UNIFICATION.
UNITED WEST INDIES
BY
JOSEPH RIPPON.
Nec nos mare separat ingens
. . exigua prohibemur aqua.
— OVID, MET. iii., 448.
JANUARY, 1912.
2131
R56
7« &* So/is Limited, London Wall, London.
Rippon, Joseph
Unification
Presented to the
LIBRARY of the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
by
MA33EI COL
UNIFICATION.
UNITED WEST INDIES
BY
JOSEPH RIPPON.
Nec nos mare separat ingens
. . exigud prohibemur aqua.
— OVID, MET. iii., 448.
i/-
JANUARY, 1912.
'atci'tinv &-" Si'tis Limited, London ll'all, London^
PREFACE.
The unification of the possessions of Great Britain in the West
Indies and Central and South America has, for many years, been
discussed and recognized as essential, but it is only within the last
few years that any formulated or organized attempt has been made
to bring the subject into the field of practical politics.
Various papers have been read and published by those having
knowledge of the subject, and with the view of facilitating study,
those of a recent date are now brought together, in what seems
to be the most convenient form for reference.
It would appear that words not applicable in their true
meaning should be avoided, such as treaty, annexation and
federation, as the West Indian Colonies are not sovereign states,
and the trend of opinion in the Colonies, upon which everything
depends, is gradually towards a simple and economical way to
provide for unification, so as to deal as a whole with commercial
arrangements and other matters, such as the judiciary, codification
of laws, &c., most advantageously. In fact there seems to be no
doubt that unification is being gradually and satisfactorily reached,
as conferences of delegates from all the Islands and the United
Kingdom have been held on various subjects at Trinidad and
Barbados, and this should lead to the appointment, jointly by all the
Legislatures, of a permanent Secretariat (of, say, two persons), whose
duty would be to preserve records, to maintain continuity and
activity, and to summon Conferences on subjects demanding con-
sideration ; the delegates to such Conferences, to be appointed by
the Legislatures, would naturally be selected with a view of their
qualification to discuss them.
THE PRESENT DIVISION OF THE
WEST INDIAN COLONIES.
The division of the Colonies and Possessions in Central and South
America having Crown government and not self-government, but
having Representative Assemblies, either wholly or partly elected
on a property franchise, are as follows : —
i. THE BAHAMAS.
Consisting of many islets and rocks, and the following
principal islands : —
New Providence, St. Salvador, Abacos, Grand
Bahama, Long Island, Eleuthera, Exuma, Mayaguana,
Great Inagua, Andros, Watlings, Rum Cay, Long,
Ragged, Crooked, Acklins.
2. BARBADOS.
3. BRITISH GUIANA.
4. BRITISH HONDURAS.
5. JAMAICA, with the dependencies of : —
Turks and Caicos Islands.
Cayman Islands.
6. The LEEWARD ISLANDS (United), consisting of : —
Antigua, with Barbuda and Redonda.
St. Christopher and Nevis, with Anguilla.
Dominica.
Montserrat.
The Virgin Islands.
7. TRINIDAD and TOBAGO.
8. The WINDWARD ISLANDS, consisting of : —
Grenada and the Grenadines.
St. Lucia.
St. Vincent.
UNIFICATION.
UNITED WEST INDIES.
FEDERATION OF THE LEEWARD ISLANDS.
By the Leeward Islands Act of 1861, Antigua with Barbuda
and Redonda, St. Christopher and Nevis, with Anguilla, Dominica,
Montserrat and the Virgin Islands, were " federated " into one
Colony called "The Leeward Islands."
ATTEMPTED FEDERATION OF BARBADOS
AND THE WINDWARD ISLANDS.
Blue Book C — 1:539 of 1876 shows the proceedings in con-
nection with an unsuccessful attempt to "federate" Barbados
and the islands of the Windward group. After serious hostility
and trouble the truer grasp of constitutional history, that the
Crown alone had no power to vary the Constitution of any Colony
acquired by settlement, prevailed, and Lord Carnarvon decided
in a despatch " that Her Majesty's Government could not proceed
with any measure of confederation except on the spontaneous
request of each legislature concerned," and the incident then
closed.
It is important, and should be generally understood, that a
Colony acquired by conquest or cession is, by the common law,
prerogative of the Crown a subject for legislation by Order in
Council. Under such an order, the King, by Instructions given
to the Governor, can provide for the government of a Colony, but
this power does not exist in Colonies acquired by settlement, and
is lost when once representative institutions have been granted to
a Colony.
PROJECT OF WEST INDIAN FEDERATION.
Blue Book C — 8655 of 1897 contains the following project of
the West India Royal Commission, appointed December 22nd,
1896, to inquire into the conditions and prospects of the sugar
producing Colonies of Jamaica, British Guiana, Trinidad and
Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia and the Lee-
ward Islands. The members of the Commission were : — General
Sir Henry Wylie Norman, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., C.I.E., Sir
Edward Grey, Baronet, M.P., Sir David Barbour, K. C.S.I.,
and Sydney Olivier, Esq., B.A., Secretary.
" We have not overlooked the fact that suggestions have been
made for a federation of the West Indian Colonies under a single
Governor- General, and in the course of our journey ings through
these Colonies we gave special consideration to the question of
such a reform. We are, however, unable to recommend such
federation, and we are doubtful whether any economy would be
effected by it.
" The Colonies, as we have said, are widely scattered, and
differ very much in their conditions ; and we are not satisfied that,
at all events at the present time, the control of a Governor- General
could be exercised in an effective and satisfactory manner. Even
if the great waste of time and the physical strain that would be
involved in the necessary journeys be disregarded, the absence of
any residence for a Governor- General in the several Colonies
would, if he were to visit them with any sufficient degree of
frequency, and remain in each for periods long enough to enable
him to gain a real knowledge of the officials, the people, and
the condition of the Colony, make it necessary that he should be
furnished with a special vessel and establishment, which would
involve a considerable cost. A General Council would also be
required, and great difficulties would be involved in arranging for
its constitution and for the conduct of its business.
" Nor does it seem to us that the very important Island of
Jamaica, which is separated by many hundreds of miles of sea
from all the other West Indian Colonies, could dispense with a
separate Governor, even if there should be a Governor- General ;
whilst the circumstances of British Guiana and Trinidad almost
equally demand the constant presence and attention of an Admin-
istrator of Governor's rank.
" It might be possible, without disadvantage, to make some
reduction in the number of higher officials in the smaller islands,
and we are disposed to think that it would be conducive to
efficiency and economy if the islands of the Windward Group,
that is, Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vincent and St. Lucia,
were again placed under the Governor of Barbados, as they were
for many years previous to 1885. We have no doubt that a
Governor residing at Barbados could efficiently control the adminis-
tration of these islands, and that the Judges of one Supreme
Court could perform all the higher judicial duties for this group,
especially if our recommendations for the improvement of steam
communication are adopted. This change would enable a material
saving to be made.
" We are also disposed to think that the Island of Dominica,
which is not much further than Grenada from Barbados, and
which, in its physical, social and industrial conditions, partakes
more of the character of the Windward Islands than of that of
the other Leeward Islands, might be placed under this Govern-
ment instead of being considered one of the Leeward Group.
" It might, indeed, be found possible to bring the whole of
the Leeward Islands under the same Government as Barbados and
the Windward Islands, and thus effect a further economy. This
arrangement might receive the consideration of Your Majesty's
advisers when improved steam communication between the islands
had been established for some years."
The " STANDARD " and the " COLONIAL OFFICE JOURNAL,"
between April, 1907, and February, 1909, published the following articles by
Mr. J. RIPPON, on Representation and Consolidation :-
The use of the word " Federation " has been avoided because
"Federacy" (fosdus] means a treaty, an alliance, i.e., a con-
federation or union of several sovereign states under one central
authority, and it would not apply in the case of the West Indies,
as they are not independent but are united by the ties of a common
allegiance to one Sovereign. To federalize is to unite, to bring
together in a political confederacy. The settlement of questions
bearing on the welfare of the whole without interfering with local
self-government is a subject for discussion, and the suggested
title for the Consolidated Colonies is " West India."
REPRESENTATION.
1 7th April, 1907.
The following interesting communication on the subject of
Crown Colony representation at the Colonial Conference has been
received from a correspondent who is in a position to speak with
authority from the West Indian point of view : —
" In all the correspondence, whether in newspapers or in
Government publications to be ' presented to both Houses of
Parliament, by Command of His Majesty,' there seems to have
been omitted any notice of the position to be occupied by the
Crown Colonies at the Conference. Indeed, until it was notified
that Sir James L. Mackay had been nominated by the Secretary
of State for India to attend meetings at which questions affecting
that country might be discussed, India also was to have no direct
representation. It might be stated with some reason that if
Crown Colonies were distant rocks, the act of taking them into
the Empire makes them part of it, and, therefore, entitles them
to representation, not through an intermediary born and bred in
the Mother Country, but by a man of the Colony. In the case
where Crown Colonies are of vast importance, as are the West
Indian Islands and British Guiana, which extend over thousands
of miles of the most fertile country in the world, and have the
I
most important strategic positions, it would seem essential that
men from those Colonies should be present if proper decisions
are to be arrived at.
" There must assuredly be men in these Colonies who have
learned their history and know their future, who have also a
patriotic feeling for them, and whose local standing and business
interests should command a position and recognition in the Con-
ference of our Colonies, as they do in the islands they would
practically represent.
" The lack of encouragement and direct representation of
Colonial opinion does not, therefore, seem advisable, and, as stated
by a contemporary, ' the restraining influences of kinship, un-
marred by any historical cause for bitterness, such as that which
has so long troubled our relations with the United States,' would
be of uncertain value if material interests clashed, and senti-
mentality after separation, it may be stated, would go for so much
as it is worth.
" The object of the Conference, it is generally understood,
is the cementing of the bonds of the Empire, which without
direct representation does not appear possible. The community
of interests is graphically shown in the agenda put forward by
the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand, in which they
affirm that, in view of the probable completion of the Panama
Canal, it is desirable that all possible means of strengthening
British interests in the Pacific should be adopted. The importance
of the Panama Canal is, perhaps, not so much as a British trade
route — for most purposes the Suez or Cape route will be shorter
between Great Britain and most of her Colonies, excepting New
Zealand — as in the ability by this means to pass naval forces from
the Atlantic to the Pacific, and vice versa, and it may be assumed
that the power of controlling the canal will put any country in a
commanding position. We see, therefore, that the West Indies,
and Jamaica particularly, cannot be divided from the uttermost
parts of the Empire, and, as the present Conference may be
considered as one met to express opinions, and at which no binding
results will have to be voted upon, there seems to be no reason
for the absence of representatives from the Crown Colonies. If
10
later it he resolved that an Imperial Council or Conference, or
whatever a permanent body may be termed, shall be instituted,
at which binding decisions are to be taken, some method might
be devised to create a fair voting power for each unit of the
Empire."
THE POSITION OF THE WEST INDIES.
2yth August^
"As a West Indian, I have noted with some regret that all
writers on the recent Colonial Conference have ignored the position
which the Caribbean Islands will take, in common with British
Guiana and Honduras, when they are as free from dependence
upon the Mother Country as Newfoundland or Canada.
" Before the delegates met at the Conference the ' Standard '
wisely asserted that each Colony, whether self-governing or under
the Crown, was entitled to a share of the general consideration,
and ought to be represented on any Imperial Council. Is it not,
therefore, rather remarkable that representatives of a Liberal
Government, professing democratic ideas, should have been the
ones, above all others, to conserve to themselves the voice of the
Crown Colonies? Why should they not, of all people, have
democratised the position of these Colonies, and have given the
men who best understand the interest of these Colonies com-
mercially, if not politically, a proper voice in the management of
their country's affairs?
" It is not generally known that representatives from the West
Indies were not present at the Colonial Conference, and apparently
no determined effort was made to obtain the presence of such
delegates. It would, therefore, seem that the Responsible
Colonies' representatives did not think that at that moment their
presence was material, nor could they have realised that Crown
Colonies — like themselves before finding release — were of the same
stock as themselves, and that all the population of these tropical
and rich Colonies were not coloured. Even if the people were
coloured, the value of their country called for as much recognition
as did any other. After all, these places are giving their best
to the Mother Country, and even if in some cases they are giving
more to foreign countries, on account of those countries' greater
11
enterprise and better fiscal laws, that is not their fault, but the
Mother Country's.
