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UNITED  STATES  TELEGIlAPlI-~7^.r^r^/. 

This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  lilcctioii,  and  l)e  published  weeUlv 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  Ont  DotUir, 

BY  GREEN  fy  J^RJ'IS. 


VOL.   I. 


WASHINGTON,  MARCH  1,  1S28. 


No.  I 


(From  the  Kentucky  Argus.] 
y«  THE  PEOPLE  OF  KENTUVRY. 

Fba-ikpodt,  Pebriuiry  IG^  183S. 

Ediow  Citi.:ens  .■ 

An  address  of  Henry  Clay  to  the  public  has 
been  lately  disseminated,  in  which  he  endea- 
vors to  prove  tliat  no  proposition  was  made  by 
hini  or  his  iVicnds  to  i;encial  Jackson,  previous 
To  the  late  Presidential  election,  and  that  there 
u-as  no  UTidcrstandiuaf  betft'een  Uitu  and  Ktr. 
Adimi.  ,  •;    . 

Almost  every  member  of  the.  Leglilature  rs- 
ceived  a  copy  of  this  pvod^ct'iOit  frankfdif/  Mr. 
Clay  himself.  As  soon  as  they  had  time  toV'Uid 
it,  Mr.  IJeatly  of  the  Senate,  offered,  in  Coin- 
rnittceof  the  Whole,  a  number  of  resolutions  as 
a  si'bstitutc  for  others  reported  by  the  Commit- 
tT"j  on  Internal  Improvements,  and  then  under 
consideration,'  which  embraced  not  only  the 
subject  of  the  orijjiual  resolutions,  but  also  aa 
eidog;y  on  the  present  administration  and  a  cen- 
sure upon  its  opponents.  These  resolutions,  it 
Was  well  understood,  were  drawn  by  Mr.  Den. 
Hardin.      The  fifth  reads  as  follows  : 

*'  This  I.eg'islature  view8,«  ith  deep  conceno, 
and  feehngs  ot  just  indignation,  the  efforts  that 
are  now  makinjj  throujyliout  the  United  States, 
to  blast  the  reputation  of  the  distiii,?uished  mem- 
bers of  Congress  from  tliis  State,  wlio  voted  for 
.lohn  Q..  Adams  to  be  Presidint  of  the  United 
titates.  They  have  no  hesitation  in  s:iyintf,  that 
it  is  their  coniirmed  opinion,  from  great  deliber- 
ation and  a  full  examination  of  all  the  facts  and 
evidence  adduced,  that  the  charj^es  of  bargain, 
sale  and  corruijtion  in  the  election  of  John  Q. 
Adams,  are  utterly  false  and  malicious;  that  they 
are  brought  forward  and  endeavored  to  be  sus- 
tained for  party  purposes,  and  to  elevate  Gen 
.lackson  to  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States." 

Tlie  friends  of  Gen.  Jackson  objected  to  this 
resolution,  because  it  embraced  subjects  not 
within  the  scope  of  the  legitimate  powers  of 
the  Legislature.  The  Legislatiu-e  rejiresents 
the  people,  and,  under  certain  restrictions,  is 
tlie  sovereign  power  of  the  State.  When  Ken- 
tucky speaks  as  a  jj,overnmcut,  she  speaks 
througii  lier  Legislature.  Ail  the  acts  of  that 
body  which  come  within  the  scope  of  its  legiti- 
inate  power.s,  bmd  the  people,  tf  the  Senate 
or  House  of  Kepresentative.s  attempt  an  act 
which  docs  not  bind  their  cor.stiluents,  that  :'Ct 
is  not  within  the  Innit  iji  their  powers,  and  is 
either  wholly  nugatory  or  an  usurpation.  Test 
this  resolution  by  that  principle.  I>oestheo))i- 
nion  of  the  Legislature  as  to  the  motives  if 
those  members  ot  Congress  who  voted  for  Jolm 
Quincy  Adams,  bind  the  people'.  Or,  when 
the  Legislature  declare  that  the  friends  of  Gen- 
CTal  .i.ackson  are  slanderci-s,  .actuated  by  parly 
jnirposes,  arc  the  people  hound  by  the  derlara- 
tion*  Have  they  delegated  tiieir  right  to  lliiuk 
anil   form  opinions  nlM'ive  to  pii!,l;e  ir  p^ii  ;i'e 


men,  to  their  Senators  and  Ite])resentative9  of 
the  General  Assembly'  Are  they  bound  to 
take  tlie  opinions  oftlie.se  surbordinate  servants 
as  conf'liisive  of  the  character  aud  acts  of  the 
general  ailministration,  and  vote  for  him  as  Pre- 
sident or  ni'^mber  of  Congresi  whom  they  may 
designate  in  their  nesohitions'  Such  assertiooB 
would  be  repelled  with  indi°;nation  by  every 
freeman  of  Kentucky. 

If,  therefore,  tiie  .Senate  as.sumedto  speak  ii^ 
the  name  of  the  {people,  they  were  gudly  of 
g,TOS3  usiirpatioii.  The  people  h^ve  uol  yet  giv- 
oo  up. their  right  to  think  for  J^Cjmwlves,  and 
rcBoIve  in  their  rjjrn  mindi^,  iipui\  the  character 
and  prete'sion  of  men  in  (iffice,  ftiid  candid,itc!< 
for  promotion,  wilhoutreceivlng  the  mandate  of 
(he  honorable  Senate  or  Genei'al  Assembly  in 
the  town  ofl'ranktort.  Biit  iftHe  Senator  who 
inirodui'ed  this  resolution  and  those  who  voted 
for  it,  were  acting  for  themselves,  they  mistook 
the  time  and  place,  as  well  as  the  proper  slylr 
of  their  acts.  They  were  sii  ting  in  a  house  ]>ro- 
vided  by  the  people,  were  paid  with  the  peo- 
ple's money, and  assumed  to  resolve  in  the  naiue 
of  the  General  Assembly  of  tlicCommonwealtU 
of  Kentucky.  Had  they  been  honest,  would 
they  not  have  first  adjourneil,  found  their  own 
ho'ise,  lived  on  their  oivn  money,  met  in  open 
and  avowed  Caucus,  and  resolved  In  the  name 
of  "this  A-ssemhly'"  The  people  might  then 
httve  laughed  them  to  scorn;  but  tluy  could  not 
have  complained,  as  tliey  do  uow",  that  these 
men  used  their  house,  wasted  their  time,  iinA 
squandered  their  money,  in  discussing,  for  days 
and  weeks,  resolutions,  which,  if  ushered  forth, 
in  the  name  of  the  people,  are  a  gross  usurpa- 
tion, as  ridiculous  as  it  is  extravagant. 

These  resolutions  are  not  in  principle  like 
those  of  1824,  requesting  our  members  in  Con- 
gress to  vote  for  General  Jackson.  A  sove- 
reign act  was  then  about  to  be  pei-formed;  the 
vote  of  this  gre;»t  State  was  about  to  be  given 
for  President.  The  Legislature,  the  only  re- 
presentative of  that  sovereignty,  requested  the 
^votc  to  be  given  for  General  Jackson,  assuring 
the  instruments  who  w'''re  to  speak  Kentucky's 
voice,  that  such  was  the  v,ill  of  the  people. 
That  ought  to  have  been  received  as  a  mandatCj 
and  implicitly  obeyed.  I>ut  it  was  disregiu'ded; 
and  r.ow  what  do  we  see.'  Tlie  same  men,  one 
of  whom  said  after  the  election  that  we  were 
sold  as  a  \'irginian  transfers  iiis  ])lantation  and 
negroes,  bow  in  luimble  submission  to  their  nesV^ 
master,  turn  round  and  tell  the  people  aU'n  well, 
and  endeavor  even  to  usurp  their  power  of 
thought! 

Tlic  friends  of  the  right  of  instruction  and 
of  Jackson,  wannly  protested  against  the  right 
of  the  Senate  to  give  opinions  for  the  people; 
but  finding  the  majority  determined  to  march 
forward,  they  insisted,  that  an  opinion  ought  not 
to  be  ex|>ressed  witliou;  the  adoption  of  eiiicient 
means  to  test  its  correctness.  'I'he  resolution 
spoke  of  "  a  full  examination  of  ;ill  the  facts 
niid  evideiic' a(V!ur,>;l,"   amlifi.h  \  vrnn'Id  ^r- 


■on,  it  v«is  t'xcirUuT)-  lu  grycur.eaiKi  cxasiiiieill 
the  evidence  wiOyii  tlieip  reacli.  On  tlie  next 
morninff,  General  Jillen  accordingly  offered  the 
tbllowing  resolution: 

"Whcrea'",  in  n  resolution  now  before  the 
Committee  nf  tin-  Wliolc  FIoiiKt  to  wliicli  \vs3 
refcrrcJ  the  report  aJid  resolutions  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Internal  Improvemrnis,  the  following 
subjects  are  bvonj;lit  nefoi-c  V'.\r:  conrntte.',  up- 
on -.vhich  they  arc  i-qnired  to  decde,  to  \rit: 
'This  I.tjfislainre  viev.  \riih  dcg  concern  and 
feeling  of  just  indijfnalion,  the  efforts  whxli 
"are  now  making  (lirmgliont  the  United  States, 
to  blxst  the  lepnU'.ion  of  the  distlngiiinhcd 
members  of  Coiijji-ewifi'om  t"ii"  Stale  who  voted 
for  John  Q.  Adams  to  be  President  of  the 
•  United  States,  niey  have  no  hesitation  ia 
saying:,  that  it  is  tlieir  coiifmne*!  opinion,  from 
jjreat  diliberatitm  and  a  fiill  exafliinntii'n  i^fail 
the  facts  9ii-Je7fdcnoe  adtiucc'!,  thiitlhectiarges 
of  bargiaifr,  s«!e,  autrcorruptioit,  m  the  election 
of  Jolii^  (i.  Adains,  arc  uttcriy  false  and  ma'i- 
rious:  that  they  arc  hruiii^ht  fiinvard  and  en- 
deavored to  j)e  sustained  for  piirty  purposes, 
and  to  ele\*ute  (itn.  Jackson  to  the  ottice  of 
rrcsidcnl  of  the  United  States."  Therefore, 
to  enable  the  Coniniittee  to  examine  into  and  in- 
'♦(■estigate  the  transactions  embwced  in  the  fore- 
going rcsoliiticn,  lirxohed.  That  said  Connnjt- 
tee  be  authorized  and  iiistrticte<l  to  send  for 
persons  anS  paper?- " 

The  A'-iams  men  affected  to  consider  this 
proposi'ion  as  a  mtie  jok'-,  and  la:J  it  on  the 
■table.  rhouji;h  their  rt-solution,  in  its  very 
terms,  spoke  of  the  exaniination  tif  evidence 
aikhiccd,  notiiing  was  further  from  their 
tlioujjhts  than  to  ad  In cc*  any  evidence  at  all. 
But  iiothinjif  tt-as  more  plaiu,  than  tliat  if  tfiey 
had  a  r'ljlit  to  pass  tiitir  r^.olutioti,  ihey  h-id  a 
riijiil  tt)  brin;^  befoi'o  them  all  the  evidence 
which  might  conduce  to  a  correct  opinion. 
•It  became  ciiri-eni  that  they  imended  to  aot 
w'ilhout  erideiH-i,  bt  cause  tliey  dared  not  in- 
troduce it,  and  they  be&ime  alarmed.  Not 
knowinp  what  to  ilo,  ilreading-  to  go  forward 
and  afraid  to  fjo  back,  finally,  Mr.  lieattypie- 
sented  his  reMilution  in  the  Senate;  .Mr  l.ock- 
ctf,  one  of  their  oaii  partj,  c.illed  up  Ciencral 
Allen's,  which  tiny  so  anunded  as  to  bring  the 
evidence  bcfme  tlie  bar  of  die  Senate,  and  ge- 
nerally voted  for  it.s  adoption.  The  time  allow- 
ed to  pixicurc  \ritnes-ies  from  all  parts  of  the 
Sta'a,  was  but  Si.x  da^•^. 

The  day  set  for  (lie  inquiry  arrived,  and 
"scareoly  a  Ukui  tif  tlicse  v/lio  had  been  sumnion- 
od  out  of  Frankfort,  uwde  his  Appearanci'.  The 
triends  of  Geniral  Jacfcsnn,  still  unx'ouii  to  get 
rid  of  the  wnole  siihjec!,  the  resolution  of  Mr. 
ijeatty  as  well  as 'he  rimniiiKitioji  of  witiit-ssiii, 
•proposed  to  postpone  Ihe.wLole  nutter  to  a  day 
l)(  yond  tlie  session.  Tije  .^d.mis  men,  rcl\  ing, 
■we  presume,  upon  the  absence  of  witnesses, 
appeared  now  lo  h.ive  become  bold,  and  deter- 
mined logo  immediately  into  the  inquiry.  But 
they  never  coiiieui;)lated  any  thing  like  a  full 
»nl  coiTipUte  iuvestig-.itiou.  They  had  gone. 
ihto  it  because  they  d;ircd  not  ^tfu^e,  and  rely- 
ing <  II  tlv.ir  ni,iiont>,  tUey  intended  to  e:cclud<! 
whatever  the)  thought  it  d,ingerous  to  :idmit,iind 
under  some  p.etext,  p-jt  a  stop  to  it,  if  its  pro- 
gitss  w  ■J  J  likely  to  prove  fatal  to  theirparty  vews. 
Yttu  u-ill  .see  full  evidence  ot  ill  this  in  the  iiici- 
'   ".•.-  whi.-!i  occurfjj  ifjrinj»  Ihs  iuveslj^tiOn. 


Xlic  txaiuinajiaij  «f  wilawses  cuiuiueii^eo', 
and  the  friends  of  truth  and  the  people  will 
find  nuich  ca'isc  to  rejoice  that  the  viokit'on  of 
principle  and  right  in  the  Senate,  ha.s  leJ  to 
distlosures  which  lia^a  covered  (he  perpetrr- 
toiN  w:lh  confusion,  and  will  hasten  the  downfal 
of  the  reign  ot  iiitrijfne  and  cornipt'on. 

In  relation  to  Mr  Francis  Johnson,  it  wa^ 
jrov^'d,  that  before  the  Preaidentisti  election  he 
Ifad  spoken  agy.inst  .\Ir.  Adams;  tliat  after  Mr. 
Cliv 'v:is  e.tclud«l  from  the  floose  l-i  receiv- 
ed a  parcel  of  le'lers  from  hon;e,  ;rhich  in* 
st-ucted  him  to  "stick  to  Old  Hickory — give 
usu  western  President  whatever  yon  do;"  tirat 
nirt'.r  "Oting  for  Mr.  .\d«ms  in  dcfi.incc  of  &\ 
this,  a.s  well  as  the  instructions  of  the  Legisla- 
ture, he  came  home  and  ga'/eas  his  reason,  that 
it  was  "lugel  Mr.  Chi/  viadc-  Seeretarf/  o/'.Vo/P." 
See  the  evidence  of  Mr*  Hitt  and  James  M'Mil- 
lan,  F.sq. 

In  relation  to  Genefal  Metcalfe,  it  was  prov- 
ed, that  'iariy  in  Junuary,  18*35,  i.i  speaking  oV 
the  election  and  iU--  li',-nt'jcky  delegation,  hi; 
said,  •'  /  knoui  tiitlt^  utori,  iha.t  when  J  came  hcr^ 
— VK&liinil  uneuiuiniltcd — wn  ntiut  Ifnoat  smur^ 
thirty  uhi/iii  hi,w  tkc  cnb^/tH  is  io  btJitUd.*^  Af- 
tifr  the  election,  when  told  by  Col.  Johnson) 
that  voting  for  Mr.  Adaras  would  be  an  up-hill 
business  in  Kentucky,  he  replied,  "  /  fear  icc 
iui'C  iSonr  tiio  MurJtfor  our  fritnd  "  To  remove 
all  doubt  who  this  friend  was,  iie  stated  after 
his  '•eturii  honie,  that  "  we  couUi  not  pmsill^j 
gti  M'.  (lay  in  t/tC  cabmet,  wil/ioul  inting  for 
cmdekain^  Mr.  jidaiis,"  See  the  evidence  of 
Mr.  Hitt,  j.T.  Johnson,  Esq.  and  the  state- 
ment of  Mr.  John  Dt^-ha. 

In  relation  to  Mr  I>avid  Trimble,  it  is  proved", 
that  in  Ib'ii,  he  ahiisot  John  Q.  Adams  as  a 
tvone  pid:tic'(i»  than  hii,  father,  an  tipmlule  ftdt. 
ratiif,  an  eitcnti/  (fine  went,  whii  offered  a!  Ghinl 
to  barter  atvn'/  tlie  nitois'Jtioii  ,f  ike  Af^imi.'tgtppi 
tn  tbe  DrUiali  for  a  tM.\3  fif  cintjiili,  -iMA.  said  "// 
he  ewf  vnted  fur  him  he  tviruld  agree  io  be  called  n 
frdfralint  us /<irg  m  be  heed."  Vet  in  the  face 
of  his  •)wn  declareil  opinions,  as  well  as  the 
will  of  the  people  and  the  req^iest  of  the  Le- 
gislature, did  he  vote  for  this  man,  whom  he 
had  so  violently  denounced.  What  wjs  his 
upnlogv  '  He  gave  it  himself — "WE  DIS- 
TINCTLY ASCEHTAINED,  that  Mr.  Adams 
would  matte.  Mr.  Clay  Hecrctary  of  State,  and 
thjit  ill  all  probabiHti/  General  Jackson  would 
rent."  ■  See  the  evi<li  nci'?  of  Mr.  John  Masain 
jr.  the  statements  of  .M.  Han-ison.&sq.aiid  eleven 
citi»<iis  of  Kkming  count; ,  tha  letter  of 
Jesse  Hummers,  Ksq.  andthe  affidavit  of  MeSSrj. 
Qciiry  Italbert  and  Jesse  Hainrick. 

1.1  it  possible  that  u  bai'gsin  cotild  be  more 
clearly  proved,  without  the  production  of  a  wri- 
ting sijrned  and  seilod  by  ti.o  cjntracting  par- 
ties' liLie  was  an  act  done  by  one  party  in  ecu- 
ibtlerutioa  of  a.i  act  to  he  done  by  another.  A 
part  (itthe  Kentucky  delegation  a70we<lly  stood 
unconmiitted  for  the  pi:rpi>se  of  anfr'taining 
bitu)  the  caiinet  wu.^  io  be  filled;  tliey  did  ascer- 
tain that  Mr.  Ad.-ims  eould  make  Mr  Clay  Scc- 
rctiuy  of  State;  I/kJ  was  the  coiiaideralioii  giveh 
for  their  vote.';,  .and  they  came  homo  and  said  so. 
Mr.  Adams  did  jMif  tlm  eoiiaideratinu  by  n^akiiig 
Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State,  and  the  contract  u-as 
thus  fiilfilled  by  both  of  the  high  contract! r- 
parliea!  We  are- sure  that  no  hotiist  jtiry  wotil  ■ 
rfftjiiire  Stroir^r  evidence  to  prmfc  a  fto/r'in-.' 


lilt;  t'rituJs  fci  t.eati-;jl  Xi^kifea  sfferi'd  to 
prove  before  the  Senate,  the  confessions  of  D. 
White,  Ksq.  one  of  the  metnt  19  of  Congress 
implicated  in  voting  for  Mr.  A  Jams.  It  would 
have  been  an  insult  to  iir.  V.'hite,  as  well  as  a 
violation  of  the  constitution,  to  introduce  bim 
to  pur^e  him'Jelf  on  oath,  or  to  te:-t;fv  sgainsf 
himself;  yet  rhd  ihc  A.lams  m;ijority,  anJer  pre- 
tence thit  Mr.  White  shotilc'i  be  himself  made  a 
witness,  vot<;  to  exclude  all  evidence  of  hscon- 
fission;,  whetiier  niajc  bct'oL-e  .jr  since  t'le 
PresiJential  election!  This  step  v.as  ivithout 
right  .".r  precedciiti  il  was  an  act  of  rirbitrary 
jjoir'T  for  the  p-i.pose  of  s!nittl:;p  o.it  anirrkonit 
Iml'^i.  UxA  Mr.  VViiito'i  conCe -.sions  been  ad- 
mitti-d,  we  ar<-  aatliorized  tt,-  say,  it  would  liave 
been  proved,  tliat  while  at  Washington,  and 
ever  since  his  return,  he  h;ui  i;n-foraiiy  said  tluat 
he-  v^i.'xl  foi-  Mr.  Cl/y,  ai  A  not  lor  Mr.  Adu.iis, 
that  Ml.  .\da.iTis  would  never  have  been  Presi- 
dent, liad  not  Mr.  Clay  been  Secretary  of  State; 
tilat  aUh  jujh  lie  knew  of  iio  direct  and  positive 
bar=pa:n,  a  ^rt  of  ti:e  Kentucky  d^-legrvtion  held 
a  tanc.is,  in  wh.ch,  after  c.onsuitins'  Mr.  Ciay 
hiinscif,  they  deta-mlned  to  iujiport  .V!r.  Adams, 
bein?  perfectly  satisfied  that  he  would  make 
Ml-.  ';lay  SecretaiT  of  State;  and  ihat  thi---,  and 
liotiiin^  else,  was  his  motive  in  lotiiig  for  >fr. 
Adams.  It  was  'iirse  damnir.g  facts,  which  the 
niajori'v  did  not  wish  to  hc.-ir,  and  therefore  ex- 
cluded all  evidence  of  Mr.  V.'nke's  declarations! 
T!iis  inqu  ry,  c.naectcd  with  facts  already 
before  t!ie  ijublic,  has  placed  Mr.  Clay  in  a 
most  awkward  attitude.  He  ha.5  publicly  de- 
nied, that  there  W;!S  evei  any  serious  di.ler- 
ent-  between  hiin  and  M.-.  Adams  relative  to 
the  r.,:vctiaticns  at  Ghtiit,  arid  his  friend,  .Mr. 
Wicl-.hfiV,  ve:itured  to  assert  the  sair..;  tn'ng 
i;l  llie  most  positive  ttnns  on  the  floor  of  the 
>ena1e, 

.V  series  of  letters  was  written  and  publish- 
ed in  the  Ar<jus  in  182.2  and  ia'25,  reviewing' 
Mr.  Adams'  Book  .m  the  Ghent  negotiation,  in 
which  he  was  charg-ed  with  violating  in»tr.ic- 
tions,  with  deadly  hostility  to  the  Western 
country,  with  injustice'  to  Vlr.  Clr.;  ,  w'tli  at- 
tempting to  sell  the  blood  ot"  the  West  for  the 
ptivi'etje  of  fishing- in  Brirish  waters,  with  dis- 
in.5en'.iov.jness,  falsehood,  and  ignorance!  It 
was  pi-oved,  that  after  the  publication  of  these 
letters,  Mr.  Clay  protnolrd  their  republication 
in  pamphlet  form,  and  acttially  paid  JlOO  of  his 
own  money  for  that  p-irpose!  See  the  ev'dence 
of  ilcssrs.  Tanner  and  Kendall.  Capt.  Uareiss 
asserted  in  debate,  and  dt-clsred  the  proof  was 
at  hand,  that  Jlr.  Clay  liad  himself  received  in 
juarmscvlpt  and«ent  to  Ohio  for  pui»licfltion,  ar- 
ticles containing-  the  ssme  aei-ious  charts 
ajraiust  Mr.  /  dams,  and  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay 
neither  denied  it  nor  called  f'rr 'he  -proof,  if 
the  charges  i;mde  ?t;-ainBt  Mr.  Adams  were  uu- 
tiuF,  Mr.  Clay  staniU  convicte<l  as  his  sluiir/errr 
■.i.\v\ HbeUar ;  if  tiiey  were  true,  t!ieu  he  has  al!ie<l 
himself  with  a  man  whom  he  krirw  to  be  capa- 
ble o*' «;'i/i.i^ //<£  WimJ  0/ //-c  Wett.  la  cither 
•alternative,  what  mutt  t'le  world  think  of  Mr. 
Clay' 

The  attitude  in   which   Mr.    Cl.iy  has  placet! 

himself  and  his  friends,   was  fully  exposed  in 

the  Seii.itc.      .Mr.  Pope  o#'ereJ  an  amendment 

^|.to   thj    white-washiTiK    re.<;olution,    declarinij 

/.'all    these     chargi^s    a;,'-ainst   .».!r.    Adams    pnl;- 

■  1 -'.;-J   i:i.lB2-J-i',   to  b-j  ■  utter!-- I'ai- .-.'      I  !.-• 


frjc'nds  of  Mt  Ci»y  were  piacei*  in  a  sad  diieu,. 
ma.  If  they  voted  for  this  amendment,  with 
the  evidence  before  them  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
himself  circulated  these  charges^  and  paid  for 
their  circulition,  they  would  vote  tli,at  be  was 
s  shandi'i-er  and  a  libeller  ;  if  they  voted  .against 
it ,  they  would  vote  that  Adams  -a-is  an  eneniy 
of  the  West,  ready  to  sell  its  blood  !  In  this 
pr^dicayent,  they  divitled  ;  some  voted  th,a* 
C.  -.y  was  a  libeller,  and  others  that  Adams  was 
d  knave  ;  but  the  amendment  was  rejected  by 
the  castinj^  vote  of  the  Lt.  Governoi'.  This 
sliows  that  '.he  party  CMC  notJiin_!^ for  Ml'  Adams; 
they  will  vote  him  a  knave  wl'.en  he  staiulsalo.ie,- 
but  an  honest  man,  when'  connected  with  Mr. 
Clay  !  IJis  makhigf  Mr.  play  Sea'ctary  of 
State,  is  the  conridi^allon  of  their  support,  as  it 
w  as  of  tiie  votes  of  Br.  Clay  and  his  friends  hi 
Coiigret.i. 

Notvvithftandi.-ig  the  tremendous  ch'Arges 
wiiich  Mr.  ChkV  had  circulated  agaiust  Mr.  Ail- 
ams,  he  muleavoi-s  to  prove  that  h-j  liad  matle  up 
his  mind  to  vote  for  hiinasc-<uly  asthe  fall  of 
ly24,and  never  wavered  in  hisdetermination.  It 
is  prnvetl  by  the  statement  of  .Maj.  Carneal,  that 
at  the  very  time  it.  CUiy  was  saying  to  i.  .1. 
Crittenden  and  others,  that  he  should  vote  fur 
Mr.  Adanv-i,  he  told  liim  that  he  was  trhnVy 
•tn'omiiiillcJ.  To  Major  Carnea',  to  another 
disting  lishtd  member  of  the  Lc-s^slature,  and 
to  0.  A.  Wickhffe,  Esfl-  he  did,  about  the  .'-■imi: 
lime,  convey  tie  impression,  that  there  was  no 
obstacle  to  his  voting  fi.;-  General  .lackson,  and 
that  he  had  not  made  up  his  mind  !  To  Majo-,- 
T-  P.  Moore  he  used  the  same  languagtj  aflcr 
his  arrival  at  Washington  Cltj'.  ^ 

Whjt  shall  we  think  of  this  >  Had  he  iir>t 
matle  up  h!s  mind  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adaais  ; 
Tlien  he  stated  falsehoods  to  Jlr.  Ci-ittenden. 
and  others.  Had  he  made  up  his  mind,  as  he 
now  asserts:  Then  he  was  playing  the  hypo- 
crite with  the  fi-iends  of  Gen.  Jacison  in  our 
Legislature,  and  a  portion  of  our  members  of 
Congress.  W'nich  position  will  he  take  .'  ll'e 
cannot  escape  from  both. 

It  is  easier  to  perceive  Mr.  Clay 's  motives 
than  to  vin.dicale  his  cause.  While  he  was  telling- 
one  set  of  individuals  that  he  shoidd  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams,  he  was  assiu-ingthe  friends  (if  Gei;. 
Jackson  in  the  Legislature  that  he  was  unctjui- 
mitted  and  felt  no  repugnance  to  voting  fo'- 
tiieir  favorite,  with  the  object  of  preventing  Ihr^ 
pw^!);!:  of  tesoluii  one  of  instruction,  keeping  Ijim- 
selffree  to  make  the  it'6.'  biirgain  ke  could  ana  a,- 
cnpe  from  future  emharrassnient.  M'ith  thesam; 
view,  he  Xirged  ihe  members  of  Congress  to  re  • 
mt'.in  uncommitted,  and  conve)  ed  the  impres- 
sion that  he  stood  in  that  attitude  hi'iiisclf.  Uli 
langut-.ge  wa3,rfo  rto/  inbiruci  mc;land ntyfri'nd<- 
in  (rmgress  remain  unaimmiitej;  [ hope ymt  liav''. 
confidence  iiX^eue  Ih-iit  Iv]'.ll do  my  duty;  there  ■•$' 
no  olistnck  to  my  roting  fi,r  Gen.  Jackson.  Noh-. 
why  ail  this  fear  of  instructions  and  committals' 
!Mr.  Clay  told  Maj.  Cai-rica!,  "1  stand uncomniit- 
/(:/;"  he  advised  Mcssi-s.  Wickhlfe  .am!  Moore 
to  remain  ttncommi'Wtt/,-  Gen.  Metcalfe  told  Mr. 
Uitt,  "wc  stand uncommitttJ."  Now,  what  was 
the  object  of  all  this.'  General  Metcalfe  has  told 
us — "wc  must  know  .wnxthing  uhout  liow  the 
ciihincJ  is  to  be  filled.  '  The  object  of  Mr.  Clay 
and  his  friends  is  here  distinctly  avowed.  \V£i;, 
did  they  find  out  huwllie  cabind  ici^  to  befilitv,-' ' 
I     •■   ^'  -.   ■!"  '..-:'  '  ■     ::,  ■    —..••Wi.  I'lSi  I.>  LT'-i    >-   ' 


H tuTi  i>ED  llittf  Mr.  iW-ujw  wjuld  inal-e  Mr.  Clay 
i^eerctari/  ofStute."  AVe  tlius  have,  in  the  con- 
fessions of  Mr.  Clay'i  own  friends,  a  full  cxpla- 
liation  of  his  movements;  he  wishcil  to  avoid  in- 
struclions  and  jjrcvent  committals  until  Ueconld 
"know  how  the  cabinet  u-as  lo  be  filled-"  but  as 
soon  as  it  was  "distinclly  ai^ccrlaiiied"  that  Mr. 
Adams  would  make  him  Secretary  of  State,  and 
wangementswere  made  to  transfer  to  him  the 
Votes  of  the  west  for  that  consideration,  th^M, 
and  not  till  then,  did  Mr.  Clay  come  out  openly 
or  Mr.  Adams. 

Whether  Mr.  Clay  made  up  liis  mind  to  vote 
«r  Mr.  Adams  as  early  as  tlie  fall  of  lb2-i  or  not, 
s  wholly  immaterial.  If  he  had,  he  Wus  re- 
solved not  to  let  Mr.  Adams  know  it,  until  he 
"  knew  something' about  h^w  the  cabinet  was 
fo  be  filled."  In  plain  lane^uag'e, /i- (tic*  aV'er- 
nuTitd  to  get  the  best  price  he  coul.l;  and  for  his 
vote  and  injluence  lie  dld^el  the  oj/ice nf  S( aet,iri/ 
of  Hiate.  His  declarations  to  Maj.  Carneal  and 
others,  and  his  letter  to  General  Jackson  in  tiie 
fall  of  1&24,  induce  the  belief,  that  lie  woul  i 
just  as  soon  have  voted  for  General  Jackson, 
could  he  have  ftcured  hif  price. 

It  is  proved  by  t!ie  evidence  of  Sir.  Kcnilall 
and  the   statement  of  J.    Dudley,  Ksq    lliat  in 
januarv  1825,  several  v.eeks  before  the  Presi- 
dential election,     K.  P.  Rlair,  Esq.  ah  intimate 
•and  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  told  tlieni 
that   Mr.   Clay  would  be  Secretary  of  State,  if 
.Jtr.  Adams  was  made  President,  and  rtqncsted 
t^em  to  write  to  the   representative  from  t'lis 
district  to  vote  for  Mr.   Adams,  for  tlie  purpose 
!jf  securing  that  oifice  to  Mr.  Clay       lie  predi- 
cated his  assurance  to  Mr.  Dudley  upon  letters 
fyqiti  Wasliiui;t-.n_City.  During^  the  late  inquiry, 
-J!r.  "Blair  was  called   before  the  Senate  for  the 
■'mirpose  of  pvovin:;'  from  whom  he  got  this  in- 
formation.    He  refused  to  be   swoit.,  on  the 
.ground,  amonj-  other  thing-s,  that  he  received  it 
ii  "private  tornuuMiications  and  a  confidenlial 
coirespondence"  vihich  the  Senate  bad  no  ri^'Ut 
'to  extort  from  liim.     It  was  believed,   that  the 
correspondence  alluded  to,   was  witli  Mr.  CIviy 
himself,  and  now  the  Senate  seemed  to  be  ap- 
proaching to  direct  and  po.sitive  proof,     'I'liis 
the  Adams  men  were  as  little  desiroLis  tdssee  as 
they  were  to  iicarlhe  confessions  of  Mr.  'Wliiie. 
'I.liey  immediately  took  the  gro.md,  tl>at  tiiey 
M  ould  force  uwbndy  to  swear,  declaring-  in  posi- 
tive  tene-;,  that  tiiey  w:i7;ted  to  hear  r.one  iuit 
willing  witnesses.     Thu?;,  after  goinj;-  into  tlie 
iuquiry  becaiise  tbty  dared  not  refuse  it,   ao 
alarmed  were  they  lest  tiie  w/wle  Irulh  slioulJ 
come  out, that  they  openly  countenanced  and  ap- 
J^lauded  a  conti-iniil  c''  their  autliori'.y,  and  en- 
dt-avo.-ed  to  yiduce  e\  erj-  v.itu;-.«s  lo  refuse  hi.s 
•eiiiniony,   I'^st  lie  should  be  deninuiced  as  a 
;  tre  Vuhmicer.'     Yet,   tliese  are  tlic    men  who 
■adcrt.ike  to  denounce  tiie  friends  of  Jackson 
a<  slanderers,  because  we  aasert  tliat  which  tlicy 
know  is  already  proved,   and  would  have  been 
•   proved  in  a  manner  to  silence  even  knnverij  il- 
.■xff  had  they  maintained  the  dignity  of  tlie  Se- 
nate, and  extorted   the   testimony,  which  was 
...".htady  before  them. 

The   country   will  judg-e   what  chance   the 

friends  of  Jackson  bail  to  bring  out  the  proof 

befovo  a  tribunal  so  partlsl  in   its  decisions  and 

'  So  wanting  in  refpect  for  itself.     In  some  in- 

.sriaoes,  testimony  wliieh   was  obviously  legal 

tills  projMJr,  ■  MTw  arjitianiy- cxiifftcfed,  itfiu'iu 


others  the  majority  oot  only  CDCOurje'cd  cu(.- 
tenipts  of  the  Senate,  but   to  make  themselves 
complctr  ly  ridiculous,  in  one  case  entered  them 
upon  their  Journals.     Posterity  will  with  won- 
der find  on  their  records  the  protest  of  Mr. 
Blair,  a  perpetual  witness  that  they  were  con- 
scious of  the  error  of  their  proceedings,  or  were 
a  partial  tj'ibunal,  submitting,  with  the  utmost 
tameness,    lo   contempt  and   indigmity,  rathej 
than  bring  out  important  evidence  wliicli  thgv 
knew  to  exist.     That  such  was  their  real  cha> 
ucttr,  all  their  proceedings  evince.   Perceiving 
that  the  proof  of  a  bargain   was  coming  in  by 
piece  meal  as  the  evidence   arrived,  they  ha* 
teued  the  inquiry  to  a  close  bffiire  wilnuse.^  mutt" 
iHoncd  by  thtm'-etfVi  had  lime  to  anit\  &nd  thco 
attiinpted  to  turn  the  •  hole  into  ridicule.     Mr. 
Ben    Hardin,   instead  of  actin?   the  part  of  a 
grave    Senator,   fn;4aged   in   important    public 
concerns,  converted  the   Senate  Chamber  into 
a  Theatre,  and   |)lKyed   the   buS'oon   with  gr<rat 
applause,  b_\   attfmpting  to  imitate  and  ridicuTc 
each  witness  who  either  testified  or  refuwd  to 
testify,  aija.n.st  Messi-s.  Adams  and  CU_\.     The 
evidence  is  now  before  the  world,  and  the  peo- 
ple will   decide  the  great  cause,  ptgnriDcss  of 
Ills  rallleiy. 

Important   hs  the  eridencr  i»  which  this   in- 
quiry has  elicited,  it   has  pointed  to  that  wliicli 
u  still   more   irjportant.     Although   Mr.  lltiil' 
refused  to  be  sworn,  it  wm  distinctl)  asrerlHin- 
ed,  from  his  apologies  and  otiiercircnm.staiicv^ 
thr.t    lie    procured    the  information    which  he 
communicated  to  Messrs.  KenJ  dl  and  Uud'ey, 
in    confidential   letters  from   Mr.  Clay  lumself. I 
Indeed,  we  are  informed  throiiirh  a  cliunnel  olil 
which   we    confidently    rely,    that    Mr.   Clay's 
friends  in    Krantt'ort  now  have  a  copy  of  such  '.\ 
letter.     This  may  account  for  their  readiness  iiii 
excusing  Mr.  liUir.     Tlu-y  ni:iy  have  preferretlj 
to   submit  to  any  contempt  of  their  autiiority,' 
and  even  enter  it  on  record,  rather  than  see  thi^ 
damning  lUicument.     Hut  how  willthey  ixcusi 
themselves  to  their  toiistitiients  or  their  con 
sciences  for  adopting  a  resolution,    when  they 
had  the  most  positive  evidence  of  its  falsehood, 
in   their  possession'     How  could  they  say  Jlij, 
uj;on  a  resolution  declaring  the  charges  <»f  bar 
gain  to   be   "  utterly  false,    and   circulated  fiii 
party  purpo.^es,"  when  thov  kn.  w  that  the  ori 
piiial  document  proving  them  true,  was  in  sigh 
of  tl>t:  ca]>itol' 

Their  etiVoiittry  is  equfd  to  all  emerg'<ncie.<. 
They  nOjr  say  that    Mr.  Blair  refused  to  sweij 
because  he  had  nothing  to  tell  !     They  charf 
him  with  uclina  a  purl ^  and  pretending  to  iia% 
important  secrets  which  be  has  not.   How  weak 
an  attempt  to  deceive  !     Cannot  tliev    put  tht: 
niat'er  to  the  test'   Could  they  not  have  forces 
Mr.  Blair  to  tell  all  he  knew'   Cannot  tlicv  no\ 
get  Mr   Clay  to  leieaie  him  from  all  emilidenc! 
and  call  on  him  to  come  out  with  "  tlie  truth 
the  whole  truili,  and  uotliing  but  the  truth  ' 
1  his  is  what  llie  people  will   dem.ind  of  Mr 
Clay.      Ifheniaive  tl  Js  call,    and    Mr.  IHair  (!( 
not  disclose  any  thing  of  inipoiiaiiee,  tli>n  riu;' 
tiiey,  with  some  proprieiy,   hold  him  up  to  th- 
scorn  and  derision  of  tiie   country.       Foroi:'- 
selves,  we  do  not  doubt  that  full  proof  of  a  <''. 
Feet  barg;'.in  is  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Blair. 

How  elianged  is  Henry  Clay  fruin  .what  t 
once  W!ts!  Once,  he  was  the  o;?en  and  fVank  set 
■^aMot'tFje'pffOf;jp;  rPittiV  rD(^ffi(»1r  n'ilK   n 


lyaitsity  wbat  means  it  came  lo  liis  knowledge. 
Siiici;  h'n  retiiin  Trom  Kuropc,  he  has  heen  a 
changed  man.  lie  sought  to  d.stroy  Mr.  Adams 
by  secretly  stimulating  attacks  upon  liinl  while 
he  bore  towards  him  an  e.terior  of  civility,  if 
not  ot'friendship.  He  taught  us  and  the  peo- 
ple of  the  wes'  to  hate  Mr.  Adains  as  our  great- 
est enemy;  yet  to  secure  an  olHce  lo  himself, 
ho  rushes  into  his  bosom.  The  voice  of  t!ie 
people  which  it  was  once  his  pride  to  obey,  he 
has  attempted  to  stifle,  iind  then  treated  it  with 
contempt,  lie  sought  to  prevent  an  expression 
oflhe  voice  of  Kentucky  through  her  legisla- 
'  tare,  lest  it  .sliould  embarrass  him  in  his  selfisli 
rfpsigr.s.  .\tter  tint  body  had  spoken  with  a 
voice  almost  unanimous,  he  sought  to  defeat 
the  public  will  thus  expresseil,  by  procuring 
firivate  letters  to  be  written  lo  members  of 
Congress  Hdvinirig  ihem  todisrcgtrd  it.  If  he 
Had  desired  to  obey  the  punhc  »  ill,  why  <lid  l.c 
not  get  his  friends  to  c«ll  meetings  oflhe  peo- 
^yle  and  take  their  voice'  This  would  have 
rttfeutedhis  object.  He  was  determined  la 
jxiPiue  his  own  will,  regardless  of  that  of  the 
])e<iple,  for  the  purpose  of  pL^cing  himself  in 
Ihetine  of  '  SAfe  precedent-,'  and  then,  by  in- 
ti»g\ieandmanBgcm<Mii,  power  and  patronage, 
&end  the  public  wiil  to  his  own  selttsh  pur- 
poses. 

We  thought  this  Address  due  to  the  people 
of  Kentucky  on  this  inler'--sting  occasion.  A 
fidl  replv  to  Mr.  Clay's  Address  is  s!iorlly  ex- 
pected from  Washington,  the  circulati'.n  'T 
which  we  shall  promote  to  the  extent  of  oir 
power.  The  people  need  but  «  true  knoivlei  ge 
of  facts,  lo  bring  to  a  sijecdy  elose,  the  reign  of 
trargtiin,  intrigue  ami  falsehood. 

Bv  Older  oflhe  Central  .lackson  Cominittee 
Of  Kentucky. 

SAMUKI.  SOUTH,  Chainimn. 

f-L-ivis  Si>D>:ns,  .Ik.  Stcnlari). 


KKNTUCKY  LF.Gl  SLA  TURK. 

IVom  the  Western  Kentucky  Arg\i». 

Tlir.  INVESTIGATION. 

Tauusu.ir,  Jan.  SI.  » 

liie  Senate  took  up  the  resolutions  on  the 
-  •  iject  of  Internal  Improvements,  together  v.  ith 
he  amendment  oftcred  by  Mr.  Beatty  declaiiiig 
the  distinguished  members  of  Congress  from 
this  State  who  had  voted  for  .Mr.  Adams,  iiino- 
Aent  of  bargain,  &c.  and  th.at  all  the  charges  'o 
that  effect,  made  against  them,  were  faU'e  anA 
malicious.  After  some  desultory  discussion, 
which  we  did  not  hear,  Mr.  Mnupin  called  for 
the  pixvious  question,  which,  it  was  supposed, 
would  have  the  effect  of  ridding  the  Senate  of 
tjie  whole  subject  except  the  original  resolu- 
tions relative  to  Internal  Improvements.  This 
iDotiOii  was  seconded  by  Mr.  M'Connell. 

Mr.  Btally  oppose<l  the  previous  (piestion, 
A\hich  was  advocated  by  Mr.  yFConwll. 

Mr.  Daiehs  moved  a  recess  for  an  he.ur  and  a 
half,  ihrA  the  niembtni  might  consult   together 
•and  come  to  some   undel'staiidiiig>   i^c.   which 
^1.    motion  pi'fvailed. 

-X        After  tile  rectus,  Mr.    Hlrkll^c  opposed  :lie 
previous  ((ucslloii,  and  maintainei',  thai  the  pro- 
s'-    ■pofjjiou  (br  on  invest'ga'.ion  '.vus  an  i'ulrDen'Jent 


one  not  embraced  by  it,  antl  ttat  itistaccsss. 
would  not  rid  the  Senate  of  the  inquiry.  He 
also  contended  that  the  hearing  of  testimony 
was  the  order  of  the  day,  and  not  the  consider 
ation  of  these  resolutions. 

'  tr.  I'upe  concurred  in  the  suggestion  tha'. 
the  Senate  were  wrong  in  taking  up  the  reso- 
lutions, and  that  the  proper  business  of  theda\' 
was  the  hearing  of  evidence. 

Mr.  Maupiit  withdrew  the  call  for  the  pre- 
vious question.  ' 

Mr.^i(/)s  then  moved  that  all  the  resolutions 
before  the  Senate  embracing  the  subject  of  tho 
pr«[)03ed  investigation,  be  laid  on  the  table  un- 
til tiic  last  day  of  .luly  next,  and  said  he  woulil 
then  concur  in  striking  fru;n  the  .loiirnals  the 
resolution  providing  for  an  investigation. 

Mr.  M'Connell  stated  tliat  he  was  now  fo 
going  into  it. 

Mr,  W'cki'JJ'e  moved  to  by  down  the  resol.n- 
ti<HH  for  the  purpose  of  going  into  the  invest!-- 
gallon.      This  motion  prevaled. 

The  resolution  or  icring  an  investigation  was? 
then  taki^n  up,  and  the  following-  evidence  oi' 
tercd: 

Jitmes  }PMill(m,  of  the  Hou-e  sf  Heprcsci*- 
talivcs,  stated  in  reply  to~nternigalories,  that 
Mr.  Kra!ic;s,fohnson  was  at  [oiniikinsville,  il> 
Monroe  county,  alter  his  relii  :i  home  subse- 
quent to  the  I'residcntial  clect'on,  where  he 
was  asked  how  he  caine  to  vote  for  .Mr.  Adams''" 
Mr.  .lohitsoi  answered,  that  he  voted  fop  Mr/ 
Adams  to  get  Mr.  Clay  rrade  Secretary  of  State. 
lie  made  this  declaration  repeatedly  ill  convej- 
sation,  an<l  witness  l>elieve<l  in  a  ]iubl;c  speech*. 
He  Siiid,  tliat  .Mr.  Adams  f.)r  Hiesilciil  and  Mr. 
Clay  his  Secretary  would  conduce  tnore  to  tho. 
interests  of  the  west  than  Ccner  d  .Juckson  I're . 
sideiit,  vM\  we  knov  not  wliom  for  his  Secrci 
tary,  an  I  that  Mr.  Cl.iy  might  perhaps  succcefl 
hirn.  fie  did  not  hear  Mr.  .Irlmuon  .say,  that- 
Mr.  ,\dams  made  any  promises  to  appoint  Mr. 
Clay  Secretary  of  State  if  he  would  siippwt_ 
him.  Previous  to  his  goii.g  on  to  Centres.;,  . 
.^ir.  .lolinson  spoke  against  .Mr.  A  ian.s  and  ii\ 
favor  of  Mr.  Clay;  but  witness  ni.-ver  he.artl  hiDi, 
say  for  whom  he  intendeil  to  vote,  il  Mr.  Clay 
WHS  excluded  from  Congress,  nor  ilid  he,  pre-, 
vioua  to  that  time,  over  hear  him  .s'ly  a  word 
ag^Kt  General  Jackson.  Witness  wii^iu.  Jack- 
sonffiian. 

Henry  Gridtr,  of  the  Hoitee  of  Representa- 
tives, said,  Mr.  I',  .'ohnson  in  all  convei-sations- 
and  speeches  in  his  presence  had  denied  all. 
corruption,  bargain  and  sale  in  the  Presidential, 
election,  and  said  he  neither  knew  nor  bellevetj 
tlnv  such  thing.  lie  had  disclaimed  all  know- 
ledge that  he  wor.ld  appoint  Mr.  Clay  Secretijlv" 
of  State,  or  who  was  to  compose  his  cabinet. 
He  said  he  supporte(i  Mr.  Adams,  because  ho 
believed  hm  devoted  to  Internal  Improvements 
and  Domestic  Manufactures,  and  that  his  doc- 
trines and  policy  were  such  as  would  suit  tho 
west.  He  said  that  General  .lackson  would  not 
suit  us,  because  he  was  a  soiitheni  man,  and 
would  pursue  a  southern  policy.  Mr.  Jf-hnsoii, 
sniil  these  things  uflcr  lie  was  charged  with  bar- 
gain, .sale  and  eorr;:ption;  but  witness  supposed 
the  papers  coiuaining  those  charges  gotto  Ken 
tiicky  as  soon  a:i  Mr.  Johnson  did  after  the  elec- 
tio!\.  He  lives  in  the  sirne  toivii  with  Mr.  Johu- 
.son,  and  has  cnnvci-sed  with  hin>  frcquen(^_(' 
from  tU';;  t';n';  ho  csine  lioino,  ^l!d  b»  U'<5  ''X  ■■ 


(i 


'..rmlv  made  Oie  same  dechcaJion.     AVitiiess  he  wo.ild  again  be  csiUed  Ip  «oUier  pyw.t,  >.;.d 

..^vcr'heard  him  sav  he  preferred  Gen.  Jack-  witness  retired  lo  his  scat 

%Vltne»s  said   lie  was  an   administration  it  was   insisted    that  the  cxanimatjoa  of  the 

friend  of  InUrnal  Improvements  and  ■R-lmess  should  he   completed,  before  he  ■ttas 

lJomesl:c  Manufactures.                    '  pcrmittt d  to  retire.    Some  remarks  were  made 

Witness  said  ho  knew  not  why  he  was  called,  which  seemed  to  reflect  on  witness  as  not  huv- 


son. 
man,  or  a 


unless  it  was  from  a  remark  he  made  in  Frank- 
fort, that  they  need  not  send  to  Howlinff-grreen 

for  testimunv,  for  he  knew  as  much  about  it  as  -.,,,,.,,     t 

Inv  bo<b^th;i;e,  meaning  that  there  was  nobody  inquired  whether  he  had  told  ad  he  knew  = 

.here  v  ho  knew  any  tnin^  ab.ut  it.     ILwas  .11  bargain,  sale  aad  corn.ption,  and  if  so,   1. 

e  jVe  ince  of  Mr.'  B.  Johnson  and  xS  Een-  nothing  further  to  ask.     Tlie  ^^tness  retumetl 


v.g  tuld  all  he  was  bound  to  tell,  when  he  ob- 
served that  he  wa.s  ready  to  answer  questions 
if  there  were  any  to  be  asked.    h'lV.  John  C.reeii 

about 


as 
Mr  Een- 
dxU!    [The  Utter  recollcctK  the  remark,  but 
did  not  procipe  him  to  be  summoned.] 

tt'illiam  'I\inuf.r  was  called  and  sworn.  A 
i.amphlet  was  shown  to'  him,  entitled  "Letters 
to  John  Quiiicy  Adams,  relative  to  the  Fisherus 


bargain,  sale  aad  cornipticn,  and  if  so,  he  had 
nothing  further  to  ask. 
no  answer  and  sat  down. 

JOr.  Po/^  again  called  the  witness,  and  asked 
l-.iin  what  h^  ha<l  heard  Mr.  David  While  say- 
as  to  his  motives  for  voting  for  Mr.  Adams? 

Mr:  Hardin  objected  to  this   question    heiiiJJ 


;iiui  the  Mississippi,  first  published  in  the  Argus  ansM-rred.  A  diseiiss.on  arose  in  w  hich  Messrs. 
of  Western  Amenca,  revised  and  enl.>rged,  by  nardin,  M'Counell  and  Wici.hfie  contended 
\mos  Kendall,"  and  he  was  asked  whether  he    jj,at  the  question  ou.Sfhtnot  to  be  answered,  and 


printed  it.  lie  replied  th..t  he  did.  !ie  wan 
asked,  whether  Mr.  Clay  paid  any  part  of  the 
expense.  He  replied  tlut  he  did  pay  flOO; 
ttiat  he,  Tanner,  undertook  to  print  the  pMuph- 
let  by  subscription;  that  Mr.  KencUll  told  liiin 
Mr,  Clav  had  proposed  to  him  to  print  it  and  of 


Messrs.  Pope,  Daviess  and  Alien  maintained 
that  it  ought.  The  former  insisted  tlut  Mr. 
White  himself  was  a  competent  witness,  and 
that  he  o'l^lit  to  be  sent  for;  that  his  cuaructer 
w.is  not  under  investigation,  and  that  ii  he  knew 
any  thing  in  relation  to  a  bwgain     between 


f.ired  to'pav  a  \wi\.  of  the  expense;  that  lie  had    A^j^rns  and  Claj,  he  ought  to  be  brought  in  to 

taken  a  letter  from   Mr.    Kendall   to  Mr.   Clay;  ......  1.- 

tliat  Mr.  Clay  conversed  with  him  as  to  the  ex- 
pense of  printing  the  pamphlet,  and  the  sub- 


scription for  it;  that  he  told  him  to  go  to  Mr. 
Thomas  Smith,  who  would  Land  him  f.r5,  and 
that  if  he   shouhl  not  he  ri.munerated  by  the 


st;iteit  himself,  as  he  is  not  more  than  twelve 
miles  off,  instead  of  proving  his  declarations 
when  net  on  oath;  that  they  -were  willing  vhe 
declarations  of  those  members  of  Congress  who 
vcre  not  here,  and  coidd  nut  be  goth.cre,  siio.dd 

..   „       .  .  be  proved.     On  the  other  side  it  was  maintain- 

subscriptions,  to  call  on  him  and  he  would  pay  j.^  jj^^t  the  conduct  of  Mr  White  was  hri-ught 
him  the  bah.nce  of  the  expense;  that  he  called  under  invostijation  a^  much  a.s  that  of  any  other 
on  Mr.  Smith,  who  paid  him  the  money;  that  .jjember  of  Coi-.jrrekS  IVom  Kentucky  who  vnt- 
the  subscriptions  falling  short,  he  again  oidled  ^j  fv,_,  i^j,.  Adams;  that  his  dechiations 
on  Mr.  Clay,  » ho  sent  him  to  Mr.  Smith  for  ^^,.f^  pood  evidence  against  himself,  ai.d  to  that 
?25  more."  The  pamphlet  was  printed  in  tha  point  orjy  were  thiy  offered  to  be  pr.ived; 
latter  part  of  1R23.  •  Ibat  he  could  not  c»iisistentiy,  xi'iih  any  rule  oTf 

Jlmos  Kendall  stated  in  reply  to  interrogato-  bv/  or  propriety  be  introduced  to  purge  him- 
iics,  tliat  after  the  charges  against  Mr.  Adams  self  upon  oath;  that  the  principles  as«imcd  i-.cTe 
relative  to  the  negotiation  at  Ohent  h;id  cbaic  would  exclude  the  declarations  of  every  mem- 
iicfore  the  puhiic,  he  wrote  and  pubhshed  an  ber  of  Conj;ress,  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams  and 
article  in  the  Argus  upon  that  subject,  contain-  put  an  end  to  the  inquiry;  tlinti;  could  be  con- 
ing a  view  of  it  which  Mr.  Clay  deemed  erro-  sidered  as  urged  only  for  the  p'lrpose  of  ex- 
neous.  Mr.  Adams  seized  upon  the  article,  cop-  eluding  evidence  which  gentlemen  knew  would 
i?d  it  into  his  book  on  tlie  Fislieries  aalthe  prove  <lie  trulli  of  the  charges  made  by  the 
Mississippi,  and  made  a  Gommenlary  upt^H  m  friends  of  Jackson,  and  Mr.  Tope,  in  emphfitic 
vliich  he  insinuated  that  it  came  trom  Mrlroiay.  terms,  told  the  Senate,  that  he  viewed  it  as  an 
The  latter  afterwards  called  upon  witnes.s.  cu- 
ten'il  into  a  narrati\c  nf  the  transactions  ;* 
Client,  including  an  exphmation  of  the  princi- 
ples involved,   and  satisfied   v/itriass  tJiat   the 

view  he   had  tik;  n  was  errone-iius.     Wi'neas    the  question  be  aiuwcred''  and  decided  in  tire 
then  took  up  Mr.  .\ilaiTis'  Book  tipon  the  Fislic-    negative.     The  Senate  then  adjourned. 
lies,  &c.  and  reviewed  it  in  a  series  of  Letters 


eflort  of  the  majority  to  exeh.det'ie  truth  in  an 
investigation  wliieh  themselves  had  sought  and 
urged,,  and  so  he  would  tell  ihe  pi  oplc. 

■i'.ie  1  otc  vras  taken  upOn  the  question  'shall 


published  in  the  Argus, add re.sseu  to  John  Qui:i- 
cv  Adams,      .\fler  most  of  the  scries  Lad  been 


FniUAT,  February  1. 


tieen        Sickness  prevented  our  attending  the  Senate 
published,    Mr.    CLay    conversed   wiUj  witness    on  this  day,  and  consequently  we  can  only  give 


pbout  publishing  iheiii  in  pamp'.det,  and  oflered 
to  pay  ¥50  of  the  expense.  \\  itncss  dechncd 
puuhshuig  them,  but  told  him,  that  if  he  or 
liis  friends  thought  proper  to  publish  (Jiem  else- 
^vhere,  he  would  revise  and  prepare  them  for 
the  press.  Lfariunsfiom  Mr.'Panner.thatliehad 


the  evidence  iis  we  h;ive  writteii  it  out  from  thi 
notes  of  otjiexs. 

Hiomus  n.  Ci^rncal,  a  Senator,  at  the  request 
of  Mr.  Pope,  bt;ited,  tliat  he  knew  noth^ig  of 
any  bargain,  s;dc  or  cumpt'onin  the  I'resJdcn- 
t'la!  election,  njr  did  he  believe  in  it,  but  he  be- 


ilelermineil  to  iirlnt   them,  witness  gave  him  a  lieved  there  was  management  in  (■.ti.gi'-«s,  such 

letter  10  .Mr.   c;lay.   soliciting  him   to  pay    Mr.  u<  is  toinmoli  in  all  such  bo.lies  for  the  purpose 

'lariK-rwha'  l]r  had  piomisCd  to  witness.   '•\it-  ofcairying    a  point.      Had  he   betiltiere,    lie 

nes>  did  revise  the  Leilersand  thej'  Were  pub-  would  not  have  voted  for  Mi.  Adams  UiOess  he, 

lnhed  by  Mr.  Tanner.  had  first  agreed  to  appoint  Mj-.   Clay  Seci-etary 

M-  /*o/7f  toI'l\vitne.''s  to  stand  asitle,  and  that  of  State;  for  lie  f^nsidered  it  the  duty  nf  n»v 


..f  their  State. 

Il»  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Clay  at  his 
i:aoni  a  few  davs  before  lie  started  for  AVaaliing- 
tonCity,  in  tJie  full  of  1824.  Mr.  Clay  said,  he 
did  not  like  to  be  instructed  by  the  I.ejjislature 
as  to  hi«  vole,  should  he  not  be  returned  to  the 
House  as  one  of  the  three  highest  whicli  be 
thoa^lit  doubiful,  bnt  \i--sh<.'d  to  be  left  entirely 
fte*.  .Mr.  Csnicai  toKlhi.n,  hehad  iiivended  to 
ihtrc  hict  resolutions  of  inftruclion  intothe  Sen- 
ate bimseifrtquestipR  tr\e  KentvicKy  dele^a'ian 
ti)  vote  for  Ger.erelJa^l^son,  but  projnised,  on 
aecoiut  of  tile  objectloiui  of  iJr.  Cl«y,  not  to  do 
rt,  altbpugh  he  said  ne  must  vote  for  theru 
should  'Ijey  be  introciiced  by  others.  Mr.  Clay 
saui,  in  cane  be  \v  are  e.\cli\i3cd  from  the  House, 
hve  was  \7hol1y  uiicommitte.i  aa  to  his  vote,  and 
\<islie<l  to  be  leftfi-ee.  This  conversation  took 
place  while  the  Le^slature  was  in  session  iu 
the  fall  of  1824. 

Oliver  Kt-tJte  stated,  that  in  the  fidi  of  18;?4, 
ciirht  or  tin  days  before  Mr.  Clay  st.u-ted  for 
AVashiTigton  City,  iie  aske<l  .Mr.  Clay  in  conver- 
sation, whether  iie  hal  cTJtten  to  Goneraljkck- 
Sfln  to  come  to  his  house  and  go  on  to  Washinjj- 
ton  with  him'  Mr.  Clay  said  he  had.  Witness 
\vas  a  warm  suppurler  of  llr.  Clay,  but  prders 
,I;ickson  to  Adairts. 

/iW;nc('«  McJilear  slate<?,  that  on  the  morning; 
Mr  Clay  started  for  WnBhinjjiun,  in  the  fill  of 
I824-,  in  the  presence  <jf  several  gentlenien^  he 
heard  Mr.  Clay  say  he  liHd  written  to  General 
Jackson  to  come  through  Le^iiifrton  9.ni  go  on  to 
Washington  with  him,  but  had  received  no 
answer,  and  had  g'iven  him  out.  Witness  was  a 
warm  advocate  of  Mr.  Clay,  until  he  voted  for 
Jo.'in  Quincy  Adams. 

Hr.  Shackitford  sai<l,  he  trns  present  when 
Mr.  David  Trimble  made  a  speech  after  his  re- 
tlirn  from  Congress  in  182.5,  and  heani  him  say 
that  he  voted  against  General  .(ackson  and  for 
Ml-.  Adams,  because  the  policy  of  the  ft>rn:ei' 
was  not  favorable  to  the  interests  of  the  west- 
ern conntjy,  tnd  the  policy  of  the  latter  was. 
He  also  said,  he  thought  the  people  wo'jld  be 
pleased  with  Mr.  Clay  for  Secretary  of  atate. 
Witness  "S  an  Adams  man. 

John  T.  Johnson  stated,  that  he  U'as  at  W'aslj- 
ijij^tonCity  in  1834,  and  at  the  time  cfthe  Pre- 
sKientialele-ction  ia  February  1S25.  Af*.erthe 
election,  he  and  his  brother  (Col.  Johnson,) 
were  in  company  with  General  Metcalfe,  who 
told  them  he  had  a  letter  from  Kentucky  which 
stated,  that  the  people  would  be  dissatistied 
wit'.i  the  result.  His  brother  told  the  General, 
that  "his  votmff  for  Air.  Adams  »'ould  be  an  up- 
hill b.isiness  in  Kentucky.  The  General  re- 
plied, I  fsar  we  have  done  too  much  for  oui 
friend. 

He  knew  of  no  direct  boisfain,  nor  of  any  cor- 
ruption, nor  had  he  ever  beJievcd  there  was 
any.  He  had  very  fittje  intercourse  wl'h  the 
members  of  Con»rre«s  v.lio  voted  for  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, it  being  well  known  that  he  intended  to 
vote  fov  General  Jackson. 

He  was  asked  to  state,  whether  he  did  not 
hear  Mr.  White,  one  of  the  mtnibeis  of  Con- 
gT!?ss  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  say,  a  tew  ilay^ 
after  the  election,  that  he  coi  sidered  when  vo- 
iiiJg  for  XIT.  .^ifanTstt'St  lit  \r  pv  vtjtiitir  f^t-  Jt?. 


Tills  question  was  objectcfl  to  luiil  overruiti., 
14.  to  15. 

VVitness  wms  further,  aslcecl,  whether  he  di.i 
no  hear  Mr.  White  s.iy,  either  on  Km  way  to 
Congress  or  at  any  time  before  the  Presidentird 
election,  that  ha  would  vote  for  Generaljac'k- 
son  in  pi-eierence  to  Adams  or  Crawford? 

This  was  also  oveniilcd,  14  to  19. 

WitnesB  was  fiirtlier  asked,  did  or  didyou  not 
hear  Mr.  White  .say,  tiiat  if  fir.  Adams  weie 
elected,  Mr.  Cl.ay  would  be  mads  Secretarvf  of 
SUte.> 

Th'.S  V  as  also  overruled,   13  to  19. 

Mr.  Clay  was  in  his  room  a  few  days  before 
the  election,  and  said,  he  thi>u(»htthe  Kentucky 
delegation  ruipn;  vote  eitheiway",  and  Keatucfcy 
would  be  s.dislied. 

Ii  December,  at  a  public  diimer,  he  saw  Mr. 
Adaras  and  .\Jr.  Clay  sitting'  together,  and  ob- 
served thitthey  ,1'eie  very  social  and  friendly. 
From  this  oircumsi. nice  he  .said  to  his  bro'Jier, 
that  iie  was  persuaded  .Mr.  flay  intended  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Adams.  Mr  Clay  told  witness  he 
had  been  instructed  by  a  few  of  his  constituents 
in  a  part  of  his  Ui.sirict  above  Le.vington,  to  do 
as  he  pleased.  After  .Mr.  Clyy  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  State,  he  asked  witness  w'hether 
he  oiij^ht  to  accept,  and  witness  told  him,  he 
tho<ii<'ht  he  ou^ht. 

Josiph  Secret,  a  member  of  tlie  House  o" 
Kepresentatives,  stated,  that  he  heard  Mr.  Da- 
vid Trimble  say  in  a  speeofe  or  speeches  mada 
in  1824,  that  John  Q.  Adams  was  a  noted  fede- 
ralist; that  he  was  inimical  to  the  west  and  want- 
ed to  sell  to  the  Uritish  the  navigation  of  the ' 
Mississijjpi.  After  liis  return  from  Congress  in 
1825,  he  heard  .\?r.  Trimble  give  as  an  apolojjy 
for  votinij  for  Adams,  tba;  if  Mr.  .\dams  had  not 
been  elected,  Mr.  Clay  would  not  have  been 
Secretary  of  S'ate,  and  that  if  General  Jackson 
had  been  elected,  Mr.  .\dam9  woald  have  been. 
Secietai-y.  Witness  did  not  like  his  apology, 
and  did  not  wait  to  heur  all  he  said  about  it; 
Trimble  since  explained  to  him,  alleg-ing;  that 
he  said  Mr.  -.^dair.s  w:k  a  reputfd  federalist,  and 
not  a  noted  fedcr*;st.  Gen.  Jackson  is  not  wit- 
ness'first  choice  for  President,  by  scyeralibut 
Adams  is  his  last. 

SiTCHDAT,  FrBnrAiiT  2. 

•9vmf  KendaH  being"  again  called,  was  askeil, 
whetner  he  was  not  informed,  three  or  four 
weeks  before  the  Pi  esidential  election,  th.at  Mr. 
Clay  would  be  Secretary  of  .State,  if  Mr.  Adams 
were  made  President.' 

Mr.  Jffordin  objecl(?<i  to  tlie  qtiestioti  bei^g 
answered,  unless  it  were  iirst  stated  from  wbi^m 
the  iiifoiination  came. 

Witness  said  he  was  embarrassed,  because  to 
state  from  wiiom  the  in'ormation  came,  w.a6  to- 
s"»v  he  had  the  inforniRtioo;  and  on  the  supposi- 
ti'.nhe  hadnot  the  infonnation,  it  cdtild  have 
come  tVom  nobody. 

He  was  told  to  answer,  and  accordingly  an 
swer'Ml,  that  'is  had  -such  information  from 
Fi-incis  P.  Blair,  Esq.  of  Frankfort. 

Mr.  John  Green  asked,  if  it  was  the  same  F. 
P.  Klair  who  \va.=i  Chrk  ot  tlie  New  Court  '' 

AVitiioss  answev^d,  that  it  v. as  thesain',-  who, 
in  tlie  days  of  tlie  Vow  Court,  was  Ihe  Clerk  oi 
the  C  Durt  of  Appeals. 

Ml*.  TTarim  as"ked,  wTiethp'r  Mr.  P.Tair  ha 


vui  Bciiu,  (bv  luauy  vciij's,  tlie  iiitiin.ite  aud  cou-    a  little  conveisaticiu  upun  tlje  espcjiat!  (rf'  Uk- 
iideiit'uil  fViend  of  Mr.  Cuiy  ?  iiiR  at  VVaihiiigtiin,  witness  declined  Mr.  (;la/'s 

Tliis  question,  as  well  as  tlie  question  and  an-  otlcr,  stating  that  he  had  several  children  for 
swer  Hrst  above  tfiven,  were  objected  to,  and  whose  support  and  education  he  must  provide, 
voted  to  be  impi-oper  and  inadmissible,  by  a  and  could  not  accept  a  place  which  woiild  afford 
vote  ot  10  to  20.  him  but  a  bare  subsistence.      Mr.    Clay  said. 

Witness  siiid,  he  felt  bound  to  state  a  circum-  tliere  v,Ai  none  more  valuable  then  within  h6 
stance  whicli  lie  could  not  hi-4p  believing  had  gift,  unless  he  were  to  make  a  vacancy;  buttha.t 
some  bearing-  upon  the  subject  of  th.sinquii-y,  probably  an  opportunity'might  offer  to  give  w!& 
upon  which'the  Senate  might  draw  tlieii"  own  nes»  a  place  which  would  be  acceptable  to  bin), 
inferences.  Witness  told   him  then   and   informed  him  m 

After  Mr.  Clay  was  cxchukd  from  the  House,  other  times,  i  hat  he  would  accept  such  a  pl^'C^ 
and  previous  to  tiie  f  rvsidenlial  iJection,  he  always  with  tlie  understanding  that  be  shoulB 
rsceived  a  letter  from  Mr.  Clay,  cinimunicat-  take  no  pai-t  in  the  politics  of  the  day. 
iiig  his  intention  to  offer  wltnes.^  some  situation  Some  time  after  this,  witness  met  Squice 
at  Wasliingion,  contingent,  a;  lie  understood  it.  Turner,  of  Madison  county,  in  the  streets  rf 
upon  the  resuk  of  tlie  Fi-csid.  ntiil  election.  Frankfort,  who  accosted  him  and  said,  I  undeT« 
't'he  expressiiiiis  of  the  letter,  so  fai-  as  he  could  stand  you  are  going  to  Washington  city  to■^rrlt^ 
recollect,  were,  that  he,  Mr.  Clay,  .had  hoped  for  Adams  and  Clay.  Witness  asked  him  wbeito 
fo  have  it  ia  his  power  to  offer  him,  witness,  a  he  got  his  information  '  Mr.  Turner  said,  sudt* 
situation  at  Washington  more  ajfreenble  to  iiim  was  the  talk  up  in  his  section  of  the  countiy. 
than  the  one  be.  occupied  in  Fi-uoki'r.rt,  but  that  Witness  told  him,  it  vas  not  true.  A  few  dajs 
there  was  then  some  d0.i')t  as  to  tne  rpsult  of  after,  he  understood  that  George  Robertson  liail 
atliii^  there.  Witness  thinki  it  was  written  said,  at  the  Mercer  Court,  tliat  thev,  the  OlS 
and  received  in  January,  1825.  Tjie  lettei  con-  Court  party,  would  not  have  witness  to  contend 
tainerl  no  other  subject,  and  \rituc33,  not  per-  ■«'ith  much  longer,  saying  or  implying  tli»t  he 
cciviitg-any  other  oliject  in  it,  took  it  merely  as  was  bought  up  to  goto  Washington  city.  Kno\y- 
,a«  indication  o-f  Mr.  Clay's  friendly  designs  in  ing  that  no  informatinii  of  Mr.  Clay's  offer  hiuj 
! elation  to  himself.  '  gone  from   him  on  which  this  rumor  could  be 

After  tjie  Presidential  election,  and  after  Mr.  predicated,  witness  supposed  it  must  have  coine 
flfay  ■u-as  made  Secretary  of  State,  v/ittiess  re-  from  Mr.  Clay.  He  therefore  wrote  to  Mr. 
.i:cjve<l  another  letter  from  him,  stating  that  he  Cl>-y,  informing  him  of  tlie  rumor  then  in  cir» 
i[;Jtendetl  to  otTer  him  a  situation  at  Wa-abingtoii  culalion,  and  stating  that  he  presumed  it  musj 
tjlty  ;  btit  it  wcs  vrhoUy  indefinite  at,  to  the  na-  have  come  from  some  person  to  whom  he  hsj} 
■Oijie  of  the  situation  intended  to  be  offered. 
AVitna.'iB  imagined  Mr.  flay  wanted  him  to 
write  ic  support  of  Mr.  Ailuiiis  and  liiinself,  and 
10  aiicerUin  whether  lie  whs  authorized  from 
\&e  letter  and  circumstances,  to  take  up  such 
t'.n  imprc-'ision,  he-  showed  this  letter  to  two  of 
•i^.  Clav's  and  his  own  friends,  separately,  and 


communicated  his  intentions  toTaids  witness^ 
and  under  those  circumstances,  witness  muSI 
ft;el  himself  at  liberty  to  detail  the  wliole  tiuBCa. 
action  whenever  he  thought  proper,  xyhich  bis- 
had  done.  Mr.  Clay  answered,  that  he  was  to- 
tally indifferent  to  what  was  said  on  ttie  subject 
as  bis  motives  in  relation  to  him  bad  been  pure. 


askfid  euch  of  them  to  read  it,  and  say  what  and  he  had  only  -wanted  to  engage  his  semcea 
.situation  Mr.  Clay  inte.-ided.  Thev  read  it,  in  the  Department  of  State, 
and  eiich  gave  his  opinion,  that  Mr.  Clay  desir-  '  After  t)ic  elections  in  1825,  u-hen  the  party  t» 
ed  to  place  witness  in  a  sit  nation  to  write"  in  sup-  whicli  witness  belonged,  were  so  effectually  dfj. 
port  of  Mr.  Adams  and  himself  Witness  then  feated,  he  informed  Mr.  Clay  of  the  result,  and 
ii-rote  to  him,  communicating  tiie  impression  he  tliat  gentleman  in  his  reply  again  offered  hito 
-fiad  taken  up,  stating  tliat  he  In^  been  for  some  the  same  Clerkship .  Witness  declined  accepr- 
-t  rars  writing ag-ainst  Mr.  .Vdanis,  and  v.ished  it  ing  it,  and  informed  Mr.  Clay  'chat  so  much  its- 
id' he  uuderstooel,  before  any  offer  ->v(|pnaue,  justice  had  been  done  him  in  that  year's  canva.ss» 
that  he  could  except  no  situation  in  »ich  it  that  be  was"  determined  to  have  another  cam- 
wctild  be  expected  of  him  to  take  up  his  pen  paign  with  the  Old  Court  Party,  and  that  no  of;' 


ui  siipiioit  of  Mr.  Adiims  ;  but  that  in  relation 
ij  him,  Mr.  Clay,  tlie  feelings  of  witness  were 
wholly  dilTereiit,  and  it  would  give  him  plea- 
sure to  vindicate  him  agaiii'it  the  slanders  which 
were  afloat  against  him  ;  fur  he  then  believed 
jiuich  But  Viiis  said  a^g.-iiiisl  hlin,  to  bo  slan- 
ders. 

Witness  hea-'-d  nothing  more  -irom  Mr.  Clay, 
iti  relation  to  this  subject,  until  he  Ciime  out  to 
■ti'iitiicky,  lie  thinks,    in  tlie  foUouin^  Jt, 


fice-  he  could  offer,  would  take  hiro  from  KeiV- 
tiicky  until  that  was  over. 

Mr.  Clay  never  made  any  other  specific  offif^ 
although  he  still  expressed  a  disposition  to  bK- 
friend  witness  jn  that  way. 

itr.  Hardin  asked,  if  witness  kad  the  letttt? 
alluded  to' 

Witness  said,  bo  had  bttwit  flieoi  all  tSB^^ 
tbe  last. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  if  bo  was  in  flio  habit  of  btnji- 


Oiling  upon  Mr.  Clav  at  his  room' ia\\'ci6iger'B,  Ingletteis' 
one  of  the   hrst  ren.a'rks  made  to  him  by  tiiat        lie  said  he  was,   such  as  be  did  not  WiSl  t(J 

gentleman  was,   that  witnefj  had  totally   mis-  fell  into  the  hamU  of  friends  or  foes. 
COnt.cived  his  object;  that  he  did  iiot  wish  him        .VIr.  K.   said,  you 

ro  go  to  Washington  fur  the  purpose  of  engag-  their  contents? 
inn-  inpolitica,  but   to   'ccure   his  services  in        Witness  said,  he  h-ad  beeti  reminded   QJ  Ols 

•  r'  Uepa-.traent  of  ii'atc-.     lie  then  Offered  wit-  diitv  bv  the  gentleman  from  Linc.-iln;  that  ha 

•IVJS  a  Clcrk3ii!))witha.s;dai-v  of  SIOOO,  -uith  '.lie  should  not  ha  .«  mentioned  this  affair  il  he  bid 

exorcss  injunction,    that  he'sliould  s.^y  notliiiii,'  not  now  believed  the  tirst  letter  had  son.e  coji- 

an'the  subi.-cUanJ  not  leave  Kentucky  until  -.^  itjexion  witatbc  apphcationmade  tohiin  by.Slr. 

-....  ♦f,..  r<-.ra-:"-!>-.lv^Tr>Mif  CfHdriiif  .t-TV-i^*>  -G'->  Ufaii-   b-etjire  tffc.  ifr^S?n?7Tpt,5  €r!!t;ti.0H>  m  ivla- 


bui-n  letteis  aud  theo  i&\ 


liiiu  I"  vhieli  U»e  Seuate  mig^t  di^w  tieir  own 
inferences. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  whether  witness  had  not  toist- 
cd  Mr.  Clay  since  the  Presidential  election. 

Witness  answered,  it  was  very  likely,  al- 
though he  did  not  recollect  it;  for  his  feelinjfs 
were  frieTuIly  towards  Mr.  Clay  for  some  time 
after  that  event. 

Mr-  H.  asked,  whether  witness  had  not  ap- 
plied to  Mr.  Clay,  jefore  his  first  letter,  to  get 
him  an  office' 

Witness  answered,  never,  although  he  had 
B&erwards  frequently  expressed  his  readiness 
to  accept  one,  if  it  were  such  as  lie  could  ac- 
cept. 

Mr.  n.  asked,  if  Mr.  Clay's  taking  the  print- 
ing of  the  acin  nf  Congress  from  witness  had 
(lot  made  him  hostile  to  him. 

Witness  said,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
tfSJl  how  far  Im  feelings  had  been  influenced  by 
tliat  act. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  if  it  had  made  witness  more 
ftiendly  to  Mr.  Clay' 

Witness  presumed  not,  although  he  fros  very 
glad  Mr.  Clay  had  done  it. 

Mt.  Pope  asked,  what  made  witness  glad  (hat 
5Il'.  Clay  took  the  printing  from  him' 

M'itness  replied,  that  he  came  to  Kentucky 
fcirly  'n  the  year  1814,  while  Mr.  Clay  was  in 
Europe;  that  it  so  happened,  that  Mrs.  Clay  em- 
ployed him  to  live  in  her  family  one  year  and 
toach  her  children;  that  he  remained  there 
^bout  a  year,  and  then  settled  in  Georgetown; 
that  shortly  afterwards,  he  went  to  Lexington 
on  business  and  was  taken  sick  In  a  boai'ding 
Jiouse;  that  Mi's.  Clay,hearing  of  it,  sent  hei  car- 
H.ige  for  him,  and  as  soon  as  he  could  be  remov- 
l;d,hiid  him  carried  to  her  house,where  she  nurs- 
ed him  with  the  utmost  kindness  until  he  was 
able  to  return  to  Georgetown;  tliatMr.  Cky  had 
not  yet  come  home  and  witness  had  never  seen 
tim;  that  this  kindness  of  Mrs.  Clay  laid  him 
Ouder  a  veight  of  obligation  to  her  which  he 
always  fck  and  acknowleilged;  that  when  Mr. 
■C4ay  casie  home,  he  received  a  very  cordial 
r&tter  from  him,  thanking  him  for  !im  «_-rvice 
in  his  family,  &c.  that  an  acquaintance  was 
fbrnied  shortly  after,  wiiich  was  kept  up  with 
the  most  friendly  feelings  until  since  the  late 
presidential  election;  that  he  had  been  stimula- 
ted in  his  exertioiis  to  promote  Mr.  Clay's  views 
by  his  obligations  to  Mrs.  Clay;  that  to  Mr.Clay 
llimself  he  owes  no  obligations  and  never  did; 
that  he  hadlaboi'ed  greatly  ^nd  spent  miicli  of 
las  time  and  some  of  his  money  in  efi'orts  to  ad- 
vance Mr.  Clay,  without  asking  for  recompense 
or  remuneration,  until  the  advances  made  by 
Mr.  Clay  himself;  that  in  taking  the  printing 
from  witness,  Mr.  Cloy  on  his  part  exhibited  a 
personal  hostility  towards  him,  which  relieved 
l^m  from  the  restraint  his  feelings  were  under, 
and  left  him  to  take  that  course  which  he  thought 
<iuty  pointed  out,  perfectly  unrestrained. 

F.  P  Blair  wa.s  then  called.  He  refused  to 
he  sworn,  and  offered  the  following  protest  in 
Vriting: 

I  object  to  be  sworn  to  give  evidence  in  this 
i^tqulry.  I  hold  that  the  jth  resolution  of  the 
S<^nate,  declaring  certain  charges  "to  htuitei'lf/ 
ffifst  and  mui:  i-irrux,  and  made  Ihroughtiul  t.'iC 
iTuitcd  ^t'lles  tu  h/uit  the  n putatiunti  of  Ihs  dis- 
tinguished hietjibem  of  Congrrns  Jrvm  this  Sluie 
ri^Ktvo/alJt^  .Kiflil  i(fu7try  Jldahwi"  u,^on  wlitcti 


this  investigfatian  is  Jbuuded,  does  D»t  fuatitiu  u 
subject  con.stitulionally  cugnizable  by  this  Seli- 
ate,  either  as  a  branch  of  the  Legislature  or  as 
a  judicial  tribunal.  But  while  I  deny  the  ri^H, 
I  submit  the  ^oiocr  of  the  Senate,  and  will  abide 
its  ultimate  decision 

I  also  object,  because  the  information  1  havci 
tnuciiingthis  inquiry,  was  obtained  in  the  course 
offriendly  communications  and  aprivate  corres^ 
pondence,  which  I  deem  confidential — such  at 
least  as  was  never  designed  forpublication. 

I  assure  the  Senate,  that  I  am  not  actuated  to 
withhold  my  testimonj'  by  any  consid'-ration  fl# 
the  efi'ect  it  might  have  on  the  reputations  oV 
the  persons  "alluded  to  in  the  resolution,  or  (nj 
those  inculpated  as  havingf  made  false  charges 
against  them.  I  oppose  myself  to  a  precedent 
wliich  goes  to  violate  confidential  correspon- 
dence, and  to  render  unsafe  all  friendly,  soei-ifj 
and  intimate  intercourse  among  men.  This  ob« 
stacle  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  Senate  to  re» 
move,  and  I  trust  it  will  not  exert  its  power  t(» 
punish  tliat  good  faith  which  would  presene ii 
principle  that  should  be  held  inviolable,  unles,"i 
where  tlie  laws  of  the  counlrg  dctaanded  the  soou- 
Jlre. 

Some  conversation  took  place  among  tijfc 
members,  when  Mr.  Hardin  offered  to  the  Sen- 
nate  a  paper  declaring  that  the  Senate  woulu 
hear  whatever  evidence  might  be  offered,  baj 
would  use  no  compulsory  means  to  extort  it. 

Mr.  J5«ffws  called  on  the  majonty  totakethCi 
necessary  steps  to  bring  out  the  evidence.  Tlui 
friends  of  Mr.  Adams  have  the  majority  in  the 
Senate;  they  enter  into  an  investigation  to  as* 
certain  the  truth;  the  minor;ty  offer  a  witness 
to  prove  a  most  important  fact,  he  refuses  to 
swear,  and  the  majority  pat  him  on  the  ba(& 
and  say,  yes,  my  good  fellow,  keep  it  back,  antl 
we  will  protect  you  in  it.  Is  this  the  way  gea- 
tlemen  intend  to  airive  at  the  truth  and  procure 
the  means  of  forming  a  correct  opinion?  Is  it 
by  encouraging  the  witnesses  not  to  swear  anfl 
refusing  to  compel  them,  when  they  know,  froco 
the  very  objections  offered,  that  the -testlmoi^ 
is  of  the  utmost  importance'  It  was  turnitig 
the  »i,oi.  ""hjcct  into  mockery,  and  woulH 
make  the  Senate  the  langi^^  ^^^^^  ^f  ^jj^ 
world.  The  majority  have  refused  lu  i^.  -.-. 
declarations  of  one  of  the  members  of  Congree,? 
who  voted  for  Mr  Adams  be  proved,  and  th{Q? 
now  say  to  this  witness,  for  God's  sake,  keen 
back  what  you  know.  Does  not  this  1  jok  as  It' 
they  were  afraid  of  the  truth'  He  called  on 
the  majorlty.and  especially  the  gentleman  froni 
Fayette,  who  had  yesterday  said  if  they  brougM. 
a  witness  there  who  refused  to  swear,  he  wouw 
take  the  means  to  compel  him,  now  to  adopt 
the  measures  which  are  necessary  to  bring  tho 
truth  out  of  this  v/itness. 

.\hr  John  Green  observed,that  he  had  expectt 
ed  a  blow-out  when  he  saw  Mr.  Blair  introduce 
cd.  He  remembered  a  time  when  a  body,  calleU 
by  the  gentleman  from  Fa)  ette,  the  Fungu<i 
Court,  sat  in  this  very  house,  and  by  their  ofii, 
ccrs  broke  open  the  house  of  poor  old  Sni^e<i  . 
and  seized  his  (lapers,  and  perhaps  took  hirn 
into  custody.  The  witness,  he  believed,  was 
Clerk  of  that  Court;  but  he  was  glad  to  see  hiin 
now  on  the  side  of  tlie  constitution.  He  ditl 
not  enter  into  this  thing  for  the  purpose  of  heat- 
in;^- any  oilier  than  !(i//i'aij;  witnesses.  It  was 
tr>  give  an  op'^rortunity  for  tirosc  vvliTi  11t<1  ^>'i 


tnimpet'.iiL,'  te  tbc  woi'.u  liic  CJ;ir!C<'s  of  barjain, 
smIb.  and  corruption,  to  coint  in  and  sliovj-  on 
what  ground  thone  charges  )intl  been  founded. 
He  was  g-!ad^  there  was  some  faith' !cft  in  the 
world,  Slid  niaintanied  that  tlv.^  Svnatp  had  no 
rig'iit  to  extort  from  til  •■  •Vitnesscomnmni-'.ations 
made  to  him  in  confid  encc.  I'or  himselr,  he 
had  had  no  conversation  with  Mr.  Blair;  hut  he 
presumc<l  he  must  U-.-.ve  spoken  of  l-ttcri  ironi 
ilr.  Clay  or  made  corr.nunrications  of  some  kind 
to  some  bodv:  .3r  he  n  'luld  not  h-ive  beer,  called 
here  as  a  witner^b,  and  surely  he  mJRb*  dia«lo«e 
o  the'S'.nitc  wlvitever  he  had  s<iid  iclat've  to 
his  corfidintiu)  corrcBpondenoe  to  any  other 
pti-sor,  8;c. 

Mr.  .Sl'iir  brjifed  leave  to  exijlain-  He  said, 
in  siihstancc,  in  rcpir  to  Mr.  Gneii's  remarks, 
that  Mr.  Kendall's  letters  to  Mr.  Clay  had 
pointed  out  him  to  the  pubi'C  as  one  who  knew 
sometlung-  in  relation  to  the  subject  now  before 
the  Senate.  These  letters  referred  to  a  con- 
versation which  he  had  with  Mr.  Kendall  in 
.Tamiary  182.5,  in  \vh;L-h  he  stated  that  Mr.  Claj 
would  be  Secretary,  if  Mr.  Adams  wer<-  made 
President.  Mr.  Kendall  supposed  that  the  ia- 
forrnation  was  received  in  letters  from  Mr.  Clay 
to  Mr.  Crittenden  or  myself,  and  as  Mr.  Critten- 
den bad  declared  he  received  no  such  letters,  it 
had  pointed  inquiry  directly  to  him.  Mr.  Blair 
said,  that  Mr.  Kendall  liaJmade  his  publications 
without  consultation  or  authority  from  him,  and 
that  his  inferences  were  not  founded  on  any  in- 
formation, or  warranted  by  any  communication^ 
he  had  made  to  him,  otitev  than  that  before 
mentioned.  He  had  not  communicated  to  any 
one  the  grounds  1>n  which  he  had  made  his 
statemenL  to  Mr.  Kendall,  nor  had  he  shown  the 
letters  to  which  the  gentleman  alhided  to  any 
pcfbon  to  whom  they  were  not  addressed. 

A  few  remarks  were  made  by  other  membei'S; 
but  e.vfreme  ill  health  compeiled  us  to  leave  the 
Senate  befon-  the  matter  was  decided,  and  not 
being  in  an  attitude  to  take  notes,  we  may  not 
liave  reported  what  passed  while  we  were  there, 
with  cntii'C  accuracy. 

The  question  was  finally  put — shall  Mr.  Bluir 
bo  sworn '  and  dtcidect  in  the  j^JB '—-*•' ^• 

ST     n/„;- tt — .-.raBed  to  be  sworn  peremp- 
;^.'.rj-,'iinrt  said  he  woidd  sooner  go  to  jail. 

Finally,  on  motion  of  Mr^  Pope,  he  was  dis- 
charged. * 

Mltigali  Harrison  was  then  called,  and  fie  also 
refustfi  ti5  be  sttorn,  on  the  ground  that  what  he 
knew  was  communicated  in  confidence. 

Itwasmovedtoconin.it  him  unr.i  he  would 
sub'T^it  togiv.-  evid>-nr,e  before  the  Senate,which 
was  flecided  in  the  negstive,  only  six  voting'  for 
it.     He  was  then  discha'ged. 

Jnhi  Maion,  fr.  was  Lhen  call ed, and  stated  £s 
follows: 

Jof:fi  Mo-ion  of  Montgomery  states. that  before 
David  Tjimble  went  to  Congitas  in  1824,  .say 
Sept  Court  1824,  he  was  contending  with  wit. 
ness,  that  Mr.  Kowan  Otig-ht  not  to  be  elected 
Senator  to  Congress,  because  he  was  an  apostate 
federahst,  and  that  he  would  be  smpri-sed  if 
witnt-ss  voted  for  him.  'Witness  said,  tliat  the 
Pre^idi,  ntial  election  was  coming  on,  and  fr.om 
the  number  of  candidates  lie  expected  that  tlie 
election  would  come  hci'irr  Congress,  and  said 
io  Trimble,  suppo-.^-  tlist  you  vi,t>'  for  .Mr.  Ad- 
anre,  who  is  also  an  apostate  federalist.  Trimble 
lied,  he  tnew  Adallis  to  be  an  iipl»st:1te  fed- 


eralist, and  that  if  he  ctc.r  voleii  tpr  him,  w.- 
ness  mi^'ht  call  him  a  federalist  as  long  as  he 
lived.  He  also  said,  that  Adams  had  agreed  Io 
give  up  the  navigation  of  the  Misaisaippi  river 
for  whales  and  mackerel,  and  that  he,  Adams, 
had  alw.ays  been  an  enemy  to  the  West.  When 
witness  heard  that  Trimble  had  voted  forAdams, 
lie  was  sui prised;  and  lOon  after  his  return,  he 
had  a  conversation  with  him  about  his  vote,  in 
which  negnve  as  his  reasons,  that  we  ascertained 
if  Mr.  Adams  was  made  President,  .Mr.  Clay  would 
be  ninde  Secretiuy  of  State,  and  that  if  General 
Jackson  was  made  President,  Mr.  Clay  would 
not  be  made  Secretary,  and  that  it  would  be 
hetlai  for  us  to  have  Adams  with  Mr.  Clay  Sec.< 
r.etary,  'htn  General  J;.cliscn  writLcut  iiim.  He 
aUo  said  at  that  time,  or  in  some  cfinvcrsation 
after  that  General  Jackson  was  apposed  to  tUe- 
tju-ifi"on  hemp,  bagging,  8tc.  and  therefore  op- 
posed to  ti'.e  Kentucky  interest,  and  he  also 
gave  as  a  resson,  tjiat  Gen.  Jackson  had  dis- 
graced the  iientuckians  at  Kev  Orleans  in  his 
report.  He  thinks  ne  heard  Maj.  Trimble  m- 
press  some  of  the  same  opinions  in  his  public 
speeches.  Witness  is  a  Jackson  man,  and  as 
w;u-m  on  any  side  he  espouses  as  he  thinks  is 
right  and  justifiable;  tliat  he  has  had  divers 
conversations  and  arg-uments  with  Maj.  Trimble, 
and  what  he  said  as  to  the  Tariff  and  the  other 
objections,  except  the  one  in  which  he  said  that 
they  had  ascertained  or  discovered  that  it 
Adams  were  elected,  Cluy  would  be  made  Se- 
cietarv,  opd  if  GentnJ  Jackson  were  elected, 
that  he  would  not  be  Secretary,  were  made  in; 
those  after  cjnversatioiis. 

MosraATf,  FEjnffAiiT  4. 

Some  discussion  took  jilace  upon  a  motion  to 
take  up  tlie  resoluticm  from  the  Committee  on 
Intern.il  Improvements,  with  the  amendments 
offered  by  Mr.  Be.itfy  in  favor  of  the  AJramis^ 
tration,  which  wa.s  onjected  to  on  the  grounrl 
Kiatfurt'iereri  lence  w.as  e.tpected  in  relation 
to  the  subject  of  the  fifth  resolution.  The  re- 
solutioMR  were,  howev.r,  taken  up  ;  but  the 
hour  of  tife-ivt,  o'clock  having  arrived,  the 
Speaker  called  for  the  orders  of  the  day.  A 
motion  was  made  tc  dispense  with  the  oinevs 
for  the  purpose  of  go'ngon  with  the  resolutioos) 
but  it  was  negatived,  alshough  a  majority  foteii 
for  it,  the  rule  of  the  Senate  requiringtwo  thir33 
to  dispense  with  the  orders. 

Tdesdat,  FBIini7.*ET  S. 

Mr.  Wietdiffe  offered  a  res<jIution  rescinditvg 
the  rule  of  the  Senate  requiring  two  thirds  to 
colour  in  diepensin  _;  with  the  ordti  s  of  the  day. 
This  motion  waa  oppostd  by  .Messrs.  Dariesa^ 
Pope  and  Dudley,  on  the  ground  thn*  '»  w.^s  in- 
tended to  operate  on  the  spcc;al  -aase  before 
the  Senate,  and  tliat  all  such  legislation  is  ini' 
proper. 

Tilt  hour  of  12  o'clock  having  arrived,  the 
Speaker.called  up  the  orders  of  the  day.  TTie 
resolutions  in  relation  to  Internal  Improve- 
ments, ami  the  Administration,  were  first  in  the 
orders,  and  were  consequently  taken  up. 

Mr.  Jheiess  moved  to  admit  and  examine  cer. 
tain  witnesses  now  in  attendance.  Some  dis- 
cu-ssion  took  phice  on  this  subject,  in  which  it 
was  insisted,  that  the  inquiry  onglit  to  bt: 
brouglit  to  an  end,  because  the  sexton  i.?  a'p- 
proachin|»  to  ils  ^l}tSl>alvrt  it  is  [TfopfT  thai  tin.- 


11 


V.'-y.s.l;iture  ii\oulJ  express  it's  •pinion  upon  tbe 
subjects  involved,  beiore  its  ailjourii.nent.  It 
was  generally  acceded,  that  the  examinatJon  of 
witnesses  ^^iioiild  flusL  <m  Ibis  day,  unless  testi- 
mony tiioukl  be  introduced  on  the  AJrninisti'a- 
'  ion  side,  when  rebutting  evidencJ  miglit  be 
introduced. 

John  S.  lint,  of  Bourbon,  stated,  that  in  1835, 
on  the  4th  or  5th  of  January,  he  went  into 
Wa.-r.ington  City  in  t'le  evening',  and  was  In 
company  wi'.h  Gen.  Meicalf,  and  asked  himfot- 
Inforniation  relative  to  l!ie  PresidejiiiaU-leciion' 
Ite  s».d  he  knew  little  more  tliaii  when  be  first 
aiTived,  or  than  v.'itnejs  ;  that  the  friends  of 
Jackson  woidd  come  to  us  and  say, we  hear  you 
are  goiiig  to  vute  for  Mr.  Adams  ;  and  the 
friends  of  .\.!anis  would  come  to  us  and  sjiy,  we 
Understand  you  are  g'oing;  toVotefor  Jackson, 
and  so  of  the  Iricnds  of  Cnnvford  ;  that  >vc  stand 
unconiinittcd,  and  we  nuist  know  so.nething' 
about  how  the  cabuiet  is  to  be  filled.  He  left 
the  City  on  the  8th  intlie  evening',  and  had  not 
ascertained  before  he  left  there,  how  the  Ken- 
lucky  delegation  would  vote.  While  at  the 
<;ity,  Fr.  Jol:nson  said,  in  his  presence,  he  had 
received  a  p;,rc<-l  of  letters  from  home  :  he  was 
asked  what  was  the  news  '  He  repl'ed.  they  say, 
stick  to  Old  Hickory — give  us  a  Western  Presi- 
dent whatever  )  ou  do. 

Duel.  J.  Jr.  Si'k,  of  Bourbon  county,  stat- 
ed, that  at  Slutniate's  Tavern,  in  MiUei-sburg, 
in  tue  spring  of  1825,  in  company  witli  several 
persons, Gen.  Metcalfe,  '^-jjon  being  asked  by  wit- 
ness, denied  and  disciaimed  that  tiiere  was  anv 
bargain,  sale,  or  corruption,  :n  the  Fresidsutial 
<dection,but  did  not  doubt  triat  there  was  a  great 
deal  of  logr.iihngar.iongs'L  the  friends  of  all  the 
candidates.  Fropositlo'is  he  said,  might  have 
been  made  in  a  jocular  mani.er.  by  tiie  friends 
of  the  respective  candidates  for  the  Presidency, 
but  that  he  knew  nuth-.ng  which  «  as  seriously 
intended.  Witness  then  related  the  substance 
of  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Hitt,  as  what  had  taken 
place  between  come  person  and  a  nieriber  of 
Congres;  from  Kentucky.  This  seemeu  ,.. -i 
tract  the  attention  of  the  General  verj  much, 
and  h.e  pressed  witr.ess  to  know  wliicl.  of  the 
members  had  been  saitl  to  have  ma.U:  such  re- 
marks, stating,  tint  he  felt  solicito  is  tokr.ow.to 
whom  the  allusion  was,  as  he  was  unwilling  to 
divide  the  responsibility.  If  attributed  to  hiir., 
he  did  not  wish  others  to  share  it  with  him;  if 
not,  he  wished  to  s^and  clear  of  the  impiitat'on. 
Through  motives  of  d'-lirsey,  witne??  declined 
any  definite  explanation  on  account  of  the  com- 
pany present,  with  the  intention,  at  a  future 
time,  to  explan  his  allusions.  AVitness  was, 
before  the  last  Presiilential  election  and  still  is, 
in  favor  of  Geu .  Jacks  jii  for  the  Presid.  ney. 

Jui^ph  ilil/er  was  present  at  the  conVi-r.sation 
stated  by.Ur.  Bills  and  confirmed  his  statement. 


JOHiN  DESHA'S  STATEMENT. 

A  statement  of  the  c  .nvtrsation  «'h  ch  took 
place  between  Gen.  Metcalfe  and  John  Desba, 
in  the  apriiijr  of  1!>25,  in  Carlisle,  shortly  af- 
ter the  General  returned  from  Congrcas. 
After  the  conim.in  s-ulutation  took  pUce,  I 
said  :  Well,  General,  you  have  made  us  a  Pre- 
sident. < 
tie  aiTSw^red,  yes. 


Bo  you  think  the  petple  of  Kentucky  will  be 
pleased  with  your  vote  ' 

1  think  they  will,  when  they  he.ar  my  reasons. 

What  ai'i  your  reasons,  Sir? 

\Vh)',  we  could  not  possibly  get  Jlr.  Clav  in 
the  cr.hine'  w.thoui  voting  for  and  electinif  Mr. 
AdaniF,  and  we  could  not  do  without  Mr.  Clay's, 
talents. 

I  told  him  1  thought  very  highly  of  Mr.  Clav, 
but  T  supposed  there  were  a  good  many  equally 
qushiicdin  the  United  States,  and  we  couivl  do 
without  hlni  if  he  were  dead.  But,  General, 
did  n  >t  General  Jackson  go  into  Congress  with 
fifteen  more  votes  than  any  other  Ciodidate' 

Yes. 

And  besides,  did  'lot  t;.e  Kentucky  Legisla- 
ture inform  you  that  a  inajority  of  the  ptiiple  of 
tha  Stale  wished  you,  if  li'.ej  couidnot  get  Mr. 
Clay  elected,  to  certainly  vote  for  Genci-al 
Jackson > 

He  answered,  he  thought  he  knew  as  well  as 
the  Legislature,  as  he  left  Kentucky  some  days 
a'fter  Ih;  Legislature  had  convened. 

But,  General,  you  could  not  know  as  well  as 
they,  as  they  were  immediately  from  even' 
eotmty  in  the  State. 

Let  it  be  as  it  may,  I  did  as  I  pleased;  and  I 
have  auollier  reason. 

What  is  that.  General  > 

We  might  have  been  all  the  time  engaged 
and  h.aie  risen  without  making  a  President  at 
ail,  without  we  elected  Mr.  Adams. 

So  much  the  better,  I  said,  for  then  we  would 
have  Ml .  Calhoun  to  administer  the  govern- 
ment, and  I  would  much  rather,  and  I  believe 
the  peijple  of  Kentucky  would  ratiier  have  him 
at  the  iieim  or  government  than  Mr.  .\d-ams. 

I  refer  feu  to  Mj-.  Joun  .Miiler,  of  Nicholas 
county,  as  lie  told  me  he  (Meicalfe)  gave  him 
the  very  same  reasons  he  gave  me. 

JOHN  DESHA. 

Nov.  mil,  1827. 

Mr.  Bexnixo: 

'V'c — I  am,  and  have  been  a  loner  tinife 
Zlm^e-ifoS^i'^'-tU  ^^Z'''  ''''^teyore  my 
be  good  f.r  my  health  to  travelTSWiL^L^JSL 
lish  this  if  you  tliir.k  p"i.|)er.  ^ 
I  am  yours,  &c. 

JOHN  DESHA. 

ST.\.TEMF.XT. 
I  do  certify,  that  some  time  previous  to  the 
las'  Presidential  election,  I  heard  David  Trim- 
ble -.ay,  in  a  speech  on  the  Court-house  steps  in 
Flemingshurg,  tliat  the  elder  John  .\dams  was 
tlie  most  difngerous  man  in  governriient  in  his 
day,  and  that  young  lohn  Q.  Adams  was  a  chip 
of  the  old  Mock,  if  any  odds,  woi'3e;  that  in  the 
treaty  at  Client,  he  wanted  to  barter  away  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  the  key  stone  of 
the  We.itern  country,  for  a  mess  of  Codfish  ;tliut 
he  was  al',va\s  considered  an  apostatt  f^xierahst: 
that  he  ahvavs  hud  been  hostile  to  the  AYest, 
and  that  we  ijevcr  will  have  an  equal  chance 
with  the  eastern  people,  until  we  get  a  Western 
president;  that  we  now  have  a  chance  in  the 
West;  for  we  have  two  candidates  fur  the  I'res- 
ideiicy;  and  that  he  thought  Henry  Clay  was 
the  strongest;  and  if  we  could  not  get  him,  we 
have  ai'oth-.:r  chance  in  the  West,  to  wit.  Gen. 
,^ac'ks^n. 


V2 


1  believe  the  above  to  be  the  sum  and  sub- 
srance  of  his  speech,  ifiiot  tlie  piecise  words. 

£.  B.  Earl/!, 
William  S/iockki/, 
Aquilu  Sdvipson, 
Jesse  iSitnimei'S, 
Cut.  John  Inylor, 


Richnrd  R.  Lee, 
Ttirpliy   Taylor, 
Charles  Spencer, 
Mortlecai  Wlliams, 
T.  IV.  Jones, 


James,  .ilexunder. 


September  21,  18^ 


MR.  H.VRRISON'S  STATEMENT. 

Afrer  the  most  illiberal  course  pursued  in  the 
Senate  ..y  Mr.  Hardin  towards  Mr.  Harrison, 
■we  deemed  it  necessary  to  his  own  vindication 
tefcre  the  world;  tliat  he  should  disclose  what 
he  knew.  We  accordiuifty  adLircssed  liiui  a 
note,  to  which  we  received  the  following  answer: 

FnANKFoQT,  7th  Feb.  1328. 
Jl  Kendall,  Esq. 

DeabSie — Your  letter  of  this  date  is  re- 
ceived. You  state,  that  it  is  due  to  myself,  as 
well  as  to  my  country,  to  say  wliat  1  know  upon 
the  subject  of  the  'resolution  wliicli  has  been 
Scted  upon  by  the  Senate,  in  regard  to  the  late 
Vresldential  election. 

I  had  refused  to  give  evidence  before  the 
Senate,  under  the  presumption  of  llie  communi- 
cation bein^made  to  me  freely  andin  confidence. 
I  observed  under  this  impression,  the  most  scru- 
pulous silence,  during  the  last  election,  although 
opposed  to  the  gentleman's  election  from  whom 
I  received  it.  Had  a  respectful  politeness  been 
observed  towards  me  by  an  honorable  Senator 
from  Nelson,  wliich  a  man  deser»ii-g  such  an 
Jionor  would  have  observed,  I  shoidd  not  now 
•disclose  to  you,  ai\d  no  doubt  through  you  to 
the  public,  what  I  refused  to  disclose  before  the 
Senate.  Without  entering  into  ui/ the  minuta: 
of  conversation  which  took  place,  (  will  state 
tliat  the  Hon.  David  Trimble  observed  to  me, 
«■'  that  we,  (meaning  I  supposed  the  Kentucky 
Belegation)  had  rfuf/mrf.'y  ascertained,  that  if 
if.  Adams  were  eJected^Pr^e^den.  g'^  ^  ^'^^ 

woy,'?.  fel'h'^Tackson  were  elected  President, 
Mr.  Clay  would  not." 

Tluat  ni  anotlier  conversation,  not  long  pre- 
vious to  the  last  election,  upon  my  oliserving  to 
Jlr.  Trimble,  that  if  Mr.  Clay  coukl  have  dis 
missed  his  prejudices  against  Gen.  Jackson,  and 
Jfladhim  elected  instead  of  Mr.  Adams,  General 
.lackson  would  not  have  been  a  candidate  for 
p5-clection,  in  my  opinion,  and  Mr.  Clay  would 
Ilave  been  his  successor.  Mr.  Trimble  replied, 
"you  are  mistaken;  that,  abliough  (iun.  Jack- 
spn  might  not  wish  lo  serve  a  second  term,  yet, 
Sis  friends  would  have  impressed  the  necessity 
of  his  election;  tliatthe  good  of  his  coiuitry  I'c- 
truired  it;  forit  is  necessary  that  the  President 
should  be  elected  a  second  term  to  iill  offices 
with  his  friends,  or  toplucehisfrier^dsin  otHce." 

Tlie  foregoing  is  substaiilinlly  what  I  should 
iiave  deposed  to,  had  1  been  sworn  before  the 
Senate;  and  Iregrel,  tli.at  \.\\k  extremely  illiberal 
observations  made  use  of  by  honorable  members 
of  the  Senate,  have  imposed  tlie  painful  task 
of  saying  any  thing  upon  tiiis  subject  uluch 
fiiuy  go  lo  the  public. 

|<L;m  resijec'.viiiv.  vcur  ob't.  sen 't. 

^t.  H.VKi.'iSO'N. 


J.  DtiBLEY'S  STA-rKMKi:v'r- 
J.  Dudley,  Esq.  a  Senator  from  Franklin  and 
Owen  counties,  being  called  upon,  made  the  fol- 
lowing statement  on  the  floor  of  the   Senate. 
One  day  in  .Tanuary,  1825,  F.  P.  Blair  came  into 
the  Senate  Chamber,    seated  himself  near  me, 
and  inquired  my  opinion  on  the  resolutions  pass- 
ed requesting  our  membersof  Congress  to  vote 
for  General  Jackson  as  President  of  the  United 
States.     Mr.  B.   desired  that  I  wpuld  write  let- 
ters requesting  the   members  and   particularly 
D.  White,  from  this  district,  to  consult  witli  Mr. 
Clay  and  vote  as  he  might    desire.      To   this    i 
objected,  and  g,avemy  reasons  therefor.   Mr.  B. 
appeared  surprised  that    1   should  raise  any  ob- 
jections, particularly  as  1  was   opposed  to  the- 
resolutions.   He  said',  that  a  number  of  members 
of  both  houses,  who  voted  for  the  resolution, 
had  written  such  letters,  and  that  I  could  do  it 
with  mor.-  propriety.     He  said,  if   Mr.    White 
could  be  induced   to  vote  for  Mr.    Adams,   he 
would  obtain  the  vote  of  Kentucky,  and  witli 
it  the  votes  of  most  of  the  \^  estern  States,  which 
would  elect  him,  in  which  case  Mr.   Clay  would 
obtain  the  appointment  of   Secretary  of  State. 
I  then  inquired  how  that  fact  had  been  ascer- 
tained?    His  answer  was,  that  letters  had  bee-n 
received  from  gentlemen  of  undoubted  veracity, 
at  Washington  City,  containing   such   infornra- 
tion,    that  1  might  rely  with  confidence  on  that 
statement.     I  replied  that,   although  I  was  op- 
posed to  the  resolutions,  I  had   no    doubt  they 
contained  the  truth,    and  therefore  1  could    not 
sa)    one  word  to  induce    our  members  of  Con- 
gress to  believe  otherwise.     I  further  protested 
against  Mr   Clay's   accepting  any  office    under 
Mr.    Adams,   whom  1  considered  a  federalist  of 
the  Boston  stamp,  in  1798  and  1800,  and  thence 
forward  an  enemy  of  the  west,   and  gave  it   as 
my  opinion,  thati'f  they  were  united,  they  would 
sink  together.   I  preferred  that  Mr.  Clay  should 
maintain  the   high  attitude  in    which   he   thtij 
stood,  by  which  means  he  wonid  be  the   molA 
prominent  candidate  at  the  next  election. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Jesse  Summers,  Eif/', 
to  General  Jllen,  giving  his  reasons  for  not. 
attending  at  the   bar  of  the   Senate,  dated 
Fleming   county,    Kentucky,  February  Stliy 
1828. 

I  have  heard  Mr.  David  Trimble  say,  it  was. 
ascertained  that  if  John  Q.  Adams  was  elected 
President,  he  would  appoint  Henry  Cl.ay  Secre- 
tary of  State;  and  he  aUo  stated,  in  all  proba- 
bility, if  General  Jackson  was  elected,  he  woul3 
not.  At  the  same  time,  Mr.  Trimble  stated, 
that  the  representatives  from  this  State,  or  a 
majority  of  them,  thought  tliatit  would  be  bet- 
ter for  us  to  have  John  Q.  Adams  President  and 
Henry  Clay  Secretary  of  State,  t'nan  to  have 
General  Jackson  President  and  some  other  per- 
son  Secretary.  This  may  not  be  verbatim  what 
Mr.  Trimble  saiil;  but  in  substance  it  is  ror> 
rectly  what  J  understood  him  to  say,  accurdiHg" 
to  the  best  of  my  recollection. 

Mr.  Trimble  had  made  it  necessary  for  him  to 
give  some  e.xplanation  for  his  vote  on  the  presi- 
dential election,  on  account  of  his  having  pre- 
viously rep.'esented  John  Q.  Adams  to  be  a 
liaiigcroBs  man,  and  an  enemy  to  the  western 
country.  He  said,  that  Adams  had  voted,  s' 
t?,e  treaty' of  (iTheiit,  to  give  up  the  ip.vjgatior 


13 


•:if  Oie  MisL,is3ip]-i  to  llie  British  for  a  raess  of 
rnilfish.  Mr.  Trrmi)le  liaviny  thus  spoken  of 
Mr.  Adams  previous  to  his  voting  for  him,  is 
what  made  me  somewhat  astonished  at  him  for 
voting-  for  the  man  lie  h.ad  so  denounced,  and  1 
5e!t  \  ery  anxious  to  hear  his  apology,  and  when 
it  came  it  was  in  part  as  above  stated. 

N.  It  The  above  statements  can  be  proved, 
if  nectjisary,  by  maiiy  witnesses  in  this  congres- 
sional district. 

Mr.  Trimble  stated,  \n  his  speech  at  Lewis 
court  house,  in  October,  lb25,  that  we,  (thi. 
members  of  Congress,  as  was  understood,)  as- 
certained that  if  General  .lackson  was  made 
President  he  would  not  make  our  friend,  Henry 
Clay,  his  Secretary  of  State;  bv^t  that  if  Mr. 
Adams  was  made  I'rasident,  he  would  (nake 
Mr  Clay  his  Secretary;  and  fticn  said,  if  the 
people  expected  him  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jackson 
under  such  circumstances,  they  expected  from 
Ilim  wh.at  he  could  not  and  would  not  d  >.  He 
said,  that  there  was  no  other  man  in  Kentucky 
who  «ould  do  for  a  Secretary  of  Stale  but  Mr. 
CJay,  and  if  Jackson  were  elected,  Kentucky 
would  have  no  voice  in  the  cabinet. 

HENliY  HALBERT, 
JESSE  HAMlilCK. 
»eb.  9th,  1828. 
Svrorn  to  before  me,  a  Justice  of  the   Peace 
for  Franklin  countv,  this  9th  day  of  Feb.  1828. 
H.  WINGATE,  J.  P. 


Bx)m  the  Kentuciy  Central  Watch  Towen 
?b  tfte  Editor: 

WisniKOTON  C\i-s,Jcia.  25th,  1828. 

Srn:  In  pursuance  of  your  request,  I  have 
taken  pains  to  inform  myself,  so  far  as  it  can  be 
done  from  public  documents,  of  the  accuracy 
of  the  statements  contained  in  the  newspapers 
last  summer,  relative  to  Mr.  Adams's  accounts. 
To  o,.t;o!y  y^ii.  -.n<l  th:it  norlion  of  my  consti- 
tuenUs  who  :ire  readei-s  of  your  paper;  o..  vi._ 
subject,  I  shall  gi\'e  literal  extracts  from  the  do- 
cument now  before  me,  accompanied  with 
such  explanatory  remarks  as  tlie  subject  may 
seem  to  require.  You  will  recollect,  that  when 
Mr.  Adams  was  appointed  to  aid  in  negotiating 
the  treat)-  of  peace,  he  was  Minister  of  the  Unit- 
ed  Ht;ites,  at  the  Co-,irt  of  St.  Petersburg,  where 
he  had  been  ever  since  1809.  It  appears  by  the 
public  documents,  that  his  duties  as  minister  to 
nigotiate  the  ])eace,  conmienced  29th  .\pril, 
1813,  and  ended  the  27th  Ftliruary,  1815;  hav- 
ing continued  one  year  and  ten  months. 

In  the  contingent  account  of  Mr.  Adams,.laid 
before  the  House,  February  21st,  1825,  imd 
printed  in  document  79,  page  103,  2d  vohmie 
mibllc  docimients,  1824—5,  are  the  foUoiaring 
iwms: 

ISll,  Jtiiie  30th,  E.tpenses  of  a  journey  from 

"  St.  Petersburg  to  tiheiit,   $  886  8(3 

Sept.  Exjjenses  at  Ghent,         1037  36 

"     Dec.  31,  do.  1384  65 

1815,  Januarj",  do.  640  00 

licre  we  li.ave  $  3,052  01  for  Mr.  Adam's  ex- 
penses at  Ghent,  for  <)nl\-  three  niontiis.  What 
■\j-as  the  natui-c  of  these  expenses,  has  never 
been  disclosed.  An  effort  will  be  made  at  this 
yjiasion  of  Congress,  to  obtain  an  ex])lanation  of 
■  iliis  most  extraordinary  expciidfture.  liutlrtns 
ntiTrn  tf>  rt<?  d?u-^imntt. 


"  This  sum  allou-cd  for  his  espeuses,  bac"k  t(>' 
St.  Petersburg,  equ:d  to  the  sum  allowed  on  his 
journey  from  St.  I'etersburg  to  Ghent,  $  886  86. " 
This  jouniey  back  in  St.  Peterstnirs,  Mr.  Adams 
nf.Vf-r  travelled.  He  went  from  Ghent  to  PariSj 
andtlience  to  London,  where  he  remained  about 
two  years  as  minister,  and  then  retui-ned  to  the 
United  States.  'I'his  statement  n  the  document, 
taken  I  presume  from  the  books  of  the  Treasu- 
ly,  is  wholly  deceptive — not  aa  to  the  payment 
of  the  money,  fur  Mr.  Adams  took  care' to  sd- 
cure  that,  but  as  to  the  services  for  which  it  was 
paid.  So  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  true  histor)-  of 
this  item  is  as  follows:  When  Mr.  .Adams  weiit  to 
Ghent,  he  left  his  family  in  Russia,  and  aftertlie 
close  of  that  negotiation,  they  joined  liim  at 
Ghent,  and  travelled  to  Paris."  The  travelling 
expenses  of  his  family,  fi-o;n  St.  Petersburg  to 
Pans,  he  charged  to  the  United  States;  but  the 
accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury  could  find 
no  law  which  would  justify  or  palliate  the  pay- 
ment of  this  item.  Whether  the  idea  first  o'c- 
cun-edtothem  or  Mi-.  Adams,  1  know  not;  but 
so  it  was,  that  inasmuch  as  Mr.  Adams  might 
have  gone  b.ack  to  St  Petersburg,  although"  in 
fact  he  did  not,  it  was  considered,  that  the  tra- 
velling expenses  of  his  family  from  St.  Peters- 
burg to  Paris,  might  he  p:ud  under  cover  of  this 
pretended  journey  back,  and  neither  Congress 
nor  tile  people  would  be  the  wiser  for  it!  So 
Mj-.  Adams  received  the  money,  under  tliis 
false  pretence.  The  accounting  officers  make  a 
false  corresponding  entr)' upon  the  public  book.s_, 
and  the  consideration  for  which  the  money  waS 
paid,  is  wholly  concealed  in  the  report  made  to 
Congress;  and  the  people,  as  well  as  their  re- 
presentatives, are  deceived  in  relation  to  the 
real  objects  for  which  their  money  is  paid.  But 
let  us  again  return  to  the  document.  The  neSt 
item  is  as  follows ; 

"This  sum  p.aid  liim  for  his  travelling  expen. 
"  ses  from  St.  Petersburg  to  Amsterdam;  frort) 
"  thence  to  Ghent,  Piiris,  and  Havre,  seeking  a. 
'•'  si^r"?°  '°  ^'"'  '^'"*"^<^  States;  it  being  impos. 
"  in'consequ'^nceofe^^">- P"'-*  >"  ^^t'^^^^^h 

Here  is  another  journey  paid  fov  o;'  ...i  „  „ 
people,  which  requires  explanation.  It  ha3 
been  sa.d,  and  probably  with  truth,  that  such  a 
jouniev  was  performed  by  the  Secretai*}'  of  Le- 
gation, AVm.  S.  Smith,  Mr.  Adams's  nephew, 
there  IS  no  law  .anthorizin(^'the  all  iwance  of  ti-a- 
veiling  e.xpensesto  Secretaries  of  Leg'ation;  but 
Mr.  Adams  being  Secretary  of  State,  procured 
tins  extraordinary  rllowance,  which  is  also  dis- 
guised upon  tile  books  in  the  manner  I  have 
stated. 

The  next  item  reads  thus:  "This  sum  allow- 
"  ed  him  for  his  expenses  at  Paris  waiting  tlte 
"  .answer  of  the  British  Government  to  a  propo- 
"  sition  to  treat  on  commerce,  and  the  instruc. 
"tions  of  his  own  Government  on  this  subject;, 

$830  19." 

These  expenses  were  incurred  at  Paris,  at  the 
very  time  when  Mr.  Adams  is  supposed,  in  a  pre- 
vious and  subsequent  .tcm  of  the  account,  to  be 
travelling  back  to  St.  Petersburg;  but  the  datca 
of  these  items  are  carefully  omitted  in  the  re- 
port to  Congress.  Had  they  been  given,  it 
would  have  appeared  on  the  face  of  the  docu- 
ment, that  Mr.  Adams  was  travelling  back  to  St. 
Petersburg,  and  residing  in  Paris  (.'/Mf.vHmc /(/Tit, 
antl  eh-:r  -'jii;-  Kiixi  Oovcriiment  wuh  bdili  tltf.  t=T- 


14 


^je^Bes  of  ^is  journey,  and  the  expeilses  of  liis 
residence  in  Vans!  It  would  seem  that  the  d;\tes 
t;ould  have  beun  omitted  only  to  conceal  the 
fals'.-iiood  of  tl.c  pretences  under  which  some  of 
the  itenis  wrt  allowed!  U  should  be  here  re- 
marked  that  Mr.  Adams  was  allowed  iin  oiitiit 
of  $9.'M0  on  his  appointment  lo  Engdand,  and 
that  h;s  salaiy  for  that  mission,  commenced  on 
the  28ih  Febniary,  1813,  whereby  he  was  re- 
ceiving' not  only  cxpenst  fur  travelling'  back  to 
St.  Pvt^-rsbui'g',  ind  expense  for  detention  :n 
Pari.s,  but  his  s'llary  as  Jiiuister  to  London,  all 
at  tiie  sane  time! !   The  i^ext  item  reads  thus; 

"  This  sura  beinjf  the  amount  heretofore  3U&- 
"  i:ended  from  two  contiiigeiit  accounts,  bvit 
"wliich,  on  further  explanation  ;md  coivsidera- 
"  tion.is  admitted,  §90  35." 

Of  this  1  know  nothl.ng'.  But  now  comes  a 
\tT\'  (jxt.'aoitlinaiy  item: 

•'  This  sum,  aliov/eel  him  as  equivalent  to  his 
'•  e.vpen.'jes  from  Ghent  to  St.  Petitrsi)iin;-,  after 
"the  conclusion  of  the  treatj-  of  peace  witli 
"Great  Britain,  he  being  sccrediled.  and  con- 
"sidered  Jli'!:st--.i'  o,t  the  Russian  Co'jrt  until 
"the  receipt  of  his  appointment  to  that  of 
'•  (Jreat  Biitaiii,  f  1,566  54." 

"Ded'icthis  sum,  sllowed  hi.r  fur  tlus  ob- 
"ject,  for  report  No.  282,  under  an  i)Xipres.sion 
"that  the  saiiie  sums  ciiarped  by  him  fur  the 
"journey  fi-oi.i  St.  PeterslKii-tj  to  Ghent,  would 
"  be  equal  to  the  expenses  of  his  reiu'.n,  but 
"  whic!i  iio'.v  a])pi:ars  .voalj  net  havi'  been  the 
"■  ease,  ;u5  that  joiu'iey  wasipade  chiefly  by  wa- 
"  tei',  l>ut  his  retui'n  m'-i.-it  Ivave  been  by  land, 
"  ami  by  the  saipcr:,ute  as  that  '-.ikeu  by  iviessra. 
"  Gallatin  and  Ba'.aid,  and  equally  expensive, 
'•  ."oS  oC,  '  §6,-9  68." 

llei''-'  is  .motlic!  allowance  for  the  jciu'iiey 
back  from  Ghent  to  St.  Pe',eviibm'g',  accompa- 
nied by  the  ino5t  disg-.isting'  and  disg'racefal 
falsehoods.  As  i'ur  as  I  c;m  leai-n,  tiie  yroimds 
of  ihi.s  second  ..Uowance.  were  as  ;bllo><'s:  The 
travelling;  expense-;;  e*'  Mr.,  Adams' fa'.nily,  from 
St.  Petersburg  to  P;ms,  were  chai'sec!  at  the  vun>- 
-  .."  1  *T^A   '   u  *'    I  *u  '  r—i-^t^-^vance  or 

01  1,500  nallars,   so  tnat  the  * —    , 
886dolla!'sS.>--'-;::,— ^'^':'"';"r<^nJ-etcnce 

____j-^miey  from  Client  to  St.  Petersburg',  was 
not  sutTicient  lo  cover  ihiin.  After  the  iil-st  al- 
lowance was  made,  Mr.  Adarns  discovered  that 
Jlessi-s.  Bayard,  and  perliaps  Galb.tin,  had 
charged  and  received  1,566  doILi-s  54  cents 
eacli,  for  te.e  exp.inses  of  their  journey  from 
St.  Petersburg'  t(.  Glienf,  and  he  forthwith  pu.s 
ill  a  further  claijn  to  an  e<ju:d  allowance  for  I-is 
preicnu'cd }oufaL-yy  in  order  to  co-.-er  his  fiimdy's 
tr.ivelhng-  expenses!  Tnis  also  is  allowed,  de- 
ducting- the  previous  aliowance!  Mark  the  false 
reasons  K"'-"^  -^or  this  additional  allov.';'.nce!  I' 
is  said  Mr  Adams's  joiuiity  from  St.  Vetei-sburg' 
to  Ghent,  was  made  chielh  by  water,  "Indhin 
return  iuu.it  liuvr  bttn  hy'hud,"  when,  in  fact, 
lie  never  retiuned  at  at!  li  is  adtV-d,  "  u.nl  by 
the  same  rout"  .is  tlict  tikcn  ly  Mejsrs  GuHhU'i 
and  JBnyurd.  and  e:/ually  cj:pcn.slvc."  A  mere 
pretext  for  oiitaimng-  6i'2  dcUare  o8  cents 
more  than  it  had  cost  him,  by  liis  own  ac 
count  for  travelling'  over  the  same  g;round! 
From  wliich  it  appeu-s  tliat  the  allowance 
of  886  dollars  85  cents  originally  made 
under  false  pretences,  was  afterwards  en- 
l;irg'e<l  to  1566  dollars  54  cents,  under  accumu- 
lated fictions!  He  finally  gets,  under  pretence 
of  a  direct  journej:  b^ck  to  St.  Petersburg-  from 


Ghmt,  wbicU  be  never  peifuoncil,  as  lUucU  a.'5 
Mr.  Bayard  g'ot  for  a  circuitous  journey  from  St. 
Petersburg  by  Ghent  to  London.  How  Kir. 
Adsins  could  des..end  to  procure  from  the  pub. 
lie  Treasmy  his  fmily's  Iravelling  expenses, 
which  he  knew  couldnot  b»  legall)  allowed,  liy 
filling'  'he  records  of  his  counti'y  wit.u  poss  and 
repea'.fd  m;sstateme..ts  Ilea^eto  his  supper, - 
ers  to  exiikin!  i       ,  ^ 

Wl'.en  Mr.  Adams  was  appointed  to  aid  in  ii-- 
go'iiatiiig  the  rreaty  of  peaci.in  AprH,  1813,  the 
President  sent  out  to  him  ^13,500;  4,,50C  dollars 
on  account  of  Ir.s  Sidary  as  Minister  to  Russia, 
and  9,000  doUiu's  as  an  outfit  for  the  peace  mis- 
sion. Af^erwiU'vls  die  President  asked  an  apprb- 
piia'ion  by  Congress  to  caver  this  outfit,  but  as 
the  finances  of  liie  country  were  exhausted  and 
eml)arriis8<--d  by  the  war,  and  9,000  d(dlars  outfit 
was  considered  rather  extrav.ig'jnt  for  a  iVIinistcr 
u!r';ae!y  in  Europe,  that  body  apj-.ropriatcd  cnly 
4,500  fur  iir.  Adams'  outfit,  and  he  was  direct- 
ed to  enter  a  credit  on  h's  account  in  favor  of  the 
Government,  equal  to  the  other  4,500  dollar^, 
the  baliinoe  of  the  $9,000  senlhim  by  the  Presi- 
dent. .  This  he  refused  to  do,  complsinir.jr  bit- 
terly of  Co.igress  for  their  penuriousness,  and 
declai-ing'  that  they  had  as  much  riglit  to  coniis- 
Cide  his  private  property  as  to  reciuire  him  ■*o  re-, 
fund  any  poitiou  uf  the  money  whicii  had  been 
Sent  to  him  by  the  Government.  He  never  did 
refur.d  the  money,  or  enter  a  credit  lor  it,  and 
lie  stood  charged  with  it  en  'die  books  cf  tJie 
Tre,asiu7  imtil  1822.  To  compel  d_fii;lters  to 
settle  c.p  tlieir  lUTears  with  Government,  Con- 
gress passed  an  act  prohib!ti!\T  the  payment  of 
anv  salarj'  or  compensation  to  any  officer  of  the 
VJni'ed  States  who  was  in  arreare  witii  the  Go- 
vernment. Mr.  A-kuns  was  then  Secveury  of 
State,  and  in  obecheiiee  to  law,  the  Tiea.sary  of- 
ficers refased  to  pay  him  his  siJiirv'  until  he  ac- 
counted  for  this  4,500  doliai-s,  -ivliich  He  !:ad  re- 
ceived in  1813  He  new  reiterated  his  com- 
pliiir.ts,  and  appealed  to  ibe  President,  i^fho  rc- 
i-_— — -1  iii>^  suDject  to  the  Attorney  General. 
Tliat  officer  g'ave  a;-)  .ipinion,  that  the  President 
had  a  rsfht  to  g'ive  the  money,  anil  'irt  Adarns 
to  k'.ep  it,  in  despite  of  the  authority  of  Con- 
g'ress,  and  without  an  -ippropriat.on,  althoug-li 
the  Constitution  sfiys  expressly,-  "no  money  shall 
be  dr^wn  fiom  tlie  Treasury  but  incorjiequencc 
of  appropriations  made  by  law,"  &c. 

Mr.  Adams  ivtaineil  the  money  and  recei\'ed 
the  creuit,  altliough  no  appropriation  has  been 
made  to  this  d?y  Thus  it  was,  tliat  he  realized 
an  outfit  of  9,000  dollars,  when  sent  upon  the 
peace  mission.  The  peace  mission  commenced 
thij  29th  of  April,  IPIJ,  and  ended  t!ie  27th  of 
I''e^rlLJ•J■,  1815,  havini^  continued  one  ye:^  aa<l 
ten  months,  ilr.  Ailams  was  then  appointed 
Mn.ister  to  Great  Britain,  and  Jus  mission  com- 
menced ?8th  February,  1815.  Upon  this  ap- 
pointment, he  claimed  anotl'.er  outfit  of  9,000  ~ 
doUav.J.  The  tioveinment  heatated  at  making- 
the  allowance,  because  there  'ifas  un  act  of  Con- 
g-ress  which  declai'ed,  "thiitit  sliall  not  be  Uwfiil 
in  any  case  for  the  Presl'^ent  to  idlow  a  ilinister 
Pl-mipotentiary  or  Chiuge  d' A  flaires  o,<  ^wn^' 
fror:  t/ie  Umitd  .jtalc.t  to  any  other  fort igni  coun- 
tn-,  an  outfit  which  shall  exceed  one  year's  sala- 
ry." It  wa.s  doubted  whetiier  any  outfit  could 
be  lawfully  Jlowed  to  a  Minister  who  had  been 
liduatly  Jiitid  out,  and  was  alre-dy  in  a  ii»eigii 
eouiitrv,  upon  u  ti-ansfer  from  oue  coilittoan- 


15 


oilier,  liut  it  was  tiuajly  Jccided  tkut  Ikis  I.t«- 
did  not  bsr  im  outfit  in  such  a  casi',  and  Mr. 
Adams  r«o<-!Tt>d  another  9,000  dollars  on  being' 
transfeired  from  Ghent  to  i.()ndon.  Thus  did 
he  i-ec'civc",  within  two  vars,  two  outfits  of 
9,000*dollar8  ecch,  making  18,000  dollais. 

It  has  bfvn  said,  diiit  dur'ig- t!ic  Ghent  mis- 
sion, Mr.  Adains  chaigfLu  and  received  a  double 
tialary;  viz.  9,000  dollars  per  yt:ai',  s«  Ministij' 
to  Ghent,  and  ■>,0<X/  dollars  pei-  yt^'  as  Minister 
to  Hussia.  Th :  document  nr.  h  hich  this  cJiar^e 
IS  predicated  ;9  now  btfore  me.  It  orijj^'natcd 
:>s  follows:  in  April,  1823,  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentstives  adopt,  d  ii  resolution,  calln-.g'  on  the 
Sec.retiiri'  of  State,  who  -.vas  none  other  tlian 
Mr.  Adams  tiimself,  for  "a  statement  exhibidn^ 
the  amount  paid  for  outfit,  lelum,  id;iri<.s,  and 
conUngrnt  expeiise.i,  to  each  Knvoy  lixtiaordi- 
iiaiT  and  Uiuister  I'lenipotentiari',  and  CtiargTj 
des  Affaii-es,  frO/U  the  United  States  to  tlie  rc- 
spect'Te  foreign  co'.iits,  irom  l6t  Jinnan',  1801, 
to  ;U3t  December,  IbJl."  M.-.  Aaaiira  crJied 
on  the  Ko^;3tcT  of  the  Treasury  to  make  out  the 
diie-.jnient,  walcli  he  accordiiigiy  did,  and  com- 
mu:iic„ted  it  to  Mr.  Adaiu-i,  by  «kein  it  was 
sent  to  the  Hoase  of  }!■  proientatives.  Thisdo- 
ctiniciit  cont.iin3  the  fo^owing'  account  of  the 
mnoiuit  jidM  to  Mr.   Adams,    as  Minister  to  the 

-vet^l  courts  tlierein  mentioned,  which  1  have 

■xactly  copied: 


=  =•    s=r 


Tl§^. 


>2»  = 


;=.(« 


S5?2 


M?5i    e|. 


§3 

op 


c  Z"! 

35i 


%P  v?   P^ 

'>'  s-"'  ^•"-" 
.  c"  -?    .> 

e    2.       "5 

f-    "I     -r 


=  > 


S       8 
s       « 


a     s 


1  have  copied  all  of  this  p.iper,  just  as  it  is 
printeel  in  document  No.  120,  vol.  7,  of  public 
documents  for  18il,  '32.  It  will  be  perceived 
th;it  the  mis.sioiis  to  Russia  and  Giknt  ai'e  i"opre- 
sonted  as  ending  at  the  same  time,  viz.  27th  of 
I'ebniary,  1815;  that  in  the  column  of  aalar)-  is 
ptacf<l  u  f'jll  sahiiy  as  Miuioter  lo  Ghent,  if 
these  statemei'.ls  be  accurate,  Mr.  .\d;tnis  did  re- 
i^nve  a  doubl  ■  3;ilar\-.  But  truth  compels  nie 
■•1  =-iv,    tHat  tMs '.rocument,  liie  diri.J.s  reintins' 


to  Mr.  A<iai>is's  accSunts,  is  very  inaccurate,  if 
not  materially  false.  In  the  main  document,  the 
totals  do  not  correspond  withtlit  item.s,  and  the 
recapitulation  does  not  with  either  the  totals  nr 
the  .ag-gregatc  of  the  items  in  that  document. 
I  cannot  tiierefore  asseri,  piisjtively,  that  Mr. 
Adam.9  did  rsceivc  a  doul'lc  st>!ar)-,  or  that  he 
did  not;  but  «hcn  I  reflect  that  this  docu- 
ment, which,  ,s<ems  conti-iied  rather  to  conca! 
than  develop  the  tnitii,  c?.me  thr.nig'h  his  own 
hands,  and  must  have  pa.f;scdl.i3 inspection,  there 
seems  to  jne  reason  to  infer,  th.it  the  worst  re- 
presentation it  mr-kes  is  the  real  truth  of  the 
case.  Take  this  document  corning  tbrotig;'h 
Mr  A'dams  hims.^lf,  as  true  in  its  woi'st  suspect, 
and  let  us  S'jc  how  much  money  lie  contrived  to 
pocket  in  t no  yea:-s,  commencintr  with  his  .ap- 
pointment upon  the  Ghent  Mission  in  April, 
181,3: 

Outfit  on  the  Ghent  Mission,  S  ^-^-^OO  GO 

SaliOT  do  -         -     2.},?9d  oO 

CoPtinffencies,     do  -         -,      1),j4o  69 

OutEt  on  Mission  to  Great  Britain,     9,000  00 
Salary  of  Russian  and  Brit.  Mission,  18,000  00 


!^62,G+4  90 

If  this  document  be  correct  in  the  amount  of 
Saley  s.t  to-  each  Mission,  Mr.  Aclr.nis  muJt 
have  charg-cd  an«l  received  this  sum  for  services 
and  expenses  between  the  29th  of  April,  181.;, 
and  the  29tb  Apnl,  181. i,  besides  some  eontii-i- 
g'encics  Ht  London.  If  indeed  he  did  not  re 
ceive  any  stdary  as  M'nister  to  Ghvnt,  then  t!ie 
amount  paid  to  l.im  for  tlietwo  years  wai.^J, 345 
60.  That  he  did  actually  receiie  this  latter  sum, 
nmcli  of  It  under  false  pretences  and  contrjj'rta 
law,  there  is  no  rooiu  to  doubt.  What  .■•.gency 
Mr.  Adams  had  in  sttthn^  iiis  own  account;;  a;id 
directing'  the  allowances  to  iiims'ilf,  I  kn0\»'  not. 
Certain  it  is,  tliat  the  Secrct.j-y  of  State  is  the 
chief  agent  inm.akin.if  all  cxtraoidinary  allowan-  ,; 
cc-s  to  foreig-n  Mln'stc-.rs.  ?\Ii'.  Adams  wab  Secre- 
tary of  State  from  1817  to  1325,  and  liis  a^icounts 
must  have  been  settld  after  his  retuin  home. 
He  at  least  dirt  not  object  to  tl»e  extravagant  al- 
lowances made  to  him,  some  of  tliem  tor  ser- 
vices and  journeys  not  performed,  for  he  pock- 
eted tlie  money. 

I  have  now  g'lven  you  all  the  information  I  can 
collect  from  the  public  documents  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  your  inquiry.  You  may  rely  upon  it  as 
accurate  in  the  manutr  imd  to  the  extent  tjiat  f 
have  stated. 

I  cannot  foi-bear  to  mention  that  in  this  inves- 
tig'ation  I  have  met  with  a  key  to  tW  feeling's 
which  dictated  the  letter  of  Mr.  Adams  to  Le- 
vitt HpjtIb,  in  which  he  pronounces  our  Govern- 
munijeehle  anri  pfiurious.  Coii(;Tess  had  refus- 
ed to  allow  him  a  full  outfit  of  9000  dollars.  In 
a  letter  to  iiim  f'Oiu  Mr.  Monroe,  then  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  dated  Jime  2od,  1814,  he  is  inforni- 
ed  of  this  fact  in  tlie  following  words: 

"  It  is  necessa'ry  to  'appriic  you,  tliat.  altho'- 
"  a  full  OMifit  wa.0  transmitted  by  t!ie  N'epiune, 
"  and  Intended  to  be  allowed  you  by  the  Kxee- 
"  utive  ns  a  member  of  the  extra  mission  :it  St. 
'*  Petefsbuig',  yet  the  I.eg'islattire,  on  a  refer- 
"  enee  of  rjie  subject  to  them  for  an  appropria- 
"  tion,  decided  the  principle,  by  the  amount  ap- 
"  propriatedaiidtIiedisi'\i,sslon  which  took  plae-; 
•'at  the  time,  tiiat  an  .mtfitonly  could  be  allow- 
"  ed  to  a  Minister  under  cii'cmnstances  applica- 
"  Id'-  to  -.'onr  c.-.-e,      )',!  vourdrafts  niit'ie  'v,;;',j,- 


10 


'••  rjs  and  in  yonr  future  accounts,  you  will  be 
"  pk;ised  to  keep  this  deduction  in  vievv." 

But  tlie  Minister  had  tlie  money,  and  although 
the  Government  was  almost  bankrupt,  the  ar- 
iny  naked  and  stai'ving-,  and  the  enemy,  reliev- 
ed from  war  in  Europe,  was  preparing  to  cany 
fire  and  sword  through  our  country,  and  did 
soon  after  take  tliis  city,  and  burn  the  public 
buildings,  he  liad  no  conception  of  relinquish- 
ing his  hold  upon  the  c;.sh  he  had  received. — 
To  Mr.  Monroe's  iettci-  lie  returned  an  answer, 
dated  Client,  23d  Ai!g'ust,  1J)14,  characterized 
by  a  tone  and  temper  ill  becoming-  a  rcpresent- 
r.tive  of  his  country  in  that  day  o!'  her  g-  eatest 
■u ant  and  peril.  Among  other  tilings  of  a  like 
cliaractcr,  he  says: 

"  1  allege,  that,  by  an  act  of  the  E>:ecutive 
"  ])eriectly  confoimable  tothe  constitution  and 
•'  tile  law,  the  sum  whicli  1  am  now  required  to 
*'  deduct  from  my  accounts  and  my  drafts,  was 
^^  my  property  as  much  a?  tiie  fKv.'lling  liouse 
"  of  any  nicniber  ol'  the  leg'islature  was  ids,  and 
"  that  the  principle  which  Congress  would  set- 
"  tie,  by  an  ultnnate  refusal  to  allow  theappro- 
"  jjrjation,  could  be  no  other  tiian  a  principle, 
"  to  coutiscate,  without  any  alletred  Oi'iince, 
*•  not  halfthe  outiit  of  a  Miuis'.er  undercircnm- 
•"  btancvJ  applicable  to  my  rase,  but  so  jiiuch 
"  of  my  individual  property." 

If  1  had  more  time  I  wnuld  give  the  whole  let- 
tei',  from  which  you  would  not  fail  to  ijerceive, 
that  .Mr.  Adams  thought  more  of  filtins'his  own 
pockets  at  that  period,  than  he  ditlot  the  wants 
of  his  bleeding  country. 

His  famous  letter  to  Levitt  Harris  is  dated 
Ghent,  ISth  Noveraber,  1814.  Among-  other 
things  not  very  creditable  to  his  patriotism,  lie 
ai)s; 

"  Divided  among  ourselves,  more  in  passions 
"  than  interests,  with  hah'  t!)e  njition  sold  by 
"  their  prejudicesand  their(^j/<i,-«/(i-e  toour  en- 
*'  cniy,  with  a.  feeble  and pentiriou.i giinrnmcuf, 
'■  with  five  frig-ates  foranavy,  and  scarcely  live 
•'  efficient  regiments  for  an  amiy,  how  can  it  be 
"  expected  that  we  sboiiklrcsit  the  mass  of 
■•'  tOTCii  vbii'i'''iaT  gigantic  power  hascollected 
"  to  cruih  us  at  a  blow.".  You  will  recollect, 
air,  the  events  of  that  period.  Our  treasury 
Was  empty  and  the  capitol  in  ruins,  whde  Mr. 
Adams  was  grasping  at  outfits,  salaries,  trai'el- 
ling  expenset  and  contingencies,  without  reason 
or  hunt,  and  abusinglhe  Governinfiit  -as pcnuri- 
L'tis,  because  it  would  not  yield  to  all  his  tx- 
tra-vagant  demands!  Mr.  Monroe  at  Washing- 
lOB  au^Genoral  Jackson  at  New  Orleans,  were 
bon-owing  on  their  own  credit,  and  hazarding 
e^■e^y  dollar  they  jiossesscd  in  the  world,  to 
liave  their  suffering  countiy.  In  November 
18J4,  when  the  letter  to  Harris  was  written. 
General  .lackson  was  driving  the  Hritisii  from 
I'lorida,  and  opening  his  way  to  New  O^'lejiiis. 
K)n  the  1st  of  IJecember  he  arrived  at  that  City, 
pud  used  to  the  people  a  language  which  I  beg 
you  to  contrast  with  that  ol'  Mr.  .\danis.  He  de- 
clared "Ihat  w/iQ  isnot  fur  u.i  is  tigainst  Uf,"  he 
informed  those  whom  he  commanded  or  was  to 
liei'end,  "  lo  remttnher  t.'iut our ivutdtunnif  is  Vic- 
toria tjr  dtath:  our  country  must  find  .s7/ j//  te  de- 
fended. IVe  will  enjoy  out-  libLrly  or  perish  in  the 
hst  ditch." 

Yont  obedient  servniit, 

T.   V.   MOORB. 


Out  readers  are  tieft  pititMTed  with  tie  Jinr 
number  of  the  United  Slates'  Tek^aph  Extra, 
which  is  dedicated  to  all  those  citizeris  of  the 
United  States  who,  at  the.  elevation  of  the  Hero  of 
New  Orleans  to  the  most  responsible  station  iji 
their  gift,  expect  a  correction  of  existing'  nhuses\ 
and  an  honest  administration  of  tlicir  public  (Q^ 
fairs.  More  particularly  is  this  paper  dedicateS 
to  the  different  corresponding  committees  through^ 
out  the  Union,  who  have  been  appointed  for  the 
purpose  of  disseminating  puKt'Ciil  truth,  and  re 
fating  the  varioiui  shnders  liy  which,  a  corrupt 
cotili/ion  are  endenroriJig  to  jmd^iig  zh-it  pouxr 
vhieh  they  acquired  by  violutiiig  iut  public  wiJJ. 
7%e  publishers  believe  ihat  a  paper  (ike  the  anr 
here  offered,  on  terms  that  shnll  rendtr  it  aeccis/t 
ble  to  even/  citizen,  will  tend  spyatly  to  proncatt 
the  cause  of  the  PEOPLE.  Ti^e  patronage  <&■ 
ready  given  to  it  is  exten.nve,  and  greatly  J7icreas* 
ing;  and  to  meet  this  inrreresing  dtmaiw.,  they  inr- 
tend  to  print  a  Uirge  edition  oj  the  first  ntimbei'S^ 
to  acroni  moilate  tlicrefioith  those  whn.if  orders  nmf/ 
not  arrive  until  afier  their  piiblicntion 

.111  the  corresponding  eonuiiitiees,  and  all  thasv 
disposed  lo  aid  the  ccmsc  of  sound  principles  Iji/ 
the  election  of  ANDREW  JACKSON,  are  re 
quested  to  exert  thenu^lves  fur  procuring  sidjsrrib' 
trs,  and  tronsmitting  their  nahns  to  the  nulilish- 
ers  icilliout  ikluy.  Thty  u\U  perceive  that,  to  io- 
drmnify  the  Editors  for  the  expense  of  publico' 
iiim,  all  payments  should  be  made  in  advance, 
and  that  they  can,  in  no  ease,  prry  postage. 

The  editors  would  suggest  to  tho.HC  who  otr- 
tain  suhscribers,  the  propriety  of  retaining  the 
nionfy  paid  to  them,  until  it  shall  amount  io 
^fivt  dollars  at  least ;  for,  besides  the  saving  <^ 
postage  to  siibscribcr.%  the  editors  would  state  that., 
bills  of  a  lesser  denomination  than  five  ihllnrs  are 
not  current  in  Wushingtun,  unless  they  be  on  Itit 
District  Bunks. 

The  Editors  improve  the  opportunity  afforded 
by  this  publlcution,  to  iiifor,a  their  palroiu  that, 
df  theUnited  States'  T,ki^rujih,  tlicii  yiMisli  four 
papers.  The  first  is  a  Daily  I'aper,  ivhich  is  of- 
fered for  'J'en  thlliirs  pecyiiir.  The  sccond'.a 
published  three  times  per  week  during  the  sessioa 
of  Congress,  and  twice  per  week  during  the  re- 
cess; and  is  offered  for  Five  DoUurs  per  year,  and 
Tliree  Dollars  for  six  months.  'I7ie  third  is  pub- 
lished IVeelily,  and  is  ofj'ered  for  Four  Dollars 
per  year.  If  three  sul/scribers  unite  and  remit  ten 
dolLrs,  each  will  receive  a  Jl'elrly  Taper  for  one 
year,  'llie  fourth  will  be  published  weekly,  from 
the  Is'  of  March  until  the  iStk  of  Uctober,  far 
One  Dollar. 

Concerning  the  political  doctrines  to  the  support 
of  which  this  paper  will  be  devoted,  the  idilars 
need  .luy  nothing.  Tlit  course  hitherto pursuul  in 
the  United  /States'  'Telegraph,  tvilJ  be  strictly  pur- 
sued in  this  Extra  ;  and  hofo  far  that  course  has 
been  approved  by  the  great  Republican  party  oj 
the  Union,  may  be  learned  from  the  extensive,  if 
not  unexampled  patronage  which  the  editors  htcee 
received  from  tht  people  and  the  subscribers,  and 
tlie  malgnant  ubii.'ie  Ihul  has  been  poured  upon 
tli-sm  by  tli£  agents  of  the  coul'tion. 

GUEEN  &  JARVIS. 


03"  We  invite  the  pubhc  attention  to  the  let- 
ter of  t'le  Moll.  'I'tjomtis  P.  Moore,  Member  of 
Congres-s  from  Kentucky,  concerning-  the  ac- 
counts of  OIL'  drsiittfrcyltd  imd  jpitrvitir  Presi- 


UNITED  STATES  TELEGRAPH—^'af/,.. 

This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weeklv 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar,  "" 

BY  GREEN  ^-  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   I. 


WASHINGTON,  MARCH  21,  1828. 


No. 


SIX  MILITIAMEN. 

The  Editors  of  the  United  States'  Telegraph 
beCeving  that'hey  could  not  render  a  more  ac- 
ceptable service  to  their  readers,  than  by  pla- 
cing- within  a  compendious  compass  the  facts 
and  principles  of  Law  connected  with  the  case 
of  the  "Six  Te.«nessee  Militia  men,"  have  pre- 
pared, ami  now  publish  in  a  pamphlet,  from  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Mihtary  Affairs,  and 
the  debate  which  took  place  in  tne  House  of 
Representatives,  on  the  11th  February,  relative 


Coalition  to  liave  made  a  more  judicious  selec" 
tion.  This  gentleman,  with  a  happy  insensi- 
bility both  to  shame  and  punishment,  had  just 
that  darkling-  malice  which  fitted  him  "for  a 
mousing  owl;"  and  in  strict  obedience  to  the 
orders  he  had  received,  the  call  was  so  shaped 
by  himself,  as  to  bring  out  merely  what  the  CO' 
ahtion  wanted.  The  seasonable  amendment, 
however,  of  Mr.  Wicktiffe,  extracted  a  Ltde 
more,  and  tliis  enabled  the  Committee  on  MUi- 
taiy  Affairs  to  develop  the  true  history  of  the 
to't'he  printing  of  that  report  andthedocumems     ^""saction.      When  the  call  was  answered  by 


transmitted  by  the  Department  of  War  in  obe 
dience  to  the  call  of  Mr.  Sloane,  of  Ohio. 

The  annals  of  the  world  scarcely  disclose  a 
circumstance  of  greater  baseness  and  injusiice 
than  the  conduct  of  the  Coalition,  and  its  tools. 


tlie  transi.nission  of  the  documents  from  the  War 
Department,  it  will  be  remembered  with  what 
pertinacity  the  fnemls  of  the  Administration  re- 
sisted their  reference  to  the  Conunittee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs,  because  they  knew  tliat  that  Com.- 


throughoat  the  whole  of  this  transaction.      It  ™"ee  would  give  a  candid  and  fair  exposition 

will  be  remembered  by  our  readers  that  it  was  °'  *"^     .     ""'^  ^^"^^  °*"  '''<=  case;  and  that,  as  tlie 

immediatel  /  after  tite  decided  revolution  in  pub-  P™ceedings  of  the  court  did  not  contain  a  re- 

lie  sentiment,  occasioned  by  tiie  moral  disgust  v'      °*  'he  law  under  which  it  acted,  the  pub- 

and  loathing  at  the  infuriate  and  infamous  at-  ''=.«'" "'<>  °<^  sure  to  be  misled  if  it  was  not 

tacks  on  the  character  of  Mrs.  .lackson,  that  P^'^'^"  o^it- 

this  fiction  of  Generaljackson's  illeg:!!  e.xecu-  ^^'^  need  not  refer  to  tlie  dishonor.able  course 

tion  of  the  six  militia  intn  was  got  up,  and  that  pursued  by  the  administration  party   when  the 

Binns, /)arfJK//f/icf,  the  infamous  Bini.s,  forged  Committee  presented  their  report — the  effort's 

the  memorable  letter  of  John  Hams.  Although  made  to   separate  this  report  from   the  doctt- 

the  report  of  the  Nashville  Committee  put  down  ments,  and  the  still    more  reprehensible    at- 

this  fabrication,  and  suspended  this  slander  for  tempt  to  have  them  pubhshed  as  arranged,   as- 


a.  time,  yet  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  the  supple 
instrument  of  a  more  designing  man  than  him- 
self, v/as  too  far  committed  in  the  dissemina- 
tion  of  this  calumny  to  recede,  and  having  con- 
sented to  become  the  carrier  of  John  Binns,  he 
was  obliged  also  to  be  his  endorser. 


sm-ttd,  and  shuffled  at  the  Department  of  War. 
These  facts  the  debate  will  emphatically  dis- 
close. 

We  regret  that  the  documents  sent  by  the 
Department  are  so  voluminous  as  to  preclude 
our  publication  of  them,  for  witli  the  tabular 
The  consequence  has  been,  tnat  the  archives  statements  of  the  muster-rolls  they  are  equiva, 
of  the  War  Department  have  been  opened  to  '^"^  '<>  about  200  print'-d  pages;  but  what  will 
every  libeller  of  General  Jackson,  who  might  'he  public  say,  whtn  we  assiu-e  them,  that  but 
desire  to  find  materials  to  be  tortured  and  per-  °"^  single  letter,  (that  of  the  Secretary  of  War, 
verted  to  the  worst  purposes  of  f;iJsehood  and  General  Armstrong,  to  Governor  Blount,  of  the 
maUce.  But  the  chief  manoeuvre  in  the  tactical  1 1th  of  January,  1S14,)  has  any  reference  to 
operationof  this  movement,  was  to  procure,  du-  the  subject,  excepting  that  froni  Gov.  Blount 
ring  the  present  session,  a  call  for  the  proceed-  to  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  19th  Oct.  1814, 
ings  of  the  court  by  which  the  six  mibUa  men  ^-'^t  all  the  rest  of  the  correspondence  serves 
were  sentenc.-d  to  death,  and  such  parts  of  the  only  "to  overwhelm  in  its  unwieldy  masses  the 
correspondence  of  the  Department  of  War  with  t*^^  point  at  issue  which  the  administration  haa 
the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  during  the  late  heen  desirous  of  keeping  out  of  view, 
war,  relating  to  the  militia  drafts  of  that  State,  The  muster-rolls,  it  is  impracticable  to  pub- 
as  m.ght  be  most  serviceable.  lish;  they  prove,  however,  uncquivocaUv,  that 

The  object  of  this  call  was  too  obvious  to    the  r         '  '  '    - 

c  ' 

h- 


niethod  which  u^ijuly  chiu-actenze  the  proceed,    here  subjoin  the  letter  of  Gen.  Armstroi^'to 

■>"■  — -      Liov.  B;,y..nt,  of  the   11th  of  Januar)-,  1814.— 


ings  of  mihta  courts-m-,.-t'al,  (^how'% 't etr.  du- 
ally subitant'.al  justice  may  l)^  ui-iii.-,)  sciie  ir- 
regulanty  of  mere  form  might  be  se!.;>'d  upon 
and  made  the  most  of;  at  all  t.»ents,  (v.>"itever 
might  be  the  finding  of  the  court,  from  tn-  '=5- 
timonyofthe  witnesses  for  the  prisoners,  eno-asi;h 
might  be  procured  for  the  calumnious  aliment 
of  "  the  I'ress,  by  authority,"  during  the  ap- 
proaching campaign. 

This  call  was  confided  to  the  Honorable  Mr. 
Ploane,  cf  Ohio.     £t  was  impossible  fnr  tr.e 
O 


Gov.  B.Oui.t's  order  of  the  20th  May,  1814,  by 
wliich  th.'  rcirnient  of  Col.  Pipkin  was  muster- 
ed nto  service  for  six  months,  from  the  20th  of 
June,  1814.  Generaljackson's  order  of  the 
2jf.h  Ma;, .  t814,  who  was  then  a  Militia  Gene- 
ral, the  letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  Augi:st 
20th,  1814,  ^communicated  to  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, under  Mr.  Sloane's  second  call 
of  the  Sth  of  February,)  together  with  the  let- 
ter cf  the  Hon.  Mr.  Biair,  of  Tennessee,  ftan^.. 


ih 


ij  a  letter  «f  the  H«n-  Jlr.  AieianJer,  in 
Ion  to  the  execution  of  the  six  mutineeTs. 

'T/ie  Seerttwry  of  War  to  Governor  Blount. 

WiB  DupiHTMffNT,  Jan.  11,  1814. 
Sir:  Tou  are  authorized  to  supply,  by  militia 
"Ji'afts,  or  by  volunteers,  any  deficiency  which 
may  arise  id  the  militia  division,  under  the  com- 
niand  of  Major  General  Jackson,  and  withont 
voferring,  on  thie  head,  to  tins  Dopurtmciit.  It 
'Tiay  be  well  tliat  your  Hicellt  ncv  should  •ob- 
sult  6enei%l  Pinckney  on  such  occmioim,  «•  he 
^an  bMt  judge  of  the  whole  ■umber  ■esesmry 
tofbetcCtainniiM  of  th*  public  obj ecu. 
I  bsTre  t)ie  honor,  &c. 

J.   ABMSTBOMQ. 
Jli's  Bxo'y  (^  QovaiiiQi  of  Tennessee. 

And  3gUJi>  on  the  31st  of  January,  1*14,  lis 
■^:rDte : 

"  Sir:  Iil23  the  hoiMir  to  receive  your  Bicel- 
t^ney's  letier  of  the  5th  inst.  My  letter  of  the 
^tli  will  have  anticipated  you»  inquiries  rcb- 
live  to  fiuther  detachments  of  militia.  The  at- 
tention of  the  Paymaetef  of  the  Ai-ray  \rill  be 
jjar-cularly  directed  to  the  payment  of  the 
UBopa  \yho  have  be«n  in  SErrice  from  Tennes- 
•>e. 

I  have  {he  honor  to  be,  veiy  respectfclly, 
'JDUP  excellenc) "s  mast  obedient  9<  iTant, 

(Sig'ned)  i.  AHMSTRONO." 

Tliii  Esoellencj  W.  Biodst, 

Governor  of  linnessa. 

Tht  Sittetmy  of  War  to  Oeneral  Jacksm. 
War  DbpartjMbnt, 

February  4,1814. 
b'jR;  Since  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  of  De- 
cember 30th,  the  Governor  of  Icnnemee  has 
boen  required  to  call  out  the  militia  to  reinforce 
j-our  command,  and  provide  for  the  exigencies 
of  the  service  in  that  quarter,  in  which  he  is 
also  required  to  eonsiilt  '.he  commanding  Gene- 
ral. 

J.  ARMSTRONO. 
t^jltfjil  AypBFv  J'aokbos, 

Fort  Stroihn. 

A'Ctaflg^  49  we  presume,  under  those  instruc- 
tions, the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  on  the  20th 
of  May,  1814,  isaued  the  following  general  or- 
(ler: 

"Nabbville,  May  20,  1814. 

SlB:  In  compliance  with  the  requisition  of 
5Iijor  General  Thomas  Pinckney,  that  the  posts 
of  Fort  Williams,  Fort  Su-other,  Fort  Armstrong, 
Kort  Boss,  and  Forts  Old  ind  New  Deposit, 
should  be  kept  up,  the  lioing  of  which  he  has 
confided  to  you,  until  tlit-  objects  of  the  govern- 
ment in  relation  to  the  war  agauvsi  the  hostde 
^reek  Indians  shall  have  been  fully  efl'tcted; 
and  from  tlie  probable  expiration  of  the  time  of 
service  of  the  toops,  now  occupying  those  im- 
portant posts,  commanded  by  Col.  Bunch,  prior 
to  a  final  acconipUshment  of  the  views  of  go- 
vernment in  relation  to  the  Creelj  waj',  you  luill, 
uriHtout  delay,  order  ot;i  otie  thousand  niAitia  iip- 
t'atUry  of  the  2d  divi^sion,  for  the  term  of  six 
nosTHs,  unless  sooner  discharged  bj  order  of 
tlie  President  of  the  United  States,  eg  f  m  may 
accept  a  tender  of  service  of  the*  )»■(,  number 
of  vrutlmteer  liiiTmtry  fJwro  t?t»>     %  i<1»on  foT 


the  aforesaid  tenn,  Isr  Uie  puij^ose  ot'  garn:>Q4'.-- 
ingthe  said  posts,  at  your  option:  tu/iieh  (atttnde, 
in  relation  to  calls  for  men  to  act  against  tbr 
Creeks,  in  furtherance  of  the  views  of  gnremmen/ 
in  that  behalf,  is  give7i  to  me  by  instrucHom  from 
the  War  Department.  Those  troops  will  be 
commanded  by  an  officer  of  the  rank  of  colonel, 
and  will  be  required  to  rendezvous  at  Favelte- 
vUle,  OH  the  20th  of  June  next:  thence  thej-  will 
proceed  to  the  abovo-menfioned  pofts,  under 
your  order,  in  such  number  to  sach,  as  you  shsll 
as'.i^i  It  is  important  to  the  pubhc  intoiests 
that  they  should  be  at  those  posts  between  the 
lat  and  10th  of  July  next,  ss  about  tluit  time 
the  term  of  service  of  th  •  troops  now  then!;, 
under  colonel  Bunch,  \rdl  expire,  «D<t  at  whicii 
posts  there  ia  much  public  property  committed 
to  their  charge. 

You  will  order  the  oiustej-  master  to  attenfl 
and  muster  the  troops  into  service — you  will 
call  on  the  contractor  for  provisions,  and  on  tile 
a'isistant  deputy  quartermaster  likewise  far  sup- 
plies in  his  department. 

(Signed)  WILUE  BLOUJtT-'" 

To  Maj.  Gen.  Ajtdbkw  Jacksox, 

Second  division  of  Tennessee  Militia." 

General  Jackson,  then  a  Major  General  in  the 
Militia  of  the  State,  issued  his  order  on  the  24th 
day  of  May,  1814,  as  follows: 

"Brate  Tenneeuemis  of  the  '2d  Dimsimu  The 
Creek  war,  through  the  Divine  aid  of  ProvJ. 
dence,  and  the  valor  of  those  engaged  in  the 
campaign,  in  which  you  bore  a  conspicuou.'; 
sliare,  has  been  brought  to  a  happy  termination. 
Good  policy  requires  that  the  temtory  C4)ri- 
quered  should  be  gairisoned,  and  p.>sseesion 
retained  until  appropriated  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  In  pursuance  of  this 
policy,  and  to  relieve  the  troops  now  stationed 
at  forts  Williams,  Strother,  ana  Arnvstrong,  oi» 
the  Coosa  river,  as  well  as  Old  and  New  Depo- 
sit, I  am  commanded  by  his  excellency.  Gover- 
nor Blount,  to  call  from  my  division  one  thcru- 
sand  men  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
for  the  period  of  six  montlis,  unless  sooner  dis'- 
charged  by  order  of  the  President  of  the  Uniteti 
States. 

The  Brigadier  Generals,  or  officers  command- 
ing the  4th,  5th,  6th,  7th,  and  9th  Brigades  of 
the  2d  division,  will  forthwitli  furnish  ft-om  their 
brigades  respectively,  by  draft  or  voluntary  en- 
listment, two  hundred  men,  with  two  captains,, 
two  first,  two  second,  and  two  third  lieutenants, 
and  two  ensigns,  well  armed  and  equipped  fol" 
active  service,  to  be  rendezvoused  at  Fayette- 
viUe,  Lincoln  county,  in  the  State  of  Tcnnesse^, 
on  the  20th  of  June  ne.xt;  and  then  be  organiz- 
ed into  a  regiment,  at  which  place  the  field  offi- 
cers, and  muster-master  will  be  ordered  to  meet 
them. 

Officers  commanding  the  brigades  compos^ 
ing  the  2d  division  ot  Tennessee  militia,  are 
charged  with  the  prompt  <ind  due  execution  of 
this  order. 

ANDRFW  JACKSON,  Maj.  Got. 
Commanding  2d  division,  M.  T:" 

Tilt  Stetttanj  of  War  to  General  Jucksmt,. 

AVab  Depabtmest, 

JJugast20,  1514. 
Shi:  VtJUiS  of  the  24th  July,  has  been  rpceiv 
jTd".    Port  Jactson  sbouJU  not  b%  sct»antfenci> 


]9 


tjfiireril  PincknSy  re]»eM.-i,  tkat  Ue  Uas  main- 
tained the  guirisons  in  his  district,  where  he  has 
three  companies  posted,  and  he  has  been  in- 
structed to  continue  tliem  so  long  as  lie  sliall 
deem  tlie  measure  advisable. 

If  the  report  of  your  runner  be  true,  a  new 
military  force  from  T'.-nnessee  sliould  be  called 
oirt.  liovemor  Blount  has  orders  to  hol^  in 
reailiiiesrt  twnty  five  hundred  detached  mihtia, 
bml  wi&  be  prepared  for  lue'i  aa  evenl. 
1  have  tfce  hnno'-,  8tc. 

JOHN  AB^^sTROK•. 

(XMi«m]  Jaikcob. 

Coder  thie  call,  Kturts  and  his  asH  iciftte«  veoe 
pwwtered  into  serv  ce  lor  six  monllts,  on  the 
2»th  of  June,  lbl4,  nd  dvicrted  on  the  ^ith  of 
SeptemOer  foUownig':  Col.  Plpkiii  says  that, 
"A  short  time  previous  to  this  fthe  20tfi  of 
"  {kpUiinbir J  tiie  same  party  de;noli»!ie<i  the 
*'bake  hous«^,  destroyed  the  oven,  and  did  ma 
" ny  other  disorderly  in  1  mutinous  acts.  The 
"  ilay  previous  to  their  d^-st-rtion,  a  larg'e  num- 
"  ber  paraded  armed,  and  marctied  towards  the 
"cominissary  stor  s.  I  ordi;r;-d  them  to  dis- 
"  perse,  bu:  nny  order  was  disregarded,  and 
•^  they  forced  the  guards  stationed  for  tlie  pro- 
*'  tection  of  the  stores.  The  Commissary  anti- 
*^  cipated  their  design,  closed  and  locked  the 
'•  door;  but  that  did  not  restrain  them;  for  one 
"  of  the  m?n,  (who  wa.f  afterwards  shot  by  sen- 
**tence  of  the  court  martial,)  immediatelv 
■■^snatched  up  i  pick-axe  and  cut  the  door  off 
"  its  hinges.  They  tlieu  iMtf-red  the  lioase, 
*"•  and  took  outelev  n  baiTels  of  Bnur,  and  made 
•^  public  proclamation  lo  all  who  intended  go- 
*^  ing  honie,  to  c  >me  foruai'd  and  draw  rations; 
"  which  they  did. — They  afterwards  proceeded 
'•  to  the  bullock  pen,  and  shot  down  two 
"  beeves,  and  the  balance  taking  fright,  l)roke 
"  the  pen  and  ran  some  distance,  where  they 
"tilled  a  third." 

Hall  of  Rephesbstatives,  ? 
Febmary  2Ath,  1828.        J 
Messi^.  Greet;  i,\D  Jaevis: 

Oentkmen — Eudosed  I  send  you  for  publica- 
■tion,  an  e.x'.~act  frnm  a  letter,  tpanly  on  busi- 
ness,)  addresised  b\  D.  .\lexandirr, Esq  tome,  in 
relation  to  the  subject  of  the  six  militiamen.  I 
am  personally  and  intimately  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Alexander,  and  know  him  to  be  a  man  of 
higlily  respectable  character  and  unquestion- 
able veracity.  He  is  a  member  of  the  Tennes- 
see bar,  and  Clerk  of  the  Chancery  Court  in  the 
district  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent. — 
Vrom  the  pail  wliich  lie  took  i.i  the  transactions 
of  which  he  speaks,  I  feel  confident  that  his 
Statement  will  be  calculated  to  .arrest  the  cur- 
rent of  fdsehood,  which  has  been  mdustriously 
propagated  oi  tha'  subject. 

Very  respectfully,  your  ab't  serv't. 

JOHN  BLAIR. 
ExlToct from  I).  Jlkxander's  Utter. 

"I have  read  with  ndignat'On  tlie  resolution 
of  Mr.   Sloane  of  OhiO,  with  regard  to  the  six 

militia    men,    and    hiS   remarks   thtreon. 

The  trutii  ..s,  Jackson  w;iu"id  have  bjon  very 
much  to  ulame,  nad  he  dis;ipproved  of  the  sen- 
tence of  the  Court  MartiSl.  At  the  time  of  the 
execution  of  tfcese  men,  and  for  some  days  be- 
fore and  after,  the  British  were  just  below  us, 
at  the  Ptrtnt.   thnmteniiTs-  an  atticck  :  and  the 


militia  under  ijeu.  Wincbesler  tv  ere  tUreatcnuij. 
to  mutiny  (at  least  to  go  home, )  but  when  an 
example  was  made  of  these  mutineers,  which 
they  acknowledged  to  be  just,  not  a  munnur 
was  heard  escape  the  lips  either  of  the  militia 
or  regulars ;  on  the  contrary,  all  said  that  the) 
would  remain  even  for  a  longer  time  than  si.v 
months,  should  their  services  be  required.  1 
know  all  about  this  matter.  I  was  acting  as 
Adjutant  in  Forte  Charlotte,  it  Mobile^  con)' 
manded  th«  guard  which  escorted  the  six  nii- 
litiamen,  and  one  regular,  to  the  pUoe  wkere 
the  Army,  congi«ting'  of  «he  Tanaemce  and 
Georgia  troops  were  assembled,  for  the  pur» 
pose  of  witnt'ssiny  their  eKecutioa  i  a»d  the 
example  had  the  mist  salutary  eStct,  as  rt  pre- 
vented another  mutiny.  We  were,  at  tbat  time, 
in  great  want  of  provisions,  our  communication 
with  Orleans  being  cut  off,  and  our  supphes 
having  failed  from  above.  All  tie  officere  both 
of  the  regular  and  militia,  approbated  the  con- 
duct of  Gen  Jackson,  because  they  saw  and  felt 
the  necessity  of  making  an  example,  as  we  had 
not  heard  of  the  news  of  peace,  nordid  that  in- 
formation reach  us  for  many  days  after  the  exe- 
cution of  these  men.  As  to  the  celebrate  1  let- 
ter of  H.arris,  it  is  a  base  fabrication.  I  was 
quartered  in  front,  and  within  ten  or  twelve  feet 
of  the  Calaboose  or  Prison  in  which  Harris  and 
his  accomplices  were  confined,  and  he  could 
not  have  written  any  letter  without  the  know- 
ledge and  leave  of  the  officjre  ;  he  never  dii 
write  such  a  letter,  nor  was  he  cap>able  of  doing 
so  ;  nor  did  he  ever  mention  to  any  one  in  the 
fort,  that  I  ever  heard  of,  that  he  was  desirous 
of  making  an  application  to  Gen.  Jackson  for  a 
pardon  ;  on  the  contrary,  he  always  acknow- 
ledged the  justice  of  the  Couftthat  condemned 
him.  This  miserable  fabrication  sliows  the  dis- 
position of  the  enemies  of  Gen.  Jackson.  There 
never  was  a  more  unfounded,  vile  fabrication, 
than  this  much  talked  of  Harris  letter.  I  never 
heard  an  intimation  m.ade,  whilst  I  was  at  Mo-  .^ 

bile,  br  during  my  continuance  in  the  army,  nor 
until  B:iins  started  it." 

We  think  that,  after  a  careful  perusal  of  the 
report  of  the  Committee,  the  debate  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  the  documents 
we  have  here  published,  that  every  candid  mind 
mr«t,  at  least,  settle  down  in  the  following  cCBl- 
clus'ons: — 

Ist.  That  Governor  Blount  had  full  power 
under  the  unrevoked  discretionary  ir^structions 
of  the  War  Department  of  the  11th  of  Januarj', 
1314,  to  call  out  militia  drafts  for  six  months. 

2dly  Th.-»t  Col.  Pipk  n's  regiment,  to  which 
the  s  X  militiamen  belonged,  was  so  called  out. 

adly.  Tliat  these  mutineers  committed  the 
crimes  for  which  they  were  executed,  before 
tlie  expiration  of  three  mont'is  of  their  term  of 
ser\  ice,  and  that  there  is  as  little  doubt  of  the 
enormity  of  their  guilt,  as  of  the  regularity  of 
their  trial,  and  the  justice  of  their  fate. 

-\nd,  lastly,  that  the  conduct  of  the  Coalition 
in  every  stage  of  the  atrocious  calumny  which 
tliey  have  endtavored  to  superinduce  on  a 
transaction  which  devolved  a  mast  painful  res- 
ponsibility on  an  estimable  public  senant,  has 
been  marked  by  a  recklessness  for  truth  and 
honor,  and  an  unfaltering  devotion  to  tiuplicity 
and  malice,  that  has  entirely  eclipsed  all  othe: 
parrallels  of  Irimtin  dcT^ravity  and  hasenc??. 


iiO 


iKISNESSKE  MILlilAMEN. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  from  the  Committee  on 
Military  AfTairs,  to  which  the  subject 
had  been  referred,  made  the  following 
report: 

The  Committee  on  Military  Affairs,  to  whom 
were  refei'red  the  documents  communicated 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  obedience  to  tlie 
rail  of  this  House,  of  the  16th  of  January,  re- 
iative  to  the  proceedings  of  a  Court  Martial, 
which  commenced  its  sitting  at  or  near  Mo- 
bile, on  the  5th  of  December,  1814,  for  the 
trial  of  certain  Tennessee  Militiamen,  togeth- 
er with  the  correspondence  between  the  Go- 
vernor of  that  State  and  the  Secretary  of  War, 
respecting  the  lengtli  of  service  of  mititia 
drafts,  of  tliat  State,  during  the  late  war,  re- 
port: 

That,  by  the  1-eferencc  of  these  papers  to 
ypur  Committee,  tliey  have  been  unable  to 
place  any  other  construction  on  your  order, 
than,  that  it  was  tlie  intention  of  the  House, 
that  they  should  examine  the  same,  and  deter- 
mine whether  all  the  documents  had  been  com- 
municated, or  were  on  file  in  the  Department, 
necessary  to  a  true  understanding  of  the  case 
■to  which  the  call  for  these  documents  is  appli- 
cable; and,  if  any  were  wanting,  to  ascertain  in 
what  manner  the  deficient  papers  could  be  sup- 
plied; and,  in  reporting  upon  the  nature  of  the 
transactions,  which  these  papers  disclose,  to 
determine  whether  the  legislative  interference 
of  Congress  be  necessary,  as  to  any  amendment, 
either  of  the  Ilutes  and  Articles  of  War,  or  the 
laws  governing  the  militia  of  the  United  States. 

In  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  your  Commit- 
tee will  proceed  succinctly  to  state  to  the 
House,  the  character  of  the  documents  trans- 
nntted  by  the  Department  of  War;  the  periods 
and  events  to  which  they  are  applicable;  the 
law  and  public  exigency  under  which  the  Go- 
vernor of  Tennessee,  during  the  last  war,  or- 
dered out  the  militia  drafts  of  that  State,  for  the 
common  defence  of  our  country;  and,  lastly, 
tile  crimes  and  offences  committed  by  a  portion 
of  the  Biilitia  drafts  so  ordered  out,  which  pro- 
duced a  necessity  for  the  examples  which  W'%» 
made,  and  which  are  disclosed  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Court  Martial,  convened  at  or  near 
Mobile,  on  the  5th  of  December,  1814. 

The  first  criticism  to  which  the  correspon- 
dence transmitted,  in  obedience  to  the  order  of 
this  House,  by  the  Department  of  War,  is  Tia- 
ble,  is  the  numerical  classification,  made  by 
that  Department,  of  the  letters  composing  this 
cJiTespondence. 

The  Secretary  of  War  has  transmitted  twelve 
■"otters,  which  pasiod  between  ths  then  Secre- 
ry.  General  Armstrong,  and  Gov»-rnor  Blount. 
Instead  of  commencing  the  series  with  the  letter 
first  in  d.ite,  by  which  the  inducement  would  be 
shown  for  the  reply,  this  order  is  inverted,  and 
T  .le  series  commences  with  a  letter  from  the  Sec- 
retary of  Vs'ar,  of  the  Sd  of  January,  1814,  marii- 
ed  No.  1;  and  his  letters  are.continued  to  No.  S. 
ft  so  happens,  thut  the  first  letter  in  date.  Is  as 
•  jvv  down  as  No.  6,  Gov.  Blount's  of  the  10th 
oFDecember,  ISl.'i;  and  the  second  letter  in 
d-Ae,  is  No.  7 — Governor  Blount's,  of  the  24th 


of  the  3d  of  January,  1814,  of  the  Secretary  o:' 
War,  is  an  answer. 

Your  Committee  believe  that  this  arrange- 
ment of  the  correspondence,  is  calculated  to 
lead  to  serious  misapprehension;  that  a  reader, 
not  very  attentive  to  a  comparison  of  dates, 
woujd  suppose  that  the  letter  ofthejd  of  Janu- 
ary ,A  814,  referred  to  such  militia  drafts  as  were 
to  be  made  in  that  year,  when  it  is  exclusively 
applicable  to  the  dral'ts  which  had  been  made  in 
1813,  for  the  prosecution  of  the  Creek  war,and 
whicli  were  admitted  to  have  been  executed 
but  for  three  months.  The  injustice  which,  by 
a  confusion  of  dates,  would  be  done,  even  by 
possibility,tothe  parties  concernedin  the  trans- 
actions of  the  militia  drafts  of  Tennessee,  which 
wero  made  for  six  months  in  1814,  by  applying 
the  letterofthe  Secretary  of  War,  of  the  3d  of 
January,  1814,  to  subsequent  drafts  for  sis 
months,  instead  of  those  whicli  were  made  in 
1813,  for  three  months,  has  induced  your  Com- 
mittee so  to  arrange  the  correspondence,  that 
the  leading  letter,  in  the  series,  should  come 
out  first,  and  the  subsequent  letters  follow  in 
the  natural  order  of  their  respective  dates. 
This  obviously  just  clasb'.fication  being  observed, 
it  will  be  perceived,  that  the  lette.  of  the  3d  of 
January,  1814,  has  no  bc;..riiig  upon  the  drafts 
of  militia,  which  were  afterwards  made  for  si.>: 
months,  in  the  progress  of  that  year,  by  the 
Governor  of  Tennessee,  of  which  the  regiment 
under  the  command  of  Col.  Pipkin  composed  a 
part. 

A  perusal  of  the  correspondence  just  recited, 
of  the  muster  rolls  of  the  different  companies  of 
C»l.  Pipkin's  regiment,  and  the  proceedings  of 
the  Court  Ma.-lial  which  was  convened  "  at  Mo 
bile,  on  the  5lh  of  December,  1814,  for  the 
trial  of  certain  Tennessee  militiamen,"  presen.t 
upon  their  face  the  following  inquiries: 

1st.  Whether  the  Governor  of  Tennessee, 
had  the  power  to  order  out  detachments  of  the 
militia  of  that  State  for  a  six  months'  tour  of 
service  ? 

2dly.  Whether  Col.  Pipkin's  regiment  was 
so  ordered  out,  and  in  conformity  with  such  au- 
thority? 

3dly.  Whether  the  soldiers  of  this  regiment. 
who  were  arraigned  for  certiin  crimes  and  of- 
fences before  "a  Court  Martial,  which  convened 
at  Mobile  on  the  5th  December,  1&14,"  were 
legally  tried;  and  whether  t!ie  commanding  Ge- 
nei-al,  approving  tlie  proceedings  of  this  Court, 
properly  exercised  the  power  and  discretion 
vested  in  him  by  law? 

In  relation  to  the  first  branch  of  the  inquir;-, 
it  will  be  proper  to  premise,  that,  on  the  lOth 
April,  1812,  in  antIf|;at.on  of  ihe  war  about  to 
take  pl."-i;j,  tjjr.jjress  pasied  an  act,  which  will 
be  found  in  flie  4th  vol.  of  the  Laws  of  the  Uni- 
ted Slates,  page  406,  which  authorizes  the 
President  "to  require  the  different  Executives 
of  the  States,  to  organize  their  respective  pro- 
portions of  1C)0,000  militia,  and  to  call  into  ser- 
vice the  whole,  or  a  part,  of  these  quotas;  whicji 
detachments  were  not  compelled  to  serve  long- 
er than  six  months,  after  they  arrived  at  the 
place  of  rendezvous."  Tills  ac"  was  an  enlarge- 
ment of  the  act  of  17'?5,  which  restricted  the 
siTvice  oi  the  militia,  v/hen  called  out  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  United  St;ites,  to  three  months. 

The  act  of  the  10th  of  April,  1812,  expired 


ill 


On  the  lltJi  of  January,  1S14,  whilst,  however, 
this  law  was  in  full  force,  'he  then  Secretary  of 
War,  Gen.  Armstrong,  wrote  the  letter,  num- 
bered 2  in  the  documents,  to  Governor  Blount, 
which  authorizes  him  "to  supply,  hy  militia 
drafts,  or  by  volunteers,  any  deficiency  which 
may  arise  in  the  mihtiu  diviBion  under  the  com- 
mand of  Major  General  Jackson,  and  without 
referring,  on  this  head,  to  this  Department;"  and 
furtlier  informs  Governor  Blount  that  "it  may 
be  well  that  your  Excelleiwiy  consult  General 
I'inckney  on  such  occasions,  as  he  can  best 
indf^e  of  the  whole  number  necessary  to  the 
attainment  of  tlie  public  objects." 

This  letter,  in  the  opinion  of  your  Commit- 
tee, vested  plenary  power  in  Governor  Blount, 
until  it  was  revoked,  either  by  expresi  orders, 
or  by  peace,  to  call  out  such  militia  rlrafts  as, 
in  his  discretion,  he  mig-ht  think  necessary  "for 
the  attainment  of  the  public  objects,"  under 
the  existinj^  laws. 

On  the  iStli  of  April,  1814,  4th  Vol.  Laws  of 
the  United  States,  page  r03,  sec.  8,  Congress 
■enacted  "  that  the  militia,  when  called  into  the 
service  of  the  U .  States,  by  virtue  of  the  before 
recited  act,  may,  if,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  U.  States.the  public  interest  require 
it,  be  compelled  to  sei-ve  for  a  term  not  exceed- 
ing six  months,  after  their  arrival  at  the  place  of 
rendezvous,  in  any  one  year.  Tliis  law  was  to 
contiiHit  in  force  during  the  war. 

After  the  passage  of  this  act,  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  the  President  revoked  the  power 
which  lie  had  given  to  Gov.  Bhiunt,  by  virtue 
of  the  letters  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  the 
11th  and  31st  January,  1814;  but  he  seems  to 
have  been  willing,  from  his  silence,  coupled 
with  the  notorious  ftct  of  Gov.  Blount's  con- 
tinuing to  order  out  militia  drafts,  under  the 
discretionary  autliority  of  those  letters,  to  con- 
Eider  that  -juch  drafts  as  Gov.  Blount  should 
order  out,  were,  in  his  opinion,  required  "  by 
the  public  interest  " 

And  your  Committee  think,  that  tliis  propo- 
sition mpy  be  put  more  affirmatively,  to  wit  : 
tliatlt  was  the  "opinion  of  the  President,  that 
the  public  interest  did  require"  that  Governor 
Blount  should,  under  the  advisemen',  or  by  the 
requisitions  of  Gen-  Plnckney,  have  the  power 
to  order  out  militia  drafts,  either  for  tliree  or  six 
months,  as  the  exigencies  of  the  service  should 
render  necessary,  "  without  referring,  on  i/iis 
hcruf,"  to  the  President  for  special  directions. 

This  deduction  they  consider  irresistible  and 
conclusive,  and  that  there  was  nothing  in  the 
act  of  April  18th,  1814,  which  prevented  the 
President  from  expressing  his  opinion,  through 
general  instructions,  to  the  Executiveof  a  State, 
whose  ordere  for  militia  drafts,  under  such  dis- 
cretion, should,  deficto  and  Jejure,  be  the  opin- 
ion of  the  President,  "that  such  drafts  were 
required  by  the  public  interest." 

This  inference,  your  Committee  moreover 
believe,  if  they  thought  it  necessary  to  go  into 
such  an  investigation,  might  bo  sustained  by  the 
contemporary  constructions  which  were  given 
to  this  clause  in  the  act  of  April,  1814,  in  the 
actual  discretion  which  was  vested  in  the  Execiu 
tives  of  several  of  tlie  States;. 

2dly.  Your  Committee  are  now  brought  to 
inquire,  whether  Colonel  Pipkin's  regiment 
was  ordered  out  for  six  months,  and  in  confur- 
mitv  with  the  above  rjted   suthnritv*    it  ap- 


pears, by  the  muster  rolls,  that  tliis  regimet.r 
was  regularly  inspected,  and  mustered  into 
service  for  six  months,  to  wit:  on  the  twentieth 
of  June,  1814;  and  that,  consequently,  their 
term  of  service  expu'cd  on  the  morning  of  the 
twentieth  of  December,  1814.  In  the  ab- 
sence of  .all  other  proof,  these  records  are  to 
be  considered  as  the  highest  evidence,  not  on!>- 
of  the  fact,  but  of  the  legal  presumption,  that 
the  muster  and  inspection  were  made  with  the 
requisite  authority. 

But  it  is  a  cii-cumstanc^  of  public  and  indi?- 
putable  notoriety,  and  one  which  belongs  to 
the  history  of  the  country,  that  Col.  Pipkin-'-- 
detachment  was  muste;-ed  into  service  car^e*.-/" 
for  six  months,  by  virtue  of  an  order  of  Gover- 
nor Blount,  dated  the  20th  of  Hay,  1814;  k 
certified  copy  of  which,  your  Committee  have 
taken  steps  to  procure,  that  it  may  be  placed 
on  the  files  of  this  House,  with  the  documents 
from  the  War  Depai-tmcnt. 

This  order  recited  that  the  draft  M'as  made  in 
compliance  "  with  the  requisition  of  Major 
General  Pinckney,  and  in  furtherance  of  the 
views  of  Government,  bj'  a  latitude  given  to 
him  (Gov.  Blount)  by  the  War  Department,  in 
regard  to  calls  for  men  to  act  against  the 
Creeks."  This  draft  was  ordered  to  rendezvous 
on  the  20th  of  June,  1814,  at  Fayettcville;,  Ten- 
nessee ;  and  formed  the  identical  detachment 
of  one  thousand  men,  who  were  afterwards 
placed  under  the  command  of  Col.  Pipkin,  and 
stationed  in  the  summer  and  autumn  of  that 
year,  at  the  posts  in  the  Creek  country.  And, 
by  reference  to  Gov.  Blount's  letter  of  the  Iftth 
October,  *814,  (No  11,)  it  will  he  seen  that  he 
specially  reported  this  regiment  of  one  thou- 
s.and  men,  to  tlie  Secretary  of  War,  as  in  ser- 
vice  for  six  months,-  fiom  which  fact,  the  infer- 
ence is  inseparable,  tliat  the  President  consider- 
ed it  as  legally  in  service,  or  it  was  the  boundcii 
duty  of  the  Secretary  to  liave  ordered  their  im.- 
nrediate  discharge  :  which,  it  no  where  appears 
that  he  ever  did.  If,  therefore,  any  confirmn- 
tion  was  v.anted  for  the  original  authority  bv 
which  the  draft  was  made  fov  six  months,  yon- 
Committee  consider  that  Gov.  Blount's  reporf, 
of  the  19th  October,  and  the  implied  saix;tion3t' 
the  President,  incontestably  furnish  it, 

3dly.  Whether  the  soldiers  of  Col.  Pipkin's 
regiment,  who  were  arraigned  for  certain 
crimes  and  ofi'cnces  before  a  Court  Martial, 
which  convened  at  Mobile,  on  the  5th  of  De- 
cember, 1814,  were  legally  ti'ied  ;  and  whether 
the  Commanding  General,  approving  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  Court  properly  exercised  th-; 
power  and  discretion  vested  in  him  by  law ' 

By  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Cour' 
Martial  in  question,  it  will  be  seen,  (hat  two 
commissioned  officers,  and  about  200  of  the; 
non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  of  Colo- 
nel Pipkin's  regiment,  were  tried  for  the  most 
serious  offences  v^hich  can  be  committed  intiiE 
military  service  of  the  country. 

That  these  offences,  first,  consisted  in  "ex- 
citing and  causing  mutiny;"  secondly,  in  th'; 
commission  of  un  actual  mutiny,  accoinpanied 
by  circumstances  of  aggravated  robbery  and 
spoliation  of  the  public  stores;  and,  thirdly,  i:i 
the  crime  of  desertion. 

The  two  iirst  of  these  offences,  to  wit:  "ex- 
citing and  causing  a  mutiny,"  and  actuary 
committing  mutiny,    "by  forcing  the  puari 


oa 


4nd  seizing  the  Cummissancs'  btorehouse  and 
stores,  at  Fort  Jackson,  were  committed,  the 
first,  before  the  19th  of  September,  1814  ; 
and,  second,  en  the  19th  of  September,  1814; 
and  bcfo]e  even  three  vionthn'  service  of  this  de- 
iafhmcnt  had  expired.  That  some  of  the  muti- 
neers were  deluded  into  a  behcf  that  they  were 
about  to  be  wrongfully  detained  in  service,  be- 
yond the  term  for  which  they  were  legally 
drafteil,  your  Committee  think  not  improbable; 
and  those  who  were  thus  likely  to  be  deluded, 
the  Court  recommendc;!  to  the  clemency  of  thi. 
commanding  Genera.,  who,  it  appears,  j.ardon- 
ed  them;  and  that  all  the  rest  of  the  niut'neers 
and  deserters  were  condemned  to  trivial  punish- 
ipents,  neither  affecting  life  nor  limb,  except- 
ing six  of  the  iingleaders,  to  wit:  David  Mor- 
row, a  sergeant  in  Capt.  Stiother's  company, 
Jacob  Webb,  John  Harris,  Htnry  Lewis,  David 
Hunt,  and  Kdward  Linsey,  privates  in  Colonel 
Kipkin's  regiment,  who  were  found  guilty 
either  of  causing,  or  exciting  a  mutiny,  before 
the  IPth  September,  1814,  or  committing  a 
mutiny,  or  deserting  whilst  on  post,  before  the 
expiration  of  the  19th  of  September,  1814,  and 
iurfcrcd  death  in   consequence. 

By  an  examination  of  the  trials  of  these  six 
ringleaders,  it  will  be  seen,  that  they  were 
prmninently  guilty,  either  of  "  exciting  and  caus- 
ing a  mutiny,"  or  of  being  the  leaders  of  a  mu- 
tiny; the  first  before,  and  the  last  on,  the  19th  of 
Septembeff,  1814:  and  that  John  Harris,  to 
whose  name  such  remarkable  notoriety  has  been 
attached,  was  eugJlfed  some  time  prior,  "  in 
causing  and  exciting  a  mutiny,"  by  caiTying 
Qven  a  muster  roll  of  mutiny  and  desertion 
throughout  the  camp,  to  procure  the  names  of 
those  who  were  willlng,and  would  pledge  them- 
selves to  commit  these  crimes. 

To  these  fects,  your  Committee  will  now  ap- 
pjythelaxsr  The  act  of  1795,  pi-ovides,  "th:it 
the  militia  in  tl^e  service  of  the  United  States 
shall  be  governed  by  the  Rides  and  Articles  of 
War."-  By  the  rth  article  of  the  Rules  and  Ar 
tides  of  Wani  "any  officer  or  soldier,  who  shall 
•'  begin,  excite,  or  join  in  any  mutin\  or  sedi- 
*'  tion.in  any  troop  or  company  in  the  service 
•'  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  party,  post, 
"  detachment,  or  guard,  shall  suft'er  death,  or 
"  such  other  punishments,  as,  by  a  Court  Miu'- 
"  tial,  shall  be  inflicted."  By  the  8th  article, 
a  similar  penalty  is  awarded,  where  any  officer 
or  soldier  "does  not  use  his  utmost  endeavors 
"  to  suppress  a  mutiny,  or,  coming  to  the 
"  knowledge  of  an  intended  mutiny,  does  not, 
•••  without  delay,  give  information  thereof  to 
"  his  commanding  officer."  And,  by  the  20th 
article,  the  crime  of  desertion,  is  punishable 
"by  death,  op  siich  other  punishments,  as,  by 
"  sentence  of  a  Court  Martial  shall  be  inflicted-" 

These  feets,  and  these  principles,  furnish  a 
complete  vindication  of  the  Court,  whose  pain- 
iiil  duty  it  was  to  condemn  six  of  their  fellow- 
Qtizens  to  a  severe  and  ignominious  punishment. 

But  if  all  the  reasoning  of  your  Committee 
■^TSis  absurd  and  valueless,  ss  to  the  fact,  that 
tllcse  men  were  rightfully  in  service  for  six 
moiillis,  and  it  were  even  admitted  that  they 
were  drafted  but  fur  three  months,  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  Court  would  stand  without  spot, 
blame,  or  legal  impeachment.  As  the  crimes  for 
which  these  unfortunate  human  beings  sufl'er- 
ed  dFatT>.  were  commitrf  4  Ireftre  fliri^  mtntte 


of  their  telsa  of  senvicc  bad  expired:  and  h\ 
the  12th  section  of  the  act  of  the  18th  April, 
1814,  which  was  then  in  full  force,  and  which 
provides,  *'  that  any  commissioned  officer,  noD- 
commis.sinned  officer,  musician,  or  private,  of 
the  militia  •fthe  United  States,  who  shall  have 
commuted  an  offence,  while  in  actual  service  of 
the  United  States,  may  he  tried  and  puni.'ihed 
for  the  same,  although  liis  term  of  service  may 
have  expired,  in  like  manner  as  if  lie  had  been 
actually  m  the  service  of  the  United  Mates;" 
it  is,  therefore,  ob"ioiis  that  these  men  could 
be  leifally  d.-taineil  for  trial  and  punisimeiit, 
even  if  tiiey  cduld  'ja-.e  been  cons'iiered  asiu 
service  but  for  three  monthH, 

That  'hey  had  a  fair  and  imp:;itial  trial,  your 
committee  see  no  reason  to  doubt,  and  the 
meie  fact  of  their  jurors  being  their  own  offi- 
cers, ftllow  ctizens,  and,  probably,  neighbors, 
secured  the  presence  of  that  sympathy  which 
leads  to  tht  mo'it  merciful  interpretation  (where 
it  is  just  to  apply  it)  of  the  conduct  and  motives 
of  others. 

That  General  Jackson,  commanding  in  chiel^ 
in  the  Militari  Div.sion,  in  which  these  events 
transpired,  properlv  exerc'sed  the  power  and 
discretion  vested  in  him,  by  law,  by  approving 
the  proceedings  of  this  Court,  your  committee, 
hkewise,  perceive  no  reason  to  doubt.  It  is 
true,  that  they  were  approved  on  the  22d  of 
January,  fourteen  days  after  the  victory  of  the 
Sth,  by  which  the  enemy  h.ad  been  repulsed 
from  the  Mississippi.  But  the  General  was,  at 
this  time,  ignorijint  of  the  pacification  at  Ghent; 
and,  moreover,  mii5t  have  been  app.-izt-d  that  a. 
part  of  tht  enemy  had  pone  round,  and  had 
concentrated  his  forces  in  the  neigiiborhio  ;  (jf 
Motiile,  in  tha'  vi  ly  vicinity  where  these  out' 
rageousacts  of  insuborduia'ion,  mutiny,  and  de- 
sertion, had  taken  place.  That  such  a  concen- 
tration nfthf  enemy's  forces  «  as  effecltd,  is  a 
fact  beyond  all  d.spute,  as,  on  the  1 1th  oi  Feb- 
ruary, Fort   Boyer  was  attacked  and  cuptiired. 

The  Commanding  General  must,  al..o,  have 
known  that  it  was  on  volunteer  or  mlitia 
drafts  the  defence  of  the  Soutliern  coast  would 
rest;  whilstiht.  flagiant  mutinies  n.nd  disrrtions 
in  the  campa-gn  of  1813,  nf  the  md-iia  drufts  of 
that  year,  u.'ist  liave  adn'oi'islied  h'm  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  .striking  a  seven,  ye»  iulutary,  exam- 
ple in  the  minds  of  those  who  were  liable  to  be 
misled. 

Although  the  clemency  of  the  General  U'as 
not  invoked  by  the  Court,  it  is  true,  he  might 
have  pardoned  these  victims  of  their  oaii 
crimes;  hut  there  are  occasions  when  mercy  is 
but  another  name  for  weakness;  when  even  a 
severe  anduualterable  firmness  in  the  disch.arge 
of  our  duty,  is  the  most  perfect  justice  we  can 
render  to  our  country. 

The  examples  of  this  stem  and  enlightened 
justice,  are  scattered  throuehout  thi  paf'cs  oV 
Histoiv,  not  for  the  abhorrence,  but  the  respect 
of  mankind;  they  are  found,  not  only  in  tlie 
most  instructive  morals  which  the  leswms  oS' 
antiquity  afford,  but  they  illustrate  the  incoov- 
parable  services  of  him,  who  was.  and  cvei  will 
be  venerated,  as  "  the  Father  of  our  Country." 

In  conclusion,  )  our  committee  will  barely  re» 
m»rk,  that,  as  tlie  acts  of  1812  and  1814,  «x^ 
piled,  the  one  by  its  own  limitation,  and  tlie 
other  by  the  termination  of  the  war,  they  see 
nofllinic  in  fhe  tVrti«ic*fBn,  wTirch  ft-  lltts  Bfeit 


^tieir  diUy  io  txainine,  Icuui  us  pogjij  to  its 
close,  which  calk  for  tlie  legislative  interfer- 
■-nce  of  this  Hou^e,  in  the  shape  of  any  amend- 
moftt  to  the  Rules  and  Articles  of  War,  oi-  to 
the  eiUtiiig  laws  governing:  the  militia  whilst 
ill  the  service  of  the  United  States. 


From  the  Doylestown  Democi'at. 
DAYS  OF  YORE. 
The  administration  prints  are  stiU  busily  en- 
gaged in  endeavoring   to  mislead   the   public 
mind  respecting  General   Jackson's   past  life 
and  p«rticularly  that  part  of  it  which  relates  to 
ftis  conduct  dunng  the  late   war.       We   have 
therefore  thought  it  but  justice  due  the  charac- 
ter of  Gen.  Jackson,  to  Lay  before  the  public 
some  sketches  of  the  history  of  our  country,  in 
order  to  show  how  far  that  greit  patriot  has 
become  the  victim  of  malicious  persecution. 

n  13  well  known  to  those  who  are  acquainted 
\v«h  the  history  of  the  /Vmencan  Revolution, 
that  General  Washington  and  the  officers  under 
his  coiomand,    pursued  the  most  high  handed 
measures  which,  in  the  end,  effectuated  the  in- 
dependence of  the  country,  and  finally  gamed 
them  the  lasting  gratitude  of  everv   friend  to 
-\merican  freedom.     We  now  have'before  us  a 
proclamation  issued  by  f^n.  Washington,  from 
head-quarters,  Morristown,  New  Jersev,  in  the 
winter  of  I-7-,  in  which  he  orders  '•  That  all 
found   guilty  of  desertion,  shaU  be  punished 
wth  death;"  and  Marshall's   Life  of  Washing- 
ton states,  that  wbUe  the  army  was  quartered 
nere,   executions  for  desertion  were  frequent 
A  mutiny  brok  out  at  Fort  .Schuyler,*  in  the 
atate  of  New  York,  in  the  year  1780,  and  thir- 
ty-one of  the  men  of  that  garrison  marched  off 
in  a  body.      Being  pursued  by  order  of  Gen. 
Washington,    16  of  them  were  overtaken,  and 
IJ   of  Che  sixteen  were   instantly  killed.      In 
the  year  irSl,   one   hundred   and  sixty  of  the 
.Versey  troops  mutined.     The  American  general, 
Howe,    rtith  a  considerable  force,  was  ordered 
7&  take  methods  forreducing  them  to  obedience. 
Convinced  that  there  was  no  medium  between 
dignity  and  servility  but  coercion;  and  th.at  no 
other  remedy  could  be  applied  without  the 
deepest  wound  to  the  service,  he  determined  to 
proceed  against   tf.em  w;th  .tecision.     General 
Itewe  mai-ched  from  Kingwood  about  midnight, 
and  by  the  dawning  of  day  had  his  men  in  four 
diUerent  positions,    to    prevent  the    revohers 
trar,.  making  theip  escape.     Kv«y  avenue  beinir 
S90ured.Col.  Barber  was  sent  to  them,  with  orders 
to  parade  imme<liatel  vwitho.it  arms,ai,d  to  marcii 
to  a  particular  spot  of  ground.     Some  hesitation 
^ppeaniig  among  them.  Col.  Sproat  was  direct, 
ed  to  advance,  and  only  five  minutes  were  ^iv- 
''U.- Vk*  ni'ifneers  to  comply  with   the  orders 
%vbich  had  been  sent  them.    This  had  its  effect  • 
and  they,  to  a  man,  mai-ched  witliout  awns  to  tlie 
appointed  ground.     The  officers  gave  a  list  of 
the  leaders  of  the  revolt,  upon  whichGen.Howe 
desu-ed  them  to  select  three  of  the  greatest  of. 
*«}ders.     A  field  court  martial  was  immediately 
held  upon  these   thi-ee,  and  they  were  un.in^ 
^y  sentenced  to  death.     Two  of  them  were 

^il^l^r  '  "P"''  ""'^  '^^  executioners 
WBTS  seletned  from  among  the  most  active  in  the 
mutmy.  It  should  be  recollected,  that  at  the 
peribds  tr,  w-hich  wfe  have  viVmtt   4ll^  A^Te>^ 


can  awjy  \yas  113  tjic  must  distees^qu  conditioi. 
nisny  of  the  men  were  kept  in  service  bey6nc 
the  periods  for  which  they  had  engaged  to  serve. 
— no  pay,  and  scarcely  any  clothing,   and  thi?.- 
too,  in  an  inclement  season.  And  what  render, 
ed  their  condition  still  more  wretched,  ther 
were  kept  on  scanty  allowance  of  provision.. 
TheEnglish  were  also  usii.gevery  artifice  in  their 
power  to  induce  the  American  soldiers  to  desert; 
promising  them  all  tlie  arrearages  of  pay  due 
them  by  the  American  government,  if  they 
would  only  join  the  British  standard;  and,   if 
they  desired  it,  an  exemption  from  military  sef 
vice.    It  is  not  strange,  then,  taking  the  misen^ 
u     1™^^'^S=  of  t'le  army  into  consideration, 
that  both  mutinies  and  desertions  were  frequent 
But,  notwithstanding  all  this,  mark  how  pr.impt 
the  American  officers  were  in  punishing  diso- 
bedience of  orders,      In  the  year  1779,   the' 
whigs  and  tones  had  a  seiere  and  bloody  con- 
flict  in  South  Carolina:  the  former  were  com- 
manded by  Col.  Pickens,  and  the  latter  by  Col. 
Boyd.     The  tories   were   defeated  with  great 
slaughter,  and  a  number  of  them  fell  into  thfc 
hands  of  the   victors.     Seventy  of  them  were 
tried  and  condemned  to  death:  the  sentence, 
however,  was  not  carried  into  effect  upon  more 
than  eight  or  ten    of  them.       The    residue? 
were  pardoned,  on  condition  of  their  joining 
the  American  standard.     In  the  year  1780,  Co- 
lonels Lacy,  Campbell  and  Cleveland,  with   a 
kody  of  American  volunteers,  attacked  a  strong 
force  of  British  and  tories,  commanded  by  C^' 
Ferguson,  on  the  top  of  King's  mountain,  nea-' 
the  confines  of  North  and  South  Carolina.   CoJ ' 
F.'s  force  was  defeated,  with  the  loss  of  235  in 
killed  and  wounded,  and  800  prisoners.      Ten 
tones  who  had  surrendered,  were  immediate]  \'* 
hanged  by  the  conquerors.      In  the  year  1781' 
a  body  of  American  light  troops,   under  the 
command  of  Gen.  Pickens  and  Col.  Lee,  had 
another  most  bloody   engagement   with  about 
350  tones   m  North  Carolina,   commanded  h>- 
Col,  Pyles.     In  this  action  the  toiies  were  com^ 
pletely  beaten;   and  nearly  the  whole  of  thei- 
force  was  either  killed  or  made  prisoners.  Thfe 
conquerors  on  this  occasion  hung  a  great  num- 
ber of  the  most  obnoxious  among  the  van^ 
quished. 

While  Gen   Greene  lay  with  his  army  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Camden,  South  Carolina,  in. 
17^1,  he  ordered  eight  of  his  men  hung  in  one 
clay  for  desertion.     This  had  a  very  salutary  el- 
fect,  and  in  a  great  measure  prevented  the  evil 
practice  for  a  length  of  time.  In  the  same  year, 
the  British  and  Americans  had  an  engagement! 
at   Guilford   Court-house:    Gen     Stevens,  the. 
commander  of  the  Virginia  militia,  posted  fort\r 
riflemen  at  equal  distances,  about  20  paces  in. 
the  rear  of  his  mil-'Sa  brigade,  with  orders  to- 
slioot  down   every  man   who  should  leave   his. 
post.     General  Greene  also  pursued  the  same 
course  with  the  militia  in  his  southern  com-. 
paign;f  and   m  obedience  to  these  orders,  se- 
veral of  the  deserting  miHtia  were  put  to  instant, 
death.     A  short  time  after  the  batUe  at  EuUw 
Springs,  General  Greene  detected  a  conspiracy- 
in  his  camp;  and  after  making  an  investigation, 
into  the  affair,  twelve  of  the  ringleadeis  were 
put  to  death.     He  took  this  step  in  order  to- 
ensure  that  subordination  which  is  so  essential- 
ly requisite  for  the  govt  ament  of  an  army.  We 
mi^\  erromwate  ma    (kit  ^MttXt  cas£*.fair. 


.^4 


v:s  do  nut  conceive  it  necessary.  What  we 
have  already  stated  is  amply  sufficient  to  give 
coloring  to  the  high-handed  and  malicious  per- 
secution which  has  been  dealt  out  against  Gen. 
Jackson,  respecting  the  "  six  militiamen." 

Before  we  proceed  further,  let  us  inquire 
who  are  they  who  have  been  so  assiduously  la- 
boring to  sear  the  laurels  of  our  Ifickciry  ?  Why, 
it  is  a  knot  of  political  intriguers  who  are  daily 
lapping  ill  the  treasury  porridge — fattening  on 
the  "w.igcs  of  sin,"  and,  Swiss  like,  fighting 
the  battles  of  thoi«  who  pay  them  best.  But 
what  has  been  t!ie  result  of  the  investigation 
instituted  by  tJiis  pensioned  corps  '  Why, 
that  in  a  military  service  of  more  than  si.x  j'cars, 
fien.  Jackson  has  sanctioned  the  execution  of 
only  six  men  ;  and  during  this  time  he  had  un- 
der his  command  at  different  periods,  more 
than  thirty  thousand  men.  We  cannot  but 
■wonder  that  the  mimber  of  executions  should 
have  been  so  sm.all,  when  we  take  into  conside- 
ration the  numerous  desertions  and  frequent 
mutinies  v.'Ith  which  he  had  to  contend.  Rut 
what  were  these  six  men  executed  for  ?  Was 
it  for  desertion  ?  No,  Gen.  Jacks.in  never  sanc- 
tioned the  execution  of  a  man  for  desertion  only 
— these  six  men  suffered  for  mutiny — mutiny  of 
the  most  daring  and  outrageous  nature  ;  for 
menacing  the  lives  of  their  officers — encourag- 
ing desertion — burning  down  tiie  bake-house — 
shooting  the  beeves-  breaking  open  the  milita- 
ry chests — pillaging  the  public  stores,  and  fi- 
nally jeopardising  the  whole  militaiy  establish- 
ment at  Fort  Jackson.  Such  were  the  crimes 
which  these  ' '  wolves  in  sheep's  clotliing"  ex- 
piated wi'"^  their  lives.  One  hundred  and 
eighty  meu  w  ho  deserted  at  the  same  time, 
were  brought  back  and  sentenced  to  have  their 
wages  stopped  and  heads  shaved,  as  a  punish- 
iTient  for  their  bad  conduct ;  but  Gen.  Jackson 
promptly  remitted  the  sentence.  What  a  noble 
example  !  How  benevolent  and  humane  ! 
Kot  willingto  punish  his  fellow  beings,  (though 
richly  merited, )  further  than  the  public  good 
absolutely  demanded.  Now,  we  ask  the  candid 
to  observe  how  prompt  the  officers  of  our  re 
volutionary  army  were  in  punishing  every 
breach  of.  duty  :  let  them  also  bear  in  mind 
the  distress  and  poverty  of  that  period,  which 
would  naturally  incline  soldiers  to  become  res- 
tive. Then  let  them  view  the  military  life  of 
Gen.  Jackson,  and  see  how  completely  all  his 
steps  are  justified  by  examples  which  have 
been  set  by  the  purest  patriots,  whose  conJuct 
has  never  been  called  in  question.  We  invite 
inquiry  into  thia  man's  character — we  chal- 
lenge scrutiny — the  more  it  is  examined  into, 
the  more  heart-rending  will  be  the  groans  of  the 
pensioned  "  Ebony"  corps,  and  the  more  sig- 
nal our  "  Hickory"  triumph. 

SPIRIT  OP  '76. 

*  For  the  truth  of  our  statements,  we  refer 
t'he  reader  to  Ramsey's  History  of  the  Anieri- 
<  an  Revolution. 

+  Seethe  life  of  General  Greene. 


THE  PRIVATE  INTEGRITY  OF 
MRi  ADAMS. 

If  virtue  be  the  vital  principle  of  iRepublics— 
a  proposition  that  cannot  be  reasonably  doubt- 
p(7— w*^  m"st  rort''nd  that,  h"  who  ran  b^  ro^i 


victed  of  any  breach  of  honesty  in  transacliiig 
the  ordinary  business  of  life,  is  unworthy  of  em- 
ployment in  a  public  siatiun.  We  do  not  admit 
that  uU  is  fair  in  politics;  for  we  insist  that  pri- 
vate and  public  virtues  have  the  same  found;i- 
tion;  and  that  he  who  is  dishonest  in  managing 
his  own  affairs,  would  not  be  honest  in  mana- 
ging those  of  others.  No  prudent  man  would 
confide  his  pecuniary  affairs  to  one  whose  in- 
tegrity he  doubted.  He  would  find  objections 
equally  strong  against  confiding  to  the  same 
man  the  trust  of  making  or  administering  laws 
for  his  protection;  for  in  point  of  importance, 
nothing  can  equal— much  less  exceed— the  trust 
of  making  or  administering  the  laws  by  which 
a  free  people  govern  themselves.  Let  the  in- 
telligent community  apply  these  principles  to 
JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  and  then  approve  or 
condemn  him,  as  they  find  he  does  or  does  not 
endure  the  trial. 

In  the  year  1804,  John  Quincy  Adams  sub- 
scribed for  ten  shares  in  a  Turnpike  Corpora- 
tion in  Massachusetts;  and  when  required  by 
his  associates  in  the  undertaking  to  pay  one 
thousand  dollars,  the  amount  of  his  subscrip- 
tion, HE  REFUSED,  because  of  a  legal  defect 
in  the  instrumcvt  which  he  signed,  whereby  pay- 
ment could  not  be  enforced.'.'.' 

The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  case,  and 
the  opinion  of  the  Court  thereon: 

"  This  was  an  action  bf  the  case  in  assumpsit 
brought  against  the  defendant  for  not  paying 
the  amount  of  certain  assessments  for  the  ex- 
pense of  making  the  said  turnpike  road. 

"  The  declaration  contained  six  counts.  The 
third  was  for  1500  dollars  had  and  received  by 

the  defendant  to  the  plaintiffs'  use The  sixth 

count  was,  '  for  that  the  said  J.  Q.  A.  at  Ply- 
mouth on  the  30th  day  of  March  1804,  by  a 
certain  writing  by  him  subscribed,  commonly 
called  a  subscription  paper,  in  consideration 
that  the  said  corporation  had  permitted  him  to 
become  associated  with  them,  and  interested  in 
the  funds  to  be  raised  for  budding  their  said 
turnpike  road,  and  entitled  to  one-fifVieth  par* 
of  all  the  income,  profit  and  toll,  that  should 
arise  and  accrue  to  said  corporation  from  the 
road,  as  well  as  from  the  corporate  powers  and 
franchise  to  them  granted  by  suid  act  of  incor- 
poration, promised  said  corporation  to  pay  them 
ten  shares  or  p;irtsof  five  hundred  of  the  whole 
expense  they  should  incur  in  building  said  turn- 
pike on  demand:  wliich  said  ten  shares,  the 
plaintiffs  aver,  amount  to  one-fiftieth  part  of  the 
five  hundred  sha:es:  and  the  plaintiffs  further 
aver  that  the  whole  expense  of  building  said 
road,  and  the  bridges  which  make  a  part  of 
said  road,  amounts  to  fifty  thousand  dollars, 
whereof  the  said  ten  shares  or  fiftieth  part  of 
the  said  /.  Q.  Jt.  amounts  to  one  thousand  dol- 
lars, of  which  he  has  had  notice,  viz:  on,  &r. 
Y'et  though  requested,'  &c. 

"The  action  was  tried  upon  the  general  issue, 
pleaded  to  ali  the  counts,  before  Scdgivick,  J. 
at  the  sittings  after  the  present  term,  and  a  ver- 
dict was  found  for  the  plaintiffs  upon  the  two 
counts  above  recited,  and  the  damages  assessed 
at  1311  dollars:  and  upon  the  other  counts  for 
the  defendant. 

•'  The  verdict  was  taken  by  consent,  subject 
to  the  o])inion  of  tlie  court  upon  the  report  of 
thf  judge  wllti  s.at  in  the  trial,  it  being  a.greed 
that  tv-p  verdi'-t  should  he  amerded,  or  a  gene- 


tal  verdict  entered  tor  tlie  defendant,  as  the 
opinion  of  the  court  should  be. 

"The  judp;e  reports  that  the  generalques- 
tion  at  the  trial  depended  on  the  construction 
of  the  paper  writing  above  referred  to,  which 
was  subscribed  by  the  defendant  and  others, 
and  was  of  the  followinfj  tenor,  viz: 

"  '  Wf  the  subscribers,  desirovis  to  promote 
'  the  building-  of  a  t\irnpike  and  bridges  from 
•  New  Bedford  to  IVeymouth,  comprehended  in 
'  a  petition  signed  by  TF.  Eoach,  jun.  and  oth- 
'  ers,  granted  by  the  honorable  legislaiure  in 
■■  their  present  session,  have  divided  tiie  expense 
'  of  building  said  turnpike  and  bridges  from 
'  TTiompsmi's  pond  in  Aiiddlthnrou^h,  to  commu- 
'  nicate  with  the  Bf-inlnt  and  Weyiaouih  tum- 
'  pike  in  tlie  town  cf  Weynumth,  into  500  shares, 
'  and  engage  to  take  the  number  of  shares  af- 
'  fixed  to  our  names.— -Januarj-  30, 1804.' 

'•  The  material  allegations  contained  in  the 
»>!'xth  count  were  proved,  and  it  was  also  proved 
tliat  the  defendant  subscribed  the  said  paper 
after  the  passing  of  the  act  <if  incorporation  by 
the  legislature,  and  before  any  meeting  of  the 
persons  incorporated  and  their  associates. 

"The  principal  question  arising  on  the  above- 
recited  subscription  paper  was,  whether  the  de- 
fendant w.as  rendered  by  it  liable  to  an  action 
for  the  assessments  made  on  the  shares  sub- 
trrlbed  by  him. 

•'  After  the  verdict  tl»  cause  was  continued 
nhi  for  the  consideration  of  the  court,  and  be- 
ing called  up  for  argument  at  the  following 
March  term  in  Suffolk." 

The  court,  after  hearing  counsel  on  both 
sides,  gave  their  cp'miim  as  follows: 

*'  The  question  in  this  case  is,  whether  the 
defendant  is  liable  to  an  action  of  assumpsit  for 
neglecting  to  pay  the  sums  assessed  on  the 
shares  in  the  stock  of  the  corporation,  for  which 
he  became  a  subscriber.  The  answer  to  this 
inquiry  must  depend  upon  the  construction  of 
the  writing  which  the  defendant  subscribed. 
Several  cases  of  tlis  kind  have  already  been 
decided  in  this  court;  and  each  of  them  on  the 
force  and  effect  of  the  engagement  entered 
into.  The  general  principle,  upon  which  they 
all  rest  is,  that  where  tlie  party  makes  an  ex- 
press promise  to  pay  the  assi?ssments,  he  is  an- 
swerable to  the  corporation  upon  such  promise, 
and  may  be  compelled  to  the  performance  of  it 
by  action  at  law.  Where  on  the  other  hand 
one,  by  subsxiriblng  the  act  of  association,  sim- 
ply engages  to  become  a  proprietor  of  a  certain 
number  of  shares,  without  prrm".sing  to  pay 
assessments,  there  the  only  remedy  which  the 
corporation  has,  is  by  sale  of  the  shares  to  raise 
the  sum  assessed  on  them. 

"  In  the  subscription  paper  in  this  case,  the 
subscribers  divide  the  expense  into  five  hun- 
dred shares,  and  each  engages  to  take  the  num- 
ber of  shares  affixed  Jo  his  name.  In  our  opi- 
nion, this  cannut  amount  to  any  thing  more 
tlian  an  agreement  into  how  many  shares  tlie 
stock  shall  be  divided,  and  to  whoMi  those 
shares  shall  belong  Thee  is  no  express  pro- 
mise to  pay,  nor  is  any  language  used,  from 
which  the  law  can  raise  an  implied  promiMe. 
It  may  be  observed  also,  that  this  w  hole  trans- 
action passed  before  there  had  been  any  meet- 
ing of  the  corporation  to  authorize  the  receiv- 
ing of  subscriptions;  and  on  this  ground  also, 
fhp  reaper  cannot  furni'^h  evidence  of  .a  contract. 


"  On  the  whole  it  is  our  opinion  that  the 
plaintiffs  have  not  maintained  their  action.  The 
verdict  must  therefore  be  set  aside,  and  pursu- 
ant to  tlie  agi-eement  of  the  parlies,  a  general 
verdict  entered  for  the  defendant." 

The  fii-st  question  here  presented  is,  whethe :• 
John  Quincy  Adam?,  by  subscribing  the  instni- 
ment  above  recited,  enf;rigeJ  to  take  the  num- 
ber of  shares  therein affixjd  to  his  name?  The 
second  is,  whether,  in  this  engagement  to  take 
shares,  he  was  understood  by  his  associates  aS 
further  engaging  to  p.ay  for  them '  The  third 
is,  whether,  if  this  engagement  were  defective 
in  technical  form,  he  acted  with  strict  moral 
honesty  in  taking  advantage  of  such  defect  to 
avoid  the  performance  of  it?  The  fourth  is, 
whether,  if  he  acted  disiionestly  in  this,  he  is 
worthy  of  trust  in  any  thing' 

To  them  we  answer,  first;  tlie  engagement 
speaks  for  itself,  and  with  sufficient  perspicuitv 
to  shew  the  intent  of  the  parties.  They  agreed 
to  associate  for  the  purpose  of  constructing  a 
turnpike,  and  each  one  of  them  agreed  to  de- 
fray a  certain  portion  of  the  expense.  What, 
from  reading  this  instrument,  should  w.;  infer 
to  have  been  their  mutual  nndcrstanding'  That 
each  one  should  pay  a  demand,  without  objec- 
tion or  cavil,  such  portion  of  the  whole  expense 
as  should  he  assessed  upon  the  number  of 
shares  for  which  he  subscribed.  .\ny  man  of 
common  understanding  would  give  it  such  con- 
struction, and  any  man  of  common  honesty 
would  feel  bound  to  pay. 

2d.  Did  Mr.  Adams  conduct  with  strict  moral 
honesty,  in  availing  himself  of  technical  objec- 
tions to  avoid  his  engagements'  The  instru- 
ment was  not,  probably,  drawn  by  a  lawyer; 
for  it  wants  that  technical  precision  whici\ 
would  h.ave  been  given  to  it  by  a  correct  ani 
experienced  jurist.  It  wasprob.ib'y  drawn  by 
some  member  of  tlie  association,  perhaps  a 
merchant,  who  understood  his  own  views  and 
those  of  his  associates,  and  suppos'-d  tliat  such 
views  were  expressed  with  s'lfficient  perspicui- 
ty. His  objection  for  waiu  of  form  would  ha^-e 
been  anticipated;  otherwise,  they  would  have 
employed  some  careful  and  able  conveyancer 
among  the  legal  fraternity  They  thought,  and 
very  naturally,  that,  amor.g  an  association  who 
were  supposed  to  act  in  good  faith,  they  could 
express  a  simple  agaeement  in  plain  english, 
without  requiring  a  lawyer  to  fill  twenty  skins 
of  parchment  with  technical  nic'.ties.  But,  it 
seeu's,  Mr.  Adams  disappninted  their  expect;t- 
tinns;  for  he  refused  to  perform  an  obvious  sti- 
pulation; to  do  what  he  knew,  when  signing  tlu-. 
instrument,  his  associates  expected  of  him;  and 
because  the  contract,  however  just  and  equita- 
ble, could  not  be  enforce,  in  a  court  of  law,  ori 
accountof  technical  defects!!!  E.xemplary  mor- 
ality!! If  a  man  should  execute  a  deed  to  con- 
vey land,  receive  the  purchase  money,  and  then 
refuse  to  give  possession,  because  tlie  deed  was 
not  witnessed,  he  would  be  deemed  a  swindler. 
Yet,  in  some  of  tile  State.s,  such  defect  would 
be  a  bar  to  an  action  against  the  vendor  for  pos- 
session of  the  land.  If  a  man  sliould  promise 
to  pay  tlie  debt  of  another,  and  afterwards  re- 
fuse, bteuuse,  after  making  the  promise,  he 
should  he  told  tliat  it  wus  invalid,  because  not 
in  wriliug,  h-  would  b?  accounted  dishonest. 
Yet,  the^  defence  would  be  legal.  Wherein 
does  the  moral  conduct  of  Mr.  Ad.am«,  in  tl.e 


;i.b 


'  ase  ok  tbe  turnpike,  diSer  fr»m  lliafc  of  the 
-.lend-.T  of  the  land  or  the  promissor,  in  the  two 
cases  last  supposed >  We  should  be  obliged  to 
Mr.  Adams  for  furnishing  a  sound  distinction. 

If  then,  Mr.  Adanvs  will  avail  himself  of  an 
ihequitable  pretext  for  refusing  to  perform  his 
<;ngag;c!iients,  is  his  morality  of  a  standard  suf- 
freiently  high'  And  if  he  would  act  dishonestly 
in  private  life,  is  he  worthy  of  confidence  in 
]]ubLc,  where  the  trusts  are  of  higher  and  more 
important  character' 


MR.   ADAMS'  POLITICAL  INTEGRITY. 
IFhi;  d'ulJohi  Q.  ,idamx  turn  DemoeralP 

We  have  given, In  another  place.some  remarks 
on  Mr.  Adams'  private  integrity,  whic:i  wc  now 
aocompanv  wi'h  a  letter  from  (iovej-nor  Giles  to 
the  pabhc  in  which,  we  uncter^tand  him,  to 
endorse  the  statement  maue  ov  Mr.  Randolph, 
two  years  pa-:t,  in  the  Senate, 'that  Mr.  Adams 
had  ass.rtcd  to  Mr.G.lesthat  he  had,  durngtiie 
sur.nierprevi.jiisltoh'sprf^encferfdeseiti.jiiDftlie 
federrJ  pirty,  cViseovpred  '.h:it  tlie  leaders  of  that 
purty  were  eugag.-d  in  a  plan  to  dismember 
tbe  Unso.i,  and  were  in  a  treasonable  co  res- 
poiid'-nce  with  the  Governor  of  tan:.da,  the 
purpose  of  which  was  to  negotiate  a  secession  of 
the  New  Eiiglc.nd  stat-s.  Mr.  Gdes  now  savs, 
that  he  dd  l/iett  believe  tlial  Mr.  Ariair.s  told 
the  truth,  and  was  sincere  in  his  professions  of 
dislike  to  tiie  federal  party  ;  but,  if  we  under- 
stand him,  he  dvclares  that  he  now  believca 
that  Mr.  A<lam9  descried  his  party  under  false 
pivtencea. 

There  art  some  strong  additional  proofs  wiuch 
confirm  Mr.  Giles"  opinion.  We  soi^it  time  p.^st 
publi.shed  an  extract  from  'he  Democratic 
Press,  which,  if  true,  and  the  Demo^r-tic 
Press  --i  nrw  said  by  the  Adams  men  to  be 
good  authority,  proves,  beytmd  a  doubt,  the 
rm/tivesunacr  wliich  Mr.  Adams  deserted  his 
par.y. 

AVf  aie  not  left  to  wander  through  the  ma^ca 
cf  conjecture  to  a.sicrtaiii  what  were  the  induce- 
ments to  Mr.  John  Adams  to  turn  D.-m'.ciat. 
fn  a  Irttcr  to  William  Cunningham, d»ted  Quin. 
cey,  February  24lh,  1824,  the  elder  Adams 
-said: 

"  Speaking  of  the  classification  of  scholars  in 
•'  our  College  before  th^  Revolution,  you  con. 
"  sider  rank  and  wealth  as  anti  republican 
"  principles  of  precedence.  Is  this  correct  ' 
"  About  forty  years  ago  I  was  in  company  with 
"the  oldest  Ciilonc,  John  Chandler,  oi'  Wur- 
"  cester,  when  a  newsp;iper  was  brought  in 
••*  containing  an  account  of  the  last  elections  in 
"  Rliode  Island  All  the  principal  VJagistratts 
"  were  of  ancient  fam  fes.  The  oh!  gentleman's 
"  com".iieiit  upon  it  was  this  :  '  I  hm-e  alwcya 
"  been  of  opinion  tlial  in  porntlar  governnimts  tlif 
"  people  will  jlwayn  c'ioo<p  fieir  oflicers  from  the 
"most  uicie-ntandrenpfcliihkfimflies.'  Thishas 
•  '  been  the  case  generally  :n  Conn:cticut,as  well 
"  as  Rhode  IsUnd,  and  in  ever)  Republica-.i  Go- 
"vernment,  in  Greece  and  Home,  and  modern 
"  Italy;  in  Switzerland  and  Genoa.  The  more 
"  democralJcal  the  government,  the  more  uni 
"versalhas  been  the  practice.  If  a  family, 
"wKiCh  has  Erren  liTgti  in  oHiCT  ami  stilfmlfd 


"m  wealth,  tails  uilo  decay,  loan  liiotiigit; 
"  lolly,  vice  or  misfortune,  they  gemerally  turn 
"  democrats,  and  court  the  lowest  of  the  peo 
"  pie  with  an  ardor,  an  art,  a  skill,  and  coiise- 
"  <iiiently,  with  a  success  which  no  vulgar  de- 
"  mocrat  can  attain." 

On  the  15th  of  March,  1804,  be  Wrote  to  Mr 
Cunningham  asfollows: 

"  You  say  the  awful  spirit  of  democracy  is  in 
"great   progress:     I   bklievi  it,  ahb  I  sitow 

"    SOMKTHISO     OF    THR     VATUBE-OF    IT.        ft  is    a 

"young  rake  who  thinks  himstlfhandsome  and 
"Will  mad  ,  and  who  has  little  faith  in  virtue. 
"  When  the  people  once  admit  his  courtship, 
"  and  peraiit  him  the  least  familiarity,  they 
"soon  find  themselri  i  in  the  condition  of  the 
"  poor  girl  who  told  her  own  story  in  this  aP 
"  fecting  style." 

"  Le  Le:idemain  il  sa  da  vantagfe: 

"  II  me  promit  Le  Foi  de  marriage. 

"  Li  Lcndc  r.ain...  il  fut  entrcpaHt. 

"L-  Lendemaiii  il  me  fit  un  enfant.' 
"  The  next  day  he  grew  a   hltle   bolder — ^but 
"  promised  me  marriage.     The  next  day — he 
"  bi-gan  to  be  enterprising:  But  the  next  day 
"  he  got  nie  with  ch.M. 

"  Democracy  is  Lovelace,  and  the  people  art 
"  Clarissa.  The  artful  villain  will  pursue  the 
"  innocent  lovely  girl  ^o  het  ruin  and  death> 
"  We  know  th.at  some  gmtleman  will  arise  at 
"  last,  who  will  put  the  gii.H\  wrvtch  to  death 
"in  aduel  But  this  V)  tl  be  no  f^  endif  the  le- 
"  ^1-  XT  PrniiApa  a  sjs,  (i  /■vptt,  or  a  basam 
"friend  of  Lo-velace  niinulf" 

Sucli  were  ttie  views  of  the  elder  Mr.  Adams, 
upon  which  the  pl>ii»  for  the  6le\ation  of  his 
son  were  arranged.    In  the  same  letter,  he  says: 

"  1  ime  wo'dd  fail  me  to  enumerate  all  the 
"  L.-ivelaces  in  the  United  Si  tes.  It  WQuld  be 
"  an  amusing  romance  to  coi*pait  their  actions 
"  and  characters  with  Ins.  The  federalists  av- 
"  pear  to  me  to  he  very  inailetttive  to  pubKe  erc^ 
"  as  welt  IS  charactere." 

That  there  was  a  correspondent  feeling  an'd 
motive  between  the  father  and  son  appears  by  a 
comparison  et  iiale«  and  opinions.  -  Governor 
Giles  dotes  the  pretended  apostacy  of  Mr.  Ad.- 
aiis  in  1S07.  In  unother  letter  to  .Mr.  Cunning- 
ham, dated  Sept.  27lh,  180a,  the  ekler  Adams 
said: 

"  As  you  have  meotioned  my  son,  1  Shall  take 
"  the  hherty  to  say,  tha  this  conduct,  as  fer  as 
"  I  kiK'W  ;t,  hai  been  able,  upright,  candid, 
"  impartial  and  independent.  His  letter  to  Mr. 
**  Otii  I  applaud  and  admire.  His  re«'igT8atioti 
"  I  .approve.  He  wc.ld  have  been  more  poTi- 
"  tiC  if  he  had  .Ifcl  n-.d  his  invitation  to  attend 
"  the  caucus,  though  the  quLStion  was  onlv 
"  between  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Monroe,  and 
"  knowing  both,  I  should  certainly,  as  he  ditii 
"  prefer  the  fornu-v  to  the  latter." 

Perhaps  the  sntracity  ot  the  okl  man  saw  ip 
the  election  of  Mr.  Ma.iison  Ihe  "fiif^  preredeat'' 
which  was  to  elevate  his  son;  fop  in  tbe  same, 
paper  he  said  : 

•'  If  I  were  only  forty  yeais  oM,  I  migJit  have 
enthusiasm  enough  to  hope  that  I  would  ride  in 
the  whirlwind." 

And  againy  fn  anftfttsr  IrtWI-  tlsted  ITePPniheT 


27 


lo.lh,  1808,  ailf  r  Mr.  Adams  bad  played  the 
^Jart  of  Lovelace,  he  said  to  Mr.  Cunningham. 

"  Whatever  friendship  you  may  have  retained 
"  for  John  Quincy  Adams  or  his  father,  I  advise 
"you  to  conceal  it  close  within  your  breast. 
"If  it  takes  air,  it  will  nun  your  prospects." 

*•«»**  «• 

"I  may  mentiou  to  you,  in  confid"ncc,  that 
considiTahlc  pains  nave  bscr,  taker,  to  persuade 
youi  *'iieiid  J.  Q.  Adams,  to  censtr.t  ti-  be  run 
(foi  Gov  of  Massachusetts, }  bv  the  Republicans. 
But  he  IS  utterly  averse  to  it,  and  so  am  I,  for 
many  reasons,  ajiong  which  are,  lat.  The  ot- 
fice,  thou^li  a  prrelous  stone  is  but  a  c.ir- 
buncle,  shining  in  me  diirk.  2d.  It  is  a 
state  of  perfect  slavery.  The  drudgery  of 
it  is  extiem.  ly  oppressive.  3d.  The  ompen- 
satior,  is  not  a  hving'  for  a  common  gentleman. 
4th.  He  trust  res'g'n  his  profes>^oi'sliip.  Jth 
He  must  renounce  hi»  practice  at  the  bar.  6th. 
He  !i>ust  stand  in  comptiitin  witli  Mr  Lin 
coll!,  which  would  divide  tlie  npubl'i  aii  inter 
est,  and  certainly  prevent  the  elt-ction  of  cither. 
7th.   It  worLii   proupce   is  Ei-£ns>^  stFin.v 

TION   BETWSEN    B1?I     ANU     THE    FVDKRAI.ISirH,    4T 
X.liAST  TUiT   P\RT    OP    THEM     WHO     HOW     CONSTI 
rUTF   THE  AHSOIUTE  OLIfrAKCflT." 

That  tbe  purpose  nf  \i?.  Adams,  in  turninjf 
Democrat,  v.:is  to  "court  the  peopK,"  appears 
from  a  fu"^thcT  letter  of  tlie  elder  Adams,  dated 
April  24th,  I HU9.     He  says: 

"  A  new  paper  has  been  set  up  in  Boston, 
"  called  the  Boston  Patriot,  edited  by  I'.verett 
"  and  Mi'nroe.  Merely  bi  cause  the  paper  w:»s 
"  a  novelty  and  the  editors  fital  stninpers  to 
^*  me,  I  .Uavt  clioseii  t  to  convey  sonu*  rliouij^lits 
"  to  li.e  puidic.  /  w'l!  ciii.cr  throw  off  that 
"  intoVrable  load  of  ohioq'.y  .'•nd  insoler.ce 
"thev  havt  thro.vn  upon  me,  or  I  wdl  perish 
'*  in  the  stnii^glc." 

