UNDERTHE OLD FLAG
II
JAMES HARRISON WILSON
N£^
GIFT OF
MARY JVCKSCH
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
VOLUME I
M<y*r4Lp**/W </fr
UNDER
THE OLD FLAG
RECOLLECTIONS OF MILITARY OPERATIONS IN
THE WAR FOR THE UNION, THE SPANISH WAR
THE BOXER REBELLION, ETC.
BY
JAMES HARRISON WILSON
BREVET MAJOR-GENERAL U. S. A.; LATE MAJOR-GENERAL U. S. V.
ENGINEER AND INSPECTOR-GENERAL ON GRANT'S STAFF
COMMANDER THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC
COMMANDER CAVALRY CORPS M. D. M., ETC.
VOLUME I
NEW YORK AND LONDON
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
MCMXII
0^
Copyright, 1912, by
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY
Published' October, igi2
Printed in the United States of America
PREFACE
MILITARY SERVICES
June, 1855,
to
June, 1860
July, 1860
to
July, 1861
September
to
October, 1861
October, 1861
to
July, 1862
September
to
October, 1862
November, 1862
to
January, 1863
Cadet, United States Military Academy
at West Point, five-year course.
Brevet Second Lieutenant U. S. Topo-
graphical Engineers, Fort Vancouver,
Washington Territory.
Recruiting Engineer Soldiers, Boston.
Chief Topographical Engineer on the
Staff of General T. W. Sherman, in
the Port Royal Expedition ; Siege and
s Capture of Fort Pulaski.
Volunteer Aid-de-camp and Assistant
Engineer, on the Staff of General Mc-
Clellan in the Antietam Campaign.
First Lieutenant Topographical Engi-
neers; Captain of Engineers; Chief
Topographical Engineer and Assistant
Chief Engineer in West Tennessee and
Northern Mississippi, on the Staff of
General Grant.
257721
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
January, 1863 Lieutenant Colonel U. S. Volunteers;
to Assistant Inspector General, Depart-
October, 1863 ment and Army of the Tennessee, in
the Vicksburg Campaign, on the Staff
of General Grant.
November, 1863
to
February, 1864
Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers ; As-
sistant Inspector General Military
Division of the Mississippi, in the
Chattanooga Campaign, on the Staff
of General Grant.
February
to
May, 1864
Chief of Cavalry Bureau, War Depart-
ment.
May Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers, in
to command of the Third Cavalry Divi-
August, 1864 sion Sheridan's Corps, Virginia Cam-
paigns.
August
to
September, 1864
Commanding Third Cavalry Division,
Sheridan's Valley Campaign.
October, 1864 Brigadier General and Brevet Major
to General U. S. Volunteers; organized
July, 1865 and commanded the Cavalry Corps
Military Division of the Mississippi,
in the Campaign against Hood in
Middle Tennessee, and in the last
Campaign of the War through Ala-
bama and Georgia. Capture of Selma,
Montgomery, Columbus, West Point
and Macon. Pursuit and capture of
Jefferson Davis ; End of War.
vi
PREFACE
April
to
July, 1866
Captain of Engineers on Defenses of
Delaware River and Bay.
July, 1866 Lieutenant Colonel 35th U. S. Infantry,
to on Engineer duty in connection with
December, 1870 the Improvement of the Mississippi
River and other western water-ways.
December, 1870
May, 1898
to
April, 1899
Honorably Discharged on the reduction
of the Army, at his own request, De-
cember 31, 1870.
Major General U. S. Volunteers, in the
War with Spain. Assigned to com-
mand the 6th Army Corps, never or-
ganized ; Volunteered and commanded
the First Division First Army Corps
in the expedition to Porto Rico ; First
Governor of the District of Ponce.
October, 1898 Commanded First Army Corps in Ken-
to tucky and Georgia; also the Depart-
January, 1899 ment of Matanzas and Santa Clara,
in the first occupation of Cuba.
April, 1899 At personal request of Secretary of War.
to after the reduction of the Army and
July, 1900 the reestablishment of Peace with
Spain, accepted the reduced rank of
Brigadier General U. S. Volunteers
and remained in command of Depart-
ment of Matanzas and Santa Clara.
July Volunteered for service against Boxer
to Rebellion in China. Reported to Ma-
November, 1900 jor General Chaffee in Peking as sec-
vn
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
ond in command of the American
Forces. As such had immediate com-
mand of the American Contingent
with charge of the American quarter
and the Southern entrance to the For-
bidden City.
October, 1900 Commanded the successful joint expedi-
tion of the American and British
forces against Boxers at the Eight
Temples. Held review of American
Troops at Peking in presence of lead-
ing officers of the Treaty Powers.
December, 1900
Returned to America. Declined fur-
ther command or routine service.
March, 1901 Placed on Retired List as Brigadier Gen-
eral U. S. Army (with Generals Fitz-
hugh Lee and Joseph Wheeler) , in ac-
cordance with Special Act of Con-
gress at the request of the President,
March 2, 1901.
1902
Represented the United States Army,
accompanied by Lieutenant Colonel
John Biddle of the Engineers and
Lieutenant Colonel Henry D. Borup
of the Ordnance, at the Coronation of
King Edward VII.
Honorary Commissions
Brevet Major U. S. A., April 11, 1862, for gallant and
meritorious services at the capture of Fort Pulaski,
Ga.
viii
PREFACE
Brevet Lieutenant Colonel, November 24, 1863, for gal-
lant and meritorious services at the Battle of Chat-
tanooga, Tenn.
Brevet Colonel, May 5, 1864, for gallant and meritorious
services at the Battle of the Wilderness.
Brevet Major General U. S. Volunteers, October 5, 1864,
for gallant and meritorious services during the Re-
bellion.
Brevet Brigadier General U. S. Army, March 13, 1865,
for gallant and meritorious services at the Battle of
Nashville, Tenn.
Brevet Major General U. S. Army, March 13, 1865, for
gallant and meritorious services in the capture of
Selma, Ala.
From the foregoing it will be seen that my modest ca-
reer covered not only a great variety of military services,
but three widely separated countries or theaters of opera-
tions, at most important and interesting epochs. They
brought me in contact with leading officers at army head-
quarters, both at home and abroad, and thus gave me
unusual opportunities for observing character and learning
the inside details of what was taking place about me.
Holding, as I do, that history and historical recollec-
tions are valueless and had better not be written unless
they tell the simple truth as nearly as it can be ascertained
in regard to both men and events, I have given my story
in the following pages as fully and frankly as my materials
and memory would permit. But concealing nothing, I have
set down naught in malice. Fortunately, in these modern
days, our military men of rank, however much they may
differ in personal characteristics or idiosyncrasies, are
strictly honest, serious and devoted to duty. It gives me
pleasure to add that I have never known one who was cor-
rupt or wilfully negligent of his orders or opportunities
or who was intentionally cruel or oppressive to those under
his command or within his jurisdiction.
ix
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
In the work I now give to the public, I have had the
assistance of my brother, Colonel Bluford Wilson, of
Springfield, Illinois, in a careful comparison, page by page
with the Official Records, and with such contemporaneous
writings and memoirs as were within reach and I am under
great obligation to him for his vigilance and perspicacity.
James Harrison Wilson.
Wilmington, Delaware.
June 1, 1912.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
PAGB
Family — Boyhood — West Point — Panama — Washington
Territory — Return to the East 1
I
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
Report at Washington — Visit McDowell's Army — Ordered
to Boston — Chief topographical engineer of Port Royal
Expedition — An army corps wasted 57
II
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
Sherman's staff — Loading steamship — Savannah River —
Venus Point — Siege of Fort Pulaski — General Hunter
— General Benham — James* Islands — Secessionville —
Officers of staff 70
III
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
Return to Washington — McClelland staff — South Mountain
— Battle of Antietam — Hooker wounded — Pleasant
Valley — Return to Washington 98
IV
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
Halleck's Headquarters — General McClernand — Pleasant
Valley — Interview with McClellan — Washington — Or-
dered to Grant 119
CONTENTS
V
ON GRANT'S STAFF
PAGE
West Tennessee — Major Wilson — Northern Mississippi —
Major Rawlins — General Grant — General McPherson —
First service with Cavalry — True line of Operations —
Campaign of Vicksburg — Yazoo Pass — Running the
Batteries 130
VI
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER AND INSPECTOR
GENERAL
Bruinsburg — Port Gibson — Raymond — Jackson — Cham-
pion's Hill — Big Black Bridge — Assault on Vicksburg
— General Lawler — Sergeant Griffith — General McCler-
nand — Charles A. Dana 173
VII
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
The Black Belt — Lorenzo Thomas — Cross the Mississippi —
Bayou Pierre — Grand Gulf — Captain Badeau — Mc-
Pherson at Raymond — Grant at Jackson — Champion's
Hill — Passage of the Big Black — The American volun-
teer 188
VIII
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
First assault — Complete investment — Hot weather — Grant
rides the lines — McClernand relieved — Close investment
— Pemberton surrenders — Reorganization of volunteer
army 208
IX
SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGN TO CENTRAL ALABAMA
Headquarters in Vicksburg — Rawlins and Grant — Grant
visits New Orleans — Season of rest — Inspection tour —
Army wastes summer — Grant and staff ordered to
Chattanooga — Military Division of the Mississippi. . . . 234
xii
'CONTENTS
X
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
PAGB
Rosecrans relieved — Thomas succeeds — "Will hold Chatta-
nooga till we starve" — Grant and staff arrive — Meet
Thomas — Ride to Chattanooga — Recommended for pro-
motion— Porter introduced — Grant and Thomas — Baldy
Smith — Opening the Cracker Line — Ride to Knoxville
— Orders for Burnside 263
XI
MISSIONAEY EIDGE
Brigadier and inspector general — Sherman arrives — Plan of
battle — Details of movements — Claims of Grant and
Sherman — Thomas carries Ridge — Granger and Sher-
man sent to Knoxville — Bridging the rivers — Major
Hoffman — Longstreet rejoins Lee — Grant goes to
Knoxville — Cumberland Gap — Lexington — Establishes
winter headquarters at Nashville 289
XII
TEN WEEKS IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT AS CHIEF OF
CAVALRY BUREAU
Grant, Lieutenant General — Rawlins married — Chief-of-
staff — Report to Secretary of War for duty — Prepare
new regulations — Horse contractors — Duties of new
position — Andrew Johnson's cavalry regiments — Part-
ing with Secretary Stanton 321
XIII
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
Administration and duties of Cavalry Bureau — Horse-pur-
chasing stations — Governors Andrew, Morton, and Den-
nison — Grant at Nashville — Dine with Lincoln — Lin-
coln and Ward Lam on — Discontentment with govern-
ment— Loyalty of army — Return to field service 341
y;n
CONTENTS
XIV
COMMANDING THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
PAGE
General plan of campaign — Report to Meade — Relieve Kil-
patrick — Confirmation delayed — Spencer carbines —
Position of opposing armies 357
XV
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
First to cross the Rapidan — Craig's Meeting House — Ca-
tharpen Road — Todd's Tavern — Chancellorsville —
Sedgwick's flank turned — Grant's behavior — Occupation
of Spottsylvania Court House — Meade, Warren, and
Sedgwick — Incident with Warren — Meeting with Grant
— Defective organization of army 378
XVI
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
Sherman's raid against Lee's communications — Battle of
Yellow Tavern — Death of J. E. B. Stuart — Affair near
Richmond — Passage of the Chickahominy — James River
— Return to Grant's army — Turn Lee's left at Jericho
Mills — Meet Grant and Rawlins — Army gossip 405
XVII
GRANT'S ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
Operations on Pamunkey and North Anna — Fights at Han-
over Court House — Ashland and South Anna — Toto-
potomy — Haw's Shop — Behind Lee's left — Captain
Ulffers — Prepared rations — Sheridan detached — De-
feated by Hampton — Cold Harbor — Upton's com-
ments 426
xiv
CONTENTS
XVIII
THE CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
PAGI
Crossing the Chickahominy — Charles City Court House —
Saint Mary's Church — Parker the Indian — Covering
the rear — Crossing the James — Visit from Dana and
Rawlins — Prince George Court House — Operations
against Weldon, Danville, and Southside Railroads —
Destruction of railroads — Return from Staunton River
— Sapony Creek — Reams Station — Failure of Sheridan
and the infantry to keep door open 450
XIX
BEEAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
Grant scatters his cavalry — Sheridan's failure north of
Richmond — Wilson's destruction of railroads south of
Richmond — Sheridan at White House — Slow to rejoin
Army of Potomac — Hampton beats him to Weldon
Railroad — Records and dispatches in the case — Sher-
idan's delays and excuses — Wilson's return to Reams
Station — Whitaker takes word to Meade — Grant,
Meade, and Humphreys order assistance — Wilson runs
for it — Sheridan still a laggard — Kautz lies down and
quits — Sheridan's efforts to exculpate himself — Wilson
crosses Blackwater and arrives at Chipoak Swamp —
Case fully stated from the records — Grant, Meade, and
Dana declare expedition a success — Confirmation of
Confederate records 483
XX
RESTING AND REFITTING DIVISION ON THE JAMES
Charges of Richmond newspapers — Meade asks for expla-
nations— Serious epoch — Early crosses Potomac and
threatens Washington — Sheridan in command against
him — Wilson goes to Sheridan's assistance — Interview
with Stanton at Washington — Covers Sheridan's rear
from Winchester to Halltown — Affair at Kearneyville
— Revisits Antietam battlefield — Return to Valley of
Virginia 528
CONTENTS
XXI
IN THE VALLEY OF VIEGINIA
PAGK
Sheridan rests and reconnoiters — Mcintosh captures South
Carolina regiments — Grant orders Sheridan to "go in"
— Battle of the Opequan or Winchester — Wilson opens
the engagement — Torbert and Wilson in pursuit —
Gooney Run — Staunton — Browntown Gap — Return to
Harrisonburg — Wilson ordered West to reorganize and
command Sherman's cavalry 548
Xvl
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
VOLUME I
INTRODUCTION
Family — Boyhood — West Point — Panama — Washington
Territory — Return to the East.
My family name, Wilson, is of Anglo-Danish
origin and is found wherever English-speaking
people and their descendants are living. It belongs
to the self-evoluting class and generally implies
nothing closer than clanship. It has been known in
the States from the earliest days.
My own forbears first settled in Tidewater, Vir-
ginia, whence they spread to Spottsylvania and Cul-
peper Counties, thence over the Blue Ridge into the
valley regions, and finally to Kentucky and the allur-
ing West. My father, Harrison Wilson, was the
eldest son of Alexander Wilson and his wife, Elinor
Harrison. He was born near Front Royal, Virginia,
in 1789. His mother, through Thomas Harrison,
was connected with the Harrisons of the James
River country. She was famed for her courtly man-
ners and amiable character.
Alexander Wilson's father was Isaac Wilson, for
three years a sergeant in Captain Augustine Tabb 's
company of the Second Virginia state line, com-
1
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
manded by Colonel William Brent. His wife was
Margaret Gordon, daughter of John Gordon and
Barbara Cullom, evidently of Scotch origin.
My paternal ancestors, as far back as we can
trace them, originating in and coming from North-
umberland, part of ancient Bernicia, intermarried
with the leading families of the Old Dominion and
took an active part in all that concerned its growth
and welfare. But, like many Virginians, Isaac Wil-
son with his brothers, sons, and nephews who were
ruined by the War of Independence, wisely con-
cluded that it would be easier to rebuild their homes
and mend their fortunes in a new country than in the
old, and consequently, as soon as they could manage
it, after the Eevolution, emigrated to Kentucky.
After settling with his family in the Blue Grass
country near the present city of Lexington, Alex-
ander Wilson and his brother Thornton went on to
the Ohio Eiver, where the former opened a consid-
erable farm near a shipping point known as Raleigh,
a few miles below the mouth of the Wabash.
Shortly afterward the general government own-
ing the Illinois salines laid out Shawneetown on the
Ohio River in the southeastern corner of the terri-
tory as the landing and entrepot of the Salt Works.
The place grew rapidly into the most important
settlement of that region. My grandfather living
nearby, naturally became one of the first settlers,
and through his kinsman, General Harrison, then
governor of the territory, received a grant of the
ferry-right both ways across the Ohio, which, after
his death in 1814, was confirmed to his heirs by the
unanimous vote of the Illinois legislature. It came
in due course, by inheritance and purchase, to my
2
INTRODUCTION
brother and myself and after a hundred years is
still operated under lease from us.
Alexander Wilson, evidently a notable citizen,
was in 1812 elected a member of the first American
legislature ever convened in Illinois, and as chair-
man of several of its principal committees exercised
a controlling influence not only in selecting, framing,
and passing laws for the new territory, but in pro-
viding for its defence against the British emissaries
and their savage allies. Shortly after the session
of 1813 my grandfather died, but my father, instead
of leaving his body in a French graveyard at Kas-
kaskia, removed it to Shawneetown, and, as was the
custom, buried it on the paternal farm in Kentucky.
Harrison Wilson was at that time just reaching
man's estate. Although quite a lad when his family
left Virginia, he remembered but little of it except
that he had been taken to Alexandria by his father
to call on General Washington, and that the general
had kindly patted him on the head while making a
neighborly inquiry as to his mother's health.
My father, of course, shared the travels and
hardships of his family, with but little time and less
opportunity for education beyond that given by his
mother and father. He had a few terms from the
peripatetic schoolmaster of the settlements, and, be-
ing intelligent and fond of reading, although books
were scarce and newspapers unknown on the fron-
tier, became a man of more than average attainments.
At the outbreak of the second war with Great
Britain, Harrison Wilson was commissioned ensign
September 17, 1812, in Captain Thomas E. Craig's
company of Frontier Riflemen, and took part in an
expedition of two keel boats by the Illinois Eiver to
3
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Fort Creve-Cceur, near the present city of Peoria,
for the purpose of breaking up the liquor traffic
and overawing the Indian allies of the British. The
boats were armed with swivels and blunderbusses
and were impenetrable to rifle bullets. The expedi-
tion, lasting four months, was so successful that
Captain Craig was promoted to major of the Fourth
Territorial Regiment, while my father, although only
twenty-two, was made captain April 17, 1813, to
fill the vacancy. Although no part of the regiment
was again called into service, he continued his con-
nection with it, and after the establishment of peace
became its colonel.
Although a farmer, stock-raiser, and trader to
New Orleans, my father was elected county treasurer
and sheriff in turn and led a busy and active life
till the Black Hawk War took him again into the
army as captain of Illinois Mounted Volunteers,
first regiment, first brigade. His company, contain-
ing many of the leading citizens of Gallatin County,
was mustered into the service May 15, and dis-
charged August 12, 1832.
During the brief campaign which followed, my
father made the acquaintance of Winfield Scott,
Zachary Taylor, Jefferson Davis, Albert Sidney
Johnston, and Joseph E. Johnston, all of whom were
serving at that time in Illinois as officers of the
regular army. He also met Captain Abraham Lin-
coln and the leading officers of the territorial forces.
After this campaign, the last against the Indians
east of the Mississippi, my father settled down and
led an uneventful life to the end. On the outbreak
of the Mexican War, he offered a regiment of volun-
teers from the lower counties of the state, but as
4
INTRODUCTION
only six were needed, his offer was declined with
the assurance of the governor that if another were
required his regiment should be taken.
The decade after the Mexican War was a tur-
bulent one in southeastern Illinois. The closing of
the salt works had let loose a large number of rough
operatives, white and black. Gambling, drinking,
horse-racing, and gun-fighting prevailed, the slavery
question came to the front as it had done once be-
fore, and kidnapping became common along the bor-
der of the slave states. Among the first victims
was a colored girl who had belonged to the Wilson
family. She was taken to New Orleans and sold
to a planter on the Red Eiver, but as soon as she
could be located my father went for her, and, after
much legal formality and trouble, brought her home
in triumph. After a similar service in another case
of the same sort, which aroused the public con-
science, under his leadership, he had the satisfaction
of seeing all forms of violence vindicated and the
rowdies and kidnappers brought to punishment or
driven out of the state.
But my father's career was drawing to a close.
Although a man of extraordinary activity and en-
durance, he fell sick, and, after a lingering illness,
died February 9, 1852, at the age of 63. He was
always independent in politics and never forgot that
he was a Virginian. He was twice married. His
first wife was a daughter of Andrew Waggoner, a
Virginian, who had settled in Union County, Ken-
tucky. She died early, leaving one son, John An-
drew, who removed to Hamilton County, where he
became sheriff, a member of the legislature, and a
leading merchant. He had several children, the old-
5
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
est of whom, John Harrison, became a highly suc-
cessful contractor, and is now one of the wealthiest
and most highly respected citizens of the county.
Harrison Wilson's second wife, Katharine
Schneyder, was my mother. She was the daughter
of Augustus Schneyder, an ex-soldier of the Napo-
leonic wars and mayor of Gambsheim, in Rhenish
Alsace, near Strasburg. He was a manufacturer
and a thoughtful man who, seeing the unsettled con-
ditions at home and the coming greatness of the
United States, emigrated, as was then the custom,
with his wife, Louisa Studer, and several children,
landing at Philadelphia in 1818. Thence he made
his way to Pittsburg by wagon and down the Ohio
by houseboat to New Harmony, Indiana, the idealist
settlement of the Rappites. Here he remained sev-
eral years, but on the death of his wife he removed
with his family to Shawneetown, forty miles to the
southwest, where my father made their acquaint-
ance and married the eldest daughter, my mother.
But, drawn by the superior attractions of the lead
mine region in the northwestern corner of the state,
my grandfather made his way to Galena, where,
after some years of mining, he settled down on a
farm near that of the Rawlins family, whose eldest
son long years afterward became my intimate friend
and associate on General Grant's staff and finally
chief-of-staff of the army and secretary of war.
My father and mother had three daughters and
four sons. One daughter and three sons grew up
and took part according to their opportunities in
the affairs of our times.
I was born at the home farm September 2, 1837,
about two miles and a half from Shawneetown,
6
INTRODUCTION
where I went through the town schools kept by a
series of worthy masters till I was fifteen. After
a few months in a general store and a year with my
uncle, Orval Pool, the principal produce merchant
of the region, I saved money enough to pay for fur-
ther education for something less than a year. I en-
tered McKendree College, St. Clair County, as a
freshman and passed the winter of 1854-5 in prepar-
ing myself for West Point.
Through the endorsement of Major Samuel K.
Casey, Captain John M. Cunningham (whose eldest
daughter became Mrs. John A. Logan), the Honor-
able Willis Allen, outgoing member of Congress, and
of the Honorable Samuel S. Marshall, his successor,
all of whom were my warm personal friends, I se-
cured my appointment to West Point, where, after
an interesting trip by the way of Washington, Phil-
adelphia and New York, I reported for duty on
June 5, 1855.
My class was the first ever appointed to pursue
the five years' course ordered by Jefferson Davis,
then secretary of war, and the first and only one,
except the younger part of the class ahead of us,
that ever completed that course. We were a hun-
dred and twenty-one in all, but nineteen or twenty
were rejected as cleficient in one or another of the
modest requirements of the day. During the five
years which followed the exactions were severe and
the standard high, so that some sixty more fell by
the wayside, leaving forty-one, or only one-third of
the original number to graduate.
Personally, I had nothing to complain of. I en-
joyed the novelty of my first encampment. It was
fresh, invigorating, and at times exciting, but from
7
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the first it was hard work during the day, with con-
tinual vigilance and resistance during the night.
Hazing was practiced in full force. It was good-
natured, but at times rather rough play between
old and new cadets, which, so far as I could see, did
no harm but much good to all. It sharpened our
observation, stimulated our vigilance and excited
our curiosity. It may have discouraged the home-
sick and weak-hearted, but it certainly diet no injury
whatever to such as met it with good-natured re-
sistance and were fit for the life they had chosen.
It brought me but one adventure which, fortunately,
ended to my advantage. Two older cadets, Lockett
of Alabama and Nicodemus of Maryland, called on
me one hot afternoon in July and most courteously
invited me to go swimming with them. As it was
the first civility of the kind I had received, and as
I had begun to long for a plunge in the stately
Hudson, I eagerly accepted, and in a few minutes
we were at Gee's Point. After a question or two
about the depth of the water and the best place
to go in and come out, I jumped in head first and
had hardly got my nose above the water when my
friends were close upon me. A glance revealed the
fact that they were aiming to duck me, but, select-
ing the weaker swimmer, I made for him, and, sepa-
rating him from the other, placed my hands on his
head and pushed him under. As he went down I
gave him an extra shove with both feet toward the
bottom. The other was after me instantly, but, as
soon as I thought it safe, I slackened speed and al-
lowed him to close up, when I delivered him a sharp,
" stern-wheel ' ' kick on the nose, which brought the
blood and ended the engagement. My antagonists
8
INTRODUCTION
were both genuine sportsmen, and, instead of losing
their temper, took my resistance good naturedly.
They were somewhat surprised, however, to learn
that a raw plebe could swim, but when I explained
that I was brought up on the Ohio Eiver, not only
did they conclude I would do, but we became fast
friends and swimming companions for the rest of
the season.
Our class was composed of the usual assortment
of young men from both north and south. We had
the nephew of a president and the son of a governor,
and the planters, farmers, lawyers, doctor, preach-
ers, merchants, and even mechanics, were all repre-
sented. It was a pure democracy in which all were
equal, and nothing counted but character and brains.
The January examinations weeded out a good many,
but by the end of the year those likely to graduate
had become pretty well known, and they had taken
on the air and bearing of seasoned cadets, which in
ranks made them look as much like each other as
pins in a paper.
At the end of the year, although I had started
next to foot, I was in the first or second section in
all the studies. My two terms at college had been
of great advantage in teaching me how to study.
I had no difficulty in any branch, and did my daily
task easily enough, and, after a few months, had
plenty of time left for general reading. This was
the case to the end of my cadet life. The library
contained some twenty thousand volumes, largely
military, but all fairly well selected, and, although
nothing was done to encourage its use, or to guide
the cadets in the selection of books, it was free to
all who had time or inclination to visit it after study
9
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
hours or on holidays. I soon made the acquaintance
of Fries, the curator. During my first encampment
I read Story's "Constitutional Law" and a general
assortment of romance and history, and after that
not only became a steady patron of it, but close
friends with the kindly Fries, who had a wonderful
memory, and was most helpful in introducing me to
his treasures. As I grew older he became more con-
siderate, and I hold him in grateful memory for his
unfailing kindness. The instructors came and went,
but he remained at his post, not only for my term,
but for long years afterward, and if I should be
called upon to say who did me the most good and
helped me most to equip myself for the duties of
life, I should unhesitatingly say Andre Fries, the
old librarian.
At the end of my first year, all unconscious of
having made any special progress, I was more
greatly surprised and gratified than I ever was at
any subsequent promotion when my name was read
out at the head of the list of lance-corporals to
receive and break in the new candidates for admis-
sion. As this was followed by my appointment as
first corporal, and later as acting first sergeant of
"A" Company, and finally as the fi>st sergeant of
"B" Company, I became quite military as well as
a "stern man" on duty.
I was thus a cadet non-commissioned officer in
good standing for the better part of two years, but
my career as such was cut short by an untoward
incident for which I was not altogether culpable.
My clerk, whose duty it was to keep the roster, made
out the guard details, and put the daily list under
my gunsight, unfortunately regarding it beneath the
10
INTRODUCTION
dignity of a first class man to perform sentry duty,
and, in accordance with custom, omitted the names
of all first class men from the details. The omission
was soon discovered, but, compromising with my
sense of duty, I refrained from putting an end to
it till it was too late. By some means, never ex-
plained, my company commander, Lieutenant Mc-
Cook, afterward a distinguished major general and
an army corps commander, discovered it and haled
me with the other first sergeants before the com-
mandant of cadets. The latter made short work
of it as a clear case of gross neglect of duty, and,
as it could neither be denied nor explained, he sent
us all to our quarters in arrest. In a short time
the superintendent reduced us to the ranks and sen-
tenced each to perform ten extra tours of camp
guard duty and to be confined to the limits of the
camp till the punishment was completed.
During my stay at West Point I naturally be-
came expert in the exercises and tactics of the va-
rious arms and, both as a corporal and sergeant,
felt that I was as good a drill master as could be
found. At West Point as well as elsewhere it is
the pride of every non-commissioned officer to make
his squad as nearly perfect as possible, and with the
best men it is remarkable how rapidly they progress,
and how soon they become skillful in every military
practice.
Having in later life seen many of the crack regi-
ments of Europe and Asia, I entertain no doubt
whatever that the corps of cadets at West Point, all
things considered, is the best battalion of infantry
in the world. For most of my time Colonel Hardee,
the author of the tactics, afterward a Confederate
11
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
lieutenant-general, was commandant, and with his
rigid instruction the corps became almost perfect
in bearing, discipline, and drill. Under his search-
ing eye no slouchy man escaped. I can hear now
his clarion voice, with its slightly Southern accent,
sing out: "Attention, battalion! Hold up your
head, Mr. Sweet, you'll never make a soldier in your
life ! ' • * And then would follow the command with
which the drill began. But Hardee was not satisfied
to let the battalion go with his instruction. No one
knew better than he that perfection in the school
of the soldier and squad is necessary to perfection
in the school of the company and battalion, and con-
sequently he was always on the drill ground when
the new cadets were being broken in.
I have a distinct recollection of an awkward in-
cident under his eye which brought an unexpected
laugh upon me. As we were approaching the end
of our second encampment, I was putting my best
squad of twelve men through inspection of arms in
my severest manner. Hardee was looking on as I
thought with approval. Everything went well and
to my entire satisfaction till I stepped in front of
the squad preparatory to closing ranks. I had no-
ticed a pile of cobble-stones nearby, but, as I started
to walk backward for the purpose of taking in the
whole squad at a glance, I felt the stones under my
heels, and almost instantly they began to roll. My
feet became entangled and, losing my balance, I fell
completely over backward. Of course, the exhibition
I made was more than the squad could stand. Every
1 In fact, he became one of the most gallant men of his day,
and was killed while leading a squadron headon at Gaines' Mill
against Jackson's Corps.
12
INTRODUCTION
man of them, and especially Cadet McKenzie,1 broke
out in an audible laugh. Hardee himself failed to
keep his face straight, and this made the situation
all the more embarrassing. But I always thought
I proved myself equal to the occasion. Springing
to my feet at once, I sang out : ' ' Close ranks, march !
Fours, left ! Forward, double quick, march ! ' ! And
off we went around the plain without halting. By
the time we had made one turn the breathing became
heavy, but, as it seemed to me there was still enough
breath left for another laugh, I continued the double-
quick till we got around a second time, when I halted
the squad and gave the command: " Order arms —
in place, rest!" It is notable that although we had
covered something like a mile and a half at full
speed, no one had fallen out, but all were so nearly
exhausted that when I asked quite informally, as I
did, if they thought they could witness such another
accident without laughing they were unanimous in
saying they thought they could. This, of course,
closed the incident, though the commandant inti-
mated later that he thought the punishment some-
what too great for the offense. In this he was prob-
ably right, but it is interesting to note that as long
as I remained first sergeant of that company I had
perfect order in ranks.
Those were great days, and, while the drilling
and studying were intermingled with dancing, fenc-
ing, riding, and gymnastics, time passed rapidly and
agreeably, with marked improvement to both body
and mind. 'When we graduated there was not an
infirm or unsound man in the class, but, on the con-
1 Afterwards a distinguished brigadier and major general of
cavalry,
13
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
trary, there were many who would have passed any-
where as athletes of no mean quality, although the
period of football and baseball was yet in the future.
The entire course was admirably arranged to com-
bine physical with mental development, and in this
connection I give it as my deliberate opinion, after
many years of observation, that the national schools
at West Point and Annapolis are the best of their
kind in the world. They get all there is to be had
out of the cadets, and ruthlessly send away those
who cannot reach the required standard of efficiency.
There is no idling, no lost time, and no favoritism,
and the result is altogether admirable.
Having been accustomed to horses from child-
hood, I became a good theoretical, as well as practi-
cal horseman. It was my lot to be put in charge of
vicious mounts, more than one of which fell over
backward or ran away with me, but, fortunately,
without doing me any harm. It was due solely to
this fact, as well as to the manner in which I man-
aged my own horses in the field, that I was assigned
to the command of cavalry after I reached the grade
of brigadier general, through two and a half years'
service in the engineering and inspecting depart-
ments.
Looking back on my military life, I have only
two regrets in connection with it: first, that I was
never an enlisted man in the infantry or cavalry,
because, with my health, activity, powers of endur-
ance, and skill in handling a rifle and a horse, I al-
ways felt that I would have been as good a soldier
as could be found anywhere in the ranks, while I
was far from having the same confidence in my ca-
pacity as a commissioned officer; and, second, that
14
INTRODUCTION
I was never a prisoner of war, because I felt that
the privation and ill treatment of that fate would
have stimulated me to even greater determination
and services in behalf of the Union cause.
My last summer, like all the rest, was a busy one,
for, in order to get rid of my confinement, as well
as the extra guard duty to which I had been sen-
tenced, I was allowed the privilege of walking my
regular and extra tours consecutively, and thus for
twelve days without intermission I was constantly
on guard, walking two hours and resting four, both
day and night, till I had paid the penalty and wiped
out the score against me.
In addition to performing all regular duties, I
was up to everything within limits and to an occa-
sional trip off limits in those days. At the ' ' Eagle
Valley Retreat*' fried chicken and buckwheat cakes
were most attractively served by the landlord's eld-
est daughter, and cakes always kept coming till one
of our number, a handsome Virginian, would stop
them by a graceful wave of the hand and ' ' sufficient
of the buckwheats, Sarie." Fortunately, these es-
capades, during which I swam the river more than
once to the trestle work above Garrisons and back
to the Point, were undetected and therefore un-
punished.
My aggregate recorded demerits amounted to
something like one hundred and seventy for the five
years of my cadet life, and, as conduct counts along
with studies and duties in making up class standing,
I paid the penalty in the end by graduating only
sixth in the class, when, if I had been a "good boy,"
I might have done one or two files better. But, as
General Grant used to say: "We had a power of
15
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
fun in those days," and I do not see even now how
closer attention to studies or a closer observance
of regulations could have materially improved either
my education or my happiness.
My class, after having been sifted to the irre-
ducible minimum of forty-one, was generally consid-
ered a good one. It certainly had several admirable
scholars in it, notably McFarland, Bowen and Tardy,
besides quite a number who rose to high rank and
distinction, among whom were Porter, Merritt, Pen-
nington, Hall, Jones, Randol, Martin, Marsh, War-
ner, and John M. Wilson.
Although most of our number were disappointed
at not graduating in four years, as was at one time
ordered, instead of staying five, as originally in-
tended, it is not to be denied that the extra year
was well and profitably employed, and in the end
gave us an unusually good preparation for the great
war which broke out within a year after we grad-
uated. I was not disappointed, for I felt that our
last year would round out our education and put us
on higher ground than our predecessors had gener-
ally attained.
The professors and instructors of the day were
aole and conscientious men. Mahan, Church, Bart-
lett, and Kendrick had already become famous, and
our superintendent, military staff, and daily in-
structors were mostly officers of rare ability. Among
the number were Delafield, Duane, W. F. Smith,
Casey, Craighill, and Weitzel, of the engineers ; Ben-
ton and Howard of the ordnance; Hardee, Field,
Williams, and Cosby of the cavalry; Silvey, Sill,
Holabird, Fry, Perry, and Gibbon of the artillery;
Walker, Clitz, Cogswell, Washington, Wilcox, Mc-
16
INTRODUCTION
Cook, and many others of the infantry. They had
all seen service and were studious, hard-working,
and dignified officers, who seemed to take as much
pride in studying for their own information as for
the instruction of the cadets. It is gratifying to
note that several of the number rose afterward to
high command and great distinction.
In these later days of the War College and the
special schools for the staff and line of the army,
four years with the present standard, or even three
years with a higher standard for admission, con-
stitute an ample term for West Point ; but without
these post-graduate schools, which did not exist in
our time, five years were none too many. At all
events, I valued them and the advantages they
brought highly at the time, and since then I have
always thought they gave us a broader view and
a better preparation for the military profession than
we could possibly have got in any other way. It
is doubtless due to this fact that several of our
number rose to high command by the time the con-
flict between the states was hardly half over. At
its outset they entered the field with as much, if not
more, theoretical knowledge of the art and science
of war than most of their seniors, and after a com-
paratively short experience on the staff or with
troops they were quite as well qualified in every
way, except by age, for responsibility and high com-
mand. Porter, who served with marked distinction
on the staff of McClellan, Eosecrans, and Grant;
Bowen, who served with W. F. Smith and Parke;
Martin of the infantry and the cavalry bureau and
afterward of the Adjutant General's Department,
and Edson of the Ordnance, were certainly able offi-
17
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
cers without reference to age. Merritt was one of
the best and most successful cavalry commanders
on either side. Whittemore, who served constantly
and creditably as an ordnance officer, had but little
chance for distinction. Randol, Pennington, and
John M. Wilson became splendid battery command-
ers, the first and second as chiefs of artillery. As
if to illustrate the completeness of the West Point
education for all branches of the service, Penning-
ton later commanded a regiment and finally a
brigade of cavalry under Sheridan with great suc-
cess, while J. M. Wilson was shortly afterward
transferred to the engineers, and after a long and
honorable career, was retired for age as the chief
of that distinguished corps. It may be truthfully
said that no better officers ever rose to the command
of a company or a regiment of infantry, whether
regular or volunteer, than William G. Jones, Robert
H. Hall, John N. Andrews, Salem S. Marsh, James
P. Martin, and James M. Warner. They were preux
chevaliers, as modest as girls, and by choice con-
stantly with the colors, working hard and "hoping
that they might find honor there.' ' By skill, cour-
age, and success in many battles and campaigns they
added luster to our arms, and may well be regarded
by those they have left behind as model soldiers and
gentlemen of faultless record. Among those des-
tined for less brilliant careers were Kellogg, who
commanded a volunteer cavalry regiment and, be-
coming physically disqualified, had to retire, and
Foster, who commanded a regiment of Missouri in-
fantry and died from sickness contracted in service.
There was Sweet, as brave as any knight, who lay
down his young life at Gaines' Mill while leading
18
INTRODUCTION
a squadron of regular cavalry headlong to the charge
against Stonewall Jackson's army corps. There
were Tardy, the scholar, and Vanderbilt, the athlete,
who fell sick and died in the earlier days of the war.
They were preceded by the frail but heroic Mishler,
who was killed with a shout of defiance on his lips
while defending his guns against a charge at Val
Verde. There was Powell, a favorite staff officer
of McPherson, who served gallantly through the war
and died on the plains from an accident. And there
were Hopkins, Bowman, Cushing, Lynn, and Jordan,
who served with the regulars or on detached duty,
but for one reason or another failed to win the fame
they had dreamed of. Lewis, short and stout, but
the strongest and most agile man of the class, died
from sickness in the field. We also had our Smith,
Alfred T., with a splendid double-bass voice, who
went through both the Civil War and the war
against the Filipinos, and after a long and conscien-
tious life always with the colors, retired by reason
of advanced age as a colonel.
Then, too, like all the other classes of the period,
we had our Southerners — hot-headed, masterful, in-
tolerant fellows who classed Black Eepublicans with
the abolitionists, and believed in slavery as a divine
institution. Benjamin Sloan, of South Carolina, was
by far the ablest of the lot. As a boy it was said
he left "F" out of his name because Benjamin
Franklin was a Northerner. He served the South
through to the end and then became a respected
college president in his native state. Ramseur,
of Huguenot origin, from North Carolina, was
as handsome and attractive a young man as
could be found. He came to be looked upon
19
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
by the Confederate leaders as almost without
a peer as an infantry commander and early
rose to the rank of major general. He was
mortally wounded in the battle of Cedar Creek
and was tenderly nursed in his dying hours- by class-
mates and friends whom he had known at West
Point. Kerr, a man of intellect and courage, also
from the old North state, died young without rising
to distinction. Gibbes, of South Carolina, who
fought Upton unsuccessfully as a cadet because he
was an abolitionist, fired the first gun at Sumter
and saw the last one fired at Appomattox. Huger,
of the same state, with a long line of distinguished
ancestors, was far from being a disunionist, but he
cast his lot with "his people,' J and after serving
them as a staff officer became a successful railroad
man and lived beyond three score years. McCreery,
a brilliant and ambitious Virginian, was killed at
Antietam. He had provoked me, unfortunately for
himself, into the only fight I had in my cadet days,
ostensibly because of impatient words I had used
toward him at artillery drill, but really because I
was a Northerner, and he and his friends thought a
licking would do me good. Gibbes was his second
and Hall was mine. The fight was with bare fists,
"rough and tumble,, to a finish without a break,
according to the local rules. It came off after
supper within the hallowed precincts of old Fort
Clinton of Revolutionary memory. It was short,
sharp, and decisive. But the hardest case of all was
that of Riley, one of the handsomest, most engaging,
and most popular men of the class. He was the
son of General Bennett Riley of the regular army,
a noted hero of the Mexican War, originally
20
INTRODUCTION
from western New York. The youngster, on grad-
uating, was sent to the extreme West, where he
served with Earl Van Dorn and other Southern
officers, and through some strange fatuity or some
fatal friendship he cast his lot with the South and
lost as bravely as the best with the comrades and
the cause for which he stood.
The man who graduated at the foot of the class
was Borland, of Arkansas, the son of a senator of
that name. He was a good fellow and a great
favorite and had taken seven years to master the
course. By reasoning altogether his own, although
as poor as Job's turkey, he conceived that "his
rights in the territories ' ' might be withheld by a Ke-
publican administration, and so he, too, went to fight
for the South. A life of obscure employments, fol-
lowed by an old age of suffering and penury, are his
lot among the people he served so faithfully.
Last, but not least, was the grave and austere
McFarland, the brightest of them all, who graduated
easily head of the class, and from music to quater-
nions never encountered an art or a science he did
not master. With the mind of a Laplace and the
skill of a Vauban, he was fitted for any place that
fortune might bring, and should have left his mark
deeply impressed upon the times in which he lived.
But fortune was against him from the first, and his
superb equipment as a soldier and scientist was
his undoing. It brought him the duty of construct-
ing permanent fortifications and sea-coast defences,
which were to assist in making good the blockade
and cutting off outside help, without which it was
impossible for the Confederacy to succeed. This
important but modest service kept him generally far
21
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
from the march of contending armies and from the
excitement and danger of battle, and thus it con-
tinued, not only for the greater part of the war, but
until middle life. He died from rheumatism of the
heart. He was loved and honored by all, but his
hopes had been disappointed and his " white, un-
stained soldier's plume," with all its inspirations,
remained to the end but a dream and a disappoint-
ment.
I have always felt that the decade at the end of
which my class graduated was the golden age of
West Point. This may be because I knew it better
than I have ever known it since, but in those days
it was eminently the place of "the square deal."
Neither outside pull nor inside intrigue could in-
fluence the standing of any man nor change the
course of the academic board so much as a hair's
breadth. The officers of all grades were the selected
men of the army. None but an engineer of the high-
est rank and attainments had up to that time ever
held the position of superintendent, and the disci-
pline was perfect. There was now and then a little
harmless hazing and occasionally some that was far
too rough, but it was either judiciously ignored or
firmly and effectively dealt with by the superinten-
dent without advertising the matter or calling on
the "War Department for assistance. The fact is
that such a call would have been considered as an
evidence of incapacity and weakness by an officer of
Colonel Delafield's experience and character.
During my time at the Academy and afterward
till the first gun of the war was fired, politics ran
high. We were boys, but, coming from every Con-
gressional district of the Union, the corps of cadets
22
INTRODUCTION
was as much a representative body as Congress it-
self. We all read the newspapers, not only from
New York, but from home towns, and all took sides.
I was a Douglas Democrat, possibly as much by rea-
son of my Southern ancestry as because "the Little
Giant" was from my state and because in debates
with his opponents, and especially with Jefferson
Davis, he proudly proclaimed that he would neither
ask nor grant quarter. My section of the state was
always strongly Democratic and it was devoted to
Douglas. My own county, Gallatin, gave Mr. Lin-
coln only sixty-five votes for president and Mr.
Douglas all the rest. His doctrine of popular
sovereignty seemed to be not only plausible, but con-
sistent with the right of self-government which lay
at the base of the American system. I was familiar
with the Constitution and its commentaries as taught
in our course of law, but I did not perceive that the
District of Columbia and the territories were not
sovereignties at all, but were under the absolute con-
trol of Congress. I was opposed to slavery itself,
but I realized that it was under the protection of
the law and beyond the power of Congress to regu-
late or abolish it. I believed in the patriotism of
Dotiglas and in his steadfast devotion to the Union.
It has always seemed to me that Lincoln's biog-
raphers, Nicolay and Hay, often went out of their
way to belittle Douglas in order to exalt their great
Chief, and that this really served to depreciate Lin-
coln. ' ' Arts of the demagogue, f9U vicious methods, * '
" quibbling,' * "success above principle," "plausible
but delusive," are among the unkind phrases ap-
plied to Douglas in reviewing the points of contact
between these two really great men. But Lincoln's
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
biographers were not always unkind. Indeed, they
concede Douglas' great ability, and at times laud
him highly, but generally leave the impression that
he was actuated by motives less lofty, and that he
moved on a moral plane distinctly lower than Lin-
coln's. They seem to have overlooked the fact that
in all the arts of the mere politician their wily Chief
had served a full apprenticeship in the trade and
that he could easily give Mr. Douglas large odds
and beat him at the game. They pass over the great
and inestimable service rendered by Douglas to the
cause of the Union in his last days with slight or in-
adequate mention, and make no quotations from his
two masterly and decisive speeches following his last
personal conference with Lincoln in Washington
April 14, 1861. It is hardly too much to say of those
speeches that they were decisive of a unified North
in "the impending conflict," and that they consti-
tuted beyond comparison the greatest individual
service rendered to the Union by any public man,
not even excepting Mr. Lincoln's, in the crucial days
following the attack on Fort Sumter. In their far-
reaching results they have rarely been equaled and
never surpassed by any forensic effort of ancient
or modern times.
At Springfield, April 25, 1861, before a joint ses-
sion of the two houses of the legislature, over which
the now venerable Shelby M. Cullom presided, Doug-
las, in the greatest speech of his life, aroused his
large audience to a frenzy of patriotic enthusiasm
when at the height of his eloquent appeal for the
Union he said:
"When hostile armies are marching under
new and odious banners against the government
24
INTRODUCTION
of our Country, the shortest way to peace is the
most stupendous and unanimous preparation for
war. ' '
Of this speech Senator Cullom has since said:
"Never in all my experience in public life, before
or since, have I been so impressed by a speaker.' '
Another says: "His eloquence, his earnestness and
power were such as to fairly transfigure him," while
men and women were carried off their feet in an
hysterical wave of patriotism. Later, at Chicago,
in June, a few days before his death, in the last
effort of his life, arousing the wildest enthusiasm
of a vast audience and throughout the whole North,
he said:
' ' There are only two sides to the question. Every
man must be for the United States or against it.
There can be no neutrals in this war — ONLY
PATEIOTS and TRAITORS." 1
Of this Horace White says : • ' That speech hushed
the breath of treason in every corner of the State." 2
And he might have added with equal truthfulness
that it swept away for the time all party lines, uni-
fied the whole North and brought to the unwavering
support of Lincoln and the Union cause the millions
of devoted, loyal, and enthusiastic personal and
party friends of the Senator they fondly called
"The Little Giant."
It is but tardy justice to call particular attention
to the fact that his manly and patriotic course
brought Logan, McClernand, Ogleby, Palmer, Hurl-
but, Lawler, and many other influential Douglas
Democrats from Illinois into the army as generals
1 Chicago Wigwam Speech, New York Tribune, June 13, 1861.
'"Life of Lincoln," Herndon & Weik, Vol. II, pp. 126-7.
25
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and colonels. In the light of all this it can be truly
said that Douglas was one of the strongest and most
influential characters in all the galaxy of American
statesmen. That Lincoln recognized his great serv-
ices is shown by the fact that he offered him the
commission of major general of Volunteers. A
month afterward, at the age of forty-eight, he was
in his grave.
Since the above was written the attention of the
venerable William Jayne, of Springfield, Illinois, has
been called to the subject. He was Lincoln 's special
friend, he stood up with him at his wedding, and
was appointed by him governor of Dakota. He has
always been a staunch Eepublican. He is one of the
few surviving close friends of Lincoln, hale and
hearty at eighty-five years of age, and does not hesi-
tate to say : i ' There would have been war in Illinois
but for Douglas. Justice has never been done to
his memory. He was a very great man and a true
patriot. ' '
In my day the teaching of the Academy was clear
and unequivocal on this point: that whatever might
be the reserved rights of the state or of its citizens,
those who had taken the oath of allegiance to the
Union and bound themselves to faithful service in
the army had no reserved rights, and that no matter
what a mere citizen might think or do, we were
solemnly pledged to protect and defend the Consti-
tution of the United States "against all its enemies
and opposers whatsoever." We were told that these
words included domestic as well as foreign enemies,
and that so long as two states held together under
the Constitution and the laws enacted in accordance
therewith, it was the duty of all regular officers to
26
INTRODUCTION
uphold the flag and stand hy the government of the
United States.
At all events, this was my platform, and I am
glad to say most of the Northern men stood with me
on it. But my Southern classmates, almost to a
man, in spite of their oath of allegiance, were
against it and believed in state rights, and when
the test came all went South, except Martin, of Ken-
tucky. He was but a boy with a man's head on his
shoulders, and never thereafter in any official emer-
gency failed in his duty. We had plenty of Free-
soilers, and a few Abolitionists, and when at leisure
we had fierce discussions in spite of ourselves. While
the political lines were closely drawn, friendly rela-
tions were maintained, but the closest intimacies
were sectional rather than national. We had our
differences and our fights, but they, as well as the
feelings which existed, have been so fully and so ad-
mirably portrayed by other writers that nothing
further need be said here.1
The representative character of the Military
Academy, while obvious enough when attention is
directed to it, has never been adequately set forth
by the officers controlling the institution nor fully
understood by the cadets themselves. Although it
is absolutely national and, properly enough, now-
adays makes known to its graduates the paramount
claims of the nation upon their allegiance and serv-
ice by commissioned officers of the army, nothing
whatever is said as to their relations with the civil
officials and their people at home, nor the advan-
tages of maintaining close connection with them.
w<The Spirit of Old West Point/ ' by General Morris Schaff,
1907.
27
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
As pointed out in the case of my own class, the
cadets are drawn from every rank and station of
life absolutely without reference to "race, color or
previous condition of servitude. ' ' Every man 's son
is eligible for appointment if he has the proper quali-
fications, and, when admitted, every man's son has
an equal chance with every other man's son. I shall
not deny that here and there at rare intervals young
men present themselves who, by disagreeable or
offensive appearance, manners, or behavior, arouse
the antagonism of their associates, or even of those
in authority over them. If they prove obdurate, in-
tractable, or vicious, they are finally eliminated, al-
though they might possibly, with patient encourage-
ment and assistance, master the course of studies;
but I cannot recall a case where real injustice was
done. Human nature is a complex adjustment of
contradictory and opposing elements in which abso-
lute justice can neither be defined nor secured. Hon-
orable men do the best they can and leave the con-
sequences to take care of themselves.
In the case of the cadets, the fashioning hands
of discipline, instruction, and environment begin
their work at once, and by the end of the year, as
I have previously remarked, as far as an outsider
can perceive, they all look alike, and in ranks as
much so as a row of pins. But the training and
assimilation do not end there. They go on to the
end. When the young men at the close of their sec-
ond year go home on furlough, clad in a smart uni-
form, they are received with pride and satisfaction
by their family and friends, and they are the envy
of their old schoolmates and the admiration of the
girls. They are proud and happy to a degree that
28
INTRODUCTION
no one who has not been through the experience
can realize. They find everything agreeable and
have altogether the best time they ever had. When
they return to the Academy and buckle down again
to their work they broaden in their minds and in
their ambitions, and begin to wonder how they are
coming out, what branch of service they will enter,
and what will be their chance for glory. The change
in person, in bearing, and in ideals goes on and they
become grown men ; they have mastered the course,
made their way to an assured position, and are about
to enter into the real race of life. They graduate,
choose their corps and regiment, and go home again
to their family and friends. Of course, those who
come from the higher walks of life find a welcome
in society, and now and then one looks around and
marries the girl he loved as a boy, or his sister's
friend. But the great majority find themselves in
an environment different from that in which they
grew up. Their people and friends may be just as
proud, or even prouder, of them than when they
were at home on furlough, but the new graduate
somehow or another may not be so proud of them
as he once was. He has changed, but the plain
people have not, and there is an incongruity, if not
an inharmony, that makes him uneasy. And so
when his leave is at an end he goes away — it used
to be to the frontier, but now it is to the
Philippines, or to a dull post on the sea coast. He
enters upon his duty as an officer and soon becomes
so much absorbed in making a record for himself,
upon which he proudly imagines his whole future is
to depend, that he thinks less and less frequently of
his boyhood home, family, and friends Unfortu-
29
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
nately, even if otherwise disposed, lie returns but
seldom, and while he thinks of them occasionally,
he finally forgets them, little by little to be sure,
but when his father and mother die the strongest
tie is broken and he loses his citizenship at home,
and becomes a citizen of the country at large. He
has lost his constituents and his backing and now
has no chance for assistance in life except from
friends he makes in the army or in the neighborhood
of the posts at which he has served.
If he realizes this at all, he consoles himself with
the thought that he belongs to the army which is
governed by a higher code than the civil callings,
and where neither favoritism nor chicanery can pre-
vail, but where everything depends upon the honor-
able record of service he builds up for himself. He
forgets that in emergencies, or even in ordinary
times, his record, of which he is so proud and from
which he expects so much, is filed away in the War
Department, and is the last thing those in authority
ever think of consulting in regard to the unknown
and inconspicuous army officer. Indeed, unless there
is at home someone sufficiently interested to remem-
ber that he has a record, or is making one, he is
almost as completely out of mind to those higher
up as if he and his record were sleeping together
in the tomb of Sesostris.
I would not have it thought that I favor "pull"
or personal influence instead of honorable record,
but a young soldier, in the first instance at least,
represents his home district, and unless he keeps in
touch with it through his congressman, his senator,
his teacher, the pastor, the judge, or even the gov-
ernor, he will have no one to speak for him. In
30
INTRODUCTION
short, unless he is known favorably by the promi-
nent and influential men of his own district, who are
naturally interested in him, opportunity may never
come his way, no matter what his real merit may
be. And without opportunity obscurity is sure to
be his lot. He should know that officials of all ranks
are so constituted that when called upon to recom-
mend a man for office or promotion, they naturally
recommend first him whom they know in person, and
second him whom they have heard well spoken of
and favorably commended by people of position and
influence.
In all that relates to this important subject my
class had been no better instructed than those that
went before it, nor those that came after it. It had
this advantage, however: it found itself within less
than a year on the threshold of a great war, where
opportunity was looking for the men, and honor-
able service was thrust upon all who wanted it, so
that only the weak and unready failed to get it to
their heart's content.
After the usual graduating leave of absence, the
men of the class of 1860 were distributed to the
corps and regiments for which they had applied
or to which they were assigned, and were scattered
throughout the United States. Many were sent to
the frontier and were there when the Civil War
broke out. As I graduated only sixth in general
standing, it was my lot to be commissioned a brevet
second lieutenant of Topographical Engineers and
to be ordered to the headquarters of the District
of Washington at Fort Vancouver, on the Columbia
Eiver. My orders made it necessary to take the
longest ocean and river voyage it was then possible
31
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
for any officer to be sent upon to a post within the
limits of the United States. It was before the days
of the transcontinental railroads, and the only feas-
ible way to my station was by steamship to Aspin-
wall, thence across the Isthmus by rail to Panama,
and again by steamship to San Francisco and Port-
land. It was, however, what I wanted, and I enjoyed
every day of the voyage — all the strange scenes and
experiences through which it took me. I sailed from
New York late in September, 1860, by one of the
Vanderbilt steamers then plying in the Isthmian
route, to the east coast, and from Panama up the
coast by the Pacific Mail Line. Including a few
days' stop-over at San Francisco, it took about a
month to reach my destination.
Under the policy of John B. Floyd, then sec-
retary of war, my first orders took me in October,
1860, from New York by the Isthmus of Panama
and San Francisco to Fort Vancouver, on the Co-
lumbia River. The ship's company contained sev-
eral courtesy majors and colonels, and, although I
was only the ninth brevet second lieutenant in the
corps of Topographical Engineers, they cheerfully
waived their rank in my favor and unanimously
gave me the title of "the general/ ' and "the gen-
eral' ' I remained till the voyage ended. As the
Zanfrettis of the Ravel troupe were going to try
their fortune at San Francisco and were traveling
with us, the voyage was a pleasant one. They were
jolly, sociable, good-natured people, male and fe-
male, and did their best to entertain their fellow-
passengers. We crossed the Isthmus by railway,
but had got hardly half way over when our train
jumped the track. It was raining and very dark,
32
INTRODUCTION
and the scene, which was ordinarily weird enough,
was made more so by a multitude of monkeys, which
made the night hideous by their whining and chat-
tering from the overhanging tropical forest.
While at Panama Colonel Talcott, the chief en-
gineer, expressed the opinion, based upon his ex-
tensive acquaintance with the entire Isthmus, that
the route the railroad occupied, the lowest level
then known, was the only one on which a tide-level
inter-oceanic ship canal could ever be built. Talcott
was an ex-army officer and an able man, whose clear
and decided views made a profound impression upon
me at the time. They were emphasized more than
a decade later by one Anthoine de Gogorza, who had
traded up and down Central America for many
years. After careful study he had come to the con-
clusion that a still better route might be found by
an exhaustive survey.
The subject was always one of great interest to
me, because after the Civil War, when I had re-
turned to duty as a captain of engineers, both Gen-
eral Grant and General Humphreys, then chief of
engineers, directed me to keep myself constantly
informed on the subject of an inter-oceanic ship
canal and its proper location, with the intimation
that I should be charged with the further surveys
and with the construction when it should be author-
ized by Congress. Therefore, I read everything
that came before the public in regard to the sub-
ject, reaching the conclusion that until every pos-
sible route had been surveyed with the same care
that had been bestowed upon the Isthmus of Pan-
ama, that route must be preferred. As no further
surveys have been made, that conclusion stands
33
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
good to-day. In this faith, many years later, while
a member of the National Republican Convention,
I framed the resolution favoring an inter-oceanic
canal, without designating the route, but a delegate
from California, with a vigilance which could not
have been greater if it had been paid for, always
amended my report by inserting the Nicaragua
route. Finally, at the instance, I have always be-
lieved, of Senator Foraker, the resolution was
passed in such form as to leave the subject indefi-
nite, and the government free to adopt the Panama
instead of the Nicaragua route. Thus Colonel Tal-
cott 's views were finally adopted, but the great work
was changed from a tide-level canal to one with
locks and dams. It should be noted, however, that
even to this late day there is a difference of opinion
as to the wisdom of this decision. Personally I have
always contended that the canal should be at tide
level, without locks of any kind, and that the Gov-
ernment cannot afford any other than the best pos-
sible construction, no matter what it costs.
Our voyage northward was broken by a few
hours' stop at Acapulco, and several days at San
Francisco. Both were full of interest for me, and
I was greatly struck by the importance of San Fran-
cisco, the harbor of which was crowded with ship-
ping from all parts of the world. Spaniards, Mexi-
cans, Frenchmen, and Chinamen jostled each other
at every corner, and, although the common saying
was that there was no Sunday west of Panama,
order prevailed on all sides, and it was evident that
the Americans were in absolute control. The mem-
ory of the " Vigilantes ' ' was fresh in everybody's
mind, and with that memory the conviction seemed
34
INTRODUCTION
widespread that license and frolic might go so far,
but no farther.
I remained in the city only long enough to get
the first steamer for the northern coast. I neither
knew nor cared to know anyone at San Francisco,
and on the third morning I embarked for Portland,
Oregon. The voyage was rough and kept me sea-
sick till we had crossed the Columbia Eiver bar.
The run to Portland was smooth and rapid. The
river was broad and stately, and the mountain scen-
ery on either hand the finest I had ever seen, but,
finding Portland raw and unfinished, I tarried only
long enough to make connections with the little
steamer which took me in two hours to Fort Van-
couver, on the Columbia, a few miles above the
mouth of the Willamette.
My first duty was to report to Captain George
Thorn and then to call with him on Colonel George
Wright, the courtly and courteous district com-
mander. Both were glad to see me, and did what
they could to make me feel that I was welcome. I
was, of course, invited to join the bachelor officers'
mess, and met there several acquaintances from
West Point. My first business was to rent and fur-
nish a little frame cottage of two rooms, a few rods
outside of the garrison. The first night I called on
the family of the commanding general. It was rain-
ing and so dark that I found it difficult to keep the
path. About half way to the general's I heard some-
one splashing through the mud toward me, and called
out at once: "Who comes there V The answer
came back instantly : ' ' Hallo ! is that you, Wilson ? ' '
"Yes, Wildrick, how are you!" He had been my
cadet first sergeant, and, although we had not met
35
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
for three years, we recognized each other's voice
instantly. What makes this somewhat remarkable
is the fact that neither knew the other was within
three thousand miles of Vancouver.
My chief had already one assistant, Lieutenant
Dixon, when I reported, and, as he had no profes-
sional work for himself or anyone else, he was at a
loss to find employment for us. He naturally told
me to make myself comfortable, to get acquainted
with the ladies and enjoy myself for a few days,
all of which I proceeded to do. As there were only
three unmarried ladies in the garrison at the time,
and none in the village of Vancouver nearby, while
there were fourteen bachelors at the post and about
fourteen thousand scattered about through the ter-
ritory, the disparity of the sexes was such as to
seriously limit social diversions. The three young
women were, of course, charming, but were forced
to divide their time, so that no one had a monopoly.
They rode with one, walked with another, danced
with a third and flirted with all, and both day and
night passed gaily enough. The times were growing
serious, however. The presidential election was at
hand, and even in that far-away corner of the coun-
try that was the all-absorbing topic of conversation.
While most of the officers were Northerners and
Republicans or Douglas Democrats, there were a
few Southerners among us, but no secessionists or
disunionists. There was no intolerance and no quar-
reling. It was too serious for that, and when the
news came that Lincoln had been elected the gloom
seemed to deepen and the fear to increase that the
Union would be disrupted. The Eastern newspapers
and the mails were a month on the road, and hence
36
INTRODUCTION
the suspense weighed heavily on all. "With the pas-
sage of the ordinance of secession by South Caro-
lina and the failure of the peace conferences, appre-
hension deepened into a certainty that civil war
would follow.
The winter was a dreary one, varied so far as
I was concerned by only one visit to the Dalles of
the Columbia, one or two trips to Portland, and
one to Olympia, the capital of Washington territory.
All the duty that could be found for me was to lo-
cate and mark out a wagon road through the wilder-
ness, along the Cowlitz from Columbia River to
Puget Sound. This gave but little trouble and took
less than a fortnight. The route was clearly indi-
cated by nature, and, as it was familiar to the fron-
tiersmen, my task was soon completed and my map
duly filed at headquarters. Mounted on an Indian
pony, which cost but twenty dollars, with the assist-
ance of a few axemen, I made my way through the
forest, cutting out the vine-maple and underbrush,
and blazing the road so that it could be easily fol-
lowed. It is now the route of a double-track rail-
road used by three transcontinental lines.
Seattle was then the site of a sawmill, and Ta-
coma but little more. Puget Sound, with its deep
water and endless channels, had no commerce, and
the country adjacent was broken here and there by
one-company military posts to overawe the Indians
and hold the country against the encroachments of
the Hudson Bay Company. No one then foresaw
its wonderful development. The entire coast fifty
years later is crowded with large and flourishing
cities and towns, all of which received a great and
unexpected impetus from the discovery of gold, cop-
37
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
per, and coal in Alaska. I frankly confess that
when I renewed my acquaintance with the region of
my first military service, and extended it to British
Columbia, the Yukon District, and Alaska Terri-
tory, I deeply regretted that our government had
not resolutely enforced its claims to "Fifty-four
Forty or Fight, f ' and to a junction with the Russian
possessions.
Shortly after reaching Fort Vancouver I went
to Olympia, the capital, to make tracings of the
land-survey maps of the government reservations
in the territory, and on the trip visited Fort Steil-
acoom, and the settlement at Tacoma. With the
exception of one court-martial, this was the most
important service I performed during my stay of
nine months in the territory. Any intelligent ser-
geant could have done it at an expense of fifty
dollars. The fact is that all the officers in that
section had been banished as far as possible from
the scene of the coming conflict, and if each had
been an undeveloped Napoleon he could not have
been more flattered nor more exasperated. The only
advantage got from their service on the frontier
was ten cents a mile travel allowance, both going
and coming. Personally, it was a sort of God-send
to me, for, after paying my expenses, the remainder
was sufficient to pay my debts and leave me a mod-
est surplus.
On my return from Puget Sound my chief charged
me with the care of three government chronometers,
doing his best to impress the awful consequences
that would follow if I failed to keep them wound.
But, withal, my heart was not in it. The army had
begun to disintegrate. Dixon of Tennessee and
38
INTRODUCTION
Anderson of Georgia had resigned, and they were
followed shortly by others from the interior. By
the first of March, 1861, most of the Southern offi-
cers serving in that quarter had gone home or sig-
nified their intention of doing so. Two batteries
without guns had been ordered South and our gar-
rison had lost a number of subalterns, which made
the duty heavier on those who remained. In the
midst of the excitement I let my chronometers run
down, and although this made my chief un-
happy, he passed it over lightly. I confessed my
fault and told him frankly that I must find some-
thing more important to do, and that, with his per-
mission, I should ask for orders to return to the
East. Meanwhile, I should offer my services to the
commandant as adjutant of the post. Fortunately,
my chief, who was loyal to the backbone, gave me
both sympathy and approval, and I entered at once
on the duties of post adjutant, performing them to
the best of my ability till the very day I received
orders to return to the East.
Early in the spring we turned out all the troops
that could be mustered and called in the citizens to
see them fully armed and equipped for war. On the
fourth of July we took two companies to Portland,
marched them through the streets, held parade on
the public square, and passed them in review with
the band playing and the flag flying, to the wild de-
light of the patriotic people. There was no doubt
about the loyalty of that garrison!
Edwin V. Sumner commanded the department
of the Pacific at that time, while his brother-in-law,
George Wright, commanded the District of Oregon.
No braver or more loyal officers ever upheld the
39
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
flag, and with their approval the atmosphere in that
region was resonant with patriotic salutes from our
field guns and patriotic music from our band. But
there were no secessionists in that part of the coun-
try who dared avow themselves. It was evident that
the war, if it came, would rage on the other side of
the continent, fourteen thousand miles away by the
traveled route, and to that quarter all patriotic eyes
were turned.
As the coming storm became more threatening
my unhappiness and my anxiety grew apace. I had
no shadow of doubt as to the course all graduates
ought to follow. It lay perfectly clear before me.
My brother, Henry, two years younger than I, had
succeeded me at West Point. My brother Bluford
had entered college, and I was naturally anxious
that both should take the same view and adopt
the same course I had marked out for myself. No
mail passed that did not carry letters between us,
as well as between me and other friends. With each
day the line of duty became clearer and more cer-
tain, and it is with pride and satisfaction that I
record here that neither of my brothers ever hesi-
tated for a moment. Both entered the army and
were in active service throughout the war. Our
widowed mother, with a sad heart and many tears,
but with a gentle, patriotic, and Christian resigna-
tion, gave her all to the country. Others, doubtless,
made greater sacrifices because they had more sons,
but she gave all she had. Fortunately, all were
spared to return to her in safety at the end of the
conflict.
While I claim no special merit for my correspon-
dence, except that it was patriotic and loyal to the
40
INTRODUCTION
country, with no suspicion of selfishness or section-
alism, I feel that it will bear publication as an exam-
ple of how young men of the day met the great
crisis without assistance, and found their way into
the struggle for the maintenance of the Constitution
and the Union.
On April 3, 1861, 1 wrote my brothers as follows :
. . . Briefly, then, I am for the Union, one and in-
separable, now and forever, as a blessing paramount to
all others known to the American people. This is the pri-
mary principle, the basis of our National honor and pros-
perity, and above all of our National strength and glory.
. . . It is a legacy we are bound in honor to transmit
to posterity, as it was transmitted to us. We of this day
and generation have no right to decree its dissolution or
to join in its destruction, for it concerns not us alone but
posterity.
The "right of secession" is a transparent inconsistency,
totally inadmissible and at variance with the first idea of
stable government. But there is even a stronger reason for
denying its validity. The Constitution (Art. I, Sec. X,
par. 1 and 2) specially provides that "No state shall enter
into any treaty, alliance or confederation," and the tone
of that whole instrument is opposed to the idea of secession.
"But the cotton states have seceded." Yes, but seces-
sion is rebellion . . . and it may be claimed, rebellion
is revolution, and the right of revolution is inalienable.
Here we stop, for whoever revolts against constituted au-
thority is guilty of treason and must pay the penalty, if
that authority is strong enough to enforce the law. And,
further, it is the duty of all constituted authority, what-
ever be the form of government, to conserve its powers by
enforcing the laws.
This right and duty is plainly implied in our Consti-
tution (Art. I, Sec. VIII, par. 14, and Art. II, Sec. Ill,
41
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
par. 1), and, to my mind, leaves no doubt as to what should
be the President's course in the present emergency. You
may call it "coercion" if you please, but forcible means
must be resorted to when all other means shall have failed.
If the Southern states have been aggrieved, it is cause
for a demand of redress, but it is no justification for seces-
sion. If they have been denied any right under the Con-
stitution, they can and ought to demand justice at the
hands of the general government, but they have no right
therefor to destroy or dismember that government. . . .
I would withold justice from no party and no state, but
I most emphatically . . . deny the "right" of any
state or association of states to break up and destroy the
American Union. It must be maintained peaceably by con-
cession, compromise and kindness if possible . . . but
when all these fail there is yet left the stern arbitrament
of arms, and the duty of the general government to invoke
it. It is conceivable, I admit, that the Constitution might
by common consent be so amended as to provide for a
peaceable dismemberment of the Union, but as the National
charter now stands, Mr. Lincoln, who has been legally
elected President, has no option as to the course he must
finally pursue. He may defer action, and, indeed, should
do so till all hope of reconciliation and adjustment is gone.
But when that day comes, the people must support him
to the bitter end in maintaining the National unity and
taking care that the laws shall be enforced.
As for me, I owe all allegiance and "true faith to the
United States of America." They have given me my edu-
cation and I have solemnly sworn more than once to defend
them "against all their enemies and opposers whomso-
ever." My duty and that of every officer of the army
is too plain to be mistaken, and in the hour of danger I
only hope my performance of it may be as honest and
fearless as my conception of it is clear and decided. I am
above all local or sectional prejudice. My country is Amer-
ica and dear as is my native state, I should not hesitate
42
INTRODUCTION
to march to-morrow against even her, should she array her-
self against the Constitution and the Union. . . .
Before closing this letter, I want to condemn in the
strongest terms the lack of principle, honor, and true
faith already shown by many officials in both the civil and
military service. President Buchanan has countenanced
and retained in office many officials who were openly and
avowedly for the dismemberment of the Union. Secretary
Floyd has not only retained office while plotting to bring
about secession, but has sent 150,000 stands of arms into
the Gulf States, for no other purpose than to arm rebellion.
He has distributed the regular army so as to render it
almost unavailable for any purpose requiring celerity of
action. He has even granted leave of absence to Colonel
Hardee of the cavalry and the Colonel has accepted it,
for the purpose of going to Europe to purchase arms and
ammunition for a disaffected state. And, finally, he
has accepted the resignation of several officers who had
already been appointed to commands in the ranks of
rebellion.
Many senators and representatives have in open con-
gress declared their contempt for the Constitution, and in-
voked its destruction. Judges of the federal courts have
deserted their seats and scouted their oath of office. Rev-
enue officers have surrendered their cutters to the mob and
trampled their country's flag under foot. Army and navy
officers have abandoned their posts and foresworn their
allegiance.
. . . If these men who have sworn over and over
again, with every new commission, ' ' To bear true faith and
allegiance to the United States of America and to serve
them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies and
opposers whomsoever, ' ' have been permitted to go openly
and without even a word of rebuke into the ranks of armed
rebellion, may we not ask with anger and resentment, what
has become of the noble principles of our forefathers and
the fides militum, which have been the boast of all true
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
. . . soldiers from the earliest days of civilization down
to the present era?
. . . How true and applicable to our own times are
the words of Count de las Cases:
. . . "It is a melancholy result of our modern sys-
tems of education, which tend so little to elevate our minds
that we cannot conceive either the merit or claims of heroic
resolutions and sacrifices ! We think that all has been said
and every act justified, when dangers to our private in-
terests are put forward, little realizing that the richest
inheritance we can leave our children is an example of real
virtue and a name to which is attached a little true glory. ' '
As all this and more was written before the mail
brought the news that Fort Sumter had been at-
tacked and had surrendered, I am content to point
to it fifty years later as the true doctrine for officers
of the army to stand upon in all like emergencies.
But, not satisfied with that, I wrote, May 6, 1861,
to the Adjutant General at Washington as follows :
I have the honor to place myself at the disposal of
the Secretary of War or the commanding general for such
duties with the line of the army or pertaining to my own
corps as either may see fit to assign me.
I do this with the hope of being able to render some
aid in resisting rebellion, and for the reason that I have
had no official duties to perform since my arrival in this
department, and no hope of any during the continuance
of our internal difficulties.
On the same day I wrote Senator Douglas, whose
generous sympathy and support of President Lin-
coln were still unknown to me :
The motive which prompts this letter will prove, I
trust, sufficient apology for addressing you.
I am a brevet second lieutenant in the Corps of Topo-
44
INTRODUCTION
graphical Engineers, U. S. Army, stationed at this post,
with no technical duties to perform and no prospect of any
during the continuance of our internal difficulties.
This for a man of my age, just graduated at the Mili-
tary Academy, would be under the most favorable cir-
cumstances an unendurable situation, but at this particular
juncture in our National history it is almost insupportable.
As an officer of the army, lam bound by a solemn oath :
1 'To bear true faith and allegiance to the United States
of America and to serve them honestly and faithfully
against all their enemies and opposers whomsoever. ' '
In these times of secession and rebellion the good-will
and loyalty of every citizen, however humble, is a matter
of importance, hence I depart from accustomed usage. I
am ready and willing to act at any time, and in any por-
tion of the country, according to the fullest requirements
of this obligation, and I desire through you to tender my
services to the War Department for any duty my educa-
tion fits me for, either in my Corps or in the line of the
army.
I believe it has been the custom of the Department to
detail or furlough regular officers, particularly those be-
longing to the staff corps, for the purpose of serving with
volunteers or other troops needing instruction. . . .
From the journals that reach us, I see that it has been
proposed to increase the regular army by . . . more
mounted troops. Should anything of this kind be done,
you would confer a great favor on me by presenting my
name as that of a suitable person for a commission in one
of the new regiments.
I feel assured that such action on your part . . .
would receive greater consideration, from the fact that I
already hold a commission in the army, and any new ap-
pointment would be nothing more than a transfer from
a position of idleness to one of activity.
Should the additional force not be intended as a per-
manent increase of the army, I should prefer being fur-
45
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
loughed from duty and ordered East, rather than relin-
quish my present position entirely.
With the news of the President's call for 75,000
militia, the secession of Virginia, and the certainty
of civil war, I also wrote to John A. Logan, who
then represented my home district in Congress, and
a few days later to my father's old friend and fel-
low soldier, John A. McClernand, who had been
lately the unsuccessful candidate of the Democrats
for Speaker. Both, of these distinguished citizens,
it will be remembered, followed the example of their
great leader, Senator Douglas, in giving their ad-
hesion to the government and in offering their sup-
port to President Lincoln. Assured of their per-
sonal friendship, I had no hesitation in asking for
their assistance as a loyal officer to secure an early
transfer to the East, either with or without in-
creased rank. I pointed out my earnest desire to
secure active service in support of the Union and
called special attention to the fact that I had gone
into the Topographical Engineers because I thought
it offered a better field for useful employment in
times of peace than the line, and I dwelt upon the
changed condition of affairs due to the war already
begun. In short, I begged that I should not be
shelved or forgotten at the age of twenty-three in
a remote corner of the country, when the Union
was face to face with a great war and needed every
loyal man it could find to support it. On May 30
I wrote through the Adjutant General directly to
Simon Cameron, the secretary of war, to the same
effect, and to make sure that my letter would not
fail to reach its destination I took the precaution
of enclosing it to Logan, with the request that he
46
INTRODUCTION
should deliver it in person, and I do not doubt that
he did it. Finally, in order that I might secure the
support of my immediate chief, I asked him to give
me his help, and this he did in no uncertain way.
My application, after receiving his formal approval,
was forwarded to General Sumner through district
headquarters, with an endorsement from Colonel
Wright as follows:
Lieutenant Wilson is a young officer of great zeal, abil-
ity and devotion to duty, and I recommend him specially
for employment on active service.
This brought an immediate reply, dated June 24,
1861, to the effect that :
There is at present no duty on which Lieutenant Wil-
son could be employed, but his services will be called into
requisition whenever the occasion exists.
Obviously I could do nothing more. I had ap-
pealed to everyone I knew and there was nothing
left for me but to desert or to possess my soul in
patience and wait. Of course, I chose the latter
course, but not till July 13 was I made happy by
orders from headquarters of the army directing me
to proceed forthwith to Washington City and report
to the chief of my corps. Who procured this order
I never knew, but I do not doubt I owed it to one
of the three prominent men whose aid I had so
urgently solicited. It brought no promise nor in-
timation of promotion, but that made no difference
to me. What I wanted was useful work and active
service, and in order that that should not be delayed
I at once gave up my duties as post adjutant and
took the first steamer for San Francisco, sailing
July 17.
47
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Meanwhile, I disposed of my effects and took
leave of my friends, every one of whom seemed in-
terested in my future and wished me a successful
and fortunate career. Fort Vancouver was the only
permanent military post in which I ever served,
and it left me with none but pleasant memories of
the officers and ladies I met there. From the vet-
eran commander to the lowest lieutenant, they were
a selected lot of whom it may be truthfully said,
"The men were all brave and the women all fair."
A young widow and two unmarried girls, who were
the life of the garrison, were mated in due course,
and led happy and useful lives, but I have never
seen any of them since.
With Lieutenant Michler, also an officer of the
Topographical Engineers, Mrs. Michler, and Lieu-
tenant Hodges of the Quartermaster's Department,
I steamed away from Portland on the afternoon of
July 17. The current was with us and we made
rapid progress. We retired early, but I had hardly
fallen asleep when I was aroused by a shock, fol-
lowed by an exclamation from my room mate,
Hodges, who stuck his head out of the cabin win-
dow and called out: "Dad burn my skin, if there
isn't Coffin Rock!" I answered: "We must dress
at once, for if our ship has struck Coffin Rock,
there is a hole in her bigger than a barn door, and
she will sink in less than a half hour."
It turned out that we had run head on into that
well-known obstruction and were filling fast. The
captain shifted freight and tried to stop the leak,
but his efforts were vain. It was soon apparent
that the ship could not be kept afloat and conse-
quently the captain beached her a few miles below
48
INTRODUCTION
Mt, Coffin on the only bar that would hold her.
Even then her stern sank, while her bow and 'mid-
ships held to the shelving beach a few feet from the
land. By daylight we were all ashore with our be-
longings. With the help of my companions I got
a spare sail from the ship and soon had comfortable
shelter for our party at the edge of a wheat field
overlooking the scene. Shortly after daylight I re-
turned to the ship and got a liberal supply of bread,
boiled ham, cake, pickles, coffee, plates, knives, and
forks. We had a jolly picnic, and had arranged to
pass the night there when a rescue boat arrived, and
took us back to Portland at an early hour the next
day.
The army officers returned to Fort Vancouver,
where we were regarded as " shipwrecked brethren
saved from a watery grave. ' I We had a few pleas-
ant days, and then, with the prayers of our friends,
started again on the 23d by the steamship Cor-
tez, Captain Huntington commanding. Without
further accident or delay we were in San Francisco
at noon July 26. Here we had another wait, and
employed the time visiting our friends at Benicia
and the Presidio, where we were entertained with
dinners and parties till we began the long voyage
by the way of Panama to New York.
We sailed for the Isthmus by the Golden Gate,
Captain Pierson commanding, on August 1. Our
party, reinforced at San Francisco by Major Floyd-
Jones, Captains McPherson, Crook, De Hart, Har-
die, Hodges, and B. F. Smith, and Lieutenant Con-
nor, all going home to take part in the war, now
numbered nine, representing nearly all branches of
the regular service. Several of the number, notably
49
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
McPherson and Crook, were destined to rise rapidly
to great distinction. Those less fortunate served
worthily till death or peace put an end to their
dreams of glory.
The return voyage was made memorable to me
by the acquaintance and friendship of McPherson,
which lasted till his death as a major general three
years later. He was one of many who rose solely
by his own merit. Graduating at the head of his
class six years before the outbreak of the war, he
had reached the rank of first lieutenant only in the
corps of engineers, but just before sailing he re-
ceived notice of a captaincy in his own corps and
of an appointment as captain in one of the new regi-
ments, accompanied by orders to report in Wash-
ington without delay. Slightly over six feet tall,
with a commanding figure, a Jove-like head, and
flashing dark eyes, he was as fine a specimen of
manhood as any race could produce. With a mind
illuminated by learning and manners made charming
by a sunny and hopeful temperament, he was the
joy of our party and the favorite of everybody on
the ship. We walked and talked together both day
and night for over three weeks, and he opened his
soul to me as though he had known me always.
While he had not yet made up his mind to accept
service in the line, it was yet certain by the time
he reached Washington that he would be a captain
of engineers and eligible to the command of a com-
pany of l ' sappers and miners, ? ' which was the high-
est command a captain of his corps could attain.
Lee and McClellan had both served with the only
engineer company in the war with Mexico, and both
had gained such renown there that they were by
50
INTRODUCTION
common consent regarded as the most promising
soldiers of their day. But McPherson supposed it
to be far above his reach, though his mind turned
toward it as the surest way to a glorious career.
I encouraged him by every argument I could bring
to bear to put forth all his influence to get the de-
tail. He was as modest as a girl and had no power-
ful friends, but one night, after considering the
project in all its bearings and possibilities for the
hundredth time, he exclaimed: "Well, I'll go for
it, and if I can only get orders to raise such a com-
pany with you for my first lieutenant, I shall be
satisfied even if I am killed in the first battle ! ' '
That settled it. When we arrived in Washing-
ton a few weeks later we were both surprised and
gratified that our respective chiefs, already super-
annuated, were so well pleased with our plan that
they permitted us practically to write our own or-
ders. Needless to add, we sent ourselves to Boston
— McPherson to raise a company and I to assist a
captain of my own corps in raising another. The
two corps of engineers had not yet been merged,
as was done by the next Congress. Meanwhile the
war grew so fas* and the red tape became so en-
tangled that neither of us ever had the honor of
commanding a company of "sappers and miners."
Our ambition in those days was a modest one, but
it was genuine and would have satisfied us com-
pletely.
Our ship touched at Acapulco on Friday, Au-
gust 9. I had hoped to land there some day and
make my way through Mexico to Vera Cruz and
thence to New York. But war had changed all that,
and even the most rapid voyage was far too slow
51
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
for our impatience. The ship had hardly dropped
anchor when the consul brought on board a copy
of the New York Herald containing an account of
the first day's battle at Bull Kun. Seizing it from
his hands, by common consent I mounted a chair
in the main saloon, and read it aloud to the as-
sembled passengers. Trembling with excitement, I
hurried through the glorious news. There had been
a successful preliminary skirmish, after which Mc-
Dowell 's patriotic volunteers had thrown themselves
headlong against the embattled Confederates and
swept them from the field. Victory had perched
upon the banners of the Union! The Constitution
and the laws had been vindicated! The Confeder-
acy had been crushed and peace would be re-estab-
lished in a few days! There was no word about
defeat, no suggestion of doubt or delay, and the
exciting news was received with rapturous applause.
It satisfied the most sceptical of us that the war was
over and we went ashore rejoicing that the happy
end was in sight. McPherson and I got an excel-
lent dinner, laid in a supply of fruit, and aired our
West Point Spanish with the natives ; but that night,
when again under way, we confessed to more than
a shade of disappointment that the fortunate result
had been attained without the slightest help from us.
Without anxiety we settled down for another
week of reading and walking, but as our good ship
ploughed her way toward home I became greatly
interested in Hodson's services in the Sepoy Rebel-
lion and set about preparing a plan for the organi-
zation of an intelligence corps for our army based
on his experience. After some study I concluded
that a battalion of five hundred men and officers
52
INTRODUCTION
selected from both regulars and volunteers with spe-
cial reference to brightness, zeal, discipline, and ac-
tivity, divided into six troops, and mounted on the
best horses that could be found, would be sufficient
to start with. I thought that each troop should
have one captain, two lieutenants, one first sergeant,
five duty sergeants, one quartermaster sergeant, five
corporals, ten first-class privates, and fifty second-
class privates. The first-class privates should be
enlisted as draughtsmen and the officers should be
all West Pointers, selected for special aptitude from
either corps of engineers and the line of the army.
All vacancies should be filled by examination and
selection, and officers and men alike should be
armed with pistols and swords only. Obviously the
special function of this corps would be to make
reconnoissances, to discover the enemy's movements,
and to draw sketches and maps of the theater of
active operations. I worked out the details of or-
ganization and equipment, but when I reached Wash-
ington I could find no one to listen to me, or to
recommend that my proposition should be carried
into effect. Nothing, therefore, ever came of it, ex-
cept that when I took command of a division of
cavalry in the Army of the Potomac in 1864, I de-
tailed Captain Boice, one of my best officers, together
with the proper complement of commissioned and
non-commissioned officers and privates for a com-
pany, which, so long as I remained with the divi-
sion, was used to my entire satisfaction in the way
indicated above. My division was never surprised
and never ran into an ambush, nor even into a tight
place, for lack of information. Captain Boice and
his company were always perfectly informed, and
53
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
I am persuaded that such an organization on a
larger scale would have been not only entirely suc-
cessful, but most useful.
We arrived at Panama August 15, and the con-
sul, as before, brought us the latest papers from
New York. Every passenger was anxious to hear
the sequel, and I made haste to mount a chair and
read the news. The latest details from Bull Eun
converted the preliminary victory into a disgraceful
and overwhelming defeat. The enemy, reenforced
by Johnston from the Shenandoah Valley, had not
only checked McDowell's turning movement, but
had driven the Union forces from the field and
forced them back to the defences of Washington.
It was only too certain that the war was not over,
but just fairly beginning. We crossed the Isthmus
that night without accident or delay, and by eight
o'clock were all safely on board the North Star,
steaming rapidly toward New York.
It is worthy of note that McPherson and I no
longer had any doubt as to the course we should
pursue. We realized that we should find a totally
different state of affairs at Washington from that
which we had pictured to ourselves at Acapulco, and
our desires for a little true glory were strangely
at variance with our patriotism. We were young
and ambitious, and while sincerely sorry that the
Union had not triumphed over its enemies, I must
say we were all impatient to get to the scene of
action and to know where the fortunes of war would
land us.
Although our ship was a good one and the
weather favorable, the days passed slowly, but
withal we made our land-fall early on August 23,
54
INTRODUCTION
and got ashore that afternoon. From the time we
were within sight of land we realized that the coun-
try must have been thoroughly aroused. The slopes
of Staten Island were covered with the white tents
of the volunteers, the Stars and Stripes were flut-
tering over the camps and fortifications, and the
sharp rattle of drums seemed to fill the air. It was
an exciting and glorious scene, the full significance
of which did not dawn upon us till we knew the pa-
triotic response the country had made to the call
of the President. The war was really under way
both East and West. A successful battle had been
fought at Wilson's Creek. The brave and aggres-
sive Lyon had laid down his life, and everywhere
patriots were rallying to the defence of the Union
and for the overthrow of the Southern Confederacy.
55
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
Report at Washington — Visit McDowell's Army— Ordered
to Boston — Chief topographical engineer of Port Royal
Expedition — An army corps wasted.
We were now within reach of the War for the
Union and McPherson and I were resolved to get
into it without delay. Pausing at New York only
long enough to call on our friends, we pushed on
to Washington the next morning. There were no
sleeping cars in those days, and unfortunately I fell
violently ill and was compelled to leave the train
at Wilmington. Fortunately, I met Dr. Grimshaw,
the best physician of the town, at the station, and,
although I had never seen him before, he took me to
the "Indian Queen," put me to bed and cared for
me tenderly till the crisis had passed.
As soon as I could leave my bed, I drove to the
country residence of Colonel Andrews, the father
of my classmate and of the young girl who five years
later became my wife. I was at once surrounded
by an atmosphere of comfort, sympathy, and pa-
triotism. My host, a gentleman of the old school,
had received his early education with Meade and
Kearney at a private military school and had played
soldier with a company of Delaware dragoons at
57
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
his own expense for many years. He was, besides,
one of the few men of the state who had voted for
Fremont. Naturally a Free-soiler and a Kepubli-
can, he had supported Lincoln with all his might
and was one of the first to answer the call for three
months ' volunteers as lieutenant colonel of the
First Delaware Infantry. When the regiment
was reorganized and mustered into the service
for three years he was its colonel. Handsome,
accomplished, and learned in military history
as well as in tactics, he was one of the best
instructors and disciplinarians of the volunteer
army.
Quickly restored, I reached Washington three
days later and early on August 27 I reported at
the War Department, expecting to receive orders
at once. Full of enthusiasm and anxiety and long-
ing for active service, I innocently assumed that the
service was longing for me. I supposed that there
were a hundred places where I could make myself
useful, but none of them was for me. The chief of
my corps, a patriotic, loyal gentleman, was super-
annuated, and, instead of having any definite idea
as to how or where I should be used, he seemed to
be half dazed and told me to look about a few days
and make up my mind as to where I should like
to serve. It was both disappointing and discourag-
ing. The enemy was almost in sight of the capital
from the heights beyond the Potomac, camps and
entrenchments surrounded it on all sides, volunteers
were pouring in from the North, and the air was
full of bustle and excitement. No one seemed to be
in charge, however, or to know what should be done
to organize, discipline, and direct the forces that
58
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
were rallying to the support of the Union, " three
hundred thousand strong V I found my classmate,
Andrews, who had arrived a few weeks ahead of
me, connected with the provost guard, in charge of
a houseful of Southern women, Confederate sym-
pathizers, who were suspected of acting as spies
and sending information to the Southern leaders.'
With "suspicion poisoning his brother's cup," se-
crecy and mystery in every movement, doubt, hesi-
tation, and uncertainty in every measure, it was a
time to try men's souls and to shake the courage of
the boldest.
With all Lincoln's simplicity, the White House
lay beyond the reach of a second lieutenant, but,
fortunately, both custom and duty required me to
call upon the General-in-Chief, the aged and patriotic
Lieutenant General Scott. Although a Virginian, no
shadow of suspicion had ever been cast upon his
loyalty. I found him still grand and majestic, but
borne down by the weight of his laurels and of his
public services. All eyes were turned upon him for
inspiration and guidance, and he gave even me a
sympathetic reception. Although clad yet with power
and responsibility, he was the setting sun, and even
at that early day the sycophants and place-hunters
no longer crowded the entrance to his private office.
Shown in at once, I found him seated at his desk,
clad in full uniform, a herculean figure like a mighty
ruin, "whose very frown terrified the glance its
magnificence attracted." He was all courtesy and
benevolence. Kising with difficulty, he extended his
hand and waved me graciously to a seat near him,
calling me his dear young friend. Making haste
to tell him who I was and that I was just in from
59
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the far-away Columbia and had called to pay my
respects, I assured him of my loyalty, my desire
for service, and my sympathy for him in the
great emergency which had overtaken him and
the country. Thereupon he spoke in substance
as follows:
"We have indeed fallen upon perilous times!
The country is torn by treason and rebellion. It
has no guide and no army. I am old and feeble,
and the men I have depended upon to help bear my
burdens, and, if need be, to take my place, have
sent in their resignations and are going over to the
enemy. Lee has gone, Beauregard has gone, John-
ston has gone, Hardee has gone, and the best of
the younger officers are following them. How we
shall make head against them, or how it will all end
I dare not say, but my heart is full of doubt and
sorrow!''
I confess I was greatly surprised at this extraor-
dinary outbreak of lamentation to a junior lieuten-
ant of the army, though I had heard that the aged
chieftain was much broken and discouraged. View-
ing his tremulous speech as a permission, if not an
invitation, to reply, I broke out :
f f But pardon me, General ; all the best men have
not gone and are not going ! You should not forget
that we have McClellan, McDowell, Sumner, Eose-
crans, Buell, Thomas, Anderson, Sherman and
Wright and many other gallant officers, both regu-
lars and volunteers, who will stand by the old flag
to the last. The Northern states, with all their re-
sources, are united in support of the Union and the
Constitution, and in the end, with you to guide us,
we shall not fail!"
60
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
At this outburst the old hero's face brightened
into a smile, and, stiffening himself proudly, he said :
"I thank you, my young friend; that is the true
spirit and I am sure it will lead us to victory! I
know you will help, and that the younger men will
prove our main dependence. ' '
Thereupon I took my leave and joined the chief-
of-staff, Colonel Cullum, in the outer office almost
immediately. He also received me warmly, and,
after congratulating me on my long interview, as-
sured me that I had made a favorable impression
upon the Lieutenant General, that he would surely
keep his eye on me, and that as an evidence of his
interest he wanted me to go to West Point as an in-
structor of cadets.
I could not conceal my disappointment, but, for-
tunately, this unexpected offer did not throw me
off my guard. It astonished and disappointed me,
but, without a moment's hesitation, I declared that
I could not think of accepting the detail, add-
ing with emphasis that if it were insisted on I
should resign from the regular army and go back
to my native state and enter the volunteers without
delay.
I had not dared to say that I was looking for em-
ployment, but when this offer came I ventured to
suggest that I might better be employed as an
officer of a mounted intelligence corps, the or-
ganization of which I briefly summarized. Of
course, this fell on dull ears, but in taking leave
I was glad enough to have the assurance that I
should not be sent to West Point, and that I must
take such detail as might reach me through the regu-
lar channels.
61
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
In these later days when it is the fashion to mag-
nify the virtues of Lee, not only as a military man,
but as a patriot, it seems to me that the country is
in danger of forgetting its immense debt of grati-
tude to General Scott, who was fully Lee's equal
as a soldier and far greater than Lee as a patriot.
His conquest of Mexico was a performance of the
first rank and that is more than can be said of Lee's
best campaign. Scott's patriotism, unlike Lee's, was
neither provincial nor bounded by state lines, but
was national and all-embracing. He gave his serv-
ices at all times and all places to the whole country,
without hesitation and without question. Like Doug-
las, his example was worth an army to the Union
cause. All eyes were, indeed, turned to the veteran
Brevet Lieutenant General Scott, second of that
rank in America, for inspiration and guidance, and
no one looked to him with more anxiety than Lin-
coln, the newly-elected President. Happily both for
him and the cause he upheld, Lincoln did not look
in vain. The old soldier, staggering under the
weight of years, put behind him all appeals to state
pride and, like an old and seasoned oak, stood erect
and unbending amid the raging storm of secession
and civil war.
To one who appealed to his pride and offered
him at the same time the command of the Virginia
forces he sternly replied :
i ' Sir ! I have served my country under the flag
of the Union for more than fifty years, and as long
as God permits me to live I will defend that flag
with my sword, even if my own native state assails
it."1
1 "Lincoln," Nicolay and Hay, Vol. IV, p. 103.
62
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
To another, bringing him the promise of wealth
and honor if he would follow his native state, he
indignantly said :
"Go no further! It is best that we part here be-
fore you compel me to resent a mortal insult."
Broken in body, but not in spirit, and conscious
of his unfitness for field duty, it will be recalled that
the old hero had selected Eobert E. Lee as his suc-
cessor and had urged his appointment to the active
command of the* army upon the President and the
Secretary of War. With no misgivings as to Lee's
loyalty, Lincoln had promoted him to be colonel of
his regiment and Lee had accepted this promotion
at his hands. It is easy, therefore, to understand
Scott 's grief and deep disappointment when Lee re-
signed and left the capitol to march under "new and
odious banners." Virginia secretly passed the Or-
dinance of Secession on April 17. On the 18th
F. P. Blair, at Lincoln's request and pursuant,
doubtless, to Scott's recommendation, offered the
command of the Union forces to Lee. On April 20
Lee sent his resignation to Scott, and in it expressed
his purpose never again to draw his sword except
to repel invasion from his native state. But on
April 22 he was appointed to the command of the
Virginia forces and on the 23d was formally in-
vested at Eichmond with full authority. He had
not only accepted promotion from Lincoln, but had
written his own son a most creditable letter char-
acterizing secession as revolution and anarchy. He
had listened to Scott and Blair, if not in an approv-
ing, at least in a wavering, mind. He left Washing-
ton and its authorities uncertain as to what his final
reply would be. According to Cameron, he posi-
63
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
tively signified his acceptance. According to Mont-
gomery Blair, he did not refuse but agreed to take
the offer under advisement. Both of these distin-
guished men would ordinarily be accepted as credible
witnesses, and they are quoted by Nicolay and Hay
in support of the conclusion that Lee's attitude was
one of "hesitation and indecision. ' ' 1 It should, how-
ever, be noted that Lee himself not only positively
denies that he ever intimated his acceptance, but,
on the contrary, at once declined the offer. Giving
him the full benefit of his denial, the cold historical
fact remains that General Scott believed in his loy-
alty and trusted him, and in view of their great in-
timacy it is inconceivable, if such had not been the
case, that Scott would have ever consented to his
promotion to colonel or recommended him as his
successor. It is also true that without waiting for
the acceptance of his resignation he hastened to
accept the command which his old friend had already
peremptorily declined. Moreover, he did not live
up to his declared purpose never again to draw his
sword except to repel invasion. He entered upon
duty at Eichmond in face of Lincoln's public dec-
laration that Virginia would not, in the first in-
stance, be invaded. To say the least, Colonel Lee's
action, taking him upon his own ground, was incon-
sistent and premature and left room for the worst
possible interpretation of his patriotism and
motives.
Elsewhere I have frankly given the strong and
unfavorable impression which his course made upon
my mind. The war has been over well-nigh fifty
years and time has clarified our vision and given
^'Lincoln," Vol. IV, p. 98.
64
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
us a better perspective. It has also done its gentle
work of rubbing down and obscuring the rough
points of difference, while it has softened the bitter-
ness of sectional animosity. I cheerfully recognize
the many admirable qualities of the great Confed-
erate leader and yet I cannot but contrast, as his-
tory will, his conduct with that of Lieutenant Gen-
eral Scott and with that of another great Virginian,
Major General George H. Thomas, who was as well
beloved of his men under the endearing title of
"Old Pap Thomas" as ever "Uncle Bob" was and
who was his equal in every soldierly quality and
lofty Christian virtue.
It is useless to speculate on what might have
been the result if Lee had stood firmly by the flag
of the Union, under which he had already won honor
and fame. He was at heart neither a secessionist nor
a disunionist. He had freed his slaves. He loved lib-
erty. He was every inch a soldier, and it is hardly
too much to assume that with the tremendous re-
sources of the North at his command he might have
stayed, if not turned, the tide of disunion in one or
two campaigns, and thus divided with Washington
and Lincoln the highest honors which a reunited
and grateful country could bestow.