"Probably the majority of the delegates came to the Confer-
ence without having made up their minds as to the concrete results
to be looked for. But may I point out that, if these conferences
are to remain merely consultative, their value must eventually be
reduced to nullity, and that their resolutions, even when unani-
mously passed, will probably never have a binding or executive
effect? It may be mentioned now that India was also tabooed
at this last Conference, but a representative of that country was
ultimately admitted and supported the Mother Country in a fiscal
debate.
"Although not perhaps quite pertinent to the subject under
consideration, it may be pointed out that the position of the West
Indies as a confederation and a responsible "state might very well
have formed a subject for consideration at the Conference. For
instance, the people in the Caribbean do not quite agree with a
view taken by a recent writer that the British West Indian Islands
might be transferred to a foreign country in exchange for the
Philippines, containing Asiatics. Indeed, all such arguments
strike them as having no other effect than exhibiting a want of
knowledge of the existing conditions in these British Colonies and
their past history, which history alone might have exhibited the
folly of such an exchange of British subjects for Malays to the
mind of any opportunist.
"To my mind, the whole question of the admittance of the
West Indies to the Colonial Conference might have been justified
if the following three reasons had been considered in time, viz.,
area, population, and trade value. True, the area basis may be
held to be unsuitable by reason of the vast number of square
miles in some countries still unpopulated, uncultivated, and un-
explored. Also there are objections to the population basis,
because of the great preponderance of coloured inhabitants not yet
advanced to the standard of the white population; but even then
we come to the last, and, it would appear, the most reasonable
qualification for a seat. Now, trade in all cases reflects the
12
activity of a country and the degree of its influence and value in
any Imperial partnership. Such a basis, in fact, gives the true
value of the Crown Colonies and small possessions, and I do not
think I can do better than close this appeal with a properly
tabulated list of Colonial trade information, which will give the
true position of our West Indian possessions at a glance : —
Country.
Area
Square Miles.
Population.
Census 1901.
Trade Returns, 1905, including Bullion
and Specie.
Imports.
Exports.
Total.
Africa —
£
£ £
British South
1,197,048
6,759,402
35,017,000
35,759,ooo '• 70,776,000
British West
British Central & K.
486,539
16,209,880
8,319,000
5,470,000
1,404,015
5,340,000
733,386
IO,8lO,OOO
2,137,401
India
i, 766', 597
294,361,056
104,878,522
125,698,410
230,576,932
Straits Settlements ...
i. 600
572,249
33,223,382
28,296,069
61,519,451
Ceylon
25,332
3,565,954
7,682,482
6,832,671
14,515,153
Labuan
30
8,411
108,766
130,135
238,901
Australia
3,225,324
4,589,110
51,175,588
72,497,082
123,672,670
British New Guinea ..
-90,540
350,000
67,188
76,345
143,533
Fiji
7,740
120,124
460,645
706,403
1,167,048
Channel Isles
3°3
J -Q 77O
\
China
674
530^58
Malta
117
184,742
Nor
eturns publish ed.
Gibraltar
2
20,355
Ascension
34
4IO
1
Cyprus...
237^22
482,079
438,241 920,320
Canada, &c
3,908,308
5,592,299
56,962,263
43,986,056 100,948,319
Bermudas
ig
J7,535
543,222
158,421 701,643
British West Indies ...
12,021
1,572,644
7,638,031
7,064,446 14,702,477
British Guiana
British Honduras
90,277
7,562
293,958
37,479
1,584,054
385,737
1,916.242 3,500,296
377,246 762,983
Mauritius
0
375,282
1,823,167
2,346,406 4,169,573
Seychelles
Falkland Islands
149
6,500
19,237
2,043
54,897
58,155
59,297 114,194
167,450 225,605
St. Helena
47
3,342
52,787
7,635 60,422
Great Britain and Ire-
land
121,091
41,458,721
565,019,917
329,816,614
894,836,53!
These figures are taken from the Statistical Abstract for the several British Colonies,
Possessions and Protectorates in each year from 1891 to 1905, 43rd number, 1906.
"It is not conceivable that at any time the West Indies may be
able to fully defend themselves against the aggression of larger
countries, but the orderly parts of the islands are quite equal to
the preservation of internal order and of meeting, as other Colonies
do, the necessary charges for the forces, more than local, needed
to maintain order or resist aggression. The withdrawal of these
last mentioned forces from the West Indies has been widely
discussed and generally condemned/'
u
loth September, 1907.
" In my letter to you ' On the position of the West Indies,'
published in the 'Standard' of the 2 9th instant, the returns for
Canada, etc., include those of Newfoundland, but as a representa-
tive of this Colony attended the Colonial Conference, it would be
well to quote the figures for this part of the Empire separately,
viz. : — Area, 42,734 square miles; population, 197,934; exports,
,£2,193,143; and imports, ^2,112,966."
CONSOLIDATION.
i
2nd June, 1908.
" The following notes on the ' Future of the West Indies ' form
a contribution influenced by the sincere desire to make those
valuable Colonies more effective to their common good in the great
world-wide competition now in progress. To those who, with
experience of the past, have studied the question of the future
of the West Indies in relation to other Colonies and foreign
countries, some effective union has long appeared to be an absolute
necessity, and the general utility of coming together for certain
purposes, so as to give greater effect to representations coming
from the West Indies, does not seem to need further discussion.
" The area of the West Indies, and value of the united trade,
would reach an aggregate which would command permanent atten-
tion from other parts of the Empire, like Canada, as well as from
foreign countries.
"In order to give effect to a union it would be necessary to
have a central council. This council should be representative of
the several executive and legislative bodies in the West Indies.
It would accept from them such powers as they cannot make use
of for themselves. To such a central council, I think, the follow-
ing subjects would most likely be remitted : — •
(i.) Trade and commerce with other countries and among
themselves.
(ii.) Bounties on the production or export of goods, but
so that such bounties shall be uniform throughout the West
Indies.
H
(iii.) Postal, telegraphic, telephonic, and other like
services.
(iv.) Lighthouses, lightships, beacons, and buoys.
(v.) Astronomical, meteorological, seismical, and other
allied observations.
(vi.) Quarantine.
(vii.) Census and statistics.
(viii.) Currency, coinage, and legal tender.
(ix.) Marine and fire insurance.
(x.) Weights and measures.
Codification of the West Indian Acts and Ordinances on the
following subjects : — •
(a.) Bills of exchange and promissory notes.
(b.) Bankruptcy and insolvency.
(c.) Copyrights, patents of inventions and designs, and
trade marks.
(d.) Foreign corporations, and trading or financial cor-
porations formed within the limits of the West Indies.
(e.) Marriage.
(/.) Divorce and matrimonial causes, and in relation
thereto to parental rights and the custody and guardianship
of infants.
(g.) The civil and criminal process of the courts of the
West Indies.
(h.} Immigration and emigration.
5th September, 1908.
"Some encouragement is given to write again by the indications
apparent throughout the West Indies and amongst West Indians in
other parts of the Empire of a trend of thought towards seeking
some form of closer association by which objects such as have been
mentioned — common to the interests of all — may be secured.
"Those who have studied questions of the nature of those under
consideration know that the Constitutions, as devised by and for
the Dominion of Canada and the Commonwealth of Australia,
are those which appeal to British people, as leaving that freedom
to British subjects which is so necessary for them, and if it be
15
within the practical politics of the near future to consolidate the
West Indies, and perhaps include the Bahamas, British Guiana
and Honduras, it would seem that the gradual and spontaneous
evolution of the Australian Commonwealth would be a guide
to each of the several communities. Step by step that evolution
might be studied and followed as far as could be with great
advantage and progressive despatch, and the success following
actual working and experience would invite absolute confidence.
"The Constitution named would be found to be the most suited
to the means of unification of the West Indies as preserving and
securing to them all their present rights and liberties in respect
of self-taxation and domestic legislation. There can be no
remodelling of forms of Government which does not preserve these
Constitutional rights unimpaired, and it was subject to this sine
qua non that the Australian Commonwealth was accomplished by
impulse from within. What was done by the Commonwealth can
be done by the West Indies, as to any student it is apparent
that every West Indian Community has been well trained - in
legislative work, and the rights of self-taxation and Government
— the bed-rock of Constitutional progress — have been well
exercised by the several legislatures. Public-spirited and fearless,
but factionless, discussion seems to have characterised these
Communities, and if some inner impulse towards development
should arise, the dawn of a new era in those rising Colonies will
be looked for with hopefulness.
"Should, therefore, public opinion in the West Indies gain
ground in favour of consolidation of common interests, a Conven-
tion of delegates elected by each separate legislature might assemble
in London for the purpose of discussing and formulating a Con-
stitutional arrangement which might then be submitted to each of
the separate Governments and Legislatures, and on adoption by
them come into operation by an Act of the Imperial Parliament,
and in this manner the West Indies would follow the course and
procedure of the Commonwealth of Australia.
" In conclusion it might be well to recommend, to those desirous
of studying Canadian and Australian Constitutions, the perusal of
an address on ' Federal Constitutions within the Empire,'
16
\
delivered in May, 1900, by the Rt. Honourable R. B. Haldane,
K.C., M.P., at the Royal Colonial Institute, and published in a
book entitled ' Education and Empire,' by John Murray, London."
24th November, 1908.
"A reference to preceding notes on the above subject will show
that the lines laid down by the Commonwealth of Australia in
the formation of their Constitution have been closely followed,
and from current information it may be gathered that the
Australian methods have guided the preliminary propaganda for
the formation of a Constitution for a United South Africa, which
resulted in the Convocation of the National Convention recently
held at Durban and Cape Town. The meeting place was in the
Colony, instead of, as suggested for the West Indies, in London.
But it must be recognised that the several Colonies in South Africa
already have, and are exercising in their respective Governments,
the powers required by the West Indies as a whole.
k< The verdict of the authors of the work entitled the ' Government
of South Africa ' is, that in the proposed Union reposes South
Africa's only hope of fully realising her destiny. The unsparing
efforts of a small band of enthusiasts, each an expert in his own
domain, who for eighteen months have been engaged as an Unofficial
Committee of Enquiry, and with the cognizance and assistance of
the various Governments, in accumulating, sifting, classifying, and
condensing an intricate mass of facts, figures and general informa-
tion regarding the present Government of South Africa, have
brought about and made possible the meeting of the South African
Convention. In the case of the West Indies, if some similar
method were followed, they would prepare the way for a Conven-
tion in London of delegates elected by each separate Legislature
in the West Indies. If such a band of workers for the West
Indies could be formed and then dissolved when the Council
meets, the most legitimate expectations of success might be
entertained.
"The Convention of the delegates of the various Colonies of
South Africa shows that the fact of different nationalities with
17
divergent opinions and interests, and the existence of the most-
complex questions, forms no bar to the policy of a Union. On
the contrary, it has been proved that delegates so various as de
Villiers, Merriman, Sauer, Malan, Beck, Jameson, Smartt, Stan-
ford, Maasdorp, Van Heerden, Walton and Jagger for the Cape
Colony ; Botha, Smuts, Schalk Burger, De la Rey, Farrar,
Fitzpatrick, Hull and Lindsay for the Transvaal ; Fischer, Steyn,
Hertzog, de Wet and Brown for the Orange River Colony ; Moir,
Greene, Smythe, Morcom and Hyslop for Natal ; and, lastly,
Milton and Mitchell for Rhodesia, can meet in a Convention and
decide questions long the source of continuous conflict.
" The West Indian question is not one so different as to be beyond
the power of a like settlement, provided that the Colonial spirit
exists, with the customary British way of adapting and strengthen-
ing the potential resources of the part of the world in which our
countrymen find themselves placed.
" As regards Jamaica, the formation last August of the Kingston
Citizens' Association has some bearing on the question now dis-
cussed. The objects of this Association are (inter alia) 'to create
and keep alive public interest in public affairs.' Similar associa-
tions already exist in other West Indian Islands. All of these
might be subservient to the formation of a suitable Sub-Committee
charged to collect data, &c. In conclusion, it would seem from
the example of what has been done in Canada and Australia, and
is about to be done in South Africa, that the West Indies might,
without loss of independence, re-arrange their legislative and
executive powers so as to make that independence within the
Empire more effective than now in promoting objects of common
interest to the West Indies as a whole."
26th February, igoq.
''Returning to this very interesting subject, it will be found
that the first note was intended to show how the existing executive
and legislative bodies in the West Indies could constitute a Central
Council representing themselves, to which they could delegate
is
executive and legislative powers over certain denned subjects and
matters of common interest, and be thus enabled to deal with
those subjects more effectively than by independent action.