A^fain,  .lui!e?th,  1809: 

"  I  Will  not  dit-  for  nothnifi;.  My  pen  shall  go 
"  as  long  a  J  my  fingca  can  hold  it. 

"  I  should  be  ^■lad  to  kn  iw  if  you  read  the 
"Patriot,  &c." 

Again,  d.idor  date  June  22d,  1809,  lie  said: 

"  SIj  dauglitcr-in-law  said,  '  1  kno« ,  Sir, 
'•  that  your  two  sons  are  very  much  d»lif;-liled 
"  that  vou  have  taken  the  subject  up.'  Tliis 
•■•  I  kntw  as  well  as  bhc  (1>^  " 

Let  the  rea-er  comprre  the  dates  of  thi-se 
letters  with  the  .substance,  and  he  will  find  the 
key  W,  unlock  the  secrc-t  molivcstliat  regulated 
all  of  Mv.  Adams  conduct  He  will  find  the  policy 
which  induced  li'm  to  bear  false  wi'nes>i  ag.iinst 
the  federal  fjarty,  t.'  insinuate  himself  into 
tlie  republican  ranks,  and  he  will  also  learn  tlie 
reason  why  Mr. .\.  has  alwajs  been  unwiilinp-  to 
do  any  act  thai  would,  as  his  father  said  in  his  let- 
ter of  the  13di  Dec,  iSOS:  "Prniiuce  an  iternai 
neparatiun  bflwee}'  ir,muiid  /he  fnJeruli!:^." 

Mr.  Adams,  he*ever,  will  g-ive  the  best  es- 
planation  of  his  own  motives. 

It  !3  well  known  that  the  Democratic  Press  is 
now  les'jrled  to  as  the  organ  ot  the  Coalition 
prints.  The  National  InteHig.^nc^r  ha.i  de- 
scended to  vouchsafe  for  its  cicdibihly,  and  the 
National  Journal  is  re.idy  to  eer*ify  to  its  state- 
ments. That  paper,  during  the  late  canvas.s, 
was  opposed  to  the  election  of  Mr.  AAims,  and 
puBtHhed  tlTt  folfovrirt^ 


JOHN   ftUINCY  ABAMS'  B«LHJQ\.f. 
INTEGRITY. 

"  During  the  pendency  of  the  last  Presiden- 
tial  electioB,  which  resulted  in  an  infamous  in- 
trigue and  unprincipled  Coalition,  against  th^ 
will  and  rights  of  the  people,  a  writer  in  the 
American  Statebman,  printed  in  .Mr.  Adanrs' 
native  Stjite,  Massachic-etts,  made,  in  an  article 
signed  "  One  of  the  People,"  a  most  serious 
charge  against  him.  This  charge  was  in  the 
following  terms  : 

'•  111  tlie  Spring  of  1807  he  presided  at  the 
Ffderal  Ctsscus.  whic'i  nominated,"  [C.'.t.rB 
SiKi.Mi,  lu  Hiii.WAdK  .fir;.'; 'ST,]  for  Got'einor,' 
in  O|)po!>it-on  to  the  deir.ocrE.tic  candidate. 
About  the  same  time,  at  the  table  of  an  illus- 
trious citizen,  now  no  more  he  I'menttd  the 
feariul  pi^-gress  of  the  tiro-ocratic  paity,  and  of 
its  principles,  iiid  declared  that  '  Hi  tiad  long 
m^'ditated  the  3ulij<ct,  aiv'  had  becoiiu  con- 
vinced, that  the  only  ui.thod  by  which  the  de. 
mocra'ic  party  could  h  destroy td,  'i-as  tn" 
joining  wiih  it,  and  urging  it  oa  with  the  ut- 
most energy  to  thi  completion  o!'  its  views, 
wnei.bv  'he  result  wi'uid  prove  so  ridieolotra 
and  so  runous  to  the  country,  tlMt  the  people 
wouh!  he  led  to  despise  the  principle"  and  to 
cond;  mn  the  efl'et  ts  of  democratic  policy,  an'd 
thi-n,'  sa'd  he,  '  o'C  mat/  hi.v  a  form  'f  goverrt- 
menl  hftitr  .•niter'  In  the  genius  inul  ir'sponitimi 
ofoir  ci>unl-y,  than  the  pnsrni  coiisli'atioii." 

'Some  'if  the  giKsts  who  iieard  that  declara- 
tion, and  hvve  frequently  repei'.ted  it,  arf  still 
livi'ig.  Letthe  4«(.'i«/ ijrL-SSes,  therefore,  take 
care  iiowtUeydeny  its  authority.' 

T.his  ■  havgv  having  been  made,  the  Batiaadl 
Jour'tul,  as  it  was  generally  understood,  edited 
by  Mr.  Aii.'.ris,  .it  Iha;  time,  and  thi>n  ji'st  e&- 
t6bl:-h<-d  to  e'tctinneer  foi  him,  atten'pted  a 
deni;d;  but,  in  w!iat  manner  was  i' is  attempt 
ii>ade'  It  w;is  not  doiK  W!i.;i  iin-  '  ankiiess  gi" 
honesty  and  the  boldness  of  innr.-t'ice.  It 
wa-.  not  If  n'ed  that  witnesses  could  be  pco- 
dne.d  l:f  proie  tins  charge  aj;air*sr  Mr.  At-ams. 
But  a  feeble,  iinpnt'.nt  atirmpt.  by  wui/  of  hay- 
ing •?«  anchor  to  w'ndwa^d,  and  denoting 
the  coTisaoiiS'ttsx  uf  guilt,  v»as  made  to  argire 
against  its  probabilily.  Howt-ve-,  th<  Stites.- 
man  and  the  other  papovs  wii'i  had  rrpeateti 
th  s  rharge,  iviie  called  upon  Tor  thiar  authoci- 
ty,  oht/ut  Hie  time  that  the  butlle  u\if  oi'er.  Ho- 
rauo  I'owrisend,  Esq.  a  gentleman  of  chiiracterj 
the  Ckrk  of  the  Jud  c-d  Court  or  the  -.tate, 
for  t!i  ■  co.inty  of  Norfolk,  and  tht  ueig/'iburnDii 
friend  of  Mr.  Adanui,  w  as  named  as  one,  who 
h-j'l  luard  Micse  derlaratiirns,  and  had  ofteo  rc' 
I  ted  them.  It  W'S  .ds'i  slated  by  tiir  E  iIoTS 
of  the  Slatcsmiin,  that  they  had  been  informed;, 
that  these  derlarpiions  were  ;f.ade  at 'he  table 
of  the  late  Cinef  Jiisiic  Parsons,  then  the  greai 
leadt-r  ot  tiie  Federd  pi.rty  m  Ma'.sjchus'tta. 
Wh.it  was  the  next  step  to  this  business'  Slt- 
Towiistnd  was  a  friend  of  M-.  Adams,  di.spct&- 
ed  to  do  evi  ry  ihiUf,',  which,  in  ro/iscience,  he 
could  do,  to  help  li:s  cause,  and  In  gves  his 
C'-rtificale  or  atK'la-it,  which  was  publislu-d  In 
vindication  of  Mr.  Adams'  innocence.  Here  it 
is: 

"  NOsFOLK,  ss. 

"DtnnAM,  November  6th,  18^4'. 

"I,  Horatio  Townsend,  Clerk  of  the  Supreme 
.TTrtfirt,al  OotrrW  and  of  (he.  Court  rtf  CWnmoii 


i!S 


I'leas,  fic.  for  this  county,  having  this  day  heard 
read  to  me,  the  article  in  the  American  States- 
man and  City  Register  of  th'is  date,  headed  "Ex- 
planatory," hereby  make  solemn  oath,  that  I 
have  no  recoUfdioii  of  ever  having  dined  at  tlic 
tahleof  the  Honorable  "theonhilus  Parsons,  in 
■•company  with  Mr.  John  Q:incy  Adorns.-  nor  do 
I  believe  that  I  ever  did,  nor  do  1  recoiled  or  be- 
lieve, that  I  ever  met  Mr.  Adams  in  company 
with  the  late  Chief  Jnstice  Parsrus  at  any  time 
subsequent  to  my  leaving  Mr.  Parsons'  office, 
ys  a  student,  in  the  Spring;'  of  1783. 

H015ATIO  TOWNSEND." 

Now,  in  the  name  of  common  sense,  what 
ciocs  this  testimony  of  Mr.  AAxms' own  vninexs 
amount  to'  Does  he  deny  that  ho  ever  IfMrd 
his  friend.  Mr.  Adams,  make  these  dedarntions? 
J'lV.  He  makes  no  such  denial;  but  contents 
himself  merely  Viiih  saying  th.at  he  does  not  re- 
•colkd  dining  at  Judge  P.arsons'  t.able  with  Mr. 
Adams,  or^meetingMr.  Adams  in  company  with 
Judge  Parsons  for  a  long  nrr'id  of  time.  This 
is  the  head  and  front  of  this  affidavit;  and,  make 
f-he  most  of  it,  it  only  renders  i'  a  Utile  wuertain 
whether  thcuc  dtdarations  were  made  at  the  ta- 
tle  of  Judge  Parsonx,  or  that  of  .tome  ot/ierVed- 
eral  leader,  wi'h  whom  Mi-.  Adams  was  at  that 
time  in  dose  communion^  conspiring  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Ri-publican  cause.  If  Mr.  Townsend, 
who  was  so  ready  to  give  tlils  affidavit,  on  the 
very  day  that  he  first  learned  that  he  was  named 
Jis  a  witness  to  these  dedarations,  could,  consist- 
■ently  with  truth,  have  denied  that  he  heard 
Mr.  Adams  make  them,  would  he  not  have  done 
.'^0?  Every  man  of  comtnon  sense  answers  this 
question.  John  B.  Derby,  Esq.,  a  CounS'Uor 
at  Law  of  Norfolk,  and  son-in-law  of  Mr.  Town- 
send,  and  tlie  Hon.  James  Richardson,  a  Coun- 
sellcr  at  Law  of  that  County,  also  gave  the  fol- 
lowing affidavit  and  certificate,  which  were 
published: 

AFFIDAVIT. 

"I,  JohnB.  D;iby,  of  Dw'.ham,  late  of  Med- 
field,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  of  lawful  pge, 
testify  and  say,  thai  one  evening  in  the  Sum- 
mer of  1820,  being  at  the  house  of  Horatio 
Townsend,  E^q.  of  Dedham,  conversing  with 
raid  Townsend  on  the  political  character  of 
JfihnQuincy  J*datns,  and  objecting  to  Mr.  Ad- 
ams on  the  ground  of  hisfleserticn  of  Federal 
principles,  said  r,3wnst.nd  asserted,  that  Mr. 
Mams  luas  in  heart  a  Federalist,  'iltliough  acting 
with  the  Democratic  party,  and  for  proof  tnereof 
stated,  that  he,  Mr  Townsend,  being  many 
years  before  in  company  with  ftlr.  Adams  am! 
other  dlstmguished  Federalists,  previovisto  Mr. 
Adams'  political  conversion,  I  think  at  the  late 
-Chief  Justice  Parsons,  Mr.  Ada:. is  speaking 
of  the  increasing  pow.r  of  the  Demoi.ratic 
party,  used  m  substunce.  the  exnressions  attri- 
liutetl  to  him  by  the  author  of  "  One  of  the 
People."  published  in  the  Statesman  of  July 
last.  Aftervvaids,  in  the  spring  I  think,  of 
1822,  tlie  said  Townsend  bting  at  niy  house,  in 
Medfield,on  my  3g:iin  introducing  the  discus- 
sion of  the  same  subject,  repeated  to  me  the 
same  declamt'ons  of  .Ur.  Adams,  in  similar  lan- 
guage. Th;it  ,lo!in  Qulncy  Adumf  rnude  such 
<jb3crvati(.'ii«,  1  do  not  l:now,  but  i  was  con- 
strained to  It'Jicve  that  hr  made  them,  by  l!.?  fre- 
quent and  confident  assertions  of  Mr.  Town- 
r■—■^,     That  Mr,  Townsend  said  in  subst-ance 


what  I  have  here  stated,  is  confirmed  by  tiis 
Hon.  James  Richardson,  who  iays,  that  on  hear- 
ing the  extract  from  "One  of  the  People"  read 
to  him,  he  immediately  recollected  having 
heai-d  Mr.  Townsend  so  express  hinself  in  con- 
versation, once  at  said  Tow  nsend's  house,  and 
also  at  his  office,  and  that  it  occurred  to  him 
before  he  [Mr.  R.]  knew  that  he  was  designat- 
ed as  one  of  those  to  whom  the  above  state- 
ments of -Mr.  Townsend  were  addressed. 

JOHN  B.  DERBY." 
The  pieces  signed  "  One  of  the  People,"  are 
written  with  so  much  talent,  it  Is  hardly  neces- 
.sary  for  me  to  add,  I  am  not  the  author. 

"  Norfolk,  S.S.  Nov.  8,  1834. 
"  Theo  the  above  named  John  B.  Derby  de- 
clared, on  oath,  that  the  above  sUitemcnt,  sub- 
scribed by  him.  was  true. 

■     ERASMUS  WORTHINGTON, 

Justice  of  the  Peace." 

On  the  lack  of  the  affidamt  is  the  following  cer- 
tificate. 
"  Deubam,  Nov.  8tb,  1824.  _ 
"  I  have  read  tlie  p.art  of  the  within  affidavit 
which  relates  to  myself,  and  declare  it  to  be 
substantially  correct. 

JAMES  RICHARDSON." 

This  is  the  evidence,  and  in  the  court  of  com- 
mon sense,  where  the  people  are  the  judge9,jts 
effect  is  iiTesistible.  If  it  needed  confirmation,!^ 
may  be  found  in  John  Quincy  Adams'  Inaugu- 
ral Speech,  where  he  covertly  denounced  the 
Democratic  party,  and  its  ties,  and  its  badge, 
his  appointment  ofRufus  King,  a  minister  o't' 
his  father  in  the  reign  of  terror,  to  the  Court  ot 
St.  James,  in  his  speedy  relapse  to  his  eai-li/ 
faith,  the  most,  dangerous  doctrines  of  the  Fed- 
eral pai'ty,  in  Josiah  Quincy's  exulting  toast,  at 
a  feast  in  honor  of  his  shameful  elevation  to  tlie 
Presidency,  against  the  will  of  the  people — 
"The  roLiTic.ii  ?tEGr,7iK«.irio\',  those  who JeK 
with  the  first  .idaiivi,  rise  with  the  second,"  and 
Mr.  Adams'  speech  s.  few  days  since  in  Faneuil 
H;i!l,  in  Boston.  In  that  speech,  Mr.  Adams 
pronounced  th's  same  Josiah  Quincy,  who  mov- 
ed without  a  single  vote  to  support  his  own,  the 
impeachment  of  Thomas  Jefferson  ;  who  threa- 
tened on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives,  that  Nc.v  England  must  have  her  way, 
peaceably  if  she  could,  Jorcibly  if  ^he  must ;  who 
was  the  author  of  the  infamocs  resolution  of  the 
Senate  of  Massachusetts,  lately  expunged  from 
the  records  as  a  d'usgract*  to  tlie  State,  tliat  it 
vias  unbtcoming  a  moral  and  reli^ioue  peimk 
to  rejoice  in  our  glorious  victories  during  the  late 
war ;  who,  three  j'ears  since,  in  the  same  place, 
the  cradle  of  liberty,  at  a  public  meeting,  to 
aid  the  election  of  the  Hartford  Convmt'on  can- 
didate, for  Governor,  declared  tlie  Democratic 
patty  to  be  "tde  scum  of  ti!e  pot;"  to  be 
tlie  ivodhy  represe?itative  of  the  Josiah  Quincv, 
of  the  Revolution.  SO  MUCH  FOR  JOHN 
QUINCY  ADAMS'  POLITICAL  INTEGRI- 
TY. 

GOV.  GILES  TO  THE  PUBLIC. 

In  regard  to  Mr.  Adams — 

1st.  I  befievj  .Mr.  Adams  not  to  be  a  republi- 
can, either  in  principle  or  practice.  I  believe 
he  is  not  attaclicd  to  the  written  constitution  of 
his  country;  but  prefers  a  gdvernment  founded 


•2i* 


,.pon  the  unhmued  will  or  the  governors.  I  be- 
lieve that  he  claims  and  exercises  powers  for 
the  General  Government,  derived  from  sources 
paramount  the  Constitution;  and  that,  even  in  his 
interpretation  of  the  Constitution  it-self,  he  ren- 
ders all  its  restraining'  provisions  inoperative  and 
unav^ling;.     These  restrainmg'  provisions,  1  be- 
lieve, afford  the  only  security  to  the  American 
people  against  the  usurpations  of  the  General 
Government.  Mr.  Adams  having  placed  luineelf 
above  those  constitutional  restraints,  I  consider 
him  a  civil  usurper;  and  that  "in  the  present 
party  politics,"  these  doctrines  are   "so  fright- 
ful on  the  part  of  the  administration,"  as  to  jus- 
tify a  change  under  any  circumstances.     The 
gain  may  consist  in  the  preservation  of  our  pre- 
sent writ'en  constitution,  instead  of  the  substi- 
tution of  a  government  of  unlimited  powers.  Is 
it  possible  that  there  coulii  be  a  great'-  r  gain  ? 
Is  not  this  conside-ition  of  itself  of  sufficient 
magnitude  to  outweigh  all  countervailing'  con- 
siderations'    Acting  un'ier  these  convictions, 
I  presmie  that  a  majority  of  "the  Anti-.lackson 
Convention,"  and  the  chairman  amongst  tliem, 
would  prefer  a  change,   even  in  favor  of  Gen. 
.Tackson,  provided  they  also  believed  of  him  as 
I  do — that  he  would  cause  the  government  to  be 
administered,  as  far  as  he  could,  upon  a  fair, 
candid,   and  correct  interpretation  of  tht  writ- 
ten constitution.     I  cannot  concur  in  the  wis- 
dom recommended  by  "the  Anti-Jackson  Con- 
vention," of  taking  sanctu.ary  in  the  ai-ms  of  a 
cool,  deliberate,  systematic  civil  usurper,   as  a 
protection  against  the  fears  of  a  Military  Cliief- 
tain — when,  too,  this  t-rritic  Military  Chieftain 
turns  out,  upon   examination,  to  be  an  ideal 
vision — a  miserable,  delusive  ignis  fatuus — the 
i-insubstantial  spectre   of   frigMened   imagina- 
tions—an  unreal  ghost,   raw-head-and-bloudy- 
bones,  conjured  up  by  the  friends  of  unlimited 
government,  to  fi-ighten  timid  and  unthinking 
republicans. 

2d.  I  believe  Mr.  Adams  does  not  possess  tlie 
necessary  useful  practical  talents  for  adminis- 
tering any  government  whatever;  andth.ttGen. 
Jackson's  talents  for  that  object  are  incompara- 
bly greater  than  .Mr.  Adams'— wliilst  I  am  will- 
ing to  admit,  that  Mr.  Adams  mav  be  more  than 
General  Jackson  the  poet  bom,  'and  more  the 
scholar  made.  I  believe  Mr.  Adams  not  to  be  a 
iWse  man;  that  he  possesses  very  few  of  the 
attributes  of  wisdom.  I  must  stick  to  my  <le- 
finition  of  terms.  I  believe  Mr.  Adiiins  is  not 
wise  in  conduct— not  wise  in  actions.  I  believe 
lie  is  not  blessed  with  the  happy  talent  of  clioos  • 
ingthe  best  measures,  nor  the  best  means  of 
carrying  his  chosen  measures  into  eff-ct. 

To  be  in  the  fashion,  particularly  with  "  the 
Anti-Jackson  convention,"  I  must  coin  a  word 
to  convey  my  ideas  ot  Mr.  Adams  in  this  re- 
spect,— I  believe  Mr.  Adams  to  be  an  anti-wise 
ir.an.  The  whole  history  of  his  political  life 
will  prove  the  correctness  of  these  convictions: 
but  I  will  specify  a  few  cases  only  in  demon- 
stration. His  letter  to  the  committee  before 
-«;uoted,  groumled,  I  think,  upon  fallacious  mis- 
representations, e.v.tenGing  -ven  lo  a  point  of 
incredibility- His  variou.:^  efibrts  in  various 
papers,  but  particularly  in  his  Srst  message  to 
t-ongress,  to  derive  powers  to  the  general  gov- 
ernment  from  sources  paramount  the  constitu- 
'.on,  or  fromhis  own  D'jculiarlv  er.r.nnu-;,^  int^,.. 


pratation  of  tiie  constituiioii — His  conduct  in 
the  whole  of  his  intercourse  with  Great  Britain, 
by  which  we  have  not  only  lost  the  West  India 
trade,  but  diminished   the  rest  of  our  Britishi 
tr.ade,  and  hazarded  the  whole — a  trade  amount- 
ing to  more  than  one  half  of  our  Foreign  trader 
and  thus  introducing  a  state  of  impoverishment 
in  the  United  States,  unknown   heretofore.     I 
think  Mr.  Adams  has  been  particularlj'  anti-wise 
in   all  his  most  important  diplomatic  negotia- 
tions; i>articul'xly  so  in  his  treaties  of  limits,  both 
with  Spa.n  and   Great  Britain. — In  the  one,  he 
lost  the  Texas;  in  the  other,  he  h.as  reduced  us 
to  the  disgraceful  ariiitamrnt  of  a  foreign  pow- 
er, for  a  ten-itury  on  our  Nortli-Eastcru  boun- 
dary, equal,  oi-rliaps  greater,   in  e.xtent,  than 
•he  whole  State  of  New  Hamp.sliire.   1  conceive 
Mr.  Adams  particularly  anti-wise,  in   his  claims 
to  Executive  powers,  especially  in   relation  to 
his  oompet.;ncy  to   originate  foreign  missions 
without  the  coi.sent  of  the  Senate;  p.irticularly 
so,  wljcn  ti.at  question  was  scttl'^d  in  his  own 
person   against  such  right,  about   t!ie  cl'ise  of 
Mr.   Jeft'erson's    administration.     Without  im- 
pugoing;  at  this  time,  thj  poficy  of  his  Panama 
.Mission,  I  think  one  of  tne  reasons  he  assigned 
for  it,  the  most  anti-wise  that  could  have  enter- 
ed into  the  imagination  of  man— to  liberalize  the 
Sotit'-  Amei'ican   Catholic,  on  th"  score  of  re- 
ligion.    Tills   raost  eccentric   notion   has  per- 
haps, tended,  more  than  any  thing  else,  to  de- 
prive us  of  the  valuable  favor   of  the    South 
American   Republics      This  catalogue  of  anti- 
wise   measures  miist  s-.tfTice,  although  it  is  but 
just  begun. 

3d.  1  have  no  confixlence  in  Mr.  Adams' 
political  integrity  nor  candor.  I  believe  him  to 
be  neither  an  honest  n„r  incorruptible  politician . 
-\lthough  many  instances  might  be  given  of  this 
graat  and  inexcusable  defect  in  Mr.  Adams' 
political  character,  I  will  here  mention  only 
two:  The  flrs;  shall  be  taken  from  his  reply  to 
to  the  comiilttee  appointed  to  inform  him  of 
his  election  to  the  Fivsidencv.  Accordino-  to 
my  invariable  habit  in  stating  facts,  when  prac- 
ticable, ill  the  woriis  of  the  writer,  I  give  them 
here  in  .Mr.  Adams'  own  words: 
Extract  from  Mr.  Adanw'  replv  to  the  Com- 
inittee  appointed  to  inforni  him  of  his  eleo^ 
tion. 

"  It  has  been  my  fortune  to  be  placed  by  the 
division  of  sentiment  prevailing  among  our 
countrymen,  on  this  occasion,  in  compe'jtion 
tnendly  and  honorable  witii  three  of  my  fellow- 
citizens,  all  justly  enjoying,  in  eminent  deo-rees 
tlie  piibhe  favor,  and  of  whoe  worth,  talents 
and  services,  no  one  entertains  a  iiig.ier  and 
more  resncctftil  sense  tiian  mvself.  The  names 
oftwo  of  them  were,  in  the 'fulfilment  of  the 
provisions  ot  the  constitution,  presented  to  the 
selection  of  the  House,  in  concurrence  witlimv 
own;  names  closely  associated  with  the  glory  o'f 
the  n.ation;  and  one  of  them  fartJier  recommend- 
ed b}-  a  lanjer  minority  of  the  primaiy  electo- 
ral suffrages  tlian  mine. 

"  In  this  state  of  things,  could  my  refusal  to 
accept  the  trust  thus  ddegiited  to  fae,  give  an 
immediate  opportunity  to  ^he  people  to  form 
and  to  express,  with  a  nearer  .-.pproach  to  una- 
nimity, the  object  of  their  preference,  fs/wuld 
not  he.ntate  to  dtcUne  tlf  acceptar.ce  of  thU  em'- 
nent  churge,  and  to  submit  the  decinon  of  t/ii.i 


3% 


Mai  the  Cunstitutisn  itself  hus  n*t  se  disposed 
of  the  contingency,  which  wouM  arise  in  the 
<iyent  of  the  refusal;  I  shail,  therefore,  repair 
to  the  post  assign"d  me  by  the  call  of  my  coun- 
try, sipnilieJ  through  her  constitutional  or- 
gans," &c. 

Here,  Mr.  Adams  positively  and  unequivo- 
Callv  asserts,  in  substance,  that  in  consequence 
of  all  his  predtc-rssors  in  the  high  station  to 
Vhich  the  selection  of  the  house  hud  called  Mm, 
havi:"^  had  a  niajonty  of  the  vott-s  of  the  prima- 
ry electoral  suffrages,  wnil»t  it  had  fallen  to  his 
un  tr.  h;»ve  ^  miiiorify  of  Tiitts;  and  atill 
Vorse,  otie  of  his  compel. foi<  fir  the  office  hav- 
i!7^  even  a  greotei"  minority  tnan  hinistlf — h", 
should  not  hes-'tafe  to  dniifU'  the  (lece.pl'inc  of  the. 
erttini.nt  charge,  and  lo  submit  the  decision  qftliin 
rponi'^rnue  question  ijgain  to  tiie  deter'ninalion  nf 
the  people,  provided  h-s  rfjusut  'o  nc;ept  the  trust 
delegated  to  h'm,  would givr  ;;••'  immrdnileoppor. 
f unity  to  thi-  p-nple  tofufm,  and  lo  express,  with 
a  neanr  appronch  to  nnanimity,  the  object  uj  their 
mtference.  I  put  it  to  the  anti-lackson  Conven- 
tion in  cand  ir  and  in  honor  to  say,  wlietiier 
this  solemn  di-claration,  tak.ng  into  considera- 
tion, the  circunjstancts  under  nhich  it  was 
!T(ade,  is  not  absolutely  incredible*  Whether 
they  do  believe  it '  If  they  do  not  believe  it, 
Can  any  one  of  those  hlgh-minited  honorable 
gentlem'-n,  reconcde  it  to  h'mself,  to  vote  for 
any  human  being  for  his  President,  who  is  capa- 
ble of  making  a  cool,  deliberate  misrepresenta- 
tion of  his  views  to  the  whole  American  people 
upon  the  most  solemn  occasion?  Suppose  all 
Uo  American  people  were  callel  upon  to  give 
tbeir  votes  for  the  next  pres  dent  upon  the  con- 
sideration otthis  question  alone:  Do  you  consci- 
entiously believe  this  solemn  declaration,  made 
to  you  bv  i»Ir.  Adams'  to  wit:  That  he  was  de- 
sirous of  su^imitting  his  election  again  to  the 
people'  How  many  votes  would  he  get  in  tiie 
United  States'  Let  every  oin-  answer  this  ques- 
tion for  iiimself  It  is  not  possible  to  conceive, 
that  main  could  be  brought  to  vole  for  one  for 
their  Pi-esiflent,  under  tiie  firm  conviction,  that 
such  one  had  deliberately  misrepresented  his 
own  views  to  them  on  a  most  solemn  occasion' 
I,  for  one,  must  beg  to  be  incredulous  upon 
tins  occasion — and  1,  for  one,  will  not  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams.  Under  what  circumstances,  too, 
was  this  solemn  declaration  made'  At  a  mo- 
ment when  Mr.  Adams  was  making  overtures, 
:i3  is  asserted,  to  the  Federahsts  for  their  votes, 
to  make  him  President.  I  say  nothing  about 
Ivis  understanding  with  .\Ir.  Clay — notwitiisland- 
ing  Mr.  Clay's  uncontradicted  declaration,  that 
he  knew  Mr.  Adams'  opinions  upon  x\^^■  Penn- 
sylvania policy,  in  time  to  make  it  a  reason  with 
iiim  for  voting  for  Mr.  Adams.  That  point  will 
be  undisturbed  here,  because  it  is  disputed; — 
r.-hibt  Mr.  A. 's  overture  to  theFederalists,  thro' 
Mr.  Webster,  stands  yet  uncontradicted  by  Mr. 
VI .  as  far  as  I  know.  I  therefore  lake  that  fact 
for  granted,  and  it  i.-^  impossible  I o conceive,  cli:,t 
at  the  same  mome 111  Vlr.  Adams  wjs  st  lop'.ng 
lo  intrigue  with  the  Federdists  fi  r  the  Presi- 
dential  office,  (per  fas  aut  oefas, )  he  w>;iild  not 
liesitate  to  call  for  another  election  from  the 
people,  especially  when  there  was  every  rea- 
son to  beHeve,  in  that  case,  he  would  not  be 
elected.  Now,  let  us  see  the  relations  in  which 
Mr.  Adams  stood  to  this  same  Federal  party, 
"t  tl-rc  moiirem  of  making  fhi^i  oitrttirt.       fx  is 


know*,  and  univers»Uy  admitted,  that,  ducir,^- 
the  session  of  Congress  of  ISU",  1808,  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, most  unexpectedly,  but  avowedly,  made  a 
complete  political  somerset  from  the  Federal  to 
the  Republican  party.  At  that  time,  the  caa- 
vass  for  the  Presidential  election  was  actually 
cast ;  and  no  federal  candidate  was  ofTered. 
The  contest  wa-'  settled  doAn  betTT^rn  Mr. 
Madison  and  Governor  Clinton.  Mr  Adsn«^ 
therefore  found  h'rnself  cut  pff  from  all  hope 
of  periona*  asra'iandizeinentf-om  his  old  friaiid^ 
the  le.lerjiiists,  for  fciglit  years  at  lenst — and,  ro 
all  probabilltT,  fi.r  crer;  teitainly  under  thuHt' 
old  designation  cf  Federal  par-ty  It  was  at 
this  mon<pnt,  ev»-iitually,  so  auspxiovis  to  his 
hcjpts  of  piersonal  aggrandizoment,  that  this 
somei'set  v>as  most  adioitly  performed.  How 
was  this  done?  It  was  first  done  by  a  most  so- 
leini'  commu.iicalion  to  raysetf,  and  afterwards 
to  Mr.  Jtffepsoii,  as  I  am  well  iiiibrmpd  Pre- 
viously to  this  tune,  Mr  A. 's  conduct  towards 
Mr.  Jefferson  had  beer;  such  as  to  prevent  the 
annunciation  to  him,  in  the  first  insttace  ot  his 
intended  desertion  from  the  Federal  party;  and 
this  is,  probably  the  true  cause  of  his  dtvolv-n^ 
the  "lisclosure  upon  me.  This  disclosure  was 
first  made,  during  the  session  of  Congress, 
commencing  26ti  October,  1807.  During  the 
next  session,  it  became  my  duty  in  consequence 
thereof,  to  defend  Mr.  Adams,  against  levertl 
violent  attack'-  made  upon  him,  on  account  of" 
his  wonderful  political  somerset,  by  Mr.  Pick- 
ering, his  former  colleague  in  the  Senate.  In 
18u8,  I  disclosed  as  much  of  Mr.  Aduras'  com- 
munication to  me  a»  I  thought  wat  then  re- 
quired to  justi^  his  conduct  against  Mr.  Pick- 
ering's attacks  Tiie  following  i«  an  extract 
taken  from  a  speecli  delivered  in  the  Senate  on 
ihe  2d  December,  1818,  which  h  ave«  no  posS- 
ble  doubt  of  the  fact,  tiial,  during  the  preced- 
ing session,  Mr.  Adams  diJ  make  a  most  solemn 
communication  to  me,  of  his  intended  deser- 
tion from  the  Federal  party. 

Extract  Jrom  ^eedi. 

"I  had  hoped,  Mr.  Pivsidtnt,  that  the  gei> 
tleman  (Mr.  Pickering)  would  have  si  far  re- 
strained his  feelings  as  to  have  permitted,  this 
gentleman's  retii-ement,  (Mr.  Adams}  to  have 
shielded  him  from  these  unmerited  reproaches; 
but  it  seems  that  no  delicacy  of  situation  can 
procure  an  exemption  from  the  inveteracy  of 
the  gentleman's  passions.  This  cruel  attack 
has  im|)Osed  upon  me  an  indispensable  obliga- 
tion to  defend  this  absent  gentleman;  «id  it  has 
been  principally  this  circumstance,  which  has 
driven  me  again,  most  reluctantly,  into  this  de» 
bate.  Sir,  I  can  attest,  and  now  do  attest  with 
great  pleasure,  the  disinterestedness  and  purity 
of  the  motives  which  dictated  'hat  gentleman's 
(Mr.  .\dams')  late  pohtical  conduct.  As  to  its 
wisdom,  that  is  a  matter  of  opinion,  and  now  in 
a  course  of  expeiiin.:nt;  but  as  to  hi.s  exemp- 
tion from  all  views  of  person."!  promo  r;i,  or 
aggr  .ndizenient,  /  >>erf.  a-isert  that  fact  npitn  my 
c:jan  ht)o'j'l:dge  and  upcn  my  oifi  TespoTt.r'bltiiy, 
us  far  as  can  be  iiirrunicd  by  the  tnost  cjcplicit 
and  uneQuivocal  ws^crances  Jrom  the  geu^kman 
himself;  given,  too,  under  circumslances  -which 
render  tlicr  sincerity  unquestionable."  Eveiy 
impartial,  intelligent  man  must  see  at  the  first 
blush,  tliat  Mr.  Adams'  communication  must 
fnive  been  made  to  txk  in  thT;  must  solemn  awJ 


dl 


impvsaive  rtliuher,  to  juslilj-  thu  positive 
pledge  on  rm'  part,  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Adams, 
grounded  upon  his  own  most  explicit  and  une- 
quivocal assurances;  given,  too,  unile"  circum- 
stances which  render  their  sincerity  unques- 
tionable. 

At  the  tune  Mr.  Adams  ma-le  the  disclosure 


closure.  M'iether unier  no  cu'cjim^nces,  >'. 
was  to  be  communicable  to  others.  It  dors  not 
seem  to  be  of  that  character  or  at  all  to  wear 
that  aspect.  They  are  historical  facts,  whidh 
belong  to  the  present  as  well  as  future  times.  T 
doubt,  whetherasiiiglefart known  tothe  worI3, 
will  carr}  as  clcur  i  cinvirtion  to  it,   of  the  cor- 


fo  me,  he  imposed  no  injunction  of  secrecy    vccxneif  of  ir^r  fcnowledf;r  of  the  treasonable  view^ 


■n-hatever.  He  spoke  of  the  oecas.on,  however, 
as  one  of  a\yful  magnitude  Nothing  lew  than 
baearding  the  sevemnee  of  the  Union.  The 
<i»(ir»«  m  aoaiuct  which  I  have  heretofore  pur- 
sued re«pe<»i»g  it,  n«s  dictated  solelj'  by  my 
\'>ews  of  the  chamcter  of  tna  corr.munieation. 


of  the  federal  ptrfy  ofthct  day  as  that,  disclosed 
by  '^(9  most  nefarious  and  daring  oWem/// /o  <feS> 
sever  ike  Union,  of  which  the  Hartford  Conven- 
tion was  0  "kbsequfnteliapter,  and  botli  of  these 
iiaving  failed,  consolidation  becomes  the  first 
book  of  their  history."     Mr.    Jefferson   here 


In  1803   I  diwlosed  as  much  as  I  thought  the  states; — "J  doubt  whether  %  single  fact  known 

tlx«n  occaion  CRlled  for      I  d.d  «ot  th-rrk  pro-  to  the  worlu,  wdl  cany  iis  clear  ^  conviction  to 

p«r  then  to  disclose  more;  but  I  do  not  now,  if,  of  the  correctness  of  our  knowledge  of  irea- 

nor  did  I  ever  think,  that  any  obligation  wl.at  fofiabte  view  of  the  federal  party  of  ikat  day 

ever  was  ,m;iOscd  upon  me,  gTOwng  out  of  tie  (130r,  1  as  that   disclosed  by    this,  (disclosure 

peculiar  cluracter  of  the  d.sclosiire,  not  to  make  tnade  by  Mr.  Adams  of  that  day — 1807,)  most 

il  known,  under  extraordinary  contingencies,  ncfari.'>us    and   daring    attempt  to  d'ssever    the 

which  might  occur.     I  think,  too,  that  wonder-  Union — of   which    the  Hartford    Convention, 

fuleven^  arising  from  that  even'ful  tfansaction,  (1814,)   was  the  subsequent  chapter. "     Hence 

i^ave  since  occurred,  whioti  would  justify  such  the   following  facts    evidently  appear:     That 

tJlscloBUre;  bat  I  have  at  »U  times  preferred,  as  Mr.  Adams  made  the   disclosure  to  me,  of  his 


T  now  prefer,  that  Mr.  Adams  should  make  the 
d->«;lo9ure  himself  I  have  three  times,  here- 
tofore, publicly  called  on  Mr.  Adams  to  mate 
tho  disclosure  himsetf.  Tiese  calls  did  appear 
in  the  Richmond  Enquirer,  Jinuury  fth,  Febru- 
ary Uth  and  March  ir»h,  1816. 

But  since  the  pubhwtion  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 


intending  t')  desert  thePe«teral  party  the  winter 
of  18or,  1808 — to  the  best  of  my  recollection, 
it  was  a  short  time  prcvioustothe  first  embargo. 
That  it  was  made  under  the  most  solemn  assu- 
rances of  his  patriotism  and  disinterestedness, 
and  ol  an  entire  exemption  from  all  views  of 
personal  promotion  by  the  party,  to  wliich  he 


Ifetter  addressed  to  me,  .lated  3oth  Decrmber,    had  proselyted.  Mr.  Jefferson  states  the  grounds 


J  335 — this  subject  i«  redjced   within  a  very 
narrow  compass. — By  comparing  ihc  statement 
made  in  my  speech  just  quoted,  *  d.    Mr.  Jef- 
ferson's letter,  and  marking  the  pr  f  «■  deduc- 
tions from  them,  ta'ven  in  context  with  each 
cither,   very   fe*   pi^nts  respecting  that   most 
eventfuljti'ansactioa  will  require  tote  isciosed 
so  as  to  give  the  public  a  fair  view  of  trie  wholt 
gfound,  and  thus  enable  the  people  to  form  a    indi 
just  estimate  of  Mr.  Adams'  obj't*  for  his  pre-    Mr. 
teii.lcd  political  conversion;  ami  to  stump  the 
true  tbanicter  upoii  this  wonderful  transaction. 
In  my  speech  del.vi-rea  in  the  3-;n»te,  2<1  De- 
cetnber,  1803,   I  assert,   "but  as  to  his  (Mr. 
Adams)  exemption  from  all  views  ff  pjlsonal 
promotion,  or  aggrandizement. — ^  here  aasert 


of  this  cnarge,  as  communicated  by  Mr-  Aiiiima 
himself  to  be.  the  treasonuble  views  of  ti;e  fede- 
ral pany,  end  that  these  treasonable  viM-s  extend- 
ed to  disi'nion.  All  that  now  remains  to  be  dis- 
closed to  tlie  public,  to  give  a  full  view  of  the 
whole  ground  of  this  eventfi  1  trans-iction  is,  to 
designate  the  pfrticula'  conspiracy  on  the  part 
ne  whole  of  "he  federali.sts  of  that  day,  180",  whicn  did 
ace  M' .Adams  ♦ochrrge  them,  according  to 
Jeffcrsoii's  statem^'Ut,  with  treasonable 
\iews  lodissev  rthe  trnion;  liic  particular  fo- 
re'gn  igents  with  whom  it  was  carried  o-i,  the 
particular  circumstances,  which  gave  rise  to  it, 
and  the  particular  portions  of  the  federalists  im- 
plicated in  the  treasonable  negotiacionsthen  on 
foot. — Mr.    Adams  can  state  these  facts  to  the 


that  fact  upon  my  own  knowledge,  and  upon  public  if  he  should  think  proper  to  do  so;  or  if, 

my  own  responsioiUty — as  far  as  eon  be  war-  which  I  suppose  impossible,    he   should   deny 

Tonttd  by  the  moet  explicit  and  unequivocal  asau-  them;  then  ought  he  to  tell,  what  other  Roliti- 

mziKes  from  the  gentleman  himself;  ^iven,  too,  cal  sins  the  federal  party  had  committW  in  so 

under  circumstaiicci,  which  render  thetr  sincerity  henious  a  character  as  to  justify  his  open,   for- 

unquestionable."     Mr.  Adams  having  approved,  mal  and  sudden  abandonment  of  them  in   their 

•and,  indeed,  baving'been  highly  gratihed  with  utmost  need;  and    his    adhesion   to   their  op- 

the  defence  made  for  him,  at  the  time,  as  I  have  ponents — indeed,    in  the  true  spirit  of  prose- 


been  often  infoimed,  cannot  now  deny  the  fact 
of  his  having  made  this  coimmunicalioo  to  me; 
nor  the  solemn  and  imposing  circumstances  un- 
der which  it  waa  made.  Since  that  time,  in  con- 
sequeBce  of  a  call  from  me  upon  Mr.  Jefferson, 


lyteism,  his  going  to  the  uttermost  extremes  in 
supporting  his  newly  chosen  associates,  and  his 
fulsome  flatteries  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  through  h'.s 
extravagant  commendation  of  this  measure,  and 
that  too,  not  long  after  he  had  heaped  upon  Mr. 


for  his  recollection  of  the  transaction,  and  for  Jefferson,  all  kinds  of  abuse,  and  even  called 
bi«  \-icws  of  the  propriety  of  giving  it  pubh-  doggrel  verse,  as  is  said,  to  his  aid  for  the  pur- 
city  under  existing  circumstances,  I  received  pose.  Now,  suppose  it  should  turn  out,  that 
rora  Mr.  Jefferson  the  folK'Wing  statement.  no  such  conspiracy  did  exist,  a.id  tnalr.o  such 
'♦Vouaskmy  opinions  of  the  propriety  o'.'gfiv-  treasonable  negotiations  were  carrying  on,  nor 
ing  pubhcity  to  what  is  stated  in  your  letter,  as  such  treasonable  views  were  entertained  by  tho 
h3%-injc  passed  between  Mr  John  Q.  Aiams,and  federalists  ai  that  ti.ne,  ISO" — What  must  the 
yourself. — Ofttiis^  no  one  can  judge  but  your-  world  think  of  such  treacherous  c'larges  ag;unst 
sdl'.  It  is  one  of  those  questions  which  belong  his  old  friends  for  hi."  own  pe.-s.^nal  promotion 
to  the  forum  af  feehi»^.  This  alone  can  decide  and  aggM.idiE  anient,  as  is  now  rendered  evi 
■■">  tlre-d?gTCE  of -CfmfiifttKfei  intfili^tl  fn  the  tTi^-  thntt,  dirtrtnly  against  his  o-vn  solemn  avtrwals  o" 


^^ 


tiie  tune.' — However  deiuiiedatthetiineby  Mr. 
Adams'  solemn  asseverations— and  1  acknowl- 
edge 1  was  deluded  into  a  perfect  confidence  in 
his  disclosures — I  now  sincerely  believe,  that 
the  whole  of  these  charges  against  the  federal- 
ists were  unfounded,  and  consisted  only  in  Mr. 
Adams'  own  mental  mi.-igivings  and  poetic  licen- 
ces. For  me,  this  coHviction  is  sufficient;  and 
1  shall  not  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  for  my  Prerident. 
Other.s.of  course,  will  also  act  as  they  thiilk  best. 

4th.  I  do  not  believe  >tr.  Adams  to  be  a  pa- 
criot,  nor  a  hero.  His  wholt  ijolltical  history 
proves  that  he  has  at  all  limes  advanced  his  own 
personal  aggrandizement  and  pecuniary  emolu- 
mems  atthi-  expense  of  his  country — so  much 
so,  that  he  has  raised  his  own  forume  and  his 
own  greatness,  first  ujion  his  own  party's,  and 
then  up:m  lus  country's  ruin.  His  hero- 
ism is  l.'uly  sui  generis.  I  do  not  know  of  his 
ever  having  made  but  one  attempt  to  display 
lus  courage.  That  was  done  during  his  most 
unaccountable  electioneering  visit  to  IJaltimore. 
It  appeared  in  tiie  form  of  a  toast  with  an  ex- 
planation— "  Kbon)  and  Topaz,"  implying  his 
Triumphant  joy  -it  the  milltia-nian's  bullet  being 
sped  to  General  Kosi's  neart! ! !  O!  miserable 
jjutr!!  In  this  wonderful  disph'.y  of  heroism, 
Mr.  Adams'  courage  did  not  begin  to  crow  un- 
til thirteen  years  after  the  battle  was  ended; 
and  then,  indeed,  it  triumphantly  crewed  over 
the  hallowed  dust  of  a  gallant  fallen  foe:  slain 
by  the  h-inds  of  another,  whose  courage  loud- 
est crowed  in  the  battle's  front.  So,  Gen.Jack- 
son's  courage  always  loudest  crows  in  the  bat- 
tle's front.  Yes,  in  the  face  and  eyes  of  his 
gallant,  hostile,enibattled combatants.  I  would 
vote  ag.^lnst  Mr.  Adams  for  this  anti-v/i.se,  un- 
feehng-  act  .alone;  revolting,  as  1  think,  to  eve- 
ry ho.ioraole  sentiment  of  the  human  heart; 
proving  at  once  Mr.  Adams'  own  destitution 
of  refined  sensibilities,  and  un  utter  ignorance 
of  the  true  impulses  of  human  naturf.  It  casts 
a  stain  over  the  generous  sensibilities  of  the 
Ameirictm  nation,  so  far  as  its  character  is  as- 
sociated with  the  character  of  its  Chief  M.igis- 
trate.  If  tendedstiU  farther  to  irritate  ttie  pa- 
triotic feelings  of  a  gallant  foreign  nation,  too 
Uiuch  irritated  before,  by  wanton  provocations 
in  his  mti-wist  diplomatic  negotiations;  and  at 
the  same  time,  could  not  avoid  Inflicting  a  wan- 
ton cruel  wound  upon  the  feelings  of  an  amia- 
ble l)(j^aved  family.  It  would  require  strong 
countervailing  considerations  to  induce  me  to 
overlook  tliis  single  inexjusable  act  of  Mr. 
Adams;  and  I  know  not  of  one  single  couuter- 
vaiUng  consldera'ion   nhisfavir. 

5th.  I  do  not  believe  Mr.  Adams  to  bo  a  mi- 
litary chieftain.  No:  nor  a  citizen  soldier — and 
since  the  Anti -Jackson  Conventionists  seem^  to 
plume  themselves  upon  Mr.  Adams'  destitu- 
tion of  all  military  pretensions — military  princi- 
ple— military  skill,  and  mil'tary  piowess,  lam 
willing  to  allow  to  th^m  the  whole;  and  yet,  I 
think,  Mr.  Ad.ims  will  not  make  the  better  Pre- 
sident, in  consequc:icc  of  this  boasted  destitu- 
tion. Wdl  he,  thereby,  be  better  qualified  to 
discharge  the  high  constitutional  military  duties 
of  the  President '  Most  assuredly,  I  think  not. 
In  relation  to  the  discharge  of  the  high  military 
functions  of  the  President,  Gen.  Jackson  cer- 
tainly is  greatly  to  be  preferred. 

Whether,   therefore,    i:i   regard  to  the  dis- 


Fl'Csident,  I  mink  Gerr.  Jaciisou  incoiiipa»t..y 
preferable  to  Mr.  Adams,  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  Upon  these  reasons  chiefly,  al- 
though many  others  might  be  added,  I  place 
myself  in  voting  for  Gen.  Jackson,  in  prefer- 
ence to  Mr.  Adams  ;  and  I  know,  that  I  stand 
perfectly  justified  to  my  own  conscience,  for 
doing  so  ;  and  I  trust,  to  my  God  and  my  coun- 
try. WM.  B.  GILES. 

Feb. 23,  1828. 

Note. — "To  liberalize  the  South  American 
Catholics,  on  the  scale  of  religion."  A  rumor  is 
afloat,  that  in  the  late  negotiation  between  the 
U.  States  and  Sweden,  our  negotiator  v>as  in- 
structed to  make  a  formal  demand  of  the  Swed- 
ish negotiator,  that  the  heading  of  our  former 
treaties  with  Sweden  should  be  changed.  The 
treaties  heretofore  ran,  in  substance,  "In  the 
name  of  the  Holy  and  undivided  Trinity."  Our 
minister,  it  is  now  said,  was  instructed  to  havp 
those  ■ .  01  ds  stricken  out.  This  demand,  if  made, 
would  have  the  effect  of  converting  a  ceremony 
into  a  principle — It  was  upon  that  ground  re- 
jected, perhaps  laughed  at,  bythcSwedish  min- 
ister. The  Senate  can  tell.  Ought  not  the  peo- 
ple to  know  it>  If  the  rumor  be  true,  is  not  this 
an  anti-wise  diplomacy.'  Could  Mr.Adams'  Uni- 
tarian creed  have  dict.ated  this  instruction? 


PROPOSALS 

For  publishing  once  a  week,  from  the   1st  of 

March  to  the  IStk  of  October, 

FOR  ONE  DOLLAR, 

7'ke  United  States'  Telegraph — Extra. 

ANDREW  JACKSON  is  the  candidate  of  ths 
People.  But  union  and  concert  of  action  are  ne- 
cessar)'  to  success.  The  organized  efforts  of  the 
ad.nimstration  are  fitted  for  effect,  and  vigorous 
exertions  are  required  to  counteract  them.  In 
aid  of  such  exertions,  the  undersigned  have 
been  advised  to  issue  a  WEEKLY  PAPER,  on 
terms  that  wiU  enable  them  merely  to  defray 
the  expi-Rse  of  publication.  Located  at  the 
Seat  of  Government,  having  access  to  the  pub- 
lic libraries,  and  the  command  of  official  docu-  * 
ments,  possessing  already  a  large  share  of  pub- 
lic confidence,  and  the  advantages  of  a  central 
position  and  extensive  correspondence,  they 
may  aver  that,  in  issuing  such  publication,  they 
can  ^d,  in  some  degree,  the  gre.at  cause  of 
truth  and  the  PEOPLE. 

If  numerous  individuals  throughout  the  coun- 
ti-y,  and  the  corresponding  committees  in  the 
several  States,  counties,  and  townships  of  the 
Union,  should  unite  in  giving  it  circuladon,  the 
undersicr.ed  will  be  more  than  compensated 
for  the  labor  that  will  devcWe  on  them,  by  the 
facility  which  it  will  afford  for  disseminating 
truth  among  the  people 

They  therefore  propose  to  publish  Tbe 
U-"(iti;d  States'  Teleshaph  EXTRA,  weekly, 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  ONE  DOL- 
LAR, payable,  in  all  cases,  in  advance.  TTilg 
paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presiden- 
tial election,  and  will  contain  official  documents, 
and  such  essays,  original  and  selected,  as^  i.n 
the  judgment  of  the  Editors  will  most  pro- 
mote the  election  of  the  Democratic  Republi- 
can Candidates,  ANDREW  JACKSON  and 
JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 

DUFF  GREEN, 
■RUSSELL  JARVB. 


UNITED  STATES  TELEGRAPH— Extra. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  tlic  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weekly,       * 
*       until  tlie  15tli  of  October  next,  for  0  le  Dollar,  *  • 

BY  GREEN  ^  JJiRVit  > 


VOL.  1. 


WASHINGTOIs,  MARCH  28,  182S. 


No. 


A  LETTER 
Tram  the  Jackjon  Committee  at  NitslwUle,  in  an- 
swer to  one  from  a  timiiar  Commitlei.,  at 
Cincinrutti,  upon  the  suojcct  of  Gen.  Jackson's 
marriage,  accompanied  by  documents  in  an  ap- 
pendix thereto  annexed. 

To  EtiJAii  HiTWAni),  MossB  Di-sv-sor,  Tbo- 
MAS  Hesdibsox,  James  N.  Mii-ieb,  Thomas 
S.>fiTH,  and  Ahtbur  He.vkie,  Committee  of 
Correspondence,  on  belialf  of  the  Cincinnati 
Jackson  Committee. 

•  GENTLi:>:EN:  In  reply  to  youi-  note  published 
in  tlie  N.HshviUe  Republ'can,  under  date  May 
l:?th,  1827,  calling  our  attention  to  certain  news- 
paper cBaig'es  aofaiiist  General  Jackson  and  his 
lady,  and  pa'  ticufcrly  the  charge  made-  in  one 
newspaper RfCiilfcinnatl,  that,  "in  the  summer 
of  1i9j,  General  Jackson  prevailed  upon  tbe 
%vife  of  Lewi-i  Robards,  of  Mercer  County,  Ken- 
tucky, to  desert  iier  husband  ar.,1  live  with  liini'. 
self  in  tlie  character  of  a  v,  ife  ;"  and  ha\  inj  also 
seen  the  evi  lencc  b}'  wbicli  the  editor  at';  ;.ipts 
to  support  this  charge,  we  now  submit  to  you 
r,  succinct  statement  of  the  facts  attending'  the 

■  ipi.atiOil    (f  Jj.'y.!;   ,:" 

he  subseq  jent  riiarriasre  of 
Jackson,  and  also  sucii  cvidentj  a 
as  will  probably  be  sutdci^ntiy  s. 
tlie  public. 

Before  wejiroceed,  it  may  be  ppopeii'to  know 
somethmg  ot  the^erions  whise  loitiniouy'- is 

iibjoined,  alhidcd  to,  or  quoted.  .    • 

The  (^aracter  tjf  G^-m.  Jam-  '^r 

r'Fiflt^st4t,,ya.  is,  nojti' j 

ju  i  it  IS  said  to  be  Inijh  sr 
was  a  member  of  the  Virijinia  l^stjisi.ituic  v.^en 
Capt.  Robards  applied  for  a  divoive.,  an  J  one  of 
the  committee  appuintid  to  examme  his  appli- 
cation, and  report  a  bill,  assisted  in  the  Cincin- 
■  nati  paper,     (n. ) 

Judge  .McNail-)',  whose  lette;-,  is  subjoined, 
is  the  district  judge  of  th.?  Yedei-al . Court, 
a  man  of  high  and  uiibitmished  reputa- 
tion, whose  statements  may  be  relied  on  as 
most  accurate  and  inc  jisO-overtible.  Those  who 
know  him  k  lov.'  t'-.'.  .10  considerations  could  in 
c  •  •"  ■-  -1  ■  -^  '     '    '  ■  -.i  coloring  to  aii} 


■  ite  Key.   ffiomas  B.  ^  , 
.Jaiues  Brov.  Q,  our  pre 
a  lady  of  the  purest  thaiucler,  \. 
iiighlyintcUif^ent  andcult'vated."    ; 

Mrs.   Sally  Smith,  wiiiow  of  Geiie.u!  I>an;;.l 
Smith,  form-rlj  a  Senator  in  Congres;,  a  lady  , 
of  unblemished  character,  and  of  cxctlieut^^ood 
sense.     fc.J 

Mr.=.  M.ary  H.  Bowen,  widow  of  Capt.  Wil- 
-'■xp  Boweri,  sister  of  Gen.  Eusselland  the  late 


Col.  S'lssell,  of  Faj  eite  county,  Ky.,  a  most 
respectable  .^nJ  sensible  I\dy.     C^-J 

Mr.  Thomas  Crulcher,  the  Treasurer  of  West 
Tennessee,  whose  cnaractcr  for  hdnesty  ajd 
vera'c'tv  i"  as  high  and  unquestioned  as  tliat  of 
any  man  iti  the  State.    CS'J 

Of  ilr.  A.  Foster,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say, 
that  he  v.-as  for  many  yi  ars  President  of  tlit 
Board  of  oir  Land  Commissioners,  one  of  the 
most  hoDc  rable  aftd  correct  men  of  our  couu- 

try.    C""-)       A        * 

Of  Judge  Overtoij'.s  character  vre  need  say 
nothing  ;  the  testimony  of  no  person  has  been 
resoifcd  to  where  there  could  be  any,  the  slight- 
est, que -.tiou  raised  as  to  tlieir  characters. 

Ill  '.r.  ".king  the  investigation  you  wished,  we 
have  met  witll  some  clifhcuity  and  delay  on  ac- 
count of  the  great  lengih  of  time  since  the  flicts 
occurred,  and  tliat  the  public  mind,  for  a  great 
many  years,  in  thiscountn',  liad ceased  to  thinic 
on  'Jiis  suSjiCt.  At  the  troie  when  Itr.  RQ|iards 
separated  from  his  wife,  aj  ;)lied  tjr  a  divorce, 
obt;<'iied  '*,  and  General  Jackson  mairied%er, 
w'.ien  all  th _■  tacts  viere  frcsn  and  distinct,  pub- 
lic" op.ni/n  wa^  forme ',  and  the  r.-.temporane- 

'  ■      the  societ"   .  :    tliose 


t;c  tji  Ills  iki 


tl  irty-sevcn  j  ear3,<pf  (Joinestic  peace  ;iii<i  us^;. 
virtue,  iHiire given S sanction  which  mtlst  operjt- 
jepon every  can^jfland generotis ai.ud,  with irr^- 
sist;:!K  iiowtr.  But,   not". iilistacdiiig  all  these 
.0.;,  \^  beHi.^»  tn.tt  ue  aUe  able  to  prs- 
V 11  i  eoiiijAliJtofv  of  those  ti-ansacfiou5-. 
iUL.,e.*i.:  ...  I'tPrJliof  \7i',-6,  .Vlro.  ttobar.:.,., 
WIS  onpel^'^d.i.'    '    ■  !v:.'''aiK'.,  fjap!.  FJo'j:.:!?.-:, 
whothen  r.-sided^iVW...rt.^,.r  county,Jiy .  (jjlL-av.; 
i1i.11,  and  to  SI  ek  a ToiTe  witli  her  motlier,  Mrs. 
UoQ^lson,  a  Widow  '.*  i^jj  iivin<j  aboui  t  n  ,nik^ 
■fronif  Nashville,  in  Tenfltssee.     Thaf  ^irs  Ro- 
bards WjiS  compelltd  at  diis  time  bj  her  husband 
to  leave  him,  is  proven  by  Judge  Overton's  tes- 
timony, by  Gen.   Ray  and  by   >li-.  John  Mac 
Oinni^;  thp.t  she  was  an  iiijiiihed  and  innocent 
woman,  of  most  irreproachable  chai'acter '  and 
',  's  proven  by  the  same  persons,  andb> 
s.  .Vl!..n  and  Cap!.  Jtilin  Mr.aux;  fi 
.   ^lob.irjs  hlii  ■    '   ■  '  her,  and  adiiiit- 

i  tl'.al  hissusplcr  .'-.st.      fjj 

-i;'  ■-•.■    'i  .  .  r  ,  ,  ;•'..;■,.:,■.■  Gv,.; 


R..iiaiilii;  in  tile  sufue  sjjij.ig  o:  sii4iii...cr,  v  ..1. 
Robards  and  his  wife  became  recoriciicd,  :.:i 
liyed  toacther  at  hei-.  mother's,  Mrs.  Do.ie; 
son.     fkj 


n.lppcndir.  no. 


bno.S.    dno 


.e  .ippendij;,  no.  5.  gno.  G.  .nuju.  12.    inus- 

1,".  s.  9, 10  fc  ji.   •/■/Jo.v.T.  1.5.  ■;■■•/.;::.■.  a.  i." 


51 


Iitthe  sumiKtr  or  fail  of  this  year,  Capt.  Ro- 
bardsbecame  jealous  of  Gen.  Jackson;  upon  this 
•art  of  the  subject  -we  will  quote  the  statement 
'jf  Judg-e  Overton  as  giving  the  most  authentic 
account  of  the  several  facts  which  transpired 
about  tliat  trine.  He  says,  "not  many  months 
elapsed  before  llobards  became  jealous  of  .lack- 
.son,  which  1  fell  confident  «  as  without  the  least 
s^ound.  Some  of  his  irritating  cojwersation  on 
this  subject  with  his  wife,  I  heard  am.dsi  the 
tears  of  her.sell'a'id  her  mrther,  who  were  greaT- 
Iv  (Jlstressed.  I  urged  to  Robaixls  the  ui.man- 
liness  of  his  conduct,  after  the  pains  I  had  taken 
to  produce  humonj,  as  a  mutual  friend  of  both 
families,  and  my  honest  conviction  that  his  svis- 
gicions  were  groundless.  These  remonstrances 
seemed  notio  have  the  desired  effect;  as  much 
commotion  and  unhappiness  prevailed  in  the 
family,  as  in  that  uf  Mrs.  Robmdsin  Kentucky. 
At  length  1  communicated  t(f  Juckson  the  un- 
pleasant situation  of  livii!g  in  a  family  where 
liiere  was  so  much  disturbance,  and  concluded 
by  telhng  him  that  we  would  endeavor  to  get 
some  other  place;  to  this  he  readily  assented, 
but  where  to  go  we  did  not  know.  Being  con- 
scious of  his  innocence,  he  said  that  he  would 
talk  to  Robards.  What  passed  between  Capt. 
llobards  and  Jackson  I  do  not  know,  as  I  was 
absent  somewhere,  rtDt  now  recollected,  when 
the  conversation  and  results  look  place,  but  re- 
turned soon  aftcni  ards.  The  whole  affair  was 
related  to  me  by  Mrs.  Donelson,  (the  mother 
of  Mrs.  Robards,)  and  as  well  as  1  recollect,  by 
,!ackson  himself.  The  substance  of  their  ac- 
count was,  that  Mr.  Jackson  met  Captain  Ro- 
iiards  near  tlie  orchard-fence,  and  began  mihlly 
!0  remonstrate  with  him  respecting  the  injus 
tice  he  had  done  his  wife  as  well  as  himself.  In 
a  little  time  Robards  became  vio'ently  angry 
and  abusive,  and  threafened  to  whip  Jackscn, 
made  a  show  of  doing  so.  Sec.  JacksoB  told  him 
he  had  not  bodily  strengtii  tB  figlit  him,  nor 
should  he  do  so,  feelinff«con&ciqjfl  of  his  inno- 
cence, and  returned  to  ijlf  bin,  telhnghmf,  at 
the  same  time,  that  if  h9*lh(Aed  on  fighting,  he 
would  give  him  genflcmsfily  satisfaction,  or 
words  to  that  effect.  Up<j)i  Jackson's  return 
out  of  the  house,  Capt  itolfards  said  tliat  he 
did  not  care  for  him  nor  his  wife,  abusing  tliem 
both — that  he  was  determined  not  to  live  with 
Mrs.  Robards.  J.ackson  retired  from  the  fami- 
ly, and  went  to  Uve  at  Manskei  's  station.  Capt. 
Robards  remained  several  months  with  .'lis  wife, 
and  then  went  to  Kentucky,  in  company  with 
Mr.  Thomas Ciut^hcr_  .aid  probably  some  other 
persons." 

So  fiu:  as  we  have  been  able  to  ascertain  by 
inquiry,  this  is  the  only  altercation  that  ever 
took  place  between  Gen.  Jackson  and  Capt. 
liobards:  Mr.  Crutcher  says,  "I  never  heard  of 
Gen.  Jackson  and  Capt.  Rubards  having  any 
quarrel  or  misunder.stan(iing  but  the  one,  nor 
do  I  believe  they  ever  did."     fej 

This  difference  or  quarrel  was  in  assertion  of 
the  injustice,  (as  declared  by  Gen.  Jackson,)  of 
Capt.  Robards'  suspicions  against  him:  Gen. 
.^ackson  seems  immediately  to  have  kft  Mrs. 
Donelson's.  Capt.  Robaids  and  his  wife  Jived 
together  several  months  afterwards  in  apparent 
harmony,     finj 

In  the  month  of  May  or  June,  1790,  Captain 


Robards  left  Mrs.  Donelson's  to  go  to  Kcnluck;. 
in  company  with  Mr.  Thomas  Crutcher,  with 
the  fwotned  intention  of  returning  and  settling 
in  Mrs.  Donelson's  neighborhood,  which  had 
been  jnade  one  of  the  termsof  reconciliat'on  by 
Mrs.  R.,  though  reaUij  his  determination  ap- 
pears to  have  been  never  to  return  or  live  with 
his  wife  again,  but  to  desert  her  forever;  C'l^ 
and  in  fact  never  did  return  or  see  her  again. 
Foi  this  part  uf  the  testimony,  we  refer  you  to 
Mr.  Crutcher's  statement 

Mrs.  Robards  lived  at  hei  mother's  during 
the  whole  of  the  summer  and  fall  of  1790,  or 
perhaps  occasioually  at  Col.  Hays',  who  had 
married  her  sister.  In  December,  1790,  (while 
Mrs.  Robarils  wss  Uving  at  her  mt'.her's,  where 
Capt.  Robards  left  her  on  his  departure  for  Ken- 
tucky,) Capt.  Robards  applied  to  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Virginia  for  a  divorce,  upon  the  allega- 
tions that  his  wife  had  deserted  liira,  &c.;  upon 
which  the  Legislature  auihoiized  a  judicial  in- 
quiry, and  a  divorce,  if  found  true. 

Whether  the  suspicions  of  Capt.  Robards  at 
this  period  were  just,  and  whether  G|n.  Jack- 
son had  injured  Capt.  Rob^ds  in  the  manner 
which  his  jealousies  suggested,  »:•%  facts,  as  to 
which,  we  will  present  you  with  such  circum- 
stances, testimony  and  conclusions,  as  we  can 
obtain  or  arrive  at. 

Here  we  will  remark,  ihat  if  'true,  it  is  a 
charge  which  .should  be  affirmatively  pi  oven  by 
clear  evidence  of  specific  facts.  Those  who 
make  tlie  charge,  rely  on  the  act  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  Virginia,  the  legal  proceedings  i>i  Ken- 
tucky, with  the  subsequent  acts  of  General  and 
Mrs.  Jackson.  The  decree  o^"  Mercer  county 
court,  .lid  what  occurred  subsequent  to  tlie  act 
of  the  I.egisla'ure  of  Virginia,  shall  be  consi- 
dered presenth . 

That  Ca^t.  Robards  was  jealous  or  suspi- 
cious, would  p.obabi)  weigh  but  little,  as  he 
was  predisposed  that  way,  and  seems  to  have 
entertained  those  feelings  long  before,  in  a  most 
violent  degree,  most  unjustly.  That  the  Le- 
gislature of  Virginia  passed  tlie  acl,  which  has 
been  referred  to,  will  not  probably  be  consi- 
dered in  any  degree  as  tenuing  to  prove  the 
justice  of  the  chaige  .against  Mrs.  R.  by  her 
husband,  because  the  Legislature  clearly  was 
not  satisfied  vf  the  truth  of  any  charge  made, 
and  referred  it  to  further  inquiry  by  a  court; 
but  of  this  you  will  be  satished  by  rccuiTencc 
to  General  Breckenndge's  letter,  of  which  we 
will  here  quote  a  part.  "I  was  a  member  of 
the  Virg  ilia  Lrgisla^ire  in  the  sessirn  of  1790. 
whe"  a  oetition  was  pr-sented  in  behalf  of  a. 
Mr.  Rorai'us  fvr  a  divurce.  lie  was  said  to  be 
resl<!ent  in  one  of  the  counties  of  the  uiatrict 
of  Kentucky,  then  a  part  of  Virginia  It  was, 
I  b.  heve,  the  secom.  instance  of  an  applica- 
tion for  a  divorce  that  had  been  made  to  the 
Legisbture;  very  certainly  the  second,  that  I 
h;id  been  called  upon  to  vote.  I  was  a  yOuBg 
man  at  that  time,  and  the  deep  impression 
made  on  my  mind  was,  the  novelty  and  import- 
ance of  the  case,  combine.l  with  the  interest 
which  I  feltin  behalf  of  the  female  concerned — 
remain  with  gieat  distinctaess.  Mr.  Robards 
was  represented  to  be  a  man  of  vile,  wild  ha- 
bits, and  harsh  temper;  his  wife  lovely  and 
blamdess  in  her  disposition  and  deportment-  so 


Jo 


cruelly  treated  by  her  husband  as  to  make  a 
separation  necessary  to  liar  happiness.  It  was 
undfcr  impressions  produced  by  a  state  of  facts 
like  these,  that  I  voted  fir  a  judicial  inquiry  on 
the  subject,  >vhicli  [  always  understood  eventu- 
ated in  a  divorce. 

"  If  Mr.  riobirds  alleged  incontinency  in  his 
wife  as  a  ground  of  divorce,  and  I  father  think 
tint  he  di;',  I  am  \ery  sure  th.n  I  thought  her 
iniwceat,  and  ihat  my  ^ote  was  intended  to  libe- 
rate her,  as  the  injured  party."  fo  J 

In  addition  to  which,  we  will  now  call  your 
atten'lon  to  such  positive  testi'nony  as  we  have 
collected,  js  to  tiie  injustice  of  Capt.  IJobar  Is' 
suspicions,  and  the  charge  made  against  Gea. 
Jackson. 

Judge  Orerton,  who  lived  in  the  same  room 
with  Gen.  Jackson  during  all  the  period  in 
questton,  slept  with  him,  held  the  strictest  and 
most  confidential  intimacy  with  him,  states,  as 
his  solemn,  clear  belief,  tlist  Mrs.  R.  was  inno- 
cent, and  most  unjustly  suspected;  that  such 
was  the  result  of  hi;  O'.vn  observations,  and  s'lch 
were,  at  all  times,  the  oo!emn  asseverations  af 
Generil  Jackson  durmg  that  period,  and  it  all 
times  since.  fp-J  Mrs.  Craighead,  Mrs.  Smith, 
and  M"s.  Boweii  had  the  best  op,>ortiinities  of 
jud.^'iag  correct!;-:  in  speaking  of  Mrs  R.'s  c:;n- 
duct  d.u-;ug  t!ie  ueriod  wiiicli  elaps -J  from  the 
ti.me  sne  came  trom  Iv-rntucfcy.  and  of  the  in- 
justice if  It's  suspicious,  Mrs.  C.  says,  "I  have 
no  hos'iation  in  stating  it  as  my  firm  belief,  that 
his  (Capt.  R.  's)  suspicions  were  entirely  ground- 
less; no  lady  ever  conducted  herself  in  a  more 
beciming  manner,  during  the  whole  of  that 
period;  I  have  lived  within  a  few  miles  of  M.  s. 
Jackson's  evev  since  that  time,  (witn  the  ex- 
ception of  about  two  years,)  and  have  been  in- 
timate with  her,  and  can  say,  that  no  lady  main- 
tains a  better  character,  or  is  more  exemplary 
in  her  deportment,  or  more  be'.oved  by  her 
friends  and  neiglibors."  fq-J 

Mrs.  S.nith  says,  "all  the  circumstances  at- 
tending this  rupture,  I  cannot  attempt  to  state 
witii  much  particularity  at  this  Ijte  day;  but  it 
is  hardly  possible,  considering  the  free  and  un- 
resc  ived  inteico  irse  that  prevailed  amongst  all 
the  respectable  classes  of  people  here  at  that 
time,  that  an  incident  of  this  Kind  sliould  oc- 
cur withou-^  being  fully  and  generally  known  ; 
and  that  every  person  siiould  cimcur  in  the 
same  views  upon  its  character,  without  the  best 
reasons  In  this  transaction,  Mr.  Robards  alone 
was  censured,  and  1  never  heard  a  respectable 
m.in  or  woman  inlimate,  that  the  conduct  of 
liis  wite  differed  from  that  of  the  most  prudent 
and  virtuous  female.  G.n  Jacison  hoarded  at 
the  time  in  the  house  of  Mrs  Donelsoii,  and  it 
was  tne  com.non  belief  that  his  ciaracter  and 
standing,  added  to  his  engag.i^  ukI  sprightly 
man.ers,  w»ie  tnough  t'  •nflaine  tlie  mind  of 
poor  Kob2r:^s,  addicte ',  as  ue  ivas,  to  -.iL-ioas 
habits  and  the  most  chilji^  ■  suspicions. "frj 

M.S.  XJjwen  says,  "in this  transaction,  (refer- 
ing  to  the  jealousy  of  Robards  and  his  last  sepa- 
ratio.i  from  his  wife,)  I  can  safely  say  from  my 
intimacy  v.ith  both  .Mrs.  Dondson  and  her 
daughter,  Mrs.  Robards,  as  well  as  Gen.  Jack- 
son, thai  not  the  least  censure'  ought  to  be 
thrown  upon  any  person  but  Mr. .  Robards. — 
Wnen  the  circumstances  happened  this  was  the 


language  of  all  the  country,  and  I  never  heani, 
until  now,  that  there  was  any  person  living  who 
had,  from  a  knowkdge  of  t/te  facts,  entertained  a 
different  opinion,  e.-ccept  .Mr.  Robards  himself, 
in  whose  weak  and  childish  disposition  I  think 
the  whole  affair  originated. "('sj) 

From  this  testimony,  concurring  with  the  tes- 
timony of  all  the  other  persons  whose  state- 
ments are  subjoined  for  your  examination,  there 
seems  to  be  but  one  possible  conclusion — that 
the  charge  made  on  Gen.  Jackson  was  unfound- 
ed, and  Mrs.  Jackson  perfectly  innocent;  but  of 
this,  you  and  the  public  will  judge:  and  perhaps 
more  s.cislactory  upon  seeing  the  further  pro- 
gress of  this  affair,  and  the  testimony  connected 
with  it. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  Januarv,  1791, 
Mrs.  IJobards  descended  the  river,  to  Natc'.iez, 
under  the  protection  of  Col.  Stark,  an  old  and 
respeotible  gentleman;  Gen.  Jackson  accom- 
panied Col.  Stark  and  Mrs.  Robards  to  Natchez, 
and  so  soon  as  Gen.  Jackson  saw  the.-n  safelv 
landed  ..t  Natchez,  he  immediately  returned  to 
Vashvdie — was  at  the  May  Superior  Court,  and 
attended  to  ousiness  as  Attorney  General.  Jlrs. 
Robards,  during  her  residence  in  the  neighbor- 
liood,  lived  principally  in  the  famJy  of  Col. 
Tho.  Gre.^n,  and  Col.  15ruen,  families  as  highly 
respectable  as  any  ^i  tliat  country.  The  tiuses 
of  this  jourliey  by  Mi-s.  Robards,  and  the  reasons 
which  induced  Geo.  Jacks.in  to  acco.upany 
Col.  Stark,  we  will  give  literally  in  the  language 
of  the  testira  inv  of  Judge  Overton  and  Mr. 
Crutcher.  Judge  Overton  says,  "sometime 
afterwards,  during  the  winter  of  1791,  Mrs. 
Donelson  told  me  of  her  dauglitcr's  intention  to 
go  down  tlie  river  to  Nutciiez,  to  some  of  hef 
friends,  In  order  to  keep  out  of  the  way  of  Capt. 
Robards,  as  she  said  he  had  threatened  to 
"haunf  her.  Knowing,  as  I  did,  Capt. Robards' 
unhappy,  jealous  disposition,  and  his  temper 
growing  out  of  it,  I  thought  that  she  wa?  right 
to  keep  out  of  his  way;  though  do  not  believe 
that  I  so  expressed  myself  to  the  old  lady,  o.- 
any  other  person. 

"  Tie  whole  affair  gave  Jackson  great  unea- 
siness— and  this  wiU  not  appe.ir  strange  to  one 
as  well  acq-iainted  with  his  character  as  I  was 
continually  t  -gel her  d.iring  our  attendance  on 
wilderness  courts,  whilst  other  young  men  were 
indulging  in  fa  iiiliafities  with  females  of  relaxed 
morals,  no  suspicion  of  this  kind  of  the  world's 
censure,  ever  teil  to  Jackson's  share. — In  this — 
in  h:s  singularly  delicate  sense  of  honor,  and  in 
v.-liat  I  thought,  his  chivalrous  conceptions  of 
the  female  sex,  it  always  occurred  to  rae,  that 
lie  was  distinguishable  from  every  other  person 
with  whom  I  was  acquainted. 

"About  the  time  of  Mrs.  Uonelson's  commu- 
nication to  me  respecting  her  daugliter's  inten- 
tion of  go-ng  to  Natchez,  I  perceived  in  Jackson 
s  'mpto  ns  of  more  than  usual  concern.  I  de- 
termined to  ascertain  the  cause,  when  he  frank- 
ly told  me,  that  he  was  the  most  unhappy  of 
men,  in  having  innocei.tly,  and  unintentionally, 
been  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  the  peace  and  hap  - 
pincss  of  Mrs  Robards,  whom  he  believed  to 
be  a  fine  woman.  In  this  I  concurred  with  hinor, 
but  rrmonsirated  upon  the  propriety  of  his  not 
giving  himself  any  uneasiness  about  it.  It  was 
not  long  after  this  before  h';  coB^muiiicated  '.'> 


.Ippendix,  no.  1.  p  no.  13.  qno.  3.  r  no.  i.        s  .ippmd'x,  no. 


j.b 


lUe  his  iatcnlicm  of  gqing  to  iCatchez  witli  Col. 
Stark,  with  vvliom  Mrs.  Robards  was  to  descend 
the  river — saying  that  she  bad  no  friend  or  re- 
lative that  would  go  with,  her,  or  assist  in  pre- 
venting Stark,  his  familj',  and  Mrs.  Robards 
ii'om  being  massacred  by  the  Indians,  then  in  a 
state  of  war,  and  exceedingly  troublesome. — 
Accordingly,  Jackson  in  company  with  Mrs. 
.Robards  and  Col.  Stark,  a  venerable  and  highly 
esteemed  old  man,  and  friend  of  Mrs.  Robai-ds, 
went  down  tlie  jjverfrom  Nashville  to  Natchez, 
blame  time  in  the  winter  or  spring  of  1791-  It 
was  not,  however,  w.tlmut  the  urgent  entrea- 
ties of  Col,  Stark,  who  wanted  p"o'  ction  from 
the  Indians,  that  Jackson  consen  id  to  accom- 
pany them,  of  which  I  had  heard,  before  Jack- 
son's conversation  with,  me,  aire  aiiy  alluded  to." 
Mr.  Criitclier  says,  "  Caj;t.  Robards,  never,  to 
my  knowledge,  returned  to  West  Tennessee, 
nr  what  v/as  then  called  Cumberland.  It  was 
reported,  however,  that  he  threatened  to  cot ;« 
and  take  his  wife  to  Kentucky,  and  compel  her 
to  live  there.  She,  as  well  as  all  her  friends, 
was  very  much  opposed  to  this,  and  in  order 
to  place  herself  beyond  his  reach,  as  I  under- 
stood at  the  time,  determined  to  descend  the 
river  under  Col.  S'aik's  protection  to  Natchez. 
It  was  in  December,  or  perhajjs  Janu:ir.',  be- 
ibre  Col.  Stark  could  get  off  with  his  tiunily, 
Gen.  Jackson  also  went  along;  but  after  they 
landed  at  Natchez,  the  General  returned  to  this 
<;ountry."f'^J 

In  the  winter  or  spring  of  1791,  information 
was  received  at  Nasliv'lle  that  Captain  Robards 
had  obtained  a  divorce  from  tlie  t.egislature  of 
Virginia;  This  was  tho  belief  of  all  persons  in 
ihecountn,'.  Mr.  Crutchcrsa^-s,  '•!  do  notknow 
how  the  information  reached  the  countiy,  but 
it  was  generally,  indeed,  I  believe,  universally, 
relied  on  as  being  correct."  Judge  Overton's 
account  is  substantially  the  same,  and  further, 
^hat  in  the  summer  of  1731  he  was  in  Kentucky, 
remained  part  of  his  time  at  old  Mrs.  Robards', 
and  never  understood  otherwise  than  that 
Capt.  Robards'  divorce,  was  final  uutl  the  latter 
part  of  the  year  1753.  in).  Of  the  strength 
and  universality  of  tliis  opinion  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  Upon  the  receipt  and  general  belief  of 
"his  information,  Gen.'  Jackso'.i,  in  July  or  Au- 
gust, 1791,  returned  to  Natchez  in  company 
-.vith  Mr.  David  Deadrick — married  Mi's.  Ro- 
liards,  .and  returned  in  September,  1791,  to 
Nashville  with  her. 

These  transactions  wouW  seem,  under  the 
;ircumstances  accompanying  them,  to  require 
no  comment,  and  could  not  fairly  be  subject  to 
misconstruction,  when  the  character  of  Gen. 
.'ackson  anri  the  conduct  and  character  of  Mrs. 
.lackson  arc  in  the  sligiitcst  degree  understood, 
and  appretiated;  but  we  will  again  call  your 
attention  to  S'.tch  testimony,  as  will  be  entitled 
to  the  greatest  and  most  conclusive  weiglit  in 
piibilc  estimation. 

We  cannot  do  justice  to  Judge  M'Nalry's 
testimony,  but  iiy  using  his  own  words — "Gen. 
•lackson  and  myself  have  been  acqtiainted  more 
•ban  forty  years;  I  think  4-i  or  45  years;  part 
iif  the  time  wc  lived  togitlier,  and  the  Dalance 
A\  the  immediate  neighijorhood  of  each  other. 
We  moved  togetliei-from  .\"orth  Cai-olina  to  this 
Stjite,  and  a'.Tivcd  at  Nashi  ii!e  in  October,  1788. 


"  Not  long  after  we  caine  here,  i  was  intorm- 
ed  that  Mrs.  Jackson  and  her  then  husband  had 
been  separated  in  the  state  of  Kentucky.  I 
knew  Gen.  Jackson  had  never  seen  her  until 
this  time,  and  1  do  not  tlnnk  for  some  time  af- 
terwards. About  this  time  I  was  informed  that 
Robards  and  his  wife  were  living  vqry  unhappi- 
ly at  her  widowed  mother's.  The  public  re- 
port and  impression,  I  know,  was,  tha'-  Robards 
was  treating  her  cruelly,  by  charges  found  in 
his  own  jealous  imaginations  alone. 

"  As  to  the  particular  facts,  which  toclk 
place,  that  produced  the  second  sepai-atioS  I 
have  no  knowledge  of  my  own — I  can  only 
speak  of  what  was  the  prevailing  opinion  at 
t!ie  time.  But  this  much  1  can  say.  'witli  as 
much  7/Ositiveness  as  any  man  can,  when 
speaklnjj  of  another,  tfiat  from  my  particular 
acqu  liitanci-  with  him,  i  believe  General  Jack- 
son was,  at  any  period  of  his  life,  incapable  of 
seducing  any  man's  w-fe  from  him 

"  I  have  k.-owi.  Mrs.  Jackson  for  nei.vly  for- 
ty years.  No  woman,  for  that  time  has  .sus- 
tained a  mere  Irreprnacliable  character  tlian 
she  has — hospitable,  kind,  and  charitable.  The 
evening  of  her  d.<ys  was  hastening  to  a  close 
in  much  peace  and  comfort."     C^'J 

We  will  alse  trouble  you  with  quoting  from 
the  testimony  of  Mrs.  Smitli,  on  account  of  its 
own  weiglit,  and  more  |)articubrly  a*  giving 
the  sentiment  and  opinions  of  the  Rev.  Thos. 
B  Craighead,  known  to  most  hterary  divines 
as  one  of  the  ablest  .and  m'lst  enl'ghtened  cler- 
gymen in  the  United  States;  known  to  all  his 
acquaintances  .as  a  most  pious  and  good  man, 
and  one  who  had  t!ie  best  opportunity  to  judge 
correctly  of  the  true  character  of  those  tians- 
actions,  and  of  Gtn.  Jackson  and  Mrs.  Jackson. 
IMi-s  Smith  states,  "  Mr.  Robards  had  not 
been  long  goiic  from  Tennessee  when  info.ma- 
tion  was  received  here  that  he  had  obtained  a 
divorce  frem  his  wife.  Whether  this  infor.Tia- 
tion  came  by  letter,  or  by  a  newspaper  from 
Virginia,  addressed  to  my  husband,  I  cannot, 
now  say  with  certainty;  but  1  till  ik  by  tile  lat- 
ter It  was  after  this  Infonnation  c  me,  that 
Gen.  Jackson  married  .Mrs.  Robards;  aiKl  I  re- 
collect well  the  observation  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Craighf  ad  in  reUtion  to  the  marriage;  it  was, 
that  it  «  as  a  happ}  change  for  Mre  Robards, 
and  highly  creditabk  to  Gen.  Jackson,  w'no,  by 
this  act  of  his  life,  evinced  his  own  magn:mimi- 
ty,  as  well  as  the  purity  and  innocence  of  Mrs. 
Robards;  and  such  was  the  sentiment  of  all  my 
acquaintances. 

"Since  this  period,  I  have  lived  within  a  few- 
miles  of  M.-s.  Jackson,  and  have  never  been 
acniiainted  with  a  lady  more  exemplai^  in  her 
deportment,  or  one  t(J  whom  a  gieatt r  share  of 
tile  respect  and  regard  of  fnends  and  acquaint- 
ances can  be  awarded."     fbj 

The  testimony  of  Judge  Overton,  Mr. 
Cnitcher,  Mr.  Authony  Foster,  and  others,  ac- 
i;  ,Mnpanying  tliis  letter,  proves.substantially  the 
same. 

In  the  f;dl  of  179,",  Gen-  Jackson,  fur  the  first 
time,  undetstood  that  tne  act  of  the  Legislature 
of  Virginia  on!}  authorized  a  judicial  inquiry 
ond  decree  of  divorce;  and  that  such  proceed- 
irts^s  had  been  ta'icen  in  the  Mercer  q\iarter 
Session  court,  and  tliat  a  divorce  had   been 


f{7 


granted  in  September,  1793.  lie  wis  then, 
in  January,  1784,  married  ugain  to  Mrs.  Jack' 
son.     fc'j 

Of  this  j\idiciu!  proceeding'  and  decree,  it  will 
only  be.necf-ssary  to  reiiiai'lc,  thiit  we  liave  givvn 
you  such  evidence  as  will  satisfy  you  of  the  true 
state  of  tlie  facts,  aiid  the  innocence  i>f  Mrs. 
Jack.-ion;  such  as  siio*s  that  this  proceeding 
wus  entirely  ex  parte,  and  without  any  kiiuw- 
ledg-e  of  it  by  Mrs.  Jaclcsnii  or  Gen.  Jarfksoiii 
that  at  the  tune  when  tiie  olFonce  \v;is  chai-ged 
in  tho  petition  to  have  taken  place,  viz:  Jul;,  1, 
1790,  Mrs.  llobards  was  li'i-ing  at  her  mother's, 
where  Itobards  Iwid  left  hel',  :ir,d  where  he  had 
promised  lo  return  to  iier.  Rm  in  addition  to  all 
this,  ve  have  the  str»T!>g(rst  reasans  to  believe 
that  Hugti  M'G'iry,  t.ie'rnly  witness  who  seems 
to  have  been  introduced  on  that  inquiry,  never 
saw  Gen.  and  Mrs.  Jackson  together  until  the 
month  of  .Sept.  1791,  after  tiieir  mar.-iage  at 
Natcriez,  when  they  were  living  togetner  as 
married  persons,  in  the  most  f.dr,  honest,  and 
innocent  belief  that  they  were  lawfully  joined 
in  wedlock.  Hugh  M'Gary  came  through  the 
Indian  country  from  Natchez  to  Nusliville,  at 
the  same  time  and  in  the  b-:inie  company  in  which 
Gencr.al  and  Mrs.  Jackson  came,  in  Sept.  1791, 
and  circumstances  then  occurred  calculated  to 
excite  in  M'G.ary  a  stronger  feeling  of  dislike 
towards  Geo.  Jackson,  which  it  is  unnecessary 
to  detail,  as  they  r-jlated  solely  to  a  meditated 
attack  by  the  Indians. 

Tlie  petition  for  divorce  seems  not  to  have 
been  filed  until  the  fall  of  1792— tried  .at  Sept. 
1793;  and  there  is  nw.ch  greater  probability 
upon  an  ex  parte  hearing,  that  the  testimony  of 
Hugh  >S'Gary  was  not  very  accur.itely  applied 
or  confini'd  to  ttie  allegations  in  the  declaration, 
than  ihr.t  he  swore  that  wli^cii  was  untrue; 
which  must  have  been  the  c.ise  had  his  evidence 
agreed  with  the  declaration. 

We  have  n.5W,  gentlemen,  had  before  you 
the  facts  conii'ect''d  willi  Gen.  Jackson's  mar- 
riage— ^his  own  conduct,  and  the  character  of 
his  I'.dy.  Much  more  testimony  could  have 
bee:  r.oduced,  if  .lecessary,  proving  the  same 
facts  substanti.'Ul V ,  but  in  our  ii.quiries  -ve  have 
met  ivitli  none  conflicting  with  this  wftich  .ve 
presented.  Tiie  necessity  for  this  course,  the 
members  of  this  Committee  h-ive  felt  with  deep 
regret.  Those  wno  res,de  here  capnot  be  sur- 
prised that  'riis  regi'et  should  exist  in  our  bosoms, 
since  some  of  '.is  iiave  associat.d  with  Genera! 
J:«;kson  and  ills  f  imily  fir  more  than  thirty  years 
— no  one  of  us  for  less  than  twelve.  During 
these  periods  w>-  and  our  fainil  i  s  have  m,-t  our 
distinguished  countryinan,  and  riis  pious,  chiri- 
table,  aid  amiable  lady,  in  the  most  e'evat.ed 
ranks  ot  society.  In  this  protracted  series  of 
years,  we  have  ::ecii  him  comm;.nding  the  re- 
spect of  all  'lien,  and  thi;  enthusiastic  attach- 
ment of  his  friends;  Iter,  we  have  seen,  deserv- 
ing and  enjoying  the  kindest  attentions  r.i  her 
feraale  acquaintances,  and  the  unqualified  and 
e.Kalted  regard  of  the  honorable,  mora!,  and  re. 
ligioas  men  of  our  country. 

The  result  of  this  inquiry  must  place  the 
character  of  Mrs.  Jackson  u])on  that  basis 
where  it  has  rested  for  nearly  forty  yeais,  in  tiie 
society  where  slie  has  lived  and  been  best 
known.     It  must   show   Gen.  Jacks.on  in  this 


f  -tiipend'tx,  no.  3' 


part  of  liis  history,  siist:diiing  that  high  ciiari'-- 
tcr  for  honor  and  mag'nanimity,  wliich  has  dis 
tinguislied  his  course  through  life. 

To  the  honor.ablc  and  higli-mhided  political 
opponents  of  Gen.  Jackson,  this  result  will  be 
received  with  great  pleasure— such  persons 
must,  at  al!  times,  have  viewed  tliis  attack  witli 
pain  and  dissatisfaction. 

H.  C.  FOSTEIi, 

Ckiiir.iiun  pro  tan^. 
G.  W    CAMPBELL, 
KOIJERT   WHVTE, 
J,  WHARTON, 
T.  H.  CLAISORNF.^ 
WILL.  WaiTE, 
JO.  I'HILH'S, 
DANIEL  GRAHAM, 
AVILL.  L.  EKOWN^ 
ALFRED  BALCH, 
KDWARD  WARD, 
\VM.  B.   LEWIS, 
I'ELIX  ROBERTSON, 
JNO.  SHELBY, 
JOSIAH  NICOL, 
JN.  CATRON. 
NEL50N'   Patterso.v,    StCrtlWTIj.  < 

The  undersigned  has  not  signed  or  acted 
this  subject  for  the  obvious  reason  tbTithis  testi 
nioiiy  has  been  given  and  used. 

JOHN  McNAIRY. 
I  have  not  signed  it  for  the  same  reason. 

JNO.  OVERTON. 

APPENDIX. 

r.vo.  1.^ 

Fi.\c-iSTii;,   Jipril  S,   1827. 

DE.in  Silt — I  have  had  the  honor  of  receiving 
your  letter  of  the  28th  ult.  and  hasten  to  say,  in 
reply  to  it,  that  it  is  utterly  out  of  my  power  Vb 
give  you,  with  accuracy,  the  particular  fact^s 
and  circumstances  in  detail  of  the  transactions 
alluded  to.  Such  traces  of  them,  however,  as 
a  lapse  of  near  forty  years  has  left  upon  my  me- 
mory, 1  will  state  with  great  pleasure. 

I  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Legislature, 
in  the  session  of  1790,  when  a  petition  was  pre- 
s  ;f,ted  in  behalf  of  a  Mr.  Robards,  for  a  divorce. 
He  « .is  said  to  be  a  resident  in  one  of  the  coun- 
ties of  Uie  District  of  Kentucky,  th  ii  a  part  of 
Virginia.  It  v/as,  J  believe,  the  second  instanc r- 
of  an  application  for  a  divorce  that  had  been 
made  to  the  Legislature;  very  certainly  the  se- 
cond that  1  had  been  called  upon  to  vote.  I 
was  1  young  man  at  that  time,  and  the  deep  im- 
pression made  on  my  mind  was,  the  novelty 
and  importance  of  the  ca.se,  combined  with  the 
interest  which  I  felt  in  behalf  of  the  female 
coiicerned — remain  with  great  distinctness. 

Mr.  Hooards  was  rcjiresented  to  be  a  man  of 
vile,  wiiU  habits  and  harsh  temper,  and  his  wife 
lovely  and  blameless  in  her  disposition  and  df  r 
portment;  and  so  cruelly  treated  by  her  h'K 
band  .as  to  make  a  separation  neccssiiry  to  he:- 
happiness.  It  was  under  impressions  producei) 
by  a  state  of  ficts  like  these,  tha  II  voted  for  a 
judicial  inquiry  on  the  subject,  which  I  always 
understood  eventuated  in  a  divoi'ce. 

If  ill'.  Robards  alleged  inoontinency  in  hi- 
v.'ife,  as  a  ground  of  divorce,  f  for  I  rather  thiLl; 
thill  he  dill,}  I  am  vf  ry  sure  that  I  thought  her 
iniiocpnt,  and  that  mj'  vote  was  intended  to  lib- 
r-\:K'x-  hi']',  as  ttre  injured  party. 


/38 


Since  Gen.  Jackson  has  become  so  distin,2;uish- 
ed  a  military  man,  I  have  iinderstcotl  tliat  1ms 
v.ife  is  the  same  Mrs.  Robards,  'of  whom  I  have 
■feen  speaking:  and  I  very  often,  v.  hen  that  sub- 
ject has  beenVeferred  to  in  conversation,  have 
given  the  same  account  of  it  that  you  got  troni 
br.  Sim  as  coming  from  me.  I  now  rcjoicr  that 
I  have  had  any  agency  in  cnabhnp  Mrs.  Jackson 
to  form  a  new  alliance  with  a  soldier,  who  pro- 
perly appreciates  her  worth,  and  treats  her 
.  with  that  generous  feeling,  which  is  tiue  to  the 
best  poilion  of  our  race. 

With  much  esteem,  &c.,  I  am  your  obedient 
Bervant, 

JAMES  BKECKENRlDtiE. 

[Ko.  2.] 
Nashville,  May  7th,  1827. 
DiAit  Sin— You  desired  me  to  state  my 
knowledge  and  opinion  of  the  private  charac- 
ter of  General  Jackson,  as  it  respects  his  con- 
duct in  his  connexion  and  intermarriage  with 
Mrs.  Jackson. 

General  Jackson  and  myself  have  been  ac- 
quainted more  than  forty  years;  I  think  44  or 
45  years;  part  of  the  time  wt  liven  together, 
and  the  balance  in  the  immediate  neighboihood 
of  e.ach  other.  W  e  moved  together  from  North 
Cai-olinato  this  State,  and  arrived  at  Nashville 
in  October,  1"88. 

Not  long  after  we  came  here,  I  was  informed 
that  Mrs.  Jackson  and  her  then  husband  had 
been  separated  in  the  State  of  Kentucky.  I 
know  Gen.  Jackson  had  never  seen  her  until 
this  time,  and  I  do  not  think  for  some  tim.e  af- 
tenvaifls.  About  this  tit  .'  I  was  intormed  that 
Robards  and  his  wife  were  living  very  unhappi- 
ly s-  '.er  widowed  mot'ijer's.  The  public  re 
porf  and  impression,  1  know,  was,  that  Robards 
was  treating  her  cruelly,  by  charges  founded  in 
his  own  jealous  imagir.aiiori  alone. 

As  to  the  particular  tacts  wiiich  toot  place, 
that  prodi^cedthe  secoml  separation,  I  have  no 
knowledge  of  my  owr;  1  can  only  speak  of 
whEt  was  the  prevailing  opinion  ".'  the  time. 
But  tins  much  1  can  say.  with  asn.iich  pcritive 
neis  as  ai,y  man  can,  when  speaking  of  sno'her, 
that,  from  my  paiticularacquaintaiice  w>'h  him, 
I  beheve  General  Jackson  waS;  at  any  period  of 
his  !;1V.  incapable  of  seducing  any  man's  wife 
from  him.  ,     r   , 

1  nave  known  Mrs  Jackson  for  nearly  forty 
vears.  No  woman  for  that  time  has  sustamed 
a  more  irreproachable  character  thi:,  she  h.as ; 
hospitable,  kind,  and  charitable.  The  evening 
of  jiv  J.iys  was  hastening  to  a  close  m  muc.i 
peace  and  comfort. 

1  de  think  it  was  cruel  and  unmanly  to 
drag  her  before  the  pubUc  gaze,  in  *e  public 
prints;  it  would  take  a  very  extreme  case  to  jus 

tifyit.  1    L   J- 

i  am,  very  respectfully,  Sir,  your  most  obedi- 

f^n\  servant, 

JOHN  M'NAIRY. 


[No.  3.] 
The  following  isthe  statement  of  Mrs.  Craig 
head,  widow  of  the  Rev.  Thomas  B.  Craighead, 
late  a  member  of  the  West  Tennessee  Presbj-- 

tery. 

Mr.  Craighead  and  myself  came  to  this  coun- 
n-  ..u.^.1^  f^T^vAvL-n  iTporfl  ap*0;  and  Mrs.    Don- 


elson,  the  mother  of  Mr.'.  Jackson,  snn  family, 
,camc  and  settled  at  the  Clover  Bottom,  in  Da- 
vison countv,  Tennessee,  the  same  year.  With 
the  family  of  Mrs.  Uonelson  I  was  v.  ell  acquaint- 
ed ;  indeed  my  family  had  a  knowledge  of  the 
Donelson  connexion  for  about  seventy  years. 
The  whole  family  were  respectable,  and  I  liv- 
ed in  liabitsof  hitmiacy  with  Mrs.  Donelson, 
during  herlife,  and  with  Mis.  JacksiM",  nearly 
fortyS  cars.  The  cliaracter  of  Mrs.  Donelson, 
the' mother  of  Ur-  J^ickson,  was  wilU.mt  a 
blemish;  and  her  standing  m  society  was  in.e- 
rior  to  that  of  no  other  Udy  in  the  country. 
She  respected  religion  wliileshe  lived,  and  di- 
ed :n  iiie  iiope  of  ahappy  hereafter. 

Mrs.  J.ackson,  then  Mrs^.  Robards,  was  brought 
to  this  country  from  Kentucky  by  one  of  her 
brothers,  a  few  years  after  the  family   had   set- 
tled themselves  here,  in  consequence,  as  I  un- 
derstood, of  the  cruel  treatm  ntof  lierlmsbjnd, 
who  was  said  to  be  a  man  of  jealous  dispos.tion 
and  vicious  habits.    This  was  manifested  by  the 
suspicions  he  entertained  of  the  improper  con- 
duct of  his  wife.     At  the  time  she  lived    with 
him,  at  the  house  of  bis  mother,  in  Kentucky, 
an  attorney  of  the  name  of  Short,  also  boarded 
with  the  old  lady      With  regaid  to  the  unhap- 
pv  difl'-rence  which  took  place  between  Rob- 
ards and  his  wife.it  was  believed  that  it  arose  from 
the  circumstance  of  Sborl's  living  in  the  same 
family  with  Mrs.  Robards,  and  showing  her  per- 
haps a  little  more  than  ordinary  politeness.  Mr. 
James  Brown,  my  brother,  who  isnow  at  Pans 
in  Fr.Tiice,  came  to  this   country  shortly   alter 
Mrs.    Roba'ds  arrived   from   Kentucky;    and, 
speaking ofher,  deeply   regiett.d  htr   misfor- 
tunes  fie  said  that  he  believed  her  to  be  a  d  iuste 
and  virtuous  woman,  and  gave  as  a  reason  for 
thinking  so.that  he  wss  n  tiniatev.-ith  Mr.  Short, 
and  had  conversed  w  lib   him  particularly   with 
respect  to  Mrs.  Robards;  tliat  lie  assured  him 
in  the  strongest  and  most  solemn   terms,    Mrs. 
Robards  was  a  worthy  virtuous  woman,  and  that 
the  suspicions  ef  her  husband  were  entirely  un- 
founded, cruel,  and  ungenerous. 

M-.f.  Robiids,  after  l-.avingbeen  driven  from 
her  mother-in-law's  by  the  cruel  treatment  of 
her  husb.and,  Capt  Ro.aids,  lived  with  her 
mother,  Mrs.  I):inels';n,  several  years,  and  iron- 
dncled  hers:ll  with  the  gieatesl  pn.priety,  en- 
tir  Iv  withdrawing  herself  from  al!  placts  of 
pubic  aniULemen',  such  as  balls,  p:;rtles,  &C. 
Alinut  \vc  yejrs  after  his  wire  left  Ken.-ocky, 
Robards  came  to  this  country  for  the  purpcse  of 
being  reconciled  tj  Iier.  He  made  .leri  ac- 
kmv.ledgm.  nt,  and  appeared  to  be  quite  peni- 
ten*  for  his  past  cnndiict,  stating,  as  1  U!ider- 
sto  jd,  at  the  time,  that  he  did  not  blame  his  wife 
for  leaving  him,  and  coming  to  lire  with  her 
mother.  ShorlS  after  is  arrival,  by  the  inter- 
ference of  her  friends  r.nd  acquaintances,  she 
agreed  to  hve  with  him,  on  condition  that  he 
woula  settle  himself  in  ber  mother's  neighbor- 
hood, to  which  lie  gave  his  ronsen',  and  actu- 
ally purchas'.d  a  tract  of  land.  After  lhe>  be- 
came reccncHed,  Mrs  Donelson,  for  the  first 
time,  took  into  her  hiiijse,,as  boarders,  m-ve  al 
young  gentlemen,  there  being  'hen  few,  if  any 
regular  boarding  houses  or  taverns,  among 
whom  weve  J^idge  Overton  and  Gen.  Jackson. 
H.n-ing  agiee-d  -to  live  together,  Robards  went 
back  to  kenbckv  for  the  purpose  of  moving  his 
property  to  this  country.     Upcn  his  return. 


jy 


having  found  Gen.  JackSon  in  tlie  fjitiily,  his 
iealouiies  ai)peared  to  revive.  This  was  inoi'e 
particularly  manifested  towards  Gen.  Jackson, 
in  consequence,  I  suppose,  of  bis  guy  spriglitly 
disposition  and  courteous  manners.  From  my 
ucquaintance  witli  Mrs  Jackion,  I  have  no  lie- 
sitatjon  in  stating  it  as  my  firm  belief,  tiiat  his 
suspicions  were  entu'el\'  groundless.  No  lady 
ever  conducted  herself  in  a  more  becomin^j; 
manner  during  the  whole  of  ti-at  period.  1  have 
livd  within  a  few  miles  of  Mis.  Jackson  ever 
since  that  time,  (with  the  exception  of  about 
two  years,)  and  have  been  intimate  with  lier, 
and  can  say,  that  no  lady  maintains  a  better 
character,  or  is  more  exemplary  in  her  deport- 
ment, or  more  bt  loved  by  her  friends  and  neigh- 
bors. 

ELIZABETH  CRAIGHEAD. 
Spring  Hill,  2d  Dec.  1826. 

P.  S.  In  addition  to  what  has  been  stated 
:tbove,  it  was  my  understandin|j,  and  the  under- 
standing, I  believe,  of  the  settlers  g'enerally, 
that,  on  the  application  of  Capt.  Robards,  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia  divorced  him  from  bis 
wife,  and  I  never  heard  any  thing  to  the  con- 
tr-iry  until  lately,  K.  C. 

[No.  4.] 

The  statement  of  Mrs.  iimifh,  widow  of  Gen. 
Daniel  .Smith,  foruierly  the  repnseiitative  of 
Tennessee  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

As  well  as  I  now  recollect,  Mr.  Smith  and 
inysflf  settled  in  thscnuntpy  in  the  year  17H4. 
At  tiiat  period,  «r  shortly  after  it,  Mrs.  Donol 
son  and  fafii.lj"  were  among  i!ie  fc-w  families 
who  cime  and  S'-ttled  on  the  south  side  of  Vam- 
be'lanr.  iiver,  where,  thoi'gh  they  were  but  a 
few  miles  fom  me,  yet,  in  consequence  of  the 
river  running  between  us,  and  the  danger  of 
visiting  in  those  days,  I  did  not  become  per.son- 
:illy  acquainted  with  them  for  two  or  three 
>'p-ars  after.  The  family,  however,  was  univer- 
sally spolceiT  of  ae  oaG  of  the  most  respectable 
and  v.'orthy  in  the  whole  country.  The  fiist 
time  that  I  ever  saw  Jlrs.  J.ickson,  then  Mrs. 
nob.irds,  was  at  the  station  of  Col.  M.mslier. 
One  of  Iser  brothers  had,  not  long  before, 
lirought  her  from  Kentucky,  where  sne  and  Mr. 
Robards  had  been  r.iarried  and  settled.  The 
cause  of  her  return  to  Tennessee  was  the  i  at 
tr'b^l^edto  llie  c.-uel  and  unjust  treatment  of  her 
husband,  wi^o  was  spoken  of  evL-ry  where  as  a 
man  of  irregular  habits,  and  much  given  to  jeal- 
ous suspicions. 

About  two  years  after  I  first  saw  Mrs.  Ro- 
bards, 1 1,'arned  that  Robards  had  arrived  in  the 
country,  and,  sy  tlie  aisisiance  of  the  family  of 
his  wife,  tliat  their  diflforeiice.-i  had  been  recon- 
ciled, and  that  tiiey  were  a.f^ain  living  together 
at  Mrs.  Doiielson's.  They  were  not  long,  how- 
ever, together,  before  the  same  'mhappy  ap- 
prehensiuns  seized  the  mind  of  1{  ibards,  and 
the  consequence  of  which  was  another  separa- 
tion, and,  as  it  sjon  appeared,  a  final  one.  .\il 
the  circumstances  attending  tliis  rupture,  I  can- 
not attempt  to  state  with  much  particularity  at 
this  late  day  ;  but  it  is  hardly  ijossible,  consi- 
dering tliefree  and  unreserved  inte>  course  tlut 
prevailed  amongst  all  the  respectable  classes  of 
people  here  at  that  time,  that  an  incident  of 
this  kind  should  occur  without  bei  f  '  Oly  and 
generally  Itnown.  and  that  every  peis»inhould 


concur  in  tlie  same  views  upcn  its  char.ic a  ■' 
without  the  best  rea.sons.  In  (his'tr.iiisaction. 
Mr.  Robards  alone  was  censured  ;  and  I  nevo! 
hcanl  a  respectable  man  or  woman  intimate  tfea": 
the  conduct  of  his  w  ife  ditVered  from  that  ofthe 
most  prudent  and  virtuous  female.  Gen  JacU- 
.son  boarded  at  the  time  in  the  house  of  Miv. 
Donclson,  and  it  was  the  common  belief  thu 
his  charac'er  and  standing,  added  to  his  en 
gnging  an.l  sprightly  manners,  were  enough  to 
inllame  the  mind  of  poor  R.ihards,  addicted,  as 
he  v/«s,  to  vicious  habits,  .".nd  the  most  cliildish 
suspicions. 

Mr.  Robar<!s  had  not  been  long  gone  from 
Tennessee  when  information  was  received  here 
that  he  In  I  ohiained  a  divorce  from  his  wife 
Wlietlier  tiiis  information  came  by  letter,  or  by 
a  newspaper  fi;om  Virginia  addressed  to  my  hus- 
bar^d,  l  cannot  now  say  with  certainty,  but  I 
think  by  the  latter.  It  was  after  this  informa- 
tion came,  that  Gen.  Jackson  married  Mrs.  Ro- 
bards— and  1  recollect  well  the  observation  o'. 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Craighead,  in  relation  to  the  mar- 
riage ;  it  was — that  it  was  a  happy  change  for 
Mrs.  Robards,  and  highly  creditable  to  General 
.lackso.i,  who,  by  tliis  act  of  his  life,  evinced  his 
own  magnanimity,  as  well  as  the  purity  and 
innocence  of  Mrs.  Robards,  and  such  was  the 
sentimi'nt  of  all  my  acquaintances. 

Since  this  period,  I  have  lived  within  a  fef." 
miles  of  Mrs.  Jackson,  and  have  never  been 
acquainted  with  a  lady  mor.-  exemplary  in  her 
deportment,  or  one  to  whom  a  ;-re.\ter  share  o;' 
the  respect  and  regardof  tnenila  and  acquaint 
ances  can  be  awardtd.     '„,'  _  ^,, , .  -. 

Given  at  my  plamatiorii  liv  Stt'iimer  county, 
State  of  Tennessee,  on  the  TMh  dav  of  Dece.n- 
ber,  1826.  SALLY  SMITH. 

,     _  [No.  5.] 

The  following  is  the  statement  of  Mrs.  Rowen, 
widow  of  Col.  William  Rnwcn,  deceased,  and 
sister  of  Gen .  Russell,  and  the  late  Col  Russell, 
of  Favette  county,  Ky. ;  also,  mother  of  the 
late  John  H  Eowen,  for  several  years  a  Repre- 
sentative in  Congress  of  the  V.  S.  from  Ten- 
nessee. 

'  My  father  married  Mrs  Cam.pbell,  the  sister 
of  Patrick  Henry,  of  Virginia,  and  settled  at 
the  Salt  works,  in  Washington  county  a  few 
'niles  froin  Abington,  V-rginia.  Afljr  this 
event,  about  the  ye.ar  1785,  Mr.  Rowen  and 
mvself  moved  from  Washington,  and  settled 
upon  the  spot  where  I  now  live,  in  Sumner 
county,  Teiin.  Soon  after  our  arrival,  we  be- 
came acquainted  with  the  family  of  Mrs.  Donel- 
son,  the  wither  of  Mrs.  Jackson,  who  settled 
the  fall  after  our  arrival  within  a  mile  of  us,  and 
since  tliat  period  have  lived*in  the  same  neigh- 
borhood. With  "Mrs.  Donelsou's  family,  I  have 
always  lived  in  hab'ta  of  Intimacy  and  frietid- 
ship.  ' 

At  the  time  of  my  first  acquaintance  with  the 
family  of  Mrs.  Donelson^  'that  is,  in  1786,  her 
daughtor,  Mrs.Rob.irds,  was  then  in  Kentucky, 
where  she  was  settled  and  married.  In  the  year 
after,  1  became  acquainted  with  her.  havinf: 
been  brought  down  to  this  country  by  her  bro- 
ther, Samuel  Donels.-jn,  who,  as  I  understood 
then,  and  have  always  since  believed,  went  af- 
ter her  ill  consequence  of  the  bad  treatment 
which  «hc  had  received  from  her  husband.-^ 
l^pon  her  i.«rival  here  I   was  introduced  toiler, 


40 


and  fxom  the  intimacy  and  confidence  which 
soon  prevailed  between  us,  I  was  convinced 
that  the  conduct  of  her  husband  had  been  ilh- 
heral  and  unjust.  I  can  safely  say,  that  the  de- 
portment of  no  lady  ever  seemed  to  me  to  be 
more  guarded  or  nn)re  free  from  t)io:;e  faults 
which  usually  give  rise  to  jealousy  and  ill-will 
Some  time  after  this,  Mr.  Robards  came  to  the 
country  with  the  view  of  beconiinef  reconciled 
again  to  his  wife,  as  I  understood;  their  differ 
ences  were  made  up  by  the  interfcrr  nee  .of 
some  of  the  relations  of  Mrs.  Rebttrd.s,  and  they 
agreed  to  live  toj^ether  ag'ain,  and  did  occupy, 
■  as  ]  tlien  heard,  a  separate  liou.sf  in  the  yard  of 
.Mrs.  Uonelson.  If  was  at  this  period  that  the 
unhappy  diflerence  arose  which  caused  another 
rupture  between  Mr.  andAL's.'Kobards,  the  cir- 
cumstances of  which  are  as  follows,  as  I  now 
recollect  them. — General  Jackson  and  Judgr 
Overton,  wrth  some  other  ;,  oung  gentlemen, 
were  boarding  in  the  family  of  Mrs.  Uonelson. 
fJener.il  Jackson  soon  became  the  object  cf 
Captain  Robai'ds'jealou.sy  and  ill- will, who  secir- 
od  to  indulge  the  same  cruel  suspicions  in  re- 
gard to  the  conduct  of  his  wife,  which  had  led 
to  thetr  separation  in  Kentucky.  The  eflV ct  of 
which  was,  the  voluntary  witi.d  awal  of  tlie 
(ieneral  from  the  family,  whik  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Robartk  remained  with  it.  Captain  Robards, 
however,  did  not  long  remain,  before  he  set 
oilt  for  Kentucky,  whether  witli  tlie  intention 
of  returning  I  do  not  know;  but  he  was  not 
long  gone  before  it  was  understood  that  a  di- 
vorce had  been  grant^rd,  upon  his  application, 
separating  him  frum  his  wife.  In  t'j'.  transac- 
tion I  can  safely  say,  from  my  intiu.acy,  with 
iioth  Mrs.  Donelson  and  her  daughter,  M  . 
Robards,  as  well  ^s  General  Jackson,  that  not 
the  least  censure  ought  to  be  thrown  upon  any 
person  but  Mr.  Robards — when  the  circumstan 
ces  Iiappened,  this  was  the  language  of  all  the 
countr}';  and  I  never  heard,  until  now,  that., 
there  was  any  person  living  who  had,  from  a 
knowledge  of  the  facts,  entertained  a  different 
opinion,  except  Mr.  Robards  himself,  in  whose 
\\"eak  and  child  sh  disposition,  I  think  the  v/hole 
allair  originated. 

Done  at  my  plantation,  in  Sumner  county, 
Tennessee,  this  21st  December,  1835. 

MARY  H.  BaWEN. 

[JJo.  6.] 

1  was  living  in  Nashville  when  Gen.  Jackson 
.first  came  to  this  country,  and  have  lived  hi  re 
ever  since.  I  recollect  of  its  being  reported 
that  C.apt.  Lewis  Robards  had  tjjarrelled  with 
liis  wife,  and  refused  to  live  with  htr.  I  also 
recollect  that  one  of  the  Mr.  Dcnelson's  went 
to  Kentucky,  and  brought  hii  siiter,  Mrs.  Ro- 
bards, to  her  mothtr's.  Some  ti.iie  afterward.?, 
Captain  Robards  came  to  this  country  to  see  iijs 
wife;  and  it  was  said,  not  long  after  he  came, 
tliat  a  reconciliatior.  had  taken  place  betwecji 
them.  After  they  had  agreed  to  live  together 
:*gain,  I  un.h  ''stood  th.it  Captain  Robards  had 
jjrevioiisly  consented  to  sc;ttle  himself  in  this 
•jouiitry,  and  uctiiall;  purchased  a.tract  of  land 
in  thi-  ivcigbborhoodof  .\Irs.  Donelson,  the  mo- 
tiier  of  his  wifr. 

Aliout  tiiis  period  of  time,  *;onerr\l  Jackson 
.Tnd  Judge  Overlo}),  both  young-  l^iwyers,  com- 
ineiiced  boarding  with    Mrs.    Donelson,   and 


Captain  Robards  and  his  wife  lived  tliere.  M'nile. 
they  were  all  at  Mrs.  Donclson's  togetlier,  I 
understood  that  a  quarrel,  or  misunderstand- 
ing, took  place  between  Gen.  Jackson  and 
Captain  Robards,  in  consequence  of  which 
Me.srs.  Jacksnii  alid  Overttjn  immediately  left 
the  house.  Capt.  Robards  continued  to  live, 
however,  with  Mrs.  Donelson,  without  any  in- 
terruption, as  long  as  he  remained  ni  the  coun- 
try. I  have  seen  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Robard;>  toge- 
ther in  Nashvdle,  and  have  seen  them  together 
at  Col.  Hays',  where  they  have  stayed  days  and 
nights. 

I  never  heai'd  of  Gen.  Jackson  and  Captain 
■Robards  hdving  any  quarrel,  or  misunderstand- 
ing, but  the  once,  nor  do  I  believe  they  ever 
did. 

The  latter  p.ai't  of  May  or  some  time  in  June, 
.about  this  time  having  some  business  in  Ken- 
tucky, it  (vas  known  that  I  intended  going  to 
that  country;  and  as  Capt.   Robards  intended 
going  also,  he  requested  me  to  let  him  know- 
when  1  would  be  ready  to  start.     When  1  was 
ready  to  set  out  on  my  journey,  I  went  by  Mrs. 
Donelsm's  for  Captain  Rob.^rds;  ou  my  arrival 
I  found   Mrs.  Robards  ,  lul  her  mother  busily 
engaged  in  packing  up  h's  clothes  and  provi- 
sions.    I  sup|)ose  it  was  about  an  hour  before 
Captain  Robi.rds  was  ready  to  start.   I  inquired 
for  Col.  Donelson,  and  was  told  that  he  had  just 
rode  down  the  branch,  to  either  lilackemore'.? 
or  Davis'  Kort,  on  some  business.     ^V  hen  we 
wen  ready  to  st.art,  Capt.  Robards,  with  m  i;!i 
apparent  friendshi]),    took   his   leave  of  Mrs. 
Donelson,  and  his  wife,   walking  to  the  g..te 
wi''  ''i'r,  andin  a  very  tender  and  afi'ec. innate 
manner  teek  hei  ler.vt  ci  '.'.i.   There  was  not, 
when  we  mounted  our  horses,  nor  at  any  time 
after  I  got  there,  a  .single  white  person  en  the 
plantation,  e.vcept  Captain  Robards,  his  wife, 
and  iMrs.   Donelson.     I  had  three  horses  and 
,  Captain  Robards  two;  but  on  the  second  niglir 
we  camped   on  the  Barren.s,   hia  riding  horse 
strayed  off,  which  we  could  not,  after  diligen* 
seaich,  find.     I  then  let  him  have  the  use  of 
one  of  mine,  to  carry  his  pack,  and  he  rode  his 
own  pack-horse.— -In  the  course  of  that  day  he 
appeared  to  Lament  very  much  the  loss- of  his 
riding  horse:  I  remarked  to  him,  that  the  horse 
would  perhaps  make  into  Pitman's  slal'on;  or 
that  some  hunter  would  find  him,  and  he  would 
get  him  again  as  he  moved  down.     To  this  he 
made  a  very  harsh  reply — he  said  he  would  be 
dcmrted  if  ever  he  would  be  seen  in  Cumber- 
land again;  with  many  other  quite  angry  and 
ill-natured  remarks.      I  obsei-ved  to  him  that 
the  friends  of  Mrs.  Robards  would  not  like,  and 
perhaps  would  not  consent,  for  her  to  go  back 
to  Kentticky  to  hve.     He  said  he  did  not  care 
what  they  liked  or  disliked;  he  should  do  as  he 
thought  proper.     As  his  conduct  on  this  occa- 
sion was  so  une-vpected,  and  at  the  same  time 
so  unaocountabh'  to  me,  1  thought  it  best  to  say 
nothing  more  to  him  ;    but  I  was  convinct  d, 
from  many  other  circumstances  and  remarks  of 
his,  that  he  never  intended  coming  back  to  this 
country  to  live.      VVe  travelled  on  together  to 
Nelson  county,  Kentucky,  an.l  near  Bard.stown, 
at  a  Mr.  Pottenger's,  we  p.ai'ted.   Capt.  Robards 
never,  to  my  kno'.i  ledge,  returned  to  West  Ten- 
nessee, or  what  was  then  called  Cumberland. 
It  was.  i:eported,  however,  that  he  threatened 
to  come  and  take   his  wife  to  Kpiitiirkv.  and 


■compelherto  ,. .;„.:«.     She,  ='=^^^»^"J' 
lier  friends,  WM  very  much  opposed  to  th.b, 
and  in  order  to  place  herself  beyond  hisreacli, 
as  I  uni'.erstood  at  the  time,  determined  to  de- 
scend the  river  in  company  .vith  Col.  Stark  s 
family,  and  under  the  Co!(.,>el's  protection,  to 
Natci.ez.     It  was  in  December  before  Colonel 
Ptark  could  get  off  with  his  fam:^y;    perhap. 
January' before  he  could  get  along      (5enera 
JacksoT  also  went  along;*but  attei-  they  laiide<l 
at  Natchez,  the  General  returned  to  ths  co.iu 
try.    About  this  time  it  was  reported  her.:  that 
th'e  Legislature  of  Vu-ginia  hid  granted  a  di- 
vorce'io'Capt.  lijbards    I  Jo  not  know  how  the 
information  reached  this  country,  b'lt  it  was 
-en^raily,  indeed  I  belit  it  universally  rcl.«"l 
on  as  beins  correct.     Af   r  :nis,  the  General 
went  to  the  lower  country  again,  wh  re  he 
stayed   but  a  little  while;   and  on    his  return 
brought  Mrs.   Jackson  with  oim.  'o  w'-;0  ti  it 
was  said  he  had  oeen  married  in  Wjst  JlonAu, 
then  a  Spanish  Province:  tliis  every  person  be- 
lieved, and  they  were  received  with  great  cov- 
dialitv  by  their  friends. 

V/iien,  however,  it  Wis  discovered  that  lIic 
Legislature  of  Virgin.a  had  not  actually  uivrac- 
ed'Robards  and  his  wife,  :;a.l  behevii;g  tnxt, 
consequently,  tlieir  first  mamage  was  illegal, 
the  General  and  Mrs.  Jackson  determined  tc 
get  married  again,  and  accordinglj  were  mar- 
"i-ied  in  this  county,  on  tne  17tli  day  of  January, 
1-94,  as  will  appear  by  e.^i.inmg  the  bond  for 
marriage  license  now  on  file  in  the  Clerk  s 
office  for  Davidson  county .  Th-y  have  I'ved 
together,  ever  since,  as  happily  and  as  much 
respected  as  any  people  in  tlie  world  I  was 
acquainted  with  Jt's.  Jack'o-i  while  si  e  was 
Mrs  Robards— I  have  been  well  and  in'  mstely 
acqaaintea  «^  •  er  .vcv --ince,  and  can  say, 
tliat  slie  alwayu  su  [.ported  a  fair  and  unolemish 
ed  character,  and  is  as  tiMch  etteemad  and  \v..- 
*"         loved  by  her  friends  and  neighbors,  as  any  olncr 

ladv  whatever. 

THO.  CKUTCHER. 

The  Honorable 

R.  C.  FosTEK.  May  4,  1827. 


[No.  3.] 
HABKODSBrBO,  Mf.bceh  Co.  Kt. 
April  13th,  182r. 


separation,  in  a  convev:-ition  with  him,  he  a... 
milted  to  me  that  his  suspicions  were  unjust, 
and  he  expressly  acqniit.-d  her  ot  any  illicit  in- 
tercourse with  theindividual  s  ispected.     Asto 
Gen.  Jackson,  I  am  of  the  opi  -ion  he  never  saw- 
her  previous  to  Ivr  separation  from  Mr.  Ko- 
hards,  and  tl-^  div  ,rce,  I  believe,  was  oHamed 
entirely  t.cjh'rfe;  an  act  of  the^'lrg1n•-a  Legisla- 
ture was  passed  at  tlie  instance    of  ihe   well 
known  Cap.  Jack  Joiielt,  then  a  member  ^^  that 
body,   and   a  bro'her-in-law  of^Mr.   Robards, 
(having  VMarried  his  sister,)  and  witliout  ^>'>' n^, 
tic.    as  I  believe,  to  Mrs.  Kob:.vcis;  but  o«  this, 
I  suppose,    Mai.  Tho,r.us  Allin,   who  was  the 
Clerk  of  the  Court,  can  sp.  ■.*.     For  my  part, 
;  consider  Mrs.  Jackson  as  most  unjust!.,;  ana 
ungenerous',',  slandered.     I  am  well  acquainted, 
witn  i.-.ost  of  the  circumstances,  and  regret  to 
see  tie  whole  transuc'ion  niisrepresenled.     1 
have  alway=  b-Iieved  that  Mr.  Kobards  had  no 
nersou  to  blame  but  his  own  improper  conduct 
and  i.;alousy.      I  know  him  well,  but  do  not 
wish  to  o.iter  into  a  detail  of  facts  calcuLated  to 
wouedthe  feeli;-crs  of  his  Tesp-ctab!e  relations 
and  friends.   I  am,  mjsHf,  for  General  Jackson 
as  next  Pre-sid^-nt,  and  wi.sh  the  Spint  of  Se- 
venty-Six not  asaiii  to  refer  to  me  without  au- 
thority, as  I  consider  the  attack  on  Mrs.  Jackson 
as  ungenerous,  unmanly,  and   unjust. 
Yours,  with  respect, 

JAMES  RA\. 


Deak  Sib  :  In  answer  to  your  request,  in  ve- 
hation  to  a  publication  in  the  last  Spirit  of  Se- 
venty-Six, involving  the  cliaracterof  Mrs.  Jack- 
son, in  w.-iich  I  am  referred  <o  as  being  one  of 
the  Jury  wlio  found  a  verdict  against  her,  1  say 
fhat  it  is  utietbj  unlrue.     I  was  well  acquainted 
with  Mrs.  Jackson  previous  to  her  first  man-ige 
with  Lewis  Kobards,  and  several  vcars  after- 
\yai'ds,  and  can  assure  you  that  siic  sustained  an 
unblemished  character,  ;md  was  considered  one 
among  ttic  first  of  our  young  ladies  ;  her  fattier. 
Col.  Uonelson,  being  a  aian  of  the  -lost  respect- 
able standing.     Aft.  r  her  maiTiage  witti  Mr. 
Robards,  a  disagreement  took  place  between 
her  and  her  husband,  on  account  of  charges  ot 
immoial  conduct  on  liis  part,  and  also  becoming 
iealons  of  a  certain  imhvi.hial,  (not  Gen.  Jack- 
son,) which  eventuated  in  her  being  compelled 
to  return  to  her  mother,  who  had,  in  the  mean 
time,  removed  to  the  State  of  Tennessee,  where 
her  father  died  or  was  killed  by  the  Indians.  ^  I 

was  intimate  v.-itli  Mr.    Robards,  and  aflivi'..- 


[No.  9.] 
Mr.  John  McGinnis  states,  that  he  lived,  for 
some  cnsiderabh  time,  in  the  immediate  neigh- 
borhood of  Mrs.  lic.lsey  Robards,  'he  r.iotherol 
Lewis  E.ihards,  ihe  former  husband  of » lie  pre- 
sent ^as.  Jackson  ;  that  Robr.nls  ur.d  hir  wie 
then  lived  with  o'd  Mrs.  Robards;  tn-it  LeWis 
Robards  was   generally  consi.lered  a  oad  hus- 
hKuA;  th.--t  liis  mother  acki-owl-dKed  that  Ra- 
chaei  Robar.is  was  an  r.niablc   woman,  anu  de- 
served better  treatment ;  that  sue,  ;n  tact,  loved 
her  .is  w.  11  as  any  child  she  ever  raised  ;  ttiao 
old  Mis   R.'iards  v-V-  tliis  affiant,  a  short  time 
before  Mi-s.  R.  Rohardsleft  her  imsbaiid  for  the 
purijose  of  returning  to  lier  mo'hers,  m  len- 
nessee,  thai  her  sen  Had  erdered  liis  wife  to  ciear 
herself,  and  never  again    show   hfr  face  m  his 
house  ;  that  she  appe-ired,  i"r  some  time  before 
she  returned  to  her  mother's,  to  be  .in  unhappy 
and  miserable  woman  ;  that,  finally,  herbrothei- 
came  to  Kentucky,   and  carried  her  oft   to  hei- 
friends  in  Tenn.  ssee.      He  states,   explicitly, 
that  he  never  hcia-d  of  General  J:ickson  being 
in  the  neighborhoorl,  and  that  he  beheves  that 
General   Jackson   never   visited  the  house   ot 
Lewis  Robards  during  the  time  that  they  lived 
together  ,  that  Bot  irds's  wife  sustained  a  fair 
and  irreproacliable  character,  as  long  as  this 
afiiaiit  knew  her.  ,   ■    r       „„   „ 

This  day  personally  appeared  b'-tore  me,  a 
Justice  of  tlie  Peace  for  the  county  of  Mercer, 
tlic  within  named  John  McGimiis,  and  mad.: 
oath  to  the  tr  ith  of  the  witnin  statement.  Given 
under  my  hand  this  13t!i  April,  1827. 

G.  W.  THOMPSON,  J   1' 


[No.  10.] 
HiBBniiSBtiBo,  March  "\st,  1826. 
nE»n  M.4Jeii:  Incompliance  with  your  wish- 
es, expressed  in  youvs  of  yesterday,  't  •"■;;>;  "Ot 
b..  i",proiier  to  i.it"o'-m  von.  that  in  the  ixW  o* 


;iie  year  irSl,  I  \\,ma  my  place  of  residence 
in  Lincoln  county,  (now  Mercer)  where  I  have 
continued  to  live  ever  since.  I  think  it  wiis  in 
ir82,  not  later  than  1783,  (but  I  think  the  for- 
mer,) I  became  a  Deputy  Sheriff  in  Lincoln, 
:ind  acquainted  with  Col.Donelsnn  and  his  fa 
miiy;  the  Colonel  had  then  two  daughters  young 
ladies,  viz:  Jane  and  Rachel,  the  latter  of  uiiom, 
I  understand,  jstlie  lady  of  Gen.  Andrew  Jack- 
FOn.  Some  time  shortly  after  my  acqu.iintance 
in  the  family,  Miss  Kachel  becanu-  the  wife  of 
Captain  Lewis  Uobartls  of  the  same  county, 
who  then  lived  in  the  family  of  bis  mother,  a 
widow  ladv,  near  Han-odsburg,  where  he 
broug-ht  h'S  wife,  and  continued  to  live  with  her 
i.T  the  faniiiy  of  hii  mother,  until  some  disa- 
greement took  p'ace  between  tlie  Captain  and 
iiis  wife,  which  resulted  in  a  separation,  and 
the  Captain  sent  her  to  her  father,  who,  pre- 
vii/Hs  to  that  separation,  had  removed  to  the 
iieijliborhood  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  a?  I  was 
informed;  and  where,  I  presume,  she  first  saw 
and  became  acquainted  with  Gen.  .lackson.  I 
)iever  saw  General  Jackson  in  my  life  to  my 
knowledge,  nor  have  I  any  reason  to  believe, 
nor  do  I  believe  that  Mrs.  .lack-on  ever  was  ac 
qiia'.nted  with  the  General  until  after  her  sepa- 
ration with  Robards,  and  her  arrival  at  her  fn- 
ther's,  in  Tennessee.  Captain  Robards  obtain- 
ed a  special  act  of  the  \'irginia  Legislature  for 
a  divorce,  I  think  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1787, 
and  prosecuted  the  same  to  judgment  'n  the 
Qii-.irter  Session  Court  of  Mercer  countj',  'of 
which  Court  I  was  the  clerk,)  at  tlic  September 
Term  of  said  court,  1793.  About  that  time, 
Capt.  Roliaids  married  a  Miss  Winn,  dau.^liter 
of  Mr.  Thomas  W,nn,  then  1  think  of 'Louis 
ville  or  Bardstown. 

I  was  surprised  when  the  separation  took 
place  between  Capt.  Rohards  and  his  first  wife, 
asprev;oiis  to  that  affiir,  I  had  ever  considered 
Mrs.  Robards,  now  Mrs.  Jackson,  a  fine  woman, 
nod  of  irrepioacbable  character.  Upon  an  ex- 
rtminationof  the  papers  of  the  suit  for  the  di- 
vorce aforesaid,  I  find  nothing  showing  that  the 
'lefendant  had  any  kind  of  notice  of  the  exist- 
ence or  progress  of  thiit  suit.  Should  you  con- 
sider any  thing  I  have  communicated  worth  no- 
tice, you  arc  at  liberty  to  use  it  in  any  way  you 
may  think  proper. 

Your  friend,  S<.c. 

THOS.  ALLIN. 

Major  Thomas  P.  Moore. 

[No.  11.] 

To  all  whom  it  may  concern,  be  it  know'n, 
that  in  the  year  1734  I  lived  at  Col.  John  How- 
maa's  station,  in  the  then  county  of  Lincoln, 
now  Mercer,  ind  have  conti:nied  to  live  in 
Mercer  county  ever  since.  Whilst  liv-d  at 
Col.  Bowman's,  1  became  acquainted  with  Col. 
Donelion  and  his  family,  who  lived  then  near 
Gol.  Bowman's.  Col.  Donelson  at  that  time, 
bad  two  single  daugliters,  young  women,  to 
wit:  Jane  and  Rachel,  the  latter  of  whom,  I 
nnderstaiid,  is  the  present  Mrs.  Jacksoti,  the 
lady  of  Gen.  Andrew  Jackson,  of  the  State  of 
Tennessee.  I  continued  to  be  intimately  ac- 
quainted with  Col.  Donelson  and  his  daughter.'!, 
until  the  younger,  R.ichel,  was  married  to  Capt. 
Lewis  R'jhards,  and  for  sometime  aftervvatds, 
when  some  unhappy  difference  arose  between 
Cant.  Robards  and  his  lady,  which  terminated 


in  a  separation  between  them;  and  w lien  Mi? 
Robarils  went  to  her  fathe/s,  who  liad  previous 
to  that  time  lenioved  to  the  State  of  Tennes- 
see, near  to  Nashville.  Previous  to  that  sepa- 
ration, I  have  ever  considered  that  lady's  cha- 
racter  .as  fair  and  irreproachable  as  that  of  any 
other  l:.dy  I  ever  knew  In  my  life;  nor  have  I 
any  reason  to  believe  that  Gen.  Jackson  ever 
saw  her  imtil  her  separation  from  Robards.  I 
recollect  being  one  of  the  jury  when  Robards 
obtained  hs  divorce,  but  have  not  the  most 
distant  recollection  of  what  evidence  was  of- 
fered on  the  trial. 

JOHN  JIEAUa. 
Mprinm,  1827. 

[No.  12.] 

Nashville,  August  12,  1824. 
Calb  .itwaier,  Esq. 

Sin:  Mr.  Curry,  the  Postmaster  of  this  place, 
has  showed  me  a  letter  you  addressed  to  him, 
stating  the  manner  in  whicu  Gen.  Jackson  was 
niarried,  as  reported  in  your  country,  in  a  niaii- 
ner  disgraceful  and  immorM  in  han- 

Mr.  Curr)- has  requested  me  to  write  to  you  on 
th.at  subject.  I  have  to  remark,  that  I  have  been 
intimately  acquainted  with  Gen.  Jackson,  for 
about  3.5  V  ears  past — before  his  marriage  and 
since;  during  all  which  time,  the  General  and 
myself  have  Lved  in  this  place  and  the  neigh- 
borhood. Someth'ng  hkc  thirty  years  ago,  or 
more.  Gen  Jackson  was  married  to  Mrs.  Jack- 
son, his  lady,  with  whom  he  has  ever  since  lived, 
as  I  believe,  in  the  utmost  I  arinony,  in  the 
highr:st  respi  ct  and  ci-edit  amongst  all  who 
knew  tliem,  but  more  especially  among  theu' 
lmn>ediate  ncigiibors. 

Sirs.  Jackson  has  been  once  married  to  a  Mr. 
Robards,  who,  as  I  always  undcrstor-d,  and  be- 
lieved, .v.thout  any  just  cause,  left  her,  and  ob- 
tained a  divorce  by  an  ex  parte  proceeding  out  of 
this  State. 

I  am,  most  respectfully,  your  ob't  serv't, 

A.  FOSTEFw. 

:xo.  n.j 

Maym,  1827. 
Deah  Sin:  In  the  fall  of  1787,  I  became  a 
boarder  in  the  family  of  Mrs.  Robards,  the  mo- 
ther of  Lewis  Robards,  of  Msreer  county,  K}'. 
Captain  Robards  and  his  wife  then  lived  with 
old  >h'3.  Robaids.  Lhad  not  1  vcd  tliere  many 
weeks  before  I  understood  tli;it  Capt.  ■  -bards 
and  his  wife  lived  very  unhappily,  on  acccurtof 
his  being  jealous  o;  Mr.  Short.  My  brother, 
who  was  a  boarder,  informed  me  that  g^e.it  un- 
easiness had  existed  in  the  family  for  some  time 
before  iny  «rri\'al;  but  as  he  had  the  confidence 
and  good  will  of  a'l  pa-ties,  a  portion  of  this 
confidence  fell  to  my  siia''e,  p.art  cularly  the  old 
lady's,  tlian  whom,  perhaps,  a  more  amiable 
woiiv^n  never  lived.  The  uneasiness  between 
Capt.  Robards  and  lady  continued  to  increase, 
and  with  it,  grcal  distress  of  the  'mother,  and 
considerably  v.'itli.th->  family  generally,  until 
early  in  the  year  17S8,  as  welf  as  now  re- 
collected. I  understood  from  th»  old  lady,  and 
perhaps  others  of  the  familv ,  thut  her  son  Lewis 
had  written  to  .virs.  Robards'  mother,  the  widow 
Donelson,  requesting  that  she  would  take  her 
ho'^e,  as  he  did  not  intend  to  live  with  her  any 
longer.  Certain  it  is,  tiia'  Mrs.  Robards'  bro- 
ther. Samuel  Donelson,  came  un  to  carry  her 


4  A 


down  to  her  mother's,  and  my  impression  is,  in 
1he  fall  or  summer  of  irSS.  f  «-as  present 
when  Mr.  Samuel  Donelson  arri\ed  at  Mrs. 
Robards',  and  when  he  started  away  with  his 
siiter;  my  clear  and  distinct  recollection  is, 
that  it  was  said  to  be  a  finil  separation,  at  the 
instance  of  Capt.  Kobards — for  1  well  recollect 
the  distress  of  old  Mrs.  R;>liards  on  account  of 
her  daug'iiter-in-law,  Rachael,  goin,^  av.a},  on 
accoimt  of  the  separation  tliat  was  about  to 
take  place,  to^etlier  with  the  cirrnmstance  of 
the  old  tally's  embracing  her  affectionately.  In 
tmns-rrved  con>ersations  with  me,  the  oil 
iady  always  blamed  her  son  Lewis,  and  took 
the  part  of  her  d.iufjhter-in-law. 

During  my  residence  in  Mrs.  Robards'  fami- 
ly, I  do  not  recollect  to  have  heard  any  of  the 
family  censure  young  Mrs.  Kobards,  on  account 
of  the  difference  between  !ier  husband  and 
herself:  if  they  tliought  otherwise,  it  was  un- 
known to  me — but  recoIU>ct  frequently  to  Iiave 
heard  the  old  lady  and  Capt.  Joiiett,  wlio  mar- 
ried the  elder  daughter  of  the  family,  at  that 
time,  express  the  most  favorable  sentiments  of 
her. 

Having  finished  my  studies  in  the  winter  of 
■'38-9,  it  W.1S  determined  to  fix  my  residence  in 
the  country  now  cal'ed  West  Tennessee.  Pre- 
vious to  my  departure  from  M'S.  Robards,  the 
old  lady  earnestly  entreated  me  to  use  my 
exertion,  to  get  her  son  Lewis,  and  daughter- 
in-law,  Rachael,  to  live  happily  together  again. 
Their  separation  for  a  considerable  time  h.id 
occasion'-d  her  great  uneasiness,  as  she  appear- 
ed to  be  much  attached  to  her  daughter-in  law 
— and  she  to  her.  Captain  Lev./is  Rubards 
r.ppeared  to  be  unhappy,  and  the  o'd  hdy  told 
me  she  rejTTtltcd  what  had  taken  place,  ami 
wished  to  he  reconciled  '"  his  wife.  Before  I 
would  agre^;  to  concern  in  the  matter,  I  deter- 
mined to  ascertaiii  Capt.  Robards'  disposition 
from  hiT.self,  and  took  an  occasion  to  converse 
with  him  im  the  subject,  when  he  assured  me 
of  his  regret  rcapocting  what  had  passed;  that 
he  was  convinced  his  suspicions  wcvo  unfound- 
ed; that  he  wished  to  live  with  his  wife,  and  rp. 
quested  that  I  would  use  my  exertions  to  re- 
store  harmony . — I  told  him  I  would  undertake  it, 
provided  be  would  throw  aside  all  nonsensical 
notions  about  jealousy,  for  which  I  aas  on- 
vinced  there  was  no  ground,  and  treat  his  wife 
kinlly  .'isotier  men.  He  assured  me  :t  s!i<iuld 
be  SO;  and  it  is  my  impression  now,  'hat  I  re- 
ceive'' a  message  from  t  Id  Mrs  R'ibards  to  M,-s. 
Lewi^  Robarils,  which  I  delivered  to  her  on  my 
arrival  at  htrniotbcrV,  whercl  found  hfrsoine 
time  in  the  mimth  ..!' February  oi  Mar.-!i,  ITSi*. 
The  situation  of  iho  country  induci>d  mf  to  so- 
licit Mrs.  Donelson  to  loai'd  me — good  ac- 
commodations and  b-arding  being  rarely  to  be 
met  W'th — tnwliichshi-  readily  assented. 

Mr.  A.  Jackson  had  studied  the  law  at  Salis- 
bury, N'jrth  Carolina,  as  I  understood,  and  had 
aiTivcd  in  this  country  in  company  wi'h  Judge 
McNairy,  Rennet,  Searcy,  and  pcrhips  David 
Ailis.m,  all  lawyers,  seeking  their  fortun.'^s,  n>t 
more  than  a  month  or  two  before  my  arrival. 
Wiiether  Mr.  Jackson  was  at  Mrs.  Uonels'.n's, 
when  I  first  got  there  in  March  1789,  I  cannot 
say;  if  he  was,  it  must  have  been  but  a  little 
time.  My  impression  now  is,'  that  he  was  not 
living  there,  and  having  jusi  arrived,  I  introdu- 
'-"d  him  into  the  famllv  as  a  boarder,  after  be- 


coming acquainted  with  him-  So  it  was,  w- 
com.menced  bo.arding  there  about  the  sam'; 
time,  Ji-ckson  and  myself,  our  friends  and  cli- 
ents, &C.  occupying  one  cab  n,  and  the  family 
another,  a  few  steps  from  it. 

Soon  after  my  arrival,  T  had  frrquent  conver- 
sations with  Mrs.  Lev. is  Robards,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  living  bappdy  with  h'-r  husband.  She, 
with  much  sensibility,  assured  me  tl.at  no  effort 
to  do  so  should  be  wanting  on  her  part,  and  I 
communicated  the  result  to  Capt.  Robards  and 
his  motlie!-,  fr.om  both  of  whom  I  r;'Ceived  con- 
gratulation ^nd  thanks.  Cai>t.  Robards  had 
previously  purchased  a  pre-emption  in  this 
countr\-,  on  the  south  side  of  Cumberland  river, 
in  Davidson  county,  aboutfive  miles  fiom  where 
Mrs.  Donelson  then  lived.  In  the  arr-ingt-ment 
for  a  re-union  b.-tween  Capt.  Robards  and  his 
wife,  I  understood  it  was  agreed  that  Captain 
Robards  was  to  live  in  this  countiT,  instead  ol" 
KentiicUv  ;  that  imtil  it  was  safe  to  go  on  his 
own  land,  svhich  was  yearly  expeced,  he  and 
hi?  wife  were  to  live  at  .Ms.  Donelson's.  Capt. 
Robards  became  re-united  to  his  wife  some  time 
in  the  year  1788  or  1789.  Both  Mr.  Jackson 
and  mvsclf  boarded  in  the  fi.mily  of  Mrs  Uon- 
elson-^lived  in  the  cabin  room,  and  slept  in  the 
same  bed.  As  young  men  of  the  same  pursuits 
and  profession,  with  but  fe  v  others  in  the  coun- 
try with  whom  to  associate,  beside  sharing,  as 
we  frequently  did,  common  dangers,  svich  an 
intimacy  ensued  as  might  reasonably  be  cx-^ 
pected 

Not  many  months  elapsed  before  Robards 
became  jeslous  of  .lackson.  which  1  f.fei  confi- 
dent was  without  the  lea.st  ground.  Some  of 
his  irritating  conversation  or.  this  subject  with 
his  wife,  I  heard  amidst  the  t^-ars  of  herself  and 
her  mother,  who  were  gr-atly  ;riftressed.  I 
urged  'o  Roba'-ds  the  .nimanhness  of  his  con- 
duct, aft.T  the  piins  I  had  taken  to  produce 
harmony,  as  a  mutu  d  frieud  of  both  families, 
and  my  honest  conviction  that  his  siispicions 
were  groundless  These  remonstrances  seemed 
not  to  have  the  desired  effect ;  as  much  com- 
motion and  unhappiness  prevailed  in  the  family 
cs  m  '.hat  of  Mr.  Robards  in  Kentucky.  At 
length  I  com.mumcnfed  to  Jackson  the  unplea- 
sant sitwation  of  living  in,a  family  where  there 
was  so  much  disturbance,  and  concluded  by 
telling  him  that  we  would  eiideavM  to  get  some 
other  place  ;  to  this  lie  rti'dilv  assented,  but 
v.diere  to  go  we  did  not  know.  Being  conscious 
of  his  innocence,  he  s;iid  that  he  woul''  talk  to 
Robards  Wiiat  passed  between  Capt.  Robards 
and  .lackson  I  do  m^t  know,  as  I  was  obsf-nt 
some  where,  not  now  n  collected,  wiien  the 
conversation  and  results  took  place,  but  return- 
ed soon  afterwards  The  whole  aff:.ir  ws  re- 
lated to  me  bv  Mis.  Donelson,  (the  mo'.rierof 
Mrs.  R')h.ards)  and  as  w-!l  as  1  recollect,  by 
Jackson  himself.  Tiie  substafice  of  f  Ueir  ac- 
count v.'as,  that  Mr.  Jackson  met  Capt.  Robards 
near  the  orcbar'^'  P.  uce,  and  began  niiidh  to  re- 
monstrate with  bira  respecting  the  injustice  he 
had  done  his  wif-  as  wellas  'limsclf.  In  a  liitle 
time  IJobards  became  violently  angrv  and  abu- 
sive, and  threatened  to  whip  Jackson,  n^ade  a 
show  of  doing  so,  &C.  Jackson  told  tiini  he  had 
not  bo'Uly  strength  to  fight  him,  nor  should  he 
do  so,  feeling  conscious  <  f  liisinnocerjce,  ind 
retired  to  his  cabin,  telhng  him,  .it  the  uame 
time,  that  if  he  insisted  on  fighting,  he  would 


44 


give  hiin  g'cn'ilc manly  satisfaction,  or  words  to 
that  effect.  Upon  Jackson's  return  out  of  the 
house,  Capt.  RnbarJs  said  tliat  he  did  not  care 
for  him  nor  his  wife — abusing- tiiem  both — that 
he  was  determinid  not  to  live  with  Mrs.  Ro- 
bards.  Jackson  retired  from  the  familv,  and 
went  to  hve  at  Mansker's  station.  Cap'.  Rob- 
ards  remained  several  inonths  with  tiis  'vifc,  and 
then  HVT.t  to  Kentucky  in  ccmp.any  witli  >plr. 
Thomas  Crutcher,  and  probably  some  other 
persons. 

So'rn  after  this  affair,  Mrs.  Eobards  went  to 
live  at  Col.  H;iys',  who  married  her  sister.  Af- 
ter a  short  aijsencc,  I  returned  to  live  at  Mrs. 
t)ouelson'.s,  at' her  earnest  entre.aty,  every  fair,- 
i!y  then  uesiiing  tile  a;soc;.ation  of  male  friends 
as  a  protection  a.eainst  the  Indians.  This  afi'alr 
took  place,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  in  the 
sprinjj  of  1799.  Some  time  intheflUlfoSlowini,-, 
there  was  a  report  afloat  th;:t  Capt.  K-rbiu-di  in- 
tended to  come  dc-.vn  and  tiike  j.is  wife  to  Ken- 
tucky ;  whence  it  originated  I  do  not  now  re- 
collect, but  it  created  great  untasiness  both 
with  Mrs.  Dorelscm  aM  her  d;:--,jhter,  Mrs 
Eobards,  the  latter  of  vhom  was  n.acb  distress- 
ed, as  she  was  conviaced  aftei  two  fair  tri;ils, 
as  she  said,  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  live 
v/ith  Capt.  Robards,  and  of  this  opinion  was  I, 
w4th  all  those  I  conversed  v'itli,  who  were 
acquainted  with  the  circumstances.  Some  time 
afterwards,  durinEf  the  winter  of  1791,  Mrs. 
Donelson  t(  Id  me  of  her  daughter's  intention  to 
g-u  down  IPS  river  to  Natchez,  to  some  of  their 
friends,  in  order  to  keepout  of  the  way  of  Cdi)t. 
Eobards,  as  she  said  he  had  threatened  to 
"haunt"  her;  knowing,  as  I  did,  Capt.  Robards' 
unh.appy  jealous  diopositio/i,  and  Ills  tempt  r 
growing-  out  of  il,  I  thought  ihe  wu-;  r.ght  to 
keep  out  of  his  way,  though  do  not  believe  that 
1  so  e.vpre.wcd  myself  to  the  old  lady  or  any 
other  pi.  rson. 

The  whole  affair  fi-ave  Jackson  great  uneasi- 
ness; am  tfii'.  wdl  not  appear  strange  to  one  as 
well  accp,:.iint.  U  •>  th  his  iharacrer  is  I  w.-.s. — 
Continually  together  di  mg  our  .attendance  on 
\vilJ[;-nes5  courts,  whilst  other  yotuvg-  men 
were  in-.'ulging  m  familiarities  v/\!h  females  of 
rela.xed  morals,  nf  suspir;<'n  of  this  liind  of  the 
world's  censure  Tel;  to  Jackson's  share.  In 
this — in  his  siiigui.^riv  delicate  sense  of  honor, 
and  in  >bat  f  ihouglit  his  chivalrous  concop- 
ti^Sbf  thefemal.-^  sex,  it  occurred  to  me,  that 
h#''Was  rlistinguishable  frnin  every  other  person 
with  ivi-.oin  i  was  acquainted. 

About  the  time  of  Mrs.  1)  ineison'.-:  communi- 
cation to  me  respectin;^  her  daughter's  inten- 
tion of  going  to  Natchez,  I  perceived  i.i  Jack- 
son svmptoms  of  more  than  usual  concern.  I  de- 
termined to  ascertain  the  cause,  when  he  frank- 
ly :old  m^,  th.U  he  was  tiie  most  unhappy  of 
men  in  having-  innocently  and  unintentionally 
been  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  peace  and  riappi- 
jiess  of  \Ir.s.  Kuhards,  whom  he  believvci  ;o  bi; 
a  fine  wonian;  in  .this  I  conrun-ed  with  him, 
but  remonst'-a'od  upon  the  propriety  of  his  not 
giving  himself  any  uncasimss  about  it.  It  was 
not  long  after  tl.is,  before  lie  communicated  to 
me  liis  intention  of  going  to  Natcht  z  with  <Jol. 
Stark,  witiiw!ii<ni  Mrs.  Kobards  was  to  descend 
the  river — sayiiij;  that  slie  iiad  no  friend  or  rela- 
tion that  would  go  with  her,  or  assist  in  pre- 
venting Stark,  his  family,  and  Mrs.  Kobards 
Jrom  being  mas.sacred   bv  the  Indians,  then  in 


a  state  of  war  and  exceeding'y  troublesome. — 
Accordingly,  Jacks'  .  in  ro>npany  with  Mrs. 
Rob.ards  and  Col.  Stark,  a  venerable  and  highly 
esteemed  old  man  and  friend  cf  .Mrs.  Robards, 
went  down  the  river  from  Nashville  to  Natchez, 
some  time  in  the  winter  or  spring  of  1791.  It 
was  not,  however,  without  the  urgent  entrea- 
ties of  Col.  Stnrk,  who  wanted  protection  from 
the  Tndiana,  that  Jackson  consented  to  accom- 
pany them,  of  which  I  had  heard  before  Jack- 
son's conversation  with  me  already  alluded  to. 

Previously  to  Jackson's  starting,  he  commit- 
ted all  his  law  business  to  me,  at  the  same  time 
assurii.g  me  that  as  soon  as  he  should  see  Col. 
Stark  and  fam'ly  and  Mrs.  RoNards  situated  with 
the'r  friends  in  the  neighborhood  of  Natchez, 
he  weald  return  and  lesumt  his  prictice.  He 
descended  the  river;  returned  from  Natchez  to 
JNashvIlle,  and  was  at  the  Superior  Court  in  the 
latter  place  in  May  1791,  aitentling  to  his  busi- 
nets  as  a  Lawyer  and  Solicitor  General  f(>r  the 
Government.  About,  or  shortly  after  this  time, 
we  were  informed  thata  divorce  had  been  grant- 
ed by  the  Leg-islature  of  Virginia  through  the 
influence  prineipiilly  of  Capt.  Robards'  brn- 
thrr-in-iaw,  M.ajor  John  Joiiett,  who  was  pro- 
bably in  the  Legislature  at  that  time. 

This  application  had  been  anticipated  by  me. 
— The  divorce  ivas  understood  by  the  people 
of  this  country  to  have  been  granted  by  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,  in  the  winter  of  1790, 
1791.  I  was  in  Kentucky  in  the  summer  of 
1791.  remained  at  old  Mrs.  Robards',  my  for- 
mer place  of  residence,  part  of  my  time,  and 
never  understood  otherwise  than  iliat  Cf-ptain 
Robavd.s'  diiorce  was  final,  until  the  latter  part 
of  the  year  1793.  In  ihe  summt-rof  1791  Gen. 
Jackson  went  to  Natchez:  .and,  I  understood, 
mai'ried  Mrs.  Rohards,  tlien  believe  d  :o  be  freed 
from  Cap*.  Rob.ards  by  the  Hi7orce:  in  the  fall 
of  1791  renirned  to  Nashville.  s.:ttled  in  the 
neighborhood  of  it,  where  they  have  lived  ever 
since,  belov'.d  and  esteemed  by  all  classes. 

About  tl.a  me;itli-"*'  iJccember,  1793,  after 
Gen.  J-"=i-s>'"i  and  myself  had  starled-to  Jones- 
liorough,  in  East  Tennessee,  where  we  piac- 
tised  law,  I  learnt  for  tlie  fii-st  time  that  Capt. 
Robards  had  applied  to  Mercer  Court,  in  Ken- 
tucky, for  a  divorce,  which  had  then  recently 
been  granted;  and  that  the  Legislature  had  not 
absolutely  granted  a  divorce,  but  left  it  for  the 
Court  to  do.  1  need  not  express  to  you  my  sur- 
prise, on  learning  that  the  act  of  the  Vii-Hnia 
Legislature  iiad  not  divorced  Capt.  Rcbards. 
I  informed  Gen  Jackson  of  it,  w,io  was  equally 
surprised;  ai;  1  during  </ur  conversat'on,  I  sug- 
gested the  propriety  of  his  procurin  ;  a  license 
on  his  return  home,  and  having  the  marriage  ce- 
remony again  performed,  so  as  to  prevent  all 
future  cavillin.s:  on  the  subject. 

To  this  suggestion  he  replied- — that  he  had 
long  since  been  married,  on  the  belief  that  a 
divMvce  h.ad  been  obtained;  which  was  the  un- 
derstanding of  e-ery  person  in  the  countrj-;  nor 
waf  it  without  difficulty  he  coald  be  induced  to 
behe\  e  otherw-se. 

On  our  return  home  from  Jonesborough,  in 
January,  1794,  to  Nashville,  a  license  was  ob- 
tained, and  the  marriage  ceremony  performed. 

The  slowness  and  inaccuracy  with  which  in- 
formation was  received  in  West  Tennessee  at 
that  time,  will  not  be  surprising,  when  we  con- 
sider its  insulated  and  dangerous  situation,  sur- 


lounded  on  eveiy  side  by  a  wiidaness  and  by 
hostile  Indians,  and  tiiat  there  was  no  mail  esta- 
blished till  about  1 797,  as  well  as  I  recollect. 

Since  the  yeai- 1791,  (ien.  Jackson  and  my- 
self have  never  been  mucii  apart,  c  xccpt  when 
he  was  in  the  army.  I  have  been  intiniate  in 
his  family,  and  from  the  mutual  and  un.nti-iTiipt- 
ed  happiness  of  the  General  and  Mrs.  Ju.ckson, 
which  I  have  at  all  times  witnessed  with  plea- 
sure, as  well  as  those  delicate  and  polHe  atten- 
tions which  have  ever  been  mutually  recipro- 
cated between  them,  1  have  been  long  con- 
firmed in  the  opmion  tliat  there  never  existed 
any  otherthan  what  v/as  beU>-v<d  to  be  the  most 
honorable  and  virtuous  interco>u-se  between 
them.  Before  their  going-  to  Natchez,  I  had 
daily  e pportuni'urs  of  being  convinced  that 
there  was  none  oaitr;  b-fore  oeing  marri  jd  in 
the  Naichey.  country,  after  it  was  understood 
that  a  divorce  had  been  granted  by  the  Leg;is- 
lature  oi  Virginia,  it  is  believed  there  was  none. 

JOHN  OViiRTON. 
The  Hon.  R.  C.  FOSTEK, 

Chairman  of  the  Select  Committee. 


The  lidltors  of  t'*2  United  St.ites'  Telegraph, 
feel  that  they  almost  owe  an  apology  to  the  pub- 
lic for  calling  its  attention  to  the  strong  and  ir- 
resistible refutation  which  tlie  foregoing  testi- 
mony furnishes,  at  once  of  the  innocence  of  a 
much  injured  and  most  amiable  womin,  and  the 
inhuma*!  and  infimous  Vandalism  by  which  her 
reputation  has  been  assailed. 

These  are  subjects  s-j  sacred  in  their  char- 
acter, (and  what  can  b  ■  more  so  than  a  woman's 
hoKor')that  even  the  elTort  to  defend  and  sus- 
tain them  invoh  es,  however  successlidly  t!;is  of- 
fice maybe  performed,  a  seemin.g  and  revolting 
delicacy.  Nothing,  therefore,  would  have  iii- 
duceU  us  to  ha\  e  invaded,  even  m  the  spirit 
^f  fr.endslilpand  a  militant  vnidication,  those 
.orrK.r»;-ic  reccssos  which  are  chosen  saiictuaries, 
but  for  ;  recent  repriin  i~  tiiJa  city,  of  Charles 
Tlummond's  inost  .nfamaus  and  nKBt-«ae,nora- 
ble  slaider  against  Mrs.  Jackson. 

The  public  will  bea'  in  mind  that  this  nfw 
edition  of  a  foul  and  refuted  calumny,  made  its 
appearance  very  shovdy  after  the  late  visit  of 
this  wretch  to  fhi;  city.  Shall  we  apoh)gize to 
the  second  officer  in  the  executive  foi  the  em- 
ployment of  thi  appropriate  epithet  towards 
his  bosom,  con.'dcntiui,  and  inestinable  friemi' 
No,  Mr.  Clay,  if  yon  take  ihis  miscreant  to  your 
heart,  you  must,  with  the  benefits  resulting  T,  om 
his  attacks  upoiia  tcomun!  share  a  portion  of 
the  komr  of  such  an  association.  It  will  not  do 
for  you,  afte:-  degrading  yourself  by  volunta- 
ry companionship  w  ith  a  coward,  whose  versa- 
tiUty  in  ir.fumy  fits  liim  at  once  to  be  the  scav- 
enger of  the  filth,  and  the  h'red  assassin,  of  h'.s 
party,  to  repudiate  his  flic  ndship .  Vou  must 
be  content  to  go  down  toposleiity,  (if  the  poor 
reptile  can  li^e  beyond  tire  Summer  sui.  that 
w.arms  him  into  e.x'istence,)  as  the/rfu.s  .Scliatss 
of  him  who  was  publicly  and  ignominiously 
chastised  for  his  treasonable  loryisin  durii^g  our 
recent  war,  andh-is  since  added  a  higher  claim 
to  baseness  by  calumniating — widely,  falsely 
calumniating,  a  virtuous  and  veneiahle  woman ! ! 
And  for  what  ?  To  make  her  husliand  odious, 
by  catering  for  your  ambition  and  lustofpow- 


When  we  apprize  the  public  that  of  this 
atrocious  pamphlet  at  least  twenty  thoMsand  co- 
pies have  probiioly  issued  fi'om  the  press  in 
this  city, the  expense  of  y.hich  has,  in  all  like- 
hhood,  been  defrayed  fre  7!  some  one  of  the 
contingent  funds  of  the  Departmen.ts,  by  im- 
due  profits  allowed  or.  pubhc  piinting,  it  will 
be  possible  to  estimate  the  indefatigal.dc  malice 
of  the  masterspirits  of  the  Coalition  and  their 
humble  tools.  ' 

But  what  will  tiie  gallant,  chivalrous  and     . 
higb-minded  freemen  of  our  country  think,  - 
when  they  are  informed  that  the  large  ■'.  portion 
of  this  largo  •mi>ression  of  this  work  iias  been 
enveloped  at  the  Capito-,  by  the  messei\gersoi 
Congress,  in  the  public  stationary,  and  distribut- 
ei  under  the  frank  of  some   of  its  members!! 
We  st..te  and  avouch  this  fact  on  the  liig-hest 
authoiity,   ai'.d  c'lallengc  contradiction.     The 
member  who  hts  been  the  most  wiUing  and. 
ihdustr'.tius  sli-.-e  in  this  loithsonie  (lrudg"iy,  is 
the  Nonorebk-  iVir.  John  S'oanc,  ;>f  CJhio,  whose 
chief  e  ecupation  at  this  i>bce,  is  to  be  the  privi- 
leged am&nncnsltof  ralumny.  This  patriot  in  tlie 
operation    of  franking  is  a  machine  of    vast; 
power  and  (  fficiency,  and  it  is  believed  that  th&. 
daily  falset;Ood  which  Messrs.  Gales  Ec   !jeatoii 
strike  off  by  steam,   is  not  evolved  with  the 
celerity  and  effect   witli  which  this   gentleman 
writes  "Free — John  Slnan;,"  on  the  caluinnics 
he  distributes,   not  alone  in  Olv.o,  but  as  it  will 
be  seen  by  the  siibjoini  d  ietter,  to  other  p-u'ts 
of  the  Union.     This  poor  hound,  taken  oft' of 
the  scent  of  the  six  mili  iamen,   by  the  lash  of 
public  opinion,    is  now   opening  on    another 
track,  for  which  the  instincts  of  the  animal  an,- 
ply  qualify  him.     In   real  life  there   has,  per- 
haps, never  L.en  exhibited  an  instance  of  sttoh 
vulgar,     iidomitable  mahce.     hhakspeare   has 
given  us-lK'.t  3  glimps"  if  wiiat  Mr.  .Sloane  Jiiust 
te,  in  the  mild  and  v.  r^:i\t  virtaus  of  Caliban. 

Frora  the  tirags  of  such  monsters  we  have 
done  little  else  tiian  to  rescue  Mrs.  Jackson. 
This  is  to  be  found  in  the  triumphant  vindica- 
tion which  we  have  just  presented  to  the  reader, 
'^'''eoerate,  indeed,  must  be  the  {urtunes  of  that 
faction,  wIiItAv.  having  exhaisteii  every  strata- 
gem which  cunning  «r  nialice  cotdd  supply, 
a.gauist  a  Soldier  of  two  wars  and  a  ch  :rished 
Patriot,  defeated,  convicteOj  «ndl  punished  as  it 

has  been,  now  turns  upon  an   ir.urnrn^ ,n,]^ 

unofTending  woman,  the  partner  of  his  fosom, 
the  vener.ibile  cornpan.on  of  hiii decliniup  j  ears — 
her  whose  .nfluenca  is  felr,  in  the  circit  where 
he  lives,  by  the  practice  of  every  virtue  Vi'iiich 
belongs  to  the  tenderness,  the  dignity,  thesen- 
sihihty  of  her  sex.  Mi;s  of  .America!  will  you 
end'ire  til's'  No!  The  impulse  of  public  p'ati- 
tude  will  hi  nerved  by  a  sense  o)  jusiice — .ant. 
the  vil  fiers  of  their  country's  honor,  the  poor, 
trafficking  huck.sters  for  her  offices,  and  the 
base  calumniators  of  a  We.'.i,».v,  deuncelessby 
the  publ'C  manacles  by  wiicii  her  husband  is 
bound,  will  be  consigned  o  a  common  .ind  un- 
mitigated infamy,  in  whieli  they  will  live  in  the 
detestat.on,  but  be  survived  by  tlie  -scorn  of 
their  counti'vmen 

Battletow.v,  (Va.)  M.arch  22,  1828. 

GetitkiMTi:  This  day's  mail   biougiit  to  tliis 

office  a  pamphlet  (addressed  to  George  H.Nor- 

ris,  Esq.  and  i'lanked  by  J .  Sloane,)  called  A 

View  of  General  Jackson's  Domestic  Relation.-. 


•lb 


Ui  reierence  to  his  fitness  tor  the  Presidency 
It  woul.l  b.,  well  for  ,  on  lo  take  especial  notice 
oi  tins  book— and  of  Mr.  sloane,  wlio  franks  it. 
Vours  in  haste, 

GEO.  S.  LANE. 
Messrs.  Gheew  &  Jahvis. 


.    The  ..otin.al,  a  paper,  once  edited,  and  now 
in  the  confidenc-    of  My.  Adams,  has  called  us 
to  account  for  presuming  to  dictate  to  tiie  Se- 
nate  upon   the   expected    nomina'^on    of   Mr.' 
Viebstcr.     These  gentleinen  are   very  solicit- 
ous about  t!,e  dignity  of  the  Senate!  But  as  ihe 
paroxism  is  sudden,  it  wAl   not,  probal  ly.  con- 
tn.ue  long.     How  lone;  is  .t  since  they  "abused 
tms  body  with  the  utmo.^t  intemperance,  for 
U.e  al.eged   rnme  of  pernultin;,^  Its   dehbera- 
tions  to  become  scenes  of  disorder?    But  the 
■fournal  's  on  a  vvronsr  scent.      VVe   never  at 
ternpted  dictation  to  the  Senat-,  or  any  ,t),er 
body.      VV  e  have  expres.sed  our  opi.rions  feelv 
and   mdcpendcntly   u])Ob   the   purity   of    Mr 
\Ve-bster;  and  shall  continue  to  pronounce  him 
uuwort.y  of  all  co„fidence,  as  a  duty  we  owe 
to  the  people.     If  the    Journal  cjnrot  sneak 
indepc-ndentl)',  it  is  not   a  proper  censor   of 
uiosc  who  can. 

The  .Tournal  deems  it  veiy  arrog-art  and  dis- 
respectful m  the    Printers  to  the   Senate,   to 
express  any  opmions  upon   the    ofHcial    pro- 
ceecimg,   of  that  bodj.     iilknce,  such  as  the 
Journal  recommends,  was  not  a  condition  upon 
•A-h'ch  we  accepted   the   trust  alludtd    to,    or 
would  accept  ,uiy;  nor  would  those   to   wlinse 
otcs  we  are  in  k-bted  for  it,  have  confeiTed  it 
upon  any  one  whom  they   thought  cspabit   of 
bemfj  purchased.     We  can  distinguish  between 
the  independent  republican  and  the  venal  syco 
Ijh.tiit.     The  one  can  accopta  public  trust  witli- 
out  rehnquish:„fr  hi.s  right  lo  criticise  the  pollt- 
cal  movements  of  those    who  ccmfer  it.     Tiie 
oth-  r  tlihiksthat  such  trust  renders  him  a  huiri- 
i>ie  drudge,  f'-o;n  whom  the  birlhri.ght  of  speak- 
ing- OI  ;hli;king  is  taken   avv?.v."    Vv'ien  we  at- 
tempt to  dictate,   we   wi!!   pL-ad  guilty    to    »i=o 
charge  of  ihe  Journal       \Vh  I?  v.- -..trely   dis- 
charge ourduiy  to  the    <^'i:-<-  as  printer.s,  and 
to  the  people  aS  editor.%  and  wliho.ii   violating 
tlie  courtesy  due""»'-y  body,  we  ca;.  ou'v  p'tad 
_sj„at..-i.,^ftK-£ha;-ge  of  bf.ng  different  from  the 
tacticians  of  that  chaste,  lirtao-M  and  ^bk  paper 


From  the  Ameriean  Sentinel. 

SUlVDAy  St;HOOL  UNION. 

The  application  for  the  incorporation  of  the 
Am_e:ican  Sunday  School  Un.c.-,  has  been  the 
.subject  of  mucti  discL -sum  in  i^  t  .ic.v  pf.pers 
;js  well  as  in  the  legislarive  hall.  The  sermo.v 
pr.-2Chcd  by  Dr.  lily  on  tli^  4:b  of  .luly  latt, 
havT.j,  been  hanr'lcd  severely  in  achate,  has  in- 
duced 'ts  republication  m  painrihlet  form,  to- 
.c^ether  .viih  an  appendix  designed  to  vindicate 
the  liberty  of  Christians.  Tliis  pair.pid.  t  cm. 
tains  extracts  from  the  speech  .>s  d  livered  in  the 
Senf.te  on  ti.e  bill  charierincr  the  Sun.'.ay  School 
Union.  This  r-a'nphlct  ,s  offered  for  .-alo  ;>;  A. 
Finley's  Bookstor.,  corner  of  Fourth  and  Ches- 
mit  Stitels.  fr;  n>  which  we  copy  the  comludin.' 
observations  of  the  author: 

To  the  honorable  g-entlctnen  who  have  in- 


troduced my  strmon  to  consmeraole  distmctioii 
I  tender  my  thanks,  because  their  strictures' 
whetlier  just  or  unjust,  will  have  a  tendency  to 
promote  the  consideration  of  the  truth,  and  the 
niore  extendeii  uiHuencc  of  Christian  principle 
in  our  futun-  elections.  ^ 

Some  of  the  errors,  however,  into  which 
these  learned  commentators  have  fallen,  ought 
to  be  co,rccted.  ° 

(I  is  mdtrut  th.at  I  have  ever  advocated  the 
union  oS  ChurcU  and  Sfale  in  any  publiction 
fror,.  the  pulpit  or  press:  but  or,  thecon^nirv  in 
mv  discourse  on  the  4tb  of  July  last,  the  "very 
discodrse  which  is  adduced  as  pVoof  of  a  di-no- 
sii.on  fr  endly  to  sue),  a  union,  it  is  distinctly 
Stated,  ^ 

"  1  would  guard,  however,  against  misunder- 
standuig  and  misrepresentation,  when  I  state 
thai  all  our  rulers  ought  in  their  official  stationi 
to  serve  the  Lord  Jesus  Chri,.t.  J  do  no/  wUh 
any  rehg.ous  test  to  be  prescribed  iy  constitution 
and  proposed  to  a  man  on  /i,s  acaptance  of  am/ 
piMic  trust,  miher  can  on,j  uMligenl  fr,.end 
of/r,s  cuun'ry  and  of  true  rtlig.on  de.ire  tlieestab- 
(^shment  of  o;,,  one  relig-oussKt  bv  clvU law.  Le> 
therehginn  of  tkt  Bible  rest  on  that  everlasimc 
rock  and  on  tJ,.ose  spi>,tual  laws,  on  lohich  Jeht 
vail  has  Jojnd'd  his  kingdom:  kt  Christm'u<u  bu 
thtypira  0)  Ckrist  in  her  menihers  support  Ser- 

ii.dj.  LET  CUUHCU  AKI)  StaTE  BE  FOn  EVEn  DIS- 
TINCT: but  still,  let  the  doctrines  ami  preceots 
ot  Christ  govern  all  men,  in  their  relations  and 
eniploj-ments." 

It  did  not  suit  the  cmvenience  of  the  persons 
who  furnislitd  the  Senate  with  e.xtracts  from 
my  s.rmo.i,  to  give  them  a  sight  of  these  lines, 
whca  ongmally  stuod  as  they  now  stand,  in  im- 
mediate  counexion  with  some  of  the  extra-ts 
published. 

I'or  twenty  years  past  I  have  publicly  return- 
ed thanks,  on  almost  every  Lord's  Day,  for  our 
CiVil  and  religious  liberties,  and  for  our  freedom 
mtliis  happy  country  from  :■•>  u^baUowed  union 
of  Church  ••>'»<«  aiaie;  .md  I  can  confidently  as 
SI.-.- my  Mlow-citizei.s,   that    there   i.s,    to   the 
be.st  efmy  knowledge  and  belief,  neither  Minis- 
or  nor  Elder  in  ti.e  Presbyteri.m  Church  m  the 
Umled  States   who  is  an  advocate  for  any  estab- 
lisnmen*  of  any  relig;ous  sect  by  any  civil  go.-ern- 
raent    Our  whole  system  of  PresbytenaiiCimrch 
g-cvrrnment  coincides  with  the  ci>i!  hbeity  and 
t.ie  representative  governm.Mits  of  our  cou'ntry 
All  our  pastors  are   chosen  by   tljeir   coiigrega- 
tioiLs   and,dl  our  ruling  El.ieis  in  our  Sessions 
and  Piesbyteries  are  the  repnsentalins  ot  the 
people. 

it  is  not  irxif.  that  I  ever  .vas  the  Agent  of  the 
Amencan  Sumlay  School  Union,  or  <'in  full 
cor:j,acn,e  jmd  l'-.:gue"  with  that  Institution,  in 
.h".se.i-"mw!!.,htwn  of  the  Senators  would 
convince  their  consu(uent.=  that  i  am  Lis' 
M".\  a  committee  of  the  Managers  ofthatUnion' 
requ.stcd  me  to  compile  their  annual  report 

tor  tiiem,  from  documents  which  they  furni-hed 
That  h-.bour  I  performed.  The  Managers  took 
my  compdation  into  their  own  hamh:  and  aher- 
ed  it  according  to  their  own  pleasure.  Subse- 
quently I  read  die  rep.:rf  in  purtlic.  At  a-iother 
tmu,  by  particular  request,  I  examined  a  small 
piibl  citiMi,  winch  they  re-prli,ted.  This  is  all 
die  connexion  I  ever  had  with  the  Sunday 
School  Union,  direct  or  indirect;  if  you  except 
the  purchase  of  a  few  '^f  their  books:   the  X. 


.aiiung  of  one  donation  m  books  irom  them  for 
Cantonment  LeavenA ortli,  in  tlie  Missciirl 
Territory;  ami  the  contribution,  latel}',  of  a 
small  sum  to  tlieir  funds.  It  is  not  more  than  3 
months  since  I  first  bucame  a  eabscriber  of  any 
thing'  to  this  truly  philanthropic  charity.  I  hope, 
however,  in  future  to  become  more  eHectually 
their  fellow  servant  in  their  bentvolciit  opera- 
tions, as  some  comper.sation  for  tiic  injury  in- 
tended tiiem,  and  parttilly  .lone  them,  by  tlie 
discharge  of  broken  tVagi:;enis  of  my  discourse 
attheir  devoted  tiead.  There  is  reason  to  iv.  pe, 
that  the  tesjstunce  which  tlie  School  Union  has 
experienced  in  the  Senate,  will  commend  it  to 
the  more  ardent  friendship  of  all  who  love  the 
progress  of  knowledge,  libert) ,  and  piety  in 
uur  la;id. 

R  was  an  error  in  the  honorable  Mr.  Duncan, 
to  speak  of  my  discourse  as  havintj  been  deliv- 
ered at  Norriitown.  He  was  [irobably  led  into 
this  mistake  by  some  raprtsmtations  m  the 
newspapers  of  a  sermon  which  I  preached  lii 
that  place  on  the  second  of  September  last. 

In  illustration  of  the  asserliiVi,  tliat  we  can 
form  correct  notions  of  the  moral  character  of  a 
being  whom  we  have  never  seen,  I  reminded 
my  hearers,  that  they  had  all  formed  some  con- 
ceptions of  the  mmai  character  of  vY^shington, 
and  ia.terly  of  General  Jackson.  My  notions 
of  bis  character  might  be  correct,  or  incorrect; 
but  I  would  tell  them  an  anecdote,  which  1 
thou.^'ht  conveyed  a  just  idea  of  him.  I  then 
stated  what  I  now  reiterate: 

That  between  three  and  four  years  prior  to 
the  General's  being  first  nominated  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Somcnille,  then 
an  accomphshed  young  officer  in  the  Navy,  but 
since  deceased,  informed  some  of  my  family 
connex  ons,  that  he  had  lately  spent  a  week  in 
the  General's  conipany,  at  his  own  house;  that 
the  General  appeared  to  him  to  be  greatly 
changed  in  several  respectj;  am.  that  the  Gene- 
ral baet  sai.l  to  him,  :,,  a  veiy  serious  and  ini- 
pressivs  manner,   "  You  M.O  «.»— »,n  ^pg^  j-r, 

SOKKilVILLE,  TII-4T,  WITHoPTTHUE  HEi:i<».«^ 
THEttB  !S  KO  HAPPiSESS  IN  TdE  PRESE.VI  LIT:., 
AND  S1SE  TO   BE    ZSPECTED    ij    TUB     SEXT."       1 

told  my  hearers,  that  this  ,s  a  true  saying;  and  I 
was  aware  that,  coming  from  a  distinguished  fel- 
low citizen,  it  might  have  some  influence  with 
somt  men  who  more  regard  the  word  of  their 
deservedly  favorite  Hero,  than  the  word  of  Gud. 
This  statement  has  been  shs.-nefullj  distort- 
ed; but  I  think  the  anecdote  worthy  of  any 
pulpi'.,  and  calculated  to  do  good.  »'ould  to 
God  that  many  admirers  of  General  Jackson 
would  record  tins  among  many  of  his  patri-itic 
and  excellent  sei.ti.Tients,  on  the  Ublets  of  their 
hearts!  fhe  -  w>jld  li  c.i  cease  to  thi.ik  him 
likely  to  prove  a  patron  of  their  exterminating 
party  zeal,  and  lictncious  hves.  1  have  re- 
pealed the  same  anec.lole,  years  age,  in  Fle- 
mington,  N.  J., ;  ind  in  A;:gust  lust  in  Hunting- 
don, in  this  State.  My  numerous  hearers  will 
rtjeoliect  the  anecdote  If  ever  the  General 
should  be  President,  as  I  freeiy  acknowledge  it 
is  my  hope  that  he  may  be,  I  may  predict,  ironi 
my  knowledge  of  him,  without  the  spirit  of 
prophecy,  that  he  will  disappoint  many  of  ids 
friends  and  foes,  by  being  the  imparti..!,  tem- 
perate, prudent,  and  e.\enipiary  Chief  Magis- 
".rate  of  the  whole  nation. 

Mr,  Duncan  has  intimated  that  mv  discourse 


on  the  4th  of  Juij',  "  was  preaoiied  in  favor  oi" 
the  election  of  General  Jackson."  How  far 
this  is  true,  every  person  who  will  read,  may 
judge  for  himself  Those  who  represent  Gen. 
Juckson  as  one  of  the  worst  of  men,  must  think 
ray  sermon  a  point  blank  shot  into  his  heart. 

Since,  however,  I  iiave  been  called  in  que?;- 
tion  about  my  politics  before  the  Senate,  1  will 
here  state,  for  I  fear  nothjngfrom  candor,  that 
Mrs.  Jackson,  (for  the  politics  of  the  uay  in- 
clude her,)  is  an  eminently  pious  woman,  and 
has  siista'iieti  this  character  for  about  a  quarter 
o"  a  cent.'.ry.  On  the  subjecfof  baptism,  I  be- 
lieve she  is  a  Baptist,  and  has  been  immersed. 
I  have  heard  no  evil  said  of  her,  by  those  who 
know  her,  unless  it  be  this,  that  she  prefers  a 
prayer  meeting  to  a  palace,-  and  this  n  ill  not  sink 
her  in  the  estimation  of  any  «  ho  do  not  forget 
their  religion  in  their  politics.  | 

Of  the  General  I  shall  s.ty,  that  he  is  as  far 
from  hypocrisy  as  any  man  living  ;  and  shall 
give  a  few  e.xtracts  from  some  of  his  letters, 
which  I  think  will  show  him  in  his  private  char- 
acter, in  a  true  light.  I  must  beg  his  pardon 
for  making,  without  the  opportunity  of  asking 
his  consent,  the  present  use  of  his  friendly  com- 
munications to  me. 

Underdate  of  Nashville,  Apr'i]  21st,  1823,  he 
thus  writes  me  on  the  subject  of  a  clergyman 
who  had  been  suspended  for  many  years  on  ac- 
count of  some  imputed  errors  in  doctrine; 

"  Sitt — Being  informed  by  my  friend,  the. 
Rev.  Mr.  C.  of  this  place,  that  the  case  of  the 
aged,  pious,  and  reverend  Thomas  B.  Craig- 
head, 13  to  be  discussed  before  the  General  As- 
sembly at  Philadelphia,  at  its  approaching  ses- 
sion, I  feel  it  my  duty  to  address  you  on  that 
subject. 

Having  known  Mr.  Craighead  from  my  boy. 
hood, — having  been  raised  m  the  neighbour- 
h-iod  in  which  he  commenced  his  ministry; — 
having  been  wafted  bj  fortune  to  this  Western 
Country,  in  which  he  had  settled  himself,  and 
presided  over  a  congregation  large  and  respect- 
able;— and  ha,  ,ng  for  the  last  tiiirty-fouv  years 
OtTnjr  i:t.  y^y^^i  w.thin  five  miles  of  his  house;  i 
an.    author.zec,  •.,.  j|,^^   ^   ^^^,^   ^ 

knowledge  ef  him,  boti,  ,„  ^.-^  ^^.^.^  ^^^, 
and  public  ministiy.  An.^^,  ^_.^  .^.^^ 
judgi.ig  the  tree  by  its  truiis,  I  can  '»i~— .^^.^^ 
truth  testify,  tuat  no  man  has  laboured  witu 
more  zeai  in  the  ministry,  and  that  none  have 
been  more  respected  for  piety,  or  more  re.ered 
as  Chnstians,  and  as  men.  He  iias  done  .much 
good,  and  would  have  done  still  more,  but  for 
tlie  u  h.;ppy  diflerence  which  arose  between 
him  and  bome  .f  the  clergy  in  Kentucky  on 
some  doctrinal  points.  This,  or  giiiating  warmth 
of  dscjv  on,  waiCa.Tied,  per  iap?,\ooiar;  and 
enlisting  advocates  nearly  poised  on  both  sides, 
limited  tue  extent  of  bis  services,  and  lias  end- 
ed in  his  su.spension  for  some  )ears: — a  circum- 
stance whicii  has  been  muci  regretted  by  a 
great  proportion  of  the  gcotl  citizens,  and 
Chrisiian  professors  here;  and  has  injuvnusiy 
aflTeqted,  as  I  believe,  the  Presbyterian  cause. 

To  see  a  venerable  man,  whose  hairs  have 
grown  gray  in  the  service  of  his  God  ;  a  man 
whose  walks  have  been  those  of  piety,  morali, 
ty,  and  the  benevolence  <!f  true  rehgion  ;  re- 
spected by  all — but  deprived  of  the  benKfit  or- 
communion,  and  for  that  which  many,  very  ma' 
ny  of  the  most  pious  PresbyteriRns,  cannot  re- 


4» 


o-.ra  as  inconsisteat  wUh  tlir  Hoiv  Scriptures,  freely  on  this  subject  astriose  nun.eious  Lditors 

which  are  'lie  i-uide  of  alt  Chrlst.ans  ;  has  filled  of  pap'^vs,  who  for  the  sake  of  abusing  tne  can- 

us  here  w*h  nilieh  rf  iri-ct  :  and  it  may  be  *.ruly  didatefortbc   Pr  sidc:>cy  whom  they  oppose, 

said,  that  nothing  wouUl  give  more  general  sa-  have  been  very  abundant  in  then-  vituperations 

tisfaction,  <>y  tend  more"  to  the  prosperity  of  of'oyself. 

thi-churrh,  than  his,  -.loration.  No  ..ffice,  no  world  y  emolument  do  I  seek. 

IJisu-  -M  is  evil  in  b.,ai  Chu'ch  rx.d  State  ;  I  feel  ..o  conviction  i  f  having   prostituted  the 

and   the  present  Is   the    period,  when    every  pulpit,  for  the  promotion  of  sinister,  party  pur- 

mci'.ns  consistent  with  tbe  principles  of  true  re-    post      "     '  "    '■  "'  -- 


ii<noii,  ought  to  be  emnloyed  to  lestore  haimo- 
iiv  ail''  iini-Jii  to  the  Chr'slian  canse.  'Tis  reU- 
"■lon  to  '.nculcate  ch  .rit'',  and,  if  a  brother  err,  to 
forgive  him  And  in  the  sinct  re  relianct  upon^ 
those  principles,  while  I  shall  be  rcquitted  o."" 
anj  v'-pw  to  di  ;tat.c  to  the  .-.i)"'  deliberation  of 
the  Asscnibly,  I  hope  that  this  audrtss  will  be 
excused,'  from  mv  desire  to  replreseni  fairly 
the  char'.cter  ot  thi  aged  and  pious  Mr.  Craig- 
head.. This  ;:lonc  has  been  my  motive  ;  and  to 
have  done  less,  would  have  been  injustice  to 

.'  /■         1- ,      11     ....     4.^    '^i..^    ;.,f<ii.OL.+c    f\k' 


Mv  desi  .;  is,  that  correct  rt  bgi on s  prin- 
ciples may  gb^  em  myself,  and  all  of  my  fellow- 
citizens  jn  nil  he  transactions  oFpnvatc  and  pub- 
lic hio.  1  fre  iv  confess  that  I  esteem  Gen.  Jack- 
ie jn  mich;  a>id  I  love  my  country  mui-h;  but  I 
love  (Jhrist  n^ore-  ■       ' 


PUOPOSALS 

For  pubHsking  onre  a  week,  from  the  1st  of 

March  to  the  15th  of  October, 

FOR  ONii  DOLLAR, 


i.yown  f--eling.  as  well  as  1, '{he  interests  of  United  3tate>^  Tdef^raph-^^ixz. 

tne  Church."       .  r>      r 


Uuder  date  of  .Washington,  .tan.  1st,   1824, 
on  th..  sa:ne  .subject,  t:     r:  '  writes  to  me: 

"Before  I  close 'tliis!>'.  m  ag.iin  permit 

ine  to  bring  to  voiir  vt^c  ci.v...  the  case  of  my 
aged  and  pious'iV'end,  tiie  Kev.  Mr.  Craighead, 
and  request  that  you  vv.l!  endeavor  to  have  his 
case  fin.a'.ly  coasidered  before  your  next  Ociie- 


A?:DKE%v  jACKfeON  is  Lhe  candidutt  of  the 
People.  But  umon  ar.d  coiicert  of  action  are  ne- 
ces^^ary  to  success.  The  ofganized  eSorts  of  the 
administration  are  Httevl  for  i  fiixt,  and  vigorous 
exertiins  are  required  t<:  conntfc.i.ct  them.  In 
aid  of  SUCK  exertions,  the  undersigned  have 
been  advised  to  .ssue  a  WEr^KLY  PAPER,  on 


ral  Assembly.     My  prayer  fe,  tlj.at-lie   may  be    ^^^^^.  ^j^^^  ^^ji,  ,.n,j;,,e  ^]^^^  mei-elv  to  defrav 

restored  to  U.s Church,  and  fellowsh.p  with  the    ^^^  expruoft  of  puOUc.ation.      Located  at  the 

1,11,1  tins  alone,  can    ^^.^^  ^,4-  GovernTent,  hiving  acc.^ss  \o  the  pab- 


Christian  brethren.  This,  and  this  alone,  can 
bring  h''sho«y  liead  in  peace  to  the  gnvt;." 

Suffice  It  here  to  say,  that  sonii  after  this,  the 
case  of  Mr.  Craighe-ui  was  finally  reviewed,  he 
v.'as  restored  .u  tiie  min'.sa-y  and  the  Prest.yterj- 
wilhiii  whose  bounds  he  resided,  with  the  full 
a;)probation  of  the  Assembly,  and  has  since  re- 
tired to  his  everlasting  rest.  ■     ■     ■ 

One  .short  extract  more,  is  from  a  letter  dated 
.at  hisH.fi-m.tage,  July  tStli,  iS2r,  in  which  the 
General  says: 


lie  lihraries,  and  the  command  of  official  docu- 
ments, -."Sscssiii^  already  a  Iar;^e  share  of  pub- 
lic confidence,  aijd  tb.e  advant  ges  of  a  cetityal 
position  and  extensive  correspondence,  they 
may  aver  that,  in  issuing  such  pabhcation,  they 
can  aid,  in  som;  degree,  the  .great  cause  of 
truth  and  the  P£<1PLE. 

If  noaierous  individualsthroughoutthe  coun- 
ti'v,  and  the  corresponding  committees  in  the 
several  States,  counties,  and  townships  cf  the 


Having  been  educated  and-brought  up  un-    u,,ion,  should  uiiite  irj^viiigJ*«!«u5a;iSn;  the 


uerthe  d;^cipline  oithe  Presbyterian  rule,  (my 
mother  being  a  member  o.  th.it  Church)  I  'i;ne 
alv/ays  hud  a  preference  for  it.     Am< 
<rreatcst  blessings  secured  tojja        . 
a .     !^         -     ,.,,,    ,.  ,  ....^.^-VcTrshipping  God  as 
.stitution,  IS  tne  iioert**^  •  1     p       . 

„  ,iiMo.tes.     A  i   trni    Chnsf.ans 
.-iiir  conscience  dicpv'- 

r-fTind  while  here  below  ought  to 


^^X^mzeT  for  all  nnist  unite  in  the  real^^s 
above.     1  have  timnghi  jne  e/idciice   of  tme 

eligion  is,  when  all  (liflsc  who  believe  in  the 
.•imple  atoiicTTient  of  otir  crucified  Saviour  are 
found  in  harmony  and  friendship  together. 

"  My  enemies  have  .hargtd  me  with  every 
r.rimt   out  hypocrisy.    I  believe  they  have  never 

alleged  this  against  me:  and  I  can  assure  you  joUNcTcALHOUnT 
no  ciiange  of  eireUiTistances,  no  exalted  oRloe 
can  tt'oi  k  a  change  upon  me.  I  wilt  remain 
iiniforiiily  the  sanr.e,  whether  in  the  chair  "f 
state,  or  at  the  Herniita.ge.  ^ly  habits  ai-e  too 
welt  ti.'ced  now  to  be  rdtered." 

Such  as  these  extr^icb-;  fiona  his,  letters,  v.-plt- 
ten  V  tiiout  any  conception  of  their  ever  being 
made  public,  indicate  him  to  be,  i  believe  Gen. 
eral  Jackson  is.  I  liavc  never  affirmed,  t>..t  he 
is  a  renewed  inan,by  tlie  power  of  Divine  grace. 
'I'hat  question  must  be  left  with  himself  and 
his  ■Maker.     .      . 

1  have  decl.ared  my  knowledge  of  the  fact.tbat 
lie  is  the  avowed^ ^'iend  of.Christianity:  and  I 

■.'uim  t'.ie   liberty  of  thinkiii.c"  ami   sneaking  as 


unders!eneA-'-«''^TJe  more  than  compensated 
f„.^f:e  labor  ihat  wi'l  devolve  on  tii_em,  by  the 
facility  which  it  will  afford  for  disseminating 
truth  among  the  people 

They  ttiercf -re  propose  to  publish  Tar. 
Untti'.d  States'  1  ..l>:'-saph  ESTK-'V,  wvekly, 
until  the  15th  if  October  ne.xt,  for  ONE  DOL- 
LAR, payable,  in  all  cmses,  in  advance  Tliix' 
■paper  will  be  derated  exclusiveli/  to  the  Presiden- 
tial election,  acil  wdl  coniainetnciaidocunients, 
and  such  essays,  original  anrl  selected,  a.s,  in 
the  judgment  of  the  Editors  wiU  most  pro- 
mote the  election  of  tlie  Democratic  Republi- 
can   Candidates,    ANDREW    JACKSON  and 


DUf  F  GREEN, 
RUSSELL  J  A  .{VIS. 

Thpy  also  iropt'ove  tMs.'ipportunity  to  infin-m  the  public 
tliat  the),  pubash  Ihi:  UNI  I  ED  STATfb'  •1ELGR\PH, 
duiy,  lor        ,-  -  '-      -g  10  pi-r  uniiniu. 

!>«.    ■  do.  ^    tbMe  times  per 

wet  k  during  th^  s'-isic.n  oiCmgfss^  and 
tM'ice  pi,-!*  wcik  iliiriiig  tho  I'TOrss,  tor  5  per  annuni. 

1)0.  &:  do  f  r  3  ptro  nioiith^. 

United  Stntes'Tcltgraph,  w  eekly,  for      4  per  annum. 

■J  brcf  Su1)scribt.r.i  uniting,  r.ntl  rt-uiitting  Ten  Dollar;; 
in  ciinent  biils,  will  receive  a  number  of  the  weekly  paper 
caeh,  for  one  year. 

Kxn«  weekly,  from  the  1st  of  M:>ich  t  thn  TSth  Octo- 
ber, eoiit^iiiiiug  .'>2S  snper-royal  octavo  pages,  iu  pamphlet, 
sticiieil,  OKE  DOLLAIl. 

.'  iCj'  The  first  number  will  ba.  furnished  to  those  wliQ 
beicatii-r  licr.oiu.i  bubserlbe^s. 


UMITED  STATES'  TEhEURAVR— Extra 


This  paper  will  be  lievoted  exclusively  to  tlie  Presidential  Election,  and  he  p  ib)i?lied  wfr-kiv,     '.  '■/ 
until  tlic  15th  of  Oclolier  next,  Ibv  Oh* /W/i.'--.  ",{ 

BY  GREEN  fy  JjlRVm. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  APRIL  5,  1828. 


No.  4 


From  the  Nashville  Republican. 

Totht  Editors  of  the  Richmond  Enquirer. 

(icntlcinen:  Since  my  List  coniniunicition,  I 
have  read  the  addresa  reported  by  Mr.  Johnson 
ti  the  Adams  convention  in  Richmond,  and  I 
lihd  it  to  be  a  fabric  of  simuiHtod  fears  raised 
i.j>  a  foundation  of  anticj»iitcd  slanders — void 
of  facts,  destituto  of  triun,  and  patched  up 
with  theological  zeal  and  forensic  strati.gem.  It 
reminds  me  of  the  men  of  straw,  dressed  in 
i^ast  off  li.its  and  coats,  and  stationed  as  scare- 
'•■i;n\V3  in  the  cornfields  of  Virginia.  Decked 
in  the  pap-stained  garments  of  Binns,  Gales 
r;nd  Hammond,  it  is  caicdatcdto  deter  very 
close  examination;  but  as  it  is  avowe<Uy  the 
work  of  Mr.  .lohiison,  and  looked  on  by  him 
'.fiththe  eyes  of  Pygniaiion,  I  risk  the  displea- 
siire  of  fastidious  readers,  and  undertake  to  ex- 
pose it. 

But  do  not  the  proceedings  of  liiis  conven- 
tion give  birth  to  a  reflection  too  solemn  to  be 
(muttered — that  in  tiie  ruliiig  state  of  tliis  con- 
federacy, a  commonwealth  teeming-  with  p.i- 
triotism',  and  rich  in  renown,  Vr-hich,  "when 
asked  for  her  jewels,  still\>omis  to  hersons" — 
^mcn  of  higii  station  and  repu'.e  sl\ould  be  found, 
icpncerting  by  an  organized  ifi'orl  tlie  reaov.a- 
lion  of  exploded  falsehoods,  in  order  to  tarnith 
the  fame  of  a  private  citizen,  whose  jjieat  ex- 
ploits and  popuhr  virtues  make  him  formidabie 
lo  a  weak  and  corrupt  administration?  And 
does  it,  not  add  to  the  gloom  of  Otis  reflection, 
1  fiat  the  holy  places  of  jirayer  and  the  exalted 
tribunals  of  justice,  should  furnisii  recruits  to 
this  conspiracy  ag.dnst  the  character  of  a  ve- 
iierable  patriot,  and  the  lilierty  of  a  youthful 
repiibiic?  Eutletiuit  the  lover  of  freedom — 
let  not  the  votjiries  of  truth  despaii — let  not  the 
fViends  of  tlie  country  tremble.  The  PtoPLK 
are  not  only  the  fountain  of  political  power, 
hut  of  political  hope.  tJuarded  by  the  pres?, 
vliicb,  m  spite  of  the  expeiRive  i  librls  of  .Mr. 
Clay  to  seduce  or  inlimiclate  it,  is  yet  free,  tlie 
institutions  of  our  country  will  iind  strength 
ami  perpetuity  against  the  m,ichiiui lions  of  the 
few,  in  the  pure  love  of  I'-eedoin  wincli  ani- 
mates the  great  body  of  tiie  nati'-ii.  To  tlieir 
S'lre  and  s.igaciuus  patriotism,  it  is  perhaps  for- 
tun  lie  that  fre<iU';nl  appeals  are  iiece."S.iry. 
I'.ven  tlie  labors  uf  the  K.chmoiul  convention 
nny  in  this  way  prove  useful,  as  ihe  s€ij)ciits 
•vine".  Hercules  strangled  in  hi.":  i;".'.dle,  may 
be  supposed,  to  iiave  invigovalcd  liiin  for  tne 
greater  task  of  ck.uising  the  AUj^eaii  stable. 
There  is  cortainly  much  to  admire  in  the  rliele. 
rit".  and  t!ie  reason  of  .Mr.,loiii:suii,  in  fotiiidii),?  a 
claim  for  tiic  convention  to  peCT;l  .r  sineeritv 
aiid  particular  attention,  upon  thi  reiiiurkalils 
fact  of  the  mo;ilh  ci' January  f  wlu'.i  liity  chcise 
to  assemble)  being  X\  "  inclciiicnt  season!" 
But  he  might  have  ntentionid  a  n.uch  mc.re  ex 
traordinary  (■ipi.nmst;Hlce>   ai   '  ' 


attraction  of  more  general  notice.  He  might 
have  told  the  people  of  Viiginia  that  he  and 
his  compatriots  were  careful  to  select  the  day 
which  iiad  been  coiisecriited  by  more  than  half 
the  nation  to  the  lionor  of  fieneral  .lack^on  and 
to  public  gratituile — tlie  day  on  vvhicii  the  al 
tars  of  freemen  burn  with  inccns;-  and  theii' 
hearts  with  joy,  for  the  more  signal  and  em 
bittereil  opportunity  of  pouring  out  upon  hini 
a  collected  torrent  of  abuse.  That  while  the 
people  of  Louisiana  were  haJlirg  him  as  their 
saviou!',  the  legislature  as  their  deliverer,  the. 
ladies  as  their  protector,  the  children  as  their 
guardian,  and  the  patriarch*  its  his  friend,  they 
had  predetermiueu  to  be  employed  in  denounc- 
ing liira  in  the  name  of  tl;at  very  iegislat'i;  e 
and  that  very  people,  as  the  slave  of  ignobio 
passions,  tlie  tyrant  of  Louisiana,  tlie  enemy  c' 
the  people  he  saved,  and  the  foe  of  tli.at  iiber  ■ 
ty  which  he  Jefended.  This  would  have  con- 
stituted as  eHiscuve  an  appeal  to  public  notice 
as  the  shivering  allusion  to  a  January  journc}-. 

This  frigid  exordium  gives  place  to  a  scale 
of  their  opinions  respecting  Mr.  Adams,  terr- 
derly  graduated  from  a  shaile  of  modest  objec- 
tion, to  the  florid  glow  of  courtly  adulation, 
where  the  manly  tone  fur  which  Ciiapmaii 
Johnson  once  had  credit  through  Virginia,  is 
artfully  tost  in  the  (jathic  and  pelisiimed 
phrases  of  the  Whig;  alkl  for  a  harsh  and  un- 
qiiahfied  a'vowu  of  tlieir  liostiiity  to  Gen.  Jack- 
son. "Most  of  us,"  .say  tiiey,  ''approve  the 
geriend  course. of  the  administration,  have  con 
fidenne  m  itsvir'ue,  its  patriotism,  its  wisdom, 
and  see  iiotlung  to  condeirnin  tlie  President's 
interpretation  of  the  federal  constitution." 
"  The  measui'es  wliich  s<ime  disapprove  in  the 
present  administration,  none  could  hojie  tose.e 
amended  under  tliat  of  General  Jackson.'' 
"  Tile  constitutioij  which  we  would  preserve 
frrini  the  ioj  libend  interpi  etution  of  Mr.  Adains, 
we  would  )  et  more  zealously  defend  again:! 
tlic  destroying  hand  of  his   ival. " 

U'itli  these  fair  and  well  digested  sentiment^, 
Mr.  Johnson  •proceeds  to  co;.trovert  the  accu- 
rai^y  of  the  general  belief  that  Jackson  is  the 
favorite  of  Jhe  people:  in  doing  which,  he  falls 
into  what  logicians  call  a  vic'oits  cirrh,  forget- 
ting evidently  liiat  the  best  possible  proof  o.f 
that  fact,  is  the  gMK-ral  belief  of  it.  Audit 
happens  accoi-Khngly  th.at  the  only  leasonubK; 
^an  uf  his  arguuKut  on  tills  point,  i.-  what  li- 
doubtless  thought  no  argument  at  all — viz.  a 
positive  dcnra!  of  it.  Ije  next  endeavors  to  re- 
hut  f.-:  ot-jettioiis  wliich  have  so  wideli  pre- 
vailed and  I'l  on  So  completely  eB'.,\bli>lied,  to 
the  Itibt  c'.ertiyii,  by  mitreprusenting  them,  ss 
fJu'cJ!  I'-^Kgivc  themselves  a  comiuandover  1i  e 
car.is  ijy  .stocking  them. — "The  Iriends  ol'  ge 
Per  d  Jackson,"  he  asserts,  "  insist  that  b  s  piu 
nditj  (,;'-,  uie-i  at  the  last  election,  fs".  ^edliim 
to  be  Ihe  choice  of  the  nation."  '  KO*.  t'le  fact 


1 


30 


»:-,  Uie  mcijLis  oi'  CjucimI  ,U.i.:kioi)  h:ive  done  his  tntertaaicra.  Its  liuviiig'  been  iaui>iea  ijy 
no  such  thing.  'I'liey  eaiitended,  and  do  new  a  set  of  Virginia  politicians,  removes  those  ob- 
f^ontend,  that  his  plurality  of  votes,  placing  him  jectjons  which  occur  to  giving  it  even  brief 
nearer  to  the  point  of  popular  preference,  made"  consideration. 

discisive  by  the  constitution,  than  either  of  his        It  is  to  be  obserCcd  that'  the  charge  of  Mr. 
competilors,  ic  was  tlie  duty  of  the  representa-    Kremer  wasprospcctive;iniportedthat  Mr.  Clay 
lives  of  the  people,  when  tliey  came  to  estimate    and  his  friends  would  vote  for  Mr.  Adams;  and 
tile  comparative  claims  of  the  candidates,  to  al-    that  in  consideration  thereof,  Mr.  Clay  was  to 
!q,w  this  circumstance  great  weight,   and  make    be  appointed  Secrotaiy  of  State.      As  soon  as 
it  overbalance  strong- preferences  for  his  rivals,    this  charge   was  avowed  by   Mr.    Kremer,  Mr. 
pjstrriigprepossessionsagaiiisthimself. — 1  lity    Clay  appealed  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
ViIrtliOT  maintained  that  when  the  right  of  choice    for  a  solemn  investigation  of  it,  before  the  elec- 
was  transferred  from  electors  appointed  by  the    tion — before    either  of  the  overt  acts  prospec- 
p.^ple,  to  electors  delegated  liy  the  State.s,   a    lively  charged  by  Kremer  could  have  occurred, 
fact  which  had  not  arisen  in  t!ie   first  process,    Mr.  (Jlay  could  not  vote  for  Mr.  Ad.ams,  nor  Mr. 
should  have  had  a  fair  operation  in  the  second    Adams  appoint  Mr.  Clay,  before  the  election. 
— viz.    t'tttt  in  several  of  the   western    States,    Did  it  argue  any  thing  like   inr.ocence  in  Mr. 
where  Jackson  w.as  s-econd  to  Clay  before  the    Clay  to  defy  Mr.  Kramer  to  prove  tlie  charge, 
ngopte,  he  b»came  first  a.^  soon  as   Clay  was    at  a  time  when  its   consumnr.Htion,  its  only  sub- 
withdrawn.     Mr.  Johnson  describestl-e  prima-    stantial  proof,  liad  not  been  effected;  and  when 
.-V  election  as  popular  and  the  secondary  as  fe-    it  was  in  the  power  of  Mr.  Clay  himself  to  dis- 
aWhairl  he  must  admit  that  the  moment  which    appoint  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  inteii- 
luivanced  the  process  from  the  primary  to  the    tion  that  could  be  exliibitedjtiy  declining  to  give 
secondary  stage.expunged  the  name  of  .Mr.Clay    the  vena!  vote,  and   to  receive  the  mercenary 
from  the  list  of  candidates,  and  left  the  popular    appointment.     The  fact  that  he  did  challenge 
wfll  of  those  States  to  operate  in  favor  of  jack-    an  investigation  at  a  time  when  it  was  Impossi- 
sou,  Adams  or   Crawford.       Their  dc^legalions    ble  to  convict  him,  and  has  declined  one  since 
w.ere  bound  to  give  a  genuine  expression  of  that    it  was  possible,  is  proof  sufficient,  if  other  proof 
will,   and  to  gather  it  from  such  facts  as  were    did  not  abound,  that  the  motive  of  venality  al. 
ther\  before  them.       They  had   to  determine    kged  again.^t  him  by  Mr.  Kremer  really  exist- 
whp  was  the  most  popular  in  their  respective    ed.*     Let   those   who  maybe  so  far  be^'uil. 

States,  Jackson,    Adams  or  Crawford.     If  the    

Kentucky  dek-^gation  looked  to  their  polls,  they 
found  that  the  same  evidence  which  proved 
Mr.  Cl.ay  to  stand  before  General  Jackson  in 
the  popularity  of  Kentucky,  proved  General 
Jadtson  to  stand  before  Mr.  Adams  or  Mr. 
Crawforil.  They  knew  that  some  of  their  own 
body  preferred  liim  ^-en  to  Mr.  Clay;  that  a 
iMgemajopityjjf  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky 
were  in  favor  of  his  election;  and  that  a  i.;;cnera! 


/ 


•In  a  case  like  Mr.  Clay's,  where  the  judf-mcnt  is  to  ope- 
rate on  thecoiiceaieil  motives  of  the  mind,  it  would  appc&r 
lh»t  thi  btsl  evidence  is  to  be  derived  from  tlie  justificatory 
declaralioTij  ofihe  accuirdjierson.  Ai'  otliercircurastancea 
have  '  -jt  a  y  bab  ecounexion  with  hs  iiiolive3,lhesehflvea 
necess..iy  on-.  1  he  J(!r:;er  are  directed  at  them,  the  latter 
proceed  froi-i  ibeiu;  ar.uwh  rever  they  coiiHict  with  truth, 
the  show  to  demonstrTtion,  a  couiciuusnessc.f  gunt,  andau 
effort  to  conceal  i.  Toapp.ythis  rue— in  fail  eircularttr 
his  .-oiislitue  .ts,  of  .Mai-eli,  1823,  his  first  real  attempt  at 
jiisiificjuioti,  he  says:—*-'!  f'  a'),l  nijse  f  trj^nsfornieil  from  u 
canoidat   before  tlt^  ,,  -  i-le,  to  pii  eleciorfor  ti.L  people.    I 

impcessjon,  rcstmi,-  on  a  mass  of  undoubted    deliberately  ,xai.i.,rfi!,..  duties  .n«d,i;t  to  Oiis  new  afi- 

,1  .     '   ,     .,     Tu  4.  i     »,        /•!     ,',  tude.   Hid  weighrti  all  ih-  fads '.fore   ii.e,up:i>  which  ir.y 

tacts,  existed,  that  he  was  next  to  Mr.   CJay  in  judgm.  nt  «-.istobe  foiuKd  or  revi.wcd,    if  th*  eagerness 

the  estimation  of  the  western  people.  of  anj  of  tin  hjate.i  p  utisans  of  the  i-spectivt  candidates 

n-.t  -I      «    1      1-  ..f.,  ...,.>-.  ..-k:,-K    t-Vio,-  suirirestetl  a  taiklinessin  thi    deeia.ation  of  lay  n.'enlions,  I 

These  were  the  only  facts  Ujion  v,hich   thev  ^^^-t  ,,^.j  ,j^^,,he  ne«  relanan  in  wh.eh  I  was  placed  to  ti,..- 

could  found  a    faithful   course  ot    action    at  the  suhjert.iinnsed  on  mean  obnpitioi.  to  ..aysome  respect 

time,  and  they  could  leave  no  doubt  that  >fUiey  •»  llVS'^/^^'^'l^'-'iJIllJ-^rrh^s'in?:!?^  1 

made  the  WlU  of  the  people   the    rule    OI    tlieir  ^c^r  he  became  tiamlbrmed  into  unelectw  for  the  people, 

conduct,  ihev  should  vote  for  General  Jackson      both  because  he  was  l.eset  by  beaied  panisans,  and  because 
*  --  ,       ,       .  ,.    ,       Ills  new  relation  to  thee. teiioii  imposed  on  luiii  ob.lgatious 

of  delirac)  and  decorum.  But  i..  ins  pamphlet,  his  last,  or 
rathei-.  his  latest  attempt  at  justilicauoii,  he  says,  (p.  13.) 
'*  Mr.  EouUgny,  Senator  fro;.  Lonisidlia,  bore  to  me  the 
first  jiutbe'nlit  infurinati' 11  whi  hi  leceivedol  th=..  vote  of 
Louisiana,  and  c.  nsi'#^i.tntly  of  my  i-xclusionfiom  the  house. 
And  yet  in  out  firsi  interview,  in  answer  to  sii  inquiry 
which  he  made,  i  toUihiiu  without  hesitation,  IhaL  I  should 
vote  fitr  Mr.  Adanism  prtl-r.uce  to  Gen.  Jackson.'*  Was 
this  tardiness,  <  ii-acy,  or  decorum?  In  the  very  "  first  in- 
leruew,"' and  on  the  very  first  inquiry,  after  he  *'fijund 
hinise*,  placed  in  the  ni  w  attitude  of  elector  for  the  peo- 
ple.'' si.fiirfroin  Ti.-ing  taid>,  delicate,  or  decorous,  on  the 
subjeciie  avow;  his  intentions  "  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  in 
preference  to  Geo.  Jackson."  Xow  suppose  a  man  to  cociu 
to  his  li^aihby  bemg  j^oisoned  with  arsenic;  and  th.it  a  sus- 
pected persop,  when  anr.iKned  for  the  niuidc]-,  should,  up. 
on  lii^  first  e\aniin-nion  alhnn,  that  the  arsenic  which  he 
houghu  *vSs  all  used  in  paisonii/g  rats,  and  on  his  second  that 
he  hae  Ix-nghtno  aisenicat  all,  would  not  his  conlrail-ction 
rivet  on  t;  e  minds  of  the  jurj  a  conviction  of  bis  guilt' 
And  yetitisnotso  flagrant  as  that  of  Mr.  Clay— for_  one 
branch  of  bis  is  carried  out  into  a  compla.nt  agauist  *'heat- 


The  course  of  events  has  evolved  others  v.hich 
confirm  tiiat  conclusion.  The  elections  in  Ken- 
tucky, Missouri  and  Illinois,  have  proved  in- 
contestably  what  Mr.  Johnson  earnestly  denies, 
that  in  the  last  Pre.sidenlial  election,  "  the  will 
of  tire  people  was  improperly  disappointed  by 
their  representatives."  That  is,  if  the  people 
who  elected  Messrs.  Daniel,  Yancey,  Chilton, 
l^yon,  Duncan  and  Kates,  to  the  preterit  Con- 
gres-s,  know  their  own  v.ill  as  well  us  SL-.  John- 
son docs. 

The  charge  of  corruption,  which  Mr.  Clay, 
fixed  upon  "himself  and  his  tie.xiblc  friends  at 
vKe  last  election — under  which  some  of  tliem 
pine  in    painful   obscurity,     and    he    himself 

wi'ithesin  splendid  disgrace — Mr.  Johnson  af-    

lirms   \vas   met  bv  Mr.  Clav  assoon  as  it  was    ei|iariisans,"  ondimoa  claim  to  therefiDement  of'deli- 
^'        t  1     '•         1  i'    1    .    :♦.,    ..,.-. ,.,,„.t a ,.£.     caev  and  d^^carum."    Again..-He insists  (p.  i8.J  that  on  the 

preferred,  and  aoaildoned  by  its  suppoiters  ijt^  Dee.  when  the  vote  of  Louisiana  and  his  consequent 
when  they  were  challenged  for  proof. —  exclusionti-oui  the  House,  were  oniy  conjectured  from  re. 
'rht5  The  reader  will  at  once  r'-coenise  as  the  po",  >""  authentically  known,  and  of  course  wi,en  he  was 
inistne  leaaerwiu  at  oin-e  lhj^iii^c  -^  \-'^  but  ha'f  "translWiued  imo  an  elector  for  the  people,  he 
empty  and  mcau.ious  langiia!',e  ot  Wr.  l^lay  [ou  i,n-.JiuiiesB.irbour,  v^uihadhimself  just  been  trans- 
himscir,  on  those  occasions  upon  V,-hich  he  has  lormcd  f.om  an  '-laser  partismi"  of  .Mi-..C'ravvfoid,  toan 
'  '         ...     ,    ,,     „„„,,    „    '      L-      ^v,„„_    .,„,l     "  eager  partisan"  of  Mr.  Adaras.that  '-in  the  event  of  the 

been  permitted  to  e.xchange  hl»  cheap  ancl  ..^mS^t  bVlng  nanowed  down  to  Mr.  Adams  ami  Gen.  Jack- 
S'lSCOn  elftouence,  for   the   \vir:ear.d  mutton  of    scn.he  vias  rnfavorclMr.  Adams."    And  to  prove  still  fur- 


51 


ed  by  die  sophistry  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  pa-  stitueiits,"  ho  declares,    '-lias  1)6611  torn  iron, 

rasites  as  to   liope   for   any  relief  to   his  re-  its  context,  misinterpreted,  and  used  03  the  ao 

nutation  from    Mr.    Kremer's    failure   to   con-  tliority  upon  which   the  President  is  charged 

vict  him,   suppose  for  a  moment  that  Paul-  with  the  heresy,  that  the  representative  owes 

iWr.g,  Williams   and  Van  Wart,  who  captured  no  obligation  to   the  will  of  his   constituents." 

Andre  and  led  to  the  detection  of    Arnold's  The  spirit  of  a  recent  convert   seems   here  to 

treason,  had  only  charged   him  with   intending  animate  the  languidformality  of  Mr.  Johnson^- 

to  deliver  up  West  Point  for  a  lucrative  appoint-  style,  and  there  is  something:  soft  if  not  lender, 

ment  in  the    British    Army.     Suppose   Arnold  in  his   lament  over  the  fate  of  this   exquislXt 

had  then    demanded    an 'investigation  of  this  figure  of >lr.  Adams!— 
charge  before  a  military  tribunal,  and  had  chal- 
lenged its  supporters  to   the  proof.     Suppose 
tlurse  patriots  had  failed,  as  they  must  have  done, 
to  convict  him— th:it  he  had  then  held  the  trea- 


"Oh.hadit  tJiou,  cruel!  been  content  to  seize 
Hiiirs  less  iu  s.giit,  or  uny  liairs  but  these." 


sonable  correspondence  with  Sir  H.  Clinton 
and  received  tlie  lucrative  appointment — would 
it  be  possible  to  extract  any  proof  of  his  inno- 
cence from  the  result  of  the  investigation' 
Could  any  fiiend  of  his  attempt  such  an  im- 
position on  tlie  common  sense  of  mankind;  or 
Would  the  most  sceptic;d  historian  consider  this 
circumstance  asdiminishingby  agrain  of  doubt, 
the  mas-s  of  evidence  against  him?  The  par- 
rallelism  of  these  cases  cannot  be  denied;  and 
the  only  historical  variation  between  them  is. 


But  Mr.  Jolinsonhasevidentlynothiiigofpoetry 
in  his  soul,  but  the  fiction,  and  his  sorrow  will 
accordingly  be  found  to  be  more  causeless  than 
that  of  Belinda.  In  that  paragraph  of  the  mes- 
sage  which  begins,  "The  spirit  of  improve- 
ment is  abroad  upon  the  earth,"  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  nation  are  told  tliat  "Liberty  is 
power;  that  the  nation  blessed  with  the  largest 
portion  of  liberty,"  (intimating  his  inbred 
oiiinion  that  even  the  freest  nation  ought  to  be 
under  a  wholesome  reservation  of  liberty  by 
their  rulers,)  "must,  in  proportion  to  its  num- 
ber.s,  be  the  most  powerful  nation   upon  earth; 


that  Arnold's  emissary  was  apprehended,  and  ^^j  ^^^^^  tj^g  tenure  of  power  by  man,  is,  in  the 

that  Clay's  has  not  been.     How  cruelly  absurd  ^gy^\  purposes  of  the  Creator,  upon  conditiou 

then  is  it,  for  the  adherents  of  the  Secretary  of  that  it  shall  be  exercised  to  ends  of  beneficence, 

State  to  recur  to    this   mock   investigation    in  jg  improve  the  condition  of  himself  and  his  fel- 

chanting  his  praise;  and  how  desperate  must  be.  Jowmen.     While  foreign  nations,  less  blessed 

,  .-         r  ,u  ..  •-  .1         *,-_    ...i...-!,  ^^.^j^  ^j^^^  freedom  wliich  is  power,   than  oiiv- 


thecondition"  of  that   man's  character,   wliicii 
when  criminated  by   the   circumstances  of  1 


lis 
own  conduct,  can  be  vindicated  only  by  a  mode 
of  justification  which  leads  directly  to  the  de- 
monstration of  his  guilt?  The  author  of  the 
address  adds  to  this  ab.surdity,  another,   which. 


selves,  are  advancing  with  gigantic  strides 
the  career  of  public  improvement,  were  we  tt 
slumber  in  indolence,  fold  up  our  ai-ms,  and 
proc)aim  to  the  world,  that  we  are  palsied  by 
the  will  of  our  constituents,  would  it  not  be  tr 
as  he  is  an  expert  and  approved  attorney,  is  cast  away  the  bounties  of  Providence,  and  dooiii 
as  remarkable  as  it  is  obvinus.  He  asserts  ourselves  to  perpetual  inferiority?"  it  must  be 
that  General   Jackson  has  given  the   sanction  -  ■  '  ■  -  •   • 

of  his  name  to  the  charge  of  corruption  un- 
der which  the  Secretary  Ubours.  It  will  be  re- 
membered that  ilr.  Clay  himself  has  eagerly 
assumed  this  position.  But  it  is  in  direct  op- 
sitioii' to  truth.  Gen.  Jackson  has  never  adopt- 
ed the  charge  or  given  it  tiip  sanction  of  his 
name.  He  has  only  testified  to  a  fact  having 
connexi^-n  with  it,  and  instead  of  being  a  pro- 
secutor, he  i"  a  witness — a  distinction,  to  which 


confessed  that  this  passage,  which  wouhl  be  as 

well  placed  on  a  page  of  Newton's  Principia  as 

in  a.  President's  message,   is  sufficiently  tumit. 

and  obscure,  and  cannot  be  chj.rged  with  any 

very  du'ect  signification.    But  its  import,  when 

carefu'ly  interpreted,  certainly  amounts  to  thib. 

ly.ere  are  tu--'   )'  les  of  poliiicu!  action  for  our 

government — u'.f,    derived  from  that  condition, 

{'jure  divi.'ioj  whickin  the  execution  of  his  mor- 

ul  piirpoies  the    Creator  attaches  to  the  tenure  oj 

noordinaiy  intemperance    of  zeal   could  have   pau;era'.idthe  possesion  of  liberty, which  iapcrwer, 

blinded  Mr.  Johnson.  4^  ,„c„.    7?,.  other,  that  which  emanates  from  the 

These  abortive   attempts  to  justify  the  last    ^^m  of  the  people.    Under  the  operation  nf  the  firs,: 

election,  antl  to  criminate  all  who  were  offended    ^„/(,^  foreign  nations,  cnjoijing kss  if  that  lilert;, 

by  its  impurity,  are  preliminary  to  a  formal  vin-    j^./jjVA  ;g  power,  than  ourselves,  a7id  consequently 


dication  of  tlie  conduct  and  doctrines  oi  the 
President,  and  to  a  studied  and  detailed  misre- 
presentation of  every  feature  in  Gen.  Jackson's 
character,  and  every  act  of  his  life.  In  confor- 
mity with  this  divisicn  of  his  su'oject,  Mr.  John- 
son imputes  the  general  di-^satisfactifjn  which 
succeeded  the  first  .ncssage  of  Mr.  Adams  "to 
(mwarrant;ible.  inferences"  drav.'n  from  some  of 
his  expressions  by  the  "ftctious  opposition;" — 
thus,  notwithstanding  his  loyal  hatred  of  military 


less  energetically  impressed  by  the  condition  at- 
tached by  the  Creatirr,  (a  its  tenure,  are  advancing 
with  gigantic  strides,  in  the  caretr  of  public  im- 
provement, and  exerting  their  power  "to  ends  cf 
beneficence,"  in  conformity  ivilh  the  ntoriJ pur- 
poses of  our  Creator.  Ifv:e  do  7iol  nLa  advance 
"with  gigantic  strides  in  the  career  of  public  im- 
provenient" — if  we  forbear  !o  e.vert  o-jr  power  "tc 
ends  oJ  bcntficenc'',"  we  st'all  "cast  away  the. 
bounties  of  Providence  and  doom  ourselves  to  per- 
" t^kallr-:- 


chieftains,  adopting  the  old  mihtary  maxim  of  p^^al  inferiority  to  foreign  nations." 
carrying   the    war   into  the   enemy's    country,     ^^n  f^„„(  ^/,g  ^^.g^,^  „,/g  which  is  imposed  by  the. 
■  ■     -  ■  •  ...      .-  ^,     ■  ,  V  .    ._    J* .._..!    . !._;?.•       V...*  — 


the    war 
The'pi^rase  "palsied  by  the   will  of  our    con- 


ther  hW  "tardiness,"  **  delicacy  an;t  decorum,"  he  avers 
(p.  19,20,J  Ih.u  iminetii,  teljr-  alter  the  2O1I1  of  Doc.  »hen 
Mr.  BouliipiT  gave  hioi  the  lirst  authrntic  informaljon  of 
his  exclusion  fiom  tli.-  Hunse,  and  consequent  transliirma- 
tioninlo  "an  elector  for  tie  people,"  he  told  (ieii.  LaTay- 
e(te  ''that  tse  had  concluded  to  vote  lor  ^  Mr.  Adams." 
These  contradictions  carry  ihe  eviden«;e  ajains*.  him,  as  lar 
t>  ihf?  force  ol  moiiil  Drool  can  iro. 


Creator  upon  free  nations,  and  shall  in  fact  pro- 
cla'ni  to  the  world  that  we  arc  reduced  by  the  will 
of  our  constituents,  to  a  political  impotence  as  fee- 
ble and  uncouth  as  the  muscular  action  of  a  pal- 
sied frame. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  not  only  are  the  ttvo 
rules  here  nrJposed,  but  that  the  power  of  con- 
♦r.^st,  and  the  effect  cf  f  omparison.  are  osenec 


■:.j  the  best  of  Mr.  Adams'  ability  to  mJiice 
•Sjongress  to  prefer  the  first  and  to  despise  the 
second.  But  in  case  Mr.  Johnson  should  be 
disposed  to  dispute  this  point,  it  may  be  well 
to  add  a  little  more  of  the  precious  context 
from  which  this  "morsel  for  a  King"  has  been 
torn  by  the  ruthless  republicans.  Mr.  Adams 
proceeds — "In  thecourse  ofthe year  now  draw- 
ing to  (ts  close,  we  have  beheld,  under  the  au- 
spices and  at  the  expense  of  one  State  of  this 
Union,  a  new  Univei-sity  unfolding  its  portals  to 
♦he  sons  of  science,  and  holding  up  the  torcli  of 
human  imprcvement  to  eyes  tha*  seek  the  light. 
We  have  seen  under  the  persevering  and  en- 
lightened ente.  prisi  of  another  Slate,  tlie  wa- 
ters of  our  western  lakes  mingled  with  those  of 
the  ocean.  If  undertakings  like  these  have  been 
accomplished,  in  the  compass  of  a  few  years, 
by  the  authority  of  single  memb..-rs  of  our  con- 
fedei-ation,  can  we,  the  representative  authori- 
ties of  the  whole  Union,  fall  behind  our  fellow 
servants  in  the  exercise  of  the  trust  committed 
io  us  for  the  benefit  of  our  common  sovereign, 
by  the  accomplishment  of  works  important  to 
the  whole,  and  to  which  neitlier  the  authority 
nor  the  resources  of  any  one  State  can  be  ade- 
quate." Here  evidently  another  standard  of 
power  is  recommended  to  the  Congress,  hardly 
less  indefinite  and  alurming  thau  the  fcn-mer. 
It  is  urged  that  inasmuch  as  the  authority  and 
resources  of  Virginia  and  New  York,  have  been 
adequate  to  the  erection  of  a  new  University, 
and  the  completion  of  the  Gi-Jid  Canal,  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  representative  authorities  of  the 
wiiole  Union  to  exercise  power  and  resources 
.sufficient  for  the  consti-uction  of  works  and  the 
expansion  of  improvement,  as  much  beyond 
'hese  particular  enterprises  as  the  resources  of 
the  whole  Union  exceed  those  of  either  of  these 
States.  And  the  authority  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment, instead  of  being  mtasured  by  the 
cjrants  and  reservations  of  the  constitution,  is  to 
be  regulated  by  the  inverse  proportion  which 
the  whole  confederacy  bears  to  a  particular 
State.  Tims,  according  to  Mr.  Adam.^,  the  moral 
condition  of  our  existence,  and  the  physical 
circumstances  of  our  Union,  conspire  to  absolve 
the  representative  from  obedience  to  the  v/ill  of 
his  constituents.  And  it  cannot  fail  to  be  per- 
ceived, that  under  lus  florid  and  uml^ageous 
diction,  lurks  t!ie  ofieiisive  idea  of  patronizing 
file  people  and  i.niproving  the  States,  which  all 
men  with  a  spark  of  freedom  in  their  souls  must 
abhor,  as  ctrenuously  as  nature  does  a  vacuum. 
■•.Vilh  equ.diz«il  and  success  it  is  attempted  to 
iust'ifv  tile  terms  of  infinite  assumption  and  im- 
"perious  menace  with  which  Mr.  Adams  repre- 
hended certain  proceedings  of  the  St.ate  of  Geor- 
c;ia.  I  have  not  before  me  that  remarkable  com- 
iiiun;c:t0on,butlam  willing  to  take  Mr.  Johnson's 
t:xtenuated  statement  of  its  substance,  in  order 
to  prove  ho«'  riclily  both  its  author  and  its  ad- 
vocate deserve  the  reprobaticn  of  an  enhghten- 
'ed  people.  Tlie  latter  s.ays,  "  he  hiade  an  ob 
rioijs  tliiiiigii  not  an  .ivowcd  reference  to  his 
oalli  of  otlice,  as  imposing  an  obi:yation  above 
:'!1  iiuiiiun  law."  Nfv.-  tliis  is  either  an  iiitel- 
jc'i-tual  absurdity  or  ;i  polit.rul  sin.  Tlie  Coil- 
s', itutioii  of  the  United  Stati'S,  denominated  by 
Mr.  Johnson  himself,  "  the  sup<.me  law  of  tlie 
land,"  prescribes  certain  duties  for  the  Presi- 
dent, among  which  is  that  of  taking  the  oath 
of  otricc.  To  say  that  the  perfo/rnanaj  of  this 
"OT^e  d'ltv  imtioseson  th..^  President  an  oblicr.ttion 


above  the  supreme  law  of  the  iand,  and  tire 
very  law  whi,ch  prescribes  it,  is  to  say  that  the 
creature  is  above  the  creator;  and  that  the  sanc- 
tion of  a  religious  ceremony  to  the  obligation 
of  the  President  to  prtstne,  protert  and  defend 
the  constitution,  endows  him  with  a  right  to 
violate  his  oath  and  todestioy  the  constitution. 
Again — lo  say  that  his  oath  of  office  imposes 
an  obligation  above  the  supreme  law,  or  re- 
quires at  his  hand  tlie  performance  of  other 
duties,  than  those  prescribed  by  the  constitu- 
tion, is  avowing  at  once  that  this  is  not  a  gov- 
ernment of  laws,  and  that  the  executive  branch 
is  above  the  conti-ol  of  the  constitution.  In  the 
first  sense,  the  e.ipression  is  absurd;  in  the  se- 
cond, criminal;  in  both  sufficie'itly  offensive; 
and  to  be  fair  with  Mr.  Johnson,  ne  is  welcome 
to  ascribe  it  as  he  pleases,  eitlier  to  want  of 
sense  or  want  of  principle,  in  his  hero. 

In  palliating  the  more  questionable  demerits 
of  the  president  in  regard  to  h'S  equivocal  sup- 
port of  that  policy  wliich  inclines  to  an  exorbi- 
tant tariff  of  duties  on  imports,  for  the  purpose 
of  encouraging  domestic  manufactures,  Mr. 
Johnson  shines  mere  as  a  panegyrist  than  as  an 
economist  or  civilian.  All  liberal  men  agree 
that  error  of  opinion  on  this  subject  involves 
no  radical  defect  of  principle.  Large  divisions 
of  our  territory  and  popidation,  are  the  seats  of 
adverse  doctrines  on  this  momentous  and  yet 
experimental  matter,  and  as  they  are  nil  anima- 
ted by  undoubted  patriotism,  there  is  every 
reason  to  hope  that  the  true  point  beyond  which 
the  riglit  of  ta,xatioti  vested  in  the  federal  gov- 
ernment ought  not  to  be  carried,  will  be  season- 
ably determined  by  the  luminous  c ol'.ision  of 
their  respective  systems.  Already  important 
light  has  been  shed  on  the  matter  by  the  author 
of  Bhutus,  in  the  Charleston  Mercury.  He 
maint.ains  tliat  the  exercise  of  th"  taxmg  power 
was  intended  by  the  framers  of  the  constitution 
to  be  confined  to  the  purpose  of  revenue,  and 
that  whenever  it  might  become  expedient  for 
the  industry  of  any  quarter  of  the  Union,  to 
encourage  the  production  of  a  particular  com- 
modity, it  was  designed  that  the  State  or  States 
interested  therein,  should  assume  the  qualified 
exercise  of  the  taxing  power,  "  with  the  con- 
sent of  Congress,  and  on  comlitiun  that  the 
duties  so  raised  slioald  be  paid  into  the  Treas- 
ury of  the  United  States."  Whoever  reads  his 
essays  will  feel  persuaded  that  his  exphcatior. 
of  many  important  questions  :nvolving  the  pow- 
ers of  the  General  Government,  is  both  origi- 
nal and  profound,  and  promises  the  establish- 
ment of  a  fiscal  policy  consonant  to  the  spirit 
of  the  constitution  and  com'.ucivc  to  the  pre- 
servation of  the  Union.  I  wish  it  could  be  said 
that  either  of  these  great  objects  was  likely  to 
be  advanced  by  the  dissertation  of  Mr.  Johnson, 
the  polarity  of  whose  mind  seems  insensible  to 
their  high  attraction,  and  to  turn  with  trembling 
constancy  to  the  foot  of  the  thror»e.  Tlieright 
of  the  government,  accordingly,  he  deduces 
from  its  pratllce,  as  an  attorney  establishes 
principle  by  precedent,  and  as  if  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  .States  were  to  ini])rove 
every  thing  but  its  own  practices.  He  insists 
that  the  doctrine  of  indirect  taxation  was  prac- 
tised upon  by  the  Admiiiistration  of  Wasliing- 
ton,and  by  that  of  all  his  succes-snrs — giving  into 
a  fallacy,  wliich,  though  it  makes  his  argument 
plausible,  renders  it  unsound. 