The first free day after reaching Washington,
McPherson and I borrowed horses and crossed the
Potomac to ride the lines, look at the troops, and
visit our friends. We started early and were gone
till night, and, although we saw plenty of well-fed
officers and men, the impression produced upon us
was far from encouraging. We dined with McDow-
ell and his staff at Arlington House, and were well
received by all. McPherson met many friends and
65
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
I at least met no enemies. We kept both eyes and
ears open and took careful note of all we saw and
heard, especially at headquarters. McDowell, still
in chief command, made a deep impression upon
me, but I regret to add that it was not altogether
favorable. He was at that time in the full flush
of mature manhood, fully six feet tall, deep-chested,
strong-limbed, clear-eyed, and in every respect a
fine and impressive soldier, but at dinner he was
such a Gargantuan feeder and so absorbed in the
dishes before him that he had but little time for
conversation. While he drank neither wine nor
spirits, he fairly gobbled the larger part of every
dish within reach, and wound up with an entire
watermelon, which he said was "monstrous fine!"
That he was in every way a true patriot and an
accomplished soldier there is no room to doubt. As
we rode back to the city in the afternoon McPherson
and I discussed him freely, and, allowing him every
professional qualification, we agreed that no officer
who was so great a gourmand as he could by any
chance prove to be a great and successful leader
of men. After a career full of vicissitudes it turned
out as we had predicted. Many excuses and ex-
planations have been given for his failure. A for-
mal court of inquiry found nothing in his conduct
to condemn, but I have never doubted from the last
day of August, 1861, down to the present day that
McPherson and I had correctly diagnosed the fatal
defect in his make-up as a military man.
Having learned all we could in and about Wash-
ington, we went the next morning to our respective
bureaus, where each was permitted to select his own
assignment. Having concurred in choosing Boston
66
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
as a recruiting station for engineer soldiers, we
were assured that orders would be issued accord-
ingly. This conclusion was reached on September
2, 1861, on which day I was twenty-four years old,
but my troubles were not yet ended. McPherson's
orders came without delay, and he proceeded at once
to his station, but mine were held back under one
pretext or another till the 6th, and I did not reach
Boston till September 9. Even then I did not find
my commanding officer on the ground, and through
an unseemly squabble between the veteran chiefs
of the two corps of engineers, I never received au-
thority to make actual enlistments. I, of course,
joined McPherson and several other regular officers
already at that station, but all were left more or less
to their own resources without explicit orders or
definite duties.
It was a trying and discouraging experience. Six
weeks passed in worse than idleness. On my own
responsibility, I selected an excellent man for first
sergeant, but that was as far as I ever got. I could
do nothing further without authority. Meanwhile,
through friends in Illinois I had received an offer
of a major's commission in Colonel Dickey's cavalry
regiment and had decided to accept it if I could
get leave of absence, when, without notice or inti-
mation of any sort, on the night of October 14, I
received a printed order through the House tele-
graph from the adjutant general to " repair forth-
with to Annapolis, Maryland, and report to Briga-
dier General Thomas W. Sherman for duty." It
was an unexpected flash out of an overcast sky, and,
rushing into the room where my discouraged com-
panions were assembled, I waved my long white
67
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
message before them and bade them an exultant
good-bye. I was both the happiest and most en-
vied man in Boston that night. Hurriedly pitching
my things together, I took the first train by the
Stonington line for New York, and reached Annap-
olis on the second morning thereafter.
I found a great force gathering there for an
unknown destination, but that was no concern of
mine. I asked no questions. Eeporting to the com-
manding general, he announced me in orders as chief
topographical engineer on his staff and told me to
get ready as soon as possible with assistants and
materials for active service in the field. There was
a full staff of able men, among whom were my
classmates, Tardy of the Engineers and Porter of
the Ordnance, and my friend, 0 'Rorke, who had just
graduated from West Point. All were glad to see
me and all as ignorant as I was of the strength or
the destination of the expeditionary corps to which
we were attached.
General "Tim Sherman' ' of artillery fame, at
that time in the full maturity of his powers, was
in command and his record was of the best. His
habits were good, his technical knowledge great, his
experience varied and extensive, and his character
above reproach. With a handsome and impressive
figure, flashing blue eyes, martial bearing, austere
manners, and a voice that startled you like an elec-
tric shock, he was deservedly regarded as one of
the ablest, most self-reliant, and most promising
officers in the regular army. A direct descendant
of Roger Sherman, he was justly regarded not only
as possessing all the virtues of an illustrious an-
cestry, but as sure to rise on his own merits to the
68
THE WAR FOR THE UNION
highest rank as a soldier. Indeed, it was generally
thought that he was the ablest man of his name, and
that the country was most fortunate in having him
as one of the commanders of its army. But, not-
withstanding his high and masterful qualities, he
turned out to be a martinet of violent and ungovern-
able temper, poorly qualified to train and to com-
mand volunteers. In a force of established disci-
pline and organization he would have been as brave
a corps commander as Ney or Lannes, for he showed
himself afterward in the assault of Port Hudson to
be as resourceful and as intrepid as either of those
great soldiers. With all his fine qualities, he was
too exacting, too impatient, and too violent to get on
with his troops. His part in the management of the
Port Eoyal expedition was on the whole unfortu-
nate. Although it was eminently successful in its
preliminary stages, it soon became paralyzed, and,
instead of pushing boldly inland and inflicting irre-
parable injury to the rebel cause, it simply resulted
in neutralizing an entire army corps of good troops,
keeping them on useless coastwise service entirely
out of the theater of active operations, when they
should have been doing effective work elsewhere.
69
n
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
Sherman's staff — Loading steamship — Savannah River —
Venus Point — Siege of Fort Pulaski — General Hunter
— General Benham — James ' Islands — Secession ville —
Officers of staff.
The staff of the expeditionary corps, composed
of selected officers, were all graduates of the Mili-
tary Academy. L. H. Pelouze was the adjutant;
Q. A. Gillmore chief engineer, with Tardy and
0 'Borke assistants ; McNutt chief of ordnance, with
Shunk and Porter assistants; John Hamilton chief
of artillery, Saxton chief quartermaster, Morgan
chief commissary, and Wilson chief topographical
engineer. The brigade commanders, H. G. Wright,
Isaac I. Stevens, and Egbert L. Viele, were also
West Pointers, while the troops were mainly from
New York and the New England states, and although
recently called into service, were as good as the
country could furnish. On October 21 headquar-
ters and the assembled troops sailed from Annapolis
and arrived at Fort Monroe early next morning,
where they joined the naval escort under Admiral
DuPont. Here several days' delay occurred in cor-
recting the stowage of the ordnance supplies.
Through neglect on the part of the chief of ordnance,
70
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
ammunition which should have been stored on top
was placed at the bottom and other freight was
piled on it. Water, coal, and rations were getting
low and a good deal of confusion prevailed, in con-
sequence of which and because of the superstition
against sailing on Friday, the flotilla did not sail
till the 29th. It was composed of the flagship
Wabash, with sixteen men-of-war of various
sizes and description, thirty-one transports carrying
troops and supplies, and twenty-five chartered
schooners carrying coal ; in all, seventy-two vessels,
with about twenty-five thousand soldiers and five
thousand sailors. The naval vessels and transports
were formed in double echelon of three lines, covered
front, flank, and rear by naval vessels, all making
a most imposing array. It was altogether the most
formidable armada ever sent out by the United
States up to that time, and the great question with
the staff assembled on the deck of the Collins liner,
Atlantic, was, what was its destination?
Sherman was reticent and austere, and although
fairly at sea, none of us dared ask him where we
were going. He and Wright were the only ones
who knew, though there was some talk about sealed
orders to be opened on the second day out. As we
had wind enough off Hatteras on that day to disar-
range the lines and scatter the smaller vessels, sev-
eral of which were unsea worthy, many of the officers
and most of the men were so seasick they did not
care what port they were making for. Savannah
was the favorite of the guessers, but to those who
followed the course we were sailing Port Eoyal was
soon recognized as our destination. On the 3d there
was no longer any doubt. The next day we crossed
71
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the bar and anchored, but, instead of attacking at
once, two days were spent in cautious reconnois-
sances, and it was not till 10 a. m. of the 7th that the
fleet sailed into the harbor and opened fire on the
enemy's batteries. It was a splendid sight as the
ships steamed slowly up one side of the harbor and
down the other between the rebel batteries, deliver-
ing first one broadside and then the other till the
enemy's guns were silenced and his forts dismantled.
The Confederate flag was shot away early, but the
forts did not cease firing nor the garrisons decamp
till about half-past two. The Stars and Stripes
were run up to 2.45 p. m., and the victory was ours.
Impatient at the caution and delay, I was the first
man ashore and spent the afternoon examining the
batteries and getting the lay of the land.
The victory was an important one, but not so
much for the trophies it yielded or the footing it
gave us at the best harbor on the Southern coast
as for the example it furnished and the benefits
which were to follow it in an entirely different quar-
ter. Up to that time it was considered impracti-
cable for guns on shipboard to contend successfully
with guns in shore batteries; but, to the surprise
of all, even of the naval officers themselves, in the
entire fleet only eight men were killed and twenty-
three wounded. The wooden ships steamed several
times between the batteries and were struck many
times, but not one of them was disabled. When it
is remembered that the guns in the shore batteries
were of similar caliber and construction and occu-
pied emplacements of somewhat greater command
than those on shipboard, and that the action, which
lasted four hours and a half, was at close range in
72
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
broad daylight, with everything favorable for ac-
curate firing, the significance of it all will be more
easily understood. All the circumstances were care-
fully noted and stored up for future reference. As
it turned out, this experience was destined to play
a decisive part in front of Vicksburg, where it was
conclusively recounted, justifying the opinion that
bofch gunboats and transports could run the river
batteries without serious loss.
The Port Royal expedition itself yielded but little
additional advantage. Instead of pushing up Broad
River with his infantry, landing at Beaufort and
moving against Pocotaligo, where he could have
seized and broken the railroad from Savannah to
Charleston and thus deliver a vital blow, Sher-
man contented himself, first, with occupying the
islands and freeing the negroes; second, with be-
sieging and capturing Fort Pulaski on the Savan-
nah River, and, third, with making an abortive
movement against Charleston. All of this was use-
ful to the navy in perfecting the blockade of the
Southern coast, but for the actual work done one-
third of the land forces would have been quite suffi-
cient, while the other two-thirds could have been
sent North to assist the army of the Potomac long
before it became really necessary. The navy had
done its work slowly and cautiously, and, on the
whole, successfully, while the army did practically
nothing but sit down and hold the sea islands which
the navy had captured for it.
Instead of grasping the situation— pushing vig-
orously inland on a line presenting no obstacles but
clearly open— Sherman established a fortified camp
at Hilton Head and gave his immediate attention to
73
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the siege of Fort Pulaski, which he had already
turned and isolated.
The preliminary operations leading to the cap-
ture of that fort were pushed with zeal, ability, and
complete success. They afforded me an opportunity
for much interesting service, some of it entirely out
of my own department, but all most instructive. The
construction of the entrenched camp on Hilton Head
and the conduct of the siege of Fort Pulaski were,
of course, under the immediate charge of Gillmore
and his assistants, but all the explorations and sur-
veys both by land and water were conducted by me.
In order that I might get from island to island and
become familiar with the neighboring sounds, rivers,
creeks, and inlets, it was necessary that I should
have a swift rowboat. This was before the day of
steam and electric launches, and as our quarter-
master had failed to bring a supply of cutters, I
had to find one suitable for my use. Fortunately, I
was not long in getting one from a plantation nearby
with seats and rowlocks for ten men. She was long,
narrow, black, and beautifully modelled, with a good
tiller and a cockpit large enough to hold my India-
rubber bed and supplies. Manned by ten stout sea-
island negroes, all splendid oarsmen and perfectly
at home anywhere for fifty miles up and down the
coast, I could make eight or nine miles an hour and
on a spurt could pass an ordinary steamer. Before
ten days had passed I had been into every creek
between Pull-and-be-damned, behind Dawfuskie,
through Calibogue Sound and the back passages to
North Edisto. In a few weeks more I extended my
operations through WalPs Cut, New Eiver, Tybee
Eoads, and the Savannah Eiver to Ossabaw Sound.
74
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
What the coast survey maps did not show my negro
coxswain, Sammy Pope, pointed out with unerring
accuracy. My operations outside of our lines were
necessarily conducted during the night, and with
muffled oars I moved from place to place, threading
the narrow passages and taking the short cuts as
noiselessly and as swiftly as a phantom boat could
have done it.
The first of the staff to feel the effects of ex-
posure were Shunk and Porter. Late in November
the latter fell violently ill and during his confine-
ment, at the request of the commanding general, I
took over his duties. They consisted mostly of
mounting, dismounting, moving, and remounting six,
eight, and ten-inch guns on the main line of defences,
and for a week they afforded me a lot of very inter-
esting work. In one day I handled as many as four
guns, one of which was a ten-inch Columbiad, taking
them from one emplacement to another. After this
was done I was sent to dismantle a sea-coast battery
which the enemy had erected on South Edisto and
armed with two eight-inch guns. I had discovered
it in one of my expeditions, and the day after, re-
porting it to Sherman, he sent me with a company
of volunteer engineers to dismantle it and bring in
the guns. Of course, I had supplied myself with
all the necessary tackle-blocks, skids, and lighters,
and, as it was down-hill work, I was not long in
getting the guns dismounted and on board the
lighter. One chassis and one top carriage followed
rapidly and another was satisfactorily on the ways ;
but as it was getting late and I was afraid night
might overtake us with our task uncompleted, I was
using a handspike myself. As the carriage was
75
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
passing over the gunwale of the boat one of the
maneuvering bolts caught against it. Thereupon
I threw my whole weight on the handspike, lifting
the carriage clear of the obstruction, which brought
all its weight on the short end of the lever and threw
me as from a catapult clear across the lighter, ten
feet into the air, heels over head, into the water
as neatly as if I had been diving from a spring-
board. Much surprised, but uninjured, I rose to the
surface and struck out for the shore. My volun-
teers naturally laughed heartily, but did not fail to
give me their sympathy and help. Taking hold
with renewed vigor, the task was soon finished, and
the expedition on its way back to Hilton Head, to
which I made haste with my swift cutter to report
my success to the commanding general.
Severe as he was generally, his face relaxed into
an approving smile when I told him of my misad-
venture. For the first time he invited me to take
a drink, but seemed both surprised and pleased when
I declined.
Two or three nights later he sent for me,
and as I reported at his tent said with evident im-
patience :
"Mr. Wilson, how long do you think it would
take you to load the steamship Ben Deford with
rations and supplies for the garrison at Fernan-
da?"
I replied at once: "I don't know exactly, but I
suppose it will take me four or five hours/ '
Whereupon the General broke out :
< « Why — blankety, blank, blank ! you astonish me !
Saxton and his blankety-blank quartermasters say
it will take three days."
76
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
Fearing I might have made a mistake, I added :
"But I must have all the men I can work."
"Oh, that's all right! You can have the whole
blankety-blank command ! How many do you want ? ' '
Seeing that I was in for the job, I replied :
"Two regiments, one for two hours and the other
for the rest of the time."
Thereupon he ordered Pelouze to turn out the
Eighth Michigan and the Ninth Maine, each a thou-
sand strong, and instruct their colonels to report
forthwith to Lieutenant Wilson at the wharf and
obey all his orders to the letter.
I had never loaded a steamship in my life, but,
having seen a gang of roustabouts load the river
steamer Liahtuna at the Shawneetown levee, I
thought I could swing the job if I had not made a
terrible mistake. Walking down to the wharf, I
found the three thousand ton steamship lying along-
side, and the captain impatiently waiting for his
cargo. I told him my orders and asked him how
fast he could stow freight. He replied as fast as
I could send it aboard. \ ' All right, Captain ! Now
turn out all your officers, man all your hatches, open-
ings and gangways, and take everything as it comes,
for this ship has got to be loaded and go to sea be-
fore daylight !" He thought it impossible, but said
he would do his best, and he did.
The warehouse was within fifty yards, and at pre-
cisely eleven the freight began to come to the wharf
and to pass into the hold of the ship as fast as a
thousand strong men could move it. For two hours
they worked at the top of their speed, and I never
saw officers or men work more rapidly or more will-
ingly. The way they handled boxes, barrels, bales,
77
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and sacks would have made an Ohio Eiver steam-
boat man happy. At one o 'clock the relief regiment
took up the task, and within two hours and a half
the hold of the ship was not only full, but her hur-
ricane deck was piled up with hay to the top of the
metal wind-sails. By four o'clock she had cast
loose and was on her way to sea. I had made good
and, sitting down on the top of a pile at the end
of the wharf, I watched through the gray dawn till
she was hull down, crossing the bar, headed south,
and then I called at Sherman's tent on the way to
my own and said: "General, the Ben Deford is
at sea and the work of loading her was done in less
than five hours."
The General got up at once, his austere manner
all gone, his face wreathed with smiles, and his voice
ringing with thanks and compliments. "Come in,
my boy, come in and let's have a bottle of cham-
pagne to celebrate the occasion!" Again I declined,
for sleep and not stimulants was what I needed.
As soon as Porter got well enough for duty I
was detailed as the recorder of a board for the ex-
amination of such volunteer officers as might be or-
dered before it. The first was a colonel from Maine,
who forestalled a technical examination by request-
ing the privilege of making a statement to the board.
He was a large, heavy man, about sixty years of
age, manifestly unfit for active service, which he
frankly admitted. But he was a man of influence
in his state, and had raised and taken command of
his regiment as a patriotic duty. He declared that
forty years ago military work was his delight, that
he loved to train with the militia, to wear the uni-
form, and prance about on horseback to the sound
78
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
of martial music; but actual war was a different
thing, for which he frankly confessed himself en-
tirely unprepared. But this Was not all. He added
just as frankly that he was too old to learn, and
proposed to send in his resignation at once, if the
board would suspend proceedings and save him from
further humiliation by recommending its acceptance.
Of course, it granted his request, and as there were
several other cases of the same sort, it disposed
of them promptly in like manner. It was in session
only three days, during which time it rid the com-
mand of all the objectionable officers ordered be-
fore it.
After this duty was completed I had a period of
idleness, lasting nearly all the month of December.
Having reached the conclusion that the expedition
had spent its force and would do but little more,
I became restless and determined to secure, if pos-
sible, a transfer to a more active field of operations.
I had private instructions from my bureau chief to
keep him informed of my employments and observa-
tions, and did not fail to do so ; but in the midst of
my discontent I was sent on December 30 with a
small force to occupy Dawfuskie Island and recon-
noiter the rivers and marshes between the island,
New Eiver, Savannah Eiver, and the mainland. It is
a region of salt marsh, sluggish inlets, and narrow,
crooked creeks, which I explored thoroughly. On
the last night of the year at midnight I entered the
Savannah Eiver by Wall's Cut and Mud Eiver, three
miles inside of Fort Pulaski, and made a careful
examination of both land and water for a mile or
more, sounded the channels, and got exact knowledge
of the entire region, including the obstruction of
79
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Wall's Cut. With muffled oars I rowed silently
about, at times within sound of the enemy's patrol
boats and pickets, the men talking and shouting in
perfect ignorance of our presence. It was an in-
teresting experience. I was convinced that the Cut
could be easily cleared of the sunken bark and the
double row of piles across it, that New and Mud
rivers could be used by our lighter gunboats to reach
the Savannah behind Fort Pulaski, and that a bat-
tery could be erected on Venus Point to command
the river within its range.
"With the complete information I had gathered,
I hurried to headquarters, walking the entire length
of Hilton Head Island, nearly fourteen miles of dry
sand, in four hours and a quarter. On the way
back I carefully considered all the facts I had
gathered and in presenting them to General Sher-
man I recommended an immediate move on Savan-
nah by the route I had explored, expressing the opin-
ion that four gunboats and a small brigade of in-
fantry could easily take the place. Sherman was
favorably impressed, but as the movement would
require the cooperation of the navy, the most he
could do was to send me back to superintend the
removal of the obstructions and to show the navy
the practicability of the route into the Savannah.
Lieutenant Colonel Beard of the Forty-eighth
New York was told off to assist me, and, although
he was a most vigorous officer, two weeks passed
before he cleared the passage. All approaches were
by water, and all the work had to be done on boats
or on the marsh, and it was not only slow but trying.
The regiment had already gained a good deal of
notoriety from the fact that most of its officers were
80
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
Methodist ministers and class leaders, but this job
overtaxed their piety. Beard, who was six feet tall,
brawny, vigorous, and "bearded like a pard," was
the first to fall from grace. In the midst of his work,
while standing on a bit of corduroy, where the mud
was particularly soft and deep and his men particu-
larly slow, he was cursing louder and more volu-
minously than any pirate. In the midst of it all,
Viele, his brigade commander, stepped up and, lay-
ing his hand on the colonel 's shoulder, said: "Look
here, Beard, are you a preacher, too?" Somewhat
abashed at this unexpected question and gentle re-
minder, he replied: "Well, no, general, I can't say
I'ma regularly ordained minister. I am one of your
blankety-blank local preachers, that's the sort of
preacher I am."
The answer brought a smile to Viele 's handsome
face, but seemed satisfactory as he passed on, while
Beard, with a temporary lull in the violent language,
renewed his efforts to finish the task. I regret to
add that he soon fell again into the use of language
which, however irreverent, did not fail to convince
his men that he was in dead earnest.
During the delay in the completion of this work
I made a reconnoissance up New River and across
Hog Marsh to a point opposite the lower part of
Savannah. I was accompanied by Mr. Badeau,
afterward captain, lieutenant colonel, and brevet
brigadier general of Grant's staff, at that time a
reporter for the New York Express, He was a mod-
est, slender, and delicate man of agreeable manners
and high intelligence, and deservedly became a prime
favorite with the staff. As he was always anxious
to see things for himself, he was frequently my com-
81
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
panion. Beside him I had a corporal and four men
as a guard. We had six or seven miles to row, and
about three miles to wade through the marsh. Start-
ing early, we reached the landing-place by sunrise,
and, leaving our boat and crew concealed in a run
by high reeds and guarded by two men, we made our
toilsome way through the marsh to a point near
fast land, from which we could see everything going
on at the city water front. The rebel engineers were
driving a row of piles across the river and seemed
very busy with preparations to stand off the Yan-
kees. Having spent several hours of observation,
we ate our luncheon and started back, but flood tide
was now on, the low places and the runlets were
full of water, and the walking through the high reeds
was most difficult. It was easy enough to keep the
direction by a pocket compass, but before we had
covered half the distance to the boat, Badeau be-
came so completely exhausted that he could not even
swing his legs to the front as we broke our way,
carrying him bodily through the reeds. We had
neither whisky nor brandy, and although it was
midwinter we soon drank all the water in our can-
teens. It was exhausting work, tiresome to the cor-
poral and myself, but killing to Badeau, who soon
cried piteously for water and even for a morsel of
tobacco, which none of us could furnish. As the tide
rose the runlets became deeper and wider, and yet
we crossed them at first easily enough; but before
we reached the boat we were compelled more than
once to swim a few strokes. Badeau begged us to
leave him and save ourselves, but that was not to
be thought of. With shoulders under his arms, we
carried him in as far as we could wade. Then in
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PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
deep water the corporal, after getting a footing in
a shallow place beyond, would grab our exhausted
companion as I pushed him across. In this way we
reached the boat by the middle of the afternoon
and within an hour more my stalwart crew landed
us safely at Viele's headquarters on Dawfuskie
Island. After getting something to eat, I rowed to
the end of the island, where my orderly and horse
were waiting, and that night I reached headquarters
with my information and a new recommendation for
a dash at Savannah.
As before, it was necessary for the navy to co-
operate. Sherman had no control, and hence I was
sent back to Tybee to show the navy that iny route
was practicable. I arrived there with my cutter
and crew January 17, and, after nightfall, accom-
panied by Captain John Rodgers and Lieutenant
Barnes of the navy, I took them across the sound,
steering by compass to the mouth of New River.
As we approached the entrance we heard breakers
through the darkness, at which my naval friends
silently dropped their pistols, unbuckled their belts,
kicked off their shoes, and stood up to throw off
their coats, when I asked: "What's, the matter V*
They replied: "Breakers ahead — this boat will be
swamped and we shall have to swim for it ! ' '
Whereupon I turned to my negro coxswain and
said: "Do you know this place ?" He replied at
once: "Just like de palm of my hand."
"Can you take her through ?"
"Just as easy as falling off of a log."
"Take the tiller then and order the men to give
way. ' !
"Ay, ay, sir," and in a dozen strokes the boat
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
had leapt through the breakers, and was in water
as smooth as a mill-pond. As it was my job thence-
forward, my coxswain remained at the tiller, and
before daylight we passed New Eiver, Wall's Cut,
Wright and Mud Rivers, into the Savannah, with a
complete line of soundings which showed the route
entirely practicable for the light gunboats and trans-
ports. Both officers concurred in the report, but
Captain Rodgers finally declined to recommend the
route for an expedition against Savannah, and hence
after a week's additional delay the scheme was
abandoned.
This plan was succeeded by a determination to
isolate Fort Pulaski and then batter down its walls
at our leisure. The first step to that end was the
erection of a battery of siege guns on Venus Point
to command the river behind and above the fort,
and, as that point is several miles from fast land
and can be reached by water only, the undertaking
was regarded by many as impracticable. I had,
however, reported in favor of it, and to show that
I was not mistaken I volunteered to take the two
leading guns across the marsh and put them in po-
sition. My offer was accepted and on the night of
February 10 I showed conclusively that I was
right. Landing in the marsh eight hundred yards
by the shortest road from the point, I carried my
guns forward on a series of short, movable runways
made of heavy pine plank, two and a half inches
thick, fourteen inches wide, and twenty-five feet long.
With three sets of runways held in position by cross
pieces, I carried the guns forward, plank by plank.
As rapidly as the rear length was cleared it was
moved around to the front, and thus the distance
84
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
was slowly but safely covered. A wheel occasionally
slipped off and sank to the axle in the mud, but by
the use of blocks and handspikes it was soon lifted
out and replaced on the runway. It was a work of
incredible difficulty, which those who have ever tried
to cross a salt marsh will understand; but, never-
theless, I got my guns safely across and in posi-
tion on the platform of the sandbag battery erected
by the engineers by half-past two in the morning.
Porter and Beard followed closely, each with two
guns, and by sunrise we had six guns with a proper
supply of ammunition ready to sweep the river ef-
fectively. As no enemy was yet in sight, the guns
and epaulements were covered with reeds during the
day, but the next morning, as Commodore Tatnall '
and his Mosquito Fleet were coming down the river
toward Pulaski, we held our fire till they got within
close range, when we opened on them with our eight-
inch guns, and not only halted them at once, but sent
them scurrying back to the city. A corduroy road
was laid to the battery and maintained, thus com-
pletely cutting off all communication by the Savan-
nah till Pulaski itself was compelled to surrender.
Our operations were now transferred to Tybee
Island as the base of a regular siege against Fort
Pulaski, and I was sent to continue my explorations
of *he adjacent islands and waterways to the main-
land. In an expedition with the Eighth Michigan
as an escort, we pushed our' way across Whitmarsh
Island to Thunderbolt Inlet, close to the cemetery on
1 It was this officer who made himself famous a few years before
by saying, " Blood is thicker than water," and going to the rescue
of the English sailors who were struggling in the water on the Taku
Bar, at the mouth of the Peiho, China.
85
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the mainland near Savannah. After completing my
sketches, we withdrew to our transport, but while
calling in our rear guard we were fiercely attacked
by a battalion of rebels that had followed us up
closely. A sharp and bloody fight ensued, in which
the adjutant of the regiment was shot through the
head while standing so close that his blood and
brains bespattered my face. We were in an open
space surrounded by a hedge which the enemy had
closed in upon, but, hastily deploying the reinforce-
ments which came at once to our assistance, we
turned the hedge and, taking the enemy in flank,
drove him rapidly back a mile or more, and then
withdrew and reembarked at our leisure. This was
the first infantry fight I ever saw or participated in.
I was struck by a musket ball, but, fortunately, my
boot top turned the bullet aside, without leaving
anything more than a severe bruise to remember
it by. While the affair cost us quite a number of
men, killed and wounded, it made a deep impression
on my mind because of the great bravery and cool-
ness displayed by the Michigan men and officers.
A few days later, while rowing through one of
the creeks back of Tybee, I ran into a small boat and
two men carrying mail to the fort, and, although I
had neither arms nor armed men, I put on a bold
face and confidently called out: "Halt, toss your
oars, and surrender, or I'll open on you!" Much
to my relief, they promptly complied, and as they
came alongside I discovered that both had rifles.
Their mail proved to be interesting, for it contained
newspapers giving an account of the capture of
Forts Henry and Donelson by the combined opera-
tions of Foote and Grant.
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PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
Shortly before commencing the siege of Pulaski,
Sherman appointed Captain Gillmore a brigadier
general subject to the approval of the Washington
authorities, and directed Captain Hamilton, chief of
artillery, to report to him; but Hamilton peremp-
torily declined on the legal ground that he was Gill-
more 's senior in actual rank, and that nobody but
the President could ask or compel him to waive his
rights and take orders from his junior. Hamilton
was an officer of regular artillery, a man of parts
and of acknowledged ability, and, what was more,
he was perfectly sure of his ground. Sherman rec-
ognized his position, explained the necessity for
more officers of rank, and asked Hamilton what he
should do. The latter, after admitting all that the
general said, coolly added: "I see no way out of
the difficulty except for you to appoint me a major
general and direct Gillmore to report to me. You
have the same authority for that course as for what
you have already done for Gillmore." The staff
generally sympathized with Hamilton. Both he and
Gillmore were able men and both served with dis-
tinction till the end of the war. Gillmore was not
only confirmed as a brigadier, but became a major
general and a corps commander, but Hamilton got
no volunteer rank whatever.
Long before the impasse was dissolved, Sher-
man was relieved and sent to report to Halleck
on the Tennessee Eiver, while Major General
David Hunter, accompanied by Brigadier Gen-
eral Benham, assumed command of the expedition-
ary corps. They were both regulars of age and dis-
tinction, but neither was in any way an improve-
ment on Sherman. Gillmore was left free to com-
87
% UNDER THE OLD FLAG
plete his batteries along the northeast side of Tybee,
and after they were armed with heavy guns and
mortars they opened fire on the fort about three-
quarters of a mile away. Having volunteered my
services, I was directed to supervise the batteries
at Goat's Point.
General Hunter and staff arrived April 7, 1862,
and at half-past five on the 9th I was sent with a
four-oared boat under flag of truce to demand the
surrender of the fort.
I had hardly taken my seat in the stern when
General Benham, who outranked Gillmore, called out
in a loud voice:
1 ' Take your seat in the bow of the boat, Captain
Wilson."
As I was only a lieutenant, I did not move.
"Take your seat in the bow of the boat, Major
Wilson," came with greater emphasis.
Still I did not move.
"Take your seat in the bow of the boat, Lieu-
tenant Colonel Wilson !"
Eealizing finally that these orders were intended
for me, I replied :
"All right, General, but you have my title all
wrong. I am only a lieutenant. ! '
"Never mind, sir, you shall have them all in
due time. Meanwhile take your position in the bow
of the boat so you can see better when you approach
the island.' '
And this I did, though the precaution was an un-
necessary one.
I was politely received by an officer, also under a
flag of truce, who took my communication to the post
commandant, returning shortly with a sealed reply,
88
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
declining to surrender. Of course, I learned nothiDg
of value, for I was not permitted to pass the land-
ing stage.
These formalities took an hour or more and then
the reply had to be considered and communicated
to Gillmore, with orders to reopen fire. In turn he
had to send fo*rmal instructions to the battery com-
manders, which he entrusted to Badeau, who was
now a captain and additional aid-de-camp. This
was his first important duty and the great event of
his life. Near-sighted, wearing spectacles, entirely
unused to horses, and so awkward that he hardly
knew how to buckle a trunk strap, he mounted a
mile or so in the rear and galloped to the batteries.
Porter's were the first he reached. Porter was
standing by the side of a thirteen-inch mortar with
everything ready when Badeau appeared^ Jumping
or half falling from his horse, he threw his reins
over a pile of shells a few feet away and, rushing
forward, called out : • ' Commence firing ! ' ' His or-
der was instantly obeyed. The explosion shook the
earth like a volcano. The shell rose gracefully like
a black moon on its course, followed by a series of
discharges from the other mortars, Columbiads, and
breaching guns, and pandemonium seemed to have
broken loose. Badeau 's horse, frightened almost to
death, broke madly away without attracting the
slightest attention. Tradition has it that when last
seen he was disappearing in the neighboring marsh,
from which he never returned.
All through that day, the next, and the day after
that till two o'clock the awful bombardment con-
tinued. The enemy replied bravely, but his fire was
wild and did but little harm. By ten o'clock of the
89
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
third day a breach was opened in the thick gran-
ite wall of the fort and by noon another showed
itself. Meanwhile, mortar shells were falling in the
terreplein of the work, and at 2 p. m. Friday, April
11, the anniversary of Fort Sumter, the enemy
struck his flag and orders went forth at once to
cease firing. A practicable breach had been opened
and the fort had become untenable after only seven-
teen hours of constant firing.
I was again detailed to accompany the party sent
to arrange the terms of the surrender. The job
was found to be a complete one, and as the fort was
so horribly battered and so completely isolated that
no one could escape, the surrender was made with-
out terms or conditions.
This success gave us complete control of the river
to within close range of Savannah, but it was fol-
lowed by no important results. We lost no men and
the enemy but few besides the prisoners.
Looking backward, it was a far less important
and dangerous operation than we had thought it
before we opened lire. The night our arrangements
were all completed Porter and I slept but little. The
positions assigned us were supposed to be quite
as dangerous as any in the line of batteries. We
naturally thought that one or both might be killed,
and therefore made our wills, in which each agreed
to act as executor to the other.
For the first hour after our guns opened we were
somewhat nervous, but in watching the effects of our
own shots we could plainly see those of the enemy
coming toward us. It was the day of ten-inch smooth
bore guns and low velocities, so that as soon as we
saw the flash of the enemy's gun we caught sight
90
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
of the shot or shell coming our way and marked
not only its flight, but guessed within a few feet
where it would strike, whether it fell short or passed
overhead. Fortunately our parapets and bomb-
proofs were strong and gave us perfect protection.
It must be confessed, however, that the enemy's
practice was poor, and by the second day we had
got so used to it that we did not hesitate to sit on
a parapet or traverse, watching the shells coming
toward us, till they got within a few rods, when
we would jump down and take cover, or sit fast
and allow them to pass over our heads.
After the surrender, instead of pushing into the
interior with all our force by the Savannah or Broad
Eiver, one brigade under General Stevens made an
ineffectual demonstration from Beaufort toward
Pocotaligo, and then a dead calm fell upon the com-
mand. Many officers were granted leave of absence.
General Benham claimed to be "straining at the
leash' \ to get at the enemy, while Hunter was abol-
ishing slavery by proclamation ; but so far as I could
see, an effective campaign from our base was just
as far from realization under Hunter as under Sher-
man. These two generals were equally brave, equally
patriotic, and equally incompetent. They were
lacking in aggressiveness and initiative, and, fully
realizing that the occupation of the sea islands was
an abortive and wasteful use of the troops, I went
to Hunter and frankly asked to be relieved and or-
dered to report to my chief at Washington for duty
elsewhere. The general received me with both sym-
pathy and kindness, but gave me no assurance of
granting my request. He was a fine, gallant, and
manly old fellow, but for the time he was more
91
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
interested in abolishing slavery than in putting
down the rebellion. His adjutant, Charles G. Hal-
pine, was a brilliant Irish newspaper man, who
gained an evanescent distinction as Miles O'Reilly.
He was a most agreeable, sympathetic fellow who
wasted a good deal of time after the war in trying to
get me interested in the Fenian movement to free
his native land. Both he and Hunter advised me to
be patient, and intimated rather mysteriously that
they would give me enough to do before the summer
was over.
I knew that they were calling on Washington for
reinforcements and it did not take much guessing
to hit on the fact that they had a movement against
Charleston in their minds. But the development of
their plans was too slow for me. Before the summer
was over, we heard of the bloody battle of Shiloh
and Halleck's great movement on Corinth. We
knew also of McClellan's campaign against Rich-
mond, and hence my anxiety to get away was con-
stantly on the increase ; but as Hunter gave me only
vague promises, I pulled every string I could touch,
and even applied to the adjutant general of the
army, who returned my letter to be forwarded
through the official channels.
Meanwhile, on June 2, Hunter and staff, with
Wright's and Stevens' brigades, made a descent on
Stono and James Island, near Charleston; but the
movement was so badly combined and so languidly
executed that it proved an ignominious failure. A
few unimportant skirmishes and unsuccessful as-
saults on the rebel lines at Secessionville ended the
movement in disgrace. Drunkenness on the part of
the leading officers was openly charged. Benham
92
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
was arrested for disobedience of orders, relieved
from command, and ordered North.
I had charge of a war balloon in this expedition
and made several ascents, but as soon as the anchor
rope became taut, the basket danced about so that
I could see nothing distinctly. After due considera-
tion I concluded that captive balloons were worth-
less for reconnoissance, and that neither expense
nor time should be wasted in trying to utilize them.
This is my opinion to the present day. Dirigible
balloons and aeroplanes have become practicable
and they can be efficiently used.
On my return to Hilton Head I dismounted and
brought in more guns, and when that task was fin-
ished, I was detailed as the judge advocate of a gen-
eral court-martial to try one of our colonels. The
charges against him were shameless and promiscu-
ous lying, with one hundred and twenty specifica-
tions. Having reduced these to ten or eleven, we
tried and found him guilty on all the counts and
sentenced him to dismissal; but the reviewing au-
thority disapproved the proceedings and sentence
and restored the officer to duty on the ground that
the multiplicity of the counts looked like persecu-
tion. This officer served till the end of the war and
was finally breveted brigadier general for the part
played by him in what came to be designated long
afterward as "the bloody battle of March 13, 1866,"
but it should be noted that he always had "the mis-
fortune of being widely disbelieved. ' '
The same court tried the quartermaster and com-
missary of a cavalry regiment for sanding the sugar,
adulterating the pepper, making away with the for-
age, selling rations, and falsifying his returns and
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
accounts. He was convicted and, having no friends
willing to plead for him, he was dismissed from
the army. It was the only case of the kind I ever
had anything to do with.
Thus June and July, 1862, passed slowly. Hun-
ter had become greatly depressed by his failure, and
in midsummer, when the weather was the hottest
and the outlook most discouraging, the news came
of McClellan's defeat on the Peninsula, accompa-
nied by orders to send ten thousand of our troops
to reenforce him.
Meanwhile, I was detailed as acting assistant in-
spector general of the command and directed to
draw up a plan for rearranging the system of out-
posts and pickets, and a plan for breaking the rail-
road between Pocotaligo and Coosahatchie. This
work kept me employed in a way, but with more than
half our force and many of our officers absent, the
prospect was far from encouraging. It was now
more than ever evident that the occupation of the
sea islands was a wasteful mistake which could not
be repaired, and my anxiety became greater and
greater. I had done my best to get away and was
not without hope that accumulating disasters to our
armies farther north, if neither my prayers nor the
solicitations of my friends, would bring me the nec-
essary orders for a change of station. Finally,
August 26, I was made happy by orders from the
war department directing me to report forthwith at
Washington.
Thus ended the first year of my "active serv-
ice. ' f Although I had been at the head of my branch
of service on the staff, had served in the Ordnance,
Quartermaster's, and Inspector General's Depart-
94
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
ments, had helped the artillery, and had acted as
judge advocate and also as the recorder of an exam-
ining board, I was far from satisfied. I had gained
experience and confidence, but I was far from
pleased with my work. I had done my best to en-
courage my commanding officers and to embolden
them to push forward against the enemy, and while
I had failed, it is pleasant to reflect that I had not
made myself a nuisance nor lost their friendship.
On the contrary, Sherman evidently thought I could
do things, and when he was ordered west he requested
that I be allowed to accompany him. While his
request was denied, he wrote me frequently after-
ward, and we remained close friends till his death.
Hunter's good will was quite as unmistakable,
for when he succeeded to the command of the Tenth
Army Corps, he had me appointed assistant inspec-
tor general of that corps, with the rank of lieutenant
colonel, and although I was then serving as an en-
gineer officer on the staff of General Grant in the
Department of the Tennessee, I was ordered to re-
port to Hunter as soon as I could be spared.
In addition to the substantial promotion from
lieutenant to lieutenant colonel, which came in
time to give me the choice of remaining on the
staff of General Grant as inspector general of
his army with the same rank, my first campaign and
my first year of active service in the field brought
me the glory of repeated honorable mention in the
reports of all of the general officers of the expedi-
tionary corps, with whom I came in contact. Gen-
eral Hunter in his official report, after mentioning
General Gillmore for his industry, skill, and patriotic
zeal, was pleased to say of me: " Great credit is
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
due to his assistants, Lieutenant J. H. Wilson, U.
S. Topographical Engineer, and Lieutenant Horace
Porter of the Ordnance Department. ' ' Generals
Benham, Viele, and Gillmore in their several reports
also spoke of me and my services in kindly and com-
plimentary terms. * So that while the expedition
itself fell far short of its possibilities, it was for me
an opportunity which "led on to fortune."
I add with unalloyed pleasure that the year was
blessed by friendships with both army and navy
men that lasted throughout life. Young as I was,
I established close relations with Admiral DuPont,
one of the most courtly and distinguished officers
of his time, with John and Raymond Rodgers, Per-
cival Drayton, Daniel Ammen, Napoleon Collins,
John S. Barnes, and many of their juniors. Barnes
was a peculiarly masterful man of great intelligence
and splendid bearing. Strong, deep-chested, clear-
eyed, bold, and resolute, he was a typical sailor, a
graduate of the Naval Academy, who rendered val-
uable service till the end of the war, when he re-
signed, and in a few years amassed an ample for-
tune as a railroad projector, builder, and manager.
Gillmore of the Engineers was my senior by
seven or eight years and, although he was an excel-
lent officer of great learning, dignity, and reserve,
with many military accomplishments, he extended
to me his confidence and his intimacy. Our routes
through life lay apart from the time I left Port
Royal, but we touched again at the close of the war
in Georgia where he occupied the coast with a corps
1 O. R., Series I, Vol. VI, pp. 134, 138, 142, 146, 150, 152, 153,
157, 160.
See, also, Vol. XIV, pp. 5, 6, 8, 9, 326.
96
PORT ROYAL EXPEDITION
of infantry while I occupied the interior with the
Cavalry Corps, Military Division of the Mississippi.
Our chief commissary, Captain M. R. Morgan,
was an officer of character and ability, who rose to
high rank and distinction after his career had been
almost wrecked by confinement to the duty of feed-
ing the troops when he should have been leading
them to victory. The same may be said in substan-
tially the same words of John W. Turner, formerly
of the regular artillery, who stopped at Port Eoyal
with General Butler on his way to New Orleans. He
wasted at least two years in duties which might have
been as well performed by any intelligent grocer,
but finally broke the shackles that bound him and
reached the rank of major general before the war
ended. The Military Academy never turned out two
better soldiers. Modest, serious, accomplished, and
experienced in every branch of the military profes-
sion, they needed only an opportunity to show their
patriotism and their merits. Their cases, as well
as many others, show how utterly uninformed the
War Department was as to the record and character
of its officers and how entirely it failed to organize
an efficient system of making itself acquainted with
their particular aptitude and merits. When all this
is considered, the reader will be slow to condemn
those officers who went out of their way to seek
service in the hope that they might not only make
themselves useful, but find rank and honor.
97
Ill
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
Return to Washington — McClellan 's staff — South Mountain
— Battle of Antietam — Hooker wounded — Pleasant
Valley — Return to Washington.
I sailed for Philadelphia on the Augusta, for-
merly a merchantman, August 30. Her machinery
was so out of order that she came into Port Eoyal
at seven miles an hour, but when she started north
for repairs she easily knocked off twelve or thirteen ;
but with all, we were four days on the way, and I
did not reach Washington till eight o'clock Septem-
ber 5. While the new general-in-chief received
me politely, I was not expected and no orders were
ready for me. I had read Halleck's "Art of War",
and was ready to believe him not only a learned
man, but a mighty captain. Great victories had
been gained and great disasters had been averted in
his western command. Belmont, Fort Henry, Fort
Donelson, Shiloh, and Corinth had been won, and
while Grant was popularly regarded as the principal
figure, Halleck was his titular chief, and in common
with many others I was disposed to give him a
great part of the credit. He had already received
the sobriquet of "Old Brains", but when I beheld
98
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
his bulging eyes, his flabby cheeks, his slack-twisted
figure, and his slow and deliberate movements, and
noted his sluggish speech, lacking in point and mag-
netism, I experienced a distinct feeling of disap-
pointment which from that day never grew less. I
could not reconcile myself to the idea that an officer
of such negative appearance could ever be a great
leader of men. He might be a great lawyer, a great
student, a great theorist, but never an active, ener-
getic, and capable commander in the field, and that
is now the verdict of history. For several years
some thought him a wise and self-reliant counsellor,
a good military organizer, and a far-seeing strate-
gist ; but long before the war ended he came to be re-
garded by close observers, and especially by the Sec-
retary of War, as a negligible quantity.
He was obliging and considerate with me and
readily enough gave me permission to look about for
a regiment, but that was the end of it. So far as
I knew, he took no further interest in my career. I
saw him but once after that, nor had I anything
further to do with him, except that two years later,
when relieved from charge of the Cavalry Bureau,
the Secretary of War, at my suggestion, directed
him to take general supervision of its administra-
tion along with his other duties as chief -of-staff to
which position he had finally been reduced.
Leaving his office, I went at once to my bureau
chief, and had a similar experience — plenty of civil-
ity, lots of sympathy, but no orders. I was again
asked where I wanted to go and what I wanted to
do. Engineer officers were in great demand and, as
there were but few of them, I might have my choice
of places. The principal assistant evidently wanted
99
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
to help me. He had read my letters and reports
with interest and approval and did his best to place
me where I should have a fair field for my energies,
but he was powerless himself to make orders or
to direct my services. He said that Grant had no
engineer officer whatever, that he was calling loudly
for as many as could be spared and that I could
doubtless go to him if I saw nothing better. Where-
upon I replied that I preferred to go to Grant rather
than to anyone else, that my brothers and my west-
ern friends were in his army, and that my interests
and my inclinations lay in that direction.
But the country was in the midst of a great
crisis. McClellan had been beaten and withdrawn
from the James River. Pope and McDowell had
just been overthrown by Lee at Bull Eun and Chan-
tilly, and, although both Fitz-John Porter and
Franklin had reached the scene of conflict, the two
armies had not been entirely united in front of
Washington. In fact both were still retiring and,
on the day I arrived, they began to pass through
Washington into Maryland for the purpose of again
confronting the victorious Confederates.
A great campaign was on, great battles were
pending and, of course, I wanted to participate. I
therefore asked that I might be ordered definitely to
Grant, but permitted to volunteer temporarily on
McClelland staff. And thus the matter was ar-
ranged. The next step was to find interest with
McClellan, who had again become all-powerful. For-
tunately, Major Hardie, one of my friends and com-
panions in the long trip from Vancouver, had a desk
in the adjutant general's office and kindly offered
to see McClellan at once and, if possible, to get
100
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
permission for me to join him. What difficulty
he had I never knew, but the second morning there-
after I received orders to report to McClellan at or
beyond Eockville. The post quartermaster furnished
me with a horse, and, hastily gathering up such
equipment and supplies as I needed, I took the road
for headquarters with Martin and Custer who were
also out for service.
Both Martin and I had known Custer well at^
West Point. He was an indifferent scholar, but a
fellow of tremendous vitality and vigor. Six feet
tall, with broad shoulders, deep chest, thin waist,
and splendid legs, he had a perfect figure and was
one of the best horsemen of his day. He had gone
straight from the Academy to McClellan on the
Peninsula where he had already shown himself to
be a man of enterprise and daring, ready for any
service that came his way. He was known in his
cadet days and always afterward by his familiars
as "Cinnamon", because he was partial to cinnamon
hair oil, a bottle of which he brought with him to
West Point. Shortly after reporting at army head-
quarters, the story goes, McClellan advanced to the
south bank of the Chickahominy attended by a nu-
merous staff of princes, counts, rich men, and dis-
tinguished regulars. Custer, then merely a plebe
second lieutenant, was at the tail of the column.
The general, after gazing with interest at the
stream, which was both full and wide, said reflec-
tively: "I wish I knew how deep it is." Of course,
none of the great ones stirred, but as the question
trickled slowly toward the rear, Custer caught its
import, left his place in ranks, pushed to the river
bank, drove his spurs into his horse, and plunged
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
into the water with the remark: "I'll damn soon
show how deep it is." In less time than it takes
to tell it, he was swimming for the other shore.
Beaching it shortly, he turned about and swam back,
and as he came ashore he called out: "That's how
deep it is, General, ' ' and then took his place quietly
in the column. It was that sort of readiness and
hardihood which soon won his stars, giving him first
a brigade and then a division of cavalry, which in
turn made him within three years one of the most
distinguished men of his day. Custer was never
rated as a great general, for, although full of dash,
enterprise, and experience, he never acquired the
habit of properly measuring the endurance of his
men and horses. Besides, some thought him over-
confident and occasionally jealous, and it was those
two great defects of character that led to the final
and fatal blunder which ended his brilliant career.
It will be recalled that several years after the Civil
War before going into battle with the Sioux In-
dians he divided his regiment into two detachments,
sending four troops in one direction, leading the
remainder himself against the Indians in the other.
In the desperate battle which followed, he and all
his companions, to the last man, were slain.
But during the Antietam campaign, Custer was
the youngest officer of the staff, scarcely more than
a boy. We overtook headquarters the first day out,
and with Merritt, Bowen, Kellogg, and Jack Wil-
son, all young West Pointers, we formed a mess
and soon became known as a hard-working, hard-
riding gang ready for any service that might come
our way. McClellan was kind to us, one and all,
and by his genial and gentle ways won our hearty
102
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
approval and support from the start. While he
spared none of us, he directed Ingalls, the chief
quartermaster, to keep us supplied with fresh
mounts so that we might go whenever called upon.
By the end of the week we had a string of twenty-
five horses, all about the best that the country could
supply. We were a jolly and cheerful party, all of
whom except myself had been with the Army of the
Potomac since its organization. They had gone
with it to the Peninsula and had participated cred-
itably in all the battles of the campaign. Jack Wil-
son had particularly distinguished himself, com-
manding a battery during the retreat to the James
Eiver.
Bowen and Merritt had been behind the scenes
on the staff, and as they were both able and ob-
servant men they were already veterans who needed
only the experience of commanding troops to make
them famous. This privilege came to Merritt and
Custer a few months later when Pleasanton selected
them to command cavalry brigades because they
were well-educated, young, vigorous, intelligent, and
enterprising.
But none of us was thinking much of death or
even of fame at that time. We were in the midst
of a great campaign, the significance of which we all
understood quite as well as the wisest general, and
our highest desire was for active and useful duty.
Those of us who were engineers were kept going
night and day, reconnoitering and scouting. Bowen
and I, assisted by the French Count de Vilarceau,
while operating on the left toward Crampton's Gap
and Catoctin Mountain, passed through Damascus,
Hyattsville, Goshen, Urbanna, Middletown, Fred-
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
erick, and Keedysville, scouring the country in all
directions for the enemy.
It was on September 10 that General Hart-
suff, one of my West Point instructors, offered me
the command of the Sixteenth Maine, which I
promptly accepted, and my name was sent in to
Halleck for the detail. But neither the detail nor
the commission ever came, mainly, as I always sup-
posed, because the governor of the state did not
know me or thought me too young. Two days there-
after I received, through Colonel Fisher, an offer
of the lieutenant colonelcy of the First Delaware
Cavalry, but with a colonelcy pending I could not ac-
cept a lower grade. I had, besides, telegraphed and
written to the Governor of Illinois on my arrival at
Washington offering my services with the volun-
teers, and, not hearing from him, I was somewhat
embarrassed as to the course I ought to pursue.
Meanwhile I was leading a \ ' strenuous life ' ', though
I did not know it, for that adjective did not come
into fashion till many years afterward. Eiding all
day with a detachment of cavalry and living off of
the country whi~h was bountifully laden with sup-
plies, I found both villagers and farmers not only
patriotic, but everywhere hailing the Union flag with
enthusiasm. Their hospitality and good cheer were
unstinted. Camping when night overtook us where
we could find forage, we sent our information and
sketches by courier to the acting chief engineer, Ma-
jor Duane, without relaxing our advance in search
of the enemy. It soon became evident that Lee was
retreating, and when Pleasanton with the cavalry,
guided by us and supported by Cox, Reno, Burnside,
and Hooker, pushed him along the turnpike through
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ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
the Gap, we knew that we should soon overtake his
army and have a great battle. *
At the crossing of the main road over the Catoc-
tin Eidge, after a good deal of hesitation and delay
with some successful skirmishing, both Pleasanton
and Eeno sent reports to McClellan claiming a ' i glo-
rious victory," before any real fight had actually
occurred. Fearing that McClellan might be misled
thereby, Bowen and I, after suggesting that more
troops should be put in, wrote a "private and con-
fidential" note to Duane at general headquarters,
urging that McClellan himself should come to the
front. We intimated that he was being deceived,
that the enemy occupied a position of great strength
on the top of the ridge, and that we might be beaten
unless our advance were made with an overwhelm-
ing force. It was a bold proceeding on the part of
two lieutenants, but it brought about the desired re-
sult. Duane showed our note to McClellan, who
mounted his horse and rode rapidly to the site of
our operations. Upon this occasion at least he acted
with both promptitude and vigor. Taking in the
situation within fifteen minutes after reaching the
ground, he sent orders to Hooker and Sumner which
put them in motion and brought on the fight at once.
Moving all together, they drove the enemy from be-
hind the stone fences in the Gap with great slaugh-
ter. The victory was a signal and encouraging one.
It was here that I first saw infantry attacking after
nightfall. The flash of the rebel rifles lit the moun-
tain side like fireflies, but when Gibbon's serried
line poured out its volleys from its front like con-
tinuous streaks of lightning and kept steadily on
without wavering or faltering till it had crowned
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the ridge, we knew the victory was surely ours.
Shortly afterward news came from Franklin at
Crampton's Gap, four miles south on the Berkits-
ville road, that he had also been successful, and this
made it certain that we were in contact with Lee's
rear guard, and should soon have a general battle.
Near the scene of conflict on the principal route
when the affair was over, Bowen and I took shelter
in a farmhouse. The nights were growing cold. We
had neither overcoats nor camp outfit, and, as all
the beds were occupied by officers of higher rank,
we slept on the floor with law books for pillows.
Before morning, however, as it grew more chilly,
we half unconsciously tore up and crawled under
the carpet for warmth, and when we got out in the
morning we were as white as millers. In those days
we did not mind a little thing like that, and dusting
each other off as best we could, and grabbing such
food as we could find, we swung into our saddles
again and pushed on toward Antietam and Sharps-
burg. We had been in the field for just a week, and
while we had been zigzagging through the country
at the rate of thirty and forty miles a day, we nat-
urally thought the army in the rear was pushing on
as impatiently as we were. We had, however, met
McClellan first at Rockville on the 8th and had
passed Burnside on the road only a few miles fur-
ther out, apparently in no sort of a hurry. He was
sitting by the roadside, and hailed us as we rode by
with a jolly ' ! How are you, boys I Get down and wet
your whistles/ f But we were in a hurry and pressed
to the front. From this trivial circumstance and
from the fact that our couriers were generally a
long while absent, it gradually dawned on us that
106
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
the progress of the army as a whole, averaging only-
seven or eight miles a day, was far from rapid. Evi-
dently no part of it was making forced marches, and
this, to our youthful and ardent minds, was most
discouraging.
But it had not occurred to us yet to doubt
McClellan. So far he appeared to be not only more
aggressive, but more active, than any of his lieu-
tenants. He was again the popular favorite and the
army as well as its officers of every grade still re-
garded him as ' i The Young Napoleon ' ' of the War.
His promptitude in coming to the front at the first
clash of arms had encouraged us. It had strength-
ened the dim far-off hope that his orderly and com-
prehensive mind might be working out a splendid
combination of strategy and grand tactics which
would enable us to crush and perhaps capture Lee 's
army, and thus put an end to the war. We had
early come to believe that Lee 's forces were divided,
and to hope, as we had been taught, that we should
overtake and beat them in detail. But this was not
to be. Our movements were too slow and too cir-
cumspect, and yet "strategy, my boy," was the
catchword of the day. After we crossed South
Mountain and the Catoctin range, we thought that
Harper's Ferry might be our destination, knowing
that our garrison at that place lay within the
enemy's theater of operations and was necessarily
in danger. McClellan, so far as we could see, in-
stead of hastening our march, advanced with still
greater deliberation. Harper's Ferry was in every-
body's mind and on everybody's tongue, but, instead
of coming to it, it seemed to grow more and more
distant, so that in the end as we rode by the slowly
107
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
moving columns, the common soldiers in the ranks
would cry out: "Who in the hell is Harper, and
where's his ferry?"
On the morning of September 10 we rejoined
general headquarters, and one of the first things we
heard there was the news of the capture by Stone-
wall Jackson of Harper's Ferry and its garrison of
twelve thousand men, yet McClellan did not seem
to be disturbed. Calm and deliberate, he spent the
entire day (Sept. 16) forming line of battle astride of
Antietam Creek and "shelling the woods" beyond.
Bowen and I were kept busy until after nightfall
reconnoitering the field and placing the troops in
position. But nobody seemed to be in a hurry except
ourselves. Corps and divisions moved as languidly
to the places assigned them as if they were getting
ready for a grand review instead of a decisive battle.
I had got from the books the idea that everything,
after we were within reach of the enemy, should be
bustle and push and rapid marching; but again I was
disappointed, and when night came on without any-
thing more serious than a little skirmishing, I lay
down tired and discouraged. My confidence in the
military virtues of "celerity and audacity" was be-
ginning to fade, and it was dawning on me that,
while we should probably win, we should win by
"main strength and awkwardness," rather than by
strategy or generalship. And with that thought
uppermost in my mind I went to sleep in my clothes,
ready for a call at any minute.
At early dawn (Sept. 17) all were astir. The
weather was fine but the air was hazy with the smoke
of our camp fires. At six o 'clock cannonading began,
but even before that, far away on the right, Hooker
108
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
had anticipated the initial movement from the cen-
ter, as if he hoped to win the battle without help, and
thus monopolize the honors of the day. Receiving a
slight wound in the foot, shortly after beginning his
advance, he left the field without making any serious
impression on the enemy's line, and was soon fol-
lowed by many of his men.
Sumner's splendid corps of over thirty thousand
was ordered to move at seven o'clock, but did not
cross the Antietam till nearly ten. He claimed that
he had not actually been ordered to attack, but
merely "to hold himself in readiness to move." But
when he did attack, it was by "divisions in echelon"
instead of in a line of proper columns. But from
McClellan's headquarters it was a thrilling sight.
With flags flying and the long unfaltering lines ris-
ing and falling as they crossed the rolling fields, it
looked as though nothing could stop them, but they
were checked before getting within close range of
the rebel rifles. The interval between echelons was
too great and their flanks were too much exposed.
Shortly the whole corps became disordered and not
only lost its impulse, but fell back in confusion to
the open fields, where it found sheltering swales
pretty well out of range. 4
About eleven o'clock, perhaps a little later,
Franklin, with Baldy Smith's and Couch's divisions,
arrived on the same field and advancing gallantly to
the attack, checked the confusion and restored con-
fidence to the ranks which had advanced against
stone walls in vain.
Fitz-John Porter with the Fifth Corps, composed
of one division of regulars and two of volunteers,
occupied the left center. As this formidable force,
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
regarded as the flower of the army, received no or-
ders to advance, it stood fast all day, taking no real
part in the battle. For all the good it did it might
as well have been at Frederick or in Washington.
Still farther to the left Burnside, with a full
army corps moving on the Keedysville road, was
expected to force his way across the gorge of the
lower Antietam which was justly regarded as im-
passable except by the bridge ; but instead of carry-
ing the bridge and getting into line on the other
side before eleven, as was expected, Burnside 's first
attempt was weak and irresolute, and without posi-
tive results.
Thus it will be seen that long before noon Mc-
Clellan's disjointed and badly timed attacks against
the enemy's compact line had come to naught, and
the fortunes of the day were trembling in the bal-
ance. Notwithstanding McClellan claimed then and
always afterward that his plan of battle was mas-
terly, he had committed the unpardonable blun-
der of camping his army part on one side and part
on the other side of the Antietam, thus making it
exceedingly difficult for his different corps to move
simultaneously and entirely impossible to engage
the enemy at the same time.
The force of this criticism becomes apparent
when it is remembered that, notwithstanding re-
peated orders, the last of which I carried in person,
Burnside did not succeed in forcing his way across
the Antietam till three o 'clock in the afternoon. His
efforts throughout the morning had been weak and
abortive, but he finally found in Colonel Kingsbury
of the Eleventh Connecticut Volunteers the right
man for the work in hand.
110
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
This superb young colonel, less than a year out
of West Point, had recently given hostages to fate ;
but neither Caesar nor Napoleon ever had a better
soldier or a more fearless man for a desperate un-
dertaking. He had graduated fourth in a notable
class and had served first with a battery of artillery
where he finally won his regiment. He was a dis-
tinguished scholar and an accomplished athlete,
mentally and physically a perfect soldier. A judi-
cious disciplinarian, an accomplished tactician, and
a careful, considerate instructor, he was now fairly
launched on a career which nothing but death could
terminate in failure. His father, an old officer of
the army, had been fortunate enough at an early
day to become the owner of a large tract of land at
the government price in what is now the center of
Chicago, and which he is said to have sold fre-
quently, but being too lazy to make the deed, held till
death, when it descended to his son and daughter,
the wife of Simon Bolivar Buckner. Having gone
south with her husband and fearing confiscation,
Mrs. Buckner conveyed her interests uncondition-
ally, so far as the deed itself was concerned, but
really in trust, to her brother. The latter, fear-
ing that complications might arise in case of his
death, the night before the battle sent for two
of his friends of the regular army to witness his
will, but they were busy or did not get his message
and consequently did not act as witnesses. Whether
he actually drew the will or made an authorita-
tive declaration I never knew, but the next day he
fell with a mortal wound while leading his regiment
successfully across the Stone Bridge. Burnside won,
but the gallant Kingsbury lost forever. In due
111
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
course a posthumous son was born to him. After
the peace this son and the Kingsbury estate were
involved for years in one of the most remarkable
lawsuits of the period with General Buckner and
his wife, who after great expense finally secured
the rights which a few lines written by Kingsbury
and witnessed by his friends on the eve of battle
would have freed forever from controversy.
But to return to the battle. During the interval
between the failure of Hooker and Sumner and of
the partial but belated success of Burnside, Mc-
Clellan and his staff were fearful of the result. For
ffcur hours it was a question which army should first
assume the offensive. While we still had at hand
something like twenty thousand men who had not
fired a shot, and while there was plenty of daylight
to fight another battle, McClellan, under the timid
counsels of his subordinates, still " dared not . . .
put it to the touch and win or lose it all!"
And thus it stood till Burnside was at last on
the farther side of the creek. I had already ridden
the whole line of battle more than once and reported
its shaky condition to McClellan who, on receiving
word of Burnside 's sadly delayed but encouraging
success, sent me again to the right to tell Sumner
"to get up his men and hold his position at all
hazards, as Burnside had crossed and was advanc-
ing finely. " Eiding a slashing gray as active as a
deer, stone fences were nothing to me. I covered
the ground going and coming in less than thirty
minutes, including stops and delays.
I found Sumner glum and grim, surrounded by
his staff and several division commanders, and, so
far as I could judge, with but little or no fight left
112
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
in him. I delivered my orders at once, but instead
of answering in a cheery and confident tone, he
sang out:
"Go back, young man, and ask General McClel-
lan if I shall make a simultaneous advance with my
whole line at the risk of not being able to rally
a man on this side of the creek if I am driven
back."
As nothing had been said about an advance, I
replied :
"General, from the tenor of the order I have
just delivered, I will assume to say that General
McClellan simply desires and expects you to hold
your position for the present."
At this the general repeated :
"Go back, young man, and bring an answer to
my question."
Whereupon I galloped to headquarters and de-
livered Sumner's message as above, to which Mc-
Clellan retorted in sharp and impatient tones :
"Tell General Sumner to risk nothing. I ex-
pect him to hold his present position at every cost.
This is the great battle of the war and every man
must do his duty."
And then, as if changing his mind, he added:
"Tell the general to crowd every man and gun
into ranks, and, if he thinks it practicable, he may
advance Franklin to carry the woods in front, hold-
ing the rest of the line with his own command, as-
sisted by those of Banks and Hooker."
And this order was delivered with emphasis in
the exact terms it had been given to me and at the
spot where I had found the group before. Frank-
lin, Smith, Howard, Newton, Gibbon, Gorman, and
113
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
several others were standing by, apparently listen-
ing for what was to be said.
I had hardly got through with rny message, when
Sumner returned to the subject, saying:
"Go back, young man, and tell General McClel-
lan I have no command. Tell him my command,
Banks ' command and Hooker 's command are all cut
up and demoralized. Tell him General Franklin
has the only organized command on this part of the
field!"
Of course, there was nothing for me but to return
to headquarters with this discouraging message, and
I am bound to add that in my judgment it indicated
a demoralized state of mind, if not a demoralized
state of affairs, for the only general whom I met
on that ride who sounded a different note was Gen-
eral French, to whom, as I rode by, I hastily said :
"McClellan's orders are to hold your position at all
hazards,' ' and instantly the bluff, hearty, red-faced
old regular called out: "Tell him, by God, sir, I'll
do it!"
When I got back I found headquarters in charge
of Fitz-John Porter, who received my report with-
out comment. He was as glum and apparently as
lacking in aggressive temper as any general on the
field. McClellan, having had reports from others
as to the unpromising condition of affairs, had
gone in person to the right to see for himself. I
had no conversation with him on his return, but do
not doubt that he was discouraged by his ride, as
he gave no orders for the resumption of hostilities
that afternoon.
During the day I rode the whole line from the
center to both flanks several times. One of the sad-
114
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
dest incidents of the morning was the death of the
veteran Mansfield who had fallen mortally wounded,
while leading his men into action. With snow-white
hair and martial bearing, he was as knightly a fig-
ure as ever gave up his life for the country, and
his fall, which soon became known, was regarded
as a serious loss to the entire army.
Next to Sumner's right I found Meade with the
Pennsylvania "Bucktails", badly scattered and with
but little aggressive temper left. A short distance
farther on I came to Hooker 's front and was amazed
to find that both Hooker and the greater part of
his corps had disappeared from the field, leaving
no sort of an organization to hold the ground they
had gained near the Dunkard Church and beyond.
Indeed, the whole right center and extreme right of
our line were so shattered and discouraged by the
morning's disjointed work that I did not hesitate,
young and inexperienced as I was, to say to Mc-
Clellan that he should not only order his corps and
division commanders to get all their men back into
line, but send reinforcements and direct them as
soon as possible to niove vigorously against the
enemy's position. I felt the importance of assum-
ing the offensive first, because I was sure that if
the enemy should anticipate us, he would sweep our
entire right wing from the field. Even at that late
hour I do not doubt that if Lee could have rallied
and concentrated enough men to make an aggressive
return against our right wing, he would have won
the day. But, fortunately, his men were also used
up and content to stand at bay till night put an end
to the conflict.
Shortly after returning from my first ride to
115
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Hooker, George W. Smalley, war correspondent of
the New York Tribune, joined the group of officers
near the headquarters flag. Knowing that he had
been on that part of the field all morning, I asked
him where Hooker was. He was the only corps com-
mander I had not found near the line of battle, and,
having heard that he had been but slightly wound-
ed, it occurred to me that it would be a most timely
and inspiring thing if he would go back to the front.
He had already won the nickname "Fighting Joe",
and was known as a most ambitious man, and it
flashed through my mind that he would jump at the
suggestion. So when Smalley pointed out the red
brick house about a mile and a half to the right and
rear, where Hooker had established himself, with-
out the slightest suggestion from anyone else but
entirely on my own account I said:
"Smalley, ride rapidly to Hooker and tell him
to rally his corps and lead it back to the field, for
by doing so he may not only save the day, but save
the Union also ! ' '
Smalley 's horse was bleeding from a bullet
wound, his hair was disheveled, and his clothes
were covered with dust. He replied: "That's splen-
did, and I'll go at once, but I fear Hooker is too
severely wounded to mount his horse."
I sang out:
"That makes no difference. Let him get into an
ambulance and drive back to the field. Or, what is
still better, put him on a stretcher, and with his
bugles blowing and his corps flag flying over him,
let his men carry him back to the fighting line, while
his staff take the news to the division and brigade
commanders. ' '
116
ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN
Smalley, realizing that the part assigned him
would not only be regarded as heroic and whatever
the result would make him famous, dashed away at
a gallop, calling out confidently: "Hooker will go
back. I'll answer for it!" But in less than half
an hour, Smalley rejoined us, looking discouraged
and dejected. It was evident, without a word of ex-
planation, that he had failed in his mission, and
when questioned, he replied: "Hooker says he can't
go back — his foot is too painful."
When it is remembered that the bullet which
wounded him passed between his boot sole and the
hollow of his foot, and that he walked on it without
crutches within ten days, it will be seen that "Fight-
ing Joe" had but little of the fortitude and none of
the heroism which are so necessary to a great lead-
er. From that day forth I regarded him as possess-
ing but little real merit.
With the fight taken out of our army, all our
corps commanders disheartened, and absolutely
nothing done by any of them after Burnside had
failed to press the enemy's right near Sharpsburg,
we were still greatly encouraged at nightfall by
finding the army still in possession of the field of
battle. When it is recalled that Porter's corps add-
ed to the divisions of Eeynolds and Humphreys with
twenty thousand fresh men would give us not less
than thirty thousand troops who had not yet fired
a shot, we felt confident that a vigorous attack next
morning would give us success all along the line.
We were told and, of course, believed, that orders
had been issued for an advance of the entire army
at daylight, and in that belief we slept that night
literally on our arms. Up at dawn and straining
117
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
our ears to hear the opening guns, we mounted and
were ready for orders when word came that every
corps commander except Meade had protested,
claiming that his troops "were too much cut up"
to renew the action that day. To his never-ending
shame, McClellan yielded and gave out word that
there would be no more fighting till the 19th. When
that day came the enemy had gone, leaving us the
slender consolation that the field was ours. The
enemy had used the rest under cover of night to
recross the Potomac with all his impedimenta.
McClellan, instead of pursuing hot-foot, con-
tented himself with claiming a great victory, reoc-
cupying Harper's Ferry and then settling down
to rest and repair damages. My diary for the pe-
riod is full of notes and reflections, which show that
the course adopted made me heartsick and despond-
ent; but as this is neither a history nor a military
treatise, I conclude with the statement that, as soon
as I realized that the campaign was ended, I asked
to be relieved from further duty with that army and
ordered back to Washington. McClellan at once
granted my request and taking leave of my mess-
mates, in Pleasant Valley at nightfall, mounted on
my big gray, I covered the entire distance of about
seventy-five miles by sunrise the next morning.
118
IV
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
Halleck 's Headquarters — General McClernand — Pleasant
Valley — Interview with McClellan — Washington — Or-
dered to Grant.
Arriving at Halleck's headquarters early Sep-
tember 28, I received a chilly welcome, due, as
I soon learned, to the fact that I had delayed my de-
parture to the West longer than had been expected.
Although both Cullum, chief-of-staff , and my bureau
chief had given me permission to volunteer on Mc-
Clelland staff for the campaign, the former now
let fall the unexpected intimation that I might be
"dismissed for absence without leave.' ' This was
more than I could stand, and called forth the hot
and indignant reply:
"Tell General Halleck to dismiss me if he thinks
proper, but in doing so let him reflect that he will
dismiss me for the most useful service of my life
so far."
Of course the storm soon blew over. As I had
been regularly summoned to return to Pleasant
Valley as a witness before a court-martial, I
had several days' delay, which I passed mostly with
General Hunter and General McClernand, tempo-
119
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
rarily in Washington. It was during conversation
with the latter that he explained the business which
brought him there. The West had begun already to
call loudly for the capture of Vicksburg and the
opening of the Mississippi so that it might (in the
phrase of the day) "flow unvexed to the sea", and
he had come on for the purpose of getting authority
to organize and command an expedition for that
purpose. As a townsman and neighbor of the Presi-
dent and as an influential Democrat who had greatly
distinguished himself both at Donelson and Shi-
loh, he was listened to with favor. Grant at that
time was more or less under a cloud, and this made
it easier for McClernand, who was far from friendly
to him.1 Indeed, he was the first person I ever heard
speak positively of Grant's bad habits as a factor
in the case. He had formed a project for taking
Vicksburg and operating eastward from that place,
as a base, against the interior railroads and centers
of the Confederacy. His proposition was to raise
twelve thousand new troops in the Northwest, which
with his old division he thought would be sufficient
for the preliminary operations. Successful in cap-
turing the rebel stronghold, he counted confidently
on an augmented command, if not upon a depart-
ment of his own.
Having fully explained his project and received
the President's approval, he not only asked for my
views, but offered me an important place on his
staff. He was a forcible and interesting man and
seemed to have but little doubt of success. His
central idea was sound and in that I agreed fully;
but I pointed out that as Vicksburg was the point
1 O. E.— Shiloh, Series 1, Vol. X, part I, p. 114.
120
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
of the greatest strategic importance in the western
theater of operations, the government could not af-
ford to let its capture be made a side issue or a
secondary operation — that it would be compelled to
concentrate all its efforts in that direction, and that
while the campaign should not start with less than
fifty thousand or sixty thousand men and a strong
gun-boat fleet, eighty thousand or ninety thousand
with a large proportion of cavalry and artillery
would be probably necessary for effective operations
after Vicksburg had been secured. I pointed out
that in this case Halleck would probably be against
him and in favor of giving Grant, who was already
commanding the department containing the base of
operations, the chief command. This had evidently
not occurred to him, but I gave him my views frank-
ly on every aspect of the case as I then saw it be-
cause he asked for them. He did not tell me his
final conclusions further than that Stanton as well
as the President would support him, and with that
assurance he started West to organize the new
troops and complete his arrangements. That he
finally realized that Halleck was against him and
would probably beat him there can be but little
doubt. Before leaving he renewed his invitation
that I should go with him, to which I replied that
having already received my orders to report to
Grant, I could not ask to have them changed, adding,
however, that my duty was to go where I was or-
dered, and that I should doubtless be on the ground
when he got there.
During our conversations he explained the Presi-
dent's disappointment at McClellan's failure to
destroy Lee's army at Antietam, and to follow him
121
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
up promptly after his retreat. He then said the
President had early made up his mind to relieve
McClellan from command and was delaying merely
to select the proper general as his successor. Know-
ing that I was going back to the army as a witness,
he specially requested me to give McClellan this in-
formation. I was asked to lay before him the
project of capturing Vicksburg and operating
eastward, with the suggestion that he should
seek for the united command of the Mississippi
valley and with the assurance that the entire
military strength of the Northwest should be at his
back.
I arrived again at Pleasant Valley early on Oc-
tober 16, and after vainly requesting Colburn of
the staff for an interview with the general, I met
the latter shortly afterward by chance coming from
breakfast to his tent. Making my salute and re-
ceiving a polite good morning, I said at once: "I
am just up from Washington and have a message
for you. ' ' At this he invited me into his tent, where
I continued without further preface:
"General, my friend, General McClernand, has
requested me to say that the views expressed in the
conversation he had with you while here a few days
ago are in every way confirmed; you are to be re-
moved from command ; the authorities are only wait-
ing for the man, and General Halleck is at the bot-
tom of it. How General McClernand knows all this
he said it was not necessary to state, but his closing
words were: '7 know itV ' "
To this McClellan replied without apparent emo-
tion:
"Yes, I expected it."
122
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
After taking a seat, I pointed out briefly on the
map McClernand's plan of operations, adding:
"In view of the importance of this undertaking
and of the tenacity with which Vicksburg will doubt-
less be defended, the vast benefit of its capture, the
conflicting interests in the Mississippi Valley aris-
ing from a multiplicity of commands, and of the ab-
solute necessity that all the military operations in
that theater should be conducted toward the achieve-
ment of the one grand object, General McClernand
thinks you should seek supreme command in the
West, and that you should put your friends to work
to secure it for you. ' ' I added : "I think they could
succeed because I believe the administration will be
willing to compromise with you by giving you this
new command.,,
McClellan's eyes brightened, and instantly
grasping the idea, he said:
' ' This is a suggestion that never occurred to me.
I will give it due consideration, but" — his face
growing serious again — "they will never give me
such a command if they remove me from my pres-
ent one, and, indeed, I doubt if I would accept any
other. The Army of the Potomac is my army as
much as any army ever belonged to the man that
created it. We have grown together and fought
together. We are wedded and should not be
separated.' !
To this I replied:
' ' Yes, General, but your friends and the country
regard you as * wedded ' to a higher cause than that
of any army — the cause of the country and of the
Union under the Constitution. They will expect
you, not only to retain your commission, but to ac-
123
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
cept any service offered appropriate to your rank.
Moreover, we are all below the law and all owe the
common debt of military service; they will expect
you not only to seek command, but to take any that
may be offered you. Pardon me, General, if I add
— if they don't give you an army, you should take
an army corps or even a division. If they will
not give you a division, were I in your place, I
should ask for a brigade. If they deny that, I
should resign and go back to my state and raise a
regiment. If I couldn't get a colonelcy, I should
take any other position open to me, and failing a
commission, I should take my musket and go out
as a private soldier. If you act on that principle,
you will not only succeed, but you will be the next
President of the United States !"
In reply to this presumptuous speech, which
certainly arrested his attention without offending
him, he thanked me for what I had said, declared
that no one had talked that way to him before, and
assured me that he would give it all careful consid-
eration. We then fell into a general conversation,
during which he told me of his opposition to the
division of his army into army corps and the assign-
ment of commanders before they had developed
their merits. He explained his protest against the
recall of his army from the Peninsula, recounted
the important services it had just rendered, dwelt
with bitterness upon the failure of the staff depart-
ments to send him the supplies which were neces-
sary to enable him to continue the offensive, and
claimed that all this should have been done within
a week after the battle of Antietam. He did not
fail to indicate his disappointment at the lack of
124
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
zeal on the part of Sumner, Fitz-John Porter, and
others, nor to point out that their cases fitly illus-
trated the importance of promotion to high com-
mand for military merit, vigor, and efficiency, rather
than for seniority.
His whole attitude was undoubtedly one of re-
sentment and animosity against the government and
the politicians. Wrapped in the mantle of his own
injuries, he had no word for the country's claims
or for the duties of the hour. He thanked me for
the frankness with which I had spoken, and, after
asking me to go with him should he have another
assignment, he closed the conversation by saying:
"Tell my friends if they have anything to com-
municate to me to do it by a personal messenger or
by letter sent by private, reliable conveyance ; trust
nothing to the mail — my letters are opened and
read."
This interview produced a lasting impression
upon my mind. While the General's self-poise
was remarkable and his general demeanor that of
an able and observant man, I was disagreeably im-
pressed by one peculiarity — that of smiling spas-
modically and unmeaningly after each important or
significant remark. Although at that time in the
full vigor of middle life, firm and erect in bearing,
handsome of eye and face, deep-chested and strong-
limbed, well set up and well clad and apparently
in perfect health — the beau ideal of a regular sol-
dier— he did not impress me as properly loyal to
his lawful superiors, nor as displaying that activity
and energy of mind and body that the opportunities
before him seemed to call for. He was polite and
considerate and went so far toward showing his
125
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
appreciation of my frankness as to ask me if he
ever took another command to accept a place on his
staff. Of course, I replied to him as I did to Mc-
Clernand, though I had little expectation of ever be-
ing called to the staff of either.
Notwithstanding its interesting and unusual fea-
tures, my visit to McClellan was far from reassur-
ing in any respect. In addition to his depressed
frame of mind, I found a bad state of feeling among
the officers of his staff, three of whom were drinking
heavily, while others were talking both loudly and
disloyally. They not only disapproved McClellan 's
removal, which was felt to be imminent, but openly
denounced the President's Emancipation Proclama-
tion. Not only did several earnestly advocate Mc-
Clellan's resistance to the order relieving him, but
one man declared that the army should change front
on Washington and that when it arrived there, Mc-
Clellan should turn the government out and take
charge of both civil and military affairs himself.
While this was merely camp-fire talk, it indicated
bad feeling on the part of officers who should have
known better. It culminated, however, in a way
hardly foreseen. One of the number in a loud
and resonant voice declared that he wouldn't serve
Lincoln's abolition government any longer, but in-
tended to send in his resignation and go home at
once. Another called out: "That's the talk!" Still
another loudly gave his approval, whereupon the
only Southerner present, Martin of Kentucky, got
up and, drawing his wallet from his pocket, ex-
claimed: "I am tired of such senseless talk," and
slapping his wallet with his open hand added, "I'll
bet fifty dollars, and here's the money, that not a
126
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
d — d one of you ever resigns so long as Uncle
Abraham's greenback mill keeps grinding. Now-
put up or shut up!" And that was the end of the
seditious talk that night.
After giving my testimony before the court-mar-
tial, I returned to Washington, feeling depressed if
not discouraged. I had joined McClelland staff
with the conviction that he was our foremost organ-
izer, disciplinarian, and leader, and was command-
ing our best-trained veterans, which must be our
main dependence for putting down the rebellion. To
that general and that army, it seemed, we must look
for superior genius, strategy, discipline, fortitude,
and final victory. I left it greatly disappointed.
While I was far from despairing, I felt sure our
triumph over the Confederacy would be delayed,
and when it did come, as come it must, it would
not be due to superior generalship and discipline,
but rather to superior resources in men, money, and
determination — in short, "to main strength and
awkwardness I ' rather than to geuius and strategy.
I realized then for the first time that Gibbon, the
historian, was right when he declared that "the
great battles won by the lessons of tactics may be
enumerated by the epic poems composed from the
inspirations of rhetoric."
With combined feelings of disillusionment and
hope, I reached Washington on October 17, and,
after giving McClernand a full account of my inter-
view with McClellan and learning that, although the
formal orders for his Vicksburg project had not yet
reached him, he was still confident of receiving them
at an early day, I got my traps together and started
north four days later.
127
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Having been informally authorized to visit New
York for the purpose of getting a regiment of vol-
unteers, before going west, with letters to Thurlow
Weed, at that time the political boss of the Empire
State, I called on him at the Astor House the next
day. He received me kindly and even graciously,
but when I told him that I was a regular army man
from Illinois under orders to report to Grant in
the west, but wanted service in the line with a New
York volunteer regiment, he grew perceptibly re-
served. He asked my age and rank, and inquired
where I had served, and after intimating that he
might secure the position of major or even lieu-
tenant colonel for me, he added frankly that the
colonelcies must be reserved for New Yorkers. From
this it was evident that I could expect nothing
from him. By this time it had become pretty well
known that the War Department would not give a
regular leave of absence for anything less than the
command of a regiment, which accounts for the high
rank I was seeking, as well as for the fact that I
had not already accepted the rank of lieutenant
colonel in the First Delaware Cavalry. I was, how-
ever, patient and waited around several days in
hopes that I might find an opening, but in vain. The
great man was dignified, considerate, and patroniz-
ing. He said nothing to discourage either my am-
bition or my desire for service, but, on the other
hand, each interview bore it in upon me that he was
considering the political rather than the military
aspects of the case. As I was interested in
the military rather than the political needs of the
government, and as my education and my experi-
ence so far had convinced me that I was better
128
INTERVIEW WITH McCLELLAN
prepared than any civilian for the command of a
regiment, I was not long in reaching the conclusion
that I should hasten to my new field of duty. I
therefore took leave of the distinguished politician,
with deep disappointment and with the feeling that
he was an entirely new type and had given me a
new point of view from which to regard the war and
the organization of the army. Eeflecting that armies
must be raised as well as instructed and commanded,
I made my way as rapidly as possible to the south-
west, resolved to earn my promotion in the field
rather than try to get it through the politicians
and their influence.
129
ON GRANT'S STAFF
West Tennessee — Major Wilson — Northern Mississippi —
Major Rawlins — General Grant — General McPherson
— First service with Cavalry — True line of Operations
— Campaign of Vicksburg — Yazoo Pass — Running the
Batteries.
Although I hastened west my troubles were not
yet ended. With delays and stop-overs caused by
overworked railroads and broken connections de-
laying my groom and horses, as well as myself, I
did not reach Jackson, Tennessee, till November
7. Almost the first man I met there was my
brother Henry, who had left West Point early the
year before to help raise the Eighteenth Illinois
Infantry of which he became the adjutant. He had
already been promoted to captain and was then
serving temporarily on General Sullivan's staff in
the campaign against Forrest, who had just come
on the stage and was smashing things in west Ten-
nessee. My brother had taken a gallant part in the
capture of Forts Henry and Donelson and in the
battle of Shiloh. He had been twice wounded and
had but lately returned to duty. He had early be-
come known to the leading generals as an active and
fearless officer and an excellent drill-master with re-
130
ON GRANT'S STAFF
markable presence of mind. He had led his com-
pany in the successful charge against the enemy 's
works at Donelson, had been shot through the body,
as he thought, and paralyzed, had been pulled to
cover under the hillside he had just surmounted, by
a comrade who covered him with a blanket and left
him for dead, had revived, cut a crutch, rejoined
his company, and fought with it till night when the
bullet was cut out of his back. Fortunately it had
"gone around, not through' 3 him. At Shiloh he
distinguished himself by leading his men to the cap-
ture of a battery and by turning it against the
enemy. Having been drilled for a year at West
Point, he was as much at home in the artillery as he
was with the infantry.1 While working the captured
guns, one of his gunners thoughtlessly dropped an
armful of shrapnel near the muzzle of a piece, the
flash from which set the wrappings on fire. Fear-
ing an explosion, my brother, without tremor or a
moment's hesitation, seized the shell and hurled it
to the front where its explosion did no harm. It
was in allusion to this and other gallant feats that
General Oglesby, afterward senator and governor
of Illinois, said with an emphatic oath: "Captain
Wilson was the bravest man I ever knew!"
As all these events had taken place since I last
met him two years before at West Point, I was glad
to see him and to learn through him something of
the rank and file of the army I was about to join.
He afterward took a gallant part in the campaign
and capture of Vicksburg and in all the operations
of the Thirteenth Army Corps till the end of the
war, serving in turn on the staff of Lawler, Logan,
1 O. E. Series 1, Vol. X, part I, pp. 121, 127, 129.
131
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Washburn, and Steele, but when he was promoted
to major, he returned to his regiment and command-
ed it till it was "fought to a frazzle' ' and finally
mustered out at the end of the war. He was duly
commissioned both lieutenant colonel and colonel,
but owing to the reduction of the regiment's
strength and to the failure of the state to fill it with
recruits, he was never mustered into the service on
either of his higher commissions. During the Vicks-
burg campaign I met him frequently and always
learned more from him as to the opinions, conduct,
and point of view of the enlisted men and junior of-
ficers than from anyone else. For his high courage
and cheerful disposition he was a prime favorite
with all. He survived the war in broken health, and
was finally drowned in the Ohio Eiver.
The day after reaching Jackson I went to La-
grange, a small town near Grand Junction, close to
the Mississippi line, where I found Grant's head-
quarters, reported for duty, and was promptly an-
nounced as chief topographical engineer of the
Army of the Tennessee. A day or two later Grant
sent me as chief engineer to McPherson whom I had
left in Boston the year before. This was for tem-
porary duty only. I have always thought the order
was suggested as much by the desire to gratify
McPherson and myself as by the actual necessities
of the case. This is shown by the following extract
from a note written by McPherson to Eawlins :
. . . You are a trump. I would rather have Wil-
son for my engineer than any officer I know. We are
old friends — came home from California together last
fall . . *
10. R. Series 1, Vol. 17, Part 2, McPherson to Rawlins, Oct.
27, 1862.
ON GRANT'S STAFF
My first meeting with Eawlins, Grant's adjutant
general, occurred immediately after my arrival at
Lagrange, and was one of the notable events of my
life. On entering his office, I found him alone, busy
at his desk. After announcing myself and my de-
sire to report for duty, Rawlins swung round from
his desk and said:
1 ' General Grant is absent at Memphis, but will J
be back shortly ; I 'm Major Rawlins, his adjutant ; I
am glad to see you, lieutenant; d — d glad to see
you. We've been looking for you for several days.
We need you here. I know all about you. I am
from Illinois, as you are. Your grandfather was
my friend and I want to be friends with you. In-
deed, I want to form an alliance, offensive and de-
fensive, with you. ■ ' 1
This warm and hearty welcome did not surprise
me, for I had already heard Rawlins spoken of as
a man of good sense, simple manners, and great in-
dependence. His frank and hearty greeting won
me at once, and while he was talking with such un-
usual freedom, I was doing my best to gauge him and
his character. He interested me from the first by
his steady gaze, his strong voice, and his direct and
emphatic speech. He treated me from that meet-
ing with as much frankness and confidence as if
he had known me always. He was then about thirty-
two years old, iive feet seven inches tall, broad-
shouldered, stout-limbed, and of strong and vigorous
health. With jet black hair and brown steady eyes,
swarthy complexion, fine teeth, a firm mouth, and
a clear, resonant voice, he impressed me as a very
earnest, able man, so entirely concentrated in his
1 Wilson's "Life of John A. Rawlins," etc., p. 95.
133
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
duties that he gave no thought to conventionalities
and but little to the words that fell from his lips.
Having, as I afterward learned, been a charcoal
burner till he was twenty-three, he earned the money
for two terms at the Eock Eiver Seminary. After
that he studied and practiced law, became city, at-
torney, and a candidate for the electoral college on
the Douglas ticket. He had had no time for any-
thing else and least of all for gathering technical
military knowledge or preparing himself for the
military calling. He had won Grant's good opin-
ion as a citizen and patriot by his impassioned Union
speech at a Galena mass-meeting shortly after the
Confederates had fired on Sumter. He had then
declared himself as irrevocably opposed to secession
and the dissolution of the Union, and in favor of the
"Arbitrament of Arms!" * It was doubtless because
of his bold, virile, and patriotic character that Grant
invited him before all others to become a member of
his staff. It was owing to these qualities and to
others not yet developed that he accepted Grant's
offer and thereafter till his death shared his for-
tunes and participated in his promotions. Even at
the date of my first acquaintance with him, Eaw-
lins understood Grant's strength and weakness bet-
ter than anyone else, and, to use Grant's own phrase
a year later, had "come to be more nearly indis-
pensable to him than anyone else."
While Grant was absent at Memphis there was
but little going on at headquarters and Eawlins evi-
dently thought it a good opportunity to get ac-
quainted and to tell me about Grant and his army, its
campaigns, its leading generals, and the many col-
1 Wilson's "Life of Rawlins."
134
ON GRANT'S STAFF
onels of note serving with it, about the staff officers
at headquarters, and finally about even the com-
manding general himself upon whom so much de-
pended, and about whom the tongue of detraction
had already had much to say. All of this and more
he developed with amazing skill and comprehensive-
ness. He had evidently satisfied himself before my
arrival from McPherson and others as to my char-
acter and trustworthiness as well as to my sense of
discipline and my earnestness in the cause which
that army was upholding. Our conversation
took a wide range and, long before it was
finished, encouraged him, much to my gratifica-
tion, to declare that he wanted "to form an alliance
offensive and defensive" with me. He frankly con-
fessed that he had no technical knowledge of war,
military science, or military administration, and as
there were no other West Point men on the field
staff and but few in that army, he would necessarily
and frequently have to lean not only upon my book
knowledge, but possibly upon my observation and
experience. It was in every way a reassuring re-
ception, and when it is considered that although I
had had a five years ' course at West Point and one
year's active campaigning, including the capture
of Port Eoyal, the siege and reduction of Fort Pu-
laski, the battle of Secessionville in front of Charles-
ton, and the campaign and battle of Antietam, and
yet was only a first lieutenant of Engineers, it will
be seen that I had good reason to feel flattered by
his reception. When I recall the fact that Grant
on his return, although inclined to greater reticence,
received me with the same cordial and hearty wel-
come, it can readily be understood that I soon felt
135
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
I had done well in casting my lot in with him and
the army under his command.
During the following weeks our conversations
continued, and eventually we touched on every sub-
ject connected with that army. Rawlins impressed
me from the first as a strong, clear-headed, fearless
and patriotic officer, thoroughly devoted to his chief
and to the Union cause. So far as I knew, he con-
cealed nothing from me, but opened his mind fully
on all subjects of interest. He even gave me an es-
timate of the staff I was entering. Theodore S.
Bowers, his assistant, had been a printer in my na-
tive town, and although a small and modest man
received his unqualified commendation for clerical
efficiency, sobriety, and courage ; but several aids-de-
camp with higher rank were not so fortunate. How
they had got on Grant's staff he never explained;
but he made it clear that they were rounders with
but little character and less military knowledge or
useful experience. He intimated not only that their
services were useless, but that their example and
influence were thoroughly bad, and that he wanted
my help to get rid of them.
But by far the most interesting information
Eawlins gave me related to Grant himself and to
the perils by which he had been surrounded ever
since the capture of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson.
He carefully pointed out his modesty, his good
sense, his endurance, and, above all, his sound judg-
ment and unshakable self-reliance and courage. He
dwelt upon his thorough knowledge of military ad-
ministration and the customs of service, his famil-
iarity with tactics and organization, and especially
with his perfect knowledge of the supply, subsis-
136
ON GRANT'S STAFF
tence, and transportation departments. In reference
to these things there was no uncertain sound. He
evidently considered Grant in all ways easily ahead
of the best of his subordinates, and yet it was not
difficult to perceive that his mind was ill at ease.
Indeed, he did not hesitate to refer to the newspaper
charges against Grant's habits as a matter of grave
concern, and while he declared that they were
not as bad as either the newspapers or one of
his ambitious generals had made them out, he frank-
ly confessed that there was enough in them not only
to make his true friends wish there were less, but
to do all in their power to "stay him from falling".
While pointing out the real dangers and concealing
nothing, he evidently wanted me to understand them
fully in order that I might do my part to nullify
them. He dwelt upon the fact that Grant had in
no case neglected his duty, nor failed to drive his
advantage home, but on the contrary had in every
instance done all that any man could do to ensure
success and to prevent disaster. He declared that
Grant was "a good man, who knew his business
better than any of his ambitious subordinates and
that we could win with him if the government would
but trust him and let him alone.' ' On another oc-
casion he said: "I am told you don't drink, but
you should know there are lots of men in this army,
some on Grant's staff, who not only drink them-
selves but like to see others drink, and whenever
they get a chance they tempt their chief, and I
want you to help me clean them out. ' ' And it was
this frank and unhesitating confidence which Raw-
lins reposed in me that sealed our friendship and
united us in a common cause as long as he lived.
137
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Having thus given me completely his confidence
I naturally drew Rawlins out further, as opportu-
nity offered, in regard to the operations from Bel-
mont to Corinth. His opinions were favorable
to Grant as well as to his generals and his troops.
He praised them all with discrimination, except
McClernand and Lew Wallace. He even praised
McClernand for zeal and courage, but denounced
his ambition, his jealousy, and his disposition to
intrigue with the politicians in Washington. But
he made no excuse for Lew Wallace, whom he
charged with having been a laggard in the Shiloh
campaign, and emphasized the charge by an account
of the orders he had personally given him to march
to the battlefield. He praised both Sherman and
McPherson as brilliant and loyal subordinates, and
fully exposed the personal peculiarities of the offi-
cers about headquarters. He commended Bowers
and Rowley as brave, patriotic, and honorable men
with whom it was a pleasure to serve. He regarded
Hilyer as an able man who had been a friend of
Grant in the days of his poverty, but doubted his
disinterestedness as well as his honesty. He de-
nounced Lagow and Riggin as triflers out of their
depth, whose services were worth nothing and whose
influence was wholly bad.
I met Grant first shortly after his return from
Memphis, and, although somewhat disappointed at
his simple and unmilitary bearing, his friendly wel-
come won my heart at once. He was at first some-
what reserved, but as we fell into conversation about
the Antietam campaign and the progress of the war,
east and west, he warmed up and became both fluent
and interesting. While he showed but little of that
138
ON GRANT'S STAFF
smartness of carriage and dress and none of that
hauteur or affectation of rank and superior knowl-
edge which were so noticeable in McClellan as well
as in many other regular army men, he seemed self-
contained, simple-minded, and direct in all his
thoughts and ways. Putting on no airs whatever
and using nothing but the mildest and cleanest lan-
guage, he treated me from the start with cordial-
ity and without the slightest assumption of personal
or official superiority. As I afterward learned, this
was always his way, and while he invited no confi-
dences, he repelled none, and thus got all that were
worth having. Showing no sign whatever of hard
living or bad habits, he produced a pleasant but by
no means striking impression at first. With what I
heard from others, I naturally suspended judgment,
and as my first orders were to join McPherson with
the right wing of the army for the movement about
to begin, instead of to settle down at headquarters
and organize my branch of the staff service, I nat-
urally got the impression that Grant was neither a
great organizer nor much of a theorist in military
matters. This opinion grew gradually into a settled
conviction, and in spite of his great achievements,
which were won mainly by attention to broad gen-
eral principles rather than to technical details, I
have never had occasion to materially change these
earlier impressions.
By Grant's permission I remained at first at
headquarters and in only a few days I got together
a force of civil and military assistants and photog-
raphers with the customary outfit for gathering
information, surveying, sketching, and mapping the
country. As this required close attention, I saw
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but little of Grant, not because he was inaccessible
or offish, but because he appeared to take little
interest in this work. Eawlins, whom I saw
often and with whom my intimacy grew apace,
seemed to be the head-center of all that was
going on. The aids-de-camp and personal staff,
whom I came gradually to know, turned out to
be altogether as Eawlins had prepared me to
find them.
Fortunately, Grant always had able and experi-
enced supply officers, the most notable of whom were
Macfeeley, chief commissary, and Bingham, chief
quartermaster, both graduates of West Point and
both required to know but little beyond the numbers
of the troops and the necessary preparations for
their subsistence, equipment, and transportation.
While neither of those officers actually joined head-
quarters till the Vicksburg campaign was well under
way, they were exceedingly level-headed men, and,
although but little in evidence, they always per-
formed their complicated and widely extended duties-
so efficiently and so silently wherever they were that
no one ever thought of going hungry or unclad, or
even of asking who the chief commissary or the
chief quartermaster was. Grant himself had had
much experience in those departments in the Mex-
ican War and on the frontier, and gave the chiefs
both absolute liberty and absolute confidence. Bing-
ham was too dignified and too serious a person to
be treated lightly, but the chief commissary, while
never neglecting his business, was a jolly good fel-
low with whom Grant never lost a chance to crack
a joke. His favorite one was to call him Kobert
"X." Macfeeley because, as he laughingly said,
140
ON GRANT'S STAFF
that was the way Macfeeley's father always signed
his name.
As the preliminary movement toward central
Mississippi was about to begin, I joined McPherson
on November 16, and the next day received a per-
sonal note from Grant, directing me to go with an
advanced cavalry reconnoissance through Eipley
and Oxford in the direction of Grenada. During
the trip which lasted three days I took part in my
first cavalry skirmish and charge. Being better
mounted than anyone else, I outstripped my com-
panions and, coming up with the flying enemy, emp-
tied my revolvers and captured one prisoner, whom
I brought in.
