The  ms.  of  London,  fol.  284,  r° ,  reads:  Perdus  en  ai  les  filz 
de  ma  serour,  /  De  ma.  mesnie  le  barnage  et  la  flor. 


206  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

The  grief  of  other  uncles  at  the  death  of  their  sister's  sons  is 
equally  keen,  and  the  way  of  recording  the  death  in  battle 
sometimes  shows  by  inference  the  depth  of  this  sentiment. 
For  instance,  when  the  poet  tells  us  that  in  the  battle  of  Mor- 
ligane  Anseis  kills  the  Aumagour,  and  immediately  adds:  Et 
Guis  ochist  le  fil  de  sa  seror^  {Anseis  de  Cartage^  2775),  it  is 
evident  that  he  wishes  to  point  out  the  closeness  of  the  connec- 
tion between  them.  A  similar  case  is  when  Gui  kills  the 
nephew  of  Tibaut: 

Gui  de  Doai — fox  demande  meillor — 
Fiert  devant  lui  lo  fil  de  sa  seror.'' 
{Foucon,  3283) 

Ysore,  King  of  Corinth,  rages  when  he  hears  of  the  defeat  of 
his  maternal  uncle  Synagon: 

Grant  doel  en  ot  li  glos  en  son  corage 
— Car  Synagons  estoit  de  son  lignage, 
Frere  sa  mere, — s'en  ot  au  cuer  la  rage.° 
(Moniage  Guillaume,  4642) 

Louis  reports  to  his  barons  the  threats  of  Tibaut  against  Guil- 
laume for  killing  his  sister's  son: 

"Molt  menace  Guillaume  le  eonte  poigneor, 
Et  dit  quil  li  a  mort  le  fil  de  sa  seror. 
Encor  I'en  ocirra  a  son  branc  de  color, 
Se  ne  li  rent  sa  ten-e,  qui  fu  son  ancessor."^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Tarbe,  p.  86) 

a  And  Gui  slew  his  sister's  son. 

b  Gui  de  Douai — only  a  fool  would  ask  for  a  better —  /  Strikes 
down  before  him  Ms  sister's  son. 

c  At  this  the  knave  had  great  grief  in  his  heart,  /  For  Synagon 
was  of  his  lineage,  /  His  mother 's  brother ;   he  had  wrath  in  his 

heart. 

d ' '  He  threatens  much  Guillaume  the  warrior  count,  /  And  says 
that  he  killed  his  sister's  son,  /  And  that  he  will  slay  him  with  his 
colored  blade,  /  If  he  does  not  restore  his  land,  which  was  his 
grandfather 's. ' ' 


THE    SISTER'S   SON  207 

The  same  attitude  is  seen  in  the  threat  of  the  Saracen  Jossien, 
whose  sister's  son  has  been  slain  by  Elie.^^^ 

The  association  of  the  nephew  with  his  maternal  uncle  is 
alluded  to  in  several  passages;  when  Aymer  de  Losengne  is 
slain,  his  sister's  son,  who  is  fighting  in  the  same  fray,  steps 
at  once  into  his  place,  is  knighted,  and  receives  his  uncle's  pos- 
sessions and  avenges  him  as  a  matter  of  course : 

D 'Aymer  est  la  perte  recovree, 
Le  bon  vassal  qui  la  vie  a  finee, 
Cist  est  ses  nies,  fiz  sa  seror  I'ainnee; 
Bien  doit  tenir  la  terre  et  la  contree 
Qui  fu  son  oncle  a  la  chiere  menbree.* 
{Aymeri  de  Narhonne,  1881) 

Begon  de  Belin,  when  besieged  by  the  enemy,  calls  upon  his 
sister  to  despatch  her  son  to  his  aid: 

"Ma  seror  dites  qu'elle  m'envoit  son  fis 
Et  son  nevou,  dant  Jofroi  I'Angevin."^ 
{Garin,  11,  1^2) 

Fromont,  notwithstanding  that  he  is  the  enemy  of  Begon,  is 
angered  at  his  death,  and  threatens  his  own  nephew,  who  has 
done  the  deed,  but  is  prevented  from  striking  him  by  Guillaume 
de  Monclin,  who  reminds  him  of  the  consideration  due  his 
sister's  son : 

"  Non  ferez,  frere,"  li  quens  Guillaumes  dit, 
"  II  est  tes  nies  et  de  ta  seror  fis."  ^ 
{Garin,  II,  248) 

a  Of  Aymer  is  the  loss  replaced,  /  The  good  youth  whose  life 
has  ended; /This  is  his  nephew,  son  of  his  eldest  sister; /He 
must  surely  have  the  land  and  the  domain  /  Which  belonged  to  his 
uncle  with  the  prudent  look, 

b ' '  Tell  my  sister  that  she  send  me  her  son  /  And  her  nephew, 
Sir  Jofroy  the  Angevin." 

c^'You  shall  not  do  it,  brother,"  Count  Guillaume  said, /''He 
is  your  nephew,  and  the  son  of  your  sister." 

120  Cited   on   page   186. 


208  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Guischart  and  his  nephew  Foucon,  who  are  engaged  in  aveng- 
ing the  death  of  Vivien,  Foueon's  uncle,  are  brought  together 
by  the  poet  all  through  the  poem : 

Guischarz  et  Folque,  li  fiz  de  sa  seror, 
Sovent  i  metent  lor  verz  branz  de  color, 
Kar  tel  costume  orent  lor  ancessor.^^-^ 
{Foucon,  2972) 

The  connection  between  Garnier  and  his  sister's  sons  is  so  close 
that  they  abandon  their  fathers  for  the  sake  of  the  uncle.^^^ 
In  the  story  of  the  Birth  of  the  Knight  of  the  Swan,  King 
Lotaire  has  a  nephew  at  court,  his  sister's  son,  who  unwittingly 
shoots  at  the  swans  in  the  royal  garden;  the  King  is  so  angry, 
despite  his  fondness  for  Plantol,  that  he  rushes  at  him  with 
a  knife,  but  is  restramed  by  the  courtiers: 

Plantols,  uns  chevaliers  qui  ert  de  sa  maisnie. 
Molt  I'ama;  ses  nies  ert,  de  sa  seror  joie.*^ 
(Elioxe,  1639) 

Plantols  n'ot  mie  oi  eeste  manace  faire; 
Nies  ert  le  roi  Lotaire,  et  frans  et  debonaire.^ 
{Elioxe,  2119) 

Li  rois  en  vaut  ocire  son  neveu  avantier, 
Por  §ou  que  il  i  traist  une  fois  d'arc  manier.*^ 
{Elioxe,  2451) 

The  earlier  poems  of  the  French  mediaeval  period  have  in- 
dubitably a  different  treatment  of  the  nephew  tradition  from 

a  Guischart  and  Foucon,  the  son  of  his  sister,  /  Often  use  their 
blades  flashing  green,  /  For  such  a  custom  had  their  ancestors. 

b  Plantol,  a  knight  of  his  household,  /  Much  did  he  love  him; 
he  was  his  nephew  by  his  favorite  sister. 

c  Plantol  did  not  hear  this  threat  made ;  /  He  was  nephew  to 
King  Lotaire,  and  noble  and  gentle. 

d  The  King  wanted  to  slay  his  nephew  day  before  yesterday,  / 
Because  he  drew  his  short-bow  once. 

121  Costume,  i.  e.,  the  association  in  battle  of  uncle  and  nephew. 

122  For  citation,  see  page  71. 


THE   SISTER'S   SON"  209 

that  of  the  later  ones — the  greater  part  of  them  make  nothing 
of  the  relationship  of  father  and  son,  and  when  the  nephew, 
who  is  frequently  the  main  character  of  the  story,  is  introduced, 
he  is  usually  a  sister's  son;  in  the  later  poems  of  the  thirteenth 
century  the  brother's  son  is  on  the  same  footing,  while  greater 
importance  is  given  to  the  role  of  the  father.  As  seen  above, 
the  general  allusions  to  the  importance  of  the  sister's  son  in 
his  uncle's  life  are  not  many,  but  as  the  treatment  of  the  poet 
is  objective  so  far  as  his  limitations  allow,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that  he  voices  his  sentiments  mainly  in  the  deeds  of  his 
characters  rather  than  by  dogmatizing,  and  that  the  pains 
which  he  takes  to  indicate  a  character  as  le  fiz  sa  seror  and  the 
tendency  to  make  this  relationship  the  fulcrum  of  his  dramatic 
action  are  of  equal  weight  with  any  general  statements  that  he 
may  choose  to  make.  We  have  a  good  example  of  the  change 
in  the  nephew  tradition  in  the  legend  of  Vivien;  in  the  earlier 
poems  he  appears  as  the  son  of  Guillaume's  sister,  while  in  the 
Enfances  Vivien,  which  is  much  later  than  the  Cangun  de  Wil- 
lame  or  the  Aliscans,  he  appears  as  the  son  of  Guillaume's 
brother  Garin.^^^  The  tradition  being  broken  in  this  respect, 
it  is  not  surprising  that  the  poet  makes  Guillaume  say,  when 
deciding  that  Vivien  shall  take  his  father's  place  in  prison : 

"  Nevos  et  oncles,  parens  sont  il  asses, 
Mais  un  sien  freire  ne  puet  on  recovrer."  ^ 
{Enfances  Vivien,  337) 

a  * '  Nephews  and  uncles  are  very  close  relatives,  /  But  one  can- 
not replace  his  brother." 

123  Vivien  is  the  sister's  son  of  Guillaume,  according  to  the 
Cangun  de  Willame,  the  Willehalm  of  Wolfram  von  Eschenbaeh, 
Foucon,  the  narrative  of  Alberic  des  Trois  Fontaines^  and  verse  34 
of  the  Aliscans  in  the  Halle  edition,  where  the  reading  et  a 
Guillaume  le  fil  de  sa  seror  is  decidedly  to  be  preferred  over  the 
lui  et  Tacon  le  fil  de  sa  seror  of  the  ms.  utilized  in  the  Jonckbloet 
edition;  Vivien  is  the  son  of  Garin,  according  to  the  Enfances 
Vivien,  the  Covenant  Vivien,  Aymeri  de  Narhonne,  and  the 
Nerhonesi.      See    Weeks,    ''The    Newly    Discovered    Chan^un    de 

15 


210  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

This  impairing  of  the  saeredness  of  the  nephew  relation  is  an 
evidence  of  late  writing;  and  yet  in  the  same  poem  we  find  the 
utmost  harmony  between  Guillaume  and  his  nephew.  The  in- 
consistency seems  to  be  due  to  the  loss  of  the  real  significance 
of  the  term  '  sister's  son ' ;  the  first  step  is  the  placing  of  the 
brother's  son  on  the  same  footing,  and  then  comes  a  quick 
transition  into  the  modern  conception  of  the  inner  family. 
When  Foueon  claims  his  right  as  Vivien's  nephew  to  avenge 
his  death,  telling  his  mother,  Vivien's  sister:  Toz  jors  Voi  dire: 
ainz  venge  nies  que  fraire^  (Foueon,  537),  it  is  made  clear 
that  there  was  a  well-defined  tradition  regarding  the  duties 
of  the  nephew,  and  when  we  find  the  same  thing  in  Aye  d' Avig- 
non: For  ce  dit  on  encore:  ainz  venge  niez  que  fiz^  (2667),  the 
matter  is  clinched.  Yet  although  the  axiom  is  familiar  to  the 
poet,  he  seemingly  cannot  reconcile  it  to  his  knowledge  of 
family  life,  for  instead  of  making  the  incident  of  his  story  illus- 
trate the  old  saying,  it  seems  to  him  that  his  legend  is  the 
origin  of  the  axiom.  That  is,  he  makes  Alori  and  Guichart 
warn  their  uncle  Gamier  of  the  plot  of  their  fathers  against 
him,  their  maternal  uncle,  and  makes  them  join  Gamier  in 
fighting  against  their  fathers;  the  poet  finds  this  proceeding 
incongruous  and  tries  to  find  in  it  the  origin  of  the  saying, 
claiming  that  on  account  of  it  people  still  say  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  nephew  rather  than  of  the  son  to  take  vengeance.  He 
goes  still  farther  in  his  attempt  to  harmonize  the  situation  with 
his  own  ideas  of  propriety  by  making  the  fathers  belong  to 
the  breed  of  traitors,  while  the  uncle  is  an  oppressed  and  vir- 
tuous hero.  The  hero  of  Auberi,  praising  his  sister's  son  Gas- 
celin  for  his  long-continued  devotion  and  faithfulness,  calls  to 

a  I  always  hear  it  said:   rather  does  nephew  than  brother  take 

vengeance. 

bFor   this   they   still   say:    rather    does   nephew   than   son   take 
vengeance. 

Willame,"  Modern  Philology,  1904-5,  pp.  239-240.  In  consulta- 
tion. Professor  Weeks  expresses  the  opinion  that  the  reading  of 
the  remanieur  is  manifestly  to  be  rejected. 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  211 

mind  anotlier  axiom  which  shows  the  poet's  conception  of  this 
relationship : 

"  Par  mainte  f  ois  I'ai  oi  regehir, 
Miens  vant  bons  nies,  ce  dist  on  sans  mentir, 
Que  tel  enfant  puet  on  souuent  nourir."^ 
{Auberi,  ed.  Tobler,  54,  17) 

Tibaut,  the  nephew  of  the  Saracen  Desrame,  voices  another  side 
of  the  question  when  he  declares  his  intention  of  continuing  a 
battle  which  his  uncle  wishes  to  abandon,  and  says  to  him : 

Dist  li  nies :  "  Oncles,  ja  mes  n'avroiz  honor, 

S'el  champ  laissiez  lo  fil  vostre  seror."  ^ 
{Foucon,  ed.  Schultz-Gora,  8184) 

The  occasional  characterization  of  the  nephew  as  the  son  of  the 
eldest  sister  is  of  a  certain  importance,  for  where  Mother-right 
prevails,  a  nephew  of  that  particular  degree  often  has  more 
prerogatives  than  do  those  by  other  sisters;  unfortunately, 
these  indications  in  the  Chansons  de  Geste  are  always  in  rhyme, 
so  that  an  argument  based  on  them  alone  is  hardly  possible. 
Taken  in  connection  with  other  indications,  however,  this  point 
has  a  bearing  on  our  theory.  For  instance,  Rainald  de  Peiter, 
a  nephew  of  Willame,  is  called  un  sun  neuov  de  sa  seror  primer 
{Willame,  2541) ;  speaking  of  the  pagan  king  Aarofle,  the  poet 
tells  us  that  Renoart  was  fils  sa  seror,  Vainz  nee  {Aliscans, 
294) ;  Renoart  himself  has  a  nephew,  Baudue,  who  is  called 
nies  Benoart,  fiz  sa  seror  Vainz  nee  (Aliscans,  5377) ;  the  loss 
of  Aymer,  the  squire  of  Foucon  de  Poitier,  is  replaced  by  a 
squire  of  whom  the  poet  says:  cist  est  ses  nies,  fiz  sa  seror 
Vainnee  {Aymeri,  1883). 

These  slight  hints  are  all  that  we  have  to  show  that  the  poets 
themselves  ever  felt  the  need  of  accounting  for  the  mutual  con- 
sideration which  they  attribute  to  maternal  uncle  and  nephew; 

a ''Many  a  time  have  I  heard  it  declared:  /Better  is  a  good 
nephew,  so  they  said  in  truth,  /  Than  any  chikl  one  can  bring  up." 

t>  Said  the  nephew:  ''Uncle,  nevermore  would  you  be  honored,/ 
If  you  should  leave  on  the  field  your  sister's  son. 


J ) 


212  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

they  probably  did  not  really  grasp  the  significance  of  its  mani- 
festation, but  accepted  the  relationship  as  sufficient  to  account 
for  the  situation.  It  is  impossible  to  say  with  precision  that 
the  sister's  son  predominates  in  the  earlier  Chansons  and  loses 
ground  in  the  later  ones,  because  we  cannot  tell  how  much  of 
our  material  is  native  to  the  earliest  versions  of  any  poem: 
that  the  brother's  son  does  assume  prominence  in  some  of  the 
early  ones  is  shown  by  the  character  of  Bertrand  in  the  Cou- 
ronnement  Louis  and  the  Charroi  de  Nimes,  while  the  late 
Enfances  Ogier  bring  out  the  essential  relations  between  uncle 
and  sister's  son  as  well  as  some  of  the  earlier  poems.^^*  The 
poetic  development  of  the  material  is  still  enveloped  in  uncer- 
tainty, but  we  may  assume  that  the  earliest  legends  made  much 
of  the  sister's  son  and  that  the  whole  period  of  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries  knew  this  without  understanding  it,  and 
thus  unconsciously  developed  the  tradition  until  maternal  and 
paternal  nephews  alike  were  looked  upon  as  good  material  for 
embodying  the  human  interest  in  the  epic  poems. 