The  power  of  taxa*ion,  like  other  power' 


53 


vested  la  tlie  general  goveriiuient,  has  an  ob- 
ject direct  and  objects  resulting.  Its  direct  ob- 
ject is  the  raising  of  revenue;  among  its  result- 
ing objects  is  the  encouragenient  of  domestic 
manufactures.  This  is  clearly  secondaiy  in  in- 
tention, and  subordinate  in  iinpi-rtance  to  the 
first  object.  It  must  accordingly  be  increased 
or  diminished,  as  the  scale  of  taxation  is  en- 
larged or  contracted.  But  it  is  an  inversion  of 
the  order  of  things,  as  well  as  a  perversion  of 
the  meaning  of  the  constitution,  to  say  that  the 
scale  of  revenue  is  to  be  enlarged,  not  to  supply 
the  necessary  expenses,  or  to  pay  the  debts  of 
the  nation,  but  to  increase  ttit  : ^iultiiig  action 
of  tlie  taxing  power— a  power  which  plainly 
would  never  have  been  intrusted  to  the  gen- 
eral government  but  for  the  necessity  wliicli 
exists  in  all  governments  for  its  direct  object, 
revenue.  Hence  it  does  not  follow,  as  Mr. 
Johnson  labors  to  show,  because  Gen.  Wash- 
ington establisiied  a  taiiff  of  duties,  and  suc- 
ceeding administrations  increased  it,  that  his 
policy  and  the  policy  of  his  successors  was,  in 
this  r.-spect,  fii.-bu.-iP.  (;en.Was'.-i'-if,toi-'s  poli- 
*  cy  Wi-nt  no  further  than  t'.^  direct  objtc'  -A  'i,e 
taxing  pow.;i-  required,  f  he  iighte.^'  duty  on 
the  importation  ortngiisli  boots  communicates 
sc".e  degree  of  encouragement  to  Ainei'ican 
boot  makers  and  tanners;  and  as  that  no  similar 
duties  must  be  imposed  in  order  to  provide  in 
the  most  convenient  nay  for  the  e>:pcnses  of 
government,  it  is  certaiijy  a  mitigation  of  the 
necessary  evil  of  ta-xatimi,  that  a  uset'ul  branch 
of  domestic  industry  should  be  promoted  by  it. 
But  themiiigat'.on  of  an  evil  does  not  make  it  a 
good.  And  the  objection  vliich  lies  against 
the  policy  of  Mr.  Ada.ns,  and  in  a  less  degree 
aga'nst  iliat  of  Mr.  Monroe,  is,  that  it  propo- 
ses to  ex.ircise  the  taxing  power  no.t  for  its  di- 
rect object,  and  uo  doubt  ci^nstioitirnal  end, 
but  for  its  resulting  ubj'.  els — not  for  a.^iiifioieiit 
revenue,  but  for  a  multitude  of  manufactures; 
thus  transcending  the  particular  jesign  and 
violating  tlie  general  spirit  of  the  constitution, 
by  taxing  one  part  of  the  commumty  for  the 
benefit  of  another,  making  the  relative  condi- 
tion of  tne  southern  States  worse  tlian  it  was 
before  the  Union,  giving  the  manufacturing 
States  greater  privileges  than  they  would  have 
enjoyed  without  it;  and  burthening  a  great, 
salutary  and  venerable  branch  of  human  indus- 
try', for  one  less  extensive  and  less  favorable  to 
the  physical  wants  and  moral  condition  of  maji- 
kind. — Let  the  report  of  Mr.  Secretary  Rush, 
in  which  he  proposes  the  artificial  and  oppres- 
sive sy.stem  of  England  as  a  model  tor  the  finan 
cial  policy  of  this  country,  and  ^alks  about  rf^a- 
lating  every  hbre  of  labor,  and  every  species  of 
property  in  this  vast  confederacy  of  tree  States, 
by  a  nicely  balanced  machinery  of  encouraging 
ta.vation,  be  exairmed,  and  the  inoiihi.ate  and 
unconstitutional  excess  of  Mr.  Adams'  policy 
in  the  employment  of  the  taxing  pov/er,  will  at 
once  be  percci'  ed. 

Nor  will  the  force  of  this  contrast  be  at 
all  weakened  by  ti  e  fact  which  Mr.  Johnson 
relies  on — viz.  that  the  law  of  '89,  laying  the 
first  duties  imposed  under  the  constitution,  and 
advocated  by  Mr.  Madison,  then  a  member  of 
Congress,  recites  .n  its  preamble,  that  the  laying 
of  duties  "  was  necessary  lor  the  support  of  go- 
T.ernmeht,  for  the  discharge  of  the  debts  of  the 
^T.nited  States,  and  the  encu-jtrafiement  and  pro- 


tection of  domestic  vuumfaUures."  The  goverii 
ment  was  then  new,  and  just  getting  into  opera 
tion.  The  important  and  searching  power  of 
taxation  was  then  first  to  be  applied  to  the  in- 
habitants and  property  of  a  number  of  free  States 
who  had  confided  it  reluctantly,  with  many  mis- 
givings and  hesitations,  to  the  federal  head 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  w  as  the  duty  o! 
Congress,  and  no  doubt  their  aim,  to  make  the 
first  act  of  taxation  as  palatable  as  possible,  to 
recommend  it  as  strongly  as  they  could  to  the 
people,  upon  whose  opinion  they  knew  tlie 
whole  fabric  of  government  rested.  They  there- 
fore recited  in  the  preamble,  the  two  great  cir- 
cumstances which  rendered  taxation  necessary, 
and  the  one  which  was  most  likely  to  lender  i£ 
acceptable.  The  first  was  addrcs.sed  to  their 
patriotism,  the  second  to  their  honor,  the  thirtt 
to  their  interest — powerful  appeals  to  paramount 
motives.  This  was  the  object  of  the  pieamble, 
as  tlie  least  insight  into  the  circumstances  of  the 
period  would  have  taught  Mr  Johnson,  and  as 
is  apparent  from  the  fact,  that  subsequent  bills 
of  revenue  contain  no  such  recitations.  It  is 
!.».  J  to  f^rbrur  a  smile  at  reflecting  on  the  deri- 
sion and  surprise  Ht\.:  -h.c;.  ihf;  safes  of '89 
wo  lid  look  on  this  attempt  to  legalize  a  broad 
and  encroaching  system  of  policy,  not  by  ex- 
pounding the  termt  or  analysing  the  spirit  of  the 
constitution,  but  by  ital.cising  a  phrase  "torn 
from  Its  context"  in  the  corner  of  a  preamble  to 
an  act. 

But  he  contends  that  whether  Mr.  Adams  be 
right  or  wrong  in  respect  to  tlie  tariff,  or  his 
'•ineffably  gigantic"  schemes  of  internal  im- 
provement, fiis  friends  may  applaud  and  the  na- 
tion trust  lilm,  because  his  opinions  are  at  Iea^t 
as  right  as  those  of  General  Jackson.  This,  al- 
though it  will  turn  out  to  be  an  improvement 
upon  'the  old  absurdity  of  igtiolttm  per  ignotius, 
is  probably  the  most  fair  and  formidable  iiifer- 
I'nre  in  the  address:  for,  as  Hoe i  cr  has  said, 
that  rhange  even  from  t/te  tvorse,  is  suineiimes  in- 
convtriiient,  there  miuht  be  some  colour  of  reascii 
in  advising  the  American  people  to  refit  satis- 
fied with  Adams,  seeing  that  Jackson's  opinioiis 
coincided  with  his.  But  unfortunately  for  Mr- 
Johr.son,  even  this  slender  argument  is  denied 
him  by  the  assertion  of  tlie  Riclimond  meeting, 
by  which  his  convention  stands  publicly  affilia- 
ted, and  to  which  he  sent  n  liia  ng»morabIc  ad- 
hesion. That  assertion  is  not  disr.vowed  or  dis- 
puted, and  is  of  course  adopted  b_y  Mr.  Johr. 
son's  address,  and  it  declares  that  "  Gen.  Jacii- 
son  shrouds  his  opinions  of  the  tariff  in  impene- 
trable mystery."  While  these  opinianiiarfe  thus 
concealed  in  "impenetrable  mystery,"  how- 
does  Mr.  Johnson  discover  that  tKey  coincide 
exactly  with  those  of  Mr.  Adams.'  The  detec- 
tion of  such  an  insidious  inc»nsistency.as  this,  in 
tl'e  grave,  earnest  and  public  affirmations  of  a 
man  of  Mr.  Johnson's  standing,  must  affect  eve.-^i 
his  adversaries  with  more  regret  than  pleasure, 
and  excite  a  feeling  of  tender  abhorrence,  like 
that  which  induces  us  to  pity  and  approve  ths 
execution  of  a  criminal. 

Having  with  these  infelicitous  errors,  bo#l  of 
argument  and  assertion,  endeavcrcd  tojusll.Py 
the  doctrines  of  Mr.  Adams,  (avoiding  carofiK 
ly  all  mention  of  "  the  constitutional  compe- 
tency,") and  having  enjoined  upon  the  Ameri- 
can people  (what  wasnodoubt  modestly  meant) 
♦hi  duty  of  anplvinsr  to  tb''.  consideration  o: 


04 


;!ie  President's  conduct,  that  indulgent  rule  of 
construction  which  ensures  impunity  to  guilt 
rather  than  security  to  innocence,  Jlr.  John- 
son proceeds  with  a  sudden  change  of  tempe- 
rature, to  make  a  portentous  reference  to  the 
vast  and  delicate  duties  of  the  chief  magistrate, 
and  fierce  allusions  to  the  temper  and  ac- 
tions of  General  Jackson.  No  part  of  the  ad- 
dress discovers  a  colder  prejudice  or  a  more  fer- 
vent loyalty  than  this.  The  Riciniiond,  is  like 
the  Roman  courtier,  in  odio  sa'itis,  bhnd'hrjuen- 
tia  eomis.  It  is  really  surprishig  to  see  the 
same  pen  running  with  the  lightness  of  Camil- 
Ja's  step  ever  the  faults  of  the  man  in  power, 
and  falling  with  the  demolishing  tread  of  an 
elephant  on  the  virtues  of  a  private  citizen. 
I/ike  the  "lithe  proboscis"  of  that  .shrewd 
animal,  however,  it  handles  tenderly  what  is 
frail,  and  what  is  sound  rudely;  and  the  quick- 
sighted  people  of  Virginia  will  neither  be  in- 
flamed into  injustice  by  Mr.  Johnson's  violence 
nor  deceived  into  submission  by  his  gentleness. 
As  if  emphasis  were  not  ridiculous  in  stale  mls- 
"epresentations,  and  a  tone  of  deep-mouthed 
vituperation  natural  to  those  whose  accusations 
are  unsupported  by  fact,  be  tells  them,  with  an 
air  of  amazing  conlidence,  that  General  Jack- 
son has  "trampled  on  the  laws  and  constitu- 
tion of  his  country,  has  sacrificed  the  lives  and 
liberties  of  men,  and  made  his  own  arbitrary 
will,  the  rule  of  his  conduct."  But  hisfundameii- 
tal  position  is  this — "  Capacity  for  civil  affairs, 
in  a  country  like  ours,  where  tlie  road  to  pre- 
ferment is  open  to  merit  in  every  class  of  so- 
ciety, is  never  long  concealed,  and  seldom  left 
in  retirement."  It  is  then  added,  that  "Ge- 
neral Jackson  has  lived  beyond  the  age  of  si.tty 
years,  and  was  bred  to  the  profession  best  cal- 
culated to  improve  and  display  the  faculties 
which  civil  employments  reqviire;  but  the  his- 
tory of  his  public  life  in  those  employments  is 
told  in  a  few  brief  lines  in  a  single  page  of  his 
biographer.  He  filled  successively  and  fo;-  ve- 
ry short  periods,  the  office  of  member  of  the 
Tennessee  Convention,  which  formed  their 
State  Constitution,  Ilepresentativc  and  Senator 
iu  Congress,  Judge  of  the  Supremo  Court  of 
Tennessee,  and  again  Senator  in  Congress  of 
the  United  States."  Where  a  man  is  so  very 
<lidactic  as  Mr.  Johnson  is,  accuracy  of  know- 
ledge and  precision  of  detail  might  be  expect- 
ed. But  th«Be  humble  constituents  of  truth 
lie  far  beneath  the  range  of  his  romantic  fancy, 
as  the  reade(;  who  chooses  to  consult  Eaton's 
work  will  find.*  The  account  of  Jackson's 
"ciril  employments"  is  not  contained  on  a 
"  single  page"  of  that  work,  snd  Mr.  Johnson's 
summary  of  it  is  defective  as  to  the  very  im- 
portant office  of  Attorney  General,  which 
Washington,  no  mean  judge  of  merit,  himself 
conferred.  But  if  we  admire  the  fidelity  of  his 
statements,  we  shall  be  amazed  at  the  accuracy 
of  his  reasoning.  He  concludes,  that  as  capa- 
city for  civil  ofiices  is  in  this  countrv  "  never 
Jong  concealed  and  seldom  left  in  relu-ement," 
the  frequent   appointment  and  repeat»d  elec- 

•  Sec  pape  17,  13. 

General  Jackson,  thoug^h  no  set-fast  in  office,  was  ei^ht 
years  Atloi-nej-  (General  of  the  Territory,  and  si.t  yeitrs 
.iurfjjeof  the  highest  court  of  the  State.  His  resipnatiunof 
(bi3  last  8t;itii»n  was  accepted  on  the  24Ih  .luly,  1304^  thir- 
teen days  attcr  Hamilton  was  shot  by  Burr,  and  a  year  at 
least  before  the  appearance  of  Burr  in  ihe  Westt-rn  coun- 
try, with  whom,  as  a  Judge,  the  secret  slanderers  under  the 
mnna^emrnt  of  Mr.  Johnson,  a'terapt  to  associate  him. 


tion  of  Gen.  Jackson  is  proof  positive  of  hib> 
notorious  incapacity  to  fill  them.  Thereis  some- 
thing transcendental  in  this  syllogism.  And  if 
we  reflect  that  in  addition  to  Mr.  Johnson's  cor- 
rected list  of  civil  offices,  Gen.  Jackson  has  fill- 
ed the  important  ones  of  commissioner  for  re- 
ceiving the  cession  of  Florida,  of  Governor  of 
that  Territory  under  the  Spanish  laws,  and  ne- 
gotiator of  several  of  our  most  important  Indian 
treaties;  that  he  ni'ver  solicited  an  office  in  his 
life,  or  abused  tiie  confidence  which  his  con- 
stituents repostd  in  him — that  Mr.  Adams  never 
filled  one  which  connected  him  immediate^ 
with  the  people,  t'^c  great  central  fire  which 
distributes  warmdi  and  life  to  our  whole  sys- 
tem, and  tiiat  his  services  were  recommended 
to  one  party  by  descent,  and  to  the  other  by 
purchase,  its  value  as  apolitical  argument  may 
be  correctly  estimated.  The  evident  distortion 
of  Mr.  Johnson's  judgment  seems  to  be  chroni- 
cally confirmed  by  the  fact,  that  Gen.  Jackson 
resigned  several  of  these  offices,  manifesting  a 
preference  for  private  li*e,  in  unison  with  the 
taste  of  Cincinn.atus,  of  Wa.sliington,  and  c#8ll 
the  greatest  patriots  of  the  world,  and  in  oppo- 
sition to  that  low  ambition  which  caiuiot  exist 
out  of  the  purlieus  of  the  treasury.  The  clas- 
sical reader  wdl  remember  how  the  Roman 
writers  celebrate  the  reluctance  with  which  the 
Dictator  ab  Aratro  left  Ids  farm,  snd  the  satis- 
faction with  which,  crowned  with  laurels,  he 
retired  to  it.  The  same  disposition  was  Seen 
and  admired  in  our  beloved  Washington.  In  a 
letter  to  a  member  of  Congress,  who  was  per- 
suading him  to  accept  the  office  of  President, 
then  just  created,  he  thus  expressed  himself; 
"  Ynu  are  among  lln.-  small  number  of  those  who 
know  my  invincible  attachment  to  domestic  life, 
and  that  my  sincere  wish  is  to  continue  in  the 
enjoyment  of  it  solely,  to  my  final  hour.  My 
increasing  foralness  for  agTicultural  amuse- 
ments, and  my  growing  love  of  retirement,  aug- 
ment and  confirm  wy  decided  predilection  for 
the  character  of  a  private  citizen."  And  he 
concludes — "  You  will  perceive,  m/  dear  sir, 
from  what  is  here  ob.served,  that  my  inclinatjons 
will  dispose  and  decide  me  to  remain  as  I  am,un- 
less  a  clear  and  insurmountable  conviction  sfiould 
be  impressed  on  my  mind,  that  some  very  disa- 
greeable consequences  must,  in  ail  human  pro- 
bability, result  from  the  indulgence  of  my  wish- 
es." This  letter  was  written  when  Washing- 
ton was  in  his  57th  year,  and  Jackson  was  58 
when  he  made  his  last  and  most  splendid  re- 
signation. This  is  the  temper  and  these  are 
the  habits  that  render  "  military  chieftains"  the 
defendersof  tlierepubiic  in  war,  andits  guar- 
dians in  peace;  and  it  is  not  the  least  extrava- 
gant of  Mr.  Johnson's  paralogisms,  that  in  the 
same  breath  he  should  descant  on  the  danger- 
ous influence  of  military  renown,  and  reproach 
its  posS'.'.ssor  with  an  obstin.tte  predilection  for 
private  life.  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Adams,  it  is  true, 
have  never  yet  offered  to  the  world  mat  best 
and  most  lovely  evidence  of  merit,  which  modes- 
ty displays;  they  iiave  never  resigned  one  office 
without  the  prospect  of  another,  and  are  not 
likely  to  impose  on  their  eulogists  the  task  of 
portraying  the  grand  but  quiet  virtue  of  disin- 
terestedness. Yet  Washington,  the  miUtary 
chieftain,  served  eight  years  without  giving  rea- 
son to  doubt  his  wisdom  or  integrity,  while 
Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay,  the  diplomatist  and 


the  orator,  have  eftected  in  less  than  half  that 
time,  a  general  conviction  that  they  are  desti- 
tute oi'both.  ■  - 

Hut,  says  Mr.  Johnson,  Gt-neial  Jackson  not 
only  "  resigned  tliree,  but  passed  thruiig-h  all 
tliese  offices,  acknowledgini^  liis  untitness  in 
two  instances,  manifestly  feeling'  it  in  all,  and 
lc;aving;  no  single  act,  no  trace  behind,  which 
stamps  his  qualifications  above  mediocrity." 
Such  allcg'ations  as  tWse  are  enough  (to  use 
Mr.  Johnson's  peculiar  dialect)  *'to  sta.np 
theirauthor  below  mediocrity" — astliey  abound 
in  misstatement  and  misconstruction.  An  indi- 
vidual is  appointed  to  one  office,  and  succes- 
sively promoted  to  two  others,  and  because  he 
\'acates  the  subordinate  ones  in  order  to  reach 
the  hig'hcst  in  the  series,  these  acts  of  resig'na- 
tion  ai'e  Interpreted  into  a  confession  of  hisov/n 
unfitness.  Uid  Mr.  Clay  acknowledge  his  un- 
fitness for  the  Speaker's  chair,  when  he  resign- 
ed it  and  'oot  oince  in  the  cabinet  of  Mr. 
Adams  '  Does  a  Colonel  evince  a  conscious  ■ 
incapacity  when  he  accepts  the  commission  of 
(Jeneral  '  (Jen.  Jackson  res)gT,ed  his  seat  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  fdl  a  place  in 
the  Sen.ate,  and  this  station  he  resigned  with  a 
patriotisnj  and  iibeiality  highly  honorable  to 
him,  to  make  room  for  Hen.  Daniel  Smith,  his 
neighbor  and  friend — a  gentleman  whose  su- 
perior age  and  scientific  attainments  gave  him 
peculiar  claims  to  public  confidence,  and  in- 
spired a  hope  that  he  would  prove  a  useful  ac- 
cession to  the  party  wriich  was  then  opposed  tn 
the  administration  of  the  elder  Adams.  This 
disinterestcl  act,  which  few  of  the  many  who, 
can  make  long  speeches  would  be  capable  of, 
is  urged  in  the  address  as  further  proof  of  inca- 
pacity, and  the  formidable  array  of  evidence 
10  that  point,  is  completed  by  the  assertion  that 
"  no  trace,"  that  is.  no  speecli  is  left  behind 
him  in  his  civil  career,  placing  him  above  me- 
diocrity. 15ut  before  the  conclusion  here  de- 
signed can  be  admilieU,  it  must  be  ascertained 
whether  a  long  speech  in  Congress,  is  not  in 
nine  cases  out  of  ten,  at  least,  a  proof  of  jnedi- 
ocrity.*  A  member  of  Congress,  v.'ho,  without 
t'ne  possession  of  rare  oratorical  powers,  makes 
!on^  spceolics,  is  known  to  have  given  full  ex- 
ertion to  his  abilities,  and  has  no  claim  to  a  re- 
putation higher  than  that  which  is  acquired  by 
a  large  portion  of  his  comrades.  AVIiereas  a  si- 
}ent  member  is  regardtil  as  possessed  of  such 
strength  of  mind  and  dignity  of  taste,  as  to  dis- 
dain the  slender  repute  which  one  or  more 
speeches  create,  and  is,  for  that  very  reason, 
considered  far  above  mediocrity.  When 
Patrick  llenrj-  was  asked  "  who  he  thought 
the  greatest  man"  in  the  famous  Congress  of 
'r4,  from  v.'hich  he  v.-as  just  returned,  he  re- 
plied— '•  If  you  speak  of  eloquence,  Mr.  liut- 
ledge  of  South-Carolina,  is  by  far  the  greatest 
orator  ;  but  if  you  speak  of  solid  judgment  and 
sound  information.  Col.  Washington  is  unques- 
tionably the  greatest  man  on  that  lloor."!  Yet 
Washino-ion  "passed  through  and  resigned" 
this  and  other  civil  offices,  .without  leaving  "  a 
trace"  behiinl,  which  in  tlie  accurate  style  and 
estimation  of  Mr.  Johnson,  "stamped  his  quali- 
fications abov;  mediocrity."  It  is r.ither  unfor- 
tunate for  one  vi'ho  undertakes  to  instruct  the 
people  of  Virginia,  tint   his  most  oracular  cpl- 

*  Frank  Juhnson  made  a  speech  five  days  loiiEf. 

•  Win''!  lil'-of  Henryipa.i:  111. 


nions  should  conflict  witii  the  dictates  of  con.- 
mon  sense,  the  judgment  of  Patrick  Henry 
and  the  example  of  Washington. 

The  temper  of  Gen.  Jackson  is  said  to  be  a-- 
un?uitable  as  his  capacity,  and  "the  spirit  of 
domination  displayed  in  !iis  celebrated  letter  to 
Gov.  Uabun,"  is  referred  to  as  evidence  that  the 
othce  of  President  should  not  be  intrusted 
to  liis  "impetuosity  of  temper"  ami  "fiery 
misrule."  In  a  deep  prophetic  tone  it  is  added, 
a  foreign  war  may  come,  may  rage  with  vl-c^ 
lence,  and  may  find  General  Jacicson  at  the 
head  of  tb.{i  civil  government,  and  commander 
in  chief  of  the  laud  and  naval  forces.  Dissen- 
tient views  among  tie  statesmen  may  arise — 
controversies  grow  up  between  the  State  .and 
federal  authorities — na  discussions  and  contro- 
^  ersies  have  heretofore  arisen — and  who  theij, 
we  pray  you,  can  answer  for  the  consequences 
of  that  spirit  which  said  to  Gov.  Kabitii,  "wlieu 
1  am  in  the  field  you  have  no  authority  to  i^sue 
a  military  order."  it  m.ay  be  thought  singular 
that  Mr.  Johnson,  after  having  so  bitterly  revil- 
ed and  lamented  the  unfairness  of  tearing  "from 
their  context"  the  expressions  of  the  President, 
should,  when  urging  a  charijC  so  personal  in  its 
nature  as  this  against  his  rival,  and  attaching  to 
it,  as  a  consequence,  "the  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  and  death  to  the  hope«  of  every  free  go. 
vcrnment  upon  earth,"  be  guilty  of  this  very 
unfairness  himself,  v.'ith  a  violence  too  whi(;li 
cannot  be  conceived  wrthout  attending  to  the 
following  summary  of  facts  : 

When  General  Jackson  assumed  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Seminole  war,  he  found  General 
Gaines  near  Hartford,  in  Georgia,  at  the  hcatl 
of  the  contingent  for;e  of  that  State,  which  he 
speedily  put  into  motion.  Advancing  with  his 
raw  force  of  one  thousand  men,  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Port  Scott,  he  passed  on  rude  rafts  ami 
scarce  practicable  routes,  tlie  fenny  swamps 
»|d  flooded  rivers  of  that  region,  impelled  by 
tne  energy  of  his  character  and  the  hope  of 
finding  the  supplies  which  had  been  ordet^^S 
there,  at  Fort  Early.  But  when  b»  reached 
that,  place,  the  danger  of  famine  was  npt 
abated,  there  bajng  only  a  barrel  and  a  half  of 
flour  and  a  few  buslj'.-!s  of  corn  in  the  Fort.  In 
the  neighborhood  lived  a  small  tribe  of  Indians, 
the  Chehaws,  whose  friendsliip,  though  doubt- 
ed, now  proved  sincere.  To  these  sons  of  the 
forest,  in  his  extremity,  he  applicil,  desiring- 
them  to  bring  in  sucli  .supplies  of  coi'n,  peas  ariU 
potatoes  as  they  couhl  sjjare,  !md  pi-imising 
liberal  pay  forthem.  Theyimmedialely  brought 
a  small  supply,  and  on  the  General's  encamp- 
ing near  their  village,  which  lay  directly  in  his 
route  to  Fort  Scott,  their  aged  Chief,  Howard, 
the  survivor  of  many  wars  with  the  kings  of  the 
forest  and  tlie  foes  of  his  tribe,  received  him  as 
a  brother,  and  the  simple-h<ai'ted  community 
emptied  almost  to  exhaustion,  to  relieve  th« 
wants  of  their  guests,  the  small  stock  of  food 
which  had  been  collected  for  their  subsistence 
through  the  winter.  Knthusiasm  succeeding 
their  kindness — the  few  warriors  of  the  village 
joined  the  American  stand.ard,  and  it  was  only 
in  compliance  with  Jackson's  request,  that  the 
grandson  of  Howard,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  was 
left  to  as.^ist  that  patiiarch  of  the  woods,  in  .Tt- 
ten.V  ^^  to  the  old  men,  women  and  chilJreii. 
Thus,  confiding  in  the  honor  of  Gen  :.ial  Jack- 
sen,   and  in  tlje  faith  of  the  TJuffed  States.,  thft 


Ob 


Chehaw  villiigers  weVe  left  iii  complete  expo- 
sure. But  what  had  they  (o  apprehend,  or 
what  had  General  Jackson  to  appreliend  for 
Ihem'  To  tlie  commandinjf  officer  of  the 
small  garrison  left  at  Fort  F.arly,  he  had  given 
instruction  to  consider  the  Ciiehaws  as  friends, 
and  there  was  no  power  behind  him  that  could 
be  danijerous  to  the  allies  of  the  United  States. 
Havinp^  clasped  the  i-iglit  hand  of  Howard  in 
friendship,  niai-shalled  the  warnors  of  the  tribe, 
and  assured  the  women  of  peace  and  protection, 
who,  with  their  "  yoiino:  barbarians,"  witness- 
dd  his  departure,  he  hastened  onward  to  the 
tli-atre  of  JR-ar. 

Where  the  iion  walks  harmless,  the  wolf 
pr.-'wls  most  ferocioii^ly.  A  Captain  \Vi'ig-lit, 
of  tile  tieoi'gia  militia,  upon  some  false  informa- 
tion, conceived  and  cominunicuted  to  the  Go- 
vernor, the  imjiression,  that  uficr  the  marcli  of 
Gen-J-al  Jackson  from  the  viciaity  of  Hartford, 
hoslUiues  .had  bt-en  c'jmmitted  on  that  section 
of  tiie  frontier  by  the  Vhilhmees  and  Oponees — 
.subordinate  or  ta'hcr  incorporaied  s^pts  of  the 
Chehaw  tribe.  The  Governor,  on  this  erroneous 
representation,  issued  a  very  ■,neoii>^.dcr,ite  or- 
der, empowerincr  t':ie  Captain  to  march  at  the 
head  of  two  companies  of  cavaiiy,  and  such  in- 
fantry  as  could  ije  dr;iwn  frilm  the  g;u-rison  of 
Foit  Karly,  ag-aiiist  the  supposed  atfgressoi-s. 
U  wasm  v'aintiiatthe  commanding  ■ifiicerthere 
assured  Captain  Wright  of  the  friendship  and 
innocence  of  the  OheUavv.s,  and  infonned  him  of 
their  rcLcnt^'id  and  hospitality  to  tjen.  Jackson. 
But  why  prolong.;  'he  dfcadfeil  recital!  The 
Governor's  party  havl  the  power  and  the  will  to 
destroy.  I'hey'burst  lk.c  a  tempest  on  the  de- 
voted village.  Helpless  age  and  unresisting 
infancy  they  confounded  in  one  torrent  ofde-_ 
struction  TLcJ  bayonet,  red  with  the  blood  of 
the  infant,  was  plu'r.ared  into  tlie  breast  oftiie 
mother.  The  ag'tftl  "Howard,  supported  by  his 
grand-son,  advanced  with  a  wliiteflag-,  and  w^ 
shot  With  that  emblem  of  faith  and  peace  m  liis 
feeble  hand.  Tile  same  cruel  volley  despatch- 
ed his  grand-sou— the  villac;e  v/as  given  to  the 
flames — the  women  and  children  to  the  edge  of 
the  sword,  or  they  fled  from  instant  slaughter,^ 
in  terror  .and  esile,  to  f.imine.  Wider  scenes  of 
ucsolation  have  indeed  been  spread  on  the  face 
of  tlie  globe,  when  Hyder  descended  like  a 
thundercloud  from  the  mountains  of  Mysore, 
upon  the  pldns  of  the  Citrnatlc— or  wiieii  Tur- 
vcau  left  La  Vendee  shrou<lcd  in  solitude  and 
ashes.  Put  a  deeper  stain  of  dislionor,  or  a  more 
intense  visitation 'of  wo,  was  never  seen  or  in- 
flicted, tl-.auatthe  secluded  village  of  the  Ctie- 
haws.  The  massacre  of  Wyoming  was  m-rcy 
to  it,  and  the  revenge  of  Brandt  far  less  cruel 
than  this  :imity  of  the  Umted  States-  It  violat- 
ed atone  bloV,  humanity,  friendship,  and  the 
faith  of.lreaties— the  obllgiitions  of  justice,  gra- 
titude and  nonor— and  involved  in  its  conse- 
quences the  disgrace  of  the  nation,  the  murder 
of  our  citizens,  and  the  probable  renewal  of  tlie 
war,  wliichwus  then  almost  concluded.  Against 
this  sh.ameiul  outrage',  the  heart  of  Jackson 
'  avone,  and! lie  rsseiiiod  it  witii  indignation,  but 
1  i.ot'witijout  digniiy;  comphening  to  the  e.xecu- 
live  of  the  Uiiitedbtates  aiidreir.onslvatmg  with 
that  Of  Georgia.  To  the  former  he  s.ays,  (Tth 
Mav  181§,}  "Tlio-  outrage  wliicli  has  been 
comniittbd'on  the  superannuated  warriors,  wo- 
m«naii3cj.ti:dve".  o+'the  C'-   ^    '  •  ■ 


were  then  in  the  field,  in  the  service  of  the  If. 
States,  merits  the  severest  chastisement.  The 
interference,  too,  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia, 
with  the  duties  imposed  on  me,  claimsthe  early 
attention  of  the  F-esident.  All  the  effects  of 
my  campaign  may  by  this  one  act  be  destroyed, 
and  die  same  scenes  of  massacre  and  murder 
with  which  our  frontier  settlements  have  been 
vi.sited,agaiurep.ated'."' To  the  latter,  (7  May) 
after  referring  to  lUe  ^nassacre  as  "base  and 
cowardly,"  and  to  an  enclosed  copy  of  General 
Ghiscccfc's  letter  detailing  it.he  observes,  "Ti>at 
a  Governor  of  a  State  sliould  make  war  aga-inst 
an  Indian  tribe  at  perfect  peace  with  and  under 


:;,  vvhose    sons 


•General  Jack^'on  was  informed  of  this  cala-  . 
mity  by  a  lette  .  -^r-  ,;-«.rer,'J  Glascock,  dr.led 
the  SOih  April  .  ,ie,  v,-.'itten  at  Fort  Earl)',  on 
his  return  to  Georffia,  with  the  contingent  of 
that  State.  The  followingis  an  extract:  "On 
arriving  witiiin  thirty  miles  of  the  Cheliaw  vil- 
lage, 1  sent  on  Major  llobir.son,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  twentv  men,  to  jirocure  beef.  On  his 
arriving  there,  the  Indians  had  fled  in  evi-ry  di- 
rection, the  Chehaw  town  hiiviiig  been  consum- 
ed about  four  days  before,  by  a  par'.y  of  men, 
consisting  of  230,  under  Captain  Wris^ht,  now 
in  command  at  Hartford.  It  appears  that  after- 
he  assumed  the  com"  .and  of  that  place,  he  ob- 
tained tlie  certifi:ates  of  several  men  on  the 
frontier,  that  the  Cliehaw  Indians  were  enijaged 
in  a  skirmish  on  the  Dig  Bend.  lie  immediate- 
ly sent  or  went  to  the  Governor,  and  obtained 
orders  to  dt.stroy  the  town,  of  Plnilemee  and 
Ononce.  Two  companies  ofcava!:  *were  imme- 
diately ordered  out  aid  placed  under  his  com^ 
mand,  and  on  tiie  22d  he  reached  this  place. 
He  ordered  Capt.  Botliwell  to  furnish  him  with 
twenty-five  or  thirty  men  to  accompany  him; 
having  been  authorized  to  do  so  by  the  Go- 
vernor, the  order  was  complied  with.  Cap- 
tain llothwell  told  him  that  he  could  not 
accompany  him  himself;  disappnjved  the  plan, 
and  informed  Captain  Wright  that  there 
could  be  no  doubt  of  the  friendship  of  the  In- 
dians in  that  quarter,  and  stated  that  Oponee 
had,  on  that  day,  brought  in  a  public  horse  that 
had  been  lost.  This  availed  nothing,  mock  pat- 
riotism burned  in  their  breasts;  they  crossed 
the  river  that  night,  and  pushed  for  the  town. 
W'.ien  arriving  near  there,  an  Indian  was  dis- 
covered grazing  some  cattle;  he  was  m:ide  a 
prisoner.  I  am  informed,  by  Sergeant  Jones, 
that  the  Indian  proposed  to  go  with  the  inter- 
preter and  bring  one  of  the  Chitfs,  for  the 
Captain  to  talk  with.  It  was  not  attended  to — 
an  udvaace  Vaa  ordered — the  cavalry  pushed 
forward  and  commenced  the  massacre  Even 
after  the  firing  and  murder  commenced.  Major 
Howard,  an  old  Chief,  who  furnished  you  with 
considerable  corn,  came  out  from  his  htuse 
with  a  white  flag.  It  was  not  respet  ted;  an  or- 
der for  a  general  fire  was  given,  und  nearly  four 
hundred  guns  were  discharged  at  linn  before  it 
took  effect.  He  fell  and  was  bayenetted.  Hissoh 
(grand-son)  wiis  also  killed."  After  continuing 
such  horrid  details  aa  .above,  Genertl  Glascock 
adds:  "Since  then,  three  of  my  command, 
wlio  were  left  at  Fort  Scott,  obtained  a  fur- 
lough, and  on  tloir  way  to  this  plnce  one  of 
them  was  siiot."  So  th.atthe  outrage  produced 
by  the. order  of  the  Governor  of  Georgia,  wa.s 
alieadv  l.-ein?  rr'a' -Jtcd  on  his  fe'lo^v    citizen? 


Oi 


the  protection  of  the  United  States,  is  assumincj 
a  responsibility  that  I  trust  you  will  be  able  to 
excuse  to  the  United  States,  to  wliich  you  will 
have  to  answer;"  aMd  he  adds,  "you,  as  Gover- 
noi-  of  a  State  within  my  military  division,  have 
no  right  to  give  a  military  order  when  I  am  in 
the  field."  This  last  is  the  plirase  which  Mr. 
.Tohnson  has  "  torn  from  its  context,"  and  re- 
peated with  an  aggravating  abbreviation,  and  in 
alarming  italics.  "  iVhen  I  am  in  the  field  you 
fiave  ri'j  ri^ht  lo  is!me  a  mliiiary  order."  Now, 
altliough  the  negation  may  at  first  appear  too 
geueri!,  yet  the  context  plainly  limits  it  to  the 
JUld  of  command  on  whicli  Jackson  was  then 
•mployed.  It  obviously  was  not  his  intention 
to  say  that  tl-.e  Governor  liad  no  right  to  regu- 
late the  militia  concerns  of  tiis  State,  or  to  order 
cut  quotas  in  tlie  service  of  the  United  States; 
but  that  he  had  no  right,  as  Governor  of  (ici-r- 
gia,  to  interfere  with  his  duties,  by  operations 
*  extraneous  to  the  soverc.g-my  of  tht  State,  and 
hostile  to  the  Indians  at  pe.ace  witli  and  uiider 
the  protection  of  the  United  States.  In  this  !ie 
was  perfectly  riglit,  and  evinced  a  disposition 
to  preserve  rather  than  to  disturb  tlie  liarmony 
so  (iesirablc  between  the  States  and  the  gcr.eral 
government.  The  power  of  making  war  is 
vested  exclusively  by  the  constitution  in  tlic 
federal  government,  and  the  equivalent  duty 
imposed  on  it  of  guaranteeing  tile  intf^grity  and 
injependrncc  of  tlie  several  States,  'l^his  duty, 
the  federal  government  was  then  in  the  act  of 
discharging  in  favor  of  the  State  of  Georgia; 
and  yet,  according  to  Mr.  Johnson,  the  Gover- 
nor of  Georgiii  was  to  interrupt  its  military  ope- 
rations, ami  to  murder  its  friends  and  aliies, 
without  the  voice  of  remonstrance  or  admoni- 
tion. I.e.t  us  suppose,  for  a  moment,  tliat  aftor 
General  Brown  iiad  concluded  a  friendly  agree- 
ment with  the  iiufiiilo  Indians,  .and  with  their 
?uppUes  of  provisiuns  and  men,  had  invaded 
Canada,  Governor  Tompkins  had  come  on  his 
track,  buriit  the  friendly  village,  and  de.strnyed 
iir  dispersed  its  inhabitants.  Would  it  have 
been  an  unpardonable  offence  in  General 
Brown  to  remonstrate  against  tlut  outrage,  and 
to  inform  Governor  Tompkins  that  he  had  tran- 
scended his  authority?  Would  it  have  display- 
ed a  "  dangerous  spirit  of  domination,"  or  an 
honorable  feeling  of  justice  and  humanity? 
And  would  it  have  exposed  Gen.  Brown  to  the 
suspicion  and  execration  of  his  fcUuw  citizens, 
of  entitled  him  to  their  approbation  and  sup- 
port? .Mr.  Johnson's  acquaintance  with  histoiy 
will  remind  him  that  the  taking  of  Sagnntum, 
vhile  in  alliance  with  the  Homans,  was  the  im- 
mediate cause  of  the  second  funic  war,  and 
that  the  destruction  of  that  city  ex -lied  a  digni- 
fied resentment  in  the  Roman  people,  wnich 
defeat  after  defeat,  and  slaughter  after  slaugh- 
ter, could  nut  subdue,  and  gave  a  moral  interest 
as  v.-ell  as  a  politicd  force  to  the  vengeful  ex- 
pression of  the  elder  Cato,  "delenda  tst  Cartha- 
gn."  Not  to  mention  other  examples  of  feel- 
ing repugnant  to  the  sentiments  with  which 
Mr.  Johnson  contemplates  the  seiisilyility  of 
General  Jackson  for  the  fate  cf  the  Che 
haws,  the  pride  which  on  a  late  occasion 
Kngland  took  in  stretching  forth  her  power 
as  an  a;gis  over  her  "ancient  ally,"  m;iy  be  cited 
— when  Mr.  Canning,  as  the  organ  of  his  coun- 
try, declared  to  the  n.atior.s  in  a  tone  of  f,— ne- 
-,  .q  'i.,f,;;nrf'.  if'jt  vk'^n  ih-'  mar'-,')  o*"  fareisn 


conquesi  touched  the  jrontitrs   of  Portugal,  ii 
must  stay  its  haughty  step.     Yet,  while  we  ad- 
mire the  spirit  of  the  Koman  people  and  of  the 
Knglish  statesman,  we  are  persuaded    to   be-         jj 
lieve,  by  Mr.    Johnson    and  his  .star  chamber  : 

judges,  that  when  our  own  pa.riot  protested 
against  an  outrage  on  liumanity,  a  violation  of 
faith,  and  a  usurpation  of  authority,  acquie^- 
ccr.ce  in  which  would  have  stained  with  dis- 
grace our  common  sense,  our  common  nature, 
and  our  common  country,  he  displayed  a  "  fiery 
misrule  cf 'emper,"  and  "a  dangerous  spirit 
of  domination." 

It  mav,  perhaps,  be  within  the  exteWve  cir- 
cle of  his  sophistry  to  contend  that  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Georgia,  as  the  head  ol  a  sovereign 
State,  had  a  right  to  make  war  on  the  Indians, 
the  right  of  war  being  an  incident  inseparable 
from  sovereignty.  Waiving  tiie  constitutional 
pact  between  the  States  and  the  federal  govern- 
ment, and  tiie  laws  of  Congress  placing  the  In- 
dian tribes  under  the  control  and  keeping  of 
the  United  States,  which  would  at  once  d^'feat 
this  course  of  argument,  it  will  be  enougli  to 
observe,  that  even  if  the  Gyvernor  had  the 
right  of  waging  this  war,  he  was  bound  to  pro.s~ 
ec.itc  it  according  to  the  law  of  nations  and  th  .; 
usages  of  war.  Tiicse  would  have  rendered  i . 
liib  duty  to  ascertain  fii.^t,  whether  the  injurv 
he  complained  of  was  really  committed  bv  the 
Chehaws — and  if  it  were,  sccondiy,  whether 
the  authorities  of  that  tribe  would  hiakc,  or  re- 
fuse proper  reparation.  This  is  the  practice  of 
ail  civiliz.ed  states — is  that  of  the  United  States 
— and  was  exemplified  in  the  late  disturbance 
with  ths  Winnebagocs.  So  that,  concediii:; 
tlie  right  of  war  to  the  Governor,  bis  violation 
of  the  laws  and  usages  of  war  to  the  injury  cf 
t)ic  Chehaws,  justly  exposed  him  to  the  lemon- 
straiices  of  Gen.  Jackscn,  who,  as  an  ollice.- 
of  the  Uiiited  States,  tiie  guestof  the  vc.nerib!'". 
Howard,and  the  commander  of  the  Chehaw  v.  ar- 
rior?,  was  in  strict  alliance  with  tiial  tribe,  and 
boon  I  to  protect  it.  The  fact  is,  tliat  the  Gov. 
eriKir  of  Georgia,  was  for  a  time,  so  infatuated, 
as  to  consider  his  otticial  dignity  invaded,  and 
his  power  encroached  upon  by  this  remun- 
straiice  of  the  General,  and  under  tiiat  iinprct- 
sion  wrote  a  letter  to  him,  reminding  him  of 
Georgia's  "  bleeding  fioiitier,"  ami  taunting- 
him  with  aflTcctiug  "ainill»ry  despotism." 
The  fact  is  too,  th.^t  this,  his  letter,  nia;!e  its 
gasconading  appearance  in  a  Georgia  Journal, 
before  it  was  received  l)y  the  General,  and  fell 
into  disreputable  oblivion  soon  after.  And  the 
pro'iability  i.s,  that  Mr.  Johnson,  who  though 
prodigal  ill  charges,  is  penurious  in  proofs,  has 
been  guided  to  this  buried  slander  by  a  sense  for 
defamation  as  k;'en  and  c>'editable  .'is  that  wliici': 
leads  certain  winged  i,'«o*?/c.s-  to  tiie  carcasses  of 
the  dead.  But  it  has  as  little  trulli  as  fragrance. 
For  from  the  time  tin.  Georgia  Brigade  encamp- 
ed on  the  Cak.iiulgee,  and  under  the  condiicto; 
Gen.  Jackson,  marched  by  the  way  of  Fort  Ear- 
ly to  Fort  Scott,  up  to  the  close  of  the  war,  the 
southern  frontier  of  that  State  could  neither 
have  bled  nor  been  expo.sed. — A  thousand  men 
either  stationed  on  that  frontier,  cr  penetrating 
from  it  into  the  Indian  ooiintry,  natujally  bore 
off  anything  like  histUitj;  and  accordingly 
General  Jaekson  met  with  no  opposition  until 
he  reached  the  Mickasuky  towns,  at  least  150 
mlle>;  so;r*h  ofHartfyi.      Reside-;    ;' .> 'i' -n- >^ 


)> 


:.  'C  coiuiiigcnf,  consistin,^aiso  of  10C0.mcii,  had 
iriHTchedon  the  14-th  cf  i'ob.  from  I'ayettcville 
ill  Tennessee,  uiickr  the  command  of  Colontl 
JIaj'nc,. of  tlie  United  States  Army,  and  after 
I  reaching'  Fort  Mitcliell,  on  their  way  to.join 
%-  dencra!  Jackron  at  P'ovt  Scott,  liad  fi(;m  infor- 
f  mation  that  tlieir  rations  which  liad  g-ivon  out 
i  foiild  not  hi",  replenislied  in  the  direction  of 
'  ,  Fort  bcott,  filed  orrtotlie  left,  and  by  a  route 
nearly  parallel  to  the  advance  of  .lackson,  liad 
passed  into  Georgia,  at  Hartford;  where  f'ol. 
ilayne  witii  40U  men  remained  for  the  protec- 
tion of  tliat  frontier,  until  after  the  period  at 
v.'hicli  Govf:rnoi«  Uabun  represented  it  to  be 
"bleeding."*  There  rould  therefore  have 
been  no  real  cause,  as  there  was"iio  pcssib'e 
jnstificatioi.forthc  attackontb.e  Chthaws;and 
of  this  the  liovcrnoriiimself  was  soon  'iensible, 
for  in  a  letter  of  the  lltti  Way,  fi\  .n  Milledge- 
ville,  Genera!  Glascock  says  to  Gen.  Jackson — 
•' I  had  an  interv.ea-  with  the  agent  and  the 
tiovernor,  and  th^y  have  concluded  that  a  talk 
\\-\\l  immediately  be  held  v.-itli  the  eliiefb  of  that 
place — ascertain  tiic  amount  of  property  <le- 
stroyed,  and  make  ample  leparation  for  the 
same.  This  is  at  once  acknowledg-infj  the  ira- 
jiopriety  of  tlie  attack,  and  not  in  the  le.ist  dc- 
j^rcc  tiirowlnu  off  the  stigma  that  will  be  at- 
tached to  the  State." 

The  next  charj^e  is  headed  with  the  follow- 
ing' important  dictum,  "  Military  men  should 
never  be  allowed  to  forg'ctthat  the  obl.gation  to 
obey,  being  the  .sol?  foundation  of  the  aiitliori- 
ty  to  commi.nd,  they  shoul'd  inculcate  subordi- 
nation, not  by  precept  only,  but  by  example." 
AncJ  ills  a'leij'ed  tliat  in  defiance  of  it.  General 
Jackson  has  committed  a  threefold  offence. 
"  He  has  offered  indignity  toth-'  Secretary  of 
War,  in  the  very  letter  assigning-  his  reasons  for 
disobeying'  the  order  to  disband  his  troops — he 
lias  placed  Ins  own  authority  in  epposition  to 
that  of  the  War  Uc;)aj'lment,  bv'  a  general  or- 
der forbidding  the  officers  of  his  command  to 
obey  the  orders  of  tlie  Department,  unleajthcy 
passed  througlx  the  cli.innel  which  he  had 
chosen  tn  prescribe — arid  he  disobi-yed  the  or- 
d'-r  of  tile  Government  in  his  military  opera- 
tions in  tlie  8panis!i  Teriitoiy."  Sweeping 
■Jiargcs  are  almost  always  unfounded,  because, 
in  order  to  make  them  plausible,  it  is  necessary 
to  suppress  tlie  very  ciic  unstances  which  quali- 
fy the  actions  tliey  inculcate.  In  the  precise 
tone  of  Mr.  Johnson,  an  English  essayist  might 
say  that  the  (jongress  of  '76  qffcretl an  indigni'.y 
iothc  KingoJ  Great  Eritain,  in  t/ie  dulurnfmi 
af  independtncc  assigning  ilu-lr  rensonsf^f  diso- 
htyirtg  his  autliority.  }'',vcry  case  of  the  kind  is 
characterized  only  by  its  circnm^taiicc:;  and 
•when  an  expert  disputant,  ti-iined  to  the  trliks 
of  the  forum,  advanctis  a  charge  and  omits  the 
circumstances  explanatory  of  i'ts  foundation,  it 
is  strong  evidence  tiiat  he  is  iiimself  conscious 
of  its  injustice.  Now  it  turns  out  that  the  al- 
leged disobedience  of  Gen.  Jaci;son  was  jus- 
tiiied  by  the  circurootances  of  the  ca.^e,  was 
approved  by  llie  government,  and  sanctioned  bv 
events.      Under  the  acts  authorizing  the  Prcs'i 


*  See  the  despatch  of  Gen.  Jackson  to  the 
U'ar  Depart.ment  cf  tli?  25th  Mareii,  from  Fort 
Gadsden,  three  weeks  before  the  massacre  of 
the  Ciieliaws,  and  also  his  letteii  of  the  11th  cf 
August  to  Gov.  Ur.btjn. 


dent  to  acceptthe  services  of  oO,00&  voluntecrt, 
General  Jackson,  then  commanding  the  2d  di- 
vision of  that  militia  which  he  soon  rendered  so 
famous — tendered  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  the  services  of  himself  and  two 
thousand  five  hundred  men  of  his  division,  and 
tlie  tender  was  accepted.  The  detachment 
having  been  embodied  and  organized,  was  or- 
dered to  proceed  by  water  to  New-Orleans. 
Suhhcqueiitly  to  his  departure.  General  Jack- 
son was  advised  to  halt  near  Natchez,  and  in 
compliance  widi  it,  he  took  a  position  in  the 
neigtiborhood  of  that  city.  Here  while  attend- 
ing to  the  health  and  discipline  of  llie  coips, 
he  received  the  laconic  mandate  from  the  Waa 
I)c])arfment,  with  disobedience  to  which  he  is 
so  grievously  repr.'aehed.  It  is  first  to  be  no- 
ticed, tliat  as  all  men  have  some  degree  of  falli- 
bility and  some  degree  of  discretion,  and  as  the 
imperfections  of  language  and  tlie  interposition 
of  distance,  give  ample  scope  for  the  operation 
of  both,  it  may  well  happen  that  the  non-execu- 
tion of  an  order  is  the  best  possible  mode  of 
obeying  the  Government.  When  an  officer 
receives  an  order,  which  the  exercise  of  a 
sound  discretion  convinces  him  woidd  not  have 
been  i.ssued  ha<l  the  condition  of  the  circum- 
stance'j  in  which  it  wai  to  operate  been  known 
to  the  authority  from  wliich  it  proceeded,  the 
spirit  of  his  duty  comes  in  direct  opposition  to 
the  lettci'  of  his  order.  Obedience  in  such  a 
case,  coii-sists  not  in  a  blind  submission  to  the 
words,  but  In  a  zealous  fulfilment  of  the  inten- 
tions of  the  GoveiTiincnt.  The  order  of  the 
Kmperor,  it  is  true,  authorized  Grouchy  to  con- 
tinue his  unprofitable  contest  with  the  Pnis- 
sianSj  but  the  spirit  of  his  duly  required  his 
presence  and  exertions  at  W.aterU>o.  By  disj 
regarding  the  signrd  which  recalled  him  from 
fight.  Lord  NeUon  fulfilled  the  wishes  of  his 
Govenimeot,.  shook  the  throne  of  Denmark, 
ami  shattered  the  confederacy  of  northern 
powers.  So  obvious  is  tlie  distinction  between 
nominal  and  real  obedience,  that  it  could  not 
have  escaped  the  attention  of  Mr.  Johnson,  but 
for  the  loyal  amazement  with  which  he  is  affect- 
ed at  the  idea  of  indignity  to  the  head  of  a  de- 
partment. This  seems  to  overcome  all  his  bet- 
ter faculties,  and  to  le.avt  him  nothing  but  the 
powers  of  genuflection  and  obloquy.  He  for- 
gets that  an  order  may  be  obscure,  and  there- 
fore liable  to  misconstruction,  and  that  it  may 
contain  imp'iifections  of  date  or  e.^prcssif^ 
which  bring  into  doubt  its  genuineness.  In  the 
case  now  considered,  all  these  causes  operated 
against  a  strict  execution  of  the  order.  Gen. 
Jackson  could  not  be  easily  convinced  that  it 
ivas  the  intention  of  the  President;  af^er  ac- 
cepting the  services  of  his  volunteers,  and  re- 
moving them  sis  hundred  miles  from  their 
homes  in  an  inclement  season,  pregnant  with 
disease,  and  beyond  a  vast  wiUleriiess  filled 
with  hostility,  to  deprive  them  of  food  to 
sive  them  from  hunger — to  strip  them  of  tents 
to  cover  tliem  from  the  wfcather,  and  of  .arms  to 
defend  them  froiu  sav.ages.  Yet,  on  tlie  15tU 
Alai'cii,  he  reeeivcj  the  duplicate  of  an  order 
addressed  iet  him  at  New-Orleans,  lequiring 
him,  "on  its  recei]>l,  to  consider  his  corns 
dismissed  from  pubhc  service,"  .and  to  "  de- 
liver iver  to  Gen.  Wilkinson  all  articles  of  pub- 
lic nroperty  which  may  luave  been  put  into  its 
possession" — not  leaving  the  men  a  mcuthfui  of 


JM 


lood — »nthelianus  of  the  dctaclimsnta  musket 
or  cartridge — in  the  possession  of  the  corps  a  sin- 
gle tent  or  wag-on,    or  the  smallest  accom- 
modation for  their  sick,  of  whom  there  were 
more  than  150.     He  received  another  copy  of 
the  same  order,  whicli  was  dated  near  a  montli 
earlier,  (before  General  Armstrong-,  whoso  sig- 
nature it  bore,  had  come  into   the  war   depart- 
ment,) and  containing  variations  of  expression 
which  made  it  apjitar  not  to  be  an  exact  copy. 
However,  he  determined  to  obey  it  nith  .^s  much 
exactness  and  as   little  delay   as  possible.      He 
saw,  what  Mr.  Johnson  does  not  perceive,  that 
its  declaratoiT  part  efi'ectcd  itself.     He  and  his 
detachment  were  dismissed  ll>c  service  of  the 
United  States.     The  order  was  not  a  direction 
to  disband,  but  &  notification  of  di.-jmissal,  so  far 
effected  itself,  and   required  in  no  dcgTee  th;. 
agency  of  Gen  Jackson.  This  Mr.  Johnson  may 
assure  himself  of  by  conceiving  that  Gen.  Jack- 
son, or  any  other  General,  were  directed  >o  con- 
sider himself  end  Aii  corps  engaged  with  the  ene- 
my, and  reflecting  wliether  that  would  be  deem- 
ed an  order  for  attack.     Its  mandatory  cl:. use, 
relating  to  public  property,  and   admitting  of 
.some  exceptions,  he  conceived  it  his  duty,  both 
'.0  the  government  and  to  liis  men,  not  to  carry 
into  full  execution.     Viewingoursas  a  just  and 
paternal  government,  he  considered  Isis  detach- 
ment pretty  much  as  tlie  law  considers  a  pre- 
termitted child,    and  determined  to  do  that  for 
his  men  which  tlie  government  had,  it  appear- 
ed, forgotten  to  do.     In  a  letter  to  the  Govern- 
or of  Tennessee,   under   whose  authority  tlie 
order  of  the  Secretary   had   replaced   him,    he 
says,  "I  have,  however,  from  the  necessity  oi 
the  case,  determined  to  keep  some  of  tlie  tents, 
and  to  march  tlie  men  back  in  as  good  order  a3 
possible,  and  I  will  make  every  sacrifice  to  atkl 
to  their  comfort.     1  have,  recpiired  of  the   con- 
tractor here  twent\'  days  rations,  which  will 
take  my  men  to  Colbert's;   and  I  must  trust  m 
Providenci-  and  your  exertions  to  furnish  them 
with  supplies  from  there   to  Nashville."     To 
Gen.  Wilkinson,  who  had  enclosed  tlie  order, 
he  says:  • 'I  have  had  the   lionor   of  recejvmg 
vour  letter  of  the  8ih  i list,  with  its  enclosures, 
containing  directions  for  me  to  deliver  over  the 
public  property  to  yoi-i,   v/liich  is  in  the  posses- 
sion  of  my   detachment.     Tiie  order  will  be 
complied    with,   except  a  small  reservation  of 
tents  for  the  sick,  and  some  other  indispensable 
articles.     I  acknowledge  the  order  was   une.v- 
pected;  but  I  coincide  with   you  in  sentiment, 
that  those  who  are  bound   must  obey."     Let 
the  reader  recollect  that  the  law  under  whicl\ 
the  services  of  this  corps  had  been   accepted, 
made  the  arms  and  accoutrements  of  tlie  sol- 
dier  his  private   property  at  his   discharge — 
operating  like  a  bounty   on  enlistments — that 
of  course  Gen.  Jackson  had  no  right  to  apply 
it  to  this  species  of  mihtary  property,  and  that 
he  only  suspended  its  execution  so  far  as  to  re- 
tain a  few  tents  and  other  articles  indispensable 
to  the  care  of  the  .sick,   until   he  could  get  liis 
corps  through  the  wilderness,    which  was  al- 
ready the  scene  of  tliose  Indian  murders  that 
soon   brought   on    the    Creek    War — tliat    to 
effect    this    j.atriotic   and  honor.ible    purpose 
he  borrowed  5000  dollars  on  his   own  private 
account* and    that    tlie    governmer.t    itself 


Of  a  merchant  of  Natche? 


sanctioned  his  proceedings,  and  then  uet--; - 
mine  the  degree  of  credit  to  which  Mr.  John- 
son's ch.arge  is  entitled.  Let  it  be  also  remem- 
bered that  this  chivali-ic  corps  contain<d  the 
Coffees  and  the  Carrols,  wl>o  fouglit  wherever 
they  conld  find  a  foe,  and  the  Lauderd.iles 
and  the  Uonrlsons,  who  ff;)I  with  so  much  glory; 
and  that  had  Gen  Jackson,  tluougl:  fear  of 
'•indig-nity,"  disbanded  bis  troops  an-1  left  them 
unc-ivered,  unfed,  un-aefciideJ  vie':..,  to  dis- 
ease to  want,  and  tn  murder,  tli  ■  ;-,  ariots  of 
Tennessee  vould  have  liecn  ju.stly  disglisted 
v.'ith  a  service,  wl.ich,  when  inspired  with  gra- 
titude and  affection  for  t'.ieir  fiithful  leader,, 
they  adhered  a  with  such  signal  zeal  and  tri- 
umphant efficiency. 

It  appears,  then,  tliat  so  far  from  desernng 
censure  for  the  moihfied  execution  of  the  order 
in  question,  he  merits  the  praise  of  prudence 
and  generosity;  and  is  entitled  to  tlie  gratitude 
of  bis  countiy  for  that  seasooab.le  and  enhghten- 
ed  independence  which  had  the  eifcct  of  at- 
taching to  him  and  to  her  the  matcri.ils  of  fu- 
ture safety  and  honor.  As  to  the  indignity  oi- 
fered  to  the  Secretaiy  of  Vi'ar,  at  which  our 
modern  Macsycophant  is  so  bustling  and  buoirtg, 
it  is  probalile  that  the  .Secretary,  who  was  by 
no  means  dull  of  apprehension,  cid  not  per- 
ceive it.  Rut  if  he  did,  he  could  only  consider 
it  a  private  injury,  as,  by  his  own  act,  Gener.il 
Jackson  was  no  longer  under  his  authority;  and 
was,  therefore,  out  of  the  rule  of  obedience 
upon  wliici'.  Mr.  Johnson  founds  the  right  to 
command.  His  letter,  after  representing  tlie 
discrepancy  betv.'een  the  date  of  the  order, 
(5th  Jan.)  and  the  official  notification  of  Gen. 
Armstrong's  entrance  into  the  War  Depart- 
ment, (3d  Feb.)  assures  the  Secretary  of  his 
determination  "  to  obey  the  order,  and  to  de- 
livc"  ever  to  tlie  quaiter-master  of  the  depart- 
ment all  public  property  in  my  hands,  that  can 
be  sp.ared  from  the  convenience  and  iif  .aUh  of 
my  men,  on  their  return  to  Nashville;  it  beinj; 
the  place  at  which  Ihay  were  rendezvoused  by 
the  orders  of  the  president  of  the  Unite  '  States, 
and  to  w'nich  place  1  siiall  march  them  as  soon 
as  the  necessary  sunplios  can  be  had  for  the 
purpose."  lie  then  expatiates  on  the  loss  of 
pubhc  spirit  and  of  patriotic  livts,  and  on  the 
great  di.stress  which  would  atieiid  the  i.nmedi- 
ate  dispersion  of  has  men — expresses  his  con- 
viction that  th;;ir  arms  belonged  to  them,  and 
his  surprise  that  an  order  so  neglectful  of  tbeii- 
feelings  and  interests,  should  have  been  traced 
by  tile  hand  "  of  an  old  revolutionary  soldier, 
who  knows  the  privations  of  a  soldier's  life, 
who  exercised  his  talents  (not  at  a  very  prudeii'. 
moment)  in  their  behalf,  at  the  clo^e  of  the 
last  war."  Now  this,  so  far  from  otiering  an 
indignity,  really  conveyed  a  delicate  allusion 
to  the  Newburg  letters.  Gen.  Armstrong  had 
not  the  folly  to  consider  it  au  indignity,  and, 
Gen.  Jackson  being  out  of  service,  not  the 
riglit  to  consider  it  an  offence.  He  was  no 
doubt  gratified  at  his  prudence  m  not  putting 
that  interpretation  on  his  l.iconic  o'-der,  which 
iiiiglit  have  been  a  natural  one  in  situations  so 
safe,  near,  and  plentiful  as  Niagara  and  Norfolk, 
but  which  would  have  oecn  incalculably  dis- 
trcssing_toJthe  Tennessecans  atNatche.-..  When 
it  is  taken  into  cous-deration  too,  that  the  ten- 
der of  this  corps  had  been  accepted  in  August, 
that  thev  bad  heenassembied  in  December,  had 


60 


embarked  on  the  Cumberland  in  January — that 
after  voyag-ing',  often  througli  floating  ice  and 
stormy  weather,  more  than  1000  miles,  they 
had  encamped  near  Natchez  on  the  21s'  Feb. 
and  had  then  been  dismissed  without  ceremony 
or  accommodation,  on  the  15th  March — tlie 
leader  will  be  apt  to  conclude  that  more  mo- 
deration on  the  part  of  Jackson,  would  have 
been  mean  spirited,  woHld  have  betrayed  a 
want  of  that  sensibility  to  the  clamis  of  friend- 
ship, and  neighborho.id,  and  fellowship,  which 
he  so  heroically  felt — which  did  him  so  much 
honor  as  a  mer,  and  were  so  fortunate  in  the 
event  to  his  country. 

The  winding  course  of  Mr.  Johnson's  defa- 
mation, briug-s  i>ext  into  view  the  charge  of  dis- 
obedience to  the  War  Department,  in  the  shape 
of  "a  g-eneral  order;"  and  if  a  man  can  lose  re- 
putation by  niakint:  unjust  .itt;tcks  upon  the 
fame  of  another,  it  will  tend  as  hule  to  Uk  honor 
ai  those  which  have  already  been  refiited.  The 
circumstances  e.xphuiiing-  this  case  are  the  fol- 
lowing: while  Gen.  Jackson  was  in  the  service 
of  the  United  States,  it  occurred  several  times, 
and  at  seasons  of  the  gfreate.st  pressure,  t.-.at 
Oiftoers  to  whom  he  Lad  assigned  iniportant  du- 
ties, were  silently  witlidiawn  from  their  posts 
by  orders  from  some  subaltern  iu  the  line,  sta- 
tioned as  a  deputj'  in  the  adju'antaudinHpector 
genei-.d's  office,  at  Vv'ajCiinijlon.  On  the  1st  of 
October,  1814,  for  txample.  just  a  fortnight 
after  the  first  attack  en  I"or^  Bowyer,  and  while 
the  whole  Biitisii  armament  was  hovering  be- 
tween Mobile  and  New  Orleans,*  un  order  was 
issued  from  the  war  dep.vtnient  sig-ncd  John  K. 
Bell,  deputy  inspector  g-eneral,  directing  Col. 
i-' parks,  and  the  officers  of  the  2d  regiment,  in- 
cluding" the  gallant  Major  Lawrence,  to  proceed 
forthwith  on  flie  recruiting  service!  Tnis  order 
was  received  w  l.lle  Gen.  Jackson  was  effecting 
the  tinv:!y  esjjulsion  of  the  British  from  Pensa- 
colii,  and  hai!  left  .Mobile  in  charg-e  of  Col. 
Sparks,  and  Fort  Bowyer  in  that  of  Alajor  Law- 
rence. WMt  commendable  pradeitce  these 
officers  declined  obedience,  and  remained  at 
their  posts.  General  .(ackson  complained  of  it 
to  the  government,  pointed  out  the  serious 
consequences  that  might  have  been  produced 
by  it,  and  suggested  the  propriety  of  comnnml- 
caling  in  future  ailordeisto  his  subordinates 
through  !iim,  inasmuch  as  his  capacity  to  de- 
fend the  extensive  and  defenceless  line  of  ter- 
ritory committed  to  his  charge,  would  be  des- 
troyed,if  the  cfilceis  on' whose  vigilance  and  ex- 
ertions he  depended  were  recnoved  from  their 
stations  without  his  icnowledge. 

This  representation  received  no  effectual  at- 
tention from  the  government — and  the  anoma- 
lous practice  it  coi;denmed,  continued  at  inter- 
r.als  to  prevail.  A  forcible  instance  occurred 
in  the  person  of  Major  Long,  who,  having  re- 
ported himself  under  a  regular  order  to  Gen. 
Jackson  for  duty,  was  directed  by  him  to  the 
upper  Mississippi,  for  the  purpose  of  sketching 
the  topograpliy  of  a  district  in  that  quarter, 
upon  which  a  contest  witli  the  Indians  was  then 
apprehended.  The  next  thing  the  General 
heard  of  his  F.ngineer,  was,  while  he  was  anxi- 
ously expecting  his  report,  tlirough  a  newsp.a- 

•  .See  despatch  from  Mr.  Monroe  to  Gen.  J. 
'^f  the  2rth  Sept.  nnd  from  Gen.  J.  to  Mr.  M.  of 

T>).-;?-Uhand27thAug'. 


per  notice  in  New  York,  that  Uie  Major  had 
some  time  since  established  himself  in  that  city, 
in  obedience  to  an  order  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment. Gen.  Jackson  (4th  March,  1817)  again 
appealed  to  Mr.  Kontue  (then  President^  on 
the  subject,  reiterated  his  former  reasons 
against  the  irregularity,  and  deprecated  with 
much  earnestness  its  prevalence  in  his  division, 
when  no  emergencies  of  war  existed  to  require 
it,  and  when  his  head-quarters  wei  e  at  Nash- 
ville, a  point  of  convenient  distribution  for 
orders  directed  by  mail  to  the  various  military 
stations  in  the  south  and  west.  This  commu- 
nication, like  tilt  former,  proving ,  ineffectual, 
detei'niined  no  longer  to  have  more  responsi- 
bility than  power,  he  took  measures  to  bring 
the  subject  before  the  government  in  a  way 
that  would  admit  of  no  further  neglect  On  the 
22d  April  he  issued  a  general  or.ler  forbidding 
the,  ofRiers  of  hisclivi.sion  to  obey  an)  order 
from  the  War  Department  which  did  not  pass 
through  ths  olHce  of  his  Adj;:tant 'G'-neral. 
About  two  monllis  after  this,  the  Presi- 
dent still  declining  any  decision  on  the  mat- 
ter, and  snH'ering  it  to  fester  by  delay,  an 
order  was  issued  from  the  War  Department,  ^ 
to  Gcner.al  Ripley,  then  in  command  at  New  Or- 
leans, which  in  compliance  with  Jackson'r  Gen- 
eral Order,  he  did  not  obey.  Fmding  one  of 
his  officers  involved  in  difficulty  by  an  act  of 
military  subordination  and  fidelity,  Jackson  im- 
mediately assumed  an  attitude  which  none  but 
a  V'artinet  or  an  attorney  can  /ail  'o  admire,  iu 
a  letter  t  othe  President,  (12th  Aug.  181?",)  he 
referred  to  his  former  communications  on  this 
subject,  and  to  the  cases  which  had  produced 
them — repeated  the  substance  of  his  genera!  or- 
der, and  stated  the  dileinma  of  General  Ripley, 
and  with  his  characteristic  spirit  and  honor  thu.s 
relieved  liirn  from  all  responsibihty:  "  This  has 
given  rise  to  the  proper  disobedience  of  Maj. 
Gen.  Ripley  to  the  order  of  the  Depvunent  of 
W  ar  above  alluded  to,  for  which  I  hold  myselt" 
responsible."  He  adds — "In  the  \'wv,  I  took 
of  this  subject  on  the  4tl.  of  March,  I  had  flat- 
tered myself  yon  would  coincide,  and  had  hoped 
to  recei\  e  your  an.swer  before  a  recurrence  of  a 
similar  infringement  of  military  rule  rendered  it 
necessary  for  me  to  call  your  attention  thereto. 
None  are  infi'llibJc  in  their  opinions;  but  it  is  ne- 
vertheless necessary,  that  all  siiould  act  agree- 
ably to  their  convictions  of  right.  My  convic 
ti<ms  iu  favor  of  the  cour.se  I  have  pursued  are 
strong,  and  should  it  become  necessary,  I  will 
wUhngiy  meet  a  fan' iiivfstigaiion  before  a  mili- 
tary tribunal.  The  g<^od  ot  the  service,  and  the 
dignity  of  the  commission  I  hold,  alone  actuate 
me.  My  wishes  tf^r  retirement  have  already  beer, 
made  known  to  you,  but  under  existing  circum- 
stances, my  duty  to  the  cfTicers  of  my  division 
forbids  it,  U-ihl  this  subject  is  fairly  understood. " 
The  final  decision,  w'hen  it  came,  was  that  orders  . 
to  inferiors  should  pass  tlirough  the  command- 
ing officer  of  th-  division,  always  thereafter, 
unless  m  case  of  necessily.  Admitting  the  prin- 
ciplt  contended  for  by  Jackson,  and  termln.ating 
a  practice,  which,  under  the  aspect  of  legal  au- 
thority, was  subversive  of  discipline,  injurious 
to  s.jrvice,  and  repugnant  to  justice.  It  is  true 
that  by  the  constitution,  the  President  is  Com- 
mander in  Chief  of  the  army,  and  that  by  a  cus- 
tom almost  equivalent  to  law,  ttie  orders  of  the 
'Secretary  are  cons'^rlered  the  orders  of  the  Pre*'- 


«>1 


Lilt,  and  that  among  the  illegitimate  descend- 
an:s  of  this  custom,  was  the  practice  of  confid- 
ing' the  power  of  tlic  Department  to  Lieut-en- 
ants  of  tlie  line,  whose  enormous  deviations 
from  propriety,  as  in  the  order  to  Co!.  Sparks, 
broup;ht  it  into  question  and  disrepute.  But 
the  President  is  Commander  in  Chief,  only  in 
the  same  sens';  in  which  the  General  is  com- 
mander of  hiS  division;  has  no  ftronper  claim  to 
the  o.^edier.ce  of  the  '.k-neral  than  the  latter  has 
to  t))e  obedience  of  llie  Colonel  i  and  his  orders, 
whether  issued  under  liis  si^n  munual,  or 
throujfh  the  Hecietary  of  War,  or  the  imposinjj 
instrumentality  of  a  sufealurn,  are  t.i  be  irstivin- 
ed  by  the  laws  of  CongTesL^  and  the  pripciples  of 
the  constitution.  No  CJan  will  contend  that  liis 
autliority  in  the  ainij'  is  ab.solute — that  he  can 
of  his  oivn  aeco 'd  inflict  capitai  punisnincnt  on 
a  sohlier — can  Siake  a  lienten.ini  command  a 
captam,  a  colontl  a  (general,  or  exact  duty  from 
either  withojit  allowing  him  his  proper  rank. 
Now  the  essence  rf  rank  consists  in  the  su- 
jjeriority  of  command  which  it  confers;  and 
any  order  of  the  President  making  an  infe- 
rior disobey  the  orders  of  his  superior,  is  a 
derog'ation  of  the  rank  of  that  superior,  and 
produces  a  disorder,  the  removal  of  wbicli  ne- 
cessarily exposes  lO  disturbance  in  a  similar  and 
equivalent  degree,  the  autliority  of  the  Presi- 
dent over  file  superior.  The  oi-der  to  Col. 
Sparks  required  a  direct  and  violent  disobedi- 
ence to  Gen.  .Jackson's  command,  as  that  to 
Major  Long'  effected  it.  To  ha\e  rendered 
these  orders eiairely  legal  and  expedient,  they 
should  have  been  communicated  through  the 
commanding  General.  They  would  tlieu  liave 
pre.served  the  just  equ;tlily  between  responsi- 
bility and  power,  which  the  nature  of  delegat- 
ed authority  requires.  .\nd instead  of  causing 
one  act  of  obedience,  and  one  of  disobedience, 
they  would  iiave  p'.oducsd  two  acts  of  peifect 
obedience,  through  ag^-nts  related  in  due  sub- 
ordination to  each  other.  The  course  pursue  d 
by  the  government,  rioieover,  invnlvedthe  sig- 
nal injustice  of  fixing  ■pnbliclij  the  proportion 
between  Gen.  Jackson's  power  and  responsi- 
bility, upon  which  proportion,  it  must  be  pre- 
sumed, he  consented  to  as-iumethe  latter,  and 
then  privalcly,  and  without  his  kno\vlc(ige,  re- 
ducing tlie  former  belc.v  tiiat  proporlion,  by  a 
proceeding  much  in  the  nature  of  an  txposi  fac- 
to law.  The  silence  and  hesitation  persevered 
in  respecting  his  remonstrances,  while  they 
tended  to  produce  an  impression  that  tlie  rca- 
sonshe  advanced  were  not  disapproved,  created 
a  strong  demand  fur  the  deci.sive  mea.-sures  he 
adoptsd,  and  the  fact  which  is  but  too  ^pparcTit 
tliat  the  irregularity  he  complained  of,  was  cal- 
culated, if  coutinued,^o  disappoint  the  depart- 
ment, as  well  as  the  General,  as  it  might  be  re- 
torted by  the  latter  in  various  perplexing  ways, 
furnishes  anoiher  strong  objection  to  it.  Its 
only  excuse  is  a  complete  jiistiiication  of  it, 
where  it  can  be  shovn,  and  a  marked  cor.dem- 
Iiation  of  it,  where  it  cannot  bfc  shown;  viz:  «e- 
av;ity.  To  this  fair  adjustment  and  full  re- 
dress. Gen.  .lackson  brought  this  abuse  in  the 
serv'ce,  and  for  Ihe  spirit  and  judgment  he  dis- 
played on  that  occasion  alone,  he  deserves  the 
gratitude  of  the  army,  anti  the  respect  of  his 
fellow  citizens. 

iHaving  in  a  former  number  shown  to  ymir 
-"iders  tliat  his  military  operations  in  Florida 


were  m  direct  obadience  to  tlie  orders  of  tbc 
War  Department,  t  shall  not  be  detained  by 
iMr.  .Tohnson's  repetition  of  that  unfoundect 
charge,  further  tlian  to  advert  to  the  clumsy 
dexterity  with  whicli  he  shifts  his  ground — at 
one  moment  inveighing  against  the  (ieneral, 
for  disobedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Depart- 
ment, and  at  the  next  reviling  him  for  conduct 
Ml  direct  obedience  to  them.  From  this  dilem- 
ma he^  cannot  escape,  unless  he  can  proce  that 
the  orders  vesting  Gen.  Jackson  "  with  full 
piiwers  to  conduct  the  war  in  the  manner  he 
might  think  best''  -authorizing  him  "tomarcli 
across  the  Florida  line,  and  attack  tiie  Semi- 
noles  within  its  limits" — and  requiring  him  to 
collect  a  force  sufficient  "to  beat  the  enemy 
and  terminate  the  eoaflict,"  did  not  justify.Jii;^ 
invasion  of  Florida,  within  the  limits  of  which 
"the  enemy"  was  situated;  or  his  temporary 
occupation  of  the  Spanish  Pusts,  of  wiiich,  in 
defiance  of  the  stipulations  of  a  treaty  and  the 
duties  of  a  neutral,  the  Seminoles  held  either 
hostile  control  or  rnihtaTj'  possession .  A  dis- 
jjosition  to  avoiil  labor  and  repetition,  suggests 
the  propriety  of  a  similar  reference  for  a  refii- 
t,ation  of  the  charges  grounded  upon  the  m/j- 
cr.lkd  declaration  of  murliriliaw — an  act  of  vigor 
a^id  forecast,  Vvdiich  in  its  origin  and  consequen  ■ 
ces  w;i3  vindicated  by  urgent  necessity,  justifi- 
ed by  powerful  analogies,  sanctioned  by  exam- 
ples, and  ratified  by  events;  covering  that  city 
witii  gioiy  and  protection,  endearing  its  per- 
former to  all  wlio  vvere  willing  to  fight  in  its 
defence,  and  tiirilling  every  patriotic  heart  in 
this  Union  with  emotions  of  joy  and  triumph. 

These  offences  against  the  law  and  the  Con- 
stitution being  disposed  of,  we  come  to  those 
with  whicii  Mr.  .lohn'on  declares  "  mercy 
and  humanity  unite  in  accusip,g  General 
Jackson."  They  stand  in  bis  catalogue  in 
the  foUowin!'  order: — "  The  cold-bloodc^ 
m'assacrc  at  the  Horse-Shoe" — "  the  decoyed 
.and  slaughtered  Indians  at  .St.  Marks" — "the 
wanton  and  unexampled  execution  of  Ambris- 
ter" — "  and  of  the  .still  more  injured  Arbuthnot, 
a  trader  and  an  advocate  for  peace."  With 
respect  to  "the  cold  blooded  massacre  at  the 
Horse-Shoe,"  as  no  o"der  for  one  was  ever 
given  by  Gen.  Jackson,  it  is  a  calumny  on  the 
cour.ige  and  humanity  of  his  officers  and  men, 
who  have  added  unfading  laurels  to  those  whicli 
they  gained  on  that  despei'ate  day — many  of 
whom,  in  their  umhtdled  campaigns,  found 
honorable  wounds  or  glorious  de.ith — and  some 
of  whom  have  filled  and  occupy  the  highest 
stations  in  the  esteem  and  government  of  a 
grateful  cotmtry.  My  business  is  confined  to 
the  correction  of  the  more  intentional  injustice 
of  die  .address,  and  therefore,  after  assuring 
(be  reader  that  there  is  no  foundation  whatever 
in  truth  or  in  histon-  for  such  a  ch-jrge,  1  siiaU 
do  no  mere  ih;m  :>ubmitthis  inexcusable  misre- 
presentation to  that  sort  of  destruction  wiiich 
the'testimony  of  a  witness  undergoes,  when  it 
is  proved,  that  in  order  to  establish  a  certain 
point  of  interest,  he  has  made  sniciiin  declara- 
tions, which  h.ad  no  fnund:ition  in  fact,  and 
could  have  none  in  bis  own  knowledge.  Gen. 
Carroll,  the  late  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  a 
distinguished  disciide  of  Gen.  Jackson  in  war, 
whose  rank  and  presence  in  this  action  ^:^\Ci 
bim  a  minute  acquaintance  witl;  its  features, 
upon  reading  Mr.  .(ohnson's  addvoss,  furnished 


toe  tbUowii'.yfoiaieniciil  ; — "  I  hive  seen  tho  ad- 
rlrcss  nf  t!ie  anti-Jackson  Convention  of  Virginia, 
in  which  Gen.  Jacksru  isc'iar^til  withthe  coU- 
blooded  nussacie  of  the  Indians  at  the  Iloi-se 
Shoe.  Durin(?ihc  wl'olt'ofthc  Creek  war,  I  serv- 
ed as  liispectdv  Gcncr;d  of  the  Ami) — was  pre- 
sent at  the  battk  of  the  llowe-Shoe,  andean  say, 
of  my  own  personal  knowli-dg'e,  tliat  the  charge 
is  wholly  destituts  of  foundation.  To\vards 
the  close  of  the  action,  after  the  breast-works 
had  br-en  taken  by  aSba.iit,  a  nunriher  of  Indians 
topk  rcfnj^e  under  a  <j;iantity  of  brush  and  loi^s. 
Gen.  Jacfc-ion  advanced  to  witliin  &  short  dis- 
tance of  the  place  of  their  conc>"aliTieiit,  and  di- 
rected his  'nferpretcr,  Georcje  ?i?a)  field,  to  m- 
stiJ'ethem,  tlial  if  they  won.d  surrender,  they 
shonld  be  treated  with  the  greatest  humanity. 
They  answered  the  proposition  by  firing-  upon 
sttd  woiindini;;  Mayfu'ld  Bcvevely  in  the  shoul- 
der. .-V  si;ni!ar  proposition  was  also  made  by 
,Iim  rife,  or  old  Chinneber-,  and  the  fire  of  the 
i'ndians  was  the  only  rejily  it  received.  After  a 
number  of  our  men  wer-  killed  and  wounded 
by  those  Indians,  and  after  they  liad  twice  re- 
filled to  surrender  upon  any  terms,  the  b:-\ish 
was  set  on  fire,  and  biit  few  of  them  escaped 
Jeath.  Tho  prisoners  taken  on  that  day,  in- 
'  tiulintj  a  large  number  of  women  and  children, 
v.-cro  humanely  treated  by  Gen.  Jackson.  I 
have  infde  the  above  statement  in  justice  to 
Gen.  Jackson,  am!  the  bravo  men  wiio  fougiit 
the  battle  of  the  Horse  Shoe."* 

The  iestimony  of  numerous  eye-witnesses 
niitjht  be  added  to  this  statemen",  but  no 
!nnUi],.;icntion  of  certificates  could  render  it 
more  respectable,  or  isore  completely  effect 
the  explosion  of  this  "  cold-biooded"  slander.' 
The  reader  must  be  struck  with  the  emphat- 
'■r,  yet  forheariiig'  tone  in  whicli  it  is  cx- 
pri.'-:''ed,  p^-o^'i:-,,r  that  althoujrh  the  writer  was 
sensible  of  the  inj'.islice  of  ilr.  Johnson's  re- 
'IccC.on  (ui  himself,  he  was  not  at  all  moved 
by  it. 

But  perhaps  it  is  intended  to  impress  the 
public  mind  with  the  belief,  that  dislodging 
those  des,>erate  Indians  wli'>  rejected  <iuarter 
nnd  prolonged  the  b.ittle  after  resistance  was 
'.ain,  was  of  itself  a  "cold-blooded  mass.acre." 
Arc  t.ien  the  enem'cs  of  the  U.  States,  v.'hen 
waging  a  savage  i-risparing  war,  to  requite  with 
wounds  and  deatli  our  ulTers  of  humanity  and. 
protection,  and  yet  be  sand  from  death  orreiali- 
ation?  Are  our  commanders  to  begin  an  action 
.^-overpow'  r  by  great  efforts  the  main  force  of 
'he  enemy,  and  tiien  abandon  the  field  and  the 
victory  to  a  few  desperadoes?  General  Jack- 
.<-on's  duty  to  his  country  and  his  goverjin^.ent, 
compelled  him,  if  in  his  power,  to  defeat  the 
enemy;  and  that  operation  necessarily  involves 
tlie  destruction  of  every  adversary  who  refu.ses 
to  yield.  Had  the  desp'  rate  parly  at  the  Horse 
Shoe,  been  a  detachment  of  jjonaparte's  I.mpe- 
rial  Guard,  tlie  veterans  of  fift}-pitched  battles, 
■•ind  eonimui'.ded  by  Ney  or  ^ult,  they  must 
have  suffered  the  fate  of  the  Indians — as "k  gar- 
rison wnleh  refuses  a  summons,  may,  by  the 
laws  of  war,  be  blown  into  the  air.  ISiitwlio 
were  these  determined  and  deluded  savages.' 
Tlis  same  who,|  when  the  sudden  hostility  of 

'  Ramsay's  History,  continued,  published  in 
1318,  gives  an  account  similar  to  this  of  Geneva] 
■•arroll,  v.  3.  p.  If?. 


their  nation  rcie  like  in  iniinaatiuii  oa  the  bc^ 
tlements  of  Alabama,  herding  hundreds  of  wo- 
men and  children  into  Fort  Mimms,  broke  into 
that  asylum  with  treachery,  fire  and  murder; 
who  followed  to  that  feast  of  butchery,  where 
quarter  was  neitlier  offered  nor  allowed, the  vol- 
canic voice  of  IVeatherlortl,  and  as  it  rose  .above 
the  shouts  of  fury  and  the  shrieks  of  despair, 
breatlling  inextinguishable  rage  and  demanding 
relentless  Slaughter,  obeyed  its  ferocious  sum- 
mons, until  but  ir  out  of  300  of  our  unarmed 
citizens  were  left  alive.  They  were  the  same 
men  who,  under  cover  of  a  truce  granted  for 
their  benefit  by  Gen.  Jackson,  had  entrapped 
and  slaughtered  the  son  of  Chinnibee — the 
Massanis.sa  of  the  Creeki — the  friend  and  ally 
of  the  American  people.*  These  .are  t!»e  be- 
ings, whose  self-piovokcd  destruction,  in  3  fair 
and  liard -fought  action,f  the  people  of  Virginia 


•  Chinnibee  v.'as  chief  of  the  Natchez  tribe. 
A  few  days  before  tlie  battle  of  the  Horse  Shoe, 
a  party  of  the  hostile  Creeks  communicated  t'> 
him  their  wi.sh  to  submit  to  General  Jackson, 
and  join  the  friendly  Creeks.  Foe  this  purpose 
Chinnibee  interceded,  and  pledged  himself  as  a 
liostage  for  tlicii'  fidelity.  They  accordingly 
came  into  his  fort, where  they  were  received  as 
friends.  In  the  course  of  a  fev,'  days,  they  men- 
tioned that  they  had  corn  and  some  other  pro- 
visions secreted  in  the  neighboring  hills,  and 
asked  for  permission  and  assistance  to  convey 
it  to  the  fort.  Chimiibee  furnished  them  his 
horses,  and  sent  with  tliem  his  youngest  son. 
After  getting  about  fifteen  miles  from  the  fort 
they  turned  upon  young  Chinnibee,  and  mur- 
dered liini  with  the  indecency  and  cruelty  pe- 
culiar to  savages — c.irried  oS'the  horses-r-join- 
cd  the  ho.stile  Creeks,  and  were  eng.aged  in  the 
battle.  To  the  honor  of  the  noble  fatlier  of  this 
unfortunate  son,  it  must  be  added,  that  after 
the  action  h^d  commenced,  Capt.  tlordon,  who 
comm.anded  th'  spies,  discovered,  just  as  the 
order  for  storming  the  Indian  bre.ist-v.'.-.k  was 
.about  to  be  given,  that  the  women  and  chil- 
dren who  were  within  the  works,  might  be 
saved  by  the  intervention  of  Chinnibee,  and 
would  otherwise  be  destroyed  in  a  successful 
assault.  lie  copumunicated  this  to  General 
Jackson,  who  suspended  the  order,  although 
his  men  were  suffering  from  the  fire  of  the  In- 
dians, both  those  prepared  to  make  the  assault, 
and  those  who  were  swimming  the  river  to  sup- 
port it,  aud  desired  old  Chinnibee  to  endeavor 
to  get  the  women  and  children  to  a  place  of 
.sS'ety.  ^Vlthougli  his  son  had  been  murdered 
so  cruelly,  with  a  humanity  truly  christian,  thi.-i 
old  man  mounted  the  breast v.'ork  at  the  hazard 
of  his  life,  and  calling  to  the  women,  told  them 
he  was  re.ady  to  .save  them  and  their  children. 
They  hastened  towards  him,  he  sprang  into  the 
fort,  .and  the  poor  creatures  clinging  to  hi.9 
hunting  shirt  and  clustering  around  him  like  a 
swarm  of  bees,  were  brought  out  of  the  fort  and 
saved  from  destruction.  The  General  then 
gave  the  order  to  storm,  the  works  were  car- 
ried, the  enemy  destroyed,  and  the  victory 
gajied.  Does  this  look  like  a  cold-blooded  mas- 
.■■acre'  And  yet  fifty  witnesses  will  confirm  it  if 
Mr.  Johnson  is  incredulous. 

■j-  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  tliis  action, 
was  55  killed  and  145  wounded.  Among  the 
former  were  Major  Montgomery,  .of  the  regular 


bi', 


are  aansed  if>  cuiisidcr,  ia  order  to  vilify  a 
fiitht'ul  officer,  a  "cojd-bloodcd  massacre!" 

TlVe  charge  "  of  t!ie  liecoycd  am!  slaiig-htcred 
Indiana  at  St.  Marks,"  is  next  in  order  aiul 
equal  in  truth.  Us  subject  is  iridisstj'.ubly  con- 
nected with  the  crimes  and  Cite  of  Arbutliiiot 
and  .Vmhns'.er,  artd  blend-i  itsilf  intimately  «-itli 
the  operations  of  lackson  in  Florida.  But  Use 
scene  of  'hcse  transactions  was  so  remote  and 
obscure — covered  by  unlravelled  wiMerncsses, 
unmeasured  ■  swanips,  and  undffi.ifd  jurisdic- 
tions— the  characters  upon  which  tliey  opemt- 
ed  so  notorious  and  yet  so  uakr.own,  their  alle- 
giance so  diversified,  and  then-  motives  so  v.iri- 
ous,  that  the  attention  even  of  a  faU'  inquirer  is 
often  bedininied  and  confounded  in  their  stvidy, 
as  the  stronj^est  eye  is  mocked  in  pursuing  the 
everchang-in^  reflection  from  ag-itated  water. 
In  their  present  state  of  indigesuon,  tliey  fnnn 
a  mass  of  rubbish,  behind  which  every  scribbler 
who  chooses  to  revile  .lackson  and  hopes  to  de- 
lude the  public,  entrenches  liimself.  I  confess 
it  was  with  astouLshment,  somelhing  like  that 
which  tlfe  reader  of  Tom  Jones  experiences  on 
jindin;^  the  philosopher  Square  meditating  on 
the  (itnesB  of  things  behind  Molly  Ser.grim's 
blanket,  I  di.scovercd  C  Jct.nson  ensconced 
within  it.  And  it  is  less  to  expose  him,  than  to 
prevent  the.leader  of  any  future  convcnticlers, 
who  may  put  their  heads  and  their  haunches 
togetherfor  tiie  purpose  of  hatching  public  mis- 
reprcsentp.t'On^,  that  I  nivjke  the  patience  of 
the  render's  attention  to  the  followlnfj  detail: 

The  drumoti!' ptrsonx  en'^AQcd  in  liie  catas-^ 
trophe  which  Jack^">n  is  accused  of  producing, 
were — Lieut.  Colonel  Niclm!*,  of  the  British 
artillery — WooJbi-  e  an  Engli.^h  advcn'urer  of 
tine  address  and  ilesperate  niorab,  trainer  of  hos- 
tile Indians,  with  the  title  if  not  the  r.mk  of 
Captain,*  and  in  that  respect,  adjunct  and  suc- 
cessor of  t«ichoIs — Arbuthnot,  a  "Scotchman, 
who  had  left  his  wife  in  Europe,  nurried  a  co- 
lored one  in  the  Wust  Indies,  and  with  a  son  by 
the  former  one  taken  a  tradin.af  position  in  Flo- 
rida, got  himself  elected  Chief  of  the  Indians  at 
war  with,  the  United  States,  and  as  such  had 
sanctioned  thebutcheiy  of  Lieut.  Scott  and  his 
party — Ambrister,  a  half  officer  and  half  bucca- 
neer, who,  with  tlie  commission  of  "auxihaj-y 
lieutenant  of  colonial  marines,"  giVen  by  admi- 
ral Cochrane  during  the  war  with  his  country, 

,\vas  taken  three  years  ifter  the  peace,  leading; 
the  Indians  and  fugitive  negroes  lii  battle  against 
the  troops  of  the  United  stales.  Hambly  and 
l>oyle,  s,.bjects  of  Spain,  agents  of  ;i  comuier- 
eialfirr.iin  Pcnsacola,  dri' ;ng  1  he  Indian  trade 
in  an  establishment  on  th'  .Vpilachicola,  and  fa- 
vorers of  peace — Cook,  eeik  to  Arbuthnot,  al-- 
soil!  favor  of  peace — Fx.uicis  or  Hillis  Hadgo, 
Cliicf  of  the  prophets  of  tljc   Creek  Nation,  ap- 

1  pointed  by  Fecumseh  in  his  insurrectional  vuit 
to  the  Southern  tribes  in  the  fall  of  lal2.  an  in- 
veti-.rate  enemy  of  the  United  States,  liad  re- 
fused to  unite  v.'ith  his  country. nen  in  the  capi« 
lulation  of  Fort  Jackson, aba"denrd  his  country, 
and  at  the  head  of  the  outlawed  Rc-dstick,s,  had 


taken  rel'ug-e  and  protection  wiih  tiie  ieViunoii,,.? 
in  Florida,  instigated  them  to  rapine  and  mur- 
der, and  had  witnessed  and  encouraged  the 
massacre  of  Lieutenant  Scott  and  his  party— 
H;  mithlimaco,  a  Kcdstick  Chief,  the  princr- 
pal  warricT  of  the  prophet,  and  principal  per- 
petrator-jf  that  massacre." 

The  motives  and  li.abilities  of  th.ese  men  were, 
as  various  as  their  names  and  nations.  The 
motive  of  Nichoils  Wfs;  success  in  his  prorossioij 
and  service  to  his  country,  stained  with'the  de- 
sign of  d-basing-  tiie  chivalry  of  war,  by  the  em- 
ployment of  savage  asstciates.  To  tills  Wood- 
bine added,  and  in  a  pred^mii^ting  degree,  fh;:; 
infamous  desire  of  .plunder  and  profit.  Lucre 
was  the  sole  iSiject  of  Arbuthnot,  and  his  uiean.i 
for  procuring  it  were  sagaciofiis  and  unscru])i.- 
lous-^proposing  to  acquire  an  influence  over 
all  the  surnnuidiiig  Indian  tribes,  by  means  cl' 
it  to  disturb  their  existing'  relations  with  their 
civilized  neiglibors,  both  as  to  territory  and 
trade,  and  to  engross  the  entire  profits  of  the 
latter.  A  mixed  and  unprincipled  thirst  for 
gain  and  for  fame,  seems  to  have  actuated  Am- 
bribter.  Interest,  which  incited  Arbuthnot  and 
Ambrister  to  produce  confusion,  made  Hambly 
and  Doyle  anxious  to  preserve  pe.ace.  Cook 
was  engaged  to  be  married  to  a  girl  in  New 
Vrovidence,  felt  therefore  an  inordinate  .attach- 
ment to  life,  and  little  di-position  to  run  the  ha- 
7.:irds  of  hi.s  employer,  Arbuthnot.  Tiie  "self 
exiled"  Prophet,  loving  his  country  less  than  he 
hated  her  en-  mies,  was  filled 'with  revenge  fo-.- 
the  disaaters  of  tiie  Creek  war,  for  the  loss  of  in- 
fluence which  they  had  occasioned  him,  for  the 
severities  which  his  refus.il  to  submit  to  the  ca^ 
pituialioa't'  of  Fort  Jackson  hid  occasioned  liTm, 
an!  forliie  "exemplary  punishment"  denounc- 
ed aga'nst  bun  byi.ie  order  of  the  Secrctarv  of 
War,  XlG'eh  Jan.  181S)  vrh'cit  was  coinniilted 
fir  r  X!-cutiou  to  Gen.  Jackson.  He  was  further 


army,  an  officer  of  great  promise,  and  Lieuten- 
ants Moaiton  and  Sominerville.  •Amr.Mg-  the 
latter,  the  present  Gcnci-als  Carroll  and  Hous- 
ton, thel»te  and  the  present  Gover.aDrs  of  I'en- 
nessce. 

•Lato'i.",  page  .T. 


*  The  Hedsticf;:  were  a  powerful  tribe  of  tile 
Creek  Indians,  whose  national  standard  was  a 
red  pole  dc'corated  with  human  scalps, 

— — ■ "Bcsinca'cd  wifh  l)ko(', 

'.'  Of  liuntan  sacrifice,  and  parent's  lean:" 
Their  postes.sioiis  once  reached  from  the  Ala 
^lama  to  the  Mississippi,  and  one  of  their  prin- 
cipal villages  was  on  the  lat'er  river,  where  B.a- 
ton  Rouge  (IJed  S.aiF)  now  stands.  The  "out- 
lawed ReJstick.s"  were  that  portion  of  this  tribe 
who,  refusing  to.  abide  by  the  capitulation  o; 
I'ort  .lackson,  were  oitilaiusd  by  the  Creeks. 

f  The  agreement  comuionly  called  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Jackson,  Was,  in  reality,  a  military  ca- 
p!luli:lion,  so  designated  and  prescr'bed  hy  tho 
government  .  In  a  letter  from  the  War  Depart- 
ment, of  tile  2l/tli  .March,  ISl-l-,  first  addressed 
to  Gen.  i'jnckn.y,  and  then  communicated  to 
G;p.  Jackson,  it  is  said — "since  the  date  of  my 
Last  letter,  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  the  pro- 
posed treaiy  with  [l.e  Creeks  should  take  a  form 
cllvi^fUxr  m'tj^  -If.  and  should  be  in  tlie  nature 
of  ■xciipi-'nl^  l!0-i  "  Under  ill's  and  similar  or- 
der.s,  tl.e  ci/iilutiitioii  was  c  included.  And  vet 
Mr.  Clay,  in  his  .speech  (.Ian.  ISth,  1819,)' on 
the  Seminole  war,  at'aches  b'ame  to  Ut.  .lack- 
son  for_"\he  dictatorial  tei-ms"  of  thi:  trcitty,  as 
he  call?  it.  So  that  then,  as  now,  if  Gen.  jack-, 
son  executed  the  orders  of  the  governnicnt  hi- 
was  censured,  and  if  he  only  appeared  to  trar 


ti'l 


V 


siimiiiujeii  by  t'ne  prids  of  c'liaracter,  whicli  a 
l^ite  visit  to  Eng-Iand,  and  a  flattering'  reception 
irom  the  I'rmce  Regent  hud  i.ispi-ed,  ami  by 
tlic  hope  nf  reviving  the  hostile  spirit  of  the 
Creaks,  and  reg'aining'  his  ibrmer  inliuenc«  ami ' 
possessions.  Willi  a  hatred  to  the  United 
Stalts  equally  passionate  and  tierce,  Hini'.thh- 
maco  was  infuriated  by  a  natural  thirst  for  car- 
natfe,  saperstitioua  reference  for  the  propheti- 
cal ri'-  nity  of  Francis,  and  habitual  eagerness  to 
execute  ''.is  most  brutal  purposes. 

Tlie  r^rency  of  these  individuals,  impelling, 
moderating'  or  counterr.oting  each  other,  and  de- 
rivin;^  more  or  less  encoiirag-einent  and  aid  from 
tlic  riiianish  auth%rities,  lisd  kept  up  v.  state  ot 
hesi'titiug  wai-,  but  unremitting  robbfvy  and 
blooOiklicd  on  our  j.nutliern  frontier,  ever  since 
the  termination  of  the  Creek  war,  in  Aug^u'jt, 
iai4.  Jn  its  least  offensive  but  most  danger- 
O'lisfonn,  it  was  repelled  by  Gen.  Jackson, 
'when  ho  dislodged  the  British  armament  from 
Peritacola,  in  November  of  that  year.  It  is  the 
business  of  history  to  recOTd  hciv,  with  more 
than  T!iothe"'s  care,  a  patriot's  fire,  and  a  stales- 
man's  foresigiit,  on  the  liist  intellijjeiice  of  its 
appearance  there,  he  fiewuncrderen  to  the  pro- 
tcctiouof  Mobile,  and  fortified  and  gaa'risoned 
I'ort  Bcwyer.  How,  wliile  he  :iwp.kened  by 
desp.atches,  tfie  vigilance  of  the  cabinet,  just 
composed  afccr  the  capture  of  Washington — he 
roused  the  patriotism  of  the  people,  and  call- 
ing on  Coffee  and  his  voiiinteers  with  a  voice  in 
which  th.  ,  lieard  the  ti'ump  of  Pame.be  ibrced 
the  Britisu  to  abandon  Pcniacoi".,  and  the 
Spaniards  to  maintain  their  neutrality.  How, 
after  securing  ihe  left  fi:<iik  of  iiio  exttnslve 
liufttpf  defence,  peiielrabii:  by  rivers,  and  ac- 
ci-'S'.<;Lble  by  bays,  he  passt-d  wi'th  incredible  e.x- 
pcdition.to  th';  banks  of  the  Ussissippi,  witli 
little  other  aid  from  the  government  >han  stnls 
inhlligMC'  a.^d Uiplomaiic  dirr.ctioaf,*  witharrrfs. 


'  The  fu'st  nitelligenco  v;hich  Gen.  Jackson 
-;":^ived  from  the  government  of  the  projected 
,  .:,ck  on  Ne^  Orleans,  was  in  a  letter  from  Mr. 
.li'jnriie,  (then  Secretai'y  cf  War)  of  the  7lh 
i^cpt.  1H14.  But  as  early  as  the  lOtli  Aug.  he 
had  desp.itched  by  express  the  same  iutelli- 
sjC'iee  in  a  corroborated  form  to  the  Depart- 
ment, the  receipt  of  which,  and  of  four  other 
despatches  of  that  month,  are  'acknowledged 
bv  Mr.  Monroe  on  the  STth  Sept.  In  the  letter 
of  the  ~th.  Gen.  Jackson  is  eniphatically  told, 
"you  should  repair  to  New  Orleans  as  soon  as 
vour  arrangements  can  be  completed  in  llie 
other  parts  of  the  disirict,  unless  your  prencncs 
should  be  required  ai  otlur  fohits."  In  a  letter 
■of  the  10th  December,  he  is  told  in  a  spirit 
oulte  prophetical,  considering  be  had  no  effi- 
'  ient  sup;dies  from  the  Ucpartment,  thai  l/i/ 
!uking  a  iuiiabtepotiliun  in.  tlievicinittj  of  iVpu.- 
Orlcias,  he  ivUl  he  cihtblf.d  "  to  overinhdm  the 
..u'iny  whcnrcer  he.  presents  himself"  and  tliis 
'.vithout  the  Secrelary's  haviiia^any  definite 
knowledge  of  .h'ck'ion's  >;tr?u;-;ijm'  giving  any 
iinfyniiatirtii  of  the  eneiny's.  itut  .suppose  tlie 
enciiij  had  got  possession  of  Mobile,  which  the 
.same  letter  describes  as  of  litllc  importance, 
"comparatively  a  trifling  object  withAl^e  Hrit- 
ioh  government,"  a'-.d  wliic'.i  nothing  but  Jack- 
sou's  bold  cxisulsion  of  tliem  from  Pens.icola, 
and  persevering  traiuteucnce,  in  spite  of  th- 

A/.Jfrfi'-   "!•'  ofiiri-rs  of  'ii  '  S,-i  r»t;'Uri-c;  *o  -,) 


filp.cs  and  nionty,  collected  by  himself,  with 
raWjUrrurnished and  inferior  forces,he  vanquish- 
ed bn«!i  in  attack  and  defence,  the  most  formi- 
dable veter^ins  of  I'.uropc,  and  surpassed  in 
skill  and  courtesy,  her  renowned  and  accom- 
plished Generals.  Since  the  peace  with  England 
these  lawless  disturbances  had  been  continued 
by  forays  of  I'apine  and  murder,  principally  on 
the  southern  borders  of  Georgia,  which,  after 
some  movements  of  troops,  many  talks  with 
the  Indians,  and  much  diplomacy  with  Spain, 
Were  persevered  in  until  the  fall  of  1817 — 
murder  and  tnilitary  execution  were  committed 
on  our  ui.>:;:speoting  soldiers  and  helpless  wo- 
m^n  and  children.  Public  opinion  now  appeal- 
ed to  t!ie  government,  and  the  government  to 
Gen.  Jacks'!!!.  He  took  the  fiell,  and  with 
that  unerring  aim  of  judgment  and  courage, 
wliicb,  like  the  noble  instinct  of  the  mastifl', 
spring's  right  at  the  heart,  he  penetrat_ed  and 
destroyed  the  sources  of  this  cruel  and  infa- 
mous war,  with  the  utmost  possible  expedition 
and  the  least  practicable  bloodshed.  VVilhoiit 
provi.sioiis,  :i;id  with  a  force  of  only  1000  raw 
militia  and  Indians,  to  whom  'oo  he  wasastran- 
ger,  he  entered  Florida,  built  Fort  Gadsden, 
routed  the  Iiulians  at  iNIicasuky,  found  in  their 
village  near  300  old  scalps,  and  on  the  pro- 
phet's red  pole  50  fresh  ones,  most  of  them 
rccogniFed  by  the  hair  to  have  belonged  to 
the  unfortun-.ite  party  of  I.ieut.  Scott.  Here, 
ascertji 'ling  from  the  prisoner.'^  that  s.  part  cf 
the  enemy  had  fle<!  to  St.  Marks,  and  also  as- 
certaining t'lt  ci-iminal  complicity  of  the  com- 
mand.ant,  he  firmed  a  determination  to  prevent 
any  further  abuse  of  Spanish  neiitrahty  nnd 
American  rights,  and  took  possession  of  that 
fortres ■-— w!k re  he  found  "tlie  advocate  for 
peace,"  Ar'.'.'hnot,  who,  with  the  innocent 
and  va':..^t  I'-ol;  .iiculiar  to  his  countrynieiii 
whc:  they  mc  iitate  shrewrf  and  (!.tn;;erou' 
designs,*  sat  an  unconcerned  guest  at  the 
table  of  the  commandant.  From  Si  Marks, 
disco-'ering  tti.at  the  remnant  of  tlic  routed 
Indians  and  negroes  had  retreated  down 
the  west  coast  of  East  Florid.a,  in  the  direction 
of  Woodbine's  gi'and  depot  of  Virginia  and 
Georgia  runaway  slaves,  he  pursued  and  over- 
took them  near  the  r;onfiniiah  swamp,  where 
Bi!ne  were  killed,  many  taken,  and  the  only 
woman  Vilio  escaped  death  from  the  murderers 
of  Lieut.  Scott,  recaptured.  The  enemy  re- 
treating to  tb.c  Suwaney  were  not  allowed  time 
to  renew  their  strenglli  or  courage,  liut  were. 
again  attacked  and  routed,  with  such  loss  and 
di.spersion,  tiiat  the  victors  hoped  ihey  had  lin- 
islied  the  war. 

On  this  occa.sion  .'Vmbrister  was  made  pri- 
soner. Thearmy  returned  to  St.  Mai'ks,  where 
the  General,  having  received  information  from 
the  Governor  of  Alabama,  th.it  a  large  body  of 


on  the  recruiting  service,  [of  a  garrison  at  Fort 
Bo-.vyei',]  prevented — tlieir  14,U0U  men  might 
have  been  passed  up  the  Tombeckbee,  rekind- 
ling tlie  Indian  war  all  the  way,  and  :n  four 
d.iys  march  from  the  highest  navigation  of  tli.a' 
river,  have  readied  the  Mis.sissippi  at  the  Chick- 
ii>'.aw  lUuffs,  cutting  oH'iN'eu'  Orleans  from  sup- 
plies and  support,  ensuring  b'..t!i  to  themselves', 
and  then  New  Orleans  must  have  fallen  witho'i: 
a  blow. 

',':u;iiisto  Lord  Mai'bficjd.     5coW,  pa-il-> 'ii 

['■}}/"*.  rO'}C^'l^rfil  ;'ri  '>'/'*  '^''J''  ^ 


UJSITEU  STATES     TEJLEGKArH— -i^a^/Y/. 

Tliis  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weekly, 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar, 

BY  GREEN  &■  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  APRIL  12,  1828. 


No. 


hostile  Indians  who  had  been  commithnp  frtsh 
murders  on  the  Alaba.-.i.'i,  were  as-;emb'ing  near 
Pensacota,  and  v/cri-  tlicie  freely  admitted  and 
constantly  fiirniihe^l  wiUi  means  of  subsBtejice 
and  waj-,  he  deter.Tiini.-d  to  cut  of  this  bst  he;id  of 
the  Hydrje — Ui  *|ijpply  any  defect  of  will  or 
power  that  ir.ig'ht  c-xist  on  the  part  of  the  Go- 
vernor to  obKerv<'  his  neutrality,  and  to  occupy 
that  place  for  a  ti.ne  also.  Marchinjf  ny  the 
Ochecjee  Bluffs,  he  mms  confirmed  hi  his  inten- 
tion by  findiiip  the  nivigation  uf  the  liscanibia 
occinded  to  lil:;  supplies,  lie  therefore  pro- 
ceeded, and  entcniij;  Pciisacola  on  the  '24th  of 
May,  he  took  Fort  n.in:;i-.ca  ■  on  the  27th — hav- 
ing',  in  his  short  campaig-n  of  three  months,  and 
with  an  undisciplined  force,  v.j-yinjj  from  one 
to  two  thousand,  overrnn  a  counin  Ijiijerthaii 
Italy — forced  a  Parthian  eiieny  three  ti-.i.cs  to 
action,  and  thougli  once  inferior  in  nviinbcrs, 
thrice  defeated  him  ;  \sithout  any  materials  for 
a  military  bridge,  having'  passed  rivers  as  larpe 
and  as  deep  as  the  Po  or  the  Adige — without 
other  subsistence  frequently  than  acorns^  raw- 
hides and  water,  having-  marched  more  than 
800  miles  ;  willi  scarce  any  artillery,  having 
taken  by  force  cr  intimidation  three  fortresses, 
«nd  with  little  more  than  the  energies  of  his 
own  gTc  at  mind  terminated  forever  this  savafe, 
servile  and  piratical  tt'ar.  It  was  a  subject  of 
glory  to  Pompey  the  Great,  that  after  having 

'I'orste:'  Scrtorians,  h ;  she  ."  ' »«  to  conduct 

the  war  against  the  firates.  AVlien  Gen.  Jack- 
Fou  undertook  the  Seminole  War,  he  had  de- 
feated the  best  troops,  and  among  the  finest 
(Jenerals  of  Europe,  and  terminated  the  most 
glorious  campaign  of  the  age.  Yet  he  is  found 
as  ardent  and  persevering  against  these  hordes 
of  savages  and  .slaves,  as  si;. ccrcly  devoted  to 
the  country  as  any  young  aspirant  for  fame,  lit- 
tle dreaming  that  in  the  bosom  of  tliat  country, 
ingratitude  Was  to  hatcliabrood  of  Vampires  ! 

During  these  operations,  it  h.appened  tliat  the 
Prophet  Francis  and  his  instrument  Kenhagee, 
king  of  the  Mississukian,  in  whose  town  the 
,"59  scalp*;  were  found,  had  after  the  murder  of 
Lieut.»^t)tt  a.-.d  his  party  .'!ei7:ed  Uanibly  and 
•  Doylt,V*t«the  instigation  of  Aibuthnot,  under 
who^  -anSiority  as  chief,  and  that  of  Francis 
they  w%re<lried  in  council  and  sentenced  to  be 
torturt^  to  death,  for  their  friendship  to  the 
United  States.  From  this  wretched  fate  they 
were  rescued  by  the  spirited  inicrference  of  a 
negro,  Sc-ro,  the  commander  of  6'J  other  ne- 
groes in  the  servi:e  of  tlie  hostile  Chief  Bow- 
legs, and  were  by  his  agency  conve)'ed,  as  pri- 
soners of  Arbuthnot,  and  his  Jiidlans  to  St. 
Marks,  for  safe  keeping.  Her'-  they  were  re- 
ceived by  the  commandant  as  prisoners,  and 
here  they  saw  numerous  evidcmies  of  the  pai-- 
tictpation  of  the  Spanish  authorities  in  the  Sem- 
inole war,  but  escaping  in  a  ciliue,  they  were 
taken  up  by  Lieut.  M'Keever,  of  the  United 
States'  Navy,  iff  the  adjacent  Bajr.  With  a  sort 
'•'  ih'amatic  coincidence,  it  cani?  to  rass  that  the 


thirst  for  blood  having  risen  in  the  breast  of  th*^ 
proj)liet  and  his  warrior  Himithlimaco,  they 
soon  repented  the  rescue  of  Hambly  and  Bovie, 
and  eatne  to  St.  Marks  in  quest  of  them,  just 
after  they  had  made  their  escape.  With  the 
frucious  perseverance  of  wolves  they  pursued 
their  fligiil  along  the  coast,  hoping  that  weathor 
or  weariness  would  force  them  ashore,  and  soon 
descried  a  vessel  at  anchor,  with  British  colours 
■flyin;?  at  the  mast  head. — After  some  rcconi>oi- 
teiing  thi-y  went  aboard,  were  conducted  into 
the  cabin  where  tliey  found  Hambly  and  Doyle, 
who  immcdLati  ly  identifying  them  as  the  mur- 
derers of  I.ieut.  Scutt  and  his  party,  and  their 
own  captors  and  trmentors,  they  were  put  in 
irons  bv  Lieut.  M'Keever.  These  circumstan^ 
ccs  bein.^  all  '•  ■■Az  known  to  Gen.  Jackson,  by 
a  ma.<s  of  proof  and  undisputed  notoriety,  in 
conformity  with  the  order  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  "to  inflict  exemplary  punishment  on  the 
authors  of  the  atrocities" — committed  on  Lieut. 
Scott's  party,  and  Mrs.  Garrett's  family,  he  had 
them  hung,  in  accordance  with  the  principles 
of  the  Law  of  Nations,  and  in  obedience  to  the 
dictates  of  humanity,  which  their  atrocities  had 
outraged,  and  to  which  the  terror  and  cxampic 
of  their  fete  was  a  just  sacrifice,  and  provcu  » 
salutary  propitiation. 

The  reader  will  see  that  the  onlj-  decoying 
was  practiced  by  Lt.  M'Keever  and  before  h** 
can  agree  to  censure  that,  itmu', '' --  ji'io  ah  tlist 
our  naval  officers  had  no  right  t  use  iuch  strat- 
aj;ems  as  the  officers  of  othe?  riations  practice,. 
altliough  the  colors  of  all  nations  are  furnisheti 
them  for  this  e.vpress  puopose;  and  it  must  be 
farther  shown  that  it  was  the  duty  of  GeneraJ 
Jackson  to  see  that  Lt.  M'Keever  should  dress 
and  manage  his  sh.ip  exactly  to  the  taste  of  Mr. 
Johnson.  These  Indians  were  taken  by  strata- 
gem and  surprise  as  Andre  was,  and  like  th«t 
unfortunate  officer,  who  never  violated  a  feeling 
of  humariity,  they  were  "slaughtered" — that  is, 
they  were  hung.  In  this  punishment,  as  jus- 
tice, liumanity,  and  the  law  of  natic.is  were 
satisfied,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  they  being 
out  of  the  United  States,  our  own  laws  were  nut 
concerned.  'Had  they  been  brought  within  our 
limits  all  their  crimes  must  have  j;ori-;  unpun- 
ished—for  they  had  not  violated  ourmutiiupal 
or  maritime,  or  martial  laws.  Hut  the  law  of  na- 
tions vests  the  right  of  retaliation  in  the  com- 
manding  general,  and  the  imbecility  or  d»honor 
of  the  Spanish  authorities  haviui;  Justified  the 
assertion  of  our  beligercnt  rights,  it  w»»  ilia 
duty  of  Gen.  Jackson  to  fulfil  t).  ■  instrucUins  of 
his  governient  and  bring  fhest  laurdercrs  ts 
punishment.* 

•Although  the  feeling  and  common  sense  of 
every  man  must  c(«iivin«e  him  that  thie  death  cS" 
the  prophet  and  Himithlimaco  was  due  to  hu- 
manity and  justice,  yet  it  may  be  proper  to  for- 
tify that  well  founded  decision  by  respectable 
suthority.     Vatte)  says,    530.  34)    "When  FC 


ot. 


i.ui  U3  '.!>>»  ^ouie  Lu  luc  case  ti  Arbuthnot.  vinced  lliC  Couiti  ot'  Spain  and  of  England  o»" 
rrom  the  recspturcd  American  woman,  who  tliejusticeoftheirpunishnient.  Andyct because 
was  the  sole  remaining  survivor  of  Lieutenant  it  is  too  vohitninous  and  intricate  to  be  readi- 
Scott's  i)arty — from  Cook  his  Clerk — from  ly  examined,*  Mr.  Johnson  fonnd  upon  it  impu- 
Phcuix  hi3  acquaintance — from  letters  and  tations  which  with  the  rancourous,  have  the  re- 
napers  found  in  a  vessel  of  his,  captured  in  the  tributive  property  of  injustice,  and  thougli  aun- 
mouth  of  the  Suawney,  and  others  obtained  edat  tlie  reputation  of  another,  will  o.dy  affect 
from  the  Indians  by  our  agent,  it  was  proved  his  own.  There  is  one  thing  that  ought  to  be 
incontestibly  that  "this  advocate  for  peace,"  by  mentioned  as  remarkable  both  in  his  ire  and  his 
misrepresenting  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  grief — namely,  his  solemn  affirmatio]\  that  Ar- 
Ghent — the  conduct  of  the  American  and  the  butlmot  who  was  hung,  was  "more  injured" 
intentions  of  the  British  government,  had  in-  than  Ambrister  who  was  only  shot — hemgcon- 
c'lted  in  time  of  peace  tlis  Seminole  Indians  to  vinced,  as  if  from  experience,  that  death  by 
hostilities  against  the  United  States.  That  to  hanging  is  worse  than  death  by  shooting, 
aid  those  hostilities,  he  had  applied  in  behalf  When  a  writer  has  clearly  established  his  ti- 
ofthe  Indians,  to  v.uious  functionarits  of  Bri-  tle,to  disbelief,  it  cannot  be  necessary  to  op- 
tain  for  supplies,  and  to  disguise  them  for  pro-  pose  a  formal  refutation  to  each  of  his  misstate- 
tection.  That  he  had  furnished  tliem  with  in-  ments  especially  if  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  John- 
telligence  and  ammunition,  for  military  purpos-  son,  his  errors  have  been  exposed  before.  It 
es,  and  had  given  them  advice  and  orders  in  the  appears  that  in  the  list  of  unfounded  charges 
management  of  the  war.     That  he  had  direct-    contained  in  the  address,  arc  two  which  had  es- 


ed  the  seizure  and  presided  at  the  condemna- 
tion of  Hambly  and  Doyle  in  consequence  of 
their  being  "the  advocates  for  peace"  with  the 
U.  States.  That  he  had  instigated  and  counte- 
nanced the  massacre  of  Lt.  Scott  and  his  party, 
consisting  of  about  40  American  citizens.  That 
as  an  Indian  r.hief,  he  had  permitted  our  gal 


capcd  my  notice.  They  relate  to  the  six  mili- 
tia men,  and  to  the  alleged  usurpation  of  pow- 
er to  appoint  milititia  officers.  The  first  of 
these  charges  is  now  before  tlie  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, and  as  its  determination  by  that 
body  v/ill  not  only  have  the  authority  of  trutii 
but'of  the  nation,  I  shall  not  enter  on  the  easy 


lant  officers  to  be  assassinated,  our   brave  sol-  task  of  refuting  it.      The  second  was  long  ago 

diers  to  be  butchered  and  their  helpless  wives  deniohshedby  the   memorial  of  Gen   Jackson 

to  be  murdered,  or  with  more  horrible  cruelty  wliich  w.as  presented  to  the  Senate  on  the  6tli 

spared  to  see  their  infants  "taken  by  the  heels  of  March,  1820,  and  which  convinced  Mr.  Jef- 

and  their  brains  dashed  out  against  the  sides  of  fersun  of  his  "  salutary  energy"  in  the  prosecu- 

the  boat."*     And  that  when  one  of  the  two  cution  of  the  Seminole  War.    It  will  be  enough 

women  who  had  been  sp.-ired    (the   wife  of  .an  

Aracricanserjeant)wasfrom  pregnancy  no  long-        *  For  the  evidence  in  these  cases,  see  docu 

er  able  to  keep  up  with  the  inarch  of  her  cap-  ments  (35)  accompanying  the  President's  Mes- 

tors,  this  "advocate  for  peace"  ordered  her  to  sage  of  the  2d  December,  1818,  and  those  (65) 

be  put  to  death,  and  that  accordingly  she   was  accompanying  that  of  the  28th  Dec.  following, 

bayoneted  through  tlie  womb!    From  the  same  particidarlj  thejet'if  frem  Gen.  Gaines  of  the 

and  other  sources  of  proof  it  was  demonstrated  2d  Dec.    1817,   with  its  enclosures,   th.it  from 

that  Ambrister  had  not  only   instigate  i   'he  In-  Gen.  Jackson,  of  the  ;-.h  April  1818,  and  the 

dians  to  war  against  the  U.  States,  but  iiad  ac-  report  of  Col.  Uutler  oi  die  3d  May,  in  the  first 

taally  joined  them  with  a  party  of  runaway  ne  set.     In  the  second,  Nos.  45,  46  ami  61,  with 

groes  and  ltd  them  in  battle— having  used  his  the  deposition  of  Lieut.  M'Keever  and  the  tes- 

commission  as  a  British  officer    (a  nation    with  timony  of  Plieni.'c  and  Cook  before  the  Court 

which  we  were  at  peace)   to  promote  his  per-  arc  chiefly  apposite.     In  addition  to  the  autho- 

nicious  influence  among  them,  'and  having  en-  rity  already  produced  for  their  execution  and  '■ 

deavoredby  force  to  convert  a  Spanish  fortress  in  Illustration  of  tiie   principle  that  must  have 

.nto  a  place  of  savage  hostility  againsttheUnited  satisfied  the  foreign  governments  ;on  the  sub- 

States.  ject;  the  following  reference  is  made  to  Vattel, 

These  are   the   men  whose  crimes   had  de-  (52  o.  29.)     "  We  may  refuse  to  spare  the  life 

stroyed  so  many  innocent  lives,  for  the  sake  of  an  enemy  who  has  surrendered,  when  the 

of  Otter  skins  and  runaway  shaves,  and  whose  enemy  has  been  gjilty  (a  fortiori  when  he  him- 

punishment   is   lamented  with   such  dignified  self  h.as)  of  some  enormous  breach  ctffliojlaws 

sorrow  by  Mr.  Johnson,  for  the  sake  of  Mes.srs.  of  nations,  and  particularly  when  he  li^^eV^la-   , 

Adams  and  Clay.      The  evidence  against  them  ted  the  laws  of  war."     Arbuthnot  and  Ambris- 

satisfied  a  sourt  of  gallant  and  intelligent  offi-  ter  had  violated  the   laws  of  peace  ai^d  %ifar,. of 

;ers,of  their  guilt — satisfied  the  representatives  God  and  m-an — and  to  have  treated  thens  like 

and  the  government   of  the   nation — and  con-  ordinary  prisoners  of  war  would  have  beSn  en- 

couragement.     Vattel  (321)  says,   "retaliation 

are  at  war  with  a  nation  wliich  observes  no  rules  maybe  exercised  even  on  the  innocent,"  a 
and  grants  no  quarter,  they  may  be  chastised  in  principle  on  which  Gen.  Washington  acted  in 
the  persons  of  those  of  them  wlio  may  betaken,  the  case  of  Sir  diaries  Asgill,  Jlarshail  3d 
They  are  of  the  number  of  the  guilty,  and  by  391,)  and  that  "  when  your  army  is  out  of  your 
•his  rigor  the  attempt  may  be  made  of  bringing  own  territory  tlie  right  of  retaliation  is  in  the 
-hem  to  a  sense  of  the  lawsof  liamanity."  The  commanding  General,  aiid  he  has  the  right  of 
prophet  and  Himithlimaco  were  not  only  s.acrificing  the  lives  of  the  enemy  to  his  own 
^'.imong  the  guilty,"  but  U>e  leaders  of  the  safe'y  or  that  of  his  people,  if  he  has  to  con- 
guilty,  tend  with  an  inhuman  enemy,  and  %o  treat  him 

*  Vids  in  the  documents  hereafter  specified,  as  his  own  people  have  been  treated.     See  also 

Cook's  letter,  and  the  account  ob tainejJ  from  the  details  in  the  Itwue  of  I.^ixls,  lUhMi;-, 

•he  r^,sp\"j:id  womsn-  "  '^''.°- 


tore/cr  Oie  riider  to  tliai  docuuient,  and  par- 
ticularly to  the  deposition  of  Col.  Hayne  ami 
to  the  letter  of  Colonels  Dyer  and  Williamson, 
in  ils  appendiz  for  proof  that  the  charge  is  ab- 
solutely and  totally  false.  M''ould  it  were  in  my 
power  also  to  convince  him  that  Mr.  Johnson 
does  not  know  it  to  be  so. 

Having  thus  completed  the  exposure  of  this 
Labored  attempt  to  degrade  a  great  citizen  and 
delode  a  great  state,  it  remains  to  look  at  the 
character  and  condition  of  tlie  body  of  which  it 
purports  to  be  the  offspring.      In  individual 
character  it  is  enviable,  in  numbers  respectable, 
but  in  popular  influence  and  constitution,  me.v 
gre  and  scant.     Like  a  dying  peach  tree,  it  has 
all  leaves  and  no  fruit.     It  appears  to  be  more 
numerous  than  the   House  of  Delegates,  the 
broadest  representation   known  un  the  State, 
and  yet,  consisting  as  it  does  of  detached  and 
discontented  politicians,  its  constituents!  would 
hardly  form  a  brigade  of  militia — and  they  would 
be  all  against  any  thing  ntilHanj.     It  is  in  truth 
a  "  most  forcible  feeble," — and  the  address  is 
the  most  enterprising  experiment  on  record  for 
propelling  falsehood  by  the  force  of  authority. 
Of  this  experiment,  it  is  but  justice  to  say,  Mr. 
.Tohnson  appears  Xohe  the  organ,  the  manager, 
the  Mx.     But  now  that   his  torpid /or;56(/o" has 
exploded,  what  will  he  do  with  his  corps  of  en- 
gineering judges,  misguided  by  him  into  the  de- 
files of  dilemma  and  discredit'  Will  be  disband 
tliera  in  the  v.-ilderness  of  fallacy  and  falsehood, 
far  from  their  silling,  .and  as  it  would  seem,  their 
superior  parts,  bruising  their  delicate  shins  or 
bumping  their  tender  rotundities  against  the 
stubborn  obstructions  of  fact,  and  the  bold  pro- 
jections of  argument,  straggling  and  scrambling 
to  make  their  way  back  to  privacy  and  privilege 
without  steam  boatsand  without  milage.  *  In  op- 
position to  orders  from  W.ishingrton.he  cannever 
dare  to  "divulge  their   draggletailed  show"  in 
a  regular  retreat,  as  that  might  "ofi'er  an  indig- 
nity to  tlie  Secretary  of  War,"  and  produce  his 
own  dismission  from  service.     The  chaplain  of 
the  expedition   too,    the   "oily   man  of  God," 
what  will  become  of  his  reverence'    But  this  is 
a  subject  too   serious  for    ridicule,   too  awful 
even  for  pleasantry.     The  God  of  Moses,  from 
Pinar'3  fiery  top,  has  said — "thou  shalt  not  bare 
false  witnes3  against  thy  neighbour;"  and  the 
redeemer  of  mankind,  tlie  Lord  of  meekness 
and  compassion  denounces  punishment  on  "evil 
speaking,"  and  says  for  every  malicious  word  a 
man  shaii  utter  "he  shall  give  an  .iccount  at  the 

•  Borne  few  years  ago,  a  brace  of  these  ad- 
ministration judges  took  a  fancy  to  travel  in 
steamboats,  ©ne  of  them  embarked  high  up 
on  the  Potomac  and  having  coasted  an  immense 
peninsula,  landed  in  Richmond.  The  other 
took  water  on  some  of  tlie  western  rivers  and 
made  his  w.ay  to  the  treasury  either  by  Wheel 
ing  or  New  Orleans.  In  imitation  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams they  charged  comtruciive  mileage,  when 
their  legal  mileage  was  on  the  direct  ordinary 
route.  The  charge  of  one  was  thrice  the 
amount  of  his  just  claim,  that  of  the  otlier 
sbout  five  times.  The  legislature  made  them 
disgorge,  although  Mr.  Clay  had  sanctioned 
*he  doctrine,  in  allowances,  when  Speaker,  to 
his  western  friends.  The  matter  occasioned 
.some  anger  and  much  fun  in  Virginia,  all  at 
■.-■•'  '•X'^zri'^  of  t'n';    '■.Tnbo.'.t judges. 


day  of  Juugiiieiul"  iov  that  account  let  the 
reverend  gentleman  prepare. 

In  respect  to  Mr.  Johnson,  it  can  hardly  be 
said  that  modesty  or  eloquence  is  pre-eminent 
among  his  political  virtues,  or  that  his  profes- 
sional  ability  is  likely  to  be  decreased  by  infu- 
sions of  talent  into  his  general  writings.  Of 
him  it  will  neve/  be  said — 

"How  sweet  an  Ovid  was  in  Murray  lost." 
Acknowledging  in  his  letter  of  adhesi-  n,  strong 
distrust  and  disapprobation  of  Mr.  Adams,  he 
yet  insists  that  it  is  "ineffably  stupid"  in  the 
people  of  Vn-ginia,  the  most  alert  and  spii-ituai 
devotees  of  liberty  in.the  civilized  world,  not  to. 
postpone  their  decided  favorite  to  the  object  of 
his  public  disesteem.  Nor  is  he  entitledto  the 
praise  of  invention;  for,  after  laboring  lustily  in 
the  field  of  fiction,  he  furnishes  his  party  with 
nothing  original.  While  all  his  charges  are 
false,  not  one  of  them  is  new;  and  though  all 
his  inferences  are  fallacious,  most  of  them  are. 
trite.  An  indelicate  memory  furnishes  his  pre- 
mises, and  an  immoderate  presumption  regulates 
his  conclusions.  Insensible  to  the  grandeur  of 
the  character  he  traduces,  he  seems  forgetful 
of  the  intelligence  of  the  people  to  whom  he 
appeals.  But  it  is  strange  that  an  individual  so 
inconsiderate  of  others,  should  not  have  more 
respect  for  himself.  He  does  not  appear  to 
consider  that  by  repeating,  he  adopts  these 
stories — partakes  of  the  disgraceful  motion  o? 
the  scandal,  and  marked  as  "the  tenth  trans- 
mitter" of  falsehood,  descends  with  th^  pro- 
gress of  an  impenitent  sinner,  who  sinks  in  in 
famy  as  he  advances  in  age. 

If  these  remarks  should  appear  intolerant, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  re-action  ot' 
injustice  is  proportioned  to  its  violence;  and  it 
long,  that  for  the  poison  of  concentr.itpji  slan 
der,  the  most  effectual  antidele  is  expanded 
truth.  _       JEFFERSON. 

From  the  Ithaca  Journal. 

MR.  ADAMS'  DEFENCE  OF  GENERA! 
JACKSON. 

There  is  a  misconception  of  the  true  charar- 
!er  of  General  Jackson,  and  an  honest  preju- 
dice against  him,  existing  in  the  minds  of  some 
persons,  which  an  impartial  invsstigation  can- 
not fail  to  dissipate.  Anxious  that  all  such 
doubts  should  be  removed,  and  that  all  true  A- 
mericans  should  unite  in  the  cause  of  principle 
against  intrigue  and  corruption,  with  a  confi- 
dence thai  they  are  at  the  same  time  yielding 
their  support  to  talents  and  integrity,  we  shall 
occasionally  notice  those  passing  calumnies 
which  the  enemies  of  General  Jackson  have 
now  revived,  long  after  they  have  been  tri- 
umphantly refuted,  with  the  baSe  hope  tlw 
these  refutations  may  have  escaped  tlie  memo- 
ry of  some,  and  the  observation  of  others.  Of 
this  class  are  the  charges  relative  to  the  Semi- 
nole war,  the  invasion  of  Florida,  the  execu- 
tion of  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  &c.  &c.  Are 
not  the  retailers  of  these  calumnies  aware,  tha'. 
the  charges  were  officially  investigated  by  Cor.- 
gress,  through  Mr.  C/ay's  instrumentality;  and 
that,  notw'ithstai>ding  Mr.  Clay's  influence  and 
exertions  procured  an  unfavorable  report  of  the 
Committee ;  yet  that  General  Jackson  was  ho- 
norably acquired  by  .in  almost  unanimous  vet*  ' 


bB 


-jfConErress.'  Do  tUfv  not  know  that  General  the  province,  Untied  at  another,  establ.siied 
.•"ackaonMiaEsbly  iustiftedanddefendedbyMr.  himselfon  the  Apalactucola  river,  and  there 
Adams;  and  that  this  iustification  stands  upon  erected  a  fort,  from  which  tn  sally  forth  v/ith 
i-ecord  as  the  most  able  and  honorable  act  of  his  motley  tribe  of  black,  white  and  red  corn- 
Mr.  Adams'  public  life?     Admitting  that  Gene-  batants,  against  the  defenceless  borders   ot  the 


United  Stales,  in  that  vicinity.  A  part  of  this 
force  consisted  of  a  corps  of  colonial  marines, 
levied  in  the  Britisli  colonies,  in  which  George 
Woodbine  wasa  Captain,  and  Robert  Christie 
Ambristie,  was  a  Lieutenant. 

For  several  monl'.is   after  the   ralification   of 
the  treaty   of  Gt'.ent,    this   post    was  retained. 


ral  Jackson,  in  the  emergencies  of  his  trying 
situation,  SHirounded  by  an  insidious  and  s.avage 
enemy,  with  the  cries  of  the  desolate,  and  tlie 
blood  of  their  murdered  women  and  children, 
appealing  to  him  for  vengeance — admit,  we  syy, 
that  under  these  circumstances  he  did  overstep 

the  bounds  of  propriety— can  the  American  bo-  .  ,->„•■,,. 

som  find  for   him   no  excuse,   no   palliation—  Remonstrances  were  made  to   the  British    Gov- 

while  the  oii/cutom^  politician,  who  sits  d"\vn  ernmen'.;the   conduct  of   >,icliolls  disavowed, 

free   from    danger  or  alarm,  and    coolly    and  and  the  fort  eventually  abandoned  by  him    1  his 

deliberately  in  his  closet /us^:^'*  all  his  acts,   is  f^-rt,  however,  Mr.  A.   states    was  retained  by 

taken  to    its  confidence'— The  heated,   over-  the  banditti  to  whom  Nicholls  had  left  it,   "as 

zealous  partisans,    who   urge    these    char-es  a  post  from  «hich   to   commit  depredations, 

SKainst  General  Jackson,  seem   bhnd   to   the-  outrages,  murders,  &c."  not«-itlistandiiig  Gen. 

dilemma  in  which  they  place  their  favorite.   If  ...^ckson,  in  April,  1816    "  wrote  a  letter  to  the 

General  Jackson   is  guilty,  Mr.  Adams  cannot  Governor  ot  Florida,  cal.mg  upon  him  to  put 

be  innocent;  but  the  crime  of  the  one  must  be  down  this  common   nuisance  to  the  peaceable 

ascribed  to  impulse,  to  necessity;  while  that  of  inhabitants  of  both  countries." 


impulse 
the  other  is  the  result  of  cool  and  deliberate 
depravity!  The  virtuous  and  enlightened  A- 
merican,  however,  who  would  rather  sympa- 
thise with  the  friends  than  with  the  enemies  of 
his  country,  will  find  no  grounds  in  these 
transactions,  for  the  condemnation  of  either, 
ife  will  recognise  in  the  conduct  of.  Gen.  Jack- 
son, the  intrepid  warrior,  the  brave  and  disin- 
terested patriot;  and  in  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  tlie 
unprejudiced  advocate  of  his  country's  rights, 
the  fakhful  organ  of  the  government  and  peo- 
ple. We  have  before  us  the  litter  of  Mr 
Adams,  then  Secretary  of  State,  dated  Nov.  "8, 

3818,  to   Mr.  Irving, 'Minister  Pienipotenti.ary    ^^  _,_  ^_,^,._ ___^._ __ 

to  Spain,  containing  his  defence  of  General  expedition  to  England,  than  the  peaceful  inhab- 
J.ackson's  conduct.  It  comprises  an  interesting  jt^nts  of  the  borders  of  the  United  States,  were 
liistory  of  the  Seminole  war,  and  the  events  vis,ted  with  allthe  Horrors  of  savage  war;  the 
which  followed.  We  sliall  extract  from  it  as  jobbery  on  tlieir  property,  and  the  barbarous 
liberally  as  our  present  limits  will  permit;  and  a„j  indiscriminate  murder  of  women,  infancy 
wc  ask   the  revilers   of  General  Jackson,  and    and  age. 


"In  the  year  181",  Alexander  Arbuthnot, 
of  the  island  of  New  Providence,  a  British  sub- 
ject, first  appeared  as  an  English  trader  in  Spa- 
nish Florida,  and  as  the  successor  of  Colonel 
Nicholls,  in  the  employment  of  instigating- the 
Seminole  and  outlawed  Red  Stick  Indians  to 
hostUities  against  the  United  St.ates,  by  reviv- 
ing tlie  pretence  that  they  were  entitled  to  all 
the  lands  which  had  been  ceded  by  tlie  Creek 
Nation  to  the  United  States,  in  .\ugust  181-1-. 
•  *  •  In  his  infernal  instigations  he  was  but 
too  successful.  No  sooner  did  he  make  this 
appearance  among  the  Indians,  accompanied 
by  the  propiiet  IIilUs  Iladjo,  returned  from  iiis 


those  who  are  honestly  prejudiced  against  him, 
tOTcad  these  extracts  with  attention. 

"In  tlie  month  of  August,  1814,  while  a 
war  existed  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  to  which  Spain  had  formally  de- 
cTared  herself  neutral,  a  British  force,  not  in  the 
iresh  pursuit  of  a  defeated  and  flying  enemy, 
iiot  OA-ersteppiiig  an  imaginary  or  eopiivoeal 
houiidary  between  their  own   territories,    and 


"After  the  repeated  expostulations,  warning's, 
and  offers  of  peace,  through  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  1817,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  had  been  answered  only  by  renewed 
outrages,  and  after  a  detachment  of  40  men,  un- 
der Lieutenant  Scott,  accompanied  by  seven 
women,  had  been  waylaid  and  murdered 
by  the  Indians,  orders  were  given  to  General 


■those  Kelunging  in  some  sort,  as  much  to  thcii-  Jackson,  and  an  adequate  force  was  pliiced 
enemy  as  to  Spain;  but  approaching  by  sea,  his  disposal  to  terminate  the  war.  It  was  as- 
and  by  a  broad  and  open  imanion  of  the'Span-  certained  that  tlie  Spanish  force  in  Florida  was 
isK  province,  at  a  thousand  milefi,  or  an  ocean's  inadequate  for  the  protection  even  of  the  Span- 
distance  from  any  British  territory,  landed  in  ishterritory  itself,  against  this  mingled  horde  of 
Florida,  took  possession  of  Pensacola,  in  the  layvless  Indian?  and  negroes;  and  altliough  their 
tort  of  Barancas,  and  invited  by  public  prucla-  devastations  Were  commixed  within  the  limits 
inations,  (doc.  1.)  all  the  runaway  negroes,  of  the  United  States,  they  immt-diately  sought 
all  the  savag'j  Indians,  all  tlie  pirates,  and  all  refuge  within  tlicFloridaline,  !i  there  only  were 
the  traitors  to  their  countrv,  whom  they  knew,  to  be  overtaken.  The  !Kces.sity  of  crossing  the 
or  imagined  to  exist  within  reach  of  their  sum-  line  was  indispensable;  for  it  w;is  from  beyond 
mons,  to  join  their  standard,  and  wage  an  ex-  the  line  tliat  Uie  Indians  made  their  murderous 
terminating  war  against  tlie  portion  of  the.  Uni-  incursions  within  that  of  the  United  States.  It 
ted  States  immediately  bordering  upon  this  was  there  th.at  tlicy  liad  their  abode;  and  the 
neutral  and  thus  violated  tu-ritory  of  Spain,  territory  belonged,  in  tact,  to  them,  although 
■J"he  land  commander  of  this  British  force,  was  witliin  the  borders  of  the  Spanish  jurisdictio-i. 
B  certain  Col.  Nicholls,  who  (.Iriven  from  Pen-  There  it  was  that  the  American  commander  met 
sacola,  by  the  approach  of  Gen.  Jackson,  ac-  the  priclpa!  resistance  from  tli-.in,  there  it  was 
tually'let't  to  be  blown  up  the  Sjianish  fort  that  were  found  the  stUl  bleeding  scalps  of  our 
—                     •        '     '- — J  -^  — '  1  ..«• -i>-....,i  „;,;,,....,    4',.,.ci.i..    butchered    by  them;  there  it 


at  Barrancas,  when  he  found  it  could  not  afford    citizetis,  freshly    bi 
him  protections  find  evacuating   that  part   of    was  that  he  release'. 


i  the  onlv 


iman  who  h-ad 


ihd 


been  suflel-eu  to  si\n  ivo  tire  iUissaDTJ; of  t!ie par- 
ty under  lieutenant  Scott. 

"Ill  the  course  of  his  pursuit,  as  he  approacli- 
ed  St.  Mark,«;,  he  was  informed  direct  from  the 
Governor  of  Pensacola,  that  a  party  of  the  ho.s- 
tilc  Indians  had  threatened  to  seize  that  fort, 
anil  that  he  apprehended  the  Spa'iish  g^arriso:! 
tlierc  was  not  in  strength  sufficient  to  defend 
it  agninst  them.  This  information  was  confirm- 
ed fiom  other  sources;  and,  by  the  evidence 
protluced  upon  tlie  trial  of  .\mhrisler,  is  prov- 
ed to  have  been  exactly  true.  Ky  all  the  laws 
of  neutrality,  and  of  war,  as  well  as  of  prudence 
and  of  humanity,  he  was  warranted  in  anticipa- 
tint^  his  enemy  by  the  amicable,  a;ui,  that  being- 
refused,  by  the  forcible  occupation  of  the  fort. 
There  will  need  no  citations  from  printed  trea- 
tises on  international  law,  to  prove  the  correct- 
ness  of  this  principle.  It  is  engraved  in  ada- 
inai\t  on  the  common  sense  of  mankind.  No 
writer  upon  the  laws  of  nations,  ever  pretended 
to  contradict  it.  None,  of  any  reputation  or  au- 
tiinrity,  ever  omitted  to  assert  it." 

Mr.  Adams  st.ates,  that  in  the  Fort  of  St. 
Marks,  Arbuthiiot  was  found  "an  inaiate  of 
the  commandant's  family;"  that  here  he  held 
his  councils  with  the  hostile  Indians,  s\ipplied 
Hiem  with  ammunition,  provisions,  fee.  He 
states  that  the  conduct  of  the  Governorof  Pcn- 
sncola  was  equally  reprehensible,  and  that  npon 
the  approach  of  (ien.  Jackson  to  Pensacola, 
tile  Governor  of  Pensacola  threatened  to  meet 
and  expel  him  from  t!ie  territory  witli  force. 

"  It  became,  therefore,  in  the  opinion  of  Gen. 
.lackson,  indispe'is.\bly  necessary  to-  take  from 
the  Go%-ernor  of  Pensacola,  the  mean';  of  carrv- 
inff  his  threat  into  execution.  Before  the  forces 
under  his  command,  the  savafjc  enemies  of  his 
coiintry  had  disappeared.  Itut  he  knew  that 
the  tnoment  those  forces  should  be  disbanded, 
if  slieltercd  by  the  Spanish  fortresses,  if  furnish- 
ed with  auimnnitions  and  suiiplies  by  Spanish 
ofTicers,  and,  if  aided  and  supported  by  the  in- 
stiijation  of  Spanish  encourag-enient,  as  he  had 
every  reason  to  expect  they  woidd  be,  they 
■wo\ild  re-appear,  and  fired,  in  addition  to  their 
ordinaiy  ferociousness,  with  reveng-e  for  tlie 
chastisement  they  had  so  receinh-  received, 
would  ag-ain  rush  with  the  war-hatchet  and  the 
scalping-kiiife,  into  the  bordire  of  the  United 
States,  and  mark  every  footstep  with  tbe 
blood  of  their  defenceless  citizens  So  farasall 
the  native  resources  of  the  savages  extended, 
the  war  was  at  an  end,  anil  General  Jackson  was 
about  to  restore  to  tlieir  families  and  thor 
homes,  the  brave  volunteers  who  li.ad  followed 
his  standard,  andwhohad  constituted  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  his  force.  This  could  be  done 
with  safety,  le.iving  the  regular  portion  of  his 
troops  to  i^lrrison  his  line  of  forts,  and  two  small 
llctachments  of  vohinteer  cavalry  to  scoiu-  the 
co'jntry  round  Pensacola,  .and  sweep  oil"  the 
iMrkinjf  remnants  of  savages,  who  had  been 
scattered  and  dispersed  before  him." 

Gen.  Jackson,  therefore,  took  posssession  of 
Pen-  icola,  "not  in  hostility  to  3|;aiii,  (says  Mr. 
Adams,)  but  as  a  necessary  measure  of  self  de- 
fence," intending  to  restore  it  whenever  the 
Spanish  authorities  could  occupy  it  w  ith  a  coni- 
plete  force. 

Mark,  now,  the  strong  language  in  which 
Mr.  Adams  justifies  these  proceeding's  of  Gen. 
Jackson;  ar.'d  in  tl;e  spirit  of  -liiith  he  niutt 


stanclJuslIiieU  in   the  liearts^of  the  Aiuerioan 
people. 

"But  the  President  will  neither  inflict  pun- 
ishment, rK)r  paas  a  censure  upon  G'en.  Jackson, 
for  that  conduct,  the  motives  of  which  wer(? 
founded  in  the  purest  patriotism;  of  tlie  neces- 
sity for  which  he  had  the  most  irumediate  send 
eflVctiial  means  of  forming  a  judgment;  and. 
the  vindication  of  which  is  written  in  ever]^ 
page  of  the  law  of  nationsi  as  well  as  in  the  fil'st 
law  of  nature,  self-defence." 

The  above  are  extracts. from  Mr.  Adams'.* 
letter,  which  relates  to  what  is  tenned  Generaj 
Jackson's  tvv4siuv  of  FhriiLi — **  the  motive'? 
for  which  (to  repeat  the  emphatic  language  of 
Mr.  .\-<Hm3)  were  founded  in  the  purest  patfi' 
otism;  of  ttie  iwcf-tsili/  of  which  he  hatl  the  rao.st: 
immediate  and  effectual  means  of  judging-;  anfl 
the  viNiurATio.v  of  which  is  written  in  every 
page  of  the  law  of  nations,  as  well  as  in  the  fir^f 
law  of  nature,  ar/f-ifrfowc."  We  shall  now  givi» 
a  few  of  Mr.  Adams'  s  remarks,  relative  tD,the 
true  character  and  well  merited  fate  of  ArbutJi- 
not  and  Ambrister. 

'•  The  connexion  between  Arbufhnot  and 
Nicholls,  and  between  Ambrister,  Woodbin'; 
and  M'Gregor,  i.s  established  beyond  all  ques- 
tion, by  the  evidence  produced  at  the  trials  be- 
fore the  court-martial.  From  his  letter  to  Ham- 
bly,  dated  3d  May,  ISIT,  fsec  the  document 
marked  G  in  the  proceedings  of  the  court-mar- 
tial,] it  appears  that  liis  trading  was  a  pre- 
tence; and  that  his  principal  purpose  was  to  ac*; 
as  the  agent  of  the  Indians  of  Florida,  and  out- 
laws from  the  Creek.s,  to  obt.ain  the  aid  of  the; 
British  government  in  their  hcretllities  against 
the  United  States.  He  expressly  tells  Hambly 
there, 'that  the  chief  of  those  outlaws  was  the 
principal  cawse  of  his  (Arbuthnot's)  being  in 
the  country;  and  that  he  had  come  with  an  an- 
swer from  F/arV  Bathurst,  delivered  to  him  by 
Gov.  Cameton  of  New  Providence,  to  certairt 
Indian  talks,  in  which  this  aid  ofthe,  British  go-. 
\-ernmeMt  bad  be'=n  solicited. 

Hambly  himself  had  been  left  by  NicliolTs  a» 
the  agent  between  the  Indians  and  the  British 
government,  but  having  found  that  Nicholls 
had  failed  in  his  attenjpt  to  prevail  upon  thf; 
British  govcrnineiit  to  pursue  this  clandestine 
war,  in  the  midst  of  peace,  and  that  they  were 
not  prepared  to  snpport  his  pretence,  that  half 
a  do-zeu  outlawed  fugitives  from  the  Creek  naj 
tion;  whei;  Arbuthnot,  the  incendiary,  came, 
and  was  insti(;\atirg  them  by  promises  of  sup- 
port froiii  Great  Britain,  to  commence  tliei:- 
murderous  iocm-sions  into  the  United  State?, 
Hambly,  at  tbe  request  of  the  chiefs  of  the. 
Creeks  themselves,  wrote  to  him,  warning  him 
to  withdraw  from  among  that  baud  of  outlaws, 
and  giving  bim  a  soleinn  Joreboding  ef  th-i 
doom  that  awaited  him  from  the  hand  of  jus- 
itce,  if  he  jiersevered  in  tlie  course  that  he  pur- 
sued. Arbuthnot  nevertheless  persisted;  and 
while  he  was  deluding  the  wretched  Iiulian« 
with  the  promise  of  support  from  England,  li<i 
was  wTiting  letters  for  them  to  the  British  mi- 
nister in  the  United  States,  to  the  Governor 
Cameron  of  New  Proviilcnre,  -to  Col.  Uichoils, 
to  be  laid  before  the  British  govermoent,  and 
even  to  the  Spanish  Govcrr.er  of  St.  Augu.-I- 
tiue,  and  the  Governor  GeneraJ-rjf  tbe  Havana, 
soliciting,  iu  all  quarters,  aidaiuisupport,  arms 
and  .amnumition,  for  the  Indiaijs  against  the 
UiJted  States,  bewailing-  ti'.i  destaiJtiari  sf  ths 


7U 


•legro  fort,  and  ciiarging  the  British  govern- 
ment with  having  drawn  the  Indians  into  war 
with  the  United  Stutes,  and  deserting  them  af- 
ter the  peace."        •         *         *         • 

"  Let  us  come  to  the  case  of  Ambrister.  He 
was  taken  in  arms,  leading  and  commanding 
■  he  Indians  in  the  war  against  the  American 
'roops;  and  to  that  charge,  upon  his  trial,  plead- 
ed giiilty."     »    •         •         •         ,         • 

Documents  are  here  quoted  and  facts  relat- 
ed, showing  the  connexion  of  Ambrister  with 
Woodwine,  andth>  hostile  savages.  Mr.  Adams 
'hen  gives  the  following  recital  of  inhuman 
butcheries  to  which  the  savages  were  instigat- 
ed  by  these  wretches;  and  he  asks.if  they  are  not 
"  sufficient  to  cool  the  sympathies"  eScited  by 
their  execution! 

"  The  Spanish  government  !s  not^  at  this 
dav,  to  be  informed,  that,  cruel  as  war  in  its 
inifidest  forms  must  be,  it  is,  and  necessarily 
must  be,  doubly  cruel  when  waged  with  sa- 
vages; that  savages  make  no  prisoners  but  to 
torture  them;  that  they  give  no  quarters;  that 
they  put  to  death,  without  discrimination  of 
age  or  sex.  That  these  ordinary  characteris- 
tics of  Indian  v/arfare,  have  been  applicable,  in 
their  most  heart-sickening  horrors,  to  that  war 
left  us  by  Nicholl's,  as  his  legacy,  reiVisfigated 
by  Woodbine,  Arbuthnot,  and  Ambrister,  and 
stimulated  by  the  approbation,  encouragement, 
and  aid  of  the  Spanish  commandant  at  St. 
Marks,  is  proof  required?  Entreat  the  Spanish 
Minister  of  State,  for  a  moment,  to  overcome 
"he  feelings,  which  details  like  these  must  ex- 
cite, and  to  reflect,  if  possible,  with  compo- 
sure upon  the  facts  stated  in  the  following  ex- 
tracts, from  the  documents  enclosed: 

Letter  from  saUing-master  Jairus  Loomis  to 
Commodore  DanielT.  Patterson,-  13th  August, 
1816,  reporting  the  destruction  of  the  negro 
fort: 

"  On  examining  the  prisoners,  they  stated 
that  Edward  Daniels,  O.  S.  who  was  made 
prisoner  in  the  boat,  on  the  17th  July,  was  tar- 
'cd  and  burnt  alive- " 

Letter  from  Archibald  Clarke  to  General 
Gaines,  26th  February,  1817".  (Message,  P. 
V.  S.  to  Congress,  25th  March,  1818,  p.   9.) 

•'On  the  24th  inst.  the  house  of  Mr.  Garret, 
residing  in  the  upper  part  of  this  county,  near 
the  boundary  of  Wayne  county,  (Georgia,) 
was  attacked  during  his  absence,  near  the  mid- 
dleoftheday,  by  this  party  [of  Indians, ]  consis- 
ting of  about  fifteen,  who  shot  Mrs.  Garret  in 
t%vo  places,  and  then  despatched  her  by  stab- 
bing and  scalping.  Her  two  children,  one 
about  three  year.s,  tlie  other  two  months,  were 
also  murdered,  and  the  eldest  scalped;  and  tlie 
iiouse  was  then  plundered  of  every  article  of 
value,  and  set  on  tire." 

Letter  from  Peter  15.  Cook,  (Arbuthnot's 
clerk,)  to  Eliza  A.  Carney,  at  Nassau,  dated 
Suwahnee,  19th  January,  1818,  giving  an  ac- 
count of  tlieir  operations  with  the  Indians, 
against  the  Americans,  and  the  massacre  of  Lt. 
Scott  and  his  party. 

"There  was  a  boat  that  was  taken  by  the  In- 
dians, that  had  in  it  thirty  men,  seven  women, 
font  small  children.  There  were  six  of  the  men 
got  clear,  and  one  woman  saved,  and  all  the 
rest  of  them  got  killed.  The  children  were 
taken  by  the  leg,  and  their  brains  dashed  out 


If  the  bare  recital  of  scenes  bke  these  canr.  :t 
he  perused  without  shuddering,  what  must  be 
the  agoni::ed  feelings  of  those  whose  wives  and 
children  are,)from  day  to  day,  and  from  night  to 
night,  be  exposed  to  the  victims  of  the  same  bar- 
barity :  Has  mercy  a  voice  to  plead  for  the  per- 
petrators and  instigators  of  deeds  like  these  ' 
Should  inquiry,  hereafter,  be  made,  why, 
•within  three  months  after  this  event,  the  savage 
Hamathli  Meico,  upon  being  taken  by  the  A- 
merican  troops,  was,  by  order  of  their  comman- 
der, immediately  hung,  let  it  be  told,  that  that 
savage  was  the  commander  of  tlie  party,  by 
which  those  women  were  butchered,  and  thos'j 
helpless  infiints  were  thus  dashed  against  the 
boat.  Contending  v.'ith  such  enemies,  althougti 
humanity  revolts  at  entire  retaliation  upon 
them,  and  sp.ires  the  lives  of  their  feeble  and 
defenceless  women  and  children,  yet  mercy, 
herself,  surrenders  to  retributive  justice  the 
lives  of  their  landing  warriors  taken  in  arras, 
and  still  more  the  lives  of  the  foreign,  white 
incendiaries,  who,  disowned  by  their  own  go- 
vernments, and  disowning  their  own  natures, 
degrade  themselves  beneath  the  savage  charac- 
ter, by  voluntarily  descending  to  its  level.  Is 
not  this  the  dictate  of  common  sense '  Is  it  not 
the  usage  of  legitimate  warfare?  Is  it  not 
consonant  to  the  soundest  authorities  of  nation- 
al law'  "  When  at  war  (says  Vattcl)  with  a 
ferocious  nation,  which  observes  no  rules,  and 
grants  no  quarter,  they  may  be  chastised  in  the 
personsof  those  of  themwho  may  be  taken;  they 
are  of  the  number  of  the  guilty,  and  by  this  ri- 
gor the  attempt  may  be  made  of  bringingthem 
toa  sense  of  the  law»»f  humanity."  Andagain: 
"  As  a  general  has  the  right  of  sacrificing  the 
Wvts  of  his  enemies  to  his  own  safetj',  or  that 
of  his  people,  if.hj^has  to  contend  with  an  inht;- 
man  enemy,  often  guilty  of  such  excesses,  he 
may  take  the  lives  of  some  of  his  prisoners,  and 
treat  them  as  his  own  people  have  been  treat- 
ed." The  justification  of  these  principles  is 
found  in  thcirsalucary  efficacy 'for  terror  andfor 
example." 

It  appears  that  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister 
v.'ere  executed — not  as  some  of  the  revilers  of 
Gen.  Jackson  have  asseited,  %o:thout  trial — but 
conformably  *o  the  sentence  of  a  regu!:ir  court 
martial,  and  Mr.  Adams  thus  sums  up  in  con- 
clusion, hisjustification  of  the  measure: 

"That  the  two  Englishmc;n,executed  by  order 
of  den.  Jackson,  were  not  only  identified  with 
the  savages,  with  whom  they  were  earning  on 
the  war  against  the  United  States,  but  that  one 
of  them  was  the  mover  andfomentcr  of  tlie  war, 
which,  without  his  interference  and  false  pro- 
mises to  the  Indians  of  support  from  the  British 
government,  never  would  have  happened;  that 
the  other  was  the  instrument  of  war  against 
Spain,  as  well  as  the  United  States,  commis- 
sioned by  M'Gregor  and  expedited  by  Wood- 
bine, upon  their  project  of  conquering  Florida, 
with  these  Indians  and  negroes;  that  as  accom- 
plices of  the  savages,  and,  sinning  against  their 
better  knowledge,  worse  than  savages,  G::neral 
Jackson,  possessed  of  their  persons  and  the 
proofs  of  their  guilt,  might,  by  the  lawful  and 
ordinary  usages  of  war,  have  hung  them  both 
without  the  form:<lity  of  atrial;  that,  to  allow 
them  every  possible  opportunity  of  refuting  the 
proofs,  or  of  showing  any  circumstance  in  ex- 
tenuation of  their  crimes,  he  gave  them  the  be- 


/ 1 


•.rlit  of  trial  by  a  coui't  martiai  of  highly  respec- 
table officers:  that  the  defence  of  one  consist- 
ed solely  and  exclusively  of  teclinic;tl  cavils  at 
the  nature  of  part  of  tlie  evidence  against  him, 
,ind  the  other  confessed  his  guilt." 

Thus  Mr.  Adams  not  only  justifies  General 
Jackson,  in  the  execution  of  Arbuthnot  and  Am- 
brister,  but  he  goes  farther;  he  would  have  jus- 
tified hi, ii,  had  he  "hung  them  both  wituoit 
THE  FOHMALiTT  OF  A  trial!"  After  this,  let  not 
the  supporters  of  Mr.  Jldams  arraign  the  con- 
duct of  Genc-ra'/Ji/cAfon  as  connected  with  his 
arduous  and  patriotic  services  in  the  public  de- 
fence; but  let  them  "cool  thtir  sympathies"  for 
the  enemies  of  their  country,  and  seek  some 
more  honorable  method  of  promoting  the  suc- 
cess of  their  favorite. 


THE  TRICKS  OF  THE  COALITION. 

We  have  before  us  a  letter  from  a  highly  res- 
pectable gentleman  in  New  Hampshire,  to  his 
friend  in  this  city,  who  says: 

"  You  ask,  what  are  the  causes  (of  the  elec- 
tion of  Bell  &c.)  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
coffin  handbills,  and  the  story  of  the  Dickinson 
duel  effected  it.  A'l  you  have  seen  in  the  pa- 
pers, and  heard,  can  give  you  but  a  very  im- 
perfect idea  of  tlie  exertions  which  were  made 
to  secure  votes  for  the  Administration  ticket. 
These  handbills,  spurious  lives  of  Jackson,  &c. 
Sec.  were  carried  to  every  house  in  every  town, 
as  far  as  my  knowledge  extends.  Thousand.^ 
of  them  were  brought  to and  per- 
sons were  hired  to  go  and  read  them  to  the  ig- 
norant " 

A  friend  from  Delaware  has  forwarded  to  us 
a  pamphlet  which  purports  to  be  an  impartial 
account  of  Gener.al  Jackson,  but  which  is  in  fact 
3  compilation  of  all  the  fiijsehoods  which  the 
niitful  press  oi'  the  coalition  has  invented. 

The  elections  in  Virginia  arc  now  m  progress, 
and  the  last  Intelligencer,  printed  at  Lexington, 
contains  just  so  much  of  Mr.  Barbour's  shuiiied 
up  documents,  relative  to  the  six  militia  men, 
as  was  arranged  by  hfm  to  make  an  impression 
hat  they  were  called  into  service  for  three 
months. 

We  have  before  said  that  the  Legislature  of 
Tennessee  passed  an  act  authorizing  the  Gov- 
ernor to  call  into  service  a  portion  of  the  mili- 
tia, for  the  purpose  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
Creek  war.  Under  this  act  several  regiments 
were  placed  under  the  comm.and  of  General 
Jackson,  in  1813.  'Ihty  ivere  honoriibly  dis- 
charged at  the  end  of  three  months.  Speaking 
of  these  men,  the  Governor  in  his  letter  of  the 
10th  of  December,  1813,  said: 

IVillie  Blount  to  the  Secretary  of  Ti'ar. 

N.isuviLLE,  10th  Dec,  1813. 
Sin:  The  force  from  this  State,  called  into 
service  to  act  against  the  hostile  Creeks,  is 
composed,  in  part,  of  United  States'  volun- 
teers,*enrolicd  under  the  acts  of  Congress;  of 
the  militia,  detached  under  a  requisition  from 
the  War  Department;  and,  in  part  of  volunteers, 
who,  being  best  armed,  turned  out,  upon  the 
pressing  emergency,  to  repel  an  approaching 
invasion  of  this  State  and  the  Mississippi  Ter- 
ritory. The  fii-st  named,  think  that  their  term 
of  sei*vice  expires  (as  1  have  before  advised 
vnu>onthi'«  dav      Th*"  second.  I  understand. 


are  cf  opii.ion,  tint  their  tefin  of  service  will 
expire  at  the  end  of  three  months  from  their 
entrance  into  service;  that  time  being  consider- 
ed, by  the  militia  law  of  this  State,  passed 
prior  to  the  act  of  Congress  under  which  the 
detachment  was  made,  as  a  tour  of  duty.  The 
third  description,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  con- 
sider that  they  ought  [not]  to  be  expected  to 
serve  longer  than  a  three  months'  tour  from 
their  enti-ance  into  service,  if  tliat  long.  When 
these  troops  were  called  into  service,  the  term 
they  were  expected  to  serve  was  not  mention- 
ed in  the  instructions  I  received  from  the  War 
Department,  or  in  the  act  of  the  General  As- 
sembly of  this  State,  under  which  a  part  of  the 
force  w.as  called  out;  neither  was  it  mentioned 
in  my  order  calling  them  out — 1  not  having 
been  advised  of  the  most  acceptable  term  to 
the  Government,  and  knowing  no  other  limita- 
tion to  their  service  than  such  as  was  provided 
for  by  acts  of  Congress,  unless  sooner  discharg- 
ed by  order  of  the  President. 

I  believe  the  principal  reason  why  these 
troops,  in  part,  feel  a  de-.ire  ic  be  discharged 
on  the  10th  inst  is,  th.at  the  volunteers  think 
that  they  should  not  be  compelled  to  serve  lon- 
ger than  one  year  from  the  time  they  were  call- 
ed into  service,  as  they  h;ive  held  themselves 
ready  to  act  at  the  call  of  Government  since 
the  10th  December,  1813.  This  has  occision- 
ed  much  uneasiness  and  embarrassment  at 
camp.  The  balance  probably  are  influenced 
by  their  recollection  of  a  tour  of  duty  under  the 
provisions  of  the  militia  law  of  this  State,  and 
by  their  want  of  clothing,  &c.  for  a  longer 
term  of  service;  and  another  argument  may 
be,  that  the  circumst;inces  under  which  they 
were  called  (to  repel  an  approaching  invasion, 
in  part)  did  not  admit  of  delay  in  their  making 
the  necessary  preparation  for  a  toiu"  of  six 
months,as  the  act  of  Congress  respecting  detach- 
ed militia  requires,  linless  sooner  discharged  by 
order  of  the  President;  in  other  words,  they 
had  not  time  to  prepare.  Their  promptitude 
promoted  the  service;  their  prompt  attention  to 
the  call  of  Cover. i.iient,  and  the  important  ser- 
vices they  have  rendered  in  the  field,  during  • 
the  short  terra  thoy  have  been  in  service,  teach- 
es the  belief,  th:»t  they  cannot  be  actuated,  in 
their  willingness  to  return,  for  any  other  rea- 
sons  than  the  abovcmentioned.  These  facts 
and  opinions  are  stated  for  the  informatioji  of 
Government,  with  whom  alone  it  rests  to  de- 
termine how  long  they  shall  serve,  to  order 
their  discharge,  and  likewise  to  order,  in  the 
event  of  their  discharge,  how  their  places  are 
to  be  supplied .  It  is  presumed  that  the  object 
of  the  camp:t)gn  is  not  yet  effected,  and  it  may 
not  be  for  some  time  to  come,  witii  best  exer- 
tions. 

Under  these  circumstances,  and  from  a  de- 
sire, felt  here,  to  promote  the  good  of  the  ser- 
vice, it  tt'ould  be  acceptable  to  the  men  in  ser- 
vice to  be  informed  how  long  they  are  expect- 
ed to  serve,  and,  if  they  are  to  be  discharged, 
by  whose  order,  and  how  their  places  are  to  be 
supplied.  Information  on  these  points  is  re- 
spectfully solicited,  believing  that  the  good  of 
the  service,  and  the  situation  of  this  frontier,  re- 
quire it.  I  am  requested  to  make  these,  in 
quiries.     I  have  the  honor,  S;c. 

WILLIE  BLOU!{T 

The  Ho"    Sr.cnmnT  ""  Wjn 


la  reply  to  this  letter,  the  Secretary  of  War 
wrote  aa  follows: 

Tk€  Secretary  of  War  to  Governor  Ulounl: 
WiB  DuPARTniiiST,  Jan.  J,  181.1.. 

Sm:  Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  10th 
•iU.  has  been  received. 

It  is  thought  most  udvisable,  under  all  cir- 
cumstances, that  the  consti-uction  given  to  their 
eng-agements,  by  the  organized  volunteers  of 
1812,  be  admitted.  In  no  othercase,  however, 
have  volunteers  of  the  same  description  refused 
to  make  good  three  hundred  and  sixty  five 
days'  actual  service. 

The  militia  may  be  considered  as  havingbeen 
called  ou>  under  the  law  of  1795,  which  limits 
the  service  to  three  months.  The  President  is 
the  more  disposed  to  make  this  decision,  as  the 
State  law  provides  that  aperiod  of  three  months 
shall  be  deemed  a  tour  of  duty,  and  as  the  spi- 
ritand  patriotism  of  Tennessee  leaves  no  doubt 
but  that  a  succession  of  corps,  competent  to 
the  objects  of  Government,  will  be  regularly 
provided. 

Your  excellency  has  been  informed  that  Mr. 
McGhee,  the  contractor,  was  supplied  with 
funds  to  meet  thu  requisitions  for  provisl>iis, 
and  his  receipt  for  money,  which  you  furnished 
for  his  accommodation,  iS  herewith  returned. 
It  was  distinctly  stated  by  him,  that  your  Ex- 
cellency would  be  paid  out  of  the  advance  which 
he  received  while  at  this  place. 

J.   ARMSTRONG. 
Gov.  Blount,  of  Tennessee. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  correspondence  re- 
ported by  the  Secretary  of  War,  proves  that 
the  troops  to  which  it  referred,  were  called  into 
service  by  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and  that  the 
reason  assigned  i.i,  that  the  troops  having  been 
called  into  service  under  the  State  authority, 
considered  that  their  term  of  service  was 
limited  to  three  months.  That  they  were  dis- 
charged at  the  end  of  three  months,  appears 
from  the  following  address  of  General  Jackson 
to  the  troops.  (See  Eaton's  life  of  Jackson, 
page  121:) 

'•Your  General  having  reported  that  your 
teian  of  service  will  expire  on  the  14th,  I  as- 
sume no  claim  on  you  beyond  that  period.  I5ul, 
although  I  cannot  demand  as  a  right,  the  con- 
tinuance of  your  services,!  do  not  despair  of  be- 
ing able  to  obtain  them  througli  your  patriotism. 
For  what  piu-pose  was  it  that  you  quitted  your 
humes,  and  penetrated  the  heart  of  the  enc- 
ir.y's  country  Was  it  to  avenge  the  blood  of 
your  fellow  citizens,  inhumanly  slain  by  that 
enemy; — to  give  security  in  future  to  our  ex- 
tended and  unprotected  frontier,  and  to  signal- 
ize the  valour  by  w'.iich  you  were  animated? 
Will  any  of  these  objects  be  attained  if  you 
abandon  the  campaign  at  the  time  jou  contem- 
plate' Notonc!  Yet  an  opportunity  shall  be 
ail'orded  you,  if  you  desire  it.  If  you  liM-e  been 
really  actuated  by  the  feelings,  and  governed 
by  the  motives,  v/hich  yourcommaiuling  gene- 
:■»!  supposes  inufluenced  you  to  take  up  arms, 
und  eiit-,rthe  field  in  deiVnoe  of  your  rlghta, 
r.')iie  of  you  will  resist  the  appeal  he  now  make^, 
or  hesitate  to  embrace  witli  eagerness,  the  op- 
portunity he  is  about  to  atrord  yon. 

"  The  enemy,  mort^  than  half  conquered, 
■••C%  deriving  ciicotirageTCenl  und  hopa  'Vim  th  .■ 


tardiness  ot  our  ..perauuiis.  ana  tlieuistractiuut 
which  have  unhappily  prevailed  in  out  camp, 
are  again  assembling  below  us.    Another  lesion 
of  admonition  must  be  furnished  them.     They 
must  again  be  made  to  feel  the  weight  of  thaj 
power  which  they  have,   without  cause,  pro- 
voked to  w.ar;  and  to  know,  that  although  we 
have  been  slow  to  take  up  arms,  wc  will  never 
lay  them  from  our  hands  until  we  have  secured 
the  objects  that  impelled  us  to  the  resort.     In 
less  than  eight  days  I  shall  leave  this  encamp- 
ment to  meet  and  fight  them.      Will  any  of  you 
accompany  me?     Are  there  any  amongst  you, 
who,  at  a  moment  like  this,  will  not  think  it  an 
outrage  upon  honor,  for  her  feelings  to  be  test- 
ed by  a  computatio[i  of  time?     What  if  the  pe- 
riod for  which   you  tendered  your  services  to 
your  country  has  expired — is  that  a  considera- 
tion with   the  valiant,    the   patriotic,  and  the 
brave,  who  have  appeared  to  redress  the  in- 
jured rights  of  that  country,  and  to  acquire  for 
themselves  the  name  of  glory?     Is  it  a  consi- 
deration with  them,  when  those  objects  are  still 
unattained,    and  an   opportunity  of  acquiring 
them  is  so  near  at  hand?     Did  such  men  enter 
t^  field  like  hirelings— to  serve  for  pay  >     Does 
all  regard  for  their  country,  their  families,  and 
themselves,   expire    with  (he  time  for   which 
t'leir  services  were  eng.aged?     Will  it  be  a  suf- 
ficient gratification  to  their  feelings,  that  they 
served  out  three  months,  without  seeing  the  en- 
emy, and  then  abandoned  the  campaign,  when 
the'  enemy  w.as  in  the  neighborhood,  and  could 
be  seen  and  conquered  in  ten  days!    Any  retro- 
spect they  can  make,  of  the  sacrifices  they  have 
encountered,  anl  the  privations  they  have  en- 
dured,  will    .atl'urd   but   little  satisfaction  un-_ 
der  such  circumstances; — the  very  mention  ot 
the  Creek  war,  must  cover  them  with  the  blush- 
es of  shame,   and  self-abasement.     Having  en- 
gaged for  only  three   months,  and  that  period 
having  expired,  you  are  not  bound  to  serve  any 
lougcri— but  are  you   bound   by  n'lthing  else? 
Surely,  as   honorable   and  high-minded   men, 
you  inust,  at  such  a  moment  as  the  present,  feel 
other  obligations  tlian  the  law  imposes.    A  fear 
(if  the  punishment  of  the  law,  did  not  bring  you 
into  camp; — that  its  demands  are  s.alisfied,  will 
not  take  you  from  it.     You  had  higher  objects 
in  view, — some   g.'eater  good  to  attain.     This, 
your  General   believes, — nor   can   he    believe 
otherwise,  without  doing  you  gi-eat  injustice. 

*'Your  services  are  not  asked  for  longer  than 
twenty  days;  and  who  will  hesitate  making- 
such  a  sacrifice  when  the  good  of  his  country 
and  his  own  fame  are  at  stake'  Who  under 
the  present  aspect  of  affairs,  will  even  reckon 
it  a  sacrifice ?  When  we  set  out  to  meet  this 
enemy,  this  post  must  be  retained  and  defend- 
ed; if  any  of  you  will  remain,  and  render  the 
service,  it  will  be  no  less  important  than  if  you 
had  marched  to  the  battle;  nor  will  your  Gene- 
ral less  thankfully  acknowledge  it.  Tuesday 
next,  the  line  of  march  will  be  taken  up:  and 
hi  a  few  days  thereafter,  the  objects  of  l!ie  ex- 
cursicm  will  be  errected.  .^s  patriotic  men,  then, 
1  ask  you  for  your  services:  and  thus  long,  I  have 
no  doubt  you  will  cheerfully  render  them.  I 
atr,  v.cU  aware,  that  you  are  all  anxious  to  re- 
turn to  your  faiiiilies  and  homes,  and  that  jou 
are  entitled  to  do  so;  yet  stay  a  little  longer, — 
go  with  me,  and  meet  the  enemy,  and  you  can 
then  reti^rn,  not  only  with  the  ccnstic'sness  cf 


iuviii^  [icnoriueti  }"o.a-  iliny,  but  witli  the  glo- 
rious exultation  of  having  done  eveii  more  tliau 
they  requireii." 

Gov.  Blount  'm  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  3iid:  "When  these  troops  were  cnlled 
into  service,  the  term  they  were  expected  to 
serve  was  not  mentioned  in  the  instructions,  I 
received  from  tlie  War  Uepartment,  or  in  the 
act  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Sta'c,  imder 
wliich  a  part  of  that  force  were  called  o>it, 
neither  was  it  mentioned  in  my  order  callinsj 
them  out,  I  not  havint^  been  advised  of  the 
most  acceptable  term  to  tlie  groverr.mcnt,  and 
know  of  no  other  limiution  to  the  service,  than 
sueh  as  was  provided  by  acts  of  Conf^ress,  un- 
less sooner  discharged  by  order  of  tlie  Presi- 
dent." In  his  letter  to  Gen.  .Tackson,  he  said: 
speaking  of  these  troops,  "The  militia  are  de- 
tached for  six  months  service." 

Yet  Gen.  Jackson  who  believed  that  these 
men  were  legally  called  into  the  service  for 
sl.\  months,  and  tliat  the  Governor  was  under 
tiic  infl\ience  of  iirc-side  politicians,  whose 
patriotism  was  an  appendage,  worn  as  a  co- 
quette does  a  fine  ribband  merely  for  show,  to 
be  laid  aside  or  applied  as  necessitx-  may  re- 
quire," when  the  appe.al  to  their  patriotism  had 
failed  to  retain  them  in  the  service,  gave  them 
an  honorable  discWarire.  The  e.vijjencies  of  the 
seVvice,  and  the  patriotic  feelings  which  ac- 
tuated Gen  Jackson,  will  be  better  spoken  in 
his  own  language.  A  few  d-ays  after  this  ad- 
dress to  his  volunteers,  he  wrote  to  Governor 
Blount  as  followa: 

"iladyourwish,  th.itl  should discli.arge  a  p.art 
of  my  force,  and  retire  m  ith  tlie  residue  into  the 
settlements,  assumed  the  form  of  a  positive  or- 
der, it  might  have  furnished  me  some  .apology 
for  pursuing  such  a  course,  but  by  no  means  a 
powers?  iJo  you  wait  for  special  instructions 
from  the  Secretary  at  War,  wliich  it  is  impossi- 


*  Gen  Jackson  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  William 
Cocke,  dated  Fort  Sirother,  February  ITth, 
1814.>  said: 

HEAD  QUAKTERS,  ? 

FoBT  Stkotiieh,  Feb.  17th,  1:114.      S 

Sm,  Your  two  letters  of  the  8th  and  14ih 
ir.stant,  have  been  received,  but  from  the  con- 
tinued hurry  of  business  with  which  I  am  sur- 
rounded, I  have  not  had  time  to  answer  them 
until  now. 

The  importance  fif  the  service  you  have  ren- 
dered, and  the  deep  interest  you  have  taken  in 
forwarding  my  views  and  the  objects  of  the  cam- 
paign, command  my  sincere  thanks.  1  hope 
}  ou  will  continue  to  aid  in  procuring  the  means 
and  transporting  the  supplies  to  this  place:  the 
active  exertions  of  a  patriot  oi  sixty -five  >/ea.f  of 
a^e,  will  cii  lainlij  stimulate  the  youthful  soldier 
lohisduty;  such  exampleshave  become  necessa- 
ry; Ifindihost  who  talk  most  uf  war  anjvwke  t/n. 
greatcft  bustle  about  our  injurtd  rights  at  honte, 
are  the  last  to  liep  furw  «  /  in  vidlcation  of  those 
rightf.  I'atriolisui  is  an  appendnge  which  such 
men  wear  as  a  coquette  doss  a  ilne  ribb.and, 
merely  for  show,  .ind  to  be  laid  asid^  or  ajiplied 
33  necessity  m:iy  req:ilre. 

X  have  the  honor  to  be,  Jcr. 

AXUKK^V  J.\CKSON', 
Majui-  (hitfrat  ccr.'iiitcnuini^. 


ble  for  yoii  to  receive  lii  time  for  the  t'.ange;' 
that  threatens'  How  did  the  venerable  Shelby 
act,  Tinder  simihir  circumstances,  or  rather,  un- 
der circumstances  by  no  means  so  critical' 
Did  he  wail  for  orders  to  do  what  every  man 
of  sense  knew — what  every  patriot  felt  to  be 
right?  He  did  not;  and  yet  how  highly  snd 
justly  did  Government  e.^tol  his  manly  and  en- 
ergetic conduct  !  and  how  dear  has  his  iiame 
become  to  every  friend  of  his  country  ! 

"  \"ou  say,  tliat  .an  order  to  bring  the  neces- 
sary quota  of  men  into  the  field  has  been  given, 
and  that  of  course  your  power  ceases  ;  and,  al- 
though you  are  made  sensible  tliat  the  order  has 
been  wholly  neglected,  you  can  take  no  mea- 
sure to  remedy  the  omission.  Widely  different, 
indeed,  is  my  opinion.  I  consider  it  your  im- 
perious dutj',  ■nhen  the  men  called  foe  by  you? 
authority,  founded  upon  that  of  the  government, 
are  known  rrot  to  be  in  the  field,  to  see  that 
they  be  brought  there;  and  to  take  immediate 
measures  with  the  oHicer,  who,  cliarged  vi-itk 
the  execution  of  your  order,  omits  or  neglects 
to  do  it.  As  the  executive  of  the  State,  it  is 
your  duty  to  see  that  the  full  quota  of  troops  be 
constantly  kept  in  the  field,  for  the  time  they 
have  been  required.  You  are  responsible  tu 
the  government;  your  officer  to  you.  Of  what 
avail  is  it  to  give  an  order,  if  it  be  never  execut- 
ed, and  may  be  disobeyed  with  impunity.  Is 
it  by  empty  mandates,  that  we  can  hope  to 
conquer  our  enemies,  and  save  our  defenceless 
frontiers  from  butchery  and  devastation?  Be- 
lieve me,  my  valued  friend,  there  are  times  when 
it  is  highly  criminal  to  shrink  from  responsibili- 
ty, or  scruple  about  the  e.-cercise  of  our  powers. 
There  are  times  when  we  must  disregard  punc- 
tilious etiquette,  jnd  think  only  of  ser^•i^g  our 
countiy.  What  is  really  our  present  situation' 
The  enemy  we  have  been  sent  to  subdue,  may 
be  said,  if  we  stop  at  this,  to  be  only  exasperat- 
ed. The  commander  in  chief.  General  Pinck- 
ney,  who  supposes  me  by  tliis  lime  prepared  for 
renewed  operations,  has  ordered  me  to  advance 
and  form  a  junction  with  the  Georgia  army- 
and,  upon  the  expectation  that  1  will  do  so,  arc 
all  his  arrangements  formed  for  t!ie  prnsecutioa 
of  the  campaign.  AVill  it  do  1 1  defeat  his  plans, 
and  jeopardize  the  safety  of  the  Georgia  army  ? 
T  he  (ieneral  Government,  too,  believe,  and 
h'lvearightto  believe,  that  we  have  now  not  less 
than  five  thousand  men  in  the  he.irt  of  the 
enemy's  country:  and  on  this  opinion  are  all 
their  calculations bottomel;  and  must  they  all 
be  frustrated,  and  I  become  the  instrument  by 
which  it  is  done  ?  God  forbid ! 

"You  advrse  me  to  d's^harge  or  dismiss  from 
service,^intil  tlic  will  of  tlie  President  can  be 
known,  such  portion  of  the  miht'a  as  have  ren- 
dered three  months'  service.  This  advice  as- 
tonishes me,  even  more  tlian  the  former.  I  hava 
no  such  discretionary  power;  and  if  I  had,  it 
would  be  impolitic  and  ruinous  to  exercise  it, 
I  believed  tlie  militia  who  were  not  specially 
received  for  a  shorter  period,  were  engaged  for 
six  months,  unless  the  objects  of  the  expedition 
shoukl  be  sooner  attained;  and  in  tills  opinion 
I  was  gre.atly  strengthened,  by  your  letter  oi 
the  15th,  in  wliich  you  say,  when  answerin,^ 
n.y  inquir)'  upon  this  subject,  "the  militia  are 
detaciied  for  six  months'  service;"  nor  did  I 
know,  or  supjjosc  you  iiad  a  flif^'erent  opinion,, 
'-inili  theaiTvi . '■.'  ■;■.?  ^-.,■. '   '.'->"• 


7  4 


am  first  told  to  retire  into  the   settlements,  i 


yeur 

berts 

difficult 

it,  willabantlonmeonthe4tl\ofnextmoi)thinor 

shall  I  have  the  means  of  preventing  it,  but  by    protect  the  frontiers;    next,  to    discharge    my 

full  iusl.ficatioii.     As'vou  would  have  no  power    troops;  and  then,  that  no  measures  can  be  taken 

to  Eive  such  an  order,"l  could  not  be  inculpable    for  raising  others.     No,  my  fnend,  if  troops  be 

in  obeying,  with  my  eyes  open  to  the  fatal  con-    given  to  me,  it  is  not  by  loitering  on   the  tron 


seque.-ices  that  would  attend  It.  But  a  bare  re- 
commendation, founded,  as  I  am  satisfied  it 
must  be,  on  the  artful  suggestions  of  those  fire- 
side patriots,  who  seek  in  l!ie  failure  of  the  ex- 
pedition, an  excuse  for  their  own   siipineness; 


tiers,  that  I  will  seek  to  give  protection;  they 
are  to  be  defended,  if  defended  at  all,  in  a  very 
different  manner;— by  carrying  the  war  into  the 
heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  All  other  hopes 
of  defence,  are   more   visionary   than   dreams. 


"and  upon  the  misrepresentations  of  the  discon-  What  then  is  to  be   dene       1 11  tell  you  wha.: 

tented  from  ihe  ai-n.v,  who  wish  it  to  be  believ-  you  have  only  to  act  with  the  energy  and  deci- 

ed   that  the  dilRculties  which  overcame  their  sion  the  crisis  demands,  and  all  will   be  well. 

p'.tnotism  .ire   wholly   insurmountr.ble,  would  Slso  me  a  FoncE  esoaoed  for  six  months   and 

affo-d  me  but  a  feeble   shielf"   ags.inst   t!.e  re-  I  win,  axswrr  for  the  UEsri.T— but  withhold 

proachcsof  my  country  or  my  conscience.     Be-  it,  and  aU  is  lost,— the  reputation  of ^ the  State, 

lieve  me,  my   respected  friend,  Ihe  remarks  I  and  your's  and  mine,  along  with  it. 

make  proceed  from  the  purest  personal  regard^  •     j^  ^^,p,..  ^^  t|,;s  letter,  Govemcf  Blount  wrote 


If  you  "would  preSi  rve  your  reputation,  or  that  of 
the  State  o\-er  which  you  preside,  >  ou  must  take 
a  straight-forward  determined  course.  veg:irdless 
of  the  applause  er  censure  of  the  populace, 
and  of  the  forebodip.gs  of  that  dastardly  and  de- 
signing ciew,  who  at  a  time  like  this,  may  be 
espected  to  clamour  continually  in  your  rars. 
The  verv  wretches  who  uow  besi^-t  you  with  evil 
counsel,' will  be  tlie  first,  should  the  measures 


to  General  Jackson  as  follows: 

Governor.  Blount  to  GeneralJacJiSon. 

"Nashville,  December  22,  1814. 
Jlear  Sir.-  Since  writing  you  fully  of  this  date, 
I  have  received,  by  Major  David  Smith,  your 
very  interesting  letter,  replete  with  patriotic 
sentiments,  dated  the  15th  instant.  You  will 
see,  by  mv  letter  of  the  10th,  to  the  Secretary 


■which  they  recommend,  eventiuite  in  disaster,       „       •     j^^^  j  ^^  placed  with  the  respect  to 


to  call  dou'n  iinpr.-cations  on  your  head,   and 
cad  )0u  with  reproaches.     Your  country  is  in 

;anger apply  its  resources  to  its  defence !   Can 

any  com-se  be  more  plain'  Do  you,  my  friend, 
at  such  a  moment  as  the  present,  sit  with  your 
arms  folded,  and  your  heart  at  ease,  waiting  a 
solution  of  your  doubts,  and  a  definition  of  your 

■  the  application  of  force,  which,  under  such  cir- 

■  cumstances,  I'shall  not  be  at  liberty  to  use      I 
'have  labored  liard  to  reconcile  these  men  to  a 

continuance  in  service,  until  they  could  be  hon- 
orably  discharged,  and  had  hoped  I  had 
gi'eat  measure,  succeeded      ^ 
operating  with  thcii'  ov.n  pre_. 
a  sanction  to  their  conduct,  and  render  useless 
laiy  further  attempts.     They  wdl  go;  but  I  c?i 
neither  dischafg'-  nor  dismiss  them.     Sliall  I  be 
told,  that  as  they  will  go,  it  may  as  well  be  peace- 
.ably  permitted,  can  that  be  any  good  reason  v  hy 
I  should  do  an   unauthorised  act'     Is  it  a  good 


nstructions,  which,  as  it  relates  to  the  good  of 
the  service,  and  a  most  righteous  cause,  in  sup- 
port of  which  you  are  most  laudably  and  zea- 
lou-sly  engaged',  I  mucli  regret  T/ie  tmfortu- 
rude  constrvdion  given  by  the  irorrps,  so  gtneral- 
ly.  respecting  their  term  uf  service,  at  this  very 
inlereitina  crisis  in  public  affairs,  in  this  section, 
of  the  Union,  is  to  ie  lamented;  but,  since  it  is 
the  most  general,  ami  likely  to  become  tlmosl  the 
universal,  consirvlion  in  camp;  and  since  there 
is  no  authority  vested  here,  that  can  be  interposed, 
.  .  to  "ive  a  counter  current  of  opinion,  with  the  pros- 

But  your  opjn'O".  ^^^^  ^j-  efftding  any  permanent  good  to  the  ser- 
■jud^ces,  will  give  ^.^^^  ^^  ^^  ^/^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^,j  ^^^  engaged  in,  and  as  ii 
is  likely  that  my  Ittter  of  the  10th  instant  vnli 
produce  new  orders  for  a  term  of  service  yet  to 
commence,  which  under  all  sircumstances,  would 
be  most  judicious  m  Govrnmcnt  to  give,  the  bet- 
ter to  effect  the  objects  oj  the  campaign,  more  espe- 
cially as  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  a  British 


i-eason  why  1   should  violate  the  order  ot   my   jigg{'f,(,g  arrived  at  Pemacola:  I  cannot  doubt 
superior  officer,  and  e\ince  a  willingness  to  de-    ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^  Government  will  shortly  give  new 
feat  the   purposes  of  my   government;      And    i,„t,.,|c;io„s  to  have  a  new  force  organized,  to 
wherein  docs  the   "soend  policy"  of  the  mea-    ^^^^^  ^i,„  objects  of  the  campaign,  &  to  oppose 
•^ui-es  that  have  been  r.'C'immended  consist'  Or  ■  -    ■        ._...... 

in  what  way  are  they  "likely  to  promote  the 
public  good?"  Ts  it  sound  pohcy  to  aban- 
don a  conquest  tluis  far  made,  and  deliver 
up  to  havoc,  or  add  to  the  number  of  our 
cnemie?,  those  friendly  Creeks  and  Cherokees, 
who,  relying  on  our  protection,  have  es- 
Slid   our   c  vuse,-  and   aided  us   with   their 


the  British;  and  that  the  President  will  be  sat- 
i5fi.:d  to  consider  that  the  three  montlis'  tour 
paiformedby  your,  and  by  general  Cockes  de- 
tachments, with  so  much  good  to  the  service, 
and  so  much  credit  to  yourselves,  may  termi- 
nate the  present  camp.'iign." 

It  will  be  seen  by  this  letter,  a  copy  of  which 


■jecretarj'  of  War,  on  the 


Is  it  ijood  pohcy  to  turn  loose  upon  our    was  enclosed  to  the   Secretary  of  "' 
eless  frontiers,  five  thousand  exasperated    24th  of  December,   that   Gov.   Bkn 


pOUSL 

dXnceks'3frontie7s','fiVe"thous:mdexa^^^  24th  of  December,   that   Gov'  Blount  in  reply 

savae-es   to  rer-l-  their  hands  once  more  in  tlie  to  Gen  Jackson's  earnest  appeal  to  to  send  him 

blood  of  our  citizens^'  What!  retrograde   under  him  men  for  sx  months,  laments  the  unfortu- 

Mieh  circumstances!     I  will  perish  first.     N.j,  I  nate  construction  given  to  their  term  of  service 

will  do  mv  duty:  I  will  hold  the  posts  t  have  es-  bv  the  troops,  says— that  he  has  no  power  to 

iabli-,hed'  until  ordered  to  abandon  them  bv  the  interpose  to  give  a  counter  current,  and  hopes 

commanding  gener.al,   or  die  in   the   struggle;  that  Government,  meaning  that  ot  the  United 

■ane  SMire  have  I  determined   not  to   seek  the  States,  will  give  new  orders,  whKh  it  is  hooed 


lb. 


•  I'a  effect  '.nore  pcimaiieiit  good  to  the  service 
Accordingly  Mr.    Armstrong  on  the  11th  of 
Jjjnuary  says : 

7/ie  Seerctary  cf  War,   to  Governor  Blount 

Wah  Depabtmest,  Jan.  11,  1814. 
Sill:  You  are  authorized  to  supply,  by  militia 
ilrafts,  or  by  volunteers,  any   deficiency  which 
may  arise  in  the  militia  division,  under  the  com- . 
mand  of  Major  General  Jackson,   and  Vv'itliout 
referring,  on  this  he.ad,  to  this  Department.   It 
may  be  well  that  your   Excellency  should  con- 
sult General  Pickney  on  such  occasions,   as  he 
can  best  judge  of  the  whole  number  necessary 
to  the  attainment  of  the  public  objects. 
I  have  the  honor,  &c. 

J.  AU.MSTKONG. 
His  Exc'y  the  Governor  of  Tennesssce. 

And  sgain,  on  the  31st  of  January,  1814,  he 
wrote : 

"Sin:  \  l»ad  the  honor  to  reciive  your  Excel- 
lency's letter  of  the  5th  inst.  My  letter  of  the 
11th  v.'ill  have  anticipated  your  inquiries  rela- 
tive to  further  detachments  of  militia.  The  at- 
tention of  the  Paymaster  of  the  Army  will  be 
particularly  directed  to  t!ie  payment  of  the 
troops,  who  have  been  in  service  from  Tennes- 
see.. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 
your  excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

(Signed,)  J.ARMSTRONG." 

His  Excellency  W.  Bloust,  - 

Governor  of  Tennessee. 

Again  on  the  4th  of  February,  the  Secretary 
^irote  to  Gen.  Jackson  as  follows: 

Tfic  Secretary  of  fVar  tn  Gctwal  Jaclcsoii. 
Wad  DEPAUTjiE^T,  Feb-  4,  1814. 
Sin:  Since  the  receipt  of  your  letter,  of  De- 
cember 30th,  the  Governor  of  Tennessee  lias 
been  required  to  call  out  the  mditia  to  reinforce 
your  conunand,  and  provide  for  the  exigencies 
of  the  service  in  that  quarter,  in  which  he  isalso 
required  to  consult  the  commanding  General. 
J.  ARMSTRONG. 
Gen.  AsiinEW  Jackson,  Fort  Strathcr. 

Acting,  as  we  presume,  under  these  orders 
the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  on  the  20lh  of 
May,  1314,  issued  the  following  general  order: 

"•  Nashville,  May  20,  1814. 
Sin:  In  compliance  with  tlie  requisition  of 
Major  General  Thomas  Pinckn  'y,thut  the  posts 
of  Fort  Willianis,Fort  Strothcr,  Fort  Armstrong, 
Fort  Ross,  and  Forts  Old  and  New  Deposit, 
should  be  kept  up,  the  doing  of  which  he  has 
confided  to  you,  until  the  objects  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  relation  to  the  war  against  the  hostile 
Creek  Indians  shall  have  been  fuUy  elTected; 
and  from  tlie  probable  expiration  of  the  time  of 
service  of  the  troops,  now  occupying  tliose  nn- 
portant  posts,  commanded  by  Col.  Bunch,  prior 
to  a  final  accomplishment  of  the  views  of  Go- 
vernment in  relation  to  the  Creek  \v.\r,  you  vill, 
without  delay,  order  out  one  thousand  militia  in- 
fantry of  thr.  2rf  division,  fur  the  term  of  six 
MosTHs,  unless  sooner  discharged  by  order  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  or,  you  may 
accept  a  tender  of  service  of  the  aiove  number 
of  volunteer  infantry  from  the  2J  division  for 
'heafores^irl  tciTTi,  for  the 'ii.Ti'pnse  cf  garrison- 


ing the  said  poits,  at  J6ur  option:  whidi  lia 
titde,  in  relation  to  calls  for  men  to  act  against  t!r. 
Creeks,  in  furtherance  of  ike  views  of  guvemment    --. 
in  that  behalf,  is  given  tome  hy  instructions  front 
the   JVar  Utparlment.     Those   troops   will   be 
commanded  by  aii  officer  cf  the   rank  of  colo- 
ncl,  and  will  be  required  to  rendezvous  at   Fa- 
yetteville,  on  the  20th   of   June   next:   thence 
they  will  proceed  to  the  above-mentioned  posts, 
under  yourorder,  in  such  number  to  each, as  you      J 
.shall  assign.     It  is  important  to  tlie   public  in-      ' 
-terests,  that  they  should  be  at  their  posts  be- 
tween the  1st  and  lO'.hof  July   ne.xt,  as  about 
that  time   the  term  of   service  of  the  troops, 
now  there,  under  colimel   Bunch,  will   expire, 
and  at  which  posts  there  is  much  public  proper- 
ty committed  to  their  charge. 

You  will  order  the  muster  master  to  attend 
and  mjstcr  tiie  troops  into  service — you  will 
call  on  the  contractor  for  provisions,  and  on  the 
assistant  deputy  quartermaster  likewise,  fc.~ 
S-ipplics  in  his  depai'tment. 

(Signed)  WILLIE  BLgUNT.' 

To  Maj    (ien.  Andbew  J.vckkox, 

Second  division  of  Tennessee  Militia."    ' 

Upon  the  receipt  of  this  order.  Gen.  Jackson,. 
then  a  Major  General  in  the  militia  of  the  State, 
issued  the  following  general  order: 

"  Brave  Tennesseeans  of  the  2d  division.  The 
Creek  wnv,  through  the  Divine  aid  of  Provi- 
dence, and  the  valor  of  chose  engaged  in  the 
campaign,  in  which  you  bore  a  conspicuous 
share,  has  been  brought  to  a  happy  terminatloi:. 
Good  policy  requires  that  the  territory  con- 
quered should  be  garrisoned,  and  possession  ■ 
retained,  until  appropriated  by  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  In  pursuance  of  this  po- 
licy, and  to  relieve  the  troops  now  stationed  at 
forts  \VilIiams,Strot'iei,  and  Armstrong,  on  the 
Cooia  river,  as  well  as  Old  and  New  Deposit,  I 
am  commanded  by  Ins  excellency,  Governor 
Blount,  to  call  from  my  division  one  thousand 
men  in  tlie  service  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
period  of  six  months,  unless  sooner  discharged 
by  order  cf  the  President  of  the   United  States. 

The  Brigadier  Generals,  or  officers  command- 
ing the  4th,  5th,  6th,  7tli,  and  9th  Brigades  cf 
the  2d  division,  will  forthwith  furnish  from  their 
brigades  respectively,  by  draft  or  voluntary  en- 
listment, two  hundred  men,^  with  two  captains, 
two  first,  two  second,  :ind  two  third  lieutenants, 
ai'd  two  ens:;;::-  well  .armed  and  equipped  for 
active  service,  lO  be  rendezvoused  at  Fayette- 
ville,  Lincoln  county,  in  the  State  of  Tennessee, 
on  tlie  20th  of  June  next;  and  then  be  organiz- 
ed into  a  regiment,  at  which  place  the  field  ofil- 
cers,  and  the  muster  master  will  be  ordered  to 
meet  them. 

Officers  commanding  the  brigades  composing 
the  2d  division  of  Tennessee  militia,  are  charg- 
ed with  the  prompt  and  due  execution  of  this 
order. 

ANDREW  JACKSON,  UaJ.  Gen. 
Commanding  2d  division,  M.  71" 

Under  this  order  the  six  militiamen  were  mus- 
tered into  service  on  the  20tli  of  June,  for  a 
tour  of  six  months,  in  eonformity  with  General 
J;ick.snn's  prcssuig  request  to  Gov.  Blount,  in 
his  letter  of  the  15th  of  December,  saying — 
••  send  me  a  force  engaged  roa  six  .moxtiis,  and 
1  will  iinswer  for  f>>-  •■^•'■jl'. — '.•;'  vifhhnhl  ;f  nniX 
all  in  lopf  '  * 


7(j 


W-c  have  timg  pVoved  that  these  men  were 
>g^lly  mustered  into  service  for  six  months, 
which  more  fully  appeal's  from  an  extract  from 
the  letter  of  the  Becretai-y  of  War,  to  the  edi- 
tor of  this  paper,  dated 

Department  of  WAn, 

October  16,  1827. 

"The  motives  whicli  inrUiced  mc  to  comply 
■with  your  former  request  liave  influenced  me 
again,  though  not  witliout  difficulty,  to  trans- 
mit you  the  information  requested,  which  is 
disclose*!  in  the  following  extract  from  a  report 
made  to  me  hy  'he  third  Auditor:  '  It  appears 
Col.  Philip  Pipkin's  regiment  was  mustered 
into  service  at  Fayettevillc,  in  June,  1814,  for 
sis  months,  by  Robert  Hays,  Assistant  Inspector 
General  of  the  militia  of  said  State,  and  that 
said  regiment  was  mustered  out  of  service  by 
the  same  officer,  at  the  same  place,  on  the  l,'7th 
.Tanuar)',  1815 ;  the  services  generally  com- 
inenced  on  the  20tli  June,  1814,  from  whicli 
time  to  the  27th  .January,  1815,  the  troops  were 
generally  paid,  exclusive  of  travelling  allow- 
ances fVoni  Fayetteville  to  their  homes.'  " 

From  this  certificate  it  appear?)  tlial  the  six 
mihtia  men  were  mustered  into  service  on  the 
20th  of  ,Fune,  1814,  and  the  inquiry  naturally 
arises — why  did  the  Secretary  of  War  bring 
into  his  report  the  correspondence  with  the 
Governor  of  Tennessee,  about  militia  who  were 
dismissed  tlie  service  on  the  14th  of  December, 
1813'  We  have  mot  this  view  of  the  case,  be- 
cause we  have  hail  no  desire  to  blink  tlie  ques- 
tion in  its  worst  shape.  We  mijht  well  rest 
our  defence  of  Gen.  Jackson,  so  far  as  he  is 
involved  in  this  inquiry,  upon  the  simple 
fact  that  the  Governor  of  Tennessee  was  tlie 
source  through  wlioni  he  received  the  order  of 
the  Secretary  of  War,  relative  to  the  tenn  of 
service — the  order  of  the  Governor  expressly 
says  that  the  requisition  is  made  for  a  term  of.^ix 
months,  under  the  in^irurHi'nis  of  IlitlVur  Depart. 
nent.  Gen.  J.ickson  was  bound  to  believe  .and 
to  execute  the  order  of  the  Governor  of  tlie 
,S'/a/f. 

So  much  for  the  term  of  service.  Rut  the 
term  of  service  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  mer- 
its of  the  case.  Harris  an. I  his  associates  were 
condemned  to  die  for  mutiny  and  destruction 
of  public  property,  committed  before  the  expi- 
ration of  three  mouths.  Col.  Pipkin,  their  com- 
manding officer  said  of  them: 

"  A  short  time  previous  to  this,  fl'is  20!h  of 
"  September  J  the  same  party  demolished  the 
"  bake  house,  destroyed  the  oven,  and  did  ma- 
"  ny  otlier  disorderly  and  mutinous  acts.  T!ie 
"  day  previous  to  their  desertion,  a  largo  num- 
"  her  paraded  armed,  and  marched  towanls 
"  t!ie  commis^sary  ^-.jrcs.  I  ordered  them  to 
•'  disperse,  but  my  order  w:4S  disregarded,  .and 
**  thev  forced  tiie  guards  statitjned  for  the  pro- 
"  tecticn  of  the  stores.  The  Commissarj'  an- 
"  ticipated  their  design,  closed  ami  locked  the 
"  door,  but  that  did  not  restrain  ii:em;  for  one 
' '  of  the  men,  (wlio  was  af'terw  ards  shot  by  seii- 
"  tence  of  t)ic  court  martial, 1  immediately 
*'  snatched  up  a  p'lck-axe,  and  cut  t'le  door  olf 
"  iis  hinges.  Tliey  then  entered  the  house, 
"  and  took  outclevLn  i'urTclsof  Hour,  and  made 
' '  public  prociania'.inntoa!!  who  intended  going 
' .  •  :r.e,  to  come  fcrviard  aiid   omw  rations. 


"  which  they  dkJ.  They  afterwards  proceeded 
"  to  the  bullock  pen,  and  shot  down  two 
"  beeves,  and  the  balance  taking  fright,  broke 
"  the  pen  and  ran  some  distanae,  where  they 
"  killed  a  third." 

Colonel  Russel  who  is  appealed  to  in  Binns' 
Coffin  Handbill,  in  reply  to  Col.  Arthur  L. 
Campbell,  of  Kentucky,  says: 

7th.  Mutiny  and  desertion  are  the  highest 
crimes  known  to  the  law  for  the  government  of 
the  army. 

8th.  The  evidence  in  support  of  the  charges 
against  the  militia  was  positive,  and  free  from  a 
shadow  of  doubt.  They  committed  the  offence 
in  broad  d.T.y  light,  in  the  presence  of  the  troops 
that  remained  faithful,  the  agents  of  the  con- 
tractor, and  every  body  on  the  ground. 

9th.  They  were  without  justification  or  ex- 
cuse, though  so  long  as  they  hoped  for  life,  they 
alledged  as  an  excuse,  their  pretended  belief 
th,at  no  law  existed  to  hold  them  to  service  more 
than  three  months,  in  which  they  had  been  sus- 
tained by  the  opinions  of  some  of  their  officers. 
However,  before  their  execution  they  abandon- 
ed this  excuse,  as  they  knew  better — arwl  said 
tiiftt  those  officers  who  liad  encouraged  them  to 
the  fatal  deed,  ought  to  die  as  well  as  they. 

Col.  Ku.ssell  is  a  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  and 
having  been  referred  to  in  the  "coffin  hand  bill,'' 
as  an  eye  witness,  is  entitled  to  be  believed  bv 
the  friends  of  the  administration.  He  com- 
manded the  regiment  who  executed  the  sen- 
tence of  the  court,  and  in  reply  to  the  state- 
ment that  these  men  were  executed  after  the 
peace ,  he  said : 

"  We  h.ad  iw  hiowkdge  of  a  ircnfif  of  pfar.- 
having  been  signed  at  Ghent,  till  more  than  a 
montli  afirr  the  .approval  of  the  sentence,  and 
15  or  20  days  after  its  execution.  At  such  a 
ti  ne,  the  least  relaxation  in  discipline  might 
have  proved  ruinous  to  the  country." 

In  reference  to  the  State  of  the  army  at  the 
time  of  the  e.\ecution  of  these  men,  Col.  Ru.s- 
sell  said; 

14.  "In  the  then  state  of  things,  the  execution 
of  the  w  hole  posse,  although  painful  to  behold, 
wasTiothing  more  tlian  a  due  administration  of 
justice;  nor  did  I  ever  hear  it  doubted  or  ques- 
tioned, tilt  in  the  summer  of  1824,  when  the; 
whole  affair  was  so  perverted  and  misrepresent- 
ed, that  a  stranger,  if  he  believed  the  tale, 
must  have  thouglit  that  the  General  and  all  his 
officers  delighted  in  shedding  innocent  blood 
for  amusement.  I  felt  bound  to  correct  the  ab- 
surd story,  when  and  wherever  I  heard  it,  and 
I  have  alwaj's  continued  to  do  so." 

Having  thus,  as  we  trust  for  the  I4st  time, 
noticed  this  affair  of  the  six  militiamen,  we 
beg  le.ave  to  make  a  few  comments.  It  is 
painful  to  find  ourselves  constrained  to  speak 
in  such  terms  of  the  Secretary  of  War;  but 
we  shrink  not  from  duty.  AVe  are  fortified  with 
truth,  and  upon  hira  be  the  consequences  of 
his  conduct. 

Mr.  BarboMr  during-  the  past  summer,  in  tra- 
velling- through  the  country,  retailed  Binns'  in- 
famous pamphlet  about  tlen.  Jackson.  That 
lie  has  lent  himself  to  the  further  circulation  of 
the  ;;hurge,  appeal's  frorn  tiie  m-ir.ner  in  which 


'/  v 


lie  arranged  tlie  documents  under  the  call  of 
tlie  House,  on  Mr.  Sloane'3  resolution.  That 
the  documents  were  thus  arranged  by  him  ap- 
p^rs  from  the  fact  that  Gen.  Duncan,  the  niem- 
b4r  of  Congress  from  llhnois,  called  at  his  of- 
fice a  few  days  before  his  report  was  made,  for 
the  purpose  of  transacting  some  official  busi- 
ness; Mr.  Barbour  begged  him  to  call  on  some 
other  da>-,  and  said  that  he  wns  'hen  engaged 
in  examining  the  documents  relative  to  tlie  six 
militia  men,  and  pointed  to  the  papers  which 
were  spread  before  him  on  the  table.  Gertf 
Duncan  casually  ni«nlioned  this  fact  in  conver- 
sation, and  we  now  state  it  w  ithout  his  know- 
ledge; but  Mr.  Barbour  having,  in  a  subsequent 
report,  endeavored  to  charge  the  arrangement 
of  the  papers  to  tlie  clerks  in  his  Depaitment, 
we  appeal  to  Gen.  Duncan,  and  to  sundry  other 
members  of  Congress,  who  have  conversed  with 
liim  on  the  subject,  to  confirm  what  we  say. — 
The  documents  thus  examined  by  Mr.  Barbour 
were  submitted  to  a  committee,  who  found  that 
he  had  so  arranged  them  as  to  make  an  impres- 
sion that  Harris  and  hi.n  associates  M-ere  called 
into  service  for  three  months.  They  exposed  the 
imposition  attempted  to  be  practised  upon  the 
House.  The  Secretary  of  \Var,thus  convicted, 
endeavored,  b\  charging  it  lo  his  clerks,  to  es- 
cape the  odium  of  the  act. 

In  the  mean  time,  two  title  pages  were  made 
bv  the  public  printer,  for  the  purpose  of  ena- 
bling the  partisans  of  the  coalition,  to  circulate 
the  documents  separate  from  the  report  of  the 
Committee,  in  violation  of  the  order  of  the 
House.  That  trick  was  also  detected,  by  the 
vigilance  of  Col.  Hamilton,  the  chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Military  AlFairs,  when  the  parti- 
zans  of  the  administration  employed  another 
print  to  publish  a  new  edition,  purporting  to 
jje  upon  authority  ot  the  House,  although  in  di- 
rect violati  m  of  its  order.  Again,  the  ])arty 
prints,  acting  tipon  the  example  set  them  here, 
print  so  much  of  the  correspondence  as  relates 
to  the  militia,  called  into  the  service  in  1.813,  by 
order  of  the  Governor  oF  Tennessee,  who  were 
discharged  the  service,  on  the  14th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1813,  and  omit  all  that  part  of  the  corres- 
pondence, which  relates  to  thesix  militiamen. 
To  aid  this  fraudulent  publication,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  procured  from  Mr.  Charles  J.  Nourse, 
the  following  false  certificate,  whicli  in  viola- 
linn  of  the  A  ill  of  the  House,  he  prefixed  to  his 
report* 

Certificate  of  the  Chief  Clerk  of  the  Depurtnifnt 
of  Wur. 
DKPiBTMENT  OF  Wab,  Jan.  24th,  1823. 
I  certify  that  1  have,  by  direction  ef  the  Sec- 
7'etary  of  Wai',  carefully  examined  the  records 
of  this  Department,  and  that  the  accompanying 
papers, numbered  from  1  to  12,are  true  copies 
of  all  the  correspondence  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment, between  the  President  or  Secretary  of 
AVar,  and  the  Governor  ot  Tennessee,  during 
tiie  late  war,  on  the  subject  of  the  time  for 
which  the  drafted  militia  of  said  State  should 
serve  in  the  armies  of  the  United  States;  and  I 
further  certify,  that  it  does  nut  appear  from  the 
records  of  this  Department,  that  any  applica- 
tion was  made  by  the  Governor  of  Tennessee, 
to  the  War'Department,  on  the  subject  of  the 
length  of  service  of  the  detachment  of  the  '["eu- 
nessee  militia,  detailed  under  the  orders  of  the 


Governor  of  that  State,  issued  on  the  iOtU  day 
of  May,  1814,  and  afterwards  placed  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Pliilip  Pipkin; 
or  that  .any  orders,  general  or  special,  were 
made  or  issued  by  the  I'resident  of  the  United 
States,  or  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  concerning 
or  relating  to  ilie  length  of  service  of  that  de- 
tachment.     CIIR..J   KOVllSV.,  Chief  Clerk. 

We  say  that  this  Cffrtificate  was  given  in  vio- 
lation of  the  will  of  the  House,  because  it  was 
expressly  stated  by  the  membei-s  of  the  majori- 
ty that  they  wanted  no  certificate  cr  opinion 
from  the  Secretary  of  Waj'.  Yet  he  procured 
this  certificate  from  the  ciiief  Clei  k,  which  he 
substituted  for  his  own. 

We  say  that  the  certificate  is  false,  because 
it  asserts  that  it  does  not  appear  from  the  re- 
cords of  the  department,  that  any  application 
was  made  by  the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  to  the 
War  Department,  on  the  subject  of  the  length 
of  service  of  the  detachment  of  Tennessee  mili- 
tiamen detailed  under  the  orders  of  the  Go\-er- 
nor  of  tliat  State,  issued  on  the  20th  day  of  MaVj 
1814,  and  afterwards  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Lieut.  Col.  Pipkin;  or  that  any  orders 
genera!  or  special  were  made  or  issued  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  by  the  Sec- 
retary of  AVar,  concerning  or  relating  to  the 
length  of  service  of  tliat  detachment" — when 
from  the  letters  of  Governor  Blount  and  the 
Secretary  of  War,  reported  by  Mr.  Barbour,  it 
appears  that  the  whole  of  that  correspondence 
related  to  the  term  of  service  of  the  troops  then 
in  the  field,  and  those  that  were  subsequent!/ 
called  into  the  service;  and  it  further  appears 
that  Governor  Blount  not  only  understood  the 
letters  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  authorize 
hira  to  call  the  troops  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Pipkin,  into  service  for  six  months, 
but  the  Secretary  of  War,  himself,  so  under- 
stood them.  M  hy  else,  wnen  Governor  Blount 
wrote  to  him  that  he  had  construed  tlie  order, 
to  authorize  him  to  call  out  these  men  for  six 
months,  and  tliat  he  had  called  them  into  ser- 
vice for  that  period,  did  the  Secretary  not  irt- 
forin  him,  that  the  orders  had  iiotbeen  properiv- 
understood? 

But  what  is  to  be  the  result  of  all  this  cant 
about  the  six  militiamen'  Why  this  political 
whining  about  men  who  had  committed  iT.utiny 
and  arson?  If  Gen.  J.ickson  bus  done  wrong, 
in  relation  to  these  men,  he  had  committed  the 
offence  before  Mr.  Barbour  defended  his  con- 
duct on  another  occasion;  and  Gen.  Jackson  is 
the  Same  man  now,  tl. a'  he  was  when  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, in  his  reply  to  the  Committee,  notifying 
him  of  his  election,  said  that  Gen.  Jackson  was 
qualified  for  the  duties  of  President.  But  we 
repeat  the  question — what  is  to  be  the  result  of 
this  whining,  political  cait,  about  the  six  mili- 
tiamen' 

By  the  7th  article  of  the  Rules  and  .Vrticles 
of  War,  "  .\ny  officer  or  soldier,  who  shall  be- 
gill,  excite,  or  join  in  any  mutiny  or  sedition,  in 
any  troop  or  company  in  the  service  of  the  U. 
Stales,  or  in  any  party,  post,  detachment,  or 
guard,  shall  suffer  death,  or  such  other  punish- 
ments, as,  by  a  Court  Martial,  shall  be  inflict- 
ed." By  the  8th  article,  a  similar  penalty  is 
awarded,  where  any  officer  or  soldier  "  does 
not  use  his  utmost  endeavors  to  suppress  a  mu- 
tiny, or,  coming  to  tlie  knowledge  of  an  intend- 


.'U  vmiuiiy,  ao£s  ivA,  wiuiout  del»y,  give  inTor-  thoi-ity  may  uiM,  m  lasl,  forget  wJwt  uiey  leuiiy 
malion  thereof  to  his  coromaiuUng  officer."  are,  and  finally  conceit  themselves  to  be  nilers 
And,  by  the  20th  article,  the   crrrie  of  deser-    or  masters,  sure  enough,  and  act  according-Iy.^ 


tion,  is  punishable  by  death,  or  such  other  pun 
ishmtnts,  as,  by  sentence  of  a  Court  Martial  shall 
be  inflicted." 

This  law  was  enacted,  on  tlie  principle  that 
the  militia  was  the  bulwark  of  the  national  lib- 
erty,    wliich    can    never   be    endangered,  so 


The  relation,  I  say,  in  which  5'ou  stand  to  these 
personages,  justifies  the  belief  that,  in  your 
harangue,  you  spoke  "by  authorHy."  I  have, 
myself,  no  doulit  of  the  fact;  though  it  may 
very  well  be  imagined  that,  in  your  zeal  to 
serve  yourself  ultimately,  you  acted  rather  in- 


fenff  as  the  people  are  intelligent,  and  the  mili-  discreetly  towards  your  rulers  or  masters.  To 
♦.ia  are  armed.  The  doctrine  of  our  whining  speak  in  homely  phraseologj'j  yra /ti //iccai  our 
political  hypocrites  will  lead  to  the  establish- 
ment of  large  standing  armies,  and  the  sub- 
version of  liberty.  Andrew  Jackson  is  the 
candidate  of  the'  militia.  He  has  led  them 
to  battle,  to  victory,  and  to  glory.  He  has 
taught  the  militia  to  rely  upon  themselves, 
to  quell  domestic  treason,  or  repel  foreign 
invasion.  Let  it  once  be  said,  that  a  mihtia 
man   is   not  subject  to  martial  law,  and  it  fol- 


of  the  bag.  If,  by  this  indiscretion,  you  fail  in 
getting  the  next  appointment  of  minister  to 
England,  or  some  other  country,  you  have  no 
body  to  blame  but  yourself. 

Passing  over  other  parts  of  your  speech 
which,  for  the  most  part,  have  already  been 
sufficiently  answered  and  exposed  by  members 
of  the  House  in  tlieir  places,  I  will  now  advert 
to  that  part  in  which  you  notice  the  compensa- 


lows  of  course  that  regular  troops  must  be  em-  tion  allowed  to  our  public  ministers  abroad, 
ployed  to  fight  our  battles.  Such  is  the  ten- 
dency of  the  profligate  expeditats,  to  which 
the  desperate  efforts  to  impair  General  Jack- 
son's well  earned  popularity,  have  driven  his 
r-neniies. 


In  order  that  there  may  be  no  mistake  about 
this  matter,  I  will  take  the  trouble  to  transcribe 
from  your  revised  speech,  as  published  in  the 
National  Intelligencer,  so  much  as  relates  to  the 
subject  now  in  hand. 

"I  hsve,"  iyoi  said)  "been  induced 'to 
make  these  statements,  not  merely  for  the  sake 
of  a  better  understanding  of  the  point,  in  the  re- 
solution on  which  it  bears,  but  also  in  order  to 
prepare  the  v.ay  for  a  sutisfoctory  answer  to 
surae  of  the  charges  made  against  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  relative  to  the  account  of 
his  compensation  and  allowances  as  a  foreign 
minister.  This  is  a  sTibject  on  which  I  enter 
with  some  reluctance:"  (no  wonder,)  "itisnot, 


For  the  United  States'  Telegraph. 
TO  THE  HON.  MR.  EVERETT, 
■  i  member  of  the  House  oj  Representatives  of  the 
United  States,  from  Massachusetts. 

Sir; — Since  the  translation  of  yourfricnd  and 
coadjutor,  Mr.  Daniel  Webster,  to  the  United 
States'  Senate,  you  have  been  considered  as  the 

leader  of  the  administration  party  in  the  Hf.uso  perhaps,  of  the  class  which  I  should  select 

of  Representatives;  ap.d,  as  such,  I  now  humbly  discuss  on  this  floor."     (You  are  right,  Sii-,  you 

take  leave  to  address  you.  ought  not  to  have  touched  it.)     "It  do^s  not 

The   speech  which   you    delivered    in    tlie  belong  strictly  to  the  debate;  but  as  it  has  been 

House,  in  Februaiy  last,  (m  the  subject  of  Mr.  introduced  ontlie  present  occasion,  with  strong 

Chilton's  resolution  for  retrenc'imen',  will  fur-  emphasis,   and  with   the  effect,  no  doubt,    ot 

nish  the  theme  on  wliich  I  jn-opose  to  make  a  giving  sanction  to  what  is  said  more  at  large  on 

few  remarks.     I  should  certaniiy  have  abstain-  the  same<opic  elsewhere.     This  is  an  important 

ed  from  doing  this,  had  I  found  in  tlie  replis  of  point;  for  the  alleg.ations  have  extended,  not 

other  gentlemen  to  you  on  the  same  .subject,  merely  to  a  charge  of  extravagance,  but  of  ille- 

any,  or  a  sufficient  notice  t;iken  of  some  poiius  gality  and  even  fraud,"  (for  which  you  might 

which  you  made,    and   some  matters   of  fact  have  added,  the   parties  concerned  ought,_  in 

which  you  stated  in  tlie  course  of  your  argument  justice,    to   have   been   impeached.)      "High 

on  that  resolution.     I  do  not  here  allude  to  the  salaries"  (you  continue,)  "are,  I  know,  a  p^opu- 

obscene  story  which  you  undertook  to  relate  to  jai   subject  of  comment;  and  as  those  of  the 

the  House,  (and  of  course  to  the  females  of  the  foreign  ministers  are,  with  a  single  exception, 

gallery)  about  the  alleged  amour  between  Mrs.  the  highest  paid  under  the  government,  it  is 

Adams'  maid-servant  and  "the  Emperor  of  all  natural  that  they  should  be  obnoxious  to  com- 

the  Russias;"-  nor  to  your  still  more  disgusting  plaint.'.'     (Not  so.    Sir,   provided  they  be  no 

allusion  to  the  diabolical  charg-f  of  incest  against  more  than /Ae /«!«  allows.)     "But,  Sir,"  (you 

the  late  unfortunate  Queen  of  France.     The  add)  "it  isan  i(;!rffjute(ii:ru(/i,  that,  highas  the/ 

moral  sense   of  the   community  will,    !   hope,  may  be  thought,  great  as  the  aggregate  may 

iudge  correctly  enough  of  this  part  of  your  per-  s.eem  for  a  service  of  a  long  series  of  yeass;  tiiey 

Vorm.ance  in  your  new  vocation,  and,  I  belieie,  are  yet  too  small;  and  but  for  the  ertra  allorv- 


was  the  famous  "  Ebony  and  Topaz" /ott.t/ of  our  Very  well.  We  thank  you  for  this  open  and 
very  cliaste  and  learned  President,  given  on  a  voluntary  confession,  that  the  administration  is 
late   occasion  at  Baltimore.     But  let   all  that    in  the  practice  of  violating  their  oaths  and  tha 

law  of  the  land.     Deny  this  who  dare.     I  will 


pass. 

I  have  much  more  weighty  mattci-s  to  dis 
cotirse  about  to  you  and  to  the  public  at  present 

The  relation  in  which  you  stand  to  our  princi 
pal  executive  sen'ants,  [not  rulers — I  choose  to 


proceed  to  prove  it. 

The  act  of  Cougi-ess  of  the  1st  May,   1810, 
(Vol.  10,  p:ige  194,)  and  no  win  ibrce.  declares, 
"  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  .shall 
all  men  and  things  by  their  proper  names — so    «o<al!owtoany  ministerplenipotentiiry,a^£a»cr 
t  th'K':  v,-ha  :ire  vested  n-;-h  ^'little  brief  au-    .=:'tm  than  at  yt.hs  rate  cf  nir.e  thousand  dollari 


pc  aniidm,  as  a  cotiipcii»ation  tor  ali  his  perso- 
nal sei-viccs  mid  ejepenses."  Here,  then,  while 
the  law  declares  that  a  foreign  minister  shall 
"  rwi  be  allowed  a  greater  sum  than  at  the  rate 
of  nine  tiiousand  dollars  per  annum,  as  a  com 
pensation  for  all  his  personal  services  aud  ex- 
penses, the  President  decides,  and,  what  is 
more  daring',  if  possible,  proclainis  to  the  na- 
tion, t'lTOug-h  you,  tl.at  these  salaries,  thus 
positively  fixed,  are  "too  ."(;.'.7/,-"  and  but  f,.r 
the  ex/ra  allowance  by  which  tney  are  ched  out, 
would  be  wholly  inadequate  to  their  object!" 
That  is  to  say,  in  plain  Engl' •:!,  as  fnllows: — 
The  President,  wholly  disregarding-  tr.e  law  of 
the  land,  which  fixes  the  compensation  of  our 
forei,^n  ministers,  thinks  these  sdaries  "  too 
.'mall;"  and  by  way  of  increasin.^-  them  accord- 
ing' to  his  own  views  of  the  st:bject,  illeg  lUy 
takes  money  fr"m  another  fund  for  t!ie  p\u-p(se 
of  making  to  these  ministe'san  ''extra  allow- 
ance," over  and  .bove  th.  which  'he  law  has 
expressly  provided?  Now,Sif  the  Prr-sident  can 
thus  increase  the  salaries  fixed  by  lnv>'  for  one 
set  of  offices  of  the  Govern.nent,  what  is  to  hin- 
der him  from  makin.c;  similai-  "  extra  allow- 
ances," to  such  otiicr  salai'y  officers  as  he  may 
think  fit  to  reward  for  their  services,  or  rather 
for  their  subserviency  to  his  views  ?  Sup 
pose,  for  example,  he  should  think  that  his  own 
salary,  or  that  of  one  or  two,  or  more  of  his 
Secretaries,  was  "  too  small,"  in  these  times  of 
pressing  emergenty,  when  proselytes  must  be 
gained  at  every  hazard,  coidd  he  not  with  ecjual 
propriety,  and  just  as  legally,  make  to  himself 
or  to  them  "extra  alhwanccs,"  out  of  the  con- 
tingent furid,  in  order  to  eke  out  so  much,  as,  in 
his  own  opinion,  woidd  prevent  the  sahu-ies 
fixed  by  law,  froni  being  •'  wholly  inndeqnott  to- 
lltiir  object?"  In  sober  seriouincss.  Sir,  you 
have  made  a  most  pi'ecious  confession.  If  what 
you  state  in  this  regard  be  true,  and  you  say  if 
is  an  undoubted  truth;  then  I,  unhesitatingly 
pronounce,  that  the  President  has  been  guilty 
of  a  "misdemeanor,"  for  which  lie  ought  forth- 
with to  be  IMPEACHED.  What,  Sir!  Ha^  he 
not  taken  an  oath  to  support  the  Ccnstitutioi'i? 
Does  not  that  instrtimcnt  declare,  among  other 
things,  that  he  shall  "lake  care  that  the  taws  ui-e 
faithfully  executed?  Are  not  these  "  extra  ul 
lowancea"  made  by  the  President  to  foreign 
ministers  for  the  express  purpose,  as  you  tell 
us,  of  increasing  their  compensations  beyond 
the  salaries  provided  for  them  by  law,  most 
barefaced,  paJpable  violations  of  law'  Surely, 
there  caji  be  no  man  found  in  his  senses,  and 
who  has  the  least  regard  for  his  own  cliaracter, 
who  will  hesitate  or  doubt  about  a  matter  so 
plain  as  this.  I  lay  down  this  principle,  which 
I  cjare  you  or  any  other  man,  publicly  to  deny, 
or  to  attempt  to  controvert.  ,That,  in  every 
cw.-,  where  the  law  has  provided  a  specific 
compen9,ation  to  be  allowed  to  a  public  function- 
ary, for  the  performance  of  the  duties  attache  i 
to  his  station,  no  further,  or  "  extra  allowance" 
can  be  lawfully  maje  to  him  by  any  execu- 
tive officr  of  the  Government,  either  out  of  the 
contingent  fund,  or  any  other  fund  belonging  to 
lhe  public.  The  fact  which  you  have  publicly 
stated,  is  a  highly  important  one. '  The  practice, 
of  which  you  have  advertised  us,  is  directly  in  tlie 
teeth  of  the  law  of  the  land;  and  I  do  hope  that, 
before  you,  or  any  body  else,  shall  have  a  chance 
"f  profiting  by  it,   the   federal  legislative  will 


adopt  some  meaaure  to  correct  tne  proccdurt- . 
If,  in  a  case  so  clear,  justice  is  not  done  to  the 
community-,  by  the  punishment  of  l!ie  guilty, 
I,  for  one,  confess  that  I  shall  feci  little  hope  in 
the  long  continuance  of  our  present  civil  insti- 
tutions, and  almost  as  little  conctrn  in  tlieir 
downfidl  I  have  no  wish  or  desire  to  possess 
the  shadow  without  the  substance.  If  we  have 
laws,  let  ihcm  be  obeyed.  If  Ihry  are  violated, 
no  matver  by  whom;  whctier  by  the  chief  ma- 
gistrate of  the  country  or  a  mail-robber, — let 
the  guilty  be  pun.shed.  On  the  fa'lhful  and 
iirpartial  execution  of  the  laws,  ipst  the  main 
pillars  of  every  grod  go^  ernmeiit.  Common 
sense  '•ill  teach  every  man  of  the  correctness 
of  th:3  doctrine;  and  common  honesty,  and  a 
real  -garJfo^  ihe  interest  aijd  liappinuss  ofthe 
country,  oughi.  to  Induce  ei-ery  citizen  tliereof, 
to  give  his  aid  in  enforcing  it. 

Some  other  f.'.cts  which  you  disclosed,  in  the 
coarse  of  your  speech,  may,  perhaps,  be  here- 
after noiictd  by  me.  I  shall  not  toucii  the 
president'...!  question.  I  am  no  party  politician; 
neither  am  I  a :  eek©r  or  an  expectant  of  any  of- 
fice undei'  this,  or  any  Oiher  admiriistration. 
But  I  am,  for  a  single  individual,  a  hirge  con- 
tributor, in  the  way  of  taxes,  to  the  support  of 
the  Federal  Government;  and,  theri;forc,  I  the 
more  feel  it  to  be  my  duty,  as  it  unquestionably 
is  my  right,  to  endeavor  to  expose  fraud  and 
prevent  abunes  on  tlie  people.  - 

A  FARMER. 

P.  S.  I  should  have  made  this  conununica- 
tion  sooner,  hr.d  not  my  other  vocations  pre- 
vente<l  it.  Persons  in  my  situa'ion  h.ive  not 
generally  as  nnxii  leisure  as  }'ou  wealthy  rff^i- 
ij/iSi's,  for  whom,  snd  ai'cw  o't.er  favored  indi- 
viduals, as  it  would  stein,  Congress  almost  ex- 
clusively legislate  ;  and,  what  is  worst  of  ali 
for  us, — at  our  expdiie.  TiiTg'c('lay,1i..weve'r, 
will  not,  it  is  to  be  hoped;  prev^jnt  the  Congress 
from  invcstlgaung  '.his  subject,  soon  after  the 
tariffbiil  shall  have  been  disposed  of. 


GEN.  J.'..CKSQN  AND  .MR.  CL.W^  BOOK. 

The  IlKnois  Gazette,  wl.ieh  paper  it  will  be 
recollected  cliiiged  Gen.  Jackson  with  profane 
language  .itt'ic  mouth  of  Cumberland,  on  hear, 
ing  of  Mr.  Clay's  book,  has  pubhshed  a  letter 
from  a  ,\lr.  Jesse  Patterson,  and  a  certificate  of 
a  Mr.  Tho.nas  Will'=  and  the  aid  Jesse,  de- 
tailing certain  decLratlons  of  a  D.octor  iliiler, 
as  a  justification  of  that  slander. 

We  knov/ nothing  of  either  Mr.  PaltersBn, 
Mr.  Willis,  or  Doctor  Miller;  the  lutter  may  or 
may  not  have  said  wiiat  tliey  charge.  Rut  the 
fact  adtiiitied  by  '.he  rei  titic.ifo  cj  Patterson  and 
Willis,  tti^t  M  Her  refused  to  give  a  certificate, 
is  one  evidence  th.u  he  knew  that  the  state- 
ment wliich  they  sa_\  lie  made  was  false.  They 
admit  t'nit  he  is  a  pattisaii  of  Mr.  Clay.  „If  he 
hai,  told  the  tr.ith,  he  would  not  h.ave  hesi- 
tated, when  called  upon,  to  ^ivo  this  cer- 
tificate, as  au  .act  ot  justice  to  the  printer, 
whosc  piiblicatiotj  had  been  den,cd.  But  the 
letter  of  Mr  pattel";c^  bt^rs  internal  evidence  of 
falsehood.  The  disgusting  detail  of  election- 
eering suns'  ab«ou4t!i,e  Presidehti.al  olection, 
which  it  is  |iretcnded«t>Sssed  between  General 
Jackson  and  jhi^Doo^or  Miller,  could  not  have 
JakeR  place,  because  Gen.  Jackson  fs  not  in  thp 


jy.) 


hatut  of  conversing  upon  that  subjectwithhispar- 
ticular  friends,  much  less  then  would  he  do  it 
wth  a  stranger  in  a  steam-boat.  The  bar-room 
scene  too,  is  false,  because  so  far  from  in- 
\'itinff  a  stranjjer  to  drink  with  him,  so  ab- 
stemious is  Gen.  Jackson,  that  he  drinks  irattr 
only,  and  his  acquaintances  know  this,  and  know 
that  even  at  public  dinner  parties,  lie  docs  not 
even  drink  wine. 

