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Parker C. Thompson 
Volume I 





This volume is one of a series of five prepared by various 
authors, designed to be useful and instructive regarding the long 
history of the United States Army Chaplaincy. The emphasis 
throughout is on how chaplains did their ministry in the contexts of 
both war and peace. The series seeks to present as full and as 
balanced an account as limitations of space and research time 
permit. The bibliography in each volume offers opportunities for 
further research leading to detailed studies, articles, monographs, 
and perhaps even volumes regarding persons, developments, and 
events of the periods concerned. No attempt has been made to 
express any specific point of view or to make policy recommenda- 
tions. The contents of each volume represent the work of the 
individual author and do not represent the official view of the 
United States government. 

An effort has been made to make this volume as complete and 
factual as possible. In the light of new information and develop- 
ments, there may be modifications required concerning the mate- 
rial, interpretations, and conclusions presented. Such corrections, 
additions, and suggestions as readers may have are welcome for use 
in future revisions; they should be addressed to — 

Director of Support 

US Army Chaplain Center and School 

ATTN: Historian 

Fort Wadsworth, Staten Island, NY 10305 

The author of this volume is Chaplain Parker C. Thompson, a 
Regular Army chaplain of the Southern Baptist Convention. He is 
a native of Missouri, and entered on active duty as a chaplain in 
1952. He has served at Camp Atterbury, Indiana; Fort Leonard 
Wood, Missouri; Fort Knox, Kentucky; US Army Chaplain Center 
and School, Fort Hamilton, New York; Fort Dix, New Jersey; and 
overseas, in Korea, Germany, and Vietnam. He has been awarded 
the Legion of Merit, the Bronze Star Medal (Valor) with 2 Oak Leaf 
Clusters, the Meritorious Service Medal, the Air Medal, the Army 
Commendation Medal with 1 Oak Leaf Cluster, and the Purple 
Heart with 1 Oak Leaf Cluster. 


To "that Company of Gallant Gentle- 
men," the Chaplains of the United States 
Army; and particularly to the sacred mem- 
ory of 


June 24, 1925— July 2, 1973 

A veteran of World War II, the Korean 
and Vietnamese Wars, he was highly instru- 
mental in the initial planning of the History of 
the Chaplains of the United States Army in five 
volumes. Preacher, counselor, staff officer; a 
minister of the Lord, he brought glor)' to the 
uniform he wore, and the love of God to all 
who knew him. 


A Bicentennial Planning Meeting was held at the Department 
of the Army on June 26, 1973. Chaplain (Major General) Gerhardt 
W. Hyatt, then Chief of Chaplains, announced that among the 
thirteen chaplain projects to be accomplished during the several 
years of celebration, 1975-1983, was preparation of a five volume 
History of the United States Army Chaplaincy. 

In an earlier meeting in his office, Chaplain Hyatt rejected the 
proposal of the "Publication of two hard cover books: The Chaplains 
of the American Revolution and A Source Book of Sermons by Revolutio- 
nary Chaplains and Clergy." That concept was too limited. Rather, he 
directed that five volumes be prepared, following a chronological 
order that terminated at the close of major national or Army eras: 
Volume 1, From our European Background — 1791; Volume II, 
1791-1865; Volume III, 1865-1920; Volume IV, 1920-1945; Vol- 
ume V, 1945-1972. 

The scope of each volume was to include not merely anecdotal 
materials, but the religious and political climate peculiar to each 
period; specifics of chaplains in their work and organization — 
uniforms, pay, their place in the military structure; attitudes and 
behavior as influenced by their theological precepts; and above all, 
primary source materials for study and use by active duty chaplains 
stationed far from the great wealth of libraries. 

Writing Volume I was my happy lot and high honor. Several 
difficulties, however, presented themselves. First, the era that 
ended in 1791 — that date marks the entrance of the first Chaplain, 
John Hurt of Virginia, into the Regular Army of the United 
States — was fraught with attitudes very foreign to our twentieth 
century thinking. It was a time of such strongly held theological 
positions that anyone who deviated ever so slightly was anathema. 
Roman Catholics hated and killed Protestants, and were repaid in 
kind. Internecine struggles among Protestants, taken for granted 
then, scandalize the reader in our more tolerant and perhaps less 
believing age. It was a time when enemies were rooted out by the 
sword, when the Indian was "a savage" and the black man a tool. It 
was a time when the tobacco trade began to flourish and brought 


prosperity rather than warnings of endangered health. It was a 
time when land was either purchased or conquered without qualms 
of conscience, but rather with praises to God for His kindnessess. 
As I wrote, it was hoped that my colleagues in the chaplaincy and 
comrades of the heart would not be offended nor consider the 
descriptions of attitudes two or three centuries old in any way a 
reflection on their piety or patriotism. Douglas Southall Freeman 
faced the same problem in writing his masterful Lee's Lieutenants. 
He said: "Those war letters and diaries of the eighteen-sixties, so 
informative when available, so deplored when lost, exhibit, ... as 
marked difference from present-day thought on religion as 
perhaps ever has been wrought in seven decades. Many of the men 
who appear in these pages kept religion in the same sanctuary of 
the heart with patriotism and love of home." (Volume I, p xxviii) 

The second problem I faced was the plentitude of primary 
source materials about some chaplains and the paucity concerning 
others, particularly in the southern campaigns of 1780-1781, and 
during the earlier Colonial Period. Manassah Cutler's journals and 
letters are literary gold mines. Of Ithamar Hibbard we know only 
that he served; of several others, even their service was ambiguous. 
It must be assumed — always dangerous for the historian — that 
those who left no record or whose writings fell prey to careless time 
performed their ministries in the military environment comparably 
to those whose work can be documented. That assumption was 
justified primarily when extant journals and letters were analyzed. 
Activities of ministry and attitudes appeared remarkably 
homogenerous, since the bulk of those early civilian clergymen and 
chaplains, irrespective of denominational affiliation, were Cal- 
vinists in theology and practice. 

Third, in order to mirror the men and the mentality of an age 
long past, it was imperative to include long quotes from their 
writings: prayers, sermons, diaries, and letters. Nothin-g less could 
adequately convey them in their particular frame of reference. 
Even the language, grammar, quaint spellings and abbreviations 
were left as written. While that might at first seem an inconvenience 
to the reader, it was hoped that the flavor of the era would per- 
meate anyone willing to read more slowly, but infinitely more 
meaningfully. Further, only by provision of the words of the men 
themselves could an author-compiler avoid the centuries-old error 
of reference to documents not readily available. Saint Augustine of 
Hippo in his B apt is mo contra Donatistas clearly enunciated the prob- 

lem: "For I am well aware of the annoyance a reader feels when he 
comes across a knotty problem in some book he is reading and for 
the solution of it is referred to some other book which perhaps he 
does not possess." The bulk of the documents used in this work 
were accessible in a few major libraries only. It was for the pleasure 
rather than the pain of the reader that this approach was followed 

The fourth major problem was that of the author himself. A 
Revolutionary War chaplain and historian, William Gordon, 
quoted an axiom of his day concerning those who delve in history: 
"he should have neither country, nor particular religion." On each 
count, I failed. It was hoped, however, that I could say with Dr. 
Gordon, "the compiler of the present histoiT can assure the public, 
that he has paid a sacred regard to truth, conscious of his being 
answerable to a more powerful tribunal than that of the public; and 
has labored to divest himself of all undue attachments to every 
person, country, religious name or profession: whenever the 
reader is inclined to pronounce him partial, let him recollect that 
he also is subject to the like human fraility." But far more serious 
than bias or prejudice was the lack of ability to convey interestingly 
the untold story of those men to whom our nation and houses of 
worship owed so immense a debt. The subject and the dramatis 
personae were worthy of Jeremiah's "pen of iron, and with a point of 

To whom words of gratitude are due is the last, and most 
pleasant, of problems. It is problematical in that countless men and 
women — who lovingly preserved manuscripts, carefully de- 
ciphered the all but illegible script of chaplains writing under field 
conditions, and aided in the maintenance of priceless records — are 
anonymous. May their reward be great in Heaven! Special thanks 
must be rendered to persons involved in the actual production of 
this volume. First and foremost, the late Professor Arthur Carl 
Piepkorn, Ph. D., who guided me in the arrangement of materials. 
I am forever indebted to Colonel Emil V. B. Edmond, US Army, 
Retired, an Infantry officer and author who epitomizes the finest of 
both professions. When I served as his Regimental Chaplain, he 
encouraged me to write, and graciously critiqued my earliest ef- 
forts. For Sir Philip H. Snyder, O.S.J., I can not find adequate 
words. Out of his personal collection he loaned me original docu- 
ments; infinitely more, he sacrificed his very limited time to assist 
me in research. His generous and scholarly contributions are re- 

fleeted in many pages in this book. Mr. Norman Flayderman of 
New Milford, Connecticut, and Mr. Jacques Noel Jacobsen, Jr., of 
Staten Island, New York — both Fellows in the Company of Military 
Historians, authors, collectors of military memorabilia, and 
patriots — opened their personal libraries and collections to me. 
Further, they gave me guidance and constant encouragement. 
Noteworthy was the help afforded by Mrs. Judy Steen of the 
Library Reference Department, the University of California at 
Santa Cruz. It was she who directed me in my search for previously 
unused journals and diaries of those early chaplains whose efforts 
for American freedom were recorded in these pages. I am in- 
debted beyond expression to her knowledge and professionalism. 
Rabbi Pincus L. Goodblatt, Granada Hills, California, and Monsi- 
gnor James F. Connolly, Saint Charles Seminary, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania, provided yeoman service, and are owed an unpay- 
able debt. Without the kindness of Mr. Eugene Miller of Nutley, 
New Jersey, the rosters of early chaplains would have remained 
woefully incomplete. To Mrs. Evelyn Giles, Post Librarian at Fort 
Dix, and to Major David M. Fisher, Jr., US Army, a direct descend- 
ant of Chaplain John Steel, for materials, I am profoundly grate- 
ful. Colonel J. R. 'Johnny" Johnson, former Chief of Staff at Fort 
Dix, friend, and a militaiy historian and author in his own right, 
provided me with guidance, time for research, and gentle nudges 
when the work flagged. Without his support, as this work was being 
done as "an additional duty," this book could never reach comple- 
tion. Too numerous for individual mention are fellow chaplains 
who helped and encouraged this effort. May they be pleased with 
the eusi result! Particular mention must be made of my secretary, 
Mrs. Emma Lee Johnson. She patiently typed and re-typed my 
notes, brought order out of the chaos of my catastrophic penman- 
ship, and caught errors in my own quaint spelling. And to my 
long-suffering wife, Irene, and our children, I proffer my heartfelt 
gratitude for their sacrifice of time and continuous support. 

Chaplain (Colonel), USA 


The Chaplaincy of the United States Army has its spiritual 
roots deep in the pages of the Old Testament, and prototypes for 
its institutional and organizational structure in the British military 
forces. The tradition of a specially appointed clergyman accom- 
panying soldiers into battle dates from the Pentateuch, 
Deuteronomy 20:2^: "And it shall be when ye are come nigh unto 
the battle, that the priest shall approach and speak unto the 
people." His message was to contain words of spiritual comfort for 
those soon to jeopardize their lives in combat, and patriotic senti- 
ments suited to elevate morale.^ Throughout the centuries covered 
in the Old Testament accounts, priests and prophets went forth to 
battle and served in camp. Building on that concept inherited from 
Judaism, the Christian Church found a place for the military clergy 
in its ministries. In 742 A.D., the Council of Ratisbon decreed in 
Canon 2: 

"We prohibit the servant of God in every way from bearing 
arms or fighting in the army or going against the enemy, 
except those alone who because of the sacred office, namely, 
for celebrating of mass and caring for the relics of the 
saints, have been designated for this ofhce; that is to say, the 
leader may have with him one or two bishops with their 
priest chaplains, and each captain may have one priest, in 
order to hear confessions of the men and impose upon 
them the proper penance." ^ 

Chaplains had, indeed, served in the armies of Christian rulers 
prior to the above decree.^ Apparently some had demonstrated a 
taste for actually participating in the battles as combatants, and had 
to be reminded that their duties were spiritual in nature and 
Hmited by their calling. Not all heeded this canon, as French, 
British, and American military records attest. Perhaps the more 
famous of these fighting clergymen was Archbishop Turpin (Til- 
pinus of Rheims) whose combat exploits as well as pastoral minis- 
trations mingle so prominently in The Song of Roland. 

Following his conquest of England in 1071, William the Con- 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

queror found it imperative to introduce a permanent military 
organization to maintain the fruits of his victories. Unlike the 
vanquished Anglo-Saxons, among whom "every English freeman 
had once been a part-time soldier," the Norman innovation was a 
standing army. And from the necessity of keeping its ranks full, the 
Church was not exempt. Bishops' residences were fortresses; they 
traveled their hostile dioceses with retinues of armed guards, and 
went to battle in times of emergency not as clerics only but as feudal 
lords. The Bishop of Durham's castle was the mightiest bastion in 
the north of England, and one of the holders of that title, Anthony 
Beck, was most distinguished as a combat leader. The Anglo-Saxon 
threat to peace having subsided with the rise of new generations, an 
edict issued by the Synod of Westminster in 1175 prohibited the 
clergy "to take up arms nor go about in armour." Nearly two 
centuries, however, were to pass before this injunction was 
heeded.^ The fourteenth century witnessed the fighting 
churchmen gradually disappear, and chaplains in their strictly 
pastoral role, who had long co-existed with them, became the 

The Norman standing army gave place to volunteer forces, 
levied and called out for specific periods, as internal dangers of 
rebellion ceased and the enemy became foreign powers, Scotland 
and France. At the Battle of Crecy, August 26, 1346, chaplains 
were divided into three classes: the retinue of the King; chaplains 
in the service of noblemen who brought their own military forces to 
the royal standard; chaplains to the Welshmen — mostly pikemen. 
Coverage was not standardized ranging from one chaplain to 159 
men in the Earl of Suffolk's command to one per 2410 troops from 
North Wales. "There is no indication in the records of this cam- 
paign of anything approaching an ecclesiastical organization," ^ 
states Sir John Smyth, historian for the Royal Army Chaplain De- 

Throughout the periods of the Tudors, Stuarts, Cromwells, 
and well into the Hanoverian era, chaplains continued to serve as 
military forces were formed to meet new threats abroad, and dur- 
ing the Civil War and its aftermath at home. It is noteworthy that 
under the Tudors in the late sixteenth century the appointment 
and duties of chaplains were defined. It was the responsibility of 
the regimental commander "to have a well-governed and religious 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

preacher in his regiment so that by this life and doctrines the 
soldiers may be drawn to goodness." Further he was charged to 
have a formation at the headquarters each morning and evening 
"where divine duties are to be performed by the preacher." Each 
small unit commander was directed "in the field and upon service 
to see prayers read at the head of his company every night; and on 
Sundays he will compel all soldiers not on guard to go to the 
Colonel's tent to hear prayers and sermon." ^ 

During this period of great religious fluctuations among the 
English peoples, before the Reformation was consolidated by the 
events of the Civil War and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the 
only known "job description" of a chaplain's duties was spelled out 
in an ecumenical spirit indicating the pluralism of the era. Regula- 
tions state: "The preacher, be he priest or minister, whether Lu- 
theran or Reformed or Roman Catholic, his office is well enough 
known and there is much respect to be paid him; and the laws of 
war provide severe punishment to those who offer an offence or 
injury to his person or charges. His duty is to have 'care of souls,' 
and it is well if he meddle with no other business, but make that his 
only care." " This concept, the care of souls, will limit and define 
the prescribed duties of chaplains in both the British and American 
armies until the nineteenth century. It will be reiterated, but never 
broadened nor restricted, with one exception. That came under 
Oliver Cromwell, when chaplains were temporarily given the 
added responsibility of being the military reporters for the news- 
papers publicizing the maneuverings and battles of the New Model 

Cromwell's army, although of relatively short duration, be- 
came the prototype of the future British army, which was to come 
into being during the reigns of Charles II and James 11.^ The 
Stuarts, re-established on the throne, feared the militia; it was not 
deemed safe to have too many armed and trained former enemies 
drilling throughout the country. With the advent of a permanent 
military force, the chaplains' places in the structure, and their pay, 
were formalized, as were the other members of the establishment. 
Chaplains continued to be part of the regimental system, either 
appointed by the commander or elected by the unit. Although 
there was the position of Chaplain-General, it carried no super- 
visoi-y powers over other chaplains, but reflected the assignment on 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

the staff of the sovereign or senior commander, the Captain- 

Throughout the recurring wars with France from 1689 to the 
American Revolution — called the Second Hundred Years' War — 
the British chaplains continued in the system where "each regiment 
was a self-contained possession of the colonel," and they failed 
progressively to meet the needs of their military parishes. Absen- 
teeism became a syndrome of steadily declining morale throughout 
the Army, and "chaplains stood high on the absentee list." At one 
period during Queen Anne's War, 1704, only one-third of the 
chaplains on the rosters were present for duty. The problem was 
engendered by the system, even though chaplains were commis- 
sioned field officers. Symth describes the situation. "The selection 
of regimental chaplains was the perquisite of the colonel. He sold it 
and the priest who bought it received the pay. But he did not 
necessarily do the work, which was usually performed by a deputy 
whose stipend was fixed by mutual agreement." ^^ 

Conditions steadily degenerated until by 1793 only one regi- 
mental chaplain was present for duty in an entire corps in Flanders, 
and not a single chaplain reported for duty with Sir Ralph Aber- 
nathy's West Indian Expedition of 1795. A formal chaplains de- 
partment was organized, and the regimental chaplains system 
abolished, by the Royal Warrant of September 23, 1796. The duties 
of the chaplains remained unchanged: "The care of souls." 

Although some British chaplains are known to have served in 
the wars in North America, their number cannot be determined 
with any accuracy from the British Army Lists. So few documents 
remain that in the official history of the Royal Chaplain Depart- 
ment, there is a gap of almost a century, from Queen Anne's War 
until 1796. The sad conclusion is that this dearth reflects the in- 
creasing absenteeism of chaplains so prevalent in the eighteenth 
century. There were exceptions, however, which shall be noted. 

While British military policy emphasized a standing army and 
a small militia at home, it placed the burden of self-defense on the 
colonies, using two approaches. The first, that of colonization, was 
fostered through military forces raised and directed by civilian 
companies under royal charters, e.g., the conquest of India under 
the direction of the East India Company, and the Jamestown and 
Plymouth colonies in North America under the auspices of the 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 


Virginia Company. John Sky states categorically: "Two names 
known to every American schoolboy — John Smith and Miles 
Standish — illustrates a neglected truth about the English settlement 
of North America: colonization was a military operation." ^^ Once 
colonies were established, and being devoid of a standing army, the 
colonists reverted to the earlier defensive techniques of England; 
namely a militia requiring universal military service from all able 
bodied men. "Clearly," Sky comments, "a policy of colonial self 
defense rested on the merchantilist assumption that colonies were 
not to drain but to contribute to the military strength of the mother 



The militia system succeeded or failed in the several colonies, 
depending in part on the density of the colony's population, the 
imminence of danger, the demands on its economy, and, in the 
case of Pennsylvania, its religious mores. ^^ Modification in the 
militia systems followed the changing requirements of the several 
colonies resulting from geographical expansion. New England 
frontier villages became garrison towns, housing soldiers from 
other areas to supplement their own forces. Frequently the town 
church became the fort, and the pastor became a de facto chaplain. 
Conversely, several garrison towns had permanent military chap- 
lains, whose secondary activities included conducting religious ser- 
vices for civilians, teaching school, and missionizing the Indians. 

Except when fighting in their immediate vicinity and for their 
own homes, the militia system generally did not live up to expecta- 
tions. As the frontier grew distant, city and town bred men were no 
match for their Indian rivals. As early as King Philip's War, the 
colonists depended heavily on complementing their forces with 
friendly Indians skilled in forest warfare. Likewise, volunteer 
forces raised for special expeditions were usually not equal to long 
campaigns or against French regular troops. Some British regulars 
did, indeed, come to North America in the earlier periods: and 
large numbers became part of the American scene during and 
following the Seven Years War. The militia — varying in the differ- 
ent colonies and at different periods — trained anywhere from sev- 
eral times annually to twice weekly, depending upon the nearness 
of danger. Russell Weigley describes a typical training day in New 
England: "a town's militia company generally assembled on public 
grounds, held roll call and prayer, practiced the manual of arms 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

and close order drill, and passed under review and inspection by 
the militia officers and other public officials. There might be target 
practice and sham battles. . . ." ^* On those afternoons, when peril 
was not too close, refreshments and social activities followed this 
European type training. 

A distinction was made between the "common militia" whose 
members were there by compulsion, and the "volunteer militia" — 
"the formations whose recruits chose membership in them, gener- 
ally with the understanding that they would respond first to calls 
for active service." ^^ From these volunteers came the minutemen 
of the Revolution. Records reveal that chaplains served in the 
militia, both common and volunteer, with volunteers raised for 
specific expeditions, in garrison towns, and later in the Continental 

Through the period covered by this book, 1607 — 1791, there 
will be examples of chaplains having very clearly defined status as 
commissioned officers, without rank or insignia of rank, in their 
various units; militia, volunteer expeditions., and the Continental 
Army. There will be many, however, whose service with the 
military — like the military itself — is ambiguous: "the closer one 
looks at how the colonies were defended, the more the clear distinc- 
tion between 'regulars' and 'milita' blurs." ^^ It is not an era when 
precision can be universally expected in defining a chaplain's sta- 
tion in each unit or expedition, for often the military formations 
themselves were temporally in duration, and hurriedly assembled. 
With the advent of the Continental Army, specific Tables^ of Or- 
ganization appear. But the inherited regimental chaplain system 
was to influence American chaplains' assignments throughout the 
period of this study. 

The need for a chaplain organization, complete with its own 
leadership, will frequently be seen in the events described in these 
pages: an organization to provide universal coverage of units for 
religious and pastoral services, and to coordinate the activities of 
chaplains. For example, Washington scolded the chaplains at New- 
burgh because most had gone home on furlough at the same time, 
thereby allowing pastoral care to be inadequately provided for the 
total command. Again, many chaplains served during the Revolu- 
tion from the northern and middle colonies, but there was gener- 
ally a decided lack of military clergymen in the southern colonies, 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

and especially in the southern campaigns of 1780-1781. This con- 
dition of ill balanced chaplain coverage for units would be repeated 
over and again until the frustrations of World War I brought the 
issue to full light, and the Office of the Chief of Chaplains was 
established by the National Defense Act of 1920. We followed the 
British once again, 124 years late! 

During the period 1607 — 1791, American chaplains' duties, 
like their British counterparts, were not defined beyond the ancient 
"care of souls," to include the traditional clerical functions of 
preaching, praying, administering the rites, sacraments, and ordi- 
nances of the Church, visiting the sick, and burying the dead. 

Throughout the period of the early Indian wars and the con- 
flicts with France, and during intervals of peace, clergymen served 
as post or unit chaplains having received their position by various 
authorities and means. Several volunteered their services; others 
were selected and appointed by the Provincial Governor or the 
General Court; some were chosen by their Provincial legislative 
body or unit commanders, and not a few were requested by mem- 
bers of their own congregations, on going off to the wars. There 
was no general policy practiced continuously or universally. Dur- 
ing the Pequot War, the ministers in Massachusetts selected two of 
their number most fit for military duty, and then cast lots to see 
which one was actually to go; in this case, John Wilson. When Phip's 
expedition was formed in 1690, it was the General Court of Mas- 
sachusetts which elected chaplains by vote. At the same time in New 
York, Governor Sloughter was ordered to appoint a chaplain by 
direction of King William himself. The Connecticut legislature 
appointed chaplains during Queen Anne's War for service with 
volunteer forces. During the French and Indian War, similar pro- 
cedures, as above, were used in the several colonies to provide 
military clergymen to their forces. 

While chaplains were quite regularly on the scene in New 
England, they do not appear in Virginia, the Carolinas, or Georgia 
until the Revolution, and even then in relatively small numbers. 
The reasons for this absence are perhaps two-fold: the greater 
fields of military operations in the colonial period lay in New 
England and to some extent in the Middle Colonies; and, the 
Anglican being the Established Church in the South, a letter of 
license from the bishop — located in London — was required prior to 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

a provincial governor appointing a clergyman for military duty. It 
is not surprising, therefore, that several civilian clergymen, among 
them Samuel Davies and William Richardson, are found minister- 
ing to troops in addition to their normal responsibilities. Their 
service will be described more fully in Chapter III. 

In the Middle Colonies, chaplains were first found during 
King George's War and the French and Indian War. Thomas 
Barton, for example, an Anglican missionary to several congrega- 
tions in Carlisle, Huntington, and York, Pennsylvania, frequently 
led his parishioners in combat against the Indians. At the occasion 
of Forbes' expedition to Fort Duquesne in 1758, members of his 
congregation volunteered their services with the proviso that he 
accompany them, and Forbes accepted him as the unit chaplain. 
Whether the governor confirmed Barton's appointment, however, 
is questionable. Certainly he did not obtain Episcopal authority 
from London! 

Clergymen serving in peace time as post chaplains in their 
several colonies generally were appointed by the colonial governor 
or legislature. Illustrative of this, Massachusetts responded to Cap- 
tain Henry Dwight's plea — "we shall lead a heathenish life unless a 
chaplain is allowed" — by sending Chaplain Daniel Dwight to minis- 
ter at Fort Drummer. In Virginia, post chaplain duties were per- 
formed by civilian clergymen as a secondary function in their 
efforts to evangelize the Indians, and without official endorsement. 

Of the period leading to the Revolution, several generaliza- 
tions can be made. Chaplains served in some "common" militia 
units, in volunteer forces or expeditions during hostilities, and in 
post assignments. Paid varying amounts by their respective colony, 
they were officers on the commander's staff, yet without rank. 
Their duties were never enumerated except that they were to fulfill 
the role of clergyman, with the tasks normally associated with that 
office. With few exceptions they were members of the Anglican, 
Presbyterian, and Congregational Churches, the latter furnishing, 
by far, the greater number. 

The Revolution began with clergymen appearing at Lexington 
and Concord, and assembling without plan or design at Boston. 
Several came as a result of their prior commitment to militia units, 
such as William Emerson and David Avery, while others merely 
followed their congregants to battle without appointment or pay. 
Efforts were made to bring order out of chaos. Connecticut's gov- 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 


ernor appointed chaplains to regiments; brigade officers selected 
their own chaplains in New Hampshire and Rhode Island units, 
assigning them at brigade or regimental level according to need; 
Virginia authorized the field grade officers and captains of each 
regiment to elect its chaplain. Massachusetts' Provincial Congress 
began by asking several local pastors to serve at Boston for a 
month's duration, at which time they would be replaced. This 
rotating system proved unworkable, and so another plan was 
adopted whereby nine ministers were selected for military duty by 
a board composed of general and field grade officers. 

With the formation of the Continental Army, — Congress 
authorized a force not to exceed 22,000 men — chaplains were 
transferred from the militia and volunteer forces of their several 
colonies into America's first national army. As not all militia chap- 
lains' services were required for the newly formed force, prefer- 
ence was given to those having the longest tenure of active duty. 
While the numbers of chaplains needed by the Continental Con- 
gress changed periodically, the appointment system seems to have 
remained constant; Congress, upon nomination by a unit com- 
mander, issued the chaplain's commission. 

A total of 218 chaplains are definitely known to have served 
during the Revolution, 1 1 1 of whom were in the Continental 
Army. Additionally, accounts relate the services of several civilian 
pastors, who conducted services for soldiers in or nearby their 
pastorates, but were not in either Continental or militia units. The 
lion's share of chaplains were Congregationalists, some 90. Follow- 
ing in number were the Presbyterians with 41, the Anglicans, 20, 
Baptists, 11, Reformed Church, both German, Dutch and French, 
6, Lutheran, 2, Roman Catholic and Universalist Churches, one 
each. The denominational affiliations of 46 chaplains cannot be 
determined with any degree of accuracy. Of these, about 20 have 
records too vague that it cannot be ascertained into which denomi- 
national category they should be placed: Congregational, Unita- 
rian, or Universalist. 

New England, reflecting its religious life-style, sent the largest 
number of chaplains into service, and the majority of these were 
Congregationalists. The Southern Colonies provided the least 
number of chaplains, largely Anglicans, some Presbyterians and 2 
Baptists. From the Middle Colonies came the bulk of the Presbyte- 

See footnotes at end of Introduction. 

rians and all of the Reformed Church chaplains. The Baptist, who 
as a people were persecuted in both New England and the South, 
struggled strenuously for religious freedom. Throwing in their lot 
with the American cause, they provided chaplains mostly from the 
tolerant Middle Colonies of New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
and from Rhode Island. One Baptist chaplain only came from 
elsewhere in New England — Massachusetts — and two from the 
South. The sole Roman Catholic chaplain, Louis Eustice Lot- 
biniere, was a Canadian national, serving volunteers in the First 
Canadian (Livingston's Regiment). There are no Jewish chaplains 
identified in either the Continental Army or the states' militias. 

No denominational quotas for obtaining chaplains were ever 
set through the period of the colonial wars and the Revolution. 
Normally a chaplain came from the same locality as the members of 
a particular unit, and generally had an identification of religious 
affiliation with the majority of them. It will be noted that chaplains 
were usually, but not always, nominated or selected by comman- 
ders and/or their officers on the basis of prior knowledge and 
occasionally membership in their congregations. 

European armies brought to America a long tradition of mili- 
tary chaplains. Their duties were essentially limited to the functions 
normally associated with "the care of souls." While their appoint- 
ment methodology varied, ranging from selection by the sovereign 
to the personal choice of the commander, all appear to have fol- 
lowed the regimental chaplain system. Specifically the British, 
French, and Hessian chaplains will be mentioned in reference to 
the Battle of Yorktown where all four forces met. 


' J. H. Heitz, (ed), Late Chief Rabbi of the British Empire, The Pentateuch andHoftorahs (London: 
Soncino Press, 1965), 831: "The priest. Specially appointed for the purpose, and designated in 
Rabbinical literature as 'the priest anointed for war'." 

- Roy J. Honeywell, Chaplains of The United States Army (Office of the Chief of Chaplains, 
Department of the Army, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1958), 7. 

3 Ibid., 4-5. 

* John G. Smyth, In This Sign Conquer: The Story of the Army Chaplains (London: A. R. Mowbray 
and Company, LTD., 1968), 4. 

^Ibid., 9. 

^Ibid., 14. 

'Ibid., 14. 

^Ibid., 17. 

^ Ibid., 22. Russell F. Weigley, History of the United States (New York, N.Y.: The Macmillan 
Company, 1967), 4. 

'''Ibid., 25-26. 

"John Shy, Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in The Coming of the American Revolution 
(Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1965), 3. Op. Cit., Weigley, 4-5. 
'""Ibid., 4. 

13/forf., 3-19. Of C/7., 3-2. 
'* Weigley, Op. Cit., 6. 
''Ibid., 8. 
»« Shy, Op. Cit., 6. 


Chapter I. 








Appendix I. 




"In The Beginning": 

1676 1 

"Out Of The North 
An Evil Shall Break Forth": 

1748 24 

"How Art The Mighty Fallen": 

1755-1763 55 

"Proclaim Liberty Throughout 
All The Land": 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 79 

"For The Cities Of Our God": 

1775-1776 101 

"A Flaming Sword 
Which Turned Every Way": 

1776-1777 138 

"The LORD Wrought A Great Victory": 

1783 168 

"Balm in Gilead" 

PEACE, 1783-1791 215 

Chaplains: THE COLONIAL WARS 223 















Index 321 


"In the Beginning" 

Early Chaplains and Wars, 

Spain's control of the North American continent for a century 
without any serious rivalry gave Spanish chaplains and missionaries 
who accompanied expeditions of exploration time to initiate their 
apostolic enterprises. The depth of their devotion and the extent of 
their penetrations into an uncharted new world can be traced by 
the blood of martyrs. In 1542, on the plains of southwest Kansas, 
Frey Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan, was killed by Indians to whom 
he had hoped to bring the Gospel. His had been an adventurous 
life in the service of both his kings, eternal and temporal, and he 
knew all too well "the accustom'd sight of blood." Born in the 
province of Andalusia at the turn of the century, it appears that he 
had been a soldier in his early years. Entering the Order of Friars 
Minor, he served as a chaplain in Guzman's expedition to New 
Galicia in 1529-1530. While serving as a missionary he founded 
two friaries before accompanying Coronado's famous search for 
the fabled city of Eldorado. His was a dual mission. While the 
penetration sliced ever deeper into the unknown, he was the chap- 
lain of the conquistadors, often traveling in the advanced party, 
making friendly contact with the aborigines. When the expedition 
returned to Mexico, he elected to remain behind, and push ever 
farther north. Met by a hostile band of Indians whom he came to 
claim for Christ, he valiantly ordered his few faithful companions 
to hide in the high prairie grass while he bore the brunt of their 
savage wrath. The hidden survivors have given to posterity a grand 
scene: Frey Juan de Padilla, champion of the Cross, standing alone 
and unarmed except by faith in the midst of a vast plain and vaster 
continent, committed to his God, until arrows pierced his body like 
a New World St. Stephen, winning for himself a crown of martyr- 
dom. Long before the American chaplaincy was even a dream. 


Chaplain Padilla set a standard in America of loyalty to his mission 
and love for his friends and foes alike. ^ 

The first church known to have been built in the area destined 
to become the original thirteen colonies was a Jesuit mission at 
Axacan in the Powhatan country of Virginia, near the mouth of the 
Chesapeake. A party composed of two priests, four lay brothers, 
and two novices under the leadership of Padre Juan Baptista Seg- 
ura landed on an autumn day, September 10, 1570, to begin their 
missionary effort. Failure was just a meal away throughout their 
first six months ashore, the early records presenting a triumph of 
faith over fractious nature. For six years prior to the missionaries' 
arrival, the land had suffered famine. Their food supplies ran out 
rapidly, making a diet of roots the daily subsistence of Segura's 
party. More dangerous by far than hunger, however, was the 
betrayal of an Indian Judas, their interpreter, named Luis de 
Velasco. Under his leadership the missionaries were massacred. 
Their deaths had far greater ramifications than the mere perishing 
of eight more men of God, as we shall see presently. 

Valesco made a fatal error while wiping out the mission of his 
friends. Not doing a thorough job, a young Indian boy named 
Alonzo escaped. Taking time to decently bury these martyrs, he 
carried the tragic news until it came to the ear of Pedro de Menen- 
dez. A flaming protector of his religion, this founder of the City of 
St. Augustine had a love for Catholic missions and an unmitigated 
hatred of anything which hampered them, or smacked of Protes- 
tantism. Sailing to Virginia, de Menendez personally directed the 
capture and hanging of those Indians identified by Alonzo as 
perpetrators of the massacre. Accompanying this punitive expedi- 
tion as its chaplain was Juan Rogel who baptized each of the 
murderers during their last hours on earth. ^ 

An eminent Catholic historian, Theodore Maynard, states re- 
garding the demise of Segura's mission: "The failure was made 
glorious by martyrdom. It was therefore not a failure under its 
religious aspect. The abandonment of the Chesapeake region, 
however, was politically disasterous for Spain. Could it have been 
held, an effectual barrier would have been erected against the 
encroachments of the English in Virginia.^ 

King James I, on April 10, 1606, chartered the London and 
Plymouth Companies, which had been founded by wealthy mer- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


chants from London and Bristol, respectively. Under the auspices 
of the London merchants, 105 men set sail for the New World with 
the mission of building a permanent English settlement in Virginia. 
By decree the Church of England was established to be the sole 
religious body within the new colony, and Chaplain to this expedi- 
tion was the Rev. Robert Hunt, pastor of the parish church at 
Heathfield, Sussex. Born in 1568, and educated at Magdalen Col- 
lege, Oxford, he served as vicar for eight years earlier at Reculver 
on the coast of Kent. It was there that a thousand years earlier Saint 
Augustine landed — 597 A.D. — to begin his missionary endeavors 
of bringing Christianity to King Ethelbert and the peoples of Bri- 
tain. Having served three years as vicar. Hunt married Elizabeth 
Edwards, a sixteen year old girl from Canterbury. To their mar- 
riage came* two children, and much heartbreak in the form of a 
rival, John Taylor. Hunt's will gives evidence of the depth of the 
marital problem he experienced. He made his wife his executrix 
with the following limitation: "Provided alwaies yf Elizabeth may 
said wiffe shall committ the act of incontinency or shalbe defamed 
or suspected of anye suche acte, during my life or if after my death 
before the proving of my will she stale and abide in the same house 
or other place whatsoever together with John Taylor the eldest 
Sonne of John Taylor of the parish of Heatherfield . . . ." ^ 

Apparently Hunt's marital boat was as frail as the Susan Con- 
stant, the Godspeed, and the Discovery in which the expedition sailed. 
Was the first Protestant chaplain to settle in English America walk- 
ing in the footsteps of ancient Augustine? Or, was he seeking a 
parish in the New World so as to escape a problem in the Old? 
Could it be that he was looking for a new home for his family far 
away from John? History, like love, covers a multitude of sins, and 
existing records are tantalizingly suggestive but silent. 

Even who was responsible for Hunt's appointment is an open 
question. Edward Maria Wingfteld, Jamestown's first president 
when writing in answer to charges against his administration of the 
colony, said in A Discourse of Virginia: 

For my first worke (which was to make a right choise of a 
spirituall Pastor), I appeale to the remembrance of my Lord of 
Canterbury his grace, who gave me very gracious audience in 
my request. And the world knoweth whome 1 took with me: 
truly, in my opinion, a man not any ware to be touched with the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


rebellious humors of a papish spirit, nor blemished with ye least 
suspition of a factious scismatick, whereof I had a speciall care.^ 

Wingfield's formidable antagonist, the redoubtable Captain 
John Smith attributes Hunt's appointment to "Richard Hacluit 
Prebend of Westminister." ^ Obviously Hunt's record was free 
from any hint of Roman Catholicism and Dissenter affilations. 

Irrespective of Chaplain Hunt's domestic difficulties and his 
appointment, he proved himself invaluable to the expedition, and 
worthy of his title, chaplain. Leaving the Thame Estuary on De- 
cember 19, 1606, the sea proved his first enemy. In the Downs, off 
of the coast of Kent and nearly within sight of Hunt's home, the 
convoy languished for six weeks without the proper wind to propel 
the ships onward. The trans- Atlantic crossing was under the com- 
mand of Captain Christopher Newport, "a Marriner well practiced 
for the westerne parts of America." A sealed box, however, contain- 
ing the Virginia Company's orders to the colonists, including the 
names of those who were to compose the council and government, 
was not to be opened until their landfall was made. This strange 
arrangement opened a flood of rivalries among strong per- 
sonalities, immensely abetted by the tedious delay at sea. Captain 
John Smith wrote of this period: 

"all which time, Maister Hunt our Preacher, was so weake and 
sicke, that few expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 
10 or 12 miles from his habitation (the time we were in the 
Downs), and notwithstanding the stormie weather nor the scan- 
dalous imputations (of some few, little better than Atheists, of 
the greatest ranks amongst us) suggested against him; all this 
could never force from him so much as a seeming desire to leave 
the service of God, in so good a voyage, before any affection to 
contest with his godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could 
they have prevailed) had even then overthrowne the businesse: 
so many discontents did then arise; had he not, with the water of 
patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true 
devoted example) quenched those flames of envie, and dissen- 
tion." '' 

The rivalries continued, growing more vicious and fierce. Not 
all dangers to the colony's life, however, were internal. Upon land- 
ing at Cape Henry, Indians wounded two men "very dangerously." 
Before the palisades of the fort at Jamestown were erected, and 
while their weapons were still packed in "drie fats," one boy was^ 

See fcxjtnotes at end of chapter. 


slain and seventeen men wounded "by the Salvages." With disasters 
pressing upon them caused by Indians and egos, Chaplain Hunt, 
again, by means of the Gospel, saved the colony. Smith chronicles: 

Now was it time for that godly man, Master Hunt, to do his part 
in healing our strifes, and he went from one to another with 
sweet words of good counsel: how that we should love and 
forgive our enemies; nay, he used more worldly auguments, 
pointing out that the welfare of our litde band depended chiefly 
upon our union, for that we were in an unknown land, exposed 
to the attacks of hostile natives, and we needed, therefore, all the 
ties of brotherly love. His arguments prevailed, for we all loved 
him for his exceeding goodness. I was admitted to take mv 
rightful place as one of the Council, and the next day we all 
received the Holy Communion together, as an outward and 
visible pledge of reconciliation. And, indeed, it did seem as if the 
blessed Spirit of Peace had come down to dwell among us, for 
the next day came an embassage from the savages, voluntarily 
desiring peace, and to dwell in good accord with us, . . . .^ 

Growing out of the Chaplain's ministry of reconciliation came 
the initial celebration of the Lord's Supper in the history of English 
America. Charles W. F. Smith, Professor at the Episcopal Theolog- 
ical School, Cambridge, Massachusetts, states: "It was the first 
Prayer Book service of Holy Communion in the new world of 
which we have a clear and unequivocal record." ^ 

Hardly had Captain Newport's sails disappeared over the east- 
ern horizon than "we fell into sore straits for food," according to 
Captain Smith, and nearly 90% of the company became ineffective 
resulting from malnutrition. "Our drink w^as water, and our lodg- 
ings were castles in the air, and had we been as free from all other 
sins as we were from gluttony and drunkeness, we might have been 
canonised for saints . . . ." Weary from beastly toil, hungry, thirsty, 
and disease ridden. Captain Smith records that "between May and 
September fifty were put under the turf." ^° 

By the Fall, all provisions were depleted. Smith remembering 
that even the "sturgion and sea-crabs" which had supplied their 
diet for five months were no more. While anticipating a renewed 
confrontation with the Indians at any moment, "God, the patron of 
all good indeavours, in that desperate extreamity, so changed the 
harts of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their fruits 
and provisions, as no man wanted." ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Among the early actions of the Jamestown settlers was the 
establishment of a regular place for their corporate worship. Cap- 
tain Smith recalled: 

I well remember wee did hang an awning (which is an old saile) 
to three or foure trees to shadow us from the Sunne, our walles 
were rales of wood, our seats unhewed trees till we cut plans, our 
Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighbouring trees. In foule 
weather we shifted into an ole rotten tent; for we had few better, 
and this came by way of adventure for new. This was our 
Church, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon 
Cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth; .... Yet we had 
daily Common Prayer morning and evening, every Sunday two 
Sermons, and every three months the holy Communion, till our 
Minister died: but our prayers daily, with an Homily on Sun- 
daies, we continued two or three yeares after, till more 
Preachers came.^^ 

Before death removed Chaplain Hunt from his parishioners, 
he was to suffer one more trial, perhaps the most bitter of all which 
he experienced in America. A fire swept the small compound on 
January 17, 1608. Smith recorded: "Good Master Hunt, our 
preacher, lost all his library, and, indeed all that he had, save only 
the clothes which he wore upon his back; yet none ever heard him 
repine at his loss." ^^ Here was a lonely chaplain on the rim of a 
challenging continent, his heart doubtful of his wife's fidelity, his 
congregants quarrelsome, his dwelling among hostile natives 
against whom he served in battle, for he was "as ready for defence 
as any;" hungry, thirsty, chilled in winter and burned in summer, 
and now deprived of his few precious books. Chaplain Hunt 
walked his godly path uncomplainingly, setting forever a standard 
for his spiritual descendents in the military clergy of America to 

What better report or epitaph could be written of him, or any 
chaplain, than that penned by an eyewitness to his struggles at 
being a priest and prophet in the expedition of Jamestown. The 
adventurous Captain Smith wrote: 

"Master Robert Hunt, an honest, religious and couragious Di- 
vine; during whose life our factions were oft qualified, our wants 
and greatest extremities so comforted, that they seemed easie in 
comparison of what we endured after his memorable death." ^^ 

Hunt's will was probated on July 14, 1608; apparently 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Elizabeth had caused no scandal. Neither the date of the Chaplain's 
death nor his place of burial has survived. It occurred prior to June 
12, 1608, on which date the ship carrying the news of his dying left 
Jamestown for "home." 

Under martial law and a discipline enforced with indescribable 
cruelty, the colony hung on to life and the edge of the New World. 
Its life was made less tenuous in October, 1608, by the arrival of 
seventy new settlers, and more desirable with the appearance of 
two young women among the passengers. The lack of female 
presence at Jamestown has been expressed quaintly but no doubt 
accurately as a "capital inconvenience." 

Among the extant records of 1612 is "A Praier duly said 
Morning and Evening upon the Court of Guard, either by the 
Captaine of the watch himselfe, or by some one of his principall 
officers." A reading of this eight and one- half page petition shows it 
thoroughly Protestant in flavor, English in spirit, and fluctuating 
between the imprecations of the Psalms in their violence and the 
tenderness of the Gospel in its gentlest passages. 

Being the earliest recorded prayer offered in the colonies 
other than those in the Book of Common Prayer, and used dis- 
tinctly by the military force in Jamestown, some excerpts may con- 
vey the religious attitudes held in vogue by our earliest English 
settlers. (Appendix VIII) 

Another colonizing force left England on May 31, 1607, 
aboard the Gift oj God and the Mary and John, bound for the New 
World. Under the command of its President, George Popham, and 
sailing under the guidance of Raleigh Gilbert, its Admiral, the 
Popham Plantation w^as to be established by 120 colonists taken out 
of all the gaols of England. This structural weakness should have 
forecast the settlement's doom before they sailed; within the year, 
the experiment had ended in failure. Docking at the mouth of the 
Sagadahoc River, now known as the Kennebec, they landed, build- 
ing rapidly some fifty dwellings, a storehouse, and a church; Chap- 
lain to this colony was the Rev. Richard Seymour. Winter came on 
mercilessly, and George Popham died. Lacking strong leadership, 
exiled criminals who were escaping prisons and their pasts rather 
than building a new society for the future, simply were not fit 
material for the task. The early collapse of this effort, in contrast to 
the Jamestown and later Plymouth endeavors, painted in vivid 
colors the necessity that the personal character and quality posses- 
sed by settlers was vital for any such colony's success. Although 


there were at Popham Plantation the outward symbols of faith, it 
failed to motivate and direct the colonists in any life-molding fash- 
ion. At Jamestown not everyone professed faith in any meaningful 
way, but there was indeed a nucleus that, in spite of the shocks it 
received, gave the colony strength to survive. The Popham adven- 
ture proved the German proverb's message: "All fails where faith 
fails." Few records remain and little is known of Chaplain 
Seymour's ministry. Nearly three centuries passed before a manu- 
script entitled Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc came to light, having 
been tucked away in the archives of Lambeth Palace, London. 
From it we learn of only one religious service being held, although 
presumably there were more.^^ It was left to another people, whom 
King James threatened to "harrie . . . out of the land" to be 
civilizing and Christianizing element in New England: the Puritans. 

The voyage for the Pilgrims to America began at Delfthaven, 
where they parted from those electing to remain behind. William 
Bradford recorded the touching scene. Their pastor led them in "a 
day of solleme humiliation" using Ezra 8:21 for the basis of his 
sermon and the assembly's day-long prayers. It was an appropriate 
text: "And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast, that we 
might humble ourselves before God, and seeke of him a right way 
for us, and for our children, and for all our substance." Bradford 
continues: "So they left that goodly and pleasante citie, which had 
been ther resting place near 12 years; but they knew they were 
pilgrims, and looked not much on those things, but lift up their 
eyes to the heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and quieted their spirits." 

Going first to England, it was at Southampton they boarded 
the Mayflower and the Speedwell, the latter being forced to turn back 
during the Atlantic crossing. Joining the Pilgrim company there 
were non- Pilgrims seeking the opportunities which the New World 
offered. Naturally values conflicted between the two groups and a 
misadventure in navigation abetted the problems. Rather than 
arriving near the Hudson River, they disembarked well outside of 
the jurisdiction of the Virginia Company, and their patent. Deter- 
mined to remain and equally determined to succeed, they recog- 
nized their immediate need was to establish some form of civil 
government. According to Bradford, anarchy was suggested: "oc- 
casioned partly by the mutinous speeches that some of the stran- 
gers amongst had let fall from them in the ship — that when they 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


came to a shore they would use their owne hbertie; for none had 
power to command them." ^^ The upshot was the writing of an 
agreement known as the Mayflower Compact. It has received uni- 
versal acclaim, best summarized by Sir Winston Churchill as "one 
of the remarkable documents in history, a spontaneous covenant 
for political organization." ^^ An American historian has stated 
unequivocably, "that compact, brief and general, may be regarded 
as the foundation of civil and religious liberty in the Western 
World, and was the first instrument of civil government ever sub- 
scribed as the act of a whole people." ^^ The landmark document 

In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwri- 
ten, the loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King 
James, by tne grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, 8c Ireland 
king, defender of the faith, &:c., haveing undertaken, for the 
glorie of God, and advancements of the Christian faith, and 
honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant the first colonie 
in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents sol- 
emnly 8c mutually m the presence of God, and one of another, 
covenant 8c combine our selves togeather into a civill body 
politick, for our better ordering 8c preservation 8c furtherance 
of the ends aforesaid; and by vertue hereof to enacte, constitute, 
and frame such just &: equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu- 
tions, 8c offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most 
meete 8c convenient for the generall good of the Colonie, unto 
which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness 
whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd 
the 11 . of November, in the year of the raigne of our soveraigne 
lord. King James, of England, France, &: Ireland the eighteenth, 
and of Scotland the fiftie fourth. Anno: Dom. 1620 

Signatory to the covenant were forty-one of the leading men of 
the soon-to-be colony. To have liberty of religion, they found they 
must first secure a sound economic system and government estab- 
lished on "lawes and order, both for their civill and militaiy Gov- 
ernments, as the necessitie of their condition did require." ^^ 
Throughout the hard winter they worked to build a settlement, 
losing nearly fifty percent of their community to death by various 
forms. A mutual defense treaty was enacted with neighboring 
Indians, and the hard struggle for life and liberty began. 

Plymouth Colony and later Massachusetts Bay Colony, 
functioned under the BibHcal concept of the covenant as 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


exemplified in the Mayflower Compact. This was a contract or 
agreement made between individuals, tribes, or individual nations 
with God. Blessings or curses, such as those enumerated in 
Deuteronomy 27-28 could be anticipated by an individual or com- 
munity based on faithfulness to the provisions of the covenant. 
Growing out of this commitment to God were two corollaries: 
sub-covenants could be made between individuals on the basis of 
their common faith in God; and, where a community covenant 
existed, one person's misbehavior could bring Divine wrath upon 
the entire body. For this reason, religious tolerance was unthink- 
able, and personal behaviour was subject to communal censor. Two 
hundred years would pass before religious freedom became a real- 

Nothing in this life is permanent; not even the Massachusetts 
Bay Colony could long maintain the pristine purity of its 
Puritanism, but it tried. New colonists came, and although they 
were Calvinist in creed and Congregational in church polity, they 
held vigorously to their right to privately interpret the Bible ac- 
cording to their own lights. Controversies abounded regarding the 
practice of the Christian faith, and especially the relationship for 
the state to the church. Their question: how far should the state be 
allowed to enforce religious doctrine and practice in the lives of 
individual citizens? Herein liesan open challenge to the covenant, 
and its ramifications affect our history. In the limited geographical 
area of England they would have stood their ground, but with a 
virgin continent beckoning them to take it for themselves, it was 
easier to move on, leaving theological quarreling behind. This 
availability of land fostered a major difference between Puritanism 
in America and that practiced back "home." English Puritanism 
became highly speculative, whereas that in North America was 
marked by a lack of academic theory but containing an immensely 
practical side. The year 1635 marked the first westward movement 
of settlers emigrating from Massachusetts to what is now Connec- 
ticut, in search of religious freedom. Samuel Stone, co-pastor of the 
church in Newtown — now Cambridge, Mass — chose the site for a 
new city and negotiated the land's purchase from the Indians, 
moving there in 1636. Whether it was he or his parishioners who 
selected the name Hartford for this town we do not know, but it 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


was named in honor of their minister's birthplace, Hartford, En- 
gland. ^^ 

This initial westward movement by Puritans, destined ulti- 
mately to reach the Pacific coast, was theologically based on the 
Divine intent for the earth's use in the act of creation, as stated in 
Genesis 1:26, and interpreted by them."* Colonists coming to the 
New World were carefully instructed in the charter of Virginia to 
proceed "into that part of America, commonly called Virginia, and 
other Parts and Territories in America, either appertaining unto 
us, or which are not now actually possessed by any Christian Prince 
or People." While there were certainly political considerations in- 
volved in these instructions concerning camping on claimed ter- 
ritory, the term Christian is the key to understanding these 
directions. Richard Hakluyt earlier had urged "trade with Japan, 
China and Cathay, etc." but not conquest. Specifically Governor 
Winthrop in "Divers objections which have been made against this 
plantation with their answers and resolutions" provides the ratio- 
nale which gave the westward movement its religious thrust, and 
interprets for his followers the Charter of Virginia's and Hakluyt's 
injunctions. Because of its effect on his own and future generations 
who pushed ever westward, it is worthy of careful note. Essential- 
ly the theory was this: if land was cultivated or developed it showed 
that man had taken dominion over it; if it were open land which 
"hath never been replenished or subdued, (it) is free to any that 
will possesse and improve it." This theory, and its implementation, 
will hold sway until the end of the nineteenth century, as the In- 
dians were pushed even farther westward. ^^ 

Living in Connecticut along the Thames River were the pow- 
erful Pequot Indians. Secure under the leadership of their chief 
Sachem, Sassacus, and protected by seven hundred warriors, they 
were openly hostile to their newly arrived and uninvited neighbors. 
In March 1637, a war party attacked Fort Saybrook, killing three 
soldiers. The Rev. John Higginson, who served as Post Chaplain at 
this frontier stockade in 1637-1638, does not appear to have been 
present at the time of this action. He recorded that he was "some- 
time a schoolmaster in Hartford," presumably being away from the 
fort for extended periods. ^^ Another raid, in April, on Weathers- 
field netted several people killed, while two girls were taken cap- 
tive. This latter offense was beyond toleration, and a punitive 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


expedition under the command of Captain John Mason was or- 
ganized to rescue the prisoners and punish their abductors. Hastily 
assehibhng at Fort Saybrook were eighty colonial volunteers and 
one hundred Indians led by Uncas — legendary hero of James Fen- 
nimore Cooper's Last of the Mohegans — a Pequot prince in rebellion 
against Sassacus. Lieutenant Gardiner of Fort Saybrook, and a life 
long soldier, was shocked at the militia. Complaining to Mason, 
himself a veteran of service in the Low Countries, that they were 
"not fitted for such a Design," he was concurred with by Captain 
John Underbill, another professional soldier. Not only were the 
English volunteers unprepared for a hard campaign but Uncas' 
loyalty was an open question. Hardly "the noble Red man" of the 
novelist's imagination, he was a dissolute individual. ^^ Numbered 
among this unlikely aggregation was the Reverend Samuel Stone. 
To him belongs the distinction of being the first military chaplain to 
begin his active field service in English America, rather than ac- 
companying an expedition to the New World. 

A council of war was held at Fort Saybrook. Captain Mason's 
orders were to proceed to the Thames River by ship, and upon 
effecting a landing, begin operations against the Pequot Nation. 
This plan had major difficulties which Mason felt would prove 
disasterous if implemented. It would be better, he said, "if our 
Army landed at Narraganset, they would come upon their Backs, 
and possibly Surprize them unawares; at worst they should be on 
firm Land as well as the Enemy." -^ Captain Mason's proposal 
received not a single vote of affirmation or confidence from his 
fellow officers. However, the decision was his, and his alone, as the 
commander to make. In his state of uncertainty, he turned to his 
chaplain in a remarkable fashion, as if it were a reenactment di- 
rectly out of the Book of I Kings. Increase Mather, a contemporary 
historian, wrote in the Early History of New England: 

"Captain Mason in this difficult Case, went to the Reverend Mr. 
Samuel Stone, late Teacher to the Church of Christ at Hartford, 
who was sent as Preacher to the Army, and desired of him in the 
Matter, how and in what Manner they should demean them- 
selves. He retired himself from them aboard the Pink the re- 
maining Part of that Day, and the following Night was not 
wanting in spreading the Case before the Lord, and seeking his 
Direction, in the Morning he came on Shore to the Captains 
Chamber, and told him he had done as he desired him, and 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


though formerly he had been against sailing to Narraganset and 
landing there, yet now he was fully satisfied to attend it." ^^ 

At the Council's next meeting the several courses of action were 
again discussed, and reversing themselves, a unanimous vote was 
given by its members to land at Narraganset. 

Leaving the next day in the confidence of the Lord's guidance, 
Mason's tactic put the Pequots off guard, the ship and troops 
sailing past them. Landing in the territory of a neighboring and 
rival tribe, the Colonists sought permission to cross their land. 
More than they asked was granted. Miantonomoh, Chief of the 
Niantics, summoned 200 warriors and joined the Englishmen on 
the war path. Going cross country the citizen soldiers were severely 
oppressed by unaccustomed exertion and heat, but they fortified 
those who fainted with moderate amounts of liquor. Rapidly de- 
pleting their supply of "the friendly spirit," a contemporary rec- 
ords "the very smelling of the Bottle was effectual to the reviving of 
the fainting soldiers." Through all this "God guided them in the 
Way they should goe" and "was pleased to hide them in the Hollow 
of his Hand." ^^ 

The Pequots were utterly surprised by the predawn attack. 
Two colonial forces penetrated their fortification. Surrounding the 
paHsades were the friendly Indians, ready to deal with those fleeing 
the white man's wrath. Not desiring the enemy to have time to 
form, Mason fired their wigwams. Those fleeing this holocaust 
were cut down and butchered by the encircling Indian forces, 
mercy being an unknown virtue. Warriors, women, and children to 
the number of nearly 700 were killed, and the Pequot Nation 
disappeared both as a reality and as a threat to the Connecticut 

What did Chaplain Stone consider to be his battle station in 
this time of "blood and fire, and pillars of smoke"? Mather re- 

In the Night in which the Engagement was, ... he was with the 
Lord alone, wrestling with Him by Faith and Prayer; and surely 
his Prayers prevailed for a Blessing; and in the very Time when 
our Israel were ingaging with the bloud-thirsty Pequots, he was 
in the Top of the Mount, and so held up his Hand, that Israel 

Captain Mason gave credit to God for this unconditional vic- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


tory, though some of the later and less endangered generations 
have seriously questioned whether God is desirous of such gory 
praise. In his Brief History of the Pequot War, the commander pro- 
claimed: "God is above us! He laughs his enemies and the enemies 
of the English to scorn, making them as a fiery oven. Thus does the 
Lord judge among the heathen, filling the place with dead 
bodies." ^^ The term "fiery oven" was more than a reference to 
Psalm 21:9; it was the grim and dreadful reality of flaming wig- 

Massachusetts, as a good neighbor, sent a detachment made up 
of 160 selected men to the war. Concerned that God would not 
bless the arms of men who "were still under a Covenant of Works," 
only those were accepted who professed personal faith in Christ 
their Saviour. Their military pastor. Chaplain John Wilson, minis- 
ter of the First Church of Boston, was chosen for this duty by his 
fellow clergymen. Increase Mather said of him: "I think I have 
myself heard him say, (or if 1 have not, others have) that he was 
before they went out, as certain that God would give the English 
the victory over those Enemies, as if he had seen the victory already 
obtained." ^^ 

From this first war fought by New England colonists, several 
attitudes held by them are evident and important for us to note. 
They certainly believed that success or defeat was in the hand of 
God; whether they were victorious or vanquished depended upon 
their commitment to Him. Viewing war as an undesirable necessity, 
those selected to be soldiers could not be unbelievers. As Christian 
soldiers, far from their homes and accustomed places of worship, 
they required a clergyman's services to minister to their spiritual 
needs. Chaplain Stone, "who was sent to preach and pray with 
those who went out in those Engagements," was not an ancillary but 
a full fledged member of the expedition. ^^ It is worthy of recapitu- 
lation that having accepted the premise that the earth was to be 
subdued and civilized, the colonists were acting fully in accord with 
their Old Testament national prototype, Israel.^^ 

Further, it is noteworthy that the men of Connecticut pur- 
chased the land from the Indians, and did not go to war even after 
attacked, but only after prisoners were taken. John Wilson, after 
his experience as chaplain to the Massachusetts troops, worked 
with the saintly John Eliot for the conversion of the Indians, and in 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


1647 wrote hopefully, The Day Breaking, if not the Sun Rising, of the 
Gospel with the Indians in New England. 

One result of the destruction of the Pequots was that "the 
Terror of God fell upon all the Heathen round about." ^^ The 
colonists had peace for almost forty years, giving them time to 
divert their energies into constructive channels. Not so, the 
aborigines. Following their ancient ways, Miantonomoh with his 
Niantics and Uncas with his Mohegans, once their war with the 
Pequots ended, turned their knives against each other. Their re- 
maining years were spent in self generated genocide. 

With "peace more sweet than music" flowing over New En- 
gland, far to the north and west events were developing which 
would shatter this idyllic scene for a century. Samuel de Champlain 
and others representing Henry IV of France began searching for a 
passageway to the Far East late in the sixteenth century. Unsuccess- 
ful in their mission, they did explore the St. Lawrence River basin, 
and penetrating deep into the heartland of North America via the 
river routes, laid the foundation for a vast new empire. His follow- 
ers named a lake in honor of Champlain, which was to become a 
key terrain feature in our military history for the next two hundred 
years. Quebec, founded in 1608, prospered. During the period 
between the destruction of the Pequot Nation and New England's 
next Indian war, the French pursued their explorations, mission- 
ary endeavors, and small efforts at colonization. By July 17, 1673, 
Father Pierre Marquette had descended the Mississippi as far south 
as present day Arkansas, and on that date began his return trip. His 
Journal makes thrilling reading, and is certainly a wonderful part 
of our American heritage. It is a record of high endeavor of the 
noblest kind, of pathetic suffering, and of triumphant faith. He 
called at "an Illinois town called Kaskaskia, composed of seventy- 
four cabins." Usually we link its name to that of George Rogers 
Clark, forgetting the century earlier missionary. During Mar- 
quette's exploration he carried the Gospel to all whom he found. 
Death was his constant companion, and toil his food and drink. With 
sublime dedication he recorded: "Had all this voyage caused but 
the salvation of a single soul, I should deem all my fatigue well 
repaid." ^^ Essentially the French had, by using the inland water- 
ways, established themselves in a great crescent, effectively pinning 
the English colonists to North America's eastern seaboard. They 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


were settling on land claimed by the British crown, and directly in 
the path of the Englishmen's inevitable westward lunge. Blood 
would flow when political, economic, and religious systems came 
close enough to quarrel; but, that was still several years away. 

By 1660, the ever spreading population of New England was 
beginning to worry Metacomet, Segamore of the Wampanoags. 
Known to history as King Philip, he was the son of Massasoit, the 
chieftain who graciously, but with caution, embraced the Pilgrim 
Fathers at the time of their arrival on his shores. Governor Prince is 
said to have given the names Alexander and Philip to the old 
warrior's sons in honor of their warlike ability, comparing them to 
the ancient Macedonian conquerors. He prophesied better than he 
knew, for although Alexander, like his namesake, died early, Philip 
went on to terrorize the colonists. An undated letter remains which 
was sent by King Philip, probably in the late 1660's. It contained an 
ominous hint that the days of peace were drawing to a close, 
although it is couched in inoffensive terms. Written to Governor 
Prince in the Indian style of using the third person, it said that he 
would sell no land to the English for seven years. ^^ 

Carefully and with stealth. King Philip was arousing all the 
tribes of New England to cease their internecine wars, and to form 
an alliance for an attack on the ever encroaching white men. With 
an army of 10,000 warriors he planned to drive the English into the 
sea. Throughout this period of Philip's growing fear and irritation, 
the Reverend John Eliot had been hard at work in his efforts of 
evangelizing the Indians, translating the Bible into the natives' 
tongue as a necessary step in his work. 

The success of Eliot's efforts actuated King Philip's fear into 
flaming hatred, because he was deeply attached to the ancient and 
traditional religion of his ancestors. The sight of villages of "pray- 
ing Indians" was intolerable to him, and to seven hundred warriors 
he proclaimed vehemently his faith in the old ways and the old god. 

The murder of John Sassamon, an Indian convert, resulted in 
a trial and hanging of the three alledged Indian assailants, found 
guilty on shaky evidence by a jui^y composed of half Englishmen 
and half Indians. Philip's warriors were enraged, calling for im- 
mediate war, although he was pleading caution. It was too early to 
put into action his grand plan to destroy New England, but events 
slipped beyond his control. The impetuosity of the young spelled 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


doom to their people, while saving the enemy they sought to 
annihilate. Of such paradoxes are history made. 

Unlike the earlier Indian campaign against Sassacus, the col- 
onists were militarily well prepared, and at the commencement of 
hostilities, they began operations in earnest. George Madison 
Bodge provides a thorough account of the Massachusetts military 

At the opening of the war, the colonial militia was quite effi- 
ciently organized. Each county had its regiment of 'trained 
soldiers.' The regiments of Suffolk and Middlesex counties con- 
sisted of fifteen companies of Foot and one of Cavalry each. The 
Essex regiment was of thirteen Foot and one Cavalry; the other 
counties smaller. There were seventy-three organized com- 
panies in the Massachusetts Colony, besides an independent 
cavalry company called the 'Three County Troop,' made up in 
Suffolk, Middlesex and Essex. The highest military officer of the 
colony was Major General Daniel Denison, of Ipswich. The 
highest regimental officer at this time was Major, or Sergeant 
Major. These local companies were not sent on active service out 
of their towns, but men were impressed from the number and 
placed under officers appointed for special service by the Coun- 
cil. Each company of Foot had a Captain, Lieutenant, Ensign, 
Clerk, Sergeants, Corporals, and a Drummer. Cavalry had Cor- 
nett instead of Ensign and a Trumpeter and Quartermaster. 
The regular number of privates in foot companies was seventy; 
in the cavalry fifty. On special service it was more. The pay of 
soldiers was 6s. per week, and 5s. was paid for their 'dyet'. There 
is no way of determining the rate of pay from Hull's Journal, as 
all payments are 'on acct' and do not specify time of service. . . . 
A 'Chyrurgion' or doctor was attached to each expedition. A 
chaplain also generally served with each expedition. The price 
paid for horses was 18d. per week. Prices of Clothing, 
'Waistcoats, 6s., Drawers 5s 6d., Stockins 2s., Shirts 6s., Shoes 
4s.' =^« 

Among the chaplains who served in King Philip's War, the 
following names appear in records of the period: Hope Atherton, 
Israel Chauncy, Thomas Clark, Joseph Dudley, Samuel Nowell, 
and Nicholas Noyes. John Wise served against the Narragansetts, 
and will appear later in our history in another conflict. 

Plymouth Colony sought aid from Massachusetts after the 
Indians raided Swansea. On June 24, 1675, the General Court of 
Massachusetts ordered both Infantry and Cavalry to the relief of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the embattled town; they "shall be speedily upon their march," 
hard-pressed Plymouth was informed. ^^ 

Colonial success was immediate, but to a degree it was self- 
defeating. In less than a month King Philip was a refugee among 
the Nipmucks. The Indians quickly learned better than to fight 
pitch battles, and the war degenerated into months filled with small 
guerilla type actions. All New England was aflame, and the scalping 
knife was not quenched in its thirst. A contemporary account 
reveals "the number of Christians slain since the beginning of the 
late Wars in New England, are 444. Taken Prisoner, 55. The 
number of Indians Slain in this war is uncertain because they burn 
their Dead, keeping their Death as a Secret . . . . " ^^ The extent of 
the war's devastation is given in these terms: 

Twelve or thirteen towns were destroyed. The disbursements 
and losses equaled in value half a million of dollars — an enor- 
mous sum for the few of that day. More than six hundred men, 
chiefly young men, the flower of the country, of whom any 
mother might have been proud, perished in the field. As many 
as six hundred houses were burned. Of the able-bodied men in 
the colony, one in twenty had fallen; and one family in twenty 
had been burned out. The loss of lives and property was, in 
proportion to numbers, as distressing as in the Revolutionary 
war. There was scarce a family from which Death had not 
selected a victim. ^^ 

An Indian tactic often repeated was to attack families enroute 
to church services, or to burn their homes while they were away at 
church services. Even a casual observer could note the universal 
keeping of the Lord's Day. At Hadley, Connecticut during a service 
of fasting and prayer, the Indians surrounded the meeting house 
anticipating an easy victory and many scalps. To their surprise, 
they received a terrible thrashing from a most unexpected quarter. 
The worshippers were always armed, but were innocent of military 
knowledge and experience. A stranger worshipping with them 
suddenly took command, enabling them to bring their fire so 
effectively to bear that their destruction was averted. This was no 
angel from God sent for deliverance, but General Goffe, one of the 
Cromwellian judges who had condemned Charles I to the 
executioner's block. After the Restoration of Charles II, he was a 
hunted man in England. Forsaking his homeland for safety, he 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


lived out his days in anonymity along the frontier of America's 
wilderness. ^*^ 

Indian antagonism to Christianity made churches, ministers, 
and their families the special targets of raids. During the as- 
sault on Groton "one of the first houses that the Enemy destroyed 
in this place, was the House of God." Next they attacked the 
parsonage, but were beaten off, the Rev. Mr. Willard having had 
the foresight to fortify it sufficiently. Nonetheless, their taunts 
lingered long after the battle: "What will you do for a house to pray 
in now we have burnt your Meeting-house?" Referring to this 
Indian propensity for destroying churches. Cotton Mather com- 
mented when a church was laid waste by alluding to Revelation 2, 
"another Candlestick removed out of its place." ^^ 

Present at the Great Swamp fight on December 19, 1675 were 
Chaplains Joseph Dudley, Nicholas Noyes, and Samuel Nowell. 
Noyes ministered to a Connecticut regiment while Nowell served 
soldiers from Massachusetts. In this particular action Chaplain 
Nowell gained renown as a hero. Referring to his well known 
sermon preached to the artillerymen of Massachusetts entitled 
"Abraham in Arms" a contemporary historian referred to him as 
"This now revered, and afterwards worshipful person, a chaplain 
to the army," going on to say that "at this fight there was no person 
more like a true son of Abraham in Arms, or that with more 
courage and hazardy fought in the midst of a shower of bullets 
from the surrounding savages." ^^ Indeed it was a desperate battle 
with no quarter given. Secure and comfortable within their pal- 
lisades, the Indians hardly expected to be alarmed in the dead of 
winter. Bursting suddenly upon them, the colonists leaped over the 
"trees of death" into the aroused fury of an enemy who fought with 
everything to lose. Casualties were frightful. Six colonial captains 
were slain, and twenty-two Indian chieftains were numbered 
among the corpses. All told the English suffered eighty-five sol- 
diers killed and 145 wounded. Lost by the Indians to the combina- 
tion of musket, sword, and flame — the compound was fired — were 
nearly one thousand warriors, women, and children. Those escap- 
ing to the swamp were not necessarily fortunate when one con- 
siders that they perished from hunger and cold in this icy hell. 
Chaplain Dudley's estimate of the number of casualties was limited 
only to warriors, about 200.^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Nothing is known of Chaplain Noyes' service in this action. 
After the war he was called by unanimous vote to be the pastor of 
the church at Salem, Massachusetts. The Noyes Genealogy records 
that "he officiated as clergyman at the hanging of the witches, Sept. 
22, 1692, and after they were dead, said, 'What a sad sight it is to 
see those eight firebrands of hell hanging there.' Later in life he 
repented of his part in the witchcraft persecutions, and did what he 
could to assist the dependent families." It is all but impossible for us 
to insert oiirselves into the mentality of that era of witch hunting. 
Gratefully we learn that "with the morning cool repentance came." 

The turning point in King Philip's War came at the Battle of 
the Falls near Deerfield, Massachusetts, in May 1676. Five tribes 
situated themselves along the Connecticut River. Once again they 
failed to reckon with the daring and traditional English bull-dog 
spirit. Growing lax in their security, the Indians put out few sen- 
tries. An expedition of only 160 men — both standing force and 
volunteers — formed at Hatfield with the mission of destroying the 
enemy by a surprise attack. "The Rev. Hope Atherton, minister of 
the gospel, at Hatfield, a gentleman of publick spirit, accompanied 
the army." ^^ Marching on May 17, 1676, they silently intruded 
themselves into the very center of the Indian complex. Only one 
tense moment occurred. Far out on the periphery an enemy sen- 
tinel heard the sound of horses. A careless search was made, with 
the astonishing conclusion that the outpost had heard a moose in 
his wanderings. Gorged with beef and milk, the drowsy tribesmen 
were in no mood to look for an enemy they were certain would 
never foolishly penetrate their major encampment. With the dawn 
came panic as the sleeping Indians were awakened by vollies, only 
to be blasted into eternity. Three hundred of the enemy died to the 
loss of one colonist. So Indian-like was the attack that at first the cry 
went up "Mohawks! Mohawks!" in assumption that their traditional 
rivals were attacking. ^^ When the colonists withdrew, the full force 
of hundreds of vengeful warriors from the outlying tribes fell upon 
them. Twenty men made a gallant and effective stand at the river 
giving the main party time to get away. Some were taken prisoner, 
and rather than giving hot pursuit, the Indians entertained them- 
selves in a savage manner. "They first covered them with dry 
thatch, then set fire to it, and compelled them to run: When one 
covering was burnt off, they put on another, and so continued, till 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


death delivered them from their hands." '^^ A running fight with 
the main body took place over the ten mile retreat, but to no avail. 
The colonists had escaped. Before long the tribes were blaming 
each other for this and other failures, and the end of the war was 
only a matter of time. Chaplain Atherton related to his congrega- 
tion a terrifying tale on the first Sunday after he returned from this 

In the hurry and confusion of the retreat, I was separated from 
the army; the night following, I wandered up and down among 
the dwelling places of the enemy, but none of them discovered 
me. The next day I tendered myself to them a prisoner, for no 
way of escape appeared, and I had been a long time without 
food; but notwithstanding I offered myself to them, yet, they 
accepted not the offer; when I spoke they answered not; and 
when I moved toward them they fled. Finding they would not 
accept of me as a prisoner, I determined to take the course of 
the river and if possible find the way home, and after several 
days of hunger, fatigue and danger, I reached Hatfield. ^'^ 

Conjectures about the Indians' strange behavior concerning 
Chaplain Atherton abound. Perhaps it was they feared this white 
medicine man's magic. Whatever the reason for his deliverance, 
Chaplain Atherton saw in it the Hand of God's Providence. 

The Indian alliance formed by King Philip was shattered. 
Some tribes withdrew from the arena of war entirely by going to 
Canada, while others forgot the white man in their rage with each 
other. In August, 1676, King Philip, a warrior to the end, was shot 
to death in an ambush by an Indian in the service of the colonials. 
Captain Benjamin Church, the most famous partisan fighter of the 
war, then ordered him decapitated. The indignities heaped upon 
the dead sagamore were gross. His headless body was taken and 
"executed" by being quartered, and a severed hand was presented 
like a medal to the Indian who killed him. On the day proclaimed 
for public thanksgiving, Philip's gory head was carried through the 
streets of Plymouth in triumph. Most tragic of all, the only son of 
the King was sold into slavery in far off Bermuda as other Indian 
prisoners had been during the war. So ended the war, and the royal 
line of Massasoit who welcomed the Pilgrims to the New^ World. 
And, Captain Church was entitled to thirty shillings, the price 
regularly paid in Plymouth for Indian heads taken in combat. ^*^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 



Chapter I 

' The Catholic Encyclopedia, (N. Y.: Robert Appleton Company, 1907), X, 389. Theodore 
Maynard, The Story oj American Catholicism (N. Y.: The Macmillan Company, 1951), 25-26. 

-Ibid, Maynard, 30-31. The New Catholic Encyclopedia (N. Y.: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 
1967), VII, 906; IX, 956. Woodbui-y Lowery, The Spanish Settlements Within The Present Limits of The 
United States (N. Y. and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1905), 360-365. Anthony Kerrigan (Tr.), Pedro 
Menendez De Aviles by Bartolome Barrientos: A Facsimile Reproduction of The Sole Printed Edition of The 
Original Spanish Work (Gainsville: University of Florida Press, 1965). 

""Ibid., 31. 

■* Leo Culleton "Virginia Gleanings in England," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , 
1917, XXV, 161-162. 

•^ Edward Arber (ed.), The English Scholars Library of Old and Modern Works, Captain John 
Smith . . . Work, 1608-1631, Part 1 (Westminster: Archibald Constable and Company, 1895), XCI. 

^Ibid., Part 11,958. 

'Ibid., Part 1, 93. 

•* John Ashton (ed.), The Adventures and Discourses of Captain John Smith, sometimes President of 
Virginia and Admiral of New England (London, Paris, and N.Y.: Caffell and Company, 1895), 87-88. 

* Charles W. F. Smith, Hunt of Jamestown (N. Y.: The National Council of Churches, 1957), 11. 

'«Ashton,0/?.C/<., 88-89. 

" Arbers, Op. Cit., Part I, 95. 

'-Ibid., Part 11,957-958. 

•3 Ashton, 0/7. C;Y., 121. 

'* Arbers, Op. Cit., Part II, 958. 

'^ Henry S. Burrage (ed.). Original Narratives of Early American History, Early England and Fretich 
Voyages, Chiefly from Hakluyt, 1534-1608 (N. Y.: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1906), 397, 407. 

'* Harvey Wish (ed.), William Bradford of Plymouth Plantation (N. Y.: Capricorn Books, 1962), 

'^ Sir Winston S. Churchill, A Histoiy of The English-Speaking Peoples, II, The New World (N. Y.: 
Bantam Books, Inc., 1963), 132. 

'*• Benson J. Lossing, The Pictorial Field Book ofTheRa'olution, 1 (N. Y.: Benchmark Publishing 
Company, 1970. Originally printed, 1855), 437. 

"* Wish, Op. Cit., 70. 

20 pgj-ry Miller, The New England Mind: From Colony to Province (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard 
University Press, 1953), 21. Recommended for a historical study of the covenant concept, called by 
the author, concerning early New England, "the master idea of the age." 

-' Samuel G. Drake (ed.), Increase Mather, Early History of New England (Boston: Printed for the 
Editor, 1864), 157. 

-' E. G. R. Taylor (ed.). The Original Writings and Correspondence of The Two Richard Hakluyts, II 
(London: Printed for the Hakloyt Society, 1935), 331. "Winthrop's Conclusions For The Plantation 
InNew England," Old South Leaflets, No. 50 (Eosion: Directorsof Old South Work, 1887-1922), 1-5. 

-^ William DeLoss Love, The Colonial History of Hartford Gathered From Original Records 
(Hartford: Published by the author, 1914), 251-252.' 

-'' Drake, Op. Cit., 122. Daniel Gookins, "Historical Collection of the Indians in New England," 
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1st Series, 1 (1792), 208. 

" Drake, Op. Cit., 124. 

-^Ibid., 125. 

■'Ibid., 156. 

->'Ibid., 157. 

-^Lossing, Op. Cit., 1,616. 

^^ Drake, Op. Cit., 185. Roy J. Honeywell, Chaplains of The United States Army (Washington, 
D. C: Office of the Chief of Chaplains, Department of the Army, 1958), 12. 

^' Drake, Op. Cit., 157. 

^-Ibid., 185. 
Mather stated: 

'There were two Reasons obvious, that may be assigned as Causes of that glorious and speedy 
Success, which God gave to the English against the Pequot Indians. 1. Blasphemy of those Enemies. 


. . .some English were cruelly tortured to death by them. They would in a Way of Diversion bid them 
call upon God now, and blasphemously mock at them when they did so. Therefore did the Lord 
bring those bloody Blasphemers in a Moment down to Hell, year, and damned them above Ground, 
when they lay frying in the Fire that was kindled in their Houses, and making horrible outcries. 2. 
There was a mighty Spirit of Prayer and Faith then stirring; both in those that staid at Home, and in 
some that ventured their Lives in the high Places of the Field." Captain John Underbill, "a Comman- 
der, in the Warres there" recorded: "It may be demanded. Why should you be so furious? (as some 
have said). Should not Christians have more mercy and compassion? But I would refer you to 
David's war. . . .Sometimes the Scriptures declareth women and children must perish with their 
parents. Sometimes the case alters; but we will not dispute it now. We had sufficient light from the 
word of God for our proceedings." John Underbill, Nevves From America (London, 1638), 25. 

=^3 Drake, O/?. Ci/., 185. 

^* "Father Marquette at Chicago. From Marquette's Narrative and Dablon's Relation," Old 
South Leaflets, Op. Cit., No. 46, 1. 

'* "A Letter from King Phillip to Governor Prince," Collections of The Massachusetts Historical 
Society (1793), unnumbered page. 

^* George Madison Bodge, Soldiers in King Phillip's War (Leonminster, Mass.: Printed for the 
author, 1896), 45. 

3^/6irf., 46. 

^* Roger L'Estrange, News From New-England (Printed for J. Coniers, 1676. Reprinted for 
Samuel G. Drake, 1850), 19. 

^^ George Bancroft, History of The United States, II (Boston: Little Brown, and Company, 1852), 

"Lossing, O/^. Cit., 1, 420. 

*' Samuel G. Drake {cA.),The Histoiy of King Phillip's War, by the Rn<. Increase Mather, D. D. Also, 
a History of The Same War, by the Rev. Cotton, D. D. (Albany: Printed for the Editor, 1862), 125. 

*^Ibid., HI. 

*^ Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Phillip's War (N. Y.: 
Macmillian, 1958), 132. 

'•'' John Williams, The Redeemed Captive Returning To Zion, Annexed to which is a Sermon preached by 
him upon his return. Also, an Appendix, by the Rev. Mr. Williams, of Springfield. Likewise, an Appendix by the 
Rev. Mr. Taylor, of Deeifield. With a conclusion to the Whole, by the Rev. Mr. Prince, of Boston. (Boston: 
Printed by Samuel Hall, 1795), 125. 

''Ubid., 126. 

*^Ibid., 126-127. 

*'Ibid., 130. 

^* Samuel G. Drake (ed.). The History of the Great Indian War of 1675 and 1676, Commonly Called 
Phillip's War by Thomas Church, Esq. (N. Y.: Printed by H. Dayton, 1845), Lossing, Op. Cit., l, 663. 