The  question  as  to  why  the  sister's  son  appears  to  fill  the 
poetic  need  of  a  character  standing  close  to  the  central  figure 
of  the  various  divisions  of  a  cycle  is  usually  answered  by 
referring  to  the  prototype  Roland.  But  then  another  question, 
equally  difficult,  arises :  why  was  Roland  in  the  first  place  repre- 
sented as  the  sister's  son  of  Charlemagne?  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  as  the  legend  about  his  deeds  grew  and  the  poets 
desired  to  connect  him  as  closely  as  possible  with  the  Emperor 
under  whom  he  served,  they  deliberately  set  to  work  to  invent 
an  arbitrary  relationship,  since  they  could  not  violate  history 
so  far  as  to  make  him  a  son,  which  should  be  next  to  that  of 
son.  This  is  theorizing,  of  course,  without  examination  of  the 
circumstances;  a  comparative  examination  of  the  legend  in- 
duces the  belief  that  as  the  story  evolved,  making  the  relations 
between  the  Emperor  and  Roland  more  and  more  personal,  the 

124  As  regards  Bertrand,  in  the  Pelerinage  Charlemagne  he  calls 
Hernaut  de  Gironde  his  uncle  (565),  while  no  mention  is  made  of 
relationship  to  Bernart,  who  is  in  other  poems  his  father. 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  213 

poets  ascribed  to  the  two  a  relationship  that  was  even  closer 
than  that  between  father  and  son,  as  the  most  natural  thing  to 
do.  There  is  no  historical  basis  that  justifies  making  Roland 
the  sister's  son  of  Charlemagne,  but  as  we  shall  see,  there  is  a 
sociological  justification;  nor  is  there  anything  but  poetic  in- 
foi-mation  as  to  the  connection  between  the  other  oncles  and 
nephews  of  the  Chansons.  The  only  historical  reference  to 
Roland  is  found  in  Eginhard,  who  states  that  he  was  a  prefect 
of  the  Marches  of  Brittany,  and  perished  in  the  battle  at 
Roncevaux  in  Navarre.^-^  The  entii'e  poetic  theme  is  evidently 
a  pure  invention,  but  it  is  not  a  violent  and  phenomenal  use 
of  arbitrary  methods,  but  rather  the  easiest  way  of  making  in- 
telligible to  an  audience  relations  which,  thus  characterized, 
were  natural  in  the  eyes  of  the  mediaeval  world.  And  what 
applies  to  Charlemagne  and  Roland  applies  equally  well  to  all 
the  others. 

Some  credence  has  been  attached  to  a  certain  legend  of 
Roland's  birth  which  makes  him  the  son  of  Charlemagne  by 
his  own  sister,  as  an  explanation  of  the  position  which  he  oc- 
cupies in  the  mediaeval  epic.  But  this  would  not  account  for 
the  similar  poetic  treatment  of  so  many  other  nephews;  how- 
ever, it  must  be  considered.  Among  the  many  scandalous 
legends  which  grew  up  soon  after  the  death  of  the  historical 
Charlemagne  was  one  which  attributed  to  him  incestuous  inter- 
course with  his  sister  Gille  or  Berte,  as  a  result  of  which  she 
gave  birth  to  Roland  shortly  after  her  marriage  to  Milon.^-^ 
This  legend  appears  not  to  have  been  so  current  as  one  which 
attributed  to  the  Emperor  a  great  sin,  not  specified,  but  one 
which  tomiented  his  conscience  so  grievously  that  he  found  no 
peace  in  life.  None  of  the  early  French  epics  makes  use  of  this 
legend  of  Roland's  birth,  although  in  Huon  de  Bordeaux  there 

125  Eginhard,  Vie  de  L  'Empereur  Charles,  trans,  from  the  Latin 
by  A.  Tenlet,  p.  14. 

126  This  matter  is  discussed  in  detail  by  Gaston  Paris,  Histoire 
Poetique,  pp.  378  ff.,  and  in  his  Introduction  to  La  Vie  de  Saint- 
Gilles,  p.  Ixix  ff. 


214  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

is  a  reference  to  an  unconfessed  sin  which  prevents  the  Em- 
peror from  drinking  out  of  the  magic  cup  of  Auberon,  a  cup 
to  be  used  only  by  the  pure  and  sinless.^-'^  The  Karlamagnus- 
Saga,  the  prose  romance  of  Berte,  and  the  Chronique  de  Wei- 
henstephan  all  mention  the  first  theory  as  stated  above  as  the 
sin  of  the  Emperor,  while  the  author  of  Tristan  de  Nanteuil 
arrives  at  the  same  conclusion  as  does  the  Icelandic  saga,  only 
he  states  it  hypothetically : 

Le  peche  fu  orribles,  on  ne  le  sot  neant; 
Mais  ly  aucun  espoirent,  et  tons  ly  plus  sachant, 
Que  ce  fut  le  peche  quant  engendra  Roulant 
En  sa  sereur  germaine,  se  va  on  esperant; 
Car  il  n'est  nul  qu'au  vrai  vous  en  voit  reeordant ; 
Mais  ensement  le  vont  plusieurs  signiffiant.^ 
(Ms.  Bib.  Imp.  75535,  fol.  311  v°)  ^^s 

This  fourteenth  century  poem  is  of  so  late  origin  that  the  adop- 
tion of  a  legend  which  the  other  epics  disregard  may  indicate 
that  by  that  time  it  seemed  necessaiy  to  justify  or  rather  to  ac- 
count for  an  affection  which  the  earlier  poems  found  perfectly 
natural  between  an  uncle  and  a  sister's  son.  The  compiler  of 
the  Beali  di  Francia  had  heard  of  this  legend,  and  indignantly 
dismisses  it  as  untrue: 

"  Carlo  lo  amava  tanto  ehe  lo  teneva  come  suo  proprio 
figliuolo  adottivo,  intantoche  volgarmente  fu  detto  che  Orlan- 
dino  era  figliuolo  di  Carlo,  la  qual  cosa  e  contraria  al  vero;  e 
amaval  il  re  per  la  sua  virtu  e  perche  lo  vedeva  valeroso  dell' 
animo  e  della  persona."  ^-^ 

a  The  sin  was  horrible ;  it  was  not  known  at  all ;  /  But  some 
surmise,  and  all  the  most  learned,  /  That  it  was  the  sin  when  he 
begot  Roland  /  Upon  his  sister,  so  they  surmise.  /  For  there  is  none 
who  goes  reporting  this  to  you  for  a  certainty,  /  But  several  go 
thus  indicating  it. 

127  Euon  de  Bordeaux,  10217  ff. 

128  Cited  in  Histoire  Poetique,  p.  381,  and  in  La  Vie  de  Saint 
Gilles,  p.  CIX. 

i^Q  Beali  di  Francia,  ed.  of  Gamba  (1821),  p.  479. 


THE   SISTER'S   SON  215 

Another  question  arises,  whether  the  poets  may  not  intend  to 
imply  sometimes  that  the  paternity  of  their  heroes  is  so  uncer- 
tain that  a  man's  affection  turns  from  his  sons  to  his  sister's 
sons,  whom  he  knows  to  be  of  his  own  blood.  Although  doubt 
does  seemingly  exist  in  some  cases,  this  explanation  is  insuffi- 
cient on  general  grounds.  The  epic  father  occasionally  assever- 
ates his  belief  in  the  legitimacy  of  his  sons,  les  filz  de  nos  moil- 
liers,  and  occasionally  the  legitimacy  is  questioned.  Thus  for 
example  Ami  says  of  his  children:  De  moi  sont  il,  por  voir  le 
puis  conter^  {Amis  et  Amiles,  2938).  Charlemagne  becomes 
angiy  with  his  son  Louis  because  the  boy  does  not  display  the 
independent  spirit  which  he  expects  in  his  heir,  and  in  his 
violent  outburst  of  temper  he  casts  suspicion  upon  his  wife : 

Et  I'empereres  fu  moult  gi'ams  et  iriez. 
"  Ha  las !  "  dist  il,  "  com  oi  sui  engigniez ! 
Delez  ma  fame  se  coucha'^pautoniers 
Qui  engendra  cest  couart  heritier. 
Ja  en  sa  vie  n'iert  de  moi  avanciez : 
Qui  en  f eroit  roi  ce  seroit  pechiez."  ^ 
{Couronnement  Louis,  91) 

Much  the  same  attitude  is  taken  by  Aymeri,  who  vows,  when 
his  wife  Hermanjart  sends  money  to  assist  her  exiled  sons  upon 
their  way,  that  if  they  accept  this  gift  they  are  not  his  off- 
spring : 

"  Jes  proverai,  angois  que  past  le  jor, 

S'il  a  en  eulx  ne  bonte  ne  valor. 

Se  I'avoir  prannent,  par  Dieu  le  mien  segnor, 

Je  dirai  bien,  qui  qo  tiengne  a  iror. 

Que  i  sont  filz  d'aucun  losanjeor 

Que  avec  vos  cochastes  par  folor. 

a  Mine  they  are,  I  can  state  it  in  truth. 

b  The  Emperor  was  much  grieved  and  angry.  /  ' '  Alas ! ' '  said  he, 
* '  how  I  am  deceived  today !  /  With  my  wife  lay  some  varlet,  /  Who 
begot  this  cowardly  heir.  /  Never  in  his  life  will  he  be  advanced 
by  me;  /If  one  should  make  him  king,  it  would  be  a  sin. 


216  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Mes  s'il  ranvoient  les  mulez  sans  demor 
Et  il  batoient  les  sergenz  par  fieror, 
Tant  que  livre  fussent  a  grant  dolor, 
Donques  diroie,  par  Dieu  le  criator, 
Qes  angendra  Aymeri  le  contor, 
Cil  de  Nerbone  a  la  fiere  vigor, 
Si  sanbleront  de  cuer  et  de  valor 

A  nostre  fier  linage."^ 

{Narhonnais,  774) 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  insulted  sons  do  send  back  the  money 

and  refuse  all  assistance  from  the  father  who  had  banished 

them,  and  old  Aymeri,  delighted,  embraces  his  wife  and  cries: 

"  Dame,"  f  et  il,  "  or  sai  de  veritez 

Qu'i  sont  mi  fil  et  ques  ai  angendrez."^ 

{Narbonnais,  923) 

Such  outbursts  are  not  to  be  taken  seriously;  the  suspicion  is 
not  a  direct,  but  a  hypothetical  one,  and  yet  we  may  conclude 
that  such  doubts  would  be  justifiable  in  some  cases,  to  judge  by 
the  demeanor  which  the  poet  chooses  to  attribute  to  the  many 
amorous  ladies  of  the  Chansons. '^^^  A  notable  instance  is  found 
in  a  curious  passage  of  the  Chanson  des  Saisnes  (LXXIV- 
LXXVI),  in  which  there  is  a  detailed  account  of  the  wanton- 
ness of  the  barons'  wives  who  remain  at  Saint-Hubert  during 

a ' '  I  shall  test  them,  before  the  day  be  past,  /  If  there  be  in  them 
either  merit  or  valor.  /  If  they  take  the  money,  by  my  Lord  God,  / 
I  shall  surely  say,  whoever  may  consider  it  is  in  passion,  /  That 
they  are  sons  of  some  flatterer,  /  With  whom  you  lay  through 
folly,  /  But  if  they  send  back  the  mules  without  delay,  /  And  beat 
the  servants  through  passion,  /  So  that  they  should  be  given  up  to 
great  pain,  /  Then  I  would  say,  by  God  the  Creator,  /  That  Aymeri 
the  Count  begot  them,  /  He  of  Narbonne  of  the  terrible  vigor,  / 
And  that  they  will  resemble  in  courage  and  in  valor  /  Our  bold 
race." 

f  Lady,"  quoth  he,  ''now  I  know  in  truth,  /  That  they  are 
my  sons  and  that  I  begot  them. ' ' 

130  cf.  Gautier,  Epopees  Frangaises,  Vol.  Ill,  passim. 


THE   SISTEE'S   SON  217 

the  Saxon  war,  disporting  themselves  with  the  squires  and  the 
menials  of  the  army. 

All  these  tentative  explanations  are  insufficient  to  account  for 
the  persistence  with  which  the  uncle-nephew  relations  are  de- 
veloped throughout  the  epic,  and  there  is  really  no  internal 
evidence  that  gives  the  reason.  Our  difficulty  in  projecting 
ourselves  into  the  spirit  of  the  period  is  only  increased  by  an 
examination  of  the  bare  facts  of  the  epic,  piled  one  upon  the 
other  in  crude  colors  which  give  no  subtle  distinction  to  the 
various  nephews,  no  plastic  quality  to  any  individual,  but 
serve  only  to  accentuate  the  phenomenon.  And  yet  it  is  not  an 
isolated  phenomenon :  the  same  treatment  of  the  sister^s  son  is 
found  in  the  Arthurian  legends,  in  Germanic,  Celtic,  even  in 
Indo-Iranian  folklore,  and  these  various  manifestations  cor- 
respond so  closely  to  certain  phases  of  that  primitive  state  of 
society  known  as  the  Matriarchal  System  that  we  are  but  fol- 
lowing the  line  of  least  resistance  in  seeking  in  Mother-right 
the  explanation  of  the  curious  aspect  of  family  life  which  we 
have  been  obser%'ing  in  the  French  epic. 

(h)  In  Other  Branches  of  Literature 

Although  the  relations  between  nephew  and  maternal  uncle 
are  not  to  so  great  an  extent  an  integral  part  of  the  romances 
of  the  Arthurian  cycle  as  of  the  legends  of  the  French  epic, 
they  nevertheless  play  a  part  of  considerable  impoi-tance.  It 
is  obviously  unnecessary  here  to  go  into  the  minute  details  that 
have  been  examined  in  the  epic,  and  a  very  recent  article  by 
Professor  Nitze,  which  calls  attention  to  the  frequent  appear- 
ance of  the  theme  in  the  Grail  legend,  while  it  anticipates  some 
statements  that  would  otherwise  be  made  here,  is  an  excellent 
reference  for  this  phase  of  the  subject.^^^  The  emphasis 
which  the  position  of  maternal  uncle  is  given  in  the  Perceval  le 
Gallois  of  Chretien  is  much  greater  than  in  the  later  German 
version  of  Parzival  by  "Wolfram  von  Eschenbach,  and  many 

131  W.  A.  Nitze,  ''The  Sister's  Son  and  the  Conte  del  Graal,'* 
reprinted  from  Modern  Philology,  IX,  No.  3,  January,  1912. 


218  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

details  of  the  earlier  poem,  such  as  the  neglect  to  mention  the 
father's  name  and  the  introduction  of  numerous  relatives  on 
the  mothei'^s  side,  combine  to  accentuate  the  importance  of 
matrilinear  descent  in  the  legend.  The  Grail  King  is  the 
maternal  uncle  of  Perceval,  as  is  also  the  Henaiit;  Professor 
Nitze  remarks  that  "  a  closer  male  relative  Perceval  could  not 
have  had."  The  article  gives  also  confirmatoiy  testimony  from 
other  romances;  Tristan  is  the  sister's  son  of  King  Mark,  so 
that  his  betrayal  of  his  uncle  is  made  to  appear  all  the  blacker : 

"  Dex !     Tant  m'amast  mes  oncles  chiers, 
Se  tant  ne  fusse  a  lui  mesf ait."  * 

{Tristan,  version  of  Beroul,  vs.  2170) 

So  in  the  Boman  de  Brut,  the  author  denounces  Mordred's 
betrayal  of  his  uncle  Arthur: 

Oies  quel  honte  e  quel  vilte; 
Ses  nies,  fils  sa  seror  estoit.^ 
{Brut,  13422) 

In  Partenopeus  de  Blots,  the  King's  nephew  is  dearer  to  him 
than  his  own  son: 

Un  sien  neveu  avoit  li  rois, 

Cuens  fu  d'Angiens  et  cuens  de  Blois; 

Fils  ert  Lucrece  sa  seror. 

Li  rois  I'amoit  de  tel  amor 

Que  nis  son  fil  de  sa  moillier 

N'avoit  il  de  nient  plus  chier.^ 

{Partenopeus,  ed.  Crapelet,  I,  p.  19)  ^^^ 
a '  <  God !  So  much  would  my  dear  uncle  have  loved  me,  /  If  I  had 
not  wronged  him  so  much." 

bHear  what  shame  and  what  vileness;  /His  nephew,  his  sister's 

son  was  he. 

c  The  king  had  a  nephew,  /  Count  was  he  of  Angers  and  Count 
of  Blois ;  /  He  was  son  to  Lucrece  his  sister.  /  The  king  loved  him 
with  such  love  /  That  not  even  his  son  by  his  wife  /  Did  he  hold 
dearer  in  any  wise. 

132  Professor  Nitze  states  also  that  the  obligation  of  vengeance 


THE   SISTER'S   SON  219 

The  resemblance  has  been  noted  often  between  the  sinister 
legend  of  Roland's  birth  and  the  story  that  Mordred  is  Arthur's 
son  by  his  sister;  in  the  Beowulf,  too,  Fitela  is  Sigemund's  son 
by  his  sister  Sig-ny,  states  Dr.  Hart  in  his  Ballad  and  Epic. 