"A second note, written in October, indicated the principles
of the Australian Constitution as a model, and suggested London
as the first meeting place of a Convention of Delegates to be
elected by the local legislatures for the purpose of formulating a
draft scheme and, finally, a third note, dated January last, pointed
out how the difficulties of consolidating separate Colonial
Governments for purposes in common had been overcome by other
Colonies, and the manner in which preliminary steps had to be
taken to accumulate information, and arrange a meeting of a
Convention.;
"In this note it is suggested that the Executive and Legislative
Councils in the Colonies should take the first step by passing
a measure having for its object the selection and summoning
of members for the deliberative Convention, as there appears to
be no doubt that there is a general agreement as to the necessity
of providing that matters common to all the islands might be
legislated for centrally, whilst leaving all local matters to be dealt
with expeditiously on the spot and without any other than local
authority. If, therefore, it is agreed that ' Union is Strength,'
it is becoming more and more apparent that it is incumbent on
the governing bodies of the West Indies to come to an agreement,
that subjects of common interest should be dealt with by a central
and representative authority.
"The best means towards effecting this would be a meeting in
London of representatives of each Colony, so as to bring together
in one place all the persons most capable of deciding what is
necessary to carry out the work which in previous letters has been
shown is the preliminary necessity, and the Imperial Government
might assist by inviting representatives to meet in London. Thus
we see there would be no difficulties about the preliminaries towards
effecting the above objects for the mutual benefit of the whole of
the West Indies.
"Before closing it would, perhaps, be as well to state one, if
not the most important, question upon which a common agreement
19
should be arrived at, viz., the settlement of uniform inter- Imperial
import duties throughout the whole of the West Indies. Such
uniformity has an immediate and practical bearing upon the trade
relations between the West Indies and the rest of the Empire.
Canada, for instance, could not deal effectively with the West
Indies if each island required separate treatment because its tariff
differed from the others. The preference Canada could give us
is to one and all alike, and, therefore, each and every one of the
islands must be prepared with a common tariff and a schedule which
will meet the views of the finance ministers of -Canada. In any
tariff arranged to meet the views of Canada, the Mother Country
and all British Colonies must share.
"It is for the above reasons, and those contained in previous
notes, that it is suggested West Indians might' usefully study,
and follow on simple lines, the principles which have developed
in the Commonwealth of Australia."
OUTLINES OF A "UNITED WEST INDIES
CONSOLIDATION ACT."
AN ACT TO CONSOLIDATE THE WEST INDIES.
WHEREAS the people of the British West Indian Islands, Bahamas,
British Honduras, and British Guiana (enumerate all places) have
agreed to consolidate and continue in a legislative agreement
under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, and under the Consolidation hereby established.
And whereas it is expedient to provide for the admission into
the Consolidation of other contiguous Colonies and possessions
of the King : —
Be it therefore enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty,
by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and
Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,
and by the authority of the same, as follows : —
i. This Act may be cited ao the United West Indies Con-
solidation Act.
20
2. The provisions of this Act referring to the King shall extend
to His Majesty's heirs and successors in the sovereignty of the
United Kingdom.
3. It shall be lawful for the King, with the advice of the
Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a day
therein appointed, not being later than one year after the passing
of this Act, the people of (here state all places which have agreed),
and such other Colonies as may be hereafter admitted hereto,
shall be consolidated and continue in a legislative agreement under
the name of the United West Indies. But the King may, at
any time after the proclamation, appoint a Governor- General for
the United West Indies.
4. The Consolidation shall be established and take effect on
and after the day so appointed.
Clauses to follow, stating : —
(a.) The General Council, numbers of Members to be
chosen in each Colony, term, qualification, method of elec-
tion, times and places of meeting, rotation, president and all
matters relating thereto.
(b.) The power to be vested in each member of the
General Council by the various legislatures.
(c.) The various subjects to which power is to be given
to members of the General Council to deal with, such as :
Trade and commerce with other countries and among them-
selves, &c.
(d.) The subjects which may be generally considered and
reported upon by the General Council, such as Codification
of the West Indian Acts and Ordinances on certain subjects,
such as bills of exchange and promissory notes, the civil and
criminal process of the Courts of the West Indies, &c.
N.B. — A concise Act may be built upon the lines of the Com-
monwealth of Australia Constitution Act of 9th July, 1900.
21
The following Article, written by Dr. G. B. MASON, appeared in the
"COLONIAL OFFICE JOURNAL" for April, 1908.
THE FUTURE OF THE WEST INDIES.
In the " Empire Review" for July, 1903, in an article on " The
Needs of the West Indies," I referred to the question of con-
federation, and made certain suggestions as to how it might be
carried out. The chief of these was, that each Island should put
aside a fixed percentage of its annual revenue for confederate
expenses, which would include the whole cost of the machinery
of Government, plus a sum for defence and communications, and
should be free to spend the balance of its revenue on local projects,
as seemed best to the Governor, and the local Administrator and
his Council. A common West Indian legal, medical, and civil
service, with a proper entrance examination, such as the London
Matriculation or the Senior Oxford or Cambridge Local Examina-
tion, good pay, and a pension, was also touched on. From
subsequent experience I desire to modify somewhat the proposals
then made, in the hope that they may assist, in some way, in
the practical solution of this problem in the near future.
The first factor in the situation is, that all these Colonies,
except Barbados, are under the Crown • therefore, all arrange-
ments as to confederation can be made from Downing Street.
Whether it is desirable to appoint a Commission to enquire as
to the best method of confederation or not is a matter which rests
with the Crown.
In the article referred to the suggestion was made that it
was possible to confederate the Colonies without interfering in
any way with the constitution of Barbados, and this, I still think,
is the case.
The Barbadians have done very well with their constitution,
and have managed their affairs well on the whole. The members
of the Legislature are educated men, and are not so blind to the
interests of the Colony they represent as not to realise how much
it would benefit them if Barbados were the seat of Government
of the Windward and Leeward Islands. This is the first point
to emphasise, viz., there should be one Governor for Barbados
22
and the Windward and Leeward Islands (the Antilles) resident
in Barbados, with a salary of ^4,000 per annum, paid by each
Island in proportion to its revenue. The late Sir Robert Hamilton
made a similar suggestion in his able report on the Island of
Dominica, which was laid before Parliament in 1894. The
present arrangement of an Administrator or Commissioner in each
Island, with a nominated Council representing all interests and
classes, should be left untouched. The Colonial Secretary of the
Antilles could also be appointed the Lieutenant- Governor of
Barbados, and act while the Governor was visiting the other
Islands. It should not be forgotten that when the closer union of
St. Vincent and Grenada was brought forward the other day, the
St. Vincent people were against it, but said they were quite willing
to join Barbados.
One instance will show how confederation could benefit Bar-
bados. It is proposed to raise the salary of the Attorney- General
there from ^750 to ^900 per annum ; this seems a large salary
for Barbados to pay, but it is well-known that the present officer
has made more than .£900 per annum by private practice; he,
therefore, loses by accepting the post of Attorney -General. With
confederation, the Attorney -General of the Antilles could be paid
;£i,ooo per annum for the whole Colony, and the present Solicitor-
General of Barbados could become the legal adviser of the Bar-
bados Government at ^250 per annum, with private practice.
Besides this, their Governor and Colonial Secretary, and other
heads of departments would cost the Barbados taxpayers less, their
salaries being paid by the other Islands of the confederation, as
well as Barbados. The Colonial Secretary of the Antilles, and
the heads of departments would all have assistants in each Island
needing them, with salaries of from ^250 to £400 per annum,
according to the importance of the Island. The Chief Justice of
Barbados would become the Chief Justice of the Antilles, at
increased pay, with a puisne judge in each Island requiring one.
The Appeal Court of the West Indies would consist of three of
the Chief Justices on the Bench in the Antilles, Trinidad, British
Guiana, and Jamaica, while that of the Antilles would be made up
-•of the Chief Justice and two puisne judges. The saying which
23
confederation would bring to the Windward and Leeward Islands,
in the salaries of high officials, would be very great; 37*7 per
cent, of the revenue is spent in administration in the Leeward
Islands, and the cost is 73. 3d. per head of the population,
according to the Blue Book. In a paper read at the Royal
Colonial Institute two years ago, Sir Nevile Lubbock pointed out
how much expense was saved these Colonies by their Governor-
General being practically resident at Downing Street. This is
such a sound argument that it effectually disposes of the question
of a Governor- General for the West Indies. With a good mail
service, and the telegraph, these Colonies are constantly in touch
with the Colonial Office. But it would be of advantage if the
Governors of the West Indian Colonies could confer annually,
being attended by such members of their staffs as they need.
These conferences would aim at co-operation and uniformity in
the laws, and general business of the Colonies, and could be held
in each Colony in turn. The facilities afforded by the new mail
service, and other steamers, can be utilised in this direction.
With such an arrangement the Confederate Council could consist of
the four Governors of the Antilles, Trinidad, British Guiana and
Jamaica, with such numbers of their staffs as they wish, the
Imperial Commissioner of Agriculture for the West Indies, the
General Officer commanding the troops in the West Indies, the
Senior Naval Officer on the station, the Archbishop of the West
Indies, the Archbishop of Port of Spain, the Federal Treasurer,
and such prominent West Indians as the Secretary of State
nominates from time to time. Each Colony would pay the cost
of transport of its own officials, and the transport of the others
could be paid from confederate funds. The Confederate Council
need not exceed 20 in number, and would dispose of the funds
contributed by each Island for confederate expenses. The Pre-
sident, ex oficio, would be the Governor of the Colony where
the Council meets. The nominated Councils in each Island would
be able to give the Governors all the advice they require through
their administrators, and there would be four Governments in the
West Indies instead of six, as at present.
No one who knows the West Indies could say that they are
ripe at present for representative Government, whatever they may
24
be in the future. With a rapid mail service, landowners live in
England when they can, instead of on their estates, as in the old
days, and the best men are not available for local assemblies.
The men whose money is in the land, and who are educated, and
able to give good advice, join the West India Committee, and
go to Downing Street in person. This material can be organised
into a West Indian Advisory Council, if the Secretary of State
requires their help.
Two things are needed to develop the West Indies besides
improved government, one is capital, the other is labour. Since
the Brussels Convention was entered into, capital has been coming
into the West Indies, though slowly. If Canadians would wake
up it would come more rapidly. There are many sound projects
for Canadian capital in these Islands in hotels, electric lighting,
railways, harbour works, fruit steamers, central sugar factories,
cotton and sugar planting, &c. It cannot be said the present
agricultural labour is good, nor is it cheap ; the negro's wants are
few, and he prefers to work for himself, rather than for the white
man. Where cane farming, rice farming, and cotton planting
exist, the best result can be obtained from negro labour by sharing
profits, not by paying wages. One of the alternatives to negro
labour is the importation of indentured Indian coolies, which,
though troublesome, seems to be a success in British Guiana and
Trinidad. The English engineers of the harbour works at La
Guayra, in Venezuela, found that their best labourers were
Spaniards from the Canaries, who are white men, and require
higher pay than the negroes, but are far cheaper in the end. One
advantage of this class of labour is they do not settle in foreign
lands, but return to their native country. Neither Chinese nor
Japanese labour is wanted in the West Indies, though there is no
doubt as to its cheapness and efficiency. As regards the proposal
for the exchange of the West Indies for the Philippines, recently
made in a London review, no British Government could consent
to such an arrangement, by which they would lose heavily. The
West Indian Colonies may be backward, but they do not require
an arduous campaign, costing millions, to subjugate an uncivilized
warlike race, such as is found in some parts of the Philippines,
25
before they can be developed. Besides this, the people are too
loyal to wish for any change of flag, however much the : United
States may want them to join the union. Nor have the United
States the class of men available for civil service, such as are to
be found serving in the West Indies for very moderate salaries,
and living up to the best traditions of the English public service
for honesty and straight dealing.
The question of a common tariff for the West Indies will, no
doubt, be considered at the approaching Conference to discuss
trade relations with Canada, which it is proposed to hold in the
near future, on the initiative of the Imperial Commissioner of
Agriculture for the West Indies. It is to be hoped that one
result of this Conference will be a common tariff, so far as is
possible, and common revenue regulations, with free trade between
the Islands, a preference to British and Colonial goods, and
reciprocity to those countries which give the West Indies re-
ciprocity. The success of the present Quarantine Conference
shows how useful the services of a tariff expert would be to assist
this Conference at arriving at some practical result. A reference
to the Colonial Office List for 1907 will show that the population
of the West Indies, British Guiana, British Honduras, the
Bahamas and Bermuda in 1906 was 2,078,477 ; the public debt
was ^6,937,494, the total imports were ^10,229,196, and the total
exports were ,£9,355,139; a trade worth cultivating by Canada.