On our way back with all the horses and mules
we could gather in the country, I was not surprised
to see that our Kansas " Jay-hawkers ' ' had but
little respect for the people of the country and none
for their property. Just outside of Ripley I saw
a trooper carrying a Yankee clock and, of course,
asked him where he got it and what he was going
to do with it. He replied at once: "I got it in
town and I am going to take it to camp and get a
pair of the little wheels out of it for spur rowels.' '
It was a new idea to me, but I noticed afterward
that many cavalrymen had adopted the picturesque
fashion; and it was more or less in vogue till the
end of the war.
Although ordered sooner, McPherson did not ac-
tually begin his forward movement till November
28. The winter rains had already set in and the
roads of unwrought dirt without macadam or
metal of any kind were already getting soft.
The trains soon cut them up so badly that
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our daily progress was never more than ten
miles and frequently less, instead of twice
as much. We passed slowly through Holly Springs,
Waterf ord, and Oxford ; the columns encumbered by
heavy trains gave plenty of time for straggling and
plundering, both of which were new and discour-
aging to me but which, so far as I could see, seemed
to have already become the habit with western
troops. Not much effort was made to stop either,
and consequently I was frequently called upon by
women and children for protection, which, as far as
I could, I freely gave. While the custom of living
off the country or "making war support war" was
not yet the rule, it was fast becoming the practice to
take everything in the way of supplies both for man
and beast. Northern Mississippi was at that time
thinly populated and extensively covered with dense
forests. The farms and villages were small and
the masses of the people poor. Of course, slavery
prevailed, but only the richer planters of the Talla-
hatchie and Yazoo bottoms had slaves in any num-
ber, and yet both rich and poor, as far as I could
see, were secessionists who hated Yankees with all
their might. A Union man was hard to find, while
it was impossible to find a Union woman. But it
was in the Mississippi uplands, with their twenty
bushels of corn and two hundred pounds of cotton
s to the acre, that I first heard the phrase: "This is
the rich man's war, but the poor man's fight."
About this time my name appeared in the Chi-
cago Tribune as assistant inspector general of the
Tenth Army Corps, with the rank of lieutenant
colonel. As I had already served with Hunter and
received many marks of his favor, I was not sur-
142
ON GRANT'S STAFF
prised at the announcement. It was great promo-
tion for me, but, of course, I could take no action in
regard to it till I received official notice from the
War Department.
Meanwhile I told Grant about it, adding that I
could not afford to decline, and as operations were
so well under way, I should leave with great reluc-
tance. He replied with sympathy and good feeling,
but agreed with me that I could take no action for
the present. Fortunately, however, while Grant's
army was working its way painfully toward Oxford,
in the absence of formal orders, it was both my duty
and pleasure to continue with it, helping wherever
opportunity offered, which was generally with the
cavalry in the advance. As that arm was green
and badly organized, I volunteered to act as adju-
tant to Colonel Dickey, a lawyer and afterward a
judge of the Illinois supreme court, who was the
senior officer present. He had his own regiment,
in which I had some time before been offered the
position of lieutenant colonel, one from Iowa under
Hatch, who later commanded a division under me,
one from Michigan under Colonel Mizner, a regular,
and one from Kansas under Colonel A. L. Lee, an
original ' 1 Jay-hawker ' \ They were excellent ma-
terial, but all untrained and badly deficient in dis-
cipline. In the advance they did well, but in the re-
treat they were entirely unmanageable. The jay--
hawkers were apparently more bent on plunder
than fighting. The entire organization was lacking
in coherence, cooperation, and steadiness. When
Van Dorn and William H. Jackson, a few days la-
ter, passed around Grant's army, capturing his
"rear headquarters ' ! and his main depot of sup-
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plies at Holly Springs, with many of the infantry
garrison which should have defended them, Dickey's
raw and undisciplined cavalry, instead of following
and harassing the enemy, turned tail and rejoined
the infantry columns as soon as possible.
While the capture of his depots was commonly
regarded as fatal to Grant's campaign and as hav-
ing compelled its abandonment, it really had but
little effect in that direction. It had already become
apparent that a campaign in midwinter over muddy
roads and through poor country was not feasible
for the force then in the field. With a single line of
railway several hundred miles long through a hos-
tile region, nothing but dirt roads to march on, no
bridge-train and many swollen streams to cross, and
with the farms already denuded of their supplies
for men and animals, the least experienced officers
soon perceived that our advance into central Missis-
sippi must necessarily be so slow that the enemy
would have ample time to concentrate a larger force
against us.
I not only pointed out all this to Grant, Mc-
Pherson, and Eawlins, but I also undertook to show
them that the Mississippi Kiver itself was the true,
central, and only feasible line of operations and sup-
ply for an army large enough for the task of taking
Vicksburg. I availed myself of the capture of Holly
Springs and the rupture of our railroad to the rear
to insist upon the point that the great river could
neither be broken nor obstructed north of Vicks-
burg.
But this was not all. I naturally sought the
earliest opportunity to tell Grant what I had heard
in Washington of the government's real plans to
144
ON GRANT'S STAFF
capture Vicksburg and open the Mississippi. As a
staff officer it was my duty to make known these
plans as well as to point out that Vicksburg was the
chief strategic center not only in his department, but
in all that theater of operations, and that it was his
right and duty as department commander to com-
mand all the troops engaged in its capture, and es-
pecially to take charge in person of the principal
column for that purpose.
I dwelt on McClernand's intimacy with Lincoln,
his fellow townsman, as well as on the favor that
he was supposed to enjoy with his fellow Democrat,
Stanton; I called attention to the fact that he had
not only been sent west to raise new troops, but
had been specially authorized to organize and com-
mand an expedition for the specific purpose of cap-
turing Vicksburg and opening the Mississippi. In-
asmuch as these facts were generally known to
the public and the plans for carrying them out
were fast taking definite shape, I urged Grant to
give up the campaign by land and go in person with
the main body of his troops down the river. I em-
phasized the fact that this was the only way in which
he could save himself from being supplanted by a
subordinate and confined to secondary operations in
his own department, and fortunately as it turned out
his own inclinations were in accord with my sugges-
tions. But before taking definite action he com-
municated with Halleck for permission to go with
the troops of his own department. It does not ap-
pear that Halleck ever discussed the question of
rank or priority as between Grant and McClernand
with the Secretary of War or the President, and the
probability is that he did not, but decided it on his
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
own responsibility. He thoroughly knew McCler-
nand as well as other leading generals, and in this
instance at least was Grant's real friend. Indeed,
the case seemed to call for no specific orders, for
so long as Grant remained in command of the de-
partment to which he had been assigned by the
President, he was both by precedent and the customs
of service at full liberty to direct all operations
within its limits and to accompany such movements
as he might think of sufficient importance to require
his personal supervision and presence.
But shortly afterward the situation was still fur-
ther clarified by a Presidential order dividing the
forces of the department into four army corps, the
Thirteenth under McClernand, the Fifteenth under
Sherman, the Sixteenth under Hurlbut, and the Sev-
enteenth under McPherson, the whole constituting
the Army of the Tennessee under Grant. This gave
him a full army staff, and as soon as the facts be-
came officially known he announced Rawlins as
adjutant general with the rank of lieutenant colonel.
Establishing headquarters at Memphis, but without
delaying to perfect his organization, he proceeded
on January 16, 1863, by steamer to visit that part
of his army already down the river. He took Raw-
lins and me with him, and it was during this trip,
which lasted four days, that I got thoroughly ac-
quainted with him. He treated both of us as equals
rather than as subordinates. He acted throughout
with a simplicity, modesty, and good fellowship that
won my hearty admiration, friendship, and confi-
dence. He made no pretensions to superior knowl-
edge or intelligence, but discussed every question
with us as though we were as old as himself and
146
ON GRANT'S STAFF
without the slightest reserve or assumption of su-
perior knowledge. Indeed, his only thought seemed
to be to concentrate his army and with such help as
we could give him to find a practicable line of oper-
ations on which to lead it to victory.
It was early in this trip that he turned to my
case and disposed of it as far as rested with him
in a most satisfactory way. After alluding to the
orders which were to take me away from him, he
said with a kindly smile :
"Wilson, I see old David Hunter and go him
one better. He has made you lieutenant colonel and
inspector general of the Tenth Corps, but I shall
nominate you inspector general of the Army of the
Tennessee. That beats him and you will remain
with us ! ' '
It was a gratifying coincidence, but neither Grant
nor I had any other than newspaper knowledge of
the fact at the time that Hunter had formally named
me as early as January 20, 1863, for lieutenant
colonel and assistant inspector general,1 and whether
this was deserved or not, I regarded it as a piece of
rare good fortune that my first year's service had
won me the confidence of two such men as Hunter
and Grant with promotion at their hands from lieu-
tenant to lieutenant colonel, thus giving me the
choice of service with either of them.
As soon as we got back to Memphis, where I
found my formal order to report to Hunter, Grant
telegraphed and the next day, January 23, wrote
to Halleck in complimentary terms asking again for
authority to retain me. From that letter he got per-
mission to keep me " temporarily' ' if I was actually
1 0. E. Series 1, Vol. XIV, p. 392.
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engaged in " siege operations", but it was not till
April 19, at Grant's renewed request, that Thom-
as, the adjutant general of the army, then with us,
issued an order subject to the approval of the Secre-
tary of War, formally transferring me from the
Tenth Army Corps to the department of the Ten-
nessee, "to fill an original vacancy" in the Inspec-
tor General 's Department.
That action settled it, and not only gave me all
the rank and pay I should have had elsewhere, but
all the work and opportunity a soldier's heart could
desire, and it was the very next day that Rawlins
assured me the General had already come to rely
upon my military judgment more fully than upon
that of anyone else.1 Thenceforth I am sure I en-
joyed his full confidence in every professional mat-
ter from military engineering to the daily operations
and condition of the troops in the field, and in con-
firmation of his good opinion it is my pleasant duty
to add that I had even more encouragement and
commendation than I considered myself entitled to.
My relations with both Eawlins and our common
chief grew more and more intimate, and as long
as we served together we were as three men with
but a single purpose.
Among other questions discussed on our first
trip down the river was that of consolidating the
four departments in the Mississippi valley into a
single military division, so as to unite and utilize
1 O. E. Series 1, Vol. XXIV, Part III, p. 132, Grant to Admiral
Porter, March 23, 1863.
. . . "Col. Wilson, in whose judgment I place great reliance,
writes that land forces cannot act till the batteries are silenced.
He thinks, too, that there has been unnecessary delay in reaching
that point" [Fort Pemberton].
148
ON GRANT'S STAFF
all its resources in the great undertaking before us.
I had brought the subject forward, and even went
so far as to point out that the Government, if it
adopted the measure, might send McClellan or some
other man of higher rank to exercise supreme com-
mand, but this did not appear to affect Grant's
views. He was so deeply impressed with the wis-
dom and importance of the suggestion that he di-
rected me to draft a letter to Halleck not only
covering the recommendation, but calling special
attention to the fact that it was made with no de-
sire on his part to receive the chief command. This
was done and the paragraph with no essential change
was incorporated with others and sent to its des-
tination shortly after our return to Memphis. It
has since passed into the official records,1 but it is
worthy of note that it was not carried into effect
till after the capture of Vicksburg when the defeat
of Chickamauga made the measure an absolute ne-
cessity.2 By that time Grant's fame had become
world-wide, and there was no one left in the west
to dispute the honor with him. McClernand had
eliminated himself. Eosecrans had not only suf-
fered an overwhelming defeat, but had been swept
from the field with the right wing of his army. Sher-
man had opposed the final movement which led to
the capture of Vicksburg. McPherson had played
his subordinate part well but with no special dis-
tinction. Having graduated at the head of his class
he had been credited by the West Point professors
with having made Grant's plans and furnished him
*0. R. Serial No. 36, p. 8, Grant to Halleck, Memphis, January
20, 1863.
2 "Diary of Gideon Welles.1 '
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
with brains to carry them out, but it was well known
in the army that this claim was without foundation
in fact.
Thomas, although in another department, was
the only man, except Grant himself, connected with
the western armies who had made no failures, but
when Buell was relieved from command of the Army
of the Cumberland, Thomas had protested so strong-
ly against the injustice of it that he was passed over
while another was assigned to the place. This ac-
tion on the part of Thomas had been looked upon
by the authorities in Washington as due rather to
a lack of self-confidence than to modesty, and al-
though the lofty Virginian had always borne him-
self well and finally won the proud title of "The
Rock of Chickamauga, ' ' it was left to Grant sev-
eral months later to relieve the unfortunate Rose-
crans and put the successful Thomas in the place
he should have had before. And yet it is an open
secret that Grant and Thomas never became close
friends.
But to return to the Vicksburg campaign. The
preliminary movement in northern Mississippi hav-
ing been abandoned and the first advance against
the principal stronghold itself having failed, it'
became apparent that Grant was confronted
by a problem of the first magnitude, and
that it would require all the troops of his
department and all that could be drawn from
other departments to enable him to solve it.
Accordingly, while concentrating his army at the
front, he bent his efforts to the task of getting a
footing for it on the high land east of the Yazoo
bottoms. This complicated task will be better un-
150
ON GRANT'S STAFF
derstood when it is remembered that the head of
the Mississippi delta is really at Cairo, and that it
gradually widens from there to the Gulf. The river
itself occasionally reaches the bluffs as at Memphis,
Helena, and Vicksburg, and, as the banks are every-
where subject to overflow, the H bottoms' ' are cut
up by bayous, creeks, and lateral rivers, which make
it entirely impassable during freshets and most dif-
ficult even in the dry season. There are no graded
roads and but few bridges, and as the Cold Water
and the Tallahatchie, uniting in the Yazoo, were
navigable and the Yazoo itself still wider and deep-
er, military operations across or along them were
so difficult and so slow, and the obstacles to be over-
come so formidable, that a handful of rebels were
able to foil, if not defeat, many times their own num-
bers. The most strenuous effort was made to send
an army through the Yazoo Pass, Moon Lake, the
Cold Water, and the Tallahatchie into the Yazoo
River, and by incredible efforts a force of over
twenty thousand men were within reach of Fort
Pemberton at the head of the Yazoo when they were
stopped by an overflow which isolated the fortifica-
tions.
This expedition under my personal supervision
was covered by a detachment of light iron-clads
and gunboats, and made its way by the winding riv-
ers over one hundred and fifty miles through the
overhanging forest. The Yazoo Pass to the Cold
Water was about twenty miles long, but beyond
Moon Lake it was so narrow that the enemy cut it
full of forest trees from the banks. Many reached
entirely across the stream and many others were
felled diagonally across the others, so that for miles
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
there was an entanglement so thick the troops could
cross upon it from bank to bank. I thought at first
that the trees could be trimmed up and hauled out
by block, tackle, and capstan, but I soon found that
this method was too slow and that as fast as we
cleared out the obstructions above, the enemy made
new ones below.
The next plan tried was that of hitching steam-
boat hawsers, five or six hundred feet long, to the
ends of the logs, doubling them back, and then
stringing out four or five hundred men with orders
to lay hold and march. This plan proved entirely
efficacious. Trees weighing thirty or forty tons,
covered with spreading limbs, were drawn out as
fast as the men could march. The working parties
were multiplied till all our cables were in "use, and
none who has not seen it can understand with what
speed the trees were drawn out and the pass opened
for navigation. The combined strength of a full reg-
iment was irresistible, and as many officers and men
were woodsmen, they soon became most expert in the
work. Seeing such an exhibition of strength it is
easy enough to understand how the Egyptians
moved the great stones, columns, and slabs from
the quarries to their temples and pyramids. But
while the troops made good progress in the daytime,
it was impossible to get the gunboats to move at all
at night, even after they reached the open river be-
yond the obstructions. The consequence was that
the enemy had time to construct and arm fortifica-
tions at the head of the Yazoo, and thereby make
our entry into that river impossible. One of our
iron-clads, after getting within range, was disabled
by the shot of a heavy gun from the fort, and this
152
ON GRANT'S STAFF
so alarmed the naval commander that he refused to
push others to closer quarters for fear that they
might also be injured, become unmanageable, and
prove a total loss. The expedition was therefore
abandoned, but it was afterward found that the
enemy was out of ammunition and would have given
up his works had our ships continued their attack
even at longer range. This is one of the best illus-
trations that came under my observation during the
war, that it is always better to continue an attack
when you can than to give it up without some over-
whelming necessity.
One of the leading transports in the operations
on Yazoo Pass was the river steamer Bill Hender-
son, commanded by Captain Lamont, an alert,
active, and resourceful man, full of patriotism and
courage. His first pilot was one Mark Munday, a
cool, nervy, sensible fellow, always ready to go and
never afraid to express his opinions. But one day
in the midst of our heaviest work, when every man
was doing his best, Munday said: " Pardon me,
Colonel, but do you think you will ever get the rebels
on this liner'
I replied: "Munday, I can't tell, but you can
rest assured we'll do our best, and if we don't get
them, we'll keep a lot of them mighty busy till we
find out."
Thereupon, without a thought of impoliteness,
he said:
"Colonel, that reminds me of an incident which
occurred in my country when I was a boy. One of
our neighbors had a half-witted son. While walking
in the woods one day this boy saw a little gray sap-
sucker hopping up the side of a tree, and, thinking
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he would like to have it, he pulled off his coat and
started to climb the tree after it. As he neared the
bird it hopped up higher. Finally, the boy and the
bird got pretty well toward the top, when a neighbor
coming by called out : ' John, what are you doing up
there V 'Oh,' said John, 'I'm trying to catch this
darned thing. '
\\ 'Why, you'll never do that as long as you live.'
" 'Well,' said the boy, 'if I don't catch it, you
can bet your life I '11 worry it like hell. ' ' '
And that was the way of it, not only on that
route but on all the others on both sides of the riv-
er, till it became certain that no land route could
be used successfully, and that there was nothing left
for us but to run by Vicksburg with the gunboats
and transports and march the troops by the west
side to some suitable point below from which we
could ferry them to the east side of the river.
In front of Vicksburg the river makes a great
loop to the Vicksburg bluff, and from the year previ-
ous, when Farragut ran by the place from below,
before it was heavily fortified it was commonly
believed that a canal might be cut across the
narrow point and the river turned through
it out of the range of the enemy's heavy guns.
Indeed, General Williams had located and made
a tentative but ineffectual cut the year before,
and now the same project again became prominent.
It was, however, destined to final failure. From
the first time I saw it, I condemned it as impracti-
cable, contending that even at a high stage of the
river, the water would not flow across the point,
but would follow the canal only to its low spoon-like
axis and then spread out into the country back of it,
154
ON GRANT'S STAFF
unless the canal were made deep enough to take in
the water necessary to scour it to a navigable depth
at a medium stage of the river. But a still more
fatal objection was that the canal pointed to the
heights just below the city, and would surely be
enfiladed by cannon fire from batteries, properly
located and constructed for that purpose. Other
canal projects, the most prominent of which was
that through Lake Providence to connect with a
series of bayous west of the river, were considered,
but, one after the other, all were abandoned. The
canals could not be made wide enough or deep
enough. The bayous were too narrow, too crooked,
or too much overhung by forest trees, or the Missis-
sippi was too uncertain in its rise and fall to give
the proper volume of water. I gave my opinion
against them one after the other as they were pro-
posed, but they were all tried and abandoned, with
no actual advantage except that they kept our troops
occupied and the enemy more or less worried and
apprehensive.
On the day Grant and his staff arrived at Milli-
ken's Bend, he invited Sherman, McClernand, Mc-
Pherson, Blair, Steele, Eawlins, and myself to ac-
company him across the point commanded by Vicks-
burg. I had been sent from Memphis several days
in advance to look over the ground and prepare a
report for the General on his arrival, and, of course,
had been active in gathering information and study-
ing the situation.
Eawlins and I rode together. I had already told
Grant that the old canal project could not be made
successful and during the ride repeated this opinion
to Eawlins more in detail. On arriving at the south-
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
ern outlet of the canal, while the generals were gaz-
ing at the heights beyond and Frank Blair was hold-
ing forth as to the strategic and political importance
of Vicksburg, the necessity and difficulty of its cap-
ture, and the certainty that whoever controlled it
would also control the Mississippi Valley, Rawlins
and I climbed onto the butt of a big cottonwood,
which had been undercut and had fallen headlong
into the river. There we took up the subject in all
its branches and aspects, and during the discussion
I pointed out that there were only three possible
plans for the capture of the stronghold, namely:
First, to turn it by the left through the Yazoo
River, the Sunflower, or the Yazoo Pass.
Second, to make a direct landing against the
wharf and carry it by escalade or coup de main, or
Third, to run the batteries with the iron-clads,
gunboats, transports and barges and march the
troops across country to such point below as might
be selected as the base of operations against the
interior of the state and the defenses of the
city.
For various reasons, all the plans for reaching
a footing east of the Yazoo were afterward found
to be impracticable and were turned down. The
second was dismissed as entirely too hazardous for
troops no better trained and disciplined than ours,
and this brought us to the third plan. Rawlins
favored it strongly from the first, but, recognizing
its boldness and realizing that in case of failure it
might lead to a great disaster, he asked if I was
sure it could be carried out. The idea that the
"tin-clad gunboats' ' and the transports with their
light upper works would be destroyed by the
156
ON GRANT'S STAFF
enemy 's guns was in his mind, and he at once asked
why this would not be fatal to the plan.
To this I replied that most professional soldiers
would doubtless hold that opinion, but I had come
to a different conclusion. I explained that I had
been present the year before at the capture of Port
Eoyal, where our wooden men-of-war at close range
had engaged the enemy's fortifications, armed with
heavy guns on both sides of the harbor, for the bet-
ter part of a whole day, and had not only silenced
them, but had suffered little injury with trifling loss
of life. I pointed out that the naval vessels had
circled around the harbor between the forts not only
once but several times in broad daylight, engaging
them almost muzzle to muzzle first on one side and
then on the other, and that the result had shown
that such operations were much less dangerous
than they were commonly believed to be. I declared
that the only way to stop them would be by torpe-
does and mines, and that such devices could not be
kept in place in the swift current of the Mississippi.
We not only considered the suggestion from
every point of view, but we considered and con-
demned the proposition which was already gaining
currency, that the army might have to abandon the
campaign against Vicksburg and unite with the
Army of the Cumberland on the Tennessee Eiver.
While this proposition, or one something like it,
was conceded to be sound enough as a measure of
strategy after everything else had been tried, it was
actually advocated by Sherman and perhaps others.
Eawlins and I concurred in condemning it for the
present as likely to be fatal to Grant and sure to
be greatly discouraging to the country. Before we
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got back to our steamboat, Eawlins said : i i Wilson,
I believe you are right, and I shall advise Grant to
carry your plan into effect at once. ' ' 1
That afternoon I was sent to lead the expedition
through Yazoo Pass, Moon Lake, the Cold Water,
and the Tallahatchie into the Yazoo. Having out-
lined the history of that movement, which at one
time seemed almost certain to succeed, I need not
dwell further upon it. But its failure and sequel
are important in connection with what Rawlins told
me had taken place during my absence.
On the evening of my departure the principal
generals dined with Grant, and at dinner the prob-
lem confronting the army came up again for discus-
sion. Every suggestion, no matter who made it, re-
ceived consideration, but none promised immediate
or absolute success. The meeting was about to break
up without a satisfactory solution, when Rawlins
said : ' \ Wilson and I have a plan for taking Vicks-
burg none of you have referred to yet."
"What is it, Rawlins — what is it?" said Sher-
man.
"Oh, you will condemn it as too dangerous,"
said Rawlins.
"Never mind that, let us have it," said Sher-
man.
Whereupon Rawlins explained my proposition
to run the batteries under cover of darkness with
the gunboats and transports and march the troops
below by land, to the first feasible crossing.
As Rawlins had predicted, Sherman at once and
with emphasis declared: "It can't be done. It is
1 Compare my letter, Jan. 18, 1862, to Pelouze A. A. G., O. R.
Series 1, Vol. VI, p. 219.
158
ON GRANT'S STAFF
impracticable. The transports will be destroyed.
The enemy's guns will sink them or set them afire."
And that settled it for the time being, for although
Rawlins gave the reasons clearly and emphatically
for the faith that was in us, no one came to his sup-
port. Even Grant kept silent, though he tells us
clearly enough in his memoirs, written many years
afterward, that it was his purpose from the first
to carry that plan into effect if the others failed.
Neither McClernand nor McPherson had a word
to say in favor of running the rebel batteries, al-
though it is possible that McClernand might have
had an idea from the first of turning Vicksburg and
then operating eastward from it as a base against
the heart of the Confederacy.
But be this as it may, the plan made its way
slowly and it was not till all side operations through
the Yazoo basin for getting a footing on the uplands
of Mississippi had failed that serious attention
was given to its execution, the essence of which was
running the batteries with the transports. Mani-
festly all canal projects and bayou routes on either
side of the river had for their immediate object the
avoidance of the enemy's heavy guns on the Vicks-
burg bluffs, which were regarded as fatal to this
plan, and it was not till each and every other had
actually failed that the simple and only feasible plan
was openly adopted and successfully carried into
effect.
No one can say with absolute certainty just when
it first received Grant's approval, but it is certain
that he did not tell either Rawlins or me that he
was going to carry it into effect till he told us he
was going to ask Admiral Porter, the naval com-
159
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
mander, to lead the transports with a section of
his fleet by the batteries under cover of darkness.
Even then both he and Porter thought it prudent
to divide their fleets and try it with a part before
risking the whole, and this was done.
That the plan had its first suggestion as de-
scribed above, three or four months before it was
undertaken, there can be no doubt, nor is there any
doubt, even after it was fully under way, that Sher-
man thought it too hazardous and tried to dissuade
Grant from carrying it out. Not only did he write
Rawlins a letter to that end,1 but he personally
asked me to join in advising Grant to give up the
plan, recommending that he should withdraw the
army from the neighborhood of Vicksburg, and
transfer it by way of Memphis to northern Missis-
sippi.
Sherman was earnest and impassioned in sup-
port of his views. He quoted Jomini in favor of the
policy of concentration. He pointed out the danger
of cutting loose from our base, and dwelt upon the
danger of the enemy's concentrating first against
Grant, and, after using him up, turning against Rose-
crans. But while all this was in accordance with
the books and the precedents, I declined to give it
my support. I felt that Grant was at last on the
right road, that he could surely break into the
enemy's country with a united and efficient army of
forty-five thousand men, that he would be able to
scatter Johnston's forces and beat them in detail
before they could be concentrated or strongly re-
enforced, and that, above all, any proposition on
Grant's part to withdraw from the front of Vicks-
V 'Sherman's Memoirs," Vol. 1, p. 343.
160
ON GRANT'S STAFF
burg at that stage, however sound in theory, would
certainly be looked upon by the country as a sign
of weakness and failure, which would result not
only in his being relieved from command, but in
scattering, disintegrating, and paralyzing his army.
After giving Sherman these views as forcibly
as I could, I returned to headquarters, and discussed
the subject anew with Rawlins and Dana, the lat-
ter of whom had joined us only a few days before
as "the eyes of the Government".1 Fortunately,
both fully approved my conclusions and, as the cam-
paign was under way with every prospect of success,
they suggested that neither of us should say a word
to Grant as to Sherman's state of mind, and, so
far as I know, it was not till Sherman's letter of
remonstrance reached him that Grant realized how
fully his oldest corps commander was opposed to
his final plan. My conversation with Rawlins, how-
ever, prepared him to advise Grant, when Sher-
man's letter came to hand, to lay it away unan-
swered for the present.
Before leaving this episode, it may be well to
allude again to Sherman 's statement of fundamental
principles, for it will be remembered that in the fol-
lowing September the Confederate Government, by
detaching Longstreet from Virginia and gathering
up all the garrisons in Mississippi and Alabama, in-
cluding Grant's Vicksburg prisoners, and sending
them to reenforce Bragg, inflicted a great and al-
most fatal defeat upon Rosecrans at Chickamauga.
Here it should be remarked that Sherman would
have been as sound in practice as he was in theory
if, instead of making his fruitless campaign into
1 Wilson 'a * ' The Life of Charles A. Dana, ' * p. 208 et seq.
161
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
central and eastern Mississippi after the fall of
Vicksburg, he had advised Grant to send him at once
or to go in person with two army corps to reenforce
Rosecrans. This measure could have been carried
out easily in the three months otherwise wasted, not
only to save that general from defeat, but to turn
his campaign into a great success, but neither Sher-
man, Grant, nor anyone in Washington seems to
have seen the danger or to have thought of averting
it till far too late. And this is the way in which
war on a grand scale is frequently conducted by
even the best generals and the most capable admin-
istrations. It well illustrates the fact that, in modern
days, the true principle is not only to outnumber
the enemy at the vital point at the vital time, but,
if possible, to greatly outnumber him at all the im-
portant points all the time !
As the event showed, running the Vicksburg bat-
teries, April 16, 1863, was a bloodless and compar-
atively simple operation. Although the enemy's fire
was terrific and the river was lighted up by burning
buildings on the shores, the six iron-clads, one ram,
and one tug received no damage whatever, and of
three river steamers, one was abandoned through
cowardice and by accident burnt, while one was dis-
abled in her machinery so that she had to be towed ;
but even in that way she was still entirely efficient
as a transport. Of the next detachment a few nights
later, all passed through unscathed, thus verifying
my prediction that not more than one in ten would
be destroyed in running the batteries. With that
danger past, although it was incurred again on a
smaller scale a few days later at Grand Gulf, the
campaign became a simple one which developed rap-
162
ON GRANT'S STAFF
idly and successfully according to the usual practice
of war.
On the night of the first passage Grant with his
staff and family moved down the river on his head-
quarters steamboat to a favorable point of obser-
vation just beyond the range of the enemy's guns
and witnessed the whole extraordinary pageant.
The fleet started after dark, between nine and ten
o'clock, but before it got abreast of the enemy's
guns all engines were stopped and all lights con-
cealed, and for a few minutes it was hoped that the
rapid current might carry the boats by unperceived,
but this hope was fallacious. By the time they were
abreast of the upper part of the bend, where the
river was narrowest, the enemy discovered them
and opened fire upon them with all the guns they
could bring to bear. A small outhouse near the
water was set on fire, lighting up the whole river
and the opposite shore. The roar of the heavy guns
both from the batteries and the fleet was incessant
and impressive, but without starting the engines the
fleet drifted by and out of danger, lighted in its
lower course by the transport which had been set on
fire, abandoned by the crew, and burned to the
water's edge.
It was an anxious hour for all, and especially for
me. It was a brilliant moonlight night, and during
the firing the point opposite the front of the city, as
well as the surface of the river, in this bend only
eight hundred yards wide, were further lighted up
by the burning buildings on the banks. The roar
of the enemy's heavy guns, twenty-five in number,
from six-inch to ten-inch caliber, was deafening,
and the whole scene was grand and awe-inspiring.
163
UNDER THE OLD FLAG .
One of the Grant children sat on my knees with its
arms aronnd my neck, and as each crash came, it
nervously clasped me closer, and finally became so
frightened that it was put to bed. Mrs. Grant sat
by the General's side with the other children near,
while the staff and clerks looked on in silence and
wonder, if not in doubt. It was not till after mid-
night that the roar of artillery ceased and silence
rested on the scene, and it was not till the next
morning that the details became fully known. Field
telegraphs for military purposes had not come into
use, and telephones were not yet known. The only
communication was by courier, and the facts had
to be gathered twelve miles below as the crow flies
before they could be sent overland to headquarters.
But the couriers were too slow for Grant. He had
been under a crucial strain and could get no relief
except by riding across the bends to New Carthage
in person for a conference with both Porter and Mc-
Clernand. The round trip was nearly seventy-five
miles, or a full day's ride each way, and he glad-
dened my heart by taking me with him. The ride
south took much of the day, which we devoted to
conversation about the prospect our easy success
had opened up. We passed the evening and such
part of the night as was necessary in gathering the
particulars about running the batteries and pro-
viding for further movements. With this done, the
next day we rode back to headquarters, discussing
the details of carrying forward the campaign now
open to us. I counseled Grant again to give up all
work on canals and bayous as not only slow and fa-
tiguing, but useless. The feasibility of running by
the batteries having been demonstrated beyond fur-
164
ON GRANT'S STAFF
ther question, there was nothing left but to send the
entire available force down country as rapidly as
possible, and this was fully decided upon while sup-
plies were left to follow by the river as needed.
Immediately after returning to headquarters
Grant obtained the order transferring me to his
staff, subject to the approval of the Secretary of
War, and told Eawlins that he depended more upon
my judgment on military matters than upon that of
any one else in that army.
Shortly before running the batteries, Lorenzo
Thomas, the adjutant general of the army, arrived
at Milliken's Bend, and began the organization of
negro troops. As he was not long in learning that
the enrollment and use of negroes on an equality
with white troops was not favorably regarded in that
army, he took an early occasion to explain in a pub-
lic address the Government's policy in respect to
that important matter, and in doing so declared that
he was authorized to remove any one, high or low,
who should at any time- or in any way oppose or
obstruct this policy, and that he should not fail to
exercise his authority. Sherman, McPherson, Blair,
Logan, and other leading officers were present and,
while they had so far favored restricting the use of
negroes to teamsters and laborers in the field or at
most to the organization of heavy regiments for
depot and garrison duty, they at once yielded their
own sounder views and gave a ready assent to the
new policy as announced by Thomas.
This speech attracted much attention at the time,
and its boldness of tone may have strengthened the
impression, which first got abroad when Dana
joined the army, that either he or Thomas might
165
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
have authority to relieve even Grant and put Mc-
Clernand or some one else in the place. It was a
long distance from Washington, and there was but
little communication from the army with that place.
Grant was but a poor correspondent at best, and
till Dana began sending his remarkable letters to
Stanton,1 there was more or less uncertainty prevail-
ing as to the significance of two such influential
agents of the War Department at the front. Spec-
ulation was rife and, although so far both Dana and
Thomas expressed nothing but the most friendly
feeling toward Grant, even Grant himself was not
altogether sure of his position till he reached Smith's
plantation near New Carthage, and began to see his
way to a firm footing on the east side of the Great
Eiver.
The passage of the batteries by the gunboats and
transports instantly cleared the situation. Canals
and bayous were no longer necessary, and although
the river was high and New Carthage could not be
reached from the levee at the lower end of Bayou
Vidal, except by boat, all became hopeful of getting
forward with but little further delay. Fortunately
it was believed that the river was at its highest, and
that any change in the stage of the water must be
for the better. Accordingly, as soon as we arrived
at Smith's plantation, Grant directed me to find a
boat and take him to Porter's flagship, some three
miles below. Having, with but little delay, secured a
skiff and crew of plantation negroes, we set out with
General Thomas, making our way through the over-
flowed bottom by a tortuous creek to the river, and
1 Dana 'a ' ' Eecollections of the Civil War. ' ' D. Appleton & Co.,
1898.
166
ON GRANT'S STAFF
thence down stream to the Admiral's flagship. The
conference lasted several hours and, although night
had come on and the Admiral was most pressing in
his hospitality, Grant resolved to return to his own
headquarters at the plantation. Porter, finding that
he could not detain his guests, insisted upon giving
him a naval cutter and crew for the return trip. It
was arranged that I should lead the way, with our
own boat, which, so long as we were in the open
river, was plain enough. But in spite of the current
and the night, dark as Erebus, my boat made the
better speed, and by the time we turned into the
creek Grant's was out of sight behind. Supposing
that he or Thomas had not paid sufficient attention
to land-marks to follow, I pushed through the tor-
tuous creek and overhanging trees with a heavy rain
falling and a boundless expanse of water on all sides,
and reached headquarters at 10 p. m., believing that
Grant would arrive in a few minutes. After wait-
ing over half an hour in vain, Eawlins and I became
alarmed and I set out again in search of him. In
such darkness and such a waste of water almost
any accident was possible, and hence I encouraged
my crew to put forth their best efforts. Thirty
minutes brought us to the open river and, with its
swifter current behind us, a few more brought us
to the first gunboat. Going on board to make in-
quiry, I found the missing party, much to my grati-
fication, enjoying the hospitalities of the captain.
The general seemed glad to see me. His naval crew
had been unable to follow and had lost their way.
Fearing he might have to wander around all night
if he persisted in trying to find his own way, he
decided to return to the fleet and wait till morning,
167
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
but soon as he saw me he expressed his desire to
return, and in the same order as before we set out
for the second time. By an hour and a half 's hard
rowing and careful piloting we reached headquar-
ters at one o'clock in the morning, where the ever-
vigilant Kawlins was waiting impatiently to receive
us. Accustomed as I had been to boating in the high
water of the Ohio in my boyhood, I thought but
little of the adventure at the time, but it is easy to
see now that had the general's cutter been capsized,
rowed as it was by a crew of landsmen unused to
such navigation, nothing could have saved him from
drowning.
Withal, the incident was somewhat exciting to
those immediately concerned. The greater power
and width of the Mississippi at flood, the somber
blackness of the night, made still blacker by the
overhanging forest standing in a waste of water, the
flash of lightning and the downpour of rain, with
no noise but the rattling and dipping of our oars
or the distant hooting of an owl, gave interest and
emphasis to the real danger which surrounded
Grant and his army in every stage of that most re-
markable campaign. They well illustrate the diffi-
culties which accompanied every movement in the
Yazoo and Louisiana bottoms, and show how im-
perative it was that they should gain a footing on
the uplands east of the great river.
My journal of those days contains many notes
showing the difficulties of the march by the banks
of Vidal, Negro, Mound, Gilbert, and Brushy bayous
to the Mississippi levees below Vicksburg. The
whole face of the country was under water. Hav-
ing no pontoon train, the advance of the army, with
168
ON GRANT'S STAFF
no boats except the flats gathered from the various
plantations and no bridge materials except such as
we obtained by tearing down plantation houses, the
forward movement might well have been stopped at
the very outset. With troops less capable and com-
manders less resolute and resourceful, we might
well have been beaten before getting within reach
of the enemy. But there was neither delay nor the
thought of it. Three floating bridges, each over
three hundred feet long, were built of flatboats and
gin-house timbers, and in a few days we opened a
practicable road crossing bayous and threading one
of the most difficult regions that ever tested the re-
sources of an army. When it is remembered that
those bridges were built by green volunteers, who
had never seen a bridge train nor had an hour's
drill or instruction in bridge-building, some concep-
tion may be had of the quality of the men and offi-
cers who carried through that remarkable work.
Having given careful instructions for each bridge
as I came to it, I left the details to my assistants,
and under Grant's personal orders J crossed the
Mississippi with a regiment of infantry and made a
reconnoissance of the country between the mouth
of the Big Black and Warrenton, for the purpose of
seeing whether or not we could find a landing on the
east bank from which we could reach the rear of
Vicksburg along the peninsula between the two riv-
ers. But in this region as well as in that west of
the river the bottoms were several miles wide in
places, and everywhere so much overflowed that it
was impracticable to get to the highlands through
them. During this reconnoissance I visited i l Congo ' '
plantation, where I found the negroes in great ex-
169
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
citement trying to remove their master's stock and
household effects to the highlands. It was here that
a negro shoemaker, calling himself Mason Jones,
put himself under my protection and insisted upon
becoming my body servant. As he proved himself
to be faithful and intelligent, I took him with me
everywhere till the end of the war, and then sent
him to Illinois, where his family joined him and be-
came good and prosperous citizens. It was he who
cautioned me in the Valley of Virginia to take care
of myself, just after a cannon shot had knocked over
our dinner and scattered our campfire, for "if you
get killed, gen'al, I can't stay in dis war nohow !"
And it was his wife, Aunt Patsy, whose son " Ital-
ian' ' got into a neighborhood difficulty which in her
words "came mighty nigh gettin' us all into de
circus co'te."
But the most important discovery from the recon-
noissance at the Congo plantation was that it as-
sured us we could not reach the highlands be-
tween Vicksburg and Grand Gulf, but would have to
run the batteries at the latter place and look for a
landing farther down the river. Although Porter
declined to enter the Big Black with his boats as I
suggested, he undertook to silence the batteries at
Grand Gulf, on the understanding when that was
done that Grant should land a force and "take the
place by assault". While Grant was dubious as to
the result, he agreed to the proposition, but after
five hours' bombardment in which all the fleet took
a gallant part and not a single hostile gun, in the
proper sense of the term, was disabled or silenced,
the attempt was abandoned and we were again face
to face with running the batteries. By this time
170
ON GRANT'S STAFF
Rawlins and I had come to the conclusion that there
should be no more delay for reconnoissance or bom-
bardment, and that we should not only run the bat-
teries again, but continue on down the river as far
as Rodney if necessary. From all the information
we had we felt assured that we should find neither
guns nor rebel troops at that place, but an open road
to the interior. With this assurance we urged
Grant to cut loose with all the force the transports
could carry and, at the first landing on the east side,
to swing out into the open country toward Jackson
without waiting for the rest of the army to join
him. This was agreed to. The gunboats and the
transports passed the batteries this time entirely
without injury, and when an intelligent contraband
informed us that there was a high- water landing and
road at Bruinsburg only ten miles below by which
we could reach the highlands dry-shod, we embarked
the troops and made for that place. It required a
good deal of resolution and steadiness of purpose
to adopt that course. Our advanced division com-
mander had begun to criticize and grumble, and al-
though I reported this to Grant, it not only did not
shake his resolution, but made him all the more de-
termined to push into the interior from the first
hard ground he could reach. Fortunately the ad-
vance troops reached the landing at an early hour
and found it to be good; the road was dry and the
defile through the hills a mile back was undefended.
At last the way into the interior was open, and
thenceforth the only question was to get the troops
across the river and push them forward as fast as
possible, to make good the footing thus offered us
after four months of incredible labor.
171
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Grant and his staff, leaving their own baggage,
horses, and camp equipage behind, slept on board
the steamboat on which they crossed the river on the
last day of April. I occupied a pile of rope on the
gnnboat Benton, and was awake at the break of
day. Hearing the booming of distant cannon, I bor-
rowed a horse for Grant and another for myself
from Colonel Mudd's Illinois Cavalry, and by 7
a. m., May 1, we were on the Bruinsbnrg road to
the front.
172
VI
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER AND
INSPECTOR GENERAL
Bruinsburg — Port Gibson — Raymond — Jackson — Cham-
pion's Hill — Big Black Bridge — Assault on Vicksburg
—General Lawler — Sergeant Griffith — General Mc-
Clernand — Charles A. Dana.
The story of the campaign from Bruinsburg to
Jackson and from Jackson to the rear of Vicks-
burg, with its masterly combinations and rapid
marches, its notable victories at Port Gibson, Eay-
mond, Jackson, Champion's Hill, and the Big Black;
the capture of the state capital; the destruction
of the railroads which centered there ; and finally the
investment and capture of Vicksburg with its gar-
rison of thirty thousand men, July 4, 1863, consti-
tutes the most brilliant chapter in our military an-
nals. It has been told many times before and re-
quires no repetition to bring it to the student's
mind. From the time Grant's army crossed the
Mississippi at Bruinsburg, sixty-five miles below
Vicksburg, on April 30, till it shut Pemberton and
his army up inside their fortifications, was just
twenty days, and from the time the siege began till
it ended on July 4, when the garrison marched out
and stacked its arms, was just forty-five days more.
173
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Nothing like this surrender had ever taken place on
this continent, and, coming. as it did on the heels of
the great battle of Gettysburg, fought at almost
the same time, it marked not only the high tide, but
the beginning of the end of the Great Eebellion.
Throughout this campaign Grant remained the
same modest, unassuming and self -poised man that
he had shown himself to be in the Tennessee cam-
paigns. He put on no airs and made no show of
rank or superior authority. With a borrowed horse,
no servant, and literally no baggage but a tooth
brush, he gained the first battle at Port Gibson,
and concentrated his army near Hankinson's Ferry
on the Big Black, ready to advance either against
Vicksburg or the capital of the state. Eiding in-
cessantly for the first three days and most of the
nights, he gave a splendid example of just how a
general should bear himself in an active and suc-
cessful campaign.
During the battle of Port Gibson, which was
fought mostly by McClernand's corps, Eawlins and
I thought it a good time to bring about a rapproche-
ment between Grant and his lieutenant. To that
end we asked Grant to ride over and thank him
for his good conduct and brilliant success, but, much
to our surprise, he declined to do so, saying that
McClernand had offended him seriously by asking
permission to delay the crossing till Governor
Yates of Illinois could review the troops, and, as
if that were not enough, had that morning violated
orders by encumbering his column with wagons
which should have been left at the river during
the preliminary movements. Finally, while the ac-
tion was still under way and the result yet unset-
174
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
tied, Grant sent instructions to the artillery to har-
bor its ammunition, on hearing which, McClernand
ordered it to continue firing, loudly declaring that
he had fought the battle so far and fought it well,
and would not be interfered with by anybody. Of
course, the officer who carried Grant's order re-
ported what McClernand had said and naturally
this did not mend matters. In other words, the
cocky corps commander, relying upon his under-
standing with the Washington authorities, as be-
fore explained, regarded himself in a measure, if
not entirely, independent of the army commander
and acted not only that day but throughout the
campaign as though Grant's presence and his ex-
ercise of authority on the battlefield were in viola-
tion of his own privileges and rights. He was nat-
urally a proud, austere, and imperious man, who
took but little pains to conceal his feelings and
acted always with noticeable reserve and hauteur
toward Grant. How far he presumed in his own
mind upon Grant's good nature or upon his reserve
and self-control, as indicating a lack of self-respect
and firmness, cannot be known, but if he expected
to profit by the course he adopted he was inexcus-
ably at fault.
Shortly after this incident, as Osterhaus and
John E. Smith were about to make the final attack
against the enemy, Governor Yates, who was still
with the army, joined us at the edge of the battle-
field. He was a breezy, picturesque, and gallant
gentleman, and, like the leading politicians of the
day, was always on the lookout for an opportunity
to attract public attention. As the battle was clearly
going our way, it evidently struck him that it of-
175
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
fered him an unusual chance for distinction. Bid-
ing alongside of me, he said: "Colonel, I believe
I'll put myself at the head of one of our Illinois
regiments and lead it into action. Don't you think
that would be a good thing to do?"
Although the proposition was both novel and
unnecessary, it struck me rather favorably and in
a tone half jocular and half serious, I gave it my
approval and advised him in words which Grant
afterward made famous — to "go in ! ' ' Almost im-
mediately the action became hot and I lost sight
of the Governor, without knowing whether he
had gone in or gone out. It so happened that
I did not meet him again till the next day on the
march, when he said with an air of evident satis-
faction: "Well, Colonel, I am mighty glad I didn't
go in with the boys yesterday afternoon, for those
devilish rebels might have killed me!"
The effort that Eawlins and I made on this oc-
casion to bring about a better understanding be-
tween Grant and McClernand was not only firmly
rejected by Grant, but, as it turned out, it was
followed by a determination on his part to keep a
close watch and a steady hand over his self-consti-
tuted rival. From that day forth Grant not only
maintained the most formal attitude toward Mc-
Clernand, but, so far as practicable, refrained from
meeting him in person or giving him written or-
ders. His general practice was to send me with
discretionary authority to see that he did the proper
thing in cooperation with the commanders who were
entitled to great confidence. But even this was not
always effective.
At Champion's Hill, where McClernand a few
176
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
days later had the chance of a lifetime, he was so
slow and cautions that he did practically nothing.
Hovey, who commanded one of his divisions, got
on his own account a prominent place in the battle,
while A. J. Smith was detached to operate under
Grant's immediate orders. Logan did well, as usual,
while Osterhaus', Carr's, and Smith's divisions,
later under McClernand's personal command, let
pass a great opportunity to destroy Pemberton's
army by striking it heavily on the right and rear,
while the rest of the army was attacking in front.
Two or three orders were given to put these divi-
sions in, but in vain.
Again, at Big Black Bridge, Lawler's brigade
of Carr's division played a most gallant and suc-
cessful part, but it was solely on Lawler 's initiative.
That officer was a very remarkable volunteer tac-
tician, an ex-captain of the Mexican War, a plain
Illinois farmer all his life, with a fine literary taste,
and a most gallant bearing. But, withal, he was a
man of no pretensions either in manners or dress.
His favorite uniform was a blue flannel shirt, on
which he tacked his shoulder straps, and he was
of such ample proportions that he always wore his
sword hung by a strap over his shoulder. For some
unknown reason Dana always called him ' ' The High
Dominie Dudgeon", and the flash of wit and poetry
between them when they met was always most en-
tertaining.1 On the occasion referred to I met Law-
ler and my brother Bluford, his adjutant, on the
field in their shirt sleeves, wet with perspiration
and covered with dust, but both leading their men
gallantly against the enemy. Their success was
1 Wilson's "Life of Charles A. Dana," p. 225 et seq.
177
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
all their own, and neither had nor needed super-
vision from those in higher authority.1
It was of this quaint and fine old soldier that
General Grant, during the Chattanooga campaign,
while praising several Illinois generals, said:
"But when it comes to just plain hard fighting
I would rather trust Old Mike Lawler than any of
them."
Lawler, although a man of Falstaffian girth, was
a strictly temperate man, a devout Catholic, and
as imperturbable under fire as any "Ironsides."
When asked to take a drink — not at all an unusual
occurrence in the army — his invariable reply was:
"No, thank you! I have a brother, I am sorry to
say, who drinks enough for both of us."
To a profane member of his staff during the
fighting days at Vicksburg, who was loudly violating
the third commandment, the General said: "I am
astonished to hear you praying at this time. I al-
ways say my prayers before going into battle. ■ !
To my brother Bluford, who in his first battle
at Champion's Hill unconsciously dodged the sing-
ing rifle bullets, he sang out: "You d — d little
fool, don't dodge! Don't you know when you hear
the bullets they have already gone by ! " Whether it
cured the Captain of the habit I don't know, but
Lawler himself always "stood four square" to all
the breezes that blew.
In going to the front one morning, while passing
another command on the march, a soldier was over-
heard to say to his comrade: "Bill, who is that
old tub of guts? I'd hate to be in his place. He
10. E. Series 1, Vol. XXIV, Part II, pp. 133-143, Lawler >s
report. Also Part I, p. 618, Carr's report.
178
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
won't last a minute under fire." Lawler instantly
said to the member of his staff riding next to him :
"Huh! D d fool! I could lose two or three
beefsteaks off my anatomy and not be hurt!" A
fact which he had demonstrated at Donelson, where
he was badly wounded but did not leave the field.
A few days later, May 22, in the general assault
on the enemy's fortifications surrounding Vicksburg,
Lawler 's brigade, alone of the entire army, carried
a substantial part of the works in its front. Sergeant
Griffith, Twenty-second Iowa, with a handful of men,
broke through the enemy's line into a salient redan,
capturing it and its guns for a time, but he had not
sufficient force without instant support to follow up
his success. As the support was not forthcoming,
the sergeant and his men, after sending their pris-
oners one by one to the rear and holding on under
cover till night, withdrew to their own side of the
works. Griffith, a fine, hearty Iowa lad of great
courage, became a popular hero and was at once
promoted to the rank of lieutenant. Shortly after-
ward General Grant designated him for appoint-
ment as cadet at West Point. Although full of dev-
iltry, which he displayed whenever occasion offered,
once climbing into the Academic Building and ab-
stracting the examination programs for the benefit
of his duller classmates, he graduated fifth in his
class, entered the engineers, and several years after
the war became one of my assistants on the improve-
ments of the upper Mississippi. When I resigned
from the army, he followed my example and became
an able and brilliant railroad contractor, but his
career was cut short by death from disease con-
tracted in his new calling. It is due to Lawler 's
179
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
memory to repeat that the Confederate general, Ste-
phen D. Lee, commanding in Lawler 's front, declared
that Griffith's charge was made at the only point on
the whole defensive line where onr forces succeeded
in breaking through that day. This was because
Lawler ordered his colonels to quietly arouse their
men before daylight and move them up stealthily
under cover of darkness to a thicket on the hillside
about fifty yards from the works, where they lay
unobserved until the general assault was sounded at
10 a. m. To that end he carefully examined the inter-
vening ground the evening before with his regi-
mental commanders. Unfortunately, however, no
provision was made by the division or corps com-
manders for the reinforcements which were neces-
sary for the full success of such an assault. Hours
before support could reach Lawler, and after his
charge had spent itself, the enemy rallied and
strongly reenforced that part of their line. Even to
get in touch with the detachment holding the bastion
it was necessary to advance nearly a quarter of a
mile, for the most part under fire, and this was a
hopeless task.1
It was mainly on Griffith's success at Vicksburg
that McClernand based the claim that he had car-
ried the enemy's works and called for reinforce-
ments, which was unfortunately followed by a
renewal of the attack all along the line that cost the
army a great many men. For this McClernand was
severely blamed at the time, because the second at-
tack was far more hopeless than the first, but can-
dor compels me to say that McClernand 's conduct
seems to have been no more blameworthy upon that
1 O. B. Series 1, Vol. XXIV, part 1, pp. 178-79.
180
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
occasion than Sherman's or McPherson's. The fact
is that neither corps commander made the proper
provision for the contingency of success in the at-
tack. Eifle pits and fieldworks were assaulted many
times throughout the war, but were rarely ever
carried. But few of our generals became proficient
in the management of such serious work, and now
that it is all over it can do no harm to say that
Upton, of the National Army, greatly distinguished
in all arms of the service, was the only one of them
who thoroughly mastered that branch of the mili-
tary art. He always made proper provision for
success, for reinforcements, for cooperating move-
ments and for all contingencies that could be fore-
seen. From the day he became a colonel he never
once failed to break through the enemy's works or
to make good his hold upon them, where he had been
ordered and had sole charge of the arrangements.
Hancock was next to him in this complicated work,
but no other corps or division commander on either
side ever equaled Upton in the uniform success
which attended his efforts. He was a military en-
thusiast and student of extraordinary ability, cour-
age, and judgment, and, young as he was, I have
never doubted that when the war ended he was the
best all-round soldier of his day.
When it is recalled that neither the brilliant
Sherman nor the accomplished McPherson, both dis-
tinguished West Point men, had yet mastered the
trick of carrying fortified positions by assault, it
need not be thought strange that McClernand, the
lawyer and politician, who acquired his first mili-
tary training in the Black Hawk War, should have
failed at this dangerous and complicated business.
181
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
He was naturally as able as the rest, but his tem-
per, if not fate, was against him. A fortnight later
I had occasion to carry an order from Grant, direct-
ing him to strengthen the detachment from his corps
watching the Big Black at Hall's Ferry. I had
known him from boyhood, and had corresponded
with him. Twice in October, 1862, he requested
Stanton to detail me to his staff. He had been,
besides, a private in my father's company in the
Black Hawk War, and we were, as I thought, on
excellent terms. Grant and Eawlins evidently
thought so, also, but when I delivered the order re-
ferred to above, I was greatly shocked, because, in-
stead of receiving it kindly and signifying his obe-
dience, he burst out with: "I'll be God damned if
I'll do it — I am tired of being dictated to — I won't
stand it any longer, and you can go back and tell
General Grant!" He followed this up with a vol-
ley of oaths which seemed as though they might
have been aimed as much at me as at our common
chief. We were both mounted at the time, and,
although surprised at the violent and insubordinate
outburst, I replied:
"General McClernand, I am astonished at what
you are saying. You surely do not understand the
order I have given, and I'll repeat it: General
Grant directs you to strengthen the outposts of
your corps at Hall's Ferry, and you will disobey
this order at your peril ! And now, General, in ad-
dition to your highly insubordinate language, it
seems to me that you are cursing me as much as
you are cursing General Grant."
Then, reining my horse quickly alongside of his,
I added:
182
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
"If this is so, although you are a major general,
while I am only a lieutenant colonel, I will
pull you off that horse and beat the boots off of
you ! ' '
This brought him to his senses, and, seeing the
mistake he had made, he said at once:
Mi am not cursing you. I could not do that.
Your father was my friend and I am yours. I was
simply expressing my intense vehemence on the sub-^
ject matter, sir, and I beg your pardon.' '
But it was too late. He had exhausted my de-
sire to. keep the peace between him and General
Grant, as well as my patience, and, although he fol-
lowed his friendly assurances by inviting me to his
camp to take a drink, I declined with the remark
that I didn 't drink, and galloped rapidly away, full
of anger and resentment.
Arriving at headquarters, I told Rawlins and
Grant of the disagreeable scene through which I
had gone, concluding with the remark that the order
need not be repeated in writing, but that I was tired
of trying to keep the peace between headquarters
and our political generals.
Thereupon Grant said: u While I shall not no-
tice this violent outburst, I '11 get rid of McClernand
the first chance I get." Ever afterward when he
heard an officer using profane language, as was the
custom in the army, he would say, with a smile:
"He's not cursing. He is simply expressing his -
intense vehemence on the subject matter ! ' ' It was
a happy euphemism which saved him on many oc-
casions from rough language when, if he had been
a swearing man, he would have certainly yielded
to temptation.
183
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Dana, from the day he joined the staff, con-
ceived a dislike to McClernand, and his dispatches
to Stanton throughout the Vicksburg campaign
were altogether unfavorable to him.1
A few days later the opportunity came for get-
ting rid of this insubordinate and high-tempered
corps commander. Shortly after the general assault
on the fortifications of Vicksburg, McClernand is-
sued a general order congratulating his corps, which
he designated without authority as "the Army of
the Mississippi," and through some fault of his
own or of his adjutant general he failed to send a
copy of the order, as required by army regulations,
to headquarters, but did not fail to send it North
for publication in the newspapers. In due time it
came back to the army and both Sherman and
McPherson made haste to send it to Grant with
their protest against it, not only as an injustice
to their respective corps, but as giving praise to
the Thirteenth to which it was not fairly entitled.
Carr, one of his own division commanders, later
protested against statements in the order.2 Their
points were well taken and Grant was prompt to
respond. He referred the matter at once to Mc-
Clernand for an explanation. The latter replied
without delay that his order was not only correctly
printed, but that he was prepared to stand by it and
its allegations.
This settled McClernand 's fate. I was absent
from camp that day till midnight, but the order
relieving him had been prepared, and on my return,
Eawlins, who remained up to tell me about it,
1 O. R. Series 1, Vol. XXIV, Part I, pp. 74, 81, 84, 86.
2 O. R. Series 1, Vol. 24, Part I, pp. 623-4.
184
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
handed it to me, recounting its purport and direct-
ing me to deliver it in person the first thing in the
morning. Eecognizing its importance and fearing
that some contingency might occur that night or
in the early dawn, which would involve a sortie or
a battle in which McClernand would doubtless dis-
play his usual gallantry, which in turn might cause
Grant to delay, if not cancel the order, I said to
Rawlins: "Why shouldn't I deliver it to-night ¥"
This brought the reply: "Because you are tired
and to-morrow will do." We then discussed the
subject from every point of view, with the result
that he yielded and I turned out the provost mar-
shal with a sergeant and four men, and, after put-
ting on full field uniform, mounted a fresh horse
and set out on my mission. I reached McClernand ?s
headquarters between 1 and 2 a. m., and, after wait-
ing till the orderly on duty could arouse the general,
and when he had clad himself properly, I was shown
in. With all his violence he was a punctilious man,
and I found him in full uniform, his sword lying
across the table with two lighted candles in front
of him.
The provost marshal and his squad were within
call, and, after saluting him, I said: "General, I
have an important order for you which I am directed
to deliver into your hands and to see that you read
it in my presence, that you understand it, and that
you signify your immediate obedience to it." I
handed him the sealed envelope, watched him adjust
his glasses, and then open and read it. When he
caught its purport, almost instantly he said: "Well,
sir! I am relieved!" And then, as if taking it
all in, he added almost in the same breath: "By
185
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
God, sir, we are both relieved !" — meaning Grant
as well as himself.
Seeing that he understood the order correctly,
I added:
"General, I am furthermore instructed to say
that your functions as a corps commander in this
army are at an end. A. J. Smith, next in rank, has
been already notified, and, in case any emergency
arises to-night, he will take charge of the corps.
You will exercise none of the functions of a gen-
eral, but you will proceed at your earliest conve-
nience to your home in Illinois and there await the
orders of the War Department."
Perceiving that there was nothing left for him
but to obey, he expressed his satisfaction with the
order relieving him from a disagreeable situation
and signified his intention of leaving for home early
after daylight. As this was exactly what was de-
sired, I took my leave, and, although he lived to a
ripe old age, I never saw him again. With all his
violence of temper and his lack of military training
and discipline, he was a patriot and a man of strong,
virile character, who, with an ordinary degree of
self-control, would have come out of the war as
one of its real heroes. His support of the Admin-
istration at the outbreak of the rebellion and dur-
ing the war rendered it a great and valuable politi-
cal service, second only to that rendered by Douglas,
and there can be but little doubt that both the Presi-
dent and Secretary of War were partial to him,
and had encouraged him with the hope, if not the
formal promise, of the command of the expedition
to open the Mississippi Eiver.1
1 O. E. Series 1, Vol. XVII, Part 2, pp. 275.
186
CHIEF TOPOGRAPHICAL ENGINEER
The student of history, curious as to the details
of this interesting episode, which interrupted the
harmonious cooperation of the corps commanders
in the Vicksburg campaign and influenced the course
of events and which, but for the patriotism of those
concerned, aided by Grant's good sense and pa-
tience, might have led to disaster, will find the con-
flicting views of the chief actors fully set out in the
Official Eecords,1 with a violent attack upon Grant's
personal habits.
Having disposed of McClernand as a disturb-
ing element in that army, I shall now return to
the consideration of other personal features of the
campaign.
10. E. Series 1, Vol. XXIV, Part 1, p. 169.
This also contains McClernand 's extreme statement that Grant
was indebted to the forbearance of officers under his command for
his retention in the public service.
187
VII
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
The Black Belt — Lorenzo Thomas — Cross the Mississippi —
Bayou Pierre — Grand Gulf — Captain Badeau — Mc-
Pherson at Raymond — Grant at Jackson — Champion's
Hill — Passage of the Big Black — The American
volunteer.
The preliminary operations of the Vicksburg
campaign were mostly in northeastern Louisiana
and that part of Mississippi in which the slave pop-
ulation was densest and the white population rich-
est. The plantations in the bayou region were
large, the land most fertile, and the buildings com-
modious. As the troops were struggling to make
their way over the almost impassable mud roads, I
generally supervised the bridge building, and this
made it necessary for me to pass from one column
to the other. Dana, who came from Washington
as "the eyes of the Government, ' ' and a couple of
orderlies were my only companions, and, as we
necessarily traveled light, we made it a rule to
stop at the most opulent mansion within reach
when night overtook us. And it gives me pleasure
to record that, while all the proprietors, and es-
pecially the ladies, were undisguised rebels, they
never failed to give us a hospitable reception. This
188
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
may have been largely due to a desire for protec-
tion, but it was none the less acceptable on that
account. After bridging Roundaway Bayou, we
put up at the home of Mrs. Amis, a most charming
and accomplished woman, whose stately mansion
was embowered in flowers and ornamental trees,
backed by a village of comfortable negro quarters.
Here we saw the most attractive and successful
features of slavery. Luxury was apparent in the
whole establishment, and as far as we could see
neither want nor suffering had yet reached that
region. The family cook, if not a cordon bleu, was
a past mistress of the art, and her broiled chick-
ens, bacon, and hominy muffins were a delight neith-
er of us ever forgot. While the place was pro-
tected as long as we were in the neighborhood, it
probably suffered at the hands of the following
Yankees. The slaves, who had been docile and
apparently content to that day, packed up their
poor belongings and, with their pickaninnies on
their backs or trudging by their sides, followed the
flag which brought freedom to them. And this was
the rule throughout both states. Wherever our
columns went there freedom went also, and every
colored man and woman that could walk eagerly
embraced it. It was pitiful to see their ignorant
upturned faces as they struggled through the mud
beside or behind our columns to an unknown desti-
nation, where they were sure they would be free.
Many times as I rode by them I called out as cheer-
ily as I could: "Wha' you-all gwine?" And as
many times the answer came back ignorantly but
hopefully: "Gwine along down, Massa — gwine
along down wid you-all !"
189
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
When it is remembered that it was in this re-
gion, the heart of the Black Belt, that slavery had
done its best, it will be seen that the presence of.
our army was the precursor of agricultural disor-
ganization and distress as well as of emancipation.
Farm work was practically at an end and idle-
ness, the negro's nearest conception of freedom,
everywhere prevailed. This was soon followed,
however, by the presence of Lorenzo Thomas, who,
having failed to gain Stanton's approval as adju-
tant general, was sent to the Mississippi to or-
ganize negro regiments and look after the f reedmeh.
He did his work, for lack of experience and means,
with only moderate success, but he took the respon-
sibility for it from the army commander and elimi-
nated the negro question as far as the western army
was concerned.
After we crossed the Mississippi he traveled
with us for a while, and it was in the midst of the
campaign, with all its demands, that Eawlins and
I concluded that Grant should have a private sec-
retary to look after his personal correspondence,
and agreed that I should bring the matter to his
attention. I did this as soon as possible after we
secured a footing on the Mississippi uplands.
As I was the only regular officer then present
and was always well mounted and ready for serv-
ice, I generally rode next to Grant on the march,
and this gave me a rare opportunity for personal as
well as official conversation. The day after the
battle of Port Gibson and the passage of Bayou
Pierre, as we were making our way through the for-
est to Eocky Springs, I said :
"General, last night's experience has convinced
190
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
both Eawlins and me that you ought to have a mili-
tary secretary. As both he and Bowers have all
they can do and as I am frequently away, you should
have a special officer to look after your correspond-
ence. ' !
"Yes," said the General, "I have been thinking
of that myself. Do you know anybody who will
suit?"
"Oh, yes," said I, "there are plenty of them
who, like Lincoln's coon dog, are good for nothing
else, but you can't always get them when you want
them. The best man in my mind now is Captain
Badeau, A. A. D. C, who was a reporter with us at
Port Boyal, and is now on T. W. Sherman's staff
with Banks. Perhaps you know him. He was with
Sherman during the Corinth campaign and you
must have seen him. J '
"No, I don't recall him. What sort of a looking
man was he ! "
"He was a short, stoop-shouldered, red-headed
fellow, who wore glasses."
"Oh, yes, I remember him — a little pale, blue-
eyed man, who wore spectacles and looked like a
bent fo '-pence. Do you think he'll do?"
I then told him of Badeau 's classical education,
wide acquaintance with leading people, his literary
experience, and his great desire to be of use. I
pointed out that he had absolutely no military apti-
tudes, and "would never make a soldier in his life,"
and that if he wasn't fit for a secretary he wasn't
fit for anything connected with the service. I told
the General in addition how he had endeared him-
self to us all in the Port Eoyal expedition, and how
we had united in recommending him to the Presi-
191
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
dent for a commission, how the commission had been
issued, and how Sherman had taken him on his staff
to Shiloh, Corinth, and New Orleans.
This settled it, and when I got through the Gen-
eral said: "I guess he'll do. Please write a note
to the Hippo- John-Thomas (the playful name by
which he frequently referred to Adjutant General
Thomas) and ask him to make an order directing
Captain Badeau to report to me in the field at the
earliest possible day."
I wrote the request at the first halt and the order
was duly made, but, as ill fortune would have it* the
very day Badeau received it he was shot through the
foot, while his chief lost a leg, leading the assault
at Port Hudson. In consequence of this wound,
which proved exceedingly severe and slow to heal,
Badeau was invalided and did not report to Grant
for duty till the latter had been still further pro-
moted and had assumed personal command of
the Union armies in Virginia. Badeau thus real-
ized the dream of his life, and it is but just to add
that he proved himself not only a faithful secretary
but a painstaking and faithful military historian to
the lieutenant general whom he ultimately came to
regard as possessed of every virtue and as in every
way the greatest man he had ever known.
There will be many occasions to mention Badeau
hereafter, for he was by no means without influ-
ence or ambition. But unhappily he proved to have
weaknesses which none of his military friends, and
I, least of all, had ever suspected. Although pos-
sessed of genuine scholarship and many accomplish-
ments, he was essentially a vain and weak man,
who owed everything to his chief and forgot some
192
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
of it in the hour of adversity which finally overtook
them both.
It will be remembered that the first considera-
tion in beginning the campaign east of the Great
Eiver was to minimize the impedimenta and get as
many fighting men into the first battle as possible.
Everything and everybody not absolutely needed at
the front was left behind. Even Dana, the special^
commissioner of the War Department, and Fred
Grant, the GeneraPs eldest son, then a lad of four-
teen, had to steal their passage across the river and
make their way to the sound of the guns on foot.
But they were not laggards, and although it was
only the first day of May and the heat was intense
they caught up with the army while it was gaining
its first victory. On the road they helped them-
selves to a pair of superannuated carriage horses,
too old to work, and, with blind bridles and played-
out saddles, finished the last stage of their journey
without the fatigue of walking.
One of the first prisoners of the day was a smart,
well mounted young Confederate officer, who was
brought at once to Grant's headquarters, where he
was, of course, well treated. His welcome was so
informal and hearty that he not only soon became
much at his ease, but felt so encouraged that he
asked General Grant, who had already admired his
horse, that he might be allowed to keep it. He urged
that it was private property which he had bred him-
self, and to which he had become much attached.
It was a moving appeal, but the General replied,
with a gentle smile:
"Yes, my young friend, I understand your feel-
ings, but as we are now in need of horses and yours
193
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
would just suit Mr. Dana, the commissioner of the
War Department, I must ask you to turn it over to
him. In exchange I will give you an order on the
Confederate authorities for an excellent horse of my
own, which one of your erring fellow countrymen
took a few months ago, with a part of my head-
quarters at Holly Springs."
The young man smiled faintly at the General 's
joke, and slowly but sadly dismounted, with newer
but more exact knowledge of how the Yankees made
war support war. The horse proved a satisfactory
mount for Dana till the end of the campaign.
It was such little things as this that cheered us
on our way. Grant was an adept at them, and al-
though kind and sympathetic to an unusual degree
never failed to profit by advantages which came his
way, no matter how small they might be. Cheerful,
kind-hearted, and solicitous for the comfort of those
about him, he was a most agreeable companion both
on the march and in camp. He loved good horses
and good horsemen, and always had a kind word for
the man or officer who had a good mount and took
good care of it. Frequently while marching through
wooded country he would say: "Wilson, there's a
fallen tree you haven't jumped yet. Put your horse
at it and let us see how he takes it," and he always
praised the horse. Seeing him upon such occasions
no one would have ever thought he had any more
care on his mind than a school boy, especially if the
marches and the combinations were going to his sat-
isfaction. Plain and simple in his manners, kind
and considerate to the officers and men of his staff,
and most gentle and sympathetic with the poor peo-
ple of the country, it was like a continuous picnic
194
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
to campaign with him when there was nothing more
serious on hand than marching through a smiling
land in the springtime. He gave the least trouble
possible about camping or breaking camp, merely
indicating in a general way what he wanted and
leaving all the details to Eawlins and the proper
officers of the staff.
It should be noted that in our anxiety to forward
troops, ammunition, and provisions, we left our
headquarters baggage wagons, camp equipage, and
horses, with the impedimenta of the army, on the
west side of the Mississippi. They did not join us
till May 8. We had been fully a week in the
enemy's country, riding borrowed cavalry horses,
and literally "making war support war," eating
where we could get food, and sleeping where we
could find shelter. Grant and his staff shared the
hardships and privations of the troops, but being
few in number generally occupied farm houses at
night, receiving shelter and hospitality in exchange
for protection. It was an exciting and encouraging
time during which the General displayed all his
amiable qualities to perfection.
In repairing the bridge over the north fork of
the Bayou Pierre after the battle of Port Gibson,
Eawlins and I worked all night, taking neither rest
nor sleep till it was certain that the bridge would
serve its purpose. Without delay the marching col-
umns were well under way to the front. It was now
5 o'clock and broad daylight, but the excitement
was over and we had at last become sensible of fa-
tigue. We therefore returned to headquarters
nearby and threw ourselves down for rest. The
establishment was, however, already astir, the cooks
195
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
were serving breakfast, the servants were packing,
and the orderlies saddling and leading out the
horses. Under these conditions both silence and
sleep were impossible. In the midst of it all we
heard the General, as he was mounting, caution the
staff and orderlies not to call us, but leave us to get
our " sleep out." Under such circumstances every
soldier will understand we could neither sleep nor
stay behind. We therefore waited only till our
companions were gone, when we mounted and
shortly afterward overtook them well on the road
to Willow Springs. That afternoon we rode with
Grant to our new base at Grand Gulf, where we
found the navy in possession. The guns had already
been branded: "Captured by the Mississippi
Squadron under command of Rear Admiral David
D. Porter/ ' but inasmuch as the enemy had blown
up his batteries between 3 and 4 a. m. of May 2,
this display legend struck us as hardly fair to the
army. Grant, however, passed it over with a smile.
The rebel garrison held on till 8 p. m. of that day,
when it became certain that Bowen had been de-
feated and that this outlying detachment would be
captured unless it made haste to rejoin Pember-
ton's main army in the field. This it did by a
rapid march to the rebel bridge of boats at Han-
kinson's Ferry. Thus our line of communications
was shortened and the two armies were brought
face to face twelve or fifteen miles in the interior
on the lower reach of the Big Black.
Grant, Rawlins, and I worked till after midnight
of the 3rd on board Porter's flagship, writing orders
and dispatches, and when every disposition that
could be thought of had been duly provided for, we
196
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
mounted and rode back to the army, which we found
in camp near Hankinson's Ferry at four o'clock
on the morning of the 4th. As all the houses in the
neighborhood were occupied by those who got there
before us, we unsaddled, spread our blankets, and
threw ourselves down on the porch of a plantation
house for rest. Grant was with us, tired and sleepy,
but contented. We slept till the smell of breakfast
and the rising sun awoke us. We remained in that
region for about a week, engaged in watching the
enemy while hurrying forward our whole army for^
the next step in the campaign.
The first important point occupied after the
battle of Port Gibson was Willow Springs, between
Bayou Pierre and the Big Black, covering Grand
Gulf. The next was Rocky Springs, eight miles
farther to the northeast. From these points de-
tachments were thrown out to the left toward Han-
kinson's, Harmer's, and Hall's Ferries, while the
Thirteenth Corps moved forward, its left skirting
the river, its main body generally on the direct road
through Cayuga and Auburn toward Edward's
Depot. This naturally gave the impression that
Grant intended to force a crossing of the Big Black
and move directly against Vicksburg, while his real
purpose was to screen the movement of his main
column to the right through Utica and Raymond to
Clinton on the east and west railroad.
Sherman, who had been left behind, partly be-
cause of his disapproval of the campaign and partly
to still further confuse the enemy by a demonstra-
tion against Hayne's Bluff, was the last to join the
army in the field. Naturally his march was so di-
rected after crossing the river that he could sup-
197
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
port either column as might be necessary and
finally take position on McPherson's right at Ray-
mond. The city of Jackson, fourteen miles farther
east, was, however, the chief railroad center in all
that region as well as the capital of the state and
the principal depot of supplies for the Confederates.
It was, therefore, according to the art of war, the
first strategic objective of the campaign, and till
it was firmly in our hands and its bridges, depots,
and supplies were destroyed, there would neces-
sarily be danger of a concentrated and effective
movement against the flank and rear of our columns
from that quarter.
McPherson's advance under Logan first encoun-
tered the enemy on May 12 in force two or three
miles from Raymond, about fifteen miles from Jack-
son, and, after a spirited fight, drove him in confu-
sion from the field. Anticipating this affair, Dana
and I left Grant on the main road from Auburn for
the same place, coming up with McPherson at dusk
just after he had beaten the enemy, four or five
thousand strong, and was going into camp for the
night. As he had gained an easy victory, which
it was important to improve, after congratulating
him and praising his work, I directed him in
Grant's name to push on at an early hour next
morning to Clinton on the Jackson and Vicksburg
Railroad, hardly seven miles farther to the north-
east. Much to my surprise, he said pointblank he
would be damned if he'd do any such thing, that
he was not strong enough to venture so far alone,
and besides he didn't intend that his men should do
all the fighting for that army.
This was such an unexpected and insubordinate
198
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
answer from a West Point man, who was justly
regarded as an ideal soldier, that I expressed my
amazement in terms he could not fail to under-
stand. Deliberately repeating the order, and calling
his attention to the penalty of disobedience, I
whirled my horse about and, accompanied by Dana,
galloped through the dark to General Grant, whom
we found in camp near the place we had left him.
After reporting the spirited victory at Eaymond
and pointing out the important positions on the
map, I recited the order I had given in his name to
McPherson and asked him to confirm it in writing.
This he did at once and was about to send it by an-
other officer, when I said: "No, General, give it
to me. I have particular reasons for desiring to
deliver it in person.' f Thereupon Dana and I,
mounting fresh horses, rode back to McPherson and
gave him Grant 's written order about midnight, but
withal he held on at that place till after nine o 'clock
the next morning, and did not reach Clinton till
three o'clock in the afternoon the next day. When
I overtook him with Grant early in the forenoon, he
seemed to have forgotten his petulant and unsol-
dierlike answer of the night before, but made no
effort to quicken his march. His movement through-
out was culpably slow, but as there was no enemy
to resist him, slow as it was, it gave us indisputed
possession of the railroad and interposed an entire
army corps between Johnston and Pemberton. The
next day, in pursuance of orders, he started early,
but still moved slowly and cautiously toward Jack-
son, where he might have cut off Johnston's retreat
to the northward had he marched with proper celer-
ity. As it was, he merely left the direct road from
199
UNDEE THE OLD FLAG
Eaymond to Jackson clear for Sherman's corps and
enabled the latter to occupy that important center
without much fighting, but with some delay accompa-
nied by a good deal of noisy cannonading. Although
the latter did but little harm, it had the effect of
postponing McPherson 's detour north of the town
and thus gave Johnston time to withdraw by the
Canton road before his retreat in that direction
could be seriously interfered with.
Up to the evening of May 12, when McPherson
gained his victory over Bowen at Eaymond, Grant
had formed no other plan than to break the Vicks-
burg and Jackson Eailroad at Clinton and then turn
toward Vicksburg to confront Pemberton wherever
he might be found. But while Dana and I were re-
turning to headquarters from Eaymond the first
time, we considered the whole situation and con-
cluded that, Jackson being the principal railroad
crossing and the strategic center of the state, Grant
should order each of his army corps promptly to-
ward that place, drive off or disperse the rebel
force, occupy the city, destroy the military stores
and supplies which might be found, burn the Pearl
Eiver Eailroad bridge, and effectively break up the
railroads centering at that place. It was evident
that this course would seriously disconcert and delay
the enemy and correspondingly facilitate our own
operations, and, accordingly, after explaining it
fully to Eawlins and securing his approval, I laid
it before Grant. I briefly indicated the extent of
McPherson 's victory as well as the orders I had
given for following it up, pointed out his indisposi-
tion to obey them unless heavily reenforced, and
then advised Grant to move his whole army toward
200
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
Jackson and take that place before turning to the
west. Without asking a question or raising an ob-
jection, he formally directed McPherson to push
forward by the way of Clinton, Sherman by
the Raymond road to Jackson, while McClernand
should move by his right flank to Raymond and
there hold himself in readiness to support either
McPherson or Sherman as might become neces-
sary.
During the whole of that night no question was
raised as to the propriety of these dispositions, but
by noon the next day, after every corps was in mo-
tion, Grant for the first time expressed regret that he
had ordered everything so far to the east. And dur-
ing the afternoon he remarked to me more than once
that he wished he had not sanctioned the movement
to Jackson, but whether this was due to the slow-
ness with which his orders were executed, or to a
doubt as to their wisdom, he did not explain. After
he had captured the place, however, he realized that
Jackson was his opponent's center of intelligence
as well as of operations and supply, and not only
became convinced that he had done right in going
there, but never again expressed doubt in reference
to the subject. The subsequent course of the cam-
paign made it certain that his strategy in this case
was correct, and that he had come to a wise decision
a few days before in declining to weaken his com-
mand by sending any part of it to join Banks. He
reached this conclusion in the course of a discus-
sion with me, and it was then embodied in a formal
letter which I wrote by his direction and dispatched
to Banks by Captain UlfYers, one of my engineer
assistants, who made his way by horse to Grand
201
\'
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Gulf, and thence down the river on a steam tug-
boat furnished by Admiral Porter.
Immediately after entering Jackson, Grant es-
tablished headquarters at the principal hotel, a
favorable position from which to gather informa-
tion and to supervise the destruction necessary for
the further success of his own army. Perhaps the
most fortunate incident of the day was the capture
of a late dispatch from Johnston, directing Pember-
ton to cross the Big Black and fall upon Grant's
rear. This hastened the burning of the railroad
bridge across Pearl Eiver, the destruction of the
rolling stock and the enemy's supplies, and the coun-
termarch and concentration of our army at Cham-
pion's Hill, about six miles east of Edward's Sta-
tion. No time was lost in this change from front to
rear, but every soldier as well as every general, in-
cluding McPherson, did his best to get strung out
on the road and headed for Pemberton's army, which
they were now sure of meeting in the open on fair
and equal terms.
Grant, with his staff and escort, remained with
Sherman's Corps in the town overnight. All com-
munication with the North had been cut off since
we left Cayuga, no dispatches except from his own
subordinate could reach us, and none could be sent
away. So there was nothing left for Grant but
to gather information, make orders, and superin-
tend the work of the destroyers. Although Jackson
was the first capital of an interior state occupied
by us, it was in those days a raw, rambling Southern
town, mostly of cheap frame houses, with here and
there a pretentious brick store, or a still more pre-
tentious residence or public building, all of which
202
THE VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN
were protected, as far as possible, from fire and ma-
rauders. We, of course, took possession of the post
office and the mails, from which we got a good lot of
interesting Confederate correspondence, treasury-
drafts, and money.
The next morning before leaving I asked the ho-
tel keeper for our bill. He replied breezily enough :
1 ' Sixty-five dollars, ' ' doubtless expecting his pay in
national currency, but when I handed him a brand
new one-hundred-dollar Confederate note his face
took on a disappointed look as he said : ' ' Oh, if you
pay in Confederate money, it will be ninety-five dol-
lars. ' ' To this I answered : ' ' That 's all right, and
never mind the change ! ' ' But unfortunately for the
landlord one of his neighbors was a witness to the
transaction and the colloquy, and with true in-
tolerance made haste to report them to his
fellow townsmen, through whom it promptly reached
the rebel authorities. It was a fatal but perhaps
an unconscious blunder, for it was a public admis-
sion that Southern currency was at a heavy discount
and Yankee money at a corresponding premium,
and this was at that stage of the war an unpardon-
able sin. Accordingly, we had hardly got out of
the city when, as we afterward learned, the hotel
was set on fire and speedily reduced to ashes, but
whether this quickened the patriotism or aroused
the enmity of the hotel keeper we never knew.
It will be remembered that this was about the
middle of May, 1863, and looking back upon it after
nearly half a century, it must be regarded as a /
striking commentary upon the hopes of the rebel-
lion.
The battle of Champion's Hill was fought on
203
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
May 16. Grant had concentrated three army
corps, with not far from forty-five thousand men,
within close supporting distance of each other, while
Pemberton, with twenty-five, and Johnston, with ten
or fifteen thousand men at most, were separated by
thirty-five or forty miles of poor country, and
neither force strong enough to make head against
his confident opponent. Johnston's orders on this
occasion, as well as throughout the campaign, were
well enough, but they were in every instance too
late to meet the rapidly changing condition of af-
fairs. Grant, in the midst of Johnston's scattered
divisions, had the short line to all possible points
of the field, except Vicksburg, and, aided by his
own staff, as well as by the quickened movements
of both Sherman and McPherson, he was enabled
in every instance to "get there first with the most
men." Had McClernand been as active and ag-
gressive as he should have been, and promptly put
in, when ordered, his three other divisions, idle
throughout the fight, Pemberton 's army might have
been taken both in flank and rear, as well as in front,
and captured or at least completely scattered at
Champion's Hill.
The capture of the tete de pont at the railroad
crossing of the Big Black by Lawler the next day
has already been sufficiently described, and as this
opened the way to Vicksburg and made it easy to
bridge the river wherever the Union columns might
come to it, the rest of the field operations were sim-
ple enough for all concerned. But the night we
reached the Big Black was a particularly busy one
for me.
We had but one regular pontoon train in that
201
THE VICKSBUEG CAMPAIGN
army, and as Sherman's advance now in the right
front was hastening its march to the river at Bridge-
port on the direct road to Hayne's Bluff, the future
base of supplies, the train was sent to him. The
bridge was promptly laid, and by the time Pem-
berton was safe inside his works, Sherman was well
on his way to the new base on the Yazoo, which,
before noon of the next day, was safely within his
control. But McClernand's corps on the railroad,
and McPherson's, with its right at Amsterdam, had
also to cross the river without delay, and to this end
it was necessary to build three additional bridges
out of such materials as could be found at hand. The
duty of designing and supervising their construc-
tion was mine. Fortunately, the task turned out
to be a simple one. The first bridge was made of
the dry trestlework timbers, which were cut down,
dragged to the water one by one, rafted into place
and kept steady by longitudinal side rails, all lashed
firmly together and connected at both ends with
proper land approaches. The actual work was most
efficiently directed by Lieutenant Hains of the reg-
ular engineers.
The second bridge, two miles above, was made
of cotton bales fastened end to end with a frame-
work of scantling taken from nearby plantation
houses and covered by joists and flooring held to-
gether by rack lashings applied in the usual manner.
The third, at Amsterdam, was like the first, but
the dry timbers composing it were obtained by tear-
ing down cotton gins and barns in and near the vil-
lage, dragging them to the river, and making a solid
raft of them across the sluggish stream. The prac-
tical work on the second and third was ably and
205
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
rapidly done by Captain Hickenlooper, McPher son's
chief engineer, and all were ready for the troops
to begin crossing before sun-up. Each served its
purpose perfectly. Counting these improvised
bridges, as well as those used between Milliken's
Bend, New Carthage, and Bruinsburg on the west
side of the Mississippi, there were between five
thousand and six thousand feet of such bridges con-
structed during the Vicksburg campaign, and what
is still more noteworthy is the fact that most of
them were built during the night, so that no part of
the army was compelled to delay its march while
the bridges were under construction.
While the work was under way, Grant, Eawlins,
Dana, and I spent the time together, passing from
bridge site to bridge site, encouraging officers and
men in their novel and necessary work. And no one
could witness what was done on the Big Black with-
out conceiving the deepest admiration for the Ameri-
can volunteer soldier and his unequaled capacity for
the practical work of bridge building. It was only
necessary to indicate and briefly explain what was
wanted and leave him to do the rest. Other soldiers
may be as courageous as he, but none can beat him in
the general business of campaigning. He is at all
times alert, active, and intelligent, and, I must add, I
never saw a man or an officer of volunteers hesitate
to obey orders. All he ever needs is reasonable cer-
tainty as to what is expected of him and then, if
fairly well instructed and led, he is not only obe-
dient but invincible. As General Grant used to say,
' ' the common soldiers are as smart as town folks, ' '
and when the campaign is going right, which they
are quick to perceive, they show their satisfaction
206
THE VICKSBUEG CAMPAIGN
by the cheerfulness with which they march and the
spirit with which they fight. All this was especially
noticeable in the campaign east of the river which,
from start to finish, was as gay and far more ex-
citing than a picnic excursion, while its skirmishes
and battles were "gentle and joyous jousts' ' which
would have gladdened the hearts of the Knights at
Ashbv de la Zouche.
207
VIII
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
First assault — Complete investment — Hot weather — Grant
rides the lines — McClernand relieved — Close invest-
ment— Pemberton surrenders — Reorganization of vol-
unteer army.
Grant's army, having closed in on Vicksburg,
made a spirited effort the next morning to rush the
enemy's entrenchments, but owing principally to
the rough and unknown ground, covered by fallen
trees and entanglements, the assault was neces-
sarily too broken and disjointed to succeed. It was
justified, however, by the chance that it would find
the enemy too much discouraged and demoralized
to make an effective defense or too much spread out
to fully cover his whole line. According to prece-
dent such a dash might have succeeded the evening
before, immediately after our troops arrived on the
ground, but the marching columns had to find their
places and deploy, which on a strange terrain took
too much time. Later in the war, darkness, which
came on before the troops got fully into position,
might have favored a successful attack, as at Selma
and Columbus, in 1865, but in May, 1863, no one had
had sufficient experience to venture upon such an un-
dertaking. Besides the troops, having been march-
208
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
ing and fighting constantly for three weeks, were
both tired and short of regular supplies, and this
made it advisable to give them a rest while roads
were being opened and rations, ammunition, and
clothing were coming forward from the transports
at Chickasaw Landing.
Within three days all wants were sufficiently sup-
plied to warrant a general assault, but the enemy
had also pulled himself together and strengthened
his position to such an extent as to make it secure.
The assault was made, and although the national
troops reached the entrenchments at several salients,
and actually broke through at one, the general re-
sult was a complete failure, the details and causes
of which have already been sufficiently set forth
elsewhere in this narrative.
A complete investment and a regular siege nec-
essarily followed, during which the officers and men
displayed the same high qualities that characterized
their deeds in the previous stages of the campaign.
It will be remembered that there were present at
first only six, and at no time more than eight, West •
Point officers, including Grant, and from first to last
not a single experienced engineer soldier. But withal
the siege operations, including sapping, mining, the
construction of roads, approaches, shelters, paral-
lels, places d'armes, and siege materials of all kinds,
including even wooden siege mortars, were carried
forward with as much order, regularity, and per-
fection as would have been practicable in any Euro-
pean army. It was slow, heavy, and exacting work, (
which tried the patience and strength of all from Y
highest to lowest. The hot weather of June was at
hand and soon began to tell heavily upon the spirits
209
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
of the army. The excitement of a dashing campaign
had died out, and while the health of the men re-
mained singularly good for the climate, the lack
of vegetables and seasonable food, combined with
the work and restraint of the siege, soon brought
about a feeling of lassitude and depression from
which none but the toughest and most buoyant were
exempt. Staff and line officers suffered alike. Doc-
tors and caterers cooperated with each other, and
Doctor Kittoe, our staff surgeon, whose people had
served in India, prescribed curries and red pepper
for the messes that could get them, but at best they
proved to be palliatives, hot remedies.
Even Grant himself, when the weather was hot-
test and things were dullest, felt the depression and
longed for a change. Before the end of the first
week in June he started by steamer to visit an out-
lying detachment on the Yazoo, but before reaching
his destination he "fell ill," which, but for the
timely action of Dana and the firmness and devo-
tion of Eawlins, might have proved a great mis-
fortune both to Grant and his army. It was upon
this occasion that Eawlins, in the late and silent
hours of the night, wrote his remarkable letter of
June 6, 1863,1 appealing to Grant's sense of duty
and propriety. And it was the next morning that
this fearless and faithful staff officer took measures
for the exclusion of wine and liquor from the head-
quarters encampment by personally searching every
suspected tent and ruthlessly breaking every bottle
1 Dana's f ' Eecollections of the Civil War/' p. 82 et seq., Wilson's
"Life of John A. Eawlins." "From Chattanooga to Petersburg
Under Generals Grant and Butler," by William Farrar Smith,
Houghten, Mifflin & Co., pp. 179, 180.
210
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
he found over a nearby stump. That he did this
without resistance from any quarter shows that his
action was not only pardonable but necessary. It
is pleasant to add that, although .Grant said some-
thing about keeping a case of champagne, which a
friend had sent him to celebrate the capture of
Vicksburg with, he allowed Rawlins to have his7
way without further objection.
When it is recalled that this episode became
known to the leading generals of the army, all of
whom fully approved Rawlins ' intervention, the
character of the transaction will be better under-
stood. Human nature in soldiers as well as in com-
mon people is a complex and puzzling thing, but
it generally bends to the will of a masterful man.
As the interested reader will find the details of
this siege and of the final surrender on July 4,
1863, sufficiently set forth in the military histories
of the day, I shall confine myself to such personal
incidents as seem worthy of attention.
After the failure to capture Vicksburg by assault
and the several army corps and divisions had taken
up their definite positions within the lines of cir-
cumvallation and countervallation, it became Grant 's -
custom to ride the lines daily and mine to accom-
pany him when I had no special duty to take me
elsewhere. On the first of these rides, just after
reaching the Hall 's Ferry road and turning towards
the besieged city, we met two elderly women walk-
ing to a neighbor's, and as we saluted them politely
one of them raised her eyes and hesitatingly said
to the General, who was, as usual, smoking, and
whose well-worn blouse showed no sign of rank:
"Soldier, please give me a cigar?"
211
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
At this the General reined in his horse, and,
thrusting his hand into his side pocket, took out a
half dozen Havanas and, politely handing them
to her, passed on, up the road.
I, however, remained at a halt till he got out of
earshot, when I said:
" Madam, you had better make those cigars go
as far as possible, for General Grant will not
be coming this way every day to keep you
supplied. * '
A few rods farther on we turned into a stately,
white mansion, over which a field-hospital flag was
flying, for the purpose of seeing its condition. We
had hardly dismounted and got inside when one of
the ladies whom we had just met came forward in
a state of confusion, and, after offering her apolo-
gies for her friend who had addressed the General
in such familiar terms, explained that the mansion
was known as Magnolia Hall, and belonged to Mr.
Latham, her husband, and she made haste to pre-
sent us to him and her family. We found in the
drawing room several charming young women, all
of whom, except a visitor from Long Island, were
sympathizers with the Southern cause. They were,
however, well-bred and accomplished, and it was
pleasant to reassure and protect them. I shall not
add that the certainty of finding them there after-
wards made us more frequent visitors than we oth-
erwise should have been, but I cheerfully admit that
we never rode that way without stopping to pay
our respects to the ladies and to enjoy their witty
but disloyal sallies.
The owner was a planter, past the military age,
but, notwithstanding the fact that we had every as-
212
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURQ
surance of his loyalty and good will, I learned long
years afterward that he had been paid most inade-
quately for the use of his house and nothing what-
ever for the injury done his furniture, bedding, car-
pets, and hangings by the sick and wounded who
filled his luxurious rooms. It is sad to relate that
the house burned down shortly after peace was de-
clared, and the owner, who lost his slaves and his
lands, died impoverished, while his daughters, al-
though married, were scattered and embittered for
life. I am sorry to add that they never recovered
from the losses inflicted on them and their helpless
children by the war. Thus the innocent are too fre-
quently made to suffer more than the guilty, and
with all my experience I know of no case more piti-
ful than the one I have just described.
Fortunately, the grounds occupied by the op-
posing forces in and about Vicksburg were with this
exception completely deserted by the inhabitants,
and we had no other case brought so forcibly to our
notice till after the place had surrendered, when it
became our duty as well as our pleasure to console
and feed the destitute and to heal the wounds of
war as far as circumstances would permit.
After the siege was well under way, we varied
our rides occasionally by going toward the landing
for a swim in Chickasaw Bayou, or one of its clear,
cool lagoons. The country was covered by a dense
forest and, at places in the river valley, by exten-
sive canebrakes, but was quite free of guerrillas,
hence the riding and swimming were entirely safe
except for our own marauders. Dana and I were
one day threatened by a small party of the latter
outside of camp lines, and although one of them
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
struck me with an iron bucket I managed to hold
them in check while Dana galloped to headquarters
and brought the provost guard. As I was unarmed,
it looked for a while as though I might be roughly
handled, but, fortunately, the guard came in time
to prevent any further violence.
One of our rides extended to Mrs. Johnson's
house on the Yazoo, seven or eight miles from
camp as the crow flies, and as the scenery was pic-
turesque and the shade of the overhanging trees
most restful and cooling, we concluded to return by
a more direct route, through the bottom that none
of us had traversed. Besides General Grant, there
were half a dozen officers and eight or ten orderlies
in the party, all of whom enjoyed the outing greatly.
The General and I were leading as usual, when quite
unexpectedly we came to a lagoon, the outer end of
which had but little water in it, but its bed was
filled with black, slimy ooze, which looked impass-
able. As I was supposed to be the guide, it was up
to me to get them through. It was growing late
and as it was ten or twelve miles by the way we had
come, and not more than three by the compass to
headquarters, it was important that we should get
across and not turn back. Spurring forward and
looking over the ground, I discovered an extensive
drift pile near by containing a good many fence
rails and other light stuff, whereupon I dismounted
the orderlies and, assisted by such officers as were
disposed to help, we constructed a corduroy road
forty or fifty feet long, and in less than half an hour
were safely over and on our way to camp. Dana
and Eawlins as usual gave willing assistance, while
Grant, seeing at a glance that the plan would suc-
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SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
ceed, expressed his approval and watched its prog-
ress with cheerful satisfaction.
The incident was a trivial one, but it made a deep
impression on the others, and taught the nonprofes-
sional members of the staff a lesson which they
never forgot.
During the whole of the campaign and siege I
kept a journal showing daily and hourly what we
learned of the features of the country, its roads,
streams, bridges, fords; the movement of our own
troops and those of the enemy as they developed;
what we gathered from prisoners, deserters, trav-
elers, contrabands, and natives; where the General
and his staff went, when they started, what they did,
and when they got into camp. In it I also recorded
the resources of the country, the distance from place
to place, the condition of the roads, the rumored
movements and the strength of the enemy, the in-
formation collected from local newspapers and cap-
tured mails, and in general such circumstances and
facts, great and small, as might be useful or even
interesting to the commanding general. This jour-
nal was closely written in pencil and always by my-
self, except when I was absent from headquarters,
when Dana kept it for me.1
It gives many inside views of what was going on
among the people, and, also, of what the Confederate
soldiers had to say about their hardships, their
marches, and even their officers. One young man at
Edward's Depot wrote disparagingly about his bri-
gade commander: "There's Old Featherstone ! He
has no humanity about him ; his head is as flat on
1 Journal Military Service Institution, No. CLIV, pp. 93-109,
and No. CLV, pp. 261-275.
215
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
top as an African Negro's, and he's as mean as the
devil wants him to be. ! '
But among more important matters it contains
the two dispatches from McClernand to Grant which
figured in the controversy between those officers,
but unfortunately another, which preceded them,
was sent to Quimby with an endorsement directing
him to take his division to McClernand 's assistance.
To save time Quimby endorsed an order on it and
sent it to Colonel Boomer, directing him to lead off
with his brigade. Shortly after arriving at the
scene of action, Boomer was killed and the dispatch
disappeared forever.
The entry connected with the later dispatches is
in Dana's hand. It was made May 22, at 6 p. m.,
and runs as follows :
At about two o'clock this afternoon General Grant
received the following dispatch from General McClernand :
Headquarters, Thirteenth Army Corps,
In the field near Vicksburg, Miss.,
May 22, 1863.
General :
We have gained the enemy's entrenchments at several
points, but are brought to a stand.
I have sent word to McArthur to re-enforce me if he
can.
Would it not be best to concentrate the whole or a part
of his command on this point?
John A. McClernand,
Maj. Gen. commanding.
Maj. Gen. U. S. Grant.
P. S. — I have received your dispatch. My troops are
all engaged and I cannot withdraw any to re-enforce
others. McC.
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SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
The following was received at four o 'clock :
Headquarters, Thirteenth Army Corps,
May 23, 3.15 p. m.
General :
I have received your dispatch in regard to General
Quimby's division and General McArthur's division. As
soon as they arrive I will press the enemy with all possible
speed and doubt not that I will force my way through.
I have lost no ground. My men are in two of the enemy's
forts, but they are commanded by rifle pits in the rear.
Several prisoners have been taken, who intimate that the
rear is strong. At this moment I am hard pressed.
John A. McClernand,
Maj. Gen. commanding.
Maj. Gen. U. S. Grant,
Department of Tennessee.
In consequence of the last dispatch the assault
was renewed in Sherman's and McPherson's front
without success and with the loss of about one thou-
sand men killed and wounded.