An  equally  close  connection  between  uncle  and  nephew  is 
discussed  by  Professor  Gummere  in  his  article  on  the  sister's 
son  in  the  English  and  Scottish  popular  ballads,  in  which  we 
see  that  many  of  the  popular  heroes  are  sister's  sons,  and  that 
the  maternal  uncle  frequently  stands  in  the  place  of  a  father 
to  them.^2^  Professor  Gummere  concludes  that  these  survivals 
point  to  a  primitive  law;  the  ballads  show  traces  of  the  older 
family  system  together  with  the  new,  in  which  the  son  is  of 
more  account,  but  in  the  earlier  w^orks  preference  is  clearly 
given  to  the  sister's  son.  Near  the  end  of  Chevy  Chase  we 
find: 

Sir    Davye    Tindale    that    worthe    was. 

His  sister's  son  was  he.    ■ 

In  the  Beowulf  much  weight  is  given  to  the  relationship  of 
Beowulf  to  his  maternal  uncle  Hygelac,  and  to  his  claims  upon 
him  by  virtue  of  that.  The  sister's  son  is  introduced  continu- 
ally in  Layamon's  Brut.  In  Malory's  Morte  d' Arthur  there 
are  many  sister's  sons  of  greater  or  less  importance  in  the 
stoiy;  Arthur's  nephews  Mordred  and  Gawain  of  course  are 
the  most  prominent;  in  the  popular  ballads  about  Arthur,  too, 
much  mention  is  made  of  the  sister's  son. 

is  brought  out  in  Chretien's  Yvain,  and  cites  the  verses  addressed 
by  Yvain  to  Calogrenant,  588  ff. 

''Car  se  je  puis  et  il  me  loist, 
J'irai  vostre  honte  vangier. " 
There  seenis  to  be  no  indication  that  this  applies  to  a   nephew, 
however,  for  the  statement  of  Yvain  in  582  is: 
''Vos  estes  mes  cosins  germains, 
Si  nos  devons  mout  antramer. " 
Unless  the  relationship  is  indicated  more  clearly  in  other  poems,  it 
would  seem  best  to  interpret  cosins  as  '  cousins. ' 
133  The  Furnivall  Miscellany,  pp.  133-149. 


220  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Dr.  Mun^ay  Potter,  in  his  valuable  book  on  combats  between 
father  and  son,  refers  incidentally  to  many  cases  in  mediaeval 
and  in  ancient  literature  where  the  maternal  uncle  takes  charge 
of  the  rearing  of  the  child,  who  afterwards  avenges  his 
death.134 

Besides  these  three  studies  which  treat  of  the  sister's  son  as 
a  literary  theme,  taking  up  the  examination  of  a  limited  phase 
of  the  question,  many  writers  on  Sociology  have  had  occasion 
to  refer  to  the  frequent  appearance  of  the  sister's  son  in  other 
lands;  as  the  majority  of  such  writers  have  been  Germans,  it 
is  natural  that  they  should  refer  particularly  to  the  oldest  Ger- 
manic traditional  literature.  It  has  been  shown  that  both  in 
the  oldest  monuments  and  in  the  later  poems  of  the  Middle 
Ages  there  is  an  uncommonly  intimate  relation  between  uncle 
and  sister's  son.^^^  The  uterine  uncle  supervizes  the  education 
of  his  nephews,  who  sometimes  bear  his  name  and  after  his 
death  occupy  his  position.  Both  the  older  Edda  and  the 
Nibelungenlied  consider  it  the  worst  crime  against  a  child  to 
slay  his  maternal  uncle.^^^  According  to  Bachofen,  the  story 
of  the  Nibelungs  shows  plainly  a  transition  from  the  old  uter- 
ine relationship  to  the  one  based  upon  the  claims  of  marriage ; 
the  peculiar  position  in  which  the  uncle  stands  with  regard  to 
his  sister's  son  is  of  course  dependent  upon  the  close  tie  be- 
tween brother  and  sister.^^T  j^  ^he  Edda  we  find  Gudrun 
avenging  her  brother,  who  has  been  killed  by  her  husband; 
Chriemhild,  too,  takes  sides  with  her  brother,  while  in  the  later 
Nibelungenlied  the  struggle  in  Chriemhild's  soul,  the  combat 
between  her  love  for  her  brothers  and  that  for  her  husband, 
culminates  in  her  instigating  the  murder  of  the  former,  who 
have  killed  her  husband  Gunther.  The  story  of  Ortnifs  Braut- 
fahrt,  which  is  rather  late,  has  many  ancient  characteristics, 
showing,  as  Dargun  says,  that  popular  views  and  customs  last 

134  SoJirab  and  Bustem,  passim;  also  Appendix  C. 

135  L.  Dargun,  Mutterrecht  und  Bauhehe,  p.  54  ff. 

136  M.  Kovalevsky,  Origines  de  la  Famille,  p.  33. 

137  J.  J.  Bachofen,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  I,  170  ff. 


THE   SISTER'S   SON  221 

much  longer  than  the  practises  prescribed  by  law,  and  that 
their  most  trivial  features  sometimes  perv^ade  later  literature.^^^ 
Bachofen  devotes  many  chapters  of  his  Antiquarische  Brief e 
to  a  study  of  the  uncle  and  sister^s  son  relations  in  Greek  and 
Latin  mythology;  the  uncle  takes  the  place  of  the  father,  and 
we  find  a  triangular  family  consisting  of  mother,  son,  and 
mother's  brother.  Dr.  Potter  has  pointed  out  that  the  epic 
theme  of  a  combat  between  father  and  son  and  the  intimacy 
of  uncle  and  nephew  frequently  go  hand  in  hand  in  these  early 
mji;hs:  the  son  is  brought  up  by  the  maternal  uncle  (the 
mother  ha^dng  been  deserted  by  the  father,  who  has  had  only 
temporary  relations  with  her),  and  on  setting  out  into  the 
world  he  comes  across  his  father,  with  whom  he  fights.  Bach- 
ofen points  out  that  this  family  relation  rests  upon  an  actually 
existing  state  of  society,  and  that  its  appearance  in  legendary 
literature  is  not  an  invention  of  the  fancy.  In  the  Maha- 
hharata,  the  story  of  Astika  brings  out  the  importance  of  the 
maternal  uncle  as  guardian  and  educator  of  the  child. ^^^  In 
the  Daedalus  myth  of  ancient  Greece,  the  most  important  phase 
is  the  continuation  of  the  family  through  the  sister;  this 
feature  rests  upon  an  ancient  order  which  the  later  Greeks  had 
forgotten,  but  the  tradition  of  which  they  piously  kept  up.^**^ 
He  gives  parallels  to  this,  taken  from  the  Vishnu  Purana,  the 
story  of  Brikaspati,  the  story  of  Narada,  the  story  of  Krish- 
na's birth.  The  popular  traditions  of  the  Maori  all  rest  upon 
the  sacredness  of  the  tie  between  uncle  and  nephew,  just  as  the 
Indian  and  some  of  the  Greek  myths  do.^^^  The  important 
feature  of  these  epic  legends  is  that  they  show  the  predomi- 
nance of  the  avunculate  as  a  sentimental  survival  after  its 
legal  rights  have  disappeared;  the  Indian  myths  in  particular 
show  the  struggle  between  the  declining  maternal  and  the  ris- 
ing paternal  authority,  ending  of  course  in  the  complete  vic- 

138  MutterrecJit  und  Bauhelie,  p.  56. 

139  Bachofen,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  1,  57. 

140  Antiquarische  Brief e,  1,  118. 
"i^^T- Antiquarische  Brief e,  1,  204. 


222  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

tory  of  father-right.  The  French  epic  exhibits  the  same  un- 
conscious struggle,  as  we  have  seen,  in  which  the  secure  position 
of  the  father  as  head  of  the  family  is  still  not  able  to  impair 
the  sentimental  value  of  the  maternal  uncle.  The  old  Irish 
legends,  too,  show  the  same  predominance  of  the  maternal 
uncle,  particularly  as  the  foster-parent  of  the  nephew;  Cuchu- 
lain,  for  example,  is  the  sister's  son  of  Conchobar,  and  is  under 
his  protection. ^^-  Thus  it  is  evident  from  these  few  preuves 
a  Vappui  that  other  literatures  add  to  the  testimony  of  the 
French  epic. 

In  Italian  literature  the  relationship  is  not  made  strikingly 
apparent;  the  adaptations  even  of  the  French  Chansons  de 
Geste  make  much  less  of  uncle  and  nephew  than  do  the  orig- 
inals, and  when  the  relationship  is  indicated  at  all,  it  is  entirely 
subordinated  to  the  narrative,  whereas  in  the  French  epic  the 
stoiy  is  often  sacrificed  to  the  sentiment.  And  yet  the  influ- 
ence of  the  old  tradition  is  felt  at  times ;  although  in  the  Italian 
version  of  the  Narbonnais  the  relationship  itself  is  of  far  less 
importance — or  at  least,  if  he  had  it  in  mind,  Andrea  da  Bar- 
berino  did  not  continually  harp  upon  the  fact  as  did  the  French 
poets — the  role  of  the  nephew  is  such  that  at  times  he  is  the 
leading  character.  For  instance,  the  loyalty  and  devotion  of 
Bertrand  to  his  uncle  Guillaume  forms  so  stout  a  thread  run- 
ning all  through  the  Nerhonesi  that  Bertrand  rather  than  Guil- 
laume appears  the  hero.  At  the  festivities  in  connection  with 
the  Coronation  of  Louis,  Bertrand  distinguishes  himself  at  a 
tournament  by  combatting  and  overpowering  several  of  his 
uncles. ^*^  In  the  story  of  the  siege  of  Orange,  Bertrand 
escapes  from  the  city,  where  Guillaume  has  been  besieged  for 
seven  years,  and  goes  in  search  of  aid.  Applying  to  his  father, 
he  is  refused,  and  in  his  anger  he  soundly  reprimands  Bernart 
in  a  tirade  magnificently  worded : 

"  0  ingrato,  e  dimentico,  non  mi  chiamare  figliuolo,  ch'io  non 
t'appello  mai  piu  per  padre,  che  doveresti  essere  da  tutti  i 

142  Eleanor  Hull,  The  Cuchullin  Saga,  p.  18. 

143  Nerhonesi,  1,  361  ff. 


cristiani  perseverato   . 

caceiato  !     lo  non  sonc 

desti  la  guanciata  a  Pa^ 

peccato,  io  ti  farei  prova 

non  ti  raccorda  quando  fu. 

e  Guglielmo  ti  riscosse,  e  g 

noria  acquistati  tu  mai?     Ox 

Sappi  ch'egii  e  molto  da  piii  Qj. 

ferse  se  medesimo  in  avere,  e  in  pei 

sangue  nerbonese;  la  quale  eolonna,  s 

nostro  nome  de'  Nerbonesi  ?     Morto  Giiglieiiuv 

Ora  ti  rimani,  cli'io  ti  giiiro  per  la  fe,  la  qu. 

Guglielmo,  e  a  dama  Tiborga,  e  per  la  fe,  ch'io 

Aluigi,  che  se  Guglielmo  iscampa  di  tanta  fortuna,    . 

sia  nelle  battaglie  in  suo  aiuto,  ebe  noi  non  ti  lascieremo  ta 

di  terra  che  tu  possi  avere  sepoltura !  ^** 

Continuing  bis  march,  be  kills  a  man  who  opposes  the 
expedition  which  King  Louis  proposes  for  the  relief  of  Guil- 
laume.^*^  These  episodes  are  from  a  French  source — for 
example,  in  the  Enfances  Vivien,  Louis  suggests  such  an  expe- 
dition— so  that  we  can  see  here  the  failure  of  the  Italian 
mind  to  grasp  the  whole  significance  of  the  quality  of 
nephew,  while  at  the  same  time  realizing  the  dramatic  possibil- 
ities of  the  relations  between  him  and  the  uncle.  It  is  to  be 
doubted  that  a  tirade  like  the  above  could  be  found  in  the 
French  epic,  on  ~ the  same  theme,  that  is,  without  the  word 
'  uncle '  being  once  used !  ^*^ 

In  Spanish  literature  we  find  two  noteworthy  additions  to  our 
illustrations ;  in  the  story  of  the  Siete  Infantes  de  Lara,  it  is  the 
maternal  uncle  who  kills  the  seven  children,  and  this  relation- 
ship makes  his  crime  appear  all  the  more  horrible;  in  the  early 
cantares,  Bernaldo  del  Carpio  was  a  sister's  son  of  Charlemagne, 
and  in  the  working  over  of  the  legend  becomes  of  the  same 

144  Nerbonesi,  I,  pp.  452-3. 

145  Nerbonesi,  1,  pp.  459-469. 

146  These  are  at  least  the  impressions  produced  by  a  rapid  read- 
ing of  the  Reali  di  Francia  and  the  Nerbonesi,  to  which  it  was  not 
feasible  to  devote  the  care  used  in  searching  the  French  originals. 


•*»' '  jf 


# 


,-»■ 


5».on  -Paris  says  of  him : 
■pendant  a  Roland/'  ^*^ 
this  one  instance,  it  is 
-•al,  as  applied  by  Gaston 
,>roes  of  the  French  epic, 
0  intimately  with  those  of 
,Je  French  that  the  question  be- 
x'urther  into  the  origins.  Since  the 
.„  ^ed  be  one,  of  the  sister's  son  is  not  found 
.mance  languages  to  the  extent  that  it  is  in 
^.s  evident  that  a  Latin  origin  must  be  discarded, 
i  ve  parallels  which  Bachofen  discovered  in  the  early 
-C  myths.  Its  prevalence  in  the  Germanic  legends  indicates 
"a'  vei-y  close  connection  with  the  French,  and  the  tradition  of 
nephew-right  must  have  come  into  the  French  from  Germanic 
sources;  this  testimony  would  serve  to  corroborate  Professor 
Pio  Rajna's  theory  of  a  Germanic  origin  of  the  Chansons  de 
Geste,  but  on  the  other  hand,  Professor  Bedier's  recent  theory 
of  a  clerical  or  monastic  origin  along  the  mediaeval  pilgrimage 
routes  is  so  plausibly  stated  that  it  seems  advisable  not  to 
formulate  an  unequivocal  opinion  until  the  appearance  of  the 
final  volume  of  the  Legendes  Epiques,  in  which  we  are  prom- 
ised the  key  to  the  situation. 

147  Grober  's  Grundriss,  II,  2,  p.  392. 

148  Histoire  Foetique,  p.  205  ff. 


CHAPTER    V 

The  Prevalence  of  Mother-Right 

Just  bow  far  back  it  is  necessary  to  go  to  find  tbe  nepbew 
and  uncle  relation  prominent  in  real  life  is  not  easily  decided; 
it  is  likely  tbat  certain  elements  of  it  remained  even  in  tbe 
Merovingian  period,  since  we  find  tbat  it  occurs  in  one  form 
or  anotber  in  many  of  tbe  cbronicles  of  tbat  time.  Tbe  bis- 
tory  of  tbe  Merovingian  kings,  as  related  by  Gregory  of  Tours, 
affords  many  instances  of  close  relations  between  uncle  and 
nepbew  in  connection  witb  bostility  on  tbe  part  of  tbe  fatber, 
as  well  as  instances  wbere  tbe  dealings  were  of  a  sinister  kind. 
Tbe  importance  attacbed  to  tbis  relationsbip  was  remarked  by 
Montesquieu,  wbo  seems  to  bave  been  tbe  first  writer  to  trace 
tbe  situation  back  to  an  observ^ation  of  Tacitus  about  tbe 
ancient  Germans,  and  to  bim  tbis  affection  for  tbe  nepbew 
seems  peculiar.    He  comments: 

"  Je  trouve  les  semences  de  ces  bizarreries  dans  Tacite.  Les 
enfants  des  soeurs,  dit-il,  sont  cberis  de  leur  oncle  comme  de 
leur  propre  pere.  II  y  a  des  gens  qui  regardent  ce  lien  comme 
plus  etroit  et  meme  plus  saint,  ils  le  preferent  quand  ils  regoi- 
vent  des  otag'es.  C'est  pour  cela  que  nos  premiers  bistoriens 
nous  parlent  tant  de  Famour  des  rois  francs  pour  leur  soeur 
et  pour  les  enfants  de  leur  soeur.  Que  si  les  enfants  des  soeurs 
etoient  regardes  dans  la  maison  comme  les  enfants  memes,  il 
etoit  naturel  que  les  enfants  regardassent  leur  tante  comme  leur 
propre  mere."  ^*^ 

Tbe  ancient  chroniclers  were  interested  in  relating  onlv  wbat 
appeared  to  tbem  striking  or  unusual,  so  tbat  tbe  common  occur- 
rences of  life  escape  tbem  entirely ;  tbus  tbe  details  of  alliances 
between  imcle  and  nepbew,  so  frequent,  are  given  witbout  com- 