"Out of the North An Evil Shall Break Forth" 

Three Wars with France, 

War between New England and New France was inevitable. 
Seldom have two so differently oriented cultures formed side by 
side, sharing a common but soon to be disputed buffer zone. 
Quebec — hardly more than a settlement — was captured in 1629 by 
an English privateer, Sir David Kirke, only to be returned to France 
in 1632 under the provisions of the Treaty of Saint Germain-en- 
Laye. Proclaimed New France in 1663 and designated a Province, 
that immense area stretching from Cape Breton on the North 
Atlantic Coast to the distant west came under the special care of 
Louis XIV. New France was feudal in government, Roman 
Catholic in religion, and settled largely by trappers who unencum- 
bered by families ranged the endless forests in search of furs to 
satisfy French sartorial vanity. Its very presence was an offense to 
New England's town meeting type rule, its hard core Puritanism, 
and its deep rooted family and farm civilization. Clashes began as 
the English pushed north into Maine, and the French trappers and 
their Indian companions roamed southward. A contemporary his- 
torian records the motivation for the first major colonial contest 
with New France, known as King William's War: 

". . . as to the bloud which has bin shed, it is certain ye French & 
Indians were ye first Aggressors; tho which of ye two have bin 
most barbarous it is hard to say. Both Papists 8c Pagans and a 
sort of men as bad or worse than Either of Them, who pretend 
to bee Protestants were Inraged at ye Revolution in England & 
so wth (with) us in N.E. (New England)" ^ 

The expedition of 32 ships and 2500 soldiers was organized to 
capture Quebec. Sir William Phips, the commander, was a former 
shipbuilder, knighted for having enriched the exchequer of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Charles II by the treasures recovered from a sunken Spanish gal- 
leon. The "Generalls Instructions" from Governor Simon 
Broadstreet are enlightening. Before they spell out his distinctly 
military duties, he is directed to take care of the spiritual life of his 

You are to take especial care and command that the holy Wor- 
ship of God be constantly celebrated 8c attended in daily reading 
of Gods Word and Prayers And that the Sabbath be duly 
sanctified that so you may obtaine the presence and blessing of 
God upon yor undertaking to Crowne it with Successe you have 
the Company and Assistance of some Revd and worthy Divines 
to further tnat worke, unto whom you are to show all due 
respect 8c kindness. Let all cursing Swearing drunkenness de- 
bauchery and all manner of Prophaneness be Suppressed and 
duly punished.^ 

The "Reverend and worthy Divines" who sailed from Mas- 
sachusetts Bay on August 9, 1690, were Chaplains John Emerson, 
John Hale, Grindal Rawson, John Wade, and John Wise, a blunt 
veteran who learned his trade in the bloody days of King Philip's 
War. Their status in the expedition may be ascertained both by 
their presence at the several Councils of War held aboard His 
Majesty's Ship Six Friends, and their listing in the record above the 
military and naval officers present at those meetings.^ A Council 
held on October 6, sent Count Frontenac a summons to surrender 
Quebec, an offer which he rejected verbally, saying he would not 
write to heretics, traitors and usurpers, nor would he capitulate, 
"but would fight it out." ^ The campaign degenerated into an abject 
failure for the forces from New England. By November 19, the 
fleet was anchored again in Boston, having suffered many casual- 
ties without taking its objective. This spoiling attack did spare 
Maine from incursions for a short time, however. An anonymous 
contemporary recorded: "Not ye Enimy but ye Almighty God him- 
self did (for Wise 8c holy Ends wee are sure) frustrate or (our) 
design." The author attributed to God's inscrutable purposes a 
storm which "Scattered or (our) fleet 8c necessitated or (our) re- 
turn." Furthermore, "The Holy God send (sent) diseases (a malig- 
nant feaver 8c ye Small Pox) into or (our) army" while "ye Divine 
providence brot (brought) Frontenack wth (with) 3000 Souldiers to 
Quebeck just before or (our) fleet arrived there." ^ 

Chaplain Wise was not so willing to allow Providence to bear 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the blame alone. In an after action report written to Cotton 
Mather, he went to great lengths to place the fault, in unflattering 
terms, at the feet of Major Walley, the expedition's second in 
command with the temporary rank of Lieutenant General. In a 
word, he said the expedition failed essentially because of cowar- 
dice.^ For 18 printed pages he excoriated in addition to "our Sinne" 
the inadequate logistics, the bad timing of operations, and the 
timidity of several ofhcers. A writer, apparently in agreement with 
the Indian fighting chaplain, contrasted Wise's ferocious "We will 
fight with all Canada if they come" with Major Walley's panickly 
propensity for retreat; he actually abandoned the artillery when no 
enemy was in sight. He reported: 

Or (our) Souldiers prayed That They might go on, professing yt 
(that) They had rather loose their Lives than not take ye town: 
one of ye Chaplains (mr John Wise) Encoraged Them very 
much & ye Experience They had of ye Frenchmens flying be- 
fore Them was Intimation Enough yt (that) They had Cowards 
to deal with. But what is an army of Lyons wn (when) They must 
not go on Except a frighted Hart shall lead Them." ^ 

Chaplain Wise's report reveals that he had a keen eye for tactics, 
terrain, and logistics, perhaps far superior to that of the inexperi- 
enced men who were nonprofessional officers. It was said of him 
that he not only performed "the Pious Discharge of his Sacred 
Office, but his Heroic Spirit, and Martial Skill and Wisdom did 
greatly distinguish him." ^ 

Returning to New England with the disheartened survivors, 
the chaplains faced civilian life with varying results. The gallant 
Wise spent the remainder of his days as pastor of a church at 
Chebacco, becoming a renowned minister whose innovative politi- 
cal teachings we will meet further on. Emerson remained a quiet 
village pastor; Rawson gained fame as a linguist of Indian dialects; 
Hale, a persecutor of witches in 1692, repenting of his folly only 
after his own wife was accused of this capital crime. ^ 

The seventeenth century closed in a rare interlude of peace; its 
successor became a century of wars on a world-wide scale and two 
history changing Revolutions. Chaplains, like Hunt and Seymour, 
accompanied expeditions to the New World when the century was 
young. In the middle years they served in sanguinary frontier 
Indian campaigns, and by the close of the century, they attended 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


America's first "overseas" war. In all they provided the military 
forces with religious services while sustaining them by prayer: they 
counseled leaders on tactics; unashamedly were hawks in maintain- 
ing the spirit of their troops and encouraging them to fight; and 
were often under fire, setting standards for the wavering and the 
weak to follow. Emulating the example of their archetypes in the 
Old Testament, they were like the priests and Levites of Israel, 
representing "the Lord strong and mighty, the Lord mighty in 
battle." ^^ In a classical phrase, they were men with a burning 
mission, "to harps preferring swords, and everlasting deeds to 
burning words." ^^ 

A poetic clergyman has reminded us that "no man is an island, 
entire of itself;" ^^ he could as well have enlarged his vision to 
include nations as not living in isolation, either. When Spain's 
Charles II died without heir, a series of political reactions de- 
veloped which plunged Europe into a war of royal greed. Known 
generally as the War of Spanish Succession, 1702-1713, and as 
Queen Anne's War in the Colonies, it affected life on three conti- 
nents, and gave the world never to be forgotten names of men and 
places: Louis XIV and Villiars; Marlborough and Prince Eugene; 
Gibraltar, Ramillies, Malplaquet, and Blenheim. Far removed from 
regal avarice, common men fought for reasons immediately affect- 
ing them, or in ignorance as to causes other than that they were 
called to the colors. Robert Southley's poem, "The Battle of 
Blenheim" captures this sense of being a pawn on an international 

"It was the English," Kaspar cried, 
"Who put the French to rout; 
But what they fought each other for 
I could not well make out; 
But everybody said" quoth he, 
"That 'twas a famous victory" 

No wonder peasant Kaspar could not identify the reasons for a 
battle or even a decade of bloodletting. At stake were the throne of 
Spain, her New World and Pacific colonies, and her trade, for an 
Austrian Hapsburg or a French Bourbon. Louis XIV wanted Spain, 
the Holy Roman Emperor wanted Spain, and England wanted the 
balance of power to remain intact. After infinite and intricate 
diplomatic maneuverings, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Austria, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Denmark, Prussia, some assorted German states, Portugal and 
Savoy lined up against France, Spain, and Bavaria. Naturally the 
conflict spread to the New World. Fourteen chaplains are known to 
have served during this conflict: William Allen, Thomas Barclay, 
John Barnard, Ebenezer Bridge, Thomas Buckingham, Timothy 
Edwards, Daniel Epps, Andrew Gardner, Nathaniel Hubbard, 
Samuel Hunt, Samuel Moody, John White, John Williams, and 
infamous Chaplain John Sharp. 

The first shots in the New World were fired in the British 
conquest of St. Christopher, the West Indies, in 1702. That same 
year South Carolinians destroyed Spanish held St. Augustine, only 
to be repaid four years later by a combined force of French and 
Spanish troops trying, though unsuccessfully, to capture Charles- 
town. Beyond these efforts, the theater of operations lay in the far 
north. 1704 found Deerfield — recovered from its partial destruc- 
tion during King Philip's War — once again the scene of an even 
more terrible raid. Through the instigation of Major Hertel de 
Rouville, who would later personally lead in the horrendous mas- 
sacre of Haverhill, the town was devastated. The deep snows of 
February materially aided the Indians and French in their surprise 
night attack. One house and the church only survived the engulfing 
flames, giving credence to a story as to why Deerfield was raided at 
all, and its aftermath of anguish. The tale goes like this. 

Father Nicolas, priest in St. Regis, was proud of his small but 
recently built church. To complete it to the last detail he appealed 
to his Indian parishioners for contributions for purchasing a bell 
from France. Having ordered it, he awaited its arrival impatiently. 
The ship transporting the bell to America, however, was captured 
by the English, who sold its cargo at Salem in the autumn of 1703. 
For the Reverend John Williams the opportunity to buy a church 
bell at a reasonable price was too good to pass up, and soon its 
tolling peeled across Deerfield to call to Sabbath meetings both 
townsmen and the military garrison. "The priest of St. Regis heard 
of the destination of his bell, and, as the Governor of Canada was 
about to send an expedition, under Major Rouville, against the 
colonies of New England, he exhorted the Indians to accompany 
him and get possession of it." ^^ The bell was captured on February 
29, 1704, and carried on red shoulders to the shore of Lake 
Champlain, where it was buried with the blessing of Father Nicolas 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


who accompanied the raid, to be taken to St. Regis when the 
weather improved. It borders on the impossible for us of a later day 
to comprehend the depth of the religious feelings of those long ago 
warrior-pastors. To our ears a bell costing the lives of 47 villagers, 
and the suffering of 112 prisoners — including Reverend 
Williams — would be forever out of tune, but not so in 1704. ^^ 

Upon his return from Canada on November 21, 1706, Rev- 
erend Williams wrote a remarkable account of his years as a 
prisoner. The Redeemed Captive returning to Zion. While not an offi- 
cial chaplain at that time, he served the garrison at Deerfield, even 
having soldiers living in the manse. His appeals to Governor Dud- 
ley to strengthen the military force in that remote frontier area 
brought no relief. During the attack two of his children were killed, 
and his wife, still weakened from childbirth "but a few weeks 
before," could not keep up the pace set by their captors on their 
journey to Canada. The Williams' last moments together were 
poignant: he recalled she "justified God in what had befallen us," 
and committed their remaining children, "under God," to his 
care.*^ He said of her: 

After our being parted from one another, she spent the few 
remaining minutes of her stay in reading the holy scriptures; 
which she was wont personally every day to delight her soul in 
reading, praying, meditating of, and over, by herself, in her 
closet, over and above what she heard out of them in our family 
worship. . . . the cruel and blood-thirsty savage, who took her, 
slew her with his hatchet, at one stroke.'^ 

To such character and courage, calm in her God in the midst of 
calamity, we owe the spiritual foundation of our nation! 

The march north in deep snows was grueling. Williams sus- 
tained the sufferers, noting gratefully that the Indians carried the 
captive children in their arms when they wearied. The record tells 
of his determined struggle to keep his family and flock from being 
proselytized. Sad was the moment when he heard that one of his 
two sons, Samuel, succumbed to "popery," but upon receipt of a 
long theological letter from his father, he returned to Protestan- 
tism. Young Samuel wrote to his father on March 22, 1706: "You 
know that Mr. Meriel, the school-master, and others, were continu- 
ally at me about it." ^" His brother Stephen, who will later serve as a 
chaplain, underwent the appeals and pressures of his captors un- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


scathed. Eunice, their sister, aged 10, was never returned to her 
family. Reared by Indians, she lived to become a nonagenarian, a 
squaw to the end.^^ 

Throughout his imprisonment. Reverend Williams continued 
to minister to his fellow captives, among whom were an ever 
increasing number of military and especially naval personnel. "Re- 
deemed" in October 1706, through the efforts of Governor Dud- 
ley, he sailed to Boston on a ship commanded by Captain Samuel 
Appleton; we will meet this skipper shortly again. Returning to 
destroyed Deerfield, the pastor helped in "the rebuilding of the 
Place." Taking a leave of absence, he served as a chaplain in the 
expedition against Port Royal in 1711, and with John Stoddard 
during 1713-1714 as a commissioner to Canada, aiding in the 
return of prisoners. ^^ 

In the spring of 1707, Colonel John March of Newbury was 
ordered to reduce the French fort at Port Royal, and capture 
Arcadia, — now Nova Scotia — for the Crown. Two colonial regi- 
ments numbering 1076 soldiers sailed from Nantucket on May 13, 
with two men-of-war protecting the convoy of transports and store 
ships. Evidently the logistical failures so frustrating in 1690 were 
not to be repeated. Chaplain Barnard recorded: "There were five 
chaplains to the army, viz. Mr. Daniel Epps, of Salem, Mr. Samuel 
Moody, of York, Mr. Samuel Hunt, itinerant at Dunstable, Mr. 
John Barnard, itinerant at Boston, Mr. William Allen, itinerant at 
Greenwich." ^^ In our day of highly sophisticated and technical 
staff work, it is astonishing to learn that while the fleet was enroute 
to the objective, a council of war was being held aboard ship to 
determine a course of action for the campaign. It was decided to 
land two forces simultaneously to the north and south of the fort. 
Each wing landed safely; each was ambushed on its march inland; 
and each found night overtaking its forward movement, not having 
landed until late in the evening. The next morning the southern 
flank marched forward "with trumpets sounding, drums beating, 
and colors flying." ^^ Spoilsports, the French ambushed the 
pageantlike parade and then retreated hastily into the fort's shel- 
ter. Chaplain Barnard, author of a detailed article on this unbe- 
lieveable campaign, fails to mention colonial reaction at seeing a 
bastion mounting 42 guns, some as large as 32 pounders, serviced 
by 500 troops. Rather late the command observed that "our men 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


(are) unacquainted with attacking a fort." ^- Seeking an easy 
though cruel victory, it was planned to bombard the fort, hoping 
that the 220 dependents living there would be terrorized, and that 
"the cries of their wives and children would oblige them to surren- 
der." ^^ This ungallant attempt proved unworkable because the 
artillery, it was discovered, could not be brought forward safely. 
Ready to admit failure, Colonel March called another council of 
war. It is worth noting that the commander expressed to Chaplain 
Barnard his belief that the only reason one of his subordinate 
commanders had for desiring to begin a siege was to "increase his 
wages." ^^ It was this maligned commander. Lieutenant Colonel 
Appleton, who had brought Reverend Williams home from 
Canada. In the face of this disgusting leadership. Chaplain Bar- 
nard bluntly told Colonel March to consider the consequences of 
failure; that should the mission not succeed "whether all the fault 
will not be thrown upon you, as head of all?" Colonel March was so 
emotionally moved by this straightforward counsel that he "hugged 
me in his arms," the Chaplain recalled. ^^ An attack was ordered 
and then was immediately countermanded, and the campaign 
crumbled; the price of poor leadership. Little wonder the com- 
mander was nicknamed "wooden swords." "^ It did not have to fail. 
Chaplain Barnard had been reconnoitering, and discovered a 
route previously unnoticed by which to bring the vital guns for- 
ward; an avenue of approach not exposing them to fire from the 
fort. Having shown Colonel March how this maneuver could be 
geographically effected, the chaplain was told "Well, then, if it 
should be attempted, you shall be the one that shall bring it up." To 
which he replied: "Sir, that is not my business, as you well know; 
however, if it will be of public service, and you please to command 
me to it, I will readily venture myself in it, and find a way to do 
it." 27 

During his time at Port Royal, Chaplain Barnard was fre- 
quently in action. A cannon ball "struck pretty near to the canoe" 
which he occupied during a river crossing. 2** Again while he was 
alone on reconnaissance for the purpose of drawing "a plan of the 
fort and avenues to it," he became the target of artillery fire, "the 
French supposing me to be the engineer." Piously he wrote, "thank 
God I escaped what was designed against me." ^^ 

The expedition withdrew, sailing to Casco Bay where it was 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


joined by reinforcements, among whom was "the Rev. Bridge for 
their chaplain." ^^ It was during their retreat to the ships that 
Chaplain Barnard was in his hottest fire fight. A force of 110 
Frenchmen, largely privateers, attacked the last English elements 
remaining on the beachhead. Of this desperate fracas he wrote, "I 
had a shot brushed my wig, and was mercifully preserved." He 
gives no hint as to his part in the action — ministerial or military — or 
what use he made of "a large pistol stuck in my girdle." ^^ 

Upon returning home. Chaplain Barnard was invited to be- 
come the chaplain of Captain Wentworth's ship "of 500 tons, 20 
guns, and 40 men." Obviously the comic opera campaign at Port 
Royal did nothing to sully but rather enhanced the reputation of 
this fighting parson. He delayed going to war for a year in obedi- 
ence to his "good father's" wishes, at last sailing on the Lusitania, 
from Nantucket, July 9, 1709. This date is memorable to our 
history, for it marks the occasion that America obtained her first 
naval chaplain; one who served in and became a combat veteran 
with both the Army and Navy.^^ Two of his experiences during his 
naval career are of importance. In Barbados, there being no con- 
gregation of Dissenters, he found that he could worship meaning- 
fully with Church of England people. When invited by a leading 
member of the congregation to preach, he declined, however: "I 
thought it would not be prudent to give any disturbance to the 
Episcopal clergy." ^^ When in England, he was introduced to a 
young lady "who was very pleasant with me." The import of their 
conversation is so fraught with meaning for future events in 
America that they deserve to be quoted as he wrote them. It 
presents an ever widening gap between the motherland and her 
overseas daughter, and this as early as 1709. He remembered: 

She asked me if all the people of my country were white, as she 
saw I was; for being styled in the general West Indians, she 
thought we were all black, as she supposed the Indians to be. She 
asked me how long I had been in the kingdom. When I told her 
a few months, she said she was surprised to think how I could 
learn their language in so little a time; 'Me-thinks,' said she, 'you 
speak as plain English as I do.' I told her, all my country people, 
being English, spake the same language as I did. With many 
such like questions she diverted me. What strangers were even 
the city of London to New England, excepting a few merchants 
who traded with us! ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


What did Chaplain Barnard consider to be his ministerial role 
in peace and war, in the military or civilian sectors of society? In 
addition to his extant sermons, he gives us an insight of his own 
concept, and from it we may assume that he was representative of 
the other chaplains — all were Dissenters — of Queen Anne's War. 

I can truly say, that in the course of my ministry, I have endea- 
vored to preach Jesus Christ and his laws, and not vain philoso- 
phy or the traditions of men; to set forth Christ, as the promised 
Messiah, the Son of God, and the alone Saviour of a guilty 
world, and the Judge of the quick and the dead; adorable m his 
person and natures, most amiable in his offices and benefits; as 
an all-sufficient and willing Saviour, even for the chief of sin- 
ners; who yet will save none without a life of repentance and 
new obedience, and a sincere subjection to the government of 
his righteous sceptre. I have also endeavored to show to poor 
sinners their wretched, sinful and miserable state, in their fall by 
Adam, and from their own wicked hearts and lives, and to 
convince them of their absolute need of a Saviour, and, by the 
most powerful motives of the Gospel, to persuade them to ac- 
cept of Jesus Christ as their only Saviour, upon Gospel terms, 
and become his obedient followers, by a sober, righteous, and 
godly life and conversation. These have been the chief and 
constant subjects of my preaching. But, after all, what abundant 
reason have I to cry out, my leanness! my leanness! and bewail 
my want of zeal in the cause of God, of Christ, and the souls of 
his people, and the many neglects and unfaithfulness in the 
work of my ministry; and what I fear has been the sad conse- 
quence thereof, my very great unsuccessfulness. Though I bless 
God, there are several who are evidently the epistle of Christ, 
ministered by me, written, not with ink, but with the spirit of the 
living God, not in tables of stone, but in fleshly tables of the 
heart. . . . My deficiencies have been so many, and my trans- 
gressions so great, that upon a view of them, I might well fear 
lest, after I have preachea the Gospel to others, I myself should 
prove a castaway. But my hope is grounded, not upon the 
perfection of my works, but the mfinite mercy of God, and merit 
of Jesus Christ, whom (if I know my own heart,) I have sincerely 
accepted of, and devoted myself unto; and therefore I trust my 
poor sinful person, and my defective services will finally be 
accepted, through that advocate with the Father, and propitia- 
tion for our sins.^'' 

Chaplain Thomas Buckingham, Minister of the Second Pres- 
byterian Church, Hartford, Connecticut, was an avid keeper of 
journals and diaries from which we gain insight into the everyday 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


life of a chaplain in the field during Queen Anne's War. His first 
taste of military life was aboard one of the thirty-six warships and 
transports sailing bravely out of Nantucket on September 18, 1710, 
under the command of General Nicholson. Their mission was to 
capture Port Royal, recouping the earlier failure by Colonel 
March's expedition. If the English could gain Port Royal, inland 
Canada would be effectively severed from being re-supplied from 
France. Additionally, sea raiders from France would be denied a 
station, while the British fleet gained a needed harbor. 

In preparation for accompanying this adventure. Chaplain 
Buckingham was provided credit from the Colony of Connecticut 
and granted authority to make expenditures for travel to the port 
of embarkation. He recorded: 

An account of what I brought from Hartford. 

A great coat, a new black broad-cloth coat, a serge coat, a 
drugget jacket, a white waist-coat, a new pair of serge breeches, a 
pair of leather ones, 2 shirts, 3 bands, 5 handkerchiefs, (three 
white ones and two Rumals,) stockens, two pair of grey ones, and 
one of black, a new pair of shoes, 2 pair of gloves, a new hat in 
my last, a Bible borrowed of brother Samuel Woodbridge, a 
psalm book, and ink-horn, knief and fork, tobacco box, between 
twenty and thirty shillings in silver, silver shoe buckles, small 
tobacco tongs, a pen knief, two napkins. ^^ 

From the above list. Chaplain Buckingham appears to have 
been dressed in black — common to the clergy of that era — as a 
"uniform," but having other clothing more appropriate for wear in 
the field. His ecclesiastical equipment was simple, for he, and his 
fellow chaplains, were not liturgically minded: a Bible, of which we 
will learn more later, a psalm book for singing, an ink-horn to aid 
in correspondence and sermon preparation, a penknife — 
indespensible for properly paring the points of writing quills, and 
tobacco tongs for the solace of his pipe while he meditated on next 
Sunday's sermon. Chaplains at that time laid great emphasis on 
their appearance. Chaplain Barnard wore his wig, even in combat; 
Chaplain Buckingham we observe carried silver shoe buckles for 
wear aboard ship and other proper occasions. Nor were chaplains 
alone in this; it was the mark of a gentleman of that era to be 
tastefully attired at all times. 

Arriving at Port Royal on September 34, 1710, operations 
began in earnest. By October 12th, Governor Danile Auger de 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Subercase surrendered the fort. On the next day both commanders 
agreed to and signed the Articles of Capitulation containing eleven 
articles; two are pertinent for us. 

1. That the Garrison shall go out with arms and baggage, 

beating the drum and colours flying. 
(This mark of honor will recur repeatedly throughout the time 
frame of this book with two notable exceptions, Charlestown 
and Yorktown.) 

9. That the effects, ornaments and utensils belonging to the 
Chapel shall be returned to the Chaplain, with the rest 
belonging to the hospital." ^^ 
Who the French chaplain was we are not privileged to know, but 
neither he nor the Governor could bear to have sacred pieces 
from the altar adorn a Protestant parsonage as trophies of 
victory. Generously, General Nicholson concurred. What Chap- 
lain Buckingham's attitudes were, however, he did not state. 

Returning to New England, the chaplain recorded, for 
November 6: "Monday. Bought of Mr. Philips a bible, which 
cost me 12 shillings." ^^ No doubt he returned the Bible bor- 
rowed from Rev. Samuel Woodbridge. Conceivably his only 
personal copy of the Scriptures had been one of the large, heavy 
family or pulpit size, designed for long hours of study but 
hardly suitable on a campaign. 

Chaplain Buckingham's Journal speaks in constrained 
terms of the joy common to all soldiers who have survived 
combat operations: "Returned to my own house about eight 
o'clock at night, when I had the satisfaction of seeing my family 
in good health, (blessed be God), after a long absence from 
them." ^^ He would not remain at home very long. Leaving his 
loved ones again on August 8, 1711, he joined Chaplain 
Timothy Edwards, father of the renowned theologian, 
Jonathan, enroute to Albany. For this land and river campaign 
CO Crown Point, he traveled with less heavy clothing, even for- 
saking his shoe ornaments. He carefully noted: 

brought from home to take to Canada 
A black broad-cloth coat 
2 pair black serge breeches. 
2 pair of shoes, w/o pair of silver buckles 
A portmantle with lock 8c key 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


1 bottle of mint water, and another of rum &: clover water 
mixed together 

2 galley pots, with essence of roses 

A cartouch box, a gun boat 8c powder horn with the 

Sc an Indian strip to hang it on. 
An ink horn, tobacco stopper, 2 little brass pipes upon it 
A bible, Psalm book, Milton on Comus, and many notes. ^"^ 

After reaching their rendezvous with the gathering forces, 
Chaplain Buckingham enumerated the activities for August 21: 
"The chaplains were ordered a regimental suit, fusee, and ac- 
coutrements. Accordingly Mr. Edwards and myself went to the 
commissary and took them up . . . ." ^^ On the 25th, he recorded 
that he "paid to my Taylor, Sergt. Wallis, eight shillings in silver 
toward making my blew coat," adding the expenses of such 
luxuries as "coquolate, gingerbread, and pipes." ^^ Clay pipes were 
apt to break easily, and an extra pipe assured that an expedition 
into hostile Indian country, even if dangerous, could be enjoyable. 

This is the earliest occasion on record which portrays chaplains 
dressed in the distinctive uniform of their military units. There is 
no indication or mention of chaplains bearing rank except that of 
their office. Again, it is the earliest record of chaplains being issued 
firearms, although certainly not the first time chaplains carried 
weapons. It had been a universal practice since Robert Hunt of 
Jamestown helped man the palisades during attacks. Bearing arms 
would not entirely disappear until the close of World War II, and 
then by specific prohibition by the Chief of Chaplains, and reiter- 
ated by each Chief of Chaplains since. 

Chaplain Edwards took desperately ill after the expedition 
moved out for Crown Point, on September 4th being forced to 
return by a tedious tiip down the Hudson River and overland in a 
wagon to Albany .^^ In his absence the added load of caring for all 
the Connecticut troops fell on Chaplain Buckingham. Unlike his 
journal omissions during the capture of Port Royal, his diary for 
this campaign records the date and text of his sermons. They are: 
August 19, Psalm 20:3; August 26, Isaiah 3:10-11; September 2, 
Proverbs 14:9; September 9, Exodus 23:25-26 in the morning, and 
Deuteronomy 5:32-33 in the afternoon; September 16, Proverbs 
18:10.^^* The Old Testament being the book of illustrations of 
God's working in the lives of men and nations, it was generally used 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


to provide the texts for sermons in Calvanistic churches, irrespec- 
tive of denomination. Chaplains reflected the churches which sent 
them into the Army as their spiritual representatives. It is not 
surprising to find most sermons preached by chaplains in the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries developed from Old Testa- 
ment texts. 

Apparently discipline became a problem, and its enforcement 
quite unequally distributed. Buckingham wrote on September 9th: 
"This day morning the camp laws were again read to our people; 
and oh! that they were duly and impartially executed." *^ 

Wednesday, October 9, 1711 was a bitter day for Chaplain 
Buckingham. Trouble came as twins. "Mr. Sharp, Chaplain to the 
regular troops, as it is reported this morning, went off privately last 
night in a bark canoe, attended by an Indian, in order to return 
home. This report proves too true: he is really gone." ^^ Mr. Sharp 
drifted out of camp, lost forever to history. He had served in the 
colonies for at least five years as Chaplain to the Queen's Forces in 
the Province of New- York. ^^ No earlier reference exists of a chap- 
lain deserting from a camp or a campaign: a dreadful distinction 
for Mr. Sharp! On a strategic scale things were even worse. "Also 
news at camp of melancholy nature of fleet and troops in Canada. 8 
transports reported lost in storms in the river, 8c 880 men lost. Rest 
so shattered they can't go on with this expedition." The attack on 
Crown Point had been planned as a pincer operation, but now one 
arm was ineffectual. He concludes: "An awful frown on New En- 
gland in particular, and the poor captives in the hand of our 
anti-christian and pagan enemies. Oh, what will they say; how will 
they triumph and blaspheme, reproach and deride! But God gov- 
erns." ^^ By the 21st of October the expedition, having no hope of 
success, was ordered to return to Albany. "A melancholy things 
thus to be turned back — but God is righteous in all his ways." ^^ 
November 12th found Chaplain Buckingham once more at home. 

Queen's Anne's War ended in victory through no achievement 
of arms in the New World. Won on the fields of Europe, France 
was depleted of men and money. A new generation must be reared 
before the fires of war could again be fed with human sacrifices. 
The Treaty of Utrecht, signed on April 11, 1713, ceded to England 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Gibraltar and Minorca, recognition of an uncontested Protestant 
succession to the throne of England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland 
and the Hudson Bay area in Canada, other minor bits of geogra- 
phy, and the Asiento — a monopoly of the slave trade from Africa to 
Spanish America which Spain earlier had granted to France. It is 
apparent that Great Britain was not seeking land, but strategic 
areas for the control of sea lanes, which were utterly imperative for 
expanding and developing trade. 

Thirty-two years of peace ensued before the next confronta- 
tion between England and France. During this period of interna- 
tional tranquility the Reverend John Wise of Chebacco, veteran 
chaplain of King William's War, was deep in religious controversy. 
As a pamphleteer his views were widely disseminated; being in 
printed form, they became text books for study in the homes of 
New England's parsons and parishioners alike. Ver Steeg and 
Hofstadter state: 

The issue he intended to address was the government of New 
England churches, but the direction of his inquiry led him to 
theorize on the roots and rationale of the right of people to 
govern themselves. The result is a philosophical argument for 
self-government based upon the experience of a man born and 
raised in the colonies. In the work of John Wise, self- 
government in America is elevated from practice to theory. ^*^ 

Vindication of The Government of The New England Churches, 
authored by John Wise and printed in 1717, is a landmark docu- 
ment. While giving high assent to the British government "which 
has a regular monarchy, settled upon a noble democracy as its 
basis," and favorably stating that "it is a kingdom that, of all the 
kingdoms of the world, is most like to the kingdom of Jesus Christ," 
he stipulates that the monarch is one "who will own his people as 
subjects, not as slaves." His thought on the subject is laid out in the 
clearly designated outline so loved by the clergy of that era, and 
reflects back to the covenants of both the Old Testament and the 
early days of New England. Sixty years later it will bear rich fruit. ^^ 

Dying in 1725, John Wise was laid to rest by a clerical friend, 
John White, also a former chaplain. The funeral oration was 
printed for distribution. Entitled The Gospel Treasure in Earthern 
Vessels, White gave, along with comfort, advice to the mourning 
congregation on the necessary steps in calling a new pastor. His 
words reinforced the concept of democracy in church government 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


SO long expounded by the deceased. "Pay a profound submission to 
the voice of the Majority, when you make your Election. Your 
principles oblige you to look upon the Voice of the Majority as 
Sacred. Such therefore as resist when the proceedings are Regular, 
resist not man, but God." ^^ It is but a short step from choosing 
one's ecclesiastical leader to choosing one's political leader, as the 
next five decades would dramatically demonstrate. 

While former chaplains among others were hammering out 
church polity with farther reaching effects than they dreamed, 
settlers in Maine were more concerned about Indians, the peren- 
nial nemesis of their colonizing. Trouble with the Abenaki boiled 
over once more, and an expedition under Captain Lovewell took to 
the field. Even though France and England were at peace in 
Europe, French influence with the Indians in North America kept 
the frontier soaked in blood. Nearly 300 settlers had fallen to the 
musket, war ax, and flame, precipitating this campaign. 

The expedition, which left from Dunstable with 46 officers 
and men, searched for the elusive invaders. In the meantime the 
Lieutenant Governor and the Ministers at Boston changed Thurs- 
day, April 29th, 1725 from a time normally devoted to public 
lectures in the churches "into a Day of Prayer." Though the battle 
would extract a grimly heavy toll, it did succeed in turning back the 
raiders from continuing mischief. A contemporar)' suggested that 
"the success whereof should therefore be Ascribed with Thanksgiv- 
ing and Praise to GOD as a Gracious Answer of the humble Prayers 
of his people." ^^ 

A small fort was built to serve as a base camp, stocked with 
supplies and staffed by nine men including Dr. William Ayers of 
Haverhill, the expedition's physician. The combat force had been 
reduced to 34 men by the time it engaged in the Battle of Piggwac- 
ket, some forty miles through the forest from their fort. Saturday, 
May 8, began, as usual, with unit prayers. Deep in disputed country 
and doubtful if their numbers were adequate for their mission. 
Captain Lovewell asked the men, when a musket shot disputed 
their devotions, if they wanted to risk battle or retreat. Their 
answer, attested to by three survivors was, "We came out to meet 
the enemy; we have all along pray'd God we might find 'em: and we 
had rather trust Providence with our lives, yea dy for our country, 
than try to Return without seeing them, if we may, and be called 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


cowards for our pains." ^^ Marching just under two miles, they 
found themselves suddenly attacked from front and rear simul- 
taneously, the commander being mortally wounded in the first 
volley. The slayer of Captain Lovewell exposed himself, and "im- 
mediately Mr. Wyman fir'd at the Indian and kill'd him; and Mr. 
Frie and another scalp'd him." ^^ Mr. Jonathan Frie (sometimes 
spelled Frye and Fry) of Andover was the expedition's chaplain! He 
fought alongside of his men during this day filled "with confused 
noise, and garments rolled in blood." ^^ After five hours of savage 
battle, Chaplain Frie fell, desperately wounded. "But when he 
could fight no longer, he pray'd audible several times, for the 
preservation and success of the residue of the company." ^^ Re- 
treating back to their fort, four of the more seriously wounded 
could go no further; the chaplain being one of them. Left with the 
promise that they would be rescued, the wounded languished in 
the gloom of the dense woods. After several days "tho' their 
wounds stank 8c were corrupt, &: they were ready to Dy with 
famine" they tried to stagger on alone, realizing that no relief force 
was coming. It was just as well that they started, for the report of 
the battle carried by a deserter caused the "garrison" to bolt. After 
going several miles. Chaplain Frie could walk no more. Lying 
down, he told his wounded companions that "he should never rise 
more: charging Davis if it should please God to bring him home, to 
go to his father, Sc tell him, that he expected in a few hours to be in 
eternity; and that he was not afraid to dy." ^^ Davis did get home, 
the other two dying enroute. The esteem with which this young 
military pastor was held is reflected in the attitude of the survivors; 
he was "greatly beloved by them, for his excellent performance and 
good behavior." The Boston News-Letter in the weekly issue of 
May 20-27, 1725, gave an account of the Battle of Piggwackett, 
referring to Chaplain Frie's "undaunted courage." ^^ His lasting 
memorial which has withstood the passing of his own and succeed- 
ing generations is the city of Freiburg, Maine — named in honor of 
a fighting, praying chaplain. 

This 21 year old theological student-hero was a very human 
person, and we would do him a disservice were we to think of him 
only in his professional role. He was eulogized in a ballad, 
"Lovewell's Fight," which was written in 1725, and called "the most 
beloved song in all New England." 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Our worthy Captain Lovewell among them there did die, 

They killed Lieutenant Robbins, and wounded good young 


Who was our English chaplain; he many Indians slew, 

And some of them he scalped when bullets round him flew.^° 

Far more penetrating and tender is The Mournful Elegy On Mr. 
Jonathan Frye, 1725, written "by a young girl to whom he engaged 
himself against the wishes of his parents. Their objections were, 
want of property and education. Her name is lost." ®^ In that 
portion addressed to the chaplain's grieving parents, she showed 
herself to be gentle and kind, and assists us to understand how the 
grief process was handled by a religious person in 18th century 
New England. ^^ 

Across the sea, meanwhile, Handel and Bach began delighting 
Europe with their music; Voltaire's pen and Pitts' oratory held men 
of learning entranced though not always conceding to their points; 
literature witnessed the rise of Pope, Richardson, and Fielding, 
while religion had its Wesleys and Whitefield to boast. Palladian 
houses sprang up across England, and the Continent was becoming 
a mass of rococo curves and swirls. The human spirit prevails even 
though diplomats and crowns seem to do all in their power to 
hamper its progress. Into this era of mundane brilliance, war swept 
Europe once more. Known there as the War of Austrian Succes- 
sion, and in the New World by the more homey title of King 
George's War, blood was again flowing from the Molda to Lake St. 
George. Its chief actors were Maria Theresa, Frederick the Great, 
Augustus III, George II, and Louis XV, supported by countless 
millions whose task was to die for King, or Queen, and Country 
while paying impoverishing taxes for that privilege. America was a 
backwater in the main stream of war, but armies of colonists 
formed to do battle at Louisburg, and along the inland waterways 
of the far north. Serving in King George's War were sixteen chap- 
lains: Simon Backus, Adonijah Bidwell, Moses Coffin, Daniel 
Emerson, Joseph Emerson, Samuel Fayerweather, Timothy Grif- 
fith, Joseph Hawley, Samuel Langdon, William McClanahan, Samuel 
Moody, John Norton, Robert Rutherford, Elisha Williams, Stephen 
WilHams, and Ashbell Woodbridge. 

Hostilities began with a French incursion from Louisburg 
against a British outpost settlement on Canso Island. Enraged, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Governor Shirley of Massachusetts ordered an attack on the 
French fortress, an action which he had long been contemplating. 
Nearly four thousand troops were raised, one third coming from 
the often embattled Maine settlements. It must be borne in mind 
that at this period, Maine was still a part of Massachusetts. Serving 
for years at the lonely outpost garrisons of Pemaquid and 
Brunswick was Robert Rutherford, "the first Presbyterian clergy- 
man who came to Maine." He remained at this duty station in 
Brunswick throughout the war, and long after hostilities ended 
continued to serve the troops at Fort St. George — now 
Thomaston — and work "as a missionary in Gushing, Warren, and 
other adjacent places." ^^ 

Unique in the services normally rendered yvas that duty per- 
formed by Joseph Emerson, Adonijah Bidwell, and Samuel Fayer- 
weather; they were assigned to Massachusett's fleet, becoming in 
effect the first transport chaplains as well as pastors to their ships' 
crews. Emerson's Journal entree for Friday, March 15, 1745 reads: 
"After waiting upon the Committee of War, I went on board the 
Molineux frigate, ... as chaplain for the expedition." ^^ Putting 
into Canso harbor, he went ashore "to see the ruins of Canso a 
place which consisted of about 50 families, the French destroyed &: 
burnt the houses about 9 months ago, a melancholy specticle!" ®^ In 
between captures of enemy vessels and sea sickness, he continued 
this daily regime of study — those early chaplains were deeply 
studious men — reading such works as the sermons of George 
Whitefield, Thomas Bradbury, and Tidcombe, and spending days 
wading through Thomas Watson's Body of Divinity. He complained 
to his journal that he found "but little opportunity for study 
aboard." ^^ His duties included leading the ship's company in 
prayers, and preaching as often as circumstances permitted. Sur- 
prisingly we find his texts were largely drawn from the New Tes- 
tament. On two consecutive Sundays he used different sections of 
Golossians 2:6; he did the same thing later, using Acts 4:12 on two 
Sundays. For his victory sermon at Louisburg he preached from 
Psalm 126:3. One Sunday found him too ill at sea to officiate at 
services, and on April 21st he noted, "We were so busy we could not 
have any preaching." ^^ This theme recurs frequently. 

Chaplain Samuel Fayerweather, Emerson's classmate, served 
in a like capacity aboard Captain Tynge's frigate Massachusetts. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


When opportunity allowed, they had fellowship, and Fayerweather 
preached to Emerson's congregation. With the Molineux serving as 
a transport for Colonel William Williams command, Emerson and 
Chaplain Stephen Williams — the boy captive of Queen Anne's 
War — enjoyed each other's company from Nantucket to Louis- 
burg. Williams, the unit chaplain, expounded to the soldiers and 
sailors assembled during the voyage from the 10th chapter of II 
Samuel. Expositions of lengthy passages of Scripture were com- 
monly given in church services in those days before short sermons 
came into vogue. 

Louisburg was pounded into submission, having been lost as 
much by French ineptness in defense as it was won by American 
ineptness in siege operations. Sunday, October 7, 1745, was a great 
day for young Chaplain Emerson, as he tells his private record. 
Walking into the captured bastion, "I heard my grandfather 
preach in the forenoon in the King's Chapail, Sc Rector Williams in 
the afternoon." ^^ 

"Grandfather" was Chaplain Samuel Moody of York, Maine; a 
tough and fiery old veteran of the Port Royal and "Pegwackit" 
campaigns of Queen Anne's War, some forty-two years earlier. '^^ 
He was a "character" whose age and eccentricities went far to make 
him a legend in both the military and civilian communities. Al- 
though he had been born in the settled city of Newbury, and 
educated at Harvard — Class of 1697 — he was called to a frontier 
pastorate at York where he had served as Post Chaplain. Charles 
Edward Banks attributes his striking personality to his environ- 
ment. "Coming as he did to a frontier settlement where for almost 
the entire time of his ministry no man dared go forth unarmed, 
even to church, he grew into the rough and ready outspoken ways 
of a pioneer people." ^^ Outspoken indeed! An extant sermon 
entitled "Doleful State of the Damned" left little comfort to the 

"Father" Moody, as he was called, was loved by his parishion- 
ers. With advancing age, his congregants desired to take from him 
some of his carefully attended duties, so as to spare his strength 
and give comfort to a man renowned for his open-handed generos- 
ity to all who gave evidence of even the slightest need. They bought 
him a slave to be his personal valet, and on November 21, 1741, 
they obtained the services of an assistant pastor. However, like 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ancient Caleb his vigor did not decrease with time, and in 1745 he 
went with the Provincial troops, on the staff of Colonel William 
Pepperrell. He was the oldest man in the Army, being seventy years 
of age/^ 

Training exercises for the attack on Louisburg took place at 
Canso. Here Moody preached from Psalm 110:3. Seth Pomeroy 
noted in his journal the thrust of the sermon; "Christ ye Capt of 
our Salivation Send Forth His Servants To Inlist volentiers in his 
Service." Moody and Langdon worked closely, sharing preaching 
opportunities and praying with their troops. '^^ 

Victory at Louisburg brought into evidence the iconoclastic 
zeal of Moody, an eighteenth century atavist. Having preached a 
sermon appropriate to the occasion, he entered a captured French 
church with the ax he carried throughout the campaign and pro- 
ceeded to demolish the altar and statues in the tradition of Gideon. 
This action was not the behavior of a man estranged from reason 
nor the mores of his culture. John Gray, a deacon at Bidderford 
wrote to General Pepperrell: "Oh that I could be with you and dear 
Parson Moody in that church to destroy the images set up there, 
and hear the true Gospel of our Lord and Saviour there 
preached!" ^^ The chaplain next appeared at the celebration ban- 
quet given by General Pepperrell. Moody was asked to invoke the 
blessings of God before the meal, an invitation which was extended 
with fear that a thirty minute prayer would follow. To the amaze- 
ment of all, his prayer was to the immediate situation, and memor- 
able because of its brevity. Reverently he addressed the Lord of 

Good Lord, we have so much to thank thee for, that time will be 
too short, and we must leave it to eternity. Bless our food and 
fellowship upon this joyful occasion, for the sake of Christ, our 
Lord. Amen.^^ 

Moody has in recent publications been referred to as "the 
Chief of Chaplains" of the Louisburg Expedition. Originally the 
learned Francis Parkman wrote of him as the "Senior Chaplain," 
which, of course, he was: by the prestige of assignment to the staff 
of General Pepperrell; by age and experience; by prior service; by 
his overall "stature" in ministerial circles. But he was not the senior 
chaplain in any organizational or institutional sense with defined 
authority and control over junior chaplains. No such structure 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


existed nor would come into being until the twentieth century. 
Neither is there any record of Chaplain Moody supervising subor- 
dinates; rather, the duties which he performed were identical to 
those of his fellow chaplains. ^^ 

Although Chaplain Moody returned to his beloved congrega- 
tion unscathed by combat and in apparently good health, the exer- 
tions of the campaign took their toll. He died on November 13, 
1747, surrounded by his adoring family and literally in the arms of 
his minister-son Joseph. Town and church together expressed 
their love for their pastor whose contradictory character traits 
made him so unique. Not only were his funeral expenses paid, but 
monies also were provided for his widow "to put herself in mourn- 
ing," his grown son, and his married daughter. On the tombstone 
marking his grave are cai-ved the touching words of the Apostle 
Paul in II Corinthians 3:1-6.^^ 

After the victory, Simon Backus remained at Louisburg, being 
chaplain to the Connecticut troops garrisoned there. In May, 1746, 
he died, the cause of death not being recorded. He was 45 years of 
age, and had served as pastor to the church at Newington, where 
he had been ordained, for 19 years. Surviving him was his widow, 
the sister of President Jonathan Edwards of New Jersey College. ^^ 

Chaplain Moses Coffin, whose father, Enoch, had served as a 
Post Chaplain at Penny-Cook Plantation — now Concord, New 
Hampshire — in 1726, nearly lost his life to small arms fire during 
the seige. A bullet struck him only to be stopped by his thick pocket 
Bible. ^^^ Indeed he could say with the Psalmist, "Thou art my hiding 
place and my shield: I hope in Thy word." ^^ Those early day 
chaplains threw themselves into their military service, freely help- 
ing in areas other than solely religious tasks. Chaplain Coffin, 
because of his playing the unit drum, was given the humorous 
appellation, "the drum ecclesiastic." More is here than meets the 
eye, or the ear, on the surface. During the anti- Puritan days of the 
Restoration, the Royalists of the rollicking Charles II lost no occa- 
sion to laugh their blue-nosed antagonists to scorn. Samuel Butler 
had served in Cromwell's army, hating every moment of it: his high 
spirited humor did not lend itself to the Ironsides' life style. Far 
more comfortable in the loose days which followed, he wrote a 
mock epic entitled Hudibras, "to the pain of the puritans and the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


delight of the King." ^^ It was a smashing success of satire, the 
greatest poem of the era. 

And pulpit, drum ecclesiastic. 
Was beat with fist instead of stick. 

To sample further his humorous jibes, a description of Sir Hudibras 
will suffice: 

For his religion, it was fit 
To match his learning and his wit: 
'Twas Presbyterian true blue; 
For he was of that stubborn crew 
Of errant saints, whom all men grant 
To be the true church militant: 
Such as do build their faith upon 
The holy text of pike and gun; 
Decide all controversies by 
Infallible artillery; 
And prove their doctrine orthodox. 
By apostolic blows and knocks; 
Call fire, and sword, and desolation, 
A godly, thorough reformation. '^^ 

The very fact that the congregants of Chaplain Coffin were aware 
of this satire, and could use it joyfully in reference to him and 
perhaps themselves, indicates more than the native joviality of 
these decendents of the Puritans. Scarcely fifty years had passed 
since witches were hanged in Salem; and it was yet a time of flaming 
religious quarrels, between Protestants and Catholics, and inter- 
nally among Protestants, even among those of the same doctrinal 
stance. Here we see one of the earlier glimpses in our history of 
movement toward toleration. It is but a reference, a slight word, 
but it is of these signs that sweeping new concepts begin to break 
forth. Roger Williams had been a Baptist, crying in the wilderness 
for religious toleration; now there were many moving by humor in 
that direction. As Don Quixote is credited with having shattered 
forever the extremes of Spanish chivalry, the same may have been 
done, though not as dramatically, to Protestant self destructiveness 
by Butler's "Hudibras." ^"^ Even in death, humor — that keen edged 
weapon — followed the author. Dying in desperate want and pov- 
erty, a monument to his memory was erected forty years later, in 
Westminster Abbey. An epigram of that day ran to the effect, "He 
asked for bread and he received a stone." ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Another minor event occurred at this juncture which provides 
insight into the ecclesiastical relationship of chaplains. In a day of 
intense zeal for congregational church government, no concept of 
a denominational endorsement of clergymen entering the military 
forces was considered, or would have been tolerated. But we do 
find individual churches authorizing their pastors to leave them for 
duty with the armed forces during periods of hostilities. The Re- 
verend John Barnard, chaplain during Queen Anne's War, wrote 
in his Autobiography indicative of the need for one's congregation to 
grant approval for its pastor to serve as a chaplain even though the 
governments of the several states did not require any endorsement. 

In the spring of the year 1745, the Government sent to me, 
desiring me to go one of the chaplains in the expedition against 
Louisburgh. I laid the matter before my church, telling them 
that I would go or stay, according as I should know the mind of 
God by their actions. They unanimously appeared against my 
going, from the difficulties attending service at my age, being 
then in my 64th year; for which reason I was obliged to deny the 
Government's request. '^^ 

King George's War was not limited to Louisburg. The frontier 
had been quiet since August, 1725, when commissioners from the 
General Court of Massachusetts and Indian representatives signed 
a peace treaty bringing to a close the campaign in which Chaplain 
Frie was killed. The Reverend John Taylor, Pastor at Deerfield 

There appeared, for many years, an unusually pacific spirit 
among the Indians; probably in consequence of some acts of the 
General Court, favorable to them in their trade. It was thought, 
that they never again would have been disposed to hostilities, 
had they not been under the immediate influence of French 
interest .... The first year of the war, no Indians made their 
appearance in this part of the country: They had found of 
experience, that to maintain an open trade with the English, was 
greatly for their interest; and consequently at first, entered into 
the war with reluctance.^'' 

The French did in fact anticipate the war's coming. As early as 
1744, well before England plunged into the fray going on between 
Austria and France, George, Sieur de Berthelot, made a report on 
the English fort at Saratoga. Numerous raids followed the opening 
of hostihties. Saratoga was attacked with frightful regularity. Fort 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Clinton felt the stinging lash of war, New England's frontier set- 
tlements became a nightmare, and Fort Massachusetts "surren- 
dered to a large body of French and Indians, August 20th 1746." ^^ 
The events involving the fall of Fort Massachusetts are related 
in Chaplain John Norton's narrative. The Redeemed Captive. Accom- 
panying a detachment of fourteen soldiers, the Chaplain and Dr. 
Williams, the Surgeon, left Fort Shirley on August 14, arriving at 
the fort the next day. Scouts found evidence that Indians were on 
the prowl, but nothing to suggest a combined army of 900 men 
under the personal command of Pierre de Rigaud, Marquis de 
Cavagnal-Vaudreuil, Governor of New France. ^^ This fort, with a 
population of "Twenty two Men, three Women, and five Children," 
was surrounded and attacked on all sides simultaneously.®" The 
first assault was beaten off, surprisingly. The French "General" 
came to personally reconnoiter the area, receiving "a Shot in the 
Arm, which made him retreat." ®^ The enemy fired incessantly all 
day, while in the fort several men who were too ill to man the walls 
moulded bullets for their healthy comrades. Many exposed French 
officers were spared, Norton says, because of the shortage of am- 
munition; it was being hoarded for the next anticipated assault. 
Fearing the Indians would burn the fort, pails of water were filled, 
and a passage cut between rooms for a last ditch stand. Chaplain 
Norton stood as look-out through the evening, constantly subjected 
to small arms fire. Certainly not a pacifist, the chaplain wrote 
gleefully: "We fired Buck-Shot at them, and have Reason to hope 
we did some Execution, for the Enemy complained of our shooting 
Buck-shot at that Time, which they could not have known had they 
not felt some of them." ®^ 

Chaplain Norton recorded: 
Wednesday 20. 

About twelve o'Clock the Enemy desir'd to Parley: We agreed 
to it, and when we came to General De Voudriule, he promised 
us good Quarter if we would surrender; otherwise he should 
endeavour to take us by Force: The Serjeant told him, he should 
have an Answer within two Hours. We came into the Fort, and 
examined the State of it: The Whole of our Ammunition we did 
not judge to be above three or four Pounds of Powder, and not 
more Lead: And after Prayer unto God for Wisdom and Direc- 
tion, we considered our Case, whether there was any Probability 
of our being able to withstand the Enemy or not; for we sup- 
posed that they would not leave us till they had made a vigorous 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Attempt upon us; and if they did, we knew our Ammunition 
would be spent in a few Minutes Time, and then we should be 
obliged to lay at their Mercy; Had we all been in Health, or had 
there been only those eight of us that were in Health, I believe 
every Man would willingly have stood it out to the last; for my 
Part I should; but we feared, that if we were taken by Violence, 
the Sick, the Wounded, and the Women, would most, if not all 
of them die by the Hands of the Salvages, therefore our Offi- 
cer concluded to Surrender on the best Terms he could get: 
Which were, 

I. That we should be all Prisoners to the French, the General 

promising that the Salvages should have nothing to do with 

any of us. 
n. That the Children should all live with their Parents during 

the Time of their Captivity. 
HI. That we should all have the Priviledge of being exchanged 

the first Opportunity that presented. ^^ 

No sooner had the surrender transpired than the Marquis 
turned the prisoners over to the Indians. The Chaplain states 
indignantly: "had I tho't that the General would have delivered any 
of our Men to the Savages, I should have strenuously opposed the 
Surrender of the Fort, for I had rather have died in Fight, than to 
see our Men killed, while we had no Opportunity to resist." ^'^ One 
Frenchman took an arm chopped from an American corpse, 
roasted it, offered it to a prisoner to eat, and later, it was reported, 
made a tobacco pouch out of the skin.^^ Even as late as the War of 
1812, an eye witness reported that Kentuckians in revenge for the 
massacre on the Raisen River, took the body of a recently killed 
Indian — whom they thought to be Tecumseh — and cut strips of 
skin from his thighs to make razor strops.^® This offers insight into 
what war meant on the frontier, the environment in which chap- 
lains of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were called upon 
to run their holy course. 

Throughout the long trek to Canada, Chaplain Norton pro- 
vided pastoral care, "God having wonderfully strengthened many 
who were Weak," ^^ On August 22, 1747, he baptized the newly 
delivered baby of the John Sneed family, giving her the terribly 
appropriate name. Captivity. On May 17, 1748, the chaplain rec- 
orded her death. The Marquis, barely able to control his Indians, 
and genuinely concerned about his prisoners, promised the In- 
dians a reward if they cared for the feeble prisoners. After her 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


delivery Mrs. Sneed was carried on a makeshift litter by two of her 
captors. ^^ August 31, being the "Lord's Day . . . We had the 
Liberty of worshipping GOD together in a Room by our selves," he 
noted. ^^ This was at Crown Point. Throughout his long imprison- 
ment in Canada, Chaplain Norton ministered to his ever growing 
congregation of prisoners, sustained by the Scriptures, large por- 
tions of which he knew by heart. And he had much work to do, as 
his narrative reflects. He recorded: "Died in Captivity, in all, 
73." ^^" On August 16, 1748, Chaplain Norton and others having 
been exchanged went ashore in Boston from the Truce ship VerdLe 
Grace. His journal contains his thanksgiving: "This was a Day of 
great Joy and Gladness to me; may I never forget the many great 
and repeated Mercies of God toward me." ^^^ 

Not so fortunate was the Reverend Nehemiah How, civilian 
pastor of the Great Meadows Fort. Taken prisoner in a raid on 
October 11, 1745, he died in Canadian captivity on May 25, 1747. 
His journal records, "September 15. Twenty-three Captives . . . 
were brought to Prison, among whom was the Reverend Mr. John 
Norton." ^^'^ He too ministered to his fellow captives, faithful to the 
end. Although not officially a chaplain, he served in that quasi state 
so frequently found during this early period: civilian clergymen 
caring spiritually for the military men in their frontier garrison 
towns, and sharing their fate in battle and prison. His memory 
ought not to be neglected. 

Peace came at last. Wars beget wars, and a greater conflagra- 
tion will soon enflame the colonies from Maine to Georgia, bring- 
ing to the forefront young men whose names will later appear in 
our Revolution as leaders in government, army, civilian churches 
and the chaplaincy. 


Chapter II 

* Samuel A. Green (ed.), Two Narratives of the Expedition Against Quebec, A.D. 1690, under 
Sir William Phips (Cambridge: University Press, 1902, 27-28.) Other reasons given for attacking 
New France are: a preventive first strike, enlargements of the British domains, and trade, pp. 39, 41. 

' Ibid., 20. 

^ Ibid., 21. 

" Ibid., 36. 

^ Ibid., 40. 

Ubid., 8. 

^ Ibid., 38. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


* Ibid., 4. Quote is by an anonymous author, appended to the funeral sermon preached by the 
Rev. John White, April 11, 1725, on the occasion of the interment of the Rev. John Wise. 

9 Honeywell, Op. Cit., 13. 

'« Psalm 24:8 (KJV). 

" William \Movdswonh, Ecclesiastical Sonnets, Part 1, No. 7. 

'^John Donne, Deiiotions, IVII. 

'^Lossing, O/?. Cit., 1, 210. 

^* FrankHn B. Hough, A History of St. Lawrence and Franklin Counties, New York, From the Earliest 
Period to the Present Time (Albany, Little and Company, 1853), 115. "It is generally believed that this 
bell was the same taken in 1704, from Deerfield, in Massachusetts, but after careful inquiries the 
author has artrived (sp) at the conclusion that that celebrated bell was never at St. Regis, but that it is 
none other than the smaller of the two in the steeple of the Church of St. Louis, in Caughnawage." In 
addition to this argumentation as to the location of the bell, and the poem, "The Bell of St. Regis," see 
pages 116-120. 

'5 John Williams, Op. Cit., 13. 

'^Ibid., 14. 

''Ibid., 82. 

** Ibid., 91. Clifton Johnson, An Unredeemed Captive, Being The Story of Eunice Williams (Holyoke, 
Mass.: Griffith, Axtell and Cady Company, 1897), 48. Eunice's Indian husband explained her 
determination to remain away from her family in these words: "She no go. Her father marry twice 
times. He no have marry, she go." 

'''"John Williams," D;rt/or?ar}' of American Biography, X (N.Y.: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1944), 

-" "The Autobiography of the Rev. John Barnard," Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Third Series, V (Boston: John H. Eastburn, Printer, 1836), 190. 

•'Ibid., 191. 

"Ibid., 192. 

^""Ibid., 192. 

""Ubid., 192. 

-^Ibid., 193. 

^"Ibid., 196. 

"Ibid., 193. 

^^Ibid., 193. 

^Ubid., 194. 

^"Ibid., 194. 

3' Ibid., 194, 195. 

^^Ibid., 196. 

^^Ibid., 197. 

^Ubid., 200. 

^^Ibid., 241-242. 

*" Thomas Buckingham, The Private Journals Kept by Rei'. John Buckingham of the Expedition 
Against Canada in the Years 1710 and 1711. (N.Y.: Welder and Campbell, 1825), 79-80. Note: The 
printer erred in that he printed the author of the journal's first name "John" rather than, correctly, 

^'' Ibid., 87. Further, John W. Wright, Some Notes On The Continental Army, William and 
Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, Second Series, IXX, No. 2, April, 1932, 102. "When the 
garrison marched out, it was the custom for it to play on its drums, fifes and bugles an air of its 
opponent. The origin of this is uncertain. Probably it was a compliment made in return for the 
honors of war. It demonstrated that the defeated garrison had not been humiliated to the point 
where they could not exchange compliments with the victor .... When General Lincoln surren- 
dered Charleston he asked for terms permitting the garrison to march out with the honors of war, 
'with drums beating, colors Hying.' The British refused these terms and changed them to read, 'The 
drummers are not to beat a British march, or colors to be uncased.' . . . When Yorktown surren- 
dered it was stipulated that the garrison should march out 'with colors cased, the drums beating a 
British or German march.' These were the terms of Charleston." 

^Ubid., 96. 

^^ Ibid., 99. 

*''Ibid., 105-106. 

*'Ibid., 109. 


^^Ibid., 111. 
*^Ibid., 114. 

*Ubid., 109, 111, 116, 120. 
^''Ibtd., 118. 
*Ubid., 123. 

*' John Sharp, Title Page: "A Sermon Preached at Trinity Church in New- York, in America, 
August 13, 1706 At The Funeral of the Right' Honourable Katherine Lady Cornbury . . . by John 
Sharp, A.M. Chaplain to the Queen's Forces in the Provinces of New- York." 
*Ubid., 123. 
*^Ibid., 125. 

5» Ver Steeg and Hofstadter, Op. Cit., 129-130. 

^' Ibid., 128-129. 1. A democracy, which is when the sovereign power is lodged in a council 
consisting of all the members, and where eveiy member has the privilege of a vote. This form of 
government appears in the greatest part of the world to have been the most ancient. For that reason 
seems to show it to be more probable, that when men (being originally in a condition of natural 
freedom and equality) had thoughts of joining in a civil body, would without question be inclined to 
administer their common affairs by their common judgment, and so must necessarily, to gratify that 
inclination, establish a democracy; neither can it be rationally imagined that fathers of families, being 
yet free and independent, should in a moment or little time take off their long delight in governing 
their own affairs, and devolve all upon some single sovereign commander; for that it seems to have 
been thought more equitable that what belonged to all should be managed by all, when all had 
entered by compact into one community .... 

A democracy is then erected, when a number of free persons do assemble together in order to 
enter into a covenant for uniting application and exercise of power. Therefore it is most agreeable 
with the law of nature, that they institute their officers to act in their name and stead. 
*" John White Sermon, "The Gospel in Earthen Vessels," 40. 

^^ William Abbatt (ed.) "An Historical Preface or Memoirs of the Battle of Piggwacket, by Rev. 
Thomas Symmes," Magazine of History XXVI, 25. 
^Ubtd., 29. 
^^Ibid., 29. 
^« Isaiah 9:5 (KJV). 
^^ Abbatt, Op. Cit., 30. 
^^Ibid., 32. 
^^Ibid., 36. 

*" George Gary Eggleston, American War Ballads and Lyrics (N.Y.: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1{ 
13, 18. 

«' Abbatt, Op. Cit., 99. 
"-Ibid., 100-101. 

Pray, sir, be patient; kiss the rod; 
Remember this the hand of God 
Which has bereft you of your son, — 
Your dear and lovely Jonathan. 
Although the Lord has taken (near) 
Unto himself your son most dear. 
Resign your will to God, and say, 
" Tis God that gives and takes away;" 
And blessed be his name; for he, — 
For he has caused this to be. 
And now to you, his mother dear, 
Be pleased my childish lines to hear: 
Mother, refrain from flowing tears; 
Your son is gone beyond your cares. 
And safely lodged, in Heaven above, 
With Christ, who was his joy and love; 
And, in due time, 1 hope you'll be 
With him to all eternity. 
Pray, madam, pardon this advice: 
Your grief is great, mine not much less; 


And, if these lines will comfort you, 
I have my will. Farewell! adieu! 

®*Josiah H. Drummond, "The Reverend Robert Rutherford," Co//^c/?ow and Proceedings of the 
Maine Historical Society, Second Series, III (1892), 267, 269. 

*^ "Emerson's Louisburg Journal," Proceedings of the Massachusetts' Historical Society, ILIV (Oc- 
tober, 1910 — ^June 1911), 64. Covering this same period, but containing mostly nautical information 
are the notes of Chaplain Adonijah Bidwell. See: "Expedition to Cape Breton, Journal of the Rev. 
Adonijah Bidwell, Chaplain of the Fleet," The New England Historical and Genealogical RVEGISTER 
AND Antiquarian Journal, XXVII (1873), 153-160. 

^^Ibid., 72-73. 

^^Ibid., 72. 

«^ Ibid., 72, 74, 75, 76, 79, 82, 83. 

^^Ibid., 73, 81. 

^Ubtd., 82. 

^^ James Phinney Baxter (ed.) Documentary History of the State of Maine, IX (Portland: Published 
by the Maine Historical Society, 1907), 187. 

^* Charles Edward Banks, History of York, Maine (Baltimore: Regional Publishing Company, 
1932), 11, 131-132. 

''- Ibid., 135-136. We might also transiently Consider Hell as a Place and State of the Blackest 
Darkness, the Most exquisite torment and extreamest Horrour, Despair and Raging Blasphemy. A 
Place of Howling, Roaring, Yelling, Shrieking, — But Words utterly and infinitely fail of expressing to 
the Life, the Heartrending Pangs of the second Death. It is metaphorically, and in Scripture 
Language a Prison, a Lake of Fire and Brimstone; a Bottomless Pit, a Furnace of Fire, Prepared for 
the Devil and his Angels; a Place where the Worm Dieth not, and the Fire is not Quenched: the 
Vengeance of Eternal Fire. Now, if the Bodies of the Damned shall be Tormented with Material Fire 
and Brimstone, it must needs be Dreadful! As if we should see a real Copper, containing the quantity 
of many Tuns, fill'd with Brimstone; then melted over a mighty Fire; then set on a Flame, as you have 
seen a Kettle of Boiling Tarr in the Ship-wright's Yard: and Men, Women and Children thrown into 
it alive; this would be terrible to Beholders, much more to the Persons thus executed; though the 
Pain and Horror would in this case be over, in a few minutes. Suppose That God should keep thee 
alive in the Fiery Pond for one year and age to another, and we could walk safely by the side of it, and 
round it, and see the Poor Undone Creatures swimming about in the Midst of Flames and hear their 
Fruitless Cries for One Drop of Water. What Adamantine Heart would not Bleed at such a sight and 

'""Ibid., 137. 

''* Louis E. DeForst (ed.) The Journals and Papers of Seth Pomeroy (Published by the Society of 
Colonial Wars in the State of New York, 1926), 16. 

'* Francis Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, France and England in North America, II (Boston: 
Little, Brown and Company, 1897), 11, 80. 
Banks, O/;. Cit., 138. 
Henry S. Burrage, Maine at Louisburg In 1745 (Augusta: Burleigh and Flynt, 1910) 43—44. 

^« Parkman, Op. Cit., 11, 135. 

''Ibid., 78. 

Honeywell, Op. Cit., 20. 

Fairtax Downey, Louisbourg: Key To A Continent (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., Prentice- Hall, 
Inc., 1965), 111. 

^« Banks, Op. Cit., 138. 

'^ William W. Backus, /4 Geneological Memoir of The Bacus Family (Private Printing, 1889), 138. 

«" Honeywell, Op. Cit., 20. 

«' Psalm 119:114 (KJV). 

^^ Will and Ariel Durant, The Story ofChnlization, The Age of Louis XIV, VIII (N.Y.: Simon and 
Schuster, 1963), 329. 

*** Samuel Butler, "Hudibras." 

*^ George Noel Lord Byron, 'Don Juan," Canto XIII, Stanza 2: "Cervantes smild Spain's 
chivaliy away." 

*^ Matthew 7:9 (KJV). A. W. Ward and A. R. Waller (ed.) Cambridge History of English Literature, 
Vll, The Age of Dryden (London: Cambridge University Press, 1910), 68. 

*" "Autobiography of John Barnard," Op. Cit., 231. John J. Babson, History of The Toum of 
Gloucester, Cape Ann, Including The Town of Rockport (Gloucester: Procter Brothers, 1860), 403. 


8^ John Williams, Op. Cit., 113-1 14. 

*** John Norton, The Redeemed Captive (Boston: 1748), Title page. 

"** Guy Omeron Coolidge, "Biographical Index To The French Occupation of The Champlain 
Valley from 1609 to 1759," Proceedings of The Vermont Historical Society, New Series, VI, No. 3 
(Montpelier: For The Society, 1938), 35. 

»» Norton, Op. Cit., 4. 

^'Ibid., 5. 

^-Ibid., 6-7. 

^^Ibid., 8-9. 

^Ubid., 11. 

'>^Ibid., 10. 

** Benson J. Lossing, The Pictorial FieM-Book of The War of 1812 (Glendale, N.Y., Benchmark 
Publishing Company, 1970. Originally published, 1869), 556. 

9' Norton, Op. Cit., 14. 

^nbid., 14-15, 38. 

^^ Ibid., 18. 

">'' Ibid., 40. 

'"'Ibid., 40. 

"02 Victor Hugo Paltsits (ed.) Narrative of Captivities, A Narrative of the Captivity ofNehemiah How 
in 1745-1747. (Cleveland: The Burrows Brothers Company, 1904. Reprinted from the original 
edition of 1748), 48. 


"How Art the Mighty Fallen" 

The Destruction of New France, 


The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle brought the War of Austrian 
Succession, our King George's War, to its conclusion in 1748. In 
America, Louisburg was given back to France, but little changed 
territorially on the Continent. Peace merely gave the belligerents a 
breathing spell to nurse their hatreds, encourage their developing 
pride in their respective nationalisms, and realign their alliances for 
another go at mass destruction. William Pitt, the Elder, bombarded 
Parliament with brilliant oratory, proposing a treaty with Prussia to 
the ultimate defeat of France. The Prussia of Frederick the Great 
has been said to be not a nation with an army, but an army with a 
nation. With Britain ruling the waves and Prussia supreme on the 
soil, France could be forever eradicated as a troublesome con- 
tender for colonies. The distant lands of America and Asia and 
Africa would be British, won on the fields of Europe. Arraying 
themselves against these twin Protestant forces were the Catholic 
powers of France, Spain, Austria, and Poland, and ultimately Rus- 
sia. This war for religion, trade, and patriotism began officially on 
May 17, 1756. In reality the war had long been on. The British 
were seizing French shipping where possible, and in America the 
frontier witnessed a renewal of horror. Early in the official war, the 
Due de Richelieu was sent to capture Minoca. Admiral John Byng 
tried to stave off the island's capture by reinforcing the defenders, 
his efforts proving to be ineffectual. Losing the battle, he was 
hanged from his own ship at Portsmouth on March 14, 1757. The 
Admiral did not give his fullest effort in trying to achieve victory, it 
was judged, and so he was punished; not because he lost a sea fight. 
This striking example set the tone of the seriousness of this conflict, 
and was not lost on other commanders aspiring to keep their necks 
free of hemp. The Seven Years' War — our French and Indian 



War — was to reshape the world's life for two hundred years to 
come, giving England such trophies as India and North America. 
Conquest was to enrich the "island people" through trade, and 
spread the Protestant Gospel as far as the sun shines on our planet. 

In America as early as November, 1753, George Washington, 
aged 21, was sent by Governor Dinwiddie to serve an ultimatum to 
the French who were encroaching on Virginia's claimed lands in 
Ohio. Eighteen months later, as a Lieutenant Colonel, he would 
take Virginia militiamen to the site of present day Pittsburgh, lead a 
successful battle near Great Meadow on May 27, 1754, and after a 
ten hour fight at Fort Necessity be forced to surrender to a force of 
French and Indians, 900 strong. At the time of Braddock's well 
known defeat on the Monongahela, young Washington showed 
himself to be a knowledgeable and daring leader. Casualties jus- 
tified the term, defeat, one half of the force being killed. General 
Braddock was killed, as were Sir Peter Halket, five captains and 
fifteen lieutenants. "Out of eighty-six officers, twenty-six were 
killed, and thirty-seven wounded. The killed and wounded of the 
privates amounted to seven hundred and fourteen." ^ Writing to 
his brother, Washington said: "By the all-powerful dispensations of 
Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability or 
expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses 
shot under me, and escaped unhurt, although death was leveling 
my companions on everyside of me." ^ Several weeks later, the 
Reverend Samuel Davies of Hanover County, Virginia, preached 
to a company of volunteers, as was his custom. Referring to this 
event in Washington's life, he is reported to say: "I can not but 
hope Providence has hitherto preserved him in so signal a manner, 
for some important service to his country." ^ Davies himself, al- 
though never serving the Army other than in a quasi status, 
rendered important services to his nation. He was a celebrated 
Presbyterian evangelist who steadfastly fought for the toleration 
of dissenters against the restrictions of the Established Church in 
Virginia. Later he became the President of the College of New 
Jersey, at Princeton. Also, he was the orator whose pulpit elo- 
quence served as the model for the youthful Patrick Henry, a 
member of his congregation.^ 

Following Braddock's death and Washington's Providential 
deliverance. Governor Dinwiddie appointed him to the rank of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


colonel with responsibility for defending 300 miles of rugged 
mountainous frontier with a force of 300 men. In this crucible of 
savage warfare, averaging one battle each two week period, he 
learned those lessons so needed for this greater service twenty 
years later. It was during this two year tour of duty that he con- 
stantly importuned the "powers that be" for a chaplain. His ex- 
pressed attitude concerning a chaplain's qualifications and services 
are stated so clearly that it behooves us to note especially this early 
correspondence from the Father of our Country. 
Letter to Governor Robert Dinwiddie, September 23, 1756. 

The want of a chaplain does, I humbly conceive, reflect dishonor 
upon the regiment, as all other officers are allowed. The gen- 
tlemen of the corps are sensible of this, and did propose to 
support one at their private expense. But I think it would have a 
more graceful appearance were he appointed as others are.^ 

Letter to Governor Robert Dinwiddie, September 28, 1756. 

As touching a chaplain, if the government will grant a subsist- 
ence, we can readily get a person of merit to accept of the place, 
without giving the commissary any trouble on that point, as it is 
highly necessary we should be reformed from those crimes and 
enormities we are so universally accused of.^ 

Letter to Colonel Washington from Governor Dinwiddie, 
November 16, 1756. 

In regard to a Chaplain, you should know that it's necessary his 
qualifications and the Bishop's Letter of License should be pro- 
duced to the Commissary and Self, but this Person is also name- 

Letter to John Robinson, Speaker of the House of Burgesses and 
Treasurer of Virginia, November 9, 1756. 

A Chaplain for the Regiment ought to be provided; that we may 
at least have the show, if we are said to want the substance of 
Godliness! '^ 

Letter to Governor Robert Dinwiddie, November 24, 1756. 

When 1 spoke of a chaplain, it was in answer to yours. I had no 
person in view, tho' many have offered; and only said, if the 
country would provide a subsistence, we could procure a chap- 
lain, without thinking there was offence in the expression.^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Letter to Governor Robert Dinwiddle, April 29, 1757. 

It is a hardship upon the Regiment, I think, to be denied a 
Chaplain. . . . We shou'd also be glad if our Chaplain was 
appointed, and that a Gentleman of sober, serious and religious 
deportment were chosen for this important Trust! Otherwise, 
we shou'd be better without." ^" 

Letter to John Blair, President of the Council and Acting Gover- 
nor, April 1758. 

The last Assembly, in their Supply Bill, provided for a chaplain 
in our regiment, for whom I had often very unsuccessfully 
aplied to Governor Dinwiddle. I now flatter myself, that your 
Honor will be pleased to appoint a sober, serious man for this 
duty. Common decency. Sir, in a camp calls for the services of a 
divine, and which ought not to be dispensed with, altho' the 
world should be so uncharitable as to think us void of religion, 
and incapable of good instructions.'' 

Although authorized, no chaplain was appointed! Colonel 
Washington's efforts to have a chaplain appointed by the au- 
thorities speaks to more than merely having religious services held. 
These were being provided by civiHan clergymen. For example, on 
September 25, 1756, the Morning Orders read: "The men are to 
parade at beating the long roll tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock; 
and be marched as usual to the Fort, to attend Divine Service. The 
Officers to be present at calling the roll, and see that the men do 
appear in the most decent manner they can." '^ Nor did he desire a 
chaplain solely as an instrument of morale. So regular was his 
personal attendance at Divine services upon his return to civilian 
life, between the wars, that his diary records the exception. Sunday, 
January 6, 1760: "The Chariot not returng. time enough from 
Colo. Fairfax's we were prevented from Church." ^^ Further, he 
ordered for his stepson, "A small Bible neatly bound in Turkey, 
and John Parke Custis wrote in gilt Letters on the Inside of the 
cover" and "A Neat small Prayer Book." ^^ 

One of the fortifications mentioned frequently in Washing- 
ton's correspondence is Fort Loudon, which was located on land 
ceded by the Cherokees. Before it was captured by those same 
Indians in 1759, its garrison received the pastoral care of the 
Reverend William Richardson, a Presbyterian missionary. The 
conception of an Indian Mission to the Overhill or Upper 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Cherokees originated with Samuel Davies, whose sermon noting 
young Washington's preservation has been cited. Davies is called by 
Dr. Charles A. Briggs "one of the greatest divines the American 
Presbyterian Church has produced." ^^ He motivated John Martin 
to become the first Protestant minister ever to preach the Gospel in 
the Tennessee Country or in South Trans-Alleghenia, and also the 
Reverend William Richardson. The latter was born in Egremont, 
England, in 1729, and educated at the University of Glasgow. He 
emigrated to Philadelphia in 1750, taking up residence in Virginia 
as a member of the Hanover Presbytery. Drawn to the Scottish 
settlement at Waxhaw, it is conceivable — although it cannot be 
stated factually — that he served as pastor to young Andrew Jackson 
and his devout mother.^^ 

Armed with a letter of introduction from Governor Fauquier 
to Captain Raymond Demere, commander of Fort Loudon, 
Richardson's diary notes his arrival at this frontier garrison on 
Friday, December 15, 1758. Little did the captain realize that 
shortly he would be forced to surrender his fort to the Cherokees, 
and though promised safe conduct, his command and their de- 
pendents would be massacred by other Indians feeling no obliga- 
tion to honor those promises. Among the slain would be Demere's 
wife. The Sunday following his arrival, Richardson officiated at a 
worship service, recording: "Preached to the soldiers who behaved 
well." ^^ For the service on Christmas, he spoke using Luke 2: 10-1 1 
as his text.^^ On New Year's Eve, he recorded that he "preached to 
the soldiers; another express arrived informing us that the French 
&: their Indians intend to attack the Fort soon." ^^ New Year's day 
found Reverend Richardson baptizing a soldier's child, and receiv- 
ing the post's hospitality from its commander. "Spoke to the Captn 
about my maintenance; and my exps; he told me tho the Governor 
had made no mention of allowing me Provisions yet as he had Mr. 
Martin, I was welcome to such as he had and sh'd live as I had 
done." ^^ While continuing his work with the garrison. Rev. 
Richardson did not neglect the Indians although he had hard trials 
and frequent surprises arising from cultural differences and val- 
ues. Yet he made strong friends among them, one named Standing 
Turkey even giving him a pistol "to kill the enemy when I sh'd ride 
from Town to Town." ^^ His red flock soon won his heart even 
while he observed that "the children are always armed with bows 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


and arrows. War is their Profession, 8c they cannot be easy without 
it." ^^ The depth of his feelings are expressed in a prayer, not 
written for eyes other than his own to see. "O Lord remove every 
Impediment out of the way of their Conversion for Jesus sake." ^^ 

Before leaving the fort to pursue his missionary efforts, one of 
the last acts performed by Rev. Richardson was to conduct an 
interment service. "Went to the Fort at the Capn't desire to talk at 
the grave of a soldier." ^* From the vantage point of time, we see 
the scene at that lonely funeral casting "fatal shadows" into the near 
future. ^^ 

This global contest being embarked upon was a duel to the 
death for France, and no effort was stinted to avoid that eventual- 
ity. The Seven Years' War dyed lands and seas in crimson drawn 
from human veins; it was truly a world war. Neglecting any com- 
ment on the fields of Europe and India as out of our sphere, 
battles, sieges, and campaigns with fascinating names and fantasti- 
cally far reaching results occurred: Prague, Rossbach, Schweidnitz, 
Leuthen, Cuestin, Minden, Zuellichau, Quiberon Bay, Torgau, 
Freiberg in Saxony, Chandernagore, Plassy, Wandiwash. In 
America, beside the early operations in Virginia, 1755 found Dies- 
kau and William Johnson locked in battle; 1756, Montcalm and 
Loudon clashing in bitter, small actions; 1757, the fall of Fort 
William Henry; 1758, Amherst developing a grand strategy citing 
objectives from Louisburg to Quebec to Fort Duquesne; 1759, 
Oswego, Fort Niagra, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Wolfe at 
Quebec; 1760, river wars along the Richelieu and the St. Lawrence; 
then a semi peace until Pontiac's post-war Indian uprising in the 

Each new campaign summoned more men from their homes. 
Casualties mounted, "the purple testiment of bleeding war." ^^ 
Soldiers and their loved ones surveyed the holocaust with ap- 
prehension filling their minds, and fear gnawing at their hearts. 
Disease swept away more men than bullets, and mercy was a quality 
seldom afforded. Massacres were tragically common, because the 
French — usually good and generous gentlemen — could not control 
their Indian allies at the moment of victory. Frightening tales 
spread across the land; one may serve as indicative of the type of 
hostilities with which chaplains had to deal. Hugh Gibson of Lan- 
caster County, Pennsylvania related to the Reverend Abiel Holmes 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


how he witnessed the torture of Mrs. Alexander M'Allister, cap- 
tured in the Tuscarora Valley. Holmes wrote: 

The same Indian who had killed Gibson's mother, tied her to a 
sapling, where she was long made to writhe in the flames. He 
knew the Indian to have been the murderer of his mother, from 
her scalp, which hung as a trophy from his belt. Before these 
unfeeling wretches had satisfied themselves with the slow but 
excruciating tortures they caused this woman to endure, a heavy 
thunder-gust with a torrent of rain came on, which greatly 
incommoded the Indians. Mrs. M'Allister most earnestly prayed 
for deliverance, but cruel are the tender mercies of the poor 
unenlightened savages. They however, sooner no doubt than 
they intended, when they saw that their fire must be shortly 
extinguished, shot her, and threw her remains upon the embers. 
They told Gibson that they had brought him to behold this 
sight, on purpose to show him how they would deal with him, in 
case he should ever attempt to run away.^^ 

Recognizing fear to be a very genuine emotion, chaplains and 
civilian pastors struggled to help their people cope with it. Illustra- 
tive of their efforts is a sermon delivered by former chaplain 
Joseph Emerson to the soldiers of Captain Thomas Laurence's 
company before they left for the war. Preached at Pepperrell on 
May 7, 1758, its title tells its content: "The Fear of God, an Antidote 
against the Fear of Man." ^^ A letter is extant, and its reply by the 
Reverend William Smith — later to be a chaplain — concerning "The 
Duties of Protestant Ministers in times of Public Danger." Though 
not using our terminology, early American chaplains and pastors 
dealt with stark issues and their human responses. Surviving ser- 
mons, letters, and journals indicate that while dealing with these 
problems, personal and public, they found their solution ultimately 
in the Ultimate. The Bible proved to be their comfort; they ac- 
cepted it as the Word of God, literally. 