Another  part  of  the  tale  discredits  Mr.  Pat. 
terson  still  more.  He  concludes  liis  I'jtler  by 
saying — "1  again  M'erit  on  board  the  boat,  tliink- 
ing  that  I  miglit  hear  him  (General  Jacksjii) 
jneak  on  the  subject,  but  he  wss  enjag-ed  in 
playing  cards,  aivl  T  !  f:  the  ij;,'it  witliL'-jx  h.-ur- 
ihg  him  sav  any  tiling  about  Clav  or  his  pamph- 
let." 

Now  who  can  btlieve  this?  The  steam  boat 
Pocahontas  touclied  at  the  mouth  of  Cum- 
berland for  a  few  minutes  only.  'I"he  popu- 
lace on  the  sh'jrc  were  ciowding  in;  the 
an.xiefy  of  all  to  see  General  .Tackson  was 
tiatund,  and  his  courtesy  led  him  to  treat 
-eveiy  one  of  them  with  politeness — that  lie 
^hould  at  such  a  time,  and  under  such  cir- 
iiimstances,  sit  down  to  play  cards,  is  not  to  be 
believed.  No  one  who  lias  ever  travelled  in  a 
steamboat  can  believe  it.  Itut  when  it  is  known 
that  Gen.  Jackson  (A.."*  not,  at  art// lime,  plat/ 
cards — the  baseuess  of  this  whole  aiikiris  more, 
manifest. 

Neither  does  General  Jackson  swear. 

So  much  of  this  statement  as  relates  to  Gen. 
Jackson's  usualhabitsuftemperance,aridthe  fact 
that  he  does  not  swear  or  play  cards,  is  made  upon 
the  authority  of  members  of  Congress  from  the 
t>tate  of  Tennessee,  who  particularly  are  ac- 
quainted with  Gen.  Ji'cksoii,  and  wlio  know  his 
habits  to  be  s'.ich  as  we  have  stated  them. — 
Wretched,  indeed,  are  the  .shifts  to  which  tlie 
coalition  are  driven, ..to  retain  their  ill  obtained 
power,  lly  them  truth  is  trampled  under  foot, 
and  many  and  various  falsehoods  asserted  with 
most  unblushing  ffTroutery. 


Mli.  C.VI.llOUN 

The  Vice  President  yesterday,  in  conse- 
«juence  of  some  remarks  which  fell  from  the  two 
tTeiiatcrs  from  Indiana,  took  occasion  to  state 
more  explicitly  and  at  larg-e,  his  views  in  rela 
iron  to  to  the  .subject  of  Internal  Improve- 
ment. So  fully  satisdcd  was  3Ir.  P.arton 
<if  ihe  propriety  of  Mr.  Calhoun's  vote  up- 
on this  subject,  and  jiarticularly  on  tlie 
propriety  and  consistency  of  his  vote  on  the 
Jlhnois  Canal  hill,  tliat  he,  with  candor  de- 
clared his  opinion  of  the  con-eclness  of  Mr. 
Calhoun's  conduct,  on  that  occasion. 

AVe  con.sidcr  this  decision  of  the  Senate 
upon  this  subject  of  great  importance,  and  in 
iustice'  to  tluise  who  have  participated  in  the 
debate,  will  endeavour  in  a  few  days  to  give  it 
fit  length.  Ill  the  mean  time  a*  the  letter 
writers  of  tlie  c  lalltion  make  a  business  of  niis- 
icprcsentations,  we  give  th»*  remarks  of  the 
V'lce-Presiden',.  addreTsed'to  the  Senate  on 
Wednesday,  when  called  ts  give  the  casting 
vote,  limiting  the  surv^yj: 

The  Vice  President  salJi       •     _ 

'*If  tb'^  ^v.ctPin  (^f  Jntei'n;il  Imr»mv'*Tnent  ran-< 


not  be  confined,  in  p^i^ctice,  to  obj.ects  really  cf 
national  importance,  as  contemplated  by  the 
act  of  1821;  and  if  it  must  degener.ate  into  those 
merely  local,  liavmg  no  reference  to  the  pow- 
ers and  duties  of  the  general  government,  it 
would,  and  oug!it,  to  fall  into  disrepute.  Such 
had  alwaxs  been  his  opinion.  AV'hen  the  first 
act  making  appropriations  for  sur\'ey3  passed, 
he  filled  the  office  of  Secretary  of  V.'ar;  and 
acting  on  the  jirinciple  that  no  road  or  canal 
which  had  not  a  direct  relation  to  some  one  or 
all  of  the  powere  of  the  government,  a.s 
stated  in  the  act,  he  deemed  it  his  first 
duty,  in  carrying  its  provisions  into  efTcct, 
to  de.signate,  on  fixed  principles,  the  ob- 
jects vhich,  on  fnl!  deliberation  a[)peared 
to  becomprchen.l:d  within  its;  r.<visions,  which 
were  reported  to  Congress  at  the  ncxc  scision. 
The  object  in  making  the  report,  was  to  make 
fully  known  to  Congress  the  \iews  ol'  the  De- 
partment, in  the  execution  of  a  trust  of  so  high 
and  delicate  a  character,  to  the  end,  if  ap- 
proved by  tliem,  the  .system  might  assume  same 
definite  form,  which  might  regulate  future  ope- 
rations in  its  execution,  and  place  the  whole 
subject  more  under  the  direct  control  of  the 
Legislative  powers  of  tiie  Government. 

With  such  principles,  i  cannot  hesitate  to 
give  my  casting  vote  in  favor  of  the  amendment 
reported  by  the  Cnminittee  oi'  Finance.  By 
completing  the  surveys  already  commenced, 
and  laying  the  whole  before  Congress,  with  ari 
estimate  of  the  expense,  it  is  hoped  that  some  . 
principle  may  be  fixed  in  making  appropria- 
tions for  surveys  hereafter,  and  thereby,  if  pos- 
sible, arrest  the  liability  to  abuse  from  the  na- 
ture of  the  subject,  which,  if  not  guarded 
against  must  end  in  the  overthrow  of  the  whole 
svslelti. 


MR.  SUTHEKLAND'S    AMtTNU-MKNT  TO 
THE  TAUlFf. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  Satur- 
day last,  after  man)  jnopositinns  for  amendment 
had  been  been  ma  le  and  rejected,  the  question 
was  finally  taken  upon  Mr.  Sutherlaml's  amend- 
ment in  connexion  with  Mr.  Mallary's,  and  was 
adopted  as  part  of  iht  bill,  by  a  vote  of  183  to 
17.  It  is  proper  to  I'emark  heic,  that  some  of 
the  amendments  tendered  for  the  considera- 
tion of  the  House,  ^vere  looked  at  in  a  very 
friendly  light,  and  if  they  had  been  judiciously 
prepared,  miglit  have  received  the  a])])roba- 
tion  of  a  majority  of  the  Representatives  of  the 
nation.  But  their  want  of  system,  and  the  im- 
portance of  tlie  ciianges  contemplated  in  the 
Custom  House  regulations,  by  the  proviaions 
presented  for  (^ucurrence,  rendered  it  inex- 
pedient, at  so  advanced  a  stage  in  the  sessiori, 
to  endanger  the  passage  of  the  bill  by  their 
.xvloption.  Theie  seems  to  be  a  preA'aillng" 
disposition  on  the  psrt  of  the  House  to  urge 
the  bill  to  its  final  reading  with  as  little  delay 
a-s  possible.  By  the  adoption  of  Mr.  Suther- 
land's proposition,  the  tfoo/ and  U'ciu/frns  portion 
of  the  tariff  ha,s  been  settled.  The  duty  upon 
molasses  will  doubtless  be  debated  to  day.  And 
as  there  are  but  few  points  of  difference  upon 
the  other  branches  of  the  bill,  it  is  quite  proba- 
ble,  it  will  not  require  much  time  tonu*  an  end 
►  to  the  disc'Tp^inr. 


UNITED  SI ATES'  TELEGRAFU— Extra. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  week!'  , 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar, 


BY  GREEN  %■  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   1. 


WASHINGTON,  APRIL  19,  1S2S. 


No.  6. 


The  subscribers  to  the  Extra  Telegraph,  will 
recHve  number  six  in  anticipation  of  number 
five.  Number  five  will  be  put  to  press  in  antici- 
pation of  its  regular  time.  We  have  hud  many 
complaints,  and  some  apprehensions  have  been 
excited,   because   the  second   number  did  not 


we  have  fixed  our  hopes  upon  the  people — wc 
look  to  them  to  contribute  the  means  to  sustain 
us  and  their  press.  We  know  that  they  are 
double  taxed — that  whilst  they  contribute  to 
us  direetlu,  they  contribute  indireetly  to  our  op- 
ponents.     But  there  is  this  difference:  What 


follow  in  retjular  time  after   tlie  publication  of    they  gi\e  to  us,  is  a  voluntary  contribution  fo: 


the  first.  AVe  have  already  given  one  reason 
for  this,  which  we  will  repeat.  The  publication 
of  this  paper  was  an  experiment;  we  knew  that 
it  would  necessarily  interfere  much  witli  the 
circulation  of  other  weekh'  papers  in  tkc  coun- 
try, and  although  we  had  received  many  acts  of 
kindness  from  the  editors  of  such  papers, 
with  whom  we  excliang-e,  we  had  no  right  to  an- 
ticipate their  active  and  disinterested  efforts  to 
make  our  project  kno 
obtain  subscribers  for 

the  project  met  with  the  public  approbation,^ 
we  should  receive  large  additioiialsubscripfions, 
and  it  was  desirable  to  know  public  septiment, 
that  we  mig-ht  strike  off  a  sufficient  numl^sr  tji 
supply  those  who  may  here.afteu  sifhaCi-Rie. 
The  nianufccturer  who  was  to  to  fiRivc  sup- 
plied us  with  paper,  failed  to  do  so,  aini  wc 
were  under  the  neci-ssity  of.  sending  Jfew« 
York  for  it.      We  received,     in    the    metin 


the  purpose  of  driving  from  office  those  whfi 
have  abused  their  trust,  and  used  the  publi- 
money  to  purchase  venal  presses  to  abuse  th  • 
people's  candidate. 

•  —    -- 

Desiring  to  gi\e  the  following  an  extensive 

circula^on,  jye  iiave  inserted  it  in  tlie  uctra ,  anil 

nd  disinterested  efforts  to    invite  for^it^VStientive  perusal.' It  is  an  am- 

wn  to  the  public,  and  to     pie  ^.i„dicatipl«Bf  the  Cnr,«ihee  V  Manufac- 

r   us.     W  e  knew  that,  if        . '  ]i     ?,  ,•,.  T«S^      * 

tyjes  tiomJfte^onoroA/^slandwto  which  it  is.a 


rtpry. 

'the  RE.\r. 


S.T^A.X©' OF  THE  CASE  RF- 
VIEWED. 


The  fijllowing.publication  appeared  two  daj's 
sine?  in  the  folding  rooms  of  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, and  has  been  from  thence  issued* 
bv  honorable  Memberaof  Consress,  to  t" 


time,  such  encouragement,  fhrrt'-.ve  have  work-  *  ^''^  ir^  thousands.   It  may  be  supposed. 


ed  off  an  eaition  of  twenty  tiicu.iand  co- 
pies, wli.ch  en.ibles  us  to  supply,  Jo  that  ctent, 
new  subscribers  with  all  tlie  numburs  from  the 
beglnnrng.  • 

W.icn  it  is  considered  that  this  publication 
wiU  give  upwards  of  five  hundred  pages  of 
'closely  primed  mailer,  and  that  it  ia  intended 
to  collect  in  it  the  most  able  an  1  interesting  do- 
cuments and   pubhcations  which   the   present 

contest  sk'.ll  bring  forth,  the  Editors  do  not  he-  -    . 

sitate  to.  .-»y,  tuat  it  v.'ill  fonii  one  cf  the  most  *  country  arc    its    safeguards 
valuable  and  coeap  L)Ook..s  'oat  a  iriend  of  be- 
neral  Jackson  can  purchase. 

To  the  editors  oi' newspapers,  it  v/ill  furnish 
an  important  book  of  reference,  now  and  liere- 
after.     Gr.Ucfrl  for  tiie  aid  w'lich  we  have  re 


0  Uie  cnun- 
.,  that  even 
a  reviejK'  of  this  sad  attempt  to  deceive  the  peo- 
ple in  relation  to  the  course  of  <he  -\dmini9tra- 
tjpn,  and  its  fwcnds  in  th?* House  of  Kepresen- 
tallves,  as  to  the  Tariff,  is  oi  itself  a  suspicion  of 
the  intelligence  of  tie  enlightened  agricultur 
rt.sts  of  this  country.  Bu*  no  sucii  inference 
should  be  drawn.  •  The  writer  wcil  knows  the 
nhiUty  of  every  free  man  to  understand  his  ov.ii 
rights,  as  well  as  his  dispos'limi  to  defend  them; 


and  he  h.as  always /eft  that  the  JSrmera  of  this 

list  tf^'ai^ny 


-J*'" 
i^aii; 


•I 


igamst  anstocr.icy,  and  agjinst  "JlSINPttOL"* . 
the  great  engine  by  whi^  alone* eithSj^SrJto 
cracy  or  tyranny  can   be   sustained*  Srrflfi*  and> 
9ver  a  free  people.     But  it  is  no  iiSpeadIno*-.-  * 
to  the  intelligence   of  our   farmery  t!«%«*ppo;e 


ceived  froui   our  fellow-laborers,  we  intend  to     Jhat  they  cannot  knov.' the  coitluct  of  theii're- 
-  presentatives  at  the  seat  of  government,  or  the 

events  as  they  actually  tonspire,  in  relatioin  to, 
any  measure  before  Conpess;  unless  there  shall* 
be  honesty  enough  in  the  land  to  give  them  the 
information  as  it  is.     The  publication  now  to  ba 
reviewed,  prefesses  to  be  made  with  thatinten- 


send,  withoat  c'large,  a  ropy  in  addition  to  our 
regular  cxc;ian;,v,  to  c^php'ublisher  of  a  news- 
paper who  will,  regularly  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  each  numb«r,  and  publish  a  table  of  its 
contents. 

An  esteemed  correspondent  writes  to  us,  that 


the  failure  of  the  regular  receipt  cf  the  second  ''°".'  '^"^  ''''^  object  of  the  wTiter  shall  be  to 
'number  had  given  rise  to  much  speculadon  to  ^"^^  '*^  ''  ''^  honest,  and  dues,  in  tru^i,  ^ve  "the 
oui-  prejudice,   and  that  it  wa=  currentrUte-     real  state  of  the  case,"  qj  if  It  nas  been  mad.- 


prcjudici 

ported,  that  we  had  failed,  and  ur.ablc  to^on- 
•tinue  t4ie  work.  We  have  not  fiileij,  Wc 
i^w  ptibhsii  regularly,  each  wc^-k,  about  for- 
iy  tiiousnnd  newspapers.  V.'o  h.ive  Jive  news- 
impeF  presses,  and  often  run  th.-.'n  with  dou- 
bB^ets  of  hands,  day  and  niglr..  This  ope- 
r^«n  is  one  of  great   expense     As   yet. 


from  a  lying  spirit,  and  with  the  s(rfe  intentio- 
to  deceive  and  mislead  th."  public. 
The  publication  is  as  follows: 
"TO  THE  PEOPLE. 

,       THE  nEA7,  STATE  OF  TUF.  CiSE, 

^  seems  to  us  to  be  high  time  that  the  Peo- 
ple should  understand  the  true  situation  of  the 


•  »l»)^e  ^extculca    but   little  printing   fr6m    the-  ftu(?^ion,  respecting  an  increased  protection  ou 
"^c,  (not  one-fourth  part  as  much,  we  bS.'Jv.foi  and  Woollkn  Goons,   now   pendimr  in 
,  aSj  has  been  ordered  bv  the  House;')  b:it     the  Hou5e  of  Rcnresentative", 


Arguii.Eul  13  ex'uiUalc-i;;  aiia  tiiere  is,  after 
jil,  very  great  reason  to  ft-av,  that  nothing  hut 
an  imperaiive  expression  of  public  opinion  will 
cause  any  maisure,  whatever,  on  this  subject,  Co 
be  passed  at  the  pre^mt  session. 

The  real  and  sober  truth  is — That  a  Jackson 
member  was  elected  Steakiii,  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  session; 

That  the  Speuker,  by  the  rules  of  the  House, 
appoints  all  (loniniiUees; 

That  on  tlie  Committee  of  Mannfarturea,  he 
Appointed  Mr.  MAit-Aar,  Mv.  Srr.i  -.sos,  of 
Pa.,  Mr.  CoNDic T,  Mi.  Moonz,  of  Ky.,  Mr. 
STASBKnnT,  -Mr.  Whigut,  of  New  York,  and 
Mr.  MittTi:.-; 

That  rivE,  out  of  tliese  siti;-!}  members  of 
the  Committee,  vi?.;  Messrs.  Stevenson,  Moore, 
Writjht,  ftanberry,  and  Martin,  arc  open  and 
avowed  fneni's  of  General  .Jackson; 

That  M;-.  Mallary  and  .^^^.  Condict,  and  iHey 
alone  of  the  Cominittee.  are  friends  of  the  Ad- 
ministration; .     ^ 

That  Mr.  Mallary  and  Mrf.pori,d'.c*,  were 
members  of  ttie  last  Cont;Tes^»«nd  botli  voted 
tor,  and  snpjtorttyl  thc,N\  ouiae.NS'Uii.t,  of  the 
last  session;     •    •  ♦     '*"  Ai  ■»,. 

That  Mr.  Stevenson  anti  Mr.  Sloore  we're  ol-' 
■so  of  ftie  last  CongTess,  and  botli  voted  ogunst 
that  bill; 

That  Mr.  U'l  iglit,  of  XewYovk,  'not  of  Ohio,) 
and  Mr.  .Martin,   and  Mr.  Stanberi)",  are  new 
member."!,  and  are  all  three  Jackson  men;  and 
the  two  last  named  ;^entlenien  are  understood  tu:> 
be  decidedly  ajjainst  a  protecting  tariff; 

That  the  bill  now  before  the  Ilmise,  wss  re- 
ported by  this  Commi'.tcc;  and  tliat  of  »he''oni- 
inittce,  Fiv.';  meiii*^crs,  v;;::  x]\sjht  frii-nris  of 
Genera!  Jurk.'oi:,  agreed  to  the  bill;  and  Mr. 
Mallary  and  .'Mr.  Cnnilict,"  the  tu'o  Administra- 
tion members,  were  af^uitt^t  it;- 

That  the  hill  thus  reported,  w.is  therefore  the 
production  of  tmefricml  o£  the  icoollcn  interest, 
Mr.  Wrifjht,  ^ded  by  fw r  npponnrts  oi  th^t  in- 
terest,_vi./:  .Messrs.  Stevenson,  Moore,  Stanbcr.- 
ry,  and  Jfartm; 

TJiat  th£  prov'sjons  of  tliis  bill  are  such,  in 
tWeciptnion  ftf  tlie  n*ost  intelligent  farmers  and 
inafttrfSctuJ^s,  that  no  rational  tan  be  expect- 
oci  to'v'ot?  for  It ;  these  manufacturers  and  wool 
gfrowesa-all  agree,  that  this  bill  would  injure 
both.  Th'is  isthe  languat^e  cfthese  interested, 
from  New  Hampshire  to  Washington,  and  from 
♦  h«  sea  to  t!ic  Siissisjippi; 

That  it  impo.ses  so  heavy  a  dti'y  on  cheap, 
coarse  wool,  sucli  as  we  do  not  raise  in  this 
country,  as  mu.^t  cntirelj'  break  np  all  the  ma- 
mifactnres  of  carpets,  negro  cleths,  and  other 
coarse  fabrics; 

Thct'thjs  (;iKi-mous  de'y  on  ip'norted  co::r?e 
•A'ooi,  is  chvi'ous'V  lies'ifned  to  c^itch  the  s::p- 
Tortoftht  L.iin'inji  interest;  wliile  all  well  in- 
formed wool  gnnveis  know,  that  the  mamitiic- 
turers  above  all'.ided  to  must  use  this  cheap 
ioiported  we.)!,  or  stop  their  factories;  and 
"hat,  if  they  stop,  then,  of  course,  there  will 
be  no  iiMrixi  for  their  owi\  wool  at  any  price; 

That  the  vejy  hi;;l)  diities  on  molasses,  and 
aome  oilier  artieles,  were  rbviou-ily  inserted  fy;' 
the  purpc^e  of  giving  the  bill  snc.ii  a  character, 
as  that  the  Northern  and  Eastern  nicr^bers  could 
not  Tote  for  It; 


the  measure  altogether,  stcunii,  to  HiKuv  its 
defeat  on  the  friends  of  the  Administration; 

Tliat  Mr.  Mallary  has  moved,  and  the  motion 
is  now  pending,  to  amend  the  bill  by  stjiking 
out  all  that  part  of  it  which  relates  to  wool  and 
woollens,  and  inscrl'rig,  instead  thereof,  the 
rccommemJ'ilion  of  the  Jiarrisburgh  Contention, 
as  to  those  artick"; 

That  this  motion  has  been  tinder  di.scussion 
three  weeks,  and  is  strenuou.sly  opposed  by  the 
Jackson  members,  both  of  the  Committee  and 
the  House: 

That  there  is  very  great  danger  that  this  mo- 
tion will  be  defeated  4y  a  union  of  oil  those 
ffoitthi-rn  mfmbers  who  arc  against  tltprotectiorj. 
whutner,  andthfjucksmi  menibcn,  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, Keitliiciu/,  anil  Aew  Yorlc.  wliv,  although 
thc;l  profsstooe  in  fm-irr  of  protrrjivg  the  farm- 
ers nn^l  ina-nufucturcrSs  yit  mte  on  alloccations 
and  with  unwavering  steadiness,  with  their 
Soitlhern  Jackson  friends.  That,  tfterefore,  it  is 
probable  that  the  bill  cannot  be  amended  so  as 
to  answer  any  goo^  purpose,  either  to  the  wool 
grower  or  the  manufacturer,  or  be  rendered 
other  than  ruinous  to  both.  And  that  as  neither 
the  friends  of  the  wool  grower  nor  of  the  ma- 
nufacturer, can  conscientiously  v«te  for  it,  in 
its  present  shape,  little  hope  remains  of  getting 
any  bill  whatever  tiirough  the  House." 

Yhat  a  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives was  elected,  at  the  comirfencement  of 
the*  present  session  of  Congress,  friendly  to 
General  Jackson,  is  true;  and  that  he  was  elect- 
od  by  the  tmbias.'icd  voice  of  the  represf-nta- 
tlves  of  a  free  pe  iple,  "coinitig  .rcsh  from  their 
consitituents,  and  re'ing  their  direet  responsi- 
bility, over  the  prw;^f/!'dj/ candidate  jf  e  base 
coalition,  and  by  a  large  majority,  is  equally 
true;  • 

That  that  Speaker,  by  the  rules  of  the  noii.ie. 
appoints  tlie  Standinj.'  Committees  is  true;  amt 
that,  being  himself  an  anti-tariff  man,  becaus': 
his  constituents  are  all  anti-tariff  men,  he  did 
appoint  the  Conimirtee  n.tmed-  sir,  ou#i4"  the 
seven  of  whom  are  friends  to  the  tariff  and 
to  the  protectin;^  system,  iu  just  as  tnje; 

That  five  members  of  the  Committee  are  tl  •. 
friends  of  Ceiiei-al  Jackson  as  against  .John 
Quincy  Adams,  is  true;  and  that  Mr.  Maliai;-- 
and  Dr.  Condict,  "and  they  alone  of  the  Com.- 
mittee,"  are  friends  of  the  Administration,  and- 
that  in  their  course  upon  the  tariff  they  act 
as  the  friends  of  the  Arlniinistrativn,  and  not  as 
the  friends  of  the  PEOPLE,  will  hereafter  be 
seen.  , 

Th  e  writer  has  not  looked  at  the  votes  of  the 
members  of  the  Committee  upon  the  ccJcbrated 
IVooflens  Bill  of  the  last  winter,  because  he 
C'lnsidei's  it  perfectly  immater':d  hc-.v  those 
vot^^iood;  yet  l>e  is  willing  to  admit  tlie  truth 
toil'e  r-ssiatia  in  ihe  puhlicji'ioii,  !iia53)uch  a  ■■ 
tl*?.  Ii-ll  has  i'(  erived  the  condemr.adon  of  ih. 


t   M' 


f'^m^rs  of  tile  country,  as  well  as  ihvf  ailthc:'-  ^wUm 
italive   condenii.a'ion,  and  by    an   algsist  i;^--  •*»    I 
nimo'.is  vole,  o:'  the  Lcgislatt;res  of  son'e.n'*  . 
the   largest  and   n.ost    populous,    as   wtdj 
most  woidtiiy  and  most  ugrtcultiirul  Srase; 
this  Union;  a^'l  v.ilhin  the  last  fev/  (i:!ys  ,h(L= 
ctivtd  ibe  cundennuition  of  the  Admin/ftr; 
^niembers    of  the    House    of   Represtr  " 
themselves.  ,,         ^^ 

That  Mr.  Stinherry,  of  the  rnm'?nittee, '^; 


^\i 


"That  tiie  Tavift"  biU  now  before  the  House 
w.is  reported  by  this  Committee"  is  tnie;  but 
that  ^'  the  five  friends  of  Oineri.'.  Juckson"  upon 
the  Commiitee  agreed  to  tlie  bill  is  not  ti-ue. 
Four  of  the  "friends  of  Gtncral  Jackson"  and 
of  "  a  protecting  tariff,"  upon  the  Committee 
did  agive  fo  »!,  and  the  two  friends  of  t/ie  .id- 
ministration,  upon  the  Committee,  togctliev 
with  the  member  of  the  Comraittee  known  to 
be  opposed  to  all  protecting  laws  of  any  kind 
whatsoever,   "were  age, tut  it.'" 

"  That  tlie  bill  thus  reported"  was  the  pro- 
ductiDn  of  one  friend  and  four  opponents  of  the 
"  woollen  interest"  is  not  true;  but  that  it  was 
'he  production  oi  four  friends  of  the  interest  of 
jyUOL  and  Woollens,  against  the  exertions  of 
one  aati-tariff  and  two  Administration  men,  is 
true. 

AVhether  this  bill,  thus  formed  and  thus  re- 
ported, is  such,  "in  the  opinion  of  the  most 
intelligent  farmers  and  manufacturers,  that  no 
rational  man  an.  be  expected  to  vote  for  it;" 
whether  "these  manufacturers  and  wool  gi'ow- 
c.s  all  agree,  that  this  bill  would  injure  both," 
the  writer  would  respectfully  suggest,  are 
questions  yet  to  be  detennined  by  the  grand  in- 
quest of  Farmers  and  Manufacturers  of  the 
country.  Tiiat  "taislitlie  lang-uag-e  of  those 
interested,  from  New  Hampsiiire  to  Washing- 
ton, and  from  the  sea  to  the  Mississippi,"  is  not 
true.  Wee  the  resolutions  of  the  JjCgislature 
of  N.  York,  say;ng  expressly  tiiat  tiie  wootlcns 
bill  of  the  last  vv;nter  did  not  furnish  adeqtiote 
protection  to  WOOL:  the  rcsoiutioiu  of  tlie 
i^egislature  of  Peiinsyivat.ia,  m'ging  further 
protection  to  domestic  spuits,  wool,  iron, 
hemp.  Ha.-,  &c.  the  resulutioris  of  tiie  Legis- 
J.iture  of  Ohio,  urging  substantially  the  same 
hing:  the  proceedings  of  a  numerous  public 
;rieetingof  Manufacturers  and  other  citizens 
iield  at  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania,  the  greatest 
manufacturing  town  in  the  country,  on  the  22d 
of  llarch  last,  resolving  unanimously,  that  the 
provisions  of  this  bill  are  suited  to  their  inte- 
rests, and  urgmg  its  passage:  See  also  the 
thousand  Peliiions  and  Jleinorkls  now  before 
Congress:  and  last,  though  not  least,  see  the 
sworn  iestiniony,  not  of  the  fanners  (for  no  far- 
mers were  called  to  say  what  their  interests 
required)  jbut  of  the  MANUFACTUREiiS 
TUliWSELVfiS,  and  wtiich  proves  that  the 
bill  is  sufficient. 

But  what  would  these  tv.'o  Administration  mm 
i!pon  the  Committee  have  done  tar  WOOL  and 
woollens?  This  is  ansv/crcd  by  Mr.  Matlarifs 
motion  to  amend  the  bill,  and  which  has  now 
been  rejected,  by  a  vote  of  1U2  to  78. 

!Iis  motion,  as  made,  and  as'  rejected,  and 
tiie  same  motion  referred  to  in  this  publication 
!LS  then  pending,  and  of  the  rejection  of  whicli 
•:ie  pubhcation  says,  "there  is  very  great  daii- 
g-:T,"  did  what  for  wool' 

It  did  not  propose  to  raise  the  duty  at  all  upon 
v.'ool  costing  8  cents  per  pound  and  under,  in 
a  foreign  market,  although  more  than  2,000,0ClU 
ills,  of  that  wool  were  imported  for  tlie  use  of 
the  Woollen  MamifMtunrs  during  the  last  year. 

It  did  pi-opose  to  lay  a  duty  of  '-'^  ctais  per 
round  upon  wool,  costing  morctliau  <i  cents  in 
11  foreign  market. 

Wliat  was  this  doinj  for  f^e  farmer  arid  wool 


The  present  duty  upon  wool  is  iO  per  teM 
aJ  valorem ;  or,  in  the  manner  of  valuing  du- 
tu-j,  53  cuts  upon  every  §1  worth  of  wool. 

A  pound  of  wool,  then,  costing  in  a  foreigt. 
market  SI,  would,  by  the  present  law,  pay 
a  duty  of  33  cents;  if  Mr.  5'a!lary's  propos; 
tion  had  been  adopted,  the  same  pound  of  wot; 
would  have  paid  20  cents,  or  13  cents  less  duty 
than  it  now  pays. 

This,  tlien,  is  what  Mr.Mal'ar;;  and  Dr.Coi: 
diet,  the  two  Administration  Members  of  tht. 
Committee  would  have  done  for  the  farmer 
who  raises  wool.  Tiiis  is  "the  real  and  sobe- 
truth." 

But  if  they  would  diminish  the  duty  on  wool, 
what  would  th.cy  do  for  the  woollen  manuliic 
turer ' 

Again,  Jlr.  .M.'dlai-y's  proposition,  V)lddi,  ha." 
been  rejected,  answers  the  question. 

It  proposed  to  make, 

A  yard  of  clnth  costing  CO  cents,  pay  22  cei."  .^ 
duty. 

A  yard  of  cloth,  costing  GO  cents,  p.iy  $1  XO 
cents  duty. 

A  yard  of  cloth  costing  S2b  CO  cents,   p^y 

51  "6  cents  duty. 

A   j'ard  of  cl'.-th,  costing  S4   10  cents,    pay 

52  64  cents  duty. 

Thus  the  lowest  yard  of  cloth  which  could 
be  bought,   made  of  wo.il,    w.is  to  pay^a  great- 
er duty  thiw  the  iiuest  pound  of  wool,  which 
any  foreign  country  co'ild  produce,   alth.oug; 
wool  is   :iow   actually  imported   which  sells  iu 
our   maricLt    it  SI  65  per  pound.     This  could 
only  be  effected  by  an  .ictual  reduction  of  the 
present  duty  upon  wool,  and  that  was  resi-rted 
to,  n.jl Withstanding  thcsi.'  eno'-.ious  duties  up- 
on cloths;  notwitlist.inuing  the  faet,  tiiat  tlif- 
woolis  wortn  but  half  the  value  of  the  cloth  i' 
makes;  and   notwithstanding  tlie  lowest  poss' 
ble  duty,  proposed  by  Mr.  Mallar;',  upon  woo' 
len  cloths,  is  44  cents  upon  every  doilar  of  vi. 
liie. 

This  too  •■  is  tiie  real  sober  truth,"'  and  tii; 
is  the  relative  kitulness  and  protection  ofleied  b; 
these  members  of  the  Committee,  and  .support 
ed  by  the  administration  members  of  Congress , 
to  tl.e  farmers  and  to  the  manufacturers  of  th-j 
country. 

But  what  did  thej7-/!;r  "friends  of  Gcncrr- 
Jackson''  and  of  "  a  protecting  tariff,"  propos. 
to  do  by  the  bill  which  tiiey  • '  agreed  to!  r" 

Let  the  jrienih  of  the  c.d ministration  answc. . 
in  the  following  rocital  of  facts. 

But  a  fcv.'   days    since,   Mr.  X^uchanan  o 
Pennsylvania,  oiVered  a  proposition  in  relatlor 
to  wool  and  woollens,  the  efjiict  of  which  w;i- 
to  increase   tlie  p.-esent   duly  upon  wool  fiom 
30  per  cent,  (what  it  now  is)  to  5'J  per  cenc;.; 
and  to  increase  the  present  duty  upon  wnoileu 
cloths  from  33^  percent,    (what  it  now  is)  to 
Si)  per   cent.,  and   placing  the   rates  of  duty, 
\)n\h.upon  wool  and  upon  woollen  goojc,   at  tin 
sam.e  standard.     The  effect  of  this  would  be  t 
make  the  duty  upon  woollen   goods,  just  do:- 
ble  what  it  wosild  be  upon  wool,  because  th- 
wool   entering  into  a  y.rrd  of  cloth  is  only  hs' 
as  valuable  as  the  clot.i  when  made.     Thus  5. 
cents  worth  of  wool  would  mate  a  jardof  cli.- 
worth  5?1  GO.     The  duty  uponths  wiiol  v.'oulc 
be  50   per  cent,  upon  50  cei.ts  equal  to   f: 
cents.     Tha  duly  upon  the  cloth  would  b,-."'^ 
oe?  cer.t.  utjon  S1.'"'0  c.-_ual  'o  ;'0  e^•^.t'. 


b-i 


I'hib  pivjposiuoi.  '.v^s  u>pposed  by  Mr.  Malh- 
:y,  Mr.  Dwifjlit,  of  Jhissacliusctts,  Mr.  Davis, 
of  Massachusetts,  and  others,  in  speeches,  on 
the  ground  that  the  duty  on  wool  '.--is  too  high, 
and  that  the  duty  on  cloths  was  not  high  enough 
*o  correspo-nd  with  the  duty  on  wool ;  and  by  Mr. 
Stores,  of  New  York,  expressly  upon  the  ground 
that  it  did  not  ajford  as  much  protection  to  the 
manufacturer  as  the  bill  reported  by  the  Com- 
mittee. The  Administ ration  men  voted  against 
ir,  and,  united  with  the  aiiti-tariif  votes  of  the 
South,  rejected  it. 

Here,  there-tore,  is  the  official  d;c!;vraticn  of 
these  political  tariff  men,  that  the  bilt  reported 
by  the  Comn'.ittee,  so  fiu'  as  it  relates  to  zcool 
mid  woollens,  had  done  n.orc  than  to  increase  tlie 
duty  on  wool  directly,  from  30  to  50  per  cent., 
and  more  for  woollen  cloths  tiian  to  '.Mcivase  the 
duty  upon  'hem,  from  33  1-3  to  50  per  cent., 
an  increase  of  16  2-3  cents  upoji  every  dollar  of 
value,  and  therefore  was  to  be  preferred  to  suck  a 
proposed  increase,  as  it  icus  preferred  by  them  in 
voting  upon  it. 

Such  then  is  the  bill  which  "  no  ra'.ional  man 
can^bc  expected  to  vote  for!"  Such  is  the  bill, 
which  the  "  manufacturers  all  agree"  would  in- 
jure both,  if  this  publication  conlaiiis  the  trutii. 
But  the  bill  reijorted  by  the  Committee  does 
more.  It  proposes  an  increase  of  duty  upon 
iroi7,  an  article  of  prime  national  importance; 
and  these  Eastern  tariff  nien  are  opposed  to  that. 
It  proposes  an  increase  of  duty  upon  hemp, 
to  enable  our  farmers  to  grow  it  witho\it  a  loss; 
and  the  Administration  tariff  men  are  opposed  to 
that.     It  helps  the  farmer  too  much,  they  say. 

It  proposes  a  duty  upon  imported  fax,  to 
enable  om-  farmer  to  sell  his  flax  in  our  markets; 
and  they  are  opposed  to  that  duty. 

It  proposes  an  increase  of  dutj'  upon  import- 
ed spirits  and  molasses,  to  enable  oar„  farmers, 
and  particularly  of  the  'Western  and  Middle 
States,  to  find  a  market  for  their  coarse  grains, 
by  converting  them  into  domestic  spirits,  with- 
out having  tliese  spirits  driven  from  our  own 
markets  by  the  foreign  spirits  or  by  tlie  JVfJti 
Su^landruni  made  f.om  ir..io;-tca  molassi-i; 
and  this,  together  with  the  foregoing  duties  on 
iron,  hemp,  f.ax,  fcc.  is  what  tnis  publication 
says  was  -'obviously  inserted  for  the  pi\rpose 
of  giving  the  bill  such  a  character,  as  that  the 
Xorthem  and  E.iS'l'EBJV  members  could  not 
vote  for  a." 

,  These  .idminisiraiion  tariff  men  are  also  op- 
posed to  this  duty. 

B\it  what  are  they  in  favor  of ''  JSIr.  Sprague, 
of  Maine,  upon  a  motion  nude  by  himself,  to 
strike  out  of  the  bill  the  proposed  duty  upon 
hemp,  upon  sail  duck,  and  upon  rnolusses,  has 
answered  the  question,  in  a  labored  speech, 
against  any  duty  upon  tliesc  articles,  upon  iron, 
and  virtually  upon  wool,  and  really  avowing 
that  their  tariff  pa-triotism  is  only  extended  to 
woollen  cloths.  He  has  been  seconded  by  Mr. 
IngersoU,  of  Massachusetts,  and  even  by  Sir. 
Sryanl,  of  North  Carolina,  an  Administration 
member  from  that  State,  and  by  Mr.  Reed,  of 
Massachusetts. 

Farmers  of  the  country,  is  this  the  taritt'  you 

want,  without  any  protection  to  your  interests' 

But  says  this  pubhcation,   "  the  v/hole  pro- 


second,  to  throu!  lis  defeat  on  the  friends  of  ikt 
.idministrution. " 

Honest,  sincere  tariff  men.'  Thus  early  to  be 
.able  to  predict  the  loss  of  their  own  virtue; 
thus  early  to  be  able  to  fortcl  their  final  oppo- 
sition to  the  tari.'l'!  And  why'  Because  there  is 
a  duty  on  ic-ool,  as  well  as  a  duty  on  u-oollens, 
bccaiisc  there  is  a  duty  on  Iron,  ou  Hemp,  on 
Flax,  &c.ln  short  because  the  bill,  reported  b}- 
the  Committee,  was  fomied  by  the  friends  of 
General  Jackson  against  the  consent  of  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Adams;  because  it  offers  protec- 
tion to  farmers  and  to  other  manufacturers,  as 
well  as  to  the  nianufaclurers  of  wool.  Be- 
cause it  wi"  not,  if  passed,  answer  the  politi- 
ticrd  purposes  of  the  present  administration. 

Let  the  people  of  the  coiinti-)',  tlie  farmers. 
the  iron  masters  and  others,  particularly,  look 
to  it.  Let  them  s.\y  who  are,  and  w  ;io  are  iwt, 
in  practice,  oppossd  tojtist  and  ei/ual protection. 

V/ho  are  the  "  MANY,"  by  whom  this  pub- 
lication is  issufd  to  the  world'  They  are  the 
political  leaderli  of  this  administration  at  the 
seat  (jf  government. 

Let  the  foregoing-  facts  be  denied,  or  let 
these  politic;U  friends  of  a  political  Tariff  an- 
swer to  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Manu- 
factui'es,  wliose  name  is  at  the  service  of  any 
gentleman. 

ACCOUNTING  OFFICERS  OF  THE  TREA 
SURY. 

Mr.  J.  S-  B.A.RBOUR,  of  Va.  moved  the  con- 
sideration of  the  following  resolution,  offered 
by  him  on  the  12th  ultimo. 

"Resolved,  That  provision  ought  to  be  made 
for  excluding  the  agency  of  the  President  in 
appointing  the  principal  disbursing  and  account- 
ing officers  of  the  T.-easury  Departmer.t,  and 
tliat  the  power  of  appointing  tiieui  should  be 
vested  in  Congress." 

The  motion  for  consideration  having  prcva'l- 
ed— 

Mr.  BARBOUR  modified  his  resolution,  so  as 
to  read  as  follow  s: 

1 .  Resolved,  Tliat  provision  ought  to  be  made 
for  excluding  the  agency  of  thePresid.'.ntintlie 
appointmeni  of  the  principal  disbursin},  and  ac- 
counting officers  of  thefrrea.^ury  Department, 
and  that  to  this  end,  the  Constitution  of  the  U. 
States  should  be  amended. 

".  Rciolved,  That  so  much  of  any  e.xis!inglaw 
as  empowers  tlie  Fresidentto  remove,  at  picas- 
urc,  and  without  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate, 
the  principal  disbursing  and  accounting  officer? 
of  the  Treasury,  ought  to  be  repealed. 

Mr.  J.  S.  BARBOUR  said:  My  purpose. 
Mr.  Speaker,  in  bringing- this  subject  to  the 
view  of  the  House,  is  to  invite  its  attention  to 
the  propriety  of  breaking  up  the  existing  de- 
pendency of  the  principal  officers  of  the  Trea- 
sury, on  the  Chief  Executive  Magistrate.  The 
ptu-ity  of  these  functionaries  will  be  best  pre- 
served, by  putting  tliem  as  far  apart  as  prac- 
ticable. Placing  the-m  in  cor.tact,  is,  in  itself,  a 
measure  full  of  danger  to  the  wholesome  princi- 
ple of  official  responsibility.  But  this  absolute 
ilpriffi'lr-nre  nf  the  one  on  the  other,  is  totallv 


.,;.,,.:;.,  v.i'i.cii   .  j..5niu?c   the   Siircsc  pledges 
:'or  fidelity  to  duty.     No  error  was  of  more  pre- 
vailing iiiiliieiice,  at  the  period  when  the   Cor.- 
btitution  w;is  adopted,  than  the  imagined  weak- 
ness of  tlie  executive  department,     'rime   has 
not  only  dispelled  all  apprehension  of  its  feeble- 
ness in  action,  Init  has  also  coniirniedto  ns  its  na- 
tive Vigor,  and  its   inherent  tendency  to   draw 
to   itself  the  constitutional   powers  of  co-ordi- 
nate departments.     In  tlic  outset  of   our  new 
plans  of  political   in.:titution,  there  was   a  per- 
vading senlimeni  of  jealousy  in  constituting-  ex- 
ecutive power      This  was  the  natural   effect  of 
causes  iu  which  our  revolution  and  dismember- 
ment from  Great  Britain  originated.    And  these 
operated  with  n'resistibic   dom.nion,  in   those 
forms  of  State  g^overnment  wti!ch  were   estab- 
Hshed  soon  after  that   tvetit.     In   a  very    few 
_\'ears,  however,  this  distrust  gaye  way  to  oppo- 
site   inclinations ;    and    we    ii.as.sed   from  the 
one   extreme  to   the  other.      .\nd   hence,   in 
our  existing  Constitution,    the  -fruits   of   the 
chu'.g-e  are  manifest  and  alarmmfj.     The   ap- 
pointinf^ power  is  .amonff   the   richest    endow- 
ments of  executive  preropative.   It  brings  with- 
in the  .active  and  controllin^f  sphere  of  its  influ- 
ence, the  best  and  the  worst  passions  of  human 
nature.     In  its  original  grant,  tliis   prerogativ-.- 
was  sufficiently  large  and  authoritative.     Yet  iu 
the  practical  operations   of  the  system,  it  h.as 
been  g-re.atlv   augmented.     In  the   commence- 
ment, the  Senate  was  relied  upon  as  a  safeguard 
against    abuse — but    the    legislature    having 
granted  to  the   executive  head  the  sole  power 
of  displacing  all  officers,   s-ach   grant   removes 
this   safeguard,  by  conferring  on  the  Tresidcnt, 
singly,  an  authority  of  unlimited  influence.     If 
the  constitutional   power  to  appoint  be  a  rich 
and  most  attractive  prerogative,  the  legal  power 
of  displicing  at  pleasure,    must  also  be  consi- 
dered a  most  efficient   and  subduing  agency. 
The  first  will  act  upon  the  passions  of  pride, 
avarice  and  ambition;  but  in  the  operation  of 
the   last,  tliere   will  be  superadded   to   these 
powerful   incitements,    mortification,    the  fear 
of  shame  and  disgrac,  and  the  dreade<l  penal- 
ties, perhaps,  of  unmerited  odium.     The  hand 
that  grasps  these  powers  h-jlds  uncontrolled  do- 
minion   over  these  dependents  of  K.^ecutlve 
will,  by  the  moral  sway  of  hope  and  fear,   re- 
ward and  punishment.   Is  sucii  depository  safe ' 
fs  it  necessary  to  tlie  great  objects  of  constitu- 
tional establishment?      The  oblig.ttions  of  E.x- 
ecutive  duty  imposed  upon  the  President,   call 
for  large  grants  of  power,    appropriate  to  the 
just  ends  of  their  -fuliilment.     The  appointing 
power  is  most  c.'ttensive.       It  was  necessary  to 
lodge  it  sonic  where,   and  in  its  general  exer- 
cise I  would  not  disturb  it.       Not  because  it  i.i 
an  authority  unassnciated  with  great  means  of 
dohig  great  miscliicf,   but  because  it  is  indisso- 
lubly  connected  with  the  higli  responsibilities 
r.fthe  Executive  trust.      And  (lie  power  to  do 
wrong  is  an  essentia!  and  integral  part  of  the 
abilicy  to  do  right.       Bui,   Mr.  ^i■J;A.\E!l,  when 
we  contemplate  this  power  to  appoint  and  liis- 
place  at   will,  in  .association   w:t!i  the  peculiar 
situation  and  duties  of  the  priiiciprd  .accouniing 
.and  disbursiiii^  officer.-i  of  the    Ti-e.-ssniy,    new 
questions  prcsj^  tltemselvesinto  the  inquiry,  ami 
(more  especiallyin  estimating ';3 relation  to  the 
various    allotments    of  constitutional   power) 
DtVier considerations  c:^i'■.m  our  senonsnttention. 


Tlie  pubiic  t^ea.^;ll^  is  pi.ice.'.  m  the  keep;, 
and  under  the  exclusive    control  of  Congre^ 
It  is  intrusted,  in   an  eminent   degree,   to   t!: 
providence  and  thrfit  of  this  House:     "No  nn. 
ney  shall  he  drawn  from  the  Treasury,  but  i; 
con.scquence  of  appropriations  iruade  by  law." 
Moreover,  the  power  of  Congress  itself  is  lim- 
ited, in  making  appropriations  for  the  army,  ' 
the  term  of  two  years;  and  it  is  further  provl 
ed,  by  ou    constitutional  code,   "that   all   blj: 
for  raising  revenue,  .shall  originate  in  the  Hous, 
of    Iteprescntativcs."     More     explicit    enacl 
ments,  conferring  and  limiting  authority,  cou" 
not  have  been  invented.     The])0wer  of  raisii ; 
revenue  and  directing  the   expenditure  of  ni" 
ne-y,  is  a  high    representative    and   legislative 
trust.     Among   our    correUtivo    duties  is   the 
stewardsliip  of  its  disbursement.     To  ensure  fi 
delity,  and  secure  accountability,  the  agents  e>: 
ercising  this  derivative  trust  of  expending  tl'- 
public  funds,  siiould   owe  all  responsibility  t 
that  branch  of  the  government  constitutional!;, 
clothed  with   the   riglit  of   apiiropriation,  aI^ 
tiie  absolute  power  of  taxatior,.     If  abuse  < 
corru])tion  now  exist,  th'ose  wholioldthe  pu: 
strings   are  without  the    means  of  detection  or 
punishment.     The    persons    engaged    in    the 
l)ractical  agency  of   disbursement,  should  no' 
1)5'  dependent  on  the  abusing  power.     Kidclity 
in  office  is  most    certain  when  the   passion   of 
self-interest   is  made  to  coincide  w  itii  integrity 
and   rectitude.    In  what  does  virtue  itself  con- 
sist, but  a  compromise  of  o|)posite  motives  aiid 
inducements?     I  speak  of  no  particular  admin- 
istration— of  no  particular  man  or  class  of  men, 
but  of  human  nature    coinpreliensively.     Does 
any  man  live,  untainted  by  origint-.l  sin'     How 
can  we  rationally    expect    to    detect  fravid  in 
public   di.sbursement,    or  malfeasance   in    any 
part  of  the    Treasury  establishment,   so   long- 
as  every  disbm-^ing  and  accounting  officer  (for 
such  from  the  nature  of  things  art  the  only  ef- 
ficient  witnesses   of  public  deliiiquency)  are 
dependent  for  their  ofiicial  existence  upon  the 
very  power  that  is  interested  in  couceaUng  its 
own  corrupt  cond-.ict'  Does  the  gtuieral  and  in- 
tangible   responsibility   of  tlie    (Jhief    Magis- 
trate   afford    adequate    security    against    this 
mischief  ?    Supposing  such  dangers  should  im- 
pend— I  perceive  under  our  existing  sy.stem  in- 
effectual remedy.     On  the  pontrary,  I  know  of 
no  political  error  more  jii-evaler.t  iu  its  influence, 
or  more  detrimental  to  the  public  welfiil-e,  than 
this  vague  notion  of  responsibility.      It  consti- 
tutes neither  the  distinguishing  r.-'rihe  conserr- 
ative  principle  of  our  by.stem.       liesponsibili' 
had   been  seen,  felt  and   i'lu.str.itcd  in  al!  tlie. 
forms  of  government  which  preceded  otu's. 
Even   in  the  sternest  despotism i,_  it  was  the, 
swcrd  of  Damocles  suspended  ever  the  head  of 
Tyranny.     lit  our  parent  country,  in  the  worst 
age  of  the  r.i.ce  of  her  worst  princes,  it  brought 
the  head  of  one  of  the  Stuartsto  the  block,  and 
drove  another  from  the  throne.     Sir,  I  will  re- 
peat, what  I  snid  upon  another  occasion,  that 
limitation  of  power,  dffined  in  express  written 
gr.int,  is  not  only  the  great  and  saving  princi- 
ple of  our  Con.s-iitutioii,  i)ut  it  is  the  prominent 
deveiopeiiieiit  in  the  p-ilitical  discovery  of  the 
age.      Ifttchave  any  sheet-.anelior  for  the  na- 
tional ship,  it  is  this.  Itesponsibility,  commonly 
inoperative  and  easil}'  evaded,  looks  to  the  pun- 
ishment of iiffiri'-'-:!  oplv.      T.i'nit'i'-""  "*'r"''WPi- 


redU  Oil  lue  surer  tia^i3  oi~  preventive  justices ' 
.".ontrols  the  publio  functionary,  arrests  tlie  mad 
career  of  profligate  aeibiuon,  and  checks  tiie 
ventripetul  tendei^cy  of  the  system. 

The  subdivision  and  restrictions  \)f  granted 
j/0\ver,  first  in  bein.cy  piircelled  out  among  our 
State  and  confederate  governments,  and  next 
distributed  into  tVie  three  co-ordinate  depart- 
ments of  each,  with  express  limitations  upon 
ail,  constitute  tlie  improved  and  prominent  in- 
vention of  this  u^e.  To  these,  responsibility 
In  the  agency  wliieh  administers  our  institutions 
may  be  added.  Yet  its  action  is  but  secondary. 
Or  if  1  may  employ  a  word  just  u^ed  by  my  wor- 
thy coUeague.Mr.  RiNnoiru,  it  is  anciflnry  to  a 
f^reater,  prim.'ir)'  restraint.  It  is  the  hanrim.aid 
only  of  a  more  efiicicnt  conservative  of  po- 
Jiuliir  liberty.  In  practice  (upon  a  large  part 
i,f  the  expenditures  of  this  government,)  the 
restraining  and  supervising  power  of  Congress 
].s  lost.  This  is  not  ,a  tr.v.isient  evil  of  the  hour, 
but  one  that  has  been  constatitly  expanding,  uii- 
y\\  its  shade  is  now  cast  overmost  of  the  objects 
for  which  public  treasure  is  disbursed.  Enor- 
inoiis  as  tlie  patronug-e  of  the  Executive  un- 
ioubte'dly  is,  its  prerogative  is  yet  more  serious 
and  ahrming..  Tlie  practical  operation  of 
tilings,  at  present,  is  to  substitute,  to,a  vast  ex- 
tent, tlie  President ".s  prerogative,  as  a  suppie- 
jucnt  to  the  legislative  will.  It  puts  aside  t!ie 
excellent  provision  of  the  Constitution,  which 
esacts  appropriations  by  law  for  all  money 
drawn  from  the  treasury,  and  substitutes  execu- 
th'S  di.'^o-etior.  es  tl,'  onli/  guidr.  and  wan-ant  of 
Jxpeni'Uurc.  Sir,  the  first  appropriation  bill 
tliat  ever  passed  Congress,  was  for  3639,000; 
that  for  the  last  year,  exclusive  of  the  publio 
liebt,  was  somewhat  less  than  tliirteen  miUIoiis. 
in  the  first  three  years;  of  the  prescntConstitution, 
the  consciid.ated  rcvejuies  of  the  treasury  v,'ere 
not  abovefourmiilion  and  a  h.'>.!f  of  dollars.  Three 
years  of  the  receipts  of  i!ie  present  times  would 
equal  seventy-five  millions.  l\-v,'  Governments 
iiave  he'd  possession  of  !arg"o  amounts  in  trea- 
turc,  witliout  finding  aderiuale  means  and  pur- 
poses for  disbursing  it.  And  the  suggestion  is 
as  applicable  to  ours,  as  to  any  other  Govern- 
ment. But  our  greatest  danger  appears  to  re- 
sult from  ilie  heavy  appropriations  for  contin- 
■jcncle.s,  ■..:m\  other  undernied  oljjects  of  public 
expemilture,  wheiciu  the  unrestricted  discre- 
lion  of  the  Esecutive  exerts  an  absolute  domi- 
nion. These  have  been  creeping  upon  us  year 
after  year,  till  at  length  the  mind  is  startled  at 
the  enormity  of  the  sum.  Mr.  JcfFersoii  fore- 
saw and  warned  Congress,  that  this  might  be- 
■.:ome  tlie  m.atrix  Of  unnun'bered  iiis  ;  entreat- 
ing that  S[)ecine  anpropriations  mig'ht  always 
iie  made.  In  the  first  yciir  of  his  Administration, 
.'■eform  was  dliiicult.  There  was  a  goveniment 
?o  re-org-anixe,  and  an  army  to  disbiuidiforeig-n 
relations  to  adjust  upon  new  developments  of 
public  opinion  i  reform  and  ccouomy  to  super- 
acde  existing  prodigality  and  abuse  :  Such  and 
to  many  objects  required  a  large  investment  of 
discretionary  authority.  Vet.  even  in  t'uis  em- 
barrassed slate  of  public  alfaire,  and  environed 
'.>•/  rcquiiii.ioiis  that  seemed  to  plead  for  en- 
larged I'jxeciilive  discrs'tion,  the  i^m  triatye:'r 
appropriated  for  contingencies,  diii  not  e.vceed 
sixty  ihousand  dollars,  an<l  the  sum  tot:il  that" 
could  be  reached  by  the  greatest  ttretch  of 
this  authority,    w,t3   iiiout  One  l)iii*dT*-4  "■'■ 


twenty  tliousand  doiiars.  In  tiie  following  yet; 
V'hen  sagacity,  enlightened  by  experience,  eii 
abled  him  to  bring  into  practice  the  desired 
virtues  of  economy  and  reforin,  this  class  of  ap- 
propriations was  reduced  to  about  twenty  thou- 
,sand  dollars.  And  in  the  year  succeeding, press- 
ing his  principles  still  further  into  useful  service, 
tile  amount  of  tlie  contingent  funds  a  little  ex- 
ceeded fifteen  thousand  dollars.  I  have  with 
some  care,  Mr.  Speaker,  run  through  the  ap- 
])ropriation  bills  for  the  sen'ic  of  the  last  year, 
and  collating  these  with  such  information  as  I 
was  able  to  e.xtract  from  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, and  having  thereupon  made  an  estimate 
of  the  wiiolc  amount  of  money  subject  to 
the  untramnielled  will  of  the  President,  I 
greatly  err  if  this  amount  be  not  hvo  mil- 
lions of  dollars.  The  alarming  magnitude  of 
such  a  trust  appears  imminently  hazardous  to 
the  morality  and  safety  of  our  institutions.  It 
is  in  efi'ect  abrogating  that  wholesome  check  o" 
the  Constitution  which  prohibits  the  drawing  of 
any  money  from  the  Treasury,  except  by  virtU'.- 
of  appropriation  made  by  iaw.  It  invests  the 
executive  will  with  a  dangerous  authority  over 
that  trust,  which  the  Constitution  for  wise  pur- 
poses confided  to  Congress.  It  makes  a  mock- 
cry  of  the  strongest  barrier  against  executive 
influence,  and  the  encroachment  of  a  single 
magistrate;  .and  in  so  far  removing  the  vigilant 
guardianship  of  the  representative  body,  dis- 
penses with  a  large  portion  of  its  appropriate 
responsibility.  Sir,  in  a  country  so  extensive 
and  extending  as  ours,  with  great  and  growing 
interests,  continu-ally  becoming  more  diversiM- 
ed,  an  immense  trust  may  perhaps  be  unavoida- 
ble. Legal  speeifieatious  more  precise  may 
be  impracticable.  But  if  tliis  be  so,  surely 
it  offers  an  irrepressibii-  motive  with  us  for 
some  suitable' measure  of  refonn  and  change. 
If  so  great  a  trust  be  iudispensable.j  in  propor- 
tion to  its  magnitude  and  necessity  should  be 
the  care  and  vigilaijce  with  which  the  Legisla- 
ture ought  to  guard  it  from  every  abuse.  Let 
us  put  around  our  trea.ury,  sentinels  for  its  se- 
curity, actuated  by  such  inducements  to  fidelity 
as  may  promise  a  proper  result.  Let  us  connect 
the  interest  of  the  man  we  trust  with  his  power.s 
and  his  duties.  Is  the  case  so  at  present  ?  Are 
not  your  accounting  and  disbursing  agents  so 
dependent  upon  the  good  wiil  of  the  Chief 
Magistrate,  tliat  they  are  brought  necessa- 
rily to  stand  in  conflict  with  fidelity  to 
the  people  '  It  is  vain  theorj'  to  hope  that 
Written  forms  of  duty  will  prevail  against  the 
impulse.'!  of  self  pr>-ser\atidn.  Money  is  the 
great  lever  of  amlntion,  and  when  did  ambition 
forbear,  in  operating  upon  tlie  fr-ailty  of  human 
nature,  to  use  the  means  best  ad.apted  to  its 
ends?  Over  such  Jciicate  trusts  can  we  plant 
too  many  guards' 

The  time  for  the  di.scussion  having  expired, 
on  a  subsequent  dav,  Mr.  PARTI.ETT,  of 
New  Uampsliire,  afti'l  Mr.  STORIJS,  of  Xew 
York,  addressed  tiie  House  in  reply  to  Mr. 
B  AHi; O U  R— after  w',i icb, 

Mr  I5AH1?0I'R  said,  the  gentleman  fron, 
New  York  demands  a  iiionieht's  attention  before 
I  proceed  to  tvp\y  to  the  gentleman  from  New 
Hampshire.'  Tliis  gentleman  .[Mr.  Stoihis'; 
seems  to  possess  a  creative  faculty  for  r.aisiug 
s'i:iiii>u.rf,  and  (ocmuloy  it,  that  he  m.ay  combat 
■  ■  •:  nti^MiatmHtted'.  indieatt- 


an  exislinsf  e,vil,  biit  lii.-'V  iii>  not  point  out  the 
remedy.  In  that  task,  alike  diiiiciilt  and  iinpor- 
tant,  I  hope  for  all  the  aid  whr.-h  ihf  wisdom 
of  the  House  can  g-ive  mc.  And  this  iicliim  of 
the  gentleman's  fancy  is  pressed  upon  us  v.  ith  a 
manner  of  appai"ent  earnestness,  tic  aiVects  to 
think  that  the  action  of  our  system  tertds  to 
augment  the  power  of  this  House.  Such  su,l;- 
geslions  are  at  least  as  old  as  our  present  form 
of  povernment.  i-'or  it  was  conternporaneousl^ 
asserted  that  the  tendency  of  Republics  is  to 
augment  the  power  of  the  popular  branch  of 
the  government,  at  the  expense  of  the  co-ordi- 
nate departments,  but  of  Monarchies  to  en- 
large the  executive  allotments  of  power.  If 
siich  be  the  tendency  and  test  of  political  in- 
stiVutions,  1  fear  that  tlie  general  princijjie  of 
monarchy,  rather  than  of  democracy,  isinipl.int- 
ed  in  our  own.  If  tliis  test  is  to  be  found  in 
the  results,  who  can  fait  to  remark  the  ample 
and  growing  influence  of  the  executive;  while 
that  of  its  co-ordinate  brandies  is  pro- 
gressively diminishing.  Can  any  rational 
observer  den)'  tliat  the  creation  and  action  of 
the  executive  are  the  pivots  upon  which  our 
jfeneral  system  is  turning'  Not  only  the  divis- 
ions of  party  in  this  House,  but  our  foreign  and 
domestic  policy  revolve  upon  them.  Is  there 
any  tiling  in  the  creation  or  in  the  action  of  the 
represent:itivL  departmcnls  of  either  the  State 
or  Federal  Governments  that  is  net  touched  in 
some  point  by  popular  prejudice,  or  partiality 
for  the  executive  mag-istrate  of  the  Union? 
And  why,  Su\  is  this  so>  Tlie  answer  is  obvi- 
ous; and  we  hud  it  in  tlie  augmented  powers, 
patronage,  and  prerogatives  of  the  President. 
The  gentleman  from  New  Hampshire  [.Mr. 
EiRTLET-r]  has  counsellea  me  to  correct  my 
errors,  in  stating  as  I  have  done,  the  public  ex- 
penditure by  recurrence  to  Treasury  reports. 
I  wish,  Sir,  that  I  had  found  correct  counsjl  in 
the  gentleman's  example  rath-er  than  his  pre.- 
ccpt.  In  attempting  to  correct  my  imputed 
mistakes,  the  gentleman  himsell'  lias  certainly 
been  betrayed  into  palpable  error,  lie  was 
wrong  in  his  commencement,  and  errors  are 
diffused  throughout  the  v.-hole  fHianci;d  view 
that  he  has  presented.  We  are  informed  by 
him,  that  the  power  of  transfening  without 
limit,  specific  appropriations,  was coev.i!  with 
tlie  government;  that  prior  to  ia(!9,  it  never  h;id 
been  restrained;  and  ccii^eqtie'itr. ,  tl-at  the  dis- 
cretion of  tile  i're  ^Ideiitrant^cd  over  the  wliola 
expenditure  of  the  Treasury.  Tl'.e  gentkm.ui 
has  confounded  the  grant  of  this  power  with 
V.hat  he  has  told  us  was  its  first  limitation.  Can 
it  be  possible,  that  with  c(inimon  sense  for  his 
guide,  and  the  Conblitution  of  tiie  couitry 
staring  h;in  in  thoface,  lliat  he  can  really  have 
arrived  at  this  conclusion.  Tiic  gentleman 
cmnot  have  looked  into  this  subject,  or  he 
fui'ciy  would  have  sotn  tlial  saUilary  check 
upon  the  executive  whloii  tlie  Con  ititutiou  im- 
poses, in  the  provision  that  '-no  money  shidl 
be  dra-vn  t'rom  the  Treasury,  but  in  consc 
quciice  o.  appropriations  nude  bylaw." 

His  mind  iahor>;  in  its  o.vn  delusion,  by  mis- 
apprehending the  (ir.st  legislative  giam.  for  Ilia 
♦ir->t  le^isUtive  ivstrictiun:  and  tlrs  ii  an  Irre- 
J'ragalile  answer  to  so  iruch  of  the  geiitieman's 
csiiiiiates,  us  embracrs  thiee  loiUioii-iof  dolhu-s. 
Prior  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  adnanistvatioiis,  the  lan- 

ls.■^  aiid 


ffyatre  ot  c 


■ittnv  n'^s  V'. 


g-encrai.  He  saiv  the  Tiietis  of  niisr.lu/^i'  tiia-' 
crowded  apound  this  practice,  itnd  iti  his  (ir^• 
message  advised  its  cliange.  SpccKic  appro- 
priations to  defiTiit:'  oiijects  followed,  .and  hi- 
model  of  economy  and  simplicity  in  adni.'nistr;!- 
tion,  is  happily  illustrated,  in  this  n-spcet,  ii; 
its  strict  coherence  to  the  plain  principles  i  ,' 
the  con-ititution.  In  proc-ss  of  time,  tiles; 
views  gave  way  to  a  misguiding  exigency,  avn'. 
the  spirit  t.f  the  constitution  wassubduoii  in  tli" 
act  of  March  3d,  1B09.  Tiic  right  to  transO-. 
appropriations,  dele  .Us  that  guard  over  the  pul 
lie  money  which  the  constitution  designed  ft; 
its  security,  and  gives  into  the  hand  of  lUo  Pr;.' 
sident  the  key  that  unlocks,  at  his  vvi!l,th.;  na- 
tiomil  treasures.  This  vv;-,s,  no  doiib',  ati-mp'j 
r.ary  convenienco:  liiU  it  was  fraught  v.ilji  si- 
rioiis  error  in  its  inception,  and  stiU  more 
serious  danger  in  tlie  precedent.  The  presci'. 
Vice-President  ot  the  V'liited  States  moved  iipoi. 
this  floor  in  December  1KI6,  tlie  following  re- 
solution: 

"  nesiihcJ,  Tiiat  t'lc  Committc  of  \Vay=  and 
"  Means  be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  c.vfiC 
"  diency  of  repealing  so  much  of  an  act  entitl.a 
"an  act  further  to  amend  the  several  acts  fiji 
'•  the  estahllsiinient  and  regulation  of  the  Trca- 
"surj,  War  and  Navy  Uepavtraents,  passed  oti 
"  March  1309,  as  authorizes  the  I'rcsidcnt  of 
'*  the  United  States  to  transfer  appri>priatioiis." 

jUthough  powerfully  resisted  in  debate,  ho 
succeeded  in  this  effort  to  biiog-  back  the  exe- 
cutive actltin  to  its  constitutional  limits.  Had 
he  no  other  claims  to  public  gratitude  but  this 
single  act  of  rtiiiacingtlie  constitution  upon  its 
true  and  original  bati>,  it  would  be  of  itself  suf- 
ficient to  give  him  a  liigli  ami  just  rank  among 
the  benefactors  of  his  country.  The  act  <A' 
March  3d,  1817,  w.is  the  tViiit  of  his  exertions. 
That  of  May  1K20  next  follow  ed.  ,  By  this  last  ' 
act,  the  power  of  transter,  which  is  equivalent 
to  the  grant  of  absolute  power  ever  disburse- 
ment, was  vested  in  the  i'resldent,  fir  the  fin: 
lowing  spetilied  objects: — "l-'cr  the  subsfb. 
tenci  of  the  Army,  for  forage,  for  (he  Medical 
iirid  Hospital  Ue'iiartmenl;''  also  iu  the  Navy 
Department;  "for  provisions,  for  medicines, 
and  hospital  stores,  fur  repairs  of  vessids,  f  • 
clothing."  And  this  act  concludes  by  prohib''. 
ing  all  other  transfer  of  appropriation.  As  tin- 
gentleman  lias  called  in  question  the  accurate  • 
of  my  first  estimate  of  the  sn.tls  subject  to  ti.; 
will  of  the  President,  I  have  iwisul  it  upon  bl- 
own admitted  bar-is  of  calculaticn.  h"  1  nm  ir; 
error,  tiiat  error  is  incurable,  fur  I  have  sparci. 
no  diligence  in  '.ho  scrutiny  by  which  I  tester, 
the  correctnes's  of  th.e  original  estimate.  Si:', 
I  must  repeat  that  the  contingent  rXjicnscB  for 
the  first  year  of  Mr.  .lefferson's  :idniiliistralion. 
though  oiicn  to  some  cavil,  should  be  fairly  set 
dov.'u  at  !»68,213,  57  cents,  but  embraring  hot;, 
eiuunerated  and  unciu!ine;'it>=d  contingencies, 
will  not  exceed  Sl-Li,i!U'J;  for  the  second  year 
tiie  amount  was  f  20,550;  and  for  the  third  year 
was  515,005,  2  cetits.  CoTitr:isted  with  tlicse. 
the  approjiriationsfor  the  last  year,  that  arc  un 
dcr'thc  dominion  of  the  e.\ccutive,  may  be  sc_ 
dawB  .at  two  millions  at.ii  fifty-six  tliousano. 
cue  hundred  and  fifiy-tlirte  dclhiis  and  fort) - 
eigiit  cents.  We  may  vvltli  propriety  add  to 
this  sum,  the  appropj-iations  for  liitenial  as  w^.l 
as  external  commerce;  comprising  the  sums  al- 
ii.'tcl  fo?  light-h^'is-s.  hnoysv.  nier."!,   f<-\  &;■•. 


wiiicu  t.oiio.1  the  iuttcr  fubject,  and  roads,  ca- 
nals and  surveys  as  connected  with  the  for- 
mer. For  ill  these  disburst;ments,  the  power 
conferred  is  so  general,  and  the  application  cf 
nioney  in  the  legislative  act,  so  loose  and  unde- 
fined, as  necessarily  to  confide  the  expenditure 
to  the  executive  judgment,  as  a  supplement  to 
the  expressed  will  of  the  I.ejjislature. 

Tor  these  purposes  there  was  last  3'ear  ex- 
pended, eight  hundred  and  fourteen  thoueand 
two  hundred  and  four  dollars  and  fifty-two 
cents,  and  which  added  to  the  above  amount  of 
two  millions  fifty-six  thousand  one  hundred  and 
fifty-three  dollars,  and  forty-eig-ht  cents,  make 
a  total  of  two  millions  eight  hundred  and  seven- 
ty thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight  dol- 
lars. I  am  thoroughly  persuaded  that  it  will 
in  the  aggregate  exceed,  rather  than  fall  short 
of,  this  computation.  I  have  bi'ougiit  with  me 
to  my  seat,  the  treasury  reports,  and  extracts 
carefully  taken  from  tlie  acts  of  Congress 
making  iippropriation.  [Here  Mr.  Barbour  read 
from  manuscripts,  and  other  documents,  in  de- 
tail, each  item  of  expenditure  and  appropria- 
tion.] It  will  be  to  me  a  source  of  gratifica- 
tion, if  the  gentleman  from  New  Ham])shire,  or 
any  other  member  will  take  these  papers,  or 
copies  of  them,  and  detect  by  the  severest  scru- 
tinj',  any  error  of  estimate  or  calcidation.  Mr. 
Si'EAKEH,  is  it  not  a  theme  for  curious  and 
anxious  speculation,  that  whenever  any  allu- 
sion is  here  made  to  the  expenses  of  govern- 
ment the  friends  oftlie  Ciiief  Magistrate  rise 
up  with'  their  correlative  estimates  of  the  pre- 
sent and  past  administi'ations  ?  .\nd  yet.  Sir, 
this  tremulous  sensitiveness  is  by  no  means  in- 
explicable. It  is  a  fact,  capable  of  the  plainest 
demonstr.ation,  that  the  disbursements  of  public 
money,  undrr  like  circumstances,  and  for  the 
same  objects  of  expenditure,  by  the  present 
administration,  have  exceeded  all  former  exam- 
ple. And  it  is  not  upon  untenable  ground  that 
i  make  up  this  opinion.  Arithmetical  calcula- 
tions, resting  upon  responsible  reporjs  from  the 
Treasury  Department,  carry  my  mind  to  this 
oonP.dent  conclusion.  Whatever  causes  may 
arise  for  diversity  of  opinion  upon  other  topics 
i;r|inquiry,  none  can  here  exist;  for  the  esti- 
mate of  dollai's  and  cents,  by  the  plain  use  of 
figures,  cannot  conduct  us  into  error,  without 
the  certainty  of  immediate  and  pa!i;ab!e  detec- 
tion. In  the  view  that  I  took  of  tiiis  subject, 
my  attention  was  fixed  to  the  comparative  esti- 
mate of  appropriation  and  expenditure  for  the 
three  years  of  this  administration,  compared 
with  that  cf  the  three  years  immediately  pre- 
ceding it.  And  it  presents  the  following  re- 
rults: 

1822  Current  expenditures  ie25  Current  expenilituies 

extlusivfi   of  military  pen-  exclusive  of  milita-y  jieti- 

sions,  atid  the  payraenta  to  sions,  nnd  the  payments  to 

the  public  debt.  the  [tubiic  dcljt. 

7,879,444  :l  10,249,52P  13 

1323     Same          8,003,56fi     7  182.1     Same        11,505,722  44 

1824    Same         8,939,44Q  S6  ISi?    Same       11,752,515  61 

Total        224,822,459  74  Total        ^33,507,707   13 

Deduct  three  years  amount  of  precedin;^ 

Administrntiun  24,822,45?  74 


SbowinRftn  increase  ot  disbursement  in  tlie 

present  administration  of  8,685,307  44 

I  have  omitted  any  notice  of  the  charges 
upon  the  Treasury,  for  the  public  debt,  and 
the  military  pensions,  because  the  payments 
t!>    these    oMects    cannot,    bv    anv    diHlectic 


ingenuity,  be  maiie  tlie  theme  of  euiogy 
to  any  administration.  The  extinguihin^ 
action  of  the  sinking  fund  upon  the  public  debt, 
cannot  be  set  down  to  the  credit  of  the  execu- 
tive. It  results  from  prc-e.xisting  law.  The 
excess  of  accumulation  in  tiic  surplus  fund,  by 
operation  of  the  samr-  law,  disgorges  itself  into 
the  sinking  fund,  and  becomes,  in  likemanaer, 
sacred  to  the  pubiic  engagement.  The  appro- 
priations for  military  pen.sions  1  have  also  exclu- 
ded, because  this  is  a  disbursement  likewise 
resting  upon  definite  and  uncontrollable  causes, 
and  is  in  no  instance  to  be  affected  by  adminis- 
trative prodigality  or  economy.  This  channel 
of  expenditure  has  been  gradually  contracting 
by  the  inflexible  operailon  of  the  great  law  of 
nature,  upon  the  aged  survivors  of  the  revolu- 
tionaiy  army.  I  choose  here  to  mention,  that 
a  slight  difference  may  he  made  to  appear  in 
these  calculations,  if  resort  be  had  to  the  late 
report  on  the  public  debt.  But  this  will  pre- 
sent it  stronger  case,  by  five  or  six  thousand 
dollars,  against  the  present  administration.  I 
have  made  my  deductions  from  the  table  accom- 
panying the  report  of  the  Committee  of  Way.> 
and  Means,  and  sent  to  that  Committee  from 
the  Treasury  Department.  I  have  taken  that 
basis  for  calculation  which  presents  tlie  small- 
est discrepant  amount  of  expenditure  in  the  two 
periods  embraced  in  the  comparison.  And 
here,  too,  Mr.  Speaker,  I  entreat  the  gentle- 
man from  New  Hampshire,  [Mr.  Bahtiett,', 
to  take  these  estimates,  with  the  materials  from 
which  they  have  been  made  up,  and  give  them 
his  closest  examination.  They  challenge  and 
defy  his  scrutiny.  The  vaunted  care  and  eco- 
nomy of  this  administration  is  opposed  with  the 
stubborn  and  melancholy  fact,  that  eight  mil- 
lions six  hundred  and  eiglity-five  thousand  three 
hundred  and  seven  dollars  and  forty-four  cents 
have  already  been  thriftlessly  expended,  instead 
of  having  been  applied  to  the  extinction  of  the 
public  debt,  since  tlie  present  chief  magistrate 
came  into  oifice.  Sir,  the  evil  does  not  stop 
here.  It  is  said  that  we  are  enjoined  by  the 
constitutional  duties  v.'hich  the  distribution  of 
power  among  the  coordinate  branches  of  gov- 
ernment impose  on  us,  to  grant  supplies.  And 
the  fact  is  unquestion.able,  that  the  executive 
estimates  for  the  service  of  tlie  current  year, 
are  at  least  equal,  and  in  the  main,  probably 
greater,  than  for  tliat  which  has  closed.  Push- 
ing ahead  for  furtlier  results,  in  the  suppositi- 
tious economy  cf  this  care-taking  administration, 
and  judging  of  what  is  to  be  done,  by  that 
which  has  been  done,  I  am  warranted  in  saying 
tiiat  this  excess  of  expenditure,  beyond  its  com- 
parative proportion,  will  be  increased  to  eleven 
millions  five  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  four 
hunch'ed  and  ten  dollars  and  twenty-fi'.'e  cents. 
Is  tiiis  to  be  biirne  with  in  a  temper  of  patient 
forbearance ?  Can  it  be  successfully  controvert- 
ed by  any  varying  computation'  Can  it  be  pal- 
liated by  any  furllier  disclosures  <if  a  justifying 
and  iniperati?e  necessity'  I  am  firmly  con- 
vinced that  it  cannot. 

The  Treasury  report,  from  which  1  have  taken 
these  expenditures,  details  for  each  und  every 
year,  the  same  items  uf  disbursement,  idenfic.iliy 
unri  sxiccexsivcly  extended.  In  the  present  con- 
dition of  fhlugs,  with  a  commerce  suffering  un- 
der exaction,  and  agriculture  languishing  into 
decay,  have  not  our  constituents(alieadybtirden. 


^v 


f li  wi'.hcsccssive  thou^ii  imiirucl taxes)  arig'ht 
to  hold  to  us  the  cliiding^lan^uijc  of  divine  ill 
spiration,  and  say:  "we  have  labored,  and  other 
men  have  entered  into  the  fruits  of  our  libors." 
The  gentleman  from  Xew  Hampshire  thought 
fit  to  claim  credit  to  "the  powers  that  be," 
because  no  approp^ia^!on  had  been  asked  at 
this  time  for  the  contintj-ent  expenses  of  fo- 
reign intercourse, — that  is  for  tiic  fund  usually 
called  " secret scnlre  money!"  This  is  U'uc, 
but  it  is  accompanied  by  an  od.l  development.' 
that  is  equally  true.  For  this  fund,  there  was 
no  appropriation  asked  or  made  durinj?  the 
years  1822  and  1823.  For  the  year  1827,  the 
unexpended  balances  of  former  appropriations 
had  swellfd  to  fifly-tliree  thousand,  one  hun- 
dred dollars,  and  seventy-one  cents.  A.nd  yet 
a  further  appropriation  of  thirty  thousand  dol- 
lars was  solicited  and  granted.  And  now  when 
they  have  but  forty-sis  thousr.iul,  eig'ht  hun- 
dred and  forty-two  dollars,  placing^  under  ex- 
ecutive control  betweensixandsev.i  thousand 
dollars  less  than  was  wanted  for  the  service  of 
the  last  year:  it 's  deemed  sufficient,  and  no 
further  appropriation  is  no'.v  asked.  How,  Sir, 
is  tills'  .\s  the  gentleman  has  touched  this  ex- 
penditure I  ir.ay  be  pardoned  for  doing  so  too. 
No  trust  can  be  more  delic.ite  tlian  this.  In' 
comparing  its  disbursement  with  other  proxi- 
mate times,  the  following' facts  occur  :  From  the 
t'.r.st  of  January  1816,  to  the  4tli  of  March  1817, 
when  5tr.  Madison  retired  from  office,  there 
vas  paid  upon  vouchers  indicatin;;-  secret  ser- 
vice, but  si.x  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  Duiirg' 
the  whole  eiglit  years  of  Jlr.  Monroe's  Admiii- 
i.stration,  tlicre  was  paid  in  like  m.^'nuer,  five 
;  housand  six  hundred  thirty  dollars:  While  during 
two  years  and  nine  months  of  Mr.. \dams's  Ad- 
ministration, there  has  been  expended  ten  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  twenty-four  dollars  and 
sixty-eight  cents.  Moreover,  the  sum  of  eight 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  fifty  •/ii:ht  dollai's, 
[part  of  the  above]  was  vouched  fo,-  upon  five 
different  certifiCites,  bearing  dates  tlie  8th  and 
;:ist  November,  1827.  This  fund  is  legally 
designated  for  the  contingent  expenses  of  for- 
eign intercourse,  and  yet  1  perceive  tliat  the 
sum  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty- 
eight  dollai's  and  eighty-three  cents  was  paid 
from  this  appropriation  to  certain  printers  in  Ike 
U/iiled  State--,;  for  advertising  notice  to  limi- 
frrants  or  Colonists  of  St.  Domingo  :  a  manifest 
ilcpariure  from  the  express  object  of  the  anpro- 
priation.  In  contmst  with  this  heavy,  and 
as  1  think,  unLswful  use  of  the  pubHc  money, 
r  will  mention  the  fact,  that  in  the  appropria- 
tion act  of  February  1802,  is  the  item  of  eighty 
four  do!l:u-s,  for  del'niying  the  expenses  of  ad- 
vertising the  sale  of  public  lands  in  the  Sciota 
Gazette  CI  (1  In 0.  So  cautious  was  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, th;it  he  would  not  touch  even  thi.s  small 
sum  for  an  important  .service,  without  a  specific 
grant  by  appropriatinii.  The  mul'ipiication 
of  offices  wit!i  high  sahiries,  in  employing" 
treaty  bearing  messengers,  I  consider  a  serious 
abuse .  I  f.iiJ,  that  :he  aggregate  sum  including 
passage,  expenses,  pay,  &c  of  nineteen  hun- 
dred and  forty  dollars  was  paid  to  one  messen- 
ger ift  1825,  for  one  liundred  and  twenty-six 
days,  equalling  S15  and  39  cents  per  day.  A 
larger  salary,  for  tiie  time,  than  is  given  to  the 
Chief  Justice  of  the  United  Sates,  and  as  much 
■ssis  g'ivenfothe  head  of  adetjartmerif,    In  the 


year  1S26,  there  was  paid  in  like  inuniicr,  14'6.> 
do!l;irs  9i  cents,  to  another  Messenger,  for  one- 
hundred  and  tliirty-two  days,  equal  to  11  dullar 
10  cen."s  per  day;  and  in  1827,  to  a  third,  125 
do!l:u-E  and  50  cents  for  one  hundred  and  scvoi. 
days,  equal  to  1 1  dollars  25  cents  per  day.    Se 
vei-al  others  within  the  time  v.'Cfe  also  i-mplo.^ 
ed.   But  I  have  taken  these  three  cases  to  shov. , 
in  successive  years,  the  heavy  wages  paid  for  -^ 
service  that  calls  for  the   exercise  of   no  other 
talent  than  is  canimon  to  every  mad  carrier    of 
the  country. 

The  sUi^gfstion,  that  these  dr.iins  from  the 
Treasury  have  been  coiT-spondeuf  with  kga! 
appropriations,  is  no  alleviaticn  of  this  heavy 
expenditure.  Power  is  not  to  be  abused,  be- 
cause it  may  have  been  too  confidingly  trusted. 
In  these  delicate  trusts,  especi;diy,  over  which 
there  is  an  expanded  ;ind  irresistible  delegation 
of  authority,  we  might  expect  an  Iioiiopable 
sens'uivcness,  that  instinctively  recoils  from  all 
temptation  to  abuse.  Every  vestige  of  confi 
dene,  in  the  aflairs  of  men,  should  be  discarii- 
ed,  if  we  are  at  liberty  to  confound  the  distiut 
tions  of  rght  and  wrong,  by  extending  the  ex- 
ercise of  authority  to  the  ftirtbest  linait?  of  con- 
ceded power.  If  this  be  the  case,  we  ought 
to  banisii  irom  among  us,  that  moral  st.ability, 
which  holds  society  together,  and  uliich  consti- 
tutes the  foundation  of  our  political  initiations. 
With  all  the  precautions  and  limitations  infused 
into  tlie  Constitution,  it  ?6  manifest  that  the 
^■ice  of  our  system  is  tlie  expanding  power  of 
appropriating  money,  and  its  natund  offspring 
— the  large  discretion  lodged  with  the  cxecut 
tive.  As  this  usurped  power  is  cantinually 
evading  and  surmounting  its  defined  constitu- 
ti'inal  limits,  so  too  is  its  subordinate  resul' 
escaping  from  leg:il  restraint.  It  is  these  inci- 
dents from  incidents;  imagined  shadows  cf  con- 
structive sh:«les,  that  have  become  more  opera- 
tive, and  indeed  more  substantive  too,  thai; 
open  and  admitted  powers.  We  can  resist  and 
combat  whi^t  is  known  and  palpable.  it 
is  secret  and  invisible  agencj',  that  is  most  to 
be  dreaded.  This  will  ahv.ays  be  found  most 
potent  in  action  because  it  is  neither  to  be  seen 
nor  touched.  Silent  accretions  of  authority, 
growing  as  it  were,  by  stealth,  are  to  be  viewed 
with  greatest  alarm.  In  these,  the  virus  o: 
corruptinn  is  g-eneratcd,  and  from  this  sourc. 
diifused  throu,^h  the  system. 

A  judicious  writer,  (-.vith  the  lamp  of  History 
bef  irc  him,)  says:  "It  is  very  uncommon  to  sr- 
"  the  laws  and  constitution  of  a  State  openl; 
"  and  boldly  opposed:  it  is  against  silent  ana 
"  gradual  attacks  tl-.at  a  nation  ought  to  be  par 
"  ticularly  on  its  guard — sudden  revolutions 
**  strike  the  imaginations  of  men:  they  are  de- 
"  t.ailed.  in  history:  their  secret  spring.s  are  de- 
"  veloped.  But  we  overlook  the  changes  that 
"  i'lsensibly  happen  by  a  long  tr,a!n  of  steps 
"that  are  but  slightly  marked.  It  would  be 
"rendering  nations  :ui  important  service  to 
"  siio'.v  from  history  how  many  Stales  have  thus 
"  entirely  changed  fheir  nature,  and  lost  their 
"  original  constitution.  I'his  would  awaken 
"  the  attention  of  mankind — impressed  thence- 
"  forward  with  this  excellent  maxim.,  (no  less 
"  essential  in  politics  than  in  ^nor;.ls.)  prinei- 
"  pits  obstc,  tl'cy  would  no  longer  s'.nit  their 
"  eyes  against  innovations,  wliich.tliougl)  incon- 
"  si'Jcrable  in  th«TTis'"lvP5,  m.iy  s--n'e  as  steps  to 


nv 


■'  ;ijouiit  to  lii^'ner  and  more  pernicious  enter- 
♦'  prises." 

The  unlimited  approprialions  of  money — the 
consequent  and  inevitable  endowment  of  Exe- 
cutive prerogative,  with  its  beguiling  agency  in 
dispensing  the  public  treasures — the  incousisl- 
ent  power  in  tlie  President  of  removing- at  plea- 
sure the  disbursing  officers  whose  appoint- 
ments require  tlie  concuviing  sanction  of  the 
Senate — the  extrusion  of  tliisadvismgand  check- 
ing bodyj  in  expelling  from  office — and  the  in- 
separable venality  and  dependence  of  the  trea- 
sury guards  upon  a  single  man,  are  serious  en- 
croachments, that  fill  me  with  aiari7..  Sir,  the 
representatives  of  the  people  were  very  wisely 
ihtended  to  exert  an  uncontrolled  sovereignty 
over  the  money  of  the  people. 

The  course  ofthings  does  indeed  retain  with  us 
the  f»a**ering  and  deceptive  shadow  of  this  pow- 
er, while  its  eiTiclent  substance  is  gliding  into 
otlier  hands. 

Tile  w.u-irmgvoice  of  my  colleague,  and  ashe 
:3  not  present,  I  will  say  my  distinguished  col- 
isague,  Sir.  iLmdolph,  brought  to  my  recoUec- 
tfon  yesterday,  that  excellent  clause  in  our  Vir- 
ginia bill  of  rigiits,  ■•  liich  dccl-^res  "That  no 
"  free  government,  or  the  bles.-ing  of  V!berty,can 
*'  be  preserved  to  any  people,  but  by  a  firm  ad- 
*'  herence  tu  justice,  moderation,  temperance, 
"  fnigaVity,  aud  virtue,  and  by  a  frequent  ix;- 
"  ctsrrence  to  fundamentul  principles." 

Speculation  upon  .••/.;  practical  conformity  of 
the  Government,  to  the  axioms  of  political  jus- 
tice, is  more  important  than  may  at  fust  Hi^'ht 
be  imagined.  It  strikes  at  the  root  of  uiipehiev- 
CU3  profusion,  and  chills  its  noisome  and  perni- 
cious Influence.  It  tends  to  iV.riiltarize  us  to 
♦liose  strict;  and  severe  tests  of  trust  and  duty, 
without  which  our  energy,  as  well  as  our  use- 
lulncsa,  will  be  contracted  to  a  very  narrow 
"jompass. 

Tlie  money  power  cf  Congress,  (con.^p'.ring 
riiTo'  the  President's  prerogative  with  the  strong 
passions  and  t!ie  yielding  weaknesses  of  hu- 
man nature)  is  placed  in  dangerous  resistance  to 
the  best  and  soundest  principles  of  public  safety. 
Itis  the  Trojan  horse  withinthe  wails  ofthe  Con- 
s'.itntion.  Its  powerful  and  irresistible  operation 
;;■  first  to  enlarge  the  sj>here  of  action  for  tlie 
v.iiolc  government,  but  its  resulting  .ar.d  inevita- 
We  tendency  is  to  concentrate  accumulated 
powers  in  the  Executive  head.  Sir,  there  are 
■^hree  active  creating  .and  created  agents  in  our 
confederation — the  People,  the  States,  and  this 
•'feature  of  both,  the  Federal  Government. — 
By  moving  upon  antagoniit  principles,  they 
will  mutually  [ireserve,  by  reclproeaWy  ciseok- 
i.ng  the  inontinate  action  of  each  other-  Great 
occasions  will  sometimes  arise,  in  which  they 
may  become  so  bound  t.igethcr  in  action,  as,  in 
produc.ig  temporary  advantage,  to  engraft  up- 
on the  sy.sleni  tlieger.ti  of  future  destruction. 

Our  recunence  to  orig-inal  principles  cannot 
lie  toofreqiicnt.  Vi'iti.  all  the  necessities  for 
the  last  war,  aud  amidst  all  the  glories  which 
ftardy  valor  arlileved  for  us,  upon  the  oce;iu 
andin'hc  field — one  of  its  lingering  evils  casis 
i'.s  shadow  within  the  view.  Tiie  spirit  of  ))a- 
triotism,  operating  upon  tiie  antagonist  princi- 
ples to  which  I  have  alluded,  assOC'ated  tluT.i 
inaction,  expanded  the  powers  of  this  ■govern- 
ment, iniiised  into  it  adtli'ional  vigor,  and  eii- 
d^'Ved  it  Av.'-w  liv  stiinile  rules  of  enf,«vii.otii>!i. 


An  additional  class  of  itapl  ed  powers  is  one  o: 
its  fniifs.  The  greatest  difficulty  will  always  be 
found  m  disrobing  government  of  its  invest- 
ments, after  the  exigency  ofthe  hour  has  passed 
away.  When  did  power  ever  make  a  volun- 
tary relinquishment?  Its  march  is  in  the  orbit 
of  encroachment — and  onward.  Its  footsteps 
are  not  to  be  traced  in  retrogression,  unless 
down  the  precipice  of  revohit.o.T- 

The  dangers  connected  with  the  unrestricted 
power  of  applying  the  public  money  was  at  one 
time  eloquently  denounced,  by  a  prominent 
member  ofthe  present  administration.  In  the 
first  efibrt  ofthe  talent  for  debate  cf  Mr  Clay, 
that  I  ever  witnessed  upon  this  floor,  in  con- 
tending against  its  existence,  he  said:  "  What  is 
"to  prevent  the  application  of  it  to  the  pur- 
"  chase  ofthe  sovereignty  of  a  State  itself,  if  a 
"  State  were  mean  enough  to  sell  its  sovereign- 
"  ty:  to  the  purchase  of  kingdoms,  empires,  the 
"  globe  itself '"  It  is  the  transcendent  Instri:- 
ment  with  which  Cxsar  and  Bonaparte,  both 
declared  that  universal  dominion  might  be  ob- 
tained. Yet  we  look  with  calmness  and  indif- 
ference upon  the  progressive  enlargement  .and 
consoUdation  of  this  power  in  the  executive. 
With  the  flowers  of  prerogative  thiit  aheady 
adorn  this  department,  this  great  lever  is  only 
wanting  to  give  it  an  absolute  control. 

It  has  become  fashionable  among  a  certain 
class  of  politicians,  to  deride  our  fears  of  en- 
croachment, and  to  denominate  the  plain  com- 
mon sense  rules  of  interpretation — Virginia 
principles-  I.ct  me  tell  gentlemen,  tluit  these 
principle^,  in  their  l"gitimatesc(-pe,  will  yet  pre. 
vail.  Their  foundation  is  in  the  broad  basis  of  hu- 
man rights-  Wlii  le  they  persuade  to  social  order, 
and  a  love  of  union,  they  inculcate  resistance  to 
lawless  oppression.  They  have  always  been 
found  upon  ti^.e  side  of  liberty,  combatting 
against  power — foremost  in  the  fiehl  of  contest 
for  independence,  that  "  lord  of  the  lion  heart, 
and  eagle  eye."  A  momentary  triumi>h  m.ay 
be  won  over  them  by  deceptive  allurements  for 
the  sordid  and  selfish  passions  of  "  V>\t  ambi- 
tion," and  excited  interests.  Other  hopes,  by 
intensity  of  incitement  may  prevail  for  the 
fleeting  season  of  deception,  but  the  victory  is 
temporary,  and  carries  in  its  bosom  the  seed.'" 
of  certain  disappointment-  A'nid  the  collisions  cf 
neiv  parties  ami  new  interests  that  arc  dai'y  de- 
veloped, I  have  a  confidence  that  Virginia  ha?', 
tlic  sagacity  to  discern  the  path  of  her  dut}-,  and 
the  firmnc-is  to  tread  it  fearlessly.  She  has  no 
boon  to  ask,  no  favor  to  supplicate.  Seekin-g 
neither  emolument  nor  office,  hers  may 
yet  be  the  attitude  of  Arbitress  in  the  coming 
contests.  Ifslie  cannot  arrc-it,  she  may  check; 
and  by  judiciously  ihrowinglicr  weight  into  the 
scale  of  controversy,  make  it  preponderate  upc.'i 
the  side  of  iibi-rty  and  the  cori.itilution. 

1  ask,  Mr.  SPBAKLn,  that  my  rts'i'utions  be 
referred  to  the  CommltLee  on  tlie  Whole  upo:i 
the  Slate  ofthe  Union. 

CThls  luvtiviijinalhj  p-cvuilej  J 


CHIEF  JUSTICE  .M.\RS(TALL. 
Vi'e  find  in  the  hist  HichmonJ  Whig  the  fiT 

lowing  letter:  J 

MiHCBi?9,  1828. 
S:ii:  I  pereelve   in  your   paper  of  to-day  a 
fiuotaOonJVom  thsMarylandcr,   ofei-rtain  ex- 


J 


]f.  covious  ascribed  to  incrts^ectir.^  tlie  pending 
election  forthe  Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
which  I  think  it  my  duty  todisiiow.  Holdini;' 
the  situation  1  do  [irjci-'the  Government  of  the 
United  S'o'^es,  I  l!:ive  thought  it  rijflittii  abstain 
Crom  any  public  declantion,  OiU;he  election  ; 
md  were  it  otlicrv.-ise,  I  should  aijstaiii  from 
I  conviction  that  my  oplni'^ns  would  have  no 
weic^iit.  .  ,■•»-'' 

1  admit  havin.tj  said  in  private,  that,  thbcgh  I 
liad  not  voteti  snice  the  cstabiis^inient  of  th?  gr,-- 
.svsX  ticket  system,  and  hadl.-i!:ove-i  thsti  he. 
.■er  snouUl  vote  durlnjj  it^i  ccn'i'-.iance,  I  might 
orobably  depart  fr.-'m  my  resohilion  in  this  in- 
stsr.ce,  fiom  the  strong  sense  I  felt  of  tlie  injiis- 
;ice  of  the  charffo  cf  con'uptionujjainst  the  Prc- 
;ident  and  Secretary  of  State:  1  never  did  use 
he  other  exproisions  ascribed  to  me. 

I  request  you  to  say  thiit  yen  are  aiMhorized 
o  declare  that  the  Mar\  lander  has  been  misir.- 

Very  respcctfidlv,  vouv  ob't. 

J.  MARSHALL. 
Jobs  H.  Pleasasts,  Esq. 

Having'  m  vain  invoked  to  their  aid  the  names 
<f  Messrs.  Jefferson,  .Ma.iison,  Moiu-oe  and 
Jrav.'ford,  tlie  Coalition  have  at  iengtii  hit  up- 
in  that  cf  fhief  Jtislice  llarsh.d!.  It  is  not  our 
■vish  to  deprive  them  of  it.  U'c  had  long  since 
aken  it  for  granted,  that  JIi-.  Marshall  v.as  in 
avor  of  the  re-electi'in  of  Mr.  Adams.  Before 
lis  appointment  as  Cluef  Justice,  he  was  the 
•ealo.as  and  able  ad%'ocate  of  the  elder  Adams. 
!e  was  decided  in  his  denunciation  and' 
jpposition  to  >Ii'.  Jefiorson.  And  it  is  said 
h.at  although,  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
■tatcs,  he  administered  the  oath  of  office  to  Mr. 
feffei-son,  so  stronjj  were  his  parti.5;;n  feelings, 
hat  he  turned  his  back  upan  thai.d'stinjfv'-'shed 
tatesman  upon  that  occasion.  It  is'.ve!lt,nown 
hat  under  tiie  reign  of  terror,  tiie  ChieJ  Jus- 
ice  was  the  lead.-r  of  the  administiiition'pailj' 
:i  the  House;  and  that  he  was  to  the  elder  Ad- 
ims  what  Mr.  Webster  has  been  to  the  j  ounger. 
•Jone  have  been  ':.  e  violent  in  their  opposi- 
ion  to  the  Marsh  ill  family  -.>u^  federal  influence 
han  Mr.  Clay;  and  so  sensible  was  John  Quin- 
sy Adams  that  the  Chief  Justice  was  unpopular 
vith  the*repub!ican  party,  that,  al'ter  luu'iug,  as 
he  first  act  of  his  pretended  apostacy,  charged 
he  federalists  of  the  east  with  a  irtasoyiable 
;egotiation  with  tlie  Governor  of  Canada,  he 
ought  to  confirm  himieif  in  the  confidence  of 
Ir.  Jefierson,  of  ^h:  Giles,  an;'  his  nctv  asso- 
:^ates  of  the  repuMican  party,  by  procuiing 
he  impeachment  of  Mr.  Jtirsliail,  fur  favoring 
he  alleged  treason  of  Aaron  Suit.  ' 

*  Mr.  Kandolpb  in  his  late  speech  upon  Re- 
rcncumeiit,  soi-akir.g  of  this  subject  said: 

"Sir,  who  persecuted  the  name  of  Hamilton 
vhile  living,  and  followed  him  beyond  the 
;Tave?  Tile  father  and  the  son.  AVho  were  the 
iersecutors  of  Fisher  Ames,  whose  veiy  grave 
vas  haunted  as  if  by  v?mpyres'  Both  father 
lud  son.  \'.  ho  attempted  to  libel  the  ])i'esent 
Jliief  Justice,  and  procvue  his  ini|ieachinent — 
nakingthc  scat  of  John  Smith,  of  (lliio,  the 
jeg  to  hang  the  im;)eaehmerit  on'  'Vlio  son. 
,  as  one  of  the  gi-and  jury,  and  my  colleague. 
Sir.  GAns!:TT,  were  Ciilled  upon  hy  th..  Chair- 
Tiin  of  >hr  committtcof  the  Stnate.  ih  Smith's 


Fop  our  own  part  we  are  gratified  totind  Iha' 
Mr.  Marshall  has  resolved  to  vote  for  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, and  we  confess  our  obhgation  to  those  par- 
tisans, who,  by  slandering  Gen,  J;ickson,  have 
drawn  lorlh  this  letter — especially  as  it  enables 
us  to  iix  'he  reasons  for  his  pi^fercnce  and  char- 
acterises the  nai'iy  with  whom  he  .acts. 

.Mr.  Marsh:! d  sr'vs,  I  admit  having  said  in  pri- 
vate "though  I  had  not  voted  since  the  estiblish- 
meiit  of  the  general  ticket  system,  and  had  be- 
lieved that  1  never  should  vote  during  i»3  con- 
t'jinancc.  I  might  probably  dep.;rt  from  my  rc- 
sokition  in  this  instance,  from  the  strong  sense 
I  felt  of  the  injustice  of  the  charge  of  corrup- 
tion against  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
State." 

We  do  not  know  at  what  ti.ne  this  declara- 
tion was  made;  we  do  not  know  whether  Mr, 
Marshall  has  examined  all  the  proofs  of  bargaii: 
(AVe  cannot  suppose  that  he  can  believe  th" 
parties  guilty  of  the  bargain  and  innocent  of 
corruption.)  That  isa  questiomvhich  it  becomes 
ever,' citizen  to  csamuie  for  himself,  andfhf; 
late  dcvelopements,  and  those  yet  to  make,  wili 
leave  no  peg  to  hang  a  doubt  upon.  AVe  there- 
fore come  to  the  cause  assigned  by  him  for  the 
relinquishment  of  the  most  invaluable  right  as 
a  citizen. 

We  h.ave  been  taught  to  venerate  the  charac- 
ter of  the  Chief  Justice  as  a  man,  and  torespec- 
him  as  a  Judge,  and  we  must  admit  that  we 
regi-et  to  find  that  age,  evperience  and  his  in- 
tercourse with  the  republican  party,  have  no: 
removed  those  deep  seated  prejudices  and 
strong  aiVtipathies,  whicli,  although  germinated 
in  the  vigor  of  his  youthful  intellcci,  and  nur- 
tured by  the  pass'on  of  party  violence,  should 
have  been  regulated  by  age,  if  rot  exterminat- 
ed by  the  exercise  of  his  offical  duty  as  Chief 
Juitice  of  the  United  St:ites.  Josiih  (iiiincy 
exclaimed:  "  Those  who  fell  v.itb  the  firs'. 
Adams  have  risen  with  the  seco!td;"  and  John 
Marshall  declares  that,  although  in  the  moriifi- 
fication  whicli  followed  the  defeat  of  the  elder- 
Adams,  he  had  said  that  he  would  relinquis'i 
his  highest  right  as  a  citizen,  yet  when  called 
upon  to   support  the  son   he   will  resume  it. 

Upon  this  point  v.e  wish  to  be  well  under- 
stood. It  will  be  recollected  that  the  eld'r 
Adams  was  elected  President  by  a  vote  give", 
by  one  of  the  Virginia  Elector.?.  To  prevent  :i 
similar  ti'iumph  of  federal  principles,  the.  Ke- 
publicans   of  Virginia   united  their  strengti:. 

case,  (Mr.  Ad:tms,)  to  testify  in  that  case.  Sir. 
do  you  remember  a  committee  raised  at  the. 
sametime  in  this  House,  to  inquire  whetliertht 
failure  of  K.irr's  prosecution  grew  out  of  "  the; 
evidence,  the  lav,',  ori'-:  ud.ninhh'jtion  uf  i)yi 
law?"  For  my  sins,  I  suppose,  1  was  put  ujicn 
that  committee.      Tiik  i'lais  oimect  was,  t.ik 

l-MPEACUMEST  OF  TiiE    JuilUE    WiiO   PaT.SIMiW  O^f 

THE  TRIAL.  Thls  Was  onc  of  the  cr.rly  oblatiom 
(the  first  wastbe  writ  of  habeas  cci'pus)  of  th'i 
present  incumbent  on  the  altar  of  his  new  jioii- 
tical  church.  VVlio  accused  his  former  fedeia! 
associates  in  K.-w  England  of  a  traiterous  con- 
spiracy with  the  l{:ili3h  luithoiiiies  in  <jan;ida, 
to  d;S'»\embev  the  Union'  The  pr.S(  lit  incum- 
bent. Yet  all  is  Torgive:!  Uiin — ilamlHon.-V.nes, 
Mr.r.sliall,  tiiemselves  accuse:!  of  treason — all 
is  forgiven;  and  tlicse  men,  with  one  e.vce"*'^.:! 
now  support  him;  and  for  wha'  ■" 


1. .  .■.:.u...^,;..  Aci.;  into  tiie  Lcj,i'.  .Hire  of  tliK 
estate,  and  his  celebrated  resolutions,  v.'hicii 
rank  next  to  the  Declaration  of  In.lepen- 
Uence  itself,  and  a  chang-e  of  the  electoral  law 
from  the  district  to  tie  g-cnerai  ticket  system 
were  adopted.  In  consequence,  Mr.  Jeiierson 
v/as  elected  President,  and  Judg-e  Marshall, 
then  a  zealous  leader  of  the  federal  parly,  in 
the  movtification  of  defeat,  declared  that  so 
long  as  that  system,  by  wiiich  his  party  lost  its 
iJower,  prevailed,  he  vrould  not  vote  at  an  dec 
tion. 

Can  any  republican  long-er  douht,  which  is 
ttie  republican  can:!idate  .for  the  Presidency, 
when  Uiey see  this  same  man  comintr  foin-afd 
low,  m  support  of  there-election  of  .Io!-.n  Quin- 
cy  Adam.5>  We  think  not.  Who  can  believe 
that  Mr.  Marsh-allis  impelled  to  the  support  of 
Mr.  Adams,  by  the  charg-eof  coiTuption  against 
ihe  President  and  Secretary  of  State?  Admit 
that  he  believes  them  to  'be  innocent  of  the 
charg-e,  can  he  pretend  that  there  is  not  stvonr 
presumption  of  g-uilt'  and  if  it  be  a  slander, 
wh.at  comparison  is  there  between  the  abuse 
which  has  been  published  ag-ainst  Mr  i^darns 
and  that  witJi  which  the  administration  pre«s 
teems,  against  General  Jackson' 

Judc,-e  >!.ar.s'ial],  having-,  as  he  sav?,  withdrawn 
^irom  political  strife,  wcare  induced  to  believe, 
<.as  not  examined  the  proofs  of  barj^ain  which 
navebeenpublished.  When  John  Quincv  Adams 
was  before  the  public  as  a  candidate  of  the  Ke- 
publicait  party,  he  was  indifferent  to  his  clec- 
l.ion;but  no  sooner  does  he  find,  hy  his  inter- 
course witli  JMr.  Webster  and  the  measures  of 
•Mr.  Adams'  Adn-.inistrr.tion,  that  Mr.  Adams  is 
the  federal  candicate,  than  all  his  youthful  sym- 
pathies for  the  old  federal  party  arc  revived, 
andh.'  leaves  the  retirement  into  which  he  had 
been  driven  by  the  success  of  the  KV-n'inliran 
party,  and  a.tjain  entei-,!  the  list  a<  partisan  of  the 
federal  candidate.  The  inducements  which 
aro  to  operate  upon  Mr.  Marshall,  are,  if  possi- 
i)!e,  more  powerful  than  those  which  led  him 
to  support  the  elder  Adam=.  It  is  certain  that 
no  ordinary  inducement  could  lead  him  to  for- 
•ret  the  apostacy,  or  toforffive  the  his-h  injury 
■.vhicli  Mr.  Adams  meditated  against  himself. 

Those  inducements  are  associated  with  the 
teeling-sofhisyouth.und  the  political  aspirations 
of  a  numerous  and  talented  offspring',  who  be- 
iievc  Uiat  they  have  been  kept  in  the  back 
,<round,  by  the  political  association  of  the  Chief 
Jii.Ttice. 

'  Hence,  they  have  hailed  the  fulfilment  of  the 
ueckration  of  Kr.  Quincy,  as  tlie  certain  remov- 
al of  the  only  barrier  whicli,  in  their  opinion, 
lias  impeded  their  eley.ition  to  office  and  dis- 
tinction. 

We  say,  that  we  rejoice  tliat  this  letter  has 
been  drawn  from  Juds^e  ^Tar.■:ha!l,  it  v.ill  explain 
to  the  republican  party,  that  a.s(hns,-?  who  fell 
with  tlie  first  Adams,  have  risen  witii  tiie  sec- 
ond, they,  as  a  party,  must  unite  upon  '.ndrew 
Jackson,  as  their  candidate,  or  be  forever  fallen. 


We  lately  noticed  the  manifesto  of  the 
coalition,  issued  throu!;Ii  tlic  Journal,  which 
taken  with  the  I-tters  from  AVasnington,  that 
appear  in  the  coalition  papers,  proves  that  our 
opini'"^  ''-."r   •■'-.-  »y--Tesse(i.  to  wit:  that  Mesisrs. 


Adam-,  .1  ■.  ciay  have  resolved  to  defeat  any 
Tarifl',  is  correct. 

The  reason  of  this  is  obvious:  What  is  the 
S^reat  end  and  aim  of  Messrs.  Adams;  Clay  and 
Webster.? 

Jlmtrtr.  Ta  re-elect  Mr.  Adams. 

Q.   How  do  they  expect  to  effect  that  object 

Jl.  liy  induciiifj  tlie  people  to  believe  th.it 
Mr.  Adams  is,  and  tliat  Gen.  Jackson  is  not, 
the  friend  of  Dofccstic  Manufactures. 

Q.  Since  Mr.  xVdams  has  made  no  declaration 
in  favor  of  domestic  nianufacttir.es,  hy  what 
ri^ht  does  he  claim  to  be  their  special  patron? 

Ji.  By  virtue  of  a  report  made  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  and  the  professions  cf  his 
partisans  in  ('ongress. 

Q.  If  Mr.  Adams  desires  to  be  considered 
the  patron  of  domestic  industry,  why  did  h^- 
not  recommend  their  protection  in  his  Message 
to  Congress? 

.1.  For  the  same  cause  that  he  refused  to  be 
the  democratic  candidate  for  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. His  father  in  his  letter  to  V/illi.ur. 
Cunningham,  said: 

"1  may  menlion  in  you  in  confdence,  thai  con- 
skhrall'.  pains  linrc  bcr.n  taken  to  persuade  yuur 
friend  John  Q-  JIdams  to  consent  to  lie  run  by  the 
repalihcaria.  But  he  is  titterly  averse  to  i7,'and 
so  am  I,  for  many  reasons,  among' which  are. 
1st,  The  ofSce,  thoug-h  a  precious  stone,  is  but 
a  carbuncle  sliining'  in  the  dark.  2d,  It  is  a 
state  of  perfect  slavery.  The  di-ud.i^-ery  of  i: 
is  extremely  oppressive.  3d,  The  Compensa- 
tion is  not  a  living-  for  a  common  {gentleman. 
4th.  He  must  resii^n-  his  professorship.  5ih, 
lie  must  x-eiiounce  his  practice  at  the  l!ar.  6th, 
He  must  stand  in  competition  with  Mr  Lincoln, 
which  would  diride  the  republican  interest  and 
cerl.xinly  prevent  the  election  of  citlior.  7tl>, 
It  vo'jtii   PiioDUci:    an    n-rEuy.vf.    sr.PAP..VTio?f 

nETW-IJE>J  RIM    AXI)    THK    rKDEDALlSTS,    at     IcaSt 

that  part  of  them  who  now  constitute  the  abso- 
lut2  Oligarchy." 

Now  it  is  well  known  tliat  Jlr.  Adarr.s  has    1 
been  coi.rtin.if  the  mercantile  as  well  as  the    | 
manufacturin;;-  interest;    if  he   had  taken   the    ' 
same  boM  {ground  in  favor  of  manufactures  that 
was  assumed  bj  Mr.  Rusli,  it  wo-,;ld  have  C'.useil 
an    eternal  separation  between  him  and  the 
mercantile  interest,  which  he  could  not  ;fFord 
to  lose,  because  it  will  recuire  all  the  ir.tercst 
Vi'hich  he  can  brini^  into  the  Meld  to  carry  Kev.- 
England. 

Q.  Ho-.v  then  can  Mr.  Adams  expect  to  de- 
ceive the  people  into  a  helief  that  he  is  th'; 
friend  of  domestic  manufactures  < 

./?.  It  is  known  that  a  majority  of  both  Houses 
arc  favor:.ble  to  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson: 
it  13  also  known  that  the  re])resciitutives  from 
the  Southern  States  are  unanimously  opposed 
to  a  taiitT,  and  the  partisans  of  Mr.  Ad:uT,s  say 
that  Gen.  Jackson's  friends  being  opposed  to  a 
turiff,  erc^o — he  is  autUarifi'. 

Q.  But  is  not  .AL'-,  Ad;ims  indebted  to  ant; 
tari;;  votes  for  his  election.? 

.0.  Yes.  Messrs.  Bieut  and  Gurley  g-ave  tiin 
castinjf  Tote-in  his  favor;  they  represent  an  anti- 
tariff  State — and  besides  a  larjije  majority  of 
those  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams  from  New  Eng-- 
land,  particularly  in  M.is»achu.-'ett;.  were  o;i 
posed  to  the  ♦ariiT  of  T^'?  - 


'J3 


(^.  HovK  ha.-i  this  ciiange  oi  policy  thus  Ijccn 
brought  about? 

^.  It  was  part  of  Mr.  Chy's  plan  to  unite  the 
east  and  the  west  against  the  sou*h. 

Q.  But  has  not  Mr.  Clay's  plan,  been  to  unite 
the  south  and  ivcst  against  the  easl' 

.?.  Yes.  Until  the  west  brought  forward 
General  Jackson,  and  tlie  south  Mr.  Callioun, 
Mr.  Clay  was  desirous  to  be  considered  as  the 
representative  of  southern  and  western  irSei- 
estii.  Hence  as  late  as  lS2't,  he  proposed  a  du- 
ty of  ten  cen'.s  per  g.dlon  on  molasses,  and  was 
ready  to  sacrilice  the  tariff  of  1824,  for  half  a 
cent  per  yard  on  cotton  bayg'ing'.  .j 

Q.  What  has  eaused  Mr.  Clay  to  chang-e  his 
policy' 

A.  He  sees  thai  if  Mr.  4dams  is  not  elected, 
the  people  will  choose  the  successor  of  General 
.TackjOii,  without  regard  to  the  safe  precedent, 
which  he  is  desirous  to  perpetuate;  or  in  other 
words,  he  sees  that  if  the  people  refuse  to  r.'.tify 
his  contract  with  Mr.  A(i.^ms,  Mr.  A.  will  not 
have  tne  power  to  appoint  his  successi)r,and  that 
he  must  retire  into  disgrace,  without  the  means 
to  pay  tlie  .Morrison  legacy,  which  lie  has  put  in- 
to his  own  pocket,  insteaii  of  paying  it  over  to 
the  Transylvania  University. 

Q.  But  how  does  it  appear  that  Messrs. 
Adams  and  Clay  are  desirous  to  defeat  the  pre- 
sent tariff  bill' 

A.  It  fully  appears  in  the  speeches  of  their 
partizans,  the  letters  written  from  IVashinglon, 
to  be  published  in  their  distant  presses,  and  the 
inanifefito  issued  from  the  National  .lournal. 

Q.  Wliat  benefit  can  the  coalition  expect 
from  such  a  policy ' 

Jl.  It  is  knov.n  as  we  linve  said,  tliat  a  major- 
ity in  both  Houses  are  in  favor  of  the  election  of 
General  Jackson.  Therefore  no  bill  can  pass, 
without  it  is,  supported  by  a  portion  of  iiis 
friends,  and  it  couscqu'  ntly  follows,  that  the 
adiiiinis-ration  cannot  claim  the  entire  credit  of 
the  tariff.  AVher.as  it  is  known  tl:at  if  all  Gen- 
eral Jackson's  friends  were  to  unite,  tiiey  could 
carry  .any  bill,  audit  will  be  easy  to  chaise,  Hi.",t 
the  d^f.at  of  the  bill  was  caused  by  their  oppo- 
sition to  it. 

<^.  Aid  13  not  this  correct? 

A.  No.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Ccmmit- 
tee  who  reported  tile  tariff  bili,  were  friendly 
to  Gen.  Jackson's  election,  and  u  is  also  known, 
th'it  although  ni;:ny  of  the  .Southern  members 
are  opposed  to  any  tariif,  yet,  many  of  the  mem- 
bers whi  are  frotn  the  Wesiern  and  middle 
States,  who  are  in  favor  of  the  election  of  Gen. 
Jackson,  are  also  in  favor  of  the  tarifi',  and  if  the 
ailniiiiistration  party  in  the  House,  were  to  unite 
with  these,  it  would  be  easy  to  pass  the  bill. 

Q.  Why  then  do  they  not  so  ur.ifc? 

.■?.  Aye,  there's  the  rub.  If  they  were  to 
unite  with  the  friends  of  Gen.  Jackson,  and 
carry  the  bill,  the  partisans  ot  the  administration 
would  have  no  opportunity  to  use  the  tariff  for 
electioneering  purposes,  during  the  next  sum- 
mer. This  hobby  of  the  coalition  being  put 
aside,  the  people  would  have  full  time  to  look 
into  the  bargain,  intrigue  and  management,  by 
■which  Mi-.  Adams  was  made  President,  and 
>lr.  Clay  put  in  the  line  of  safe  precedent. 

Q.  But  how  can  the  partisans  of  the  coalition 
vote  against  the  tariff.'  t 

.2.  They  mil  vote  against  it  in  detail.     As  for 


instance.     They  will  oppose  a  duty  on  iri,;;. 
hemp,  molasses,  wool  au^l  foreign  spirits' 

Q.  If  tlic  fi-iends  of  Messrs.  Adams>  Clay  and 
Webster,  oppose  an  additional  duty  upon  .ron, 
hemp,  molasses,  wool  and  foreign  spirits,  how 
can  they  expect  to  deceive  the  people  of  the 
middle  and  western  States,  into  a  belief,  thai 
they  are  in  favor  of  a  tariff' 

.?.  Mr.  Clay  undertakes  to  answfr  for  tlit; 
west.  In  the  mean  t'nio,  51r.  Webster  apolo- 
gises to  his  federal  friends  up.in  the  gvound. 
lliat  a  monopoly  of  niairiractiiring  is  necessary 
to  keep  the  balance  of  pohtical  power  in  New- 
England  in  their  hands. 

Q.  Is  it  true  then,  that  the  bill  now  pro 
posed  by  the  Jackson  Committee  of  Manufar 
tures,  docs  not  afford  a  protection  to  the  Mar 
ufacturers? 

Jl.  No,  it  is  not  true.  It  has  been  cle.arK' 
demonstrated  that  the  measur"  of  protec- 
tion is  greater  than  that  given  by  the  celebrat- 
ed woollen's  bill,  of  last  session.  The  grea' 
difference  is,  that  the  present  bill  protects 
the  .grain  g-rowcr,  the  worl  grower,  tlie  hemp 
grower,  the  distiller  of  domestic  spirits  and  the 
Iron  Mawufacturer.  The  bill  of  last  year  look- 
ed to  the  manufacture  of  woollen  goods  alone. 

Q.  If  tlic  present  bill  affords  prcLectioii  to  so 
many  interests,  w'.y  should  not  all  parties  unite 
to  effect  its  passage ' 

.<?.  This  question  is  already  answered.  Be- 
cause a  portion  of  the  southern  members  arc 
opjjosed  to  any  tarifi',  and  the  partizans  of  tlic 
Administration,  who  hold  the  "  balince  of  pow- 
er," are  desirous  to  have  the  taiitf  as  an  clcc- 
tloiieerin.:>- hobby,  duriiig  the  next  .Summer.  If 
they  succeed,  well — if  they  fail  they  lose  noth- 
ing, because  it  w  li  be  tiotking  more  than  a  de- 
feat, whicli  they  expect  at  any  rate. 

Q.  But  vvill  not  a  vote  against  this  bill,  by 
any  tariff  tiiau,  be  a  desperate  act  ? 

A.  Yes,  it  win  truly  be  a  desperate  act,i)Ut 
desperate  cases  requr.'e  desperate  remedies.  If 
the  bill  is  defeated  and  the  people  can  be  dc^ 
ceived,  a  few  votes  ni.'.y,  !:y  pess'bihty,  be  pick- 
ed up.  If  this  plan  don't  succeed,  tnen  wll' 
Jiilin  Q-ii:">cy  AduTs,  "Jenry  Clay,  and  Dan.e' 
Wclisfer  sin/,  fare*  t  II,  a  long  farewell  to  all 
their  d;-eams  of  grea'nf's. 

Biit  we  recommend  to  our  reatler.s  the  fc"  - 
lowhig  from  the  DcmocHit'c  Eagle: 

PUESIDENT   ADAMS. 

Arliek  77— Section  I— Clause  Vl!t.  of  the  con- 
stitntioi)  of  the  United  States, declares  tha* 
theT"r?idsnt  shall  siuiar  or  (!/S'''»  tiiat  he 
will  "faithfully  execute  the  office  of  I'resi- 
dcnt  of  t!;e  U'n  'ed  States." 

Article  II — Section  ill — enjouis  upon  the  Pre- 
sident to  "reconimend  to  the  consideration 
of  Congress  sucli  measures  as  he  siiali 
judge  necessary  and  e.xpedicnt." 

Ml"  Adams  in  his  last  message  does  not  rLcom- 
Mena' a  revision  of  the  Taiiiff: — he  does 
not  remmmmd  any  mcastire  for  the  en- 
couragement of  DoMKsric  51ANCF  icrcnEs: 
he  docs  not  recommend  any  measure  for  the 
encouragement  of  wool-gbo-wers:  he  does 
not  rcco'timi'id  I'iiG  American  Ststem:  he 
does  not  .say  one  word  on  the  subject  of  the 
Tariff —  or,  domestic  manufactures — or, 
wool — or  the  AMtmcAiy  Si-stem. 

The  Case  then  stands  thus: — Mr.  Adams  under 


94 


the  obligation  of  an  oath,  to  "recommend 
to  the  consideraticM  )t  Congress  such  trea- 
sures a--,  hi-  thp.ll  janj;e  necessary  antl  ex- 
pedier.'."' — dnts  }ivt  rccomnieiiil  the  Ame- 
rican system — a  tariff — the  encouragement 
of  domestic  maiuiiUctures,  or  the  growth 
of  wool. 

0>-  HIS  OATH,  then,  he  does  7int  cnn.iider  the 
encouKigement  oi'  domestic  maiiufiicturcs 

wool — a  tarifT — or  the  American  system 

"nicesmry  -md  expedient." 

TaE  FnisN;)a  of  General  Jackso.-.,  far  from 
chargini?  Mr.  Adains  with  the  heinous  erime 
of  vioIat'n!<:  Id.i  ncith,  are  perfectly  willing 
that  entire  credit  be  given  him,  for  tiie  ut- 
most eince-ity;  and  orjy  complain,  that 
certain  designing  politicians,  have  crnftilii 
impoi-ed  upon  a  I'jimber  of  patriotic  and 
honest  citizens,  and  induced  them  to  be- 
lieve, that  he  is  in  favor  of  what,  on  his 
catli,  he  virtually  Djsivuws. 

UocnT  on  this  snbjeet  can  no  longer  exist. 
Every  man  can  now,  wide  av:ake,  take  his 
side. 

Gaia-al  Jac':!,m  has  repeatedly  and  publicly 
-^i;i  Congress  01/  his  votes — and  out  of  Con- 
a-ress  as  a  citizen,  manifested  his  friendship 
lor  the  American  System;  Mr.  Adams — 
N£VEti: — but  in  tlie  public  discharge  of  an 
impierious  and  all  important  duty,  Mr. 
Adorns,  in  pfFect,  proclaims  to  the  whole 
nation  tiiat  he  does  kot  consider  the 
'..meriean  system  -'necessary  and  expe- 
-iient." 


Jao  Adi'.iiiiistiation  sre  actively  striving'  to 
-.loulcate  the  belief,  that,  theij  only  are  favorable 
-o  the  manufacturin!;-  interest,  or  to  any  system 
of  laws  v.-hereby  the  national  industi-y,  wliether 
timployed  in  agriculture,  commerce  or  manu- 
factures, shall  be  protected  against  foreign 
competition.  Tliey  are  also  endeavoring,  wiui 
characteristic  activity  and  disregard  to  means, 
W  produce  the  imprestion  that.  General  Jack- 
son and  his  supporters  are  all  opposed  to  any 
tiysteni  of  protection.  Hence,  s'ly  they,  tiiese 
supporters  have  reported  a  hill,  which,  th'-y 
kne-.v,  would  be  rejected;  whereby  they  could 
attain  their  secret  object,  and  also  retain  tlie 
reputation  of  being  favorable  to  the  protecting 
system.  All  this  is  a  miserable  delusion, 
attempted  to  be  circulated  for  political  pur- 
poses. The  Administration  are  not  the  ex- 
clusive friend.^,  nor  the  oppositicn  the  exchi- 
tive  opponents  of  the  system.  General  J.uk- 
son  is  in  favor  of  a  tai-iff'  that  shall  promote  the 
prosperity  of  the  whole  nation,  and  has  so  do- 
'"■lared  by  his  votes  in  Congress.  Mr.  Adams 
has  never  cjmmitted  himself  on  the  subject, 
and  we  defy  any  of  his  adherents  to  produce  a 
single  s'-ntence  from  any  public  docn:ii<nt  of- 
fered by  him,  which  contains  a  distinct  and  spe- 
.-ific  declaration  in  favor  of  the  manufacturing 
Interest. 

We  maintain  th.at,  the  admirtistration  liave 
"ndcavored  to  render  the  tariff  question  subser- 
vient to  their  re-election;  and  that  they  wi'i  en- 
deavor to  daftat  the  passage  of  eny  6i// on  the 
-.-.abject  .at  the  present  session,  in  order  to  retain 
:,-.  forin  electioneering  tonic  daring  the  ensu- 


ing recess.     Upon  this   subject,   the    people 
of  this  Union  may  i.ec'is^ed  in  tne  following' 
maiinf  r.     Th<"  scL'.fhe.n  people  .are  opposed  to 
all  tariffs  for  any  otiur  purpose  than  revenue, 
under  the  impression  that,  any  duties  beyorad 
what  aie  necessary  to  this  object,  would  ope- 
rate as  a  tax  iipo-i  tlitir  necessaries  and  comforts, 
to  the  exclusive  benefit  Oi  the  noi-ihern  nianu- 
facturei-3.    The  people  of  the  middle  and  west- 
ern states  are  in  favor  of  a  tarlfi'  that  shall  pro- 
tect  their  agriculture  and   manufactures,  ai:tj 
are  th.erefore  epi^osed  to  the  free  trade  S3  stem 
of  'he  r.outii,  and  the  exclusivf   policy  of  the 
manufacturers  of  the  North.    The  peopieof  the 
North  are  divided  into  three  classes.     One  is 
mercantile,  ai.d  opposed  to  all  tariff's  that  shall 
inteifere  with  their  shipping  monopoly;  the 
other,  owners  of  large  manufacturing  establish- 
ments,   who    wish    a    tariff    that  shall  en.able 
tiiem  to   buy   raw   materials   cheap,    and    sell 
n<anvifaetures  dear  ;  the  other,  the.  agiicultu- 
risis,  who  are  I'avorablc  to   manufacturing,  be- 
cause it  furnislies  a  home  market  for  their  pro- 
duce, and  to  such  protection  to   wool,  their 
great  staple,  as  shall  save  it  from  the  present 
ruinous  foreign  competition.      Upon   the  hill 
no'.y  before  the  Ho'jse,  the  members  of  Con- 
gress may  be  classed  in  the  following  manner  : 
Those  from  tlie   South   are  decidcdiy  opposed 
to  it,   as  they  are  to  all  le-gi-Jaticti  on  this  sub- 
ject.    They  do  not  engage  in   the  debate  an 
the  details,   because  they  intend  to  oppose  ths 
gcner-d  principles,  after  the  details  shall  have 
been  settled.     Some  of  them  entertain  doubts 
of  the   power  of  Congress  to  legislate   on  the 
Eubjcct  ;    and    all    of   them   believe    that    it 
wili  sac^ce-  their  a^Ticulture  to    what    the  • 
consider  :i    nfirihern   monopoly.       Upon    the 
correctness   of  these  opinions  we  are  silent : 
our  object  beingto state  facts,  and  leavediscus- 
sion  upon  this  subject  to  the  people  and  their 
representatives.      Those   irom  the  Middle  and 
West  are  in  favorof  it,  because  it  protects  their 
three  great  ag-ricultural   staples,    grain,  hemp, 
and  wool;  and  also,   because  it  affords,  in  their 
estimation,  a  sufiicient   protection  to    woollen 
niauulactures,  v.hich  they  deem  a  great  national 
intei'cst,  wh<  se  success  is  intimately-  connected 
v.-ith  their  agricultural  prosperity.     Those  from 
the  North  rejiresent  various  intercuts,  and  dis- 
a"-ree  accordingly.     Those  who  represent  mer- 
cantile districts  are   opposed  to  all  duties  on 
hem])  and  iron,  because  tney  deem  such  duties 
injurious  to  navigation,  the  market  for  these 
articles.     They  arc  also   opposed  to  dudes  on 
wool,  because   some  of  their  constituents   are 
concerned  in  large  manufacturing  corporations 
v.'lu)  wish  to  obtain  wool  cheap,   and  others  in 
shipping  wliich  is  employed  in  importing  v.-ooi. 
Those  from  the  interior  are  w-illing   to  protect 
the  wool  growers  who  are  a  great  interest  in  N. 
England,  and  the  mamii'acturerscf  iron,  who  are 
numerous  in  K. Hampshire  and  Vermont;  but  are 
opposed  to  the  reported  duties  on  clotJis,  as  be- 
ing insufficient,  indon  molasses,  ?s  taxing  an  ar- 
ticle of  extensive  consumption,  both  raw  and  dis- 
tilled.    They  also  consider  that  a  duty  on  mc- 
bsses  wouW  exclude  them  from  the  West  Ir- 
dies,  the  great  -nnavket  of  their  lumber,   fish> 
live  stock  and  ajricultural  produce,  and  ruir- 
their  distilleries,  from  which  rum  is  extensive;-- 
cxDorted. 


Ho 


viriH,  in  Congfeis  and  auiJii.^  tae  people.  Any 
person  of  ordinary  sagacity  must  perceive  that, 
amid  this  variety  of  interests,  a  skillful  politician 
would  finJabund:.nt  materials  for  combination  ■ 
to  operate  upon   l'»o    important  election  now 
pendiiiff.  This  has  nut  escaped  the  Ivns  eyed  Ma- 
ctiiavellian  who  lulcs  the  cabinet  'of  curiosiUea 
now  in  this  city.   This  grreatpolitic.il  .lujas  Isca- 
riot,  who  can  cut,  shuffle,  ifinnp,  revoke,  brag-, 
stand,throw  up.msdeai.stock.ai.dall  with  equal 
facdity  for  any  iJurpose,  knows  cverv  card  in 
this  game  of  mteres-.s,  and  is  worki'nif  to  loo 
them  all  jnd  .ake  the  pool  nf  tlic  next  election, 
llij  obje;;':  is  to  prevei.t   the  pii.-,sa};c  of  any 
bill,  and  to  ascribe  its  defeat  to  the  J:ioksoni.in5'. 
lie  is  sure  of  opposition  from  the  .South  to  all 
tarifiV.     He  knows  th.it  the   South  and  Noi'h 
united.with  such  strag-i^lers  as  can  be  picked  up 
from  the  West  and  Middle,  are  s-jfiicient  for 
liis  purpose,   and  therefore  endeavors  to  com- 
bine them.     Accordingly,  such  tools  as  John 
C.    Wright   must  have  'their  cue.     They  are 
instructed  to   oppose  every  thing  on  the  sub- 
;ect,   e.^iccpt  tiie  vjoollcns  'b^lt  of  the  last  ses- 
sion, thou.^'h  that  bill  cficred  less  protection  lo 
vooUens   t!ian  does  the  bill   now  before  tlie 
Kouse.  ^  They  are  instructed  to  oppo.se  the  re- 
ported duty  on   hemp,  iron,  and   mc)!asi;es,    as 
sine  qua.  vans  with  tlie  Xev/   Kng-laiid  States. 
Ilence  we  may  infer  that,   if  that  part  of  tlje 
hill  rtlatinj;-  to  wool  ai-d  woliens  b^  amended 
according;  to  the  -.vi-ii-.cs  of  the  manufacturers, 
nio.=t  nfthe  northern  r.iemje.-s,  with  all  the  Ad- 
ministr.ition   nit-n   from  the  Alid  ilo,  and  West 
will  litrll  demur,  on  account  of  tiictse  sine  qua 
films.     If '.he  bill  be  thereby  defeated,  the  tac- 
tidaiis  will  ascribe  its  defeat  to  the  opposition, 
by  charg-ins'  them  v.itli  having  desig^ncdly  re- 
ported 11  bill  V,  hich,  they  knew.the  Nortli  would 
oppose.     Indeed,  this  charge  has  already  been 
made  ;  and  to  show  that  it  was  part  of  the  pia:i 
iiiove  slated,  we   v.-ould   m.;iition  tliat,  it  was 
made  lonj;-  before  the  bill  v-as  reported,  and 
consequently,  before  its  provisions,  could  hava 
been  known.     This  premature  accusation  was 
ir;'ucky,  for  it  c^poseil  the  de.5ig;n3  of  the  Ad- 
ministration. 

Under  such  a  state  of  facts,  wc  would  advise 
iii  who  are  deairous  of  promotinpf  the  prosperity 
jf  th»  country,  to  be  awake,and  fall  into  no  traps 
jaitcdby  Mr.CUy.  lie  no  more  regards  the  man- 
;f.ic.turinjr  interest  of  this   country  than  that  of 
^hin.'j.    All  he  says  about  the  American  System 
imi'-erable  cant,  intended  to  deceive  the  hon- 
^^taiul  purchase   t!i-  venal.     To   prove  this, 
it   least  to  those  who  oi.ject  against  a  certaiu 
irovision  in  the  bill  reported,   we  would  state 
i'.at  he  is  the  v-ry  author  of  such  provision.  In 
824.  Mr.  Clay  proposed,   in  Committee  of  the 
.V'hole,  a  duty  of  VO  cents  per  f.<I!oii  on  mo- 
.rtscs,  as  an  amendment  to  the  tiri:T  bill  then 
lefore  the  House,  and  carried  it  by  a  vote  of 
i>0  tT   88.       Let  the   Ktirthcr.i  people    who 
•■raise,  and  the   Xcirthern  raemlers  wlio  con- 
I'le  in    ilr.  Clay,  look  to  tins.     It  is  matter  for 
^Hection.       Aii.l  Ut  all  who  serioii.M/  desire 
•:e  prosperity  of  liieir  country,  legislate  upon 
iiis  subject  without  passion,  ptejudice,  or  re- 
;:ird  to  local  interests.      Abovt  all,   let  thtm 
jew  it  as  perfectly  unconnected  with  any  ciec- 
ion.     A  politician  who  v/ouid  render  it  sub- 
ervient  to  such  purpose,  is  a  political  prostitute 
K\o  wtil'i  Bell  Lis  country  for  ai  ofliv. 


MINISTEH  To  hSGLAi'.ij. 
Under  this  head  we  find  the  following  artrcit; 
in  the  Boston  Patriot,  credited  to  the  Demc 
cratic  Press: 

"THE  IIIMSTER  TO  ENGLAND. 

"An  extraordinary,  unprecedented,  and  I;;- 
defensible  course  of  conduct  has  been  adoptcii 
toward  a  dijtinguished  citizen  whose  name  has 
been,  by  his  political  enemies,  broiiffht  befc.re 
the  public  as  that  of  the  person  whom  the  Pi-c:- 
ulent  had  determined  to  iiomma'c,  as  Mmiste- 
to  the  Court  nf  .St.  James.  Without  takmg-  ih-i 
tiouble  to  ascertain  whether  this  :i,ssertioM"  W;i.» 
well  founded,  or  without  any  fnundatioii,  tli" 
opposition  papers  have  poured  upon  the  indiv 
dual  named,  a  toiTcnt  of  the  fotilest  abur 
They  have  called  upc.-.  the  friends  of  Generjl 
Jackson  in  the  !?en.ate,  to  oppose  and  reject  hfs 
nomination,  s<'  soon  as  it  sliould  be  marie.  Sucli 
was  the  eagerness  and  intenipt  ranee  with  wliicU 
this  subject  has  been  pursued,  that  tlie  Printer 
of  the  Senate,  elected  l)y  that  body  to  'isu- 
prove'  the  public  press,  has  had  the'tcmeritv. 
in  hi*  newspaper,  to  dictate  to  the  Str^ite,  (f.  : 
course  which  it  was  bound  to  take.  On  l!;  ■ 
other  hand,  ^rave  essays  h.ave  been  written, 
withamcistambide.xtrousanibig-u'.tv.findir.graii;-. 
with  all  :hat  had  been  said  by,  and'iio!Ql!)t-  fortL 
the  name  of  the  iiKiividuai,  as  one  which"tt  ouJ- 
probably  be  ser.t  by  the  Presiiicnt  to  t.he  Sci;a! 
for  the  honorable  appoint.ment,  wiachitp:.  - 
sumed,  was  about  to  be  made. 

"In  the  unsettled  state  in  v.hich  the  newj'- 
made  up  Slir.istry  of  Great  Kritajn  \».-3  h-i\  il: 
our  last  advices  from  that  countrv,  it  strikes  i:- 
that  no  probable  good  woul.l  arise  froro  the  ar  - 
pointment  at  this  time,  of  a  Min.ister  to  the  CoiA  ■. 
of  London,  and  that  therefore  no  Minister  w:i- 
I10W  be  appointed.  By  the  late  convention,  th  ■ 
dispute  about  the  North  Eastern  Eoundari.-,  i  ■ 
to  be  referred  to  an  Arbitrator  to  be  designaJtcc 
Our  Government  has  ratified  tliis  Convention 
]1  he  English  Government  may  ci-  may  not  rati*'  • 
it,  but  probably  will.  WJien  mutually  r.-itifie?. 
a  Mediator  is  to  be  agreed  on.  Our  Govcni. 
mcnt,  it  is  presumed,  will  nominate  the  Empe- 
ror of  Russia,  and  it  is  hardiv  to  be  presmaec, 
that  Englan'l  will  object  against  bin!, 

"Until  these  f!aestion.s,'thtref  ;re,  are  fina'iiv 
settled,  it  would  be  of  no  avail  to  send  a  .Minis- 
ter to  Englaatl,  irasmucJi  as  he  could  not  b- 
furnished  v.-ith  full  instiuotion^.  As  it  is  not  ex- 
pected that  we  bliall  get  tiie  ratification  of  th- 
Convention  from  Engla-.,!  during  tiiis  session  '"" 
Congress,  .md  as  the  President  would  not,  v.itla- 
out  pressing  rsas-ms,  make  so  in:portant  a  nomi 
nation  in  the  recess,  our  opinim;  is,  that  no  .Mij. 
isterwill  be  appointed  until  the  next  session. 

"  We  have  been  induced  to  take  this  brie" 
notice  of  the  subject,  to  siiow,  with  how  litti-^ 
cause,  to  how  little  purpose,  and  upon  wha" 
slender  grounds,  public  men,  the  mo.si  dis'in- 
guished,  are  brought  before  tiie  nublic  to  h-. 
baited  and  abused,  to  subserve  the' views  of  fa--^ 
tions  and  partisan  politici.ans." 

The  subserviency  of  John  Binns  totheScc.-. - 
taiy  of  State,  forbids  the  idea  that  such  an  arii 
c.e  would  appear  in  the  Pres;.  without  it  vi">  < 
fully  authorised  by  liim.  Whether  it  is  the  re- 
sult of  a  cabinet  council,  or  the  effort  of  M-. 
Cay  »o  postpone  Mr,  We'j.i'erV  dem.-ir.d",  v. 


.^0 


tiU  alter  the  cast  of  tlie  PwsUfential  election,  is 
a  question  vet  to  be  developed. 

That   Mi-.    Webster  holds  the   bond  of  Mr. 
A(l:ims,  and  that  he,  like  Hliylock,  demands  its. 
-jerforiiiance,  cinnot  !io',v  he  doubted. 

Wlicn  the  editor  oi'  the  National  Palladium 
:*tated  tile  fact,  and  inad.'ertor.'jy  \aried  seme 
of 'h^ 'ietails  from  the-  tr.itli  of  tlie  case,  Mr. 
Adams  tlien  rn  his  '.vay  from  Boston,  authnrii;cd 
the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y.  AiTierlcin  to  contrtidict 
the  cliarge.  T.lr.  ^^■c■b■;ter,  iiowever,  place.i 
too  h's^h  a  value  ou  the  document'.  Me  would 
!iotr)ern:it  its  obligation  to  be  caiicclied  on  such 
terms.  Had4ie  like  Mr.  Adams  denied  that  he, 
held  the  pfedgc'upon  wliich  the  federal  mem- 
bers of  Congress  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  and  the 
federal  party  have  since  supported  lus  adminis- 
tration, sucli  a  denial  would  have  operated  as 
.•I  release  of  its  eoiulition.  But  r.i-!  tiie  precious 
instrument,  obtained  \.ilh  so  much  address,  was 
not  50  i-ehnquisiied.  Mr.  Webster  still  demands 
the  pcuncl  of  flesh. 

'rheiirticle  belbre  us  w.is  written  with  an  art 
which  no  vuisar  s\  rlter  could  att.Vm.  It  bears 
the  sianip  oiBcial  on  its  fa;e.  It  penetrates  the 
f^scret  policy  of  the  Cabi.iet.  In  the  present 
unsettled  state  of  the  m'-.iistry  it  is  nlflt  suppos- 
<^u  that  any  jjood  would  orjse  from  the  appt;int- 
ment,  at  this  time,  of  a  minister  to  the  Court  of 
London!!  ,    .       ' 

Now,  it  cannot  escape  thfe  notice  of  every 
reader,  that  the  very  reason  here  {jivcn  wliy 
we  shouW  not  be  represented  at  the  "court  i;f 
•>  Londi.n,"  is  the  very  reason  why  we  sh.juid  be 
represented  there,  by  a  mini.stjr  w-11  acquaint- 
"sl  vvith  the  important  points  in  controversy, 
■.vi\v  E'  i'.j;  on  the  spot,  could  avail  himself  of 
the  earlier-  oppci-'-unuy  to  urge  the  adjiJlniLnt 
of  the  serious  difficulties  whicli  unhappily 
ti.reaten  toprejudic-  the  eAi.stIi;g-reIation3  be- 
tween the  two  jfoveruments.  When  coidd 
'here  be  a  more  favorable  iPomeHt  for  us  to 
press  the  settlement  of  our  difiicultics,  than 
that  whicli  threatens  to  envelope  the  v>-liole 
t.;()ntinent  in  war,  and  when  the  new  ministry 
must  be  desirous  to  strengthen  themselves  with 
the  people,  as  a  measure  prcp-aiTitoy  to  it.' 

It:s  manifest  that  th-_  r^a-^on  here  given,  why 
Mr.  '.Veb,-tc;- wii!  not  be  nominated,  is  any  other 
than  the  true  one. 

.  Rumor  says  that  Mr.  Clay  himself  desires  this 
•nission  as  a  retreat.  It  may  b?  that  the  nom- 
ination is  postp mrd  until  after  the  Presiden- 
tial ejection,  thath;  may  'hen  determine  wheth- 
er it  will  be  better  for  him  to  rem-.n  in  the  line 
of  safe  precedent,  or  throw  himselfon  the  maj- 
r.aninilty  of  G^n  Jackson.  That  he  will  ven- 
ture upon  tlie  latter  may  be  doub'ed  by  sonic, 
hut  by  none  wlio  know  him  as  wc  do.  He 
mav  hope  that  Gen.  .lackstn  will  not  recall  him; 
ifsc,  his  forbearance  will  be  used  as  an  aryu- 
inent  agiinst  the-  charge  of  bargain;  if  he  should 
be  recalled,  he  will  have'pocketcd,  for  a  fcv< 
inontlis  services,  about  twenty  thousand  dol- 
lars, a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  the  Mori'ison  Le- 
-"acv  to  the  Transylvania  University,  and  will 
"charg-e  the  nest  president  with  vindictive  per- 
secution. 

For  ourselves,  we  believe  that  the  true  secret 
of  the  article  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact,  that  the 
late  election  in  New  Hampshire  exhibits  an  ef- 
fort on  the  part  of  the  democratic  republican?, 


which  has  aUrmed  Ijoth  Sir.  Adams  and  Mr 
Claj'.  it  itkuovAB  that  tlie  democracy  of  New 
Kng'land  mm  the  majority  of  electoi-s,  and  it 
is  feared  that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Webster, 
will  be  the  signal  for  an  union  of  the  republican 
party,  that  will  leave  Mr.  Adams  in  a  minority 
in  New  Kngland.  • 

Hence,  wh.le  on  the  one  hand,  Mr.  Webster 
will  rot  consent  to  the  nomination  of  any  other 
person,  and  Mr.  Clay  will  not  consentto  endan- 
ger the  vote  of  New  England  by  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  V.'ebster,  the  fffcat  Interests  of  this  na- 
tion, like  the  colonial  trade  must  be  postponed, 
sacrificed,  that  Daniel  Webster  may  be  reward- 
'%d  for  the  part  which  he  acted  in  the  election  of 
Mr.  Adams. 

As  to  the  notice  which  is  taken  of  this  press, 
and  the  manner  in  which  we  have  expressed 
our  opinions  upon  this  subject,  we  have  only  to 
remark,  that  our  opinions  and  our  press  are  our 
own,  whicli  our  relation  to  the  public  refjuires 
us  t9  keep  above  any  influence  arising  from 
our  ap)-'oiiitnient  as  Printer  to  the  Senate.  The 
appointment  is  not,  and  never  will  be  held  as 
the  price  of  our  independence.  We  shall  cer- 
tahdy  regret  to  find  our  opinions  in  conflict 
with  a  body,  for  whom  v/e  entertain  so  mucri  re- 
sp<tt,  and  wh  jse  good  opinifn  we  so  highly 
value;  hut  if  a  dltl'erence  of  rp.niuu  should 
arise,  it  will  be  '"ound  that  whilst  we  place  a 
proptr  estunati.  upon  the  opinion  of  others  we 
have  iimmeBs  i<:  express  our  own. 


We  invite  tlie  attention  of  the  "Professor  oi 

SigON,  t'   "     following    LKTTEU    of    tllcHOR. 

Mr.  C 

Wasiiixotos  CiTr,  7  April,  1328. 

Messrs.  GBr..'i^f  &  Jautis: — The  "Banne. 
and  Whig,"  pubhshed  in  Nashville,  contains  an 
article  upo  1  tiie  siaject  of  the  Presidential 
tlecti.in,  which  I  am  sure  must  hr.ve  been  de- 
signed to  misguide  and  influence  public  senti- 
ment abroad.  It  is  said  that  "  a  number  of  the 
citizens  of  the  western  district  of  Tennessee, 
ha,  e  determined  upon  running  a  candidate  for 
the  office  of  cl''i-.tor,  favorable  to  the  re-eiection 
of  Mr.  Adami."' 

I  consider  it  a  dtity  which  I  owe  to  truth,  and 
the  people,  to  say,  that  it  is  a  mere  trick.'.'." 
A  "  nunit^r,"  may  have  deterioincd  upon  the 
coarse  suggested.  Uesiding,  however,  as  I  dc, 
in  that  dis'-ric.',  and  having  the  nonor  to  repre- 
sent it,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  s.ay  that,  the  "num- 
ber" is  very  sr.iall  indeed.  So  small  that  noth- 
ing sliort  of  the  vanity  of  tlie  FHOG,  which 
aspired  to  be  an  OX,  could  kiinlle  the  slightest 
hope  of  success,  in  such  a  project. 

The  western  district  is  too 'firm  to  be  shaken 
by  so  del.isiv '  a  breeze.  Those  who  inhabit  it, 
know  how  to  apprecUte  the  benclits  of  liber- 
ty; and  while  they  enjoy  it,  tiny  will  fi.x  a  pro- 
per estimate  upon  tliose  who  have  fought  to 
defend  it.  Aniong  that  number  Gen.  Juckwv 
stands  pre-emnent. 

I  have  made  these  remarks,  vv'ith  a  view  to 
remove  any  itrpression  which  might  be  made 
by  the  statement  alluded  to.  it  is  at  best  a 
Tinsrcpraentminn  of  fact?. 

lam,  gentbmen,  your  obedient  servant, 


UNllED  STATES'  TELEGRAPH— Via m/- 


This  paper  will  lie  devoted  exclusively  to  tiie  Pios'uleotial  I'Jeclioii,  and  bo  jiublitked  v/ec^Jv 
isntil  the  loth  of  October  next,  for  One  Dolhir, 


BY  GREEN  fy  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   I. 


WASIilNGTON,  APRIL  26,  1S2S. 


No.  7. 


G2iN.  JACKSON'S  LITER.VTUUE. 

T!ie  tacticians  of  the  coalition  are  at  a  prre-at 
io3s  to  kiiow  how  to  tack  sliip  so  as  to  elude 
the  public  vigilauv-c,  and  tUe  c.'iposurc  of  tlie 
Kai^aiu  and  iiilinj^c  l)y  wbic-li  Mr  Ailauis  came 
(iito  o'Bco — an  t  the  corrupt  me;uis  iiy  wli!cl>  !io 
attempts  to  ntiiu  it.  Bmiis  cries  out  s^ick  to 
the  sixiiubtiumcii.  That,  say»  die  inaiiufacturcr 
of  tlie  Uarvii  leltfr,  is  tbc  only  pl=:ni;  left  upon 
which  to  ride  the  wavfs,  o(  pubfx  indigiiatioii. 
Whereas,  Messrs.  Ada'.j.i;,  Clay,  and  K.^^bour, 
prefer  to  stick  to  the  tdo  got  op  here  about 
GcM.  Jackto.i's  lit'Talurr.  , 

The  Jouro:d  of  yesieixlay  -gives  us  o  lonj,'  ar- 
ticle, iii  th2  best  style  of  Mr.Clay,  on  the  suiijcct 
of  the  note  to  the  E  litora  of  tne  M'asiiiu^lon 
Journ:d — which  that  veracious  print  Htte;upts  to 
palm  of>"upo:\  the  public  as  a  ginuir.e  notefioih 
«en.  Jackson.  That  our  readers  may  jidge  of 
tlie  pr^ci'jus  liiorceau,  we  jivo  it  as  pu'Jii.s!.rul  in 
the  journal: 
■"■'Tbi'Sc  ediij«v  of  thc'jraihJngian  JuuuirJ. 

•'When  the  inidnibht  assas-sins  plunges  li is 
ihurger  in  tlie  heart  and  riClea  your  goods,  tb.ii 
tcvpitude  of  this  scene  looses  all  its  hori-crr,  when 
compared  with  the  secrete  assassins  pninard  lev- 
died  sgniiist  fcn>al  clii.ic;.'  :■  L  •  the  hired  iniu- 
ions  bf  power." 

ThcJourrial   calk  bisL:  n',,.5i;.sou  of 

har.J    \v-;tir.ij-to    this   «  ,      'iiat  Judgo 

>Vhite  and  .\L-.  Polk,  have  '.ji.i!.  oxupiincj  the 
preteudsd  note,  and  tind  it-lo  be  written,  op.  the 
Wank  leaf  of  a  p^unpVilit,  in  imisaticn  of  tien- 
cral  Jackson's  h:i-.d  willing  ;  and  they  both 
concur  in  saiiiiij  that  tliey  do  not  believe  that, 
it  was  written  by  him.  An'J  we  do  not  he.sital(S 
toduckre,  that^  wants  notbinjbuttae  name  uf 
Gen.  Jackson,  to  make  it  :ls  ba^e  a  for^jcry,  ;ei 
that  published  by  John  Ku:;i.s.  . 

The  Journal  of  yesterday,  fa^ly  exp'.uns  tho 
reason  why  this  attempt  at  loriyevy  wa-  yotten 
U]).  Tnat  orij.an  of  the  E.^ecutivc  Caijinet,  n-'.b- 
ITslied,  on  M  niday,  what  it  -'::v;:ares  to  be  a  lit- 
er.U  copy  of  Gen.  Jack.S'ir.^s  letterto  Mr.  Camp- 
bell, a  member  of  (V^nyress,  dated  15th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1S12;  and  refers  tolhc  note  to  li7.)vc, 
that  that  letter  is  con-cctVy  pu!)!isinHl;  ,atid  to 
the  letter  to  prove,  that  the  note  is  g:'ji'\iiine  1  ! 
Most  conclusive  logic  !  1  GiiO  would  h.ive 
tliwight,  that  I'c-ter  and  his  employers  lad  been 
!on;<  enough  at  their  trade  to  U  now,  that  two  lici 
neve.-  yet  n>ade  on*  trutlK 

On  t;ve  other  hand,  tv.'ol-'S  I'tryoV-n  e.Tcpose 
eacb  ctner.  Tiiur.,  |\..- •n^tin<;c:'rcttr  en  one 
day  publisnea  a  •:ol':  to  pmv  •,  t-hat  Geu.  Jack- 
sm\  canuot  spoil  fe-ijale,  u:-.:!  now  he  publiihus  a 
)ctter  in  which  thft  word  is  introduced,  and 
spelled  r.t^rrlly  correct.  Liars  sliould  have 
ffu^d  TD'-moriesJ  !  Cons'.<^'4:ncy  is  important 
in  more  points  tlian  one.  It  is  pikl  of  u  c--,-r- 
tain  judje,  in  one  of  tiie  western  territ;n'ic.s, 
that  when  he  v.  us  about  to  proiiounce  an  opi- 
nion of  fir?  f'OTU't,  hr'inTr.^ir.'m^lwl  byam:ml>er  . 


<.f  the  bar,  that  the  opinion  which  the  Court 
was  8!)0ut  to  give,  was  directly  in  opposjlio.n  \{) 
an  opinion  delivered  on  a  former  occasion,  he- 
said:  "  T/uit  is  a  maltsr  roe  tnusi  examine  into^ 
for  is  is  betitr  ihct  ike  Court  skfiukl  be  iinr.iiA 

TENTLT  WrO:Vr,   iTlUll  I!icr>N-GIS TENTLY  W^/i/." 

The  Journal  and  Its  v,-ire  woi-kcrs  have  tried 
almost  e\'ery  artifice  to  destroy  General  Jackson, 
ctcept  iiiiiriltr,  and  knowing'  thorn  as  we  tlo, 
we  expect  them  to  attempt  Jirs  i:ic/.u/  beforf; 
next  October.  Wc  advise  our  friends  to  be  on 
Iho  nlcrt,  and  to  bear  in  mind  tliat,  about  tVi- 
iii-st  of  Oetober,  they  rnay  expect  to  sec  tht- 
National  iHtoliigene-r,  the  Journ.i!,  and  even 
I!i[ins  in  mourning,  for  th^  pre'aided  death  n'i 
tien.  Jackson. 

Tliat  our  readers  m.iy  know  the  cxtreniils" 
to  wliich  the  cn;dit:ion  is  drirerL,  wo  insert  an 
e.^lract  from  the  icttcr  of  General  Jackson,  .is 
furnlslied  by  the  Secretary  of  tA'ar.  ai\d  P'lS- 
Ushed"  in  the  Journal,  premising-  it,'  by  sayinTv 
that,  like  many  other  writers,  General  .lacksoii 
makes  the  e,  the  a  luidtha  o  so  much  alike,  tha: 
they  mav  be  often  mistaken  for  each  other,  es- 
pecially by  one  who  desire,'^  so  to  mistake  them.. 
Uut  to  the  extract.  'It  is  a:'  foUo'js  : 

"Wlicn  I  reed  your  letter  of  the  10th  of  Apt'ii 
):i.-;t  inchising'  me  an  exlr.ict  of  the  Sccr.atary  6f 
■\S'ars  U'ttcr  to  Silas  Uiasniove  agent  to  the  Choc- 
taw r.a^on,  1,  nor  the  .:it!'*^.  of. West  Tciine.5- 
wo,  he.sitateti  not.to  believe  tot.'  Silas  Dinsmoii; 
wculd  cease  to  excrciiO  over  our  citizens  sucii 
lawless  tyranny  as  lie  liad  been  in  the  habit  n\', 
and  that  our  pe.accfuU  ar.d  honest  chiaens  would 
be  left  to  enjoy  the  free  and  unmoL'iited  tise  vS 
tlut  road  a,'.  Secured  to  tlicm  by  treaty — yon 
can  e.aiUy  Jud^e  and  so  can  the  [Sccrejlary  ol' 
Wat',  oursurpiise  and  indiirnallon,  at  tjic  waif] 
loninjsult  ot^ferredto  the  whole  citizens  of  Wast 
Tcnv:e.ssce  by  the  the  publica-ion  of  h'.s  canl  iu 
the  Clarion — In  which  he  be;,rt5 — that  he  ha-- 
sct  at  deGanrc  the  Sok-m  t.-eaty  that  secures  to 
our  citizens  and  those  nfUie  V'nited  States 
the  free  and  unmolested  use  of  that  raadas  we'll 
as  tlie  ccpress  instructions  m"the  SecTatary  >fl 
V.'ar  of  the  2;3d  of  M.arch  last,  and  btnst  his  d-.v 
tcntion  of  a  defenceless  woman  and  herpi-opvr- 
ty — uiul.forzi'l:al.'  the  wa'it  of  a  passport — 'and 
m^  gad;  is  it  come  to  tliis — ar.^  we  free  man  or 
are  we  Slaves  is  this  real  or  /j  il  a  drcum—^oy 
what  are  we  involved  in  a  V/ar  with  yreat  III-',- 
tain — is  il  aot  for  tlie  Support  A  our  I'ghts  a.s  an 
independant  people  .and  anaVicn,  Scg+ired  to  us 
by  i;.iture  an<l  by  niilnrcs  ijoc  ns  weJl  as  Solem 
ti'eaties  .and  the  hiw  uf  natlor-  — a'jd  can  t'le  Sc- 
cratiirv  of  war  for  one  mem'  t  retain  the  ideaj 
tliat  we  will  permit  this  pctt  Tyi-.mt  to  Sport 
with  our  rights  Scc\u'e<l  to  shy  treaty  aiul 
which  hv  the  law  of  nature  wc  do  poasess — an:: 
Sport  with  our  feellnfjs  by  publishinij  his  tai-:- 
lass  tqraijny  ijerci.ird  o-ver  a  i.'lplri,-!  and  unprt, 
(acted  fimiik—if  he.  doos  he  thinks  too  nieanlj 
of  our  I'at-notism  and  (jaUinti-v'— were  we  base 
anougli  to  Surrender  our  ir.dependiUit  rUrht.< 
aeCnPi?tl  VO-yxs  by  t!re  !/i'avery  ami  Ii1""d  of  o   •■ 


ys 


fore  laihjra,  w^  aue  ujiivjoi-iliy  the  name of/iec.- 
men — and  we  \iew  all  rig-hts  Secured  to  ns  by 
So}em  treaty,  uiuler  the  Couslitated  authority, 
■iJgktf  Secured  to  us  by  the  blood  of  our  fathers 
and  which  we  will  ne\«r  yield  but  with  out 
lives." 

^  This  letter  was  dated  at  Nashrille,  in  October, 
1812,  not  long  after  the  families  of  Manky  and 
Crawley  had  bei;n  murdered  at  the  mouth  of 
Duck  River,  and  refers  to  the  fact,  that  fifteen 
of  the  murderers  had  paSs-ed  near  Kaskaskia  to 
join  (ha  Prophet. 

One  ofthe  Editors  was  a  resident  of  Kentucky 
at  this  time,  and  well  recolleets  the  .strong  ex- 
dtement  felt  by  all  classes  at  the  improper  con- 
tjuct  ofthe  apent.  Surrounded  as  he  was,  by 
i;id"tans,  .subject  tu  his  influence,  and  whose 
'haracterat  that  time  wasequrnjcal,  his  acts  of 
petty  tyranny  in  shutting  up  the  only  highway 
Ijetweeh  the  Western  States  and  New  Orleans', 
tor  at  that  time  there  were  no  steamboats  in  the 
Mississippi,  was  seriously  fc't  '-r  every  citizen; 
and  Gen.  Jackson  refers  more  >o  t.ic  feelmg 
which  pervaded  the  whole  community,  than 
htfnseJf,  wlien  he  said ; 

"Should  we  be  deceived  in  this,  (the  as.sur- 
unce  that  Dinsmore  would  be  removed.)  be 
fr,ank  with  the  Secretaiy  of  war,  that  we  are 
free  men,  and  that  we  w'iil  Support  the  Supre- 
macy of  the  laws,  and  that  the  wrath  and  in- 
dignation of  our  citizens  will  sweep  from  the 
earth  the  invader  of  their  legal  rights  and  in- 
volve Sihs  Dinsmore  in  the  flames  of  his  agen- 
cy house." 

'The  krter  oi  Gen.  Jackson  was,  as  we  have 
said,  a  private  iettei-  written  t..>  his  friend,  then  a 
member  of  Congress,  enclosing  the  foUowmg 

ertificates  to  be  laid  before  the  Secretai-v  of 
^V'ar: 

"I  do  certify,  that  some  time  in  the  month  of 
-August  last,  on  my  way  from  Natitoches,  I 
p.assed  the  Agency  house  in  the  Choctaw  Na- 
tion, with  two  servants,  and  enquired  for  Silas 
Dinsmore,  the  agent,  who  was  not  then  at  home . 
1  tarried  for  the  space  of  an  hour  or  more,  and 
no  person  demanded  a  passport  of  me.  I  then 
proceeded  on  my  journey,  met  Mn  Dinsmore, 
near  the  pigeon  roost,  who  asked  me  for  my 
passport.  I  informed  him  thatl  had  none.  He  ap- 
peared astonished  that  I  should  have  come 
through  without  one.  I  told  him  I  had  been 
advised,  that  it  was  not  necessary,  as  he  had 
been  advised  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  de- 
sjst  from  stopping  of  property,  under  the  pre- 
text he  had  heretofore  done,  and  that  I  had  it 
in  my  power,  without  any  inconvenience,  to 
have  procured  a  passport,  had  it  been  deemed 
necessary.  .  lie  admitted,  he  had  recei\  ed  such 
instructions,  with  discretionaiy  power  to  detain 
[jpoperty,  under  suspicious  circumstances,  but 
that  he  would  not  undertake  to  discriminate, 
aiid  should  under  circumstances  act  as  he  had 
done,  until  the  powers  under  which  he  acted, 
were  entirely  taken  from  him.  He  then  took 
an  obligation  of  me,  to  give  him,  from  some 
proper  person,  a  certificate  of  the  right  of  pro- 
perty, and  gave  me  a  passport  to  proceed. 

Certified  at  Nashville,  this  26th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1812.  JOHN  GORDON. 

Nasktilli:,  Oct.  8,  1812. 
••I  certlfT,  that  I  frelieve-that  the  irote  I  pub- 


liShed  in  the  ClariaHi  as  a  card  frcan  biias  iiiiife- 
more,  Esq. United  States'  Agent  to  the  Choctaw 
Nation,  was  wrote  by  him.  I  have  seen  his 
hand- writing  often,  and  lam  very  confident  that 
the  note  is  in  the  same  hand-writing. 

Having  been  long  vexed  with  the  arrogant  as- 
sumptions of  Mr.  Dinsmore,  of  powers  that  he 
did  not,  I  believe,  legally  possess,  I  have  often 
expressed,  in  the  pubhc  papers,  the  indignation 
that  his  conduct  excited  in  my  mind.  The 
continued  detentions  of  the  servants  of  gentle- 
men of  this  State,  trai-elling  to  and  from  N«ch. 
ez,  compelled  the  investigation  ofthe  authority, 
Mr.  Dinsmore,  as  Choctaw  Agent,  had  to  detain 
any  person  travelling  the  highway,  between 
the  Western  States  and  Natchez;  the  result  of 
which  v,as  an  order  from  the  War  Department 
(a  copy  transmitted  to  me  by  G.  W.  Campbell, 
Esq.j  publishpd  by  me  last  spring.  For  a  while, 
the  positive  instructions  of  the  AVar  Depart 
ment  were  not  dev^  edfrom,  that  I  have  ever 
heard,  and  traveHers  iiscontinued  applying  for 
passports.  The  summer  passed  away,  and  a"? 
the  fall  approached,  the  old  practices  were  re- 
vived. A  gentleman  of  Nashville  had  his  ser- 
vant t.^ken  froii  him,  because  he  had  no 
passport,  in  the  most  aggravating  manner.  In- 
censed at  this  wa.nton  dereliction  of  duty,  I  lost 
not  a  moment  in  hrl-ling  him  up  in  the  public 
papers,  to  the  just  indignation  of  the  people. 
To  silence  the  clamors  of  the  people,  by  show- 
ing that  he  would  do  as  he  pleased,  I  conjec- 
ture was  the  motive  for  his  writing  the  note 
above  alluded  to.  But,  be  the  motive  what  it 
may,  I  feel  confident  that  he  not  only  wrote 
the  note,  but  that  he  has  taken  the  servauts  of 
Mrs.  Sibley  from  her,  whether,  as  has  hereto- 
fore been  said.  to. gather  in  his  crop,  or  not,  I 
pretend  not  to  oiler  a  conjecture. 

1  understand  Mr.  Dinsroore  justifies  his  con 
duct;  but  of  thatl  have  nothing  to  say.  Genera! 
James  Robertson  has  just  slept  into  my  office, 
and  says  he  was  informed  by  Mr.  Dinsmore,  that 
he  did  write  the  letter  to  mc,  and  that  he  wmild 
!|pntinue  to  act  as  he  had  done. 
Yours,  with  respect, 

T.  G.  BRADFORD 

Gen.  Jackson. 

Card  of  Mr.  Dinsmore  to  the  Democratic  Clarior,. 

Mr.  Dinsmore,  United  St.ites'  Agent  to  the 
Choctaws,  presents  his  compliments  to  the  De. 
raocratic  Clarion,  and  informs  him  that,  yester- 
terday,  he  arrested  ten  negroes  and  people  ot^ 
color,  in  posseesion  of  Mrs.  Sibley,  the  particu^. 
lars  this  time,  viz:  they  had  no  passport. 

September  11, 18i2. 

It  is  only  necessary  to  say,  that  the  agent  had 
been  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to 
permit  per.-ajns,  not  of  suspicious  character,  to 
pass  without  a  p.a3sport.  That  the  citizens  oi' 
K  entucky  and  Tennessee,  understanding  that 
passports  Would  not  be  required,  vere  induced 
to  come  on  to  the  agency,  and  were  tlien  under 
the  necessity  of  goingback  through  the  wilder- 
nes.s,  or  submit  to  such  exactions  as  the  pettv 
t}nint  thought  proper  to  impose.  This  card, 
in  defiance  of  public  opinion,  and  directly,  as 
was  believed  in  violation  of  his  iitstructions,  Avas 
calculated  to  proiluce  great  excitement,  wbich 
the  fact  stated  in  the  certificate  of  Mr.  Bradford, 
that  the  property  of  a  help/ess  and  unprotateU 
ffniale   had  hecn  fakcn   from   h-nv   was  ralci;- 


salcd  to  increase,  burrouhjed,  as  Diasmore  was 
by  a  body  of  Indians,  his  mandates  were  easily 
enforced,  and  there  are  i'ew  who  have  been  on 
afrontier  settlement,  who  cannot  appreciate  the 
feeling;,  which,  under  such  circumstances, 
prompted  General  Jackson's  letter. 

He  saw  a  storm  gathering'  over  the  ai^ent.  He 
had  seen  that  agent,  in  violation  ofhis  instruc- 
tions, "exermeAi'j/(m'/M6  iyanny  over  a  fielpless 
and  unprotected  female."  He  saw  that,  unless 
the  agent  was  removed,  the  people  would  he  ex- 
cited lo  bum  down  the  agency  house  Did  lie 
endeavor  to  excite  the  populace'  No.  He 
wrote  to  his  representative  in  Congress— en- 
closed the  evidence  of  the  agent's  misconduct, 
and  urged  him  to  apprize  the  Secretary  of  the 
state  of  public  feeling.  Dinsmore  was  remov- 
ed. Had  Gen.  Jackson  stimulated  the  excited 
populace,  Dinsmore,  instead  of  being  now  in  the 
service  of  the  coalition,  would,  in  all  probabili- 
ty, have  expiated  his  oppressions  liy  his  life. 

AVhat  argument  was  so  well  calculated  to 
keep  down  the  voluntary  action  of  the  people, 
as  an  assurance  that  their  grievances  had  been 
properly  represented  by  Gen.  Jackson  to  their 
representative,  whose  duty  it  was  lo  make  them 
known  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  > 

.iVs  well  might  a  riot  be  charged  to  the  indi- 
vidual who  poinis  out  tn  tiie  incensed  populace 
the  proper  and  legal  redress  of  a  grievance,  as 
to  cliarge  the  excitement  produced  by  the  con- 
duct of  Dinsmore  to  Gen.  Jackson. 

But  to  the  letter.  It  will  be  seen  that  it  was 
a  private  letter,  written  to  a  cotifidcntial  friend 
. — and,  as  evidently  appears  from  its  face,  a 
letter  written  in  the  haste  and  carelessness 
of  private  confidence.  It  is  true  that  Gene- 
ral Jackson  did  not  stop  to  dot  every  i,  or 
to  cross  every  t.  It  appears  that  where 
the  word  began  with  s,  that  lettxrr  was  so 
written,  that  the  Honorable  Secretary,  under 
whose  sanction,  we  are  told,  a  literal  copy  was 
made  out,  has  pronouncetl  it  to  be  a  capital, 
instead  of  a  small  s.  'Whether  the  honorable 
retailer  of  Binns'  forgeries,  held  a  council  of 
war,  or  took  the  advice  of  his  clerh^s  on  this  oc- 
casion, we  are  not  informed;  but  the  Earl  must 
have  been  driven  to  the  last  ditch, when  he  cen- 
sented  to  resort  to  such  an  expedient. 

We  ask  every  reader  to  take  up  the  letters 
of  the  first  men  in  the  nation,  and  examine  them 
carefully,  and  see  how  few  there  are  that  cross 
the  t  and  dot  the  i.  We  well  recollect  that  the 
celebrated  Mr.  Nicholas,  one  of  the  first  law- 
^•e^s  of  his  day,  could  scaicely  read  his  own 
writing.  Not  because  he  could  not  read  good 
writing — not  because  he  was  not  a  grammarian 
— but  because  his  hand  writing  was  so  much 
like  hieroglyphics,  as  to  require  an  intiinate  ac- 
quaintance with  it,  and  to  those  who  knew  it 
well,  a  view  of  the  whole  sentence  to  decipher 
his  meaning. 

Writing  is  racchanical,  and  always  acquired 
before  a  knowledge  of  grammar  or  punctuation. 
Hence,  many  good  gi'amniarians  do  not  punctu- 
ate. We  have  seen  many  of  Gen.  Jackson's 
letters,  and  venture  to  affii-m  that  few,  among 
our  most  literary  men,  are  so  accurate  in  their 
punctuation,  ■  as  he  is,  in  his  usual  correspon- 
dence. 

We  repeat  that  the  coalition  are  driven  to 
desperate  shifts,  when  John  Binns  affirms  that, 
ilie   only    hope   of  defeating  the   election  of 


Gen.  Jackson,  cii^peiiUs  upon  his  ibrgeiy  ol 
Harris',  letter,  and  the  official  organ  here  at- 
tempts to  prove  that  Gen.  Jackson  does  not 
make  all  his  letters  of  the  same  size.and  that  he 
does  not  dot  an  i  or  cross  a  t.  Qj'Drowning 
men  will  catch  at  straws! ! 

Accident,  hovirever,  has  thrown  in  our  way  a 
complete  answer  to  all  this.  Few  raen  have  as.- 
pired  to  a  literary  fame  with  more  avidity  than 
Mr.  Wirf,  the  present  -Attorney  General  and 
Law  officer  of  the  Court.  Mr.  Wirt  as  w  ell  as 
Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Southard,  has  been  .1  school 
master.  It  was  his  particular  business  to  stud\' 
syntax.  We  hare  before  n.'',  a  criticism 
of  his  life  of  Patrick  Henry,  published  in 
the  American  Monthly  Magazine  and  Critical 
Review,  for  April,  1818.  Tender  mercy  to  the 
feelings  of  that  gentleman,  heretofore  prevent- 
ed a  criticism  on  his  Eulogy  of  Messrs  Jefferson 
and  Adams,  the  profits  of  which  were  so  gene- 
rously given  to  the  daughter  of  Mr.  Jeiferson. 
But  having  brought  out  the  whole  ofhis  forces 
in  behalf  of  the  existing  administration,  and 
resting  its  claim  to  public  favor  upon  its  supe- 
rior literarv-  merits,  we  have  resolved  to  rcpub^ 
lish  the  criticism  which  some  unknown  writer 
has  prepared  for  us.     It  is  as  follows : 

"It  now  remains  for  us  to  take  notice  oftlie 
style  of  Mr.  Wirt;  far  the  greater  part  of  which 
is  such  as  is  suited  to  the  subject,  tlie  perspicu- 
ous and  correct  style  of  narration;  though  for 
great  refinement  or  gi'eat  elegance  we  look 
without  being  gratified.  His  attempts  to  daz- 
zle have  generally  the  effect  of  confusing.  Tlie 
lima!  labor  et  mora  are  frequently  discoverable : 
the  ars  celare  artem  seldom.  He  appears  by  nf» 
means  a  veteran  with  the  pen;  and  often  mis- 
takes the  toy  shop  for  the  mint.  To  prove  the 
correctness  of  our  suggestions,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  make  many  extracts  ^rom  the  work. — 
This  will  not  be  done  with  a  disposition  to  cavil; 
but  to  exhibit  blemishes,  many  of  them  the  ef- 
fects of  careleseness.the  exposure  of  which  may 
have  a  beneficial  effect  on  young  writers,  by 
inducing  them  to  exercise  more  care  in  compo- 
sition; the  constant  habit  of  which  will  ere  long 
enable  them  to  write  with  equal  facility  and 
purity. 

Oftlie  want  of  a  table  of  contents  we  have  al 
ready  complained.  This  omitted,  on  the  mar 
gin  of  every  page  ought  to  have  been  given  the 
year  of  our  Lord  or  the  year  of  the  man's  life 

We  do  not  recollect  ever  to  have  read  a  work 
so  erroneous  in  punctuation  as  this  life.  Some 
have  asserted  that  no  rules  can  be  given  in  thiji 
respect;  and  that  every  writer  may  make  hit 
pauses  as  best  suits  his  own  ear.  Punctuation, 
however,  is  of  great  importance;  and  almost  as 
reducible  to  rules  as  grammar  or  rhetoric.  Let 
us  take  a  few  examples  of  Mr.  Wirt's  b?.'  punc- 
tuation, of  which  almost  every  page  aflbrds  ma- 
ny instances. 

"It  was  produced  by  an  incident  of  feeling, 
which  however  it  affected  the  author  at  the  time, 
might  now,  be  thought  light  and  trival  bj'  the 
rfeader;  and  he  shall  not  therefore,  be  detained 
by  the  recital  of  it." — "He  had  never  seen  him, 
and  was  of  course  compelled  to  rely  wholly 
on  the  information  of  others." — Page  1st  of  the 
Preface. 

Here  the  comma  after  which  is  omitted  ;  and 
improperly  inserted  after  nov}.    If  inserted  afte'- 


lOU 


■hivcjhne,  it  oug-lit  also  to  precede  it.  If  insert- 
ed after  of  course,  it  ouglit  lo  precede  those 
'vords. 

"  One  of  tliesc  will  pjoijublx ,  be  pTOnounccd 
the  most  interesting-  passage  oV  the  work,  rje 
owes  to  tlic  same  gentliman  too,  the  fii!L-st, 
&c.  From  Judge  Uoanc,  the  author  lias  re- 
ceived, &.C.  Thp  n;i;oiH- and  e/cyanceivith  which 
that  gentleman  wries,  /;(/.?,  &c  .Mr  JefTerson 
too,  has  exercised,  &c.  and  were  sometimes, 
all  contradicted,  &c.  The  first,  respects  the 
Indi:m.s— Relying- as  they  did,  up-j-.i  liunian  me- 
mriry  n.erely,  &c.— Other  craises  too,  have  con- 
tributed   " 

The  improj-yr  punctuation  in  tlie  above  is 
rcaddy  seen.  Where  grainii);ir  and  the  car  so 
cleariy  s.how  the  path-,  it  :s  s-jrp-rismg  a  man 
c;ui  so  de\-iute.  Let  it  not  he  considered  hypo- 
crtical  to  notice  these  errors,  tct  us  not  be 
tcUl, 


use 

thr 


"And  lived  bng;. a  lite  of  inlegritv.  - 
Perhaps  a  misprint  for — lived  a  lonjj  life. 

"In  the  mathematics." — -I — Whv  here 
tlie  ?  Is  it  not  equally  proper  to  s'av — in 
ethics,  in  the  statistics' 

"Daring  and  intrepidity." — 6. 

"  Such  as  very  rarely  appear — on  this  earth.'' 
—  7. 

"No  rcm-irkablc  beauty  or  [nor]  strength  of 
expression." — 7. 

'J  Marked  his/«.'ijre  [subseqvicn:]  character." 


Commas  and  points  he  sets  exactly  right ;': 
And  'twere  a  sin  to  rob  him  of  iih)  mite. 

Gross  deficiencies  in  this  respect  are  alwavs 
indicative  of  deficiencies  in  the  liig-her  qualities 
of  a  jTood  style- 

Of  an  erroneous  collocatiort  of  Hie  parts  of  a 
sentence,  of  the  dismcnihcniient  of  v.-liat'sliould 
be  united,  and  of  theinjudicious  combination,  of 
what  ought  to  be  separ.ite  sentences,  into  one  ; 
tlie  instances  are  numerous.  Thev  will  readiiv 
occur  to  the  critical  render  :  our  limits  will  not 
allow  the  introduction  of  examples. 

V.'e  siiall  now  notice  a  few  instances  of  tau- 
tology, bad  grammr.r,  the  improper  use  of 
^Vo^ds,  colloquial  ba-.-barisms  and  provincialisms, 
:nelegancies  and  imp-arities. 

*'  I.igki  and  ii!i:u/."—l'sLs;e  o^ Pref. 

"Thcautlior  had  hoped  "to  have  had." T. 

■     Read— had  hoped   to  have  ;  or,  hoped  to  have 
had. 

"Coi.  Meredith  had  been  ?-ai5erf."—S.  This 
word  may  be  applied  to  grain  or  cattle  :  no 
Kngtish  writer  applies  it  to  the  education  of 
children. 

"The  widow. had  intermarried   T,-ith  Judge 

■W'iiiston." — S.    The  widow  had  married  J ud^-e 

Winston.  ^ 

"  Had  been  raised  in  the  same  neighborhood, 

-  snd  ftnaUi/  mar.-;,./."— 8— Here  there  ;s  bo  in- 

tcrmarrying  wiih. 

"  Vigor  and  tlegance  has  frequently."— 9. 
"  Frttiy  extended  sketch." — ly. 

"  From  the  year  irOi  duivn  to  the  close." 

10.  • 

"  Not  only  to  the  dates,  but  to  the  facts  thtvi- 
sehes." — 10. 

"Strange   ir.i.st-akes   in  facts."— 11^-T 
maybe  mistakes,  in  a  stultmefii  of  facts;    ...i 
Low  could  Mr.  W.  correct  a  mistake  in  a  fact  > 
"  The  courts  which  heatti;nds  keep  himper- 
petualti/  and  e.xclusively  occupied— tiirough  ten 
Months  of  the  year." — V2. 

'•The  necessity  he  was ■  under." — 12 — This 
separation  of  the  preposition  from  the  noun  is 
-avoided  by  all  writers  aspiring-  to  elegance.  In 
common  conversation  it  is  less  obje'ctionable, 
though  here  it  ought  to  be  avoided.  In  low 
comedy  it  is  justifiable. 

"For  some  reason  or  other." — 14. 
"In  point  of  personal  character  were  among 
the  most  respectable."— Page  1st  of  the  work, 
f  >f  ivlrat  use  here  is  pcrfnndt  ^ 


"  Habits,  u-hose  spell."— Excepting  in  poetry, 
or  personific.tion,  whose  should  never  be  ap- 
plied to  the  neuter  gender.  Some  of  the  best 
writers,  lio-.vev..-r,  viuKate  this  rule  of  grammar. 
"Pel haps  he  flattered  himself  that  he  tvouid 
be  able  to  profit,  See."— 12.— It  is  impossible 
to  ai.xn-d  rules,  at  all  limes  applicable,  for  the 
Tigiit  use  of  ahi'M  and  will,  and  of  ivuuld  and 
coulU.  Tlie  correct  F.ngli-di  scholar  is  never  at 
a  loss  wiiicl;  to  employ;  and  his  ear  immediate- 
ly takes  umbra»e  when  either  of  tli  -se  words 
is  impfOperly  iisi-.d.  In  Maryland  and  farther 
south,  in  many  cases  they  ai-e  by  the  vulgar 
used  i.-idiscriininately — "Iwitl  be'twentv  year* 
old  to-morrow."—"  I  thought  I  woul'i,'  have 
te3tmio.qy  enough."  This  common  error  in  thc- 
soutliern  States  is  the  use  of  wiV/and  wouhh  for 
sh!:h' ?.nd  should. 

"  liuin  was  beliind  him;  povertv,  debt,  want. 
and  famine,  before."— p.  1-1.— Had  he  escaped 
from  ruin,  or  was  ruin  pursuing  him'  Was  he 
drivmg  poverty,  and  famine  before  him,  or  was 
he  in  pursuit  of  them.' 

"As  if  his  cup  of  misery-  were  not  alread- 
full  enough." — p.  iJ-.—OmU  enough. 

"Thus  supported,  he  was  able  to  bear  up  un- 
der the  heaviest  pressure." — p.  14. — Beer 
only. 

"Nature  and  grounds  of  the  dispute." — p.  19. 

"  This  w:ir  of  words  w-as  hep!  up." — p.  21. 

Continued.  Kept  up,  bear  up  under,  8cc.  sucti 
verbs  used  with  w-hat  are  called  pre])osition3, 
are  avoided,  in  almost  all  cases  possiWe,  by 
writers  aiming  at  a  dignity  of  stvle  beyond  the 
vuli»;u-. 

"  Utterly  nidi  and  void."— p.  22.     Th;s  mav 
be  tl-.e  language  of  the  law — If  null,  it  ntasi  be 
■    ultcrly  so;  and  of  co'u-se  void. 

"  The  clergy  had  much  the  best  of  the  argu- 
ment."—p   22.— The  bette};. 

"Thus  far  the  clergy  sailed  before  the  loind." 
— p.  22. 
.    " Bold ani commanding." — p.  25. 

'•  For  he  painted  to  the  heart  with  a  force  tha- 

-t  pelrhUd  it  " — p.  36". 
■•  .\\i  t'.ieir  scrt.sM  lislming  and  ri'i-fZ/crf  upon 
the  speaker,  ;is  if  to  catch  the  last  strain  of  some 
he;iveiily  visitant."— p.  26.  How  the  sense  of 
smelling  could  Uiten,  or  that  oi  sight  be  rii-etted 
to  catcli  a  strain,  it  is  diificuit  to  u.-.dcrstand. 

"Neither  with  a  feeble  vr  [norl  hcsitatmsr 
Iiand."— p-  28.  >•      ->  b 

"His;n;;irf  w-as  disposed  to  speuh  forth  his 
sentiments." — p.  29. 

"Nor  any  i-ery  insuperable  horror." — p.  29. 
Ho  is  so  i-erij  invinobie  that  nothing-  but  a  vrj-y 
mortal  wound  cau  kdl  him. 

liegiiining  a  sentence,  as  in  page  29,  with 
the  words,  HO/  th,it,  is  highh-  erroneous. 

"The  QJiiU-acter  of  his  arg-ument,  proves  in- 
deed,  [siicli  ^he  punctuation,    as  frequently  :i 


101 


iiat  he  was  a  bold  and  twiW/oitZ enquirer. " — p. 
.'9. 

"  Equally  inconsistent  both  \ritli." — p.  30. 

•' Expresshj  for  X\\e  very  purpose." — p.  34. 

"Tile  most  entire  M\(l  perfect  equality. — p. 
'j.  Perject  and  nilirc  here  means  the  same — 
neither  cjin  be  compared. 

"Nor  did  the  people,  on  rtc(>  part,  desert 
him." — p.  36. 

"  A  suit  which  had  suffered  very  considera- 
bly/«  </ie  sfrnce. " — p.  39. 

"  Deep  and  perfect  sdence." — p.  40. 

"To  the  le%'>iiig'  [of]  a  revenue." — p.  41. 

"  The  presses — seem  rather  disposed  to  have 
'.cohcd  owX  for  topics  " — p.  42.  Disposed  to 
look  or  search,  for  topics. 

"Jdsmind  itnelf,  wasofavery  fine  order." — 

)).  4r. 

"  Contitmed&nd  tinremitting."    p.  47. 

"  Never  vehement,  rapid er  abrupt." — p.  4". 

"  Mannerr.  and  address." — p.  4r.  The  latter 
.s  certainly  included  in  the  former. 

"He  [Gcortje  Wythe]  wslh perfect!:/  familiar 
^^  ith  the  author-:  of  Greece  and  Rome." — p.  47. 
A  much  long'tr  life  than  everthat  of  Mr.  AVyllie 
would  be  ncces.iary  for  acquirinjj'apf;-/^^  fami- 
liarity Willi  all  of  tbem.  Vir.  Wythe  was  well 
acquainted  with  many  of  them 

"  Openly,  avowedly,   and  above  board.  " — p. 

"Xo  man  was  ever  t)iore  enlire'i/  destitute  of 
art.  "—p.  48. 

"The  port  and  carriage  of  his  head." 

"His"g.»nins  had  that  native  o^'wi/^j',  which 
'fiiubined  (hem  [*he  beauties  of  an  author]  with, 
out  an  effort."— p.  40. 

"  Vicious  and  depraved  pronunclalion." — p 
54. 

"  Work  out  its  purposes," — p.  54. — Accom- 
plish, gpair,  effect — anything,  but  work  out. 

"Buld'-md  drrring." — p.  60. 

"A  cool ^na  cliur  acetiracifof  thinking,  and, 
an  ehboratc  cj:actness  and  nicety  in  the  deduction 
of  thought." — p.  72.  Cool,  clear,  accurate, 
elaborate,  exact  and  nice  thinking  and  deduction 
of  thought. 

"Towards  whom  every  American  heart  will 
4ou'."— p.  105. 

"In  which  he  merely  echoed  back  the  con- 
sciousness of  evciy  other  heart." — p.  100.     "~ 

"Swell  and  expand." — p.  lOG. 

"Called  dmuiihom  the  heij^ht." — p.  108. 

"'His  ptrformaiice  will  not  be  tlie  worse  for 
having  been  taught  to  fly." — p.  111.  Perfor- 
mance taufjht  to  fl)'. 

"The  spiVi/ and  Ji?rtm£  of  his  genius." — p.  111. 

'  'Resisted  them  with  all  their  influence  and 
.abilities." — p.  117.  One  of  the  above  itali- 
cised woi'ds  is  irufficient. 

"Purchaser  thereof." — p.  128.  Thereof,  for 
of  it;  whereof,  for  of  wliich;  whereupon,  for  on 
which;  hereupon,  for  en  this;  are  words  that  may 
still  be  proper  in  the  long-  science  of  the  bar; 
but  have  long"  since  been  excluded  from  elegant 
composition. 

"Tlie  transaction''  which  were  pas.sing'in  the 
metropolis,  circulated  through  the  country." — 
p.  135. 

"Thathabitual  ceference  and  .su7;/Vct/4)?i, should 
lie  dissolved  and  dissipated." — p.  137. 

"To  make  of  this  circumstance  all  the  aJvn'n- 
'^r■^•' — n   ^"7.     Tw/fe  all  the  a'!v3p.tae'<^. 


,  "Col .  S.  Meredith,  wlio had theretQlgfecQlli^ 
mandcd." — p.  140. 

"He  left  behind  him  a.  rces^ngc." — p.  151. 
SiJMy  he  could  not  leave  it  before  him,  unless 
he  went  backw.ards. 

"Si!b\ert  the  rtgal  goverumeat  whoUg  antl" 
eniire.lt/." — p.  160. 

".\.s'\sprcren." — p.  164.  At  the  appcar.inCe 
of  tViis  horrible  word,. used  by  Scptch  Lawyers, 
and  by  a  fe\v  in  the  middle  States,  but  by  no. 
Knglish  writer,  and  by  no  correct  Knglish  schol- 
ar; we  cannot  forbear  the  expression  of  our  as- 
tonishment. To/oiV,  for  to  cnrry,  would  notbe 
so  barbarous.  Mr.  "W.  uses  the  word  several 
times;  and  sometimes  the  English  word  proved. 
Why  he  should  have  hven  this  word  or  what 
has  moven  him  to  ife  adoption,  we  know  not. 

"He  possessed  pretty  nearly  as  much  experi- 
ence as  Washington." — p.  177.  The  trutli  is 
thatiie  possessed  pretty  nearly,  about  not  half  a 
quarter  so  much.  Ofwliatuse  is  prctti/ here^ 
Mr.  W .  frequently  has  ihe  word. 

Pretty  muddy  walkini^  to-day.  She  is  a  prct- 
iy  ugly  woman — are  expressions  pretty  nearly  as 
ju.';tiliable  and  cU-gant, 

In  page  226  the  wrong  tense  i:!  several  times 
used.  "His  wife  Aoff  died;" — .■"his  uncle  AatZ 
died,"  S:c.  instead  of  his  wife  died,  fee. 

"  Seemed  to  have  been  pretty  nearhj  para* 
lize>i."—p.  2-31. 

"All  its  faculties  veek,  disordt^red  and  ex- 
hausttd." — p.  23.2.     £a;«a«j:/(;(/ is  sufficient. 

"  Humanity  and  civilization  gradually  super- 
induced upon  the  Indian  ch-iracter." — p.  240- 

"  Eqitallv  thosumc  benefit." — p.  243. 

"  Some  form  of  worship,  or  other." — p.  244-. 

"  Such  em  one." — p.  253. 

"The  Koman  energy  and  the  attic  wit  of 
George  Mason  i«ffs  there." — p.  263. 

"VMis'of  one  entire  whole." — p.  270. 

"  Uncoupled  and  kt  loose  to  range  the  wliol'e 
field  "—p.  270. 

"  Day  after  day,  from  morning  till  night  tlie 
galleries  were  coniinuaHy  filled." — p.  293. 

"  IVantm  profusion  and  prodigaliti/  of  that 
attic  feast." — p.  294. 

"  Every  mode — every  species — wcssecn."-^ 
p.  294. 

"  Ingenuous  and  candid." — p.  314. 

"  11  were  an  useless  waste." — p.  243". 

"  His  temper  i^ncfoucfe.':? and. sfraie." — p.  37c 

"  Ingenuous  and  ttnaffected." — p.  376. 

"  Patient  and  tender  forbearance  and  kinfi  in-- 
dulgence."—ji .  5S0. 

"  A  simple,  pure,  cconomicstl  and  chaste  ad- 
ministration."— p.  382.  _. 

"  They  contended  that  t'lcy  were  .snnp.V  til-:-. 
friends  of  good  or<ler  and  government.'" — .p. 
382.     That  Ihcy  only  were.  Sec. 

"  A  form  so  faint  and  shadowj'." — p.  SS3- 

"  Tlie  rival  parlies  observed  every  advance 
made  by  the  other." — p.  389.     By  each  other. 

"  So  many  stratagems  to  gain  him  over." — 
p.  ."89. 

"■  OiTensi-/e  measures  -which  was  intellfled.'' 
—p.  392. 

"  That  t\o^e  scenes  were  about  to  be  acted 
or^r   ag.ain  in  his  own  country." — p-  352. 

That  similar  scenes  were  about  to  be  acted  in 
his  own  country.  A  man  may  eat  t'lvo  similar 
dumplings,  but  not  one  twice. 

"A  preacher,  asked  the  peftple  aloud,  '*wh>' 
theytlpisfe'lpwedMr.  Henry  about'"— p.  393 


102 


AsKed  tlie  people  wliy  fliey  falloxved,  &;c or, 

.-isked  the  people,   "why  do   you  thus  follow 
Mr.  Henry'" 

"He  never /losCMiial  that  patient  Jrutigery.'h— 
p.  405. 

.    "Mr.  Hcniyo«  /lis  part,  was  so  delis-hted." 
p.  410. 

"Bui  for  the  bold  spirit  of  Mr.  Henry,  the 
people  would,  &c" — p.  419. 

"So  far  from  it  that  he  stemmed  the  current." 
p.  419. 

"The  beaten  pat/n  and  roads  of  tlioilght." — 
p.  422. 

While  perusing  the  volume  wc  noted  some  of 
the  errors,  in  which  the  work  is  far  from  being 
deficient,  and  some  of  these  we  have  here  ex- 
tracted. To  notice  all  the  similar  inaccuracies, 
woulci  swell  this  review  to  a  pamphlet. 

We  shall  now  notice  some  of  .Mr.  Wirt's  rhet- 
orical and  frequently  romaniic  s  rains — or  rath- 
er strainings.  His  labour  to  shine  often  occurs; 
but  in  handling  his  rhetorical  tools  he  is  some- 
limes  as  awkward  as  would  be  a  blacksmith  in 
making  a  w.atch. 

By  turning  to  our  extract  relating  to  the  Par- 
son's cause,  the  reader  may  observe  the  sen. 
tence  beginning  with — "For  now  were  those 
■wonderful  fiiculties,  &c.  The  fire  of  his  elo- 
quence worked  in  him  a  mysterious  and  almost 
supernatural  transformatioiiof  himself;  and,  as 
liis  mind  rolled  along,  and  began  to  glow  from 
its  own  action,  all  the  e.xuvia-  [e.xuvix]  of  the 
clown  seemed  to  shed  themselves,"  &.c.  The 
mind  by  rolling,  glowed.  Exuvia:  means  what 
is  already  shed. 

Refening  to  the  popularity  of  Mr.  Henry 
among  XXic  plebeian  part  of  the  House  of  B'U-- 
gesses.  Mr.  Wirt  says.  "  They  regarded  him  as 
a  sturdy  arid  wide-spreading  oak,  beneath  [in] 
ivhose  cool  and  refreshing  shade  they  fnight  take 
refuge  from  those  beams  of  aristocracy,  that  had 
played  upon  them  so  long,  with  rather  an  un- 
pleasant heat." 

Instances  of  such  hunting,  for  such  inappro- 
priate figures  abound. 

Mr.  Henry  was  not  apt  to  notice  a  provoca- 
tion, unless  gross,  "  but  when  he  did  notice  it, 
better  were  it  for  the  man  [ivho  offered  it,  un- 
derstood] 7iever  to  have  been  born,  than  to  f;ill 
into  the  hands  of  such  an  adversary.  One  lash 
of  his  scourge  was  infamy  for  life;  his  look  of 
anger  or  contempt,  was  almost  death." 

In  page  85,  Mr.  W.  compares  the  subsiding 
of  contention  after  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act'i 
to  a  volcano.  This  simile  is  not  in  strained 
terms,  and  is  appropriate.  We  wish  wc  could 
say  so  of  all.  "  The  rumbling  of  the  volca. 
no  was  still  audible,  and  the  smoke  of  the 
creator  continually  ascended,  mingled  not  un- 
Irequently  with  those  flames  and  masses  of  igni- 
ted m.atter,  which  snnounced  a  new  and  more 
terrible  explosion." 

From  the  description  of  Henry's  first  speech 
in  Congress,  oire  might  suppose  that  a  god,  or 
at  least  a  demi  god,  was  addressing  that  illustri- 
ous body.  "Rising  as  he  advan'-ed  with  the 
grandeur  of  his  subject,  and  glowing  at  length 
with  all  the  majesty  and  expectation  of  the  oc- 
casion, his  speech  seemed  7nore  than  thai  of 
moWa/ man."— "Even  those  who  had  heard 
him,  in  all  his  glory,  in  the  house  of  burgesses 
ef  Virginia,  were  astonished."— "His  imagina- 
tion rorusrating-  with  a  magnificence  and  a  va- 


riety,  which  struck  even   tliat  asseniljiy  >Mti. 
amazement  and  awe." 

We  cannot  forbear  a  smile  in  observing  Mr. 
Wirt's  determination  to  prove  the  heroism  of 
Henry  With  "five  thoutiind  men  at  least  in 
arms,"  he  marclied  against  lord  Dunmore,  his 
aids-de-camp,  and  perhaps  fifty  others,  to  re- 
take a  quantity  of  powder,  or  obti.in  indemnifi- 
cation. Some  of  the  patriots  wished  him  to  de- 
sist.— "It  was  in  vain.  He  was  inflexibly  re- 
solved to  effect  the  purpose  of  his  expedition, 
or  perish  in  the  attempt." 

If  Lord  Dunmore  issues aproclamation,  "the 
Governor  thunders  his  anathema."  If  Mr. Henry 
obtains  great  influence,  "  he  rushes  like  a  ctimet 
to  the  head  of  affairs."  If  Ti  rleton  approaches 
the  temporary  seat  of  government,  he  "rushes 
like  a  thunderbolt  into  the  village."  If  Mr.  Henry 
exjiresses  indignation  toward  an  adversary,  at 
the  bar,  it  is  "like  a  stroke  of  lightning,"  and 
his  opponent  "shrinks  from  liis  withering  look, 
pale  and  breathl.rss."  In  such  extravagance  of 
expression  Mr.  Wirt  appears  to  take  great  de- ' 
light.  Is  he  not  aware  that,  with  such,  grown 
people  are  seldom  gratified' 

Mr.  Wirt's  mode  of  describing  persons,  man- 
ners, or  ^ents,  generally  partakes  of  the 
flowery;  which  is  sometimes  carried  to  sucli 
e.xcess  as  to  claim  close  kindred  with  the  lu- 
dicrous. He  abounds  with  adjectives.  Des- 
cribing the  eloquence  of  Col.  Innis,  he  says; 
"  It  was  a  short  but  most  bold  and  terrible  "as- 
sault— a  vehement,  impetuous  and  overwhelming 
burst — a  magnificent  meteor,  which  shot  majes- 
tically across  the  heavens, /rom /)o/e  to  pole,  and 
straight  was  seen  no  more." 

The  long  and  repeated  descriptions  of  Mr. 
Henry's  eloquence,  his  manners,  and  the  qual- 
ities of  his  mind,  whicli  occupy  a  very  large  part 
of  the  volume,  become  tiresome.  The  dictiona- 
ry appears  to  have  been  thoroughly  ransacked 
for  all  the  words  that  could  be  applied  to  elo- 
quence. "  In  mild  persuasion  he  was  as  soft  - 
and  gentle  s,s  the  zephyr  of  spring;  while,  in 
rousing  his  countrymen  to  arms,  the  winter 
storm  that  roars  along  the  troubled  Baltic,  was 
not  more  awfully  sublime."  "His  eyes — ,at 
one  time  piercing  and  terrible  as  tliose  of  Mars, 
and  then  again  as  soft  and  lender  as  those  of  pity 
herself" 

Since  Horace  compared  the  eloquence  of 
Pindar  to  a  river  ;  monte  decurrens,  kc.  the 
comparison  has  been  frequently  used,  as  it  is 
by  Mr.  Wirt.  BuJ,  in  page  295,  we  have  a  si- 
militude of  studied  extension,  from  the  rivulet 
to  the  ocean.  "  His  eloquence  was  poured 
from  inexhaustible  fountains,  and  assumed  eve' 
ry  variety  of  hue  and  form  and  motion,  whicli 
could  delight  or  persu.ade,  instruct  or  astonish. 
Sometimes  it  was  the  limped  rivulet,  spai-khng 
down'  the  mountain's  side,  and  winding  its 
silver  course  between  nuirgins  of  mo.';s — then 
gradually  swelling  to  a  bolder  stream,  it 
roared  in  the  headlong  cataract,  and  spread  its 
rainbows  to  the  sun — now,  it  flowed  on  in  tran- 
quil majesty,  like  a  river  of  the  west,  reflecting 
from  its  polished  surface,  forest  and  cliff'  and 
sky — anon,  it  was  the  angry  ocean,  chafed  bv 
the  tempest,  hanging  its  billows,  with  deafening 
clamors,  in  the  cracking  shrouds,  or  hurling 
them  in  subUme  defiance,  at  the  storm  that 
frowned  above." 


iliii 


criiakespeare  speaics  at  tlie  winds  takiii^" 

the  ruffiaji  biUo«-s  bv  tlie  top, 

i.;[n-Ung'  their  monstrous  heads,  aad  hanging 

them 
With    deoTninj;' 

shrouds: 


clamors    iit    the    stippery 


but  never  dreamed  of  crackiru;  shrouds,  nor  of 
hurling  billows  in  sublime  defiance:  at  s.fi  ofm 
ing  storm.    Methinksthe  storm  must  have  more 
than  frowned. 

To  support  the  language  of  such  labored  atr 
tjimpts  oa  the  sublime,  sa   freqK-^r.r   with  Mr. 
Wirt,  there  ought  to  be  some  originality  of  sen- 
timent  or   imaginary 
found. 


greatlv  increased  the  iiitprsi.!,  of  Ui^  siii)iji.i 
Principle"  had  been  advanced,  and  effrncffly 
supported,  ag.ainst  which  he  felt  it  ttj  be  hi.'-- 
duty,  at  least  to  protfst.  Kay,  more;  suc1> 
was  his  repu.!jiiance  to  the  doctrines  he  liaO 
heard,  so  deep  was  his  conviction  of  the  erroi' 
in  which  they  were  founded,  that  he  could  not, 
without  being  disloyal  to  the  most  s.icred  of  hi"? 
official  duties,  refrain  from  resisting-  them. 

It  could  not,  he  was  persuaded,  be  necessary 
to  say,  that  in  expressing  himself  thus  strong- 
ly, it  was  not  his  intention  to  question,  mucli 
less  to  assail,  the  motives  of  those  with  whom 
he  diiiTered.  He  was  not  in  tlie  habit  of  doing 
Few  such  are  to  be  so^  ami,  if  he  could  ever  so  far  forget  what  was 
due  to  his  brethren,  as  well  as  to  himself,   the 


put  the  revolution  in  motion,  and  bore  it 
upon  his  shoulders,  as  Atlas  is  saiil  to  do 
£to    have   done]    the    heavens — who    moved. 


In  his  unxiety  to  exalt  Henry,  Mr.  W.  would  sincere  personal  respect  which  he  felt  for  the 
lead  the  reader  to  suppose  that  the  revolution  Senator  from  Louisiana,  by  whose  remarks  hr- 
was  begun,  continued,  and  concluded  princi-  had  been  induced  to  continue  the  debate,  wouhl 
pally  by  the  instrumentality  of  the  orator  of  restrain  him.  He  hadnodoubtgentlemenhonest- 
Vh-ginia,  ly  entertained  the  opinions  they  had  advanced, 

Cunda  supercllio  trwvenils,  and  it  was,  therefore,  their  right  to  sustain  them 

'*who,  by  his  powers  of  speech,  roused  the  with  the  spirit  and  zeal  which  they  had  marir- 
t';4o/«  American  people,  from  north  to  south;  fested on  the  present  occasion.  It  wasthe cor- 
rectness, not  the  integrity,  of  those  opinions, 
that  Mr.  Van  Burcn  meant  to  controvert,  it 
was  to  carry  them  out  to  their  legitimate  re- 
iiot  merely  the  populace,  the  rocks  and  stones  suits,  and  present  them  in  their  true  and  eSi 
of  the  field,  but,  "by  the  summit  took  the  ceptionable  character,  that  he  had  risen.  To 
mountain  oak,  and  made  Hix  stoap  to  the  do  this  tho  more  effectually,  he  would  endea- 
plain."  •'  It  was  he  ALONE,  who  by  his  single  vor  to  strip  the  subject  of  all  irrelev.int  matter, 
power  moved  the  miglity  mass  of  stagnant  \va-  to  check  the  discursive  character  of  fhc  de- 
ter," [referring  to  the  revolution]  "andehanged  bate,  and  bring  the  questions  before  the  Senate  . 
the  silent  laJce  into  a  roaring  torrent."  in  their  natural  order  and  most  sisnple  form. 

Toconclude: — Notwithstanding  the  omissions        The  first  of  these  questions,  said  he,  is  The 
and  imperfections  of  this   work4   it  will  have    extent  of  the  rights  of  the  'Nice  President  un- 
grcat  effect  in  making  more   generally  known    Jcr  the  rules  as  they  stand.     It  isone,  compara- 
the  talents,  senices  and  character  of  the  great    lively  speaking),  of  but  little  importance.   There 
orator  of  Virginia.  It  is  not  a  work,  !iowover,that    are  but  two  views  in  which  it  can  be  regardefl. 
will  enhance  the  literary  reputation  of  its  author,    as  at  all'materirJ.     The  one  reltUes  to  the  pjo- 
Mr.  Wirt,  with  most  readars,   had   acquired  a    priety  of  further  legislation  on  our  part;  and  the     ' 
Jaige  share  o(  belks-lettrci  estimation  by  his  Brit-    other  gives  it  importance  only  from  its  bearing 
ish   Spy;   in   which   thtre  is  much   less  of  the    upon  the  correctness  of  an  opinion  long  since 
swelling  and  of  the  romanjic  than  are  here  ex-    officially  expressed  by  the  present  presiding  of- 
hibited.     Having  advanced  so  much  farther  in    ficer.       Mr.   Vix  Dcres  said   he  had   before 
life,  it  was  reasonable  to  suppose   that  most  of    remarked   upon   so    much    of  the   subject  as 
the  exuvia:  of  the   sophomore  would,  long  ere    relates    to  the  effect    of   the  old  rules,     and 
this,  have  been  shed:  insleadofwkich,  his  taste    would  not  now  detain  the  Senate  by  enUirg- 
seems  to  be  more  vitiated;  he  still  mistaking  too    ing  on  that  point.     It  appeared  to  him  impos- 
often  the  tawdry  forthe  beautiful,  and  the  bom-    sible,  considering  the  phnaseology  and  obvious 
baslic  for  the  sublime.  sense  ot  our  rules,  more  especially  when  taken 

in  connexion  with  those  of  the  House  of  Reprc- 

SUBSTANCIi  sentatives,   that  intelligent  and   unprejudicetl 

minds  could  differ  in  opinion.     The  language, 

o"-'  said  he,  is  plain;  the  sense  is  plain;  and  from 

■Nrn.  V\K  BUREN'S  OBSEEVATIOXS        tl>e  injurious  consequences  of  a  construction 

imparting  this   power  to   the    Vice-President;^ 

On  Mr.  FOOT'S  amendment  to  the  Rules  of  the    ^vithout  appeal,  it  is  also  plain,  thatstich  couW 

Senilis,  by  which  it  was  proposed  to  give  the    not   have   been  their  original  intent.     Indeed, 

lice  President  the  right  to  call  to  order  for    ^a'd  he,  I  do  not  remember  that,  in  the  whole 

,,.„,/"  •'        debate,  it  has  been  distmctlv  contended  that 

words  spoken  in  Debate.  ^^^  ^-^^^^  ^^g„  ^^.  ^,,e  ^.^,(,5  ^^  Sejiators  to  call 

Mr.  V.\N  EUREN  s.aid,  that  he  had  not  been  to  order,  extended  also  to  the  Vice-President, 

disposed  to  partake  largely  in  the  present  de-  Some  gentlemen  have,  it  is  true,  (to  use  the 

bate.     He  did  not  believe'  that  any  difficulty  languag:e   of  the  law,)  by  way  of  excluding  a 

was  liklelv  to  arise  from   leaving  the  Rules  as  conclusion,  im;igined  that  there  might  be  room 

they  h.id  stood  from  the  commencement  of  the  for  question  upon  the  face  of  the  rules;  butj 

government,  and  was  not  at  all  apprehensive  of  am  quite  confident  that  it  has  not  been  disticict- 

the   undue   exercise   of  the  restrictive   power  ly  affirmed  that  they  confer  the  power  in  -dis-- 

now  proposed  to  be  conferred  on  the  Vice-Pi-e-  pute   on  the  Vice-President.     Upon  the  otTier 

sldent.     He  liad,   therefore,    felt  almost  indif-  view  of  the  matter,  said  Mr.  V.  B.,  a  single 

ferent  as  to  the  fate  of  the  amendment;  but  the  word  would  suffice.     F.ntirelv  free,  as  he  could 

Tirngre^s  and  cTiaracTer  of  tire  dfscussMn  had  nO*  I'ut  >K-.  fioiVi  p' 


.     Entirel^free,  as  he  co'uh 
erson^l  nrciudite  on  the  om 


iu-i 


iiaiitl,  aiid  iiniutlutirit^ftu  "uy  maiWciaai  partiality 
on  the  other,  he  felt  no  ini/rest  in  the  subject, 
■  VIVO  a  (le^tre  whio'.i,  he  hoped  was  common  to 
:i1l,  to  see  that  justice  was  dope  to  the  conduct 
'-»f  a  public  oflicev  who  had  discharged  his  of- 
ftcial  duties  with  fidelity  and  ability.  He  could 
not  but  tliinfc  that  the  v.armth  cf  pcrion.-d 
'ri<rndship  and  the  influence  of  party  excite- 
ment, combined,  l;atr  greatly  maj-nitied  the  im- 
portance of  tha  matter  in  relation  to  the  inoi- 
vklual  concerned.  3ure!y  no  public  man  in 
th'rs  countr}',  or  in  r.ny  other  where  reason  and 
l^tica  s^vay  the  public  rcind,  i.s  required  to  be 
infallible,  or  will  be  held  n.-'-ponsiblt?  for  m  >re 
thaa  the  ho:iest)'  of  li;3  cp.nion^i,  and  the  fidcl- 
(Jy  with  whioli  he  sustains  tuem.  If  he  err, 
fwx'asionall_v,  it  is  becr.use  he  is  human;  and  so 
'ting-  as  his  motives,  as  in  the  prestnt  case,  are 
abore  suspicion,  he  Itas  nothing  to  fc-ar  from 
public  ccRsui-e.  But  it  appeared  to  him  tiiat 
ttiose  who  w  Isli  a  conSrmatiou  by  the  Senate  of 
■(he  opinion  heretofore  expressed  by  the  Vicc- 
i'resident,  so  far  as  tiio  rules  are  concerned, 
oOuld  not  desire  a  mere  distinct  o:ie  th.in  wauld 
result  from  the  adoption  cf  tlie  amendment 
under  coir/ideration:  for  where  is  the  man,  in 
'his  great  commimity,  who  Mould,  for  a  mo- 
■ment,  suppose  that  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  could  spend  days,  not  to  say  weeks,  in 
gravely  debating-  the  propriety  of  confen-lng 
upon  X,ht  Vice-President  a  pov.er  already  given 
by  its  rules?  No  ore  could,  he  was  persuaded, 
he  found  capable  of  such  injustice  to  the  body. 
He  now  approached  ano^l'.cr,  and  a  more  im- 
portant view  of  the  subject.  It  was  the  one 
that  had  c;dled  him  up;  hikI  for  entering  upon 
ite  consideration  he  would  make  no  apolo- 
gy. Indeed  he  would  require  an  apolo;^y  for 
Jumsflf,  were  he-  to  omit  it.  Too  niucli  time, 
he  s:.rJ,  could  not  bo  employed  in  probing-  and 
Jtscus^ing  u  principle,  in  his  view  so  fallacinus 
and  obnoxious  as  that  which  hr.d  been  forced 
upon  their  consideration.  His  exaniin-ation  of 
it  must,  at  tliii  time,  of  neressity,  be  limited. 
Tb«  great  principle  so  freely  conunented  upon 
by  tlio  bcnator  from  Louisiana,  gro-.s'ing  out 
of  the  implied  pow-ers  claimed  for  this  govern- 
mtnt,  and  involving-  the  distinction  between 
.iuch  as  are  true  and  warranted  by  the  text,  and 
•ho  fraudulent  inventions  of  at^er  tunes,  is  a 
nratter  of  intense  interest.  A  particular  dis- 
cussion, however,  of  the  acts  and  assumptions 
referred  U>  by  tlie  Senator  from  Louisiana, 
would  now  be  Gilt  of  pl.ace.  But  the  period 
would,  he  hoped,  eocn  arrive,  when  an  oppor- 
tiiaity  w-o;i!dbe  arlbrded  to  discuss  thtmat  large, 
iiniafluenced  by  immediate  local  interests  or 
-party  considerations.  When  that  day  sli all  ar- 
rive— and  lie  hoped  it  woiJd  not  be  more  dis- 
t.-uit  than  the  next  session  of  Consfress — he 
would  if  his  life  were  spared,  seek  occasion  to 
■;ay  at  least,  fearlessly  and  frankly,  ,ill  he  knew, 
nnd  all  he  believed,  and  all  he  fe;u-ed  upon  the 
subject. 

l''.-\llin^,  said  Mr.  Van  I.urcn,  to  find  in  tiie 
rtdies,  their  wu.-rant  for  the  po.ver  in  question, 
those  "V.-ho  alarm  ils  existence  claim  it  nnder  the 
c^jnsttti-.tIon.  V.'itli  what  jasticc  this  g-round 
"vfaataten,  he  would  pj-occed  bi-lefiy  to'oonsi'.l- 
5-r.  There  arc  not,  said  he,  g-reatcr  cncmit-s 
t*  the  trwth  than  confused  and  erroneous  stais- 
rrents  of  tfw;  question.  'J'Kcir  mah};-n  influerce 
■^19  h(?eTi''j;;thif^'.y«>.v;r-;e<lonl!i-»»  present   oc- 


casion. To  it  -lie  a'aiiijuied  diSereiicds  iii'oj)in 
ion  between  himself  and  some  with  whom  he 
seldom  differed,  uad  always  with  relttctance. 
What,  then,  said  he,  is  the  trae  question?  Is 
it  whether  the  Vice  President  has  any  power  to 
keep  order  in  the  Senate '  By  no  means.  No 
one  could  contend  for  a  proposition  so  much  at 
variance  with  what  was  every  day  passmg  under 
our  eyes.  Those  who  assi«tcd  in  the  foimaioii 
of  this  government,  were  not  so  ignorant  or  ii>- 
c.xperienced  as  not  to  know  that  an  efficient 
power  tc  preserve  order  was  of  vital  necessity 
to  every 'e'^-'-latiie  body.  It- wai;,  tr.erefore, 
provided  by  the  Constitution,  tiiat  "e-ach  House 
ot  C<)i:gre»j  may  determine  lite  rules  of  its  pro- 
ceedings, punish  its  members  for  disorderly  be- 
havicur,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  t'A'o-thirds, 
expel  a  meinber."  In  virtac  of  this  power,  the 
Senate,  upon  its  fir.st  or^'anization,  adopted  u 
a  set  of  rules  prescribing  the  mode  of  its  pro- 
ceeding-3,  and  cnntaining  divers  prov's-ions  upon 
the  subject  of  order,  declaringwhat  its  members 
might  do,  and  w-hat  they  should  no*,  be  permit- 
ted to  do.  The  cntorciment  of  these  rules  ip 
made  the  dut}-  of  the  presiding  officer,  whetlier 
he  be  the  Vi;.e-President  or  President  pro  tein. 
pore.  Scarcely  a  day  passes  without  the  per. 
formance  of  some  act  by  the  presiding  officer 
in  fulfilment  cf  that  duty.  It  is  to  these  act 
that  gentlemen  refer,  in  order  to  sustain  a  claim, 
to  a  power  .altogether  different.  They  do  not 
perceive  that  these  are  ac's  of  a  merely  minisk- 
rial  charadtr,  in  which  the  chair  acts  ns  the  or- 
gan of  the  Senate,  subject  to  such  control  and 
supervision  as  this  body  may,  frcm  time  to 
time,  prescribe.  In  rases  thus  provided  for, 
no  difficulty  has  .iriscn,  or  can  arise. 

Another  question  has  nov  been  made,  audit 
is  this:  It  is  coniendetl  that  in  addltir/n  to  the 
conceded  pov.'ers  of  the  Chair  upon  thesubjecl 
of  order,  *'/'  is  corr^etcnt  for  the  Vice- Prf aidant 
to  c^U  a  i>Liiat.Tr  h  order  Jur  tva:'ds  fpofrin  .-«■  dc- 
Late,  upon  tie  grmtrtd  either  that  Ihty  do  not  re- 
hteiotke  utilject  uvdor  di^cii&riori,  or  art  ac- 
count  oft/ifir  other'mse.  exceptionable  cktrrcclar." 
That  right  is,  by  the  rules,  given  to  every  Scrv 
ator;  but  has  not  yet  been  conferred  on  the 
presiding  ofKcer,  If,  thcrtibre,  it  exist,  it  must 
be  derived  from  a  source  other  than  tlie  rules 
of  this  House.  Driven  to  this  alternative,  thtj 
gonllenion  contend  that  it  is  derived  from  the 
constitution  itself;  that  it  belongs  to,  and  is 
inlierent  in,  tlie  ofnce:  and  it  is  to  this  view  of 
the  subject  tr.e  question  owes  its  great  import- 
ance. .Mr.  V.  B.  said  he  was  at  a  loss  how  to 
treat  a  pretension,  in  his  conception  so  extrava- 
gant, in  a  manner  consistent  with  the  respect 
he  entertained  for  those  who  had  advanced  it. 
He  had,  at  an  cai-'y  pcri.'/d  of  the  deba*t,  when 
it  had  been  alluded  to — but  not  so  forinally  and 
earnestly  insisted  on  as  now — made  il  his  busi- 
ness to  discredit,  ami,  ai;  far  ns  allowable,  to 
censure  the  doctrine  contended  for.  Sine:  that 
pe/icid,  the  Eiatler  had.  been  discus.sed  bj^  his 
rieiuls— from  Delaware,  (.\v.  McLane,)  Ten- 
ne.s.ie,  (.Mr.  White,}  Kentucky,  (Mr.  Ilovisn,) 
('Virginia,  (Mes.srs.  Tazcv. eU  and  Tyler,} 
inainannrr  v,-|;irli  he  could  not  hope  to  rrjmi!. 
They  bad  li!cr-l!y  left  nothing  for  the  .■v.rivorates 
of  the  inhntni poicer  of  the  (Jhulr  in  o'ard  up- 
on. What,  said  he,  are  the  proviiions  of  tlie 
constitution  that  bear  upon  li;C  question?  By 
the  itrird  sccfmn  of  the  f^r;'.  art--:!  j  i'  13  it^ccl.a.-- 


166 


i:d,  "tiiat  luc    'N  ice-Vresidem  oi  tlie    United 
'•'Statee  sliall  be  President  of  the   Senate;  but 

**  SHALL  HAVE   NO   ^'OTE,   rVI.KSS  TREY   BE  HriCAL- 

"  IT  DiviiiED."  In  the  teeth  of  this  express 
provision,  it  is  jfrme'v  co^i  cnu«i,  not  only  thst 
he  thnli  have  a  vol/'  .vice  the  Senate  is  not 
equ-lly  divided,  hut  that  he  shall  have  the 
tv/tole  vote ;  and  that,  upon  a  question  involving 
the  freedom  ofdebito,  andby  consequence  the 
interests  of  (Kir  constitu?nfs.  Aga'n  :  Br  the 
fifth  section  uf  fhe  same  artide,  the  rith-g  of 
ardor,  ind  the  menns  of  t'lrir  enforcement  arc, 
in  terms,  subjected  io  Ihe  lig!t/cl:on  of  Ifte  fie- 
■met*:  but  it  is  now  as  g-ravely  contended  tliat, 
this  provision  to  the  ron;rary  noiwiths'andinjr, 
tUe  subject  (and  as  he  would  licreafter  show, 
the  whole  subject)  rest,*,  by  the  true  construc- 
tion of  the  constitution,  in  the  discretion  of  the 
Vice  President.  And  v.bat,  S)r,  said  he.  is  t'jr 
foundation  upon  wMch  this  high  reachir.o^  pre- 
tension is  founded'  It  is  no  other  than  the  d  " 
trine  o(  impl:edpoir(rs.  It  is  to  register  this, 
also,  among-  tlie  constriclivc  powers  of  the  go- 
\"emment  and  its  functionaries,  that  the  gentle 
tnen  on  the  other  side  invotetofheiraid  aprin- 
'  ciple  which  has  already  done  such  extensive 
violence  to  the  constitution — a  principle  which, 
as  defined  and  practised  upon  by  many  of  the 
pubtic  ir.cn  of  the  day,  leaves  no  other  restric- 
Tion  upon  power  t!;an  the  discretion  or  caprice 
of  its  posso-sor — a  princ'plc  which,  in  the  sense 
in  wliich  it  is  understood  by  nian)',  is  never  so 
true  to  itself  ns  when  it  i^  false  to  the  constitu 
rion.  Relaxed  as  the  ser.liments  of  public 
men  had  become  in  rej^ard  to  constitutional 
construction,  sliil  he  could  not  have  anticipated 
what  appeared  to  iiim  to  bf  so  flagi-.int  a  pn- 
version  of  the  dcctrine  cf  irtipl'e^-powrrs.  What 
more  sliould  hi  say  >n  reply  .<  The  implied  pow- 
er claimed  for  the  Vice  Hrcbident  is  not  only 
iacoirsistent  with  one  provision  of  the  consti- 
tulion,  but  is  expressly  inhibited  by  another. 
'I'he  constitution  not  only  denies  to  the  Vice 
President  this  right,  by  cue  provision  Mr  V. 
H.  had  read,  but  expressly  places  it  elsewhere 
by  asiother  which  he  had  also  read. 

If,  p.aid  he,  direct  inconsistency  and  exprcsD 
inhibition  cannot  slay  the  march  of  implication, 
then  has  impLealion  become  too  rampant  for 
the  words  of  soberntss  and  tmth.  JLet  iis,  for 
one  moment,  said  iMr.  Van  Biu-en,  consider  the, 
consequencefctliatmustvcsult  from  this  doctrine, 
if,  in  an  evil  hour,  it  should  be  cstabi'shed. 
The  Senator  from  'Missouri,  (Mr.  Barton,) 
v>-as  evidently  distressed  by  the  consciousness  of 
'he  alarmin*  character  of  thoFe  consequences. 
He  I'.ad  endeavored  tc  i-clieN*'  hims^-lf  by  sapng; 
that  this  power  would  be  subject  to  the  rcpfr.la- 
tion  of  the  Senate,  and,  if  abused,  mift'ht  be  ctm- 
trc lied  by  its  rules.  Rut,  s-.dd  Mr.  Vanliuren, 
this  attempt  does  n«t  exhibit  the  precision  and- 
corr<;ctncss  by  wiiieh  the  views  of  that  gentle- 
man are  frequently  recommended  to  our  notice. 
He  nn'.st  eitlier  aiiandon  his  position,  or  seek 
othsrrcl'.ef  from  the  consequences  of  his  ov/n 
:irjum«!nt.  Ifthe  power  in  dispute  bclonj.^  to 
the  office — if,  .as  fjentlemen  say,  it  be  inherent 
in  the  office,  ar.d  be  made  so  by  the  constitu 
tlon,  it  is  wholly  bcj/onii  crir  legislation.  AVe 
have  no  rir^ht  to  touch  it:  to  do  so  would  be  .1 
high-Uauded  encroachment  upon  the  constitu- 
tional rij^l'tjof  the  second  officer  of  the  jovern- 
rT;''T/..     'i'he  p'nver  roTrferrc  1  upon  him  by  cur 


rules,  i;pon  tiie  iuijject  of  oraer,  is  under  oav 
control.  In  these,  *is  mi'jtjVsr/o/ duties,  he  is 
our  servant,  and  subject  to  our  law.  But  you 
now  propose  to  concede  to  him  a  high  jittHcln'. 
power,  and  you  trace  his  title  to  it  to  an  authorV 
ty  higher  than  your  own;  an  authority  para- 
mou.it  to  all — the  constitution. 

You  mig-ht,  said  Mr.  V.  B.,  with  as  mtich  pro- 
propriety  'indertaUe  to  cipla'ii,  modify  or  con- 
trol the  exevJtive  power  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  by  your  rules,  as  to  control  this 
power,  if  it  spr'pgs  directiy  from  the  constitu- 
tion. Gentlemen  must  excuse  bin,  if  laying 
out  of  view  the  words  in  which  they  see  fit  to 
clothe  their  prop(-sitioi\s,  he  held  tiiem  respoT^ 
sible  in  argument  for  their  Icg-itimate  resulfs- 
A  course  different  from  this  would  neither  com- 
port with  the  dig-nity  of  the  occasion,  nor  the 
interest  awakened  by  the  subject.  Among 
those  results  were  the  following: — If  the  Vice- 
President  be  made,  by  the  constitution,  the 
judge  of  tile  propriety  of  our  debate,  and  has 
tiie  right  to  call  us  to  order,  wlien,  inhisdiscrc' 
tion,  he  may  think  we"  violate  that  projiriety? 
then  are  his  rights  and  duties,  in  that  res^-ec^, 
not  only  not  subject  to  our  leglshrtion,  but  hf. 
would  become  the  sole  ftidgf  of  tlie  extent  of 
this  p.ower,  and  the  means  of  enforcing  it,  with- 
out any  other  direct  responsibility  than  tliat 
secured  by  the  right  of  impeachment.  Theru 
too,  has  he  the  right  to  enforce  his  decision  by 
punishing  disobedience,  and  all  the  power  oi 
the  Senate  upon  the  subject  must  be  subordin- 
ate to  his.  It  was,  in  his  judgment,  idle  to  talk 
about  the  power  to  keep  order  wilhout  the. 
means  of  enforcing  decisions  by  punishmer.tfar 
drsorder.  The  franlers  of  the  constitution  hail 
taicen  a  better  view  of  the  m.att  T,  by  giviP;;  to 
the  Senate  the  right  to  punish  for  disordei^ 
even  to  e:ipuhion,  25  a  recesravy  part  of  its 
control  over  the  subject.  If  a  siiiiihu-  power  in 
the  Vice-President  be  implied  by  t!«e  constitu- 
tion, the  means  to  ent'orce  it  are  al.so  implied - 
If  a  power  in  the  Vice-President  to  call  to  order 
for  words  spoken  in  debate  be  implied,  he  must 
decide  up.iu  all  questions  growing  out  of  its  ex- 
ercise, without  h  .ing  subjected  to  the  cdntrol  of 
the  Senate  For,  unless  the  positive  provision  of 
the  Con.stitution  is  ti  ba  di.sregaK.cd,  he  can- 
not vote  witii  us  unless  the  Senote  be  equaiiy 
divided.  These  are,  than,  separate  and  dis- 
tinct powei-s,  traced  to  the  same  sourc:e,  and 
acting  upoji  the  same  subject  matter  ;  and  o'lC 
or  the  otiier  must  be  supreme,  or  the  -wholv. 
v.'ill  be  vain  and  innpei-itivc-  Suppose  the 
Senate,  by  its  rules,  allow  to  be  in  order  what 
tlicVice  President,  in  virtue  of  his  inherent  right, 
holda  to  be  cut  of  order,  which  is  to  pn:rai!' 

The  result,  »hen,  said  Mr.  V.  H  ,  of  the  doc- 
trine contended  for,  -when  stripped  of  a!!  unne- 
cessary verbiage  and  extr;ineoiis  ccns:dcratioaas* 
is  no  more  no.-  less  tirin  this  :  that  it  is  v.ithiij 
the  constitutional  competency  of  the  Vice  Pre- 
si-leiit,  if,  in  the  exercise  of  his  best  discretion, 
hetiiinksa  Senator  urges  exceptionable  matte.- 
iu  debate,  or  insist  on  ra:itter  tlir.t  is  in-c- 
Icvent,  to  prohibit  the  po.secution  of  tjte  de- 
bate, e.Tcept  upon  sucii  terms  and  in  sucU 
form,  as  the  Vice  President  shall  prescribe. 
and  to  exercise  the  means  necess:iry  to  carry 
that  pov.er  into  eitect,  without  authority  or  re- 
sponsibility to  this  body,  or  to  tiic  ind.ivJdu?: 
S-natcrs,  save  thr(.n:rh  impearhmcn'- 


10(51 


He  asked  the  indulgence  of  tlie  Senate, 
whilst  he  submitted  a  few  observations  upon 
vlie  chai'acter  of  the  power  proposed  to  be  con- 
ceded to  the  Vice  President,  as  appertaining 
to  his  office,  and  the  nature  and  importaice  of 
the  rig-hts  of  tlie  Senate  now  proposed  to  be 
surrendered.  M'hen  I  speak  of  their  impor- 
tance, I  .do  not  mean  in  reference  to  us,  but  to 
our  constituents. 

For  what  must  be  the  character  of  the  colli- 
sions which,  in  the  course  of  events,  can  alone 
be  expected  to  produce  any  thing  like  a  mark- 
ed exercise  of  this  ;;Teat  power  to  control  de- 
bate '     Is  it  at  all  likely  that  they  will   arise 
from   personal  altercations  among   ourselves  ' 
Surely  not.     For  then'  suppression  the  present 
means  are  ample.     The   Constitution  and  the 
rules  of  the  Senate  made   under   it,    afford  of 
themselves  an  ample  shield  for  individual  pro- 
tection,  if  any  shield  be  necessary  ;    and  he 
hoped  no  one  would  suppose  that  so  craven  a 
spirit  existed  within  these  walls  as  to  make  it 
necessary    or   even    desirable  to     place  '^liis 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  Vice  President,  be- 
cause we  might  be   unwilhng  to  protect   our- 
selves.    He  was  quite  confident  that  no  danger 
was  to  be   apprehended  from  that  quarter.     If 
Klrorig  ground  is  ever  taken  upon  this  subject, 
said  he,  it  will  arise  out  of  the  inta'course  of  this 
body  with  the  co-ordi»ate,  and  in  some  sense  rival, 
departments  of  this  govern  men/.     It  is  from  our 
acts  as  they  bear  upon  the   Executive  and  its 
inferior  functionaries,  and  upon  the   .Tudiciary 
and  its  subordinates,   tliat  such  a   proceeding 
can    alone   be    expected.     From   the   present 
condition  of  things,  abuse  in  that  respect  might 
not  be  likely  to  take   place.     But  the  present 
is  not  the  natural  state  of  things.     In  general, 
the  President  and    Vice  President  will   belong 
to   the  same    polilical   party.     It  is  only  when 
".times   arCvOut   of  joint,"  that   they  will   be 
be  taken  from  different  sides.  The  present  case 
is  an  exception  growing  out  of  that  cause.       In 
considering  the  future,  you  must  contemplate  a 
different   condition  of  things,  or  you   wdl  not 
act  wisely.       It   is  only  to   guard   against   the 
abuses  of   politicid    tiust    tliat    constitutional 
restrictions  are  provided.      Were  it  not  for  the 
inherent  and  inextinguishable  cUspnsition  ofmim 
to  abuse  delegated  power,   they  would  not  be 
necessary.     "Who,  said  he,  can  be  blind  to  the 
consequences,  that  in  the  political  :»gitations  of 
the  times,  may  be  fairh'  apprehended  from  the 
possession  of  this  power  by  the  Vice  President ' 
Who  cannot  see  what  a  tremendous  engine  it 
may  become  in  the  hands  of  an  ambitious  and 
still aspifing  Executive'  That  it  may  give  him, 
through  ■     ■  agency  of  his  polilical  friend  and 
coadjutor  in  tliis  body,  a  complete  and  irreiist- 
ablc  control  over  the  debates  of  its  members, 
and  consequently  over  tlie  extent  and  chai'acter 
of  the  iufornnation  on  public  afi'airs  to  be  given 
through  us  to  the  people? 