149  Montesquieu,  Esprit  des  Lois,  Livre  XVIII,  Chap.  XXII, 
p.  328  (edition  of  1820). 

16  225 


226  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

ment,  presumably  because  they  seemed  to  the  historians  very 
natural,  in  connection  with  discord  and  ill  treatment  on  the  part 
of  the  father.  Among  the  stories  which  bring  out  the  same  close- 
ness of  relations  that  appears  in  the  epic  is  that  of  the  affection 
of  Gregoire,  Bishop  of  Langres,  for  his  nephew  Attala,  and  his 
attempts  to  rescue  him  from  the  misery  he  was  enduring  as 
hostage  in  the  hands  of  Clovis.^^*^  Family  affection  receives 
so  little  attention  from  the  historians  of  those  tumultuous  times 
that  the  recording  of  it  is  noteworthy.  Childebert  and  Clotaire 
at  first  unite  against  their  nephew  Theodebert,  but  are  ap- 
peased with  presents,  and  Childebert  finally  sends  for  him, 
saying :  "  Je  n'ai  pas  de  fils,  je  desire  te  traiter  eomme  si  tu 
etais  le  mien."  ^^^  The  conspiracy  of  Chramne,  son  of  Clo- 
taire, against  his  father,  in  which  he  is  joined  by  his  uncle 
Childel^ert,  does  not  arouse  any  feelings  of  horror  on  the  part 
of  the  historian. ^°-  When  Gontran  adopts  his  nephew  Childe- 
bert, he  says:  "  S'il  me  vient  des  fils,  je  ne  te  regarderai  pas 
moins  eomme  un  d'entre  eux."  ^^^  Childebert  later  rejects  this 
alliance  and  combines  with  his  uncle  Chilperic,  who  makes  him 
his  heir.15*  The  Bishop  of  Nantes  brings  about  the  election  of 
his  nephew  as  his  successor  without  his  having  first  passed 
through  the  necessary  clerical  degrees.^^^  Gondowald  is  pre- 
sented to  his  uncle  Childebert  by  his  mother,  who  says :  "  Voila 
ton  neveu,  le  fils  du  roi  Clotaire;  eomme  son  pere  le  hait, 
prends-le  avec  toi,  car  il  est  de  ton  sang."  ^^^  In  another  story, 
the  royal  chamberlain,  who  has  been  accused  of  hunting  in  the 
royal  forest,  denies  it,  and  when  commanded  to  submit  to  the 
jugement  de  Bieu,  offers  his  nephew  to  combat  in  his  stead.^^'' 

150  Gregoire  de  Tours,  trans,  of  Guizot,  Bk.  Ill,  Chap.  15,  p.  142. 

151  ±ik.  Ill,  Chap.  23,  p.  154. 

152  Bk.  IV,  Chap.  16,  p.  187. 

153  Bk.  A',  Chap.  18,  p.  269. 

154  Bk.  VI,  Chap.  3,  p.  338. 

155  Bk.  VI,  Chap.  15,  p.  362. 

156  Bk.  VI,  Chap.  24,  p.  370. 

157  Bk.  A,  Chap.  10,  p.  104. 


THE  PEEVALENCE  OF  MOTHEE-EIGHT  227 

When  Waroeh,  who  is  leading  the  Bretons  and  the  Saxons  in 
an  attack  on  Nantes  and  Rennes,  makes  peace,  he  offers  his 
nephew  as  hostage :  "  J'aiirai  soin  d'accomplir  tout  ce  qu'or- 
donnera  le  roi,  et,  pour  que  vous  donniez  a  mes  paroles  une 
entiere  creanee,  je  vous  remettrai  mon  neveu  en  otage."  Un- 
fortunately for  the  nephew,  Waroeh  forgets  his  promise  of 
peace,  and  sends  his  son  to  attack  the  anny  on  its  retreat  to 
France.^^^ 

It  was  perhaps  this  last  illustration  that  suggested  Montes- 
quieu's reference  to  Tacitus,  who  says  in  the  Germania: 

"  Sororum  filiis  idem  apud  avunculum,  qui  apud  patrem, 
honor.  Quidam  sanctiorem  arctioremque  hunc  nexum  sanguinis 
arbitrantur,  et  in  accipiendis  obsidibus  magis  exisamt,  tanquam 
ii  et  animum  firmius  et  domum  latius  tenea.nt.  Heredes  tamen 
successoresque  sui  cuique  liberi ;  et  nullum  testamentum."  ^^^ 

Not  only  have  the  various  editors  of  Tacitus  commented 
abundantly  on  this  passage,  but  sociological  writers  as  well  con- 
sider  it  of  extreme  importance,  the  earlier  ones  attaching  great 
weight  to  each  statement,  the  later  ones  making  resei'\^ations. 
Andrew  Lang,  in  commenting  on  whether  the  Picts  were  Aryan 
or  non- Aryan,  says :  "  The  account  given  by  Tacitus,  also,  in 
the  Germania,  of  the  important  relationship  of  uncles,  and  of 
sister's  sons,  closely  resembles  what  we  are  told  about  the 
Pictish  family  system.  Yet  the  Germans,  if  anybody  is,  are 
Aryans.  .  .  .  On  such  delicate  points  the  evidence  of  Tacitus, 
whose  Germans  may  have  been  mixed  with  more  backward 
races,  is  not  very  strong,  it  may  be  urged."  ^^^  The  words  of 
Tacitus  would  indicate  that  the  bond  was  looked  upon  rather  as 
a  sentimental  one  than  in  a  legal  light,  so  that  this  was  not  a 
period  of  unmixed  Mother-right.  The  sociologists  have  shown 
that  this  preference  for  the  sister's  son,  which  is  one  of  the 
main  characteristics  of  the  matriarchal  state  of  society,  is  found 
only  where  Mother-right  prevails  or  has  once  prevailed,  so  that 

158  Bk.  X,  Chap.  9,  p.  102. 

159  Germania,  Book  XX. 

160  A.  Lang,  History  of  Scotland,  I,  13. 


228  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

the  existence  of  this  peculiar  bond  between  uncle  and  nephew 
in  itself  indicates  that  the  Germans  in  the  time  of  Tacitus  were 
passing  through  that  social  state.  Lippei*t  sums  up  the  situ- 
ation neatly : 

"  An  den  Resten  des  Neffenrechtes  erkennen  wir  in  unertriig- 
licher  Weise,  dass  auch  Germanen  und  Sklaven  nicht  allzulange 
vor  ihrer  Beriihrung  mit  dem  klassisehen  Kulturkreise  ihren 
Organisationen  noch  auf  dem  Boden  des  Mutterrechts  gestan- 
den  haben  miissen — ganz  in  Uebereinstimmung  mit  dem,  was 
uns  die  Alten  liber  Skythen  und  Sarmaten  melden."  ^^^ 

Although  the  development  of  a  legal  system  had  outstripped 
Mother-right,  unmistakable  traces  of  the  latter  remained  in  the 
minds  and  customs  of  the  people,  as  the  statement  of  Tacitus 
shows,  so  that  it  seems  to  be  clear  that  the  bond  among  the 
ancient  Germans  was  a  sentimental  one,  not  supported  by  the 
laws.^^2  The  mutual  obligation  of  vengeance,  the  uncle  as 
educator  or  guardian  or  administrator,  his  provision  of  a  wife 
for  the  sister's  son,  his  protection,  the  continuation  of  his  name 
or  his  office  by  the  nephew,  the  allusions  in  legends  to  the  fact 
that  "  jemand  sei  dieses  oder  jenes  Mamies  Schwestersohn 
gewesen," — all  these  points  are  in  close  connection  with  the 
situation  as  portrayed  in  the  French  Chansons  de  Geste,  and 
are  supported  by  Dargun  by  quotations  from  the  Scripta 
Historica  Islandica  and  from  Gregoiy  of  Tours'  Historia 
Francorum.  The  general  practise  of  fosterage,  particularly 
on  the  part  of  the  mother's  brother,  has  also  been  pointed  out 
by  Weinhold.^^^  Yet,  if  such  is  practically  the  situation  in 
the  oldest  Chansons  de  Geste,  how  much  more  frankly  matri- 
archal must  it  have  been  in  the  time  of  Tacitus ;  Dargun  seem- 
ingly does  not  give  sufficient  weight  to  the  length  of  the  inter- 
vening period.  Dargun's  attempt  to  strengthen  the  legal  as- 
pect of  the  problem  is  not  very  convincing,  in  that  the  develop- 

161  J.  Lippert,  KulturgescMcMe  der  Menschheit,  II,  56. 

162  Dargun,  Mutterrecht  und  Bmihehe,  pp.  21,  56  ff. 

163  K.  Weinhold,  Die  Beutschen  Frauen  in  dem  Mittelalter,  I, 
105;  Altnordisches  Lehen,  p.  285. 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  MOTHER-EIGHT  229 

ment  of  the  Salian  and  Ripuarian,  as  well  as  the  independent 
Thuringian,  laws  shows  the  original  inclusion  of  the  mother's 
family  alone,  Avith  the  gradual  inclusion  of  the  father's  family, 
in  the  matter  of  inheritance.^^*  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Ger- 
mans before  the  scission  must  have  passed  that  stage.  A 
recent  writer  on  the  subject  remarks  that  "la  legislation 
franque  avait  cette  superiorite  sur  le  droit  romain  de  ne  pas 
connaitre  cette  distinction  des  agnats  ou  parents  par  les  males 
et  des  cognats  ou  parents  par  les  femmes."  ^®^  Starcke  and 
Schrader,  too,  take  exception  to  Dargun's  views,  thinking  he 
goes  too  far.  Starcke's  statement  is  clear  and  satisfactory 
when  he  says  that :  "  Ce  sont  les  liens  de  la  sympathie  et  non 
ceux  du  droit  qui  rattachent  Fenfant  a  la  mere,  mais  nous  ne 
sortons  pas  pour  cela  de  la  f  amille  patriarchale."  ^^^  Thus  it 
is  clear  why  Tacitus  reports  the  close  connection  of  the  sister's 
son  as  a  sentimental  tie,  while  in  the  legal  question  of  inheri- 
tance the  own  son  comes  first.  Yet  we  cannot  deny  that  at 
an  earlier  period  matriarchy  must  have  prevailed  among  the 
Germanic  tribes.  Schrader's  evidence  is  wholly  linguistic:  in 
IndogeiTnanic  stems  a  name  for  the  paternal  uncle  was  first 
used,  which  was  then  applied  to  both  uncles,  while  at  a  much 
later  period  a  special  name  was  found  for  the  maternal  uncle. 
As  the  family  became  more  stable,  the  cognates  assumed  more 
importance,  and  the  mother's  brother  had  naturally  the  most 
responsible  position  in  the  family.  Schrader  admits  however 
that  probably  the  pre-Indogermanic  tribes  of  Europe  had  in 
part  the  custom  of  inheritance  from  mother's  brother  to  sister's 
son.^^"  If  it  is  tnie  that  there  was  originally  no  name  for  the 
mother's  brother,  his  explanation  is  unconvincing,  and  his 
attempt  to  push  farther  back  the  period  of  Matriarchy  is 
hardly   successful.     As  Andrew  Lang  says  in  his  article  on 

1^^  Mutt  err  edit  mid  Eauhehe,  p.  62  ff. 

165  C.  Galy,  La  FamilJe  a  VEpoque  Merovingienjie,  p.  138. 

166  c.  N.  Starcke,  La  Famille  Primitive,  p.  111. 

167  Schrader,    Prehistoric    Antiquities,    p.    369  ff. ;    Eeallexilcon, 
articles  Familie,  Oheim,  Miittcrrecht. 


230  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

'  Family  '  in  the  new  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  the  controversy 
is  still  alive ;  a  reasonable  hypothesis  seems  to  be  that  the  Ger- 
manic tribes  must  all  have  passed  through  a  period  of  Matri- 
archy at  some  time,  as  its  spread  was  clearly  very  general,  and 
that  the  change  into  the  patriarchal  family  was  so  gradual  a 
process  that  we  cannot  yet  determine  how  far  it  had  pro- 
gressed at  a  given  period;  since,  however,  the  vestiges  in  the 
legends  are  so  distinct,  it  seems  likely  that  the  family  organiza- 
tion at  the  time  of  Tacitus  must  have  been  even  more  decisively 
matriarchal  than  he  thought. 

Caesar  does  not  appear  to  have  observed  the  custom  of  pre- 
ferring or  fostering  the  nephew  among  the  Gauls;  he  does, 
however,  comment  upon  the  aloofness  of  the  father,  who  does 
not  peiTnit  his  sons  to  approach  him  openly  until  they  have 
reached  the  age  of  manhood. ^^^  In  Livy  there  is  perhaps  a 
trace  of  the  practise :  Ambigatus,  King  of  the  Bituriges,  we  are 
told  sent  a  large  surplus  of  his  tribe  away  to  Italy  to  found 
colonies,  under  the  leadership  of  his  sister's  sons,  Bellovesus 
and  Segovesus.^^^  It  is  of  some  importance  perhaps  that  the 
fact  of  their  being  sister's  sons  of  the  King  was  sufficiently 
current  to  have  passed  into  the  account  of  Livy. 

The  evidence  is  more  conclusive  in  other  sections  of  Europe 
as  to  the  continuation  of  the  matriarchate  or  its  remains. 
Among  the  Picts,  down  to  the  ninth  century,  the  sister's  son 
inherits  the  power,  after  the  brothers  of  the  Pictish  ruler; 
after  him  and  his  brothers  a  sister's  son  again  follows,  and  so 
on ;  it  is  said  that  the  King  was  not  allowed  to  marry,  and  that 
this  method  of  bequeathing  power  was  the  cause  of  their  finding 
marriage  unnecessary.^'^^ 

Celtic  history  shows  many  traces  of  Mother-right,  or  rather 
of  Nephew-right.  The  father's  lack  of  importance  in  a  senti- 
mental way  is  shown  by  the  general  practise  of  having  sons 

168  Gallic  War,  Book  VI,  Chap.  18,  19. 

169  Livy,  Book  V,  Chap.  34. 

170  Schrader's  Eeallexikon,  article  Mutterreclit ;  also  stated  by 
Andrew  Lang,  History  of  Scotland,  I,  5,  28. 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  MOTHEEr-EIGHT  231 

brouglit  up  out  of  the  paternal  house;  thus  fosterage  becomes 
the  closest  of  all  ties  among  the  Celts.^^^  When  the  sister^s 
son  or  the  maternal  uncle  was  killed,  the  duty  of  vengeance 
devolved  upon  the  other,  according  to  the  Ancient  Laws  of  Ire- 
land.^^-  According  to  the  old  law  of  northern  Wales,  the  son 
of  a  woman  by  a  stranger  from  across  the  sea  could  inherit 
from  maternal  relatives,  although  contrary  to  the  usual  practise, 
because  it  was  felt  that  the  stranger  brought  new  strength  into 
the  family,  and  that  the  nephew  would  thus  become  the  succes- 
sor of  the  grandfather.  These  facts  are  explained  by  D'Arbois 
de  Jubainviile  as  the  natural  influence  of  daughter  upon  father, 
sister  upon  brother,  niece  upon  uncle.^'^  The  father,  how- 
ever, had  the  power  of  life  and  death  over  the  sons,  as  in 
ancient  Gaul.^'*  The  Welsh  law  states,  with  regard  to  the 
inheritance  of  land,  that  if  the  eldest  son  be  dumb  or  deaf  or  an 
idiot,  "  the  next  in  age  has  it,  unless  there  be  a  brother's  son, 
or  a  son  to  a  nephew  the  son  of  a  brother,  or  a  male  of  equal 
right."  ^"^  Thus  w^e  find  the  right  of  succession  in  Celtic 
Britain,  but  aside  from  that,  nephew-right  seems  to  have  been 
in  Germany,  France,  and  Ireland,  more  a  matter  of  sentiment 
than  of  legal  provision.  But  what  we  know  of  ancient  laws 
and  customs  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  together  with  travel- 
lers' reports  from  the  most  remote  periods  down  to  our  own 
times,  combines  to  emphasize  the  rights  of  the  nephew  both 
legally  and  sentimentally. 

Strobaeus  relates  that  the  Ethiopian  kings  left  their  power 
not  to  their  own  but  to  their  sister's  children.^'^  Herodotus, 
Strabo,   and  Nicholas   of  Damascus   all   give  the   same   testi- 

171  R.  Dareste,  Etudes  d'Histoire  de  Droit,  p.  361;  P.  W.  Joyce, 
Social  History  of  Ancient  Ireland,  II,  17. 

i'^2  H.  D'x^rbois  de  Jubainviile,  Cours  de  Litteratiire  Celtique, 
VII,  187. 