These dispatches, and especially the parts which
I have put in italics, together with McClernand's
threatened disobedience of orders, his profane lan-
guage described elsewhere, and the order issued des-
ignating his corps as "the Army of the Mississippi' '
and unduly magnifying its deeds, while minimizing
those of Sherman and McPherson, were what finally
exhausted Grant's patience and caused him to re-
lieve McClernand and send him to his home in Illi-
nois.
It is but repeating what has been stated several
times before to say that after this action was taken
perfect subordination and good feeling prevailed
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
throughout that army. Keenforcements poured in
from the North and by the end of June raised our
effective strength to about eighty-five thousand men,
mostly infantry and field artillery. With the steady
progress of the siege operations, the gradual sev-
ering of communication between the besieged and
the Confederacy, and the exhaustion of the garri-
son's munitions and supplies, it daily became more
and more certain that Johnston could not raise the
siege, and that Pemberton would soon be forced by
starvation, if not by a successful assault, to sur-
render at discretion. My journal shows most of the
facts which led to this conclusion, as well as those
that enabled us to predict within a few days just
when the surrender must take place.
From the habit which grew up between the op-
posing sentries and videttes, as soon as the heads of
sap were at the enemy's ditches, the actual condi-
tion of the enemy became known with increasing cer-
tainty. On Lawler's front it was a common thing,
toward the last days of the siege, to exchange an
occasional drink of whiskey for a Vicksburg news-
paper.
The scarcity of percussion caps and artillery am-
munition was admitted soon after the investment,
and the silence of the enemy, except under extreme
provocation, confirmed the admission. It soon be-
came known, also, that the garrison of the besieged
town was on short rations, and with the certainty
that the investment on both sides of the river was
complete, and that all communication with the sur-
rounding country was effectively cut off, it required
no prophet to discern that the end was near at
hand. Indeed, by the middle of June we were cer-
218
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
tain that the defense could not be prolonged beyond
the middle of July.
While for reasons of economy the enemy wasted
no ammunition on us, it was altogether different
with our men, many of whom were expert riflemen.
Every commanding point in our lines was occupied
by sharp-shooters and, in addition, several wooden
turrets were built at points which gave a plunging
and enfilading fire by which many of the enemy were
picked off. One of the notable features of the siege
was the voluntary practice of the good marksmen,
many of whom selected advantageous positions be-
hind stumps and head logs, either to the front or in
the main line of works, and, after covering them-
selves effectively from observation and crossfire,
made it their daily practice to watch the enemy and,
whenever a head or even a hand showed itself above
the defenses, to fire at it singly or in groups, and
it is to this practice, which seemed to have a strange
fascination for men of a sporting turn of mind, that
was due the unusually large number of the enemy
who were found in the hospitals after the surrender,
suffering from wounds in the head, arms, and hands.
The curious thing about it was that no one
seemed to feel any more compunction in taking a
good shot at an unknown enemy than at a deer, and
yet, when they got to know each other at the ad-
vanced posts, there was a punctilious observance by
both sides of the informal truce which was early
established. In other words, the mounted, passing,
or concealed enemy was always in danger, while
those within talking distance or acquaintance were
never molested without due warning. In recogni-
tion of these natural conventions I never exposed
219
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
myself unnecessarily during daylight, but after
nightfall I took advantage of all the open roads and
short cuts, with the feeling that I was running but
little risk. And yet the rebels, like our own people,
had no compunction at firing on the passing but
unseen enemy, especially when he could be plainly
heard. In this way I had several close calls. Once
a shot just missed me and my brother, riding with
me, and severely wounded my orderly behind us.
With the knowledge of the exact state of affairs
spreading throughout the army, a spirit of friendly
banter grew up between the opposing forces which
would have been impossible had they belonged to
different races and spoken different languages. A
common question from the inside was : " Yank, why
don't you all make a general assault and end this
thing Vf Or, "When are you all going to attack
again and close up this siege f " A common answer
was: "Oh, don't be impatient, Johnny, we are in
no hurry. We are just guarding prisoners and it
would be inhuman to fire on them unless they under-
take to break out." This was frequently varied by
the promise of "fireworks on the 4th of July," from
which the impression got abroad among both men
and officers that we might do something desperate
on that day, and that it would save a ' ' further effu-
sion of blood" if they should forestall us by sur-
rendering. We knew pretty well on our side that
the other side had enough food still on hand to last
several days, and we were therefore taken somewhat
by surprise late in the afternoon of July 3 by the
display of a white flag on the enemy's works and
the appearance of Major General Bowen under a
flag of truce, bearing a letter to General Grant. Of
220
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
course, everybody was on the qui vive to learn what
it meant, and it was not long before it became known
that Pemberton had asked for an armistice and the
appointment of three commissioners on each side
to arrange terms of capitulation. The usual desire
was expressed: "To save the further effusion of
blood, which must otherwise be shed to a frightful
extent," and this was backed up by the boastful
claim that the garrison could "maintain its position
for an indefinite period. ' '
Of course, Grant saw that the essence of this
thinly veiled proposition was an immediate surren-
der, and with pardonable pride replied that 1 ? the use-
less effusion of blood' \ could be ended at any time
. . . "by an unconditional surrender of the city and
garrison." He followed this by saying: "Men who
have shown so much endurance and courage as those
now in Vicksburg will always challenge the respect
of an adversary, and I can assure you will be treated
with all the respect due to prisoners of war."
Having written this he concluded his note with
the declaration that he did not favor the appoint-
ment of commissioners because he had no other
terms to offer than those already indicated.
To my great satisfaction, this reply was handed
to me for delivery to the Confederate flag, and I was
directed to wait for such reply as might be sent.
This took me till a late hour that night, but I was
well repaid for the vigil by the surrender which fol-
lowed the next morning.
Pemberton 's reply, brought by Colonel Locket,
who had been a cadet with me at West Point, was
followed by the surrender of the place on the 4th
of July, on Grant's terms, which were unnecessarily
221
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
lenient. Instead of holding the captured army at
Vicksburg or sending it north and scattering and
disintegrating it, Grant required only that it should
march out, lay down its flags and stack arms, and
then return to camp, where he fed it till it had made
out a full set of muster rolls and its officers and
men had given their individual parole not to serve
against the United States till duly exchanged.
These preliminaries required several days, and
when completed the whole army, with the exception
of seven or eight hundred men, who were tired of
the rebellion and declined to serve any longer,
marched back into the Confederacy with all their
organizations, by division, brigade, regiment and
company complete. Practically all they gave up
were their flags and arms, and as soon as these could
be replaced they were again in the Confederate
ranks fighting to overthrow the Union. The prob-
ability of such a sequel was apparent to all at our
headquarters as well as to Halleck in Washington,
who finally foresaw the danger and directed Grant,
July 8, to retain them as prisoners of war "till fur-
ther orders.' ' 1 The matter was discussed with the
General, but, claiming that he did not have sufficient
transports to carry them to Cairo, he let them march
out, practically as Pemberton had originally pro-
posed. It is now certain that his sullen opponent,
by good management or good fortune, outwitted
Grant in this arrangement. But little was said of
it by the Administration or the press at large, but
subsequent events at Chickamauga and Chattanooga
showed plainly that it was a serious mistake which
^adeau's "Military History of Ulysses S. Grant,' ' Vol. 1, p.
663.
222
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
cost the country a great many lives, and for which
the leniency of the victorious general was mainly
responsible.
The generous terms of the capitulation were but
poorly requited by the Confederate leaders. Shortly
after they were arranged, Grant and his staff en-
tered the captured works and rode to Pemberton's
headquarters, where they were received with the
coldest formality. No one even offered Grant a
seat, and when he asked for a glass of water a mem-
ber of the Confederate staff merely told him where
he could find it. The situation was a trying one, but
Pemberton and his officers met it badly. Their be-
havior was unhandsome and disagreeable in the ex-
treme, while that of Grant and his staff was both
modest and magnanimous to an extent to which the
enemy had no just claim. Three young West Point-
ers, Saunders, Locket, and Landis, were polite and
courteous, in recognition of which their haversacks
and canteens were well filled with provisions and
whiskey when they bade us good-by.
Without showing a trace of ill feeling or in
any way recognizing the slight put upon him, the
modest hero of Vicksburg terminated the interview
as soon as possible and then established his head-
quarters at the commodious house of a planter's
wife overlooking the river. It had been reported
that she had made a Union flag and threatened to
hoist it, but we saw nothing of it, although we re-
mained there for over a month and became quite in-
timate with the family.
The next day, July 5, I rode the entire line of
rebel entrenchments and made a critical examina-
tion of them. I found them to consist mainly of rifle
223
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
trench, not particularly strong or well laid out, but
difficult of approach by troops in anything like good
order. The line followed generally the top of the
ridge, with here and there a redan or a stronger
emplacement for field or siege guns, and occasionally
a loop or second line sweeping the gorge of a work
in front. The ground outside, generally broken and
rough, was further obstructed by fallen timber and
entanglements in such manner as to render an as-
sault even by the roads and wider boyaus extremely
costly and difficult. It was evident that nothing but
the most methodical and painstaking preparation
could insure a successful assault, and that the de-
fence could have stood us off indefinitely had the
garrison been properly supplied with provisions and
ammunition.
From the abundant experience of this siege and
defense it may be confidently asserted that no well-
constructed, well-defended line of earthworks or rifle
trench can be successfully assaulted by troops carry-
ing the same arms as the defenders, unless they
have a great preponderance of numbers and have
made every possible preparation, not only for the
attack, but for instantly following up every prelim-
inary success. Even with a great preponderance
of force, the assailants should work with all their
might for a surprise or for some other advantage
which would neutralize the entrenchments to be at-
tacked. In those days the books on field fortifica-
tions dwelt upon the advantage of Rogniat's line or
other entrenchments more or less regularly laid out
with bastions, flanking arrangements, curtains, and
openings, but I know of no instance during the en-
tire war where anything so methodical was resorted
224
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
to in an active campaign. In every case that came
under my observation, except at Selma, the practice
was similar to that at Vicksburg, a simple line of
rifle trench conforming to the ground, partly dug
out and partly thrown up, with here and there a
heavier section for artillery. At Selma, situated
as it was on a level plain and covered by a regular
bastioned line of strong profile, behind a stockade
and mounting thirty-two guns, all constructed for
permanent defense, we succeeded partly by surprise
and partly because our troops were armed with
Spencer magazine carbines and rifles, while the
enemy had nothing but old-fashioned muzzle loaders.
But even this case strengthens the conclusion that
for the emergencies of a campaign, with long-range
rapid-fire small arms, the simple line of rifle trench
is all-sufficient and can be easily held against a su-
perior number of similar troops in the open field.
The only chance of victory over such lines, all other
things being equal, must be looked for in stratagem
or in a turning movement. Yet Grant, in the cam-1
paign against Eichmond and Petersburg, and Sher-
man in that against Atlanta, in spite of all their
previous experience, frequently resorted to the di-
rect assault of temporary entrenchments, and in
nearly every instance failed to gain any adequate
advantage. Vicksburg taught this lesson, while the
great campaigns just mentioned wrote it perma-
nently into the modern art of war.
But the Port Eoyal expedition and the Antietam
campaign, where I was a subordinate, gave me un-
usual opportunity for observation. Having been
constantly on the move in both I picked up much
information in reference to the crudities of our mili-
225
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
tary system. These were both confirmed and en-
larged in the campaign and siege of Vicksburg,
where I held a much more important position. To
any educated military man it was evident on all
hands that the Western volunteers, no matter what
state they came from, were intelligent, vigorous, pa-
triotic, and naturally amenable to discipline and
were good soldiers in every respect except in in-
struction. This, coming from officers essentially of
the same class, was necessarily crude and imperfect,
but even the officers were in many respects excel-
lent. They were generally capable of learning their
duties and willing to perform them, but the system
under which they labored in many instances para-
lyzed their efforts. Those who worked hardest and
fought best lost the most men. Their regiments and
companies were soonest run down and reduced to
a state of inefficiency, and here is where the mis-
chief first showed itself. Instead of keeping the
road to the front crowded with recruits for the deci-
mated companies and battalions, the state authori-
ties, when they did anything at all, organized new
regiments, mostly with new officers, and sent them
fresh and green to the field, where they had to
learn not only their tactics, but how to march, camp,
cook, and care for themselves. Obviously all this
would have come much easier, more quickly, and at
far less expense of time and money had the men
been enlisted or selected by conscription and sent
direct to the regiments from their own region.
It had always been a favorite idea with military
writers that while our regular army should be kept
in time of peace, few in numbers, but highly trained
and finely equipped for such emergencies as might
226
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
arise on the Indian frontier or elsewhere, it should
be expanded in times of war in such manner as
would make it fit to cope with any enemy that might
assail us. In practice this was never done. A few
regiments were added from time to time, but they
were always made up of raw recruits drawn from
the ranks of the people just as the volunteers were.
In time they, of course, became regulars, and be-
longing to a national army and a fixed system, they
became good soldiers, but even this method of ex-
pansion was unpopular with Congress and never
gave sufficient reenforcement to produce any influ-
ence whatever on the course of the war. On the
whole, it was wasted effort and expense. I had fre-
quently heard Grant, whose army was made up al-*^
most entirely of volunteers, and who needed regular
officers more than anything else, say that, so far as
the Western armies were concerned, it would have
been a great deal better if the regular army, except
the staff and the staff corps, had been disbanded at
the outbreak of the rebellion and the officers sent
home to their respective states for the purpose of
entering and helping organize the volunteer army.
I held this view from the first and did all I could
to get a volunteer regiment, but, as this narrative
shows, I failed, and finally gave up the effort en-
tirely. But I never changed my opinion on this
important subject. On the contrary, the more I
studied it and the wider my experience became, the
more firmly did I become convinced that our system
should be reformed and our army nationalized, and
to this end I made it a practice to confer with our
generals, all of whom it will be remembered were ap-
pointed by the President and commissioned "by and
227
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
with the advice and consent of the Senate." They
were classed as "United States Volunteers,' ' and by
that name and fact immediately took on greater stat-
ure and authority, and, I may add, I never met one
who had come to be recognized as a good officer that
did not favor the nationalization of the Volunteer
Army.
So greatly was I impressed by that proposition
that I made it the subject of correspondence with
all the congressmen and leading men I knew. One
of my letters finally found its way, without my
knowledge or procurement, into the editorial page
of the New York Times for April 12, 1863. It
was introduced under the caption: "Necessity of
a Eeorganization of our Armies — Points to bet
Beached. ' ■ The editorial remarks run as follows :
In view of the probable and speedy enforcement of the
Conscription act, and the consequent necessity for the
reorganization of our armies, we offer for the earnest con-
sideration of the country some views written during this
war by an officer of talent, rank and experience in the
regular army. He has served on the staffs of Generals
Sherman and Hunter at Port Royal, McClellan at An-
tietam, and, recently, Grant in Mississippi. His plans
have been submitted to General Grant, General McCler-
nand, General McPherson and General Logan, as well as
to many others of the Western army, and received the
warm approval of all those officers. Indeed, no man can
have been long in the service and not acknowledge the
absolute necessity of a reorganization of our armies. This
it is which the rebels possess and we lack ; this it is which
too often turns the scales when they are equally balanced ;
this it is which is likely eventually to decide the great
contest in which we are engaged.
Some of the views expressed below have already been
228
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
adopted, but we allow them to remain, as the fact of their
acceptance by the Government will assist in giving weight
to the judgment of the Writer.
What follows is quoted verbatim from my letter,
under the head of
ARMY REORGANIZATION
Organization is a subject of which our army knows
little, and the people and Congress nothing, but upon
which, more than anything else, depends the efficiency of
all armed forces. A just distribution of labor is a military
as well as a civil necessity. This is secured only by a proper
organization.
First, then, our grades of general officers are by no
means complete. We should have lieutenant generals and
generals, in addition to the present.
Second: The adjutant general's department should be
reorganized and have its duties defined. The best model
is that of the French Etat Major. Its officers should be
selected with more care, given more rank, and be held
more strictly accountable for the prompt performance of
their duty. As an evidence of the inefficiency of our pres-
ent system, see the absolute want of knowledge concerning
the strength of the National armed forces to-day (August
10, 1862). Mr. Senator Wilson probably obtained from
General Thomas his data for the statement that we had
too many men in the field by 150,000 ! There is probably
not an army in the field whose strength is properly ac-
counted for. There is probably not a general who does
not waste half his time in attending to details which
should be disposed of by a "well-regulated staff.' '
Third: The Inspector General's Department is simply
a nonentity — totally inefficient and devoid of power to cor-
rect evils, where by chance it may find them. Every
brigade, division and corps ought to have its inspector
selected with a special reference to his soldierly qualities
229
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and general knowledge of organizations and the different
arms ; and in our armies there should be special inspectors
of cavalry and artillery — all empowered, as officers of the
staff, to correct all disarrangements, as a well-digested sys-
tem of regulations should prescribe. There is no depart-
ment of the military service by which a more salutary
influence could be produced than by the inspector gen-
eral's, thoroughly reorganized and set to work.
Fourth: The Quartermaster's Department is sadly in
need of internal regulation. Meigs is a very able man,
but lacks practical experience.
Fifth : The Commissary Department approaches nearer
to efficiency than any I know.
Sixth: The strength of the Engineer Department is
simply frittered away by the double organization, and the
dead-heads upon both. With more talent than any other
corps in the service, it has less influence. Neither branch
of it is used as it should be ; not one-half the work of which
they are capable is exacted, and, finally, they are not strong
enough by half in officers, nor a tenth part in engineer
soldiers.
Seventh : The Ordnance is a little better off, but is also
paralyzed. It should have more vigor, more officers, more
men, and more facilities for manufacturing munitions of
war.
Eighth : A well-regulated Staff is the soul of military
organization. "With these improvements, the line would at
once be elevated greatly, both in spirit and efficiency, but
by a judicious system of examinations and reward for
meritorious conduct in officers and privates, many worth-
less men would be turned out of service and many useful
ones inspired with new vigor and ardor.
Ninth: During the English revolution in the time of
the Charles', for the first two years, Parliament scattered
money with a lavish hand — everything was bought in the
army — patriotism, valor, public spirit — all had their price.
As a consequence, the Cavaliers, under Prince Rupert, and
230
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
the dashing courtiers conquered in every battle. It was
not till Cromwell and Hampden arose, with their organized
regiments, that the principles of the revolution began to
make head against the fiery valor of the Cavaliers. The
army was reorganized. The " Ironsides ' ' and the New
Model Army became renowned in the world's history for
manly and invincible courage ; they always conquered. The
analogy between then and now, in principles and facts, is
too striking for me to trace it further. Must we not profit
by history? Is not the lesson plain? Organize and con-
centrate. Organize by building upon the old basis, rather
than attempting to lay the foundations anew. Fill up
the old regiments; weed out inefficient officers, fill the
vacancies by meritorious officers and non-commissioned offi-
cers— adopt a system. Let the anomaly of two distinct
armies be destroyed; let us return to the traditions of the
Government with reference to our standing army. Let it
be expanded by merging the entire volunteer army with
it. Give each regiment a portion of the National Army
in name as well as in fact. Regulate the promotions so
as to get a homogeneous, united, spirited army. As for
the details of what I propose I will not go into them, but
simply say that a far better arrangement than that of add-
ing a simple new regiment to the volunteer army would
be to expand as many as necessary to two or three bat-
talions. In this way the new levy of 300,000 men of July
last could be thoroughly incorporated with the present
forces in a few weeks.
Tenth : With a remark in reference to a system of re-
serves, I will close. Should the army be reorganized as
I suggest, the drafts would then be made for the general
service and could be kept at general depots for instruction,
till needed to fill up the vacancies; thus vacancies could
be filled promptly in those regiments which required it
most. Under the present system some of the regiments
which have been kept out of harm's way are overflowing
with men, because recruiting happens to be brisk in the
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
states from which they come ; while other regiments which
have been decimated by disease and battle are rendered
almost useless because recruiting happens to be slow in
their states, or because new regiments are organized rather
than old ones filled up.
The prominent ideas of this plan are: First, a well-
regulated Staff; second, a well-organized homogeneous
army, to be formed by a union of the volunteer and regular
armies, on a proper and equitable basis, and, third, a
proper and efficient system of reserves and recruiting —
all so combined as to stimulate merit, zeal, courage, and
a national spirit of devotion and constancy.
It is only by some such system that we can possibly
continue the war to a successful issue. It is absolutely
necessary, in point of economy as well as of military effi-
ciency.
The war has been conducted too far already upon the
principle of main-strength and awkwardness. New life,
new vigor and unity must be infused into it. These can
only be secured by organization and discipline. We have
the old question among military men to decide, which is
most to be depended upon — enthusiasm or discipline?
Without undertaking to say which of these virtues is best,
I will simply remark: the rebels are certainly superior
to us in the former, equal to us in the latter, and far
ahead of us in unity of action and purpose. To conquer
them, then, it is clear we must have something beside sim-
ple superiority of numbers and material; and have them,
too, elsewhere than at home, or in the depots, arsenals and
storehouses. The military and true principle is that num-
bers, discipline and material avail nothing except when
arrayed upon the vital point at the vital moment.
These truths will be recognized yet, before this war i»
terminated. The rebels understand them now.
It may be here observed that while the Union
cause signally triumphed in the end without a reor-
232
SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBURG
ganization of the Union army on a national basis
or a prompt and effective enforcement of the con-
scription, it is none the less trne that some such
reorganization as that recommended by me would
have promptly put it on a far more effective and
economical basis than it ever reached. This, as well
as the extravagant wastefulness of our system is
conclusively shown by General Upton in his ad-
mirable work on "The Military Policy of the United
States/ ' published at the Government Printing
Office, Washington, 1904.
233
IX
SHERMAN'S CAMPAIGN TO CENTRAL ALABAMA
Headquarters in Vicksburg — Rawlins and Grant — Grant
visits New Orleans — Season of rest — Inspection tour
— Army wastes summer — Grant and staff ordered to
Chattanooga — Military Division of the Mississippi.
Immediately after the surrender of Vicksburg,
Sherman, reinforced by McPherson, was sent to
drive Johnston out of Mississippi, but the weather
was extremely hot, the roads dusty, water scarce,
and foraging poor. Consequently his columns, after
reoccupying Jackson, went but a few miles beyond
that place and there gave up the pursuit. Instead
of following Johnston and pushing into central
Alabama, as had been expected, he halted on the
excuse that no water could be found in eastern Mis-
sissippi, and without even arranging to hold Jackson
as an advanced post and rallying place for the
Union sentiment of the state he left everything to
the enemy and within three weeks was again in his
old camp on the Big Black.
I had predicted this conclusion of the campaign
to Rawlins and Grant. I contended that Sherman
ought to be able to go where Johnston went. I
urged that the time and conditions were favorable
234
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
to the continuance of a vigorous campaign along
the line of railroad running from Vicksburg east-
ward through central Alabama, which would not
only give us Selma, the main Confederate arsenal
and military depot, and Montgomery, the first Con-
federate capital, but cause the evacuation of Mobile
on one hand and northern Georgia on the other.
It seemed clear that the failure to make such
a campaign as was now open to us would be short-
sighted and weak on our part and just what the
enemy desired, because it would neutralize our
army, put it on the defensive, and give the enemy
time to collect and reorganize his scattered forces
and to send reinforcements to Bragg against Eose-
crans. And this is precisely what took place. I
argued the case with Eawlins and Grant as long as
it was open, but they stood by Sherman to the end.
Even when he brought forward the additional claim
that his men were tired, they accepted it as valid,
although I pointed out the indisputable fact that
most of the troops with him had been in camp from
the last of May till the 4th of July, and that the rest
had been engaged in the siege, which was by no
means so fatiguing as an active campaign.
The simple fact is that Sherman, as if depressed
by his disastrous failure at Chickasaw Bayou, was
at that time a timid leader, who could not be de-
pended upon to push home his advantages. And he
was still under the cloud of the cruel and unjust
newspaper criticism received during his command in
Kentucky. My opinion was confirmed by the failure
of his movement against Bragg 's right at the battle
of Missionary Eidge and still further by his belated
and abortive second campaign in January and Feb-
235
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
ruary, 1864, from Vicksburg through Jackson to-
ward central Alabama.
Frankness requires me to add that both Rawlins
and Grant were displeased at the freedom with
which I criticized Sherman in the instances just
mentioned, but Rawlins, when the events were all
ended, freely admitted that my criticisms had been,
fully vindicated.
But to return to Grant 's army, the paralysis and
disintegration of which began shortly after the cap-
ture of Vicksburg, when the Thirteenth Corps, about
fifteen thousand strong, was sent to Banks in Louisi-
ana. A division was sent about the same time to
Steele in Arkansas, and Parke, with the Ninth
Corps, was returned to Burnside in east Tennessee,
while McPherson, with the Seventeenth Corps, was
left at Vicksburg with detachments at Grand Gulf
and Natchez, to make good the national control of
the Mississippi from Cairo to the Gulf. This was
mainly due to orders from Washington, where the
principles of "Pepper Box Strategy,' \ as professed
by Halleck, too long held sway.
While we were still at Vicksburg, an incident
took place which gave rise to some comment and a
good deal of annoyance to General Grant. He was
* fond of McPherson, who, like himself, was some-
what easily imposed upon by designing men.
Shortly after promotion to the rank of major gen-
eral, the latter had taken a man without a commis-
sion on his staff, and had allowed him to wear a
colonel's uniform and shoulder straps and to make
himself generally officious about headquarters, es-
pecially in connection with railroad matters. He
was the brother of a Chicago banker and made pre-
236
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
tentions to riches and influence on his own account.
He was presented to me in northern Mississippi,
but his sycophancy at once aroused my suspicions,
which I communicated in due time to Rawlins, who
promptly adopted them as his own. This person
claimed to be a colonel in the Mexican Liberal Army
and seemed to have plenty of money, but finally
became widely known as a common rascal and
swindler, who, after defrauding the governor of
New Jersey and many others in all parts of the
country, was convicted and sent to the penitentiary
in Arkansas for a term of years. He died before
the expiration of his sentence, but not till he had
made a full confession, which was published by the
press throughout the country.
Shortly after the fall of Vicksburg he presented
a beautiful thoroughbred charger to McPherson and
a major general's dress sword and belt said to have
cost $1,100 to General Grant. Rawlins and I both
advised the General not to accept it, but, fearing to
hurt McPherson 's feelings, he received the sword,
but sent it home at once. As inspector general I
soon discovered that this man had no right to wear
a colonel's coat and shoulder straps and reported
him to both Grant and McPherson. The former ac-
cepted my report, and, after it was confirmed and
extended by friends at Chicago, wrote McPherson
that he should get rid of the bogus colonel as soon
and as quietly as possible, but McPherson resented
our interference between him and his friend, and,
as he was killed in battle the next year in front of
Atlanta, never fully realized how completely he had
been imposed upon.
The unfortunate and disastrous results which
237
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
followed the adoption of the policy of dispersion
after the capture of Vicksburg are now a matter
of history. They might not have been so costly
had there been no other armies in the Western thea-
ter of operations, but when it is recalled that Bose-
crans had crossed the Tennessee and was, as he evi-
dently believed, in full pursuit of a retreating army,
which, when reenforced by the army paroled at
Vicksburg, as well as by Longstreet's corps from
Virginia, was late in September to gain a great vic-
tory, it will be seen that a much better disposition
of Grant's forces would have been to send them to
Chattanooga before, rather than after, the battle of
Chickamauga.
I presented this view as soon as Sherman sig-
nified his intention of giving up the campaign east
of Jackson, but under the plea that all first-class
military operations were dictated from Washington
my remonstrance produced no effect. I also op-
posed the detachment of the Thirteenth Corps to
Banks, where it was" scattered along the coast all
the way from New Orleans to the mouth of the Eio
Grande, adding that our true policy in reference
to that part of the Confederacy which had been cut
off west of the Mississippi was to leave it, like the
dissevered tail of a snake, to die of itself, while we
should send Sherman, with all the troops that could
be spared from the imperative duty of keeping the
Mississippi open, by steamboat to Memphis and
thence by rail and country road to form a junction
with Kosecrans wherever he might be found.
Shortly after the surrender, General Banks, ac-
companied by General Stone and one or two other
staff officers, paid us a visit at Vicksburg and I
238
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
had the pleasure of showing them about* the de-
fenses and through our parallels and approaches.
They seemed to be greatly interested in my ex-
planation of the operations, and asked a multitude
of questions. Stone, who afterward served in the
Khedive's army, was particularly inquisitive and,
being a West Point man, caught on rapidly to the
particulars of the campaign and the siege. They
remained two days with us and in taking their leave
warmly pressed Grant to return their visit at New
Orleans and to bring Lieutenant Colonel Wilson
with him. This he kindly promised to do, and nat-
urally I felt flattered by the warmth of their invi-
tation, and still more by the general's ready prom-
ise of compliance, but I could not think of leaving
my work at a time so particularly favorable to put-
ting it on a satisfactory basis. It was the first
real leisure that the Army of the Tennessee had
ever had — the first period in its history favorable
to the perfection of its discipline and administra-
tion, and I considered it my duty to give the work
unremitting personal attention. Besides, neither
Eawlins nor I approved the return visit. We
thought General Grant's place was also with his
own army and that as Banks' operations, in what-
ever direction they might lie, must necessarily be
of secondary importance, they would concern us but
little. We distinctly disapproved the visit, and as
it turned out it was not only a source of proper
solicitude to Eawlins, but of very great personal
disadvantage to Grant, without benefiting either
army or the cause of the country in the slightest
degree. It was simply time wasted for all con-
cerned.
239
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
At the house chosen for headquarters in Vicks-
burg we found several young ladies, one of whom
was a Northerner of very unusual beauty, living
there as a governess. Naturally enough, General
Grant was the first to make their acquaintance;
my turn followed a few days later, when I had an
occasion to look up the General, whom I found in
the drawing-room, chatting with the Northern
beauty. As the business in hand required him to
leave the room, he presented me and suggested that
I should remain till he returned. During his ab-
sence a beautiful bouquet was brought in and pre-
sented to the young lady, without card or explana-
tion of any sort. Seeing her puzzled and embar-
rassed, I was about to take my leave when she ex-
plained that this was the second bouquet she had
received in the same unconventional and irregular
way, and as it was under the circumstances an un-
welcome attention, she did not know how to treat
the matter. Eegarding her remarks as an appeal
for aid, I said at once that she should explain her
embarrassment to Mrs. Grant, who had just joined
us and who would, through her husband, give ample
protection. This, for obvious reasons, she did not
like to do, consequently I undertook to ascertain who
her unknown admirer was and to put him under
Bawlins' surveillance. As it turned out my plan
of procedure was easily and promptly successful.
The swain was shortly discovered to be a married
man, a handsome and very gallant additional aid-
de-camp, with the rank of colonel on the General's
staff. The case was fully explained to Eawlins,
whose indignation was expressed in language no
one could fail to understand. The necessary ad-
240
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
monitions were issued, the unwelcome advances were
discontinued and a standard of behavior established
about headquarters that left nothing to be desired.
Eawlins, who had been a widower for something
over two years, was a man of austere manners and
unusual shyness, entirely given up to his duties.
He sought neither the acquaintance nor the society
of the ladies, but lived absolutely apart and rather
disapproved the contrary course for the General
and his staff, but when the General left for New
Orleans and I for Eed Eiver, Eawlins was present-
ed to the ladies and became their guardian. The
story is soon told. He fell deeply in love with the
object of his solicitude and, like all good men, de-
sired to appear worthy of her. As his most noted
sins were an occasional outburst of violence and
profanity, he made a solemn resolution to control
his temper and give up swearing. He soon told her
the simple story of his life, and in due time offered
her the protection of his name and station. They
were married at her home at Danbury, Connecticut,
on the twenty-fourth of December following.
Shortly after the incident of the bouquet an in-
teresting event of another sort took place at head-
quarters which well illustrates the relations between
Grant and Eawlins. Although it was the policy of
the Administration to encourage the purchase and
shipment of cotton, one of the standing orders is-
sued while headquarters were still in west Tennes-
see had forbidden the practice on account of its
demoralizing tendencies to both men and officers.
But, in spite of this well-known order, we had hardly
got into Vicksburg when a kinsman of General
Grant's bringing a permit from the Secretary of
241
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the Treasury established himself nearby and began
buying cotton. This soon became known and, with-
out consultation, Rawlins at once issued an order
expelling the cotton buyer from the department.
This came to Grant 's attention without delay, where-
upon he mildly suggested that Rawlins should hold
up the order as unnecessarily harsh, and as giving
more publicity to the case than was required.
This was more than the rugged and determined
chief-of-staff could stand, and, evidently fearing
that it meant a relaxation of discipline, if not a
defeat of justice, he burst forth, perhaps uncon-
sciously, with a volley of oaths, followed by the dec-
laration that if he were the commanding general
of a department and any kinsman of his dared to
come within its limits and violate one of its im-
portant standing orders he would arrest him, march
him out, and hang him to the highest tree within
five miles of camp!
Thereupon, without waiting to note the effect
of his stentorian speech, he turned about and, re-
entering his own office, violently slammed the door
behind him.
It was an embarrassing episode — the only one
of the kind I had ever witnessed — and as the punc-
tuation of his remarks was both profane and dis-
respectful, I followed him out and said:
"Rawlins, that won't do. You have used lan-
guage in the General 's presence that was both in-
subordinate and inexcusable, and you should not
only withdraw it, but apologize for it."
Without a moment's hesitation, he replied: "You
are right. I am already ashamed of myself for los-
ing my temper. Come with me," and, walking back
242
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
into the General's presence, he said in his deep,
sonorous voice:
"General, I have just used rough and violent
language in your presence which I should not have
used and I not only want to withdraw it, but to
humbly beg your pardon for it."
Then with a pause and a blush he added :
' * The fact is, General, when I made the acquain-
tance of the ladies at our headquarters I resolved
to give up the use of profane language and blankety-
blank my soul if I didn't think I had done it!"
At this naive confession Grant's face lightened
with a smile as he replied:
"That's all right, Eawlins! I understand; you
were not cursing, but, like Wilson's friend, simply
expressing your intense vehemence on the subject
matter. ' '
It 'is needless to add that the incident passed off
to the satisfaction of all concerned. The order was
suspended, but discipline was vindicated by a quiet
intimation on the part of the General that the in-
truder's health would be improved by an early re-
turn to the North, and he went the next day!
Grant had, however, been somewhat fatigued by
the campaign and, feeling that he needed a vaca-
tion, shortly after Sherman returned to the Big
Black, took steamer with several ornamental mem-
bers of his staff for the return visit to Banks at
New Orleans, while Eawlins remained at headquar-
ters, considerably troubled in his own mind, pre-
paring the detailed report of the late operations.
As soon as this was finished he took it to Washing-
ton in person, where he was received by the Presi-
dent and cabinet with marked civility. While it is
243
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
known that he gave them a personal account of the
campaign and of the situation at Vicksburg and
throughout the state of Mississippi, he unfortu-
nately left no record of what he said upon that in-
teresting occasion, but it is well known that he
produced a favorable impression on the President
and the members of his cabinet.1 * He got back to
the army about the middle of August and remained
there, practically in command over both Sherman
and McPherson till his chief returned.
It was during this unfortunate visit to Banks
that Grant, while galloping rapidly to a review at
Carrollton, had a fall with his horse which severely
injured his leg and made it both painful and diffi-
cult for him to get about for several months. In-
deed, Grant's hurt was so severe that he suffered
considerably from it till after the Chattanooga cam-
paign, and had more or less trouble from it 'to the
end of his life. His injury doubtless had its in-
fluence at the time in inclining him to the policy of
inaction for the heated term at least, and as it was
an unusually dry season, there was but little said
either in Washington or elsewhere in regard to
wasted opportunities.
All these circumstances combined to make it to
a certain extent a season of rest, or of senseless and
misdirected marching up and down in the land for
all except myself. Up to that time, although titular
inspector general, my duties had necessarily been
those of an engineer and general staff officer. En-
joying robust health as I did throughout the cam-
paign, I had all the work I could attend to, while
the troops were actually engaged in marching and
w' Diary of Gideon Welles."
244
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
fighting, as well as constructing parallels and ap-
proaches, with but little time for special inspections
or for putting my own department on a regular
and systematic basis. As this became my first duty
as soon as the siege was fairly over, I drew up and
with Grant's approval sent out to the corps and
division inspectors a set of detailed instructions
covering their duties in reference to every branch
of the service, both active and administrative, and
directed that they should begin at once a series of
minute inspections, extending to every division, bri-
gade, regiment, company, and detachment in the
army. This done, I then arranged for a series of
personal inspections to see that orders and regu-
lations were everywhere duly enforced, and that the
troops, as far as I could influence them, should be
brought to the highest possible state of discipline,
instruction, and efficiency. These instructions were
all sent out by the end of the first week after we
entered Vicksburg, but as they were altogether mili-
tary and technical, they have long since passed into
the limbo of uninteresting and forgotten things
which call for no resurrection. While they played
their part in making the Army of the Tennessee
one of the best that ever upheld the national cause,
so far as I am concerned they must be allowed to
rest in the peaceful oblivion of the Eecords.
When Pemberton's army marched back into the
Confederacy they left behind several hundred sick
and wounded, which Grant agreed to deliver at*
Monroe, a river town in northeastern Louisiana.
They were a poor, helpless set that had suffered
as much from inattention as from sickness and
wounds and would have fared much better in our
245
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
hospitals than in their own, but on July 21 about
three hundred of them were placed aboard two
steamboats and started to their destination under
my charge. I had, besides, several families, in-
creased at Grand Gulf by another, bound for the
trans-Mississippi, and this full complement of pas-
sengers taxed my means of entertainment to the
utmost. It was indeed a dreary and distressing
trip. The doctors and the boats ! crews did their
best to make the suffering soldiers comfortable and
to cheer them on their way, but several died and
were buried, uncoffined, on the river bank, while
most of the remainder had evidently got all they
wanted of the war and went with suffering bodies
and sinking hearts to this remote corner of the Con-
federacy.
Such of the women and children as were well
gave us far more trouble than our sick and wounded.
They were persistent in their demands as well as
offensive in their loyalty to the South, and did their
best to make the trip lively for us. But for the
part taken by one MacMahon, purser of the steamer
Belle Creole, on which I had taken passage, the
trip would have been a particularly distressing one.
He generously took the burden of entertainment off
my shoulders, and, although an Irishman from In-
diana, he cheerfully did his best, not only to satisfy
the wants of our passengers, but to defend the gov-
ernment authorities from their attacks. They were,
as might have been expected, bitterly opposed to
the emancipation of the negroes, which had now
become the settled policy of the government, and
firm in the conviction that they would be utterly
unable to profit by it, our guests denounced the meas-
246
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
ure as both ill-advised and wrong in every re-
spect. They boldly declared that even MacMa-
hon himself did not believe in it and would not try
to defend it.
But in this they were mistaken. The fluent and
enthusiastic Irishman burst forth with a torrent
of eloquence and an aptitude of Biblical reference
that put an end for the time to the controversy.
The women of the South were firm believers in the
Bible and its sanction of slavery, but MacMahon
was equal to the occasion:
"Yes," he exclaimed, "I do approve of the proc-
lamation, and I firmly believe the whole negro race
will be better off for freedom. I accept your appeal
to the Bible and refer you to the story of the Chil-
dren of Israel, and how Moses led them out of the
land of bondage. You all know that was one of
the steps by which the Christian plan of salvation
was given to the world, and by which all mankind
are to be ultimately saved. But do any of you re-
call how many of the Children of Israel who crossed
the Red Sea dry-shod and wandered in the Wilder-
ness for forty years ever succeeded in getting even
a sight of the Promised Land?"
Of course, none recalled, whereupon MacMahon
triumphantly added:
"I knew you could not! Only one of all that
mighty host! And I say — if in God's providence
only one negro slave in all this land shall gather
the full fruits of freedom, we should not despair,
but leave God in his own good time to lead the whole
negro race into the Promised Land!"
The scenery of the Mississippi, the Red, the
Black and the Wachita Rivers, through which our
247
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
voyage lay for four hundred miles, was wild and
primitive in the extreme. Here and there half a
dozen houses, a woodpile, or a steamboat landing,
called by some high-sounding name, and occasionally
a cornfield were all we saw to break the continuity
of the primeval forest, which seemed to stretch in-
definitely into the interior. I saw but one white
man on the Black Eiver, and he was so old, decrepit,
and ignorant that he hardly knew there was war in
the land. All the able-bodied men were absent in
the army.
At Harrisonburg we came to the first landing not
subject to overflow. It was guarded by Fort Beau-
regard, an earthwork mounting several guns, one
of which brought us to with a round shot fired across
our bows. A parley followed at once with Colonel
Logan, the Confederate commandant, and, after re-
ceiving an explanation of my humane mission, he
permitted me to continue my voyage to within three
miles of Monroe. Why he decided to stop us short
of the town I never knew, but the river was falling
rapidly, and as it turned out the shoal water and
sandbars forced us to stop twelve miles short of
our destination. Finding it impossible to go on, I
sent a Confederate messenger to ask what we should
do with our poor, helpless sick and wounded. Noth-
ing had yet been done for their comfort, but word
soon came back that we should transfer as many as
possible to a little country church nearby and leave
the rest at the landing to be reembarked on several
small steamboats which would be sent for them.
Having discharged these unfortunate creatures, we
turned about and made our way back to the Mis-
sissippi as rapidly as possible. We ^ere forbidden
248
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
to land anywhere except at Harrisonburg to put
out our pilot. The Confederate authorities seemed
to be fearful that we would learn the exact arma-
ment of their little fort, but their caution was un-
necessary, for I had already made out that it
mounted three smooth bore thirty-two pounders, one
twelve-pounder and one six-pounder rifle, all of
which I felt confident would fall into our hands
whenever we chose to go for them.
I left Vicksburg with General and Mrs. Grant
on the steamer Ben Franklin August 18. The
General was going to Cairo for the purpose of com-
municating with the Government by telegraph. We
were accompanied by General Lorenzo Thomas and
two of his sons, on their way to Washington, and
the party, while far from hilarious, was a pleasant
one. I had been trying ever since the fall of Vicks-
burg to begin a tour of inspection, which, I thought,
would last five or six weeks. As I had not been at
home since the outbreak of the war, with Grant's
permission I went on by steamer to visit my mother
before beginning my tour. I arrived in the early
evening, and, having brought my horse with me,
I mounted and rode home. I saw no one at the
landing whom I had ever seen before. All the
young men had gone to the war and the old ones
were probably in bed, and so I arrived unheralded
and ungreeted, but my mother recognized my voice
as she heard me directing my orderly to take my
horse to the stable. We had a joyous meeting and
the next day I looked up my relations and friends
and had a pleasant reunion with all. My two
brothers, both of whom had been home on sick leave,
had rejoined their commands, the major in Arkan-
249
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
sas and the captain in the Thirteenth Corps with
Banks. Under the tender care of relatives and
friends they had reveled in "the fleshpots of Egypt"
and had returned to duty completely restored in
health and strength.
As there was nothing the matter with me, I set
about my inspection without delay, and in forty-
eight hours I was again on the river packet Char-
lie Bowen, with my early friend, Gus Lemcke, the
purser, with whom I passed a few pleasant hours.
He knew everybody on the river, male and female,
and told me who had gone to the war, who had mar-
ried, and who had gone over to the majority. Al-
though only a steamboat man, he had beautiful taste
in literature and was fully in touch with the latest
in history, romance, and poetry. It was a delight-
ful trip down the Ohio, and as it covered exactly
the same points as the one I took some years before
in quest of the steamer Liahtuna, it produced a
lasting impression on me.
As soon as my inspection of a few hours at Pa-
ducah was finished I went on to Cairo, where there
was a strong garrison for the protection of the
supplies at that place. It was under the command
of an old West Pointer, Napoleon Bonapart Buf ord,
a distinguished veteran of the old regular army
type. It was his boast that he was a "hermeneutic
philosopher, ' f whose pleasure between times was to
consider the problems of life, both present and fu-
ture. I found his garrison in fair condition, but
far too large for the work in hand. He was con-
scious of that fact and ambitious for a more active
command, and at dinner that evening talked freely
on all the questions of the day, among others about
250
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
army reorganization and army commanders. He
shared the common belief that so far we had de-
veloped no great leader in the East and only one
in the West, and there was much interest among
military men at least in regard to the coming man.
Up to that time we had had only one " Young Napo-
leon/ p one "Old Brains" and one "Fighting Joe,"
but the impression was slowly gaining ground that
none of these quite filled the bill. Grant's name
had come strongly to the front from the Vicksburg
campaign, but there was still a lingering fear that
something might go wrong even with him. All this
the old veteran carefully recited, and when he had
covered the whole ground he stated his conclusion
with impressive deliberation:
"The fact is, Colonel, there are just three men
in the United States fully capable of commanding
the Army of the Potomac." And then pausing long
enough for me to ask who they were, he added:
1 * George B. McClellan is one, Henry W. Halleck is
another," and, with his hand on his breast and a
stately bow, he continued: "Modesty forbids me
to mention the third ! ■ '
It was an unexpected conclusion, but I made no
comment till I related the incident to General Grant
just after he was called to Washington as lieuten-
ant general. He enjoyed it greatly and, not only
never forgot it, but frequently used the modest
phrase when a more direct one might have savored
of egotism.
From Cairo I went to Columbus, where I found
General A. J. Smith, an old regular, commanding.
One of his subordinates was the Hungarian patriot
Asboth, a distinguished and courtly gentleman with
251
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
gray hair, a fierce moustache and a staff in which
two of Kossuth's nephews were serving. He had
a fine string of horses and a pack of greyhounds,
but they were sadly out of place, and it might be
truthfully said that his camp, like that of Marshal
Soubise, was nearly all " kitchen, cellar, and toilet
table.' ' I found also at Island No. 10 and Fort
Pillow far too many troops, artillery, infantry, cav-
alry, and negroes. The camps were generally clean
and in fairly good sanitary condition, but so far
as I could see without an enemy within two hun-
dred miles.
The next permanent post was Memphis, where
I found Major General Hurlbut with the headquar-
ters of the Sixteenth Corps. He was a South Caro-
linian, educated in the North, and long resident in
Illinois. He had a mixed command, mainly stationed
at Fort Pickering, and after a full day spent in
pointing out how it could be still further improved
in drill, discipline, and administration, on Septem-
ber 16, at 9 p. m., I wrote to Kawrins' chief-of-staff.
After certain explanations in regard to a proposed
cavalry expedition,1 I continued as follows:
My understanding of the case was that yon wanted a
cavalry commander quite as badly as the cavalry itself, and
I have only to say on that head that I always thought Hatch
Grierson's superior, and to-day I became thoroughly con-
vinced that my judgment was properly founded. I in-
spected the Second Iowa this afternoon, and I say to you
what I said to Hatch, that, though it is not all that cavalry
should be, it is by far the best cavalry regiment in the
department of the Tennessee ; and, what is more, Hatch is
the best officer and ought to be sent down. From what
1 O. E. Series 1, Vol. XXX, p. 664.
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SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
Sargent said you probably take the same view of the case,
and therefore wish Hatch's regiment to be sent. Hurlbut
(who, between me and you, is small enough to be envious
and jealous of General Grant) knows fully the worth of
Hatch's regiment, and will retain it here unless you order
it down.
I don't like this part of the machine. We have too
many generals engaged in semi-civil affairs, to the utter
neglect of their military duties. I have not yet seen one
who was not commanding a "post," or "district," or a
"city." I have reviewed and inspected nearly all of the
Sixteenth Army Corps, and have not yet seen any troops
on the parade ground commanded by a general. This may
be a little surprising to you, but is nevertheless true.
These distinguished gentlemen should be required to assume
command of their men as their first duty and dispose of
civil and trade business afterward. They should be held
responsible for the discipline, order, and instruction of their
troops, and give their first attention to those matters rather
than devote their undivided time to cotton, confederates,
and corruption. I tell you, sir, the Government of the
United States cannot be upheld in purity and honesty by
hands that lay aside the sword for instruments of trade
and peace. We want soldiers, not traders; generals, not
governors and civil agents. A few hundred thousand bayo-
nets led by clear heads and military rules can crush the
rebellion, but a million without military generals can do
nothing except by main strength and awkwardness. The
system of occupying undisputed territory is all wrong. We
must put our armies in the field and compel our generals
to lead them against the enemy, and, if they fail from ignor-
ance, put them aside. I am disgusted with the whole system.
The next day I inspected posts in West Tennes-
see along the Ohio and Mobile Eailroad and the
Memphis and Charleston Eailroad as far east as
253
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Corinth, and found them occupied by permanent
detachments, amounting in the aggregate to many
thousand men. As there were no rebel forces with-
in reach, the trip confirmed me in the impression
that we were frittering away almost an entire army
corps in the useless occupation of territory al-
ready fully within our control. I therefore wrote
again to Bawlins, urging the abandonment of
these outlying posts, and the concentration of the
troops at central points from which they could
be rapidly sent to strengthen the moving army
in the field. I pointed out that we could never
put down the rebellion by conducting an old-fash-
ioned war of occupation or positions — that our
forces must keep constantly after the rebel armies
and that all communities within our lines should
be compelled to protect themselves against their
own guerrillas. I urged that by adopting this
policy and rigidly adhering to it the Army of the
Tennessee would soon be able to put that part of
the Confederacy against which it was directed com-
pletely on the defensive and to give the larger hos-
tile forces so much employment that they would
have but little time and no opportunity for detach-
ments, raids, or counter movements against our com-
munications.
I spent two weeks in the District of West Ten-
nessee, traveling and working night and day, sleep-
ing where and when I could, and eating what I could
get. On my first visit to Memphis I sought the
service of a dentist and the work he did left my
teeth in a sensitive and painful condition, which, for
the first time in my life, banished sleep for an en-
tire night. But the next day at Pocahontas I was
254
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
completely relieved and tranquilized, strange as it
may seem, by a dose of ipecachuana. Surgeon Cady
said I was suffering from malaria, and while neither
he nor any one else pretended to know what malaria
was, his remedy was efficacious and gave me almost
instantaneous relief. This was the nearest I came
to being laid up during the entire war. From the
first I had a natural prejudice against flies, mos-
quitoes, and insects generally, and made it a rule
never to sleep on the ground without a mosquito bar
when I could get one, never to drink surface water
or to use either liquor or tobacco, and consequently
I enjoyed almost perfect health no matter where
I was.
I governed my conduct by the same rule in both
the Spanish and Boxer wars, and can truthfully aver
that I never lost a day from duty by sickness during
my entire military and civil career. The scientific
world now knows that nearly all fevers are due to
inoculation from insect life. In my own case habit-
ually guarding against that sort of annoyance and
avoiding excesses of all kinds, I am now certain I
took the very course that science would have pre-
scribed had it known enough to prescribe at all.
On my last inspection at Memphis my horse, in
turning a corner, slipped and fell heavily, catching
my left foot between him and the pavement. I was
up and remounted in a second, but my heel and toes
had been so pressed together and the ligaments and
muscles so strained that I was soon in great pain.
On reaching headquarters the chief surgeon cut the
boot from my foot, which soon became so sore and
swollen that I could not walk on it for ten days.
Fortunately, my work in that district was finished
255
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and with the support of bandages and a pair of
crutches I took steamer for Helena, where I was
to have made my last inspection, but I was forced
to leave this to my assistant attached to that com-
mand.
While at Memphis General Lorenzo Thomas, still
engaged in organizing negro troops, came aboard
and gave me a full account of General Grant 's simi-
lar injury at New Orleans a short time before.
I arrived at Vicksburg on September 21 and
found the General hardly yet able to go on crutches,
but neither of us was in such pain as to make
us indifferent to the state of affairs in the Depart-
ment or at headquarters. We found Eawlins deeply
in love with the beautiful governess, but doubtful
of his fate. The lady was ' i uncertain, coy, and hard
to please." They were acquaintances of but a few
weeks and had been thrown together by circum-
stances over which neither had full control. It was,
therefore, not strange that * ' the course of true love
did not run smooth," or that it took all that their
friends could do to guide them around the obstacles
in the way. Fortunately, those were not insuper-
able, but the country had reached a great emergency
in its history, which controlled the immediate move-
ments of both Grant and his chief-of-staff.
While the General and the rest were deeply in-
terested in a favorable outcome of the romance,
there was far more important business both inside
and outside of the Department requiring attention.
In addition to the facts set forth in my written re-
ports, I gave General Grant many details of the
conditions at the various points in western Ken-
tucky and Tennessee, and especially^ at Memphis,
256
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
where a large illicit contraband trade with the Con-
federates was going on through the lines. Cotton,
then scarce at all manufacturing centers, was com-
ing in in considerable quantities, while ammunition,
clothing, liquors, medicines, and small supplies of
every kind were going out. Many officers of rank
and consideration, including the provost marshal,
a member of Grant 's department staff, were thought
to be engaged in the illicit business, and, as it after-
ward appeared from a "Eebel War Clerk's Diary,"
the provost marshal was actually in the pay of the
Confederates. The atmosphere was heavy with
fraud and corruption. The hotels were crowded
with Treasury agents, cotton traders, sharpers and
runners of every kind and nationality. The restric-
tions on trade were so light and so easily avoided
and there was so little actual campaigning under
way that the whole military service in that part of
the Department was demoralized. The situation
called for drastic measures, and for a radical reor-
ganization of the military administration, especially
in that region, as I had already pointed out to Grant
and his subordinate generals and local commanders.
But this was not the worst. Banks' operations
on the Eed Eiver and Bayou Teche were at a stand-
still, while affairs were fast reaching a crisis in
northwestern Georgia. Eosecrans had driven Bragg
across the Tennessee, and, still calling for reinforce-
ments, was advancing with exultation and confidence
to what he evidently thought certain victory. But
Longstreet, with a veteran army corps from Lee's
Army of North Virginia, all unknown, was making
his way by rail to the scene of what was to be one
of the deadliest conflicts of the Civil War.
257
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
While Grant's victorious army, mainly at Vicks-
burg, midway between Eosecrans and Banks and
five hundred miles as the crow flies from either, was
still resting supinely in its camps, with the General
himself confined to his bed or his crutches by an
injured leg, he was not altogether responsible for
the situation. That, in accordance with the vicious
system of the day, was still controlled from Wash-
ington. Grant had recommended an expedition from
New Orleans to Mobile, but, instead of authorizing
that movement, it had been turned down and various
detachments under one pretext or another had been
made from his army. He was therefore becoming
sensible of the fact that his forces would soon be
scattered over the whole theater of war unless he
should lead them in a body in some particular direc-
tion. At this juncture Banks called for further re-
enforcements, but, fortunately, before the matter
could be disposed of, orders came from Halleck,
September 22, directing that all the troops which
could be spared from Mississippi and west Ten-
nessee should be sent at once to assist Eosecrans on
the Tennessee Eiver.
This clear but long-deferred order broke the ten
weeks • rest and aroused the Army of the Tennessee
into intense activity. I was sent three days after
the order was received to Cairo with dispatches by
the fastest steamer that could be had, but had pro-
ceeded only a hundred miles when her boilers gave
out. We were at first taken in tow by a gunboat,
but I soon transferred to another transport and
finally to a hospital steamer, and did not reach
Memphis till October 1, nor Cairo till just before
midnight of the 2d.
258
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
I sent my dispatches, including a report of the
forces and their disposition, to Washington at once,
and the next day received a telegraphic order direct-
ing Grant to go by the way of Cairo, Louisville, and
Nashville to Chattanooga. With this I started at
once by the same steamer to Vicksburg, but on ac-
count of low water, slow speed and inefficient officers
I did not reach Memphis till noon of the 6th, nor
Vicksburg till just before noon of the 10th. I found
Grant prepared for the orders I carried, and in
pursuance thereof we started north that night at
eleven o 'clock with the entire staff, but did not reach
Cairo till the 16th. Thus it will be seen that three
full weeks, or more than twice as much time as nec-
essary, were spent in carrying dispatches up and
down the Mississippi and in getting Grant in com-
munication with the Washington authorities. This
was due partly to low water, but mainly to slow and
disabled steamers and to the unwillingness of cap-
tains and pilots to run at night. I had a strenuous
and disheartening time, but by persuasion, threats,
and an occasional appeal to military authority I
finally got the officers and boats to put forth their
best efforts. Being somewhat of a river man my-
self, I knew what could and what could not be done
quite as well as the masters themselves, and insisted
on having my way.
Leaving Cairo on October 17, we arrived at
Indianapolis on the morning of the 18th, and were
there met by Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War.
He had never seen Grant nor any of the staff ex-
cept Eawlins, but on coming to our car, instead of
asking for Grant, he rushed up to Doctor Kittoe,
the staff surgeon, who also wore an army hat and
259
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
full whiskers, seized him by the hand, and said im-
pulsively: "How do you do, General Grant? I
recognize you from your pictures.' '
The scene which followed was an embarrassing
one. Kittoe was quite as modest as Grant and all
three were momentarily confused. While they were
blushing and Eawlins was straightening out the mis-
take, the rest of the staff could hardly conceal their
smiles. A perceptible interval elapsed before the
introductions were completed and the great men of
the meeting got down to business. Grant, although
entirely without pretension, had been sensibly dis-
concerted, while the Secretary became at once less
talkative and more reserved than had apparently
been his intention, but long before they reached
Louisville they had recovered and either talked them-
selves out or become wary of each other. Of course,
no one overheard what passed between Grant and
Stanton, but it is certain that none of the staff
looked upon what occurred on the train or after-
ward at Louisville as having established close or
sympathetic relations between them. The simple
fact is, without reference to the cause or to the idio-
syncrasies of these two great characters, that they
never became close personal friends. They sup-
ported each other loyally and efficiently to the end
of the war, but neither ever became a devoted ally
of the other.
The night we arrived at Louisville, Grant and
most of the staff went to the theater, but Eawlins
disapproved highly and did not hesitate to inveigh
against it as a thoughtless and undignified proceed-
ing. He was at best rather inclined to be taciturn
and moody. Deeply impressed by the combined
260
SHERMAN'S ALABAMA CAMPAIGN
wickedness and strength of the rebellion and the
necessity of putting it down at whatever cost, he
allowed himself but little relaxation and no dissi-
pation. He seemed to think it rather a time for pen-1
ance and prayer than for enjoyment, however inno-
cent, and was unusually concerned for Grant and
the outcome of the new responsibilities which had
just been imposed upon him. He realized that his
general was now face to face with the greatest
task of his life. The four military departments of
the Mississippi valley had at last been consolidated
into a great military division as Grant had recom-
mended the year before, and Grant had been placed
in chief command, as he had not recommended. The
military administration in Washington, rather than
in the field, had been out-maneuvered and beaten by
the Government at Eichmond. Ten weeks had been
lost by the Army of the Tennessee. Eosecrans had
been defeated before the reinforcements so tardily
ordered from Grant's Department could reach him.
The chief point of interest — the strategic center of
the entire western theater of war — was now at Chat-
tanooga, where the beaten army had been shut up
and besieged. To meet this great emergency plen-
ary power and authority had been imposed upon
Grant, and no one knew better than Eawlins what-
this new responsibility implied. He had personally u
promised "the eyes of the Government" that his
chief, notwithstanding his infirmities, would make
good, and his promise had been redeemed in a man-
ner and by means to which no individual had con-
tributed mere and of which none knew the details
so fully as himself. It is not strange that Eawlins,
who had the more sensitive conscience, should that
261
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
night at Louisville have denied himself and taken
a serious view of the new campaign, the heaviest
details of which were sure to fall upon himself.
I spent the evening with him and Bowers con-
ferring about the necessity of reconstructing the
staff and of putting brains and respectability into
such vacancies as we could find or make. We three
had been of one mind from the first as to the men
surrounding the General, and now that he was on
the threshold of a still greater career we felt deeply
concerned that he should find the right sort of offi-
cers to assist in the great work before him.
Just before midnight, October 19, 1863, I wrote
a friend hurriedly to make certain that he would
understand the newspaper reports correctly:
. . . General Grant takes command of the Depart-
ments and Armies of the Tennessee, Cumberland and Ohio,
as the Military Division of the Mississippi, headquarters
in the field. Rosecrans is relieved and Major General
George H. Thomas takes his place. Sherman commands
the Department of the Tennessee. These changes are radi-
cal, of vast moment and most intimately concern the Na-
tion's welfare. I think they are in the right direction and
if properly backed ought to give us most decisive results.
There are many things connected with them I should like
to write — but cannot for want of time. We start for the
front at daylight.
262
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
Rosecrans relieved — Thomas succeeds — "Will hold Chat-
tanooga till we starve* ' — Grant and staff arrive —
Meet Thomas — Ride to Chattanooga — Recommended
for promotion — Porter introduced — Grant and Thomas
— Baldy Smith — Opening the Cracker Line — Ride to
Knoxville — Orders for Burnside.
Before leaving Louisville a telegram from Dana
reached us indicating that the hard-pressed army at
Chattanooga was so in need of food and forage
that it might have to give up the place and fall back
to a new base on the railroad from Nashville to
Chattanooga, and it was this dispatch that called
forth Grant's celebrated order: "Hold Chatta-
nooga at all hazards/ ' as well as Thomas' character-
istic reply : * ' I will hold the town till we starve ! ' '
These two messages tell the story. Kosecrans,
never having had Grant's full confidence, and not
having yet recovered from the stunning blow in-
flicted on him at Chickamauga, had been relieved
from command; the enemy had closed in and the
national troops were on short rations, but it was a
great satisfaction to know that the imperturbable
Thomas would hold the town till he and his army
starved. With that stern assurance we made the
263
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
trip through Nashville to Stevenson without inci-
dent or additional anxiety. Dana met us on the road
and gave us full particulars of the great battle and
its results, as well as of the situation at Chattanooga
and of the rupture of communications between that
place and the rear. He explained the break in the
railroad in the Wauhatchie valley, the difficulty of
bringing supplies by steamboat from Bridgeport
through the "Pot and Kettle' ' and the ''Suck," and
informed us that the rebel sharp-shooters had com-
mand of the river at and below Brown's Ferry. He
pointed out the long and rough roads from Chatta-
nooga to Bridgeport through the mountains north
of the river and the immediate necessity of short-
ening the supply line. By the time we reached
Stevenson near the crossing of the Tennessee, we
had an accurate understanding of the situation.
Hooker had already arrived with Howard 's and Slo-
cum's corps from the Army of the Potomac. Sher-
man was on his way from Memphis and, as far as
men were concerned, it was evident that we would
soon have enough to hold Chattanooga and the in-
termediate country against all comers if we could
supply them properly.
On reaching the end of the road word came from
Hooker that he was not well and would like Grant
to call on him at his quarters. They had been
brother officers and boon companions years before
on the Columbia, but had not met since the outbreak
of the war. It was at once evident that Hooker was
"trying it on" with Grant, and naturally both Eaw-
lins and I were struck by the message we had just
overheard. Without waiting for Grant to reply,
Eawlins said at once and in a tone that could not be
264
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
misunderstood : ' ' General Grant himself is not very-
well and will not leave his car to-night. He expects
General Hooker and all other generals who have
business with him to call at once, as he will start
overland to Chattanooga early to-morrow morning. ' V
This settled it promptly and unmistakably for
Hooker as well as for everybody else. Rosecrans,
who had already left Chattanooga for the North,
called shortly after Grant's arrival at Stevenson,
and in addition to paying his respects, imparted all
the information he had to Grant, whom he knew
well as his department commander at Corinth and
Iuka. The meeting was brief and courteous but not
effusive. They were far from sympathetic with
each other. Grant's intimates knew that he re-
garded Rosecrans as an able man, but as Jesuitical,
insincere, and pretentious and that Rosecrans on the
other hand thought Grant rather "a fool for luck"-
than a great commander.
I had not previously met Rosecrans, but before
taking his departure he called me aside and gave me
the first information I had yet received that he had
applied to the War Department for my detail as
colonel of a veteran three-battalion regiment of vol-
unteer engineers, which would in turn give me com-
mand of the brigade then under Colonel St. Clair
Morton. This flattering news was no surprise, how-
ever, for Dana had already informed me that Baldy
Smith, the chief engineer, and Horace Porter, the
chief of ordnance, had made the suggestion, and had
already carried it as far as it could go without the
concurrence of the Secretary of War and the Gov-
ernor of the state. It was an exceedingly kind ac-
tion on the part of all concerned, and would have
265
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
suited me exactly, but, in the excitement of the other
duties which fell to my lot, it was soon forgotten.
As it afterwards appeared, Grant was about to rec-
ommend me for promotion to brigadier general and,
pending the appointment, naturally took but little
interest in securing the lower grade of colonel for
me. With his usual kindly reticence he did not
mention the matter till some time afterwards. But
meanwhile in grateful recognition of Porter's
thoughtful concurrence with Dana, when a suitable
^occasion presented itself, I said to Grant: "Porter
is a man you ought to have on your staff. He was
my classmate and roommate at West Point. He was
cadet adjutant and is a very able man, fit to com-
mand an army corps." Although I heard Grant
shortly afterward using those exact words, as far
as I knew, he took no immediate action in Porter's
behalf, which was somewhat puzzling, but it was
made clear a few weeks later as Porter was taking
his leave, that Grant had not forgotten him but
wanted him to wait till action was taken on certain
telegrams he had lately sent to Washington. As it
turned out, these telegrams related, first, to my own
promotion to brigadier general, and, second, to Por-
ter's as lieutenant colonel, both of which Grant had
no doubt would follow. In further explanation he
said the Secretary of War had assured him at Louis-
ville that he could make no request in such matters
that would not be promptly granted. He added in
further explanation that he had himself conceived
the idea of making Porter lieutenant colonel and
inspector general in my place before he was advised
of the steps taken by Thomas and the other generals
to secure a higher grade for him, and that he did
266
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
not want Porter to reach Washington ahead of for-
mal papers in his case.
These facts, added to what I learned from Eaw-
lins, made it clear that the General did not wish to
complicate my case with that of any other officer,
however meritorious, who had been serving under
another general with another army.
My promotion came in due time, and I may be
pardoned for adding that I was the only officer ever
promoted from Grant's regular staff to command
troops. He early conceived the idea, from my horse-
manship, which came to me quite as much in the
way of inheritance as instruction, that I would make
a good cavalry commander.
I have always regarded it as a most gratifying
coincidence that Eosecrans should have asked Hal-
leck, October 17, to make me colonel of a veteran
engineer regiment, expressing his preference for me
over "all others," while Grant, through Dana, Oc-
tober 29, 1863, urged * Stanton to appoint me a
brigadier general to command cavalry, for which
both Grant and Dana were pleased to say, "he pos-
sesses uncommon qualifications. " 2 When I joined
Grant just a year before, my rank was only that of
first lieutenant of engineers. My promotion as as-
sistant inspector general with the rank of lieutenant
colonel of volunteers and captain of engineers in
the regular establishment had followed. Now,
when just rounding my twenty-sixth year to be
named by Eosecrans as colonel to command engi-
neers and by Grant as brigadier general to command
cavalry, was not only a fine reward for such service
10. R. Series 1, Vol. XXX, Part IV, p. 435.
2 O. R. Series 1, Vol. XXXI, Part I, p. 73.
267
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
as I had been able to render, but was also crown-
ing evidence that I had General Grant's good will
and confidence, for both of which I have always been
deeply grateful.
While it should be noted that Grant did not meet
Porter till the night he got into Chattanooga, nor
succeed in getting him assigned to his staff till after
he had been commissioned lieutenant general, and
had gone east to take command of all our forces in
the field, it is noteworthy that the good opinions
Porter received from all at Chattanooga as well as
from me were conclusive factors in his final promo-
tion and subsequent career. Ordnance officers were
scarce, and all the influences of the bureau chief
were against their detachment. The final order in
the case was not made, however, till Dana returned
to his duties in the War Department, but even then
it was largely due to Dana's personal intercession.
Meanwhile this narrative has brought Grant and
his staff no farther than Bridgeport, where they
were compelled to take horse for a roundabout ride
up the Sequatchie Valley and across the mountains
to Chattanooga. The General had mounted a
horse for the first time since his injury at New Or-
leans, hence his progress was both painful and slow.
The road was rough and muddy, and the traveling
bad, but he got a considerable distance beyond Jas-
per that night. As I was anxious to have at least
one day in which to study the situation of the be-
leagured army in its own camp and behind its own
breastworks before Grant got there, I was bent on
pushing on. Dana, who was familiar with the roads
and all the short cuts, went along as guide, and,
after baiting our horses and getting something to
268
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
eat for ourselves, we struck out eastward up the
mountain side. Darkness overtook us soon after we
reached the plateau of Walden's Ridge, and after
nine o'clock we found ourselves near its eastern
edge overlooking the valley in the direction of Chat-
tanooga. It was a wild and somber scene. The
forest was almost unbroken, and not a sound reached
our ears except the hooting of an owl or the baying
of a far-away "honest watch dog." It was a clear,
brilliant night and the light of the new moon made it
dangerous to proceed. There was nothing to be done
but dismount and wait for the moon to set and cover
the road with darkness and security. Fortunately
we lost but an hour or so, which we passed in con-
versing about the campaign before us, broken oc-
casionally by poetry and romance. Dana was at
that time in the prime of his intellectual life, and
there was a charm in his conversation that made
time slip by unnoticed.
At ten o'clock we remounted and descended by
the crooked road to the north bank of the Tennessee
River, which in that stretch runs through a gorge
only eight or nine hundred feet wide. The enemy's
pickets and sharp-shooters lined the opposite bank
for some distance; and although we kept in the
shadow of the trees and sought the softer parts of
the road so we could be neither seen nor heard, the
enemy's riflemen took an occasional crack at us.
Fortunately the man who shoots at a sound in the
dark shoots wild, and consequently we ran the gant-
let and reached the ferry at Chattanooga without
delay. Dana knew the guard as well as the ferry-
man, and got us promptly across the river. Thread-
ing the streets of the sleeping town, we reached
269
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Captain Porter's quarters just before midnight.
Although we were not expected and his larder was
lean, he gave us a hearty welcome. As we were
both desperately tired and hungry he made haste to
give us supper, consisting of fried hard-tack, salt
pork, and coffee without sugar or milk. With char-
acteristic wit our host made this simple fare more
acceptable than a dinner at Delmonico's, but when
he explained that he could give our half -famished
horses only two ears of corn apiece and no hay, we
recognized that we were surely within a beleagured
garrison on short rations, and that the direct sup-
ply line must be reopened as quickly as possible.
Our hunger appeased, we devoted the rest of the
night to talking over old times and present pros-
pects. As previously stated, Porter and I had served
together at Port Eoyal and Antietam and had much
to tell each other. According to all accounts he
had borne himself exceedingly well in the late cam-
paign and battle, and had won good opinions from
all. As an officer of careful observation and sound
judgment, his prospects for early promotion seemed
to be good, but unfortunately he was under orders
which compelled him to return to the Ordnance
Bureau at Washington as soon as his relief arrived
and he could turn over his property. Notwithstand-
ing that Porter and I spent the night without sleep,
Dana and I were out by daylight riding through the
camps and around the lines of defense. We found
the troops cheerful and comfortable, and their posi-
tion impregnable so long as they were supplied with
food and munitions. Although they were on short
rations, and had been roughly handled before falling
back into Chattanooga, they were now self-reliant
270
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
and confident. We found the artillery horses, how-
ever, starving for want of forage and the roads to
the depots in rear so long and so muddy that the
mules could hardly haul enough forage to feed them-
selves both ways. The situation though far from
desperate was grave enough. We could see at least
a week into the future, but with falling and wintry
weather it was clearly impossible for the army to
hold its advanced position indefinitely, strong as it
was, unless the railroad to the rear could be repos-
sessed, repaired, and held against the enemy.
This was apparent to all, from the highest gen-
eral to the lowest private. Fortunately the Wash-
ington authorities had already selected and sent out
an officer fully capable of dealing with every ques-
tion connected with the extraordinary circumstances
of the case. I refer to General William Farrar
Smith of the Regular Engineers. To distinguish
him from many other officers of the same surname,
he had been designated while still a cadet, and was
always known thereafter as "Baldy Smith.' ■ He
had organized the Vermont "Iron Brigade,, and
commanded the Sixth Army Corps with credit, but
he was one of those distinguished men of the old
army whose sharp tongue and sententious speech
had done much to make enemies in high place and
to mar his immediate career. He was popular with
his subordinates, for he was a conscientious, pains-
taking, and industrious officer who spared no effort
to keep his soldiers in good condition or to lead
them successfully, no matter how great the diffi-
culties which surrounded them. He had been one
of my instructors at West Point, and I had carried
orders to him during the battle of Antietam, but up
271
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
to my meeting him at Chattanooga I knew but little
of him except by hearsay.1
As soon as the proper time came, we rode to
headquarters «to pay our respects to the new com-
manding general. I had never seen him before, but
Dana, who presented me, had fully described him
and his imperturbable sangfroid and courage dur-
ing the campaign and battle of Chickamauga. My
mind had therefore become strongly prepossessed
in his favor, and I was ready to greet him as an able
and reliable commander, but I am free to confess I
was not prepared to see in him so many of the ex-
ternal evidences of greatness. Six feet tall, of Jove-
like figure, impressive countenance, and lofty bear-
ing, he struck me at once as I have elsewhere said,
as resembling the traditional Washington in ap-
pearance, manners, and character more than any
man I had ever met. I found him as calm and se-
rene as the morning. He received me gravely and
courteously, but without the slightest show of un-
easiness or concern. He expressed a modest con-
fidence in being able to make good his hold on
Chattanooga, and at once inspired me with faith in
his steadiness and courage. He intimated that he
had never sought command nor, contrary to the
popular impression, declined it when offered, but
felt himself fully competent to meet all the re-
sponsibility that might be laid upon him. And later
when I came to know him better, he not only con-
firmed the impression of perfect self-reliance he
gave me on that occasion, but made it clear that the
*The character and services of this officer are fully set forth
in "The Life of Major-General William Farrar Smith/ ' by James
Harrison Wilson, The Eogers Press, Wilmington, Del.
272
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
need of supervision from any source had never pre-
sented itself to his mind.
In our brief interview he asked after Grant's
health, and at what hour he might be expected. As
soon as he had my answer he indicated that the
General should be his guest till he could select and
occupy quarters of his own, and then referred me
to Smith for whatever information I might need in
regard to the situation of the army. It was a long
and busy day, for I continued my investigations
with Smith and did not get back to headquarters till
nine o'clock that night.
It had been raining since midnight of the 22d.
The mountain road was steep, muddy, and slippery,
but Grant and his staff, wet, hungry, and tired,
had arrived after nightfall. We had parted at
Jasper, but from there they had taken a more north-
ern and more circuitous road and had slept on the
mountain. Starting early and traveling as fast as
their horses could carry them, they left their wag-
ons, baggage, and camp equipage behind, not be-
cause they did not need them, but because they could
not keep up. Grant had suffered greatly during the
long and tiresome ride, and to make matters worse,
"Old Jack," his sturdy claybank horse, had slipped
and fallen heavily with him, severely jamming his
injured leg, just after they had crossed the Tennes-
see and entered the town.
On getting back to headquarters, I found Grant
at one side of the fireplace, steaming from the heat
over a small puddle which had run from his sodden
clothing. Thomas was on the other side, neither
saying a word, but both looking glum and ill at ease.
What the greeting between them had been I did not
273
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
stop to inquire, but learning from Rawlins that
nothing had yet been offered for their comfort, and
knowing that Grant would not condescend to ask
for an act of hospitality, I took the liberty of say-
ing: "General Thomas, General Grant is wet and
tired and ought to have some dry clothes, particu-
larly a pair of socks and a pair of slippers. He is
hungry, besides, and needs something to eat. Can't
your officers attend to these matters for him!"
This broke the silence and set the machinery of
hospitality in motion. It had apparently not oc-
curred to the stately Virginian that Grant was his
guest as well as his commanding general, but I had
hardly spoken before he called Willard, his senior
aid-de-camp, and directed him to find clothes and
order supper for the party. Everything possible
was done and apparently in the most cheerful man-
ner to make Grant and his staff comfortable for the
night. Conversation became free, if not hilarious.
Supper was served and in due time quarters were
found for all. General Smith and Captain Porter
called during the evening and were presented and
at once established friendly relations with the new
commander.1 Neither had ever seen him before and
both were favorably impressed by his gentle and
modest demeanor. They soon became fast friends
with him, the first for a year or more and the second
for a lifetime. But Thomas's coolness and neglect
at first were so apparent to all that Grant made
haste to establish his own headquarters, though his
wagons did not reach town till the second day after-
ward.
What could have offended Thomas remained al-
1 Porter 's ' ' Campaigning with Grant, ' ' pp. 4-6 et seq.
274
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
ways a matter of conjecture, but it cannot be doubted
that he felt justified in the reserve which he showed
towards Grant, not only then but always afterwards.
It is certain that this reserve was perceived and
imitated by his staff and that cordial and friendly
relations were never established between their re-
spective headquarters. Eawlins was one of the first
to note a disposition on the part of General Whip-
ple, Thomas's chief-of-staff, an old regular, to raise
technical objections, amounting in several instances
to personal rudeness in regard to current business,
and these became so annoying that he was forced to
put an end to them by positive orders. Withal, re-
lations never became cordial or friendly, and this
fact in some degree explains Grant's readiness to
prefer Sherman, McPherson, and even Sheridan to
Thomas, and to charge Thomas with being slow, not
only in action, but in his mental operations.
I have always been inclined to think that Thomas,
having graduated higher at West Point, entered a
more scientific arm of service and served generally
with greater distinction, regarded himself as a bet-
ter soldier than Grant, and that he thereby, perhaps
unconsciously, resented Grant's assignment to duty
over him. In considering their relations he might
have recalled the fact that he had never been in
trouble in regard to his habits, and that when they
came together at Shiloh and in the Corinth cam-
paign, Halleck had stripped Grant of his troops and
given them to him. It would not have been strange
if the correct and austere Thomas had said to him-
self, it is true that Grant captured Donelson and
Vicksburg, but was defeated at Shiloh and slighted
in the campaign which followed, while I was vie-
275
UNDEE THE OLD FLAG
torious at Mill Spring, preferred in the Corinth cam-
paign, and saved a great army at Chickamanga. Be
all this as it may, it seems to be certain that Thomas
acted with reserve towards Grant in the Shiloh-Cor-
inth campaign the year before, had not met him
again till the fortune of war brought them together
at Chattanooga, and finally was not disposed to
change his attitude merely because Grant was now
his commanding officer. He doubtless believed to
the end that while Grant had put him in Eosecrans'
place, it was not because he loved Thomas more, but
because he distrusted Eosecrans too much to keep
him in command at all.
It was my good fortune to enjoy most friendly
relations with Thomas from the start, and to play
the part of mutual friend between him and Grant
to the end of the war. Much to my regret I was
never entirely successful in establishing cordial re-
lations between them, but I shall have occasion dur-
ing this narrative to point out several instances in
which my efforts strengthened the favorable feel-
ings of each for the other. While they were both
entirely honorable in their personal and official con-
duct, I have always thought that Grant was at first
more considerate and conciliatory towards Thomas
than Thomas was towards Grant. This was certainly
the case at Chattanooga, but after all they were both
strong men with different points of view, habits of
mind, and idiosyncrasies, and it is by no means
strange that their prejudices and their preferences
should have pushed them in different directions.
Whatever their personal feelings may have been to-
wards each other they were both beyond all question
loyal to their sense of duty.
276
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
The next two days were spent in further investi-
gating the situation at Chattanooga. I found that
General Baldy Smith, who arrived shortly after the
army occupied the place, had carefully worked out
a plan for shortening communications with the rear,
had discovered a way to seize the northern entrance
to Lookout Valley at Brown's Ferry, and had ar-
ranged to lay a bridge across the Tennessee at that
point so that the troops coming from Bridgeport
might repair the railroad and occupy the valley
against the enemy on Lookout Mountain. He had
carefully settled all the details, and General Thomas
had given the suggestions and plans his full ap-
proval. This important point minimized the work
of General Grant and placed upon him merely the
responsibility of carrying the plans already ma-
tured into effect. Smith personally guided him and
me to the place at which the crossing of the Ten-
nessee should be made and explained the details of
how he would seize the place and lay a bridge for
the passage of the troops. As a part of the plan
I was sent to Bridgeport on the 25th to accompany
Hooker and his troops through Lookout Valley.
This movement beginning on the 27th, crossed the
Tennessee on a pontoon bridge at Shellmound and
reached Whitesides at dark, where we first encoun-
tered the enemy's pickets, capturing two men of the
Ninth Kentucky Bebel Cavalry. The next day we
pushed on through the valley, encountering here
and there a small hostile force, and finally in the
evening formed a junction with Smith's command
at Brown's Ferry.
But, unfortunately, Hooker stopped short of
safety in the valley and allowed a portion of his
277
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
troops under Geary to go into camp at a place
known as Wauhatchie, three miles south of Brown's
Ferry, while the rest of his command spread over
the country between the two places. The rebels oc-
cupying Lookout Mountain could see the disorder
on our side and evidently thought the opportunity
too good to lose. Accordingly in the dead of night
they made a descent and a vigorous attack on
Geary's camp and gained a partial success. Hooker
himself, in explaining the matter as we rode over
the grounds the next day, said if it had not been
that Geary's mules became stampeded and galloped
down upon the rebels like a charge of cavalry, the
dash against Geary's camp would have been com-
pletely successful. There is no doubt that the mules
did stampede and gallop wildly through the oncom-
ing rebels, but I have always supposed that the re-
pulse of the attack was due mainly to the courage
and steadiness of Geary and his men. In telling
the mule story Hooker strongly insisted that the
Confederates had been so alarmed at what they sup-
posed was a cavalry charge that they threw down
their arms and ran for their lives. He claimed that
our men after the action picked up over a thousand
muskets which the flying Southerners had thrown
down. Naturally, I should have believed the story
on seeing the muskets, and asked the General to
show them to me, but it is hardly necessary to state
that they had disappeared. The truth is the rebels
carried off about all the guns they brought with
them, and that those our men picked up, if there
were any such, belonged to our own people. Gen-
eral Hooker did not tell the story of the mule charge
again in my presence, but I believe it has grown to
278
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
be semi-historical. We lost between three and four
hundred men, killed, wounded, and missing, which
shows that the enemy's attack was well directed and
had plenty of impulse. His loss was only twenty
killed and sixty prisoners.
Instead of stopping that night with the column I
went on to headquarters and told the General about
the disorderly and scattered condition of Hooker's
camp. He was at first disposed to send me back
with directions that Hooker should draw his com-
mand into Brown's Ferry, but upon reflection, con-
cluded to leave matters as they were. The rela-
tions between these generals were never cordial and
the affair at Wauhatchie did not strengthen them.
Hooker was vain and patronizing and his manners
were offensive to the modest Grant. They never
became close friends, but as soon as the emergency
which brought them together was passed, Grant
cheerfully enough consented to Hooker being de-
tached from his command.
The shorter "cracker line" was at once reopened,
and while the work of rebuilding the bridges and re-
pairing the railroad was going on, careful attention
was given to the fortification of the passes in the
ridges covering the railroad and the river, so that
the line of supplies might not be again interfered
with. I was engaged on this work till the 8th of
November. All the passes were fortified with earth
works. Slashings and abattis were constructed and
every known device resorted to to make the country
impassable for the enemy. Much of the time I was
on foot, because the country was too rough to get
over it with horses. Upon one occasion I went from
Shellmound to Bridgeport in a pontoon, and upon
279
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
another walked from Whitesides to Brown's Ferry.
The scenery was picturesque, but the country had
been cleared of its forage and food, and there was
nothing left in it except the railroad to invite or en-
courage the enterprise of the enemy.
It was in the midst of this work on November
3 that Eawlins gave me the gratifying informa-
tion that General Grant had requested my promotion
to the rank of brigadier general and said he
had no doubt that it would be made. The compli-
ment was all the greater because the next day Grant
recommended that a distinguished engineer officer
serving with that army as a brigadier general should
be transferred to duty on sea coast fortifications,
and in reply the Secretary of War requested that he
be mustered out. By common consent this was re-
garded as a step in the right direction, and had it
been followed by a rigid adherence to the principle
that all general officers who had shown themselves
incompetent and unfit for their position should be
mustered out, the situation would have been greatly
improved, not only in that but in other armies.
While waiting for the completion of the road and
the arrival of Sherman's army from Memphis, we
had a period of rest at Chattanooga, and during
the evenings it was customary for the generals to
gather at our headquarters. Upon one of these oc-
casions Thomas, Granger, Wood, Brannan, Smith,
and several older regulars were gathered about the
fire in Grant's sitting room, all official cares thrown
aside and all formality discarded. While cracking
jokes and telling stories of cadet and army life, it
was pleasant to hear them calling each other by
their nicknames. Even Thomas unbent and told
280
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
his reminiscences with wit and good feeling. Both
Grant and he, though noted for their capacity "to
keep silent in seven languages' ' were interesting if
not brilliant conversationalists upon such occasions.
It is worthy of note that both were entirely free
from the use of profane or smutty language.
Having finished the work in connection with for-
tifying and making good our hold on the railroad to
the rear, I was sent by horse-back overland to Knox-
ville for the purpose of carrying orders to and con-
ferring with Burnside. He was an officer of mag-
nificent appearance and correct demeanor, but none
of his superiors had much confidence in his ability
or judgment. It was hoped, however, that he could
hold not only east Tennessee against Longstreet,
but with him disposed of, could move down the valley
in such manner as to cooperate in the final struggle
for the possession of upper Georgia. Grant asked
Dana as "the eyes of the Government' P repre-
senting the War Department to go with me, and we
left Chattanooga at half past two on the 9th, es-
corted by fifteen cavalrymen under the command of
a Captain Field. Our route on the north side of the
river lay through Dallas, Washington, and Kingston.
We camped the first night with an outlying infantry
detachment where we received a hearty welcome.
The weather was cold and the wind high, but a blaz-
ing fire of logs in front of our tent tempered the
winds and enabled us to pass the night in compara-
tive comfort. We spread our blankets on some short
boards which the Colonel (Smith by name) kindly
provided, to keep us from the cold ground, and I
slept well, but Dana complained that I had taken an
unfair advantage by laying my boards lengthwise
281
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
while he placed his crosswise and thus hurt his sides
badly.
The next day we passed through the camps of
one General Spears, an ignorant, loyal Tennesseean,
an ardent Union man, but an exceedingly poor sol-
dier, whose methods of command and administration
were peculiar. He permitted his men to go home
when they pleased, stay as long as they thought best
and come back when they were ready. It was this
officer of whom the following story is told. Having
a section of artillery under a sergeant in his com-
mand and feeling somewhat uneasy as to the enemy's
movements, he one day wrote as follows :
Sergeant Brown,
Commanding Section of Artillery.
Dear Sir:
Immediately on receipt of this order, you will take your
guns down to the river, load 'em up, fire 'em off, swab 'em
out and report the result. Yours truly,
B. G. Spears.
In this case B. G. stood for brigadier general.
In reply the sergeant wrote as follows :
Camp on the Tennessee Biver,
B. G. Spears, Comdg.
Dear Sir:
In obedience to your order, I have taken my guns down
to the river, loaded 'em up, fired 'em off, swabbed 'em
out and now have to report the result — nothing in par-
ticular. Yours truly,
S. Brown.
S. in this case meant sergeant.
It was well understood in all that region that
B. G. Spears received his appointment through the
282
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
influence of Andrew Johnson for loyalty and not
on account of his military accomplishments or
merits.
At the end of a long march the next day we
reached the camp of General Jefferson C. Davis,
commanding a division and district north of the
river, and spent the night comfortably with him.
Pushing on at an early hour next morning toward
Lenoir Station, we found Lieutenant Colonel Bab-
cock, chief engineer of the Ninth Corps, who had
been with us at Vicksburg and who had just fin-
ished a bridge across the Holston. In doing this
work he had reconstructed a saw mill, cut the lum-
ber, built the pontoons, spun the yarn, twisted the
rope, made the pitch, forged the anchors, and com-
pleted all the work in exactly seven days. He gave
us an excellent dinner and sent us on that night by
train to Knoxville, where we arrived at half past
nine. We delivered Grant's orders, received a
hearty welcome, and the next day had a full discus-
sion with Burnside and Parke in reference to the
situation and the probable course of events in East
Tennessee.
We found Burnside exceedingly anxious to cross
to the south side of the Holston, claiming that he
could support his army in that region for six or
eight weeks, although he admitted if he did so that
he might not be able to thwart the enemy's move-
ments or prevent his going into Knoxville, which
the President, the Secretary of War, and General
Grant concurred in regarding as the key point of
all that region. Burnside seemed to have a clear
enough idea of the relative strength of the opposing
forces, the strategic and political considerations in-
283
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
volved in the campaign, and of the absolute neces-
sity of holding Knoxville to the last, but when
brought face to face with the means by which his
instructions were to be carried out, his mind and
judgment seemed utterly lost. Instead of drawing
the conclusions that were inevitable upon the facts
as they existed, he persistently turned to his project
of crossing into the country southeast of the Hols-
ton by Babcock's beautiful new bridge, as the best
course he could possibly adopt. When confronted
with the statement that this would not only leave
the road open but cost him Knoxville, if not the de-
struction of his army, and that it was no part of
Grants plan to permit such a sacrifice as this, he
consented to adopt the policy which Dana and I laid
down for him. This simply contemplated a sturdy
resistance step by step to the northward march of
Longstreet who was now known to have been de-
tached from Bragg's army and to be on the way to
Knoxville. Finally if driven out of Knoxville we
instructed Burnside to fall back towards Cumber-
land Gap by the best road to ensure the safety of his
army.
The object of these orders as explained time and
time again was to hold our own advantages and keep
Longstreet 's corps in east Tennessee till after a
vital blow should be struck at the rebels in front of
Chattanooga. The fact was emphasized that Bragg
had weakened himself so greatly by the detachment
of this splendid body of veterans that he would
surely be defeated by Grant as soon as arrange-
ments could be made to attack him. The tiresome
discussion continued till midnight and was only
closed after all points were settled arid fully com-
284
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
municated to General Grant and to the War De-
partment. Even then, however, Burnside declared
that his own judgment favored a different policy
and that he had yielded only because he believed
General Grant would approve our views rather than
his own.
Finally I was called back to headquarters at
three o'clock by Burnside, saying that the enemy
had already crossed at Hoff's Ferry and was ad-
vancing on Knoxville. As soon as I reported, the
General went over the whole ground again spending
the rest of the night in discussing the details of the
policy already decided upon and in sending orders
to carry it into effect. But in spite of both orders
and argument, he still favored the plan of throwing
himself south of the Holston and leaving the more
important country behind him open to Longstreet.
I again pointed out how completely this would de-
feat the purpose of General Grant, and insisted that
he should march out and fight the enemy at what-
ever cost. At nine o'clock he and his staff, accom-
panied by us, started by rail to Lenoir Station. We
reached there in two hours and found the corps
moving to the front for the purpose of verifying the
enemy's advance. Fortunately Babcock had already
destroyed his new bridge, thus making it absolutely
necessary for Burnside to confront Longstreet and
delay his march to Knoxville. A sharp skirmish
had already begun, which Bowen and Babcock, the
brains of Burnside 's staff, afterward somewhat de-
risively designated as "The Battle of Hackberry's
Bend."
The principal result was to compel the enemy to
move with caution. Incidentally it enabled Dana
285
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and me to pass around the head of Longstreet's col-
umns and take up our return journey to Chatta-
nooga. Our horses having had a good rest and fair
feeding, we turned their heads across country to-
wards Kingston, escorted by a detachment of forty
cavalry, and after a rapid ride arrived there at
nightfall. We could not have delayed another hour
nor ridden less rapidly, for had we done either we
should certainly have been captured. As it was we
passed the road on which Longstreet was marching
only a short while before his advance reached the
crossing. We were reported at Washington as hav-
ing been taken prisoners. We found the country
in a state of consternation, the loyal east Tennessee
farmers fearing that they would lose what little
provisions they had left and that the presence of
the rebel army would place them again under the
dominion of the Confederate authorities.
Passing through the camp of "B. G." Spears on
Sale Creek, we found him also greatly excited, but
the rebel route lying east of him, he suffered in mind
rather than in body. The Honorable Horace May-
nard, a loyal and distinguished citizen of Tennessee,
born in Massachusetts, accompanied us both ways
on our ride and came back with us to Chattanooga
where we received a hearty welcome. General Grant
had hoped that we would remain at Knoxville, first,
because he had no confidence in the fight Burnside
would put up without us, and next, because he
feared we should be captured in trying to return.
Indeed, he had already heard that this fate had be-
fallen us.
This ride of something over three hundred miles
to Knoxville and back through loyal east Tennessee
286
THE CHATTANOOGA CAMPAIGN
was just dangerous enough to make it romantic. It
showed us the loyal "po' white man"' of the South
in his native hue. Plain, simple-minded, and sen-
sible without sham or pretension; loving the Union
because he had been taught to love it; hating the
slaveholders ' rebellion and caring nothing for "his
rights in the territories" because he had no slaves;
staying at home when he could and taking no part
in the struggle unless he must, because he realized
from the first that it was "the rich man's war and
the poor man's fight." This was the sum of his po-
litical philosophy, and when we look back upon it,
the only wonder is that we did not realize it as hej
did. A political writer has since pointed out that
only six and a half per cent of the Southern people
had any property interest in slavery when the Re-
bellion broke out, while ninety-three and a half per
cent were naturally and economically interested on
the other side. Another writer has shown beyond
reasonable doubt that this interesting fact was the
underlying cause of the final depletion and disin-
tegration of the rebel armies. The commissioned
officers, largely drawn from the slaveholding class
and those who sympathized with it, naturally re-
mained with the colors, while the rank and file,
drawn from the common people holding no slaves,
just as naturally began to desert as soon as they
discovered that they had to do all the fighting and
had no real interest in the outcome.
This fact also accounts for the rapid recovery of
the cotton-growing interest after the war ended.
That part of the Southern population holding no
slaves and possessing little or no land, when peace
came, were nearly as well off as they were before
287
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the war commenced. They had been the principal
producers of Southern staples before the war and
naturally became the principal producers as soon as
it was over. The land was all there and much of it
fallow. The horses, mules, and agricultural imple-
ments were but little diminished, and so when the
fighting and the conscripting ended, it was compara-
tively easy for the "po* white man" and the negroes
at least to begin growing cotton again largely as be-
fore on rented land, and this is what they did.
The ex-slaveholders found it harder to get down
to work and naturally enough turned to politics. It
was this class that wanted to hold public meetings,
pass resolutions and give their views about recon-
struction, and it was to one of this class that Sena-
tor Hoar said, a year later, that if he and his friends
would go home and " raise more cotton and less
hell,,, they would probably find that reconstruction
in the end would take care of itself.
288
XI
MISSIONARY RIDGE
Brigadier and inspector general — Sherman arrives — Plan of
battle — Details of movements — Claims of Grant and
Sherman — Thomas carries Ridge — Granger and Sher-
man sent to Knoxville — Bridging the rivers — Major
Hoffman — Longstreet rejoins Lee — Grant goes to
Knoxville — Cumberland Gap — Lexington — Establishes
winter headquarters at Nashville.
On returning to Chattanooga, November 17, I
found my commission as brigadier general and the
usual oath was administered by General Grant, but
as we were still confronting Bragg, making ready for
a decisive battle, I continued to act as inspector gen-
eral of the military division without any new as-
signment. But as there was neither necessity nor
time for inspections, I lent a hand, as had always
been my practice, wherever I saw a chance for
service. I was still the only active regular officer
on Grant's staff, and being an engineer besides I
found plenty to do, carrying orders and assisting
Baldy Smith in reconnoitering the country for a
suitable crossing of the Tennessee for Sherman's
turning movement against the enemy's right flank
and rear.
It should be remembered that Sherman marched
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from his camp on Black Eiver into Vicksburg whence
he took steamboats to Memphis. From there he was
transferred to Corinth by rail with instructions to
march eastward along the railroad, rebuilding it as
he went. In this way it took just two months to
transfer his army corps of four divisions from the
Big Black to Chattanooga, while it took the War
Department less than two weeks to transfer two
army corps from Virginia to the same destination.
Great credit has always been accorded Sherman
for the rapidity of his transfer, and he doubtless did
his part well enough, but in view of the perilous po-
sition of the Army of the Cumberland at Chatta-
nooga, it must be confessed that it was a great mis-
take to select that route when another and a far bet-
ter one was open, namely, that by steamboat to
Cairo and by rail from Cairo to Louisville, Nash-
ville, and Bridgeport. It was contended at the time,
however, that it would be impracticable to transport
and supply the army by the single line of railroad
from the Ohio River, but when it is remembered
that a few months later it was the sole dependence
of a very much larger army, while the line Sherman
was rebuilding, skirting the northern border of the
Confederacy, was constantly exposed to raids and
interruption and was not and could not be used to
any extent as a supply line, it will be seen that the
time occupied in its repair was time wasted and that
Sherman going by the other route should have been
on the ground he finally occupied a month to six
weeks earlier than he was. The railroad could have
been repaired later as it was.
But even after Sherman reached Bridgeport, he
was unnecessarily slow in marching to Chattanooga.
290
MISSIONARY RIDGE
Before getting within reach of the enemy his col-
umns were naturally enough badly strung out. He
was encumbered by heavy wagon trains, and now
that rainy weather had begun to make the roads
muddy — and there were but few in the country,
none parallel — this faulty marching order could
hardly be helped as a general arrangement, but it
might have been easily remedied for the last day by
leaving the wagons in Lookout Valley to follow at
leisure while the troops pushed to the front without
them. As this was not done, Sherman lost at least
two days more in getting into position. To make
matters still worse the pontoon bridge at Brown's
Ferry broke while he was crossing the river and
thus cut off his last division entirely. As everybody
else had already reached the place assigned him,
within striking distance of the enemy, Sherman's
delays gave Grant great annoyance at the time, and
had they not been warm friends might have led to
sharp criticism and censure. This surely would
have been the case had the operations, which were
to follow, ended in failure and disappointment. But
success wipes out or greatly minimizes individual
shortcomings and, as will be shown hereafter, this
was the result in Sherman's case.
During my absence at Knoxville all the details
for the forthcoming battle had been finally arranged
mainly by Generals Smith and Thomas under
Grant's personal supervision. The situation was a
complicated one. The beleaguered army, reenforced
from many directions, now greatly outnumbered
Bragg 's which had been fatally weakened, first, by
the detachment of Longstreet's corps, and afterward
by that of Buckner's division. Our center occupied
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Chattanooga south of the Tennessee at the entrance
of a valley about three miles wide, with Lookout
Mountain on one side and Missionary Ridge on the
other, but this place had now become an inexpug-
nable camp surrounded by well-constructed fortifi-
cations. It was at last amply supplied from the rear
by rail and wagon road, and, although the enemy
still had an outlying detachment on Lookout, it was
too far from his main body on Missionary Ridge to
be a serious menace to Grant's communications or
combinations.
Bragg 's position was essentially a weak one. His
main line held Missionary Ridge about two hundred
feet high, fortified by rifle trenches at top and bot-
tom and regarded as secure against direct attack.
It covered both the wagon and railroads to the in-
terior of Georgia. Its right rested at the railroad
tunnel near the end of Missionary Ridge; its left,
held by an outlying detachment, was near Rossville,
and the whole was about five miles long with but
little more than forty thousand men to defend it.