Colonel Benjamin Franklin served as a commander of a volun- 
teer militia unit numbering 560 officers and men. Marching to 
relieve the Moravian village of Gnadehut, which the Indians had 
burned and massacred, he discussed with Bishop Spangenberg his 
surprise at seeing "it in so good a posture of defense. . . . The 
armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in 
any garrison town." He was quickly told that abstinence from 
bearing arms was "not one of their established principles." '^ Fort 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


building and maurading savages occupied Franklin's energies, but 
did not dampen either his common sense or humor. Happily, his 
chaplain was a person possessing flexibility and was himself not 
without humor. 

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. 
Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally 
attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they 
were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill of rum a day, 
which was punctually serv'd out to them, halfin the morning, 
and the other half in the evening; and I observ'd they were as 
punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr. 
Beatty, 'It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act 
as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just 
after prayers, you would have them all about you.' He liked the 
tho't, undertook the ofhce, and, with the help of a few hands to 
measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never 
were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so 
that I thought this method perferable to the punishment in- 
flicted by some military laws for non-attendance on divine serv- 

Franklin's admiration for the famous George Whitefield is well 
known. Writing to him on July 2, 1756, Franklin gives us knowl- 
edge of one of the evangelist's unfilfilled desires and one of his own 
great ambitions: "You mention your frequent wish that you were a 
chaplain to the American Army. I wish that you and I were jointly 
employed by the crown to settle a colony on the Ohio." ^^ He then 
continues, whether ruminating or actively seeking Whitefield's 
partnership, by suggesting that his project would be "a security to 
the other colonies and advantage to Britain, by increasing her 
people, territory, strength, and commerce! " He continues: 

Might it not greatly facilitate the introduction of pure religion 
among the heathen, if we could, by such a colony, show them a 
better sample of Christians than they commonly see in our 
nation! — Life, like a dramatic piece, should not only be con- 
ducted with regularity, but, methinks, it should finish hand- 
somely. Being now in the last act, I begin to cast about for 
something fit to end with. Or, if mine be more properly com- 
pared to an epigram, as some of its lines are but barely tolerable, 
I am very desirous of concluding with a bright point. In such an 
enterprise, I could spend the remainder of lire with pleasure; 
and I firmly believe God would bless us with success, if we 
undertook it with a sincere regard to His honour, the service of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


our gracious king, and (which is the same thing) the pubhc 
good." 32 

Colonel Franklin's project on the Ohio was not to be ac- 
complished by him. A young man living in Connecticut, however, 
would also see this vision, and after his service as a chaplain in the 
Revolution, bring it to fulfillment. But, more of Manasseh Cutler 

Pennsylvania suffered severe internal religious-political prob- 
lems brought to a head by frontier warfare. Quaker pacifism came 
into open conflict with Christians who were theologically indis- 
posed to bow humbly beneath the war ax. William Penn's work 
began in America when the ship Kent landed two hundred Friends 
on the banks of the Delaware, who settled Burlington, New Jersey 
in 1677. Their charter guaranteed that "no Men, nor number of 
Men upon Earth, hath Power or Authority to rule over Men's 
Consciences in religious Matters." ^^ Shortly followed the famed 
and admirable "Holy Experiment" on the west bank of the Dela- 
ware River in what is now Pennsylvania proper. The earlier wars of 
King William and Queen Anne were troublesome but largely ig- 
nored, being fought far off to the north and south. Governor 
George Thomas ran into a lengthy controversy, only to lose, in 
trying to raise troops and money during King George's War. The 
Quaker Assembly felt no sense of urgency, but rather an affront to 
their consciences by these demands. The coming of the French and 
Indian War with the frontier of the Middle Colonies blazing could 
not be ignored, although all but miraculous efforts were tried to do 
so. Following Braddock's defeat and the defection of the hereto- 
fore friendly Delawares, Pennsylvania's situation became vastly al- 
tered. Though the Quakers were safe and secure on the eastern 
seaboard, western settlements were being "continually butchered," 
to use Franklin's term. 

During the year 1756, the minority population of Quakers in 
the colony was represented by holding the majority of seats in the 
Pennsylvania Assembly. When the Governor and Council declared 
war against the Indians — the Delawares and the Shawnee — they 
precipitated the abdication of the Quaker legislators, bringing to an 
end a rule of nearly a century of government by idealism and 

Serving on the embattled Pennsylvania frontier was a man of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


powerful influence. John Steel led a militia company while serving 
as its chaplain as well, being referred to by the quaint title, the 
Reverend Captain. ^^ This was no short term assignment, but con- 
tinued throughout years of border warfare following his commis- 
sioning on March 25, 1756. He pursued his duties in spite of the 
lack of such basic necessities as firearms, blankets, and even flints. 
During his tenure as Post Commander of Fort Allison, he was 
delivering a sermon at Sunday Worship when news was brought, 
interrupting the sermon, that Indians had murdered the Walker 
family at Rankin's Mill. Steel immediately brought the service to a 
close, took his musket from behind the pulpit, and led his force in 
pursuit of the enemy. Such was the life of the commander-chaplain 
in those days of terror. ^^ 

The Reverend Captain had the distinction of having a fort 
named for him. Following Braddock's defeat, a stockade was 
erected around the meeting house where Steel was the pastor, 
known as "Rev. Steel's Fort." ^^ Its site is on the south side of the 
east branch of the Conococheague creek, being about twenty miles 
north from the Mason and Dixon line, and a little to the west of a 
straight line of where Hagerstown, Maryland, stands. 

The year 1756 found the northern colonies making full prepa- 
rations to drive the French and their Indian allies from Crown 
Point. They failed. As may be expected, a number of chaplains 
went on this expedition, the journal of Chaplain John Graham of 
Suffield, having survived, giving some record of the events. It is 
important to note that the Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut 
took official action to provide for the spiritual well-being of its 
soldiers through its traditional use of military chaplains. The Con- 
necticut Colonial Record states: 

This Assembly do appoint the Rev'd Mr. David Jewel, of New 
London, the Rev'd Mr. John Norton, of Middleton, the Rev'd 
Mr. Grayham, of Woodbury, to be Chaplains in the forces to be 
raised in this Colony for the Expedition against Crown Point. ^'^ 

The Reverend John Graham of Woodbury was quite elderly, 
having been born in Edinburgh in 1694. Several references in the 
journal mention receiving letters from and writing letters to the 
author's father. Presumably the chaplain who accompanied this 
campaign, and went in 1758 to Fort Edward, and again in 1762 to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


capture Havana, was the son with the same name; John Graham, 
pastor of Suffield. 

These three chaplains were assigned to give pastoral coverage 
to four regiments under the command of General Phinehas Ly- 
man. As a leading citizen of Suffield, the chaplain's village, and as a 
deputy of the Colony's Assembly, Lyman's choice of Graham to 
serve throughout three campaigns ranging from the pine woods of 
Lake George to the palms of Cuba, is not hard to ascertain. The 
chaplain appears to have had intense difficulties adjusting to the 
rough and tumble ways of camp life. He found long marches 
terribly fatiguing, but far worse for him was the conduct of the 
officers. "Labour under great discouragements for find my Busi- 
ness but mein in the Esteem of many, and think there's not much 
for a Chaplain to do." Continuing, he seems to suggest — his writing 
lacks clarity here — that officers resented his admonitions while 
expecting him to confine his exhortations to "be ordily and attend 
Duty" to the enlisted men. He closed the day's comment with the 

O Lord to thee belongs praise and glory, Teach me how to live 
and Conduct that I may Conduct myself both faithfully and 

Three times more he picks up the theme again. His own words 
state his case. 

Saturday Augst 7. 1756. Twas with much Exercise of mind I 
spent the Day Considering the awfull growing wicked of the 
Camp — and nothing Effectual attempted to restrain — Lord Do 
thou restrain us and turn us to thee and we shall be saved. . . . 
Tuesday Augst 17. 1756. Breakfasted this morning with ye 
Genl. — But a graceless meal — Nevr a Blessing Asked, nor 
Thanks given — At the Evening Sacrifice, a more open Scene of 
wickedness, the Genl. and Head officers with Some of the Regu- 
lar officers — in Genl. Lyman Tent, within 4 Rods of the place of 
Publik prayers; 

None came to prayers; but fixing a Table without the Door 
of the Tent, where a Head Col. was posted to make punch in ye 
Sight of all they within Drinking, talking and Laughing During 
the whole of the Service to the distrubance and disaffection of 
most present. 

This was not only a bare neglect but an Open Contempt of the 
Worship of God, by the Heads of this Army Twas but last 
Sabbath that Genl. L n spent the Time of Divine Service in 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the Afternoon, in his Tent Drinking in Company with Mr. 
Gourden a Regular officer — I have oft iieard Cursing and 
Swearing in his presence, by some past field officers, but never 
heard a reproof. Nor so much as a Checck to them for taking the 
Name of God in Vain, Come from his Mouth nor in the least to 
intimate his dislike of Such Language in the Time of it — tho he 
never Uses Such Language himself, but in private Conversation, 
when I have Spoken of it to him he disapproves of it to me — 
Lord what is man, — truly the May Game of Fortune — Lord 
make me Know my Duty What I ought to do 

Wednesday Augst 18. 1756, Last night Col. Glazer geting into 
Anger with the Capt. of the Fort Guard, Close by my Window 
where there was nothing to be heard from Glazer but Damn and 
G-d. D— n. You ^^ 

Divine services were conducted regularly by Chaplain 
Graham, as well as daily prayer. "Preached P.M. from ps (Psalm) 
84:12. The assembly appeared not only Serious but many 
Effected — Thanks be to God the Glorious Head; all Influences." ^^ 
Other texts used throughout the campaign are: Isaiah 8:13; John 
5:50, Psalm 78:37, Jeremiah 7:2, Romans 2:4, Joshua 24:15, and 
Isaiah 8:19.^^ Nowhere does he mention dining with or fellowship- 
ping with other chaplains, although Chaplains Swain and Hawley 
preached for him when he was "much Disordered" on July 18, and 
Chaplains Lee and Norton preached to his units on other occa- 
sions. And he, too, gave coverage at worship services to other units 
from Boston and New Hampshire. ^^ Perhaps it was this lack of 
professional relationships on weekdays which gave him a sense of 
isolation, and too much time to brood over his own loneliness and 
the sins of the camp. His frequent notations concerning mail 
suggests that homesickness, unrelieved by nearby friends, was a 
source of his dissatisfaction. Whatever the cause, he kept with his 
troops until nearly the war's end in 1763. Hopefully he never 
adjusted to profaneness, but, on the other hand, he learned to deal 
with it constructively. 

1758 witnessed a three pronged operation against the French. 
Major General Jeffrey Amherst planned to capture Louisburg, and 
Quebec, Brigadier General John Forbes was to move against Fort 
Duquesne, and Major General James Abercrombie was to drive 
north along the Hudson and Lake George from the vicinity of 
Albany, New York. This latter force was composed of 6367 British 
regulars and 9024 provincial troops. "There were chaplains, who 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


preached to the regiments of citizen soldiers, a renewal of the days 
when Moses with the rod of GOD in his hand sent Joshua against 
Amalek," wrote the renowned George Bancroft.'*^ Involved were 
Chaplains Beckwith, Brainard, Ebenezer Cleaveland, John Cleave- 
land, Eels, Emerson, Forbush, Hitchcock, IngersoU, Little, Morrill, 
Ogilvie, Pomeroy, Saunders, Shute, Spencer, Spinner, and Wood- 
bridge. Assigned to the Regulars was "Mr. Johnston, chaplain of 
the Highlanders." ^^ Even with this array of ecclesiastical lights, the 
campaign failed miserably. The commander ordered a frontal as- 
sault against the French in Fort Ticonderoga. Chaplain Daniel 
Shute recorded in his diary, July 8, 1758: "The Genl (General) 
thought proper to attempt to force ye Enemies entrenchment be- 
fore ye fort, only with small arms. In ye rash attempt. Killed 571. 
Wounded 1363. Missing 34. The slain and wounded, chiefly Regu- 
lars, who were in ye center, the Provincials upon each wing in the 
attack." ^^ Smarting from this repulse, Abercrombie retreated, and 
the campaign dragged on to a halt. 

Massachusetts commissioned chaplains for each regiment, 
specifically for their ministerial duties within the context of the 
military environment. Copies of the commission issued to Chap- 
lains John Cleaveland and Daniel Shute are extant. Shute's reads: 


Thomas Pownall, Esqr, Captain General and Governour in chief 
in, and over his Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay in 
New England, Vice Admiral of the same, etc. 

To DANIEL SHUTE, M.A. Greeting. Reposing especial Trust and 
Confidence in your Loyalty, Piety and Learning, I do, by these 
presents. Constitute and appoint you the said Daniel Shute, to be 
Chaplain of a Regiment of Foot, commanded by Colonel Joseph 
Williams, raised by me for a general Invasion of Canada. You are 
therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of a Chap- 
lain to the said Regiment in all things appertaining thereunto, 
Observing such Orders and Instructions as you shall from time to 
time receive from your Colonel or any other Superiour Officer, for 
which this shall be your Warrant. 

Given under my hand and Seal at Arms at Boston the thirteenth of 
March, 1758. In the Thirty first year of his Majesty's Reign. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


T. Pownall. 
By his Excellency's Command, 

A. OLIVER, Sec.^^ 

Three themes run through the chaplains' extant records of 
this period: a budding ecumenicity, wholesome relationships with 
local civilian clergymen, and a structured pattern of daily services 
in the several commands. 

Unlike the lonely isolation of Chaplain Graham two years 
earlier, Chaplain John Cleaveland preserved for us an account of 
chaplains' fellowship on a daily basis. Certainly no formal structure 
existed, and there is not even the slightest hint of any organization 
of chaplains with its concomitant variations of rank and authority. 
There did exist, however, a camaraderie which provided its partic- 
ipants with meetings for prayer, mutual support in their preaching, 
and presumably personal needs, and intellectual as well as military 
conversation. Cleaveland's journal is filled with reference to meet- 
ings such as on Tuesday, July 25, when the chaplains met in 
Emerson's tent, with Eels and Pomeroy praying. It must be re- 
membered that prayers in that day were not short collects, but 
lengthy and carefully prepared intercessions to the Almighty. The 
next day Cleaveland called on his fellow chaplains casually, and on 
Friday at the chaplains' meeting prayers were offered by IngersoU 
and Johnston of the Highlanders, "two excellent prayers, solemn 
and feverent." ^^ Perhaps at this later meeting Chaplain Cleaveland 
discussed his problem of homesickness, for recorded under that 
date is that he had dreamed of his wife's censuring him for his 
being gone from home. These were men of prayer, both private 
and public, and their diaries are filled with short petitions in refer- 
ence to their labors. Cleaveland wrote: 

23. Sabbath. This forenoon preached with some freedom from 
Mai. 1 ;6, a son honoreth his father and a servant his master, &c., 
the people (gave) good attention and many of the regulars 
attended, O that God would set the truths of the gospel home 
upon the hearts of all, and that my heart may be encouraged 
and my hands strengthened in the work of God.^^ 

Found in this fraternity of Congregationists and Presbyterians 
was John Ogilvie, Church of England, and long term post chaplain 
at Fort Hunter, New York. Cleaveland reports that he heard him 
deliver "a very good sermon" on Cornelius the Centurion, and later 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


his prayer at the chaplains' meeting is described as "excellent, 
pertinent, serious, and feverent." The chaplains "are greatly 
pleased with this prayer and his freedom from that bigotry which 
prevails very much among New England Church Ministers." At 
another chaplains' meeting, Tuesday August 22, Chaplains 
Beckwith and Eels prayed, and Ogilvie "reads an excellent dis- 
course of the Bishop of London, setting forth the weakness of the 
religion of nature, and the necessity of revelation." ^^ 

Another entry is that Woodbridge and Cleaveland called on 
Ogilvie. "He treated us not only like a gentleman, but like a Chris- 
tian; talked freely upon the doctrines of religion, and appears not 
only a sound but clear Calvinist." ^^ 

In our day it is hard to visualize the immense step forward 
these chaplains' meetings were, particularly when fellowship was 
extended to and received by a Church of England man. Recall that 
these chaplains were the sons and grandsons of Dissenters whose 
education and family traditions were saturated with tales of perse- 
cutions back in England. Elevating the hostility between Dissenters 
and Church men was the continuing ordination controversy begun 
in 1722, and the introduction of the Church of England's Society 
For the Propagation of The Gospel into the colonies. ^^ 

In addition to the regular meetings of the chaplains, they 
shared daily in their duties and free time. Touching is the spiritual 
and physical care they provided for each other. Cleaveland and 
Forbush spent time conversing and reading together; Woodbridge 
was visited during his illness; they preached to each other's units, 
and shared in prayer over their several flocks. ^^ This chaplains' 
fellowship is the first of its kind to make its appearance in our 
history, and even today sets a standard far from universally prac- 

A happy relationship appears to have taken place, also, be- 
tween chaplains and the civilian clergymen in the vicinity of their 
camps. The Dutch pastor. Reverend Vroom of Schenectady, fre- 
quently had off duty chaplains worshipping in his congregation, 
and he and some of his congregation "attended Prayers in ye Fort 
in ye Evening." ^^ The Dutch were a constant source of comments 
in diaries, indicative of the provincialism of the authors. Chaplain 
Shute noted without comment on the dress of the ladies, the pet- 
ticoats being short "so as to show the greater part of ye Legs." That 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


must have made keeping his Puritan mind on his prayers difficult 
indeed! When Shute was recovering from near death caused by 
small pox which he received while visiting his sick soldiers, Mr. 
Frelinghassen, another Dutch pastor, came, he says, "to see me." ^^ 
Preaching was confined to Sundays, but prayers were held 
daily in each command, conditions of war and weather permitting. 
The content of those daily prayers is given by John Cleaveland: 

I pray to God to be with us to keep us from sin, sickness, and 
every evil occurrence — that he would be wife, family, and 
people — be their God, strength, and everlasting portion. ^^ 

A partial list of texts used during this campaign has been pre- 
served. They are: John Cleaveland, Deuteronomy 23:9 and 
Matthew 3:8; Forbush, Exodus 17:8-14; Hitchcock, Psalm 7:76 
and Psalm 139:23-24; Little, Nahum 1:7; Pomeroy, Deuteronomy 
32:29; Shute, Genesis 28:20-21, Exodus 23:20-21, I Chronicles 
16:31 — on the news of Louisburg's surrender, Jeremiah 23:10, 
Colossians 1:23; Spencer, I Chronicles 11:32.^^ 

Pastoral care involved visiting the sick and wounded, and 
spiritual counseling to anxious souls. August 5, 1758, found Chap- 
lain Cleaveland conversing with Corporal Stevens, who "is under 
some degree of soul-concern." ^^ Earlier he noted that Lieutenant 
Burnham, dying of his wound while enroute across Lake George 
"inquired much for me, and desired to see me before he died. But I 
was in another battoe and could not be found, the Lake being full of 
them." ^^ 

Generally chaplains had a good working relationship and so- 
cial life with the officers of their commands. They were officers on 
their commanders' personal staff and were part of "the mess." 
Frequently they dined with senior officers, and their commanders 
had them to meals often, and in some cases regularly. Yet there 
were days, then like now, as Chaplain Shute comments on July 29, 
1758: "The Col very fractious." «« 

Coming down across the centuries we see a picture of an Army 
chaplain in the days of the French and Indian War: 

Mr. Cleaveland had blue eyes and a florid complexion, was 
nearly six feet high, erect and muscular. His voice was heavy and 
of great compass, and his gestures were appropriate. In preach- 
ing he was not confined to written sermons. He was a man of 
strong constitution and ardent temperament. An earnest spirit, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


an unpolished energy, and a sincerity which none could ques- 
tion, characterized him in the pulpit. His familiarity with the 
scriptures was proverbial. His general learning was respectable. 
His writings, though often forcible and fervent, could lay no 
claim to elegance. He was not afraid of controversy, and more 
than once ventured into the camps of polemic, as well as those of 
national war.®^ 

Not given to ecclesiastical equipment — what more did he need than 
his Bible? — the chaplain went armed. His grandson, Nehemiah 
Cleaveland wrote: "We have also the rude buck-horn-handled 
sword which the brave chaplain wore in all his campaigns." ®^ 

Dr. Caleb Rea of Danvers, Massachusetts served on Colonel 
Bagley's staff with Chaplain John Cleaveland. No history of chap- 
lains of the 1758 campaign would be complete without reference to 
this pious physician. It was he who selected the more capable 
singers in the regiment to form a choir, "the better to carry on the 
daily service of singing psalms." ^^ No earlier record exists of such 
an endeavor, and so to Dr. Rea belongs the honor of being the 
Father of Chapel Choirs. Perhaps the term chapel is out of place, 
because his vocalists sang their devotions to the Almighty deep in 
the forests of New England. The scene captures the imagination: 
an armed band kneeling in prayer; the psalms of David, the war- 
rior king, being entoned by rustic voices from beneath the broad 
branches of towering pines; their chaplain voicing the petitions of 
his parishioners to the Father of Lights. For a man dedicated in life 
to serving and glorifying God, Dr. Rea was nearly moved to tears by 
the sins of his associates. He confided his anguish to his diary: "Sad, 
sad it is to see how the Sabbath is profaned in camp," Particularly 
he is grieved at "the horrid custom of swearing, more especially 
among the regulars; and I can't but charge our defeat on this 
sin." ®^ His spirits were sustained by the quality of ministers in the 
military. In his diary the devout doctor observes with spiritual joy 
and approbation: "A rare instance indeed and perhaps scarce ever 
was an army blessed with such a set of chaplains before." ^^ 

In the campaign of 1755, Colonel Ephraim Williams com- 
mented on the camp language in a letter to Colonel Israel Williams, 
saying: "We are a wicked, profane army, especially the New York 
and Rhode Island troops. Nothing to be heard among a great part 
of them but the language of Hell. If Crown Point is taken, it will not 
be for our sakes, but for those good people left behind." ®^ To 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


appreciate the full impact of Colonel Williams' fear, and Dr. Rea's 
despondency — as noted earlier — it must be kept in mind that they 
viewed America as the "New Israel," a covenant people whose 
behavior determined the blessings or cursings from the God with 
Whom the relationship existed. 

Lieutenant Seth Pomeroy, equally devoted to God, took a 
broader view, for he was more of a crusader. In this struggle 
between faiths, he did not concern himself as much with individual 
pietism, as with major issues. Deeply religious and commited to 
theology — it was he who led the fight to rid the congregation of the 
controversial Jonathan Edwards — he wrote to Colonel Israel Wil- 
liams: "As you have at heart the Protestant cause, so I ask an 
interest in your prayers that the Lord of Hosts would go forth with 
us and give us victory over our unreasonable, encroaching, barba- 
rous, murdering enemies." ^^ 

What did the French and Indian War chaplains believe and 
preach? As has been noted earlier, irrespective of their denomina- 
tional loyalties — Congregational, Presbyterian, and Church of 
England — they were universally Calvanistic in theology. It is ap- 
parent that their differences stemmed from their respective 
churches' polities, which represented the major forms of ecclesias- 
tical governments found in American Protestantism. Few sermons 
from that period are extant. It is doubtful if many were ever 
preserved in manuscript form, and a few only were ever printed. 
Obviously, sermons preached weekly were not preserved, and cer- 
tainly not those delivered within the shadow of a pallisaded frontier 
fort or deep in a forest filled with wild beasts and wilder enemies. 
Customarily, special sermons were preached on major occasions: 
the death of a member of the royal family, a great victory, or 
national emergency, the seating of a colonial assembly, an ordina- 
tion or funeral. At the behest of some member of the auditory, or 
perhaps by the body of legislators, such a sermon would then be 
printed and widely distributed. 

The Reverend William Smith of Philadelphia, later to serve as 
chaplain to the Royal Regiment of Ireland by appointment of 
Colonel Wilkins, delivered a sermon which ultimately went into 
print, entitled: "An earnest Address to the Colonies, particularly 
those of the Southern District; on the opening of the Campaign, 
1758: Written and published at the Desire of Brigadier-General 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Forbes, when levying Forces for the Expedition against Fort Du 
Quesne, which was afterwards taken by him." Smith was a man of 
towering contradictions and ambiguous status. His influences in 
the early development of the University of Pennsylvania were 
monumental, as were his labors in organizing the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church in America. He was a literary leader and an orator of 
immense power. To the Americans of the Revolution he was a 
Loyalist; by the British he was arrested for his pro-Revolutionary 
posture. Admired by John Adams, he was tended by Dr. Benjamin 
Rush in his final illness. Writing of his last days, the physician said: 
"Unhappily, his conduct in all his relations and situations was 
opposed to his talents and profession. His person was slovenly and 
his manners awkward and often offensive in company ... he early 
contracted a love for strong drink and became toward the close of 
his life an habitual drunkard. . . . His temper was irritable. . . . 
and when angry he swore in the most extravagant manner. He 
seldom paid a debt without being sued or without a quarrel, he was 
extremely avaricious .... On his death bed he never spoke upon 
any subject connected with religion . . . nor was there a Bible or 
Prayer Book ever seen in his room .... He descended to his 
grave . . . without being lamented by a human creature . . . From 
the absence of all his children not a drop of kindred blood attended 
his funeral." ^^ 

Smith's "Address to the Colonies" is introduced by an appeal to 
"the duty we owe to his sacred majesty, to our holy religion, and to 
our latest posterity," and the speaker promises "brevity and 
perspicuity shall be my principle aim." ®® The discourse failed in 
this ideal, running to nearly thirty printed pages! This, however, is 
the normal length of sermons of the period. Pregnant with prem- 
ises that we, with hindsight, can see developing into main themes in 
the approaching Revolution, a long excerpt will provide the flavor 
of sermons of that era. (See Appendix VIH) 

Smith delivered another sermon on September 17, 1758, "on 
occasion of the remarkable successes of His Majesty's Arms in 
America," celebrating the reduction of Louisburg. His text. Exodus 
15:1. It was equally long and fiercely anti-Catholic.^^ 

Chaplain Eli Forbes, a former enlisted man of King George's 
War, served Massachusetts troops in Colonel Timothy Ruggles' 
regiment between March 13 and November 15, 1759. At the close 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


of the campaign, he and Chaplain John Brainard, brother of the 
famous missionaiy, David, "had four hundred invalids commited 
to their charge to march with them to Albany, and to serve both as 
chaplains and officers." ^^ This season of campaigning had wit- 
nessed Wolfe's capture of Quebec, and Amherst's steady drive 
garnering for the British Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point. To 
the west, Oswego and Fort Niagara, too, were captured. In a 
thanksgiving sermon for the victories, Forbes stated: 

God has given us to sing this day the downfall of New France, 
the North American Babylon, New England's rival .... We 
had to lament the fall of the valiant and good General Wolfe, 
whose death demands a tear from every British eye, a sigh from 
every Protestant heart .... He (General Amherst) transplants 
British liberty to where till now it was unknown. He acts the 
General, the Briton, the Conqueror, and the Christian. What 
fair hopes arise from the peaceful and undisturbed enjoyment 
of this good land, and the blessings of our gracious God with it? 
Methinks I see towns enlarged, settlements increased, and this 
howling wilderness become a fruitful field which the Lord hath 
blessed; and to complete the scene, I see churches rise and 
flourish in every Christian grace where has been the seat of 
Satan and Indian idolatry. ^- 

Chaplain Ashbel Woodbridge preached a sermon before the 
war to the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut in which 
he served warning to the Crown. 

Among the signal Favors that God bestowes upon Mankind, that 
of civil rulers, of the best Character, must be look'd upon as 
none of the least; . . . the People were not subjected to the civil 
Ruler, for the sake of Supporting, Honouring, and Aggrandiz- 
ing, their Prince; which nevertheless they owe to him; but the 
civil Ruler is constituted for the People, Viz: for their God; 
which might not be, an unprofitable consideration, for Kings 
and Princes. ^'^ 

Thoughts like this took seed, blossoming twenty-five years 
later into a well developed plant bearing the blooms of liberty. 

Daniel Shute, then a respected veteran, preached an Election 
Sermon to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company in 
Boston, June 1, 1767. Using Ecclesiastes 9:18 for his text, his 
outline is down to earth. 

I. That war is to be expected, in the present state of man- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


II. That to provide weapons for defense is necessary and 
fit. But, 
III. That wisdom is still a higher qualification for defense, and 
will answer the purpose better than weapons without it.^^ 

Not all sermons dealt with war or a Christian's view of gov- 
ernment, of course. Ebenezer Pemberton, one time chaplain at 
Castle William, preached a sermon at the ordination of David 
Brainard, which two centuries later is still worthy of careful con- 
sideration. He warns the young missionary to fear neither discour- 
agement nor failure, framing his work in the context of eternity. 

And for your encouragement, I will only add, When I consider 
the many prophecies, in sacred scripture, of the triumphant 
progress or the gospel in the last ages of the world, I cannot but 
lift up my head with joy in an humble expectation, that the day 
draws near, yea, is even at hand, when the promises made to the 
Son of God shall be more illustriously fulfilled: When he shall 
have the heathen for his inheritance, and the utmost ends of the 
earth for his possession; When his name shall be great among 
the gentiles, and be honoured and adored from the rising of the 
sun to the going down of the same. But if the appointed time is 
not yet come, and the attempts made to introduce this glorious 
day, fail of desired success, your judgment will be with the Lord, 
and your Reward with your God. If the gentiles be not gathered 
in; you will be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, who accepts and 
rewards his servants according to the sincerity of their desires, 
and not according to the success of their endeavors. ^^ 

In summary, during the period of the French and Indian War, 
there existed no formal chaplains organization, each clergyman 
having volunteered his services for a particular expedition or cam- 
paign under the regimental system; that is, militarily responsible to 
his regimental commander solely. While chaplains are known to 
have been plentiful in the northern and middle colonies, no rec- 
ords tell of chaplains in the southern colonies. It appears that the 
spiritual needs of the men from the south were met in part by 
civilians, such as Davies and Richardson, in their quasi chaplain 

In an age characterized by deep hued and bitter struggles 
between Roman Catholics and Protestants, and intra- Protestant 
hatreds, it is refreshing to learn of the chaplains' meetings for 
prayer, discussion, and fellowship in the 1758 campaign; they were 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


not separated by dogma but united by the points of commonality in 
their faith. As a poet has observed, 

"Years mature into fruit 

So that some small seeds of moments 

May outlive them." ^^ 


Chapter III 

' Lossing, op. CiL, 11, 273. 

" John C. Fitzpatrick (ed.) The Writirigs of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 
1745-1799. (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1932), 1, 152. 

^ Lossing, Op. Cit., 273. See Samuel Davies, Sermon preached on August 17, 1755. 

'* Samuel C. Williams, "An Account of The Presbyterian Mission To The Cherokees, 1757- 
1759," Tennessee Historical Magazine, Series II, 1, 125-126. 

5 Fitzpatrick, Op. CiL, I, 470. 

Ubid., 1, 498. 

'Ibid, 1, 498. 

^bid., 1, 505. 

^ Ibid., 1, 510. 

'"'Ibid., 11, 33, 56. 

''Ibid., 11, 178. 

'''Ibid., I, 473. 

'^Ibid., 11, 341. 

'Ubid., 11, 370. 

•* Williams, Op. Cit., 125. 

""Ibid., 129. 

'Ubid, 132. 

'^Ibid., 132. 

'^Ibid., 133. 

-"Ibid., 133. 

-'Ibid., 137. 

"Ibid., 136. 

"/ft^W., 135. 

-Ubid., 136. 

-^ John Fletcher, "Upon An Honest Man's Fortune." 

-® William Shakespeare, King Richard II, Act 111, Scene 2. 

-^ "An Account of The Captivity of Hugh Gibson," Collection of The Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Third Series, VI (1837), 144. 

'** Joseph Emerson, Sennon, "The Fear of God, An Antidote Against The Fear of Man." 

-* Charles W. Eliot, The Harvard Classics, Op. Cit. (The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin), 
1, 139. 

'''Ibid, 142. 

^' Benjamin Franklin, "Plan for Western Colonies," Old South Leaflets, Op. Cit., 6. 

^-Ibid, 6-7. 

^^ "Documents Relating To The Colonial Histoi^ of the State of New Jersey 1631-1687," 
Archives of The State of New Jersey, First Series, 1 (1880) (Newark: The Daily Journal Establishment, 
1880), 253. 

^* DanielJ. ^oorsim. The Americans: The Colonial Experiences (N.Y.: Vintage Books, 1958), 49. 

^^ Alfred Nevins, Men of Mark of Cumberland Valley, Pennsylvania, 1776-1876, "Rev. John 
Steel." (no pagination) 

^"J. G. Rose, "The Mercerburg Presbyterian Church — Its Early Histoi^, 1738-181 1," /w«7- 
tocktinny Historical Society, Pennsylvania, XI (1928-1929), 40. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Clarence M. Busch, Report of The Commission to Locate the Sites of The Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania, 
"Fort Steel" (Harrisburg, State Printer of Pa., 1896), 1, 553. 
^'Ibid., Busch, 550. 

^^ "Original Documents: The Journal of the Rev. John Graham," The Magazine of American 
History, VIll, Part I (N.Y.: A. S. Barnes and Company, 1882). 206. 
^^Ibid., 210. 
'"Ibid., 211-212. 
''Ibid., 207. 

'"'Ibid., 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212. 
"/t?^., 209, 210. 

'' George Bancroft, A History of the United States from the Discoi>ery of the American Continait 
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1852), IV, 299. 

■•* Nehemiah Cleaveland, 'The Journal of the Rev. John Cleaveland," Essex Institutes Historical 
Collection, XII; 

James Kimball, 'The Journal of the Rev. Daniel Shute, D.D., Chaplain To Canada in 1758," 
Ibid., 193. 

'"Ibid., Kimball, 137. 
''Ibid., 132-133. 
*« Cleaveland, Op. C/V., 192, 193. 
'^Ibid., 192. 

^"Ibid., Xlll, 54, 55, 62. 
^'Ibid., 55. 

^- "On Episcopacy," Collections of The Massachusetts Historical Society, Second Series (1814), 11, 
128-131, 197. 

On September 13. 1722, Daniel Brown wrote to the Rev. Mr. Andrew and the Rev. Mr. 
Wood bridge: 
Reverend Gentlemen: 

Having represented to you the difhculties which we labour under, in relation to our continuance 
out of the visible communion of an Episcopal church, and a state of seeming opposition thereto, 
either as private christians, or as officers, and so being insisted on by some of you (after our repeated 
declinings of it) that we should sum up our case in writing; we do (though with great reluctance 
fearing the consequences of it) submit to and comply with it: And signify to you that some of us doubt 
of the validity, and the rest are more fully persuaded of the invalidity of the Presbyterian ordination, 
in opposition to Episcopal: and should be heartily thankful to God and man, if we may receive from 
them satisfaction herein, and shall be willing to embrace your good counsels and instructions in 
relation to this important affair, as far as God shall direct and dispose us to it. 

A true copy of the original. \ Timothy Cutler, 

I John Hart, 

Testify, | Samuel Wittelsey, 

1 Jared Eliot. 

DANIEL BROWN. | James Wetmore, 

Samuel Johnson, 
Daniel Brown. 
October 2, 1722 found a letter addressed to the Reverend Dr. C. Mather by the Rev. Joseph 
Moss announcing that: 

... no less than five ordained ministers. . . . have declared before the trustees of the college, 
in the library, when many others also were present, that they were fully persuaded that only an 
Episcopal ordination was valid, and according to divine institution, and therefore in as much as their 
own ordination was by presbyters only, they esteemed it invalid: three of them said that not- 
withstanding, they should go on to administer sacraments, &c. as before, for a while waiting for 
further light; but if they could get no better light than now they had, thought that in time it would 
come to that pass with them that they should proceed no further to minister at the altar without a 
reordination by a bishop: two of them pretended to be conscience bound at present to cease all sacred 
administrations until they had further light, or an Episcopal ordination: .... and that they 
scrupled communion in sacred things with any other but the church of England: because of the 
invalidity of a Presbyterian ordination .... I have according to my mean ability, studied the 
scriptures upon this point many years past, and have been and now am, most fully satisfied in my own 
mind, that the truth is on our side, and that there is no difference between a bishop and a presbyter, 
jure divino, and that there is no such superiour order of church officers as the diocesan bishops are, 


by divine institution. But it is now a time with us, that we must put on our armour and fight, or else let 
the good old cause, for which our fathers came into this land, sink and be deserted. 

Rev. Mather in turn wrote to Rev. Joseph Webb saying candidly: "I apprehend the axe is hereby 
laid to the root of our civil and sacred enjoyments, and a doleful gap opened for trouble and 
confusion in our churches." 

By 1740 the issue of missionaries being sent to colonial towns by the Church of England's Society 
for the Propogation of the Gospel was brought to the forefront by the Rev. Dr. Seeker, the Bishop of 
Canterbui7. The Rev. Andrew Eliot, D.D., answered the Bishop's stated ojectives in terms that left no 
doubt that he was treading on the already sensitive toes of Congregationalists and Presbyterians. 
Quakers and Baptists, not being of the Reformed Traditions, however, fared no better with the 
author than with the Bishop. 

There were christian assemblies in every place in New-England, to which the Society sent a 
missionary, Rhode Island not excepted. Several places in New York, the Jersies, and Pennsyl- 
vania, which partook of this charity, were under the same happy circumstances. Nor were these 
assemblies only Quakers and Baptists, against which his lordship has particular exceptions, and 
which, for this and no other reason, I join together; but Presbyterian and Congregational 
assemblies, w.ell furnished with ministers, in which the sacraments of the gospel were regularly 
administered, and in which infants were not 'denied the sacraments of baptism.' 

" Cleaveland, Op. Cit., XII, 147, 187; XIII, 59. 

^*Ibid., XII, 99. 

*5 Kimball, O/?. Cit., 139, 158. 

=*" 4a3Cleaveland, Op. Cit., 98. 

^nbid., XII, 135, 136, 139, 140, 145, 148. 

^^Ibid., XIII, 55. 

^^Ibtd., XII, 186. 

«» Kimball, 0/7. Cit., 98, 141. 

«' Cleaveland, Op. Cit., 88-89. 

^^Ibid., 88. 

*^ Francis Parkman, France and England in North America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 
1897), 11, 323. 

^Ubid., 325. 

** Ibid., 324. John Cleaveland made the same observation. See Cleaveland, Op. Cit., XII, 17. 

*® Francis Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1910), 1, 303. 

^' Ibid., 304. 

*" Charles Francis Adams (ed.) The Works oj John Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 
1866), 11, 360. 

George W. Corner (ed.) The Autobiography of Benjamin Rush (Princeton: Princeton University 
Press, 1948), 264-265. 

** William Smith, "Number 11. An Earnest Address to the Colonies," Discourses on Public Occa- 
sions in America, Second Edition (London: Printed by G. Keith, 1762), 26. 

'^^Ibid., Title Page. 

^' Babson,0/?. Cit., 403. 

" Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, Op. Cit., 11, 392-393. 

^^ Ashbel Woodbridge, "A Sermon delivered before the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecti- 
cut. . .May 14, 1752," 1, 9. 

'^ Daniel Shute, "A Sermon preached to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company in 
Boston, June 1, 1767," 10. 

^* Ebenezer Pemberton, "A Sermon Preached at New-Ark, June 12, 1744, at the ordination of 
Mr. David Brainard, a missionary to the Indians." 

^* Rabindranath Tagore, "On Visiting Yale University." 


"Proclaim Liberty Throughout the Land" 

The War Begins, 1775 

An enormous bibliography is readily available dealing with 
causes precipitating the revolt of the American Colonies from the 
rest of the British Empire. For indeed it was an empire, visualized 
by the elder Pitts, won at the cost of massive expenditures of red 
blood and gold bullion, arranged by the Peace of Fontainebleau on 
November 5, 1762, and confirmed on February 10, 1763, at the 
Peace of Paris. From that day and for centuries to come, it would be 
said of Briton, as it had earlier been applied to both the Spanish 
and the Dutch, that the sun never sets on the British flag. But with a 
newly gained world to rule and an exchequer sunk in debt to the 
sum of 140,000,000 pounds, the crown needed to devise a system 
to administer its victory. Centralization of government became its 
key. This approach met with universal success except in North 
America. The English and the Americans were two peoples sharing 
a common ancestry, who over 168 years and three thousand miles 
requiring 8 to 12 weeks sea travel for communication, grew apart in 
every conceivable category and institution of life. Beyond the ir- 
ritating commercial and legislative enactments of Parliament, or 
newly enforced old regulations, lay the real origin of our Revolu- 
tion. Basically, the American colonies had come to age, complete 
with their ancient charters of government and legislative bodies, 
schools of higher learning, churches, commerce, potential for in- 
dustry, developing sources of raw materials, and confidence in 
their own military forces. Or, in the words of Thomas Jefferson: 
"We were now grown up and felt ourselves strong; we knew we 
were as free as they were." ^ The unbelievable ignorance of 
America and Americans, and its concomitant contempt, in England 
at all echelons of society boggles the mind. As late as 1765, Major 
Robert Rogers, hero of the Rangers who bore his name in the late 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 



war, wrote A Concise Account of North America, and in 1775 A Concise 
Historical Account of All the British Colonies in North- Am erica was 
printed for J. Ben in Pater Noster Row. These volumes deal with 
such basic colonial information as geographical locations, peoples, 
and animals: "their situation, extent, climate, soil, produce, rise, 
government, religion, present boundaries, and the number of 
inhabitants supposed to be in each." ^ This astonishing lack of 
knowledge of Americans permitted Lords Bute, Townsend, and 
Grenville to take steps logical to the British mind for centralizing 
control of the Empire, which to the American mind were utterly 
offensive and contradictory. 

How to interpret the events leading up to the War for Inde- 
pendence, how much weight to give one cause above another, or 
one set of happenings over others, has been debated for nearly two 
centuries in tons of paper and gallons of ink. Schools of interpreta- 
tion have risen, flourished, and declined, giving place to still newer 
schools. The reader, whose interest carries him to these intricate 
writings in historiography, is urged to read Esmond Wright's 
Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution, and Jack P. 
Greene's The Reinterpretation of The American Revolution, 1763-1789, 
for a review of authors, schools of thought, and the frames of 
reference from which they proceeded in their investigation. 

Germaine to this history is the theological aspect of the causes 
of the War for Independence, and their ramifications as seen by 
the people and churches from which came the chaplains of our 
Revolution Army. Sadly this portion of our history, of which a vast 
literature survives, has generally been neglected or secularized. It 
ought not to be so! Even in our own era. General MacArthur cut 
through the perplexing problems of contemporary life, with the 
judgment: "The problem basically is theological and involves a 
spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that 
will synchronize with our almost matchless advances in science, art, 
literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 
two thousand years. It must be of the spirit if we are to save the 
flesh." ^ Perhaps it was not less so in 1775. 

Writing to Mr. Niles on Februaiy 13, 1818, John Adams ex- 
pressed this thought in the following words: 

But what do we mean by the American Revolution? Do we mean 
the American War? The revolution was effected, before the war 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 81 

commenced. The revolution was in the minds and hearts of the 
people. A change in their religious sentiments, of their duties 
and obligations.^ 

William Gordon, who served as Chaplain to both houses of the 
Massachusetts Provincial Congress in 1775 and as a chaplain in the 
militia, published a four volume work in 1788 entitled The History of 
the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United 
States. Included is a record of a meeting's report made on January 
4, 1773 by the freeholders and other inhabitants of Petersham, 
Massachusetts. A long document, it preserves the attitude and 
flavor of the colonists interpreting legislation coming from Parlia- 
ment. Mr. Quihcy was asked to assist the town's people in drafting 
their resolves. He and another author — whose identity remains 
unknown — produced a statement showing politics heavily weighted 
with theological principle. Essentially it stated that "the present 
grievances and abominable oppressions" (enumerated at length) 
were "against the natural rights of man, and in open violation of 
the laws of God." And further, as they are "diametrically opposed 
to the establishment of Christianity in a society ... it is our duty to 
oppose such a government." ^ 

Although numerous political issues rallied the colonists to op- 
pose the crown, two of a distinctly theological nature ehcited their 
violent and vitriolic response: the Act of Episcopacy of 1772, and 
the Quebec Act, or Canada Bill, of 1774. The former was an 
endeavor to establish an Anglican bishop in the Colonies; the latter 
ceding the territory west of the Appalachian Mountains and north 
of the Ohio River to Canada, and establishing the Roman Catholic 
Church and French laws as the rehgious and legal systems of both 
conquered Canada and the former western lands of the colonies. 

Concerning the efforts of Dr. Thomas Seeker, Bishop of Ox- 
ford and Archbishop of Canterbury, to have an Anglican bishopric 
in America, John Adams wrote a lengthy review. Dated December 
2, 1815, he said: 

Where is the man to be found, at this day, when we see 
Methodistical Bishops, Bishops of the Church of England, and 
Bishops, Archbishops and Jesuits of the Church of Rome with 
indifference, who will believe, that the apprehension of episco- 
pacy contributed, fifty years ago, as much as any other cause to 
arouse the attention, not only of the inquiring mind, but of the 
common people, and urge them to close thinking on the con- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


stitutional authority of Parliament over the colonies? This, 
nevertheless was a fact as certain as any in the history of North- 

Elucidating, Adams continues his enumeration of fears this pros- 
pect conjured up in the minds of the large Dissenter population: "if 
Parliament can erect diocesses and appoint Bishops, they may 
introduce the whole hierarchy, establish tythes, forbid marriages 
and funerals, establish religion, forbid dissenters, make schism 
heresy, impose penalties extending to life and limb, as well as to 
liberty and property." After examining this intended legislation's 
effect on the colonies outside of New England, he states 
explicitedly concerning the passage of the Canada Bill, "The 
people said, if Parliament can do this for Canada, they can do the 
same in all the other colonies: and they began to see, and freely to 
say, that Parliament had no authority over them in any case what- 
soever." ^ 

Young James Madison writing on January 24, 1774, to William 
Bradford, Jr., minces no words concerning his fear of an estab- 
lished church and his desire for a pluralism of free denominations: 
"If the Church of England had been the established and general 
religion in all the northern colonies as it has been among us here, 
and uninterrupted tranquillity had prevailed throughout the con- 
tinent, it is clear to me that slavery and subjection might and would 
have been gradually insinuated among us." ^ 

On November 16, 1774, a pamphlet under the signature of 
A. W. Farmer was made public throughout the Colonies. Its author 
was the Reverend Samuel Seabury, Episcopal Rector at Westches- 
ter, New York. Seabury was soon to be a Loyalist chaplain in the 
King's American Regiment, and a very active chaplain indeed. 
Familiar with the terrain, he served as a guide to the Royal forces 
on Long Island, and in Westchester Country. He was a man of 
towering integrity, maintaining the respect of those whom he op- 
posed so forcefully. On November 14, 1784, he was consecrated 
"by the nonjuring Scottish prelates," becoming America's first Epis- 
copal bishop. His efforts under the pseudonym Farmer argued for 
Americans to seek redress for their supposed wrongs within the 
context of the existing government.^ 

A. W. Farmer's reasonings were ably and immediately an- 
swered by a seventeen year old student at King's College, Alexan- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 83 

der Hamilton. On December 15, 1774, his publication, A Full 
Vindication of The Measures of Congress, &c was printed warning his 
readers: "Remember civil and religious liberty always go together, 
if the foundation of the one be sapped, the other will fall of 
course." Turning his attention specifically to the Quebec Act, he 

The affair of Canada, if possible, is still worse. The English laws 
have been superceded by the French laws. The Romisri faith is 
made the established religion of the land, and his Majesty is 
placed at the head of it. The free exercise of the protestant faith 
depends upon the pleasure of the Governor and Council. . . . 
Does not your blood run cold, to think an English parliament 
should pass an act for the establishment of arbitrary power and 
popery in such an extensive country. . . . They may as well 
establish popery in New-York and the other colonies as they did 
in Canada. They have no more right to do it there than here. . . . 
Your lives, your property, your religion are all at stake. ^" 

The following June 15 and 22, 1775, Hamilton issued a two 
part series: "Remarks on the Quebec Bill." 

However justifiable this act may be in relation to the province of 
Quebec with its ancient limits, it cannot be defended by the least 
plausible pretext, when it is considered as annexing such a 
boundless extent of new territory to the old. . . . This act 
develops the dark designs of the ministry more fully than any 
thing they have done; and shows, that they have formed a 
systematic project of absolute power. The present policy of it is 
evidently this. . . . The preeminent advantages secure to the 
Roman catholic religion will discourage all protestant soldiers of 
whatsoever nation: And on these accounts the province will be 
settled and inhabited by none, but papists. If lenity and modera- 
tion are observed in administering the laws, the natural advan- 
tages of this fertile infant country, united to the indulgence 
given to their religion, will attract droves of emigrants, from all 
the Roman catholic states in Europe; and these colonies, in time, 
will find themselves encompassed with innumerous hosts of 
neighbours, disaffected to them, both because of difference in 
religion and government. How dangerous their situation would 
be, let every man of common sense judge. What can speak in 
plainer language, the corruption of the British Parliament, than 
its act; which . . . makes such ample provision for the popish 
religion, and leaves the protestant, in such dependent disadvan- 
tageous situation that he (the King) is like to have no other 
subjects, in this part of his domain, than Roman catholics. ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


The distinction made by most Dissenters was not very clear 
between the Anglican and Roman Churches — historically this gave 
rise to the Puritan movement, — and the dual problems of Anglican 
bishops and the Quebec Act stimulated fears usually not very 
dormant at best. Traditional stories of ancient persecution found in 
families sprang anew to life. The contemporary attitude was that 
the admission of an Anglican bishop to the Colonies was simply an 
open door to Rome's appearance. Nor were the Protestant scalps by 
the hundreds hanging outside of the mission at St. Francis in the 
last war, and French-Indian raiding parties led by priests such as 
Picquet, Bigot, and Thury easily extinguished from recent mem- 
ory.^" England's policy in the American Colonies could not have 
struck nerves more sensitive than these two pieces of legislation 
touched. "To some Americans, 'No Bishop' was hardly less impor- 
tant than 'no taxation without representation'," concludes John C. 
Miller in his monumental Origins of The American Revolutions^ 

In the southern colonies where the Anglican Church was estab- 
lished, there was small enthusiasm for a bishop's presence. Con- 
gregations were ruled by the laymen of the vestries whose power 
would be sharply curtailed were a mitred head to appear on the 

Universally proclaimed was the concept that neither religious 
liberty nor civil liberty could exist without the other, and an attack 
on one was an attack on the other. This theme was stated over and 
again in the Election Sermons, preached annually in Massachusetts 
beginning in 1634 and in Connecticut since 1674. Noteworthy, the 
Rev. John Witherspoon said in a sermon preached at Princeton on 
May 17, 1776 — in less than six weeks he would sign the Declaration 
of Independence — "God grant that in America true religion and 
civil liberty may be inseparable." ^'^ 

"The most powerful social institution in eighteenth-century 
America was the church, and it, of all, could be the most effective in 
dissemination of propaganda." ^^ This judgment by Philip David- 
son assists our study of the influence and status of the churches 
from which clergymen came to supply the chaplaincy and soldiers 
for the army. He refers to there being "approximately thirty-two 
hundred churches of eighteen denominations," actually accounting 
for some 3228 congregations. "Congregational, 668, Presbyterian, 
588, Anglican, 495, Baptist, 494, Quaker, 310, German Reformed, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 85 

159, Lutheran, 150, Dutch Reformed, 120, Methodist, 65, Cath- 
olic, 56, Moravian, 31, Congregational-Separatist, 27, Dunker, 24, 
Mennonite, 16, French Protestant, 7, Sandemanian, 6, Jewish, 5, 
Rogerene (Baptist), 3." ^® The Congregational and Presbyterian 
churches were nearly 100 percent for revolution, while Catholics 
supphed personnel to each side during the years of struggle. Two 
separate Loyalist units were composed of Roman Catholics, as well 
as many Revolutionary heroes, such as John Barry. ^'' Methodists, 
small in number, largely remained neutral or faithful to the 
Crown; confusion arose from the contradictory writings of John 
Wesley. In 1770, Wesley had printed a pro- American article, 'Tree 
Thoughts on the Present State of Public Affairs." Five years later 
his "A Calm Address to our American Colonies" brought abuse on 
his head for being a turncoat, and sheer confusion among his 
spiritual followers because of its strong pro-Crown, anti-American 
stance. ^^ The small number of Jewish citizens in the colonies stoutly 
supported the Revolution, Haym Soloman heavily financing the 
Revolutionary government, and Colonel David Franks serving on 
Benedict Arnold's staff. Lutherans held sympathies in both camps. 
German in background, many felt a loyalty to George III, not so 
much as the British King but as the Elector of Hanover, while at the 
same time the son of the "Father of American Lutheranism" — 
Henry Melchior Muhlenburg — served as a general in the Conti- 
nental army. Members of the Dutch and German Reformed 
Churches, opposed to the extension of the Anglican Church, fol- 
lowed a divided path; some remained neutral as their interests 
dictated, but others actively aided the American cause. 

The Baptists deserve special attention because of their unique 
contribution at this troublous period which affected the future of 
American life. With congregations drawn from people of the lower 
social classes, they were roundly and historically persecuted in the 
northern colonies by the established Congregationalists, and in 
the southern colonies by the established Anglican Church. It was in 
the more tolerant middle colonies only that they found civic peace, 
the Philadelphia Baptist Association growing steadily in numbers 
and influence. Baptists were no friends of Rome, nor could the 
thought of an Anglican bishop in America be greeted with special 
joy. Were not their clergymen imprisoned in the south for preach- 
ing the Gospel, and the Rev. John Waller carrying scars to his grave 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


from a beating by a sheriff? On the other hand, the Congregational 
north was no better to them. Prior to 1738 they and others had to 
support financially the established Congregational pastors in their 
respective towns, and after that time exemption could be obtained 
only after humiliating legal procedures had been accomplished, 
and this for each individual person's case. In Virginia, the large 
and weighty body of Presbyterians defended their own rights, and 
sympathetically aided the Baptist outlaws. ^^ At the time the First 
Continental Congress was in session, several Baptist leaders ar- 
ranged a meeting — it lasted for hours — with delegates from 
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Massachusetts on October 14, 1774, 
to discuss religious liberty. Representing Massachusetts were 
Samuel Adams, Robert Treat Paine — a chaplain veteran of the 
French and Indian War and later a signatory of the Declaration of 
Independence — and Thomas Cushing. President James Manning 
of Rhode Island College, a Baptist institution, read to them a paper 
on behalf of his co-religionists, urging that they be offered the 
same freedoms which the Congregationalists and others were so 
vociferously demanding from the Crown. It was less than a subtle 
argument, and in the words of a Baptist scholar, "it was not re- 
ceived with sympathy" by the men from Massachusetts.^^ While the 
Quakers, equally maltreated, remained silent, the Baptists strug- 
gled on. Men such as Isaac Backus, James Manning, Samuel 
Stillman and Hezekiah Smith, who would serve well and famously 
as a Revolutionary chaplain, were not seeking toleration but total 
religious freedom. Ultimately theirs and others' efforts succeeded: 
in 1796 the Episcopal Church was disestablished in Virginia, and 
the Congregational Churches in New England in 1833; America 
had gained a thorough separation of church and state. Speaking of 
this Baptist bid for liberty channeled through service in the Revolu- 
tion, Robert G. Torbet states: 

The efforts put forth by Baptists in behalf of religious freedom, 
during and after the American Revolution, contributed greatly 
not only to the ultimate achievement of the goals, but also to 
their popularity. Indeed, the Revolution provided them with a 
unique opportunity. They had little to lose and much to gain. 
Like Congregationalists and Presbyterians, they were bound by 
no ties of loyalty to a state church in England. Their participa- 
tion in the War of Independence was therefore a contribution to 
the cause of religious liberty."^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 87 

Each new act by the Crown brought a thunderous response 
from American churches and churchmen. Ministers opened their 
homes for spinning bees, urging the ladies of their communities to 
recover American civic rights by bringing Briton economically to 
heel. Not least among these entrepreneurs was old-soldier John 
Cleveland, soon to be a chaplain again. Clergymen supported the 
Solemn League and Covenant of 1774, organized Committees of 
Correspondence, recruited, and at each provocation, rent the air 
with fierce sermons. ^^ The Boston Massacre stimulated Rev. John 
Latrop's roaring denunciations from Genesis 4:10, "The voice of 
thy brother's blood cryeth unto me from the ground," and at 
Tredyffryn, Pennsylvania, Rev. David Jones preached to Colonel 
Dewee's Regiment on July 20, 1775 an unequivocal sermon enti- 
tled: "Defensive War in a Just Cause Sinless." ^^ Hundreds of 
sermons like these are extant, and had the Crown been attentive, it 
would have understood the signs of the times. Nor did the clergy 
limit themselves to passive resistance and passionate words. Besides 
the famous "tea party" in Boston, another was held in Greenwich, 
New Jersey, on Friday, December 23, 1774. Leaders in burning the 
cargo from the Greyhound were Andrew Hunter and Philip Fithian, 
theological students. Fithian, soon to serve with the New Jersey 
militia in the Flying Camp at New York records innocently in his 

Last night the Tea was, by a number of persons in disguise taken 
out of the House &: consumed with fire. Violent, Sc different are 
the words about this uncommon Maneuver, among the 
Inhabitants — some rave, some curse & condemn, some try to 
reason, many are glad the Tea is destroyed, but almost all 
disapprove the Manner of the destruction — .'-^ 

Few events portray the immense influence of churches and 
religious sentiment during this pre-Revolutionary era than the fact 
that Thomas Jefferson and others recognized their need to exploit 
it. News of the Boston Port Act arrived in Williamsburg in May, 
1774. More disastrous to the young political lions than the actual 
closing of Boston to commerce was the lethargy with which the 
news was received by the people of the Old Dominion. Indifference 
was a knotty problem which needed immediate untangling. Jeffer- 
son's own candid account from his Autobiography is illuminating. 

The lead in the house on these subjects being no longer left to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the old members, Mr. Henry, R. H. Lee, Fr. L. Lee, 3. or 4. other 
members, whom I do not recollect, and myself, agreeing that we 
must boldly take an unequivocal stand m the line with Mas- 
sachusetts, determined to meet and consult on the proper mea- 
sures in the council chamber, for the benefit of the library in that 
room. We were under conviction of the necessity of arousing 
our people from the lethargy into which they had fallen as to 
passing events; and thought that the appointment of a day of 
general fasting and prayer would be most likely to call up and 
alarm their attention. No example of such a solemnity had 
existed since the days of our distresses in the war of 55. since 
which a new generation had grown up. With the help therefore 
of Rushworth, whom we rummaged over for the revolutionary 
precedents and forms of the Puritans of that day, preserved by 
nim, we cooked up -a resolution, somewhat modernizing their 
phrases, for appointing the 1st day of June, on which the Port 
bill was to commence, for a day of fasting, humiliation and 
prayer, to implore heaven to avert from us the evils of civil war, 
to inspire us with firmness in stipport of our rights, and to turn 
the hearts of the King and parliament to moderation and justice. 
To give greater emphasis to our proposition, we agreed to wait 
the next morning on Mr. Nicholas, whose grave and religious 
character was more in unison with the tone of our resolution 
and to solicit him to move it. We accordingly went to him in the 
morning. He moved it the same day; the 1st of June was pro- 
posed and it passed without opposition. ^^ 

Tuesday, May 24, 1774 was the date of this action in the House 
of Burgesses. The resolution, being couched in the style and lan- 
guage of the English Puritans of the seventeenth century, was quite 
a concession for the decendents of cavaliers and indicative of their 
desperate straits. But then as now political expedience knows few 
limitations. Governor Dunmore upon receipt of this action hastily 
dissolved Virginia's House of Burgesses, perhaps the worst but 
only alternative he could have selected. His dilemma is obvious 
when the resolution's contents are carefully scrutinized. 

This House being deeply impressed with Apprehension of the 
great Dangers to be derived to British America, from the hostile 
Invasion of the City of Boston, in our Sister Colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, whose Commerce and Harbour are on the 1st 
Day of June next to be stopped by an armed Force, deem it 
highly necessary that the said first Day of June be set apart by 
the Members of this House as a Day of Fasting, Humiliation, and 
Prayer, devoutly to implore the divine Interposition for averting 
the heavy Calamity, which threatens Destruction to our civil 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 89 

Rights, and the Evils of civil War; to give us one Heart and one 
Mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper Means, every 
Injury to American Rights, and that the Minds of his Majesty 
and his Parliament may be inspired from above with Wisdom, 
Moderation, and Justice, to remove from the loyal People of 
America all Cause of Danger from a continued Pursuit of Meas- 
ures pregnant with their Ruin. 

Ordered, therefore, that the Members of this House do attend 
in their Places at the Hour often in the Forenoon, on the said 1st 
Day of June next, in Order to proceed with the Speaker and the 
Mace to the Church in this City for the Purposes aforesaid; and 
that the Reverend Mr. Price be appointed to read Prayers, and 
the Reverend Mr. Gwatkin to preach a Sermon suitable to the 
Occasion. ^^ 

Nearly a year passed, with relations between the mother coun- 
try and the colonies steadily deteriorating: an armed clash then 
occurred and any hopes for continuing peace evaporated rapidly. 
Mihtiamen, who had assembled during the night, formed a line 
across Lexington Green. Approaching was a column of 700 British 
troops enroute to Concord to confiscate an American supply of gun 
powder. The order by Major Pitcairn to disperse was ignored, shots 
were fired, and casualties sustained. The date, April 19, 1775. 
Present at that initial action was the Rev. Benjamin Balch of Dan- 
vers, Massachusetts, serving as a Lieutenant in an Alarm Company 
commanded by a Deacon, Captain Edmund Putnam. Following the 
Battle of Lexington Balch volunteered to be the Chaplain to Colo- 
nel Ephraim Doolittle's Regiment. Discharged in 1778, he appears 
next as Chaplain aboard the f^rigsite Boston — the first chaplain in the 
fledgling American Navy.^^ 

By the time the short march to Concord was completed, the 
British were met face to face by American militia units from 
neighboring communities. Separated by a small river, Musketaquid 
or Concord, a tense moment in history had arrived while neither 
force effected any action. Above the motionless units on the 
American side fluttered the Bedford flag, the only minute-man flag 
present on that fateful day. Carried by Cornet Nathaniel Page, its 
embroidered motto told the tale, Vince ant Morire — Conquer or Die. 
Then was "fired the shot heard 'round the world," a battle ensued, 
the British retreated, and a running fight all along their return to 
Charlestown followed. ^^ Casualties mounted, and American 
morale soared. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Attending to the spiritual needs of their now fighting congre- 
gations were a number of pastors. The first person to arrive in 
response to the call of impending battle was the pastor of Concord, 
the Reverend William Emerson. On guard in the village that night 
was Amos Melven. Learning from Dr. Samuel Prescott, Revere's 
and Dawes' companion, that the British were afoot, he sounded the 
alarm. So deeply impressive was Emerson's hasty appearance at the 
church bell's ringing, that Melven commemorated the gallant par- 
son's patriotic appearance by naming two of his sons in his honor, 
"one, William, and the other Emerson." ^^ It is not surprising that 
Emerson reported immediately, although the manse was some 
distance from the meeting place. He was of that family whose men 
served as chaplains in war after war, and his mother, Mary, was the 
daughter of fierce old Samuel Moody of York, Maine, chaplain in 
Queen Anne's War and King George's War. Here was a man whose 
family traditions, religious and patriotic, could not be denied. 
While campaigning he will die in the service of God and America, 
and will rest in a place distant from his home, awaiting the Resur- 
rection. We honor him as our first American chaplain in the Rev- 
olution. William was reared in a pastor's home marked by love, 
piety, scholarship, and poverty. His father longed for him not to 
waste his "precious time" apart from his books, but his mother, a 
true daughter of Moody the frontier preacher and chaplain, saw 
that he had time for physical development and recreation. Religion 
was genuine and pervasive. Prior to William's birth the family 
home was destroyed by fire. As the flames devoured their belong- 
ings, the pastor and his young wife, holding their first baby, Han- 
nah, in her arms, sang the hymn "There is a House Not Made With 
Hands." Calamity could not defeat people with this type of faith in 
a personal God! ^^ 

Graduating from Harvard in 1761, Emerson married Phebe, a 
daughter of his predecessor, the late pastor of Concord. Here he 
had been called by both the church and town to be their pastor in 
1765. Two of his four brothers-in-law served in the American 
forces, two others served under the standard of George HI. 

William Emerson was a patriot long before April 19. He served 
as chaplain to the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774, 
and was heavily involved in the activities of a Committee of Safety. 
On January 31, 1775, his diary records "much time spent in Mili- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 91 

tary Maneuvres." ^^ And on March 13, he preached at "a general 
Review of Arms in Concord" from the text, II Chronicles 13:12: 
"Behold God himself is with us for our Captain and his priests with 
sounding trumpets to cry alarm against you." ^^ He warned his 
soldiers to trust in God, to be faithful in duties, to obey military 
commands promptly, to train diligently. He calls their attention to 
their duty to their ancestory and posterity, a most common concern 
and appeal in that day: "let us not be more unkind to the genera- 
tions yet to be born than our fathers were to us, lest in time to come 
they rise up and call us cursed." He continues: 

Yes, to tell you the truth, if I thought you could possibly be 
innocent and stand unconvicted in the eye of Heaven, if you 
dropped your weapons and submitted to the late Bill for the 
alteration of the Constitution, I would immediately change my 
voice and preach to you the long-exploded doctrine of Non- 
resistance. But as an honest man and as a minister of Jesus 
Christ, as a servant of Heaven, I dare not do it. As a friend to 
righteousness, as a priest of the Lord who is under the Gospel 
Dispensation, I must say — The Priests blow the trumpets in 
Zion — stand fast — take the Helmet, Shield and Buckler and put 
on the Brigandine! 

Arise! my injured countrymen! and plead even with the sword, 
the firelock and the bayonet, plead with your arms the birthright 
of Englishmen, the dearly purchased legacy left you by your 
never-to-be-forgotten Ancestors. And, if God does not help, it 
will be because your Sins testify against you: otherwise you may 
be assured. But ... let every single step taken in this most 
intricate affair be upon the defensive. God forbid that we should 
give our enemies the opportunity of saying justly that we have 
brought a civil war upon ourselves by the smallest offensive 
action. ^^ 

When the battle lines formed, fears ate deep in the very 
human soldiers. Chaplain Emerson, firelock in hand, walked along 
the "front" strengthening these first American infantrymen. For 
years after the war, one old veteran was not ashamed to relate how 
terrifying those moments of waiting were, and his own gnawing 
anxieties; fears known to every combat soldier. Neither was he 
ashamed to recall that Chaplain Emerson — his chaplain — put his 
hand on his shoulder, saying, "Don't be afraid, Harry; God is on 
our side." And with that gesture and word, he tells, he felt calm.^^ 

Several days after the Battle of Concord, Chaplain Emerson 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


noted in his journal, that he "attended prayers at the Meeting- 
house with seven hundred soldiers from the frontier towns." ^^ 

Emerson had alongside of him at Concord, Rev. Joseph Thax- 
ter, armed with his brace of pistols, who after the battle ate lunch 
with him at the Manse. Present, also, was a twenty-three year old 
theological student from Reading, Edmund Foster, who had to 
borrow a gun before accompanying Captain Brooks to the action. 
Coming from Wakefield was the Rev. Caleb Prentiss, and from 
Wilmington, old Chaplain Isaac Morrill of the French and Indian 
War. Enroute he rested at Rev. Joseph Penniman's manse in Bed- 
ford. Shocked to see his host still there, the old veteran, armed and 
looking for a fight, exploded, "Why are you here on such a Day!" 
"Oh," pleaded Parson Penniman, "I can't go." "Yes you can. Seize 
your gun. Ride on with me." "Oh, I can't," he protested much to 
Morrill's chagrin. "You go and fight. I will stay and pray." His inane 
prayer is recorded, "We beseech Thee to send the British soldiers 
where they will do some good; for Thou knowest, O Lord, that we 
have no use for them about here." ^^ 

Perhaps the appearance of the Reverend Doctor Phillips 
Payson of Chelsea pleasantly surprised both clergy and laymen 
alike in this embryonic army. At thirty-nine years of age, he was 
openly friendly to the Royal government. ^^ So much so that he was 
condemned by several of his demonstratively patriotic ministerial 
friends, to the extent that at least one. Rev. Treadwell, refused to 
have him exchange pulpits with him as was customarily done. 
Payson witnessed the destruction done to his countrymen at 
Lexington, and instantly became enthused to drive the Redcoats 
from the land. An account in the August 2 edition of the Pennsyl- 
vania Journal relates: 

The Rev. Mr. Payson, of Chelsea, in Massachusetts Bay, a mild, 
thoughtful, sensible man, at the head of a party of his own 
parish, attacked a party of regulars, killed some and took the 
rest prisoners. This gentleman has been hitherto on the side of 
government, but oppression having got to that pitch beyond 
which even a wise man cannot bear, he has taken up arms in 
defense of those rights, civil and religious, which cost their 
forefathers so dearly .^^ 

Rev. Payson led the charge, musket in hand, but the honor was 
not his alone. Helping him plan and organize this independent 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 93 

operation on the retreating British was his friend, the Rev. Edward 
Brooks of Medford.^^ 

Following the high passions and heat of the battle, a chaplain's 
duty is not finished; largely it has just begun. Casualties were heavy 
on each side. Among the mortally injured was Lieutenant Edward 
Hall of the 43d Regiment. Wounded at North Bridge, he was 
captured on the retreat. Before his interment in Charlestown on 
May 4, he was to suffer much. Ministering to the wounded, Rev. 
David McClure found him and an American casualty in the same 
room. As a man of God, his duty was equally to them both. Actually 
Hall was dying, having taken three musket balls. Moreover, he was 
destitute of clothing excepting blood drenched breeches and stock- 
ings, and items given him in charity by his captors. He told Rev. 
McClure that he was stripped of his coat, vest, and shirt by British 
soldiers and by Americans of his shoes and buckles. He knew he 
was dying, and would never more see his native Scotland or his 
family again. The pastor recorded in his diaiy: "I conversed with 
him a short time on the prospect of death, and a preparation for 
that solemn scene; to which he appeared to pay serious atten- 
tion." ^" Later Rev. McClure notes: "Saw three regulars in beds in a 
house in Cambridge; one of them mortally wounded. Conversed 
with them on their melancholy situation. One of them refused to 
answer, and cast me a revengeful look. Perhaps he was a papist, 
and his priest has pardoned his sins." ^^ 

Before continuing the enfolding and momentus events about 
to transpire at Boston and in Canada, it is well to pause and note 
from Chaplain Emerson several matters of lasting importance, 
problems faced and patterns formulated. Following Concord, 
Emerson served the newly formed army at Boston's siege line and 
elsewhere while remaining the pastor at Concord. With the war's 
enlargement, obviously, this arrangement could not continue. His 
diary entry for August 4, 1776, relates that he sought leave from 
both the church and town of Concord to "go as a Chaplain into the 
Continental Army, they to supply the pulpit." ^^ An affirmative 
vote was given, and he left to join his men on a campaign. Arriving 
at camp, he wrote home, "I was more than paid for all ye Fatigue of 
ye Journey by receiving ye most sincere and cordial Congratula- 
tions of Colo. Reed Sc ye rest of our Friends in ye Regiment, 
particularly Capt. Miles of Concord 8c his Company. I wish I may 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


answer their Expectations Sc be as useful as I hope I desire to be." ^^ 
In a day and theological environment when ecclesiastical endorse- 
ment in any denominational sense was not considered, he and 
other pastors entered the chaplaincy with the approval of their 
congregations. Early records abound of churches giving their leave 
and blessings to their pastors departing for duty as chaplains.'*^ It 
must be observed that it was quite normal for a young minister to 
receive a call from a congregation, and remain there throughout 
his entire life time. Endorsement, then, was a by-product of the 
local church permitting their pastor to go on an extended leave of 
absence rather than affirming to military authorities that he was a 
clergyman in good standing. We must wait until the War with Spain 
to see that type of endorsement procedure operative among Epis- 
copalians, and for the twentieth century to witness it become uni- 
versally applied. Later during the Revolution, however, there will 
appear, though for a vastly different reason, a letter representing 
genuine denominational endorsement, and this by Lutherans. 

Early during Chaplain Emerson's service in the Continental 
Army, he longed to be shed of the standard black clerical garb 
worn by civilian pastors, and chaplains in lieu of a uniform, and be 
attired more in keeping with his fellow soldiers. Edward Waldo 
Emerson wrote of this: 

We can see the picture. The Chaplain, still young, vigorous and 
hopeful, riding away from the Manse on the captured 'sorrel 
horse' which the Provincial Congress had granted him to use, 
with valise and saddle-bags behind him. He is dressed in a long 
black coat of which he laughingly complains to his wife in a later 
letter that he shall be ashamed among the Military gentlemen, 
and begs her to turn his blue one, shorten its skirts, and face it 
with black. He perhaps wears a plain cocked-hat, and possibly a 
sword, for it is mentioned in the appraisal of his effects. ^^ 

Uniforms for chaplains were to become a matter of frequently 
changing regulations throughout the nineteenth century, and it 
will not be until the dawn of the twentieth century that this point 
was ultimately settled. Reminiscent of Chaplain Emerson's request 
to his wife, chaplains currently wear on formal occasions in winter 
the Army Dress Mess Jacquet, blue with black facings; the latter 
color depicting their branch of service. Throughout the Revolu- 
tion, however, chaplains, although officers without rank, had no 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 95 

specified uniform. Usually they wore, as in earlier campaigns in 
America, the standard civilian dress worn by the clergy which, of 
course, was quite distinctive, and in a way, was a uniform in itself. 

Far more basic and important was the approach American 
pastors, chaplains, and their congregations took to the problem of 
war, and their role in that habitual plague of mankind. Through- 
out the long history of Christianity, three major stances on this 
dreadful subject have prevailed: the crusader, the pacifist, and the 
combatant who participates in war as a grim reality and sad neces- 
sity of life while wishing wholeheartedly for "peace, good will 
toward men." '^^ Throughout the four wars with France in which 
colonial America participated, and numerous Indian expeditions, 
existing records indicate many, if not most of the chaplains, went to 
war though longing for peace and the quiet life of their homes, 
churches, and communities. Several were patently crusaders at 
heart. And there were pacifists to be found — not chaplains, 
obviously — but clergymen, and the Quakers representing the 
larger and better known denomination taking this position. The 
issue of the morality of war was certainly not ignored, but faced. 
Universally in this era, chaplains bore arms, both fire arms and 
edge weapons, and on occasion used them as we have already seen. 
Apparently neither they nor their military and civilian congrega- 
tions felt this was outside of the chaplain's role, nor a violation of 
his holy office. Additionally by their sermons and examples they 
were not reluctant to do all in their power to enhance a unit's 
combat power through fostering high morale and esprit de corps. 
As symbolized in Emerson, we find in the Revolution chaplains who 
were inheritors of a long tradition in America's wars, going to camp 
and campaign armed and dedicated to using their spiritual and 
moral resources without the trace of apology, to insure victory for 
their cause. Emerson "also speaks of General Gates, who invited 
him to sup on venison at Head Quarters, gave him a frank and 
friendly reception, and though not professing himself to have 
much Religion, said he looked upon a Chaplain as a very much 
necessary officer in the Army. . . ." ^^ 

An illness which proved to be fatal caused Chaplain Emerson 
to leave camp. Traveling as far as Rutland, Vermont on his journey 
home, he was too weak to go farther, and was graciously cared for 
by the village pastor, Rev, Benajah Root. Knowing that his death 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


was all but sure, Chaplain Emerson wrote to his soon to be widow, 
mother of four small children. Their seven year old son, Billy, 
became the father of America's famous essayist and poet, Ralph 
Waldo Emerson. The chaplain's letter home, written from his 
death bed on September 23, 1776, is instructive of his theological 
and spiritual outlook, showing us how an early chaplain prepared 
to die. 

Dear Mrs. Emerson: — I am now on my way homeward but 
whether I ever shall reach there is very uncertain. May God give 
us such a humble acquiescence to his sovereign Will as will bring 
Honor to God, and Comfort to our own Souls. I desire to leave 
You &: our dear little Ones, to a kind 8c gracious Providence. My 
dear, strive for Patience, let not a murmuring Tho't, 8c sure not 
a murmuring Word drop from your Lips. Pray against 
Anxiety. — don't distrust God's making Provision for You. He 
will take Care of You &: by Ways You could not think of. — I 
desire to leave you in ye Hands of a Covenant keeping God, 8c 
leave ye Matter with him who does all Things well. 
May ye God of ye Fathers be your God 8c yr dear little Ones, 
whom I would recommend to him, 8c rest your affectionate 


Reverend Root, writing "to the Church and people of God in 
Concord" told of Chaplain Emerson's death and burial. 

He has often expressed his sense of your endearing kindness to 
him and how he wanted an opportunity to acknowledge it, and, 
if God should give him opportunity, how he would show his 
gratitude by exerting himself vigorously for your good. . . .His 
Disorder was very afflicting, long and tedious, yet he appeared 
through the whole of his sickness the most unexampled instance 
of patience I ever saw. He always appeared to be possessed of 
the greatest calmness, serenity &: composure of mind, never 
appeared to be in the least surprised at the near views of Death, 
but met the King of Terrors with the greatest Composure. . . .He 
was decently interred at this place with the honours of way by a 
detachment from Colonel Vandyke's Regt. commanded by 
Major Shippen.^^ 

It is appropriate to ask why the chaplains and the men of their 
units went to war. Few men volunteer for high flown civic and 
religious reasons, no matter how valid these may be. Men have 
their private agenda, their motivations, as anyone familiar with 
soldiers knows full well. Some seek the transient vapor called glory. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 97 

Others are pulled along by the herd instinct, a few to escape prob- 
lems at home, while still others are moved by psychological factors 
not always known to themselves. The testimonies of Captain Pres- 
ton and Chaplain Fithian shed light on this question. 

Captain Levi Preston, a veteran of the Battle of Concord, was 
interviewed in his great age by Judge Mellon Chamberlain of 
Chelsea. The purpose of the meeting was to determine why a man 
left home to stand up to the world's strongest empire, risking life, 
limb, property, and honor. The Judge gleaned from this interview 
the distinct impression "that their religious liberties were indissolu- 
bly connected with their civil liberties, and therefore, that it was a 
religious duty to resist aggressions on their civil rights; that a man 
could not be a good Christian who was not a true patriot." ^^ The 
interview proceeded as follows: 

"Capt. Preston, what made you go to the Concord fight?" 
The old man, bowed with the weight of four-score years and ten, 
raised himself upright, and turning to me, said, "What did I go 

"Yes," I replied, "My histories all tell me you men of the Revolu- 
tion took up arms against intolerable oppression. What was it?" 
"Oppression, I didn't feel any that I know of." 
"Were you not oppressed by the Stamp Act?" 
"I never saw any stamps and I always understood that none were 
ever sold." 

"Well, what about the tea tax?" 

"Tea tax, I never drank a drop of the stuff, the boys threw it all 

"But I suppose you have been reading Harrington, Sidney and 
Locke about the eternal principle of liberty?" 
"I never heard of these men. The only books we had were the 
Bible, the Catechism, Watts' psalms and hymns and the al- 

"Well, then, what was the matter?" 

"Young man, what we meant in fighting the British was this: We 
always had been free and we meant to be free always!" ^^ 

Far to the southwest on the frontier linking Pennsylvania and 
Virginia, Philip Fithian recorded in his journal under the date of 
Thursday, June 1, 1775, his view of America, and his responses. 

O America! with Reverence I look forward, 8c view thee in 
distinguished Majesty. It is not rash to assert, without the Aid of 
Prophecy, that thy Commerce, &: Wealth, 8c Power, are Yet to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


rule the Globe! I entered upon learning the Prussian Manual, 
Shame to have begun so late.^" 

His dream led him to the Revolutionary Army, and to his 
death at Fort Washington, New York. 


Chapter IV 

'Julian P. Boyd (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 
1950-1972), VI, 60. 

- Robert Rogers, A Concise Account of North America (London: Printed for the author, 1765), 
Title Page. 

^ Douglas MacArthur, Rem^iniscences (N. ¥.: MacGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), 276. 

■* Jedediah Morse, Annals of The American Reiiolution (Port Washington, N. Y.: 1824. Reissued, 
Port Washington, N. Y.: Kennikat Press, 1968), 217. 

^ William Gordon, History of The Rise, Progress, and Establishment of The Independence of The 
United States of America (N. Y.: John Ward, 1801), 1, 209-212. 
The resolutions of the Petersham document state: 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that a despotic, arbitrary government, is the 
kingdom of this world, as set forth in the New-Testament, and is diametrically opposite to the 
establishment of Christianity in a society, and has a direct tendency to sink a people into a profound 
state of ignorance and irreligion; and that, if we have an eye to our own and posterity's happiness 
(not only in this world, but the world to come) it is our duty to oppose such a government: . . . 

Therefore resolved, That it is the first and highest social duty of this people, to consider of, and 
seek ways and means, for a speedy redress of these mighty grievances and intolerable wrongs; and 
that for the obtaining of this end, this people are warranted, by the laws of God and nature, in the use 
of every rightful art and energy of policy, stratagem and force. . . . 

We believe that there are very many, who in these days have kept their integrity and garments 
unspotted, and hope that God will deliver them and our nation for their sake. God will not suffer this 
land where the gospel hath flourished, to become a slave of the world; he will stir up witnesses of the 
truth; and in his own time, spirit his people to stand up for his cause, and deliver them. 

"Morse, Op. Cit., 197-198. 

'Ibid., 198. 

« Gaillard Hunt (ed.). The Writings of Madison (N. Y.: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900), I, 19. 

^Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., VI 1, 529. 

'" Harold C. Syrett (ed.). The Papers of Alexander Hamilton (N. Y.: Columbia University Press, 
1961), 1, 68-69. 

For a detailed study of the Quebec Act's influence on Protestant Americans, see: Sister Mary 
Augustina Ray, American Opinion of Roman Catholicism In The Eighteenth Century, Doctoral Thesis in 
Political Science, Columbia University, NY., 1936. 

''Ibid., 174-175. 

'- Francis Parkman, Count Frontenac and New France Under Louis XIV, II (N. Y.: Little, Brown 
and Company, 1897), 152-153. P. S. Garand, The History of The City of Ogdenburg (Ogdenburg, N. Y.: 
1927). While lauding Piquet's tender care of the "young children and crippled old people" who were 
prisoners. Bishop Garand acknowledges that: "Besides helping suffering humanity, Father Piquet 
was obliged to organize war parties. He had to select men carefully, had to equip them, then prevail 
upon them to go to war, which was not always an easy task." 65. Further: "He was present at the 
battles of skirmishes of Lydius, Sarasto, Fort Edward, Lake George, and Lake Champlain. . . ." 15. 
See: Lord Amherst's letter of instruction to Major Robert Rogers reference the "enemies Indian 
scoundrels." Franklin B. Hough (ed.), Journals of Major Robert Rogers (Albany: Munsell's Sons, 1883), 

'^ Margaret W. Willard {ed .), Letters On The American Reiiolution 1774-1776 (Boston and N. Y.: 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 

THE WAR BEGINS, 1775 99 

Houghton Co., 1925), 19. John C. Miller, Origins of The American Reiwlution (Boston: Little, Brown 
and Company, 1943), 191-192. 

'^John Witherspoon, "The dominion of Providence over the passions of man." A sermon 
preached at Princeton, on the 17 th of May, 1776. Being the general fast appointed by Congress. 

*^ Philip Davidson, Propaganda And The American Revolution, 1763-1783 (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 83. 

^^Ibid., 83. Honeywell, Op. Cit., 34. 

^"^ Ibid., 84-89. Charles Metzger, Catholics and The American Revolution, A Study in Religious 
Climate (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1962), 244-250, reference Colonel Alfred Clifton's "Ro- 
man Catholic Volunteers" in the British Forces. Wallace Brown, The Good Americans (N. Y.: William 
Morrow and Company, Inc., 1969), 55, reference Father John McKenna, Chaplain to the Royal 
Highland Emigrants and the Royal Yorkers. 

'* George Otto Trevelyan, The American Revolution, edited and condensed into one volume by 
Richard B. Morris (N. Y.: David McKay and Company, Inc., 1965), 289-292. Davidson, Op. Cit., 89: 
'The Virginia Methodists, only about two thousand in number, were in fact loyal to England." 
William Warren Sweet, Religion In Colonial America (N. Y.: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1942): "In this 
year (1777) the entire membership of all the Methodist circuits in America totaled 6968." Of these, 
4379 were in Virginia and North Carolina. William Warren Sweet, Methodism in American History 
(N. Y. and Nashville: Abingdon-Cokesbury Press, 1933), 88-89. 

'» Robert Allen Rutland, The Birth of The Bill of Rights, 1776-1791 (N. Y.: Collier Books, 1972), 
90. Further: "Foremost among the groups demanding unequivocal religious freedom were the 
Baptists." 88. 

""Isaac Backus, A History of New England. With Partiadar Reference To the Denomination of 
Christians Called Baptists, II (Newton, Mass., Published by the Backus Historical Society, 1871), 201. 
Robert G. Torbet, /i History of The Baptists (Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1950), 225. 

^' Ibid., Torhet, 261. 

-- Alice Baldwin, The New England Clergy and The American Revolution (N. Y.: Frederick Ungar 
Publishing Company, 1928), 154-155. 

^^Ibid., 112. 

-'* R. G. Albion and Leonidas Dodson (ed.) Philip Vickers Fithian: Journal, 1775-1776 (Prince- 
ton: Princeton University Press, 1934), 248. 

" Boyd, Op. Cit., I, 106. 

^^Ibid., 105-106. 

^^ G. W. Balch, "Some Account of Reverend Benjamin Balch," The Historical Collections of the 
Danvers Historical Society, Vll (1919), 88, 91. Concerning Benjamin Balch's military career, his 
grandson wrote: Following senice aboard the Boston, Balch was transferred to the Alliance, the first 
frigate built for the Continental Congress. Two of his sons, Thomas and Benjamin, were his 
shipmates. On duty throughout the war, with short periods at home to earn money for his family's 
upkeep, he was heavily engaged in a violent sea battle in May 1781. A family tradition recorded by 
Mr. G. W. Balch survives. "The Alliance having fallen in with a British armed ship and a brig, the 
three vessels became engaged, but on account of a prevailing calm, the Alliance was at one time placed 
in great peril from the enemy's superior position, and the ability of the two vessels to deliver 'raking 
shots.' The peril the ship was in brought out the desperate courage of every man on board the 
Alliance, the 'cloth' being no exception. Reverend Benjamin, armed cap-a-pie, was seen in the midst 
of the fray, and thereafter is said to have become known as 'the fighting parson.' His son Thomas was 
also in the fight, and when father and son met afterwards, it was with an embrace and with the words 
'Thank God, my son.' A favoring breeze having sprung up, the fleet Alliance came to her own, and 
captured both vessels." For argument that Chaplains John Reed and Edward Brooks preceded 
Balch in naval service, see: William L. Dike, "Three Saints and a Surgeon," The Chaplain, Vol. 34, 
No. 4, 1977, 10-15. 

^* Ralph Waldo Emerson, Hymn Sung at the Completion of the Battle Monument, Concord, 
Mass., July 4, 1837, Stanza 1. 

-® Ellen Chase, The Beginnings of The American Revolution, III (N. Y.: The Baker and Taylor 
Company, 1910), 3. 

^° Edward Waldo Emerson, /i Chaplain of The Revolution (Boston: Printed by Courtesy of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, 1922), 4-5. 

^Ubid., 11. 

^^Ibid., 11-12. 

""^Ibid., 12-13. 


''Ubid., 15. 

^"Ibid., 17. 

»« Chase, Op. Cit., 31, 54, 61, 62. 

='^Gordon, Oj&. C/V., I, 313. 

*** Frank Moore {ed.),Dmr-y of The American Revolution, from Newspapers and Original Documents , I 
(N. Y.: Charles Scribner, 1860), 66. 

="* Chase, 0/>. C?/., Ill, 107. 

'"' "Battle of Lexington and Concord," Proceedings of The Massachusetts Historical Society (1878), 

^'Ibid., 158-159. 

*^ Edward Waldo Emerson, Op. Cit., 20. 

*^Ibid., 22. 

** See Chapter 111, 37-38. 

*^ Edward Waldo Emerson, Op. Cit., 20. 

•««Luke 2:14 (KJV). 
For a discussion on the three traditional attitudes concerning war held by Christian peoples, see: 
Roland H. Bainton, Christian Attitudes Toward War and Peace. A Historical Survey and Critical Re- 
evaluation (Nashville, Abingdon Press, 1960). 

*'' Edward Waldo Emerson, Op. Cit., 22. 

'^ Ibid., 23. 

*^Ibid., 24. 

^^ Mellon Chamberlain, "Why Captain Levi Preston Fought," The Historical Collections of The 
Danvers Historical Society, VI II, 69. 

^'Ibid., 69-70. 

5- Albion and Dodson, Op. Cit., 20-21. 


"For The Cities Of Our God" 

Declaration Of Independence, 


Three days following the battles of Lexington and Concord, 
Rev. David Avery and twelve other militiamen left Gayesborough 
for Boston. The alarm was being spread across Massachusetts by 
Colonel Seth Pomeroy, and in response, men left home for war, 
carrying the barest necessities of their new duties: "Guns 8c lead Sc 
Flints &: a small quantity of powder." Little did the parson imagine 
as he marched along that his military service would take him 
farther from home than Boston, nor that until March 4, 1780, he 
would be called by a new title, "chaplain." Neither could he foresee 
that places like Dorchester Heights, Long Island, Trenton, Valley 
Forge and Bennington were shortly to take on new meaning for 
him as a minister to America's fighting sons. Enroute he preached 
at Northampton from Nehemiah 4:14, the 23d of April being the 
Lord's Day. Before setting off at 10 o'clock the next morning, he 
preached once again, a short sermon using John 15:4 for his text. 
On April 29, he "wrote a Receipt for Capt. Watkins to Capt. Roger 
Drench for 68 meals for his company on their march to Boston." 
This brief sentence in his diary gives a small hint that the novice 
chaplain had assumed some administrative duties for his unit.^ 

Chaplain Avery was but one of thousands of militiamen and 
volunteers heading to besiege the red-coats in Boston. Among that 
throng was young Daniel Barber, who enlisted in the command of 
Captain Elihu Humphrey of Simsbuiy, Connecticut. Descendant 
from a long line of Puritans and soldiers, he, at age 19, began a 
military career which would pass through the disaster of Long 
Island and terminate with a medical discharge. Later in life he 
became the rector of the Episcopal Church in Claremont, New 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 



Hampshire, leaving that communion on November 15, 1818, to 
become a Roman CathoUc. Far different were his feelings toward 
religion, however, as he trudged along the road to war. Im- 
mediately prior to his enlistment, his grandfather died. The old 
gentleman's spiritual legacy to his grandson, given several months 
earlier, is worth noting. 

He immediately began to speak to me concerning the times, and 
the apparent trials then approaching; (this was a little before the 
commencement of the Revolutionary war.) He said some serious 
things to me about religion; mentioned his fears lest the King of 
England, George the Third, had a design to make the Catholic 
the established religion of this country; said he should not live to 
see the day, as I might do; and, as it would be a dreadful day to 
us, he charged me to stand fast, and remain sound in the faith. 
This, I believe, was the last time I conversed with him before his 

Preparatory to leaving for the front, Barber remembered "the 
Rev. Mr. Pipkin of Farmington, was requested that day to preach 
the farewell sermon to the soldiers." It was a touching and long 
remembered scene, similar to ones being performed throughout all 
the colonies. The pastor delivered a "warm and fervent prayer" for 
the success of American arms, followed by a message on the theme, 
"Play the man for your country, and for the cities of your God; and 
the Lord do that which seemeth good to him." (Modification of II 
Samuel 10:12.) With the last "Amen" said, the drum rolled "to 
arms" and amid heartbreaking farewells, the company moved out.^ 
Again we pick up Private Barber's account from his memoirs writ- 
ten late in life: 

It was also a day of joy, on account of the union of design, 
feelings, and interest for the public welfare of our country, then 
threatened, and in danger of being brought into bondage by the 
uncontrolled and arbitrary power of George the Third and his 
armies. We were all ready to swear, that this same George, by 
granting the Quebec Bill, (that is, the privilege to Roman 
Catholics of worshipping God according to their own con- 
sciences,) had thereby become a traitor; had broke his corona- 
tion oath; was secretly a Papist; and whose design it was to oblige 
this country to submit itself to the unconstitutional powers of the 
English monarch, and, under him, and by his authority, be given 
up and destroyed, soul and body, by that frightful image with 
seven heads and ten horns. The real fears of Popery, in New 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


England, had its influence; it stimulated many timorous pious 
people to send their sons to join the military ranks in the field, 
and jeopardize their lives in the bloody contest. The common 
word then was, 'No King, no Popery.' ^ 

The siege line occupied by American forces formed a crescent 
around the land side of Boston. From Dorchester Heights in the 
east, the fortifications ran west to Roxbury — across the narrow 
isthmus connecting Boston itself with the main land mass, north 
across the Charles River, to Cambridge, angling to the northeast, 
and terminating on the Mystic River. Militia units and their chap- 
lains poured in to take up their positions. Most came for short 
durations, usually 90 days or even less. 

Numbered among those New England parsons who raced 
pell-mell for Boston was the Rev. Nathaniel Eells, 65 year old 
pastor of Stonington, Connecticut. His brother Edward had served 
as a chaplain in the French and Indian War, and in front of Boston 
another Rev. Eells, Samuel, was ministering to those early volun- 
teers. Likely he was a kinsman, for the Eells family was prolific, 
patriotic, and produced pastors in astonishing numbers for genera- 
tions. Evidently Nathaniel did not remain too long before return- 
ing home. The following May, however, he was appointed the 
chaplain to a newly raised regiment of state troops with the impor- 
tant mission of guarding New London, a military-naval center. 

Parenthetically, a dramatic account of this patriotic pastor and 
his congregation responding to Washington's call later in the war is 
indicative of the spirit of the times, and revealing of the respect 
held by a parish for its pastor. A biographer wrote: 

In 1776, ten years before his death and while Washington was 
holding the British at bay on Harlem Heights, runners were sent 
to New England to arouse the people to come to the rescue. Just 
as Tather' Eells, as he was called by his parishoners, had com- 
menced his sermon, a horseman rushed up to the door of the 
meeting house, his horse covered with foam, and handed out to 
the Selectman, a paper, who immediately passed it to the minis- 
ter. After perusing it, he laid it on the side of his Bible; and after 
preaching a brief sermon, told his congregation that 'The Great 
General Washington, and the sons and daughters of civil and 
religious liberty w^ere in great peril and calling for help.' He then 
read the message and said: 'As many of you as are willing to peril 
your lives in this glorious cause will, immediately after the bene- 
diction, repair to the Public Green and organize yourselves into 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


a military company and prepare to start for the Patriots Camp 
by daylight tomorrow morning. The rhothers and sisters will 
hasten home to make preparations for the journey.' He then 
told them, 'I consider the cause of the Patriots as one that God 
will bless.' 

As the congregation passed out the men and older boys filed off 
to the Green where they soon organized and selected all their 
officers but the captain, and then appointed a committee to 
notify the minister that they were ready to report, and desired 
his presence. 

When he arrived he was informed that they wanted his consent 
for them to elect him as their captain; that he had long been 
their spiritual leader and that they would be pleased to have him 
lead them in this trying hour. He replied that if they thought he 
was the most suitable person for so responsible a position, he 
would cheerfully accept their appointment. On arrival at camp, 
General Washington appointed Mr. Eells Chaplain and another 
was selected as captain of their company.^ 

To provide for the religious and spiritual needs of their militia 
forces, the colonies of New England began formally authorizing 
chaplains. Massachusetts hoped this need could be met by civilian 
pastors serving on a rotating basis. This plan quickly proved un- 
workable, however. On May 25, 1775, a committee of the Provin- 
cial Congress, armed with a list of pastors volunteering their 
services for military duty reported: 

Whereas it has been represented to this Congress that several 
ministers of the religious assemblies within this Colony have 
expressed their willingness to attend the army in the capacity of 
chaplains, as they may be directed by the Congress, therefore 
Resolved, That it be and is hereby recommended to the minis- 
ters of the several assemblies within the Colony that, with the 
leave of their congregations, they attend said army in their 
several towns to the number of thirteen at one time, during the 
time the army shall be encamped, and that they make known 
their resolution to the Congress thereon, or to the committee of 
safety, as soon as may be.^ 

It will be noted that Massachusetts' resolution made no men- 
tion concerning the denominational affiliation of prospective chap- 
lains, nor suggested that this was even a consideration. Apparently 
the only stipulation for service was a leave of absence from their 
respective congregations. 

Chaplains volunteering for duty with units raised by the sev- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


eral colonies were provided warrants or commissions similar to one 
extant that was issued by Connecticut. 

To Rev. , greetings: Reposing special trust and 

confidence in your piety, ability, fidelity and good conduct, } do 
hereby appoint you, the said , a chaplain of the 

regiment, and do hereby authorize and empower 
you to exercise the several acts and duties of your office and 
station as chaplain of the said regiment, which you are faithfully 
to perform in a due and religious discharge thereof, according 
to the important trust reposed in you, for which this is your 

Given under my hand and seal-at-arms, in the Colony 
aforesaid this day of , A.D. 


June 12, 1775 found Congress recommending "to Christians, 
of all denominations, to assemble for public worship, and to abstain 
from servile labour and recreation on said day." The purpose was 
to beseech from the Almighty, among other blessings, "That virtue 
and true religion may revive and flourish throughout our land; 
And that all America may soon behold a gracious interposition of 
Heaven, for the redress of her many grievances, the restoration of 
her invaded rights, a reconciliation with the parent state, on terms 
constitutional and honourable to both; And that her civil and 
religious priviledges may be secured to the latest posterity." ^ On 
Wednesday, June 14, 1775, Congress resolved: 

That six companies of expert riflemen, be immediately raised in 
Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia; that each 
company consist of a captain, three lieutenants, four Serjeants, 
four corporals, a drummer or trumpeter, and sixty-eight pri- 

That each company, as soon as compleated, shall march and join 
the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry, 
under the command of the chief Officer in that army. 
That the pay of the Officers and privates be as follows, viz. a 
captain @ 20 dollars per month; a lieutenant @ 13'/3 dollars; a 
Serjeant @ 8 dollars; a corporal @ 7^3 dollars; drummer or 
(trumpeter) @ JV^ doll.; privates @ 6% dollars; to find their own 
arms and cloaths. 
That the form of the enlistment be in the following words: 

I have, this day, voluntarily enlisted my- 

self, as a soldier, in the American continental army, for one year, 
unless sooner discharged: And I do bind myself to conform, in 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


all instances, to such rules and regulations, as are, or shall be, 
established for the government of the sad (said) Army.^ 

In these few words was born the Continental Army — long term 
soldiers as opposed to short term militiamen. 

Mr. Thomas Johnson of Maryland on June 15, 1775, nomi- 
nated George Washington, Esq., of Virginia to be the General "to 
command all the continental forces, raised, or to be raised, for the 
defense of American liberty." ^^ By the last day of June, the "Rules 
and Regulations" governing the Army were established. Of the 
fifty-nine articles comprising this corpus of military law, Articles II 
and LXIV are of particular interest. 

Art. 11. It is earnestly recommended to all officers and soldiers, 
diligently to attend Divine Services; and all officers and soldiers 
who shall behave indecently or irreverently at any place of 
Divine Worship, shall, if commissioned officers, be brought 
before a court-martial, there to be publicly and severely re- 
primmanded by the President; if noncommissioned officers or 
soldiers, every person so offending, shall for his first offence, 
forfiet One Sixth of a Dollar, to be deducted out of his next pay; 
for the second offence, he shall not only forfeit a like sum, but 
be confined for twenty-four hours, and for every like offence, 
shall suffer and pay in like manner; which money so forfeited, 
shall be applied to the use of the sick soldiers of the troop or 
company to which the offender belongs. 

Art. LXIV. No suttler shall be permitted to sell any kind of 
liquors or victuals, or to keep their houses or shops open, for the 
entertainment of soldiers, after nine at night, or before the 
beating of the reveilles, or upon Sundays, during divine service 
or sermon, on the penalty of being dismissed from all future 

Although Congress did not recognize the existence of chaplains in 
their deliberations until July 29, it is apparent at the very founding 
of the Army that "divine service or sermon" was an integral part of 
Congressional thinking concerning America's first military organi- 
zation and life. And this, of course, implied the presence of chap- 
lains! 29 July 1775 marked the official entrance of chaplains into 
the Continental Army, and consequently, the chaplaincy's ac- 
knowledged birthday. 

Along the Boston siege line, provincial chaplains and civilian 
clergymen provided pastoral care and other services. In their 
Commanding General they found a strong supporter. General 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Orders dated July 4, 1775, announced: "The Continental Congress 
having now taken all Troops of the several Colonies . . . into their 
Pay and Services. They are now the Troops of the UNITED 
PROVINCES of North America; ....," continuing: 

The General most earnestly requires, and expects, a due observ- 
ance of those articles of war, established for the Government of 
the army, which forbid profane cursing, swearing and drunken- 
ess; And in like manner requires and expects, of all Officers, 
and Soldiers, not engaged on actual duty, a punctual attendance 
on divine Service, to implore the blessings of heaven upon the 
means used for our safety and defence.^*- 

Divine services were held regularly throughout the Continen- 
tal Army as earlier in militia and volunteer units. What precipitated 
the directive in General Orders, dated August 5, 1775, is unknown, 
but apparently a special service was scheduled in a church building 
used normally by the Army for secular purposes. It requires, "The 
Church to be cleared tomorrow, and the Rev'd Mr. Doyles will 
perform Divine Service therein at ten OClock." ^^ 

Before peering into the daily activities and ministries of chap- 
lains, it is worthwhile to observe the administrative growth of the 
Army Chaplaincy. The army of which Washington took command 
at Cambridge on July 3, 1775, was little more than a well inten- 
tioned mob. His immediate task was to formulate policies, struc- 
ture, and organization while at the same time endeavoring to 
defeat the armed might of the Crown. Regarding clergymen serv- 
ing military units, there were chaplains appointed by the individual 
colonies, supplemented by pastors who came without official cre- 
dentials, and visiting parsons coming for brief periods of time. On 
Saturday, July 29, 1775, Congress voted pay for various officers 
and enlisted personnel in the Continental Army, not previously 
covered in the resolution of June 16. Here is the first official 
recognition of chaplains by the Continental Congress, and reads 
simply in reference to dollars per month: "Chaplain, 20." ^^ This 
sum was the same extended to captains and Judge Advocates. By 
August 15, 1775, Washington counted 15 chaplains for 23 regi- 
ments in the Continental Army. The number fluctuated through- 
out the Autumn: in September, there were 20 chaplains and 40 
regiments; in October, 22 chaplains and 41 regiments; in 
November, 21 chaplains and 39 regiments." 


See footnotes at end of chapter. 


To rectify this chaotic condition, General Washington wrote to 
the Continental Congress on December 31, 1775: 

I have long had it in my mind to mention it to Congress, that 
frequent applications have been made to me respecting the 
chaplains' pay, which is too small to encourage men of abilities. 
Some of them who have left their flocks are obliged to pay the 
parson acting for them more than they receive. I need not point 
out the great utility of gentlemen, whose lives and conversation 
are unexceptionable, being employed in that service in this 
army. There are two ways of making it worthy the attention of 
such. One is an advancement of their pay; the other, that one 
chaplain be appointed to two regiments. This last, I think, can be 
done without inconvenience. I beg leave to recommend this 
matter to Congress, whose sentiments hereon I shall impatiently 
expect. ^^ 

In response to General Washington's request, the Congress on 
January 16, 1776 resolved to increase the pay of chaplains to 33V^3 
dollars per month, ^^ 

Appearing in the Continental Army lists on January 8, 1776 
are the names of the following chaplains: Noah Cooke, Ebenezer 
David, John Ellis, Abiel Leonard, Isaac Mansfield, Oliver Noble, 
Hezekiah Smith. The name of the chaplain assigned to the 3rd 
Continental Regiment, commanded by Colonel Ebenezer Learned, 
was not recorded. Each chaplain, other than Avery and the one 
whose name is not given, served two regiments. All were with 
infantry units except Leonard who was chaplain to the Artillery 
Regiment as well as the 20th Continental Regiment. ^^ 

On February 7, Washington announced: 

the Continental Congress having been pleased to order, and 
direct, that there shall be one Chaplain to two Regiments, 
and that the pay of each Chaplain shall be thirty-three dollars 
and one third, pr Kalander Month. — As there can be put four- 
teen Chaplains under this establishment to the 28 Regiments 
(including the Artillery, and Riffle Regiments) and as prefer- 
ence will be given to those Chaplains who served last Year, 
provided their conduct, and attendance, have been unexcep- 
tional: The Brigadiers are to enquire into this matter and with 
the Colonels, and commanding Officers of the several Regi- 
ments, arrange them agreeable to the above direction, and make 
report thereof that orders, may issue accordingly.^^ 

Nearly two weeks passed, and the Brigadiers were prodded 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


because of their failure to make reports concerning Washington's 
unhkely pair of inquiries, ammunition and "the Arrangment of 
Chaplains: may be informed that he expects an immediate report 
from them." Circumstances quickly set in to nullify Congress' solu- 
tion to the problem of chaplain assignments. Washington, finding 
religious coverage far too inadequate, spelled out the difficulties, 
and threw the problem back to Congress who held the source of 
monies for manpower. In a letter to the President of the Continen- 
tal Congress on June 28, 1776, he wrote: 

I would also beg leave to mention to Congress, the necessity 
there is of some new regulations being entered into respecting 
the Chaplains of the Army. They will remember, that applica- 
tion was made to increase their pay, which was conceived too low 
for their support. It was proposed that if. It could not be done 
for the whole, the number should be lessened and one. Chaplain 
be appointed to two Regiments and an additional allowance 
made them on that Account. The Latter expedient was adopted, 
which, at that time and while the Army continued altogether at 
one Encampment, answered or at least did not produce any 
Capital inconveniences; But the Army now being differently 
circumstanced from what it then was, part here, part at Boston, 
and a third part detached to Canada, has Introduced much 
confusion and disorder in this Instance, nor do I know how it is 
possible to remedy the Evil, but by affixing one to each Regi- 
ment, with a salary competent to their support; no Shifting, no 
Change from one Regiment to another, can answer the purpose, 
and in many cases it could not be done, tho' the Regiments 
should consent, as where detachments are composed of unequal 
numbers, or Ordered from different Posts. Many more Incon- 
veniences might be pointed out, but these it is presumed will 
sufficiently shew the defect of the present establishment and the 
propriety of an alteration. What that Alteration shall be Con- 
gress will please to determine.^" 

Writing to Major General Artemas Ward on July 9, 1776, 
Washington mentioned that "Congress have made some Alteration 
in the EstabHshment of Chaplains, and advanced their Pay; as they 
have that of the regimental Surgeons. . . ." ^^ The General Or- 
ders of that same day announced Congress' decision in the matter 
of pay and assignments, adding the Commander's personal direc- 
tive for the qualifications required in chaplains to be recruited, and 
his attitude toward religion in the Army. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


The Hon. Continental Congress having been pleased to allow 
a Chaplain to each Regiment, with the pay of Thirty-three 
Dollars and one third pr month — The Colonels or commanding 
officers of each regiment are directed to procure Chaplains 
accordingly; persons of good Characters and exemplary 
lives — To see that all inferior officers and soldiers pay them a 
suitable respect and attend carefully upon religious exercises. 
The blessing and protection of Heaven are at all times necessary 
but especially so m times of public distress and danger — The 
General hopes and trusts, that every officer and man, will en- 
deavour so to live, and act, as becomes a Christian Soldier 
defending the dearest Rights and Liberties of his country. ^^ 

Following the above statement, General Washington pro- 
ceeded to announce in the very next paragraph the momentus 
news that "The Hon. The Continental Congress . . . having been 
pleased to dissolve the Connection which subsisted between this 
Country, and Great Britain, and to declare the United Colonies of 
North America, free and independent States." ^^ The Brigades 
were to be formed to hear the announcement of Independence. He 
then expressed his belief that each soldier must realize "now the 
peace and safety of his Country depends (under God) solely on the 
success of our arms." The juxtapositioning of these two 
announcements — that regarding chaplains followed by the an- 
nouncement of Independence — is startHng, and indicative! 

That Washington was actuated throughout the Revolution and 
following by a deep sense of awe of the Diety is revealed repeatedly 
throughout his personal and official letters as well as his General 
Orders. The Army was notified on August 3 how he felt toward vile 
language, and church attendance. 

That the Troops may have an opportunity of attending public 
worship, as well as take some rest after the great fatigue they 
have gone through; The General in future excuses them from 
fatigue duty on Sundays (except at the Ship Yards, or special 
occasions) until further orders. The General is sorry to be in- 
formed that the foolish, and wicked practice, of profane cursing 
and swearing (a Vice heretofore little known in an American 
Army) is growing into fashion; he hopes the officers will, by 
example, as well as influence, endeavour to check it, and that 
both they, and the men will reflect, that we can have little hopes 
of the blessing of Heaven on our Arms, if we insult it by our 
impiety, and folly; added to this, it is a vice so mean and low. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


without any temptation, that every man of sense, and character, 
detests and despises it.-^ 

Earher, the Commander had transmitted the desire of the 
Congress for a Fast Day. Dated May 15, 1776, the wording is 
specific and the sentiment transparent. 

The Condnental Congress having ordered, Friday the 17th. 
Instant to be observed as a day of "fasting, humiliation and 
prayer, humbly to supplicate the mercy of Almighty God, that it 
would please him to pardon all our manifold sins and transgres- 
sions, and to prosper the Arms of the United Colonies, and 
finally, establish the peace and freedom of America, upon a solid 
and lasting foundation" — The General commands all officers, 
and soldiers, to pay strict obedience to the Orders of the Conti- 
nental Congress, and by their unfeigned, and pious observance 
of their religious duties, incline the Lord, and Giver of Victory, 
to prosper our arms.^^ 

May 16, brought the following unequivocable order: "As the 
Troops are to be exempt from all duties of fatigue to morrow, the 
regiments are to parade on their regimental paradies, and to be 
marched from thence a little before Ten, to hear divine service 
from their respective chaplains." ^® 

Meanwhile, military operations had been in full swing. Writing 
to Colonel Seth Pomeroy on May 4, 1775, the Rev. Thomas Allen 
of Pittsfield, informed him of conditions on the Massachusetts 
frontier. There is trouble with the Tories. Far more vital, however, 
is the secret American expedition moving against Ticonderoga. It 
will soon provide Ethan Allen a lasting place in history, and. Rev. 
Allen informed Pomeroy, "the taking of those places would afford 
us a key to all Canada." ^^ This letter is filled with phrases which 
now may sound heavily pietistic. When read in the context of a war, 
the outcome of which was decidedly uncertain, these devotional 
sentences take on a vastly deeper meaning. "I hope God will inspire 
you with wisdom from above in all your deliberations, and your 
soldiers with courage and fortitude, and that Boston will be speed- 
ily delivered into your hands." Again: "I have been concerned lest 
General Gage should spread the smallpox in your army. May 
Heaven preserve you from his wicked wiles. May you be shielded, 
sir, in the day of battle, and obtain a complete victory over the 
enemies of God and mankind." ^^ Five days later. Rev. Allen wrote 
again. This time he told Pomeroy of an abundance of cannons and 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ammunition at Crown Point and Ticonderoga. With an eye far 
more militarily oriented than many of the militia officers, he prof- 
fered a most pertinent proposal. "Should the expedition succeed, 
and should the Council of War send up their order for the people 
this way, to transport by land twenty or thirty of the best of the 
cannon to headquarters, I doubt not but the people in this county 
would do it with expedition. We could easily collect a thousand 
yoke of cattle for the business." "^ Allen's proposal was ignored, to 
the detriment of the siege. It was not until winter that General 
Knox did the very thing this country parson, who was an avid 
reader of military history, had suggested. The result was that the 
commanding Dorchester Heights was shortly loaded with artillery, 
and the British, finding Boston no longer tenable, evacuated the 
city. It is worthy of note that during the actual movement of over 
fifty captured cannon and their ammunition by sled, Allen played a 
conspicious part. He will again appear; not as a tactician, but as a 
hero-chaplain on several contested fields. 

To the northwest of Boston, above Charlestown, rise two 
prominent terrain features: Bunker Hill and Breed's Hill. By oc- 
cupying the latter, the American forces placed themselves in a 
position which the British could not ignore. Their line of com- 
munication was breached, endangering their shipping. With 
appalling contempt for both his enemy's abilities — a common at- 
titude of English officers growing out of the French and Indian 
War — and for the safety of his own troops, and by not enveloping 
the promontory with his commanding naval force, the plan of Lord 
Howe was for Brigadier General Pigot to take a position to the 
American front, holding them in place, while his own force of light 
infantry by-passed the American fortification on the north side, 
enveloping them from the rear. Howe's movement was blocked, 
and a series of frontal assaults were made directly up the hill, at the 
cost of nearly fifty percent of the British force. Of the 3,200 
American troops present, about 1,500 only were in position to be 
effectively used to stem the magnificently disciplined charges 
hurled against them. Present, as chaplain to Prescott's regiment in 
this action, was the Rev. Joseph Thaxter, veteran of Concord; his 
official commission as a chaplain would not be granted until 
January 23, 1776. In a later action, Thaxter was so severely 
wounded that through the remainder of his long life he walked 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


with a limp. Discharged because of this injury, his heart and mind 
lingered with his beloved soldiers. We will see him again later in the 
war. Much later — ^June 17, 1825 — the venerable Rev. Joseph Thax- 
ter had an honor reserved for few combat veterans. On the fiftieth 
anniversary of the battle, he was selected to officiate as chaplain at 
the laying of the Bunker Hill Monument cornerstone.^*^ 

Rev. John Martin had several close brushes with death at the 
Battle of Bunker Hill. While trying to persuade reluctant civilians 
to evacuate Charlestown, he entered a house for a drink of water 
only to have a cannon ball destroy the building. He fought and 
prayed, and by word and example, struggled to encourage his men. 
A newspaper article from Newport, dated July 3, 1775, tells of his 
spiritual efforts to affect morale, after the battle. 

Last Friday evening the Rev. Mr. John Martin, who fought 
gallantly at Bunker's Hill, and is since appointed to a post in the 
Rhode Island regiment, preached an animated sermon in this 
town, from Nehemiah IV., and part of the 14th verse: 'Be not 
afraid of them: Remember the Lord which is great and terrible, 
and fight for your brethren, your sons and daughters, your 
wives and your houses.' The next morning he preached another 
sermon, at 5 o'clock, and then set out for camp.^^ 

Numbered among the chaplains at this famous fight is the Rev. 
Samuel McClintock, pastor at Greenland, New Hampshire. Within 
sight of the action but out of the line of fire, he remained in the 
ancient posture of prayer throughout the battle, standing erect 
with arms outstretched toward Heaven. Like Moses, he cried out to 
the God of Battles while his young Joshuas fought. It's a striking 
scene, and McClintock's presence has been immortalized by 
Jonathan Trumbull in his renowned painting of the Battle of 
Bunker Hill. The old patriarch paid a terrible toll for his pa- 
triotism. Sending four sons to the army, one only returned to 
experience the hard won blessings of Liberty. ^^ 

General Washington's presence at Cambridge was greeted 
happily by one clergyman, but with some disappointment by 
another. The house graciously offered and provided for his quar- 
ters was the home of the Rev. Dr. Samuel Langdon, President of 
Harvard, and former chaplain in King George's War.^^ Washing- 
ton's host was actively engaged again, as Chaplain David Avery 
noted in his diary, April 30, 1775: "Dr. Langdon being chaplain for 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ye army precht in ye College area I Tim. 6, 2-Fight ye good fight of 
faith, lay hold on eternal life." ^^ Chaplain Benjamin Boardman 
complains about the Commander-in-Chief, however: "Genl. Wash- 
ington gave out orders for officers to have rations; in general they 
will do pretty well, but it gives me an idea that he sets no great 
(blurred) by chaplains, as he has made them ye lowest in the grant, 
giving them only 2 while others have from 3 to 15." ^^ Sourly he 
records the grant of rations, from Major Generals receiving 15 to 
Subalterns and Staff officers getting 2. Boardman, Chaplain of the 
2nd Connecticut and later the 20th Continental Regiment, obvi- 
ously neither recognized that a chaplain was a staff officer, nor 
knew that in the ancient struggles between commanders and staff 
officers, commanders will inevitably back their own counterparts! 
"Human nature will not change." 

Diaries and journals provide an abundance of materials, giving 
insights into the life style of chaplains in the makeshift army en- 
circling Boston. Certainly there was much preaching, and daily 
prayer services were conducted by chaplains in provincial units. 
Divine services were held in local meeting houses, the common 
term for church buildings in that era, in open areas, and not 
infrequently under extraordinary conditions. Once at a Sunday 
service. Chaplain Avery "precht out at a window." ^^ Sermon texts 
which Chaplain Boardman recorded for his own discourses are 
Deuteronomy 32:4 and 32:29, II Samuel 10:12, II Chronicles 
20:12, Proverbs 27 — "on the shortness of life," — and Colossians 
1 : 15. Without mentioning his text, he spoke during the morning of 
October 15, on Christ "in the character of an advocate." Marsh 
preached from Judges 5:18, Bliss from Deuteronomy 23:9-14, and 
Cogwell used Joshua 5:13-14 to develop two main points: (1) 
Christ is the captain of all God's Hosts, and (2) we should engage 
him on our side.^^ Other clergymen at the siege of Boston, either 
chaplains or visitors, were Samuel Eells, Bray, Chapman, Dr. Stiles, 
Gordon — the historian whose volume has been quoted in the last 
chapter — Olcot, Bird, President Dagett of Yale, and Adams, the 
pastor at Roxbury. In the midst of all this piety, human nature has 
a way of making itself felt; a reminder that chaplains have "this 
treasure in earthen vessels." Chaplain Boardman, no doubt sitting 
in soggy clothes and chilled to the bone, confided to his diary: 
"Friday Novr 10. Last night was a rainy blustering night. I hope the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


enemy may have had some evidence that Heaven frowns on 
them." ^^ So much for loving one's enemies! 

Pastoral duties included visiting the sick and wounded, and 
care for the dying. Boardman records: "Visited the sick this day, 
baptizing one Benjamin Taylor of Hebron who was very sick, after 
having discoursed with him upon yt (that) subject a day or two 
before." ^^ Chaplain Avery attended a dying soldier who was mor- 
tally wounded by an accidentally discharged weapon. He observed: 
"Mr. Phelps appeared to be very calm and patient — had a good 
sense of God's gov't & ye Equality of Providence .... Mr. Phelps 
died. I closed his eyes — 8c gave words of exhortation to ye spec- 
tators." ^^ 

Throughout the period of the Revolution, funerals, both civil- 
ian and military, British and American, were conducted with dig- 
nity, pomp, and ceremony. It was an age of very formal courtesies 
to both the living and the dead. References abound in journals. 
Chaplain Boardman gives a detailed account of the military funeral 
of Lieutenant Wadsworths, on Monday, October 30. 

Attended Lieut. Wadsworths funeral to day. His mother 8c one 
of his brothers present. The procession was Ensn Warner at the 
head of ye advanced guard with their arms reversed; then the 
seargts who were bearers; then the corps covered with black 
velvet; on the top of the coffin were placed two naked swords 
with black ribands on yr (their) hilts, crossing each other with yr 
points forward towara the feet of the corps. Then followed the 
mourners; ye (then) yt (that) Coll of ye regt, in connection with 
whom were the field officers of other regts; then the capts &c of 
ye same regt followed with a large number under arms wh 
brought up ye rear. On the fife was played the tune called the 
Funeral Thoughts. At the end of each line in the tune the drums 
beat one stroke. Ensn had the colours half wound with a black 
riband flowing from the top of ye pole.^** 

Pastoral counseling went beyond purely spiritual matters. Pay 
is always high on the list of things affecting a soldier's morale, and it 
was no different two centuries ago. Recognizing that there were no 
allotments, and families were bereft of financial support except 
that coming to their soldier-husbands, money took on an extreme 
importance throughout the course of the war. November 1, 1775, 
found Chaplain Boardman stemming a potential riot. 

Nothing special all this day till about 7 o'clock in the evening, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


when there was a movement among the souldiery in Coll Par- 
sons regt &: ours. A tumult arose wherein there was manifested 
great uneasiness about yr (their) being paid in Kalendar months, 
but the general soon stilled matters. I was out among ym (them) 
&: advised ym yt (that) if they had any difficulties yy (they) would 
lay the same before ye general in some orderly manner, 8c yy 
seemed to hearken, 8c after a while matters eased away, &:c.^^ 

A visiting clergyman caused difficulties — over conscience — for 
himself and some chaplains. The problem is indicative of the am- 
biguity of this unsettled time before the signing of the Declaration 
of Independence. The Rev. Jeremy Belknap was appointed chap- 
lain to New Hampshire troops, but failing health prohibited his 
occupying that office. His journal gives hints that he was conspicu- 
ous with dignity and social grace, but lacking in humor. A diary 
entry for October 22, 1775, points up the issue between himself 
and another civilian parson — both obviously patriotic — and some 
of the military chaplains. 

Preached all day in the meeting-house. After meeting I was 
again told by the chaplain that it was disagreeable to the generals 
to pray for the king. I answered, that the same authority which 
appointed the generals had ordered the king to be prayed for at 
the last Continental Fast; and, till that was revoked, I should 
think it my duty to do it. 

Dr. Appleton prayed in the afternoon, and mentioned the king 
with much affection. It is too assuming in the generals to find 
fault with it.^^ 

This will not be the last time chaplains and civilian clergymen will 
quarrel over ecclesiastical duties, both well intentioned, but con- 
ditioned by their respective environments. 

Joining the Continental Army on September 17, 1775, was 
Rev. John Murray, "appointed Chaplain to the Rhode-Island Reg- 
iments and is to be respected as such." ^^ Actually Murray had 
arrived at the siege of Boston the previous May, and his doctrinal 
differences — he is the Founder of Universalism — caused much 
rancor to arise in his fellow chaplains. Illness forced him soon to 
leave the army, being replaced by Chaplain Ebenezer David, but 
controversy followed him to his grave. His doctrine challenged the 
Calvanistic position, declaring, "that every individual shall in due 
time be separated from sin, and rendered fit to associate with the 
denezins of heaven." *^ Among the foremost of his challangers was 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Chaplain John Cleaveland, who responded to Murray's theological 
gauntlet by publishing /4n Attempt to Nip in the Bud the Unscriptural 
Doctrine of Universal Salvation. 

Murray was a personable and sensitive man. His entrance into 
the military chaplaincy was through the initiative of several com- 
manders; interestingly, they were not of his faith. Happily, the 
letter of invitation to become a chaplain has been preserved, and 
expresses both strong feelings concerning Rev. Murray and the 
place of religion in the Army. 

Dear Sir: 

Amidst that concurrence of events which the great Creator in 
infinite wisdom directs, for the accomplishment of his own pur- 
poses, a British armament hath set hostile foot upon American 
ground. What the design of the Almighty may be, we cannot at 
present absolutely determine. One thing we know, our cause is 
just, and also that the Parent of the universe can do no wrong. 
An army hath been raised in this Colony, which is now stationed 
upon Jamaica Plains in Roxbury, and that this army may do 
honor to themselves, and the cause in which they are embarked, 
it is requisite propriety of manners, regularity of conduct, and a 
due reliance upon the Almighty controller of events, should be 
cultivated and enforced. The most probable human means we 
can devise to effect an object so ardently to be desired, consist in 
a decent, sincere, and devout attendance, at opportune seasons, 
upon divine worship. We have, therefore, selected you, as a 
Chaplain to our Brigade, well convinced that your extensive 
benevolence and abilities will justify our choice. We cannot, 
without doing violence to the opinion we have formed of your 
character, doubt of your ready compliance with our united 
request. The support you will receive shall exactly correspond 
with your feelings, and your wishes. We are, dear sir, &c. &:c. &c. 
Signed in behalf of the Brigade, 

May 24, 1775.^^ 

Following the evacuation of Boston by British forces, on March 
17, 1776, a Sunday, clergymen were not restrained in their com- 
ments, pro and con, making for excellent press. The Pennsylvania 
Evening Post, March 30 issue, reports: 

This afternoon, a few hours after the British retreated, the 
Reverend Mr. Leonard, preached at Cambridge an excellent 
sermon, in the audience of his Excellency the General, and 
others of distinction, well adapted to the interesting event of the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


day, from Exodus XIV. 25: "And took off their chariot wheels, 
that they drave them heavily; so that the Egyptians said, Let us 
flee from the face of Israel, for the Lord righteth for them 
against the Egyptians." ^^ 

Across the sea in England, a correspondent for the Pennsyl- 
vania Evening Post recorded: 

A certain popular preacher not far from town, last Sunday took 
his text from these words, Isaiah XXI. 15: "For they fled from 
the sword — from the drawn sword and the best bow, and from 
the grievousness of war;" which words he thought to be highly 
descriptive of the inglorious retreat of the King's troops from 
Boston. And if it really was true, that these troops had ever 
turned a house of religious worship into a play house, he 
thought, go where they will, they can never expect success in any 
one enterprise, till by deep repentance they had conciliated the 
favor of heaven. ^^ 

Far different was the editorializing by the New York Packet, 
April 6, on the sermon preached by Rev. Bridges at Chelorford, 
Massachusetts. He spoke from the text, II Kings 7:7; "Wherefore 
they arose and fled in the twilight, and left their tents and their 
horses, and their asses, even the camp as it was, and fled for their 
lives." The journalist commented: "This passage of Scripture is a 
good description of the late flight of our ministerial enemies from 
Boston, for they left their tents and their horses, and a number of 
Tories for asses." ^^ 

Chaplain Abiel Leonard, mentioned earlier, represents the 
weight of humanity which each chaplain bares in his own life. 
Human beings themselves, they did — and do — strive to witness to 
the eternal truths of God in spite of their own weaknesses, "as full 
of fraility as of faith." General Washington wrote to Governor 
Nicolas Cooke from Cambridge, on December 14, 1775 concerning 
Chaplain Leonard. This letter, although not designed to be, is 
really the earliest example of something comparable to an Officers 
Efficiency Report. Certainly it reveals the General's immense es- 
teem for this chaplain. 

Having heard that It's doubtful, whether the Reverend Mr. 
Leonard from your Colony, will have it in his power to Continue 
here as a Chaplain, I cannot but express some Concern, as I 
think his departure will be a loss. His General Conduct has been 
exemplary and praiseworthy: In discharging the duties of his 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Office, active and industrious; he has discovered himself warm 
and steady friend to his Country, and taken great pains to 
animate the Soldiery and Impress them with a knowledge of the 
important rights as we are contending for. Upon the late disser- 
tion of the Troops, he gave a Sensible and judicious discourse, 
holding forth the Necessity of courage and bravery and at the 
same time of Obedience and Subordination to those in Com- 
mand, ("the late dissertion of the Troops," refers to the depar- 
ture of Connecticut soldiers on December 14. Their enlistments 
had expired, and by their leaving Washington's line weakened.) 
Injustice to the merits of this Gendeman, I thought it only right 
to give you this Testimonial of my Opinion of him and to 
mention him to you, as a person worthy of your esteem and that 
of the public. ^^ * 

Chaplain Leonard did not leave the army, but continued serv- 
ing the Third Connecticut Regiment and Knox's Continental Artil- 
lery through 1776. It is reported that he "became insane," and died 
on August 14, 1777.^^ In a letter from a "Camp 5 Miles North of 
Peeks Kills" on August 2, 1777, Chaplain Ebenezer David provides 
more detail: 

I suppose you have heard the shocking news of Parson Leonards 
making an attack upon his own Life with a Razon the Gash was 
deep & his life despaired of some time but hopes are now 
entertained of his recovery — What are men when left to 
themselves — this awful accident gives me great concern not only 
as it respects himself 8c his immediate connections but on ac- 
count of the use which the Enemies of our Religion &: Country 
will make of it — People here are pretty generally satisfied what 
disappointments lead him to so dreadful an act. . . .^^ 

This tragedy is the first known chaplain's suicide. What were 
those "disappointments"? Had his health been faiUng? He was a 
young man at the time of his death, having been born in 1740. 
Were there family problems gnawing at his heart? Did the brutality 
of the battlefield shatter a sensitive soul beyond repair? Obviously a 
generation less conscious of the workings of the emotions than ours 
did not perceive his cry for help eighteen months before this 
horrible step, although as Washington's letter suggests, he was 
undergoing grave but unidentified problems. 

Surviving Chaplain Leonard is a work, unique for its time, 
which tells us something of the man. Quite contrary to the anti- 
prayer book stance taken by most CongregationaHsts, he wrote a 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


lengthy prayer for the devotional use of America's earliest soldiers 
in our national drama. It is filled with words directly from the 
Testaments, Old and New, and in its written form perhaps reflects 
Leonard's education in the Presbyterian tradition, at the College of 
New Jersey — now Princeton. (See Appendix VIII.) 

Nor was Chaplain Leonard the only casualty dating from the 
siege of Boston. The Rev. Joseph Emerson ministered as a volun- 
teer chaplain, returning home desperately ill. The death of this 
chaplain, who saw combat duty at Louisburg in King George's War, 
and preached so powerfully, though as a civilian, to soldiers in his 
village during the French and Indian War, occurred on October 
29, 1775. While ministering to Colonel Prescott's Regiment, he 
"took a severe cold which a few months later caused his death. 
. . ." ^^ There is a hint that his cold, to use the eighteenth century 
term, was in reality tuberculosis — a disease at that period uniden- 
tified by specific nomenclature. To him is attributed a unique 
event: "... Mr. Emerson offered up before the troops the first 
prayer ever made in the American camp." ^^ The Town of Pepper- 
re 11 erected a monument to mark his grave. Even when allowing for 
the hyperbolic sentiments engraved on the markers of the de- 
ceased, a glimpse is obtained of what the people of that era found 
worthy of remembrance in their pastor's life. 

. . . Pastor of the Church here 
who deceased Oct 29th, 1775, 
in the 52d year of his age, 
and 29th of his Ministry: 
Steadfast in the Faith 
once delivered to the Saints, 

Fixed and laborious 
in the cause of Christ & precious souls 

in visiting and sympathizing 

with his Flock, 
Diligent in improving his Talents; 
A kmd Husband, a tender Parent, 
A faithful Reprover, a constant Friend, 

and a true Patriot. 
Having ceased from his Labours 

his works follow him.^^ 

Coinciding with the siege of Boston was the American attack 
on Canada. Two forces moved northward: one under the com- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


mand of General Richard Montgomery via St. John and Chambly 
to Montreal; the other led by Colonel Benedict Arnold to Quebec 
by way of the Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers, and the portage 
separating them. Arnold's expedition to Quebec numbered 1100 
men, two of whose names would become household words, Daniel 
Morgan of Virginia and Aaron Burr. The Continental Congress 
was hopeful that the Canadians were restless under the rule of 
their late enemy, and would join the American cause. Canadian 
support could be raised, and the British deprived of a key staging 
area for invading the rebellious colonies. The naivete of this politi- 
cal objective in contrast to the purely military goals is evident in 
light of the vitriolic scorn heaped upon the French Canadians 
because of the Quebec Act of 1774. To add insult to insult, the First 
Continental Congress sent an "Address To the Inhabitants Of the 
Province of Quebec," October 26, 1774. Among numerous reasons 
proposed that the Canadians "add yourselves to us" is the blatant 
absurdity, if not abject hypocrisy, of the following. 

We are too well acquainted with the liberality of sentiment 
distinguishing your nation, to imagine that difference of reli- 
gion will prejudice you against a hearty amity with us. You know 
that the transcedent nature of freedom elevates those who unite 
in her cause above all such low-minded infirmities. The Swiss 
cantons furnish a memorable proof of this truth. Their union is 
composed of Roman Catholic and Protestant states, living in the 
utmost concord and peace with one another, and thereby en- 
abled, ever since they bravely vindicated their freedom, to defy 
and defeat every tyrant that has invaded them.^^ 

At first the invading force was well received, but its behaviour 
quickly offended the inhabitants. There is small wonder, indeed, 
that the Canadian reception became comparable in chill to their St. 
Lawrence River basin winter. Canadians were not unanimous in 
rejecting Colonial America's call to fight against England, although 
the vast majority desired to maintain a position of neutrality. 

In a letter to Colonel Benedict Arnold, sent from his camp at 
Cambridge on September 14, 1775, George Washington directed 
him as follows. 

I also give it in Charge to you to avoid all Disrespect to or 
Contempt of the Religion of the Country and its Ceremonies. 
Prudence, Policy, and a true Christian Spirit, will lead us to look 
with Compassion upon their Errors without insulting them. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


While we are contending for our own Liberty, we should be very 
cautious of violating the Rights of Conscience in others, ever 
considering that God alone is the Judge of the Hearts of Men, 
and to him only in this Case, they are answerable. ^^ 

Specific instructions were also enumerated. The 14th item is of 
importance to our study. 

As the Contempt of the Religion of a Country by ridiculing any 
of its Ceremonies or affronting its Ministers or Votaries has ever 
been deeply resented, you are to be particularly careful to re- 
strain every Officer and Soldier from such Imprudence and 
Folly and to punish every Instance of it. On the other hand, as 
far as lays in your power, you are to protect and support the free 
Exercise of the Religion of the Country and the undisturbed 
Enjoyment of the rights of Conscience in religious Matters, with 
your utmost Influence and Authority .^^ 

Assembling at Newburyport, Arnold's expedition had an op- 
portunity to hear its chaplain, Rev. Samuel Spring, lead in Divine 
worship on September 17. The diary of Caleb Haskell records his 
attendance at this service, although without comment. Chaplain 
Spring described the service in his own words: 

On the Sabbath morning the officers and as many of the soldiers 
as could be crowded on to the floor of the house, were marched 
into the Presbyterian Church in Federal street. They marched in 
with colors flying, and drums beating, and formed two lines, 
through which I passed — they presenting arms and the drums 
rolling until I was seated in the pulpit. Then the soldiers stacked 
their arms all over the aisles, and I preached to the army and to 
the citizens, who crowded the galleries, from this text: "If thy 
spirit go not with us, carry us not up hence." ^^ 

Present were Arnold and Morgan. Following the service the unit 
officers visited George Whitefield's crypt, opened it, and finding his 
collar and wristbands intact, cut them in pieces for treasured rel- 
ics. ^^ 

Anchoring at Georgetown after a day's sailing, the soon-to-be 
invaders of Canada were given the blessings of the village pastor. 
The Rev. Ezekiel Emerson visited Colonel Arnold, and being so 
overwhelmed with both the perils and potentials inherent in his 
mission, offered to lead the soldiers in prayer. "His invocation was 
continued (so tradition asserts) for an hour and three-quarters, 
with what effect on the officers and crew is not recorded." ^^ The 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


interminable length of the pastor's prayer was just the first trial of 
many which Arnold's people were called on to endure. His eleven 
transports were left at Fort Western — opposite the site of present 
day Augusta, — and the overland trek through the dense wilderness 
began. Enroute they passed the remnants of a church where Father 
Ralle, a Jesuit missionary to the Abenaki Indians led his flock in 
worship. He died and was scalped by colonial hands in 1724; also 
killed were 30 of his Indians. ^^ Food ran out, and Arnold's men 
faced starvation. Dr. Senter, the expedition's surgeon, and close 
traveling companion to Chaplain Spring, recorded their plight. 
They ate as "our greatest luxuries" water and flour, nicknamed 
Lillipu, with disastrous results to their bowels. The unit dog was 
devoured "without leaving any vestige of the sacrifice. Nor did the 
shaving soap, pomatum, and even lip salve, leather of their shoes, 
cartridge boxes, 8c., share any better fate; . . . ." ^^ Chaplain Spring 
marched on, dressed in his "black canonicals," hardly the attire for 
such a toilsome venture.®^ By Christmas they were in the vicinity of 
Quebec, where he preached a sermon from "2nd Chronicles, 
elaborating on the strength of the Assyrians being 'an arm of flesh' 
while God fought for the people of Hezekiah of Judah." ^^ Hardly 
a traditional Christmas theme, but war and Dissenter standards 
make harsh demands! Earlier he had preached to his unit regularly 
in the wilderness, standing on a stack of knapsacks for a pulpit. ^^ 

The attack on Quebec was abortive. Colonel Arnold being 
wounded as he charged into a cul-de-sac. He was dragged to safety. 
Chaplain Spring examined the wounded leg, his hands covered 
with his commander's blood. Throughout the remainder of this 
action, Arnold, brave if nothing else, insisted on standing lest his 
men become discouraged by having their commander ineffective. 
So throughout the battle he stood, supported by his chaplain. 
Following the battle, it was Spring who helped him to the rear.^^ 

Concurrently, while Arnold invaded Canada, General 
Montgomery's force drove northward. Accompanying this advance 
were Chaplains Benjamin Trumbull, Daniel McCalla, and 
Hezekiah Ripley. The latter had for one of his congregants on 
Easter Day, 1776, Sgt. Bayze Wells. This noncommissioned officer 
recorded his fascination at attending a Roman Catholic Mass that 
Easter, which in contrast to the Dissenters' tradition, "is A Great 
Day Amongst Papists." He spent the day observing this strange and 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


unfamiliar form of worship, "then Left that Church and Attended 
Worship at the South Church where we had a Sermon Preached 
from these words the Proud Man Shall be Brought Lough Delvd 
(delivered) By Ripley." Obviously, the chaplain did not follow the 
church calendar in his sermon topics any more than did Chaplain 
Spring. Eight days later, he preached again from Luke 12:20.^® 

Chaplain McCalla's experience in Montgomery's force proved 
to be less than happy. Chaplain to General Thompson's command, 
he was in the forefront of the Battle of Three Rivers. It was 
complete confusion! The American force arrived late, after sun- 
rise, losing the element of surprise; British troops outflanked the 
attackers who became hopelessly entangled in a swamp. Finally the 
Americans did mount an attack, only to be cut to pieces. Chaplain 
McCalla charged gloriously at the side of his commander, and they 
were ingloriously captured together. Their next step was a prison 
ship, foul and loathsome. Ultimately, the chaplain was paroled, and 
for him the war was over as a participant.^^ 

Nothing could have been in greater contrast than the experi- 
ences of Chaplain Trumbull, three of whose diaries have survived. 
During the expedition to Canada, his references show a clergyman 
given to noting exact military details, but totally discouraged in his 
role as chaplain. He had not been prepared for life in camp and the 
field, and the rough and ready ways of soldiers shocked this sensi- 
tive village parson. Inserted among his most precise military obser- 
vations is a groan of frustration, recorded on November 6, 1775: 

These Things all Show the Wonderful Goodness of God and the 
most Conspicuous Interposition of a Divine hand. And what has 
rendered this Good of God Still more remarkable, and pro- 
claimed his Patience and Longsuffering even to Astonishment, 
has been its Triumphing and reigning over the greatest Wick- 
edness. Perhaps there never was a more ill governed Profane 
and Wicked army among a People of Such Advantages, on 

Thursday, November 16, was Thanksgiving Day. Again he 
complains to his notebook: "There is no Disposition here to reli- 
gious Duties. We have not had one Day of Thanksgiving or one 
publick Prayer ordered for all the victories of this Season. I hate 
such Company and ardently wish for the Return of Seasons of 
Domestick and publick Worship." ®^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


The capture of St. John and Chambly did elicit from General 
Washington's General Orders on November 14, 1775, a call to 
"shew their Gratitude to providence, for thus favoring the Cause of 
Freedom and America; and by their thankfulness to God, their zeal 
and perseverance in this righteous Cause, continue to deserve his 
future blessings." ^^ 

Throughout the campaigns of 1776, Chaplain Trumbull's 
diary reflects a considerably greater joy in his service, even though 
it entailed heavy combat — which nearly cost him his life — and 
much suffering. Leaving the service, he was elected commander of 
a volunteer unit on January 10, 1777, leading them in the cam- 
paign in Westchester County, New York.^^ His deep dedication to 
Christian doctrine and practice did not change, but his attitude 
respecting soldiers certainly was greatly altered. ^^ Nor ought he to 
be too harshly judged for his early raining of anathemas on his 
military flock. In addition to the cultural shock concomitant with 
uprooting a quiet pastor from his closet of prayer and meditation 
to a noisy camp, Private Barber suggests other reasons for any new 
and inexperienced chaplain being upset. Speaking about not keep- 
ing the Sabbath-holy, and this is indicative only of many other 
expressions of soldierly mis-behaviour, he writes: ". . .the habits of a 
soldier, soon effected a degree of relaxation in most of us. In 
process of time, many once pious, at least in form and appearance, 
came into the practice of treating all days nearly alike; yet there 
were some who kept up the practice of reading Watts' Psalms and 
Hymns, as a book of devotion." "^ 

Of great importance to this study is the raising of two Cana- 
dian regiments for the American army, under the command of 
Colonels Hazen and Livingston, respectively. The Rev. Adrian H. 
Germain writes, "Bishop Briand forbade his flock to aid the Ameri- 
cans, and threatened any who should join the Continental Army 
with the severest ecclesiastical censures." ^^ This was done in spite 
of the efforts of a commission sent to Canada by Congress com- 
prised of Samuel Chase, Benjamin Franklin, and Charles Carroll, 
and his cousin. Father — later Bishop — John Carroll. The Rev. 
Pierre Rene Floquet, S.J. defied the Bishop. Colonel Hazen wrote: 
"Indeed, in all appearance, it has been in all difficulty that I have 
prevailed on them thus far to their duty, in which 'Sier Floquette' 
has assisted by giving them absolution when every Priest in the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


country refused. He has now the name of My Chaplain." "^^ His 
appointment, as a chaplain, however, was never confirmed; proba- 
bly by his own desire since he did not seem to be ardent in the 
American cause. Rev. Floquet's letter to Bishop Briand, dated June 
15, 1776, states that he served the Americans "considerably from 
human respect." He elucidates: he feared that should he not minis- 
ter to their needs, "I should have caused the persecution of our 
rnissionaries in Pennsylvania and Maryland." Further, he writes: 

... In truth, in conscience, and before God, am I, or have I been 
a BOSTONNAIS rebel? No, my lord. ... I have told those who 
consulted me, that they did well to offer themselves for service 
of the King, and that those who rebelled against orders did 
wrong. I have always had the Domini Salinim sung at our Bene- 
dictions and have offered the prayer for the King. ... I have 
never said, written or done anything in behalf of Congress or of 
the United Colonies, nor have I received anything from them 
except our dilapidated house." '® 

He did inform Bishop Jean Olivier Briand that "Being asked to 
confess them, I consented to receive them if they could assure me 
that they would not go to the siege of Quebec, but merely do 
peaceful duty. . . ." 

Father Louis Eustace Lotbiniere elected to join with the 
American cause, being appointed Chaplain to Colonel Livingston's 
Regiment on January 26, 1776, and confirmed by Congress on 
August 10, 1776. He would serve until the end of the war in an 
excommunicated status from his church with the bulk of his service 
being given in the Philadelphia area. Lotbiniere was the first 
Roman Catholic to serve as a chaplain in the American Army, and 
the only one of his Church during the Revolution. ^^ 

Another priest. Father de la Valiniere, a Sulpician, was an 
outspoken pro-American. While not involved with the military 
forces of Montgomery and Arnold, he was vociferous to the extent 
that Bishop Briand saw fit to remove him. Ultimately, for the peace 
of the diocese if not for the good of his soul, he was shipped back to 
France. ^^ 

With the Siege of Boston ending in victory and the Canadian 
venture ending in failure, the war spread to new and wider theaters 
throughout the colonies. Militia units and their chaplains served 
when required for short durations in limited sectors, while the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


chaplains of the Continental Army campaigned far and wide, and 
for long periods of time. One hundred and eleven chaplains are 
known definitely to have served in the Continental Army during 
the course of its eight years duration. ^^ 

New England was not the only place where patriotism and 
religion met for the furtherance of American Independence. In 
September, 1775, Colonel William Moultrie began fortifying 
Charlestown harbour. Numbered among his officers was Captain 
Barnard Elliot, thankfully the keeper of a diary. Later, this 
patriot — by then a Major — had the pleasure of reading to the 
people of Charlestown the newly arrived Declaration of Indepen- 
dence: August 5, 1776. The ceremony was opened with prayer, 
and closed with an address by the Reverend William Percy, an 
Anglican. ^^ Captain Elliot's efforts to minister to the religious 
needs of the men in his command are worthy of careful note. He 
did not stint them, as his diary gives evidence, in theology or 
practical piety. Probably there were others before him, but this is 
the earliest known record of a unit commander during the Revolu- 
tion who, in the absence of a chaplain, conducted Divine services 
for the men in his command. (See Appendix IX.) 

During this troublous period when loyalties were being 
examined and decisions being weighed as to their logical ramifica- 
tions in reference to personal commitment, the pastor of the 
Lutheran congregation at Woodstock, Virginia made a grave 
choice; namely, how best to serve God and country. Selecting 
Ecclesiastes 3:1 for his text, his sermon on that cold Sunday morn- 
ing in January, 1776, had a shocking effect on his worshippers. 

The church was crowded with the German farmers, their wives 
and children, from far and near. The pastor implored his 
people to support the struggle for liberty. 'Dear brethren and 
sisters,' he exclaimed, 'I feel truly grieved to announce that this 
is my farewell sermon, but if it is God's will I shall soon return to 
you. It is a sacred duty that calls me from you and I feel I must 
submit to it. The endangered fatherland, to which we owe 
wealth and blood, needs our arms — it calls on its sons to drive off 
the oppressors. You know how much we have suffered for 
years — that all our petitions for help have been in vain — and 
that the King of England shut his ears to our complaints. The 
Holy Scripture says: There is a time for everything in this world; 
a time to talk, a time to be silent, a time to preach and to 
pray — but also a time to fight — and this time has come! There- 

See footnotes at end of chapter-. 


fore, whoever loves freedom and his new fatherland, he may 
follow me! ' **' 

Then followed an unprecedented scene. John Peter Gabriel 
Muhlenberg, their thirty-five year old pastor, removed his black 
clerical robes in their presence, and was found fully clothed in the 
uniform of a military officer. He had been commissioned, through 
the efforts of George Washington and Patrick Henry, a colonel 
with orders to raise and command the 8th Virginia Regiment. For 
his action, he had the precedents of the fighting bishops of the 
8th — 14th centuries. A number of his Presbyterian and Anglican 
contemporaries, who were pastors, followed the same tack, serving 
as line-officers throughout the conflict. Apparently their congre- 
gants saw nothing in serving God as a commander to be in violation 
of the expectations of a minister. Rising to their feet, the congrega- 
tion burst into a song which spoke of loyalty in an earlier period of 
revolution, and of trust in their God; "Eine feste Burg ist unser 
Gott." Rallying around their parson-turned-soldier, 162 men from 
his congregation enlisted in less than thirty minutes. ^^ 

Muhlenberg was no novice to arms. His father had sent him as 
an unruly youngster to Germany to study and learn discipline, but 
the gentleman into whose care he was sent, Gotthilf August 
Francke, finding him restless and reckless, apprenticed him to a 
grocer after an attempt at educating him at Waisenhaus. He had 
been expelled for thrashing a professor. Without consent, he 
joined a German cavalry unit where he developed a reputation for 
hard charging audacity. Somehow he next became a member of the 
60th Regiment of Foot, known as the Royal American, and, as 
secretary to an officer, returned to the Colonies, being discharged 
in 1767. The reputation he had made in the Hanover Dragoons 
and other German circles was too striking to be soon forgotten, and 
when the Hessians at Brandywine ran up against his columns, and 
recognized their former comrade mounted on a horse, they cast 
terrified glances at one another, exclaiming, "hier kommt teufel 
Pete" — "here comes Devil Pete!" ^^ Indeed Muhlenberg was a 
fighter: Charlestown, Georgia, Brandywine, Germantown, Mon- 
mouth, Virginia, and Yorktown are but a few of his actions. Unlike 
other clergymen who served as commanders, Muhlenberg — 
sometimes referred to by his contemporaries as "the Parson- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


General" — never returned to the ministry following his wartime 
service. ^^ 

An incident in Peter Muhlenberg's life is indicative of the 
times. The son of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, "the Father of 
American Lutheranism," he studied theology under Carl Magnus 
von Wrangel, and served Lutheran congregations at Bedminister 
and New Germantown, New Jersey, prior to his call to Woodstock, 
Virginia in 1771. But, in order to be considered a clergyman by the 
Established Church in Virginia, and obtain the privileges thereof, 
he had to go to England where he was ordained an Anglican 
Church clergyman on April 23, 1772! It was this type of require- 
ment to which the powerful Presbyterians and less influential Bap- 
tist bodies of Virginia objected, leading ultimately to their strong 
stand for separation of church and state. Muhlenberg never 
pastored an Anglican congregation! ^^ 

Chaplain to the unit which the Reverend Muhlenberg com- 
manded was Christian Streit. The commander's father, Henry 
Melchior Muhlenberg, noted in his journal for March 20, 1776: 

Had a visit from Mag. Christian Streit. . . about a call to an army 
chaplaincy in Virginia. He seemed favorably disposed to accept 
the service if his four congregations in Easton, Greenwich, 
Wilhelms Town, and Trucken Land were willing to release him 
and another preacher could be put in his place at once by our 
ministerium. We thought. . . that Mr. Streit should put the 
proposal to his congregations next Sunday, etc., and then report 
to me next week. . . ." ^^ 

Writing under the date of July 19, 1776, Rev. Christian Streit 
informed H. M. Muhlenberg "that he intends to accept service as 
an army chaplain in Virginia and the request that his congregations 
be cared for by a minister from our Ministerium." ^" 

Calling upon the old patriarch again, on August 23, 1776, 
Streit requested some type of letter to help him on his way, travel- 
ing being difficult and dangerous in those uncertain times. Henry 
Melchior Muhlenberg kept in his Journal a copy of the letter which 
he provided the novice chaplain: 

August 23, Friday. Whereas Bearer of these the Revd Mr. Chris- 
tian Streit has received and accepted a call to be Chaplain for the 
8th Regiment of Regulars of the State of Virginia, and on his 
Journey to move there; these are therefore to certify, that the. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


said Revd Gende man is a regularly ordained Minister of the 
Gospel, sound in Protestant Principles and sober in life, desirous 
and virtuous to promote the Glory of God and Welfare of the 
State, and therefore recommended to all Friends and 
Wellwishers of Religion and State: 

p HMB, (Heinrich Muhlenberg) 

Senior Minister and P (President) 

of the German Lutheran Ministry in 

the State of Pennsylvania. 
Philadelphia, August 23, 1776.'^« 

This letter constitutes the first denominational endorsement 
known to have been given a clergyman in his process of changing 
from civilian to militaiy status! It differs from voted approval by a 
single congregation as has been noted earlier, in that, while pred- 
icated on the approval of the congregations served and by the 
Ministerium to supply a pastor in his absence, it had the official 
approval of the Lutheran Ministry's president. It is also worthy of 
careful consideration that in this endorsement, the chaplain was 
directed to serve for "the Glory of God and Welfare of the State." 
These dual debts to God and Caesar during the Revolution were 
not considered antithetical by patriots, but synonymous. Of course, 
as we have already seen, chaplains did not, nor could not, in 
conscience condone sinful behavior either in the command itself or 
in individual lives, be they officers or enlisted men. These early 
chaplains had, indeed, a pastoral and prophetic ministry, and the 
tensions which it aroused produced numerous challanges as their 
diaries reflect. 

Prior to the Reverend — then Colonel — Muhlenberg's efforts in 
raising the 8th Virginia Regiment, the Baptists of that colony ap- 
pealed to the revolutionary government in the state for the right 
and privilege of dissenters to serve as clergymen in its military 
forces. Not being recognized by the Established Church except for 
persecution, their appeal is touching. Knowing that they could not 
serve officially as chaplains, they helped pave the way for a multi- 
denominational chaplaincy. It is a landmark request, and deserves 
consideration as leading to a broad based pluraUsm in the religious 
life of the American Armed Forces' chaplaincies. 

August 16, 1775 
An address from the Baptists in this colony was presented to the 
convention, and read; setting forth, that however distinguished 

See foptnotes at end of chapter. 


from the body of their countrymen, by appellatives and senti- 
ments of a religious nature, they nevertheless consider them- 
selves as members of the same community in respect to matters 
of a civil nature, and embarked in the same common cause; that, 
alarmed at the oppression which hangs over America, they had 
considered what part it would be proper to take in the unhappy 
contest, and had determined that in some cases it was lawful to 
go to war, and that they ought to make a military resistance 
against Great Britain in her unjust invasion, tyrannical oppres- 
sions, and repeated hostilities; that their brethren were left at 
discretion to enlist, without incurring the censure of their reli- 
gious community; and, under these circumstances, many of 
them had enlisted as soldiers, and many more were ready to do 
^o, who had an earnest desire their ministers should preach to 
them during the campaign; that they had therefore appointed 
four of their brethren to make application to this convention for 
the liberty of preaching to the troops at convenient times, with- 
out molestation or abuse, and praying the same may be granted 

Resolved, That it be an instruction to the commanding officers 
of the regiments or troops to be raised, that they permit dissent- 
ing clergymen to celebrate Divine worship, and to preach to the 
soldiers, or exhort, from time to time, as the various operations 
of the military service may permit, for the ease of such scrupu- 
lous consciences as may not choose to attend Divine service as 
celebrated by the chaplain. ^^ 

A new day of religious tolerance for dissenters was approached 
by this resolution of the revolutionary government, and the re- 
sponse by Virginia Baptists was hearty. It is unrecorded whether 
any of these "Dissenters" did conduct services for troops of the 
Baptist faith. Certainly in Virginia, they were not permitted to 
serve as chaplains. In a "Memorandum concerning Military Service 
of Baptists" found among Jefferson's papers — "In an unidentified 
hand. Endorsed by T. J: 'BAPTISTS'," officers and enlisted men 
are named. The memorandum concludes: 

There is but one single Young Man in the Neighborhood who is 
a Baptist and in a single state, that has not enlisted, and he is so 
much an Invalid that he is not on the Militia List. 
Had the Baptists been backward as is alleged, no doubt but they 
would have smarted for it, by the late Act for pitching upon Men 
to fill up the last 6 Regiments, but there were no Baptists or 
Baptist's Sons pitched upon in the counties of Amelia and 
Orange, where we reside, nor for ought we know any thing 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


It is at this period, that the Continental Congress took a his- 
toric and monumental step of great significance. On Tuesday, July 
9, 1776: "Resolved, that the Rev. Mr. Duche be appointed chaplain 
to Congress, and that he be desired to attend every morning at 9 
o'clock." ^' 

Congress was neither opposed to religion nor to a govern- 
mental chaplaincy, but only to the domination of one denomina- 
tion to the exclusion or detriment of others. Our Founding Fathers 
made the military chaplaincy a vital part of the Army, and a 
chaplaincy for Congress an equally vital part of that body. Because 
of the delegates' varied religious beliefs any slight hint of a national 
state-church relationship was unacceptable. They were not advo- 
cates of freedom from religion, as their actions give evidence, but 
certainly demanded and practiced freedom of religion in their 
official assemblies. 

John Adams wrote to his wife, Abigail, on September 16, 1774, 
concerning the "call" of the Rev. Duche. It is of vital importance to 
this study because for the first time the subject of a clergyman's 
fitness to serve as a chaplain to a governmental body was ques- 
tioned on the basis of his denominational affiliation. Amazingly, 
Congress never raised this question concerning the appointment of 
chaplains in the Continental Army. Perhaps Samuel Adams pro- 
vided the only sensible answer for both the Congress and the 
Army, and on this premise the matter was felt to be resolved. Later 
in the war when Washington raised this question, as we shall see. 
Congress blithely ignored it. 

When the Congress met, Mr. Gushing made a motion that it 
should be opened with prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay, of 
New York, and Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, because we 
were so divided in religious sentiments — some Episcopalians, 
some Quakers, some Anabaptists, some Presbyterians, and some 
Congregationalists — that we could not join in the same act of 
worship. Mr. Samuel Adams arose, and said 'that he was no 
bigot, and could hear a prayer from any gentleman of piety and 
virtue who was at the same time a friend to his country. He was a 
stranger in Philadelphia, but had heard that Mr. Duche (Dushay 
they pronounce it) deserved that character, and therefore he 
moved that Mr. Duche, an Episcopal clergyman, might be de- 
sired to read prayers before the Congress to-morrow morning.' 
The motion was seconded, and passed in the affirmative. Mr. 
Randolph, our president, waited on Mr. Duche, and received 

See footnotes at end ol chapter. 


for answer that, if his health would permit, he certainly would. 
Accordingly, next morning, he appeared with his clerk, and in 
pontificals, and read several prayers in the Established form, 
and then read the Psalter for the seventh day of September, a 
part of which was the 35th Psalm. You must remember this was 
the next morning after we had heard the rumor of the horrible 
cannonade of Boston. It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that 
Psalm to be read on that morning. 

After this, Mr. Duche, unexpectedly to every body, struck out 
into an extemporary prayer, which filled the bosom of every 
man present. I must confess, I never heard a better prayer, or 
one so well pronounced. Episcopalian as he is. Dr. Cooper him- 
self never prayed with such fervor, such ardor, such correctness, 
such pathos, and in language so elegant and sublime, for Con- 
gress, for the province of Massachusetts Bay, especially the town 
of Boston. It had an excellent effect upon every body here. I 
must beg you to read that Psalm. If there is any faith in the 
Sortes Vngillianae, or Sortes Homericae, or especially the Sortes 
Biblicae, it would be thought providential. ^- 

The tale of Congress' first chaplain is not a happy one, as 
events unfold; he will be seen in the role of a traitor during the 
dark days of 1777. 

With the actual signing of the Declaration of Independence, 
the question raised along the siege line at Boston — should prayer 
be offered for King George? — was solved at state level. 

Reporting events in Virginia, the New York Gazette, July 29, 
1776, announced: 

This day, the Virginia Convention resolved, that the following 
sentences in the morning and evening church service shall be 
omitted: — 'O Lord, save the king, and mercifully hear us when 
we call upon thee.' That the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, 
and eighteenth sentences in the Litany, for the king's majesty, 
and the Royal Family, &;c., shall be omitted. That the two 
prayers for the king's majesty, and the Royal Family, in the 
morning and evening services, shall be omitted. 
That the prayers in the communion service, which acknowledge 
the authority of the king, and so much of the prayer for the 
church militant as declares the same authority, shall oe omitted, 
and this alteration made in one of the above prayers in commun- 
ion service: 'Almighty and everlasting God, we are taught by thy 
holy word, that the hearts of all rulers are in thy governance, 
and that thou dost dispose and turn them as it seemeth best to 
thy goodly wisdom; we humbly beseech thee to dispose and 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


govern the hearts of the magistrates of this commonwealth, that 
in all their thoughts, words, and works, they may evermore seek 
thy honor and glory, and study to preserve thy people commit- 
ted to their charge in wealth, peace, and godliness. Grant this, O 
Merciful Father, for thy dear Son's sake, Jesus Christ, our Lord, 

That the following prayer shall be used instead of the prayer for 
the king's majesty, in the morning and evening service: 'O, Lord, 
our heavenly Father, high and mighty. King of kings, Lord of 
lords, the only Ruler of the universe, who dost from thy throne 
behold all the dwellers upon earth, most heartily we beseech 
thee with thy favor to behold the magistrates of this common- 
wealth, and to replenish them with the grace of thy Holy Spirit, 
that thev may always incline to thy will, and walK in tny way; 
endue them plenteously with heavenly gifts; strengthen them, 
that they may vanquish and overcome all their enemies; and 
finally, after this life, they may obtain everlasting joy and felicity, 
through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen.' 

In the twenty-sixth sentence of the Litany use these words: 'That 
it may please thee to endue the magistrates of this common- 
wealth with grace, wisdom, and understanding. 
In the succeeding one, use these words: 'That it may please thee 
to bless and keep them, giving them grace to execute justice and 
maintain truth.' Let every other sentence of the Litany be re- 
tained, without any alteration, except the above sentences re- 
cited. ^^ 

And in rehgiously broad-minded Rhode Island, the following 
action, reported without comment in the Constitutional Gazette, 
July 31, 1776, issue, is recorded: 

The representatives of the State of Rhode Island and Provi- 
dence plantations have passed a resolve. That if any person 
within that state shall, under pretense of preaching or praying, 
or in any other way or manner whatever, acknowledge or de- 
clare their late King to be their rightful lord or sovereign, or 
shall pray for the success of his arms, or that he may vanquish or 
overcome all his enemies, shall be deemed guilty of high mis- 
demeanor, and therfore be presented by the grand jury of the 
county, where the offence shall be committed, to the superior 
court of the same county; and upon conviction thereof, shall 
forfeit and pay, as a fine, to and for the use of that state, the sum 
of one hundred thousand pounds lawful money, and pay all 
costs of prosecution, and shall stand committed to goal until the 
same be satisfied. ^^ 

Previously, Congress had called for days of fasting and prayer 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


for the reconciliation of the difficulties facing the Colonies and the 
Mother Country. By now, however, the fateful step toward Inde- 
pendence had been taken, and the hand of the Almighty was 
implored to lead throughout the approaching dark and bloody 
days. Restrictions placed on prayers in public for King George 
isolated those who by conscience felt this religious duty imperative, 
causing grave sorrow and persecution to follow in its wake. In the 
midst of a revolution there is no neutrality, and "he that is not 
against us is for us" becomes a working principle. ^^ The persecu- 
tion of Tories who selected their politics because of religious al- 
legiances is a sad blot on the luster of our Revolutionary conflict. 


Chapter V 

' "From Diary of the Rev. David Avery," The American Monthly Magazine, XVII (July- 
December, 1900), 342-343. 

- Daniel Barber, The History of My Own Times (Washington, D.C.: S. C. Ustick, 1827), Part 1, 5. 

^Ibid., 12, 13. 

Ubid., 17. 

5 M., W. W., E., E. E., and W. G. EeWs, Eells Family Histon in America, 1633-1952 (Ann Arbor, 
Mich.: Edward Brothers, 1969), 37-38. 

® J. T. Headley, The Chaplains and Clergy of The Resolution (N.Y.: Charles Scribner, 1864), 60. 

^ Ibid., 62. "The warrants varied somewhat in the different Colonies, but the following form, 
adopted in Connecticut, will answer as a sample of all." 

* Chauncey Ford (ed.). Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789), (Washington, D.C.: 
U.S. Government Printing Office, 1905), II 

^Ibid., 89-90. 

'"Ibid., 91. 

''Ibid., 112, 121. 

'- Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., II, 309. 

'^ Ibid., Ill, 403. 

'* Ford, Op. Cit., 11, 220. 

'^ Headley, Op. Cit., 62. 

'"Ibid, 62-63. Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 197-198. 

''' Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 198. 

"* Headley, Op. Cit., 63. 

'9 Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 307-308. 

'"Ibid., V, 192-193. 

'^'Ibid., V, 243. 

"/fo</., V, 244-245. 

"/forf., V, 245. 

'Ubid., V, 367. 

'Ubid, V, 43. 

'^Ubid., V, 50. 

" DeForest, Op. Cit., 166. 

'Ubid., 166. 

-" Headley, Op. Cit., 135-136. 

^° William B. Spngue, Annals of the American Pulpit (N.Y.: Robert Carter and Brothers, 1859), 
VIll, 83-92. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


^' Richard Frothingham, Jr., History of the Siege of Boston (Boston: Charles C. Little and James 
Brown, 1849), 202. A question as to the extent of Rev. Martin's loyalty and heroism is raised in the 
following article: Murdock, "The Remarkable Story of The Rev. John Martin," Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, LVIII (Oaober, 1924— June, 1925), 201-214. 

»- Headley,0/>. Cit., 71. 