The best policy for the West Indies is the closest possible union
with Canada, while keeping on the best terms with the United
States. A Government Commissioner, travelling in Canada for
the West Indies, and one travelling in the West Indies for Canada,
would be of the greatest help in promoting trade between the two
countries. With the Canadian market, and with good manage-
ment, the future of the West Indies is well assured, especially if
good fruit steamers are built to run between the Islands and
Canada, and a West Indian sugar refinery is put up in Halifax
or Montreal, owned by the planters themselves and their friends,
in connection with the central factories in each island. There is
no German bounty-fed beet sugar in Canada, and no free imports.
The " COLONIAL OFFICE JOURNAL" for July, 1908,
contained the following article by Mr. R. H. McCARTHY, C.M.G. :—
NOTES ON WEST INDIAN FEDERATION.
The April issue of the " Colonial Office Journal " contains an
article on the Future of the West Indies, in which confederation
is discussed, and this part of the subject is also touched upon
by the Editors. An old and interesting part of the Empire, the
West Indies collectively display an absence of that vitality which
is as conspicuous elsewhere in the British Dominions. From time
to time palliatives have been administered, but the disease is deep-
rooted, and there is a growing feeling that more drastic remedies
are needed if these Colonies are to become prosperous, or to be
rendered able to work out their own salvation.
Last year in the " Fortnightly Review " a writer, signing
himself " Imperialist," proposed to exchange the West Indies for
the Philippines. The proposal exhibited more boldness than
wisdom, and was very effectively dealt with by Mr. Norman
Lament, M.P., in the "Contemporary," and it is here only
referred to as showing the lengths to which some thinkers go in
search of an effective cure. The remedy most usually dwelt upon,
and the most obviously reasonable, is the union of these Colonies
either by unification or confederation. The home authorities have
encouraged movements in that direction, but so far the only result
has been the federation of the Leeward Islands. It is to be feared
that one consequence of this step has been to discredit the idea
of federation. With an area of 704 square miles, a population
of 130,000, and a total revenue of ^120,000, this little group
was given five executive and five legislative councils, with 47 and
73 members respectively, while each port continued to levy customs
duties on imports from the other ports. Unification would
apparently have been more appropriate in this case than federa-
tion, whose machinery is unsuited to units so small. Tha
" Journal " article already referred to advocates union over a
larger area, while regarding the confederation of the whole of
the West Indies as impracticable. This makes the question one
of degree, but it is not quite easy to prove that while union over,
27
say, at line of 500 miles is advisable, it would be unworkable over
a line of 1,000 or even 1,500. In passing, the author's sugges-
tion may be noted that even the Governors of Colonies outside the
confederation, with members of their staffs, should be invited to
general conferences with the authorities of the federated Colonies.
This suggestion seems to weaken somewhat the argument against a
wider federation, as it implies the existence of common interests.
The present writer would welcome the confederation of Bar-
bados, the Windward, and the Leeward Islands as a step in the
right direction. However, while admitting that there are diffi-
culties attending a larger scheme (about most things worth doing
there are difficulties), he is satisfied that they are not insuperable ;
and as a contribution to the discussion he will examine, necessarily
very briefly, the objections most commonly urged. These are : —
1. Mutual remoteness, lack of means of communication, and
diversity of laws, races and interests.
2. Consequent difficulties of administration, conspicuously with
reference to inspection by Governor, or Governor -General. Alleged
to be easier -practically to govern from London.
3. Disinclination on the -part of the West Indies, with which
the initiative rests. Difference in resources and unfairness of
'partnership to the more prosperous.
4. Absence of advantages.
Distance, communication and diversity- — The Australian
Commonwealth measures approximately 2,700 miles by 2,000, and
Canada covers from east to west over 3,000 miles, but the re-
moteness of the various parts has not prevented confederation.
In these cases land forms the barrier of distance, and in that of
the West Indies, water, a difference entirely in favour of the We.st
Indies, though the fact is not always realized. When you have
at immense expense spanned a continent with a railway, you have
only rendered accessible a strip on either side, while on the sea
you already have an easy road in whatever direction the head of
a vessel is turned. Were the Atlantic land instead of water,
probably the West Indies would still await their discoverer. Take
28
a local illustration. Practically, as regards ease, speed, or cheap-
ness of transit, is not the capital of British Guiana nearer to
Jamaica than to her own interior, say, 300 miles away ?
It is true that means of inter-communication both by steamer
and by telegraph are defective, and urgently call for improve-
ment. If a reform be instituted which is needed in any case, the
present defects will cease to be an argument against federation.
On the other hand, had the West Indies a single authority and
a joint purse these defects would, beyond any reasonable doubt,
be speedily removed.
Assimilation of laws would be useful, and would probably
take place by degrees were the Colonies under one legislature,
but it is not absolutely necessary. Even now the laws of England,
Ireland, and Scotland present many discrepancies.
The alleged diversity of interests is purely imaginary. There
is more of such diversity in any one English county than there is
throughout the whole of the West Indies, which are — broadly
speaking, of course — purely agricultural, and with no greater
variety of products than may be found on a single English farm.
Racial diversity is an equally fanciful difficulty. Trinidad
alone has as varied an assortment of races as have the West Indies
collectively.
Difficulties of administration. — Surely too much stress is laid
on frequent visits by a Governor (why " Governor- General " ?).
Is there any large state or dependency whose every part is
frequently visited by its head?
How often does the Governor- General ,of Canada visit Van-
couver, or even Winnipeg? or the Viceroy of India ten per cent,
of the cities in his charge? One is tempted to ask a similar
question respecting the Governors of Jamaica, Trinidad and
British Guiana. During a recent tour Sir Henry McCallum was
told by the inhabitants of an important district in Ceylon that
they had not seen a Governor for 25 or 30 years. It is suggested
that except for perhaps an annual tour, occupying a month or so,
the Governor of the West Indies would be better employed at head-
quarters, leaving inspection to his officers. With a special steamer,
preferably a man-of-war, he would be actually at sea about ten days,
29
Governing the West Indies from London and government from
a local centre have scarcely a feature in common. Even if the
Secretary of State had such a body of advisers as the Indian
Council, that is to say of men who had spent many years on the
spot, and were familiar with local circumstances, there would
still be a very material difference. Government by cable has its
disadvantages, and in practice a distance of 4,000 miles is a factor
of some importance. A Governor stationed in, suppose, Barbados,
would be fairly near any part of the West Indies, and could within
three days reach any Colony. Meanwhile, he would have at his
side officers possessing an intimate knowledge of every Colony.
West Indian disinclination or indifference. — Bearing in mind
the number of separate governments in the West Indies, and the
arguments based on the remoteness and difficulties of communica-
tion, it seems unreasonable to expect these small communities to
take the initiative in a movement as important and whose details
are necessarily complicated. It will also be remembered that West
Indians have long been struggling with economic troubles, with the
heart-sickness engendered by hopes deferred. Nbr must it be
forgotten that the Crown Colony system of government, whatever
be. its merits, and however necessary it may be in the West Indies,
does not encourage initiative.
An objection commonly urged in the West Indies is based on
the relative poverty of some of the Colonies. " Why should we
be linked with a miserable island like ?" is a natural ques-
tion. However, everything depends on the financial arrangements
made. It would be possible to keep the purses separate, each
Colony making a contribution to the Federal exchequer. That is
not to be recommended, and in the opinion of the writer the best
means of meeting this difficulty is by what may be called a wedding
gift from the Mother Country on the occasion of the happy union.
What direction this should take there is no need to discuss. It
might take that of wiping out certain debts, or of a contribution
towards setting up house ; whatever its direction, it might be made
to serve the purpose of removing glaring inequalities. The ex-
pectation of such a gift is not unwarranted. These Colonies have
contributed largely to the wealth of Great Britain in the past;
so
how that many of them have fallen on evil times they have a
claim to assistance. There is a more material reason. Looking
back over the long list of grants and subsidies to the West Indies,
it evidently would be well worth the while of Great Britain to
contribute handsomely towards an arrangement calculated to put a
stop to the stream of doles, and to diminish her responsibility for
the poorer members of the group.
Absence of Advantage. — This point could not be discussed
adequately except at considerable length, and here the benefits
which might be expected will only be briefly indicated.
What has led to the development of the family into the tribe
and thence into the nation? What prompted confederation in
Canada and Australia, and is going to bring it about in South
Africa? The knowledge that union is strength. In contiguous
communities like those of the West Indies, mainly of the same
race, with histories very similar, subject to the same economic con-
ditions, and free from commercial rivalry, it must be obvious that
Customs barriers, differences in laws, separate administrations and
separate treasuries mean loss and inconvenience, and, in external
affairs, weakness. How little is known in Britain of the West
Indies, and how little attention their affairs receive from the
public ! For weeks together these Colonies are unmentioned in
the London Press. The fact must be recognised that the West
Indies do not fill a large space in the public eye. Compared with
other possessions, they are small and poor. Excluding British
Guiana and the Bahamas, their total area is 7,500 square miles.
That of the comparatively insignificant Gold Coast Colony is
40,000, of Northern Nigeria 310,000, and of Australia nearly
three million square miles. These possessions appeal more
strongly to the investing public, and touch more forcibly the pride
and the imagination of the masses than do small Colonies which,
whatever their past, are now best known by their misfortunes.
The combined West Indies, though still relatively small, would
have more weight than they have now, and the existence of a
common treasury, by enabling them to help one another and to
dispense with Imperial doles, would cause them to be held in
more respect by the materially minded, and would at the same
time improve their credit.
si
The best thing done for the West Indies during the past fifty
years has been the establishment of the Imperial Department of
Agriculture. The Department derives strength from its centralised
character, but at the same time its independence of local authority
is a source of weakness. Similar work would undoubtedly be
carried on, and under more favourable conditions, by a federal
government. Science has, speaking generally, overlooked the West
Indies, because the separate Colonies cannot afford such a luxury.
Education, defence, communications — these are only some of the
many matters for efficiently dealing with which a central authority
and a joint treasury are necessary. It is said that much might
be done by conferences. These have an educational value, but
they are necessarily only advisory, and confined to one subject,
and they could not be a substitute for a central legislature and
executive.
If it were possible to calculate the total cost to the West Indies
of the barriers they erect against one another by Customs tariffs
and quarantine restrictions, it would be universally admitted to be
appalling. If delay and expense be inflicted on your carriers,
and obstacles be thrown in the way of your traders, sooner or
later you pay for it in one form or another. Lately, on the
initiative of the Colonial Office, quarantine law and practice, both
of them discreditable to British communities, were amended, and,
is was hoped, made uniform. A great deal of discretionary power,
however, was left to the different health officers, with the result
that the degree of loyalty and intelligence with which the law is
now administered varies very considerably, and in the absence
of central executive control uniformity shows an irresistible
tendency to disappear, and with it much of the value of reform.
Though the average rate of pay in the West Indian Public
Service is considerably below that of public departments at home,
in spite of the lower cost of living in Britain, and very many of
the officers are miserably underpaid, the total cost of administra-
tion is out of all proportion to the resources of these Colonies.
This fact is mainly due to the number of separate governments,
each with its crowd of small separate departments. Not only
Governors, but other officers with high-sounding titles, are by far
too numerous, and to a great extent they are necessarily employed
on work which might well be committed to cheaper men, were
there more centralisation, with an efficient system of supervision.
One result of federation would be a great reduction in the number
of these high officials.
The writer, however, lays less stress on economy than on the
increased efficiency which might be expected. The want of uni-
formity in the conditions of service precludes the free movement
of officers between the Colonies. In one Colony no pension is
payable unless a man has served in it for ten years ; in another
an officer is compelled to contribute to his own pension ; scales of
salary vary, not with the volume or nature of the work, but with
the financial position of the respective Colonies ; and the policy,
explicable but disastrous, of regarding recruits from outside as
trespassers, prevails almost throughout the West Indies. Some
years ago, in the course of a Parliamentary enquiry, attention
was called to the large sums spent by certain departments. At
home, on the removal of officers, it was explained that the money
was considered to be well spent in keeping men fresh and broaden-
ing their experience. A similar policy might be adopted, with
immense advantage, in the West Indies, the drawbacks attending
the retention of a public officer in one small community for many
years, especially if he be a native of the place, being very grave.
A Public Service, properly paid and graded, such as is found
for the Eastern Colonies by open competition, would be by far
more efficient, and probably, in the end, be far cheaper than is
the present service. The formation of such a service, which is
practically impossible in present circumstances, would be one of
the most striking benefits likely to accrue through federation.