Grant had within reach nearly twice as many
men much better equipped and better supplied in
every respect. His plan, stripped of all unnecessary
verbiage, was that Sherman should cross from the
north to the south side of the Tennessee just below
the mouth of Chickamauga Creek by a pontoon
bridge, the boats and materials for which Smith had
concealed in the North Chickamauga, and after mak-
ing good his footing, Sherman should drive back
or turn the enemy's right, resting near the end of
Missionary Ridge. Howard was to advance from
Chattanooga, form a junction with Sherman on the
south side of the river, and thus strengthen his
292
MISSIONARY RIDGE
movement, while Thomas was to advance to Or-
chard Knoll and cooperate from there as occasion
might require.
Preliminary to all this Hooker was to force his
way around the point of Lookout Mountain, followed
by Osterhaus, who had been cut off from Sherman,
and thus put their combined forces in position to
move by the shortest line up the Chattanooga Val-
ley against the enemy's extreme left near Eoss-
ville. This was the movement that gave rise to the
so-called "Battle above the Clouds" as described
by Quartermaster General Meigs, who was at that
time exiled from Washington and was visiting at
Grant's headquarters. He had never seen a battle,
and it so happened that this one, which was merely
a sharp skirmish on the nose of the mountain be-
tween the rebel detachment and Hooker's advance,
did not end till after dark. Seen from Grant's
headquarters, below and about two miles away, the
flashing of small arms looked like fireflies above a
small bank of mist that rested against the mountain
side, nowhere more than fifteen hundred feet high.
It was picturesque enough while it lasted, but as the
rebel detachment on Lookout made but feeble re-
sistance and got out rapidly as soon as it found that
the force coming against it was really a formidable
one, the affair was altogether insignificant and soon
ended. During the night the rebel force made its
way around to Missionary Eidge, where it had a
much more serious time the next day. So far as the
records show, there were at no time more than two
thousand men, counting both sides, engaged in this
much-exaggerated and misnamed "Battle above the
Clouds." It should be noted, however, that Hooker
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
in his official report, written after the campaign
ended, did not hesitate to claim for his various op-
erations a larger number of prisoners than were
captured by the entire army at the battle of Mis-
sionary Eidge, and that in forwarding this report
General Grant endorsed it to the following effect:
"The number of prisoners claimed to have been
captured by General Hooker, it will be observed,
is in excess of the number actually captured by the
entire army." This cold and somewhat unusual
endorsement shows quite as plainly as a more direct
statement that there was no love lost between the
distinguished generals concerned in it.
The bridge for Sherman's movement was laid
with the regularity of clockwork by Smith and his
assistants to the entire satisfaction of all con-
cerned. But to shorten and insure a safe passage
for the entire force I was put in charge of the com-
modious side-wheel steamboat Dunbar, and its
barges, and not only ferried the advance, but seven
thousand men besides across the river between eight
o 'clock and noon, landing each regiment at the very
spot most advantageous to its immediate advance.
Thus it will be seen that the passage of the river,
which was about half a mile wide, was made with
unusual rapidity and perfect safety. Not a shot
was fired except at the Dunbar on her way from
Chattanooga to the crossing, and not an animal nor
a man lost his life in the operation. Although it
might have been timed for an earlier hour, it was a
complete surprise and a complete success, all the
details of which from first to last were carried out
entirely independent of Sherman and in such man-
ner as to command his heartiest praise. With his
294
MISSIONARY RIDGE
three divisions, of not less than fifteen thousand
men, safely landed on the south bank of the river,
there was nothing left for him to do but to move
against the enemy. The country was entirely open,
and, while the ground was high and rolling, the way
both to the enemy's flank and rear was straight out
from the river. Nothing could have been more fa-
vorable to a direct attack or to a turning movement
against the enemy's right flank and rear, but from
the first to the close of the next day Sherman's
movements were slow and ineffective. Instead of
pushing resolutely to the attack he lost several hours
in digging rifle pits to cover the bridge, and when
he finally advanced, found the enemy fully ready
and able to resist him. Having discovered the peril
he was in, Bragg made haste that afternoon to
strengthen his extreme right by bringing troops
from other parts of his line. So prompt and vigor-
ous was his action that he made good his position
and repelled every attack not only that day but the
next. Sherman's men fought bravely enough, but
their efforts were disjointed, desultory, and abortive,
while those of the enemy were coherent and effec-
tive.
The fact is that halting to fortify had cost the
Federal commander all the advantages of a surprise
and had reduced his operations from a successful
turning movement to a direct attack of entrench-
ments, which from Chickasaw Bayou to the siege of
Vicksburg had for him generally been a failure.
Why, as soon as he found out what he was up
against, he did not throw himself around the enemy 's
flank, against his communications and rear has never
been satisfactorily explained. It may be claimed
295
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
that he had not been ordered to do so, but the sim-
ple fact is that Sherman, with all his brilliancy, was
not the man for such bold and conclusive operations.
He had not even reached the tunnel, and never did,
but even with this failure there can be no doubt that
so long as he held his menacing position on the end
of the ridge, enveloping the enemy's flank, the latter
could not regard his entrenchments as tenable
and would feel compelled to abandon them as
soon as our forces in his front were put in mo-
tion. And this is exactly what occurred the next
afternoon.
The preliminary operations merely resulted in
bringing the opposing armies face to face with each
other ; Bragg was on the top of the Ridge with Sher-
man enveloping and outflanking his right and Hooker
moving against his left, while Howard and Thomas,
with overwhelming numbers, occupied the valley in
front of him, all in continuous line or within easy
supporting distance of each other.
This much accomplished or rendered certain,
Grant's orders contemplated a simultaneous ad-
vance against the enemy at dawn the second day,
but Sherman started late as usual and was soon re-
pulsed. He renewed his attack unaided and was
again repulsed, after which he stood practically idle
till nightfall. Howard at first did nothing. Thomas,
seeing but little to encourage him, stood silent and
watchful. Granger, commanding the Fourth Corps
of Thomas' army, neither received nor gave orders
for an advance, but remained on Orchard Knoll di-
recting the fire of a battery and thus worked himself
into a terrible state of excitement. Howard finally
moved to the left across Citico Creek to Sherman's
296
MISSIONARY RIDGE
support. Hooker was delayed in his advance to
Eossville by the necessity of rebuilding the bridge
across Chattanooga Creek, which had been burned
by the enemy as he fell back from Lookout Moun-
tain. Thus the morning passed without decisive re-
sults. Grant, noting with some impatience that the
enemy still held his position in front, modestly asked
Thomas if he didn't think he should make a demon-
stration in Sherman's favor, but Thomas, evidently
seeing no opening and not regarding the question as
an order, stood unresponsive and silent.
Having seen Sherman's column safely across the
Tennessee the day before, I returned to headquar-
ters and, after an anxious night, accompanied Gen-
eral Grant and the rest of his staff to Orchard Knoll,
from which the whole field was plainly within sight.
At first everybody semed hopeful, but as the day
wore on toward noon and afternoon, with nothing
done, the situation became exceedingly embarrass-
ing. Eawlins, always an anxious and questioning
observer, grew sullen and finally indignant, first at
Granger and next at Thomas himself. Baldy Smith,
Rawlins, and I formed a group of our own, exchang-
ing opinions freely and frequently on every point
worthy of notice. Grant himself seemed anxious
but undecided and gave*no positive orders, but as
time continued to drag with nothing done Rawlins
finally, at my suggestion, urged Grant to silence
Granger and give Thomas positive orders for a gen-
eral advance by the Army of the Cumberland, to
begin at the firing of six guns at regular intervals
from the battery on Orchard Knoll. All thought at
the time that the enemy was moving troops con-
stantly from his left and center toward his right,
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
where Sherman was believed to be pressing him.
Every officer on Orchard Knoll was sure he could
see such a movement actually in progress, and it
was a strong conviction to that effect which at last
caused Grant to order Granger to rejoin his corps
and then to turn with equal firmness to Thomas and
direct him to advance his whole line against the rifle
trench at the foot of the Eidge in front. Thomas,
recognizing at once the difference between a sug-
gestion and a positive order, sent his aids-de-camp
to the various division commanders with orders to
move at the appointed signal against the enemy. The
final movement was begun without the slightest help
from Sherman on the left. Cleburne, commanding
in his front, had fought him to a standstill for the
rest of that day. Thomas now held the center of
the field, and his splendid divisions moved out with
the regularity of troops on parade. Led by Sheri-
dan, Baird, Thomas J. Wood, Brannan, and their
brigade commanders, they swept across the first
line of entrenchments without a pause. The enemy,
it is now known, amounted to fully half of Bragg's
forces but, for a reason which will be explained
later, after one round gave way and, starting on the
retreat, never stopped till they reached their main
line. The Federal divisions scarcely paused after
finding themselves in possession of the enemy's first
entrenchments, but pushed on as it were under their
original impulse till they reached and swept tri-
umphantly over the top of the Eidge. The enemy
had hastily the day before constructed several slight
entrenchments between the bottom and the summit,
but, for want of sufficient entrenching tools, left them
unfinished. It is also claimed that the entrench-
298
MISSIONARY RIDGE
ments on the top of the Ridge were placed on the
highest ground without much regard to the command
of the slopes up which the attacking force would be
compelled to advance. The consequence was that
no adequate defence was made either at the bottom
or at the top, and in an incredibly short time the en-
tire position was abandoned and the enemy >s whole
line was driven in confusion from the field.
Both Grant and Sherman to the day of their
death claimed that their success on that occasion
was due principally to the fact that Bragg had all
day long been strengthening his right at the expense
of his center and left, but this is now known to have
been an error, for, according to all Confederate re-
ports both written and verbal, whatever was done in
that direction was done on the day and night before,
while on the second and final day of the battle no
troops whatever were moved to the right of the
enemy 's line. A better explanation of the enemy's
weakness is that on the night of the 24th and the
morning of the 25th one half of each Confederate
brigade was holding the foot of the hill, while the
other half held the line at the top. This disposition
extended to all the troops on the Ridge and the num-
ber available gave only a single rank for the final
stand with the men about a yard apart. It is also
alleged that the superior officers were instructed, if
attacked by more than a single line, to await the
enemy's approach till within two hundred yards,
then to deliver their fire and retire to the works
above.1 At all events this is exactly what they did,
and manifestly it was a fatal mistake.
1 ■ ' Military Memoirs of a Confederate, 9 ' by General E. P. Alesan-
der, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1907, p. 475 et seq.
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Many errors have crept into the accounts of this
battle, the most persistent of which is that Grant
ordered his troops to halt at the first line of en-
trenchments. No such orders were given by him or
by any one else in authority. The simple fact is that
no one either high or low thought for a moment that
it was feasible to go further than the first line, and
when the troops were seen to be moving, of their
own accord, beyond the captured first line of rifle
trench up the hillside in pursuit of the enemy it was
supposed that they would be repulsed before they
could reach the top of the Eidge. Every observer
thought they would be so blown and disordered by
the rough and exhausting climb that they would
have insufficient strength or momentum left to carry
the second line of entrenchments. Grant, Eawlins,
Smith, Thomas, and all the rest believed that it was
impossible to succeed in sweeping over the line
which would there confront them, but no orders were
issued by Grant or any one else at any time to halt
the advance. Looking on with much interest and
seeing that our people were not repulsed and were
fast approaching the top, I suggested to General
Grant that we mount and proceed to the front our-
selves with the view of encouraging the troops and
pressing home our victory. My suggestion was
adopted without hesitation and in less than thirty
minutes we were all on top of Missionary Eidge,
with the enemy disappearing down its eastern slope.
Near the summit we met a few wounded men com-
ing to the rear. They received General Grant with
exultation, calling out: "We are now even with
them for Chickamauga. All we needed was a
leader !"
300
MISSIONARY RIDGE
The victory was quite as surprising to those who
won it as to those who lost it. Although both
Bragg 's flanks had been turned, neither Sherman's
operations on the left nor Hooker's on the right had
their proper effect in bringing it about. It could
easily have been made complete had Sherman fully
appreciated his position and moved with proper
celerity to throw himself around the enemy's left
across his communications before the break took
place. With activity on his part the entire rebel
army might have been captured. Hooker's posi-
tion and movements were alarming, but in no case
could they have been made conclusive. As it
was nearly night when the final rout occurred and
Sherman did nothing to complete it, Bragg suc-
ceeded in withdrawing his whole army, leaving be-
hind His killed and wounded, and here and there de-
tachments which were captured, amounting in all to
something less than two thousand men.
That night and the next day Bragg retreated to
Einggold and, after a stand of but little importance
at that place, finally withdrew to Dalton on the road
toward Atlanta. Having saved his army he was
soon relieved at his own request from further com-
mand. His casualties were three hundred and sixty-
one killed, two thousand one hundred and sixty
wounded, and about two thousand captured, while
Grant's were seven hundred and fifty-three killed,
four thousand seven hundred and twenty-two
wounded. For the numbers engaged these figures
are surprisingly small.1
1Livermore estimates the forces engaged as follows: Effective
Federal infantry and artillery, 56,359; effective Confederate infantry
and artillery, 40,929.
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
As soon as the decisive results were fully known
Grant detached first Granger with the Fourth Corps
and afterward Sherman and Howard with their re-
spective forces to march as rapidly as possible to
Knoxville for the relief of Burnside, who was now
calling loudly for help, and whose fears it was
thought might induce him to retreat from that place
if not to surrender it and its garrison.
During the first night after the battle of Mis-
sionary Ridge Grant and his staff followed Sheri-
dan's division in pursuit of the enemy several miles
beyond Chickamauga Creek, but finding that our
own troops were badly separated on the various
roads the enemy had taken, the General concluded to
return to Chattanooga for the night. Knowing that
his subordinate commanders would communicate
with him, he thought it easier for them to find him
at his old headquarters than at any new ones he
might establish. He had already sent Colonel La-
gow, one of his aids-de-camp, to find Thomas, but as
Grant recrossed the Chickamauga he met that officer
returning with the statement that he could find
neither Thomas nor his command. Thereupon Grant
said: " Wilson, please take this matter in hand and
report to me at your earliest convenience in Chat-
tanooga. | ' I set out at once through the forest bor-
dering the creek, and after a ride by compass two
or three hours through the forest in the dark, over
logs and across ravines, I ran into Baird's division,
and finding that the rest of the corps was close at
hand and that Thomas had fully reported his dis-
positions to Grant at his old headquarters, I de-
clined Baird's urgent offers of hospitality and made
my way back to the town as rapidly as my tired
302
MISSIONARY RIDGE
horse could carry me. I arrived at headquarters
just at dawn, and as I ascended the steps and opened
the door into the room which I was using in common
with General Grant, he called out: "Is that you,
Wilson? I am glad you are back. Of course, I
found here all the information I wanted about the
troops, and have not slept a wink this whole night,
for thinking of what a long, cold, and unnecessary
ride I have given you.,,
It was this sort of solicitude on the part of the
General which so greatly endeared him to his offi-
cers. Without being effusive he was altogether the
most thoughtful and considerate general with whom
I ever served in regard to the comfort of his staff
and of the troops under his command. It was no
part of his practice to give unnecessary trouble or
to impose unnecessary work upon any one, and the
results were always beneficial to himself. This anx-
iety to minimize the hardship of others arose per-
haps as much from temperament as from personal
kindness. Deliberate and careful in his mental op-
erations, he rarely ever found it necessary to change
his mind or his instructions, and when the work of
his subordinates was completed in accordance there-
with it was dismissed for good and all. He never
countermarched his troops if it could be avoided,
and never changed their destination till the necessity
for the change was shown beyond question. If any
mistake was made by his staff or by his subordinate
commanders he generally assumed all the responsi-
bility for it with the modest declaration that "it was
my fault; I ought to have known better, or given
more specific instructions. ' '
His orders detaching Granger to Knoxville were
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
not promptly put into execution, and this was per-
haps partly due to the fact that the troops were not
expecting so long a march at once and partly to the
fact that Granger himself had what was known in
the army as a "swelled head," which prompted him
to take liberties with his orders. It will be remem-
bered that he had performed an important service
at the battle of Chickamauga by withdrawing his
division from the Kossville-Einggold road, march-
ing an canon to the battlefield and taking his place
on the right just in time to check the successful on-
set of Longstreet against that part of the line. While
this voluntary movement on Granger's part was
partly due to the influence of General Steadman,
Granger always received most of the credit for it.
It made him a popular hero for the time, and in the
reorganization which took place after the battle was
over gave him command of the Fourth Corps. There
was a sort of halo about his impressive head and
aggressive personality till the morning of the second
day of the battle of Missionary Eidge. His be-
havior on that day was a great disappointment to
all. It was not only trivial, but brought upon him a
severe rebuke from Grant for wasting his time on a
battery and leaving his army corps to take care of
itself. From that day forth his fortune was on the
wane.1 It was no surprise to Grant that Granger
was slow in starting to Burnside 's relief. After he
arrived at Knoxville another incident took place
which completed his fall. Longstreet had raised the
siege on the approach of the relieving army under
Sherman, and had resumed his return march for
1 See Dana O. R. Series 1, Vol. XXXI, Part I, pp. 258-264. Also
Wilson, it., pp. 265-267.
304
MISSIONARY RIDGE
Virginia. Grant had given instructions for the whole
force now in that theater to continue in pursuit of
the enemy and destroy or drive him out of East
Tennessee. The force available for that purpose
was ample, but for some reason beyond the fact that
the weather was cold and wintry, our force was
badly handled and, instead of destroying the enemy,
permitted him to escape practically unhurt. When
Christmas came, instead of being well on their way
toward Bristol a hundred or so miles up the valley,
the commanding officers assembled in Knoxville for
the usual holiday jollification. Having dined and
gathered about a blazing fire, Granger in his loudest
voice said: " Let's send a telegram to Grant,' ' and,
calling for a blank, wrote as follows: "We are in
Knoxville and will hold it till hell freezes over."
Handing it to Foster, who was the senior officer
present, he asked: "How will that do?" Where-
upon Foster, seeing that the message was both un-
necessary and in bad form, wrote at the end of it
the word i i Tight, ' f meaning to indicate that Granger
was under the influence of liquor and that the mes-
sage should not go. But, unfortunately, the operator
did not understand, and sent the message with the
extra word added to it. It came thus duly to head-
quarters, which happened to be at that time in my
charge, and, as none of the explanations came with
it, I also failed to understand it. When I handed it
to Grant on his return a few days later, he was nat-
urally both puzzled and indignant, first because the
phraseology used was trivial if not discourteous and,
second, because he thought the army and its officers
were in close pursuit of Longstreet far on the road
toward Virginia. It, of course, completed the con-
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viction in Grant's mind that Granger was a trifler
unworthy of high command or great responsibilities,
and although the full explanation was received after
Grant arrived at Knoxville ten days later, he had
no further use for the man who sent the despatch.
Gordon Granger was a cavalry officer of the old
school. A classmate of Fitz-John Porter, Thomas
J. Wood, and W. F. Smith, in the prime of life he
had an ideal figure with a fine head, a fierce mous-
tache, and a withering glance. While his port and
bearing were those of the traditional swashbuckler,
he had natural parts and professional acquirements
far above the ordinary. Imprudent and reckless in
behavior, he would do himself more harm by a day
of senseless braggadocio than he could repair by a
month of irreproachable conduct. A compound of
opposites, inconsiderate, overbearing, and profane to
a degree rarely surpassed, he knew how to be a gen-
tleman of the most courtly manners. Brave, bril-
liant, and aggressive, a bolt of steel in action, he
occasionally fell into fits of indolence and wasted
hours when minutes were of inestimable value. His
voluntary and timely appearance on the field of
Chickamauga lifted him at one bound into the posi-
tion of a national hero. Dana called him the Mar-
shal Ney of the war, and had he but known how to
profit by the high qualities this compliment ascribed
to him, he might easily have been one of our fore-
most generals. But with vanity which was as weak
as it was futile he fell into the error of supposing
that he had nothing more to do, not even to obey
orders promptly and willingly. With fully as much
courage, more brains, and a far more impressive
figure and appearance than Sheridan, he fell far be-
306
MISSIONARY RIDGE
low that general in the cheerful alacrity and readi-
ness with which he watched for opportunity and
performed the duty that always comes to those who
earnestly hunt for it. While Granger's soldierly
conduct brought him to the battle of Chickamauga
without orders and greatly distinguished him, Sheri-
dan ?s conduct in withdrawing from it and marching
around without authority came near being his ruin.
On the other hand, Missionary Ridge brought the
latter prominently into notice and made Grant his
friend forever, while it seriously impaired the fame
of the former and caused his ultimate disappearance
from the field of opportunity. From that day forth
Sheridan's star was in the ascendant, while Gran-
ger's was on the wane. Thus the fortunes of sol-
diers are made or marred when they are least con-
scious of it.
The relief expedition from Chattanooga to Knox-
ville finally fell under the command of Sherman,
who displayed unusual facility in getting through
an unfamiliar region with readiness and celerity.
Dana and I accompanied him, I as chief engineer
and Dana as the representative of the War Depart-
ment. The enemy destroyed the railroad bridges on
the route, and, as the small rivers and creeks flow-
ing into the Tennessee were mostly too high for
fording and generally without highway bridges, tem-
porary means of crossing them had to be provided
and it became my place to look after their location
and construction.
We left Chattanooga at two o'clock, Sunday,
November 29, 1863. The wind was high and the
weather bitterly cold, and on crossing Citico Creek
one of our pack-mules fell with the pack-man under
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
him into the freezing water. When I heard the
clatter and looked back I conld just see the man's
head, and, fearing he might get hurt or drowned, I
was about to go to his rescue, when he sang out
cheerily: "Go on, General, don't wait for me, I'll
be along directly.' '
We reached Tyner's Station, ten miles from
Chattanooga, that night and took refuge in a large,
white frame house, full of women and children. The
house belonged to a high Confederate official, but
the women and children were of the native poor
white class. The furniture had all been carried off
except bedsteads and feather beds, and the house
was entirely without provisions. We soon had a
blazing fire in what had been the parlor, and our
orderly had killed a pig, parts of which we broiled
on the coals. As we had brought bread, coffee,
and sugar, we had a comfortable supper, in which
the family eagerly participated. The old man ap-
peared to be about sixty, while his fair-haired, blue-
eyed young wife looked as though she could not be
over twenty-two or twenty-three. There were five
or six daughters, one of whom was evidently older
than her young step-mother, another scarcely a year
old. After eating heartily they told us a touching
story of deprivation and want, brought about by
the soldiers of both armies who had preyed upon
them till they were reduced to the point of actual
starvation. One after another, from the oldest to
the youngest, they began to cry over their suffer-
ings, and, as the tears rolled down their cheeks, the
mother, young girls, and babies in turn pulled out
their snuff bottles and, much to our astonishment,
began to dip snuff. The youngest child could not
MISSIONARY EIDGE
talk, but it " dipped' ' from the start with the best
of them and seemed to find just as much consolation
in " dipping' y as its seniors. The head of the fam-
ily was past the military age, and therefore permit-
ted to remain at home. He was of the gray-back,
east Tennessee type, and it is safe to say neither
he nor any of his connections had ever owned a
slave, while his wife and girls were as blonde as the
morning and all exceedingly good-looking. They
were of the pure Saxon type which we found every-
where throughout the mountain regions of Tennes-
see, Georgia, and the Carolinas.
We started the next morning after a hearty
breakfast of pork chops which had frozen during
the night and were far more palatable than our
first mess from that pig. We overtook Sherman
about noon a short distance beyond Cleveland, and,
pushing on with him, reached Charleston on the Hi-
wassee Eiver just before dark. Here we found
Howard with the Eleventh Corps repairing the rail-
road bridge for his troops. This work was in charge
of Major Ernest F. Hoffman, an ex-officer of the
Prussian Engineers, who attracted my attention by
the great energy, ability and good sense with which
he utilized the materials at hand and put a safe road-
way over the bridge before midnight. A few days
later I saw him again building a bridge across the
Little Tennessee with army wagons for supports,
thus aptly illustrating the advantages of military
education and experience.
After the war I employed Major Hoffman as a
civil assistant on government works and found him
to be a most experienced, accomplished, and con-
scientious engineer. He was the son of Lieutenant
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UNDER THE OLD FLAG
General Hoffman of the Prussian army, a graduate
of the Military School at Berlin, was assigned to
the (engineers and served with the Pioneer Corps
till 1851. He afterward served on fortifications and
received a memorial medal for his work. About this
time he had a romantic love affair closed by the
death of his sweetheart which he commemorated in
a novel that became famous for its impassioned and
touching eloquence. Then with slow promotion and
too much routine, he resigned and took service in
the British Foreign Legion as captain and adjutant
of the rifle battalion and went with it to the Crimean
War. After the war ended he served with the Le-
gion at the Cape of Good Hope, where he distin-
guished himself for bravery in two campaigns
against the Zulu-Kaffirs. He made two voyages to
England and back, during one of which he stopped
at St. Helena to visit the scene of Napoleon's im-
prisonment. He was finally mustered out when the
Legion disbanded in 1857 and returned to Berlin on
a visit. Shortly after arriving there he volunteered
and joined Garibaldi, who was then organizing his
expedition against Sicily, and served on his staff in
all the wonderful events from the first landing till
the Garibaldian forces were absorbed into the army
of United Italy under Victor Immanuel. He took a
prominent part in the siege of Gaeta and greatly
distinguished himself for courage and enterprise.
He was decorated for gallantry, promoted to the
rank of major of engineers in the regular Italian
army, and was rewarded by a pension of five hun-
dred lire, which was paid annually to the day of
his death. He was a scholar and mathematician of
the highest quality, and as such made the acquain-
310
MISSIONARY RIDGE
tance of George P. Marsh, then American minister
at the Italian capital, where the latter in due time
made it known to the major and perhaps others that
foreign officers of experience could find employment
in the United States. Being a lover of freedom, and
as he called himself "a patriot," he threw up his
commission in Italy and, with the Minister's creden-
tials, made his way to Washington, where he was
promptly appointed major and additional aid-de-
camp. He served with Blenker, Siegel, Schurz,
and Howard, winning the confidence and respect of
all. It is no disparagement to the best of them to
say that Hoffman, who lacked nothing but rank, was
superior in every military virtue and accomplish-
ment. Sober, serious, and untiring, as brave as
any paladin, and as punctilious as any knight er-
rant, he was always ready and always practical. It
was his proudest boast that he was indeed a " Dutch
Yankee. ' ' Modest and gentle as a woman, industri-
ous and patient as a navvy, an accomplished musi-
cian, and an interesting conversationalist, he was
one of the most useful and most lovable men I ever
came in contact with. When our army was reorgan-
ized after the war he was appointed on my recom-
mendation a lieutenant in my own regiment, the
Thirty-fifth Infantry. At his examination the presi-
dent of the board gave him an equation of the sec-
ond degree to solve, which he did without going to
the blackboard. After a moment's pause for an-
other question, he said: "But that is quite simple.
Will the board please have the kindness to give me
something a little more abstruse in the mathemat-
ics V* He was promptly pronounced proficient.
Hoffman was so good an engineer, however, that I
311
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
never permitted him to join his regiment, but kept
him on public works as an assistant, so long as he
remained an army officer, and afterward as a civil
engineer at higher pay till his death in 1884. I
have never known a better or more interesting man.
During the same trip I made the acquaintance of
General Schurz and Colonel Hecker. The former
was not a military man by profession, while the lat-
ter had held only the lowest rank, but both had par-
ticipated in the revolution of 1848, and Hecker had
been president of the so-called German Republic.
They were both notable men but of very dissimilar
characteristics. One tall, slender, and professor-like
in appearance, was commanding a division ; the oth-
er, of middle height, fine figure, and benevolent coun-
tenance, had settled in Illinois and was commanding
an Illinois regiment, mostly Germans. Dana and I
rode with Schurz much of the way, both going and
coming, and found him a most agreeable companion.
He had already become famed as an orator who
spoke English with perfect accuracy and fluency, but
never rose to any great distinction as a commander
of troops. While he was zealous and courageous, he
probably adopted the military calling too late in life
and entered it with too much rank ever to become
highly proficient in it. It was during this trip that
he and Dana conversed first in one language and
then in the other, and in mutual admiration each
complimented the other as speaking both tongues
perfectly.
Hecker was of a different sort; grave and dig-
nified in bearing, he spoke English imperfectly and
with a strong German accent. But he was conscien-
tiously observant of orders and discipline and com-
312
MISSIONARY RIDGE
manded the respect of all with whom he came in con-
tact. On the return journey Dana's horse gave out,
and, being unable to borrow or buy another, he was
forced to pick up one as best he might. In the last
extremity near Hecker 's column we saw a horse gal-
loping gaily about a field, and, liking its movements,
Dana asked Hecker to direct his men to catch it
for him. But it was evidently a horse of the coun-
try and strict orders were in force against taking
property from the east Tennesseeans, who were as-
sumed to be loyal. The Colonel hesitated for a
moment, then, with a pleasant smile lighting up his
handsome face, he called out to one of his men:
1 'Hans, you see that horse galloping yonder? That's
Herr Dana's horse. Herr Dana is the Secretary of
War. You go catch it. Herr Dana will give you
ten dollars IV A vigorous but ineffectual chase took
place, as the horse, leaping the fence, took to the
woods and made its escape.
On our northward march we passed through Ath-
ens, Mousecreek, Sweetwater, and Philadelphia, all
pretty villages surrounded by fertile fields. The
east Tennessee valley is everywhere well watered
and fortunately we found it plentifully supplied
with cattle, sheep, corn, and hay, which the troops
took as they needed and settled for with vouchers
on the quartermaster 's department. Rumors reached
us on the march that Richmond had fallen, that
Knoxville had surrendered, and finally that Long-
street had been repulsed and had begun his retreat.
On the night of December 3 we reached Morgan-
town on the Little Tennessee River. Here we found
a ford in which the water, three and a half feet
deep, was passable by teams and cavalry, but too
313
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
wide and too cold for infantry. A bridge was
therefore necessary, and, having but few tools, nails,
or other materials, we were compelled to tear down
houses to obtain lumber for the bridge. By the next
morning at five o 'clock the structure was ready. It
was a simple trestle without tenons or mortises and
was put together with square joints, secured by
diagonal boards nailed to the uprights and sills. The
spans were braced diagonally in the same manner,
and while the structure was a frail one, it proved
ample with only one or two short interruptions to
pass our entire column across the river dry shod.
While the troops were crossing, a large Maltese
ass, ridden by one of the men, afforded a laughable
example of obstinacy. He had got about half way
across the river by the ford when he took a notion
to stop in the deepest water almost as cold as ice,
nearly half way up his sides. His rider persuaded,
punched, cursed, and beat him in every known way,
but all to no purpose. The stubborn animal backed
square around against the current and stood stock
still, the ice-cold water cutting him like a knife for
four or five hours. His rider finally took refuge in
a passing wagon, and still the stupid beast would
not move. Finally, toward the last, one of the team-
sters hitched a rope to its neck which he fastened to
the tail of his wagon, and then starting his team
drew him with his feet braced to the shore, appar-
ently to his intense disgust.
I rode into Knoxville after dark December 5,
having learned at Marysville that Longstreet had
raised the siege and started to Virginia. I found
Burnside, Bowen, and Babcock glad that relief was
at hand. They had sustained themselves well, and,
314
MISSIONARY RIDGE
although they had been desperately assaulted, had
repelled every attack with great loss to the enemy.
Sherman came in the next day and, after a confer-
ence with Burnside and his officers, concluded to
return with his own corps to Chattanooga, for the
reason that he could more easily feed it near
there and could get it ready more quickly to join
the campaign which must soon begin against At-
lanta. The destruction of the railroad bridges be-
tween Knoxville and Cleveland and the great amount
of depredation which had already been committed
in east Tennessee by the contending armies ren-
dered it extremely difficult to longer support so
large a force in that region. Both sides had lived
off the country in their march, and, although they
had paid in vouchers for what they had taken, they
left a wide swath of destitution in their wake. In
view of the further fact that Longstreet had already
got too far ahead to be overtaken, the determina-
tion of Sherman to countermarch to Cleveland and
Dalton, if not in strict accord with Grants orders,
was the best thing under all the circumstances left
open for him. As I concurred in this opinion, Dana
and I also concluded to return to headquarters for
the purpose of fully explaining the course adopted.
It was understood that Burnside and Granger would
continue the pursuit of Longstreet, though the slush,
snow, and cold weather of mid-winter made all oper-
ations necessarily both difficult and slow.
The campaign about both Chattanooga and
Knoxville having terminated in our favor, Grant
anxiously discussed the question of future opera-
tions with W. F. Smith, Eawlins, and myself. The
relations between the war in the West and the East'
315
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
were carefully considered and the conclusion was
reached that a general plan should now be arranged
for a cooperative and extensive campaign against
the interior. Hitherto it had not mattered seriously
whether plans in the two widely separated theaters
of war were carried on simultaneously or not, but
since the great step forward at Vicksburg and the,
active cooperation between Lee's army and Bragg's,
it had become apparent that the entire method of
carrying on the war should be changed. By common
consent Grant was supreme in the West and would
have absolute control of any movement into the
heart of the Confederacy. We concluded, there-
fore, that it was of the first importance that some
one should be assigned to command the Army of
the Potomac who could be depended upon to co-
operate fully in the next general plan for the final
overthrow of the rebellion. Many different plans
were discussed for the attainment of that end. It
was at first deemed most important that Mobile
should be taken, and then that Atlanta and central
Georgia should be occupied. It appeared obvious
that Grant and Sherman would be called upon to
undertake those operations, and Grant gave it as
his opinion that Smith was the best available man
for the command of the Army of the Potomac. Be-
lieving that his great capacities would find ample
scope in that command and that Smith would co-
operate harmoniously and fully with him and Sher-
man, he asked Dana, who had taken a part in all
the discussions, to lay his views fully before the
Government at Washington, and, accordingly, Dana
set out for that place about the middle of the month.
On his arrival he had full and frequent conferences
316
MISSIONARY RIDGE
with both the Secretary of "War and the President.
General Eawlins started with him, but went to Con-
necticut for the purpose of marrying the young lady
whom he had so gallantly protected at Vicksburg.
Before rejoining the army he visited Washington,
where he again produced a most favorable impres-
sion.1
On December 18 General Grant, with Colonels
Comstock and Duff and Chief Surgeon Kittoe, went
to Nashville, leaving me in sole charge of headquar-
ters. During the lull which followed I ran the
current business, and employed my spare time in
the preparation of a memoir on the siege and cam-
paign of Vicksburg to be submitted to the Board of
Engineers as a thesis for my promotion to the rank
of captain. I worked night and day till Grant re-
turned toward the end of the month. For the first
time I was troubled with a carbuncle on the back of
my neck which the doctor said arose from defective
nutrition. That this should have been the case was
by no means surprising, for, like the rest of the
army high and low, I had lived on army rations
supplemented by what I could get from the coun-
try. On Christmas I received a dozen boxes of
freshly canned oysters, which a friend of General
Grants sent from Baltimore. I divided them with
Thomas, Sheridan, and Brannan, and received in
return from Sheridan a half dozen quails that one
of his scouts had brought in from the head of Se-
quatchie Valley.
On December 29 Grant returned to headquar-
ters, but started the same day with Bowers, Com-
*See the Diary of Gideon Welles; also Wilson >s "Life of John
A. Eawlins."
317
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
stock, Dunn, Doctor Kittoe, and myself to Knox-
ville. During our operations between Bridgeport
and Chattanooga the Quartermaster's Department
had built a steamer on which we embarked with our
horses, orderlies, and servants, and at 10 a. m. of
the last day of the year we reached Knoxville, hav-
ing transferred to the cars at Loudon.
During my service in the Vicksburg and Chat-
tanooga campaign I rode a little bay horse with
black points which General Grant called the "Waif"
from the fact that he had been picked up as a stray
by my groom during the siege of Vicksburg. He
was by all odds the best and most stylish piece of
horse flesh that came under my observation during
the war. He was only fifteen hands high and
weighed about eight hundred and fifty pounds, but
judging from his carriage it never occurred to him
that he was not equal in size and endurance to any
horse in the army. Patient, hardy, and sound, he
was as nimble as a cat. With a high head, an arched
neck, and so perfectly broken that he could feel on
which side of a tree I wished him to pass, he could
leap anything that he could put his head over and
could carry me for eight hours at a stretch without
showing the slightest sign of fatigue. General Grant
rode him during the battle of Missionary Ridge,
and, for a few days thereafter, wherever he went,
never forgot to see that "Waif" was included in'
the horses taken. On the way to Knoxville the little
fellow berthed near one of the cylinders of the boat,
when the engineer thoughtlessly turned on a steam
cock and gave him such a fright that he broke his
halter and leaped overboard. Of course the boat
stopped and he was picked up at the shore just as
318
MISSIONARY RIDGE
a native was mounting and making away with him
to the country. I rode him afterward from Knox-
ville to Lexington and almost constantly for six
months while commanding cavalry in Virginia.
Later I took him with me back to Nashville and used
him during the Hood campaign till he was entirely
disabled by breaking through the ice on the road to
the Tennessee Eiver when the mud froze on his
legs. From there I sent him to the hospital at
Nashville to rest and recover, and had him back
fresh as a lark before the spring campaign began.
His military career ended with the long march
through Alabama and Georgia. I afterward gave
him as a saddle and phaeton horse to my wife. He
died in Delaware fifteen years later, not from old
age, but from a miscalculation in leaping a marsh-
ditch into which he fell and wore himself out trying
to regain his footing.
At the first station beyond Loudon, a tall, griz-
zled, gangling east Tennesseean on the platform
asked if General Grant was on that train. When I
said he was, the Tennesseean threw up his hands
and exclaimed: "Well, my God, there'll be war in
this country now ! ' '
Shortly afterward another Tennesseean, com-
menting on the certainty of the rebel defeat, said
in the most feeling terms : ' ' But I hope that won 't
happen till Sherman and his army have marched
through South Carolina so that those people shall
have a taste of what they have brought upon this
war-scarred region." This feeling was widespread
and accounts for much of the depredation afterward
committed by Sherman's army in his campaign
through that state.
319
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
We remained at Knoxville but a few days, and
after taking such measures as were necessary for
the safety of that region Grant set out on horseback
with his staff and orderlies by the way of Straw-
berry Plains, Cumberland Gap, Barbersville, and
Loudon to Lexington, Kentucky, where we arrived
on the 10th of January, 1864. The General and his
party received every mark of respect from the loyal
people of that region. At Lexington he had his first
popular ovation, where Leslie Coombs made every
effort to induce him to make a speech, but the Gen-
eral persistently declined to say a single word. The
controversy was finally settled by his mounting a
chair and showing himself to the crowd. He was,
however, deeply gratified at the good feeling of the
people and especially at the favor extended to him
by the ladies of the city, and at the evidences of
the many loyal families of that beautiful region.
At Lexington we took train for Louisville and
Nashville, where the next day we established head-
quarters for the winter.
320
XII
TEN WEEKS IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT AS
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
Grant, Lieutenant General — Rawlins married — Chief-of-
staff — Report to Secretary of War for duty — Prepare
new regulations — Horse contractors — Duties of new
position — Andrew Johnson's cavalry regiments —
Parting with Secretary Stanton.
Grants headquarters were now concentrated in
an eligibly situated, pleasant, and capacious house
at Nashville, and all his officers settled down for a
comfortable winter, as was then the custom. The
armies under his command remained separate and
distinct, and this minimized the work of the various
departments and left the higher staff officers com-
paratively free to consider and discuss plans for
the future. The first thing in hand was to testify
to Rawlins' new wife the high regard in which his
brother officers held him. This was done by a purse
of $250, which was invested in spoons, forks, cream
jug, sugar bowl, and napkin rings for Mrs. Rawlins
as a wedding present. This little diversion ended,
we turned our thought more earnestly than ever to
the future campaign as though the sole responsibil-
ity was on us. Every conceivable movement from
the Military Division of the Mississippi was con-
321
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
sidered. All the important cities, strongholds, de-
pots, manufacturing centers, lines of communication,
and military bases, together with such information
as could be got, were passed in review night after
night, not only between ourselves, but with General
Grant. The weight of opinion seemed to favor a
general advance from Chattanooga against Atlanta
and this was finally settled upon as promising the
greatest advantage to the Union cause. Grant, hav-
ing become the center of all eyes and the hero of
the public as the only successful general so far pro-
duced by the war, was advanced March 2, 1864, to
the rank of lieutenant general and put in command
of all our armies, and this in turn necessarily pro-
duced a corresponding change in the work of the
staff.
I had served sixteen months with him through
two great campaigns, and during most of the time
had been the only regular officer in daily contact
with him. As I have frankly said elsewhere, I
joined him with some lack of faith in both his habits
and his character, but my opinion of his real worth
grew constantly more favorable. I found him mod-
est and unpretentious, but with an even temper
and exceedingly sound judgment. He was not then
and never became what regular officers regarded as
a first-class technical or theoretical soldier. He
dealt with large things in a large way, and left de-
tails of every sort as far as possible to those below
him. He had great faith in both Sherman and Mc-
Pherson and, therefore, habitually left them abso-
lutely free to manage such movements as he directed
them to make in their own way. He had no great
confidence in the average political general, but here
322
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
and there men from civil life like Logan, Crocker,
John E. Smith, Morgan L. Smith, and Gresham won
his entire confidence. He looked upon Logan as a
brave, ambitions, and competent officer, but regard-
ed him as a habitual grumbler who claimed to be do-
ing all the work and getting less than half the praise
to which he was justly entitled. Both Sherman and
McPherson were credited by the country at large
and especially by the professors at West Point with
supplying him with brains. Many thought that they
formulated as well as executed his plans, but to
those of us on the inside this claim was not only
baseless but absurd. Sherman was a talented, talk-
ative man, widely read in military science and mili-
tary history, and had brilliant views on all subjects,
but his critical mind was destructive rather than
constructive. He had opposed the great turning
movement of the Vicksburg campaign, but had co-
operated loyally to make it a success. He had won
Grant's confidence and support by giving him sym-
pathy and encouragement in the Corinth campaign.
They both had the highest respect for C. F. Smith,
who was commandant while they were cadets at
West Point, and they never quite got over the sense
of awe which they felt in his presence when they
were boys and he the ideal soldier of the regular
army. Sherman expressed only the popular opin-
ion when he declared that neither he nor Grant
would have ever been heard of but for the untimely
death of that admirable officer. This may not have
been altogether true, for Grant at least outranked
them both from the start and in the exercise of his
functions had the constant aid of a very strong
adlatus and adjutant. I refer of course to Rawlins,
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
who showed himself from the first to be a vigorous,
virile, aggressive character who commanded atten-
tion wherever he appeared. As we have seen, he
had no technical military knowledge whatever, but
his intimate relations with Grant from the time he
joined the staff put him at the very center of influ-
ence and responsibility, and in the emergencies of
Grant's military life gave him not only the last
word, but in more than one instance the controlling
one. Withal his place was difficult to fill. Conscious
of his own shortcomings as a military expert, he
necessarily fell back upon common sense and the
simple obligations of daily life as the best guides
in counseling his chief. He was the one man who
never feared to offer his opinions or to advocate
them with all his might, whether they were sought
for or not. He asserted from the first conversation
he ever had with me that Grant was i i a good man, ' '
and that we could "win with him if we could stay
him from falling". Certain it is that he was never
rebuffed and that the leading officers found in him
a safe and direct channel through which they could
always reach their common chief with the most deli-
cate suggestion after it had received Bawlins' con-
sideration and approval. He was as far from being
a sycophant or a time-server as any man I ever
knew, but, eliminating and effacing himself and his
personal interests absolutely, he never failed to
speak out with fearlessness and independence when
he thought the interests of his chief or of the coun-
try required it. In this he was habitually respect-
ful, but, as has been shown, there were occasions
when he did not hesitate to express his most "in-
tense vehemence on the subject matter" in tone and
324
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
language which no man could affect to misunder-
stand, and it was this well known fact that so fully
justified Dana in saying as he did, just after the
close of the Chattanooga campaign, that "the best
brains ever supplied to Grant from any quarter
were supplied by the generals of his own staff. ' !
In further explanation it may be truly said that
great commanders as well as princes and potentates
generally get all the advice and assistance they
need, and the most fortunate are those who have it
winnowed by such masterful men as John A. Raw-
lins. The combination in Grant's case was a cred-
itable and fortunate one. The great character which
passed into history under the name of Grant was
lacking and indeed never acquired the technical per-
fection which characterized the great soldiers of
history, but, as the sequel showed, it finally achieved
signal and complete success. If this was at a great-
er expense of life and treasure than it might have
otherwise cost, every American should rejoice that
the country's resources in both were equal to the
demands made upon them, and that there were two
men at least willing to pledge their character and
lives to the successful outcome of the great enter-
prise in which they were engaged.
My stay at Nashville lasted from January 12
to January 20, during which I took part in discus-
sions between Grant, W. F. Smith, and Rawlins in
reference to future plans, but in the midst of them
I was lifted out of that environment by an order
from the Secretary of War, handed to me by Gen-
eral Grant, directing me to proceed to Washington
for the purpose of taking charge of the Cavalry
Bureau for a period of sixty days, or till active op-
* 325
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
erations were resumed in the spring. It seems that
at Dana's suggestion the Secretary had asked the
General to lend me to the Department for that pe-
riod, at the end of which time I was to return to
active service in the field. The terms of this prop-
osition were of the most flattering character.1 Dana
telegraphed as follows:
Washington, D. C,
January 17, 1864, 1 p. m.
Maj. Gen. U. S. Grant :
Will it be practicable for you to spare General Wilson
for a time to come here and get the Cavalry Bureau into
order and honesty?
Of course, the Department will make no order which
will deprive you of the services of such an officer without
your full consent, but the necessity for him is very great,
and I know of no one else who can perform the duty as
well as he. It is a question of saving millions of money
and rendering the cavalry arm everywhere efficient. You
can have him again as soon as he gets the machine in good
working order, say in sixty days. If you spare him let
him come directly. He will be appointed chief of the
bureau. Please answer by telegraph.2
C. A. Dana.
Grant replied the next day as follows :
Nashville, Tenn.,
January 18, 1864, 11 :30 a. m.
C. A. Dana, Esquire,
Washington, D. C.
I will order General Wilson at once. No more efficient
or better appointment could be made for the place.3
U. S. Grant,
Major General.
1 O. R. Series 1, Vol. XXXII, Part 2, pp. 115, 1131.
? O. R. Serial No. 58, p. 115.
3 lb., p. 131.
326
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CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
Inasmuch as I had never set a squadron in the
field I was greatly surprised at the Secretary's re-
quest, but I had no option and at once proceeded to
Washington, relying on the understanding that I
should rejoin the general in the field on the resump-
tion of operations in the spring. General Grant was
to have accompanied me as far as Louisville, but on
the eve of my departure was compelled to go to Chat-
tanooga for the purpose of making final dispositions
for the expulsion of Longstreet from east Tennessee.
That General had shown a disposition to counter-
march toward Knoxville and had compelled Granger
and Parke to retreat from Dandridge toward Sauls-
bury Plain.
Immediately after reaching Washington I called
on the Secretary of War. He received me with a
scowling countenance. He was evidently disap-
pointed with my youthful appearance, but proceeded
at once to lay down the law: "I have sent for you,"
said he, "because I understand you do not fear re-
sponsibility. My life is worried out of me by the
constant calls of the generals in the field for more
cavalry horses, and by the dishonesty of the con-
tractors who supply us with inferior horses, or
who transfer their contracts to sub-contractors who
do not fill them at all. They are a set of unmitigated
scoundrels, and I want you to reorganize the busi-
ness, drive the rascals out and put the cavalry serv-
ice on an effective footing. I don't want you to
fail as Stoneman did, nor to say, as Garard did:
'I cannot hope to surpass the efforts of Stoneman. '
Don't tell me you can't swing the job. I give you
carte blanche and will support you with all the re-
sources of the Department. While I have called
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you here for this particular purpose, please remem-
ber that if you see anything else in the "War De-
partment which requires attention or ought to be
changed you are to come and tell me about it. That
will do, sir." He afterward told a friend of mine
that he thought my body was too short for my legs.
With this dismissal from the great war minis-
ter's presence, I proceeded directly to the office of
the Bureau in what was known as the Chain Build-
ing, and entered at once on my duties. The first
thing that engaged my attention after installing
my able classmate, James P. Martin, as adjutant,
was to reorganize the system of horse inspections
in such way as to ensure with greater certainty the
delivery of sound and serviceable horses. To this
end, with the assistance of the bureau officers, I
prepared a new system of inspection. Each board
was to' consist of three persons, one regular and one
volunteer cavalry officer, and one citizen expert, at
each purchasing depot. The regulations provided
among other things for branding horses already
rejected for unsoundness if presented again before
the unsoundness had been removed, with a hot iron
under the mane, imprinting the letter "B" perma-
nently on the skin.
Shortly afterward several of the principal horse
contractors invited me to dinner and showed a dis-
position to extend other civilities, but, of course,
these invitations were declined. A letting was near
at hand for eleven thousand horses to be delivered
at St. Louis, Indianapolis, Columbus, St. Paul, and
Elmira. The new regulations had gone out and the
bids for the horses were soon to be opened. On the
day before I invited all the known bidders to as-
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CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
semble at my office at three o 'clock in the afternoon.
When they were all there I notified them verbally
that the laws and regulations as they then were
would be enforced to the letter, that every man
offering horses would be required to fill the contract
awarded him exactly in the manner specified there-
in, that no contracts could be sublet, and that every
successful bidder would not only be compelled to
enter into, but carry out, his contract to the letter.
I expressed the hope that all this would be cheer-
fully acquiesced in, but concluded with the remark
that it was my duty to see that every man filled his
contract, and if I couldn't make him do it peaceably,
* ' I should make it out of his hide. ' ' This it must be
confessed was rather a rough speech, but from the
stories I had heard I deemed it necessary. The next
day the bids were opened and the contracts awarded.
The lowest bidder for horses at St. Louis had been
a good while in the business and seemed to be com-
petent and trustworthy, but, inasmuch as he received
an award for only half instead of all the horses at
that point, he remarked as he left my office that he
didn't think he would enter into or fill the contract
awarded him. As he was leaving L remarked : S f You
had better think it over carefully before deciding
on your course, and in doing so it will perhaps be
well to remember that, according to the records of
this office, the Government now owes you for a thou-
sand head of horses, not one dollar of which will it
pay if I can prevent it, till you have not only en-
tered into your new contract, but shown that you
intend to carry it faithfully into effect. Think it
over, Colonel, and let me hear from you to-mor-
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
The next morning the doubtful Colonel pre-
sented himself with a smiling countenance and
said: "General, I have carefully considered the
remark you made as I was leaving your office
last night, and, seeing that you have a de-
cided advantage in the matter, I intend to enter
into that contract and I give you every assurance
that I shall faithfully carry out all of its pro-
visions."
It is my pleasant duty to add that he made good
on every count, furnished his two thousand five
hundred head of horses within the specified time,
all of which were fully up to the standard of the
new regulations, but he was the only one of six
successful bidders that carried his contract through.
All the others failed entirely, one or two did not
sign, and several undertook to sublet their contracts
after they were awarded, but not another furnished
the horses awarded him. On reporting the facts
with my recommendations to Dana, then Assistant
Secretary of War, he ordered that each of the de-
faulting contractors should be promptly arrested,
brought to Washington, thrown into the old Capitol
prison, and tried by court martial. Each was found
guilty of violating the law and sentenced to fine and
imprisonment. The incident created a good deal
of excitement among contractors and the politicians
backing them, but from that time forth the supply
of cavalry horses became much more regular, and
the quality greatly improved. While the price rose
from $125 to $150, the horses proved to be much
more serviceable and the cavalry rose rapidly from
that day to the high state of efficiency which it
reached before the close of the war. The new regu-
330
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
lations were effective, but my course in carrying
them out made me many active enemies.
The bureau over which I presided also superin-
tended the purchase and supply of arms and equip-
ments for the cavalry service, but there was no such
necessity for radical measures in that branch of the
business, as the details of manufacture and inspec-
tion were conscientiously and honestly looked after
by the regular officers of the Ordnance Department.
It was under my administration, however, that the
Spencer magazine carbine was adopted as the stand-
ard for the cavalry service, and the division which
I commanded in Sheridan's cavalry was the first in
the world completely supplied with that or any
similar arm. I may also add that the three divi-
sions of the cavalry corps of the Military Division
of the Mississippi, which I led in 1864 and 1865
through Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia, was the
first command of that size in the world ever com-
pletely supplied with magazine firearms of any
sort. The Spencer carbine carried a magazine in
the stock from the butt to the trigger guard. It
held six cartridges, with one in the firing chamber.
The whole could be fired as rapidly as the guard
could be thrown to the front and pulled back, by
the simple mechanism designed for that purpose. It
was by all odds the most effective firearm of the
day, and I have never had any doubt that its ma-
chinery was easily adaptable with such minor
changes as might be found necessary either in the
size of the cartridge or the diameter of the bore.
There was no other arm to be compared with it in
the National, Confederate, or any other service at
that time, and consequently no charge made with it
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in hand ever failed. To the perfection of this car-
bine and the rapidity with which it could be fired
I attribute the uniform success of the assaults made
against the enemy's entrenchments at Nashville,
Selma, West Point, and Columbus. It was surely
of great advantage to the Federal cavalry, yet many
older and more experienced officers looked upon it
with disfavor. Conservatism in such matters is
frequently far more costly than the most reckless
over-confidence.
My ten weeks in Washington that winter was a
time of great activity. My office hours were from
eight o'clock till four, and were given to the faith-
ful study of the needs of the cavalry service and the
means by which that service could be best supplied
and made most effective. The most pressing want
was for remounts, and, while large numbers of
horses of superior quality were bought, they were
necessarily always sent to the troops in the field
without proper breaking or training. At no time
could a sufficient number be had to keep the old
regiments properly supplied. In view of this fact
the efforts of the bureau were directed against the
organization of new cavalry regiments, and this
sound policy brought me in antagonism to many
ambitious governors who favored the cavalry serv-
ice because it was more showy and therefore more
popular than the infantry. It was always easier to
raise new regiments than to fill up the old ones.
Among those who favored this idea was Andrew
Johnson, then a brigadier general of volunteers
and provisional governor of Tennessee. He sought
authority from the Secretary of War to raise twelve
regiments of twelve months' men from the loyal
332
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
citizens of his state, but so long as I remained in
the bureau I frustrated his plans by representing
that with all our efforts we could not secure enough
horses for the old regiments, that it took much long-
er to make good cavalry than good infantry, and
that it was wasteful and costly in the extreme to
permit the organization of such regiments as those
favored by Governor Johnson. Curiously enough,
when I took command of the cavalry corps, Military
Division of the Mississippi, in October of that year,
I found that the Governor had succeeded in organ-
izing and mustering his twelve regiments into the
army. They were, of course, stationed in the state
so they could easily get home, and consequently less
than half of the officers and men were present with
the colors. It was a great disappointment to find
these regiments under my command, but it was my
plain duty to do the best I could to make them ef-
fective. Under the ample authority allowed me I
scattered them among the Northern troops where
they would have closer supervision and better dis-
cipline, but many of the officers were untrained and
inefficient. A number were drunken rowdies who
used their authority to terrorize the people among
whom they were stationed. Several field officers
were court-martialed and dismissed for absence
without leave, and this made it necessary to fill the
vacancies with better men, not always the next in
rank. In such cases the cooperation of the Gover-
nor, who had the appointing power, was regarded as
essential, and under the advice of General Thomas
I called upon Andrew Johnson at the Governor's
Mansion for consultation. He received me with
coldness and reserve, and, when I stated my busi-
333
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
ness, which I did frankly and fully, he became angry
and burst out with the declaration that he would
not permit me to asperse the Tennessee cavalry or
its officers, alleging that they were as good as any
in the service. As this was far from the fact and
we were from the start widely at variance on the
subject, I rose to take my leave, remarking: "I
am sorry I called upon you, Governor. I hoped to
obtain your friendly cooperation, but I have made
a mistake and will try to get on without your help. ' '
Whereupon he said: "Why are you sorry V9 To
which I replied: "Because I am disillusioned. I
came here thinking that you were a statesman and
patriot, but I am sorry to find that you are merely
a politician of the common sort. I read your speech
in the Senate against secession and I said to my-
self, here is a man worthy to be President, but this
interview convinces me that I am wrong." *
At this frank but perhaps indiscreet remark, the
Governor instantly changed his manner and declared
his anxiety to cooperate with me to the fullest ex-
tent, but the facility with which he metamorphosed
himself convinced me that he was both insincere
and untrustworthy, and, although he then begged
me to be seated and give him my views fully, I was
so discouraged by my reception that I declined,
merely remarking that, as he was a brigadier, while
I was serving as a brevet major general under the
President's assignment, I had no doubt I should
be able to carry out all necessary measures for the
establishment and maintenance of discipline in my
command without either his help or his approval.
This view of the matter had evidently not oc-
curred to him, and, although it was followed by many
334
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
friendly assurances on his part, I dropped the sub-
ject there and took my leave. I met him several
times afterward while Hood was confronting us at
Nashville, and am glad to say he was always effu-
sive in his offers of friendship and cooperation in
what he called "our plan for the reorganization of
the Tennessee cavalry, \ ' but I never again asked for
his assistance. Under authority granted me by the
War Department a few weeks later I impressed his
saddle and carriage horses along with those of all
other non-combatants in that region for the purpose
of remounting the cavalrymen who had lost their
mounts in the preceding campaigns. I broke up
the separate division containing his regiments and
transferred them to such of the older divisions as
were most likely to be ordered out of the state.
Where necessary I filled vacancies as they occurred,
whether from court-martial or otherwise, by assign-
ing veterans of the same grade from Northern regi-
ments which had been reduced sufficiently in
strength to spare them. Fortunately we had plenty,
such as George Spaulding of Michigan, who were
experienced and gallant officers ready to embark
in any service which with a few hard knocks prom-
ised them a little true glory. The plan worked well
and soon brought the Tennessee cavalry, especially
the Twelfth, which Spaulding led till the end of the
war, to a high state of efficiency. If there was ever
any fault found with it by those actually concerned
I never heard of it, but the sequel a few months
later shows that Andrew Johnson never quite for-
gave me for the plain speech I made to him while
military governor.
It will be recalled that Andrew Johnson was
335
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elected vice-president in November, 1864, and
shortly after the inauguration succeeded to the of-
fice of President through the assassination of Lin-
coln. By that act he became commander-in-chief,
and, although the war was at an end, he did not for-
get. As I passed through Washington late in De-
cember of the next year on my way North I felt it
incumbent on me, as was then customary, to pay
my respects to the President at the Executive Man-
sion. The rest of the story is soon told. This was
my first meeting with him since leaving Nashville
in pursuit of Hood and he received me promptly,
but with all the austerity and dignity he could com-
mand. He made no responses to my respects and
good wishes, but with the fewest words and the most
formal behavior he brought my call to an end, and,
although I was just up from Georgia where recon-
struction had already become a live issue, he asked
no questions, and made no allusions to the past, but
the scowl on his heavy face showed that he not only
had not forgotten my plain talk, but was fully con-
scious of the superior rank he now enjoyed. I was
married on the third of January and in just three
days thereafter I received a formal order, issued
by the President's authority, mustering out of the
service Major General James H. Wilson "at his
own request' \ and directing him as a captain of en-
gineers to report at the end of his leave to the chief
of his corps for duty.
In further explanation I should perhaps state
that the end of the war found me in command of
central Georgia, and it was General Grant's purpose
when the Southern states were divided into military
departments to assign me to the command of the
336
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
Department of Georgia, but President Johnson
promptly turned that down and gave the place to
General Steedman. After holding command of the
District of Macon, to which I succeeded by seniority,
for several weeks, I concluded I had too much rank
for such command, and, as I did not want to stand
about with nothing to do, I made a formal applica-
tion to be mustered out. This request having
reached the President in due course was promptly
granted and the formal order was issued, but as it
passed through army headquarters Grant held it up
and asked me to remain in the service as a major
general for the present. As he assured me that I
should have an appropriate command, I quite will-
ingly consented, but Johnson had evidently not been
consulted, and when I called, as above related, to
pay my official respects, it put him on inquiry with
the result that he directed the original order to be
reissued, and this accounts for the muster out at
my "own request."
The incident serves to show that it is not safe for
an army officer to offend even the vice-president of
the United States by too much frankness. The de-
scent from the higher rank a few months earlier was
of itself without consequence or inconvenience, but
the reduction of revenue from a major general's pay
and allowances to those of a captain, with a wife
to provide for, was a serious embarrassment. From
a thousand dollars a month to less than two hun-
dred, with a debt of eight hundred on top of that,
was a come down long to be remembered, but withal
it had its amusing side. I never saw Andrew John-
son after that, but I have every assurance that his
troubles were greater than mine. I had no sym-
337
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
pathy with his political vagaries, but I never be-
lieved that he had committed high crimes or misde-
meanors for which he should have been either im-
peached or convicted. He was a coarse, obstinate,
self-willed man of low tastes and instincts, but he
was also frank, courageous, and loyal to his con-
victions, and his bitterest enemy never intimated
that his hand had been sullied by an ill-gotten far-
thing.
Stanton was a man of altogether different type.
A learned lawyer, an ardent patriot, and a most tire-
less worker, he was, besides, the least politic man
I ever met. No one could meet him without admir-
ing his tremendous energy and comprehensive judg-
ment, but he excited neither affection nor sym-
pathy. He was rough, overbearing, and outrageous
to his inferiors; negligent and contemptuous to-
ward his equals, and, I do not doubt, at times bold
and uncompromising with his superiors. Dana, as-
sistant secretary of war, was one of the few men
in office who did not seem to fear him, and through
Dana I transacted my business requiring the sanc-
tion of the Secretary. Notwithstanding Stanton's
invitation to call upon him whenever I had any sug-
gestion to make, I met him only twice during my
stay in Washington. The first time was for the pur-
pose of informing him that my management of the
Cavalry Bureau had aroused the animosity of the
contractors and their political backers, several of
whom in both the House and the Senate had openly
threatened to prevent my confirmation as brigadier
general and had threatened vengeance against the
Secretary of War if he dared to approve my action.
In the interview which followed I gave him the
338
CHIEF OF CAVALRY BUREAU
name of one senator from the northwest and one
representative from Pennsylvania, whereupon he
burst out vehemently : ' ' Oh, I know them. They are
both d — d cowards; neither one of them will ever
come within five hundred yards of the War Depart-
ment. I'll take care of them; you can leave that to
me and go fearlessly about your business."
The order relieving me from service in the Cav-
alry Bureau came April 7, but before starting to
the field I called upon the Secretary to pay my re-
spects and take my leave. Inasmuch as he had in-
vited me to make such suggestions as might occur
to me for the betterment of administration, I ven-
tured, in recalling that circumstance, to say: "Mr.
Secretary, I regret to inform you that a mistake has
been made in assigning Colonel Ekin, the Quarter-
master's Department, to duty as chief of the Bu-
reau.' \ Instantly he flew into a rage, exclaiming:
"What in hell is the matter with Ekin!" I re-
plied: "Nothing except he is a volunteer with
neither rank nor experience for the position." The
Secretary rejoined: "Why can't he give his orders
in my name?" To this I replied: "He can, but
you will not have the time to explain what you want
done, and he will not have the knowledge to decide
what he should do." The Secretary, with increas-
ing anger, and a still louder voice, then said : * ■ Well,
I wish the whole d d thing were in hell. What
do you recommend?" In reply I suggested that
General Halleck, chief of staff of the army, should
have supervision over the Bureau, explaining that
Colonel Kautz, my principal assistant, an expe-
rienced old officer, aided by Colonel Martin, the ad-
jutant general, also an able officer, would be com-
339
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
petent to carry on the business of the Bureau with-
out delay or interruption, and especially without
annoying the Secretary with the details. My sug-
gestion was accepted, and, so far as I know, the re-
sults were satisfactory, but it may be remarked that
the withdrawal of Kautz for duty in the field a few
weeks later placed the burden more firmly on Hal-
leck 's shoulders. As he was far from being a prac-
tical soldier, he came to the conclusion before the
war ended that the cavalry was but a poor arm at
best, and that horses enough could not be found to
supply the organized regiments with remounts.
340
XIII
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
Administration and duties of Cavalry Bureau — Horse-pur-
chasing stations — Governors Andrew, Morton, and
Dennison — Grant at Nashville — Dine with Lincoln —
Lincoln and Ward Lamon — Discontentment with gov-
ernment— Loyalty of army — Return to field service.
My services in the Cavalry Bureau at Washing-
ton extended from January 23 to April 7, 1864,
or about ten weeks. It ended in accordance with the
understanding between General Grant and Secre-
tary Stanton at the time the detail was made. It
covered a wide range of subjects connected with the
cavalry service, as fully shown in the records and
correspondence of the Bureau. They touched every
question that could arise in regard to the organiza-
tion, equipment, mounts, remounts, armament, in-
struction, efficiency, and standardization of that
most expensive arm. The purchase, supply, and
care of horses at the depots, their preparation, and
issue for service, their care and recuperation when
sick or worn down by overwork and exposure re-
quired constant supervision and involved daily cor-
respondence by telegraph and letter with army com-
manders, chiefs of cavalry, horse inspectors, Bureau
officers, commanders of camps, and governors of
341
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states. I was occupied from morning till night,
week days and Sundays, not only with those matters,
but with senators, representatives, contractors, man-
ufacturers, and inventors. It was my duty to serve
as a breakwater to the Department and a protection
to the public treasury against fraud and spoliation.
When it is remembered besides that in doing all
this it was necessary to keep myself solid with those
in authority over me, without running to them with
details, it will be readily understood that I had no
time for play, and that my job was no sinecure. I
was then in my middle twenties and absolutely with-
out general experience or any but the most super-
ficial knowledge of the business world. I had no
guide but army regulations and standing orders and
what I had learned at West Point, supplemented by
my short service after graduating, in regard to or-
ganization, supply, maintenance, and administration
of armies and their several branches. It follows
that I depended mainly upon my capacity to gather
facts and to apply common sense and good judg-
ment in the use of them.
From the first I made it a rule to lay nothing
over, but to take action upon every case as it arose.
This I learned from Dana, who had by all odds the
greatest capacity for work and was the best admin-
istrator I ever met in public office. With intense
powers of concentration he disposed of one case
after another exactly as a competent mason lays
bricks. He hardly got one settled in place before
he took another in hand. And thus it was all day
long, week in and week out. It was my good for-
tune to room and board in the same house with
Dana. We went to our offices together in the morn-
342
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
ing and left them at the close of office hours in the
afternoon. When our day's work was done, it was
our custom to go out on horseback for an hour and
a half and on Sundays to visit the Giesboro depot
and camp of instructions which I had early placed
under the command of Colonel Lowell, of the Mas-
sachusetts Cavalry. We led a strenuous life, de-
voting our whole time and attention to the public
service and to the cause of the country. We ac-
cepted but few invitations, in fact, none except such
as came to us in the way of duty. As soon as I got
the machinery of my Bureau in condition to trans-
act business with certainty and dispatch, I sought
and obtained authority to visit New York, Boston,
Elmira, Louisville, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Cincin-
nati, and Columbus for the purpose of inspecting
horse-purchasing stations, conferring with the quar-
termasters, inspecting officers, and governors.
At Boston I made the acquaintance of Governor
Andrew, at that time almost the first of the so-called
war governors. I found him full of interest in all
that pertained to the organization and supply of the
army. He was bold, vigorous, and active, and not
only promised but gave me every assistance in his
power. At Columbus I met Governor Dennison, and
at Indianapolis Governor Morton. With such men
as these cooperating and supporting the plans of the
Government, it was easy to command the resources
of their states in the matter of troops and other
means for carrying on war. Morton was evidently
a more rugged character than either Dennison or
Andrew. With less learning and less suavity than
either, he was a tremendous force and bent all his
energies to supporting the war against the Con-
343
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
federacy. He was an excellent manipulator of pub-
lic opinion, and by his strong will and vigorous
management called forth the resources and com-
manded the support of the loyal men of his state.
On the other hand, he forced all sympathizers with
the Eebellion into the open or into secret organiza-
tions for giving it aid and comfort. He kept a close
supervision over the leading officers from his state
in the army, and did his best to make them look to
him rather than to the general government for sup-
port and promotion. For this reason he was never
altogether popular with the commanding generals
in the field. Neither Grant nor Sherman became
particularly intimate with him, and it was with ref-
erence to Albin P. Hovey, one of the best of the
Indiana generals, that Sherman made his celebrated
remark : ' 4 If Washington is the place to get promo-
tion, the army ought to change front on Washing-
ton. ' ' But, withal, the Indiana generals were a vital
and virile set. Without those qualities they could
never have obtained either the commissions or the
support of Morton, and without Morton's help sev-
eral of them would have failed to reach the rank of
general officer.
During the trip west I ran down from Louisville
to Nashville for the purpose of conferring with Gen-
eral Grant, who was still at that place considering
plans for the future conduct of the war in his mili-
tary division. But it will be recalled that immedi-
ately after his success at Chattanooga he had be-
come the cynosure of all patriotic eyes. To Don-
aldson and Vicksburg he had now added Missionary
Bidge, thus making himself the only entirely suc-
cessful general that the war had so far developed,
344
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
which, in turn, led to a popular call for the creation
of still higher rank and the promotion of Grant to
fill it. It was in response to this call that Congress
a few weeks later revived the grade of lieutenant
general, which the President assigned to Grant,
with the command of all our armies.
But it would be misleading to state that the call
was instantly complied with. Notwithstanding his
tremendous success, Grant was but little known in
Washington, and there was among the leading mem-
bers of the cabinet and of the Senate a lingering
doubt as to his entire trustworthiness. Immedi-
ately after arriving in Washington I was consulted
by such senators and representatives as I knew or
chanced to meet in regard to his fitness for the pro-
motion and for the great power which it- would
place in his hands. Washburne, the member of
Congress from his district, was the most potent and
aggressive factor in the scheme of reviving the lieu-
tenant generalcy and giving it to Grant. He was
bold, active, and persistent in advocating the meas-
ure, and was, besides, the firm friend of Rawlins
and his close ally in every measure for Grant's ad-
vancement. I boarded at the same house with him,
and from the date of my arrival gave him and the
measure he was advocating my most active and
unqualified support. We conferred about it in every
possible aspect. He, of course, had known from the
first, through letters from Rawlins and through the
western press, that a serious doubt had been cast
upon Grant's sobriety,1 but he also knew that, with
Rawlins' support, the modest general had in no
serious degree lapsed from that propriety of con-
1 Wilson s ■ ■ Life of Charte* A. Dana, ' ' p. 309 et seq.
345
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
duct necessary for his success. He knew from
Dana, Rawlins, and myself the real facts of his case,
and that in no instance had he yielded to such an
extent as to imperil the safety of his army or the
success of his campaigns. But above all Washburne
knew that, so long as Rawlins stood by him as guide,
philosopher, and friend, the combination would con-
tinue to be successful. Therefore, while providing
for Grant's promotion, he provided also for Raw-
lins' further advancement by getting Congress to
create the office of chief-of-staff for him. Thus the
union between them was perpetuated. Nearly every
writer of the times has alluded to these circum-
stances, but no one has gone to the extent of de-
claring, as was indubitably the case, that the whole
question of Grant 's advancement was decided in his
favor after a careful but informal consideration of
the facts and probabilities affecting his personal
habits and character. I know whereof I write, and
that I am not mistaken, because every official in
Washington who consulted me at all asked questions
which left no doubt in my mind as to the ground of
their solicitude. I know of no other case like this
in history. It stands alone, and it was decided on
the probabilities that, as Grant had been success-
ful with the support of those nearest him, he would
continue to be successful so long as they continued
to stand by him. The sequel showed that confidence
in him and them was not misplaced.
After reaching Washington I wrote to Rawlins,
giving him the result of my observations and con-
ferences from day to day, and making known
through him to General Grant the progress of the
measure for his advancement. It became more and
346
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
more evident as the days passed that Grant's friends
were masters of the situation, and that he could re-
ject his new rank should it not come with the clear
understanding that he was to have untrammeled con-
trol of the army and the concurrence and support of
the central government. Among those who knew
best, the sentiment was that he should bring east
with him only Eawlins, Smith, Bowers, and Badeau,
of the old staff, and that he should take command
of the Army of the Potomac, either directly or in-
directly, as soon as spring operations should begin.
It was to explain the situation at Washington and
to give such details in regard to the various cur-
rents of feeling and opinion that had developed in
reference to the measure under consideration that
I visited Nashville, arriving there March 16, in the
evening.
I found General Grant suffering from chills, but
eager for all the news I could give him. I talked
freely with him and with Rawlins, Bowers, and Ba-
deau till midnight and afterwards with Bowers till
daybreak. I found them all deeply impressed with
the importance of the changes about to take place,
and while they realized as fully as I did that their
chief required "the courage of heroes, the purity
of angels, and the omniscience of the gods," he
would have to content himself with his natural en-
dowments and the support of the friends who had
stood with him from the first. From Grant down
they were ready for the change and resolved to
meet it with unfaltering hearts. There was not the
slightest show of doubt in any of them that Grant
would succeed.
It is well known that Sherman, of all his gen-
347
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
erals, counseled him not to remain in Washington
or to take command in the East, but to return to the
Mississippi valley and finish up the great work
there, on the theory that the rest of the country
would follow the destiny of that extensive region.
He evidently doubted Grant's capacity to stand
alone or to meet the machinations against him which
his new position would surely bring. But Rawlins
and Bowers, who were closer to Grant than any
others, showed no sign of sharing such doubts.
They recognized from the first that the commission
of lieutenant general and the command of all the
loyal armies imposed upon Grant the inevitable duty
of meeting Lee and his hitherto invincible army
face to face, and of trying out the issue with them
to the bitter end.
Having told my story and satisfied myself as to
the feelings of Grant and his staff as well as to the
military conditions prevailing at Nashville, I re-
turned to Washington as rapidly as possible, where
I made known to Washburne, Dana, and others the"
feelings I had found at Grant's headquarters.
As before intimated, I took but little interest in
social matters during that winter in Washington.
Shortly after arriving there, I had been invited to
dine at the White House and to accompany the Pres-
ident and his family to the theater. It was a new
experience for me, and one of mingled emotions.
The President was kindness itself and seemed to
know without explanations that I was the son of his
old friend, Harrison Wilson, of the Black Hawk
War. He told me many anecdotes and asked me a
good many questions. Among the rest he wanted to
know about the Generals, Crooke and Stoughton,
348
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
who had recently been captured in the Shenandoah
Valley while visiting ladies outside their camp. It
so happened that I knew both quite well, and was
enabled to assure the President that they were good
officers, and that such an accident might readily
overtake any one in that region. It was upon this
occasion that he said: "I don't care so much for
brigadiers ; I can make them. But horses and mules
cost money."
Directly after the passage of the bill reviving the
grade of lieutenant general, Grant came to Wash-
ington to confer with the President and receive his
new commission. On this trip, he was accompanied
by Rawlins and Mrs. Grant, and on their arrival
I called to pay my respects. I found the party well
pleased with their reception, but unable or unwill-
ing to accept social invitations from even those in
highest authority. The Lieutenant General was
necessarily busy informing himself as to the condi-
tion of affairs in Virginia. As I recall it, he and
Mrs. Grant had been expected to dine at the White
House, but, as the General was delayed in getting
back to Washington from Fort Monroe, Mrs. Grant
asked me to call and explain to Mrs. Lincoln that
they would not be able to keep their engagement.
Upon that occasion I was again invited to dine, and
go to the theater, and, of course, the invitation was
equivalent to a command.
After dinner we went to the theater and, while
seated in the President's box, he told me between
the acts a great many characteristic anecdotes, but
made no allusion to public affairs. Now and then,
for an instant, his countenance seemed "sicklied
o'er with a pale cast of thought," like a peaceful
349
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
landscape shadowed by passing clouds, but on the
whole he looked brighter and more cheerful than
usual. He did not disguise the relief he felt at hav-
ing at last found a leader for the army with the
prestige and habit of success. This, more than any-
thing else, lifted a great load from his mind, but,
withal, it was evident that he was still wearied and
weighed down by the cares of his great office and
that he sought relief in the play before him. I
was struck that night by the gravity of his counte-
nance in contrast with the extraordinary mobility
of his lips and tongue and the clear and rapid enun-
ciation they gave to his words. Something in the
play caused him to turn to me and imitate the low
and plaintive "ba-a-a" of a lamb, which he did with
singular accuracy and effect.
It was about that time, while walking out with
Ward Lamon, the herculean marshal, that a Con-
federate sympathizer had stopped them, and, grasp-
ing the President's hand, wrung it till he cried out
with pain. As it was not the first time that he had
received such greetings under the guise of friend-
ship, nor that Lamon had witnessed it, the latter,
with the fist of a gladiator, delivered a blow straight
in the ruffian's face and felled him to the ground.
In sorrow for the poor devil, who hardly knew what
had struck him, Lincoln gazed sadly upon his pros-
trate form and said: "For God's sake, Ward, give
the man a chance ! The next time you hit him, hit
him with an axe handle ! ' '
I saw the President several times after that
night, but the injunction to "give the man a
chance," followed by an unconscious light on his
countenance, not only brought this anecdote to my
350
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
mind, but recalled the familiar scene at the frontier
town where the storekeeper habitually kept behind
the door a hickory axe handle ready on a moment's
notice as the last argument with the ruffian who
had drunk too much and could not be got rid of
without a breach of the peace.
The contrast between Lincoln's life at New
Salem on the Sangamon River, where he cleaned out
the Clary's grove gang in a bout at fisticuffs, and
his life in Washington, where he was struggling as
Chief Magistrate of the nation to overthrow the
greatest rebellion of modern times, well illustrates
the opposite ends of our civilization and presents
as strange a chapter as can be found in the annals
of the human race.
I attended but one reception at the White House.
Mr. Lincoln, accompanied by his wife, took position
in what was then known as the Red Room, with a
few invited guests behind, and, as the procession
passed two by two, he listlessly grasped their ex-
tended hands and passed them on without a word.
Occasionally a man and his wife more distinguished
than the rest would be pulled over by an attend-
ant to join the guests behind the President. I and
my friends had this honor, and we found a few ac-
quaintances who were enjoying it with us. But the
whole meeting seemed pervaded by a sense of duty
mingled with curiosity rather than by a spirit of
enjoyment. The President's gloves were far too
large, and this was doubtless a matter of choice to
enable him to get them on and off easily and to dis-
courage the hearty handshake that was so prevalent
both with the friends and the enemies of that illus-
trious man.
351
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
I also attended a ball at a private banker's, then
one of the leaders of fashion in the Federal city.
It was a brilliant affair. The music was beautiful
and the ladies charmingly dressed, according to the
fashion of the day, but the pleasure of the occasion
was marred for me in a most unexpected manner.
The party I accompanied was composed of a field
officer of engineers, his wife, and two young ladies,
and I was authorized to bring with me a captain
who was convalescing from a painful wound. Be-
fore the dancing began our party divided into cou-
ples and within a few minutes after we began cir-
culating I observed a commotion in the larger recep-
tion room. Pushing my way through the excited
guests I found my friend, the captain, extended on
three chairs in a faint, gasping for breath and suf-
fering from the heat. Making my way to his side,
and seeing that he was in a state of collapse, it
occurred to me that he might be revived by a glass
of punch, which I made haste to take from the punch
bowl near at hand.* He swallowed it with unex-
pected avidity and then, with a languid upward
look, said : i [ More, " ' whereupon I gave him another,
which he received in the same manner and swal-
lowed with a similar result. Again he called for
more. Thinking that his position was not suitable
for further refreshment of that sort, assisted by a
couple of the gentlemen, I carried him out to a back
piazza, where we found a swinging hammock. Lift-
ing him in it, I began further investigation. Sev-
eral bystanders pressed in to assist, but, thinking
my friend was suffering from nothing worse than
heat and possibly his wound, I pushed them aside,
remarking to one who asked if I were a medical
352
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
man : ! ' No, but I think I can handle this case. ' ' But
the harder I strove to restore my friend the less I
succeeded in doing so. One of the gentlemen there-
upon asked if I knew who the elderly person was I
had pushed aside. When I said I had never seen
him before, the gentleman replied : ' ' That was Doc-
tor Blank, the most distinguished medical practi-
tioner of this city." Eealizing at once that I had
made a mistake, I sought and found the Doctor en-
joying himself as though nothing had happened.
I made a humble apology, confessing that the case
appeared to be too complicated for anyone except a
doctor, and begging him to come again to my
friend's assistance. This he did in the most amiable
manner, and, after feeling his pulse, lifting his eye-
lid, auscultating his chest and applying all the other
proper tests, I noted a gentle smile about the cor-
ners of his mouth, immediately after which he
looked up and said : 1 ■ You should put your friend
to bed. He will be better to-morrow. He is simply
drunk.' ' Whereupon, in astonishment, I remarked
that it could not be possible. The Doctor at once
rejoined: "Oh, yes, General, drunk; very drunk,
indeed." And this ended the discussion, and closed
the incident.
While I remained in Washington one most im-
portant matter affecting the public welfare was
sifted to the bottom. A correspondent who had
opportunities through his association with states-
men and newspaper men to know what was going on
in the East had written me early in 1863 that great
discontentment prevailed in regard to the Govern-
ment and the failure of its efforts to suppress the
rebellion. This discontentment showed itself in sev-
353
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
eral ways. A group of congressmen, fully con-
vinced that Lincoln and his cabinet were unequal to
the task before them, concocted a scheme, with vari-
ous ramifications, to elect a stronger man for Presi-
dent, and this scheme was still on. The same group,
with allies among the governors, were strongly
prejudiced against Stanton and threatened to with-
hold their support from the Government unless he
were expelled from the War Department and Hal-
leck relieved as general-in-chief. But our late suc-
cesses in the West had greatly discouraged this com-
bination. Another group of which a political major
general was the center felt that a different and far
more drastic remedy should be resorted to. It was
believed by many that this group was plotting the
overthrow of the Government and the establishment
of a dictatorship of which the major general should
be either the head or the Secretary of War, and that
the first business would be to lead the army to
Washington and turn the President and his cabi-
net out of office. With this done, affairs were to be
carried on by the dictator, and the war was to be
thereafter conducted in a more scientific and vigor-
ous manner. But again military success in the West
also put this scheme to confusion and instead of
usurpation and a dictatorship of the vulgar sort,
substantially the same end was to be accomplished
by the act of Congress creating the grade of lieu-
tenant general and the assignment of Grant to that
rank, with the understanding that he was to have
full powers, subject only to the supreme command
of the President and the constituted authorities.
The underlying idea of this legislation was undoubt-
edly to give the new and successful commander com-
354
SERVICES IN WASHINGTON
plete control and at the same time, without saying
so directly, to restrict the functions and activities
of the President and the Secretary of War to sup-
plying men, money, and material for carrying on the
struggle, while the actual work in the field should
be supervised by the new general-in-chief, and all
subordinate army commanders should take their
orders and carry on their operations solely under
his direction.
Notwithstanding the particulars, which reached
me from time to time, both while in Washington
and before I went there, I always felt that the con-
spiracies to which I have alluded were more or less
fictitious, but I am now persuaded that for a while
at least they were promoted by various elements of
discontent in and out of Congress, as well as in and
out of the army* Fortunately, the lieutenant gen-
eralcy was not only a constitutional but an emi-
nently practical solution of the country's more
pressing difficulties. Knowing the modesty, patriot-
ism, and unquestioning sense of subordination which
controlled Grant in all his actions, and feeling as-
sured that the men and influences surrounding him
would be managed if not dominated hereafter as
heretofore by his strong, aggressive, and patriotic
chief-of-staff, I had no sort of doubt that the entire
army would be confined henceforth to the duty of
sustaining the civil government in all its branches,
while it would be called upon to put forth at the
same time its best efforts to overthrow and sup-
press the slaveholders' rebellion. The country ac-
cepted this plan as a happy solution of its most
pressing difficulties, and for the immediate future
gave but little heed to illegal and quixotic schemes
355
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
for getting control of the Government. This view of
the matter was loyally accepted by the leading news-
papers as well as by the leading congressmen and
governors, and the new era began with an immediate
restoration of hope and confidence in which I fully
shared. While the new plans necessarily developed
themselves but slowly, the measures, as they became
known, relieved my mind of all apprehension, and
when the hour came to give up my office in Wash-
ington and to rejoin Grant in the field I went most
willingly and with every confidence that both the
civil and military crises had been successfully
passed and that the Government provided for in
the Constitution would surely and within a reason-
able time triumph over all its enemies and op-
posers whomsoever.
356
XIV
COMMANDING THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
General plan of campaign — Report to Meade — Relieve Kil-
patrick — Confirmation delayed — Spencer carbines —
Position of opposing armies.
The Lieutenant General's plan for the spring
campaign was not only most resolute, but as simple
and direct as it was wise. Lee's army was the objec-
tive of the Army of the Potomac. Major General
George G. Meade was in immediate command, reen-
forced by the Ninth Corps under Burnside, all under
the personal supervision of General Grant. ' \ Wher-
ever Lee goes there you will go also," summarized
his terse instructions to Meade. As aid to this ag-
gressive forward movement against the main army
of the Confederacy under command of its greatest
general, Grant had also the Army of the James,
twenty-three thousand men, under Major General
Benjamin F. Butler, composed of Butler's own
troops and those of Major General Quincy A. Gill-
more, from the south Atlantic coast. This army,
under the immediate command of Major General
William Farrar Smith, was ordered to operate on
the south side of the James, with Bichmond for its
objective. The armies of Meade and Butler were
to become a unit in the event of the success of the
357
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
latter in forcing the enemy into the entrenchments
of Eichmond. Cooperative offensive action of all
our armies in the field, east or west, as far as possi-
ble, was provided for and insisted upon. Especially
important as an aid of the principal movements
against Lee and Eichmond, respectively, was the
march against Lynchburg and the Tennessee and
Virginia Eailroad to be made by a column of ten
thousand or twelve thousand men moving out from
Beverly under Major General E. O. C. Ord, and an-
other column, principally cavalry, moving in con-
cert from Charlestown, West Virginia, under Major
General George Crook. It will be observed that
Grant, as was characteristic and proper, reserved
to himself much the hardest job. The campaign
began early in May, 1864, and was pressed with
varying fortunes not only through the spring but
"all summer," and until the successful end, about
one year later, at Appomattox. From various
causes, chiefly Lee's generalship, which was fore-
seen, but largely from the inefficiency and lack of
cooperation among his own subordinates, which, if
foreseen, could not be adequately reckoned with in
advance, Grant, in his initial eastern campaign,
met with many cruel, almost heartbreaking, losses
and disappointments. Men cast in a less sturdy
mold would have yielded, and turned back in defeat
as did all his predecessors. But to every reverse
and failure he opposed an iron obstinacy and stead-
iness of purpose, ever resolutely and increasingly
greater with the failures and obstacles to be over-
come.1
My part in this epoch-making campaign, while
1 0. K. Serial No. 60, pp. 758, 794, 798, 803, 827-9, 1017.
358
THIED CAVALRY DIVISION
relatively unimportant, was, nevertheless, shaped in
accordance with the immediate personal wishes and
direction of General Grant. On the 28th of March,
1864, shortly after he took the field, he wrote Hal-
leck from Culpeper Court House, Virginia, saying,
among other things :
I think General Wilson should be relieved from duty
in the Cavalry Bureau as soon as it is possible to find an
officer to succeed him. I cannot suggest an officer to take
his place.1
On April 6 he telegraphed Halleck :
Is General Wilson to come here ? If he can be spared
from the Cavalry Bureau, he is much wanted to command
a cavalry division. I would like to know the decision of
the Secretary of War in this matter as soon as possible,
so that the cavalry command can be arranged.2
To which Halleck replied next day:
General Wilson has been relieved and directed to re-
port to the Lieutenant General for assignment to duty.3
It is also an interesting and strange coincidence
in my fairly eventful career that while the fall be-
fore, about the time Grant was urging my promo-
tion to brigadier general to command cavalry, and
Eosecrans was asking my detail to command an en-
gineer regiment, Major General Butler, command-
ing the Department of Virginia and North Carolina,
without my knowledge or concurrence wired Gen-
eral Grant:
Don't think me importunate, but for the good of
the service can you not send me Brigadier General J. H.
1 O. R. Serial No. 60, p. 753.
8 lb., p. 809.
8Zb., pp. 815-816.
359
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Wilson, now of the Cavalry Bureau, as chief of cavalry,
to lead our expedition ? x
The next day General Grant ordered me to re-
port without delay to Major General Meade, com-
manding the Army of the Potomac, for duty, and
on the same day General Butler renewed, without
result, his preference for me to command his cav-
alry.2 Having in no way sought to influence either
Grant or Butler, I assume that the latter, with whom
I had but slight personal acquaintance, was inspired
by my friend, Major General W. F. Smith, to single
me out and request my assignment to service as
above. It was a curious episode in my life, and,
looking back upon it after a half century, it is per-
haps not immodest in me to say that what Smith,
notwithstanding his conceded great ability and Gen-
eral Grant 's confidence in him, found himself under
the Butler handicap utterly unable to do, we, to-
gether, working as at Chattanooga, as one man
might possibly have done. We should have had my
old friend, Gillmore's, loyal help and cooperation,
and, putting my more youthful energy and enthu-
siam into the scale, along with the wisdom and vet-
eran experience of two such capable soldiers as
Smith and Gillmore, it is conceivable and at least
possible, if not probable, that we three might have
overcome not only Butler's utter lack of military
skill, but the resistance of the enemy as well, and
so have realized General Grant's hope early in the
campaign, that the enemy, as the result of the oper-
ations on the James and those under his immediate
personal direction, might be forced into the in-
1 O. R. Serial No. 60, pp. 850, 851, Butler to Grant, April 12.
'lb., p. 862, Butler to Grant, April 13, 1864.
360
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
trenchments of Eichmond, where assuredly Grant
might have repeated his success of Vicksburg.
It is impossible to overestimate the importance
of thorough personal touch, mutual confidence, and
loyal cooperation between the leading officers of any
army. This lack of it in the army of the James was
most unfortunate in its personal consequences and
in its influence upon the success of the campaign.
Initial success on the James and at Petersburg
might have changed the whole course of history.
But it was not to come at that time.
During my stay in Washington I kept in close
touch with Grant's headquarters through personal
correspondence with Eawlins, Smith, and Bowers,
and an occasional letter to the General himself,
and this custom continued, as opportunity permit-
ted, to the end of the war. After Grant became
lieutenant general and took the field in Virginia,
my list of correspondents at his headquarters was
enlarged to include Porter, Babcock, and Badeau,
and it is from that correspondence, supplemented
by my reports and diaries, that I have drawn largely
for the dates and facts in this narrative.
It will be recalled that shortly after Grant came
east he sent for Sheridan, who had greatly dis-
tinguished himself with his division of infantry
at Missionary Ridge, and gave him command of the
cavalry corps of the Army of the Potomac. In turn,
as soon as it could be arranged, he relieved Kilpat-
rick, at his own request, from further duty with the
corps and sent him west, while he transferred Mer-
ritt, Custer, and Davies to other brigades so as to
make way for my formal assignment to the com-
mand of the Third Division. Although Merritt was
361
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
below me in class standing and Kilpatrick and Cus-
ter came out a year later, while Davies was from
the Volunteers, each of them got his general's star
a few months before I did. In short, they out-
ranked me as brigadiers, and this made the changes
noted above necessary in order to give me command
of a division. As my services had been confined
so far to the staff and to the War Department, my
assignment to the command of a division, under
the circumstances, gave particular offense to my
seniors of the line and led to hard feelings and com-
plications which were not without influence in the
cavalry operations and which did not entirely dis-
appear till I was relieved from duty with the Army
of the Potomac and sent west to reorganize and com-
mand the cavalry of Sherman's armies.1 It was as-
sumed, perhaps naturally enough, by those con-
cerned that I had overslaughed them through per-
sonal influence and solicitation, but nothing could
have been further from the fact. In that matter,
at least, the Lieutenant General acted entirely on
his own judgment, without consulting me in any way
whatever, and, without reference to the precise rea-
sons for the selection, he is entitled to all the praise
and equally to all the blame for my assignment as
well as for Sheridan's.
But a further word of explanation may be inter-
esting. It will be remembered that the cavalry of
the Army of the Potomac was at that time resting
under some discredit. Although it had been organ-
ized by Stoneman, a distinguished cavalryman
of the old army, and was afterwards commanded
by Pleasanton, also an officer of good reputation,
1 O. E. Serial No. 60, pp. 753, 809, 862, 872, 881, 893.
362
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
it had as yet achieved no marked superiority over
the Confederate cavalry. Both Stoneman and Pleas-
anton had met Stuart with varying fortunes. If
anything, Stuart was regarded as having shown
superior enterprise and ability both in action and
in the raids he had conducted, so that when Sheridan
took command it was generally understood that the
prestige of the Confederate was greater than that
of the National cavalry. This, it was conceived,
made necessary and fully justified the importation
of new blood and the assignment of new officers to
command the cavalry corps and its First and Third
Divisions. Torbert was brought over from the in-
fantry with a reputation for courage, steadiness,
and dash, and, without dwelling on details, the re-
sults achieved, although not marked by unbroken
success, may be considered as having justified the
changes.
In behalf of both Stoneman and Pleasanton it
may be fairly claimed that their failure was due
rather to the way in which the cavalry was scat-
tered and overworked by those from whom they
took their orders than from any shortcomings of
their own. It is equally true that the disasters
which occurred and the mistakes which were made
by Sheridan were due generally to the same causes,
and particularly to the manner in which the cav-
alry corps was upon certain important occasions
broken into detachments and sent on eccentric move-
ments by General Grant. All this will appear more
fully in the course of this narrative.
Meanwhile it is interesting to note that William
Farrar Smith, Sheridan, and I were the only gen-
eral officers Grant brought from the West to com-
363
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
mand troops who had ever been with him in battle
or knew anything from personal observation as to
his methods of conducting warfare. Smith had
been with him a few weeks at Chattanooga ; Sheri-
dan had served under his eyes at Corinth and at
Missionary Ridge, while Burnside had commanded
in east Tennessee. Ord, who joined later, had
served in the Vicksburg Campaign. I had been on
his staff during the period of his greatest glory,
from the beginning of the campaign in northern
Mississippi to the end of the campaign at Chatta-
nooga. It seems but natural, therefore, that he
should want a few officers whom he knew person-
ally, and in whom he had confidence, both in the
Army of the Potomac and in the Army of the James.
Before leaving this subject, it may be well to
state that in General David McM. Gregg, who com-
manded the Second Division, the cavalry had one of
its very best officers. He had always belonged to
that branch of the service, and was noted for ster-
ling ability and great experience. Steady as a clock
and as gallant as Murat, it has been often said that
he was the best all-' round cavalry officer that ever
commanded a division in either army. Somewhat
lacking in enthusiasm and possibly in aggressive
temper, he was a man of unusual modesty, but of
far more than usual capacity. He had done splen-
did service wherever called upon and especially in
the command of the cavalry at Gettysburg, but for
some reason not easy to define he had not impressed
himself sufficiently upon his immediate commanders
to secure the position which was given to Sheridan.
He outranked Torbert, Merritt, Custer, and Wilson,
and, whenever they came together, necessarily had
364
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
command over them. While he always acquitted
himself with marked ability and credit, it must al-
ways remain a question whether he would have done
as well as Sheridan in command of the cavalry
corps. He did not serve through to the end of the
war, but after participating in all the cavalry en-
gagements in the campaign against Lee he resigned
his commission and left the service early in Febru-
ary, 1865. Whether this was due to pique or to dis-
appointment, he was always too proud to explain.
But whatever may have been the real cause it is due
him to add that it cost the army in its closing cam-
paign the services of a most gallant and useful offi-
cer, whose superb figure, knightly bearing, and per-
fect self-possession won the admiration of his com-
panions in arms and secured for him the reputation
of a soldier "sans peur et sans reproche."
On my way to the front I stopped over at Cul-
peper Court House to pay my respects to Generals
Grant, Meade, and Sheridan, and had a flattering
reception from all. After receiving my assignment
to command the Third Cavalry Division, I spent a
few hours with Grant's staff. While there I re-
ceived the gratifying information from Eawlins,
confirmed before I left by Mrs. Grant, who was
spending a few days with the General, that he had
reserved a place for me on the staff with the rank
of lieutenant colonel to provide for the contingency
of my nonconfirmation by the Senate as brigadier
general. Up to that date, although we had been ap-
pointed the year before, that august body had with-
held its consent and approval to the advancement of
both Rawlins and myself. As we were staff officers
neither of whom had yet commanded troops, our
365
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
friends, notwithstanding the tremendous influence
of the lieutenant general, had what afterwards came
to be recognized as a well-grounded doubt as to our
confirmation. Congress in the exercise of its dis-
cretion had with doubtful wisdom limited the num-
ber of general officers that could be appointed by
the President, and the Senate had still further cur-
tailed his authority by closely scrutinizing the serv-
ices and merits of those whose names were sent be-
fore it for its consent and approval. But up to that
time neither of us gave much thought to the dispo-
sition of that body toward us. Both, I may truth-
fully say, were much more interested in the work
we might have to do than in the rank or the pay we
might get for it, and yet it was most gratifying to
know that the man mainly responsible for our pro-
motion amid the sea of cares which surrounded him
had not forgotten to provide suitable place and rank
for our future services.
It turned out, however, that both our names were
hung up in the Senate somewhat indefinitely, and
while both finally received favorable consideration
mine was lost between the Military Committee room
and the engrossing clerk's office after official notice
of confirmation had been sent by Stanton to Grant,
and by Grant to me. Fortunately, through Grant's
intercession, my name was sent again without delay
to the Senate for confirmation to take effect from
the date of my original appointment. In due course
it was again favorably acted upon and this fact was
finally certified by the issuance of the proper com-
mission.
I had naturally assumed that my name was lost
in the first instance through the procurement of the
366
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
defaulting horse contractors whom I had caused to
be arrested and imprisoned, and who had promptly
sworn vengeance against me. But as I was leaving
for the West six months later, under a new assign-
ment, I was pained and surprised to receive a vol-
untary statement from an officer concerned that he
and another, whom I had superseded, had in anger
and resentment induced the Senate Committee's
clerk to drop my name in the shuffle and confusion,
which always more or less certainly occur at the
end of the session. The officer in question showed
every evidence of shame at the part he had taken
"to get even with me," as he expressed it, and vol-
unteered to go West and serve under me to show
that he was not only not inspired by malevolence but
was anxious to do all in his power to make full repa-
ration for the wrong he would have done me. While
this manly, but surprising, speech explained and
made clear other incidents of the past six months,
it fortunately enabled me to assure him that I had
used no influence whatever to secure my preferment,
and that as I had received no permanent injury at
his hands I had nothing to forgive. I need not add
that we parted better friends than we had ever been
and that, as he was withal a gallant officer in whose
good faith I had no sort of doubt, I shortly after-
wards made official application that he, with sev-
eral others, might be sent to assist in the great work
I had been detailed to undertake. Although this re-
quest was not granted, and we were never thrown
together again, we remained good friends to the end
of his brilliant career.
On Sunday, April 17, 1864, I rode from Cul-
peper Court House to Stevensburg, in front of
367
UNDER THB;OLD FLAG
which the Third Cavalry Division held position, and
immediately assumed command. Before leaving
Grant's headquarters, the General showed me the
telegram from General Butler already quoted, re-
questing that I be assigned to command the cavalry
attached to the Army of the James. This was quite
a surprise, for, although I had met General Butler
while serving as an engineer officer at Port Eoyal
as he was on his way to New Orleans, I had, as be-
fore stated, but little acquaintance with him and
none from which he could have known anything of
my capacity to command cavalry. I was much flat-
tered by his request, but always attributed it to the
suggestion of General Smith or of Colonel Turner,
both regular officers, with whom I was intimate,
rather than to the personal favor of the department
commander.