33 Avery, Op. CiL, XVII, 344. 

3^ "Diary of Rev. Benjamin Boardman," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Second 
Series, VII (1891, 1892), 407. The word following "great" is not legible. "Response To A Seranade," 
November 10, 1864. 

35 Avery, Op. Cit., XVII, 345. 

3« Boardman, Op. Cit., VII, 403, 405, 407, 408, 410, 412. 

3^ Boardman, 0/>. Cit., 413. 

38/forf., 401^02. 

39 Avery, O/). Cit., 344-345. 

■»» Boardman, 0/7. Cit., VII, 411-412. 

*'Ilnd., 412. 

■•^ "Journal of Dr. Belknap," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society (1858-1860), 84. 

■*3 Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., Ill, 497. 

*"* "John Murray," Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., VII, 362. 

*^ Thomas Whittemore, The Life of Rev. John Murray, Preacher of Universal Salvation (Boston, 
1833), 184. 

^« Moore, Op. Cit., I, 222-223. 

■»^ Ihid., 282. 

^^Ibid., 225. 

" Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 164. 

^"Ibid., 164. 

5' Jeanette D. Black and William G. Roelker, A Rhode Island Chaplain in the Revolution, Letters of 
Ebenezer David to Nicolas Broum, 1775-1778. (Providence: The Rhode Island Society of The Cincin- 
nati, 1949), Letter x, 36-37. Abiel Leonard, A Prayer composed For the Benefit of the Soldiery, in the 
American Army, To assist them in their private Devotions: and recommended for their particular Use: By Abiel 
Leonard, A.M., Chaplain to General Putnam's Regiment, in said Army. Cambridge: Printed, S. & E. Hase, 

"Joseph Emerson, Op. Cit., XLIV, 69. 

"/ferf., 70. 

^Ubid., 71. 

*5 Lossing, Op. Cit., II, Supplement XIII, 681. John Codman, Arnold's Expedition to Canada 
(N.Y.: The Macmillan Company, 1901), 8-9. 

^^ Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., Ill, 492. 

^^ Ibid., 495-496. 

5* Headley, Op. Cit., 92. Author's footnote: "I am indebted for this and other instances to a 
member of his (Chaplain Spring) family." John J. Currier, History of Newburyport, Mass, 1764-1905 
(Newburyport, Mass.: Published by the author, 1906), 557-558. 

"•^ Headley, Op. Cit., 93. 

«» Codman, 0/7. Cit., 39. Lossing, Op. Cit., I, 191-192. 

®' "Journal of Isaac Senter on A Secret Expedition Against Quebec," Abbatt, Op. Cit., XI, 37. 

*- Harrison Bird, Attack on Quebec: The American Invasion of Canada, 1775. (N.Y.: Oxford 
University Press, 1968), 68. 

«3/fo-rf., 192. 

«^ Headley, Op. Cit., 61. 

*5 "From the Diary of John Joseph Henry," Kenneth Roberts (ed.) March To Quebec: Journals of 
The Members of Arnold's Expedition. (N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc., 1938), 376. "Now we 
saw Colonel Arnold returning, wounded in the leg, and supported by two gentlemen; a parson 
Spring was one, and in my belief, a Mr. Ogden the other." Headley, Op. Cit., 104-105. Bird, Op. Cit., 

®® "Orderly Books and Journals Kept By Connecticut Men While Taking Part in the American 
Revolution, 1115-1119,," Collections of The Connecticut Historical Society, VII (1899), 262-263. 

«' Headley, Op. Cit., 276-279. 

^* Collections, CHS, Op. Cit., VII, 160. 

^^Ibid., 167. 


'» Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 87. 

'• Collections, CHS, OP. Cit., VII, 219-220. 

'-Ibid., 218. 

" Barber, Op. Cit., I, 14. 

'* Adrian H. Germain, Catholic Military and Naval Chaplains, 1776-1917. (Washington, D.C.: 
1929), 2. 

'^American Catholic Historical Researches, V, 148. 

'^Ibid., 65-67. 

^^ Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of The Continental Army, April, 1 175 to 
December, 1783. (Washington, D.C.: The Rare Book Shop Publishing Company, Inc., 1914), 357. 
Germain, Op. Cit., 2-10. 
"A Canadian Priest of The Eighteenth Century," Records of The American Catholic Historical Society 

of Philadelphia, XV. 
For a less favorable view of Chaplain Lotbiniere, see: 
Gustove Lanctot, Canada and The American Rei'olution. (Margaret M. Cameron, Translator) 

(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 113-114. 
"In January, Arnold found the man he needed in the person of the Abbe Louis de Lotbiniere, the 
n'er-do-well son of a noble family. This former Recollect and Franciscan had been interdicted by 
Mgr. de Pontbriand. He had declared himself an apostate and had tried to discredit Mgr. Briand, 
then Vicar-General, with the British authorities. Moved by compassion for the enemy who had 
slandered him, the new Bishop had readmitted him to the secular clergy, and this was the man who, 
on January 26, 1776, received Arnold's commission as chaplain to Livingston's regiment with a salary 
of sixty dollars a month and the promise of a bishop's mitre after the conquest of the country." 
"Lotbiniere," New Catholic Encyclopedia, Op. Cit., VIII, 1003. Although there is some discrepancies 
between this article and the above reference, there is enough coinciding materials to identify its 
subject with the earlier career of Chaplain Lotbiniere. 

^•^ Germain, Op. Cit., II. 

'* Heitman, Op. Cit., lists 117 chaplains in the Continental Army. Charles H. Metzger ques- 
tions six of Heitman's entiries. See: "Chaplains in the American Revolution," The Catholic Historical 
Review, XXXI, No. 1 (April, 1941), 51. 

«" Lossing, O/). Cit., II, 551. 

'^' "The Germans of The Valley," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, X, (June, 
1903), 128. 

^-Ibid., 129. 

«Mforf., 129-130 

** "Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg, "Z)?W;o«arv of American Biography, Op. Cit., VII, 312. Donald Barr 
Chidsey, The Loyal Americans. (N.Y.: Crown Publishers, Inc.), 1973, 92. 

*^ Through the generosity of Philip H. Snyder of New York City, Muhlenberg's certificate of 
ordination to the Church of England's diaconate was presented to the US Army Chaplaincy's 
Museum and Archives. 

*® Theodore G. Tappert and John W. Doberstein (translators), The Journals of Henry Mekhior 
Muhlenberg. (Philadelphia: The Muhlenberg Press, 1958), 11, 718. 

^'Ibid., II, 725. 

^^bid., II, 736. 

*® Hezekiah Niles (ed.). Republication of the Principles and Acts of the Rei'olution in America. (N.Y.: 
A. S. Barnes and Company, 1876), 285-286. 

«» Boyd, Op. Cit. I, 662. 

»' Ford, Op. Cit., I, 129. 

®* Charles Francis Adams (ed.),The Works of John Adams (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1866), 
II, 368-369. 

»3 Moore, Op. Cit., I, 266-267. 

^Ubid., 278. 

»* Luke 9:50. 


"A Flaming Sword Which Turned Every Way" 

From Howe in New York 

To Burgoyne at Saratoga, 


New York City, the seat of war following the American defeat 
at Quebec and General Howe's evacuation of Boston, proved to be 
an amazement to the troops of the Continental Army stationed 
there. For men whose lives were lived on isolated farms and in tiny 
villages, or on the lonely frontier, a city numbering 20,000 souls 
and a square mile of buildings was nearly overwhelming. Chaplain 
Philip Fithian reporting there for duty to General Nathaniel Heard 
on July 13, 1776, noted that he "showed him my Appointment 
which he approved." ^ Two events immediately captured the young 
chaplain's attention. First, the ruins of the equestrian statue of King 
George which a mob, upon receiving news of the signing of the 
Declaration of Independence, had pulled down, carrying pieces of 
it in a parade while fifes and drums played the "Rogues March." It 
would be soon melted down to make bullets for use against His 
Majesty's Army. Secondly, Fithian recorded: "Sunday here seems 
like common Time." " Comparable comments are in almost every 
diary of this era. Religiously, the colonists, especially in New Eng- 
land and the Middle Colonies, were Sabbatarians, keeping 
Sunday — often called "the Lord's Day" — sacred from Saturday 
sunset until Sunday twilight. During the French and Indian War, 
Chaplain Cleaveland found Army life not conducive to New Eng- 
land's style of sanctity, and so "cautioned ye Regiment in ye morn- 
ing to remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy — and they did 
behave quite civilly in general. But I never saw just such a Sabbath 
before." ^ It was a day when all work, play, and social activities, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


even the most harmless, ceased and were replaced by private medi- 
tation, prayer and Bible reading. Not surprisingly, church atten- 
dance was the only authorized public gathering, and even this 
could be forsaken for personal devotions. Rev. Daniel Barber re- 
membered: "It was then common to hear the saying, 'Though I did 
not attend the meeting on Sunday, I staid home and read my 
Bible.' " While he was a young soldier, the breaking of the Sabbath 
was so extraordinary as to be noted in his records: 

Now, for the first time, we traveled on the Lord's day, under 
arms, and past meeting-houses in the time of public worship, 
with drums and fifes playing martial music; all which was calcu- 
lated to afford to a New England man some doubts and serious 
reflection, whether God would be as well pleased with such 
parades and military performance as if we had staid at home to 
read our Bible, or went to meeting to hear the minister.^ 

It is doubtful that the Puritanical respect for Sunday as the 
Christian Sabbath ever fully recovered from the effects caused by 
mihtary operations during the Revolutionary War. 

Philip Fithian was a young Presbyterian chaplain assigned to 
Colonel Silas Newcomb's battalion of militia from New Jersey. 
Newly married, he left his bride for duty in New York; a duty from 
which he never returned. His pre-war Journal, kept while he 
served as a tutor for the children of Robert Carter at Nomini Hall, 
Virginia, is a classic, providing authoritative insight into the life 
style of Virginia's James River society. During the New York cam- 
paign, he preached, prayed with his unit, visited the sick, accom- 
panied his troops on marches, associated with other chaplains, and 
caught a glimpse — all too short — of a world far greater than his 
previous limited experience allowed. When ill for the first time in 
the campaign, he was visited by Chaplain Obadiah Noble; chaplains 
in the Revolution took care of one another! ^ Among his several 
duties, that which he found most painful was caring for the 
wounded, the sick, and the dying in hospitals. His Journal recalls 
poignantly his anguish: 

After Evening Prayers I walked to the Hospitals of three Regi- 
ments; to ours; & the two New England Battalions. — A Sight 
that Forces Compassion — An unfeeling Heart here is brutal . . . 
& here I must daily Visit, . . . my whole Frame revolts against 
it — ! But I am not discouraged, nor dispirited; I am willing to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


hazard & suffer equally with my Countrymen since I have a firm 

Conviction that I am in my Duty.*^ 

These words, written two centuries ago, are as fresh as if they 
had been jotted down recently in a contemporary chaplain's diary, 
or letter home. This sense of revolt, of helplessness in the presence 
of pain and inevitable death has caused many a chaplain's heart to 
cry out, "I believe; help thou mine unbelief." ^ It will motivate 
Ebenezer David, another young chaplain in our story, to leave the 
chaplaincy at Valley Forge to become a medical officer. He, too, 
would never return home, but found a grave far from his dear 

Divine services were held in civilian churches, when possible, 
during the campaign in New York City and Long Island. Sunday, 
July 28, 1776, found Fithian, who meticulously prepared and 
memorized his sermons, preaching in the "large Dutch Church" to 
three battalions. "I endeavored to persuade them to put their Trust 
in God, &: secure his Friendship." Dining with Chaplain Noble at 
the Colonel's mess, the topic of discussion at lunch centered on 
"religious subjects." In the afternoon Noble preached, and Fithian 
noted, "our Worship is sollemn." In the evening after prayers, 
Fithian made his rounds at the hospital, and "prayed with the 
distressed youth." The following day all his patients were recover- 
ing except one. He "has been light and ungodly, by his own ready 
Acknowledgement, in past Life. He seems now however, in the 
sober hours of Death, to have different Notions of present Sc future 
things, 8c deeply, I hope properly, impressed with a Sense of 
Eternity." On July 31, Fithian comments: "One young Man lies at 
the Door of Death. ... I prayed with him 8c recommended him to 
the Good 8c kind Jesus. O what a blessed Priviledge have we that we 
may in all Troubles go to our common Father." Occasioned by the 
first man to die in his unit, the chaplain prayed: "The first Breach 
that has been made on our Battalion. May our God sanctify the 
Stroke to the Remainder." ^ 

Orders for movement to Long Island found the New Jersey 
militia fearful and grumbling. Chaplain Fithian responded by 
marching with his men; "Gave them a short Address on the Expec- 
tation of an Attack in the morning, prayed, 8c retired. . . ." Au- 
gust 22, 1776 found him and his unit installed in Fort Box, "the 
westernmost of five forts in the American main line of defenses." He 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


records, "I equipt myself for Action. With my Gun, Canteen, 
Knapsack, Blanket, . . . ." Following a night of light firing, he left 
, the fort to walk 2 1/2 miles to where the major contest was going on. 
The Battle of Long Island, August 27, elicited from him the 
amazed comment: "O doleful! (;loleful! doleful! — Blood! Carnage! 
Fire! . . . such a Din my Ears never before heard! — And the 
distressed wounded, came crying into the Lines!" Then came the 

Traveling by sloop, Chaplain Fithian next found himself in the 
vicinity of Fort Washington, Life was rough: "Since Tuesday Eve- 
ning we have had only Bread 8c raw Meat. . . ," Billeted in a tent, 
he tries to get things organized. Daily prayers with his battalion 
continue, even though, "our men looked blue with the cold." 
Soaked by cold rains, and sleeping on the ground with all of his 
clothes over him for warmth, Chaplain Fithian takes ill. Heavy 
action continues, and though sick, he responds to fulfill his duties. 
He is learning to enjoy the war, but there lingers in his serious 
nature too much spiritual sensitivity to prevent him from becoming 
an outright crusader. Confessing secretly to his Journal, he reveals: 

There is something forceably grand in the Sound of Drums 8c 
Fifes when they are calling such an Army as ours to contend with 
another of perhaps equal Force! Whenever they come together 
the Death of many must be the Consequence — And this thought 
with all its Pomp of serious Grandieur, is ever associated with the 
Call to Arms wnen the two Armies lie so near each other, 8c daily 
expect an Action!'^ 

News of the fall of New York evoked from Chaplain Fithian a 
response of repentance. "We are a sinful Nation, O Lord. But is it 
written in thy Book concerning us that we must always fly before 
the Enemies? . . . We pray, good Lord for thy interposing Mercy; 
O spare us, &: spare our Land." Meeting Chaplain Israel Evans who 
had been on the attack and withdrawal from Canada, he said with 
compassion, "poor Boy, he will grow used to retreating." ^^ 

Nearly the last entry in Chaplain Fithian's Journal makes ref- 
erence to breakfasting with Dr. Timothy Elmer, Captain of the 
Cumberland County Militia. "The Battalion to which he belongs," 
wrote the chaplain, "is Militia raised for one Month." ^^ This points 
up one of the major problems facing the American military during 
the entire Revolution. Robert G. Albion wrote: "There were more 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


than 525,000 separate enlistments in the American forces. Making 
deductions for the men who reenhsted, it is estimated that more 
than 400,000 different men served in the army at one time or 
another. Yet Washington never had 20,000 under his command at 
once. Large numbers of green men were in every battle. — No 
wonder Washington exclaimed 'What we need is a good army, not a 
large one.' " ^^ 

Dysentery, that scourge of early armies, struck Chaplain Fith- 
ian on September 23, 1776. His old school mate. Chaplain Andrew 
Hunter, visited him regularly in his fatal illness. "Were I in his 
situation," he wrote to the young bride, "should wish to see so near 
a Friend as a wife." Mrs. Fithian did not arrive, but Hunter con- 
tinued to nurse him to the end.^^ 

Chaplain William Hollingshead, who had been a member of 
the committee which licensed Fithian to preach, reported the tragic 

. . . visited Mr. Fithian who has been dangerously ill these some 
weeks. I found him lying upon a thin bed raised from the floor 
only by a little straw covered with a blanket or two; with no other 
shelter from the inclemency of the season than a small Marque 
that with 3 other persons to lodge in it besides himself, 2 of 
whom was also sick; He is reduced to the lowest state one would 
imagine possible for human nature to support under, besides 
which, he has no physician to attend him but an unskilful quack 
of a Surgeons mate, &: no nurse but an unknowing country lad. 
Alas! how unhappy a Situation is this.^^ 

Death eventually came, and the faithful Chaplain Hunter re- 
corded for October 9, 1776: "About 10 O'Clock Mr. Fithian was 
buried — His Funeral was attended by several Clergymen and 
Officers and Soldiers of Col. Newcomb's Regt. with as much de- 
cency as the nature of the case would allow. . . ." ^^ 

Hunter and Fithian had been the closest friends. While the one 
died for his country, the other was to live a long life of dedicated 
service for her. Hunter served throughout the war with distinction, 
and late in life entered the United States Navy, as a chaplain in 
1811. Having been a pastor and college professor in civilian life, his 
appointment was ideal for the task to which he was assigned; 
namely, to be the Navy's schoolmaster. "The Secretary of the Navy 
ordered Chaplain Htinter to prepare a curriculum for the young 
midshipmen stationed at the Washington Naval Yard and so he 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


became the organizer and, for a time, the whole faculty, of what 
was to be the Naval Academy at Annapolis." ^^ Actually, this work 
was begun by Chaplain Robert Thompson, and carried on after his 
death in 1810 by Hunter, It is safe to assert that the beginning of 
the United States Naval Academy began with the work of these two 
Navy chaplains — one a veteran Army chaplain of the Revolution. ^^ 
In addition to Evans, Fithian, Hollingshead, Hunter and No- 
ble, other chaplains serving in the New York campaign were: 
Avery, Benedict, Carnes, Ebenezer and John Cleaveland, David, 
Ellis, Gano, Pomeroy and Strong. Benjamin Pomeroy is worthy of 
special notice. A veteran chaplain of the French and Indian War, 
he volunteered at the age of 71 years for service in the Revolution. 
Having served with a militia unit, he was enrolled in the Continen- 
tal Army as the Chaplain of the 3rd Connecticut during the period 
January 1, 1777 to July 1, 1778. Leaving the service at age 74, he 
lived to see the peace which brought Independence to his coun- 
try. ^^ 

From the diary of Lieutenant Jabez Fitch, a veteran of the 
French and Indian War, who was taken prisoner at the Battle of 
Long Island, we hear a distressing note. Concerning events on 
Satiirday, August 24, 1776, he complains: "At about 6 o'Clock, the 
Revd. Mr, Ellis, who set off with us from Camp with great Zeal, but 
when we pass'd the Lines of Genii: Greens encampment, he some- 
how seemed to Disappear, & had not been heard of again in the 
Regt: untill now; but he now Attend' with Regt: in the Church." ^° 
Obviously the Lieutenant was disappointed that the chaplain did 
not accompany his unit to the place of danger. Without excusing 
Ellis' absence, it is questionable if the chaplain did in fact avoid 
hazardous duty. His service record would indicate otherwise. He 
joined the Revolutionary army before Boston on July 6, 1775, 
serving until October 31, 1783 at such places as Valley Forge along 
the way. He and Israel Evans had the longest periods of military 
service in the Revolution; 7 years and 1 1 months. During the New 
York campaign Ellis was the chaplain of the 17th Continental 
Regiment, but provided coverage for the 22nd Continental Regi- 
ment as well. Apparently Congressional approval of one chaplain 
per regiment, announced by Washington on July 9, had not been 
implemented during this campaign. It is conceivable that Ellis was 
out of sight to Lt. Fitch, but not out of the action. Nonetheless, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Fitch's disappointment in not finding his chaplain with the troops 
during the time of danger is indicative of the need for better 
chaplain distribution, and marks the universal desire of American 
fighting men to have with them in their periods of crisis the chap- 
lain who leads them in worship and ministers to them at quieter 
times. This point ought never to be lost! 

Lt. Fitch was a devout man, whose private devotions give 
insight to the type of congregants with whom chaplains dealt, and 
symbolizes a particular life-style, "in season, and out of season." ^^ 
Captured on Long Island and confined to a prison ship, he repeatly 
"Read two leves of an old Bible containing Pauls Epistle to the 
Ephesians, which I had put into my Pocket at the House where 
Capt Jewett Died." "^ Obtaining a Bible later, he devoured it during 
the course of his captivity, reading entire books at a time. "I this 
Day Read the Book of Exodus throughout" is his diary entry on 
Monday, September 23, 1776.^^ The Word of God was his food, 
literally. He continues, "This has been a very hungry Day to us, 
having drawn no provisions at all. . . ." ^^ Due to the severity of 
his treatment while a prisoner. Fitch was disabled for much of his 
life. Yet his Bible continued to sustain him throughout his impris- 
onment and later life as well. Perhaps his experience as a POW on 
British prison ships motivated him to become a social activist. 
W. H. W. Sabine writes of him: "He was early engaged, also, in 
the abolition of the African slavery, and a zealous advocate of re- 
ligious and civil liberty, which principles he retained till his death." "^ 
And no doubt his deep study of the Scriptures — his was no fox- 
hole conversion — showed him the way. Late in life, this combat 
veteran of two wars wrote: 

Feb. 26, 1807, arrived to 70 years of age — having during my 
70th year, read the Bible through in course 8 times, and the New 
Testament the 9th time.-^ 

Fort Washington's surrender on November 16, 1776 was a 
major catastrophe for the American Army, and brought the New 
York campaign to its dismal close. Following heavy fighting, the 
forces of Colonel Magaw capitulated. Two thousand members of 
the Continental Army and six hundred militiamen went into captiv- 
ity; among them. Chaplain Samuel Wood of the Fifth Connecticut 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Regiment. Prisoners were removed to confinement aboard British 
prison ships in New York Harbor. Little is known of either Chap- 
lain Wood's personal history or his ministry aboard the infamous 
Asia. He died in captivity in Mil r"^ 

Preceding him in death was Chaplain Noah Welles, whose 
demise was attributed to jail fever while he ministered to the 
spiritual needs of British prisoners of war. The date of his death: 
December 31, 1776. Records are scant, but the indication is that 
this was a rare type of ministry for chaplains, and the first of its 
kind in the American Army.^^ 

The loss of New York City followed by the pathetic surrender 
of Forts Washington and Lee, left the military forces of the United 
Provinces in disastrous conditions. Washington split his forces 
three ways: General Charles Lee with less than 6,000 troops was 
positioned at North Castle to block a possible British drive into New 
England. General William Heath and some 3,200 troops was at 
Peekskill to try and keep the enemy from penetrating the upper 
Hudson, while Washington with his remaining force retreated 
through New Jersey. Enlistments were terminating, provisions 
were short, morale was down. Behind Washington lay a series of 
defeats, excepting only the indecisive Battle of White Plains. In this 
action several chaplains distinguished themselves. Taking a break 
from his theological studies at Yale, Joel Barlow — whose distin- 
guished career outside of the ministry will be noted later — served 
with Washington's army during his vacations. School must have 
been very rigorous! "At White Plains he distinguished himself by 
his bravery," says the historian, J. T. Headley. In this action he was 
not serving as a chaplain. ^^ 

John Gano was a fighting chaplain with a keen eye toward 
example and morale. In the fierce fighting at Chatterton's Hill he 
was in advance of his unit. Perhaps with tongue in cheek he wrote: 
"My station in time of action I knew to be among the surgeons; but 
in this battle I somehow got in front of the regiment, yet I durst not 
quit my place for fear of dampening the spirits of the soldiers, or of 
bringing on me an imputation of cowardice. Rather than do either, 
I chose to risk my fate." This is the earliest reference that a chap- 
lain's battle station was thought to be or was directed to be with the 
medics! ^^ On what authority Gano "knew" his place was not given 
by him, and records of a chaplain's duties are nowhere referred to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


in any extant document. Perhaps he was so directed by his com- 
mander, but this at best is conjecture only. 

Worthy of note are diaiy notations from that firebrand chap- 
lain, Thomas Allen. While hungering for combat, he does not 
neglect caring for the evacuation of wounded under fire. 
Throughout the history of the chaplaincy, this type of behavior has 
been taken for granted. Here is an early example of pastoral 
concern for the wounded in a combat situation. 

Lord's day, Oct. 27. — Arrived at break of day at White Plains, 
having performed a march of above twelve miles in the night. 
Lay down after daylight for sleep on the ground. . . . En- 
camped on White Plains in our tent, having been marvellously 
preserved in our retreat. — Dr. Wright, of New Marlborough, 
was buried this day — such a confused Sabbath I never saw. 
Oct. 28 — About 9 o'clock, A.M., the enemy and our out parties 
were engaged; about 10, they appeared in plain sight, falhng off 
towards our right wing. A strong cannonade ensued from both 
armies. A great part of the enemy's strength seemed bent to- 
wards our right wing, but no additional force of ours was as yet 
directed, that way. 

At length the enemy came up with our right wing, and a most 
furious engagement ensued by cannonade and small arms, 
which lasted towards two hours. Our wing was situated on a hill, 
and consisted of, perhaps, something more than a brigade of 
Maryland forces. The cannonades and small arms played most 
furiously without cessation — I judge more than twenty-three 
cannon in a minute. 

At length a reenforcement of Gen. Bells' brigade was ordered 
from an adjacent hill, where I was. I had an inclination to go 
with them to the hill, that I might more distinctly see the battle, 
and perhaps contribute my mite to our success. Just as we began 
to ascend the hill, we found our men had given way, and were 
moving off the hill in some confusion, at which some elevated 
shots from the enemy came into the valley where we were very 
thick — one of which took off the fore part of a man's foot in 
about three rods of me. I saw the ball strike, and the man fall; as 
none appeared for his help, I desired five or six of those who 
had been in battle to carry him off. Others I saw carrying off 
wounded in different directions. With the rest I retreated to the 
main body. Our men fought with great bravery; they were sore 
galled by the enemy's field-pieces.^' 

During this period, Chaplain David Jones was located at Fort 
Ticonderoga with General St. Clair's Brigade. A British attack was 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


expected hourly, and morale was shaken by recent military disas- 
ters. The Chaplain, a Baptist from Pennsylvania, knew his men 
well, and stepped before them to steady their flagging spirits. His 
sermon, which was delivered on October 20, is reminiscent of an 
Old Testament prophet's, and is a splendid example of how a 
chaplain visualized his role in whipping up the fighting spirit of his 
unit in an effort to strengthen its combat power. Recognizing that 
the individual soldier is, in the final analysis, "the ultimate 
weapon," he delivered a rousing message of blessings and curses. A 
battle ensued, and some of Jones' auditors died before the sun set. 
(See Appendix VIII.) 

In the Middle Colonies, Washington's retreat through New 
Jersey culminated in a badly needed victory, perhaps the only event 
which saved both the Army and the Revolution from collapse. At 
the scene was a long time patriot. Chaplain Alexander MacWhor- 
ter. Appointed by the Continental Congress in 1775 to win people 
of loyalist sympathies to the Revolutionaiy cause, he and Elihu 
Spencer toured North Carolina while his former teacher, William 
Tennent, toured South Carolina. Regrettably the only extant writ- 
ing of MacWhorter is a sermon not germaine to our study, entitled, 
"Historical Discourses, Relationing to the First Presbyterian 
Church in Newark." Tennent, however, did leave a Journal of his 
efforts "to induce the Tories to sign an Association to support the 
cause of the Colonists." ^^ 

MacWhorter was intimately acquainted with the central New 
Jersey area. No doubt it was this knowledge which brought him 
into the meeting where the operations plan for the Battle of Tren- 
ton was developed. Washington, realizing that in their civilian 
capacities chaplains knew the geography of their locations ex- 
tremely well from making pastoral visits, was not averse to using 
chaplains as scouts and guides for his army's maneuverings. May it 
be conjectured that Chaplain MacWhorter, familiar with the area, 
helped in laying out the avenues of approach to this famous battle? 
Regrettably no records exist to clarify his role in this meeting other 
than that he "took part." ^^ 

Crossing the Delaware on Christmas night, the American force 
of 2400 men and 20 pieces of artillery took the partying Hessians 
by total surprise, routing them utterly. Among Colonial Protestants 
in New England and the Middle Colonies, the only religious holi- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


day was Thanksgiving Day: special days for thanksgiving in Ught of 
particular blessings, and days of fasting and humiliation because of 
the frown of Providence" were kept, and of course, the Sabbath. 
The Church calendar was anathema to them; they celebrated those 
days only which the Bible designated as sacred. Christmas was not 
one of them for most Americans, except in the South, as we have 
seen before in this history. 

Having crossed the Delaware River and marched those twelve 
snow filled miles to Trenton, the now seasoned combat chaplains, 
John Gano and David Avery, took their places in the line of battle. 
With active service at the siege of Boston, Bunker Hill, the Cana- 
dian expedition. Long Island, and the retreat through Jersey be- 
hind him, Chaplain Avery may have developed that sense of tough 
invulnerability so commonly found in old combat soldiers. In his 
case it would be inappropriate to call it a devil-may-care spirit! If 
such were the case, he was wrong. A questionable legend says that 
his concept of a military pastor's duty took him to the top of a rum 
cask, armed with the musket of a fallen soldier, firing Christmas 
greetings into the fleeing Hessians. But he was not invulnerable! A 
bullet found his right hip, leaving him incapacitated for weeks 
following.^'* He would add Valley Forge, Ticonderoga, and Bur- 
goyne's surrender to his lengthening list of notable services to his 
nation a-borning. 

The famous Christmas night battle at Trenton was not the only 
action of that period, 25 December 1776 — 3 January 1777 being 
the time frame of the operations running from the Battle of Tren- 
ton to the Battle of Princeton. January 2, 1777 is the date of the 
death of the first American chaplain killed during the Revolution. 
John Rosbrugh, whose name appears in records under four other 
spellings, was a native of Scotland who emigrated to the colonies by 
way of northern Ireland. He "belonged to that sturdy class known 
as the Scotch-Irish, who have furnished so large a proportion of the 
brains, backbone, and muscle which have been indispensable in 
shaping and maintaining our nationality," states John C. Clyde, his 
biographer. ^^ Born in 1714, he did not begin his formal education 
for the Presbyterian ministry until 1761, at which time his name 
appears on a list as one receiving financial assistance from a fund 
raised for students at the College of New Jersey. This donation was 
provided for students exhibiting the following attributes: "as are 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


unable to defray the expenses of their education, who upon exami- 
nation, to be of promising genuis, Calvanistic principles, and in the 
judgement of charity, experimentally acquainted with a work of 
saving grace, and have a distinguished zeal for the glory of God, 
and salvation of men." ^^ The Presbytery of New Brunswick or- 
dained Amos Thompson and Nathan Kerr — both would become 
Revolutionary chaplains — and licensed "John Roxburrow" to the 
work of the ministry. ^^ He was ordained on December 1 1, 1764 at 
the Greenwich Presbyterian Church in Warren County, New Jer- 
sey. Colonel Robert Magaw's surrender at Fort Washington 
brought the war home to Rosbrugh; many of his neighbors and 
relatives in that debacle came from Allen Township, Pennsylvania, 
where he was the pastor. The Presbyterians had long since taken 
their stand, as is reflected in a pastoral letter sent out from the 
Synod of New York and Philadelphia at its meeting on May 20, 
1775. It reads: 

Suffer us then to lay hold of your present temper of mind, 
and to exhort expecially the young and vigorous, by assuring 
them that there is no soldier so undaunted as the pious man; no 
army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of 
death. There is nothing more awful to think of, than that those 
whose trade is war, should be despisers of the name of the Lord 
of hosts, and that they should expose themselves to the immi- 
nent danger of being immediately sent from cursing and cruelty 
on earth, to the blaspheming rage and despairing horror of the 
infernal pit. Let therefore, every one, who from generosity of 
spirit, or benevolence of heart, offer himself as a champion in 
his country's cause, be persuaded to reverence the name, and 
walk in the fear of the Prince of the kings of the earth, and then 
he may, with the most unshaken firmness, expect the issue either 
in victory or death. 

Be careful to maintain the union which at present subsides 
through all the colonies. Nothing can be more manifest than 
that the success of every measure depends on its being inviolably 
preserved, and therefore, we hope that you will leave nothing 
undone which can promote that end. In particular, as the Con- 
tinental Congress, now sitting at Philadelphia, consists of dele- 
gates chosen in the most free and unbiased manner, by the body 
of the people, let them not only be treated with respect, and 
encouraged in their difficult service, not only let your prayers be 
offered up to God for his direction in their proceedings, but 
adhere firmly to their resolutions, and let it be seen that they are 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


able to bring out the whole strength of this vast country to carry 
them into effect. ^^ 

Following Fort Washington's capitulation, and while Washing- 
ton's force retreated south through New Jersey, the Pennsylvania 
militia was ordered to the field. It is noteworthy that the only 
reasons deemed sufficient for anyone not going to reinforce the 
Continental Army are "sickness, infiimity of Body, age, religious 
scruples or an absolute order from authority of this state." ^^ 

Rev. Rosbrugh assembled his congregation, reading them the 
following letter from General Washington to Colonel John Sieg- 
fried of Allen Township: 


The Council of Safety of this State, by their resolves of the 
17th inst., empowered me to call out the militia of Northamp- 
tion county, to the assistance of the Continental army, that by 
our joint endeavors, we may put a stop to the progress of the 
enemy, who are making preparations to advance to Philadelphia 
as soon as they cross the Delaware, either by boats or on the ice. 
As I am unacquainted with the names of the Colonels of your 
militia, I have taken the liberty to enclose you six letters, in 
which you will please insert the names of the proper officers, 
and send them immediately to them by persons in whom you 
can confide for their delivery. If there are not as many Colonels 
as letters you may destory the balance not wanted. I earnestly 
entreat those who are so far lost to a love of country as to refuse 
to lend a hand to its support at this time, they depend upon 
being treated as their baseness and want of public spirit will most 
justly deserve. 

I Am, Sir, Your Most Obedient Servant: 

Following this presentation, the pastor, now 63 years of age, 
preached a sermon using Judges 5:23 for his text: "Curse ye 
Meroz, saith the angel of the Lord; curse ye bitterly the inhabitants 
thereof; because they came not to the help of the Lot d against the 
mighty." It was a carefully selected and appropriate choice of 
Scriptural admonition. The discourse finished, Rosbrugh's congre- 
gants heard him say that he planned to go with the militia as a 
chaplain. Startling him, they responded by saying that they would 
go wiUingly if he would be their commander. Discussing this 
change of events with his wife, she concurred with the wishes of the 
flock. With the die cast, John Rosbrugh wrote his Last Will and 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Testament on December 18, 1776. Assembling at the church the 
next morning, the preacher-commander kissed his son farewell, 
and shouldering his musket and unfamiliar duties, marched away 
to Philadelphia. He was never to return. With a sense of relief, on 
December 26 he was able to turn the command of his company 
over to Captain John Hays, receiving on that same day his commis- 
sion as chaplain "to 3d battalion of Northampton militia" from the 
Council of Safety.'*^ 

Writing to his wife on December 27th, Chaplain Rosbrugh's 
last communication home was received and tenderly preserved, 
though badly torn in places. 

Friday morning, 10 o'clock at Bristol Ferry, December 27th, 
1776. I am still yours but I haven't a minute to tell you that by 
God's grace our company, are all well. We are going over to New 
Jersey. You would think strange to see your Husband, an old 
man, riding with a French fusee slung at his back. This may be 
ye last letter ye shall receive from your Husband. I have counted 
myself yours, and have been enlarged of our mutual love to 
God. As I am out of doors I cannot at present write more. I send 
my compliments to you, my dear, and children. 
Friends, pray for us. 

From your loving Husband, 

Rosbrugh and his battalion arrived in time to play a role in the 
second battle of Trenton, the Battle of the Assunpink. It is appro- 
priate to linger over the events leading to the death of this first of 
many soldier-saints in the American Army. Evident is the British 
hatred for the patriotic clergy of the colonies in the following tale. 
Rosbrugh's biographer relates having carefully studied existing 
records and traditions: 

The most trustworthy account however, is that which was given 
by Captain Hays, who buried the body, and which has been 
preserved in Mr. Rosbrugh's family. It was substantially as fol- 
lows. We have seen that there was some confusion in the haste 
with which General Washington withdrew his army to the south 
side of the Assunpink, when Cornwallis marched into the town. 
In the haste and confusion it seems he lingered behind the rest 
of his comrades. Seemingly not fully conscious of the dangers 
which surrounded him, he remained too long in the town ere he 

See footnotes at end ot chapter. 


sought a place of greater safety with the army beyond the As- 
sunpink. He came to a pubhc house which stood upon the site 
now occupied by the Mechanics National Bank, corner of State 
and Warren street, in the city of Trenton. As night was drawing 
oh, he tied his horse under a shed and entered the house to 
obtain some refreshments. Whilst at the table he was alarmed by 
hearing the cry "The Hessians are coming." Hastening out, he 
found that his horse had been stolen. Hurrying to make his 
escape by the bridge on Green street, he found, as we have 
pointed out, that cannon had been posted to sweep it and the 
guard was instructed to allow no one to pass; beside, those in 
charge of it were fast breaking it up. He turned his steps down 
the stream toward the ford where Warren street now crosses. 
On arriving there he found it impossible to make his escape. He 
then turned back into a grove of trees, where he was met by a 
small company of Hessians under the command of a British 
officer. Seeing that further attempt at escape was useless, he 
surrendered himself a prisoner of war. Having done so, he 
offered to his captors his gold watch and money if they would 
spare his life for his family's sake. Notwithstanding these were 
taken, they immediately prepared to put him to death. Seeing 
this, he knelt down at the foot of a tree and, it is said, prayed for 
his enemies. Now seventeen bayonet thrusts were made at his 
body, and one bayonet was left broken off in his quivering 
frame. Sabre slashes were made at his devoted head, three of 
which penetrated through the horsehair wig which he wore. So 
the age of sixty-three, upon a spot now trodden by the busy 
multitude, and forgotten amid the hum and bustle of commer- 
cial life in the heart of Trenton. As the shades of that cold and 
dreary winter evening settled down upon the sad scene, his 
lifeless body became rigid in the icy embrace of death. The 
British officer at whose command he had been put to death, 
repaired to the house which Mr. Rosbrugh had so recently left, 
and there exhibited the dead Chaplain's watch, and boasted that 
he had killed a rebel parson. The woman of the house having 
known Mr. Rosbrugh and recognizing the watch, said: "You 
have killed that good man, and what a wretched thing you have 
done for his helpless family this day." The enraged officer, 
threatening to kill her if she continued her reproaches, ran away 
as if afraid of pursuit. 

It was not long until Captain Hays was apprised of the death of 
his pastor, upon which he hastily wrapped the body in a cloak and 
buried it where it lay, being under necessity to hurry forward with 
the rest of the troops in the night march which precipitated the 
battle of Princeton the next morning. Sometime afterward, Mr. 
Duffield, subsequently Dr. Duffield, pastor of the Old Pinestreet 


Presbyterian church, Philadelphia, who was a brother Chaplain in 
the Continental army, took up the body and reburied it."*^ 

Several areas claim the honor of being the final resting place of 
Chaplain Rosbrugh, although the most likely spot is in the grave 
yard surrounding the First Presbyterian Church of Trenton. His 
widow survived him by 32 years, dying on March 27, 1809. 

Pastoral care had its bitter moments, then as now. Care for the 
dying in a field hospital is heart-rending, offending our sensitivities 
and reminding us of our own mortality. In battle emotions run 
high, however, offering some relief from the horrors which ac- 
company the mass diffusion of blood. But how soul searing must 
have been the experience of Chaplain John Rogers, as reported on 
March 8, 1777, in the Pennsylvania Evening Post. 

March 8. — This day, between the hours of twelve and one 
o'clock, Brint Debadee, a soldier belonging to the tenth Pennsyl- 
vania regiment, was shot upon the commons in Philadelphia, 
pursuant to the sentence of a general court-martial. This un- 
nappy man was in his twenty-fourth year, in the vigor of life, 
and it is hoped that his untimely and dreadful end will be a 
warning to others, who, when they desert, not only defraud 
their officer and abuse their country, but are also guilty of the 
dreadful and heinous crime of perjury. Of his past misconduct 
he appeared very sensible, and behaved in his last moments with 
great resignation and calmness, declaring that he sincerely for- 
gave all his enemies, and hoped that his example would be 
serviceable to some of his thoughtless brother soldiers. He was 
attended by the Rev. Mr. Coombe, and the Rev. Mr. Rogers. 
The last gendeman, being a chaplain in the service, delivered to 
the soldiers present a pathetic address, suitable to the melan- 
choly occasion. ^^ 

Diaries in general — chaplains, other officers, and enlisted 
men — as well as General Orders make frequent references to the 
punishment of military malfactors. Chaplains Boardman, Avery, 
Trumbull, Rogers and Robbins provide information, usually 
merely a statement of fact, in reference to flogging. Interestly, 
comments are not found to suggest that this in any way offended 
their sensitivities. Chaplain Robbins only referred to this form of 
military discipline with any degree of sympathy: "After prayers 
attended the execution of a court martial upon three poor Pennsyl- 
vania soldiers, who received thirty-nine lashes each." ^^ Perhaps the 
reason is that this punishment was so much milder than that prac- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ticed in the British army, /and among colonial troops when under 
British command in the /earlier wars. Indicative of this, Teamster 
Daniel Morgan — in the Revolution a General Officer — had re- 
ceived 499 lashes at one time for striking a subaltern. Doctor Hill, 
an eyewitness, reported "that the flesh on his back hung down in 
tags"; he carried these scars to his grave. ^^ The maximum number 
of stripes awarded in the American Army early in the war were 
generally limited to the Biblical thirty-nine.^^ As the war wore on, 
punishments became more severe, reflected in Washington's or- 
ders, and "kangaroo courts" as in the case of a captured Tory who 
had deserted and fought against his former comrades. The Journal 
of Oliver Boardman, an enlisted man "in Capt. Blaques company 
Militia" reports the occurrence which took place on Thursday, 
October 16, 1777, in frank detail. 

Our Scout took a Tory that Deserted from us at Ti. (Ticon- 
deroga) &: has been with them ever since the Retreat till now he 
see how it was Like to Turn with them he Began to make his way 
off. But fell asleep & was taken, &: without any trial they put a 
Rope round his Neck 8c tied it to a Staddle & told him they 
would hang him, he Beg'd Sc pray'd they wou'd Shoot him, then 
they tied him to a Tree & gave him a Hundred lashes, then he 
Beg'd they wou'd Hang him. Now he is to receive two Hundred 
more which two Morning's will Complete & then to be Tried by 
a Court-Martial for his life.^^ 

Desertion, that moral malady which so plagued Washington's 
army, was on occasion cast in a theological framework. Chaplain 
Trumbull includes in his Journal a paper posted by General Lee's 
tent. It is addressed to "Publicans and other Housekeepers" warn- 
ing them to give no succour to deserters, who were to be considered 
"as reprobates to virtue, honor, God, and their country, for in these 
lights they may justly be considered, . . . ." ^^ 

During the autumn of 1777, the British were pressing hard in 
their operations. Burgoyne was driving south along the Hudson 
River Valley, while General Howe, who was expected to support 
him, switched plans in an ill conceived venture to capture the rebel 
capital at Philadelphia. His objective was gained, but at a terrible 
cost. General Burgoyne's unsupported army was forced to surren- 
der at Saratoga, the event which decided France to come into the 
war! Howe approached Philadelphia on two avenues: overland 
from Maryland, having sailed up the Chesapeake, and by a naval 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


force driving up the Delaware River. Enroute from Maryland to 
Philadelphia, a battle was fought at Brandywine on September 11, 
1777, the British being the victors. On the night preceding this 
engagement. Chaplain Joab Trout preached a sermon, memorable 
to his auditors. After nearly two centuries have elapsed, the emo- 
tions of "a dyi*ng man to dying men" can still be felt when reading 
his sermon (See Appendix VIII.) 

Fortifications had long been built by the American Army along 
the Delaware River; it was a natural and anticipated avenue of 
approach to their capital. In the dark days of early 1777, when the 
national hope was flickering, men garrisoning those forts, far from 
home, were kept steady on their course by the combination of rum 
and religion. Before the temperance movements of the nineteenth 
century, this combination would have startled no one. An extant 
letter from Captain Nathan Alden, at Bristol, dated January 19, 
tells of camp life. Addressed to his wife, he indicates that his 
company is well except for colds. The weather was bitter and 
frustrating, being so frigid that the Brigade having fallen out at 
sunrise, they were dismissed until 2 o'clock P.M. when it had 
warmed up somewhat. Other than a dram to keep body tempera- 
ture up, religion was their mainstay. "We paraded marched to the 
meeting hous Sc we had general orders read to us. Mr. Brigs who is 
our chaplain prayed with us we sung a Pslam as we do night and 
morning. . . Mr. Brigs preached two Sermons in the forenoon Job 
7:16. In the afternoon from 118 Psalm 8 vers." ^'^ 

To reinforce these forces, General Washington ordered two 
Rhode Island regiments from the Hudson River Highlands to 
the Delaware defense line. Marching with these units was Chaplain 
Ebenezer David, a Seventh Day Baptist. These Rhode Islanders 
took long strides, in one instance covering 70 miles within a single 
two day period. ^^ Twenty of David's letters have been preserved, 
and their reading reveals a deeply spiritual and sensitive soul. It is 
especially evident that his development of military knowledge 
progressed to the point where he had neither difficulty in perceiv- 
ing nor hesitancy in pointing out tactical errors committed by 
officers of the line. Having replaced the sickly and unorthodox 
Chaplain Murray, he served at Boston's siege, Long Island, Ticon- 
deroga. Fort Montgomery, and along the Hudson River; he was 
very much a soldier. Keen was his disappointment upon going to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the British lines under a flag of truce, following the slaughter of 
attacking Hessians at Fort Mercer, only to be refused admittance. 
He had gone with Major Thayer, "bearing Letters from their 
wounded officers 8c also carrying a supply to Cpt Clarke . . . who 
fell into their hands as he was reconnoitering their Body." ^^ 
Throughout his service his deep faith in God is demonstrated in his 
letters, as well as the gradual transition which he made from utter 
astonishment at the spiritual carelessness of the sick and dying to 
his decision to leave the chaplaincy to become a medical officer. His 
choice is the first branch transfer by a chaplain recorded, becoming 
effective by his resignation on January 20, and appointment to the 
medical service on February 3, 1778.^^ 

Many military details fill Chaplain David's letter from Red 
Bank on November 5, 1777. Unknown to him, however, was that 
during the operation of forcing the forts along the Delaware, a 
British chaplain made his ultimate offering. Captain John Mon- 
tresor. Engineer for the Royal Army, recorded on October 23, 
"Before the Explosion of the Augustas Powder Magazine which was 
at 1/2 past 10 a.m. many of the seamen jumped overboard ap- 
prehending it, some were taken up by our ships boats, but the 
Chaplain, one Lieutenant and 60 men perished in the water." ^^ 
The Augusta, 64 guns, had run aground. Being attacked by fire 
from American gallies and floating batteries, she was set aflame. 

The fall of Fort Mercer brought Chaplain John Cordell, An- 
glican Chaplain of the 1 1th Virginia Regiment, into captivity. Upon 
his exchange he continued to serve as a chaplain to a mihtia regi- 
ment from Virginia during the period May 1779 to February 

Philadelphia fell: Congress removed itself hurriedly to York, 
Pennsylvania, and Washington's army, after the Battle of German- 
town, went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. Militarily, politi- 
cally, and weather-wise, things were distressing for the Army. 
Writing on this subject, David tells Mr. Brown the hard facts: "For 
our whole Force to be exposed for the winter as they have been we 
should have no Army in the Spring — Had we retired to any of the 
towns we should have found them crowded with Refugees." ^^ 

The agony of Valley Forge, its hunger, sickness, loneliness, 
sense of defeat, hopeless shortages of bare essentials, and penetrat- 
ing cold, is deeply etched into the American mind, and hardly 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


requires comment. Enduring these miseries with their fellow sol- 
diers were, among other chaplains, Avery, David, Ellis, Gano, Wil- 
liam Rogers, Hezekiah Smith, and Charles Thompson. Huts were 
built: 14x16 feet, 6 1/2 feet high, with twelve soldiers per building. 
When the camp was laid out, Chaplain David turned carpenter: "to 
Morrow I expect to take the ax. . . ." ^^ Life goes on, and the cry 
of the flesh, if not of the spirit, overcomes the caprices of nature 
and the cruelties of war. Chaplain David performed a wedding on 
February 3, 1778, and Chaplain William Rogers officiated at 
another. Interestingly, David married the happy pair "by vertue of 
Majr. Gen. Sullevan's Lisence." ^^ 

Writing to Nicolas Brown earlier, from Prospect Hill on 
January 29, 1776, Chaplain David had said: 

What GOD is about to bring to pass in the Kingdome of His 
Providence is known by him alone. It behoves us to view his 
hand discharge our Duty 8c Leave the event with Him. We are to 
wait upon him in the way of his judgments. There is nothing 
dispirits me so much as the wickedness of our land — the 
Prophanety of our Camps is very great — the stupidity of our sick 
amazing, and I could wish that those of us who officiate as 
Chaplins were not lacking in Faithfulness — We have a large field 
for Action I am astonished that I am no more affected by what I 
see — I was very happy in my mind to day while visiting the 
sick — I am not sorry that I came down to the Camps though I 
forego many priveleges which I much esteem — there is great 
need of some persons who dare oppose vice & mentain the 
Doctrine of Dependency upon GOD — I was grieved to hear a 
preacher mention our connection with the Tories as the great 
Sin of the day like that of Israels entering into Covenant with the 
Cannenites &c. I need not tell you that such low turns are 
popular But I must close that all Bliss may attend you 8c yours is 
the desire of 


His reference to Tories was a slander cast at New England 
Baptists, an outgrowth of the Ashfield affair of 1770. Because 
Baptists refused to support financially the established Congrega- 
tional Churches in Massachusetts, their property was seized and 
sold for taxes. Isaac Backus, having first hand knowledge of this 
event, relates: 

On April 4, the assessors of Ashfield met, and sold three 
hundred and ninety-eight acres of the Baptists' lands to support 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the worship of the opposite party. For a demand upon the 
Baptist minister of one pound, two shillings, they sold ten acres 
of his home lot. His father had one of the best orchards in the 
town, which is of special service in a new place; yet twenty acres 
of improved land, containing the main of his orchard, with a 
burying-yard, and a small dwelling-house, were struck off to 
Elijah Wells, for thirty-five shillings; who, on May 4, came and 
forcibly entered upon it, and measured it off; and the next day 
came and pulled up a number of the smaller apple trees, and 
carried them away, and offered to sell the house. These facts 
were proved by a number of witnesses before authority, though, 
to shift off the odium they were exposed to, by a new survey, 
they left out the house and burying-yard, and then accused the 
Baptists of falsehood in the first account Ac- 
counts were accordingly brought to a meeting of fifteen 
churches at Bellingham, September 11, which unanimously re- 
solved to apply to the King in Council for relief, if it could not be 
obtained here; . . . .^^ 

Having appealed to the Crown for redress, and the Privy 
Council in London granting their petition, New England Baptist 
were stigmatized by some of the Congregational Establishment as 
Loyalists and Tories. It was by their patriotic service throughout 
the war that they were redeemed from calumniation and their 
voice — crying in the wilderness for the separation of chuich and 
state — was finally heard. Chaplain David was particularly pricked 
by this insult to his patriotism, as were others. Among Chaplain 
Hezekiah Smith's papers is a list of the 21 Brigade Chaplains — he 
called them "Brigadier Chaplains" — in the Continental Army on 
August 17, 1778. Among them were the names of six Baptists. ^^ 

The dedicated spirit of those patriotic clergymen of the Rev- 
olution who found their place in the Army is exemplified by the 
Rev. Joseph Thaxter. Out of service because of wounds, he wrote 
General Lincoln from Boston on June 19, 1777: 

. . . my Business at Boston was to wait on Col. Greaton who had 
desired me to go in his Battalion. I had determined to go but 
upon my coming to Town, found that the Hon. Congress had 
made a New Establishment respecting Chaplains, that there is 
but one allowed to a Brigade. I find that I cannot enjoy myself in 
Retirement, so well as in Camp. I therefore should be glad of an 
Appointment as I have not the Happiness to be acquainted with 
the Brigadiers who are to act in tne Jersies or that part of the 
Country. Should esteem it a Favour, should you think it consist- 
ant, that I might have an Appointment Should such a Thing 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


take Place, it would be with the greatest Chearfulness that I 
should obey the Call.^^ 

Indeed there were modifications in the Table of Organization 
for chaplains, as for the Continental Army in general, reflecting the 
change of concept from using the brigade rather than the regiment 
as the principle component of the army organization. In April 
1777, pay for chaplains was increased to $40 per month. June 8, 
found Washington calling for "a return to be made to morrow of 
the Chaplains in each brigade, specifying where they are." ^^ That 
same day he wrote to the President of Congress a lengthy para- 
graph in which he obviously disapproved assigning chaplains at 
brigade rather than regimental level. His reasoning is pragmatic 
and provides us a clearer understanding of the command's concern 
for avoiding religious dissention in an Army beset already by suffi- 
cient problems. 

I shall order a return to be made of the Chaplains in Service, 
which shall be transmitted, as soon as it is obtained. At present, 
as the Regiments are greatly dispersed, part in one place and 
part in another, and accurate States of them have not been 
made, it will not be in my power to forward it immediately. I 
shall here take occasion to mention, that I communicated the 
Resolution, appointing a Brigade Chaplain in the place of all 
others, to the several Brigadiers; they are all of opinion, that it 
will be impossible for them to discharge the duty; that many 
inconveniences and much dissatisfaction will be the result, and 
that no Establishment appears so good in this instance as the Old 
One. Among many other weighty objections to the Measure, it 
has been suggested, that it has a tendency to introduce religious 
disputes into the Army, which above all things should be 
avoided, and in many instances would compel men to a mode of 
Worship which they do not profess. The old Establishment gives 
every Regiment an Opportunity of having a Chaplain of their 
own religious Sentiments, it is founded on a plan of a more 
generous toleration, and the choice of the Chaplains to officiate, 
has been generally in the Regiments. Supposmg one Chaplain 
could do the duties of a Brigade, (which supposition However is 
inadmissible, when we view things in practice) that being com- 
posed of four or five, perhaps in some instances. Six Regiments, 
there might be so many different modes of Worship. I have 
mentioned the Opinion of the Officers and these hints to Con- 
gress upon this Subject; from a principle of duty and because I 
am well assured, it is most foreign to their wishes or intention to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


excite by any act, the smallest uneasiness and jealousy among the 
Troops. ^^ 

Washington's counsel was not heeded by Congress with its 
constant concern about increasing costs should more chaplains be 
appointed. It was so far removed from the practical problems daily 
faced in the Continental Army, both of organization and the indi- 
vidual soldier's morale. The General wrote to Major General Wil- 
liam Heath on July 19, 1777: "Since the Congress passed the 
Resolve that there should be but one Chaplain to three Regiments, 
nothing has been done towards reducing them, and I have my 
doubts whether the Resolve will ever be carried into execution." ^^ 
On this Washington was wrong; the Brigade concept was im- 
plemented, causing no religious crisis as he feared. Perhaps a 
greater toleration than he thought had come into being. Certainly 
Congress had earlier handled the problem of a chaplain's religion 
in serving their own pluralistic needs, and placed no credence in his 
concerns on that matter. 

In the same letter, he shows a rare annoyance at a chaplain, but 
surely one that was justified. The person involved is John Allen, not 
to be confused with Chaplain Thomas Allen the hero or his 
brother, Moses, who died in trying to escape from a British prison 
ship. He wrote: "Inclosed is a letter which is one of many I have 
received upon the same subject from the Revd. Mr. Allen. I refer 
the matter to you, and if you find that he has the least shadow of 
right to his claim, pray pay him his demand, or he will write me, 
and travel himself to death." ^^ Allen had been corresponding to 
Washington since April 20, 1776 concerning payment for his serv- 

An army actively engaged in the field cannot keep regularly 
scheduled opportunities for worship services. Washington directed 
on October 7, 1777 that chaplains resolve this problem themselves. 
General Orders for that date state: "The situation of the army, 
frequently not admitting, on the regular performance of divine 
service, on Sundays, the Chaplains of the army are forthwith to 
meet together, and agree on some method of performing it, at 
other times, which method they will make known to the 
Commander in Chief." ^^ 

General Washington continued to rebuke the army for its 
propensity for foul language, demanded regular attendance at 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


divine services, and reiterated in a letter to General William 
Smallwood his strong feelings. "Let Vice, and Immorality of every 
kind, be discouraged, as much as possible, in your Brigade; . . .see 
that the Men regularly attend divine Worship. Gaming of every 
kind is expressly forbid, as the foundation of evil, and the cause of 
many Gallant and Brave Officer's ruin. Games of exercise, for 
amusement, may not only be permitted but encouraged." ^^ 

Whether in humor — Washington is not known as a comic — or 
in sarcasm, the Commander wrote Colonel George Baylor on May 
23, 1777, concerning the appointment of a chaplain to the 
mounted service. 

A Chaplain is part of the Establishment of a Corps of Cavalry, 
and I see no Objection to your having One, Unless you suppose 
yours will be too virtuous and moral to require instruction. Let 
him be a Man of Character and good conversation, and who will 
influence the manners of the Corps both by precept and exam- 

Leaving behind the General's battles with the Crown and Con- 
gress, events of momentous import were developing in the north- 
ern department. General John Burgoyne was marching south from 
Canada in a well planned maneuver to sever New England from 
the remainder of the rebellious colonies. Alarm spread across the 
states, militia units appeared to reinforce the Continental Army, 
and with them, their chaplains. Taking his place with the men 
intended to block the enemy advance at Fort Ticonderoga was fiery 
Chaplain Thomas Allen, whose nose quickly picked up the scent of 
blood and gunpowder. With American outposts along Lake George 
rapidly folding, he delivered to the troops a thundering harangue 
filled with piety and patriotism. Certainly, they are not mutually 
exclusive. (See Appendix VIIL) 

Chaplain Allen's chagrin can be imagined when to his utter 
confusion the incredible order to evacuate the fort was given. 
Appended to the above mentioned sermon is a note, written several 
weeks later, in Allen's hand. His concern for America and his shock 
at the cowardice displayed by those electing to retreat rather than 
baptize the ramparts in blood is clear. It reads: 

"In about five hours afterwards," he scornfully writes, "the 
garrison was evacuated, and our vast army fleeing before their 
enemies with the utmost precipitation and irregularity, leaving 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


behind, for the use of the enemy, an immense amount of bag- 
gage, artillery, ammunition, provisions, and every warlike neces- 
sary. 'How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war 
perished!' A short time will decide the fate of America. It must 
depend on the treatment of those five general officers who gave 
up Ticonderoga, and those one hundred and seventy-five tory 
traitors, taken m the militia battle near Bennington. If these can 
not be brought to justice, then am I ready to pronounce what is, 
in my opinion, the sad doom of these states — the end is come. 
'Your end is come, your destruction draweth nigh.' ^" 

Waiting furiously at home in Pittsfield, Massachusetts for 
further events, Allen was called out with the men of the Berkshire 
Mihtia. Never one to be backward in the defense of his country, he 
bluntly told John Stark: "General, the people of Berkshire have 
often been summoned to the field without being allowed to fight; 
and if you do not now give them a chance, they have resolved never 
to turn out again." No doubt this was an approach pleasing to 
General Stark's fierce heart; he had found a kindred spirit. He had 
been held captive by Indians, had risen to the rank of captain in 
Roger's Rangers in the French and Indian War, and listed Bunker 
Hill, the Canadian invasion, and Trenton to his record in the 
current conflict. It takes a fighter to appreciate a fighting chaplain. 
His promise given to Allen was shortly fulfilled: "if the Lord shall 
once more give us sunshine," — they were talking at night — "and I 
do not give you fighting enough, I'll never ask you to come out 
again." ^* The next day witnessed the British and Hessians sustain- 
ing 934 casualties at the Battle of Bennington, to the American 
losses of about 100 each in killed and wounded. 

The role played by Chaplain Allen shows his humanitarianism, 
as well as his belhcosity where the wellbeing of America was con- 
cerned. The New York Journal under dateline of September 22, 
1777, carried the following item of news. 

Among the many brave militia who were in the action yesterday, 
at Bennington, the Reverend Mr. Allen of Pittsfield, ought not 
to be omitted. At the commencement of the action, he marched 
up within a few yards of the enemy's breastworks, and de- 
manded a surrender of the same in the name of the Congress, 
on which he received a shower of balls, accompanied with the 
epithet of a "damn'd bold Yankee." Mr. Allen, however, soon 
returned at the head of the Pittsfield militia, and was one of the 
first over the breastwork. ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Mr. Moore, an ardent collector of news items of the Revolution 
states in an addenda to the above article: 

The above account reminds the printer of another he received 
from a private gentleman immediately after the battle of Ben- 
nington, which places Mr. Allen's conduct in a different point of 
view, and shows it to have arisen solely from a sudden impulse of 
humanity, which hurried him, contrary to the opinion and ad- 
vice of his friends, into a total disregard of his own personal 
safety. On finding the superiority of our troops, and that the 
enemy had no probable means of escape, just before the onset 
he threw himself between the two armies, called to the enemy, 
reminded them of their situation, pathetically exhorted them, 
from a regard to justice to their country, and to their own safety, 
to surrender, and prevent the effusion of blood. While he was 
speaking, with his hat in his hand, a number of balls were fired 
at him, several of which went through his hat; on which he 
retired, joined in the attack of the enemy, and was among the 
foremost to enter their intrenchments.^^ 

A contemporary of Chaplain Allen in the Northern Army was 
Chaplain Hezekiah Smith of Nixon's Brigade. By this time he was a 
seasoned campaigner on whose capabilities his commander readily 
leaned. Following the retreat from Long Island, Chaplain Smith 
was placed in command of the sick and wounded. Around Stillwa- 
ter in this period he served, as an additional duty, as aide-de-camp 
for General Nixon. Morale and esprit de corps flourished as at- 
tested by his letter to his wife, Hephzibah, on September 13, 1777. 
"We are now on our march up the river to meet Mr. Burgoyne with 
his boasted strength. Expect soon to engage him, unless he should 
retreat. Our army is in good spirits; we have a good commander, 
Gen. Gates, and a large body of troops, so that I don't doubt of 
success, unless we should put our trust in the arm of flesh, which is 
forever attended with a curse. With the blessing of Heaven I expect 
our army will soon do something good for the salvation of our 
country." ^'* 

Chaplain Hezekiah Smith joined the American forces in front 
of Boston, serving until the cessation of hostilities through numer- 
ous campaigns, battles, and expeditions. Like soldiers and chap- 
lains of other ages, he was deeply concerned that his wife not 
misunderstand his motivation for forsaking her to chase after "a 
new mistress in the field." How many soldiers through the years' 
have quoted Lovelace's words to little effect! 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Writing to Hephzibah on March 20, 1776, he explained: 
"Dont' think hard of me for not coming to you again before I set 
out for New York. You may be assured it is not for want of regard 
for you, but from several other reasons, which will be satisfactory 
when you hear them at the end of the campaign from my own 
mouth. ... let us meet daily at the throne of grace." ^^ In an 
earlier letter, dated March 11, he told her of the insistence of 
officers and others in the units he served that he continue on as 
their chaplain; the "cause of our country, joined with that of use- 
fulness to souls, inclines me to yield to their request. And since my 
people as a body have not manifested their disapprobation of my 
being in the army, during the present campaign, I think they 
cannot justly blame me in struggling with others for the salvation of 
America, especially the UNITED COLONIES in America." ^^ 

An extant copy of Chaplain Smith's commission to be a chap- 
lain in the Continental Army is the only known example of such 
documents to exist. It reads: 


The delegates of the United States of New Hampshire, 
Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, New-York, 
New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Counties of New-Castle, Kent 
and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North-Carolina, 
and Georgia, to Hezekiah Smith, Gentleman, Greeting. 

We, reposing especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, 
valor, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents, constitute and 
appoint you to the Chaplain of a Battalion, whereof John Nixon, 
Esq., is Colonel, in the Army of the United States, raised for the 
defence of American liberty, and for repelling every hostile 
invastion thereof. You are therefore carefully and diligently to 
discharge the duty of a Chaplain, by doing and performing all 
manner of things hereunto belonging. And we do strictly charge 
and require all officers and soldiers under your command, to be 
obedient to your orders as their Chaplain. And you are to 
observe and follow such orders and direction from time to time, 
as you shall receive from this or a future Congress of the United 
States, or Committee of Congress, for that purpose appointed, 
or Commander in Chief of the Army of the United States, or 
any other your superior officer, according to the rules and 
discipline of war, in pursuance of the trust reposed in you. This 
Commission to continue in force until revoked by this or a 
future Congress. Dated at Boston, January 1, 1777. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


By order of the Congress, 

JOHN HANCOCK, President 
Attest: CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary. ^^ 

As the above commission attests, chaplains in the Continental 
Army were officers, but without rank. Of particular interest are the 
words, "we do strictly charge and require all officers and soldiers 
under your command, to be obedient to your orders as their 
Chaplain." Concerning what officers would have been under a 
chaplain's command, or in what instances, there exists no clarifica- 
tion either in orders or in examples left in diaries. 


Chapter VI 

' Albion and Dodson, Op. Cit., 186. 

-Ibid., 188. 

3 Cleaveland, Op. Cit., Xll, 100. 

* Barber, Op. Cit., I, 7, 14. 

^ Albion and Dodson, Op. Cit., 193. 

Ubid., 196-197. 

^Mark 9:24 (KJV). 

« Albion and Dodson, Op. Cit., 199, 200, 206. 

^Ibid., 209, 215, 219. 

''>Ibid., 225, 226, 232. 

^^bid., 234. 

'- Ibid., 240. 

^^ Ibid., 240. Lynn Montross, War Through The Ages. (N.Y.: Harper and Row, 1960), 419. 

'Ubid., 242. 

^^Ibid., 242. 

^^Ibid., 243. 

'^ Stewart M. Robinson, "One of the First," The Chaplain, March-April, 1950, 10. 

'* "Andrew Hunter," Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., V, 399^00. Clifford 
Merrill Drurv, The Histoi-y oj the Chaplains Corps, United States Navy (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1948), 18-19. 

'» Heitman, 0/>. Cit., 445. Headley, Op. Cit., 341-346. 

-" W. H. W. Sabine (ed.). The \'ew York Diary of Lt. Jabez Fitch of the 1 7th Continental Regiment 
from August 22, 1776 to December 15, 1777. (N.Y.: Colburn and Tegg, 1954), 27. 

2> II Timothy (KJV). 

" Sabine, Op. Cit., 37. 

'^ Ibid., 49. 

'* lUd., 50. 

-''Ibid., 261. 

-^Ibid., 261. 

-^ Heitman, Op. Cit., 603. Clifford K. Shipton,SzWn'5 Hansard Graduates: Biographical Sketches of 
Those Who Attended Haivard College. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1933-1965), 610-611. 

** Frederick Lewis Weis, The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of New England (Lancaster, 
Mass.: Publications of The Society of the Descendents of the Colonial Clergy, 1936), 218. Henr\' P. 
Johnston, Yale and Her Honor Roll in the American Resolution (N.Y.: Private Printing, 1888), 189. 

-» Headley, Op. Cit., 207. 

^^ Reuben A. Guild (ed.). Chaplain Smith and The Baptists; or. Life, Journal, Letters, and Addresses 
of The Rev. Hezekiah Smith, D.D., of Haverhill Massachusetts, 1737-1805. (Philadelphia: American 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Baptist Publishing Society, 1885), 186-187. Portions of the Biographical Memoirs of the Late Rev. John 
Gano oj Frankfurt (Kentucky), Formerly of the City of New York are included in Guild's book. Even in the 
last century, Gano's Memoirs were referred to as being "a very rare book now." 

=>! Headley, Op. Cit., 139-142. 

^- "Fragment of A Journal Kept by the Rev. William Tennent Describing his Journey, in 1775, 
to Upper South Carolina at the request of the Council of Safety, To induce Tories to sign an 
Association to support the cause of the Colonists." City Year Book of 1894, City of Charleston, South 

^* "Alexander Mc\N hovter," Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., VI, 175. William R. 
Stryker, The Battle of Trenton and Princeton (N.Y.: Houghton Mifflin, and Company, 1898), 84-85. 
Describing the meeting, Stryker states: "The following officers were present: Major-Generals John 
Sullivan and Nathanael Greene; Brigadier-Generals Lord Sterling, Roche de Fermoy, Hugh Mercer, 
Adam Stephen and Arthur St. Clair; Colonels Paul D. Sargent, John Stark, John Glover and Henry 
Knox. The Reverend Dr. Alexander MacWhorter, the patriotic pastor of the Presbyterian Church of 
Newark, New Jersey, who had followed the army on the retreat through that State, was also present, 
and took part in the deliberations of the council of war. At this meeting the plan of recrossing the 
Delaware and making an attack upon the enemy's post was discussed, and finally agreed upon." 

^* Headley, Op. Cit., 297. David Avery recorded in his diary that he "got across the Delaware 
by 3 o.c. in the morning, when we proceeded to Trenton & arrived just before the action was over." 
He makes no mention of being wounded, although on December 7, he complained "a blister on each 
little toe, & a corn on the great toe of my right foot, made it very tedious for me to march." December 
20, finds him recording that he has a cough. That he participated in the Battle of Princeton several 
days later suggests that the legend of the wounding of Chaplain Avery is unfounded. The most 
serious injury seems to have occurred on December 1 1: "Had ye misfortune to bruise my left great 
toe & foot by my Pone's falling through a Pole Bridge." See: "From the Unpublished Diary of Rev. 
David Avery, Chaplain in Colonial John Peterson's Regiment," Avery, Op. Cit., XIX, 151, 152, 153, 

•■'^ John C. Clyde, Rosbrugh, A Tale of The Resolution, or. Life, Labors and Death of Rev. John 
Rosbnigh (Easton: 1880), 3. 

3«/6zV/., 5. •■ 

^'Ibid., 7. 

""^Ibid., 25-26. 

^^Ibid., 35. 

*Ubid., 37-38. 

^' Ibid., 45. 

*-Ibid., 55. 

^^Ibid., 58-60. 

"•* Moore, Op. Cit., I, 405. 

^'^ Theron Wilmot Crissey (compiler). History of N of oik, Litchfield County, Connecticut, 1744- 
1900 (Everett, Mass.: Massachusetts Publishing Company, 1900), 98. This volume contains extracts 
from the "Journal of the Rev. Ammi R. Robbins, a Chaplain in the American Army, in the Northern 
Campaign of 1776," 97-121. 

■*" James Graham, The Life of General Daniel Morgan (N.Y.: Derby and Jackson, 1856), 29. 

*' Deuteronomy 25:3; II Corinthians 11:24 (KJV). 

*^ Collections, Connecticut Historical Society, Op. Cit., VI I, 231. Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XII, 343. 

^Ubid., CHS, VII, 133-134. 

^^ Unpublished letter: Captain Nathan Alden to his wife, January 19, 1777. U.S. Army 
Chaplaincy's Museum and Archives. 

^' Black and Roelker, Op. Cit., Letter XIV, 52. 

"•- Ibid., 55. 

^3/forf., XXVI-XXVIII. 

'^^ "The Montressor Journals," Collections of the New York Historical Society (1881), 470. Black and 
Roelker, Letter XIV, 54. 

55 W. T. R. Saffell, Records of The Revolutionary War (Baltimore: Charles C. Saffell, 1894), 391. 

56 Black and Roelker, Op. Cit., Letter XIX, 74. 
''Ibid., 73. 

5s Ibid., 75. John Joseph Stoudt (compiler). Ordeal at Valley Forge, A Day-by-Day Chronicle From 
December 17, 1777 to June 18, 1778, Compiled From The Sources (Philadelphia': University of Pennsyl- 
vania Press, 1963), 259. 


^^Ibid., Letter IV, 10-11. 
«» Backus, Op. CiL, 153, 155. 

6' Guild, Op. at., 191. See 142-148, 160-161 for further references to the Ashfield affair. 
*- Unpublished Letter: Chaplain Joseph Thaxter to General Lincoln, Boston, June 19, 1777. 
US Army Chaplaincy's Museum and Archives. 
"3 Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., VII, 430. 
^Utnd., VIII, 203-204. 
^^Ibid., VIII, 438. 
^^Ibid., VIII, 439. 
" Ibid., IX, 329. 
^^Ibid., VIII, 13. 
^^Ibid., VIII, 109. 
'° Headley, Op. Cit., 148. 
^> Lossing, Op. Cit., 396. 
" Moore, Op. Cit., I, 482. 
"//>?rf., 1, 482. 
'* Guild, 0/7. C;7., 206. 
"Guild, Op. Cit., 173. 
^"/forf., 170-171. 
'^ Ibid., 189. 

"The LORD Wrought A Great Victory" 

From Valley Forge To The 

New Windsor Cantonment, 


General John Burgoyne's surrender of his army at Saratoga on 
October 17, 1777, proved to be the turning point of the Revolution. 
While the details of military maneuvering are outside of the scope 
of this history, their effects are certainly germaine. In England, the 
approaching destruction of Burgoyne's army, composed of British 
and German troops and Indian warriors, produced a furor 
throughout the halls of Parliament. Although the news of the 
actual surrender did not arrive until sometime later, on December 
3, Lord Chatham lambasted his colleagues with powerful and pas- 
sionate oratory. "You can not, I venture to say it, you can not 
conquer America. ... If I were an American, as I am an Eng- 
lishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never 
would lay down my arms — never, never, never." ^ 

Speaking on behalf of the government's use of Indians against 
the colonists. Lord Suffolk stated: "It is perfectly justifiable to use 
all the means that God and nature have put into our hands." ^ This 
brought Chatham bounding once again to the floor. Indignantly he 

That God and nature put into our hands! I know not what idea 
that lord may entertain of God and nature, but I know that such 
abominable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and 
humanity. What! Attribute the sacred sanction of God and na- 
ture to the massacres of the Indian scalping-knife, to the canni- 
bal and savage, torturing, murdering, roasting, and eating — 
literally, my lords, eating — the mangled victims of his barbarous 
battles. , . .These abominable principles, and this most abomina- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ble avowal of them, demand most decisive indignation. I call 
upon that reverend bench (pointing to the bishops), those minis- 
ters of the Gospel and pious pastors of the Church — I conjure 
them to join in the holy work, and to vindicate the religion of 
their God.^ 

This was more than Parliamentary oratory. Extant diaries are 
loaded with first hand accounts of Indian atrocities and brutalities 
beyond description. One of many instances is noted in Chaplain 
Enos Hitchcock's diary, under date of Sunday, July 29, 1777. It 
states: "... Van Vechten, was killed, scalped Sc cut his Hands 
off — 8c otherwise mangled — the two Women, Mrs. Jenny McCray 
Sc Widow Campbell were going to meet the Enemy for protection, 
when they came up to them were shot 8c scalped 8c most inhumanly 
boochered. — ." William B. Weeden, the editor of the Hitchcock 
Diary says: "The murder of Miss Jane MacCrea was Uke many other 
Indian atrocities, but it shocked the whole civilized world. Burke 
used the story with thrilling effect in the House of Commons, when 
he arraigned the government for employing savages." ^ Burgoyne 
had gone so far as to use Indians to control potential deserters 
from his army, and offered payment for scalps removed from 
deserters who were killed while evading capture. This is stated in 
his General Order, dated August 21, 1777. 

Throughout Europe, sentiment flowed toward the United 
Colonies. Patently this was not out of love for America, and most 
certainly not from approval of the concept of a republican 
government — so despised by monarchists, — but out of an attempt 
to capitaHze on Great Britain's problems. Benjamin Franklin, Silas 
Dean, and Arthur Lee representing the interests of the colonies at 
Paris were accorded a substantially stronger position following this 
victory. Its full effect will be seen shortly. 

Meanwhile in America, spirits rose and morale soared. Chap- 
lain Hitchcock, who was no stranger to Councils of War, was pres- 
ent at the surrender ceremony; his presence there being preserved 
in John Trumbull's famous painting which decorates the rotunda 
of the Capitol Building in Washington, D. C. A diary entry for 
October 17, 1777 reads: 

This is the important Day in Burgoyne &: his Army marched out 
of their Camp with fife & Drum at half past ten, on the flat near 
the old Fort at Sarratoga, the British Troops locked their Arms, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


the Germans grounded theirs — Gen: Burgoyne came over at 
twelve — they began to pass the River about two 8c continued till 
near Sunset, our Army paraded by the Road — I went over their 
Camp, find Lines very Slender, find much mischief done to 
Guns, Drums &c — counted Cannon Howitzers Mortars a vast 
number of fine Guns Baggage & Ammunition Waggons, some 
Tents, Horses 8c Cattle 8c many other things — The number of 
the Enemy who marched out, besides women and Children, five 
thousand two hundred — the whole was conducted with great 
Order 8c decency 8c out to inspire every Soul with Sincere 
Gratitude! ^ 

Three days later, Chaplain Hitchcock noted: 

20. This morning Mr. Smith, Evans 8c myself applied to Gen: 

Gates to have a Sermon on the occasion of the great Success of 

the Troops — appointed Service to be on Wednesday at 3 oClock 

P. M. — obtained an Account of the number of Prisoners taken 

by Capitulation the 17th 


Viz British 2442 Gen. Burgoyne 

German 2198 Maj. Philhps 

Canadian 8c 

Tories 1200 Brd. Hambeton 

Total 5840 M. Reidesel 

besides Women 8c Children which were many — visited the Hos- 
pital with Mr. Plumb found it in good order, but Scarcity of 

Among the prisoners of war were five British chaplains: An- 
drew Browne, Edward Brudenell, Charles R. Higginbotham, 
Richard M. Money, and Charles Morgan. Additionally, Hessian 
Chaplains Kohle, Milius, Theobald, and Voegel surrendered with 
their units. Earlier in the campaign, Chaplain Frederick V. Mel- 
sheimer, of the Duke of Brunswick's Dragoons, was wounded and 
captured at Bennington. He would later be exchanged for an 
American POW chaplain, John Cordell, 1 1th Virginia Regiment, 
who was captured at Fort Mercer. 

Far off to the south, Washington's army received the thrilling 
tidings of Saratoga. "The General has his happiness completed 
relative to the success of our northern Army," reads General Or- 
ders dated October 18, 1777. "Let every face brighten, and every 
heart expand with grateful Joy and praise to the supreme disposer 
of all events, who has granted us this signal success. The Chaplains 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


of the army are to prepare short discourses, suited to the joyful 
occasion to deliver to their several corps and brigades at 5 O'clock 
this afternoon " '' 

We have no sermon or prayer left from a chaplain of Gate's 
army immediately following the victory. A discourse delivered on a 
public day of thanksgiving on December 18, 1777, by Chaplain 
Israel Evans remains. Chaplain Timothy Dwight of General Put- 
nam's command, upon learning of this momentus victory, chose 
for his text, Joel 2:20 — "I will remove far off from you the north- 
ern army. . . ." ^ 

On the second anniversary of Burgoyne's Surrender, October 
17, 1779, Chaplain Hezekiah Smith delivered a commemorative 
sermon, that date being the Lord's Day. It is worth noting that his 
discourse, which reflects the spiritual attitude of the time in refer- 
ence to the victory by an actual participant in that campaign, was 
written under field conditions at "Caleb Sutton's, near Pine's 
Bridge, on the north side of Croton River." No doubt chaplains of 
that era, as this and other sermons give proof, were extremely 
meticulous in their homiletical preparations. (See Appendix VIII) 

September 18, 1777, was the date of Congressional legislation 
marking the beginning of the hospital chaplaincy.^ Chaplain Wil- 
liam Plumb was appointed the Hospital Chaplain for the Northern 
Department and Chaplain James Sproat in the Middle Depart- 
ment. The latter area had military hospitals "located in Philadel- 
phia, Northampton, Berks, Lancaster, and Chester Counties." ^° 
Two other chaplains assigned to this distinctive duty were Noah 
Cooke, Jr., also appointed on September 18, 1777, after having 
served with the 8th Continental Infantry, and Robert Smith of 
South Carolina. Smith served faithfully in that capacity until Gen- 
eral Clinton besieged Charleston in 1780. Although he had earlier 
been sympathetic to the Crown, his allegiance to the American 
cause, at this juncture, propelled him into the lines to fight along 
side of the infantry. Captured at the surrender, he is listed as a 
prisoner of war, and was subsequently shipped to Philadelphia for 
internment. It was not until May, 1783, that he returned to 
Charleston, respected and revered by his Anglican congregants 
and others alike. In 1795, he was elected to be an Episcopal bishop, 
and was consecrated to that office on September 13, 1795, in Christ 
Church, Philadelphia — ^the city of his captivity.^ ^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Chaplains repeatedly mentioned in their journals visiting the 
sick and wounded which, naturally, was a part of any chaplain's 
pastoral care of his men. The work of the hospital chaplains was 
specifically the care of patients who were separated from their units 
over periods of long duration. Chaplain Sproat left a journal re- 
vealing the activities of a Hospital Chaplain for the period April 1 
to October 14, 1778. Essentially he rode circuit to his several hospi- 
tals, preaching regularly and often. Under various dates are nota- 
tions typical of those throughout the entire record. 

April 2. — To Bethlehem, traveling very bad; ... In the after- 
noon discoursed and prayed with the sick in their different 
wards, that were unable to attend sermon. 

April 17. — At Dunkertown; visited and prayed with all the sick; 
preached in the Hospital. . . . 