173  La  Famille  Celtique,  pp.  69,  71. 

174  G.  Dottin,  Manuel  de  I'Antiqidte  Celte,  p.  143. 

175  Laws  of  Wales,  ed.  of  Aneurin  Owen,  1841,  pp.  739-740. 

176  Cited  by  Bachofen,  Das  Mutterrecht,  p.  12. 


232  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

mony.^^^  Plutarch  says  that  the  Roman  matrons  prayed  to 
the  mother-god  Ino-Matula  to  bless,  not  their  sons,  but  their 
sister's  sons.^'^^  The  notion  of  the  relative  closeness  of  the  tie 
between  mother  and  children  and  father  and  children  is  seeiqi 
in  the  Athenian  legislation,  which  forbade  marriage  between 
children  of  the  same  mother,  while  permitting  it  between 
children  of  the  same  father.^'''^  The  Brahmin  codes  called 
Vishnu  and  Narada  recognized  the  rights  of  the  grand-father 
and  the  maternal  uncle  as  guardians;  it  was  allowable  to 
adopt  the  brother's  sons,  but  not  those  of  the  sisters,  because 
the  latter  were  considered  an  integral  part  of  the  family 
without  adoption.^^^  According  to  Pistorius,  the  eldest  mater- 
nal brother  was  the  head  of  the  Malay  family,  acting  as  the 
real  father  of  the  sister's  children,  while  his  possessions  went 
to  his  own  family,  and  never  to  his  wife's  family.^^^  The 
Bolognese  traveller  of  the  fifteenth  century,  Varthema,  reports 
that  the  kings  of  Calicut  appointed  the  sister's  son  as  heir  to 
the  throne,  being  sure  that  they  two  were  of  the  same  blood, 
while  owing  to  the  practise  of  defloration  of  brides  by  the 
Brahmin  priests,  paternity  was  always  uneertain.^^^  Guber- 
natis  relates  that  for  the  same  reason  the  second  son,  or  pre- 
ferably the  sister's  son,  became  heir  among  the  Nairs  of  Mala- 
bar in  the  period  from  the  thirteenth  to  the  sixteenth  centuries 
at  any  rate;  Barbosa  reports  the  same  thing.i^^ 

The  same  stories  are  reported  by  modern  travellers  from  all 
parts  of  the  world,  showing  that  mother-right  is  even  now  fairly 
wide-spread  among  uncivilized  tribes;  the  details  vary,  in  some 
places  the  uncle  and  nephew  relationship  assuming  more  prom- 

177  Cf .  Kovalevsky,  Tableau  des  Origines,  p.  19 ;  A.  Giraud- 
Teulon,  Origines  de  la  Famille,  pp.  32,  263,  with  cross-references 
to  Herodotus,  III,  29,  and  Strabo,  XVII,  822. 

178  Cited  by  Bachofen,  Bas  MutterrecM,  p.  12. 

179  Kovalevsky,  Tableau  des  Origines,  p.  36. 

180  Kovalevsky,  p.  37. 

181  Bachofen,  Antiquarisclie  Brief e,  1,  55. 

182  K.  Schmidt,  Jus  Primae  Noctis,  p.  32. 

183  Jus  Primae  Noctis,  p.  34. 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  MOTHER-EIGHT  233 

inence  in  the  blood  feud,  in  other  regions  in  the  matter  of  in- 
heritance, and  so  on.  These  accounts  are  reliable,  although 
the  state  of  society  they  represent  only  helps  us  to  determiue 
approximately  the  characteristics  of  the  primitive  family. 
"  The  beliefs  and  customs  of  civilized  peoples  contain  many 
survivals  of  beliefs  and  practises  that  still  exist  in  full  force 
in  savage  communities."  i^*  So  it  is  worth  while  to  collate 
some  examples  of  nephew-right  among  primitive  peoples  of 
modem  times  which  have  a  connection  with  those  fonns  of  ma- 
triarchy to  be  found  in  the  French  epic.  Many  of  the  details 
characterizing  mother-right  in  its  various  phases  find  no  placp 
in  its  survival  in  the  Chansons  de  Geste,  such  as  the  jus  primae 
noctis,  defloration  as  a  privilege,  the  couvade,  exogamy, 
although  there  is  perhaps  a  trace  of  the  last.  Generally  speak- 
ing, mother-right  appears  in  the  French  epic  in  the  form  of 
nephew-right. 

In  India,  among  the  Nairs  of  Malabar  at  the  present  time, 
the  sister's  children  grow  up  with  the  uncle  and  are  his  heii*s, 
while  he  is  a  stranger  to  his  own  children,  for  the  reason  that 
the  man  and  woman  after  maiTiage  continue  to  live  each  in  his 
own  family.^^^  Inheritance  nowadays  is  always  in  the  mater- 
nal line,  property  descending  first  to  the  sister,  then  to  the 
sister's  son,  etc.^^^  Among  the  Hindus  the  nephew  is  fre- 
quently adopted  by  the  uncle,  seemingly  in  order  to  reconcile 
the  ancient  uterine  system  with  that  of  direct  inheritance,  so 
that  now  in  the  Tanjaour  the  nephew  inherits  the  royal  power 
not  as  the  sister's  son,  but  as  the  son  of  his  uncle.^^''' 

In  Arabia  at  the  present  day  the  relations  between  a  man  and 
his  maternal  uncle  are  particularly  close  and  tender;  ^^^  there 
is,  too,  a  popular  belief  that  in  inheriting  the  property  of  his 

184  r.  H.  Giddings,  Principles  of  Sociology,  p.  209;  cf.  also 
p.  264. 

185  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  41. 

186  Schmidt,  p.  35. 

187  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  204,  note. 

188  Robertson  Smith,  Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia, 
p.  187. 


234  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

uncle,  lie  also  inherits  the  latter's  eharacter.^^^  In  a  note  to 
his  translation  of  the  Arabian  Nights,  Burton  writes  that: 
"  The  Arabs  also  hold  that  as  a  girl  resembles  her  mother,  so 
a  boy  follows  his  uncle  (mother's  brother)  ";  the  translator 
adds  that  he  himself  has  often  seen  this  resemblance.^^^ 

In  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  the  order  of  succession  through  the 
uterine  nephew,  as  pointed  out  by  Herodotus  and  Strabo  and 
by  the  Arab  writer  Abou-Selah,  is  still  observed  by  the  greater 
part  of  the  African  negroes.^^^  Abou-Selah  states  that  kin- 
ship among  the  Nubians  descends  to  the  sister's  son,  and  that 
they  trace  descent  in  the  female  line,  alleging  that  the  maternal 
nephew  is  iiTevocably  of  the  family.^^-  In  the  valley  of  the 
Nile,  until  recently,  the  ancestors  of  the  Biskra  tribe  reckoned 
genealogy  in  the  female  line,  and  property  descended  in  the 
same  way.^^^  In  the  Messoufah  tribe,  which  follows  the  teach- 
ings of  the  Koran,  children  are  named  after  the  maternal  uncle 
instead  of  the  father,  and  inherit  from  him.^^* 

In  China,  the  brother's  sons  are  still  called  '  my  sons,'  the  sis- 
ter's sons  '  my  nephews.'  ^^^  In  his  Systems  of  Consanguinity, 
Morgan  shows  in  a  long  chapter  on  the  topic  that  the  Chinese 
do  not  consider  the  two  sets  of  nephews  to  be  related  to  the 
uncle  in  the  same  degree. 

In  Thibet,  a  family  of  brothers  living  together  will  have  one 
wife  among  them,  but  the  eldest  brother  is  the  natural  head 
of  the  family  and  the  nurturer  of  the  children.^^^  It  is  said 
that  the  Shiva  of  Durdistan  have  no  other  name  for  uncle  and 
nephew  than  '  father,'  '  son.'  '^^'^ 

189  Potter,  Sohrab  and  Bustem,  p.  123. 

190  Burton's  Arabian  Nights,  1,  303,  note  1. 

191  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  32 ;  ef .  Quatremere,  Memoires  Geogra- 
phiques  sur  VEgypte. 

192  Kovalevsky,  p.  17. 

193  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  25. 

194  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  32,  note. 

195  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  117,  after  Morgan. 

196  Robertson  Smith,  p.  146. 

197  Bachofen,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  II,  152  ff. 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  MOTHEE-EIGHT  235 

In  the  region  of  the  Caucasus,  among  the  Pshaves,  a  moun- 
tain tribe  of  Georgia,  the  mother's  brother  acts  instead  of 
the  father  in  the  blood-feud,  avenging  the  nephew's  death,  or 
receiving  the  composition. ^^^  The  Ingousch  have  a  custom 
which  is  derived  from  an  ancient  mode  of  inheritance :  the 
nephew,  at  the  age  of  puberty,  invariably  demands  and  re- 
ceives from  his  maternal  uncle  the  gift  of  a  horse.^^^  The 
Chevsours,  another  tribe  of  the  Caucasus,  admit  of  no  other 
person  than  the  maternal  uncle  as  the  guardian  of  an  orphan. -"^^ 
Among  the  Kalmucks  there  exists  great  abuse  of  the  nephew- 
right  for  purposes  of  gain  or  for  political  influence,  and  the 
name  '  nephew  '  is  generally  synonymous  with  '  spendthrift.'  -*^^ 

In  Russia,  states  Kovalevsky,  "  this  close  tie  between  brother 
and  sister,  between  the  uncle  and  the  sister's  children,  still  ex- 
ists among  the  southern  Slavs."  -^-  He  explains  the  historical 
development  of  the  situation  as  follows: 

"According  to  the  old  Russian  law,  the  tie  which  unites  a 
man  to  his  sister  and  the  children  she  has  brought  into  the 
world,  was  considered  to  be  closer  than  that  which  unites  two 
brothers  or  the  [paternal]  uncle  and  his  nephew.  In  a  society 
organized  on  the  principle  of  agnatism,  the  son  of  a  sister  has 
no  reason  to  interfere  in  the  pursuit  of  the  murderer  of  his 
uncle.  The  brother  belongs  altogether  to  another  elan,  and  the 
duty  of  vengeance  falls  exclusively  on  the  persons  of  that  clan. 
But  such  is  by  no  means  the  point  of  view  of  the  old  Russian 
law,  recognizing,  as  it  does,  the  right  of  the  sister's  son  to  avenge 
the  death  of  his  uncle.  *  In  case  a  man  shall  be  killed  by  a 
man,'  decrees  the  first  article  of  the  Pravda  of  Yaroslav  (the 
lex  harb[ar]orum  of  the  Russians),  ^vengeance  may  be  taken 
by  a  son,  in  case  his  father  has  been  killed ;  by  the  father,  when 
the  son  falls  a  victim;  by  the  brother's  son  and  by  the  son  of  a 
sister.'  The  last  words  are  omitted  in  the  later  version  of  the 
Pravda,  a  fact  which  shows  the  increase  of  agnatic  organisa- 
tion, but  they  are  found  in  the  version  generally  recognized  as 
the  most  ancient." 

198  Kovalevsky,  p.  21. 

199  Kovalevsky,  p.  22. 

200  Kovalevsky,  p.  24. 

201  Bachofen,  Antiqiiarische  Brief e,  II,  91. 

202  M.  Kovalevsky,  Modern  Customs  and  Ancient  Lmvs,  p.  18. 


236  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

The  mass  of  similar  testimony  from  African  tribes  is  im- 
mense. Among  the  Berbers,  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister 
inherits  the  office  of  Sheik.^oa  In  the  Touareg  tribes  there  are 
several  interesting  practises:  property  acquired  by  individual 
work  descends  to  the  sons,  but  that  acquired  collectively  by  the 
family  goes  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister.^o*  The 
Touaregs  of  the  Messoufah  trace  their  genealogy  through  the 
mother's  brother,  as  do  the  Arabs,  who  also  give  the  child  his 
uncle^s  name,  rather  than  that  of  his  father.^^^  Among  the 
African  Barea  and  Kunama  the  nephew  and  the  maternal  uncle 
perform  vengeance  one  for  the  other,  while  neither  father  nor 
son  ever  takes  up  the  blood-feud  the  one  for  the  other.^*^® 
AjQong  the  Barea  and  the  Bazes  the  own  childern  never  inherit 
property,  but  it  descends  first  to  the  brother  by  the  same 
mother,  then  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister.^^'''  The  family 
system  of  the  Barea  and  the  Bayas  rests  wholly  upon  maternal 
kinship,  says  Kovalevsky.^^*  All  along  the  Guinea  coast  and 
in  some  interior  tribes,  the  Barea,  Bazes,  Vouamrima,  Kim- 
bundas,  Bassoutos,  the  mother's  brother  owns  the  children  out- 
right and  has  extraordinary  power  over  them.-^^  Among  the 
Bassoutos  in  particular  this  excessive  preponderance  of  the 
maternal  uncle  is  found,  and  the  children  of  polygamous  fam- 
ilies have  no  especial  dealings  with  their  f  ather.^^o  Among  the 
Ashango,  the  brother  inherits  property  and  rank ;  in  default  of 
a  brother,  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister.^^^     Among  the 

203  G.  Bonnet  Maury,  ' '  La  Femme  Musulmane  dans  1  'Af  rique 
Septentrionale  Fran§aise,"  Eevue  Bleue,  3  fevrier,  1906,  p.  135. 

204  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  168. 

205  Bachofen,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  II,  152. 

206  Hastings'  Encyclopedia  of  Beligion  and  Ethics,  article 
Blood-feud,  signed  by  L.  H.  Gray. 

207  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  34. 

208  Tahleau  des  Origines,  p.  18. 

209  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  162. 

210  E.  Westermarck,  Human  Marriage,  p.  108. 

211  Starcke,  La  Famille  Primitive,  p.  68. 


THE  PREVALENCE  OF  MOTHER-RIGHT  237 

Pantis,  the  eldest  sister's  son  succeeds  to  property  and  rank.^^^ 
In  some  tribes  of  Madagascar  the  sister's  son  inherits  property, 
political  office,  and  sometimes  priestly  functions.^^^  Among 
the  Baronga  close  relations  prevail' between  maternal  uncle  and 
nephew,  and  the  latter  has  numerous  claims  and  rights,  even 
to  that  of  inheriting  his  uncle's  widows.-^* 

In  Polynesia  the  evidence  of  present  Matriarchy  is  equally 
striking;  the  Malays  have  passed  through  this  stage  of  devel- 
opment within  historical  times.-^^  The  Malay  family  of  today 
consists  of  the  mother  and  her  children — the  father  is  an  out- 
sider.-^^  Spencer  points  out  kinship  through  the  females 
among  the  higher  Tahitians,  and  states  that  "  among  the  Ton- 
gas nobility  has  always  descended  by  the  female  line."  ^^^ 
In  the  Fiji  Islands  the  nephew  has  a  remarkable  part :  in  some 
regions  he  has  the  right  to  appropriate  to  his  own  use  as  much 
of  the  uncle's  property  as  he  may  desire,  but  this  power  is 
given  only  to  those  whose  uncle  has  lands  or  subjects.-^^  In 
Sumatra  the  succession  to  the  chieftainship  goes  to  the  sister's 
son,  as  does  property  in  general.- ^^ 

In  South  America  we  are  told  that  nephews  formerly  in- 
herited in  Peru,  except  in  the  case  of  the  Incas.^-^ 

In  North  America  the  same  practise  is  found  in  some  of  the 
Russian  possessions  in  the  Pacific,  as  well  as  among  various 
tribes  of  Indians.--^  The  family  is  sometimes  continued 
through  the  women,  the  father  not  passing  as  a  relative,  so  that 
the  nephew  is  more  cherished  than  the   son.^-^     Among  the 

212  Potter,  Solirab  and  Eustem,  p.  128. 

213  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  34. 

214  Hartland,  Primitive  Paternity,  II,  208. 
•215  Dargun,  p.  17. 

2ie  Westermarck,  p.  39. 

217  Spencer,  Sociology,  1,  698. 

218  Starcke,  p.  91  ff . ;  Bachof en,  Antiquarische  Brief e,  II,  97  ff. 

219  Spencer,  I,  699;   Giraud-Teulon,  p.  36. 

220  Spencer,  I,  710;  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  36;  Dargun,  p.  20. 

221  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  36;  Giddings,  p.  263. 

222  Dargun,  p.  15,  after  Lafiteau,  Moeurs  des  Sauvages  Ameri- 
cains,  1,  5^9. 


238  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Iroquois  Indians  power  and  property,  even  to  the  tomahawk, 
descended  from  the  chief  to  the  children  of  his  brothers  and 
sisters,  and  not  in  his  own  line.^-^  In  some  of  the  tribes  the 
Indian  regards  his  brother's  son  as  his  own,  his  sister's  son  as 
his  nephew,  while  the  woman  considers  her  brother's  son  her 
nephew  and  her  sister's  son  her  own;  the  same  nomenclature 
prevails  also  in  Hawaii.--*  In  British  Columbia  there  is  a 
tribe  (the  Kwakiutl)  in  which  the  maternal  system  has  but 
recently  become  merged  into  the  paternal. ^^^ 

223  Cf.  Spencer,  I,  698;  Giraud-Teulon,  p.  36,  after  Charlevoix, 
V,  395. 

224  Giraud-Teulon,  pp.  112^  91 ;  this  system  of  nomenclature, 
which  is  fairly  common,  is  best  studied  in  Morgan's  Systems  of 
Consanguinity. 