Kilpatrick was naturally chagrined at the order
relieving him from command of the Third Division,
and had already taken his departure for the West.1
I had known him well at West Point. Although
nearly two years my senior, he was a member of
the class next after mine and had served in the cadet
company of which I was first sergeant, both as a
private and as a corporal, and while I can scarcely
claim to have been a mother to him, as is the duty
of a first sergeant, I had taken a friendly interest in
him and had eome to regard him highly as an officer
of energy, ability, and patriotism. He early began
the war for the Union and he was just as enthu-
siastic and outspoken for it as was the hottest-
headed fire-eater in favor of the South and its pe-
culiar institution. He was a brilliant orator, and
1 O. E. Serial No. 60, p. 862.
368
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
while on furlough had taken an active part in the
political meetings of his native state. During his
cadet days he distinguished himself as an amateur
actor in the plays given by the Dialectic Society.
Somewhat below medium size, with sandy, reddish
hair and a fiery temper, he was distinctly unpopu-
lar with the Southerners, whose growing aggres-
siveness and intolerance he was prompt to resent.
This naturally led to a number of personal squabbles
and encounters, but no matter how big his antago-
nist Kilpatrick always bore himself with unflinching
courage. Although married the day he graduated,
he was at once assigned as a second lieutenant to
the Eegular Artillery. As he was one of the first
graduates of West Point to perceive that the war
for the Union would be fought mainly by volunteers,
he at once resolved to cast his lot in with them.
Within a week he was elected a captain in the Fifth
New York Infantry, known as Duryea's Zouaves.
Shortly afterwards he took a conspicuous part in
the battle of Big Bethel, and although severely
wounded he refused to leave the field till overcome
by the loss of blood. He was the first regular officer
wounded during the war of the Eebellion, and to
find himself loudly praised in the newspapers, which
was doubtless the reason for his election as lieu-
tenant colonel of the Second New York Cavalry as
well as for his detail as inspector general on Mc-
Dowell's staff. Too energetic to remain long on
detached duty, however honorable, he sought per-
mission at the beginning of active operations to re-
join his regiment, and for the next two years his
life was one of incessant activity. He became colonel
of his regiment before the end of the second year
369
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and took a tireless and gallant part in all the raids,
battles, and skirmishes connected with the cam-
paigns in Virginia and Pennsylvania. He was the
first of the younger West Pointers to win the star
of a brigadier general, and to succeed in turn to
the command of a brigade and a division. During
his entire service, it is safe to say that no other
officer could have been personally present at more
engagements or have been more frequently in dan-
ger of sudden death than was the ubiquitous and
fearless Kilpatrick. At the battle of Gettysburg
he made a gallant but unsuccessful charge against
the right wing of Lee's army, and for the next two
weeks was daily in pursuit and conflict with the
enemy. Neither fall nor winter put an end to his
activities. In the early spring of 1864 he conducted
a daring but unsuccessful raid against Richmond,
in which Ulric Dahlgren, the gallant son of Admiral
Dahlgren, lost his life, and many officers and men
were wounded and taken prisoner. It cannot be
said that Kilpatrick was always successful, but no
man ever charged him with being a laggard in cam-
paign or battle, or that he did not bear himself al-
ways with conspicuous gallantry. Full of enthu-
siasm and romance, he naturally loved streamers,
guidons, and banners, and rejoiced in the bugles,
the racket, rattle, and fanfaronade of the cavalry
service. No enterprise was too dangerous to ap-
pall him, no odds too great to deter him from the
charge, and, like his far abler and far steadier
classmate, the incomparable Upton, there was no
position in the army to which he did not aspire.
His ambition was simply boundless, and from his
intimates he did not disguise his faith that, if he
370
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
got through the war alive, he would become gov-
ernor of New Jersey, and ultimately president of
the United States. Withal, his habits were unexcep-
tionable. While he was as gay and boastful as the
traditional cavalier, he neither drank nor gambled,
and the severest thing ever said of him, excepting
the rough, half-jocular criticism by Sherman, to be
mentioned later, was that he should have been
known as ' ' Kil-Cavalry, ' ' rather than as Kilpat-
rick. That he did not take proper care of his men
and horses was generally alleged, but the sufficient
answer is that neither he nor any one in his place
could do so under the system prevailing in the army
at any time up to the end. No civilian can realize
how impossible it was, till Grant became generalis-
simo, for the cavalry leaders to manage their arm of
service with the conservatism and prudence neces-
sary to build up and maintain its efficiency and yet
give it on the march and in battle that coherence
and dash without which it could not hope to succeed.
While it may be truthfully inferred that I had
nothing to do with Kilpatrick's transfer to the
West, it is proper to add that I was destined, when
detailed to reorganize and command the Western
cavalry, to supersede him again. On joining Sher-
man later in that year at Gaylesville I found Kil-
patrick commanding the Third Cavalry Division of
the Army of the Tennessee, which in the reorgani-
zation became the Third Division of the Cavalry
Corps of the Military Division of the Mississippi.
He had taken an active part in the Atlanta cam-
paign and, although from no fault of his own the
cavalry operations were sadly lacking coherence,
it is certain that he had, in the main, won Sherman 's
371
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
personal confidence and regard. In conference at
the camp fire that night about plans and organiza-
tion, the General selected Kilpatrick's division and
directed me to fit it out thoroughly for the march
to the sea, adding at once in language more graphic
than just or considerate: "I know that Kilpatrick
is a hell of a damned fool, but I want just that sort
of a man to command my cavalry on this expedi-
tion." This was as breezy and still more unfair
than what he had just written to Grant: "Kilpat-
rick is well enough for small scouts, but I do want
a man of sense and courage to manage my cavalry,
and will take any one that you have tried. ' ' * And
this accounts for the fact that Kilpatrick was with
Sherman to the last day of the war, but, proof
against fatigue himself, he worked his division as
usual beyond its capacity, and took but little care
of his horses, which all good cavalrymen know are
the principal factor in the efficiency of the mounted
service. From first to last Kilpatrick was as brave,
enterprising, and energetic as any officer on either
side of the Great Conflict. In later years it became
my willing task to prepare the sketch of his life
and services for Cullum's Biographical Eegister of
the officers and graduates of the Military Academy.2
With the incessant activity imposed upon Kil-
patrick, in season and out of season, it was but
natural that he should leave his division in the Army
of the Potomac badly run down. Its camps were
badly placed and badly policed; its horses were
overworked and exhausted ; its equipment and cloth-
1 O. R. Serial No. 78, p. 442.
'"Cullum's Eegister," Vol. II, p. 784. Also " Biographical
Sketch," by J. H. Wilson, p. 786 et seq.
372
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
ing nearly used up, and its heterogeneous collection
of carbines dirty and out of order.1 To make mat-
ters worse, the division staff was scattered, part go-
ing with Kilpatrick and part remaining behind.
When I took command I found but seven regiments,
the Second, Fifth, and Eighth New York ; the Eigh-
teenth Pennsylvania, the Third New Jersey, and the
First Connecticut, together with one troop of the
Third Indiana, and one of the Second Ohio, in all
three thousand four hundred and thirty-six men for
duty. Of these, only two thousand six hundred and
ninety-two were mounted, while seven hundred and
forty-four were entirely dismounted and three hun-
dred and seventy-eight were furnished with worn-
out or disabled horses which had been condemned
as unserviceable. From this it will be seen that
one thousand one hundred and twenty-two remounts
were needed to enable the division to take the field.
The greater part of its available force was stretched
in an unbroken picket line covering the army's left
wing and in sight of it, for twenty-eight miles, so
that the next afternoon only six hundred and fifteen
men were turned out for drill. At the first morning
inspection I found but few officers attending stable
call, while all routine duties were so poorly per-
formed that I felt obliged to put one colonel in ar-
rest and to admonish the rest that radical improve-
ments must be made at once if they would save
themselves from a similar fate. The actual condi-
tions could not have been more discouraging. It
was evident that a hard job had fallen to my lot
and that I should be compelled to put forth the most
vigorous efforts to procure the necessary remounts,
10. R. Serial No. 60, p. 891-2.
373
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
equipment, clothing, and improved arms in time to
take an efficient part in the campaign about to be-
gin. Fortunately, while chief of the Cavalry Bu-
reau, I had induced the chief of Ordnance to con-
tract for all the Spencer magazine carbines that
could be turned out, and, as this was the best re-
peating firearm so far invented, I at once made req-
uisition for five thousand, or enough to supply the
entire division, but it was three months before the
contractors could deliver them. Meanwhile, the
regiment did the best it could with Burnside, Smith,
Sharp, and Colt carbines, supplemented by sabers
and revolvers. Under the prevailing conditions it
was uphill work to establish regular discipline and
repair the deficiencies of equipment and outfit, but
the officers and men were excellent in quality and
character, and gave most cheerful assistance in the
work to be done. I had hardly got acquainted with
its extent and character when I was summoned to
Washington as a witness before a general court-
martial. Fortunately, General Grant was called
there the same day, and as we traveled on together
I acquainted him with the actual condition of af-
fairs. He was sympathetic and gave me assurance
of both personal and official support in such meas-
ures as I might find necessary to get my division
ready for service.
I was absent five days, but before leaving the
front I had started the work, and during my absence
was able to hurry forward remounts and new equip-
ment. The next two weeks constituted a period of
incessant activity, not only on my own part, but
on the part of my quartermaster and ordnance offi-
cer. Through Sheridan's intercession the cavalry
374
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
picket line was reduced to a few points of observa-
tion, and the greater part of the mounted troops
returned to camp, where they at once engaged in
drilling and refitting for an active campaign.1 Dana,
the assistant secretary of war, spent several days
with us, and became personally acquainted with the
condition of the army, and especially of the cavalry.
Through his aid much was done to repair the waste
of the previous campaigns. Drills were instituted,
reviews were held, inspections were made, instruc-
tion given, and a system of daily administration
was instituted, so that by the first of May a vis-
itor to the army would have been impressed by the
apparent readiness of the cavalry, as well as of the
infantry, for the onward movement. During the
early stages of the campaign the First Vermont, one
of the best cavalry regiments in the army, returned
to the division, and the Twenty-second New York,
a new cavalry regiment, was assigned to it, mainly,
I always supposed, because it was so green that no
one else wanted it. The last few days in camp were
taken up with final arrangements, with visits to
Sheridan and Grant and with reti rn visits from
Grant's staff officers. It was a time of intense ac-
tivity to all. Grant was on trial with a new army
in a new theater of operations, and yet he was ac-
tual generalissimo of all the Union forces, subject
only to the President as commander-in-chief.
The Army of the Potomac and the Confederate
army of North Virginia had been facing each other
without any decisive engagement since the battle of
Gettysburg, July 1, 2, and 3, the year before.
Grant's headquarters were at Culpeper Court
1 O. R. Serial No. 60, p. 909, Sheridan to Meade, Apr. 19, 1864.
375
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
House, sometimes known as Fairfax, in Piedmont,
Virginia, with the Blue Ridge in sight, sixty-five
miles south-southwest from Washington. Lee's
were at Orange Court House, also in sight of the
Blue Ridge, about twenty miles farther on by the
same railroad, and about seventy miles by its con-
nections, northwest from Richmond. The distance
between them was unequally divided by the Rapi-
dan, with outposts of both on that stream.
Grant held the country between the Rapidan, the
Blue Ridge, and Washington, and drew his supplies
at first by rail, afterwards, as he moved forward,
by rail and water. Lee, with two corps at Orange
and east of Orange and one at Gordonsville and to
the south, covered the junction of the railroads to
Lynchburg and Richmond, and drew supplies from
the country tributary to both places. The entire
region south of him, with the exception of the sea
coast, the larger bays, and the estuaries, was under
his control. Grant's strength was about one hun-
dred and fifteen thousand; Lee's about eighty-five
thousand men for duty. The conditions, as they
then existed, put upon Grant the necessity of as-
suming the offensive, while they imperatively re-
quired Lee to stand on the defensive.
From this statement it is evident that the first
battle must be fought south of the Rapidan, and
as an advance by the left flank would necessarily
shorten Grant's line of supply and make his move-
ments safer, he wisely concluded to open the cam-
paign by moving in that direction. As Lee's main
body occupied the region eastward from Orange
Court House to Mine Run, a small stream flowing
north into the Rapidan, which had stayed Meade's
376
THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION
march in the unfortunate mud campaign of the late
winter, it was apparent that, while the Union army's
advance must be generally southeast, its flank would
be exposed to a counter movement from Lee nearly
at right angles to the roads it must follow.
The distance . from the center of Grant's army
to Spottsylvania Court House was from twenty-five
to thirty miles by the several country roads, while
the distance from the center of Lee's line east of
Orange to the same points was on the average about
five miles less. As much of the region, soon to be-
come the scene of a series of the bloodiest battles
of modern times, was covered by forest trees and
tangled underbrush which appropriately gave it the
name of the Wilderness, the advantages were about
equally divided. As Grant knew exactly when his
columns would begin to move, and Lee could not be
certain about either their direction or weight, and
must gather these essential facts from the report of
his outposts and spies, it may be fairly assumed
that, with proper secrecy and celerity, Grant's col-
umns could have passed through the Wilderness and
reached the open country beyond before Lee could,
reach or confront them. When it is considered that
about half the distance to be traversed was on the
north side of the Rapidan, where the initial move-
ments could be made under cover of darkness be-
yond the observations of the enemy, it will be seen
that the advantages of a surprise might have been
realized had the details been carefully worked out
beforehand and the invading columns pushed for-
ward with the utmost confidence and celerity.1
1 By far the best Confederate accounts of this campaign are
Longstreet's "From Manassas to Appomattox' ? and Alexander's
"Military Memoirs of a Confederate."
377
XV
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
First to cross the Rapidan — Craig's Meeting House —
Catharpen Road — Todd 's Tavern — Chancellorsville —
Sedgwick's flank turned — Grant's behavior — Occupa-
tion of Spottsylvania Court House — Meade, Warren,
and Sedgwick — Incident with Warren — Meeting with
Grant — Defective organization of army.
Grant having completed his plans for a general
and simultaneous advance, it was the duty of his
subordinates to perform the part assigned them to
the best of their ability. The details of the pre-
liminary movements were worked out by Meade and
his officers. This done, a calm, full of anxiety, fell
upon Grant's staff, and, realizing that the respon-
sibility was now on other shoulders, Eawlins, Por-
ter, Babcock, and Badeau rode over to my head-
quarters on the evening the advance began. Know-
ing that I would have the lead, they came to wish
me success and Godspeed. We passed a pleasant
hour, exchanging confidences and good cheer, and
then, with a hearty hand-shake all round, parted to
meet again on the field of strife a few days later.
My division was as nearly ready as volunteer
cavalry ever is, and as it had the extreme left and
front at Stevensburg, five miles from Culpeper and
378
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
eight miles from Germanna ford, it naturally opened
the campaign. Calling in my detachments after
dark, I took the road about nine o'clock, and just
before midnight, May 3, reached the north bank
of the Eapidan, where arrangements had already
been made to lay a pontoon bridge. A few minutes
after midnight, on the morning of May 4, the
dismounted men of Chapman's advance forded the
river and, driving back the enemy's pickets, opened
the way for the division, which was in turn fol-
lowed closely by the Fifth Corps. By 5 a. m. I
pushed out on the direct road to Old Wilderness
Tavern, where I halted and sent out strong detach-
ments to patrol the roads to the west and south of
that place.
As soon as the infantry made its appearance we
pushed on five miles further to Parker's Store on
the Orange plank-road, where we bivouacked for the
night, while Colonel Hammond with his splendid
regiment, the Fifth New York Cavalry, well out
toward New Hope Church and Mine Run, guarded
the roads from Lee's right against surprise. As it
afterward became known, Lee with his main body
was advancing from that quarter and our advance
guards that night halted within two miles of each
other. But we met nothing during the day except
the rebel pickets, all of whom fled to the westward
upon our approach.
Passing into the Wilderness, we expected that
the infantry would relieve our detachments on the
various roads and throw out their own in turn, to
cover and protect their flanks from the enemy, and
this expectation was fully realized. Although my
headquarters were within four or five miles of the
379
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
enemy's, we passed the entire night in perfect quiet-
ude, and the next morning at five o'clock I moved
forward with the division well in hand to Craig's
Meeting House, near Danielsville, on the Catharpen
Eoad, leaving Colonel Hammond with the Fifth New
York to hold the position at Parker's Store till re-
lieved by Warren's leading division. An hour or
more after I had gone forward the enemy under
Lee's personal command made his appearance from
the direction of Mine Eun, and a sharp fight ensued,
lasting six hours. Hammond, soon joined by Mc-
intosh, his brigade commander, sent word at once
to Crawford's division, the nearest infantry, that
the enemy were pressing heavily upon him, and, if
the position was to be held, help should be sent at
once, but help never came. Mcintosh and Hammond,
with about five hundred men, armed with Spencer
carbines, fighting behind trees on foot, in extended
order, made the enemy think that he had encoun-
tered Grant's infantry, but the dismounted horse-
men were finally outflanked, overweighted, and
pressed back upon Crawford, a mile and a half to
the right and rear. This Was the opening fight of
the campaign and gave ample notice of the Confed-
erate advance in force. The next began about the
same time by the main body of the division under
my personal command on the Catharpen Eoad, near
Craig's Meeting House, or Danielsville, about seven
miles southwest of Parker's Store, and fully eight
and a half miles from the nearest infantry.
I reached that point at eight o 'clock without op-
position, but shortly afterward the enemy's cavalry,
led by the dashing Eosser, a Texan, who had been
four years a cadet with me, supported by Hampton
380
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
with the other two brigades of his division, as well
as by Stuart, with his second division — in all about
eight thousand men, or double my force — attacked
my advance guard with vigor. As this was my first
engagement as a cavalry commander, I lost no time
in personally leading my second brigade under the
modest but intrepid Chapman, colonel of the Third
Indiana Cavalry, to the attack. As was customary
in those days, three-quarters of the men, or about
one thousand three hundred in all, were dismounted
and deployed in open order as skirmishers, while
the other quarter held the horses under cover of the
woods and the accidents of the ground in the rear.
The action was on at once and, as both sides were
anxious to gain the first advantage, it soon became
furious. My two batteries of horse artillery, under
Pennington and Fitzhugh, both young West Pointers
of courage and experience, followed up the skir-
mishers closely, combing the ground to the front
with a rapid and noisy fire of shrapnel and canister.
Bosser's advance was promptly checked and driven
back upon Lomax and Gordon's brigades of the same
division, which were in turn thrown into confusion,
and before they could reform had been driven about
two miles. It was practically a head-on collision
on a forest road in which both parties bore them-
selves gallantly, making all the noise they could.
While the initial advantage was decidedly with us
and while I pushed it as far as I could, I soon learned
from prisoners and wounded in our hands that we
were in the presence of Stuart's entire cavalry corps,
supported probably by Longstreet 's infantry, which
had also begun its march from Gordonsville that
morning. I gave orders to discontinue the pursuit,
381
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
rally and fall slowly back to a junction with my
first brigade near the crossing of Robinson's Run
on the road by which we had advanced. As Chap-
man's ammunition with so much fighting was run-
ning low and the reserve was some distance in rear,
it was Chapman 's duty to get back as rapidly as he
could without running, though in accordance with
the usage of cavalry, we might have done even that
without discredit, had it been necessary or had we
known, as we afterward learned, that we were out-
numbered two or three to one.
I had fully accomplished the task assigned me
and had sent courier after courier to the rear with
written reports of what was going on in that quar-
ter, but, unfortunately, not one of them got through
without delay or a roundabout ride, owing to the
fact that the enemy's infantry had forced Mcintosh
and Hammond from the crossroads at Parker's
Store and thereby cut out direct communication with
army headquarters.
Meanwhile Hampton and Rosser, with their sup-
ports, having got their breath, as soon as the pres-
sure upon them eased up, came at us again with
all their vigor. They were dashing fellows and
their men promptly responded to their leadership.
Fierce fighting was resumed. Our men, as they
reached their horses, remounted, when charge and
counter charge with saber and pistol followed in
quick succession, each causing a halt in the action
of the other. When Chapman's line, still deployed,
but facing about whenever necessary, had passed
beyond me, I found myself with a single troop of
the Eighth Illinois Cavalry, under Lieutenant Long,
covering the rear. Under a rattling fire from our
382
r>
GRANT'S OVERLAkD CAMPAIGN
artillery sweeping the enemy's front with shrapnel
and canister, Long and I led the little guard of
Illinoisians headlong against the enemy's advance,
scattering it in all directions. After pushing the
charge as far as it could go I sounded the rally
and slowly fell back by the road on which I had
advanced. Although the enemy followed at a dis-
tance, we were not engaged again that day. We
joined the first brigade where we had left it, cover-
ing the road to Parker's Store, but had hardly got
there when, greatly to my disappointment, I learned
that our couriers had not got through to Meade's
headquarters. The road was barred by the enemy.
I had had no word from Sheridan that day and
knew absolutely nothing as to his whereabouts or
even as to the position of any part of the army ex-
cept my own. It was now late in the afternoon,
and, fearing that my exposed position far in front
might invite the enemy to concentrate heavily
against me, I resolved to make my way to Todd's
Tavern, five miles farther to the east, and either
form a junction with Gregg at that place or rejoin
the cavalry corps wherever it might be found.
Having reunited my command at Robinson's Run
and discovered that the enemy's infantry were not
only behind our right and rear in the direction of
Parker's Store, but that his cavalry were moving
by our left as if to get behind us, I made my way
rapidly through the woods to the left, regained the
Catharpen Road in advance of the enemy and con-
tinued along it to the Tavern, in front of which we
found Gregg's division in line of battle. Fortu-
nately, he had not yet seen the enemy and with his
fresh men we not only easily checked Rosser and
383
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Hampton, but made good our position for the
night*.
During the operations of the afternoon, however,
while covering the rear with my own escort, I was
several times in danger of being cut off in making
a detour to rejoin the division farther back. In
the last instance, while trotting along leisurely be-
hind the troops, the rattle and racket going on back
of us so alarmed my horse, the "Waif," a veteran
of the Vicksburg and Chattanooga campaigns, that
he suddenly seized his bit and dashed off at full
speed till he found himself in the midst of our re-
tiring skirmishers, when he yielded to the reins,
and, with what might have been considered a sigh
of relief, again settled down to an orderly gait.
Shortly afterward I formed the junction with Gregg
with no further loss except a few men and horses
wounded. After a conference it became apparent
that our new position was still nearly five miles
in front of the infantry, and that it would be neces-
sary to establish and maintain communication by
the Brock Eoad, on which Gregg had advanced. To
this end I sent Chapman's brigade, just before mid-
night, back a mile and a half, with orders to patrol
and cover the country between us and the advance
corps of the army. Fortunately, the enemy was not
moving in the dark, so our jaded men and horses
got a few hours of badly needed rest. We had been
marching and fighting most of the time for two
days and three nights, swinging entirely around
from the extreme right to the farthest advanced
post through field and forest in the midst of which
the great battles of the Wilderness were fought.
We had perfectly screened Grant's advance, engag-
384
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
ing the enemy wherever we encountered him and
making good our hold on the important points of
the field, but so far had received neither support
nor new orders from the rear. Both men and horses
were getting hungry, the country was equally bare
of provisions and forage, and as we knew nothing
yet of how it had fared with the infantry, our third
night was necessarily one of intense anxiety.
Communication was finally opened with corps
headquarters during the night, and early the next
morning Sheridan sent me orders to make my way
to Chancellorsville for ammunition and rations.
Moving by wood-roads, which were everywhere ob-
scure, several hours were consumed in finding our
trains and renewing our supplies. The next morn-
ing, bright and early, we were ordered to take po-
sition further to our left and front, with one bri-
gade at Piney Branch Church and the other at Al-
drich's House, near the Fredericksburg and Spott-
sylvania road. As that was far beyond the reach
of the enemy at that stage of the campaign, we
had no further fighting and were withdrawn again
after dark to Chancellorsville, where we bivouacked
for the night.
I there learned for the first time that the whole
of that day, May 6, had been one of desperate
battle. While the cavalry operations had developed
the enemy's movements and screened our own, they
equally gave Lee, through his pickets, timely notice
of Grant's advance from the Rapidan into the Wil-
derness. As we soon knew to our cost, the Confed-
erate leader wasted no time in uncertainty, but sal-
lied out with his entire army on the several parallel
roads leading from his camps at and east of Orange
385
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and Gordonsville toward Fredericksburg, crossing
those nearly at right angles on which Grant was
necessarily advancing.
Notwithstanding the successful operations of the
cavalry, the infantry battle was soon joined on a
grand scale in the tangled woods and underbrush
of the Wilderness, every trail through which was
familiar to the enemy and his guides, but the story
has been told so many times that I shall not even
recount the details of our own operations,1 although
nearly all historical accounts ignore or minimize the
part played by the cavalry, but shall confine my-
self to certain incidents which, so far as I know,
have not yet found a place in the annals of the
times.
In the desperate efforts to resist our passage
through the Wilderness, Lee was necessarily the as-
sailant and threw himself with the frenzy of des-
peration against Grant's columns. But the Union
army, with varying fortunes, due mostly to the un-
favorable features of the battlefield, everywhere
held its own except on the extreme right, where the
enemy under Gordon after sundown made an unex-
pected advance, turning Sedgwick's right flank and
capturing almost a division of his infantry, but fail-
ing, partly on account of darkness, which obscured
the great advantage he had gained, and partly be-
cause his column lacked weight, his movement soon
came to an end. Meanwhile, the imperturbable
Sedgwick, by refusing that part of his line which
remained intact, restored order, formed a new line,
and made good his position for the night. The dan-
ger was soon past, but while it lasted it was an
1 See my report, O. E. Serial No. 67, pp. 871-884.
386
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
episode of terrible import, followed by a night of
anxiety which none of us will ever forget.1
About nine o'clock Forsyth, Sheridan's chief -
of-staff, an intimate friend from our cadet days,
came to my headquarters with the first news of the
disaster which had befallen the Sixth Corps. My
division was next to the scene of action and I was
directed to hold it in instant readiness for any or-
ders that might reach us. The situation was one
of extraordinary gravity.2 Sheridan had already
been notified that the reserve trains had been or-
dered to the left and would thereafter be under his
protection and base themselves on Fredericksburg.
This movement he construed as foreshadowing an
entire change of base and possibly a retreat to the
north side of the Eappahannock. We both knew
that the Army of the Potomac had executed such
maneuvers before, and, above all, we knew that it
had not hitherto fought its battles to a finish. In
ignorance yet of what might follow from the
enemy's turning movement early in the evening, we
feared the worst. Forsyth, far from being a tyro
or an alarmist, was a veteran of long service and
hard knocks, who knew the signs and portents of
war as well as any man living. My inflated India-
rubber bed had already been spread upon the
ground for the night, and after we had fully con-
sidered the situation with all the light we could
get, and I had given my staff and brigade com-
manders such orders as were required by the occa-
sion, I invited Forsyth to lie down with me. Of
course, neither of us undressed, but our heads had
1 0. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 2, 18, 190, 1028, 1071, 1077-8.
3 O. R. Serial No. 68, pp. 2, 448.
387
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
scarcely touched the pillow when we caught the
sound and tremor of a distant roar that seemed like
the musketry of battle. We listened with bated
breath, and, while we were not certain, we both
concluded that if the fighting was still going on, it
indicated a desperate condition of affairs, the end
of which no one could foretell. We were between
three and four miles from the center and fully five
from the extreme right of our army, but were sepa-
rated from it by a dense tangle of forest trees and
underbrush which, while deadening the sound, re-
lieved it of none of its ominous quality. I sent an
aid-de-camp to investigate, but he was gone nearly
an hour, during the whole of which time the distant
roar continued without intermission. When he
brought the welcome information that the fighting
had long since ceased, that all was quiet along the
army's front, and that the noise borne in upon us
came from the wagon trains moving on the turn-
pike and plank roads toward Fredericksburg, we
were relieved from our greatest anxiety, and For-
syth returned at once to his own camp. Shortly aft-
erwards, he sent an order from Sheridan directing
me to move as soon as I could see my way to the
Germanna ford road and ascertain what the enemy
were doing in that quarter. Quite as anxious as
either Grant, Meade, or Sheridan could be, I was
off betimes and by eight o'clock had scoured the
entire region threaded by that road, almost back
to the Rapidan. I found no sign of the enemy, and
as soon as I satisfied myself that he had no ade-
quate idea of the excitement and confusion his turn-
ing movement had created the night before, and that
the crisis was over, I sent the proper information to
388
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
Sheridan and then rode rapidly to army headquar-
ters, not only to reassure our commanders by a
personal report but to see for myself how Grant
had so far borne the strain and responsibility of
the great campaign into which our advance had
plunged us.
I found him surrounded by his staff on a cleared
knoll at the edge of the forest, a short distance
from the old Wilderness Tavern. Meade's head-
quarters occupied a portion of the same clearing a
little to the southeast. Dismounting at the bottom
of the hillock thirty or forty yards from his camp
fire and handing the bridle to my orderly I started
up the hill, when Grant, catching sight of me, threw
up his hand and cheerily called out : ' ' It 's all right,
Wilson; the army is moving toward Richmond I"
He evidently read anxiety and apprehension in my
countenance, knowing that I would favor advancing
rather than falling back, and he made haste to reas-
sure me. I have always regarded this as the great-
est compliment Grant ever paid me, except that con-
tained in his letter of October 4, 1864, to Sher-
man, for it showed that he knew what my advice
would be and wished to anticipate it with the cheer-
ing information cited above.
I found him in a state of perfect composure,
while his staff, with the exception of Rawlins and
Bowers, were engaged in breaking camp and getting
ready to take the road to the front. After a few
minutes' conversation, in which I explained that
the rebels had evidently not understood the extent
of their success the night before and were making
no movement on our right to improve it, I strongly
favored the offensive as the surest way of bringing
389
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the enemy to a general engagement in the open
field, and was gratified beyond measure to find that
this had already become Grant's settled policy and
determination.
A few minutes later I withdrew to a private con-
versation with Eawlins and Bowers. It will be re-
membered that those officers had been with Grant
from the first of the war, had seen him in every bat-
tle, and knew his idiosyncrasies better than any one
else. From our first acquaintance they had no se-
crets from me, and on this occasion they made haste
to say that the night before had tested Grant's for-
titude and self-control more seriously than any
event of his past career. Eawlins explained that
the first news which reached headquarters from the
right gave the impression that an overwhelming dis-
aster had befallen our line, and that, although Grant
received it with his usual self-possession, the coming
of officer after officer with additional details soon
made it apparent that the General was confronted
by the greatest crisis of his life. Still he gave his
orders calmly and coherently without any external
sign of undue tension or agitation. But when all
proper measures had been taken and there was
nothing further to do but to wait, both Eawlins and
Bowers concurred in the statement that Grant went
into his tent, and, throwing himself face downward
on his cot, gave way to the greatest emotion, but
without uttering any word of doubt or discourage-
ment. What was in his heart can only be inferred,
but from what they said nothing can be more cer-
tain than that he was stirred to the very depths of
his soul. How long he remained under extreme ten-
sion neither Eawlins nor Bowers stated, but they
390
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
were clear and emphatic in declaring that they had
never before seen him so deeply moved as upon that
occasion, and that not till it became apparent that
the enemy was not pressing his advantage did he
entirely recover his perfect composure.
Others who knew him less intimately and had
never seen him in battle have stated that he showed
no emotion whatever in that momentous emergency,
but received the news of the disaster which threat-
ened to overwhelm his army and put an end to his
career with Spartan calmness and equanimity, and
that, within ten minutes after receiving the last
alarming report, "he was sleeping as soundly and
peacefully as an infant."1
I have always regarded the statement of Eawlins
and Bowers as not only far more reasonable, but
far more creditable to Grant than the one last
quoted, for it shows that after all he was not the
stolid and indifferent man, without sensibility or
emotion, which such impassibility at such a crisis
would have indicated. With the certainty which
soon followed the first alarming accounts that the
enemy were not pressing their advantage, it was
but natural that Grant should recover his compo-
sure. It was still more natural that with the soul
of a true hero he should resolve to resume the ag-
gressive and "fight it out on that line if it takes
all summer." As it turned out, this was exactly
the right course to adopt and to adhere to, not only
for the whole summer, but till the end of the war.
It was doubtless during the trying night of May
6 that Grant reached the sound conclusions which
1 " Campaigning with Grant," by Gen. Horace Porter, p. 67,
et seq.
391
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
he began the next day by his forward movement to
put into effect, and of which, by his memorable dis-
patch of May 11, he made haste to reassure the
Government, and the people.1
In his interview with me on the morning of the
7th, he summed up the situation with the character-
istic statement that, although we had not beaten the
enemy, the enemy had certainly not beaten us, that
while we had lost many officers and men the enemy
must have lost as many, and that if we were justi-
fied in fighting him for two days as we had done, we
were still more justified in continuing the fight till
we had gained a complete victory no matter how
long it took. In conversation with me he com-
mended the part the cavalry had played, but ex-
pressed dissatisfaction with the slowness and the
caution of the infantry commanders. While he
made no allusion whatever to his emotions of the
night before, he spoke with calmness and confidence
of yet forcing Lee to give battle in the open country
beyond the Wilderness, and of beating him or com-
pelling him to retreat. With the conviction that
this courageous policy was not only sound but would
ensure victory in the end, I rejoined my division
with a lighter heart and greater confidence than I
had felt at any time since crossing the Eapidan.
Having, in my "Life of Grant,"2 given as full
an account of the campaign and battles in the Wil-
derness as seems to be necessary for the general
reader, I now return to incidents of a more personal
nature.
1 O. E. Serial No. 67, pp. 2, 3, 4.
2 ''Life of Ulysses S. Grant," by Dana & Wilson, Gurdon Bill
& Co., Springfield, Mass., etc., 1868.
392
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
Generally speaking, my division held the left
and front of the advance. It covered the movement
of Grant's left in the direction of Spottsylvania
Court House till the cavalry corps cut loose from
the army and began its independent operations
against the railroad which connected Lee and his
army with their base at Kichmond. Early on the
7th I occupied Aldrich's Farm, and, crossing the
Eiver Ny, drove back the rebel pickets toward
Spottsylvania Court House. But the Infantry
failing to come to my support, as I supposed it
would, night put an end to my operations. My first
brigade bivouacked at Tabernacle Church, and my
second at Silver's Farm. The night passed without
incident, for the enemy had not yet made his appear-
ance in front. I was, however, directed to continue
my movement at five o'clock on the morning of the
8th through Spottsylvania Court House toward
Snell's Bridge. By nine o'clock I had brushed
Wickham's brigade of Stuart's cavalry out of the
way and occupied the court house. By a rapid and
vigorous advance, I captured forty-five prisoners
from the rear and right of Longstreet 's corps which
had already passed to the left of the village, and re-
captured a number of our men whom the enemy hadj
captured from our advancing infantry earlier that
morning or late the day before. A hasty examina-
tion of the prisoners convinced me that I was in
Longstreet 's rear, marching by a cut-off road to
forestall Grant in his movement on Spottsylvania.
It was evident, therefore, that, unless promptly sup-
ported by Burnside or other infantry from the rear,
I should have to give up the advantageous position
I had so easily gained. Although neither cavalry
393
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
nor infantry came to my support, I held the court-
house till eleven o'clock, when an order came from
Sheridan directing me not to go there at all, but to
fall back by the road I had advanced upon to a
place marked on the map as "Alsop's Gate." As
the perils were thickening, and reenforeement no-
where in sight, I withdrew to the point indicated
without further encountering the enemy.1
Thus it will be observed that my division was
the only part of Grant's army that ever occupied
Spottsylvania Court House till Lee had given up
his lines in front of that place and withdrawn to-
ward Richmond. But it has always been my con-
viction that had Burnside pushed promptly through
the Wilderness to the left and front he might have
joined me in time to make good the position I had
gained. With such a union of cavalry and infantry
in Lee's right rear, there would have been nothing
left for him but to fall back to a new position be-
yond the next river, or suffer an overwhelming de-
feat. The bloody battles which took place for the
capture and defense of Spottsylvania Court House
would have been avoided and many thousand lives
would have been spared to continue operations
under much more favorable circumstances. It was
a great opportunity lost, but rapid infantry march-
ing in those days was not in fashion. Upon this
particular occasion, no one in authority seems to
have given the slightest thought to the opportunity
offered, nor to have had the slightest idea as to the
value of celerity in such operations. The custom of
out-marching and out-flanking the enemy had not yet
made its appearance in that army, and even after
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 991, 871, 878.
394
GKANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
it came it was of painfully slow and uncertain
growth.1
In the direct movement from Todd's Tavern to-
ward Spottsylvania Court House the other two
divisions of the cavalry corps had the advance.
They were expected to clear the road to Snell's
Bridge and at or near that place to form a junction
with me, and although they started early the night
before, May 7, they soon met the enemy and, be-
coming hotly engaged, were forced to stay their ad-
vance. Stuart's cavalry got there first. Sheridan
never reached Snell's Bridge, but was shortly forced
to one side by the resistance of the enemy and the
oncoming of the Fifth and Sixth Corps. Warren,
commanding the Fifth, years afterwards complained
bitterly of the way in which Torbert and Gregg de-
layed the march of his weightier columns and com-
pelled them between waking and sleeping through-
out a long and tiresome night to creep slowly to
the front. He always contended that the cavalry
should have kept together on the left flank and given
the infantry a clear road. As it was, both the Fifth
and the Sixth Corps were compelled more than once
to halt and develop line of battle during the night.
With all they could do, they made but poor prog-
ress, and by daylight found themselves stopped
altogether. It was shortly after this that Meade
rode upon the field, but the opposing lines were al-
ready formed, and, after looking over the situa-
tion, which was now clearly one of a deadlock
or an impasse, Meade turned to Warren and,
as related several years afterwards by the latter,
said:
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 18, 190, 191, 326, 871, 907.
395
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
"Warren, I want you to cooperate with Sedg-
wick and see what can be done."
Whereupon Warren, who had been Meade's
chief-of-staff, and had doubtless been accustomed
to talking plainly with him, said:
"General Meade, I'll be God d d if I'll co-
operate with Sedgwick or anybody else. You are
the commander of this army and can give your or-
ders and I will obey them ; or you can put Sedgwick
in command and he can give the orders and I will
obey them ; or you can put me in command and I will
give the orders and Sedgwick shall obey them; but
I'll be God d d if I'll cooperate with General
Sedgwick or anybody else."
Strange as it may seem, Meade took no notice
of this extraordinary speech, but, leaving the com-
mand largely to Sedgwick, who was the senior, de-
voted himself to bringing more troops to the front.
It was while looking at the enemy's position and
encouraging his men the next day that the heroic
Sedgwick was shot through the head and instantly
killed.
It is scarcely conceivable that such language
could have been used to the commander of an army
by one of his subordinates, and when I told Warren
that if I had been in Meade's place I should have
sent him to the rear in arrest, he replied that he
knew to whom he was talking, and then added, with
pensive sadness, that if he had been arrested at that
time it would probably have saved him from a
greater misfortune afterwards. In this he was
doubtless alluding to the fact that Sheridan, at the
close of the battle of Five Forks, relieved him from
command for hesitation and slowness which might
396
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
never have been charged against him had Meade
properly resented the insubordinate language
quoted above.
Warren, it is but fair to observe, was a gallant
West Point officer of great experience and fine abil-
ity, who was generally regarded as one of the most
capable corps commanders our army ever had, but
he was captious and impatient of control, and per-
haps naturally became more and more accustomed
to the use of violent language as he beheld with
what fatuity the Army of the Potomac was com-
manded. Certain it is that toward the latter part
of his career he hardly ever received an order which
he did not criticize nor a suggestion which he did
not resent, but I am persuaded that no man in the
army knew better than he the difference between
discussion looking to delay or to change of plan
and prompt obedience to a positive order from his
superior. On the occasion mentioned above, he
doubtless meant to rebuke Meade, who had appar-
ently directed cooperation without carefully consid-
ering that it was a formless and almost meaningless
use of words where positive orders would have been
far more creditable to himself as well as more cer-
tain to secure the best efforts of the general to
whom they were directed.
This incident recalls another in which Warren
took part a few weeks later and in which he made
himself most disagreeable to me and my staff. It
was shortly after the costly and unfortunate battle
at Cold Harbor. Sheridan had been detached with
two divisions to break up the railroads north of
Richmond, while I was left to cover the passage of
the Chickahominy and the march to the James. The
397
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
orders for this movement, as I construed them, con-
templated that the first pontoon bridge should be
laid at the site of Long Bridge after nightfall un-
der Warren's supervision, and, that done, I was
to cross and push out with Chapman's brigade
toward White Oak Swamp and Eichmond, and thus
cover and screen the movements of the infantry
behind.
In accordance with my invariable custom, my
command was mounted and at the appointed place
on the minute, but the pontoniers had not laid the
bridge, and the advance was correspondingly de-
layed. It was soon dark, and, as the bridge site was
near at hand, I naturally kept close watch upon it
in order that I might get under way at the earliest
possible moment, but, as the pontoniers were doing
nothing, I sent an officer to Warren, calling his at-
tention to the fact that the bridge was not ready,
and my advance could not begin. As this produced
no effect I shortly sent another officer with a simi-
lar message and the same result. It was now after
nine o'clock, and the delay was becoming serious.
My impatience was increasing, and this finally
caused me to send Lieutenant Yard, my junior aid-
de-camp, with a still more urgent message and an
injunction to ride fast. He was back in a few min-
utes, his face flaming and his eyes suffused with
tears. He was but a boy, and although much agi-
tated by the incident reported at once :
"General, I gave your compliments and message
to General Warren, exactly as you gave them to
me, but, instead of receiving me politely, he cursed
me out and then with a loud and insulting oath
said: 'Tell General Wilson if he can't lay that
398
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
bridge to get out of the way with his damned cav-
alry and I'll lay it,' "
While I was amazed at this rough and discour-
teous message, I lost no time in sending my three
West Point officers, Andrews, Beaumont, and Noyes,
either of whom was quite as competent as Warren
to lay a bridge, all at once to take charge of the job,
while my Adjutant Captain Siebert, with ready alac-
rity, threw a detachment across the creek on drift
logs and overhanging trees and drove the enemy's
pickets from the opposite bank. The operation was
a simple and effective one. The bridge was soon
ready and although the night was well advanced
the cavalry crossed at once and pushed the enemy
rapidly back upon his supports. The next day we
advanced to the Charles City crossroads, where
Warren, with his leading division, joined us shortly
after sunup. As I had not seen him personally for
several days, he not only greeted me in complimen-
tary terms, but, much to my surprise, extended his
hand politely, as though nothing had passed to dis-
turb our relations. Eecalling his rude message the
night before I declined to shake hands, coldly re-
marking that he must excuse me. Thereupon he
asked what was the matter, to which I replied I did
not care to have anything to do with a general who
would insult an aid-de-camp and send such a mes-
sage as he had sent me the night before. To my
surprise he did not seem to remember clearly, and,
declaring that he didn't mean an offense, offered
what was evidently a sincere apology for his rude-
ness.
This, of course, closed the incident for the time,
but a few days later I found myself at Grant's head-
399
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
quarters near the crossing of the James Eiver. The
campaign had not been going as rapidly or as sat-
isfactorily as he wished. The different army corps
had begun to show the qualities of the balky team
to which he afterward likened them, and success
was far from presenting itself as it had on every
field of the west. The general was evidently feeling
the strain of the situation and, in the resulting
frame of mind, said :
"Wilson, what is the matter with this army?"
I replied at once:
"General, there is a great deal the matter with
it, but I can tell you much more easily how to
cure it."
Whereupon he asked me: "How?"
"Send for Parker, the Indian chief, and,
after giving him a tomahawk, a scalping knife,
and a gallon of the worst whiskey the Com-
missary Department can supply, send him out
with orders to bring in the scalps of major
generals. ' '
This brought a smile to the General's face,
promptly followed by the question: "Whose?"
Quite as promptly, I replied:
"Oh, the first he comes to, and so on in succes-
sion till he gets at least a dozen. ! '
The General evidently understood what I meant
and far from resenting my suggestion, without a mo-
menta pause, asked: "But where shall we get gen-
erals to fill their places?"
To which I replied:
"Oh, that's easy! To use a favorite phrase of
yours, every brigadier in this army 'will step up
and take sugar in his'n';" by which I meant such
400
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
as might be selected would promptly accept any
higher grade coming his way.
With a smile showing that he understood the al-
lusion, his face grew more serious as he asked if I
had any particular person in mind. And thereupon
I described Warren's conduct the night we crossed
the Chickahominy. As though he had heard com-
plaints of that officer before, the General added
at once: "Well, I'll take care of Warren anyhow.' '
And from that day forward, there is reason to be-
lieve he kept Warren under close observation.
The simple fact was that the army organization
itself was bad throughout. The staff arrangements
were sadly defective and orders for movements
were frequently lacking in detail and coherence,
and were, therefore, executed poorly and ineffect-
ually. With the Army of the Potomac composed of
the Second, Fifth and Sixth Corps and cavalry
corps, with Hunter's independent force in the Val-
ley of Virginia, with Butler's Army of the James,
based on Fortress Monroe, and with Burnside's
corps independent of these three separate organi-
zations, operations were generally lacking in co-
ordination and coherence, if not in vigor. Grant's
staff, while composed of able and energetic men,
was not organized to supervise or direct military
movements. Bawlins, his chief-of-staff, although
from civil life, possessed as much vigor and prac-
tical experience as any volunteer in the army, but
soon after coming east he began to lose control over
policies as well as over details. He was, besides,
in bad health and naturally felt some hesitation in
asserting himself in the presence of others and es-
pecially of the regulars who now constituted the
401
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
larger part of Grant's working staff. Besides it
was Grant's declared policy to give his orders in
general terms, leaving those to whom they were di-
rected free to carry out the details in their own
way. The result with so big and complicated a ma-
chine was far from satisfactory.
I have always thought that had Grant at the
start consolidated the various corps in Virginia into
a single army and organized his staff, not only for
gathering information and making orders, but for
supervising their execution, the results must have
been far better. With corps and division com-
manders differing in talents, temperament, and idio-
syncrasies and their forces spread out in a thinly
settled country abounding in rivers, creeks, forests,
and dirt roads, it was natural that they should look
at matters from different points of view, that they
should differ in regard to the best way of reaching
and engaging the enemy, and that their final move-
ments should be neither synchronous nor well de-
signed to accomplish the results at which all were
aiming. With such officers as Sherman, McPher-
son, and Thomas, each commanding an army corps,
coherence was fairly obtained, and it was safe to
leave minor details to be worked out by them, but
in Virginia, with a much wider and more difficult
terrain and much greater numbers, a different policy
and a compact organization of the staff as well as
of the armies would doubtless have brought about
better results.
While the strategy and logistics of the Overland
campaign, as it was called, were good, if not bril-
liant, the tactics, both minor and grand, were of the
simplest kind, the infantry marching was in nearly
402
GRANT'S OVERLAND CAMPAIGN
every instance culpably slow, the order of battle
was generally parallel and in single line, and, as the
enemy was nearly always strongly entrenched and
on the defensive, the attacking forces lost heavily
from the start. They naturally grew more and more
timid as they advanced into the enemy's country.
Then, too, it is not to be denied that the corps com-
manders and troops were somewhat inclined to doubt
Grant's superiority over the generals who had pre-
viously led them. Many openly declared that he
had not so far met either the Confederacy's best
generals or its best troops, and more than once
good patriotic officers openly expressed the opinion
that Grant would find Lee a very much more diffi-
cult man to beat than Buckner, Pemberton, Joe
Johnston, or Bragg. A few went even further and
said: "When Lee takes command of both armies,
as he has done several times before, we shall go
rattling back to the Potomac.' \
This feeling was not allayed, but rather
strengthened, by the earlier events of the Overland
campaign, and it was still arousing the apprehen-
sion of the timid, when Gordon's turning movement
overwhelmed the right flank of the Sixth Corps in
the Wilderness. At all events, from that time forth
till the beginning of the final campaign next year
the Army of the Potomac seemed generally to lack
both elan and coherence, while its attacks were made
with decreasing vigor and determination. Of course,
there were notable exceptions, such as the attack
of Hancock and Upton at Spottsylvania, and of
Baldy Smith and Upton at Cold Harbor, but, withal,
it is safe to say that the one thing which held the
army to its bloody work was its superiority of num-
403
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
bers and resources and Grants unshakable resolu-
tion to continue the campaign till he had worn out
Lee and his army by persistence, superiority of num-
bers, and "mere attrition," if not by superior
strategy and fighting.1
1See Grant's final report, O. R., also "Personal Memoirs of
U. S. Grant," Vol. II, p. 555.
404
XVI
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
Sheridan's raid against Lee's communications — Battle of
Yellow Tavern — Death of J. E. B. Stuart — Affair near
Richmond — Passage of the Chickahominy — James
River — Return to Grant's army — Turn Lee's left at
Jericho Mills — Meet Grant and Rawlins — Army gossip.
The infantry and artillery of the two armies at
last facing each other in the Wilderness, in what
has been aptly called a death-grapple, there was
little required of the cavalry but to come together
on the extreme left and front, to cover any turning
movement Grant might make around Lee's right, or
to cut loose entirely, throwing itself with all its
weight against Lee's cavalry and his communica-
tions. For the first time, Sheridan had his corps,
fully twelve thousand men in the saddle, united and
well in hand. Each division had filled its part in
the preliminary operations, but, working separately,
had done but little more than develop the enemy's
movements, while screening our own.
At dawn, May 9, we began a cooperating
campaign against Lee's communications with Rich-
mond. The redoubtable but over-praised Stuart,
with two divisions, somewhat strung out, was
promptly in pursuit, but, withal, we were able to
405
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
make way toward the south without material diffi-
fTculty or delay. We found the country open and
fairly well supplied with food and forage, but the
old Virginia farmsteads showed the usual signs of
poverty and exhaustion. The landscape, like that
of the entire Piedmont region, was most beautiful,
the country fine and rolling, and both fields and
streams fringed with growing timber. We found
but few houses with any pretensions to elegant archi-
tecture and none to prosperity. The white men
of military age were all in the army, while even the
old men and women generally fled upon our ap-
proach. Even the negroes and the farmstock hid
' in the woods till we passed.
My division had the lead the first day, camping
that night near Anderson's Bridge, on the North
Anna Eiver. At daylight on the 10th I encountered
and drove the enemy's advanced detachments to the
south side, covering the passage of the Second Divi-
sion, the rear guard of which became strongly en-
gaged with the rebel cavalry coming down from
Lee's army. It had discovered our movements, but
was too weak in front to delay us seriously. All
that day, however, we had sharp skirmishing to
the South Anna Eiver, which we crossed at the
Ground Squirrel Bridge with but little trouble. The
whole corps bivouacked that night ' south of the
bridge, and early the next morning continued its
march toward Eichmond, the first division in ad-
vance, the second bringing up the rear. Although
both front and rear were skirmishing more or less
actively throughout the day, my men in the middle
of the column did not fire a shot till the afternoon,
when we came up with the enemy under Stuart in
406
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
force near the Yellow Tavern, on the main Bich-
mond road, ten or twelve miles north of the city.
Custer's brigade was first to develop the enemy's
position without becoming actively engaged. As my
division was following closely, with Chapman's bri-
gade in the lead, we went rapidly into line on Cus-
ter's left. It was evident from the deliberate move-
ments and strong show of force that a serious fight
was at hand, and with that confidence and dash which
always come with the consciousness of strength, a
general rush was made upon the enemy posted in
the edge of the field beyond the Tavern, and in an
incredibly short time we overbore his line, carried
his position, and drove his men in confusion from
the field. It was a spirited affair, in which Colonel
Chapman, the brigade commander, and Colonel
Preston of the Third Vermont led his splendid regi-
ment in a mounted charge with flashing sabers
against the enemy's center, while I directed the dis-
mounted men against his right with the result that
we captured his guns, crumpled up his dismounted
line, and broke it into hopeless fragments. Cus-
ter, with the First Michigan mounted and the rest
of his brigade dismounted, charged abreast of Chap-
man farther to the right and was also fully success-
ful, but while my men were pressing the enemy Cus-
ter halted to gather up the spoils and to sound
paeans of victory.1
From the accounts of this brilliant affair, which
soon found their way into the newspapers, it might
have been supposed that Custer's brigade did all
the fighting and was entitled to all the credit, while
as a matter of fact my whole division was present,
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 790, 879, 898.
407
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and it was well understood by all who saw it that
the modest Chapman did fully half the fighting and
was entitled to fully half the credit. In the general
melee following the first charge every man did his
duty, and much gallantry was displayed, but, after
all, the victory was far more easily gained than
might have been expected. The truth is that while
we had only about three thousand men actually en-
gaged, supported by seven thousand more within
close call, Stuart had not more than two thousand
five hundred men in our front under his personal
command, while his other division was too far to
the rear to give him any help. It will be seen, there-
fore, that the advantage was from the first in our
favor, and that it was not a battle a outrance, be-
tween Sheridan and Stuart, nor between their re-
spective corps on a fair and open field. But it was
not without decided and important results, for, as
we learned later, Stuart, who commanded in person,
received a mortal wound early in the fight and was
carried into Richmond, where he died the next day.
It was this fact that made the affair an epoch in
the history of the Confederate cavalry. Stuart,
knowing the defenseless condition of Richmond and
assuming that it was Sheridan's objective, staked
his all in vainly trying to check his antagonist's
dashing onset. While the calm and imperturbable
Wade Hampton, a far steadier and more judicious
leader, succeeded Stuart in command, it soon be-
came known to us that the Confederate cavalry as
well as the Confederate infantry in Virginia were
overweighted, and therefore destined to be com-
pletely defeated in the end.
We naturally thought at first that Stuart 's whole
408
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
corps had confronted us at the Yellow Tavern and
that, having defeated him in fair fight, onr suprem-
acy was assured. I have never been one of those
who regarded him as the Eupert of the Confederate
army. He was a hardy, cheerful, and gallant leader,
full of enterprise and daring, but by no means an
invincible or even a model cavalryman. Like Kil-
patrick, he generally overworked his men and horses
in useless raids and seems never to have fully real-
ized the advantage of operating in masses in close
cooperation with the infantry. His failure to cover
Lee's concentration at Gettysburg and his absence
from that field were mistakes which have never been
satisfactorily explained. The simple fact is he was
as great a favorite with Lee as Sheridan was with
Grant, and seems to have had carte blanche to do
about as he pleased. Although without previous
military training, Hampton in the East and Forrest
in the West were quite his equals in personal prow-
ess and leadership, while Hampton was certainly
his superior in administration and generalship.
While both were finally outweighted and overborne,
Hampton never divided his forces in the face of
his opponent, but, as will be pointed out more in
detail further on, he used his entire corps with con-
summate ability a few weeks later, first against
Sheridan, north of Eichmond, and second against
me, south of Petersburg. Having a central position
and shorter lines, he lacked nothing but weight to
use us both up completely. As it was, he forced
Sheridan to retire from Trevellian Station by a
wide detour, and gave me all I could do to save my
command and rejoin the army from which both had
been detached and sent on divergent and dangerous
409
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
missions in flagrant violation of well-established
military principles.
After a few hours at the Yellow Tavern, during
which the corps closed up and men and horses rested
and fed, we resumed our movement toward Eich-
mond.
In pursuance of verbal instructions, our march
began at 11 p. m., with my division in the lead and
the other divisions following. Our purpose was not
at any time to attack Eichmond, but to cross the
Chickahominy, which encircled and covered it as
a wet ditch, and march between it and the defenses
of Eichmond by the way of Fair Oaks Station to
HaxalPs Landing on the James. Our route lay
along the Brook turnpike southward to within five
miles of the city, and then turned to the left by
country roads along the south bank of the Chicka-
hominy to the Virginia Central Eailroad and the
Mechanicsville turnpike, which we reached just be-
fore daylight, without opposition or unusual delay.
But the night was an exciting one. We were within
a few miles of the Confederate capital, and while
we knew neither the strength of its garrison nor
the position of the cavalry which we had defeated,
we kept a sharp lookout in all directions. While
there was no fighting, my column was thrown into
some confusion by exploding torpedoes, planted in
the turnpike along which we were marching. Sup-
posing that the actual explosions indicated other
mines, we naturally took the roadside where the
country would permit it, and fortunately met noth-
ing else to halt or delay us till the advance reached
the Mechanicsville turnpike. Here my guide with
some trepidation declared he could take us no far-
410
GEANT IN THE WILDERNESS
ther, without explaining the reason, which became
all too evident a few minutes later. Having no time
to waste, I halted long enough to send an officer to
a neighboring house for another guide. Day was
just dawning when he returned with a farmer who
said he knew the country thoroughly. While some-
what surprised at our presence, he offered no ob-
jection to serving us, and at once asked if I knew
where we were, to which I replied I had a vague
idea we were wedged in between the fortifications
of Eichmond on the one hand and the Chickahominy
on the other, and that they could not be far apart.
Thereupon the new guide said: "You're right, but
you are also up against a battery of heavy guns
not two hundred yards away completely sweeping
the road on which you are standing as well as the
country on both sides, and it is impossible to pass
between that battery and the river.' \ Eealizing at
once that we might be in a tight place, I ordered
my aid-de-camp, Captain Whitaker, to ride up the
road toward the rebel lines. Although it was still
quite dark, his large, gray horse could be plainly
seen for fifty or sixty yards, but had just disap-
peared from view when the whole side of the heavens
seemed lit up by a flash, followed instantly by the
roar of cannon and the rush of hot air and round
shot down the road on which I was standing with
my staff and orderlies. Several horses were dis-
emboweled, several had their legs knocked off and
floundered into the ditches by the roadside, while
the staff swept back a few yards toward the river,
taking cover under the brow of the hill overlooking
the bottom beyond. Fortunately, neither officer nor
man was seriously injured, though several were
411
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
badly bruised. As I escaped without being dis-
mounted, I hurriedly ordered the two brigade com-
manders to dismount the whole division and throw
out their dismounted men toward the fortifications,
while screening their led horses in the valley of the
Chickahominy to our rear. Although the situation
was exciting, as we were in a cut de sac, with for-
tifications to the front not three hundred yards
away, and a river not half that distance to the rear,
my orders were executed without confusion. My
two batteries, under their splendid young leaders,
Fitzhugh and Pennington, were thrown promptly
into position and were soon combing the crests of
the fortifications, now plainly in sight, while the
dismounted troopers were deploying to the front.
Their carbines made lively music and soon drove
the Confederates back into their works. As it turned
out, they were largely home guards, and, had we
known it, we could have easily captured the city
and its scanty garrison, as well as the Confederate
Government, but, unfortunately, this was not Sheri-
dan's plan. His first duty was to make good his
position and get into the open country again. In
the midst of the racket at its highest, Sheridan's
aid, Captain Goddard, galloped up to me in great
excitement, exclaiming: "General Sheridan orders
you to hold your position at all hazards while he
arranges to withdraw the corps to the north side
of the river."
As there was nothing else to do unless we con-
cluded to risk all in assaulting the enemy's works,
after twitting the captain about the "ricochet hat"
he wore, I said: "Go back to General Sheridan
and tell him his orders shall be obeyed, but, like
412
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
John Phoenix in his celebrated fight with the editor
of the San Diego Herald, say onr hair is badly en-
tangled in his fingers and our nose firmly inserted
in his mouth, and we shall, therefore, hold on here
till something breaks!" This was literally true,
but our condition was not quite so desperate as it
seemed. As daylight made the situation clearer
we had but little difficulty in getting rid of the
enemy, but as soon as we could look about, it became
certain that we could not cross the Mechanicsville
turnpike, that the fortifications actually rested on
the brow of the hill overlooking the valley, and
that there was no road whatever between them and
the river. Having made good our position, there
was nothing further to do but to hold on while Sheri-
dan cleared the ground behind us, and repaired the
bridge in rear of his center, and as soon as it be-
came passable to withdraw by the flanks of divi-
sions to the north side of the river.
As Custer covered the road to the rear, he was
detailed to reconstruct the bridge, but, having no
bridge train, he had to tear down the neighboring
houses for the necessary materials. He was not an
engineer, but with his West Point training he made
short work of the job, and before the morning was
half spent, although the enemy made a feeble show
of advancing, Gregg, Merritt, and Custer had crossed
and left me to bring off the rear. This, as it turned
out, was a simple task, though Sheridan evidently
thought it a complicated one, for he rode up and
down the line, waving his hat and sword and en-
couraging the men by words both rude and profane
to hold on firmly till their comrades were all safely
out of the way. Inasmuch, however, as the enemy
413
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
did not press us and our men were steady veterans
who had been in tight places many times before,
the movement was completed without loss or con-
fusion, and with my escort I was the last to cross.
During this episode Sheridan was as much ex-
cited as any man in the command. He evidently
thought the corps was in an exceedingly dangerous
position, and that if attacked in force he might lose
a large part, if not the whole, of his command. He
certainly had no thought of assuming the offensive
or attacking the fortifications, but was bent upon
getting out of a bad box as best he could. That
done, the next step was to march to a junction with
Butler, then supposed to be at or in the neighbor-
hood of Bermuda Hundred. We needed rations and
forage badly and had no means of knowing that
the Confederate capital was without an adequate
garrison. In his reports, as well as in his less for-
mal explanations, Sheridan always claimed that he
did not go into Eichmond merely because he had
no orders to do so, and this was literally the truth,
but from the Confederate accounts of the situation
it is now certain that the capture of that place would
have been easy work for the twelve thousand
troopers Sheridan had with him. According to the
facts, it was an opportunity in which audacity and
a bold stroke might gain a notable success. With
Eichmond firmly in our possession, and Butler's
army only a few miles to the southeast, we could
easily have made good our position, and this must
have" produced a tremendous impression upon Lee
and the Confederacy.
As it was, our advance had hardly got across
the Chickahominy before that part of Stuart's com-
414
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
mand we had fought the day before at Yellow Tav-
ern, having cut across country, undertook to bar
our further progress, but it was an easy task to
brush them out of the way and resume our march
by Mechanicsville and Pole Green Church to Gains '
House, where we encamped that night.
The next day we crossed the Chickahominy at
Bottom's Bridge and marched thence to Malvern
Hill, the scene of McClellan's greatest defensive
battle, to Haxall's Landing on the James, where we
encamped early on the morning of the 14th. The
country was familiar to our officers and men, but
it was entirely stripped of forage and food, and,
therefore, we were anxious to get through it and
open communications with Butler's transports and
depots beyond. On arriving at the river we got
the New York papers, from which we first heard
of Sedgwick's death and of Grant's encouraging
message: "I propose to fight it out on this line if
it takes all summer."
Having reached a place of safety and plenty,
both officers and men felt quite exultant over their
long and successful march, and were encouraged
by the hope that with our assistance Butler would
be able to isolate Eichmond, destroy its communi-
cations, compel Lee to let loose in front of Grant,
and hurry back to the defense of Richmond. But
this hope, like many others during that summer, was
destined to disappointment. As far as we could
make out, Butler was doing but little, and, while
it was pretty certain that Lee was slowly falling
back before Grant, Sheridan, as soon as he had se-
cured supplies, determined to retrace his steps and
rejoin Grant, wherever he might be found. Mean-
415
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
while, knowing what I did from service along the
southern coast, I wrote to Dana, urging that the
forces employed in useless coastwise expeditions,
amounting to some eighteen or twenty thousand
men, should be at once brought to Butler 's support,
although it was evident even at that early date that
Butler was at outs with Gillmore and perhaps with
other subordinate commanders, and that, therefore,
it would be better to put that part of the army
under someone in whom it would have greater con-
fidence.
While the men were resting and drawing sup-
plies I accompanied Sheridan to Bermuda Hundred,
where I met Butler as well as Baldy Smith, his
next in command, and was not long in discovering
that they were at outs with each other. The entries
in my diary at the time show that the divided com-
mand and responsibilities of that Department were
far from working satisfactorily. Subsequent de-
velopments made it certain that this view was cor-
rect, and as they were confirmed by Morgan and
Bowen, both regular officers of high character and
great ability, I was justified in the conclusion that I
ought to make both Bawlins and Grant acquainted
with the real situation on the James as soon as I
could safely do it.
On May 16 we learned through Richmond
papers that Stuart had died of the wounds received
at Yellow Tavern and that the Confederate authori-
ties regarded his loss as irreparable.
For some reason, not explained and now diffi-
cult to understand, Sheridan decided to begin his
return march by night of the 17th. His route lay
nearly due north to Jones' Bridge and Mount Oli-
416
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
vette Church, but as the roads were bad and our
teams worse, our progress was but slow. On the
18th we made only five miles, and on the 19th three.
Starting at dawn of the 20th, my division camped
at an early hour on the Mattadequin Creek near
the house of President Tyler's widow, where we
enjoyed strawberries and cream, ice water, and hos-
pitality in exchange for protection. In this fine old
house and others like it along the line of march I
found a lot of old-time but excellent books, among
others Zimmerman's " Solitude, ' ' "The Life of
Thomas Jefferson," and the "Life of Suvarrow,"
all published before 1810. I was familiar, of course,
with the campaigns of the Russian General, but had
never before seen an analysis of his character, the
author's summary of which praised him for per-
sonal activity and bravery, for never hesitating a
moment to attack his enemy, whether en route or
in position, and for never waiting to receive an on-
slaught. His plans were praised as conforming to
correct principles, which were always carried out
with such frenzy of desperation as to make them
invariably successful. The lesson was a good one
for our army till the end of the war.
In our deliberate march northward I had con-
siderable time for reflection, as well as for reading.
The Eichmond papers fell into our hands almost
daily and told us how Grant was pressing steadily
but slowly by the way of Guiney and Milford sta-
tions along the Fredericksburg Railroad toward
Richmond.
After conferring fully with Sheridan in regard
to Butler's campaign on the James and its rela-
tions to Grant's more important movements north
417
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
of Richmond, we concurred in the conclusion that
we should put our views in writing and send them
by courier, mine to Rawlins and Sheridan's to Col-
onel Comstock, and this was done. Both urged that
Butler should be relieved and his army turned over
to Baldy Smith, with orders to push the enemy vig-
orously, first to capture Petersburg, and second to
destroy the railroads south of Petersburg and Rich-
mond for the purpose of cutting of! the supplies
passing through those places to Lee's army north
of them.
While still resting at Mrs. Tyler's house and
reading criticisms from her library of Napoleon,
Wellington, and Washington, we heard heavy can-
nonading toward Fredericksburg, and this contin-
ued at intervals the whole of the next day, but what
it meant we did not find out till after we rejoined
the army.1
Marching at 3:30, May 22, we arrived at the
White House, near the head of York River, at 11
a. mv and there replenished our supplies from trans-
ports at that place. Sheridan had sent to Fortress
Monroe for a pontoon train, but the next day we
crossed the Pamunkey on the railroad bridge, two
hundred and seventy yards long, which we planked
over with boards gathered from the neighboring
country. Our route lay through King William Court
House and Dunkirk to Aylett's Station, and during
the whole day we heard heavy and continuous sound
of artillery from the direction of Hanover Junction,
more than twenty miles to the westward. The roar
was as loud and continuous as any I ever heard ex-
irThe enemy attacked the Sixth Corps at Spottsylvania, O. E.
Serial No. 67, p. 193.
418
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
cept on the battlefield. Custer had been detached
in that direction for the purpose of destroying the
bridges just north of that place, and the sounds
which reached us were from his guns, but, having
encountered a strong force moving northward, his
efforts were unsuccessful. Had the whole corps gone
with him the result must have been different, but,
operating as we did far to the eastward, our whole
movement, so far as it concerned Lee's communica-
tions was disappointing. While we broke his rail-
roads going south, first at Beaver Dam and later
at Ashland, capturing three trainloads of provisions
with one million five hundred thousand rations, a
supply of forage for our half-starved horses, and a
large quantity of medical stores, besides recapturing
three hundred and seventy-five Union prisoners, we
did not pay sufficient attention to the destruction
of the enemy's railroads, either going or returning.
But the enemy's mistakes were much greater than
ours. While our force was generally united in a
compact mass, his was scattered, part in our rear
and part in our front, and although this was more
or less disconcerting, as it caused Sheridan to mini-
mize the work of destruction, it did not prevent him
from moving against and engaging the enemy when-
ever he came within reach. But, having no precise
information as to Grant's progress, or of Lee's ex-
act position from day to day, we were perhaps over-
cautious in our own movements, which we carried
on as far to the east as the necessity of crossing
the rivers and estuaries flowing into the Chesapeake
would allow.
Withal we rejoined the Army of the Potomac on
May 24 at Old Chesterfield Court House, having
419
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
been sixteen days absent, four of which we passed
on the James and two on the York, leaving ten spent
in marching and fighting. Our entire loss was two
hundred and ninety-five men and officers. The total
distance traveled was approximately one hun-
dred and forty miles, or, not counting the
days in camp, an average of about fourteen miles
per day.
It should be observed that from the time Sheri-
dan cut loose from the army at Spottsylvania till
he rejoined it he was practically operating in the
open country against Lee's communications and the
Confederate capital with his three divisions of cav-
alry, united and well in hand, while Stuart had but
two divisions and not more than two-thirds as many
men operating separately for their defense. The
advantages were largely in our favor and the op-
portunity a great one for striking a vital blow. Now
that it is all over and the records of both sides avail-
able, it is apparent that we might not only have
defeated the Confederates again, as we did at Yel-
low Tavern, but could easily have destroyed the rail-
roads and captured Eichmond, had we but known
their defenseless condition.
The fact is that neither Sheridan, his generals,
nor his command had yet entirely found themselves.
The generals were more or less unacquainted with
each other and with Sheridan, and this sufficiently
accounts for the absence of that vigor and coherence
which afterward characterized their operations.
Sheridan was operating not only in a new field, but
with a new command. While he had led a cavalry
regiment for a few weeks in west Tennessee and
had commanded a division of infantry for two years,
420
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
he was essentially an infantry officer till he was
transferred to the Army of the Potomac. He be-
longed to that arm of the service since leaving West
Point, and, although he had shown extraordinary
steadiness and courage as a division commander, he
had not yet acquired the self-confidence and inde-
pendence which finally characterized him as one of
the boldest and most successful cavalry leaders of
his time. His career shows plainly that whatever
may be a soldier 's natural qualities or however high
his education, it takes experience to give him con-
fidence in an independent command and in fighting
battles. Books teach most lessons of war fairly
well. They lay down the established principles of
strategy, logistics, and administration, and the in-
dustrious student may get almost everything out of
them to make the perfect general except experience.
That comes only with hard knocks and constant serv-
ice, and experience thus acquired is the greatest of
all requisites to a successful commander.
Immediately after rejoining the army we found
it facing Lee on the South Anna Eiver, where the
situation had again become that of checkmate. Lee 's
position, covered as it was by the river, seemed to
be unassailable by direct attack and Grant had evi-
dently already made up his mind to turn it again
by a side march to a lower crossing of the Pamun-
key near Hanovertown. This brought the cavalry
again to a condition of dispersion. My division, al-
though just as tired and needing rest as badly as
the others, was transferred at once to the right at
Jericho Mills, where it crossed to the south side of
the North Anna beyond the right of the Sixth Corps,
whence it detached a dismounted force to cross Little
421
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Eiver for the purpose of making a demonstration
against Lee's left and rear.1 While this was going
on the other two divisions remained at rest two
days in camp at Polecat Station in rear of the army.
Had they been sent with me and all three divisions
been hurled against the left and rear of the enemy,
he must have been greatly shaken, if not thrown
into inextricable confusion. As it was, my move-
ment, taking Lee's left flank completely in reverse
and threatening his communications with Hanover-
town, was a complete success and, accompanied by
a spirited carbine fire, which might well have been
mistaken for the crashing roar of an infantry divi-
sion, as well as by a noisy pretense of bridge build-
ing, all under the cover of darkness and a heavy
cannonade from our twelve guns, was well calcu-
lated to shake Lee out of his position. As the pos-
sible advance of Grant's whole army, it certainly
drew Lee's attention sharply to that quarter of the
field, and, although I was forced by lack of weight
and by ignorance of lay of the land to suspend my
movement in the full tide of success, it was not till
toward midnight that I ceased firing or withdrew
my skirmishers, and recrossed both rivers to
bivouac at Canfield's house. It was a hard day's
work, followed by a night of great exposure and
excitement, but I afterward learned, much to my
gratification, that our operations were not only
alarming and disconcerting to the enemy, but gave
Grant a full day's start in his new turning move-
ment.2
During the next three days I held the right of
1 O. E. Serial No. 67, pp. 21, 794, 795, 808, 881.
2 lb., pp. 21, 194, 872-5.
422
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
our army, conforming to and covering its move-
ments and keeping watch and ward over its rear
along the rivers which separated the hostile forces.
In doing this we kept our horses constantly out of
sight and showed only our dismounted men> and
field guns to the enemy, and this we did so effect-
ually and with such a show of force as to conceal
our real movements till the army made its appear-
ance south of the Pamunkey some thirty miles
away.
Although it was a period of ceaseless labor and
constant vigilance, it afforded me an opportunity
to visit Grant's headquarters at Chesterfield Court
House and to confer with him and his staff. All
gave me a hearty welcome and received my reports
of marching, fighting, and observation with a full
appreciation of their importance. Both Grant and
Eawlins were deeply interested in what I told them
of Butler's opportunities and of the unfortunate
dissensions which marred the efficiency of his army.
Eawlins had received my letter by courier and I
have never doubted that the personal reports made
independently of each other by Sheridan and my-
self were influential in moving Grant a few days
later to withdraw Smith's corps from Butler's col-
umn to reenforce his own army, between the Toto-
potomoy and the Chickahominy. The front of man-
euvers gradually grew narrower as we advanced
toward Eichmond and the battles became bloodier
and more costly. These facts fully justified Eaw-
lins' constant anxiety for reinforcements, whether
by draft or by enlistments, while they imposed upon
Grant the imperative duty of making his advance
not only safe but invincible by calling every man
423
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
within reach to strengthen the army under his im-
mediate control.
During this period I not only saw Grant and his
staff frequently, but received several visits from
Dana, Eawlins, and Babcock, all of whom showed
unabated interest in my welfare and success. It
was in the first of these visits that they explained
the work of detraction and misrepresentation which
had been carried on more or less openly against my
division since I had been in command of it. They
named a staff officer who had been talking and I
reported him to Sheridan, who at once gave him
an admonition which silenced him for good and all.
The prejudices, selfish interests, and idle talk of
an army made up of men from all callings and all
parts of the country, although generally founded
on gossip, are nearly always productive of evil.
They mar or make fortunes without reference to
conduct or real merit. The braggart and boaster,
especially if he is skillful in getting in with the
newspapers, frequently gains popular favor for
much more than he is really worth, while the faith-
ful and modest officer who attends strictly to duty
is far too often condemned unheard. Our army
showed many instances of this sort, and yet candor
compels me to add that the modest man is not al-
ways the best soldier, nor the braggart always the
worst. Some of the poorest officers I ever knew
were as modest as women, while some of the best,
while shamelessly sounding their own praises, were
brave, dashing, and enterprising to an unusual de-
gree. Such men frequently act as though conscious
of having committed themselves to deeds of daring
and feel compelled to make good at every hazard.
424
GRANT IN THE WILDERNESS
They rarely reach the highest distinction, while
those of the more thoughtful and more steadfast
kind are content to do their duty from time to time
according to their best judgment and leave the rest
to their record and to those in authority over them.
In the long run the latter class prevail. The man
who knows when to use his brains instead of his
sword, when to put his command in and follow its
movements with a watchful eye, and when to place
himself at the post of danger, resolved to win or
lose it all by his personal leadership, is a far more
useful officer than the reckless and thoughtless man
who undertakes to do all the fighting himself. This
is just as true in our great war as in the other great
wars of history. While it is sometimes hard for a
subordinate to follow a campaign or a battle closely
enough to know just what the next movement should
be, it is still harder to judge correctly when to throw
prudence, which is often a i l rascally virtue, ' ' to the
wind and stake all on personal courage and leader-
ship. But the really good officer, when the time
comes, takes the risk, far too frequently with a fatal
result, though in the long run he and his kind win
out and achieve real glory.
425
XVII
GRANT'S ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
Operations on Pamunkey and North Anna — Fights at Han-
over Court House — Ashland and South Anna — Toto-
potomoy — Haw's shop — Behind Lee's left — Captain
Ulffers — Prepared rations — Sheridan detached — De-
feated by Hampton — Cold Harbor — Upton 's comments.
During Grant's movement to the left along the
north bank of the Pamunkey on the last days of
May, 1864, I followed close behind his rear guard,
picking up stragglers from the Ninth Corps and an
occasional deserter from Lee's forces. From one of
the latter I learned that Lee had begun his retro-
grade movement to Ashland Station almost imme-
diately after my night attack against his left flank,
and this information I deemed important enough to
send to General Grant, as it indicated that Lee's
new position would be twelve or fourteen miles
south of Chesterfield, a few miles beyond the South
Anna, behind which he would be free to move in
any direction. It also made it certain that we were
in but little danger of an offensive return. The
march was therefore in the nature of rest and recrea-
tion. While it was under way I overtook my class-
mate, Captain Andrews, of the Eighth Infantry, who
since the death of Sedgwick, on whose staff he had
426
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
been serving as an aid-de-eamp, was in command
of his company on foot. His entire baggage was
tied up in a bandanna handkerchief and carried on
his sword over his shoulder. He was weary, foot-
sore, and despondent, and as soon as he saw me
asked seriously if I knew where he could get the
mouth-piece of a key bugle or any other part of a
brass musical instrument. This puzzling question
at once aroused my curiosity as well as my interest.
He was a veteran of imperturbable temper and ap-
proved courage who had taken an honorable part
in all the eastern campaigns and in many of the most
important battles. I knew, therefore, that there was
something behind his singular inquiry, but as I could
not imagine what it was, I answered at once : ' ' No !
Why do you ask?" And this brought the reply,
without the glimmer of a smile:
"Oh, I merely want to be considered as belong-
ing to the band, which, you know, remains behind
the fighting line and carries off the wounded. This
is the only berth in this army where a man's life
is worth a cent. Nearly everybody I know has been
killed or wounded, and if this campaign, with its
senseless assaults of entrenched positions and its
ceaseless tributes of blood and death, is to continue
much longer, my turn is sure to come soon, and I
want to avoid that if I can honorably do so. Like
our classmate, Martin, commanding his regiment
at the vortex of the battle at Peach Orchard, where
he could hear the bullets breaking the bones of his
men like icicles falling from the eaves on a sunny
morning, 'I feel exactly as though every minute
might be my next!' "
The captain's grim but impressive humor was
427
UNDEE THE OLD FLAG
followed by the first comment I had heard upon the
rude and costly methods and the incompetency of
corps and division commanders in that army, and
from the specifications which followed I became con-
vinced that the courage and confidence of both offi-
cers and men were not only slipping away, but that
unless better methods and greater successes could
be assured, we might meet with an overwhelming
disaster any day. The condition of affairs was a
grave one and, unfortunately, there was no sign
from any quarter that a change for the better might
be expected. Lee and his decimated ranks still
grimly barred our road to Eichmond and, as it
turned out, exacted greater and greater tributes of
blood and treasure before yielding to the inevitable.
A few days later I asked for and obtained An-
drews ' detail to my staff as aid-de-camp. Beaumont
and Noyes, from the same staff, had already joined
and, I may add, remained with me to the end of the
war. They were all West Pointers, young, gallant,
and accomplished, and, while they had many close
calls from captivity and death, they escaped serious
injury and disablement, led long and useful lives,
and finally retired as colonels of the regular army.
They were well fitted for high command, but those
were strenuous days, in which the highest merit
did not always receive adequate recognition or re-
ward.
The Pamunkey, formed by the North and South
Anna Eivers, is an exceedingly crooked stieam, with
many bends, swamps and small tributaries. My
route lay through Mangohick Church and Pounce's
Swamp toward New Castle Ferry and Hanover-
town, and I was especially required to remain be-
428
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
hind, covering the trains and driving in the strag-
glers. Later I was directed to divide my command,
sending one brigade south of the river for the pur-
pose of occupying the line of Crump 's Creek and to
follow with the other as soon as everything in front
had crossed the Pamunkey. This service was all
safely accomplished by the last day of the month,
when with my reunited division I was ordered to
turn northwest up the river toward Hanover Court
House. This speedily brought me in contact with
the enemy's cavalry near Doctor Price's house,
where a sharp and successful skirmish lasting till
night took place.
Late on May 1 I was ordered to push out and
destroy the railroad bridges northwest of Hanover
Court House, to begin my march in that direction
after dark, and to continue the work of destruction
till it was all finished or till I was reenforced or
withdrawn. This was a most important task. Four
railroad bridges, two across the South Anna and
two across Little Eiver, were involved, and the pri-
mary object was to break the railroads north of
Eichmond connecting that place with the western
part of the state through Gordonsville and Lynch-
burg. As this was an operation of the first impor-
tance which necessarily carried me in a circle
around and toward Eichmond, with the Pamunkey
at my back, while our army was moving away from
me to the southeast, it exposed me to the attack of
the entire rebel cavalry, which, based on Eichmond,
had the short line against me from start to finish.
The proper tactical use of the cavalry under the
circumstances was to send the entire corps to assist
in the work committed to me. This would have en-
429
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
abled it to destroy the bridges and railroad effectu-
ally in a few hours and would have given us, besides,
an opportunity to crush or drive Hampton into the
fortifications of Kichmond or to compel him to take
refuge behind Lee's army. As it was, the entire
burden of the operations fell upon my division of
four thousand sabers. My movement began at dark
and soon brought me in contact with Pierce M. B.
Young's Confederate brigade. He had been a West
Point companion of mine, a private in my cadet
company, and was an exceedingly handsome, gal-
lant, and enterprising officer who accepted the gage
of battle with all confidence when I offered it
to him. Both Mcintosh and Chapman, my brigade
commanders, were men of dashing courage and at
the word pushed their dismounted men across the
creek, wounding Young himself through the body,
and driving his men with a rush from the field to-
ward the west.1
Our rest that night was but short, and at four
o'clock the next morning we moved forward about
four miles against the railroad. Mcintosh with the
stronger brigade struck it at Ashland Station, near
the birthplace of Henry Clay, while Chapman moved
divergently against the bridges several miles fur-
ther to the northwest. At an early hour both
were actively engaged, Chapman, under my special
direction, with fire and torch and Mcintosh
with carbine and sword. It was a day of intense
activity and excitement. All four bridges were suc-
cessfully burned under the cover of a fierce fight
front and rear between Mcintosh and Hampton, five
miles to the southwest. Nothing was permitted to
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 21, 84, 880, 882.
430
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
interfere with the burning of the bridges and the
breaking of the railroads. Chapman, the first to
finish his task, was drawn back to form a junction
with Mcintosh, who was fiercely pressed on all sides.
Much sharp fighting ensued and some confusion re-
sulted, but our work was accomplished, the division
reunited, and the road opened for our return to the
army. After nineteen hours ' marching and fighting
we bivouacked at eleven o'clock that night in our
old position at Hanover Court House, where we held
on the whole of the next day, waiting for orders,
during which we picked up a brigade of reinforce-
ments coming from Port Eoyal under Colonel Ces-
nola. It was composed of motley detachments on
the way to the army, and added but little to our
strength and nothing to our mobility.
During the whole of the perilous operations
about Hanover Court House and Ashland I was
without orders from Sheridan and did not even know
where or in what direction he was operating. My
instructions came directly from Meade's headquar-
ters and necessarily left me in doubt as to. every-
thing except what concerned my command. All the
pickets between us and the army had been with-
drawn and, finding myself entirely isolated, late on
June 2 I determined to march toward Cold Har-
bor, but just before starting I received orders to
follow up and conform to the movements of the
army. Accordingly, at 7 p. m. I took the road, de-
termined to go as far that night as Totopotomoy
Creek, between twelve and fifteen miles to the south-
east. It was raining hard and was dark and dis-
agreeable, but for that reason exceedingly favor-
able to our operations. At 1 :30 a. m. my advance
431
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
formed connection with Burnside's right, but Ces-
nola and his slow-marching infantry were not in
position till ten o'clock the next morning.
For the first time my division was safely in
reserve behind the right of Burnside's corps, but,
notwithstanding our three days' constant fighting,
marching, and vigil, no rest was permitted to us.
Our losses since crossing the Pamunkey in killed
and wounded had been about two hundred men, all
of whom, except the dead, had been brought off and
properly cared for, so that our ambulances were
full of sick and wounded, while our cartridge boxes
were almost empty. Besides, my men were so tired
that they could hardly sit their jaded and half -fam-
ished horses.
Under these trying circumstances I received or-
ders at ten o'clock that morning to sally out from
behind Burnside, pass around Lee's left flank, and
attack him in rear. Another day of fighting and
blood was before us, and, while the exposure and
peril were great, there was nothing left for us but
to undertake it. Boots and saddles were sounded
and our weary troopers remounted as soon as pos-
sible. Not a man murmured, but with scanty ra-
tions and forage it was slow and discouraging work
to get ready for the road again. Withal, the entire
division was soon in column, moving briskly against
the enemy, which we expected to find at or near
Haw's Shop and Salem Church, and we were not
disappointed in our expectations. Sheridan found
them there several days before and, as the country
was well supplied with rifle pits for the defense of
the roads leading toward Richmond, the prospect
was recognized by every officer as an exceedingly
432
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
good one for a rough time, and a rough time
ensued.
Chapman's brigade, with the gallant First Ver-
mont leading, soon found themselves in contact with
the enemy, but this time it was Gordon's old bri-
gade of infantry, which meant a more determined
resistance than even their best cavalry could give
us. Dismounting the best regiments of both bri-
gades and cheering them to the charge, the fight
was on at once in earnest. Our horses were left
behind and our gallant troopers of the First Ver-
mont, the Fifth and Eighth New York in open or-
der, with their rapid-fire carbines pouring out vol-
ley after volley, rushed with all the steadiness of
the best infantry to the attack. The enemy made a
brave but ineffectual stand in three successive lines
of breastworks, but our men swept over them, one
after the other, without hesitation, capturing
prisoners and clearing up the country as they went
along, but at a fearful cost of officers and men. The
knightly Colonel Preston and the hard-fighting Cap-
tain Cushman of the Vermont regiment were killed
at the head of their men, while the intrepid Colonel
Benjamin of the Eighth New York and several jun-
ior officers and many men were wounded.1 No bet-
ter fighting was ever done by dismounted troopers,
but the day's work was not yet over.2 In gaining
the shop and church and driving the enemy back
on Mount Carmel Church, we had merely made
good our possession of a congeries of cross-roads,
uncovered the enemy's left, and opened the way to
the Totopotomoy, two miles beyond Via's house
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 874, 875, 882.
' lb., pp. 84, 87, 88, 194.
433
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
in rear of Lee's left, something over three miles
from the scene of our first successes.
Although nightfall was now at hand, we pushed
forward again, but this time the Second New York
and the Third Indiana led the advance with four
hundred dismounted troopers, forded the Totopoto-
moy and, with all the noise and racket they could
make, threw themselves headlong against everything
in their front. They soon found themselves fight-
ing rebel infantry and under cover of the woods
creating a tremendous commotion, but this time it
was the left and rear of Lee 's main line which they
were pressing. A few more prisoners were taken,
but, as we were engaged in a tangled forest which
the shades of night made almost impenetrable for
anything like a regular fighting line, I made my ar-
rangements to withdraw, sounding the recall and is-
suing formal orders as soon as I became convinced
that with Lee's infantry in front our attack had
spent its force. As both our advance and our with-
drawal were covered by a noisy fire of our two bat-
teries at an effective range, our success was height-
ened, while the confusion of the enemy as to its
extent and purpose was much increased. With three
times the force the result might have been decidedly
different.
As may be easily understood, our retirement in
the dark was without disorder or delay, but it was
well toward midnight before we were again in
bivouac, with pickets properly posted and our ex-
hausted and hungry men and horses again at rest.
I, of course, sent frequent couriers by the road
on which we came to army headquarters, but when
our work was done and the stories told by the
434
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
prisoners had been collected I sent my engineer,
Captain UlfYers, an accomplished German topogra-
pher and surveyor, long resident in the States, in
person to Meade's headquarters with a full report,
but, relying on his knowledge of the country, I left
him free to take what route he pleased. Being a
man of but few words, he said nothing, and, unfor-
tunately, decided to make a bee line by compass to
the point at which he supposed he would find Meade
and his staff. As it was pitch dark and the enemy's
army lay directly across his route, he soon found
himself riding into Lee's headquarters instead of
Meade's. His surprise was, however, not greater
than that of the Confederates from whom he in-
quired his way, but there was nothing further for
him to do but surrender when told that he was in
the midst of the rebel camps. Thus realizing that
the longest way around is sometimes the shortest
way home, he was chagrined to find himself a
prisoner of war.
He was taken at once to Lee, who questioned
him closely, but he was fully on his guard and told
only what he thought would add to the night's con-
fusion. The next day he was sent to Richmond and
shortly afterward to Salisbury, North Carolina,
where he was imprisoned and, as he always alleged,
treated with cruelty which impelled him to escape
if possible. Upon two occasions he got away, but
was recaptured and taken back to the prison pen.
On the third, guided by the stars, he escaped into
South Carolina, and finally by traveling only at
night succeeded in joining Sherman's army near
Savannah. Being well known to all the leading gen-
erals, he received a hearty welcome, but, oddly
435
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
enough, his friends, instead of offering him food,
which he needed badly, opened wine or poured out
whisky so freely that he became hopelessly and help-
lessly drunk, and did not get over it for three days.
He rejoined me at Macon just as the war was
closing, after a full year's absence, during which
he had evidently suffered great hardship and priva-
tion. Reduced to skin and bones, the story of his
adventures was touching in the extreme. In mak-
ing his way south he avoided the highways and
public roads and traveled through the woods, mostly
by night. His only friends were the negroes, some
of whom he had been warned against. He generally
slept in the woods, but preferably in gin-houses,
where he found a comfortable bed under the un-
ginned cotton. On one occasion he was sleeping
soundly when his uncovered head and his long and
unkempt hair betrayed him. A violent blow on the
head not only aroused but brought him to his feet in
fear and trembling. He was greatly relieved by see-
ing that the blow had come from a little negro who
had climbed into the window and mistaken his mat
of hair in the dim light for a cat which he was huntj
ing. Seeing the long, specter-like figure rising from
the cotton, the boy screamed, fell out of the window
backward, and ran yelling to the house as though
a devil were after him. This brought the colored
overseer to the scene, who, perceiving that an es-
caped Union prisoner had raised the alarm, got him
across the field into the woods as soon as possible
with such supplies and traveling directions as he
needed for the next day and night. He had been
especially warned against this man, but his kindness
showed that however devoted he might be to his
436
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
master, he was at heart a Union man, anxious to
see the Union armies prevail and slavery abolished.
The captain averred that throughout his long and
perilous journey he never failed to receive aid and
comfort from the negroes, and never expected either
from the white natives, no matter how poor they
were. He was, therefore, one of the few Union men
who was slow to forgive. After the war he became
an assistant civil engineer on public works with me
and afterward with General Weitzel, and finally died
in the service, honored and respected by all who
knew him. He was a gentleman of high education,
worth, and modesty, belonging to the family of
UlfTers von Nostitz, and while a prisoner his family
anxiously inquired after him through Prussian
diplomatic channels.
Shortly after one o'clock the morning of our
demonstration against Lee's left I received a note
from Meade, thanking me for my success and con-
gratulating me on its good effect, but I could not
help thinking how much more might have been ac-
complished had the whole corps gone with us, as
it might well have done. By daylight the enemy
had disappeared from the neighborhood of Via's
house and was moving toward his right and rear.
Later in the day heavy firing prevailed in the
direction of Cold Harbor, as though a battle were
raging in that quarter. We kept constantly on the
qui vive for the next forty-eight hours and, although
not positively engaged, our patroling parties were
heavy and our anxiety great. To make matters
worse, we were on short rations. My headquarters
had nothing in the camp chest and on Sancho
Panza's principle that "he who sleeps, eats," my
437
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
officers and I had gone to bed, not only to rest, but
to allay the pangs of hunger. About nine o'clock
I was aroused by the quick, sharp challenge of the
sentry : ' ' Halt ! Who comes there ! ' ' — followed by,
"Advance, friend, and give the countersign ! ' f I was
lying on a bed of pine leaves under a fence rail
shelter at the forks of the road. A moment later
an orderly from Grant's headquarters handed me
a small package with an envelope addressed in
Grant's own hand. It inclosed a note running about
as follows:
Brigadier General Wilson is hereby detailed to test
and report upon Hosford's prepared rations, samples of
which are herewith transmitted:
For three days preceding his tests, General Wilson will
live off of the country through which he is marching, and
during his tests he will live solely upon the rations here-
with supplied. Having consumed the same, he will report
his conclusions to these headquarters.
Inasmuch as I had not had a square meal for a
week and the country in which we were operating
had been swept clean of all food supplies, a fact
which nobody knew better than Grant himself, I
considered the order a grim piece of humor, but as
I was half -famished, I proceeded at once to test the
rations. They consisted of three desiccated, con-
densed, black meat biscuits, very much the size and
color of a cake of shoeblacking, and of three half-
pound packages of cracked wheat which had been
toasted and slightly sweetened. I fell to imme-
diately, finding the former impossible to masticate
till broken into fragments and made into a stew, but
the latter was palatable and refreshing from the
first. On the whole the rations were so satisfactory
438
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
that I immediately made requisition for ten thou-
sand, which, by the way, were never furnished, but
I am sure they would have been most useful and ac-
ceptable to both officers and men engaged in raids
or distant operations where the country was short
of food. The next time I met the General we had
a pleasant chat about the rations and my requisition
for a supply of the same. The joke was on him and
not on me.
But as the army was still operating by its left
flank, there was no time for business outside of the
usual. The next day Sheridan called upon me and
later in the afternoon Dana rode over to learn how
matters were going in our front. He remained to
dinner and seemed to find the Hosford's prepared
rations somewhat palatable, though hardly suitable
for a steady diet. I had succeeded in adding hard-
tack, coffee, and bacon to the meal, all of which he
found agreeable additions to what the General had
contributed. It was a laughable episode, which welL
emphasized the conditions about us.
The next day Torbert 's division took position on
my left, filling the gap made by the gradual with-
drawal of the infantry toward Cold Harbor. Heavy
firing was continuous in that direction, and for two
nights the cavalry kept constantly on the alert, but
as the enemy disappeared and the cannonading
grew more distant and more intermittent our men
and horses gradually got rested.
During Sheridan's visit he informed me that he
should soon start with two divisions to operate
against the railroads north of Eichmond, and this
would leave me and my division to look after both
the left and right of the army, which had been heav-
439
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
ily engaged for several days and had suffered great
loss in its efforts to dislodge Lee from his position
in front of the Chickahominy at Cold Harbor.
Meanwhile, Sheridan, in carrying ont his instruc-
tions, concentrated Torbert and Gregg at New
Castle Ferry in onr rear, leaving me to watch
Grant's entire right as far around as the Pamunkey
with one brigade, while the other was transferred
to the left of the army, with instructions to cover
the country to Jones' Bridge, on the Chickahominy.
With my small force thus scattered, it was impos-
sible to do more than keep watch and ward over
the enemy's movements in either direction. It was
work of observation and patrol. Pickets were
posted and couriers were kept on the move in all
directions and, although the division was watching
a front of at least twenty-five miles, the enemy made
no move which it did not discover. Fortunately
for us, however, Lee was strictly on the defensive,
and still more fortunately, perhaps, Sheridan's
movement toward Gordonsville attracted Hampton's
attention to his operations in that quarter.
While it is not my intention to comment upon
Sheridan's operations, I cannot let them pass with-
out calling attention to the insufficiency of his force
and the futility of his efforts to break further the
roads north of the James and by joining Hunter
to cut off Lee's communications with Lynchburg.
My destruction of the bridges over the South Anna
and Little Eivers a few days before had so dis-
abled the roads in that quarter they could not be
used till the bridges were rebuilt. Sheridan's de-
tachment, therefore, was premature and had no
other immediate result than to draw Hampton after
440
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
him. Each of those great leaders had two divisions,
and while the preponderance of strength was doubt-
less with Sheridan, his superiority of numbers was
not sufficient to give him a ready victory over his
opponent. They met in one of the bloodiest cav-
alry battles of that war at Trevillian Station, some
sixty miles west of Cold Harbor, and while Sheri-
dan always claimed a substantial victory,1 it should
be noted that he neither joined Hunter at Lynch-
burg, nor returned directly to the army, but made
a wide detour to the northeast through Spottsyl-
vania nearly as far north as Fredericksburg, and
came back to the army by a circuitous or zigzag
route through Bowling Green, Walkerton, King and
Queen's Court House, and West Point to the White
House. Near White House he found his way again
obstructed by Hampton, who, moving on shorter
lines, had again blocked his way. He finally pushed
Hampton aside and rejoined the army, but this was
with much heavy fighting and no substantial fruits
of victory. Had my division been with Sheridan,
or had his operations been delayed till the army
was safely south of the James, when he could have
united his three divisions, he might have been en-
tirely successful. As it was, the advantages were
really with Hampton, for he not only foiled Sheri-
dan, but some days later fell upon me after I had
gained a substantial success and gotten almost back
to the Army of the Potomac. For some unexplained
reason, neither Grant, Meade, nor Sheridan had
yet grasped the importance of using cavalry en
1 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 796, 797, but compare Hampton 's re-
port, pp. 1095-1098, describing operations and claiming a substantial
victory over Sheridan.
441
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
masse against either the enemy's communications
or his mounted forces.
Our experience at Yellow Tavern, where the
whole corps was united or within close supporting
distance for the first and only time, should have
shown that; although only a part of our mounted
troops were actually engaged, they were invincible
with the whole united against any mounted force
the enemy could put in the field. This was not only
true then, but remained true till the end of the war,
and the simple fact is that Grant deprived himself
of two-thirds of his cavalry and dissipated its
strength in a secondary, if not useless, operation
north of Eichmond, when united it would have been
of incalculable value in covering his great turning
movement to the south side of the James. As will
be shown, my own operations with a single division
at the same time were entirely successful in con-
cealing Grant's march, but with the other two divi-
sions present we might have demonstrated so
strongly against Eichmond as to convince Lee that
that important point, rather than Petersburg, was
our real objective.
From the 1st to the 12th of June the Army of
the Potomac was almost constantly engaged in
fighting at Cold Harbor the bloodiest battle of the
campaign and gaining no decided result. As has
been shown, my division had not only conformed
to the movement by the left flank, but had done its
full share in marching, skirmishing, and serious
fighting. The transfer of Chapman's brigade to the
aggressive flank of the army gave me an oppor-
tunity, while going to my new station, to call at
Grant's headquarters and to confer with him and
442
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
with the staff, as well as with Meade and Hum-
phreys, whom I found nearby. It was during this
call that Meade warmly complimented and thanked
me for the part I had so far played in the campaign
and especially at Little River, Haw's Shop, and
Via's House. I found him walking up and down
in front of his tent, flecking his top-boots nervously
with his riding whip. He knew my intimacy with
Grant and my interest in his success, and, while
he was cordial and unconventional in my reception,
it was apparent that he was uneasy and not over-
confident. This was shown by his comments on the
course and costliness of the campaign up to that
time, and especially by the question: "Wilson,
when is Grant going to take Richmond I" To which
I replied: "Whenever the generals and troops in
this theater all work together to that end." Meade's
question would not have been so noticeable but for
his emphasis on Grant's name, and the impression
thereby conveyed that it was Grant's special con-
tract and not that of his subordinates and their
forces, as well. It showed clearly that in his own
mind, at least — and Meade was an able, loyal, and
patriotic soldier — no honors had so far been gained
that he thought worth claiming. At that juncture
he was apparently willing Grant should have all the
credit, along with all the responsibility.