April 18. — Rode 12 miles to Schaefferstown; visited the Hospi- 
tal. Preached in the Dutch Church, where all that were able were 
paraded and attended in good order. — 

April 27. — . . . According to my usual custom, first visited and 
then conversed with the sick and wounded in the wards, in the 
forenoon; in the afternoon preached to them all in the Church. 
June 12. — Rode to Yellow Springs, lit at Dr. Kennedy's, who, 
poor gentleman is very sick. Visited Dr. Otto. . . . afterwards 
preached in the Hospital, which is new and airy, but not fin- 
ished. Smoked a pipe, and then preached to a number in an 
adjacent barn. Many sick here, though clean and airy. In the 
evening returned to Dr. Kennedy's who is no better. 
June 13. . . . Genteely treated by Dr. Otto and the matron, Mrs. 
Adams. Preached in a barn before dinner. After dinner 
preached in another barn. In these barns there are 182 patients. ' 
Took a little spirits and rode to a third barn and preached again. 
The barns clean and airy, and in good order. . . .^^ 

Numerous references to dining and conversing with doctors 
give the impression that Chaplain Sproat was welcomed by them, 
both professionally and personally. On August 4, he was temporar- 
ily ill. It was not the danger of working with the sick, however, 
which was so much greater than being wounded or killed in battle, 
that caused hospital chaplains to receive $60 per month, but rather 
because Hospital Chaplains were considered to have far greater 
job-related expenses. This was considerably more money than their 
comrades in line units drew from the paymaster. ^^ 

Washington's correspondence indicates that church buildings 
were used as teinporary hospitals when needed, and Chaplain 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Sproat mentions the use of a Quaker meeting house for that 
worthy purpose.^"* Shocking though it may be, such use was occa- 
sionally ill received by civilian pastors, and one even complained 
about a hospital being in his village. With consummate courtesy the 
Commander-in-Chief answered these complaints where a lesser 
man would have given them the biting answer to which they were 
richly entitled. Writing to the Reverend John Ettwein, Moravian 
minister at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania on March 28, 1778, he said: 

Sir: I have received your letter of the 25th instant by the hands 
of Mr. Hasse, setting forth the Injury which will be done to the 
inhabitants of Letiz, by establishing a general Hospital there. I 
need not explain to you, how necessary establishments of this 
kind are to the welfare of the Army, and you must be sensible 
that they can be placed no where, without occasioning incon- 
venience to some set of people or other; at the same time, it is 
ever my wish and aim to effect the public good, with as little 
sacrifice as possible of individual interests. Doctor Shippen is 
intrusted with the arrangement and distribution of all Hospitals. 
I am persuaded he will not exert the powers vested in him, 
unnecessarily to the prejudice of your Society; however, it will be 
proper to acquaint him with the circumstances of the People in 
whose- favour you remonstrate, and you may, if you please, 
communicate to him the contents of this letter. I am etc.^^ 

Again, on July 31, 1779, the General was called to answer the 
onerous whining of the Trustees of the church at New Windsor, 
New York, which was being used as a hospital. His polite firmness 
was a stinging rebuke. ^^ 

Chaplain David Jones, assigned to General Anthony Wayne's 
Brigade, found himself during this period frequently in action. In 
the vicinity of Brandywine Creek, an area which he knew intimately 
since his childhood, armed with a brace of pistols and provided 
with a detachment of cavalrymen, he lead a reconnaissance force in 
the search for intelligence. This led to an abortive attempt to 
capture a mounted Hessian patrol, and to the capture of a British 
dragoon personally by him at pistol point. The news of this feat 
spread rapidly throughout the army, and it is recorded that Mad 
Anthony laughed "immoderately." Later at Staunton, Virginia the 
warrior-chaplain passed a group of British POW's. One, upon 
recognizing him, doffed his hat and bowed. It was his captive! 
During the Battle of Brandywine, Jones escaped injury, but his 
horse received a leg wound. ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


It was the British action at PaoH that was forever seared into 
Jones' memory. Under the command of General Grey, they stealth- 
ily on the night of September 20, 1777, attacked the position held 
by Wayne's Brigade. Using their bayonets only, they swept over the 
defenders, butchering prisoners to whom they offered no quarter. 
Chaplain Jones told his diary that he had been impressed with an 
ominous sense of foreboding, and consequently slept in his cloth- 
ing and had his horse saddled, ready for a hasty exit if necessary. ^^ 
It was this preparation which saved his life! Serving throughout the 
war, he subsequently would join the Regular Army in 1794, seeing 
active duty with Wayne in an Indian campaign in the Northwest 
Territory, and the War of 1812. 

One other chaplain from the Revolutionary Army was to cam- 
paign actively in our second war with Great Britain. Aaron Bogue, 
during the course of the Revolution, served as both an enlisted 
minuteman and chaplain in the militia. Under the command of 
Andrew Jackson, he participated in the Creek Campaign of 1814.^^ 

Congress fled Philadelphia when the army of Lord Howe 
approached, convening its sessions in the safety of York, Pennsyl- 
vania on September 30, 1777. During an earlier flight of the Conti- 
nental Congress to Baltimore in 1776, the Rev. Patrick Allison of 
that city and the Rev. William White of Philadelphia had been 
elected Congressional chaplains on December 23. There is some 
question whether Allison ever officiated in that capacity. In York, a 
former Army chaplain, who was forced to leave the service as a 
result of fatigue from hard campaigning during the retreat 
through New Jersey, was elected to replace Allison. He was George 
Duffield of the Pennsylvania Militia, whom we met earlier giving a 
decent burial to the murdered Chaplain Rosbrugh in Trenton. 
Duffield became the center of Tory scorn because of his throbbing 
patriotism, ultimately becoming the literary target of the Loyalist 
poet-chaplain, Jonathan Odell. His satire of Duffield's forceful 
influence and ringing oratory is memorable. 

A saint of old, as learned monks have said, 

Preached to the fish — the fish his voice obeyed. 

The same good man convened the grunting herd — 

WholDOwed obedient to this pow'rful word. 

Such energy had truth, in days of yore; 

Falsehood and nonsense, in our days, have more. / 

Duffield avows them to be all in all, 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


And mounts or quits the pulpit, at their call. 

In vain attract him oracles divine: 

Chaplain of Congress give him to become, 

Light may be dark, and oracles dumb. 

It pleased Saint Anthony to preach to brutes — 

To preach to devils best with Duffield suits. ^•^ 

The winter of 1777-1778 has been immortahzed by the an- 
guish of the Continental Army at Valley Forge. Darkness was 
expelled, however, by the General's — and others' — faith. December 
17, 1777, reads in the General Orders: "Altho' in some instances we 
unfortunately failed, yet upon the whole Heaven hath smiled on 
our Arms and crowned them with signal success ... we shall finally 
obtain the end of our Warfare, Independence, Liberty and Peace. 
These are blessings worth contending for at every hazard." ^^ The 
next day was celebrated as a day for "public Thanksgiving and 
Praise" and chaplains were directed to "perform divine service." ^' 
Faith in God sustained the Revolutionary Army when all else was 

During the period at Valley Forge, General Washington issued 
a strong, positive statement which presumably expressed his phi- 
losophy of religion for the life of the Army in general, but espe- 
cially for the members of the Officers Corps whose life style is 
always a pattern for their men to emulate, be it for good or evil. 

Headquarters, V. Forge, Saturday, May 2, 1778 
. . . The Commander in Chief directs that divine Service be 
performed every Sunday at 1 1 o Clock in those Brigades to 
which there are Chaplains; those which have none to attend the 
places of worship nearest to them. It is expected that Officers of 
all Ranks will by their attendance set an Example to their men. 

While we are zealously performing the duties of good Citizens 
and soldiers we certainly ought not to be inattentive to the 
higher duties of Religion. To the distinguished Character of 
Patriot, it should be our highest Glory to add the more distin- 
guished Character of Christian. The signal Instances of provi- 
dential Goodness which we have experienced and which have 
now almost crowned our labours with complete Success, de- 
mand from us in a peculiar manner the warmest returns of 
Gratitude and Piety to the Supreme Author of all Good.^^ 

As has been previously noted. General Washington frequently 
in General Orders and private correspondence called his army to 
repentance, thanksgiving, and regular worship while abhoring 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


vice, gambling, drunkenness, swearing and profane language. The 
above statement by the Commander, however, leaves no room for 
equivocation or doubt. We will see later that to him, neither an 
individual's life nor a nation's life could have reality or meaning 
apart from dedication to the Supreme Being. 

Several matters concerning individual chaplains came to Wash- 
ington's attention at this general period. He thanked Israel Evans 
for a sermon which he forwarded to the Commander; he encour- 
aged Timothy Dwight in his efforts to produce a grand epic on the 
history of America; he urged Congress to use the influence of 
Chaplain Kirkland with the northern Indian tribes where he had 
labored so long as a missionary; and, he gave particular concern to 
the needs of former Chaplain John Peter Tetard.^^ This clergyman 
had served with New York troops from July 6, 1775 until January 
1776, and later with the 4th New York Regiment. During the 
Canadian campaign he was General Schuyler's interpreter and 
chaplain to a French-Canadian unit. When the Continental Con- 
gress established the office of Foreign Secretary and filled that 
position with Mr. Robert Livingston of New York, the sole trans- 
lator for our embryonic State Department and Diplomatic Corps 
was Rev. Tetard.^^ At a later period it was he who translated the 
Articles of Confederation for distribution throughout Europe. 
Tetard's home had been in what is now the Bronx, New York City; 
and Tetard's Hill was a prominent terrain feature during the 
skirmishes in a constantly fought over no-man's-land. Whether he 
lost his home and possessions in the fighting we do not know, but 
he certainly lost all his possessions when Washington's army 
evacuated the city. The General wrote sympathetically to the Presi- 
dent of Congress on September 4, 1778, stating: 

I take the liberty of transmitting to Congress, a Memorial I 
received from the Reverend Mr. Tetard. From the certificates 
annexed to it, he appears to be a Man of great merit and from 
every account he has suffered in the extreme, in the present 
contest. His attachment, services, and misfortunes seem to give 
him a claim to a generous notice; but according to the now 
establishment of the Army, it is not in my power to make any 
provision for him. I therefore recommend his case to the atten- 
tion and consideration of Congress.'^ 

Apparently Congress did acquiesce to Washington's recom- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


mendation by making former Chaplain Tetard an initial member 
of our budding foreign service establishment, its first translator. 

Valley Forge's night ended in a burst of joyous light with the 
advent of French entrance into our War for Independence. Never 
losing sight of his faith in the will and purpose of a personal God, 
Washington announced: 

It having pleased the Almighty ruler of the Universe propi- 
tiously to defend the Cause of the United American-States and 
finally by raising us up a powerful Friend among the Princes of 
the Earth to establish our liberty and Independence upon last- 
ing foundations, it becomes us to set apart a day for gratefully 
acknowledging the divine Goodness and celebrating the impor- 
tant Event which we owe to his benign Interposition. 

Chaplains were directed to communicate this information to their 
units, offer up appropriate expressions of thanksgiving to God, 
"and deliver a discourse suitable to the Occasion." ^' 

Happily, an example from this high moment in the course of 
the Revolution has been preserved in a short sermon by Chaplain 
John Hurt, Anglican chaplain of the 1st and 2nd Virginia 
Brigades. Delivered at 9 a.m., on May 6, 1778, it provides us with 
an insight into the sentiments of this period, and a homiletical style 
of the era. Noteworthy is the format. While the sermons of Pres- 
byterian, Congregational, and Baptist chaplains were clearly out- 
lined giving an exegetical study of the context of the verse used, its 
theological ramifications, and finally its immediate application in 
the practicalities of the existential situation, sermons extant from 
Anglican chaplains border more on the style of highly refined 
homilies, but lacking contextual explanations. As will be noted in 
this sermon, no text is used. Actually, it is more of an address than a 
sermon. (See Appendix VIII.) 

The French Alliance offered American Tories an undreamed 
of opportunity for propaganda, which was capitalized on thor- 
oughly, and with much justification. Until this hour, the only 
genuine spirit of appreciation for the Roman Catholic Church 
came from the religiously tolerant Washington, and even that had 
some qualifications which seemed to smack quite clearly of expe- 
diency. General Orders for November 5, 1775, is an example of 
political and military necessities forcing a wider than normal spirit 
of acceptance. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


As the Commander in Chief has been apprized of a design 
form'd for the observance of that ridiculous and childish custom 
of burning the Effigy of the pope — He cannot help expressing 
his surprise that there should be Officers and Soldiers in this 
army so void of common sense, as not to see the impropriety of 
such a step at this Juncture; at a Time when we are solliciting, 
and have really obtain'd, the friendship and alliance of the 
people of Canada whom we ought to consider as Brethren 
embarked in the same Cause. The defence of the general Lib- 
erty of America: At such a juncture, and in such Circumstances, 
to be insulting their Religion, is so monstrous, as not to be 
suffered or excused; indeed instead of offering the most remote 
insult, it is our duty to address public thanks to these our Breth- 
ren, as to them we are so much indebted for every late happy 
Success over the common Enemy in Canada.^** 

Many Canadians had at first been friendly toward the objec- 
tives of the colonies, but excesses by American soldiers in reference 
to their Catholic religion hastily offended them, throwing them 
into a closer relationship with Great Britain. Colonel Moses Hazen 
wrote to General Schuyler stating the case: "You are not unac- 
quainted with the friendly disposition of the Canadians when 
General Montgomery first penetrated into the country; the ready 
assistance which they gave on all occasions, by men, carriages, or 
provisions, was most remarkable." He attributes their change in 
attitude to the Roman Catholic clergy who were "neglected, 
perhaps in some instances ill-used." So complete was the popular 
disapproval of the American army's conduct — stimulated largely by 
a disrespect for their religion, although certainly not the only 
cause — that "with respect to the better sort of people, both French 
and English, seven eighths are Tories, who would wish to see our 
throats cut, and perhaps would readily assist in doing it." ^® 

Loyalist newspapers hastily and pointedly displayed American 
hypocrisy in accepting aid from the Roman Catholic King of 
France, while simultaneously making great efforts to elevate the 
ever present fears of that Church in the minds of American col- 
onists. An article entitled "An American Freeman" in the August 
22, 1778, issue of the Riverton's Gazette related that many rebels 
were now apprehensive "that their country is sold to the French 
king, and that all their boasted struggles for liberty, will end in 
wretched submission to French despotism and Popish superstition, 
should Great Britain give up her colonies." ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


That the French Alliance did harden some Protestants in the 
allegiance to Britain is true. But remarkably, the desire for Inde- 
pendence had taken on such force with the majority of colonists 
after four years of war that they blithely ignored in public their 
former stance on religion, without hesitation or qualm. William C. 
Stinchcombe, author of The American Revolution and the French Al- 
liance, states: "After the alliance was signed, there were almost no 
public objections by clergy of any Dissenting sect, although it must 
have troubled them privately." ^^ 

The rationale offered by America's Protestant clergy for en- 
dorsing the alliance was expressed in an Election Sermon. The Rev. 
Phillips Payson, veteran chaplain of Concord, compared Louis XVI 
to Cyrus, the Persian king whose aid to the Jews was instrumental 
in God's plan for returning them to their homeland, but whose 
paganism they rejected out-of-hand. He said before the Mas- 
sachusetts legislature on May 27, 1778: 

We must be infidels, the worst of infidels, to disown, or disre- 
gard the hand that has raised us up such benevolent and power- 
ful assistants, in times of great distress. How wonderful, that 
God, who in ancient times, "girded Cyrus with his might," 
should dispose his most Christian Majesty, the King of France, 
to enter into the most open, and generous alliance, with these 
independent states, an event in providence, which like the 
beams of the morning, cheer and enliven this great continent. 
We must cherish the feelings of gratitude, to such friends in our 
distresses; we must hold our treaties sacred and binding. ^^ 

The French Alliance went far to broaden religious toleration 
in America, its effect being seen in the invitation extended by the 
Minister Plenipotentiary of Louis XVI to the members of the Con- 
tinental Congress, other civil, and military leaders, and their ladies 
for a celebration to be held in the Roman Catholic Chapel in 
Philadelphia. A Te Deum was sung, and his Excellency's chaplain 
addressed that distinguished body in an eloquent sermon. His 
auditors must have had their hearts warmed by his inspiring and 
carefully selected thoughts and words. (See Appendix VIII.) 

Changes in the religious attitude held by the American 
populace certainly did not imply any loss of faith in their God. 
Their vibrant commitment to the God of the Bible is demonstrated 
by a tacit but lasting symbolism. Early in the war Congress had 
designated that the uniform of American soldiers should be brown 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


in color. This instruction was never fully implemented. Many 
militia units came with their own distinctive dress, blue seeming to 
have been the color preferred by most officers and men. Blue 
became the official uniform color in 1778. William Walton wrote in 
The Army and Navy of the United States, Volume I, "The gradual 
adoption of blue as the prescribed color for coats in the American 
Army has been attributed to the fact that it was borrowed from the 
English Whigs, the Covenanters having adopted that color from 
the ancient Israelites who were enjoined to put upon the fringe of 
their garments a ribbon of blue." ^^ This Biblical reference is Num- 
bers 15:37-41, and its ready application to "the New Israel" as the 
colonials commonly called themselves is apparent. 

Chaplains were not authorized uniforms, the clerical dress 
commonly worn by parsons in this era being quite distinctive in 
itself. Previously we have seen Chaplain William Emerson being 
desirous of having a coat in the style and blue color of his fellow 
officers, and Chaplain Samuel Spring plodding through the dense 
wilderness of Maine in his impractical clerical black. Seasoned 
chaplains quickly learned to dress in a way they felt appropriate 
and comfortable to their situations. David Jones is remembered 
upon his return from Cornwallis' surrender as such: "his coat was 
of a dark color, mixed black and white, trimmed with cord — and he 
wore an officer's hat." '^^ Chaplain Enos Hitchcock related that he 
spent thirty minutes "amidst flying ball in getting some of my 
baggage on board a boat. . .which with difficulty I effected. . . ." ^^ 
Resupply was an immense problem at best, and obviously the 
chaplain felt it was worth his life to save his small store of clothing 
and goodies. He noted that on October 1, 1777, he received "from 
the Continental Store 5 yds of Black Broad Cloth at 7 &; 14 Dollars 
pr yd," and 3 yards of Serget, 2 Sticks Mohair, and 2 ounces of 
thread. ^^ His "uniform" is not described, but it can be deduced that 
he wore the black clothing customarily worn by contemporaries of 
his calling. On the 29th of October, he drew from the State Store 2 
shirts, and from the Continental Store, "one pair of fulled Stock- 
ings. . . ." ^^ A notation, dated May 31, 1779, says: "I put on board 
Colo. Littlefield's chest, my blue coat — three pair stockings — one of 
silk, 1 black, 1 blue worstered — my box of note — one pair shoes, & 
plated spurs — 1 pair leather breeches, folded in my narrow 
sheet — ." ^^ In Hitchcock's case, following the uniform designation 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


for the army in 1778, he changed from his previously professional 
dress into the dress for mihtary personnel, although unauthorized, 
or at least, not required by regulation. 

Chaplain equipment was minimal. In addition to his clothing, 
other items of personal and professional use were foodstuffs, 
weapons, and a few books. Ecclesiastical items for chaplains were 
quite limited, not only by the exigencies of their service in the field, 
but by their theology. With the exception of Chaplain Lotbiniere, 
the entire body of chaplains in the Revolutionary Army were Prot- 
estant, and the greatest percentage of them by far were Calvintists. 
To officiate at religious services, and otherwise conduct their minis- 
tries, they needed only their Bible and hymn or Psalm book. There 
is not a single reference extant indicating that chaplains in the 
American army ever conducted a Service of Holy Communion 
throughout the war.^^ Their peacetime journals make mention of 
such services, and Chaplain Trumbull records taking the Sacra- 
ment upon returning home from a campaign. ^^ It was in their 
theological framework that the Lord's Supper was reserved for 
believers only, and then within the bounds of their local congrega- 
tions. Chaplain Hitchcock lists the articles which he lost, occasioned 
by the retreat from Fort Ticonderoga. It reveals what items, per- 
sonal and professional, he carried with him. Essentially they were 
basic items of clothing, food-stuffs, and "1 Bible & Psalm Book, & 
several small volumes." ^^ 

Muhlenberg's Brigade Chaplain, Alexander Balmaine (also 
spelled Belmaine) purchased from the Virginia Store in Philadel- 
phia "3 1/4 yards fine cloth, twist and silk to make it up, 32 large 
and 24 small buttons, 1/4 yard of cambrick and a pair of black silk 
stockings." ^^ It appears from this and earlier statements, chaplains 
not issued standard uniforms had to have their distinctive clothing 
tailored according to their individual tastes and materials available. 

The Journal of the Council of the State of Virginia records on 
September 2 1 , 1 776, the following entry: "Ordered, that a Warrant 
issue to the Reverend William Bland Chaplain to the first Regiment 
for Four pounds Ten shillings for a Tent." ^^ 

To complete a survey of chaplain equipment, it is needful to 
mention transportation. Although many chaplains walked, a horse 
was not infrequently his means of transportation. Beyond his ani- 
mal and the items mentioned above, he carried nothing, and — 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


from silence on the subject in diaries and letters — no sense of lack, 
or desire for anything else is indicated. 

Throughout the War for Independence, chaplains appear to 
have functioned without enlisted aid in the form of assistants. 
Chaplain David Avery, Patterson's Massachusett's Regiment and, 
later, the 15th Continental Infantry, is the only diarist who men- 
tions having the service of an enlisted man. Casually he mentioned 
on January 6, 1777, "My Waiter is quite sick," and twelve days later, 
"Robert — ^my Waiter arrived from New-Town, in good health, Sc 
put up with me at Mr. Jhone's." ^^ It must be assumed that Robert's 
duties were those of a striker or batman, and in no way those of an 
enlisted assistant to assist the chaplain in his clerical responsibilities. 

Lord Howe's evacuation and retreat from Philadelphia in the 
summer of 1778 brought Washington's hardened and newly 
trained army roaring out of Valley Forge in panting pursuit. 
Monmouth became the scene of their first bloody meeting, a battle 
in which both Chaplains Andrew Hunter and David Griffith re- 
ceived honors from the General for their heroic conduct. Years 
later. Colonel Nicolas of Virginia related to Washington's stepson, 
George Washington Parke Custis, that Chaplain Griffith of the 
Virginia Line, "came to Washington's tent near midnight and 
warned him against trusting Lee with command in the next day's 
battle." ^^ This obviously is not reliable history, hence inadmissable, 
being hearsay only. (John R. Alden, in Charles Lee, Traitor or Patriot, 
deals thoroughly with Griffith's accusation, feeling it is utterly 
unreliable.) Yet, it is an often told tale, and ought not to be too 
lightly dismissed. At Valley Forge, according to David Jones' diary, 
the General said to him: "Doctor if you ever have anything private 
to communicate, never do it before my family." ^^ Of course he 
used a term common in that period — "family" — meaning his staff. 
Perhaps he suspected disloyalty in their midst. 

Treachery abounds in a civil war or revolution, and everyone 
can become suspect. When writing to the Board of War on May 22, 
1779, Washington forwarded a copy of a letter from Elias 
Boudinot, concerning the conduct of a former Major, Hallet — then 
Chaplain — serving aboard the Continental frigate Confederacy. He 
had been accused by two people of being in the service of the 
enemy. The General wrote: "If the facts are true which it contains, 
the Chaplain on board the Confederacy appears to be a very im- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


proper person for such a Trust. . . ." ^^ There was no question 
concerning another chaplain's disloyalty. Leaving the service on 
February 20, 1778, John Elliot defected to the British. Again he 
had a change of heart; after nearly two years, he returned to the 
American army, throwing himself on the mercy of the State of 
Connecticut. The cause of his appalling behaviour is unknown."*^ 

Not all campaigns \n. the Revolution were fought along the 
Atlantic Seaboard. Early in the war, the British planned, under the 
direction of Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton, to gain control 
of the lands west of the Allegheny Mountains through use of their 
Indian allies. With that area secured, their savage forces could 
sweep east, or at least pin down large segments of the Revolution- 
ary Army guarding against that possibility. The October 21, 1776, 
entry in the Journal of Ambrose Serle, Secretary to Lord Howe, 
complains, "That Kirkland, the Presbyterian Preacher, had been 
tampering with the Six Nations of Indians; but that Col. Butler of 
Niagara had had a previous meeting with their Sachems, 8c had 
prevailed on them to continue in their allegeance, except the 
Oneidas." ^^ Samuel Kirkland had been ordained in June 1766, 
and commissioned to go as a missionary to the Indians. He strug- 
gled in vain to keep the Six Nations from joining the British force, 
or at least to remain neutral, having success with the Oneidas only. 
Their choice spelled doom to the five tribes. Few men paid a higher 
price for their calling than Kirkland. With trouble arising as early 
as 1772, he found it expedient to locate his family in the safety of 
Stockbridge, Massachusetts. Excepting a few short visits from his 
duties as a missionary, and then chaplain, he would not be reunited 
with them until the return of peace, ten years later! 

Lieutenant Colonel George Rogers Clark was commissioned by 
Virginia to conquer the Illinois country. Leaving Fort Massac — 
near modern day Louisville, Kentucky — he led his force of 175 
men to Kaskaskia, which he surprised and captured on July 4, 
1778. It was here that he met a Roman Catholic priest, the Rev. 
Pierre Gibault, Vicar-General of the Illinois country. In addition to 
caring for the souls of his French and Indian congregants 
throughout this enormous territory, he also communicated those 
members of his Church who belonged to the 18th (Royal Irish) 
Foot.^^ It is interesting to note that by British law units were 
prohibited from enlisting any Catholics (and especially Irish 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Catholics) throughout the eighteenth century, but occasionally 
manpower crises led to violations in practice. 

Joyous surprise replaced the worse apprehentions of Father 
Gibault and his parishioners of Kaskaskia when Clark enunciated 
his policy of the free exercise of religion. Immediately he gained 
the support of this frontier priest in whose knowledge the dispersal 
of the Arcadians by their English Protestant conquerors was fresh 
and vivid. Marching with Clark's force of Americans and newly 
gained French volunteers to capture Vincennes was Father Gibault. 
Dom Adrian H. Germain states: "Whether General Clark ap- 
pointed and commissioned him as chaplain on this occasion may 
never be known, but the fact is outstanding that Father Gibault was 
a chaplain and more, indeed, to his boys that marched away." ^^ 
Another author writes: "Father Gibault was there, to absolve the 
troops and address them in the glowing words the occasion natu- 
rally inspired." ^^ In the absence of all records, it must be assumed 
that this dedicated priest, like many Protestant clergymen on the 
Boston Siege Line and elsewhere, served the Revolutionary cause 
as a chaplain without formal or official credentials. This ought not 
to be surprising, nor detract from his service, when the time- 
distance factor is considered. The seat of Virginia's government, 
Williamsburg, was a long way off. For his invaluable aid in recruit- 
ing men for Clark, as well as other vital services rendered. Father 
Gibault did receive the stated appreciation of the Governor and 
Assembly of Virginia. ^^ 

There is a problem, however. Bishop Briand of Quebec, as we 
have seen, was ardently prO-British. The record of his ecclesiastical 
rule is one of trial and torment; a man less dedicated to his cause, 
or of lesser strength, would have surely failed. He had severe 
problems with the people of Quebec, the Catholic Indians of his 
diocese, the Capuchins in far off Louisiana, and pro-American 
sympathizers. Father Gibault's active participation in the advance- 
ment of the Revolutionary cause did not assist in soothing the 
temper of this hard pressed prelate. On June 29, 1780, Gibault was 
suspended by his Bishop! ^^ Further, when he was ordered to 
Quebec to stand charges for treason, demanded by British officials, 
he disclaimed any responsibility for the fall of Vincennes to the 
Americans, claiming that he was merely a spiritual advisor seeking 
to prevent the effusion of blood. Whether this satisfied either the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


British or Bishop Briand history does not record. Nor is it recorded 
how this disavowal of his part in the American cause affected his 
newly won friends. Reinstated in 1783, he sought land from the 
American government for ecclesiastical use.^^ This once more cast 
him into a church conflict, Bishop Carroll of Baltimore being a 
strong opponent of having church property granted to any indi- 
vidual. Ultimately, Father Gibault crossed the Mississippi into 
Spanish territory where he lived out his remaining years in obscu- 
rity, as a parish priest in New Madrid. He died "unwept, unhon- 
our'd, and unsuing" in 1804, and lies in an unmarked grave. 
Hopefully, great is his "reward in heaven;" it certainly was not on 
earth. It is fitting that he be honored for his part in our history, 
both as an unofficial chaplain and as a great factor in shaping the 
borders of our emerging country. Again, Dom Germain: "Without 
the aid of this priest the fate of the Clark expedition would be a 
doubtful one, nor is it probable that the United States would even 
now, extend beyond the territory of the thirteen colonies." ^® This 
encomium is probably overstated. 

Campaigns against hostile Indian activities in the South en- 
gaged units from the Continental Army and states' militia. Chap- 
lains involved in these forays were Alexander Balmaine and John 
Lyth, both of Virginia. ^^ The former spent much of his earlier 
service on the frontier with the 13th Virginia, garrisoning Fort Pitts 
and Fort Chriswell. Chaplain Lyth, a native of England, is credited 
with being the first clergyman to enter Kentucky, locating at the 
stockade at Harrodburg during April, 1775. Elected to the Tran- 
sylvania Legislature, he was invited to preach to that body on May 
28 and June 4, 1775. He was a participant in the campaign against 
the Cherokees in 1776-1777, and again in 1778, being killed on 
January 15. Like chaplains, David Avery, David Griffith, David 
Jones, John Martin, and Joseph Thaxter, he served as a surgeon as 
well as a chaplain. With the means of evacuating and caring for 
wounded personnel extremely limited, and chaplains being in- 
volved with those who suffered injury in battle by the very nature 
of their ministerial calling, it is not surprising to find these two 
professions overlaying in this early period. ^^ David Jones, who had 
studied medicine under Doctors Moore and Tolman of Borden- 
town, New Jersey, in order to enhance his capabilities, was left at 
Valley Forge when the army moved out.^^ Presumably he was 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


caring for the sick who were in no condition to march against Lord 
Howe's command as it raced from Philadelphia to New York City. 

General Sullivan's expedition against the Six Nations in 1779 
was planned to eliminate their continuous operations against 
American settlements along the Mohawk and upper Susquehana 
Rivers. For years the Indians, urged on by British and Loyalist 
officers, rampaged through western New York with torch and 
knife, turning that area, so physically beautiful and fruitful, into a 
fiery hell. The Battle of Oriskany, and General Herkimer's for- 
titude following his wounding have become legendary. It was a 
grim but spiritually glorious scene, that 16th day of August 1777; a 
victory of spirit over flesh. Dying from the effects of the amputa- 
tion of his leg, Herkimer calmly and cheerfully smoked his pipe. 
Laying it aside, he called for his German Bible, reading Psalm 38; 
"and when he had finished the penitential verses," says author 
Hoffman Nickerson, "he closed the book and died." ^^ 

Five chaplains' names are registered on the rosters of Sullivan's 
campaign in 1779: Samuel Kirkland, assigned to General Sullivan's 
Staff; Israel Evans, with Poor's Brigade; Andrew Hunter, Max- 
well's Brigade; William Rogers, Hand's Brigade; John Gano, Clin- 
ton's Brigade. ^^ 

Chaplain Rogers' Journal relates that he met Kirkland for the 
first time while this "secret expedition" was being organized. These 
chaplains were old soldiers by now, hardened to combat and inured 
to the elements. They got along well in a fellowship of mutual 
respect, appreciation, and support. Enjoying each other's com- 
pany, they travelled together. ^^ 

Kirkland was the most knowledgable concerning Indian mat- 
ters, having served for years among them as a missionary and 
chaplain. His Journal records the gigantic proportions of the In- 
dian problem as early as October 25, 1776. On that date at Fort 
Schuyler, he had the terrifying information to pass on to General 
Schuyler of a possible Indian coalition. He writes: 

Of a large black belt sent from the Cherokees to ye back Nations 
&: on its return, by way of Niagara to the Six Nations — Monday 
21st brought to ye Oneidas by two Onondago's. 

The intention of this belt so far as it is known is to request the 
aid of ye remote Tribes of Indians together with ye Six 
Nations — to distress and destroy the Virginians — who have fell 
upon the Cherokees without provocation (as they report). ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Had a major Indian alliance been formed and their efforts coordi- 
nated, in addition to the British and Hessian forces the Americans 
were already contending with, the likelihood of victory and Inde- 
pendence would have been remote, if not impossible. 

Early in the campaign, June 24, Chaplain Rogers was called 
upon to officiate at a Masonic gathering. He noted: "Being Saint 
John's day, a number of Free-masons met at Colonel Proctor's 
marquee; at his request (though not one of the fraternity myself) 
read for them the Rev. Dr. Smith's excellent sermon on 
Masonry." ^^ Masons played an enormous role in the Revolutionary 
War, and following. 

Pastoral concerns engaged the attention of Chaplains Kirkland 
the Rogers, a Congregationalist and a Baptist, respectively. Law- 
rence Miller and Michael Rosebury were condemned to be exe- 
cuted for the crime of "enticing soldiers of the American army to 
desert to the enemy." Rogers transcribed the contents of their 
several meetings with the prisoners, providing us a clear view of 
how they ministered to those before whom swung the hangman's 
noose. Referring to their first visit, he wrote: 

Our endeavors were upon this occasion to open unto them the 
nature of man's fall, and the dreadful situation of those who 
died in a state of impenitency and unbelief. 

Wednesday, June 30. We went to see the prisoners; Miller 
appeared much softened, distressed, and anxious about his fu- 
ture state; Rosebury said but little; I enlarged particularly at this 
time on their awful condition by nature and practice, their 
amazing guilt in the sight of an holy God; the spirituality of the 
divine law; the necessity of an interest in Jesus Christ; their own 
inability to obtain salvation, and the great importance of a due 
preparation for another world. 

Thursday, July 1. Before breakfast visited the convicts; spoke 
to them on the realities of heaven and hell, and the justice and 
mercy of God; Miller appeared still more penitent, and freely 
confessed the sentence of death passed against him to be just. 
The other excused himself and insisted much on the innocency 
of his life. Mr. Kirkland and myself waited on the Commander- 
in-chief, in order to recommend Miller to mercy. His Excellency 
was so obliging as to inform us that it was his purpose, upon 
account of Miller's wife and numerous family, his decent be- 
havior on trial, the recommendation of the court and former 
good character, to pardon him under the gallows, fifteen min- 
utes after the execution of Rosebury; and requested that it 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


might remain a secret with us until it was pubHcly known. 
P.M. — At the hour appointed the prisoners were taken under 
guard to the place of execution, attended by Messrs. Kirkland, 
Hunter and myself. In walking to the gallows we of course 
conversed with them on the most serious subjects. Upon arriving 
there, the military being under arms, and a number of the 
inhabitants present, it fell to my lot to address the spectators, 
after which Mr. Kirkland prayed. Rosebury was then turned off; 
he died to all appearance the same stupid man he was at the first 
of our visiting him. Poor Miller was much agitated at the sight, 
expecting every moment the same punishment. He was em- 
ployed in commending himself to God — upon hearing his par- 
don from the commander-in-chief read, he was greatly affected. 
On recovering himself he expressed the utmost thankfulness for 
his great deliverance. The secene throughout was very affect- 

Preaching to Hand's Brigade and the accompanying artillery 
regiment on the third anniversary of American Independence, 
Chaplain Rogers' sermon was based on the text, Psalm 32:10; "But 
he that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall encompass him about." He 
concluded his message with words calculated to inspire the patriot 
and the believer. Undoubtedly to him religion and patriotism were 
themes blended together by the Creator, and ought not — at least in 
this case — be separated. 

"Politically as a nation are we exhorted to trust in the Lord. 
God hath hitherto blessed our arms and smiled on our infant 
rising states. Recollect, my brethren, the commencement of our 
bloody contest; pursue in your minds the difficulties we already 
have had to encounter. Be not ye afraid of the insolent foe. 
'Remember Jehovah, who is great and terrible and fight for your 
brethren, sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses.' 
Provided we fear God and are publicly as well as individually 
honest; what have we now to alarm us? American exertions have 
hitherto been crowned with success; let us still under the ban- 
ners of liberty, and with a Washington for our head, go on from 
conquering to conquer. Hark! what voice is that which I hear? It 
is the voice of encouragement; permit me for your animation to 
repeat it distinctly; 'Our fathers trusted and the Lord did deliver 
them; they cried unto Him and were delivered; they trusted in 
Him and were not confounded.' Even so may it be with us, for 
the sake of Christ Jesus, who came to give Freedom to the 
world." ^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


On the same day, Chaplain Gano preached to the men from 
Pennsylvania from Exodus 4:12.^^ 

Notwithstanding Washington's repeated directives to officers 
and men of all ranks to attend divine services regularly, there were 
many who avoided those opportunities when they were afforded. 
Lieutenant Samuel M. Shute could not restrain his humor at finally 
seeing his commander at church. His mischieveous grin crosses two 
centuries: "July 25. Attended divine service and had the pleasure to 
inform the public that Colo. DeHart attended." ^^ This must have 
been a red letter day for the Second New Jersey! 

It may be assumed that in an era when pulpit oratory was 
considered the primary function of a clergyman, sermons were 
carefully prepared and well delivered. Reference to the reactions 
of worshippers appearing in extant diaries indicates that most 
sermons were received with some interest and enthusiasm. There 
were failures, however, resulting from the chaplain himself, or 
from the unfulfilled expectations of the person attending the wor- 
ship service. These unmet needs likely grew out of cultural differ- 
ences, and unfamiliarity with different formats in worship and 
sermonic delivery. Everything seemed strange and unacceptable to 
one southern rifleman named Jesse Lukens. Writing about his 
impression of military service in the north, he complained bitterly: 
"Such sermons, such Negroes, such Colonels, such Boys, &: such 
Great Great Grandfathers!" ^^ 

The majesty of God in nature and the Scriptures elicited from 
the campaigning Chaplain Rogers numerous prayers in the notes 
he kept, probably never intended for eyes other than his own to 
see. In them we feel the heartbeat of this early militaiy pastor. He 
confides: "In casting my eyes upon hills and mountains . . . my 
thoughts were agreeably led from nature's works to contemplate on 
nature's God. May it be my constant wish and aim to devote myself 
to the service of Him whose wisdom, power and goodness shine so 
conspicuously amidst all created objects." Again, "This being the 
anniversary of my nativity, grant O God, that as my moments fly 
apace, I may by the assitance of thy Holy Spirit double my diligence 
to make my calling and election sure." ^^ 

Indian warfare was not for the thin skinned. Supplies were 
short, and snake^, in great abundance, supplemented non existant 
rations. Lieutenant Colonel — later Major General — Henry Dear- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


born observed: "I eat part of a fryed Rattle Snake to day which 
would have tasted very well had it not been snake." ^^ Adding to 
this the horrors inflicted on captives, and one is not surprised that 
Chaplain Rogers scorned their royal employer "who bears the title 
of the 'Defender of the Faith.' " ^^ Several diaries mention the 
barbarous death suffered by Lieutenant Boyd and Sargeant Parke, 
captured while on patrol. Lieutenant Colonel Dearborn recalled: 
". . .it seems they ware tyed to two trees near which they lay 8c first 
severely whipp'd them — their tongues were cut out their finger 
nails plucked off their eyes plucked out then speer'd 8c cut in many 
places 8c after they had vented their hellish spite &: rage cut off 
their heads and left them. This was a most horrible specticle 
. . . ." ''^ Thomas Grant called it: "the most shocking site my Eys 
Ever saw." 

Sullivan's army swept through the lands of the Six Nations, 
burning villages and destroying their crops. These savage warriors 
of King George experienced the wrath of an enraged army, and 
never afterwards regained strength or power. 

An international event transpired during the period Sullivan's 
force was leveling the strongholds and lands of the Six Nations. Or, 
at least, the information reached the American Army at that time. 
Spain had come into the war as an American ally! In celebration "of 
Spain Declaring war against Great Britain and the late generous 
Resolution of Congress of raising the Subsistence of Officers 8c 
soldiers of the Army," General Sullivan ordered a Feu de Joy, and 
in each Brigade's officers mess, an ox and five gallons of spirits to 
be utilized. Among the lengthy list of toasts drunk by the Pennsyl- 
vanians were two of significance to this history: ". . . The Allies of 
America 8c the United House of Bourbon . . . May the Kingdom 
of Ireland merit a Stripe on our Standard . . . ." ^^ Among New 
York officers, a mere three toasts were offered: "1st Congress. 2nd 
The United States. 3d The King of Spain, and three cheers for 
each throughout the whole army." ^^ Evidently American Protes- 
tants had learned that politically, if not theologically, they could live 
with Roman Catholics. First, France. Then Spain and, amazingly, 
the desire for Ireland to become the fourteenth stripe on our flag! 
Toleration of different religious beliefs was developing, not from 
commonality of central theological truths, but out of sheer political 
need! As with Baptists, winning their acceptance in America by 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


dedication to the cause of Independence through military service, 
support from France and Spain to that same cause opened the door 
slightly for adherents of the Roman Catholic Church to live freely 
and unmolested in this new nation. 

Inflation ran so rampant throughout the newly formed United 
States tj^at a proverbial expression entered our language: "Not 
worth a continental." The Rev. Manasseh Cutler, whom we will 
meet shortly as a chaplain, wrote concerning near worthless 
money: "In 1777 money had depreciated as much, at least, as fiye 
for one, but in 1779 it was nearer twenty to one. I have spent 
considerable of an estate in the support of my family, and now am 
drivern to the practice of physic." ^^ This malady of the govern- 
ment's currency reflected so severely that Chaplain Enos Hitchcock 
noted in his diary on August 30, 1779, the following information 
from the Continental Congress: "Resolved, Augt 18. — That untill 
the further order of congress, the Officers of the Army be entitled 
to receive monthly for their subsistence money the sums 
following — V12 — each Colo. Sc brigde Chapn (brigade chaplain) 
500 dollars 8c all others in proportion — each Soldier 10 dolls per 
month in lieu of those articles of food originally intended for them 
& not furnished — . . . ." ^^ That was a huge step from 1775, when 
chaplains and captains received $20 per month! Chaplain John 
Nevelling, a native of Westphalia, Germany, in order to relieve the 
financial pressures on Congress, sold his estate, loaning the entire 
amount — some $25,000 — to the government. In the course of the 
war his receipt was lost, and he was never repaid. This early 
clergyman of the German Reformed Church lived until 1844 in 
unrelieved poverty and continuously failing health.'^ 

So grievous had the problem of inflation become that it wrung 
from the stolid Washington a statement of amazing proportions. 
Writing to President Joseph Reed from West Point, on July 29, 
1779, concerning personnel problems, he said: 

Discouraging as this is, I feel more from the state of our 
currency, and the little attention which hitherto, appears to have 
been paid to our finances than from the smallness of our Army. 
And yet (Providence having so often taken us up when bereft of 
every other hope) I trust we shall not fail even in this.^'' 

No doubt the General was familiar with Psalm 1 18:9; "It is better to 
trust in the Lord, than to put confidence in princes"; and Congress 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


was as near to "princes" as the nascent republic could afford! The 
motto, "In God We Trust" takes on a new meaning in the light of 
the first Commander-in-Chiefs blunt statement to the President of 
the Continental Congress. 

Illustrative of how low the value of money minted by the 
United States had become, during Sullivan's Expedition of 1779, 
General Edward Hand writing to his friend Yeates told him: "my 
Chaplain has 5102 dollars of mine in Charge, 8c my own pay is due 
since 25th Deer. 1778 inclusive." ^^ One would not likely carry that 
amount of currency on a campaign for out-of-hand expenses un- 
less its value was enormously inflated. As a by product of this 
currency condition, we learn that Hand apparently left his money 
with Chaplain Rogers for safekeeping should something happen to 
him during an action. 

Manasseh Cutler, mentioned above, had been involved briefly 
in the confused days of the Boston Siege, and was commissioned a 
chaplain in the Massachusetts Militia on September 5, 1776. His 
commission reads: 



The Major part of the Council to Manasseh Cutler, Gentleman, 

Jer. Powell. We, being informed of your Exemplary Life 

W. Sever. and Manners, and reposing 'special Trust 

Caleb Gushing, and Confidence in your Abilities and good 
Artemus Ward. Conduct, Do, by these Presence, constitute 
J. Winthrop. and appoint you, the said Manasseh Cutler 
B. Lincoln. to be Chaplain of the Regiment drafted out 

B. Chadbourn. of the Militia of this State on the Continental 
S. Holten. Establishment for the defence and security 

Jabez Fisher. of the Town and Harbour of Boston, 
John Taylor. whereof Ebenezer Francis, Esq., is Colonel. 
Wm. Phillips. You are therefore carefully and diligently 

Benj. Austin. to inculcate in the minds of the Soldiers of 
Dan'l Davis. said Regiment, as well by Example as Pre- 

D. Sewall. cept, the Duties of Religion and Morality, &: 

F. M. Dana. a fervent Love of their Country, and in all 

respects discharge the Duty of a Chaplain in 
said Regiment — Observing, from time to 
time, such Orders and Instructions as you 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


shall receive from your Superior Officers, 
according to Military Rules and Discipline 
Established by the American Congress. In 
pursuance if the Trust reposed in you, for 
which this shall be your Sufficient Warrant. 
Given under our Hands and the Seal of 
said State, at Watertown, the fifth day of 
Sept'r, In the Year of our Lord, One 
Thousand seven Hundred 8c seventy-six. 
By Command of the Major part of the 

JOHN AVERY, Dp.y Secy.^^ 

Called out to support Sullivan's unsuccessful campaign to drive the 
British out of Newport, Rhode Island, his Journal is carefully 
detailed. Leaving for duty on short notice, he obtained the services 
of the Rev. Steward, who, he recorded for August 9, 1778, 
"preached for me, and administered the Sacrament, which I had 
before appointed and could not well put by." ^^ He had a standing 
invitation to dine with his commander, as did most chaplains 
through the Revolution. ^"^ Combat conditions prevailed, and his 
ministry had to be fitted into that framework. Cutler's entry for 
August 20, reveals this situation: "A steady fire through the day. 
Attended prayers this evening with the brigade for the first time, 
our situation not admitting of it before." ^^ Failure of the French 
fleet to arrive in force — a vital part of the planned operation — 
aborted the campaign. The chaplain wrote without comment: "Out 
most sanguine hopes were chopped in the bud, . . . ." ^® 

During this campaign Cutler found himself in action far 
heavier and different from that which he experienced in the rela- 
tively quiet days before Boston. Yanked from civilian Hfe, and 
immediately thrown into combat, his Journal shows that he had not 
become seasoned to war as were the long term chaplains in the 
Continental Army. Candidly he writes on August 17: 

Had a fine view of the enemy's lines from the top of a house, 
about a quarter of a mile distant, and little advanced of our 
picket. The enemy had fired for some time in the morning, but 
had ceased for some hours. While we were on the house they 
begun their fire again from the redoubts. Several shot passed us 
on each side and fell beyond us. Made a shocking whistling. 
Soon after we left the house a shot came through it. Found our 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


situation not very safe or agreeable. Stood by the Marquis when 
a cannon ball just passed us. Was pleased with his firmness, but 
found I had nothing to boast of my own, and as I had no 
business in danger concluded to stay no longer lest I should 
happen to pay too dear for my curiosity.^'' 

A crisis far different from that faced in battle by Chaplain 
Cutler confronted the chaplains serving in the Hudson Valley. 
General Orders, dated Tuesday, September 26, 1780, contains the 
bitter words: "Treason of the blackest dye was yesterday discov- 
ered! General Arnold who commanded at Westpoint, lost to every 
sentiment of honor, of public and private obligation, was about to 
deliver up that important Post into the hands of the Enemy. . . . 
Mr. Andre, the Adjutant General of the British Army ... is our 
Prisoner." ^^ The depth of both Washington's sentiment and faith 
is revealed when he wrote Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens on the 
following 13th of October. His letter states: "In no instance since 
the commencement of the War has the interposition of Providence 
appeared more conspicuous than in the rescue of the Post and 
Garrison of West Point from Arnolds villainous perfidy .... 
Andre has met his fate, and with that fortitude which was to be 
expected from an accomplished man, and gallant Officer." ^^ 

Stationed at West Point throughout this period were Chaplains 
Hitchcock and Joel Barlow, the theological student who cam- 
paigned as a private during his vacations from school. On Sunday, 
September 24, this pair of chaplains preached: Hitchcock from 
Hebrews 3:12-13, and Barlow on the theme, "worshiping God in 
Spirit." ^^ Little did they imagine their fate was being planned by 
the traitor. News arrived on the 26th of September, and Hitchcock 
wrote in surprise: "it seems the Post was to be given up to the 
Enemy this very night." ^^ Sermons on the following Sunday re- 
flected the events. Hitchcock preached from Psalm 122:6-7, — 
"Peace be within thy walls," while Barlow selected Haggai 2:9 for 
his discourse: "The glory of this latter house shall be greater than 
of the former, saith the Lord of hosts; and in this place will I give 
peace, saith the Lord of hosts." ^^ 

Chaplain Hitchcock noted the proceedings throughout the 
days of Andre's trial, and he and his companion, Barlow, witnessed 
the execution. His account, written on October 2, is as follows: 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


At twelve oCIock this day was Executed Major Andre — He 
received his fate with greater apparent fortitude than others saw 
it — he appeared a most Genteel young fellow — handsomely 
drest in his regimentals — when he came to the Gallows, he said 
he well knew his fate but was disappointed in the mode — He 
ascended the waggon cheerfully fixed the halter round his own 
neck 8c bound his Eyes — said, smiling, a few moments would 
settle the whole — was asked if he had anything to offer — lifting 
up the handkerchief that covered his Eyes, said. Gentlemen, you 
will all bear witness that I met my fate like a brave man. 

Behold the end of humane greatness! a young fellow cut off in 
the midst of the highest prospects, -by the hand of a common 
hangman — ^^ 

Tragic events in New Jersey indicate the viciousness of the war, 
dragging on and on, with brutality and treachery becoming com- 
monplace. For our history it focalizes in the life and death of 
Chaplain James Caldwell. This Presbyterian clergyman served in 
dual capacities — as a chaplain and as a Deputy Quartermaster and 
Assistant Commissary General. This was not unique, nor did it 
scandalize the laity^ of that period when religion and patriotism 
were looked upon as mutually supporting virtues. It was Chaplain 
Samuel West who broke the cipher used by Dr. Benjamin Church, 
first head of the Medical Department, showing him to be in the pay 
and service of the Royal Army,^^ Chaplain Abner Benedict worked 
on the development of a primitive torpedo, a number doubled for 
surgeons, as we have seen, and quite a few led units in combat. ^^ 
Several clergymen elected to serve as commanders — such as 
Muhlenberg — and hold their pastoral duties in abeyance until the 
sword was sheathed in peace and honor. This attitude appeared 
especially strong among the Scotch Presbyterians of central and 
western Pennsylvania, and the AngHcans of Virginia. ^^ 

Caldwell frequently corresponded with Washington on purely 
military matters, forwarding to him information and intelligence. 
The British ire was raised at this patriot, and he became a marked 
man. At first it was innocent enough, the polished Major Andre 
himself making pointed fun of him in a poem entitled. Cow 
Chase.^^ A notorious Tory, Cornelius Hetfield, burned Caldwell's 
church to the ground on January 25, 1780, announcing with sor- 
row that the "black-coated rebel" was not consumed with it.^^ As 
General Knyphausen's force swept through villages of Connecticut 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Farms, New Jersey — where the Caldwell family had gone for 
safety — a soldier shot through the window of her house, killing 
Mrs. Hannah Caldwell instantly. Nearly a year later, November 24, 
1781, Chaplain Caldwell was shot to death by an off duty sentry 
named Morgan. He was tried for murder, and executed on the 
29th of January, 1782. His motive was never determined, but it was 
strongly held that he was in the pay of the British. Before his 
hanging, he was preached a sermon by the Rev. Jonathan Elmer 
from the text in Jeremiah 44:4: "O, do not this abominable thing 
which I hate." It is questionable how comforting that sermon was to 
the condemned prisoner. Washington contributed to the support 
of the nine Caldwell orphans, and LaFayette sent the third oldest 
child to the Marquise to be educated. ^^ 

Prior to his murder. Chaplain Caldwell secured his place in the 
history of the Revolution by his dramatic action at the Battle of 
Springfield. Finding that fire was slackening along the American 
line because of the shortage of wadding — an essential ingredient 
for loading muskets used in that period — he hurried into the local 
Presbyterian church building, gathering as many Watts hymn 
books as he could carry. Hastily he distributed them, intending that 
their pages be put to a purpose for which their sacred words were 
never designed. His admonition has come down through the 
centuries — "Give them Watts, boys, give them Watts!" — and has 
been immortalized by Bret Harte's poem about "the rebel high 
priest." ^^^ 

This is not the first occasion when items designed for spiritual 
purposes were used for purposes far different. A participant in the 
Revolution recalled: 

When the American army reached Philadelphia in June, 
1778, after the evacuation by the British troops, we were hard 
pressed for ammunition. We caused the whole city to be ran- 
sacked in search of cartridge-paper. At length I thought of the 
garretts, &c., of old printing offices. In that once occupied as a 
lumber-room by Dr. Franklin, when a printer, a vast collection 
was discovered. Among the mass was more than a cart-body load 
of sermons on defensive war, preached by a famous Gilbert 
Tennant, during the old British and French war, to rouse the 
colonies to indispensable exertion. These appropriate manifes- 
toes were instantly employed as cases for musket-cartridges, 
rapidly sent to the army, came most opportunely, and were fired 
away at the battle of Monmouth against our retiring foe.'"^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


During the latter years of the Revolutionary War, the northern 
army spent the bulk of its time blocking potential British advances 
down the Hudson River Valley, while to the south major operations 
flamed. From Virginia to Georgia armies maneuvered, and new 
battles added their names to our history: Kings Mountain, Cow- 
pens, Guilford Court House, and finally Yorktown. Military ac- 
tivities in New England were limited to raids from British and 
Loyalist units. In an attack on New Haven in 1779, the Rev. Dr. 
Naphthali Daggett participated as a combatant — though quite 
elderly — dying from the effects of exhaustion and maltreatment 
received while he was a POW. The Rev. Thomas Brockway, veteran 
Chaplain of Colonel Selden's State Regiment, Wadsworth's 
Brigade, went with his neighbors to repel the British landing at 
New London in 1 78 L All in all, however, the war had wound down 
in the North. ^^^ 

In the South, Chaplain Charles Cummings, an old time Indian 
fighter, was with the first army to penetrate Tennessee in a cam- 
paign against the Cherokees, and is listed among the heroes of 
Kings Mountain. ^^^ 

The Rev. James Hall of Iredell County, North Carolina chal- 
lenged his parishioners to arm themselves and go to the defense of 
their country and neighboring South Carolina now that the British 
forces were in the south. Elected captain of a cavalry unit, he led 
that unit so ably in campaigns in 1779 and 1781 that, upon the 
death of General Davidson on the banks of the Catawba, General 
Nathanael Greene chose him for immediate promotion to the 
grade of Brigadier General. It was predictable: Hall turned down 
this honor, saying that he was bound by his prior obligation of 
ordination to be a clergyman, and that his work as a military leader 
was strictly a temporary expedient resulting from the existing con- 
ditions. Throughout his service. Hall served as his own chaplain, 
leading his organization in prayer, and Divine services. Having 
preached the first sermon in a hitherto Indian controlled area, a 
county in Georgia was named Hall in his remembrance. Following 
the war, he began the first mission work attempted along the lower 
Mississippi. Here was a man who labored all his life for the fulfill- 
ment of John's prophesy: "The kingdoms of this world are become 
the kingdoms of our Lord, and his Christ, and he shall reign for 
ever and ever." ^^^ To that end, neither promotion to the grade of 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


general officer nor the comforts of a settled, peaceful community 
could deter him.^°^ 

A Methodist clergyman's appearance during the southern 
campaigns is worthy of note. Jesse Lee, a newly ordained preacher 
under the guidance of the Reverend Francis Asbury, was called to 
serve with the local militia. ^^^ Apparently he had been engaged in 
farming and itinerant preaching, but was not the pastor of a con- 
gregation. With the Anglican Church being the only Established 
body, his credentials were not sufficient to be considered as a 
clergyman. His feelings are expressed in the following extract from 
his memoirs. 

I weighed the matter over and over again, but my mind was 
settled; as a Christian and as a preacher of the gospel I could not 
fight. I could not reconcile it to myself to bear arms, or to kill one 
oi my fellow creatures; however I determined to go, and to trust 
in the Lord; and accordingly prepared for my journey. ^"^ 

Joining the army on July 29, 1780, Lee met his first anticipated 
problem when "orders were given for all soldiers to be furnished 
with guns." Following this, he relates: "I then lifted up my heart to 
God and besought him to take my cause in his hands, and support 
me in the hour of trial." 

The sergeant soon came round with the guns, and offered 
one to me, but I would not take it. Then the lieutenant brought 
me one, but I refused to take it. He said I should go under 
guard. He then went to the colonel, and coming back, brought a 
gun and set it down against me. I told him he had as well take it 
away or it would fall. He then took me with him and delivered 
me to the guard. 

After a while the colonel come, and taking me out a little way 
from the guard, he began to converse with me, and to assign 
many reasons why I should bear arms; but his reasons were not 
sufficiently cogent to make any alteration in my mind. He then 
told the guard to take care of me, and so left me.^"*^ 

As a prisoner he prayed with his guard, and on Sunday, July 
30, he led his fellow soldiers in prayer, and then, by invitation, 
preached to them from the text, Luke 13:5: "Except ye repent, ye 
shall all likewise perish." It was at the close of this service, "some of 
the gentlemen went about with their hats to make a collection of 
money for me, at which I was very uneasy, and ran among the 
people and begged them to desist. I could not at that time feel 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


willing to receive any compensation for preaching." The colonel 
was greatly affected by Lee's sincerity, and love for his country. As 
a consequence, he inquired if he would serve as a wagon driver, an 
offer which Lee readily accepted. ^^^ 

Throughout his army service, Lee served first as a driver, then 
a pioneer, or engineer, ultimately being promoted to the rank of 
sergeant. Unofficially he acted as the unit chaplain, preaching and 
praying as opportunity allowed. When a near fatal illness overtook 
him, he writes, ". . .1 had no doubt of my salvation; for I believed 
that should the Lord see fit to remove me from this world, I should 
be called to join the armies of Heaven." ^^^ 

Pastoral cares consumed Lee's time and energies. His entry for 
October 13, 1780, is indicative of his extra duties. 

. . . colonel Morgan jointed us with a part of his regiment — 
some of our soldiers were very sick — I went among them where 
they lay in barns, at the point of death, and talked to them about 
their souls; and begged them to prepare to meet their God. 
When convenient, I attended the funeral of those who died, and 
prayed at the grave." ^^^ 

Upon receiving his discharge. Sergeant — "Chaplain" — Lee re- 
sumed his ministry in the civilian community. ^^^ 

Regarding chaplains, the southern phase of the Revolution 
presented one sad event. Moses Allen, brother of Thomas whom 
we have met previously, was captured at the surrender of Savan- 
nah. Confined aboard a British prison ship off Cockspur, he lan- 
guished in filth and foul treatment. Indications are that he was 
dealt with in an especially calloused fashion because of the influ- 
ence he had previously exercised in the American cause. Unnoticed 
he slipped overboard, attempting to swim to freedom. Malnutrition 
having taken its toll, he drowned. Even a decent burial was denied 
him by the authorities, his body being buried in the mud of an 
unmarked grave. On February 24, 1784, the State of Georgia 
granted his only surviving son, Moses, 500 acres of land "as com- 
pensation for his father's services." ^^^ 

There is a dearth of materials concerning chaplains' participa- 
tion in the southern campaigns. Unlike New Englanders at the 
Siege of Boston and throughout the earlier days of the Revolution, 
who kept diaries and journals, the Southern militia chaplains left 
few and scant records. Even among the chaplains of the Continen- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


tal Army, by now seasoned to camp and battles, their records are all 
but non existent. One reference which survives from this period, 
however, is intriguing to say the least. Chaplain Lotbiniere, the only 
Roman Catholic chaplain, somehow arrived in Paris. His letter 
dated March 6, 1781, suggests that he was involved in a strategic 
scheme of momentous proportions. It proposed that within four- 
teen or fifteen months, a joint American-French force would in- 
vade Canada. The presence of French troops, it was anticipated 
would revive old loyalties among the bulk of the inhabitants, caus- 
ing them to cast their lot against the British. Why this excommuni- 
cated American chaplain was in France is not clear. Whether he was 
on official business or striving for personal achievement in the 
context of political-military operations is a question to which rec- 
ords give no help. Irrespective, the proposal came to nothing, for 
there was no implementation of so grand a design. ^^^ 

The year 1781 opened with Washington's force of some 3500 
men opposing Clinton's army of 10,000 in New York. Throughout 
the southern states the war was fluid, culminating at Yorktown on 
September 28, 1781. Siege operations began, with the capitulation 
of His Majesty's forces on October 19. Effectively, Cornwallis' sur- 
render brought military operations to a close, although the war 
officially continued until April 19, 1783. 

At Yorktown Chaplain Israel Evans nearly paid with his life for 
his readiness to be in the center of combat. He and Ellis were the 
two chaplains with the longest continuous tenure of service, dating 
back to 1775. Dr. James Thacher, M.D., relates the incident in his 
Journal for October: 

3d and 4th. — A considerable cannonading from the enemy; one 
shot killed three men, and mortally wounded another. While the 
Rev. Mr. Evans, our chaplain, was standing near the 
commander-in-chief, a shot struck the ground so near as to 
cover his hat with sand. Being much agitated, he took off his hat, 
and said, "See here. General." "Mr. Evans," replied his excel- 
lency, with his usual composure, "you had better carry that 
home, and show it to your wife and children." ^'^ 

Evans' diary for those days makes no mention of this incident. 
Concerning the surrender, he writes: 

17th. — General Washington informed them what terms he 
would give them, and has allowed them only two hours to 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


consider them, and to give an answer. This day four years, 
Burgoyne and his whole army surrendered to the United States; 
that signal instance of the smiles of heaven, and what we now 
have in prospect, should make us very thankful to Almighty 
God. 18tn. This day the enemy have agreed to surrender them- 
selves prisoners of war to the combined arms of France and 
America. Hallelujah! ^^^ 

On October 21st, Chaplain Evans preached a victory sermon 
from the text, I Samuel 7: 12: "Then Samuel took a stone, and set it 
between Mizpeh and Shen, and called the name of it Ebenezer, 
saying, Hitherto hath the Lord helped us." ^^^ 

At the Battle of Yorktown, chaplains serving four armies — 
American, British and Loyalists, French, and Hessians — were en- 
gaged. As may be expected, the Hessian chaplains in America were 
largjly Lutheran and Reformed Church, although one Roman 
Catholic, Becker or Backer, was numbered in their ranks; the 
French were entirely Roman Catholic; the British, Church of Eng- 
land and Church of Scotland; and the Loyalists being predomi- 
nantly, but not exclusively, Anglican. 

The role played by British chaplains is, to a great degree, 
unknown. Plagued by the regimental chaplain system and absen- 
teeism, several observations only can be made. Chaplains served on 
the staff of their respective commanders, and accompanied their 
units into combat. How many, however, actually came with their 
units to America is unknown. Five were captured with Burgoyne, 
as noted; and Edward Brudnell conducted himself with steady 
bravery at the funeral, conducted under artillery fire, of General 
Eraser, and in bringing Mrs. Ackland to her wounded and cap- 
tured husband within the American lines during Burgoyne's 
expedition. So ambiguous is the British chaplains' role in the Rev- 
olution, that the official history of the Royal Chaplains Depart- 
ment, In This Sign Conquer, is utterly silent on the subject. ^^^ That 
the Royal Army was short of chaplains in America may be con- 
cluded from the pressure put upon the Rev. Michael Schlatter to 
join their forces. During the French and Indian War, this German 
Reformed clergyman had been the chaplain of the Royal American 
Regiment (1757-1759), and saw combat duty at Louisburg. When 
he steadfastly refused to join the British, for he was a staunch 
patriot, he was imprisoned. ^^^ 

In contrast to British chaplains, Hessian chaplains are noted 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


frequently in officers' diaries, two chaplains left journals of note, 
and several of their letters are extant. Again, we find no formal 
chaplains' organizational structure. Chaplains were appointed by 
the rulers of the principalities from which the units were recruited, 
and served on their respective commanders' staffs. Although they 
were listed as officers, none seemed to possess military rank other 
than that of being a chaplain, which, in an aristocratic society, was a 
rank in itself. 

Of the twenty-five Hessian chaplains who served in America, 
the best known is Frederick V. Melsheimer, author of a military 
diary, who was wounded and captured at Bennington, while serv- 
ing with Prince Ludwig's Dragoons. ^^^ After he was paroled, he 
became the pastor of a Lutheran congregation, and remained in 
the United States until his death. To a degree, his story is typical of 
so many Hessian soldiers. On February 6, 1776, the Brunswick 
troops "were mustered in the court of the castle of Wolfenbuettel 
so that it might be ascertained whether the ranks were full and the 
equipment in good condition. After the field-chaplain had deliv- 
ered a sermon and the auditor had read aloud the articles of war, 
the regiments took the oath of allegiance." ^^^ Going to America to 
conquer, they were conquered by the freedoms they came to fight 
against. "Of the thirty thousand Germans coming with the Hessian 
forces, hardly half returned, and the large portion of those who 
remained did so voluntarily, . . . ." ^^^ In his new fatherland, 
Melsheimer served faithfully as a highly respected pastor, and 
pursued his interests in science, becoming an entomologist of 
worldwide renown. 

Field-chaplain Philipp Waldeck, of the Third Waldeck Regi- 
ment, participated in the New York Campaign, in New Jersey and 
along the Hudson, and accompanied his unit to Pensacola, Florida, 
and along the Gulf Coast to the Mississippi River. His ministerial 
duties are carefully recorded, and appear to be very comparable to 
those performed by chaplains in the American army. The New 
World never ceased to amaze him. He was astonished at Indians, 
"the savages of Long Island," and his observations on their way of 
life, stamina, and tracking ability were published in Germany in 
June, 1777. He was appalled at the isolation of Florida, writing, 
"just nothing but white sand," and equally appalled at the Florid- 
ians' total lack of a church or preacher. ^^^ His detailed journal 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


reveals that he was a highly sophisticated man, given to keen 
observations; everything seems to have interested him. It was he 
who recorded the only Communion Service held for Protestant 
soldiers in any of the armies involved throughout the war. This 
interestingly was in response to a request by a Hessian regiment 
stationed in New York City on January 16, 1778.^^^ 

Indicative of the courage and self sacrifice of the German 
chaplains is an experience of Chaplain Oliva, who remained with 
the terribly ill Captain von Bockum even though capture was 
inevitable. ^^^ Likewise Chaplain Kohle of the Second Brunswick 
division, taken prisoner at Burgoyne's surrender, volunteered for 
service in America thereby "giving up a comfortable position in the 
church." ^^^ Of particular interest is that two Protestant chaplains, 
Schrecker and Beck, and the force's only Roman Catholic chaplain, 
Becker or Backer, were assigned as Hospital Chaplains in 1782.^^" 

Religion seems to have been deeply woven into the life of 
Hessian soldiers. Even without a chaplain present, daily devotions 
were celebrated. Each soldier from Hesse was given a personal 
hymn book by his Prince as a vital part of his equipment. Captain 
Georg Pausch, Chief of the Hanau Artillery, recorded concerning 
his gunners^ "They never fail, after reveille and tatoo, to make their 
offerings due their God by singing morning and evening hymns 
for one hour." ^-^ And as prisoners, they hastily built themselves a 
suitable chapel for worship, along with the other necessities and 
amenities of life.^^^ But even when separated from their pastors, 
they were not apart from their hearts. Writing on September 7, 
1776, an anonymous Hessian chaplain reveals his feelings for his 
soldiers: "I remember them in my sermons, and in my prayers 
during the still hours of the night, while on my bed, that they may 
be strong in Christian courage." And concerning German casual- 
ties "mostly hacked and shot all to pieces," he exposes his soul's 
"greater agony." ^^*^ 

While a great bibliography remains of German participation in 
the war, little survives to record the services of French chaplains in 
our Revolution. Providing for the religious needs of the French 
soldiers, were eleven Roman Catholic chaplains, and at sea, nearly 
one hundred with the Navy. Abbe Claude C. Robin bore the title 
"chaplain-in-chief," but nothing indicates that he was a command 
chaplain, nor the existence of a chaplain organization within the 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


military structure. ^^^ Presumably his position was defined because 
of his assignment on Rochambeau's staff. His observations of the 
United States are interestingly recorded in My Travels Through 
America and Campaigns of the Army oj Count De Rochambeau. Following 
their service in the New World, all of the French chaplains re- 
turned to Europe, except two navy and one army chaplain, John 
Rossiter, who fulfilled his priestly role in Philadelphia. ^^^ Solomon 
Southwick, not a Roman Catholic, paid an enormous compliment 
to the discipline of the French troops, and perhaps the noble 
influence of their chaplains, writing: "I saw the whole French army 
under Rochambeau go to a grand Mass in a body; and never did I 
behold a more sublime spectacle. There is indeed one fact that 
deserves to be recorded to the eternal honor of that Catholic army. 
It marched through the United States, it camped in almost every 
State, . . . but everywhere they marched was a track of morality, 

" 133 

Twenty-eight Loyalist Army chaplains are known to have par- 
ticipated in the Revolutionary War, severalwhose careers are well 
known. Jonathan Odell, a poet of some standing in Tory circles, 
was secretary of Major Andre throughout the period of his negotia- 
tions with Benedict Arnold concerning the latter's defection. ^^"^ 
Samuel Seabury, chaplain to the King's American Regiment, be- 
came the first bishop of the Episcopal Church in the United States. 
Thomas Price heartily opposed the British stance toward the 
colonies — on May 29, 1774, he signed the Association against the 
Crown for closing Boston Harbour — but he could not violate his 
ordination vows to George IH as head of the Anglican Church. He 
joined Cornwallis' forces in 1781 in his native Virginia. A number 
of Loyalist chaplains were captured: John Bethune at the Battle of 
Croos Creek, William Andrews and William Harrison at Yorktown. 
Comparably to their British counterparts. Loyalist chaplains were 
appointed to serve as unit chaplains on the regimental system. 
Chaplain Benjamin Moore was unique, being the only hospital 
chaplain known to have served in that capacity. ^^^ His duties were 
confined to New York City, a British stronghold throughout a large 
portion of the conflict. In addition to chaplains, civilian clergymen 
officiated at religious services for Loyalist units when they were in 
the vicinity of a parson's church. Extant is a sermon by the Rev. 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


Charles Inglis to "the troops at Bridge Head, New York," delivered 
in September, 1777.^^^ 

Meanwhile, in the quiet Northern sector, there was an amazing 
group of chaplains serving in the Continental Army: John Mason, 
Abraham Baldwin, his brother-in-law, Joel Barlow, Timothy 
Dwight, and Enos Hitchcock to name a few.^^^ Actually when 
Timothy Dwight left the service, he was replaced by Abraham 
Baldwin. What a pair of chaplains they were to have served one 
Brigade! Dwight went on to become the President of Yale, and 
America's first epic poet, writing "The Conquest of Canaan," a 
poem in eleven books. His hymn, "I Love Thy Kingdom, Lord," is 
said to be "the only American hymn to survive of all those written 
between 1620 and 1824." ^^^ Baldwin, following the war, moved 
south, where he became the Father of the University of Georgia, 
and as a delegate from that state, signed the Constitution in 

Joel Barlow left the ministry — he never had been ordained — 
entering the diplomatic field. A poet of towering stature, his most 
famous work is "The Vision of Columbus." He represented the 
United States as Consul at Algiers during our war with the Barbary 
pirates, and died at Zarnowica, a village near Crakow, Poland, 
while on a mission to confer with Napoleon: the date, December 
22, 1812. i4« 

Congress reduced the number of Brigades in consonance with 
the failure of enlistments to fill them; consequently the number of 
chaplains was lessened. It was resolved May 8, 1781, that the 
commanders of the northern and southern armies "retain in serv- 
ice no more chaplains of each line than are equal to the number of 
brigades." Those discharged in this reduction in force were "enti- 
tled to have their depreciation made good, and to the half-pay of 
captains for life." ^'^^ Additionally, the chaplain's slot was con- 
sidered "unnecessary" in the corps of light dragoons. This decision 
was predicated on it being "impracticable for their brigade chap- 
lains to perform the duties of his office," the dragoons generally 
operating with wide dispersion. '^^ 

The question of a chaplain's status, when captured, was finally 
determined, in 1782: "Chaplains, Surgeons, or Hospital Officers 
who shall be captured in the future may not be considered prison- 
ers of War." ^■'•^ Earlier Lord Guy Carleton had written to Washing- 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


ton on this question, seeking some concord. ^^^ What the problems 
Were which necessitated this exchange of correspondence is not 
clear, except that a previous agreement was not being implemented 
at the action level. On July 9, 1781, when writing to the Board of 
War, Washington instructed the release of "two Chaplains of the 
German Regts" to be released, on the basis of an agreement in 
1780, and stipulated "that all Gentlemen of that Function should be 
mutually released and that they should not be subjects of capture in 
the future." ^^^ In answer to a letter from Chaplain John Hurt, a 
POW, Washington said on September 25, 1781: 

I have received your Letter of Yesterday. It is a fact, that, by 
particular agreement with Sir Hry Clinton, the Chaplains both 
of the American and British Armies, are exempted from Deten- 
tion by Capture or Parole; pleading therefore that Stipulation I 
know no reason the Enemy can have for detaining you a Pris- 
oner of War, or holding you under Parole; but should supposed 
you at your Liberty; several of their Chaplains have been re- 
leased without any Compensation.^ ^^ 

As early as June 4, 1780, Washington refers to the agreement 
to release all chaplain prisoners. In a letter to Abraham Skinner, he 
said: "I lately received a letter from a Mr. Frazier at Rutland, a 
Chaplain to the 71 Regt. As it was mutually agreed at the last 
meeting of the Commissioners to release all Gentlemen of his 
Cloth, you will be pleased to take the first opportunity of giving the 
necessary orders to that effect." ^^^ 

The last encampment of the Revolutionary Army was at West 
Point, Newburgh, and New Windsor Cantonment. Its purpose was 
to provide protection should the British try once more to force the 
Hudson. They had no staging area apart from Canada; and, pro- 
tected by the French fleet, an English invasion by water was not 
anticipated by the American command. 

Christmas Day in the year 1782 was a memorable occasion for 
chaplains! General Orders read: 

Headquarters, Newburgh, Dec. 25, 1782 
The General highly approves of the proposal made by the Rev. 
Dr. Evans for erecting a Public Building and consents to the 
general and field officers meeting to determine on the situation 
and plan for it. The Dr. therefore requests that those who are 
desirous of promoting so useful a scheme will be pleased to meet 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


at Major General Gates' quarters tomorrow morning at ten 
o'clock. '^*^ 

Two descriptions of the Temple of Virtue, as it was called, 
survive. Major Burnet's account reads: 

It was a structure of rough hewn logs, oblong square in form, 
one story in height, a door in the middle, many windows and a 
broad roof. The windows were square, unglazed and about the 
size of ordinary port holes in a man of war. There was a small 
gallery or raised platform at one end for speakers and presiding 
officers. ^^^ 
General Heath remembers the Temple in the following words: 

Upon an eminence the troops erected a building handsomely 
finished, with a spacious hall, sufficient to contain a brigade of 
troops on Lord's Day, for public worship, with an orchestra at 
one end, the vault of the hall was arched; at each end of the hall 
were two rooms, conveniently situated for the issuing of the 
general orders, for the sitting of the Boards of Officers, Courts 
Martial, etc., and an office and store for the Quartermaster's and 
Commissary's departments. On the top was a cupola and flag- 
staff on which a flag was hoisted occassionally for signals, etc.^^° 

The building was erected under the supervision of Colonel 
Tupper, Major Rochefontaine having computed the estimates of 
materials required. By Friday, February 15, 1783, Washington's 
General Order stated: "The New Building being so far finished as 
to admit the troops to attend public worship therein, after tomor- 
row it is directed that divine services should be performed therein 
every Sunday by the several chaplains of the New Windsor can- 
tonment in rotation." ^^^ 

At the time when all seemed to be going well for chaplains, 
they allowed themselves to get slipshod, earning a rare, but 
deserved, rebuke from the General. Washington's remarks are 
illuminating for what they imply. There existed no chaplains or- 
ganization to coordinate their activities, each being responsive to 
his own commander only. Further, their duties having been 
nowhere stated, even hospital visitation (normally a pastor's task) 
had to be called to their attention as an expected function. 

The General has been surprised to find in Winter Qtrs. that the 
Chaplains have frequently been almost all absent, at the same 
time, under an idea their presence could not be of any utility at 
that season; he thinks it is proper, he should be allowed to judge 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 


of that matter himself, and therefore in future no furloughs will 
be granted to Chaplains except in consequence of permission 
from Head quarters and any who may be now absent without 
such permission are to be ordered by the Commanding officers 
of their Brigades to join immediately, after which not more than 
one third of the whole number will be indulged with leave of 
absence at a time. They are requested to agree among them- 
selves upon the time and length of their furloughs before any 
application shall be made to Head quarters on the subject. 
The Commander in Chief also desires and expects the Chap- 
lains in addition to their public functions will in turn constantly 
attend the Hospitals and visit the sick, and while they are thus 
publickly and privately engaged in performing the sacred duties 
of their office they onay depend upon his utmost encouragement 
and support on all occasions, and that they will be considered in 
a very respectable point of light by the whole Army.'^- 

The usage of the Temple was for more than Divine services. 
One party is known to have been held there, and other meetings of 
foremost importance. It was there that Sergeant Elijah Churchill 
was selected as the recipient of the Badge of Military Merit, a medal 
of honor, and the forerunner of the design, but not the purpose, of 
our current Purple Heart. ^^^ It was in the Temple that Washington 
quelled an officers' mutiny, thereby establishing in effect the prin- 
ciple that the military forces of the United States must be subordi- 
nate to authorized civilian authority, in this case, the Continental 
Congress. ^^^ And it was in the doorway of the Temple that Chap- 
lain John Gano, under orders from General Washington, an- 
nounced on April 19, 1783, that the war was over, and the United 
States of America was free and independent. Gano then led the 
assembled officers and enlisted men — veterans from the battles of 
'75 on — in a prayer of thanksgiving for victory and peace. It was 
eight years exactly from when the shots were fired on Lexington 
Green and at Concord; April 19, 1775! ^^^ 

A discharged chaplain, Abner Benedict, had born to him that 
day a daughter. Like all chaplains of that era, he was a scholar of 
the Greek New Testament. Knowing that the origin of the name 
meant "peace," he named her appropriately: Irene.^^^ 

See footnotes at end of chapter. 



Chapter VII 

' Lossing, Op. Cil., I, 84. 

■Ibid., I, 84. 

^Ibtd., I, 84-85. 

■* "Diary of Enos Hitchcock, D.D." Publications of the Rhode Island Historical Society, New Series, 
VII (1899), 122-123. 

^Ibid., VII, 159. 

^Ibid., VII, 160-161. Lossing, Op. Cit., II, 684. 

' Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IX, 390-391. 

^ Timothy Dwight, "A Thanksgiving Sermon preached at Stamford, Conn, by Dr. Dwight, 
December 18, 1777." Israel Evans, "Discourse delivered on the 18th day of December, 1777, the day 
of public thanksgiving appointed by the Honourable Continental Congress." 

» Ford, Op. Cit, VIII, 754. 

'"John W.Jordan, "Extracts from The Journal of The Rev. James Sproat, Hospital Chaplain 
of the Middle Department, 1778," The Pennsylvania Magazine of Historv' and Biography, X, 441. 

" Heitman, Op. Cit., 50&. Sprague, Op. Cit., V, 170-172. 

'= Jordan, Op. Cit., X, 441, 442, 443. 

'3 Ford, Op. Cit., VIII, 754. 

'-■ Jordan, Op. Cit., X, 444. 

'5 Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XVI, 25. 

""Ibid., XVI, 25. 

'" Horatio Gates Jones, A Memoir of The Rei'. David Jones, A.M. (Unpublished: in the collection 
of the American Baptist Historical Society, Rochester, N.Y. Written, 1859), 16-17. 

'^Ibid., 18. 

'9 Johnston, 0/7. Cit., 300. 

-" Moses Coit Tyler, The Literary Hiitory of The Rei'olution (N.Y.: Barnes and Noble, Inc., 1897), 

-' Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., X, 167. 

-- Ibid., X, 168. 

-^Ibid., XI, 42-343. 

'Ubid., X, 400; XI, 78, 105-106; XII, 401. 

-* Lossing, Op. Cit., II, Supplement, 656. 

-« Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XII, 401. 

-''Ibid., XI, 354. William Royall Smithey and Calvin Hall Phippins (ed.), Virginia Oratory 
(Charlottesville, VA.: Historical Publishing Company, Inc., 1934), 38-40. Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., X, 
92-93. Elizabeth Phillips Graver, "The Turncoat Chaplain," The Chaplain, XXXII, No. 2, Second 
Quarter, 1975, 28-36. 

-8 Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., IV, 65. 

-^Ihid., IV, 495. 

»" Moore, Op. Cit., II, 79. Ibid., II, 47-48. 

^' William C. Stinchcombe, The American Revolution and The French .illiance (Syracuse, N.Y.: 
Syracuse University Press, 1969), 94, 95. 

^- Phillips Payson, "A Sermon preached before the Honourable Council." Boston, Mav 27, 

Stinchcombe, Op. Cit., 96. 
Moore, Op. Cit., II, 179-180. 

^^ William Watson, The Army and Navy of The United States (Philadelphia: Published by George 
Barrie and Son, with the ofhcial approval of the War, Navy, and State Departments, 1891), I, 3. 
Charles M. Lefferts, Uniforms of the American, British, French, and Gennan Armies in the War of the 
American Rei'olution, 1775-1783 (N.Y.: Printed for the New York Historical Society, 1926), 9-10. 
For conflicting opinions, see: 

John Fitzpatrick, The Spirit of The Revolution: Sew Light from Some of The Original Sources of American 
History (Boston and N.Y.: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1924), 118. 

"It is not possible to give positively the reason for the selection of blue. A number of ingenious 
explanations have been advanced, one of them going back through the Cromwellian Wars even to 


Biblical authority; but perhaps as good a guess as any is that we find blue predominantly as a colonial 
uniform color in King George's and the French and Indian Wars, because the King's regulars 
frowned upon, if they did not actually forbid the provincials to adopt the sacred red coat of the 
British grenadier." 

The strongest statement on this subjea is found in: Asa B. Gardiner, "Uniforms of the American 
Army," The Magazine of American History, I, August 1877, 464: 

"Eventually, after the Revolutionary War had progressed for several hears, blue became the pre- 
scribed color for the coats of the American Army. That it became the distinctive color of the 
American Army was undoubtedly due to the fact that it had always been the insignia of the Whigs, 
the Covenanters having adopted that color from the history of the ancient Israelites, who were 
enjoined to put upon the fringe of their garments a ribbon of blue. (Numbers XV, v. 8. 2d Laing, p. 
105. Highmore's Hist. London Artillery, p. 108)." 