The  cojinexion  of  the  Exectitive  with  the 
Senate  is  much  closer  than  with  the  House  of 
Representatives.  Upon  the  subject  of  treaties, 
appointments,  and  the  whole  range  of  Execu- 
tive business,  the  Senate  is  almost  the  only 
check.  It  is,  therefore,  of  vital  importance, 
that  it  should  be  wholly  exempt  from  Ex.-cu- 
tiye  control.  This  body  was  looked  to  by  the 
framers  of  the  Constitution,  as  a  sanctuary  for 
-he  frederal  and  equal  rights  of  the  States,  arrd 


so  framed  as  to  cherish  that  seatimenl  on  tnr 
pait  of  its  members.  It  is  here  alone  that  the 
federal  principle  had  been  preserved:  a  princi- 
ple valuable  to  all,  but  particulatly  to  the  small 
States^  for  it  is  in  this  department  alone  that 
their  perfect  equality  is  recognised.  But  where, 
Sir,  will  be  its  efficiency,  if  the  doctrine  con- 
tended for  be  established'  When,  hereafter,  a 
Senator  shall  feel  it  to  be  his  duty  to  attempt 
in  language  which  lie  may  think  the  occasion 
requires,  to  arrest  encroachment  of  the  Execu- 
tive, or  to  seek  redress  by  exposing  abuses  of 
trust  on  its  part,  or  that  of  any  of  its  subordi- 
nates, he  may  find  his  lips  closed,  not  indee^l, 
as  of  old,  by  a  gvg  law.  but  by  a  power  far  more 
effectual.  He  may  perhaps  be  told,  that  al- 
though it  is  his  right  to  canvass  freely,  the  pub- 
lic acts  of  the  President  and  his  cabinet,  it  iiinst 
be  done  in  a  manner  more  decorous;  that  then- 
motives  are  not  to  be  rudely  scanned  and  dis- 
riidited;  that  debates  of  that  character,  having- 
a  tendency  unjustly  to  alienate  the  confidence 
of  the  people,'  are  out  of  order;  that  if  he  will 
shape  his  periods  according  to  the  prescribed 
form,  and  measure  the  extent  and  bitterness  of 
his  denunciation  bythc  administration  standard,  - 
he  may  go  on — but  if  not,  he  must  desist . 

If,  said  he,  it  should  hereafter  become  mani- 
fest to  a  portion,  or  e\en  a  majority  of  this 
House,  that  the  third  power  of  the  Federal 
Government,  created  .and  supported  by  the 
other  two,  is  gradually,  though  to  the  great 
m'ass  of  the  people  imperceptibly,  subverting 
the  reserved  rights  of  the  States,  and  under- 
mining the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
in  some  of  its  most  essential  points;  and  if,  on 
a  subject  of  such  vital  importance,  tlje  repre- 
sentative of  a  sovereign  State  sliould  express 
himself  on  this  floor  in  a  manner  calculated  to 
suppress  the  mischief,  but  yet  without  just  of- 
fence to  propriety,  he  may  expect  to  be  told 
from  ty.a'.  Chair,  th.al  although  the  acts  of  a  co- 
ordinate br.uich  of  tlic  government,  when  corn- 
in.^  properly  before  the  Senate,  arc  liable  to 
fiee  examination;  yet  the  ermine  of  justice  is 
not  to  bethus  rudely  assailed  within  these  walls. 
Could  there,  he  asked,  be  any  principle  which 
would  more  effectually  prostrate  the  indepen- 
dence of  this  body'  .\nd  was  it  to  be  endured-, 
that  rlie  members  of  the  Senate  should  hold 
the  invaluable  right  offree  deb;ite  by  so  frail  and 
humihating  a  tenure'  In  his  opinion  the  Senate 
would  be  wanting  in  what  is  owed  to  its  consti- 
tuents, toitself,  to  its  true  interests  and  dignity, 
if  it  could  for  a  moment  lend  its  sanction  to  a 
principle  so  untenable  and  so  dangerous.  The 
Senate,  heretofore,  he  said,  had  not  been  insen- 
sible to  what  belonged  to  its  rights.  It  was  but 
the  session  before  the  last  th.tt  the  Executive., 
in  a  communication  to  us,  advanced  a  pretension 
incompatible  with  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  Senate.  And  how  was  it  received'  It  was 
not  the  exercise,  but  merely  the  assertion  of  a 
power,  on  his  part — an  assertion,  it  is  true, 
■wholly  unsuppoi'table;  and  he  believed  no  one 
would  deny,  most  unwisely  put  forth.  And 
how,  he  asked  again,  had  it  been  treated'  lie- 
solutions  were  introduced  denouncing  the  un- 
founded assumption  as  an  Executive  encroach- 
ment that  ought  to  he  resisted.  A  disposition 
to  do  so,  and  to  preserve  and  maintain  the  just 
rights  of  the  body,  not  on  our  own  account,  but 
in  behalf  of  those  who  sent  us  here,  was  then 


lo: 


!n:un(estcd,  'hat  m  his  judgment  reflected  the 
iiig'hest  honor  on  the  body.  The  question  then 
agitated  could  not  be  compared,  in  point  of  im- 
portance, with  that  now  under  consideration. 
-\t  most,  it  was  a  threatened  trespass  upon  the 
c*riStiiulional  rights  of  this  House.  What  have 
ve  here?  A  pnnciple  which  lays  the  axe  at  the 
root  of  the  independence  of  the  Senate,  and  the 
personal  and  dearest  privileges  c^f  its  members. 

In  every  point  of  view,  said  Mr.  V.  li.,  in 
which  this  subject  had  presented  itself  to  his 
mind,  it  had  produced  but  one  sentiment,  and 
that  was  unqualified  opposition  to  the  prcrnga- 
tiiX  claimed  for  the  chair.  Although  thin  cliiim 
of  power  is  now  for  the  first  time  mnd!c,  the 
prii:cipk  in  which  it  originates  is  as  old  as  the 
(^overntiient  itself  I  look  upon  it.  Sir,  as  the 
legitimate  offspring  ofa  school  of  politics,  which 
has,  in  times  past,  agitated  and  gi-eally  disturb- 
ed this  country — of  a  school,  the  leadi-ig-  prin- 
ciple of  which  may  be  traced  to  that  great  source 
of  the  political  contentions  wl  ich  have  pervad- 
cd  every  country  where  the  rights  of  man  were 
in  any  degree  respected.  I  allude.  Sir,  to  that 
•c.611ision  which  seems  to  be  inseparable  from 
the  nature  of  man,  between  the  rights  of  the 
few  and  the  many — to  those  never-ceasing  con- 
flicts between  the  advocats  of  the  enlargement 
and  concaitrution  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  and 
its  limitation  and  distribution  on  the  other:  Con- 
flicts which,  in  England,  created  the  distinction 
biStween  Whigs  and  Tories:  the  latter  striving 
by  all  the  means  within  their  reach  to  increase 
tl}e  dominion  and  inSuence  of  the  throne,  at 
the  expense  of  the  commons  and  people;  and 
the  former  to  counteract  the  exertions  of  their  - 
advei'saries,  by  abridging-  that  donnmon  and  in- 
fluence for  the  advancement  of  the  rights  and 
tlie  consequent  amelioration  of  the  condition  of 
the  people. 

Collisions  of  opinion  and  of  action  of  a  char- 
acter similar  in  principle  have  existed,  although 
'inder  diff"erent  denominations,  with  dift'erent 
limits,  and  frr  dift'erent  ends,  in  most  countries, 
and  in  an  eminent  degree  in  this.  Indeed  the 
history  of  the  struggles,  the  contests,  the  alter- 
nating victories  and  defeats  of  these  two  rest- 
less and  rival  principles,  is  the  history  of  all  re- 
publican governments — in  fact,  of  all  institu- 
tions formed  for  the  protection  of  the  liberty  of 
conscience  and  opinion,  and  the  freedom  of  the 
citizen.  No  where  can  its  operation  be  more 
distinctly  traced  than  in  our  own  e:irly  history 
They  were  the  primitive  elements,  and  ani- 
njating  causes  of  those  Whig  and  Tory  par- 
ties, which,  from  the  first  Congress  of  1765, 
down  to  the  glorious  peace  of  ITSS,  on  the  one 
hand  l.ibored  unceasingly  to  consolidate  all  le- 
gislative authority  over  these  provinces  in  the 
single  British  Parliament,  and  to  place  all  pa- 
troiiage,  power,  and  influence  in  the  hands  of 
the  executive  and  judicial  representatives  of 
the  Crown;  and  on  tlie  other  hand,  as  boldly 
and  perseveringly,  but  happily  more  success- 
fully, vindicated  by  reason,  eloquence,  and 
finally  by  arms,  tlie  riglits  of  the  several  Ame- 
rican States,  and  the  just  powers  of  tlie  imme- 
diate representatives  of  the  people.  The  estab- 
lishment of  our  independence  put  an  end  to 
these  conflicts,  in  the  form  in  which  they  had 
before  been  sustained;  but  what  its  effect  was 
upon  the  spirit  that  produced  them,  could  be 
better  iudj-i-d  from  an  at'entivr?  consideration  of 


our  subsequent  history.  .Mlcmptf,  saiu  XI.'- 
Van  Buren,  have  frequently  been  made  in  later 
days,  and  recently  b\-  the  highest  authority  in 
the  government,*  to  trac«  the  origin  of  the  two 
great  political  parties  which  have  divided  the 
covmtry,  from  tlie  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
to  the  present  day.  Tliey  have,  for  motives  too 
obvious  to  require  explanation,  been  attributed 
to  causes  which  had  either  become  obsolete,  or 
been  comp'-omised  by  mutual  concession — such 
as  the  early  difliculties  growing  out  of  our  rela- 
tions with  Great  Britain  and  France,  the  expe- 
diency of  a  navy,  or  similar  questions.  There 
was  one  consideration,  be  said,  that  could  not 
fail  to  arrest  the  attention  of  the  most  superfi- 
cial observer  It  was  this.  If  these  party  di- 
visions have  sprung  from  no  other  cause  than 
the  temporary  circumstances  to  which  they  have 
been  attributed,  why  have  they  so  long  survived 
the  causes  that  produced  tliem  >  That  they  still 
exist,  and  exist  in  full  vigor  in  a  great  portion  oF 
the  Union,  it  would  be  an  insult  to  our  obser- 
vation and  understanding  to  deny.  The  ex- 
planation of  the  mystery  was  to  be  fiiund,  and 
to  be  found  only,  in  the  falsity  of  the  ascrip- 
tion. They  arose  from  other  and  verj-  difl'e- 
rent  causes.  They  are  in  truth,  said  he,  mainly 
to  be  ascribed  to  the  struggle  between  the  two 
opposing  principles  that  have  been  in  active 
operation  in  tliis  country  from  the  closing  scenes 
of  the  revoliitionat^-  war  to  the  present  day — 
the  one  seeking  to  absorb,  as  far  as  practicable, 
all  power  from  its  legitimate  sources,  and  to 
condense  it  in  a  single  he.ad:  The  other,  an  an- 
tagonist principle,  laboring  as  assiduously  to 
resist  the  encroachments,  and  limit  the  extent  of 
executive  authority.  Tiie  firmer  has  •irown  out 
of  a  deep  and  settled  distruat  of  t/te  People  and 
of  tlic  States.  It  consequfently  regards  as  gain, 
every  thing  that  can  be  drawn  into  the  vortex 
of  federal  power,  and  as  making  that  power 
still  more  safe  in  proportion  as  it  is  withdrawn 
from  the  ponular  departments  of  the  federal 
government  to  those  that  are  further  removed 
fiom  the  control  of  public  sentiment.  Tlie  an- 
tagonist prinnple  has  its  origin  in  a  jealousy  of 
P'jwer.  justified  by  'dl  human  (xperience.  It  is 
founded  on  the  assumption,  tliat  the  disposi- 
tion of  man  to  abuse  delegated  authority  is  in 
hcrent  and  incorrigible;  it  therefore  seeks  its 
only  security  m  the  limitation  and  distribution 
of  those  trusts  which  the  verj-  existence  of  go- 
vernment requires  to  be  reposed  somewhere. 
Hence,  the  aversion  of  its  supporters  to  grant 
more  powerthan  is  indispenstbly  necessary  foi; 
the  objects  of  society;  and  their  desire,  as  .in 
additional  safeguard,  to  place  that  which  is  con- 
ferred in  as  many  hands  as  is  consistent  with 
efficiency.  The  former  is  essentially  the  mo- 
narchical, and  the  latter  the  democratical  spiiit 
of  society.  He  wished  not  to  be  misunderstood. 
He  used  these  terms  as  more  expre.5.sive  of  his 
meaning,  than  any  that  occurred  to  him.  He 
had  no  idea  that  all,  or  even  the  great  body  of 
those  who  ei'.her  now,  or  in  times  past,  had 
been  subject  to  the  influence  of  tlie  first  prin- 
ciple, v/erc  in  favor  of  the  establishment  of  a 
monarchy  in  this  country,  any  more  tlian  he 
believed  that  those  who  had  shown  their  prefer, 
ence  for  democratical  principlee  were  in  favor 
of  the  establishment  of  an  absolute  d'-mocracy — 


"  Inmg-iirnl  Addrtss. 


IWfe 


lieiiiier  side  had  views  thus  exieiijive,  Tlie 
j'orios  of  both  were  repudiated,  while  their  re- 
spective spirits  were,  to  no  inconsiderable  ex- 
tent, i-etaiiied.  The  earlier  battles  upon  this 
cardinal  point  wore  fought  upon  the  question 
of  thede^ree  oi' end gy;  or  in  other  words, pow- 
er tnat  oug-ht  to  be  given  to  the  federal  g-ovem- 
ment,  at  the  expense  of  the  Stales  and  'he  peo- 
ple. They  commenced  in  tlie  Konveiition  of 
1~8~,  and  soon  spread  tliroug!)  the  great  liojy 
of  the  peop'eurion  the  question  of  ratiucallon. 
The  proceeding's  of  that  Convention  were  for 
aloijn^time  secret,  but  are  no\i-  before  thr-  pui>lic. 
Tn  tlicin,  when  taken  in  connexion  with  later 
evejits.  we  read  the. grounds  of  ours. ;bseq'ieiitpo- 
iitical  Jissensionsiu  langaiageso  pUi'n,  that  none 
but  thc(Se  who  are  wilfully  blind  can  be  deceiv- 
ed. There  were  of  course,  (Ufferent  depees, 
as  to  individuals;  but  the  leading-  division  in  the 
Convention  was  between  those  who,  distrustful 
■of  the  States,  scnght  to  abridpfe  their  powers, 
that  those  of  tiie  iiew  p^overnment  might  tlicre- 
by  be  enkrjjed,  and  those  who.  on  their  p.art, 
distrustful,  perh'ps  jealous  of  the  g-overnment 
about  to  be  created,  and  possessing  full  confi- 
dence in  tliose  of  the  States,  were  as  streiiuous 
To  retain  all  powers  not  indispensibly  necessary 
to  enable  the  federal  ijoveriiment  to  disch..rge 
the  specified  and  limited  duties  to  be  imposed 
upon  it.  The  contest  was  animated,  and,  as 
is  well  known,  more  tlian  once  threatened  a 
dissolution  of  tlie  Convention,  without  agre<-ing' 
upon  any  thuig.  Necessity,  however,  ultimate- 
ly compelled  a  compromise  The  terms  were 
arranged  as  well  a^  practicable.  The  then 
friends  of  State  rig-hls,  (the  In'.efcdcriiViis,  but 
who,  by  a  singular  inisnomcr,  were  irnmeiilatc- 
ly  after  cAUd  s:)!i-f<:deralii!x,  whilst  those  who 
had  liiroiighout  opposed  the  federal  principle, 
assumed  the  then  mor;^  pnpidar  rmnie  of 
federalists,)  succeeded,  or  thought  they  suc- 
ceeded, in  saving  much  of  what  they  had  so 
earnestly  coiitended  for.  Tjie  advocates  of 
what  was  in  the  hmguage  of  the  day  called 
a  stroni;  General  Goi-ernmnit,  certainlv  fail- 
ed in  obtaining  by  express  grr.nt,  or  ne- 
ce.ssary  implication,  much  of  what  they  had 
so  long  and  so  ably  struggled  to  acqinre  for  the 
Tiew  GGVcritincnt.  Tlie  question  of  ratification 
came  on,  and  wa-  full  of  difficulty.  'I'he  abuses 
to  which  some  of  the  more  general  provisions 
of  the  Constitution  might  be  exposed,  were 
pointed  out  by  its  opponents.  The  concealed 
powers  of  the  Constitution,  which  are  at  tiiis 
Jay  put  forth  with  so  much  confidence,  were 
disclaimed  and  condemned  by  those  who  advn- 
<;ated  the  ratification.  No  candid  and  w<'ll-in- 
formed  man,  will  for  a  moment,  pretend  that, 
if  the  powers  now  claimed  for  this  Government 
had  been  avowed  at  the  time,  or  even  had  not 
been  expressly  di.sclaimed,  there  would  have 
been  t!ie  s"tigbte.st  chance  fur  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  bv  the  requisite  number  of  the 
old  thirteen  States'." 


Bui  H  was  ra/iJ/cJ,  said  Mr.  'S'.  B.,  acid  fro/n 
ilif  moment  of  its  ailoption  to  the  pritenl  dity, 
thr.  spiril.  he  liud  described,  had  been  at  irorh  to 
obtain  by  constructijm'  what  was  not  included  or 
intended  to  be  included  in  the  s;ran/.  It  was  far 
from  his  intention  to  urge  this  as  a  reproaclf 
against  the  actors  in  those  scenes.  He  was  per- 
suaded th,at  the  motives  of  many,  if  not  of  all, 
were  pure,  and  even  patriotic.  They  believed 
that  the  State  Governments  were  not  safe  de- 
po.-iitories  of  power:  tlia:  the  States  would  be 
able  to  control,  am!  would  injuri'iusly  control 
thr  Tedera!  Government,  unless  it  had  more 
power  than  the  Convention  of  1787  was  willing 
t..  grant.  They  thonght,  and  one  of  them  with 
that  ingenioiisness  of  feeling  which  distinguish- 
ed his  noble  nature,  avowed  offic'ally,  that  the 
trueViuesiion  was,  not  what  the  framers  of  tlie 
Constitution  intended,  or  what  those  by  whom 
it  Vi-as  ratified  understood,  but  what  was  the 
correct  construction  of  the  terms  in  which  it 
was  expressed.  '1  iiis  great  man  knew  well 
that  the  power  tJien  claimed  for  the  Govern- 
ment, could  be  sustained  on  no  other  grounds, 
and  ho  was  always  above  disguise. 

I  am  not,  said  Mr.  V.  R.,  condenming  their 
motives,  but  controverting  their  opinions.  The 
test  that  was  then  applied  to  the  Constitution 
h.as  been  adjudged  erroneous  and  unjust,  by  the 
ju  Iges  in  the  last  resort — the  pai^'le  fkemseiver. 
T)ie  belief  (no  dotibt  honestly  entertained  by, 
iriany)  that  its  application  w.as  necessary  to  the 
success  of  the  scheme  and  to  the  welfare  of  the 
country,  was  founded  in  impressions  as  to  the 
character  of  the  State  Governments,  which  e.\- 
7)crience  has  demonstrated  to  have  bf'en  un- 
founded, ilany*  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
those  who  then  entertained  those  opinions,  have 
since  abandoned  them,  convinced  by  tiic  rc- 
stilts  of  that  experiment  which  has  since 
been  made.  Fifty  years  experience  of  the 
operation  of  the  State  Governments,  has  made 
"assurance  doulily  sure,"  that  they  richly 
deserve  tiie  confidence  which  the  people 
have  ever  been  inclined  to  bestow  on  them. 
Under  the  broad  sliield  of  State  laws,  private 
rights  Iiavc  been  protected,  while  public  pros- 
perity was  promoted.  In  the  d;uk est  hours  of 
war,  whei^  the  general  Government  was  dis- 
heartened and  enfeebled  by  debt  and  disas- 
ter, its  unnerved  arm  was  strengthened,  and 
the  national  lionor  rescued,  by  the  authori- 
ty,   the   patriotism,  •  and    the    credit   of    the 


•It  is  witliin  the  recollection  of  the  Senate, 
that  one  of  the  then  surviving  members  of  the 
Convention  of  17b7,  (the  late  Mr.  King,)  to- 
w.ard  t!ie  doge  of  his  long  and  useful  public  life, 
decl.ired  on  the  lloor  of  the  Senate,  that  the 
framtrs  of  the  Con'.ti(iit;on  never  contempl.itcd 
the  exercise  of  such  powers  by  the  Vcdera'  Go- 
-rniiicr.t,  a?  were  ncwcTaimoil  fo-  i'  tinon  ♦?■.-• 


•Ani'.necdote  is  related  of  the  late  Governcur 
Morris,  a  conspicuous  and  efficient  member  of 
the  Convention,  and  great  latitudinarian,  which 
is  entitled  to  credit,  front  its  being  so  strikingly 
ch-.iracteristic  of  the  man.  Being  at  the  citv  of 
New  Vnrk,  a  short  time  after  the  ratification  by 
the  requisite  nurtibcr  of  States  was  known,  he 
was  cotigratidated  upon  the  successful  termina- 
tion of  their  labors  in  the  estabhsnment  of  a  Con- 
stitution that  would  realize  all 'he  great  objects 
of  its  framers.  "  That  depends  upon  how  it  is 
cimsirued,"  was,  at  that  early  day, when  no  ques- 
tion of  coastructlon  cotild  by  possibility  have 
arisen,  his  pregnant  reply. 


subject  of  Internal  Improvements,  and  that  had 
it  been  supposed  that  stich  powers  were  con 
ferrcd,  the  Constitution  never  could  have  been 
...,*ii;„,i 


I 


10  it 


-i.uies.  In  i>cacc  tlioy  h;ivc  nut  only  tuUillca 
u-iselyaiid  .justly  all  l!ie  (jrcat  purposes  ofselt- 
tjovemiueoij  but  several  of  llicm  have  estabiisli- 
otl  uobie  systems  of  public  instruction,  or  have 
accomplislicd  or  arc  now  accomplishing'  threat 
v/orks  of  internal  improvement,  as  far  snrpass- 
ing-  in  magnitude  and  utility  any  similar  works 
of  the  gener.'.l  government,  as  Ihey  do  in  wis- 
dom of  plan  and  economy  and  judffment  in  ex- 
ecc'Jon.  d  gcmr'A  mtrrendcr  iif  such  opinwns, 
is,  therefore,  ut  litis  lime,  a  Iribule.  juslly  d:ie  tn 
Ike  ndititiei:  nitd  est,'il>lisi'ieii chiirdclfT af  l/ie  Sl-ute 
goucrnineKls.  liut  they  are  not  suiTentlered — 
on  the  contrary,  they  have  heconie  more  ad 
more  extravagant,  until  those  under  whose  pro- 
tection thev  nov.'  are,  claim  for  tliia  g-ovcrnment 
powers  which  were  in  express  ternfs  repudia- 
ted and  denounced  by  the  founders  of  this  very 
school 

Mr.  V.  B.  said,  he  would  not  feel  himself  at 
liberty  to  detain  the  Senate  by  following'  the 
track  of  t'lc  g'overniiieni  in  its  whole  extent, 
and  throuijli  aii  its  smuosities  to  csta'-jlisfi  his 
positions,  b''t  he  could  no'^  avoid  doinp  so  in. 
part.  The  suojcct  was  one  of /irep  interest, 
of  which  it  beiiooved  the  Anl-^rican  people  to 
be  fully  informed,  but;  wliich  it:  v>-as  to  be  fear 
ed  is  more  frequently  spoken  oi  than  tmder- 
stood.  The  ma.ss  of  our  cit'zens  are  so  mucli 
engrossed  in  the  aftairs  of  their  State  govern- 
ments, that  this  great  matteris  in  no  inconsider- 
"Uble  degree  neglected. 

During  the  adtniuistration  of  General  Wash- 
-ingtoiij  no  acts  of  a  strong  ciiaract«:r  took  place, 
save  the  incorporation  of  the  Bank  cf  the  Uni- 
ted States,  that  great  pioneer  of  constitutional 
e,ncroachments,  together  wttli  the  principles 
avowed  in  relation  to  tlie  treaty  making  power. 
The  attachment  of  Cicner.d  Washington  to  the 
constitution,  his  consciousness  of  the  diiiicul 
tics  wliicli  Iiad  attended  its  establish .nent,  and 
the  natural  moderation  of  Ills  character.conuiig 
in  aid  of  the  firm  countenance  maintained  by 
tile  anti-federalists  of  that  day,  kept  the  spirit  of 
e-icro.'ichment  and  cOns'ruction  within  bounds, 
that,  cunipaied  with  its  prcsem  character,  were 
reasonable.  Kut  in  th:'  admim.^tration  succeed- 
ing that  of  General  Washington,  continuing 
throiigli  the  years  1707,  '93,  '99,  it  displ.iyejl 
itself  in  its  true  and  most  odious  character.  Its 
fruits  were  so  bitter,  and  are  so  well  rernemher- 
cd,  that  any  thing  like  a  minute  description  of 
them  would  be  an  act  of  supercrogat'on.  It 
was  tlien  tliat  the  monarchical  'ind  ari>tocrati- 
cal  cliaraelev  of  tlie  spirit  he  had  described, 
was  displayed  in  uncea.iing  efFiuls  to  wrest  from 
'he  States  t!ic  powers  that  justly  belonged  to 
them,  to  e.nercise  .'iu.-.h  as  h.'.d  never  been  con- 
ferred, and  to  concentrate,  as  far  as  practicable, 
all  authority  in  Vie  hands  of  the  President. 

Among  tile  iisurpations  of  th-al  day  the  alien 
and  sedition  laws  stand  in  bold  relief,  not  only 
.as  furn'siiing  land  marks  of  the  extent  to  wriich 
the  presumption  and  arrogance  of  poive-r  dared 
to  go,  but  also  on  account  of  their  agency  in 
driving  from  pulilic  conlidence  tliose  by  wiinm 
they  were  adopted.  The  inclination  to  drav.' 
the  powers  of  tlie  government  to  one  common 
focus,  has  been  otlierwise  e.xemplified  in  vari- 
ous w.ays,  and  at  ddl'erent  periods  of  our  his- 
tory. Time  would  only  allow  a  brief  notice  of 
one  or  two  of  them. 

i"he  do.':trine  announced   in  the  discu.isions 


on  the  Briti^  treaty,  that  the  Uous:;  of  UcfU'j 
sentativcs  were  bound  to  make  all  appropria 
tions  necessary  to  carry  into  efl'ect  the  stipula 
tions  of  a  treaty  made  by  the  President  and  Se- 
nate, was  a  striking  exemplification  cf  thi^; 
truth.  The  extent  to  which  this  doctrine  in- 
creas'fs  the  Executive  power  (m  its  most  en- 
larged sense)  over  the  funds  of  tlie  nation,  can- 
not fail  to  strike  die  mind  at  the  first  blush 
H.*;  did  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  saying,  or 
insinuating,  that  all  who  advocated  that  opi 
nion,  were  influenced  by  the  spirit  of  which  ho 
had  sp.iken.  He  did  not  believe  that  such  was 
the  case.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  well  satis- 
fied tliat  there  were  tliose,  on  that  occa.sion,  as 
well  as  on  tliat  of  the  incorporation  of  the  Eanh 
of  the  United  States,  (and  especially  him  w"io 
was  at  tlie  head  of  affairs,_)  who  were  sin 
cere  friends  to  tlie  State  governments,  bu' 
were  led  away  by  the  pressure  of  the  thncs. 
and  g-ave  tiieir  assent  to  measures  which,  unde; 
more  auspicious  circumstances,  they  could  no'- 
have  appro\ed.  The  principle  then  avowed 
was  resisted  by  the  republicans  of  that  d.iy.  cri 
tlie  simple  but  intelligible  grounds,  that,  sofjr 
p-s  tile  treaty  stipulation  could  be  carried  into 
efiect  without  the  aidof  the  Kous.:  of  Kep'.ceen- 
tatives,  its  intei'ference  v.-ould  be  unauthorized, 
because,  by  the  constitution,  the  treaty-making 
power  had  been  conferred  on  a  difterent  de- 
partment cf  the  govermnent;  but  that,  wlien 
ever  tne  action  cf  the  House  of  Representatives, 
the  more  immediate  agents  of  the  people,  Nyas 
necessary,  it  must  Ife  i'rea  to  give  or  withhold 
its  assent,  according  to  its  best  judgment,  and, 
upon  its  own  responsibility:  that  the  constitu- 
tion neither  declared  nor  intended,  that,  ii: 
cases  which'  might  be  of  t!ie  greatest  magni- 
tude, it  should  be  a  mere  tliaciiine  to  be  work- 
ed by  the  other  departments  of  tlie  government, 
'I'lie  same  disposition  to  hmit  the  po«  ers  of  tlie 
popular  branch,  was  forcibly  illustrated  in  the 
discussions  on  the  "■  Foreign  Intercourse  Li IV' 
in  1798.  It  wasupon  thatoccasion  contended, 
and  successfully  too,  that  the  Hotise  of  llcprc 
sentatives  had  no  discretion  upon  the  question 
of  appropriation  for  the  expenses  of  tuch  in- 
tci'c.AM'se  with  foreign  nati'rts  as  the  President 
sav/  fit  to  establish — that  they  would  be  justly 
obnoxious  to  the  imputation  of  gross  delin- 
quency, if  they  hfsilatedto  maite  pr0\ision  for 
tile  salaries  of  such  foreign  ministers  as  the  Pre- 
sident, with  the  assent  of  the  Senate,  sho'ald 
app;>int.  What  v.-ould  be  the  feelings  of  real 
ar,d  unchang'ed  rtp  :blic.ins  in  relation  to  sucii 
doctrines  a'  this  da;.  ?  Associated  with  them  was 
the  bf/ld  avowr.lj-tiiat  it  belonged  to  the  Presi- 
dent alone  to  decide  upon  the  propriety  of  the 
mission,  and  that  alt  the  constitutional  agf. ney 
which  the  Senate  r/;uld  of  right  ha>e,  was  to 
passo?it!ie  fitness  of  the  indivithed.s  selected  as 
ministers.  It  wa  preteutioiis  like  these,  said 
Ml'.  Van  Bureu,  a.ded  bj  ui. ceasing  indications, 
both  in  tile  inlerr.al  and  ejctenial  movements  of 
the  governmen',  that  produced  a  deep  and  set- 
tled coir,  iciion  inti^.e  public  mind  that  a  design 
iiad  been  conceived  to  change  the  govcrnr.iei't 
from  its  simple  and  republiean  form,  to  one,  if 
not  niondrchi(.ai,at  least  too  c.;crs,clic  for  the  tem- 
jierof  the  American  peop!e-a conviction  which, 
beyond  all  <leiibl,"  produced  the  civil  levolitioo 
of  180U,  and  for  which  no  "  obliviou.9  antidote" 
has  been  vet  discovered  bv  tho.se  who  were  its 


IIQ 


%.oUuis.  By  tiiat  great,  event,  Uie  puUic  sen- 
timent was  improvixi,  oui-  public  councils  puri- 
Qed,  the  spirit  of  encroachment  severely  re- 
buked, and,  it  was  then  hoped,  extinguished 
forever.  During  Mr.  Jefferson's  Administra- 
tion, and  with  a  single  exception,  that  of  Mr. 
Madison,  tlic  goverrm_ent  was  administered 
upon  tlie  principles  which  the  frairi'.Ts  of  the 
Constitution  avowed,  and  wlucli  tiicir  consti- 
tuents had  ratified,  and  tlie  pecp'c  once  and 
agjuii  coHfirnicd.  The  charter  oi  the  Bank  of 
.the  United  Statr-s,  was,  after  a  hard  s. niggle, 
suffered  to  expire  s  and  the  conceded  i.nd 
well-understood  powers  of  the  government 
were  found  amply  sufficient  to  enable  it  to  per- 
form tlie  great  (unctions  for  whcli  it  was  insti- 
tuted. Durii>g  a  great  portion  of  the  time  the 
country  was  blessed  with  a  degree  of  prosperi- 
ty and  happiness  without  a  parcUel  in  the 
world.  At  tlie  close  ol  .Mr.  Madison's  Admin- 
istration, anew  bank  was  incorporated,  and  re- 
ceived liis  reluctant  assent.  It  would  be  shut- 
ting our  eyes  to  the  truth  to  deny,  or  to  at- 
tempt to  conceal  the  fact,  th.at  that  assent, 
comng  from  the  quarter  that  it  dkl,  has  had 
a  most  powerful  and  far  from  salutary  influ- 
'jnce  on  the  subsequent  course  of  the  govern- 
ment. Its  author  had  himself,  on  a  former  oc- 
casion, deiiionstraied  the  want  of  power  in  the 
federal  government  to  incorpcrate  a  Lan'iv,  and 
his  assent  was  now  placed  on  the  express 
ground  that  the  recognition  of  the  autlioritv  of 
the  government  in  relation  to  the  old  Bank  by 
the  State  governments,  and  the  Courts,  as  well 
as  the  people,  had  precluded  the  question  of 
oonstitutionahty.  Thus  the  power  in  question 
must  stand  as  a  successful  interpolation  upon 
ths  text  of  the  Constitution.  This  great  pre- 
cursor was  again  followed  by  other  attempts, 
but  of  a  restricted  and  quahfied  cl.ar.icter,  to 
extend  the  same  jjiinciple  to  other  topics  of 
legislation.  They  were,  however,  prompdy 
defeated  by  Mr.  Madison,  who,  upon  all  points, 
save  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  preserved 
inviolate  the  great  principles  upon  which  the 
revolution  of  1300  was  founded,  and  of  which 
his  own  report  upon  the  Alien  and  Sedition 
Laws  was  the  exposition.  For  his  departure, 
in  that  particular,  (if  a  departure  it  was,)  his 
reasons  have  been  seen.  It  is  not  at  this  time 
my  official  duty  to  pass  upon  their  sufficiency  ^ 
ui«I  I  am  wholly  unwilling  to  volunteer  a  de- 
nunciation of  any  opinion,  deliberately  formed, 
and  upon  high  responsibility,  by  one  of  the 
most,  if  not  the  most,  accomplished  ststesman 
that  our  country  has  produced.  However  in- 
dividuals might  differ  its  to  the  correctness  of 
his  conclusion,  all  mankind  must  acquiesce  in 
the  purity  of  tne  motives  which  led  to  its  adop- 
tion. The  political  condition  of  the  country 
:it  the  close  of  the  late  war,  in  reference  to  old 
party  distinctions,  speculation  as  to  the  future, 
and  the  aspirations  of"  individual  ambition,  ac- 
companied, in  many  cases,  by  a  sincere  desire 
to  promote  the  public  good,  pro'.luced  occa- 
sional attempts  during  the  administration  that 
followed,  to  revive  in  a  form  less  exception- 
able tiie  doctrine  which  had  already  -been 
so  emphatically  condemned  by  the  people. 
They  were,  however,  in  a  great  degree, 
resti-aincd,  and  kept  down  by  the  resistance 
of  the  remnant  of  the  faithful,  and  the  qualified 


opposition  of  Ml'.  Monioe." 

Iltit  if  these  attempts,  said  Mr.  V.  li.,  to  n- 
vive  tlie  condemned  heresies  of  former  times i 
were  not  of  themselves  successful,  they  served 
the  purpose  of  giving  countenance  to  preten- 
sions on  the  part  of  men  now  in  power,  which 
out-Herod  Herod.  The  opening  scenes  of  the 
present  Administration  have  nottinly  been  the 
subjects  of  intense  interest  in  their  day,  but  will 
mark  an  intei:e:ting  era  in  our  future  historj-. 
'Ihey  wills;anl  as  a  beacon  to  succeeding  Ad- 
ministrations, v  smingthem  of  the  point  beyond 
which  the  people  will  never  ti'lcrate  encroach- 
ment upon  the  gi-eat  charter  of  their  liberties. 
The  present  Executive,  in  his  exposition  of  the 
con.'-titutional  powers  of  this  government,  has 
gone  far  beyond  the  utmost  latitude  of  construc- 
tion heretofore  claimed,*   as  if  to  give  point  to 

*  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  by  no  means  certain  that, 
in  this  respect,  he  himself,  has  been  altogether 
without  fault.  At  the  very  first  session  he  came 
into  the  Senate,  the  knowledge  of  the  perpet- 
ual drain  that  the  Cumberland  Road  was  des- 
tined to  prove  upon  the  public  treasurj',  unless 
some  means  were  taken  to  prevent  it,  ai.da  sin- 
cere desire  to  go  at  all  times,  as  far  as  ho  could, 
consistently  with  the  Constitution,  to  aid  in  the 
improvement,  and  promote  tlie  prosperity  of 
the  \Veslern  Country,  had  induced  him,  with- 
out full  exam.nanon,  to  vote  for  a  provision, 
authorizing  the  collection  of  toll  on  the  road.' 
The  affair  of  the  Cumberland  Road,  in  respect 
to  its  reference  to  the  constitution.al  powers  of 
this  government,  is  a  matter  entirely  suio-enfj-;*. 
It  was  authorized  during  the  n.lminlstration  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  grew  out  of  tiie  disposition  of 
the  territory  of  the  United  Sta  es,  and  had  the 
consent  of  the  States  through  which  it  passed. 
He  has  never  heard  an  explanation  of  the  sub- 
ject, (.although  it  has  been  a  matter  of  constant 
reference,  >  that  has  been  satisfactory  to  his 
mind.  All  he  can  say,  is,  that  if  the  question 
were  again  presented  to  him,  he  would  vote 
against  it;  and  that  his  regret  for  having  done 
otherwise  would  be  the  greater,  had  not  Mr. 
Monroe,  much  to  his  credit,  put  ids  veto  upon 
the  bill,  and  were  it  not,  as  far  as  he  knows, 
ihe  only  vote,  in  the  course  of  a  seven  year's 
service,  which  the  most  fastidious  critic  can 
torture  into  an  inconsi.^tency  with  the  princi- 
ples which  Mr.  \.  B.  professed  to  maintain,  and 
in  the  justice  of  which  he  is  every  day  more 
and  more  confirmed. 
•  Mr.  .ildarns' Ohio  le!!er,dan)2g  ihe  canvass  of  1824- 

*'  The  question  of  the  power  of  Congress  to 
authorize  the  making  of  internal  improvements, 
is,  in  other  words,  a  question  whetiier  the  peo- 
ple of  this  Union.in  forming  their  common  social 
compact,  as  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  promo- 
tiiigtheir  general  welfare,  have  performed  their, 
woik>n  a  manner  so  ineffably  scupid,  as  to  deny 
themselves  the  means  of  bettering  the  r  own 
condition.  I  have  too  much  respect  for  the  in- 
tellect of  my  country  to  believe  it.  Thejirst 
ubjtct  nf  human  association  is  ihe  improvement  of 
the  condition  of  the  associated.  Hoads  <md  Ca- 
nals are  among  the  viosi  essential  means  of  im- 
proving; i/ie  condilion  of  nations;  and  a  people, 
which  sliould  deliberately^  by  the  organization  of 
its  authoriztd  power,  deprive  itself  of  the  faculty 
of  muCliplying  its  own  blfssings,  would  be  as  wise 


Ill 


li.s  exUavas,ai,i    prtieiiMons-t^   demonstrate 
that  the  result  of  the  last  election  was  not  onlv 
the  restoration  of  the  men  of  1798,  but  of  the 
principles  of  that  day,    we  have  seen  a  great 
portion  of  the  obnoxious   doctrine   then   con- 
tended for  again   broadly  advanced  in  the  as 
sumption  that  it  was  within  the    "constitutional 
competency"   of  the   Executive  to   have  sent 
Ministers  to  the  Confess  of  Panama,  without 
the  assent  of  the  Senate:  and,  Sir.  to  give  a  high 
finish  to  the  picture,  it  is  now  strenuously  con- 
tended, from  a  quarter  in  amity    with  the  Exe- 
cutive, that  the  control  of  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  the   Senators,   on  this  floor,   and  their 
•onstituents,  in  a  most  essential  particular,  is  a 
power  inherent  in  the  office  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.     I  have.    Sir,    been 
brought  up  Ml  opposition  to  that  school  of  poli- 
tics from  which  such  principles  arc  legitimate 
emanations.     From  my  first  acquaintance   with 
{lublic  affairs  to  the  present  day,  I  have  regard- 
ed it  83  a  sacred  duty  to  resist  them;  and  I  con- 
sider myself,    on  this   occasion,  as   in  the  dis- 
charge of  that  duty.   Thegi-ave  matters  of  which 
1  liavt  „pok.en,  with  much  more  of  what  I  m=oiit 
have  spoken  as  daily   passing   oefoie  our  eyrs 


<i3  a  Creator  wlio  should  undertake  to  constitute 
a  human  being  without  a  heart." 
Inaugural  Addre^?. 

"  Whatsoever  is  of  domestic  concernment 
'unconnected  with  ttie  other  members  of  the 
Lmon,  or  with  foreign  lands,  belongs  exclu- 
sively to  the  administration  of  the  Slate  govern- 
ments. Whatsoever  directly  involves  the  rights 
and  mterests  of  the  federative  fraternity  or  of 
foreign  powers,  is  of  the  resort  of  this  g'eneral 
government.  The  duties  of  both  are  obvious 
in  the  general  principle,  though  sometimes 
perplexed  with  difficulties  in  the  detail." 
President's  first  message  to  ConTess. 

"Upon  this  first  occasion  of  addressinir  the 
Legislature  of  the  Union,  with   which  1  have 
been  honored,  in  presenting  to  their  view  the 
execuuon,  so  far  as  it  has  been  effected,  of  the 
measures  sanctioned  by  them  for  promotinir  the 
nternal  improvement  of  oui-  country,  I  cannot 
■lose  the  comunication  witliout  recommending 
■o  theu-  calm  and  persevering  consideration; 
he  general  principle  in  a  more   enlarged  ex- 
eiit.      rhe great  object  of  the  institution  of  ciiU 
:ovemmeat  is  the  improvement  rf  the  condition  of 
hose  u-ho  are  parlies  to  the  social  compact.     .4nd 
10  government,  in  whatever  form  constituted.,  can 
ccumpltsh  the  lawful  ends  of  its  institution,  hut 
a  proportion  as  it  improves  the  condition  oftho^e 
rer  whom  it  is  established.     Roads  and  canals 
y  multiplying  and  facilitating  the  communica- 
ons  and  intercourse  between  distant  regions 
n<l  multitudes  of  men,  are  among  the  most  im- 
ortant  means  of  improvement.    £ut  moral,  no- 
tjcal,  intellectual  improvement,  are  duties  assiUi- 
1,  by  lue duthor  cfour  existence,  tosucial,  noliss 
ian  Ij,  tndvidual  man.     For  the  fulfilment  of 
losc  duties,  governments  are  invested  wUh  power- 
■id,  to  the  attainment  of  the  end,  the  progressive 
nprovemenl  of  the  condition  of  the  governed,  the 
cercise  of  dekgated powers  is  a  dull, ,«  sacred  and 
idispensable,   as  the  usurpation  of  powers  not 
'anted  is  criminal  and  odious." 
The  principle  of  constitutional  construction 
j-itained  in  the  Ohio  letter  is  distinctly  repeat. 
I  in  tlie  first mtssagp.     In  both,  the  p-^wers  of 


arc,  as  has  been  'oeiore  ooserved,  Kieirt^cil ,  , 
pnncple  with  those  which  uere  soimp^a  ^0^1  'v 
adjudged  against  by  the  people  in  1800.  •They 

.rA   '^•''*"<='/™'"t'''=  speech  of  James  A.  Bay- 

ard.  on  the  Judiciary  Bill,  in  1S02  • 

"We  werene.xt'ToUof  the  parties  which 
have  existed,  divided  by  the  oppcilae  icw 
of  promoting  executiy.  power,  and  guarding 
the  rights  of  the  people.  The  gentleman 
did  not  tell  us  in  phi,,  language,  brh" 
wisnedit  to  be  understood  that  he  and  hi^ 
friends  were  the  guardians  of  the  people's 
nghts.  and  that  we  were  the  advocate  of 
executive  power. 

"I  know  that  th;s  is  the  distinction  of  a  aartv  ' 
which  some  gentlemen  have  been  anxious  to 
establish  ;  but  It  IS  not  the  ground  on  which 
we  divide.  I  am  satisfied  with  the  consam 
tional  powers  of  the  executive,  and  neve- 
tvished  or  attempted  to  increase  them  ,  and  i 
do  not  believe  that  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  of  the  house  ever  had  a  serious  appre- 
hension  of  danger  from  nn  increase  of  execu- 
tive authority.       Ao,  Sir,  our  views  e^Yotl 

'  powers  wtiich  do  and  ought  to  i^.W  to  the 
f.enerat  and  Stale  Governments,  are  the  true 
sources  of  our  divisions.  I  co  opera- e  with 
the  party  to  which  I  am  attached,  because  I 
behe.-e  their  true  object  and  end  is  an  honest 
and  efficient  support  of  the  General  Govern- 

..  r/,K  'I  ^'■^^."■'•^'^'^  °*'"'e  ligitimate  power.. 
"  of  the  Constitution. 

"I  pray  to    God  I  may  be  mistaken  in  the 

"  op.nion  I  entertain  as  to  the  designs  of  geiitle- 

men  to  whom  I  am  opposed.     Those  design. 

I  believe  hostile  to  the  powers  of  this  Go 

"  vernment.     State  pride  extinguishes  national 

sentiment.     Whatever  is  taken  from  this  Go  ■ 

"  vernment  is  given  to  the  States." 

Uetter  authority,  as  to  the  old  lines  of  party 
division,  could  not  on  one  side  be  referred  to 
than  that  of  Mr   Bayard.     Although  a  zealous 
partizan,  he  did,  not  when  his  country  was  a* 
war,  forget  that  he  was  an   American  citizen.' 
His  noble  bearing  at  that  perilous  crisis,  broke      i 
dowHi   the  partition   wall  between  him  and  his      I 
old  opponents;  and  there  is  every  reason  to  be'- 
leve,  that  if  the  councils  of  the  country  had 
ber-n  favored  with  the  continuance  of  his  splen- 
did ta  ents  to  the  present  period,  the  exempla- 
ry  and  efficient  conduct  of  the  States,  the  gra- 
dual and  permarcnt  improvements  of  their  sys- 
tems, together  with  the  constantly  accumulaUnr 
ev.denceof  the  proneness  of  this  Government, 
to  extend  and  abuse  its  powers,   would  have 
made  the  same  impression  on  his  mind,  tha- 
they  have   on   the  minds  of  many,  who  once 
thouglit  as  he  did. 


the  federal  government  are  refcn-ed,  not  to  tlu- 
enumeration  and  specification  of  them  made 
.vith  so  much  care  by  those  who  framed  the 
Constitution,  but  to  the  great  purposes  for  which 
govjnmtnlsare  instituted,  and  the  duties  assi-rn- 
edbi/  the  .lulhor  of  our  existence,  to  social  mTui  ■ 
subjecting,  of  course,  the  questions  as  to  what 
tnosc  "great  purposes"  and  "duties,"  and 
the  consequent  powers  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment are,  to  no  other  restraints  than  the  dis- 
cretion of  those  who  hold  the  reins. 

Is  it  not  most  preposterous,  with  such  expo- 
sitions of  the  Constiti^lion,   to  talk  of  this  ai  k 


11; 


? 


are  jii^cnUJ  in  a  uili'crent  and  far  more  dan- 
gerous form;  bi'A  lliey  arc,  neverthelces,  tlie 
same.  The  spirit  of  encroachiaent  has,  ills 
true,  become  raoro  wary,  Ijut  it  is  nota  bit  more 
Jioiif^t.  lleretotbre  tlie  system  u'as  cnaxion; 
now  it  is  seJ:irl:i>n.  I'ereti-fore  unco:isitutional 
p-owers  were  exercised  to ^/crce  submiscion,  now 
tliey  ai-e  afisnmccl  to  piifrltaie  g-oldeii  opinions 
from  the  people  willl^cir  own  me^ns.  It  is  a 
T^iat  mtsluke.  Sir,  Su  attribute  the  rndical 
charn^e  in  jfovcriimeH*,  effected  coternporai-.e- 
oitslv  with  the  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  eitl>cr 
to  e.xcess  o!  tuzvation,  or  practical oppreasion  un- 
dtr  the  Alien  and  SetStion  laws.  Tiiose  doubt- 
losi  produced  great   and  j'.ut  excitement;  but 

f  it  did  ni/t  !;elor.g  to  Iheii'  nature  to  produce 
such  las-ting  conir  quences.  Act;  of  individual 
oppression  had  bce.i  committed  before,  and 
h.ive,  in  diflerent  d;;.5rtes,  been  committed 
i-iucc.  But,  after  having'  caused  more  or  les3 
ofpubho  excltem.':nt  at  the  time,  they  have 
passed  away  witii  the  occasion  that  produced 
them.  Such  is  liuman  nature  now — such  has 
5t  been  in  all  ages  of  the  world.  The  acts  i 
have  alluded  tu,  i^i.^hly  exceptiouabie  as  they 
•sndoubtedly  wer.";,  could  nc;ver  have  produced 
an  unyieldms^'  coxlus'on  from  thi:  conjifltncc  of  a 
attrjority  vf  the  people,  fur  more  than  a  qnaritrof 
o  ecnturij,  cf  Uiriic  ni'ii-tos  of  men  disllnguishcd 
for  tiiktit  imd  private  worth.  No,  Sir,  said  he, 
lie  cause  of  that  great  and  ^loiious  strug-jjle 
e^  deeper — much  deeper.  It  proceeded,  not 
I'roin  the  consequences  of  those  acts,  but  from 
an  opposition  lotjie  principle  upon  uTilch  they 
M-ere  toundcd — that-  prinni/jk  was  an  cdarmvig 
cxtciiyionof  the  eonstruclttk'  powers  of  this  go- 
%-eni»iC)it — it  a;os-,  as  ho  liad  before  said,  from 
ii  settled  conviction  in  the  minds  of  the  people, 
that  a  deliberate  plan  iiad  been  formed  by  the 
men  thtn  in  pir.vcv,  locli^i.gvthegovera.ueut, 
from  its;  true  re  pi.blicm  form,  to  one,  if  not  mo- 
narchical, at  least  too  miicli  inclined  to  that  di- 
rection, it  was  the  apprehension  that  they 
•were  ab<nit  to  be  despoikd  of  the  promised 
fruits  Oi'  the  Kevolution,  tliat  aroused  and  called 
into  vigorous  action  -iiat  same  great  spirit  by 
wh.icJi  the  llcvolution  itself  was  accomplished. 
It  is  to  that  cause  o.nly  that  results  unknown  to 
she  pc.litics  of  any  otiier  couniry  are  to  be  at- 
tributed,     'i'hc  cause  was  at  least  adequate,  if 

.  a/.' t!ie  consequences liave  not  been  pei'nianent. 
And  wl'.at  is  the  true_charactcr  of  the  times  iip- 
<in  which,  in  the  ooui-se  of  eTeati-,  and  the  p:'o- 
-.idence  of  God,  we  have  fallen  .>  .Mo^t  unpro- 
pitious,  ti'uly.  -   - 

If  the  views  in  relation  to  the  powers  of  this 
government,  avov.'ed  by  tha  present  Exectitive, 
and  which  lie  at  tie- foundation  of  the  present 
administration,  are  the  true  doctrines  of  the 
Constituiio".,  ti'iCti  ua-i  'the  i;real  political  li^iv- 
tuiion  of  ISOO  founded  in  ^ro!S  eiro>,  if  not  pal- 
p:b!c  fraud  upon  the  pr/ipk.' — Disfjuise  the  nut. 
ter  as  you  wilf,  s.^ld  he,    "  to  t!li^  com))lcxion 

eovernment  of  fpe'ijlc  and  limileil  powers .' 
Would  AleXMider  Ilajnilion,  wlio  wascetlainly 
amoBg  the  most  high-toned  advocates  of  the 
coiislnictive  powers  of  ih;s  g'overnment,  not 
have  blu.shed  to  l;a.e  li.'xd  such  doctrines  attri- 
buted to  him'  Ills  Jisciuiiucr  of  the  aut'.ioi-ity 
now  clairned  for  the  fwlcral  goveinnicnt  over 
the  subject  of  internal  improvemeuts,  is  upon 
record,  and  there  is  in  existence  oihcr  a.'.d  sUU 
more  nmnle  evidenci>  <.!f  Ifls  dissiMit. 


must  we  coniC  ut  last."  It  was  tiwist  inanUe;^;, 
he  said,  that  whatever  effect  the  events  of  17S? 
-8-9  and  1800  had  had  upon  the  Federal  rneii 
of  that  day,  their  coiiseqivences  upon  the/jnn- 
eiples  that  then  prevailed,  have  not  bcea  as  ef- 
fectual as  was  hoped,  and  for  a  season  believed. 

"  We  have  scotched  the  snake,  n^t  killed  it; 

She'll  close  and  be  herself  .igain." 

But  he  tnisted  the  prediction  wonlj  not  be 
verified.  iShe'll  nut  close  again.  The  peojoli: 
%vill  prevent  it .  He  must  indeed  be  a  misera- 
ble judge  of  public  sentimer.t,  who  cannot  set; 
in  its  daily  indications  that  the  same  spirit  whic'.i 
once  before  rtacued  trie  Constitution  from 
tlie  liands  of  its  enemies,  is  at  tliis  moment  fully 
roused.  The  excesses  of  the  I;+st  three  years 
have  pi'oduced  in  tlii.s  country  chancres  of  pul/- 
lio  opinion,  wh..iiy  witlicut  precedent.  'Dig 
time,  he  trusted,  was  not  far  distant,  when  tlie 
interpolations  which  ht.d  iieen  attempted  upon 
the  Constitution,  w-th  the  wretched  i^opiiisms 
by  which  tliey  were  supported,  will  be  subjects 
of  severe  reprehension;  nay,  of  derision  with 
the  people,  and  v.hen  a  grt-at  portior.  of  the  ta- 
lents tiiat  h?,ve  been  entp'oyed  m  weaving:  llie 
net,  will  need  all  its  own  inqfenuity  to  escape  its 
meshes.  He  houcd  he  had  not  b;cn  un- 
derstood as  supp'jslnjf  that  al!  who  h.td  her-.'- 
(ofore  beeu  r.anked  am'.n^j  the  sup^jorters 
of  the  hig-h-toned  doctrines  he  tia-.i  con- 
demned, must  of  consequence  occ,upy  t!ie. 
same  station  now.  By  no  means.  He  would 
be  ashamed  of  iiimseif  to  be  found  the  author 
ot  .sentimenti)  so  contracted  and  illiberid.  He 
knew  too  well  that,  alt!  ough,  to  a  certain  e.\ 
ten',  names  are  thinys,  tiiey-  are  not  always  the 
unerrins"  evidence  of  the  thing's  they  signify. 
The  fuU  cxperimmt  u\  peace  end  in  u-ur  whicii 
zse  have  now  had  nf  ti^e  respective  operations  and 
cjjici-nci/  of  the  Federal  and  State  gm-cmric^it::, 
ought  to  satisfy  evoiy  dispassionate  inquirer  after 
truth  o/  the  fullaeij  of  opinions  oivu:  so  expensively 
entertained.  Those  who  thouglit  so  oug'Iit  to 
abandon  tliem,  and  all  who  are  wise  cnougli  to 
be  honest,  will  do  so.  It  is  of  itself  iir.inatertal  ' 
by  what  politic;d  .appellation  men  have  hereti>- 
fore  been  called.  Tlie  great  qutstiou  is — wti:it 
are  honc=itly  their  present  senti'nents  upon  those 
great  points,  which  have,  from  the  beginning, 
divided  the  American  People,  and  woulj,  he 
feared,  continue  to  do  »o  to  tlie  cml? 

-Mr.  Van  Uureii  said  that,  contrary  to  his  first 
impression,  he  would  trote  in  favor  of  the  whole 
amendment  proposed  by  tiie  Senator  from  Con 
ncoticut.  lie  would  do  so,  because  it  wotild 
oe  the  most  effectual  manner  in  wliicii  he  could 
.isslst  in  putting  down  v.-li:tt,  with  all  respect 
for  the  opinions  of  his  fe'lcw  benators,  he  couki 
not  but  regard  as  a  monstrous  construction  of 
the  coiistitutio*!)-  Tlie  amendment  proposed 
an  appeal  tiom  the  decision  '^i  the  ^'lce  Presi- 
dent to  tl;o  senate.  If  !;t  believed  tluic  the 
Vice  i're.sident  possessed  the  powerinqut'tion, 
by  virtue  nf  Lij  office,  iie  ct'.i.dd  not  vote  for  so 
great  an  encr::achmeut  ui^on  hi:  coustiiution-il 
jights  OS  to  subject  tlieir  e.^ercise  to  a  super- 
vision not  provided  for  by  the  ccnstitutio.'.  If, 
therefo.'v,  tlie  ameudincnts' wrre  adoj)ted,  he 
hoped  we  sliould  hcu-  no  itiore  of  an  inliercnt 
right,  wiiicii  yen,  Si;',  have,-  uiucliKO  ycur  cre- 
dit, icliis'.-d't'i  usurp,  aaJ  which  we,  a-s  I  can- 
not but  think  to  ouv  ilsci'edil,  are  attemjvtiir;^ 
to  f-.)rce->'.pon  vou,  n'-Uns  :":lens. 


UNITED  STATES'   Tl£.LEGRA¥R~Extrtc. 

This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weekly^ 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar,  subject  to  newspaper  postage  and  no  more. 

BY  GREEN  4-  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  APRIL  30,  1828. 


No.  8 


From  the  Baltimore  Republican. 

THE  "SIX  MILITIA   MEN" 

We  are  aware,  that  many  persons  are  sick, 
tired,  and  disgusted  with  this  subject — looking 
upon  it  as  a  disffraceful  tlectionecring  trick  of 
a  desperate  purty;  but  there  are  many  also, 
■who  have  beeH  iir.po-ced  upnn  with  regard  to  it, 
by  the  b<<Id  falsehoods  of  the  Adams  party, 
and  who  only  w.. iit  iuforni'.tion,  to  make  tliem 
revolt  at  tlie  irfamojs  inif,osition,  which  has 
been  put  upon  them  by  thai  party  We  ask 
Buch  to  give  an  attentiie  pc-ras!  to  the-  letter, 
and  documeiits  acccmpanying  it,  wiiich  we 
Jiave  received  from  the  Hon,  J.  K.  Polk,  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  wliich  we  pub- 
lish to-day-  The  letter  of  Mr.  Polk  is  a  clear 
exposition  of  this  matter;  and  the  documents 
\i\Xh  which  he  has  accompanied  it,  put  some  of 
the  points,  which  have  been  disputed,  beyond 
-all  doubt. 

We  ask  the  reader's  attention  to  the  order  of 
Governor  Utount,  and  the  Address  of  General 
Jackson  to  the  "Brave  Tennesseaiis,"  and  ask 
him,  if  he  has  any  linger  doubts,  that  these 
"Six  militia  men"  were  ordered  out  for  the 
term  of  SIX  months.  We  a^k  him,  if  he  any 
longer  doubts,  that  they  hne.iii  the\  were  called 
out  for  SIX  months. .  Does  not  Gov.  Blount's 
order  to  Gen.  Jackson  expressly  s'.ate  it'  Does 
not  Gen.  Jackson's  Address  to  them  apprise 
them  of  it' 

We  ask  him  to  read  the  letter  of  the  Hon. 
EnwABn  Livings. o.v,  and  tell  us,  if  the  asser- 
rion  of  the  .\dams  parto  'liat  the  "  Six  militia 
men"  were  execute(J..^ro'  the  news,  or  the  ru- 
mor of  Peace  had  ||6aclied  New  Orleans,  is  not 
an  infamous  lie.  W.as  not  the  first  news,  thp 
♦irst  rumor  of  Peace,  brought  to  New  Or- 
leans by  Mr.  Livingston*  And  at  what  time 
does  he  fix  it'  On  the  1  Stl^or  19th  of  iV iruary. 
When  did  Gen.  Jackson,«^n;t'e  the  senienu:  jf 
the  Cowl  Martial-  On  liielwenty-seamd  of  Jan.- 
uart)  — 27  days  before  ev^^'a  rumor  of  Peace. 

We  ask  him  to  read  the  letter  of  Major  Arm- 
strong, and  tell  us,  if  ^  does  not  feel  convinc- 
ed, that  the  execution,  of  the  "six  militiamen" 
was  necessary  as  an  e^Simple  to  the  army  then 
lying  at  Mobile '  W^re  not  our  troops  there 
restless  under  their  privations,  and  leady  to 
break  out  into  acts  of  in.subordination'  And  if 
these  outrageous  mutineers  and  desertei-s  had 
been  pardoned  before  their  eyes,  would  not 
they  too,  have  been  encouraged  to  mutiny  and 
desert?  Was  there  no  danger  from  the  enemy' 
Does  not  Major  Armstrong  tell  us,  that  they 
were  in  daily  expectation  of  an  attack  from  tlie 
enemy?  Had'nt  they  actually  taken  possession 
of  Dauphin  Island.'  Major  Armstrong  tells  iis 
too,  that  the  rumor  of  Peace  had  not  reached 
Mobile,  when  the  execution  took  place — that 
there  was  but  one  sentiment  prevailed  in  the 
army  with  reg.ard  to  their  execution— that  of 
approval  of  it— tliat  its  effects  were  evident,  in 


the  restoration  of  order,  subordination  and  goqfl 
discipline — that  there  was  not  a  murmur  of  com- 
plaint on  the  p;irt  either  of  the  troops,  who 
were  the  neighbors  of  "sixmihtia  men,"  or 
of  the  culprits  themselves — that  he  conversed 
with  them,  and  they  blamed  nobody  but  those 
engaged  with  them. 
^  We  ask  him  to  read  the  letter  of  General 
Gaines,  and  say  whether  he  does  not  believe 
that  Gen.  HAURISON,  Gen.  PORTER,  the 
la?e  Major  General  BROWN,  and  every  otiier 
officer  in  (he  army,  would  have  acted  exactly- 
as  Gen.  Jackion  did' — That  Gen.  Gaines  would., 
have  to  acted,  is  evident.  Ceu.  Gaines'  letter 
is  important  too,  as  it  shows  some  of  the  disas- 
trous consequences  of  desertion.  It  shows. 
that  in  the  first  2  years  of  the  war,  the  de.ser-, 
tions  were  so  numerous,  that  the  armies  of  tlie 
U.  S.  were  seriously  weakened  by  them,  and 
the  objects  of  the  Government  defeated  by 
them;  and,  that  Gen.  HARRISON  and  Gen., 
BROWN  were  compelled  to  resort  to  capital 
punishments. 

We  ask  him  to  read  the  cases  of  execution  of 
soldiers  by  Gen.  GREENE,  which  we  publish 
to-day,  and  mark  how  the  conduct  of  JACKSON 
is  borne  out  by  the  exa  nple  of  th.at  great  and- 
good  man — a  man,  who  united  with  all  the 
bravery  and  resolution  of  the  soldier,  all  the 
meekness  (jji"  that  peculiarly  meek  sect  from 
which  he  sprang — the  Society  of  Friends. 

There  are  many  other  cases'than  those,  which 
we  publish  to-day,  of  the  execution  of  soldiers, 
which  took  place  under  the  command  of  him,, 
who  was  "  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first 
in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen,"  of  the  great 
WASHINGTON,  of  the  beloved  and  amiable  " 
LA  F.WETTE,  and  of  various  other  distinguish- 
ed officers  of  the  '.evolution. 

BAtTL-ttonE,  i^th  April,  183S. 
Hon.  J.  K.  POLK,  Esq. 

DEAn  Sin, — The  untiring  and  unblushing 
efforts  of  the  partizaiis  of  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Clay,  to  mislead  the  people  on  the  subject  of 
the  execution  cf  the  "Six  Mihtia  Men,"  make 
it  the  duty  of  every  friend  of  Gen.  Jackson,  of 
truth,  of  the  character  of  the  country,  and  of 
the  future  discipline  of  the  militia,  in' the  event 
of  its  being  necessary  to  call  them  out,  to  apply- 
to  ever)'  source  for  information  calculated  to 
place  tlie  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson,  upon  that 
occasion,  in  its  proper  light.  Believing  on  my 
eonscience,  that  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson 
in  that  matter  was  legal  and  proper,  that  the 
crimes  of  the  "Six  .Militia  Men"  merited  the 
punishment  which  was  awarded  to  them,  by  the 
Court  Martial,  and,  that  the  good  of  the  service 
demanded  their  execution  as  an  examfjib;  I  con- 
fess that  the  course  which  the  Administration 
prints  are  pursuing  with  regard  to  them,  fills  me 
with  awful  forebodings  for  the  future  welfare  of 
the  counti-y. 

A  Standing  e[rmy  is  repugnant  to  the  feelings 


114 


or' our  peop)e,  and  hrslile  lo  our  republican  in- 
stitutions. The  Mtlilia  therefore,  must  be  our 
reliance  for  tlie  iltfonce  of  our  liberties.  But, 
what  are  the  militia  without  dhciplhic?  .\nt\, 
if  mutineers  and  deserters  are,  for  p;u-ty  pur- 
poses, to  be  i;epresented  as  murtyn,  and  under 
every  perversion  of  existing  facts,  and  forgery 
of  others,  the  sympathies  of  a  virtuous  people 
are  to  be  enlisted,  i  \  their  behalf; — what  militia 
man  can  be  kept  in  wholesome  restraint?  If 
officers  arc  to  be  lield  up,  as  murderers,  for  a 
faithful  discharge  of  their  duties,  and  a  firm  but 
judicious  execution  of  the  laws; — what  officer 
will  be  willing  to  serve  in  our  armies?  These 
are  Questions  which  the  sober  and  reflecting 
cannot  blink, — they  must  present  tliemstlvcs 
to  the  mind  of  every_Uian  whose  principles  and 
jud.;;mcnt  are  not  perverted. 

C.^miug  from  the  State  of  Tennessee,  and 
familia"  with  all  the  transactions  in  the  south 
.ind  west  during  the  iate  war,  1  have  thought, 
tliat  you  might  be  able  to  funiisn  me  yours-.lf, 
or  to  put  me  in  the  way  .f  benig  furMished  by 
others,  with  all  tlie  facts  and  circumstancs, 
with  regard  to  calling'  out  the  Tennessee  Milj- 
,  tia,  and  the  trfal  and  execution  of  the  "Six 
Militia  iMen,"  and  have,  therefore,  taken  tlie 
liberty  of  appealing  to  you.  The  administra- 
tion leaders  In  this  St.ite,  are  making  the  most 
desperate  efforts  lo  carry  it  for  the  Coalition. 
Perversions  the  mo.st  numerous  and  monstrous, 
and  fo;'gerJes  the  most  foul  and  daring,  are  cir- 
culated i:i  erery  corner  of  the  State,  in  band- 
liiUs,  pamphlets,  and  newspapers.  Falsolioof^s 
are  asserted  with  such  b'lldness,  and  repeated 
^vitli  such  pertinacity,  tluit  tliose  wlio  lU'e  vir- 
tuous, and  even  intelligent,  but  uninformed, 
are  staggered.  At  the  last  election,  the 
'Stvength^of  the  General  in  this  State  was  dimin- 
ished by  the  circulation  of  an  infamous  pam- 
phlet of  ■/«.!'_■  Bfi/oii's.  He,  notwithstanding, 
■had  a  majority  in  the  State.  His  strength  has 
increa^ied  much  since,  and  in  spite  of  every  ef- 
fort to  mislead  the  people,  the  OKl,Soldivir  will 
get  a  l.TVge  m;ijoriity  of  our  voles.'  That  major- 
ity ni;:y  still  be  increased,  by  the  circulation  of 
coiTcct  information; — and  there  is  no  subject 
upon  which  they  want  it  so  much  as  Uvs  of  the 
"Six  Militia  Men."  If  you  can  afford  me  an}', 
I  am  sure  you  will,  and  I  need  no!  say,  that  my 
best  endeiivori  shall  be  u*ed,  to  place  that  mal- 
,ter  in  its  proper  light,  to  the  people  of  Mary- 
land. Youre  Irulv  and  respectfully. 
D.    S.  CARR. 

V.'AsnrNnTaN  Citt,  April  Utli    18^8. 
D.  S.  Garr,  Esrj. 

I  have  received  yo'jr  letter  of  the  7th  instant, 
rt'quisting  me  to  furnish  you  with  "all  the 
fact.s  and  circumstances  with  regard  to 'he  call- 
ing out  nf  ti'.e  Tcnv'essee  militi;.;  and  the  trial 
■  and  execution  of  the  "  six  militia  men."  I  had 
-supposed  it  scarcely  possible  that  any  candid, 
jutelhgenl  man,  could  l''.<r  a  moment  douM  l!;e 
correctness  of  Gen.  .liicksoii's  conduct,  in  rela- 
tion to  'his  suliject.  af  ■:^r  the'  expos'tion  which 
has  already  been  g.ven  of  it  to  the  public.  No 
man  has  ever  been  more  misrepresented  and 
.slandered  by  bis  pohlic:;]  adversaries  than  Gl  ji. 
j;ick'*on,  and  upon  no  subject  more  than  that  in 
■relation  to  the  execution  of  the  "six  militia 
men."  Coming  from  the  State  in  which  Gen. 
.lack.son    rfTirdes,    being  his    personal    friend^ 


having  long  known  him  intimately,  and  feeling 
as  I  do,  that  he  has  been  unjustly  assailed,  I 
cheerfully  comply  with  your  request,  in  giving 
you  a  narr.ative  of  the  facts  connected  with  the 
services  and  execution  of  these  unfortunate 
men,  so  far  as  I  have  been  enabled  to  ascertain 
them. 

On  the  11th  of  .Tanuary,  1814,  the  Sccretarv- 
of   AVar,  wrote  to  the  Governor  of  Tennessee, 
authorizing  him  "to  supply  by  militia  drafts, 
or  by  volur\teers,    any    deficiency   which   may 
arise  in    the  militia   divisions  under   the  com- 
mand   of  Major  General  Jackson,   and  wilhoui 
referring  on  this  fiend  lothis  Dparlment.  It  may 
be  well   that  your  ExcelU  ncy   should   consult 
Gen.  Finckney  on   such   occasions,  as   be  can 
best  iudge  o'f  the    whole    number  necessary  to 
{he  attaiununt  of  the  public  objects."-  Here 
was  a    d'scretinnarv  power   given    to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Termessee,  to  call  out  such  portion  of 
the  Tennessee  in  litia,  without  waiting  for  fur- 
ther or  specifir  orders  from  the  Department  of 
War,  as   he  might  deem   necessary  to  sup^/Iy 
any  deficiency  of  troops  under  Gen.  Jackson's 
command.     This  discretion  ve^.ted  in  the  Gov- 
ernor was  unlimited,  with  the  exception  of  the 
suggestion,   that    it   might  be    well  for  him  to 
consult  General  Pinckncy,  who  was  at  that  time, 
the  commander  in   chief  of  the  army,  in  tlrat 
section  of  the  Union.    From  the  great  distance 
of  the  scat   of  government  from  the  scene  of 
the  war  in  the  South,  great  delays  and   incal- 
culable injury  to  the  country,  must  have  been 
the  consequence  of  waiting  orders  from  Wash- 
ington,   in   every  instance  wlieii   militia  drafts 
became   necessary.         :>»  the   31st  January, 
1814,  the  Secretary  of  War,  again  wrote  to  the 
Governor  of  Tennessee  aim  referred  him  lo  his 
letter  of  the  lltli  of  the  .same  month.     On  the 
20tl\  of ,  May,  1S14,  by  vuiue   of  the  authority 
vested   in   him  by   the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
Governor    of  Tennessee   issued  his   order   to 
Gen.  Jackson  ;   at  that  time  not  in  the  service, 
of  the  United   States;  but  a  Major  General  of 
the   Militia  of  Tennessee,   in  w  hich   he   says. 
"  you  will  without  delay,  order  out  one  //lousnnd 
ntilitin  infantry  of  tkf  2d  dinsion  for  the  term 
of  !^IX nwnt/:s,  xtnksi  sooner  disci  irged  by  or- 
der nf  the  Prrsident  nf  the  United  •, lutes,  or  you 
mav  accept    a  tender  of  service  of  the  above 
number  of  volunteer  iiifantry  from  the  2d  divi- 
sion for  the  nforcacid  term,  for  the  purpose  of 
!>««rrisoning  the   said  posts,"   (tlie  posts  in  the 
Creek  n.ition    "  a*  your  opl>ou,  wliich  lalilude 
m  relation  to   culh   for   men,  to   act  against  the 
CreeJss,  in  furlheriincc  nf  ihe  views  of  govern- 
ment, in  that  lylnlfis  g'vtri  to  nv:  by  instrur- 
Ivms   from   the   War  l')f  pari  ment"     The  Gov- 
ernor further  ordered,  that  these  troopu  should 
rendezvous  at  Fayetteville,  m  the  Slate  of  Ten- 
nessee, on  the  30th  of  June,  1814,  and  sliould 
thence  be  marched  to  the  posts  in  the  Creek 
nation,  so  as  to  arrive  between  the  1st  and  10th 
of  Julv,  '  as  about  that  time  the  term  of  ser- 
vice of  the  troops"  then  in  the  field,  would  ex- 
pire.    On  the  recv"i)t  of  this  order,   what  was 
the  duty  of  Gen.  Jacks.in  '     He  was  not  at  tiuit 
time   an   officer  of  the   army   of  the    Un  ted 
States.     He  was  a  Major  (ieiieral  of  the  mihtia 
of  Tennessee,  and  was  bound  to  obey  the  man- 
date of  his  superior  officers.     The  Goverr-or  of 
Tennessee,  by  the   constitution  of  tliat  Stat^., 
ft  the  commander  in  chief  of  its  militia,     t*" 


ilS 


:.-isaed  lijs  orjer  ui  .Jackson,  and  distiiictl)-  iii- 
ibrmed  him  in  the  order  itself,  that  he  was  au- 
thoiizcd  to  issue  it  "  by  instructions  from  the 
War  Uopartnienl."  It  was  no  part  of  Jackson's 
right  or  duty,  to  question  that  antliority.  It 
was  sufficient  for  him  to  km  w  that  it  !:a(l  been 
issued  by  his  superior  officer,  and  it  was  his 
duty  tc  obey.  He  did  obey.  On  the  24lh  of 
May,  1814,  Gen.  jL.ckson  issued  his  order  to 
the  niiUtia  of  tlve  division  «liicli  he  coniman  1- 
ed,  in  whtch  Yim  aays,  ■*!  am  commaiKled  by 
Kis  t^-xcellency,  Governor  B'ount,  to  call  from 
my  d^ivjcion,  one*  tliou^md  men^  in  tbe  service 
of  Uic  United  St.tes,  for  ii'/e  pcrwd  of  .SIX 
Tnanllii,  onless  sooner  di»c]iarj>'eil  by  order  of 
t)io  Frcsideirt  of  the  United  States,"  Here 
ttw;n,  in iiis  order  to  the  militia  of  his  division, 
ho  distirictly  informed  tUem  that  they  were 
call^l  out  for  tlie  tenn  of  SIX  montl'.s.  In 
obedienc&totl>eie  several  order's,  tlic-se  ti'ciops 
constituting' a  thousand  in  nur.ioer,  were  ren- 
dtzvoa-ied  at  i'ayettevdlc,  Tcnn«'s.-ee,  on  the 
20tli  of  Juiie,  181t,  and  wtre  on  tl.at  day  mus- 
tered mto  the  service  of  the  United  States,  for 
the  teem  of  SIX  mouihs.  They  w.re  placed 
under  the  imrnediate  command  of  Col.  Pipkm, 
and  rrurcbed  to  t;.e  posts  in  the  Creek  Jiation 
Of  these  troops,  the  six  wlio  were  al'terwards 
ti'ied  and  executed  at  .Mobile  for  mutiny  and 
ftfesertion,  we;'e  a  part.  It  was  notorious  to 
the-  troops  thcmseh  ,  rnd  to  the  u-liole  coun- 
try, at  t)i9  time  Hiey  wcrCv mustered  into  ser- 
vice, that  it  was  for  tlie  term  of  si.x  monlhs. 
The  fact  liad  been  announced  to  (he  troops  in 
the  g'enci'al  order  calling'  tbem  into  service. 
The  goverrimeut  of  the  United  States,  at  the 
time  they  entered  the  service,  and  long-  suhse- 
q.uent  to  it,  so  understood  it,  ftji'  they  were  ac- 
tually paid  for  SIX  months  service.  Indeed  we 
Have  no  official  evidence  that  it  is  not  even  now 
so  understood.  The  muster  rolls  werercturnetl 
to  the  Department  of  War  at!  the  lime,  and 
show  ou  thejr  face  titat  they  were  mustered  in- 
to service  for  SIX  months.  The  pay  rolls 
sltow  that  they  were  paid  for  SIX  months,  tn 
.» letter  from  Governor  Blount  to  the  Secretary 
oi  War,  dated  Oct.  19tU,  1814,  and  among'  th'o 
documents  iVom  llie  War  l>epa;tmeiit,  he  says, 
ill  refcrence  to  tins  very  dctaciim:'r.t,  tliere  is 
iti  service  from  tliis  State  1000  men  at  the  posts 
7n  the  Creek  country.  They  were  ordered 
out  for  SIX  montlki,  and  liave  ne^ivly  threi: 
months  )  et  to  serve.  Here  tiie  Dejiarlnient  of 
AVar  wen-  distinctly  informed  tliat  liiey  were 
Hi  sea'vice  for  the  term  of  SlXniuiitlis,  and  iliat 
they  had  nearly  tlu'se  mouths  to  serve.  1  lake 
Tt  for  gnuiteil,  wit!i  these  incoiitro\cj'tible  facts 
staring  nim  in  tiie  facx^,  the  most  violent  parti. 
■/.?.n  will  no  longer  contend,  that  the  '•  si\  mili- 
tia men"  who  compow;d  a  pait  of  Col.  Pipkin's 
IJ&^'imenl,  vvei»  bt«jnd  to  fe'rre  only  three  iii- 
stesd  -rf  six  months. 

There  is  a  ijict  ciimecttd  uith  this  part  of 
the  subject,  which  I  sliall  here  Uike  the  iiiierty 
to  etate.  'I'ho  doc^iments  recently  comniuni- 
eate<i  to  Congress,  by  the  Secretary  of  V\  ar,  do 
not  contain  two  vory  important  documents,  to 
whicti  1  have  Klluded  above,  iii  reference  to  llie 
Tcmyth  of  tlie  time  of  service  of  this  detach- 
ment of  miDtia,  viz.  the  ra'der  of  the  Governor 
o<"  Tennessee  to  Gcne.'.d  Jackson  of  the  2(Jlh 
.11  May,  1814;  and  llie  ^n-dcr  of  General  Jack- 
;'''n  to  his  'livision  ofmiljtia  of  t're  Ctth,  c(f  Msv, 


1814,  each  slatuig'  tjiat  t'.ic  lime  of  syyjsje  was 
to  be  SIX  months.  I  transmit  to  yon  copicii  cf 
these  documents  which  I  Jiave  procured,  and 
which  I  vouch  to  bo  correct.  Where  arc  these 
documents'  Governor  Klomit  lias  recently  sta- 
ted on  oath,  that  he  transmitted  to  the  Secre- 
tary of  AVar,  a  copy  of  his  order  of  tlie  20th  of 
May,  1814,  sliortly  after  it  was  i.ssiicd,  and 
doubtless  tlie  other  w.as  likewise  forwarded  to 
the  Department  of  War.  But  now  neither  of 
them  are  communicated  to  Congress,  Are  they 
in  a  reixis  in  the  Department'  1  state  the  fact 
that  they  arc  not  among' the  documents  comma; 
nicaied  to  Congress,  and  you  will  judpe. 

These  troops  were  marohe.1  from  Fayette? 
villc,  Ten.  the  place  of  rendezvous,  under  the 
immediate  command  of  Col.  Pipkin  to  the  post^ 
in  the  Creek'  nation.  The  corps  to  wliicli  the 
"  si.'S  trilitia  men"  belonged,  uas  .stationed  at 
Fort  Jackson.  Between  tlie  10th  and  20th  of 
September,  1814,  before  the  period  even  of 
three  months,  much  less  six  months,  had  ex- 
pired, an  alarming'  mutiny,  :  ,.;h  as  was  scldoit) 
ever  witnessed  in  any  army,  took  place  in  the 
camp,  of  v.'hich  these  "  six  militia  men"  were 
tlie  ringleaders.  Harris,  who  seems  to  have 
been  the  principal,  several  days  before  the  mu- 
tiny broke  out,  carried  about  a  subscription 
paper  through  the  cam.p,  obtaining'  the  signa- 
tures of  all  wiio  would  agree  to  go  home.  In 
defiance  of  tiieir  officers  commaBilmg  the  post, 
they  on  the  19tli  of  September,  1814,  violently 
and  tumnltuonsiy  assembled  together,  to  thfc 
num.ber  of  near  two  hundred,  broke  open  the 
public  stores,  took  out  provisions,  demohshed 
the  bake  house,  shot  do'wn  beeves,  and  in  the 
face  of  authority,  lelt  the  camp  on  the  next 
morning  "at  the  end  of  rcvielle  beat;"  yelling 
and  firing  scattering  guns  as  they  departed,  pro-, 
claiming  to  all  who  would,  to  follow  them. 

The  troops  who  remained  at  the  post,  werr' 
subjected  to  much  exposure  and  fatigue,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  reduction  of  their  numbers. 
The  coiiscquenco  w.as  that  they  were  seized 
with  disease  and  many  of  them  died.  Theil* 
death  n.ay  in  a  great  <legree  be  attributed  to  thc_ 
abandonment  of  the  post  by  the  mutineers, 
'I'hese  mutineers  and  deserters  were  subse- 
quently arre.s'.cd  and  brought  back  to  the  post. 
Gen.  Jackson,  tiien  at  Mobile,  was  iniormed  of 
what  !iad  taken  place,  and  was  requested  by 
their  cl.  nnanding  officer  to  order  a  court  m.ai-- 
tial  for  their  tri.d.  On  the  21st  of  November, 
1814,  tlie  General  ordered  a  court  martial,  to 
be  convened  at  Mobile,  for  their  trial,  and  di> 
rected  that  the  prisoners  and  '.vitnesscs  siio;'LJtl 
l)e  sent  tliitlier;  and  on  the  v.enl  day,  the  22(1, 
he  lej\  Mobile  fur  New  Orleans,  wi.ere  'u  anti- 
cipate-.l  an  attack  would  soon  be  made  by  iho 
enemy.  Tliis  court  marfi<»l  convened  at  .Mo- 
bile on  tho  6th  of  December,  1814,  Gener;") 
Jackson  bein^^  at  New  Orleans.  It  wa.s  conj- 
posed  of  officers,  with  t!i»?  exception  of  one,  r.T 
the  I'eiimt.'^sce  militia — nfUcers  from  the  same; 
sccti.m  of  country  witu  the  accused,  who  dDubt' 
less  had  ali  thesympathyfortliem;  and  exte".':d- 
ed  to  them  .all  the  lenity  whic.i  their  duty  aS 
otrioei'S  of  the  court  would  peiinit.  They  lia'i 
a  lair  and  full  trial,  according  to  the  rules  aiitl 
articles  of  war;  and  tho  six  ringleadii's  Were ' 
sentenced  by  the  ••oiirt  marti-al  to  receive  th^ 
punishment  of  death  by  shooting. 

TIte  procet'dimrs  of  the  ronit  martial  were 


/ 


li6 


ignvartled  to  General  Jackson  then  at  New 
Orleans,  for  his  approval.  The  six  ringlead- 
ers were  not  recomniended  to  mercy  by  the 
court  martial.  No  palliating-  circumstance  ex- 
isted in  their  case,  known  to  him.  He  knew 
they  had  been  tried  by  a  court  martial  com- 
posed of  their  fellow  citizens  and  neiifhbors  at 
home.  The  news  of  peace  had  not  then  ar- 
rived. The  enemy's  forces  were  still  in  our 
waters  and  on  our  border.  Wlien  an  attack 
rai^ht  be  raade  was  unknown,  and  the  militia 
under  General  Winchester's  commaml  at  Mo- 
bile, were  "  threatening;  to  niu  iny."  (See  D. 
Alexander's  statement.)  General  .rick-">"  saw 
that  the  salvation  of  the  country  was  still  in 
jeopard} ,  if  subordination  w.is  not  preserved 
in  the  army.  He  approvi-d  the  sentence,  and 
these  six  unfortunate,  thoiigh  t^uilty  men,  were 
executed.  This  approval  of  the  sentence  of 
the  court  martial  was  maile  at  New  Orleans  on 
the  22d  of  Januaiy,  1815.  The  first  intimation 
which  the  General  had  of  the  news  of  peace 
even  by  rumour,"  was  received  on  the  18th  or 
19th  of  Febrnary,  1815,  from  Mr.  Livingston, 
now  a  member  of  Congress,  then  one  of  his 
aid-de-camps,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  British 
fleet  to  effect  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and 
who  on  his  return,  brought  information  from 
Admiral  Cochrane,  that  a  vessel  had  arrived, 
bringing  Intelligence  that  peace  had  been  con- 
cluded. (See  Mr.  Livingston's  note  of  this 
date  enclosgd. )  This,  a  mere  rumour,  was  re- 
ceived by  Gen.  Jackson  near  thirty  days  after 
the  approval  of  the  sentence  of  the  court  mar- 
tial, and  after  the  execution  had  taken  i)lace. 
On  the  8th  of  February,  1815,  Fort  Boyer,  at 
Mobile  Point,  was  attacked  by  the  British 
forces  both  by  land  and  sea,  and  on  the  lllh, 
the  attack  was  renewed  and  the  fort  surrender- 
ed; so  that  on  the  11th  of  Februaiy,  1815,  not 
even  the  rumour  of  peace  had  reached  Mobile. 
Col.  G.  C.  Kussell,  who  commanded  on  the 
day  the  sentence  of  the  court  martial  was  car 
ried  into  execution,  slates  in  alelter  of  the  29th 
of  July,  1827,  that  "  we  hail  no  knowledge  of 
a  treaty  of  peace  having  been  signed  at  Ghent, 
till  more  than  a  month  after  the  approval  of  the 
sentence,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  days  after  its 
execution."  The  official  news  of  peace  did 
not  reach  General  Jackson  until  the  IStli  of 
March,  1815;  and  on  the  19Ui  of  the  same 
month,  the  British  commander  received  the 
official  intelligence  from  his  government.  It 
was  not  until  after  this  period  that  the  British 
forces  left  their  position  on  that  border  of  the 
Union. 

The  effect  which  the  execution  of  these  men 
produced  in  the  army  vvas  most  salutary.  Not 
a  whisper  \\  as  afterwards  heard  of  the  mutiny 
which  had  threatened  Gen.  Winchester's  com- 
mand. Subordination  was  restored,  and  all  the 
troops  in  the  service  were  willing,  and  did 
without  a  murmur,  perform  their  duty.  Muti- 
ny and  desertion  were  no  longer  heard  of  in 
that  part  of  the  military  service. 

I  transmit  to  you  the  statement  of  Major 
Armstrong,  lately  of  the  army,  now  the  Mar- 
shal of  Alabama,  a  highly  respectable  gentle- 
man, who  was  present  at  the  execution,  and 
who  states  the  facts  which  came  within  his 
knowledge. 

,  From  this  narrative  of  facts,  it  is  impossible 
to  conceive  how  censure  can  attach  to  General 


Jackson.  At  the  time  he  approved  the  sen^ 
tence  of  the  six  ringleaders,  he  pardoned  aU 
those  who  had  been  recommended  to  mercy 
by  the  court  martial  that  tried  them.  At  the 
time  of  the  execution  all  acquiesced  in  it.^  jus- 
tice. Every  officer  in  the  army  responded  to 
the  importance  of  the  example  for  the  good  of 
the  service.  At  that  time  the  whole  country 
was  satisfied.  Not  a  whisper  of  censure  was 
heard  aga-nst  the  commanding  General,  or  any 
member  of  the  court  martial  in  reference  to  it. 
One  of  these  unfortunate  men  went  from  the 
immethate  neigtiborhood  in  which  I  reside,  ami 
no  other  sentimen'  pr^/.^ultrd  on  the  arrival  of 
the  news  of  the  crime  he  l)a<l  committed,  and 
the  punishment  he  had  .iiifft-rcd,  than  regret 
that  lie  lad  committ  d  the  crir  c,  and  a  deep 
convictioji  that  tie  liad  met  the  fate  his  conduct 
mer'ted.  That  sentimert  in  relation  to  all  of 
them,  w.is  universal  in  Trnnessc,  where  they 
resided  at  the  time,  und  .such  it  has  continued 
ever  since.  The  people  of  Tennessee,  .nany 
of  whom  had  been  in  the  camp.iigns  against  the 
hostile  Creeks,  knew  too  weli  liow  to  appre- 
ciate the  crimes  of  mutiny  and  desertion  in  an 
army,  to  think  of  censuring  either  the  court 
martial  or  tlie  commanchng  General,  tor  having; 
performed  a  duty,  however  unpleasant,  yet  ab- 
solutely necessary  for  the  defence  ot  the  coun- 
try. The  people  of  Tennessee,  claim  to  be  as 
moral  and  as  humane,  as  those  of  other  sections 
of  the  Union,  and  yet  lltt)/,  the  neighbors  and 
acquaintances  of  these  six  unfortunate  men, 
and  the  neighbors  and  acquaintances  of  General 
Jaukson,  have  never  thought  of  censuring  him 
for  llie  approval  of  their  sentence. 

As  well  might  you  censun-  the  judge  for 
prtniouncmg  the  sentt-nce  of  the  law  on  the  cul- 
prit, faii-1}  condemned  by  a  jnr>-  of  his  country  j 
as  well  in-giit  you  centure  the  Executive  of  the 
Union,  or  of  any  of  the  States  for  withholding- 
from  the  condemned  criminal  a  pardon,  when 
he  had  not  been  recommended  to  mercy,  and 
when  no  circumstance  in  his  case  could  palhate 
his  crime,  as  censure  Jackson  in  this  instance 
for  withholding  from  these  six  mutineers,  a  re- 
mission of  their  punishment.  And  yet  it  is  a.s 
abhorrent  to  our  feelings,  to  see  a  man  banged 
as  tj  see  him  sliot.  The  one  case  is  as  well 
calculated  as  the  other  to  enlist  the  sympathies 
of  our  nature;  ard  yet,  who  ever  heard  th-e 
judge  or  the  Executive  charged  with  the  mur- 
der of  a  man,  who  was  hanged  under  the  regu- 
lar sentence  of  the  law?  What  has  Jackson 
done  in  ths  instance.'  He  has  omitted  to  par- 
don six  mutineers  and  deserters,  the  ringleaders 
of  a  mutiny,  the  highest  offence  known  in  au 
army,  that  left  an  important  post  in  the  enemy's 
country  almost  defenceless,  a  mutiny,  the  most 
alarming  of  any  that  took  place  during  the  war; 
and  yet  we  now  hear  him  uiiblushingly  charged 
wMYi  cold-blooded  murder.  If  it  be  said  that  the 
laws  of  the  United  States  (under  which  hey 
were  tried  and  executed)  were  too  sanguinary, 
and  that  the  punishment  was  too  severe,  the  an- 
swer is — neither  Jackson  nor  the  court  martial 
could  alter  it.  It  was  their  duly  to  execute 
and  not  to  ameni.  it.  1  am  jn.stilied  in  coming- 
to  the  conclusion,  that  his  conduct  was  approv- 
ed at  the  time  by  tlie  Government  itself  How 
does  the  matter  stand'  I  undertake  to  state, 
that  the  pro(feedings  of  this  court  martial,  anil 
the  approval  of  tb.e  sentence  by  the  command- 


117 


"iVig  General,  were  at  tlie  time,  transmitted  to 
ifie  War  Depaitnacnt.  These  identical  lon^ 
lost,  but  now  found  documents,  were  returned 
to  the  War  Department,  were  received  by  that 
Department  without  objection,  and  have  thi  re 
remained  without  obji  ction  until  recentli  for 
political  purposes,  an  attempt  is  made  to  mis- 
lead the  public.  Tt  did  not  occur  to  Mr  Madi- 
son, or  to  any  officer  of  the  Government,  tliat 
the  "six  militiamen"  had  been  \yrongf'uHy 
tried  and  executed,  oi  that  thi-y  did  not  deserve 
their  fate.  Tlie  conduct  of  Gent-ral  Jackson 
was  not  then  dit.ipproved  At  a  subsequent 
period,  wlien  his  conduct  in  the  Semmole  cam- 
pai^  was  arraigned  in  Congr  ss,  when  iiis 
whole  public  life  was  scrutinMcd,  nc  cnaig-e 
was  then  made  against  iiim  for  the  trial  and  ex- 
ecution of  the  "  six  militiamen."  Then  when 
the  transaction  was  fres!i  in  the  recollection  of 
the  countrj ,  it  was  not  heard  of.  The  result 
of  the  invcstig'ation  is  well  n-nu'inb-red.  His 
conduct  was  tlien  ably,  an' I  1  will  ai'.d  justly 
vindicated  by  tht-  presm'  chef  magistrate;  it 
■was  approved  by  the  solemn  vote  of  Congress; 
it  was  approved  by  his  country,  wlio  then  re- 
Tnembere<l  with  gratitude  his  suffering's,  his 
privations,  and  his,  services. 

If  there  was  no  other  evidence  cf  the  utter 
falsehood  of  the  char  e  now  so  industriously 
circulated  by  hs  enemies,  for  \h.s.  purpose  of 
exciting  public  opinion  to  his  prejudice,  the 
fact  that  it  slept  and  was  not  heard  of  for  thir- 
teen years  after  the  occuiTence  took  place,  is 
itself  conchisive.  Why  was  it  that  during  the 
Seminole  discussion;  why  was  it  th.it  during  the 
last  presidential  canvass  it  was  not  heard  of  .' 
f5imply  because  it  was  not  true;  because  when 
the, occurrence  was  f  esh  in  the  recollection  of 
the  American  people,  all  acquiesced  in  the  cor-' 
2'ectness  of  his  conduct.  His  bitterest  enemy 
<lid  not  then  dream  of  censuring  him.  But  now 
he  is  a  pr'iminent  can'Jidate  for  the  Presidency. 
He  stands , in  the  way  of  the  present  rulers. — 
ICs  success  is  inevitable  unless  he  can  be  brok- 
en down  by  falsehood  and  slander.  This  is  the 
true  secret.  This  is  the  true  cause  of  the  viru- 
Jent  abuse  we  have  seen  heaped  upon  him  by 
the  partizans  of  the  admiii'stration.  They  have 
unblusliingly  charged  him  with  cold-blooded  mur- 
der, rhey  have  ri-presented  this  great  bene- 
factor of  his  country,  as  worsi;  than  a  midnight 
<issassin. 

I  agree  with  you  that  the  efforts  now  making 
to  excite  the  sympathies  of  the  public  in  be- 
half of  tbese  mutineers  and  deserters,  is  well 
calculated  to  produce  ruinous  consequences  if 
the  country  should  ever  again  be  involved  in 
war. 

That  subordination  must  ex'st,  and  that  ex- 
amples must  occasionally  be  made,  to  insure 
safety  in  our  army,  all  past  experience  has 
proved.  Many  executions  look  place  during 
the  revolutionary  war,  both  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Washington  and  Gen.  Greene, 
and  yet  neither  of  those  distinguished  officers 
have  ever  been  censured  by  the  American  peo- 
ple, wlio  knew  too  well  how  to  appreciate  their 
patriotic  and  valuable  services.  For  the  hon- 
or of  the  country  I  trust  they  never  will  be. — 
One  I  will  notice  that  is  in  point.  It  occurred 
under  that  great  and  good  man,  General  Wash- 
ington, lua  leltt-rfiom  General  Washing!. mi 
ro  Robert  Morris,  dated  "  Head  Quarters,  May 


ITtfi,  ir82,''  he  gives  an  account  of  it  in  these 
words:  "  Minds  soured  by  distresses  are  easilv 
rankle<l;  asaspecimen  of  it  the  privates  of  thc 
Gonneclicul  line,  were  the  other  day  upon  the 
eve  of  a  general  mutiny  ;  the  vigilance  of  the 
officeis  discovered  it  a  few  hours  before  they 
were  to  parade;  all  the  ringleaders  have  been  tried 
and  executed. "  This  letter  is  published  among 
the  public  documents  of  I'ongress,  and  its  au- 
tiicnticity  will  not  be  questioned.*  Here  then 
is  an  instance  among  many  others  that  might 
be  enumerated)  under  the  immediate  command 
oftieneral  Washington,  of  the  ringleaders  of 
muti.iy,  in  an  army  snil'ering  fatigue  and  want, 
and  without  their  jiromised  lia},  having  been 
tried  and  executed;  a  mutiny  too,  not  actually 
consummated,  but  only  meditated.  The  his- 
tory of  the  last  war  is  replete  with,  examples  of 
the  execution  of  soldiers  for  crjmes,  under  eve- 
ry pi-incipal  commander  in  the  service,  and  yet 
at  the  time  all  acquiesced  in  the  importance 
and  absolute  necessity  of  the  punishment  in- 
flictt-d  for  the  good  of  tlie  service.  Among 
others,  I  refer  yon  to  the  statement  of  Genera! 
Gaines  in  answer  to  a  note  addressed  to  him  by 
Judge  White,  of  the  Sen:jte,  and  myself. 

1  have  omitted  to  say  many  things  which 
might  have  been  said  in  reference  to  the  course 
pursued  by  the  administration  presses,  in  re- 
gard to  this  idle  story  of  the  "si.x  militia  men," 
the  suppression  for  a  season  of  the  documents, 
their  subsequent  discovery  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment, with  all  which  you  must  be  familiar. 

In  conclusion  I  have  to  say,  that  General 
Jackson  is  the  same  man  now,  and  equally  de- 
voted to  his  country's  honor,  that  he  was  when 
he  met  and  conquered  the  enemies  of  that 
country.  He  lives  in  retirement  oii  his  farm 
in  Tennessee,  and  I  doubt  not,  that  the  coun- 
try wh'ch  he  ^o  nobly  defended,  will  duly  ap- 
preciate the  services  of  this  much  injured  man, 
and  rescue  hira  from  the  shafts  of  malignant  en- 
vy and  wicked  calumny  tliatare  levelled  against 
him. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully  voiir 
obedient  servmt,  JAMES   K.   POLK. 

Governor  Blount's  order  to  Gen  Jackson. 
Nashville  May  20th,  1814. 

Sir:  In  compliance  with  the  requisition  of 
Major  Gen.  Thomas  Pinckney,  that  the  posts  of 
Fort  Williams,  Fort  Strother  Fort  Araistrongf 
Fort  Ross,  and  Forts -Old  and  New  Deposite, 
should  be  kept  up,  the  doing  of  winch  he  has 
confided  to  you,  until  the  oBJects  of  the  Govern- 
ment in  rel.ation  to  the  war  against  the  hostile 
Creek  Indians  shall  have  been  fully  effected: 
and  from  the  probable  expiration  of  the  time  of 
service  of  the  troops  no'v  occupving  those  im- 
portant posts  commanded  by  c3olonel  Bundi, 
prior  to  a  final  accomplishment  of  tlie  views  of 
Government  m  relation  to  the  Creek  war,  you 
will,  without  dehiy,  order  out  one  thousand  mi- 
litia infantry,  of  the  2d  division,  for  the  term  of 
SIX  months,  unless  sooner  discharged  by  order 
of  the  President  of  the  tJnited  States;  or  you 
may  accept  a  tender  of  service  of  the  above  num 
her  of  volunteer  infantry,  from  the  2d  division, 
for  the  aforesaid  term,  for  the  purpose  of  garri- 


Senate  State  .paper.i.  ^sl  ses.wit,  lli/h  ('on- 


Sres: 


11» 


.-.eiiii.g  the  said  po8lb,  at  > our  Qption:  wli'ich  lit-  forts  Williams,  Stfother,  mikI  Arm&u-oiig,  on  tni. 
titude  in  relation  to  calls  for  men  to  act  against  Coosa  river,  as  well  as  Old  and  New  llepositc, 
the  Creeks,  in  furtherance  of  the  views  of  Go-  I  am  commanded  by  h.s  Excellency  Governor 
Vernment  in  that  behalf,  is  given  to  me,  by  in-  Blount,  to  call  from  my  division  one  thousand 
flBmctions  from  the  War  Department.  men  in  the  service  of  i  he  United  States,  for  the 

Those  tr  .ops  will  be  commanded  by  an  offi-  period  of  SIX  monMin,  unle«  sooner  discharpefl 
£er  of  the  rank  of  Colonel,  and  will  be  required  by  order  of  the  President  of  the  Umted  Slates. 
to  rendezvous  at  FavetteviUe,  on  tlie  20th  of  The  Kiis-.idier  (ien-ra's,  or  officers  •  orri- 
J'une  next;  thence  thev  wdl  proceed  to  the  mai.dinR-  t',.^  4tii,  5t!.,  6ih,  nh,  and  9th,  Bri- 
above-mentioned  posts, 'under  your  order,  in  s-i'if's  "f  t'=<e  2d  division  will  foi-t!iwthturnisU 
Siich  number  to  each  as  you  shall  assign.  from  their    br.g-ades   respectively,    by  dr.Ji  or 

It  is  important  to  the  public  interests  that  vohmtwy  enlistment,  two  hundred  men,  with 
tLcy  should  be  at  those  posts  between  the  1st  two  captains,  two  fii-st,  two  second,  ami  two 
■tnd  10th  of  .7uly  next,  as  about  th.al  time  the  third  lieutenants,  and  two  ensigas,  well  armed 
terra  of  service  of  the  troops  now  there,  under  and  equipped  for  active  service,  t-  be  rendez- 
■  Colonel  Bunch,  will  e.-^pire,  and  at  which  posts  voused  at  Payetteville,  Lincoln  county,  in  thp 
there  is  much  public  property  committed  to  State  of  Tennessee,  on  tha  2uth  June  next.; 
■  -  and  then    be    orRanired   into  a    regiment,  at 

which,  place  the  field  office!*!,  and  muster-mas- 


their  charg'e. 

You  will  order  the  Muster  Master  to  attend, 
sjid  muster  tlie  troops  into  service. — You  will 
call  on  the  Contractor  for  provisions,  »nd  on  the 
Assistant  Deputy  Quartermaster,  likewise,  for 
supplies  in  his  department. 

WILLIE  BLOUNT. 
To  M^jor  General  Andrew  Jackson, 

2d  Division  of  Tknnessee  ItSlilla.      , 


State  OF  Tenne.ssee,  ? 

Montgomery  Cminli/.      S 
Be  it  remembered,  that  WiUie  Blount,  late 
Ciovenior  of  Tennessee,  this  1st  d.ay  of  March, 
1828,   personally  appeared  before Hir.im  Hobo, 
Ksq.  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  and  for  the  Coun- 
ty of  .Montgor.iery,   in  the  State  aforesaid,  and 
he  being-  first  duly  sworn  on  the  Holy  Evange- 
lists of  Almighty  God,  deposeth  and  sai'h:  tl:at 
the  feregoinij  writing'  jiui  porting  to  be  a  copy  of 
an  oi-derfroin  lum  to  Major  Gen.  Andrew  Jack- 
ion,    dated  20tb    .May,    1814,   is  a  correct  and 
true  copy  of  his  original  order  to  Major  Gener- 
al Andrew  Jackson,  of  the  20th  of  May,  1814-, 
(jii  his  files:  that  the  foregoing  copy  i9t.aken  by 
himstlf,  from  the  file  now  in  his   possession,  of 
liis  ofriciul   piipers  of  that  dater  that   a  copy  of 
fjiid  order  was  by  him  transmitted,  shortly  after 
its  date,  by  mail',  to  t!ie  War  Department:  that 
he  has  reason  to  believe,  and  does  believe,  that 
the  dctaclimcnt  required  by  said  order  to  be  call- 
ed out,  was  regularly  mustered,  agreeably  to  or- 
der, into  service,  in  the  montli  of  June,   1814., 
and  that  said  detachment ,  to  liis  knowledge,  was 
put  under  the  command  of  Col  Pipkin,  of  the 
Tennessee  MiUitia.     And  further  he  s;»ith  not. 
WILLIK  BLOUNT, 
Ltitc  Governor  of  Tennessee. 
I,  Hiram  Bobo,  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  the 
C6uoty  of  Montgomery,   State  of  '1'ennes.see, 
hereby  certify  th:it   the   foregoing   deposition 
was  niade  and  stibscribed  before  me  this  1st  day 
yf  March,  1S2S.  IllU.VM  BOIIO,  J.  P. 

Qineral  Jaciison's  order   to  his  -Uivklun  2-iih  of 
May,  1814. 


ter  will  be  ordered  to  meet  them. 

OlFicers  commanding  the  brigades  composing 
the  2A  division  of  Tenne<«ee  militia,  are  charg- 
ed with  the  prompt  and  due  execution  of  this 
order. 

ANDREW  JACKSON,  Maj.  G«i. 
Commanding  2d  Division,  T.  M." 


HoDSE  OF  REPR1.SKNTAT1VES,  "} 

^priiut/i.ima.    5 

Deah  Sir — I  desired  to  be  mformc<l  at  what 
precise  period,  the  inimour  of  peacf  first  readi- 
ed General  Jickf.on  at  New  Orleans  in  1815. 
I  have  unders-tood  that  you,  on  3  our  return  froin 
the  Britisli  flef:t  to  whidi  you  had  goao  to  et. 
feet  an  exchange  of  [jrisoiiers,  brought  the  first 
Intelligenc  .vhich  the  General  received  wi  that 
subject,  li  from  recoUectioB  or  any  raemoraw 
da  in  your  possession  you  can  give  me  tho  in- 
formation, it  will  be  esteemed  a  favor. 

1 1  ave  tne  hoiio{-  to  be  very  respectfully,  your 
obedient  servant,  JAMES  K..   POL14. 

Hon.  Edward  Livingstoh. 

Mn.  Livingston's  Answeh. 

.iprii  nth,  lasa. 

Dear  Sir — My  recollection  of  the  date  at 
which  the  Englis'h  account  of  the  signature  uf 
the  treaty  of  Ghent,  was  brought  to  New  Or- 
leans, carries  it  to  the  eighteenth  or  nineteenth 
of  February,  1813. 

1  was  sent  to  the  Britisli  Ceet  to  treat  for  the 
exchange  of  prisoners,  about  the  first  of  Feb-^ 
ruary,  and  w.a3  detained  there  until  the  fall  of 
Fort  Bowyer;  just  as  I  was  leaving  the  Admi- 
ral's ship,  the  Brazen,  sloop  of  war,  came  in 
sight,  and  I  ruiiiuined  until  she  came  up.  She 
brought  the  ili-bt  news  of  the  treaty,  and  I  ar- 
rived with  it  at  N. Orleans  on  the  13th  or  19th. 

My  recollection  of  these  dates  is  strcjigthen. 
ed  by  tluit  of  a  itenilleman,  now  a  visiter  at  tlijs 
place,  who  accompanied  me  on  the  mission. 
The  account  brsuglit  by  the  Bruzoii  was  a  Ga- 
zette, nut  an  olficial  riccount  i4"'he  treaty,  and 


"  lirave  rennesseeuns  oftke  2d  Division.  The  1  ouglit  perhaps  to  add,  that  very  sorn  aner  re- 
Creek  war,  through  the  Divine  aid  of  Provi-  ceiving  this  account  General  Jack.0.1  wrote 
tii-ncc,  and  the  valor  of  those  engaged  in  the  ei.l.er  to  General  Lambert  or  to  Adm.ral  Cocli- 
camiriign,  in  which  you  bore  a  conspicuous  raiie  (I  tliink  tlie  rormer)  requtstmg  to  know 
share  has  been  brought  to  a  happv  termination,  whether  he  consult  red  the  account  suthcicnt- 
Good' policy  requirus  that  the  territorv  con-  ly  authentic,  to  justify  a  cessation  of  hostilities, 
nuered  siiould  be  garrisoned,  and  possession  to  which  I  tViin!!.  no  answer  was  received  unljl 
retained  until  appropriated  by  the  Government  after  the  eighth  of  Marcli,w!Rn  advices  were  re^ 
of  the  United  States.  In  pursuance  of  this  po-  ci:ived  to  induce  the  General  to  believe,  tha 
li'-v   a'l  1  10  ri'iii'vc  the  troops  now  stationed  at  tttc  treatv  had  been  ratified  at  WashTligton,  »>■ 


though  e»en  tiien  he  had  received  no  despatch- 
es from  the  Government  announcing;  that  event. 

I  hope  tliis  may  be  a  satisfactory  answer  to 
your  note  of  this  date. 

And  am  with  jjreat  respect,  j'our  most  obe- 
dient servant,  EDW .  LIVINGSTON. 

The  Hon.  Mr.  Polk. 

WisniNGToirCrrT,  Il/A.^pri7,  1828. 

Dk^b  Sir — 1  have  received  your  note  of  this 
datf,'  I'cquestiiig-  mt-  to  stat^;  alj  I  may  know,  in 
relaron  to  the  execution  of  the  "six  militiamen" 
at  Mobile  in  1815. 

In  answer  I  have  to  state  tlmt  1  joined  (he  ar- 
my at  \!ob-le,  in  command  of  a  balallion  of  the 
24ih  Ru/iment  I'nilc-d  Slites  infantry,  about  die 
26lH  of  December,  1814,  Li;  neral  .lackson  be- 
ing-.'it  that  time  eiig.igped  in  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans.  The  situuiion  of  the  arniv  at  Motjile 
Was  most  critical.  The  troops,  chiefly  militia, 
suffered  much  from  the  scarcity  and  want  of 
reg'ular  supples  of  provisions.  Tiie  enemy, 
some  time  after  tlie  battle  of  the  8th  of  January, 
made  his  app  ■a'-ince  in  the  bay,  and  took  pos- 
session of  Uauphiii  Island.  AVe  e.xpectcd  an 
attack  daily.  Subor  lination  in  our  camp  was 
all  important  for  our  safety.  We  could  but  take 
a  retrospective  view  of  the  desperate  mutiny, 
-which  Had  but  a  short  time  before  taken  place 
at  Fort  Jackson,  an-.l  to  dieatt  its  recurrence  in 
our  camp.  It  was  at  this  awful  crisis  that  Gen. 
Jackson's  nrdrr  reached  us,  approving  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  "six  militia  men."  Tlie  officers 
conversed  frfiely  of '.he  example  then  about  to 
be  made.  But  one  sentiment  prevailed  All 
were  deeply  impressed  with  the  belief  that  it 
was  of  vita!  imp-.irtance  tothe  subordination  and 
future  safety  of  the  army,  and  thougjit  the  time 
propitious  for  the  execution.  Foi  myself  Hiave 
always  thought  the  example  a  most  fortunate 
one,  both  as  regards  the  discipline  of  the  army, 
and  the  safety  of  the  cnuntry. 

I  was  lookngon  when  those  unfortunate  men 
were  executed,  conversed  with  them  a  tew  min- 
utes before  tlieir  execution  in  company  with 
Col.  Gilbert  C.  Kupelt.  They  spoke  feeKngly 
of  their  approacning  fate,  but  without  blame  to 
any  one  but  those  engag-ed  in  the  mutiny.  At 
the  time  they  w.re  executed,  we  hud  no  news 
or  expectation  of  pe.ace.  I  remained  myself  in 
camp  until  after  the  news  of  peace  arrived,  and 
never  heard  a  murmur  -if  dis.satistaction.  There 
were  present  two  brig.adesof  Tennessee  militia, 
many  of  them  no  doubt  ii'.igiibors  to  those  men, 
and  yet  not  one  word  of  complaint  was  heard, 
either  against  thcCourt  Marlial  tliat  tried  them, 
or  the  commanding  General  that  approved  the 
sentence.  All  ag-eed  in  its  neressity  and  im- 
portance. The  ellects  prodnced  <.n  the  army 
by  this  example  was  evident;  the  strictest  sub. 
orf'inat-on  prevailed;  every  ofHc.r  and  soldier 
did  his  dn;y,  and  we  were  relieved  from  any  ap- 
prehension of  a  mutiny  in  our  camp. 
I  am  Very  respec-.fully, 
Your  ob't  servant, 

F.  W.   AKM.sTRONG. 
To  the  Hon.  James  K.  Polk,  Washington. 

WAsniNGToN-  CiTT,  24M  March,  1828. 
I)eab  Sin: — Believing   that  without  subordi- 
.nation,  an  army  is  inefficient,  and  dangerous  on- 
.K  to  it?  friends,   and  that,  to  enforce  it.  exam- 


ples are  sofnetimes  in'dispensaole,  and  knowing 
that  you  were  in  the  service  of  the  U.  State?- 
tjuring  the  late  war,  we  are  induced  to  asTc 
whether  yon  know  of  any  executions,  by  sen- 
tence of  courts  martial,  during  the  waj',  cither  of 
regulars  or  militia,  and,  if  so,  under  what  cir 
cumstances,  and  under  whose  command. 

Latterly,  much  iias  been  said  relative  to  si.v 
or  seven  soldiers  executed  under  sentence  cl' 
courts  mai-tial  lu  that  division  of  the  army  com- 
niaiuled  by  Gen.  Jaeksoii,  for  the  purpose  of 
exciting,  unjustly,  two  prejudices  of  his  countr\- 
men  against  him.  We  are  pertlctiy  satisfied 
that  Gen  Jackson  did  nothing  moro  than  hi- 
duly  requii-ed,  and  our  object  in  making  this  in- 
qu'ry  of  you  is  not  to  i-npute  censure  to  any- 
other  jfficer,  under  who.st  command  execution's 
m-ay  have  taken  place,  but  to  she»,  if  aueh  be 
the  fitct,  that  others,  as  well  S3  Sen.  Jackson, 
have  been  constrained,  for  the  publicigood,  to 
let  the  laws  have  their  efl'ect  against  those  con- 
victed of  crimes,  which,  if  passed  over  witlrirti- 
punity,  inust  have  rendered  the  army  worse 
than  useless.  We  will  feel  obliged  by  as  early 
an  answei  as  may  suit  your  convenience. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be. 

Very  respectfully  vonrob't  servants, 
IIU.   L.   WHITE, 
JAMES   K.   POLK. 
Maj.  Gex.  E.  p.  Gaines. 

WisniscTON  City,  March  26,  1828. 

Gentlemen, — In  reply  to  your  inquiry  whether 
I  kii'iw  of  any  executions  by  sentence  of  courts 
martial,  either  of  regulars  or  militia,  and  if  so, 
undi  r  what  circumstances  and  under  wliose 
command  ;  I  think  it  due  to  the  service,  as  well 
as  to  lh<-  repiitatiiin  of  my  late  and  present  asso- 
ciates in  arms,  to  say , that  I  have  witnessed,dur- 
ing  the  war  in  1813  and  14,  from  ten  to  twelve 
executions,  and  that  every  rcspeci»*bl«  and  ef- 
ficient CO  iimander  with  v.'hora  I  have  had  the 
pleasure  to  serve,  both  ofthr  regular  army  and 
mihtia,  however  much  opposed  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  war  t©  the  infliction  of  capitid 
or  ignomini:ius  puoishment  of  every  kind,  was 
impelled  by  exin-rieiice  to  concur  in  the  opin- 
ion, that,  witiiout  such  examples  in  cases  of  de- 
ser'ion,.  tnutlny,  &c.  the  countiy  would  have 
continued  to  sufJi^r  a  successitm  of  disaster.';, 
such  a-s  those  whicii  marked  the  character  of  the 
gceiter  pait  of  tlie  first  tivo  years  of  the  war. 

The  first  execution  w'lich  I  witnessed  was 
near  Fiankliutoii,  in  the  Sl.ate  of  Oiiio,  in  lIa■^- 
or  Jane,  1813,  while  under  tiie  command  of 
Wnjor  General  Harrison.  Three  or  four  desert- 
ers were  comicted,  and  one  of  them  shot  upon  , 
that  occa.sion;  the  others  were  pardoned.  In 
the  course  of  the  cajnpaign,  in  the  following 
Septeniber,  two  or  three  other  deserters  were 
e.xecuted  upon  an  island,  near  Put-in-Bay,  on 
Like  Krie. 

The  next  executions  witnessed  by  me  were 
at  Sackeii's  haiboiir,  m  Februpry  or  March, 
1814,  under  the  command  of  Major  General 
Brown.  I  ...in  umler  the  impression  that  six  or 
seven  deserters  were  shot  at  one  time,  and 
two  at  another  time,  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  winter  or  spring  of  1814,  at  Sackett's 
harbour.  The  exact  nuniher  [-may  not  dis- 
tinctly recollect,  but  I  tiiink  there  were  seven, 
eight  or  nine.  I  was  at  the  time  of  the 
executions,    near  Put-in  I'eiv,    .-.nd   -.t   tile  fir?t 


.mentioned  executions  at  Sackett's harbour,  Ad- 
jutant General,  prepared  the  orders,  after  a  ve- 
ry fall  and  deliberate  consultatioi.  with  the 
Major  General,  and  at  Sackett's  harbour  I  read 
the  orders  to  the  troops,  and  the  offenders  at 
the  place  of  execu-tion. 

These  executions  were  principally,  if  not  ex- 
clusively, confined  to  deserters  from  the  regu- 
lar army.  Much  to  the  credit  of  the  militia, 
there  w«re  comparatively  few  desertions  from 
this  description  of  force  in  service  with  me  on 
the  northern  frontier.  Had  there,  however, 
been  many  cases,of  desertion  among  tlie  militia, 
I  feel  warranted  by  the  opinions  of  many  re- 
spectable officers,  such  as  Generul  Porter,  and 
those  under  his  command,  in  supposing  that  ex- 
amples would  have  been  made  of  the  principal 
offenders. 

I  had  often  in  the  year  1813,  conversed  with 
Major  General  Harrison,  and  in  1814,  with  Gen. 
Brown,  upon  the  policy  and  necessity  of  such 
punishments,  as  I  did  afterwards,  in  the  year 
1815,  with  General  Jackson,  and  I  am  convinc- 
ed that  there  was  scarcely  a  shade  of  difference 
of  opinion  between  tliem  on  the  subject.  Tbey 
each  deplored  the  evil  of  desertion,  as  most  de- 
moralising and  disastrous  in  its  consequences 
-to  the  character  and  physical  powe-  .?'  the  ar- 
my, and  fraught  with  uicalculable  ..'  rliief  to 
the  resources  and  reputation  of  the  peo,)le  of 
theU.  States.  1  am  strongly  under  the  impres- 
sion that  each  of  those  general  officers  have  at 
different  times  expressed  to  me  the  opinion, 
tl.i.t  they  deemed  it  an  act  of  meret/  rather  than 
of  cruelty,  to  make  examples  of  hardened  of- 
fenders, particularly  at  the  commencement  or 
in  the  progress  of  an  active  campaign  against 
the  enemy.  Inasmuch  as  the  prijiciple  of  mer- 
cv  enters  into  human  efforts  to  presevt  from 
the  ravages  of  war  the  innocent  and  helpless 
women  and  children,  and  the  faithful  citizens 
and  soldiers,  who  remain  at  their  posts,  true  to 
their  trust,  but  who,  abandoned  by  their  un- 
worthy associates,  become  an  easy  p'-ey  to  the 
opposnig  foe;  inasmuch  as  it  is  an  act  of  mt-rcy 
to  protect  the  innocent  when  tluis  situaied,  and 
when  that  protection  can  be  effected  only  by 
punishing  the  deserters,  traitors  or  their  bi-e- 
thren  in  arms,  and  worse  than  traitors  to  their 
country,  it  cannot  be  denied  tlial  ills  an  act  of 
mercy  to  shoot  cowardly  deserters. 

Previous  to  the  executions  at  Sackett's  har- 
bour, in  the  year  1814,  it  was  reported  and  be- 
lieved that  near  two  thousand  men.  had  desert- 
ed from  the  army  in  the  preceding  18  or  20 
months.  Now  I  think  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
that  with  2000  xeW  instructed  men,  added  to 
Gen.  Brown's  division  when  under  my  com- 
mand at  Erie  in  August,  1814,  the  crippled  .ar- 
my under  Lieut.  General  Drummond  would 
have  been  destroyed,  captured  or  driven  from 
Upper  Canada — with  2000  well  instructed  men 
at  Bladensburgh  on  the  24th  August,  1814,  our 
beautiful  capito!  would  have  been  preserved; 
and  though  last  not  least,  with  2000  well  instruc- 
ted men  added  to  the  force  under  Gen.  Jack- 
son at  New-Orleans  on  the  8th  January,  1815, 
the  shattered  remnant  of  the  British  army,  seek- 
ing the  "Beauty  and  Booty"  of  that  noble  city 
must  have  been  destroyed  or  captured. 

EDMUND  P.  GAINES. 
Tliellon.H.  L.  White,  of  the  Senate, 
nnSthf-  Hon.  J.  K.  Polk,  of  the  H.  R. 


GENERAL  GREENE. 
A  friend  has  put  into  our  hands,  an  originii 
letter  of  that  great  Captain  and  most  .amiable, 
man.  Gen.  NATHANIEL  GREENE,  so  distin- 
guished in  the  war  of  the  Revolution.  It  is  a 
letter  written  from  his  camp  in  South  Carolina, 
dated  22d  April  ir82,  and  addressed  to  his 
brother  officer  the  gallapt  Col.  Otho  II  Wil- 
liams. In  this  letter  Gen.  Greene,  after  having 
mentioned  some  symptoms  of  mutiny,  which 
had  shown  themselves  in  one  of  the  lines  ot  his 
army,  says: — 

(j3>"  Ihie  uf  the  Sergeants  is  to  be  this  day 
HUNG  for  eucouragtng  it.  Some  of  that  line 
have  been  pract'sing  upon  your  line;  but  I  am 
in  hopes  without  effect.  This  fellow  that  is  to 
be  hung  to-tlay  was  one  of  the  most  forward  in 
the  former  mutiny,  i'nu  know  I  act  with  deci- 
sion. They  hud  better  be  quiet.  It  is  true  the 
Troops  have  great  reason  to  complain;  but  this 
disposition  in  that  line,  has  a  deeper  root  than 
sutTerings.  Desertion  Arw  prevailed  with  us  for 
a  few  nights  before  the  face  of  mutinyappeared, 
to  a  very  alarming  deg-ree.  We  ai'e  now  in  a. 
position  near  Dorchester.  Head  Quarters  is  at 
Mr.  Waring's  near  where  you  visited — Colonel 
Lee  a  little  before  you  left  the  camp.  The 
Enemy  threatened  us  daylt/;  and  was  our  troops 
in  good  temper,  altho  they  out  number  us 
greatly,  I  should  have  little  objection  to  a  fight. 
General  Wayne  remains  at  l^benezer  and  great 
desertion  prevails  with  the  enemy  there,  and 
considerabti;  liere.  a  few  days  ago  twenty  four 
refugees  come  off  together.  Capt  Neal  fell  in 
with  the  enemies  horse  a  little  below  Dorches- 
ter yesterday  and  got  the  rubers.  He  lost  seven 
or  Eight  men  and  Eight  or  ten  horses.  He 
killed  the  Negro  General  known  by  the  name 
of  Jilarch. — 

"lam  told  Congress  have  again  changed  the 
plan  of  promotion.     If  so,  I  fear  you  will  meet 
with  difficulty  in  obtaining  yours.     How  ever 
you  must  learn  p.atience.  Justice  moves  slow." 
"  Believe  me  to  be  yours  affec-tionately 

N.  GREENE." 
This  letter  shows  that  examples  by  military 
execution  have  been  made  by  other  great  men 
beside  General  Andrew  Jackson.  It  shows  too, 
that  other  great  men  have  been  guilty  of  errors, 
in  orthogrujjhy  and  syntax  as  well  as  General 
Jackson. 

It  is  painful  to  be  presenting  a  man  whose 
memory  is  embalmed  in  our  affections,  in  the 
light  of  a  bad  speller  and  incorrect  grammarian 
and  we  do  it,  not  in  dis|)aragement  of  General 
Greene,  but  in  defence  of  General  Jackson.  Wc 
doubt  not,  that  the  errors  of  both,  are  tobe  at- 
tributed to  haste  and  inattention;  and  not  to  ig- 
norance. General  Greene  was  the  favorite  ot 
WiSHisciTos,  and  pri.;ed  next  to  him,  by  the 
old  Congress  and  the  people  He  was  a  man 
of  a  high  order  of  intellect  and  of  the  purest 
character.  Yet  he  hung  mutineers,  and  coni- 
mitteil  errors  in  synliijc  and  orthography.  The 
fact  is  both  General  Greene  and  General  J.ack- 
son  were  men  of  actions  and  not  of  words.  They 
were  fighting  the  b.attles  of  their  country,  and 
if  thev  could  not  describe  them  w;ith  as  much 
gra/?c  beauty  and  as  "  strict  a  regard  to  rhetori- 
cal propriety"  as  Mr.  Adams,  they  could  tell, 
intelligibly,  what  they  had  done.  Can  Mr. 
Adams  tell  what'Ae  has  done '  Is  his  famous  let- 
ter to  LEVIT  HARRIS   rclio  cd  at  all,    of  its 


i 


131 


mean  and  cowaiuly  spirit,  by  the  gnodnes?  oF 
its  grammar,  or  the  coiTcctiiess  of  its  spelling.' 
'Editor  of  Baltimore  Republican.  . 

EXECUTION  OF  A   MILITIA  11  AN. 

In  Gordon's  "History  of  tlie  riie,  progress, 
and  establisliment  of  tlie  Indf  p'-ndence  of  the 
United  States,"  page  28  ofhf  4th  vol.  wi-  find 
the  following  account  (  f  tht  execution  of  a  sol- 
dier under  the  eommard  of  (Icner  1  GIJF.K.NE. 
It  was  after  Gate's  defeat  and  shnrdy  p.ttv;  Gen- 
eral Greene  arrived  at  Head  Quarlers  and  as 
sumed  the    command  of  the   southern    army. 

"  On  his  arrival  in  camp,  ha  learned  tliat  rhe 
troops  had  made  a  practice  of  going  home  with- 
out perni^saiou,  staying  weeks,  and  then  return- 
ing. Determined  to  stop  such  a  dangerous 
custom,  the  General  gave  out,  that  he  would 
make  an  example  of  the  first  deserter  of  the 
kind  he  caught;  and  one  was  accordingly  shot 
at  tlie  head  of  the  army,  drawn  up  to  be  spec- 
tators of  the  punishment.  At  n'ght  he  sent  offi- 
cers round  tlie  camp,  to  listen  to  die  talk  of  the 
soldiers,  and  was  happy  to  find  that  tlie  mea- 
sure had  taken  its  desired  effect,  and  that  tlic 
language  of  the  men!was  only — "  We  must  not 
do  as  we  have  been  ustd  to,  it  is  new  lords,  new 
laws. " 

Now,  this  was  the  case  of  a  soldier's  doing 
what  they  had  all  been  in  the  habit  of  doing — 
his  home  being  in  the  nelghbovhood  of  a  camp 
he  had  gone  there  without  leave.  He  had  not 
gone  off  with  the  intention  of  remainin;^  dto- 
g'ether — meant  to  return.  But  an  example  was 
necessarv  for  the  good  of  the  service  and  the 
safety  of  the  country,  and  [ieneral  Greene, 
whose  humanity  no  one  ever  questioned  ordaie 
question,  did  not  hesitate  to  have  him  execattd 
Contrast  this  case  with  that  of  the  "six  militia- 
men," and  tell  us,  if  Jackson  was  a  murderer, 
"■.vhat  was  Giecne? 


INTERNAL  IMPROVEMENT. 

Remarks  of  Mr.  McLANE,  ontliebdl  making 
appropriations  for  Internul  Improvements;  'the 
amendment  limiting  the  sum  appropriated  for 
surveys  (530,000)  to  those  Objects  already  com- 
menced. 

Mr.  McLANE  said,  he  regretted  the  necessi- 
ty he  felt  to  take  any  part  in  the  present  dis- 
cussion. His  own  impression  corresponded 
vith  that  of  the  Senator  from  Maine,  (Mr.  I'ar- 
Bis, )  that  the  amendment  recommended  by  the 
Committee  of  Finance,  had  received  the  unani- 
mous concurrence  of  the  members  of  that  Com- 
mittee, and  especially  embracing  the  views  of 
the  honorable  Chairman.  Mr.  McL.,  himself, 
approved  the  recommendation,  tlv  ugh  it  had 
been  his  wish  to  submit  it  to  tl\c  judgment  of 
the  Senate,  without  particular  explanation  from 
him.  But  the  course  the  subject  had  taken, 
seemed  to  impose  upon  him  the  duty,  f;-om 
■which  hi  would  not  shrink,  of  stating  the 
grounds  which  had  led  him  to  assent  in  Com- 
inittee,  to  the  amendment  now  under  consider- 
ation, 

Mr.  McL.  said,  he  did  not  concur  with  the 
gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  (.Ur.VVEBsxER,) 
tnav  tv„3  question  might  be  discussed  with  more 
tiropriety  upi....  .iln-rt  proposition  torepealthe 


act  of  1824-,  authorizing  the  surveys.  Such  a 
proposition  would  have  no  similarity  to  the 
question  now  before  the  Senate.  The  amend- 
ment reported  by  the  Committee  of  Finance, 
does  not  propose,  nor  would  that  Committee 
recommend  the  ivpeal  of  tlie  act  of  1824,  and 
he  was  unwilling  to  suffer  snch  an  erroneoiks 
impression  to  be  mr.le  by  any  remark  in  this 
deba','.  He  was  incapabl.  of  aeconipiishing  by 
indirection,  thai,  which  it  might  be  injudicious 
to  attempt  by  direct  means  The  views  of  the 
('OTimittee  of  Finance,  were  in  strict  con- 
formity, not  only  with  the  spirit  and  policy 
of  the  law  of  1824,  hut  w.tli  its  plain  liberal 
import.  So  far  from  conflicting  v/ith  the 
objects  of  that  law,  i.ie  amendment  propos- 
ed mor':  effectually  to  accomolis!>  them;  to 
recommend  them  to  the  favorable  considera- 
tion of  the  coiintry.  and  by  preventing  a  wider 
d.paitijre  from  tl^e  provisions  of  the  act,  to  en- 
sure it  a  salutary  operation. 

Mr  Mel.  s;;ld,  he  had  been  an  advocate  of 
the  act  of  1824,  )vas  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatlvt  s,  when  it  was  reported  and  dis- 
cussed, and  bore  his  full  share,  an  huinble  one  he 
admitted,  in  promn'  .ig  i's  passage,  when  some 
o*' those,  now  tiie  ,;rofe'.sefl  ailvncates  of  this  sys- 
tem were  VI  the  ranks  of  its  opponents.  He  had 
never  doubted. the  expediency  or  constitution- 
alityoftheJaw  of  1824,  and  if  hisopinion  h;idun- 
dergone  any  change,  it  was  iinly  in  regard  to  the 
purposes  to  whictt,  as  he  apprehended,  the  act 
had  been  unv/isefy  perverted.  He  yet  stood 
upon  his  origiii.ll  ground,  while  others  have 
taken  a  new  posit  on,  which  he  could  not  oc- 
cupy He  well  r'^memhered  the  discussion  to 
which  the  act  of  1824  gave  rise,  enlisting  the 
b-st  talents  of  both  sides  of  the  House  ;  the 
able  constitutional  views  wliich  were  then  pre- 
sented ;  and  that  tlie  measure  was  mainly  re- 
comniended  to  the  sanction  nf  Congress  by  its 
exclusrve  relation  to  such  ebjects  only  as  avfild- 
ingtlie  local  concerns  rifthe  States,&  were  clear 
ly  coinprelifudefi  witliin  the  several  grants  of 
power  comini  ted  by  t.>e  Constitution  to  the 
go\  ernment  of  the  Umnn.  Recognizing  the 
rigiit  and  exijedleiicy  of  the  (General  Govern- 
ment to  lend  its  aid  to  objects  of  internal  im- 
provement exclusively  confined  to  the  sphere 
of  its  own  action,  the  law  directed  surveys  to 
ascertain  the  practicability  '>f  surli  obj,»cts  and 
his  aim  now  was  'o  eoufine  the  execution  of 
the  law  witiiin  this  limit 

The  provisions  of  tliis  law,  he  said,  suffi- 
ciently bespoke  its  scope  and  obj>>ct.  It  enacts 
"that  the  President  of  tiie  United  States  is 
hereby  authorized  to  cause  the  necesr.ary  sur- 
veys, plans  and  estimate.s,  to  be  made  of  the 
routes  of  such  r.ads  and  canals,  as  he  may  deem 
of  iiati  jnal  importance  in  a  coiiii  -rcial  orrailita 
ry  point  of  view,  i  r  nece:>sarv  for  the  iranspor- 
tation  .if  the  public  m.all ;  designating,  in  the 
cise  of  each  canal,  what  parts  may  be  made  ca- 
pable of  sloop  navigation  ;  the  surveys,  plans 
and  estimates  for  each,  when  completed,  to  be 
laid  before  Congress." 

Thus  tlie  law  itself  distinguishes  between  ob- 
jects of  a  mere  local  character,  and  those  of 
general  concern,  by  confining  the  surveys  to 
the  routes  of  "national  importance,"  as  con- 
nected with  the  commercial  -xnd  tnilitary  powers 
of  the  general  government,  and  the  transporta- 
tion of  the   mail.     He  w.as  not  now,   nor   ever 


Ijad  bcin,  ol'lhosc  who  believed  there  was  no 
limit  to  the  authority  of  the  General  Govern- 
ment over  this  subject.  He  thought,  on  the 
contrary,  it  was  confined  to  the  attainrafnt 
of  the  specified  grants  in  the  Constitution, 
and  could  not  concern  itself  witli  objects 
local  to  the  States,  without  i.)f'':ng'ina'  the  r 
righu,  and  by  di8tur])jng  the  nice  adjustment 
of  power,  endanger  its  o\?n  security. 

i'e  denied  tliat  a  road  or  can..!  from  or"  part 
to  the  other  oftiK*  s;in  -•  State,  wbich  m'g'.il  in- 
directly promote  the  toir.'iierce  bet^ece'i  the 
Stares,  or  be  occasionailj'  used  by  thr:  Unit,  d 
States  for  ihe  passii^e  of  fro".|is,  or  the  traRS- 
portHtion  of  munitions  of  war,  or  cf  tiie  mad, 
vould  fur  that  reason  ;ali  wiMm  the  i.'ower  of 
the  tienpral  Goveru:nent.  Such  a  doctrii  e 
would  leave  tiiis  GoveiTiinent  with>ut  limit, 
nnd  j;'iv.;  it  the  right  of  consfruct'ng  all  the 
count_\  roads,  and  i.itcr-ior  canals  in  the  rountrv 
All  imMrovements  of  this  kind,  iioweverl.)cal  in 
their  character,  ir.igly  occasionally  subs-jrve  the 
purposes  of  tlie  government,  as  of  indivt.luals; 
and  all  the  works  in  each  townsliip  oftlie  Union, 
have  some  remote  bearing  upon  ciimincrcial 
enterprize,  and  pay  their  tribute,  liowever  hum- 
ble, to  the  common  mass  of  improvement.  But 
•^.  work  to  fall  within  the  scope  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, or  the  law  of  1824,  must  have  an  imme- 
diate and  necessary'  rel.iton  to  tlie  express 
grants  of  pciwer.  Beyond  this  he  had  never  gone, 
andcoula  not  now  gi.  He  understood  the  act 
of  1824  as  confined  to  this  limit,  and  •=  xtending 
to  those  objects  only,  to  whicli,  after  tlie  sur- 
veys should  be  completed,  the  General  Govcru- 
ineit  might  apply  its  resources,  as  necessary  to 
the  great  purposes  of  its  admhiistradon.  For 
this  reason  tlic  act  rt  quired  eslimatei  to  be  made 
and  submitted  to  Coagiess,  v.  hich  could  m  t 
have  been  required  of  works  of  a  mere  local 
character  exclusively  wiihin  the  power  oftlie 
States,  and  beyond  the  pale  of  the  Constitu- 
llpn. 

Nor  could  the  desigii  of  ordering  these  sur- 
veys and  plans  have  been,  as  had  been  suggest- 
ed, merely  to  obtain  accurate  topngrapiiical 
knowledge  of  the  cotintry,  to  be  locked  up  in 
the  archives  of  the  Department  for  occasional 
inspection,  oi'  at;  memorials  of  out  Military  sci- 
ence. That  could  have  been  efl'ected  without 
the  law  of  1824,  and  'n  the  ordinar\  discharge  of 
the  duties  appertaining  to  the  Mihtarj  a.lmmis- 
tration.  The  act  in  que.-tiou  had  a  more  pre- 
cise and  practical  end;  to  ascertain  the  pjactica- 
bility  iu  regard  both  to  position  and  expense, 
of  those  works  which  were  necessary  to  the 
.i^ound  action  of  the  general  goveriiinent,  but 
could  not  be  accor.iplished  by  the  St.ites. 

Such  he  ci  ntended  was  the  true  and  obvious 
import  of  the  law  of  1824;  illustrated  and  con- 
firmed b)  trie  interpretation  g.icnto  it  at  that 
day  by  the  Executive,  to  whom  its  execuiion 
had  been  connded,  and  by  tlie  proper  officer 
duly  communicated  to  Gon.[,Tess. 

It  would  be  observed,  he  said,  that  the  act 
liad  passed  on  the  30th  April,  1824,  directing 
the  President  to  designate  and  survey  works  of 
a  certain  character,  and  report  the  result  to  Con- 
gress. The  practical  discharge  of  these  duties 
&eing  regularly  referitd  to  the  Department 
of  War,  the  law  was  subjected  to  a  close 
scrutiny,  andrcceivcd  a  final,  andashethoitght, 
a  satisf»cto!-y  interpretation.      At<  early  as  De- 


cember, 1824,  the  Ppesident  ol  the  V.  States, 
in  his  message  to  Congress,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  session,  communicated  the  able  re- 
port of  the  tjien  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Cii- 
HouN,  in  which  the  views  of  the  Executive,  and 
the  principles  by  which  it  was  intended  to  exe- 
cute the  act  were  fully  and  clearly  defined.  To 
sttch  parts  of  that  report  as  more  immediate!} 
related  to  tiiis  subject,  he  asked  leave  to  invite 
the  :ct!'-ntion  of  the  .Senate.   . 

[Here  }\T.    lioLANi".    read   from   Mr.    Cix.<- 
norN's   Re-port  of  tne  Sd  December,  13.S4,  as 

folious:] 

"  It  becane  necessarj'  in  giving  orders  to  the 
!)oard  under  iHe  act,  to  determine  what  routes 
for  roads  aod  canals  were  of  "n.dior^i  i.nport- 
aiice"  in  the  view;  conttn.pla'ed  hv  the  aci,  as 
such  oiil}  as  the  President  might  deem  to  bo  of 
that  description  wer.'?  authorised  to  oe  examin- 
ed and  surve  ed.  In  deciding  this  po'nt,  itbe- 
cai  le  necessary  to  ad-,  ert  to  our  political  system 
in  its  distribution  of  powers  and  duties  between 
the  General  and  State  GoveruiiK  nts.  In  ihuere- 
giiJing  our  sy.stem,  it  was  conceived  that  all  of 
those  routes  of  roads  and  canals  which  might  be 
fairK  consul ered  as  hilling  within  the  province  of 
any  particular  Sl;ate,  however  useful  they  might 
be,  in  a  commercial  .->r  political  view,  or,  to  the 
transportation  of  the  mail,  were  excluded  from 
the  provisions  ol  the  act.  Tne  States  have  im.. 
porta nt  duties  to  peribrmin  facilitating  by  mean? 
ofr.jad->&.  canals,  political  and  commercial  inter- 
course among  their  citizens ;  Siwithin  the  spheres 
of  these  duties,  they  are  more  competent  to  act 
than  tne  general  government;  and  there  can  be 
no  i-alioiial  doubt,  but  that,  as  the  population 
and  capital  of  the  .several  States  increase,  these 
powerful  means  of  developing  ibeir  resources, 
will  receive  from  their  I'es  ective  leg'siatuves 
due  attention.  But,  aa  numerous  as  this  class 
of  improvement  '.s,  and  as  important  as  it  may 
be  to  the  g-eutral  government  in  the  discharge 
of  the  various  uuties  coniiued  by  the  Constittl- 
tinn  to  it,  tuerc  are  other  improvements  not 
comprehended  in  it,  of  a  more  general  charac- 
ter, wiiich  are  more  essentially  connected  with 
the  pei-forinaiice  of  its  duties,  while  they  are 
less  immediately  connected  with  those  belong- 
ing to  the  State  go.  ei-nments,  and  less  witliin 
their  power  of  execution.  If  is  believed  thnt  this 
clusSf  and thisojHyy  ivas  comjirthended  in  the pro- 
visimis  of  the  cct.  In  projecting  the  surveys  in 
this  view  of  the  subject,  tlie  whole  Union  must 
be  consideree  as  one,  and  the  attention  directed 
not  to  ttiose  roads  and  canals  which  may  facifi- 
tate  intercourse  between  different  parts  of  the 
same  State,  but  to  those  wliich  may  bind  all  of 
the  parts  together,  and  the  whole  with  the  celi- 
tr  ,  ti'ereby  faeilitaiing  commerce  and  inter- 
cou.i-se  among  tlie  States,  and  enabling  the  go- 
vernment iodissi  inmate  pron.pth.  through  the 
mail,  mfoimaticii  to  every  part,  and  to  extend 
protection  to  the  wliole.  By  extend  ng  those 
prihciples,  the  line  ef  couimunicaiinn  by  roads 
and_  canals  througli  the  .States,  the  general  go- 
vernment, instead  of  interfering- with  the  State 
governments  within  their  proper  spheres  of  ac- 
tion, will  afford,  (particularly  to  those  States 
situated  in  the  interior,)  the  only  means  of  per- 
fecting improvements  of  similar  description, 
which  propeilj  belong  to  them." 

In  conformity  with  these  principles,  the  va- 
rious routes  which  the  I'l-esident  de*""'''  "  fii» 


^Uiy  10  cautc  is  be  suweyed,  arc  par^cnlarly 
JcsSgnated  and  explained;  and  tlie  report  con- 
clud'^a  with  stating  that,  "When  the  various 
riMites  to  which  it  let'erred  and  explained  are 
examined  and  surveyed,  and  plans  and  esti- 
mates formed  in  conformitj'  with  the  directions 
df  the  act,  it  will  present  as  full  a  view  of  the 
whole  subject,  as  will  v^nah'e  Congress  to  com- 
rneiice  and  complete  such  a  s\  tcm  of  iiternal 
improvem*nt,  as  it  nay  deen  proper  with  the 
gj^-atest  possihie  advantage." 

Mr.  M'L  L-aid  he  entirety  concurred  in  the 
principles  laid  down  in  this  repon,  and  couil 
irot  be  induced  to  transcend  them.  He  would 
not  say  thaf  there  m.ght  not  be  other  objects  of 
"'  naiionai  importance,"  than  those  desig'iiated; 
i|or  did  he  deem  it  necessary  to  insist,  thoug-li  lie 
thought  it  mi^ht  be  contended  witii  g-reat  pro- 
priety, that  the  a::t  would  be  fully  executed 
with  the  accomplishment  of  these  objcrts.  But 
it  appeared  to  him  that,  the  annual  appropria- 
tion foi'  tliis  purpose,  suice  1824,  must  have 
been  ])rimarily  applicable  to  these  objects  until 
the  surveys  were  completed,  and  the  estimates 
submitted  tu  Ooni^ress,  that  they  might  he  en- 
abled 'O  judgx  cf  the  expediency  of  going  on 
with  the  vvorks,  or  of  diiectiug  new  and  fur- 
ther examinations.  This  seemed  to  him  to  be 
the  main  de-igii  of  the  report  itself,  dictated 
110  less  by  the-  propriety  of  the  subject,  than 
the  obvious  i!iiention  of  the  law. 

He  asked  if  uil  this  had  bien  done'  He  woiild 
hot  say  it  had  not,  but  he  had  received  -n  m- 
formation  !o  satisfy  hi  )i  that  any  uf  these  sur- 
veys had  b'cn  nmpleteil  acco.  ling  to  the 
lenrs  of  the  att  of  1824,  while  it  was  apparent 
that  there  h.^d  been  a  ivide  deviation  from  the 
luminoas  chart  marked  out  by  the  report  to 
which  he  had  ad'ei^ed.  If  any  of  these  sur- 
tfra  had  been  completed,  if  was,  neverthele-w, 
certain  that  the  plans  and  e.H'mtiles  had  not  all 
been  subm'ited  to  Congress,  and  tha'  down  to 
the  present  period,  no  opportunity  had  been 
a"ffbrded  us  of  deterraining  upon  the  projinety 
of  the  a,vstem  contemplated  by  'iie  act,  and  pro- 
jected in  the  report,  in  pursuance  of  it. 

Wily,  he  iriqjired,  had  this  not  been  done' 
Because  a  more  enlarged  construction  had  been 
,given  to  the  act  of  1S24,  :.nd  tlie  labors  of  the 
lingineer  Corps  had  been  directed  to  survs-ys 
of  routes  not  only  beyond  the  report,  lut  of  a 
mere  local  ciiaraci^fr,  in  ivhicli  it  could  scarcely 
Bo  pretended  the  General  Government  could 
rlglitfuUy  iutevfere.  Tiie  subsequent  appro 
priations  had  been  consideicd  as  authorizing' 
the  sui-yeyipg  of  new  objects,  and  as  wa. rant- 
ing' the  employment  of  the  corps  in  the  sti'vice 
of  the  several  States,  of  corporations,  or  of  indi- 
viduals, ou  rr.ere  local  objec  s;  ;n  some  .nstances 
as  he  belie-cd,  autho"i/!i:ig  sp:?ci.ilative  exami- 
nations t'S  I'O'ites  for  roads  or  canak.  wnere 
there  cj'jld  be  little  probability  tiiat  any  pracd- 
cal  work  would  be  prosecuted,  by  any  a  ithority 
wnalsoev:r.  IVow  the  object  of  the  amen  •.- 
meut,  proposed  by  the  Committee  of  Finance, 
said  Mr.  .McL. ,  was  to  apply  a  remedy  to  what 
he  deemed  an  evil,  and  lo  stop  useless  and  im- 
proper surveys;  to  bring  the  Executive  back  to 
the  orig-inxJ  and  true  objects  of  the  law,  that  the 
surveys  and  extremities  of  the  routes"  contem- 
plated by  the  act,  might  be  submitted  to  Ci  u- 
gress,  and  thus  afTord  an  opportunity  of  inqnir- 
-•ng    info    the    propriety  of    nr.d'^rt.'rkir.g   the 


works,  or  of  exier.diujj  the  number.  He  wis 
unwilling  to  submit  longer  to  the  practice  of 
perpetually  exploring  and  surveying,  wlthoii't 
the  hope  ofpracticallyacc'imphshing  the  work;;, 
He  desired  to  be  understood,  ai  not  imputing 
the  fault,  which  lie  had  adverted,  to  the  Execu- 
tive, whom  he  knew,  was  not  aio^ierespons'ble. 
He  Vr'as  aware,  t'.iat  it  was  usual  lo  order  these 
suivejs,  lip. .11  the  application  of '.he  delegatiou 
in  Congress,  of  the  particuUir  State  or  Slates, 
in  which  a  work  may  be  projected,  and  th.at 
siicli  apiiUcations  could  not  be  easily  put  by. 
The  S  nator  from  JLoui'iiaaa,  had  complained 
that  the  small  States  had  been  neg'lected  in  tiiis 
distribution  of  favor.s.;  if  the  comp.la.ut  v/as  well 
founded,  it  mig:it  be  proper  lo  consider,  wlie- 
ther  fhe  mode  of  thus  piociiring  the  intci-feieucc 
of  the  Government,  was  not  itself  Ihe  cause  of 
that  neglect.  Certain  it  was,  he  said,  thattliese 
solicitations  were  not  ahv.iys  successful,  because 
they  related  to  works  of  nalior.a!  imjioitancc, 
"justifying'  the  interposition  of  the  Govern- 
ment, but  not  unfrequeiitly  on  account  of  the 
weight  of  official  station  and  character,  and  it. 
might  be,  in  some  instances,  of  numerical  force. 
It  was  this  practice,  which  le;l  to  tlie  surveys  of 
local  routes,  not  within  the  competency  of  tht; 
General  Government,  which  created  delusive 
expectations  throughout  the  couiury,  never  to 
be  realized,  and  which  might  be  perverted  t6 
political  purposes,  not  only  foreign  from  the 
law,  'lut  injiuiqus  to  the  service,  and  destruc- 
tive, nlt'mat'.ly,  of  the  system  itself. 

H'  :;  lid,  he  could  not  assent  to  the  acgiu 
raeir  of  the  Senator  from  Louisiana,  that  a 
survey  could  be  necessary  to  test  or  as- 
certain the  national  charurter  of  any  of  these 
■A'crks.  riiat  question,  he  said,  depended 
upon  a  sound  int<  rpretation  of  the  Constitit- 
tion,  to  which  a  survey  of  the  route  could 
throw  no  light.  It  was  rot  to  be  decided 
so  inuch  by  a  mmiile  knowledge  of  theitopog- 
rapliy  of  the  country,  as  by  reference  to  our 
political  system  in  its  distributitm  o*"  powers 
and  duties  between  the  General  and  btaie  Go- 
vernmeiits.  These  surveys  were  to  test  th-e 
practicability  of  a  work  ;  they  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  cou.stitutionahty  of  our  interference;; 
that,  we  should  decide  for  ourselves  before  wc 
incur  the  expense  nf  the  survey,  and  ho  was 
unwilling  to  cm|)loy  the  Engineer  corps 
throughout  the  year,  exploring-  ail  parts  of  the 
Un'on,  in  searcli  of  chjects,  which  might  or 
might  not  he  fit  for  our  le^islal.ve  action. 

Mr.  McLiNE  said,  he  did  not  feid  the  force  of 
the  apprehension  whic!/  had  been  expressec?, 
of  injury  to  works  of  acknowledjffd  atilitr,  bv 
limiliug  the  app"opri.ation.  Ho  fell  quite  suit', 
that  no  usef  d  work  would  be  negiected,  or  re- 
tarded, by  this  amend  nent.  It  v.-ouid  be  reCD% 
lected  thai  the  operations  of  the  government 
iii  respect  to  in  ;  great,  cla.ss  of  Improvem.nt, 
were  w'.ioljy  iniiependtn:  of  thj  appropiitiriou 
for  sur.'eys.  Of  this  chiu-actrr,  were  the  nu- 
merous other  ite.ns  in  t!ie  bill  now  befofc  tire 
Senate,  all  of  which  would  receive  his  cordial 
support.  The  examinations  of  our  caast  and 
nvevs,  cle:u-ing  out  and  deepening  the  waters 
and  chaunels,  and  the  extensive  class  of  harbor 
improvement  in  all  parts  of  the  Union,  whether 
in  progress  or  to  be  commenced,  are  provide'd 
for,  by  separate  appropriations..  Some  apph- 
C'iticHis  forth.tst^  o'^jert?  have  alrsnlv  h"--.!!  cv. 


slilered,  and  bilis  iiave  passed  the  Senate  ; 
others  are  yet  before  the  appropriate  Commit- 
tees, and  win  doubtless  be  provided  for,  when- 
ever it  may  b.:  expedient  to  do  so.  It  is  tl<iis 
that  upon  objects  of  acknowledged  propriety 
and  iie'.e^sity,  Co'igress  sc'instan'ly  callei'.  up- 
on to  act  ;  and  ivhilo  act'utr  with  a  wise  iibe- 
ral.iy,  upon  these  objects  within  our  constitu- 
tional tphr-re,  theie  could  be  no  propriety  in 
leaving'  the  annual  appropriation  for  surveys  to 
the  in-i-spunsible  discretion  of  the  War  De'pa.-t- 
menl,  at  least  before  lie  can  be  iuformtd  of  the 
actual  c'.aracter  of  the  works  on  which  he  must 
hereafTt!r  act 

Mr  McLANE  said  he  concurred  in  the  re- 
mark that,  the  task  n(  distui^uisiiing  the  w.'rks 
within  tnc  powe;  o'  tlie  g(Sneral  g-overn^nent 
was  one  of  moral  d  fficulty;  and  that  was  a  reason 
in  uis  opinion,  why  the  discrimination  should  be 
made  by  Congress,  actuig  under  their  constitu- 
tional obbgatiMn.  It  was  one  motive  with  him 
for  desir.ng  to  huiit  tlie  action  of  the  Executive 
as  now  exercised,  and  to  rnlarge  that  of  Con- 
gress in  the  manner  proposed  by  the  ameiid- 
nitnt. 

But  although  there  might  be  difficulty  in  dis- 
tinguisiiing,  in  some  cases,  the  works  falling 
tvithm  the  power  of  t'le  general  government,  it 
was  easy  in  many  to  distin:>uish  those  beyond 
our  power,  and  in  no  case  was  the  .liffir.ultv  in- 
superable. The  able  report  of  the  Secretaiv  of 
AVar,  Mr.  Calhoun,  to  which  he  bad  had  oc- 
casion so  often  to  advert,  .bad  drawn  the  dis- 
tinctioii,  so  far  as  it  went,  with  much  accuracy 
and  precision.  If  Ins  own  opinion  could  be  sup- 
posed entitled  to  weight  in  this  respect,  he 
might  atlniit  that  the  conte,mplated  post  roads 
through  theAtlanticStates,and  the  rail  road  from 
Baltimore  to  Wheeling,  which  bad  been  men- 
tioned, fell  witiiin  the  distinction,  but  he  deni- 
ed that  a  rail  road  from  one  part  to  another  witli- 
'  in  the  State  of  .Maryland,  fell  v.ithin  Ihc  class  of 
works  entitled  to  the  aid  of  the  general  govern- 
ment 

Sir.  JFL.  said,  he  could  not  admit  that  Con- 
gress were  less  fit  or  competent  than  the  otiier 
tiepanmentsof  the  government  to  deal  with  tn'S 
subject.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  m<isl  fit 
from  the  peculiar  coiiipositio'i  of  tlietwi*  Hous- 
es, and  it  wa.^  moreover  their  appropriate  duty 
by  the  constitutiun.  I'he  act  of  l!jl>4,  referred 
the  ultimate  decision  of  the  whole  suoject  Id 
Congress,  and  the  anienilment  is  in  firt  emnce 
of  tliat  end.  li  the  systim  nf  surveys,  or  of  inter- 
nal improvement  itself,  be  of  such  a  character 
as  to  defv  the  iiiter[)osition  ^.f  Congri'SS,it  would 
be  in  his  opinion  too  dan^ermis  to  be  attempt- 
ed; and  when  convinced  of  this,  be  wouki  be 
prepared  to  abandon  it  rJtogether.  He  here  re 
peated  that  the  mass  cf  the  sun  eys  which  bad 
been  making  under  color  of  tlie  law  of  lt>24 
had  not  even  been  considered  by  Congress, 
much  less  had  the)  received  its  sanction. 

Mr  M'LANE  said  he  denied  tlie  power  of 
the  general  goi  ernment  to  survey  the  routes  of 
.works  which  tliey  could  not  constitutionally  pro- 
lir>'.c:  and  therefore  he  contended,  that  the  cx- 
pL.-'.u:ture  for  all  surveys  of  lora!  objects  had 
been  unconstitutional,  and  not  authorized  by 
the  act  of  1824.  The  right  to  survej  the  route 
of  a  road  or  canal,  was  auxiliary  only  to  the 
right  of  constructing  tlie  work  .ircording  to  the 
survey,  and  this  government,  could  not  be  war- 


ranted in  entering  the  territory  of  a  state,  atic 
expending  the  public  money  in  a  topographi- 
cal reconnoisance  of  works  exclusively  within 
the  power  of  the  State. 

Hav.ng  no  power  ourselves  to  accomplish 
such  works,  he  deemed  it  inexpedient  to  per- 
mit the  annual  expenditure  of  large  sums  of 
the  public  money  by  the  E.xecutive,  for  similar 
objects 

fientlemen  h.ad  said  that  the  surveys  of  local 
objects  were  not  so  numerous  as  had  been  sup- 
posed, and  that  most  (  f  them  might  be  shewn 
to  be  within  the  power  of  the  general  Govetn- 
me-.t. 

Easily  as  he  supr^os  d  this  opinion  might  be 
refuted,  Mr.  McL««fE  said  he  wotdd  not  now 
be  di-awn  into  a  discussion  of  the  character  of 
the  numerous  routes,  mentioned  n  the  list  be- 
fore the  Senate.  In  might  be  invidious  too,  for 
him  to  distinguish  in  this  list,  those  particular 
routes  which  liad  been  improperly  attended  to. 
He  begged  leave,  however,  o  call  the  atten- 
tion of  the  Senate  to  the  Hulluitd  canal,  which 
appears  by  the  report  of  the  Engineers  to  be 
exchis;vely  for  local  oSj.  cts;  and  also,  to  most 
of  the  surveys  in  he  States  of  Maine  and  New 
Hampshire,  which  iie  believed,  the  Senators 
from  those  -tates  would  not  pretend  were  in 
any  respect  of  national  importance  He  did  not 
think  the  propriety  of  the  amendmcnt,depend- 
ed  entirely  upon  the  extent  to  which  the  prac- 
ticjj.of  'Viiich  he  had  been  speaking,  had  been 
Carried.  It  was  enough  that  it  was  recognized 
by  the  Executive  as  proper  to  be  continued: 
that  the  act  of  Congress  as  <  xplainedby  the  re- 
port of  1824  had  been  transcended,  and  that  no 
official  exposition,;  had  Deen  made,  either  of  the 
grounds  of  tliis  practice,  or  of  the  result  of  the 
original  objects  of  the  law.  It  was  enough,  at 
least,  to  justify  us  in  limitin*the  apphcation  of 
the  money  until  such  exposition  could  be  fur- 
nished. 

It  m'ght  be  true,  he  said,  as  had  been  sug- 
gested, thai  the  amendment  might  not  meet  the 
whole  evil,  as  a  pat  t  of  the  appropriation  might 
be  expended  on  those  »  orks  ot  a  local  character 
already  in  progre.ss.  But  lie  thought  this  ap- 
prehension would  depend  very  much  upon 
those  charged  wiiii  the  application  of  the  mo- 
ney: and  the  amendment  proposed  the  only  re- 
meily  of  which  the  case  was  susceptible,  that  of 
St  ipri-ng- the  surveysahog!  thei,  which  he  wish- 
ed to.i\'"itl.  Tile  Entjineers  being  alreatij''  in 
the  field,  and  having  incurred  expense,  could 
not  be  withdrawn  without  mate ri.al  loss  and  in- 
jury to  the  service;  and  as  the  sum  granted  in  the 
bill  is  less  by  ^20,000,  than  that  demanded  by 
the  estimat  s  it  is  not  improbable  that  most  of 
it  may  be  required  for  those  objects  properly 
authori/  ed.  If  the  amendment  prevail,  it  may 
he  fairly  presumed  that  the  Executive  conform- 
ing himself  to  tlie  exjiressed  views  of  Congress, 
will  so  apply  the  money  as  to  efi'ectuate  those 
wews,  and  avoid  the  inconvenience  now  stig- 
gested.  At  all  events,  the  alternative  was  be- 
tween a  partial  lemedy,  and  an  encouragement 
of  the  mischief:  for  if  the  appropriation  be  left 
unlimited,  the  Dep.artment  will  be  at  liberty,  if 
it  be  not  limited  by  the  rejection  of  tlie  amend- 
ment, to  persevere  in  tiie  present  practice,  and 
bv  originating  new  surveys,  not  only  augment 
the  ev.l,  but  hiiall\  provoke  an  absolute  repeal 
of  the  law  of   182-i-.     He  beheved  this  danger 


125 


niore  immincm  when  he  reflected  upon  the  pro- 
gressive character  of  the  evil,  »ndthe  excusable 
Dertinacity  with  which  one  State  would  press 
its  claims  to  indulgence  which  it  had  seen  ex- 
fended  to  others. 

He  could  not  doubt,  that  the  amendment 
would  relieve  the  Department  itself  of  much  of 
the  imp'.riuiiity  to  whicii  it  was  at  present  ex- 
posed. Fur,  as  he  understood  the  present  prac- 
tice, to  be  controlled  only  by  Conifre.ss,  the 
Corps  of  Eiij^ineers  -nay  not  be  unfrequently 
employed  in  the  service  of  a  State,  or  private 
Corporation,  in  making-  surieys,  pl.ins  ai:d  esti- 
mates of  local  p^oj^-ct^;,  and  with  the  public 
money  appropriated  for  tlte  jmi-poses  of  the 
law  of  1^24.  He  did  n  >t  objcci  to  their 
be'ng-  thus  employed  because  the  worii  was 
undertaken  1>\  a  State  or  Corporation;  for 
he  had  ever  entertiined  the  op.nion,  that  thu 
resources  of  the  Government  could  be  best 
applied  to  tliese  wurks,  in  aid  of  individual  f  n- 
tcvprize;  but  his  objccion  applied  to  tiie 
character  of  'he  work,  and  the  tn.phiyment  of 
the  public  money,  for  objects  which  the  Con- 
stitution for'(>ade  us  to  toucli. 

Nor  was  he  disposed,  he  said,  ps  had  been 
intimated  by  the  Senator  from  Louisiana,  to 
Withhold  the  science  of  the  Guvernnient,  from 
the  seivice  of  1  st;ite,  even  for  local  objc.-ts, 
when  the  public  service  would  admit  of  such 
employment.  The  Corps  of  Engineers,  formed 
a  part  of  tlie  military  organization  of  the  coun- 
try, and  were  'naintained  by  the  general  appro- 
priation for  tlie  mililaiy  service.  It  w».s  compe- 
tent for  the  Executive,  by  keeping  them  in 
constant  practice  and  employment,  to  preserve 
and  invigorate  the  science,  as  werl  as  the  physi- 
cal energies  of  all  parts  of  the  army,  to  keep  its 
armour  bright  in  peace. that  it  might  be  f  fficiont 
on  the  first  occurrence  of  war.  As  it  employed 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  army  on  the  roads, 
he  saw  no  objection  to  the  employment  of  its 
scientific  men  on  the  application  of  a  State, 
requiring  only  that  the  Slate  should  pay  the 
extra  expense.  He  had  always  understood  tliis 
to  have  been  the  us<ge  under  the  former  admin- 
istration of  the  War  Uepartment,  and  he  did 
not  desire  to  change  it.  He  repeated,  that  it 
was  not  to  such  employment  of  the  military  sci- 
ence, but  to  the  expenditure  of  the  public  mo- 
ney, on  objects  local  to  a  State,  and  to  the  de- 
triment of  tlie  public  service,  that  his  objection 
was  directed. 

Mr.  McL.  said,  he  would  not  pursue  these 
topics  further.  He  felt  that  the  whole  system 
of  internal  improvement,  wasbesst  with  serious 
difficulties,  and  he  believed  the  great.st  danger 
to  « hich  it  stood  exposed,  was  that  of  being 
prematurely  pushed  so  far,  as  to  produce  reac- 
tion, and  array  the  public  sentiment  against  it. 
The  objects  legitimately  within  the  spliere  of 
the  General  Government,  were,  he  believed, 
free  and  of  that  acknowledged  importance,  as 
wouUl,  if  wisely  pursued,  be  sustained  be  a  large 
portion  of  the  people.  l!ut  v/ben  t'.e  (.  ncrn- 
ment  neglected  these,  and  intermeddled  with 
local  concerns,  a  countervading  spirit  would 
arise,  tending  *-)  abridge  its  just  action.      . 

Constituted  as  this  governni-  nt  is,  saiil  he,  it 
is  impossible  for  us,  in  the  execution  of  our  va- 
rious powers  and  duties,  to  disregard  the  opin- 
ions andfeelings  of  a  large  portion  of  the  Union. 
Public  opinion  must  be  dealt  with  bv  reason  and 


argument,  and  in  most  instances  the  hght  to 
exercise  any  particular  power  shoidd  be  de- 
monstrated before  it  is  exerted.  An  attempt 
to  force  our  operations  for  internal  improve- 
ments, by  a  profuse  and  indiscriminate  expen- 
diture  of  the  public  money  must  act  eventually- 
against  the  system  itself  He  thought  the  pre- 
sent state  of  public  feeling  in  many  parts  of  the 
Union  justified  these  remarks.  Che  cause  ot 
internal  improvement  had  been  .gradually  win- 
ning its  way  to  the  favor  of  the  people  for 
more  tlian  thirty  years,  and  the  law  of  1824 
placed  it  on  sufe  ground,  if  t:'a;  position  hid 
been  judIclou^ly  maintained.  But  it  had  been 
carried  much  beyond  tb.^t,  and  no  staiesmaji 
cnull  c.:st  his  eye  over  the  country  at  the  pre- 
sent day,  ult'iout  p-'rceiving  tliut  new  nnd  more 
formidaole  dangers  were  gath-'-iug  peiore  it. 
W  iiy,  tie  asked,  was  this  '  It  was,  as  he  be- 
heved,  because  the  .system  had  been  jiusiied 
too  far — farther  than  its  mcst  sug«cious  friends 
had  ever  contcmpSated.  The  Executive  had 
taken  part,  not  only  in  advance,  but  so  far  in 
advance  of  public  op  nion,  and  on  ground  so 
untenable  in  i'le  judgmeiit  of  the  most  eiilight-  ' 
ened  advocates  o"  the  federal  governm.nit,  as, 
to  create  an  apprehension  that  its  powers  are 
without  limit,  and  as  rxtersive  as  was  ever  pre- 
dicted of  its  wildest  assumptions.  In  advocat- 
ing the  amendment  rep'irted  by  the  Commit- 
tCi ,  his  design  was  to  re-occupy  tiie  ground  he 
had  left,  and  by  -acknowledg-:n<  a  reasonable 
limit  to  the  pojvers  of  tliis  government,  s-ave  if 
from  thereco  Tof  its  own  extravagance. 

For  himself,  he  was  not  anxious  to  make 
professions  here  of  his  constitutional  opinions. 
He  was  content  to  refer  to  his  past  votes,  to 
those  he  had  given  at  the  present  session,  and 
to  those  it  might  be  h  s  duty  to  give  bereaf-  " . 
ter.  He  was  satisfied  in  the  belief  that  they 
were  right  now,  and  tlie  humble  hope  that 
they  would  abide  the  test  of  time.  He  was 
the  advocate  of  the  system  of  internal  improve- 
ment fir  its  own  meiits,  and  their  intimate  con- 
nection with  the  puhhc  weal.  He  would  not  con- 
sent to  use  It  as  auxdiary  to  any  other  cause  or 
purpose  whatever,  than  its  own  great  ends.  He 
professed  to  be  nofurilier  the  friend  of  any 
me.'.sure  than  he  faithfully  labore.I  to  accom- 
plish its  real  objects.  His  aim  was  to  keep  him- 
self on  tlie  line  of  the  Constitution,  avoid  ng  the 
extremes  of  either  side;  and  looking  to  a  wise 
and  judicious  exercise  of  the  reasonable  pow- 
ers of  the  general  government  as  essential  to  its 
own  existence  and  the  sakty  of  the  Union,  he 
wouh!  not  consent  to  do  too  much,  to  escape  the 
susp  cion  of  not  doing  enough. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  BENIGN,  the  bill  was 
then  laid  on  the  table- 
On  announcing  the  vote  of  tlie  Senate,  on 
the  a.i'endmeiit  made  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  to  the  internal  Inipi-ovemem  Bdl,  limi- 
ting the  apjiropriation  of  1828,  fur  the  survevs, 
to  the  completion  of  those  alrcidv  commenced' 
tlie  VICE  PniiSIDENT  made  'the  following 
reni.trks: 

He  said,  he  solicited  the  indulgence  of 
the  Senate,  while  he  made  a  few  teinarks, 
which  he  hoped  would  be  granted,  as  a  refer- 
ence had  been  made  in  the  debate,  to  his  course 
both  on  this  and  former  occasions,  in  relation 
to  the  subject  of  internal  improvement.     It  was 


1S(J 


declared  by  one  ot  tlic  Senators  from  Iijd.  (Mr. 
Hendricks,)  that  tlsc  vote  in  committee  on  tlie 
amendment,  just  concurred  in  by  the  Senate, 
■iv^stantamonnl  to  an ab;indonmentoftlie  system, 
and  that  it  could  only  be  defended  on  that  t,T;iund 
The  Chair  gave  the  ca3ting  \''nte  in  favor  of  the 
amendment  in  Committee,  and  if  tlie  assertion  of 
the  Senator  be  correct,  he,  who  fills  it,  would, 
iTi  a  special  manner,  be  liable  to  the  charge  af 
incoi>oistency,  attempted  to  be  fixed  on  that 
portion  of  tlie  fiiends  of  internal  improvement 
who  supported  the  amendment.  It  was  iiis 
wish,  in  cTeiy  pu'dic  act,  to  be  disilnctlv  un- 
derstood. The  object  of  !iis  vote  was.  not  to 
abandon  his  former  priuciplas  It  was  m  .strict 
conformity  to  them.  Had  Im  voti'd  ctli.-rwist, 
he  mig-lit  then  indeed  hiive  'jeen  char;;'ed  with 
inconsistency. 

From  the  be^nning,  he  had  seen  tliat  the  sys- 
tem was  exposed  to  ofveat  -aniJer  from  its  liabili- 
ty te  ahu.se;  to  guard  agLunst  which,  required 
much  prudence  a-id  firnme»s.  Itsten.kmcy  to 
degenerate  from  objects  truly  national,  such  a.i 
\vere  connected  with  the  powei^  and  duties  of 
the  (^enerd  g-overnment,  t(^  those  merely  local, 
and  also  to  become  the  means  of  extensive  and 
dangerous  political  c.?rabi(iatio'iS,  could  net  be 
doubted  If  experience  should  prove,  whicii 
he  hop-.d  it  M  nuld  notj  tllat  this  tendency  was 
too  strong  to  be  rcsisied,  it  ought  and  would 
prove  f'Ual  to  the  system,  for  .as  hi^h  as  tlie  peo- 
ple mi;.;'ht  estimate  me  benefits  ^liiitemal  im- 
prove'iient,  they  stil'  norehTtV'y  value,  asthcy 
ought,  the  purity  ofourpolitica'  institutions.  He 
did  not  intend  to  intnnate,  tltat  al)US"»s  iiad  oc- 
curred. His  object  w;is  simply  to  slate,  wliat 
liis  op'uion  is,  and  aUvnvs  had  been,  in  erder 
that  his  conduct,  whicli  had  been  in  exact  con. 
f-rmity  to  it,  mig'ht  be  ftilly  understood.  It  was 
ilic  fortune  of  him,  wlio  now  fills  the  C'jtir.  to 
discharge  tlie  duties  of  Secretary  of  \Tar, 
when  the  act  of  18-4,  which  authorises  the 
surveys,  p:issed,  and  actir.tj  on  the  views, 
which  he  has  st.atcd,  his  first  step  was  to 
submit  to  the  President  a  report  co:ilaining- 
his  opinion  of  the  construction,  which,  after 
mature  deliberation,  he  tliouyht  oiig'ht  to  be 
given  to  it,  wltii  a  plan,! n  detail,  for  carrying  it 
into  effect,  enumerating  tlie  roads  and  canals 
siipnosed  to  he  compreliended  in  the  provisions 
ofthe  act,  which  rep.irt  was  submitted  by  the 
I'residsnt  to  Congress,  at  the  prc-sent  session. 
In  purSiiing  this  course,  it  was  his  int- ntion  to 
plact  the  whole  subject,  in  all  of  its  aspects, be- 
fore the  Legislative  braue.'i  of  the  f;:overnment, 
and  thereby  to  bring  the  er.tirc_  control  of  the 
syslq.n  under  its  immediate  supervision.  Ho 
then,  a^,  now,  thotn^ht  the  power  too  ijreat  to  be 
placed  at  the  di.irrotlon  of  any  offi;-r  r,f  the  go- 
vernment ;  nor  in  his  opinion, ought  any  iiwiividu- 
a1  to  desiru  to  be  place']  in  a  »ii  nation  so  exposed 
to  I'liportunities  and  infiucnce,  as  h"  must  ne 
cesar.Iy  be  in  tlie  ex -rcise  of  p-jwer  s-o  high 
and  unlimited.  Coi.gress  was  the  only  rafe  de- 
postory  of  such  po^ver;  and  as  he  coiisniered 
the  amendment,  bu!  as  a  step  towards  giving  to 
it  ihe  entire  conirol  over  tlie  subject,  iie  could 
not  consistently  with  his  habitual  mod*-  of 
thinking  and  acing,  reject  it  by  his  vote. — 
Ho  trusted  it  would  be  followed  up  till  a  system 
of  specific  appropriations  was  introduced  into 
this,  as  well  as  all  other  branches  of  disburse- 
mcn?s^     in  none  ronld  it  be  JTiore  important. 


than  that  under  consiilerati^on,  which  Ironi  h-'^ 
nature , was  soliable  to  abuse.  There,  if  the  com- 
mon funds  be  unequally  applied,  as  it  probably 
would,  if  not  imiTiediately  controlled  by  Con- 
gress, it  must  create  discontent  in  the  portions 
ofthe  country  neglected.  It  ought  never  to  be 
forgotten,  th.at  it  was  only  through  specific  ap- 
propriations, that  the  Legislative  branch  ofthe 
government  could  maintain  its  proper  ascenden» 
cv  in  our  political  svstem,  and  thereby  restraiTi 
within  safe  iimi's  tite  influence  of  the  Kxecutive 
Department,  already  so  greatly  and  dangerously 
extended.  With  liim,  this  opinion  was  not  rer 
C'ntly  adopte<'.  Ht  so  tiiought  in  1817,  while  a 
member  ofthe  ot'  er  House.  He  then  moved  a 
resolution  to  inquire  into  the  expi^iiency  of  re- 
pi-aling  the  act,  which  vested  in  tlie  Hresidenl 
the  power  to  transfer  at  liis  pleasure,  apprrpri- 
ations  froiP  one  head  of  disbtirseitienis  to  aij- 
oth»r,  a  povFer,  winch  virtually  abolislied  thp 
whole  system  of  specific  appropriatioQS.  He 
met  witli  great  resistance,  and  succeeded  par- 
tially oolv;  ijut  what  he  tlien  did  laid  the  foun- 
dation ofalmos.  wiiolly  dvestiug  ths  executive) 
at  a  future  session,  of  so  dangerous  a  power. 

He  would,  with  the  indulgence  of  the  Se- 
i;ate,  avail  himself  of  this  opportunity  of  ex- 
plaining brieiiy  tho  vote  whicli  he  gave  two 
s<s,sions  since,  on  the  Illinois  eanal  bill,  and 
which  had  been  dluded  to  in  the  tlebnta.  His 
ttiotiv-  in  giving  'he  cap'.ing  vote  against  tliat 
measure,  had  been  g-reatlv  misrepreoented.  It 
was  given,  not  from  objec'ion  to  th.  project- 
ed canal,  as  had  bcjn  mi&styted,  bu'  from  objec- 
tions to  3'>me  of  llie  provisions  ofthe  bill.  He 
had  recommended  the  canal  in  tlie  report, 
wdiich  he  rriade  in  1319,  under  the  resolution  of 
the  House  of  Kepreaentatives,  as  liigldy  impor- 
tant wliich  opinion  remains  unchanged.  It 
would  be  the  great  channe.l  of  conunercie  and 
intv.rcour5e  betv;ecn  the  Misoiouri  and  .Missis- 
sippi rivers,  and  the  uppe-  Lakes;  but  notwith- 
standing his  high  t.rtimate  c-f  its  import  mca  to 
so  large  a  portion  of  our  country,  he  could  not 
reconcile  it  to  his  sense  of  duty  to  vote  for  the 
bill  His  objections  to  a  part  of  its  provisions 
■were  iiiMiperablc.  He  did  not  object  to  the 
appropriation  which  it  proposed  to  make  ofthe 
puMic  lands  through  which  the  route  of  the 
projected  canal  was  laid  down.  On  the  contra- 
ry, "he  thought  they  constituted  tlie  natural 
fiind,  and  ought  to  be  applied  to  defray  the 
expense  of  coiistructiig  the  canal.  Nor  did  he 
believe,  lli.at  a  constitutional  objection  could  be 
fairly  raised  to  such  an  application  of  a  portion 
<if  the  public  lands.  In  Congress  was  vested  the 
power  of  dij-nosiiig  of  tiiose  lands,  and  it  did 
appear  to  him  almost  impossible  to  raise  a  con- 
stitutional objection  tn  such  a  disposition  of  a 
portion  o("  them,  as  wouH  makeSCie  rcsidtie 
more  valuable,  than  'he  whole,  without  sticli 
improvement,  wh-ch  would  be  the  fact,  as  was 
conceded  in  the  instance  under  consideration. 
In  such  cases  the  General  Government  acted 
in  ti'ie  new  States  not  so  much  as  a  so>ei'ci>;n,  as 
a  great  land  oroprietor,  who  was  bound  to  con- 
tribute to  such  improvemen's,  as  would  en- 
hance the  value  of  landed  estati-s,  by  irapruv- 
ifg  the  means  of  intercotirse.  But  v/hile  he 
iissented  to  the  proposed  donation  of  land  to 
construct  tne  projected  canal,  there  was  another- 
ppovidon  to  which  he  co.uldtuot  be  recoticiltd,  • 
and  whfeh  compelled  hitf  'o  vrte  against  St 


137 


ir.alead  of  making'  t'le  canal  toll  free  to  all  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  the  bill  pro- 
pos^-d  to  g-ive  to  the  State  of  JUinois  the 
right  of  levying  a  toll  for  her  own  use,  nut  only 
on  her  own  citizen3,  hut  on  all  others  who 
misht  use  it,  excepting  only  the  United  States 
whea  transpoitint;  ilie.r  troops  and  pnivlic 
stores.  He  did  not  tlinik  such  a  provis'on  could 
be  re;  ncilcd  either  w  tit  principle,  or  poLcy. 
The  public  lands  belong-  to  all  tiie  peoph"  of  tl>e 
Union,  and  Congress  was  out  tlie  tvusiee,  liold- 
ili^  them  for  their  common  benefit,  and  could 
not,  in  his  opinion,  consistently  with  the.  nature 
of  Its  trust,  apply  a  poriion  ot  the  conitntin 
fund  to  the  construction  of  an  iniport;inl 
wt.rk  of  the  kind,  io  ue.  when  completed,  not 
the  property  ofthi  whoh,  but  that  of  a  sinjcle 
state,  cSus^ituting;  a  small  portion  of  the  whole 
people  of  the  Union.  it  was  con. p  tent  for 
the  State  of  lliimis  Io  cut  the  canulat  her  own 
expense,  but  sureh',  if,  she  shoidil  ask  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Union  to  do  it  for  her,  out  of  a 
comnion  fund,  she  oushi  not  to  oijjcct  to  its  be- 
ing free  to  the  citizens  of  the  other  States  par- 
ticidarly  those  as  much  interested  in  t!ie  use  of 
the  work  as  herst  If  This  was  substi-.oi lally  true 
of  all  of  the  Slates  lying  on  the  Mississipp  ,  but 
more  st.'iotly  30,  of  tie  State  of  Miisouri.  It 
would  not  in  fiict  be  too  much  to  ass.rt,  that 
.she  would  be  more  interested  in  the  cmal,  t'l^n 
Illinois  liei'se  f,  as  great  as  was  hev  interest,  ,\ 
large  portion  of  the  latter  State  would  never  use 
Jt  in  tlieirintercoursewlth  thelaki  3,  hut  it  ivould 
be  the  only  cliiuintl  hat  would  Oe  used  by  iH 
of  the  people  of  Missouri,  in  tiieir  intercourse 
'With  tli'i  e  iidaiiu  seas,  n-hose  commerce  in 
tin>e  must  be  so  great.  Thus  thji.K...i<..  he 
entild  not  reconcile  it  to  his  conception  of 
iSnly,  regarding  tne  interest  of  all,  to  give 
his  vote  in  its  favor,  containing  as  it  did  the 
provision  under  consideration.  But  he  ducm- 
ed  it  his  duty  at  the  t'me  to  apprise  tlie  Sena- 
tins  from  Illinois. of  liis  objection.  He  antici- 
pated the  vote  would  be  close,  and  that  the 
passage  of  the  bill  might  depend  on  the  dee.is- 
lon  of  the  Chair.  He  infcrmed  them,  that  he 
approved  of  the  object  of  the  bill,  and  ti.at  he 
was  desirous  of  recording  his  vote  in  its  favor, 
sliould-ine  .Senate  be  eq.ially  divided,  a-<  was 
not  i'Tipvobable;  but  with  the  ]>rovi.sious  in  it, 
to  which  he  objected,  he  could  not  give  it  his 
sanction,  aild  reqneeted  them,  if  agret»ihlc  t;> 
their  conc'.-piion  of  wlrat  was  proper,  to  amend 
the  bill,  in  such  a  manner,  that  he  might  vote 
ft)r  it,  should  ite  passasj-e  depend  on  the  Cliair. 

Oil  examiniitg  tne  resoludon  of  lire  State  of  11- 
ITnois,  under  which  they  acted,  they  did  not 
feel  at  llheity  10  propose  an  amendment  of  the 
kind,  and  the  Cliair  was  accordingly  conipeiled, 
by  an  tq  ral  division  of  the  Secate,  to  vute  as 
it  did 

Mr.  C.  s.aid  he  had  nothing  to,d".sguiie.  Fie 
hsid  never  concealed  a  political  .se  iti.rem,  and 
would  hold  himself  in  contempt  were  he  capa- 
ble of  so  eOA'avdly  a  course. 

He  cc.nchided  by  ask'Og  pardon  of  the  Se- 
nate, for  occupying  any  pTiion  of  its  time, 
but  expressed  a  hope  th;it  they  would  find  a 
justiflcation  in  the  situati.-u  in  w!l?c-i  he  was 
placed,  by  the  refe.-ence  which  hail  lieen  made 
«o  his  cour-se,  on  this  subject,  in  the  debate. 


THK  WEBSTER  BARGAIN'. 

It  will  lie  recollected  that  it  has  been  chargexl 
that  Mr.  Webster  held  a  letter,  whicli  he  and 
other  federalists  considered  as  a  pledge,  on  the 
part  of  Mr.  Adams,  to  bestow  oflices  on  th-e 
federal  party.  It  has  also  been  said,  that  this 
letter  contained  certain  alterations,  (U' correc- 
tions, made  in  the  haiuUvriting  of  M--  Adams 
himself  Durng  the  las',  summer,  thi,-  Kditor 
of  the  Na*i.'n.il  F.dladiuu:,  charge  d  tuut  this 
letter  was  ohiaincd  through  the  agency  of  Mr. 
John  Baiiev,  who  is  known  as  the  confidential 
clerk  of  Mr.  Adain.s. 

This  statem^  :it  w.ts  made  a  siiort  time  before 
the  New  York  Bl'Ctions;  and  Mr.  Adams,  then 
on  his  Wi«y  f:-or,-.  Rviston,  aMihoiize<'  Mr.  Charlea 
King,  the  Ed-tor  of  tlie  New  York  American^ 
to  cnntrad  ct  the  stateiijei't  in  the  I'ali.idmm. 
Whet'-.er  to  the  extent  afterwards  stated  by- 
Mr.  King,  which  we  tmdei-stand  to  have  been 
an  uneq-iivocal  denial  in  ail  its  paits,  is  Sneer- 
tain.  The  deni.d  oTthe  Anviriam  was  followed 
lip  by  a  certificate  of  Mr.  Biiiley. 

In  rejdy  to  tlus  st.itement  of  Mr.  Bailey,  an^ 
the  denial  in  the  A.nerican,  it  was  stated  that 
the  Editor  of  the  Pallaiilum  was  In  en-or,  ill 
sifpposing  that  Mr.  Btiey  had  any  agency  in 
obt.ainmg  the  letter;  that  it  was  e.btained  by 
Mr.  Webster m  person;  that  Mr.  W.  had  spoken 
of  the  letter  lo.ievei-al  gentlemen;  an. I  Mr.  *)Ic- 
L'uie,  of  0(l.;WiU-e,  Mr.  Hopkmson  and  Mr 
Walsh,  of  Pivlath-lphia,  Mr.  Warfield,  of  .Mary- 
land, Mr.  Stockl-n,  of  New  Jt;r.sey,  and  Mr. 
Van  Rensselaer,  of  New  York,  liave  been  named 
as  uf  that  uwrr.ber.  Xhe  Editor  of  the  New 
York  Evening,  Post,  and  tiie  Kdilors  o}'  the 
Ricl.inoid  Gnqu '-er,  h;ive  spoken  in  tnc  most 
unequivocal  ter-iis  ot  too  'Aistenee  of  the  let- 
ter; and  'tr.  Web.ster  has  been  cluilenyed  to 
deny  the  fact.  Tile  Post  has  said  that,  one  of 
the  most  highly  respectable  men,  told  the  Edi- 
tor that  Mr.  Webster,  putting  his  bund  upon 
his  pocket  and  speaking  of  the  pledge,  said, 
"I  have  It,  here,  in  bl.ick  and  «hite."  Yet, 
Mr..  Webster,  and  all  the  other  gentlemqji 
named,  have  lemained  silent. 

A  Mr.  Wood,  Who,  it  seems,  has  resided  in 
New.Iersey,  and  has  lately  become  the  IVlitor 
'ff  a  p-jper  m  Buflaloo  New  York,  has  pub- 
lished whAl  he  charges  to  be  an  extract  fro;n  a 
letter  writtvi  by  Mr.  Stockton,  who  is  since 
dead,  in  w'mch  it  is  charged  th^t  Mr.  Webstor 
exhibited  the  letter  to  him,  in  tlie  presence  of 
Mr.  Hopkinson,  at  Bispham's,    7>enton,  N.  .1. 

An  E,-?;trac)  from  'IpIs  statement  was  repub- 
lisbod  in  the  New  York  Evening  P!,st,  in  reply- 
to  which,  the  fiUowin^  note,  addressed  to  the 
editor,  by  the  son  of  Mr.  Stockton,  Iras  been 
poblisiied: 

(COPY.) 
PRi.vcEr":,-,  Apt-lllllh,  1S23. 
To  the  Ef!lt</r  of  the  N.  Y.  Eve.n-nsr  PoH- 

Sii". — In  your  patjer  of  the  16th,  there  is  an 
cxi.rs.ctfra-.li  the  ''Buffalo  Republican,"  con- 
taining what  is  stated  to  be  "  an  extract  of  a 
letter  .'Vom  Ur.  Stockton,  of  Princeton."  I 
take  the  liberty  to  inform  you  that  I  believe  mv 
fstiier  never  wrote  snch  a  letter,  and  that  the 
extract  in  question  .nusthe  an  entire  tiibrication. 
It  Is  perhaps  unneces^^ary  for  me  to  suy  am 
thing  more  on  that  subject  .at  present. 
I  am,  vnur  pb't  and  humble  serv't, 

U.    I-'.    S'lOT'lCTOV 


IZ9 


t 


^\ 


The  Is/a'ional  Gaiette  says, 

"  In  addition  to  tlie  reasons  already  piven  to 
shew  that  the  letter  alleged  to  have  been  writ- 
ten by  Mr.  Stockton  is  a  mere  fabrication,  we 
have  authority  for  saying,  thai  nil  that  part  of  it, 
■whicli  details  an  inti-rvii ui  betwc'n  Mr.  Stockton 
and  Mr  Hopkltison,  at  Bi^phum's,  in  Trenton,  at 
which  a  certain  letter  was  s^iewn,  has  not  the  least 
siiadow  of  finindatioi  in  truth.  iVo  such  inter- 
view ever  toot;  place — no  such  letter  was  eetrshfjvii 
to  Mr.  StocUton  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Hipkin- 
son;  or,  to  his  knowledge,  at  any  ol/tcr  iinie  or 
pJaee." 

These  statements  are  now  seized  upon  by  the 
administration  papcro,  ao  pruof;  of  wli  it?  of  the 
innocence  of  Mr.  Adams!!  '  These  statements 
do  not  deny  ilie  existence  of  the  letter,  ch.>rgt-d 
fo  have  been  in  the  po:.session  of  ilf.  "ebster. 
They  only  deny  the  autiient'.c'.ty  of  the  k-ttcr 
said  to  have  been  written  by  Mr.  Stockton.  It 
may  be  true,  that  Mr.  StocVton  slid  not  write 
the  letter  in  question,  and  yet  be  equallj  true, 
that  Mr.    Webster  did  obtain,  and  exiiibit  to 


THE  SIX  MILITIAMEN. 

The  policy  of  the  present  administration  tenUs 
to  encourage  desertion,  mutiny,  and  insubordi- 
nation in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  The 
Richmond  Enquirer,  commenting  on  this  sub- 
ject, says: 

"  We  have  before  us  an  extract  from  Colonel 
Jones'  Report  of  December  51st  last,  exhibiting 
the  "  magnitude  of  this  growing  evil"  of  deser- 
tion. In  the  years  182j,  4,  5,  and  6,  there 
were  2183  desertions  out  of  8''i2t  men  who 
were  enlisted — and  the  loss  in  money  by  deser- 
tion, is  estimated  by  the  Aiijutant  General  at 
S25J,95.3." 

Can  that  policy  be  a  safe  and  patriotic  one, 
which  !e:.ds  to  buch  results?  But  some  of  tiie 
friends  of  Mv^^srs.  /'.dams  and  Clay,  insist  that 
there  is  a  dflerence  between  regular  soldiers 
and  militia!!  It  is  known,  that  the  law  has 
placid  the  militia,  whuii  called  into  service, 
un'Vr  the  saiiie  ru'ts  and  regulations  us  regular 
sold'iei's,  with  the  single  exception,  that  the 
Conns  Mart.al  «lio  pa;-.s  sf  ntcnce  on  them,  are 
composed  of  mil'i.  :■  officers.     It  is  known,  that 


Mr.  Walsh,  Mr.  Ilopkiii.soii,  Mr.  Stockton,  Mr.     we  r.  ly  on  a  w-U  regiil.'ited  militia,  as  the  main 
iMcLane,  and  others,  the  k^ter  which  pt'.Jged    bulwark  of  our  natioiud  defence.     Let  it  once 


i 


be  understood,  th^t  militia  are  not  to  be  pun- 
ished for  muliny,  dcserlMm,  or  insubordination, 
aud  reliance  can  no  k>n,";er  be  placed  in  them 
for  the  purp:)ses  of  defence.  Let  it  once  be 
underslood,  that  mditia  canntt  be  relied  on  for 
tlie  national  defence,  and  the  old  federal  doc- 
trine, of  a  large  standing  army,  will  follow  of 
course.  Let  a  large  standing  army  he  intro- 
duced,and  o.ir  li!)erties  will  take  wings  and  fly. 
Such  is  tlir  )!olicy  of  the  iVderal  party,  wiio  now 
su[)port  Mr.  Adams.  Let  them  once  get  the 
army,  and  all  the  ir  fears  of  mjlitai-y  chieftains  will 
vanish.  They  will  find  some  military  chieftain 
of  their  own  to  subvert  our  liberties,  and  liivinfj 


s. 


Mr.  Adams  to  bestow  office  on  the  fisderal  p.ir- 
(y.  The  letter  of  "Mi:  Stockton,  ^s  introduced 
as  a  collateral  matter,  rclati;ig  to  the  main  fact, 
and  it  will  nt)t  do  for  Mr.  Uopkinson,  Mr. 
Walsh  and  Mr.  Webster,  to  reimn  longer  si- 
lent upon  that  point.  Is  not  the  fact,  that  tliey 
are  all  silent  as  to  the  main  point,  wiiilst  Mr. 
Uopkinson  testifies,  and  M:-.  \\  al.th  puldisiies 
his  statement,  contradicingan  i.'.imiterial  i.'isue, 
tlie  strongest  evidence  of  tlie  tr.nh  of  the  main 
charge?  Is  it  to  be  supposed,  that  witnesses  fio 
-  ready  to  testify  upon  a  collateral  point,  w.uld 
be  sdent  upon  the  main  po;iit,  if  they  could  t-  s- 
til'y  truly  in  behalt  of  the  same    part)?     Mr. 

Uopkinson,  while  he  h;is  asserted  tliat  no  such  corrupted  the  Senate,  the  overthrow  of  >nr  Re- 
Ictter  was  shown  to  iMr  Stockton  in  his  pre-  publican  Institutions  will  follow  as  matter  of 
sence  or  to  his  knowledge  uX  any  other  time  course.  Such  has  been  the  history  of  all  ages, 
and  place,  has  taken  special  care  not  to  say,  The  objection  to  Gen.  Jackson,  is  not  that  he  is 
that  no  such  letter  was  ever  shown  to  himself,  a  '-.Militaiy  Chieftain,"  but  that  he  is  not  a  Mili- 
It  niay  be  true,  tliat  Mr.  Uopkinson  was  not  tary  Chieftain  on  Me/j- side.  Mr.  Adams  and  his 
present  when  the  letter  was  shown  to  .Mr.  friends  were  willing,  aye,  more  than  willing,  to 
\  St<?ckton,  and  therefore  it  may  be  true,  that  support  him  for  Vice  President.  And  iMr.  Clay 
'  such  a  letter  was  shown  to  Mr.  Stockton,  and  had  much  stronger  apprehensions  thai  the  elec- 
vet  untrue,  that  it  was  shown  in  the  presence  of  tion  of  .VIr.  Adams  would  ruin  the  country,  than 
Mr.  Uopkinson;  and  the  readiness  of  tliat  gen-  he  now  pretends  to  have  relative  to  Gen.  Jack- 
tleman  to  create  an  impression,  tjiai  the-  whole  son.  Let  him  but  once  see,  th.at  it  will  aid  his 
statement  is  false,  by  certif)  mg  as  to  the  imma-  elevation, and  he  will  be  as  ready  to  unite  witii 
terial  issue,  while  he  is  .silent  as  to  his  own  "a  .Military  Chief"  as  he  was  to  come  to  an  un- 
knovvledge  of  the  existence  ot  the  lettei-,  is  one  dersiaudmg  w.ih  Mr.  Adams, 
of  the  strongest  points  m  this  case  to  prove  tiiat  But  to  our  fii-si  object.  A  typographical  er- 
the  main  point  is  true — and  we  assert,  tliat  it  is  ror  m  part  of  ouredition,  of  the  fifth  number  of 
capable  of  proof  before  any  competent  tribu-  our  Extra,has  given  us  no  small  provocation,and 
nal  who  have  power  to  co.iip.l-t.'ie  aitcndance  will  be  seize.!  upon,  no  doubt,  to  produce  an 
of  witnesses,  tlvit  Mr.  Webster  has  asserted,  impression,  thJit  Col.  I'ipkin,  and  the  troops 
'that  h  ■  held  siicli  a  letter.  cO'I-et  .'.Ir.  Weljsier  under  his  command,  were  called  out  into  service 
ho  rViaiife.  and  let  Mr.  Adams  nomi.iate    but  for  three  months. 

Blount  to  Gen.  Jackson, 
is  dated,  U.^ccmber  2-d,  1814,  instead  of  De- 
cember 22d,  181i>.  The  most  c;u-eless  reader, 
by  examining  the  article,  wil!  liiscover  the  error. 
Yet  the  businessof  the  Editorsin  the  p.ay  of  this 
Administration  is  to  misrepresent.  We  expeqt 
this  error  of  a  single  figure  to  be  seized  upon, 
for  the  purjiose  of  charging  Gen.  Jackson  with 


deny  the  charge,  and  let  Mr.  Adams  nomi.iate    but  for  three  months 
him  to  the  Senate,  so  as  to  raise  the  question,         The  letter  of  Gov. 


and  the  fact  will  be  proved.^^) 


A  letter  from  arespectablegentlemanin  Ken- 
'ucky  remarks,  that  "Jackson's  cause  piospers 
in  all  directions;  every   base 
the  fist  of  his  friends."     So  be  it.      Kenlucky) 
■    '  '    '       leace,  will 


iiluniny 
So  be  "it.      k 
PatrVotic  in  war,  and  democratic  in  pe       ,    ^  .,  _ 

demonstrate  to  the  world,  that  she  is  not  trans-  murder,   alUiougii  the   next  letter   in  order  i.. 

r„-,hlp  at  the  v.hiin  and  caprice  of  one  of  her  dated  January  lllh,  1314.     We  will  tli^nk  our 

wil  sons.  brotherKditors  to  note  this.  _.-,^- 


U>J1TED  STATES'  TELEGRAFH— jtl 


lira. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Klection,  unci  be  piiblislied,  weekl' 
until  tlie  15tli  of  October  next,  for  Out  Dnlkir;  subject  to  nef.spaiiur  po4ta[,'-c,  and  no  more-  ' 

BY  GEE  EN  fy  JJIRVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


Jt0CS£  OF  IlErKrSEXTATITES,  Aplil  0,  ISJS. 

Expendilttres  in  the  Deparlment  of  State. 

Mr.  Blair,  from  the  Committee  on 
50  much  of  the  Puljlic  Accounts  and 
lixpeniliturcs  as  relates  to  the  State 
[leparttnent,  made  the  following 

REPORT : 

TAe  Committee  on  so  muck  nftht  Vubi'ic.  OrJiounU 
end  Exptilditurn  as  rtia/es  to  the  ,St(ite  De- 
partment, arc  required  by  the  75tU  danding 
i:iile  of  the  House,  to  in//uirc  andrrport  "ivIielA- 
■fc  tfie  expenditures  of  the  Department  are  jus- 
ilfiedby  low.-  whrthir  the  claims,  from  time  to 
lime,  s.ilisfuj  (Did  discharged  l/i/  the  Deparl- 
ment, (ire  supported  liy  sufficient  rouehers,  cs- 
tabtisliinq  tlieir  Justness,  loth  us  to  character 
nnd  amount;  ifttetlier  any,  and  trhal,  prcvi. 
S  'on3  are  neccisary  to  tic  adopted  to  provide  more 
yiarfeelly  for  tlie  pi-oper  npplcnti(m  ofthcpub- 
lie  moneys,  and  to  secure  the  Government  from 
i/emands  unjust  in  their  character,  or  exlruv- 
'Oi^ant  in  titeir  amount;  v-hethcr  any,  and 
trhit,  retrenclime.tt  can  tie  made  in  the  Depdrt- 
7.icnt,  imthout  detriment  to  the  publie:  service; 
vi.ether  any,  and  what,  abuses  at  any  time 
rxist  in  tile  failure  to  enfr.xc  the  payment  of 
imnej/s  which  may  be  due  to  the  United  States 
from  public  dejaulla-s,  or  others;  and  to  report, 
frwn  time  to  time,  nuck  provisions  as  mai/  he 
necessary  to  addto  economy  of  the  Dtpartriicnt, 
turd  the  accountability  of  its  oj/icen — in  nbe- 
tlienceto  which,  thry  report: 

That  they  proceeded  to  tlie  d;sc!-.;irg-e  of  tbe 
uties  assigned  tliem,  commencing-  their invt^- 
fatioiis  with  th^  year  1835,  as,  on  the  3d  of 
ebruary,  of  tliat  year,  a'preceding  committee 
id,  in  tlicirrcpoit  to  tlie  House,  embraced  tlie 
isbiirsemeiv.s  of  the  State  Department,  up  to 
le  31st  of  December,   1824,  and  which  is  on 

e  in  the  office  of  the  clerk   of  the  Mouse. 

rom  reference  to  the  appropriation  laws,  it  will 
;  seen  that  the  e.xpenditures  of  the  Depart- 
ent  are  specific  and  contingent.  To  the  tii-sl, 
piisistini^  of  the  salaries  of  the  Secretary  and 
lerksofthe  Department,  and  the  patent  of- 
:c,  the  committee  have  onlj  inquired  whether 
cy  have  been  kept  « ;thin  tiie  appropriatior. 
ts,  which  they  find  has  been  the  case.  The 
cond  has  more  especially  claimed  the  .atten- 
m  of  t!ie  committee,  which  must,  from  'ts  n\- 
re,  be  (ii.  its  application)  g-reailv  at  the  dis- 
etior.  of  the  Iltad  of  the  Departm'ent.  It  coo- 
ts of  the  appropnation.s  for  the  c-tpenditurcs 
the  nepartment;  for  the-  contin.5cnt  expenses 
foreign  intercourse;  and  the  continffcut  f. 
ns2s  of  all  the  raJ<;sio;;3  al^roai 


WASHINGTON,  MAY  7,  1S2S. 


No.  f 


Tor  the  expdiuiitures  of  the  De- 
partment was  appropiated 
in  tlic  year  IS'JS,  the  sum  of 

l"or  tlie  year  18:36, 

For  the  year  1827, 


5'?jr,550  Otf 
28,095  Ob. 
28,050  00 

r.Iatingr  an  aggregate  of  'S81,695  00 

fcr  the  mntingcnl  sxpenses  of  Foreign  Intercourse. 

Tor  1825 §40,000  00 

1^26, 40,003  CO 

^82",         ....  30,000  00 


Making  an  ayg-reg-ate  of  5110,000  Of). 


Fur  tiie  con'ingenl  erpnses  of  all  the  Miesivji: 
abroad. 

620,000  00 
3(1,000  O'J 
20,000  00 


la  1-S25, 
lS2t), 
182r, 


M-aklng-iii  th^  wbole, 


f70,0'Jt>  Oi.' 

The  committee  liavlnfj  ascertained  the  suni« 
appropriated  under  the   several  heads   before 
speci.'ied,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of 
ht.ate",  requestmg- to  be  furnisiied  with  a  state- 
ment of  the  ilisKiirsemer.ts  made  out  of  llic  fir.s; 
mentinned  apprepriations,  to  whom  ijnid,  and 
for  what   services,  with   the  voiicliers  fn.- sucli, 
paynients;   also,  a  s*:;lri;Knt   of  t'le   (lisburst 
loents  made  out  of  either  of  the  Ijiitcr  :■I^^ro- 
pi'ialions;  so  far    as  tiiey   liad  betn    expend, 
ed   under  his  authority,   and  upon  his  vouch, 
cr.      To    which,  on  the  ■ttlv    iiista.nt,  he   re- 
turned his  answer,  accoiiipanied  by  the  state- 
iiieirts    \   and   I'.,   toijetlier    with  'the   letters 
of  the  Register  of  the  Treasury,  the  Fifth  Au- 
ditor,  aiid  a  letter  addressedbv  Mr.   Adams, 
then   Secretary  of  State,  to  the  Committee  on 
the   Expenditiu-es   of  the    State    deprrfnieni 
d.".ted  April  the  18th.   1822,  in  explanation  oi' 
the  manner  ot  trans.icting  the  pecuniary  con- 
cerns  of  the  orTice,  and  which  are  annexed  to 
this  report.     Statement  A    contains  the   dis- 
bursements of  the  State   Departmes'it,  e.xctpt 
for  the  printiivir  and  distribution  of  tl;e  acta  of  • 
Con.i^-css,  .from  the   3:st   December,   1K24,  to 
tbelst  of.Uiiuai-v,  I82.S    15,  the  disburseme'nLs 
of  the  approprtations  for   the  contingent   ex- 
pet>ses  of  Foreign  Intercourse,  froifi  the  4th  of 
March,  1825,  to  tlie  31st  December,  1827,  dij;. 
tiiiguishin.^^   between   those   items  which   had 
been  allowed  upon  the  certific.ite  of  the  Sec- 
rcUivy  of  State,    from  those  'Ji'hich  had   beci< 
Otherwise  vouched.     That   no   statement   had' 
been  lumished   of  the   disbur.semcnts  of  tba 
apfiropriation  for  defraying-  the  contingent  e.K 
penses  of  all  the  missions  abroad;  because  it^ 
appeared,  upon  examination  of  the  account"^ 
during-  the  period  particularized  by  tiie  com-- 
iDitto,  tliat  no  i'.cmhiu-l  bi--n  all-.wcd  •.vrr 


iyu 


fj'tte  specml  aijpvuval  at  ihe  .SetiTeriry  q'!  State. 
In  the  letter  of  tlxe  Register  of  the  Treasuiy,  of 
tbe  12th  iitst.,  in  answer  to  further  inquu-ies 
tnade  by  the  committee,  it  is  stated  that  the  ap- 

?iropriations  for  outfits,  salaries,  aud  the  con- 
injfent  expenses  of  m:s£ions  abroad,  have  been 
tinifotmly  blended  in  one  account,  denominated 
Diplomatic  Department,  and  tliat  payment  for 
these  vanous  objects  had  been  as  unifoi-mly 
made  out  of  that  general  fund,  without  specifi- 
cation of  object.  In  the  same  letter,  it  stated 
that  the  payment  to  John  A  King,  Charge,  &c. 
for  salary  and  outfit,  was  made  out  of  that  fund; 
but  tliat  k  had  not  been  allowed  upon  the  sole 
and  exclusive  voucher  of  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Uut  had  been  endorsed  thus:  "  The  Pres.dent 
approves  the  above  charges,  32d  December, 
1826.  II.  Clay."  That,  upon  re-examination 
ff  fne  accounts,  it  liad  been  found  that  Ileaiifort 
'i".  Watts,  Charge  des  .\fFaires  at  Kogota,  had 
been  allowed,  by  the  Chief  Clerk,  in  the  name 
of  the  Secretary,  the  sum  of  six  huiidi-ed  and 
iiftcen  dollars  for  newspapers,  postage,  and  let- 
ter carrier;  which  communication  is  also  annex- 
ed to  this  report. 

Tlie  Commhtee  will  first  notice  the  accounts 
of  the  disbursements  in  statcmeut  A,  which  are 
:iaidto  be  all  the  disbursements  made  of  the  ap- 
propriations for  defraying  the  contingent  ex- 
jieiises  of  tl)0  Department,  from  tlie  31st  of 
December,  lS2i,  to  the  Itt  of  January,  182?', 
^except  for  the  printing  and  distribution  of  the 
acts  of  Congress)  which,  for  the  same  period, 
amounted  to  the  sum  of  §38,243  35.  The 
manner  ill  which  those  disbursements  are  m.a,le, 
will  be  seen  from  the  statement  itself,  and  tlie 
letter  of  tlie  Secretary  of  St.:te  to  the  Commit 
tee.  AVilliam  Brown,  a  clerk  in  the  office,  is 
allowed  to  receive  sums  in  gross  from  the  Trea- 
sury, upon  requisitions  ot  the  Secretary  of 
State,  v/hich  are  deiioVited  by  him  in  the  office 
of  the  Hank  of  the  Caited  States,  within  this 
District,  upon  which,  from  time  to  time,  he 
draws  from  the  current  expenses  of  the  De- 
partment. The  check  upon  him  is,  (it  is  s;ud) 
that,  after  making  his  quarterly  disbursements, 
Snaccoimt  thereof  is  foi'nislied  tV.e  Secretary  of 
State,  who  writes  liis  approval,  which  is  under- 
stood to  be  an  approval  of  the  objects  only,  but 
not  as  dispensing  with  the  exhibition  of  vouch- 
trs,  in  any  instance,  except  where,  from  the 
nature  of  the  expenditure,  it  is  impracticable  to 
produce  them  ;  in  which  case  the  propriety  of 
the  charges  is  judged  of,  and  decided  by  the 
Jlead  of  the  Dep.-.nment.  As  the  head  of  the 
Department  only  approves  the  object  of  ex- 
penditure, without  reference  to  the  value  of  the 
articles  purch.ised,  or  services  performed,  the 
committee  were  led  to  examine  into  the 
means  afforded  the  Auditor  in  deciding  upon 
the  justness  of  the  variety  of  claims  discharged 
by  the  agent.  The  vouchers  submitted  to  liim 
are  nothing  more,  in  tlie  genertl,  than  an  un- 
corroborated statement  sf  account,  with  the  re- 
ceipt of  the  claimant  to  Mr.  Brown,  as  agent 
for  the  State  Dcpiutment. — The  statement  A, 
ihoWfl^nol  as  full  as  some  of  the  origin.als  in  the 
liegister's  Office,  from  whence  they  are  taken 
may,  to  a  very  great  extent,  be  said  to  furnish 
as  ample  means  of  ascertaining  the  correctness 
of  the  claims,  as  the  origin.al  vouchers  in  the 
Kegister's  Office.  Hence,  they  conclude,  that 
^i  10  Arm.  it  is.trje-,  that  'he  disbuKerac-nts  of 


the  Ajjent  are^iljoiitted  to  tiie  hihh  Autiitbr 
for  adjustment  ;  but,  it  is  also  true,  that,  froni^ 
all  the  eridence  furnished  him,  (of  which  the 
Committee  can  have  any  knowledge, )  the  al- 
most endless  variety  of  articles  and  services  for 
which  compensation  had  been  made,  may  not 
yet  have  been  delivered  or  performed  ,  and, 
if  they  were,  at  extnavagant  prices,  without  re- 
ference to  their  intrinsic  >alue.  The  Commit- 
tee are  of  opinion,  th.at  some  higher  standard 
than  the  judgment  or  discretion  of  a  clerk  in 
the  office,  (liowever  virtuous  and  intelligent) 
sliould  have  been  proviaed  for  testing  the  ade- 
quacy of  compensations  involving  the  payment 
of  so  large  an  amount  of  the  public  money. 

The  Committee  have  found  it  impossible  for 
them  to  enter  into  a  critical  examination  of  the 
justness  of  the  multiplied  items  In  that  account; 
many  of  them  made  out  without  such  specifica- 
tion of  the  extent  of  services,  as  to  enable  the 
Committee  to  fo."m  any  opitiion  of  the  adequacy 
of  the  compensation;  and  which  (if  practicable) 
would  consume  more  time  than  the  Committee 
could  promise  to  devote  to  it,  consistently  with 
their  other  duties.  They  have  so  far  analyzed 
the  account  in  statement  A,  as  to  ascertain  that 
the  following  amounts  were  disbursed  by  the 
agent  for  the  purposes  there  stated. 

For  ej:tra  clerk  hire  in  copying  and  Map  tracing, 

Iilthevearl825,         -         -        §  2,552  "0 
do        1826,         -         -  7,561  00 


du 


Total, 


1827, 


Extra  Printing. 


lo  the  year  1825, 
do  1826, 
do        1827, 


Tot-al. 
Which  is  exclusive  of  the  sum  of 
S  550,  which  in  said  statement  is 
blended  with  stationary;  part  of 
which,  Is  for  printing,  ;wid  the  re- 
sidue stationary,  hence,  the  ccni- 
mittee  were  unable  lo  sever  the 
respective  amounts;  which  sum, 
if  added  to  the  above,  would 
amount  to 


3,597  45 
513,71124 


2,488  35 
1,784  81 
1,036  30 

$  5,309  4.' 


5,859  4. 


iiir  Statnnury. 


In  the  year  1825, 
do-  1826, 
do        1827, 


$  1,304  36 
2,058  42 
1,988  28 


Total, 

$5,351  06 

It'cwspapers. 

Ill  the  year  1825, 
do         1836, 
do         1827, 

370  69 

608  47 
444  OU 

Total,  S  1,423  16 

For  Boiik  and  Ncu:ipafi.r  Binding. 

In  the  year  1825,  -  -  70  76 

do         1326,  -  -  829  23 

do        182'  -         -       1,431  75 


Total, 


331  7'- 


lur 


j'osiage  en  letters  la  Akssys.  £i^nt,  and  'ITwrn- 
ion,  fsaid  to  ba  on  pul'lic  business.  J 
In  the  year  1825,  -  -        S3  05 

do         1826,  -  -       146  55 

do        1827,  -  -        94  30 


Tolal,         -  -  -  S  293  90 

For  Carpenter's  and  Cabinet  work. 

Tn  the  year  1825,  -  -  1,382  Sr 

do        1826,  -  -      609  88 

do        182r,  -  -  1,659  36 


ToJal,  '  -  -  -  5  3,602  12 

MiaceJlaneous  work,  suc7»  as  painting,  plastering, 
frriuiu-ati?ig  public  ground,  brick-laying,  iic. 
and  materials. 

In  the  year  1825,  -  -  2,r79  80 

do        1826,  ■  -  1,102  °7 

do        1827,  -  -  1,831  25 


Total,     -  .  -  $  5,714  02 

The  Comnnittee  have  not  carried  out  the  resi- 
ilue  of  the  accounts  in  said  statement,  inasmuch 
as  tliey  are  so  various  in  their  character,  that 
they  would  not  fall  under  general  heads,  nor  in- 
deed would  they  he  susceptible  of  classifica- 
tion under  any  one  head  in  the  general  esti- 
mates furnished  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  upon 
which  the  appropriations  were  founded.  Such 
are  the  charges  of  1250  for  the  portrait  of 
■Washing-ton,  and  S19  for  a  medal,  and  f  13  for 
a  prmt  of  the  Presidt-nt  of  the  United  States, 
which,  though  of  inconsiderable  amount,  never- 
theless involve  principle  to  as  sTeat  an  extent 
as  would  a  larger  amount.  If  the  Head  of  a 
Department  can  (consistently  with  pr'jiciple) 
apply  the  contingent  funds  appropriated  for 
the  current  expenses  of  his  office  to  such  ob- 
jects, the  committee  can  sec  no  limit  to  his  dis- 
cretion, save  that  of  the  fund  at  his  disposal  ; 
\vtuch,  if  sufficiently  ample,  he  might  apply  to 
the  erection  of  a  monument  on  the  public 
ground,  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  whomso 
ever  he  might  think  proper. 

The  Committee  likewise  would  remark  up- 
qn  the  compensation   to    Thomas  Miller  and 
Thomas  M.  Bailey,  who  were  severally  employ- 
ed by  the  Secretary  of  state  i   Miller  to  Acco- 
;rnac,    Virginia,   8140  for  nine  days'  services  ; 
Bailey  for  twice  travelling  from  the  same  place 
to  Washington,   and   returning;  for   the   first 
trip   he   was   paid   *2S4  40  ;  for  the   second, 
$370  20,  without  specification  of  time.     They 
assume   the  data  furnishcti  in   the  case  of  Mr. 
Miller  .as  being  the  criterion  by  which  to  judge 
of  the  justice  of  the  compensation  in  each.     In 
hat  case  the  compensation  is  stated  at  $3  per 
lay,  making  $73  ;    and  the  remaining  S68   is 
jiven  for  his  expenses,  of  a  journey  which  the 
Committee  believe  does  not  exceed  the  distance 
if  two  hundred  miles.   At  that  rate  of  allowance, 
he  daily  compensation  and  expenses   would 
all  but  little  short  of  $  16,   which  the  commit- 
ee  believe  tohe  extravagant.     They  find  in  the 
tatementj  charges  for  carpeting  purchased  for 
he  office,'  during  the  period  embraced  in  their 
iquiries,  and  for  making  and  laying  them,  near 
]e  sum  of  five   hundred   dollars,    which  is  not 
icluded  in   either  of  the  specifications  which 
ley  have  made  in  this  report . 
1  he  coniniittes  have  seen  with  surprise  that. 


whilst  tlie  apjvrof>rii.tions  hLve  increaied  fo/ 
the  three  last  years,  that  the  disbui-sements  of 
the  Department  have,  fortha  same  time,  great- 
ly exceeded  the  annual  appropriations,  wliicl-. 
wUl  be  seen  from  comparing  the  statement  foi'- 
nished  the  committee  by  the  Uegisterof  the 
Treasury  with  the  amount  of  appropriations, 
(exclusive  of  those  for  printing  and  distribut- 
ing the  lawsof  Cnngre.ss,)  and  which  statement 
or  summary  the  committee  annex  to  this  report, 
and,  for  its  better  identification,  they  desig- 
nate it  by  the  letter  D  That  statement  e.'c^ 
hibits  only  an  excess  of  expenditure  (exclusive 
of  publishing  and  distributiim  of  the  laws)  for 
the  years  1825,  '6,  and  '7,  of  the  sum  of  $  10,- 
600  doll.ars,  tlie  aniount  of  the  unexpended  bal- 
ance at  the  close  of  the  year  1324. 

From  reference  to  tlie  statement  A.  it  will  be 
seen  that  the  actual  expenditures  of  the  Depart- 
ment (exclusive  of  printing  and  publishing  the 
laws)  in  fact  amount  to  the  sum  of  $52,359  75, 
instead  of  f  44, 805,  as  stated  in  statement  D; 
making  an  additional  excess  of  expenditure, 
over  the  unexpended  balance  of  1824,  and  thu 
annual  appropri,ations,  of  the  sum  of  $7,554  75. 
That  excess,  the  Committee  apprehend,  ha'', 
been  met  by  the  fees  received  from  tlie  I'a 
tent  Ofiice,  and  the  unexpended  balance  of 
the  appropriations  made  for  printing  antl 
disti'ibution  of  the  laws;  which  they  find  iu 
the  same  statement,  amounted,  on  the  31st 
of  December,  1824,  to  the  sum  of  J5,556. 
and  on  the  close  of  the  year  1827,  to  tlie  sum  of 
S 7,558;  being  at  that  time,  about  equal  to  the 
excess  of  expenditure  before  stated. 

The  committee,  upon  contrasting  the  espen- 
tiires  of  the  State  Department  for  the  tliree  last 
j'ears,  with  those  years  which  preceded  them, 
cannot  (consistently  with  that  economy  which 
shoLld  be  exercised  in  t!;e  disbursement  ot 
public  money)  account  for  the  increased  expen- 
diture. From  the  statement  annexed  to  the 
report  of  the  former  committee,  made  to  the 
Uouse  in  the  ses.sion  of  1824—5  the  expendi- 
ture of  tlie  Department  for  those  )ears  amount- 
ed to  the-sum  of  J35,311  IS,  averaging  some- 
thing more  than  $17,000  per  annum  ;  when 
the  expenditures  for  each  of  the  I'ears  cm- 
braced  in  the  inquiries  of  tlie  committee,  wil! 
average  more  than  $32,000. 

The  committee  have  viewed  the  appropria- 
tions for  the  current  expenses  of  tiie  Depart-- 
ment  as  being  strictly  contingent,  which, 
though  technically  true,  cannot  be  so  in  point 
of  fact.  However  indoiinite  the  apjiropriation 
laws  may  be,  they  are  predicated  upon  an  esti- 
mate furnished  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  spe- 
cifying the  various  objects  to  which  there  is  ft 
necessity  for  the  appropriation  of  public  money; 
which  estimate,  owing  to  the  faith  reposed  in  the 
public  officer,  founded  upon  his  experimental 
knowledge  of  the  necessities  »f  the  Depart  - 
ment,  is  received  as  the  basis  on  wliicK 
such  appropriations  are  made.  Hence  an 
unlimited  exercise  of  discretion  carmot  be 
assumed  in  the  after  disbui-sements  of  the 
money,  in,  disregard  of  the  enumeration  which 
he  has  made  of  the  objects,  without  vio- 
lating that  faith  which  •..•as  reijosed  in  his  esti- 
mate. The  committee,  from  that  consideration, 
have  adverted  to  the  estimates  presented  for 
each  of  the  years  to  which  ihevhave  extended 
their  Inquiries,  as  to  the  sum  necessary  to  nic;*. 


li)z 


Jie  L,ujijiUj,LLs  0  tiic  piiiia4a)£.U'  t«r  tsjl'.a  Ore  eioitfciu'tc  t/ir»«^r  tjB  Bjate  ajjy  rcyiinmeii- 
t:\tvk  h'lfe,  which  they  find  lias  uniformly  been    dalion  the?erm. 

$1,000 — tlJat  sura  for  the  three  years  would  The  committee  beg  leave  to  add,  that,  frojfi 
amount  to  S3, 000;  when,  in  fact,  tliere  was  es-  the  document  A,  it  appears  that  the  sum  of 
pended,  during  that  period,  more  than  fear  Jl?7  was  paid  to  Peter  Force,  otit  of  the  con- 
tiaies  that  amount.  Thider.'he  act  of  20th,  ting-ent  fund  of  the  Department,  for  publisiiinj; 
,\pril,  1818,  (which  rej^ulated  tiie  amount  of  pmoiamations  of  Indian  treit:o9,  when,  from  a 
tho  specific  appropriation  for  the  clerks  of  the  reference  to  tHe  act  of  Cougress  of  May,  IftJfi, 
IJepartment,)  there  was  appropriated  for  the  it  v/ill  appear  thai  the  publication  of  such  trea- 
vaars  1823  and  '26,  each,  the  sum  of  §15,000  ties  are  czpre«ly  coiifined  to  one  paper,  and 
Jcr  clerks  Bv  the  act  of  the  2d  of  March,  that  to  be  within  the  limits  of  the  State  or  Tej' 
JiH7,  there  was  an  l^:ldition  of  $4,400  made  to  ritory  to  which  the  subject-matter  cf  sacb  trea- 
the  former  appropriation;  ir.aking  the  sum  of   ty  shall  belong 

^■20,300  for  that  year;  notwithstanding  which,  They  are  of  opinion,  from  the  best  informa- 
Ulere  was  expended  of  the  contins^nt  fund  for  tion  w'lich  they  can  obtain,  that  the  distributioi: 
extra  cleric  hire,  more  than  f  1,000  over  the  ex-  can  still  be  made  through  the  Post  Office  Dc 
pfnditure  of  1825,  for  the  same  object.  pariment,  without  detriment  to  the  public  ser- 

Tho  committee  are  unnble  to  say  whether  vice,  certainly  by  the  mad  contractors,  for  a 
ijbe  mectianioal  aiiJ.  other  labor,  and  materials  very  triPing'  amount,  coinparcd  with  that  ol 
iurnislied,  cnnstitutintj  so  larg'e  an  item  in  tlieir  private  asreuts,  as  now  practised.  They,  there- 
*pmier  cl:i6sific;ition,  v.'ere  necessiiry,  and,  if  ai,  fore,  recommend  the  expi-diency  of  withhold- 
were  performed  and  furnished  at  their  equitable  in;^  the  appropriation  of  $3,500  from  futurt 
t.alue,  as  it  was  imposkible  for  them  to  traverse  acts,  and  tliat  said  distribution  be  made  throujt; 
^0  wide  a  field  in  their  investij^ations;  but  this  the  ag-ency  of  the  Postmaster  Cleneitil. 
they  will  say,  tliat,  if  such  expenditure  was  The  Committee  have  been  induced  to  en:t 
^'all'ed  for,  instead  of  resoi-t  being  had  for  nine  mine  the  hbrary  of  the  State  Department,  fron 
thousand  dollars  to  the  contingent  fuad,  an  ap-  havln»  st'e«  a  standinfj  annual  estimate  q 
aropriatiuii  shotdd  have  been  made  by  Corgress  JJ.OOilper  annum  for  the  purchase  of  bcok< 
fbi' these  objects,  and  the  precaution  used  of'  It  embraces  the  statutes,  compilations,  and  di 
disbursing  It  under  the  superintendent  of  the  gestsoftlie  Law.^  of  the  United  States  and  q 
Ittiblicbniklinsjs,  rather  than  the  discretion  of  a  the  several  States  and  Territories,  Foreign  Sta 
rterSc  who,  in  the  nature  of  things,  must  have  tutes  and  Digests,  National  I.aw,  Common 
ijeen  mcu'e  incompetent  to  the  taste  than  one 
stilled  in  mechanics.  The  committee  can  re- 
•'iomroeml  no  mode  better  calculated  to  pro- 
mote econetny  in  the  disbui'senn'iits  of  the  De- 
jiartinent,  than  (Where  practicable)  to  specify. 


Civil,  and  Municipal  La'>',  and  Itcports  thereat 
TrtatieK,  Conventioiw,  and  Histories  of  Negr 
tialioivs.  Journals  and  Histories  of  Legislativ 
Bodies,  and  Sbite  Papers;  Scientific  Cieographj 
A'oyages    and    Travels,    History,    B-i'igrai).i) 


in  thb  app:-opriation  bv.'s,  the  several  objects  to,.  Medicine,  Chemistry,  and  .Vnntomy,  Statistic 

yhich  sjich  appropr:ati..'ua  simil  be  applied —  Political   Kconojny,   See;   Miscellaneous,   wit' 

leaving  aa  little  :c  pusjsible  to  the  discretion  of  tlie  Magazines,  Review  S,  Newspapers,  and  Pul 

theomcer.      Th;it  all  the  objects  of  txpcndi-  lie  Journals  of  the  States,  as  well  as  foreie 

,ure  could  be  foreseen,  so  as  to  be  provided  for,  countries;   Atlasses,    Maps,    Charts,   &c.     Tl' 

Is  not  to  be  e.vpected;  .allowance  must  ever  be  ('ommitiee  can  discover  no  necessity  for  so  e 

:irade  fi>r  unforeseen  cases;   but  the  committee  tensive  a  library  in  that  Department;  embracit 

ars  of  opinion,    that  much  greater  precaution  works  which  cannot  pofsibly  be  required  in  tl 

!j')uld  be  used   th;ui  has  liitlicrto  ch.aracterlzed  discharge  of  ofiicial  duties,  ar;d  which  iiivol 

tile  le^i.datitm  of  Congress  on  that  subject.  so  much  expense,  without  being  called  into  ns 

Thecommittee  liave  lierj^n  before  stattd,that  They  are  induced   to  recommend  the    exp 

tK-e  aitiount  appropriated  lor  the  printing  and  diency  of  withholding  that  appropriation,  (tc 

distribirtion  of  the  laws  of  Congress,   for  the  great  extent, !  in  future,  from  the  following  ct 

•.'ears  before  stated,   amounted  to  the  sum  of  sidei-aiions:  1st.  Tlie  inuiilliy  of  very  many 

)f47,500,  which,  with  J«5,558;  the  f.nexpended  tliese  books;   2d,  That  ace.  ss  to  the  Library 

balance  of  former  j'eius,  amounted  to  the  sura  Co.ngrc-^  could  be  afforded  to  each  of  the 
<lf  #55,058. 


Qf  tb.at  sum  wscB  exp^nded  fur 
these  objects,  in  the  jear 
1(325,  -  -  -  511,500 

In  ie-2&,       •  '  16,500 

IftlB^r,       ■■  17,300 

.$45,300 
i.^aving  tme.\pended  of  that  fund,  on  the  31st 
of  December,  1827,  tiic  sum  of  ^7,558.  Tl'e 
expenditure  of  those  apprupriatiuhs,  and  iil- 
deed,  for  printing  generally,  are  at  the  discre- 
lion  of  the  head  ot  the  Dep.artmeiit,  except  so  statement,  cicnorainatcd  K:  which,  with  ana 
f;lf  as  there  Is  a  limitation  fjxod  by  the  third  diipidement  attached  to  it,  purports  to  be  a 
section  of  the  .act  of  1818,  upon  that  ihscretion,  expose  of  the  disbursements  made  of  the 
ill  regi.rd  to  the  cornpeiLsatiou  of  the  proprie-  .propriations  for  the  contingent  expense; 
lurs  of  newspapers  in  which  the  laws,  resold-  I'oreign  Intercourse,  from  the  4th  of  Ma 
lions,  &;c.  shall  be  puldislie:!.  As  this  subject  1825,  to  the  31st  December,  1827;  distingi 
Via  so  fully  discussed  in  the  House  dining  tlie  ing-,  in  d'tfiererent  columns,  between  the  it 
r.vlj  f'..)'r!>T>'i-s,  av  !  r;-.  .s"  be  s-Mveriii!i:".:'r*tocxl,    which  hat!  b-'ien  aViOV/Cw  uitder  thr' aufh' 


ficers  of  the  Government,  for  such  books 
might  be  desired,  and  which  were  not  neces 
ry  to  iupart  information  in  the  discharge  of 
ficial  duties;  such  as  Law,  Uledicine,  Chen 
try,  .Anatomy,  Mi-scelianeous,  &c.  Sd,  Fr 
tlie  tact  that  a  Librarian,  at  the  ar.mi.al  salarj 
$1,400,  appears  now  to  be  incompiteut 
make  out  tho  catalogue  of  so  extensive  a  lil 
vv,  without  employing  assistants,  at  ;in  ;xpe 
off  90  to  the  Government,  as  appears  from 
statement  A,  hereto  annexed. 

The  Committee  will  now  notice  the  sec 


jiid  upon  Uie  voucUer  ai'  tUe  Secrelai-y  of  Stiitc,  . 
from  those  which  had  been  otherwise  vonched. 
It  appears,  from  llic  exhibit  U,  that,  on  the  31st 
of  December,  lb2-i,  there  w;is,  of  the  appro- 
priations to  that  object,  an  unexpended  balance 
t)f  ;^17,306  39;  which,  v,-ith  the  sinn  of  §113  6<i, 
repaid  into  the  Treasury  during  the  years  1S25, 
'6,  and  T,  will,  uhen  added  to  the'amouiit  of 
tlie  annual  apprfpriations,  as  herein  before 
stated,  amount,  in  the  ohole,  to  the  sum  of 

$127,420  05 
Of  which  sum  was  expended — 

Ih  (he  year  1825,  -  .  25,572  68 
183d,  -  ;  18,633  00 
1827,        -        ,        36,358  63 


Total, 


580,567  97 


Leaving  an  Unesp^ided  h;d- 
aoce,  oo  tlio  31st  ikij  of  De- 
cember last,  of  ?4fi,8S3  08 

Fram  the  tact  Uiat  to  the  Committee  on  I'ub- 
;ic  Expenditures,  and  tlie  Select  Comraittce  on 
Retrenchment,  belong  more  properly  the  coa- 
jidcration  of  most  nf  the  subjects  gruwir^  out 
of  that  disbui'sement,  your  Committee  have  on- 
ly noticed  such  parts  thereof  as  fall  within  the 
liffitimate  scope  of  their  inquiries.  They  have 
ascertained  that,  for  the  years  1825,  '6,  ar,d  '7, 
there  was  paid  out  of  that  fund,  for  extra  clerk 
hire,  the  sum  of  $l,i>.7l  78,  which,  with  the 
3iim  of  iJlS.ril  24,  expended  for  that  purpose, 
<rf"  the  continjjent  fund  of  tlie  State  Department 
M-itlim  the  same  period,  an'ounts.  in  the  whole, 
to  the  sum  of  515,683  02  ;  a  sura  nearly  equal 
to  one-third  of  the  amuu.rt  annually  appropri- 
ated for  the  w-hole  clerks  of  the  Department  and 
Patent  Office.  The  committee  are  (^fopmiontliat 
<he  compeiKsatisn  to  each  clerk  erajjloyed  in  the 
Department  ( whether  for  {general  or  special  pur- 
poses.J  properly  devolves  upon  the  appropria- 
tions for  theUep.artmeut,  and  ought  to  he  paid 
out  of  that  fund,  if  for  no  other  reason  tfian  that 
the  disbursements  would  be  more  3in>file,  less 
difficult  to  understand,  and  rot  so  liable  to 
:ibuse. 

The  Committee  have  al&a  extracted  from  the 
said  statement,  the  amount  paid  out  of  that 
fund  for  extra  printing-,  during;  the  same  jieriod, 
which  Ihyfind  amoimtsto  ihesum of  12,967  52 
$2,455  33,  of  which  amour.t,  was  for  publish- 
ing notice  to  the  St.  Dnniingo  exiles. 

T'.'ey  also  find,  that,  of  tlie  sum  hereinbefore 
stated  to  have  been  jiaid  for  printinj;-,  out  of 
the  contingent  appropriations  for  the  State  De- 
l>epaitment,  gl,205  00  was  for  the  same  ob- 
ject;  making  taccoi'dlr^  to  those  statements) 
Oie  sum  of  Jo,C60  7^2,  ^laid  for  the  ptiblicatimi 
«f  that  notice,  out  of  the  different  appropria- 
tions before  specified.  The  Committee  arc  un- 
able to  perceive  why,  for  the  same  services, 
.Tisbursements  have  been  made  out  of  both 
<liose  funds.  Surely,  the  appropriations  for  the 
j'o.itingent  expenses  of  the  Department,  and 
«hat  of  foreign  intercourse,  are  dissimilar  in 
their  characters,  and  could  not  have  been  in- 
tendetl  by  Congress  to  be  thus  blended.  The 
committee  will  not  particularize  the  pei-sons  em- 
ployed to  publish  that  notice,  or  the  amount:; 
paid;  as  the  respective  sccounLs  are  aiiiiexcLC 
to  this  report,  to  which  reference  can  be  had 
for  tli.1t  purpose.  Tliey  &ill  here  repeat  wliat 
't'ev  h.T-e  •i'-i'itl  on  tlip  ci'liVr'-*  nf  nri'T^'ntr.  in  tlip 


first  slateiueiil:  that  the  tiUDpeiisaiiou  litf  Uia.i 
ser\ice  is  esclusively  at  the  discretion  of  tlit 
He.ad  of  the  Department;  and  the  Hoase  will  bfc 
better  enabled  to  judge  of  the  expediency  olj' 
regulating  by  law  that  compensaliou,  tliaji  the 
committee.  From  the  Statement  B,  it  will  be 
seen,  that  f  16,304  92  of  the  appropriations  fot 
the  contingent  cxpetases  of  foreign  intercourse^ 
has  been  expended  upon  the  certificate  of  the 
Secretary  of  State;  the  greater  part  whereof  liaSi 
been  paid  to  the  bearers  of  despatches.  Th>i 
oo:iimittce  have  no  means  of  ascertamiivg  the 
necessity  for  employing  special  agents,  to  tire 
extent  practised,  that  must,  necessarily,  be  re,- 
ferred  to  the  di.'icretioii  of  the  Head  of  the  De'- 
partment;  and  the  greatest  security  against  the 
niis-applicitioa  of  that  fund  \7ill  be  found  in 
hfs  intejyrity  They  as-e  unable  to  say,  b\' 
what  rule  the  Secretary  of  Stata  determine?' 
Qpon  the  amount  of  expenses  incident  upoji 
such  agencies,  which  (in  the  case  of  John 
Mason,  jr.)  more  tlian  doubles  the  anwmn'; 
of  daily  compensation.  In  that  account  there 
is  an  item  of  $278  for  hire  of  a  coach  fW)n\ 
MexiCO  to  Vera  Cruz;  al.su,  expenses  from. 
Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,  including  two  days  dt. 
tention  at  the  latter  place,  $78;  niaking  $"5B\ 
for  carriage  hire  and  expenses. 

In  the  account  of  Theodore  W.  Clay, 
allowance  is  made  for  carriage  hire, 
from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz,     -         >         ^fS  00 

Expenses  to  ditto,       -         -         -  £3  2.5 

Total,  §98  25 
Making  a  difference.  In  charge,  for  the  sAme 
distance,  and  travelling  in  the  lite  raanuex,  ef 
§258,  in  favor  of  Mr.  Mason. 