At Grant 's headquarters I found a different feel-
ing, if not one of despondency. Grant himself,
while neither cast down nor discouraged, evidently
felt disappointed at his failure to overwhelm Lee,
and especially at the failure of his subordinates
to whom the details of carrying his general orders
into effect were left, to select proper points, form
443
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
proper plans of attack, and, above all, to provide
carefully for the contingency of success. He was
then becoming conscious of the fact that his general
orders, instead of being elaborated and conscien-
tiously carried into effect, as they should have been,
were far too frequently transmitted to those below,
literally, without any special explanation whatever,
and that the inevitable result would be to place the
responsibility upon him. And this view of the matter
was not only fully concurred in by Eawlins and
others, but also by Dana, who represented and made
hourly reports to the War Department.1 This was
not all, nor the worst. Both of those able and ex-
perienced men were disposed to hold Grant himself
primarily responsible for the policy, if not for the
practice, of making head-on attacks in the simple
parallel order against the enemy's entrenched and
almost impregnable positions. They concurred in
regarding this policy as faulty and costly in the
extreme. Both favored the flanking and turning
movements which brought the army from Spottsyl-
vania to Cold Harbor, and which, if not yet suc-
cessful in giving it a decided victory, were gradu-
ally pressing the enemy back upon his base and
capital, without unusual delay or excessive loss.
They contended that this policy, though lacking in
the element of brilliancy, would ultimately bring
success, while they feared that the policy of the
direct and continuous attack, if persisted in, would
ultimately so decimate and discourage the rank and
file that they could not be induced to face the enemy
at all.
It was at this time that I first heard of that omi-
1 O. E. Serial No. 67, pp. 63, 96.
444
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
nous and pathetic incident in which private soldiers
of the fighting line at Cold Harbor wrote their
names on pieces of paper and pinned them inside
their coats, so that their dead bodies might be iden-
tified if they were killed in the attack.
Both Eawlins and Dana visited me the next day.
Shortly after they arrived Warren, commanding the
Fifth Corps, next to my right, put in his appearance
and, while he had but little to say, it was quite
apparent that he was far from happy or hopeful.
As soon as he left, Rawlins and Dana resumed the
account of affairs at headquarters. While they
united in commending Grant's steadfastness and de-
termination, they reiterated their disapproval of a
certain baleful influence which had finally become
paramount at Grant's headquarters. It was at this
juncture that Rawlins, whose face, already pale and
wan from disease, grew white with rage while he
denounced the influence of Colonel Comstock,
Grant's chief engineer in the campaign and siege
of Vicksburg and now attached to the Lieutenant
General's personal staff.1 That officer, he declared,
with blenched lips, glittering teeth, and flashing
eyes, having won Grant's confidence, was now lead-
ing him and his army to ruin by senselessly advo-
cating the direct attack, and driving it home by
the deadly reiteration of " Smash 'em up! Smash
'em up!"
As I had no sympathy with that bloody and futile
policy, it gave me special pleasure to assure Raw-
lins of my willingness to assist him, not only in
xO. R. Serial No. 60, p. 1019, Babcock to W. F. Smith: "I
would send your letter to Wilson, but I am sure Comstock has more
influence than he (Wilson)."
445
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
getting it set aside, but in getting a better one
adopted in its place. Thereupon, he and Dana
urged me to return to the staff, on the plea that
no one could fill the place I had previously held,
and there was no one in whose judgment Grant had
so much confidence as he had in mine. While greatly
flattered by this invitation, I called attention to the
fact that I was the junior brigadier general in that
army and could not give up one command nor take
another without positive orders. I declared my will-
ingness to obey any order that might be issued by
competent authority, no matter where it might take
me nor what it might cost. With that assurance I
urged Eawlins to assert and stand by his own opin-
ions as he had always done in the great emergencies
of Grant 's life, adding that if he needed help at any
time, he might call upon me with the assurance that
I would go to his assistance on the shortest notice.
I do not know what passed after that between
Grant and Eawlins in reference to methods of oper-
ation, but it is certain that the " smash- 'em-up ' '
policy was abandoned about that time and was never
again favored at headquarters. Grant was nat-
urally a reticent man, somewhat slow to show a
change of mind even after reaching the conclusion
that a change was necessary, but he was far from
being blind to the practical lessons of experience or
deaf to the voice of his subordinates, however ex-
pressed. He was as quick as any general to per-
ceive from unsatisfactory results the necessity for
changing his policies and plans, and it is but fair
to allow that he required no argument after Cold
Harbor to convince him that he should resume the
practice of flanking the enemy rather than attack-
446
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
ing his entrenchments head-on without the aid of
heavy and well-directed columns or without patient
preparation for support and success.
Certain it is that for the time he abandoned the
direct attack of fortified positions, and, while his
movements thenceforth were not always properly
correlated and therefore not always victorious, they
were, with few exceptions, much safer and far less
costly than they had formerly been.
It is to be observed that Cold Harbor marked
an interesting epoch in Grant's career. It was
properly the end of the Overland campaign, which
had lasted about thirty days, during which the army
had been constantly marching and fighting. Its
losses had been greater than for any similar period
of its existence. Its courage and constancy had
been tested to the utmost, and, while it had gained
no complete victory, it moved forward with vary-
ing and inconclusive results something over eighty
miles, but at last it had become painfully apparent
that its fighting impulse had been greatly dimin-
ished. It was as though the loss of blood it poured
out so freely was distinctly lowering its fighting
temper and decreasing its confidence of success.
These general facts were freely admitted by all ob-
servant participants, and, while the younger and
more aggressive generals, such as Upton, Ames,
Barlow, and McKenzie, had noted with unerring
instinct the mistakes of their superiors, Upton, more
bold than the rest, gave vent to his feelings in lan-
guage now within the reach of all. On June 4
he wrote:
. . . I am disgusted with the generalship displayed.
Our men have in many instances been foolishly and wan-
447
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
tonly sacrificed. Assault after assault has been ordered
upon the enemy's entrenchments, when those ordering them
knew nothing about the strength or the position of the
enemy. Thousands of lives might have been spared by the
exercise of a little skill; but, as it is, the courage of our
men is expected to obviate all difficulties. I must confess
that so long as I see such incompetency there is no grade
in the army to which I do not aspire. . . ..
The next day he added:
We are now at Cold Harbor, where we have been since
June 1. On that day we had a murderous engagement.
I say " murderous* ' because we were recklessly ordered to
assault the enemy's entrenchments, knowing neither their
strength nor position. Our loss was very heavy and to
no purpose. Our men are brave, but cannot accomplish
impossibilities. My brigade lost about three hundred men.
My horse was killed, but I escaped unharmed. . . .
I am very sorry to say I have seen but little generalship
during the campaign. Some of our corps commanders are
not fit to be corporals. Lazy and indifferent, they will not
even ride along their lines; yet, without hesitancy, they
will order us to attack the enemy, no matter what their
position or numbers. Twenty thousand of our killed and
wounded should to-day be in our ranks, but I will cease
fault finding and express the hope that mere numbers will
yet enable us to enter Richmond.1
It was in this spirit that Generals Smith and
Eawlins talked at that time, and there can be no
doubt that the real fighting men of the army held
the views which Upton so fearlessly and feelingly
expressed. Years afterward he confirmed these
views in his work on the "Military Policy of the
United States.' ? Fortunately, Grant took warning
w<Life and Letters of Emory Upton,' ' Appleton & Co., p. 108,
et seq.
448
ADVANCE TO THE JAMES
before it was too late, and, no matter under what
influences, changed his practice and pursued thence-
forth a more prudent course. In this he had not
only the approval of the army, but the thanks of the
country whose cause it so steadfastly upheld.
It has often been observed that American sol-
diers, both regular and volunteers, are unusually
intelligent men who learn their duty rapidly and
soon come to observe, consider, and pass judgment
on the plans and combinations of their leaders with
unerring precision. It has also been observed that
the general who does not read success or failure in
the faces of his men as soon as the combinations
are well under way is unworthy to lead them. It
was greatly to Grant's credit that he always re-
garded our soldiers "as smart as town folks," and
when he pushed them beyond their powers he did
not fail to recognize it and had no hesitation either
in changing his plan or in adopting some other less
bloody and more certain to lead to victory.
449
XVIII
THE CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
Crossing the Chickahominy — Charles City Court House —
Saint Mary's Church— Parker the Indian — Covering
the rear — Crossing the James — Visit from Dana and
Rawlins — Prince George Court House — Operations
against Weldon, Danville and Southside Railroads —
Destruction of railroads — Return from Staunton River
— Sapony Creek — Reams Station — Failure of Sheridan
and the infantry to keep door open.
Having failed to dislodge Lee from his entrench-
ments at Cold Harbor, Grant now determined to
flank him out of them, and, after passing the Chicka-
hominy, instead of advancing directly on Kichmond
he decided to make a flank march and then, after
crossing the James, to throw himself upon Peters-
burg. To make this movement sure, he detached
Smith with the movable part of Butler's army by
transport to Bermuda Hundred, near the mouth of
the Appomattox, to march rapidly against Peters-
burg. This was, also, to cover the operations of
the forces under Grant 's immediate command.
In the movement to the James River, my divi-
sion, the only cavalry left with the army, was as-
signed to the duty of covering both its front and
450
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
rear. On June 7, under definite instructions from
Grant to unite with Hunter and return with him to
the Army of the Potomac,1 Sheridan crossed the Pa-
munkey at New Castle and, turning west between the
North and the South Anna on the 12th, fought the
drawn battle of Trevillian Station, after which he
retreated by a circuitous route to the northeast as
far as Spottsylvania Court House, thence southeast
and south to White House on the York Eiver, and
finally to Douthat's Landing, or Windmill Point,
on the James. He was absent three weeks and, for
all purposes connected with Grant's operations
against Lee's army and the bases covered by it, he
was just as completely out of the real theater of
operations as he would have been had he gone north
of the Potomac. This was no fault of his, but, inas-
much as he was followed off by the most of Hamp-
ton's cavalry, supported in turn by infantry, his
success or failure from first to last necessarily had
but little effect on the general campaign. As before
stated, Hampton had the short lines on him, till he
reached White House, whether Eichmond or Peters-
burg was considered as the base, and was, therefore,
able to anticipate, if not to defeat, him at every turn
of his operations.2
Meanwhile my division was constantly marching
and skirmishing from the time the forward move-
ment began, on the night of June 12, by the way of
the Long Bridge. The passage of the Chickahominy
was made after nightfall, as previously described.
The whole of the next day was passed in heavy skir-
xO. R. Serial No. 70, pp. 593, 598, 626, 651. See also Serial
No. 67, p. 795.
8 O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 231.
451
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
mishing, with but little, if any, support from the
infantry. It was a period of extraordinary anxiety
and hard work, during which much ammunition was
expended and much noise made between White Oak
Swamp and Malvern Hill, Philip's Plantation, and
Nance's Shop. On June 14 we bivouacked near
Charles City Court House, having gone there to re-
plenish ammunition. This done, both brigades
turned toward Lee and resumed the offensive with
severe fighting and the loss of fifty-odd men, killed,
wounded, and missing. But my observations satis-
fied me that Lee was moving not so much to inter-
pose between Grant and the river as to cover Rich-
mond and protect his own crossing of the James
later at Drury's and Chapin's Bluffs. St. Mary's
Church and its vicinity were for the next forty-
eight hours the scene of about as much active cav-
alry work as took place in so contracted a space at
any time during the war, and it was doubtless on
account of that activity that Lee, with his cavalry
following Sheridan, completely lost touch with
Grant's army, and failed for two days at least to
detect his plans or to foresee his destination.1
As the senior cavalry officer present, I was con-
stantly in close touch with both Grant and Meade
as well as with Eawlins and Dana during this pe-
riod, which practically ended June 20, when my
division, having crossed the river at Douthat's
Landing, was about ready to begin operations
against the railroads south of the James. While at
St. Mary's Church, Parker, the Indian chief, one of
Grant's staff, joined me, somewhat under the influ-
ence of liquor, and asked me for a squadron of cav-
10. R, Serial No. 80, p. 20; Serial No. 81, pp. 659, 662, 667.
452
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
airy. As we were good friends, and he was ordinal
ily a man of dignified behavior and fine military in-
stincts, I received his request with amiability, as-
suring him that if properly authorized he should
have anything he called for. Thereupon I asked
what he wanted with a squadron, to which he replied
that he intended to go out, find General Lee, who
would not be closely guarded, capture, and bring him
in as a prisoner to General Grant's headquarters.
Fortunately, his credentials were insufficient and
hence I turned him off with a laugh, but the captain
was by no means disposed to take my refusal as a
joke, though he finally yielded to my decision.
By 4 a. m. on Friday, June 17, the entire army,
with all its trains and stragglers, having completed
its crossing of the James, I withdrew my pickets
and transferred my entire division by the floating
bridge to the south side of the river and went into
camp near the Black Water. We spent the next two
or three days in resting and feeding, and furbish-
ing up our arms and equipments. On Saturday I
visited army headquarters and on Sunday, the 19th,
Rawlins and Dana made me a return visit. The
army had taken position in front of Petersburg
without accident or delay, but otherwise its success
had been merely strategical. Smith's movements,
intended as a coup-de-main, had resulted in the cap-
ture of the enemy's outworks, south and east of the
town, but, failing to receive prompt and proper sup-
port, Smith did not push home his advantage, al-
though he had the cover of darkness. Owing partly
to defective staff arrangements, but still more to a
lack of definite instruction to Meade and Hancock to
support and cooperate with him, his movement was
453
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
an abortive one. Smith himself moved cautiously
and slowly, and while Hancock came on the ground
before nightfall and offered his help all movements
were too uncertain and too torpid to command the
success which should have otherwise crowned
Smith's operations before Lee occupied the en-
trenchments covering the town in force. I have
never doubted that this was due primarily to the
defective staff arrangements, already pointed out.
Had Grant been in direct personal command of all
the cooperating columns without the intervention
of others, or had it been customary at that time
that all details should be framed and supervised
from his own headquarters instead of leaving those
for the Army of the Potomac to Meade and his staff,
for the Army of the James to Butler and his sub-
ordinates, and for the Ninth Corps to the loyal but
inefficient Burnside, the plan of campaign must
have been fa^more coherent and far more success-
ful.1 While it cannot be asserted that Petersburg
would certainly have fallen, there is good reason
for agreeing with the subsequent declarations of
Meade and Hancock that Petersburg would have fal-
len had they known that that result was expected.
But whatever may have caused the failure of
Smith's movement or wherein that movement could
have been bettered, both Rawlins and Dana were
most unhappy over it when they came to my camp.
They concurred in the declaration that the army
was far too disjointed in its organization and in the
cooperation of its various parts, and far too slug-
gish in its aggressive movements. They again ex-
pressed the wish that I should return to headquar-
1 See Wilson 's ' ' Life of William Farrar Smith, ' ' p. 85 et seq.
454
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
ters for the purpose of helping to regulate and
"push things/ ' This was most flattering, and I
was too anxious to help to the utmost of my ability
to positively decline, but I pointed out, as I had
done a fortnight before, that my duty was to serve
wherever placed, while leaving those in authority
over me to determine where and in what capacity
that should be.
Whether Eawlins and Dana fully represented
Grant or brought my reply to his attention I never
knew, but the next morning I received orders to re-
port at Meade's headquarters. When there he di-
rected me, in pursuance of instructions from Grant,
to get ready for an active campaign against the Dan-
ville and Southside Eailroads,1 and asked me
when I could take the field with my own division
reenforced by Kautz, my old assistant at the Cav-
alry Bureau, with a small division of two thousand
men belonging to the Army of the James. Having
answered that I could start early on June 22, and
having received verbal instructions accordingly I
rode on to Grant's headquarters at City Point,
where Eawlins informed me that it had been decided
to relieve Warren from command of the Fifth
Corps if a suitable officer could be found to take his
place. Thereupon I recommended Sheridan in
terms as strong as I could frame, and both Eawlins
and Dana agreed that he was the best man in the
army for the detail, but on reflection they came to
the conclusion that he could not be spared from the
cavalry for the special reason that I, whom they
would recommend to succeed him, had not sufficient
rank for the position. It will be remembered that
10. E. Serial No. 81, pp. 232, 234, 256, 257.
455
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
I was still the junior brigadier general of the cav-
alry corps, and had not yet been confirmed by the
Senate.1 The changes, as far as they might affect
me, were therefore clearly out of the question. Mat-
ters were, however, moving rapidly. Cheerful and
willing officers were in great demand. My two bri-
gade commanders, Colonels Mcintosh and Chapman,
had fully won their stars and, before I took my
leave, Grant promised that both should have them.
Here it may be remarked that no man ever com-
manded an army who was more generous to his
subordinates or more anxious to promote them when
worthy of it than Grant, but the most he could do
in such cases was to secure advancement for the
colonels who deserved it to brevet brigadier gen-
erals, on which there was no limit. No American
general ever had the right by law to promote his
subordinates on the field. Occasionally in cases of
extreme necessity or as a reward for extraordinary
services a general exercised that privilege, but it
was always subject to the approval of the Secretary
of War and the President, who were in turn subject
to the laws enacted by Congress.
The next day Kautz reported at Prince George
Court House with his so-called division, amounting
in fact to nothing more than a small and poorly
organized brigade of about two thousand men for
duty, which went into camp near by. The day was
a busy one, for there was much to be done in the
way of issuing supplies and delayed clothing, but
1 0. E. Serial No. 68, p. 746, Stanton to Grant reports my con-
firmation as having been made by the Senate. Serial No. 82, p. 176,
Stanton reports Senate adjourned without my confirmation and that
I had been reappointed from date of original appointment.
456
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
everybody was anxious to do all in his power to
make our expedition a success. All regarded it as
an important one, though it required us to cut loose
from the army and to swing straight out into the
Confederacy against the railroads connecting Pe-
tersburg and Kichmond with Lynchburg, as well as
with Danville and Weldon in the interior of the
South. These were the only railroads south of the
James by which supplies could reach Lee's army,
and it was believed that, if they were thoroughly
broken and destroyed, Lee could no longer feed his
troops and would therefore be forced to evacuate
those strongholds and take to the open country. An
examination of the maps will show that the opera-
tion entrusted to me with five thousand five hun-
dred men was one of the first magnitude and impor-
tance.1 My column should, therefore, have been
made as strong as possible. It was known that on
the evening of June 20 Sheridan had got back to
within supporting distance of the army and that a
few days ' delay would enable him to reunite the en-
tire cavalry corps of not less than twelve thousand
men for duty.2
Meade', as we shall see, favored this view,3 but
Grant, while willing to strengthen me by part of
Kautz's command, thought it best not to wait. The
night before starting, I received my written orders.4
They gave me all the latitude required with such
preliminary assurances as I asked for. They espe-
cially authorized me, in case I found it impracti-
1 O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 257.
2 O. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 237, 255.
» O. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 232, 234, 267, 268.
* O. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 285-6.
457
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
cable to retrace my steps, to cross the Carolinas and
join Sherman in Georgia or wherever else I might
find him. I went over the entire project with Hum-
phreys, the chief-of-staff, but on full consideration
of the case and of the obvious disadvantage it would
be to the army to have so large a part of its cav-
alry permanently detached, I wrote him, as soon
as I received my written instructions, that I had
no doubt of my ability to carry out my orders and
fully destroy the enemy's railroads, but that it
might be necessary for many reasons to return from
the Staunton or Eoanoke Eiver and in that case I
should have a hard time unless the country roads
to the rear were kept open and Sheridan were re-
quired to follow Hampton wherever he might go.
To this Humphreys replied in substance that I need
have no apprehension, that the army would extend
its left to and across the Weldon Eailroad the next
day and soon after across the southside road to
the Appomattox Kiver, thus covering all the roads
south of Petersburg to the interior of the country.
This, with the further assurance that Sheridan
would be required to follow Hampton wherever he
went, put my mind entirely at rest. This under-
standing was confirmed that night by Humphreys to
Captain Whitaker, my aid-de-camp, and later by
Meade to Grant.
With the assurance which all this fully justified
I completed my arrangements as rapidly as pos-
sible. Leaving the Third New Jersey and the
Eighteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry with a total of
one thousand one hundred and forty-six men be-
hind to guard the trains and for such other service
as might be required, I took the road at 3 a. m. on
458
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
June 22, with Kautz's force and my own division
of two brigades, the first under Colonel John B. Mc-
intosh and the second under Colonel George H.
Chapman, amounting in all to about five thousand
1xve hundred men and horses. I also had two
regular batteries of six guns each, all marching
from Mount Sinai Church near Prince George
Court House by the road leading to Eeams Sta-
tion on the Weldon Eailroad, just twelve miles dis-
tant.
A standing rule in the division required that the
leading brigade commander, with his head of col-
umn, should start exactly on time, and if he did not,
no matter for what reason, the next brigade com-
mander should take the road at the minute and have
it for the day. An hour or so before the time set,
Colonel Mcintosh requested that the first brigade
might delay starting long enough to issue clothing
which had just been received. As the weather was
both hot and dry, I declined to grant the permission
and directed him to leave his clothing with the divi-
sion train behind the army. But much to my sur-
prise when I took the road I found Mcintosh issu-
ing clothing, whereupon Chapman instantly took the
lead and I seized the opportunity to lecture Mcin-
tosh severely. He was both an active and a gallant
officer, but in the severest tones I could command I
told him that I could not overlook his disobedience
and under ordinary circumstances should relieve
him from command and send him to the rear in ar-
rest. He seemed greatly astonished as well as hurt
but, like the good soldier he was, he made no reply
whatever. The incident turned out to be a fortunate
one, for every officer in the division soon heard of
459
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
it, and Mcintosh above all never after that failed to
give instant obedience to the orders sent him.
Within the limits of his abilities and opportunities
he was as good a brigade commander as the army
ever had in it, and from that day we became fast
friends.
From Reams Station the "Wilson" road led us
northwest to Sixteen-mile Turnout on the South-
side Railroad, which we struck about 2 p. m. with-
out meeting any resistance whatever. The direction
and boldness of our movement were evidently a sur-
prise to the Confederates. Fortunately we found
two loaded freight trains at the station, disabled the
two engines, burned sixteen cars of army supplies,
the station, wood piles, water tank, sawmill and,
besides, tore up the tracks and the sleepers, piled
up the crossties, and burned them, which, in turn,
heated the rails so that they were bent easily around
the trees. We then turned southwestward and fol-
lowed the railroad till midnight, burning every
wood pile, station, water tank, section house, and
bridge and, as before, bending the rails by the
method we had found so efficacious. The weather
was dry and exceedingly hot, the country level and
without streams, the forests full of withered leaves,
the roads dusty, and the sun beating down with a
blistering intensity. But, withal, the men worked
to the best of their ability. Both men and horses
bivouacked that night dirty, hungry, tired, and al-
most worn out, but success had made everybody en-
thusiastic and confident. We had met nothing ex-
cept here and there a picket that fled on our ap-
proach, but shortly after passing Reams Station,
the rear brigade, covering our operations, was at-
460
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
tacked by W. H. F. Lee's cavalry and sharp skir-
mishing followed till darkness put an end to it.
At one the next morning Kautz started as rap-
idly as possible to Burkeville Junction, at the cross-
ing of two railroads, which he was to destroy effect-
ively in all directions. It was thought that my di-
vision, between him and the enemy, would enable
him to carry on the work of destruction till finished,
and this was done with commendable success. But
one or two of his impatient or careless colonels,
under the burning sun, did not do their work as well
as they should have done. The Third Division, how-
ever, completed the destruction in every case, and
then marched through Nottaway Court House to the
Burkeville and, Danville Eailroad, farther south. In
this way we broke the railroads at so many points
as to entirely disable them for an indefinite period.
The hot weather favored us, for it made buildings,
crossties, bridges, trestles, wood piles, cars, and
stations so dry and inflammable that they burned
like tinder, filling the air with clouds of cinders and
smoke, and setting fire to the dry leaves and grass
on both sides of the track.
After leaving the Southside-Lynchburg Railroad
we forded the Nottaway, and passing through a
dense forest recrossed it near Nottaway Station,
where we again met the enemy shortly after noon.
A sharp fight ensued with W. H. F. Lee's cavalry,
but as it was in heavy woods we were satisfied with
holding the field till we heard that Kautz had suc-
ceeded at Burkeville and was approaching Meherrin
Station, where I figured on forming a junction with
him. For nine hours we had heavy skirmishing and
fighting, during which we captured the enemy's
461
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
guns, and after disabling them abandoned them to
fall again into his hands. My staff and I were con-
stantly exposed. Captain Andrews had a lock cut
from his beard and one shoulder strap knocked off.
Captain Sayles, of Ehode Island, was killed carry-
ing an order to an outlying detachment. He was a
most promising officer, young, handsome, gallant,
and debonair, and his loss was a great sorrow to his
companions, but such is the priceless tribute a
country often pays for its liberties and its institu-
tions.
Leaving our bivouac on the field, we formed a
junction with Kautz by ten o 'clock the next day, and
this gave us an ample force with which to continue
the work of destruction.
The 25th was our fourth day out, and we passed
it in systematic destruction and in fighting off the
enemy as we had done for the three previous days.
Kautz, now in advance, pushed on rapidly, brush-
ing the hostile pickets out of the way, while my divi-
sion, with one brigade under cover of the other,
burned the depot at Drake's and the bridge at Moss-
ing Ford, as well as all the mills along the line, sev-
eral of which were sawing timbers at the time for
the railroad. Every depot, turntable, freight car,
wood pile, water tank, bridge, and trestle from Six-
teen Mile Turnout to the Staunton Eiver was ef-
fectively destroyed, and as far as we knew neither
materials nor machinery were left for their repair.
It was the best job of the kind I ever saw, and as
I afterward learned from General J. M. St. John,
the Confederate officer in charge of military rail-
roads, it was the heaviest blow of the kind that ever
befell the Confederacy till Appomattox wiped it out
462
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
forever. He added that with all the resources at
his command it was nine weeks, or sixty-three days,
before a train from the south ran into Petersburg
on either road.
At two o'clock on June 25 Kautz reached Roan-
oke Station, near the Staunton River, and imme-
diately advanced to the attack, hoping to force his
way through a bottom wheatfield covering the north-
ern end of the bridge and set it on fire. But, un-
fortunately, the enemy concentrated all his available
force within his entrenchments south of the bridge,
and, by the help of six guns at close range, swept
the bridge from end to end, as well as the fields and
roads over which we were trying to pass. The mili-
tia of eight counties, with a well-drilled company
from Danville, were so effectively covered that we
could not get closer than seventy-five yards. The
place was found to be impregnable.
The wheat was so high and the sun so hot that
many men fainted, and as the river was wide and
deep, with neither fords nor highway bridges at
hand, after a careful reconnoissance under a coun-
ter fire from our field guns I decided to give up try-
ing to carry or turn the defenses, and to take the
back track as soon after dark as possible. The very
contingency I foresaw had arisen, and the only
question left was: Should we find the roads open
or closed as we approached our own army!
My division, with the best troops, had been en-
gaged all day tearing up the railroad, burning build-
ings, and fighting off the enemy. Our route from
Prince George Court House to Burkeville was al-
most due west from Petersburg, about fifty miles,
and from Burkeville southwest to the Staunton
463
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Eiver about thirty-five miles further. The map
shows that our operations had been straight out to-
ward the heart of the Confederacy, and, as we could
go no farther, there was nothing left but to "get
back" as fast as possible.
The strategic advantages were, henceforth, de-
cidedly with the Confederates, who were now free
not only to concentrate the whole of their cavalry
but to reenforce it with as much infantry as they
might think necessary. They boldly continued to
press us till after dark, but Chapman, who com-
manded the rear that day, succeeded, without much
loss, in holding them at bay till further offensive
operations were impossible. Both forces slept on
their arms without unsaddling. Fortunately the
country was well supplied with horses, grain, for-
age, bacon, fowls, eggs, and corn meal, but, withal,
it was an anxious time for us all. I had not only to
choose my route and bring of! my wounded, but
make my way rapidly toward our army through the
forest and small farms which covered the interven-
ing country. It was, of course, almost impossible
to return by the road I had come out on, and, look-
ing over my maps, I concluded that my best chances
lay due east through Wyliesville, Christianaville,
and Greensborough, toward Jarratt 's Station on the
Petersburg and Weldon Eailroad. After resting,
feeding, and caring for our horses and for our
wounded, of whom we now had something like two
hundred in ambulances and country carriages, we
silently took the road at midnight, passing noise-
lessly under the enemy's guns not over four hundred
yards away, and pushed on till daylight, when we
found ourselves at Wyliesville with no enemy in
464
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
sight. He had lost our trail completely, but doubt-
less realizing that we should endeavor to rejoin
Grants army he took the shortest road west and
north of us to his own supports, leaving us to fol-
low the road we had chosen without meeting any-
thing but scouting parties. We again rested, and,
after making coffee, continued our march without
pause till five o'clock that afternoon, when we en-
camped on Buckhorn Creek in Mecklinburg County.
Before daylight the next day we were again on the
march, crossing the Meherrin at SafTold's Bridge,
and continuing eastward to Poplar Mountain and to
the Nottaway River, which we crossed at the Double
Bridges near the mouth of Hardwood Creek at noon
on the 28th. It was a wild, poor country, mostly
forest, broken here and there by small clearings.
But few people were about, none, indeed, except ne-
groes, from whom we learned that the enemy had
a small force of infantry at Stony Creek Depot, sup-
ported by two small detachments of cavalry. As
the direct road from Double Bridges to Prince
George Court House passes two miles west of Stony
Creek Depot, and as the country farther east was
still more intricate and unknown, I sent a small
detachment to clear the way for the main column.
A sharp fight ensued in the vicinity of the Depot, in
which we were at first successful, but we soon found
the resistance so sharp as to indicate clearly that
Hampton was in our front. This was soon con-
firmed by the capture of prisoners from his various
organizations, who told us that Hampton had
dropped Sheridan a few days before near White
House, north of the James, and was now in front
of us with his whole corps to dispute our farther
465
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
march northward. It was now dark, and a fierce
fight ensued with alternating charge and counter-
charge till nearly midnight without either side gain-
ing any substantial advantage. It was evident, how-
ever, that we were up against a sufficient force to
hold both the railroad and the Stony Creek bridges.
So far as we could learn, there were no fords in the
neighborhood.
This made it necessary to turn the position by
the left or right, and, as our maps indicated smaller
streams and better roads north toward Beams Sta-
tion than northeast toward Prince George, I took
Kautz from the fighting line and sent him to the left
with directions to force his way by the first avail-
able crossroad to Beams Station, while my own
division would hold Hampton in its front till I could
see to follow the roads on which Kautz had
marched. This made it necessary to confront Hamp-
ton till daylight, and with intermittent charge and
countercharge it was a night of unusual peril and
excitement. The enemy, feeling that he had us in
the toils, made three successive attacks on our dis-
mounted line nearly a mile long. I lay with my staff
in the edge of a cleared field personally watching
and directing the defense. Of course, we got no
sleep, and when a courier came about daylight with
a dispatch from Kautz saying that the road was
clear to Beams Station, I withdrew all the men
except a rear guard, remounted, and pushed rapidly
to the left and north. This movement was success-
fully begun and successfully ended, but as the rear
guard made some noise in withdrawing, the enemy
sallied out in force. Still the movement was not in-
terrupted, for Chapman, who conducted it, dis-
466
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
played his usual steadiness and skill. He fell, how-
ever, into great personal peril, owing to the fact that
he was near-sighted, and came near being captured
while hunting for his horse. But he succeeded in
extricating himself and rejoining me before we
reached Reams Station. Here the whole force was
reunited in order of battle, well in hand, by ten
o'clock of the 29th.
Kautz had reached there at seven that morning
and made a sharp dash at the Station, where he en-
countered Mahone's Confederate division, captur-
ing fifty or sixty prisoners. But this was a great
surprise, for according to our understanding a week
before we counted on finding our own army and not
the enemy at that place. We had had no word from
headquarters since we left, but after a hasty confer-
ence with Kautz and a rapid reconnoissance along
the front, I became satisfied that no part of the Army
of the Potomac was on the railroad in that region,
but, on the contrary, Reams Station was occupied
in force by the enemy. A division of Confederate
infantry was in our front, lying down in battle order
with artillery in position to sweep both the roads
and the fields which separated us. My whole com-
mand was, however, well in hand with guns, wagons,
ambulances, and wounded men in their proper
places, but as they had been marching, fighting, and
tearing up railroads night and day for a week in the
hottest weather, during which they had rested at
no time more than six hours, both men and horses
were well nigh exhausted. The enemy's cavalry
lay in plain sight to the left and front on the Peters-
burg road.1 To make the situation still more des-
1 O. R. Serial No. 80, pp. 632, 633, see sketch map.
467
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
perate, we saw reinforcements deliberately going
into position on the field. It was a discouraging out-
look. The morning was clear, hot, dry, and silent.
Everything seemed at peace except the forces gath-
ering for battle. The prospect, which was bad to
start with, was rapidly growing worse. Judging the
night before, from the absence of news as well as
from the strength of the enemy, that our road back
to the army had not only not been kept open but
that no part of our army was near at hand, I had
already detached the gallant Captain Whitaker of
my staff with an escort of forty troopers, com-
manded by Lieutenant E. L. Ford, Third New York
Cavalry, half of whom were lost in the dash,1 to
make his way as rapidly as possible to army head-
quarters, to report our near approach, and to ask
that the necessary measures should be taken
promptly to open the road for us. When it is re-
membered that Meade's headquarters in the rear
of his army were at that hour within eight miles of
Eeams Station, that the enemy had practically to
march around his left flank in order to put himself
across our road, that there had been plenty of ar-
tillery firing that morning, and that the dashing and
fearless Whitaker broke his way through the en-
emy's lines to army headquarters by ten o'clock, it
will be seen that, in spite of their prior neglect,
those in authority must have had ample notice to
send either cavalry or infantry or both to our as-
sistance, and that their failure to do so was, under
the rules, entirely inexplicable.
They had apparently forgotten our existence as
well as their assurances that the army would cross
aO. R. Serial No. 81, p. 492.
468
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
the Weldon road the day after I left, and the South-
side road soon after, and that Sheridan would fol-
low Hampton wherever he might go. It is now
known that Grant's first efforts 1 to seize the Wel-
don road were foiled, and that he did not succeed in
reaching it till August 23,2 and finally that he did
not reach the Southside Eailroad for nearly a year
afterward. But how or why the operations, which
carried me fully one hundred miles into the inte-
rior to the great peril of my command, had been for-
gotten is past my understanding. The puzzle be-
comes all the greater when it is recalled that
Meade's outposts detected and reported the move-
ment of both rebel cavalry and infantry toward the
left and rear of his army several days before we got
back to Beams Station, and the only notice taken
of the report was an order to those concerned
to look out for a rebel raid against our herds and
train.
As all communication between my column and
army headquarters was suspended from June 22
to June 29, I was in absolute ignorance of Grant's
failure and of Sheridan's defeat, while both Meade
and Grant were without anything more reliable in
regard to my movements and fortunes than the ru-
mors which reached them through the ' l reliable con-
trabands ' ' of the country. What had actually taken
place I could not even guess. While it is inconceiv-
able that the probability or even the necessity of my
return to the army should have been forgotten, I
1 See Serial No. 81, p. 685. Lee to Seddon, June 24, 1864.
'Reached, crossed and held firmly after August 23, 1864. See
Meade, O. R. Serial No. 87, p. 31. Also Grant, Serial No. 95, p. 20,
and Serial No. 87, p. 19. Also Serial No. 88, pp. 1194, 1198, 1199.
469
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
found the doors not only closed but strongly barred
by the enemy.
Discouraging as the outlook was, however, I lit-
erally hoped for Sheridan or night to help us out
of our straits before the enemy could begin his at-
tack. Firing an occasional gun and displaying as
much deliberation and confidence in posting my bat-
teries and forming my cavalry for vigorous action
as did Hampton, Lee, and Mahone in fronting me,
I felt that our army could not be far away and that
my duty was to gain as much time as possible to per-
mit Meade to send troops to my assistance. Unfor-
tunately, however, I did not even know that our
army was still in front of Petersburg, though I felt
that if it had been driven back the news would prob-
ably have reached me through the country people.
With great deliberation I therefore got everything
ready either to attack or to begin the retreat. I
had decided to make a mounted charge in brigade
columns and had given orders accordingly, when
two of my most trusted and experienced officers re-
monstrated. They urged that the enemy's line was
entirely too strong to justify a hope of breaking
through it with tired cavalry and advised that we
should again swing out into the Confederacy and
work our way by a wide circuit to the rear of our
army. This was the plan I adopted, though I waited
till after one o'clock before beginning to put it into
effect. I had early issued all the ammunition the
troops could carry, and ordered the destruction of
our wagons and caissons, so that in any event we
might travel as light as possible.
By one o 'clock all arrangements were completed,
and shortly afterward our leading column swung
470
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
out by the stage road and the Double Bridges for
the south side of the Nottaway Eiver. But the en-
emy was not idle. While our front was diminishing
by withdrawals from the flanks the rebels started to
our left for the purpose of taking it in reverse. The
situation was becoming perilous, but Fitzhugh's
rapid fire, the sound of which reached our army, de-
layed the rebel movement till Mcintosh got entirely
strung out and clear of the field. This was between
two and three o 'clock.
Kautz, on the right, undertook to follow the gen-
eral course marked out for the retreat, but, soon
finding himself with no enemy near or between him
and the railroad, he turned to the east and made his
way through the forest without molestation to the
rear of our army, where he arrived that night,
and was, of course, entirely safe. Two regiments
and over a third of his men got separated from him
and, rejoining my column, remained with it till the
campaign ended.1 Shortly after recrossing the Eow-
anty, I received word directly from Kautz that he
was traveling parallel with me and would endeavor
to rejoin the column, but, failing in that, would re-
join the army by some other route. This is what
he did, and, as he was not pursued, he suffered no
further loss. As soon as he got into camp and re-
gained his breath, he gave out an overdrawn ac-
count of our desperate straits which Dana tele-
graphed to the War Department.2 The fear of our
capture spread rapidly through the army, but Gen-
eral Grant, a few days later, assured me he had not
at any time believed it, that he was sure I would be
a hard man to capture, and that I would certainly
1 0. R. Serial No. 80, p. 29. 2 O. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 580-581.
471
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
turn up with my command substantially intact in
some unexpected quarter.
As our retreat was well under way by three
o'clock and the road to the rear was entirely clear,
we were subject to no further annoyances that day
but the loss of a few stragglers, though the com-
mand suffered for food and forage and from the loss
of sleep, which it so much needed. While recross-
ing Stony Creek the enemy charged our rear guard,
and for a time it looked as though the main column
could not pass the defile at the bridge without mate-
rial loss. Mcintosh, however, covered the operation
in a masterly manner, and although we thought it
best, because the artillery horses were exhausted,
to spike our guns later and throw them into the river
we succeeded in crossing the Dpuble Bridges and
reaching Jarratt's Station on the railroad shortly
after two o 'clock the next morning. Here we rested
for two hours without unsaddling or making camp,
during which time we got new guides and prepared
to push on toward the east. Starting again at dawn
by a wood road we reached Peters Bridge near Lit-
tleton and recrossed the Nottaway to the eastward
at 1 p. m. on June 30. Fortunately, the country,
although thinly settled, had paid but little tribute
to the war. It had a fair amount of supplies for
both man and beast, and, although the troopers were
worn out by fatigue and loss of sleep, they soon
gathered in all the food and forage necessary. Rest-
ing only four hours we began the march again at
nightfall, making our way northeast toward the
Blackwater at Blunt 's Bridge, where our guides
informed us we should either find a standing bridge
or a passable ford.
472
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
That night march was the most trying and exas-
perating one in which I ever took part. The coun-
try was covered almost the entire distance between
the Nottaway and the Blackwater by an unbroken
forest, in which the trees were large and the under-
brush at many places almost impenetrable. The
roads were obscure and difficult to follow, and con-
sequently our progress was slow. The columns
halted frequently and, as soon as halted, the troop-
ers would fall asleep in their saddles, and in the
blackness of the forest it was always difficult to find
where the halt had occurred or to learn what caused
it. Flankers were of course kept well out in the
direction from which the enemy might be expected,
and shortly after dark they captured a few pris-
oners from Hampton's advance, moving down the
Jerusalem plank road in a direction squarely cross-
ing our column. My own orderly, Private Chance,
of the Second Ohio Cavalry, had obtained permis-
sion to join the flankers for the purpose of getting
a remount to replace his played-out horse. About
ten o'clock that night he rejoined me with two pris-
oners, who had at first surprised and captured him
in a farmer's stable yard, but in the darkness they
failed to discover his revolver which, in those days,
the self-confident orderly generally carried thrust
down his boot leg. The captors, who were in a
hurry and not over-scrupulous as to the practices
of cavalrymen, required him to mount his stolen
horse and take the road with them. As was the
good-natured practice of the times, the three troop-
ers soon became interested in each other, and, as
my orderly was not slow to discover that they be-
longed to the advance guard of Hampton's cavalry,
473
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
which could not be far behind, he watched for his
opportunity, and, when he caught both in front and
in range, drew his revolver and not only compelled
them in turn to surrender but to hurry with him to
my headquarters.
Fortunately for us, the prisoners were bright,
intelligent young fellows, who talked freely, doubt-
less on the theory that we should draw but little
consolation from the information they might im-
part. As it turned out, however, they confirmed
what had already reached me from other sources,
and this caused us to quicken our march as much
as possible, so as to cross the plank road and reach
the Blackwater before the enemy. Still more for-
tunately, however, Hampton was not aware of his
advantage nor of our exhausted condition, and there-
fore, although he had the radius while we were
moving on the arc of the circle, he failed to
intercept us.
But our troubles were not yet at an end. Al-
though I reached the Blackwater just after mid-
night, where the entire command, covered by a
strong rear guard, soon joined me, but, instead of
finding a passable bridge, I found the burned and
blackened ruins of one, and, instead of a ford, a
river apparently wide and deep enough to float the
Great Eastern. It was a dark and dismal scene in
the midst of a river bottom crowded with forest
trees clad with festoons of black hanging moss and
resounding with the hooting of distant owls and the
baying of distant dogs. But it was no time for dis-
couragement by difficulties in front or by dangers
in rear. I had built many military bridges in my
day, but was now face to face with a problem such
474
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
as I had never met before. Hitherto, my task had
been to get an advancing army across in pursuit of
one trying to get away. Now the conditions were
reversed, and it was my task to build a bridge which
would carry my own retreating command to a place
of safety on the other side of ^ river dividing two
military zones.
Providentially the center trestle was standing,
but there was absolutely no bridge material at hand
except two string pieces, one of which, half burned
through, we used with the other as a connection
over which a man with a steady head might make his
way to the farther side of the stream. With these
two beams as platform and directrix, I had a pass-
able structure ready in less than an hour. I had
promptly taken in the situation, and sent men into
the forest to cut four young pine trees of the proper
length, which were soon in position, and covered by
a roadway made of fence rails and pine boughs.
The column started across dismounted, each man
leading his horse by the light of fence-rail fires at
the ends of the bridge, but only one or two squad-
rons had got over when the burned stringer gave
way and toppled the passing column into the river
twelve or fifteen feet below. With men and horses
struggling in water as black as the Styx, the scene
was one never to be forgotten, but without wasting
time I called for another tree already at hand, and
in less than thirty minutes the breach was repaired
and the column again in motion. It may be noted
that, although I was standing on the bridge and felt
it giving away, I stepped on to the only stable cross-
beam as the span was going down, and was the only
man on the structure that did not fall into the river.
475
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
By daylight on July 1, the body of the com-
mand was safely over, but as stragglers were still
coming in I kept the rear guard well out tiL after
sunup. It was a brilliant, hot morning, and when
the last man, horse, wagon, and contraband had
passed on toward the James Eiver and just as the
enemy made his appearance at 6:15, I personally
set fire to a pile of dried leaves and pine fence rails
which I had got ready under the bridge while the
column was crossing, and almost instantly had the
pleasure of seeing the improvised structure,
wrapped in a cloud of smoke, burning like a bonfire,
as it really was.
A few minutes later a Confederate officer closed
in on the bridge and, seeing not only that our last
straggler had escaped, but that further pursuit was
impossible, he cheerily called a truce with a ' ' Good-
by, boys, I am sorry to see you safely over." This
pleasing episode put my mind at rest. For the first
time in ten days I was slowly becoming conscious
of hunger. As my command was now well on the
road to the James River, with all doubt of its safety
at an end, my reply was one of cheerful badinage
and exultation, while his rejoinder was one of good-
natured regret, but we parted like soldiers with a
polite "hail and farewell/ ' which he will surely
recall if he ever reads this narrative.
My steward and purveyor, foreseeing that I must
now be fed, had impressed a neighboring farm house
and its resources for a hearty breakfast of ham,
eggs, fried potatoes, and corn bread, and I was
about ready to mount when he made his appearance
with his savory viands. Seated near the river,
under a shade tree, I made a substantial meal, which
476
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
I washed down with army coffee. My staff and or-
derlies were even more hungry and more exultant
than I was, for they were now sure that neither
prison nor further exposure awaited them. Every
man had had a hard time, and each had his story of
adventure to tell.
As our horses played out on the march, it
became necessary to be constantly on the lookout
for new ones. One of my aids had changed several
times, and one evening, just after we went into biv-
ouac, he came in from the flank riding a handsome,
high-headed chestnut single-footer which would
have delighted the heart of a Kentucky horse
breeder. Calling on the staff to admire his new
charger as the finest in the command, I answered:
" As he seems to be fresh, and all you claim for him,
please ride back and tell Chapman not to go into
camp till he crosses the bridge and then to picket
the creek strongly to the rear till we take the road
again about midnight."
Wheeling about, the aid dashed off, kicking up
the dust finely, but had hardly been gone ten min-
utes when he returned looking somewhat confused,
and remarked that he couldn't find Chapman. As
Chapman made his appearance on the same road al-
most immediately afterward, a question arose why
the aid had not found him. Brief consideration re-
vealed the fact that they had met, but it was in the
dark on the bridge and before they recognized each
other the aid-de-camp found himself pushed off the
bridge to the creek bottom ten feet below. The fall
having confused him, he came out on the wrong side
and was back at headquarters before he knew it.
But, greatly to his chagrin, he now found that his
477
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
new horse was stone blind. Of course, he didn't
hear the last of the chaffing for some time.
On another occasion, while passing to the head
of the halted column in a dense wood at the dark-
est hour of the night, the same officer fell asleep
in his saddle, but rousing himself by a strong effort,
all unconscious that he was on horseback, he started
forward again but, as he thought, this time on foot.
He had hardly moved, however, when an overhang-
ing limb struck him across the face, making him lit-
erally see lights, which he at once thought were on
Broadway, New York. Thirsty and hungry, it at
once occurred to him that he should cross the street
and go into the Metropolitan Hotel for a drink and
something to eat. Accordingly he moved again, but
had hardly got under way when he ran into a tree
which brought him up standing, this time wide
awake. Dazed for a moment, and unable to recall
where he was or how he got there, his consciousness
slowly returned with a realizing sense that it was all
a phantom and that he was really a staff officer in-
volved in a halted column trying to get out of the
woods of southeast Virginia. The entire incident
could not have lasted more than a second, but it
seemed like a long but indefinite part of a disagree-
able night.
That afternoon at one o 'clock we went into camp
at Chipoak Swamp, about halfway between the
Blackwater and Lighthouse Point, on the James
Eiver, and for the first time in ten days the entire
command unsaddled, picketed, fed, and went regu-
larly to sleep. It was an open, sandy country,
fairly supplied with forage, and our rest at last was
unbroken and perfect. We had marched and coun-
478
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
termarched in all, as near as I could figure it, from
the map, something like three hundred and twenty-
five miles, the last one hundred and twenty-five from
the camp south of Stony Creek to Reams Station,
and from Reams Station to the final camp south
of Fort Powhattan between 2 a. m. of June 28 and
2 p. m. of July 1. During these two days and a
half, or sixty hours, the command rested from
marching and fighting not more than six hours al-
together.
Having reached at last a place of absolute safety,
I selected a small shade tree at the edge of an old
field, and while my orderly and servant were unsad-
dling and arranging my equipments for a bed, I
got out my tablets and began a dispatch announc-
ing the safety of myself and command. I wrote:
f f Camp at Chipoak Swamp, July 1, 1864, 2 p. m.
Major General A. A. Humphreys, Chief-of-StafT,
Sir: I ha " I intended to say: "I have the
honor to report, etc., etc., ' ' but after completing the
"a" and starting the down stroke of the "v" I felt
myself falling asleep. Possessed by the idea that
it was important to finish my dispatch, I pulled
myself up out of the stupor which was fast over-
coming me, and started the up stroke of the "v,"
when I fell asleep again. Still half unconsciously
struggling to complete what I had undertaken, I be-
gan the final upstroke, but before finishing it I felt
myself going again, and with the hazy thought that
my news would keep, which must have flashed
through my mind like lightning, I succumbed, and
fell back upon my blanket in a state of absolute stu-
por and forgetfulness which continued till ten
o'clock the next morning without a break and with-
479
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
out the slightest consciousness. It was the longest
straight sleep I ever had, but when it ended I
found myself as completely refreshed as if I had
lost no sleep and undergone no fatigue whatever.
The command had evidently shared my sense of
safety and relief as well as my rest. I had ordered
pickets and camp guards posted as usual, and knew
that the proper details were told off, but I never
dared to ask whether they had performed their duty
according to the rules and practice of war for fear
I might learn that both officers and men had uncon-
sciously followed my example and succumbed to
sleep also. Be this as it may, I found the command all
astir when I awoke; the air was filled with the
smell of coffee and frying bacon, and the men were
ready to lead out, mount, and take the road. We
camped that night back of Fort Powhattan not far
from the James River, and I wrote my report be-
fore going to bed, though it was not sent till
July 3.1
The loss of the entire command at first was as
follows: Four light howitzers, twelve brass field
guns, thirty wagons and ambulances, which were
abandoned or thrown into the river, besides some-
thing less than nine hundred men killed, wounded,
and missing. Of the latter a large part, mostly men
whose horses had been played out, finally found
their way into camp and rejoined the colors, so
that the actual loss, exclusive of the guns, was but
little, if any, in excess of five hundred men, all
told.2
1 See O. R. Serial No. 80, p. 620, et seq.
3 Kautz 's total loss, as at first reported, was 421 ; Wilson 's total
loss, as at first reported, was 602. Serial No. 80, pp. 232, 238.
480
CAMPAIGN SOUTH OF THE JAMES
While the campaign ended in disaster for us, it
was far more costly to the enemy.
From this summary it must be admitted that,
with the proper cooperation of Sheridan and the
Army of the Potomac, both Petersburg and Rich-
mond must have been isolated and starved out,
and must have fallen within a few days or a few
weeks at most instead of at the end of almost an-
other year under an entirely different set of cir-
cumstances.
Improbable as it may seem, it is also true that,
for much of the time during the suspension of traffic
on the Weldon Railroad, the Confederates were per-
mitted to run regular wagon trains by the country
roads under convoy around our left flank in sight
of our signal stations and outposts, drawing sup-
plies from Weldon and the neighboring country,
and that no effort whatever was made to interfere
with that practice.1 It is said that warning was sent
out on one or more occasions "to look out for the
rebel cavalry" in rear, but this did not prevent the
rebel cavalry from rounding up and driving off a
herd of over two thousand four hundred head of
beef cattle belonging to our commissariat. This
was the crowning blow against us.
If I have dwelt on this humiliating episode at
greater length than seems to have been called for,
it is because the military lesson it teaches is an im-
portant one. The fatal mistake made by those in
higher authority of dividing the cavalry corps into
two weak bodies, when it should have been kept
united and sent out with strength enough to go and
return in spite of all the enemy could do to prevent
1 0. R. Serial No. 81, p. 477.
481
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
it, should not be overlooked by the military student.
While the failure to keep open the roads on which
we were operating and to require Sheridan to fol-
low Hampton wherever he might go seems inex-
cusable, it will be shown that the fault was neither
Grant's, Meade's, nor Humphreys '.
Our consolation is that we did our part thor-
oughly, although we suffered greatly, and that
Grant, both personally and officially, always de-
clared that the damage inflicted on the enemy by
the destruction of his communications was worth
far more than it had cost. This will be more readily
understood when it is recalled that Eichmond and
Petersburg, as well as Lee's army, from June, 1864,
till the end of the war, drew by far the greater part
of their food supplies from the interior of South
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
and Alabama, by the roads I had broken so effect-
ually. Fortunately, the naval blockade had so com-
pletely closed the principal southern seaports that
Lee's main dependence for supplies of every sort
rested upon the two lines of railroads connecting
Richmond and Petersburg with Lynchburg to the
west and with Danville to the southwest. As those
lines cross each other at Burkeville, that junction
was a place of the first importance. It was these
two vital arteries which were the objects of my
operations.. Both might have been hopelessly de-
stroyed had Sheridan's forces cooperated with and
supported mine.
482
XIX
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
Grant scatters his cavalry — Sheridan's failure north of
Richmond — Wilson's destruction of railroads south of
Richmond — Sheridan at White House — Slow to rejoin
Army of Potomac — Hampton beats him to Weldon
Railroad — Records and dispatches in the case — Sheri-
dan's delays and excuses — Wilson's return to Reams
Station — Whitaker takes word to Meade — Grant,
Meade, and Humphreys order assistance — Wilson runs
for it — Sheridan still a laggard — Kautz lies down and
quits — Sheridan's efforts to exculpate himself — Wilson
crosses Blackwater and arrives at Chipoak Swamp —
Case fully stated from the records — Grant, Meade and
Dana declare expedition a success — Confirmation of
Confederate records.
Grant 's efforts to set Hunter, Sheridan, and Wil-
son on Lee's lines of supply and then draw them
back to the Army of the Potomac are both histori-
cally and strategically worthy of a fuller statement
and discussion than have yet been given.
The Records show that Sheridan, in his move-
ment north of the James, was especially ordered to
form a junction with Hunter and return with him to
the Army of the Potomac.1 But Hunter's orders
were not so specific, though Grant, on July 6,
*0. E. Serial No. 70, pp. 573, 578, 626, 651.
483
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
tried hard to put him on notice as to Sheridan. It,
now seems probable that Hunter never received
Grant's letter, notwithstanding that Siegel and Sta-
hel did their best to get it through to him.1 Hunter
knew, however, that Sheridan was operating about
Louisa Court House.2
So Grant's efforts to unite Hunter and Sheridan
failed, (1) because Hunter moved on Lynchburg
from Staunton via Lexington and not, as Grant
hoped, from Staunton by the way of Charlottesville ;
(2) because Sheridan found Hampton in his path
at Trevillian on June 11 and 12, and, therefore,
withdrew to the northeast 3 instead of to the north-
west, forty-five miles, toward a detachment of Hun-
ter's troops under Duflfie at Waynesborough. If he
had kept the field and pushed on resolutely, drop-
ping Hampton as he did so, and, if necessary, dodg-
ing Charlottesville, which, next after Hunter, was
his chief objective, he would have united with Hun-
ter at Amherst Court House or in the vicinity of
Lynchburg by the 15th or 16th in ample time to
take part in the attack on Lynchburg on the 18th.
Whether he could have made this march with Hamp-
ton dogging his steps is another matter, but it
would seem that he might have done that just as eas-
ily as to leave the field and retreat through Spott-
sylvania by a roundabout route to White House.4
Sheridan failed ten days before I started, while
Hunter held on in front of Lynchburg until the 18th,
when, discouraged doubtless by news of Sheridan's
1 O. R. Serial No. 70, p. 508.
2 lb., pp. 98, 99.
8 O. R. Serial No. 67, pp. 795-796.
* O. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 232, 267, 268 and 285.
484
BBEAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
reverse at Trevillian on the 12th, he ran for it, but
unfortunately again through West Virginia to the
Ohio instead of by way of Staunton down the val-
ley. Thus the forces which should have been united
were hopelessly scattered, and this, followed by
Sheridan's circuitous march northeast and south,
away from the enemy instead of directly back to
the army, gave him his only excuse for failing to
keep the door open for my return.
The situation in which Grant now found himself
because of these scattered and divergent retreats,
superadded to Meade's failure to extend his. lines
across the railroads to the Appomattox, together
with the fear of an outbreak in the loyal states
against the enforcement of the draft, is well indi-
cated by Lincoln's pathetic dispatch, asking Grant
to hold on where he was "with a bull-dog grip and
chew and choke as much as possible. ' ' 1
This homely language is not difficult to fatliom.
Grant had scattered his forces; Hunter and Sheri-
dan, failing to form a junction, had been driven off
on eccentric lines; I had been handled roughly in
returning to the army ; Meade had been foiled in his
efforts to extend his lines across the railroads south
of the James; Lee was gaining confidence and as-
suming an aggressive attitude, as shown by his de-
taching Early and sending him down the valley to
menace Washington; but as a whole the army was
to hold its grip with all its might till the Lieutenant
General could correct his errors and convert a cam-
paign of mistakes into one of proper combinations
and victory. While the parts played by the various
actors in bringing about existing conditions were of
1 O. K. Serial No. 88, p. 243.
485
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
secondary importance, they appear upon personal
examination even at this late date to justify a brief
analysis and summary of their import.
The experienced soldier, as well as the careful
military student, will readily perceive the evils
which might result from dual commanders in any
army and which did result more than once from that
cause in the Army of the Potomac. It is but fair,
however, to admit that Sheridan's apparent disre-
gard of Meade 's orders to take his place on the left
of the army, and his unusual tardiness on this and
other occasions, may have had their origin more in
the defective machinery and the loose practice that
prevailed at that time in transmitting orders and
in supervising their execution than in any intention-
al slowness or indifference to the success of his oper-
ations. Prior to Grant's coming, Meade was in sole
command. His word was law to all subordinates,
not one of whom would have dared to show the in-
difference to his explicit orders that was manifested
throughout this juncture by Sheridan. But the lat-
ter, as has been already stated, was one of the prin-
cipal officers whom Grant brought with him from the
West and it was to Grant that Sheridan appears to
have looked, and not to Meade, for the last word.1
Between Meade and Sheridan there was, if not a
feeling of positive jealousy and dislike, at least a
noticeable lack of that comradeship and sympathy
which usually grow out of common dangers and in-
timate personal acquaintance.
When I started, on the morning of June 22,
from Mount Sinai Church, Sheridan had been a full
day and night at White House on the Pamunkey,
10. R. Serial No. 81, p. 374.
486
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
something less than fifty miles from Eeams Sta-
tion, and the left of the Army of the Potomac. Hav-
ing failed to form a junction and return with Hun-
ter to Grant's army, there was no longer any justifi-
cation for his remaining north of the James. Keal-
izing this, Grant, on June 20, the same day he de-
cided to send me against the railroads south of that
river, instructed Meade to order Sheridan's "im-
mediate return,' ' but left Meade free to determine
the "manner of returning and the route."1
On the same day Meade ordered Sheridan "as
soon as practicable" to move his command and
trains from White House to City Point, for the pur-
pose of crossing the James by the pontoon bridge
at Deep Bottom, or, if that was impracticable, to
proceed to Douthat's Landing, opposite Fort Pow-
hattan, where ferryboats would be provided.2
Meanwhile Hampton, with most of the Confederate
cavalry north of the James, was watching for a
chance to intercept and crush Sheridan,3 and, with
the infantry reinforcements he was expecting, he
was confident of being able to do this.4 But with a
keener instinct for correct movements Lee ordered
him on the 18th:
If Sheridan escapes and gets to his transports at White
House, you must lose no time in removing your entire com-
mand to our right near Petersburg.5
Meanwhile Hampton claimed that his command
needed forage and supplies, and that many of
1 0. R. Serial No. 81, p. 231.
2 lb., p. 255.
»/&., p. 660.
'lb., pp. 669-670.
•/&., 667.
487
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
his horses were broken down.1 Although reen-
forced by the 21st, he did not then attack Sheri-
dan, who was that day and the day before leis-
urely crossing the Pamunkey, nnder the protec-
tion of gunboats, while Hampton's forces were hold-
ing the bluffs surrounding the White House farm.2
As soon as Sheridan got across the river he drove
Hampton from the bluffs and from Tunstall's Sta-
tion on the York River Railroad. This done, he ar-
ranged to abandon White House as a post and to
move everything, including a train of over eight
hundred wagons, belonging mostly to the infantry,
to the James. On the 22nd he sent Torbert to se-
cure Jones's Bridge over the Chickahominy, and
with the short line to that point he had no trouble
in doing so.3 By the night of the 22nd he had safely
parked his train on the south side of the Chicka-
hominy, but, instead of going on to the James, Sher-
idan rested all the 23rd and did not march till the
morning of the 24th. On the afternoon of that day
Gregg, while covering Sheridan's right flank, was
vigorously attacked by Hampton, and although he
resisted stoutly till after dark, was finally forced to
retire. The train under Torbert 's protection was
at no time attacked but reached Douthat's Landing
on the morning of the 25th. From that place both
the troops and the trains were finally ferried to the
south side of the river.4
With his command and trains brought safely to
the north bank of the James, Sheridan's activity
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, pp. 669, 670, 681.
7 O. E. Serial No. 71, p. 651.
8 O. E. Serial No. 82, p. 14.
«0. E. Serial No. 67, pp. 798-799 (Wilson's Eeport).
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
ended. Grant was, however, under the impression
that he was crossing the river on the 26th, but the
fact is that he waited contrary to all rule until his
trains were entirely over and did not begin crossing
until the evening of the 27th,1 and did not complete
that operation till eleven o'clock on the 29th.2 Why
he did not cross before his train he does not ex-
plain, but as the river was patroled by our gunboats
his trains were entirely safe on either side of the
river and could have crossed in perfect safety at
their leisure. Hampton took position on Lee's left
by the 26th. Thus it will be seen that, with an entire
day lost on the Chickahominy and two days lost on
the James, Sheridan was now throwing away three
days more. Meanwhile he was asked to explain his
delay, and, in reply, attributed it to an insufficiency
of supplies at White House.3 But in this he was
positively contradicted by Ingalls, the chief quarter-
master, who showed that he had an abundance of
both grain and hay.4
Three full days, the 22nd, 23rd, and 24th, were
certainly ample to cover the twenty miles from
White House to the James, even if the columns had
been encumbered by a large train, with Hampton on
its flank. But as Hampton made no attack till the
afternoon of the 24th, and did not even then delay
the trains or in any way engage Torbert, there is
no reason why both Torbert and the trains should
not have gone directly to the river bank. The sim-
ple fact is that Sheridan, for some unexplained rea-
*0. R. Serial No. 81, p. 743.
*Ib., p. 512.
8 lb., p. 402; also 76., p. 255.
* Ingalls to Williams, June 25, 1864, O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 402.
See, also, O. R. Serial No. 82, p. 14.
489
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
son, was killing time, and even after reaching the
river he took four and a half days more to ferry his
trains and troops to the south bank. Thus nearly
ten full days, from the evening of June 20 to June
29, elapsed between his arrival at White House
and his getting to the south bank of the river.
Surely this was not the celerity that should have
been expected from the great cavalryman. As be-
fore intimated, an explanation may be found in the
fact that Sheridan was looking to Grant rather than
to Meade for his orders.1 Be this as it may, it was
not till June 26 that Grant turned him unre-
servedly over to Meade, saying: "Sheridan is now
safe in as comfortable a place as he can be for re-
cruiting his men and horses. You can [therefore]
send him such orders as you think best. I think he
should be got up leisurely to your left, where he
can rest and at the same time add strength to your
position."2 It is also likely that Grant imparted
this view to Sheridan, who visited headquarters
June 26, but, whatever may have been the actual
facts, it is certain that Meade ordered Sheridan at
12:30 that day "to take up a position on the Pe-
tersburg and Jerusalem plank road on the left flank
of the army, sending a staff officer to headquarters
in advance of your reaching the plank road to re-
ceive special instructions for your guidance. The
officer who takes this dispatch . . . will acquaint
you with the position now occupied by this army."
Sheridan duly acknowledged this dispatch,3 and at
4 p. m. the same day Grant wired Halleck:
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 374.
*!&., p. 431.
■ /&., pp. 448, 449.
490
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
Sheridan is crossing the river near Powhattan unmo-
lested by the enemy. . . . Nothing heard from Wilson
since he left Burkeville.1
How Grant got this impression is not explained,
but it is certain, as heretofore stated, that Sheridan
did not begin to cross " until the evening of the
27th/ '
It will be recalled that Meade expressed the hope
to Grant June 21 that Sheridan would keep
Hampton occupied. It should also be recalled that
Meade, on the 20th, advised that Sheridan and Wil-
son should be joined and moved together on the
south side of the James to communicate with and
assist Hunter, remarking that the force thus united
11 could not be stopped/'2 Meade followed this on
the 21st with a note to Grant, saying :
Wilson will be ordered to leave at 2 va. m. to-morrow
and directed to proceed as rapidly as possible to the junc-
tion of the Lynchburg and Danville roads. Hampton be-
ing yesterday at White House will relieve Wilson of any
apprehension of being disturbed, and I trust Sheridan will
keep Hampton occupied. . . . Wilson will be in-
structed when at the junction, Burkeville, to endeavor to
communicate with Hunter near Lynchburg. The junction
is about halfway between this point and Lynchburg. If
Sheridan were here there would be no doubt, I think, of
Wilson and he going to Lynchburg. Do you wish to send
any instruction to Hunter by Wilson ? 3
To this Grant replied the same day:
The only word I would send Hunter would be simply
to let him know where we are, and that he could use his
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 430.
•lb., p. 232.
•lb., p. 267.
491
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
army in the way he thinks best, either by getting back
into his own department or by joining us. . . . *
The interest in this correspondence lies in the
fact that Meade fully endorsed the views heretofore
expressed as to the weight which such an expedition
would have if made with our united cavalry forces,
and also in the fact that it shows that both Grant
and Meade knew that Hunter had already failed on
the 18th in his attempt to capture Lynchburg, and
was in full retreat. It will be noted that this failure
relieved the enemy of all danger from the west, just
as Sheridan's retreat from Trevillian by the way
of Spottsylvania to the White House had set Hamp-
ton's entire cavalry free to concentrate against me
south of the James.
It is obvious that Grant's purpose to cross the
Weldon Eailroad and hold it from Beams Station
northward would have not only made good Hum-
phreys's assurance to me, but would have been in
accordance with the well-considered advice that Gen-
eral Barnard, the chief engineer, had given on June
28, that "the best use we can make of Hancock's
and Warren's corps is to put them across the Wel-
don Railroad. ' ' 2 Had this been done, even without
Sheridan's cooperation it must have opened the
door and thus put it in my power to return to the
army without any loss except that incurred in my
outward march.
No one can read the Records without seeing
plainly that from the 22nd of June to the 29th, when
I appeared at Reams Station, the whole country
on both sides of the Weldon road was as open and
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, p. 268.
20. B. Serial No. 70, p. 479.
492
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
as easy for Sheridan and Meade as it was for Hamp-
ton and Lee. On the 26th at 9 a. m. Meade reported
to Grant that the enemy was moving down the Wel-
don Railroad ". . . that our cavalry had followed
as far as Reams Station, where it found a small
force trying to repair the railroad. But the weather
was extremely hot, and the men needed rest, hence
this force did not follow up the enemy nor retain
its position on the road. . . ." He concluded as
follows: "I have no report from Sheridan, but
such as you received when last here, and as you sent
him orders direct I presume his movements and
progress are known to you." x>
This shows clearly that the country was fully
open to the enemy, who was more vigilant than our
people. It also shows how much was lost by the
divided command and responsibility as well as by
defective staff arrangements.
Meanwhile Hampton was neither idle nor rest-
ing, but, acting under Lee's orders of June 18,
crossed the James, as soon as Sheridan was off his
hands, at Cox's Ferry with his entire command, ex-
cept Fitzhugh Lee's division. This was during the
afternoon of the 26th, and it is certain it was Hamp-
ton's troops which were reported by Meade to
Grant as moving "down the Weldon Railroad."
On the same day Fitzhugh Lee telegraphed General
Lee that Hampton's division and Chambliss's bri-
gade were on the south side of the river, while he
was on the north side near the pontoon bridge —
"can't I assist in catching raiders on Danville
Road?"2 His request was promptly granted, but
1 O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 431.
2 lb., p. 690.
493
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
his crossing was fully observed by General Butler's
lookout, and this was duly reported to General
Grant, who telegraphed Butler at 4:30 p. m. on the
26th:
The force crossing the James River is probably the
enemy's cavalry, which was after Sheridan. The latter is
now all safe, and no doubt the enemy have abandoned all
idea of further molesting him.1
At 8 :35 a. m. on the 27th Meade notified Grant
that:
A heavy column of cavalry was seen this morning mov-
ing along the Weldon Railroad, undoubtedly with a view
to meet Sheridan's force, or perhaps to attempt to annoy
our rear. To secure the rear of this army and prevent
annoyance from cavalry raids the enemy's force must
either be occupied or a force stationed on our left and
rear.2
To this Grant replied at 9 :30 a. m. :
The enemy's cavalry . . . were seen to cross the
James River yesterday. It is highly probable that this
cavalry will take position to try to prevent operations by
us on the Weldon road. You can give Sheridan such direc-
tions as you deem best under the circumstances.
To this Meade at 10 a. m. replied :
. . . I have already notified you the enemy's cavalry
have been seen passing to our left and rear by the Weldon
Railroad. I have no doubt their object is to interpose be-
tween Wilson and Sheridan,3 and in the meantime to make
a dash into our rear, if practicable. Orders were yester-
1 0. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 451-2, 455-6.
8 lb., p. 462.
• Italics not in original record.
494
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
day sent to Sheridan after crossing the river to move up
the Jerusalem plank road and take post on the left of the
army. . . . The Sixth Corps will hold the Jerusalem
plank road. . . . The withdrawal of two divisions will
make it necessary to hasten Sheridan's movements.1
On the 27th at 6 p. m. Grant wired Meade :
If Wilson finds his return cut off he will be apt to go
out by New Berne, or if it is found that Hampton's cavalry
has gone south, Sheridan will have to be put on his track.2
From the 25th till the evening of the 28th both
the enemy 's cavalry and infantry were seen moving
on the roads west of the Weldon Eailroad toward
Eeams Station, and these movements were duly
reported to Meade, but necessarily remained un-
known to Wilson.3
Meanwhile General Humphreys appears to have
concluded that these movements menaced not only
the left of our army, but the safety of my column.
Eegarding them as an effort to cut me off he vigor-
ously ordered everything demanded by the situa-
tion except the two things which he had definitely
promised in his final dispatch before I started:
"Our infantry will hold across the Weldon road to-
night"4 and "Sheridan will keep Hampton occu-
pied. ' ' 5 Both were entirely practicable. While the
former depended on his own orders, the latter de-
pended on Sheridan, who was ordinarily most alert
and active. While Meade's chief reliance was evi-
dently on Sheridan and orders were sent to hasten
1 O. B. Serial No. 81, p. 463.
* lb., p. 463.
■ lb., pp. 465, 469, 470, 471, 485, 486.
*/&., p. 286.
•lb., p. 286.
495
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
his movements, but to meet any cavalry attack until
he could arrive, Gibbons 's division was sent to the
southeast on the Norfolk pike at the crossing of the
Blackwater instead of to the southwest, Ferrero's
division to Prince George Court House behind the
army, and some dismounted cavalry were stationed
at the Old Court House at the crossing of Bailey's
Creek, quite remote from any point where they
could be helpful to me. "The Sixth Corps [Wright]
will hold the Jerusalem plank road," four or five
miles east of the Weldon road and parallel to it.
It will be observed that all of these dispositions
were primarily intended "to meet any cavalry at-
tack until the arrival of Sheridan." ? But it should
be noted that not one of them was in the slightest
degree an offensive movement to keep open the
door for me or to facilitate my return. This was
Sheridan's job. It was apparent that Meade relied
wholly on him to follow Hampton and to extend me
a helping hand. This is explicitly set out and reit-
erated in a dispatch from Humphreys to Sheridan,
dated June 27, 10 a. m. :
A body of the enemy's cavalry, exceeding one thousand
strong, was seen leaving Petersburg this morning in a
southerly direction on a road near the Weldon Railroad,
probably for the purpose of reinforcing the enemy's cav-
alry that followed Wilson, or of interposing between Wilson
and us on Wilson's return. . . . The left of the army
covers the Jerusalem plank road as far as four miles from
Petersburg. The commanding general desires you to join
the army as soon as practicable and be prepared for active
cooperation with General Wilson to aid his return.2
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, pp. 463-467.
2 lb., p. 472.
496
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
This dispatch was sent by telegraph to Ingalls,
chief quartermaster, at City Point, who forwarded
it by special messenger to General Sheridan, who
received it in turn at 3 :15 p. m. He replied at once
that he would "make every effort to cross the river
rapidly. The wagons and ambulances will all be
over to-night, and the whole command to-morrow
night. I will cross one brigade of Gregg's division
over the river this evening.,,
It is to be observed that Meade's order, as above,
while more urgent, was hardly more than a repeti-
tion of the order sent Sheridan at White House on
June 20, directing him to move to City Point.
Obviously Grant 's emphatic phrase, ' ! immediate re-
turn/ ' was translated into "as soon as practicable. ' '
From White House to the James, Sheridan had the
short line on Hampton, and it is of interest that the
distance from the James at Cox's Ferry, where
Hampton crossed, to Beams Station is almost to a
mile by the military maps the same as from Wind
Mill Point, where Sheridan crossed. The latter
would travel southwest by Prince George Court
House and Lee's Mills to Reams while Hampton
marched south through Petersburg down the wagon
road on the west side of the Weldon Railroad. In
neither case did the distance exceed twenty-five
miles, or one easy day's march for cavalry. It is
also true that Hampton crossed by pontoon in four
hours and a half, while it took Sheridan four days
and a half, although his dispatch, and what he ac-
tually did at the Pamunkey, indicated that it was
possible to ferry his troops across in one day. We
have seen, however, that his command was not all
across until about noon on the 29th. If this was
497
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
due in any degree to Grant's phrase, . . . MI
think he should be got up leisurely to your left,"
it is a clear case of the unhappiness of two masters
of one army.
On the 28th, for some unaccountable reason, in
apparent forgetfulness of the enemy's known move-
ments, and in reply to Grant's inquiries of the 27th,1
Meade notified him at 8 p. m. that he had " heard
nothing from General Wilson, except the reports
of contrabands that the railroads out of Petersburg
have been cut. ' ' 2
It is but fair to say that General Meade could
not have received my report dated June 27, giving
a full account of my expedition and its complete
success throughout, except at the Eoanoke Bridge,
beyond which under the circumstances I could not
be expected to go. This report sent by scout ap-
pears at its proper place in the Official Eecords,3
but there is nothing to indicate when it was re-
ceived, though I had certainly been gone long
enough to put my superiors on the lookout for my
return. Besides, my written instructions were ex-
plicit to rejoin the army as soon as the object of
my expedition was accomplished. My going else-
where was merely contingent. Meade's order above
shows that I was expected and that he confidently
believed Sheridan was moving up, and relied on
him to give me such help as I might need. Hum-
phreys was anxiously looking for me. Sheridan was
fully notified the 27th of his part and duty. Grant,
true to his confidence in me, rested largely on my
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, p. 463.
2 lb., p. 477, see, also, p. 470.
»/&., p. 473.
498
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
own energy and resourcefulness, but also trusted
that Meade would get Sheridan up and place him
wherever necessary.
The events of June 28 and 29, momentous
in the history of my expedition, have already been
told.1 While Meade was writing his dispatch of the
28th to Grant, I was less than thirty miles away,
and by the middle of the afternoon I had crossed
the Nottaway at the Double Bridges, and was ap-
proaching Stony Creek Depot, there to find myself
confronted by Hampton, backed strongly by in-
fantry. Where was Sheridan? Still on the north
side of the James,2 whither he had come pursuant
to Grant's direction June 20 for his "immediate
return' ' to the Army of the Potomac.3 On the 26th,
as we have seen, Sheridan had been explicitly or-
dered to its left flank, to a position on the Jerusalem
plank road, which, with any celerity whatever, would
have brought him within five miles of Eeams, and
within less than fifteen miles of Stony Creek Depot
that night. He received his order. at 1:30 p. m. on
June 26, while at Grant's headquarters,4 and it
is beyond doubt that he was fully informed. His
third order reached him July 27 at 3:15 p. m. at
Douthat's House north of the James. It particu-
larly ordered him to join the army "as soon as prac-
ticable' ' for the express purpose of aiding my re-
turn.5 As yet, no portion of his command had
crossed the James, but he promised to make every
1 0. B. Serial No. 81, pp. 304, 306, 307, 310, 332, 336, 350, 373,
402, 430, 476, 478.
8 O. E. Serial No. 80, p. 28.
*lb., p. 231.
4 76., p. 499.
8 lb., p. 473.
499
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
effort to cross rapidly, and to cross one brigade of
Gregg's division that evening. It is also evident
from Meade's dispatch to Humphreys at 12 a. m. on
June 29 that he had on the 28th sent a further and
fourth dispatch to Sheridan ordering him "to the
crossing of the Warwick Swamp by the Jerusalem
plank road, and is, I hope, now en route for that
point. He should be hurried up without loss of
time and Wright advised of his expected arrival."1
The dispatch of the 28th is not in the Official Rec-
ords, but there is, however, an answer from Sheri-
dan to Humphreys from Windmill Point, June 29,
1864, at 8:30 a. m., saying:
All my command will be over the river by 9 :30 a. m. to-
day. I may be detained here to-day, supplying my troops
with subsistence, forage, and clothing. "Will march to-mor-
row morning. Shall try, however, to move to-day.
But before the hour of this telegram my advance
was in front of Beams Station, almost in sight of
our lines, cut off from them by a formidable force
of the enemy's cavalry and infantry. From what
precedes, it is clear that, notwithstanding three, if
not four, specific orders, the last most imperative
and urgent, to cross the James and join the army
on its left, Sheridan, so far as concerned any active
help to the army or to me, was as completely out
of the impending battle as if his two powerful di-
visions had no existence. At the hour he was send-
ing the above dispatch, at 8 :30 a. m., my gallant aid,
Captain Whitaker, was slashing his way through
the rebel lines at Eeams, bearing my message to
Meade, and at 10:20 a. m. he was at Meade's head-
10. E. Serial No. 80, p. 494.
500
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
quarters, with but eighteen of his men, bloody, dirty,
and worn to a frazzle, but indomitable, and burning
with a desire to lead the infantry to my relief.1 All
day, late into the night, and all the next day he was
untiring, but, through no fault of his, neither
Wright nor Gibbon, nor anybody else came to my
relief.2
Of course, Whitaker's unexpected appearance
made a great stir. Meade was unfortunately absent
at Burnside's headquarters, and it was 11:45 a. m.
before Humphreys could get Whitaker's report to
him and receive back his orders.3 Indeed, it was
not until 12:45 p. m. that Humphreys received his
final instructions. Meanwhile that excellent officer,
never idle, had informed Hancock of the Second
Corps 4 and Wright of the Sixth,5 and the latter,
pursuant to Meade's orders at 12:15 p. m., was in-
instructed to send a division to Beams at once, and
to follow with his whole corps. This was fine, but
all far too late. Wright moved promptly and reso-
lutely, but did not arrive at Beams until 7 :45 p. m.
Before 12 a. m. he had heard my guns,6 and at 1 :10
p. m. he knew from a corporal of my command who
made his way through the fight with two prisoners
that I was up against both infantry and cavalry.7
In fact, as has been shown, I was confronted by the
whole of Hampton's, Fitzhugh Lee's, and W. H. F.
Lee's8 cavalry, supported by Anderson's entire in-
1 O. E. Serial No. 80, p. 493.
8 76., pp. 492, 507, 508, 526.
• lb., p. 493.
4 lb., p. 499.
• lb., pp. 500-506.
•lb., p. 506.
T7b., p. 507.
•lb., p. 517.
501
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
fantry division, composed of Finnegan's, Sanders'
and Perry's brigades, under Mahone, one of Lee's
bravest fighting division commanders.1 The com-
bined forces thus arrayed against my five thousand
live hundred worn and weary troopers were, accord-
ing to the latest returns, cavalry ten thousand four
hundred and ninety-three, infantry seven thousand
five hundred and sixty-nine, a total of eighteen thou-
sand and sixty-two men, of whom it is safe to say at
least fifteen thousand were in line of battle.2
But Sheridan was still absent. If Wright's in-
fantry had only been cavalry! Sheridan's orders,
three or four times repeated, required him, as we
have seen, to cross the James and take position on
the left. Lee's orders to Hampton, June 18, were
to follow Sheridan and take position on the rebel
right.3 This should have kept them in touch, the
movement of one determining that of the other, and
should have resulted in bringing them again face
to face at or near Reams Station, which, of course,
would have placed Sheridan in position by the morn-
ing of the 29th to afford me all the help I needed.
Such were the plans for him, both of Grant and
Meade, and such was Grant's expectation, while
Humphreys ' last promise to me was * ' Sheridan will
keep Hampton occupied." Both expectation and
promise were entirely reasonable and practicable,
but both required promptitude and decision. In
view of the fact that Sheridan had in fourteen days,
June 12 to 25, marched only about one hundred
and forty miles from Trevillian by the way of Spott-
10. E. Serial No. 80, pp. 336, 375.
a O. E. Serial No. 82, p. 762.
•/&., p. 667.
502
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
sylvania Court House, Bowling Green, King and
Queen Court House, White House, and Charles City
to escape Hampton,1 it surely should have been
1 1 practicable \ ' to cross the James and march less
than twenty-five miles more in five days to find him
and take him in rear at Beams Station while I was
attacking him in front. Eeams is just eight miles
due south of the Weldon Railroad terminus in
Petersburg. It is just ten miles from Reams north-
east to Prince George Court House and just twelve
miles from there to Wind Mill Point. As the crow
flies it is a shade over twenty miles from Wind Mill
Point to Reams Station, and by the winding roads
it is less than twenty-five miles. Let us now see
from the Records just what Sheridan did under the
impulse of imminent peril and impending disaster
to me, and under the stimulus of Meade's peremp-
tory orders, given with Grant's full knowledge and
approval.
On receipt of Whitaker's startling report Meade,
on the 29th, after expressing the hope that Sheri-
dan was now en route to Warwick Swamp, instructed
Humphreys to hurry him up without loss of time,
and to advise Wright of his expected arrival.2
Humphreys ' orders were sufficiently explicit, but he
caused them to be repeated through General Ingalls
at City Point. This dispatch, the fifth in order, and
all to the same effect, was sent at 12:55 p. m. on
June 29. It contained the statement that:
. . , An officer had been sent to meet Sheridan on
the Prince George Court House road and inform him that
General Wilson was in the vicinity of Reams Station,
1 0. E. Serial No. 82, p. 645.
8 lb., p. 494.
503
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
where the enemy's cavalry had concentrated to prevent his
return. It directed Sheridan to move with all the expedi-
tion possible to Reams Station to relieve General Wilson.
It also notified him that General Wilson was un-
able to cross Stony Creek last night, but had "sent
Kautz on a detour to the left with the trains, ' ' and
finally that Kautz had reached "the vicinity of
Eeams Station this morning between seven and
eight o'clock, and found the enemy in force and
position there. ' ' *
But, not content with what he had already or-
dered his Chief -of -Staff to do toward hurrying
Sheridan,2 Meade, at 1 p. m., made the sixth distinct
effort to get him to the front. This time he de-
clared: "Wilson is engaged with the enemy at
Eeams Station. . . . Please hurry up to Wil-
son's assistance as rapidly as possible."3
General Sheridan received this dispatch at 2:45
p. m. at White House, near Wind Mill Point4 and
the last of his command crossed the James River
at 11 a. m. 5
It is clear from the foregoing that Meade had
as early as the 28th directed Sheridan definitely to
take position at the crossing of the Warwick Swamp,
which, if he had marched at once, would have
brought him within four miles of me, easily, by noon
of the 29th, with the enemy between us.
At last he moved, but not until 5 p. m., and his
orders to Gregg, commanding his Second division,
1 0. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 510, 511.
' 2I&., p. 511.
8 25., p. 511.
4 76., p. 511.
8 16., p. 512.
504
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
were not issued until 3:45 p. m., an hour after the
receipt of the above-mentioned imperative and press-
ing telegrams and, while they directed Gregg to
move with the utmost dispatch to Prince George
Court House, they instructed him to halt there, and
1 'await the arrival of the First Division." His
whole command was massed there that evening.1 It
was only ten miles further to Reams Station, but
he did not arrive there or communicate with Wright
until after 3 :30 p. m. on June 30.2 Wright, having
from eight to ten miles to march with his infantry,
moving at 2 p. m. of the 29th, arrived within a mile
and a half of Eeams at 6 p. m., but, fully six hours
too late, his advance did not occupy the Station till
7:35 p. m.3 Wright, while not an over-aggressive
soldier, was never a laggard, and, if he had heard
the noise of combat, which by that time had faded
far away, he would no doubt have hastened to lend
a hand. He sent Meade all the information he was
able at that hour, 7:35 p. m., to pick up about
me, and it was sufficiently correct in substance.
It was in effect that I was engaged with the ene-
my's cavalry and apparently doing well until their
infantry came up at four o'clock and attacked
my left.4
The record leaves Sheridan at Prince George, ten
miles away, on the evening of the 29th, where he
camped that night. At what hour he marched and
where he was all day of the 30th and until late in
the afternoon is not disclosed. He certainly did
1 O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 512.
*Ib., p. 527.
3 lb., pp. 507-8.
4 lb., p. 508.
505
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
not follow Hampton, and Meade evidently did not
know where he was. On the morning of the 30th,
at 9 a. m., he telegraphed Grant at City Point, send-
ing a prisoner's statement, "somewhat confirmed
by General Kautz." He feared "that Wilson was
in a very precarious position, and that his command
was pretty much scattered.' '
The prisoner's entire statement appears in the
record. It was taken down and reported by the
provost marshal general of our army, Colonel
George H. Sharpe, and gives a sufficiently distress-
ing, but somewhat overdrawn, account of my trou-
bles, and confirms in the main the tally of the forces
opposed to me. It adds one most significant and
important item in any proper comparison of the
relative condition of Sheridan's horses and mine:
"The horses taken from Wilson were found to be
very badly knocked up. ' ' *
Then Grant, imperturbable and optimistic as
usual, took a hand. At 12:30 a. m. on the 30th he
replied to Meade :
The showing is against us by Kautz's dispatch, but with
Wright at Reams Station, Wilson south of the enemy, and
Sheridan marching in that direction, you have done all
possible, and it will be queer if the count does not turn
in our favor. I am very much in hopes that the enemy
will be struck in the rear most disagreeably to him, and
that his railroad in the meantime will be destroyed effect-
ually as far as our troops occupy the line of it. I see
nothing you can do beyond what you have done. If the
enemy should follow Wright and Sheridan with infantry,
of course, we will follow with infantry. All that I see
beyond what you have already done is to follow up the
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 517.
506
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
same principle you have started upon — follow up the force
of the enemy with a larger one.1
This was all sound, thorough, and admirable, but
belated. If only its execution had been equal, or
if, happily, Grant, under a less cumbersome organi-
zation, could have kept himself in closer' touch with
or personally superintended the operations. Even
if it was all too late to be of any great help to me,
there was a splendid chance all that day and during
July 1 to clean up Hampton and to turn the count
"in our favor." Meanwhile, I was helping myself
fairly well.
But Sheridan did not reach Eeams Station un-
til almost seven o'clock of June 30, after the
enemy's infantry had returned to Petersburg, "leav-
ing the pursuit of Wilson to Hampton's cavalry."2
Both Hancock and Wright were vigilant and ac-
tive, but with slow moving infantry they could not
hope to come up with the enemy in time.3 They
received no tidings from Sheridan or Kautz.4
At 12:30 p. m. on June 30 the faithful Whit-
aker, who was out in charge of Wright's cavalry
scouts, sent word to Humphreys that two hundred
empty wagons, "guarded by North Carolina infan-
try, eight men to a wagon, with front and rear
guards, had passed south, going from Petersburg
to Stony Creek for forage." 5 At 3 :30 p. m. the same
day Wright telegraphed Humphreys that, as Sheri-
dan was at the junction of Warwick Swamp and the
'O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 518.
a lb., p. 518.
•Tb., p. 520.
*/&., pp. 521-2, 525-6.
0 O. R. Serial No. 82, p. 526.
507
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Jerusalem road, about seven miles in rear, where
he would remain, he (Wright) would withdraw at
once "in order to get over the intricate part of the
road before dark." 1
Then followed Wright's justification of his retro-
grade march, for which there was no real occasion,
but which he had evidently been asked to explain.2
That night, however, he received explicit orders to
remain in the field to support Sheridan. At 12:30
p. m. on June 30 Humphreys was advised that
"General Merritt's advance guard had just reached
the plank road, about six miles from army headquar-
ters." 3 This was Sheridan's leading division, which,
after a march of six or seven miles in twenty hours,
brings him again into the light.
At 3 :25 p. m. on the 30th he notified Humphreys
that he had "reached the plank road one mile and
a half in advance of Warwick Swamp, and was push-
ing on to Eeams Station, distant three or four
miles ; that he could learn nothing of General Wil-
son 's command except from' stragglers coming in,
all giving different accounts. Parties coming up
the plank road report the enemy's pickets on that
flank, but some distance off. One of your staff offi-
cers reports a rebel cavalry force having crossed
the plank road on my left and going toward my
rear. ' ' 4
On June 30 at 9 p. m. Meade directed him to
move with his whole command in pursuit of the
enemy, who was reported to have followed General
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 527.
2J&., pp. 527-8.
8 lb., p. 530.
4 lb., p. 530.
508
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
Wilson. After ascertaining definitely where Gen-
eral Wilson had gone he was to make every effort
in his power to form a junction and return with
him to the army. Meanwhile Wright was to remain
where he was and give Sheridan such support as
might be necessary. Finally he was ordered to keep
the commanding general advised as often as pos-
sible of his operations.1 These orders were right
and not only covered the case, but offered Sheridan
a fine chance to wipe out Hampton or to drive him
to the interior of south Virginia.
The Lieutenant General, true to his duty, had
also the same morning telegraphed General Butler
to "send Kautz back to our left to report to Sheri-
dan as soon as possible. It will take all our cav-
alry to extricate Wilson from his present perilous
position." 2
Thus, as we see, pursuant to Grant's plan "to
follow up the force of the enemy with a larger one, ' '
Meade sought to execute it by setting into the field
in vigorous pursuit of the enemy the combined
forces of Sheridan and Kautz — all the available cav-
alry, supported by Wright and the entire Sixth
Corps — a force ample not only to relieve me but
to turn the count in our favor by wiping Hampton
and Mahone from off the face of the earth. It was
one of those opportunities which knock rarely at our
doors, and which the best of us — even a great soldier
— sometimes miss. Hampton's return after I had
successfully eluded his pursuit might surely have
been cut off and in the tired condition of his men
and with his worn-out horses his force brought to
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, p. 531.
2 lb., p. 531.
509
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
bay and severely punished, if lie had not been
smashed up entirely. Even the two hundred wagons
with their heavy infantry escort reported by Whit-
aker would have been an excellent objective and an
ample reward for the effort necessary to their cap-
ture.1
But what came of it all f Absolutely nothing, for
the reason that both Sheridan and Kautz failed to
execute the orders that were given to them.
Kautz simply lay down and quit. On receipt of
the stirring orders from Grant direct,2 as well as
from Meade3 and Butler,4 he went to Meade and
begged off. Forgetting that the rest of us were
marching and fighting for our lives, he put up the
unsoldierly plea that his command was in no con-
dition to do anything, and that the main cause of
our rout was the worn-out condition of the men;
that his men and horses had had nothing to eat for
forty-eight hours; and that they were exhausted
from loss of sleep. On this plea he hoped the order
would be rescinded.5
Both his men and horses, while they had marched
step for step with the rest homeward from Eoanoke
Bridge, had plenty both of provisions and forage.
All lived largely on the country, it is true, but that
country had not been foraged before and was by no
means bare of supplies. At most, it was only the
last twenty hours that had been especially exhaust-
ing, but when ordered to turn back and join Sheri-
dan Kautz had already had more than fourteen
1 0. B. Serial No. 81, pp. 500, 526.
aIb., p. 540.
9 lb., p. 513.
*Ib., pp. 531, 537.
* lb., p. 540.
510
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
hours ' quiet sleep in the midst of our army and its
abundance, while the rest of us, on his own showing,
were still marching and fighting for our existence.
Looking back after nearly fifty years, in the light
of the printed record and the cold facts which I had
never inquired into before, it all seems weak and
contemptible in the last degree. Kautz, undoubt-
edly, rendered good service during the expedition
and behaved with satisfactory efficiency down to the
crucial moment in the afternoon of the 29th, when
the need was greatest that every man should hang
on to the last, "one for all and all for one.,,1
Fortunately, he had sense enough to direct him-
self toward Prince George Court House and our
army, which he easily succeeded in joining, but just
when or where his dispatch to Meade announcing
his return does not state. He at first sent me word
that he would follow my route, but finally drifted
off on one of his own. Many of his wounded and
far more relatively of his command than he had of
mine joined my column and followed it in safety to
our lines, where in due time they were turned over
to him.2 But it is perhaps enough to say that
Kautz was a typical infantryman and never a suc-
cess as a cavalry commander. It was a misfortune
much more serious for the army than for himself.
Sheridan was a brilliant soldier, perhaps the
most brilliant, and certainly one of the most aggres-
sive and successful on either side. But, strangely
enough, his greatest successes were not won as a
leader of cavalry alone, but with mixed commands,
as in the Valley of Virginia and in the culminating
1 Compare O. E. Serial No. 80, p. 624, with p. 629.
2 O. E. Serial No. 81, pp. 580-2.
511
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
campaign with Grant south of Richmond in the
spring of 1865, in which with his united cavalry
and the infantry of Warren and Wright he ren-
dered heroic and decisive service. A great, well-de-
served and lasting fame such as his, resting as it
does on so firm a foundation, requires no suppres-
sion of the truth, especially when it demands that
the whole truth should he told to others.
The truth is that Sheridan failed just as flatly
and far more unpardonably than Kautz, and instead
of obeying promptly and cheerfully Meade's orders,
directing him to march with his whole command
to my relief, gave reasons which were shown by
both Grant's Quartermaster and his own to be un-
founded.
In a telegram of July 1, 1864, at 8 a. m., Sheri-
dan said in reply to the order instructing him to
follow in the direction my command had gone :
I will move in the morning, but it will be at the risk
of dismounting my command. I marched from the river
without forage and without preparation. My horses are
worn out. Some of them have been without forage for
forty-eight hours. I am satisfied General Wilson cannot
keep any considerable body of his command together. I
thought it best to keep open the roads leading to the south,
so that small parties can come in, as they are now doing.1
To this excuse for not even trying, Humphreys
promptly and curtly replied on July 1 at 5 p. m. :
. . . The commanding general instructs me to say
that whenever you can ascertain anything definite of either
General Wilson or the enemy, and be satisfied from actual
trial that no material aid can be rendered General Wilson
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 573.
512
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
or injury inflicted on the enemy, you can desist and re-
turn to the position assigned you on the left flank of the
army.1
Even after that Sheridan adhered to his opinion
and did not move until 6:25 a. m. of July 1, and
then only to concentrate his command on the Jeru-
salem plank road, from whence during the day he
was content to send one division south on that road,
two regiments of which reached Freeman's Bridge
over the Nottoway and one Stony Creek, neither
of which were more than ten miles from his camp,
where he remained all day. At 3 p. m. he sent a
hard luck story to Humphreys based on what some
straggling officers had told him that I had been
completely routed and that my command was re-
duced to the remnant of Mcintosh's brigade and
one hundred and fifty men of Chapman 's.2 His ad-
vance went near enough to Jarratt's Station, where
I had crossed two days before to find it occupied
by Hampton's troopers. In other words, he was
at last in easy reach of his old antagonist, whom I
had stood off and eluded late in the evening of the
29th, but for reasons never given Sheridan failed to
attack him.
Later in the day, but at what hour does not ap-
pear, Sheridan sent another report to Humphreys,
this time on negro information, "that our cavalry,
seven thousand, encamped on Mr. WesselPs farm,
near Littleton, last night. This report has come to
me from two or three sources, and unless troops
have come up from Suffolk it must be General Wil-
son," and happily it was. He further stated:
1 O. R. Serial No. 81, p. 574.
2 lb., pp. 574-5.
513
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
. . . Men have been coming in all day in small
squads, but none from General Wilson after Wednesday
evening. Scouting parties report his having crossed the
Nottoway, but I have all kinds of reports, and am afraid
that, after he fell back from Reams Station, he was badly
broken up.1
As the record shows, he did have "all kinds of
reports,' ' precisely such as might have been ex-
pected from men who did not stay to learn the
exact truth, but left early in the fight, and, naturally
enough, lied in self-justification. Doubtless he was
so impressed by these reports that he did not
think it worth while to march in my direction
as ordered, with his whole command, and thus
missed an opportunity such as Hampton rarely of-
fered him.
That Meade was impatient with Sheridan and
did not accept his excuses is clear from the fact that
he ordered an investigation. At 9 a. m. on July 1
he telegraphed Grant:
I cannot understand how General Sheridan at Wind
Mill Point could be forty-eight hours without forage, and
have directed an investigation to ascertain upon whom the
responsibility rests. As to the fatigue of his animals, I
presume the enemy cannot be in much better condition,
and Hampton must have made a forced march from the
White House via Richmond.2
Meade followed this by sending Ingalls an ex-
tract from Sheridan's report claiming that he had
marched from the river without forage and without
preparation, that his horses were worn out, and that
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, p. 574.
2 /&., p. 560.
514
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
some of them had been without forage for forty-
eight hours.1
As Ingalls> reply of July 21 is important and
conclusive, it is here given entire :
Your dispatch . . . conveys the first information
that Sheridan's command had not plenty of forage. On
his arrival at Douthat's I visited his headquarters to ascer-
tain his wants. His Chief Quartermaster reported two
days' [supplies] on hand then. He was told that there was
an abundance . . . which could be delivered at any
point on the river. I suspect General Sheridan means to
convey the idea that his orders and the emergency of the
case compelled him to leave hurriedly [and] without having
time to make necessary preparations. He had but just
crossed over his command. There was no good reason why
he had not sufficient forage so far as the Quartermaster's
Department was concerned.2
After further investigation Ingalls reported on
July 1, on the authority of Sheridan's Chief Quar-
termaster :
. . . That there was an abundance of hay and grain
at Wind Mill Point when the cavalry left that place, but
that the movement was so hurried it was not taken; that
one division did leave with two days', but the other none.
I can discover no failure or neglect in my department.
Colonel Howard has a train now ready to start for Sheri-
dan's command with two days' forage and three of sub-
sistence. He has just learned where to send the train.3
These dispatches tell the whole story, and, when
it is remembered that Sheridan had ten days7 rest
from June 20 to 29, inclusive, amid the abun-
1 0. R. Serial No. 81, p. 562.
-lb., p. 563.
•76., p. 563.