See Schuyler Hamilton, "Our National Flag," The Magazine of American History, 1, July 1877, 401^28, 
for a detailed article attributing the blue field in the American flag to the same Biblical source, 
Numbers 15:38. 

3" Jones, Op. CiL, 20. 

»^ Hitchcock, Op. CiL, VII, 118. 

36/forf., 152. 

''Ibid., 162. 

'""Ibid., 172. 

^* The only reference extant indicating that a Protestant Sen'ice of Holy Communion was held 
throughout the period of the Revolution for military personnel is found in the diary of a Hessian 
chaplain, Philipp Waldeck. "Ich war ersucht bey den hessichen Regimentern zu Neujork die Com- 
munion zu halten.": entiy for Januai-y 16, 1778. Found in: Marion D. Learned (ed.), Americana 
Gern^amca, Philipp Waldeck's Diary of The American Rei'olution (Philadelphia: Americana Germanica 
Press, 1907), 55. 

*" Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, Op. Cit., Vll, 218. William P. Cutler and 
Julia P. Cutler, Life, Journals, and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler, LL.D. (Cincinnati: Robert 
Clarke and Company, 1888), 79. 

■" Hitchcock, 0/>. Cit., VII, 92. 

^- Company of Military Historians, Plate 282. 

*' H. R. Mcllwaine (ed.). Journals of the Councils of the State of Virginia (Richmond: Division of 
Purchase and Printing, 1931), I, 170. 

■"» Avery, Op. Cit., XVIll, 261-262. 

"•^ "Andrew Hunter," Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., V, 399. "Patriotic Service at 
Christ Church," Daughters of The American Revolution Magazine, XLIV (Jan-June, 1914), 7. Alfred H. 
Bill, Valley Forge (N.V.: Harper and Brothers, 1952), 208. William Stryker, The Battle of Monmouth 
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1927), 111-112. 

^^ Jones, Op. Cit., 18. 

*'' Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XV, 126. 

*« Honeywell, 0/j. CiL, 41. 

'" Edward H. Tatum (ed.). The American Journal of Ambrose Serle, Secretary To Lord Howe (San 
Marino, Cal.: The Huntington Library, 1940), 126-127. 

*" William H. English, Conquest of the Country Northwest of the River Ohio 1778-1783 and Life of 
Gen. George Rogers Clark (Indianapolis, 1896), II, 285. 

^' Germain, Op. Cit., 21. 

" English, Op. CiL, II, 287. 

^^ "Pierre Gihauh," Dictionary of American Biography, Op. Cit., IV, 235. 

^* American Catholic Historical Researches, XXXI, 171. 

^^ Dictionan of American Biography, Op. Cit., IV, 235. Sir Walter Scott, "The Lay of the Last 
Minstrel," Canto VI, Stanza I. Matthew 5:12 (KJV). 

*« Germain, Op. CiL, 15. English, Op. Cit., 1, 492. Ibid., I, 493^96. 

^^ George MacLaren, "The Clergy of The Established Church in Virginia and the Revolu- 
tion," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XLI, 1933), 23, 237-238. 

^* For an interesting book on contemporary medicine for the layman, see: William H. Paynter 
(ed.). Primitive Physic, John Wesley's Book of Old Fashioned Cures and Remedies. (Plymouth: Parade 
Printing Works, Ltd., 1958). Originally printed in 1747, it shows the primitive state of medicine. Two 
remedies, pertinent to soldiers, may suffice. "Lice (To Kill) Sprinkle Spanish Snuff over the head; 
. . . .p.5. 


Bleeding of a wound 

Take ripe Puff-Balis. Break them warily and save the powder. Strew this on the wound and bind it on. 

This will absolutely stop the bleeding of an amputated limb without any cautery." ... p. 45. 

5» Jones, 0/>. CiL, 20. 

*" Hoffman Nickerson, The Turning Point of The Resolution or Burgoyne in America (Boston and 
N.Y.: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1928), I, 223. 

^^ Journals of The Military Expedition of Major General John Sullivan Against The Six Nations of 
Indiansin 1779 (Glendale, N.Y.: Benchmark Publishing Company, Inc.. 1970). 315, 316, 319, 320, 321, 
323. Hereafter referred to as Sullivan. 

^^Ibid., 247, 249. 

*^ "Journal of The Reverend Samuel Kirkland, Missionary To The Oneidas," The Historical 
Magazine, Second Series, III, 38. 

^* Sullivan, Op. Cit., 248-249. Concerning the role played by Freemasons in the Revolution, 
see Davidson, Op. Cit., 101. He states: "From the Ancient lodges come some of the most radical 
leaders of the Whig party. Fifty-two of the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence were 
Masons, as were many of the lesser politicians." 

^^Ibid., 249-250. 

^^Ibid., 250. 

^Ubid., 20. 

^""Ibtd., 269. 

*' "Letter of Jesse Lukens to John Sharp, Jr., 13-18 September, 1775," Historical Manuscripts of 
the City of Boston: Number One, 27. Avery, Op. Cit., XIX, 22. Entry for June 0, 1776: "Preacht from 
Isa. 63, 10, one sermon. Three of ye Southern Officers left ye meeting out of contempt. 

'■« Sullivan, Op. Cit., 276. 

'' Ibid., 64. 

^2 Ibid., 258. 

'^Ibtd., 75. 

'Ubid., 142. 

'^Ibid., 34. 

'Ubid., 281. 

" Cutler, Op. Cit., I, 73. 

^» Hitchcock, Op. Cit., VII, 209. 

" F. R. Brace, "New Jersey Chaplains in the Army of The Rexolution," Proceedings of The New 
Jersey Historical Society, Third Series, VI, No. 1 (1908), 10. 

«« Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XVI, 10. 

*' R. W. G. Vail (ed.). The Revolutionary Diary of Lieut. Obadiah Gore, Jr. (N.Y.: The New York 
Public Library, 1929), 33. 

»2 Cutler, Op. Cit., I, 59-60. 

""^Ibid., I, 66. 

''Ubid., I, 70. 

*^Ibid., I, 70. 

^Ubid., I, 71. 

*' Ibid., I, 69. 

'» Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XX, 95. 

"^Ibtd., XX, 173. 

«" Hitchcock, Op. Cit., VII, 225. 

^' Ibid., VII, 225. 

^■Ibid., VII, 227. 

^^Ibid., VII, 227-228. 

^''Jared Sparks (ed.). The Writings of George Washington: Being his Correspondence, Addresses, 
Messages, and Other Papers, Official and Private, etc. (Boston: Russell, Odiorne, and Metcalf, and 
Hilliard, Gray, and Company, 1834), 70, 111, 502-506. 

^' Headley, Op. Cit., 164. 

»« Albion and Dodson, Op. Cit., 33; Brydon, Op. Cit., 22, 301, 302. 

«^ Lossing, Op. Cit., II, 684-686. 

^''Ibid., I, 326. 

^Ubid., I, 324-327. Headley, Op. Cit., 225-232. 

"•" Brace, Op. Cit., 9. 

'"' Lossing, Op. Cit., II, 159. 


'"- Weis, Op. at., 41. Headley, Op. CIt., 199-204. 

^"^ Ihid., Headley, 275. Lyman C. Draper, King's Mountains and Its Heroes (N.Y.: Danber and 
Pine Bookshops, Inc., 1929), 242. See page 176, reference the prayer offered for the success of the 
expedition by Chaplain Samuel Doak. 

'"^Revelation 11:15 (KJV). 

'"^ Headley, Op. CiL, 245-249. Sprague, Op. Cit., Ill, 382-383. James Hall, Dictionary of 
American Biography, Op. Cit., VIII, 133. 

'"^ Milton Thrift, Memoirs of the Reii. Jesse Lee, With Extracts From His Journals (N.Y.: N. Bangs 
and T. Mason, 1823), 24, 4. Note: Page 4 is placed between pages 24 and 26, and is an obvious error. 

'°'Ibid., 26. 

'"Uhid., 26-27. 

'"''Ibid., 28-29. 

'">Ibid., 31. 

'''Ibid., 33. 

"* Ibid., 28-29. It is interesting to note that under the ministiy of "Chaplain" Lee, the earliest 
reference is found of any monetary collection being made during a worship service in the American 
Army. "At the close of the meeting, some of the gentlemen went about with their hats to make a 
collection of money for me, at which I was very uneasey, and ran in among the people and begged 
them to desist." 

"'■^ Allen D. Chandler, The Revolutionary Records of The State oj Georgia (Atlanta: The Franklin 
Turner Company, 1908), III, 550-551. 

'"Lanctot, 0/7. Cit., 206. 

'** James Thacher, Military Journal of The American Rn'olution (Hartford, Conn.: Hurlburt, 
Williams and Company, 1862), 280. 

' '^ "Journal of the Siege of York in Virginia by a Chaplain of the American Army," Collections 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, First Series, IX (1804), 107. See, Henr)' P.Johnston, The Yorktoivn 
Campaign and the Surrender of Connvallis, 1781. (N.Y.: Harper and Brothers, 1881), Appendix, 196: 
"The Chaplain's name is not given in connection with this Journal, but it appears, from a reference in 
Thacher's 'Militai^y Journal', that the writer was Chaplain Evans, of Colonel Scammell's corps." 

"^ Ibid., MHS, IX, 107. A discourse delivered near York in Virginia, on the memorable occasioji of the 
surreiider of the British Army to the allied forces of America and France . . . . Philadelphia: Israel Evans, 
A.M., Chaplains of the troops of New Hampshire. Printed by Francis Bailey, 1782. 

'"* Lossing, Op. Cit., I, 65-67. 

"^ I. Daniel Rupp, History of The Counties of Berks and Lebanon (Lancaster, Pa.: G. Hill, 1844), 
456. The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book 
House, 1953), X, 239-240. 

'-"J. G. Rosengarten, The German Allied Troops in the North America War of Independence, 
1776-1783. Translated and abridged from the German of Max von Eelking. (Albany, N.Y.: Joel 
Munsell's Sons, 1893.) Appendix. 

Charlotte S. J. Epping (Tr.), Journal of DuRoi The Elder, Lieutenant and Adjutant, in the Service oJ The 
Duke of Brunswick, 1776-1778. Americana Germanica, No. 15. (N.Y.: D. Appleton and Company, 
1911), 7, 123. 

"A Journal of Carleton's and Burgoyne's Campaigns," The Bulletin of Fort Ticonderoga Museum, XII, 
March, 1966, No. 1, 57. 

Frederick Valentine Mehbeimer, Hessian Chaplain's Journal, February — August, 1776, from Wolfenbuet- 
tel to Quebec, Literaiy Historical Society of Quebec, Transaction No. 20, 1891. 

Charlotte S. J. Epping (Tr. ),Jounial of DuRoi The Elder: Lieutenant and Adjutant, in the Service of The 
Duke of Brunswick, 1776-1778. Americana Gemianica, No. 15 (N.Y.: D. Appleton and Company, 
1911), 7, 119. 

'-' Ibid., 2. 

122 wiUiani L. Stone (Tr.), Letters of Brunswick and Hessian Officers During The American Revolu- 
tion (Albany: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1891), 140. 

'•^ Ray W. Pettengill (Yr.), Letters From America, 1776-1779: Being Letters of Brunswick, Hessian, 
and Waldeck Officers luith the British Armies During the Revolution (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat 
Press, Inc. 1924: reprint 1964), 155-158, 226-227. 

'-^ Learned, Op. Cit., 55. (See Footnote #39.) 

'-^ Rosengarten, Op. Cit., 187. 

'-^Ibid., 94. 

'-'Ibtd., 287. 


'** William L. Stone (Tr.), Journal of Georg Pausch, Chief of The Hanau Artillery During The 
Burgoyne Campaign (Albany, N.Y.: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1886), 22. 

'-* Rosengarten, Op. Cit., 152. 

'^^ Stone, Letters, Op. Cit., 185, 187. 

»3' Germain, O/;. Cit., 24. 

^'''Ibid., 24. 

'^^Ibid., 23-24. 

*^* Carl Van Doren, Secret History of the American Resolution: An Account of the Conspiracies of 
Benedict Arnold and Numerous Others drawn from the Secret Sen'ice Papers of the British Headquarters in 
North America now for the first time examined and made public (N.Y.: The Viking Press, 1941), Appendix 
"Arnold Andre Correspondence and Clinton's Narrative," 439-495. 

'^^ See Appendix VI. 

'^* John Wolfe Lydekker, The Life and Letters of Charles Ingles: His Ministry in America and 
Consecration as First Colonial Bishop, from 1759 to 1787 (N.Y.: The Macmillan Company, 1936), 
Appendix A. 

'''^ Brace, O/). C?/., 9-10; Heitman,Op. CzV., 82,87,383; Mason's sermon manuscripts from this 
period are located in the Manuscript Collection, United States Militar) Academy, West Point, N.Y. 

"8 Bailey, Op. C/Y., 480. 

'*^ Max Farrand, The Framing of The Constitution of The United States (New Haven: Yale 
University Press, 1922), 26-27. See Henry Clay White, Abraham Baldwin, one of the founders of the 
republic, and father of the University of Georgia, the first of the American state universities. (Athens, Georgia: 
The McGregor Company, 1926.) 

'^'' Lossing,0/?. Ctt., 1,404-405. See: CharlesBrownTodd, Life and Letters of Joel Barlow, LL.D., 
poet, statesman, philosopher, with extracts from his words and hitherto unpublished poems (N.Y. and London: 
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1886). 

'" Ford, Op. Cit., XX, 487-488. 

'^-Ibid., XXI, 901-902. 

'" Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XXV, 196. 

^**Ibid., XXV, 38. 

'""'^Ibid., XXII, 344. 

'*^Ibid., XXIII, 140. 

^"'Ibid., XVII 1,475. 

'^8 Edward C. Boynton, General Orders of Geo. Washington Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the 
Revolution issued at Newburgh On The Hudson 1782-1783. (Newburgh, N.Y.: News Company, 1883), 

149 "Xemple Hill and Vicinity," Historical Society of Newburgh Bay and the Highlands, XIX (1924), 
23. For two drawings of the Temple, see pages 20 and 22. 

^^'^ Ibid., 23. William Heath, Memoirs of Major-General Heath . . . Written by himself {Boston: 
Printed by 1. Thomas and E. T. Andrews, 1798), 358. 

'*' Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XXVI, 135. 

'^•Ibid., XXVI, 136. 

'53 Boynton, Op. Cit., 81-82. Fitzpatrick, Op. Ctt., XXVI, 373-374. 

»" Ganoe, Op. Cit., 86-87. 

'" Honeywell, Op. Cit., 70. 

»*« Headiey, Op. Cit., 170. 


"Balm in Gilead" 

Peace, 1783-1791 

December 7, 1783, found former Chaplain David Griffith 
officiating at a service of thanksgiving at the Anglican Church in 
Alexandria, Virginia. News had arrived that the last Briton had left 
the shores of this now free and independent nation. The church, at 
his request, was festive in its decoration. Laurel and evergreen and 
house plants turned the sanctuary into a scene of living beauty not 
made with hands. Suspended above the pulpit was the figure of a 
white dove, an olive branch in its mouth. Peace and reconciliation 
had come by the Spirit of God! On either side of the chancel were 
the words of Psalms 29 and 85: "The Lord will give strength unto 
his people; the Lord will bless his people with peace," and "Mercy 
and truth are met together; righteousness and peace have kissed 
each other." The solemnity of worship began with the singing of a 
hymn, especially composed for the occasion by the choir master, 
from Psalm 68: "Let the righteous be glad; let them rejoice before 
God; yea, let them exceedingly rejoice. Sing unto God; sing praises 
unto his name; extol him that rideth upon the heavens by his name 
JAH, and rejoice before him." The rector's text. Psalm 128:6: "Yea, 
thou shalt see thy children's children, and peace upon Israel." 
Behind him lay Valley Forge and Monmouth's carnage; before 
him, the future of a new nation.^ 

Like Reverend Griffith, the majority of chaplains returned to 
their homes and congregations, living out their lives in quiets 
pastoral duties. Victory meant work, and peace was not merely the 
absence of war, but the task of building a nation among whom the 
Lord would be pleased to dwell. Several chaplains greatly influ- 
enced education: Abraham Baldwin, Jeremy Belknap, Timothy 
Dwight, Andrew Hunter, Andrew Lee, John Mason, Benjamin 
Pomeroy, William Rogers, Elias Smith, Hezekiah Smith. The roster 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 



of schools where they served is impressive: the University of Geor- 
gia, Harvard, Yale, what is now the United States Naval Academy 
at Annapolis, Princeton, Dartmouth, Phillips Andover Academy, 
the University of Pennsylvania, and Brown University. It is not 
surprising, education in that era being largely under the aegis of 
the churches. 

In community activities, Enos Hitchcock was one of the found- 
ers of the Order of the Cincinnati; Thomas Prentiss built the public 
library in Medfield, Massachusetts; Nicholas Cox was heavily in- 
volved in the work of the Masonic Lodge; Jeremy Belknap helped 
found the Massachusetts Historical Society; Ezra Sampson founded 
a newspaper. 

Several found an outlet for their energies in mission societies 
and work, among them Gano, Hall, and Spring. Griffith and 
Robert Smith each assisted in the founding of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church, becoming bishops in Virginia and South Carolina 
respectively. Edmund Botsford authored the theological work. The 
Spiritual Voyage. Thomas Davis had the high distinction of officiat- 
ing at President Washington's funeral. 

Sadly, there were failures, too. Augustine Hibbard left both his 
calling and his country, living out his days as a minor governmental 
official in Canada. Joseph Swain lapsed into a chronic alcoholism 
following the death of his wife. William Bland was defrocked. 

Governmental service captured either the full or part-time 
services of several former chaplains. Robert Andrews assisted in 
the surveying which extended the original Mason-Dixon Line, 
thereby clarifying the boundary between Virginia and Pennsyl- 
vania. Abraham Baldwin represented Georgia at the Federal Con- 
stitutional Convention and was a signatory of that instrument; later 
he represented his state for years in the U. S. Senate. Joel Barlow 
entered the practice of law, as did William Plumb, and as a dip- 
lomat served his nation well in Europe and during the naval war 
with the Barbary pirates. John Carnes became a Massachusetts 
State Congressman, and assisted in the ratification of the national 
Constitution at that state's convention, as did Gad Hitchcock. Wil- 
liam Linn became the first chaplain to the U. S. House of Repre- 
sentatives, and John Reed represented Connecticut in that body. 
John Peter Tetard, as we have seen, was the early translator for the 
embryonic State Department. Among his achievements was render- 
ing the Articles of Confederation into French for world-wide dis- 
semination. Samuel West applied his talents to shaping 

PEACE, 1783-1791 217 

Massachusetts' state constitution, and William Rogers served in 
Pennsylvania's Assembly. 

The arts, too, found supports in the poetry of Timothy Dwight 
and Joel Barlow. America is richer for the "Conquest of Canaan," 
"The Vision of Columbus" and "The Anarchiad." 

Particular attention must be given to Manassah Cutler. What a 
Renaissance Man he was: theologian, scholar, educator, scientist, 
politician, physician, astronomer, botanist, lawyer, writer, and 
explorer. In addition to being a faithful and active pastor, he and 
Rufus Putnam formed the Ohio Company in 1787 for the purpose 
of colonizing the territory west of the Allegheny Mountains and 
north of the Ohio River. Back in Massachusetts, he served in the 
State House of Representatives in 1800, and in the Seventh and 
Eighth Congress. In 1937 — the 150th anniversary of the Northwest 
Ordinance of 1787 — he was honored by having his portrait on a 
U. S. Postal Stamp. 

Two Revolutionary enlisted men are worthy of particular con- 
sideration. John Pittman, who guarded the bodies of those slain in 
the Boston Massacre, served as a private during the war. His 
post-war career found him a Baptist clergyman of exceptional 
ability and note. And, Lemuel Haynes, a Black soldier of 1775, 
served throughout the conflict. Becoming a Congregational minis- 
ter of towering stature, he was called to become the pastor of an all 
white congregation in Torrington, Connecticut, in 1785.^ 

One major contribution made by the pluralistic militar)' chap- 
laincy during the colonial wars and particularly during the Revolu- 
tion to the life-style of the new nation was in the area of religious 
toleration, and the early budding of ecumenicity. Through the 
pressures of living and serving with men of different church affilia- 
tions, under the pressures of military operations, they 
embraced — perhaps grudgingly and slowly — a toleration in matters 
of religion which has become the rich fruit of our national life. 

A veteran of King George's War and the Siege Line of Boston, 
Samuel Langdon preached a remarkable sermon in 1791, entitled 
"A Discourse on The Unity of The Church." It is doubtful if he 
could have composed such words prior to 1745. The former chap- 
lain and President of Harvard proclaimed: 

"It is no where said in the new testament whether baptism shall 
be administered by dipping, or sprinkling; whether precom- 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 


posed prayers shall be used in church, or such as are more 
unconfined, and express the desires of the church according to 
present varying circumstances; whether we must pray or receive 
the LORD'S supper kneeling; whether the churches shall be 
formed into diocesses, presbyteries, or associations, or ministers 
distinguished by gradations of honor according to their differ- 
ent gifts and qualifications. Therefore no wonder if christian 
professors have a diversity of sentiments and customs in all these 
respects, arising from "different national habits and ideas of civil 
society. But so long as the grand doctrine of salvation only by 
JESUS CHRIST is continued, the true worship of the living 
GOD maintained according to his written word, and godliness 
and virtue practiced agreeably to CHRIST'S commands, and no 
decrees or rules made which in their nature or direct tendency 
subvert the express doctrines or laws of CHRIST, or exclude 
from christian charity and fellowship any whom CHRIST re- 
ceives as his disciples, all the different parties and denomina- 
tions of christians constitute but one church of the living 
GOD." 3 

While veterans of the Revolution grew elderly surrounded by 
admiring families and enjoying the fruits of victory, while former 
chaplains witnessed a phenomenal growth in their churches and a 
nation, which they helped bring into being, on the far frontier, 
there were still men fighting battles and standing guard wearing 
the uniform of the United States Army. And with them, of course, 
were chaplains. It is not inappropriate to briefly recount the strug- 
gles of nearly eight years to get a mihtary force into being, and the 
chaplain's place in those frustrated efforts. 

With the cessation of hostilities and independence anticipated 
daily in the Spring of 1783, Congress appointed a committee to 
develop a concept for a peacetime mihtary establishment. Logically 
they sought Washington's recommendations. Before replying, he 
in turn asked input from his trusted advisors. During the month of 
April, replies were received from Steuben, Gouvin, Huntington, 
Knox, Heath, Clinton, Pickering, and Putnam; Edward Hand's 
report is undated. As may be expected, these papers show original 
thinking, and range far and wide. Several contained ideas with 
slowly implemented but far reaching effects, such as the estabhsh- 
ment of a national military academy, the organization of a reserve 
officers corps, and the awarding of college degrees in military 
science from state schools. Rufus Putnam counseled that the army 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 

PEACE, 1783-1791 219 

should consist of four regiments — three of infantry and one of 
artillery — and that each regiment should have its own chaplain. 
Further, with an eye to standardizing the militia organizations of 
several states, he offered a plan having one chaplain's slot for every 
1,175 officers and men."* 

On May 2, 1783, Washington's proposal was drafted. He en- 
visioned a national or continental force numbering 2,631 officers 
and men organized into four regiments of infantry (477 officers 
and men each) and an artillery regiment comprised of the remain- 
ing 723 personnel. There were to be five chaplains, one to be 
assigned to each regiment. Other than the artillery at West Point, 
the infantry units would be strategically stationed along the fron- 
tiers at Lake Champlain, Niagara, the Scioto-Sandusky area, and 
one in "the Southern and Western Boundaries of the Carolinas and 
Georgia." No doubt with the reality of distance to be reckoned with, 
he wrote: "The above establishment differs from the present one, 
in the following instances Vizt: The exclusion of the light Company 
and reducing a sergeant and 18 Privates from each of the Battalion 
Companies, and giving a Chaplain to each Regiment instead of a 
Brigade." ^ Listing in diagram form the structure of each regi- 
ment's personnel, he lists the "Officers" in two categories: from 
colonel to ensigns in the infantry, and colonel to second lieutenants 
in the artillery by order of rank under the heading of "Commis- 
sioned." Under the designation "Staff he lists — presumably in 
priority of position — "Chaplain, Adjutant, P. Master, Qr. Master, 
Surgeon, Mate." The assumption may be drawn that a chaplain in 
Washington's proposed army was an officer without rank, serving 
on the commander's staff, in the position of "first among equals." ^ 

With some modifications, the Congressional committee — 
Ellsworth, Holten, Hamilton, Madison, and Wilson — proffered to 
Congress Washington's proposal. Regarding chaplains, they ac- 
cepted his direction completely. Nothing, however, was done in 
Congress to bring this military force into being.'' 

Congressional action, or lack thereof, was predicated on the 
fear of a military establishment. Stating unequivocally its position, 
Congress reduced the once proud Continental Army to a house- 
keeping force, while looking to the several states for protection. 
The legislation of June 2, 1784, is appalling. 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 


And whereas, standing armies in time of peace are inconsist- 
ent with the principles of republican governments, dangerous to 
the liberties of a free people, and generally converted into de- 
structive engines for establishing despotism; 

It is therefore resolved, That recommendations in lieu of 
requisitions shall be sent to the several States for raising the 
troops which may be immediately necessary for garrisoning the 
Western posts and guarding the magazines of the United States, 
unless. Congress should think it expedient to employ the Conti- 
nental troops now at West Point in the service aforesaid; 

Resolved, that the commanding officer be and he is hereby 
directed to discharge the troops now in the service of the United 
States, except twenty-five privates to guard the stores at Fort Pitt 
and fifty-five to guard the stores at West Point and other 
magazines, with a proportionable number of officers, no officers 
to remain in service above the rank of captain.*^ 

Experience proved the Congressional plan to be utterly un- 
workable. Besides depredations from the Indians on the frontiers, 
the specter of British, French, and Spanish involvement in Ameri- 
can affairs could not be dismissed. In April, 1785, the 700 man 
militia force, which had been raised had its term of service ex- 
tended to three years, and by October, 1786, 1,340 additional 
enlisted men were authorized. The entire body was to be called a 
"legionary corps." Actually it was never fully implemented, remain- 
ing less than 1,000 men. Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts in 1786 
shook Congress terribly with the reahzation that to hope for tran- 
quillity does not bring that blessing into reality, that peace is not 
sustained by weakness. The 700 man force was voted the privilege 
of another three year enlistment. It was not until after the Constitu- 
tion was adopted that a force of 1,216 enlisted men plus officers 
was authorized for a three year term of duty: April 30, 1790.^ 

Kentucky and Ohio were being drenched in blood. Governor 
St. Clair of the Noithwest Territory raised a mihtia force of 1,100 
men. General Harmar led this body, supplemented with 320 regu- 
lars, in July, 1790, into the Maumee district where they suffered a 
crushing defeat. The general was exonerated from culpability "on 
account of the poor quality of his troops." ^° 

Six months prior to the defeat of General Harmer's makeshift 
army, Henry Knox, then Secretary of War, proposed a plan to 
build a badly needed and efficient military organization. With the 
President's concurrence^ it was forwarded to Congress. This plan 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 

PEACE, 1783-1791 221 

called for self contained legions, each with a strength of 153 offi- 
cers and 2,880 enlisted men. The commander of a legion was to 
hold the rank of major general, and on his staff were to be two 
aides, an inspector, and a chaplain. Knox then elaborated on his 
concept of a chaplain's duties, stating explicitly what many had 
done without directive. He wrote: 

Every legion must have a chaplain, of respectable talents and 
character, who, besides his religious functions, should impress 
on the minds of the youth, at stated periods, in concise dis- 
courses, the eminent advantages of free governments to the 
happiness of society, and that such governments can only be 
supported by the knowledge, spirit, and virtuous conduct of the 
youth — to be illustrated by the most conspicuous examples in 
history. ^^ 

On March 3, 1791, a second regiment of regulars was voted, 
and President Washington was authorized to send to the Senate his 
nominations. The following day, he responded by forwarding 
three names: Arthur St. Clair, to be a major general, Samuel 
Hodgdon, quartermaster, and John Hurt, chaplain. ^^ 

The latter, who has appeared earlier in these pages, was an 
Anglican from Virginia, a veteran chaplain with nearly seven years 
of service in the Revolution, and a former Prisoner of War. In- 
terestingly, Hurt's appointment did not mention the job descrip- 
tion proposed by Knox, concerning patriotic talks. 

The beginnings of the chaplaincy in the Regular Army of the 
United States dates from Hurt's appointment: March 4, 1791. 



' Daughters of The American Revolution Magazine, XLIV, January-June. 1914, 7. 

' Alice Morse Earle, "A Baptist Preacher and Soldier of The Last Centur)-," New England 
Magazine, New Series 12, March-August, 1895, 407^14. Herbert Aptheker, £55av« in The Histoty of 
The American Negro, International Publishers, N. Y., 1945, 102. 

^ Samuel Langdon, "A Discourse on The Unity of The Church," preached at Portsmouth, 
October 12, 1791, by the Minister of The Gospel in Hampton Falls, New Hampshire. Printed at 
Exeter, by Henry Ronlet, 12-13. (Libraiy of Congress.) 

* Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XXVI, 398. Honeywell, Op. Cit., 75. 
""Ibid., Fitzpatrick, XXVI, 380. 

^Ibid., XXVI, 378-379, 381. 
' Honeywell, Op. Cit., 76. 

* William A. Ganoe, The History oj The United States Army (N. Y. and London: D. Appleton and 
Company, 1924), 90. 

^ Ibid., 92-95. 
'"'Ibid., 97. 

See footnotes at end of epilogue. 


i> American State Papers. Documents, legislatwe, and Executive of the Congress of '^h^J^f^^ States 
. .Selected and edited under the Author^ty of Congress.. . (Washington: G^les and Seaton, 1832-1861), 1, 
6^10 mA.. Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical, Op. Cit., Series I, VI, 381-394. 
' '^Fitzpatrick, Op. Cit., XXXI, 228. Ganoe, Op. Cit., 97. 


Chaplains: The Colonial Wars 

Pequot War: 1636—1637 

Higginson, John 

Stone, Samuel 

Wilson, John 
King Philip's War: 1676—1677 

Atherton, Hope 

Bulkley, Gersham 

Chauncy, Israel 

Clark, Thomas 

Dudley, Joseph 

Nowell, Samuel 

Noyes, Nicholas 

Wise, John 
King William's War: 1689—1691 

Emerson, John 

Hale, John 

Rawson, Grindall 

Wade, John 

Wise, John 
Queen Anne's War: 1702—1713 

Allen, William 

Barclay, Thomas 

Barnard, John 

Bridge, Ebenezer 

Buckingham, Thomas 

Edwards, Timothy 

Epps, Daniel 

Gardner, Andrew 

Hubbard, Nathaniel 

Hunt, Samuel 

Moody, Samuel 

Sharp, John 

White, John 

William, John 



King George's War: 1745—1748 
Backus, Simon 
Bidwell, Adonijah 
Coffin, Moses 
Emerson, Daniel 
Emerson, Joseph 
Fayerweather, Samuel 
Griffith, Timothy 
Hawley, Joseph 
Langdon, Samuel 
McClanahan, William 
Moody, Samuel 
Norton, John 
Rutherford, Robert 
Williams, Elisha 
Wilhams, Stephen 
Woodbridge, Ashbel 
French and Indian War: 1755 
Adams, Amos 
Balch, Thomas 
Baldwin, Ebenezer 
Barnes, Nicolas 
Barton, Thomas 
Bay, Andrew 

Beatty, Charles 

Beckwith, George 

Bird, Samuel 

Brainard, John 

Brown, John, Jr. 

Brown, Thomas 

Carpenter, Ezra 

Cleaveland, Ebenezer 

Cleaveland, John 

Conant, Sylvanus 

Crawford, William 

Dunbar, Samuel 

Elder, John 

Fells, Edward 

Emerson, Daniel 

Forbes, Eli 



French and Indian War: 1755 (continued) 
French, Jonathan 
Graham, John, Jr. 
Harding, Elisha 

Hinds, Ebenezer 
Hitchcock, Gad 
Jewett, David 

Kirkpatrick, (FNU) 
Leavenworth, Mark 
Lee, Jonathan 

Morrill, Issac 
Newell, (FNU) 
Norton, John 
Ogilvie, John 
Paine, Robert Treat 
Pemberton, Ebenezer 
Pomeroy, Benjamin 
Schlatter, Michael 
Shute, Daniel 
Smith, William 
Spencer, Elihu 
Steel, John 
Swain, Joseph 
Taylor, Nathaniel 
True, Henry 
Weld, Habijah Savage 
West, Samuel 
Williams, Steven 
Woodbridge, Timothy 

Post Chaplains: 

Barclay, Thomas Fort at Albany, N. Y. — 1708 

Coffin, Enoch Penny-Cook Plantation — 1726 

Coolidge, Samuel Castle Island — 1725 

Dwight, Daniel Fort Dummer, VT.— 1725-1727 


Gardner, Andrew, 

Hibbard, Timothy 
Higginson, John 
Noyes, Paris 
Pike, John 
Rolfe, Benjamin 

Surgeon Sc Chaplain, Fort Dummer — 

Castle William— 1768 
Fort Saybrook, Conn. 1637—1638 

Pemaquid, Maine — 1694-1695 
Falmouth, Maine — 1689 
Rutherford, Robert St. George's Fort and Pemaquid, Maine 
Smith, Joseph Brookfield Garrison, Mass. — 1702 

Miscellaneous Campaigns: 

Caldwell, David Battle of Allamance River, N. C. — May 

16, 1771 
Frye, Jonathan Abenaki Campaign, 1725 

British Chaplains in the 
French and Indian War 

Johnson (Johnston), Lauchlan 
Murray, Gideon 
Stewart, James 

Source: Frederick B. Richards, "The Black Watch at Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point," The Proceedings of the New York State Historical 
Association, vol X, pp. 72-73. 


French Chaplains in New France (Canada) During the Era of the 

Colonial Wars 

Chaplains at Fort St. Frederic: 

La Jus, Jean-Baptiste 1732, November 

Resche, Pierre-Baptiste 1733 

de Cannes, Bernardin 1735, March 

Crespel, Emmanuel 1735, November 

Verquaillie, Pierre 1736, October 

Normandin, Daniel 1741, May 

du Buron, Alexis 1743, November 

Carpentier, Bonaventure 1746 

Collet, Hippolyte 1747, April 

Cliche, Didace 1754, November 

Mauge, Elzear Nov. 4, 1755 

Deperet, Antoine 1758, July 

Baron, Denis October, 1758 

Other Chaplains in New France: 

Albanel, Charles — Jesuit: at Fort Ste. Anne, Sept. 1666 
Berey, Felix de — Recollect: chaplain at Forts St. Jean and 

Chambly, 1759 
Bruyas, Jacques — ^Jesuit 
Chaumonot, Pierre-Marie-Joseph — ^Jesuit: chaplain with the 

troops on the Richelieu, 1665 
DeMontmolin, Chaplain to the Garrison, Quebec, 1775 
Dollier de Casson, Francois — Sulpician: captain of cavalry 
under Marshal de Turenne, 1656: student. Seminary of St. 
Sulpice, Paris, 1657: At Fort Ste. Anne with M. de Tracy, 
Sept. 1666: Sent to aid the garrison at Fort Ste. Anne, winter 
of 1666-1667 
Du Bois-d'Esgriselles, Jean Baptiste — Chaplain of the regi- 
ment of Carignan-Salieres: still in New France, 1671 
Celebration of the first mass at Fort Ste. Anne, 1666 
With M. de Tracy at Fort Ste. Anne, Sept 1666 
Du Perron, Francois — Jesuit: arrived at Quebec with M. de 
Tracy, 1665 



Other Chaplains in New France (continued) 

Fremin, Jacques — ^Jesuit: Missionary to the Iroquois: at Fort 

Ste. Anne, 1667 
Laval, Francois de — Bishop of Petraea and Quebec: born, 

1622: died Quebec, May 6, 1708: episcopal visit to Fort 

Ste. Anne, May 1668 
Piquet, Francois — ^Jesuit: gave information which influenced 

the Governor of New France to order an attack on Saratoga, 

Nov. 1745. 
Raffeix, Pierre — ^Jesuit: with expedition of M. de Courcelles, 

Jan. 1666 

With expedition of M. de Tracy at Fort Ste. Anne, Sept 1666 

Sources: Proceedings of the Vermont Historical Society , New Series, Vol 
VI, No. 3, September, 1938, p. 311. 
Ibid., Guy Omeron Coolidge, "Biographical Index to the 
French Occupation of The Champlain Valley from 
1609-1759," pp. 1-40. 





(Note: The Officers who 
the Army, take Rank in 
Troop or Regiment) 

First Troop of Horse 

Second Troop of Horse 

First Troop of Horse 

Second Troop of Horse 

Royal Regiment of 

First Regiment of Horse, 

Second Regiment of 

Horse, Ireland 
Third Regiment of 

Horse, or Carabineers, 

Fourth Regiment of 

Horse, Ireland 
First (or The King's) 

Regiment of 

Second (or The Queen's) 

Regiment of Dragoon 

Third (or The Prince of 

Wales's) Regiment of 

Dragoon Guards 

have no Date in the Column of Rank in 
the Army by their Commissions in the 

William Oreaves 
George Marsh 
Peter Peckard 
Edward Fleet 
Yorick Smythies 
Walter Thomas 
Stewart Blackett 

Charles Powlett 

Richard Davies 

25 Jan. 1742 
12 Jul. 1774 
7 Aug. 1766 

26 Dec. 1750 
28 Jan. 1765 
13 Jun. 1765 
12 Dec. 1770 

Charles Caulfield 3 Jul. 1765 

George Preston 20 Aug. 1751 

11 Jun. 1766 

14 Apr. 1756 

Benjamin Blaney 27 Aug. 1759 






First (or Royal) Regiment 

of Dragoons 
Second (or Royal N. 

Britain) Regirfient of 

Third (or The King's own) 

Regiment of Dragoons 
Fourth Regiment of 

Fifth (or Royal Irish) 

Dragoons, Ireland 

Sixth (or Inniskilling) 
Regiment of Dragoons 

Seventh (or the Queen's) 
Regiment of Dragoons 

Eighth Regiment of 
Dragoons, Ireland 

Ninth Regiment of 
Dragoons, Ireland 

Tenth Regiment of 

Eleventh Regiment of 

Twelfth (or The Prince of 

Wales's) Regiment of 

(Light) Dragoons, Ir. 
Thirteenth Regiment of 

Dragoons, Ir. 
Fourteenth Regiment of 

Dragoons, Ireland 
Fifteenth (or The King's) 

Regiment of (Light) 


Richard Kendall 

Walter Paterson 

Samuel Cooper 

William Smythies 

Jn. Clemt. 

Dale Lovett 

Richard Bowser 




Francis Leighton 

John Farnham 
Peter Pellisier 
Peter Vatass 

Joseph Fearon 

2 Dec. 1762 

8 Jul. 1752 

3 Jul. 1770 

12 Feb. 1751 

12 Mar. 1774 

22 Nov. 1765 
6 Apr. 1770 

17 Sep. 1750 

20 Feb. 1773 

3 Feb. 1742 

23 Nov. 1774 

12 Dec. 1774 
29 Mar. 1750 

24 Dec. 1745 

21 Jun. 1760 






Sixteenth (or The 

Queen's) Regiment of 
(Light) Dragoons, 

Seventeenth Regiment of 

(Light) Dragoons, 

Eighteenth Regiment of 

(Light) Dragoons, 

First Regiment of 

Coldstream Regiment of 


Third Regiment of 

First (or Royal) Regiment 

of Foot, (1st Battalion) 
First (or Royal) Regiment 

of Foot, (2d Battalion) 
Second (or Queen's 

Royal) Regiment of 

Third Regiment of Foot 

(or the Buffs) Ireland* 
Fourth (or The King's 

own) Regiment of Foot, 

Fifth Regiment of Foot, 

Sixth Regiment of Foot, 


John Clement 

Richard Griffith 

Henry Blacker 

John Fox 


Robert Wright 

William Church 

Kaye Mawer 

John Brereton 
Andrew Tucker 

James Burch 
John Russ 
John Ogle 

22 Apr. 1774 

31 Dec. 1772 

7 Dec. 1759 
17 Mar. 1769 

14 Aug. 1772 

30 Mar. 1773 

12 May 1769 

27 Mar. 1765 

4 Oct. 1770 
29 Aug. 1774 

2 Dec. 1768 

20 Jul. 1762 

19 Apr. 1774 

See notes at end of appendix. 





Seventh Regiment of 

Foot (or Roykl 

Fuzileers) America* 
Eighth (or The King's) 

Regiment of Foot, 


Ninth Regiment of Foot, 

Tenth Regiment of Foot, 

Eleventh Regiment of 

Foot, Ireland 
Twelfth Regiment of 

Foot, Gibraltar 
Thirteenth Regiment of 

Fourteenth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Fifteenth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Sixteenth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Seventeenth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Eighteenth (or Royal 

Irish) Regiment of 


Nineteenth Regiment of 
Foot, Ireland* 

Twentieth Regiment of 
Foot, Ireland* 

See notes at end of appendix. 

John Walker 






William Mence 

Robert English 

Samuel Phipps 

Hugh Palmer 

Thomas Daliston 

John Edwards 

Thomas Rudd 




Thomas Dade 

5 May 1769 

18 Nov. 1767 

25 Jul. 1771 

30 Jul. 1762 
16 Jul. 1763 
1 Feb. 1775 

5 May 1747 

17 Dec. 1756 
19 Oct. 1762 
14 Jan. 1767 

6 Apr. 1770 

18 Nov. 1772 

4 Oct. 1770 
2 Aug. 1760 






21st Regiment of Foot (or 

Royal N. Brit. 

Twenty-second Regiment 

of Foot, Amer.* 
23d Regiment of Foot (or 

Royal Welch Fuzileers) 

Twenty-fourth Regiment 

of Foot, Ireland* 
Twenty-fifth Regiment of 

Twenty-sixth Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Twenty-seventh (or 

Inniskilling) Regiment 

of Foot, America* 

Twenty-eighth Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Twenty-ninth Regiment 

of Foot* 
Thirtieth Regiment of 

Foot, Ireland* 
Thirty-First Regiment of 


Thirty-Second Regiment 
of Foot, Ireland 

Thirty-Third Regiment 
of Foot, Am.* 

Thirty-Fourth Regiment 
of Foot,* Ireland 

James Gordon 
John Wilson 

Thomas Greet 
John Malyn 
Andrew Cheap 
John Preston 


Henry Brindley 

George Turner 

Edward Thomas 


Wm. Robert 


Fletcher Dixon 

12 Jan. 1757 
1 May 1775 

30 Oct. 1760 
12 Nov. 1767 
12 Jan. 1762 
23 Feb. 1742 

22 Sep. 1769 

18 Aug. 1760 

17 Mar. 1774 

9 Aug. 1756 

9 Jan. 1763 

30 Nov. 1773 

22 Feb. 1768 
17 Sep. 1773 

See notes at end of appendix. 





Thirty-Fifth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Thirty-Sixth Regiment of 

Foot, Ir, 
Thirty-Seventh Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Thirty-Eighth Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Thirty-Ninth Regiment 

of Foot, Gibraltar 
Fortieth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Forty-First Regiment of 

Foot— Invalids 
Forty-Second (or Royal 

Highland) Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Forty-Third Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 

Forty-Fourth Regiment 
of Foot, Am.* 

Forty-Fifth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Forty-Sixth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Forty-Seventh Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Forty-Eighth Regiment 

of Foot 
Forty-Ninth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Fiftieth Regiment of 


Hopkins Fox 
Samuel Griffiths 
Philip Toosey 
Cecil Willis 
John Morgan 
George Thomson 
Reginald Heber 

James MacLagan 


Mid. Cornyn 

Robert Brereton 

Henry Williams 

Irvine Whitty 

Charles Hewitt 

James Dods 

Rowney Noel 

24 Feb. 1775 

15 Jan. 1768 

9 May 1766 

20 Dec. 1755 

12 Dec. 1772 

3 May 1771 

15Jun. 1764 

2 Oct. 1775 

28 Jul. 1768 

11 Jan. 1741 
31 May 1774 

9 Sep. 1775 

12 Dec. 1770 
1 Sep. 1775 

23 Jun. 1773 

See notes at end of appendix. 







Fifty-First Regiment of 

Foot, Minorca 
Fifty-Second Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Fifty-Third Regiment of 

Foot, Ireland* 
Fifty-Fourth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Fifty Fifth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Fifty-Sixth Regiment of 

Foot, Gibraltar 
Fifty-Seventh Regiment 

of Foot, Am.* 
Fifty-Eighth Regiment of 

Foot, Gibraltar 
Fifty-Ninth Regiment of 

Sixtieth, or Royal 

American Regiment of 

Foot, Fifth Battalion, 

Sixtieth, or Royal 

American Regiment of 

Foot, Second Battalion, 

Sixtieth, or Royal 

American Regiment of 

Foot, Third Battalion, 

West Indies* 
Sixty-First Regiment of 

Foot, Minorca 
Sixty-Second Regiment 

of Foot, Ir.* 
Sixty-Third Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 

See notes at end of appendix. 

William Noble 
George Carleton 
George Watkins 
George Davis 
Joseph Barnes 
Charles O'Niel 
Thomas Lumley 
Robert Wilmot 
James Miller 

William Winder 

Michael Schlaeter 
George Shaw 
Henry St. George 
Edward Philips 

18 Oct. 1764 

1 May 1772 

31 Jan. 1756 

12 Mar. 1774 

24 Feb. 1775 

13 Jun. 1765 

25 Feb. 1767 
24 Aug. 1764 

15 Jan. 1756 

W. Nich. Jakeson 4 Feb. 1756 

4 Apr. 1765 

1 Sep. 1775 

8 May 1758 

18 Dec. 1766 

1 Jun. 1769 





Sixty-Fourth Regiment of 

Foot, Am.* 
Sixty-Fifth Regiment of 

Foot, America* 
Sixty-Sixth Regiment of 

Foot, Ireland 
Sixty-Seventh Regiment 

of Foot, Ireland 
Sixty-Eighth Regiment of 

Foot, Ireland 
Sixty-Ninth Regiment of 

Seventieth Regiment of 


Robert Bell 
George Farren 
Nathaniel Bristed 
James Wilson 
William Ironside 
Samuel Gauntlett 
Thomas Parslow 

5 Aug. 1758 

4 May 1761 

11 Dec. 1759 

14 Apr. 1767 

23 Mar. 1775 
1 Aug. 1770 

24 May 1758 




Cinque Ports 


Gravesend and Tilbury 




Landguard Fort 




Stirling Castle 

Tower of London 



Robert Thorp 
John Minet 


John Currey 
John Le Marchant 
William Hemmington 
John Duparcq 
Thomas Kirkbank 
John Corham Hoxham 
Dr. Thornas Morell 
John Fox 


Thomas Cowper 

John Chalmers 
William Ralfe 

See notes at end of appendix. 







Nova Scotia — Annapolis 


St. John's* 

Isl. of St. John* 



Florida — St. Augustine* 

West Florida — Pensacola* 


William Neyle 

Barfoot Colton 

Richard Grant 

John Brooke 

Dav. Chabrand de L'Isle 

Ralph Church 

Carew Reynell 

William Porter 

Officers of the Hospitals 

For the Forces in North America* 

John Jones 

Grenada and the Grenadines* 

James Mackenzie 

St. Vincent* 

Michael Smith 

John Trotter 

George Watts 

Royal Regiment of 

Artillery, First 

Royal Regiment of 

Artillery, Second 

Battalion, Gibraltar 8c 

Royal Regiment of 

Artillery, Third 


Montagu Barton 24 Dec. 1763 

Dennis Martin 

Jeremiah Ellis 

30 Sep. 1763 

4 Jul. 1764 

See notes at end of appendix. 





Royal Regiment of 
Artillery, Fourth 
Battalion of America* 

Royal Regiment of 
Artillery in Ireland 

David Davies 


1 Jan. I77I 
6 May 1760 

Regiments, etc. 
4th Troop 

Regiments, etc. 
60th Foot* 
7 1 St Foot* 
72d Foot 
74th Foot* 
75th Foot 
76th Foot* 
77th Foot 
78th Foot 
79th Foot 
84th Foot* 
85th Foot 
86th Foot 
87th Foot 
93d Foot 
1 05th Foot* 
1 20th Foot 
1 2 1st Foot 
122d Foot 
123d Foot 
124th Foot 

Chaplains on Half Pay 

Disbanded in 1745 and 1746 

Edward Darell 
Disbanded or reduced in 1748 and 


David Duval 
John Ogilvie 
Claudius Criggan 
Melmoth Skinner 
Benjamin Gutteridge 
J. Dick 
J. Peverill 
Henry Munro 
R. M'Pherson 
Caleb Colton 
William Parry 
William HoUbrooke 
William Boon 
James Mylne 
Joseph Grave 
James Stewart 
Joshua Nunn 
Francis Gisborne 
John Wardlow 
John Lucas 
Sterne Ball 

See notes at end of appendix. 


Units marked with an asterisk are known to have served in the 
American Revolution. Those with "Am" following their designa- 
tion were in North America at the beginning of the war; those with 
the asterisk, but without the "Am", were sent during the years of 
hostility as reinforcements. 

Additional units which served in America whose chaplains are 
unknown are the 80th Foot, 82d Foot, the Irish Artillery, and the 
105th Foot, "1778-1783— Organized in Philadelphia as the Volun- 
teers of Ireland. (Later taken in the Line as the 105th, 1782)." 
Leffert, Op. Cit., p. 174. 

British Chaplains Surrendered 
at Saratoga, 1779 
Browne, Andrew 
Brudenell, Edward 
Higginbotham, Charles R. 
Money, Richard Montague 
Morgan, Charles 

Frazier, Hugh 
Lewis, Stephen C. 

Other Known Chaplains 


A List of The General and Field Officers, as They Rank in The Army; 
of The Officers in the Several Regiments of Horse, Dragoons, and 
Foot, on the British and Irish Establishments. London, 1776. Loss- 
ing, A Pictorial Field-Book of The Revolution, Op. Cit., vol. II, 
Supplement, 684. 
Leffert, Uniforms, Op. Cit., 171-174. 


German Chaplains, the American Revolution 

German Army Chaplains (Hessian Corps) 

In The American Revolution 

On the Staff of 

His Excellency the Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief 

Bingell, 1778— Reformed 

Becker, 1779-81 

Heller, 1778, '79, '80, '81— Lutheran 
Regiment Du Corps 1778-1783 

Schrecker, 1778 

Wiedermann, 1777 

Crepon, 1782 
Regiment Landgrave, 1 778-83 

Stern, 1778, '79, '81-83 
Regiment ghereditary Prince, 1778-1783 

Hausknecht, 1778, '79, '81-83 
Regiment Prince Charles, 1778-1783 

Hausknecht, 1782 
Regiment Losberg, Junior, 1 782-1 783 

Virnau, 1782 
Regiment Mirbach, 1778-1781 

Fernau, 1778, '79, '81 
Regiment Knoblauch, 1781-1783 

Grimmel, 1779, '81-83 
Regiment Von Benning, 1 782-1 783 

Kummel, 1778, '79, '81-83 
1st Bn, Anspach, 1783 

Johann Christoph Wagner, 1781-83 
2d Regiment of Brande7iburg Auspach, 2d Bn Anspach, 1783 

Johann Georg Philipp Erb, 1781-83 
Yager Corps, 1778,1779 

Wagner, 1778, '79 
Regiment Donop, 1779-1783 

Koester, 1779, '81-83 
Regiment Waldeck, 1782-1783 

Phihpp Waldeck, 1782, '83 



Hessian Chaplains Surrendered at Saratoga, 1779 

Other German Chaplains 
Information collected from miscellaneous sources 
Backer Roman Catholic 

Baunsdorf Lutheran 

Melsheimer, Frederick Valentine 

Chaplain to the Duke of Brunswick Dragoons; 
Wounded and captured at the Battle of Bennington. 
Exchanged for an American Chaplain POW, John Cordell, 
11th Virginia, who was captured at Fort Mercer. 
Truman, Aletz 

Wounded, August 16, 1777. 
See: J, G. Rosengarten, The German Allied Troops in the North Ameri- 
can War of Independence, 1776-1783 . 

Marion Dexter Learned, editor, Philipp Waldeck's Diary of the 

American Revolution. 
Melsheimer, Frederick V., Diary (from Wolfenbuettel to Quebec). 
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, II. 
Supplement XV. 


French Army Chaplains, The American Revolution^ 

Abbe, C. C. Robin — chaplain in chief.^ 

Abbe Bertholet 

Abbe Glasnon 

Abbe Lacy 

Abbe W. T. F. Raynal 

Abbe Rignatz 

Abbe John Rossiter 

Abbe Colin de Sepvigny 

Father Paul de St. Pierre, Carmelite 

Father Charles Whelan, Franciscan 

Father de la Motte, Capuchin 

The following French infantry regiments of the Line served in 
America during the War for Independence. 

Number in the Line Name Division 


See Charles M. Leffert, Uniforms of the American, British, French, and 
German Armies in the War of the American Revolution, 1775-1783, 
p. 241. 



















^ See, A. H. Germain, A Dissertation: Catholic Military and Naval 
Chaplains 1776-1917. 

Researches and Records of The American Catholic Historical Society, 
volumes for 1901, 1909, 1911. 

Abbe Claude C. Robin, A^'^ii; Travels Through North America (Trans- 
lated by Philip Freneau), Philadelphia, 1783. 



Loyalist Chaplains The American Revolution 

Agnew, John 

Andrews, William 

Badger, Moses 

Bailey, Jacob 
Batwell, Daniel 

Beardsley, John 
Bethune, John 

Bowden, Charles 

Breynton, John 
Cooke, Samuel 
Doughty, John 
Duncan, William 
Harrison, Wil- 
Jenkins, John 
McKenna, John 

Milledge, Phineas 

Monden, Charles 

Moore, Benjamin 

Odell, Jonathan 


Queens Rangers Captured, 
and sent to France 

Garrison Chaplain at York- 
town, VA Captured 

DeLancey's 2nd Battalion 

84th and 57th Regiments 

3rd Battalion, New Jersey 

Loyal American Regiment 

84th Regiment 

Previously, captured at the 
Battle of Croos Creek 

De Lancey's 1st Battalion 

Chaplain of the Loyalist Pro- 
visional Congress 

Royal Fensible American 

Unit Unknown 

King's Royal Regiment 

North Carolina Volunteers 

Captured at Yorktown 

South Carolina Royalists 

Royal Yorkers; Royal High- 
land Emigrants 

1st Bn. New Jersey Volun- 

Second Battalion, New Jer- 
sey Volunteers 

Chaplain, Hospital, New 
York City 

Unit Unknown: Secretary to 
Major Andre 



New Hamp- 


North Carolina 

New York 

New Jersey 
New York 
North Carolina 

South Carolina 

New York 

New Jersey 

New Jersey 

New York 

New Jersey 



Appendix VI, 

Patterson, John 
Penton, George 
Price, Thomas 

Loyalist Chaplains, The American Revolution (con- 

Sayre, James 
Seabury, Samuel 

Stewart, James 

Walter, William 
Weeks, Wingate 
Wiswall, John 



Maryland Loyalists 

Prince of Wales Volunteers 

Chaplain to the House of 
Burgesses, 1773, 1774 

Signed Associations against 
the Crown for closing Bos- 
ton Harbor, May 29, 1774. 

Chaplain, Virginia Conven- 
tion, Dec. 1775 — May 

Joined Lord Cornwallis' 
force, 1781 

DeLancey's Regiment (Bat- 
talion unknown) 

King's American Regiment 

First Bishop of The Epis- 
copal Church in the 
United States 

King's Rangers 

DeLancey's 3rd Battalion 
King's Orange Rangers 
Unit Unknown: Later, 
served in the Royal Navy 




North or South 



Lorenzo, Sabine, The Americari Loyalists. 

G. MacLaren Brydon, "The Clergy of The Established Church 
in Virginia and The Revolution." The Virginia Magazine of 
History and Biography , XL I, 1933. 

Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in The Ameri- 
can Revolution. 


American Chaplains in the War for Independence, 1775 — 1783 



David Brewer's Massachusetts Regiment 

Died in service, 1775 

North Carolina 

Denomination unknown 

4th North Carolina 



Georgia Brigade; taken prisoner at Sunbury, Jan 9, 1779; 
drowned trying to escape. 

New Hampshire 


Warner's Continental Regiment; conspicuous at Bennington. 


Denomination unknown 

Died at Valley Forge, 1778 



2d Virginia. 

New Jersey 


2nd Maryland Brigade. 



Patterson's Massachusetts Regiment; 15th Continental Infan- 
try; Sherburne's Continental Regiment; Brigade Chaplain 






Doolittle's Massachusetts Regiment; Chaplain in Navy. 



2nd Connecticut; Brigade Chaplain 

Later: Father of the University of Georgia, and signer of the 
Constitution of the United States. 



Died, 1776. 





13th Virginia Regiment. 



Brigade Chaplain. 


Denomination unknown 

Brigade Chaplain. 


Denomination unknown. 

General I'utnam's Division, 1778-1779 



Died, 1776. 


Denomination unknown. 

Flower's Artillery Regiment 




Denomination unknown. 





New York Campaign; Harlem Heights, White Plains. 



7th Connecticut 



Wayne's Brigade; Acting Surgeon. 



Thompson's Pennsylvania Rifle Brigade; 1st Continental In- 
fantry, 1st Pennsylvania; Artillery Brigade. 



1st Virginia Regiment. 


German Reformed 

11th Lancaster Militia 



2d Connecticut; 20th Continental Infantry. 


Denomination unknown 

Served in the Creek Campaign under General Andrew 
Jackson during the War of 1812. 



North Carolina 


2nd North Carohna; Brigade Chaplain. 

South Carolina or Georgia or Virginia 




Pennsylvania Militia 



2nd Virginia State Regiment; possibly served as a Navy Chap- 
lain, also. 


Denomination unknown 

Hospital Chaplain, 1779-1781. 



Died, 1775. 



Selden's Regular Connecticut Militia, Wadsworth's Brigade. 


German Reformed 

German Regiment, 1776-1777. 

Died during the Revolution, but following his military service: 



Webb's Continental Regiment. 

New Jersey 



3rd New Jersey; killed by a sentinel believed to be in the pay of 
the Crown. 



18th Continental Infantry. 





Read's Massachusetts Regiment. 

New Jersey 


Colonel Martin's New Jersey Regiment 



Ward's Massachusetts Regiment; 21st Continental Infantry. 

Veteran of the French and Indian War. 



Little's Massachusetts Regiment 

Veterans of the French and Indian War. 

New Hampshire 

Denomination unknown 

8th Continental Infantry; Hospital Chaplain. 





11th Virginia; taken prisoner; later Chaplain to a Virginia 
State Regiment. 




Denomination unknown. 

New Hampshire 


1st New Hampshire. 

New Jersey 






Francis' Massachusetts Regiment; 11th Massachusetts. 

Rhode Island 


9th Continental Infantry; 2nd Rhode Island 

Died in service, 1779. 



1st Continental Dragoons 

Officiated at President George Washington's funeral. 

North Carolina 






6th Virginia. 




Brigade Chaplain 

President of Yale. 



Delaware Battalion of the Flying Camp. 



Connecticut Militia 



Connecticut Militia 


Denomination unknown 

Massachusetts Militia 



2nd Connecticut 

Following his separation from the service, he defected to the 



8th Connecticut; 17th Continental Infantry; 1st Connecticut, 
Brigade Chaplain. 



Colonel Reed's Regiment 

Died in service, 1776. 



1st New Hampshire; Brigade Chaplain. 


Colonel Wolbridge's Regiment 





New Jersey 


Colonel Newcomb's Battalion of the New Jersey Militia; died at 
Fort Washington, New York. 

North Carolina 


5th North Carolina. 





Scammon's Massachusetts Regiment; 18th Continental Infan- 


Denomination unknown 

Died, 1780. 





Douglas' Connecticut State Regiment. 

New York 


19th Continental Infantry; 5th New York; Brigade Chaplain. 
Assigned to offer prayers on the occasion of the proclama- 
tion of the cessation of hostilities ait Washington's headquar- 
ters, New Windsor Cantonment, April 19, 1783. 




Author of A History of the Revolution. 





Grayson's Additional Continental Regiment. 

New Jersey 




3rd Virginia Regiment 

Commended by Washington at the Battle of Monmouth. 

New York 

German Reformed 

Colonel Mariuns Willet's Regiment. 

North Carolina 



Denomination unknown 

Died, 1776. 

South Carolina 

Denomination unknown 

1st South Carolina. 

New Hampshire 


Bedel's Regiment, New Hampshire Rangers; 2nd New Hamp- 


State Militia 



Massachusetts or Rhode Island 


3rd Continental Infantry; 10th Massachusetts; Patterson's 
Massachusetts Brigade. 


New Jersey 


New York Flying Camp, New Jersey Militia 



1st Georgia. 

New Jersey 


3rd New Jersey; Brigade Chaplain. Received Washington's 
personal thanks for his conduct at Monmouth. P.O.W. 

Later: One of the founders of the present-day US Naval 
Academy, Annapolis, Maryland; served in the War of 1812. 



6th Virginia; Brigade Chaplain 

On March 4, 1791, he became the first chaplain in the Regular 
Army of the United States. 


Denomination unknown 

Died in 1776, following his service on the Boston Siege Line. 



6th Connecticut. 

New York 

Denomination unknown 

Died, 1783. 





4th Pennsylvania; 3rd Pennsylvania; Brigade Chaplain. 

Served in the campaign in the Northwest Territory under 
General Wayne, and throughout the War of 1812. 


Denomination unknown 

Died, 1776. 



Ward's Connecticut Regiment. 



Hart's Pennsylvania Battalion of the Flying Camp. 


Denomination unknown 

Knox's Regiment of Continental Artillery. 

New Jersey 




New York 


Fort Schuyler; Sullivan's Expedition. 



Mitchell's Regiment, Massachusetts Militia. 









4th Connecticut. 



3rd Connecticut; Knox's Regiment of Continental Artillery. 

Died by suicide, 1778. 

New York 




Bradley's Connecticut State Regiment. 





5th Pennsylvania " 




General Nixon's Brigade. 


Roman Catholic 

First Canadian (Livingston's Regiment) 



Chandler's Regiment 



Denomination unknown 

5th Pennsylvania Battalion. 



13th Virginia Regiment 

Killed in the campaign against the Cherokee Indians, January 
15, 1778. Believed to be the first clergyman to serve in 

North Carolina 

Denomination unknown 

Died, 1781. 



2nd Pennsylvania; taken prisoner at Three Rivers, June 8, 

New Hampshire 


2nd New Hampshire. He appears in Trumbull's picture of 
Bunker Hill. 



8th Pennsylvania. 



15th Virginia; 1 1th Virginia. 

Mcknight, charles 




Denomination unknown 

11th Pennsylvania; Brigade Chaplain. 

New Jersey 



Knox's Artillery Brigade. 

Rhode Island 

Congregationalist. * 

Rhode Island Militia 



Thomas' Massachusetts Regiment; 7th Continental Infantry; 
27th Continental Infantry. 

New York 


3rd New York; Chaplain to the posts on the Hudson. 


Denomination unknown 

Died, 1782. 




Berks County Militia 

German Reformed 

Veteran of the Battle of Brandywine. 



Pennsylvania State Regiment; Chaplain to the Germans in the 



Delaware Regiment; Brigade Chaplain. 


Denomination unknown. 

Allen's Regiment 



Rhode Island 


2nd Rhode Island Regiment 

"Father of Universalism." 

New Jersey 


North Carolina 

Denomination unknown. 

North Carolina Militia 

New Hampshire 


Whipple's Brigade. 



11th Continental Infantry; 12th Continental Infantry. 

New Hampshire 


1st New Hampshire 

New Hampshire 

Denomination unknown 

3rd Continental Infantry. 

New Hampshire 




Wolcott's Connecticut Regiment. 


Denomination unknown 

Marshall's Massachusetts Regiment; 10th Continental Infan- 
try; Brigade Chaplain. 





3rd Connecticut. He served as chaplain at the age of 71, being 
a veteran of the French and Indian War. 



New Hampshire 


Wingate's Regiment; New Hampshire Militia; 3rd New Hamp- 


Denomination unknown. 

Ticonderoga, 1777. 




Denomination unknown 

Died, 1779. 

South Carolina 


2nd South Carolina; Brigade Chaplain. 





Elmore's Continental Regiment. 


Denomination unknown 

Died, 1777. 




Denomination unknown. 

Connecticut or New York 


Sillman's Brigade; 8th Continent Regiment 



Burrall's Connecticut State Regiment 

See: Hosea 2:1 

North Carolina 




Heath's Brigade 



Mile's Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment; Patton's Continental Reg- 
iment; Brigade Chaplain. 



Pennsylvania Militia. Killed at Trenton, January 2, 1777. 



Siege of Boston 





1st Georgia. 



Denomination unknown 

Smallwood's Maryland Regiment. ' 




Col. David Waterbury's Regiment 



7th Connecticut. 



4th Connecticut. 


Denomination unknown 

19th Continental Infantry. 



Nixon's Massachusetts Regiment; 4th Continental Infantry; 
6th Massachusetts; Brigade Chaplain. Chaplain Smith 
served occasionally as aide-de-camp. 


Denomination unknown 

Whitcomb's Massachusetts Regiment. 

South Carolina 


Hospital Department in South Carolina. Served in the siege of 
Charleston. Became the first Episcopal Bishop of South 

New Jersey 


Hospital Chaplain of Middle District. 




Fellow's Massachusetts Regiment. 



Hospital Chaplain of Middle District 



Knox's Regiment Continental Artillery. 



Veteran of the French and Indian War; dual service as chap- 
lain and commander of militia. Died, 1779. 



Gay's Connecticut State Regiment. 



8th Virginia 



20th Continental Infantry. 



22nd Continental Infantry. 





Sargent's Massachusetts Regiment; 17th Continental Infantry. 





North Carolina 

Denomination unknown 

1st North Carohna; Brigade Chaplain of North Carolina 

South Carolina 


Died, 1777. 



Swift's Connecticut State Regiment. 

New York 

French Reformed 

4th New York. 

Became the first translator for the State Department. 




Denomination unknown. 


Denomination unknown 

14th Massachusetts. 



Stephenson's Maryland and Virginia Riflemen. 

Rhode Island 


1st Rhode Island; Brigade Chaplain. Taken prisoner in June, 





New York 


Malcolm's New York Regiment. 

Rhode Island 

Denomination unknown 

State unknown 

Denomination unknown 

Served at the Battle of Brandy wine. 



1st Connecticut; Douglas' Connecticut State Regiment. Later 
at New Haven he was chosen captain of a company of sixty 

New Hampshire or New York 


Died, 1777. 



Pennsylvania Brigade. 



Rhode Island 




2nd Virginia Regiment. 

New Hampshire 

Denomination unknown 




Died, 1776, on the Expedition to Quebec. 



Died in service, 1776, while serving as chaplain to British 



Siege of Boston 




Denomination unknown. 


Denomination unknown 

4th Continental Dragoons. 



7th Massachusetts. 



5th Connecticut 





Colonel Crawford's Command (5th Battalion) 


Denomination unknown. 

1st Virginia Regiment 



New Jersey 


2nd Battalion, New Jersey Militia 
Clergymen Who Served American Soldiers During the Revolution, 
Whose Status as Chaplains Is Not Determined 








Daggett, Naphthali 



Emerson, Joseph 

Marsh, John 

Martin, John 



Clergymen At The Battles of Lexington and Concord 

Balch, Benjamin 

Brooks, Edward 

Emerson, William 

Foster, Edmund 

Morrill, Isaac 

Paysons, Phillips 

Prentiss, Caleb 

Thaxter, Joseph 


Sermons and Prayers 

A Praier duly said morning and evening upon the Court of 
Guard, either by the Captaine of the watch himselfe, or by some 
one of his principall officers. Jamestown Colony. 

"Merciful Father, and Lord of heaven and earth, we come 
before thy presence to worship thee . . . Yet we confess our hearts 
so dull and untoward, that unless thou be mercifull to us to teach us 
how to pray, we shall not please thee, nor profit ourselves in these 
duties ... we have indeed sinned wonderously against thee 
through our blindnesse of mind, prophanesse of spirit, hardness of 
heart, selfe love, worldliness, carnall lusts, hyprocrisie, pride, van- 
itie, unthankfulnesse, indifilitie, and other native corruptions, 
which being bred in us, and with us, have defiled us from the 
wombe, . . . we do acknowledge thy patience to have been infinite 
and incomparable, in that thou hast been able to hold thy hands 
from revenging thy self upon us thus long, and yet pleasest to hold 
open the dore of grace, that we might come unto thee and be 
saved. . . we come to thee in thy Sons name not daring to come in 
our owne . . . our sins have not out bidden that bloud of thy holy 
Son which speaks for our pardon . . . encrease in us all godly 
knowledge, faith, patience, temperance, meeknesse, wisedome, 
godlinesse, love to thy Saints and service, zeal of thy glory . . .let 
all the vaine and transitory inticements of this poore life, appeare 
unto us as they are . . .let us not so crosse our praiers for grace, as 
not to seeke that by diligence, which we make shew to seeke by 
prayer, least our owne waies condemne us of hyprocrisie . . . 
blesse with our praiers the whole Church more specially our nation, 
and therein the kings Majectie our Soveraigne . . . furnish the 
Church with faithfuU and fruitfull ministers ... let them not 
deceive themselves with a formalitie of religion in steed of the 
power thereof . . . represse that rage of sinne, and prophanesse in 
all Christian states which breeds such Apostacy and defection . . . 
call in the Jewes together with the fulnesse of the gentiles, that thy 
name may be glorious in all the world, the dayes of iniquity may 
come to an end, and we with all thine elect people may come to see 



thy face in glorie . . . seeing thou hast honored us to choose us out 
to beare thy name unto the Gentiles; we therefore beseech thee to 
bless us, and this our plantation, which we and our nation have 
begun in thy feare, and for thy glory. We know O Lord, we have 
the divel and all the gates of hel against us, but if thou O Lord be on 
our side, we care not who be against us . . . confirm thy covenant 
of grace and mercy with us . . . the highest end of our plantation 
here, is to set up the standard, and display the banner of Jesus 
Christ, even here where satans throne is . . . let our labor be 
blessed in laboring the conversion of the heathen . . . and wheras 
we have by undertaking this plantation undergone the reproofs of 
the base world, insomuch as many of our brethren laugh us to 
scorn ... let them mocke such as helpe to build up the wals of 
Jerusalem, and they that be filthy, let them be filthy still, and let 
such swine wallow in their mire . . . when the heathen do know 
thee to be their God, and Jesus Christ to be their salvation, they 
may say, blessed be the King and Prince of England, and blessed be 
the English nation, and blessed for ever be the most high God, 
possessor of heaven and earth, that sent them amongst us . . . thou 
hast moved our harts to undertake the performance of this blessed 
work, with the hazard of our person, and the hearts of so many 
hundreds of our nation to assist it with means and provision, and 
with they holy praiers . . . Lord blesse England our sweet native 
countrey, save it from Popery, this land from heathenisme, and 
both from Atheisme. And Lord heare their praiers for us, and us 
for them, and Christ Jesus our glorious Mediator for us all. Amen." 

William Smith, "An Earnest Address to the Colonies," 1757. 

"... how different is the case among us! we enjoy an unpre- 
carious Property; and every man may freely taste the fruits of his 
own labours, 'under his Vine and under his Fig-tree, none making 
him afraid.' If God has blessed us with the good things of life, we 
need not fear to make an appearance answerable to our condition; 
and what we do not spend ourselves, the laws will secure to our 
children after us. The king upon his throne, cannot exact a single 
Farthing of our estates, but what we have first freely consented to 
pay by laws of our own making. We cannot be dragged out, in 
violation of Justice and Right, to wade in seas of blood, for satiating 
the avarice or ambition of a haughty monarch. We need nor fear 
Racks, nor Stripes, nor Bonds, nor ARBITRARY IMPRISON- 
MENTS, from any authority whatsoever; or could such prevail for 
a time above Law, yet, while the constitution remains sound, we 


may be sure the very act would soon destroy itself, and terminate at 
length in the utter ruin of the projectors. 

Tis our happiness too that our Minds are as Free as our 
Bodies. No man can impose his own Dogmas or notions upon our 
Consciences. We may worship the God of our Fathers, the only 
living and true God, in that manner which appears most agreeable 
to our own understandings, and his revealed Will. The Bible is in 
our hands; we are assisted by an orthodox gospel-ministry; we may 
search and know the Words of eternal Life; and, what is equally 
valuable, we may convey what we know to our children after us, no 
man having it in his power to wrest their Education from us. 

This, my dear countrymen, is happiness indeed! and what still 
enhances it, is the consideration that we are not only called to enjoy 
it ourselves, but perhaps to be the instruments of diffusing it over 
this vast continent, to the nations that sit 'in darkness and the 
shadow of Death.' 

Surely the thought of this ought to rouse every spark of virtue 
in our bosoms. Could an ancient Spartan rush into the field of 
death, upon the motives mentioned above; and is there any danger 
which a Briton ought to decline for the sake of these inestimable 
privileges? Or shall a French slave and popish bigot, at this day, do 
more for the glory of his tyrannical Lord, than a Freeman and 
Protestant for the best of Kings, and the Father of his people? 

This land was given to us for propagating Freedom, establish- 
ing useful Arts, and extending the kingdom of Jesus. Shall we, 
then, be false to such a trust, or pusillanimous in such a divine 
cause? We have hewn out habitations for ourselves in an unculti- 
vated wildnerness; and shall we suffer them to fall a prey to the 
most faithless of enemies? We have unfurled the Messiah's banner 
in the remotest parts of the earth; and shall we suffer the bloody 
flag of Persecution to usurp its place? We have planted the blessed 
Gospel here; and shall we suffer Heathen error to return where the 
glad Tidings of Salvation have once been preached? 

No, countrymen! I know your souls disdain the very thought 
of such a conduct; and you would rather suffer ten thousand 
deaths (were so many possible) than be guilty of that which would 
entail infamy on your selves, and ruin on your latest posterity. 

Your readiness to join in the measures concerted for your 
safety, and to strike a decisive blow against the enemy, may much 
determine your future happiness and safety as a people; and I may 
well trust, when so much is at stake, you will not be backward in 


offering your services for a few months, under a General of hu- 
manity, experience, and every amiable accomplishment. I hope 
even to hear that our Women will become advocates in such a 
cause, and entitle themselves to all the applauses so long ago paid to 
their Spartan predecessors! 

I would not now wound you, with a disagreeable recapituation 
of our past misconduct and fatal indolence, especially in these 
Southern colonies. Many a time has it been in our power to crush 
out this dangerous war with a single tread of our foot, before it 
blazed up to its present height — But this we sadly neglected; and, 
perhaps, the all-wise disposer of events meant to shew us that, 
when our affairs were at the worst, he was Mighty to save. 

Never was the Protestant Cause in a more desperate situation, 
than towards the close of last campaign. The great and heroic King 
of Prussia stood ready to be swallowed up of the multitude of his 
enemies. The British Nation was torn to pieces by intestine divi- 
sions; its helm continually shifting hands; too many bent on sordid 
views of self-interest; too few regarding the public good; Minorca 
lost; Hanover over-run; our secret expeditions ending in disgrace; 
our forts in America destroyed; our people captivated or inhu- 
manly murdered, and our fleets dispersed and shattered before the 
winds — 

Yet, even then, when no human eye could look for safety, the 
Lord interposed for the Protestant Religion. In the short space of 
two months, the king of Prussia extricated himself out of his dif- 
ficulties, in a manner that astonished all Europe, and will continue 
to be the admiration of ages to come! And had we only done our 
parts in America at that time, the pride of France would have been 
effectually humbled, and we should probably now have been rejoic- 
ing in an honorable peace. 

But as that was not the case, the nation, in concert with the 
king of Prussia and other Protestant powers, has been obliged to 
make one grand push more for the general in the present cam- 
paign; and if that is unsuccessful, God knows what will become of 
our liberties and properties. This we may lay down as a certain 
truth, that the expence of the present war is far too great to be born 
long by the powers concerned in it. The British nation is labouring 
under a heavy load of taxes. These colonies are likewise drained to 
the utmost, and sinking under the burthen, as we all feel. Peace, 
then, of some kind or other, must be a desirable event; and upon 
our success this campaign it may depend, whether we shall dictate a 


peace to the French, or they to us. Should the latter be the case, 
(which God forbid!) it would be a fatal peace to us. 

Rise then, my countrymen! as you value the blessings you 
enjoy, and dread the evils that hang over you, rise and shew 
yourselves worthy of the name of Britons! rise to secure to your 
posterity, peace, freedom, and a pure religion! rise to chastize a 
perfidious nation for their breach of treaties, their detestable cruel- 
ties, and their horrid murders! remember the cries of your capti- 
vated brethren, your orphan children, your helpless widows, and 
thousands of begger'd families! think of Monongahela, Fort- 
William Henry, and those scenes of savage death, where the man- 
gled limbs of your fellow-citizens lie strewed upon the plain; calling 
upon you to retrive the honour of the British name! 

Thus animated and roused, and thus putting your confidence, 
where alone it can be put, let us go forth in humbe boldness; and 
the Lord do what seemeth him good! 




For the Benefit of the Soldiery, 

in the 


To assist them in their private Devotions; and 

recommended to their particular Use: 

By Abiel Leonard, A.M. 
Chaplain to General Puthnam's Regiment, in said Army 


Most great and glorious God, thy name alone is Jehovah! Thou 
existest independent of all beings, and art possessed of eternal and 
absolute perfection! I adore thee as the supreme Governor and 
Judge among the nations of the earth; who hast in thy wise and 
good providence divided them, and settled the bounds of their 
habitations! Thou hast placed the inhabitants of Great-Britain, and 
of America, not only under the common laws of justice and equity. 


but also under the most endearing bonds and obligations of 
brotherly love and kindness toward each other. Those sacred 
bonds have been violated; and that mutual confidence, harmony, 
and affection, that once subsisted to mutual advantage, in a great 
measure lost. The enemies of America have sent over a great 
multitude to cast thy people in this land, out of thy possession, even 
the good land which thou hast given them to inherit; and to 
deprive them of their liberties and properties: whereby, O Lord, 
they have been reduced to the dreadful alternative of submitting to 
arbitrary laws and despotic government; or of taking up arms in 
defence of those rights and privileges, which thou, in thy goodness, 
hast conferred upon them as men and as Christians. 

I would adore and bless thy name, that thou hast given thy 
people a just sense of the value of their important privileges, civil 
and sacred; and that, that love of liberty and willingness to en- 
counter every temporary difficulty and danger to enjoy it, which 
glowed in the breasts of their ancestors, and brought them over to 
settle this land is enkindled in their breasts: and that they are 
united in their counsels, and in their measures for their perfection, 
defence and security. O my God, wilt thou be graciously pleased to 
strengthen and establish the union of colonies; and favour the 
Congress with thy blessing and presence! Prosper the means of 
defence, — be the God of the American army, — bless all in general, 
and in particular command, and grant unto thy servant the Com- 
mander in Chief, wisdom and fortitude suited to his important 
military station, and crown him with prosperity, success and honor. 

O my God, in obedience to the call of thy providence, I have 
engaged myself, and plighted my faith, to jeopard my life in the 
high places of the field in the defence of my dear country and the 
liberties of it, acknowledging thy people to be my people, their 
interest my interest, and their God to be my God. Thou knowest, O 
Lord, that it is not from a spirit of licentiousness, — lust of 
independence or delight in the effusion of human blood, but from 
a sense of that duty I owe to my country and posterity I have 
voluntarily engaged in this service. — And I desire now to make a 
solemn dedication of myself to thee in it through Jesus Christ; 
presenting myself to thy Divine Majesty to be disposed of by thee to 
thy glory and the good of America. Oh do thou, I most fervently 
intreat, wash away mine iniquities, blot them out of thy remem- 
brance, purify and cleanse my soul in the blood of the great 
Captain of my salvation — accept of — own and bless me! 


Teach, I pray thee, my hands to war, and my fingers to fight in 
the defence of America, and the rights and liberties of it! impress 
upon my mind a true sense of my duty, and the obligation I am 
under to my country! and enable me to pay a due and ready respect 
and obedience to all my officers. Grant unto me courage, zeal and 
resolution in the day of battle, that I may play the man for my 
people, and the cities of my God; chusing rather to lay down my 
life, than either through cowardice or desertion betray the glorious 
cause I am engaged in. And, O Lord, if it seem good in thy light, 
shield and protect me; cover my head in the day of battle; and 
suffer not the arrows of death that may fly around me, to wound or 
destroy me: but may I live to do further service to my country — to 
the church and people of God, and interest of Jesus Christ, and see 
peace and tranquility restored to this land. 

Give me grace, that I may spend my time in my proper em- 
ployment as a soldier, furnishing myself with such military skill as 
may qualify me to stand in a day of war, and to speak with the 
enemy in the gate; wisely filling up my spare hours in acts of 
religion. May I detest and abhor all sinful oaths, execrations and 
blasphemies; never using thy name, but on solemn occasions, and 
then with the most profound reverence! May I never so far lose my 
liberty, as to become a servant of meats and drinks; but teach me to 
use thy good creatures soberly and temperately: not enslaving 
myself to, nor losing my reason by indulging a brutal appetite! 
Enable me to flee all those vices of gaming, rioting, chambering and 
wantoness which have a destructive and fatal tendency: but as a 
stranger and pilgrim may I abstain from fleshly lusts which war 
against the soul! Enable me to put off all anger, wrath, malice and 
strife; and live in love with, and in the exercise of kindness to my 
fellow soldiers! Being content with my wages, may I never do 
violence to any man, nor seize upon his property through covet- 
ousness or greediness of spoil! And may I prove myself a faithful 
follower of Jesus Christ, whom all the armies of heaven follow; 
fight the good fight of faith; and have my present conflicts against 
the world, the flesh and the devil crowned with victory and 

Now, O my God, from a mind deeply affected with a sense of 
thy wisdom, power, goodness and faithfulness, I desire to commit 
all my concerns to thee, — to depend upon thy help and protection, 
in all the difficulties and dangers; and upon thy care and provision, 
in all the wants and necessities that can befall me! And my family 


and kindred, whom I have left behind, I recommend to thy care; to 
receive the blessings of God, the comforts and supports of thy 
providence and the sanctification of thy Spirit, 

And, O Thou, who didst preserve the children of Israel from 
the hand of Pharaoh and his host, — didst protect and deliver them 
from all dangers, — didst redeem them out of all their troubles, — 
and broughtest them out of the land of bondage into a state of 
liberty, — deliver, I pray thee, thy distressed, afflicted and 
oppressed people in this land out of all their troubles! preserve 
them in truth and peace, in unity and safety, in all storms, and 
against all temptations and enemies! And by means of the present 
contest may the liberties of America be established upon a firmer 
foundation than ever; and she become the (blurred) of the whole 
earth, and the joy of many generations! 