They  6nd,  in  the  same  statement^  fho  sum  cf 
SI, 940  paid  to  .lohn  II.  Pleasants,  for  beaiinji- 
despatclu-s  to  Buenos  Ayres  and  Uto  Janeiro^, 
aad  his  expenses.  That  Mr.  Pleasants  was  em. 
ployed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  i/eaforii; 
that  swyice,  and  did  set  out  on  his  journey,  the-' 
Committee  believe  to  be  true;  but  that  he  pc\-. 
formed  the  journey  particularized  on  his  ar. 
coiunt,  and  for  which  he  was  paid,  *licy  believe 
to  be  untrue.  Whether  prevented  by  indispo 
silion  or  otherwise,  from  performing  the  ser- 
vice; the  Committee  are  of  opinion  the  fact:^ 
should  have  been  stated,  and  the  recoi-dg  of  the 
country  been  made  to  prove  the  services  (c't; 
which  the  public  money  was  disbursed.  As 
the  case  now  stimds,  they  are  furnished  with  no 
means  of  determining  upon  the  adequacy  of  the' 
compcns;\tion  paid.  All  tliey  can  say,  from  tlifv 
evidence  fiirnished  from  the  statement  B,  iX 
that  the  saitl  John  H.  Pleasants  was  not  entitle^ 
to  compensation  for  bearing  despatches  tq 
Buenos  Ayres  and  Rio  Janeiro,  as  stated  in  hiJ 
account.  They  recommend  to  the  House  the 
propriety  of  (ixing  by  law  the  compensation  st 
Special  Agvnts,  on  such  basis  as  wDuld  do  jus-, 
tice  to  them,  and  exempt  the  Government  frcrm 
impositions.  In  the  same  statement,  they  dii-' 
cover  an  item  of  200  dollars  piud,  upon  tile 
certificate  of  tlie  Secretary  of  State,  to  AV.' 
Prentiss,  for  his  expenses  in  delivering  a  box  oV 
books  to  the  Governor  of  Mai:>e.  The  voach.- 
ers  furnish  no  evidence  of  the  description  ai 
books,  or  of  their  quantity,  so  as  to  enable  tht; 
Committee  to  judge  of  the  justness  of  the  com- 
pens-ation,  or  of  the  fund  out  of  which  it  Siioidd' 
l,..,vr.  K.,r-n   i):lir!       T'hev  wer'   irrirrrii-d   8t  X^"- 


304 


liegister's  office  of  the  Treasury,  that  they 
were  the  Acts,  Journals,  or  Documents  of  Con- 
gress. It'  so,  such  claim  was  not  chargeable 
tipen  the  conting'ent  fund  for  foreign  inter- 
course, but  upon  the  current  expenses  of  the 
Department,  and  should  have  been  supported 
by  proper  vouchers. 

The  Committee  will  now  advert  to  the  ap- 
propriatiops  "  for  di-frayinp;  the  crrting'ent  ex- 
penses of  all  the  mission^abroad;"  for  the  dis- 
bursement of  which,  no  statement  has  been  fur- 
nished them,  because  it  appeared,  on  examina- 
tion, tliat  no  disbursements  of  that  apj.»ropria- 
tion  had  been  made  upon  the  certificate  of  tile 
Secretary  of  State,  save  the  cases  of  John  A. 
King,  CharE^e  des  Affaires  at  London,  and  licau- 
fort  T.  Watti,  Char^je  des  AfJa;rt-s  at  Bogota, 
mentioned  m  the  letter  of  the  Register  of  the 
Treasury,  annexed  to  this  report.  The  atten- 
tion of  the  Committee  has  been  directed  to  the 
former  case,  because  it  was  brcu?jht  before  the 
last  Cona:res<;,  by  a  member  of  this  committee. 


al  services  and  expenses;  with  this  proviso,  that, 
it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  allow  to  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  or 
Charges  des  Afi'aires,  on  going  from  the  United 
States  to  any  foreign  country,  an  outfit,  which 
shall  in  no  case  exceed  one  full  years'  salary  of 
sucli  Minister  or  Charge  des  Affaires."  The 
second  sec  ion  enacts,  "that  to  entitle  any 
Charge  des  Affaires,  or  Secretarj'  of  any  Lega- 
tion, or  embassy  to  any  foreign  country",  or  Se- 
cretary of  any  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  to  the 
compensation  therein  before  provided,  they 
shall  respectively  be  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  U  States,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  cons'-nt  of  the  Senate;  but,  in  the  reeess  of 
the  Senate,  the  President  is  hereby  autiiorized 
to  make  such  appointment,  which  shall  be 
submitted  to  tlie  Senate  at  the  next  session 
thereafter,  for  their  advice  and  consent;  and  no 
compensation  shall  be  allowed  to  any  Charge 
dfs  Affairs,  or  any  of  the  Secretaries  hereinbe- 
fore described,   who  shall  not   have   been  ap 


and  has  since  been  a  subject  on  which  much  pointed  as  aforesaid." 
lias  been  said  in  the  House.  The  whole  The  Committee  are  of  opinion  that,  undev 
amount  of  that  claim  is  S5,2o8  15,  and  is  stated  the  provisions  of  the  b,  fore  recited  law,  the  ap- 
tbus.-  ■  pointment  of  a  Charge  des  Affairs  can  only  be 

■"  John  A.  King,  Charge  des  Affaires  at  Lon-  made  by  tlie  President  of  the  United  'States,  by 
ckn,  for  his  salary  from  the  1st  of  July,  18.7(;,  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
the  day  on  which  his  duties  commenced,  to  tlie  (if  in  session;)  if  not,  then,  to  be  nominated  to 
"1st  of  AuR-ust  following,  when  they  tcrmi-  the  Senate  at  the  next  session  thereafter,  for 
nated,  sixty-two  days,  at  <4,51!e  per  annum,   •      their  advice  and  consent.     The  compensation, 

?758  15    when  thus  appointed,  cannot  exceed  four  thnu- 

For  amount  of  his  outfit,  equal  to  sand  five  hundred  dollars  per  annum,  "  for  all 

one  years  salarv-j     ...        -        -    4,500  00    his  personal  services  and  expenses,"  with  this 

— ■ — exception,    "  that  on  going  from  the   United 

55,258  15  States  to  a  foreign  countni-,"  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  at  his  discretion,  (which  dis- 
cretion can  only  be  exercised  when  the  apiiro- 
priation  is  made,)  may  allow  an  outfit,  wnich 
shall  in   no  case   exceed  the   amount   of  one 


Endorsed   thus;  "  The   Ppesident  approves 
the  above  charges,  32d  December,  1826. 

H.   CLAY." 

John  A.  King  had  been  appointed  Secretary  years  salary.  In  the  case  now  under  considera- 
of  Legation  to  Eufus  King,  Minister  to  the  tion,  Mr.  King  was  not  appointed  by  the  Pre- 
CourtofSt.James,inlS26,bythePiesident,Mith  sidentofthe  United  States  with,  or  without  the 
the  advice  of  the  Senate,   proceeded  with   the    consent  of  the  Senate,  nor  had  he    "srone  trom 


Minister  to  tht.t  Court,  and,  after  the  President 
had  been  notified  by  Mr.  King  of  his  intention 
to  return,  and  after  his  successor  had  been  ap- 
pointed, and  was  on  his  way  to  relieve  him,  the 
Minister  retired  from  tiie  Court,  leaving  the 
said  John  A'.   King  in  charge  of  the  Legation, 


the  United  States  to  a  foreign  country,"  as 
Charge  des -Affairs,  but  was,  at  the  time  of  the 
appointment  being  conferred  on  him  by  theMin- 
ister,  the  acting  Secretary  of  Legation,  and  in 
the  pay  of  his  government  as  such.  The  com- 
mittee will  not  controvert,    (upon  the  death  or 


for  the  period  of  sixty-two  days,  for  which,  the  absence    of   the    Minister)    tlie    necessity    of 

beforementloned  compensation   was   allowed,  the  Secretarv'  of  Legation    taking   charge  of 

The  payment  of  this  claim,  (in  the  opinion  of  tlie    archives,    and    transacting   the    ordiitary 

the  Committee,)  was   not  authorized' by  law,'  business  of  the    Leg:Uion  ;    nor   would    they 

nor  was  it  of  that  description  of  claims,  which  be  tenacious   of  the   title    conferred   by   such 

were  designated  to  be  paid  out  of  the  contin-  contingent  agency;  but  they  do  deny  the  right 

gent  fund.     They  have  iieces-sarily  adverted  to  to  conipensate  for  such  appointment,  when  for- 

the  act  of  Congress,  fixing  the  compensation  of  bidden  by  the  plain  and  direct  provisions  of  the. 

public  Ministers,  in  the  .acts  of  1810,  chap.  61,  act  of  Congress  before  recited,  more  especially 

sections  1  and  3,  and  which  is  in  the  following  v/hen  no  appropriation  had  been  made  therefor, 

words     "That  the   Presidei>t  of  the   United  and  when  Congress  was  in  session  at  the  time 

States  shall  not  allow  to  any  Minister  Plenipo-  the  allowance  was  made  to  Mr.  King  out  of  the 

tentiary,  a  greater  sum,  than  at  the  rate  of  9,000  contingent  fund;  which  fund,   (in  the  opinion 

dollars  per   annum,  as  a  compensation  for  all  of  the  committee;  was  not  subject  to  the  pay- 

his  personal  services  and  expences;  nor  to  any  ment  of  salaries  and  outfits  of  Ministers  and 

Charge  des  Affaires,  a  greater  sum  than  at  the  Charges — their  compensations^  being   specific 

rate  of  four  llviusancl   rive  hundred  dollars  per  subjects  of  appropriation.      If  thc_  committee 

annum,  as  a  compen<.ation  for  all  his   personal  be  correct  in  their  construction  of  the  law,  a 

services  and  expenses;  nor  to  the  Secretary  of  long  series  of  departure  from  its  provisions  can- 

aliy  Legation  or  Embassy  to  any  foreign  coun-  not  justify  tlie  act  of  usurpation,  but,  on  the 

trv-,  or  Secretary  to  anv  Minister   Plenipoten-  contrarj-,  calls  more  loudly  for  a  strict  compli- 

tiary,  a  greater  "sum  tluin  at  the  rate  of  $2,000  ance  witli  them.  .  The  committee  discai-d  pre- 

per  annum,  aii  a  eompensation  for  f.U  his  person-  cedents  mwie  in  violat'ron  cf  law,  because  tisnr 


^ontion  to-day,  may  (ai:d  ii-equenliy  does)  .be- 
come precedent  to-morrow.  They  can  recom- 
mend no  rule  whicli  promises  more  safety  than 
frequently  to  inquire  into  delegated  power  . 
compare  the  act  (lone  with  the  authority  for 
doing  it;  and,  in  that  way,  circumi>cribe  tlie 
agents  of  the  Government  (without  respect  to 
grade)  to  the  limits  of  their  authority- 

The  Committee,  from  inspection  of  the  re- 
cords and  accounts  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, have  ascertained  tli:^  much,  if  not  tiie 
greater  part  of  the  annual  appropriation  for  the 
contingtnt  expenses  of  all  the  missions  abroad, 
has  been  disbursed  for  the  contingent  expenses 
of  Ministers  and  Charges  abroad;  some  of  which 
have   been  settled,   and  others  remain   unset- 
tled.    They  have  called  for,  and  obtiiined  an 
abstract   of  the 'accounts   settled  for  the  year 
1825,  as  for  that  year  a  greater  poi-tion  of  the 
accounts  have  been  settled  at  the  Department 
than  for  suosequent  years,     which  statement 
Ihey  annex  to  this  report,  and   mark  G.     The 
committee  will  again  advert   to  the   before  re- 
cited act   of  Congress,   in  order  to  show  ti;at 
wliatiiver  m.ay  have  been  the  causes  which  su- 
perinduced the   practice  of  defraying  the  ex- 
penses of  Ministers  abroad  out  of  this  land,  that 
such  practice  is  without  legal  sanction,  and  can 
only  be  supported  by  construction.     That  pari 
of  the  act  aforesaid  which  provides  Cor  compen- 
-.ation,  is,  "th.it  the  President  of  the    United 
States  shall  not  allow  to  any  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary a  greater  stun  than  at  the  rate  of  nine 
thousand  dollars  per  annum,  as  a  compensation 
for  all  his  personal  services   and  expenses." — 
The  Commi'tee  believe,  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  Congress  to  fix,   in  the  act  of  1810,  the 
salaries  of  Ministers  and  Charges  des  Affaires, 
so  tliat  nothmg  sliould  thereafter  be  left  to  dis- 
cretion ;   else,   why   use  the  strong  language 
"for  all  his  personal  services  and  expenses'" 
ii'  it  was  intended  only  to  regulate  tlie  compen- 
sation for  personal   expenses,  as  contradistin- 
guished from  official,  wliy  not  provide  for  such 
'Expenses  aswere  not  included  in  the  salary? — 
They  are  of  opinion  that  eighteen  thousand  dol- 
lars per  annum  to  a  Minister,  and  nine  thousand 
dollars  to  a  Charge  des  Affaires,  are  amply  suf- 
ficient to  cover  all  the  expenses  contingent  up- 
on such  missions.      If  in   this  they  are  mis- 
taken, still,  it  must   be  conceded  that  direct 
legislation  upon  the  increase  of  salary,  is  pre- 
ferable to  the  present  practice;  whicli  leaves 
to   the    discretion    of    the    Department,     the 
extent  to  which  allowances  shall  be  made,  and 
which,  necessarily,  must  depend  upon  the  na- 
ked memorandum  furnished  by  the  Secretary 
of  Legation.     Bcheving-  that  the  appropriation 
for  defravingthe  contingent  expenses  of  all  tlie 
Missions  abroad  has  been  expended  at  the  dis- 
cretion of   the  Department,   and  without  the 
.authority  of  law,  other  llian  the  appropriation 
acts,  the   Committee    reconimemlj  in    future, 
'withholding  tiiat  appropriation;  but  if,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  House,  the  salaries  allowed  by 
the  act  aforesaid  are  insufficient  to  cover  all  ex- 
penses, then,  and  in  that  case,  to  make  such 
specific  additions  as  shall  be  deemed  amply 
sufficient. 

DuP-inTMEST  OF  SxiTE, 

Washington  ilk  March,  1828. 
'il»n.  .TonK  Bl\iii,  Chairman,  &e. 
"V.n:  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  tlie 


receipt,  on  the  tjth  ult.  of  your  kiter,  beariiii;' 
date  on  the  4th,  as  Chairm.an  of  the  Committee 
on  so  much  of  the  Public  Accounts  and  Expcii- 
ditures  as  relates  to  tlic  State  Depai'tment;  and, 
also,  on  the  7lh  of  the  same  month,  your  letter 
of  the  5lh.  By  the  former,  the  Committee  re- 
quest to  be  furnished,  first,  "  with  a  statement 
of  the  incidental  and  contingent  disbursements 
of  thib  office;  shov/ing  therein  the  respective 
sums  paid,  to  whom,  and  for  what  service3,'witli 
the  vouchers  for  such  payments."  And, secondly, 
"  a  statement  showing  the  disbursements  made 
out  of  either  of  the  appropriations  for  the  contin^ 
g.;nt  expenses  of  ;dl  missions  abroad,"  and  "  for 
the  contingent  expenses  of  foreign  intercourse," 
sofar'as  either  of  these  appropriations  have 
been  expended  under  the  authority  of  the  Se- 
cretary of  State,  and  upon  his  voucher,  for  the 
use  of  that  Department;"  leaving  it  to  my  dis- 
cretian  whetlier  X  would  recur,  or  not,  to  a  pe- 
riod beyond  the  commencement  of  my  service 
in  the  Department  of  State.  In  your  secomi 
letter,  you  state  that  the  Committee  on  the  Ex- 
penditures of  the  State  Department,  having  cs^ 
amined  the  accounts  of  the  Departmertt,  and 
reported  up  to  the  year  1824,  inclusive,  it  wi!! 
not  be  necessary  that  the  statements  previously 
required  by  you,  should  embrace  any  perioC 
prior  to  the  commencement  of  the  year  1825. 

Incompliance  with  the  request  of  the  Com- 
mittee, I  transmit,  herewith,  a  statement  of  the 
contingent  expenses  of  the  Department  of  State, 
from  tlie  1st  d.\v  of  January,  1825,  to  the;!lsC 
December,  1827,  marked  A.  The  account  has 
been  settled  by  the  proper  officers  of  the  Trea- 
sury, for  the  v.'hole  period.  The  vouchers  sap- 
porting  the  various  charges  in  the  account,  af- 
ter having  been  examined  and  scrutinized  by 
the  proper  Auditor,  have  been  passed  to  the 
Register  of  tlie  Treasury,  in  whose  office  they 
now  remain  on  file.  A  copy  of  every  one  of 
tjiem  would  occupy  much  space,  and  require 
considerable  time  to  prepare  it.  Mr.  Bren'j 
the  first  cierk  in  the  Department,  having  un- 
derstood iVoiii  you  that  it  would  not  be  wanted, 
it  is  not,  therefore,  now  sent.  If  he  misunder-' 
stood  the  wishes  of  the  Committee  in  that  re- 
spect I  will,  upon  receiving  iiiform.ation  to  that 
effect,  direct  a  transcript  of  the  vouchers  to  be 
made. 

I  liave  also  the  honor  to  communicate  to  the 
Committee,  a  letter  from  the  Fifth  Auditoiv 
transmilti;",g  tlie  second  statement,  (which  i'\ 
designated  by  the  letter  B,)  requested  by  the 
Commiitee,  accompanied  by  an  explanatory 
letter,  from  the  Register  of  the  Treasury.  This 
statement  shows  all  tlie  disbursements  made  out 
of  the  appropriation  for  the  contingent  expen- 
ses of  foreign  intercourse,  from  the  4th  of 
March,  1825,  to  the  end  of  the  last  year;  d!s- 
tinguislilng  between  those  items  which  have  beep 
allosved  on  my  authority,  and  upon  my  certificato 
of  approval,  from  those  which  have  been  other- 
wise vouched.  In  examining  the  accounts  con- 
taining the  contingent  expenses  of  all  the  mis- 
sions abroad,  during  the  period  particularize^ 
by  the  Committee,  no  item  was  found  to  have 
been  allowed  on  my  special  approval ;  and, 
consequently,  there  is  no  statement  to  be  fur- 
nished of  disbursements  from  that  appropria 
tioii,  according  to  the  request  of  the  Commit- 
tee. . 

Ho  far  as  disbursements  take  place  at  Iinme 


li3b 


•t  apjivopixatioiis  at  tlie  disposal  of  the  Depart-    ordinary  charges  in  siinUw?  cases,  iuformatiPJl  ot 
Tiientof  St:>'c,  tliey  are  inadu  by   an  Af^cnt  of   whicii  is  obtained  through  tlie  custontary  chan: 

Ihe  Department,  for  that  purpose  designated,  nels,  and  the  amount  is  specilied  in  the  instruc- 
This  practice  has  prevailed  for  a  long  time.  It  tions.  The  statement,  therefore,  that  the 
can  be  traced  bacli.  at  least,  as  far  as  tlie  com])ensation  and  charges  allowed  to  be;<r-. 
ministry  of  Mr.  .Madison.  The  person  sc-  ere  nf  despatches  are  unvo\iched,  is  not; 
lected  for  the  agency  has  been,  most  generally,  substantially,  if  it  be  technically,  correct, 
ftn-  many  years  past,  exclusively,  one '.f  the-  Their  accounts  are  first  car.  fidly  examined 
clerks  in  the  Deoartnient.  He  draws,  from  in  the  Department  of  State,  where  they 
(ime  to  time,  upon  the  requisitions  of  the  Head  are  checked  by  the  means  in  the  possession  of 
of  the  Department,  the  necessary  .sums,  under  tliat  Depaitment,  and  then  approved  and  cer- 
painicular  appropriation.s,  for  covtring  t!ie  or-  tificd  by  the  In.  a;!  of  the  Department,  and  pass- 
Sinary  disbiM'semcnts.  Those  sums  are  pl.iced  ed  over  to  the  Fifth  Aiuhtor. 
to  his  credit,  in  the  office  of  the  Hank  of  the  U.  The  employment  of  bearers  of  despatches  is 
States,  within  tliis  District,  where  he  keeps  limiied  to  important  occasions,  in  which  tlie 
his  account,  and  upon  which  he  draws,  from  Department  cannot  avail  itself  of  the  agency 
time  to  time,  for  the  current  expenditures.  No  of  regular  packets,  periodically  sailing,  or 
part  of  the  raoney  appropria'ted  to  the  public  where,  from  the  high  interest  and  confidential 
service,  under  the  direction  of  the  Department  nature  of  the  despatches,  it  is  deemed  best  to- 
of  State,  has  ever  been  placed  to  my  private  e.vpose  them  to  as  little  casuality  as  possible, 
credit.  The  accounts  of  the  Agent  are  settled  They  are  generally  employed  in  the  transrais- 
quarterly,  and  are  eiamined  by  the  Head  of  sion  of  treaties  prior  to  tbc;r  promulgation,  iiv 
tiie  Department,  who  usually  writes  liis  appro-  consequence  of  the  magnitude  of  the  interests' 
yal  at  the  foot  of  them.  This  approval  is  which  they  involve,  and  the  respect  which  is 
(mderstood  by  the  Auditor  as  sanctioning  the  due  to  existing  usage  in  national  intercovirsc 
o'ljeci  of  expenditure,  but  not  as  dispensing  with  To  most  of  the  persons  who  have  been  employ- 
the  exhibition  of  vouchers  in  any  instance,  ex-  ed  in  that  character,  during  the  laat  three  year.s, 
cept  where,  from  the  nature  of  tlie  expenditure,  were  confided  either  treaties,  o:-  the  creden- 
it  is  impracticable  to  produce  them;  in  which  tials  and  the  general  in.structions  to  some  of  oin' 
cases  the  proprietj-  of  the  charge  is  judged  nf  NJinisters  abioad.  Thus,  in  1825,  John  If. 
and  decided  by  the  Head  of  the  Department.  Pleasiints  was  engaged  to  carry  their  credential* 
Due  attention  is,  of  course,  paid  to  the  amount  and  general  instructions  to  our  Cliarges  d'Af-' 
drawn  from  the  Treasury  by  the  Agent,  so  as  fairs  at  Kio  de  Janeiro  ami  Huenos  Ayres, 
to  prevent  an  um-easonably  large  sum,  at  any  where  they  were  tiien  respectively  residing;, 
period,  accumulating  in  liis  hands.  The  clerk  and,  in  1827,  John  Mason,  jr.  was  paid,  a«  a 
who,  when  I  entered  the  DejKU'tment,  was  bearerof  despatches  for  bringing  home  atreaty^ 
charged  with  its  peciir.iaiy  agency,  continues  v.'hich  had  been  negotiated  .at  Mexico,  and 
to  e.\ecute  it.  Theodore  W.  Clay  was  engaged,  in  Marcli  last. 

The  -above  mode  of  transaeting  the  pecuniary  to  carry  back  to  Mexico  the  ssune  treaty,  after 
affairs  of  the  oilice,  was  fully  explained  by  my  it  had  been  submitted  to  the  Senate,  and,  also, 
predecessor  in  a  letter  winch  he  addressed  to  a  to  carry  other  highly  confidential  despatches 
ibtmer  comnvttee  of  the  House  of  fiepresenta-  to  Mr.  Poinsett,  arid  despatches  to  Mr.  Ser- 
tivcs,  underrate  the  IStli  of  April,  1S22,  to  a    geant,  who  bad  left  tlie  United  St.ates  the  pre. 


-opy  of  whicii,  herewitli  transmitted,  the  Com- 
mittee are  respectfully  referred,  marked  C. 

Upon  an  exa.nrn:uioii  of  the  statement  ex- 
hibiting the  disbui-semeats  out  of  the  appropria- 
tion for  the  contingent  expenses  of  foreign  in- 


ceding  November. 

The  greater  part  of  onr  despatches  to  and 
from  Europe,  generally  pass  through  the  handvv 
of  our  consul,  Mi-.  Maury,  at  Liverpool,  and 
hence  the  heavy  charge  for  postage.wliich  form?. 


^rcourse,  which  have  been  made  in  the  three    the  first  item  in /the  statement  now  transmitted 


1  have  the  honoi-  to  be 

With  great  respect, 

Vnur  obedient  servant, 

H.   CL.U" 


.',ist.  years,  uuder  my  authority,  and  upon 
my  '  certificate  or  voucher,  it  will  bo  ob- 
served that  the  principal  item  is  for  tlit 
employment,  durin  ;  those  years,   of  bvan-rs 

of  dispat<>hcs.     Their  compensation  and  allow  — 

ances  have  not  varied,  as   far  as  any  traces  of  Mr.  Pkas»ntun  to  Mr.  Clay. 

them  can  be  perceived  in  the  Tre;isury,  since  Tiie.isiri  DKrAnTMF.XT, 

t"lie  establishment  of  the   Govertmient.     Their-  Pifth-  Jl'tditor's  Office,  February  27,  182Sv 

compensation  was  fixed  at  a  per  <liem  of  six  Sir:  1  have  had  tlie  iionor  to  recaive  your let>\ 
dollars,  with  an  allowance  of  their  travelling  ter  of  tlie  16th  instant,  requesting  a  statement, 
expenses,  including  the  price  of  their  pass.age  for  the  use  of  the  commitec,  on  so  much  of  the 
by  sea,  when  they  do  not  proceed  iu  a  public  public  accounts  as  relates  to  tlie  .State  Depart- 
vessel.  VJi'henever  a  messenger  is  dispatclied  meat,  shewiu.g  t!ic  disbursements  made  out  of 
npoii  this  service,  he  is  furnished  with  a  letter  either  of  tlie  appropriations  "  for  the  contingent 
of  instructions,  in  whicli  his  duty  ami  desiina-  expenses  of  all  missions  abroad,"  and  "for  the 
tion  are  mentioned;  and  in  which,  also,  it  is  contingentof  foreign  intercourse,"  .to /arose/M-, 
.;iated  tliat  the  above  compensation  and  allow-  tr  oj'thuse  appropriat:\ms  have  been  expended  uti- 
ruices  will  be  made  him.  Upon  the  return  of  dcr  the  authnrily  of  llie  Secretary  of  State,  and 
.he  messenger,  it  is,  of  course,  known  in  the  upvn  liis  voucher,  fur  the  use  of  tliat  Department; 
Department  how  Ion*  he  has  been  absent  on  .".nd, as  the  accounts  relative  to  tiioseappropria-- 
the  public  service;  and  it  is  not  difHc'ult  to  tions.afterbeingauditedby thisotlice.aiidpassed 
judge  of  the  re:\sonabkncss  of  his  charges  for  b_\  the  CoTni>troller,are  transmitted  to,  filed,  and 
iMivelUng  expenses  and  passage  money.  This  retained  in  the  office  of  the  Register  of  the  Trea, 
fvn^i-cuin  is.  indeed,   u.srallv  fl:?ed,  from  tlt'-^    suiv,  I  referred  vonr  lettrr  to  that  ofqccr  wiy'' 


la/ 


'iut  delay,  vitb  a  request  tUatUe  would  comply 
with  its  verjiiisitloMS.  He  has,  accordiii.^ly, 
prt-pared  .ind  tr.iiisniitted  a  stutcment,  in  wiiich 
IS  distijiffuished  the  accounts  which  luue  been 
KOttled  oil  your  authority  anil  certiilcite,  and 
those  settleil  upon  tiie  ciistomar\'  vouchc7-s. 
There  are  some  items  of  expense  ir.  the  state- 
iTient  wiiich  }\\re  auUiorized  and  inciUTed  by, 
and  during',  the  late  Administration,  but  for 
which,  the  accounts  were  not  rendered,  set- 
tled, and  paid,  untd  after  tiic  comniei. cement 
of  the  present.  Suc!i  arc  tlie  accounts  of  Mr. 
Thomas  Rinda-1,  Ajrntat  Hava?ia,  and  of  Ellier 
Shcpley,  fcr  collcc'.ii:;^  teslimony  in  relation  to 
oairai-cs  upon  certain  .Vnierican  iialiing  vessiils 
near  llalifax.  .  As  th.e  paynients  were  made 
during-  die  period  specified  in  tlie  call  of  the 
cBmnnttee,  Ihouifh  tiie  service  \ras  previously 
jierformed,  it  was  thouglit  proper  to  compre- 
licnd  tliem  in  the  statenicnt. 

It  may  be  proper  to  remark,  that  the  pet' 
diem  allowances  t:)  bearers  of  despatches,  and 
their  expenses  whilst  absent,  contained  in  the 
statement,  are  in  coulbrmity  with  those  imiform= 
ly  made,  in  similar  cases,  under  the  Adminis- 
tfations  of  Mr.  Jelfei-son,  Mr.  Madison,  and 
Sir.  Monroe. 

In  ;  'gard  to  this  description  of  accounts,  it 
being  impossible  for  this  ofrice  accurately  to 
ascertain  the  period  for  which  payment  ought 
to  1)0  made,  in  all  cases,  and  for  tlie  jjarty  ren- 
dcrinf  the  account  lo  produce  vouchers  for  his 
travelling  expenses,  to  dispense  with  whicl),  the 
•authority  of  the  .Secretary  of  State  is  considered 
necessary,  recourse  ha.s,  gcjieiullj ,  been  had  to 
the  Secretary  of  Stiite  for  his  sanction  to  such 
part  of  the  account  as  he  should  approve;  those 
accounts  are,  therefore,  generally  entered  as 
beii;g  app.oved  by  him.  The  receipt  of  the 
agent,  claiming  the  account  due,  is  always  ex- 
acte<!,  and  filed  in  the  proper  office,  upon[i>ay- 
ment  being  made. 

In  furthi.r  explanation   of  the   statement,    I 
have  the  honor  to  enclose  the  letter  of  tiie  lle- 
glstcr  of  the  Treasu")  to  me,  upon  tlie  subject. 
I  have  the  honoi:  to  be. 
Very  respectfully.  Sir, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

s.  plkasonton:, 

Fiflh  Jludtior  of  Ike  Treasurtf. 
i'lW  Hon.  IIbnby  Clxx, 

,  Seerctury  oj  State. 


T<1f.  lihursc  lo  Mr.  Pleasonion- 

Trf.'.S-   lir   DKPAHT3IEST, 

Jiei;iikr's  Offire,  trhrilartj  25,  1823. 
Sir:  In  compliance  willi  tiie  letter  of  the  Sc- 
cretiiry  of  State,  of  the  Ititli,  addre.ssed  to  you, 
and  winch  was  referred  to  this  office,  on  the 
ISth,  instant,  1  have  the  honorto  transmit  here- 
with, a  statment,  showing  the  disbursements 
made  out  of  the  appropriation  for  the  contingent 
R.^penses  of  foreign  intercourse,  so  far  as  it  has 
oeen  expended  under  the  authority  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  and  upon  his  voucher,  fortbe  use 
ofthat  Department,  from  the  4tli  of  March.  1S2J, 
lo  the  present  time;  all  which  iiasbeen  extract- 
ed from  the  accounts  :ui  settled  at  your  ofiice. 
In  making  up  this  stxitenient,  you  will  perceive, 
that  we  have  set  down,  as  vouched  by  the  Se- 
cretary, all  those  accounts  upon  which  his  name 
is  endoi-sed,  as  approving  the  same,  except  the 
accounts  of  the  disbursing  agent  of  the  Depart- 


niciU  j  and  from  Ikese  v>'e  have  eelecjed,  «nU  si, 
set  down,  such  items  as  wcrespecially  approved. 
Upon  this,  we  must  remark,  that  m^ny  items  in 
these  accounts,  though  without  vouchers,  have- 
no  doubt  been  allowed  upon  the  common  prin- 
ciples of  settlement,  as  not  requiring  the  special 
sanction  of  the  Secretary  for  their  admission: 
but,  from  the  want  of  specified  data,  in  the  ac- 
counts t'lemselvis,  w-e  have  been  unable  to 
make  ilistinctions. 

In  examining  the  accounts  containing  the 
contingent  expenses  of  m.sfions.abroad,  for  the 
above  period,  we  have  not  been  able  to  d.scover 
any  item  .as  allov.ed  upon  the  special  approval 
of  the  Secretary  of  St:»te. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be.  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

JOsKPH  NOURSE,  liegvita- 
STEracs  Pleisoxton,  Esi(. 

I'lflh  Auditor  iif  the  Trea-tiiry. 

B, 

STATEMENT  showing  the  disbursements, 
made  out  of  the  appropriation  for  the  contin- 
gent expenses  of  Foreign  Intercourse,  from 
the  4th  March,  1825,  to  the  31st  December, 
1827;  distinguishing  between  those  items 
which  have  been  allowed  under  tlie  authority 
and  upon  the  certificate  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  frnm  those  which  have  been  otherwise- 
vouched. 


In  whose  favor  and  for 
what  purpose. 


Apjii-tived 
by  Secre- 
tary of 
State 
without 
vouchers. 


Accounts 
vouchei'.. 


1835. 

To  James  Maury,  Consul 
at  I.iverpo  >1,  for  postages 
on  lettei-s  and  packages 
to  and  from  Ministers 
and  other  Public  Agents 
in  r.urope,  from  Istjuly 
to  3lst  December,  lS2i, 
including  a  premium 
thereon,  for  exchange 
between  Liverpool  and 
the  Uirited  States 

I'o  William  J.  Stone,  fo;- 
engraving  two  copy 
piatcs  for  ciphers,  and 
p'inting  92  impressions 
of  piiLtes,   including  pa- 

j.Ll- 

To  Lary  Anderson,  fur 
his  services  from  29tli 
December,  1S3-1,  to  the 
13th  February,  1825. 
making  51  days  at  $Ci  per 
day,  and  travelling  ex- 
penses from  Cartliagena 
to  Bogota,  and  from 
thence  to  Washington  a-? 
hearer  of  the  (.'oiiventioti 
between  the  United 
States  and  Colombia 

To  Thomas  Uiudall, 
Agent  fur  Commerce  and 
Seamen  at  Porto  Rico 
and  Havana,  arxl  for  hat- 


$272  ir 


C9g  go 


1,190  0- 


138 


,  vice  of  his  saiary  froiu 
iOtlx  of  April,  182j,  to 
,  IStli  March,  1825,  at 
$4,500  per  annum 
'4'o  (ieorge  S.  Watkins, 
Special  Messenger  6f 
the  United  Slates'  to  the 
Minister  at  London,  for 
compensation  from  12th 
March  to  1st  July,  1825, 
making'  112  days,  at  (> 
dollars  per  day,  includ- 
Inij  his  passage  out  and 
veturning,  traveliinff  ex- 
penses from  Washintfton 
to  New  York,  from  Liv- 
-.'.rpool  to  London,  and 
ii-om  London  to  Liver- 
pool, on  his  return,  and 
irom  NcNV  York  back  to 
■\Vashing-ton         -  3^34"  68 

To  John  H.  Pleasants, 
bearer  of  despatches  to 
Buenos  Ayres  and  Rio 
Janeiro,  for  his  compen- 
sation Irom  19th  April  to 
:^2d  Ansfust,  1825,  ma- 
king 126  days,  at  $6  per 
'Jay,  including  his  pas- 
.^agc.g'oi.is^  and  returning-, 
his  travelling  expenses 
and  boarding,  from  the 
time  of  his  leaving  Rich- 
mond on  the  i9th  April, 
to  the  28th  May,  1825, 
in  which  inteiva!  he  was 
seeking,  from  Baltimore 
to  Boston,  the  means  of 
gciting  to  Buenos  Ayres, 
and  h;s  expenses  in  re- 
turning from  New  Y'ork 
to  Richmond  -  5^940  qo 

1  o  Fctcr'  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing Exequaturs 
To  Wiliiam  Maul,  for  seal- 
ing Mtditerranein  pass- 
ports      ... 
I'o  L.  Child,   sign  b.oard 
for  the  Legation  at  Bue- 
nos Ayres 
ToH.  Niles,  for  52  copies 
of  the  Weekly  Register 
To  S.    Masi,   for  a  great 
seal,    and   box    for  the 
same,  and   tliree   iroaty 
boxes      ... 
To  Ether  Slieple.v,  for  ex- 
penses in  relation  to  cap- 
iure    of    fishermen     by 
British  brig  DotteriU  250  00 

To  JosepliMilligan,for  two 
port  folios,  for  treaties 
I'o  W.  J.  Stone,  for  print- 
ing   passports    and   im- 
pressions   of    Ministers'  , 
coats      -        -        . 
■i'o  iMavy   Lengtliall,   for 

painting  signal  flags,     -       .. 
To    Patrick  Rogers,  for 
diplomatic  trunks. 
To   J.  Milligan,   for  four 
port  folios,  for  treaties, 
PoW.Sb/le-,  Jr.  fir  he.-.r- 


in»  despatches  to  'New 

Vork iUO  00 

F-  C.  Baker,  for  bearing 
4,540  39      despatches  to   Norfolk, 

to  Mr-  Miller,       ....  40  00 

To  Patrick  Rogers  for  di- 
plomatic trunks,      ...         .  26  00 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing exequaturs,      .       i.        .  jx  50 

To  W.  J.  Stone,  for  en- 
graving  flags, 16  00 

"To  James  Maury,  Consul 
at  Liverpool,  for  posta- 
ges  in  England, 266  58 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing exequaturs,       ...  6  00 

To  H. Niles,  for  52  copies 
of  the  Weekly  Register,     ■        -  153  ?5 

S825. 

To  Gustavtts  II.  Hcott, 
bearer  of  despatches', 
from  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  the  Mmister  at 
Bogota,  for  his  travelling 
expenses  from  his  resi- 
dence in  Virginia,  to 
Washington,  and  from 
thence  to  Norfolk,  via. 
Baltimore,  to  take  pas 
sage  on  board  the  Johi-. 
Adams  frig.ate  ;  for  sea 
stores,  stationery,  ex- 
penses of  transmitting 
the  despatches  from  Car- 

thagena  to  Bogota;  pas- 

.<;age  from  Carthagena  to 

New   York,  and   travel- 
ling expenses  from  New 

York  to  his  residence  in 

Virginia,    via.  Washing- 

ton.including  the  sum  of 

'<'92  dollars  for  his  servi- 
ces in  said  capacity,  at  6 

dollars  per  day,  from  the 

nthof,\!archtothe20th 

July,  1826;  .        -      $968  32    ^496  "^r 

To  John  Marshall,  bearpr 

of  despatches  from  thq 

Charge    des    AHairs  at 

Guatemala  to  \he  Seers- 

tary  ofState.for  his  com- 
pensation from  5th  Au 

gust    to   31st    October, 

1826,  making  88  days.at 

six   dollars  per  day,  in- 
cluding   his     expenses 

from  the  19th   of  April, 

when  he    was  detailed 

from    the    frig.ate   John 

Adams  for  tlic  ])urposc 

of  attending   Mr.     Wil- 
Jlams,  to  the  3 1st  August 

1826.  -        -        -     1,528  Ofj 

To  Clifton  Wharton.bear- 
er  of  despatches  to  Co- 
lombia, for  his  compen- 
sation  from  22dof  Mav  to 
26thOctober,  1826,m'ak. 
ing  159  days,  at  §6  per 
day  including  his  travel- 
lingandnece^sary  expen- 
ses from  Washington  to 
N.Vnrk;  expenses  rvhils  • 


42  00 

6  00 

30  75 
152  75 

406  00 

200  00 

.y  00 

5  00 

91  00 

400  00 


Vib 


tatrci  necessaiy  erpen- 
5es  at  the  Caicos  Islands 
after  his  shipwreck,  pas- 
sage, &c.  from  Turk's 
Island  to  Carthagena — 
n^.!-dical  aid  a^  Cartilage- 
na;  pussaire  frum 'lienca 
to  NewYork,  and  travel- 
ling' expenses  fifini  New 
Yoik  to  Washington,  in- 
cluding also  sundry  arti- 
cles of  clothing  purchas- 
ed at  Ttuk's  Island,  af- 
ter being  shipwrecked, 
lie  haviiig  landed  there 
in  a  state  of  destitution. 

To  John  A.  Dix,  bearer 
of  despatches  to  Copen- 
hagen for  compensation 
from  17th  May  to  14th 
October,  1826,a'tsix  dol- 
lars per  day  including 
his  travelling  expenses 
ses  from  Washington  to 
MewYork  ;  passage  from 
thence  to  Liverpool  ; 
travelling  expenses,  &c. 
from  Liverpool  to  Co- 
penhagen, and  fron". 
tlierce  to  Paris  and  Ha- 
vre  including  passports 
postages,  carriage  hire, 
passage  from  Havre  td 
X.  Y'ork,  and  travelling 
expenses  from Ne.v York 
back  to  Washington 

To  Robert  Anderson, 
bearer  of  despatches 
from  Cartliagena  to 
%Yashington,  for  his  tra- 
velling expenses  and  I  las- 
sage  from  Carthagena  to 
Sew  York,  and  from 
thence  to  Washington, 
including  his  compensa- 
tion from  the  24th  of  Ju- 
ly to  the  21st  of  Sept. 
1826,  making  53  days, 
at  ?6  per  day 

To  Edrtard  Wver,  bearer 
of  despatches  to  &  from 
St.  Petevshurgh,  for  his 
compensation  from  29th 
April  to  the  15tU  Nov. 
1836,  making  201  days, 
at  f6  per  day,  inchidmg' 
travelling  expenses froih 
Washington  to  N.  York, 
j)assage  from  thence  to 
Constadt,  from  thence  to 
Boston,  :.nd  expenses  to 
AVasliington 

To  Peter  Force  for  pub 
lisliing  exequaturs 

To  Gales  &  Seaton,  for 
publishing  exequaturs  & 
signals         ... 

To  John  Myers,  for  two 
diplomatic  trunks 

To  Davis  8c  Force,  for 
printing  50  copies  direc- 
tions fof?  Ministers'  tb-ess 


To  A.  W.  BeU,  for  iv.o 
diplomatic  trunks 

To  H  Ndes,  for  six  vols. 
Weekly  Register 

To  James  .Maury,  Consul 
at  Liverpool,  for  postage 
in  England 

To  M.  M.  Cruikshank,  for 
a  port  foli)  for  a  treaty 

ToJohii  Myers,  for  a  di- 
plomatic trunk 

ToH.  Ndes,  fr.r53c'jpies 
of  the  Weekly  Register 

To  A.  W.   Bell,   for  two 
diplomatic  trunks 
1,191  50       830  75      To  S.    Massi,  for  24  cast- 
ings cf  th-e  great  seal    - 

To  A.  W.  BeU,  for  two 
diplomatic  trunks 

To  M.  M.  Cruikshank, 
for  a  port  folio,  full  trim- 
med, &c. 

To  John  Myers,  for  two 
diplomatic  trunks 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing exequaturs 

To  George  E.  Ironsid?, 
for  carrying  despatches 
to  Mr.  Gallatin,  New 
Y'^ork 

To  John  Myers,  for  a  di- 
plomatic trunk 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishin.g  exequatur 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
1,608  20  17  15      lishing   commerci.al    re- 

gulations of  the  Republic 
r,f(;nlombia 

To  Gales  and  Seaton,  for 
pulishing  exequaturs   - 

To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing-exequaturs 

To  W  J.  Stone,  for  a  Le- 
gation seal  and  passports 

To  W.  Brown  for  a  di- 
plomatic trunk 

To  J.    Maury,  Consul  at 
Liverpool,    for  postage 
504  00  in  Englan.l 

To  H  Niles,  for  52  copies 
of  the  Weekly  Register, 
vol.  30 

To  Thiimas  L.  Thurston, 
carrying  despatches  \o 
Mr.    Laurence,  N.  York 

To  Peter  F<'rce,  for  pub- 
'     lisiiing  exequ.aturs 

To  Peter  Force,  for  print- 
ing 30  copies  of  (lie  trea- 
ty with  the  Federation  of 
the  Centre  of  .\merica 
-     1,902  00  To  W.  Brown,  for  two  cii- 

plomatic  trunks 
15  00    ToJobnMyers,  for2  do 

To  W.   Brown,  for  2  do 

To  do        for  2  do 

:T  00    To  M.    M.    Cruikshank. 

for  a  port  folio,  with  che-  , 
18  00      niUe,  bullion,  &.c. 

To  J.    P.  Latruite,    for  2 
gold    sword    knots,   for 
2  50     tassels  fqr  port  foho 


13  Uk, 
18  75 


150 


51- 


lu  .K.  Gale?  li  Sort,  Iw 
publishing-  ordina.nces, 
&e.  relative  to  St.  Do- 
laingo  Exiles 

To  n.  &  J.  M.  Faust, 
ft>i-  do  do 

'Jo  E.  Charlebs,  for     do 

To  G.  W.  Robertson 
for  do  do 

To  Amos  Kendall  k  Co. 
for  do  de 

To  Morgan,  Lodge,  & 
Fisher,  for  do 

To  Ether  Shepley,  for  sep- 
vices  ill  the  case  of  the 
British  schooner  Hero 

2S27. 

To  John  Mason,  jr.  bearer 
of  despaches  from  Mesi- 
*U>  to  tlie  Secretary  of 
Slate,  for  the  hire  of  e, 
«-oach  from  Mexico  to 
Vera  Cruz  S/S 

JJftlly  expenses  from 
Mexico  to  Vera 
Ci-uz,  including  " 
days  detention  at 
the  latter  place  78 

Passage  from  Vera 
Cruz  to  Norfolk 

Baily  expenses  from 
Norfolk  to  Wash- 
ington 

Per  diem  allowance 
from  the  25th  De- 
cember, 1826,  to  4th 
February,  1827,  is 
42  days,  at  6  dollars 
per  day  252 

raid  a  courier  a  Jalopa  to 
go  to  Vera  Cru7,  to  stop 
the  ship 

To  John  H.  March,  Con- 
sul at  Madeira,  for  main- 
tenance in  prison,  cloth- 
ing and  boat  hire  to  car- 
ry three  American  sea- 
iiien  to  Lisbon  for  trial, 
diarged  with  murder  on 
board  an  Amtrican  ves- 
sel, including  a  com.- 
misslon  of  9  dollars  and 
three  cents 
ToM.  M  Cruikshank,  for 
a  blue  velvet  portfolio, 
embroidered,  iic.  for  a 
treaty 

To  William  Wirt,   for  his 
.^"rvices  in    the  Circuit 
Court     in    the    United 
Status  foi'  Marj'land  dis- 
trict, in  the  case   of  the 
V.  States  against   Good- 
ing 
To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing ejequaturs 
To  J.S.  Simpson, for  pub- 
]ishnig   notice     St.   Do- 
mingo claimants 
To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing exequaturs 


81a  0,0 


To  GaUs  and  Seatcn,  tyx 
do  do        &c. 

To   F.  Massi  &  Co.   for 
j3D  00       gold  trimmings  for  trea- 
ties -  .      -      , 
350  00     To  James  Haig,  for  pub- 
250  00       lishing  notice  to  St.  Do- 

jningo  claimants 
350  eO     To   M.    M.    Cruikshank, 
for  blue  velvet  port  folio 
205  72       for   treaty,  embroidered 

with  chenille,  8cc. 
S^  00     To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
hshing  proclamation  sus- 
pending intercourse,  See. 
To  do  for  30  copies  of  the 
Convention  of   London, 
&c.  ajid  for  30  copies  act 
fbr  adjustment  of  claims 
To  H.  Niles,  for  152  co- 
pies of  the  Weekly  Re» 
giater,  vol.  31 
To  F.  Massi  &  Co.  for  two 

l>oxes  for  treaty  seals 
To  Peter  Force,  for  pub- 
lishing exequaturs 
'Jo   M.    M.     CriiikshanX, 
for  a  port  folio  for  a  trea.- 
ty        .        -  -  . 

To  W  Brown  for  a  diplc- 
matic  trunk 

To  James  Maury,  Consili 
at  Liverpool,  for  postag- 
es in  England 

To  Gales  and  Seatoo,  far 
publishing  exequatur^, 
advertising,  &c. 

i'o  W.  P.  Elliott,  bearii^g 
desp.atches  to  London 

To  A.  &  IL  Wilson,  for 
advertising 

To  W.  Brou'n  foradiplftt 
H7  00       matic  tru!ik 

To  B.  S.  Coxe,  assigiieCj 
for  passage  of  Wm.  B. 
Hodgson  from  Port  Ma. 
hon  to  Algiers 

To  W.  Brown,  for  2  diplo- 
matic trunks 

To  Peter  Force,  for  25 
sets  National  Calender, 
H  vols,  each,  at  §1  pci,- 
volume 

To  Gales  &  SeatoD,  far 
sea  letters  and  public- 
iug  exequaturs 

To  John  Myers,  for  a  di- 
plomatic trunk 

To  li.  &  W.  Robinson,  ffs? 
advertising 

■^o  f.  G.  Broughton,  far 
ditto 

'i'o  Ch.  Goodrich,  bearing' 
despatches  toMr.  Wheat- 
500  00       an.  New  Yoi-k 

To  L  W.  Townsend,  foj- 
32  0,0       advertising 

To  B.  Kussell,  for  do. 

To  Gale?  &:    Seatot>,    for 
350  00     one  ream  sea  lettei-s 

To  do.  for  exequaturs 
18  01^     To  reter  Forre  for  dc 


189  63 


00 


i2  3) 
148  61 

7SQJ) 

£i  00 

17  5P 


ta3  2.5 

•2no  (10 

12  OJi 

75  QO 

S<}0 

m  s? 


m,  sr 

TOO  QD 

rs  m 

©  ej5 

120  CD 

2/5  <JD 

i:i5  QO 

.f  1  QQ 
5  00 

10  CD 

60  00 

24  00 
113  fiO 

28  00 
*5  00 


141 


injr     Consuls'    commis- 
sions, &o. 
To  Thoniis  SnouJen, for 
^vertising- 

'ioCammoc   fit  Raeland-, 

ibr  ditto 
To  do  do  far  (ic. 
'Jo  do  do  for  rfo 
To  Joseph  Forresl,  foi- 
making  extracts  ft-offl  the 
.>ournaI  of  the  Commis- 
sion unJn-  the  riorid:^ 
,  Treaty 

To  D.  &  J.  M.  Ifaost,  for 
advertising  in  relation  to 
(he  treaty  of  Ghent 

To  S.  L.  Dashiell,  for  co- 
pying 44,464  words,  at 
10  cents  per  hundred, 
and  5  maps  irvreijtion  to 
(he  treaty  of  Client 

Jo  A.  L  M'Jntire,  for  co- 
pying  51,1346  words>  at 
10  cents  per  hundred 

To  EdwaiJ    Deebie,   for 

copying  53,118  words  at 
same 

"I'o  A.  n.  Pemberton,  far 

advertising 
To  1.  Hiijrhcs,  for        do     '. 
To  Natlian  Low,  for      do    ■- 
To  Joseph     Forrest,    for 
fDpyinR:e?,rifi  words,  at 
10  cents  per  100 

To  Pleasants  &  Smith,  far 
advertising' 

To  A.  L.  MTntire,  for  3 
days  tracing- maps  in  re- 
lation to  the  boundary        a 

'I'd  Theodore  W.  ciaj-, 
bearer  of  despatches  to 
Alexico,  for  iiis  passage 
to  New  Vork,  incladini^ 
"no  day's  detention  in 
Philadelphia  §  18  50 
his  passagt;  to 
Vera  Cruz  ISO  00 

ftamagc  hire  and 
JxpensestoMex- 
■'<^o  135  50 

ferriage  hire  to 

Vera  Crtrz  T3  On 

"xpenses  to  do      23  25 

his   return    pas- 

sa,ge  to  N.  Vork  150  00 

f--q)enses      from 

thence  to  Wash- 
ington 20  25 

iiis  compensation 

from  17th  March, 

the    day    of   his 

departure    from 

Washington,    to 

the2d.lulyl82r, 

inclusivc,theday 

of  his  return  thi"- 

'her,  making  10? 

<lays,   at  Jo  per 

To  James  Davidson,  for 
^y,rrs  5^,41S  words, 

«  10c^n*«   per.  IffT)  '  .    . 


.  9  50 

ri  25 
4  30 

-2  50 


9  W 
§15  90 

£4  46 
n  23 

S3  12 

33  75 

15  00 

7  50 

87  ?2 
22  50 

fS  09 


1,-205  50 
5?  4.7 


To  A.  J-'ord,  toi-  U  Jajs 

tracing  maps 
To  S.  L.  Dashiell,  far  13 
days  do 
To  A.  Rentzal,  forlSdays 

do 
To  William  Phillips.beaf-- 
er   of   despatches  from 
Hiiatemah  to  the  United 
States,  for  compensation 
from  9lh  April  to  30th 
June,   1827,  is   m  days, 
at  '.'6  per  pay,  including 
his  expenses 
To  Gales&.Seaton,forpab. 
hshing  exequaturs,  &c. 
To   Samuel   Hanson,   for 
Copy;ng,r:!,346  words,al 
10  cents  per  linndred 
To  S.  I,.   Dashiell,   for  S 

days  tracing  maps 

To    \Y.    G.    Cranch,    fm- 

copying  52,7e8   words, 

at  10  cents  per  hurdred 

To  A.  Ford,  for  12  days 

tracing  maps,  at  f2  per 

day      -        .         .        . 

To  A.    Rcntzel,  for  14S 

days  do  at  do 
To  Ed.  Taylor,  for  copy- 
ing   107,537    words,   at 
10  cents  per  hundred 
To  S.McDonald.for  copy- 
ing 53,130  words,  at  io 
cents  per  hundred 
To  Helen  Davis.for  copy- 
ing 87,609  words,  at  10 
cents  per  hundred 
To  A.   L.    Mclntire,   for 
tracing   maps    32   days, 
at  R2  .         .        .       _ 

To  A.  Kentzel,  for  do  7,'. 
,  daj's,  at  do  .         ."     , 

To  E.  Deebie,  for  copv- 
120,900  words,  at  10 
cents  per  hundred 
To  A.  Kentzel,for  tracing 
maps  4  days,  of  9  hours 
each  day,  at  g3  per  day  - 
To  A  Ford,  for  do.  12 
days.  6  hours  each  dav. 
atJ2  .        .        :'     ^ 

"i'o  S.  L.  Dashiell,  for  37 
clays  at  $2,  and  6  days 
at  $3  .        .        i 

To  James  Couclieval,  for 
part  payment  as  bearer 
of  desptches  from  Stock- 
holm to  H'ashington.and 
returning  by  way  of  Lon- 
don    ---... 
To  do.  for  his  services  in 
the  Legation  at   Stock- 
uolm,in  transcribing,S;r.     - 
'lo  Lucy  Baker,  for  copy- 
ing 94,51  S  words,  at  10 
'•ents  per  hundred 
'lo  M.  AI.  Cruiksliank.for 
copying  81,S24   words, 
at  do  .        .        .'     _ 

To  Meade  Pitzhugh,  for 
do.  102,695  words,  s^lo 
aiiiljmlpsatSlO 


775  25 


( James  Haig.tor  adver, 

sing  

)  A.  Rentzel,  for  copy- 
ig  maps  six  days,  at  $3 
lei-dav         -         ■         ■       "        ' 
3  S.  L.  DashieU,fordo. 
I  davs,  at  do        -         -       ' 
0  Thomas  Miinroe,  for 
,undry  articles   of  arms 
ind   equipments   of    an 
\mencan  soldier,  trans- 
mitted through  ThomHS 
Munroe,  jr.  to  the  Arch- 
duke  Constantine,    and 
certain  liussian  and  Po- 
lish Officers        .  -         -       " 
;o  A.  Ueutzel,  for  copy- 
ing; maps  five  days,   at 
$3  per  day         .  -        - 
to  A .  L.  McTntire,  for  do 
17  days  at  do        -         -       ' 
ro.\.Hamsav,  jr.for copy- 
ing 35,75^   wor.ls,  at  10 
cents  per  hnndred 
To  James  Ord,  for  copy- 
ing 95,040  do  at  do 
To  A.   Ford,   for  tracmg 
maps  2J  days,  at  $2  per 

day      -        -        "      . "      ' 
To  K  I'atton,  for  copymg 
52,500  words,  at  10  cts. 
per  hundred 

ToW.  B.  Paf,'e,  for  do. 
120,960  words,  at  do. 
To  Jonathan  Klliot,  for 
100  copies  Treaties  and 
eonveniions  -  - 
To  Gales  &  Seaton,  for 
advertising   exequaturs, 

&c.      -         -         '        '■■ 
To  James  ilaun",  Consu! 
at  Liverpool,   for   post- 
ages in  England 
To    James    Martin,    for 
copying  91,6B7   words, 
at  lb  cents  per  liundrert 
To   Dobbin,    Murpliy   & 
Bose,  for  advertising   ^ 
To    James    Ord,    for  oA 
days'  txamining  record^^ 
inrelation  to  Treaty  ci 
Ghent,  at  ^^  SO  per  day 
To  Ballard  J^  AVrigut  for 
advertising  -        ;., 

ToA.  L.  Mclnt.rc,fcrb,; 
days  examining  record  in 
relVion    to     'I'reaty     at 
Ghent,  at  S:)  50  per  day 
ToB.  llussel,  for  adver- 
tising ■         ,  " 
To  Kdward  Wyer,  beare. 
of  depatches  to  London, 
lor      his     compensitmu 
ftom    28th     Dec.     829, 
to  the  19th  March,  18-;, 
inakinq:   82  days,   at  id 
per  day,  including  pas- 
sages and  expenses 
To   W.  Prentiss,  tor  his 
compensation    and    cs- 
vcnses    in   delivering   a 
Sox  of  books  t^ the  GOV- 
'T or  of  Maiac,  atPo'- 


oo 


18  To  M.  M.  Cruikshank,  for 
copving  18,370  words, 
at  10  cents  per  100 

18  00  To  S.  D.  King,  for  copy- 
ing part  of  an  old  map  ot 

27  00      North  America 


200  U(J 


18  SS 
9  50 


56  54 

15  00 

51  00 

35  75 
95  04 

44  09 

52  50 
120  96 

1,000  eo 

46  00 

164  £9 

91  69 
135  00 


116  25 


fll.Sis  8: 


Dollars,   16,304  92  .  19,759  39 
Tn'.ASuBT  Depabtme.vT,  ? 

".g„<er'.Q/ffc.,ft6.28,1828.    3, 
"  JOS.   NOURSE,  Jicg'r. 

STATEMENT  explaining  the  differences  bc- 
tween  the  "  Statement  showing  the  disburse- 
..  ments  made  out  of  the  appropnations  for 
.<  the   contingent  expenses  of  foreign  inter- 
..  course,  distinguishing  bet^veen  those  items 
..  which  have  been  ^^''^"'^^^  "f "    ^^  I''' 
"  thority,  .-ind  upon  the  certificate  of  the  be- 
..c  eta.^   of  State,  from  those   «hich    have 
..  been  otherwise  vouched,  from  4.th  March, 
«  IS'i":      to     the    Ust     December,     IS-':', 
frnXed  B.)  and  the  actual  amount  of  pay- 
i^'ntrmade  frym   the    Treasuiy  dunng  the 
yll^s  mi  1826,  and  1827.  (as  perslatemen". 

A.) 
Expenditures,      las      p*r 
statement   B)  from   4th 
March,  to  31st  Decem- 
ber, 1825, 
To  which  aild  the  follow- 
ing expenditures,   from 
the    1st  J.inuai-y,  to  3d 
March,  1825,  viz: 
Andrew  Armstrong,  Com: 
mercialAg.nt.atPortau 

Vrieee,  (salary,) 
Daniel  Turner,  bearer  ot 
despathes  from  ilonte- 
,iedo  to  Buer.os  Ayres, 
William  Taylor,  Agent  of 
the  United  States  at  Al- 
varado,  -  ' 

Condv  Raguet,  Agent  for 
Commerce  and  Seamen 
Rio  Janeiro,         -  /.500  0( 

JohnB.  Prevost,  Agent  of 
the  United  Stales  m 
South  America, 
■\Volcott  Chaunccy,for  pas- 
sage of  Edward  Wyer, 
and  Consul  StUb,  and 
familv,  in  the  years  1821 

and  1822, 
Joseph  Milligan,  for  a  port 

folio,  for  a  treaty, 
;     President's      certificate, 
without  specification. 
Do.  do. 


6  00 


250  CO 


150  00 


560  00 


500  00 

1,150  GO 

100  00 

700  00 
1,000  00 


1,267  00 


6,850  00 
And  Expenditures  from  March  4.  to  Dec.  !.-• 

J82S,  n'z- 

\ndrew  Armstrong,  Com- 
mercial Agent  at  Port 
au  Prince,  (salary,)  750  00 

•John  B.  Prevost,  Agent 
of  the  United  states  m 
South  America,  -.000  UU 

-Condv  Raguet,  Agent  for 
Commerce  and  Seamen, 
nt  Rio  JjJ'-eiro-  400  u  J 


i4J 


,  Richard  C.  Anuersoii.ji. 
late  Minister  at  Colom- 
bia, for  writing  done  for 
the  Legation  of  the 
United  Slates  at  Bogo- 
ta, from  10th  December, 
1823,  to  2d  Jan.  1825,    2,125  2-1. 

•John  J.  Appleton,  Spe- 
cial Agent  at  Naples,      1,125  00 

>  John  U.  Forbes  Charge 
de«  Affaires  at  Buenos 
Ayres,  for  tlie  funeral 
expenses  of  Cxsar  A. 
Kodney,  deceased,  late 
Minister  at  Buenos  Ay- 
res,  -         .         Hn  n 


To  which  add  ihe  following: 
Forthis  suin  paid  toGeorge 

S.  Watkins,  more  than 

accounted  for  by  him  185  0" 

And  this  sum  advanced  to 

John  H.  Pleasants,  more 

than   accounted  for   by 

liini  in  this  year;  both  re- 
paid in  1827        -        -        10  00 


13,r21  56 


'John  Kainals,  Consul  ai 

Copenhagen,        -        -    500  00 
jWilliam  Tudor,  Consul  at 

Lima,     -        -        -        9,800  00 
iRobert  M.  Harrison,  Con- 
sul at  Trinidad,     -         •     875  00 
Vincent  Graj ,  for  amount 
paid  by  him  at  Havana, 
tor  the  relief  of  sundrj' 
Americau  citizens  con- 
fined there  in  prison,  in 
1815,     -        -        -        1,275  00 
t*residfr.t'3        certificate, 

without  specification,    -     067  38 
Do.  do.  979  78 

Do.  do.  1,052  90 

Do.  do.  4,456  00 

Do.  do.  1,500  00 


Md,  also. 
Ba'ance     due     fram     the 
Agent,  on  the  1st  Janu- 
ary, 1328,       -        -        5,789  97 
Balance     due     from     the 
Agent,  on  the  1st  Janu- 
196  07        ary,  1827,      -        -        3,268  79 


22,158  01 


;    From  which  deduct  Ik^  following: 
Balance  due  by  tl»e  Agent 
the   Department   of 
State,   on    1st  January, 

1825,  -         •        -      218  38 
Balance  duS  to  the  Agent 

of   the    Department   of 
State,  on   1st   January, 

1826,  -        -        -        44  80 

Total  payments  made  from 
the  Treasurv  in  the  year 
1825, 


25,746  26  Total  payments  made  from 
_the  Treasury,  in  the 
year  1327,    - 


2,521  ?S 


536.258  63 


TbeISUKT  DErARTMENT,  ~) 

Register's  Pfice,  hhrch  22,  1828.  5 

JOSEPH  NOURSE,  Register. 


173  58 


•Advances — accounts  unsettled. 

fAllo'ved  by  ♦he  Prcs;dent. 

k     do.         Ex-President  Monroe. 


825,572  68 


,  Expenditures  fas  per  Slaiement 
S,J/orl826.  -         -  12,656  04 

To  which  add  the  following  expenditures  for 
1826,  viz: 
,lamcs  Bowdoin,  formerly 

Minister  at  Madrid,  for 

balance  due  to  liim      -         86  31 
Andrew  Armstrong,  Com- 

merciri  Agent  at  l*ort 

au  Prince,  salary        -     1,000  00 
President's        Certificate, 

without  specification,      1,666  66 

2,752  9- 

Jidd,  also — 
Balance     due     from     the 

Agent  on  the  1st  Janua- 

rj,  1827,        -        -        3,268  79 
Balance  due  to  tlie  Agent 

on  the  1st  January,  1826      44  80    3,223  99 


Total  payments  made  from 
the  Treasury  in  the  year 
1826,         -        -        -  gl8,653  00 

lUpenditurcs  fas  per  Statement 
B.J  for  1827.       -        -  11,579  44 

To  which,  add  the  following  ex- 
penditures for  1827,  viz: 
Andrew  Armstrong,  Com- 
mercial  Ajfcnt  at  Port 
■'U Prince,  (?alary.)  750  CO 


Economy — We  do  not  profess  to  belong  i^^ 
that  class  of  politicians,  who  feel,  or  pretend  to 
feel,  a  desire  to  be  econon:ical  at  the  expensf 
of  public  good — on  the  contraiy,  we  desire  to 
see  liberality  governed  by  prudence,  and  expen- 
ditures controled  by  necessity.  Nevertheless, 
when  wanton  extravagance,  and  waste  of  public 
money  are  sanctioned  by  llie  administration,  the 
sooner  the  people  change  their  public  servants, 
the  better  it  wdlbe  for  the  coffers  of  the  nation. 
We  have  before  us  the  report  of  the  committee 
on  the  expenditures  of  the  dcp;u'tmcnt  of  state, 
in  which  there  ;ire  some  items  wliich  would 
make  a  republican  cabineflDlush,  vis: — 

"  Maurice  I'nrslfor  a  gold  medal  of  John  Qm'nc>/ 
Mami,  SlO'i. 

Now  t!ie  sum  of  SlOO,  it  is  true,  is  not  of  much 
consefjuence,  but  it  is  the  principle  it  involves. 
For  what  public  use,orbcnefit,is  this  g.ild  medal 
of  .Mr.  Adams',  intended  ?  who  is  to  v/ere  it '  Is  it 
Mr.Clay '  we  think  he  has  weight  enough  of  the 
original  around  liis  neck.  Wiiere  is  the  appropri- 
ation, by  Congress,  for  this  gold  medal?  If  yoii 
give  away  flOO  of  the  public  money,  for  a  gold 
meilal  of  the  President,  there  is  notliingto  pre- 
vent the  payment  of  a  jjension  to  htm,  and  al- 
lowance to  ^is  eldest  son.     To  the  next — 

Do.  M.  M.  Cni'ckshank,  for  blue  velvet,  port 
folio,  embroidered  with  clienille(  with  gold  tas- 
seIs)J100. 

Monstrous!  flOO  for  a  port  folio, when  a  neat 
morocco  one,  in  a  plain  republican  style,  may 
'bi  hiid  fir  SIO,   which  would  eniswer  the  iv,- 


144 


l.osa — besides,  Aiie.-e  Is  the  appropriation,  or 
who  is  it  for'  i'r.jbably  it  is  the  idciitic;il  golilen 
port  folio,  ill  which  I'ririce  John  carries  the 
nicssai^es  to  Doth  Houses  of  Congress. 

Cash  paid  Kichard  Kii^li,  for  sun(h-y  linolcs 
:tnd  newspapers,  procured  by  him  m  London, 
5799  98. 

Nearly  800  dollars  for  fumgn  newspapers 
witliout  reference  to  the  sn.m  to  newspapers  at 
hon)e,  wliicli  print  by  "  a\itliority  "  For  whose 
use  were  these  newspapers  imported,  and  where 
is  tlie  appnipriLUion.' 

Do.  to  Eoljert  Ellis/o;-  it'fW  and  Porfraifs  of 
eminent  Enu;Ushmm'.  SJO. 

Has  not  President  Adams  given  sufficient 
proof  of  his  attachment  to  eminent  KncflisUnn'n 
without  making-  the  freemen  of  this  country  pay 
1  lie  expense?  Is  this  :i  proper  e.-ipenditiire  of 
public  money* 

Do.  W.  A.  Davis,  1(5  reams  Exoliph  laid  -Ito 
post  paper,  g'ilt,  at  9  dollars  per  ream,  •■.Hi. 

\\<i\\  done  jhiuricnu  Si/slcrn.  Mr.  Chiy,  who 
1  alls  lilmself  the  fatiier,  or  h6  should  ralher  say 
the  .1///)  father  of  th.s  siBtem,  expending  1.14 
[lollai-s  of  the  people's  money  for  Etiglisk  wri- 
ling  j)apcr.  We  know  the  reason,  however; 
for  though  --YnK  rJcaTi  hot  pressed  letter  paper  is 
equally  as  good  as  Knglish,  yet  it  has  no  little 
stamp'of  a  irffw.'i  on  the  corner  of  the  tjiiire. 

Do.  G.  Gaither  for  a  dozen  Silver  Pens,  $2  50. 

SihfT  Penx — vmilas  vanitalum— or  as  some 
ill-natured  Lattinibls  would  say,  Ebony  and  To- 
Tiaz.  Mr.  Adams  wears  a  tliimbie  v/hen  he 
ivritcs,  and  probally  requires  some  equally  liard 
substance  in  the  composition  of  his  pens,but  why 
a  (Acp/i  sil-er  pe.ns,  if  plain  continental  goose 
quills  would  not  answer,  one  silver  pen  might  do. 

Do.  G.  E.  IrouKide,  for  a  plalinu  pen,  gG. 

Just  now  a  whole  doi-eu, silver  pens  cost  but 
§2  50;  but  as  silver  was  cheap  :iud  pleiiu  in 
Washington,  (which  is  nut  tiie  case  in  wall-stree!) 
something  more  costly  must  be  sought  for.ov  the 
peo])le's  money  v.ould  continue  to  rust  in  the 
vofFers. 

Do.  Davis  Sl  Fore-,  for  printing  50  copies 
(l^dircclions  for  M.nistfJ-'-'i  dref!S,J^d  S2  50. 

Shades  of  iSenj.  Franklin,  Timmas  Jeft'ei-son, 
Ttoger  Sherman,  I'atnck  ilenry  and  other  ven- 
erable patriots.wlu)  founded  ourllepublic— wliat 
voiild  vou  sa_\.  could  you  be  familiar  witli  such 
expenditures,'  in  the  50th  year  of  American  In- 
dependence' lionaparte,  amidst  the  splenilour 
of  his  Court,  took  ;>leasure  in  singling  out  Chan- 
v-ellor  Livingston,  and  always  conversed  will' 
Irim,  thotii^h  he  wore  a  snuff-colored  coat;  but, 
to  make  people  pay  for  directions  for  siich  trash, 
or  indeed  to  meddle  with  a  Minister's  coat  and 
breeches,  is  contemptible,  and  beneath  the 
fharacter  of  a  free  an.l   enlightened  people. 

Do.  W.  Slade,  for  bearing  &sp«i'cAej>  to  New- 
York,  SIOO.  • 

,  This  is  an  impudent  charge,  to  say  the  least 
nfit.  It  is  true,  that  pol.tical  parlizans  have 
had  a  few  newspapers  tied  up  and  sent  to  for- 
eign (;ourts,  as  despatches,  and  they  have  re- 
-reived  1000,  1500,  and  1900  dolhu-s,  forexpcn- 
se.s,  but  to  send  a  dispatcU  mcsser.ger  to  Ncw- 
Vork,  when  a  daily  mail  runs  from  Washington, 
i«  a  shameful  expense.  We  can  inform  them, 
however,  that  the  person  who  received  100 
dollars  for  carrying  despatches;  to  N.  York,  ac-, 
tially  carried  tiiem  to  Vermont,  to  which  plate 
;->■■  V.  as  sent  or,  an  c;':ction"?e.-:i'.g  rn'.ssb:). 


We  mttst  lay  by  tbe  black  book  Lor  Ibe  pi'c'' 
sent,  with  the  simple  remark,  that  extravagance 
and  'mpud'Ht  waste  of  public  money,  arc  sane- 
tioncd  at  Washington,  while  the  remnant  of  our 
revolutionary  officers,  are  in  vain  praying  for 
the  pittance  which  is  due  to  them— and  v.'e  are 
daily  losing  sight  of  that  simplicity  and  econo- 
my, wliich  siuiuld  characterise  a  Kepubltcaji 
Government. — N.  t.  Enq. 


THE  PUBLIC  DEBT. 

Certain  newspapers  in  the  service  of  the  mn- 
ligrtunt.f,  are  giving  Mr.  Adams  credit  fur  great 
financial  skill  in  the  reduction  of  the  public, 
debt  li'i  Secretary  of  the  Trcasur}',  in  his  last 
annua!  report,  has  so  stated  the  account  as  to 
lead  some  honest,  well  meaning  men  to  bel.eve 
that,  ?21,35-,2I0  9.3  of  the  principal  of  the 
debt  w;is  discharged  between  the  1st  of  Jan'-'S- 
rc,  1825  and  the  1st  of  January  1K3S;  when  in 
truth,  but  516,397,210  93  was  paid  within  that 
period.  Under  the  act  of  26tli  M.iy  lS2.t,  five 
niillions  of  dollars  were  borrowed  by  the  Gov- 
ernment at  'U  perc(Jnt  interest,  to  redeem  a  like. 
Slim  s'.andiig  at  6  per  cent.  These  five  milhcns 
are,  by  "dr.  Hush,  added  to  tlie  516,297,210  93. 
actually  paid,  with  wliieli  they  had  no  natural 
confection  :  thus  making  the  gross  sum  of 
521,297,210  on  on  the  credit  side;  .arid  then 
to  balance  the  account,  tliese  five  millions  aro 
charged  on  the  debit  side  as  so  much  new  debt. 

Whether  this  was  aukwai'dness  or  design  on 
tile  part  of  the  Secretary,  is  not  material  to  en- 
quire ;  certain  it  is  that  many  honest  people 
Inive  been  misled  by  it ;  and  some  of  theii 
idolatrous  Editors,  no  doubt,  believe  that  We. 
Adams,  by  his  woiuierl'ul  learning  and  talents, 
has  discovered  thePhiIosopiicr'sstone,by  which 
lie  can  not  only  convert  wine  into  Bt/oni/ ■^nil 
Ti>puz,  but  the  leaden  brain  of  his  Secretani; 
into  pure  g"l  1.  The  truth  is  that  in  the  three 
years  of  Mr.  Adams'  administration,  there 
has  not  been  as  much  of  the  public  debt 
paid  by  S  13,702,789,  as  v/as  required  by 
law.  That  th's  sum  is  now  due  to  tlie  sink- 
ing'und,  the  Editors  of  the  National  Intelligen- 
cer must  know;  and  yet  they  have  copied  into 
their  paper  of  tl;e  29th  ult.  asiily  article  from 
the  llaryhnder,  .stating  that,  by  July  next,  Mr. 
Adams  will  have  paid  more  than  thirty  eight 
millions  of  the  public  debt,  and  thi  rcfore.  re- 
commending him,  in  the  strongest  terms  of  pan- 
egyric, for  Fre-'idenl  a^ain. ,  Call  you  this  hon- 
estv  and  fair  dealing  gentlemen'  It  is  hut  li:- 
tle  better  than  the  spurious  documents  con- 
cerning the  six  militia  men,  now  advertised  in 
vour  paper  for  .sale  by  Jonathan  Elhott,  or  the 
coffin  hand  bills.  Like  those  disgraceful  docu- 
ments, wiicn  properly  un.lerstcod,  this  pitiful 
trick  will  serve  to  swell  the  vote  of  Gen.  Jack- 
soa  a  few  thousand  mca-e;  that's  all. 

This  paper  is  published  as  k  newspaper,  and 
s'lbjectto  newspaper  postage  and  no  more.— 
Some  Fostma.sters  have  charged  postage  on  it 
as  a  pamphlet ;  this  is  not  correct,  and  all^  our 
subscribers  are  informed  that  we  base  submitted 
the  <iuestion  to  the  I'ostmaster  General,  who 
considersit  within  the  decisio.-i  iflade'iQ  the  f^ 
of  Nik-s'.  Ucgi.s'.er. 


UNITED  STxVl  ES\  TELEGRAPH— JKrrm. 


i'his  pai>cr  will  be  dovotr-d  exclusively  to  ll-.r  Presidentiul  Election,  and  be  published  weekl;;, 
until  the  Ijth  of  Oc'cber  next,  foTOtie  liotltir;  subjet  to  iiewsaper  postage,  and  no  more. 

nV  GREEN  S,-  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   \. 


"WASTilNGTOX,  MAY  10,  ISCS. 


No.  10» 


Il;i  >he  j!"-'-^"i  l'orrt,:fcnt/!rig  CoTnm'tt.'c  ofti'S 
niitrici  iif  Culumbii:,  to  Mr.  Clay's  last  JUL- 

'Jo  ihe  People  of  the  United  Hiates. 
1m-!.\.o\v  CiTizv.x,'-.: 

In  fulfiim-^nt  of  the  iritentlon,  liere- 
ti.fo:-'?  announced  by  tiiis  Committee,  we 
'i  i\v  proceed  to  iuj  before  you  a  lejiiy 
1  ihe  lafe  a:l-hv.-s  of  Mr.  (.'lay.  This 
-••j;lv  v.'oulil  have  been  made  Hi  a  much 
<'Hrlier  period,  but.  for  the  delay  un.ivoidu.- 
bU'  inciJent  to  the  piocuremeat  of  the 
resfliueny  of  distant  and  (iispcrsed  wit- 
nesses, and  other  cnnsfes  of  a  similar  na- 
fiire.  The  C'ominiitee  have  no  reason, 
;■  iwever,  to  recrct  the  de'ay  v.hich  lias 
aken  place,  inasmuch-  as  it  has  cr.a'jkd 
rhem  to  exhibit  an  amy  of  tcstimijiy, 
'•■  hlch  s^nes  to  cstal)!i'h,  bevond  the  r>bs- 
-ibiiitv  of  a  rational  doubt,  the  chai-ije  of 

corairit  jioiilicai  bargain   between  Mr. 
\<la.iir.  anil  .Mr.  (lay. 

It  is  very  far  from  our  \vj.4h  to  cover 
:ny  man,  imblic  or  private,  with  uuJo-* 
-  rved  rcjiroacii.  On  the  c(Hitn:ry,  it 
>:;ould  be  the  j:rid<'.  a>  it  is-  the  duty  of 
every  patriot,  to  protect  our  pablic  inen 
from  causeless  attack.",  and  r-'scire  them 
from  iintoundcd  accusations.  B«t  there 
is  a  duty  superior  to  the  pride  of  nati.')iial 
rcnov/n.  When  men  v.-hoin  (he  pe:>}'lc 
have  ilelighted  to  honor,  disrei-ard  and 
fori^ct  their  obligations  to  tlicir  c^Minny  - 
and  th-cniselves.  c:'.dcavor  to  sap  the 
foundations  nf  our  free  inslitufions,  am! 
destroy  th'^  family  which  ha.«  '^iven  thrm 
power  and  distin(  iion,  it  would  be  trea- 

n  to  our  princi]ile«,  our  couv.try,  imfl 
'  '!i-selvps,  not  to  expose  their  machina- 
'ion.=,  and  disarm  tlietn  of  power:  Na- 
tional character  without  liberty,  is  not 
wortii  possessin'j;.  It  should  iie  oi:r  bonst 
to  maintain  both,  'i'o  that  e;id,  it  be- 
cames  us  tp"'*"^!'*'^"  ^'"^  ma/es  of  intriiiiie,. 
■jv.d  visit  witii  fxee.iplary  pualsliincnt, 
every  violation  of  the  ri-ijits  of  fr^em(^n, 
and  every  attempt,  wheditr  by  force, 
r,ianan;eineut,  or  corruption,  to  concen- 
trate m  -one  or  a  few  men,  those  powers 
w  hich  beloiis:  to  the  pe'Ji>le.  I'y  promp- 
titude and  tinnness  in 'nliici.inn  justice 
upon  political  otVenders,  v.'s  shall  not  on- 
ly deter  others  from  the  pei-petrjtion  of 
'.I'.c-  enormities,  but  e.'ti:bli:-ii  for  our- 
?e!ves.    amoiis  Uio  nations  of  the  earth. 


an  exalted  national  character,  as  merited 
as  it  will  be  endiirins'. 
.  .^or  Mr.'  Cliiy,"  w'e  ask  only  that  jus- 
tice which  he  invokes.  If  he  has  not,  in 
tlie  aspiratiims  of  an  unreauiated  ambi- 
tioDSiisandoncd  theiibeial  prmciplesv/hich 
were  once  his  boast;  if  he  has  not,  to  se- 
cure, his  T)wn  au.^raudiiemcnt,  disobeyeti 
tiie  voice  of  hiscf^untry;  if  he  has  not, 
as  the  means  of  securiui;  his  own  eleva- 
tion, imhiced  others  to  forget  their  duty: 
if  he  has  not  scu^lit  to  shut  his  ears  to 
tb.e  vij.ice  of  ^e  peopic,  and  when  forced 
to  hear,  treated  it  with  conteinnt;  if  he. 
has  not  leajrued  v.  ilh  his  personal  and  jxi- 
litica!  enemy  to  tiivide  tlie  offices  and 
einolnuicms.jif.tlfe. government  between 
icinv^Jjya  inutunl  sacrifice  of  personal 
jpathies  and  p'>litical  principles;  if  he 
not  'iscd  the  power  and  patronage  of 
ofSce,  to  bend  .m  unwiUins;  people  into 
reluctant  >-i|aie.scence  in  his  political  ai- 
range'Ticiivs;  if  he  has  not  been  g;uilty  of 
r.iost,  if  not  all  of  tltese,  then  may  he  be 
a  uit'.ch  injured  man.  still  (le/vrvinj;  of 
])or,r.lar  ri;^ard  and  e;o.!ieral  commiscra- 
ti'.'k*  It  is  a  firm  convictlyn.  founded  on 
the  e\-ide,nce  before  us.  that  Mr.  Claj  is 
frjiltif,  and  that,  to  sufler  him  to  escajie 
v.ith  unpunitj,  would  be  unjust,  Tjvould 
tempt -"iher  jwliticlans  to  seek  elevation 
bv  siciilar  me.'ins,  and  ultimately  change 
our  pure  elective  sy itenr  of  2:overnnieiit 
into  one  of  wide  spread  proiligacy  and 
corruption,  which  icduccs  us  to  attempt 
his  detection  and  evposyie. 

Thcverv  title  paije  "f  Mr.  Clay's  Ad- 
diess,  is  a'specimen  of  the  disingenuous- 
nessby  which. his  wholtr  cpur?e  has  lately 
been  (listin^uishcd.  It  Is  cntit'cd  '■•An 
Address  of  Flenry  Clay  to  the  public, 
c.in'iiinin'.^  certain  testimony  in  refutation 
of  tlie  chi<r5:es  as;;'.inst  him,  made  by  Gen. 
j-hvlrew.J'ii'-kson,  touch.int:  tlie  late  Pre- 
siiiiitiftl  election."  The  charges  era- 
braced  in  the  Ad.drcss,  are.  that  <:f  ma- 
king; .a  proposition  to  Getteral  Jai  kst.n  to 
make  hiin  t-re.'ident  on  condition  that  lu5 
w'ovld  not  make  Mr.  Adams  Secretary  of 
State,  and  that  of  voting;  for  rk5r.  Adams 
on  condition  that  he  should  be  made  Se- 
cretary ot  State  him'.elf. 

'i'hc  only  i^ouud  on  which  GeneraT 
Jacks9n  is  accused  of  makiuij;  the  fin;t 
charge,  is  the  statement  made  by  th<; 
General  of  the  conversation  which  took 


Mb 


jiiace  bet\ieeii  iiitii  aaii  Mr.  Buchanan, 
and  tlie  inference  which  he  drew,  tliat 
this  gentleman  had  come  authorized  by 
Mr .  Clay.  By  the  statement  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  it  appeared  that  tlie  conversa- 
tion took  place,  in  substance,  as  General 
Jackson  had  stated.  General  Jackson 
had  admitted,  that  in  this  inference  he 
might  be  mistaken,  and  might  have  done 
injustice  to  Mr.  Clay.  When  Mr.  Buch- 
anan disavowed  having  come  by  the  au- 
thority of  Mr.  Clay,  tihere  seemed  to  be 
an  end  to  tliis  matter,  which  made  the 
array  of  negative  testimony  produced  by 
Mr.  Clay,  ^vhoUy  unnecessary  and  gra- 
tuitous. *  General  Jackson  had  stated 
that  he  might  be  mistaken.  There  end- 
■  cd  the  first  charge,  so  far  as  General  Jack- 
son was  concerned. 

To  implicate  General  Jackson  in  ma- 
king the  second  charge,  Mr.  Clay's  rea- 
sbmng  is  as  illogical  as  his  object  is  un- 
just and  disingenuous.     The  charge  origi- 
nated in  thousands  of  minds,  and  fiowed 
ftom  thousands  of  tongue?,  the  mqMEnt 
that  Mr.  Clay's  determination  to  volWor 
Mr.  Adams  became  publicly  known.  ?'Ir. 
Kramer's  letter  to  the  Coliniibian  Obser- 
ver, uiaking  tlie  char<;c  in  the  broadest 
la-ms,  was  dated  on  the  25th  of  January, 
1825,    and  was  published  on  the  28tfi. 
Mr.  Clay,  on  the  31st,   in  his  card,  pro- 
nounced the  writer    "  a  base  and  infa- 
mous calumniator,  a  dastard  and  a  liar," 
and  promised  to  hold  him  responsible  "to 
all  tlie  laws  which  govern  and  regulate 
the   conduct  of  men   of  honor."      Mr. 
Kremer,   in  "another  card,"  dated  3d 
Yebruary,    declared  himself   "ready  to 
prove,  to  ihe  satisfaction  of  unprejudiced 
minds,  enough  to  satisfy  them  of  the  ac- 
curacy of  the  statements  which  are  con- 
tained in  that  letter,  to  the  extent  that 
•thev  concern  the  course  and  conduct  of 
.,"  fl.  Clay. "    The  first  r^wement  of  Mr. 
Clay,  was  intended,   by  its  violence  and 
menaces,  to  deter  every  man  from  making 
charges  against  him,  through  fear  of  be-' 
ing  held  "responsible  to  the  lav.s  of  ho- 
nor."    Mr.  Kremer's  card  suggested  to 
him  another  course,  no  less  artful.     The 
Presidential  election  had  riot  yet  taken 
place.     His  vote  had  not  been  given;  the 
consideration  of  the  bargain — the  appoint- 
ment of  Secretary,  had  not  been  paid; 
and,  in  the  absence  of  these  lacts,  it  v.-as 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  prove  mo- 
iives  and  intentions:  or,  if  string  circum- 
stantial evidence   could   be  adduced,  it 
was  still  in  t'le  powfr  of  Mr.  Clay  to  im- 
or(*s?  the  commi'.nitv  wi(h  the  hrt^liof.  ihat 


the  evidence  as  well  aa  itie  biaiemeut  oi 
Mr.  Kremer,  was  founded  in  misappre- 
hension, by  refusing  to  accopt  the  ap- 
pointment of  Secretary  of  State.  In- 
stead of  challenging  Mr.  Kremer,  ic- 
cordiug  to  the  laws  of  honor,  he  thei'c- 
fore  appealed  to  the  IIou?e  of  Represen- 
tatives, and  solicited  an  investigation. 
Mr.  Kremer  avowed  his  readiness  to  meet 
it,  and  prove  the  charges,  a^  mude  ia  tbf. 
letter.  By  rejecting  the  proposition  made 
by  Mr.  M'Duflie,  the  House  refused  (o 
receive  evidence  corresponding  with  the 
charge,  end  Mr.  Kremer  not  being  able. 
to  produce  it  in  any  other  shape,  prudent- 
ly abandoned  the  attempt,  and  left  the 
parties  to  complete  their  arrangements. 
This  failure  to  prove  him  guilty  before 
the  oifence  was  committed,  Mr.  Clay  hasy 
with  his  usual  art,  ever  since  claimed  a:* 
an  acquittal! 

It  dees  not  appear  that  General  Jackson 
ever  mentioned  his  interview  with  Mr. 
BHchanan,  at  Washington  City;  but  the 
latter  gentleman,  in  his  public  statement, 
admits  that  he  had  frequently  mentioned 
it  himself.  But  Mr.  Clay,  for  pui-poses 
which  cannot  be  mistaken,  olioo'^es,  with- 
out a  shadow  of  evidence,  to  attribute  tKa+ 
to  General  Jackson,  which  he  knows  came 
from  Mr.  Buchanan.  It  is  only  by  follow- 
ing the  General  in  his  journeys,  some  time 
after  the  Presidential  election,  and  catch- 
ing at  garbled  statements  of  remarks  as 
made  by  him  in  c.tsual  conversations,  and 
by  searching  his  own  domicil,  that  expres- 
sions of  disapprobation  have  been  detect- 
ed in  relation  to  that,  which  had  before 
raised  the  voices  of  indignant  millions. 
There  is  scarcely  a  man  in  the  Union  op- 
posed to  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Adams, 
upon  whom  stror.gcr  expressions  in  rela- 
tion to  the  late  Presidential  election 
might  not  be  proved,  than  those  which  Mr. 
Clav,  v.-ith  all  thi»  devotion  of  his  willing 
instruments,  has  been  able  to  lis  on  Gen. 
.  Jackson. 

Mr.  Clay  misfakefl  his  accuser.  It  is  a 
N  ATIONwhich  has  arraigned  him  at  it? 
bar.  The  charge  of  corruption  in  the  i 
last  Presidential  election,  has  been  made 
by  an  insulted  people.  The  evidence  of 
its  truth  has  been  accumulating  from  the 
moment  of  its  origin.  To  escape  from  its 
fatal  influence,  Mr.  Clay  turns  to  the 
right  and  the  left,  grasps  at  every  expe- 
dient, and  seiiks  a  personal  quarrel  ^vith 
General  Jackson.  It  is  all  in  vain.  'Th: 
fatal  charge  sticks  to  him  like  the  pois«neil 
fWrt  <jf  Nessus,  and  every  reckless  eflbr^ 


ir, 


of  his  a^Quy,  Uiu  lixts  4  moi  e  cLasaiy,  aiid 
makes  nis  (iesfrr.ction  more  certain. 

The  late  Address  is  but  another  evolu- 
tjou  of  Mr.  Clay's  politicrJ  tactics,  to 
deceive  the  people,  and  draw  oii"  their  at- 
tention froir:  the  only  important  question 
now  ill  issue.  Neitiier  his  menaces  nor 
bis  arts,  nor  his  letter  to  Judge  Brooke, 
nor  his  address  to  his  constituents,  nor 
his  Lett-isbur^  speech,  nor  his  Pittsburg 
speech,  couM  arrest  the  torrent  of  pub- 
lic reproach,  and  retrieve  the  sinking  for- 
tunes of  the  Coalition.  The  Fayette- 
ville  letter  suggested  a  new  expedient. 
It  was  to  avert  public  attention  Irom  his 
■bargain  with  Mr.  Adams,  by  seeking  a 
cflntest  with  General  Jackson,  upon  a  col- 
lateral issue.  On  his  journey  to  the  West, 
last  summer,  he  learnt  at  Wheeling,  that 
there  was  in  town  a  private  letter  from 
General  Jackson,  detailing  the  incidents 
alluded  to  in  that  letter.  Of  this  private 
letter,  he  procured  a  copy,  without  the 
consent  of  the  writer  or  i-eceiver.  Gen. 
Jackson  liad  drav.n  the  inference,  that  the 
racmber  of  Congress  alluded  to  had  been 
authorized  by  Mr.  Clay,  directly  or  indi- 
rtctlv,  to  hold  the  conversation  which  he 
recapitulated,  although  he  admitted  that 
in  this  he  might  bo  n\istaken.  Mr.  Clay 
determined  on  a  tremendous  elfbrt  to  make 
tlie  whole  controversy  in  the  public  mind 
rest  on  the  correctness  of  General  Jack- 
son's inference.  He  therefore  publish- 
ed the  private  letter  of  General  Jackson, 
denied  the  inference,  charged  General 
Jackson  with  becoming  his  public  accuser, 
and  followed  it  up  with  speech  upon 
speech,  at  Noble's,  in  Wopduird  county, 
at  Paris,  and  at  Maysville,  filled  with  de- 
nunciation and  violence.  General  Jack- 
son calmly  replied,  and  gave  the  name  of 
the  member  of  Congress  with  whom  he 
had  held  the  conversation,  and  again  ad- 
mitted that  his  inference  might  !>e  un- 
founded. Mr.  Buchanan  stated  that  it 
v/as.  Instantly  the  Union  rang  with  Mr. 
Clay's  acquittal.  His  friends  every 
ivhere  maintained,  that  tiie  absence  of 
evidence  tliat  he  had  made  a  proposition 
to  Ge«crff/ ./fff^so)),  was  conclusive  proof 
that  he  had  made  no  bargain  witli  J\Ir. 
Mams!  The  art  of  Mr.  Clay  measura- 
bly succeeded,  and  for  a  time  the  public 
attention  v/as  withdrawn  from  the  import- 
ant point  in  controversy- — iiis  coalition 
WITH  Mr.  Adams. 

But  new  facts  and  new  evidence  had 
been  disclosed.  The  public  attention  was 
lagaiu  fixing  itself  upon  the  point  in  issue. 
To  divert  it  once  more,  Mr.  Clay  came 
CTiit  v.ith  his  late  Address,  still  assailing 


General  Jui-k.-^LL.  .i.aKiiig  uew  K.„,-,,^ict. 
against  him,  and  casting  an  ancTior  aheati 
to  guaid  against  a  storm  which  he  sa^\ 
appoaching  from  the  West.  In  all  hr^ 
defences,  hitherto,  he  had  conveyed  the 
impression  tliathe  had  made  Op  liis  mind 
to  vole  for  Ivlr.  Adams  with  gieat  delibr'r 
ration,  after  he  had  ceased  to  be  a  candil- 
date,  and  was  converted  into  aji  elector. 
The  public  knew  not  of  his  dctermirt.-]-. 
tion  until  about  tlie  20th  of  January, 
1825,  and  consequently,  had  drawn  ifici 
inference,  that  he  had  not  formed  it  many 
•days  before  th.at  time.  But  facts  dis- 
closed in  the  Western  papers,  were  lead- 
ing to  the  conclusion,  that  his  coalition 
with  Mr.  Adams  was  privately  formed 
long  before,  and  to  weaken  the  effect  ol 
this  new  evidence  before  it  should  cow 
fUrly  before  the  people,  the  Secretars. 
\s\i\\  his  usual  adroitness,  undertakes  tb 
prove  that  he  made  up  his  mind  to  votrt 
for  Mr.  Adams,  as  early  as  October,  1824] 
In  the  course  of  this  investigation,  it  will 
be  seen  what  advantage  will  accrue  to  his 
"mTacitjj,  his  in'ogrilij,  or  his  honor,  by 
the  new  ground  he  has  thus  lately  assuni' 
ed  before  the  American  people.  " 

Wit'iout  further  adverting  to  the  arl- 
of  the  Secretary  to  divert  and  deceive 
the  public  attention,  we  sliall  now  pro- 
ceed to  consider  the  only  material  poin< 
in  issue  between  the  people  on  one  side- 
aud  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay  on  the 
other.  Did  M,:  Clay  suppo/t  j/r.  Mams 
xvith  his  vol?,  and  influence  in  coiisiderd- 
lion  of  being  made  Secretary  of  Stale,  as 
Ihc  price  or  the  consequence  of  his  support? 

To  judge  of  the  inducement  which 
brought  tiiese  men  together,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  understand  their  previous  rela- 
tions. Forthe  honor  of  our  country,  we 
could  wish  that  the  facis  we  are  about  to 
disclose,  had  never  existed.  Nothina  but 
our  obligations  as  freemen,  who  vicvv  the 
intrigues  of  unprincipled  politicians  as 
more  dangerous  to  our  country  than  the 
enemies  whom  Jackson  conquered,  would 
draw  from  us  the  mortifying  detail  whicli 
it  is  now  our  duty  to  lay  before  the  Ameii- 
can  people^ 

At  the  period  of  the  treaty  of  GhenT, 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  considered  tire  . 
most  eminent  public  man  in  the  East,  and 
Henry  Clay,  in  the  AVest.  The  race  of 
Virginia  Presidents  was  almost  extinct-. 
Mr.  Monroe  was  the  Secretary  of  State, 
and  the  destined  successor  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son. It  v.-as  universally  foreseen, that,  s 
tlie  termination  of  Mr."  Monroe's  service 
as  President,  the  sceptre  of  authority 
v.ould  1>?  transferred  to  some  cthcrpcctioj. 


148 


■A  t'ho  Union.  yU.  AdauiK  ar.d  Mr.  Clay,  mus:  reserve  lo  inyscit  me  power  ot  cqIu- 
mo  prominent  mtn  of  the  East  and  tlie  rounicatins;  to  you,  hereafter,  the  reasons 
Wt-st.  both  desired  to  obtain  the  appoint-  which  inRueiiccd  me  to  difier  from  a  ma- 
•ment  ot'y<;creLary  of  Htatr  to  Mr.  Monroe,  jority  of  mj  collta.^iiies  on  that  occasion; 
ihatthev  niif'ht  sui  ceed  him  as  President,  and  if  thej  be  iiisufticicnt  to  support  my 
In  the  negotiation  at  Ghent,  a  difter-  opinion,  I  yersnade  rayselfthat  they  will, 
^'nce  arose  among  the  Commissionerk,  re-  at  least,  vindirate  my  motives.'' 
lati\  e  to  an  offer  propos£>d  to  be  made  to  It  v.  as  very  singular,  that  Itir.  Rtissell, 
)he  British  Coni:ni3sioners,of  ti-.e  free  na-  who  did  nut  even  desire  tiiat  the  altcra- 
vigation  of  the  Missisiii.m  by  British  Sub-  tion  should  be  nwde  in  the  joiat  letter, 
rects,  as  an  eciuivalo;)t'fo"/t!ii?  privilege  sprcifying  that  a  majority  puiy  concurred 
of  fishinj;  within  the  territorial  jurisdif-  in  the  offer  of  the.  Mississippi  ruiviRSitiori, 
t'on  of  Great  Uritain  on  the  coasts  of  should  have  so  far  d)an2;ed  his  mfnd  or> 
North  America.  Messrs.  Adams,  Bay-  the  same  dav,  us  to  detm  it  neces&ary  for 
ird,  and  Gallatin,  vvere  in  favor'  of  him,  in  vindication  of  his  motives,  to  a;i_ve 
jiuJdnn-  the  oSer,  and  ?.Iessrs.  Clay  and  an  explanation  to  his  government.  ■  No- 
Huriseil  a,u;aintt  it  .In  a  joint  letter  body  had  denounc«>d  his  motives,  and  the 
iVom  the  "American  Conimissioners  to  Secretary  of  State  wotild  never  have 
their  Government,  dated  at  Ghent,  Bee.  known  that  he  was  one  of  t!ie  minority, 
25th,  1814,  is  the  following  passao:e:  had  he  not  aiinouucwl  it  himself.     It  is* 

,  "If  they,  (theUritith  Coinmissloners,^  'evident,  therefore,  that  he  must  have  had 
ftsketl  the  navio=ition  of  the  i.lississippi  a  motive  in  this  transaction, distinct  front 
as  a  new  claim,  they  could  not  expectwe    self-vindication. 

:;>ionld  (ixant  it  without  an  equivalent;  if  In  accordance  with  his  notice,  Mr.  Rus- 
I'hev  asked  it  because  it  was  granted  in  sell  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Mr..  Slonroe, 
TrS3,  they  must  recognise  the  claii#^)f  then  Secretary  of  Btiiie,  dated  at  Paris, 
iho.  people  of  the  United  States  to  t!\e  Feb.  11  th,' 1815,  marked  "-private."  In 
liberty  to  fish,  and  to  dry  and  cure  fish,  this  ietier  he  magnified  the  importancje  of 
in  question.  To  plnce  both  points  be-  the  Mississipsr.  navication  to  tiie  B.ritish, 
yond  all  fature  controversy,  a  mnjorUi;  depreciated  (he  value  to  us,  of  the  fishc- 
o/w.s  a'f'cr/,(mfi/ M  <5^'fr  to  admit  ail  arti-  ries  in  coiitroverpy,  became  the  champi- 
vle  confirmina:  both  rights;  or,  we  oSfored  on  of  western  interest.-,  and  charged  trie 
at  the  same  time  to  be  silent  in  the  treaty  majority  wi'h  insincerity,  absurdity,  and 
upon  both;  and  to  leave  out,  ^together,  vioiation  of  instnictlrms.  It  was  a  form- 
"ihe.  article  deniiini;  the  boundarv  from  al  arioment  and  studied  comuientary  upon 
the  Lake  of  the  Woods  westward"."  the  joint  letter  of  Dec.  2;)di,  1 81  'i,  which 

How  the  expression,  '*  a  majority  of  had  been  penned  by  Mr.  Adams.  Being 
us,"  &c.  came  to  be  in  the  letter,  is  tlius  marked  ';jr/f«/P,'''itV',va&  intended  only 
nsplained  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  book  up-  for  the  insjjecti.-n  of  Mr.  Monroe.  Mr. 
on  the  Mississippi  and  the  fisheries,  page  Russell  fust  makes  an  occasion  for  this 
159:  explanatiiin    by    gratuitously   itifoiniing 

'•The  draun-ht  having  been  pass?d  Mr.  >.ionroe,  tliat  he  was  in  the  minority, 
round  to  ail  the  members  of  the  mi^sion  and  then  gravely  proceeds  to  give  it!  Un- 
for  revisal,  was  brou^^dit  back  to  me  by  assailed,  exce,/byhi;nse!f,  he  enters  into 
Mr.RuBsei!,  with  an  alteration,  which,  he  a  formal  vintiK-ation.  This  is  addressed, 
said,  was  desired,  not  by  him,  bat  by  not  to  the  people  nor  to  the  public  author 
Mr.  Clay,  to  sav,  insfead'of  '-we  oiler-  ities  of  his  country,  but  to  him  wli"  is  d^i- 
ed,"  "a  majority  of  us  determined  to  tiaed  tobe  the  next  rresident.  Mr.  Moii- 
/  otter.''  roe  had  always  distingttished   himself  as 

■  v  The  very  same  day,  Mr.  Russell,  wAo  the  friend  of  the  west,  and  any  thing 
i^id  net  desired  the  altei-ntion  himself,  which  threatened  to  injure  that  favorite 
wrote  .a'aepaiufe  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  section  of  the  Union,  was  calculated  to 
State,  in  v.hich  he  said:  sink  deep  into  his  mind.     Nor  could  it  be 

"  ^s,  hov.ever,  vuu  will   perceive   by   supposed,  tluit  the  impression  would  be 


■our  despatch  to  you  of  this  date,  that   a 

majority  only  of  the  mission  was  in  favor 

of  offering  ti/the  liriiisli  plenipotentiaries, 

an  article  conlirmin'i  the  British  right  to 

•  the  navigatiuii   of  the   Mississippi,  and 

..  ,ptvr  A  to  the  liberty  as  to  the  fisheries,  it  be- 

'''c*>mas  me  in  candor  to  acknowledge,  that 

^  ■'VT*  iti  rhpi  irunij-ltv  on  tliat  f^uei-'tiiiri.  I 


less.eifective,  because  the  disclosure  came 
from  a  northern  man,  who  seemed  to  have. 
no  interest  in  exaggeration  or  misreprc- 
sentation. 

Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Rus.^ell  acted  togatli- 
er,  and  voted  together.  At  ilr.Chiy's  sug- 
gestion, Mr.  Russell  procHred  the  alter- 
ation in  the  joint  letter.  TImj  i':cre  togel':- 


L4b 


•'.'  af  PariSjU-'icii  the  txphnation  teas 
written.  If  this  docmnent  !iad  impaired 
I'ue  coalidence  ol'i]!-.  MiUiioein  Mr.  AA- 
anjs  lis  oneof  Uie  liiajorky,  who  was  to  be 
bonefiteJ?  Not  Mr.  Ru.^cRj  for  he  could 
liot  expect  the  office  of  Secretary  of  iiVAtz 
J'roiii  M».  Monroe.  No  man  t\  as  as  likely 
to  reap  the  benefits  as  ?.Ir.  Clay.  Deliv- 
ered Irom  t!ie  rivrdrv  of  ?*]r.  Adams,  he 
would  have  had  a  brighter  prjspect  for 
the  oliirc  of  Secretary  of  State,  that  sure 
path  t'»  the  sum;;'iir  of  his  ambitious  hopes. 
The  interest  of  Mi'.  Russell  could  have 
been  only  contingent  upon  the  downfall 
of  .Mr.  Adams  and  the  elevalion  of  Mr. 
Clay.  There  CRn,  therefore,  be  but  kittle 
doubt,  that  thi.-i  whole  aft'air  was  an  iu- 
triiiue  set  on  foot  hy  Mr.  Clay,  to  under- 
mine .Mr.  Ailara--.  in-the  e8!imHtlon-.of  Mr. 
Monroe,  and  ojien  to  hiniseif  an  avenue  to 
the,  :j'ecnnd  office  in  tiie  g..'Vern>neiit. 

The  !!itrii;«e  ftiled.  Ilu^^seil's  letter 
vias  filed  away  unheeded,  among.  Mr. 
Monroe's  private  papei  sj  ha  is  made  Pres- 
ident, and  appoints  Mr.  Adams  Secrelnry 
of  State.  From  that  moilient  Mr.  Clay 
was  opposed  to  Mr.  ^Monroe,  ^m!  sout;ht 
i^ystvy  occasion  to  thwart  the  measures  of 
his  administration. 

That  this  whole  aftair  v/as  a  piece  of 
management  in  Mr.  Ciav,  to  destroy  Mr. 
.\dams.  and  tliat  the  latter  thought  so,  is 
proved  by  subscqueni  events.  In  the 
lirsf  page  of  the  introduction  to  his  book 
ujKjn  the  Mississippi,  Mr.  Adams  ijays: 

"  In  the  course  of  last  summer,  (5^ 
1821)  I  was  apprised  by  a  ftiend,  thatr^ 
mors  very  unfavorable  to  mv  raput^uion, 
evi.-n  for  nitegrity,  ware  imiustriouaiy  cir- 
culated in  the  western  country.  'I'hatit 
^vas  .said  I  \\uA  m.ide  a  proposition  at 
tjhent  to  grant  to  the  Brili.sli  the  ri,n:ht  to 
iiavij^ate  the  Mississippi,  in  return  for 
the  Newfoune'laud  fiiihories,  and  that  this 
ivas  reprLxented  aa,  at  least,  a  hi^;h  mi.s- 
demtjanor.''  "  He  siiiJ,  the  proposal  was 
tryje  represented  (as  an  oiVcuce)  so  that 
it  was  chftr^cd  exc!u:>ively  upon  me;  and 
( hat  1  should  hear  more  about  it  ere  long. " 

On  the.  succeeding  JaiuieLry,  the  docu- 
ments relative  to  tiie  Olient  nej^otiation 
viere  called  for,  .ind  in  February  laid  be- 
fore the  HouLe  of  Representatives.  Mr. 
Adams  says,  that  ■vvliile  these  documents 
were  lying  on  the  table,  '•  the  correstMin- 
dence  from  WttflhiiVg;ton,  apd  the  news- 
papers indoctrinated  by  it,  had  not  been 
equally  inactive.  Throu>;h  these  chan- 
nels, the  public  were  assured,  that  the 
proposal  of  ofFerin;;  the  navigation  of  the 
>ili9sis9ippi  for  the  fisheries  had  been  made 
^)v  me;  that  Mr.  Clar  had  uniformly  de- 


clared that  \\'i  would  mil  ^igu  the  U'e;i"  v 
v'rh  such  tin  article  in  it;  and  that  tlu; 
propo.»al  had  been  finally  set  aside  by  Mr. 
Bayard's  haviuu;  chai'ged  sides,  aa^A 
come  over  to  the  opinioo  of  the  in'r- 
iiovity." 

In  April,  1822,  a  call  was  made  for  Jlr. 
Russell's  private  letter,  dated  at  Pari.-j, 
Feb.  llth,  1815,  which  was  repeated  in 
the  following  June.  On  the  latter  occ2' 
sion,  Mr.  B.  Hardin,  of  Iventucky,  is  rft^ 
DOrted  in  the  Kati-mal  Intellijjer.cer,  (0 
nave  said,  "he  was  L;!ad  the  letter  wa.-i 
called  for,  and  he  should  vote  for  the  re- 
solution, as  it  would  show  the  western 
people  in  what  manner  their  intercsU 
were  disregarded  or  sacrificed:  tiiat  the. 
CoMimissioners  o'Tered  tti  give  up  the  na- 
vigation of  the  Mississippi,  to  secure  tl'.e 
fish.eries  of  the  east." 

Tli«e  now  came  out  the  original  letter 
to  Mr.  ilonroe,  maFked  ^*  priva/e"  ta- 
gether  with  a  "duplicate"  left  by  Mr. 
Riissell  at  the  Depariment  of  Slate,  be..  ' 
f'jxc  file  ori<j!nal  was  found,  to  be  commut 
nicated  to  the  House.  Mr.  Adams  ob- 
tained leave  to  submit  his  remarks  upon 
these  documents,  aiid  laving  hold  of  cer- 
tAl:i  differences  betwcev  theletterandthi: 
duplicate,  to  assail  Mr.  Russell,  did  nol 
hesitate  now  nnd  then  to  aim  a  thrust  ut 
Mr.  Clay,  whom  he  evidently  believed  to 
be  the  original  miover.  Of  Mr.  Clay  and 
Mr.  Russeii,  he  says,  page  H: 

"'rhat  the.  objection,  by  the  minority, 
against  the  article  and  aiuendment,  insist- 
ed, in  principle,  upon  the  sacrifice  of  an 
eastern  for  the  benefit  of  a  western  ijitijr- 
est. 

"That  the  eastern  interest  to  be  sacri- 
ficed, was  of  verj,'  great  impoi't;;nce  to  t!;i- 
Union,  and  of  vita!  importance  to  the  Sliite 
of  Massachusetts;  while  the  western  in- 
terest for  which  It  was  to  be  immolatiil. 
was  altogether  speculative  and  iniaginaiy. 
It  wdi  most  truly  denominated  vy  tKe- 
member  of  tiie  mission  now  no  more,  brag,- 
gins;  a  million  Ui^ulnJit  a  cent.''' 

These  views  are  enforced  throughout 
the  publication  r.f  Mr.  .Vdams,  intermiug- 
led  with  insinuations  against  tlie  coiidut'' 
and  m.otives  of  Mr.  Clay;  with  insinua- 
tions that  the  wViole  affair,  from  the  altpr. 
ation  in  the  joint  letter  at  Ghent,  to  the 
c;ll  for  Mr.  Ruifgeirs  private  letcer  i;i 
Congress,  was  a  scheme  of  intrigue  to  de- 
stroy his  reputation  and  effect  his  ruin, 
\n  productions  written  by  him  some  time 
after  tlie  publication  of  Mr.  Russell's  lei. 
ters  with  his  remarks,  he  repeats  the  same 
views.     In  his  book,  page  232,  he  says: 

"Since the  communication  ofhife  (Mr,- 


i>(l 


Kussell's).k-iif!->  to  the  U.cmac  of  R.rpi'c- 
serifalivcs,  <hc  uses  i'nrwlrich  it  vas  sup- 
posed the  production  (if  them  was  intend- 
ed, and  to  which  they  v.ere.  adapted,  have 
■not  bepu  altogether  abandoned  in  some 
parts  of  the  western  coinitr}'.  The  St. 
.  JjIhus  Enquirer,  has  p\irsued  this  purpose 
in  t!ie  simplest  form,  by  publishing  the 
message  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  of 
■lie  rth  May.  and  ?tlr.  ihisselFs  private 
letter,  and  by  suppresslns:  the  duplicate 
and  (he  remarks.  In  the  Kentucky  Re- 
porter, publislied  in  Lexington,  and  in 
the  Argus  of  Western  America,  published 
Ki  Frankfort,  vai-ious  publications  have 
appeared,  exhibiting  similar  views  of  the 
subject,  representing  the,  proposition 
Juade  to  the  British  plenipotentiaries  on 
the  lstBece!nber,1814,as  a  very  grievous 
Otrjncc,&  ascribing  it  exclusively  to  me." 

In  page  254,  he  further  says:  "The 
perusal  of  Mr.  Russell's  duplicate,  dis- 
closed to  me  the  mystery  of  ruin  which 
had  been  brev  ing  aguinst  iiic,  from  the 
vciy  day  after  the  signature  of  the  trea- 
'fy  of  Glient.  It  was  by  representations 
like  those  of  that  letter,  that  the  minds 
of  my  lellow-citi/.ens  in  the  west,  had 
lor  a  succession  of  years  been  abused 
and  ulcerated  against  me.  That  let- 
ter, indeed,  inculpated  the  whole  ma- 
jority of  the  mission  of  Ghent;  but*subsi- 
diary  slander  liad  perf(U-Uied  its  part  of 
pointing  all  the  gTiilt,  and  f^istening  all  the 
responsibility  of  the   crime  upon  nie." 

The  allusions  to  Mr.  Clay,  and  the  im- 
iiutatloiis  cast  on  him  by  'Mr.  Adams, 
were  too  obvious  and  too  severe  to  pass 
\5ithout  notice.  Mr.  Clay  became  sensi- 
ble, that  it  was  due  to  his  integrity  and 
iicnor,  to  appear  before  the  public. "^  liad 
not  tlie  alterations  in  his  duplicate,  ren- 
dered Mr.  Russell  unpopular,  there  is 
little  doubt  that  he  would  have  been  back- 
ed and  sustained  by  all  Mr.  Clay's 
weight  and  influence."  As  it  was,  that 
gentiemaii  was  glad  to  escape  from  the 
.Contest.  Tiie  introduction  to  Mr.  Ad- 
.•4ims'  book  was  dated  Sept  2ist,  1823. 
•On  the  16{h  November,  Mr.  Clay  ad- 
dressed to  the  editors  of  the  National  In- 
'"liigcncer,  the  following  letter  : 

Lexingtox,  loth  Nov.  1823. 

"(Ji2;iTi,EMK.v — I  have  witnessed,  w'lth 
Vry  great  regret,  the  unhappy  controversy 
which  has  arisen  between  two  of  my  late 
d-iolleagucs  at  Ghent.  In  the  course  of  the 
several  publications  of  wiich  it  lias  been 
the  occasion,  and  jirirticularly  in  the  ap- 
!>Sndix  to  a  pamphlet,  whica  has  been  re- 
''fnlU''  puWis'ied  !>v  ih>  ht^ntirahTe   Tolm 


Quinry  Adams,  1  tjiinkiiier*;ai'e  s.(iuie  er- 
rors, (no  doubt  unintentional,  J  both  as  to 
matters  of  fact  and  matters  of  opinion,  iu 
regard  to  the  transactions  at  Ghent,  re- 
lating to  iheaavigation  <>f1he  Mississippi, 
and  certain  liberties  claimed  by  the  Unit- 
ed States  in  tlie  fisheries,  and  to  the  pai-t 
which  I  bore  in  those  transactions.  These 
important  interests  are  nov,'  well  secured, 
and,  as  it  respects  that  of  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi.left  as  it  ought  to  be,  on  the 
same  firm  footing  with  the  navigation  of 
all  oth^r  rivers  of  the  confederacy,  the 
hope  may  be  confidently  cherished, 
that  it  never  v.ill  hereafter  be  deemed  a 
fit  subject  of  negotiation  with  any  foreign 
power.  An  account,  therefore,  of  what 
occurred  in  the  negotiations  at  Ghent,  on 
these  two  subjects,  is  ftot  perhaps  neces- 
sary to  the  piesent  or  future  security  of 
any  of  the  rights  of  the  nation,  and  is  only 
interesting  as  appertaining  to  its  past  his- 
tory. With  these  impressions,  and  being 
extremely  un'.villing  to  present  myself,  at 
any  time,  before  the  public,  I  hail  almost 
resolved  to  remain  silent,  and  thus  expose 
myself  to  the  inference  of  an  acquiescence 
in  the  correctness  of  all  the  statement'^ 
made  by  both  my  colleagues;  but  I  have, 
on  more  rellection,  thought,  that  it  may 
be  expected  of  me,  and  be  considered  as  a 
duty  on  my  part,  to  contribute  all  in  my 
power  towards  a  lull  and  faithful  un- 
derstanding of  the  transactions  referred 
to.  Under  this  conviction,  I  will,  at  gome 
time  more  propitious  than  the  present,  to 
c:  ti.iand  dispassionate  consideration,  and 
wiien  there  can  be  no  misinterpretation  of 
motives,  lay  befjre  tiie  public  a  narrative 
of  those  transactions  as  I  undei-stood  them. 
I  will  not,  at  this  time,  be  even  provoked 
(it  wotdd,  at  any  time  be  inexpressibly 
painful  tome,  to  find  it  necessary)  to  en- 
ter the  field  uf  disputation  with  either  of 
my  late  colleagues. 

"As  to  that  part  of  the  official  correispon  • 
dence  at  Ghent,  which  had  not  been  com- 
municated to  the  public  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  prior  to  tlie  last  scs- 
siuh  of  Congre'is,  I  certainly  laiew  of  no 
public  considerations,  requiring  it  to  hfi. 
withheld  from  geneial  inspection.  But  1 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  intention  of  thft 
honorable  Sir.  Floyd,  to  call  for  it,  nor  of 
the  c.ill  itself,  through  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, until  I  saw  it  announced 
in  the  public  prints.  Nor  had  I  any 
knowledge  of  the  subsequent  call  whiclt 
was  made  for  the  letter  of  the  honorable- 
Mr.  I'usseli,  or  the  intention  to  make  it 
until  1  derived  it  from  the  same  channel. 

''■I  will  thank  yrti  to  publish  tlii^  i*tf  in 


asaurancea  of  the  higK  respect  of  your  obe- 
dient servant,  H.  CLA\." 

The  next  day  the  following  reply  ap- 
peared in  the  same  paper: 
To  the  Editors  of  the  National  InteUig-encer. 

"  Gentlemen — In  your  paper  of  j'es- 
ferday  I  have  observed  a  note  from  Mr. 
Henry  Clay,  which  requires  some  notice 
from  me. 

"  After  expressing  the  regretof  the  wri- 
fi?r  at  the  unliappy  controversy  which  has 
arisen  between  two  of  his  late  colleagues 
at  Ghent,  it  proceeds  to  say,  that  in  the 
course  of  the  several  publications  of  which 
it  has  been  the  occasion,  and  particularly 
in  the  appendix  to  the  pamphlet  recently 
publisiied' by  me,  "he  thinks  there  are 
>some  error3,(no  doubt  unintentional,)  bcth 
rrs  to  matters  of  fact  and  matters  of  opinion, 
in  regard  to  the  transactions  at  Ghent  re- 
lating to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  certain  liberties  claimed  by  the  Unit- 
od  States  in  the  fisheries,  and  to  the  part 
■which  he  bore  in  those  transactions." 

"Concurring  with  Mr.  Clay  in  the  re- 
gret that  the  controversy  should  ever  have 
arisen,  I  have  only  to  find  censolation  in 
(he  reflection,  that  from  the  seed  time  of 
1814  to  the  harvest  of  1822,  the  contest 
was  never  of  my  seeking,  and  that  since  I 
have  been  drawn  into  it,  whatever  I  have 
said,  written,  or  done  in  it,  has  been  in  tl\e 
face  of  day,  and  under  the  responsibility 
of  my  name. 

"  ilad  Mr.  Clay  thought  if  advisable, 
now  to  specify  any  error  of  fact  or  of  im- 
puted opinion  which  he  thinks  contained 
in  the  appendix  to  my  pamphlet,  or  in  any 
other  part  of  my  share  in  the  publication,  it 
would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  to  rec- 
tify, by  candid  ac'/;nowledgment,  any  such 
<:rror,  of  which,  by  theliglit  that  he  would 
have  slied  on  the  subject,  I  should  iiave 
been  convinced.  At  whatever  period 
hereafter,  he  shall  deem  the  accepted 
time  has  come,  to  publish  his  promised 
narrative,  I  shall,  if  yet  living,  be  ready 
V,  ith  equal  cheerfulness,  to  acknowledge 
indicated  error,  and  to  vindicate  contest- 
rd  truth. 

"  But,as'by  the  adjournment  of  tliat  pub- 
lication to  a  period  "more  propitious  than 
the  present  to  calm  and  dispassionate 
consideration,  and  when  there  can  be  no 
inisintrpretation  of  motives,"  it  may 
chance  to  be  postponed,  nnti!  both  of  us 
shall  have  bee-i  summoned  to  account  for 
all  our  error9,bcfoie||a  higher  tribunal  than 
thatofour  country,!  feel  myself  now  callcJ 
.upon  to  sifv,  thnt  Iptthe  appropriate  d1»- 


jBkiiiuu.i.  w !n'u  ciaii  iio iv  luey  will,  exjioM.. 
the  open  day  and  secret  night  of  the  trana» 
actions  at  Ghent,  Ihe  staiements  both  erf 
fact  and  opinion  in  the  papers  which  I  have, 
written  and  published,  in  relation  to  this 
controversy,  will,  in  every  particular,  es- 
sential or  important  to  the  interests  of 
the  nation,  or  to  the  character  of  Mr. 
Clay,  be  found  to  abide  unshaken,  tire 
test  of  human  scrutiny,  of  talents,  and  <t1" 
time. 

•'  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 
Washingtos,  18th  Dec.  1822." 

It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Adams  not  on- 
ly re-asserts  all  he  had  said  in  relation  to 
?ilr.  Clay,  but  mysteriously  hints  at  '  si'- 
cret  night'  transactions  at  Ghent,  and 
broadly  insinuates,  that  Mr.  Clay  had  co- 
vertly assailed  him,  without  daring  to  in- 
cur the  responsibility  of  putting  his  name 
to  his  accusations,  frothing  in  Mr.  Clay's 
letter  to  the  Editors  of  the  National  In- 
telligencer, could  have  excited  those  dark 
suspicions,  or  justified  their  publication. 
Mr.  Clay  said:  "i  have  witnessed,  with 
very  great  regret,  the  unhappy  controver- 
sy which  has  arisen  between  tv/o  of  my 
late  colleagues  at  Ghent."  He  does  not 
even  censure  Mr.  Adams,  but  siniplv 
thinks  he  has  committed  "  some  errors^ 
(no  doubt  unintentional,)  both  as  to  mat- 
ters of  fact  and  matters  of  opinion,"  &:c. 
He  seems  to  think  the  whole  matter  ot 
very  little  importance,  and  says:  *'  I  will 
not,  at  this  time,  be  even  provoked  (it 
would  at  any  time  be  inexpressibly  pain- 
ful to  me  to  find  it  necessary)  to  enter 
the  field  of  disputation  with  either  of  my 
late  colleagues."  This  has  the  appear- 
ance of  uncommon  forbearance  and  mag- 
nanimity. 

In  one  point  Mr.  Clay  was  doubtless 
sincere.  It  would  have  been  '  incxpressl- 
biy  painful'  to  him  to  enter  the  field  <jl 
disputation  with  Mr.  Adams,  as  the  co- 
adjutor of  Jonathan  Russell.  But  in  every 
other  respect,  we  are  compelled  to  say, 
as  Mr.  Adams  insinuated,  tliat  there  ne- 
ver was  a  more  perfect  specimen  of  pro- 
found hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  than 
was  exhibited  by  Mr.  Clay,  in  this  letter 
to  the  Editors  of  the  National  Intelligen- 
cer. At  that  very  moment,  the  western 
papers  were  teeming  with  tlie  most  inju- 
rious charges  against  Mr.  Adams,  instj" 
gated  by  Mr.  Clay's  own  tongue,  or  com- 
ing from  his  own  hand! 

During  the  late  investigation  in  the  Se- 
nate of  Kentucky,  Mr.  Robert  WickliftV>, 
a  devoted  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  asserted,  in 
his  place,  that   Mr.  Clay  nt^fr  did  en- 


I5d 


'.erisin  ahTiU feeling i©war«JsiIr.A(l.inis,  v,-Lir&  arc  uc:.  l"ovc:oite!;;  .iiid  you  %vll! 
in  cousequpnce  of  the  transactions  ;it  pause  ami  count  the  value  of  many  a  brave 
Ohcni;  in  proof  of  which,  he  adduced  iiiaifs  life,  befoic  you  rai.se  to  power  one 
Mr.  Clsy'a  declarations  to  iiiinself;  and  wjiose  unfeeling  policy-  v/ould  crimson 
lie  defied  the  friends  of  General  Jackson  your  fresh  fields  '.vith  the  blood  of  your 
to  prove  the  contrary,  by  t!ie  evidence  of  border  brethren,  and  ii^,ht  the  midni.;iic 
any  respectable  n\an.  Samuel  Daviess,  fcu-est  ^ith  tiie  Humes  of  their  d\veniny;s. 
Esf|.  then  arose  i'roni  liis  place,  and  stated  Men,  who  would  think  of  contessions  ^o 
that  the  gentleman  himself  had,  by  his  disastrous,  are  unworthy  the  sujjport  of 
speeches  Rjiil  votes,  in  1 8'24,  alftmed  ti\e  Ohio:  much,  more  so,  are  those  who  re- 
truth  of  the  charges  against  >Jr.  Adaais:  diicc  them  to  a  SLiinns  proposition.  The 
and  he  moreover  produced  a  series  of  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  is  too  ini- 
numbers,  signed  "  H'aiine^'''  w'icii  were  portant  to  be  bartered  for  the  prlvile'^eef 
published  in  (lie  '"Liberty  Hull  and  Cin-  nshingln  Eritish  v.aters.  It  is  (giving our 
<;innafi  Ga/.ette,*'  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  wives  a!id  children  for  fish,  and  bartering" 
early  in  ths  fall  of  1822.  averring  that  the  bloiid  of  nur  citi/.ens  for  nionev.  Coii- 
they  *rere  written  In  Kentucky,  sent  to  ccal,  exphiin,  and  sophisticate  as  lie  will, 
Mr.'Clay,  by  him  directly  or  indirectly  this  was  tiie  tendency  of  the  pru;ioS!tiou. 
forwarded  to  the  Btafe  of  Ohio,  ff  pubii-  which  was  aj^itated  at  Ghent.  i5ut  was 
cation;  rtie  pr.'if  ofall  whic!i  he  declared  thissurprisiii'^;?  Under  the  same  auspices, 
he  had  at  Ijsnd.  iMr.  Wicklift'e  sunk  to  one  of  tne  most  fertile  and  extensive  pro- 
his  seat,  overwhelmed  st  tliis  prompt  ex-  ".  mccs  of  tlie  West,  adav'|uate  to  the  for- 
posure.gnd  no  man  dared  say  again  that  niation  of  two  States,  was  ;;iven  to  the 
.*!r.C!lay  had  no  objections  to  Mr.  Adams  K^aniards:  the  ^tate  of  Louisiana,  one 
on  accoiiiit  of  the  Ghent  negotiations,  of  the  most  important  and  vveakcstpoinis 
These  cumWrs  had  passed  t!iroug!i  the  in  the  Union,  ^fvas  made  a  frontier,  and 
hands  of  Mr.  Clay,  before,  the  (Vite  of  his,  exposed  to  sudd-en  invasion  from  the  ad- 
lettcr  to  the  Editors  of  the  Intelligencer,  joining;  empire.  Fs  it  a  matter  of  deepest 
and  wore  at  that  very  moment  reimblish.-  concern  witii  us  to  exterminate  the  Brii- 
iui-:  in  the  Kentucky  papers.     To  siiow  i.sh   influence  among  the    northern  and 


western  Indians?  Tlic  blood  of  slaugh- 
tered friends  cries  aloud  to  t!s  from  the 
ground.  'It- is.'  The  policy  of  Mr. 
Adams  introduces  the  British  trader  to 
their  wigwam,  by  openintc  to  him,  under 
th.e  "-ir.rdianslapof  a  treatv.  the  naviira- 


far  Mr.  Clay's  nets  dilfcred  from  his 
WOT  ',1,  we  take  th-  fidlowing  extract  from 
tiie  third  numbi~r  of  "  Wayne."  _ 

'•  Ohio  presents  no  cjndid'ate  for  the 
presidency  at  the  approaching  election. 
Now  York,  with  w'liose  interests,  next  to 

those  of  her  sister  St.ites  in  the  v.'est,  Ohio   tion  of  the  Mississippi.     Shall  we  sanc- 
tion this,  by  sust-.iinuig  him.-    Is  it  a  mat- 
ter of  liie  last  moment  to  us  to  ivnitect 
our  own  navigatim  of  t;ie  OIuo  and  Mis- 
si  'sij-.p;.^     Of  what  value  is  the  Ohio  or 
is     John    Quiiicy   Mississippi  to  us,  if  Louisiana  ha  occupi- 
nt  Secreiary  of  State,    ed  by  art  eneniy?    .Yet  .-.ir.  Adams  is  <iT 
the  Administration,  which,  in  the  tr^ruG 
has  he  showti  for  your  roads  and  canals.^  'i)f  territory,  has  niad-A  Louisiana  a  frontier. 

V.'ifh  sucli  princi'^-H's,  Jo'in  Qnincv 
Ad'iius  can  never" receive  the  support  of 
Oliio.     He  is  !o!>  ignorant,of  our  interests. 


IS  intMit  iniimate'y  connected,  ofiers  no 
claimant  whose  pr.'isj)ecis  are  not  abso- 
l;-tely  hopele>S.  At  the  head  of  tliose, 
wh.ose  pretfeM:;ions  are  entitled  to  our  se- 
rious consideration, 
.VdaniK.  tiie  present  Si 
Wlil  Oiiio  cnoosc  him?     ^*.'liai   interest 


Can  it  be  expecied  that- he,  v. ho  would 
open  to  our  rival  and  oi'.r  enemy,  the 
liavigatimi  of  tlmse  canals,  diri  by  tlse 
haiid  of  God.  fiirflie  use  of  <he  Licr.-iising 
millions  of  Vi'cstern  America,  will  piti- 
mi'te  our  trade  by  making  artificf.d  ones? 
Instead  of  opcii.ing  new  avenues  for  our 
commerce,  is  it  not  to  be  feared  tiiat,  in 
swine  future  treaty,  to  secure  s^Mve  {)aiiry 


or  lie  di>ve£r.rds  tlieni." 

From  the  iVcirth  number  of  V/ayne,  we 
extract  ti'.e  following: 

"  The  imporiauce  of  havinga  "WestrTn 
n«n  in  the  National  Councils,  as  well  a.-^ 
in  all  those  situations  wiiere  the  interests 


piivilese  to  an  Eastern  interest,  he  would  of  this  section  of  the  Union  are  brought 
render  lho^e  wiiich  already  exist,  a  curse,  in  quesiion,  was  never  so  strongly  exem- 
rather  than  a-blessijig?  Oii'r  frontiers  can  plHied,  as  in  the  transactions  atteriding 
testify,  that,  we  want  not  those  meu  at  t!ie  treaty  of  Ghent.  It  wj.s  proposed 
the  helm  of  the  nation,  who  would,  for  to  open  tiie  Mississippi,  tlireugh  its  v.iuile 
any  consideration,  open  new  chaifneis  for  extent,  to  the  navigation  of  British  sub- 
thus  giving  tliem  the  tnost  direct, 
nnmerous  and    wirlike 


British  iuiluence  among  our  northern  and 
vestprn  Indians,      Tlv 


harrore  of  past   access   to  thi>' 


loi 


tribes  of  imliuTis  v. hii:]i  border  on  our 
northerJiand  \v»">t.evn  fiontier.  That  iiny 
A:neiican  statesi:\;;ii  should,  for  a  mo- 
meni,  have  eiitevt.iined  so  ta'cal  a  pro- 
ject, is  as  strange  as  the  fact  is  alnrminj;. 
To  the  presence  of  an  able  western  man, 
may  v.-e  attribute  tlie  d-jfeat  and  abandon- 
tueut  of  that  atrocious  proposal.  But  f  ir 
the  exertions  of  Henry  Clay,  the  seeds  of 
Wir  might  now  have  been  sowin:i.  ,>ior.g 
our  northern  and  western  borders.  Wnich, 
at  no  dii»tant  day,  uould  have  produced 
an  aiiur.dant  harvest  of  tears  and  blood, 
lie  found  that  a  majority  iiad  resolved  to 
inake  t!*.'  fata!  proposition.  V>'itha  firm- 
ness which  should  endear  him  to  the  peo- 
]ilc  of  the  West,  he  pr;>testsd  that  he 
Mduld  sign  no  treaty  vihich  contained  a 
^-tipu!ation  so  repugnant  to  his  country's 
honor,  aftd  &o  danjicroxis  to  her  peace. 
This  firmness  had  the  desired  eRect  The 
illustrious  and  lanieated  fSayard  changed 
his  mind,  and  then  the  West  was  saved. 
I'hc  danger  we  thu5  escaped,  should  sink 
vieep  into  our  hearts,  and  teach  us  a  lesson 
;.s  lasting  as  our  lives." 

This  was  the  secret  langjuage  of  Mr. 
i  'lay,  in  relation  to  Mr.  Adams.  If  it 
Mas  not  peuiied  by  his  own  hand, it  puls- 
ed through  that  hand,  was  tlius  adopted 
uS  its  own,  and  then  cast  out  ujwn  ihe. 
iicean  of  public  opinion,  without  a  name. 
He  charges  Mr.  Adams  witli  '•  (m  ttn- 
fecNn':;  poli~i/,"  vi'liich  '^  would  crimson 
•.'Ur  fresh fielih  uniii  Ike  blood  ofow  bor- 
der brclhri'n,  and  lli(ht  Ik-e  mldnishl  Jor- 
i-tt  with  the  fames  of  ikci.r  Ju-ellings:" 
with  •'  fifing  our  tcives  and  thlldrea  for 
fish,  and  barter'ng  the  b'jod  of  our  cUi- 
ztnsfor  mvnet/:"  with  bcin-i  "  i'^nonmt'^ 
of  western  interests,  or  '•  disregardtni;'" 
t^'.em.  The  propoMtion  made  at  Ghent, 
he  declares  to  be  a  »'  I'ulal  projtcl,"'  an 
■•afrodoiis  prnposal,^'  "•  as  'itraiis^c  as  it 
fv  alarming x^''  and  that  but  for  his  own 
exertions,  •■  the  ntcds  rf  irar  inii:>it  now 
hauc  been  sowing,  along  ow  northern  and 
western  borders,  i^'hich,  at  no  diKtant  day, 
u-nidd  hanc  produced  an  ahundant  harvest 
of  tears  and  blood. " 

Mr.  Clay  secFclly  throws  out  these  aw- 
f'il  charujt'S  amoiij  hiri  countryni'Mi,  and 
i'l  a  few  days  afierwards  cnnu-s  fm"vard, 
and  publicly  dcciares  to  the  v/orid,  with 
a;i  alFected  iv.eekiiess  and  moderation,  tiwit 
he  '■'regrets'^  the  '^  unjortur.atc  eon'rover- 
•i>:  beliccen  tifo  of  his  late  colleagues;''^  that 
t!ie  errors  of  Mr.  Adams  are  ^^  doiibtlesn 
■unintentional;''''  that  he  wiil  not  discuss 
the  matter  now,  lest  Iris  "  inotivei'''  should 
Le  misinterpreted;  and  that  ''it  would  be 
■!ii''"<](fessih)y  painful  to  him,  at  any  tira's 


to  fuul  it  n(H;e.ssary  to  enter  the  lield  of 
disput;;t'on  with  either  of  his  late  col- 
leaj2;ues!" 

I5ut  this  is  only  the  commencement  of 
Mr.  Clay's  un<lcrminin2;  and  disingenuous 
conduct  in  relation  to  Mr.  Adams.  About 
the  time  he  wrote  the  fore*oiag  celebra- 
ted letter  to  the  Editors  of  the  National 
In  tel!iij;encer,  declining  a  controversy  \n til 
Mr.  Adams,  lest  his  motives  should  be 
misconst.-ued,  he  called  im  his  friend,  tlie 
Editor  of  the  Argus,  published  iii  Frank- 
fort,  Kentucky,  for  the  purpose  of  cor- 
recting an  error  relative  to  the  principles 
assumed  at  Ghent,  which  had  brought 
upon  that  Editor  and  Mr.  Clay  the  severe 
censure  of  Mr.  Adams,  lie  gave  his  friend 
a  narrative  of  tiie  proccedini^a  at  Client, 
and  convinced  him  of  his  error.  The  Edi- 
tor then  took  up  the  publication  of  Mr, 
Adams,  and  reviewed  it  in  a  series  of  Let- 
ters, addressed  to  John  Quincy  Adams, 
After  these  letters  had  been  published  in, 
the  Argus,  Mr.  Clay  offered  tlie  Editor 
fifty  dollars,  towards  defraying  the  c.-c- 
poiise  of  their  repubiication  in  par-ipliiel 
form.  Finally,  one  thous:tnd  copies  were 
printed,  in  Lexingnm.  by  xMr.  TuTiner, 
and  Mr.  Clay-paid  one  hundred  dollars-— 
about  one-half  of  the  expense — out  of  hi* 
own  poeVcf,  as  th.e  publisher  lately  testi- 
fied before  the  Senate  of  Kentucky.  By 
this  act  Mr.  Clay  adopted  these  Lettei-s, 
aTid  made  them  \\v->  own.  He  made  him- 
self resi>oiisibie  for  all  f4ie  statement:;  they 
contain — if  he  be  not,  in  substance,  tlieir 
author.  -  ' 

From  the  first  of  this  series  »>f  Letters 
to  ^Ir.  Adams,  we  take  the  following  c!i- 
tract: 

•"•  Agtsinst  Mr.  Clay  you  have  m.adr! 
charges,  wiiich.,  if  true,  must  degrade  j-.i:n 
in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen;  and, 
if  not,  oujc'nt  to  disurac*  you.  [n  addi- 
tion to  numerous  inslnuationa  scattered 
thr!iu;j;hout  yoijr  book,  you  have,  in  the 
introduction,  charged  h'.m,  directly,  with 
having,  at  Ghent,  'iosisted,  in  prkiciple, 
upon  the  sacritice  of  an  Eiisfern  for  thi; 
benefit  of  a  Wes- ern  interest;'  at  the  saiU'j 
time  asrertiiii.  tliat  the  n.-ititinal  intcreiii, 
Mhich  Sir.  Cay  thus  insjs-ed  on  ajicri- 
ficing,  was,  comjiared  wirh  tliat  for  whicii 
the  sacrifice  was  intended,  aa  'a  millioii 
i^ainst  a  cent.' 

"  This  is  a  serious  charge.  If  it  bt 
true,  Mr.  Clay  has  comuromitted  the  in 
terests  of  !iis  country,  and  does  not  dc. 
serve  its  confidence.  If  it  be  not  true, 
you  have  borne  •  false  witness  a;^aiu< 
yotir  neighbor,'  and  deserve  universal  re 
probation,     Th.at  it  is  not  ti-^p-.  ^v(>  nr- 


!-.J.4 


'ouiii  10  iisaeit!  a:iii  wa  will  prove  pur  as- 
sertion by  your  ov,!i  declarations.'! 

The  same  letter  thus  lays  down  the 
topics  intended  to  be  discussed  in  the 
publication: — 

"  That  you  and  the  people  may  be  at 
once  apprized  of  the  points  whicli  these 
letters  are  intended  to  embrace,  we  here 
itate  tliem  in  explicit  terms: 

"  In  Letter  IL,  we  shall  show  that  you 
*iave  grossly  depreciated  the  extent  and 
ialue  of  the  British  ri2;ht  to  the  naviga- 
fion  of  the  Mississippi,  before  the  late 
lyar:  in  relation  to  which,  it  will  be  seen 
hat  your  reiterated  declarations  a;-e  con- 
radicted  by  factsj  by  the  conduct  of  the 
Vmerican  Government:  andbvrour  ov.n 
•onduct. 

•^'  In  Letter  III.,  we  shall  show  that 
t'ou  exaggerate  the  extent  of  the  fisheries 
ivhich  were  contested  at  Ghent,in  a  degree 
cs  extravagant  as  you  depreciate  the  Bri- 
Jsh  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
-ippi:  m  relation  to  v/hicli,  it  v/ill  be  seen, 
hat  your  assertions  and  arguments  are 
•ontradictcd  by  tlie  British  Govei^Rment, 
1)6  American  Goveruincnt,  aiul  yourself. 

'•  In  Letter  IV.,  we  shall  show"  that  you 
vcre  not  authorized  to  offer  any  equiva- 
ent  for  the  fisheries,  or  any  part  of  them; 
ind  that  you  were  expressly  forbid  to  con- 
-ctle  to  the  British. the  na'vigation  of  the 
tlississippi,  for  any  consideration  what- 
ver:  in  proof  of  which,  we  shall  adduce 
,our  instructions;  the  article  first  oiVorcd 
>y  Mr.  Gallatin;  (facts  proving  tiiat  the 
tlississippi  is  within  the  exclusive  juris- 
iiction  of  the  United  States,)  and  your 
•;A'n  declarations, ' 

^  "  In  Letter  V.,  we  shall  stww  that  Mr. 
?laj's  opposition  to  Mr.  Gallatin's  pro- 
josition  v.'as  required  by  his  instructions, 
;S  well  as  by  sound 'policy:  that  the 
hargeof  changinj- sides,  which  you  hava 
iiade  against  Kira,  is  utterly  unfounded, 
ud  may  be  retorted  up  ni  you;  tliat  the 
!ara,graph  oflercd  by  mm,  to  get  rid  of 
'Ir.  GaJlatin's  proposition,  vv as  notappli- 
■able  to  the  British  ri<;ht  of  navigating 
!ie  Mississippi,  either  in  letter  or  princi- 
.!e;  that,  nevertheless,  the  majority  did 
pply  the  same  principle  to  the  navigatic;; 
f  the  Mississippi;  that  on  this  point  you 
;laringly  contradict  yourself:  and  that 
our  eflbrfs  to  fix  tergiversation  and  in- 
.onsistency  on  Mr.  Clay,  by  adducing 
is  original  signatures  aseyldcnce  of  his 
lidividual  opinions,  is  not  only  disingen'.i- 
us,  uncandid,  and  unjust,  biif,  if  atlmis- 
Ible,  would  invol'.e  you  in  repeated  con- 
radictions,  and  prove  that  you  have  sacri- 
!'^d  iTipnrtanf.  !ntfrp><<s  nf  yrur  cmmtrv, 


'•  In  Letter  VI.,  ^re  sliail  show  that 
Mr.  Gallatin's  second  proposition,  which 
was  also  strenuously  opnosed  by  Mr.  Clay, 
but  finally  adopted,  and  oflered  to  the  Bri- 
tish Commissioners,  was  not  authorized 
by  your  additional  instructions,  as  a  part 
of  the  Status  ante  bellum;  was  unneces- 
sary to  the  conclusion  of  the  peace,  im- 
politic, and  unjust. 

"  In  Letter  VII.,  we  shall  show  tha 
the  principles  on  which  you  support  onr 
right  to  the  fishing  liberties,  and  the  Bri- 
tisli  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, are  perfectly  contradictory;  the  ab- 
surdities of  jour  positions,  ant{  the  dis- 
crepancies of  your  assertions,  v»ill  be 
exhibited;  and  it  will  be  seen,  in  conclu- 
sion, that  your  boasted  principle,  insteaid 
of  being  supported,  in  the  negotiation  of 
1818,  was  virtually  abandoned,  in  instruc- 
tions drawn  by  your  own  hand. 

'•  In  Letter  VIII.,  we  shall  give'a  short 
summary  of  our  .irguments;  inauire  what 
would  have  been  the  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, had  the  concessions  offered  by  you, 
at  Ghent,  been  accepted  by  oiu-  enemy; 
and  exhibit,  both  by  reason  and  the  re- 
sults, the  superior  wisdom  of  the  course 
which  was  so  zealously  recominended  bv 
]Mr.  Clay.  ^ 

"  Letter  IX.  will  be  supplemental;  ic 
wliich  v.e  shall  endeavor  to  show,  as  well 
by  this  as  by  other  transactions,  that  you 
feel  a  direct  hostility  or  total  indiflcrence 
to  the  interests  of  this  section  of  the 
Union;  and  of  course  are  not  lit  to  pre* 
side  over  its  destinies." 

The  same  letter  thus  conchides: 

'•  The  air  of  correctness,  the  appear- 
ance of  sincerity,  and  the  vein  of  sarcasm, 
v/hich  pervade  your  writings,  impel  the 
admiring  reader  to  assent  to  the  truth  of 
your  assertions,  without  examining  into 
the  correctness  of  your  premises,  or  the 
soundness  of  your  conclusions.  On  a  rc- 
perusal  and  strict  comparison  of  your  ar- 
guments and  assertions,  the  delusion  will 
vanish;  and  instead  of  the  stern  vindica- 
tor of  violated  truth  and  insulted  virtue; 
you  will  appear  onlv  as  an  able  rhetori- 
cian, an  artful  sophist,  a  clumsy  negoti- 
ator, and  vindictive  man." 

The  fnllov.ing  is  extracted  fromflie  se- 
cond letter: 

'  •  You  have  attempted  to  prove — not  by 
facts — but  by  assertion  and  prophecy, 
that  the  Britisli  riglit  of  navigating  the 
Mississippi,  before  the  late  war,  was  a 
mere  phantom,  of  no  value  to  the  British, 
atid  no  injury  to  us;  a  right  of  travellin"; 
a  highway,  a  privilege  merely  nominau 
Enjoyed  for   ^'*iirtv  ye?r?  T^rfVurt  u-n^  n 


1 5.0 


;;ai.ed  ri^Ui,  a  iianuiers  I'lgiiC  to  travel  a 
ve.steiTi  higinvay,  a  mere  nominal  right, 
harmless  to  us.  "itc.  &c.  All  these  asser- 
tions, we  are  compelled  to  say,  arc  ilirect- 
ly  contradicted  by  tacts,  by  the  conduct 
<n  our  own  government,  and  by  your  own 
cojiduct. 

''Could  you.  Sir,  bcignorant  of  Lieut. 
Pike's  tour  to  the  soiuxes  of  the  Missis- 
,^ippi,  undertaken  by  the  authority  of  our 
Government,  and  executed  in  the  years 
1805  and  1806?  In  all  yournc-2;otiations 
iTlative  to  the  ?>Iississippi  and  the  north- 
I'rn  boundary,  have  you  never  adverted 
(a  the  account  given,  by  that  indefetigable 
soldier,  relative  to  the  British  trading  es- 
tablishments on  that  river?  Or,  have  you 
confined  your  researches  whoHy  to  the 
Atlantic  coast,  v^'ithout  once  deigning  to 
direct  your  attention  to  the  rights,  tiie 
interests,  and  the  honor  of  the  nation,  on 
(his  side  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains?  On 
this  point,  it  appears  to  us,  you  are  in  a 
dilemma.  Either  you  have  never  taken 
Oie  trouble  to  inform  yourself,  relative  to 
(lie  great  national  western  interests, 
which  have  been  committed  to  your 
charge,  or  you  have  misrepresented  and 
I'Bncealetl  facts,  as  you  knew  them  to  ex- 
ist. It  will  be  admitted  by  all,  thatyour 
acknowledged  habits  of  ir.dustry  and  re- 
search, leave  little  room  for  you  to  cover 
•\-nur  errors  on  th.is  point,  witli  the  mantle  . 
cf  ignorance. 

••  M'h.at  says  Lieut.  Pike?  lie  found 
no  less  than  five  British  trading  houses 
on  the  Tkiississipni  and  its  waters,  mthin 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  river  itself. 
He  ftrand  British  traders  navigating  the 
!  Iver,  to  and  fro,  almost  from  St.  Louis  to 
its  source.  He  found  numerous  British 
medals  among  the  Indians,  distributed  by 
these  traders  with  the  express  obyjct  of 
obtaining  an  unbounded  infiueuce  over 
their  savage  minds.  He  saw  the  British 
flag  floating  over  British  establishments 
on  the  waters  of  this  very  river.  He  es- 
timated the  duties  on  the  British  goods 
vended  on  the  Mississippi  station,  not 
one  doUur  of  which  was  ever  paid,  atthir- 
tmn  thousand  dollars  per  annum.  Tiiat 
ihese  facts  are  not  misstated,  or  exagge- 
rated, is  proved  by  the  following  passages, 
extracted  from  '  IPike's  Journal.' "' 

The  same  letter  thus  concludes: 

"  It  was  natural  for  Mr.  Clay  to  think 
difl'erently  and  feel  difi'erently  from  what 
you  pretend  to  think,  and  actually  felt, 
ill  relation  to  admitting  the  British  to  tWe. 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  He  could 
u<7t  conceal  from  himself  the  fact  tliat  the 
'^xi<«t»;n'rp  ami  11^1?  of  this  riijithnd  h^t^ 


one  of  tiie  cauaej  v,  iucii  led  to  uw  uisasier,-- 
of  our  arms  on   the  northwestern  fron- 
tiers, and  the  exposure  of  all  our  back  set 
tlements  to  the  relentless  ravages  of  a  sa- 
vage foe.     He  could  not  forget  the  conse- 
quent murders  in  Missouri,  Illinois,  In 
diana,  and  Ohio,  a  catalogue  of  enormitie.- 
at  v.'hich  the  heart  sickens.     Remember 
ing  all  this,  he  could  not  but  wish — nay, 
with  his  ardent  and  generous  nature,  n( 
could  nc?t  but  urge,  with  much  earnest 
ness — the  policy  and  justice  of  excluding 
the  instigators  of  crimes  so  horrible,  fron 
every  avenue  of  access  to  their  willing  in 
struments.    Nor  could  he  but  feel  ditier 
ently  from  you.     In  consequence  of  thi 
unlimited  access  of  British  emissaries  t( 
ou^  Indians  through  the  Mississippi  anc 
other  channels,  more  of  Kentucky's  pre 
cious  blood  was  spilt,  than  could  be  pur 
chased  with  every  fish  that  swims  in  Br: 
tish  waters.    Many  dear  friends,  and  oiii 
near  connexion  of  Mr.  Clay,  had  fallej 
%ictims  to  the  Indian  tomahawk,  madeoi 
British  anvils.     When  he  departed  fo 
Europe,  he  left  a  social  circle,  and  evei 
a  family,  clothed  in  mournifig  for  thes 
victims  of  British  influence  over  savag 
minds.     Passing  from  the  midst  of  th 
mourners  and  the  maimed,  how  could  h 
feel  as  you  did,  who,  far  distant  from  you 
bleeding   country,    engrossed    ^vith   tli 
.events  of  another  hemisphere,  and  adnii 
ring  '  the  Titus  of  his  age','*  scarcely  hear 
the  thunder  of  war  rouinjg  over  the  head 
of  your  countrymen,  below  the   wester 
horizon.     It  was  surely  natural  thot  h 
and   yon  should  feel  diiierently.       \o 
ought,  therefore,  to   have  excused   Mi 
Clay's  zeal,  against  once  more  admittic 
the  British  traders  among  our  Indian; 
and  hazarding  a  renewal  of  the  blood 
scenes  of  tlie'  Pigeon   Roost,  the  Rive 
Raisin,  and  Fort  Meigs.     He  could  nc 
calculate  so  coolly  as  you.    If,  in  the  e? 
citemcnt  caused  by  recent  Anglo-India 
murders,  lie  preferied  the  lives  of  his  fe 
lovz-citizens  to  all  the  fish  which  miglv 
perchance,    be     caught     within    thn 
miles  of  the  British  coast,  you  ought  1 
have  considered,  that  his  mind  was  n( 
in  a  condition,  coolly  to  weigh  doUai 
against  blood;  and  surely  you  would  r 
ther  have  excused  hiui  as  a  generous  ei 
thusiast,  than  censured  him  for  compr 
mitting  tho  interests  of  his  country.  No\ 
at  least,  ou'j;ht  you  to  excuse  him,  wh( 
YOU  iiave  adopted  his  omi  course,  whii 


•  "  This  is  a  literal  extract  oFa  letter  vn'M' 
from  Europe,  by  Mr.  ,\dams,  about  t"!!!-  T^mfe 
Hr)n;fr>!irtf-':-'  first  <5plhr'Tiiiirneii'''.'' 


loS 


tii'B  led  tu  the  sccuremcnt  of  ihe  feherieri, 
aiid  a  total  exclusion  oi  HhtinU  h-adei's, 
mvt  only  from  t!ic  iViifloisxippi.  but  frofii 
all  American  territorj  ou  this  sideoftbe 
Stony  Mountains." 

The  ti)ir(i  le'ioj- thus  comnienceft: 
"  Your  deciwaiiori!)  relative  to  the  ex- 
tent ot'  the  firjiuu'K's,  wiiirh  were  coiitest- 
tei  at  ti-liL'ui,  are  no  iesi  iiiconsigi.ent  with 
facts,  than  youriis.sertions  relativ"  to  the 
use  and  valne  oi"  thf  British  ri^r)  *  to  na- 
%Ta;.ite  the  Mississippi.  In  f'>llo\vinij  you 
throuK;h  the  mazes  of  your  vvondfrfal  pub- 
tiaition,  wc  have  been  gtrut-k  with  asitoii- 
iihtncnt  at  the  con'rad'.clioa  and  miisre- 
presi-ntatiun  with  wliich  it  abuunds,  rela- 
tive to  the  p-jrtion  of  tjiix  great  niition.vl 
jtjteriMt,  wnich  was  rctdly  contested  by 
'dii',  Britinh  Goveniraaiit,  at  Ghent,  and 
Jn  th«  sabsiH'seat  ne^^oliatson.  la  yaur 
repliSB  to  Ivlr.  Russell,  you  have  lab-.n-cJ 
to  prove,  that  the  Britisli  nutific^itiofi  given 
at  that  [jlcite,  and  tlieir  subseqii'jiitckiins, 
«5tendc'd  to  a  total  exclusion  ol'the  jK-ople 
cf  the  Uliited  SUtesiVom  tli?.  whole  ti^h- 
cr-ie=;  while  it  is  proved  by  the  langu^ige 
«>f  your  own  private  loiters  fru^n 
Ghent,  and  from  the  docuuients  relative 
fo  the  subse^juoiit  nei-otiation,  that  their 
cUims  extended  only  to  an  exclusion  of 
oor  tishermcn  fram  that  porhon  of  the 
fisheric«  situated  within  tl-jri^o  miles  of 
Their  shores;  which  is  the  utmost  extent  to 
which  they  [wj.Jties';,  or  even  cliiiin  exclu- 

•slve  jurisdiction." 

After  a  strou;.^  ar<>:uin»nt  on  the  subject, 
Ibe  fourtli  letter  comc-d  to  the  following 
i:nnc!usir>n: 

'•  By  f^ct.s  by  the  ri:;ht.*  of  ycnr  coun- 
try, aiid  by  yotir  o>.Vn  assertions,  we 
have  provi'il,  that  at  the  time  of  the  ne;^o- 
tiation  at  Ghent,  tlie  British  G.)vei-aineut 
.jjosscsised  no  tcruitory  on  the  Al.ssis^ippi, 
and  that,  con.->e(juetitiy,  that  river  was 
within  ths  exclusive  juriBdicfion  of  the 
United  !3tiite-3.  lu  supporiingKud  voting 
for  Mr.  Gaiiiitln's  pr.rposition,  vnu  there- 
fore cominittcd  a  violation  of  the  very 
letter  of  vour  inslructionsj  and  your  de- 
clanitii/its  ii(  the  time,  an  well  as  su!)i^c- 
»jiie!!tly,  to  the  13rjti:~h  Governmont,  prore 
that  yon  did  it  k'KHi'in-Tlv." 

Th:',  fifth  letter  conj.u-iis  ths  fi.'liovins;- 
''"^oicluir/e  Mr.  (.lay  with  p'ir.-'-'.ung  a 
SJjr.tion.il  course,  with  beinji;  wi'dina;  to 
sacrifice  one  irr;;>ort;iiit  eastei-^,  to  a  tri- 
lling- wcj'tern  interest.  Was  not  raor  ov;n 

^  cojr.-**'  wiijHy  sectlontil?  For  who.-e  im- 
rnediate.  benefit  are  the  fisheries?  For 
that  of  the  east.  Who  wa.^  to  py  the 
tribute  to  the  Briti.«h  kin;;;  for  then'  secu- 

,  j'ft'V     1''ie  piriple  if  the  y:f^^.    y.-iu  pro- 


pased  to  ta.v  lae  we,-,t  tor  the  betieEt  of 
tiic  east;  not  indeed  to  purchase  aiiy  ne\i' 
ri;;ht  or  advantage  for  the  enjoyn^eat  of 
our  eastern  brethrt^u,  but  to  buy  oiV  a  pi- 
rate who  thraitoned  to  capture  and  cou-  • 
fi.scate  their  ships.  It  would  have  been 
wore  etpailrible  to  have  bought  .security  at 
the  expense  of  the  fishermen,  if  it  must 
bj  i>oui;;ht  at  all.  What  wouid  they  have 
said,  had  you  otVcred  a  stipulation  that 
their  security  in  t.he  enjoyment  of  an  un- 
doubted right  should  \>^i  purchased  by  y;iv- 
ir;^- to  the  liriti.sh  knig,  one  ha: f  of  "die 
liiii  causjht  by  them  within  hi.->  jurisdiction. 
Tuink  you,  they  wouid  have  applauded 
you,  and  made  )ou  preseivis  ol  codu.sh, 
for  \'our  virisdora  and  patrioti!;m  in  tiiu.'S 
Bacunng  thj  lislieiiesi''  Vet  titis,  aithoua;h 
an  lutrageon  tlie  tishermeu  and  their 
country,  v/ould  be  luore.  equitable  thaa 
tiie  proposition  for  wlsich  you  voted.  New 
lCii2,ianu  could  not  suiier  more,  and  s-iie 
could  ctvead  lejs,  by  {Kiying  a^  a  tribute 
to  tht  British  kia-^,  one.  half  the  iisti . 
caught  witbin  hw  jurisdiction,  than  would 
the  western  country  by  the  uiu-estraitie<i 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  by  Bntisti 
buiijectj.  Hence,  you  vvjuid  nototily  sa- 
cri.ace  a  wc-tern  to  an  easieni  interest; 
bat  even  niakii  t]\c  wer^tera  pciple  pay  an 
exclusive  tax  of  rivalsiup,  war,  .lud  blood, 
for  t!ie  security  of  thoise  iiiehenueu  wlio 
frequent  British  waters." 

'i'he  seventh  ic'ter  .thus  commences: 
"  Throughout  your  publtcatioa  it  w  curi- 
ous to  observe  how  you  alnftyour  gr;nind, 
and  vary  your  preini.ics  in  such  manner 
aa  to  arrive  witli  certainty  at  any  given 
couciusiuii.  Give  \\):i  Uie  p<jiiit  to  be  prov- 
eil,  and  3'our  fertile  mind  i.s  suie  not  to 
lack  for  evidence,  if  the  facts  do  not 
suit  your  purpose,  you  can  manufacture 
others,  if  an  asserted  principle  is  not 
adapte4  to  tjis  cud,  you  cxa  assert  its  op- 
posite, if  it  ibe  necessary  to  your  pur- 
pose, that  an  important  right  be  proved 
worthless,  by  the  Haviaw;  of  your  -^oom: 
fjuili  it  is  reduced  tj  ."a  mere  pliantom." 
if  it  be  wajited  in  negotiation  as  an  equi- 
valent far  another  important  right,  in  ati 
iii.staut  it  receives  bonz  and  sinew,  and 
muscle  from  your  mighty  incantations. 
lix}l  of  all  your  i-hlftingsi  to  make  your 
argument  aj)pe.ar  to  the  i>est  advantage  bo 
fore  the  people,  there  is  none  more  re- 
markable than  those  relative  lo  the  nature, 
uf  the  treaty  of  irS.j,  and  the  rights  st>« 
curod  by  it.*  provisiou.s." 
'i'm  barae  letter  thus  speaks: 
"•  It  was  not  without  astoni3lHnsn.t,  that 
\ve  discovered  how  presumptuously, in  the 
short  sf.  ire  of  el<;ht  pa^,s,  you  havf  sport- 


la> 


'.il  v,~nli  ytiur  uA-u  eiiinnver  Ibr  consiet- 
ency,  and  wifli  the  credulity'  of  jourcoiin- 
trvmrn.  That  one  wlio  Avritcs  with  al- 
most unexampled  rapidity,  should  i'oigct 
in  page  104  what  he  had  said  in  pa-j^e  100,  is 
jia/dly  credible;  but  tliat  aiiv  mun  who 
has  the  least  rejcard  for  his  own  repu'a- 
tion,  should,  with  his  inemnry  anu  his 
senses  f  t.sh  about  iiim,  Iutb  the  hai-di-. 
hood  wiliuilv  lO  involve  himsc!f  in  the 
grossest  contradictions,  siaij^ers  all  i".u- 
inan  belief.  Vr'e  rather  suppose  that  with 
:i  vivid  fancy  and  poweiful  inieliect,  you 
invent  a«  you  pass  alon^,  piemi^cs  .'md 
nrirumeats  to  suit  a  prcdeicrmined  conclu- 
sion, on  which  3-ou  strike  as  c ert'iiniy,and 
uith  a  course  as  crooked,  as  the  lightning 
falls  npon  its  destined  object." 

The  eijihth  letter  thus  commences: 

"  In  what  attitu<ie  do  you  now  stand' 
bf  fore  the  American  (wop'e,  and  M'hat  has 
become  of  those  sfcitements  of  facts  and 
opinions,  wh'ch  you  i)ioudiy  declare  would 
"»wnd  the  test  of  humai:  scruiiny,  of 
talents,  and  of  time?-'  We  have  proved, 
that  your  rcpreseutaiions  relative  to  the 
•vvorthlessness  of  the  British  rii;!it  to  navi- 
gate the  Missisi'ippi,  a:-e  conuadietcd  by 
tnc  evidence  of  facts,  by  the  cninluct  of 
'he  Ameriran  govcmnrient,  and  by  vour 
own  conduct. 

"  We  have  proved  tliat  your  r<'preseii- 
tations  relative  to  the  e-jitent  of  tlie  fishe- 
ries, from  which  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  British  government  to  exclucie  Ame- 
rican citizens,  are  contradicted  by  ficts, 
by  the  lanijuajjc  of  the  A iwrican  j;o-\ern- 
ment,  by  the  declarations  of  the  Biilish 
^>vernment,  and  by  your  own  decias-a- 
tions. 

"We  have  shown  that  the  fisheries 
contested  at  Ghent,  sveie  those  situated 
uithin  three  miles  of  the  llrifish  coasts, 
to  secure  which,  it  was  proposed  to  .re- 
new the  ri<  lit  of  British  subjects  to  navi- 
gate the  Mississippi,  with  access  to  it 
throuj^h  our  northwest  territoriesj  that 
this  offer  was  not  only  not  authorised, 
but  was  positively  prohibited  by  vour  in- 
structions; and  that  it  was  unnecessary, 
impolitic,  and  unjust. 

"  We  have  shown  that,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  thisofter  was  defeated  by  the  7eal 
and  perseverance  of  Mr.  Clay,  by  whom 
it  was  strenuously  oppost'd,  on  its  every 
appearance,  and  every  shape:  that  the 
paragraph  ofTereil  by  him,  nnthor  in  kn- 
truage  nor  principle,  was  applied  (irivas  ap- 
plicable to  the  liritish  ri;;'ht  of  navi^atimr 
tlw  Mississippi;  and  that  yoiir  attempt  to 
provp  the  contrary,  by  wlcJacinj;  his  olfi- 
,.;..!  r  .  ,s-ff,  ii^i<l;^■•  -  "i'iov^  •:'•-'  to 


fix  on  him  opimons  which  you  kuow  hs 
did  not  cntt'i  tain,  and  acts  which  yon 
know  he  d>i  net  perform. 

"We  have  shown,  tiiat  Mr.  Gallatia's 
second  proposition,  which  was  finally  of- 
fered to  (he  British  Commissioners,  was 
not  an;hori7ed  nor  jusbTicd  by  your  addi- 
ti-ma!  instniciions,  was  strenuously  op- 
posed by  Mr.  Clay,  was  intpolitic,  unjust, 
and  not  necessary  to  the  coiiciusion  of  the 
peace,  or  the  ser.urity  of  any  right  beiong- 
ini;t;i  the  citizens  of  tlie  United  States. 

"We  have  pointtvl  out  many  of  your 
inconsislen-cies  and  contradiftioiis,  b<ith  ia 
arguuient  and  language;  have  exhibited 
vour  ■  concealir.ents  and  ptu-version  of 
knowii  fdCTs;  have  shown  you  vainly  eB- 
dcavc.rinp;  to  shtlter  yourself  from  ct?n- 
sure  by  testing  the  meanin;?  cf  your  iii- 
struciions  by  the  ckims  of  our  enemy^ 
niakinj:  tlie  faottndaries  a»d  territory  of 
ytur  country,  as  well  as  our  right  to  r.a^i- 
^atethe  Missis-ippi,  a  conditional  ifrant- 
the  condition  of  which  v.  e  have  expressly 
revised  to  fulfil,  arfjiti-v^  agviinst  the  riglrts 
of  iiidf  pendent  nitions  In  favor  of  British, 
raonopolv,  and  jeopardising  our  rii^htg  to 
the  wliole  fishenes,  by  makinj;  them  de- 
pendent on  a  contested  principle. 

"  In  fine,  wo  lia^e  shown  that  v©ur 
bfnis-ted  publicatHins  relative  to  the  Client 
mlssioa,  are  full  of  absurdities,  inconsit'- 
tencies,  and  c'.iiiiradictions;  and  that  the. 
iiyustice  of  your  denunciations  ugaiast 
your  colleagues  of  the  minority,  can  only 
be  efjualledby  the  eloquence  and  boljiaebS 
with  which  they  are  uttered." 

The  same  letter  contains  thB  following 
passr^es: 

"  Had  yoti,  Sirybeen  in  Frankfort  dur- 
ing the  last  war.  you  would  not  liave 
trcited  this  subject  so.  lightly.  There  was 
scarcely  an  individual  in  this  plnre,  i.>er- 
haps  no;  even  one  who  had  not  a  hu.sband, 
father,  brother,  or  fr!c;!ii  in  the  north. west- 
ern army.  Yet,  resting  in  the  >jiisticc 
of  a  gf)od  cause,  and  the  confidence  OJ" 
victory,  no  cloud  ob.'fcurtHl  the  serenity  of 
their  enjoyment,  no  melancholy  foreb-jd- 
iligs  depressed  their  buoyant  spirits,  or 
cliecked  the  cuiTout  of  their  usu?.'  amuse- 
ments. On  the  night  when  the  news  of 
the  frttal  catastrophe  nt  the  Hi^er  iJ^isin 
arrived  in  town,  tbere  was  a  performance! 
in  the  theatre,  which  was  attended  by  the  ■ 
Governor,  a  brilliaut  assemblage  of  la"di(-9, 
and  a  large  concoiu-se  of  the  me.nibers  c4" 
the  LegiL-lature,  citizens  and  strang'»is. 
An  express  arrived  from  the  army;  a  per- 
s<jn  entered  tiic.  theatre,  .ind  wriispcred 
to  the  Gov^rnor;^  not  a  word  wSs  saiu 
alo.;.'-  1-i't  li;     ■■■^■■- •'■:■■.  s},:o:k,  lh^?;(i- 


158 


Uig)*  spread  througr.  ine  audience;  all 
arose  a;^  one  man.  and  almost  in  a  mo- 
yient  the  xhcatre  -VN'as  empty.  Nothing 
but  the  bloody  scene  itself  could  exceed 
ijie  distresses  of  that  night.  All  were 
inquiring  with  the  eagerness  of  hope  and 
apprehension  for  their  husbands,  fathers, 
brothers  and  friends;  but  all  tiiey  could 
learn  was,  that  the  amiy  had  been  defeat- 
"etl,  and  most  of  it  massacred. 

"  All  joy  and  amusement  vanished,  and 
months  elapsed  before  every  family  knew 
<he  extent  of  its  misfortunes.  Daily  the 
•V .  idows  and  orphans — made  so  on  that  fatal 
day — present  theniselves  in  our  streets; 
some  of  them  begging  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence for  their  (lestitute  mothers,  and 
lUl  of  them  a  living  caution  to  American 
statesmen  to  cut  oil",  as  far  as  possible,  all 
iiitercourse  between  British  subjects  and 
the  savages  of  our  wlderness.  This  is 
the  case  in  which  a  citizen  of  Massachu- 
si;tts  was  '  above  sympathy;'  and'  this,  you 
v;ould  seem  indirectly  to  contend,,  was 

*  no  injury  to  us!' 

"  The  repetition  of  such  scenes,  would 
have  been  the  fruit  of  your  policy. 

"  By  the  past,  by  the  present,  by  the 
i'cuduct  of  our  own  Government,  and  by 
jour  own  conduct,  we  have  shown  that  the 
navigation  of  the  ^Mississippi  was,  and 
would  have  continued  to  be,  useful  to  Bri- 
tish subjects,  and  fraught  with  innumera- 
blo  dangers  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  We  hold  you  as  the  author,  at 
least  in  mind,  of  all  "the  evils  which  would 
have  flowed  from  this  disastrous  conces- 
sion; and  in  rendering  you  that  justice 
■svhich  vou  demand,  from  the  inhabitants 
of  the  "West,  we  shall  show  you,  by  our 
voice  and  our  vote,  that  we  consider  your 
vourse  at  Ghent,  and  still  more  your'vin- 
dication  in  \82'-2,  as  full  proof  that  your 
vi&ws  are  too  narrov,-,  your  feelings  too 
Sectional,  and  yeiir  temper  too  vindictive, 
for  the  Cliief  Magistrate  of  a  free  people. 
Had  we  no  interests  but  the  fisheries; 
were  the  safety  of  our  frontiers  to  be  en- 
'"rcly  lost  in  tlie  prospect  of  gain  by  fish- 
rng  in  British  waters;  were  no  national  in- 
rerest  to  be  promoted  but  that  which  is 
vncouraged  by  a  bounty;  did  we  want  a 
President  who  v.-ould  make  our  uncon- 
fcsted  rights  in  the  fisheries  depend  on  a 

•  ontested  principle,  and  zealously  support 
British  monopoly  against  the  rights  of  in- 
dependent nations;  then,  indeed,  might 
we  bestow  on  you  our  suifrages." 

The  ninth  letter  is  supplemental,  and 
attempts  to  prove  Mr.  Adams's  settled 
hostility  to  the  western  coun+rv,— The 
following  are  evtractj^: 


>•  It  IS  tlie  object  0/  this  ieti^r  to  ji'rU^ff, 
by  j'our  public  acts,  that  you  have  uniform 
ly  been  actuated  by  a  deadly  hostility,  or 
a  culpable  indifterence,  to  the  interests  of 
the  western  country.  Startle  not,  brethren 
of  the  East;  we  are  not  about  to  adxance 
any  sectional  pretensions,  or  charge  you 
in  mass  with  partiality  and  injustice.  It 
is  a  few  of  your  statesmen,  only,  against 
whom  we  level  our  charge;  and  as  you 
have  done  heretofore,  so  we  trust  you  will 
again  protect  us,  against  their  sectional 
and  disastrous  policy." 

Again: 

"The  purchase  of  Louisiana  was  Uie 
first  great  incident,  which  gave  vent,  in 
public  acts,  to  your  hostile  feelings  to- 
wards tlie  western  country.  Elected  by 
the  Federal  party  in  Massachusetts,  who 
openly  avowed  opposition  to  the  extension 
of  our  national  limits,  vou  then  held  a  seat 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  It 
would  have  been  unnatural,  had  you  not 
participated,  in  the  feelings  of  a  party  of 
which  you  were  a  leader  and  a  favoiiitev 
Accordingly,  we  find  you,  as  a  Senator, 
voting  against  a  bill  enabling  the  President 
to  take  possession  of  I/ouisiana;  against 
extending  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
to  the  teiTJtorj';  against  dividing  it  into 
two  territories,  for  the  greater  conveniencR 
both  of  the  government  and  the  people: 
against  the  power  of  Congress  to  tax  it. 
for  purposes  of  government;  and  even 
against  opening  post  roads  to  New-Or- 
leans, through  the  Indian  country,  within 
our  former  territories!" 

Again: 

"  But  we  do  not  believe  there  is  one 
sincere  word  in  ail  your  defence,  relative 
to  your  votes  on  the  subject  of  Louisiana. 
In  your  pretended  opinions,  your  absur- 
dities and  contradictions,  we  can  see  no- 
thing but  that  hostility  to  the  western 
countrv,  and  the  administration  of  Jeffer- 
son, wnicli  characterized  your  fellow-la- 
borers of  that  day — Osgoml  and  Parish, 
Quincy  and  Pickering.  That  you  should 
now  pronounce  the  annexationof  Louisi- 
ana— that  greatest  and  most  glorious  ncJt 
of  Jefferson's  glorious  administration-— 
an  assumption  of  constructive  power  more 
transccndant  than  '  all  the  other  construe- 
tive  pov.ers  assumed  by  Congress,  from 
the  4th  of  Maixh,  1789,  to  this  day,'  and 
still  claim  the  support  of  republicans  of 
the  Jeft'erson  school,  is  absolutely  amazing. 
No  ir.an  but  the  son  of  John  Adarns — the 
satii-ist  of  Mr.  Jefferson — the  reviler  of 
Paine's  Rights  of  l^Ian — cotild  have  haz<- 
arded  this  assertion.  What!  JetJei-son 
sanrtifJn  .?n  ris-^unuifittii  df  C(n&■tr^rc1,^•a 


lyM 


VmXJI ef  iu(»rt;  UHiii^Jeuiaui  aud  dangerous  had  '•  iiyltni-nsed  witavtpi/  great  rtgret  tLt 

than  the  acts  of  John  Adams'  administra-  vnhappy  corilrovcisi/"'  about  this  Glien:. 

tion?     An  Adams  says  it;  and  a  nation  negotiation,  declared  IMr.  Adams'  errors 

pronounces  it  untrue.  to  be  "  no  doubt  uninteni.ional,"'  and  said 

"Your  hostility  to  western  interests  it  would  be  ''■inexpressibly  painful"  to 

a^-ain  burst  forth  at  Ghent.  In  your  trepi-  him  to  "  enter  info  the  field  of  disputation', 

dation,  lest,  perchance,  the  people  of  New  with  either  of  his  laic  colleagues,-^  botli 

Kngland  lose  the  liberty  of  fishing  in  Bri-  before  and  after  the  date  of  this  letter— 

tisl?  waters,  yoa  forgot  the  suftenngs  and  assuming  a  stand  so  impartial,  and  a  beap- 

dangers  of  the  bleeding  West;  the  obli-  ing  so  lofty — was  using  every  exertion 

g^tiona  which  you  owed  to  your  adventu-  secretly  to  injure  the  reputation  and  de- 

roos  brethren  in  this  section  of  the  Union;  stroy  the  standing  of  Mr.  Adams.     This 

andevenyourpositiveinstructions.  When  gcneroun  man — so  high-minded  and  ho- 

callcd  on  to  vindicate  your  needless  and  norablc — would  not  state  the  facts  under 

Unauthorized  concessions,you  equivocate,  the  responsibility  of  Ms  name,  lest  hj>* 

CDnceal  facts,  contradict  yourself,  impeach  7B0/i"yes' might  be  misinterpreted;  lest  he 


(ha  integrity  of  your  colleagues,  attempt   should  be  supposed  to  be  clcciLnceiing 
to  prove°our  ridit  to  navigate  the  Missis-   and  endeavoring  to  elevate  himself  vpo. 


I  prove 


upon 


principle 

and,  finally,  assert  ihat  tlrs  Western  coun-  aggravated  charges  against  his  rival,  for 

try  had  no  interest  at  stake;  that  the  navi-  the  very  purpose  of  wbich  he  so  modestly 

"cition  of  our  river  never  had  been,  and  dreaded  to  be  suspected! 
never  could  be,  of  anv  '  injury  to  us'  or       This  was  the  attitude  in  which  Mr. 

'  benefit  to  the  British;'  thus  addinirinsult  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay  stood  towards  each 


and  mockery  to  abandonment  and  injus 
tice," 

Thus  did  Mr.  Clay  charge  Mr.  Adams 
\rith  '■'bearing  false  witness  against  his 


other  at  the  approach  of  the  Ir.tc  Presi- 
dential election.  Sir.  Clay,  while  main- 
taining a  lofty  and  disinterested  exterior, 
refusing;  even  to  tell  the  truth  in  relation 


■neiglibor;"  with  *•  falsehood"  in  relation  to  Mr.  Adams,  lest  he  should  subject  hi& 
to  the  navigation  of  the  ^lississippi;  al-  motives  to  suspicion,  was  privately  en- 
inost,  with  the  massacre  of  one  of  Ins  own  deavoring  to  \iiify,  degrade,  and  destroy 
"near  fow?iex!onj;"  v/ith  "ifrii/tmo-t/o/-  him.  Mr.  Adams,  understanding  thff 
lars  against  blood;"  with  '■'■fahehoods'''  character,  and  watching  the  movements 
relative  to  the  extent  of  the  fisheries,  con-  of  Mr.  Clay,  had  denounced  him  to  the 
tested  at  Ghent;  with  '■'laiou'ingly  viola-  nation,  in  conjunction  with  his  coadjutor 
ting  the  very  letter  of  his  instructions;''^  Russell,  and  set  him  at  open  defiance, 
wiin  pursuing  "  a  course  u  holly  section-  Their  hostility  was  as  great  as  could 
al;"  with  attempting  to  '■'■make  the  West-  arise  from  eager  rivalry,  reciprocal  inju- 
cm  ■people  pay  an  exclusive  tax  of  rived-  ries,  and  mutual  recrimination.  If  Mr. 
ship,  war  and  blood,  for  the  security  of  Clay  believed  Mr.  Adams  guilty  of  the 
those  fishermen  who  freqiunt  British  tea-  cliarges  wliicli  he  circulated  against  him, 
ters;"  ^-ith  '■'■mawfucturing facts;"  with  he  must  have  considered  liiin  one  of  thr 
asserting  "opposite principles;"  with  gross  basest  of  mankind,  uniit  for  private  trusf 
^'absurdities,  inconsistencies  and  contra-  or  public  station.  If  he  did  not  believp 
dictions;"  v;ith  injustice  to  his  colleagues  them, -he  must  have  looked  on  himself  as 
of  the  minority;  with  a  policy  promoting  a  slanderer  and  libeller,  as  destitute  of 
Indian  wars  and  massacres;  with  '•  a  dead-  truth,  as  the  means  resorted  to  were  dis- 
(7  hostility,  or  a  ctdpable  indifference,  to  tant  from  all  that  was  open,  manly,  or 
the  interests  of  the  Western  country;"  honorable.  Whether  the  charges  were 
vith  hostility  to  the  annexation  of  Louisi-  true  or  false,  what  must  Mr.  Adams  have, 
ana  to  the  United  States;  with  insincerity  thought  of  Mr.  Clay?  How  could  he 
iu  the  defence  of  his  votes,  in  relation  to  take  to  !iis  bosom,  one  who  he  knew  had 
i\\z'Vf^2X;\\-\i\i'''' adding  insult  and  moeh-  been  plotting  his  niin  from  "the  seed 
cry  to  abandonment  and  injustice;"  with  time  of  1814,  to  the  harvest  of  ISG^J," 
being  "c/i  c!r(/"!z/ so/)/iis/,  «  c/wnis!/ nf«-o-  pursuing  his  object  with  a  malice  and 
tiator,  and  vindictive  man;"  ■Vfii:h  ''■views  perseverance  which  ."eemed  ir.satiable, 
too  erroneous,  feelings  too  sectional,  and  except  by  his  entire  dcstiT.ction.''  Surely,, 
temper  too  vindictive,  for  the  Chief  Ma-  '  nothing  could  have  been  more  unnatural 
gistra^  of  a  free  people!"  Yes,  the.  same  and  less  to  be  expected,  t!:an  that  two 
/f?nrv^CiT.y,  vho,  in  Novombw,  1825^   men  thus  sittwted,  should,  withcftt  th.r 


tm 


.  reJratuoa  of  error,  or  the  confession  of 
injury,  without  explanation  or  apolop;y, 
rush  into  each  other's  arms,  embark  their 
riutual  fortunes  in  the  same  cause,  solicit  a 
common  support,and  seek  a  common  fame. 
In  addition  to  these  facts,  which  would 
seem  for  ever  to  have  barred  an  unior^  be- 

.  Iwecn  two  individuals,  either  of  whom 

i  paid  the  least  regard  to  his  own  honor, 

.tlherc  was,  in  pRiNrii>i.E,  an  insuperable 
barrier  between  Mr.  Adams  aud  Mr, 
Clay,  had  the  latter  been  directed  or  re- 
strained by  any  such  consideration.  One 
of  tlie  principal-  objections  made  by  Mr. 

(  Clay  and  all  his  frien(!s  to  the  election  of 

'. jlr,  Adams,  was  founded  in  the  dan- 
£;ei->*  which  threatened  our  institutions 
from  a  per[x>tu:ition  of  the  cabinet  suc- 

-  cession,     it   was    maintained    by  them, 

,  that  by  the  uniform  election  of  the  .Se- 
cretary of  State  to  the  office  of  Presi- 

-.  dent,  our  gt>verument  was  assimilating  ta 
a  monarchy,  ia   which  exich  Chief  Magis- 
trate appoint?  his  successor.     This  argu- 
..- went  was  urj;ed  agnlnst  Mr.   Adams  in 

1-  every  )M)ssible  shape,  and  deservedly,  with 

.  cor.sidernble  effect. 

Karly  in  182ii,  a  series  of  numbers  was 
^■published  in  the  Arstus  of  Western 
America,  atFr.inkfort,  lieniucky,  sijrned 
*'A  Western  C'iti/en."  "VVe  have  good 
reason  to  Ijelicve,  that  theso  essays  were 
from  the  ren  of  Mr.  Clay  himself.  The 
opinions  tnev  contain,  and  even  the  ex- 
pressions, almost  perfectly  coincide  with 
tliose  advanced  and  pramulgatod  by  him 
in  other  situations.  Tne  first  of  these  num- 

.  Iters  continis  the  following  tieclarations; 
"T'.':'  National  Intelligencer  is  not. 
precisely,  the  most  titting  paper  to  issue 
<his  edict  commsnding  silence.  It  might, 
indeed,  sv.it  the  taste  of  their  ofiicial  pa- 
trons and  emp'oyers,  thr.t  as  little  as 
p<.isslble  should  be  published  m  this  sub- 
ject. Thej- may  prefer,  that  the  jirescrib- 
ed  line  of  legitimacy,  arconiing  to  which 
the  heir  appnrent  should  be  translated 
'from  the  Department  of  State  to  the  Pa- 

,   ]acp,  be  preserved  unbroken  and  eriiire. 
•■;,"But  they  ought  to  remember  (he  piac- 

.  tic e  of  Home,  by  whicli  tlie  Casars  tliem- 
. selves,  to  secure  t!ii;t  tranf;uillity  \\hich 
the  Editors  of  the  Interiiger.cer  so  much 
ilesire,  provided  beforehand  foV  the  impe- 
rial succession,  has  not  yet  been  engraft- 
«'d  on  our  Constitulion." 

The  Kentucky  Hcpcrtcr,  edited  by 
■Mr.  Smith,  a  friend,  conneyinn,  aiul  dc- 
>'(;ten  inslrumeut  of  >tr.  f'tny,  cnnt-'iinod 
botii  i:r;:\  i.ius  and  s';::~equcHt  to  ih's  ce- 
r  0*1.  many  artit'es  bitterlv  oppiised  to 
r^^  *-:.r-/ii:v  ;.,;rcv.sio:i.     \¥c  fha!h-oi> 


tent  ourselves  with  making  on^-  extract 
from  the  number  of  that  paper,  dated 
July  15tli,  1818,  which  is  a  good  speci- 
men of  tlie  language  held  dnw  n  to  the 
very  moment  of  the  election,  by  that  pa- 
per, as  well  as  all  others  devoted  to  the 
elevation  of  Mr.  Clay.  'I'hc  Reporter 
says: 

"  Mr.  Adams  is  designated  by  the  Pre- 
sident and  his  presses  as  the  heir  appa- 
rent, th.e  ucvt  successor  to  the  Presiden- 
cj'.  Since  the  principle  was  introduced., 
there  has  been  a  rapid  degeneracy  in  the 
(  hief  Magistrate;  and  the  prospect  of 
sfiil  greater  degeneracy,  is  stron'j;  and 
alarnsTng.  Admit  the  people  should  ac- 
quiesce in  the  Presidential  ap)y>intment 
of  Mr.  Adams  to  tlsat  high  ollicuj.  vho 
again  will  he  choose  as  )m  succ^sfori- 
Will  it  be  Josl.ih  Quincy,  IL  G.  Olis,  or 
Rufus  King?  An  aristocrat,  at  le.tst,  if 
not  a  TRMion,  will  be  our  portion." 

The  chief  object  of  supjjorting  Mr. 
Clay  in  Ohio,  as  avowed  by  his  friends  in 
their  Address  of  July,  1834,  was  to  break 
up  the  cabinet  succession.  This  addre.^s 
was  signed  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  A  nnce, 
then  and  now  a  mem'oer  of  Con;j;ress. 
the  same  who  vcted  with  Mr.  Clay  for  the 
very  "  cabinet  .'uccessor,"  a;:rilnst  whont 
its  dpnunci;ition  was  evidently  directed, 
and  was  writlen,  as  wc  are  anthori.'.e<l  to 
strife,  by  Charles  !l;)mmoad,  the  subse- 
quent scurrilous  reviler  of  Mrs.  Jackson, 
and  devoted  partisan  of  Mr.  Adams" 
administiation.  The  following  is  an  ex- 
tract from  the  Address: 

"  As  the  period  approaclietl  when  it 
would  become  nocessury  to  select  a  suc- 
cessor to  President  Monroe,  it  was  alto- 
gether proper  that  much  reflection  should 
be  devoted  to  the  principles  upon  which 
such  election  should  be  made.  The 
names  of  at  least  three  members  of  }>h\ 
Monroe's  cabinet  were  pretty  distinrdy 
presented  to  the  public,  as  candidates  to 
succeed  him.  P..e;!ecting  men  could  nnt 
but  see  that  a  struggle  for  the  Presidency 
between  the  principal  Secret-Trirs,  was 
fraught  with  much  evil  to  the  nation,  in- 
asmuch as  it  miitt  distract  the  harmony  of 
her  councils,  if  not  endanger  the  intoirn- 
ty  of  bet-  fuiictoinaries,  and  jecpardize 
her  peace  and  her  reputation.  Besides 
these  m.ischiefs,  to  select  one  of  the  Se- 
cretaries, was  to  continue  the  same  influ- 
ence in  office,  which  virtually  wouhl  be. 
a  departure  from  the  maxim,  th-tt  rotation 
in  otficc  was  essentia!  io  the  public.  For, 
to  change  'the  man  and  retain  the  influ- 
ence, would  be  to  repose  upon  the  shadow 
si'd  ab;in('on  the  substance. 

To  be  -MnKiiiKd  in  our  liCTi. 


LNITED  STATES'  TELEGRAV R-^jExtra^. 


riiis  paper  will  be  tievotfil  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  publislied,  weekh:, 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  O71C  DnUar;  subject  t^>  newspaper  postage,  and  no  marc.' 


By  GREEN  ^-  JARFLSy^ 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  xMAY  10,  ISSS. 


No.  11- 


KEPI^Y 

By  the  Jachsan  Corrrspondm^  Committee  ef  the 
District  of  Columbia,  to  Mr.  Clay's  last  .id- 
dress. 

[OOSTISUED.] 

The  conaiderations  here  briefiy  hinted, 
iletermined  many  of  the  most  reflecting  ci- 
tiz-tng  of  the  country  to  adopt  the  opinion, 
that  no  member  of  the  present  executive  ca- 
binet ought  to  be  selected  to  succeed  Mr. 
Monroej  and  this  determination  wp.s 
formed  without  any  disrespect  to  the  ta- 
lents or  characters  of  the  incumbents 
themselves.  It  rested  unon  public  prin- 
ciple and  upon  public  uuty,  and  upon 
these  alone.  In  lookino;  urounii  tur  some 
person  out  of  the  cabinet,  and  unconnect- 
ed with  the  executive  administration  of 
the  national  government,  a  large  portion 
of  the  citizens  of  the  West,  naturail}' di- 
r(M;tcd  thcii  attention  to  Henry  Clav,  of 
Kentucky." 

In  relation  to  the  prospects  before 
them,  the  address  thus  soeaKs: 

"Under  the  strona;  persuasion  that  the 
public  o^oA.  and  a  due  regard  for  the  fair 
operation  for  t!ic  republican  maxim  of 
"rotation  in  office,"  required  that  the 
jiext  President  should  not  be  taken  from 
the  present  executive  cabinet,  it  was  de- 
termined to  support  Mr.  Clay  for  that 
office,  as  the  person,  combining  at  least  as 
many  qualifications,  as  any  other  tliat 
could  be  named^,  with  the  same  prospects 
of  success.  It  was  hoped  that  tnose  v.-bo 
had  the  same  general  object  in  view,  would 
Ivave  sacrificed  personal  considerations, 
and  united  in  effecting  that  object.  It 
was  particularly  hoped,  that  the  western 
country  would  have  presented  an  undivi- 
ded phalanx,  upon  this  great  public  tjues- 
«ioii,  and  it  is  deeply  reuretted  that  an- 
other candidate  should  be  named  and  sup- 
ported in  the  west,  willi  ihc  same  object, 
and  for  the  same  purpose. " 
A^ain,  the  same  atldress  says: 
V.'ere  Mr.  Clay  withdrawn,  the  re-;nlt, 
as  to  the  election  by  the  electors,  would 
most  probably  be  the'  same:  or  if  it  were 
not,  it  ifould place  in  IhcPrcsidenliul  chnr 
me  of  ihc  prevent  cabinet;  an  event  which 
it  was  the  first  objea  r.fihefr'mids  of  Mr. 
Clay  to  prevent;  not  in  refci-ence  to  the 
men,  but  the  principle.  Mr.  Clay  \ias 
rromirrated  in  the  pprsu3?non  tlist  all  his 


fellow-citizens,  entertaininp;  the  same 
general  vie«  s,  would  unite  in  his  support. 
Had  this  been  the  case;  had  this  union 
taken  place,  his  election  by  the  electors, 
would  have  been  certain.  It  is  tlie  clear 
conviction  of  his  supporters,  that  the  of^- 
ject  of  nominating  him,  can  only  be  at- 
tained by  adhering  to  him  that  to  abandon 
him,  is  to  abandon  that  object  and  under 
this  conviction,  the j' have  adopted  the  re- 
solution to  adhere  to  him,  as  the  dictatt 
of  duty  and  off  patriotism." 

From  these  extracts  :t  appears  that  the 
first  object  of  nominating  and  supporting 
Mr.  Clay  in  Ohio,  was  to  break  the  line 
of  cabinet  succession,  and  that  it  v.as  the 
hope  of  effecting  that  object,  which  in- 
duced them  to  adhere  to  him.  How  would 
the  300  individuals  composing  the  meeting 
which  adopted  this  address,  have  startled, 
nad  an  angel  spoke,  and  told  them,  that 
the  very  act  they  were  then  performing, 
would  not  only  enable  Mr.  Clay  to  defeat 
their  object,  but  that  he  would  certainly 
do  it,  and  tlien  turn  round  and  tauntingly 
tell  them,  he  had  but  followed  a  "so/e  //re- 
ceJentJ"  Would  not  his  very  friends  have 

denounced   him   as "a   traitor  .-'•'' 

After  denouncing  the  cabinet  succession, 
and  stimulating  the  whole  mass  of  his 
friends  to  electioneer  on  that  ground,  we 
repeat,  that  Mr.  Clay  could  never  have 
voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  if  he  had  been  i;i ' 
the  least  degree  influenced  by  principle. 

■With  Mr.  Crawford,  it  hss  never  bee^i 
pretended  that  Mr.  Clay's  relations  were 
other  than  friendly.  During  the- latter 
part  of  the  canvass,  the  idea  w.v  certain- 
ly inculcated  by  Mr.  Clay  aiA  hia  lead- 
ing friends,  that  Mr.  Crawford  was  tlieir 
second  choice.  The  sVle  cf  his  licalth 
was  as  well  known  to  them  then,  as  after 
the  electoral  electkn.  Considering  lifs 
relations  with  the  two  men,  it  could  not 
have  been  anticipated  that  Sir.  Clay  would 
prefer  Mr.  Adams  to  Mr.  Crawford.  Had 
he  voted  for  the  .'alter,  leaving  his  frientts 
wil'fiTat  infiuence  or  contrtrl,  to  vote  fur 
T.hom  they  thought  proper.ihough  it  would 
I'.ave  been  actln;;  a"ainst  the  !;nowii  wil'. 
cf  the  pe;iple  of  Iveiitucky,  Mr.  CLaj 
would  at  least  have  avoided  sonic  of  thi- 
imputations  which  have  been  indelibly 
fixed  upon  his  character,  bj  his  iinrfa-t;mil 
'cr-alition  with  Mr.  .Xdam-H 


16-2 


It  \i"as  thought  by  Mr.  Clay's  friends, 
and  the  public  in  general,  that  there  was 
Some  degree  of  personal  hostility  between 
hira  and  General  Jackson.  It  has  been 
extensively  urged,  that  the  known  ill  will 
of  the  General,  and  particularly  the  in- 
dignity offered  Mr.  Clay  at  Lebanon,  in 
Kentucky,  made  it  impossible  for  Mr. 
Clay  to  vote  for  him  without  dishonor. 
Mr.  Clay's  late  address  has  total!}' 
destroyed  tliis  argument.  It  appears 
by  his  own  showing,  that  he  never  che- 
rished any  personal  enmity  towards  Ge- 
neral Jackson,  and  that  the  only  breach 
between  them  which  ever  existed,  was  en- 
tirely healed,  as  early  as  1823.  The  fol- 
lowing is  his  account  of  the  reconcilia- 
tion: *'  Such  was  the  state  of  our  relations 
at  the  commencement  of  the  session  of 
Congress,  in  1823,  the  interval  having 
passed  without  my  seeing  him.  Soon  af- 
ter his  arrival  here  to  attend  that  session, 
I  collected  from  certain  indications,  that 
he  had  resolved  upon  a  general  amnesty, 
the  benefit  of  whicli  was  to  be  extended  to 
me.  Hebecame  suddenly  reconciled  witli 
Some  individuals  between  whom  &  himself 
there  had  been  a  long  existing  enmity.  The 
greateivpart  of  the  Tenesssee  delegation, 
(all  1  believe,  except  Mr.  Eaton  and  Gen. 
Cocke)  called  on  me  together  early  in  the 
session,  for  the  express  purpose,  as  I  un- 
derstood, of  prouucinga  reconciliation 
between  us,  I  related,  in  substance,  all 
the  above  circumstances,  including  the 
meeting  at  Lebanon.  By  way  of  apology 
for  his  conduct  at  Lebanon,  some  of  ihe 
gentlemen  remarked,  that  he  did  not  in- 
tend any  disrespect  of  me,  but  that  he  was 
laboring  under  some  indisposition.  I  stated 
that  the  opinions  1  h.  il  expressed  in 
^he  House  of  Representatives  in  regard  to 
(jt-neral  Jackson's  military  transactions, 
had  been  sincerely  entertained,  and  were 
still  heMj  but  that,  being  opinions  in  re- 
spect to  pi?blic  acts,  they  never  had  been 
supposed  by  irie  to  form  any  just  occasion 
for  private  enmHy  between  us,  and  that 
none  had  been  cherished  on  my  part.  Con- 
sequently, there  was  t^  obstacle  on  my 
side  to  a  meeting  with  Uim  and  maintain- 
ing a  respectful  intercourse."  He  then 
proceeds  to  state,  that  he  dint^fl  with  Gen- 
eral Jackson,  and  the  General  wijh  hiin — 
that  they  rode  in  a  carriage  together;  and 
that  they  "  frequently  met  during  ti;e 
<rv  inter,  always  respectfully  addressing 
each  other."  So  entire  was  the  reconcili- 
ation, and  so  cordial  were  Mr.  Clay's 
feelings  towards  General  Jackson,  that, 
in  the  fall  of  1824,  he  told  several  gentle- 
men,, ffriendlv  to  the  election  of  General 


Jackson)  in  Lexington,  that  he  had  writ- 
ten to  the  General,  inviting  him  to  take 
Lexington  in  his  way  to  ^Vashington,  that 
they  might  accompany  each  other.  Mr. 
Clay,  in  his  address,  does  not  deny  having 
written  this  letter,  but  gives  permission 
for  its  publication.  It  is  now  ascertained 
that  tiie  ietier,  if  written,  was  ;.ev';i  re- 
ceived, and  circumstances  lately  develop- 
ed, induce  tlie  ueiief  that  it -was  part  of 
the  system  of  deception,  by  which  Mr. 
Clay  endeavored  to  prevent  an  expression 
of  public  opinion  in  kentucky,  by  inauc- 
ing  the  friends  ol  General  Jackson  m  that 
State,  to  believe  that  he  would  vote  for 
General  Jackson,  wiiether  instructed  by 
the  legislature  or  not. 

Such  was  the  impression  produced  by 
his  conversatiosis  with  Mr.  Cavneal,  of  the 
SunatiS  of  is-e:;tucky,  Mr.  Barry,  and  oth- 
ers; and  his  declaration  <o  Messrs.  Wick- 
liffe,  Moore,  and  Henry,  his  colleagues  in 
Congress,  whom  he  advised  to  hold 
theuiselves  un-  committed,  saying  that 
they  could  vote  for  either,  and  justify 
themselves  before  their  constituents,clear- 
ly  proves  that  he  himself  was  prepared,un- 
der  a  contingency,  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jack- 
son.  ['S'ee  Appendix.~\ 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  had  Mr.  Clay  de- 
sired to  secure  the  situation  of  Secretary 
of  State,  as  the  price  of  his  vote,  it  was 
important  to  pi-event  any  expression  of 
public  sentiment  by  the  people  or  the  le- 
gislature, which  bound  him  to  prefer  either  , 
of  the  candidates.  Having  resolved  to 
substitute  his  own  will  for  that  of  his  con- 
stituents, and  having  likewise  resolved 
to  determine  his  own  choice  by  r.n  ar- 
rangement subsequently  to  be  entered  in- 
to, it  was  important  to  prevent  any  move- 
ment on  th"  part  of  the  legislature,  or  the 
people  whit  ■  'i^-ight  impede  his  negotiations 
or  embarrass  his  attempts  at  justifica- 
tion. That  he  would  have  made  terms  with 
Gen.  Jackson,  and  that  our  view  of  his 
motives  is  correct,  is  strongly  coroborated 
by  the  manner  in  which  he  met  Gen.  Jack- 
soi^on  his  arrival  atWishington.as  detail- 
ed by  Gen.  Call.    \_See  Gen.  Call's  letter.^ 

Speaking  of  Geir.  Jackson,  Mr,  Clay 
says:  "  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  he  called 
on  me,  but  I  was  ou*.  I  returned  the  visit, 
considering  it,  in  both  instances,  one  of 
mere  ceremony." 

Although  th.is  narrative  of  the  recon- 
eUiation  differs  from  that  given  by  Judge 
Isaaciand  Mr.  Blair,  it  proves  by  Mr. 
Clay's  own  confession,  that  there  was  no 
obstacle  existing  in  their  private  relations, 
to  his  voting  for  General  Jackson.  He 
expressly  says  no  enmily  "had  been  cher- 
ished on  my  prut.  "     According  to  "  the 


163 


laws  which  regulate  men  of  honor,'*  Mr. 
Clay  might  therefore  have  voted  for  Gen- 
eral Jackson. 

Having  exhibited  the  attitude  in  which 
Mr.  Clay  stood  towards  each  of  the  other 
candidates,  let  us  now  trace  his  footsteps 
through  the  canvass  which  preceded  the 
election.  Until  the  winter  of  1823-4,  Mr. 
Clay  considered  Mr.  Adams  iiis  most  for- 
midable competitor.  Upon  him  he  turned 
all  the  artillery  of  the  press,  which  he 
could  wield,  and  at  the  same  time,  as  we 
have  seen,  resorted  to  all  the  stratagems 
of  an  artful  and  ambitious  adversary. 
The  claims  set  up  by  a  portion  of  the 
people  in  behalf  of  General  .Tackson, 
he  at  first  considered  as  wholly  una- 
vailing and  utterly  hopeless.  He  charg- 
ed Air.  Adams  and  his  friends  with 
bringing  forward  the  General  to  di-vide 
the  AVest  and  defeat  his  (Mr.  Clay's) 
election.  Towards  Mr.  Crawford  he 
seemed  to  cast  an  eye  of  friendly  regard, 
and  the  impression  was  circulated  through 
the  Union,  that,  if  he  failed  himself,  that 
gentleman  would  be  his  second  choice. 
Mr.  Adams  was  the  only  candidate  upon 
whum  he  waged  a  war  of  extermination, 
and  the  people  of  the  United  States  were 
led  to  believe,  that  he  would  ally  himself 
wth  any  man  or  any  party,  to  prevent  his 
election. — [_See  Mr.  liandolph^s  declara- 
tion in  Congress,  Appendix.'] 

The  progress  of  Jackson's  popularity 
during  the  year  1823,  and  the  first  part 
of  the  year  1824,  was  alarming  to  all  his 
competitors,  and  had  deprived  iMr.  Clay 
of  his  last  hope  of  being  elected  by  the 
people.  Under  those  circumstances, 
what  was  his  obvious  duty.'  Had  he  de- 
clined the  canvass,  and  postponed  his  pre- 
lensions  to  a  more  propitious  period,  he 
would  have  elevated  himself  in  the  esti- 
mation of  the  American  people.  But  an 
overweening  ambition  suggested  to  him  a 
different  course,  and,  in  a  fatal  moment, 
he  i^aftered  himself  to  be  misled  by  its 
bright  illusions.  What  he  could  not  gain 
by  the  votes  of  the  people,  he  now  deter- 
mined to  achieve  by  bold  and  artful  man- 
agement. If  he  could  but  reach  the 
House  of  Representatives,  he  flattered 
himself,  that  through  his  popularity  and 
influence  in  that  body,  he  should  be  able 
to  overcome  all  competition,  and  place 
himself  in  the  Presidential  chair.  But  if 
he  failed  in  reaching  that  body,  the  same 
power  would  enable  him  to  control  and 
profit  by  the  event  of  the  election.  These 
views  were  disclosed  with  sufficient  clear- 
ness ill  the  communications  of  his  friends 
at  Washington,  to  every  partof  the  Union, 
•■avlyin  1824,  advising  his  adherents  to 


remain  lirm  in  iheir  support.  It  will  be 
sufiicient  for  our  purpose,  to  quote  only 
the  language  w  hich  was  used  on  this  point 
in  official  documents.  The  friends  of  Mr. 
Clay  at  Washington  City,  in  May,  1824, 
published  a  Circular,  from  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  an  extract: 

"  Entertaining  the  highest  respect  for 
the  other  candidates,  tiiey  (Mr.  C's  friend 
at  Washington)  will  not  indulge  in  any 
invidious  comparison  of  their  strength. 
But  it  may  perhaps  be  assumed,  that,  if 
from  any  cause,  Mr.  Crawford  should  not 
receive  the  vote  of  N.York — if  Gen.  Jack- 
son should  not  receive  the  support  of  some 
of  the  doubtful  States — or  if  Mr.  Adams 
should  not  receive  the  vote  of  New  York, 
Mr.  Clay  must  be  returned  to  the  House, 
without  calculating  any  of  the  contingent 
or  probable  events  that  may  render  thai 
vote  certiiin. 

"  If,  contrary  to  all  probability,  Mr. 
Clay  should  not  be  returned  "to  the 
House,  his  friends,  having  done  their 
duty,  will  be  able,  by  concentration,  to 
control  the  event.  They  will  hold  in  their 
hands  the  balance.  They  will  determine 
between  the  opposing  and  conflicting  in- 
terests, and  secure  to  the  country  a  He- 
publican  Administration. 

"  Under  all  the  views  taken,  it  is  de- 
termined to  recommend  to  his  friends-  to 
adhere  to  him  steadily,  and  to  await  the  is  J 
sue  now  depending  before  the  people." 

This  address,  we  have  good  authority 
for  believing,  was  written  by  Mr.  Clay, 
and  copied  by  Mr.  Francis  Johnson,  and 
its  reference  to  the  importance  of  "  secu- 
ring to  the  country  a  republican  adminis- 
tration," was  evidently  aimed  at  Mr. 
Adams,  who  was  habitually  characterized 
by  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends  as  the  fede- 
ral candidate. 

Thus,  in  May,  1824,  so  precarious  were 
Mr.  Clay's  prospects,  that  he  doubted 
whether  he  would  reach  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, as  one  of  the  three  highesi 
candidates,  and  yet  he  advises  the  sup 
porters  of  his  cause  "  to  adhere  to  him 
steadily.''''  What  was  the  object?  He 
distinctly  avows  it — it  was  '■^  by  concen- 
tration to  control  the  event"'  in  tile  House 
of  Representatives.  If  Mr.  Clay's  friends, 
on  finding  his  prospects  hopeless,  had  di- 
vided otf,  and  given  their  support  to  other 
candidates,  they  would  not  have  been 
concentrated  in  the  House;  which  would 
have  left  him  as  powerless  as  any  other 
individual.  A  rally  was  therefore  neces- 
sary, not  wth  any  sanguine  hope  of  secu- 
ring his  election,  but  to  enable  him  "  la 
control  the  event.''' 

On  thn    l-^tl-  "«'    *'■"    '"'"       '      '    "    ■ 


it>4 


meeting  was  held  by  Mr.  Clay's  parti- 
sans at  Columbus,  in  O'iio,  who  jniblislied 
an  Address  to  prevent  defection  among 
his  friends  in  that  State,  in  which,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  it  is  declared  that  the 
object  of  nominating  him  was  to  prevent 
the  Secretary  succession,  and  that  '•  it  is 
the  clear  conviction  of  his  supporters  that 
the  object  of  nominating  liim,  can  only  be 
attained  by  adhering- to  him;  that  to  aban- 
don him  is  to  abandon  that  object;  and, 
under  this  conviction,  they  have  adopted 
the  resolution  to  adhere  "to  him,  as  the 
dictate  of  duty  and  patriotism." 

At  this  time,  the  tide  of  Jackson's  po- 
pularity was  inundating  the  whole  West- 
ern country,  threatening  to  sweep  away, 
hy  depriving  him  of  every  vote  except  that 
of  Kentucky,  Mr.  Clay's  last  hope  of  be- 
ing able  "/o  control  the  event."  Hi^ 
committee  in  Kentucky,  alarmed  at  the 
portent  around  them,  thought  it  necessa- 
ry to  raise  the  drooping  spirits  of  his 
friends,  and  confirm  them  in  their  adhe- 
rence to  his  falling  fortunes.  Tlie  result 
of  tlieir  delibeiations  was  another  Circu- 
lar, issued  in  September,  18^24,  which 
has  become  celebrated,  as  well  for  deve- 
loping the  object  of  Mr.  Claj-,  as  for  the 
.•irophetic  spirit  with  which  it  foretold  the 
means  by  which  the  contest  would  be  fi- 
nally decided.  In  relation  ta  tb.e  former 
point,  t!ie  committee  thus  speak: 

"  We  do  not  hesitate  to  avow  our  be- 
lief, that  the  i'uUest  and  fairest  invesliga- 
lion  and  consideration,  must  lead  to  tlic 
conclusion,  that  no  one  of  the  four  candi- 
dates v.ill  unitte  a  mHJorit}' of  the  Electo- 
'.il  votes;  that  the  election  must  devolve 
pon  the  House  of  Representatives;  that 
i!0  one  single  cuididate  can  outnumber 
le  vote  of  Mr.  Clay  in  tiiat  bady;  and 
that  he  is  decidedly  the  cli'iice  of  a  majo^ 
rity  of  the  people,  as  well  as  a  majority  of 
the  States." 

Again:  "In  fine,  Mr.  Clay  considers 
himself  wliolly  in  the  hands  of  the  people; 
and  we,  as  his  friends  and  supporters,  be- 
lieving hiui  worthy  of  our  continued  ex- 
ertions, and  that  his  prospects  of  success 
are  still  unclouded  and  brighte-ning.  avow 
our  determination,  and  v.e  believe  we 
speak  the  language  of  all  his  friends,  to 
abide  by  oi'r  pn^ference  to  tite  last.  If 
he  should  be  retuined  to  the  House  of 
llepresentative.s.  we  have  liftle  d;)ubt  of 
his  final  election,  with  the  apiux>bation 
?nd  r.pplause  of  (he  majority  of  the  nation: 
but  if  any  untov.ard  circiunstance  sliould 
prevent  his  being  one  of  the  thiee  liigl'.est, 
his  Irieuds  in.  Congress,  by  throwing  their 
weight  into  the  scale  of  the  most  RepiMU 


can  and  l^ational  candidate,  will  have  it 
in  their  power  to  defeat  the  ends  of  polit- 
ical management,  and  see  that  the  Re- 
public sustains  no  injury." 

From  this  language  it  is  notorious,  that 
almost  theonly  hopeof  Mr.  Clay's  friends 
was  to  enable  him  "  to  control  the  eventJ" 
It  was  not  a  little  singular,  that  men  who 
were  obviously  laboring  to  throw  the  elec- 
tion into  tiie  House  of  Representatives 
that  ]Mr.  Clay  might  profit  by  the  result, 
should  have  declared,  at  the  same  time, 
the  manner  in  which  the  election  was  to 
be  decided  in  that  body.  On  this  point 
they  use  the  following  strong  language: 

"  And  let  them  (the  people)  remem-- 
ber,  that  after  the  choice  of  Electors  once 
takes  place,  their  voice  will  be  no  mwre 
heard  in  the  contest.  All  will  be  carried 
by  influence  and  intrigue,  bargain  and 
management.  He  wiio  has  the  most  ex- 
tensive means  of  influence,  and  will  pro- 
mise tiie  most  favors,  will  have  the  best 
prospect  of  success;  and  the  nation  will 
receive  the  President,  not  from  the  pure 
hands  of  tlie  people,  but  from  a  club  of 
political  managers  and  intriguers." 

Mr,  Joiin  J.  Crittenden,  the  private  and 
confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  has  admit- 
ted thathe.aided  by  a  friend,vvas  the  writer 
of  this  address;  and  it  has  been  charged, 
&  never  yet  denied  by  Mr.  Crittenden,  or 
Mr.  Clay,  that  it  was  written  after  a  con- 
sultation of  liis  friends  at  a  meeting  held 
at  Harrodsburgh,  for  the  purpose  of  devi- 
sing means. to  prevent  the  utter  abandon- 
ment of  Mr.  Clay  by  the  people.  Of  this 
meeting.  Mr.  Clay  himself  was  a  member. 

Taking  this  circular  together,  and  con- 
sidering its  declarations  in  connexion 
with  the  jjrinciples  it  avows,  it  is  as  expli- 
cit as  words  can  make  it,  that  the  ultimate 
object  tlien  was  to  enable  Mr.  Clay  to 
head  the  "■  club  of  political  managers,'' 
to  avail  liimself  of  ^^  promised  favors,''' 
and  give  the  country  a  President  by  "  in- 
fluence and  iyitrigue,  bargain  and  manog(- 
menl."'  This  prediction,  so  well  verifi- 
ed by  the  event,  could  not  have  flowed 
from  (he  pen  of  any  confidential  manager 
of  Mr.  Clay,  who  understood  his  objects 
and  designs.  It  must  have  been  interpo- 
lated by  the  hand  of  siune  man  who  fore- 
saw what  would  be  the  means  resorted  to 
fur  carrying  tlie  election,  but  knew  not 
that  such  v.as- the  ultimate  object  to  which 
all  tki'  exertions  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  con- 
fidential friends  were  then  unitedly  tend- 
1112;.  On  any  other  sup]);)sitiun,that  paper 
was  an  open  avovvfal,  that  Mr.  Clay  and 
his  friends  in  Congi'oss.  would  be  leadv 
for  sale  to  tlie  hiirhest  bidder !     That  «".n:H 


hhed  on  mm  nait. "    Arcnrdino-  in  a  thi 


lUJ 


rvas  the  fact,    iu   relatiou  to  himself,  is  for  'ilr.  Clay,  uud  liuiii,  with  u  tew  indi 

amply  contirmed   by  the   result;  but  it  viiiual  exceptions,  unitina;  upon  Geiieral 

cannot  be  imagined,  that  the  authors  of  Jackson  as  their  second  choice.     It  did 

that  circular  had  the  eftrontery  intention-  not  comport   with  Mr.  Clay's  policy  or 

ally  to  avow  it.  tiesigns  to  be  trammelled  by  any  expres- 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  Mn  C's  sion  of  public   opinion.     It  was  not  tlu^ 

partisans  at  Washington  iuid  in  Kentucky,  people  of  Kentucky,  or    of  the  United 

acted  in  concert  with  Mr.  Clay,  and  in  States,  wlio  were  ""to  control  the  event, '^ 

furtlierance  of  his  ultimate  designs.  But  if  but  Mr.  Clay  and  his  fiiends  in  Congress. 

there  had  been  room  for  a  doubt,   it  was  As  the  surest  mode  of  avoiding  the  em- 


barrassment into  which  he  would  be 
thrown  by  an  expression  of  legislative 
opinion,  as  well  as  the  responsibility  of 
disregarding  it,  he  applied  in  person  to 
several  members  of  that  body,  for  the 
purpose  of  dissuading  them  from  taking 
any  such  step.  He  has  himself  disclosed 
one  part  of  this  intrigue,  and  another  has 
come  to  light  in  the  late  investigation  by 
the  Senate  of  Kentucky. 

In  his  Address,  psge  51,  is  a  letter  from 
Col.  James  Davidson,  Treasurer  of  Ken- 
tucky, who,    in    1824,    was  a  member  of 


\vliolly  obviated  by  the  subsequent  con 
duct  of  Mr.  Clay  hmiself.  The  system 
of  non-committals  upon  which  he  acted, 
was  commenced  in  the  Washington  cir- 
cular as  early  as  May,  18^;-;,  and  continu- 
ed in  that  of  the  Kentucky  committoe. 
The  former  said,  Mr.  Clay's  friends  •'  will 
hold  in  their  hands  the  balance,''''  and 
"■by  concentration,  control  the  event.'' 
The  latter  said,  "hisfrie/uls  in  C'on":ress, 
by  throwing  their  weight  into  the  scale  of 
the  most  republican  and  national  candi- 
date, will  have  it  in  their  power  to  defeat 
tilt  ends  of  political  management,  and  see  the  Senate.  He  states,  that  he  was  indu- 
that  the  Republic  snsfains  no  injury.^'  ced  to  oppose  the  resolutions  of  instruc- 
Neither  declared  who  was  their  second  tion,  wlien  they  were  before  tlie  Senate, 
choice.  That  point  was  to  be  left  to  Mr.  by  iiifonnation  previously  received  from 
Clay.  That  only  was  to  be  considered  Mr.  Clay  himself,  that  he  would  not  vote 
H  republican  administration,  which  should  for  General  Jackson.  He  says,  he  told 
embrace  him  as  one  of  the  cabinet.  the  Senate,  tliat   •*  all  the  resolutions  we 

As  early  as  October,  1824,  Mr.  Clay  could  pass  during  the  whole  session, 
began  to  prepare  the  minds  of  his  friends  would  not  induce  you  (Mr.  Clay)  to  aban- 
for  ulterior  operatjais  in  Congress.  In  don  what  you  conceived  to  be  your  duty, 
that  month  he  met  with  the  Honorable  and  that  I  knew  you  could  not  concur 
C.  A.  Wicklifte  and  the  Honorable  Thy-  with  the  majority  of  tli;  Legislature  on 
mas  P.  Moore,  in  Frankfort,  and  person-  tiiat  subject.''  lie  says  he  informed  st- 
ally  expressed  to  them  an  apprcliension,  veral  [ersons  of  the  conversation  with  Mr. 
which  all  his  movements  and  those  of  his    Clay,  and    names  "George    Robertson, 


leading  partisans  had  indicated,  that  he 
should  not  be  one  of  the  three  returned  to 
the  House  of  Rejiresentatives;  and  inti- 
mated, that,  in  that  event,  lie  would  hold 
himself  uncommitted,  which  he  repre- 
sented to  be  the  true  policy  of  his  friends. 
See  Appendix,  No.  2  and  4. 


Esq.  late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives" as  one.  By  recurrence  to 
the  proceedings  in  that  House,  we  per- 
ceive, that  Mr.  Robertson  moved  to  lav 
the  resolutions  on  tlie  table  until  a  day 
beyond  the  close  of  the  session,  and  gavti 
as  Hisreasons,  "  that  their  adopt!, jit  would 


The  Legislature  of  Kentuckv  met  on  be  unjust  to   our  members  of  Congress, 

the  tirst  day  of  November,  and  Mr.  Clay  who  knov.-  the  will  of  ihe.  people  better 

was  still   in   Frankfort.      The  people  of  than  we  do;  that  it  would  be  indelicate. 

Kentucky  i>ad   already  begun   to  speak  to  Mr.  Clay;    that   it  would  lessen  the 

loudly  of  General  Jackson  as  their  second  weight  of  Kentucky  in  the  next  adminis- 

choice,  in  the  event  that  Mr.  Clay  should  tration;  that  it   was  better  to  leave   our 

be  excluded  from  the  House  of  Represen-  members  of  Congress  to  act  according  to 

tatives,  and  the   Legislature  partook  of  contingencies;  that  the  weight  and  ira- 

ihe  general  feeling.     The  rumor  soon  be-  portance  of  the  Stale,  and  tne  Western 

gan  to  circulate,  that  if  the  apprehension  country,  could,  in  that  manner,  b;^  best 

of  Mr.    Clay's   exclusion  should  be  well  secured;  that  our  members  on  the  spot 

founded,  the  Legislature  would,  as  soon  would  be  the  best  judges  of  what  was  just 

as  the  fact  was  known,  express  the  voice  and  expedient;  that  the  resolutions  would 

of  the  State,  and  request  their  Represen-  not  only  degrade  our  respected  fellow- 

tatives  to  vote  for  General  Jackson.     At  citizen,  but  throw  Kentucky  on  the  elec- 

that  time,  ther«  were  two  parties  in  that  tioneering  arena  in  Congress,  completely 

5idy.  both  professing  equal  friendship  baadcuft'cJ."    It  wa«  impossible  to  mis- 


understand  this  language,  and  Mr.  Shep- 
herd, a  member  of  the  House,  said,  on  the 
same  occasion,  that  "  some  of  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay,  he  had  no  doubt,  wished  to 
defeat  the  resolutions,  and  leave  that  gen- 
tleman to  make  the  best  bargain  he  could. 
But  he  did  not  wish  the  vote  of  Kentucky 
to  be  bartered  away,  or  that  Mr.  Clay 
should  be  Secretary  of  State  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  Jackson  as  President." — \See  Ap- 
pendix, No.  2.]  This  shows,  that  the 
movements  and  objects  of  Mr.  Clay's  par- 
iicidar  friends  were,  even  then,  on  the 
.'31st  December,  1824,  well  understood. 
But  what  would  have  been  the  language 
of  the  independent  members  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Legislature,  had  they  known  that 
almost  the  only  opposition  to  the  resolu- 
tions came  from  Mr.  Clay  himself?  Had 
<^'ol.  Davidion  or  Mr.  Robertson  told  that 
body  and  the  country,  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
himself  said,  that  he  was  already  deter- 
mined to  vote  for  ^Ir.  Adams  and  against 
General  Jackson,  what  would  have  been 
the  language  of  the  Legislature  and  the 
freemen  of  Kentucky?  Management  had 
not  then  effected  its  object,  and  he  would 
have  been  denounced  throughout  the 
State,  in  curses  as  loud  and  deep  as  a  be- 
trayed people  could  utter. 

To  other  members  of  the  Legislature, 
however,  Mr.  Clay  held  a  very  different 
language;  but  it  was  with  a  view  to  the 
same  object.  To  Major  Carneal,  who  had 
determined  to  introduce  the  resolutions  of 
instruction  into  the  Senate,  he  stated 
that  "he  was  xcholly  uncommifttd,"  and 
"  wished  to  be  left  entirely  free"  in  giv- 
ing his  vote. — [  'See  .Appendix,  No.  1 ,  Mr. 
CarneaVs  evidence.']  He  succeeded  in 
dissuading  that  gentleman  from  offering 
the  resolutions,  but  could  not  prevail  up- 
on him  to  oppose  them,  or  refuse  them 
his  support.  To  other  persons  he  held 
similar  language,  and  conveyed  to  them 
the  impression  that  his  mind  was  not 
made  up,  or  that»he  would  vote  for  Gen- 
pral  Jackson.  This  course  he  pursued 
with  those  who,  he  had  reason  to  believe, 
were  not  willing,  for  the  purpose  of  ena- 
blin»  him  to  secure  a  place  in  the  cabinet, 
to  give  up  their  desire  for  a  Western  Pre- 
sident, and  their  preference  for  General 
Jackson.  But  in  all  this  double  dealing, 
Mr.  Clay's  object  was  single — it  was  to 
prevent  the  adoption  of  any  resolutions  of 
instruction  by  the  Kentucky  Legislature. 

Having,  as  he  thought,  taken  effectual 
measures  by  his  representations  to  the 
leaders  of  each  of  trie  local  paitics,  to 
prevent  the  expression  of  any  preference 
by  the  Legislature  of  his  State,  Mr.  Clay 
get  «?ut  for  Washington  City,     On  his  ar- 


rival, he  immediately  called  on  Major 
Thomas  P.  Moore,  amember  of  Congress 
from  Kentucky;  represented  to  him  that 
the  Kentucky  delegation  might,  with  per- 
fect safety  and  propriety,  vote  for  either 
of  the"  three  candidates,  and  expressed 
his  desire  that  his  friends  should  remain 
uncommitted.  To  Major  R.  P.  Henry, 
deceas»d,  he  held  similar  language.  Tne 
impression  conveyed  by  him  to  these  gen- 
tlemen, as  well  as  to  J^r.  Wickliffe,  Ma- 
jor Carneal  and  others,  before  he  left 
Kentucky,  was,  that  he  himself  stood 
wholly  uncommitted,  and  was  ready  to 
vote  for  either  of  the  three  candidates  as 
circumstances  might  render  it  expedient. 
[See  .Appendix,  A^o.  2  &  4.]  That  he  was  so 
understood,  by  at  least  one  of  the  Ken- 
tucky delegation,  who  voted  with  him, 
has  been  proved  in  the  Senate  of  Ken- 
tucky. [See  Appendix.  No.  1,  Mr.  Ken- 
dall's statement.~\  After  the  4th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1825,  Gen.  Metcalfe  informed  one  of 
his  constituents,  at  Washington  City,  that 
'2t'C,'  meaning  the  Kentucky  delegation, 
including  Mr.Clay,  ^^atand imcommitted.'' 
He  even  gave  the  reason  why,  at  so  late  a 
period,  Mr.Clay  and  his  friends  remained 
^^uncommitted.''''  It  was  to  ascertain  ^'some- 
thing about  how  the  cabinet  is  tobe  filled. 
[See  Appendix  No.  4,  Mr.  John  S.  Hitfs 
statement. ~\  In  addition  to  this,  we  have 
Mr.  Clay's  own  declaration  to  the  Hon. 
John  Floyd,  late  in  December,  1824,  or 
early  in  January,  1825,  declaring  he  was 
hesitating  between  Adams  and  Jackson. 
He  said  that,  when  he  ''  took  up  the 
pretensions  of  Mr.  Adams  and  weighed 
them,  and  laid  them  down,  and  then  took 
up  the  pretensions  of  General  Jackson, 
and  weighed  them,  and  laid  them  down 
by  the  side  of  those  of  Mr.  Adams,  he 
was  never  so  much  puzzled  in  all  his  life 
as  he  was  to  decide  between  them.  [See 
Appendix,  No.  5,  Mr.  Floyd's  letter.'] 
When  it  is  considered  that  Gen.  Floyd^,* 
decidedly  preferred  Gen.  Jackson  as  a 
second  choice  to  Mr.  Adams,  we  confi- 
dently ask  if  Mr.  Clay  could  have  possi- 
bly assumed  an  attitude,  or  expressed 
himself  in  language,  more  distinctly  in- 
dicating that  he  was  in  the  market  and 
ready  to  support  General  Jackson,  upon 
receiving  assurances  of  promotion?  His 
words  soem  to  have  been  carefully  select- 
ed to  convey  the  idea  of  a  tremulous  equi- 
poise of  judgment,  in  which  the  slightest 
circumstance  would  incline  the  balance 
one  way  or  the  other.  A  more  artful 
stroke,  a  more  profound  device  of  ambi- 
dexterous diplomacy,  is  not  to  be  found 
in  the  annals  of  political  intrigue. 
Here,  then,  we  have  a  long  series  of 


.\i  Is  and  dcclaiatioii.s  ol"  Mr.  (lay  and 
his  friends,  all  tending  to  the  same  point. 
The  Washington  Circular.  iuMa}-,  1824. 
advised  Mr.  Clay's  friends  to  'adhere 
to  him  steadily.'  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
turning him  to  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, or  in  case  they  should  fitil  in  that, 
to  enable  him  and  those  disposed  to  act 
wit!)  him  'lo  control  'he  event.^  The 
Ohio  and  Kentucky  Circulars  teisded  to 
the  same  end.  Mr.  Clay  inti'ii,ued  to 
prevenf  the  interference  of  the  Legisla- 
ture of  Kentucky.  He  advised  his  friends 
hi  Congress,  to  remain  uncommitted. 
Excepting  those  who  declared  for  General 
.Tackson,  they  did  remain  uncomm'tted. 
One  of  them  said,  that  their  object  in 
maintaining  that  attitude  was  to  ascertain 
•■  horv  the  cabinet  was  fo  be  filled.''  Ac- 
cording to  the  object  avowed  early  in 
1824,  Mr.  Clay's  friends  had  acquired 
the  power  '  ii/  concentration  to  control 
the  event,''  and  were  determined  to  use 
that  power  according  to  the  manner  in 
which  '  the  cabinet  was  to  be  filled.'  Mr. 
Clay  stood  in  the  midst  of  a  band  of  vn- 
committedfriends  with  the  Presidency  '\n 
his  hand,  ready  to  bestow  it  according  to 
1  he  dispositions  which  might  be  manifested 
in  relation  to  the  cabinet. 

While  Mr.  Clay  was  standing  in  this 
attitude,  another  obligation  was  added  to 
those  of  honor  and  principle  already  ex- 
isting, which  forbade  his  voting  for  Mr. 
Adams.  It  was  the  obligation  of  duty  to 
the  State  of  Kentucky.  He  was  one  of 
the  constitutional  organs  designated  to 
speak  her  voice.  It  was  not  Henry  Clay 
and  his  associates  who  weie  to  vote  for 
President;  it  was  the  State  of  Kentucky. 
Henry  Clay  and  his  associates  were  only 
empoM'erett  to  give  the  vote  of  their  State; 
they  had  no  right  to  give  their  own  vote. 
If  t'ley  preferred  one  man,  and  at  the 
same  time  knew  that  their  State  prefer- 
red another,  it  was  their  duty  to  vote  the 
preference  of  their  State.  Suspecting 
that  her  representatives  in  Congress  were 
inclined  to  disregard  her  will,  Kentucky, 
through  her  sovereign  power,  declared 
lier  choice,  and  left  her  delegation  in 
Congress  no  excuse  for  disobedience. 
The  following  resolutions  passed  through 
her  Legislature  by  a  vote  almost  unani- 
mous, and  were  forwarded  to  each  of  her 
members  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, before  the  election: 

"  Whereas,  it  appears  from  the  result 
of  the  elections  in  the  several  States,  and 
the  formation  of  the  electoral  colleges  for 
choosing  a  President  of  the  United  States, 
that  no  person  will  receive  a  majoritv  of 


the  electoral  votes,  and  that  Henry  Clay, 
who  was  the  first  choice  of  the  people  "of 
Kentucky,  has  not  received  a  sufficient 
number  of  votes  to  bring  him  before  the- 
House  of  Representatives,  as  one  of  the 
tlirce  highest  from  whom  the  choice  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  is  to 
be  made.     Therefore, 

"  Resolved,  fyc.  That  the  members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  from  this 
State,  be  requested  to  vote  for  General 
Andrew  Jackson  as  President  of  the 
United  States. 

'■^Resolved,  as  the  opinion  af  this  Le- 
gislature, That  General  Andrew  Jack- 
son is  the  second  choice  of  the  State  of 
Kentucky,  for  the  next  President  of  the 
United  States;  that  a  very  large  majority 
of  the  people  of  this  State  prefer  Gen- 
eral Jackson  to  Mr.  Adams  or  Mr.  Craw- 
ford ;  and  that  the  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  the  Congress 
of  the  L''nited  States  will,  by  complying 
with  the  request  herein  signified,  faith^ 
fully  and  truly  represent  the  feelings  and 
wishes  of  the  good  people  of  Kentucky." 

Thus  was  Mr.  Clay's  obligation"  to  I 
vote  against  Mr.  Adams  completed.  It 
was  a  triple  cord,  composed  of  honor, 
principle,  and  duty — honor  in  relation  to 
himself,  principle  in  relation  to  his  own 
declai'ations  and  those  of  his  friends,  es- 
pecially in  Ohio,  and  duty  in  relation 
to  Kentucky.  Yet  was  this  triple  cord 
snapt  asunder. 

But  Mr.  Clay  seems  to  have  thought 
it  necessary  to  produce  some  ground  of 
apology  for  his  abandonment  of  duty,  be- 
fore he  proceeded  to  the  fatal  act.  There 
were  not  wanting  certain  politicians 
in  Kentucky  who  were  willing  to  be 
transferred  by  him  to  whomsoever  he 
pleased  to  sell  them,  if  he  could  purchase 
any  advantage  to  himself.  Even  a  few 
members  of  the  Legislature,  and  among 
them  one  man  of  high  pretensions  in  Mr. 
Clay's  own  congressional  district,  voted 
for  the  resolutions  because  they  dared  not 
openly  withstand  the  voice  of  the  people, 
and  then  wrote  toMr.Clay  and  other  mem-  - 
bersof  Congress  to  pay  no  regard  to  them! 
By  some  agency  which  has  never  been 
explained,  a  few  of  Mr.  Clay's  consti- 
tuents in  one  part  of  his  district,  were 
induced  to  sign  a  paper,  instructing  him 
to  vote  as  he  pleased.  Unquestionably, 
his  own  hand  secretly  pointed  out  this 
movement;  it  was  in  accordance  with 
the  doctrine  of  non-committals,  which  lie 
was  then  inculcating;  it  afforded  him  a 
poor  excuse  for  (Jisregarding  the  will  of 


t}ie  State;  auti  the  evideat  object  was  to 
enable  him  '  to  contr»l  the  event'  for  his 
own  advantage. 

How  far  this  kind  of  management  ex- 
tended, we  are  unable  to  say;  but,  of  one 
other  congressional  district  of  Kentucky, 
wf>  can  speak  with  certainty.  It  was 
that  which  was  represented  by  the  lion. 
David  White.  It  is  probable  that  Mr. 
White,  when  he  heard  tliaf  the  Kentucky 
resolutions  were  likely  to  be  aoopteii,  in- 
timated that  he  should  feel  it  his  duty  to 
obey  them.  To  impair  their  obligation 
upon  his  mind,  and  secure  his  vote,  it 
was  necessary  that  he  sliould  be  induced 
fo  believe  that  his  immediate  constituents 
would  prefer  a  different  arrangement. 
Information  was  therefore  given  to  some 
of  Mr.  Clay's  confidential  friends  in  the 
district,  so  explicit  that  it  could  not  be 
inisundcrstood,  that  if  Mr.  Adams  were 
elected  President,  he  would  make  Mr. 
Clay  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr.  Clay 
himself  wrote  to  at  least  one  of  his 
friends,  urging  him,  it  is  believed,  to  pro- 
cure letters  to  Mr.  White,  instructing 
him  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  with  a  view 
to  that  arrangement.  Those  who  felt  a 
deep  interest  in  Mr.  Clay's  advancement, 
were  accordingly  told,  that  Mr.  Clay 
would  be  Secretary  if  Mr.  Adams  was 
President,  and  numerous  letters  were 
procured  to  be  v,ritten  by  that  informa- 
tion. By  this  intrigue,  the  obligation  of 
the  resolutions  was  impaired,  and  the  vote 
of  Mr.  White  was  secured  for  Mr.  Adams. 

This  was  a  piece  of  deep  management 
&n  the  part  of  Mr.  Clay.  He  had  failed 
ia  so  controlling  the  Legislature,  as  to 
prevent  tlie  passage  of  the  resolutions. 
He  knew  those  resolutions  accorded  with 
the  feelings  of  the  peojjle,  and  that  his 
■views  were  not  to  be  promoted  by  calling 
public  meetings  and  collectingtheir  voice. 
He  therefore  secretly  endeavored  to  get 
a  few  prominent  men,  the  mananers  of 
newspapers  and  political  leaders,  com- 
mitted in  favor  of  his  arrangements,  and 
trusted  to  them  and  the  power  and  pat- 
Tonage  of  office,  to  manage  the  people  in- 
fo acquiescence. 