Other advantages might be anticipated from confederation, but
the writer thinks that the case for union rests securely on the
following : — Increased ability to develop resources and to meet
passing difficulties by means of a central authority and a common
exchequer ; increased intercourse and trade through the abolition
of Customs barriers; more liberal quarantine administration;
improved means of steam and telegraphic communication; the
growth of a more progressive spirit and of wider views in legisla-
tion ; greater administrative efficiency, and probably economy, by
the consolidation of establishments ; more influence in England
and elsewhere in advancing West Indian interests ; and improve-
ment of West Indian credit by mutual assistance and independence
of help from outside.
Comment by the ''WEST INDIA COMMITTEE CIRCULAR,"
from 1908-1911, on the Federation and Unification of the West Indies,
and the Annexation of the Bahamas to Canada or the incorporation of
the Bahamas with the Dominion of Canada.
POLITICAL OR COMMERCIAL FEDERATION?
1
The closer trade relations between the West Indies and Canada
have brought about a revival of the question of West Indian
federation, and we have received the usual contributions to the
literature of the subject from armchair economists on this side.
There is no doubt that to the outside and uninitiated observer the
cost of government of our West Indian Colonies appears enormous.
Islands, individual or collected into small groups, are seen
possessing apparently expensive systems of official control, with
consequent high cost of management per head of population, and,
at first sight, an amalgamation of departments, whereby a reduc-
tion of staff and expenditure could be obtained, would seem a
self-evident course to pursue. The machinery of government,
however, would have to exist on each Island, and there would
have to be a responsible head on each, no matter ^by what name
he might be called. The small groups of Islands which, on
account of their contiguity, lend themselves to confederation, are
already federated as the Windward and Leeward Islands, and
Tobago has been attached to Trinidad. When it comes, however,
to dealing with Trinidad, Barbados, Jamaica and British Guiana
it is quite another question. Barbados and British Guiana have
their representative form of government, which they naturally would
be unwilling to give up. Besides, the latter Colony, with its
enormous area awaiting development, requires especial handling,
which can only be done by the man on the spot. Jamaica and
Trinidad, it is true, are Crown Colonies, although the non-official
members of the Council of the former are elected by the people,
34
but when the great interests involved and the distance between the
Islands — over 1,000 miles — are considered, what would be gained
by confederating the machinery of their control? It is this
question of distance, indeed, coupled with the individual require-
ments of the several units, which so complicates the question. In
fact, a Governor- General would have to have his home upon the
sea, and would be nothing more or less than a travelling agent
of the Colonial Office, while a considerable touring judicial staff
would have to be maintained. When, however, it comes to a
question of commercial and industrial federation, we feel that
there is ample scope and opportunity for combination. The old
and mistaken view that the interest of' each industry and trade
stands apart from its fellows is fast disappearing. The sugar
industry of British Guiana has an interest in the maintenance of
the cacao industry of Grenada, the prosperity of the fruit industry
of Jamaica, or the development of the lime industry of Dominica
as well as in its own welfare ; for the prosperity of any one part
of thel West Indies is a factor in the prosperity of the whole. It
may be that amalgamation of government and uniformity of laws
may in theory be of benefit to the West Indies, although we
confess that at the present moment we do not see how this can
in practice be carried out ; but what would be of paramount good
would be the greater blending of the industrial and commercial
interests. With this in view we would like to see the formation
of a federated commercial and industrial West Indian Parliament,
meeting regularly, and keeping a watchful eye on the external and
internal industrial and commercial interests of the West Indies.
Such a body, thoroughly representative, would constitute a force
in the affairs of the West Indies which could not fail to make
itself felt at home and abroad. Meeting periodically, the several
interests would be strengthened by the unanimity of action which
would result from the deliberations, and while concerted control
of outside trade would thus be obtained, the representations of
such a body on their home affairs could not be disregarded by any
Government which might be in power. In this way a step towards
practical federation would be made which, although not realising
the Utopia of a self-governing West Indian Commonwealth, would
materially help in the direction of progress.
35
WEST INDIAN FEDERATION.
2
The subject of West Indian confederation has recently been
dealt with in the " Colonial Office Journal " in articles by Dr.
G. B. Mason and Mr. R. H. McCarthy, and in a letter from Mr.
J. Rippon. These gentlemen are so closely connected with the
West Indies that their views are deserving of every consideration.
The main point of Dr. Mason's suggestion is that the Governorship
of the Leeward and Windward Islands should be incorporated
with that of Barbados, with a diminution in the judicial staff of
these Islands, and the formation of a Confederate Council. Mr.
McCarthy is nothing if not thorough, and he advocates complete
administrative reform ; even to the extent of the formation of a
West Indian Civil Service on the lines of the East Indian. His
is essentially a scheme de luxe. A Governor- General in Barbados
— an administrator in each Colony — fewer, it is true, highly-paid
subordinates, with a higher average of general official pay — a
civil service recruited from the successful candidates at high test
examinations, and complete and rapid means of official transit
between the several dependencies, would no doubt afford an ideal
confederated administration. But it would be based on efficiency
rather than economy. There are, however, two great difficulties
in the way of carrying out such a scheme, which Mr. McCarthy
has not taken into account. The one is that there are no less
than four different systems of government in the West Indies,
from the Crown Colony pure and simple to the representative
institutions of Barbados and British Guiana. The amalgamation
of these into one — for that would be an essential part of the success
of such a scheme as Mr. McCarthy's — would be full of difficulty.
It would mean that representative government would have to be
extended throughout the whole of the West Indies and the Crown
Colony system abandoned, whether advisable or not, for no Colony
possessing such inalienable constitutional rights as self-taxation
and independence in domestic legislation would be content to go
back to a Crown Colony form of government. The other objection
rs the cost, which the West Indies are not in a position to stand
at present. Such a confederated administration may come in time,
and we hope it will, but it must be arrived at as the outcome of
36
other methods, and to these Mr. Rippon supplies the keynote when
he advocates the formation of a Central Council to deal primarily
with questions of common interest concerning trade and commerce.
As we have already stated in these pages, commercial confederation
should be the first step towards a unified West Indies, and this is
what Mr. Rippon's suggestion would, if adopted, practically lead
to. What is wanted is commercial solidarity based on uniformity
of interest. It is in tariffs rather than red tape that the future
of these Colonies lies, and an officially recognised commercial
body fully representative of all sorts and conditions of commerce
and industry is what is required in the West Indies in the first
instance. The fostering of trade thus effected would mean in-
creased welfare throughout, and the intercommunion thus brought
about would automatically lead to administrative uniformity. The
action recently taken by Barbados in passing a tariff which gives
preferential rates to Canada in return for similar concessions is
of a kind which should have been formulated by such a body
representing the whole of the West Indies. By laying down the
general principle that confederation is the correct thing, and by
carefully applying that principle to the conditions as they arise,
the whole problem will be solved satisfactorily. We should not,
indeed, be surprised if, in a much shorter time than most could
anticipate, a working scheme based on the lines we have indicated
were evolved, resulting in a confederated West Indies, confederated
not simply in administration, but in trade, commerce and industry.
But no scheme will or ought to be entertained by the West Indies
which would fetter or impair in any one of the communities its
constitutional right of self-taxation and domestic legislation by
elected representatives in the several legislative bodies.
A PLEA FOR UNIFICATION.
3
The terms of reference to the Royal Commission on trade
between Canada and the West Indies were wide, and we shall be
very much disappointed if the Commissioners do not have something
to say in their report — the publication of which may be expected at
an early date — about the unification of the West Indies, as to the
37
desirability of which there can be no two opinions, and about the
present deplorable absence of uniformity in nearly everything that
concerns these Colonies, and the inconveniences which arise from
it. Unification can, as it seems to us, be effected in many respects
short of actual political federation without the least difficulty, and
the sooner the wheels are put in motion with that end in view
the better will it be for the West Indies. At present there is a
lamentable lack of uniformity about their legislation, Customs
arrangements — as we are reminded by the present dispute in
British Guiana — tariffs, medical and postal services and the like,
which undoubtedly hinders progress and leads to differences of
opinion, jealousies, and the isolation of individual Colonies of the
West Indian, group one from another. Without any violent upheaval
it should surely be possible to bring about improvement. The
initiative must rest with the Colonial Office, and in many directions
steps might be taken towards centralisation and uniformity in the
particular matters mentioned above, which should certainly not
arouse opposition but prove valuable, not only in their immediate
results but for the lessons which they would teach by showing the
immense advantages of joint action. In this respect the Imperial
Department of Agriculture has been a useful object lesson, for,
though its active operations have been confined to Barbados and the
Windward and Leeward Islands, it has helped to weld those
Islands together by a community of interest, while the annual
conferences have brought agriculturists from all parts of the West
Indies, including British Guiana, into closer touch than they have
ever been brought before. So, too, the West India Committee may
fairly claim to have done something towards bringing about united
action and a closer understanding between the residents in the
West Indies, though modesty prevents our dilating upon this theme.
Political federation may be a dream of the future ; but unification
should be a matter for the present time. Absolute uniformity in all
respects would be too much to hope for where the economic
products of the different Islands vary so much, rendering it hard to
devise a uniform system of raising revenue, but many anomalies,
which at present bewilder shippers, might be swept away. One has
only to glance at the list of existing import duties to recognise the
absurdity of the present system. Opening it at random we find
38
under the heading " Milk, preserved," no less than ten different rates
of duty, varying from |d. per Ib. in Dominica to 20 per cent ad
valorem in the case of the Bahamas ; and so it is with practically
every article on the list ! Then, again, there can be no possible
reason why the medical, postal and civil services generally should
not be unified. A general West Indian civil service would offer
many and great advantages. It would be conducive to greater
efficiency, improving as it would the chances of promotion, the
absence of which must lead to stagnation and prevent many parents
from putting their sons into the service. With unification the West
Indies would be able to speak with afar more powerful voice. They
would have practical entity in the Empire instead of losing, as they
do now, their individuality under the general title of Crown Colonies.
There are few who would venture to deny that, if the West Indies
had enjoyed unification in the past, the revival of prosperity which
they are now enjoying would have come to them far earlier.
THE CALL FOR UNIFORMITY.
4
The sittings of the Imperial Conference and the notes of their
proceedings reported from day to day cannot fail to emphasize and
to bring home to every man who thinks upon the subject the
anomalous, not to say ignominious, position of the West Indies.
Here are a group of Colonies, whose history is part of the
inheritance of the Mother Country, whose trade is constant and
increasing, whose loyalty is proverbial (though it has cost them much
in days not far distant), with no status whatever in this great
consultative Council of the Empire. Matters may be discussed in
which they are intimately concerned, such as Imperial Defence and
Steamship and Cable Communication ; yet they can put forward
no views, make no suggestion. New Zealand, with a population of
barely over 1,000,000, and Newfoundland with less than 300,000
inhabitants, are taking an active part in every discussion ; but the
opinion of the British West Indies, with an aggregate population of
1,700,000, is unheard, and unacknowledged. Of course we all
know the reason. It is because they are a group, and cannot speak
with one voice and under one authority. In an article on August
39
2 Qth, 1910, we expressed the hope that the Report of the Royal
Commission on Trade between Canada and the West Indies might
have something to say on the importance of unification of some sort
among these Colonies ; but, wide as the terms of reference were, the
Commissioners seem to have thought that matter outside their
scope. It seems to us, however, that the time has now come when
the subject can be discussed calmly and dispassionately. No one
now believes what Mr. Pope Hennessy wrote to Lord Carnarvon
on March nth, 1876, that "Confederation would be the most
natural and effective remedy for widespread poverty and growing
crime "; but all sensible people have come to the conclusion that
greater union between the Islands themselves, and British Guiana
and British Honduras, must add to their strength, prosperity, and
influence. As to the union of the whole under one -nominal chief,
that is essentially a political question, and one which any Govern-
ment would require to consider very carefully. We are quite sure
that they would not wish to destroy old existing constitutions, nor
to mix up the finances of particular Colonies. But something on a
larger scale may be attempted somewhat similar to the present
constitution of the Leeward Islands. These Islands consist of five
presidencies, all of them (except the Virgin Islands) having their
own local legislatures. The five presidencies make up the Colony of
the Leeward Islands, which is administered by a Governor, to whom
the Administrators and Commissioners are subordinate, and which
has also a general Legislative Council, possessing concurrent
legislative powers with the local legislatures on certain subjects.
Even the initiation of such a modified scheme as this should start
from the Islands themselves, and opportunities of ample discussion
should be given. It seems to us that at this juncture the matter
might well form the subject of an Intercolonial Conference on the
lines of those held in Barbados with reference to the quarantine
laws, or when the Royal Mail Steam contract was being considered.