And grant, O Lord, that the inhabitants of Great-Britain may 
arise and vindicate their liberties; and a glorious reunion take place 
between them and thy people in this land, founded upon the 
principles of liberty and righteousness: that the Britons and the 
Americans may rejoice in the King as the minister of God to both 
for good. 

Hear me, O my God, and accept of these my petitions through 
Jesus Christ, to whom with thee, O Father, and the Holy Spirit, one 
God, be glory, honor and praise, forever and ever. 


Captain Barnard Elliot's Prayer For His Unit 

"Diary of Captain Barnard Elliot", City Year Book for 1889, City of 

Charleston, South Carolina, 170-172. 

"Orders: There being nothing issued by the commanding 
officer, and no notice taken of the Sabbath, I thought proper to call 
my company together and devote this day as much to my God, as 
the business of our discipline would admit. I therefore read them 
the ninth sermon of the Revd. Mr. Davies, A.M., and concluded 
with the following prayer. 

O Lord God of Hosts! Who hast all the creatures in Heaven 
and in earth to fight Thy battles and execute Thy pleasure! Thou 
didst not sow any seeds of enmity in our nature, but didst create 
man endued with all the principles of love and dispositions to 
peace; 'tis from our lusts and sins that wars and fightings come 


among us, first we fell out with our God and our own happiness, 
and ever since it is a quarrelsome, contentious world we live in, 
where restless men are jostling one another, and striving for that 
ease and content which the world has not for them. Now we are in a 
military station, O Lord instruct and enable us to behave ourselves 
therein as we ought, O make us the faithful soldiers of Jesus Christ 
in that spiritual warfare, wherein we are to combat with the 
enemies that war against our souls, and that we may have peace 
with our God, let us have no peace with our sins, nor any part of 
consent with the rebels against Heaven; nor be carried away with 
any ungodly example, into such wickedness, against which Thou O 
Most High God, hast declared Thy wrath from Heaven. O grant 
that we may never so strive with Our Maker, nor allow ourselves in 
such habits of mind and courses of lives, as are enmity against God, 
but ever dread more to fall under Thy displeasure, than into their 
hands, who can but kill the body; and shew ourselves the more 
zealous for Thee, the more we see others set themselves against 
Thee, O God Most Holy, as valiant for Thy Cause, as well as that 
for man, wherein we are now engaged; and preserve us O Our 
God, from the profaneness and blasphemy, the lewdness and de- 
bauchery, the rudeness and violence that are most incident to men 
of our profession, that we may not be infected with their contagion, 
but preserve our integrity amidst all the temptations wherewith we 
are surrounded; though the sword is in our hands let the pace of 
God rule in our hearts, and though we are soldiers, let us not be 
men delighting in blood and war, but ready servants for our coun- 
try and faithful instruments for our common defence and safety. 
Our Strength and our Redeemer, strengthen our hearts and hands 
for the service to which we are called, and make us successful and 
victorious thro' Thy blessings and power from on high. 'Tis Thou 
Lord that makest us to dwell in safety; O cover our heads in the day 
of battle, and in all times of danger, be Thou our Shield and 
Buckler and either keep the evil from us, or arm us for it, that we 
may not be ruined by it, but gain good out of it and find bodily 
hurts making for the death of our souls, and even the temporal 
death, but a gate, (but a gate) opened to eternal life, and seeing we 
go with our lives in our hands, and are more exposed than other 
men to dangers and death, O make us more careful of our souls, 
more mindful of our latter ends and more diligent to put and keep 
ourselves in preparation and readiness to die, and whether we 
prosper or miscarry in the attempts and enterprises wherein we are 


now concerned, O let our souls be ever precious in Thy sight and 
safe in Thy hands, help us our Supreme Commander, Thou Great 
Captain of our salvation, so to live, that we may find it the greatest 
gain to die; and let us go on (as Christ's faithful soldiers) so con- 
quering and to conquer the enemies of Thy Glory, and the hin- 
drances of our own and others salvation, that having overcome we 
may sit down in Thy Kingdom and triumph in Thy sweetest love 
and in Thy most heavenly joy, and Thy most glorious praises; O 
Most High Jehovah, these things we ask not for any merits of our 
own, but for the sake and thro' the merits of the dear Son of Thy 
love, Christ Jesus our Lord, in whose most blessed name and 
words, we humbly and affectionately address Thee as Our Father, 
which art in Heaven, for ever hallowed be Thy Most August Name, 
O let Thy Kingdom come on earth, Thy will be also done in this 
world as in Heaven, give us, Great Maker, our daily bread, and 
forgive us our trespasses as we ought to forgive them that trespass 
against us, suffer us not to run into temptation, but deliver us from 
evil, for unto Thee are kingdoms and powers and eternal Glory. 

David Jones 

"Address to General St. Clair's Brigade at Ticonderoga, when the 

Enemy were hourly expected, Ocotber 20, 1776" 


I am sorry that during this campaign I have been favored with 
so few opportunities of addressing you on subjects of the greatest 
importance both with respect to this life and that which is to come; 
but what is past can not be recalled, and NOW time will not admit 
an enlargement, as we have the greatest reason to expect the 
advancement of our enemies as speedily as Heaven will permit. 
Therefore, at present, let it suffice to bring to your remembrance 
some necessary truths. 

It is our common faith, and a very just one too, that all events 
on earth are under the notice of that God in whom we live, move, 
and have our being; therefore we must believe that, in this impor- 
tant struggle with the worst of enemies, he has assigned us our post 
here at Ticonderoga. Our situation is such that, if properly de- 
fended, we shall give our enemies a fatal blow, and in great meas- 
ure prove the means of the salvation of North America. 

Such is our present case, that we are fighting for all that is near 
and dear to us, while our enemies are engaged in the worst of 


causes, their design being to subjugate, plunder, and enslave a free 
people that have done them no harm. Their tyrannical views are so 
glaring, their cause so horribly bad, that there still remain too much 
goodness and humanity in Great Britain to engage unanimously 
against us, therefore thy have been obliged (and at a most amazing 
expense, too) to hire the assistance of a barbarous, mercenary 
people, that would cut your throats for the small reward of six- 
pence. No doubt these have hopes of being our task-masters, and 
would rejoice at our calamities. 

Look, oh! look, therefore, at your respective states, and antici- 
pate the consequences if these vassals are suffered to enter! It 
would fail the most fruitful imagination to represent, in a proper 
light, what anguish, what horror, what distress would spread over 
the whole! See, oh! see the dear wives of your bosoms forced from 
their peaceful habitations, and perhaps used with such indecency 
that modesty would forbid the description. Behold the fair virgins 
of your land, whose benevolent souls are now filled with a thousand 
good wishes and hopes of seeing their admirers return home 
crowned with victory, would not only meet with a doleful disap- 
pointment, but also with such insults and abuses that would induce 
their tender hearts to pray for the shades of death. See your 
children exposed as vagabonds to all the calamities of this life! 
Then, oh! then adieu to all felicity this side the grave! 

Now all these calamities may be prevented if our God be for 
us — and who can doubt of this who observes the point in which the 
wind now blows — if you will only acquit yourselves like men, and 
with firmness of mind go forth against your enemies, resolving 
either to return with victory or to die gloriously. Every one that 
may fall in this dispute will be justly esteemed a martyr to liberty, 
and his name will be had in precious memory while the love of 
freedom remains in the breasts of men. All whom God will favor to 
see a glorious victory, will return to their respective states with 
every mark of honor, and be received with joy and gladness of 
heart by all friends to liberty and lovers of mankind. 

As our present case is singular, I hope, therefore, that the 
candid will excuse me, if I now conclude with an uncommon 
address, in substance principally extracted from the writings of the 
servants of God in the Old Testament; though, at the same time, it 
is freely acknowledged that I am not possessed of any similar power 
either of blessing or cursing. 


1 . Blessed be that man who is possessed of true love of liberty; 
and let all the people say, Amen. 

2. Blessed be that man who is a friend to the common rights of 
mankind; and let all the people say, Amen. 

3. Blessed be that man who is a friend to the United States of 
America; and let all the people say, Amen. 

4. Blessed be that man who will use his utmost endeavor to 
oppose the tyranny of Great Britain, and to vanquish all her forces 
invading North America; and let all the people say. Amen. 

5. Blessed be that man who is resolved never to submit to 
Great Britain; and let all the people say. Amen. 

6. Blessed be that man who in the present dispute esteems not 
his life too good to fall a sacrifice in defense of his country; let his 
posterity, if any he has, be blessed with riches, honor, vitue, and 
true religion; and let all the people say. Amen. 

Now, on the other hand, as far as is consistent with the Holy 
Scriptures, let all these blessings be turned into curses to him who 
deserts the noble cause in which we are engaged, and turns his back 
to the enemy before he receives proper orders to retreat; and let all 
the people say. Amen. 

Let him be abhorred by all the United States of America. 

Let faintness of heart and fear never forsake him on earth. 

Let him be a magor missabile, a terror to himself and all 
around him. 

Let him be accursed in his outgoing, and cursed in his incom- 
ing; cursed in lying down, and cursed in uprising; cursed in basket, 
and cursed in store. 

Let him be cursed in all his connections, till his wretched head 
with dishonor is laid low in the dust; and let all the soldiers say. 

And may the God of all grace, in whom we live, enable us, in 
defense of our country, to acquit ourselves like men, to his honor 
and praise. Amen and Amen. 

Joab Trout 

Sermon delivered before The Battle of the Brandywine on Sep- 
tember 10, 1777 

"They that take the sword shall perish by the sword!" — Matt, 
xxvi. 52. 

Soldiers and countrymen! We have met this evening, perhaps 
for the last time. We have shared the toil of the march, the peril of 


the fight, the dismay of the retreat — alike we have endured cold 
and hunger, the contumely of the infernal foe, and outrage of the 
foreign oppressor. We have sat night after night, beside the same 
camp fire, shared the same rough soldiers' fare; — we have together 
heard the roll of the reveille which called us to duty, or the beat of 
the tattoo which gave the signal for the hardy sleep of the soldier, 
with the earth for his bed, and his knapsack for a pillow. And now 
soldiers and brethren, we have met in the peaceful valley, on the 
eve of the battle, while the sunlight is dying away behind yonder 
heights, the sunlight that to-morrow morn will glimmer on scenes 
of blood. We have met amid the whitening tents of our encamp- 
ment; in times of terror and gloom have we gathered together. God 
grant it may not be for the last time. 

It is a solemn moment. Brethren, does not the solemn voice of 
nature seem to echo the sympathies of the town? The flag of our 
country droops heavily from yonder staff. The breeze has died 
away along the green plain of Chadd's ford — the plain that spreads 
before us glistening in sunlight — the heights of the Brandywine 
arise dark and gloomy beyond the waters of yonder stream, and all 
nature holds a pause of solemn silence on the eve of the uproad of 
the bloodshed and strife of to-morrow. 

'They that take the sword shall perish by the sword,' and have 
they not taken the sword? 

Let the blood-stained valley — the desolated homes — the 
burned farm house — the murdered farmer — let the whitening 
bones of our own countrymen answer! Let the starving mother 
with the babe clinging to her withered breast, let her answer — with 
the death rattle mingling with the murmuring tones that mark the 
last struggle for life; let the dying mother and her babe answer! 

It was but a day past, and our land slept in the light of peace. 
War was not here, wrong was not here. Fraud, and woe, and misery 
and want dwelt not among us. From the eternal solitude of the 
green woods, arose the blue smoke of the settler's cabin; and 
golden fields of corn looked forth from amid the waste of the 
wilderness, and the glad music of human voices awoke the silence 
of the forest. 

Now! God of mercy! Behold the change. Under the shadow of 
pretext, under the sanctity of the name of God — invoking the 
Redeemer to their aid, do these foreign hirelings slay our people. 
They throng our towns, they darken our plains, and now they 
encompass our posts on the lonely plain of Chadd's Ford. 


'They that take the sword shall perish by the sword.' Brethren! 
think me not unworthy of belief, when I tell you that the doom of 
the Britisher is near! Think me not vain when I tell you that beyond 
the cloud which now enshrouds us, I see gathering thick and fast, 
the darker cloud and the blacker storm of Divine Retribution! 
They may conquer us on the morrow! — might and wrong may 
prevail, and we may be driven from the field — but the hour of 
God's vengeance will come! Aye, if in the vast solitudes of eternal 
space, if in the heart of the boundless universe, there throbs the 
being of an awful God, quick to revenge and sure to punish guilt, 
there will the man, George of Brunswick, called King, feel in his 
brain and in his heart the vengeance of the eternal Jehovah! a 
blight will be upon his life — a withered brain, an accursed intellect; 
a blight will be upon his children, and his people. Great God! how 
dread the punishment! 

Soldiers! I look around upon your familiar faces with a strange 
interest. To-morrow we will all go forth to battle — for need I tell 
you that your unworthy minister will march with you, invoking 
God's aid in the fight. We will march forth to battle. Need I exhort 
you to fight the good fight for your homesteads, your wives, and 
your children. 

And in the hour of battle when all around is darkness, lit by the 
lurid cannon glare, and the piercing musket flash, when the 
wounded strew the ground and the dead litter your path. Then 
remember, soldiers, that God is with you. The eternal God is with 
you, and fights for you. God! the awful, the infinite, fights for you 
and you will triumph. 

'They that take the sword shall perish by the sword.' 

You have taken the sword; but not in the spirit of wrong and 
revenge. You have taken the sword for your homes, for your wives, 
and for your little ones. You have taken the sword for truth, for 
justice, and for right, and to you the promise is, be of good cheer, 
for your foes have taken the sword in defiance of all man holds 
dear. They shall perish by the sword. 

And now, brethren and soldiers, I bid you all farewell. Many of 
us may fall in the fight of to-morrow. God rest the souls of the 
fallen — many of us may live to tell the story of the fight of to- 
morrow, and in the memory of all will rest the quiet scenes of this 
autumnal night. 

Solemn twilight advances over the valley; the woods on the 
opposite heights fling their long shadows over the green of the 


meadow — around us are the tents of the continental host — the 
suppressed hustle of the camp, the hurried tread of the soldiers to 
and fro among the tents, the stillness that marks the eve of battle. 

When we meet again, may the long shadows of twilight be 
flung over a peaceful land. God in heaven grant it! Amen. 

Thomas Allen 

Sermon Delivered at Fort Ticonderoga 

about June 27, 1777 

Valiant soldiers! Yonder (pointing to the enemy that lay in 
sight) are the enemies of your country, who have come to lay waste, 
and destroy, and spread havoc and devastation through this pleas- 
ant land. They are enemies hired to do the work of death, and have 
no motive to animate them in their undertaking. You have every 
consideration to induce you to play the man, and act the part of 
valiant soldiers. Your country looks up to you for its defence. You 
are contending for your wives, whether you or they shall enjoy 
them. You are fighting for your children, whether they shall be 
yours or theirs — your houses and lands — for your flocks and herds, 
for your freedom, for future generations, for every thing that is 
great and noble, on account of which only life itself is worth a fig. 
You must, you will abide the day of trial. You can not give back, 
whilst animated by these considerations. 

Suffer me, therefore, on this occasion to recommend to you, 
without delay, to break off your sins by righteousness, and your 
iniquity by turning unto the Lord. Turn ye, turn ye, ungodly 
sinners; for why will ye die? Repent, lest the Lord come and smite 
you with a curse. Our camp is fulled with blasphemers, and re- 
sounds with the language of the infernal regions. Oh! that officers 
and men might fear to take the holy and tremendous name of God 
in vain. Oh! that you would now return to the Lord, lest destruction 
should come upon you, lest vengeance overtake you. Oh! that you 
were wise, that you understood this your latter end. 

I must recommend to you the strictest attention to your duty, 
and the most punctual obedience to your officers. Discipline, order 
and regularity are the strength of an army. 

VALIANT SOLDIERS! should our enemy attack us, I exhort 
and conjure you to play the man. Let no danger appear too 
great — let no suffering appear too severe for you to encounter for 
your bleeding country. God's grace assisting me, I am determined 


to fight and die by your side, rather than flee before our enemies, 
or resign myself to them. 

Prefer death to captivity. Ever remember your unhappy breth- 
ren, made prisoners at Fort Washington, whose blood now crieth to 
heaven for vengeance, and shakes the pillars of the world, saying 
'How long, O Lord holy and true, dost thou not charge our blood 
on them that dwell on the earth.' 

Rather than quit this ground with infamy and disgrace, I 
should prefer leaving this body of mine a corpse on the spot. 

I must finally recommend it to you, and urge it on you again 
and again, in time of action to keep silence. Let all be hushed and 
calm, serene and tranquil, that the word of command may be 
distinctly heard, and resolutely obeyed, and may the God of heaven 
take us all under his protection, and cover our heads in the day of 
battle, and grant unto us his salvation. 

Hezekiah Smith 
Commemorative Sermon preached on the second anniversary of 
Burgoyne's surrender, October 17, 1779. It was written under field 

L The anniversary of this day cannot fail to excite the most 
pleasing reflections upon the grand event which took place on the 
17th of October, 1777, when at one view we beheld the most 
agreeable issue of the northern campaign; the effect of American 
bravery; the boasted glory of Britain fall; the basis laid for Ameri- 
can importance amongst the powers of earth; an event scarcely 
paralleled in history, which exceeded the most sanguine expecta- 
tions of the brave sons of freedom, and ensured future success to 
our military operations: — Since which our public affairs have af- 
forded the most pleasing hopes of future wealth and greatness. 

2. I feel myself happy to congratulate my hearers on the 
revolution of this day, a day which reminds us of that which was big 
with the fate of America, and which offers to view the grandest 
conquest ever gained since the creation of the world. Upon this day 
we have the pleasing or retrospective view of the surrender of one 
whose military character was great, whose zeal, with unremitting 
ardor, burst forth in all the forms of arms; in that pompous proc- 
lamation filled with bombast; designed to terrify, and spread 
consternation through the northern clime, and drive the timid 
inhabitants to a tame submission to British tyranny. But British 
pride and glory, having arrived to their summit, now begin visibly 


to decline, which becomes evident in the surrender at Saratoga. 
Although this acquisition will adorn the historical pages of this new 
world, and transmit the names of the worthies to the latest ages, yet 
this day reminds us of another conquest, which so far exceeds the 
one now mentioned as scarcely to admit of comparison. A conquest 
more extensive in its influence; more interesting in its nature, and 
more beneficial to the world. A conquest celebrated by ages, and 
which will be transmitted to the latest period of time. It differs 
from all others in this: it was gained by the Conqueror's passing 
through death. — "That through death he might destroy him that 
had the power of death, that is the Devil." It is a Conqueror who 
gained this victory in his own person, without the least assistance 
from any of the sons of men. Listen to his own declaration: "I 
looked and there was none to help; and I wondered that there was 
none to uphold; therefore mine own arm brought salvation unto 
me, and my fury it upheld me." Isa. 65:5. He engaged all the 
powers and hosts of hell, with that arch prince of the infernal 
regions at their head, and so completely conquered them, that he 
rose triumphant from death, and with all the splendid trophies of 
victory, ascended with a shout, led captivity captive, and passed 
unmolested through the region and territories of Satan, to his own 
dominion and kingdom. Having gained universal empire through 
his kingdom and success, he is now seated on the exalted throne of 
his dignity, far beyond the utmost reach of his inveterate, irrecon- 
cilable and malicious foes, and is constantly enlarging his special 
kingdom, through the trophies of grace, in translating from the 
kingdom of darkness into the marvelous kingdom of light, truth, 
and liberty. 

3. We may with the utmost propriety cordially unite in cele- 
brating the two grand events but just mentioned; the one affording 
the happy prospect of early felicity, the other the most pleasing 
hope of celestial happiness. 

4. Our rejoicings on this day should ever be kept within the 
limits prescribed by the laws of Christ's kingdom, and be governed 
according to the spirit and rules thereof: — Then our eyes will be to 
him who giveth success; and, teacheth our hands to war and our 
fingers to fight. 

5. This chapter is calculated to excite confidence in God; to 
wait upon him in the way of his judgments; and to look unto him 
for blessing and success. 



I. Consider some of the judgments in the way of which we 
have waited for the Lord. 

I would premise, that the particular judgments the prophet 
has reference to, with which the Jews were exercised, and the 
judgments of God at large, I do not mean to consider: — Only some 
particular judgments which have taken place since our present 
troubles first began. 

1. That which gave rise to the present war, may be conceived 
of as a sore judgment, which first discovered itself in laying a plan 
to subject these states to intolerable burdens and unjust taxations. 

2. An infringement of our charter rights and privileges, was a 
judgment pregnant with the most alarming evils, which justly 
roused the dominant spirit of Americans, and excited them to wait 
upon the Lord in the use of means to remedy the impending 

3. Lexington can witness to the tragical scene exhibited to view 
upon the Common, near the head of the town, when several of her 
brave sons bled and fell and died, — in the defence of their injured 
country, — whose death occasioned the martial flame, quick like a 
flash of lightning, to communicate itself from East to West, and to 
unite in one common cause, the several states, to oppose the horrid 
strides of despotism which then made their appearance under the 
tyrannic ensigns of fire and arms. The ever memorable Nineteenth 
of April, 1775, ushered in the bloody scene, marked with plunder 
and burning, the known characteristics of British cruelty and sav- 
age barbarity. Falmouth, Charlestown, Norfolk, East Haven, 
Fairfield, Norwalk, Crompond, and Bedford, are flagrant instances 
of the British rage, and their unprincipled conduct in the burning 
and plundering way. 

4. The effusion of human blood might be accounted a griev- 
ous judgment, amidst which we have waited for the Lord. Many 
have been the bloody scenes since the 19th of April, 1775, in which 
great numbers of our fellow subjects have fallen, and left their 
bodies in the field of honor, whilst their spirits departed and went 
to him who made them. Their dying struggles have contributed to 
the happy prospect now before us, and their names with respect 
will be handed down to posterity. The two grand actions fought on 
the 19th of September and the 7th of October, 1777, at Bemis' 
Heights, are doubtless fresh in your minds, the success of which 


laid the foundations for the happy event on the 17th. In the way of 
God's judgments we waited upon him, 

5. I might mention that part which many of our fellow citizens 
and countrymen have acted, as traitors, thieves, plunderers, etc., 
joining the enemy to destroy and lay waste this beautiful land, as a 
sore judgment, amidst which we have waited upon the Lord. 

6. What have increased the judgments have been the com- 
bined powers of nations in conjunction with the numerous savage 
tribes, who have exercised all the horrid tortues of inhuman bar- 
barities, whose tender mercies are cruelty. The defenceless chil- 
dren, the helpless women, the superannuated men, are painful 
witnesses thereof. Should these prove insufficient testimonies, wit- 
ness the prison ships, — witness the houses of confinement for our 
prisoners in New York, where hundreds of thousands were wasted 
by pinching hunger, prostrating colds, and inhuman neglects. 
Amidst the whole we have waited for the Lord. 

IL Show that God is the proper object of the soul's desire. 

I would premise, that the desires of a soiil are very numerous, 
and often very pernicious; the objects are hurtful and ruinous. 
Hence to be deprived of their gratification is peculiarly advantage- 
ous and demands gratitude. The desires are not only numerous but 
vastly extensive, and could by no means be satisfied with sensual 
gratification or earthly enjoyments. This will hold good with those 
of different characters and possessions in life. The above observa- 
tion accounts for the universal disquietudes in the breasts of those 
whose desires are not to God. That God is the proper object of the 
soul's desire will appear very evident from the following observa- 

1 . No other object can possibly satisfy the desires of the soul. 
The nature of the soul being spiritual and immortal cannot rest 
easy with an object merely natural and mortal. It is a maxim in 
Natural Philosophy, that a stream cannot run higher than its foun- 
tain. So the desires of a soul cannot rise higher than the soul. But 
experience teaches us that the desires of a soul often rise above and 
go far beyond all perishable objects; consequently the soul must be 
above them all; hence must be left destitute of complete happiness, 
unless God becomes the object of its desires. 

2. The perfections of the Deity afford the most agreeable 
variety, harmony, and beauty for the entertainment of a rational 
soul. Each perfection displays new glories and opens up infinity to 
the mind, which absorbs all its desires, and presents to view immor- 


tality, which the soul, with pleasing wonder, contemplates through 
endless ages of existence, in the full enjoyment of undisturbed 
felicity. A foretaste of which the regenerate are favored with in this 
life, which makes them cry out in the most elevating strains, saying: 
"The desire of our soul is to thy name, and to the remem- 
brance of thee." 

3. When we consider our dependence upon him, and our 
obligations to him, and the daily benefits received from him, it is 
most proper that our soul's desire should be unto him. 

4. When we consider that the disposal of all nations, all provi- 
dences, and all events is with him, surely it is highly proper that our 
desires should be to him for what we need. He sendeth war by 
stirring up one nation against another. He sendeth peace by dispos- 
ing contending parties to an amicable settlement of differences. He 
causes a separation of nations, and humbles the pride of the great, 
and exalteth the lowly. Doubtless it was his will that these young 
rising states should assert their rights, contend for their freedom, 
and become independent of that nation, whose pride and luxury 
are like to be its ruin. 

5. It is most proper that our desires should be to him who 
removeth judgments, correcteth gently, and discovereth the 
greatest benevolence to the moral world. This he has done, not 
only in his common providences, but by the special act of grace in 
the gift of his Son to the world. 

ni. Consider some things which the Lord hath done for us, 
which call for a grateful remembrance of him. 

1. The gospel, and all its blessings, promises, etc., call for a 
grateful remembrance. 

2. We should gratefully remember the Lord, for raising us up 
in our political infancy, and increasing our strength, when exceed- 
ing weak, destitute in a great measure of arms, accoutrements, 
ammunition, and discipline; without law, without order, without 
organization. From a mere state of artless nature, the Lord hath 
formed us in union, as a band of brothers, to devise rules and 
methods, salutary for our political good; and raised an army, great 
and respectable in the eyes of the world, brave, hardy, patient in 
sufferings, determined in action, well disciplined, and a terror to 
the most veteran troops in the world. To God who teacheth our 
hands to war and our fingers to fight, be all due praise ascribed, for 
inspiring the brave sons of America with martial zeal and courage. 
For this, witness Bunker's Hill; witness Bemis' Heights, and the 


many other places where the intrepid Americans have been called 
to oppose the veteran troops of Great Britain. 

3. The repeated successes with which we have been favored, 
by sea and land, call for our grateful remembrance of the Lord, 
particularly the one which took place at Saratoga, in the surrender 
of Gen. Burgoyne and his whole army. This was a sight which 
gladdened our hearts. This was a prelude of Britain falling before 
rising America; since which America has ascended in the scale of 
importance amongst the powers of the earth; and Great Britain has 
been deseeding so rapidly, that the surrounding nations at a dis- 
tance stand amazed to see the lofty nation, which gave laws to the 
sea, and spread dread and terror all around, sinking into littleness. 

4. We should gratefully remember the Lord for granting to us 
so powerful an ally, and giving us such an agreeable prospect of a 
happy end to the present contest. 


L As we appealed to heaven in the beginning of this contest 
for the rectitude of our intentions and the justice of our case, so we 
ought to be obedient to the voice of God of heaven, who amidst 
judgment remembered mercy, and granted us repeated successes. 
In the way of his judgments we have waited for the Lord. 

2. As God is the proposed object of our desires, we may learn 
how vain it is to seek any other object to perform that for us which 
God alone can perform or do. 

3. Let us gratefully remember the name of the Lord for all the 
blessings of grace, and those of his providence. This day may we all 
be made glad in the Lord. 


Sermon delivered at the Roman Catholic Church, Philadelphia, in 
celebration of the French-American alliance, by the chaplain of the 
Minister Plenipotentiary. 

Permit me, my dear brethren, citizens of the United States, to 
address you on this occasion. It is that God — that all-powerful God 
who hath directed your steps, when you knew not where to apply 
for counsel — who, when you were without arms, fought for you 
with the sword of eternal justice — who, when you were in adversity, 
poured into your hearts the spirit of courage, of wisdom, and of 
fortitude, and who has at length raised up for your support a 
youthful sovereign whose virtues bless and adorn a sensible, a 


faithful, and a generous nation. This nation has blended her inter- 
ests with your interests, and her sentiments with yours. She partici- 
pates in all your joys, and this day unites her voice to yours at the 
foot of the altars of the eternal God, to celebrate that glorious 
revolution which has placed the sons of America among the free 
and independent nations of the earth! 

We have nothing to apprehend but the anger of Heaven, or 
that measure of our guilt should exceed the measure of his mercy. 
Let us then prostrate ourselves at the feet of the immortal God, 
who holds the fate of empires in his hands, and raises them up at 
his pleasure, or breaks them dust — let us conjure him to enlighten 
our enemies, and to dispose their hearts to enjoy that tranquillity 
and happiness which the revolution we now celebrate has estab- 
lished for a great part of the human race — let us implore him to 
conduct us by that way which his Providence has marked out for 
arriving at so desirable an end — let us offer unto him hearts inbued 
with sentiments of respect, consecrated by religion, by humanity 
and patriotism. Never is the august ministry of his altars more 
acceptable to his divine Majesty than when it lays at his feet hom- 
ages, offerings, and vows so pure, so worthy the common parent of 
mankind. God will not reject our joy, for he is the author of it; nor 
will he reject our prayers, for they ask but the full accomplishment 
of the decrees he hath manifested. Filled with this spirit, let us in 
concert with each other, raise our hearts to the Eternal — let us 
implore his infinite mercy to be pleased to inspire the rulers of both 
nations with the wisdom and force necessary to perfect what it hath 
begun. Let us, in a word, unite our voices to beseech him to 
dispense his blessing upon the counsels and arms of the allies, that 
we may soon enjoy the sweets of a peace which will cement the 
Union, and establish the prosperity of the two empires. It is with 
this view that we shall cause that canticle to be performed which the 
custom of the Catholic Church hath consecrated, to be at once a 
testimonial of public joy, a thanksgiving for benefits received from 
Heaven, and a prayer for the continuance of its mercies. 

John Hurt 
Sermon delivered at Valley Forge on May 6, 1778, to members of 
the 1st and 2nd Virginia Brigade, in celebration of France's entry 
into the War. 
Friends, Countrymen and Fellow-Soldiers. 

By the wisdom of our councils, and the magnanious persever- 


ance of our troops, during three campaigns, we have at length 
received the most manifest tokens of Divine approbation; and now, 
by the alliance of a great and warlike European power, we stand in 
a situation that bids defiance to our enemies — a situation which 
affords the fairest prospect — the blessings of PEACE, LIBERTY 
and SAFETY, the end of our warfare. — For these ye fought, for 
these ye bled — and not in vain! 

But though from the goodness of our cause, the wisdom of our 
councils, the abilities of our Generals, the courage of our troops, 
the strength of our armies, as well as our foreign alliances, we now 
have the most reasonable hope of establishing American freedom; 
yet it is a truth which reason and experience, as well as religion, 
teach us, that the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the 
strong; that the event of all things is in the hand of God, and more 
especially the fate of nations is weighed and determined by him. 
And if, in the common occurrences of life, it is our wisdom and 
interest, as well as our duty, to look up to Heaven for a blessing on 
our labours, it certainly becomes a far more indispensable duty on 
so important an occasion. A presumptuous confidence in our own 
strength might mustly provoke God to give us up to the tyranny of 
our enemies; while a pious trust in His mercy may be a powerful 
means to draw down His blessings in our favour. Let us then 
consider the present duty as a point on which the fate of nations is 
suspended; and let us, therefore, redouble our diligence, and en- 
deavour to acquire the highest perfection in our several duties, 
whether religious, civil or military; for the more we do for our- 
selves the more reason have we to expect the smiles of Providence. 
In the name then of all that is sacred, and in defence of all that is 
dear to us, let us exert ourselves from the highest to the lowest, to 
deserve the great and wonderful deliverance which Providence 
hath manifested toward this infant land! — A few months steady 
perseverance in the cause of virtue and truth, will probably give a 
final and favourable issue to this important contest: Anticipate 
then, my fellow-soldiers, the joy of your kindred, and the blessings 
of your country, that will welcome your return to those beloved 
connexions, from whence you gallantly broke forth to repel the 
invading foe, and secure to yourselves and posterity the name and 
rights of freemen. Oppression thenceforward shall be banished 
from the land — Peace shall till the desolated soil, and commerce 
unfurl her sails to every quarter of the sea-encircled globe; while 


the soldier, who has bravely stepped forth to establish these bless- 
ings, shall live revered, and die regretted, by this country. 

Who is there that does not rejoice that his lot has fallen at this 
important period; that he has contributed his assistance, and will be 
enrolled hereafter in the pages of history among the gallant defen- 
ders of liberty? Who is there who would exchange the pleasures of 
such reflections for all the ill-gotten pelf of the miser, or the 
dastardly security of the coward? You, my fellow-soldiers, are the 
hope of your country; to your arms she looks for defence, and for 
your health and success her prayers are incessantly offered. Our 
God has heard them — The princes of the earth court our 
friendship — We have a name among nations — Victory and 
triumph attends us; and unless our sins forbid, our warmest wishes 
shall be most amply completed. Let us then join in one general 
acclamation to celebrate this important event; and while our voices 
proclaim our joy, let our hearts glow with gratitude to the God of 
nations, who is able to help us, and whose arm is mighty to save. 

Thus shall we see, and triumph in the fight, 

While malice frets, and fumes, and gnaws her chains, 

AMERICA shall blast her fiercest foes! 

Out-brave the dismal shocks of bloody war! 

And in unrival'd pomp resplendid rise, 

And shine sole empress of the Western World! 


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Records, XXII (1925), 296-337. 
Sermons By Clergymen Who Served As Chaplains During The 

Colonial Wars, Dealing With Patriotic Themes, and Their 

Concept of Ministry. 
Adams, Amos 

A Sermon Preached At The Ordination of the Rev. John Wyeth; 
Gloucester, February 5, 1776. Boston: Richard and Samuel 
Draper, 1755. 

Songs of Victory . . . On the general thanksgiving for the success of 
His Majesty's arms, more particularly, in the reduction of Quebec, the 
capital of Canada. Boston: Edes and Gill, 1756. 

A Discourse Before The Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company; 
June 4, 1759. Boston: Z. Fowle and S. Draper, 1759. 

The Pleasure peculiar to the ministeral Life pointed out; in A Sermon 
at the Ordination of Rev. Jonathan Moore. Boston: Kneeland and 
Adams, 1768. 

Religious Liberty an invaluable Blessing Illustrated in Two Discourses 
preached at Roxbury December 3 , 1 767 . Being the Day of general 
Thanksgiving. Boston: Kneeland and Adams, 1768. 

A Sermon preached at the Ordination of Rev. Samuel Kingbury; 
November 25, 1761. Boston: J. Draper, 176. 

Ministerial Affection recommended in a Sermon at the Ordination of 
Rev. Caleb Prentice; October 25, 1769. Boston: Thomas and John 
Fleet, 1769. 

A concise historical view of the difficulties, hardships, and perils which 
attended the planting and progressive improvements of New England. With 
a particular account of its long and destructive wars, expensive expeditions 
. . . with reflections, principally moral and religious. In two discourses, 
preached at Roxbury^ on the general fast, April 6, 1769. Boston: 
Kneeland and Adams, 1769. 
Backus, Simon 

A dissertation on the right and obligation of the civil magistrate to take 
care of the interest of religion and provide for its support. Middletown, 
Conn.: T. &: J. B. Dunning, 1804. 
Beckwith, George 


A second letter on the subject of lay-ordination. New London: T. 
Green, 1766. 
Bridges, Ebenezer 

A Sermon Preach'd to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company, 
June 1st, 1752, Being the Anniversary of their Election of Officers. Bos- 
ton: S. Kneeland, 1752. 
Bird, Samuel 

The importance of the divine presence with our host. A sermon, deliv- 
ered in New Haven, April 27, 1759 to Col. David Wooster, and his 
company; at the request of the colonel. New Haven: James Parker and 
Company, 1759. 
Champion, Judah 

Christian and Civil Liberty and Freedom Considered and Recom- 
mended: A Sermon Delivered Before the General Assembly of the Colony of 
Connecticut, May 9, 1776. Hartford: W. Watson, 1776. 
Conant, Silvanus 

The Art of War, the Gift of God. A Discourse before Three Military 
Companies, April 6, 1759, Being the Day of General Muster in the 
Massachusetts Province for the Canada-Expedition. Boston: 1759. 
Coolidge, Samuel 

A sermon preached at His Majesty's Castle William, March 26, 1738, 
upon the death of Her late most excellent Majesty Carolina, queen consort of 
George II. (No printer or date.) 
Dunbar, Samuel 

The Duty of Ministers, to testify the Gospel of the Grace of God. A 
Sermon Preached to the First Parish in Braintree, December 13, 1753. 
Being a Day set a-part by them for solemn Humiliation and Prayer for 
Divine Directions in Their Choice of a Minister. Boston: S. Kneeland, 

True Faith Makes The Best Soldiers, A Sermon Preached before the 
Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company . . . for the Election of Ojfic- 
ers, June 6, 1748. Boston: D. Henchman, 1748. 
Forbes, Eli 

The good Minister: A Sermon preached at the Ordination of the Rev. 
Lemuel Hedge, December 3 , 1760. Boston: D. and J. Kneeland, 1761. 
Langdon, Samuel 

A discourse on the unity of the church as a monumental pillar of the 
truth; designed to reconcile Christians of all parties and denominations in 
charity and fellowship as one body in Christ. Exeter: Henry Ronlet, 

Government corrupted by vice and recovered by righteousness. A ser- 


mon preached before the Honourable Congress of the Colony of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay in New England, May 31, 1775. Watertown: Benjamin 
Edes, 1775. 
Leavenworth, Mark 

Charity illustrated and recommended to all orders of men; in a sermon 
delivered before the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecticut at 
Hartford, May 14, 1772. New London: T. Green, 1772. 
Lee, Jonathan 

A sermon delivered before the General Assembly of the Colony of 
Connecticut at Hartford, May 8, 1 766. New London: Timothy Green, 
Pemberton, Ebenezer 

Sermon preached at the ordination of David Brainerd, June 12, 1 744. 
Boston: Rogers and Fowle, 1744. 
Prentice, Thomas 

A Sermon preached at Charlestown, on a General Thanksgiving, July 
18, 1745. For the Reduction of Cape-Breton By an Army of New-England 
Volunteers .... Boston: Rogers and Fowle, 1745. 
Shute, Daniel 

A Sermon preached to the Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company 
in Boston, New-England, June 1, 1769. Boston: Edes and Gill, 1767. 

A sermon preached before His Excellency Frances Bernard, governor 
. . . May 25, 1768. Boston: Draper, 1768. 
White, John 

The Gospel Treasure in Earthen Vessels — A Sermon delivered on the 
occasion of the funeral of Mr. John Wise. Glocester; Boone, 1725. 
Woodbridge, Ashbell 

A sermon delivered on the anniversary of election . . . May 14, 1 752. 
New London, Conn.: Green, 1752. 

Sermons, Prayers, and Poetry By Clergymen Who Served as Chap- 
lains During The American Revolution, Dealing With Patriotic 
Themes, and Their Concept of Ministry. 
Avery, David 

The Lord is to be praised for the triumphs of His Power. A sermon 
preached at Greenwich, Conn., December 18, 1777. Being a general 
thanksgiving through the United States of America. Norwich, Conn.: 
Green and Spooner, 1778. 
Barlow, Joel 

Visions of Columbus: A Poem in Nine Books. Hartford: Goodwin 
and Hudson, 1781. 


Brockway, Thomas 

America Saved in war with Great-Britain. Hartford: Hudson and 
Goodwin, 1784. 

. The Gospel Tragedy: An Epic Poem. Worcester, Mass.: Hutchins, 

A Sermon at the ordination of Bezaleel Pinneo. New Haven: T. 8c S. 
Green, 1797. 
Cutler, Manasseh 

A Sermon Delivered at Hamilton, on the day of the National fast. 
April 25, 1799. Salem: Joshua Gushing, 1799. 
Dwight, Timothy 

Columbia: A Song. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940. 

Conquest of Canaan, A Poem, in eleven books. Hartford: Printed by 
L.G., 1785. 

A Sermon at Stamford, Conn., December 18, 1777 on Thanksgiving. 
Hartford: Watson and Goodwin, 1778. 

A Sermon, Northampton, November 28, 1781, on the capture of the 
British Army under CornwalUs. Hartford: Nathaniel Patten, 1781. 

The duty of Americans at the present crisis, July 4, 1796. Fourth of 
July Oration. (No printer or date.) 

Hymns selected by Timothy Dwight. New Haven: Sidney's Press, 

A Sermon-Virtuous Rulers A National Blessing, May 12, 1791. 
Hartford: Hudson and Goodwin, 1791. 

A Sermon-The true means of establishing public happiness. July 7, 
1795. New Haven: T. & S. Green, 1795. 

A Discourse, delivered on February 22, 1800 at New Haven on the 
character of George Washington. New Haven: Thomas Green, 1800. 

A discourse on some events of the last century, January 7, 1801. 
New Haven: Ezra Read, 1801. 
Evans, Israel 

A Discourse, Delivered on the 18th Day of December, 1 777, the day of 
Public Thanksgiving. Published at the Request of the General and Officers 
of the said Brigade, to be distributed among the Soldiers, Gratis. Lancas- 
ter: Francis Bailey. 1778. 

A Discourse, Delivered at Easton, on the 17th. of October, 1779, to the 
Officers and Soldiers of the Western Army, After their return from an 
Expedition against the Five Nations of hostile Indians. Published at the 
particular Request of the Generals and Field Officers of that Army; And to 
be distributed among the Soldiers-Gratis. Philadelphia: Thomas Brad- 
ford. 1779. 


Evans, Israel (continued) 

An Oration, Delivered at Hackensack, on the tenth of September, 
1 780, at the interment of the Honorable Brigadier Enoch Poor, General of 
the New Hampshire Brigade. Printed by John My call, 1781. 

A Discourse delivered near York in Virginia, on the Memorable Occa- 
sion of the Surrender of the British Army to the Allied Forces of America 
and France before the Brigade of New York Troops and the Division of 
American Light Infantry, under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette. 
Philadelphia: Francis Bailey, 1782. 

A Discourse delivered in New York, Before a Brigade of Con- 
tinental troops, and a number of citizens assembled in St. George's 
chapel on the 11th December 1783. The Day set apart by the 
Recommendation of the United States in Congress as a Day of 
public Thanksgiving for the Blessings of Independence, Liberty 
and Peace. John Holt, Printer to the State of New York, 1783. 
Hitchcock, Enos 

A discourse on education in Providence, November 16, 1783. Provi- 
dence: B. Wheeler, 1785. 

A discourse on the causes of National Prosperity, fuly 4, 1786. 
Providence: Bennett Wheeler, 1786. 

A discourse at the ordination of Rev. Abel Flint, April 20, 1791. 
Hartford: Babcock, 1791. 

A discourse at the ordination of Rev. Jonathan Gould, September 18, 
1793. Portland: B. Titcomb, 1793. 
Johnson, Stephen 

Integrity and piety the best principles of a good administration of 
government, illustrated, in a sermon. May 10, 1770. New London: 
Timothy Green, 1770. 
Jones, David. 

Defensive War in a just cause sinless. Preached at Log Meeting 
House, before Col. Dewees Regiment of Troops, on Thursday, July 20, 
177 5: Day of The Continental Fast. Philadelphia: Henry Miller, 1775. 
Judson, Ephraim 

On preaching the Word. A Sermon at the ordination of Reverend 
E ben ezer Fitch. June 17, 1795. Stockbridge, Mass.: Loring Andrews, 
Lee, Andrew 

Sin destructive of temporal and eternal happiness. January 17, 1776 
at fasting and prayer day. Norwich: Judah P. Spooner, 1776. 

The origins and ends of civil government. May 14, 1795. Hartford: 


Hudson and Goodwin, 1795. 

A Sermon preached at the ordination of the Rev. David Palmer. 
Leonminster, Mass.: Adams and Wilder, 1800. 
Leonard, Abiel 

A prayer for the soldiery in The American army, to assist them in their 
private devotions. Cambridge: S. &: E. Hall, 1775. 
Linn, William 

The Blessings of America July 4, 1791 . New York: Thomas Green- 
leaf, 1791. 

A discourse, November 26, 1 795, a day of Thanksgiving and prayer 
for national blessings including end of fever epidemic. New York: T. & J. 
Swords, 1795. 

A funeral eulogy for George Washington. February 22, 1800. New 
York: I. Collins, 1800. 

Serious considerations of the election of a president: addressed to the 
citizens of the United States. New York: John Furman, 1800. 
McCalla, Daniel 

The works of Rev. Daniel McCalla, by William HoUinshead. 
Charleston: John Hoff, 1810. 
McClintock, Samuel 

A Sermon for Council, Senate and House of New Hampshire. June 3, 
1784. Portsmouth: Robert Gerrish, 1784. 

An oration on the General Washington. Greenland, N.H., February 
22, 1800. Portsmouth: Charles Pierce, 1800. 
McClure, David 

A Sermon at the ordination of Rev. Stanley Griswald January 20, 
1790. Danbury: Douglas & Ely, 1790. 

A Discourse on General Washington, 1st President of the United 
States of America. East Windsor, Conn.: Luther Pratt, 1800. 
MacKay Fitzhugh 

American Liberty Asserted: British Tyranny Repudiated. A discourse, 
April 22, 1778, by Chaplain MacKay of Gen. Woodford's Brigade. 
Lancaster: Francis Bailey, 1778. 
Mansfield, Isaac, Jr. 

A sermon at Roxbury, November 23, 1775 by Chaplain Isaac Man- 
sfield, Jr., Chaplain to General Thomas' regiment. Continental Army. 
Boston: S. Hall, 1776. 
Montogomery, Joseph 

A sermon preached at Christana Bridge and New Castle, July 20, 
1775. A day of fasting and prayer. Philadelphia: J. Humphreys, 1775. 


Murray, John 

Jerubaal-A discourse on America s duty and danger. December 1 1, 
1784, a day of Thanksgiving. Newbury port: John Mycall, 1784. 

N ehemiah-The Struggle for liberty never in vain when managed with 
virtue and perseverance. November 4, 1779, a day of fasting and 
prayer. Newburyport: John Mycall, 1779. 
Noble, Obadiah 

Preaching Christ-A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Silas Moody. 
January 9, 1771. Salem: Samuel Hall, 1771. 

A discourse from the Book of Ester in favor of the oppressed, March 8, 
1775. In commemoration of the Massacre at Boston, March 5, 1770. 
Newburyport: E. Lunt and H. W. Tinges, 1775. 
Osgood, David 

Reflections on the goodness of God in supporting the people of the 
United States through the late war and bringing an honourable peace. 
December 11, 1783, a day of Thanksgiving. Boston: T. & J. Fleet, 

The Wonderful works of God are to be remembered. Sermon: 
November 20, 1794. Boston: Samuel Hall, 1794. 

The Devil let loose. A sermon at the National Fast Day, April 25, 
1799. Boston: Samuel Hall, 1799. 

A discourse at the death of George Washington, December 29, 1799. 
Boston: Samuel Hall, 1800. 

A discourse on the day of general election. May 31, 1809. Boston: 
Russel and Cutler, 1809. 

A sermon at the ordination of Rev. Convers Francis, Watertown, 
Mass., June 23, 1819. Cambridge: Hillard and Metcalf, 1819. 
Perry, Joseph 

The Character and Reward of the faithful and wise minister of Jesus 
Christ. A sermon at the death of Rev. Nathaniel Hooker, June 9, 1770. 
Hartford: Green and Watson, 1770. 

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Abercrombie, James, Maj. Gen., 66 

Ackland, Lady Harriet, 201 

Adams, Amos, Chaplain, 114 

Adams, John, 73, 80, 81, 132 

Adams, Samuel, 86, 132 

Albion, Robert G., 141 

Alden,John R., 182 

Alden, Nathan, Captain, 155 

Allen, John, Chaplain, 160 

Allen, Moses, Chaplain, 199 

Allen, Thomas, Chaplain, 111, 112, 146, 161, 

162, 282, app VUl 
Allen, William, Chaplain, 28, 30 
Allison, Patrick, Rev., 174 
Alonzo, 2 

Amherst, Jeffrey, Maj. Gen.. 66, 67, 74, 98 
Anarchiad, The, 217 
Andre, John, Major, 194. 195. 204 
Andrews, Robert, Chaplain, 216 
Andrews, William, Chaplain, 204 
Appleton, Samuel, Captain, 30, 31 
Appleton, Rev., 116 
Army, Continental, 105, 106 
Arnold, Benedict, General, 85, 123, 194, 195, 

Articles of Confederation, 176 
Asbury, Francis, Rev., 198 
Atherton, Hope, Chaplain, 17. 20, 21 
Avery, David, Chaplain. 101. 113. 114. 115, 

143, 148, 153, 157, 182, 185 
Ayers, William, Dr., 39 

Badge of Military Merit, 208 

Balch, Benjamin, Chaplain, 89 

Baldwin, Abraham, Chaplain, 205, 215, 216 

Barber, Daniel, Rev., 101, 125, 139 

Barclay, Thomas, Chaplain, 28 

Barlow, Joel, Chaplain, 145,194,205,216,217 

Barnattl, John, Chaplain, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 

Barrv, John, Captain. 85 
Backus, Isaac, Rev., 86, 157, 158 
Backus, Simon, Chaplain, 41, 45 
Balmaine, Alexander, Chaplain, 181, 185 
Baptisms, 49, 59, 115 
Baptists, XIX, XX, 46, 78, 84, 85, 86, 99, 130, 

131, 132, 157, 177 
Barton, Thomas, Chaplain, XVIII 
Battle: Assumpink, 151; Bennington, 101, 162, 

202; Boston, 93, 103, 105, 106, 109, 111, 

114; Braddock's Defeat. 56; Brandywine, 

Battle: (continued) 

128, 155, 173, 279; Bunker Hill. 1 12, 1 13 
Chamblv, 125; Chatterton's Hill, 145 
Concord, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 97, 101 
Crecy, XII; Croos Creek, 204; Crown 
Point, 35, 36, 37, 64, 71, 74, 112; 
Deerfield, 28; Fort Edward, 98; Fort 
Necessity, 56; Great Swamp, 18; Groton, 
18; Hadley, 18; Harlem Heights, 103; 
Havana, 65; Jamestown, 4; Kaskaskia, 
183; King's Mountain, 197; Lake Cham- 
plain, 98; Lake George, 98; Lexington, 89, 
92, 101; Long Island, 101, 141; Louis- 
burg, 43, 44, 66, 201; Lvdius, 98; Mon- 
mouth, 182, 196; New Haven, 197; New 
London, 197; Newport, 193; Oriskanv, 
186; Paoli, 174; Piggwacket, 39. 40. 43; 
Port Royal, 30, 31, 32, 34; Princeton, 148; 
Quebec' 123, 126; St. John, 125; Saratoga, 
168; Savannah, 199: Springfield, 196; The 
Falls, 20; Three Feathers, 124; Ticon- 
deroga. 111; Trenton, 101, 147; White 
Plains, 145, 146; Yorktown, 200, 204 

Baylor, George, Col., 161 

Beatty, Charles, Chaplain, 62 

Beck, Anthonv, Bishop, XII 

Beck, Chaplain, 203 

Becker, Chaplain, 201, 203 

Beckwith, George, Chaplain. 67, 69, 224 

Belknap. Jeremv. Chaplain. 116. 215, 216 

Benedict, Abner, Chaplain, 143, 195, 208 

Bertheiot, Sieur George de, 47 

Bethune, John, Chaplain, 204 

Bidwell, Adonijah, Chaplain, 41, 42 

Bird, Samuel, Chaplain, 114 

Bishop of Durham, XII 

Bland, William, Chaplain, 181, 216 

Bliss, Rev., 114 

Boardman, Benjamin, Chaplain, 114, 115, 
116, 153 

Boardman, Oliver, 154 

Bodge, George Madison, 17 

Bogue, Andrew, Chaplain, 173 

Boston Massacre, 87, 217 

Boston Port Act, 87, 88 

Boston Siege, 192 

Botsford, Edmond, Chaplain. 216 

Boudinot, Elias, 182 

Braddock, Edward. Gen., 56 

Bradford, William, 8 

Bradford, William, Jr.. Gov., 82 




Brainard, David, rev., 74, 75 

Brainard, John, Chaplain, 67, 74, 224 

Branch Transfer, 156 

Bray, Rev., 114 

Briand, Jean Oliver, Bishop, 125, 126, 184 

Bridge, Ebenezer, Chaplain, 28, 32 

Bridges, Rev., 118 

British Colonial Military Policy, XIV 

Broadstreet, Simon, Gov., 25 

Brockway, Thomas, Chaplain, 197 

Brooks, Captain, 92 

Brooks, Edward, Chaplain, 93, 99 

Brown University, 216 

Browne, Andrew, Chaplain, 170 

Brundell, Edward, Chaplain, 170, 201 

Buckingham, Thomas, Chaplain, 28, 33, 34, 

35, 36, 37 
Burgoyne, John, Gen., 161, 168, 169, 170,201 
Bingoyne's Campaign, 201, 203 
Burgoyne's Surrender, 283 
Binke, Edmund, 169 
Burnet, Robert, Major, 207 
Burnham, LT, 70 
Bute, Earl of, 80 
Byng,John, Admiral, 55 

Caldwell, James, Chaplain, 195, 196 

Carleton, Guy, Lord, 205, 206, 207, 208 

Carnes, John, Chaplain, 143, 216 

Carroll, Charles, 125 

Carroll, John, Bishop, 125, 184 

Carter, Robert, 139 

Cavagnal-Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 48, 49 

Chamberlain, Mellon, 97 

Champlain, Samuel de, 15 

Chapel, 206, 207, 208 

Chaplain Appointment, XVll, XVlll, XIX, 3, 

4, 57, 58, 64, 67, 107, 108, 109, 110, 116, 

Chaplain Assistant, 182 
Chaplain Commission, 67, 105, 164, 192 
Chaplain, Diaries, Journals, Memoirs, 291-295 
Chaplain, Duties, Xll, XIll, XIV, XVll, 

XVIII, 31, 74, 101, 115, 139, 140, 145, 

147, 148, 153, 160, 163, 173, 176, 185, 

195, 197, 207, 221 
Chaplain Endorsement, 47, 93, 94, 104, 129, 

130, 164 
Chaplain, Equipment, 34, 35, 36, 66, 68, 69, 

75, 76,94, 141, 181 
Chaplain-General, Xlll 
Chaplain, Hospital, 171, 172, 203, 204 
Chaplain Organization, 44, 45, 68, 75, 104,105 
Chaplain, Pay, XVlll, 57, 107, 108, 109, 110, 

114, 158, 160, 205 
Chaplain Qualifications, 58, 110 
Chaplain Rosters: Americans in Colonial Wars, 

app. r, French in Colonial Wars, app. 11; 

British in Revolution, app. Ill; Germans 

Chaplain Rosters: (continued) 

in Revolution, app. IV; French in Revolu- 
tion, app. V; Loyalists in Revolution, app. 
VI; Americans in Revolution, app. Vll 

Chaplain Service in the Revolution: American, 
Denomination of, XIX; American, 
Number of, XIX; British, 201; French, 

203 , 204 ; German, 20 1 , 202 , 203 ; Loyalist, 

204, 205 

Chaplain Status— POW's, 205 

Chaplain Table of Organization, 107, 108, 109, 

110, 158, 205, 219 
Chaplain, Uniform, 34, 35, 36, 94, 95 
Chaplaincy, Biblical Origin of, XI 
Chaplaincy, Official Birthday, 106, 107 
Chapman, Hezekiah, Chaplain, 114 
Charles II (Spain), 27 
Chase, Samuel, 125 
Chatham, Lord, 168 
Chauncy, Israel, Chaplain, 17 
Cherokee Campaign, 185, 197 
Choir, 71 

Christmas, 123, 148, 206 
Church, Benjamin, Captain, 21 
Church, Benjamin, Dr., 195 
Churchill, Elijah, SGT, 208 
Churchill, Winston, 9 
Church of England, XVll, XVlll, XIX, 3, 32, 

56, 68, 69, 72, 73, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 

85, 89, 177, 195, 198, 201 
Church of Scotland, 201 
Clark, George Rogers, 15, 183, 184 
Clark, Thomas, Chaplain, 17 
Cleaveland, Ebenezer, Chaplain, 67, 143, 224 
Cleaveland, John, Chaplain, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 

87, 117, 138, 143 
Clinton, George, Gen., 218 
Clinton, Henry, Gen., 171 
Clyde, John C, 148 
Coffin, Enoch, Chaplain, 45 
Coffin, Moses, Chaplain, 41, 45, 46 
Cogwell, Chaplain, 114 
Committee of Safety, 90, 104 
Committees of Correspondence, 87 
Congregationalists, XVlll, XIX, 10, 32, 33, 68, 

72, 78, 84, 85, 86, 119, 157, 158, 177 
Conquest of Canaan, The, 205, 217 
Constitution, 205, 220 
Continental Congress, Chaplains to, 132 
Cooke, Nicolas, Gov., 118 
Cooke, Noah, Chaplain, 171 
Coombe, Rev., 153 
Cordell, John, Chaplain, 156, 241 
Cornwallis, Charles, Lord, 200 
Coronado, 1 
Council of Ratisbon, XI 
Covenants, 9, 10, 38, 52, 71, 96 
Cox, Nicholas, Chaplain, 216 
Cummings, Charles, Chaplain, 197 



Gushing, Thomas, 86, 132 

Custis, G.W.P., 182 

Cutler, Manasseh, Chaplain, 63, 191, 192, 217 

Daggett, Naphthali, Rev., 114, 197 

Dartmouth University, 216 

David, Ebenezer, Chaplain, 108, 1 16, 119, 140, 

143, 155, 156, 157 
Davies, Samuel, Rev., XVIII, 56, 58, 75 
Davis, Thomas, Chaplain, 216 
Dawes, William, 90 
Dean, Silas, 169 

Dearborn, Henry, Gen., 189, 190 
Declaration of Independence, 86, 110, 116, 

Demere, Raymond, Captain, 59 
Denison, Daniel, Major General, 17 
Dinwiddie, Governor, 56, 57, 58 
Doolittle, Ephraim, Col., 89 
Doyles, Rev., 107 
Drench, Roger, Captain, 101 
Duche, Jacob, Rev., 132 
Dudley, Joseph, Chaplain, 17, 19 
Duffield, George, Chaplain, 152, 153, 174 
Dunker, 85 
Dunmore, Gov., 88 
Dwight, Daniel, Chaplain, XVI II 
Dwight, Henry, Captain, XVIII 
Dwight, Timothy, Chaplain, 171, 176, 205, 


Easter, 123, 124 

East India Company, XIV 

Edwards, Jonathan, Rev., 72 

Edwards, Timothy, Chaplain, 28, 35, 36 

Eels, Edward, Chaplain, 67, 68, 69, 103, 224 

Eels, Samuel, Chaplain, 103, 114 

Eliot, John, Rev., 14, 15, 16 

Elliot, Barnard, Major, 127, app. IX 

Elliot, John, Chaplain, 183 

Ellis, John, Chaplain, 108, 143, 157, 200 

Elmer, Jonathan, Rev., 196 

Elmer, Timothy, Captain, 141 

Emerson, Daniel, Chaplain, 41, 67, 68 

Emerson, Ezekiel, Rev., 122 

Emerson, John, Chaplain, 25, 26 

Emerson, Joseph Chaplain, 41, 42, 43, 61, 120 

Emerson, Mary, 90 

Emerson, Phebe, 90, 96 

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 96 

Emerson, William, Chaplain, XVIII, 90, 91, 

92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 180 
Episcopacy, Act of, 81, 82, 83, 84 
Episcopal Church, 86, 94, 101, 204, 216 
Epps, Daniel, Chaplain, 28, 30 
Ettwein, John, Rev., 173 
Evans, Israel, Chaplain, 141, 170, 171, 176, 

186, 200, 201, 206 

Farmer, A. W., see Seabury. 
Fauquier, Gov., 59 

Fayerweather, Samuel, 41, 42, 43 

Fitch, Jabez, LT, 143, 144 

Fithian, Philip, Chaplain, 87, 97, 98, 138, 139, 
140, 141, 142 

Floquet, Pierre Rene, Rev., 125, 126 

Fontainebleau, Peace of, 79 

Forbes, John, Brig. Gen., 66 

Forbes's Expedition, XVIII 

Forbes, Eli, Chaplain, 73, 74 

Forbush, (FNU), Chaplain, 67, 69, 70 

Fort: Allison, 64; Box, 140; Chriswell, 185; 
Clinton, 48; Drummer, XVIII; Duquesne, 
XVIII, 66, 73; Edward, 64; Great 
Meadows, 50; Harrodburg, 185; Hunter, 
68; Jamestown, 4; Lee, 145; Loudon, 58, 
59, 60; Louisburg, 70, 73; Massac, 183; 
Massachusetts, 48, 49; Mercer, 156; 
Necessity, 56; Niagara, 74; Pitt, 185, 220; 
Saratoga, 47; Saybrook, 11, 12; Schuyler, 
186; Shirley, 48; Steel, 64; Ticonderoga, 
67, 74, 11 1, 1 12, 146, 161, 181,282; Wash- 
ington, 141, 144 

Foster, Edmund, Chaplain, 92 

Francke, Gotthilf, A., 128 

Franklin, Benjamin, 61, 62, 63, 125, 169, 196 

Franks, David, Col., 85 

Frazier, Chaplain, 206 

Fraser, Gen., 201 

Freemasons, 187, 216 

Frelinghassen, Rev., 70 

French Alliance. 177, 178, 179, 288, 289 

French and Indian War, XVII, 55-79, 84, 86, 
92, 103, 112, 120, 138 

French Protestant (Huguenot), 85 

Erie, Jonathan, 40, 41 

Frontenac, Count, 25 

Funerals, 60, 73, 96, 115, 142, 199 

Gage, Thomas, Gen., 1 1 1 

Gano, John, Chaplain, 143, 145, 148, 157, 186, 

189, 208, 216 
Gardiner, LT, 12, 15 
Gardner, Andrew, Chaplain, 28 
Gates, Horatio, Gen., 95, 172, 170 
Germain, Adrian H., Rev., 125, 184, 185 
Gibault, Pierre, Rev., 183, 184 
Gibson, Hugh, 60, 61 
Gilbert, Raleigh, Admiral, 7 
Goffe, Gen., 18 

Graham, John, Jr., Chaplain, 64, 68, 225 
Grant, Thomas, 190 
Green, Nathanael, Gen., 197 
Grenville, Lord, 80 

Griffith, David, Chaplain, 182, 185, 215, 216 
Griffith, Timothy, Chaplain, 41 
Gordon, William, Chaplain, 81 
Gwatkin, Rev., 89 

Hakluyt, Richard, Rev., 11, 13, 14 
Hale, John, Chaplain, 25, 26 



Hall, Edward, LT, 93 

Hall, James, Chaplain, 197, 216 

Hallet, Chaplain, 182 

Hamilton, Alexander, Col., 83 

Hamilton, Heniy, Lt. Gov., 183 

Hand, Edward, Gen., 192, 218 

Harmar, Joseph, Gen., 220 

Harrison, William, Chaplain, 204 

Harte, Bret, 196 

Har\'ard University, 216 

Hawley, Joseph, Chaplain, 41, 66 

Haynes, Lemuel, Rev., 217 

Hazen, Moses, Col., 125, 178 

Headley,J. T., 145 

Heard, Nathaniel, Gen., 138 

Heath, William, Gen., 145, 160, 207, 218 

Heni7, Patrick, Gov., 56, 87, 128 

Herkimer, Gen., 186 

Hibbard, Augustine, Chaplain, 216 

Higginbotham, Charles, Chaplain, 170 

Higginson, John, Chaplain, 11 

Hitchcock, Enos, Chaplain, 169, 170, 180, 181, 

191, 194, 195, 205,216 
Hitchcock, Gad, Chaplain, 67, 70, 216, 225 
Hodgson, Samuel, 221 
Hollingshead, William, Chaplain, 142 
Holy Communion, 5, 6, 181, 203, 210 
How, Nehemiah, Rev., 50 
Howe, George, Lord, 112 
Hubbard, Nathaniel, Chaplain, 28 
Humphrey, Elihu, Captain, 101 
Hunt, Elizabeth, 3, 7 
Hunt, Robert, Chaplain, 3-7, 26 
Hunt, Samuel, Chaplain, 28, 30 
Hunter, Andrew, Chaplain, 87, 142, 182, 186, 

188, 215 
Hurt, John, Chaplain, 1 77, 206, 22 1 , 289, app. 


Inflation, 191 

Ingersoll, Chaplain, 67, 68, 225 

Inglis, Charles, Rev., 204 

/ Love Thy Kingdom, Lord, 205 

Ireland, 190 

Jackson, Andrew, Gen., 59 
Jay, John, 132 

Jefferson, Thomas, 87, 88, 131 
Jewett, David, Chaplain, 64, 225 
Jews, XX 

Jewish Congregation, 85 
Johnson, Thomas, 106 
Johnston, Lauchlan, Chaplain, 67, 68, 226 
Jones, David, Chaplain, 87, 146, 173, 174, 180, 
182, 185, 277, app. Vlll 

Kerr, Nathan, Chaplain, 149 
King Charles 1, 18 
King Charles 11, 18 
King Ethelbert, 3 

King George's War, XVIll, 41-55, 63, 90, 1 13, 

King Henry IV, 15 
King James 1, 2, 8, 9 
King Louis XIV, 24 
King Philip's War, XIV, XV, 15, 16-21 
King William's War, XVII, 24-26, 63 
Kirke, David, Sir, 24 
Kirkland, Samuel, Chaplain, 176, 183, 186, 

187, 188 
Knox, Henry, Gen., 112, 218, 220, 221 
Knyphausen, Gen., 195 
Kohle, Chaplain, 170, 203 

LaFayette, Marquis de, 196 

Langdon, Samuel, Chaplain, 41, 44, 113, 217 

Latrop,John, Rev., 87 

Laurence, Thomas, Captain, 61 

Learned, Ebenezer, Col., 108 

Lee, Andrew, Chaplain, 215 

Lee, Arthur, 169 

Lee, Charles, Gen., 182 

Lee, Francis L., 87 

Lee, Jesse, Rev., 198, 199 

Lee, Jonathan, Chaplain, 66, 225 

Lee, Richard H., 87 

Leonard, Abiel, Chaplain, 108, 117, 118, 119, 

102, 272 
Lincoln, Benjamin, Gen., 158 
Linn, William, Chaplain, 216 
Little, Chaplain, 67, 70, 225 
Livingston, Henry, Col., 125, 126 
Locke, John, 97 
London Company, 2 
Lotbiniere, Louis Eustice, XX, 181, 200 
Lovewell, Captain, 39, 40 
Lukens, Jesse, 189 
Lutheran, XIX, 85, 94, 201 
Lyman, Phinehas, Gen., 65 
Lyth, John, Chaplain, 185 

M'Allister, Mrs. Alexander, 60 
McCalla, Daniel, Chaplain, 123, 124 
MacArthur, Douglas, Gen., 80 
MacCrea, Jane, 169 
McClanahan, William, Chaplain, 41 
McClintock, Samuel, Chaplain, 113 
McClure, David, Chaplain, 93 
MacWhorter, Alexander, Chaplain, 147 
Madison, James, 82 
Magaw, Robert, Col., 144 
Manning, James, Rev., 86 
Mansfield, Isaac, Chaplain, 108 
March, John, Col., 30, 31, 34 
Marquette, Pierre, Rev., 15 
Martin, John, Rev., 58, 113, 185 
Marsh, Chaplain, 114 
Mason, John, Captain, 12, 13, 14 
Mason, John, Chaplain, 205, 215 



Mather, Cotton, Rev., 26 

Mather, Increase, Rev., 12, 13, 14 

Mayflower Compact, 9 

Maynard, Theodore, Rev., 2 

Melsheimer, Frederick, Chaplain, 202 

Mehen, Amos, 90 

Menendez, Pedro de, 2 

Mennonite, 85 

Methodists, 81, 85, 99, 198 

Miantonomoh, 13, 15 

Miles, Captain, 93 

MiHtia System, XIV, XV, XVI, XVIII, XIX 

Militia Training, XV 

Milius, Chaplain, 170 

Money, Richard, Chaplain, 170 

Montgomery's Expedition, 122, 124 

Montgomery, Richard, Gen., 123, 178 

Montresor, John, Captain, 156 

Moody, Samuel, 28, 30, 41, 43, 44, 45, 90 

Moore, Benjamin, Chaplain, 204 

Moravians, 61, 85, 173 

Morgan, Charles, Chaplain, 170 

Morgan, Daniel, Gen., 121, 122, 154 

Morrill, Isaac, Chaplain, 67, 92, 225 

Moultrie, William, Col., 127 

Muhlenberg, Henn Melchior, 85, 129, 130 

Muhlenberg, Peter Gabriel, Gen., 127, 128, 

Murray, John, Chaplain, 116, 117 

Napoleon, 205 

National Defense Act of 1920, XVII 

Navy, U.S., 89 

Nickerson, Hoffman, 186 

Nicholson, Gen., 34, 35 

Nicolas, Father, 28 

Nixon, John, Col., 164 

Nevelling, John, Chaplain, 191 

Newburgh, 206 

Nevvcomb, Silas, Col., 139 

Newport, Christopher, Captain, 4, 5 

New Windsor, 206, 207 

New York Campaign, 143 

Noble, Obadiah, Chaplain, 139, 140 

Noble, Oliver, Chaplain, 108 

Norton, John, Chaplain, 41, 48, 49, 50, 64, 66, 

Nowell, Samuel, Chaplain, 17, 19 
Noyes, Nicholas, Chaplain, 17, 19, 20 

Odell, Jonathan, Chaplain. 174, 204 

Offering, 198, 212 

Office of the Chief of Chaplains, XVII 

Ogilvie, John, Chaplain, 67, 68, 69, 225 

Ohio Companv, 217 

Olcot, Chaplain, 114 

Oliva, Chaplain, 203 

Order of the Cincinnati, 216 

Page, Nathaniel Cornet, 89 
Padilla, Juan de. Rev., 1 

Paine, Robert Trent, Chaplain, 86 

Pausch, Georg, Captain, 203 

Paris, Peace of, 79 

Payson, Phillips, Rev., 92, 197 

Pemberton, Ebenezer, Chaplain, 75 

Penniman, Joseph, Rev., 92 

Penn, Williams, 63 

Pepperell, William, Col., 44 

Pequot War. XVII, 11, 12, 13, 22, 23 

Percy, William, Rev., 127 

Phillips Andover Academy, 216 

Phips, WUIiam, Sir, XVII,' 24, 25 

Pickering, Timothy, Gen., 218 

Pigot, Robert, Gen., 112 

Pilgrims, 8, 9, 16, 21 

Pipkin, Rev., 102 

Pitcairn, Maj., 89 

Pitt, William, 55 

Pittman, John, Rev., 217 

Plumb, William, Chaplain, 170, 171, 216 

Plymouth Colony, 9, 17, 18, 21 

Plymouth Company, 2 

Poetry- by Chaplains in the Revolution, 297, 

302 ■ 
Pomerov, Benjamin, Chaplain, 67, 68, 70, 143, 

215, 225 
Pomeroy, Seth, C^n., 44, 72, 101, 111 
Popham, George, 7 
Popham Plantation, 7 
Pownall, Thomas, Gov., 67, 68 
POWs, Chaplain to, 145 

Puritans, 8, 10, 11, 14, 24, 45, 46, 84, 88, 101 
Purple Heart, 208 
Putnam, Edmund, Captain, 89 
Putnam, Rufus, Col., 217, 218 
Prayer by .\biel Leonard, 272-275 
Prayer by Capt. Elliot, 275 
Prayers bv Chaplains in the Revolution, 297- 

Prayer, at Jamestown, 268 
Prentiss, Caleb, Rev., 92 
Prentiss, Thomas, Chaplain, 216 
Presbyterians, XVIII, XIX, XX, 56, 58, 59, 62, 

68, 72, 77, 84, 86, 149, 150, 177, 195 
Prescott, Samuel, Dr., 90 
Preston, Levi, Captain, 97 
Price, Thomas, Chaplain, 204 
Price, Rev., 89 
Prince, Thomas, Gov., 15 
Princeton University, 216 

Quakers, 63, 78, 84, 86, 95 

Quebec Act, 81, 82, 83, 84, 98, 102, 103, 121 

Queen Anne's War, XVII, 27-38, 63, 90 

Randolph, Peyton, 132 

Rawson, Grindal, Chaplain, 25, 26 

Rea, Cabet, Dr., 71 

Reed, John, Chaplain, 216 

Reed, Joseph, 191 



Reformed Church, XIX 
Reformed Church, Dutch, 85 
Reformed Church, German, 84, 85, 201 
Religious Liberty, 9, 10, 46, 56, 73, 83, 84, 85, 

86, 92, 97, 103, 105, 129, 130, 131, 144, 

158, 179, 184, 190, 191, 217 
Revere, Paul, 90 
Richardson, William, Rev., XVIII, 58, 59, 60, 

Richelieu, Due de, 55 
Ripley, Hezekiah, Chaplain, 123, 124 
Robin, Claude, Chaplain, 203, 204 
Robbins, Ammi, Chaplain, 153 
Robinson, John, 57 
Rochambeau, Admiral, 204 
Rochefontaine, Major, 207 
Rogel, Juan, Rev., 2 
Rogerene, 85 

Rogers, John, Chaplain, 153 
Rogers, Robert, Major, 79 
Rogers, William, Chaplain, 157, 186, 187, 188, 

189, 190, 192, 215,217 
Roman Catholic, XIX. XX, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 

99, 102, 177, 178, 179, 191, 201 
Root, Benajah, Rev., 95, 96 
Rosbrugh, John, Chaplain, 148, 150, 151, 152, 

Rossiter, John, Chaplain, 204 
Royal Army Chaplain Department, XIV 
Ruggles, Timothy, Col., 73 
Rush, Benjamin, 73 
Rutledge,John, 132 
Rutherford, Robert, Chaplain, 41, 42 

Sabbath, 138, 139, 146, 148 

Sabine, W.H.W., 144 

Saint Augustine, 3 

Sampson, Ezra, Chaplain, 216 

Sandemanian, 85 

Sassacus, 11, 12, 17 

Sassamon, John, 16 

Saunders, Chaplain, 67, 225 

Schlatter, Michael, Chaplain, 201 

Schrecker, Chaplain, 203 

Schuyler, Philip, Gen., 178 

Seabury, Samuel, Chaplain, 82, 204 

Seeker, Thomas, Bishop, 78, 81 

Segura, Juan Baptista, Rev., 2 

Serle, Ambrose, 183 

Sermons, 36, 42, 43, 44, 53, 59, 61, 64, 68, 70, 

71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 84, 87, 89, 91, 95, 101, 

102, 103, 114, 117, 118, 122 
Sermon: Abraham in Arms, 18 
Sermons by Chaplains in the Colonial Wars, 

Sermons by Chaplains in the Revolution, 

Sermon, Allen, Thomas, 282 

Sermon, Hurt, John, 289 

Sermon, Jones, David, 277 

Sermon, Roman Catholic, 288 

Sermon, Smith, Hezekiah, 283 

Sermon, Smith, William, 269-272 

Sermon, Trout, Jacob, 279 

Seven Years' War: see French and Indian War 

Seymour, Richard, Rev., 7-8, 26 

Sharp, John, Chaplain, 28, 37 

Shay's Rebellion, 220 

Ship: Augusta, 156; Boston, 89; Confederate, 
182; Discovery, 3; Gift of God, 7 
Godspeed, 3; Greyhound, 87; Kent, 63 
Lusitania, 32; Mary and John, 7 
Mayflower, 8; Molineux, 42; Pink, 12; Six 
Friends, 25; Speedwell, 8; Susan Constant, 
3; Verd Le Grace, 50 

Shute, Daniel, Chaplain, 67, 69, 70, 225 

Shute, Samuel, LT, 189 

Siegfried, John, Col., 150 

Six Nations Expedition, 186, 190, 192 

Sloughter, Gov., XVII 

Smallwood, William, Chaplain, 161 

Solemn League and Covenant, 87 

Solomon, Haym, 85 

Song of Roland, The, XI 

Southwick, Solomon, 204 

Smith, Charles W. F., Prof., 5 

Smith, Elias, Chaplain, 215 

Smith, Hezekiah, Chaplain, 86, 108, 157, 158, 
163, 164, 170, 171, 215, 283, app. VIII 

Sinith, John, Captain, 4, 7 

Smith, Robert, Chaplain, 171, 216 

Smith, William, Chaplain, 61, 72, 269 

Sneed Family, 49, 50 

Spain, 190 

Spangenberg, Bishop, 61 

Spencer, Elihu, Chaplain, 67, 70, 147, 225 

Spinner, Chaplain, 67, 225 

Spring, Samuel, Chaplain, 123, 124, 180, 216 

Sproat, James, Chaplain, 171, 172, 173 

Stamp Act, 97 

Stark, John, Gen., 162 

St. Clair, Arthur, Gen., 220, 221 

Steel, John, Chaplain, 64 

Steuben, von. Baron, 218 

Stevens, Corporal, 70 

Stiles, Ezra, Rev., 1 14 

Stillman, Samuel, Rev., 86 

Stinchcombe, William C, 179 

Stone, Samuel, Chaplain, 10, 12, 14 

Streit, Christian, Chaplain, 129 

Strong, Nathan, Chaplain, 143 

Subercase, Danile Auger de, 34, 35 

Suffolk, Lord, 168 

Sullivan, John, Gen., 186, 187, 190 

Swain, Joseph, Chaplain, 66, 216, 225 

Synod of Westminister, XI 1 



Taylor, Benjamin, 115 

Taylor, John, 3 

Taylor, John, Rev., 47 

Tea Party — Boston; Greenwich, N.J., 87 

Tea Tax, 97 

Temple, 206, 207, 208 

Tennant, Gilbert, Rev., 196 

Tennent, William, Chaplain, 147 

Tetard, John, Chaplain, 176, 216 

Thacher, James, Dr., 200 

Thanksgiving Day, 124, 125, 147, 148, 171, 

175, 177,208,215 
Thaxter, Joseph, Chaplain, 92, 112, 113, 158, 

Theobald, Chaplain, 170 
Thomas, George, Gov., 63 
Thompson, Amos, Chaplain, 149 
Thompson, Charles, Chaplain, 157 
Thompson, Robert, Chaplain, 142 
Townsend, Lord, 80 
Treadvvell, Rev., 92 
Treaty: Aix-la-Chapelle, 55 
Treaty: Saint Germain-en-Laye, 24 
Treaty of Utrecht, 37, 38 
Trout, Joab, Chaplain, 155, app. VIII 
Trumbull, Benjamin, Chaplain, 123, 124, 125, 

153, 154, 181 
Trumbull, John, 169 
Trumbull, Jonathan, 113 
Tupper, Col., 207 
Turpin, Archbishop of Rheims, XI 

Uncas, 12 

Underbill, John, Captain, 12 

Uniform, American Army, 179, 180 

Uniform, Chaplains, 180 

Unitarian, XIX 

U.S. Military Academy, 218 

U.S. Naval Academy, 216 

Universalism, XIX, 116 

University of Georgia, 216 

University of Pennsylvania, 216 

Valiniere, de la. Rev., 126 

Valley Forge, 101, 156, 175, 182, 185, 289 

Varnum,J. N., Col., 117 

Velasco, Luis de, 2 

Virginia Company, XV, 8 

Vision oj Columbus, The, 205, 217 

Voegel, Chaplain, 170 

Volunteer Forces, XV, XVII, XVIII, XIX, 12, 

Vroom. Rev., 69 

Wade, John, Chaplain, 25 

Waldeck, Philipp, Chaplain, 202, 203, 210 

Waller, John, Rev., 85 

Walley, Major, 26 

Walton, William, 180 

War of Austrian Succession: see King George's 

War of Spanish Succession: see Queen Anne's 

Washington, George, 56, 57, 58, 103, 104, 106, 
107, 108, 109, 110, 113, 114, 117, 118, 
121, 128, 150, 155, 158, 159, 160, 161, 
171, 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 182, 188, 
191, 194, 195, 196, 200, 218 

VV'att's Psalms and Hymns, 125, 196 

Wayne, .'Xnthonv, Gen., 173 

Weeden, WUliam B., 169 

VV'elles, Noah, Chaplain, 145 

Wells, Bayze, SGT, 123, 124 

Weslev, John, Rev., 85 

West Point, 194, 206, 219, 220 

West, Samuel, Chaplain, 195, 216 

White, John, Chaplain, 28, 38, 39 

White, William, Rev., 174 

Whiteheld, C^orge, Rev., 62, 122 

William, Israel, Col., 71 

Williams, Elisha, Chaplain, 41, 43 

Williams, Ephraim, Col., 71 

VV'illiam, Eunice, 30 

Williams, John, Chaplain, 28, 29, 30, 31 

Williams, Joseph, Col., 67, Stephen, Chaplain, 29, 41, 43 

Williams, William, Col., 43 

Willard, Rev., 18 

Wilson, John, Chaplain, XVII, 14 

Wingfield, Edward Maria, 3 

Winthrop, John, Gov., II 

Wise, John, Chaplain, 17, 25, 26, 38 

Witherspoon, John, Rev., 84 

Wood, Samuel, Chaplain, 144, 145 

Woodbridge, .'\shbell. Chaplain, 69, 74 

Woodbridge, Samuel, Rev., 34. 35 

Woodbridge, Timothy, Chaplain, 67, 225 

Wolfe, James, Gen., 74 

Wrangel, \on, Carl Magnus, Rev., 129 

Yale Universitv, 216 



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