515
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
dance of White House,1 Douthat's Landing, and
City Point, and that when he sent his dispatch of
2 a. m., July 1, to Meade he had been out from
Wind Mill Point only about twenty-four hours, in
which time he had marched less than twenty miles
and with two days' supply for one of his divisions,
which was ample for his whole command for one
day, the case becomes still more difficult to under-
stand. As to tired horses, Meade's comments on
the inevitable condition of Hampton's is all the com-
ment that need be made. It will not be forgotten,
however, that my command had just finished a cir-
cuitous march of about three hundred and twenty-
five miles in ten days, during the most of which
Sheridan was resting quietly in the midst of abun-
dance.
Meanwhile, as already shown, Hampton's com-
mand, although his horses were tired and worn, had
managed to march by a similar route against Sheri-
dan's shorter line, to fight and shut me out on my
return. Or, as Grant tersely put it, in his dispatch
to Halleck on July 1 :
The enemy's cavalry, finding that Sheridan was secure
where he was crossing the James River, left him and inter-
posed themselves on the Weldon Railroad between Wilson
and his return.2
It cannot be denied that after two months of
hard campaigning both men and horses were tired
and run down and needed rest, but there is no es-
cape from the conclusion that as between Sheridan,
Hampton and myself, Sheridan's mounts were al-
1 0. R. Serial No. 82, p. 14.
aO. R. Serial No. 81, p. 557.
516
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
together the best fed, best rested, and most capable
of the lot. In reaching this conclusion I do not ig-
nore the strenuous battle at Trevillian, in which
Hampton claims that he defeated Sheridan "with
heavy loss,,, and forced him to retreat "in con-
fusion. ' 9 * Nor do I forget that Hampton fought
Gregg on the 24th at Nance's Shop and claimed
"after a stubborn fight to have routed them com-
pletely.,,2 Hampton made substantially the same
claim to Lee in my case, both as to Stony Creek
on the 28th and Beams on the 29th.3 The fine old
fighter was evidently claiming everything in sight,
and, as the Confederate combinations were better
than ours, I freely confess, he had a good deal of
substantial success to his credit. Why Sheridan
should have ignored all this and claimed a victory
in his own campaign, while he designated mine as
a "disaster" and "defeat," and declared that my
command was "all broken up and dispersed," it
is difficult to understand. It evidently, in most
cases, depends on the point of view of the person
writing the report or telling the story. In any
event, it is sufficient to say that I was not idle, and
from the 22nd to the 25th was marching, fighting,
and standing off W. H. F. Lee's division, as well
as the infantry and home guards at Staunton River,
with one hand, while tearing up railroads, burning
and destroying the main lines of supply and the
vital resources of the Confederacy with the other.
From June 25 to the morning of July 1, while
others were resting by the wayside, my command
1 O. E. Serial No. 81, p. 645.
«!&., p. 688.
•76., p. 72.
517
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
was marching forty miles a day and fighting day
and night to extricate itself from the toils of the
enemy, during which it was, according to all rule,
Sheridan 's special and particular duty with or with-
out orders to follow Hampton wherever he went.
Surely it cannot be imagined that Sheridan had
had enough of Hampton, or that he wanted to be
"counted out" of another "free fight" with his old
antagonist.
In sharp contrast with Sheridan's readiness to
believe the worst is the declaration of the Lieuten-
ant General ' '■ that the work done by Wilson and his
cavalry is of great importance, * ' * and ' ' more than
compensated for the loss we sustained." 2
Dana reported July 1 to the same effect :
. . . This raid seems to have surpassed all others
except Hunter's in the damage inflicted on the enemy.3
Neither were Meade nor Humphreys ready to
give up in despair. Both insisted to the last that
Sheridan should go to my assistance, and they, as
well as Burnside, expressed their gratification at my
return.4
But while Sheridan admits in his "Memoirs"
that the Weldon Eailroad near Reams Station was
not covered by our infantry, as General Humphreys
informed Wilson it would be, he strenuously denies
that his orders required him to look after or to re-
tain Hampton. On the contrary, he claimed that
his instructions required him to break up the depot
at White House and then bring the train across the
1 0. R. Serial No. 80, p. 560.
20. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 516 and 578; also No. 80, p. 28.
"See Dana's reports, O. R. Serial No. 80, p. 30 et seq.
40. R. Serial No. 81, pp. 509, 572.
518
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
peninsula as soon as practicable ; that these instruc-
tions were never modified; and that he began the
duty thus imposed on him on the morning of the
23rd, totally in the dark as to "what was expected
of Wilson,' ' and yet he admits from some corre-
spondence between Generals Grant and Meade,
which he never saw till after the war, that Grant
thought Wilson could rely on Hampton's absence
from the field of operations throughout the ex-
pedition.
But how under the pressing orders, sent by spe-
cial messenger on June 27 and urgently repeated
on the 28th and 29th, Sheridan could say he never
knew "till after the war" what was expected is
difficult to understand. To deny that it was his
clear duty to go to Wilson's assistance as soon as
he knew that Hampton had withdrawn from his
front is to deny that Grant and Meade knew the
meaning of the English language. Clearly, he
should have left his train under the guns of the
navy and crossed his troops without delay to the
south side of the James.1 Not to do so was to vio-
late the plainest rules of scientific warfare, as well
as to act contrary to his own most earnest convic-
tions that about the worst use that could be made
of cavalry was guarding wagon trains. Moreover,
he falls into two specific errors as to dates, both
bearing on his ability to reach Reams in time to be
of service to me. He moved from the White House
on June 22, and not June 23, as he states, and
Kautz did not rejoin the army June 28, but late
in the night of June 29. Under such circumstances
a whole day, or even four or five hours, earlier for
1 0. E. Serial No. 71, p. 559.
519
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
either Wright or Sheridan might have made all the
difference between disaster and the crowning suc-
cess of my expedition.
Strategically considered, Sheridan's admission
as to Humphreys' promise that our infantry should
hold across the Weldon Railroad is relatively unim-
portant in comparison with the Cavalry Corps'
presence on the left flank of our army, in position
to engage Hampton, or to follow him wherever he
might go. Wright, while waiting for other infantry
to take its stand in front of the enemy, had no diffi-
culty in reaching Reams and holding his position
across the road within five or six hours from the re-
ceipt of his orders. Nor would Sheridan have had
if he had, even with his late start, marched as
rapidly as cavalry should have done to the crossing
of the Jerusalem plank road and Warwick Swamp.
His next statement that the moment he received
orders to go to the relief of Wilson he "hastened
with Torbert and Gregg by way of Prince George
Court House and Lee's Mills to Reams Station"
is not in accordance with the Records.1 That a
great soldier like Sheridan, in face of his orders on
June 20 and subsequent dates, especially the 26th,
27th, and 28th, could indite, even after the lapse,
of a quarter of a century, such a paragraph as that
above shows that his memory must have failed or
that he wrote carelessly to say the least. If the or-
ders he received at 2 :45 p. m. of the 29th, to march
"with all the expedition possible," and "as rapidly
as possible," authorized him to delay until 5 p. m.
and then to march only twelve of the twenty miles
between him and Hampton, then the word "hasten"
1 " Sheridan 's Memoirs," p. 244.
520
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
has surely lost its meaning for cavalry. If to take
twenty hours more to cover the remaining ten miles
between Prince George Court House and Beams
Station is the best cavalry could do, then it has no
advantage over the infantry. Napoleon's phrase
about Grouchy 's "s'amuse a Gembloux" alone fitly
describes such slowness at such a juncture.
But further on Sheridan, writing as my corps
commander, does me the justice to say that my
retreat from the perilous situation at Beams Sta-
tion in the face of two brigades of infantry and
three divisions of cavalry was a most creditable
performance. Then, as though the praise was too
great, he criticizes me for relying too much on meet-
ing our infantry and for not marching on the 28th
by Jarratt's Station to Peter's Bridge, on the Not-
toway, and to Blunt 's Bridge, on the Blackwater,
to the rear of the army of the Potomac instead of
to Beams Station.
To all this the sure and unanswerable reply is
that in Sheridan's absence with his two splendid
divisions no route was open for my return and none
across which I might not have found Hampton's
entire cavalry, supported by Mahone's infantry,
within easy reach. Obviously, if I had not met
Hampton at Stony Creek and Beams Station, I
should certainly have found him at Jarratt's Sta-
tion or at Peter's Bridge, on the Nottoway, or at
Blunt 's, on the Blackwater. At any of these places,
as well as at Beams, his far heavier weight would
inevitably have occupied me until his infantry had
joined, in which event my last fate would have been
far worse than my first.
It is pleasant to add that in his final report at
521
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the close of the war General Grant did not, like
Sheridan, measure my services in terms of doubt-
ful equivalents, but tersely declared that "the dam-
ages to the enemy in this expedition more than com-
pensated for the losses we sustained. It severed
all connection by railroad with Eichmond [and
Petersburg] for several weeks. ' ' 1
Here, with the count decisively in my favor, I
might well leave it, but perhaps, after all, the most
conclusive evidence of the greatly preponderating
value of the expedition to us, in its results weighed
against our losses, will be found upon a brief glance
at the Confederates' side of the case.
The Richmond Examiner of July 5, 1864, imme-
diately after my return, urged that no prisoners
should thereafter be taken from raiding parties.2
The Richmond Examiner of the 7th and 8th were
full of fury over Wilson's Said;3 and, judging the
hurt to the enemy by the bitterness of his outcry,
his wounds, if not mortal, were painful, indeed, and
their effects continued to be felt till the close of
the war.
The Southern newspaper phase is fully covered
by the above extract and by the results of special
inquiry made by General Meade in reference to an
editorial of the Examiner of July 2, to which he
called my special attention. The curious reader will
find that subject in Meade's letter transmitting the
Examiner to me and in the reply of my subordinate
and myself thereto.4 But altogether the most
weighty and conclusive testimony as to the deadly
1 0. E. Serial No. 95, p. 25. a O. E. Serial No. 80, p. 35.
■ 0. E. Serial No. 80, p. 37.
«0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 632; No. 82, pp. 15-18; No. 68, p. 113.
522
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
nature of the blow is to be found in General Lee's
correspondence with the Confederate Secretary of
War, June 21, 1864. . . . "It is of the last im-
portance, then, that the Danville, Piedmont, and
Southside roads be well stock . . . and guarded
as effectively as possible against raiding parties of
the enemy. ' ' * Again, Lee, writing to Seddon, June
26, at the very time I was in the midst of the
operations against the Danville roads, and, refer-
ring to the necessity for its repair at once and to
its operation to its full capacity, concluded: "But
if this cannot be done, I see no way of averting the
terrible disaster that will result. f ' 2
As the concurrent evidence of the damage done
at the time shows that the railroad was put com-
pletely out of operation "for several weeks,' 9 it may
readily be inferred from Lee's language that the
blow was most effectual, if not fatal, in its results.
Great additional importance is given to the subject
by the further urgent appeals made by Lee to the
Confederate Secretary of War, to stimulate in every
possible way "the utmost exertion in repairing the
Danville Kailroad," and to that end to advise the
robbing of other railroads "by removing the rails
from those railroads not of prime necessity." This
correspondence further discloses a peculiar interest
and care for this particular line, inasmuch as it
directed that when the repairs were completed, the
fact should not be made known to the enemy and
that the newspaper publishers "should abstain
from any reference to it, even by implication. ' ' 3
10. R. Serial No. 81, p. 671.
"!&., p. 690.
»/&., pp. 696, 697.
523
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Seddon's replies are also interesting. On June
29 he wrote Lee two letters, in one of which he
referred to a letter of the 28th instant, "relative
to the necessity of obtaining a supply of railroad
iron," and said: "I agree with you as to the only
mode of accomplishing it and have already taken
active measures to remove the iron from the less
important roads. I shall have to encounter injunc-
tions and vexatious litigations, but the necessity,
in my judgment is too imperative to allow hesita-
tion in disregarding such proceedings so far as they
would prevent immediate command of iron. ' ' 1
In spite of this imperative use of all the re-
sources of the Confederacy available at Richmond
and vicinity for the repairs of the Danville Eailroad,
it remained out of commission certainly as late as
July 31.2 At least ten miles of it south of Meherrin
Station had not then been repaired.3 How much
longer it was lost to the Confederacy and how bit-
terly the deprivation was felt is not altogether a
matter of conjecture. John Tyler, a son or near
relative of a former president of the United States,
writing from Richmond to General Sterling Price,
July 9, 1864, acknowledging the damage done both
by Sheridan's raid and mine, bears unwilling wit-
ness to the thoroughness with which Wilson and
Kautz * * succeeded in cutting all our communications
with the provisioning states of Georgia and Ala-
bama,' ' which brought the Confederate people to
"actual want and starvation,' ' from which "the
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 701 ; No. 82, p. 754.
"Read in this connection Lee, Davis and Seddon, O. R. Serial
No. 88, p. 1194.
80. R. Serial No. 82, p. 692.
524
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
army itself cannot altogether escape.' ' This the
writer feared "more than the muskets and cannon
of the enemy. Onr situation in Georgia under
Johnston is similar to that here, but he is nearer
provisions and is in less danger of starvation. Flour
here is now commanding in market $400 per barrel
and everything else in proportion. Many in and out
of Eichmond must starve to death this coming
winter. ' ' 1
Perhaps the grimmest evidence that ' ' starvation
— literal starvation — was doing its deadly work" in
breaking down the Confederacy is found in the
"Beminiscences of General John B. Gordon.' ' That
sturdy and determined fighter, whom no one will
accuse of weakness or exaggeration, frankly de-
clares that many of Lee's men were so weakened
and poisoned by unsound and insufficient food that
wounds which would have hardly been reported at
the beginning of the war afterward often caused
blood poisoning and death. In illustration he told
how a man made sick at night by eating parched
corn would call out the next morning: w Hello, Gen-
eral, I'm all right now, and if you will have the
commissary issue me a good mess of minced hay
for breakfast, I'll be ready for the next fight."
Quoting one of the surgeons, he declared, "famine
oppressed them everywhere. ' ' A quarter of a pound
of rancid bacon and a little cornmeal was the ordi-
nary ration, but even that failed when the railroads
broke down or were destroyed, and the bacon, meal
and flour were left piled up beside the tracks in
the southwest.2
1 O. E. Serial No. 82, p. 758.
2 Gordon's ' « Eeminiscences of the Civil War," pp. 381, 419.
525
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Mrs. Burton Harrison, in her happily written
reminiscences of the dark days in Richmond, con-
firms the above, and it is now well known that my
deep cut into the vitals of the Confederacy was the
beginning of that ' ' terrible disaster ' ' feared by Lee
and which followed in the spring after a hard win-
ter had sapped the strength and morale of his army.
It is also an interesting fact that the work of de-
stroying the resources and communications of the
Confederacy, thus successfully begun in Virginia
by Hunter, Sheridan, and myself, was thoroughly
completed and the last blow struck by troops under
my command in March and April, 1865, during the
final campaign through the states of Alabama and
Georgia.
Measuring then the success of my operations
in south Virginia by the severity of the distress
and injury inflicted upon the enemy, it is apparent
that my blow struck home against the vitals of the
Confederacy and made it more than probable that
if Sheridan had united with either Hunter or my-
self, Lynchburg would have been captured and the
railroads south of the James would have been de-
stroyed beyond the hope of repair. With this done
our victorious return to the Army of the Potomac 1
would have enabled it not only to occupy the rail-
roads south and west of Richmond and Petersburg
permanently, but would have made it feasible for
Grant to end the war nearly a year earlier than
he did.
It should be noted that the cavalry operations
by which the railroads around Eichmond and Peters-
burg were so seriously interrupted have been com-
1 0. E. Serial No. 70, pp. 650, 652.
526
BREAKING LEE'S COMMUNICATIONS
monly called raids, but the military student will re-
gard them as serious and necessary parts of a gen-
eral campaign, which should have compelled the
evacuation of both those cities. That they fell short
of this expectation was certainly due, first, to
Grant's scattering instead of concentrating the
forces available for their execution ; second, to the
failure of the infantry confronting Petersburg to
extend its lines across both the country and rail-
roads to the Appomattox; and, third, to Sheridan's
failure, with or without orders, to follow Hampton
from the hour he disappeared from his front north
of the James, to the left of our army, where it would
have been easy for Sheridan to keep open the road
for my return to a junction with the Army of the
Potomac.
527
XX
RESTING AND REFITTING DIVISION ON THE
JAMES
Charges of Richmond newspapers — Meade asks for explan-
ations— Serious epoch — Early crosses Potomac and
threatens Washington — Sheridan in command against
him — Wilson goes to Sheridan's assistance — Interview
with Stanton at Washington — Covers Sheridan's rear
from Winchester to Halltown — Affair at Kearneyville
— Revisits Antietam battlefield — Return to Valley of
Virginia.
We had hardly got back and received the con-
gratulations of our friends when a Richmond news-
paper was sent me by General Grant claiming to
contain a correct account of my captured headquar-
ters wagon and of the articles found in it. It also
printed a note from Dana, written in such a char-
acteristically bad hand that it could not be deci-
phered, and hence as published made nothing but
nonsense. It alleged that a service of church plate
had been found among my effects, along with a lot of
wines and delicacies, on which they charged me with
being * ' a highwayman, a wine-bibber, and a modern
Sardanapalus. ' ' Grant and my friends considered
these denunciations as the best evidence that our
528
RESTING AND REFITTING
expedition had succeeded, not only in doing what it
had been sent for, but in giving a serious blow to the
enemy. As it was well known that I drank nothing
stronger than coffee and did not even permit liquor
to be brought to my headquarters, neither of these
charges gave me much concern. But Meade at first
took a more serious view of the matter, for without
delay he sent an official communication through the
regular channels,1 calling my attention to the state-
ment of the Richmond Examiner, July 2, 1864, and
asking an explanation of its allegations against my-
self and my command. Sheridan brought the com-
munication in person and as he handed it to me he
called out, without waiting for my comments:
"Damn him! Give him hell!,,
Of course, I replied at once in a formal report,
supported by certified copies of circular orders for
the government of my command, accompanied by
statements on honor of my assistants, adjutant, in-
spector, and provost marshal general.2 It was easy
enough for me to disclaim all knowledge of the
church service, the wines and liquors, and the high-
way robbery charges. Having done that, I called
attention to the fact that the outcry of the Rich-
mond newspapers in face of the precautions I had
taken to maintain discipline, instead of being a basis
of charges against me and my command, should be
considered rather as conclusive testimony to the suc-
cess of our raid and to the injury it had inflicted
upon the enemy. I am glad to add that as soon
as my report and the accompanying documents were
reached General Meade accepted them as " entirely
1 0. E. Serial No. 81, p. 632.
aO. B. Serial No. 82, pp. 15, 16, 17, ia
529
UNDEE THE OLD FLAG
satisfactory," 1 and the incident was closed. Meet-
ing him a few days later, he not only assured me
"that it was not his design to reflect upon either
myself or my command, ' f but then and there he ten-
dered me and my division his heartiest thanks. He
recognized fully our success and the great damage
we had inflicted upon the enemy's communications,
but, singularly enough, he made no reference what-
ever to the far more important matter of Sheridan 's
failure to follow Hampton, or to his own failure
to keep the roads open for our return to the army.
I learned afterward from Dana and Eawlins
that Meade 's action in this case was strongly disap-
proved by Grant, and that the latter was on the
point of making it the final grounds for removing
Meade from command of the Army of the Potomac
and for simplifying the organization of the forces
under his command. While neither proposition was
carried into effect, the former serves to show that
the relations between Grant and Meade, although
externally friendly, were really in what might be
rightly designated as a state of unstable equilibrium.
It indicates also that Grant was far from satisfied
with the arrangements as they existed, or with the
results obtained, and that it would have required
but little additional friction to bring about a reor-
ganization of the army at that time. Both Dana
and Rawlins declared that they had never seen
Grant so disturbed as he was on that occasion and
that he had more than once said openly that he
intended to remove Meade from command.2
1 0. R. Serial No. 82, p. 68.
2 See also "Dana's Recollections of the Civil War," pp. 226,
227, 228.
530
RESTING AND REFITTING
Naturally, the storm blew over, and yet the mili-
tary student, reflecting upon Meade's and Sheri-
dan's failure to hold the door open for me, might
well regret that it had not ended in Grant's taking
immediate and direct command of all the troops
serving in that theater of war and reducing Meade,
in spite of his undoubted merits, to the command
of an army corps. With Rawlins as chief-of-staff
and Humphreys as his professional assistant, no
better team could have been arranged for working
out the details of army movements and of securing
their prompt, orderly, and coherent execution. It
would, at least, have placed the responsibility upon
them as Grant's principal assistants and made it
known that to them and them alone should all fail-
ures in the details of military operations be
ascribed. How much sooner the war would have
ended, no one can state, but that it would have gone
forward in that theater at least in a much more
methodical and effective manner can hardly be ques-
tioned. Meade, although somewhat lacking in ag-
gressive temper, was an able and accomplished sol-
dier, but he, like the rest, would have found it much
easier to command an army corps than an entire
army, and much simpler to execute detailed instruc-
tions than to frame them himself, or to cause others
to carry them into effect with the promptitude and
regularity necessary for the success, without which
all military plans and operations are but wasted
effort and expense.
The war had now reached an important epoch.
Grant, after two months' continuous fighting and
fearful loss, had pushed his own army up against
Lee's fortifications with such reinforcements and
531
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
counter-works as to make his position practically
unassailable. He must, therefore, be dislodged by
strategy, as McClellan had been dislodged from the
north bank of the James two years before. The two
main armies having fought each other to a stand-
still at Petersburg and Hunter having been defeated
at Lynchburg and retreated toward the Ohio, in-
stead of down the valley of Virginia, an impasse
now followed, during which Lee seems to have be-
come somewhat overconfident. Eegarding his lines
as impregnable, he detached an additional force
from his army, with orders to menace Washington
and the country north of the Potomac. Confusion
and excitement followed at the national capital.
Grant, as Lieutenant General, had naturally absorbed
all power and responsibility. He was the actual
commander-in-chief, and it was then the custom for
all inferior commanders to take their orders directly
from his headquarters. In consequence of this cus-
tom, aided as it was by Grant's indisposition to
give detailed instructions, the generals commanding
at Washington and vicinity were more or less left
to their own devices, and, neither having supreme
authority over the other, military movements were
uncertain, while effective combinations were almost
impossible.
As the enemy made his appearance on the Mo-
nocacy in July, threatening to invest Washington,
Grant, who had not left the James, was called to
the new scene of action by the Secretary of War.
Dana had already advised him to come at once, if
he wished an effective defense to be made.1 He had
thereupon ordered the Sixth Corps to Washington.
1 ' ' Dana 's Becolleetions, ' ' p. 229 et seq.
532
RESTING AND REFITTING
Hunter, the senior general in that quarter, was get-
ting old. While a most gallant and aggressive
leader, he not only lacked decision, but his eccentric
retreat to the Ohio had effectually removed him
from his true field of operations. What the situa-
tion called for now was an active and vigorous
commander over all the forces covering the
national capital. After the battle of Monocacy and
the appearance of the Sixth Corps in the de-
fenses of Washington, Early and his Confederate
forces withdrew to the Valley of Virginia. This
made an aggressive campaign against him neces-
sary.
Sheridan, the cavalry commander, was detailed
to the new department, which included all northern
Virginia. The two divisions under his immediate
command, operating, resting, and refitting on the
James Eiver for nearly a month, were now in ex-
cellent condition for the first time.
Sheridan started for the Valley of Virginia on
August 1, where he was soon joined by Torbert
and later by myself with our respective divisions.
Mine at that time consisted of two brigades. The
first was commanded by Brigadier General John B.
Mcintosh, with the First Connecticut, Third New
Jersey, Second New York (four troops), Fifth New
York, Second Ohio, and Eighteenth Pennsylvania.
The second brigade, commanded by Brigadier Gen-
eral George H. Chapman, consisted of the Third In-
diana Detachment, First New Hampshire (seven
troops), Eighth New York, Twenty-second New
York, and the First Vermont. Battery M, Second
United States Artillery, with six guns, was attached
to the first brigade, and Batteries C and E, Fourth
533
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
United States Artillery, with six guns, was attached
to the second brigade. While all of the regiments
were small, they now mustered nearly five thousand
men for duty.
During the last five days, with the Army of the
Potomac, my division held the left flank from the
end of our infantry line to Lee 's Mill, where it con-
nected with the Second Cavalry Division. Having
been directed to cooperate with Torbert in an as-
sault upon the enemy's position near the Lead
Works, I made all my arrangements accordingly,
dismounting my entire division, sending the horses
to the rear, and deploying the troopers in single line,
ready to advance at the word when Torbert rode
upon the ground and asked me what the situation
was in my front.1
As I understood it, my orders required an as-
sault of the fortified line in front, without waiting
for anybody, but I pointed out the probability that
our attack would prove too light to break through
the enemy's entrenchments, whereupon, without
more ado, Torbert ordered me to withdraw my men
and remount. Without further action, much to my
surprise, he then reported that we had made a recon-
noissance against the enemy, and, finding him too
strongly fortified to justify a hope of success, had
not ventured to make the attack ordered, but had
gone into bivouac with both divisions in rear of
the ground they had occupied.
While Torbert in this case doubtless saved many
lives which would have been uselessly expended in
an assault in open order, as was the custom in those
J0. R. Serial No. 82, p. 670, Wilson to Forsyth; also p. 670,
Torbert to Humphreys.
534
RESTING AND REFITTING
days, his exercise of such discretion was quite new
to me. It was the first time I found myself along-
side either of the other divisions in line of battle,
and I naturally felt anxious that mine should acquit
itself creditably, but my surprise at the order not
to attack, after receiving positive orders from army
headquarters to do so, was greater, if possible, than
my anxiety that the division should give a good ac-
count of itself. It was new practice, and, I am
glad to say, one I never copied, for the idea that
any subordinate should fail to carry out positive
orders, or should report that he had carried them
out when he had not really tried to do so, had never
occurred to me as admissible in a great army with
such tasks before it as then confronted the Army
of the Potomac. Torbert was a good soldier who
had won special distinction with the infantry and
had done well with cavalry, but his military habits
were entirely different from mine. It seemed then,
and it has seemed ever since, that the exercise of
discretion in regard to a movement ordered from
head'quarters as a part of a general plan was haz-
ardous in the extreme.
Up to that time I had never failed to carry out
any order received from proper authority. So long
as plans or movements were open for discussion, I
gave my views fully and freely, but when time came
for action I left the responsibility to those in author-
ity over me and did the very best I could with the
means at my disposal, whether I approved the plan
decided upon or not. Under this rule I can truth-
fully aver that I never received an order to attack
or to go to any part of the field that I did not start
promptly at the time designated. Nor did I ever
535
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
fail to reach the point toward which I was directed.
This, it seems to me, should be the rule for all sub-
ordinate commanders, and yet the practice in the
Army of the Potomac was frequently different, often
leading to failures, as well as to ill-timed and dis-
jointed efforts, which generally ended in loss and
disaster.
On August 4, 1864, I withdrew from the left
of the army and took steamer at City Point for Gies-
boro Depot, near Washington, to refit my divi-
sion, to remount the dismounted men, and to ex-
change our heterogeneous assortment of firearms
for the Spencer magazine carbine, which had been
adopted as the standard for the cavalry largely on
my recommendation.
With the whole division refitted as fully as the
resources of the depot would permit, I began my
march through Washington and Georgetown on the
afternoon of August 12 to join Sheridan in the
Valley of Virginia.
It was a beautiful day, the division was in bet-
ter condition than ever before, many had new uni-
forms, the guidons were unfurled, the brigade bands
playing and the column of platoons, with clanking
sabers and clattering hoofs, made its impressive
way by Pennsylvania Avenue and Georgetown to
the Potomac bridge and country beyond. But the
weather was as hot and dry as it could possibly be.
Dana, who had joined me and was riding at my side,
suggested that we should both relish a plate of ice
cream. Thereupon we left the column to continue
its march, while we dismounted at Kidenour's, then
the principal restaurant in Washington, and pro-
ceeded to refresh ourselves, and I do not recall an
536
RESTING AND BEFITTING
instance in all my life when I enjoyed an ice more
thoroughly than I did upon that occasion. Of
course, we ate quickly and took to horse before the
rear of the column had passed.
Just beyond the war department an orderly over-
took me with the information that Secretary Stan-
ton wanted to see me at his office, and I reported
there immediately. Clad in field uniform, forage
cap, jacket, baggy trousers, top boots, a pair of sil-
ver spurs, and a rattling saber, I was shown at once
into the Secretary's office. I had not met him for
nearly three months, but as our relations had been
in no way intimate, I expected but little courtesy
and no civility at his hands. I am free to confess,
however, that when he received me without saluta-
tion or asking me to be seated, but broke out in a
loud and menacing voice : * ' General Wilson, I want
to know why you wrote that letter to Senator Har-
ris," I was somewhat surprised. As I did not re-
call the letter, I coolly asked : " What letter, Mr. Sec-
retary '?" Whereupon in a still louder and fiercer
tone he said: "That letter about reorganizing the
Second New York Cavalry.' '. With that explana-
tion I recalled the facts and at once answered : ' ' Be-
cause the Second New York Cavalry, although worn
down to four troops, is one of the best regiments
in the service and I wanted to interest the Senator,
for whom it is named the Harris Light Guard, in
its reorganization. I felt that with his influence I
could get Governor Seymour to fill up and return
the regiment to the field more promptly than it could
be done through the regular channels.' ' This said,
I concluded with some emphasis: "I therefore
wrote that letter because the interests of the public
537
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
service required it!" Thereupon the Secretary ex-
claimed with still greater violence: "Well, I am
surprised, Sir! By God, Sir, I am surprised! If
you had been one of those damned volunteers, I
should have thought nothing of it, but, coming from
you, Sir, a regular, who ought to know better, I am
surprised, Sir, that you should write such a letter
to any one except through the official channels.,,
After I had correctly and fully explained I
paused and then calmly asked if he had anything
further to say. To this he replied: "That's all!"
Thereupon I saluted, withdrew, and rejoined my
command on the march. The Secretary's outburst
was both violent and surprising, and when I state
that the Second New York rejoined a few weeks
later in the Valley of Virginia, under its boy colo-
nel, the gallant Hull, with one thousand three hun-
dred men and horses, I am sure I not only took the
right course, but gave the irascible Secretary ex-
actly the right answer.
I recount this trifling incident to illustrate the
irascible temper and undignified behavior of the
Secretary whenever he met an officer who did not
fear him or stand trembling in his presence. It is
too true that just such violent language was likely
to come from him whenever he met any one against
whose conduct he could raise either a technical or
a valid objection. He was undoubtedly a man of
great patriotism and determination, but I am sure
his violent outbursts of temper and profane lan-
guage arose from a serious defect of character. Had
he been capable of self-control, or had the manners
of a gentleman, he would have been a far greater
and more admirable Secretary. It has been fre-
538
RESTING AND REFITTING
quently stated that no living American could have
taken his place as Secretary of War, but, with some
personal knowledge and a good deal of corrobora-
tive information, I have always believed that his
temper and his bad manners were a serious blemish
upon his character and a serious detriment to his
usefulness. I am equally sure that there were other
men, even in his own department, who could have
filled that office much better than Mr. Stanton, not-
ably Mr. Dana, who was much better qualified by
actual contact with the army and its leading officers,
by business experience and natural capacity, as well
as by conviction, sanity of temper, and method.
The column reached Leesburg by night on
August 12. The next day I pushed on through
Snicker's Gap and Whitepost to Winchester, where
I formed a junction with Sheridan just as he was
retreating by the way of Berry ville toward Harper's
Ferry. Having joined Torbert's cavalry and Pen-
rose's infantry, I at once took charge of covering
their rear. With a good deal of sharp skirmishing
I drove the enemy's advance back upon Brecken-
ridge's corps, and thus closed the day, but we con-
tinued the march by night to Summit Point, where
we bivouacked just before daylight.
The army found a strong position at Charles-
town, a few miles farther on, but, for some reason
never explained, it retreated the next day to Hall-
town, three miles west of Harper's Ferry. Sheri-
dan had evidently not yet found himself. He per-
sistently overestimated Early's strength, not only
then, but till the end of the campaign. At all events,
he maneuvered most cautiously for the next four
weeks, during which time there was much comment
539
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
in the newspapers upon the uncertain outlook in his
military division. His caution, whatever its cause,
gave rise to much criticism of his assignment to so
important a command. Although over thirty-three
years of age and famed as an Indian fighter as well
as a successful commander of both cavalry and in-
fantry, he wTas thought by many too young and by
others too inexperienced for so great a responsibil-
ity. The country, therefore, grew exceedingly un-
easy, for, while Grant was making no progress south
of the James, Early's army in the lower Shenandoah
Valley was regarded as a great menace both to
"Washington and to Pennsylvania. While its real
strength was doubtless understated by the Confed-
erate authorities, there can be but little doubt that
Sheridan, on the other hand, overestimated it
largely from first to last. It will be recalled that
Grant finally made a demonstration at Petersburg
with the view of preventing further detachments,
but his operations were both futile and disappoint-
ing, and this served to increase the anxiety for
Sheridan. The price of gold rose rapidly to a height
never before reached. The country became almost
panic-stricken and even Grant himself, while pro-
fessing every confidence in his gallant lieutenant,
was evidently growing uneasy. During this season
of doubt and hesitation my division did its full share
of the work. It covered the rear, as usual, on the
retreat and one flank or the other next to the enemy
on the advance. At Halltown it held the extreme
right, connecting with the infantry and the Potomac
at Harper's Ferry. Torbert, Merritt, and Averell
were near Shepherdstown, where the Valley Turn-
pike crossed the Potomac. This was the situation
540
RESTING AND REFITTING
on August 25, when I received orders to cooperate
with Torbert in a movement by the way of Kear-
neyville, south of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
for the purpose of developing the enemy's position
and purposes.
Having joined Torbert promptly on time in a
clear, rolling, open country at Walper's Crossroads,
near the railway station, and, as this was the first
time the entire mounted force were united in an ag-
gressive movement, I was anxious that my division,
newly armed and equipped, should show what it
could do. Many of our cavalry commanders had ex-
pressed their incredulity as to the merits of the
Spencer magazine carbine with which all my regi-
ments were now armed, and, as it was the first
time in the history of war that an entire division
of troops had ever appeared on any battlefield with
magazine guns, both my brigade and regimental
commanders were alert to show what they could do.
Just after crossing the railway our pickets, well
out, reported the enemy as approaching. Hastily
dismounting the entire division, sending the led
horses to the rear and pushing the artillery close
to the front, our strong skirmish line, deployed at
intervals of only five feet, soon struck the enemy,
marching in column toward the north. With a for-
ward rush and a fire of surprising volume, we were
soon hotly engaged, overthrowing the enemy's head
of column and pushing him rapidly back a thousand
yards or more, capturing between sixty and seventy
prisoners, who were promptly brought to the rear
for examination. As they represented regiments
from all parts of Breckenridge 's corps, it soon be-
came clear that Early's whole army was again on
541
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
the road for Maryland. Kealizing that a solid line
of battle would be upon us as soon as it could form,
I reported these facts promptly to Torbert and took
the liberty of remounting my skirmishers with the
least delay possible. By this precaution I was ready
to withdraw as soon as orders to that effect could
reach me.
Having accomplished the purpose of this recon-
noissance in force, Torbert promptly directed that
the corps withdraw and that our respective divi-
sions should return to Shepherdstown and Halltown.
One of my officers, having gone to Torbert 's head-
quarters for such orders as he might wish to send
me, while waiting, overheard Torbert and Merritt
conferring and the latter say: "Give Wilson the
rear, with orders to hold on strongly till we get out
of the way. This will delay him, so that the enemy
will follow him to Halltown and give him hell, while
we return leisurely to our camps at Shepherds-
town. ■ ' My aid promptly reported this amiable sug-
gestion to me still on the field.
Fully perceiving the trap thus set for me, I has-
tily mounted the skirmish line and rear guard and
directed the officer in charge, while making as great
a show of resistance as possible, to fall back slowly
in open order, firing as the enemy advanced and
maneuvering with all the deliberation possible, with
the hope that we should thereby so delay the enemy
as to gain ample time for the division with its bat-
teries, after passing through the woods and gain-
ing the side road to Halltown under the screen of
the forest, to take the trot, with the calculation that
by the time the enemy got through we should have
disappeared entirely from sight. The skirmishers
542
RESTING AND REFITTING
were well and rapidly handled by Captain Blount,
a gallant young aid-de-camp, who in the midst of
it all, received a shot back of the ear, grooving his
skull and knocking him senseless to the ground. The
fall, however, revived him and, quickly remounting,
he rode by, holding his bleeding ear from the side
of his head and calling out cheerfully: "General,
do you think this good for twenty days?" As I said :
"Yes, go on," he rejoined his command, leaving the
rest of us with the escort to cover our disappearing
squadrons from the enemy behind the woods till
we reached Halltown.
Meanwhile, Early, losing sight of us, marched
straight down the turnpike till late in the evening,
when he fell upon Torbert 's unguarded camps with-
out warning and drove most of his troops into the
neighboring woods or into the Potomac. They were
so completely surprised that they made no effective
resistance. They had not even posted their pickets,
nor had they begun to unsaddle, hence the result
was not so disastrous as it might have been. Men
and officers scrambled to their saddles as best they
could in the darkness and confusion. Custer forded
the river to Sharpsburg, while Torbert and Merritt,
with several mixed and miscellaneous detachments,
drifted into my camp between nine and ten o'clock
that night in a state of disorder and confusion. Of
course, we sounded to arms and stood to horse at
once, waiting for the enemy or for orders, while
our unexpected visitors rode on to Sheridan's head-
quarters.
Having already bivouacked, unsaddled, groomed,
watered, and fed our horses and eaten our supper,
we were quietly resting behind our regular guards
543
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and pickets when the alarm was sounded at our out-
posts, but the first I knew of what had actually
taken place was from Torbert himself, who reached
my headquarters almost immediately afterward.
A half hour later Sheridan sent me orders, in-
spired by the discomfiture of his subordinates and
the fear that the enemy would, without opposition,
make a new invasion of Maryland, directing me to
march at once by Harper's Ferry through Pleasant
Valley and Boonsboro to Sharpsburg for the
purpose of joining Custer and watching the river
closely as far up as Williamsport. I was on the road
by eleven o 'clock. It was a beautiful, starlight night
and, as I was familiar with the country from the
Antietam campaign, I lost no time looking for roads,
but the incident of the night, unexpected as it was,
was not lacking in romance, slightly tinged with a
sense of gratification. Of course, I was sorry that
any part of the cavalry had been surprised and
driven from its camps, but, having been in no way
responsible for its division, and still less for Tor-
bert 's carelessness, I took no blame for extricating
my own division from the trap, nor for feeling glad
that the trap had closed rather on those who had
set it than on those for whom it was intended.
I marched all that night by the north bank of
the river, through the beautiful valleys separating
the parallel mountain ranges, and by daylight had
found Custer at Antietam Furnace, and, later in the
day, Averell still farther up the Potomac. It took
but a few hours more to make sure that the enemy
had given up his plan of again crossing the Poto-
mac and invading the North.
Obviously, it was now our duty to close in and
544
RESTING AND REFITTING
push Early as far south as our strength would per-
mit. Accordingly, without waiting for orders, I
recrossed the river at Shepherdstown on the 28th
and, marching by the turnpike to Charlestown, re-
occupied my old camp at Berryville, overlooking
the valley of the Opequan, in the direction of Win-
chester. It was a beautiful region of mountains and
fertile valleys, which had been the abode of Vir-
ginia 's most distinguished families for nearly a hun-
dred years. Its clear streams and rich harvests
had made it a favorite theater from the outbreak
of the war for the march of contending armies, and„
while it had been measurably stripped of its stock
and surplus provisions, it was still the cavalryman's
delight. Charlestown, the scene of John Brown's
trial and execution, had fully paid the penalty of its
intolerance. From the first its houses had been
looted and its people scattered. Its site was now
marked by a desolate array of standing chimne}rs
and every Northern detachment that passed through
it felt justified in singing at its loudest: "John
Brown's body lies moldering in the grave, while his
soul goes marching on!"
Berryville, in whose outskirts my camps were
pitched, had suffered no such misfortune. There
was no animosity against it, and its people were
treated as well as possible under the circumstances.
Guards were placed over their residences and their
little belongings were duly respected, though the
existence of a horse in the neighborhood fit for a
mount was a temptation that no cavalry soldier,
whether Federal or Confederate, could be expected
to resist. Just as we were going into camp the
staff officer who had been pushed off the bridge in
545
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
south Virginia had again swapped horses, this time
with a lad whom he met on the road. He had given*
a serviceable but somewhat antiquated mare in ex-
change for an exceedingly likely young horse and
was rejoicing in the exchange when, just as our
tents were rising, he cried out in a tone of anguish:
"By heavens, there comes the old mare!" There-
upon, an exceedingly handsome, well-dressed woman
was shown in and had hardly explained what she
wanted when the officer very gallantly accepted his
old jade and gave up the young horse. But this was
not the end; the lady immediately explained that
our men had also taken an excellent pair of young
mules, without which it would be impossible for her
to make a crop and carry on her farm work, both
of which were necessary for the support of her
young and innocent children. Her appeal was too
touching for me and I replied at once with such
gallantry as I could command that she might have
her mules also if she could find them. As we had
several hundred in our train and as all mules look
more or less alike, I had no idea that she could pick
out hers. Indeed, I did not suppose that there was
a woman in the Confederacy who could have done
so. But I was greatly mistaken, for within five
minutes she walked out of our camp, leading two
mules, much to the satisfaction of the aid-de-camp
who had taken back the old mare. We afterward
got to know the lady quite well and to regard her
both for beauty and intelligence as a most charming
person. During her next call I complimented her
by saying how glad I was she was not a man, and
when asked why I replied, because if she were a
man, she would be a Confederate brigadier, accord-
546
RESTING AND REFITTING
ing to my judgment, with brains enough to supply
a half dozen of the ordinary kind. As it turned out,
she was the wife of Lee's staff surgeon, and, I am
glad to add, her children not only grew up none the
worse for our presence in the neighborhood, but
afterward married greatly to the mother's satis-
faction.
The entire lower valley had a special interest for
me from the fact that my father was born near
Front Royal, a few miles further up, and, according
to tradition, his father had represented that dis-
trict in Congress from 1804 to the close of 1808.1
I had in my boyhood often heard my father speak
of it as a region abounding in good land, beautiful
streams, and patriotic people. From these circum-
stances I felt strongly drawn toward it and always
said that if the war should reach that stage in which
"our army should be divided as Parson Brownlow
is said to have proposed: * first the fighters, second
the burners and third the surveyors, 9 ' 9 1 hoped the
Government would set off my share in the Valley of
Virginia.
1 ll Biographical Congressional Directory," Alexander Wilson, p.
888.
547
XXI
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
Sheridan rests and reeonnoiters — Mcintosh captures
South Carolina regiments — Grant orders Sheridan to
"go in" — Battle of the Opequan or Winchester — Wil-
son opens the engagement — Torbert and Wilson in
pursuit — Gooney Run — Staunton — Browntown Gap —
Return to Harrisonburg — Wilson ordered West to re-
organize and command Sherman's cavalry.
From August 30 till September 13 we spent
our time in resting, feeding, setting shoes, drilling,
skirmishing, reconnoitering, and organizing an in-
telligence corps. Our front from Berryville ex-
tended from the Blue Ridge, through Millwood and
Whitepost to the Opequan. Our officers became en-
tirely familiar with the country and scarcely a rab-
bit could stir without their knowing it. The enemy,
especially the redoubtable partisan Mosby, was con-
stantly on the alert. Mosby was a dashing and en-
terprising fellow, liable when least expected to fall
upon an outlying detachment by night or to assail
one from a hidden nook in the woods by day. We
made special efforts to capture him and several offi-
cers told how near they were to success, but none
ever brought him in. He came there once, however,
on his own account, but did not remain long enough
548
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
to be counted a prisoner. It was early one Septem-
ber night, when the camp guards, pickets, and sen-
tinels were the only part of the command on watch.
Neither I nor my staff had yet gone to bed. My
adjutant, Captain Siebert, a herculean man and an
excellent volunteer, a native of Darmstadt, and two
of my aids were chatting with me by a smoldering
camp fire when suddenly we heard sharp and rapid
firing at the outposts, followed almost instantly by
still closer firing and a racket as though we had been
attacked by the enemy. The adjutant, ever vigilant,
instantly ordered the bugler to sound : ' ' To arms ! ' ?
The call rang out clear at once, and was repeated
from brigade and regimental headquarters till the
whole command had responded to the notes of the
bugle. The brigade commanders reported in less
than five minutes that their men were under arms
and ready for orders. Almost immediately a gal-
loping rush was heard through the camp within a
hundred yards of my own tent, followed in turn by
the rattle of carbines and then by silence. It took
but little to learn that Mosby, in a spirit of bravado,
had charged our camp, doubtless expecting to sur-
prise it and to pick up enough horses and prisoners
to repay him for his enterprise. But the firing at
the outposts and the sudden blare of the bugles
quickly convinced him that a surprise was impos-
sible. Such alarms were not infrequent. They cost
my division nothing more than broken rest, but they
were always welcome as good practice.
A few days later General Grant came to the Val-
ley of Virginia to confer with our commander, and
just before his arrival a spirited affair, in which
Mcintosh's brigade took the prominent part, stirred
549
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
up our camp and sent a thrill of excitement through-
out the army. On September 13 I sent Mcintosh
toward Winchester for the purpose of developing
exactly the enemy's position. The two armies were
separated by the Opequan and its tributaries. The
intervening country was well covered with timber
and the accidents of the ground were such as to
make concealed and secret approaches practicable.
Bushing rapidly by the Winchester Turnpike
through a deep gorge crossing the Opequan, Mc-
intosh struck the enemy's outpost near the stream,
and so great was his impetus and so unexpected his
coming that he captured two officers and thirty-seven
men. Without halting, he galloped rapidly through
the rising ravine, which screened him on both sides,
till he came within two miles and a half of Win-
chester, where he struck an infantry grand-guard
so posted as to cover the approach to the town. His
impulse carried him through the enemy's camp, and
gave him an entire regiment, which turned out to
be the Eighth South Carolina Infantry, with their
colonel, fifteen other commissioned officers, and a
hundred and twenty-seven enlisted men, and their
battle flags, all of which were brought to camp by
the middle of the forenoon.1 The affair not only re-
flected great credit upon Mcintosh but gave us an
exact view of the enemy's position, as well as the
ground over which our army had to advance in or-
der to engage him.
I met General Grant on September 17 at Sheri-
dan's headquarters, and, after receiving his con-
gratulation on our success, told him that so far as
xO. R. Serial No. 90, Sheridan to Grant, p. 24; also Mcintosh
and Wilson's official reports, pp. 530, 531.
550
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
I could see we should no longer delay our advance.
With the same advice from others and everything
ready he ordered Sheridan to "go in.,, Accord-
ingly at 2 a. m. on September 19 the general ad-
vance was begun from my flank of the army. Mc-
intosh, having been over the ground so recently,
naturally had the lead and before daylight was again
in contact with the enemy, this time followed
closely by the entire division, which debouched upon
the plain in front of Winchester. It started at two
o'clock and was soon in contact with Bamseur's
division, occupying the same position it held when
our first advance was made. Without waiting for
daylight, I put Pierce's battery of horse artillery,
supported by Chapman's brigade, in a position to
the right and then ordered Mcintosh with his en-
tire force, mounted and dismounted, to rush the
enemy's works, which he did in the finest possible
manner, breaking through and driving back the
enemy all along the line. But Eamseur, a classmate
of mine, and an accomplished soldier, quickly recov-
ered from his surprise and in turn led his men
against us with firm determination to regain his
lost ground and entrenchments. A fierce melee of
charge and countercharge ensued, in which both
sides put forth their best efforts. Every man of
the division became sharply engaged and, as every
man seemed to know the importance of success, but
few orders were necessary. Both brigade com-
manders fully understood that we had to hold the
captured entrenchments, and must continue to hold
them till our infantry arrived, and hold them we did.
With my staff and escort of Indiana troopers we
were in the midst of it, firing and slashing right and
551
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
left wherever we could see a rebel soldier. I dis-
charged twelve shots from my revolvers at close
range and then, with bugles blowing, drew my saber
and charged with the men as best I could.
In the midst of the excitement, before we knew
what would be the result, a little waif of a boy, not
yet in his teens, and known only as Jimmie, rode
up to me, crying as though his heart was broken:
"General, give me a squadron. The rebels have
captured Billy Brinton [Lieutenant Colonel com-
manding the Eighteenth Pennsylvania Cavalry] and
I want to charge and bring him out.,, But every-
body was engaged and there was no squadron, even
for this little paladin to lead. Brinton really was
a prisoner, but that night he rolled under a hedge
and escaped, rejoining us well up the valley the next
day. Meanwhile, we finally drove Eamseur's divi-
sion from its rifle pits and fence rail ' ' lay-out ' ' and
made good our possession. This was the most im-
portant performance of the day's operations, for
the captured ground and entrenchments were a part
of the field which we held till the following infantry
could deploy and develop a proper front for the final
advance against Early's position in rear.
In the midst of the fighting Colonel Sandy For-
syth of Sheridan's staff rushed upon the field, ex-
claiming: "This is splendid; you have got a bully
fight on hand!" Then, waving his hat, he dashed
into the thick of it, but, being an experienced sol-
dier, his enthusiasm soon cooled down, and, recog-
nizing the importance of making good our position,
he swung about and, galloping to the rear, called
out as he passed me: "What you need here is in-
fantry and I am going to hurry it forward as
552
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
rapidly as possible." With this he disappeared, but,
withal, it was eight o'clock before the Sixth Corps
arrived on the position we had captured.
During this action we lost quite a number, killed
and wounded, but captured something like a hun-
dred prisoners. The position we had gained, with-
out the prisoners, was worth far more than it cost.
It commanded an extensive plateau overlooking the
Opequan valley behind and the fields in front, which,
when occupied by our infantry, made it easy for
Sheridan to deploy his entire force in such an or-
derly manner as to give battle with the certainty
of success.1 The rest of the cavalry, which had been
watching the country in front of his right flank,
now pushed its way across the valley to the Win-
chester and Shepherdstown turnpike, where it finally
took up an important part in the operations of the
day.
Upton's brigade of Russell's division was the
first infantry on the ground. As soon as it made
good its position I moved well round toward the
Millwood pike, where I covered the left and front
of the army, and held my troops well in hand, ready
to advance at the word. Upton had been a cadet
with me for four years and was my intimate friend.
His service as an artillerist, a colonel of infantry,
and a brigade commander had been second to none
in the army. He was justly and generally even then
regarded as one of the best and most promising
officers of his age in the army. His conduct through-
out the day was most conspicuous and exemplary,
and it has always been my belief that to his action
10. R. Serial No. 90, p. 47, Sheridan's Eeport; also Wilson's
Report, pp. 516 et seq.
553
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
more than that of any other man the final victory
was due. He was the one infantryman who was
ever pushing to the front and it was to him, after
the death of his division commander, that splendid
soldier, General David A. Eussell, that the enemy's
position and its weakness became fully known. Al-
though badly wounded in the thigh by a fragment
of shell, which laid bare the femoral artery, he de-
clined to leave the field, although Sheridan in per-
son ordered him to the rear. Instead of going, he
caused his surgeon to stop the bleeding of the wound
by a tourniquet, and then threw himself upon a
stretcher and had himself carried about the field
till the battle was won and the enemy in full re-
treat.1 This was the most heroic action that came
under my observation during the war. It led, a
few weeks later, to my request that Upton, as soon
as able to return to duty, should be sent west to
command a division and assist me in reorganizing
Sherman's cavalry. His prompt acceptance and the
splendid service he rendered during the last cam-
paign led to a still closer personal and official in-
timacy, which lasted to the date of his melancholy
death. I shall have many occasions before closing
this narrative to refer to his high character and
gallant behavior while under my command.
Having gone to Sheridan's left front by nine
o'clock, I was constantly engaged throughout the
day in making reconnoissances and keeping careful
watch over that part of the field, though we had
but little actual fighting till late in the afternoon,
when we came in contact again with the enemy's
xO. E. Serial No. 90, Sheridan to Grant, p. 26; Sheridan's
Official Keport, pp. 46, 47, 54.
554
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
extreme right. Finding it concealed in a piece of
woods, I threw Mcintosh's brigade forward to dis-
lodge it. With his accustomed spirit, he led his
dismounted skirmishers, driving the enemy back and
taking possession of his shelter, but in the midst
of success his leg was shattered below the knee by
a bullet, which compelled him to leave the field. Bid-
ing by me to the rear with his leg dangling and his
face ashen pale, he briefly reported what had hap-
pened in order that I might direct the next in com-
mand to take his place. His leg was amputated that
night. Chapman's brigade strengthened our attack
and assisted in making good our advantage. In
turn Chapman himself was knocked from his saddle
by a bullet which struck his belt plate and put him
hors de combat for an hour or two, and finally sent
him on leave for twenty days, during which he won
and married a charming wife. Such incidents as
this make the soldier's life both interesting and ro-
mantic.1
But with all our earlier success and the advan-
tage it gave us, the battle developed slowly. The
enemy held every foot of ground as though he were
fighting for right rather than for victory. For-
tunately, my position gave me timely notice of every
favorable indication, so that when the enemy's line
broke and he finally gave way I led my division
across country to the Millwood pike, for Kernstown
and the Valley turnpike, with the view of intercept-
ing his retreat. The Second New York, under the
gallant Hull, so young and boyish that his sprout-
ing blond mustache could hardly be seen, followed
closely by the Third New Jersey and the Eighteenth
1 0. R. Serial No. 90, pp. 25-55, Sheridan '■ Report.
555
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
Pennsylvania, rushed with cheerful alacrity to the
work before them. In column of fours the exultant
troopers soon found themselves at the edge of an
old field opening in front of a cavalry brigade oc-
cupying the other side in full line of battle. Without
a moment 's hesitation, the youthful but veteran Hull
called out: "Draw sabers! Front into platoon!
Gallop, charge \" And as they emerged from the
woods and took the new formation they galloped
straight through the enemy, scattering them in all
directions like leaves before the wind. It was as
prompt and efficient a piece of cavalry work as ever
took place, and, as it was helped on by Captain
Boice with his newly organized scouts, which struck
the enemy at the same time on his right and rear,
the rout was complete. It overwhelmed the enemy 's
last brigade and opened the way to the rear of
Early's main line.1 Hull was closely followed by
the other regiments, but, as their route lay through
forest and farms, the march, especially for the bat-
teries, was materially delayed by the ravines, stone
fences, and rough country of that region. This ex-
plains why my division did not strike the retreating
rebel army full in flank till after nightfall. But,
withal, the pursuit continued till ten o'clock, our
troopers repeatedly charging the enemy, scattering
his detachments, picking up prisoners, and capturing
his impedimenta. Darkness at last made it impos-
sible to distinguish friend from foe. More than one
of our detachments charged another. Much con-
fusion and doubt ensued and this prevented the cap-
ture of as many prisoners as should have fallen to
our lot. As it was, I bivouacked near Kernstown,
xO. R. Serial No. 90, Wilson's Report, p. 518 et seq.
556
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
five miles south of Winchester, at ten o'clock, but
it was not till toward midnight that my regiments
were all in hand and their whereabouts known.
The battle, while counted a brilliant success, hung
in the balance from 8 a. m., when the Sixth Corps
began to arrive on the field, till the middle of the
afternoon, and this uncertainty was due to the ir-
resolute action of the infantry and especially of the
Nineteenth Corps under Emory and the so-called
Army of West Virginia under Crook. For reasons
never satisfactorily explained, those organizations
were slow to reach the field and still slower to de-
velop line and attack the enemy. Upton always
claimed that they were not only slow and timid, but
badly handled throughout the day.
Sheridan limits his fighting force in that battle
to twenty-six thousand men, but whether this is an
under- or over-estimate is not important, since the
rebel figures given after the war, while habitually
understated,1 still leave it probable that Early had
not over half as many in the battle as we had. But,
whatever may have been our preponderance of force,
and there can be no doubt that it was considerable,
both in the battle and in the campaign which fol-
lowed, Winchester was the first battle of the war in
which the cavalry was properly handled in coopera-
tion with the infantry, and in which it played the
decisive part. Without reference to the additional
trophies it might have won had the infantry acted
with as much elan and decision as it might have
acted, it seems certain that, but for the capture of
the entrenchments and the field on which the in-
XC. F. Adam's "Studies; Military and Diplomatic, ' ' p. 282
et seq.
557
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
fantry formed its line and from which it advanced,
although with much delay, it could not possibly have
won the signal victory of that memorable day, and
there are many who believe that it might have been
driven from the field had Early at any time after
eight o'clock assumed a vigorous offensive. The
simple fact is that the infantry was slow, and that
with all his energy and dash Sheridan was not yet
the whirlwind of battle he afterward became.
It is equally certain that the victory, although
overwhelming, did not give us as many prisoners
or as many spoils of war as it should have done.
Had the break come sooner or had the cavalry been
kept united and thrown earlier in the day against
the enemy's line of retreat, it might have captured
Early's entire force.
As soon as light enough to see the next morning,
I renewed the pursuit, but without any great addi-
tions to our captures. Sheridan had ordered my
division to leave the main valley road at Middletown
and turn toward Front Royal, but it had not gone
far before it struck Wickham's cavalry, which it
drove rapidly across the Shenandoah. In the run-
ning fight my inspector, Captain Russell of Maine,
one of our best and bravest officers, was wounded
in the knee by a shot so small that none of us thought
it serious, but his leg was amputated that night,
which was followed by death in less than forty-eight
hours. In these days of antiseptic surgery he would
have lost neither his leg nor his life.
At daybreak on September 21 we forced our
way across both branches of the Shenandoah and
attacked the rebels at Front Royal, but the morning
was so foggy that the men in the fighting line could
558
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
not see thirty yards. As the lay of the land was
unknown, I ordered that every bugler should sound
the charge and, when it is remembered that we had
two buglers at our headquarters, two at each bri-
gade and regimental headquarters, and two with
each battery and troop, and that we had ten regi-
ments in the division, it will be seen that we had
about two hundred and fifty buglers all blowing at
the same time. As the hills reechoed the bugle notes
and the shouting of the captains, the air was filled
with a swelling volume of sound, which might well
have frightened a larger force than the one before
us. Ten thousand men could not have made a
greater noise and as it came from all sides the enemy
broke and ran in all directions, but in the gray of
the morning and the dense fog but few prisoners
were taken.1 The line of retreat was up the Luray
Valley through Massanutten Gap to Newmarket and
the pursuit was renewed as soon as it was light
enough to see the road. Later the same day Tor-
bert with his division overtook us and held command
of the united force till we rejoined the army on Sep-
tember 25.
While pressing the enemy that morning my ad-
vance came near plunging headlong into the chasm
of Gooney Eun, where the enemy had paused long
enough to burn the bridge at the foot of a sharp
down-grade. The rocky chasm thus left was many
feet deep and impassable for any creature except
mountain goats. As it extended both ways for a
mile or so, it took several hours to find a way of get-
ting our guns and horses across. This annoying
circumstance gave the enemy ample time to burn
lO. E. Serial No. 90, p. 26, Sheridan to Grant.
559
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
other bridges and make fence rail M layouts,' '
which delayed us from rejoining Sheridan in the
valley beyond till after the battle of Fisher's
Hill.
The day after that, however, we were further re-
enforced by Lowell's brigade, and pushed up to
Staunton, arriving there at 7 p. m. on the 27th. The
town, with a large number of convalescent and
wounded men, a great quantity of hard-bread, to-
bacco, military equipments, clothing, and camp
equipage, fell into our hands. After taking what
we needed and destroying the remainder, we pushed
on to Waynesborough, where we spent several hours
burning the bridges and tearing up the tracks of
the Gordonsville and Staunton Eailroad.
We left Sheridan resting at Harrisonburg. With
the beautiful country and the fine, bracing weather,
all the conditions for continuing the campaign were
unusually favorable, but the enemy, by burning the
bridges behind him, had made it impossible to over-
take him. With but one turnpike in each valley,
the minute we left that and took to the country roads
we lost, while the enemy gained, both time and dis-
tance. As a consequence we did not bring him to
bay again till he got beyond the Browntown Gap,
through which Torbert concluded it was not prudent
to follow him. Sheridan remained far behind,
though there is now but little doubt that he might
have continued the pursuit till he had driven Early
back on Lee, instead of putting that off till six
months later.
Perceiving doubtless that our infantry was not
at hand, Early turned fiercely upon us late in the
afternoon of the 29th between Waynesborough and
560
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
Browntown Gap, driving in our pickets and pushing
us back so fiercely that we at once concluded his
retreat was at an end, or that he had received re-
enforcements and intended to drive us down the
valley if possible. But, while this was dawning on
us, Torbert, instead of fighting, gave orders to re-
tire, as he alleged, in compliance with orders from
Sheridan, and we were arranging to do so when
the enemy appeared in full force. With our bat-
teries in position we opened on his and soon became
hotly engaged. Torbert and I met in the turnpike
with our officers and escorts and were consulting as
to the manner of withdrawing when it became ap-
parent that the enemy had got our range far too
closely for comfort. I, therefore, suggested that
we had better get out of the road and take position
in the open field, but our horses had hardly moved,
when flash, whiz, bang! came two shots, raking the
turnpike exactly where we had stood facing each
other, scattering both officers and men and maiming
a lot of horses, but, fortunately, wounding none of
us. It was an exciting moment. The thought of
danger, the slight movement of Torbert and myself,
and the flash of the rebel battery followed each other
"in the twinkling of an eye." My servants were
getting supper a few yards away when a shot struck
the camp fire, scattering pans and skillets and scar-
ing the servants out of their wits. Gathering them-
selves hastily together, packing up their effects, and
tossing them into the mess wagon, they took the
road to the rear in a hurry while my colored boy,
who had been with me from Vicksburg, rode up, ex-
claiming: "Gene'l, there ain't going to be no sup-
per, 'case it's all broke up and scattered, an' you'd
561
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
better light out and take care of yo'self, for if you
get killed, I can't stay in dis wa' nohow !"
Meanwhile Torbert had, as usual, given me the
rear, with notice that the other troops would "get
back" as rapidly as possible and leave me "a clear
road.'' In retreat this is about the best thing one
cavalryman can do for another, and it was most ac-
ceptable at this juncture. The enemy's guns were
now pouring roundshot and canister from the hills
beyond, while his infantry was in full swing toward
us, their rifles flashing in the gathering gloom like
an innumerable swarm of fireflies. There was not
a minute to lose. Hastily sending my aids to the
brigade and regimental commanders with orders to
withdraw from the outer flanks till only two regi-
ments were left in line, and directing headquarters
to take the road without delay, I held on till the
movement was well under way. Night was now on.
My officers and orderlies were all guiding troops
to the rear, but it was now so dark that I could not
see whether the last two regiments had gone or were
still facing the enemy. There was nothing to do but
go in person to find out. I, therefore, gave my horse
the spur and had hardly got started when I found
myself under a heavy fire, with none of my men in
sight. I turned about and rode to the rear at once.
Not a soul but the enemy was in sight, and it was
then so dark I could not make out clearly what was
going on. Hence I took a sharp trot down "the
middle of the road," and soon found myself in a
deep cut, with the enemy firing sharply at me from
both sides. I was in a perilous position, expecting
every moment to be killed, but the sunken road saved
me by causing the enemy's shots to pass over my
562
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
head. I had already drawn my revolver and as I
caught the flash of the nearest rifle I fired in return,
aiming low and hoping to kill. My speed was fast,
and yet I had time before getting clear of the enemy
to empty both pistols, and this I did with as much
deliberation as I could bring to the task. I always
regarded this as the narrowest escape of my life.
I had hardly replaced my pistol and dropped
into a leisurely pace when I heard spurs jingling,
sabers rattling, and horses' hoofs clattering on the
turnpike. Fearing that the enemy had passed around
and would finally capture me, I heard with bated
breath a hail out of the darkness : ' ' Halt ! who comes
there ?" But, as described elsewhere, I recognized
the familiar voice of Captain Hull, who was coming
with a squadron of the Second New York Cavalry
to rescue me if possible. While the recognition was
mutual, I have always regarded this incident as a
great tribute to the character and devotion of that
splendid young soldier.
We were finally clear of the enemy, but contin-
ued our night march through Staunton to Spring
Hill, where we halted the next morning at daylight.
After resting and feeding we leisurely resumed the
march to Harrisonburg, where the campaign ended
for the present to the satisfaction of all concerned.
But, fortunately for us, Early was not willing to
let it rest at that. With blundering fatuity, but un-
usual daring, he pushed his fortunes to a fatal dis-
aster, for he was overwhelmingly defeated a few
days later at the decisive battle at Cedar Creek.
My campaigning in the East had, however, ended
at Harrisonburg on September 30 by an order
relieving me from further duty with Sheridan and
563
UNDER THE OLD FLAG
directing me to proceed without delay to Atlanta,
Georgia, and report to General Sherman for the
purpose of reorganizing and commanding the cav-
alry of his military division.
I had led the Third Cavalry Division constantly
for nearly six months. It was first to cross the
Eapidan and first to engage the enemy in the Wild-
erness. It was the only division to occupy Spott-
sylvania Court House. It did its full part in the
battle of Yellow Tavern, where Jeb Stuart was de-
feated and killed. It marched to the James Eiver
and then rejoined the army with the cavalry corps
at Chesterfield Station, where it made a successful
turning movement against Lee's left and rear. It
took part in all Grant's operations till he confronted
and besieged Lee in his works at Petersburg. From
the Chickahominy to Prince George Court House,
including the passage of the James, it was the only
cavalry division present with the army. From
Prince George it moved by the way of Reams Sta-
tion against the Weldon, the Southside, and the Dan-
ville railroads, destroying them so completely that
they were out of service for nine weeks. With only
four weeks' rest it rejoined Sheridan in the valley,
where it took a leading part in the battle of Kear-
neyville, Winchester, and Waynesborough. During
this period it captured many prisoners and partici-
pated in twenty-six fights and skirmishes. It
marched one thousand three hundred and fifty miles
from the 1st of May to the 1st of September, and
did its full share of the cavalry work at all times
and in all places.1 And yet the division grew stead-
ily in strength and efficiency. With only three thou-
1 O. E. Serial No. 90, p. 520, Wilson 's Keport.
564:
IN THE VALLEY OF VIRGINIA
sand six hundred troopers in the saddle, we crossed
the Rapidan five months before, and, yet, with all
our losses, the division numbered about five thou-
sand men for duty when I left it. Every man was
mounted and every non-commissioned officer and pri-
vate was armed with a Spencer carbine. All things
considered, it had become as good a division of cav-
alry as ever upheld the Union cause. This is shown
not only by the extraordinary services I have just
outlined, no less than by its splendid deeds under
Custer, my gallant successor. Its two best regi-
ments were the Fifth New York and the First Ver-
mont from the opposite sides of the Champlain Val-
ley. They were almost to a man of Anglo-American
stock, steady, amenable to discipline, natural cav-
alrymen, devoted to the Union and without hatred
or passion, they were ever ready for the fray. The
division contained, besides two other New York regi-
ments, one Connecticut, one New Hampshire, one
Ohio, and one Pennsylvania regiment, one troop
from Indiana and two regular batteries of horse ar-
tillery, all splendid specimens of the American sol-
dier and a complete epitome of the Northern people.
By constant work, constant instruction, constant at-
tention to the details of discipline and equipment
and by the gradual perfection of their armament
they had become, without bravado or bluster, model
American cavalry, fully competent to grapple with
any military task that might confront them.
On the day I left I was aroused before sunrise
by the reveille, which, as custom required, started
with my own buglers and was taken up in turn at
brigade and regimental headquarters, and then by
troop and battery, till mountain and valley, forest
565
* UNDER THE OLD FLAG
and field, reechoed with the strains of martial music.
Nothing conld have been more stirring than bugle
answering bugle on that clear, chilly morning.
Borne, at first softly, in upon the awakening sense,
gradually swelling as note answered note and finally
dying out in the distance with a delicious and linger-
ing concord of sweet sounds, it was an experience
never to be forgotten. The regret which I naturally
felt at parting with the gallant comrades whom I had
come to regard as brothers in the great cause, filled
my heart with sympathy and affection which have
lasted to this day. Perhaps it was a similar feeling,
mingled with grateful ambition, that warmed the
heart of my successor and inspired his tongue with
pleasant words and generous assurances, ending in
an offer to serve with me in the West, and making
us better friends than ever before.
After turning the division and its permanent
staff over to him, with the brief remark that he
knew it as well as I did, I took my leave and started
with my aids and an escort of fifty men to Martins-
burg, on the way to Washington, for the purpose
of completing my arrangements for the great com-
mand and responsibilities which had been imposed
upon me in the West. While Grant authorized Sher-
idan to send either Torbert or myself to reorganize
and command Sherman's cavalry, both Sheridan
and I felt that the great task was really intended
for me, and, as Torbert did not care to leave the
Army of the Potomac, the detail fell to my lot.
566
INDEX
Ames, General Adelbert, 447.
Ammen, Daniel, U. S. N., 96.
Anderson, General, C. S. A.,
501.
Anderson, Major Robert, U. S.
A., 60.
Andrew, Governor, 341.
Andrews, General John W., U.
S. V., 57.
Andrews, John N., U. S. A.,
18, 59, 399, 427, 462, 477
et seq., 545 et seq.; joins
staff, 426.
Antietam campaign, 100 et seq.,
225.
Army of Potomac, 401.
Army reorganization, plan of,
229 et seq.
Asboth, General, 251.
Averell, General, 540, 544.
B
Babcock, Lieutenant Colonel,
283, 361, 378, 424.
Badeau, Adam, 81, 89, 191,
192, 347, 361, 378.
Baird, General Absalom, 298,
302.
Banks, General N. P., 238.
Barlow, General, 447.
Barnes, John S., U. S. N., 83,
96.
Battle above the clouds, 293.
Beard, Lieutenant Colonel, 81,
85.
Beaumont, E. B., 399.
Beauregard, General G. T., 60.
Ben Deford, steamship, loading,
77 et seq.
Benham, General, 87, 96.
Benjamin, Colonel, 433.
Benton, Major James G., 16.
Black Hawk War, 4.
Blair, Francis P., 63, 64.
Blair, Montgomery, 64.
Blount, Captain, A. D. C, 543.
Boice, Captain, 53.
Borland, Harold, cadet, 21.
Bowen, General, C. S. A., 220.
Bowen, Nicolas, 103, 106, 416.
Bowers, Theodore F., 136, 138,
347, 348, 361, 389, 390 et
seq.
Bowman, Charles S., 19.
Bragg, General Braxton, C. S.
A., at Chattanooga, 284,
292, 296; retreats, 301,
403.
Brannan, General J. M., 298.
Brinton, Lieutenant Colonel,
552.
Bruinsburg Landing, 171.
567
INDEX
Buckner, General Simon B., C. Congo plantation, 170.
S. A., Ill, 403.
Buell, General D. C, 60, 150.
Buford, General Napoleon B.,
250.
Burnside, General A. E., 104,
106, 110 et seq., 357, 364,
394, 432, 454; at Knox-
ville, 281 et seq.; anxious
to cross Holston, 283.
Butler, General Benjamin F.,
357, 360, 368, 415, 416,
417, 423, 509, 510.
Cady, Surgeon, 255.
Casey, Samuel K., 7.
Casey, Thomas L., U. S. En-
gineers, 16.
Cavalry Bureau, 321 et seq.
Chance, Orderly, 473.
Chapman, Colonel George H.,
381, 382, 384, 407, 408,
430, 433, 442, 459, 464,
466, 477, 513, 533, 551;
promoted, 456 ; wounded,
555.
Chattanooga campaign, 263 et
seq.
Class of 1855-1860, 9 et seq.
Cleburne, General, C. S. A.,
298.
Clitz, Henry B., 16.
Cogswell, Milton, 16.
Colburn, A. D. C, 122.
Collins, Napoleon, 96.
Comstock, Colonel Cyrus B.,
317, 418, 445.
Conspiracy, 354 et seq.
Cosby, George B., C. S. A., 16.
Couch, General, 109.
Cracker line, 279.
Craig, Captain Thomas E., Illi-
nois Rangers, 3-4.
Craighill, William P., 16.
Crawford, General, 380.
Crocker, 223, 322.
Crook, General George, 49, 348,
358, 557.
Cullom, Shelby M., U. S. Sen-
ate, 24, 25.
Cullum, General, 61.
Cunningham, John M., 7.
Cunningham, Mary (Mrs. John
A. Logan), 7.
Cushing, Samuel T., 19.
Cushman, Captain, 433.
Custer, George A., 101 et seq.,
361, 364, 407, 413, 419,
543, 544.
D
Dahlgren, Admiral, Ulric, 370.
Dana, Charles A., 161, 330,
339, 342, 348, 416, 424,
444, 445 et seq., 454, 455,
471, 530, 536, 539; "eyes
of the government", 161,
166; letters of, to Stan-
ton, 177, 184, 188, 193,
214, 265; rides to Chatta-
nooga, 268; at Knoxville
with Wilson, 281, 307; re-
turns to Washington, 316,
325 ; recommends Wilson
for Cavalry Bureau, 326.
568
INDEX
Davies, Henry E., 361.
Davis, General Jefferson C,
283.
Davis, Jefferson, President
Southern Confederacy, 4,
23.
DeHart, Henry V., 49.
Delafield, Colonel R., 16.
Dennison, Governor, 343.
Dickey, Colonel T. Lyle, 67.
Dixon, Joseph, 36.
Douglas, Stephen A., 23, 25,
44.
Drayton, Percival, U. S. N.,
96.
Duane, Major James C, 16,
104.
Duff, Colonel W. L., 317.
Dunn, William M., A. D. C,
318.
DuPont, Admiral, 70, 96.
E
Eagle Valley Retreat, 15.
Early, General, 485, 543, 558;
menaces Washington, 540.
Edson, Theodore, 17.
Ekin, Colonel, 339.
Ellard, Colonel, 329, 330.
Emory, General, 557.
Featherstone, General, C. S. A.,
215.
Ferrero, General, 496.
Finnegan, General, C. S. A.,
502.
Fisher, Colonel, 104.
Fitzhugh, Charles L., 381, 412,
471.
Floyd, John B., 32.
Floyd-Jones, 49.
Foraker, Senator, 34.
Forrest, N. B., 409.
Forsyth, James W., 387.
Forsyth, Sandy, A. D. C, 552.
Fort, Lieutenant, 468.
Foster, Samuel A., 18.
Franklin, General, William B.,
100-109.
Fries, Andre, librarian, 10.
Fry, James B., 16.
G
Garrard, Kenner, 327.
Gibbes, Wade H., 20.
Gibbon, General John, 16, 105,
496, 501.
Gillmore, Quincy A., 70, 87,
95, 96, 357, 360, 416.
Goddard, Captain, A. D. C,
412.
Gogorza, Anthoine de, 33.
Gordon, 382.
Gordon, General John B., 386;
anecdote concerning, 525.
Grand Gulf, 170.
Granger, General Gordon, 296;
detached, 303; slow start-
ing on part of, 304; char-
acter of, 306, 327.
Grant, Frederick D., 193.
Grant, Ulysses S., 33, 95, 100,
137 et seq., 147 et seq.,
225, 237; 456, 469, 471,
569
INDEX
482, 485, 486, 491, 497,
506, 526 et seq.; recom-
mends consolidation of de-
partments, 149, 155; runs
batteries at Vicksburg,
166; lost on river, 167;
crosses at Bruinsburg, 171
et seq.; at Battle of Port
Gibson, declines reconcil-
iation with McClernand,
174 et seq., 193 et seq.;
occupies Jackson, 202 ;
concentrates army, 204,
206, 207; closes in on
Vicksburg, 208 et seq.,
212; relieves McClernand,
217; visits New Orleans,
239 et seq.; horse falls,
244; is ordered to Chat-
tanooga and meets Stan-
ton, 260; Military Di-
vision of the Mississippi,
and, 262; arrives at
Bridgeport, rides to Chat-
tanooga and meets Thomas,
268, 273; sends orders to
Burnside, 284 et seq.;
makes plans at Missionary
Ridge, 292, 299; rides to
front, 300; losses of, at
Missionary Ridge, 301 ; fol-
lows Sheridan, 302; so-
licitude of, for staff, 303;
future plans , of, 315 ; at
Nashville, 317; "War in
this country now," 319;
headquarters of, at Nash-
ville, and plans for future,
321 ; characteristics and es-
timate of, of officers, 322,
570
326, 327, 341, 344; promo-
tion of, 346,347,348; vis-
its Washington, 349, 354,
355 ; overland campaign
of, 357, 358, 360, 361,
362, 365, 366, 374, 375,
376, 378 et seq., 384, 388;
in Wilderness, 389 et seq.,
393, 394, 401, 402, 403, 405,
415, 416, 417,419, 422, 423 ;
advances to the James,
426, 440, 441; dissipates
cavalry, 442, 443; respon-
sible for head-on attack,
444; abandons "Smash 'em
up" policy, 446 et seq.;
takes warning, 448; at
Cold Harbor, 450, 451;
crosses the James, 453;
telegraphs Butler, 494 ;
dissatisfied with Meade,
530; assumes direct com-
mand, 531; absorbs all
power, 532, 540; in Valley
of Virginia, 549 et seq.
Gregg, David, McM., 364, 383,
384, 395, 413, 440, 504 et
seq., 517.
Griffith, Sergeant, 179 et seq.
Grimshaw, Dr., 56.
H
Hains, Peter C, U. S. En-
gineers, 205.
Hall, Robert H., 18.
Halleck, General Henry W.,
98, 339, 359, 490.
Halpine, Charles G., 92.
INDEX
Hamilton, John, 70, 87.
Hammond, Colonel John, 380,
382.
Hampton, General Wade, 380,
382, 408, 409, 430, 440,
451, 458, 465, 469, 470,
473 et seq., 482, 487 et seq.,
492, 497, 501, 502 et seq.,
507, 509, 516 et seq.; not
idle, 493; claims success,
517 et seq.
Hancock, General, 403, 454,
507.
Hardee, William J., 11, 12, 100.
Hardie, James A., 49, 60.
Harris, Ira, Senator, 537.
Harrison, Elinor, 1.
Harrison, General W. H. H., 3.
Harrison, Mrs. Burton, 526.
Hartsuff, General, 104.
Hecker, Colonel, Illinois Volun-
teers, 312 et seq.
Hickenlooper, Captain, 206.
Hilton Head, 72 et seq.
Hodges, Henry ft, 48, 49.
Hodson, of Hodson's horse, 52.
Hoffman, Ernest F., Engineer,
309; romantic career of,
310.
Holabird, -Samuel B., 16.
Hooker, Goneral Joseph, 104,
105, 116; wants Grant to
call, 264; marches through
Lookout Valley, 277; Bat-
tle of Wauhatchee, 278;
slow at Missionary Ridge,
296; on the right, 301.
Hopkins, Edward R., 19, 116.
Horse contractors arrested,
330.
Hovey, Albin P., 344.
Howard, General O. O., 16,
264; at Missionary Ridge,
292.
Huger, Frank, 20.
Hull, Colonel, 555 et seq., 563.
Humphreys, General A. A., 33,
443, 458, 479, 482, 492,
495, 498 et seq., 507.
Hunter, General David, 87 et
seq., 91, 92, 95, 119, 440,
483, 485, 491, 492, 526,
533.
Hurlbut, General Stephen A.,
25, 252.
Ingalls, General Rufus, 497;
investigates Sheridan, 515.
Inspection orders and instruc-
tions, 245.
Jackson, William H. ("Red").,
143.
Jayne, William, 26.
Jimmy ("The Boy"), 552.
Johnson, Andrew, 332 et seq.
Johnston, General Albert Sid-
ney, C. S. A., 41, 60.
Johnston, Joseph E., C. S. A.,
4, 60, 199, 204, 403.
Jones, Mason (colored), 170,
561.
Jones, William G., 18.
Jordan, William H., 19.
571
INDEX
Kautz, Colonel A. V., 339, 455,
456, 461, 462, 463; at
Reams Station, 466 et seq.,
471, 509; quits, 510; a
typical infantryman, 511,
519.
Kearney, General, 58.
Kellogg, Josiah H., 18.
Kerr, John M., 20, 102.
Kidnapping in Illinois, 5.
Kilpatrick, General, 361, 368
et seq., 409.
Kingsbury, Colonel, 110 et seq.
Kittoe, Dr., 210, 257, 317.
Kossuth's nephews, 252.
Lewis, Martin, V. B., 19.
Lincoln, Abraham, 4, 23, 24,
351, 353; pathetic dis-
patch of, 485.
Lockett, Samuel H., 223.
Logan, Confederate Colonel,
248.
Logan, John A., 25, 46, 171,
322.
Logan, Mrs. John A. (Mary
Cunningham), 7.
Lomax, L. L., 381.
Long, Lieutenant, 382.
Longstreet, General, C. S. A.,
238, 327, 381, 393; at
Knoxville, 304.
Lowell, Colonel Charles, 343,
560.
Lynn, Daniel D., 19.
Lyon, General, 55.
Lagow, Clarke B., 138, 302.
Lamon, Ward, 350.
Lamont, Captain, 153.
Latham, Mr. and Mrs., of Mag-
nolia Hall, 212.
Lawler, General Michael K.,
25, 177 et seq., 204.
Lee, Colonel A. L., Jayhawker,
143.
Lee, Fitzhugh, 493, 501.
Lee, General W. H. F., 461,
470, 501, 517.
Lee, Robert E., 60, 64, 347, 357,
358, 376, 393, 394, 403,
405, 409, 415, 419, 420,
422, 430, 432, 434, 435,
437, 440, 442, 451, 485,
493; the assailant, 386;
correspondence of, 523 et
seq.
572
M
McClellan, General George B.,
60, 94, 100, 104 et seq.,
107, 110 et seq., 118 et seq.,
532.
Mc demand, General John
A., 25, 46, 119, 121 et
seq., 159, 174, 176, 178,
181 et seq., 204, 205; dis-
patches of, 216;; relieved,
217.
McCook, Alexander McD., 16.
McCreery, W. W., 20.
McDowell, General Irvin, 54,
60, 65, 100.
McFarland, Walter, 21.
INDEX
Mcintosh, Colonel, 380, 382,
430, 459, 471, 513, 533,
550, 551; promoted, 456;
wounded, 555.
McKenzie, Ranald S., 13, 447.
McMahon, Purser, 246, 247.
McNutt, Captain, 70.
McPherson, General James B.,
14, 19, 49 et seq., 54, 58,
65, 132, 142, 146, 149, 181,
188 et seq., 198 et seq., 236,
322, 402.
Macfeeley, Robert, 140.
Mahone, General, C. S. A.,
470, 502, 509.
Mansfield, General, 115.
Marsh, Salem S., 18.
Marshall, Samuel S., 7.
Martin, James P., 17, 18, 126,
328, 339, 427.
Maynard, Hon. Horace, 286.
Meade, General George G., 58,
115, 357, 360, 365, 378,
388, 395, 396, 435, 437,
441, 443, 454, 468, 482,
485, 486, 490, 491, 493,
494, 495, 497, 498, 504 et
seq., 506, 510; impatient
with Sheridan, 514, 529 et
seq.; failure of, described,
531.
Meigs, General, Q. M., 293.
Merritt, Wesley, 11, 18, 361,
364, 413, 508, 540, 543.
Michler, Nathaniel, 48.
Milliken's Bend, 155.
Mishler, Lyman, 19.
Missionary Ridge, 289 et seq.;
mistaken claims at, 300;
losses at, 301.
Mizner, Colonel J. K., 143.
Morgan, Michael R., 97, 416.
Morton, Colonel A. St. Clair,
265.
Morton, Governor O. P., 343.
Mosby, Colonel John S., 548
et seq.
Mudd's Cavalry, 172.
Munday, Mark, Pilot, 153.
N
New Harmony, 6.
Nicolay and Hay, 23, 64.
Noyes, Henry E., 399.
Officers, meeting of, at Chat-
tanooga, 280.
Oglesby, Richard J., 25.
Ord, General E. O., 358.
Orchard Knoll headquarters,
297.
O'Rorke, Patrick H., 70.
Osterhaus, General, 175.
Overland campaign, 402 et seq.
Palmer, General John M., 25.
Panama Canal, 33.
Parke, General John G., 283,
327.
Parker, Indian Chief, 400, 452.
Pelouze, Louis H., 70, 77, 85.
Pemberton, General John S.,
C. S. A., 177, 199, 403;
surrender of, at Vicks-
burg, 221 et seq.
573
INDEX
Pennington, Alexander C. M.,
18, 381, 412.
Perry, Alexander J., 16.
Perry, General, C. S. A., 502.
Pierce, Captain, 551.
Pleasanton, General, 104, 362,
363.
Po' whites, 287.
Politics at West Point, 22 et
seq.
Pool, Orval, 7.
Pope, John, 100, 163, 166, 167
et seq., 170, 196.
Port Royal, 69, 70, 225.
Porter, Admiral, 159, 166, 196.
Porter, General Fitz John, 100,
109.
Porter, Horace, 68, 70, 89 et
seq., 270, 361, 378, 391;
falls sick, 75, 85; meets
Grant, 268.
Powell, Albert M., 19.
Preston, Colonel, 407, 433.
Price, General Sterling, C. S.
A., 524.
Pulaski, Fort, 74, 88.
Vicksburg, 239 et seq., epi-
sode of Grant and, 249;
letters of, 254, 255; in
love, 256; at Orchard
Knoll, 297; marries, 317;
relations of, with Grant,
323 et seq.; statement of,
390 et seq.
Rawlins family, 6.
Reno, General, 104.
Riggin, John, A. D. C, 138.
Riley, Edward B. D., 20.
Riley, General Bennett H., 20.
Rodgers, Captain John, 83, 84.
Rodgers, Raymond, 96.
Rogniat's line, 224.
Rosecrans, General, 60; leaves
Chattanooga, 265.
Rosser, General, C. SrA., 380,
382, 383.
Rowley, Colonel, A. D. C, 138.
Russell, Captain, Ordnance,
mortally wounded, 558.
Russell, General David A., 553
et seq.
R
Ramseur, Stephen D., 19, 551.
Randol, Alanson M., 18.
Rawlins, John A., 133 et seq.,
156 et seq., 190, 195, 196,
345, 346, 348, 349, 361,
365, 378, 389, 401, 416,
418, 423, 424, 444, 445 et
seq., 454, 455, 530; letter
of, to Grant, 210 et seq.;
guardian of ladies at
St. John, General J. M., 462.
Sanders, General, C. S. A., 502.
Saunders, John S., 223.
Saxton, Rufus, 70, 76.
Sayles, Captain, killed, 462.
Schneyder, Augustus, 5.
Schneyder, Katharine, 5, 40.
Schurz, Charles, 312.
Scott, General Winfield, 4, 59
et seq., 65.
574
INDEX
Seddon, Confederate Secretary
of War, 523 et seq.
Sedgwick, General John, 386,
396; killed, 415.
Sharpe, Colonel, 506.
Shawneetown, 2-6.
Sherman, General T. W., 67,
71.
Sheridan, Philip H., 18, 361,
362, 363, 364, 365, 374,
383, 385, 387, 388, 395,
396, 405, 408, 409, 412,
416, 417, 418, 419, 424,
431, 432, 439, 440, 455,
458, 465, 469 et seq., 482,
483 et seq., 485, 487 et
seq., 491, 492 et seq.,
493, 494 et seq., 495,
538, 544, 554, 558, 560; at
Missionary Ridge, 298 ;
gains Grant's favor, 307;
bridges Chickahominy, 413,
414; at Haxall's Landing,
415; operating in new
field, 420; rejoins army,
421; at Trevillian, 441,
451; at White House, 457;
disregards Meade's orders,
486; slow, 497, 498 et seq.;
still absent, 502 et seq., 504
et seq.; reaches Reams
Station, 507; best with
mixed commands, 511 et
seq.; special and particu-
lar duty of, 518; admis-
sions of, 520; absence of,
521, 526 et seq., 529; fail-
ure of, 531; commands
new department, 533 ;
fighting force of, 557.
Sherman, General W. T., 60,
158, 181, 197, 204, 225,
264, 323, 344, 347, 402;
operates eastward, 234
• et seq.; at Chattanooga,
290; slow in marching,
291; at Missionary Ridge
and crossing Tennessee,
294; halts to fortify, 295;
claims of, 299; fails, 301;
march to Knoxville, 307;
reaches Knoxville and
countermarches, 315.
Shunk, Francis J., 70.
Siebert, Captain A. A. G., 399,
549.
Sill, Joshua, 16.
Silvey, William, 16.
Sixteenth Army Corps, 252.
Sloan, Ben, 19.
Slocum, General, 264.
Smalley, George W, 116.
Smith, Alfred T., 18.
Smith, General C. F., 322.
Smith, John E., 223, 322.
Smith, Morgan L., 223, 322.
Smith, General William Farrar
("Baldy"), 16, 109, 265,
325, 357, 360, 361, 363, 368,
403,416,418,448; at Chat-
tanooga, 271; at Brown's
Ferry, 291; at Petersburg,
450, 453 ; failure at Peters-
burg, 454.
Snuff dipping scene, 308.
Spaulding, Colonel George,
335.
Spears, Brigadier General, 282.
Spottsylvania Court House
393, 394, 395.
575
INDEX
Stanton, Edwin M., 121, 327,
338, 341, 354, 366, 537;
irascible temper of, 538
et seq.
States Rights, 26, 27.
Stevens, General Isaac I., 70,
91 et seq.
Stone, General Charles P., 239.
Stoneman, General George, 327,
362, 363.
Stoughton, Edwin H., 348.
Stuart, General J. E. B., 363,
381, 393, 395, 405 ; wound-
ed, 408; died of wounds,
416.
Sumner, General Edwin V., 39,
47, 109, 112 et seq., 160.
Sweet, John Jay, 12, 18.
Torbert, General A. T. A., 363,
364, 395, 439, 440, 488 et
seq., 533, 534 et seq., 540
et seq., 543, 544, 559, 560
et seq., 566.
Turner, General John W., 97,
368.
Tybee, 86.
Tyler, John, house of, 417, 418,
524.
U
Ulffers, Captain von Nostitz,
201, 435 ef seq.
Upton, General Emory, 20, 181,
370, 403, 147 et seq.; at
Winchester, 553, 554, 556.
Talcott, Colonel, 33.
Tardy, John A., 19, 68, 70.
Tatnall, Commodore, 85.
Taylor, General Z., 4.
Tennessee, Department and
Army of, 146.
Third Cavalry Division, 361 et
seq.
Thorn, George, 35.
Thomas, General George H.,
65, 150; at Chattanooga,
272, 275; unbends, 280; at
Orchard Knoll and Mis-
sionary Ridge, 297, 298,
402.
Thomas, Lorenzo A. G., 148,
165, 190, 256.
576
Valley of Virginia, 547 et seq.
Vancouver, Fort, 37, 38.
Vanderbilt, George W., 19.
VanDorn, General Earl, 20,
143.
Vicksburg, campaign of, 154 et
seq.; plans for capture of,
156 et seq.; running the
batteries at, 158 et seq.
Viele, General Egbert L., 70,
81, 96.
Vilarceau, Count de, 103.
W
Wabash, frigate, 71.
"Waif," the, 318, 384.
INDEX
Walker, General W. H. T., 16.
Wallace, General Lew, 138.
War College, 17.
Warner, James M., 18.
Warren, General G. K., 395,
401, 455; refuses to co-
operate, 396 et seq.
Washington, Thornton A., 16.
Washburne, E. B., 345, 348.
Weed, Thurlow, 128.
Weitzel, Godfrey, 16.
West Point, 7 et seq., 29 et
seq.
Whitaker, Captain E. W., 411,
458, 468, 500, 501, 503,
507.
Whittemore, James M., 18.
Wickham, General, 393, 558.
Wildrick, Abram K., 35.
Williams, General, 154.
Wilson, Alexander, 547; in Il-
linois legislature, 1, 3.
Wilson, Bluford, 40 et seq., 177
et seq.
Wilson, Harrison, 348; ensign,
captain, etc., 1 et seq.
Wilson, Henry S., 40, 130, 131.
Wilson, Isaac, sergeant in Vir-
ginia line, 1, 2.
Wilson, James H., born, 6 ; en-
ters college, 7; at West
Point, 8; appointed corpo-
ral, 10 ; classmates of, 17 et
seq.; loyalty of, 26 et seq.;
graduation and assign-
ment of, 31; at Panama,
California and Washing-
ton Territory, 32; at Fort
Vancouver, 35; at Puget
Sound, 37; a loyal corre-
spondent, 41 et seq.; or-
dered east, 47; ship-
wrecked, 48 et seq.; sails
from San Francisco, 49 et
seq.; interview with Gen-
eral Scott, 60 et seq.; seeks
service in War for Union,
57 et seq.; ordered to Bos-
ton, 67; reports to T. W.
Sherman, 67; at Port
Royal, 70 et seq.; acting
ordnance officer, 75; loads
steamship, 76 et seq.;
thrown into bay, examin-
ing volunteers, 78; recon-
noiters, 79; at Venus
Point, 84; at Tybee, 85;
first infantry fight of, 86;
at Fort Pulaski, 87; at
Secessionville, 92; in war
balloons, 93; judge advo-
cate, 93; acting assistant
inspector general, 94 ;
army and navy friends of,
95 et seq.; ordered to
Washington, 98; on Mc-
Clelland staff, 100 et seq.;
at the Battle of Antietam,
108 et seq.; in Washing-
ton, 119; conversation of,
with McClernand, 120; at
Pleasant Valley, interview
with McClellan, 122 et
seq.; on Grant's staff, 131
et seq.; meets Rawlins,
132; conversations of, 135
et seq.; meets Grant, 138;
joins McPherson, 141; in-
spector general Tenth
Corps, 142; tells Grant
577
INDEX
Government's plan, 144 ;
inspector general of
Grant's army, 147; down
the Mississippi, 148; at
Yazoo Pass, 151; suggests
plan of operations, 156
et seq.; counsels Grant
against canals, 164; takes
Grant to Porter's fleet,
166 ; constructs bridges,
169; at Bruinsburg Cross-
ing, 170; at the Battle of
Port Gibson, 174; fails to
reconcile Grant with Mc-
Clernand, 176; carries or-
ders to McClernand, 182;
relieves McClernand, 185;
supervises bridge building,
188 ; recommends Badeau
for private secretary, 191;
horsemanship of, 194; re-
pairs Bayou Pierre bridge,
195; on Porter's flagship,
196 ; at Hankinson's Ferry,
197; orders to McPherson,
198; advises movement to
Jackson, 200; incidents at
Jackson, 202 et seq.; at
Champion's Hill, 204; at
Big Black Bridge, 206; at
the siege of Vicksburg,
208 et seq.; rides with
Grant to Magnolia Hall,
211; at the corduroy
bridge, 214 ; carries Grant's
reply to Pemberton, 221;
rides rebel entrenchments,
222; comments of, there-
on, 224; necessity for
army reorganization, real-
578
ized by, and plans therefor,
227 et seq.; predicts failure
of Sherman's campaign
east from Vicksburg,
234 ; opposes detachment
of Thirteenth Corps,
238; takes sick prisoners
to Monroe, 245; personal
inspections by, 245; leaves
Vicksburg on tour, 249;
visits home for first time
since war began, 249; in-
spection by, at Cairo, 250;
at Memphis and west Ten-
nessee, 254; return of, to
Vicksburg, 256; reports to
Grant, 257; carries dis-
patches to Cairo, 259 et
seq.; accompanies Grant,
260 ; recommended for
colonel of engineer regi-
ment, 265 ; introduces Por-
ter to Grant, 266 ; promot-
ed to brigadier general,
267; rides to Chattanooga
with Dana, 268; meets
General Thomas, 272;
friendly relations of, 276;
engaged in the situation
at Chattanooga, guides
Hooker through Lookout
Valley, 277; receives news
of promotion to brigadier
general, 280; goes to
Knoxville to confer with
Burnside, 281-283; gives
Grant's orders to Burn-
side, 284; returns to Chat-
tanooga, 285 ; receives
commission brigadier gen-
INDEX
eral, 289; assists Sherman
and rejoins Grant, 297;
accompanies Grant in pur-
suit, 300; finds Thomas,
302; chief engineer of
Sherman's march to Knox-
ville, 307 ; bridging the Hi-
wassee, 309; on the Little
Tennessee, 313 et seq.; re-
turns to Chattanooga, 317;
accompanies Grant via
Cumberland Gap to Nash-
ville, 318 ; chief of Cavalry
Bureau, 325 et seq.; calls
on Stanton, 327; speech
of, to horse contractors,
329; favors the Spencer
carbine, 331, 374; spends
ten weeks in Washington,
332; interview of, with
Andrew Johnson, 333; re-
lieved of Cavalry Bureau,
339; habits of work of,
342, 343; inspects horse
markets, 343 et seq.; meets
Lincoln, 348; attends thea-
ter with President, 349; at
reception, 351 ; at ball, 352
et seq., 359 et seq.; But-
ler asks for, 359; reports
to Meade, 360; assigned to
Third Cavalry Division,
362, 364, 366; takes com-
mand, 367; methods of
discipline and drill of,
375; in the Wilderness,
379; first cavalry engage-
ment of, 381 et seq.; with
Forsyth, 387; Grant com-
pliments, 389 ; conversa-
579
tion of, with Rawlins and
Bowers, 390; interview of,
with Grant, 391; occu-
pies Spottsylvania Court
House, 393 ; laying of pon-
toon bridge, 398 ; interview
of, with Grant, 400; in the
Richmond raid, 406; at
Yellow Tavern, 407; night
march of, 410; night fight
of, 411 et seq.; writes
Dana, 415; visits Grant's
headquarters, 423 ; meets
friends, 424; covers rear,
420; at Hanover Court
House, 429 et seq.; in re-
serve, turns Lee's left, 432,
434; tests rations, 438; on
the right, 440; conversa-
tion of, with Meade, 443;
at St. Mary's Church, 452,
455; detached against rail-
roads, 457; gets back, 464
et seq.; at Reams Station,
468; withdraws, 472 et
seq.; bridges the Black-
water, 474 et seq.; in Chip-
oak Swamp, 478 et seq.;
losses of, 480 et seq.; ref-
erences to, in correspon-
dence, 491, 492, 494 et
seq., 504, 506, 508 et seq.;
Richmond Examiner and,
522; thoroughness of work
of, 524; last blow of, 526;
refitting on the James,
528 ; Richmond newspa-
pers and, 529 ; joins Sheri-
dan in the Valley, 533;
rule of action of, 535; re-
INDEX
fits at Giesboro and
marches through Washing-
ton, 536 et seq.; interview
of, with Stanton, 537 et
seq.; covers rear, 539 ; first
action of, with Spencer
carbines, 541 et seq.; cov-
ers rear, 542; night march
of, to Sharpsburg, 544;
horse swapping and, 546;
"To Arms!", 549; meets
Grant, 550; at Battle of
Winchester, 551 et seq.;
covers rear, 562; ordered
to Sherman, 563 ; summary
of service of, with Third
Cavalry Division, 564 et
seq.
Wilson, John A., 5.
Wilson, John M., 18, 102, 103.
Wilson family, 1 et seq.
Wood, General T. J., at Mis-
sionary Ridge, 298.
Wright, George, 35, 39, 60.
Wright, H. G., 70, 71, 92, 496,
501, 505 et seq., 507 et seq.
Yard, Lieutenant, A. D. C,
398.
Yates, Governor of Illinois, 175.
Yazoo Pass expedition, 151 et
seq.
Yellow Tavern, 407.
"Young Napoleon, The," 107.
Young, Pierce, M. B., 430.
580
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