The  election  came  on.  Mr.  Clay  gave 
his  own  vote,  and  that  of  Kentucliy,  for 
.Mr.  Adams.  He  broke  the  triple  cord  of 
honor,  principle  and  duty.  He  abandon- 
ed his  principles,  deceived  Ohio,  betray- 
ed Kentucky,  and  sold  the  West  to  her 
ancient  enemy.  He  voted  for  one  whom 
he  had  denounced  as  one  of  the  basest 
of  Ms  race,  a  dangerous  politician  and 
A  vindictive  man.  He  voted  for  one 
of  tft-^  CiffiTiet.  wlfo'm  it  Was   avoweti  to 


be  the  first  object  of  his  friends  to  del  eat. 
He  voted /or  one  whom  he  had  tauglit 
Kentucky  to  hate,  and  against  one  whom 
she  had  called  on  him,  almost  by  accla- 
mation, to  support. 

He  voted  yor  him  whom  he  had  charg- 
ed with  attempting  to  barter  the  navio;a- 
tion  of  the  Mississippi  to  Great  Britain; 
ai^ainst  him  who  had  defended  that  river 
against  British  armies. 

He  voted /or  him  whom  he  censured 
forgiving  Texas  to  Spain:  asrai««/  him 
who  had  saved  Louisiana  to  the  Union. 

He  voted/or  him  whom  he  had  charg- 
ed with  "  giving  our  wives  and  children 
for  tish;"'  against  him  who  had  saved  the 
"beautv  and  bootv  "  of  New-Orleans. 

He  voted /or  him  whom  he  had  charged 
with  selling  the  blood  of  the  west  for  mo- 
ney; against  him  who  preserved  the  lives 
of  our  citizens  by  an  almost  bloodless 
victory. 

He  voted /or  him  whom  he  had  charg- 
ed with  an  "  unfeeling  policy,  whicli 
would  crimson  our  fresh  fields  with  the 
blood  of  our  border  brethren,  and  light 
the  midnight  forest  with  the  flames  of 
their  dwellings  ;"  against  \mn  who  had 
contiuered  the  savage  murderers  of  our 
women  and  children,  and  who  had  saved 
tlie  empi;rium  of  the  west  from  all  the 
horrors  of  a  general  sack,  by  a  brutal  sol- 
diery. 

He  voted/or  him,  who,  during  the  late 
war.  reposed  on  beds  of  down,  far  from 
his  country  and  from  danger,  enjoying  the 
society  of  princes  and  kings,  enriching 
himself  upon  outfits,  salaries  and  contin-^ 
gencies  drawn  from  the  bankrupt  treasu- 
ry of  our  bleeding  country,  and  peevish- 
ly complaining  of  our  government,  as 
"feeble  and  penurious;"  agaiyist  him 
who  made  the  boughs  of  the  forest  his  bed, 
and  fed  on  its  acorns;  who  spent  sleep- 
less nights  and  days  of  toil  in  the  face  of 
the  enemy;  who  pledged  his  own  ample 
fortune  to  support  an  army,  which  his  en- 
ergy had  embodied;  who,  with  the  voice 
of  confidence  and  patriotism,  made  the 
weak  foel  strong,  and  gave  courage  to 
the  coward;  who  risked  all — fortune,  life, 
and  honor — to  serve  and  save  his  country; 
conquered  the  relentless  savage,  with  an 
inferior  force  of  untrained  militia,  repell- 
ed the  discioiined  troops  of  the  proud  in- 
vader, fiHe((  America  with  joy,  and  tlie 
world  witlt  admiration. 

He  voted  for  Jonx  Q-jincy  Adahs, 
against  Andrew  Jacksox  !  What  en- 
chanter's wand  or  potent  spell  could  have 
led  Mr.  Clay  so  far  astray  from  the  duty 
h'ft  owed  to  himse'  f,  hia  priiH-inles.  and  his 


aautry:'  "^Vhat  could  have  induced  the  make  Mr.  Clay  Secrdary  of  S/ale,  and 
.  loquent  advocate  of  the  late  war  to  pre-  that  GmeralJackson  would  not. "  (  See  Jp- 
terhis  political  rival  and  political  enemy  pcm/ix.  No.  I.)  Mr.  J.  J.  Crittenden,  the 
to  the  o-allant  man  who  had  principally  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  m  In-ankS 
"  ...        fort,  has  admitted  in  a  publication,  that  he 

eferred  Gen.  Jackson  to  Mr.  Adams, 


contributed  to  save  him  and  the  otiier 
supporters  of  that  war,  from  disgrace  and 
degradation.'  His  motives  cannot  be  mis- 
taken. In  tl\e  spring  of  1824.  measures 
\vere  already  taken  to  enable  him  to  con- 
trol the  event  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, and  his  friends  were  advised, 
♦*to  adhere  to  him  steadily,''  fur  the 
purpose  of  pving  him  the  power  in  that 
House,  if  they  could  not  give  him  the 
Presidency. 

To  Messrs.  Wickliffe,  Carneal,  Moore 
and  Floyd,  in  the  fall  and  winter  of  that 
Season,  lie  declared  that  he  was  uncom- 
mitted, and  urged  Some  of  his  friends  in 
Congress  to  assume  the  same  attitude. 
One  of  them  said,  they  remained  ?»!ro!!i- 
7mtted  as  late  as  the  4th  or  oth  of  Janua- 
tiary,  and  gave  as  a  reason,  that  they 
*•  must  know  something  about  how  tlie 
cabinet  is  to  be  filled."'  After  "distinctly 
ascertaining  that  Mr.  Adams  would  ap- 
point Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State,"  thev 
made  up  their  minds  to  vote  for  Mr.  Acf- 
ams.  They  did  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  and 
Mr.  Clay,  as  had  been  foretold  in  Frank- 
fort, Kentucky,  early  in  January,  and  in 
this  City,  late  in  that  month,  ifas  made 
Secretary  of  State.  The  Kentutky  dele- 
gates returned  home.  Mr.  F.  Johnson  was 
asked  by  some  of  his  con8tituents,"how  he 
came  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams?  Mr.  John- 
son answered  he  voted  for  ^ir.  Adams,  to 
'■o-e/  Mr.  Clay  made  Secretary  of  Stale.'''' 
f '^ee  Jippemlix,  No.  1  Mr.  McMillan's 
statement.)  Gen.  Metcalfe,  on  being  told 
that  voting  for  Mr.  Adams  would  be  an 
uphill  business  in  Kentucky,  replied,  "  / 
/far  ice  have  done  too  much  for  our  friend.'' 
(See  Jippendix,  No.  1,  Mr.  Johnson'' s 
stateinent.)  After  his  return  home,  he 
said  to  a  constituent,  as  a  reason  why  he 
voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  '••ice  could  not 
possibly  get  Mr.  Clay  in  the  cabinet  with- 
out voting  for  and  electing  Mr.  Adams."' 
(See  .Appendix,  No.  1 . — Mr. Desha's  state- 
ment.) Mr.  Wliite  said,  he  ''•voted for 
Mr.  Clau  and  not  for  Mr.  Jidums;'^  that 
"  Mr.  Jida7ns  ivould  never  have  been  Pre- 
sident if  Mr.  Clay  had  not  been  Secre'ary 
of  Stale,''^  and  that  it  was  the  conviction 
that  Mr.  Clay  would  receive  that  appoint- 
ment which  induced  him  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams.  (See  Appendix,  No.  1.  Mr. 
XeiidnJ's  statement.)  Mr.  David  Trim- 
ble said,  on  various  occasions,  as  is  prov- 
eti  by  numerous  witnesses,  ^^it  was  dis- 
ftiKthj  ascrrtained  that  Mr.  ,idams  icould 


pr 

but  thought  that  "either  cf  them  would 
make  a  better  President  with  Mr.  Clay  as- 
sociated with  him  in  the  Executive  Depart- 
ment, than  the  other  without  him;"  and 
some  weeks  before  the  election,  he  wr«>teto 
Mr.  White,  reciuestlng  him  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams. 

Combining  together  these  acts  and  de- 
clarations of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends,  be- 
fore and  after  the  Presidential  election, 
no  rational  man  can  doubt,  that  the  whole 
object  of  ilieir  j;rev;ous  manageincut,  va* 
to  ascertain  before-hand,  that  Mr,  Cky 
would  be  made  Secretary  of  State,  aud 
that  this  was  the  consideration  of  tlieii- 
support.  It  is  impossible  for  any  fact  to 
be  more  conclusively  proved,  v.ithoutthe 
productions  of  a  written  contract  signed 
and  sealed  !)y  the  contracting  parties. 
How  has  Mr."  Clay  attempted  to  vindi- 
cate himself  for  "this  abaiu!ci;ment  of 
principle  and  duty?  By  a  course  of 
bold  assertion  and  artful  evasions,  na- 
ecpialled  in  political  h.istory. 

To  obviate  the  objection  to  his  voting 
for  IMr.  Ad;'ms  on  account  of  their  per- 
sonal relations,  he  denies  the  existence 
of  anv  hostility  between  them,  and  inf.iiE- 
tainsthat  his  whole  course  towards  his 
rival  and  enemy,  ".as  open  and  honora- 
ble. In  his  add:.: -•)  to  his  constitaeuts. 
he  thus  speaks: 

"The  relations  in  which  I  stood  t» 
Mr.  Adams,  constitute  the  next  theme  of 
this  address,  which  I  shall  notice.  I  csa 
described  as  iiaving .assumed  "a  position 
of  ])eculi;'.r  and  decided  hostility  to  t3i« 
election  of  Mr.  Adams."  and  expressions 
towards  him,  are  attributed  to  me,whick 
I  never  used.  I  am  made  also  responsi- 
ble "for  pamphlets  and  essays  cf  great 
ability,"  published  by  mv  friends  ia 
Kentucky,  in  thr  c:)urs3  ot  the  -ranvaM. 
The  injustice  of  the  principle  of  holding 
me  thus  ansv.-rrable,  may  be  tested  by 
applying  it  to  the  case  of  General  Jacl;- 
son,  in  reference  to  publications  issued, 
for  example,  from  the  Columbian  Ob- 
sen'er.  Tliat  I  was  not  in  favor  of  tiw 
election  of  Mr.  Ad.ias  when  the  contest 
w.TS  before  the  people,  is  most  certain. 
Neither  was  I  in  favor  of  that  of  Mr. 
Crawford  or  Cieneral  Jackson.  That  I 
ever  did  any  thing  against  Mr.  jldam?, 
or  cither  of  the  other  gentlemen,  incon- 
sistent vitk  a.  fair  and  hritorable  iompc- 


titioii,  I  itfterly  deny."  He  tlieii  pro- 
ceeds to  give  some  account  of  the  Ghent 
negotiation,  quotes  his  letter  of  Novem- 
ber 16(h,  1822,  in  which  he  had  declar- 
ed, that  Mr.  Adams'  errors,  were,  no 
doubt  unintentional,"  quotes  from  a 
speech  made  bj  him  in  1816,  in  which  he 
had  declared,  that  his  colleagues  at 
Ghent,  v/ere  "actuated,  he  believed,  by 
the  best  of  motives,"  in  oft'ering  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississipppi  for  ihe  tishing  lib- 
erties, recites  the  mission  to  London, 
and  tl'.us  concludes  the  subject: 

"Now,  if  1  had  discover»'d  at  Ghent, 
as  has  been  asserted,  that  eidier  of  them 
was  false  and  faithless  to  Ids  counhy, 
would  I  have  voluntarily  commenced 
willi  them  another  negotiation?  Fusther, 
there  never  has  been  a  period,  during  oi:r 
whole  acquaintance,  that  Mr.  Adams  and 
I  have  not  exchanged,  when  we  met, 
friendly  salutations,  and  the  courtesies 
and  hospitalities  of  social  intercourse." 

What !  receive  "  tlie  courtesies  and 
hospitalities  of  social  intercourse"  from 
Mr.  Adams,  while  he  was  secretly  charg- 
ing liim  with  otl'ences  little  short  of  mur- 
der and  treason?  And  is  all  his  conduct 
in  the  west,  the  scattering  far  and  wide, 
with  his  own  band,  and  Ijy  his  o^^'n  mo- 
ney, these  charges  against  Mr.  Adams, 
"ivhile  with  an  att'ected  liberality,  he  was 
telling  him  and  tlie  world,  that  his  errors 
were  ^^no  duvbtimhitcntional,^''  and  that 
he  was  '■^  actuated  by  tlie  best  of  motives,'''' 
not  "  inconsibtent  vAth  a/air  and  honora- 
ble compelii'tonir'' 

This  language  is  not  confined  to  Mr. 
Clay's  address  to  his  constituents.  Simi- 
lar passages  may  be  found  in  his  Lewis- 
;burg  speech,  his  Pittsburg  speech,  his  No- 
ble speech,  and  in  his  late  address  to  the 
public.  It  is  unnecessary  to  make  quota- 
tions from  all  these  documents:  but  we 
cannot  refrain  from  noticing  the  last. 
He  introduces  his  copurgator.  Mr.  Da- 
vid Trimble,  to  prove  that  tliis  matter  has 
been  much  misrepresented.  The  follow- 
ing is  his  language: 

"I  made  some  reference  to  the  sup- 
posed difference  of  opinion  between  him- 
self (Mr.  Clay)  and  Mr.  Adams  about 
the  treaty  of  Ghent.  He  said  in  reply, 
that  it  had  been  greatly  magnifie<l  by  the 
friends  of  his  conspetitors  fr.r  electioneer- 
ing purposes — that  it  ought  to  have  no 
influence  in  the  vote  which  he  might  be 
called  upon  to  give,"  &c. 

If  this  thinu-  has  been  ^^  niagnijicd,''' 
who  did  it?  Who  sent  the  numbers  of 
Wayne  to  Ohio?  ^^'ho  stimulated  the 
editor  of  the  Frankfort  Argus  to  take  up 


his  pen?  Who  .paid  his  moncj-  to  have 
his  letters  reprinted  and  circulated  in 
pamphlet,  after  he  knew  their  contents? 
A\'as  this  "  the  friends  of  his  competi- 
tors? Was  it  for  their  "  electioneering 
purposes?"  Let  established  facts  an- 
swer. 

Has  Mr.  Clay  ever  acknowledged  to 
Mr.  Adams,  and  atoned  for,  his  agency  • 
in  these  transactions?  Or  has  it  been 
concealed,  uutd  it  was  dragged  out  by 
his  own  "friends  in  the  Senate  of  Ken- 
tucky? Wl'.en  was  there  &  mutual  ac- 
knowledgment of  error  and  injury? 
When  was  the  gauntlet,  which  had 
been  publicly  thrown  and  accepted, 
withdrawn?  When  did  Mr.  Clay  re- 
tract his  charges  against  Mr.  Adams,  of  _ 
hostility  to  the  west,  of  curtailing  her 
territory,  oppressing  her  people,  and  sell- 
ing her  blood  ?  When  did  he  say,  that 
Mr.  Adams  had  done  him  no  more  than 
justice  in  charging  him  with  a  sectional 
course  at  Ghent,  with  "biagging  a  million 


aganist  a  cent,"  nisinu 


ating  that  he  had 
stimulated  Russell's  attack  and  fdled  the 
western  country  with  slanders?  When 
did  Mr.  Adams  withdraw  his  charges 
and  insinuations  against  Mr.  Clay,  and 
acknowledge  that  he  had  acted  with  jus- 
tice, fairness,  and  honor? 

In  his  speech  at  Noble's,  Mr.  Clay 
says:  "no  good  or  honorable  man  rrill do 
another  voluntarily  any  injustice."  In 
his  address,  he  says,  '••the  obligation  to 
observe  the  principles  of  honor,  and  to 
speak  ivith  scnipidous  veracity  of  all  me?!, 
and  esjiecially  of  our  competitors,  is  unaf- 
fected by  lime  or  place. ''^ 

Has  Mr.  Clav  practised  his  own  avow^- 
ed  principles?  He  publicly  declared, 
that  Mr.  Adam's  errors  were  ^^no  doubt 
unintentional;''  he  privately  caused  to  be 
published,  and  by  his  money  widely  cir- 
culated, charges  that  Mr.  Adams'  con- 
duct at  Ghent,  was  not  only  highly  cen- 
surable, but  his  errors  doid>tlcss  inten- 
tional. 

Nor  is  the  situation  of  Mr.  Adams 
more  enviable.  His  own  publications 
prove  that  he  well  knew  of  Mr.  Clay's 
agencv  in  the  attacks  upon  his  conduct 
and  his  integritv.  By  receiving  him  in- 
to his  cabinet,  he  virtually  retracts  all 
he  h:id  said  or  insinuated  of  Mr.  Clay, 
pleads  guilty  to  the  charges  made  against" 
him  in  the  west,  and  degrades  himself. 
Wliat!  Can  an  honorable  man  take  to 
his  bosom  one  whom  he  knows  to  have 
treated  him  most  dishonorably,  without 
retraction  or  atonement? 

In  what  light  must  "  men  of  honor"  view 


171 


ilie  President  and  his  Secretary?  They 
must  look  on  thoin  as  rank  political  of- 
fenders or  mutual  slanderers.  If  they  told 
the  truth  of  each  other,  thev  are  unwor- 
thy of  public  trust:  if  they  told  falsehoods, 
thev  deserve  neither  public  trust  nor  pri- 

«te  confidence.  In  either  event,  accord- 
t  "to  all  the  laws  which  govern  and 
re;2;ulate  the  conduct  of  men  of  honor,"  as 
laid  down  in  Mr.  Clay's  code,  they  could 
never  have  met  in  the  cabinet.  By  such 
men,  and  accordinj;  to  such  laws,  it  was 
rather  to  be  expected,  that  each  would 
r(()-rf  the  other  as  "a  bcme  and  infammis 
ralumniator,  a  dastard,  and  a  liar.''" 

Strong  must  have  been  the  inducements 
\\hich  brought  these  men  together. 

To  justify  his  abandonment  of  princi- 
ple, Mr.  Glay  says  in  his  address  to  his 
constituents,"  "I  saw  in  his  (Mr.  Adams) 
election,  the  establishment  of  no  danger- 
ous example.  I  saw  in  it,  on  the  contra- 
ry, only  conformity  to  the  safe  precedent 
which  had  been  established  inthe  instances 
of  Mr.Jefferson.Mr.Madison,&  Mr.  Mon- 
roe, who  had  respectively  filled  the'same 
office,trom  which  he  was  to  be  translated." 

All  Mr.  Clay's  friends  in  the  west, 
with  himself  at  their  head,  had  taken  the 
ground,  that  the  Secretary  succession 
was  dangerous  to  liberty;  that  it  approx- 
imated our  government  to  that  of  imperi- 
al Rome,  where  each  emperor  appointed 
his  successor;  that  if  the  example  were 
followed  further,  it  would  always  be  con- 
sidered a  matter  of  course  to  elect  the  Se- 
cretary of  State  to  the  Presidency;  and 
that  the  agency  of  the  people  in  the  elec- 
tion would  be  but  nominal,  while  the  real 
power  of  designating  the  next  Chief  Ma- 
gistrate would  be  in  the  existing  Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Clay's  defence  was  therefore 
as  extraordinary  as  it  was  bold.  To  place 
it  in  its  true  liglit,  let  us  contrast  it  with 
the  Ohio  address,  adopted  in  July,  1 824: 
Oliio  Mdrcs^,  1824.  Mr.  Clay,  1825. 

"Were   Mr.    Clay  "I  saw   in  Mr.    Ad- 

'  withdrawn,  tlie  result  •  .ims'  election,  tlie  es- 
•asto  the  election  by  '  ta.hY\s\imeut  of  no  daii- 
'  electors  would  be  the  '  gerous  example.  1  saw 
"same;  or  if  it  were  not,  'in  it,  on  the  con- 
'\\.  would  place  in  the  'trary,  only  confonni- 
'  Presidential  chair,  one  '  tj  to  the  safe  precedent 
'  of  the  present. cabinet,  'which  hadbeen  estab- 
'  an  event  luhich  it  lua.t  '  lished  in  the  instan- 
'  the  first  object  of  the  •  ces  of  Mr.  .lefl'erson, 
'friends  of  Mr.  Clay  to  '  Mr.  Madison  and  Mr. 
'prevent;  not  in  refer-  '  Moi.roe,  who  liad  re- 
'  ence  to  Uie  men  but  '  spectively  filled  the 
'  to  the  principle."  'same     office      from 

•  which  he  was  to  be 
'  translated." 

The  Ohio  address  was  adopted  by  a 
meeting  of  300  of  Mr.  Clay's  friends, 
from  every  part  of  the  State,  of  which  Jo- 


seph Vance  was  Chairman,  and  Sainvel 
Potts  Secretary.  Mr.  Clay  was  certain- 
ly very  bold,  when,  afler  defeating  their 
'•FIRST  onjECT  "  by  placing  "  in  the  pre- 
sidential chair  one  of  the  present  cabinet,''' 
he  turned  round,  and  told  them,  it  was 
but  •'■  conformity  to  a  safe  precedent!" 
It  was  relying  much  on  his  friends  to  de- 
mand of  them,  for  his  sake,Jto  turn  round 
and  pronounce  that  '  safe^  which  they  had 
denounced  as  '  dangerous,^  a.ni\  strun;gle 
to  perpetuate  a  Secretary  succession, 
which  it  had  been  their  ^ first  object '  to 
jjrevent.  It  was  saying  to  them,  that  their 
principles  were  assumed  to  suit  the  oc- 
casion; that,  to  promote  his  interest,  they 
would  urge  one  argument  to-day  ind  its 
opposite  to-morrow;  that  they  were  his, 
soul,  body  and  principles,  created  and 
destined,  like  the  serfs  of  a  Russian  noble, 
to  live  for  his  use.  to  think  as  he  thinks, 
to  act  as  he  directs,  renounce  their  opin- 
ions at  his  bidding,  and  shout  hosanna* 
to  any  administration  with  w  hich  it  pleas- 
es him  to  form  an  alliance.  It  remains 
to  be  seen,  whether  his  friends  in  Ohio, 
after  being  cheated  by  him  out  of  their 
'•first  object,"  have  shuffled  oft" their  old 
principles  as  readily  as  he  has,  and  are  so 
devoted  to  men,  that  they  will  sanction 
his  act,  re-olect  Mr.  Adams,  and  support 
a  Secretary  of  State  as  his  successor! 
When  the  people  shall  prove  to  be  thus 
supple  and  unprincipled,  we  may  look  for 
the  speedy  extinclion  of  our  liberal  insti- 
tutions. Civil  C'/tte/'/«M!s,  profligate  and 
corrupt,  will  transfer  whole  States  and 
sections  of  the  Union,  to  this  man  or  that, 
according  to  their  own  will;  and  the  peo- 
ple, instead  of  instructing  and  controlling 
men  in  power,  will  stand  ready  to  do  the 
bidding  of  their  political  leaders. 

That  Mr.  Clay  in  hisvote  for  Mr.  Adams, 
abandoned  a  principle  which  he  had  long 
professed  to  cherish,  and  adopted  its  op- 
posite, is  notorious  to  the  world;  but  nei- 
ther the  people  of  Oiiio  or  any  other  State, 
will  follow  the  profligate  example.  They 
are  warned  to  beware,  not  only  by  the 
admonitions  of  reason,  but  by  the  eftect 
already  produeed  by  our  precedents  on 
men  and  countries  which  look  to  us  for 
example  and  instruction.  Like  Mr. 
Clay,  President  Bolivar  thinks  it  a  '  safe 
precedent'  to  suft'erthe  Chief  Magistrate 
to  appoint  his  successor,  and  in  the  con- 
stitution given  by  him  to  Bolivia  he  has 
conferred  on  the-  executive  that  power 
without  the  formality  of  confirmation 
by  the  people,  and  referred  to  the 
example  of  the  United  States  to  sus- 
tain the  princijile!  It  therefore  becomes 
the  people  of  the  U.  States,  as  thevvabie 


172 


their  own  liberty,  and  that  of  otlier  na- 
tions, to  break  up  the  cabinet  succession, 
assert  their  own  ri";ht  to  select  their 
Chief  Magistrate,  and  teach  aspiring  poli- 
ticians that  thej  are  not  to  expect  to 
reach  the  Presidency  by  bargaining  for 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  State. 

What  excuse  does  Mr.  Clay  give  for  his 
dereliction  of  duly  in  voting  agoinst  the 
known  will  of  his  State?  His  first  apol- 
ogy was,  that  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky 
had  no  right  to  instruct  him,  and  the  only 
rnstfuctiou  received  from  any  pcrtion  of 
his  immediate  constituents  was,  fo  i'o;e  us 
■he pleased.  In  his  address  to  his  consti- 
tuents, he  say.-:  "I  ilid  PiOt  recognisp  tl-.e 
right,  therefore,  of  the  Legislature  to  in- 
struct me.  I  recognised  that  right  only 
when  exerted  by  you."  In  th:'.t  docu- 
ment and  his  substquent  discussions, 
Mr.  Ciay  .idmitted  that  lie  v.-ouid  have 
been  bound  by  inslru' tions  eniiniating 
from  his  immediate  constituents. 

But  what  have  v/e  in  his  late  address? 
A  complete  declaration  of  independence, 
not  of  Kentucky  only,  but  even  of  his 
immeduite  constituents!  He  first  show- 
ed himself  sensible  of  the  obligatory  force 
of  lA'gislative  instructions,  by  intrigunig 
to  prevent  their  being  given.  After  they 
were  given,  he  deniecT  their  oblig-^tion, 
and  maiiltained  that  nobody  but  his  nnme- 
diate  constiiuents  had  a  riL,ht  to  instruct 
him.  Now  it  has  become  neaessary  for 
him  to  show,  that  he  had  in  the  fall  of 
18iI4,  made  up  his  mind  to  vote  f  >r  iMr. 
Adams  against  General  Jackson,  and  he 
comes  out  and  declares,  and  even  proves 
that  he  had  determined  to  vote  as  he  pleas- 
ed, regardlessoff/// instructions,  whether 
from  the  Legislature  or  his  constiUieats! 
The  following  quotations  from  his  late 
address,  will  make  this  act  sufiiciently 
apparent. 

Page  15.  he  says,  "  this  testimony  es- 
tablishes that,  on  various  occasions  and 
times,  beginning  in  Kentucky  as  early  as 
about  the  1st  October,  18-24,  and  contin- 
ued in  the  City  of  Washington,  d.jwn  to 
the  period  when  my  determination  to-vo!e 
for  Mr.  Adams  v/as  generally  known  in 
this  Citv,  I  uniformly  expressed  my  con- 
viction of  General  Jackson's  wantof  qual- 
ification, and  my  Jixcd  resolution  not  lo 
vote  for  him,  if  I  were  called  upon  to  give 
a  vote."  In  page  IT,  he  says,  "so  unal- 
terably  fixed  was  my  resolution  prior  to 
my  departure  from  Kentucky."  In  pa^e 
iO,  he  says:  "  Here,  then,  is  an  unbrok- 
en chain  of  testimony,  commencing  earl  y 
in  October,  1824,  and  extending  to  near- 
ly the  end  of  the  year,  establishing  beyond 
".ll  controversy,  ny  fixed  and  univavering; 


decision  not  to  vole  for  Generai  Jackson/'' 
By  Mr.  Trimble  he  proves,  that  in  Octo- 
ber 1824,  he  said,  "that  he  could  not,  con- 
sistently \\\i  ■  his  principles,  vote  for 
Gen.  Jackson  under  any  possible  circum- 
stances." By  Col.  Davidson  he  proves, 
that  he  said,  "I  cannot  conceive  i,\i  mnf 
event  which  can  possibly  happen,  whwh 
could  induce  me  lo  support  Ike  election  of 
Gen.  Jackson  to  the  I'residency."  By 
Mr.  Crittenden  lie  proves,  tliat  he  said  he 
could  not,  or  that  it  ivus  impossible  for 
him  to  vote  for  Genecal  Jackson  in  any 
event."  He  proves  similar  expressions 
by  Mr.  Johnson,  Mr.  Bouligny,  the  Secre- 
tary of  War,  and  Gen.  Laiajetfe. 

If  Mr.  Clay  had  boldly  taken  this  ground 
at  first,  it  would  have  saved  him  and  the 
people  much  trouble.  When  asked  why  he 
disregarded  the  voice  of  Kentucky,  in  vot- 
ing for  Mr.  A'hims  against  Gen.  Jackson, 
he  had  only  to  sav,  as  he  does  now,  •■■'!  HE 
KKABON  IS  MY  WILL;"  as  early  as 
October,  1824,  1  had  taken  a  -^fued  re- 
solution''''— my  resolution  was  "  unalter- 
ably fixed''^ — I  had  come  to  a  '■^ fixed  and 
iinivavering  decision"'  not  "in  any  event*' 
or  •'  under  any  possible  circumstances,^' 
to  vote  for  General  Jackson.  Yes,  Hen- 
ry Clay /»ro!'e«  that  his  reason  was  that  of 
the  despot—"  MY  WILL."  It  was  not 
to  be  changed  by  the  voice  of  his  consti- 
tuents, nor  the  voice  of  Kentucky,  uor  by 
the  voice  of  the  free  millions  of  America. 
It  was  '■•fixed,'"  '■'  uncdterable.'' 

Sui'ely  Mr.  Clay  is  insane.  He  is  not 
monarch  of  Kentucky  nor  of  America. 
His  will  is  not  our  law,  nor  has  he  a  right 
to  dispose  of  our  destinies.  For  whom 
was  he  acting?  Did  not  Kentucky  place 
him  in  Congress  to  speak  her  voice?  Was 
he  not  bound  to  do  her  will,  and  vote  ac- 
cording to  lier  bidding?  By  what  right, 
therefore,  in  October  1824,  did  he  form  a 
"yixf;/"  and  "  unalterable'''  resolution  not 
to  vote  for  General  Jackson?  Power  has 
innde  him  proud.  He  once  obeyed  the 
people;  now  the  people  must  obey  him. 
His  will  is  to  govern;  not  tlieirs.  He  will- 
ed in  Octuber,  1814,  that  General  Jack! 
Sim  stiould  not  have  the  vote  of  Kentucky: 
the  people  wille'l,  in  December,  that  fie. 
should.  Mr.  t  lay's  will  prevailed.  Af- 
ter deluding  t!ie  people  with  various  ex- 
cuses and  apologies,  in  long  addresses  and 
speeches,  for  three  years,  he  now  comes 
boldly  out,  and  says,  I  did  it  because  it 
was  my  "^.reff  and  "  umdt crabW^  will! 

Weil,  on  what  ground  does  our  Auto- 
crat rest,  to  vindicate  the  expediency  of 
his  choice?  He  says  Mr.  Atlams  is  well 
<|ualified  for  the  Presidency,  and  General 
Jackson   wholly  unqualified,     Presump- 


luous  man!  He  thought  himself  well 
qualified,  and  liiered  for  that  nflic-e.  The 
people,  deciding  between  him  and  Gen. 
Jackson,  gave  him  ST  votes,  a;;d  General 
Jackson  991  Yet  Mr.  Clay  says  Gen.  Jack- 
son is  not  qualiiii'd!  Tlie  L9<i;i>luture  of 
Kentucky,  by  a  vote  almost  unanimous, 
requested  him  to  vote  for  Jackson.  Yet 
Mr.  Clay  says  General  Jackson  is  not 
qualified !  The  peop'e  of  Kentucky,  five 
to  one.  preferred  Gen.  Jackson  to  Adams. 
Vet  Mr.  Clay  says  General  Jackson  is  not 
qualified !  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  two-thirds  of  the  Union, 
proclaim  Jackson  as  our  rlext  President: 
Yet  Mr.  Clay  says  General  Jackson  is  not 
qualified  I  Autocrat,  as  he  claims  to  be, 
ought  not  ills  own  diminutive  vote,  the 
declarations  of  Ids  own  State,  the  voice  of 
millions  who  yet  aspire  to  be  free,  to  teach 
him  a  little  modesty  in  declaring  and 
acting  upon  his  own  o'nnions,  as  to  Gen. 
Jackson's  want  of  qualifications?  But  if 
he  admits  that  he  acted  as  the  Represen- 
tative of  the  people,  in  the  election,  wliat 
ri;;ht  had  he  to  set  up  his  opinion  of  Gen. 
Jackson's  qualifications  agiinsf  theirs?* 
AVhea  Kentucky  told  him  that  General 
Jackson  was  her  se.'ond  choice,  and  re- 
quested him  so  to  vote,  what  right  had 
he  to  turn  round  and  tell  her,  "  /  u'iV/ 
not  do  it — yov.  know  nothing;  about  it — 
Jackson  is  tohnlly  iinquaHfied  for  the 
office — /  have  long  since  cmne  to  a  fixed 
and  unalterable  resolution  not  to  vole  for 


him?^'  Docs  such  language  bctoiae  a. 
re])ublican,  a  servant  of  the  people?  Shall 
such  conduct  pass  with  impunity?  If  it 
does,  let  tlie  people  change  their  Consti- 
tution, abolish  the  election  of  President, 
and  let  the  .Secretary  of  State  be  his  suc- 
cessor. Mr.  Clay  will  have  had  an  ad- 
vantage over  all  tliose  who  have  come  in 
or  may  come  in  by  \  irtue  of  "  the  safe 
precedent."  He  has  already  forced  on 
us  one  President,  as  his  predecessor,  and 
when  President  himself,  he  will  give  us 
another  as  liis  successor. 

But  is  it  possible  that  Mr.  Clay  could 
believe  General  Jackson  worse  qualified 
for  the  presidency  than  he  has  asserted 
Mr.  Adams  to  be,  in  the  charges  circula- 
ted witli  his  own  hand,  and  by  his  own 
money?  Was  General  Jackson  worse 
qualified  than  the  man  who  was  guilty  of 
"  bearing  false  witness  against  his  neigli- 
bor,''^  of  '•  weighing  dollars  against 
blood,"  of  attempting  '^  to  tnake  the  west- 
ern people  pcaj  an  exchisive  tax  of  rival- 
ship,  war,  and  blood,  fur  the  security  of 
those  fishermen  who  frequent  British  wa- 
ters,'' of  "  manufacturing  facts,"  of  gross 
"  ubsnrdifies,  inconsistencies,  and  con- 
tradictions,!' of  possessing  "  vicios  too 
narroH',  feelings  loo  sectional,  and  a  tem- 
per too  vim'ictive,  for  the  Chief  Magis- 
trate of  a  free  people?"  In  short,  is  it 
possible  that  any  man  could  be  worse 
qualified  for  the  oflice  of  President,  than 
Mr.  Adams,  according  to  the  charges  scat- 
tered far  and  wide  by  Mr.  Clay  himself? 


*  Mr.  Scott  of  Missouri,  one  of  the  re- 
presentatives who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams, 
and  at  the  same  time  acknowledged  that 
niueteen-[\Te!itieaio  of  the  people  of  his 
State  preferred  Gea.  Jackson,  (see  Appen- 
dix, Mr.  Brown's  statement)  thus  express- 
ed himself  on  the  subject: 

'•Yoa  are  apprised,  ft^iiow  citizens,  that 
witliin  my  present  term  >f  service,  shjvild 
the  electio.i  of  President  cone  before  the 
House  of  Representatives,  it  is  my  bound- 
en  duty,  ana  exalted  privilege,  to  have  a 
voice  in  that  election.  The  occasion 
wherein  this  question  would  have  intluen- 
ed  you  in  eiecti:ig  ine,  who  now  oifers  to 
rcpresentyou,  in  Congress,  is  past,  is  done, 
and  cannot  be  undone.  If  your  confi- 
dence is  misplaced,  as  sone  would  have 
3X)u  believe,  it  is  now  irremediable.  But 
to  satisfy  you  who  have  cmfided  to  ina 
this  important  trust,  and  bef  jre  wlum  I 
appear  a  candidate  torepiesentyou  in  the 
nineteeth  Congress,  1  feel  a  willingness 
and  desire,  when  aH  motive  to  conceal 
is  past,  to  express,  in  this  public  address, 
inv  course  on  t'lis  momentous  subiect.  In 


such  event  (provided  t  .e  election  of  elec- 
tors is  made  by  the  p  rople)  I  have  two 
votes  to  give,  one  fir  a  -.  elector  of  Presi- 
dent, anutlier  f  jr  a  President;  the  first  as 
a  ci  i/.en  of  Missouri,  the  latter  as  the  Re- 
presentative of  Missouri;  one  in  this 
Sta  e,  the  oth»r  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. In  dving  the  former,  my 
Wishes  being  such  as  may  be  reasonably 
supposed  to  be  entertained  by  a  western 
man,  I  shall  be  governed  by  individual 
feeling',  corrected  by  my  best  judo-- 
menf.  In  givi.ng  the  latter,  I  become  the, 
organ  of  the  people,  and  the  expressed 
will  of  the  people  will  be  my  guide.  I 
vote  not  as  a  citiicn  of  Missouri,  but  as 
the  representative  of  Missouri;  t!ic  vote 
b;;longs  to  the  people,  and  not  to  me;  and  - 
the  voice  of  Missouri,  vAW,  in  such  case, 
as  far  as  practicable,  be  the  voice  of  her 
representative.  Those  were  my  principles 
in  IBCi,  and  such  are  my  principles  in 
183-1,  a;id  such  sh.all  be  my  vote  in  the 
hall  of  t!ie  House  Representatives  on  the. 
clectio'.i  of  President,  come  wh"n  it  mav.** 


Ill  speaking  ot  the  decIar;',tions  he  had 
made  relative  to  "Gen.  Jackson's  want 
of  qualification,"  page  15,  he  says  : 
*'  These  sentiments,  long  clierished,  were 
deliberately  expressed  to  gentlemen  of 
the  highest  respectdbility,  most  of  them 
my  personal  and  parliciilar  friends,  in  all 
of  whose  estimation  I  must  hove  stood 
dishonored,  if  I  had  voted  for  Gen.  Jack- 
son, contrarily  to  my  declared  purpose." 
These  declarations  of  opinion  were  pri- 
vately made,  like  his  attacks  on  Mr. 
Adams.  Now,  let  the  world  judge  whe- 
ther he  did  not,  in  the  same  clandestine 
manner,  express  and  circulate  opinions 
detractinga  thousand  times  more  from  the 
cjualificationsof  Mr.  Adams,  and  whether, 
in  voting  for  him,  he  does  not,  upon  his 
own  principles,  ''  stand  diihoiwred,''''  not 
only  in  the  estimation  of  his  personal 
friends,  but  of  the  whole  world.'  If  the 
charges  were  true,  he  '^fifun'Js  dishonored'''' 
for  having  voted  for  a  man  so  wicked 
and  depraved,  so  destitute  of  principle, 
and  so  unfitted  in  temper  to  be  the  Chief 
Magistrate  of  a  free  people.  If  they  were 
not  true,  he  "  stands  dishonored''''  for  ha- 
ving given  them  countenance  and  circu- 
lation, and  then  cringing  to  receive  an 
office  from  the  hand  of  tlie  man  whom  he 
had  grossly  libelled. 

It  is  impossible  that  Mr.  Clay  could 
have  thought  worse  of  the  qualifications 
of  General  Jackson  than  he  did  of  those 
of  Mr.  Adams.  Nor,  whatever  might 
have  been  his  own  opinions,  could  he 
have  stood  half  as  much  "  dishonored''  in 
voting  for  General  Jackson,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  Kentucky,  as  he 
does  in  having  voted  for  Mr.  Adams, 
against  those  wishes,  and  then  accepting 
an  office  at  his  hands. 

We  do  not  doubt  that  Mr.  Clay  used 
the  expressions  which  he  has  so  success- 
fully labored  to  prove;  but  we  do  doubt 
whether,  in  reality,  he  had  come  to  any 
fixed  and  unwavering  resolution,  as  early 
as  October,  November,  or  December. 
To  whom  was  it  made  known?  Col.  Da- 
vidson did  not  state  it  to  the  Senate  of 
Kentucky;  George  Robertson  did  not 
declare  it  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives; nor  did  J.  J.  Crittenden  proclaim  it 
to  the  people.  So  carefully  and  confiden- 
tially liad  it  been  communicated,  that  the 
zephyrs  had  not  heard  it;  the  birds  of  the 
air  had  not  whispered  it;  political  jealou- 
sy had  not  suspected  it.  No  man  lisped 
it  in  Kentucky,  or  breathed  it  in  Wash- 
ington City.  In  his  address  to  his  con- 
stituents, Mr.  Clay  says:  "During  the 
month  of  December,  and  the  greater  part 


of  January,  strong  protessious  of  high 
consideration  and  of  unbounded  admira- 
tion of  me,  were  made  to  my  friends,  in 
the  greatest  profusion,  by  some  of  the  ac- 
tive friends  of  all  the  returned  candi- 
dates." "I  knew  the  sunbeams  would 
quickly  disappe,:r,  after  my  opinion  should 
be  ascertained,  and  that  they  would  be 
succeeded  by  a  storm,"  &c.  He  pro- 
ceeds to  narrate  events  until  the  appear- 
ance of  Mr.  Kremer's  letter,  and  "  1  is- 
sued my  Curd.'"  In  his  speech  at  No- 
ble's, he  labors  to  prove  that  his  determi- 
nation to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  was  not 
publicly  announced  or  known  at  Wash- 
ington, until  near  the  end  of  January.  If. 
therefore,  he  had  declared,  "  about  the  1  st 
of  October,  1824,"  that  he  was  already 
unalterably  resolved  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams,  against  General  Jackson,  it  was 
kept  a  profound  secret  until  near  the  end 
of  January,  1825. 

In  his  late  Address,  page  20,  Mr.  Clay 
says:  "  There  does  not  exist  a  human  be- 
in^;,  and  if  the  dead  could  be  recalled, 
one  could  not  be  summoned  from  the 
grave  who  could  truly  testify,  that  I  ever 
expressed  or  ever  insinuated  the  lemotest 
intention  to  vote  for  General  Jackson,  in 
any  contingency  whatever."  Again: 
page  29,  he  says:  "Not  a  particle  of  op- 
posing testimony  has  been,  or  with  truth 
can  be,  adduced.  I  have,  indeed,  derived 
consolation  from  the  reflection"  that,  amidst 
all  the  perturbation  of  the  times,  no  man 
has  been  yet  found  hardy  enough  to  assert 
that  I  ever  signified  a  purpose  of  voting 
for  General  Jackson." 

We  have  ample  evidence  fliat  Mr.  Clay 
did,  notwithstanding  these  bold  asser- 
tions, say  to  several  gentlemen  of  as  ster- 
ling honor  as  any  that  live,  after  October, 
1824,  that  his  inmd  was  not  made  up,  and 
did  convey  the  impression  that  he  might 
ultimately  vote  for  General  Jackson.  This 
he  did  to  the  Hon.  C.  A.  Wickliffe,  in 
October,  to  Major  Thomas  D.  Carneal,  in 
November,  to  tlie  Hon.  Tlios.  P.  Moore, 
in  December,  to  the  Hon.  John  Floyd,  in 
December  or  January,  and  to  other  per- 
sons known  to  the  Committee,  whose 
statements  have  not  yet  been  received. 
— It  may  be,  that  he  did  not  say  he 
would  vote  for  General  Jackson,  in  so  ma- 
ny words,  but  he  represented  that  he  was 
uncommitted;  that  he  was  hesitating  be- 
tween Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson; 
that  the  Kentucky  delegation  could  vote 
for  either  with  entire  safety  and  perfect 
propriety;  and  he  left  the  impression  that 
he  would  as  soon  vote  for  the  one  as  the 
other,  and  was  to  be  determined  bv  future 


175 


I  oniingeucies.  Moreover,  in  his  address 
to  his  constituents,  after  this  election,  he 
informs  them  of  the  deliberation  whici)  it 
cost  him  to  make  up  his  mind,  after  he 
found  himself  excluded  from  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Thisfact.  he  iiiform- 
ed  them,  was  not  known  to  him  until  the 
20th  December,  18'-24.  He  savs:  "  I 
found  myself  transformed  from  a  candi- 
date before  the  people,  into  an  Elector 
for  the  people.  1  atliberaiely  examined 
the  duties  incident  to  this  7ieiv  attitude, 
and  weighed  all  the  fads  before  me,  upon 
which  my  judgment  ivas  to  be  formed  or 
revietved."  Yet,  notwithstanding;  ail  this 
grave  deliberation,  he  now  says  his  mind 
was  unalterably  niiuie  up  not  to  voie  for 
General  Jacks.m,  almost  three  months  be- 
fore!! Again,  he  says:  •' 1  will,  fcr  the 
present,  leave  him  (Mr.  Kremcr)  and  jiro- 
ceed  to  assign  the  reasons  to  you,  to  whom 
alone  1  admit  myself  to  be  officially  re- 
sponsible, for  the  vote  which  1  gave  on 
the  presidential  election.  The  first  in- 
ijuiry  which  it  behooved  me  to  make  was, 
as  to  the  influence  which  ought  to  be  ex- 
erted on  my  judgment  by  the  relative 
state  of  the  electoral  votes  which  the  three 
returned  candidates  brought  into  the 
House  from  the  electoral  colleges.  Gen. 
.Tackson  obtained  99,  Mr.  Adams  84,  and 
Mr.  Crawford  41."  He  then  enters  into 
a  long  argument  to  show  why  Gen.  Jack- 
son's plurality  ought  not  to  have  been 
conclusive  on  liis  ^'judgment."  Here 
was  a  man,  after  the  20th  December,  1824^ 
entering  into  an  '■'•inquiry'''  how  far  Ge- 
neral Jackson's  plurality  of  votes  ought 
not  to  influence  his  •^Judgment.''  Now, 
what  was  the  use  of  all  this,  if  he  had 
made  up  his  mind  the  preceding  October, 
not  to  vote  for  him  '•  under  any  circum- 
stances?" 

Again,  he  says:  '•  With  these  views  of 
the  relative  state  of  the  vote  with  which 
the  three  returned  candidates  entered  the 
House,  I  proceeded  to  examine  the  other 
considerations  which  belonged  to  the 
fpiestion. "  Still  considering,  though  his 
mind  was  made  up  two  or  three  months 
before!! 

Again:  "  It  appeared  to  me,  then,  that 
sooner  or  later,  we  must  come  to  the  only 
practical  issue  of  the  contest  before  us, 
and  that  was  between  Mr.  Adams  and 
General  Jackson,  and  1  thought  the  earlier 
we  got  there  the  better  for  the  country 
and  for  the  House.  In  considering  this 
only  alternative,  I  was  not  unaware  of 
your  strong  desire  to  have  a  Western 
President,"  &c.  He  then  goes  into  a  long 
detail  of  the  argument  he  held  with  him- 


self in  relation  to  the  claims  and  qualili« 
cations  of  these  two  candidates,  although, 
as  he  now  says,  he  had  irrevocably  made 
up  his  mind  between  them,  before  he 
went  to  Washington  Citj! 

Again:  '•  A  collateral  consideration  of 
much  weight,  was  derived  from  the  wish- 
es of  tiie  Ohio  delegation.  A  majority  of 
them,  during  the  jirogress  of  tiie  session, 
made  up  their  opiiiiors  to  support  Mr. 
Adams,  and  they  were  cumir.u'iicated  to 
me.  They  said  "Oiiio  supporced  the  can- 
didate who  was  the  choice  of  Kentucky: 
We  failed  in  our  common  exertions  to 
secure  his  election.  Now,  among  those 
returned,  we  have  a  decided  preference, 
and  we  think  you  ought  to  make  some  sa~ 
crifice  to  gratify  us.'  Was  not  much  due 
to  our  neighbor  and  friend?"  What  does 
this  mean,  but  that  the  wishes  of  the  Ohio 
delegation  had  some  iiiSuence  upon  Mr. 
Clay,  in  the  formation  of  his  opinion? 
Their  opinion  \\as  firmed  and  communi- 
tated  to  him  '•'■during  theprogrc.'is  of  the 
session,"  or  after  the  iirit  Monday  in  De- 
cember. Yet,  he  now  says  he  had  irrevo- 
cably made  up  iiis  mind  the  preceding  Oc- 
tober, and  tins  '•  collateral  coiisideratioii 
of  much  weight,^'  had  no  tceight  at  all! 
There  is  little  doubt,  that  in  reality  Mr. 
Clay  had  made  up  his  mind  before  the 
Ohio  delegation,  and  that  his  wishes  ope- 
rated as  a  "  collateral  consideration  of 
much  weight"  with  them.  How  it  was 
that  General  Vance  and  his  associates 
were  induced  to  support  one  of  Mr.  Mon- 
roe's cabinet,  whose  election  it  was  their 
'■'jirst  object"  to  prevent,  has  never  been 
satisfactorily  explained.  Circumstances 
make  it  quite  evident  that  Mr.  Clavfound 
the  members  of  that  delegation  sufficient- 
ly pliant  to  give  up  their  '■'■first  object,'^ 
ami  all  their  avowed  principles  for  his 
advancement,  and  having  first  secured 
their  adhesion,  he  made  use  of  them  as 
"  a  collateral  consideration  of  much 
weight,"'  to  bring  Kentucky,  Indiana,  Il- 
linois, and  Missouri  into  his  views. 

The  Secretary  further  says:  •'  I  con- 
sidered, with  the  greatest  respect,  the  re- 
solutions of  the  General  Assembly  of 
Kentucky,  requesting  the  delegation 
to  vote  for  General  Jackson."  Still  con- 
sidering, altliough  he  now  says  he  had 
made  up  his  mind  unchangeably,  months 
before!! 

Almost  his  whole  address  to  his  con- 
stituents is  made  up  of  the  arguments 
he  says  he  used  with  himself  after  he 
was  '•  transformed  from  a  candidate  be- 
fore the  people,  into  an  elector  for  the 
people,"  to  enable  him  to  decide  bet'veop 


i7o 


the  conunidins;  caniiidatcs.  Yet,  he  has 
now  endeavored  to  [rove  that  elaborate 
docuiuent,  a  tissue  of  hjp;)cnsj  and  de- 
ception, by  shovving  that  lie  had  unalter- 
ably resolved  before  he  left  Kentucky  the 
preceding  fall,  to  vote  against  General 
Jackson,  without  rej^ard  to  the  state  v( 
the  electoral  vote,  the  wishes  of  the  Oliio 
delegation,  the  resolutions  of  the  Legis- 
lature or  ihe  will  of  ins  constituents!  All 
these  <ipoloo;ies  he  W'ould  now  have  con- 
sidered as  afiRf  l.hot!f;hls  invented  for 
the  pnrpose  of  reconciling  a  discontented 
people  to  the  previous  decisions  of  his 
own  imperial  will. 

The  apologies  made  to  his  constituents, 
after  the  election,  were  in  coincidence 
\rith  many  of  his  declarations  and  all  his 
his  acts  previous  to  the  latter  part  of  the 
preceding  January,  lie  told  Messrs. 
Carheal  Vv'ickliSe,  Moore,  and  Floyd, 
ihat  he  was  uncommitted,  and  hesitating 
at  diflerent  periods  between  the  first  of 
October  and  the  fust  of  January;  and  Gen- 
eral Metcalfe  said  he  was  uncommitted 
as  late  as  the  4th  of  the  latter  month. 
By  the  public,  Mr.  Clay  was  understood 
to  remain  uncommitted,  as  late  as  the 
20th  of  that  month.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, who  is  there  that  can  possi- 
bly believe  that  Mr.  Clay  had  itiaJe  up 
iiis  mind  unalterably  to  vote  against  Ge-' 
neralJacki^un,  as  early  as  October:  1824? 
However,  nothing  is  more  likely  than 
that  Mr.  Clay  expected  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams  from  the  moment  he  anticipated 
his  own  exclusion  from  the  House.  He 
is  a  good  judge  of  I'.uman  chviracter.  He 
knew  Mr.  Adams  to  be  a  cold,  calculat- 
in<r  diulcmatist,  whose  principles  are 
subservient  to  his  ambition  or  his  avarice. 
,  Standing  uncommitted,  with  the  Presi- 
dency in  his  hand,  he  knew,  that  from 
such  a  man,  he  could  ootain  any  price 
tor  it,  which  he  might  demand.  The 
firm  patriotism  and  stern  integrity  of 
General  Jackson,  tvere  also  well  known 
to  him.  There  was  little  ground  to  hope 
Irom  him  the  promise  of  any  favor  or  ad- 
vancement, in  consideration  of  his  sup- 
port. It  is,  therefore,  very  probable,  tl-fat 
even  in  October,  1824,  he  expected  in  the 
end  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  and  declar- 
ed such  an  intention  to  his  confidaitial 
friends.  He  thvs  made  evidence  for  him- 
self, which  he  now  finds  it  very  couve- 
r.ient  to  call  forth.  But  had  he  found  it 
h.is  interest  to  vote  for  (ieiieral  Jackson, 
these  dociiirations  would  never  have  been 
heard  of.  On  the  contrary,  had  his  mo- 
tives in  giving  such  a  vote,  been  called 
in  f|Uf>,-tion.    h<>   could    have   proved   hv 


Messrs.  Carneal  Moore,  'WicklifFe,  ami 
Floyd,  by  all  his  public  conduct,  by  the 
wishes  of  Kentucky,  and  the  resolutions 
of  her  Legislature,  that  he  had  not  only 
anticipated  such  a  course,  but  that  it  was 
strictly  conformable  to  every  republican 
principle.  He  was,  therefore,  vsell  pre- 
pared for  a  vindication  on  either  side, 
while  his  real  object  was  to  ascertain  how 
the  cabinet  was  to  be  filled,  and  vote  ac- 
cotdinsly. 

But  if  Mr.  Clay  had  made  up  his  mmd 
tnalterably  to  vote  against  General  Jack- 
son, as  early  as  October,  1824,  and  was 
playing  the  hypocrite  with  the  General's 
Iriends,  in  the  Legislature  and  in  Con- 
gress, what  will  that  avail  him?  Will 
his  acknowledgment  that  he  was  guilty 
of  prevarication  and  hypocrisy,  acquit 
him  of  bargain  and  corruption?  Not  at 
all.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  secret 
purposes  of  his  mind,  he  maintained  the 
same  mysterious  bearing  towards  Mr. 
Adams  and  his  friends,  that  he  did  to- 
wards the  other  candidates.  All  had 
hopes,  but  none  understood  him.  In  his 
address  to  his  constituents,  he  says; 
''During  the  month  of  December;  and 
the  greater  part  of  January,  strong  pro- 
fessions of  high  consideration  and  of  un- 
bounded I'dmiralion  of  me,  were  made  to 
my  friends,  in  the  greatest  profusion,  by 
some  of  the  adit  c friends  of  all  the  re- 
turned candidates.  None  were  so  re- 
served as  those  of  Mr.  Adams"  &c. 
Hence,  according  to  his  own  showing,  the 
frieiids  of  Mr.  Adams,  were  not  apprized 
of  his  unalterable  resolution,  formed  in 
October,  until  near  the  end  of  January. 
~  Why  did  Mr.  Clay  so  long  conceal 
his  unwaverinu-  determination  from  Mr. 
Adams  and  his  friends?  Why  did  he  re- 
main so  long  uncommitted  as  to  them? 
We  have  still  the  same  answer,  in  the 
language  of  General  Metcalfe,  it  was 
"  to  know  somelhiRj!;  about  how  the  cabi- 
net was  to  be  filled."  .  As  soon  aa  that 
point  was  settled,  as  soon  as,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  Mr.  Trimble,  he ''ascertained 
that  Mr.  Adams  would  make  him  Secre- 
tary of  State,"  and  the  western  States  had 
been  brought  into  the  arrangement;  then, 
and  not  till  then,  was  the  disguise  thrown 
0%  and  his  unalterable  decision  made 
known  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  and 
to  the  publi'-.  Kven,  therefore,  if  he  had 
made  up  his  mind,  it  was  just  as  much  a 
bar-aiii'as  if  he  had  not.  Nay,  it  v/a-s 
worse  than  a  bargain;  it  was  a  bargain 
founded  upon  a  corrupt  consideration, 
CAtortcd  by  fiilso  pretences.  Mr.Clay 
^a'^'snowledics   that  ho  considered  it  hi« 


UNITED  STATES'  TEI.EGRAPH--i^T^ra. 

This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Electiorij  and  be  published,  weeklv, 
until  the  15l!i  of  October  next,  for  One  nollar,-  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  and  ?w  mare. 


VOL.  I. 


BV  GREEN  ^  JARV,!' 


WASHINGTON,  MAY  10,  1828. 


No.  12. 


^  duty  to  ^ve  his  vote  to  Mr.  Adams; 
#  and  j"t,  he  took  idv-r.^ae;.'  if  the  ueces 
sities  of  Av.  Adams,  and  comj  oiled  hira 
to  pay  for  if.  He  would  uot  agree  to 
give  it,  until  he  ''distinctly ascertained" 
"how  t'lc  cabinet,  was  to  be  filled.''  He 
t^xacted  for  it  t!.e  office  of  Secretary 
of  State,  witli  a  reversionary  interest  in 
the  Presidency.  He  insisted  on  being 
designated  by  the  President  as  his  suc- 
cessor, the  heir  apparent  by  "safe  pre- 
cedent" 

It  cannot  be  necessary  to  examine,  in 
detail,  the  evidence  which  Mr.  Clay  has 
adduced  to  prove  his  innocence.  It 
chiefly  consists  of  letters  of  expurgation 
from  those  members  of  Congress,  who 
participated  with  him  in  the  outrages 
committed  on  the  rights  of  the  people.  If 
these  men  are  admitted  to  be  witnesses  in 
favor  of  therasel  vesand  of  each  other,  then 
may  any  combination  of  culprits  swear 
the;iiselves  innocent,  one  by  one.  If  Mr. 
Metcalfe  and  Mr.  Trimble  are  compe- 
tent witnesses  for  Mr.  Clay,  then  Mr. 
(?lay  is  acompetent  witness  for  tliem;  and 
t;-ach  of  the  delinquent  members  of  Con- 
gress may,  in  his  turn,  bring  in  all  the  rest 
ro  prove  his  purity.  These  letters  are 
;he  tales  of  well  drilled  witnesses,  who 
have  all  been  trained  to  tell  the  same  sto- 
ry. They  testify  in  theii-  own  case,  with- 
out oath  or  cross  examination.  Proof 
'ihat  one  has  testified  falsely,  discredits 
she  whole.  Hence,  in  the  ample  refuta- 
iion  we  ha\  e  given  of  the  ground  assumed 
by  Mr.  Clay,  we  have  shown  the  fallacy 
<if  all  the  evidence  he  has  embodied  in 
1  lis  defence. 

However,  we  feel  inclined  to  examine 
the  principal  posi*ions  assumed  by  one 
of  his  testifying  accomplices,  not  because 
lie  has  told  less  truth  than  the  rest,  but 
merely  as  a  specimen  of  the  whole.  For 
ihis  purpose,  we  have  selected  Mr.  David 
Trimble.  In  his  letter  publislied  in  Mr. 
Clay's  late  Address,  speaking  of  his  own 
previous  intentions,  lie  says: 

'■  It  is  enough  to  say.  without  dwelling 
upon  matters  concerning  myself,  that  I 
concluded  as  early  as  February,  18C4,  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Adams  as  a  second  choice,  in 
ihe  event  of  Mr.  Clay's  exclusion  from  the 
IT.nMSB."&r,       I,eT!t;.s-«  he  haH  200H  ren- 


son  to  apprehend,  the  world  should  doubt 
his  w  or  !  on  tliis  point,  he  introduces  a  let- 
ter from  Judge 'lYimble,  stating  that  hii; 
"  intention  had  been  expressed  to  him  al 
that  time." 

Remember,  this  was  at  the  City  of 
Washington,  in  the  month  of  February, 
18'24.  Mr.  Trimble  returned  home,  and 
became  a  candidate  for  re-election  to 
Congress.     Now   let  us  hear  what  lan- 

fuage  he  held  to  his  constituents  about 
Ir.  Adams,  after,  as  he  says,  he  had 
made  up  his  mind  to  vote  for  him  as  a 
second  choice: 

'••Joseph  Secrest,  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  stated  that  he  heard 
Mr.  David  Trimble  say,  in  a  speech  or 
speeches,  made  in  IS'S^,  that  .Tohn  Quin- 
cy  Adams  was  a  noted  federalist;  that  he 
was  inimical  10  the  west,  and  wanted  to 
sell  to  the  British  the  navigation  of  the 
Mi.isissippi." 

Jesse  Siiimners,  Esq.  formerly  a  mem.- 
ber  of  the  K.entucky  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, states,  that  TrimWe  "represented 
John  Q.  Adams  to  be  a  dangerous  man. 
and  an  enemy  to  the  western  country^ 
He  said,  that  Adams  had  voted  at  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  to  give  up  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  to '  the  British  for  a 
mess  of  codfish." 

Bichard  B.  Lee,  Tarpltfj  Taylor, 
Charles  Spencer,  Mordccai  Jf'illlams,  'J'. 
If.  Jones,  E.  B.  Early,  William  Shoch- 
ley,  Aqnila  Thompson,  Jesse  Siimmer.\, 
John  Taylor,  and  James  .Alexander,  all 
of  them  respectable  citizens  of  Flerainf 
county.  Kentucky,  and  several  of  thera 
at  ditterent  limes  members  of  the  Ken- 
tucky Legislature,  state,  that  "they  heard 
David  Trimble  say,  in  a  speech  on  the 
court-house  steps,  in  Fiemingsburg,  that 
the  elder  John  Adams  was  the  most  dan- 
gerous man  in  Government,  in  his  day. 
and  that  young  J(!lin  Q.  Adams  was  a 
chip  of  the  old  block:  if  any  odds,  worse: 
that  in  the  treaty  at  Glientj  he  wanted  to 
barter  away  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, the  key-stone  of  tlie  western  coun- 
try, for  a  mess  of  codfish;  that  he  was  al- 
ways cpnsidered  an  apostate  federalist: 
that  he  always  had  been  hostile  to  tlie 
west;  and  that  we  never  will  have  an 
erj'nl    climK-e   with  the  <'a'=;tern   people. 


u* 


uaul  ^vt■  gy.t  ii  u  CAiem  Freside'Jit;  that  we 
Oow  have  a  chance  in  the  west,  for  wo 
iiave  two  candidates  for  the  Presidency; 
and  that  he  thought  Henry  Clay  ws  the 
Sti-ongest;  and  if  we  could  not  get  him, 
we  have  another  chance  in  the  west,  to 
ivit,  General  Jackson.'' 

John  Mason,  Jr.  Esq.  formerly  a  mem- 
b.er  of  the  Kentucky  l^egislature,  testifies 
that  "  Trimble  told  him,  in  September, 
1-334,  tliat  he  knew  Adams  to  be  an 
iipostate  federalist:  and  tiiat  if  he  ever 
voted  for  him,  witness  might  call  him  a 
federalist  as  long  as  he  lived.  He  also 
said,  that  Adams  had  agreed  to  give  up 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  river  for 
whales  and  mackerel,  and  that  lie,  Adams, 
fiad  always  been  an  enemy  to  the  west." 
Is  it  possible,  that  as  early  as  Febnia- 
ry,  18:24,  Mr.  Trimble  \mA  determined 
tj).  vote,  as  a  second  choice,  for  this 
"  apostate  fmtndiat,''''  this  ••  eaennj  of  the 
west,''^  this  ^' worse"  politician  than  old 
•Tohu  Adams,  the  '■•most  dangerous  man 
in  the  Gvrerrrmmt  in  his  day,'^  this  man 
who  proposed  at  Ghent  '•  to  give  vp  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  for  a  mess 
qf  eoJfi^ltf"  Is  it  possible,  that  while  he 
was  holding  this  language  to  his  consti- 
tuents, he  cherished  in  his  breast  a  secret 
resolution  to  vote,  as  his  second  choice, 
lor  the  very  man  he  was  denouncing.-'  Is 
it  possible,  that  he  could  have  told  tliera 
«^  we  have  another  choice  in  the  west,  viz: 
General  Jackson,"  and  at  the  same  time, 
have  made  up  his  mind  to  prefer  Mr. 
Adams?  This  beats  Mr.  Clay.  He 
abused  Mr.  Adans  first,  and  made  up 
his  mind  <o  vote  for  him  afterwards:  but 
Mr.  Trimble _^rs«  makes  up  his  mind  to 
votE  for  him,  and  after\vard3  abuses  him 
through  a  whole  electioneering  campaign ! 
Mr.  Clay  set  ont  to  prove  that  he  h:id 
determined  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams  in  Oc- 
tober. 18^14;  whereas  Mr.  Trimble  states 
I'liat  he  had  come  to  the  same  determina- 
tion eight  months  before ! 

It  is  iuijwssible  to  believe  that  Mr. 
Trimble  had  made  up  his  mind  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Adams,  under  any  circumstan- 
ces, while  he  was  thus  reviling  him,  and 
speaking  of  General  Jackson  as  the  se- 
cond choice  of  the  west;  while  he  w^s  tell- 
ing his  constituents,  that  if  he  voted  for 
xhis  same  Adams,  they  '■'■might  call  him 
afederalist  us  long  as  he  lived.'''  Is  it  trite 
l?iat  he  was  so  profound  a  hypocrite.'  Are 
r.enotbound.  in  charity  to  him,  to  believe 
rhai,  it  was  not  until  he  began  to  practise 
the  doctrine  oinon-cominUial,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  "ascortaining  hovt'  the  cabinet  was 
to  be  fiUedi:"  th'at  he  karra  the  a)-t  of  an 


able  diptowalist,  aud  acsjuired  the  tialii 
of  sayihg  One  thing,  while  he  is  thinking; 
another?  But  whether  he  told  tlie  truth 
to  his  constituents,  or  tells  it  now,  what 
credit  ought  to  be  attached  to  such  testt- 
mony? 

In  this  letter,  Mr.  Trimble  furtUei- 
says,  "  I  do  not  know,  nor  do  I  believe, 
tliat  Mr.  Adams  or  his  friends,  made 
overtures  or  otters, directly  or  indirectly, 
to  Mr.  Clay  or  his  friends,*  t*)  make  him 
Secretary  of  State,  if  he  or  lus  friends 
wou'-d  unite  in  aid  of  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adams;  nor  do  I  know  or  believe  that 
any  pledge,  or  promise  of  any  kind,  was 
made  by  Mr.  Adams  or  his  fiiends,  to 
Mr.  Cb}'  or  his  friends,  to  procure  his 
aid  in  the  election." 

Now  let  us  sec  how  Mr.  Trimble's  first 
declarations,  after  he  returned  home^ 
a!;ree  witti  these  assertions. 

John  Mason,  jr.  testifies,  that  "be  had 
a  conversation  withhira,  (Trimble,)  abou-t 
his  vote,  in  which  he  gave  as  his  reasons, 
that  '  we  ascertained  if  Mr.  Adams  was 
made  President,  Mr.  Claj'  wou'd  be  made 
Secretary  of  State,  and  "that  if  General 
Jackson  wag  made  President,  Mr.  Clay 
would  not  be  made  Secretary;  and  tKat 
it  would  be  better  for  us  to  have 
Adams  with  Mr.  Cby  Secretary,  than 
General  Jackson  without  him.'  " 

Mieajah  Harrison,  Esq.  states,  that 
the  Hon.  David  Trimble  observed  to  me, 
'■•ive,  (meaning,  as  I  supposed,  the  Ken- 
tucky delegation,)  had  distinctly  ascer- 
tained, that  if  Mr.  Adams  were  elected 
President,  Mr.  Clay  would  be  appointed 
his  Secretary  of  State;  and  that,  if  Gen. 
Jackson  were  elected  President,  Mr. 
Clay  would  not." 

Mr.  Mbert  G.  HaTTiami  says: 

','On  the  evening'  of  Major  Daiid  Tiimblc'ji 
return  to  Mount  Sterlin.s:,  ti-om  Congress,  after 
the  election  oF  Mr.  Adams  as  Pi-ebident,  he 
ciitnc*  lo  my  house,  and  eat  witii  me  auo  my 
family  until  usual  bed-time.  lo  the  course  of 
the  evening',  the  subject  of  tlie  Presidential 
election  came  up.  He  inquired  of  me,  how 
the  people  weif  pleas-d  With  the  President, 
and  with  the  vote  of  Kentucky  upon  that  occa- 
sion? I  replied,  that  the  people,  so  fai-  as  I 
knew,  were  much  dissi.tlsiied,  and  that  many 
who  betore  had  been  Mr.  Clay's  warm  pereou- 
al  and  political  fi'ieud.s,  had  now  determined  lo 
forsake  him  for  ever.  I  told  him  that,  for  one,  I 
had  resolved  never  to  vote  for  Mr.  Clay  again.for 
.iny  ofEce .  The  cause  of  diss'.itisfaclion  with 
the  people,  I  informed  him,  seemed  to  be, 
that  Mr.  Clay  and  a  majority  of  the  Kentucky 
delegation,  had  given  the  vote  of  Kentucky  to 
Mr.  Adams,  ■«  hen  the  people  were  notoriously 
in  favor  of  General  Jackson.  To  this,  he  re- 
plied, that  as  things  had  turned  out,  Kentucky 
tvas  almost  in  as  froad a  situation,  as  if  Mr.  CI''V 


a.74 


l.aii  batyi  ticcl«it  'liiar  Uiey  aai;Ki£ained  that 
General  J»cksuH  would  not  appoint  Mr.  Claj', 
but  Mr.  Adams  his  Secretary,  and  that  Mr. 
Adams,  if  electeil,  would  give  the  appoint- 
ment to  Mr.  Clay;  and  tliat  thus  arranged,  the 
West  would  derive  as  much  advantage  from 
Mr.  Clay's  being  Secretary,  and  Mr.  Adams 
President,  as  if  Sir.  Clay  himself  were  tlie 
Vresident. 

"  Besides,  Major  Trimble  attempted  to  show 
nie  the  further  advanta-^es  that  would  result 
from  the  union  of  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay. 
Ue  said  that  the  Kast  and  the  West  had  al- 
ways been  divided  in  feelinfr,  interest,  and  po- 
litics; tnat  the  East  had  tlie  ascendancy  over 
tts;  looked  upon  in  with  a  jealous  eye,  and 
would,  as  she  aUvay  s  had  done,  oppose  us  in 
our  wishes  and  interest,  if  the  union  had  not 
taken  place;  that  by  it  we  had  secured  the 
balance  of  power,  and  so  amalg-imited  the  in- 
terests of  the  two  sections  as  certainly  to  com- 
mand tlie  influence  and  strength  of  the  East, 
u-hcnever  dtsirc!;  that  the  election  of  uuv 
fViend  Mr.  Clay  a*  Pret-idcnt,  which,  without 
the  union,  wa.'f  highly  prolj'ematical,  was  now 
rendered  almost  certain,  after  Mr.  Adams's 
lime  should  have  expired! !" 

Je^se  Summers,  Esq.  states,  that  "  I 
have  heard  Mr.  David  Trimble  say,  it 
^vas  asceifained  that,  if  John  Q.  Atianis 
Mas  elected  President,  he  would  appoint 
Jlenry  Clay  Secretary  of  State;  and  he 
also  stated,  in  all  probr.bility.  if  General 
Jackson  was  elected  he  would  not." 

Jacob  Frizze!,  Henry  Halber!,  David 
C.  Heath,  William  Coffrin,  Richard  Pell, 
John  Kendrick,  Jesse  Hatnrick,JohnGrrf- 
tith.  If'illiam  Hamblin,  ff'iltiam  Dads, 
Hezekiah  Griffith,  aiid  David  Tonkry, 
respectable  citizens  of  Lewis  county, 
Kentucky,  state  on  their  oathg,that  Trim- 
ble said  in  a  speech  at  Lewis  Court  house, 
in  October,  18£5,  that  "when  ice  went 
on  last  fall  to  the  City  of  Washington, 
W'e  found  Mr.  Crawford  out  of  the  (iue.-<- 
tion;  the  contest  was  between  General 
Jackson  and  John  Quincy  Adams;  we  as- 
certained that,  under  no  circumstances, 
would  General  Jackson  appoint  our  fripnd, 
Henry  Clav,  Secretary  of  State;  we  afi- 
certained  tliatMr.  Adams  would  appoint 
our  friend,  Henry  Clay,  Secretary  of 
State." 

F.  M.  Savage  and  .-?.  Duke,  also  re- 
spectable citizens  of  Lewis  county,  con- 
firm the  forey;oin^  statement. 

Mr.  Trimble's  confession,  that  he  as- 
certained tiiat  Mr.  Adams  would  mtic 
Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  tUate,  and  voted 
for  him  on  that  account,  is  thus  proved  by 
EIGHTEEN  unimpeachable  witnesses, 
and  we  doubt  not  the  number  iiiiglit  be 
augmented  to  one  hundred. 

IIow  could  this  havebeen  'ascci+aiued,' 
a  neither  Mr-    Adams  nor  his  friends 


ever  made auy  ovciiui e %i  uii'«kui»e  to iliai- 
etltict,  either  directly  or  indirectly? 

So  conscious  was  Mr.  Trimble  that 
this  declaration  involved  the  proof  of  a 
promise  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Adams,  that, 
instead  of  attempting;  any  explanation, 
he  authorized,  through  the  National  In- 
telligencer, an  informal  denial  of  the  as- 
sertions now  proved  to  have  been  made 
b^'  him  at  Lewis  Court  House!  What  aid 
can  such  a  withe.it  aft'ord  to  the  cause  ot 
Mr.Clay?  Out  of  his  own  mouth  he  stands, 
convicteil  of  hypocrisy  and  falsehood. 

Mr.  Trimble,  and  others  of  Mr.  Clay's 
witnesses,  as  well  as  Mr.  Clay  himself, 
now  pretend  to  have  voted  for  Mr.  Adaitis 
on  account  of  his  known  attachri.ent  to 
the  Taritt'  and  int'.raal  Improvements, 
and  against  General  Jackson  on  account, 
of  his  hostility  to  those  interests. 

A  more  s;.ullow.irtifi:e  was  never '.nvent- 
ed.  Never  to  this  day  lias  Mr.  Adara.s 
avowed  himself  in  favor  of  Internal  Im- 
provements on  the  principles  maintained 
by  Mr.  Clay.  On  tiiecx)ntrary,  in  a  letter 
to  a  gentleman  in  Maryland,  in  182^, 
he  declared  himself  in  favor  of  making 
roads  and  canals,  icith  the  consent  of  Ihe 
Stales,  and  a  reservation  of  tlieir  territo- 
rial jurisdiction.  Nor  has  he  ever,  to  this 
day,  in  any  manner  or  form,  zjvowed  him- 
self in  favor  of  a  Tarifi".  Although  his; 
own  supporters,  out  of  Congress,  hav« 
been  loud  in  demanding  aii  increase  of 
duty  on  certain  imports  as  necessary  to 
save  our  raanufactoriei  from  utter  ruin, 
he  has  never  recoiumended  any  such  mea- 
sure in  any  one  of  his  messages.  On. 
the  other  hand,  at  the  very  moment  Mr. 
Trimble  says  he  made  up  his  mind  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Adams  on  account  of  his  devo- 
tion to  these  interests,  the  Tarift'of  1824 
was  before  Congress,  of  which  General 
Jackson  was  a  ineniber.  In  every  step 
of  the  progress  of  this  bill  before  the  Se- 
nate he  voted  for  it,  and  it  is  believed 
that,  without  his  aid,  it  would  not  have 
passed.  He  also  voted  in  favorof  every 
me;isure  of  Internal  Improvement  which 
was  presented  wiiile  he  was  a  member  of 
the  Senate.  That  any  jierson  voted  for 
Mr.  Adams  because  he  was  known  to  be 
more  devoted  to  those  interests  than  Gen. 
Jackson,  is,  therefore,  wholly  untrue. 
The  tale  was  invenied  to  operate  on  the 
middle  and  western  States,wi(!i  the  object 
of  bringing  them,  by  an  artful  and  deccp- 
tious  appeal  to  their  interests,  into  the 
support  of  a  wicked  coalition.  But  it 
has  been  found  impossible  to  persuadt; 
the  people  out  of  that  which  they  know 
—to  mako  tlitim   believe  thai  Jacksci:, 


IS.W 


\vtio^;»ted  foytkrae  measures,  is  their en«- 
my.  or  that  he  will  neglect  any  interest  of 
that  tountry,  wliich  he  has  hazarded  his 
"fife  and  fortune  to  defend. 

We  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  invoke  tliem,  by  all  the  con- 
siderations which  bind  them  to  love  and 
protect  the  civil  institutions  of  the  only 
itee  j;overninent  on  earth,  to  examine  into 
fhe  facts  which  we  have  adduced,  and 
gonder  over  the  consecjuences  which  will 
necessarily  flow  from  the  re-election  of 
jVIr.  Adams.  Gen.  Jackson  is  the  last  of 
those  Revolutionary  worthies,  who,  by 
eminent  public  servi(*eri,  has  attained  the 
high  distinction,  without  which  no  one 
can  successfully  become  a  candidate  for 
tlie  P»esidency.  We  are  entering  upon 
a  new  lace  of  public  men;  another  de- 
scription of  service  is  relied  upon  for  office; 
and,  from  the  nat\ire  of  things,  we  may 
expect  many  competitors  for  the  Presi- 
dency. We  nave  seen  that  Mr.  Clay  con- 
tinued a  candidate,  after  his  partisans  had 
openly  avowed  that  he  could  not  be  elect- 
ed by  the  people.  We  have  seen  him, 
whilst  the  election  was  pending  before 
the  people,  advocated  upon  the  ground 
that  it  was  the  first  object  of  his  friends 
to  defeat  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams;  not 
se  much  iU  relation  to  the  man,  as  to  the 
principle — to  prevent  the  election  of  one 
of  Mr.  Monroe's  Cabinet.  And  we  have 
seen  these  two  men — opposed  in  feelings, 
in  interests,  and  in  principles — recon- 
ciling their  mutual  differences,  and  be- 
stowing the  two  highest  offices  of  the 
jieople  upon  each  other;  boldly  declaring 
the  open  violation  of  the  public  will  to  be 
a.  •'  safe  precedent."  We  have  seen  the  par- 
tisans of  thes«  men,  in  Congress,  defeat 
a  proposition,  the  object  of  which  was  so 
to  amend  the  Constitution  is  to  take  the 
election  of  President  from  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  place  it  with  the 
people.  With  these  things  before  our 
eyes,  we  should  be  wilfully  blind,  if  we 
did  not  foresee  that,  unless  the  people 
unite  their  strength,  and  break  down  the 
tine  of  precedents,  it  will  be  easy  for  a 
lew  leading  public  men,  in  different  sec- 
tions of  the  United  St.ates,  to  bring  be- 
fore the  people  so  many  candidates,  as, 
at  all  times,  to  defeat  an  election  of  Pre- 
sident, except  by  the  House  of  Represen- 
fatives.  To  prevent  such  combinations 
of  political  leaders,  and  to  elect  a  Presi- 
dent who  will  stand  pledged  to  aid  in 
ubtaining  this  salutary  amendment,  is  an 
object  of  first  importance.  Gen.  Jackson 
is  90  pledged.  It  was  in  his  person  that 
the  will  of  the  people  was  violated;  and 


the  Hatioii  tromimpeuding  danger,  by  hi^ 
election.  If  the  people,  now,  in  the  youth- 
fiil  vigor  of  our  institutions,  under  such 
circumstances,  cannot  rally  upon  such  a 
candidate  as  Antrew  Jackson,  there,  will 
be  an  end  of  the  <!lective  franchise.  I'ub- 
lic  men  will  no  longer  look  to  the  people 
as  the  source  (.f  political  elevation:  they 
will  look  to  the  National  Treasury.  And 
instead  of  a  host  of  patriots,  ready  tx) 
defend  the  national  independence  with 
their  lives,  Ave  shall  have  a  host  of  greedy 
political  speculators,  whose  chief  aim  \vu\ 
be  to  cheat  the  people  of  political  power, 
regardless  of  the  means  by  whicK  it  i^ 
attained. 

Again — we  say,  if  the  people  cannot 
resist  the  power  and  patronage  of  the  Go- 
vernment, with  such  a  candrdate  as  Ax- 
DREW  Jackson — who  will  be  bold  enoujth, 
hereafter,  to  look  to  the  people  for 
office? 

The  present  contest  is  not  a  contest  be- 
tween Andrew  Jackson  and  John  Quincy 
Adams.  It  is  a  contest  between  the  peo- 
ple on  one  side,  and  corrupt  political  ma- 
nagers, who,  having  seized  upon  the  in- 
fluence and  patronage  of  thS  Government, 
seek  to  continue  themselves  in  office  by- 
subverting  the  elective  franchise,  by  bid- 
ding for  the  votes  of  the  people,  as  for 
merchandise  in  the  open  market,  on  the  - 
other.  Suspicions  of  the  cornipt  practices 
of  the  piiolic  functionaries  are  deeply 
seated  in  the  public  mind.  A  people,  to 
preserve  their  liberty,  must  be  jealous 
and  watchful.  If  the  present  incumbents 
are  re-elected,  they  will  be  elected  by 
the  power  and  influence  of  the  patronage 
of  the  Government,  and  they  will  stand 
pledged  to  continue  the  abuses  which  have 
gradually  crept  into  the  administration 
of  tlie  Government.  If  Gen.  Jackson  be 
elected,  he  will  come  into  office  as  the 
President  of  the  People;  selected  by  them 
for  the  purpose  of  correcting  abuses,  and 
removing  from  office  unworthy  public  ser- 
vants. He  has  been  tried  in  many  emer- 
gencies, and  never  yet  has  been  found 
wanting.  Those  who  have  abused  the 
pwblic  confidence,  and  sc|uandered  the 
public  money,  will  appeal  in  vain  to  the 
sympathies  of  Andrew  Jackson.  In  every 
public  statioii  he  has  made  the  public  in- 
terest his  moving  principle:  and  if  chosen 
to  purify  the  ])ublic  Departments,  he  will 
not  shrink  from  the  duty  imposescl  by  the 
people. 

Mr.  Clay  has  said  that  he  cannot  "con- 
sent, in  this  early  stage  of  their  existence, 
by  contributing  to  the  election  of  a  Mili- 
tary Chieftain,  to  give  the  strongest  gtu- 
rantv  that  this  reptiblic  will  mairh  in  ttfe 


laiiii  read  ^^llud^  iu»  ctjuiiucted  ^ery 
other  republic  to  ruin. " 

What  is  tlie  road  that  has  led  all  other 
republics  to  ruin?  It  is  the  road  of  cor- 
ruption. Mr.  Adams,  in  his  book  upon 
the  Fisheries,  referring  to  a  speech  of  the 
Hon.  John  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  said: 

"  There  iiad  been  a  time,  when,  upon  a 
Critical  occasion,  in  which  my  public  con- 
duct was  not  a  little  involved,  Mr.  Floyd, 
still  more  unknown  to  me  than  at  present, 
had,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
<aken  a  part  which  had  given  him  claims 
(o  mv  esteem — perhaps  to  my  gratitude. 

"fiis  conduct  and  opinions  then  were 
doubtless  actuated  exclusively  by  public 
motives,  and  without  reference  at  all  to 
me.  Yet  I  was  grateful  to  him  for  his 
support  of  a  cause  which  it  had  been  ray 
duty  to  defend:  The  cause  of  a  Hero, 
upon  whose  public  services  was  invoked 
the  public  censure  of  his  counti-y." 

Mr.  Adams  identified  his  reference  by 
appending  a  note,  as  follows: 

"  See  the  debate  in  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, on  the  Seminolean  War. 
February,  1819.     Mr.  Floyd's  Speech. •' 

By  referring  to  this  speech,  we  find 
that  Gen.  Floyd  defended  the  conduct  of 
Gen.  Jackson,  which  is  now  relied  on  by 
the  partisans  of  Mi:  Adams,  as  the 
strongest  grounds  of  objection  to  him; 
and  we  cannot  impress  upon  your  miinds 
with  too  much  force,  the  sentiment  so 
forcibly  adopted  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  so 
eloquently  expressed  by  the  patriotic 
speaker,  Mr.  Floyd. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  Mr.  Adams 
had  defended  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson, 
and  that  the  public  understood  the  attack 
which  Mr.  Cliiy  and  his  partisans  in  Con- 
gress, at  that  time  made  upon  the  Gene- 
ral, to  be  an  attack  upon  Mr.  Monroe's 
Administration,  for  the  purpose  of  injur- 
ing Mr.  Adams.  In  reply  to  Mr.  Clay, 
Gen.  Floyd  said: 

"  The  Hon.  Speaker  [Mr.  Clay]  says 
t»o,  should  we  not  cling  to  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  preserve  it,  by  passin"  these 
resolutions,  the  day  is  close  at  hand  wlien 
some  daring  Chieftain,  after  another 
splendid  lictory,  will  strut  in  his  gaudy 
costume,  casting  a  look  of  approbation  as 
he  walks  between  obedient  rows  of  ad- 
miring vassals,  and  seize  upon  our  liber- 
ties, and  the  hills  around  your  Capitol 
will  be  covered  with  the  gorgeous  palaces 
of  a  pampered  noblesse;  and  then  tells  us, 
in  words  which  sound  very  like  Pa- 
trick Henry's,  that  Rome  had  her  Cjesar, 
Britain  her  Cromwell,  France  her  Napo- 
leon, and  may  we  profit  by  the  example. 
I  'ftw,  <)r  thought  I  =;i^',  the  imprei-iffi 


tliose  dakgeis  of  »iiiiiv<uy  iiuEii  btcmed  ti> 
make  upon  the  Hoase,  and  I  believe  I  am 
about  to  hazard  an  opinion,  new  in  a  de- 
gree,  and  very  opposite  to  that  of  both 
of  these  honorable  gentlemen,  [Mr.  Hop- 
kinson,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  MrClay/^ 
wliich  is,  that  no  Government  has  evet" 
yet  been  destroyed  by  a  successful  mili- 
tary chieftain,  t  appeal  to  history  to  sup- 
port me." 

[Here  Mr.  Floyd  stated  some  historicil 
facts,  and  proceeded.] 

"  No,  Mr.  Chairman,  our  liberties  are 
not  to  be  endangered  by  a  successful  Mi^ 
litary  Chieftain,  returning  to  us  with  his 
gaudy  costume,  even  after  an  hundred  vic- 
tories of  New  Orleans.  It  is  here,  in  this 
Capitol,  on  this  floor,  that  our  liberty  is 
to  be  sacrificed, — ^and  that  by  the  hollaw., 
treacherous  eloquence  of  some  ambitiouSj 
proud,  aspiring  demagogue.  And  if,  iu 
times  to  come,  we  should  hear  of  afavorite 
oificer,  who  has  exhausted  his  constitu- 
tion in  defence  of  his  country,  throwing 
wreaths  of  victory  at  her  feet,  charge® 
with  violations  of  her  liberty,  let  us  in- 
quire whether  the  sternness  of  his  virtues 
is  not  his  greatest  blemish." 

Such  was  the  language  of  jMr.  FloyS, 
adopted  by  Mr.  Adams.  Such  was  the 
language  of  history,  speaking  in  the  voice 
of  prophecy.  And  we  call  on  you,  fellow  . 
citizens,  as  you  love  your  liberties,  to  rallr 
to  the  polls,  and  by  voting  for  the  candi- 
date of  the  people,  avoid  the  impending 
e\-il. 

Already  have  we  seen  the  "  hollow, 
treacherous  eloquence  of  a  proud  aspiring 
demagogue"  defeat  your  will,  and  impose 
upon  you  a  President  of  his  choice.  Con- 
firm his  power,  and  submit  to  his  dicta- 
tion, and  you  are  slaves.  But  rise  in. 
the  majesty  of  your  strength,  and  elect  for 
yourselves  a  President,  and  you  are  free. 
JOHN  P.  VAN  NESS,  Chalr'n. 

HrsBT  C.  Neale,  Secretary. 

Since  the  above  was  in  type,  the  following' 
has  been  handed  to  us  through  the  Frankfort 
Axgus,  in  confirmation  of  Mr.  M'MiUan's  testi- 
mony. 

"  We  whose  names  are  uudersif^ned.  do  hereby  certifv'* 
that  sometime  subsequent  to  the  lut  Pre«ideDtial  electiuii, 
we  heard  Francii  Johnson,  Esq.  io  the  town  of  Tompkins, 
ville,  Monroe  county,  fji'^-asa  reason  for  voting  fur  John 
Quiucv  Adams,  that,  (/  Mr,  Adamx  was  elected  Presidentt 
Mr.  Cfatj  would  be  Secretary  of  State;  but  thnt.  if  Cfneral 
Jackson  was  elected  Presid^ritf  Mr.  Ctay  would  not  be  Secre- 
tary; and  that  he  believed,  Mr.  Adams  for  President,  with 
Mr.  Clay  fur  Secretary,  would  conduce  more  to  tite  interest 
of  the  West,  than  General  Jackson  for  President,  wrtfa  we 
know  not  whom  for  Secretary.  We  do  not  pretend  to  giver 
Mr.  Johnson's  precise  words;  but  we  tay  positively,  that* 
the  above  is  time  in  sabstance,  and  we  know  we  are  not 
mistaken. 

WILLIAM  HOWARD, 
ISAAC  JACKSON, 
■lOSHUV  RUSH, 
BENJAMIN  RUUP, 
HOWARD  MF.RCSP . 
:  E-.VTS  FRANKLIV 


la-i 


AJP^JG  jV^I^,  tfie  Senate  were  vi,vcmg  m  talcin,?  up  tbe  restJu- 

tions,  and  that  the  proper  business  of  the  dnj 

In  submitl-ing:  tlir  mass  of  testimony  collected  ^^^is  the  hearing  of  evidence, 

into  this  Appendix,   the   Committee    deem   it  M'"-  ^/'"'pmwithdrcw  the  call  for  the  previ- 

proper  to  say,  that  the  principal  object  of  their  °"*  qvicstion. 

Reply  h.is  been  to  estabhsh   the  undei-rtanding  Mr  Po/(e  then  moved  that  all  the  resolutioijs 

upon  which  Mr.    Clay  voted  for   Mr.   Adains.  before  the  Senate  embracing  the  subject  of  the 

Upon  this  point,  they  are  of  opinion,  the  cvi-  proposed  investigation,  be  laid  on  the  table  uix- 

dence  is  conclusive.     They   have  not  followed  *■'  the  last  day  of  July  next,  and  said  he  tvould 

Sir.  Clay  tli-ough  his   insinuations  against  Gen.  ''-f^"  concur  in  strikintif  from  the  Journals  the 

.Tackson.     They  have  carefully  abstiimed   from  resolution  providing  for  an  investigation, 

any  disputation  which  may  lead  to  a  falst.  issue.  *'i"-  M'Cminell  stated  that  he  was  now  for  go- 

The  question   is,    Did  Mr.    Clay  vote  for  Mr.  ingintoit. 

Adams  under  an  understanding  that  he  was  to  Mr.  IVickUffc  moved  to  lay  down  the  resolfi- 

be  uppouited  Secretary  of  Stat?>      The  re?der  <ion9  for  the  purpose  of  .^oi'ng  into  the  inveetl- 

\rill,  however,  find  In   the  Appendix  the  evi-  gation.     This  motion  prevailed, 

dencejof  disinterested  an<i  respectable  witnesses.  The  resolution  ordering  an  investigation  wa-s 

disprovmg  almost  every  .-uiscrt  ion  and  insinuation  then  taken  up,  and  the  following  e>-idence  of- 

Which  Mr.  Chiy  has  attempted  to  make  a.;;Mnst  foreA. 

Oen.   Jackson.     'I'hus,   the  statement   of  Mr.  .lames  APMilltm,  of  the  House  of  Kepresen. 

3*iton  of  the  Senate,  relating-  to  the  authorship  titives,  stated  in  reply  to   interrogatories,  th:it 

of  Mr.  KremePs   letter;  the  letters  of  Messre.  Mr.  Francis  .fohnson  was  at  Tompkinsville,  h\ 

Baton  and  White  of  tl:e  Senate,   and  those  of  Monroe  county,  after  his  return  home,  subse- 

Messrs.   Blair  and  Isacks  of  Ih.-  noust-  of  Re-  qnently  to  the  Presulcntial  election,  where  he 

J)resent,ativcs,  relative  to  tht   statement  of  Mr.  wis  a.tked  how  became  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams' 

Clay,  thatthe  Tennessee  delegation  in,CongTi-8s  Mr.  Johnson  answered,  that  he  voted  for  Mf. 

Jiad  given  a  dinner  f...r  the  piu-pose  of  prociu--  .^dam3  to  get  Jlr.  Clay  made  Secretarj  of  State, 

mg  a  reconciliation  between  ?.ir.  Clay  and  Gen.  He  made  this  declaration  repeatedly  In  conver- 

.Tackson,   which  Mr.    C.    insinuates  was  sought  sat:on,- and  witness  beleved  in  a  public;  speech, 

wjth  a  view  to  obhiin  his  vote  for  th;- latter,  Hesaid,  that  Mr.  Adams  for  President,  and  Mr. 

;)rovc   tliat  Mr.   Clay's   charges   aie  without  a  Clay  his  SeTCtary,  would  conduce  more  to  the 

shadow   of  truth.     Tne  Com.niittee  have   pre-  interestsof  the  west,  than  Genera!  Jackson  Pre. 

ferred  to  publish  the  teslimom",  and  leave  the  sident,  with  vvc  know  not  whom  for  his  Secre- 

*public  to  draw  thou-  own  inference,  rather  than  'afVi  and  that  Mr.  CI.'V  might  perhaps  succeed 

enter  mto  an  argitment  upon  immateria!  points,  him.     He  did  not  hear  Mr"    Johnson   say  thai 

for   Ml'.    Clay's  tact  consists  in  his   ability  'o  Mr.  Ad.aius  made  anv  promises  to  appoint  Mr. 

jnake  up  fn/xe  issues.     I.et  the  people   read,  day  Secretary  of  State,  if  he  would   support 

compare,  and  judg-e  for  themselves.  him.     Previous  to   his  gi 'ng  on  to  Congress, 


Mr.  Johnson  spoke  against  Mi-.  Adams,  and  hi 
favor  of  Mr.  Clay;  but  witness  never  heard  liini 
say  for  wliom  he  intended  to  vote,  if  Mr.  Clay 
■was  excluded  from  Congiess,  nor  did  he,  pre- 
vious  to  th.at  time,  ever  hear  him  say  a  word 
against  General  Jackson.  Witness  w,-is  a  Jack- 
son man. 

Henry  Grider,  of  the  House  of  Representit- 


No.  1. 

Prjm  the  Western  Argits. 

The  Investigation  in  the.  Kentucky 
Legislature. 

Thuhsdat,  Jan.  31,  1828. 
The  Senate  took  up  the  resolutions  on  the 
subject  of  Internal  Improvements,  together  tives,  said,  Mr.  Y  J'lhiison  in  all  convei-sr.tions 
with  the  amentlmcit  offered  by  Mr.  Ready,  de-  and  speeches  in  his  presence,  h.ad  denied  all 
cliring  tbe  distinguished  inembei-s  of  Congress  corruption,  barf'iu  and  sale  in  the  Presidential 
from  this  State  who  iiad  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  election,  and  sa;d  he  neither  knew  nor  believed 
innocent  of  bargain,  Sec.  and  that  all  ;he  charges  any  such  t!,lng.  He  had  dlsrlaimcd  all  know- 
to  that  eft'ect,  made  against  them,  were  false  h^dge  that  he  would  appoint  Mr.  Clay  Secretary 
and  malicious.  After  some  ilesultcry  discus-  of  State,  or  who  was  to  compose  his  cabinet. 
,sion,  wh:chwe  did  not  hear,  Mr.  yl/,/i/^m  called  He  said  he  supported  Mr.  Adams,  because  he 
for  the  previous  question,  wliich,  it  was  siinpo-  believeil  him  devoted  to  Internal  Improvements 
sed,  would  have  the  effect  of  rililing  the  Se-  and  Domestic  Manufactures,  and  that  his  doc- 
trines and  policy  were  such  .-fs  wcndd  stilt  the 
west.  He  saidtliat  General  .lack&on  would  not 
suit  us,  becaU'S'  'he  was  a  southern  man,  and 
would  pursue  a  southei-n  polioj-.  Mr.  Johnson 
said  the.se  tirngs  after  he  «;ts  ch:irgLti  with  bar- 
gain, sale  and  crirrupti-jn;  but  w-itness  supposed 
the  papei-s  containing  those  charges  got  to  Ker.- 


■iiale  of  th.e  wliol-  suliject  exrept  tlie  original 
jesolutions  relative  to  Internal  Improvements. 
This  motion  was  seconded  by  Mr.  .M'Connell. 

Mr.  Beattij  opposed  the   previous   question, 
■>vhich  w.asatlvocated  by  Mr.  JH'Cnnnell. 

"Mr.  Daviess  moved  a  recess  for  an  hour  and  a 
half,  that  the  menibei-s  might  coesult  te.gcthoi-, 

and  come   to  some  undcrstandi-ig,  &c.  which    tiicky  assotm -is  Mr.  Johnson  did  after  the  elec- 
motion  prev.ailed.  '  tion.   He  lives  in  the  same  town  with  Mr.  John- 

After  the  recess,  Mr.  WlcM'ffc  opposed  the  son,  and  has  conversed  with  him  frequenliy 
previous  question,  and  maintained  thaf  the  pri>-  ft-om  the  tiire  h-  came  home,  and  he  naa  uni. 
position  (or  an  invi.siigation  was  a.i  independ-  formly  made  the  same  decLaration.  Witness 
ent  one, not  embraced  by  it,  and  that  its  success  never  heard  him  say  he  preferred  Gen.  Jack- 
would  not  rid  the  Senate  of  the  inquiry.  He  son.  Witness  said  he  was  an  administration 
also  contended  that  the  hearing  of  testimony  man,  or  a  friend  of  Internal  Improvements  and 
yas  the  order  of  the  day,  and  nottlie  considera-    Domestic  Manufactures. 

tion  of  these  resolutions.  ■  Witness  said  he  knew  tiot  why  he  was  called, 

Mr    i'ltV'  r(irie'tn'(>d    in  the  ^(faV.^lrin  <If?i*     rtr!>ss  ^\  w:t«  fitim  n  r"m9r1v  h>  n^^tfe  in  Frant. 


mvt,  that  tkey  neefl  not  send  to  Bowling  Green 
for  testimony,  for  he  kne\r  as  much  about  it  ;is 
any  body  there :  meaninpr  tlmt  there  was  nobody 
f'uere  who  knew  any  VMig  about  it.  It  was  in 
the  presence  of  Mr.  B  Johnson  and  Mr.  Ken- 
dall. [The  Litter  remembers  the  remark,  but 
did  not  pr  jcnro  him  to  be  summoned  ] 

WtlUam  7(Mn«r  w  s  called  and  swom.  A 
pamphlet  wa3  shown  to  him,  entitled  "Letters 
to  John  Quuicy  .\danis,  relative  to  the  Fisheries 
and  the  Mississippi,  first  published  in  the  Arg;u9 
of  Western  America,  revbed  and  enlarged,  by 
Amos  Kendall,"  and  he  was  asked  whether  he 
printed  it.  He  replied  that  he  did.  He  was 
asked  whether  Mr.  Clay  paid  any  part  of  the 
expense.  He  replied  that  he  did  pay  JSIOO; 
that  he.  Tanner,  undertook  to  print  fhe  paraph- 
IcJ.  bv  subscriDtion;  that  Mr.  Krndall  told  jlini 
Mr.  Clay  hail  proposed  to  hnn  to  print  it,  and  of- 
f/red to  pav  a  part  of  the  expense;  that  he  had 
<.iken  a  let'.er  from  Mr.  Kendall  to  Mr.  Clay; 
tbut  Mr.  Clay  conversed  with  him  as  to  the  ex- 
pense of  printing'  the  pamphlet,  and  the  sub- 
scription for  it:  that  he  told  liim  to  goto  Mr. 
Thomas  Smith,  who  would  hand  him  ^75,  and 
that  if  h.t  should  not  be  remunerated  by  the 
snbscr![  Uons,  to  call  on  him  and  he  would  pay 
him  the  oalance  of  the  expe:ise;  that  he  called 
on  Mr.  Smith,  who  paid  tjim  the  money;  tliat 
the  subscriptions  fjling  sliort,  he  a^u  called 
on  Mr.  Clay,  wiio  sent  liim  to  Mr.  Smith  for 
m  more.  The  pamphlet  was  printed  in  the 
Litter  part  of  1823. 

.'i:nas  Kendall  stated,  in  reply  to  Interroguto- 
vies,  that  alter  the  diarg'es  against  Mr.  Adajus 
relative  to  the  neg-otiatioii  at  Ghent  had  co!ne 
before  liie  public,  he  wrote  and  published  an 
article  in  the  Argiw  upon  that  subject,  contain- 
ing a  view  of  it  which  Mr.  Qlay-  deeme^l .  en-o- 
iieovre.  Mr  Adams  seized  upon  the  article,  co- 
pied it  mto  his  book  on  the  Fisheries  and  the 
Mis'wssippi,  andra\deo  comraertary  upon  it,  in 
which  he  insiiiuMted  that  it  came  from  Mr.  Clay. 
The  hitler  afterwards  called  upon  witness,  en- 
tered into  a  n.irrative  of  ;he  transactions  at 
Ghent,  including  an  explanation  of  the  princi- 
ples involved,  and  satisaed  witness  that  the 
\lew  he  had  taken  was  eiToneous.  Witnc-ss 
Iheji  took  up  Mr.  Adams'  book  upon  the  Fish- 
eries, &c.  and  reviewed  it  in  a  series  of  Letters 
published  in  tlic  .Vrgus,addressed  to  John  Quin- 
ty  Adams.  After  most  of  the  series  had  been 
published,  Mr.  CLay  conversed  with  witness 
about  publishing  them  in  pamphlet,  and  offered 
to  pay  §50  of  the  expense.  Witness  declined 
pablkshinsr  them;  but  told  him^  that  if  he  or 
Ris  friends  thought  proper  to  publish  them  else- 
where, he  would  revise  and  prepare  them  for 
the  press.  Learning  from  Mr.  Tanner  t'nat  he 
had  determined  to  print  them,  witness  gave  him 
a  letter  to  Sir.  Clay,  soUciting  him  to  pay  Mr. 
Tanner  wiiat  he  had  promised  to  witness.  Wit- 
neffl  did  revise  the  letters,  and  they  were  jub- 
fislicd  by  Sir.  Tanner. 

Sir.  Pope  told  witness  to  stand  aside,  and  that 
lie  would  again  be  called  to  another  point,  and 
v'itness  retired  to  his  seat. 

It  was  inasted  tb.it  the  examination  of  the 
witness  should  be  completed,  before  he  was 
permitted  to  retire .  Some  remarks  were  made 
which  seemed  to  reflect  on  witness  as  not  hav- 
ing told  all  he  was  bound  to  tell,  when  he  ob- 
s#»n'pf1  that   h**  ^is  r'*^lv  to  aiTswrr  questions 


if  there  were  any  to  be  asked.  Sir.  .(aim  GitKft 
inquu-ed  whether  he  had  told  all  he  knev 
about  bargain,  sale  and  corruption,  and  if  so  he 
had  notliing  further  to  ask.  The  witness  re- 
turned no  ar.swer,  and  sat  down. 

-Mr.  Pope  again  called  the  witness,  and  ast.- 
cd  him  what  he  had  heard  Mr.  Bavid  White  sxy 
as  to  his  motives  for  voting  for  Mr.  Adams' 

Mr.  Ihrdin  objected  to  this  question  being 
answered.  A  discussion  arose  in  which  Messrs. 
flardia,  M'Connell  and  Wickliffe  contended 
that  the  question  ought  not  to  be  answered,  and 
Messrs.  Pope,  Daviesa,  and  Allen,  maintnined 
that  11  ought.  The  former  insisted  that  Mr. 
White  himself  was  a  competent  xritness,  and 
that  he  ought  to  be  sent  for;  t'nat  his  character 
was  not  under  invectigation ;  ami  that  if  he  kneiv 
anv  thing  in  relation  to  a  bargain  betweea 
Adams  and  Clay,  he  ought  to  be  brought  in  to 
state  it  himself,  as  he  i'j  not  more  than  tweJvc 
miles  off,  instead  of  proving  his  declarations 
when  not  on  oath;  that  they  wej-e  wilKng  the 
declarations  of  those  membetu  of  Congress  who 
were  not  here,  and  could  not  be  got  here,  should 
be  proved.  On  the  other  side  it  was  mainlaia- 
ed  that  the  cond.ict  of  Mr.  White  was  brought 
under  investigation  as  much  as  that  of  any  other 
member  of  Congress  from  Kentucky  who  vot- 
ed for  Mr.  Adams;  that  his  declarations  were 
goon  evidence  against  himself,  and  to  thaj 
point  only  were  they  offered  to  be  proved; 
that  he  could  not,  consistently  with  any  rule  (5f 
law  or  propriety,  be  introduced  to  purge  him* 
self  upon  oath;  that  the  principles  assiimed  her<; 
would  exclude  the  declarations  of  every  mem- 
ber of  Congress  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  and 
put  an  end  to  the  inquiry;  thatit  could  be  can;- 
fcidered  as  urged  only  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
cluding evidence  which  gentlemen  knew  would 
prove  the  truth  of  the  charges  made  by  the 
C  lends  of  .Tackson,  and  Mr.  Pope,  in  empha^c 
terms,  told  the  Senate,  that  he  viewed  it  as  art 
effort  of  tlie  majority  to  exclude  the  truth  in  Bii 
investigation  wnich  themselves  had  sought  an9 
urged,  and  so  he  would  tell  the  people. 

The  vote  was  taken  upon  the  question, 
'  Shall  the  question  be  answered''  and  deodeS 
in  the  negative.     The  Senate  then  adjoumeft.. 

Fbidat,  February  1. 

Sickness  prevented  our  attending  the  Senate 
on  ttiis  day,  and  consequently  we  caji  only  give 
the  evidence  as  we  have  written  it  oot  from  fire 
notes  of  others. 

Thomas  D.  Caraeal,  a  Senator,  at  the  r^^ 
quest  of  Mr.  Pope,  stated,  .that  he  had  a 
conversation  with  Mr.  Clay  at  his  room,  a 
few  days  before  he  stalled  for  Wadiington 
City,  in  the  fall  of  1824.  Mr.  Clay  said  he 
did  not  like  to  bt  instructed  by  the  Legislature 
as  to  his  vote,  should  he  not  be  returned  to  tlifi 
House  as  one  of  the  three  highest,  which  he 
thought  doubtful,  but  wished  to  be  left  entirely 
free.  Mr.  Cameal  told  hira  he  had  intended  to 
introdi!>'e  resolutions  of  instruction  into  the  Se- 
nate himself,  requesting  the  Kentucky  delega- 
tion *o  vote  for  Gen.  Jackson,  but  proinised,  oy, 
account  of  the  objections  of  Mr.  Clay,  not  to  do 
it,  although  he  said  he  must  vote  for  tliem 
should  they  be  introduced  by  others.  Mr.  Clay 
said,  in  case  he  were  excluded  from  the  House^ 
he  was  wholly  uncommitted  as  to  his  vote,  aniJ 
wished  to  h^  lef!  f!-e».     Thh  convcr-'atitfn  tOft 


ifl/ifaIIofl824.. 

OKuer  AfCTW  stated  that  in  the  fall  of  1824, 
ci^t  or  ten  dap  before  Mr.  Clay  started  for 
Washington  eity,  he  asted  Mr.  Clay,  in  con- 
versation, whether  he  had  written  to  General 
Jackson  to  come  to  his  house  and  go  on  to 
Washington  with  him'  Mr.  Clay  said  he  had. 
Witness  was  a  warm  supporter  oOIr.  Clay,  but 
prefers  Jackson  to  Adams. 

Francis  McJletir  stated,  that  ou  the  morning 
Mr.  Clay  started  for  Washin^on,  in  the  fall  of 
1824,  in  the  presence  of  several  gentlemen,  he 
Iieard  Mr.  Clay  say  he  l!ad  written  to  General 
.rackson  to  come  through  Lexington  and  go  on 
to  Washington  with  him,  but  had  received  no 
answer,  and  had  given  him  out.  Witness  was 
a  warm  advocate  of  Mr.  Clay,  until  he  voted  for 
.f'ohn  Quincy  Adams. 

John  T.  Johnson  states'",  that  he  was  at  Wash- 
ington City  in  1824,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Pre- 
sidential election  in  February,  1825.  After  the 
election,  he  and  his  brother  (Colonel  Johnson) 
were  in  company  with  General  Metcalfe,  who 
told  tliem  he  had  a  letter  irom  Kentucky  which 
stated  that  the  people. would  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  result.  His  brother  told  the  General 
that  this  voting  for  Mr.  Adams  would  be  an  up- 
hill business  in  Kentucky.  The  General  replied, 
rjear  we  hrwe  done  too  much  far  our  Jriend. 

He  knew  of  no  direct  bargain,  nor  of  any 
■<;orruption,  nor  had  he  ever  believed  there  was 
any.  lie  had  very  little  Intercourse  with  the 
members  of  Congr&ss  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams, 
it  being  well  known  that  he  intended  to  vote 
for  General  Jackson. 

He  was  asked  to  state  whether  ho  did. not 
hear  Mr.  White,  one  of  the  members  of  Con- 
gress who  voted  for  Mr.  Adams,  say,  a  few  days 
after  the  election,  that  he  considered  when  vo- 
ting for  Mr.  Adaros  that  he  was  voting  for  Mr. 
tlay?  ,  , 

This  question  was  objected  to  -,  and  over- 
ruled, 14  to  19.  ,     ,     ,    ,       ,      J. , 
Witness  was  further  asked  whether  he  did 
ju)t  hear  Mr.  White  say,  either  on  his  way  to 
^Tongress  or  at  any  time  before  the  Presidential 
election,  that  he  would  vote  for  Genera!  Jack- 
son, ill  preference  to  Adams  or  Crawford' 
This  was  also  overruled,  14  to  19. 
Wi'ness  was  fuither  asked,  did  or  did  you  not 
liear  Mr.  White  s.ay,  that  if  Mr.  Adams   were 
elected,  Mr.  Clay  would  be  made  Secretary  of 

S  tate ' 

This  was  also  overruled,  13  to  19. 

Mr  Clay  was  in  his  room  a  few  .days  before 
•he  election,  ai^dsaid,  he  thought  the  Kentucky 
<telegation  might  vote  either  way,  and  Ken- 
tucky would  be  satisfisd. 

In  December,  at  a  public  dinner,  he  saw  Mr. 
\iims  and  Mr.  Clay  sitting  together,  and  ob- 
served that  they  were  very  social  and  friendly. 
From  this  circumstance,  he  said  to  his  brother, 
that  he  was  persuaded  Mr.  Clay  intended  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  CUy  told  witness  he 
had  been  instructed  by  a  few  of  his  constituents, 
in  a  part  of  his  district  above  Lexington,  to  do 
as  he  pleased.  After  Mr.  Clay  was  appointed 
.Secretary  of  State,  he  asked  witness  whether 
I  he  ought  to  accept,  and  witness  told  him  he 
llLOUght  he  ought. 

Joseph  Secrest,  a  member  of  the  House  of 


vid  Trimble  say,  ui  u  spcccu  »r  ajicethesi  in-Mi-::- 
in  1824,  that  John  Q.  Adams  was  a  noted  fede- 
ralist ;that  he  was  inimical  to  the  west,  and  want- 
ed to  sell  to  the  British  the  navigation  of  the 
.Mississippi,  .\fter  his  return  from  Congress  in 
1825,  he  Iieard  -Mr.  Trimble  give,  as  an  apolog\- 
for  voting  for  Mr.  Adams,  that  if  Mi.  Adams  had 
not  been  elected,  Mr.  Clay  would  not  have  been 
Secretary  of  State,  and  that  if  General  Jackson 
had  been  elected,  Mr.  Adaros  would  have  been 
Secretary.  Witness  did  not  like  his  apology, 
and  did  no'  wait  to  hear  all  he  said  about  it. 
Trimble  since  explained  to  him,  alleging  that 
he  said  Mr.  A.hims  was  a  re;j«/f(/ federalist,  and 
not  a  noted  fedeialist.  General  Jackson  is  not 
witness's  first  choice  for  President,  by  several; 
but  Adams  is  his  last. 


"T^Tire* 


:-n*ativef,  :>*?.ted  ttat  bi  ber.rd  Mr.  Tb.^ 


SiTCBDAT,  February  2. 
,1mo3  Kmdall  being  again  called,  was  asked' 
whether  he  was  not  informed,  three  or  four 
weeks  before  the  Presidential  election,  that 
ilr.  Clay  would  be  Secretary  of  State,  if  Mr. 
Adanw  were  m.ide  President? 

Mr.  Hardin  objected  to  the  question  being 
an3W(?red,  unless  it  were  first  stated  from  whom 
the  information  came. 

Witness  said  he  was  embarrassed,  because  to 
state  from  whom  the  information  came,  was  to 
say  he  had  the  information;  and  on  the  suppo- 
sition he  had  nut  the  information,  it  could  have 
come  from  nobody. 

He  was  told  to  answer;  and  accordingly  an- 
swered, that  he  had  such  information  from 
Francis  P.  13l.air,  Esq.  of  Frankfort. 

Mr.  Ji'hn  Grcenasked  if  it  was  the  same  F.  P. 
Blair,  who  was  Clerk  of  the  New  Court' 

Witness  answered  that  it  was  the  same  who, 
in  the  days  of  the  New  Court,  was  the  Clerk  of 
the  Court  of  Appeals. 

Mr.  Davieie  asked  whether  .Mr.  Blair  had  hot 
been  for  many  years  the  i^itimate  and  confiden- 
tial friend  of  Mr.  Clay? 

This  question,  as  well  as  the  question  and 
answer  first  above  given,  were  objected  to,  and 
voted  to  be  improper  and  inadmissible,  by  a 
vote  of  10  to  20. 

Witness  said  he  felt  bound  to  state  a  circum- 
stance which  ;ie  could  not  help  believing  had 
some  bearing  upon  the  subject  of  this  inquiry, 
upon  which  the  Senate  might  draw  their  owjs 
i.nfeiences. 

After  Mr.  Clay  was  excluded  from  the  House., 
and  previous  to  the  Presidential  election,  he  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Mr.  Clay,  communicating- 
his  intention  ta  offer  witness  st>me  situation  at 
Washington,  contingent,  as  he  understood  it, 
upon  the  result  of  the  Presidential  election. 
The  expressions  of  the  letter,  so  far  as  he  could 
recollect,  wert,  that  he,  Mr.  Clay,  had  hoped 
to  h;ive  it  in  his  power  to  offer  him,  witness,  a 
situation  at  Washington  more  agreeable  to  him 
than  the  one  he  occupied  in  Frankfort,  but  that 
there  was  then  some  doubt  as  to  the  result  of 
affairs  there.  WitncES  tliinks  it  was  written 
and  received  in  January,  1825.  The  letter  con- 
tained no  other  subject,  and  witness,  not  per- 
ceiving any  other  object  in  it,  took  it  merely  as 
an  indication  of  Mr.  Clay's  friendly  designs  in 
relation  to  himself. 

After  the  Presidential  election,  and  after  Mr. 
Clay  was  made  Secretary  of  State,  witness  re- 
ceived another  letter  from  him,  stating  that  he 
inten5?d  to  offer  him  a  shtiatim  iX  Washington 


Cil)  ,l)utit  iwaswueliy  iiiiicuuita  aslotbeiiaturo 
of  the  situation  intended  to  be  oficred.  Witness 
imagined  Mr.  Clay  wanted  him  to  write  in  sup- 
port of  Mr.  Adain*  and  liiraself;  :ind  to  ascer- 
tain whether  he  was  aulhorized,  from  the  letter 
and  circumstances,  to  take  up  such  an  impres- 
sion, he  showed  this  letter  to  two  of  Mr.  CLiy's 
and  his  own  friends,  separately,  and  asked  each 
of  them  to  read  it,  and  say  whit  situation  Mr. 
Clay  intended.  Tliey  read  iti  and  each  gave 
Iiii  opinion  that  Mr.  Clay  desired  to  place  wit- 
ness in  a  situation  lO  write  in  support  of  Mr. 
-\daiTis  and  himself.  Witness  then  wrote  to 
him,  eomniunicatmg  the  impression  he  had  ta- 
ken up,  stating  that  he  had  been  for  some  years 
v.-riting  against  Mr.  Adams,  and  wished  it  to  be 
'rnderstood,  before  any  offer  was  made,  that  he 
oould  accept  no  situation  in  which  it  would  be 
expected  of  him  to  t.\ke  up  his  pen  in  support 
of  Mr.  Adams;  but  that  in  relation  to  him,  Mr. 
Clay,  the  feeling?  of  witness  were  wholly  dliTer- 
<"nt,  and  it  wotrid  give  him  pleasure  to  vindi- 
cate him  against  the  slanders  which  were  afi-oat 
against  him;  for  he  then  believed  much  that 
was  said  against  him,  to  be  slanders. 

Witness  heard  nothing  more  from  Mr.  Clay, 
in  relation  to  this  subject,  until  i.  ■  came  out  to 
Kentucky,  he  thinks,  in  the  following  June. 
Calling  upon  JI,-.  Clay,  at  his  room  at  Weisger's, 
one  f>f  the  firet  remarks  made  to  him  by  that 
gentleman  was,  tliat  witness  had  totally  m'scon- 
ceived  bis  object;  that  he  ilid  not  wish  him  to 
go  to  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  engaging 
ih  politics,  but  to  secure  his  services  in  the  De- 
partment of  State,  ne  tlien  offered  witness  a 
Clerkship,  witli  a  salary  of  SIOOO,  with  the  ex- 
press injunction  that  he  should  say  nothing  on 
ihe  subject,  and  not  leave  Kentucky  until  after 
the  elections  in  the  succeeding  August.  After 
a  little  conversation  upon  the  expense  of  living 
at  Washington,  witness  declined  Mr.  Clay's  of- 
fer, stating  that  he  had  several  children,  fur 
whose  support  and  education  he  must  provide, 
and  couldjiotaccept  a  place  which  would  afford 
liim  but  a  bare  subsistence.  Mr.  Clay  said, 
there  was  none  more  valuable  then  within  his 
gift,  unless  he  were  to  make  a  vacancy;  but  that 
probably  an  opportunity  might  offer  to  give  wit- 
ness a  place  which  would  be  acceptable  to  him. 
Witness  told  him  then,  and  informed  liira  at 
other  times,  that  he  would  accept  such  a  place, 
always  with  the  understanding  that  he  shquld 
take  no  part  in  the  pohtics  of  the  day. 

Some  time  after  this,  witness  met  Squire 
'rupiier,  of  Madison  county,  in  the  streets  of 
I'rankfort,  who  accosted  him  and  said,  I  under- 
stand you  are  going  to  Washington  City  to  write 
for  Adams  and  Clay.  Witness  asked  him  wnere 
he  got  his  information'  Mr.  Turner  said  such 
was  the  talk  up  in  his  section  of  the  country. 
Witness  told  him  it  was  not  true,  h  few  days 
after,  he  understood  that  Jieorge  Robertson  had 
said,  at  the  Mercer  Court,  that  they,  the  Old 
Court  party,  would  not  have  witness  to  contend 
with  much  longer,  saying  or  implying  th.it  he 
was  bought  up  to  go  to  Washington  City. — 
Knowing  that  no  information  of  Ur  Clay's  offer 
had  gone  from  him,  on  which  this  rumor  could 
be  predicated,  witness  supposed  it  must  have 
come  from  Mr.  Clay.  He  therefore  wrote  to 
Mr.  Clay,  informing  him  of  the  rumor  then  in 
circulation,  andstatingthathe  presumed  it  must 
?'riv- ''om'j  from  ?orric;  persfor*  to  \9h,oni  hf;  hsd 


comniuiiicateii  his  uneuuaiis  lOM-arus  uui.e.-'fV 
and,  under  those  circumstances,  witness  musi. 
feci  himself  at  liberty  to  detail  the  whole  trans- 
action whenever  he  thought  proper,  which  he 
had  done.  Mr.  Clay  answered,  that  he  was  to- 
tally indifferent  to  what  was  said  on  the  subject. 
as  his  motives  in  relation  to  him  had  been  pure* 
and  he  had  only  wanted  to  engage  his  services 
in  the  Department  of  State. 

After  the  elections  in  1825,  when  the  party  to 
which  witness  belonged,  were  f  o  effectually  de- 
feated, he  informed  Mr.  Cl.iy  of  the  result,  ami 
that  gentleman,  in  his  reply,  again  offered  hiin 
the  same  Clerkship.  Witness  declined  accept- 
ing it,  and  informed  Mr.  Clay  that  so  much  in- 
justice had  been  done  him  in  that  year's  canvass, 
that  he  was  <letennined  to  have  another  aam- 
paign  with  t'.-e  Old  Court  Party,  and  that  no  of- 
fice lie  could  offer,  would  take  him  from  Ken- 
tucky until  that  was  o\-er. 

Mr.  Clay  never  made  any  other  specific  offer, 
although  he  still  expressed  a  disposition  to  be- 
friend witness  in  that  way. 

Mr.  Hardin  asked  if  witness  had  the  letters 
alluded  to? 

Witness  said  he  had  burnt  them  all,  except 
the  last. 

Mr  H.  asked,  if  he  was  in  the  habit  of  bur.T^ 
ing  letters  > 

He  said  he  was,  such  as  he  did  not  Irish  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  friends  or  foes. 

Mr.  II.  said,  you  burn  letters  and  then  telf 
their  contents' 

Witness  said,  he  had  been  reminded  of  hi.^ 
duty  by  the  gentleman  from  Lincoln;  that  Iht 
should  not  have  mentioned  this  affair,  if  fce  had 
not  now  beheved  the  first  letter  had  some  con- 
nexion with  the  application  made  to  him  by  Mr. 
Blair,  before  the  Presidential  election,  in  rela- 
tion to  which  the  Senate  might  draw  their  ov,  n 
inferences. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  whether  w-itnes9  had  not 
toasted  Mr.  Clay  since  the  ^Presidential  elec- 
tion. 

Witnessed  answered,  it  was  very  likelv,  al- 
though he  did  not  recollect  it;  for  his  feelings 
were  friendly  towards  Mr.  Clay  for  some  time 
after  that  event. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  whether  witness  had  not  ap- 
plied tc  Mr.  Clay,  before  his  first  letter,  to  g^'. 
him  an  office? 

Witness  answered,  never,  although  he  hat! 
afterwards  frequently  expressed  his  readiness 
to  accept  one,  if  it  were  such  as  he  could  ac- 
cept. 

■  Mr.  H.  asked,  if  Mr.  Clay's  taking  the  prints 
ing  of  the  acts  of  Congress  from  witness  bad 
not  made  him  hostile  to  him. 

Witness  said,  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
tell  how  far  his  feelings  had  been  influenced  by 
that  act. 

Mr.  H.  asked,  if  it  had  made  witness  more 
friendly  to  Mr.  Clay' 

Witness  presumed  not,  although  he  was  very 
glad  Mr.  Cl.ay  had  done  it. 

Mr.  Pope  asked,  what  made  witness  gla<j 
that  Mr.  Clay  took  the  printing  from  him? 

Witness  replied,  that  he  came  to  Kentuckv 
early  in  the  year  1314,  while  Mr.  Clay  was  in 
Europe;  that  it  so  happened,  that  Mrs.  Clay 
employed  him  to  live  in  her  family  for  ona 
year,  and  te.ach  her  children;  that  he  remained 
there  abov.t  ayov.  snd  th?n  st?ttJeilin  (Ict^^-o^  , 


VMi-Ti;  that  ehortiy  atienvanlK,  he  went  to  Lex- 
ingl.jii  on  bu';in'-s3,  and  was  taken  sick  in  o 
hirird  iig  lioiise;  that  Mrs.  Cby,  hearing  of  it, 
sent  her  carriage  for  liim,  nud  as  soon  as  he 
could    be  i-emiaed,    liad   him   earned  to   hpi' 


Mr.  Daixreas  called  Orn  the  ma^oi-ily  to  take 
the  neccBsarv  steps  to  briiig  out  the  evidence. 
The  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  fcave  the  majority  ii) 
the  Senate;  they  enter  into  aa  investigation  to 
ascertain  tlie  truth;  the  minority  offer  n  wit- 


honw,  where  she  nars^-d  nini  with  the   utmost    nesa  to  prove  a  most  important  hict,  he  refuses 


kindness,  until  he  vii>;j  able  to  return  to  George- 
town; tliat  Mr.  Clay  iiad  not  yet  come  heme, 
and  witness  had  nev.r  seen  h.im;  that  this 
kindness  of  Mrs.  CUiV  laid  hrn  under  a  wea^-ht 
of  ohlipition  to  her,  v.l.ich  he  nKvnys  felt  and 
Soknoviledg^-d;  lliat  when  Mr.  Clay  raine 
home,  ha  received  a  very  cordial  letter  from 
llim,  thanking  h  m  for  his  service  in  h'-s  family, 
Stt;.(  that  an  acquaintance  w-js  ft>rmed  B'lcrtly 
jifter,  'vliich  »H«  kept  np  witii  the  mos.  t>icnd- 
h'  feelings  untrl  since  the  late  presidential  elec- 
tion; that  he  liad  be;-n  surauh-ted  in  Ins  excr- 
t'roiis  to  promote  Mr.  Clay's  views  by  his  obli- 
piitions  to  llrs.  Clay;  that  to  Mr.  Chy  himself, 
lie  owes  no  oblipitioii^,  and  never  did;  that  he 
jiad  labored  irie-jlly  and  spen*  much  of  his  time 
and  some  ^if  hismMMey  in  itf.Mts  to  advancf  Mr. 
Chy,  withwit  luskin.sc  tor  recompense  oi'  remu- 
lieration,  until  the  advances  made  by  Mr.  Clay 
^hnsclf;  that  In  taking- tho  printing- from  wit- 
ness, Mr.  t'lay  on  his  part  e.xliii.ited  a  personal 
jjostilitv  tovvardshlm,  which  relieved  liim  from 
sher.-sir-.iint  his  feel.tu^s  were  und«r,  and  left 
him  tT  lake  diat  coui'se  •vhicli  he  thought  duty 
pointed  out,  perfectly  unrestrajueti. 

/".  P.  Blair  was  then  called.  He  refused  to 
be  Bworn,  and  ofj'eretl  the  following  protest  in 
VTiting: 

"I  object  to  be  sworn  to  f^ive  evidence  in  thra 
Stqiiiry.  I  bold  tiiat  the  5t!i  resulutioo  of  the 
S'en»te,  declaring'  certain  cha'-ges  "  fo  be 
titttrtt/   fiihe  and  rHii^ioitfi,  nr.d  mi*d^  tiirotigU- 


to  swear,  and  the  majority  pat  iiim  on  the  back 
and  sny,  yes,  my  sfoisd  fellow,  keep  it  back, 
and  we  will  protect  you  ra  it.  Is  this  the  n-ay 
jj_-ntk-men  intend  to  an-ive  at  the  Irutti,  and  pro- 
cure the  means  of  forming  a  correct  opinion' 
Is  it  by  encouraging;  tlie  witnesses  not  to  sweur. 
and  refusinjf  to  compel  them,  when  they  know, 
flom  the  very  objections  offered,  that  the  te«lV 
monv  is  of  the  ut-nost  importance'  It  w-a5 
turning-  the  whole  subject  into  nrockerv,  antj 
would  make  the  Semite  the  laughing  stock  of 
the  woiH.  'I'he  rrrijority  have  refused  to  let 
the  dcclaratio:'.s  of  one  of  the  nvemberaof  Con- 
fvress  who  voted  for  Mr.  Adiuns  be  proved, 
and  they  now  s-iy  to  this  witness,  for  God's 
stifce,  ke'ep  back  w'lmt  yoa  know.  Doe^  iwt 
this  look  as  if  ttiey  were  afraid  o*  the  trutli' 
He  called  on  the  majority,  and  especially  tite 
gentleman  from  Fayette,  who  had  yesterdov 
Wild, if  they  broiiijht  a  witness  there  who  refa.sc<i 
to  swear,  he  would  take  the  means  to  ooin- 
pti  hiio,  now  to  adopt  the  measures  which  «•« 
necessary  to  bring  the  troth  out  of  tJie  \y\\ 
ness. 

Mr.  .John  Greta  observed,  that  he  bad  expect :- 
cd  a  blow  out  when  he  saw  Mr.  Blair  intro- 
duced. He  remembered  a  lime  wdien  a  body, 
called  by  the  grntleman  from  Fayette,  the 
Fungus  court,  sat  in  thi^  viy  house,  :uid  by 
their  ofBcere  bi-otee  open  tlie  house  of  poor  old 
Sneed  aJid  seized  his  papi;;:!,  and  perhaps  took 
him  inio  cistody.     The  natriess,   he  behevi-xj, 


ont  lite  Uit^ted  .Stnles  lo  li/ital  the  rcp<Jtalio>i.-<  of   ^gs  clerk  of  that  Court,  but  he  was  glad  to 


(he  dietirgiufhr'd  mfMifn-re  of  Cvnt^re.'.^  fiom 
i/iis  filute,  irhn  vottd  for  .him  Quinet/  Adams," 
upon  wliich  t!.:-»  iiiveslifi-.alion  is  founded,  does 
fiot  furnish  a  sibject  constitutiomd'.y  cognixa- 
ble  by  this  Senate,  eitlier  ns  a  branch  of  the 
I.«cjislature  eras  a  judicial  tribunal.  l?nt  while 
I  deny  the  rUr,hi,  1  submit  to  tlie  p-^wer  of  the 
"Scirnte,  and  will  ab.de  its  ultimate  decision. 

<■!  also  object, because  the  mfonnation  I  b'lVe, 
touclnnfj  tijis  iiM^uiry,  was  obtained  in  the 
course  of  friendly  oomiiiunlcations  and  a  private 
•(•orrespimdenco,  which  I  deem  confidential — 
^uch  at  least  as  wxs  never  designed  for  publi- 
"cation. 

"  I  assure  the  Senate,  tint  I  am  not  actttated 
To  withhold  iny  testimony  by  any  consideration 
of  the  effect  it  might  have  on  the  rcputa^ons 
of  the  persons  nlludwl  t.)  in  the  if  solution  nr  on 
those  inculpated  as  iKU-ing  made  false  chargv?^ 
hi^aiiist  them.  !  oppose  inystlf  to  a  prece- 
dent which  goes  to  vi.ilate  conh>Iential  corres- 
pond, nee,  and  to  render  unsafe  all  friendly, 
social,  and  intimate  'utircourse  amnnj;-  men. 
Tliisobst;iole  a  is  uot  in  tlie  power  of  the  Senate 
fo  remove,  aud  1  tnist  it  will  not  exert  its  power 
(0  pui'sh  that  good  lii'tli  which  would  prc-serve 
a  principle  tli.it  should  bj  held  inviolabU  ,  un- 
less where  the  luuv  vflJit  cowitiy  denuiniied  titt 
sacrijicc." 

Some  conversation  took  place  among  the 
ntembei;s,  when  Mr.  Hardin  offered  to  the  Se- 
nate, a  paprr  declaring  that  the  Senate  would 
hear  whatever  evidence  might  be  offered,  but 
wnu'd  use  110  compiilM'rrv  rneaunfo  f  vtnrt  if. 


s>^-  -*iim  now  on  the  side  of  the  constitutHin-, 
H  -  did  not  enter  into  ttiis  thing  for  the  purpose 
of  hi-aring  any  other  than  willing  witnesses  It 
was  to  give  an  opportunity  for  those  who  Iwid 
been  trumpeting  to  the  world  the  charges  of 
bargain,  sale,  and  corruption,  to  come  in  and 
show  on  what  ground  th'^e  chargfs  had  been 
founded.  He  was  glad  there  was  some  feith 
left  in  the  world,  and  maintained  that  the  Sc- 
nate  !iad  no  light  to  extort  from  the  witness 
communications  made  to  him  in  otHifidence. 
For  liimwlf,  he  had  no  conversation  with  Mr. 
Blair;  but  he  presumed  he  must  have  spoken 
of  letters  from  Mr.  Clay,  or  made  communica- 
tions of  some  kind  to  some  body,  or  he  wonid 
uot  have  been  called  here  as  a  witness,  and 
Kurely  he  might  disclose  to  the  Seirate  what- 
ever he  bad  s:dd  relative  to  his  coniidentlaT 
ccn'espondence  to  any  other  person,  &c. 

Mr.  Blair  begged  leave  to  explain.  He  salt}-, 
in  subs'.ance,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Green's  remarks, 
t.hat  Mr.  Kendall's' lettei'S  to  Mr.  Clay  had 
jKHuted  out  him  to  the  public  as  one  who  knew 
sometlilng  in  relation  to  the  Rubjcy,t  now  be- 
fore the  Senate.  These  lettei'S  referred  to  a 
couversttUon  which  he  had  with  Mr.  Kemlall 
inJanu.iTv,  1825,  in  which  he  stati d  llwt  Mr. 
Clav  would  be  Secretary,  if  Mr.  Adams  were 
iu;>je  President.  Mr.  Kendall  suppose<I  that 
the  information  was  received  in  let'ers  from 
Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Crittenden  or  myself,  and  a9 
Mr.  Crittenden  had  declared  he  received  ov 
suc1i  l^tTfii'^.   it  httd  pointed  inquiry  dirt-rflt'  fo 


UOt- 


Viilft.  Mr.  Blair  saiii,  tbat  Mr-  Kendall  had 
made  his  publications  without  corsultation  ov 
authority  froii  him,  and  that  his  inferences 
were  not  founded  on  any  information,  or  war- 
ranted bv  any  communication  he  had  made  to 
him,  other  than  that  Before  mentioned.  V.e 
Irad  not  communicated  to  any  one  the  grounds 
on  which  he  had  made  his  statement  to  Mr. 
Kendall,  nor  had  he  shown  the  letters  to  which 
tTie  gentleman  alhided,  to  any  person,to  whom 
they  were  not  r.ddresseil 

A  few  remarks  were  made  by  oiher  mem- 
bers; but  extreme  ill  health  compelled  ira  to 
Itave  the  Senate  before  the  matter  wus  decid- 
ed, and  not  being  in  an  attitude  to  take  notes, 
we  may  not  have  reported  what  passed  while 
we  were  there,  with  entire  accuracy. 

The  question  was  finally  put — sIioU  Mr. 
Blair  be  sworn  '  and  decided  in  the  ailirmative. 

Mr.  Blair  then  refused  to  be  r.vorn  pcremp- 
tonly.  and  said  he  would  sooner  pfo  tojVd. 

Finally,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Pope,  he  ^as  dis- 
charged. 

iticrgah  ffarriscm  was  then  called,  and  he  al- 
so refused  to  be  sworn,  on  the  ground  that 
what  he  knew  was  communicated  in  cotiti- 
dence. 

It  was  move;!  to  commit  him  until  he  would 
submit  to  give  evidenc?  before  the  Senate, 
which  was  decided  in  the  nepfative,  only  sis 
voting  for  it.     He  was  then  discharged. 

Jiifiri  MiumDjjr.  was  then  called,  and  stated 
a:s  follows: 

Joltii  Masoa,  of  Montgomery,  states,  thatbe- 
fbre  David  Trimble  vt'ent  to  Cong-rcss  in  1824, 
Say  September  Court,  1834,  he  was  contend- 
ing with  witness,  that  Mr.  Rowan  oufflit  not  to 
be  elected  Senator  to  Congress,  because  he 
wsts  an  apostate  federalist,  and  that  he  would 
be  surprise<l  if  witness  voted  for  Idm.  Wit- 
ness said,  that  the  Presiilent  al  election  was 
comintron,  and  from  the  number  of  candidates 
lie  e.iipccted  that  the  election  would  come  be 
fore  Congress,  and  said  to  Trimble,  suppose 
that  you  vote  for  Mr.  Adatns,  wiio  is  also  an 
apostate  federalist.  Trimble  replied,  he  knew 
Adams  to  be  an  apostate  federahst,  and  that  if 
lie  ever  voted  for  him,  witness  might  call  him 
a  federalist  as  long  as  he  lived.  He  also  said, 
tb-at  Adanrs  had  agreed  to  give  up  the  naviga- 
tion of  the  Mississippi  river,  for  whales  and 
mackerel,  and  that  he,  Adams,  had  always 
been  an  enemy  to  the  West.  When  witness 
heard  that  Trimble  had  voted  for  Adams,  he 
was  surprised;  and  soon  after  his  return,  he 
Irad  a  conversation  with  him  about  his  vote,  in 
which  he  gave  as  his  reasons,  that  we  ascer- 
tained if  Mr.  Adams  was  made  President,  Mr. 
CKy  would  be  made  Secretary  of  State,  and 
that  if  Genera)  Jackson  was  made  President, 
Mr.  CUy  -.vou'd  not  he  made  Secretary,  and 
that  it  would  be  better  for  us  to  have  A-lams 
with  Mr.  Day,  Secrulary,  tliaTi  .Genrnl  ,I;K;k- 
snu,  without  him.  He  also  said  at  tliat  'ime, 
or  in  ?ome  coiivcrsalii>n  after,  tha'  General 
Jackson  was  opposed  to  the  tariff  on  hemp, 
hanging,  &c.  and  therefore  opposed  to  the 
Kentucky  interest ;  and  he  also  gave  as  a  rea- 
son, that  General  Jackson  had  di>gr.aced  the 
Kentuckian-  at  New  Orleans  in  his  report. 
He  thinks  he  heard  Major  Trimble  express 
fnTne  of  th""    sarrfe    opinioiTs  in    his    j>iibrir; 


speeches.  WStncss  is  a  Jac'k.sQa  roan,  anil  as 
warm  on  any  side  he  espouses  as  he  thinks  i$ 
rigl.t  and  justifiable;  that  lie  has  had  divers  con- 
versations and  arguments  v.iih  Maj.  Trimble, 
and  what  he  said  as  to  the  tariff  and  the  other 
ol'jections,  except  tlie  one  in  which  he  said 
that  they  had  ascertained  or  discovered  that  it 
.Vdams  were  elected  Clay  would  be  made  Se* 
retaiy,  and  if  General  Jackson  were  elected, 
that  iie  would  not  be  Secretary,  were  mado  ip 
those  after  conversations. 

MoKDAT,  February  4. 
Some  discussion  took  place  upon  a  motiofi 
to  take  up  tlic  resoiuti'm  from  the  Committee 
on  Internal  Improvements,  with  the  amend- 
ments offered  by  Mr.  Bcullfl  in  favOT  of  the  A(S 
ministration,  which  was  objected  to  on  the 
ground  that  further  evidence  was  expected  la 
relation  to  the  subject  of  the  fillh  resolutioi>. 
The  resolutions  were,  however,  iaken  up;  but 
the  liotir  of  twelve  o'clock  having  anivcd,  the 
Spe!>ker  called  for  the  oitl-rs  of  tiie  day.  A 
motion  was  made  to  dispe.se  witli  the  order*, 
for  tiie  purp  ISC  of  g-oiirr  on  with  the  resolu- 
tions; but  it  was  uegiitived,  aitliough  a  majm-i- 
ty  voted  for  it,  the  rule  of  the  Senate  requir- 
ing two-thirds  todi.%pense  witli  the  orders-. 

TiEsniT,  Febru.iry  5. 

Mr.  JJ'ckliffe  ofTered  a  resolution  rescindlnj^ 
the  nile  of  ihe  Senate  requiring  two-tliii-da  to 
concur  in  dispensing  with  the  orders  of  the  day. 
This  motion  was  opposed  by  Messrs.  Daviexs, 
Pope,  and  Ihidki/,  on  the  ground  tlia'.  it  was 
intended  to  operate  cr.  the  special  case  before 
the  Senate,  and  that  all  such  legislation  is  in> 
proper. 

The  hour  of  12  o'clock  having  arrived,  thf^ 
Speaker  called  up  the  orders  of  the  day.  Tlie 
resolutions  in  relation  to  In^'rual  luiprove- 
raents  and  the  Administration,  were  first  in 
the  orders,  and  were  consequently  taken  up. 

Mr.  Diivlcss  moved  to  admit  and  e.vamine 
certain  witnesses  now  in  attendance.  Some- 
discussion  ;o.;k  place  nn  this  subject,  in  which 
it  was  insisted,  that  the  inquiry  ought  to  be 
brougli'  to  an  end,  because  the  session  is  ap- 
proaching to  its  close,  and  it  is  proper  that  the 
Legislature  shuuhl  express  its  opinion  upon 
the  subjects  involved,  before  its  adjournment. 
It  was  generallv  acceded,  that  the  examination 
of  witnesses  should  close  on  this  day,  unless 
testimony  should  be  introduced  on  the  Admin- 
istration side,  when  rebutting  evidence  miglit 
be  introduced 

John  -V.  /////,  of  Bourbon, stated,  tiiat  in  182:5, 
on  the  4th  or  51h  of  January,  tie  went  into 
Wfi-hing'ou  City  in  the  evening,  and  w.as  in 
company  with  Grn.  Metcalfe,  and  asked  him 
for  information  relative  to  the  Presidential  elec- 
ti  1-.'  He  sai.l  he  kne'.v  l:t  le  more  than  whcii 
he  first  arrive-t,  or  'ban  wi'ness;  that  the  f  lends 
of  Jackson  would  come  to  us  and  say,  we  he^r 
you  are  go.ng  to  vote  for  Mr.  \dams;  and  the 
friends  of  .\dams  would  come  to  us  and  say,  we 
understand  you  are  going  to  vote  tor  Jackson; 
and  so  ofthe  tricndsof  Craw.'iii-d;  that  we  stand 
uncommitt;-  1,  and  we  mn.si  know  sometliing 
about  how  the  cabinet  is  to  be  filled.  He  left 
the  City  on  the  Kth  in  the  evening,  and  had  not 
ascertained  before  he  left  there,  liow  the  Kei»- 
tfickV  deletj-ation  would  vnf?.     WhiM  at  th«- 


<;ity,  I'r.  J'uimiCiii  sanJ,  ui  ius  j»teiSiite,  Ue  liatl 
iJfcelt'ed  a  parcel  of  lettera  from  home;  ha  uBS 
asked  what  uos  the  news '  lie  r«f)Ucd,  tliey  say, 
s'ickto  Old  Hickor)- — give  us  a  Western  Pre- 
sklent,  whatever  you  do. 

Dr.  Jl.  JF.  5(//.s,  of  Bourboa  county,  slated, 
that  at  Shumate's  Tavern,  in  Millei-sburg-,  in 
the  spring  of  1825,  in  company  with  several 
persons,  tien.  Metcalfe,  upon  being  asked  by 
witness,  denied  and  disclaimed  that  there  was 
nny  bargain,  sale,  or  corruption,  iu  the  Presi- 
dential election,  but  did  not  doubt  that  there 
'i'as  a  fp'eat  deal  of  logrolling  amongst  the 
I'blenda  ©f  all  the  candidates.  Propositions,  he 
said,  might  have  !)cen  made  in  a  jocular  majj- 
ner  by  the  friends  of  the  respective  candidates 
ftr  the  Presidency,  but  that  he  knew  nothing' 
-V'hich  was  seriously  intended.  Witness  then 
rehted  the  substance  of  the  testimony  of  Mr. 
Ilitt,  as  what  had  taken  place  between  some 
person  and  a  member  of  ConRi-ess  from  Ken- 
Tucfcy.  This  seemed  to  attract  the  attention  of 
the  General  very  much,  and  he  pressed  witness 
»o  know  which  of  the  members  had  been  said 
to  have  made  such  remarks,  stating,  that  he 
felt  solicitous  to  know  to  whom  the  allusion 
was,  as  he  was  unwilling  to  divide  the  respon- 
sibility. If  attributed  to  him,  he  did  not  wish 
others  to  share  it  with  him;  if  not,  h?  wished 
to  stand  clear  of  the  imputation.  Through 
motives  of  delicacy,  witness  declined  any  defi- 
nite txplanation  on  account  of  the  company 
present,  with  the  intention,  at  a  future  time,  to 
explain  his  allusions.  Witness  wa^,  before  the 
la<t  Presidential  election,  and  still  is,  in  favor  of 
tIen.  .Tickson  for  the  Presidency. 

Joseph  Miller  was  present  at  the  conversa- 
tion sated  by  Dr.  Bills,  and  confirmed  his  state- 
ment. 

JOHN  UESH.VS  STATEMENT. 
A  statement  of  the  convers,ation   which  took 
place  between  Gen.  Metcalfe  and  John  De- 
sha, in  the  spring  of  l!i25,  in  Carlisle,  short- 
ly after  the  General  returned  from  Congress. 
After  the  common  salutation  took  place,  I 
suid:  Well,  General,  you  have  m-ade  us  a  Pre- 
sklent ' 

He  answered,  ye?. 

Do  you  think  the  people  of  Kentucky  will  be 
pleased  with  vour  vote? 

I  think  they  will,  when  they  hear  my  reasons. 

AVh.\t  are  your  reasons.  Sir' 

Why,  we  could  not  possibly  get  Mr.  Clay  in 

the  cabinet  without  voting  for  and  electing  Mr. 

Adams,  and  we  could  not  do  without  Mr.  Clay's 

Talents. 

I  told  him  I  thought  VC17  highly  of  Mr.  Clay, 
but  I  supposed  there  were  a  good  many  equal- 
ly qualiiied  in  the  United  States,  and  we  could 
do  without  him  if  he  were  dead.  But,  Gene- 
ral, did  not  GeneralJackson  go  into  Congress 
witli  fifteen  more  votes  than  any  other  candi- 

Yes. 

And  besides,  did  not  the  Kentucky  Leglsla- 
ture  inform  ysu  that  a  majority  of  the  people  of 
the  State  wihed  you,  if  they  could  not  get  Mr. 
t;tay  elected,  to  certainly  vote  for  Gc  n.  Jackson ' 

He  answered,  he  thought  he  knew  as  well  as 
he  Legislature,  as  he  left  Kentucky  some  CTjS 
after  (^1  Legislature  had  convened. 


But,  Gtueiai,  youcouul  iia^Urittw  «>  wtii  i.^ 
they,  as  they  were  immediately  from  every 
county  in  the  State. 

Let  it  be  as  it  may,  J  did  as  I  pl-aasedi  and  I 
have  another  reason. 

What  is  that.  General? 

We  might  have  been  all  the  time  engage^r 
and  have  risen  without  making  a  Pre«dent  at 
all,  without  we  elected  Mr.  Adams. 

So  much  the  better,  I  s;iid,  for  then  we  woufd 
have  Mr.  Calhoun  to  administer  the  govern' 
ment,  and  1  would  much  rather,  and  I  believe 
the  people  of  Kentucky  would  rather  have  him. 
at  the  helm  of  government  than  Mr.  Adams. 

I  refer  you  to  Mr.  John  Miller,  of  Nicholas 
county,  as  he  told  me  he  (Mttcalfe)  gave  bim 
the  very  same  reasons  he  gave  rae. 

JOHN  DESRiV. 

Not.  irth,  1827. 

Mr.  Bkxsi.'ju: 

Sir — I  ani,  and  have  been  a  loB^  time,  in 
a  bad  state  of  health.  I  write  this  before  i^j- 
departure  down  to  Natchez,  as  I  think  it  may" 
be  good  for  my  health  to  travel.  Tou  may  pub- 
lish tliis  if  you  think  proper. 

1  am,  yours,  &c. 

JOHN  DESHA. 

S'FATEMKNT. 

1  io  certify,  that  some  time  previous  to  the 
last  Presidential  election;  I  heard  David  Triim- 
ble  say,  in  a  speech  on  the  Court-house  steps  in 
Fleiiiingsburg,  that  the  elder  John  Adams  was- 
the  most  dangerous  man  in  government  in  his 
day,  and  that  young  John  Q.  Adams  was  a  chip- 
of  the  old  block;  it  any  odds,  worse;  that  in  th': 
treaty  at  Ghent,  he  wanted  to  barter  away  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  the  key  stone  of 
the  Western  country,  for  a  mess  of  codfish; 
that  he  was  always  considered  '-.a  apostate  fc- 
deraUst;  that  he  always  bed  been  hostile  to  the 
AVest;  and  that  we  never  will  have  an  equll 
chance  with  the  Eastern  people,  until  we  get 
a  Western  President;  that  we  now  have  a 
chance  in  the  West,  for  we  have  two  candi- 
dates for  the  Presidency;  and  that  he  thought 
Henry  Clay  was  the  strongest;  and  if  we  could 
not  get  him,  we  have  another  chance  in  the 
West,  to  wit.  Gen.  Jackson. 

I  believe  the  above  to  be  the  sum  and  snlr- 
stance  of  his  speech,  if  not  the  precise  words. 
Richa-rd  R-  I'Ce,  T^llliam  Schockki/, 

Tarptey  Taylor,  Squila  Sampson, 

Charles  Spemxr,  Jesse  Summers, 

Murdecai  WiUiaim,  Col.  John  Taylor, 


T.  J}'.  Junes, 
E.  B.  Early, 

September  21,  182r. 


James  Alertnidfr. 


Mn.  HARKISON'S  STATEMENT. 

After  the  most  illiberal  course  pursued  in  tho 
Senate  by  Mr.  Hardin  towards  Mr.  Harrison^ 
we  deemed  it  necessary  to  his  own  vindication 
before  tlic  world,  that  he  should  disclose  what 
he  knew.  We  accordingly  addressed  him  a 
note,  to  which  we  received  the  followinj  an- 
swer: 

ruASKFoitT,  7i!i  Jci.  1S28. 
A.  KE^DiLt,  Fisq. 

Dear  Sir — Your  letter  of  this  date  is  receirei. 
Y'ou  state,  tbat  it  is  tPSe  to  tnysflF,  as  -.veil  p''. 


1«J) 


to  uiy  coiuitr)',  10  sjy  u-Uat  I  know  upon  the 
subject  of  the  resolution  which  has  been  acted 
upon  bv  the  Senate,  in  regard  to  the  late  Pre- 
sidential election 

I  had  refused  to  give  evidence  before  the 
Senate,  under  the  presumption  of  the  commu- 
nication  heinjf  made  to  rne/rsc/y  and  in  confi- 
dence. I  observed,  under  ih's  impression,  the 
most  scrupulous  silence,  during  the  las;  elec- 
tion, although  opposed  to  the  gentleman's 
election  from  whom  I  received  it.  Had  a  re- 
spectful politeness  been  observed  towards  me 
by  an  Itonorable  Senator  from  Nelson,  which  a 
roan  deserving  such  an  honor  would  have  ob- 
sarvtd,  I  should  not  now  di  close  to  you^and 
710  doubt  through  you  to  the  public,  what  1  re- 
lused  tn  disclose  before  the  Senate.  N^itiiout 
entering-  into  all  the  niinuliic  of  conversation 
which  took  place,  I  will  state  that  the  Hon. 
David  Trimble  observed  to  nse,  "that  tve, 
(meaning  I  supposed  the  Kentucky  delegation) 
fiad  diitindlfi  asc  rtaincd,  tliat  if  Sir.  Adaais 
were  elected  PreMd>::nt,  Mr.  Clay  would  beai- 
pointed  his  Sec.jtary  of  State;  and  that,  if 
General  .Tackson  were  elected  Prescient,  Mr. 
Clay  would  not." 

Th.at  in  another  conversation,  not  long  pre- 
vious to  the  last  election,  upon  my  obsfrvini^ 
to  Mr.  Trimble,  that  if  Mr.  Cl»y  could  have  dis- 
missed his  prejudices  against  General  Jackson, 
and  had  him  elected  instead  of  Mr.  Adams, 
■General  Jackson  would  not  have  been  a  candi- 
date for  re-election,  in  my  ophiion,  and  Mr. 
Clay  would  have  been  his  successor,  Mr. 
Trimble  replied,  "you  are  mistaken;  tliat,  al- 
though Gen.  Jackson  might  not  wish  to  sc-ve  a 
cecond  term,  yet  his  friends  would  have  im- 
pressed the  necessity  of  his  election,  that  the 
good  of  his  country  rcquii-ed  it;  for  it  is  neces- 
saiy  that  the  President  should  be  elected  a  se- 
cond terra  to  fill  offices  with  his  friends,  or  to 
place  his  friends  in  office. " 

The  foregoing  is  substantially  what  I  should 
bave  deposed  tD,  had  I  been  sworn  before  the 
Senate;  and  I  regret  that  the  extremely  illiberal 
observations  made  use  of  by  lionorabk  members 
of  the  Senate,  h.ave  imposed  the  painful  task  of 
saying  any  thing  upon  this  subject  which  may 
go  to  the  public. 

I  am,  respectfuUv,  your  ob't  servant, 

M.  HAKHISO.V. 

J.  DUDLEY'S  STATEMENT. 

J.  Dudley,  Esq.  a  Senator  from  Franklin  and 
Owen  counties,  being  called  upon,  made  the 
following  statement  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate. 
One  day  in  January,  1825,  F.  P.  Blair  came  in- 
to the  Senate  Chamber,  seated  himself  near 
rae,  and  inquired  ray  opinion  on  the  resolutions 
passed  requesting  our  member^  of  Congress  to 
vote  for  General  Jackson  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  Mr.  B.  desired  that  I  would 
write  letters  requesting  the  raembci's,  and  par- 
ticularly D.  'White,  from  this  district,  to  con- 
sult wiU)  Mr.  Clay  and  vote  as  he  might  desire. 
To  this  I  objected,  and  gave  my  reasons  there- 
for. Mr.  B.  appeared  surprised  tliat  I  should 
raise  any  objections,  particularly  as  I  was  op- 
posed to  the  resolutions.  He  said,  that  a  num- 
ber of  members  of  both  houses,  who  voted  for 
the  resolution,  had  written  such  letttjre,  and 
**!jt  I  Tnii'M  <^o  it  wi'h  more  propriety.     JTe 


said,  if  Mr.  White  could  be  induced  to  voie  loi' 
Mr.  Adan:.";,  he  would  obtain  the  vote  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  with  it  the  votes  of  most  of  tlio 
Western  S'ates,  w  lich  wnuld  elect  him;  ir> 
wh'ch  case  Mr.  Clay  wouh!  obtain  tlie  appoint- 
ment of  Secri-'taiy  of  State.  I  then  Inqnirci 
how  that  fact  luid  been  ascerta.iied*  His  an- 
swer was,  that  letters  had  lieen  received  from 
gentlemen  of  undoubted  veracity,  at  Washing- 
ton City,  contamiDg  such  inrorniatlun,  and  1 
might  rely  with  confidence  on  that  staten:ent, 
I  replied  that,  although  1  was  opposed  to  the 
resolutions,  I  had  no  doubt  they  contained  the 
truth,  and  therefore  1  could  not  say  one  word 
to  induce  our  members  of  Congress  to  believe 
othenvise.  I  further  protested  ag;unst  Mr. 
Clav's  accepting  any  office  ujidcr  Mr.  Adams, 
v/hom  I  consi.i.ered  a  federalist  of  the  Boston 
stamp  in  1793  and  189U,  and  thenceforward 
an  enemy  of  the  west,  and  gave  it  as  my  opinion, 
that  if  iliey  were-  united,  they  would  sink  toge- 
ther. I  preferred  th:i'  Mr.  Ciay  shruld  mai'itain 
the  high  attitude  in  which  he  then  .■stood,  b* 
which  means  he  would  be  the  most  pronruncut 
candidatc  at  the  next  election. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Jc>se  Sujiururs,  Esq. 
to  General  Alien,  giving  his  reasons  for  not 
attending  at  the  bar  of  tie  Senate,  d;itcd  Fle- 
ming county,  Kentucky,  February  5tli,  18-S-: 
I  have  heard  Mr.  David  Trimble  say,  it  was 
ascertained  that  if  John  Q.  Adams  was  elected 
President,  he  would  appomt  litniy  Clay  Secre- 
tary of  S'ate;  and  lie  also  stated,  in  all  prob.abi- 
litv,  if  General  J.ack-.on  was  elected,  he  would 
not.     At  tiie  same  time,    Mr.   Trimble   stated 
that  the  Representatives  from  this  St:ite,  or  a 
majority  of  them,  thought  that  It  would  be  better 
for  us  to   have  John  Q.  Ad.ams  President  imd 
Henry  Clay  Secretary  of  State,  than  to  have 
General  Jackson  President  and  some  other  per- 
son Secretary.     This  may  not  be  verbatim  what; 
Mr.  Trimble   said,  but   in  substance  it  is  cor- 
rectly wliat  I  understood  him  to  say,  according 
to  the  best  of  my  recollection. 

Mr.  Trimble  had  made  it  necessary  for  him 
to  give  some  explanation  for  his  vote  on  the 
President'al  election,  on  account  of  his  having 
previouslv  represented  John  Q.  .'Vdains  to  bfc  a. 
d:uigerou3  man,  and  an  eneiuy  to  tlie  western 
country,  lie  said  that  Adau.s  badioted,  at 
the  treaty  of  Ghent,  to  give  up  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  to  the  liritish  for  a  mess  of 
codfish.  Mr.  Trimble  having  thus  spoken  of 
Mr.  Adams,  previous  to  his  voting  for  lum,  is 
what  made  me  somewkat  astonished  at  him  for 
voting  for  the  man  he  had  so  denounced,  and  1 
felt  very  anxious  lo  bear  his  apolcgy,  and  when 
lit  came  it  was  in  i):irt  as  above  stated. 

N.  B.  The  above  statements  can  be  proved,, 
if  necessary,  by  niaiiy  witnesses  in  this  Congres- 
sional district. 

Mr.  Trimble  stated,  iit  his  speech  at  Lewis 
court  houic,  in  October,  1825,  tiiat  we,  (the 
members  of  congress,  as  was  understood,)  as- 
certained  that  if  General  Jackson  was  made 
Pi-esident  iie  would  not  make  our  friend,  Hen- 
ry Clay,  his  Sectetary  of  State;  but  that  if  Mr. 
Adams  was  made  President,  he  would  make 
Mr.  Clay  his  Secret;U'y;  and  then  said,  if  the 
people  expected  him  to  \TTtP'  f(>r  G?it.  Ja<5ksnr 


•A»W 


■unuer  such  cii  cuuistauces,  tliey  expected  from  for  Adams,  u'was  tl»e  luarfc  ueccsiiaiy  Ui^i  ri. 
t\m  what  he  could  not  :ind  would  not  do.  He  solutions  should  pass— that  public  opinion  in 
said,  that  tlure  was  no  other  man  in  Kentucky  Kentucky  may  be  known  to  theni;  and  if  it  be 
who  would  do  for  a  Secretary  of  State  but  Jlr.  supposed  that  they  will  vote  for  Jackson,  thev 
Clay    and  if  Jackson  were   elected,  Kentucky    can  do  no  harm.     He  was  opposed  to  sufferinir 

any  man  to  barter  away  the  vote  of  Kentucky; 

and  he  believed  that  Mr.  Clay  himself,  know- 
njthe  will  of  his  State,  would  vote  for  Jack* 


would  have  no  \oice  in  the  cihinet 

HENRY  HALBF.ET, 
JESSE  HA.MBBICK. 


Feb.  9th,  1828. 


son  in  opposition  to  Adams,  who  in  his  seciioii 


C>^n.  u.  hefo.e  me,  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  of  countiy  wuuld  not   get  one  vote  to  fiftv  n, 

(OT  JYanklin  county,  this  9th  day  of  Feb.  1828.  opposition  to  General  Jackson .     As  he  had  no 

H.   WINGATE,  J.  P.  doubt  of  the  will  of  the  people,  he  must  vote 

for  the  resolutions.     Mr.  Hreck  idould  vote  for 

KENTUCKY  LEGISLATURE.  'a)ing  the  resolutions  on  the  table,  because  be 

Vmv if,  December  13,  182-i.  l"iew  no  reason  for  acting  on   them.     He  had 

Tbe  resolution  requesting   li-.e  nitmbci-s  of  ^'0'<:'i  for  Mr.  Clay,  but  he  would  not  disgiitse 

the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  from  5'"°,t^'^'  ""■**  he  preferred  any  man  who  was,  or 


tlirs  State,  to  vote  fur  General  Andrew  Jack- 
son as  President  of  ilie  United  S'^tes,  &c.  were 
faker,  up.  Jir.  G.  R^ncilson  moved  to  lay  the 
wiiole  subject  on  the  table,  until  the  1st  of 
June  next.  His  reasons  we'e,  that  it  would 
be  iinjiiit  tc  our  nie.ivjers  in  Ccngre-s,  who 
tnew  the  will  of  their  ronstilncnt^  better  ih;in 
we  do;t':iat  it  woulil  be  indelicate  to  Mr.  Cla\ ; 
'hat  it  would  Icssf-n  the  wcig-hl  of  Kentucky 
in  the  next  adniinislration;  that  it  was  better  to' 


liad  been  a  candidate,  to  General  Jackson.  We 
had  elected  members  of  Confess,  and  it  was 
their  business  to  know  and  perform  the  public 
will.  Ill  his  county  he  believed  that  few 
w '  uld  vote  for  Jackson  against  Crawford;  bat 
he  c!:d  not  know  how  it  would  b  •  bei.wt-en 
Jackson  and  Adams.  He  ihou'g-lit  if  we  acted 
at  all,  it  oug-ht  to  be  by  the  members  individual- 
ly, in  private  meeting,  and  not  in  a  legidative  oT 
flicwl  capacity.     Mr.  Chapcze   would  prefer 


Jeave  our  .members  of  Congress  to  act  accord-  ^'""-'^f "  to  any  man  except  Mr.  Clay,  and  was 

ittfi-  to  contingencies;  that  the  \veight  and  iin-  '"diU'erent  between  them;  but  he  was  opposed 

portance  of  the  State  .and  the  wpstc'rncDuntiy,  '°   the  resolutions.      The    representatives  m 

could,   in  tliat  manner,   be  bcs'   scciiiet!:  that  Congress  are  w;.rm   from  the   oven  of  public 

our  membei-s  on  the  spot   wonld  be  the  best  "I'i'"<"'.  """st  of  them  having  been  re-elected 

judges  of  what  was  just   and  expedient,  &c.  \^'t'''"  a  few  months,  and  it  was  their  dutj- to 

Mr.   15.    riardin  avow'ed  iirs  preference  to  .\!r.  ''.''*'  *"^  general   will.      The  people   had  a 

Oawfoid,  so  long  as  he  had  any  chance,   and  ■"'.f''""  instruct  their  members  in  Congress  on 

hisdi-diketo    Mr.    Adams,    on  account  of  his  ""' '"''j^^t;  but  he  denied  that  the  Legislature 

Originallv   federal  principles   and  his   evident  ^''Y^   *">'  ^"'^''.  '"'S''"-     H«  also  thought  it  au 

hostihty'to  the  grwth  of  the  West,  as  evinced  "'V"''  imputation  on  Mi-.  Clay,  to  say  he  will, 
by  his  votes  in  Congress  on  the  acquisition  of 


Louisiana,  and  his  conduct  elsewhere  upon 
the  navigation  of  the  \;issiBsippi,  and  the  Mis- 
souri question  He  ^tiU  entertained  the  high- 
est  respect  for  Mr.  Cr.iAford;  but  he  h.ad  no 
doubt  a  majority  of  the  people  of  Kentucky 
were  in  favov  of  .lackson,  and  he  wishc-d  to  ex- 
press that  prclerence  dcciiU-dly.  He' consid- 
ered tiie  contest  between  Adams  and  Jackson, 
and  he  could  iiave  no  liesitation  in  p;'eferringthe 
latter,  both  because  he  tlioeght  it  was  best  for 
the  gemral  interest  and  tiic  interest  of  the 
West.  Mr.  (>r,tteiideii  offered  a  few  rem.<rks 
rm  the  expediency  of  adopting  the  resolutions, 
because  the  pc-ofile  t.f  Kentucky  preferred 
IJener.al  Jackson,  and  because  it  was  not  knov  n 
to  the  people  wlien  our  Members  of  Congress 
}eft  here,  that  Mr.  Clay  woidd  hs  excluded 
fcijm  tlie  House.  Mr.  Robertson  made  a  few- 
further  remai  Ics  lo  prove  the  incxpedicncv  of 
acting  on  the  resolutions,  anil  the  propriety  of 
leaving  our  members  m  Congress  to  act  ac- 
lording  to  contingencies.  Mr  Shepherd  had 
always  been  in  favor  of  ('Cner.al  J.ickson;  some 
fifttie  iViciKls  of  .Mr.  Clay,  he  had  no  doubt, 
wished  to  defeat  tlie  rcsohit  on,  and  leave  that 
i;entleman  to  make  tlie  best  bargain  he  could. 
l!ut  lie  did  not  wish  the  vote  <d' Kentucky  to 
lie  bartered  away,  or  that  Ar.  Clay  should  be 
>"c:crrtaiy  of  State  'o  the  exchrion  of  .'atksor. 
a-.  President.  Mr.  Dnviess  !iad  been  in  faior 
o;'Mr.  Chiy  nu'iil  he  had  fiikd,  and  his  second 
t  'loice  v;Ms  General  Jackson.  ITit  was  thought 
•'y  ^entlctn"n   ;!::rt   oir  members  wouJd  vj'e 


under  any  circumstances,  barter  away  the  vote 
of  Kentucky.  Mr.  H.  O.  Blown,  bad  a  higU 
respect  for  Mr.  Clay;  but  a  higher  for  hfs 
countiT.  He  considered  this  an  important 
crisis:  one  in  wh'chthe  voice  of  Kentucky  may 
make  a  President  of  the  United  States  from 
the  West.  There  could  be  no  doubt  that  the 
contest  was  wholly  between  Adanw  and  Jack- 
son, and  no  man  could  ."^ay  that  tlie  latter  was 
not  the  clioice  of  Kentucky.  He  beUeved  our 
representatives  would  vote  for  Jackson;  but  he 
was  for  making  assurance  doubly  sure.  Mi-. 
Rjwan  was  decidt;dly  in  favor  of  the  resolu- 
tions He  had  voted  for  .Mr.  Clay,  but  had  lit; 
not  been  a  citizen  of  Liie  State,  and  a  particular 
.%cquaintance,  he  sliould  have  preferred  Jack- 
son. In  the  present  situation  of  affairs,  he 
could  have  no  hesitation  He  passed  a  high 
encomitim  on  Mr.  Adams,  and  a  higher  on 
General  Jackson.  In  addition  to  otherreasons, 
he  preferred  Jackson  because  he  wished  to 
break  the  chain  cf  succession,  and  he  wished 
there  was  a  provision  in  the  Constitution,  pro- 
liilnting  all  heads  of  departments  from  being 
President.  He  gave  his  views  at  some  length. 
Mr.  Turner  nas  in  favor  of  neither  Mr.  Adams 
nor  General  Jackson.  The  former  he  viewed 
as  a  political  apostate,  who  had  changed  sides 
to  become  popular,  and  such  a  chiu-acterhe  de- 
tested: The  other  he  cons-idered  a  dangerotrs 
military  chieftain,  oi'  a  bad  and  tyrannical  dls- 
po.':it;nn.  .\fter  a  few  further  remarks  from 
Messrs.  Shepherd  and  Robertson,  Mr.  Wick- 
rftV.  c.vpressed  his  intention  to  vote  for  laying 


1'9^ 


llie  i'es*.UiU«uuu-Uje  uWe-     He  rej^eWod  all  formation  lliktcouMijesiveuoaUiiSSubjeiJ, and 

Jntimatiom  that  "Mr.   Clay  or  his  friends  would  to  be  left  to  act  on  their  own  responsibiWtj-, 

bartM  away  Iho  vote  ofKrntuck).  On  priuciple,  without  the  interference  ot  the  Le^sl.iture.   It 

Iw  was  opposed  10  the  resolution,  because  it  was  rejected.     The  first  retiolution,  requesting 

.,.,„  ,»   interference  with  other  people's  husi-  our   Uiprcsentatives  in  Congress   to  vote  for 


nefis      It  was  the  duty  of  our  represenCitiv.a 
fo  know  and  do  the  people's  will,  without  any 
fnstructiona   from  us      The  people  oould  not 
bo  corronted,  but  their  legislators  might  he, 
and  thM-'rforo,  the    State   Leffislaiures  ought 
ijtit  to  '.nterferc  between  the  people  a.,d  their 
r.e|>re<»en,ativo8  in  Congress.     He   spokt  hish- 
T\-    of    Mr.    Crawford,    out    condemned     Mr. 
Atbms,  because  he  was  a  political  apostate,  for 
which  character  Ue  bad  no  respect,  and  he  was 
the  last  inan  he   would  choofe.      He   spoke 
bighlj  of  Jftckson;  but  wis  not  in  fiivor  of  the 
eiovat.ou  of  a  mditary  chieftain,  and  proceed- 
ed to  poll  t  out  the  dangers  of  his  course,  al- 
thoug'i   ho  said   he  had  no  app-ehensions  of 
General  Jackson.     Mr  Dallam  de.iied  that  the 
reawnof.nstructioiis  applied  to  th»  case.     If 
it  was  adtnitsed  that  the  nit  inbtre  of  Congress 
T;n<iw   the  wiil  of  the  people,  this  course   was 
uunecessarv',  and   he  believed  they  knew  the 
publ  c  wUt    as  well  as  we  do.     Tney    were 
elected  at    the    name   time,   and    had    ecji.al 
chances    for    kncwiii;!;   it.       Sis    constituents 
never  thought  of  his  interference  in  this  ques- 
tion when  tiiey  elected  hiin,  and  he  was  in  fa- 
vor of  laying  the  whole  on  the  table.  Mr.  Short- 
ridgc  was  in  favor  of  the  resolutions.     He  had 
no  doubt  the  meinbei-s  of  Conpcss  knew  the 
publio   will,  but  he    would   make    assurance 
doubly  Eiirre. 

Mr.  B.  Hardin  said  he  kaew  that  many  of 
our  memSers  in  Congress  >vere  inclined  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Adams,  and  he  belis-vcd  he  wculd  get 
the  vote  of  Kentufcky  unless  this  Houso  acted. 
He  recapitulated  the   strenffth  of  Adams  and 

■     _! 1    l.^i; ...4     tViQ     (.jbaii'i     r\t'tho    Pr»..;i. 


Gen.  Jackson,  was  adopted — Yens 69,  Nays  21. 

Mr.  Green  moved  to  strike  out  so  miich  of 
the  second  resolution  as  declares  that  a  large 
majority  of  tho  jieople  of  Kentucky  are  in  favor 
of  General  Jarfesnn,  ■ind  tiiat  the  Representa- 
tives in  Cnnifvess  will  truly  ivpresent  the  peo- 
ple bv  voting-  for  him.  Mr.  G.  was  in  ftivor  of 
General  Jackson,  but  he  was  unwilling  to  gt> 
further  than  to  express  our  preference. 

After  a  few  remarks  in  fUvor  of  the  amoni- 
ment.  by  Mr.  Coleman,  it  was  decided  in  thb 
negative,  .\yes  35,  Nays  51. 

The  secmd  resolution  was  then  adopted-*- 
Yeas  73,  Nays  11. 

pmm  ill'  Frankfort  fKy.J  Jrgus. 
THB  BARGArN— iiORB  PROOF. 
A  friend  has  sent  us  the  following  affidavits  of 

poijTiTEKK  re.^ricctable  citizen.*-  of  L,ewid  coim» 
ty,  conhnn  iig  the  evidence  already  adduced, 
of  Mr.  David  Tnmblt's  confessions,  in  rela- 
tion to  liis  vote  for  Mr.  Adams.  It  will  be 
seen  that  tlicy  were  all  t;i.ken  before  the  latf; 
pretended  investig;itioM  in  our  Senate,  which-, 
notwithstanding  Oie  si-ts  of  Mr.  Clay's  majTj'- 
g-ei^,  has  filled  his  partisans  every  where  with 
disniat'. 
We  have  no  doubt  that  more  than  a  HUNDREIX 
respectable  men  can  be  found  '>ho  will  cop- 
iirm  this  testimony,  in  its  fullest  extent.  VVc 
expect  shor*Jy  to  receive  other  proofs  of  a 
most  autlientic  character. 
%Ve,  tile  subscribers,  ccrtily  on  oath,  that  wo 
were  severally  present  at  the  Lewis  county 
court,  for  October,  1825,  and  heaid  David  Trim- 


.Tackfon,  and  believed  the  reau.t  ol  the  Presi-  ^,^  ^^^.,  ^  ^pc^.^!,,  and  he  us.-d  the  following 
dential  elecUon  depended  on  the  vote  ol  Ken-  ,^„,age:  "  niien  v,c  wont  on  lastfaU,  to  thtt 
Uicky,  and  probably  on  the  vote  of  Oiis  House,  ^^^  o(  V.-ishingtor.,  wc  found  Mr.  Crawford  out 
on  this  day.  ^  of  the  question;  the  contest  was  between  Gene- 
Mr.  Robertson  added  a  few  remarks,  in  which  ral  Jackson  and  JolinQuinoy  Adams;  we  ascer- 
Jie  declared  that  the  resolutions  would  not  only  tainca  tJiat,  under  no  circMii'istaiices,  woidd  tie- 
degrade  ojr  respected  fellow-citiEen,  but  throw  ncral  JiickbOii  appoint  oar  friend,  Henry  Clay, 
Kentuckvupon  the  electioneering  are  lain  Con-  Secretary  e->f  .State;  we  ascertained  that  Mi-. 
gress,  Co'mpU-tely  handcuffed.  He  was  not  the  Adams  wo-,ild  appoint  our  friend,  Henrj'  Clay, 
advocate  of  Adams,  or  any  other  man.  He  <-b-  Secretary  of  State.  Knowing  tliis,  then,  fellow- 
iected  to  this  course,  because  it  wasiustn.'ciing  citizens,  tliat  Gc;i.  Jackson  would  not,  and  Mr. 
our  members  in  Congress  to  do  that  which  we  Adarr.s  would,  appoint  our  friend,  Henry  Chy, 
Uslieve  the}  willde.  He  had  no  doubt  the  pciv  Secretary  of  ;;t.atc,  if  you  expected  me  to  vote 
pie  of  Kentucky  were  in  favor  of  Gen.  Jackson,  for  General  Jackson,  you  eipectcil  me  to  dn 
but  he  was  against  all  interference  by  this  Le-  that  which  I  coald  not,  and  would  not  do." 


Signed,     Jiirob  Friz:!e,         Jesse  Hamrich, 
Iknry  Ihdberl,      John  GriJJdh, 
Diii'Ul  C.  Fliuitli,    Tf'illiam  Davis, 
Tlll/icm  Coffria,  HtzekiahGriffUh, 
Jiidiard  Pi'U,  Win   Ihmblio., 

John  Hendrir.k,  David  'Ibnkrtj. 
Icej-tify,  that,  personally  appeared  before  mo, 
a  Justice  of  tlie  Peace  for  Lewis  county,  Jscob 
I'rizzle,  David  C.  Heath,  William  Cofiiin,  and 
Richard  Pell,  and  made  oaUi  to  the  tratli  of  tite 
above  statement  Gi. en  under  my  hand,  tliia 
2d  day  of  November.  IS'77. 

SigiKxl,     UENRYnALBEKT,j.  p.  L.  c. 
I,  Tlwmas  Mai-shall,  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  fcr 
gress  a  Tist  of  the  votes  given  for  President  in    the  county  of  Lewis,   and   State  of  Kentucky, 
this  Slate.     Hisreason  was,  that  he  thought  our"  certif;,-,  tliat  Henry  Halbcrt,  John  Hendrick,  and 
n;vntt)trs  of  Congress  oi;ght  to  hsve  aU  the  in-    Jes?e  itAmrick,  per.scn;.)fy  appeared  heft-re  m';. 


gisliture. 

Mr.  Hennedy  differed  with  his  colleague;  he 
should  vote  for  the  i-esolutions.  He  v.  ouM  do 
it  because  he  had  confidence  in  our  members 
of  Congress,  and  bcUeved  that  they  would  vote 
the  will  ottlie  people,  when  they  knew  it. 

Mr  Galloway  moved  to  strike  out  the  name 
of  Mr.  Crawfon.1,  us  ore  before  whom  the  reso- 
lutions prefer  Gener.d  Jackson.  Ci-awford  was 
his  second  choice,  and  Jackson  his  third.  The 
motion  was  negatived  by  a  very  lai-ge  majority . 

Mr.  Ci-osby  ufteredin  lieu  of  the  resphitioiw, 
a  substitute,  reiuiiring  the  flovernor  to  send  on 
10  the  Senators  and   Uepre-sertatives  in   Con- 


19iJ 


M'liI  tnaiie  oath  to  Uic  U'litii  of  tlie  fore.^oin,?  ccr- 
tIticaU',  to  which  thfir  names  are  subscribed. 
Given  under  my  hand,  tliis  6th  day  of  Novem- 
ber, 18?7.  Siprned, 

THOMAS  MARSHALL,  j.  p.  l.  c. 

Lewis  cnuniy,  sd. 

I,  AVilliam  M'C!ed3wii\-,  a  jTistJce  of  the 
Peace  for  Lewis  county,  certify,  tliat  personally 
appearedon  t]u3  d-v,  before  me,  John  Griflith, 
AViJIiam  Davis,  and  lle/fkiah  GrifSth  and  made 
oatlitothe  foreg-oing  certificate  beinjj  cori'cct. 
He«ekiah  Griffith,  farther  states,  that  he  was  in- 
duced to  pay  particulai'  attention  to  that  part  of 
Trimble's  speech  in  conscqueHce  of  his  being- 
iruneherl  by  some  person,  he  thinks  by  William 
HambUn,  who  tihserved,  "l;s»en  to  that."  He- 
rekiali  Davis  replied,  -'If  I  had  a  gun  I  would 
shoot  him."  Given  under  mv  hand,  this  18th  of 
Tvovember,  1827. 

S.^ed, 

AVILLIAM  M'CLEDOWNY.  .t.  p.  l.  c. 

Slate  of  Kentucky,  Lewis  county,  set. 
Versfinally  appeared  before  me,  the  .subscri- 
ber, a  Justice  of  the  I'eace  for  the  county  afore- 
said, David  Tonkry,  v.';.o  made  oath  to  the  cor- 
rectn^s  of  the  above  certificate,  or  the  substance 
thereof.  Given  under  my  hand,  this  22d  day  of 
December,  1827. 

Si^ed,  \V.  P.  B.VLL,  j.  p.  i.  c. 

I,  Pleasant  M.  Savage,  of  the  county  of  Lewis, 
■<"ertify,  that  I  was  present  at  a  court  held  in 
I./ewis  county,  in  1825,  when  David  Trimble 
tipoke,  and  Major  Thoma.s  Marshallireplied  to 
said  Trimble;  that  I  have  a  recollection  of  their 
speeches,  so  far  as  1  now  state,  to  wit:  After 
some  previous  r.';m.arks,  Mr.  Trimble  observed: 
•'As to  the  late  Presidential  election,  fellow- 
<:itizens,  I  was  in  favor  of  our  friend  and  fellow- 
<;itizen,  Henry  Olay;  but  Mr.  Clay  was  not  re- 
turned to  the  House  of  Congress  by  the  colli^ge 
of  electors.  Those  v/ho  were  returned,  were 
(ien.  Jackson,  John  Q.  Adams,  and  J!r.  Craw- 
ibrd.  When  we  got  to  the  City  of  V/ashington, 
we  found  Mr.  Crawford  out  of  the  question;  the 
<ontest  was  between  Gen.  Jackson  and  John  Q.. 
Adams.  We  asceitaincd  that  if  Jackson  was 
<;iecte<i  President,  om'friend,Heray  Clay,  would 
iiotbeclTercd  the  appointment  of  Secriitary  of 
State,  and  we  then  ascertained  that  John  ti.  Ad- 
orns would  appoint  our  friend,  Ilenrj'  Clay,  Se- 
crctan'  of  .State.  Under  those  circum.stances,  if 
%-ou  expected  me  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jackson,  you 
'expected  me  to  do  that  which  I  could  not  and 
\vould  not  do. "  I  state  this  from  my  memory  of 
the  transaction.  I  may  pos.jibly  have  erred  in 
some  words:  but  I  believe  1  am  correct  as  to  the 
substance  of  Mr.  Trimble's  speech.  I  have  fre- 
quently spoken  of  this  speech,  and  heard  it  re- 
peated in  substance  by  others,  and  never  heard 
it  denied  until  since  la-st  August  election. 
■  I  also  recollect  Major  Thomas  Maj'shall's  re- 
plv  to  Trimble;  and  he  stated  that  Mi-.  Trim- 
ble's friends,  Cl.ay  and  Adams,  would  not  tliank 
him  for  what  he,  Trimble,  had  stated,  as  it  es- 
tablished the  old  storj'  of  Kremer.  Mr.  Trimble 
nrade  a  short  reply  to  Mr.  Marshall,  and  did  not 
deny  Mr.  Marshidl's  statement.  •  Given  under 
my  hand,  this  20tli  of  December,  1827. 

Signed,  P.  M.  SAVAOK. 

I  ocrfiB'.  tltstt  Plfffsant  W.  Savarge  made  oath 


to  the  truth  of  the  foregoing  stalanent  over  his 
signature. 

Sig-ned,  TliS.  MARSHALL,  j.  p.  r.  c. 

I,  George  Rea,  certjfv,  that  I  heard  Major  Tho- 
mas Marshall  state  in  reply  to  David  Trimble's 
speech  in  Lewis  county  at  the  Co  irt-housf,  I 
think  in  the  year  1825,  that  the  only  tru'h  Major 
David  Trln^ble  s-.atcd  'n  his  speech,  and  that  he 
believed  tobeti-iie,  was.  tiiat  the  friends  of  Hen- 
ry-Clay voted  agaiast  Gen.  Jackson,  because 
they  ascertained  thiit  he  would  not  agree  to  ap- 
point Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of  State;  and  voted  in 
fii'or  of  Mr.  Adams,  because  they  ascertained  he 
would  appoint  their  friend,  Mr.  Clay,  Secretaiy 
of  State;  and  Marshall  further  stated,  that  Mr. 
Trimble's  friends,  Clay  and  Adams,  would  not 
thank  him  for  the  declaration  he  had  made.  This 
is  as  near  the  words  as  I  can  recollect  at  this  time 
made  by  Thomas  M.ar.shall,  and  not  contradicted 
at  that  time,  as  I  heard,  by  Mr.  Trimble. 

Signed,  '  GEO.  REA. 

I,  Alexander  Young,  a  Justice  of  the  Peace  for 
Lewis  county,  certify,  tliat  George  Rea  person- 
ally appeared  before  me  and  made  oath  to  tJie 
foregoing  certificate  over  his  '^ign.ature.  Given 
imder  my  hand,  this  19th  day  cf  December,  18.27. 

Sig-ned,  ALEX.  YOUNG,  s.  p.  l.  c. 

I  certify,  that  I  was  present  at  the  Lewis  coun- 
ty court,  for  October,  1325,  and  heard  David 
Trimble  deliver  a  speech  for  the  purpose  of  jus-, 
tifying  himself  for  his  vote  on  the  Presidential 
election.  After  some  prehminary  remarks,  he 
came  to  the  Presidential  election  in  the  follow- 
ing language,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect  it :  "1  was 
in  the  fii-jt  place  in  favor  of  our  friend  and  fellow 
citizen,  Henry  Claj';  butMr.  Chy  was  not  ivturn- 
ed  to  Congress  by  the  college  of  electors;  those 
that  were  returned  were  Gen.  Jackson,  Joim  Q- 
Adams,  and  Mr.  Crawfoi-d.  When  we  went  out 
last  fall  to  the  city  of  Washington,  we  found  Mr. 
Crawford  out  of  the  question;  he  stood  no 
chance;  the  contest  was  between  Gen.  Jackson 
and  Mr.  Adams.  We  ;LScert;uned  th.at  Gei!, 
Jackson  would  not  appoint  our  friend,  Henr>' 
Clay,  Secretary  of  St.ite,  and  Mr.  Adams  would 
appoint  our  friend,  Henry  Clay,  Secretary  of 
State — that  office  being  the  ste])-stone  to  the 
Presidency.  Knowing  this,  then,  fellow  citizens., 
if  )ou  expected  me  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jackson, 
you  expected  me  to  do  that  which  I  could  not, 
and  wo-uld  not  do. "  I  speak  more  confidently  on 
the  subject,  because,  at  the  very  time  Mr.  1  rim- 
ble  used  the  above  langiiage.  Major  Thomas 
Marshall  elbowed  me,  and  made  some  obse^^•a- 
tions  on  that  part  of  Mr.  Trimble's  speech,  -f 
state  fiuther,  that  I  have  been -in  the  habit  of  re- 
peating- this  p.art  of  Mr.  Trimble's  spedch  from 
tlic  time  of  its  delivery  until  the  present  time. 
Given  vmder  mv  hand,  this  21st  day  of  Decern 
ber,  1827. 

Signed,  A.  DUK>".. 

No.  2. 
Washixoto!?  City,  March  i\h,  1828, 
<Si>.-  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  1st 
instant,  propounding  to  me  cert;i!n  interrog.ato- 
ries.  After  a  perus:d  of  Mr.  Clay's  late  address 
to  the  public,  it  would  be  aH'ectation  to  say, 
tliatl  did  not  auticip.ate  a  call  of  thia  character 
from  some  of  the  friends  of  Gen.  Jackson,  lii 
the   natui-p  of  th'at  puMicstic'i-,  I  hare  ii  sn'ffi 


UNITED  STATES'  TELEGRAPH.... iix^m. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published,  weekl/ 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar,-  subject  to  newspapei-  postage,  and  tio  mart. 


BY  GREEN  fy  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  MAY  10,  1S28. 


No.  IS. 


Appendix  to  the  Reply  of  the  Jackson  Cm-respond- 
ing Committee  tij  the  District  of  Columbia,  to 
^^■.  Clai/'a  hst  Addrea. 

[cosclcded] 

tlent  apolo^-,  if  any  were  wanting.foripromptly 
complying  with  your  request  Without,  how- 
ever, pretenainif  to  give  specific  answers  to 
each  of  your  interrogatories,  I  shjil  give  a  sim- 
ple niirratlve  of  facts  and  circumsuances  leav- 
ing !heir  applicatica  to  you  anci  the  public. 

During  the  late  coi!tes,t  tor  tiie  I'rtsidciicy. 
before  the  people,  1  was  the  warm  and  zealous 
friend  of  Mr.  Clay.  I  regarded  his  elecrion  as 
important  to  tbe  whole  Unite;!  States,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  people  of  '.-k-  western  country, 
•with  whose  political  pr::  .  ;  es  he  !,ad  harmoni- 
sed, and  with  whose  l.c.i  .".trrests  his  preten- 
sions appeared  to  be  peculiarly  identified.  The 
information  >;iven  me  by  Mr.  Clay  and  his 
iViends,  and  my  own  sanguine  tempe'ament,  in- 
duced me  to  believe  Jinat  his  prospects  were 
equally  favorable  with  those  of  any  other  of  Uie 
candidates;  and,  much  more  so  than  those  ..f 
Ocn.  Jackson,  unt'.l  Oct.  1824.  Ir,  that  month, 
Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Trimble,  Mr.  C.  A;  Wickhfle, 
myself,  and  periiaps  otiier  members  of  the  Ken- 
tucky delegation,  casurdly  met  at  Frankfort  du- 
rini,  the  session  of  the  Court  of  Ajipeals.  There 
Jlr.  Clay,  for  the  first  time,  expressed  to  me  an 
apprehension  that  he  should  bt  excluded  froo) 
the  House  of  Representatives;  and  obsi-rved, 
■with  seeming  carelessness  of  manner,  that  it 
u-ould  be  best  for  us,  in  that  case,  to  ro'-ain  un- 
committt  d  as  to  our  second  choice.  This  re- 
mark made  but  a  flight  impression  on  my  mind 
at  tne  time,  and  in  November  i  proceeded  to 
AVashington  City,  still  entertammg  the  hc.pe 
that  Mr.  Clay  would  be  one  of  the  tliree  return- 
ed to  file  House  of  Representatives. 

After  my  an-ival  in  t!ie  city,  1  was  confined  to 
my  room  bv  indisposition-  While  in  this  situa- 
tion, Mr.  Clay  called,  and  after  the  usual  civili- 
ties, told  me,'  in  emphatic  terms,  that  he  had 
little  doubt  he  was  excluded  from  the  House 
of  Uepresentatives,  ar.d  tliat_all  "we"  rmeaning 
the  Kentucky , delegation  m  Congress)  "had 
now  to  do,  was  to  hold  ourselves  uncommitted, 
as  to  our  second  choice,"  declaring,  "that  we 
coald  vote  for  either  of  tlie  three  candichtes, 
and  justify  ourselves  to  our  constituents." 

At  this  time  I  was  much  devoted  to  Mr. 
Clay,  and  very  unwilhng  to  incur  his  displea- 
sure. I  perceived,  or  thought  I  perceived  his  ob- 
ject, and  immediately  sent  for  my  colleague  and 
confidential'friend,  Jlajor  H.  P.  ilenry,  and  also 
for  Col.  R.  M.  .Toimsnn,  of  the  Senate,  and  ap- 
prized them  of  ttie  remarks  of  Mr.  Clay.  Col. 
•Johnson  renr.irked,  that  if  we  had  made  up  our 
minds,  we  had  better  frankly  and  openly  avow 
our  intentions  at  once.  Major  Henry  detailed 
a  similar  conversation  which   bad  taken  place 


between  himself  and  Mr.  Clav,  and  concurred 
in  the  propriety  of  an  imnudia'.  .vowal.  We 
accordingly  declared  our  uelerminat.on  to  vete 
for  Gen.  J.ickson,  ani  lluis  avoKleU  arepetition 
of  such  suggestions  from  Mr  Clay. 

I  had  no  further  intercourse  with  Mr. 
Clay  on  the  subject  of  the  elecijon,  until  after 
it  was  over,  except  that  which  will  be  cxpl  ..n- 
cd  in  a  subsequent  part  of  this  letter.  I  was 
warmly  attached  to  \U-.  Clay,  and  decidedly- 
hostile  to  Mr.  Adams.  I  had  denounced  him 
in  all  parts  of  the  district  represented  by  me^ 
on  the  authority  of  facts  derived  from  .Mr. 
Cl.ay.  Disappointed  in  my  first  choice,  and  in 
bad  health,  I  took  little  or  no  part  in  the  can- 
vass among  the  members  of  Congress,  aud  gave 
a  silent  vote,  in  accordance,  as  I  thought,  with 
the  wishes  of  the  people  of  Kentucky. 

In  relation  to  the  other  topics  embraced  in 
your  note,  they  involve  much  delicacy;  but  hav- 
ing spoken  of  them,  I  feel  it  incumbent  on  me 
to  prevent  all  misrepresentation  by  a  statement 
of  the  tnith.  Soon  after  the  meeting  of  Con- 
gress, my  friend.  Gen.  Call,  for  the  purpose  of 
satisfying  me  of  the  state  of  public  sentiment 
in  Kintucky,  in  relation  to  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion, sliowed  nie  a  Iftterfrom  Mr.  J  .  J.  Critten- 
den, saying,  "I  hope  you  wiH  be  able  to  make 
the  General  beat  the  Yankfe;"  and  soon  after. 
Ml.  Francis  Johnson  reurf to  me,  and  also  to  an- 
other member  of  Congress,  aletterfrom  Mr.  J. 
J.  Crittenden,  purporting  to  be  an  answer  to  a. 
letter  from  Mr.  Johnson  to  Mr  Crittenden,  in 
which  Mr  Crittenden  inform  edMr.Johnson.tliat 
Gen.  Jackson  was  his  (iLs  C.'s)  first  cboiccafter 
Mr.  Clay;  but,  that  if  Mr.  Adams  would  appoint 
Mr.  Clay  Secie'ary  of  Stite,  or  place  him  in  lis 
ci^binet,  I  am  not  certain  which  expression  w^is 
used,  then  it  would  be  an  easy  task  to  ret  oncile 
his  constituents  to  a  vote  in  favor  of  Mr.  Af!.ams. 

I  received  tws  letters  from  a  confidential 
friend  of  .Mr.  Clay's,  residing  in  Kentucky, 
urging  me  to  vote  for  whoever  would  make  Jlr. 
Clay  Secretary  of  State,  and  intimating  tliat  Mr., 
Adams  would  do,it.  Mr.  Clay  happened  to  see 
me  receive  one  of  the  letters,  and  after  I  h.ad 
read  it,  asked  me  what  i-ews  from  Kentucky:  I 

replit  d,  that  1  had  rece.ved  a  letter  from . 

Mr.  Clay  aiked — And  what  does say?  f 

replied,  "Vou  know  very  well."  He  laughed, 
and  left  me  under  the  impression  that  he  did 
know.  A  lew  days  after,  the  intention  of  Mr. 
Clay,  with  ihat  I'f  a  majority  of  the  Kentucky 
delegation,  to  vote  for  .^!r.j.Vdams,  was  publicly 
announced.  M)  colleague,  John  T.  Johnson, 
Esq.  desined  me  to  accompany  him  to  the  room 
of  our  colleague,  David  M'hite,  Esq. ;  I  did  so; 
soon  after  our  arrival,  Mr.  Johnson  mentioned 
the  rumour  which  was  abroad,  as  to  the  vote  of 
Kentucky,  and  a%ked  Mr.  White  whether  it  was 
true,  expressing,  at  the  same  time,  a  hope  that 
it  was  not.  Mr.  White  replied,  in  substance, 
that  he  did  not  wish  to  be  anna}ed;  tU.tt  "he 


194 


vi;is  n»t  iikout  lu  v»te  I'ui-  Mr.  Adams,  but  for 
Mr.  Clay;  th;it  he  ha<l  good  authority  for  his 
vote,  and  knew  what  he  was  about."  Here  I 
interrupted  the  conversation,  and  Mr.  Johnson 
and  m_\  self  withdrew.  The  impression  made 
upon  liiv  mind,  and,  as  I  understood,  upon  Mr. 
.Tohnsoi'i's,  was,  that  Mr.  Whitu  knew  that  Mr. 
Clay  was  to  be  made  Secretary  of  State  by  Mr. 
.\dams,  in  case  of  his  election,  and  expected 
that  this  aiTangenient  would  reconcile  tlie  pec- 
pl-  of  his  district  to  Ills  vote.  Mr.  Jolm  Scott, 
of  Missouri,  who  bo.'.rded  with  me  at  BroWH's 
botel,  again  and  again  remarked  to  me  and 
others,  that  he  had  not  voted  for  Mr.  Adams, 
but  for  Mr.  Clay.  In  regard  to  the  conversa- 
tions had  with  two  other  members  of  Congress, 
referred  to  in  }  our  letter,  I  liave  to  observe, 
that  their  letters,  published  in  MrClay's  address, 
authorizes  the  belief  that  they  would  negative 
my  statement,  and  as  the  conversations  occur- 
red when  there  was  no  one  present,  I  deem  it 
proper  not  to  relate  them. 

These  are  some  of  the  facts  and  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  declaration  made  in  my  Har- 
rodsburg  address.  Last  Jane,  to  which  you  have 
refen-ed;  other  facts  which  have  been  long 
iinee  communicated  to  me,  and  which  contri- 
buted to  form  my  opijiion,  will  be  furnished  by 
other  gentlemen. 

T.  p.   MOORE. 

Gen.  John  P.  Van  Ness, 

Chairman  Central  Committee. 


*  No.  3. 

AV'AsnisGTON,  March  Uth,  182S. 

■liio.  /*.  Van  Ness,  Esq. 

Sir:  Your  letter,  as  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee for  the  District  of  Columbia,  requesting 
me  to  state  the  c9nvers3tion  which  1  ha4  with 
Henry  Clay,  Esq.  in  the  month  of  October, 
1824,  at  Frankfort,  Ky.,  hasbeen  handed  to  me. 

In  October,  1824,  (the  day  is  not  recollect- 
ed,) I  visited  Frankfort,  Kentucky,  and  was  in 
attendance  upon  the  Court  of  Appeals.  Mr. 
Clay  and  myself  walked  out  of  the  CQurt  room 
together,  and  commenced  a  conversation  upon 
the  subject  of  his  prospects  in  the  approaclnng 
election.  We  entered  pretty  much  at  large 
upon  the  subject.  My  inquiries  were  more 
particularly  directed  to  his  prospects  of  gett.ng 
a  portion  of  the  votesof  the  State  of  New  Vc.rk, 
having  formed  the  opinion  that  unless  Mr.  Clay 
could  receive  a  portion  of  the  votes  ot  that 
State,  he.  would  not  be  returned  as  one  of  the 
three  highest  candidates.  Mr.  Clay  replied, 
that  his  friends  in  that  State  had  it  in  contem- 
plation, if  it  were  practicable,  to  unite  with  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  and  divide  the  votes 
between  himself  and  Crawford.  Of  the  suc- 
cess of  this  project  he  spoke  doubifuUy,  and 
remarked  that  he  did  not  place  much  reli,\nce 
upon  the  result.  In  the  event  it  shoidd  fail,  it 
is  more  than  probable,  said  he,  I  may  be  txclu 
ded  from  the  House  of  llepresentatives.  To 
meet  such  a  contingency,  my  friends  must  be 
prepared,  and  I  think  it  best  that  they  should 
not  hastily  commit  themselves  in  their  second 
choice.  I  saw  Mr.  Clay  no  more  until  his  arri- 
val  at  Washington.  Nothing  passed  between 
us,  upon  the  subject  of  the  election,  after  his 

rri'.al  at  WasWngton,  until  after  the  Kentucky 


resolutions  were  received,  audit  was  genially 
known  he  had  avowed  his  determination  to  vote 
for  Mr.  Adams.  On  one  or  two  occasions,  the 
votes  we  were  about  to  give  was  the  subject  of 
convei-sation,  in  the  course  of  which  Mr.  Clay 
pointed  out  the  objections  which  he  had  to 
General  Jackson's  election. 

I  am,  very  respectfuUv,  your  obedient  s6r- 
vant,  C.'A.  WICKLIfFE. 

No.  A. 

\Vasbis6tos  CiTr,  April  4,  182S. 

SiB  :  The  communication  which  you,  as 
Chairman  of  the  Jackscn  Corresponding  Com- 
mittee, addressed  to  me,  was  received.  Inan» 
swer  to  which,  1  have  to  state: 

That  duHng  the  session  of  Congress  in  1824-S, 
whilst  the  election  of  President  of  the  United 
States  was  then  before  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, 1  called  to  see  Mr.  Clay,  to  ascertain,  it" 
possible,  his  determination  as  it  related  to  his 
voting  for  Mr.  Crawford,  in  whose  favor  I  then 
w-as,  and  had  been  from  the  commencement  of 
the  contest,  as  Mr.  Clay  knew,  and  I  believe 
every  body  else  who  was  acquainted  v.'ith  me. 

I  think  this  was  in  the  month  of  January  ot' 
that  year,  or  tlie  latter  part  of  the  preceding' 
month,  December.  Mr.  Clay,  in  the  course  of 
conversation,  said  to  me,  that  he  had  called  on 
Mr.  Crawlorfl,  as  soon  as  he  arrived  in  the  city, 
to  satisfy  himself,  and  be  his  own  judge  as  to 
the  state  of  his  health;  and  that  he  was  tho- 
roughly convinced,  from  seeing  him,  that  it 
would  not  do  to  elect  him;  th.at  his  health  was 
so  bad  ho  could  not  discharge  the  duties  of  the 
office  if  he  were  elected. 

He  then  went  on  to  state,   in  the  course  of 
that  conversation,  and  I  think  nearly  in  these 
ivords:   "  When  I  take  up  tlie   pretensions  of 
Mr.  Adams,  and  weigh   them,   and   lay   them 
down — then  take  up  the  pretensions  of  Gene-       ; 
ral  Jackson,  wi_igh  them,  and  lay  them  down      J 
by  the  side  of  those  of  Mr.  Adams — I  never  was       ' 
as  niifch  puzzled  in  all  my  life,  as  I  am  to  de- 
cide bet«  een  them." 

In  answer  to  the  other  part  of  your  inquirv, 
permit  me  to  ssy,  that  I  have  had  many  conver- 
sations with  Mr.  Clay,  of  a  political  cliaracter, 
the  nature  and  e.xteni  of  which  I  am  unwilling- 
to  disclose,  unless  some  future  circumstance 
should  authorize  or  require  it. 

1  am,  Sir,  vour  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  FLOYD,  of  Virginia. 
Gen.  J.  P.  Van  Nisss, 

Chairman  Corresponding  Committee. 

No.  6. 


Smith's  Point,  Cuarles  Cousti,  Md. 
March  24t/i,  1828. 
7'o  Gen-  J-  P.  Van  Neas. 

Sin:  In  answer  to  the  inquiry  proposed  by 
the  J;>ckson  Corresponding  Committee,  of 
which  you  art-  Chairman,  as  to  a  conversation 
which  p.as5ed  between  the  late  Hon.  Robert  P. 
Henry,  of  Kentucky,  and  myself,  in  the  month  . 
of  January,  or  the  eai'ly  part  of  February, 
1825,  I  will  state,  in  substance,  his  observa- 
tions, in  relation  to  the  Presidential  election, 
then  pending  before  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives of  the  United  States.     I  will  oWrve, 


135 


.hat  Major  Heiuy  landed  at  my  house  from 
the  steamboat,  which  was  carrying  the  Pre- 
sident and  ^other  gentlemen  to  the  "N.  Caro- 
lina" m;iii-of-war,  then  lying  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Potomac.  This  circumslaiice  will  as- 
certain the  period  of  the  visit  and  conversation. 
In  answer  to  some  inquir)-  of  mine,  as  to  what 
would  be  the  probable  result  of  the  election  by 
the  House,  rtr.  Henry  stated,  that  General 
.Tackson  might  have  obtained  the  vote  of  Ken- 
tucky, if  he  had  authorized  or  permitted  his 
friends  to  have  given  Mr.  Clay  or  his  friends 
an  assurance  that  Jlr.  Clay  should,  upon  his 
election,  be  made  Secretary  of  State.  That 
the  time  liad  now  passed — that  Mr.  Adams 
would  receive  the  vote  of  Kentucky — tliat  the 
attachment  of  a  large  number  of  her  delegates 
to  Mr.  Clay,  would  lead  them  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams,  in  order  to  advance  the  political  iuier- 
ests  of  their  favorite  (Mr.  C.J — that  he  (Mr. 
H.)  had  warmly  supported  the  election  of  Mr. 
Clay;  but,  under  existing  cii'cumstances,  he 
should  not  hesitate  to  obey  the  will  of  the  peo- 
ple of  his  State,  who  were  now,  and  at  all  times, 
opposed  to  Jlr.  Adams,  since  he  was  first  an- 
neunccd  as  a  candidate  for  the-  Presidency — 
that  no  doubt  existed,  but  that  General  Jack- 
son was  second  only  to  Mr.  Clay  in  the  estima- 
tion and  attachment  of  the  people  of  Ken- 
tuck) — and  was,  at  the  present  time,  the  object 
of  their  decided  political  preference  and  hopes. 

The  above  is  substantially  a  correct  state- 
meVt  of  Mr.  Henry's  remarks,  to  the  best  of 
my  recollection.  I  have,  as  requested  by  your 
Committee,  made  oath  to  my  statement,  as  1 
am  sure  I  have  given  the  substance  of  Mr. 
Henry's  observations.  I  know  I  would-not  de- 
signedly pervert  them  for  all  this  world  can 
bestow. 

I  have  tlte  honor  to  be,  most  respectfully, 
your  very  obedient  servant,        A.    GREEK. 

Sworn  to,  before  me,  one  oi'  the  Associate 
.Tudges  for  the  first  Judicial  District  of  the 
State  of  Maryland.  EDMUND  KEY. 

iVo.  6. 
Tallahassee,  Ftbruury  illi,  1823. 

SiH:  Mr.  Clay  in  his  address  to  the  public, 
iias  done  me  the  honor  to  mention  my  name  in 
'he  following  manner:  "It  can  scarcely  be 
doubted  that  General  Call  was  well  acquainted 
with  Gen.  Jackson's  views  and  expectations 
At  a  tavern  at  Rockville,  in  Maryland,  about 
fifteen  miles  from  this  city,  during  tliat  same 
journey,  fien.  Call  and  several  other  gentle- 
men engaged  in  conversation  about  the  Presi- 
dential election.  Jolin  Braddock,  Esq.  (a  .gen- 
tleman not  known  to  me,  but  who,  I  under- 
stand, is  a  merchant  of  great  respectability,) 
was  present;  and  he  states,  that"  when  tlie  vote 
which  .Mr.Clay  would  probably  give,  wasspokcn 
of,  Gen.  Call  declared  that  the  friendsof  Gen. 
Jackson  did  not  expect  Mr.  Clay  to  vote  for 
hini,  and  if  he  did  so,  it  would  be  an  act  of  du- 
plicity on  his  part." 

I  have  ni)  knowledge  of  the  person  on  whose 
authority  Mr.  Clay  has  made  tliis  statement, 
neither  do  1  recollect,  or  believe,  that  I  ever 
Tnade  the  remark  attributed  to  me,  on  that  oc- 
■':i=!on:  on  the  contrary.   I  am  conSduP.t  that 


the  assertion. is  witaout  the  least  t'ojiiidalioji 
Rockville,  I  understand,  is  the  name  of  the  vil- 
lage at  Montgomery  Court-house,  Maryland, 
My  travelling  companions,  when  I  arrived  a', 
that  place,  in  1824,  were  Messrs.  John  T.  John- 
son, of K'.nlucky,  Stewart,  of  Pennsjlvania, 
and  Vinton,  of  Ohio;  the  last  two  gentlemen 
were,  and  I  believe  are  still,  the  personal  anif 
political  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  I  call  upon 
them  to  state,  Tvhcthcr  tKcy  heard  mc  at  Roc^c- 
ville,  or  at  any  other  place,  make  use  of  the 
language  mentioned  by  Mr.  Clay.  With  those 
gentlemen  I  associated  on  terms  of  intimacy* 
we  had  been  travelling  companions  from  Cum- 
berland, where  I  kad  left  Gen.  Jackson;  and 
our  conversatioiis  were  indulged  with  unreserv- 
ed freedom.  They  had  a  much  better  oppor- 
tunity of  learning  my  opinions  on  any  subject, 
tjian  the  strange  gentleman  on  whose  authority 
Mr.  Clay  has  rested;  and  I  am  convinced,  that 
neither  of  them  will  say  the  statement  is  true. 
In  adiiition  to  my  want  of  recollection  of  hav- 
ing made  the  remarks  ascribed  to  me,  I  have 
other  and  stronger  reasons  for  believing  that  1 
did  not  do  so. 

I  arrived  at  Rockville  on  Sunday,  the  day 
preceding  the  meeting  of  Congress;  at  that 
time  the  result  of  the  election,  in  Indiana,  Illi- 
nois, Missouri,  and  Louisiana,  where  the  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay  claimed  a  majority,  was  unknown, 
and  it  was  impossible  to  decide  whether  Mr, 
Clay  or  Mr.  Crawford  would  be  returned  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  with  Gen.  Jackson 
and  Mr.  Adams:  this  question  was  not  decided 
until  many  weeks  after  the  commencement  of 
the  session.  Is  it  then  reasonable  that  I  should 
speak  of  the  vote  to  be  given  by  Mr.  Clay,  at 
a  'ime  when  there  was  the  greatest  probability 
that  he  would  be  a  candidate,  instead  of  an. 
elector  in  the  House.'  But,  Sir,  if  ray  opinion 
on  that  important  subject  be  of  the  least  in- 
terest, permit  me,  and  I  will  here  record  it 
faithfully. 

I  did  most  confidently  believe,  that  if  Mr- 
Clay  failed  to  reach  the  House  as  a  candidate,,, 
that  he  would  vote  for  General  Jackson.  I  be- 
lieved, not  from  his  personal  or  political  parti- 
ality for  Gen  Jackson,  but  because  I  believed 
that  nintteen-twentieths  of  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky preferred  Gen.  Jackson  to  Mr.  Adams. 
I  knew  him  (Mr.  Clay)  to  have  been  the  zeal- 
ous advocate  of  the  right  of  instruction.  T 
knew  him  to  be  a  Western  man;  and  I  had  lis- 
tened with  delight  and  enthusiasm  oa  many  oc- 
casions when  he  described  the  wants,  the  suf- 
ferings, and  the  neglect  of  the  "poor  West." 
How  then  could  I  doubt  that  he  would  vote  for 
the  Western  candidate,  who  was  the  choice  of 
the  State  he  represented'  Had  I  have  doubted 
it  on  the  Sunday  preceding,  on  the  Wednesday- 
succeeding  tlie  meeting  of  Congress  that 
doubt  would  have  been  removed. 

As  Gen.  Jackson,  Major  Eaton,  and  myself 
were  returning  from  the  Capitol,  aftc  passing 
through  the  Rotuiido,  we  were  overtaken  by 
Mr.  Clay,  who  approached  Gen.  Jackson  with 
his  usual  pleasing  address,  and  with  the  follow- 
ing familiar  and  friendly  language:  "General 
Jackson,  I  have  a  quarrel  with  you:  why  did  }  on 
not  let  me  know  thatyou  were  coming  by  Lex- 
ington' 1  certainly  should  have  waited  for 
yonr  arrival."  And  to  the  best  of  my  recollec- 
tion, he  added,  "We  should  have  travelled  to- 


I'JU 


g-ctlier.'  Indted,  Sir,  I  never  doubted  but 
that  Mr.  Clay  and  bis  friends,  fjenerally,  wculd 
vote  for  Gen.  Jackson,  until  a  gentleman,  in 
whose  sag'acity  and  means  of  being  correctly 
informed,  I  h.i'd  mucli  contidence,  suggested  to 
me,  that  from  his  knowledge  of  tlie  value 
which  Mr.  Clay  set  upon  the  office  of  Secret-iiy 
of  State,  and  its  patronage,  that  he  was  con- 
%-inced  that  Mr.  Clay  had  determined  to  dispose 
of  his  interest  in  a  manner  tliat  would  srciire 
him  that  station.  I  replied,  that  1  knew  no- 
thing of  the  views  of  Gen.  Jackson  on  that  suli- 
iect;  that  it  was  one  on  which  ids  best  friends 
could  not  approach  hira.  The  gentleman  then 
observed,  "  without  pretending  to  have  niore 
sagacity  than  othei-s,  1  venture  to  say,  tliat  Gen. 
Jackson  will  not  be  elected." 

I  own  that  I  was  greatly  surprised  at  this  re- 
mark, for  1  had  believed,  until  then,  the  elec- 
tion of  the  General  beyond  the  possibility  of  a 
doubt.  But,  before  we  separated,  the  gentle- 
man convinced  me  that  the  election  was  com- 
pletely in  the  bands  of  Mr.  Clay.  I  do  not  re- 
collect at  what  period  1  received  this  informa- 
tion. It  was,  however,  long  before  the  publi- 
tation  of  Mr.  Kremer's  letter  to  the  editor  of 
the  Columbian  Observer,  and  I  had  time  to 
write  to  General  Paine,  of  Mount  Stirling,  Ken- 
tucky, and  to  receive  an  .answer  before  the 
election.  In  my  letter  to  General  Paine,  I  in- 
formed him,  that  a  majority  of  the  Kentucky 
Delegation  would  disregard  the  instructions  of 
the  Legislature,  requesting  them  to  vote  for 
G>n.  Jackson,  and  if  the  people  wished  to  be 
lieard  on  that  important  occasion,  they  should 
speak  in  a  voice  not  to  be  mi.su"nderstood  by 
.the  Representatives.  This  produced  a  meet- 
ing of  a  number  of  the  citizens  of  Montgomery 
county.  Ken.,  who  instructed  their  represent.a- 
tive,  Mr.  Trimble,  positively  to  vole  to  Gen. 
Jackson.  A  copy  ot  tho.se  instructions  were 
fonvarded  to  me,  and  were  published  in  the 
Washington  Ci'y  Gazette,  a  few  days  before 
t)>e  election.  On  reference  to  those  instruc- 
tions, you  will  perceive  someth  ng  peculiar  in 
their  phraseology.  They  were  given  in  antici- 
pation of  the  co'urse  I  had  apprized  General 
Paine  would  be  pursued  by  the  Kentucky  de- 
legation. 

Before  I  conclude,  permit  me  to  mention  a 
conversation  which  I  had  with  Mr.  Brent,  of 
Louisiana.  This  gentleman,  between  whom 
and  mys-elf  there  had  been  no  p.articular  inti- 
macy, gave  me  the  hrst  intelligence  I  received 
of  the  vote  of  Louisiana.  He  sought  the  'ntcr- 
view,  and  after  conmiunicating  the  fart,  re- 
marked, tliat  Mr.  Cl.iy  was  out  of  the  question. 
I  observed  to  him,  your  Stale  appears  to  be  in 
favor  ol  Gen.  Jackson:  what  will  be  the  vote  of 
her  delegation  when  the  question  cnmes  before 
the  House'  He  replied,  "  vnxpopu/i  vox  Dei," 
is  my  motto.  A  tow  days  after,  in  enumerating 
the  States  wliich  would  probably  vote  for  Gen. 
Jackson,  Mr.  Brent  mentioned  Louisiana. — 
Soon,  however,  after  this,  he  became  more  dis- 
tant, and  we  did  not  converse  on  tlie  Presiden- 
tial question  again,  until  a  few  moments  after 
the  balloting,  which  resulted  in  the  election  of 
Mr.  .Vdains.  I  then  met  Mr.  Brent,  and  ob- 
.served  to  hlm,Sir,!ei-  pcipuli  is  not  vox  Da.'  The 
gentleman  understood  my  allusion,  and  replied, 
that  he  had  no  instructions  from  his  district, 
.mi  that  he  hi<d  been  left  in   the  dark  with  re- 


gard to  the  wishes  of  the  peuple.  I  told  him, 
that  1  wished  only  to  remind  him,  that  rox  po- 
puli  was  not  always  ro.v  /Jei/and  we  separated. 
I  mention  this  circumstance,  as  an  evidence  of 
the  correctness  of  the  information  I  had  receiv- 
ed'of  the  views  and  determination  of  Mr  Clay. 
That  he  did  hold  the  election  in  his  oh  n  hands, 
is  proved  by  the  result.  That  be  is  in  the  oa-- 
binet  is  equally  clear;  and  that  Mr.  Brent  was 
instrumental  in  placing  him  there,  none  wiU 
doubt.  By  what  magical  artifice  he  seduceiT 
the  worthy  representative  of  Louisiana  from  his 
alh;giance  and  his  motto,  he  best  can  tell.  If 
an  upology  is  due  for  this  intrusion,  1  hope  it 
will  be  found  in  the  manner  in  which  I  have 
been  brought  before  the  public  by  Mr.  Clay. 
1  am.  Sir,  very  respectfiilly, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

B..K.  CALL 
Gen.  Jobs  P.  Vas  Ness. 


No.  r. 


AV-isaiNGTos  City,  April,  1828. 

Sin:  In  reply  to  your  letter  requestiag 
such  information  as  I  may  be  posses"sed  of, 
relative  to  the  Presidential  election  in  1824—5, 
I  have  but  little  to  remark.  Concerning  the 
events  of  that  period,  I  have  no  material  facts 
to  communicate:  opinions  ara  of  little  value, 
and  withal,  are  not  asked  for.  I  shall  do  no 
more,  therefore,  tlian  notice  a  few  of  the  state- 
ments contained  in  Mr.  Clay's  late  pamphlet, 
and  to  state  their  want  of  accuracy. 

It  is  not  true,  as  Sir.  Clay  has  :isserted,  that 
I  wrote  the  letter  avowed  by  Mr.  Krenier  to  be 
his,  and  which  was  puhhsiied  in  the  Columbian 
Observer,  in  Jauuar) ,  lS'2Ji,  in  which  it  is  char- 
ged that  Mr.  Clay  \\  ouid  vote  for  Mr.  Adams, 
and  as  compensation  for  his  vote,  was  to  be, 
and  would  be,  appointed  Secretary  of  State. 
Directly  or  indirectly,  I  had  no  agency  in  it; 
and  never  saw,  ncr  heard  of  the  letter,  until  1 
read  it  in  the  columns  of  the  Columbian  Obser- 
ver. 

It  is  not  true,  as  asserted  by  Mr.  Clay,  th.at  a 
dinner  was  gotten  up  with  a  view  to  produce 
reconcili.itioii  between  h.mself  and  Gen.  Jack- 
son, where,  as  he  says,  they  "met,  exchanged 
salutations,  and  dined  together;"  :ind  where, 
dinner  being  over,  he  "  was  followed  to  the 
door  by  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Katon,  who 
insisted  on  my  taking  a  seat  in  their  carriage." 
These  statements  and  assertions  are  worthy  to 
be  marvelled  at.     They  are  incorrect. 

In  the  first  place,  this  dinner  party,  to  which 
he  hasreferrei  for  effect,  was  intended  as  mere 
civility  to  those  who  were  invited — nothing 
more.  I  had  the  honor  to  be  one  of  the  guests 
on  the  occasion,  and  so  considert-d  it.  Mr. 
Isacks  and  Mr.  Blair,  the  cr.ly  members  from 
Tennessee,  now  present,  wlio  then  were  here, 
know  it  to  have  been  desij,'iied  in  no  other  w.ay, 
and  so  declare.  Keithei  of  them  possess  the 
slightest  recollection  of  the  comersation  char- 
geo  by  .Mr.  Clay  to  have  taken  place  at  the  time 
they  called  to  see  him;  yet  he  will  have  it,  and 
so  insinuates,  that  the  call  and  the  dinner  were 
mere  m.atters  urf  captanjum,-  for,  says  he,  then; 
"  we  met,  exchanged  s;ilutations,  and  dined 
together."  His  memory,  either  through  acci- 
dent or  design,  must  indeed  be  short,  not  to 
have  remembered  that  some  time  befiore  the 


13/ 


Itappening  of  this  nwUve  ciuiner,  be  )iad  actuaUy  as  the  frienj  of  Mr.  Claij,  I  u-as  sony  had  ej.-- 
seen  6en.  Jackson— yes,  "  metaiid  cxdiansjetl  islmce.  Tiit;  circumstances  to  wliicli'l  allude, 
salutations."  v/ere  the  coHtimied  n'deiue  and  lengthy  reicrvk 

A  few  (lays  aftei-'the  meetm-  of  Congress,  in    of  Mr.  Cl^i/'s  friends,  in  pub/is/img  or  Utiing  it 
December,  1823,  I  was  requested  by  General    bf  Unouin  how  they  imuld  mte,-  and  the  fad  thiit- 
■lackson  to  walk  *ith  him  to  see  Mrs.  Watson,    the  Ke.ttudy  ddesatim,  who   voted  for  Mr.  J., 
an  acquaintance  oFhis,  a  widow  lady,intiii3city.    had  a  meetint-;  to  ikterniinc  upon  their  course-. 
Very  shortly  after  enterin-,'  thw  hous^-,  and  be-    as  I  was  informed  by  one  of  thtrn,   at  which,  i't 
ingseated,  Mr.  Clay  came  in.     From  the  veiy    was  smd  to  mc .  thai' upon  i  he  nue.stionljein"  pro- ■ 
limited  time  we  had  been  in  the  ho.ise,  1  felt   posed  to  Mr.  Clay,  for  whom  snail  we  vote?  he'' 
confident  he  had  slcii  us  enter,  and  knew  Gen.    answered,  in  substance,   "  that  in  aise  Gcnc-^  - 
.lackson  to  be  there.     I  advanced  and  spoke  to    Jackson  should  be  elected,  he  believed  thai  the  ad- 

him,  and  immediately  .Mrs.  Watson  intr/jduccr^    nw.».v^».x./,"^/.,  ttv^A.  .v^  ,— ■^.*,  rj  i.^  ^^^j^nvrtl 

him  to  the  General.  "  Here  they  met,  and  ex-  to  him,  to  prostrate  him;  tliat,  should  Mr.  A. 
changed  sa/utations  ;"  nay  more,  conversed  be  elected,  he  felt  satisfied  it  would  not  be  so., 
finely  :LnJ  friendly  together  ;  and  yet  .Mr.  Clay  but  that  he  hoped  no  per.^onnl  consideration  far 
will  have  it,  their  diftcreace  abided,  and  that  it  him,  would  induce  them  to  act  contrary  to  their 
wus  not  tmtil  this  electioneerinif  dinner  was  desire."  Upon  these  circumstances,  I  have  ol'- 
gotten  up  at  Mr.  Ciaxton's,  that  they  "  met,  ten  remarked,  that  the  first  was  in  character  of 
and  e.vchangeds;dutationtj."  Kentuckians;  that  the  last  was  the  strongest  ap- 

But  from  the  dinner,  it  seems,  he  was  "  fol-  peal  which  could  be  made  to  a  man's  friends,  and 
lowed  to  the  door  by  General  .lackson  and  Mr.  (he  heaviest  requisition  which  could  he  levied  »n 
i'aton,  who  insisted  on  my  taking  a  seat  in  their    their  attachment." 

carriage;''  and  this  is  presented  as  evidence  of  

a  disposition  to  woo  and  win  his  favors  and  good  Washixgtox,  January  3,  182S.. 

opinion.  DK.inSiR:  Your  letter  oFlhJs  date,  request- 

Let  it  be  borne  in  mind,  tliat.it  this  period  of  ing'  to  be  informed  of  the  substance  of  a  conver- 
the  Presidential  history,  January,  1824,  Mr.  sation  wliich  passeil  betwixt  the  Hon.  Mr.  Scott 
C  was  e.tclusively  for  hiras.--lf,  and  not  to  be  of  Missouri,  and  myself,  relative  to  the  last  Prc- 
won  to  the  interest  of  any  candidate,  save  him-  sidential  election,  isjust  received, 
self.  The  dinner  over,  several  liad retired  into  The  conveisatiun  alluded  to,  took  place  on 
tlio  parlor;  I  am  confident  that  General  Jack-  the  evening  of  tlie  2id,of  Februnry,  1825,  be- 
>j)n  retired  first — not  that  I  pretend  to  recollect  twist  the  times  of  the  election  and  the  accessiot) 
such  a  trifling  and  unimportant  matter,  but  be-  of  the  present  Cliief  Magi.-i*rate .  Before  the 
cause,  as  most  of  his  acquaintances  know,  it  election,  it  had  been  currently  reported  that 
was  liis  constant  practice  to  avail  himself  of  the  Mr.  Clay  was  to  receive  the  office  of  Secretary 
earliest  opportunity  to  leave  a  dinner  table.  Ab-  of  State,  provided  Mr.  Adams  should  be  elect- 
stemious  in  diet,  and  drinking  not  at  all,  is,  I  ed;  and  that,  in  consideration  of  this  arranger 
presume,  the  rea-son  why.  Several  gentlemen  ment,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  had  deteiiniaetl 
were  about  to  retire  from  the  parlor  at  the  same  to  give  Mr.  Adams  their  support.  This  report 
time:  the  General's  carriage  w.-is  at  the  door;  I  had  no  reason  to  disbelieve,  especially  as  the 
as  he.  Gen.  Call,  Delegate  from  Florida,  who,  Hon.  Francis  Johnson,  of  Kentuckv,  a  warm 
]  think,  was  of  our  party,  and  myself,  were  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  had  told  me,  a  short  time 
about  to  depart;  Mr.  Clay  was  standing  on  tiie  antecedent  to  the  rumor,  that  he  had  deteimia- 
piazza,  Genci-.il  Jackson  politely  offered  him  a  ed  to  give  a  blank  vote,  as  he  could  not  give  his 
seat,  and  it  was  politely  accepted.  Mr.  Clay  suffrage  to  eitiicr  of  tiie  candidates  which  would 
was  set  down  at  his  lodgings;  we  proceeded  be  returned;  but  immediately  on  the  rumor 
home;  and  this  is  the  sum  and  sun^lance  of  that  that  su,;h  was  to  be  the  result  of  Mr.  Adams'* 
unimportant  matter,  which  Mr.  Cl.ay  has  offered  election,  I  found  him,  Mr.  F.  Johnson,  enlisted 
as  so  very  material,  among  his  supporters.     Though  Mr.   Clay  re- 

The  interview  of  Mr.  Buchanan  with  me  is  pelled  with  indignation  the  insinuation  that  he 
ah^ady  before  the  public,  and  need  not  be  here  ''"'l  been  accessary  to  such  an  arrangement, 
again  adverted  to.  In  my  communication  du-  vet  I  did  not  then  doubt,  nor  did  I  .suppo.se  it 
ring  the  last  summer,  on  tite  subject,  I  present-  wai>  denied,  that  his  friends  were  influenced  by 
ed  an  extract  of  a  letter,  but  gave  not  the  name  !'•  It  was  under  tliis  impression  that  I  entered 
of  the  writer.  It  was  written  by  John  M'Lane,  into  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Scott.  It  occur- 
who,  in  1824-5,  was  a  Senator  t'roin  the  State  of   red  as  a  common  topic,    and   not  as  a  subject 

sought,  or  h.av  ing  any  special  design,  with  ei- 
ther of  us.  I  asked  him  if  his  vote  would  be 
popular  in  Missouri'  He  answered,  that  nine- 
teen-twentieths  of  his  constituents  would  be  op- 
posed to  it.  I  then  inquired  what  Vould  be 
said  of  him  when  he  returned  hone.'  He  re- 
plied that  his  vote  would  make  a  great  noise  for 
a  time:    but  tli.at  their  election  w.is  over,  and 

vears,  and 
1  probably  si.br     ' 


Illinois.     It  is  here  annexed. 

Very  respe-ctfully,  J.  H.  EATOX. 

Ktiractfrom  a  letter  tvritttn  by  the  Hon.  John 
McLane,  of  Illinois,  to  M.-.  Eaton. 
"  The  bargain  of  1825,  between  Messrs.  Ad- 
ams and  Clay,    1  remember    well,  w;,s  freely 

spoken  of  by   many  members  of  Congress,  al-    „ ..,    .,.,„,,„   „,„  „ 

though  I  hati   no   personal  knowledge  of  ;iny    thev  could  not  touch  him  under  two  ve 
lact  which  would   warrant   the   btVief  that  the    in  that  time  the  excitement  would  pro'b: 


•contract  exntcd;  besides  the  high  estimation  in  side.     He  added,  that  it  was  ascertained 'if  Mr' 

which  I  then  held  Mr.  Clay,  forbade  my  suspi-  Adams  should  not  be  elected  on  the  first  ballot 

cions  on  any  accusations  not  supported  by  ;3o«-  he  could  not  be  elected  afterwards;  that  if /,« 

iTm™,-     '"^^  P''™'' "»s  not  aflbrded  me,  and  had  not   voted  for  him,   .Mr.  Cook,  of  Uhnois, 

i-i'""  I'^'^i'^^'  yf'  'here  were  some  cir-  would  not  have  voted  for  him,  and  that  vrithoM 

^tmiimttsofunfavm-abkappenranre.arjduihirh,  Irotli  of  tWu-  VTjt.es,  he  wofird  not  hav^  bptn 


1  N,> 


fleeted.  1  then  remarked,  that  as  the  election 
had  depended  upon  him,  1  supposed,  in  case  of 
his  own  faiUire  at  the  next  election,  he  would 
be  otherwise  provided  for.  To  this  he  answer- 
ed, that  he  would  accept  of  no  appointment 
whatever  anderthe  administration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
)est  it  should  be  regarded  as  tlie  reward  of  his 
vote.  I  asked  him  how  he  could  then  expect 
Mr.  Clay  to  accept  the  appointment  of  Secreta- 
ry of  State,  as  it  was  rumored  that  it  was  to  be 
tendered  to  him,  in  case  of  Str  Adams'  elec- 
tion, and  I  supposed  it  would  be  expected  that 
■  Mi.^iujr  wouia  rtc»-t:pi  n.-*Ht  rein;irKed,  that 
Mr.  Clay  did  not  act  for  himself,  but  for  the 
West.  That  Mr.  Clay  was  the  man  of  the 
West.  "  We,"  said  he,  (alUiding-,  as  I  suppo- 
sed, to  the  western  members  who  voted  for 
Mr.  Adams,;:  "act  for  the  West,  and  Mr.  Clay 
is  our  man.  He  must  not  consider  himself  as 
Mr.  Clay,  but  as  the  West,  and  in  that  charac- 
fer  it  will  be  his  duty  to  accept." 

This  was  ten  days  before  the  inaug-uration  of 
Mr.  Adams.  1  had  not  heard  that  the  office 
was  then  already  tendered  to  Mr.  Clay,  nor  do 
7  know  whether  it  w.as;  but  from  the  report 
which  had  been  circulated  before  tlie  election, 
connected  with  the  simultaneous  movement  of 
some  of  Mr.  Clay's  friends,  I  assumed  the  con-' 
elusion  as  a  matter  of  course,  th.-;  he  was  to  re- 
ceive the  appointment;  and  the  whole  of  Mr. 
'Scott's  conversation  appeared  to  me  to  admit 
the  fact,  on  the  principle  of  my  assumption. 
Whether  such  v,-as  his  desig-n,  I  know  not;  but 
such  was  the  impression  whicli  it  could  not  fail 
to  make  on  my  mind. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  Sir, 
■your  obedient  servant, 

O.  15.  DROWN. 

Hon.  J.  H.  Eaton. 


No.  8. 
WAsnrsGTOJcCiTT,  Jlpril  oO,  1828. 

Dear  Sin:  In  answer  to  yoiu'  inquiries, 
1  can  truly  say,  that  m_v  letter  to  the  Columbi.an 
Observer,  of  the  2Sth  januan-,  1S25,  annoinic- 
ing  the  treason  that  then  threatened  the  Repub- 
lic, was  written  at  my  desk,  pending  the  session 
of  the  House;  where  I  wrote  several  others  of 
similar  character. 

R  would  be  an  unnecessary  waste  of  time  for 
me  to  furnish  any  additional  evidence,  .^o  prove 
the  truth  of  the  charges  contained  in  my  letter. 
Indeed  Mr.  (;lay  has  not,  nor  can  he,  meet  the 
charges  contained  in  it.  He  h.ts  endeavored  to 
evade  the  eharg'c,  by  creating  an  impn-ssion  that 
\  was  not  the  author  of  the  letter  to  the  Colum- 
bian- Observer;  and  that  General  Jackson,  or 
Major  Eaton,  had  vvritten  the  letter.  I  can  and 
would  dechire,  if  arraigned  before  that  tribimal 
i>om  whence  there  is  no  appeal,  that  neitiier  of 
the  gentlemen  coidd  liave  had  any  knowledge 
<>f  tlie  letter  until  it  was  pubiislied  in  print. — 
Nothing  can  be  more  destitute  of  tiTth  than  this 
attempt  of  Mr.  Clay. 

Respectfully,  your  fellow-citizen, 

G.  KllEMER. 

Oen.  A'an  Ness,  Chair'n,  &c. 


No.  9. 
Washixutox-,  March  22d,  1S28. 
Sje:  Your  letter,  dated  20th  instant,  accom- 


panied by  an  address  of  the  Central  Comnnttct 
of  Correspondence,  of  w  hich  you  are  the  Chair- 
man, was  received  on  yesterday.  Vou  solicit 
such  information  as  I  may  possess  on  the  sub- 
jects of  which  the  address  treats.  It  relates  to 
a  pamphlet  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  which,  as  is  sup- 
posed, he  "has  undert.iken  to  sliow  that  Gen. 
Jackson  and  liis  friends  practised  seductive  arts 
to  prevail  upon  him,  Mr.  Clay,  to  favor  the 
views  of  Gen.  Jackson  in  the  election  to  the 
Presidency;  and  tluit  when  tiieir  efforts  failed, 
he,  General  Jackson,  conspired  with  Mr.  Ea- 
tim  ai>d  Mr.  Krcmer  to  intimidate  Mr.  Clay, 
and  to  detcrhim  from  voting  for  Mr.  Adams; 
that  fieneral  Jackson  in  speaking  of  the  events 
of  the  late  Presidential  election,  has  V>een  guil- 
ty of  misrepresentat'on,  with  a  view  to  impress 
on  the  pubhc  mind,  prejudice  against  Mr.  Ad- 
ams and  Mr.  Clay;  and  lastly,  tliat  he,  Mr. 
Cl,iy,  previous  to  tlie  election,  had  no  under- 
standing whatevei,  th.at  he  would  be  appointed 
Secretary  of  State  in  the  event  that  Mr.  Adams 
were  elected." 

I  possess  very  little,  if  any,  information,  re- 
lating to  either  of  these  subjects,  which  can  be 
of  use,  on  either  side  of  the  question. 

During  the  session  of  Congress,  in  the  years 
1823  and  1824,  I  was  in  the  City  of  Was'hing- 
ton,  then  acting  as  one  of  the  Commissioners, 
under  the  Florida  Ireaty;  in  the  course  of  the 
wmter,  I  was  invited  bv  some  of  the  members 
of  Congress,  from  my  own  State,  to  dine  with 
their  mess,  at  Mrs.  Claxton's.  Neither  at  the 
time  of  receiving  the  invitation,  nor  until  I 
went  to  dine,  had  I  any  knowledge,  or  intima- 
tion, tliat  any  o/?ifr  person  !iad  been  invited  to 
dine  with  them  on  tfie  same  day.  At  dinner, 
1  found  General  Jackson,  Mr.  Clay,  and  some 
other  gentlemen,  who 'did  not  belong  to  the 
mess,  and  therefore  presumed  they,  as  well  as 
myself,  were  invited  guests.  I  neither  saw,  nor 
heard,  before  the  dinner,  atthedmner,  nor  after 
the  dinner,  any  thing  which  induced  me  to  be- 
lieve there  was  any  political  or  electioneering 
move.ment,  in  any  way  connected  with  it.  In- 
deed the  mixed  poHtical  cliaracter  of  the  compa- 
ny would  seem  to  forbid  such  a  supposition;  as 
among  the  guests  were  some  of  the  most  de- 
cided :md  discerning  friends  of  a  third  candi- 
date, who  w.os  not  present. 