There are many matters, even now, ripe for consideration,
not for settlement. Quarantine has, we hope, been disposed of
at least for a time ; but there are many anomalies concerning
intercolonial passenger and freight rates and telegraphic communi-
cation which might conveniently engage immediate attention.
Again, why should there not be uniformity of practice in such
40
matters as the registration of titles, in the usage in regard to bills
of exchange and promissory notes, in bankruptcy laws and so
forth. A uniform customs tariff may not be immediately obtain-
able, but considerable progress towards that end might be made
even now by securing some uniformity of definition under the
existing tariffs. Then there is an entire lack of uniformity among
the systems of law prevailing in these Colonies. There is no better
system than the Roman law, which forms the basis of jurisprudence
in British Guiana, but it has been so much overlaid with
judge-made law that it is often hardly recognisable. Is it too
much to hope that one system of law might be devised for the
whole of the West Indies ? Then there is infinite diversity in the
custom of practice before the courts. In Barbados, English
Scotch and Irish solicitors may practise without examination. No
one can practise as a barrister unless he has been called to the
Bar in England or Ireland, or admitted as an advocate in Scotland.
In British Guiana, persons admitted as solicitors are not thereby
entitled to practise as barristers ; but, if qualified as barristers, are
not debarred from practising in both branches of the profession.
In British Honduras there is no distinction between a barrister
and a solicitor. In St. Lucia every barrister may practise as a
solicitor, and so on. Surely it would not be difficult to come to
an agreement upon such a subject as this. If any or all of the
above points could be arranged, a great step would be gained
towards the fusion of common interests, and we believe that
deliberations entered upon with the view of finding common
ground by mutual concessions and the laying aside of local
jealousies would be productive of fruitful results. It must not be
forgotten that there is already an ecclesiastic province of the West
Indies, of which all the Bishops are members, and the Metro-
politan— at present the Archbishop of the West Indies — is the head.
The meetings of the Synod are held every three years in the
different dioceses by rotation. We have thrown out these
suggestions, because no harm, at all events, can accrue from
discussing them, and the more they are discussed the more
reasonable, we are convinced, they will appear to be. The Press
can do much to help, if they approach the subject with a broad
mind, and not in a partisan spirit. As the " Times " said in its
41
Empire number of 1910: "All the interests of the West Indies
point in the direction of their closer co-operation. That their
ultimate goal is to be welded together into one integral portion of
the Empire seems certain. That goal may be far off, but it should
never be lost sight of, and nothing should be neglected which will
help to make its attainment easier."
CANADA AND THE WEST INDIES.
5
We hope that the West Indies will soon be bestirring themselves
in the matter of a reciprocal trade arrangement with Canada, and
that the Secretary of State for the Colonies' will — if he has not
done so already — intimate to the Dominion Ministers the readiness
of those Colonies (Jamaica and Grenada excepted) to open up
negotiations with this end in view. Meanwhile, Sir William Grey
Wilson, the Governor of the Bahamas, who has been paying a visit
to Ottawa, has, it is reported, been advocating the political union
with Canada of " the Bahamas and the other Colonies in the West
Indies," which would, he proposed, be given the status of a province
sending members to the Ottawa Parliament. As far as the Bahamas
are concerned, Sir William Grey-Wilson's brief was, no doubt,
the resolution passed by the House of Assembly of the Bahamas
earlier in the present year, on the occasion of the holiday visit
of a prominent managing director of a Canadian Life Insurance
Company, in which they favoured an enquiry by His Excellency
as to the terms on which the Dominion of Canada would admit
those Islands into the confederation. For the other West Indian
Colonies, however, he held no such brief, and we cannot help
thinking that his suggestion, which seems to us premature, and, if
we may be pardoned for adding it, unwise, will be resented in most
of our West Indian Colonies. We are not aware that there is any
wish in the West Indies for federation with Canada at the present
time. Indeed, in many of the Islands any such suggestion would be
met by determined opposition. Again, in Canada there is certainly
no feeling among thinking people in favour of making the West
Indies a province of the Dominion, even if it were possible under
the British North America Act of 1867. An Ottawa despatch'
42
which appears in our contemporary the "Montreal Daily Witness,"
airily states that "an organic union, such as the Bahamas are
asking, could be brought about by simply transferring the appointive
(sic) power from London to Ottawa, in regard to the Legislative
Council of the Islands, commercial union being, of course, an
integral part of the arrangement." If Canada were to appoint
the members of the Legislature it is to be assumed that she
would also have the power of appointment to the civil service.
Would a Canadian be preferable to an Imperial civil service?
Another most serious obstacle would be the question of repre-
sentation. The population of Canada is 7,100,000; that of the
West Indies is over 1,500,000. Representation at Ottawa is, we
believe, arranged on a numerical basis. Would Canada accord
to the West Indies ons-nfth of the seats in the Dominion
Parliament? The thing is unthinkable. Sir William Grey-
Wilson is reported to have stated that "the franchise qualifi-
cations would be set at a high standard, so as to obviate the
difficulties connected with the negro vote." This suggestion is so
un-British that we sincerely hope that Sir William has been
incorrectly reported. What the West Indies want is a commercial
arrangement with Canada — a reciprocal trade agreement on the
lines of that recommended by the Royal Commission on Trade
between Canada and the West Indies. The population of Canada
is increasing by leaps and bounds, and the outlook for closer
trade between the Dominion and the West Indies is full of promise,
assuming that the refiners' privilege of importing foreign sugar on
the terms of the British preferential tariff is withdrawn. It would
certainly be a grave mistake to drag the red herring of 'fc annexation,"
as some of our friends have called it, across the track. The
attitude of Mr. R. L. Borden, Minister at Ottawa, is known
to be favourable towards reciprocal trade within the Empire. The
Hon. G. E. Foster, the Minister of Trade and Commerce, may
be said to be the father of the movement for closer trade
between Canada and the West Indies. Let us keep to that for
the present at any rate, and try by all means in our power to
get that matter through, and to prevent the Report of the Royal
Commission being pigeon-holed.
DISCUSSION AT THE WEST INDIAN CLUB.
MARCH IOTH, 1909.
During this discussion, in which prominent members of the West
Indian Community took part, it was generally admitted that some
plan of union was necessary, if not urgent, by reason of the smallness
of each market, and the impossibility of securing for each a voice of
any weight in matters affecting its vital interests.
The formation of a league, similar to that which was called into
existence to deal with the Sugar Bounties, was recommended — and
the title suggested was the " United West Indies League " — to
promote unification and to start and maintain some plan of advocacy
towards the desired end. It was deemed necessary that such a body
should be appointed in the Colonies, which would become the back-
bone of a " United West Indies."
In view of the difficulties which had to be met when forming the
South African Union, it was considered that there were no obstacles
to the scheme in the West Indies, which could not be similarly and
successfully overcome, but the movement towards a union must
come from " within."
The following paper was submitted to the Royal Commissioners on
Trade Relations between Canada and the West Indies by the
Hon. D. S. de FREITAS of Grenada, on March ist, 1910.
DELIBERATIVE CONVENTION.
The British West Indian Islands and Demerara should combine
for the purpose of discussing questions and promoting objects of
interest.
While I do not pretend to say that the trend of the West Indian
mind is strongly towards federation, I think it may be asserted that
in recent years a consciousness of kinship has been growing from
strength to strength among the British West Indian Islands. Any-
thing in the nature of concerted action must be informed by senti-
44
ment to possess vitality and stability. In my opinion a reciprocal
sentiment, born of many causes, does exist among these Islands.
But to be fruitful it must be sentiment not without organization, and
a sentiment that will be sustained by common advantage and
common interest. There can be no question that by concerted action
the British West Indies will achieve results greatly to their common
advantage.
Without attempting to formulate anything in the nature of a
complete scheme, it may be suggested in outline that the proposed
combination should take the form of a central authority, comprising
representatives from Demerara and the British West Indian Islands,
to be chosen probably from the members of their respective legisla-
tures, and to deal with such common subjects and questions as : —
(a) Steam Communication, Shipping and Freight Charges.
(3) Trade and Commerce.
(c) Postal and Telegraph Service.
(d) Quarantine.
(e) Marine and Fire Insurance.
(/) The establishment of a single system of Commercial
Jurisprudence.
(g) The establishment of a uniform and simple system of
registration of properties and of securities on properties.
(ti) Bills of Exchange and Promissory Notes.
(V) Bankruptcy and Insolvency.
&c., &c., &c.
Any policy or decision stamped with the concurrence of Demerara
and of the British West Indies will carry weight and call for clear
recognition. There is no intention that the proposed combination
should detract from the individual life and force of any of the
members of it ; still less is it comtemplated to abridge their control
of their local affairs and legislation and their liberties in respect of
self-taxation. To begin with, the central authority should fulfil
the functions of a deliberative convention, using their efforts to
strengthen the influence and unify the interest of the various Islands
and to promote the common welfare. At this stage I am decidedly
of opinion that they should be invested with neither executive nor
legislative powers. In course of time it is to be hoped there will
spring up within and among the several Islands a larger spirit
leading them to the formation of a real union. It should be the
grand ambition of the central authority to breathe this larger hope
in the British West Indies.
D. S. DE FREITAS.
UNIFICATION.
Blue Book Cd. 5369 of 1910 contains the following paragraphs
in the Instructions to and in the Report of the Royal Commission on
Trade Relations between Canada and the West Indies, which was
appointed to obtain facts and report as to the steps which can and
should be taken in order to secure, encourage and develop mutual
trading facilities.
The members of the Commission were :
The RIGHT HONOURABLE LORD BALFOUR OF BURLEIGH,
P.C., K.T.
The HONOURABLE WILLIAM STEVENS FIELDING (CANADA).
The HONOURABLE WILLIAM PATERSON (CANADA).
SIR JOHN POYNDER DICKSON-POYNDER, BART.
D.S.O., M.P.
SIR DANIEL MORRIS, K.C.M.G.
HUBERT RUSSELL COWELL, ESQ., B.A., Secretary.
ROBERT H. MCCARTHY, ESQ., C.M.G., Expert Adviser.
N.B. — The Hon. W. S. Fielding was unable to visit the
West Indies.
They should consider, having regard to the views which have
been expressed by the Canadian Government, how far, in framing
any reciprocal trade arrangement between Canada and the British
West Indies, it may be either possible or desirable to deal with the
British West Indies collectively, and whether it may not be wellj
while framing an arrangement applicable to all, to make the application
permissive in the case of the individual Colonies, so that those
Colonies which may be willing to accept the proposals at once may
do so, and the others may have the option of adhering at a later date.
46
While thus having regard to the interests and the inclinations of
the separate West Indian Colonies, so that they may receive every
consideration consistent with due regard to the interest of Canada,
the Commissioners should bear in mind that any recommendations
which they can make in the direction of a uniform system of customs
duties for the British West Indies will be for the benefit of those
Colonies, and tend to facilitate the objects of the inquiry.
The Canadian Government, in view of the difficulties foreseen in
the conclusion of separate reciprocity agreements with the several
West Indian Colonies, proposed that the whole subject should be
further considered by a conference organised by Imperial authority
in the form of a Royal Commission or otherwise. The report of
the Committee of the Privy Council of Canada on the subject is
printed as an appendix to the Commission in which His Majesty
King Edward was pleased to appoint us to inquire into the questions
that had arisen.
The desirability of a uniform tariff for the West Indies has been
suggested, and it is certain that if such a tariff could be established
to the satisfaction of all the Colonies it would be a great improve-
ment on the present state of affairs. Apart altogether from the
immediate subject of preference, the establishing of such a uniform
tariff would simplify the commercial relations of the West Indian
Colonies with other countries, and would have a unifying effect,
which in the circumstances of these Colonies is most desirable.
But we realise that for the reasons already stated, and for other
reasons, there is little probability of the various Colonies being able
at present to agree upon the details of a uniform tariff.
If the problem of preference could only be considered along
these lines we should fear that the barriers in the way of its solution
were too serious to be overcome. But we are of opinion that a
method may be found which will avoid the obstacles to which we
have referred, and leave to the respective Colonies all reasonable
freedom in the arrangement of their financial affairs.
What appears to be necessary, however, is not a uniformity of
tariff for the West Indies, however desirable that may be ; not even
a uniformity as to method of creating the preference — whether by
increase or diminution of duties — but that a uniform minimum
47
amount of preference should be established, and that so long as that
minimum is recognised and provided for, each of the Colonies should
be left free, so far as any agreement with Canada is concerned, to
impose whatever duties may be deemed necessary for the purposes
of the Colony.