225  w.  J.  Thomas,  Sex  and  Society,  p.  84,  after  Professor  Boas. 


CHAPTER    VI 

Conclusion 

This  glorification  of  the  nephew  has  been  well  established 
by  the  sociologists  as  being  one  of  the  main  features  of  Matri- 
archy, and  its  characteristics  as  seen  in  the  myths  and  legends 
of  the  ancients  and  in  primitive  communities  of  various  parts 
of  the  modern  world  left  such  distinct  traces  upon  the  mediae- 
v/al  mind  that  they  pervade  the  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages. 
Its  manifestations  vary  in  different  societies,  the  more  prim- 
itive the  state  of  civilization,  the  looser  the  bond  between  hus- 
band and  wife  and  the  closer  the  tie  between  brother  and 
sister,  with  the  resultant  elevation  in  importance  of  the  sistei*'s 
children ;  -^^  in  a  later  state  of  society,  as  the  father's  functions 
and  authority  became  recognized  and  the  family  came  to  con- 
sist of  father,  mother,  and  children,  instead  of  mother,  mother's 
brother,  and  children,  the  jDaternal  uncle  assumed  a  position 
of  equal  prominence  with  the  maternal  uncle.  When  the  actual 
legal  rights  of  the  uncle  die  out,  we  find  that  traces  still  remain 
in  customs  and  legends  in  the  form  of  a  sentimental  survival. 
This  is  undoubtedly  the  situation  in  the  French  epic.     And  yet 

226  Cf.  the  occasional  dogma  of  the  epic  poet  with  regard  to  the 
affection  between  brother  and  sister: 

'  '■  Li  rois  i  doit  Blanceflor  corouner, 
Vostre  seror,  ki  molt  vos  doit  amer. ' ' 

(Aliscans,  ed.  Halle,  2548) 
N'i  ot  un  seul  ki  li  desist  salus, 
Nis  la  roine,  dont  asses  f u  veiis ; 
Ki  ert  sa  suer,  amer  le  delist  plus. 
(Aliscans,  2579) 
' '  Ains  aiderai  Oreble  od  le  vis  cler, 

Ele  est  ma  suer,  si  le  doi  molt  amer.'' 
(Aliscans,  3818) 

239 


240  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

it  is  doubtful  whether  the  poets  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  were  aware  of  the  importance  that  nephew-right 
assumes  in  their  compositions.  That  such  a  survival  can  exist 
without  its  being  apparent  is  evinced  by  the  contention  of 
Bachofen  that  vestiges  of  mother-right  remained  in  certain 
Latin  beliefs — and  yet  we  find  Tacitus  expressing  surprise  at 
the  emotional  aspect  of  the  uncle  and  nephew  relations  among 
the  Germanic  tribes;  Bachofen  claimed  that  among  the  ancient 
Etruscans  the  expression  nepos  luxuriosus  a  Tuscis  dicitur  in- 
dicates the  i^ampered  condition  of  the  sister's  son,  and  he  adds 
that :  "  Rom  verwandelte  die  Schwestersohnsf  amilie  in  die  vater- 
liche,  den  nepos  ex  sorore  in  den  nepos  ex  filio  vel  filia/'  ^-"^ 
What  is  certain  is  that  Roman  influence  affected  the  ancient 
supremacy  of  the  mother's  relatives  as  seen  in  the  Germanic 
tribes  to  the  extent  that  nothing  remained  of  it  in  the  Caro- 
lingian  period  except  the  tradition.  The  Salian  laws  show 
how  early  it  died  out.  The  Merovingian  chronicles  show  traces 
of  it  in  its  sentimental  aspect,  while  literature  proper  keeps 
it  up  and  makes  much  of  it  until  a  late  period. 

The  early  theories  of  Lubbock  and  von  Hellwald  that  the 
cause  of  such  predominance  of  the  sister's  son  in  primitive 
communities  was  uncertainty  of  paternity  due  to  early  com- 
munism in  women,  and  that  of  Bachofen  that  it  was  owing  to 
general  promiscuity  in  a  primitive  condition  of  society,  have 
been  displaced  by  that  of  Westermarck,  who  shows  conclusively 
that  it  was  the  inevitable  result  of  the  practise  of  Exogamy. 
And  Exogamy,  according  to  the  latest  writers  on  the  subject,  is 
the  natural  outcome  of  Totemism.  Uncertainty  of  paternity, 
although  in  some  communities  an  important  factor,  has  in 
general  far  less  effect  than  ignorance  of  the  principles  of  pater- 
nity; Hartland  has  shown  that  the  latter  was  one  of  the  main 
reasons  for  early  Matriarchy.  Since  motherhood  is  in  any 
state  of  society  the  strongest  of  all  ties,  little  wonder  that  the 
mother's  clan  assumed  such  importance  in  the  life  of  the  child- 
ren, when  Exogamy  was  so  generally  rendered  necessary  on  ac- 

227  Bachofen,  Antiquarisclie  Brief e,  II,  113. 


CONCLUSION  241 

count  of  the  strict  laws  of  Totemism.  In  primitive  tribes  of 
today  members  of  the  same  totem  are  forbidden  to  intermarry, 
the  children  are  of  the  same  clan  as  the  mother,  and  thus  the 
practise  of  tracing  descent  through  the  mother's  totem  is  a 
natural  outgrowth  of  mai-riage  outside  the  clan.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising to  find  a  hint  of  this  practise  of  marrying  outside  the 
clan  surviving  in  mediaeval  literature;  nearly  every  one  of  the 
French  epics  has  one  or  more  examples  of  a  French  hero 
mari-ying  by  elopement  or  by  consent  a  Saracen  maid,  and  the 
custom  in  poetry  at  least  is  so  common  that  it  may  be  con- 
sidered an  additional  manifestation  of  matriarchal  principles. 
Other  peculiarities  of  the  epic  show  that  nephew-right,  al- 
though the  most  important,  was  not  the  only  phase  of  prim- 
itive society  which  persisted  in  a  literary  form.  The  numerous 
allusions  to  the  conception  of  a  son  during  the  first  night  of 
union  suggests  many  of  the  ancient  folk-tales  related  by  Potter, 
in  which  a  couple  meet  by  chance  and  separate  the  next  day, 
the  woman  being  left  enceinte  with  a  son  who  later  seeks  his 
father;  this  theme  is  found  in  the  Arthurian  cycle  as  well. 
The  custom  of  Gastfreundschaft,  so  common  still  in  many 
primitive  tribes,  brings  about  the  same  result.--^  The  many 
allusions,  particularly  in  the  Aymeri  legends,  to  the  family- 
whole,  the  lignage,  suggest  also  the  days  when  the  individual 
was  not  an  entity,  but  one  of  a  group,  a  part  of  a  system.  The 
banding  together  of  a  vast  clan  to  avenge  the  common  honor 
was  pointed  out  by  Flach  as  illustrative  of  feudal  solidarity; 
in  the  epic  this  is  noticeable  particularly  in  the  Girart  de 
Vienne,  where  the  whole  family  take  up  arms  to  avenge  the 
dishonor  imposed  upon  Girart  by  the  Queen;  in  the  Benaut, 
where  a  numerous  kin  surrounds  the  four  sons  of  Aymon;  in 

228  Cf.  the  episode  of  Lutisse  in  Aiise'is  de  Cartage,  the  origin  of 
Baudidnet,  son  of  Ogier,  the  episode  of  Guischart  and  Fausete  in 
Foucon,  the  narrative  of  the  diversions  of  Garin,  Berart  and 
Eobastre  in  the  castle  of  Beaufort  in  Garin  de  Montglane,  and  the 
prediction  of  Elioxe  to  her  husband  in  the  Naissance  du  Chevalier 
au  Cygne. 
17 


242  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

the  banding  together  of  the  traitors  in  the  various  parts  of  the 
geste  devoted  to  them;  and  even  at  the  close  of  the  Roland, 
where  all  of  Ganelon's  relatives  take  up  his  defeuce.-^^  So 
that  on  the  whole,  the  nephew-manifestation  is  but  one,  albeit 
the  most  important,  of  several  ways  in  which  the  epic  connects 
itself  with  prehistoric  society. 

It  is  impossible  to  decide  how  much  is  a  matter  of  tradition 
in  the  Chansons  de  Geste,  and  how  much  represents  the  life 
and  thought  of  the  periods  in  which  they  were  composed.  The 
belief  of  Leon  Gautier  and  others  that  the  poems  are  an  exact 
picture  of  their  times  is  not  borne  out  by  the  present  examina- 
tion of  the  reciprocal  attitude  of  uncle  and  nephew.^^o  Unless 
corroborated  by  documents  which  by  their  nature  imply  the 
use  of  less  imagination  than  do  the  epic  poems,  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  assign  a  definite  period  to  the  decline  of  the  maternal 
uncle.  Although  Roman  influence  impaired  the  ancient  im- 
portance of  the  mother's  relatives  in  the  Germanic  tribes,  still 
that  importance  remained  long  enough  to  color  both  the  Ger- 
man and  the  Carolingian  epic;  that  the  fusion  of  paternal  with 
maternal  relatives  was  complete  as  early  as  the  sixth  century 
is  brought  out  in  Dargun's  discussion  of  the  Salian  and  the 
Ripuarian  laws.^^^  On  the  other  hand,  the  authority  of  the 
father  is  disregarded  in  the  French  epic,  and  we  find  a  striking 
conflict  of  two  forces,  in  which  the  survival  of  traditional  rela- 
tions seems  to  predominate  throughout  the  period  of  epic  bloom 
over  the  actual  state  of  family  life;  and  yet  we  are  told  that 
in  actual  life  through  the  feudal  period  the  relations  between 
father  and  son  were  based  rather  upon  allegiance  than  upon 
kinship  or  any  tie  of  affection :  "  Generalement  les  barons  du 
moyen  age  ne  temoignaient  pas  grande  affection  a  leurs  enf ants 
en  bas  age,  et  le  jeune  gargon  restait  jusqu'a  six  ou  huit  ans 
entre  les  mains  de  sa  mere  et  des  femmes  du  chateau."  -^^     jf 

229  Cf.  J.  Flach,  Origines  de  VAncienne  France,  II,  446  ff. 

230  Cf.  C.  V.  Langlois,  La  Societe  Frangaise  d'apres  dlx 
Eomans,  p.  iv. 

231  MutterrecJit  und  ^aubehe,  p.  62  ff. 

232  ch.  de  la  Paquerie,  La  Vie  Feodale,  p.  139. 


CONCLUSION  243 

we  may  rely  upon  Tacitus,  as  far  back  as  his  time  the  legal 
status  of  the  son  as  heir  was  fixed  upon  the  Germanic  tribes, 
yet  the  sentimental  position  of  the  sister's  son  was  much  the 
same  as  described  in  our  epics.  This  germ  of  prehistoric  tra- 
dition persisted  far  into  the  period  of  transition.  The  Mero- 
vingian chronicles  certainly  do  not  record  such  striking  in- 
stances of  nephew-right  as  do  the  popular  branches  of  litera- 
ture; the  insular  Celtic  chronicles  however  show  its  actual 
existence  in  a  much  later  period;  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity and  of  Roman  influence  among  the  tribes  of  the  north 
must  have  been  the  most  important  factors  in  the  transition  to 
paternal  authority.  The  life  of  the  epic,  then,  was  mainly  in 
the  past,  in  that  remote  period  when  the  sister's  son  had  a 
status  different  from  that  of  the  brother's  son,  but  the  period 
of  composition  was  one  of  transition,  when  the  two  nephews 
were  being  merged  into  the  same  degree  of  relationship. 

The  manifestations  of  nephew-right  in  the  Chansons  de 
Geste  consist  largely  of  sentimental  themes,  but  of  the  active 
phases  that  of  the  blood-feud  assumes  the  greatest  weight,  to- 
gether with  the  constant  association  of  uncle  and  nephew  in 
war.  These  two  features  are  to  be  expected,  considering  the 
consistently  martial  character  of  the  naiTative.  Fosterage  and 
inhentance  receive  far  less  attention  at  the  hands  of  the  poet. 
Among  those  peoples  however  where  Matriarchy  still  holds 
sway,  or  has  recently  done  so,  fosterage  and  inheritance — in 
other  words,  the  legal  rights  of  uncle  over  nephew  and  the 
claims  of  the  latter — are  the  veiy  foundation  of  the  system; 
the  other  features  are  but  details.  The  term  '  Matriarchy '  is  of 
course  in  itself  a  misnomer,  for  the  degraded  position  of  women 
is  well-known  among  primitive  tribes  where  mother-right  pre- 
vails, while  the  inferior  position  of  the  mediaeval  woman  is 
equally  apparent,  yet  in  the  continuation  of  the  family  both 
have  a  part  which  vastly  exceeds  that  of  the  father.  In  fact 
in  our  mediaeval  epic  the  father  is  himself  of  so  slight  im- 
portance that  the  heroes  are  frequently  not  distinguished  by  a 
patronymic  as  in  the  Greek  epic,  but  rather  by  the  name  of 


244  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

their  son,  as  Milon,  qui  fut  pere  de  Roland;  Gauffrey,  qui 
engendra  Ogier,  etc. ;  "  le  fils  etant  devenu  celebre  avant  le 
pere,  I'illustration,  au  lieu  de  descendre,  remontait."  ^^^  The 
main  principle  of  mother-right  is  the  matrilinear  tracing  of 
descent;  we  find  vestiges  of  this  in  the  French  epic  in  the  con- 
stantly recurring  reminders  of  kinship  to  the  maternal  uncle. 
What  the  poet  had  in  petto  we  cannot  tell,  but  the  direction 
which  the  nephew  as  an  epic  character  follows  implies  a  cer- 
tain remoteness  from  the  fundamental  reasons  for  the  matri- 
archal system;  the  tendency  to  dwell  longer  upon  the  more 
romantic  aspects  of  solidarity  and  mutual  affection  indicates 
a  sub-conscious  recognition  of  the  basic  element  of  primitive 
relationshijD.  The  direction  which  nephew-right  takes  in  the 
French  epic  would  tend  to  strengthen  the  theory  of  a  popular 
origin;  the  close  resemblance  in  many  features  to  Germanic 
legends  indicates  the  point  of  contact,  the  direct  source,  while 
the  many  phases  which  are  found  in  all  popular  literatures 
show  a  remote  common  origin.  The  foundation  of  family  life 
as  seen  in  the  epic  is  nephew-right;  this  is  plainly  the  most 
ancient  part  of  the  poems,  and  the  inference  is  that  all  else 
was  of  gradual  growth,  the  stories  developing  and  expanding, 
while  the  primitive  core  remains  until  the  period  when  pater- 
nity became  actually  of  such  authority  that  the  mediaeval 
mind  could  no  longer  appreciate  the  glorification  of  the  rela- 
tions between  maternal  uncle  and  nephew,  and  the  theme 
dropped  out  of  literature.  Each  legend,  then,  would  be  the 
heritage  of  remote  antiquitj^,  an  edifice  which  was  the  work 
of  many  hands  so  unceasingly  engaged  in  extending  it  that 
even  after  many  generations  have  been  engaged  upon  it  no 
jointure  is  discoverable,  and  the  whole  is  the  assimilation  of 
more  periods  than  one  could  tell. 

233  E.  Pey,  Preface  to  Doon  de  Mayence,  p.  iv,  note. 


APPENDIX  A 

Formulas  of  Identification  of  the  Sister's  Son 

(A  few  examples  collected  to  show  the  conventional  terms  em- 
ployed by  the  poets) 

1.  Eoland. 

Et  li  rois  Guis  tantost  fait  mander  dame  Gile : 
Cele  ert  suer  Karlemaine,  le  roi  de  Saint  Denise, 
Et  fame  Ganelon,  qui  li  cors  Dieu  maudie, 
Et  ert  mere  Rollant  a  la  cliiere  bardie. 

{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  1589) 
C'est  Gile  la  duchoise,  au  gent  cors  onore, 
Qui  suer  est  Karlemaine,  le  fort  roi  kerone, 
Et  fame  Ganelon,  le  compaignon  Hardre, 
Et  est  mere  Rollant,  le  chevalier  menbre. 
[  {Gui  de  Bourgogne,  2920) 

"  Te  donnay  f  amme  Baguebeut  la  gentis : 

Ma  serour  est  la  belle  o  le  cler  vis ; 

Or  en  est  veusve  et  Rolend  orpbelins." 

{Aquin,  1002) 
"  Sire,"  dist  li  valles,  "  Rollans  m'apele  on, 
Et  fu  nes  en  Bretaigne,  tot  droit  a  saint  Fagon. 
Fix  sui  vostre  seror  a  la  elere  fagon 
Et  li  buen  due  d' Anglers  c'on  apele  Milon." 

{Benaut,  p.  119,  34) 

2.  Baudoin. 

"  De  par  moi  saluez  le  maine  ampereor ; 
A  Baudoin  me  dites,  le  fil  de  sa  seror, 
Qu'il  gart  bien  sa  saignie  jusq'au  trezisme  jor." 

{Saisnes,  CXXIV,  23) 
Baudoin  apela,  le  fil  de  sa  seror  ...  : 

"Dame,"  ce  dit  li  rois,  "ci  a  .i.  poigneor; 

245 


246  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 


}) 


Assez  est  riches  horn,  -fiz  est  de  ma  seror. 
{Saisnes,  CCV,  12,  16) 

3.  Gui  de  Bourgogne. 

"  Ves  Sanson  de  Borgoigne,  qui  gentils  est  et  ber, 
S'a  la  serour  Karlon,  le  fort  roi  eorone, 
Et  si  en  a  li  dus  .i.  vallet  angendre." 

{Gui  de  Bourgogne,  216) 
"  Sanses,"  dist  Femperere,  "  par  la  vertu  du  eiel, 
Je  quit  c'est  vostre  fis  et  de  vostre  moillier; 
Maris  estes  ma  suer,  je  quit  qu'il  est  mes  nies." 

{Qui  de  Bourgogne,  3166) 
Et  Guion  de  Bourgoigne  a  a  lui  apelle : 
Fils  ert  de  sa  seror  et  de  sa  parente: 
"  Cosins,  vous  en  iiTes  socoure  la  cite." 

{Destruction  de  Borne,  1179) 

4.  Anse'is  de  Carthage. 

Ripeus  fu  le  septiesme,  qui  moult  ot  de  renon, 
Qui  fu  pere  Anseis,  fix  de  la  suer  Kallon. 
{Gaufrey,  100) 

5.  Nephews  of  Guillaume. 

"  Viuien  sire  ia  es  tu  de  icel  lin 
En  grant  bataille  nus  deis  ben  maintenir 
la  fustes  fiz  Boeue  cornebut  al  marchis 
Nez  de  la  fiUe  al  bon  cunte  Aimeris 
Nefs  Willame  al  curbnies  le  marchis 
En  grant  bataille  nus  deis  ben  maintenir." 

{Willame,  295) 
Del  feu  se  dreeet  dune  uns  suens  nies  danz  Gui: 
Cil  fut  fiz  Bueve  Cornebut  le  marchis, 
Nez  de  la  fille  al  prou  cunte  Aimeri, 
E  nies  Guillelme  al  curb  nes  le  marchis, 
E  frere  fut  Vivien  le  hardi. 

{Willame,  ed.  Suchier,  1438) 
Del  altre  part  fu  Rainald  de  peiter 


IDENTIFICATION  OF  SISTEE'S  SON  247 

Vn  sun  neuov  de  sa  sorur  primer. 

{Willame,  2540) 
Li  cuens  Guillaumes  en  apela  Gautier, 
Le  Tolosan,  einsi  Foi  noncier, 
Fil  de  sa  suer,  un  gentill  chevalier. 

{Couronnement,  1646) 
Ld  bers  Guillaumes  fu  molt  preus  et  hardis. 
II  en  apele  et  Gerbert  et  Jerin : 
Si  neveu  furent  et  de  sa  seror  'fil. 

{Couronnement,  1392) 

6.  Aiol. 

"  Mais  il  n'i  ara  certes  plus  franc  de  vous, 
Car  vos  estes  li  nies  I'enperreour, 
Jel  sai  bien  a  fiance,  fiex  sa  serour." 

{Aiol,  188) 
Loeys  fu  a  piet  entre  ses  drus, 
Li  fieus  de  sa  seror  I'ot  abatu. 

{Aiol,  3385) 
"  Voir  on  m'apele  Aiol :  mes  peres  est  Elie ; 
Nies  sui  Tenpereor  qui  Franche  a  en  baillie; 
Je  suis  fieus  sa  seror  la  gentil  dame  Avisse." 

{Aiol,  5392) 
"  Mes  peres  a  non  Elie  a  la  clere  f  achon, 
Ma  mere  ert  vostre  seur,  fille  le  roi  Charlon." 

{Aiol,  8099) 
"  Rois,  je  sui  nes  de  France,  des  vaillans  et  des  mieus, 
Et  nies  I'enpereor,  Loeys  le  guerrier. 
Je  sui  fieus  sa  seror,  dame  Avisse  al  vis  fier; 
Elie  est  mes  peres,  li  viellars  chevaliers." 

{Aiol,  10250) 

7.  Raoul  de  Camhrai. 

"  Conunent  poroie  esgarder  eel  glouton 
Qi  mon  neveu  ocist  en  traVson'? 
Fix  ert  vo  suer,  qe  de  fit  le  seit  on." 
{Raoul,  4867) 


248  UNCLE   AND   NEPHEW 

Icil  Raous,  Seignor,  que  je  vos  di, 
De  la  seror  fu  le  roi  Loeiz. 
{Mort  Garin,  3694) 

8.  Foucon. 

"  S'a  pris  mari  outre  noz  volentez, 
Nies  Vivien  et  de  sa  seror  nez." 

{Foucon,  ed.  Scliultz-Gora,  4629) 
Et  cil  li  conte  com  li  sors  fu  jete, 
Et  de  Foukon,  qui  tant  est  redoutes, 
Nies  Vivien,  et  de  sa  seror  nes. 

{Foucon,  ms.  de  Boulogne,  fol.  213  r°;  the  third 
verse  would  follow  880  of  Schultz-Gora) 

9.  Reinier  de  Termes. 

Enmi  la  rote  a  eneontre  Reinier; 
Nez  fu  de  Termes  de  la  seror  Gautier  .  .  . 
Paranz  Guisehart,  nies  Guion,  filz  Gautier. 
{Foucon,  3350,  8484) 

10.  Joffroi,  nephew  of  Bertrand. 

Joffroi,  lo  fil  Rogier; 
Ses  parenz  iere  de  la  seror  Gelier  ... 
Joffroiz  ot  non,  si  ert  nies  Ernays. 
{Foucon,  7443,  9126) 

11.  Garin  and  his  brothers,  nephews  of  the  King  of  Lomhardy. 

Ce  dist  Garin :  "  Oncles,  entandez  §a ! 
Vez  les  anfans  q'Aymeris  angendra, 
Et  Herman j art  vostre  suer  les  porta." 
{Narhonnais,  2091) 

12.  Coine. 

Et  Charles  laise  eorre  le  destrier  abrive, 
Si  ala  ferir  Coine  en  son  escu  liste. 
Icil  fu  nies  Girart  et  de  sa  seror  ne. 
{Benaut,  p.  33,  35) 

13.  Gontier,  nephew  of  Hugon. 

De  I'autre  part  fut  danz  Guntiers, 


IDENTIFICATION  OF  SISTEE'S  SON  249 

Cil  qui  fut  ja  sis  escuiers, 
Fiz  sa  serur,  si  ert  sis  niez. 

{Gormond  et  Isembard,  327) 

14.  Hernaut. 

"  Qui  I'a  done  mort  f  "    Droes  lui  respondit, 
"  Par  ma  f  oi,  sire,  li  nies  au  due  Garin, 
Hernaus  d'Orliens,  qui  fu  fils  Heloi." 
{Garin,  1,  149) 

15.  Nepheivs  of  Yhert. 

Ybers  apela  Bernier  par  amor, 
Et  en  apres  le  fil  de  sa  serour, 
Et  ces  .ij.  freres  qui  sont  bon  poigiieor, 
Wedon  de  Roie,  Loeys  le  menor. 
{Baoul,  4130) 

16.  Gilehert,  nephew  of  Elie. 

"  Un  neven  ai  en  Franee  qu'est  tes  parens, 
II  est  flex  ma  seror  dame  Hersent ; 
S'a  a  non  Gilebers  o  le  eor  gent. 
Si  guerroie  le  roi  u  Franee  apent." 
{Aiol,  332) 

17.  Nephews  of  Gamier. 

La  bataille  fu  prise  et  li  gage  donne. 
Ez  Girart  de  Rivier  ou  descent  au  degre. 
Qui  tint  Hui  et  Naumur  et  Dinant  et  Ruise. 
Et  cil  fu  niez  Gamier  et  de  sa  seror  nes, 

{Aye  d' Avignon,  296) 
"Diva!  Estes  vous  freres,  qui  si  vos  resenblez ? '' 
Et  respont  Aulori :  "  Cosins  sommes  cbamez. 
Car  nous  sommes  de  freres  et  de  .II.  serors  nez, 
Neveu  le  due  Garnier  de  Nentuel  la  cite." 

{Aye,  3424) 

18.  Nephew  of  Makaire. 

Uns  des  neveus  Makaire  i  est  ales: 
Fieus  fu  de  sa  seror,  cb'oi  conter. 
{Aiol,  4492) 


250  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

19.  Nephew  of  Fromont. 

Et  va  ferir  Morant  le  fil  Barre. 
Nies  fu  Fromont  et  de  sa  seror  nes. 
{Jourdains,  200) 

20.  Buevon,  nephew  of  Milon. 

II  estoit  ses  cosins  et  de  sa  seror  nez. 
{P arise,  664) 

21.  Nephew  of  Ganelon. 

.1.  damoisel  i  ot,  Hervieu  Fapeloit  on, 
Fix  fu  de  la  seror  au  cuvert  Guenelon. 
{Gui  de  Nanteuil,  197) 

22.  Plantol,  nephew  of  King  Lotaire. 

Molt  I'ama;  ses  nies  ert,  de  sa  seror  jo'ie. 
{Elioxe,  1640) 

23.  Saracen  and  foreign  nephews. 

A  Clariun  le  roi  en  est  cascuns  ales : 

Cil  ert  nies  I'amirant  et  de  sa  sereur  nes. 

{Fierahras,  4064) 
.i.  mien  cousin  m'ocist  ier  au  joster, 
Sorbrins  ot  nom,  fix  de  ma  seror  ert. 

{Huon  de  Bordeaux,  7883) 
Baudamas  son  neveu  isnelement  apele; 
Fiz  est  de  sa  seror  Odierne  la  bele. 

{Saisnes,  Clll,  20) 
Cuida  Caanins  fust,  fiz  de  sa  seror  Aiglante. 

{Saisnes,  CXXIX,   6) 
"  Perdu  as  Escorf an,  le  fiz  de  ta  serour." 

{Floovant,  595) 
A  tant  es  vos  Goniot  d'Alemengne, 
Nies  Savari  de  sa  seror  germaine. 

{Aymeri,  1775) 
Por  la  bataille  vint  Brujant  li  membres 
.i.  jovenes  turs  qui  molt  avoit  fiertes 
Nies  fu  le  roi  Jermont  se  sa  seror  portes. 

{En fauces  Vivien,  4409) 


IDENTIFICATION  OF  SISTER'S  SON  251 

Un  espie  portent  par  moult  ruiste  freor, 
Dont  si  ont  mort  maint  gentil  vavasor, 
Lui  et  Tacon,  le  fil  de  sa  seror. 

{Aliscans,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  39) 
N'ot  si  fort  homme  jusqu'a  la  mer  betee, 
Pors  Renoart  fils  sa  seror,  Vainz  nee. 

{Aliscans,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  293) 
Nies  Renoart,  f-z  sa  seror  Vainz  nee. 

{Aliscans,  ed.  Jonckbloet,  5377) 
Cele  nuit  les  conroie  Estatins  Fesnases, 
Drus  fu  I'empereor  et  de  sa  seror  nes. 

{Antioche,  II,  74) 
Cel  jour  prissent  li  nostre  I'amiral  des  Escles, 
Au  tref  Huon  le  Maine  la  fu  emprisones, 
Nies  estoit  Garsion  et  de  sa  seror  nes; 
Sachies  quant  le  saura  moult  en  iert  adoles. 

{Antioche,  IV,  1012) 


APPENDIX  B 

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{Contains  only  works  utilized) 

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3,482  verses. 

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128  verses. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  255 

Charroi.     Giiillaume    d'Orange,    pub.    par    Jonckbloet     (see 
Aliscans).     Li  Charrois  de  Nymes,  Vol.  I,  pp.  73-111. 
1,471  verses. 

Chevalerie  Ogier.  La  Chevalerie  Ogier  de  Danemarehe,  par 
Raimbert  de  Paris.  Poeme  du  XII °  sieele  public  pour  la 
premiere  fois  d'apres  le  ms.  de  Marmoutier  et  le  ms.  2729 
de  la  Bibliotheque  du  Roi.  2  vol.,  Paris,  1842  (Romans 
des  Douze  Paii^  de  France). 
13,058  verses. 

Chevalerie  Vivien.  La  Chevalerie  Vivien,  Chanson  de  Geste 
publiee  par  A.  L.  Terracher.  I,  Textes,  Paris,  Champion, 
1909.     (See  also  Covenant.) 

Commarchis.  Bueves  de  Commarchis,  par  Adenes  li  Rois, 
pubHe  par  A.  Scheler.     Bruxelles,  1874.     3946  verses. 

CoRDRES.     La  Prise  de  Cordres  et  de  Sebille,  Chanson  de  Geste 
du  XIII °  sieele  publiee  d'apres  le  ms.  unique  de  la  Biblio- 
theque Nationale  par  0.  Densusianu.     Paris,  1896   (Soc. 
des  Aneiens  Textes  fraiiQ.). 
3,793  verses. 

CouRONNEMENT.     Guillaume   d' Orange,    pub.    par   Jonckbloet 
(see  Aliscans).     Li  Coronemens  Looys,  Vol.  I,  pp.  1-71. 
2,679  verses. 

Covenant.     Guillaume    d' Orange,    pub.    par   Jonckbloet    (see 
Aliscans).     Li   Covenans  Virien,  Vol.  I,  pp.  163-213. 
1,918  verses. 

Deliverance  Ogier.    La  Deliverance  d' Ogier  le  Danois,  frag- 
ment d'une  Chanson  de  Geste.     A.  de  Longperier,  Journal 
des  Savants,  1876,  pp.  219-293. 
213  verses. 

Destruction  de  Rome.     La  Destruction  de  Rome,  Premiere 
Branche  de  la  Chanson  de  Geste  de  Fierabras,  publiee  par 
M.  G.  Groeber,  dans  la  Romania,  II  (1873),  pp.  1-^8. 
1,750  verses. 


256  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

DooN   DE   Mayence.     Doon   de    Maience,    Chanson    de   Geste 
publiee  pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Mont- 
pellier  et  de  Paris,  par  E.  Rey.     Paris,  1859  (Anc.  Poetes 
de  la  France). 
11,505  verses. 

Doon    de    Nanteuil.     La    Chanson    de    Doon    de    Nanteuil. 
Fragments   inedits,   publics   par   M.   P.   Meyer,   dans   la 
Romania,  XIII  (1884),  pp.  1-26. 
220  verses. 

Elie.  Elie  de  Saint-Gilles,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  avec  In- 
troduction, Glossaire  et  Index  par  Gaston  Raynaud,  ac- 
compagnee  de  la  redaction  norvegienne  traduite  par 
Eugene  Koelbing.  Paris,  1879  (Soe.  des  Anc.  Textes 
FranQ.). 

2,761  verses. 

Elioxe.  La  Naissance  du  Chevalier  au  Cygne,  ou  les  Enfants 
changes  en  Cygnes.  French  Poem  of  the  Xllth  Century. 
Published  for  the  first  time,  together  with  an  inedited  prose 
version  from  the  mss.  of  the  National  and  Arsenal  Libra- 
ries at  Paris,  with  Introduction,  Notes  and  Vocabulary,  by 
Henry  Alfred  Todd.  Baltimore,  1889  (Modern  Language 
Publications,  Vol.  IV). 
3,500  verses. 

Enfances  Ogier.     Les  Enfances  Ogier,  par  Adenes  Li  Rois, 
Poeme  public  pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  un  ms.  de  la 
Bibliotheque  de  1' Arsenal  et  annote  par  Auguste  Scheler. 
Bruxelles,   1874. 
3,229  verses. 

Enfances  Vivien.  Les  Enfances  Vivien,  Chanson  de  Geste 
publiee  pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Paris,  de 
Boulogne-sur-Mer,  de  Londres  et  de  Milan,  par  C.  Wah- 
lund  et  H.  von  Feilitzen.  Precedee  d'une  these  de  doctorat, 
servant  d'Introduction,  par  A.  Nordfelt.  Upsala  et  Paris, 
1895. 

5,204  verses. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  257 

FiERABRAS.     Fierabras,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  pour  la  pre- 
miere fois  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Paris,  de  Rome  et  de  Londres, 
par  A.  Kroeber  et  G.  Servois.    Paris,  1860  (Anc.  Poetes 
de  la  France). 
6,219  verses. 

Floovant.     Floovant,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  pour  la  pre- 
miere fois  d'apres  le  ms.  unique  de  Montpellier,  par  MM. 
H.  Michelant  et  F.  Guessard.     Paris,  1858  (Anc.  Poetes  de 
la  France,  in  vol.  with  Gui  de  Bourgogne  and  Otinel). 
2,533  verses, 

FoucON.  (a)  Le  Roman  de  Foulque  de  Candie,  par  Herbert 
Leduc,  de  Dammartin.  Edition  Tarbe.  Reims,  1860  (Col- 
lection des  Poetes  de  Champagne  anterieurs  au  XVI° 
Siecle). 