The Canadian Government in their Privy Council Report already
referred to pointed out the difficulty of Canada entering into a
preferential agreement with one Colony only, and the desirability of
having the arrangement, if made, include, if not all, a group of the
Colonies.
We are hopeful that several of the larger Colonies will be disposed
to enter into any scheme of reciprocity which may result from this
Report. We therefore suggest a form of agreement which might be
entered into between Canada and any or all of the Colonies. This
form of agreement is printed in Appendix I. to this Report. Some
of the Colonies no doubt would wish time for further consideration.
With a view to allowing such time, and to encourage all the Colonies
to participate in the proposed arrangement, we would recommend
that if an agreement be made between Canada and three or more of
the larger sugar-growing Colonies, the other Colonies which are not
prepared immediately to become parties to the arrangement should,
nevertheless, be permitted for a reasonable time to share in the
concessions granted by Canada to the Colonies accepting the
agreement. This privilege might, we think, be allowed to continue
for a period of three years. We should hope that during that period
all the West Indian Colonies would find it to their interest to become
parties to the agreement, but if, after such full opportunity for
consideration of the scheme, they should conclude that adherence to
the agreement would not be beneficial to them, they could not
reasonably complain if the Canadian concessions were then withdrawn
from them, and confined to the Colonies which are prepared to grant
to Canada reciprocal concessions.
It will be noted that the provisions of the agreement leave it open
to any Colony to extend to any other part of the British Empire the
same terms as are granted to Canada and the United Kingdom.
We have carefully considered the proposals made to us in Canada
and in the West Indies, and have drawn up in Schedule A. attached
I
to Appendix I., a Ust of the articles on which, in our opinion, the
West Indian Colonies might agree to extend preferential terms to
Canada.
We do not intend this list to be final or comprehensive. We
recommend that the Governments of the West Indian Colonies, if
they are prepared, as we trust they will be, to conclude a general
agreement with the Dominion Government somewhat on these lines,
should appoint representatives to discuss this list with representatives
of the Dominion Government and decide questions of detail regarding
the several items.
It should, of course, be understood that, while such a conference
would have power to modify the list in detail, the list finally agreed
upon ought to be accepted or rejected in its entirety by any Colony
desiring to enter into a reciprocal arrangement with Canada. It
would be in the highest degree undesirable and perhaps even
impossible to leave discretion to any single Colony to require a
special modification of the list.
At a conference of this character it would also be possible to
agree upon a uniform code of regulations for securing that only goods
entitled to the preference should be admitted under the reduced rate
of duty, and generally to secure a greater uniformity of practice in
customs matters than exists at present in the West Indies.
On the 22nd November, 1911, a scheme for the Federation of certain
of the West Indian Colonies was read by the Honourable C. Gideon Murray,
Administrator of St. Vincent. The following: special despatch by Reuter's
Telegram Company was sent to the Colonies, and indicates the outlines of
the scheme, which, together with the discussion, would seem to be fully
explanatory.
LONDON, Nov. 2 2ND. — The Hon. C. GIDEON MURRAY, Admin-
istrator of St. Vincent, read a paper to-day before the West India
Committee on the federation of certain of the West Indian Colonies,
comprising Barbados, British Guiana, Trinidad and the Windward and
Leeward Islands. Sir Owen Phillips, M.P., presided.
The scheme outlined by Mr. Murray expressly excluded Jamaica
and the Bahamas on the ground that these Colonies have always
been accustomed to act independently of other British West Indian
49
possessions. It, however, made provision for their inclusion in the
proposed federation or union, if and when they so desire it.
Mr. Murray laid special stress on the necessity of preserving the
present constitutions of the Colonies which it is sought to bring
under a central government, and also of preserving the control
of the various existing governments, over purely local affairs as well
as taxation. He also insisted on the importance of having any
definite movement in favour of political federation springing
voluntarily from the West Indian Colonies ; and he stated in the
clearest possible manner that the scheme he proposed to lay before
the meeting had received no official imprimatur either from the
Colonial Office or from the West India Committee of London.
OUTLINE OF THE SCHEME. — The following are the chief features
of the scheme ; and they were presented in the form of a Draft
Bill which had been put into shape, at Mr. Murray's request, by His
Honour Mr. Walter S. Shaw, Chief Justice of St. Vincent :—
(1) The appointment of a Federal Council for the West Indies
mainly elected by and from the members of the various local
legislatures of the Colonies to be federated.
(2) This council to be so constituted as to place the unofficial
members in the majority.
(3) The appointment of a High Commissioner for the West
Indies, who should be " ex-officio " the President of the Federal
Council — and for the present also the Governor of Trinidad.
(4) The appointment of a Secretary for West Indian Affairs,
as well as a Legal Adviser responsible to the High Commissioner.
(5) The Federal Council to meet in session for the transaction
of business at least once every year.
(6) The Federal Council to have supreme powers of legislation
in certain important matters of common interest to the federated
Colonies.
THE EXPENDITURE OF THE COLONIES. — (7) The Federal
Council, however, should not have authority to legislate in any
matter affecting the revenue or expenditure of the several Colonies,
unless those Colonies had so authorised either in the first instance or
subsequently.
50
(8) The abolition of the governorships of the Windward and
Leeward Islands.
(9) That provision be made for the entrance into the proposed
federation of any British West Indian Colony not included in the
original Act.
THE FOLLOWING ARE THE SALARIES AND
EXPENSES SUGGESTED BY Mr. MURRAY.
The High Commissioner shall receive a salary of ^6,000 and a
travelling and entertaining allowance of ^2,000.
The Secretary shall receive a salary of ^800. There shall
annually also be paid for the office expenses of the High Com-
missioner such sum, not exceeding ^"1,600, as the Council may
provide.
The Legal Adviser shall receive for his services in that capacity
and for other expenses a salary of £600.
The salaries payable under this Act to Federal Officers, the
amounts provided by the Council for office expenses, and the
necessary expenditure connected with the business of the Council
shall be paid by the several Colonies in the proportion which the
revenue of each Colony shall bear to the revenue of the whole of the
Colonies during the preceding financial year.
Provided that so long as the High Commissioner shall also be
Governor of Trinidad and Tobago, the Colony of Trinidad and
Tobago shall contribute the sum of ^2,500 towards such total
expenses, and in such case such contribution of ^2,500 shall be
deducted in the first instance from the total expenses prior to calcu-
lating the proportions to be paid by the several Federated Colonies
in the manner aforesaid.
DISCUSSION.
Mr. R. RUTHERFORD said : " On behalf of the West India
Committee, I wish to endorse Sir Owen Philipps' words of welcome
to Mr. Murray. We are much pleased to see him here to-day, and I
can assure him that we have watched with pleasure his administration
of the Island of St. Vincent.
" We have all, I am sure, listened to Mr. Murray's paper with
much interest, and are indebted to him for the thought and care with
which he has prepared and placed his views before us. I was glad
that he made it quite clear that neither the Colonial Office nor the
West India Committee in any way originated, or are in any way
committed to his views, and that the scheme propounded in his
able paper is in no way associated with his official position, for I am
strongly of opinion that any scheme for federation ought not to come
from an official source — it ought to emanate from the people, as
was the case in Australia ; and I was glad to hear from Mr. Murray
that he agreed with this view. I lay stress on this point, as Barbados
had a very bitter experience in 1876, when Sir John Pope Hennessy
endeavoured to carry a scheme of confederation against the will of
the people.
" From Mr. Murray's interesting survey of the various attempts
which have been made during the history of the West Indies to
combine the component elements into various groups under one
government, it is quite clear that those attempts have had no
permanent result.
" If we examine the facts in regard to the West Indian Colonies,
we shall find that the existing conditions are not so unreasonable as
might be supposed, taking into consideration their individual
importance, together with the distances which separate them. The
Islands, although small compared with other countries, are not so
small as they appear on the map. Jamaica, over 1,000 miles away
from the others, has a population of 850,000, British Guiana 300,000,
Trinidad 300,000, and Barbados of over 177,000. British Guiana
is separated from Trinidad by 365 miles, and Trinidad is over 200
miles from Barbados.
" Mr. Murray has eliminated Jamaica from his scheme, so it is
not necessary to consider the position of that Island. With regard
to that portion which he described as the South-Eastern West Indian
group, including British Guiana, 1 was glad to hear that Mr. Murray
does not suggest that any alteration should be made in the forms of
the constitutions of the Legislatures of the different Islands. I am
52
quite sure that Barbados, with its popularly elected House of
Assembly and nominated Legislative Council, which, next to the
British House of Commons and the House of Assembly of Bermuda,
is the most ancient legislative body in the King's dominions, would
strongly resent any interference.
" I feel doubtful whether any material advantage is to be derived
from having a High Commissioner, as proposed by Mr. Murray,
the cost of such an officer, with the attendant administration, would
be out of all proportion to his utility.
" Then, with regard to the proposal that the Federal Council
should hold sessions once a year, where would these be held, and
on what basis is the number of members for each Colony to be
appointed? It must be remembered that, in the West Indies,
there does not exist a large leisured class, such as we have in this
country. The best men in all these Colonies are just the men who
have the most to do, and are most tied to the Colonies in which
they live. It is also to be remembered that the reaping of the
sugar crops in British Guiana, Trinidad and Barbados is not
carried on at the same period, and the best men could be ill spared
at such time. I remember hearing Sir David Barbour, who was
a member of the Royal Commission which visited the West Indies
in 1897, say : c One of the questions which came before the Royal
Commission was that of the federation of the West Indies. It
was said by some that all the Islands could with advantage be
placed under one Governor, or one Governor- General. He (Sir
David Barbour) could not see how it was possible to confederate
the West Indies and place them under one Governor. Such a
Governor would have to be under the Colonial Office. Matters
would be referred to this Governor- General, but he would not
have the final voice; the question would have to be submitted to
the Colonial Office, just as now was the case in Indian affairs (the
final voice in the case of India being that of the Secretary of State
for India). He did not see how the Governor- General could be
given a satisfactory Council, either Legislative or Executive. It
would not be possible to get the best men to go for a long period
from their own Island.1
" Something in the nature of federation might be done by the
gradual assimilation of the laws of the different Colonies, and by
53
the assembling from time to time of delegates from all the Colonies
to confer together upon subjects of general interest, as has already
been done in connection with quarantine, reciprocity with Canada,
the question of the Royal Mail contract, and the agricultural
conferences; and the West Indies have spoken with united voice
more than once, notably on the sugar bounty question. But with
regard to the larger measure of federation, I would say to Mr.
Murray : ' When things are well, leave well alone,' "
Mr. J. RIPPON said : " The exhaustive paper read by Mr.
Murray will without doubt serve the purpose of further developing
thought on the subject of the unification of the West Indies, and
beyond referring to the use of words which do not have quite the
proper meaning, I would like to state that it was the general
opinion they should be avoided, as their use has, .in other cases
known to us, led to, what is most desirable to avoid, debateable
ground. The word ' unification ' was consequently accepted as
being the most suited to the object in view, and the ' United West
Indies ' was the shortest title one could think of, which was selected.
" If we leave the historical part of Mr. Murray's paper as being
known to students, and come to the future which we desire to deal
with, we find that the proposed scheme is for the federation of
certain of the West Indian Colonies, and a reason for dividing what
I would say are better defined as the Eastern West Indies and the
Western West Indies, as the Colonies under discussion east and west
of Tortola are north and south of a parallel of latitude through this
most western or eastern Island ; but designations such as these seem
somewhat cumbersome. Mr. Murray has kindly referred to a
pamphlet written on the subject of the future of the West Indies
by me, in the form of four letters in the ' Colonial Office Journal,'
and with your permission I would like briefly to explain its
object, viz : — to avoid all details and establish the desire for unifica-
tion in a manner which could not offend the most sensitive man,
after which the rest would be the work of the General Council.
" The use of the word ' federation ' was avoided because foedus
means a treaty, an alliance, i.e., a confederation or union of several
sovereign states under one central authority, and I have kept to
unification as a useful business arrangement between the Colonies
54
and to the settlement of such questions as are shown in the
pamphlet, as a whole, without interfering with local self-govern-
ment as it stands. This seemed to be the most suitable, if not the
only subject for discussion.
" In the pamphlet, representation is first dealt with and admit-
tance to Imperial Conferences was, after examining the question
from three standpoints, viz., area, population and trade, thought to
be justified, if the trade of the whole of the West Indies, which re-
flected the activity of the country and the degree of its influence,
were accepted as a basis.
" Now, if we divide the Ea;;t from the West, this basis seems to
lose its full value, and would seem to reduce the bargaining power
with other countries, which is one of the chief reasons for unification.