4,832  verses. 

(6)  Folque  de  Candie,  von  Herbert  Le  Due  de  Dan- 
martin,  nach  den  festlandischen  Handschriften  zum  ersten 
Mai  vollstandig  herausgegeben,  von  0.  Schultz-Gora. 
Band  I,  Dresden,  1909  ( Gesellschaf t  fiir  Romanische 
Literatur). 

9,882  verses. 

Garin".     Li  Romans  de  Garin  le  Loherain,  public  pour  la  pre- 
miere fois  et  precede  par  I'examen  du  systeme  de  M.  Fau- 
riel  sur  les  Romans  Carlovingiens.    2  vol.,  Paris,  1833- 
1835  (Romans  des  Douze  Pairs). 
9,823  verses. 

Gaufrey.     Gaufrey,   Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  pour  la  pre- 
miere fois  d'apres  le  ms.  unique  de  Montpellier  par  F. 
Guessard  et  P.  Chabaille.     Paris,  1859   (Les  Anc.  Poetes 
de  la  France). 
10,371  verses. 

Gaydon".  Gaydon,  Chanson  de  Geste,  publiee  pour  la  pre- 
miere fois  d'apres  les  trois  mss.  de  Paris  par  IVIM.  F. 
Guessard  et  S.  Luce.  Paris,  1862  (Anc.  Poetes  de  la 
France). 

10,887  verses. 

18 


258  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Gerbert.     (a)    Die  Befreiung  Narbonne's  durch  Gerbert   de 
Mes,  Episode  aus  dem  Schlussteil  der  Chanson  de  Gerbert 
de  Mes.     E.  Stengel,  Zeitsehrift  fiir  franz.  Spraclie  und 
Lit.,  XXIII,  ii,  271-301. 
473  verses. 

(ft)  See:  Raoul  de  Cambrai,  ed.  Meyer  et  Longnon,  pp. 
297-320,  un  fragment  du  ms.  Bib.  nat.  fr.  1622  de  la  Chan- 
son de  Girbert  de  Metz. 

GiRART  DE  RoussiLLON.     (a)  Le  Roman  en  vers  de  Girart  de 
Rossillon,  public  pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  mss. 
de  Paris,  de  Sens  et  de  Troyes,  par  Mignard.     Paris,  1858. 
6,712  verses. 

(h)  Girart  de  Roussillon,  Chanson  de  Geste,  traduite 
pour  la  premiere  fois,  par  Paul  Meyer.  Paris,  Champion, 
1884. 

GiRAET  DE  ViENNE.    Le  Romau  de  Girart  de  Viane,  par  Ber- 
trand  de  Bar-sur-Aube.     Reims,  1850  (Coll.  des  Poetes  de 
Champagne  anterieurs  au  XVI  °  Siecle,  Vol.  16). 
6,318  verses. 

GORMOND  ET  IsEMBARD.     Fragment  de  Gormund  et  Isembard, 
Text  nebst  Einleitung,   Anmerkungen  und  vollstandigem 
Wortindex,  von  Robert  Heiligbrodt.     Romanische  Studien, 
Band  III  (1878),  pp.  501-596. 
661  verses. 

Gui  DE  BouRGOGNE.  Gui  de  Bourgogne,  Chanson  de  Geste  pub- 
liee  pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Tours  et  de 
Londres,  par  F.  Guessard  at  H.  Michelant.  Paris,  1858 
(Anc.  Poetes  de  la  France,  in  vol.  with  Otinel  and  Floo- 
vant). 

4,394  verses. 

Gui  DE  Nanteuil.    Gui  de  Nanteuil,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee 
pour  la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  deux  mss.  de  Montpellier 
et  de  Venise,  par  P.  Meyer.     Paris,  1861  (Anc.  Poetes  de 
la  France). 
3,019  verses. 


BIBLIOGEAPHY  259 

HuON.     Huon  de  Bordeaux,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  pour 
la  premiere  fois  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Tours,  de  Paris  et  de 
Turin,  par  F.  Guessard  et  C.  Grandmaison.     Paris,  1860 
(Les  Ane.  Poetes  de  la  France). 
10,495  verses. 

JouRDAiN.     Jourdains  de  Blaivies.     Ed.  Hoffmann,  in  vol.  with 
Amis  et  Amiles. 
4,245  verses. 

Mainet.     Mainet,  Fragments  d'une  Chanson  de  Geste  du  XII° 
siecle,  publics  par  G.  Paris,  dans  la  Romania,  IV  (1875), 
pp.  305-337. 
946  verses. 

MoxiAGE  GuiLLAUME.  Le  Moniage  Guillaume,  les  Deux  Re- 
dactions en  Vers.  Chansons  de  Geste  du  XII°  Siecle. 
Publiees  d'apres  tons  les  mss.  eonnus,  par  Wilhelm 
Cloetta.  Tome  Premier,  Paris,  1906  (Soc.  des  Anc.  Textes 
Frang.). 
7,763  verses. 

MoRT  Aymeri.  La  Mort  Aymeri  de  Narbonne,  Chanson  de 
Geste,  publiee  d'apres  les  mss.  de  Londres  et  de  Paris  par 
J.  Couraye  du  Pare.  Paris,  1884  (Soc.  des  Anc.  Textes 
Frang.). 

4,176  verses. 

Mort  Bauduinet.  Balduins  Tod,  Episode  aus  dem  altfran- 
zosischen  Ogier-Epos  nach  den  Handschriften  und  Bear- 
beitungen  mitgeteilt  von  Dr.  Carl  Voretzsch.  Tubingen, 
1910. 

372  verses. 

Mort  Garin.     La  Mort  de  Garin  le  Loherain,  poeme  du  XII° 
siecle,  public  pour  la  premiere  fois,  d'apres  douze  mss., 
par  M.  Edelestand  du  Meril.     Paris,  1846   (Romans  des 
Douze  Pairs  de  France). 
4,810  verses. 


260  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Narbonnais.    Les  Narbonnais,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  pour 
la  premiere  fois,  par  Hermann  Suchier.    2  vol.,  Paris,  1898 
(Soe.  des  Anc.  Textes  FranQ.)- 
8,063  verses. 

Nerbonesi.  Le  Storie  Nerbonesi,  Romanzo  Cavalleresco  del 
Secolo  XIV,  pubblicato  per  cura  di  I.  G.  Isola.  2  vol., 
Bologna. 

Orange.     Guillamne    d'Orange,    pub.    par    Jonckbloet     (see 
AuscANs).    Vol.    I,    pp.    113-162,   La   Prise   d'Orenge. 
1,888  verses. 

Orlandino.     Orlandino,  public  par  M.  A.  Mussafia,  dans  la 
Romania,  XIV  (1885),  pp.  192-206. 
475  verses. 

Otinel.  Otinel,  Chanson  de  Geste,  publiee  pour  la  premiere 
fois,  d^apres  les'mss.  de  Rome  et  de  Middlehill,  par  MM. 
r.  Guessard  et  H.  Michelant.  Paris,  1858  (Ane.  Poetes 
de  la  France,  in  vol.  with  Gui  de  Bourgogne  and  Floo- 
vant). 

2,133  verses. 

Parise.     Parise    la    Duchesse,    Chanson    de    Geste,    deuxieme 
edition,  revue  et  corrigee  d'apres  le  ms.  unique  de  Paris, 
par  MM.  F.  Guessard  et  L.  Larchey.     Paris,  1860.     (Anc. 
Poetes  de  la  France). 
3,107  verses. 

Pelerinage.    Karls  des   Grossen  Reise  nach   Jerusalem   und 
Constantinople.     Ein  altfranzosisches  Heldengedicht,  her- 
ausgegeben  von  E.  Koschwitz.    4te  Auflage,  Leipsig,  1900. 
870  verses. 

Raoul.     Raoul  de  Cambrai,  Chanson  de  Geste  publiee  par  MM. 
P.  Meyer  et  A.  Longnon.     Paris,  1882    (Soe.   des  Anc. 
Textes  Fran§.). 
3,726  verses. 


BIBLIOGEAPHY  261 

Reali.  Li  Reali  di  Francia,  nei  quali  si  eontiene  la  Genera- 
zione  degli  Imperadori,  Re,  Principi,  Baroni  e  Paladini  con 
la  bellissima  Istoria  di  Buovo  di  Antona.  Edizione  per  la 
prima  volta  purgata  da  infiniti  errori.  Venezia,  1821 
(Ed.  di  Gamba). 

Renaut.     Renaus    de   Montauban,    oder   die   Haimonskinder. 
Altfranzosisehes    Gedicht,   nach   den   Handschriften   zum 
erstenmal    herausgegeben,    von    Dr.    Heinrich    Michelant. 
Stuttgart,  1862  (Bib.  des  litt.  Vereins,  vol.  LXVII). 
17,278  verses. 

Roland.     La  Chanson  de  Roland,  Texte  critique.  Traduction 
et    Commentaire,    Grammaire,    et    Glossaire,    par    Leon 
Gautier.     Tours,  Alfred  Mame  et  Eils. 
4,002  verses. 

Saisnes.     La  Chanson   des  Saxons  par  Jean  Bodel,  publiee 
pour  la  premiere  fois  par  F.  Michel.     2  vol.,  Paris,  1839 
(Romans  des  Douze  Pairs). 
8,046  verses. 

Syracon.     Syracon,  Fragment  public  par  M.  E.  Stengel,  dans 
les  Romanische  Studien,  I,  v,  (1873),  pp.  399-106. 
184  verses. 

Vivien.    Vivien  de  Monbranc,  Note  sur  deux  mss.  des  Fils 
Aymon,  F.  Castets,  Revue  des  Langues  Romanes,  Vol.  31 
(1887),  pp.  49-58. 
126  verses. 

WiLLAME.     (a)    La   Changun   de  Willame,   published   anony- 
mously at  the  Chiswick  Press,  London,  1903. 
3,553  verses. 

(b)  Chan^un  de  Guillelme,  herausgegeben  von  Hermann 
Suchier,  Halle,  1911  (Bibliotheca  Normannica). 
1,983  verses. 


262  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

(6)  General  Works 

H.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville:  Cours  de  Litterature  Celtique, 
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H.  d'Ahbois  de  Jubainville:  La  Famille  Celtique,  Etude  de 
Droit  Compare.     Paris,  Bouillon,  1905.    221  pp. 

J.  J.  Bachofen  :  Antiquarische  Brief e,  vornelimlieh  zur  Kennt- 
niss  der  altesten  Verwandtsehaftsbegriffe.  2  vol.,  Strass- 
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J.  J.  Bachoeen:  Das  Mutterreeht.  Eine  Untersuehung  liber 
die  Gynokratie  der  alten  Welt  nach  ibrer  religiosen  und 
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Joseph  Bedier  :  Les  Legendes  Epiques,  Reehercbes  sur  la  For- 
mation des  Chansons  de  Geste.  I,  Le  Cycle  de  Guillaume 
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Caesar:  De  Bello  Gallico. 

W.  Cloetta:  Die  Enfanees  Vivien,  ihre  Ueberlieferung,  ihre 
cyklische  Stellung.     Berlin,  1898. 

Ernest  Crowley:  The  Mystic  Rose.    London,  1902. 

Rudolph  Dareste:  Etudes  d'Histoire  de  Droit.  Paris,  1889. 
417  pp. 

Dr.  Lothar  Dargun  :  Mutterreeht  und  Raubehe  und  ihre  Reste 
im  germanischen  Recht  und  Leben.  Breslau,  1883.  161 
pp. 

J.  W.  Determann:  Epische  Verwandtschaften  im  altfranzo- 
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48  pp. 

Georges  Dottin:  Manuel  pour  servir  a  I'Etude  de  FAntiquite 
Celte.     Paris,  Champion,  1906. 

Eginhard:  Les  Oeuvres,  traduites  par  Alexandre  Teulet.  La 
Vie  de  Charlemagne;  Les  Annales.  Paris,  Didot,  1856. 
340  pp. 


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Joseph  Falk  :  Etude  Soeiale  sur  les  Chansons  de  Geste.  These 
pour  le  Doetorat.     Upsala,  Nykoping,  1899.     137  pp. 

Feed.  Fellinger  :  Das  Kind  in  der  Altf ranzosischen  Literatur. 
Gottingen,  1908.     199  pp. 

Jacques  Flach:  Le  Compagnonnage  dans  les  Chansons  de 
Geste.  In:  Etudes  Romanes  dediees  a  Gaston  Paris,  pp. 
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Jacques  Flach:  Les  Origines  de  PAncienne  France,  Dixieme 
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Charles  Galy  :  La  Famille  a  I'Epoque  Merovingienne,  d'apres 
les  recits  de  Gregoire  de  Tours.  These  de  Droit.  Paris, 
Larose,  1901.    425  pp. 

Leon  Gautier:  La  Chevalerie.  Nouvelle  Edition,  Paris,  Dela- 
grave,  1884.     850  pp. 

Leon  Gautier:  Les  Epopees  FranQaises.  Etude  sur  les  ori- 
gines et  I'histoire  de  la  litterature  nationale.  Paris,  1882. 
4  vol. 

J.  Geddes,  Jr.:  La  Chanson  de  Roland.  A  Modern  French 
Translation  of  Theodor  Mliller's  Text  of  the  Oxford  Manu- 
script, with  Introduction,  Bibliography,  Notes,  and  Index, 
Map,  Illustrations,  and  Manuscript  Readings.  New  York, 
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F.  H.  GiDDiNGS :  Principles  of  Sociology.    New  York,  Macmil- 

lan, 1896.     476  pp. 

Alexis  Giraud-Teulon  :  Les  Origines  de  la  Famille,  Ques- 
tions sur  les  Antecedents  des  Societes  Patriarehales. 
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Gregoire  de  Tours  et  Fredegaire:  Histoire  de  France,  Tra- 
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G.  Grober:  Grundriss  der  Romanischen  Philologie.  2te 
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264  UNCLE    AND    NEPHEW 

Georg  Grupp:  Kultur  der  alten  Kelten  und  Germanen,  mit 
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P.  GuiLHiERMOZ :  Essai  sur  I'Origine  de  la  Noblesse  en  France 
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Francis  B.  Gummere:  The  Sister's  Son  (in  the  English  and 
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W.  M.  Hart  :  Ballad  and  Epic.  Harvard  Studies  and  Notes  in 
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James  Hastings:  An  Encyclopedia  of  Religion  and  Ethics. 
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Eleanor  Hull:  The  CuchuUin  Saga  in  Irish  Literature.  Be- 
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translated  from  the  Irish  by  various  Scholars.  Compiled 
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P.  W.  Joyce:  A  Social  History  of  Ancient  Ireland.  London, 
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J.  Kluge  :  Etymologisches  Worterbuch,  article  Neffe.  Seventh 
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Louis  J.  Koenigswarter  :  Histoire  de  1' Organisation  de  la 
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jusqu'a  nos  jours.     Paris,  1851.     371  pp. 

Maxime  Kovalevsky:  Modern  Customs  and  Ancient  Laws  of 
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Maxime  Kovalevsky:  Tableau  des  Origines  et  de  PEvolution 
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A.  Lang  :  Article  Family  in  the  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  11th 
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A.  Lang:  Histoiy  of  Scotland  from  the  Roman  Occupation. 
4  vol.     New  York,  Dodd,  Mead,  1900. 

A.  Lang  :  Homer  and  his  Age.    London,  1906.    336  pp. 

Ch.  V.  Langlois:  La  Societe  Frangaise  au  Xni°  Siecle^ 
d'apres  dix  romans  d'aventure.  Paris,  Hachette,  1904. 
328  pp. 

Ernest  Langlois:  Table  des  Noms  Propres  de  toute  nature 
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266  UNCLE    AND   NEPHEW 

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VITA 

The  writer  of  this  study  was  born  in  Maine  in  1871.  He- 
received  the  degree  of  A.B.  magna  cum  laude  from  Harvard 
University  in  1893,  that  of  A.M.  in  1894.  From  1904  to 
1906,  while  a  member  of  the  Faculty  of  Yale  University,  he 
pursued  work  ia  the  Graduate  School  there.  He  has  been 
a  student  in  the  School  of  Philosophy  of  Columbia  University 
since  1910,  his  major  subject  and  dissertation  being  in  Romance 
Philology  and  his  two  minor  subjects  in  the  Romance  Litera- 
tures and  Comparative  Literature.  He  is  glad  to  take  the  op- 
portunity of  expressing  here  his  appreciation  of  the  stimulating 
influence  of  the  instructors  with  whom  he  has  been  most  closely 
associated :  at  Harvard,  Professors  Bocher,  Francke,  von  Jage-^ 
mann,  Sanderson,  Sheldon,  de  Sumichrast;  at  Yale,  Professors 
Lang,  McKenzie,  Phillips,  Warren;  at  Columbia,  Professors 
Cohn,  Fletcher,  Todd,  Weeks. 


268 


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