" I would like to deal now with the question of contiguity. The
means of railway, telegraphic — of course all telegraphic services are
included in this term — and steamship communications, if they are
suited to modern requirements, minimise or eliminate the effect of
distances, whether by land or sea, and while it is true that, where
communications are non-existent, out of date or defective, ideas
may not progress or remain 'local,' it should be the endeavour
to remove such disabilities, and I would fear any division which
might reduce effort in this direction in the West Indies.
"The question of unification was treated in the first letter of
22nd June, 1908, and in order to give effect to a union, the
necessity of a Central Council to accept such 'power from the
several executive and legislative bodies in the West Indies, as they
could not make use of for themselves, was suggested, and the few
subjects, kindly stated in Mr. Murray's paper, were mentioned as
an example only.
" In the second letter — as the subject seemed to be attracting
attention, and after studying other forms of government — the
Australian Commonwealth Act was cited as being similar in part
to that required for the West Indies, but in the pamphlet it was laid
down that no re-modelling of the forms of government, which did
not preserve to the West Indies their present constitutional rights
unimpaired, could be considered, and there seems to be no reason
55
to touch them. The third letter deals with methods employed,
and compares the difficulties met with when bringing into life the
South African Union with those likely to be found in the West
Indies, and the fourth letter practically sums up the whole.
" The simple lines adopted to create the Commonwealth of
Australia and the South African Union, it is suggested, might usefully
be followed, and a small band of persons, each expert in his own
domain, formed to sift, classify and condense facts, etc., and prepare
a report for consideration at a convention to be held in London of
delegates elected by each separate legislature in the West Indies.
The delegates would then, without difficulty, make a short United
West Indies Consolidation Act, briefly showing in the preamble
its objects, the Colonies to be included or subsequently joining,
and further clauses giving power to appoint a Governor-General
or some other chief of the General Council— not with dual functions
— the number of the members of the General Council for each
Colony and their qualification, terms, and such like matters, as
well as all the subjects over which power to deal with would be
given to the members of the General Council by their Legislatures.
" I venture to think that this would be a short and simple Act,
and would soon be passed when the * voice from within ' — and I
know of no other — makes itself heard, as was done in other similar
cases, when the need of unity has been found desirable by the
overseas parts of the Empire."
The EARL OF DUNDONALD : — " I have listened with great interest
to this address, which gives one food for thought. I certainly think
that there are subjects on which the West Indies should take
common action. But I do not think that we should add to the
expenses of administration, which the West Indies have at present
to pay. We must remember that a vast number of the inhabitants
of the West Indies receive very little pay, and cannot afford heavier
taxation. But there is one question which has not been touched
upon, and that is combination for defence. Now, if you look at the
position of Trinidad — Trinidad is placed not so very far from the
Panama Canal, and contains very important oilfields. The piece
of water between the mainland and Trinidad, the Gulf of Paria,
forms a sheltered bay, in which practically all the warships of the
56
world could congregate, and as oil fuel becomes more extensively
burnt, so will the importance of Trinidad increase, and in time of
war we must defend Trinidad, and to do so we must have men to
protect Trinidad, and where are they to be found ? They must be
found in all the Islands, and we must have a system of militia,
which should not only be available for the purpose of Trinidad
and the other Islands in case of war, but should also be available
for any Empire purpose. My remarks are only very general, and
it would take me a week to thoroughly master and give a critical
opinion of the lecture in all its interesting details."
Mr. WALLWYN P. B. SHEPHEARD said that he rose for the
sole purpose of supplying what he regarded as two important
omissions in the historical portion of the paper they had had the
pleasure of hearing. He must ask those present to go back to the
reign of Charles the First, in which the King by Royal Charter
erected the whole of the Caribbee Islands — excepting Trinidad and
Tobago, Barbudos (Barbuda) and Fonseca — into a province on the
model of the Palatinate of Durham. The original charter, to be
seen at the Record Office, expressly declared that the laws were
to be made ' de et cum consilio assensu et approbatione liberarum
tenentium ejusdem Provinciae vel majoris partis eorumdem' and
that the King, his heirs and successors, at no time to come should
impose any custom or tax whatsoever upon the inhabitants, lands,
goods or merchandise of that province whatsoever. This charter
effected not a mere federation, but an absolute consolidation of
the West Indies with a Commonwealth.
" But the charter, skilfully as it was drawn by the lawyers of
the period, probably of Lincoln's Inn, does not appear to have
effected its purpose, because during the interregnum we find
Barbados by itself defending its constitution. The landing parties
of the Parliamentary Fleet under Sir George Ayscue were resisted
by island levies raised for the King by the Council and General
Assembly. Hostilities commenced, but each side was minded to
avoid unnecessary bloodshed, and Articles of Rendition were
assented to by the Parliamentary General and despatched to the
Long Parliament, then acting as the executive and ' de facto '
sovereign power of the realm, by whom on the i8th August, 1652,
57
as appears by the journal of the Commons, they were approved.
These Articles provided for the maintenance of the old laws and
the right of self-taxation.
"Thus, I must differ from the unqualified assertion of our
lecturer that ' it is rash to attempt to draw from past events conclu-
sions as to the probable sequence of future history,' because I find
in historic documents of the past a steady continuity of the principle
of the right of self-taxation held by this country at the present day
as irrevocable.
" Therefore, whatever constitutional changes may be contemplated,
those promoting them will have to reckon with this cardinal principle
of the right of self-taxation."
Mr. MACDONALD : " I am a native of the Island of St. Vincent,
and it has given me great pleasure to see our Administrator taking
up this subject. If there is one thing that is important, it is that
the West Indies should have a representative on the Imperial
Conference, which meets now every four years. I think there should
be a representative of the Islands as a whole there. A small island
like Newfoundland is represented, while a large group like the West
Indies is unrepresented."
Mr. GEORGE CARRINGTON : " I congratulate Mr. Murray, and
have no doubt we all feel that he has spoken in a very able manner.
As Mr. Rutherford has said, the last Governor to touch upon this
subject burnt his fingers, and we Barbadians helped to burn them.
One point in this subject is that the West Indies are full of missing
links (laughter). I agree that we should certainly have one of His
Majesty's ships for at least two months of the year in the West Indies.
In one thing I think all Barbadians will bear me out, and that is that
the headquarters for this High Commissioner should be in Barbados
(laughter). Mr. Murray has pointed out how practically all the
conferences for uniting the West Indies have taken place at Barbados,
and there is a geographical reason. Again, the Governor of
Barbados, with his strong legislature to look after affairs, has nothing
to do, and would have time for such work ! One point about Mr.
Murray's scheme is that it does so little in touching, for instance, the
customs, excise, etc., but those are just the matters where federation
would be of great use. At the present time we are drifting; away
58
from this country to other markets, such as Canada, and our
salvation must come from Canada, and we wish many of us to be
bound more closely to Canada, and it seems to me that the only object
of federation would be that we should put ourselves in a position to talk
of a proposed combine with Canada. In that way we should secure
markets at any rate for sugar producers in the West Indies. I feel
that there is very little to be gained by federation for any other object
than gaining better markets."
Mr. JACKMAN : " It is quite refreshing to find a Governor of a
West Indian Colony taking the time for a paper like this. One
remark is suggested. On Mr. Murray's own showing, the West
Indian Colonies have acted within the last ten years no less than
three times in harmony. On these three occasions their action
brought about what they required. The very points dealt with on
these occasions would have been dealt with by Mr. Murray's council,
so we find that on three occasions these points have already been
dealt with and settled. I am perfectly confident that this question
of relations with Canada is going to be dealt with by the West Indies
in a similar way and also settled."
Sir OWEN PHILIPPS : " I beg now to propose a vote of thanks
to the lecturer. I knew when I heard Mr. Murray had been invited
to deliver this lecture that there would be differences of opinion,
but I feel that this is a matter that wants to be considered through-
out the West Indies, and I hope everyone throughout the Islands
will have an opportunity of reading this paper in detail, and
studying the proposed Bill, and I believe this is a subject that when
the people on the spot realise what the proposal is, if they do not
accept it as it stands, they will ultimately put forward an alter-
native proposal, and, therefore, we are deeply indebted to Mr.
Murray for having given so much care and attention to this matter.
I believe that they will be able to carry out this scheme without any
extra expense to the West Indies, and if it ensures a Dreadnought
spending two months every year in the West Indies, then I think
that alone would ensure a favourable reception for some scheme on
these lines, when people have time to consider it. I have much
pleasure in proposing the vote of thanks."
The motion having been agreed to unanimously, Mr. GIDEON
59
MURRAY said : " I did not come to this meeting to-day with any idea
in my head that my scheme would or could prove acceptable,
especially upon the short notice that you have had of its contents.
It seems to me, from the criticisms, none of which have been
quite favourable, some of which have been quite adverse,
there is one glimmer of light. It has been admitted — and it might
not have been — that there are subjects of common interest in the
West Indies to-day. It was also admitted by two speakers that, as
there were subjects of common interest, it was a question of the
machinery to control those questions and to bring them into line.
I do not advance this scheme as in any way an unchangeable one,
but merely put forward a scheme for the federation of certain of the
Colonies, in the belief that some permanent machinery for dealing
with the questions is necessary. Mr. Rutherford stated that ' when
things are well, leave well alone.' Now, I do know that in the West
Indies there is a divided opinion as to whether things are well, and
it was for that reason that I dared to read a paper on this extremely
thorny subject to-day. One point I cannot refrain from replying
to, and that is with regard to the leisured classes in the West Indies,
and the difficulty they would have in attending a meeting of the
Federal Council or any other council. I absolutely agree that if I
had produced this scheme ten or even five years ago, there would
have been extreme difficulty in obtaining the services of that class,
but during the last few years I am glad to be able to say that the
West Indian Colonies have advanced to a considerable degree in
prosperity. Now, what is the result? That planters and others
would have greater time at their disposal to look after West Indian
affairs which affect them generally. We all know that up to the
present the planters and managers have passed through a most
difficult period for the last 20 to 40 years, but I do believe that
those really bad times are past, and that that class which would
sit on the council would have more time at their disposal to devote
to West Indian affairs. Mr. Jackman pointed out that in the West
Indies three conferences had taken place, which would disprove my
case, but I venture to assert that those very conferences prove my
case. I do not want you to think that I have come here to force
federation on] the West Indies— that is far from my wish. I can
60
assure you that it is very far from my intention to go back to the
West Indies and to burn my fingers. I have merely come to the
conclusion that there are objects of common interest in the West
Indies. Again, will Canada act with a body of persons who have
never acted together before ?
" I thank you for your kind expression of thanks, and wish to
propose a vote of thanks to Sir Owen Philipps, chairman of a
steamship company which has had close connections with
the West Indies for over 100 years. Sir Owen has, since his
assumption of the chairmanship, shown that he takes the very
deepest interest in the West Indies." The motion was cordially
agreed to and the meeting came to a conclusion, those present
adjourning to the West India Committee Rooms, where tea was
served.
Subsequent to the meeting the following letter was received by
the Secretary of the West India Committee, from Mr. C. Sandbach
Parker :—
" DEAR SIR, — I refrained from speaking to-day on the subject
of Mr. Murray's excellent paper on ' Federation of the West
Indies ' owing to the lateness of the hour and the fact that there
were many others who wished to speak. I think Mr. Murray has
done good service to the West Indies in putting before us a
concrete scheme.
"Though there is a good deal in it with which I am not in
accord, I heartily agree with him that- a case for endeavouring to
concentrate those Colonies for political and commercial purposes
into one unit within the British Empire (call it Dominion or what
you like) is unanswerable.
" I do not think that any scheme would be complete without the
inclusion of all the British West Indies. Jamaica should certainly
be included, and even British Honduras.
"I venture to think that a single tariff system for all those
Colonies should not present any insuperable difficulty, and would
immensely strengthen the power of the West Indies in all com-
mercial and political negotiations. It is, however, certain that
the desire for closer union must emanate from the West Indies
themselves. Mr. Murray's scheme will, I hope, promote discussion
and thought in those Colonies from which some good result may be
obtained.
" To those who look to the future, it must be obvious that so long
as the present system prevails much energy is expended on internal
questions which might be better utilised in negotiating with other
countries for the general benefit of the West Indies.
" I shall be much obliged if you will print this letter in your
CIRCULAR with the report on the meeting.
" Yours truly,
" C. SANDBACH PARKER,
"Demerara Buildings, St. Dunstan's Hill, November 22nd."
Rippon, Joseph t
2131 Unification '
R56
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