When  diiuier  was  over,  and  the  guests  took 
their  leave,  I  do  not  remember  to  have  noticed 
whether  any  two  or  more  went  away  in  com- 
pany with  each  other  or  not;  as  I  did  not  board 
at  tlie  same  house  witli  any  of  them,  I  went 
home  alone. 

Xlost  respectfully,  your  obed't  servant, 

HU.  L.  V\  HITE. 

Gen.  Junx  P.  Yam  Nf.ss,  Chairman. 

No.  10. 

March  25th,  1828. 
Gen.  J.  P.  Van  Ness: 

Si  n :  In  reply  to  your  note  of  tlie  20th,  I  have  to 
say,  that  early  in  tiie  session  of  1823-4,  I  visit- 
ed .Mr.  Clay, in  person,  not  by  card — the  custom 
being  to  call  on  (he  Spe:iker,  as  I  h.ad  heard, 
for  I  was  a  new  member,  and  so  were  my 
colleagues,  except  two.  It  is  my  impression, 
that  some  of  them  were  in  company,  but  who, 
or  how  many,  I  cannot  state.  If  there  were  any 
thing  remarkable  in  this  visit,  I  neither  disi;ov- 


199 


'," ted  nor  noticed  It.     I  am  convinced  the  dinner  induced  tlie  invitation  given  to  Mr.  Clay,  <ii>aii 

biisinesswas  not  then  thoiiglit  of,  neither  w.is  a  a  respectful  civility  intended tobe  shown  to  the 

reconciliation  Ix'tween  Gen.  .lackson  and  Mr.  presiding^  offircr  of  the  Itouse,  of  which  most  of" 

Cl.ay,  nor  any  oilier  polit'cal  movem-jnt,  intend-  our  nie,sB   were  members.     For  myself,  I  cac 

cdjby  it,  so  fanis  Iknew.   Wo  just  culled  to  see  say,  that  I   never  conversed   witli    Mr.    Clay 

the  Speaker.    What!  we  undertake  to  manag'e  in  relation   to   the   Lebanon  affair,  to    whic'» 

Mr.  Clay  by  a  visit '.md  a  dinner'    Ridiculous!  he  has  been  ple.ised  to  refer  in  his  pamphlet^ 

1  have   no  recollection  of  any  such  conversa-  nor  did  either  of  my  then   coUeag'ucs  in  my 


t'^n  as  that  represented  by  Mr.  Clay  in  his 
pamphlet,  nor  do  I  remember  wliat  we  t.alked 
about.  Some  weeks  after  this,  we  concluded 
to  ^Ive  a  dinner  at  our  boarding-  liovise,  to  Gen. 


presence;  nor  had  I  heard  of  tlie  cause  ot 
coohiess  between  the  General  and  Mr.  Clay 
at  Lebanon,  until  after  the  dinner.  T  re 
peat,  that  dinner  was  ngt  g-iven  by  the  Tenncs- 


Jackson.     The  whole  Tennessee  delegation  did  see  <If>li',Qrat.i..  olor,^,  nnr  had  thev.the  exclu- 

not  board  tog-elher,  and  there  were  iri  the  mess  sive  selection  of  the  guests:  it  was  given,  as  7 

gentlemen  fnvo  two  other  St.ates.     Previous  to  believe,  with'.mt  the  knowledge  of  Gen.  Jick- 

this  time,  I  had  heard  the  fact  spoken  of,  and  son,  until  invited,  and  without  the  remotest  in- 

think  it  was  generiUy  understood,  that  Gene-  tention  of  affecting    any  other  object,  than  an 

ral  Jackson  and  Mr.  Clay  had  met,   exchanged  expression  of  kind  feelings  towai'ds  the  indlvi- 

rivilitie.s,   and  appeared  mutually  disposed  to  dual  on  wliose  account  it   was  given.     I  regret 

ibrget  former  pci-sonal  differences.     The   din-  t'l^t  so  common  an  Incident  here,  should  have 

ncr  was  not  given  to  bring   General  .Jack.son  been  serrred  upon  as  the  ground  of  intrigue  on 

and  Mr.    Clay  together,    for    the    first    time,  our  part,  than  which  nothing  is  more  incorrect; 

«n  ternrs  of  "respectful  intercourse,"  as  in-  ''s   I  feel  confident  .those    gentlejnen  before 

tlmated  by  Mr.  Clay.     I  am  well  assured,  that  named,  who  were  not  of  the  delegation,  and 

that  had  taken  place  before.     But  it  gives  me  ^^''to  were  at  the  time  favoring  the  pretensions 


ofother  candidates  for  the  Presidency,  will  attcsi . 
Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  BLAir; 
Gen.  JoHS  P.  Van  Ness. 


plexsure  to  state,  for  myself,  (find  fault  who 
may)  that  I  felt  gratified  by  contributing,  in 
any  degree,  even  by  the  dinner  civility,  to  the 
continuationof  that  intercourse.    The  presiding 

officers  of  both    hoil.ses  of  Congress,    gentle.  

men  from  several  States,  and,   as  it  happened,  Nc.   1". 

fi-iends  of  all  the  candidates  for  President,  (if  j,,..  ^  ^^s  thought  proper  to  introduce  into 
i  am  not  mistaken,)  were  of  the  p.arty-  Three  1,;^  ^rfdres^.  a  letter  from  Gov.  Kei.t  of  Marv- 
gentlemen  from  Tennessee,  not  members  of  [..^h.,  the  purpose  of  which  seems  to  be  to  af- 
Congre^.s,  th-  First  Comptroller,  J.mge  Ander-  fn,.a  t|,e  Secretary  an  opportunity  to  assail  the 
son.  Judge  White,  and  Gen.  Gaines,  were  also    Hon.  Romuhis  S.iuiiders,  the  able  and  eloquent 


present.  This  civility  was  repaid  by  Mr.  Clay, 
u  few  daysaf.er,  in  kind.  I  would  spurn,  even 
now,  to  impute  that  ;ict  of  hospital' ty,  on  his 
part,  to  any  unworthy  motive — althoiiiih  I 
might  be  invited  to  do  .so,  if  the  pr  ncipi  s  of 
.^etaljation  Wi.re  alone  to  be  consulted. 
I  am,  uitJi  great  respect,  yours,  &c. 

J.  C.  ISACKS. 

No.  11. 
AVashixctos  Citt,  April  9th,  1828. 
Sin;  Yours  of  the  20tli  ult.   accompanying 
an  address  to  the  public,  in.ade  by  order  of  the 


representative,  who  h;id  the  temerity  to  call  f'r 
information  relative  to  the  mann-.-r  in  which  Mr. 
Cl.iy  had  dispensed  the  patroi-.age  of  his  de- 
;)artment.  Justice  to  Mr.  Saunders  requires 
the  insertion  of  an  extract  from  his  rerily  con- 
tradicting the  statement  of  Gov.  Kent's  letter, 
CJeneral  Saunders  says: 

"I  know  the  position  in  which  I  stand,  and 
that  of  the  personage  whose  word  I  have  to  con- 
front. But  1  am  not  the  firs'  victim  selected  b) 
the  parasites  of  the  day,  to  divert  public  repre- 
hension from  their  high  i5:Uron;  nor  is  Governov 
Kent  the  fir.st  man  who  is  indebted  to  his  sta- 
Central  Corresponding  Committee,  of  tills  city,  tion  fora  little  brief  consequence.  lam  charg- 
was  reccive<i,  in  wliicli  you  request  me  to  con-  ed  from  this  "high  .source"  of  having  been  "de- 
tiibute  such  Information  as  I  may  possess  re-  cidcdiy  infavor  of  Mr.  Adams  in  preference  to 
];itive  to  the  subject  of  which  it  treats.  As  I  am  Gon.  Jackson,  and  not  ten  minutes  before  the 
«nc  of  the  only  two  now  present,  who  were  of  Kate  election  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
the  Tennessee  delegation  in  1833-4,  and  as  Mr.  to  have  approached  him  [Gov.  Kent]  with  anx- 
Olay  has  charged  that  delegation  with  seduc-  iousco;intenance,  discovernig  deep  concern  in- 
tive  arts,  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  be-  deed,  and  useilthes;- emphatic  words:  "I  hope 
tween  General  Jackson  and  liimself,  I  esteem  it  to  God  you  may  be  able  to  terminate  the  elcc- 
due  to  myself,  and  an  act  of  justice  to  my  then  tion  on  the  first  ballot,  for  fear  we  from  North 
•colleagues,  to  st;»te,  that  during  the  session  of  Carolina  may  bo  forced  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jack- 
son." His  Excellency  must  indeed  havejrelaxed 
from  the  cares  of  office  fcr  the  perusal  of  "The  ' 
Merry  Wives  of  Windsor,"  or  "  The  School  for 
Scand:il,"  "  'I'he  Arabian  Night's  Entertain- 
ment, "or  s;-,me  ether  work  of  fiction.  It  is  to  bi- 
recolli-ctcd,  th;'.t  this  "anxious  countenance," 
lliis  "4eep  concern,"  this  "emphatic language, '' 


3  823-4,  the  Tennessee  delegation,  tscept  Col. 
Alien  and  the  two  Senator,s,\vith  the  Hon.  Da- 
vid Barton,  of  Missoiiri,  and  Gen.  Leftwich,  of 
VirginJ.a,  boa'-de  !  at  Mrs.  Claxion's,  and  as  a 
m.ai-k  of  respect  for  Gen.  Jackson,  g.ave  him  tlie 
dinner  to  which  Mr.  Clay  lias  alluded.     To  tliat 

dinner  t!ie   presl.lent   pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  .^__, 

the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  l?epreseiit;itives,  occurred  more  tlian  two  ye;irs  since,  on  the  ev 
with  several  other  members,  and  Judge  White  of  sn  important  election,  to  a  man  occupying  a 
of  Tennessee,  then  one  of  tiic  Roanl  of  Com-  different  side  of  the  House  from  myself,  with 
missioncrs  for  Spanisli  claims,  were  invited.  I  whom  I  was  not  intimate,  who  had  been  oppoE- 
ran  sav,  with  coniidence,  that  no  other  motive    ed  to  my  friends  in  politics,  and  one  who  I  ha<i 


:-'0U 


lift'ays  viewed  as  concealing  under  a  plausible   insinuations  of  political  leaders,  it  is  not  to  lie 

exterior,  the  secret  but  deadly  enmity  of  a  vi-  expected  that  the  Committee  will  escape  the 
per.  On  an  occasion,  and  by  a  man  of  this  abuse  of  the  corps  of  adherents  and  dependent 
kind,  my  manner  and  words  are  professed  to  be  libellers  whom  this  administration  have  called 
remembered  with  accuracy,  and  rejiorted  ivith    in  to  its  aid. 

precision.  The  affirmative  charge  rests  upon  Mr.  Frank  Johnson,  one  of  the  late  represen- 
the  ipse  dixit  of  this  pliant  Governor  alone .  I  tatives  in  Conj^ess  from  Kentucky,  one  of  tliose 
meet  it,  therefore,  as  it  ought  to  be  met,  with  who  was  disc.irded  by  his  constituents  on  ac« 
ike  lie  direct."  count  of  his  treachery  to  their  interests,  hasdc- 
nounced  th!s  reply  in  advance,  and  speaking  «.f 

Mr.  Trimble  wasthe  known  friend  and  confiden-  the  Committee,  says: 
tial  agent  of  Mr.  Clay.  So,  as  it  was  uncertain  "  A  committee,  composed  entirely,  I  pre- 
whetiov  ii»  floy  c»  Mi..  Oiawford  would  be.  sume,  of  men  resid-nt  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
excluded  from  the  House,  he  used  every  effort  bia,  and  if  30,  thc-y  have  no  Toice  in  the  Presi- 
lo  secure  the  vote  of  Mr.  Crawford's  friends,  by  dential  election,  yet  they  are  setup  as  a  central 
declaring  to  them  that  Mr.  Crawford  was  his  and  controlling  pokier,  to  put  in  rrwtion  all  the 
second  choice.  It  will  be  remembiTed,  that  Mr.  schemes  and  plans  that  may  be  deviscdby  them- 
Clay,  in  the  fall  of  1 824-,  on  his  way  to  Washing-  selves  or  others  to  govern  and  control  public 
■ton,  passed  through  Virginia,  and  visited  the  sentiment,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  Gener-.d 
Sage  of  Monticello,  who  understood  that  his  ob-  Jackson  to  the  Presidency.  Was  ever  so  dar- 
ject  was  to  obtain  the  vote  of  Mr.  Crr.wford's  ing  an  outrage  attempted  against  the  liberties  cf 
friends.  Mr.  Trimble  also  passed  throu,;;h  North  the  people'  A  fei/  disfranchised  men,  who 
Carolina  and  Virginia,  and  his  object  is  fidly  ex-  have  no  vote  in  the  Presidential  electi,)n,  have 
plaine..  by  the  following  exti'act  from  a  letter  of  been  set  up  to  contiv)!  tlie  nation." 
a  gentleman  of  the  highest  respectabilivy,  to  the  II  is  too  true,  that  this  committee  are  disfraii- 
llon.  Samuel  P.  Carson,  dated  Iredell  county,  chisedmen:  It  is  tcio  tiue  that  this  District  is 
North  Carolina — received  since  this  Appendix  the  seat  of  a  despotic  power,  mure  odious  in  its 
vas  prepared  for  the  i)re:s:  features  than  the   monarchy  of  Great   Britain, 

"  The  statement  of  Mr.  David  Trimble,  of  It  is  too  true  that  the  people  of  this  disfran- 
Kentucky,  as  pubhshed  in  .Mi-.  Clay's  late  pam-  chised  District  haTe  no  voice  in  the  Presi- 
phlet,  has  been  received  here  with  no  little  sur-  dential  election;  and,  it  is  equally  true,  that 
prise.  Mr.  Trimble  yjassed  through  this  place  Congress  have  tht  jjower  to  establish  a  re- 
in November,  1824,  the  week  before  the  elec-  ligion;  they  have  tlie  power  to  regulate  the 
tion  for  Electors.  He  conversed  freely  with  press;  they  have  the  power  to  establish  orders 
some  of  the  known  political  friends  of  Mr.  Craw-  of  nobility,  within  tliis  "  dirfranc/iistd'  District, 
ford,  and  st;ited,  without  reserve,  that  the  West  That  such  things  hjive  not  been  done,  is  to  be 
nrcferred  Mr.  Clay,  from  his  local  situation,  and  attributed  to  the  youthful  vigor  of  our  institu- 
for  his  opinions  upon  some  matters  of  jnibUc  p6-  tions,  and  the  prLTailing  influence  of  religions 
(icy;  but  in  the  event  of  his  exclusion  from  tne  toleration,  and  the  lo\e  of  liberty  wliich  the  re- 
Ilouse  ofKeprescntatives,  hisfnends  would  most  presentativcs  of  the  people  have  brought  from 
decidedly  prefer  Mr.  Crawford,  as  tlieir  next  their  cnnsutuenti  at  home.  Let  tlie  people  of 
choice.  Mr.  T.  spoke -..ith  /lorcoratthe  idea  of  the  Ulalesmiec  snticlion  Hie  dvetrine,  Ihul  there- 
being  forced  to  choose  between  Mr.  Adams  and  piescntutire  is  nnt  to  be  palsied  by  the  mill  of  hi^ 
General  Jackson.  So  strong  and  unequivocal  co>i.«'iVu«i/.'i;lettherepresentativesof  the  people 
was  tlic  language  of  Mr.  T.  that  it  was  afterwards  with  impunity  set  the  w  ill  of  constituents  at  de- 
used  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawfid  aj  certain  fiance,  and  the  chauis,  which  are  already  forged 
evidence  of  the  vote  of  Mr.  Clay  and  friends,  for  the  jieople  of  lias  District,  will  be  nvetcd. 
in  the  event  of  his  being  out  of  the  question.  Knowing,  as  this  Comni'.tt»e  do,  the  malig- 
This  conversation  took  place  between  Mr.  T.  nant  spirit  of  proscriiitionandpfrsccution  w.'iicU 
and  some  gentlemen  of  tV.e  bar — it  being  court  characterizes  the  Coalition,  it  requires  no  small 
v/eek — andean  be  supported,  if  denied."  degree  of  moral  firmness  to  speak  forth  in  the 

Here,  (in  the  fall  of  1 824, )  Mr.  Trimble  ije-  language  of  tir.lh  to  the  people.  Let  the  time 
clared  that  Mr.  Cr.iwf.ud  was  his  second  choice  once  arrive  when  such  an  effort  shall  be  cou- 
th his  letter  to  Mr.  Clay,  he  s.ays  that  he  had  sidered  as  an  ouunge  upon  the  liberties  of  the 
made  up  his  mind  to  vote  for  ilr.  Adams,  as  a  people,  and  then,  indeed,  will  there  be  an  end 
second  choice,   as  early    as  February,   1824!!    of  liberty 

Why  did  Mr.  Trimble  speak  with  hoiTor  at  the  It  is  known  to  most  of  our  readers,  that  at  Ihr; 
idea  of  voting  for  either  Mr.  Adams  or  General  close  of  the  session  of  Congress,  in  M:u-cli  1827, 
Jackson?  Is  it  not  manifest  tliat  be  hoped  tliat  the  notorious-John  C.  Wright  issued  a  circular, 
Mr.  Clay  would  be  returned  as  one  r.f  the  three  appointing  one  of  the  Auditors  of  Public  Ac- 
candidates,  and  expected,  by  pretending  to  be    counts,  and  the  F.ditor  of  the  Journal,  a  commit- 


the  friend  of  Mr.  Crawford,  to  induce  the  friends 
of  that  gentleman  to  vote  foi-  Mr.  Clay  in  the 
Ifouse? 


The  Reply  of  the  Central  Commiltee  of  Cor- 
respondence of  tills  District,  to  Jlr.  Clay's  Ad- 
dress to  the  public,  is  this  drty  given  to  o;ir  rea- 
ders. 

^ssai!e(}  livthe  insidious  whispers  and  eov«;rt 


tee  of  correspondence,  nnt!ie  p:irt  of  the  Coali- 
tion, for  tills  diatrict.  It  is  knov.  11  that  the  Jounr.d 
and  Int:'ll'ge!icer  are  tlevoted  to  the  support  of 
■tlie  Coalition,  and  from  the  nature  of  the  govern- 
ment, the  people  must  look  to  tiiis  point  for  in- 
formation in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  the  jjubilc 
functionaries.  The  denunciation  of  .Mr.  John- 
stm,  extends  as  well  to  the  press  as  to  the  mein- 
bere  of  the  Committee — if  it  be  wrong  in  the 
(?oinmittee  to  publish  facts  in  relation  to  the  can- 
didates for  the  Presidency,  it  is  also  wrong-  for 
the  nre<s  fo  do  SD.     Let  the  people  once  pennir 


»adi  a  doctrine  xo  tie  CitobUsLied  ;  let  tUem 
once  permit  the  sources  of  intelligence  to  be 
dried  up,  and  it  will  he  to  tlie  body  politic  wliat 
tie  infusion  of  dead]}  poison  into  the  heart  would 
be  to  the  natural  body.  It  will  be  to  infuse  a 
poison  into  tiie  great  ibiintain  from  whence  all 
the  streams  of  political  information  are  supplied. 
The  doctrine  advanced  by  Mr.  Johnson  is,  that 
it  is  iinautlioriicd,  arrog-ant,  and  presuming,  in 
the  inhabitants  of  this  District  to  express  tlieir 
sentiments,  to  participate  in  the  discussions,  or 
even  to  state  facts,  relative  to  the  election,  be- 
cause they  ai'e  constitutionally  interdicted  from 
uny  direct  voice  m  its  decision. 

The  fallacy  of  this  pretence  must  be  obvious 
ffi  reflecting  men.  Most  of  the  concerns  of  tlie 
Jieople  of  the  States,  are  uianaged  exclusively  by 
their  local  authorities — a  comparatively  sm:Jl 
portion  remaining  to  the  general  government.  It 
h  admitted,  nevertheles.i,  that  they  have  a 
strong,  if  not  a  vital  interest,  in  the  advantageous 
nianagement  of  that  portion  so  remaining;  and, 
therefore,  that  they  have  not  only  tlie  Ug-;J  pri- 
vilege, but  ;u-e  even  bound  in  duty  to  their 
("ountry,  their  posterity,  and  themselves,  vigi- 
lantly to  watch  over,  and  actively  to  attend  to, 
the  administration  of  that  government  and  its 
I'onstituted  authorities. 

This  District,  on  the  contrary,  is  under  the  ex- 
clusive legislative  jurisdiction  of  Congress.  Jilt 
oar  intere-sts  are  subject  to  //  alone.  We  can 
have  no  relief  or  redress  against  its  acts-  A  tv- 
mnt  or  an  usurper  who  miglit,  by  any  means, 
obtain  a  controlling  influence  overit,unless  their 
present  institutions  become  sapped  and  enfee- 
bled, and  their  population  sink  into  a  base  pros- 
titution, could  practise,  comparatively,  but  lit- 
tle oppression  and  injustice  upon  the  people  of 
the  Statfii;  whilst  in  relation  to  tis  he  would 
lave  no  restraint  A  political  gambler,  having 
that  control  and  influence,  might,  for  a  favorite 
object,  stake  us  upon  a  single  throw;  whdst  his 
desperate  game  could  not  jeopardize  the  Stales. 
Is  it  not  then  palpable,  that  we  have  more  at  ha- 
y.ard  from  the  nial-adinin'-stration  of  tile  gencnd 
government  than  the  rest  of  our  countrymen' 
And  IS  it  not,  tiierefore,  reasonable  and  natural, 
that  wc  should  feel  a  more  anx'ous  and  intense 
interest  in  the  election  and  appointment  ot  those 
;!gents  who  are  to  rule  over  us  ' 

Besides,  even  if  u  hope  or  anticipation  of  a 
prospective  iiiiprovement  of  our  pofitical  condi- 
tion, as  relates  to  the  elective  franchise,  could 
form  no  legitimate  consideration  in  oui'  choice 
between  opposing  candidates,  are  we  so  com- 
pletely separated  and  alienated  from  our  fathers, 
our  brethren,  a.id  our  ciuldren,  located  and  dis- 
ti-ibuted  throughout  the  United  .Stxites,  that  we 
ought  to  be  indifferent  to  tlieir  fate;  to  have  no 
f^Viiipathies  for  them  or  theii- political  concerns' 
AVe  say  no.  Our  feelings,  oijr  fortunes,  and  our 
d&stinies,  are  identified  u-irh  those  of  the  great 
family  or  the  United  States:  and  if  such  solicitude 
be  not  oniyju.stifiable,  but  laiubble,  are  wc  not 
then  to  use  the  means  in  our  power,  in  co-opera- 
tion with  them,  to  produce  desirable  and  iiu[)ort. 
ant  results'  What  are  those  means'  We  cannot, 
indeed,  operate  directly  upon  the  ballot  boxe.-^ 
But  our  local  situation  aifoi-ds  us  superior  oppor- 
tunities and  facilities  for  acquiiing  and  commu- 
nicating information;  for  detecting  and  exposing 
vice  and  misconduct  in  tlie  public  servants;  for 
discovering  and  proclaimutg  the  appinseh  of 


danger  to  otUas  as  well  as  lo  ourselves.  W  i. 
can  readily  respond  to  the  call  of  any  injured 
portion  of  our  country:  In  fine,  we  may  usefuUj- 
acconl  with  its  remote  pai-ts  in  salutaiy  nveasures 
of  precaution  or  redress.  All  this  we  ccrt;unj)- 
may  do,  even  if  we  were  not  permitted  to  parti- 
cipate in  discu.wioas  upon  the  tlieoiy-  of  our  Go- 
vernment and  laws,  and  their  practical  execution 
and  i-ffect — a  privilege  not  t  vcn  denied  to  tli<j 
foreign  statesman  or  philanthropist.  Mr.  John- 
son does  not  seem  aware  of  the  extent  to  whidh 
his  doctrine  wiiuld,  in  cfTeet,  carry  him.  Dock 
he  contend,  for  instance,  that,  in  a  State  whose 
citizens  have  not  the  right  of  univei-sal  sufli-age-, 
those  who  are  not  quabfied  lo  vote,  have,  mcrt. 
over,  no  right  to  advise  with,  or  to  communicali; 
facts  and  information  to,  their  more  fortunate 
neighboi-9  and  friends  about  to  exei-clse  tlwT. 
right?  And  does  he  .see  no  analogy  in  principlt 
between  that  case  and  the  one  now  under  cons'}. 
deration '  According  to  the  docti-ine  of  Mr.  John- 
son on  the  one  liand.andthe  practice  of  liis  friend* 
on  the  other,  every  polit.caJ  \agabond  or  bank- 
rupt from  iidicr  parts  of  tlie  country  is  not  on\y 
jiermitted  but  invited  by  the  jiati'onage  and  fai-or 
of  the  Executive  to  migrate  into  tiiis  city,  and  to 
append  himself  to  the  skirts  of  a  decaying  admi- 
nistration, for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  it  by  hfs 
hired  exertions,  guided  and  aided  by  ins  proximi- 
ty to  coiTuption  and  didiUitm.  The  lureliiij^ 
presses  of  inhabitants  of  tile  District.are,  it  would 
seem,  autliorizcd  to  eulog'ze  oi-  to  defame,  with 
a  view  to  tlie  Presidential  as  well  as  other  ek-o- 
tions  m  tlie  countrv';  whilst  otlier  intiabitants.who 
are  less  accessible  to  con-upt  means,  are  required 
to  be  tame  spectators  of  piis -ing  events,  to  abstam 
from  all  interference  in  Stale  and  general  elec- 
tions, to  kiss  the  rod  of  an  usurper,  to  sing  ho- 
saiinas  in  his  praise,  and  to  prostrate  themselves 
before  him,  witiiout  the  riglil  of  dis.ippix)v:ngor 
ofcontnbuting  to  reform  or  ch:inge!  Hut  \\v 
Consitution  forbids  us  from  voting.  Be  it  so: 
the  Constitution  forbids  ont  act,  and  we  do  crt- 
ol/ier. 

Without  arguing  any  more  upon  this  subject, 
it  is  sufticient  to  say,  tiiat,  whilst  we  beheld  in  llie 
north,  tlie  south,  tiie  east,  and  the  west,  our  fel- 
low ce.untiymen  (-.ve  pray  Mr.  Johnson  to  excuse, 
the  term)  preparing- themselves  for  an  important 
contesi,  appointing  and  .11  g-amr.ng  their  forces,, 
we  received,  in  aid  of  our  own  prtdispt/sitioij, 
such  special  invitations  and  appeals  from  repub- 
licaiis  without  llie  Distnct,  as  were  ni>t  to  be  dis 
regai-ded.  A  public  meeting  wan  cjiiled  and  as- 
sembled amongst  us.  The  committee  was  ap- 
pointed and  organized  as  a  Cential  Committee  oi" 
Correspondence.  'i"o  pi-ove  th-at  jiuhtical  iii- 
tiigue,  leading  to  usurjiation,  v.'ith  its  coniijit 
and  deplorable  consequences,  on  the  one  hand; 
and  that  unfounded  accusations  against  General 
Jackson,  the  people's  candidate,  were  propaga- 
ted by  the  highest  Executive  Department  of  the' 
Government,  on  the  otlier;  the  comiiiittcK 
thougjit  it  criminal  to  wlthliold  what  betajue 
known  to  them,  imd  wa;.  wuiiia  tlicii-  reacli,  and 
gave  a  soie.m.i  pleugc  to  the  -American  people, 
which  thev  have  redeemed. 


To  Tfiomas  !ij)ied,  Esq.  Ourdntuiun,  Kailuchu. 

That  Messrs.  Adiuns,  Clay,  and  Webster  have 
de-sired  to  impeach  my  » eracty,  f ^r  tne  purpose 
of  deStrrH-iug  th;'  intlm-nc.-:  oi  thaipres.'!,  \  har( 


known,  long  beibi'e  you  bpc.-irae  a  \oliinteer  in 
theii"  cause;  but  my  respect  for  your  character, 
luidjthe  friondly  relations  between  us,  were  such, 
that  I  was  not  prepared  for  tiie  part  you  have 
chosen  to  act.  In  your  first  letter  to  the  Editor 
of  the  Commentator,  you  assume  that  an  Edito- 
rial comment,  in  this  paper,  on  the  statements  of 
Pleasants  and  Hinns,  relative  to  the  slander 
charging' that  General  Jackson  wa-s  prevented  by 
Commodore  Decatiu*  from  comnvittins^  an  act  of 
Violence  on  Mr  Eppes,  in  the  Senate  chamber, 
\vas  false,  and  volimteer  to  correct  it. 

In  the  last,  you  complain  that  I  did  not  repub- 
lish your  letter  and  Darby's  statement  on  this 
subject.  I  regret  that  I  have  lost  tlic  paper 
<-<)nt.a'n-ng'  your  last  commimicatlon,  and  tiiat  I 
nm  comp'.  lied  to  refer  to  the  substance  instead  of 
<luotin,5your  words. 

I  have  waited  until  now,  that  I  mig'ht  obtain  a 
<opy  of  certain  depositions  taken  to  be  read  in 
■evidence  in  certain  suits,  wlierein  Darby  is  a 
"plaintifi",  originatinEf  out  of  publications  relative 
to  the  murder  of  Col.  Sharp:  and  now  jjLiblish 
'Extracts  whicli,  I  trust,  will  satisfy  you,  as  well 
Tis  an  impartial  public,  that  Dai-by  is  not  a  wit- 
^less  whose  oath  is  to  be  put  in  opposition  to  t!ie 
tiMrd  of  General  .lackson. 

Stephen  Cnn?/-f// swears, that  "he  believed  Ihat 
Darby  had  committed  perjury  in  swearing'  ag-ainst 
liim  in  a  suit  in  the  Fedei-al  court,  in  two  instan- 
•ces;  and  that  he  beheved  Darby's  g'enend  cha- 
racter to  be  that  of  a  perjured  man." 

Nalh.  McNarij,  Clerk  of  the  Federal  Court, 
swears  "  that,  in  a  .suit  pending  in  tlie  Federal 
<Jourt,  \yhite"s  lessee  vs.  Cantr'.-',  at  tbr  No- 
vember term,  1822,  Mr.  Darby  filed  affidavits 
for  some  purpose,  in  said  cause,  and  that  after 
the  aflidavit  vpas  filed,  a  deed,  supposed  to  be 
the  one  alluded  io  by  Darby,  as  in  the  possession 
of  Stephen  Bai-fon,  was  found  in  the  office  of 
N.  Ewing',  Esq.  without  any  assignment  to  said 
Barton.  On  the  production  of  said  deed,  in 
coui-t,  witness  thought  Darby  seemed  to  be  much 
■•onfused,  and  the  suit  was  then  dismissed.  Ma- 
5iy  persons,  and  indeed  nearly  all  whom  witness 
3iad  heard  speak  about  it,  have  said  tliat  they  be- 
lieved that  Darby,  in  that  transaction,  commit- 
ted perjun'." 

John  McA'iirtj,  Judge  of  tlie  Federal  Comt, 
■swears  "  that  in  au  ejeciment  case  depending  in 
the  Federal  Circuit  Court,  T.  White's  lessor  vs. 
■Stephen  Cantrel,  Patrick  H.  Darby  made  an 
:iffidavit,  in  which  i<e  stated  that  he  derived  his 
title  to  the  lot  in  dispute,  by  a  deed  from  Ste- 
phen Barton,  to  hiti,  a  deed  or  assignment 
from  Samuel  Barton  to  Stephen  Barton,  and 
an  assignment  on  the,  deed  from  gliomas 
AVliite  to  Samuel  Barton.  This  affidavit  was 
made  ;  on  the  23d  November,  1822,  as  ap- 
pears by  reference  to  the  orig-'ual  affidiint. 
On  the  3d  December,  1S22,  P.  H.  Darby  made 
another  affidavit,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  had 
in  his  possession  tlie  deed  from  Stephen  Barton 
lohimsch",  which  he  was  willing  to  exhibit  to 
the  court.  The  deed  fi-jm  Samuel  Barton  to 
Thomas  Wliite,  with  the  endorsement  thereOn 
irom  said  White  to  S.  I5arton,  and  the  deed  of 
assignment  from  Samuel  Barton  to  Steijhen  Bar- 
ton, wa'j,  a3  he  was  informed  l>y  Steplieu  Kai-- 
lon,  taken  by  liim  to  Red  Uiver,  in  the  Territo- 
ry of  Arkansas;  that  said  Barton  was  to  bring 
them  to  him,  but  that  on  his  way  from  Red  Ri- 
I'er  to  Nash'ville.  said  Barton  died,  the  year  be- 


fore, &c.  Ai'ierthe  production  of  tiiese  afiidavit<. 
the  counsel  for  the  defendants  moved  the  court 
for  a  writ  of  subpccna  duces  tecum,  directed  to 
t!ie  Clerk,  directing  him  to  bring  into  court  the 
deed  for  tlie  lot  from  Samuel  Barton  to  Thomas 
AViiite,  which  deed  was  produced  in  open  court, 
and  had  none  of  those  assignments  or  endorse- 
ments on  it.  The  Clerk  stated  to  the  Judge 
that  the  deed  had  been  on  file,  as  he  believed, 
since  the  year  V787.  Soon  after  this.  Darby 
dismissed  his  suit." 

B  ^raHy,  in  his  deposition,  saj-s:  "  Frotn  ray 
knowledge  of  Pati-irk  11.  Darby,  I  should  not 
feel  myself  safe  to  rely  on  him,  as  a  man  or  law- 
yer, on  oath  or  otherwise,  were  his  own  interests 
at  stake." 

H'lrdy  M.  Crtier,  swears:  "  Tlus.  deponent 
answereth,  that  he  has  not  'or  many  years  doubt- 
ed but  that  F;itrickH.  Darby,  plaiiitiflT,  didfijrg- 
t!ie  name  of  J.  Cryer,  my  f-ither,  in  writing,  aiul 
that,  too,  after  he  was  dead." 

Ml-.  Cave  Johnson-,  swears:  "Ihave  frequently 
heard  the  crime  of  perjury  charged  to  Mr.  Dar- 
by, as  well  as  tlie  offence  of  having  purloined  :i 
will  from  the  records  of  the  Robertson  county 
court,  which  was  believed  to  be  an  important 
p.aper  against  him  in  the  ti'ial  of  a  cause  in  whicli 
he  was  interested  in  setting  aside  said  wiU." 

//.  Prey,  swears:  "  Public  sentiment  upon 
the  suliject  of  Darby's  general  character,  does 
not  ascribe  to  him  one  single  virtue." 

Frederick  iV.  HuUng,  swears:  ''  I  believe 
his  (Dai'by's)  genera!  diameter  is  very  bad.  I 
have  heard  liim  chai^ged  with  running  and  sell- 
ing for  a  slave,  a  fi-ee  negro  woman,  under  a 
feigned  and  fraudulent  piU'chase,  brouglit  about 
by  himself;  of  taking  advantage  of  the  confi- 
dence of  his  clients;  of  swearing-  fidsely;  of  a 
want  of  principle;  of  stirring  up  law-suits;  of  du- 
plicity, &c." 

Such,  Sir,  is  the  ch;iracter  of  Darby;  a  man 
whose  name  was  stricken  from  the  roll  of  attor- 
neys in  Tennessee,  and  who,  for  his  services  in 
defaming  Gen.  Jackson,  is  now  sustained  by  Mr. 
Clay's  party  in  Kentucky!!  Do  you  want  to 
know  more  of  his  character'  Let  me  refer  yon 
to  the  able,  feeling,  and  satisfactory  vindication 
of  his  brother's  memon',  lately  published  by  Dr. 
Sharp,  and  to  the  deposition  of  the  lady  who 
overheard  Darby's  threats,  before  that  tragical 
event.  If  ypu  can,  after  their  perusal,  ask  the 
publication  of  Darby's  slandci-s  against  General 
Jackson,  by  one  who,  you  admit,  w:is  ti-.e  advo- 
cate of  ti-ut'e,  ti'hen  ymi  knew  him— Xi\er\,  in- 
deed, does  the  Tliomas  Speed  whom  I  knew  in 
my  youth,  differ  from  the  same  man  under  the 
reign  of  corruption. 

I  come  now  to  so  much  of  y  (v.ir  letter  as  relates 
to  the  charge  of  falsehood,  made,  ahd  so  perse - 
veringly  preferred,  against  your  old  friend. 

The  editorial  article  which   drew  forth  your 
first  assault  upon  me,  said:  "  Mr.  Eppes  nevei^ 
opened  his  mouth  in  the  Senate  on  tlic  subject; 
the  report  of  Mr.  Lacock  was  never  published      | 
until  the  2d  March,  two  days  before  the  fiiud      \ 
adjournment,  neither  was  it  ever  acted  on."_ 

In  proof  and  explruiation  of  which  assertion, 
the  same  article  said:  "  On  the  9th  of  Miu'ch  fol- 
lowing, some  .strictures  were  putilished  on  thi.-: 
report,  wlicn  the  National  Intelligencer  of  that 
date,  uses  the  following-:  'The  report  of  the  Se- 
nate, which  we  have  ah-eady  kiid  before  our  read- 
ers, of  an  import  ven-  unfavorable  to  Gen.  Jack- 


:uj 


soil,  u'as  noitlifr  debated  nor  noted  on  in  the 
Senate.  It  is,  therefore,  a  document  open  to 
rxamination — to  an  ■,  xamination  the  more  free, 
because,  in  the  proner  place,  an  opportunity  did 
iK>t  occur  for  making-  it." 

The  same  editorial  article  proceeds  to  say': 
"  On  the  20th  of  March,  Mr.  L:icock  addi-esses 
a  letter  to  Gales,  in  reply,  wherein  he  acciises 
him  of  reflecting' on  the  Senate — to  which  Mr. 
tiales,  in  his  paper  of  tJiat  date,  ajfain  replies: 
*  At  a  late  day  in  the  session,  a  com  nittee  of  the 
Senate  made  a  report,  impeaching  the  conduct 
and  tendintf  to  affect  the  character  of  General 
Jackson.  That  in  itself  is  not  a  common  occur- 
rence, because  it  has  never  happened  before, 
since  we  have  hac!  any  thing-  to  di>with  a  nesvs- 
paper.  The  report  referred  to,  was  given  to  the 
puldic  through  the  medium  of  our  columns,  vnd 
wa.i  not  discussed  or  acted  on  in  the  Senate  for 
wanf  of  time. ' " 

Our  declaration  wasthat^Mr.  Kppes  never  open- 
ed [lis  mouth  in  the  Senate  on  the  suljject'i'ehdive 
to  the  charge  which  we  were  repell.ng,  and  ex- 
tracts from  which  were  given  in  the  same  edito- 
rial article;  and,  in  the  article  to  which  your  last 
attack  purports  to  be  a  reply,  I  said:  "  The 
charge  made  against  General  Jackson  was  for 
an  atteiTipt  at  violence  on  the  person  of  Mr. 
Kppes,  on  the  night  of  the  3d  of  March.  The 
provocation  alleged  was,  the  remarks  of  Jlr. 
Kppes,  in  his  official  duty  or^tliat  night,  at  tliat 
iinu-." 

This,  you  say,  is  a  falsehood,  and  deny  that  the 
^^"hig  or  the  Press  had  made  sucii  a  charge ! ! 

The  editorial  article  before  you,  contained  the 
extract  from  tlie  Whig,  in  the  following  words: 
••  At  the  time  the  discussion  of  the  Scminole.an 
war  was  pending  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  (jeneral  Jackson,  who  had  gone  as  far 
as  New  York,  suiklenly  returned  to  Washington. 
\Vlienhe  came  to  the' Senate,  the  late  John  W. 
;)'>ppes,  a  Senator  from  Virginia,  was  animad- 
erting  upon  his  conduct  in  the  war."  The  ex- 
tract then  proceeds  with  the  pretended  Interview 
between  the  General  and  Commodore  Decatur. 

rhe  extract  from  the  Democratic  Press,  be- 
[bre  you,  said:  "  The  hist  day  of  the  session  the 
■<cn.ate  have  an  evening  sitting,  for  the  purpose 
>f  receiving  messages  from  the  President.  On 
his  occasinr.  the  Commodore  conducted  Mrs. 
Decatur  to  tile  brick  Capitol,  to  witness  tlie  cere- 
nony  of  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate.  As  tiiey 
Ba.ssed  through  a  small  anti-room  to  the  door  of 
he  Senate  chamber,  aljout  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
iiey  saw  Gen.  Jackson,  with  his  two  Aids,"  &c. 

That  I  was  correct,  .and  you  in  an  eiTor,  ap- 
pears fully  from  a  comp:uason  of  the  extracts 
jvhich  I  have  made.  The  Democratic  Press 
jxes  the  time  to  be  on  "the  third <jf  March;" 
br,  if  yournewdevotifm  to  Sir.  Clay  has  made 
'ou  forget  your  ohlig.-.tions  to  an  old  friend,  and 
he  resiiect  due  to  yourself,  as  a  gentleman,  it  is 
|o  be  hoped  that  you  have  not- new  to  le.ai'n  that 
•the  tliird  of  M;u-ch"  and  "the  last  day  of  the 
ession,"  are  synonymous  terms,  wlicn  applied  to 
he  close  of  the  sittings  of  each  Congi-ess.  So 
nuch,  then,  for  your  charge  of  falsehood,  in  re- 
:ition  to  this  subject.  The  proofs  of  Gen.  Jack- 
on's  innocence  are  so  strongth:it  you  and  Darby 
?c,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  on'ly  pai-ti.sans  of 
ilr.  Clay  who  insist  upon  liis  guilt. 

We  are  often  at  a  loss  to  .account  for  tlie  sin- 
i^jlar  fatuity  which  beclouds  the  understandinsrs 


of  some  men.  What  are  tiie  secret  influence- 
which  have  led  you  to  forget  your  obligations  to 
me'  If  your  object  was  to  coiut  the  favor  «f 
Mr.  Clay;  if  30U  expected  him  to  reward  you 
as  a  volunteer  in  his  cause,  you  will  be  disap- 
pointed; for,  whilst  in  yoiu-  unprovoked  attack 
upon  an  old  friend,  yon  prove  yourself  capable 
of  performing  any  work,  which  .Mr.  Clay  in  hi* 
extremit;.-  may  assi:^  yoii,  you  Iiave  cut  off  all 
ho;)>s  of  rewai'dfrom  him,  by  sapping  the  foun- 
dation upon  wiiich  your  co-workers  have  built 
their  attacks  upon  me.     • 

You  express  your  surntise  that  I,  who,  you 
say,  W!is  in  my  youth,  when  you  knew  me,  the 
advac:ite  of  tnith,  should  now  support  a  party 
who  have  drchu-ed  tlieir  intcnt'on  to  pilt  dowr. 
the  Administration  though  it  be  as  p'.ire  as  the 
ang-ls. 

It  has  been  the  purpose  of  the  Coalition  whom 
you  ;-.spire  to  serve,  to  charge  that  I  was  without 
character  or  ])rincip!e,  and  placed  here  to  con- 
duct a  press,  the  property  of  others.  By  ad- 
mitting that,  when  you  knew  me,  I  was  tlic  ad- 
voc;ite  of  truth,  you  unwittingly  boar  witness  to 
my  former  good  character,  and  thus  offend,  past 
forgiveness,  those  whom  yo|i  most  desire  to 
please.  How  far  the  cliaracter  of  the  party 
whom  it  is  my  pride  to  support,  justifies  the  in- 
ference you  draw,  that  I  have  abandoned  thai 
love  of  truth  for  which  you  give  me  credit,  is  a 
question  which  I  willingly  submit  to  a  candid 
public.  Whilst  such  men  as  Jackson  and  cal- 
houn,  and  those  who  compose  the  present  ma- 
jority in  Congress  and  of  the  nation,  sIuiU  ap- 
prove, it  will  give  no  uneasiness  that  you  disaj)- 
prove. 

But  the  sentiment  which  you  here  ascribe  to 
the  distinguished  and  patriotic  Senator  from 
your  o^'nx  State,  is  not  t^e  sentiment  expressed 
by  him;  nor  is  it  thp  sentiment  of  the  party  with 
which  he  acts. 

Y^ou  must  know  that  your  charge  rests  on  no 
other  authority  than  the  word  of  one  orthe  Edi- 
tors of  the  Notional  IntelUgenctr,. uttered  in  the 
moment  of  great  excitement  and  malignant  re- 
sentment, produced  by  the  vote  of  Col.  John- 
son on  the  subjtct  of  printer  to  the  Senate; 
whil.st  it  is  contradicted  by  the  express  declara- 
tion of  Col.  Johrvsim  and  his  whole  coui-se  as  a 
member  of  the  Seiwte.  '  Do  you  bcUeve  tlic 
statement  of  Mr.  Seaton?  Can  you  believe  tlia' 
Col.  Johnson  made  such  a  declaration  >  Do  you 
believe  that  Mr.  Seaton  would  have  ever  pub- 
lished such  a  declou-ation,  if  Col.  Johnson  had 
voted  for  him  to  be  printer  to  the  Senate'  If 
you  do,  how  do  you  account  for  the  fact,  whicii 
he  himself  admits,  that  the  secret  was  carefully 
locked  up  in  his  bosom  for  something  like  two 
yeuis,  and  never  found  its  way  into  the  Intelli- 
gencer until  the  printing  of  the  Senate  was 
given  to  another  in  preference  to  the  Editors  of 
that  p.aper?  No,  Sir,  the  sentiment  atti-ibutod 
to  (;ol.  Johnson  w.as  inconsistent  in  itself.  It  is 
first  attempted  to  make  him  admit  that  the  pre- 
sent administration  is  as  pure  as  the  angels  in 
Heaven,  and  then  charges  him  with  a  determina- 
tion to  oppose  it.  Whereas,  the  statement  ex- 
pressed by  him  wa.s,  that  the  taint  of  origin:.  1 
sin,  the  violatioh  of  the  public  « ill  committed 
in  the  election  of  Mr.  Adams,  ouglvt  to  prc^'ent 
his  re-election,  let  him  adopt  his  measures  as  he 
might,  with  a  vie-  to  nlf:!"-'  ihenuM'f  I-»'v= 
not,propev> 


it  it  be  tjiic  lUat  Mr.  Ai.Tauis  w^s  elected  in 
violation  of  tlu-  public  will;  if  Mr.  Claj'  vott'd 
for  Mr.  Adiuiks  because  he  had  an  understand- 
ing', tiuit  .\lr.  Adams,  if  elected,  would  appoint 
him  .Seeretirj-  of  State;  and,  if  it  be  tnie,  that 
Mr.  Adanw  appointed  Mr.  Clay  hl8  Secretary  of 
State  under  such  unde.rstandin^;  then,  i  contend, 
that  it  is  m:t  only  the  pnvileg-e,  bat  the  dut)-  of 
every  ^Kx\  citizen  to  oppose  the  re-election  of 
Mr.  -\d.'uTts. 

Mr.  Clav,  in  his  address  to  the  public,  dated 
l^exlngtoii,  29th  June,  1827,  says,  that  "I 
neitlier  made,  nor  authorized,  nor  *  knew  of 
any  proposition  whatever  to  either  of  the  three 
Candidate*  who  were  returned  to  tiie  Hoiuse  of 
ltei)rewntaiive9  at  the  last  Presidential  election, 
*)r  to  the  frioiids  of  either  of  i.heiu,  ior  the-  pur- 
j>ose  of  hdluencing:  the  res<ilt  of  tlie  electon, 
or  for  any  oeher  purpose;  and  all  allcgu'.ions,  in- 
•Jtnaborts,  and  ia;iueiidoes  that  my  vote  on  that 
occasion  wiis  olT*  red  to  be  ^iven  in  considera- 
t!on  of  any  stipulation  or  undcrstaniiing-,  e.\- 
pre«*  or  implied,  dii-'rct  or  indirect,  written  or 
\  erbui,  tliat  1  was,  or  Uiat  any  o'.her  person  was 
i;ot  to  be  appointed  Seereury  of  St;iie,  or  that 
J  was  in  any  w.iy  to  be  ijcrsonidly  benelit';d, 
are  devoid  of  ail  truth,  and  desliiute  of  Ai\y 
fi>unda.tion  wiiaisoercr.'  " 

Mr.  Clay,  in  the  eune  address  declare-s  "  that 
he  W-.I.S  changed  with  the  Ixig'hesl  oiTence,  f 
^vhicha  repi-etientative  of  the  pwople  could  be 
gjiilty,  and  ussen-f,  t'liat,  in  the  event  of  the 
trtitli  of  ;hese  ciiiir.!,a-s,  there  is  no  pimi.s>imeQt 
which  wotlld  exceed  the  measure  of  his  of- 
fence." 

And  shall  Mr.  Chiy  be  pcinnitted  to  uvoid  the 
just  sentence  which  be  hi  re  pronounces?  I  be- 
hove him  guilty,  and  it  is  my  duty  to  oppose 
Mm. 

The  use  you  have  attempted  to  make  of  the 
<}cclaratioij  of  the  patriotic  :ii:natcnv  alluded  to 
and  misstated  by  ycu,  is  contr-aiictcd  l.>y  his 
<■our.se  in  the  Senate.  That  you.  in  the  face  of 
Iris  votes  in  their  support,  sliould  charj.ye  him 
and  his  party  with  a  determination  to  oppose, 
*'  rji^ht  or  wrons;,"  the  mcab-ures  of  the  iidmin- 
litration,  is  in  accordance  with  tiie  policy  of 
J/uur  party — who  aft'ect  to  consider  that  ail  who 
desire  the  rc-eiection  of  .\Ir.  .Vdams,  must  ne- 
Ci-ssarily  support  his  measur?.s,  and  that  those 
who  support  his  measures  are  bound,  conse- 
H'lently,  fc)  s  ippcrt  his  re-election.  Such  a  ])o- 
iicy  would  continue  Mr.  Adams  in  oflice  for 
ever,  and  establish  lii.i  fa'i^er's  dc^cti-inc  of  a 
i'rcsident  andheinte  fer  life. 

Your  attiek  upon  jiol.  .lohnson  developes,  in 
part,  the  sfHirce  of  \"our  attack  upon  me.  Al- 
tliough  lie  has  given  to  the  Admiiustration  a  ftiir 
uikI  CiLJid  d  support,  he  is  not  its  partisan.  He 
t;anmt  be  URiulded  by  Mr.  Ciay's  will  to  the 
support  of  Mr.  C's  future  plans  of  "  safe  pre- 
cedents," iukI  it  is  resolved  t  >  remove  hirn  frim 
the  Scitite.  Suiee  you  have  d:spas..-d  of  yoiir 
•  l.-rkiiliip,  a  Heat  in  the  Senate  would,  no  doubt, 
Ixjvep.'  ;ieoept;ible,  and  the  bard  times,  I  fear, 
must  press  heavil)  indeed,  when  you  are  di'iven 
to  seek  f>r  promotion  by  the  voluntary  abuse 
of  an  old  friend,  and  a  voluntaiy  association  with 
ratrick  H    U.u-by. 

To  the  people  of  Kentucky  I  need  not  speak 
of  the  services  w  hicii  Col.  .lohnson  has  rendered 
in  Uie  Senate  and  in  the  field.  Who  that  knows 
his  worth,  (and  wlio  is  there  that  cannot  bear  tts- 


timany  to  some  act  of  valor,  uf  dut_\-,  of  of  kind 
ness.'  I  say,  who  is  there  that  knows  liis  worth 
and  his  6ei'\  ices,  that  will  not  place  a  proper  esti- 
mate upon  your  attempt  to  traduce  himi'  The 
i\'ation;J  Intelligencer,  the  polluted  source  from 
whence  you  have  drawn  your  slander,  since  I 
commenced  ivritiii^  out  this  article,  has  done  him 
the  justice  to  pubhsh  an  article,  in  whicn  honora- 
ble mention  is  made  of  his  firmness  and  services; 
and  the  honorable  Sccretarv'  of  War,  (one  of" 
your  favorite  administration, )  has,  on  a  former 
occasion,  spoken  of  him  in  tenns  which,  if  truf., 
and  we  ventm-e  to  affirm  that  Mr.  Baj-bour  will 
not  retract  a  single  expression,  place  Col.  John- 
son beyond  the  roaoh  of  ygm  calumuy.  I  knou- 
not  the  motive  wluch  operates  on  your  cotemp«. 
raiies  of  the  National  Intelligencer.  '•  'llie 
Signs  of  tlio  Times"  may  have  g'lVehthem  want, 
ing'  ttiat  the  "  present  President"  and  lus  Secre- 
tajy  of  State  will  not  dispense  the  "Trtasuiy 
pap"  afi.;r  the  fourth  of  Maich  next,  and  t^\is 
coinpiiinent  to  Col.  Johnsnfj  ma>--  ha  an  anchor, 
cast  to  the  windward,...  _,u..  ^  c-s.j.enciiccd  politi- 
cal calculators  who  never  have  opposed,  imd  we 
ventiu'e  to  pi'edict  never  wiU  oppose.any  existinj;' 
aihninistration,  until  they  find  one  too  honest  and 
independent  to  purehme  their  support.  Let 
their  motives  be  wkit  tliey  may,  1  have  taken 
the  liberty  to  re-print  tlie  speech  of  Mr. 
Secretary  Barboup,  wluch  1  advise  yon  to  pe- 
ruse. 

Yoti  conclude  your  nddress  to  me  by  inanual.. 
ing  that  my  support  of  lieu.  Jackson  is  not  disin- 
terested. You  admit  tiiat  my  support  of  yourse.lf 
was  elisinterested.  Tiie  fact  that,  when,  in  order 
to  counteract  Uie  maehinat.ons  of  those  Tety  raeti 
witli  whom  you  are  now  associated,  it  beciune 
necessary  to  employ  tlie  press  and  publish  hand- 
bills, 1  paid  out  of  my  own  pocket,  tlie  ex- 
pense of  tliose  publications,  whicli,  forme,  at. 
that  time  of  life,  wa.s  a  larije  sum,  sliould  have 
spared  me  the  insinuation  which  you  here 
make. 

In  purchasing  this  press  end  removing  to  this 
place  i  was  not  unmindful  of  my  obligations  to  a 
young  and  increasing'  family,  nor  of  the  duty 
which  every  honorable  man  owes  to  himself.  I 
saw  phunly  tiuit  apt  ess  at  this  place  conducted 
upon  such  principles  as  tlie  crisis  and  tlie  pubfic 
interest  demanded,  woMld  be  supported  by  thk 
pixirtr..  1  did  believe  tliattlie  Telejfl-aph  would 
amply  repay  me  for  the  risk  and  hibor  wiiich  I 
was  about  to  encoimtcr,  and  I  have  not  been  dis- 
ftppoiiited. 

About  seventeen  thousand  subscribers  have 
been  added  to  the  list  of  its  patrons,  and  I  hn-c 
the  gratification  to  know  tliat  this  support  has 
been  ijiven  to  this  paper  bcc-ause  tlie  people  be- 
lieve it  to  be  devoted  to  their  best  ir.terests;  and 
fl-om  a  dispasition  on  tiieir  part  to  reward  with 
their  confidence  and  patronage,   one  who,    al- J 
though  lie  hasbrc.sted  the'muitjpUed  caluiimiesl 
of  tiie  Coi-Ution,  has  never,  in  one  instance,  sa-  I 
crihced  his  independence,  or  wain/g  sought  pi . 
cuniary  aid  even  from  his  politicjd  friends, 

Witli  a  view  to  injm-e  tlie  influence  of  this  press  ; 
it  has  been  lately  circulated  in  the  Adniinistration 
presse-ij  tliat  the  Telegraph  is  the  property  of  a 
company  known  to  Mr.  Calhoun  and  Mr.  Vaii 
Btu-en,  and  tliat  the  printing  of  the  Senate  was 
given  to  me  to  lessen  the  expenses  of  the  esta- 
bhshment.  The  National  Jounial  has  directly 
charged  that  the  paper  is  (he  property  trf  Makr 


iWa 


Kmou.  JusJjci;  in  ite  Senate  and  to  myself 
seems  to  require  tlutt  this  slander  should  be  put 
to  rest  I  give  to  it  the  lie  direct,  and  refer  you 
to  the  affidavit  of  Mr.  John  S.  Meehan,  the  gx-n- 
Ueinan  from  whom  1  pm-chased  it,  as  the  com- 
plete ref\;tation  of  every  slander  upon  thi3  point. 
I  have  already  swelled  th';^  letter  much  beyond 
the  length  originally  intended,  and  conclude  by 
saymg  that  it  has  been  my  misfortune  to  liifler 
M-ith  some  of  my  old  personal  friends  and  politi- 
cal associates,  but  by  none  of  them  have  I  been 
so  w-antonly  and  unjiislifiably  a.ssiiUcd  as  bv  your- 
self. DUFF  GREEN. 


"Whereas  it  has  been  charged  that  the  Uniied 
Stales'  Telegraph  was  the  propevtj-  of  members 
of  Congress — 1  hei-cby  state,  that  that  paper  was 
escililished  by  me,  on  my  own  account,  ur.dwas 
ray  sole  property;  and  that,  when  1  sold  the 
same  to  Gen.  D.  t,reeii,  he  became  the  sole 
proprietor,  and  I  have  continued  in  the  office 
as  aH  .•assistant,  on  a  salaiy.  Our  intercourse  <^n 
all  matters  relating  to  the  establishment  h-,,r 
been  fiill  and  confidential :  and  1  iun  well  assui--Ti 
that  he  continued  to  bo  its  sole  proprietor  vmtil 
Mr.  Jan'ia  became  his  partner.  I  ther<  fore  do 
not  hesitate  to  declare,  that  the  statenu-ni  tlvat 
any  member  of  Con^r^.-i,  or  that  any  other  per- 
son, except  myself,  in  the  fir^t  instance,  and 
tin.  Green,  aiid  Mr.  .larvis,  subsequently,  ever 
had  a  proprietory  interest  in  the  United  States' 
Telegraph,  is  utterly  untrue. 

JOHN  9.   MEEMAN. 

Sworn  to  by  ii\e  subscriber,  John  S.  Meehan, 
before  me,  a  justice  of  tlie  peace,  for  the  county 
of  Washington,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  on 
the  9th  May,  1838. 

CHARLES  H.  TV.  WHAKTON. 


IteiBurks  of  Mr.  Bwrbotcr  in  the  /ienate  of  /he 
Umttd  Sictles,  March  5Ut,  1818,  on  intrndur- 
ing  the  propofitioh  jor  canning  a  sword  to  be 
presented  lo  Col.  R.  M.  Johnson. 

Mr.  BARBOUE  said,  in  availing  himself  of 
the  notice  given  on  yesterday,  of  asking  leave 
to  introduce  a  resohition.  whose  object  would 
be  to  present  to  Col.  Eicliard  M.  Johnson  so:ne 
testimonial  of  the  high  sense  entertained  by 
the  nation  of  the  distinguished  services  render- 
ed by  him  on  the  5th  of  October,  1813,  in  the 
battle  of  the  'Vhames,  he  considered  Ivimsclf 
bound  to  make  a  few  remarks,  disclosing-  the 
propriety  of  granting  the  leave  asked. 

As  to  the  distinguished  merit  of  Col.  John- 
son, he  presumed  there  could  be  no  difi'crcnce 
of  opinion:  the  only  objection  that  could  pos- 
sibly present  itself,  would  be  the  time  when 
the  resolution  was  presented,  or  possibly,  the 
grade  which  Col.  Johnson  held  in  the  army. 
To  remove  these,  if  they  ex'st,  was  sU  that  de- 
volved on  him.  As  to  the  objection  ot  time, 
it  will  at  once  be  removed  by  reflecting  on 
that  which  has  just  occuiTed:  the  vote  of 
thanks  which  has  been  awarded  in  favor  of 
General  Harrison  and  Governor  Shelby.  Jt  is 
unknown  that  rumor,  the  result  of  envy,  or 
some  other  bad  pas.sion,  had  attempted  to  throw 
a  shade  around  tlie  character  of  that  djslin- 
gulshed  commander.  lie  felt  as  he  ought,  and 
sought  an  invesiigation  to  vindicate  his  charac- 
ter from  the  foul  aspersions  which   had  been 


cast  upon  it.  It,  after  sume  delay,  took  pface, 
and  resulted  in  an  honorable  acquittal.  In  titc 
me»an  time,  the  venerable  Shelby  was,  at  his 
own  request,  withheld  from  the  notice  of  the 
nation,  as  it  regarded  the  distinguished  services 
he  had  rendered.  Shelby,  a  npme  which  can 
never  be  mcntione<l  without  awakening.  In 
every  American  bosom,  em.oticns  of  gra'itude. 
I  see  in  this  illustrious  character  a  display  oi 
that  love  of  country  and  chivalrous  spirit  whicti 
corotived  and  cfTccled  our  independence,  and, 
unabated  by  p.ge,  it  reappeared  to  vindicate 
those  rights,  to  the  establishment  of  which,  int 
bis  more  youthful  d.iys,  he  had  «o  essentialh" 
contributed;  but,  he  is  as  generous  as  he  U 
brave,  and  he  refused  to  accept  a  tribute  of 
rtspect,  whose  indirect  consequence  might 
have  been  a  reflection  on  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  to  whose  zeal,  patriotism,  andcapacity 
in  con'lucting  this  eampaii^'n,  he  alwaj'S  bore  a 
cheer*hl  testimony.  Col.  Johnson,  influenced 
by  the  same  senability,  jjeremptorily  refused 
to  his  friends  the  permission  of  bringing' thi.? 
subject  before  the  representitivcs  of  the  peo- 
ple. I,  however,  mil  barel}  remurk,  in  reg-aitl 
to  tho  Commanding  General,  that,  with  the  re- 
grets which  the  delay  of  justice  to  this  citi&ea 
must  neccsiavily  create,  will  be  mingled  some 
consolation  in  the  reflection,  that  his  ofiaracter 
has  been  entirely  purified  from  the  censui:c 
wli!ch  had  been  impioperly  cast  upon  it;  .hikI 
that  the  meed  now  dispensed,  lias  the  sanction 
of  the  deliberate  judgment  of  the  nation,  un- 
biassed by  ))assiQn,  or  the  false  tire  of  the  mo- 
ment. He  will  now  receive  it  with  a  grateful 
feeling,  as  the  high.est  reward  which  h'ecfneii 
can  g;ve  or  a  freeman  receive. 

With  regard  to  CoJ.  Johnson,  it  is  due  to  hljn 
to  say,  this  proposition  is  now  made  witliout  his 
consent.  Mr.  B  ,  however,  who  took  a  pride 
in  calling  him  his  friend,  took  the  responsibility 
upon  himself,  because  he  thought  it  would  bean 
act  of  consummate  injustice,  were  no  lasting  me- 
morial to  be  erected  to  the  valor  which  he  so 
signally  displayed  on  the  occasion  alluded  to. 
Another  motive  with  Mr.  B.  was.  a  notifioalion 
on  the  part  of  Col.  Johnson,  of  his  retiring 
froni  public  life.  Vv'hile  he  regretted  this 
event  as  a  serious  loss  to  the  public  coun- 
cils, he  was  perfectly  satisfied  lliat  his  rea- 
sons were  sufficient  to  justify  it.  Whik  upon 
this  subject  he  would  barely  add,  that  he  was" 
satisfied  it  would  not  be-  deemed  an  exnggera- 
tion,when  he  asserted,  that  no  man  in  Congrestj 
had  performed  more  service  than  Col.  Johnson. 
In  addition  to  the  just  claims  of  his  own  par- 
ticular constituents  upon  him,  what  p.Hrt  of  the: 
Union  is  it  from  wliioh  .apphcations  have  not 
been  made,  and  chi'erl'ully  attended  to,  bv  this 
patriotic  citizen'  So  much  for  the  iirst  objec- 
tion that  might  possibly  be  made,  although  he 
did  not  anticipate  it  As  to  the  second  difficnl- 
ty  that  might  exist  in  the  opinion  of  some  gen- 
tlemen, the  grade  of  Col.  Johnson.  If  tncre 
were  r.o  precedent  applicable  to  this  case,  Mr. 
B.  would  ha\  e  had  no  difficulty  in  fixing  one. 
It  is  the  attribute  of  all  governments  to  adapt 
tlicir  proceedings  to  the  endless  vicissitudes 
which  humim  aftaiis  continually  present.  The 
valor  displayed  by  Col.  Johnson  is  un.surpasscd 
by  any  examjJe  in  the  annals  of  mankind.  Bur. 
it  is  uot  now  necessary  to  press  this  question. 
bei:ause   you  have   a  piTcccJeiit  in  tho  ease  oi 


aoG 


M'lioiKHlg'h  :uk1  Ilk  associates,  in  the  distin- 
guished victon-  gained  by  them  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  over  a  IJritish  squadron  and  some  others. 
Mr.  R.  said,  he  shovild  but  ill  represent  the  feel- 
ings of  his  friend,  or  his  own,  if,  in  astijig-  for 
this  tribute  of  respect,  any  thing  coidd  be  in- 
ferred, from  wliat  is  said  or  done,  unfavorable  to 
those  patriotic  officei's  holding  gi-ades  between 
Col.  Johnson  and  the.  Commander-in-Chief.  It 
was  but  justice  to  tliem  to  say,  tliat,  had  it  been 


flowed.  Lake  I'.v'ie  was reseived  for  xht  display 
of  the  brilliant  superiority  of  American  bravery 
and  seamanship,  over  our  then  haughty  foe; 
achiering  a  victory  which,  in  the  language  of 
President  Madison,  will  fill  an  early  page  in  our 
naval  ann.als,  as  having  never  been  surpassed 
in  lustre,  however  much  it  may  have  been  iR 
magiiitude.  The  way  having  been  opened,  the 
commanding  general  and  his  vet_eran  associate, 
with   promptitude  availed   themselves   of   the 


their  goo<l  fortime   on  the  day  of  battle  to  have  oijportuuity  thus  offered,  to   throw  themselves 

had  tile  post  of  honor,  they  would  have  acquired  into   the  enemy's  country,  and   pursuing,  witlx 

those  laurels  so  de;irly  earned  by  Col.  Johnson,  unanimity  and  unexampled  rapidity,  (of  which. 

Generous  as  brave,    so  far  from  looking  witli  an  pursuit  Col.  Johnson  led  the  van)  speedily  over- 

•cye  of   envy   upon  this  honorable    tribute   of  took  them.     The  battle  is  arrayed:  thepostot" 

gratitude,dispcn.sed  in  behalf  ofthis  distinguished  honor,  for  such  lie  made  it,  is  assigned  to  Colonel 

citizen,  they  will  warmly  participate  in  the  fine  Jolinson.     The  enemy  have  the  Thames  on  the 

feelings   with   which  Col.  Johnson  wiU  receive  left; a  British  regiment,  seven  hundred  strotjg, 

this  mark  of  his  country's  distinction.  has  also  a  ravine   on  tiie  right,  beyond   whic^ 

As  to  tlie  merit  of  Col.  Johnson   to  this  evi-  was  the  celebrated  Tecumseh,  at  the  head  of 

dence  of  our  gratitude,  Mr.  B.  said,    he  had  al-  fifteen  hundred  savages:  a  force  truly  fonnida- 

ready  declared  that,  upon  tiiis  point, there  could  ble.     When    ive  refer    to   the   commander,  of 

be  no  difference  of  opinion.     To  expatiate  up-  whom  it  may  be  said,  unless  his  cliaracter  has 

on  it  would  be  unnecessary:  yet,   he  could  not  been    greatly    exagg.  raied,  that  had  he   been 

dismiss  this    subject  with  briefly  enumerating  favored    with    the    embellishments    of   clvili- 


some  of  the  leading  acts  of  his  public  life,  sd 
far  at  least  as  tliey  coimect  themselves  with  the 
ftuestion  un^er  consideration. 

Let  it  then  be  remembered,  that  he  was  zeal- 
ously in  fiivor  of  tlie  war.     Not  content  with  the 


zed  hfe,  and  the  benefits  of  militaiy  expe- 
rience, he  would  have  been  one  of  the  most  j;s- 
tinguished  captains  of  the  present  eventful  pe- 
riod; to  which,  when  we  superadd  that  his  asso- 
ciates were  acting  und.  r    it  impression  of  their 


distinguished  place  he  held  in  the  councils  of  being  under  tlie  particular  favor  of  Heaven,  it 
the  nation,  he  patriotically  resolved  to  rimlicate  may  well  be  said,  that  the  force  thus  to  be  eii- 
with  his  own  anil  those  rights  which  he  had  so  countered  was  indeed  formidable.  This  force, 
manfully  asserted  while  voting  for  the  d;clara-  so  placed,  and  so  formidable  to  ordinary  minds, 
tion  of  war.  He  erects  his  standard,  and  pro-  presented  nothing  alarming  to  the  mounted  re- 
claims liis  purpose;  and  altliough  much  was  to  giment.  Col  Johnson  divides  his  regiment, 
be  expected  from  the  patriotism,  the  zeal,  the  say  one  thousmd  strong — one  battalion  placed 
enterprise,  and  coui-age  of  Ki-Mitucky— a  people  under  the  command  of  Col.  James  Johnson, 
Mr.  B.  delighted  to  honor,  as,  in  addition  to  their  who, gave,  in  accepting  his  station  undcra  young- 
merit,  he  considered  them  his  own  kindred,  er  brother,  an  honorable  evidence  of  his  pati'i- 
thousands  of  liis  ncai' and  higldy  respected  rela-  otism;  the  other  batt^on,  headed  by  himself, 
tions  being  there;  althougli  he  said  much  was  passed  a  defile  and  placed  itself  on  the  right  of 
to  have  been  expected,  yet,  when  we  reflect  a  marsh.  The  bugle  w-as  to  announce  the  rcadi- 
upon  the  devotedness  of  those  oid  and  young,  ness  for  attack  Toe  sound  is  heard,  and,  min- 
rich  and  poor,  rallying  around  the  standard  of  gled  with  the  watchword,  victory  or  de;Uh,  float- 
their  country,  we  see  a  new  subject  of  admira-  ed  along  the  hne.  The  Bi.tish  force  wasover- 
tion.  wliehiied  in  an  instant ;  the)  threw  down  their 
In  doing  justice  to  those  patriots,  let  it  not  be  arras,  and  on  their  knees  supplicated  mercy. — 
understood,  that  any  invidious  distinitioi  is  in-  Altliougli  there  was  a  long  account  of  unatoned 


tended  to  be  made  in  their  favour.  Mr.  B.  said, 
he  well  knew  that  illustrious  examples  of  cour- 
age ami  patriotism  were  exhibited  in  other  por- 
tions of  the  Union,  and  on  all  proper  occasions, 
he  was  prepared  to  lift  his  feeble  voice  to  do 
them  ample  justice.     But  to  return  to  the  pa. 


for  blood,  impiously  shed  by  this  united  British 
and  Indian  force,  and  retaliation  justified  even 
to  their  entire  extermination,  yet,  at  the  cry  of 
mercy,  the  sword  was  immediately  sheathed, 
and  th<-  guilty  survived.  Far  difi'erent  was  the 
conduct   with  the  savage  foe.     There  man  was 


triotic  volunteers,  wlio  embodied  at  the  call  of  opposed  to  man,  in  single  combat,  rifle  to  rifle. 
Col.  Johnson,  displaying  a  spectacle  as  honora-  and  tomahawk  totomauawk;  wounds  and  deatli 
bletothemselvesas  to  Col.  Johnson,  manifesting  were  mutually  dealt  out.  Colonel  Johnson, 
the  high  confidence  they  reposed  in  this,  their  e:irly  in  the  combat.received  two  severe  wounds, 
illustrious  citizen.  These  brave  men,  leaving  attended  witli  the  loss  of  much  blood.  In 
'lieir  homes  and  their  domestic  blessings,  and  this  trying  crisis,  an  ordinary  courage  would 
weighing  the  honor  of  their  country  and  the  de-  have  retiri-d  from  the  combat;  on  him  it  had  a 
fence  of  her  rights,  .against  the  priv;itions  and  diffctrenl  effect.  It  seemed  to  impart  to  him 
hazards  of  war,  willingly  accepte<l  thfin  as  an  new  courage,  wliich  manifested  itself  in  aprodi- 
equivalent.  Undeterred  by  llie  difficulties  or  gv  of  valor,  wh  ch  loses  nothing  in  a  compari- 
the  dimgers  to  whic'i  tliey  are  about  to  be  ex-  son  with  the  most  splendid  achievement  record- 
posed,  they  fearlessly  commit  tlieniseives  to  the  ed  in  the  whole  extent  of  "  backward  times." 
trackless  desert,  to  the  secret  danger  of  the  Calling  around  him  twenty  spirits,  the  bravest 
ambuscaded  savage,  or  the  more  open  perils  of  among  the  brave,  he  resolved,  at  their  head,  to 
their  less  savage  ally.  A  night  of  misfortune  precipitate  himself  on  the  fiercest  parj  of  the 
had  shed  its  disastrous  gloom  over  our  affairs,  k  conflict,  where  Tecumseh  in  person  command- 
was  given  to  Com.  Perry  to  turn  back  th>- tide  ed,  and  who  was  the  soul  of  the  battle.  Of  the 
of  adversity  upon  the  fovintain  from   which  it  daring  ^irits,  composing  the  forlorn  hone,  onej 


207 


anly  escaped.  The  others  were  all  cut  down, 
some  to  rise  no  more;  the  remainder,  mangled 
b_v  numerous  wounds,  of  which  the  subject  oi 
tlie  present  resolution  liad  his  melancholy  share. 

BleeJing'.exhausted  by  effusion  of  blood,  and 
alone,  his  fate  seemed  inevitable,  when  Tecum- 
seh,  cool  and  colled  ed,  approached  with  his 
unerring  rifle  andruthless  tomahawk.  It  pleas- 
ed Providence  to  interpose.  Amidst  universal 
carnage,  and  in  the  teetii  of  approacliing  death. 
Col.  Johnson  remained  undismayed,  and  hurled 
at  Tecuraseh  that  death  whifli  had  been  prtpai'- 
cd  for  him.  This  is  the  man  and  the  senices  to 
which  Mr.  B.  wisheil  an  iionorable  testimony 
to  be  erected,  one  more  lastirg  than  that  which 
is  found  in  evanescent  papers  of  the  day.  If 
unv  thing  was  necessary  to  be  added  in'support 
of  the  high  claims  of  this  distinguished  citizen, 
upon  tiie  gratitude  of  his  country,  it  would  be 
found  in  the  honorable  notice  taken  of  him 
by  the  commanding  general,  and  repeated 
ill  the  most  flattering  manner  by  President 
Madison,  in  communicating  the  result  of  the 
battle  to  Congress.  But  it  is  more  than  un- 
necessary to  furnish  any  additional  proofs. — 
Wlierever  there  is  an  American,  the  courage 
.and  senices  of  Col.  .Tolinson,  are  knov^'O  and  ap- 
plaud'jd.  Mr.  B.  indulged  a  iiope,  bordsringon 
confidence,  that  the  resolution  woidd  receive  the 
unanimous  coasent  of  the  Sen.ate,  for  in  that 
unanimity  its  principal  merit  woaW  consist. 

Mr.  ISai'bom- then  submitted  the  following  re- 
solution: 

liesnhed,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Mepre- 
fentatifesoflhe  United  States,  in  Congress  uaem- 
bled,  That  the  President  of  tile  United  .States  be 
requested  to  present  to  Col.  Richard  .M.  Johnson, 
a  sword,  as  a  testimony  of  the  tiigh  sense  enter- 
tained by  Congress,  of  the  daring  and  distin- 
guished valor  displayed  by  himself  and  the  regi- 
ment of  volimteers  under  his  command,  in  chai'g- 
ing  and  essentially  contributing  to  vanquisli  the 
■combined  British  and  Indian  forces  under  Major 
General  Proctor,  on  the  Thames,  in  Upper  Ca- 
nada, on  the  5th  October,  1813. 

The  resolution  passed  the  atnate  unanimously, 
and  the  House  of  Sepresentativcs,  nem.  con. 


on  in  August:  if,  pei'chance,  Uie  adniiniatj'atiou 
candidate  shall  be  elected,  this  statement  is 
calculated  to  prevent  the  idea  being  entertain  ■ 
ed,  that  the  election  can  stiU  possibly  be  in  fa- 
vor of  Mr.  Adams;  whereas,  if  it  goes  against 
him,  it  makes  a  difference  of  28  from  his  poll, 
and  thereby  constitutes  14  of  the  54  doubtftil 
votes  that  the  writer  believes  General  Jackson 
will  get,  although,  as  shown,  if  it  goes  again»E 
Jackson,  it  canqot  prevent  his  election. 


cojtsiiJnicatios. 

CiE.vrnuMKx:  Very  incoiTect  calculations  are 
made,  and  imposed  on  the  public  credidity  for 
want  of  such  a  statem<^'iit  before  them  as  the  fol- 
lowing, which  shows,  incoritrovertibly,  that  Mr. 
Adains  cannot  be  re-elect.,  d,  if  you  give  to  him, 
as  I  have  done  in  tlie  following  statement,  every 
doubjlful  vote  in  the  nation;  whcre.is,  I  do  verily 
believe,  tliat,  out  of  the  86  votes  set  down  as 
doubtful,  and  as  5.;ch  placed  to  the  list  of  Sir. 
Adams,  General  Andrew  Jackson  will  receive 
at  least  54,  which  added  to  tiie  135  certain,  will 
give  him  189  votes,  and  leave  .Mr.  Adams  but  72 
votes;  which  will  be  found,  on  counting  the  re- 
turns to  Congress  to  be  about  his  vote,  and  all  he 
will  get,  notwithstanding  the  coalition  formed, 
and  all  the  desperate  means  used,  and  to  be 
'd,  between  this  and  the  election.  I  think  it 
ell  to  give  this  statement  to  the  community, 
:.-  it  is  calculated  to  convince  every  well  judg- 
in;^  mind  that  Mr.  Adams  luis  no  chance  of  a 
•election,  .although  he  may  get  not  only  Kcn- 
■e.ky,  but  all  the  other  doubtful  States. 
The  Kentucky  election  for  Governor  comes 


Adams.       JDoubtfbl.    Jacksdd. 


,^!a;^c, 

New  Hampshire, 

Massachusetts, 

Rhode  Island, 

Connecticut, 

A'ermont, 

New  York, 

New  Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

M.ary  land, 

Virginia, 

North  Carolina, 

South  Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee, 

Ohio, 

Louisiana, 

Indian.i, 

Mississippi, 

Illinois, 

Alabama, 

Missouri, 


15 

4 
8 

10 


40 


14 

16 
5 
5 


86 


20 

2S 

6 
24. 
15- 
II 

g 

11 


135 


Rernarh  by  the  Editors  of  the  United  Statts' 
Teltgruph. 

The  information  obtained  by  an  extensive  cor- 
respondence and  a  close  attention  to  public  sen- 
timent, satisfies  us  that  the  c.^IclllatiOn  of  our 
correspondent  falls  far  short  of  the  vote  whitfh. 
will  be  given  to  General  Jackson. 

Tiie  late  election  in  New  Hampshire  has  had 
the  effect  to  unite  the  republican  party  of  that 
St.ite,  and  many  changes  have  taken  place  fa- 
vorable to  General  Jackson.  Among  those  who 
have  ad'nittcd  that  General  Jackson  is  the  re- 
pubhcan  candidate,  and  have  declared  their  in- 
tention to  support  him  on  tiiat  account,  is  tht; 
late  Speaker  of  the  Huuse  of  Representatives 
of  that  State.  We  no  longer  consider  Neu" 
llamoshire  as  a  doubtful  State. 

In  Maine,  the  vote  is  by  Districts.     Our  par- 
ticular information  does  not  extend  to  the  whole, 
but   we  have  .assurances  on  which  we  can  reH' 
that  General  Jackson  will  receive  three  votes  ii» 
Maine. 

Our  correspomlent  gives  to  Mr.  Adams  IQ 
votes  in  New  York,  and  puts  down  6  votes  as 
doubtful.  We  are  not  willing  to  admit  that 
Mr.  Adams  will  certainly  receive  a  single  vote; 
in  New  York.  For  some  time  past  we  ha\e 
supposed  th:it  the  Morgan  excitement  might 
render  some  six  or  perhaps  ten  of  tlie  western 
votes  doubtful,but  the  late  elections  evince  great 
changes.  In  towns  where  the  General's  friends 
were  last  fall  in  very  small  niirwritie?,  thev  now 


iOfe 


tuve  largv  cuijoinies,  aiiJ  u-e  candidly  believe, 
that  we  jield  too  much  when  we  admit  6  doubt- 
ful votes  for  Mr.  Adams  in  New  York. 

In  Maryland,  our  correspondent  allows  Mr. 
Adams  3  votes  certain  and  2  doubtful;  we  are 
not  wiiliag  to  all  !W  hun  a  sing-le  certain  vote  iu 
Maryland.  We  th.nk  thai  )i  votes  are  doubt- 
ftiJ,  and  perhaps  the  vote  in  Clem.  Di^rsey's  dis- 
fiict  may  be  certain  for  Mr.  Adams;  uut  late  ac- 
counts from  St.  Mary's  induce  tlie  hope  that 
gjviit  chan^-es,  favorable  to  the  cause  of  truth 
and  the  people,  will  take  place  even  Uiere. 

New  Jersey  is  put  down  doabtl'ul.  This  is 
\\Tong.  We  have,  m  tiiis  State,  six  luuidred 
and  eijhty-five  subscriUers,  and  an  extensive 
correspondence.  Vhe  friends  of  General  .lack- 
son  are  active,  and  almost  evciy  day  brings  us 
new  proof  of  his  increasing  popularity  in  that 
j%tate.  We  cannot  admit  that  New  Jei-sej  is 
doubtful. 

In  Delaware,  the  friends  of  General  Jackson 
are  sanguine  of  success.  It  is  tme,  that  tlie 
incii.bcr  elected  i;.st  year,  is  friendly  to  the 
coalin  n.  Ilis  elccfcon,  although,  m  truth,  no 
proof  of  the  popular.iy  of  Mr.  Adam-.,  was  the 
result  of  a  peculiar  combination  of  circum- 
.stances  which  it  is  unneces3ary  here  to  eiplam. 
Set  it  down  doubtful. 

Passing  to  the  west,  Louisiana,  as  well  as 
Indiana,  Missouri,  Kentucky,  and  Ohio,  are  put 
(town  as  doubtful  St.itcs.  I'ntii  lately,  we  have 
entertained  sum-i  fea^  that  .Vlr.  Livingston,  the 
■ablf  and  patriotic  representative  of  the  District 
of  New  Orleans  would  not  be  re-elected.  L.ate 
accounts  from  the  City  of  -N'ew  Oi1>.an3,  the 
seat  of  the  strengtii  of  the  coalition,  induce  a 
belief  that  he  will  be  re  elected,  and  assure  us 
of  tlie  vote  of  that  Statf;  but  v.  e  know  less  of 
pubUc  sentiment  m  Louisiana  Ihin  in  any  of  the 
tilh.er  States,  .nd  witiioul  believin;^  it  to  be 
doubtful,  for  v/ant  of  information,  we  set  this 
down  as  such. 

We  do  not  believe  that  the  vote  of  Kentucky 
or  Oliio  is  doubtful.  The  contest  in  Kentucky 
at  the  August  election  will  be  violent.  If  .Major 
Barry  should  be  e'jcted  Governor,  it  will  be 
taken  as  conclusive  evidence  of  tiie  strength  of 
Uencral,  Jackson.  He  is  an  amiable,  highly  ta- 
lented, and  patnouc  man,  but  he  was  t.'ie  chief 
justice  ot  tlie  new  court  parly — now  the  mi- 
"nority  in  State  politics. 

It  is  true  that  Mr.  Metcalfe  was  of  the  same 
jiartv,  but  it  was  part  of  the  policy  of  Mr. 
Clay's  partisans  to  abuse  Mr.  I3any.  A  strong' 
prejudice  lias  been  excited  against  him,  and  it 
13  not  believed  that  his  vote  in  August  will 
.equal  that  ot  (.Jenenil  Jacks<;n  in  October,  yet 
very  little  douot  is  entertair.ed  of  his  election; 
but  put  down  Kentucicy  as  doubtful. 

All  oar  accounts  from  Jlissoun  concur  in  as- 
suring us  of  the  vote  of  that  State.  Mr.  Ba'es, 
the  pivscut  representative,  is  the  bitter  personal 
enemy  of  Col.  Benton.  He  opposed  Mr.  Clay 
v.'ith  great  violence,  and  sucli  is  iiis  hostility  to 
Mr.  Benton,  that  he  woiddhnu  great  difficulty 
ill  supporting  any  candidate  of  whom  Mr.  Ben- 
fnn  was  a  supi)orter.  There  are  now  two  can- 
didates in  opposit.oii  to  Jlr.  Bates,  ami  a  tiiird 
sooken  of.  Mr.  ft.  ha;,  from  the  force  of  cir- 
cfimitances,  acquired  a  personal  po]iuIarity, 
tliat  ma>",  \inder  suc'i  circumstiuiccs,  secure  a 
re-election;  tjitt  the  vote  ol  Mi-.soini  caimiit, 
with  propriety,  he  p'it  down  douljifr 


We  do  titJt  beiievc  ttiat  Ohio  or  Intliana  is 
doubtful:  nor  can  we  consent  to  place  Illinois 
with  the  doubtful  States. 

The  calculation  upon  which  we  place  reliance 


Jaebstm. 

Adams. 

DoabOliI. 

Maine, 

3 

G 

Tiew  Hampshire, 

8 

Masvichusetts, 

15 

Rhode  Island. 

4 

Connecticut, 

8 

Vermont, 

7 

New  York, 

30 

6 

New  Jersey, 

8 

Pennsylvania, 

28 

Delaware, 

3 

M.aryland, 

9 

U 

Virgmia, 

24 

North  Carolina, 

15 

South  Carolina, 

11 

Georgia, 

9 

Kentucky, 

14 

Tennessee^ 

11 

Ohio, 

16 

Louisiana, 

5 

Indiana, 

5 

Mississippi, 

3 

Illinois, 

3 

Alabama, 

5 

Missouri, 

3 

213 

■ 

34 

14 

In  making  this  estimate,  we  are  mfiuenctd 
by  that  strict  regard  for  truth  which  has  markctl 
all  onr  statements;  and  we  appeal  to  the  histo- 
rj-  of  the  past  two  years,  and  defy  our  bitterest 
pohtical  opponents  to  point  to  a  single  instance 
in  which  we  have,  intentionally,  misstated  pub- 
lic sentiment,  -\lmost  every  prediction  which 
.  we  have  made  has  been  fulfilled  to  the  letter. 
Our  confidence  that  the  cal:ulations  here  pre- 
sented will  be  verified,  is  strong  and  unequivo- 
cal. 

But  admit,  for  the  sake  of  argument,  that 
the  3  votes  of  Delaware,  ,thc  3  additional  vote.^ 
of  Maryland,  the  14  votes  of  Kentuckr,  and 
the  16  votes  of  Ohio,  with  the  5  votes  ofLouisi- 
ana,«nrf  ail  thf-  duubifutvote.i,  ought  to  be  added 
to  the  34  certain  votes  allotted  to  Mr.  Adam's, 
and  all  will  make  an  aggregate  of  but  89  votes; 
leaving  a.  deficiency  of  42  votes  to  be  sup- 
phed;  whilst  all  these  votes  deducted  from  the 
213  allotted  to  tieneral  J  ackson,  leave  him  olie 
hundred  and  seventy-two  votes— forty-one  more 
than  a  majority  of  the  whole. 

Our  readers  will  receive  witn  this  Nos.lO,  II, 
and  12,  which,  if  the  regular  order  of  publica- 
tion is  adopted,  will  suspend  the  issue  of  the 
E.Ktra  until  the  12th  of  June.  Our  first  object 
hasbeen  to  serve  tlie  public:  all  tliat  we  ha^-e 
asked  is  the  means  of  defraying  the  expense. 
If  those  who  now  are  indebted  to  us  yield  to 
our  ju.'t  demand  upon  them,  our  resources  will 
be  a:iij>le.  It  is  hoped  that  the  subscribei's  to 
our  '.veeklv  and  tn-weekly  paper,  to  whom 
these  four  numbers  will  be  sent  wil/iout  charge, 
wiil  feel  that  :m  additional  obligation  is  nnpos- 
ed  on  tiiein  to  make  prompt  remittances  by  mail, 
wlii'li,  in  :iU  cafes,  may  he  done  at  yurrisk. 


UNITED  STATES^  TELEGUA^B,,;  Elvira, 


Ttiis  paper  wUl  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  he  pubjished,  ii-ecilv 
until  the  15tli  of  October  next,  lor  One  Dollar.-  subject  to  'toewspaper  postage,  and  no  wore. '  ' 

£¥  GREEN  <?•  J.^RVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  JUNE  2!,  1828. 


No.  IS. 


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IlrgifCcr's  Office,  Ma>/-10,  181'8. 
.Sib  ;  I  have  the  honor  to  state,  iu  reply  to 
voui^tetter,  of  tlic  9th  In.'.tant,  that,  of  (he 
S70,000  of  remittances,  coiitaincd  in  the  st.-ite- 
inent  of  the  Chief  Clerk  of  this  Uepa.tment, 
the  sum  of  if39,0OJ  only  is  contained  in  the 
t-tatemciit  of  exptn.Iilmes,  as  prepared  at  thia 
office  on  tlic  5th  March  last,  and  tliat  tlic  bal- 
ance of  ?jl,000is4  cViiirg'e  on  the  appnpria- 
liorisof  that  Do])artment  for  the  yi.-ar  18'J8.  1 
^fnsmit,  herewith,  "  a  stattmcni  of  the  sums 
lemitted  to  Europe  for  the  service  of  the  De- 
partment of  State,  between  tlie  7sli  day  of  Oc- 
lobcr,  and  the   last  day  of  Uecen.ber,   of  i!i 


liDrAliTjiJLSr  OF  Statj:, 

JVasldnglon  2&lh  Mnrch,  IS.^!-- 
Sill:  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  24tli 
instairt,  containing'  a  copy  of  a  resolution  adopteci 
by  tlie  Committee  on  Hetrenchment,  in  vliich 
they  are  plca:;eu  to  inquire — Did  JohnH.  Pleas- 
ants go  as  bca-er-  of  despatches  from  the  Uiirt- 
cd  States  lo  Rio  Jani-iro  and  Buenos  Ayres,  in 
1825'  Did  he  deliver  the  despaWhes  to  the 
proper  antiiority  at  Rio  Janeiro  ami  I!ueno»  Ay- 
res?  tf  lie  did  not  go,  what  became  of  the  des- 
jjatches.'  Wlio  l)ore  them  to  the  Government 
of  Kio  Janeiro  and  Buenos  Ayres'  V/here  did 
J .  H  Pleasants  go  after  he  left  the  United  States? 
^Vas  it  not  known  to  the  Department,  when  his 


year  ISJJ-i  and  the  sums  remitted  to  Kurope  for  account  was  settled  and  paid  him,  that  he  had 
the  services  of  that  Department,  between  the  not  been  to  Uio  Janeiro  or  Buenos  Ayres,  as 
t-ameifejes,  in  the  year  1S27,  showing",  in  each    bearer  of  despatches  from  this  Government? 


ase,  the^periods  when  the  bills  remitted  bc- 
oamo  payable.  I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully, 
>  our  obedient  servant, 

JOSEPH  NOURSE,  RegisUr. 
JTon    JiMKS  Hamhtox. 


In  reply,  I  have  tlic  honor  to  state,  for  the  in- 
formation of  the  Committee,  that  Mr.  Pleasants 
was  engaged  in  the  spring  of  18.^5  to  carry  to 
our  respective  Charges  dcs  Affaires  at  the  Bra- 
zils and  Buenos  .A.yrcs,  their  credentials,  com- 
missions, and  general  iustnictions,and  other  des- 
patches from  tills  Department;  that,  with  that 
view  he  left  the  city  of  Iticlimond,  the  place  of 
his  residence,  on  the  19th  day  of  April,  and 
embarked  at  the  port  of  Ncw-Vork,  on  tlic 
28th  day  of  May,  1825,  oii  board  the  brig  AVd- 
liam  Tell,  ha\  ing  employed  the  intermediate  tima 
iince  the  firsl  day  of  July,  1790,'  .ipecifi/in^  in  seeking.from  Baltimore  to  Doston,a  vessel  in 
the  sum  paidin  ew.k  year:  furnished  in  cornpU-  wluchhe  coiild  obtain  a  passage:  that,  whilst  at  sef. 
ance  with  a  letter  of  the  Vhairmiin  of  the  Cum-  he  vsastakensoill^stobeapprehensiveofhislircr 
mittee  on  Hctrenchment,  of  the  13/A  of  Fchru-  whicli  he  supposed  would  l>e  in  imminent  dan- 
ar;i,  1828.  ger  if  be   continued  the  royagc,  and  meeting- 

On  the  Itith  September,  1812,  514,000  00    a  ^'essel  at  sea  bound  to  Antwerp,  he  traasftr- 

yrom  the  20th  November,    1S13,  to   the  10th    i^''^  linnseir  to h-cr,  and  committed  the  despatch- 


No.  8. 
iHATEMENl  of  the  sums  of  vwney  itldc/t 
have  been  disbursed  through  the  Htute  Depurt- 
■ment,  mid  settled  at  the  "IVcasury  upon  the  cer- 
tificate of  the  President  without  specificatiiui. 


March,  1813 
In  the  year  I-SIj, 

'mis, 

1817,  - 

In  the  year  1820; 

3  823,  ■•        .- 

3824,  - 
3825, 

1S26,  - 
1 827, 


51  652  56  "^^  w'itli  which   he  was  charged  to  the   care  of 

11  693  74  Captain  Hinman,  the  master  of  the  vessel  Wil- 

'l.40  00  '""km  Tell:  tluit  the  desp-atches,    both  for  Mr. 

700  00  Forbes,  our  Charge  d'AtVairs  at  Buenos  AyrcSj 

400  00  *'"^   *"'*'"  *'■'•    I'sguet,    our  Charge  d'.*.ftaircs  at 

3  000  00  ^"^  Janeiro,  were  delivered  by  the  Captain  of 

2  130  32  '•'"^  William  Tell  to  the  former  gentleman  on 

l'700  00  *''^  ^~^^  <W  of  August,  1825,    as  will  appear- 

1^666  66  '"'  ■"*  ^^t'":'cl  from  a  despatch  from  him  uiidc- 

8,953  01  '^^''^  ''"^  •'^-''''  '^•■'y  of  September,  1825,   markeit 

A,  and  tliat  those  intended  for  Mr.  Ra™et  were 


Payments  of  a  aimlisr  nature  to  thi  lorcgohig 
were  made  under  the  act  ofthelst  of  July,  1790, 
:ind  subsequcii'  ac>S;  but  from  the  destructi*n- 
f»f  accounts  and  vouchers  bv  the  coiiflagr.itioii 
iifl8I4,  the  Tre,asury  do  not  possess  the  means 
of  ascertaining  the  amounts  expended  with  any 
jirccision.  In,  the  printed  piibhc  accj;mtsfor 
(lie  year  1794,  however,  the  sum  of  SI, 500  ap- 
ye.ai'S  to  li::ve  been  advanced  to  Kdmund  l!;iii- 
dolph.  Secretary  of  State,  on  account  cC  the 
"contingent  charges  of  Government,"  pureu- 
:iut  to  instructions  of  the  President  of  the  Unit- 
ed States;  and  :d90,  in  the  siuie  accounts  for 
■J  796,  the  sum  of;?  3,000  appears  to  have  been    '''i-.'''  of  July.  582, 


tf  96,051   29    feceived  by  limi  on  the  26th  October,  1825,  as 

-    '        will  appear  by  an  extract  tr.im  a  despat(?\i  fron. 

him,  under  date  the  ICth  cl'  November,  1823^ 
\>  hich  is  marked  B. 
1  bt^-  leave  also  to  refer  to  a  copy  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Pleasant'!,  under  d:ite  tlie  7lh  day  of  July, 
1S25,  miirked  C,  and  toan  extract  froni  a  lotttr 
from  him,  under  date  the  22d  Oct.  182S,  marked 
D,  as  exphiir.ing  more  fully  the  motives  which 
induced  him  to  change  his  destination,  and  to 
commit  the  pr.blig  dt^apatclics  in  his  c,-.re  to. 
Captain  lliiim;ui.  During  his  voyage  in  t^ 
Antwerp  vessel,  Mr.  Pieasants  met'at  sea  a  ves- 
sel bound  to  Liverpool,  to  T'liicli  he  tr.insferred 
himself,  and  he  arrived  in  that  port  on  the  first 
He  reached  tlic  port  of  Neiv 


advanced  to  TimoUiy  Pickering,   Secretary  of    Vork,  on"  his  rtturn  to  tlieUuhed  States,  on  flic 
'     ■  22d  October.  1325,  bringingvith  him  despatch- 
es for  this   Department   from  Mr.  K.  King,  oti; 
Minister  at  the  Court  of  London.  . 

]t  was  known  at  this  IJcparlmenf,  when  the 
;iccount  of  Mr.  Pleasants  was  settled  a;id  closedj  . 
tha*-  hi^  h:iil  not  '-e:)'-!!!''!  IJ'o  f|e  ,T:in':'V'<^  r^r  p,;i.  . 


State,  "  to  detiay  the  aa^ngciit  charges  of  Gu- 
trnment."  ^^f 

TnL.t9UH7    DtPAIlTAreyiT., 

Hegisitr's  Office,  Fthruary'iB,  1323. 
"'  'OS FPU  NOUJ!SF.  lirstsl^- 


f^ 


..OS  A\TeS;  bill  ii  u.as  also  kiioivu  llicit  tiie  ile- 
bp.itche.s  which  had  been  iiitnistod  to  him,  h:Kl 
heen  received  hy  the  persons  td  whom  Ihcy 
were  respectively  addressed;  and  it  was  bcliev- 
<"d  that  he  had  been  prevented  from  pcr.ionally 
deliveriiig  them  bythecair.es  ah'eady  .stated. 
Siipposinff  the  affliction  of  disease  did  not  occa- 
sion a  forfeiture  of  all  claim  for  expenses,  and 
all  compensation  for  services,  the  allowances 
made  to  him  were  according-  to  established 
iisage,»whicti  has  prevaileil  as  iar  back  as  any 
trates  of  the  accounts  of  bearers  of  de.sp.rtches 
can  be  discerned  in  the  Trea.sury.  Asifreeabty 
to  that  usa^ethey  are  g-enerally  .allowed  their  ex- 
penses, persona!  and  travelling',  to  the  port  of 
embarkation,  their  pass.ige  money  at  sea,  their 
expenses,  personal  and  travelhng-,  from  the  port 
vi  debarkation  to  the  places  of  their  destination, 
a>jl  the  like  expenses  and  passage  money  on 
their  return  home;  and  they  receive,  moreover, 
a  compensation  foi'^their  services  of  six  dollai'S 
per  day,  out  of  wliicli  they  defray  their  expenses 
whilst  tliey  remain  at  the  places  to  which  tiiey 
are  sent,  or  may  stay  at  Washington  for  des- 
patches. 

Upon  an  examination  of  Mr.  Pleasants' ac- 
count, it  will  be  seen  that  it  has  been  adjusted 
according;  to  these  principles;  and,  of  the  sum 
leceived  by  him,  $756  was  for  per  diem  allow- 
ance, and  the  residue  on  account  of  expenses 
and  passage  money. 

It  was  not  believed  that  the  visitation  of  Pro- 
vidence wUh  which  he  was  afflicted,  ought  to 
aeprive  him  of  all  allowance  for  expenses  and 
11  compensation  for  services;  but  it  was  not 
thoug-ht  ri^ht  that  the  per  diem  should  be  con- 
tinued durmg  the  whole  period  of  his  absence 
from  home,  and  until  his  return  to  New-Vork, 
on  the  22d  October,  18?5.  It .  was  therefore 
limited  to  the  22A  .\ugust,  1835,  that  being  the 
time  wheii  it  was  estimated  he  might  hsve  re- 
turned to  the  United  States,  if,  after  abandoning 
the  voyage  to  South  America,  hehad  sor.glit  an 
opportunity  of  coming  home,  instead  of  proceed- 
ing to  Europe.  It  was  Within  the  discretion  of 
the  Department  to  have  compensated  hmi  as 
the  bearei'  of  dispatches  from  Jh-,  King;  but  it 
was  not  deemed  proper  to  make  him  any  aljow- 
anoe  for  that  service. 

1  have  the  honor  to  be,  wich  great  respect^ 
Vour  obedient  servant, 

II.  CLAY. 
The  Hon.  Jami.3  IIasultos,  ,Tr. 

Chairman  of  the  CommiHee  of 

H.  R.  on  Pidraichmfnt. 


r 


ExlracU  of  a  Irltcrfrom  Mr.Fo/hesJji  Mr.  Clay, 
datal  Luenoa  Jli/rc.i,  \Slk  SipUn-lfr,  182.5. 

"  On  the  12tli  _Aiigii.y/I  received  from  Cap- 
tain Hinman,  of  brii' 'Wilham  Tell,'  mv  coni- 
uiission  as  Charge  d|^.!iiiires,  together  with  the 
instructions  )oui-  we  e  pleased  to  send  me,  and 
soice  aEcompanjing  letters. " 

"  You  will  WRg  since  have  learned  fr«m  Mr. 
I'leasants,  th-:-  geiitle.man  chargcil  with  yourdes- 
liatches,  liisaiijandonment  of  his  voyage,  Andre- 
turn  to  the  United  States,  by  wliieli  I  lost,  to 
my  regret,  the  plMfiure  ol'  his  acquaintance,  and 
of  payin.ar  Awi  t^^i:\  to  voiirrccommondstion. " 


Extract  of  a  klttrfom  Mr.  Ragiiet,  to  Mf.  Clay, 
dcjed  Rio  de  Juntiro,  November  1 .',  13iio. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  '2m\  ultimo,  I  recei- 
ved from  Mr.  Torhes,  at  Buenos  Ayres,  letter.s 
dated  on  the  IGth  and  31st  August,  informing- 
me  of  the  arrival  ;it  that  port,  on  the  lOlh  ui- 
that  month,  of  a  trunk,  containing  my  credeU' 
tials,  with  a  number  of  books  ;^nd  other  articles, 
which  h.ad  been  shipped  at,  Wew-York,  regret- 
ting the  delay  to  which  it  had  been  subjected-, 
whilst  m  his  charge,  owing  to  tlio  v.'ant  of  op- 
portunity, and  finally  advising  me  of  its  having- 
been  emiiarked  on  board  the  Swedish  brig- 
Pallas — the  vessel  which  conveyed  the  said  let- 
ter, and  wh'ch  entered  this  liaii>or  on  the'd-r/- 
preceding. 

"On  the  following  morning-,  1  called  upon -the 
acting  Minister  for  Foreign  Afihirs,  informed 
him  of  the  fact,  and  requested  permission  to 
land  the  trunk,  and  to  pass  it  through  the  cus- 
tomhouse, without  the  neces.sity  of  its  being 
opened.  This  he  cheerfully  prom.ised  to  grant.; 
but  a  delay  occur.-ing-  in  the  Trcasuary  Deparl- 
ment,  the  order  was  not  issued  until  the  26th, 
when  I  received  the  trunk  unopened,  contain. 
ing  the  several  despatches  from  vour  Departs 
ment— No.  1,  2,  3,  and  4,  uf  14th,  13th,  16tl|, 
April  last,  respectively,  together  with  all  the 
books,  papers,  and  documents, therein  enumera- 
ted, excepftiigihe  24th  "  Voluiie  Tif  Niles'  Reg- 
ister," wliich  Mr.  Forbes  ascertained  to  be  de- 
ficient  at  Buenos  .\yres.  1  have  no  doubt  th.-f. 
Mr.  Foi-bcs  used  all  due  diligence  in  forv.-ardinsf 
tliis  package;  and  I  have  ascertained  from  Cap- 
tain Martin  of  the  Jasseur,  that wberi  he  oiVererJ 
to  bring  it,  he  was  not  certain  of  a  destination  di- 
rect for  Uio  de  JaneL-o,  which  v.as  the  cause  of 
the  preference  being  given  to  the  other  '•c'sst!'^.^''   ■ 

(C) 

ilL:  Plesaiits  to  Mr.  Clau. 

Livtiipooi,,  7/A-J«/y,   18'1'j 

Mr  DE.vn  Sm:  If  you  aie  sirpriscd  at  the  date 
of  my  letter,  I  am  scaicel)'  less  surprised  at  tlrc 
circumstances  myself.  To  be  in  Kngland  at  all 
is  what  I  never  expected.  To  be  hear  when  I 
expected  to  have  been  in  Euenos  Ayres,  seems 
rather  the  ciTcct  of  enchantment,  than  of  ordina-- 
ry  caus.ation.  It  remains,  Sir,  for  me  to  at?fcoimt 
tor  this  apparent  dereliction  of  duty;  and  I  can- 
not but  hope  that  a  plain  statement  of  the  cir- 
cumstaiv.-es  v.liieii  changed  my  destination,  will 
exculpate  me  from  any  blame  in  your  CJ.'es — so- 
li-iitous,  as  1  am,  to  ])reserve  that  good  opiiiior; 
wlrich  procured  for  me  the  cluirge  coiiferj.-ed,bv 
the  Departmeiit^.State. 

Alter  m.any  inefTectnal  attempts  to  sectire  at; 
er.-lier  p.-issiige,  in  which  I  wasbafBed  by  the  di- 
minished intercourse  between  the  United  States ' 
and  the  provinces  of  South  America,  which  lii 
beyond  the  Spanish  Main, I  succeeded  in  prociir. 
ing  a  pas.-.age  in  the  brig  AViUiani  Tell,  which 
sailed  from  New  York  on  tha  i'8th  of  May,  fo. 
the  liiver  Plate.^T!iis  v^sel  was  not  such  a  or.:; 
as  I  should  hvic  ^J.  ted,  had  J  had  my  choice. 
Beijig  s.mpl*  merchant  ship,  it  was  destitute  of 
C(j^fortabie  aeeoniir.sdations;  nevertheless,  be 
comittg  impatient  for  action,  andforseeing  tha-.. 
iflnegleeted  thaf  oppoilunity,  I  might  mee'i 
wilhnootl'.er,!  availed  myself  of  it,and  sailed,  Rv 
slated,  on.the  28th  May.  I  speedly  had  cause  tj 
regret  my  prpeinita(?>>nip.c',o'?'';ngsitT'h  »  shi'-. 


c^oiii,  not  13  IV-et  squaw,  M-iii destined toac    oi  hearing  £rom  ycui;  aua  leultaat.  Sir,  if  yoa? 
which  would  occupy    engigements  will  pennit,  to  address  a  line  to  me 


t;oiiimodato,  in  a  voya(,e 
iroia  60  to  90  days,  25  pas.sngers 
:y  of  thesx?    individuals    was,  in 
■*'»*•♦  by  their  respective  qualities;   they 
were,  for  the  most  part  mechanics,  emigrating  to 
that  country,  and  the  filth  of  their  persons,  and 
obstreperous  *  •  '  of  their  deportment,  was  by 
no  means  correspondin;-  to  the  republican  re 
ppectability   of  tlieir   profession.       When 
horrors  of  sea-sickness  cere  superadded  to  the 
other  painful  circumstances  attending'  my  situ- 
ation, my  sufferings  became  greater  than  I  can 
describe.     Deprived  of  everj*  comfort,  with  not 
ten  feet  square  for  exercise,  a   pestilen'ial  ■- 


The  qiianti-    at  thia  place,  where  I  am  forced  to  remain  a  few 
no    respect,    days.'' 


JODRNAL    OF  PKOCEEDINGS    OF    THE 
eOMlUTlHE  ON  RETRENCHMENT. 

t'Jfe    Ta  the  Haust  cf  Representatives  of  the  United 
States, 

FEBRtTAUT,  6>  1828, 

Iiesolved,  That  a  Select  Committee  be  Ep< 
pointed,  whose  duty  it  shiH  be  to  in/juire  and 
report  to  this  House,  if  nny,  and  what  i-etrcnch- 
and  most  oifensive  smell,  pervading  every  part  jj^^^j^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^j^  g^f^^y  lo  the  public  in- 
of  the  ship,  and  even  withmit  the  most  com-  Merest,  in  the  number  of  the  officers  of  the 
mon  medicines,  1  assure  you.  Sir,  that  death  Government  of  the  United  6Ute«,  and  in  the 
would  have  been  no  unwelcome  visiter.  I  wa<5  amount  of  salaries  which  they  may  respectively 
seized  with  a  high  fever,  and  in  ten  days  tvdu-  receive;  more  especially  to  report. specificaliy 
oed,  in  my  ov>'ii  opinion,  and  m   that  of  thiise    on  the  foUowinjj  heads:  ' 

around  me,  to  the  brink  of  the  grave.  At  th:3  j^.,  -vyliat  reductions  of  expense  can  be  made 
time,  wc  spoke  an  American  ship  from  New  ia  the  State  Department,  in  the  number  and  sa- 
York,  bound  to  Antwerp :  the  captain,  who  was    i^^^^  „j-  ^he  officers  and  clerks  attaclied  to  thi j 


Department;  in  the  expenses  re^ohtin^  the 
foreign  intercourse,  and  in  the  printing- and  dis- 
tribution of  the  public  laws  of  the  UnltcA 
States. 

.  2d.  What  reduction&in  the  Treasnry  Depart, 
meut,  and  v/hcthcr  an  effective  system  of  a«=- 


likewise    ill,    was  bearing  for   Fayal,    in  the 

Azores,  and,  by  great  persuasion,  was  induced 

to  take  me  on  Ivo.^rd,  in  a  miserable  ceaiditions 

Two  days  after  this  removal,   my  new  captail. 

recovered    his    indispcsion,   and  resumed    his 

i;oiirse  for  Antwerp.     ILiviiig  no  iiiclination  to 

visit  HolUnd,   I  determined  to  avait  myself  of   cou"ntabTHiyVa'nd  for  the  collection  of  the  pub 

the  ne.xt  ship  that  we  might  speak,  and  return    jj^  j^^^  J3  ^^^^^  established. 

to  llie  United  States,  or  go  lo  England.     From 

the  time  that  1    boarded  the  vessel  ia  wh'ch  I 

then  was,  I  h:id  begnin  sinwty  to  recover,  fro'n 

the  superior  comforts  of  its  accommodations. 

TOn  the  twentieth  of  June,  we  spoke  the  brig 


Olive, from  N.Yni-k  to  this  port,  and  the  captain 
consenting  to  receive  me,  I  arrived  in  Liverpool 
on  the  1st  instant,  having  been  at  sea  3.3  d.nys. 
The  despatches  which  were  iiitnisted  to  my 
care,  I  forw.-irdcd  to  Mr.  Forbes  in  charge  of 
Captain  Hinman,  of  the  William  Tet;,  to  whcEi 
he  was  consigned,  stat.ng  the  rr-isons  of  my  not 
bearing  them  in  person,  and  requesting  him  to 
.'"irvard  those  for  Mr.    Raguct  at  Uio.     If  the 


3d.  What  reductions  of  expense  car.  be  made 
in  the  NaTy  Department;  in  the  clerks  and  cf. 
ficeis  now  acting  subordinately  to  the  Becreti- 
ry  of  the  Navy. 

4th.  What  reductions  of  expense  can  he  mad'i 
in  tlie  Department  of  War,  in  the  Indian  De* 
partment,  and  in  the  clerks  and  officers novr 
acting  subordiaately  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Sth.  What  red'ictions  of  expense  can  bo  mad-i^ 
in  the  r<miiber  of  olliccrs,  and  the  am.ount  of 
compensation  which  they  may  receive,  in  th^i 
Postmaster  General's  Dep.ntment. 

And  that  the  Committee  be  Rirthcrinstructecl 
to  examine  the  se  ver-il  contingent  funds  of  each 


%Vi;i;am  'Icll  goes  safely,   the  despatches  wi.l  ^f  these  Department.s,  and  to  report  liie  amoun": 

t.ifely  reach  their  destination.  jj,.j  objects  for  which  disbursements  have  been 

These,  Sir,  are  the  circuinstameswhicn  have  .jj^j,pj-j.Q^  ,[^^5^  funds;   and  that  they  repori 

brought  me  to  England,  and  I  hope  that  they  ^j^^  amounts,  vouched  and  unvouchetl,  which 

are  such  as  to  excuse  my  abandonment  of  my  ^^.^^.^  j^^gu  p^j^j  ffj^  tl,e  Secret  Sc-r(ioe  Fund, 

charge.     As  I  am  here,  I  have  dcterminetl  to  ^.^^^^^  ^^^  jj^^j  ^^^.  ^  j„jj.^  j-go,  or  ti^e  fund 

devote  a  fe .V  weeks  tri  the  pmnose  cf  seeing  re^»u!o.ting  the  contingencies  of  foreign  inter- 


the  country,  after  which  I  shall  iiux'C  tlic  plca- 
:.irc  of  giving  you,  in  person,  a  more  detailed 
ujcount  of  my  voyage. 

With  hij'h  respect  vour  obedient  servant. 
.jOilN  IJ.  PLEASANI"S. 

(D.) 

£jrtrad  of  a  hlter-  from  John  11.  Pkasunls  to 
Mr.  Clay,  datcd'yeio  Yorhf  Oclaber  22, 1824., 
[5.] 

"  Convinced,  as  1  am,  that  my  life  would  liave 
f.illen  a  sacrifice,  had  I  persa^p^cd  in  the  voy- 
age, and  »hlion;',h  (oaiU  at  1|^  S^ 
-it  any  agency  in  the  step,  I  can^J: 
uneasiness  at  the   imnrcssions,    tin 


the 
LPincnt  to  ex- 
help  feeling 
le   apparent 


adandonmcnt  of  mytiipmay  have  made  onyour 
mind.  This  uneasiness  is  proportioned  to  the 
trank  confidence  wilh  which  tlmt  trust  was  con- 
"-rrcd.     I  shall nf  ur.-;rsvr'''nh-ive  tl"!. hrmiv 


course,  and  of  the  fund  for  the  expenses  of  tie- 
intercourse  with  the  Barbarj'  P^^wers. 

And  that  they  further  report  whether  fho 
compensation  of  membci-s  of  Congress  shouH 
be  reduced;  and  whether  tlic  fixed  satoies  of 
the  officers  of  this  House,  and  its  contingeii; 
expenses,  can,  with,  propriety,  be  diminiihed. 

And  further,  tliat  they  inquire  whether  ar;i 
mCKiification  of  the  sinking  fund  act  can   t- 
made,  vs-ith  a  view  of  producing  a  more  specOy 
extinguiaViinent  cf  the  public  debt. 

Mr".    Hamilton,    Mr.    Iri^ham,  Mr.   Sergean*. 
Mr.  Hives,  Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  AVickhtfe,  and  Mr 
Wriglit,  ofN.  y.,  vvc.-e  appointed  the  CormHit- 
tec,  iivpursuanceof  the  said  resolution. 

FEsarAiiT  12,  1S3«— 10  o'dSpc'i 
Committee  met:    P!C?ent,  Messrs.  HamiitOFr 


"ihc  vaijiuuiin  tiiiuionzing'  Vue  appointment 
of  the  Committee  was  read  by  the  Chairman, 
whereupon, 

Mr.  Kive3  movcJ  the  following  resolutioo, 
V.'hich  was  a^'eed  to  by  the  Commi*tec. 

Resolved,  Tfiitthe  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee address  a  letter  to  the  Head  of  each  of  the 
Executive  Departments,  and  of  the  Post  Office 
X)  epartment,  requesting'  information,  whether, 
in  their  opinion,  there  be  any  oiTicers  in  either 
ofthose  Department3  who  ser\ices  icay  be  dis- 
pensed with,  without  detriment  to  the  public  in- 
terest :  or  if  tile  salaries  of  any  of  them  can  be  re- 
duced, consistently  with  justice  and  propriety; 
and,  in  general,  whether  any  of  the  expense  in- 
cident to  those  Departments  can  be  reduced, 
without  impairing  the  efficiency  of  their  opeiii- 
lions. 

Sir.  Ingham  moved  the  following  resolution, 
which  was  adopted: 

Resolved.  That  tlie  Chairman  may  be  directed 
to  request  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasurj'  to  lay 
Iiefiirc  this  Comiriiltee  a  statement  of  the  sums 
of  money  which  have  been  disbursed  tlirough 
the  Stste  Department,  and  settled  at  the  Trca- 
Eicy  upon  the  certificate  of  the  President  with- 
■out  specification,  since  the  1st  day  of  July,  ir90, 
specifying  the  sum  paid  in  each  year. 

Mr.  WicklifTe  moved  the  following  resolu- 
tion: 

Resolved,  That  tlie  Chairman  address  a  letter 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  requesting  a 
statement,  from  his  Department,  of  the  amount 
appropriated  for  the  coniingent  expenses  of  the 
Indian  Departrncnt,  for  each  3-ear  since  the  1st 
<2av  of  January,  1&35,  and  the  objects,  specifi- 
cajly,  for  which  the  sum  has  been  expended, 
and  the  names  of  the  persons  to  whom  paid. 

Mr.  Sergeant  proposed  to  amend  the  said  rc- 
tolution,  by  striking  out  the  words  "Is/  day  of 
January,  1325,"  and  inserting  '•from  the  date  of 
the  change  of  the  regulation  of  the  Indian  Deprrt- 
7/ient  by  tlie  last  a:t;"  which  amendment  was 
rejected;  and  Mr. M'lckliffe's resolution  was  then 
adopted- 
Mr.  Ingham  moved  the  following  resolution, 
11  hJch  was  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  be  directed  to 
request  the  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives to  inform  this  Comniittee  whether  any  re- 
iluction  can  be  made  in  the  number  of  clerks 
employed  by  him,  or  in  their  salaries,  and  in  the 
r.ontingent  expense  of  the  House,  without  in- 
jary  to  the  public  service. 

Mr.  Cambrcleng  appeared  in  the  place  of  Mr. 
Wright,  of  New  York,  who  was  excused  from 
sening  on  said  Committee  by  the  Ilouiie. 

Mr.  Kives  moved  the  followijig  resolution, 
v.liicli  was  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
t'te  address  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  requesting  him  to  cause  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  Committee,  with  as  little  de- 
Jay  as  possible,  a  statement  showing  the  amount 
annually  expended  on  each  object  of  expendi- 
ture, out  of  the  funds  appropriated  for  tlie  con- 
tingent expenses  of  the  se\'eAl  Executive  De- 
partments, for  the  years  1825,  1826,  and  1827, 
•which  has  been  settled  at  the  Treasury. 

Mr.  Rives  also  moved  the  foilc.ving  resolu- 
t'-cn,  which  was  adopted  ■■ 

Resolved,  That  flie  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
**"  address  a  let's?  to  Ihe  S;cret3ry  of  the 


Trcasuiy,  rcqiicAkr.^  ii'un  io  iauce  to  be  csiti- 
municated  to  the  Committee,  with  as  little  de- 
lay as  possible,  a  statement  showing  the  amoui't 
annually  expended  on  each  object  of  expendi- 
ture, and  settled  at  the  Treasury,  out  of  the 
funds  appropriated  for  the  contini^encies,  enu- 
merated and  not  enumerated,  of  the  naval  ser- 
vice, and  the  contingencies  of  the  milit.iry  .^cr 
vice,  for  the  ycM-s  1S25,  1826,  and  182;'. 
And  then  the  Committee  adjourned. 

MONDAY,  Februakt,  IS,  1828. 

Committee  met :  Present,  Messrs.  Iiigliarii. 
Sergeant,  Rive-s,  'VicklifT',  and  Cambreleng. 

The  following  resolution  was  submitted  by 
Sir.  Ingham,  and  agreed  to  : 

Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  request  the  Se 
cretary  of  the  Treasury  to  lay  before  the  Com- 
mittee a  statemunt  of  tlie  respective  sums  dis- 
bursed from  the  appropriations  for  the  outfits 
and  salaries  of  public  ministers  ;  for  the  con- 
tingent expenses  of  missiois.a'iroad  ;  for  inter- 
course wifli  the  Barbdvy  Powers  ;  and  that  ]<art 
of  the  appropriation  for  the  contingent  expense 
of  foreign  intercourse  whicli  has  been  settled  at 
the  Treasury  in  the  usual  manner  ;  specifying 
the  objects  of  the  disburseineiits,  and  to  whom 
p.iid,  since  Ihe  1st  January,  1833. 

And  then  the  Committee  adjourned. 

MONDAY,  Fr.DTicAni  25,  IH2S. 

Com.nittee  met  :  Present,  Messrs.  llaiiiilton, 
Eierett,  Ingham,  C.tmbrelcng,  and  Wickliile. 

The  Chairmtiii  laid  before  the  Committee  the 
following  copy  of  the  circular  addresscd-lo  the 
dilTerent  Departments,  requesting  the  informa- 
tion by  the  several  resolutions  passed  : 

"  WAsnixr;Toy,  Feb.  13, 1828. 

Sin:  1  do  myself  the  honor  of  transniittihg 
you  a  copy  of  a  resoluU'ou  adopted  yesterday  by 
the  Committee  on  Relrenchraenl ;  and  beg 
lea-.-e  to  soiicit  your  attcnfion  to  that  part  of  it 
relating  to  your  Department,  from  which  the 
Committee  will  be  happy  to  receive  tlie  infor- 
mation required." 

Mr.  Everett  asked  permission  to  liave  it  en- 
tered on  the  Joiirnal  of  the  Committee,  that  he 
had  been  prevented  from  attending  the  former 
meetings  of  the  Committee,  in  consequence  of 
absence  from  Washington,  in  attendance  on  a 
member  of  his  familv  dangerously  sick. 

The  Chairman  laid  before  the  Committee  the 
answers  of  the  Postmaster  General,  and  Clerk 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  the  resolu 
tions  directed  to  them. 

Sir.  Wickliile  ofi'ered  the  following  resolu 
tions : 

Resolved,  Th-it  the  Secretar}-  of  the  Navy  be- 
requested  to  furnish  this  Committee  with  a  state, 
ment  of  the  amount  paid  as  compensation  to  the 
officers  of  the  N:ivy,  for  and  on  account  of  e.v- 
ti-a  duty  for  the  year  1826;  showing  the  amou!:" 
paid  to  each  officer,  and  for  what  duty  or  sei- 
vices  paid. 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  War  be  re- 
quested to  furnish  this  Committee  with  a  state- 
ment of  the  p.rr.ount  paid  as  con^pensatioii  to 
the  officers  of  the  snny,  for  and  on  .iccouu*  of 
extra  duty  for  tlie  year  1826;  sho'.viug  the  amount 
paid  to  each  officer,  and  for  what  services  paid. 

Mr.  Everett  proposod  to  amend  thcie  resolu- 
tions, by  striking  out  of  each   "for  the  ye;. 
1336/'  and  htsertiiig/>um  the  U!  Marth.  it-;: 


*a.cu  aira.iuiiii£ii(  wai  iost,  aiiti  uic  rcsgiuUons 
tvdre  then  agreed  to. 

Mr.  Insliam  moved  the  following  resolution, 
wliich  was  adopted: 

licsolml,  That  the  Chairman  request  the  Cierk 
o\  the  House  of  Representatives  to  lav  before 
the  Committee  the  original  accounts  forprinf'ng- 
and  other  conting-encies  for  tlie  Hoiis-  of  lie- 
presentative-s  during-  the  last  session. 

And  then  the  Committee  adjourned. 
MONDAY,    Wxnca  3,   1826: 

Committee  met:  Present,  Messrs.  Hamilton, 
Sergeant,  Everett,  Uives.  Ingham,  and  Cam- 
orelcng. 

Tlie  Chairman  reported  that,  on  the  day  after 

the  adoption  of  the  resolutions,  at  the  last  meet- 

-  mg  of  the  Committee,  he  caused  to  be  com- 

mumcated  to  the  proper  pcrions,  copies  of  the 

said  resolutions.     • 

The  C!i.airman  also  reported  and  read  a  com- 
tnunication  from  the  Secretary-  of  the  Navy   in 
answer  to  the   resolution   of   12th   February 
^opted    which  was  received  by  him  on  the 
^i  tn  lebruaiy. 

The  Chainn.in  (Sir.  Hamilton)  furtlicr  com- 
n-.un.catcd  that  the  St«retarv  of  the  Treasury 
Rad.onllie  27th  Fehraarj-,  verbally  informed 
h;m  that  tlio  clerks  in  his  Department  were 
busily  engaged  in  making  oi.t  the  documents 
required  by  the  vesoiution  of  the  Committee, 
ol  the  Utii  !■  cbraary,  and  that  the  aii5'.ver  would 
be  comiiiuiiioatcd  it>  the  first  of  the  present 
■H'ecK. 

Ml-.  Inghani  mo-ed  {he  following  resolution, 
■svhich -vvvi  agi-e.«d  to; 

_    Bccohcd,  'I'h:!*  the  Chairman  address  a  letter 
to  Lhe  Secrc-tai-y  of  Srite.  and  of  the  Treasury, 

f.\  Committee  -R-he-,!  they  may  c.vpcct  to  receive 
an  a:,s;.vcr  tc  the  letter  of  the  Cliairnian,  of  the 

,  loth  Feoruary  respecting  the  reduction  in  the 
nuiTiber  and  salaries  of  tlie  officers  attad.cd  to 

V  Jif^'ilif^m-'""'"^^'  "'"^  ^''>^=0"'"'ffenteJpen3es 

i  Mr.  rng-hamalso  moved' the  following  resolu- 
•■  tion,  whicliwMs  agreed  to; 
f  liesolceJ,  Tlmt  the  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
,1  tee  request  the  Stcrct;^-  of  the  Navy  to  inform 
r,tneComm:ttec,  what  number  of  sick  officcrsand 
[  siamen  ar,d  mannas,  were  provided  for  at  tl,e 
^scv^eral  Naval  Hospitals  during  the  ye5r  1826. 

t^Ztr    n  ■  '-'"  "™'"  of  Representatives 

pioduced  hisaccounts  ,n  obedience  to  the  order 
ot  the  Coramittee,  which,  on  motion  of  Mr.  In-- 

I  r'f'"'  «-f  e  '-cfln-cd  to  a  committee  of  tln-ee;  a.fd 
3Ir.  Ingnani,  Mr.  Sergeant,  :uid  St-.  Wickliffe. 

f-is-ereappcmtod  said  committee.      ■ 

{,    And  then  the  committee  .adjourned. 

I  SATURDAY,  Mahcu  8,1823. 

I   Committee  met:  Present  JI--.  IL->miIton   M,- 

■J.verett,  Jlr.  Hives,   Sir.   Wicklifte,   Mr.    Cam' 


(r     1     "'--■■   •"■-'.   iiii-    incjviiixe,    .Mr.    Cam- 
bfileng,  Mr,  Sc-rge:mt,  and  .Mr.  Ingham. 

•  The  Chan-man  laid  before  the  committee  re- 
?o-,-ts  h-om  the  Department  of  tiie  Tre.asttrv.'viz  • 
^  1st.  A  letter  cojitidning  doctimcntj  No'  'l  t' 
,,  and  4,  swing  amount  of  the  contingent  ex- 
jenses  in  the  Department  of  State,  Navv  War 
md  Treasury  offices,  &c.  ^'  ' 

2d.   A  letter  of  the  Secretaiy  of  l!ie  Ti^asu-r 

tpon  the  subject  of  redneingthe  numberof  ofli' 


Al.-io,  rqjo;-.s  from  tUo  Dcpaiuucnii  of  VVa.- 
and  State,  upon  the  same  subject. 

Unsolved,  That  the  fetter  of  the  Clerk  of  the 
House,  on  the  mode  of  printing  and  an-anginff 
the  documents,  be  refcired  to  the  Committee  on 
t.ie  E.\pcnditure  of  the  Contingent  Fund  of  the 
House  of  R«-presentatives. 

Mr.  Rives  moved  the  following  resolution, 
which  was  agreed  to: 

liesohcd.  That  the  communications  from  tli" 
Heads  of  the  E.'secutive  Departments  to  the 
Ciiaii-man  of  tli;5  Committee,  be  refen-edtosuh- 
comnnttees  of  tiu-ee  members,  with  instructions 
to  consider  and  report  thereon  to  the  committee. 
T  he  committee  then  resolved  that  their  next 
meetmg  shall  be  on  Thursday  next,  and  everv 
>Iond;iy  and  Thursday  morning  after,  at  10 
o  clock. 
And  then  the  coramittcc  adjourned. 

THURSDAY,  March  13,  1828. 

Committee  met:  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton,  Mr. 
nrjes,   Mr    Everett,   Mr.   Sergeant,  Mr.  Wick- . 
Iiffie,  and  Mr.  Cambreleng. 

The  Ch.airman  announced  the  following-  sub- 
coinmittees,  under  the  resolution  of  th'e  last 
meeting: 

OnailcomniunicaUonsfrom  the  Treasury  He- 
partment,  Mr.  Cambreleng,  Mr.  Sergeant,  and 
Mr.  Ingliam.  ° 

On  all  communications  from  the  War  De. 
partment,  Mr.  Ingham,  Mr.  Wickliffe,  and  Mr. 
liivcrett. 

On  all  communicaiinns  from  the  Navy  De- 
partment. Mr.  Uives,  Mr.  Sergeant,  and  Mr. 
Cambrcleng. 

On  all  communica'ions  from  the  State  D-- 
Kh-lr""^'  *''"■  ^^'''''''''^^'  '^^'-  E*crett,  and  Mr. 

The  Chairman  read  the  communication  from 
the  Secret:n-y  of  War,  in  answei-  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  2Jth  Febuu.T,  1828,  upon  the  sub- 
ject  ort.ir-  extra  pay  to  officers  of  tlie  army. 

0,'Je-al,  I-hat  the  same  be  referred  to  the 
committee  on  the  Accounts  and  Keports  of  the 
Departcicnt  of  Vv'ar. 

M.-.  Cambreieng  moved  ihe  following  resolu- 
tion, which  was  adopted: 

Itcmhed,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasu- 
ry be  requested  to  furnish  a  statement   exhibi".  ■ 
tmg  the  present    organi^.ation  of  the  Trcasurv 
Department;  and,  more  especiailv,  sliowingthe 
mode  of  presenting,  .adjusting,  and  ptiving  ac- 
counts, with  anrl  against  the  United  States,  and 
the  several  Dcp.irtments;  and  of  issuing  draft*  " 
and  w.-.,.r^„f<;  fg^fi^g  p-jy^grit  of  money  to  indi- 
viOiials,  or  lor  tiic  several  departments  of  the- 
public  service;  alsD,  stating  tlie  duties  assigned 
to,   ana  discharged  by,   tlie   Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,    F.rst,     and    Second    Comptrollers,       ■ 
Treasurer,  and  Uegi.ster  of  the  Treasury;  First 
Second,   Third,    Fourtli,   and   Fifth   Auditors' 
respectively ,,u„dcrand  i>y  existing  regulations. 
Mr.  Everett  moved  the  following  resolution, 
w  11. cli  was  adopted: 

AWw,/,  That  the  Secretrirv  ofw.ar  be  re- 
quested to  furnish  this  comiTiittee  with  a  state- 
men  of  the  amount  paid  annuidly  a.s  compensa- 
tion to  the  officers  of  Uie  army,  for  and  on  ac- 
count of  ptr.t  duty,  from  the  4th  of  March. 
ib.l,  to  the  present  time,  showing  the  amoun': 
paid  to  each  o.'ncer,  and  f  ,:•  what  scni  ■/•  paM 
exc-r>_pt  fur  i:,^  v,-.-»r '■^'■'o. 


gdl 


;ai-.  liWis  muv'cd  the  toliowing  resolution,  Jlr.  Wickllrtcoffcredtlielouowiiigi'ea&iutioiik 

v.hicli  was  adopted:  wliicli  was  adopted: 

lissohcd,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  licsolred,  Th:it  the  Cliairmau  ofthe  Committer 

he  req  lested   to  furnish  this  committee  with  address  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  as- 

sutements,  showinij  the  sums  expended  oil  each  certain  the  following'  facts: 

oWect  of  expenditiu-e,  out  of  the  funds  appro-  Uid  John   H.   Pleasants  go  as  bearer  of  deS' 
priated  forthe  continpent  expenses  ofthe  seve- 


priated  forthe  contmgent  expe 
ral  Executive  Departments,  forthe  years  1822, 
1823  and  182-1,  s'.milar  to  those  already  famish- 
ed forthe  yeai-s  1825,  1826,  and  ISSr. 
Ami  then  the  committee  adjourned. 

MONDAY,  MiBcn  17,  1328. 

Committee  met;  All  present. 

The  Chairman  announced  that  he  had  trans- 
rnUtcd  to  the  appropriate  Departments,  the  res- 
olutions passed  at  the  last  meeting-:  he  also  an- 
nounced that  he  ha,l  received  no  furilier  an- 
swers to  the  previous  calls  of  the  committee; 
but  he  had  understood,  verbally,  that  the  con- 
tingent accounts  of  foreign  intercourse  would  be 
transmitted  in  the  course  of  a  day  or  two. 

On  motion  of  Sir.  Everett,  the  hour  of  the 
meeting  was  changed  from  10  to  11  o'clock,  in 
flie  morning. 

The  committee  then  adjourned. 

TI1UKSD,\Y,  Mahcu  20.  1828. 


patches  from  the   United  States  to  Rio  Janeiro 
and  Ruenos  Ayres,  in  1825' 

Did  he  deliver  the  despatches  to  the  proper 
authority  at  Rio  J.ineiro  and  Buenos  Ayres' 

If  he  did  not  go,  >vhat  became  ofthe  despalcli  • 
es'  who  bore  them  to  the  governments  of  Kio 
Janeiro  and  Ducnos  Ayres'    . 

Where  did  J.  11.  I'kasants  go  after  he  left  thfi 
United  States'     Was  it  not  known  to  the  De 
partment,  when  his  account  was  settled  and  paid 
him,  that  he  hail  not  been  to  liuenos  Ay  res  a^ 
the  hearer  of  despatcliesfrom  this  Government' 

The  Committee  adjourned,  to  meet  atllo* 
clock  on  Thusday  next. 

THURSDAY,  MARCH  28,  1823. 

Committee  met :  Present,  Mr.  tlarnilton,  Mr. 
Ingham,  Mr.  Rives,  Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  WikliU'c, 
and  Mr.  Chambeleiigi 

The  Chairmr.n  communicated  a. co]jyof  hir; 
rote  to  the  Secretary  nf  State,  enclosing^ a  copy 
of  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Committee  a' 
its  last  meeting. 

lie  also  communicated  Mr.  Clay's  reply  to  Ihn 
same,  c^'italnliii;-  sundry  letters  respecting  thu 


Committee  met:  Present,  Mr.  H.amilton,  Mr. 
?.ivc9,  Mr.  Wicklific,  and  Mr.  Cambreleng. 

The  Chairman  communicUed  that  he  had  re-  , 

ccived  a  communication  from  the  Secretary  of  employment  of'Johnllamblin  Pleasants,  as  bear- 

»hc  Treasure',  accompanying-  thecontingent'ex-  er  of  dispatches  to  Rio  Janeiro  and  Buenos  Ay- 

penses  ofthe  Indian  Department,  for  each  year  res;  whicli,  after  being  read,  were   referred  to 

sincethe  1st  Janu.ary,  1825,  marked  A,  and  num-  the  Sub-committee  on  the  Department  of  State, 
bered  from  1  to  14.  The    Chairman   aho   co,ii;Tniuicat°d  a  letter 

Also,  a  communication  covering  a  statement  from  the  Secret.>ry  ofthe  N-ivy,  covering-  a  statc- 

for  contingencic?,  enumerated,  and  notcnumer-  ment  of  the  amount  p-iid  .as  compensation  to  th- 

ated,  for  the  naval  service.  officers  of  the  Navy,  for  and  on  account  of  ex- 

The  first  communication  was  referred  to  the  tra  duty,  for  the  year  1  .S2G;  shov\  ing  the  amouiit 

Sub-committee  on  the  War  Department,  and  paid  to  each  officer,  and  for   what  duty  or  ser- 

the  last  to  the  Sub-committee  on  the  Navy  De-  vice  paid;  whicli  was  referred  to  the  Sub  com - 

>i;irtment.  mittee  on  the  Navy  D;;partment. 

And  also  a  communication  from  the  Secretary        The  Committee  then  adjourned,  to  meet  n- 

ofthe  Trcasur}-,  covering  a  statement  of  .sums  g.ain  on  Thursday  next,  at  10  o'clock. 


disbursed  frcni  the  appropriations  forthe  outfits 
anil  salaries  of  pnblic  ministers;  for  tlie  contin- 
{jent  expensesof  missions  abroad;  for  the  inter- 
course with  the  Barbary  powers;  and  that  p:irt 
c>f  the  appropriation  of  tlie  contingent  expenses 
of  foreign  intercourse  which  has  been  settled  at 


THURSDAY,  Arnii.  3,  1828. 

Committee  met:  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton,  Mi-. 
Car.ibi-elc-ng,  ^^r.  Everett,  Mr.  Wicklifl'e,  and 
Mr.  Rives. 

The  Chairman  communicated  a  letter  from 


the  Treasur>',  in  the  usual  manner;  specifying  the  Secretary   of  the  Navy,  accompanied  by  .a 

he  object  ofthe  disbursement,  and  to  whom  statement   showing  the  "number    of  officer-;, 

Kiid,  since  January,  1822.  seamen  and  marines  provided  for  at  the  sever:d 

Which  communic:Uion  was  referred  to  the  Sub-  Navy   Hospitals  during  the  year  1826;"  wliicii 


committee  on  the  State  Department. 
Ami  then  the  Committee  adjourned 

MONDAY,  Maiicii24„I828. 

Committee  met;  Present,  Jlr.  Hamilton,  Mr. 
Ingham,  Mr.  Rives,  Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  Wicklific, 
and  Mr.  Cambreleng. 

After  the  reading  of  the  Journal, 

Mr.  Everett  desired  to  have  it  entered  on  the 
same,  that  be  was  prevented  from  attending  the 
last  meeting,  by  the  death  of  a  member  of  his 
family- 


The  Chairman  reported  that  since  the   last    during  its  rcces; 


was  referred  to  the  Sub-committee  on  the  Navy 
Department. 

Mr.  WicklifTe   olTereil  the  following-  rcsolii- 
tJon,  which  was  adopted: 

Jiesiiival,  That  the  Chairm.^,  ask  ofthe  Hous-. 
leave  to  send  for  persons  and  papers. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  to  Saturday, 
10  o'clock. 

SATURDAY,  Armi.  5,   1323. 

The  Chairman  met  to  adjourn  the  Committee, 
by  instructions  of  a  m:ijority  ofthe  Committee. 


s,  m  con 


sequence  ofthe  contin - 


meeting  of  the  Committee,  no  further  answers 
had  been  received  from  the  Departments  to  the 
calls  ofthe  Committee,  but  he  understood  that 
f  hose  reTiiaining  were  in  progress,  and  would  be 
chortlv  com.municated. 


ued  indisposition  of  Mr.  Sargeant,  ami  the  ab. 
sence  of  Mr.  Ingham. 

The  members  of  the  Committee  were  tliei. 
summoned  to  meet  en  Mondav,  April  7.  stl'' 

c'dock 


The  Cominittec  met  pinsuant  to  adjouMtncnl : 
t'lwsent,  Mr.  Haimiton,  Mr-  Cambrelcng-,  Mr. 
Everett,  Mr.  WickliSTc,  and  Mr.  R'lvea 

The  Cbairman  coramunicated  the  resolution 
adopted  by  the  House  on  the  4th  instant,  in  tho 
ioKowlng  woids: 

Bssowed,  That  the  Select  Committee  on  tlac 
^♦abjecl  of  Retj-cncbraettt  be  empowered  to  send 
fbp  persons  and  papers. 

The  Chairman  aiso  communicated  a  letter 
-from  tlje  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  accompan- 
ied by  statements  ofth-cor.ting'ent  expenditures 
of  the  State,  Treasury,  War,  and  Nav/  Depart- 
iJients,  for  the  years  1823,  IS'JS,  and"  1824,  to- 
other with  a  general  abstract  thereof^  wliich 
were  severally  referred  to  the  sub-committees  on 
those  Deparlments. 

The  Chairoian  also  commnmcaled  a  letter 
from  tile  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  the  orgn- 
nizatioR  of  the  Treasurj' Department,  &c  ,  ac- 
companied by  comnuinicatjons  from  the  subor- 
dinate officers  of  the  Treasury,  numbered  from 
1  to  9,  bcin^  in  compliance  v/ith  a  resolution  of 
the  Committee  adopted  on  the  i3th  March; 
'  which  papers  were  referred  to  the  sub-commit- 
tee on  the  Treasury  Department,  Sec 

aSr.  Wiclcliife  offered  the  following  resolu- 
tion, which  was  adopted: 

itfsoli^ecff  Tliat  summons  be  issued  for  Thos. 
B.  Disliieland  G.  W.  Dashie),  James  McClea- 
ry,  and  James  Laurie,  to  attend  the  Committee 
on  Wednesday  nest,  at  9  o'clock. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  to  Wednes- 
day, at  iO  o'clock. 

WEDNESDAY,  Ai-nii.  9,  1828. 

Tl>e  Committee  met:  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton, 
Mr.  Cainbreleng;  Mr.  E%erelt,  Sir.  WicklifTc, 
and  Mr.  Kivcs. 

Serei-al  witne.=ises,  to  wit.  Thos.  B.  Dasliiel, 
Geor'je  \V.  Dashie!,  Dr.  Laurie,  and  James 
McCleary,  attended,  in  pursuance  of  a  summons 
Jroin  the  Chairman. 

Thomas  15.  D:ishlel,  George  W.  Dashiel,and 
Dr.  Laurie,  were  severally  sworn  and  examin- 
ed. 

The  following  are  questions  propounded  to 
Thomas  B.   Dashie),  and  answers  given. 

Ques.     In  what  office  are  you  clerk' 
In  the  office  of  the  Treasurer. 
Who  is  Chief  Clerk  in  the  Treasurer's 


n. 


Ques. 


l']      Jlns.     I  am  acting  as  Chief  Clerk  pro  tem- 
Uj  pore.     Samuel  Brooks,  who  has  retired  for  13 
''.  jnonths,   from  old  age,    from  the  office,   is  the 
ir^jfu'ar  Chief  Clerk  of  the  ciEce. 

Qtits.     What  is  his  salary,  as  fised  by  law' 
<-?>i.^.     liis  salary  is  $  1,700  per  annum. 
Ques.     How  long;  since  he  has  done  any  duty 

Cin  the  office  of  tlie  ifreasurer? 
.?«.?.     About  twelve  months. 
Qites.     Wlio  performs   the  duties  of  Chief 
-  Cl^rk  in  the  Treasurer's  office.' 

.•?'«.     I  do. 

;        Quts.     Did  or  did  not  the  s.iid  Samuel  Brooks 

a  rree  with  you,   or  some  otlicr  of  the  clerks  in 

,^,  tiie  Department,   that,  if  you  cr  they  would  do 

Jiisbu.-iness  as  Chief  Clerk,  lie  would  give  yovi 

'  900  of  his  salary'     If  he  did  not  make  such 

reemcnt,  state  what  ajjreement  he  did  make. 

..ins.     Mr.  Brooks  made  no  agreement  with 

— :7;  when  Ire  retired  Pfom  thf-office,  Mr,  Tuck. 


et  directed  mc  to  do  the  business,  i  iiere  ■wks 
no  sgreemcnt  bettt'een  Mr.  Drook3  and  myself, 
whatever. 

Ques.  Has  ho  received  any  portion  of  his  sa- 
lary since  he  left  the  office  and  ceased  to  do 
business' 

.Gnawer-  Mr.  Brooks  received  a  salary  at  th^ 
rate  of  1,400  dollars  per  annum,  for  the  fii-st 
three  months  after  he  retired;  since  which  time, 
he  has  received  at  the  rate  of  800  dolhrs  per 
annuiB. 

Question.  Who  receives  the  balance  of  the 
1,700  dollars  appropriated  by  law' 

Jln.'iica-.  1  receive,  in  addition  to  my  salarj', 
300  dollars,  as  fixed  by  law,  mak!ni»  my  com- 
pensation equal  to  1,700  dollars;  Geo'rge  W. 
Dasliiel  receives,  in  addition  io  his  salary,  as 
fi.xed  bylaw,  the  sum  of  250 dollars;  B.  D.Reall 
receives,  in  addition  to  his  salary,  150  dollars; 
G.  Beall  receives,  in  addition  to  his  salary,  20O 
dollars;  and  the  duties  heretofore  performed  by 
G.  Beall  are  perfomied  by  Mr.  Moore,  the  mes- 
senger, who  receives,  as  assistant  clerk,  a  fixcij 
salary  of  400  dollars.  Ue  does  no  duty  as  as- 
sistant clerk  to  the  chief  clerk:  the  same  qum- 
turn  of  labor  is  now  performed  in  the  office^  bv 
those  persona  above-mentioned,  as  was  perfomi- 
ed by  the  whole  clerks  when  Mr.  Brooks  wag 
in  the  office:  no  incon\-enience  rc-soks  iVoni 
the  absence  of  Mr.  Brooks. 

Quesiiori.  What  are  the  age  and  circuqfl- 
stances  of  Mr.  Brooks,  and  how  long  has  he 
been  in  office.' 

.Answer.  His  ago  is  about  77  years:  his  cir- 
cumstances are  considered  good.  He  entered 
the  office  about  1792:  he  has  occasionally  been 
indisposed,  sometimes  confined  for  a  \veek  Or 
ten  days.  The  assistant  cleik  was  granted  111 
1818,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect. 

Ouestion.  Why  was  the  assistant  clerk  grant- 
ed' 

Ai:wer.  He  vas  granted  in  consequence  of 
the  old  age  of  Mr.  Brooks,  who  could  not  get 
along  with  the  business  as  \vcll  as  was  required. 

George  W.  Dasliiel  states,  upon  interrogato- 
ries, that  Mr.  Brooks  retired  from  office  on  ac 
count  of  his  inefficiency  to  perfoi-m  the  duties 
of  Chief  Clerk:  he  ratlier  retarded  the  business 
than  otherwise:  he  received  his  salary  for  about 
three  months  r.fter  he  retired.  Somo  time  after 
he  retired  the  arrangement  was  made  by  tire 
Treasurer,  by  v/hich  he  was  to  receive  800  dol- 
lai-sof  his  salary,  and  the  promotions  took  place 
with  the  increase  of  salary  as  stated  by  Thoma-s 
B.  D:ishiel.  Mr.  Brooks  has  no  v.-ifc  or  family, 
He  is  unable  to  state  what  are  his  circumstances 

Questions  propounded  to  Dr.  Laurie. 

Question.  What  portion  of  time  does  Antho- 
ny Morris  devote  to  public  duties  in  the  the  qt'- 
ficeof  the  Kegisterof  the  Treasury;  and  whit 
duties  has  he  performed  for  the  last  twel\^ 
months? 

.instcer.  I  am  not  employed  in  the  same  room 
in  tli;it  office,  and  therefore  cannot  say  to  what 
extent  of  time  devotctl,  or  duties  performed  by 
Mr.  Morris. 

Mr.  WickliRe  cSTered  the  following  resolu- 
tion, wliich  was  adopted: 

liesoh-ed,  That  a  summons  be  issued  for  Mi-- 
chael  Nourse,  toa'icnd  as  a  witness  before  Ihib 
Committee. 

The  Chairman  ^otntnunlcated  a  letter  from 


»t)o 


Uifl  secreiary  ui  V»'ur,  wiili  commuulcatiorei 
from  the  Second  and  Third  Auditors,  Sta; 
which  were  referred  to  the  Sub-committee  en 
Ihe  War  Department. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  to  Saturday, 
9  o'clock. 

SATURDAY,  Aniii,  12,  iSiS. 

The  Committee  met;  Present,  ilr.  KumiUon, 
Mr.  Ingbam,  Mr.  Everett,  Mr.  Wickliife,  and 
Sir.  Cambreleng. 

The  Ciiairraan  then  stated  t'lat  a  subposna  had 
beeji  rettirned,  as  duly  .served  on  Mr.  Michael 
No-jrse,  the  Chief  Clerk  --.f  the  Reg-isier's  Of- 
trce,  who  now  attended  to  answer  such  ques- 
tions touchinj|any  int^uiry  the  CoiMitlttee  might 
make  of  him. 

Mr.  Nourse  being  sworn,     , 

Mr.  Wickliffe  propouuded  the  following 
?jiie«tioirs: 

Are  yoa  acquainted  with  5Ir.  Anlliony  Mor- 
ris, clerk  in  the  Register's  Office'  Stitc  the 
duties  he  performs,  and  the  propoi-tion  of  time, 
throughout  the  year,  he  is  engaged  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  same.  Arts.  Witness  saya  he  is 
acqu;unted  with  Mr.  Morris.  Kc  is  a  clerk  In 
the  Uegister's  Office.  He  does  not  know  the 
duties  he  performs.  Mr.  Morris  is  in  a  room  by 
himself,  and  he  doeb  not  know  how  much  he  13 
engaged. 

Uo  you  believe  his  services  to  the  Govern- 
rnent  essential  to  the  regular  dischai-ge  of  the 
"business  of  the  Kegister'.s  Office '  Ar.d  are  they, 
ill  your  opinion,  worth  the  salary  of  $1,400  paid 
liim? 

Jlns.  Witness  does  not  feel  himself  autlior- 
i'.:ed  to  express  an  opinion,  as  he  is  not  particu- 
larly acquainted  with  the  duties  performed  by 
Sir.  Morris. 

By  Mr.  Evcrttt.  When,  and  by  whom,  was 
Mr.  Morris  appointed  clerk? 

Mns.  He  was  appointed,  witness  thinks,  about 
three  years  ago  next  fall:  his  appointment  was 
made  by  the  Register,  with  the  approbation ,  he 
thinks,  of  Mr.  Crawford. 

liy  Mr.  Cambreleng.  Who  filled  the  office 
before  Mr.  Morris's  appoiiUment .' 

Jtns.  Mr.  Charles  Dawson. 

Vy  Mr.  IVickliJJ'e.  Do  you  kriO'.Vfhat  du- 
ties Mr.  Dawson  performed? 

Jlns.  He  kept  the  impost  book,  and  assisted 
in  forming  the  commerci.il  statements. 

By  Mr.  Cimbreleng.  Does  Mr.  Morris  novir 
keep  tlie  impost  book  and  commercial  state- 
ments? 

J?ns.  No;  Mr.  Pattci-so;i  attends  to  tlie  fir.'!!, 
and  the  labor  of  the  second  is  divided  between 
Uifierent  clerks. 

Jiy  Mr.  Kcvrelt.  What  is  the  nsual  v.-ay  in 
v\-iiich  clerks  in  the  Register's  Oftice  are  ap- 
pointed ' 

..3ns.  They  arc  sppointetl  by  the  Register, 
generally,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Secre- 
tary. 

By  Mr.  Ingham.  Doyouknow  whether  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  U.is  appointed  a  clerk 
ill  a  branch  of  the  Treasury  without  an  applica- 
tion from  the  head  of  that  subordinate  branch? 

Ana.  I  do  not  knov/  that  he  has. 

Do  you  know  whether  any  of  the  duties  which 
w  ere  performed  by  Mr.  Dawson,  are  now  or 
•=vei"  have  been  discharged  by  Mr.  MoitIs? 

-ii'!.  They  ave  r.ot  now  perfunncd  bv  Mr. 


Morris;  butwiien  Mr.  Morris  iir»t  euiereu  liio 
ofiice,  he  entered  on  the  duties  of  Mr  Dawson. 

By  Mr.  Kvcrelt.  How  long  did  Mr.  Morric 
perform  the  duties  of  Mr.  Dav/son,  andwhy  did 
he  cease  to  perFoi-m  then.' 

An.9.  Witness  does  not  recollect:  he  believes 
less  than  a  year.  He  docs  not  know  why  hi- 
ceased  to  perform  them. 

By  M::  IVictil-fft.  Do  you  not  know  ttiii- 
Mr.  Morris  is  often  absent  from  his  duties  iu 
office  hours? 

dns  Witness  answers,  that  he  doeent^know, 
when  in  the  city,  how  much,  or  how  often,  Mr, 
Mo;t18  may  be  abnt-nt  in  ofiice  houi-s;  but  that 
he  has  been  absent,  since  his  appointment,  about, 
tinee  months  in  each  yejU',  in  cynsequeuce  of 
his  ov.-n  ill  health,  and  that  of  his  duugiitci^  a.', 
he  believes. 

Mr.  Nourse  asked  peimi.^icn  to  state  t'.iat  lio 
had  been  infcrmed  that  Mr.  Urooks'  circum.. 
Stanceswere  not  good;  that  he  was  in  debt:  and 
that  he  had  not  a  clear  income  of  more  thaft 
SlOO  or  S200. 

Mr.  Ingham  Sl^J^littcd  tlie  following  resolu'. 
tion,  whicli  was  agreed  to : 

liciohed.  That  a  subixcna  be  issued  to  tho 
Register  of  the  Treasury. 

The  Committee  thcR  adjounied,  to  meet  on 
AVednesday  nest,  at  9  o'c'^ck. 

WEDNKSDAY,  AraiL  16,  1828. 

Committee  met;  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton,  Utr. 
Everett,  Mr.  Wickliffe,  and  Mr.  Cambreleng. 

Tlie  Chaiimansljited,  that,  in  conformity  wili; 
the  directions  of  the  cdmniittec,  he  had  issiied  a 
summons  to  Mr.  Nours<",  the  Register  of  the 
Treasury,  who  had  attended,  and  «as  now  prC' 
sen-t  to  give  testimony. 

Mr.  Nourse  was  accordingly  sworn,  and  the 
following  is  his  testimony; 

Questien.  What  is  the  nature  and  extent  of 
duties  performed  by  Mr.  MoitIs' 

Answer,  iir.  Morris  was  absent  when  tb(^ 
other  clerks  were  directed  to  state  their  duties; 
consequently,  did  not  render  a  stiitemeut,  but 
has  since  written  a  letter. 

[Letter  of  Mr.  Morris  read  and  filed.] 

Witness  had  clas.-ied  Mr.  Morris's  service  undr.-' 
three  heads:  Correspondence,  Statistics,  Mis- 
cellaneous. VvithrcgarJ  to  correspondence,  in 
v>*hich  Mr.  Morris  is  his  aid,  he  is  the  only  liter.- 
ary  man  in  the  office  on  whom  witness  ca.n  c;U;. 
Witness  being  conversant  witli  the  details  of 
matters  reltitlve  to  the  old  Government,  isoftei- 
written  to  on  tliem,  and  calls  on  Mr.  Morris  to 
aid  in  answering. 

Ct'.  StalisUcs.  Mr.  Morris  vi'as  pu't  on  tL'i 
books  as  a  man  of  clucation,  better  adapted  t'^ 
that  branch  than  to  common  clerical  dutj',  anr; 
was  employed  to  carry  on  the  work  of  Scybt:-t, 
a:^  an  undertaking-  of  g'reat  use  and  con^-onienco 
to  tlie  Government.  Has  made  a  great  many  se- 
lections of  a  statistical  n.iturc,  but  principally 
employed  in  preparator}'  researches. 

3d.  Mr.  Morris,  has  charge  of  stulemcnt 
books:  has  .arranged  the  index  to  15  vols,  and 
prepared  a  great  mass  of  papers  relative  to  old 
Governm.enl  transactions,  it  is  the  situation  of 
his  family  which  has  called  him  awa}-. 

Ques.  At  what  hour  does  Mr.  MoiTJs  com* 
to  the  ofHce  every  day ' 

.Uns.  About  10  o'clock  every  day 

Ones.  How  long  does  hs  stay' 


S3  4 


•Jiia.  EsceiJiuifj  when  he  is  wanted,  he  gcn- 
?iilly  goes  away  at.  half  past  2,  or  a  little  be- 
Ibre  3  o'cloek,  aa  he  lives  at  a  distance  from  the 
jflice. 

Qitcs.  13  he  not  alisent,  on  r.n  average,  at  least 
il-oni  two  to  tliree  montlis,  each  year' 

^tis.  V/itness  has  not  taken  a  particular  re- 
cord: refers  to  the  letter  of  Jlr.  "Morris.  Wit- 
ness thinks  he  is  absent  on  an  aver.-^e  of  ivvo 
months;  but  probably  v.-iii  not  be  h-r --fter,  in 
consequence  of  the  death  of  his  dauijhter. 
Qucs.  Is  this  a  customary  indulgence? 
.'ins.  The  clerks  are  not  indulged  in  absence; 
unless  called  by  circumstances.  AV'itness  c'/.  • 
siders  hitnstlf  as.  standnig  in  a  patemal  rel.itio.i 
Co  the  ufiicors  under  hi.ti. 

Ques.  Do  you  consider  his  senices  necessary .' 
.Ins-   Thinks  that,  at  witness's  time  of  life, 
EUch  an  aid  to  hiinself  isreqaired. 

Ques.  Do  y  ou  con.<iJer  his  services  deserving 
the  salary  of  SI, 400  per  annum? 

.9ns.  'I'hinks  an  oflicer  of  his  talents  deserv- 
'mg  the  salary  of  $1,400. 

Qucs.  Has  Mr.  Morris  made  Cut  an  answer  to 
an\'  call  within  twelve  months,  relative  to  any 
tnitter  contained  hi  tlie  15  vols.  ? 

-fox  The  call  relative  to  the  claim  of  M' alter 
I/iving«ton,  requirinif  laborious  research,  was 
referred  to  Mr.  Morris,  and  the  answer  prepared 
by  liim.    . 

Ques.  Were  not  the  duties  performed  by  Mr. 
■Morris,  formerly  those  of  Ilegister  and  Chief 
Clerk'  . 

.ins.  These  duties  were  witness's  own,  and 
he  considers  Mr.  Morris  more  particularly  as 
his  aid.  Mr.  Morris  was  appointed  in  Novem- 
ber, 1822,  by  Mr.  Crawford,  with  the  concur- 
rence of  I'.cg.ster,  and  implied  patronage  of 
Mr.  Madison,  who  had  sent  him  on  a  private 
mission  to  Spain,  and  was  paid  out  of  tiic 
5100,000  granted  dui'ing  the  war  for  special 
services. 

The  Ciiairman  then  submitted  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Nourse,  t{cg:stcr  of  the  Treasury,  as  to  the 
duties  performed  by  Mr.  Morris. 

He  also  snbnillted  a  letter  from  Mr.  Lee,  Se- 
cond Auditor,  containing  a  list  of  the  clerks  in 
his  office,  and  the  duties  they  perform. 

An<l  then  the  Committee  .ad(t)urnedy  to  meet 
•>v'.icn  snmmoned  by  the  Chairman. 

TIIUKSDAY,  ArntL  2-1,  1828. 
Tlie  Committee  met:  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton, 
Mr.  Everett,  Jlr.  Kives,  Mr.  Wickhffc,  and  Mr.^ 
Cambreleng. 

The  Chairman  stated  to  the  Committee,  that 
he  had  not  previously  summoned  them,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  continued  indis;u)sition  and 
sickness  of  Messrs.  Sergeant  and  Ing'iam. 

He  also  communicated  the  following  letter 
from  Ml'.  Nourse,  ;lie  Register  of  the  Treasury, 
explanatory  of  his  testimony,  viz: 
TiiEAsunv  Dkpatitmest, 

KEuisTEn'sOFFicc,  .ipril  IG,  1828. 

■Recollecting  one  of  the  questions  of  this 
morning  before  the  Committee,  in  lespect  to 
occasional  absence  of  the  other  clerks,  I  an- 
swered, "It  was  not."  At  that  moment  tlio 
period  of  two  months  was  in  my  mind.  1  shonkl 
have  said,  "It  is  usual,  on  application  of  clerks, 
on  speci.al  apphcations  to  be  absent  with  leave, 
and  the  period  of  distance,  has,  in  a  measure, 
srovenied  the  grants  as  to  the  time  of  nb'iencc; 


but  not  gcjieialiy  for  '  two  mouths;'  uii'icsa  sleKy. 
ness  iutenencd." 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

JOSEPH  NOURSE. 

The  following  resolution  was  offered  by 'Mr. 
WickHfie,  and  agreed  to: 

Hesolved,  That  summons  issue  for  George 
Graham,  the  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office, 
Uichard  Cults,  and  Colonel  Mclvenncy,  to  ap- 
pear at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Committee,  aiul 
g-ive  testimony. 

■  The  Chairman  was  then  instructed  by  the 
C'"''.mittee  to  apply  to  the  House  for  Jeave  to 
sit  Guviiig  the  sessions  of  the  House. 

An,l  then  the  Committee  adjourned,  to  meet 
at  !.i'.f  pa.t  9  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

r:?IDAV  MORNING,  Apiiii,25,  1828. 

The  Cm--.-.''  -emet:  Present,  Mr.  Hamilton, 
M".  Rives,  ilr.  Jverclt,  Mr.  Wicklifle,  and  Mr. 
Camhreleng. 

The  Chairman  stated  to  the  Committee,  that 
George  Graliaih,  R.  Cutts,  and  Col.  McKenney, 
attended,  to  give  tesrimony. 

Upon  Mr.  Graham's  behig  sworn,  he  testified 
as  follows: 

Question.  What  is  the  utility  of  contimihijj 
the  system  of  inspecting  the  Land  Office' 

.Ins.  The  duty  of  the  ex.aminer  is  to  examine 
and  count  the  money  I'cporled  to  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  Receiver;  to  compare  the  books 
of  the  Register  and  Receiver  together,  in  order 
to  see  vi'hether  they  correspo'nd;  to  mak^  a  re- 
port as  to  the  manner  in  wliich  tiit?  books  are 
kept,  iij  respect  to  the  neatness  and  con-ectness, 
and  whether  they  are  brought  up  to  the  peiiod 
of  examination.  The-  practice  of  these  exami- 
nations has  existed  .since  ISO-!-,  in  pursuance  of 
law,  although  witii  some  variations  in  the  mode. 

yQues.  Could  not  the  business  be  as  well  done 
by  some  citizen  in  tlie  neighborhood? 

.ins.  In  the  early  period  there  were  few  ofTI- 
ees,  and  Mr.  Gaila'tin  generally  employed  some 
one  in  the  neighborhood  to  esamine  tl>em, 
with  a  per  diem  of  S5  per  day,  while  actually 
engaged,  and  S5  or  S6  per  20  niiles  for  mileage- 
After  Mr.  Crawford  came  into  office,  bethought 
it  expedient  to  employ  pci'sons  not  residing  in 
the  neighborhood,  on  the  same  allowance  pe^r 
diem,  while  actually  engaged,  and  55  or  $6 
mileage  for  all  expenses. 

Qaes.  Coidd  not  the  examination  be  made  as 
efliciently,  and  at  a  great  reiluction  of  expense, 
by  .■>  person  living  in  the  neighborhood  of  tlie 
offices  • 

Ans.  Witness  thinks  it  might ;  and  it  is  not 
necessary  to  have  an  annual  examination,  ai 
now  prescribed  by  law.  An.occasional  examin- 
ation will  be  sufficient.  In  some  offices,  it 
should  take  place  annualh',  b'.it  where  the  books 
were  found,  on  one  examination,  well  kept  and 
brought  up,  an  examination  the  next  year  mij^lit 
be  dispensed  with.  Some  offices  should  be 
examined,  and  the  monej  counted,  oftcner  than 
once  a  year.  The  frequency  of  examination 
might  be  in  the  discretion  of  the  President. 

Qucs.  When  was  John  Scott  appointed  to 
examine  land  offices  ;  and  what  amount  of  com- 
pensation was  made,  or  to  be  made  to  him  ' 

Ans.  rhinks  he  was  appointed  in  M.arch  o: 
April,  1327  ;  examined  the  offices,  in  the  cour.^B 
of  last  summer  and  fall,  in  Missouri  and  Arkan- 
sas.    Has  m?.dc  report  of  the  essxinn'icns,  bv.*- 


'us  rciiueroa  no  ^ccuuii;  iui  ins  services.  lias 
received,  from  the  different  Receivers,  about 
54flO,  as  appears  from  tlieir  rcturpis  ;  and  lias 
drawn  a  bill  en  the  iJepartrncnt  for  J500,  wliich 
has  not  been  paid,  in  conseqcnce  of  his  not  hav- 
ing yet  rendered  his  accounts.  He  will  bi;  en- 
titled to  S6  per  diem,  for  every  day  employed 
in  actual  examination,  and  $5  or  S6  per  every 
20  miles,  computed  from  his  residence  ;  such 
being  the  standing;  aliofrance-  Tliis  compensa- 
tion nas  been  p.iid  in  various  Avays  :  no  specific 
appropriation  has  been  made,  bj'  law,  tor  its 
payment.  Each  examiner,  when  appointed,  is 
furnished  with  a  letter  of  credit  to  the  lleceiver 
of  each  ofoce  which  he  e.-iamines-  Amount 
paid  on  each  letter  is  ch.arijed  to  the  ccntin- 
gT;ncie3  of  tlie  sale  of  public  lands.  It  is  an 
jndefinite  letter  of  credit,  but  agents  seldom 
draw  more  than  §100  dollars  from  any  office. 
F.saminer  reports  the  number  of  days  that  he 
has  been  employed  in  each  ofHcc  :  if  .an  un- 
reasonable number  of  days  l;c  reported,  an 
inquir)-  will  be  ordered.  Witness  does  not 
recollect  any  case  of  more  tlian  four  or  five 
daj's  reported  for  one  ofUcc.  Where  the  ex- 
aminer does  r.ot  receive  all  that  he  is  enti- 
tled to  at  the  offices,  he  sends  his' account  to 
the  Treasur}',  and  is  paid  out  of  the  annual 
appropriation  for  payments  of  accounts  not 
otherwise  provided  for,  or  by  order  on  some 
cne  of  the  Receivers. 

Qties.  What  mileage  v/as  Mr.  Scott  entitled  to? 

dns.  The  amount  of  miles  travelled  by  liim 
13  not  known  as  yet  at  the  land  office,  and 
for  this  reason  the  settlement  of  his  account 
has  been  suspended.  I^Ir.  Scott  has  made  all 
Lis  reports,  and  finis'jed  his  .agency.  Ills  re- 
ports were  delayed  by  sickness,  but  his  ac- 
counts are  not  yet  rendered  ;  and  not  know- 
ing what  he  is  entitled  to  as  mileage,  his  draft 
has  not  been  paid.  He  examined  seven  offices 
in  Missouri  and  Arkansas. 

The  Committee  then  proceeded  to  the  ex- 
amination of  Mr.  Cults,  Compti-oUcr  of  the 
TreasuT}-,  who,  being  sworn,  was  merely 
interrogated  in  explanation  of  certain  items 
in  the  account  of  the  contnigent  expenses 
of  the  Indian  Department;  but  as  a  refer- 
ence to  the  vouchers  in  his  office  was  neces- 
sary before  he  could  render  his  answers,  liisex- 
an-inc*ion  was  postponed,  as  well  as  that  of  Col. 
McKenney. 

The  Chairman  then  stated  to  the  dommittee, 
that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  mention,  that  a  citizen, 
r.ow  a  resident  of  this  District,  had  inquired  of 
him  whether,  in  any  of  the  accounts  of  liic  con- 
tingent expenses  of  the  Goveni.iient,  the  U. 
States  were  debited  w-ith  the  sum  of  five  thou- 
^  sand  five  hundred  dollars,  paid  to  tlie  late  D.a- 
niel  P.  Cook,  late  a  Represcn'ative  ia  Congi'ess, 
from  the  State  of  Illinois,  for  certain  diplomatic 
services,  upon  whlcli  Mr.  Cook  was  supposed 
to  have  been  sent  abroad  during  the  last  sum- 
mer ' 

The  individual  making  this  communication 
-ilso  stated  that  he  had  good  reason  to  believe, 
tliatthe  Hon.  Mr.  Barton,  of  the  Senate,  and 
tiie  Hon.  Mr.  Lelcher,  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, were  acquainted  with  this  tact,  and 
'■hat  he  had  good  reason  to  know  that  John  Mc- 
I.oan,  Esq.  Postmaster  General,  was  also  co- 
i.ijzant  of  the  cii'cumstances  connected  witli 
■•  nh  fransaction. 


T(ie  (iiiau'iiiaii  ^.^.^lcu  in.^.  ne  uiu  iiSi  Ii^l*  a. 
liberty  to  communicate  the  name  of  l-.is  inform- 
ant, but  in  refj-ird  to  the  purport  of  the  commu- 
nication he  felt  no  such  reserve,  and  it  was  for 
the  Committee  to  m.ake  such  order  on  tlie  state- 
ment as  they  might  deem  proper. 

It  was,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Camb'releng, 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  rffnsidcrtho 
communication  :  when  Hr.  Wickliffe  moved, 
that  the  Comiiiittee  proceed  to  tiie  examination 
of  tlie  fact  st.ated,  and  tiiat  tiie  Chairman  request; 
the  attendance  of  Messrs.  Letcher  and  Barton, 
and  issue  a  summons  for  the  Postmaster  Gene- 
ral. 

Mr.  Everett  stated  to  tlie  Committee,  tha;, 
desiring  to  confer  with  Mr.  Sergeant,  who  wa^ 
absent  from  indisposiiion,  on  the  verj'  impor- 
tant subject  involved  in  the  communication,  he 
would  Tno\  e  that  its  consideration  i>e  postponed 
until  to-morjow,  Saturday,  the  2oth,  at  12  o'- 
clock, (meridian,)  which  was  carried,  nemccm. 

'Ilien  the  Committee  adjourned,  to  meet  to- 
morrow at  12  o'clock. 

R.VTURDAY,  AphilSG,  1823. 

Committee  met  :  Present,  Jlr.  Hamilton. 
(Chairman,)  Mr.  ScrgeanS  Mr.  Ri-.-cs,  .Mr.  Eve- 
rett, Mr.  WicklifTe,  and  Mr.  Cambrel-.-ng. 

T!ie  Chairman  submitted  the  following  letter 
from  Mr.  Graham,  Commissioner  of  the  Genera! 
Land  Ofiicc,  explanatory  of  las  testimony  taken 
on  yesterday  : 

"  Gesiiiai.  Lisn  Orricr. 

"Jpril  25,  1S2S. 
-  "Sin;  In  the  statement  made  by  inctoths 
Committee,  I  omitted  to  mention  'hat,,  in  a 
conversation  had  with  the  Socfetaiy  of  th« 
Treasui'y,  last  autumn,  previous  to  the  session 
of  Congress,  I  unders'.ood  him  to  s.aj  that,  for 
the  future,  the  letter  of  credit  given  to  the  ex- 
aminers of  the  I^and  OlKces  should  be  more  re- 
stricted and  limited  in  its  terms.  If  deemed  ne- 
cessarj ,  you  will  please  file  this  as  a  part  of  my 
testimony. 

With  vcrj- great  respect,  S:.~. 

"GEO.  GUAH-\M." 
The  Committee  then  proceeded  to  the  con- 
sideration of  tlic  motion,  that  the  Committee 
proceed  to  the  examination  ot  the  fact  stateil 
in  the  communic^ition  of  the  Chairman:  and 
that  the  Chairman  rcqnefl  the  attendance  ot" 
Messrs.  Barton  and  Letcher,  and  issue  a  sum- 
mons for  the  Post.-naster  Hencx-A  fnrtkwitk. 

-\nd,  upon  the  question  being  taken,  Messrs. 
Rives,  Wickliffe,  and  Cambreieng,  votcil  in  tho 
affirmative,  and  Jics«rs.  Sergeant  and  Everett 
in.  the  negative. 

The  Cha'rman  tiicn  tnansmllted  notes  to 
Messrs.  B.arton  and  Letcher,  and  issued  a  su!>- 
pcrna  to  the  Postmaster  Gtneral,  ail  of  whom 
attended. 

Tlie  Hon.  Mr.  Barton,  of  the  Senate,  attend- 
ed as  a  witness,  and  being  swcrn,  testified  a;; 
follows : 

Quts.  Are  you  acquainted  with  the  fact,  that 
the  late  D.  I'.  Cook  was  employed  by  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  United  States,  on  foreign  ser- 
vice, at  tlie  commencement  of  the  last  sum:nc5r^ 
~  Ans.  Witness  understood  from  Mr.  Cook  him- 
self, that,  as  Mr.  Cook  was  going  to  the  Island 
of  Cuba  for  his  health,  he  was,  wliilc  there,  {■> 
be  employed  in  the  service  of  the  Government, 
to  collect  such  information  as  the  Govcrnmcr.t 


.ighi  wiaii  '.0  liave  reUiive  to  Uiat  counUy.  lie 
•as  -sick  at  the  close  of  the  scnsion,  and  v;it- 
P9S  remained  with  him,  and  went  with  him  to 
hiladelphia,  where  he  left  witness  and  went  to 
'ew  York.  Witness  liad  intended  to  go  round 
itii  him,  by  the  way  of  Cuba,  but  declined  do- 
ig  so,  on  5cqount  of  the  advanced  seasr>n. 

Ques.  Did  you   understand  what  eompensa- 
on  Mr.  Cook  w.-is  to  have  f.irhis  sen-ice^? 
Jilts.  AVitness  understood  that  an  advance  was 
lade  to  him  of  1,000  dollars. 

Ques.  Did  you  learn  v/lu^t  additional  sum  Ue 
'as  to  receive  for  his  Services,  or  whether  he 
ras  to  receive  any ' 

.dns.  Witness  did  tiot  understand  whether 
acre  was  to  be  any  fiirtlKT  compensation. 

Ques.  What  was  the  rutuation  of  Mr.  Cook's 
.eallh  at  the  time  he  received  tliis  .appointment  > 

J?;i.s.  ?le  was  supposed  to  be  recovering  from 
!ie  sickness  v.-hichhe  had  had  during  the  ses- 
ion.  At  the  close  of  the  session  he  was  very 
).  "Witness  remained  with  him  till  about 
f-'.rch  20tl),  when  he  v/as  much  better,  and 
;icn  accompanied  him  to  Philadelphia,  wiiere 
>  itness  staid  with  him  until  April,  and  he  con- 
Inued  to  get  better. 

Qites.  Did  N5r.  Cook  slop  at  Philadelphia  on 
ccoi.nt  of  his  health? 

Alls.  V.'Iien  he  left  Wastiingtrin,  he  had  the 
n.tention  to  s:iii  from  I'hiladelphiaorNew  York, 
)ut  designed  also  to  stop  at  I'liiladelphia,  and 
;onsult  h-.  Physick  with  respect  to  his  health. 

Ques.  After  Mr.  Cook  concluded  to  go  out 
0  Cuba,  in  service  of  the  Unitci*  Slates,  was 
ve  obliged  to  stay  hero  on  account  of  his 
icalth? 

Jiis.  It  was  not  long  before  witness  started 
or  Fhdadelphia,  'hat  witness  heard  Mr.  Cook 
.vould  be  thus  empluj'ed. 

QiiLS.  Bo  you  knoW  if  Mr.  Cook  spoke  the 
Spanish  lan.^uajje' 

Jlns'.  Wtness  does  not  know  whether  he  did 
)rnot;  but  tliinks,  from  his  acquaintance  with 
iim  since  iie  v.  as  a  boy,  that  he  did  not. 

Ques.  From  the  situation  in  which  you  left 
ar.  Cook,  in  Ph}!?deli)hia.  did  you  think  him 
•apaljle  of  attending  thovougldy  to  business, 
•jubllc  or  private.^ 

Mm.  Did  not  think  him  so  at  the  time;  btit 
f  his  health  had  continued  to  improve  .is  it  had 
.lone  from  the  adinununt-nt,  v.'itncss  thinks  he 
ivnuld  soon  have  Ijcen  able  to  attend  to  business. 
Did  not,  however,  think  he  would  permanently 
recover  frorr.  a  pulmonary  complaint  with  which 
Uc  was  seriously  afflicted. 

Qms.  Do  you  or  do  you  not  know,  that,  at 
tlic  time  Mr.  Cook  was  sick,  he  v>-as  an  appU- 
cant  fortlie  appointment  of  .Minister  to  Colom- 

.Ins.  He  had  heard  such  a  thmg  spOKcn  of, 
not  only  at  that  moment,  but  durinij  that  spring. 
■XVitness  hved  witli  Mr.  Cook. 

Ques.  On  what  points  did  jou  understand 
that  Mr.  Cook  was  to  collect  information? 

Ji}.s.  On  the  state  of  pulilic  affairs  general- 
ly; v/itncss  thinks  he  lieard  no  i)articular3. 

Ques.  Did  you  hear  the  reason  assigned  why 
he  did  not  receive  the  appnintnicni  to  Colombia' 

.Ins.  Witness  did  not  hear  any  special  reason 
assigned,  o.'-  if  he  did,  does  not  remember  it. 

Qii<:.i.  Have  you  :uiy  recodectio.T  ci  hearing 
^;al  this  mission  to  Cuba  was  an  alternative  for 
.V=  rnis'irr.  to  Colonabia,  whicli.  for  certain  rcr\- 


sons,  could  r.ui.  be  givcii  liuii- 

Jlns.  AVitness  heard  no  such  idea  Sug'^-esi.eu. 
Witness  had  probably  about  the  same  know- 
ledge  of  the  appllciition  for  the  appointment  tp 
Colombia  that  most  members  of  Congress  had, 
which  was,  in  gc.ieral,  that  he  desired  it,  but 
did  not  obtain  it. 

Qutslhn  by  Mr.  yVlckliffe.  Do  you  knw 
when  Mr.  Cook  returned ' 

.i.is.  Thinks  it  was  the  latter  end  of  Jlay> 
or  beginning  of  June,  that  he  returned. 

Qu':t.  When  did  Mr.  Cook  probably  sail 
fi-oni  New  York  ? 

.?,-!.5.  Does  not  know,  but  presumes  some 
time  in  April.  Witness  parted  from  him  be- 
tween Sth  and  10th  of  April,  at  Philadelphia, 
wlica  Mr.  Co  -k  v/enl  to  New  Ycrk,  tj  sail. 

Question  hij  Mr.  Cnmbrckng.  Do  you  knov/ 
that  Mr.  Cook  did  not  receive  any  thing  more 
than  the  1000  dollars  advanced  to  hiitt  when  ha 
left  Washington  ? 

Ans.  Witness  does  not  know  that  he  receiv- 
ed no  more. 

Questions  hy  Mr.  Everett.  Do  yoa  know  •wto 
was  Govenor  'General  of  Cuba,  at  that  time' 

Ans.  Tliinks  it  was  Ghnei-al  Vive?,  formcrh,' 
Minister  in  this  country. 

Quet.  Have  you  any  reason  to  believe  fliat, 
while  General  Vivcs  was  in  this  country,  he 
learned  to  speak  the  F.nghsh  language? 

Jm.  1  hii'.ks  while  he  was  here  he  mlgTit 
have  made  some  progress. 

Ques.  by  Mr.  Cumbrdeng.  Do  you  know 
General  Vives? 

Alts.  Witness  saw  him  while  he  was  here : 
had  no  pcrso;..il  acquaintance  with  himt  was, 
perhaps,  introduced  to  him,  does  not  recollect 
that  he  ever  conversed  with  him. 

Ques.  By  Mr.  Sergeant.  Do  you  recolleC* 
wIiethei-Mr.  Cook  had  formerly  been  employed 
abroad  bv  the  Government' 

Ans.  Was  sent  (witness  believes)  to  Lon- 
don, by  Mr.  Madison,  to  carry  despatches. 

Ques      Hy   Mr.    Rives.     Do   you  kno-,v  tha< 

he  returned  from  London  with  Mr.   Adams? 

Jn.i.     Thinks  lie  has  lif-ard  Mr.  Cook  say  so. 

Ques.     By  Mr.  Cambreteng.     Was  Mr.  Cook 

able  to  go  out  when  lie  was  here,  and  attend  to 

business' 

Jris.  Kot  much,  out  rode  out  occasionallv 
to  the  public  oflices,  before  he  left  Philadel- 
phia was  able  to  walic  out  on  business. 

Mr.  Letcher  was  nc:it  sworn,  and  teslified'as  ■ 
follows:  ■  ■' 

Qu.i'S.  Have  you  any  knowledge  whether  Mr. 
Cook  received  an  appointment  from  the  Gov- 
ernment of  tlie  United  States,  in  March  or  April 
last? 

Ar.s.  'Witness  has  no  knowledge;  but  Ii:<' 
i-nderstood  so  during  this  session  of  Congre??, 
from  the  Postmaster  General  or  Mr.  Clav,  hi 
some  casual  conversation.  Docs  not  certainly 
remem.ber  to  have  heard  Mr.  Chy  say  so.  Is  ■ 
pretty  confident  it  was  one  of  the  two,  and  is 
not  s:ire  which. 

Quis.  Did  ynu  remain  here  at  the  close  of 
the  last  session  of  Congress? 

.ins.  No.  Witness  left  Congress  a  few  day  J 
before  the  ac'journment. 

Ques.  Did  Mr.  Cook  ever  tell  you  h;  desir- 
ed an  appointraei:;.' 

Aus.  He  never  did;  btlt  Witness  knov'5  :)" 
was  d»"siro'.:?  "f  c"." 


fwO  i 


i^uti.  IViiit  was  tUe  eLue  of  XL".  Cook's 
iie'.illhat  the  close  of  the  session? 

Ans.     It  was  delicate. 

Ques.  Did  you  think  him  fit  to  attend  to 
basiiiess  at  that  time  * 

.ins.  It  will  dc])ciid  on  the  nature  ofthebu- 
s:nc-s3.  Did  not  think  him  capable  of  attending 
to  laborious  business. 

Ques.  Do  you  know  whether  Mr.  Cook -was 
au  applicant  for  tlie  appointment  of  Minister  to 
Colombia' 

Ans.  He  was.  Mr.  Cook  having  expressed 
Lis  desire  to  proctn-e  that  appointment  in  con- 
\'ersation,  asked  witness's  opinion  of  his  fitness 
for  the  ofBcc,  and  prospect  of  getting'  it  Doc» 
not  know  that  he  ever  applied  to  the  Preadcnl, 
but  lias  no  doubt  he  did,  (from  liis  conversation) 
either  by  himself  or  friends. 

Qiie.'f.  Did  you  ever  heav,  from  any  person 
connected  withtlio  Govej-nment,  the  reason  why 
Lt:  did  not  receive  the  appointinLJHt? 

Ans.     Never  did. 

Ques.  Do  you  know  whether  Mr.  Cook 
spoke  the  Spanish  language ' 

dns.  Thinks  he  did  not.  If  he  did,  witness 
has  uo  knowledge  of  it. " 

Question  by  Mr.  Cumbrt'tng.  Do  you  recol- 
lect that  Mr.  Cook  was  unable  to  alte3id  iu  Con- 
gres-s,  at  the  close  of  the  session  ' 

Jlns.  He  wzs  unable  to  attend,  altho'jgh  he 
had  a  bill  of  interest  before  the  House.  .Some 
lime  before,  he  had  been  diligent  iu  his  attcn- 
dence  as  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Ways 
alid  Means. 

Quf3.  Do  you  knoiv  any  thing  about  tl>e 
i\im  of  money  he  was  to  receive  ? 

.Ins.     Does  not. 

Qtieslioii  by  Mr.  Everett  Did  you  understand 
what  was  the  nature  of  the  duties  to  be  dischar- 
ged by  Mr.  Cook  in  Cuba  .' 

Jlns.  Witness  did  not,  but  has  the  impres- 
fjouthat,  when  he  u.idei'st<xid  from  Mr.  Clay  or 
the  Postmaster  General,  that  ho  had  had  such  an 
appointment,  lie  was  also  told  he  had  done  all 
that  wa3  expected. 

Mr.  John  .McLean,  Postmaster  General,  ap- 
^learcd,  was  sworn,  and  the  following  is  his 
testimony: 

Qaes.  Have  you  any  information,  touching 
au  oppointmeht  which  tUe  late  D.  P.  Cook  re- 
ceived last  spring-  ? 

Jlrus.  Witness  understood  from  Jlr.  Cot.k, 
I'at  he  waaupppinlcd  as  a  secret  agent  to  Cuba. 
We  was  sick  .some  weeks  at  witness'a  liou')', 
and  the  suhjcct  was  nientionedrather  confidcn- 
tlally  to  Yv"itness,  but  without  any  injunction  of 
5ecrc<  y.  Does  not  kndw  that  he  iias  c  cr  men- 
tioned it  to  any  one,  but  may  have  done  so  to 
Judge  Letcher,  and  possibly  to  soine  other  per- 
son; but  cannot  recollect  with  certainty. 

lieinarJc  by  the  Chairman.  The  Cominittec  arc 
not  acting  under  any  information  t!;at  they  have 
any  re.asun  to  think  was  derived  from  v.'itness-. 

Qucs.  Did  you  understand  from  Mr.  Cnok 
the  amount  of  compeniiition  he  wa.s to  receive? 
Jills.  Something  wa-s  said  by  Mr.  Cook  on  the 
subject.  Tlio  sum  of  §5,000  per  annum  vjas 
mmed,  but  witness  does  not  recollect  to  have 
heard  that  any  sum  was  fixed,  and  this  sum  may 
have  been  mentioned  before  the  appointment 
was  made  or  the  sum  fixed. 

Ques.  Was  not  Mr.  Cook  cor5"cd  by  illness, 
r*.  t^i'*  ♦^■Tin.  nt  vr«''^  !-"':5e,' 


.iiu.  He  was  some  wteics  sJck,  at  wi(ncss?a 
house,  bemg  there  by  iinitation,  in  order  that 
he  migUt  have  more  comforts  than  he  could 
otherwise  have.  Witness  thought  him  near 
dying. 

Q'les.  Did  yon,  at  that  time,  think  that  ho 
was  .ible  to  attend  to  any  business? 

.ius.  Witness  thought,  bj'  change  of  climate, 
he  wouW  be  able  to  attend  to  business.  He  re- 
covered so  mucli,  as  to  be  able  to  travel  to  New 
York  with  considerable  comfort;  and  witness 
thonglit,  at  the  time  ho  left  his  house,  that  he 
wonlil  be  able  to  attend  to  the  business  conG- 
ded  to  him. 

Ques.  Was  Mr  Cook  acquainted  withtlio 
Spanish  language? 

Atw.     Witness  does  not  know  that  he  was. 
Qjis.     What  was  tnc  n.atme  of  his  disease ?_ 
Sns,     Pulmonary;  but  it  was  thought  by  his 
physician   tiiat  he  miglit  live  some  months,  or 
perhaps  some  years. 

Questions  by  Mr.  Rivs.  Do  you  know  how 
much  money  he  received  before  he  left  the  coun- 
try, or  after  his  return  ? 

.iiu.     Witness  do.'s  not  knov/. 
Ques.     Have  you  any  knowledge  of  any  ap-" 
plication  made  by  Mr.  Cook  for  the   place  cf 
?,linlster  to  Colombia' 

Alts.     His  name  was  before  the  President. 
Ques.     Did  you  ever  learn  th.at   this   secret 
mission  was  aii  alternative  for  the  missions  to 
Colombia' 

Mns.  W'itness  understood  that  it  was  nat 
thoug'ht  expedient  to  send  a  Minister  to  Colonic 
bia,  and  that  Mr.  Cook  accepted  oi'thismission. 
Witness  does  not  know  that  it  was  an  alternative. 
Questinn  by  !\lr.  IficIJiff.:  AVas  not  his  ap- 
plication to  be  Minister  or  Charge  d'-tfTaircs  ti> 
Colombia? 

.Ins.  Witness  thinks  it  was  to  be  Minister. 
Mr.  Cook  wrote  a  lettey  to  witness  on  tlie  sub  - 
ject  of  the  appohitmcnt;  witness  having  a  hig!i 
opinion  of  his  capacity,  integrity,  and  fitness 
for  the  oftice,  sent  itie  letter  to  the  President, 
but  had  no  conversation  with  the  Fresiiioiit  ov 
Mr,  Clay  on  Uie  eubjcot:  that  wis:  the  applica- 
tion. 

Question  by  Mr,  Hires.  Did  you  tmderstarKl 
that,  on  the  return  of  .Mr.  Cooli  to  the  countrj% 
he  had  performed  all  the  services  expectcii 
from  him' 

.'Ills.     Has  no  distHict  impression  on  that  be£(2 . 
Question  by  3Ir.  Cambrcttiig.     Had  you  any 
knondcdg-c  of  the  way  in   which  he  perfomiet'l 
the  duties  of  his  appointment? 

Jln.3.  Not  any.  Witness  understood  his  hea]t!i 
became  woi'se  on  his  retuvn. 

Quss.  Did  you  ever  tcli  any  one  that  he  had 
perfi'imed  the  duties  expected  ci  l.im? 

.i.ns.  Witness  has  no  distinct  recollection  ct' 
doing  so;  if  he  has  told  any  one  so,  it  has  es- 
caped his  recollection;  presumes  he  could  not 
have  said  to,  a.she  had  tio  particular  informatioji 
on  the  subject. 

Question  by  Mr.  Everett.  Had  you  any  nn. 
dei-sianding  as  to  tlie  general  nature  of  the  du- 
ties to  be  performed  by  Mr.  Cook? 

.Ins.  VV  itncsshad  notididnotseslu.sinstTac:- 
tioiis,  nor  did  .Mr.  Coot  go  iuto  any  detail  5n 
con  vtrsa  lion. 

Qiir.'.livns  by  Mr.  Camircleag.  Do  you  sap- 
pose  tiiat  Mr.'Cook  disguised  nay  thing  f:i;>i'> 


^3S 


■  t/Ls.  'Ibey  wui-c;  I'i-aiik.  ill'.  Cook  said  he 
expected  special  instnictions;  that  ho  had  some 
convers^ilions  witli  t!ie  President  o:-  Secretary 
of  Stiite,  :ii>d  found  the  buisiness  to  be  confided 
to  him  oi'  more  imi:)oi*tar.ce  than  he  liad  expect- 
ed, but  did  not  go  into  dttaii  nor  did  witness 
think  ic  proper  to  enquire  more  parucularly. 

Do  you  know  whether  his  duties  were  of  a 
Jiplonr^tio  charactcrf 

.ins.  Dots  not.  His  impression  was  that 
the  agency  wasoi'a  secret  imture,  but  could  not 
state  positively. 

QMstiun  bi/iMr  Etsrdt.  What  is  your  recol- 
lection as  to  the  sui*"of  $5,000  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Cook?       ' 

.Ins.  It  is  very  indistinct,  Tt  inay  have  referred 
io  a  prob.ible  sium  to  be  fixed. 

Questinnl)//  C/iuiniict!i.  Did  5"ou  or  did  yoii 
not  hear  Mr.  Cook  or  some  of  his  fricr,ds  make  a 
comparative  estim.itc  of  the  vilue  of  this  mis- 
sion, and  of  that  to  Cclombia,  as  an  inducemeiit 
to  accept  the  appointmeiit? 

.Iits.  \Vitnes.s  may  have  conversed  with  Jlr. 
Cook  on  this  point,  and  may  have  stated  that  if 
a  fixed  sum  of  §5,000  were  given,  as  less  ex- 
pense would  be  incurred,  it  v.'ould  be  as  good, 
ill  a  pecuniary  poijit  of  vicr>',  as  the  mission  to 
Colombia.      ■ 

fyiestion  by  Mr.  Everett.  Do  you  remember 
40  have  heard  that,  if  Mr.  Cook  hid  not  received 
this  app()intn..int,  .it  would  huve  been  neceisary 
to  send  some  other  per:on  ? 

«?«s.  Witness  may  have  heard  something  like 
Ihi.s  from  Mr.  Cool:,  but  does  not  recollect  it. 
The  comviiittee  adjourned,  to  meet  afjaii.  on 

WEDNESDAY,  Apbil  30,  1823. 
Committee  mot  at  ten  a'clocVi:  Present,  the 
Chairman,   Tilr.  Wickiiffe,   Mr.    Sergeant,  ilr. 
Cambreleng,  au'd  '.'v.  Everett. 

Mr.  Scrgs^.r.t  requested  that  It  might  be  en- 
tered on  t!ie  Journal  of  the  Committee,  that  his 
absence  from  the  meetings  of  the  Committee 
had  been  occr.sioned  by  indisposition,  whicli 
had  confined  him  to  his  room.     •  _• 

Ordered,  That  Messrs.  Way  snd  'VVeightman 
be  summonoj,  as  u-itiiesscis,  to  attend  the  coni- 
niiltcc,  and  tii.it  Messrs.  Guies  and  Scaton  be  in- 
\  ilcd  to  give  ii'.'.<3!i  exp.fanatums,  rc'utive  to  tlie 
printing  ofthc  lionse,  a.s  m.iy  be  required. 

The  Chairm.ui  submitted  a  h-ttcr  fiom  Mr. 
I.etoher,  expl.iinirig  his  testimony  before  t!is 
..oinmlttec  at  the  l:;3t  mee'dng,  w'hich  is  as  fjl-. 

"\"S.  "  "'  ■ 

IlO'J^r-  O"  K^rtlKSKN'TATlVKi,  '} 

Hund.'ty  inornina;,  Jljiril  2.),  1SC3.       > 

Sin:  In  answer  to  an  inquiry,  propounded  to 

ine  by  one  uf  the  t  omm.ttee  cni  Itetrenchmrnf, 

'[      S.aturday  evening  last,  whbther  1  washerc  ::t  tljc 

close  ortlio  last  ses-slon  oi- Congress,  I  replied  I 

vas  not,  that  I  left  t!ie  city  afew  days  before  the 

lenainilion  o;'  the  session.      Such  was  my   iin- 

qtiJilied  opinion  at  the  moment.     I  find,  huwe- 

i'     vcr,  upon  rethciiun,  1  labored  under  a  ;n:isap- 

prcliension,  and  liiat  I  remained  here  until  t-h^ 

close   of  the   session.     Altboug'n  the  mistiiko 

might  nst  be  very  material  in  reference  to  iho 

subject   mat'er  about  which  I  was  examin'.-d, 

yet  aa  1  am  dcsirou.i  of  being  actiuratf,  J  mu^-t 

1      »sk  the  favor  of  tlie  commitue,  to  allir.v  me  to 

»     correct  my  statement  in  the  aforesaid  p.irlicular. 

Witli  greut  respect. 

Your  obedient  s.-rvant, 

U.  P.  LKTCIIER. 


The  coinmittce  adjourned,  to  meet  again  ai 
12  o'clock. 

The  Committee  met  pursuant  to  adjournment : 
When  .Mr.  Andrew  Way  appeared,  wasswoni, 
and  testified  as  follow.-;: 

QiKs.  1.  What  is  the  difference  between  the 
number  of  ejj^:ontained  in  a  page  of  the  size 
of  the  editi^ML  the  Laws,  of  1B15,  and  in  a 
page  of  tlid^^B' the  documents  as  printed  by 

An->  A^^^^P  hundred  and  fifty-five,  mak- 
ing Irora  ol^^H^i  to  one  half  a  page  in  eight 
of  contlnuor.s  piinting.  In  ]>rinting  a  work  lik'i 
the  Joi^u'nal,  containing  numerous  breaks,  the 
dilference  in  the  number  of  ems  in  the  width 
\.-ould  produce  little  or  no  saving.  The  differ- 
ence in  the  number  of  lines  on  the  page  ofthc 
Journal,  and  that  of  the  Laws,  might  amount 
to  a  tliird  of  a  page  in  eiglit.  The  charge  of 
printers  for  seven  fu;!  pages,  and  a  part  of  the 
eigh'h  or  :i  blank  page,  would  be  tiie  same  as 
for  eigiit  full  pages. 

'  Ques.  2.  In  consequence  of  the  difference 
between  the  two  sizes  of  ttie  pages,  might  not 
the  ^jrinter,  in  printing  a  document  thit  might 
be  compressed  into  four  p;tges  of  the  large  size, 
ccc:isioiially  extend  it  to  a  fifth  page,  and  thus 
lead  to  :m  extra  charge  for  the  fifth  page  and 
the  sixth  blank  page.' 

Alls  He  would  not  go  over  the  fourth  paga- 
for  a  few  lines,  but  if  it  were  necessary  to  go 
over  the  i'ourth  page,  would  charge  fcr  half  a 
stiect. 

3.  Question  by  Mr.  Everett.  On  whatpropor 
tion  of  tlic  printing  doi:e  for  the  House,  would 
tlie  loss  ari:.iiig  from  the  dificrcnt  size  of  pages 
accrue.' 

.Ins.  It  would  be  impossible  to  say,  exacth', 
without  carefully  exam.ning  the  whole.  It 
would  accrue  on  a  small  part  only  of  the  print- 
ing. It  would  accrue  on  la'ge  continuous  do- 
cuments only,  and  not  at  all  on  table  work,  nor 
on  documents  containing  from  four  to  sixteen 
pages  each. 

4.  Qiteition  by  Mr.  Everett.  Would  not  the 
printer^  for  his  ov.'n  convenience  and  interest, 
crowd  a  small  e.vce«s  over  a  signature  into  the 
:;ignature,  rather  than  subjoin  an  additioral  leaf 

Ana.  H.:  v.'oul.!,- because  l.e  would  sufi'ci' 
more  in  fiHingup  the  bliink  p:.ge  and  in  the  ex- 
tra stilciiing,  tliun  he  would  gain  by  tlie  extra 
ch:irge.  K  would  be  considered  dlscrcditabh! 
to  tiirow  a  few  extra  lines  en  a  nintli  p;ige  and 
charge  ucoordingly.     '■ 

5.  Queitlo.-i  i?  Mr.  S':alcn.  I'rOm  your  know- 
ledge of  the  n mnt^r  in  wliicli  (he  public  print- 
ing has  been  done  'ly  flie  present  jirinters,  an<t 
by  aiiy  others,  do  you  not  think  that  it  has  been 
done  \  cry  much  better  in  respect  to  economy 
and  despatch,  l>y  tlie  presciit  printers,  than  by- 
any  others' 

All.').  Witness  thinks  it  has,  decidedly:  lias 
been  astonithed  at  t!ie  exjiedition  svith  wliiclk 
the  p'intjng  has  been  done  by  tlie  present  prin 
lers:  thinks  it  was  never  so  well  djne  before: 
hiis  been  as  neatly  executed,  but'iicver  %.'ith  So 
iliueli  expedition. 

Qiiesf.m  by  Mr.  JIlMiff'c.  What  is  the  lo-3 
sustained  in  Senate  document,  No.  102,  6f  the 
1st  scs-&iou  19tli  Congres'J,  ni;'king  b'40  l>agc?^ 
in  con3eque;ice  of  the  size  of  tlie  pages' 

Aihi.  About  fifty  pages  in  consequer^ce  of 
file  reduced  lengllv  of  page.  Very  little  effect 
■',  tin!  do^um'Mlt  w.  .:dd  Ix'  tir'^  lMr-r;rl  bv  tb."  dif- 


•  Ci^iiLt  lit  >rtj[il,  but  ilis  iiujiossujlo  X.0  speak 
accurately.  •  , 

7.  QucstiMi  htj  Mr.  Everett.  What  would  be 
(he  loss  on  House  document  No.  112,  Istbession 
39th  ConEcress,  which  is  rule  work? 

.ins.     There  would  be  no  loss. 

3  Question  by  Mr  Evsrttt.  Are  they  not 
many  more  documents  cfthe  s.ime  kind  as  the 
last  named  document  tlian  the  former' 

.ins.  There  are.  Tlicre  arj  tew  vlocuments 
where  t)ie  loss  would  accrue.  Does  nf^iuw, 
ceriamly  what  proportion  oflongdocur^^Barc 
now  published.  In  former  years  tiicW^re 
very  few.  ^     ^ 

9.  Question  bf/  Mr.  Everett.  \\\mf\s  your 
opinion  of  the  diiference  in  respect  to  economy 
of  the  mode  in  which  such  slatistical  t;ibles  as 
document  No.  133,  2d  session  15th  Con};rcss, 
]■  Tinted  by  De  Krafi't,  and  document  No.  lO'J,  2d 
ocssion  19th  Congress  are  printed? 

Ans.  The  difiVrence  is  very  /^cat.  The  cx- 
peuse  of  tiic  forcner  inode  would  be  four  times 
that  of  the  present,  at  the  s.-vine  r.tlc  perpat^e. 

10.  QueitiuntiyMi-.nul.liffe.  Wajnotthe 
former  document  printed  by  contract,  and  be- 
fore resolution  of  1819? 

.?'73.      It  W:i3 

11.  Question  bij  Mr.  Everett.  What  ^v.^5t!le 
nature  of  the  contract  under  which  the  printinjj 
was  formerly  done  ? 

Jlas.  Thinks  it  was  so  much  per  sheet,  cr 
halfsUeet. 

12.  Que.ttion  by  Mr.  EveretL  Mig-ht  not 
document  No  120,  makintj  28:^  pages  of  rule 
r.nd  fig-ure  work,  2d  session  l.Jth  Congress,  un- 
der the  resolution  of  1819,  liave  been  pr-ntod  in  . 
(he  same  form  as  No.  133,  2d  se.ssion.l5tli  Con- 
^rcss> 

.'las.  According;  to  witness's  understanding 
of  the  rule,  it  m'gl.t. 

33.  Qualion  hy  Mr.  Everett.  About  how 
many  more  pages  would  document  No.  120, 
-d  ses.'ion  19th-t;.Dnj™Tess  make,  if  printedin  the 
manner  juft  described? 

.%r)s.  Witness  thinks  it  would  make  five  or 
bix  times  aj  many  pajres;  cannot  speak  with  cer- 
t.»inty. 

I'l.  Question  by  Mr.  indVffe.  Is  it  the 
;  ractlce  of  printers,  in  rule  and  tiible  work,  to 
•  ■har^e  the  same  price  for  tiie  bhuik  pages  as 
ior  the  printed' 

Jlns.  It  Is.  Tile  compositor  would  cliar^ 
:t  to  the  printer,  and  conscijuently,  the  printer 
x^njuld  cliarge  it.  If  tlie  document  consisted 
only  of  cjie  pajje,  two  would  not  be  charged  ; 
but  in  acontinubus  woik,  one  blank  pag-e  would 
iiot  be  excepted. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  m'-st  sj^-ain  to- 
niorrovv  at  12  o'clock. 

THUnSUAY,  Mil-  1,  1S23. 

Committee  met:  I'r'^scnt,  the  Chairman,  Mr. 
Sert^e.ant,  Mr.  Wicklift'c,  and  Mr.  Kvcrett. 

Mr.  Cutts  was  again  called — ttstiBcd  as  fol- 
lows : 

Quesit'sm  by  Mr.  JVichliffe.  Wliat  «-ns  the 
aTDcunt  of  compensation,  per  diem,  of  Thomas 
I..  McKenney,  Clerk  in  the  War  Office,  for  liis 
Wonrto  Green  Bay,  the  last  summer' 

.Ais.  iSileage  3  dollars  per  20  miles,  and 
compensation  S  dollars  per  day,  wliilein  the  dis- 
cUaj^e  of  his  duties,  attending-  the  negotiation 
?£  the  ferti^s  \vfth  iji^  InTtan  tribe,'^ 


Qacsliuitby  Mr.  li'idclijj't:  liy  wlium  vasiliu. 
compensation  paid  ?  • 

Ans.  By  .Mr.  Forsyth  ;  amouning,  as  far  as 
witness  recollects,  to'Sl.BSO. 

Question  by  3fr.  U\ck!iffe.  What  amount  of 
munoy  v.-.-u  adiaii.ced  Col.  McKenney,  from  the 
Ticaiury.  last  year,  on  or  before  his  departure 
from  Wa^luno-ton,  for  the  expenses  of  his  tour 
fiOnt  (ii'con  ISay  to  the  South  ? 

Ana    Sevf  uteen  hundred  and  fifty  dollars. 
Question  by  Mr.    Wi^hl'ffe.     What  anoun?, 
in  additio.i  Id'the  -Slj/JO  did  he  claim  on  liis re- 
turn, for  Ins  expenses  after  he  left  Gieei;  Hay  ? 

Alls.  V  ,\\.  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eijjhty- 
two  dollars.  In  makings  this  ciiarge,  he  credit- 
ed the  United  Stales  .with  §1,433,  being  tiie 
amount  ofcertain  sums  advanced  to  him  by  Gov. 
Cass,  r.  B.  Key.  P.  Lindiley,  and  J.  Crowell  ; 
reducing  the  balance  claimed  by  him,  on  li',3 
return,  $1,344. 

Questimi  by  Mr.  IVichUffe.  -  Are  the  sum?, 
just  n.uMed  all  that  he  received  from  Indian 
Agents  and  others,  on  his  tour  ? 

Ans.  Uc  received  SI, 880,  mentioned  in  the 
answer  to  a  former  question  ;  660  dollars  of 
whic'.i  W.IS  for  mileage  from  Green  Bjy  to 
Washington,  which  sum  was  disallowed  at  the- 
Tro.isary,  .-.nd  debited  in ^lis  acco-ant,  in  conee- 
quencp  of  Ins  not  having  returned  du'cctlyfrom 
Green  Bay  to  Washington,  and  having  ehargeit 
his  travelling  expenses  on  anotiierroute. 

Qjc-ilimi  by  Mr.  Ji'H/cl'ff:  Is  r.i.pcr  marked 
Nc.  17,  in  the  file  presented  by  witness,  a. 
conect  copy  of  a  letter  of  the  '~'8tii  .lanuary, 
18^3,  from  Col.  McKenney  to  tlic  Secret.iry  of 
War,  explaimng  his  acco-ai.ts  * 

Ans.  It  is.  After  the  letter  of  witiK-ssj  of  tho 
2i'Ji  J-inuary,  which  is  appendc'i  to  thftt  of  Mf.. 
McKenney,  of  the  same  date,  witness  leccllect 
another  letter  from  Col  McKenney,  of  the  26th,. 
in  con'sequence  of  which  witness  withdrew  hii. 
letter  of  the  28lh,  and  required  Col.  AlcKennev' 
to  furnish  Mr.  Schoolcraft  and  Forsyth"!^  ac» 
counts. 

Question  hy  Mr.  IMcliVffe.  Is  not  the  paper 
No.  2,  a  requisition  from  the  Secretary  of  Wfr 
for  the  balan'e  of  Col.  McKenney's  accoimt,  a 
claimed  by  him,  stnt  directly  to  witness  as  Comp 
treller,  without  being  iirst  passed  upon  by  thr; 
Second  Auditor,  in  the  usual  manner,  accordino; 
to  law ' 

Ans.     It  was. 

Question  bi,  Mr.  TJlclcliJfi.  Why  waq  rot 
this  .account  settled  in  the  usu.'d  manner? 

Ans.  Because  it  w.as  not  made  cut  m  the 
usual  form,  nor  with  s>ifficient  vouchers. 

Question  by  Mr.  Everett.  Uo  you  know  what, 
reasons  induced  the  Secret.ary  of  War  to  grai'.t 
the  rccj^uisition  tmdcr  these  ci/cuHistimces ? 

.Ins.     Unes  not  know. 

QucslJoy)  by  Mr.  Wictdiffe.  Do  you  know  of 
any  account  presented  by  Col.  McKeniicy  fpi' 
the  expeures  of  an  entcr'ainmenl  given  at 
Green  Cay? 

.ins.  Witness  does  not  know  any  thing  of 
such  an  account.  If  it  had  been  presented  for 
an  enteitainment  g:ven  on  Col.  MeKennev's 
latetouj-,  witnc'  3  woiild  have  known  it. 

Question  by  Mr.  JVic'iUjffe.  How  lonj  was' 
Col.  McKenney  abeent  on  his  tour?        .  . 

.ins.  Witness  tiiiaks  he  went  in  May,  and  re- 
turned in  November. 

Qittstion  by  Mr,  Et>eTeil,  Wot  the  cctripcpsn 


:iuu  aiio'.vcu  tij  Col.  ilcKeniK-y  Oil  lue  tour  to 
Green  Bay,  -that  v/hich  iS  usually  paid  for  siini- 
Tar  6crvicc-s .' 

.im.  It  was.  But  the  allowance  for  his  sub- 
Sfqticnt  tour  to  tlie  southern  tribes  being  a  gi-os* 
sum,  witness  does  not  know  wliether  it  is  tl>e 
same  u-suaily  paid  for  sinrtii-i-  services- 

QueitMt}  'bi/  AV.  Everett.  In  ->\+.at  svay  arc  ac- 
counts of  this  nature  usually  settled' 

^j>s.  They  jre  firet  passed  upon  by  tlie  Au- 
riltor,  who  reports  to  the  Second  ConiptroUer, 
by  whom  they  are  revised,  and  the  balance  due 
certified  to  the  Head  of  the  Uepartiuent  in 
which  the  expenditure  was  incurred.  On  this 
report  c?  certificate  of  the  Second  Comptroller, 
a  requi>itJon  of  the  Head  of  tho  Department 
'ssues"to  the  Secrct;uy  of  the  Treasury. 

The  following  are  the  documents  referred  t& 
a  Mr.  CUtts'  testimony : 

Xo.  17. 

'TnBA.i;cny  UEPinTMEST, 
Second  Comptrollers  Office,  Jan-  28,  1-828. 
Sin:  It  13  the  opinion  of  the  President  that, 
inasmuch  as  Gov    Cass's  accounts,  and  those 
connected  ■with  them,  are  not  in  the  office,  to 
enable  you  to  make  out  a  statement  of  your  ac- 
counts, as  required  in  my  letter  of  the  26th 
iiistant,  tlie  two  former  will  be  d;-<pcnsed  with. 
That,  in    presenting:  your  acccu^it  for  ex- 
petKes,  service-s  and  preseots  to  Indians,  from 
isSreen  Bay,  &c.  you  must  designate  the  amount 
Jtio  under  each  head,  with  a  particular  state- 
ment of  tho  amount  g-ivcn  to  Indians, 
.lipipcctfully.  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
'    .^  RIGHARD  CUTiS. 

Tsos.  I .  McKenjtes,  Ksq. 

January  23,  1828. 
To  the  Sechetaby  of  Win: 

Sm:  I  have  received  tho  enclosed  note  from 
Mr.  Cctts.  1  ani  not  able,  Sir,  to  decide  how 
much  I  paid  under  the  several  branches,  i^s 
«DUinerated  in  my  account.  I  will  not  pretend 
to  be  particular,  even  as  to  the  estimate  which 
follows:  It  is  but  an  catinaie,  and  one,  loo, 
without  data. 

I  travelled  4,000  miles  at  least,  after  leaving 
Creen  Bay,  and  in  the  execution  of  your  in- 
:=lnictlon«,  which  arc  icholiy  separate  from  all 
others  in  which  I  was  connected  with  Gover- 
nor Cass,  and  have  no  more  to  do  with,  his  ac- 
■rouiits  than  with  your  ov.-n  private  funds.  I- 
had,  for  about  one  thousand  miles  of  the  way, 
besides  a  delay,  owing'  to  the  rain  of  weeks,  in- 
dependent of  the  time  I  was  ti-avelling  or  voy- 
aging, eleven  persons  to  support,  and  eight  of 
vliese  to  pay ;  and  on  entering  on  the  4th  Chicka- 
saw BhifT,  Ih:ul  to  procure  t--.  v  jorses,  a  light 
wagon,  (for  which  I  claim  the  hire,  they  having 
been  boiigiit  on  my  cm-n  accoimt,  and  sold  afte- 
wards  on  my  ov.n  account,)  and  I  had  to 
hire  guides,  Indians  and  f.alf  breeds,  and  inter- 
preters, and  all  theseto  feed  and  pay;  and  then 
come  home  from  t;:e  Creek  .agency  v.'ith  a  ser- 
vant and  bagi^age  in  the  mailsLage;  a  servant 
♦mviijg  accompanied  me  the  whole  way. 

I  estimate  the  cost,  under  these  he.ads,  from 
Green  Bay,  at  one  thousand  dollars;  I  have  al- 
lowed me  thirteen  hundred  and'  forty-four  dol- 
lars—rather §1,244;  the  $100  being  added  to 
!VT^m'  rrl*^  fhr  ^-Q  muc^paid  o^r  ji'^cnimt  of  rri'.- 


eTciJenses,  since  I  returned,  lor  my  sep-ice:<- 
These  two  deducted  from  $4,532,  the  total  ac- 
coimti  would  leave  J2,188,  to  have  been  given 
away  as  presents  among  tfiree  nations  of  Indians, 
besides  fragments  of  four  others.  So  the  item 
will  stand  tiius: 

Supposed  cost  of  expenses  -         $1,000 

Specific  allowance  for  services     •  l,3-t4 

Leaving  i  or  presents   -        .        -  2,188 

Total  of  the  account,     -         ^4,532 
As  J^endcred,    and  now    with  the   Second 
Qomptroller. 

THOMAS  L.  McKENNEV. 
No.  2. 

W-iii  Demrtmist. 

(^{o.  1,100.) 

To  thet^KCBBT-iBr  op  thi  Tbiascbi:" 

Sill.  Please  cause  a  warrant  for  thirteen  hun* 
dred  and  forty-four  dollars  —  cents,  to  be  is» 
sued  in  favor  of  General  John  T»pton,  per  or- 
der, for  which  '-  urn  '1  homaa  L.  McKenncy  is  to 
be  held  accountable;  to  be  charged  to  under- 
mentioned appropriations. 

Given  under  my  hand,  this  ninth  Say  of  Jan- 
uary,  1828. 

JAMBS  BARBOUB. 

1,344-  dols.  —  cts.  Sca-elary  of  Wc?. 


'  Countersigned, 
Ilegistered, 


Second  ContplroUer, 


Jtuditw. 
.tppropriatlans. 
Contingencies  of  Indian  Department,      Sl,344 
The  C':  ;'rrn;;n  submitted  the  following  letteJ- 
for  the  adoptioa  of  the  Committee. 

Commltlse  Roitm  of  the  Suket  Committee  on 
Jlctrenckmcnt, 

May  1,  182?, 
Sir.  It  having  been  ascertained,  in  the  course 
ofouresainiiuition,  that  the  late  Daniel  P.  Coot,, 
late  Representative  in  Congress,  from  the  State 
of  llhnois,  received  a  sum  of  money  from  tlie 
Government,  during  the  spring  or  summer  of. 
the  last  year,  for  certain  senicc-s,  supposed  to- 
have  been  either  foreign  or  diplomatic,  1  ad- 
dressed a  note  to  Joseph  Nourse,  Esq.,  Regis, 
ter  of  the  Trcasuiy,  of  which  the  following  is  a, 
copy. 

"Stn:  V/ith  a  view  of  elucidating  a  subject  of* 
inquiry,  now  before  the  Select  Committee  oft 
Rcireiichment,  I  am  desirous  of  knowing  wheth- 
er it  appears  on  any  of  the  books  of  y  oiu'  office, 
that  a  sum  cf  money  was  paid  to  the  late  Daniel 
p.  Cook,  formerly  representing  the  State  of  lUi- 
nojs,   in  Congress,  since  the  fourlh  of  March, 
182<',  and,   if  any,  to  what   amount,  and  for 
v.-hat  service  stated  to  have  been  rendered. 
J.  HAMILTON,   Chairman, 
Joseph  Nornsi,  Esq., 

Jiegiilirofthe  IVeasury." 
In  reply  to  which  Mr.  Nourse  has  enclosed 
me  the  following  certificate. ' 

"  Tbeascki  Department, 
Eegistcr'i  Office.  .Ipril  30,1 828. 
I  do  hereby  certify,  that  from  an  examinatioiUf 
of  the  books  of  this  clhce,  it  dees  not  appear 
that  any  money  has  been  paid  Daniel  P.  Cook, 
formerly  reprcseiUiiig  the   State  of  Illinois,  ij:» 
Consrc'ss.  from  the  fciuth  of  March,  1827. 


UNITED  STATES^   TEEEGliAPH—i: 


xti  a: 


I'liis  paper  will  be  Jevoled  exclusively  to  tlic  Presulc; 


until  the  ..tu  of  October  ..e.t,  ,..'o.e  A;/^,;;i;.;bg;\!;'-:::;:-:^^,:;:,-^t!it:::^^'^ 

Br  GREEN  fy  JAIU'IS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  JULY  5,   iS'JS. 


No.  17. 


CaiiitESl'ONDENCE. 

AUDUliSs  TO  GES.   AVASHIXGTON. 

Messrs.  Gr.F.:;v  &  Jautis:  Tlie  oft   repeated 
^ile,  that  Geii.  J.ackson  voted  in  1796  ag'ainst 
an  address  to   Gen.   AVasiiin^tdn,   and   C'mse- 
quently,  tliat  he  w.as  \\\  sentiment  and  feeling 
opposed  to  hhii,  is  met   by  the   circumstance's 
/.isclosed   in  the   enclosed  letters,  which  J  de- 
sire you  will  publish  at  some  convenient  lime. 
Xol  lony  since,  1  adclrcsscd  a  letter  lo  Mr.  Gilcr, 
Governor  of  A  irginia,  and  to  Jir.  Living'ston,  a 
member  of  Congress  from  (he  .State  of  I.ouisi- 
tina;  both  of  them  representatives  in  Conc;ress 
at  tlie  period  when  this  address  was  proposed 
for  consideration.     The  rvjilies  of  tliote  ifcn- 
M.mon  satisfactoriiy  shnv,   that    tb.e   minority 
vote  resulted  froin  no  personal  objections  cntcr- 
;ained,  but  aloie  fl"om  the  contioling-  influences 
■of  principle.     As  his  acquaintances  know,  no 
man  in  the  country  entertains,  or  has  nianifest- 
■eJ,  a  stronger  regard  for  the  cliaractcr  and  ser- 
vices of  the  father  of  our  coimtiy,  than  lias 
tJeneral  Jackson.     I.ookiny  (o  the  s"imiUrity  of, 
Pnd  parallel  in  their  histories,  it  could  liardly  be 
expected  to  be  otljcrwise;  and  yet  this  vote,  .so 
very  immaterial,  when  all  tbo  circumstances,  as 
disclosed  by  Mr.   Giles  and  Mr.  IJ.ingslon,  arc 
lojked  to,  and  which  was  given  thirty-one  vcars 
ago,  is  sei^.ed  upon,  .and  circulated  widel'v  for 
jjolrtical  efiect,  that   under  cover  •^*"  tiipt  s.-.nL:- 
tity  which  mcritcdly  attaclies  ilseli  to  the  name 
of  Washington,   jjrejudices  may  be  produced. 
These  lettci's,  highly  interesting,  are  ibrwarded 
toyoiifor  publication,  tiiat  this  preferred  ob- 
cction  may  be  correctly  understood. 

A\'ilh  great  rcsjject. 

.1.   H.   r.ATOX. 
TTAsnrxCTox,  SgtliMay,  1828. 

RjciiMoxr,  May  5,  ISJ". 

jJKAHSin:  Your  highly  esteemed  favor  of 
lie  1st  instant  reached  me  last  evening,  and  I 
liave  given  the  most  respectful  attention  to  its 
contents.  After  many  false,  scandalous,  ma- 
lignant, idle,  siily,  blackguard,  ridiculous  and 
jv.-epostcrous  charges  heretofore  brought  a- 
gainst  Gei).  Jackson  by  tb.e  parasites  of  the  Ad- 
ministration, (excuse  this  long  list  of  cpithet.s, 
l>ut  the  occasion  would  justity  as  many  more,) 
I  am  not  ^t  all  suq)rised  that  the  new  one,  of 
nearly  thirty-one  years  standing,  mentioned  in 
}  our  letter,  sliould  be  added  to  the  disgusting 
':at.alogue.  Many  of  the  most  tcrriiic  of  llmse 
ohavges,  seem  to  me  to  be  too  preposterous  even 
for  the  use  an  old  woman  in  a  nursery ;  and  lam 
sure  woidd  be  frownetl  down  bv  universal 
consent,  were  it  not  for  the  blind 'infatnation 
arising  from  tlie  e.xtren  ely  excited  state  of  feel- 
int'cxisting  in  the  publicmmd  .at  tliis  moment. 
■Whilst  I  pretend  to  no  knowledge  of  the  mo- 
tives of  General  Jackson,  or  any  otiiers,  induc- 
uigthc  two  votes  he  is  now  called  on  to  defend, 
t  liave  the  most  perfect  recollection  of  my-cnvn 


similar    chai-i^es    have    often  hcreJoferH   l;eer' 
brought   agamst   myself,   for   votes  upon    the 
same,    and  similar  subjects,    given    about  the 
same  tune.     Jt  woul.l  require  more  time  than  r 
have  now  at  commrrnd,  to  give  a  full  and  com  • 
prehensive  view  of  the  subjects  of  your  inquirv 
and  in  addition  to  that  considcr.ition,  I  am  now 
in  the  very  last  .stage  of  a  iiainfu]  and  feeble  ex- 
istence.    To   form   a  correct   judgment  upon 
these  subjects,  it  would  be  necessary  for you^ 
Sir,    to  give    a  critical  attention  to  the  y/'iole  of 
tile   answer  to  the   President's   speech  ;  froni 
which  you  hare  presented  me  only  aii  extract : 
and  you  cannot   avoid   seeing  from  its  whole 
contoui-,  .  '>undant  justificatioa  to  every  Repub- 
lican member  of  Congress  for  voting  ag-ainst  i!  • 
whilst,  under  iinprtsslons  like  mine,  it    would 
be  extremely  dii'licult  for  ingenuity  itself  to  fui-- 
iiishany  one  siitficient  ground  of  justification 
tor    any  one  Kepublican   member    in    voting 
-  dtherwise.     Upon  examination,  t  on  cannot  but 
observe,  Sir,  that  thisanswer  isa'most  artful,  in- 
gemoiis,   able   prcduplion  for  its   object.     It«' 
author  was  believed  to  be  the  celebrated  Fisher 
Ames;   and   his  great  and   brilliant  genius  -.vas 
never  more    coiispiciouslv  <lisplaycd  in    any  li- 
terary effort  of  his  whole' lif.;,  than  in  d^■i^tir.ir 
this  celebrated  ansv.'or.     He  had  two  oljjects  in 
mow.   The  one,  the  higliest  wrought  eulogiums 
vpon  Gen.  AT*sliingtoii,  drawn  fmn  the  riches^ 
stores  of  his  fer'.ile  mind.      Tlic  bth?!-,  to  crash 
his  republican   political  opponents,  by  the  irre- 
sistible  influence  of  Gen.  Washington's  well- 
earned  popularity.     Tlic  one  object  was  higlilv 
laudable  ;  the  other,  unworthy  of  him,   and  of 
t.ie  occasion.     The  incense  to   Gen.  Washing, 
ton,  upon  his  retirement  from   public  service, 
ought    to    have   been   jiure    and  unndii)ter.iN 
ed.     It   sI'cMild  have    consisted   solely  of-  the 
purest  love  oderingsof  the  heart,     [t  should  ncr 
lave  been  contaminated  by  the  indulgence  of 
hostile,  vindictive  passions  towards  'others    Nut 
so  thought  Mr.  Ames,  and  his  pa-.-^-.     The  or- 
casinn  was  (oo  tenqjting,    the   advantage   too' 
great,  and  their  own  jicril  too  imminent  to  be 
given  lip  to  a  wise,  honor.ible,  and  liberal  course 
ot  proceeding.   Mr   Amcshud  tlie  whole  weight 
of  Gen.  W.ashington's  popularity  in  his  hands, 
and  he  deftrniincd  to  make  the  most  of  it,  upon    - 
this  dchcate  and  interesting  occasion.      lie  dc- 
tennmed  to  UsC  it,   not  only  to  Wanhington's- 
honor,  but  to  the  dishonor  of  all  his  political  op-.- 
ponerits,  and  reckless  orinercy  towanls  them,  lib 
resolved  through  its  pe'eiit  "inluence,  to  com- 
pel these  daring   political    opponents  to    bear 
testimony  themselves  to  their  own  di.shonorand  ' 
political  inconsistency.      f,  for  one,  indignairth- 
repelled  this  insulting.efTort,  undertho  peril  df- 
the  vengeance  of  Gen.  Washington's  whole  popu- 
larity.    I  disdained  to  give  evidence  against  mv 
owTi  honor,  aii-l  my  own  political  consi-stcr-cy  iii 
direct  Violation  of  the   best  dictates  of  niv'o'wn 
judgment  and   conscirncc.       Mr.  Ames  might 
without  difllculty,  have  obtained  an-.rr,anlino(is 
and  hearty  vote  in  favor  of  his  answer,  if  his  sole 
object  had  bc=n  tbc  plaudits  of  Gc».  AVRghing-- 


iio.b 


•uu  ;  uowever  liigUiy  wiuugiitoi-  cxtiavagant  , 
but  this  would  not  content  him,  nor  his  party. 
The  humiliation  of  their  political  antagonibts 
seemed  to  be  the  most  acceptable  portion  of  his 
UnhiiUowed  incense.  Ml'.  Ames  made  tlie 
most  artful  and  cutting  thrusto  at  them,  which 
tJie  occasion  invited.  The  most  artful  and  ef- 
fective of  all,  will  probably  be  found  in  the  quo- 
tation, from  which,  the  clause  moved  to  be 
stricken  out,  formed  a  part.  The  words  the 
rpost  peculiarly  insulting  and  offensive,  in  the 
clause  proposed  to  be  stricken  out,  are  these: 
"Jl  13  our  earnest  wish,  that  your  example  may 


honor.  This  is  the  liead  und  irontol  tnc  otlcial,, 
and  I  presum'r  of  GeneralJackson's.  If  this  be 
guilt,  I  rejoice  in  its  commission — and  this  too, 
after  thirty  one  years  of  cool  reflection,  under- 
the  sanct.on  of  an  approving  conscience  ;  and  I 
now  wish  it  to  be  distijiclly  understood  that, 
whilst  1  never  did  at  any  time  set  up  the  least 
pretensions  to  services,  hke  VVasbintrton's,  and 
was  at  all  times  chsposed  to  render  him  as  pure 
htmiage  for  tliose  s*^rvices,  as  any  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  I  did  not  then,  nor  did  I  ever, 
yield  to  Washnigton,  nor  any  other  human  be- 
in^,  in  claims  to  honorable  motives,  and  purity 


be  the  guide  of  your  successors."    Your  example  of  inte.-itions.     Besides,  iny  conduct  jit  that  day 

in  what  ?  Certa;nlv  in  his  Prcsidenliul character,  wa3  universally  known  in  the  distiict  I  then  had 

as  evidenced  in ','iis  practical  ad.mnislration  of  the  honor  to  represent,  and  universally  approv- 

thegovernmenl.     Not  the  example  of  his  milita-  '       "■                  -i- i^..  <■       n  ^i              i  j  ...j. 


ry  conduct  during  the  Hevolutionaiy  war.  Kot 
the  example  of 'his  life,  generally.  Oh,  no; 
Mr.  Ames  would  not  be  content,  with  holding 
out  these  examples  for  imitation ;  but  an  example, 
i.e.  that  by  which  lu3succE3soii;iinthe/'rMtrfen- 
Ctal Office  m'yghihe guidedi  of  coui-se,  the  v/hole 
of  his  administration.  Now,  the  republicans, 
inv^elf  with  the  res-t,  had  not  only  opposed,  but 


ed.  My  responsibility  for  all  tliese  evil  deeds, 
has  been  since  tested  in  my  elections  by  the 
people;  by  the  E.^ecutiie  Council;  and  by 
tile  Legislature.  During  wl'.ich  time,  I  never 
solicited  an  cfiice,  n'jr  a  vole  for  an  office  ;  nor 
did  I,  until  lately,  ever  lose  an  election.  Since 
that  time  a  nev.'  set  of  ;.>c!itic!3n3  have  grown 
up,  under  tile  magical  inSuence  of  a  splendid 
Government,  wiliioul  any  of  the  feelings  inspir- 


ze'alously  and  streni*3usly  ojjposed,   the   most    ed  by   the  gi-eat  republican  principles  ofthe 

.  .  _      ■     _  _..    ,  !•   ii.-«.-u;r.<»»rtn»a    o/lTTiinia.     vpv'nlntinn_    nv  nf   flip  PFn:ihhr.i*n  fpc'lino'q  of  thr* 


ftuomincut  measures  of  Washington's  adminis 
fration.  The  establishment  of  the  bank  of  the 
United  States.  The  Uriiish  treaty,  the  funding 
system,  &.e.  &c.  coulduny  thinghave  beenmore 
insulting  to  every  honorable  republican  oppo- 
nent of  tlie  most  prominent  measui-es  of  Wash- 
ington's administjation,  than  to  be  peremptori- 
ly called  upon  to  declare  to  the  world,  tliat,  il 


revolution,  or  of  the  republican  feelings  of  the 
time  of  AVashington's  n.dministration;  who  are 
now  calling  the  old  repablicans  to  a  new  account, 
upon  a  very  difierent  test  of  responsibility  from 
that  which  in  those  tim-  s  was  deemed  the  true 
testof  political  merit;  and  who,  under  this  infatu- 
ation, in.spired  by  the  bi  iiliant  delusive  prospects 
of  a  splendid  Government,   have  already,    as  I 


was  his  earnest  wish,  that  Washington's  exanqile    think,  subslituted  the  most  fi  ightful  destruclivi 


;■>*  his  practical  udminiMration  of  the  govern- 
ment, should  be  the  guide  for  iktohervance  oj  hi? 
successors?  AVhen  almost  every  day's  oppo- 
sition to  his  measures,  i'-.contestibly  proved, 
it;  tcishtduo  such  thing,-  or  if  he  did,  that  his  op- 
position to  those  same  measures,  were  dis 
honorable  and   deceptive'     It  was  not  possible 


despotism,  for  the  best  and  happiest  republican 
system  ever  devised  for  the  benefit  of  man;  and 
which,  for  nearly  half  a  century,  proved  its  great 
merit,  in  the  blestings  ii  conferred  upon  the 
American  people.  It  will  afford  inemuct'  plea- 
sure. Sir,  if  the  foregoing  explanation  siiould 
enable  you  to  defei.d  General  Jackson   against 


ftr  my  mind  to  be  brougtU  to  such  astate  of  hu-  these  new  charges  for  old  sins  ;  and  you  ate  at 
miliation  and  dishonor;  and  without  fear  or  ap-  liberty  to  make  any  use  of  t'.-.em  you  please, 
prehensionof consequences, supportedbyanap-  for  that  purpose;  but  I  really  feir,  that  the 
provino- conscience,  I  uidignantJy  repelled  tlie  trouble  I  have  imposed  upon  you,  of  reading  so 
attempted  coercion.  lo"&  a  letter,  will  cause  you  to  regret   the  call 

It  is  very  far  from  my  desire,  orintention,  to  ira-    you  have  made  'ipon  me  for  the  explanation, 
plicate,  in  any  respect  whatever,  the  motives  of        Be  pleased.  Sir,  to  accept  assurances  of  my 
those  repubUcan  members,  who  voted  in  favor    respectful  and  friendly  consider  itious,  &.-. 
Qf  this  artful,   ingenious  answer.     They  doubt-  Wll.  B.   GILES. 

Ifisslytook  a  different  view  of  its  meaning,  from        The  Hon.  J.  K.  EatJx. 
that  I  put  upon  it ;  and  perhaps  it  may  be  said  -— 

-in  their  justificatjoii,  that   the   words  selected  Washisgtos  City,  21st  May,  IbJS. 

by  Mr.  Ames,  are  genei-.il  in  their  cku^ctcr  Ut-in  Sib— To  answer  your  inquiries  "what 
and,  being  ingeniously  chosen,  might  admit  of  were  the  causes  of  my  vote  against  the  address 
some  other  interpretation.  It  may  be  so :  but  to  the  President  in  171)6,  and  paiticularly  whe- 
the  words  certainlv  do  bear,  and  were  intended  ther  that  vote  proceeded  from  any  feeling  of  dis- 
to  beaj-,  the  interpretation  I  then  put  upon  approbation  or  personal  dislike  to  Gen.  Wash- 
them;  'and  the  mere  possibdity  that  tney  could 
be  even  tortured  to  bear  that  interpretation, 
would  certainly  be  sufficient  for  my  justification, 
fn  repelling  them  with  indignation.  The  pos- 
sibility of  their  being  tortured  to  bear  somt  dif- 
ferent meaning,  affords  no  mental  salvo  toTne. 
The  charge  then  is  reduced  to  this;  that  an  in- 
sulting attempt,   under  an  ingenious   disgui— 


ington,"  it  will  be  necessar)'  to  advert  to  ciroura- 
stauccs  at,  and  events  prior  to  the  time  tuat  vote 
was  ^iven. 

Any  one  at  all  conversant  with  the  political 
history  of  our  country,  knoivs  that  very  soon  af- 
ter the  federal  constitution  was  established,  two 
parties  arose,  nearly  equal  in  numbers,  and  re- 
ig  atiempi,  uuuer  an  iiigciiwu^  ^,=6>.-„^,  garding  each  other  with  great  jealousy.  The 
was  made  to  coerce  me  to  bear  testimony  federal  party  had  tlie  government  in  their  hands, 
ag-ainst  my  own  honor,  and  my  own  political  con-  and  they  had  the  inappreciable  advantage-  of 
sStency,  at  the  hazard  of  encountering  the  seeing  raised  to  the  head  of  it,  by  the  unanimous 
dread  influence  of  Washington's  populaj-ity  ;  voice  of  the  nation,  a  man  honored  by  their  po- 
and  that  I  had  firmness  and  independence  litltal  opponents  as  the  father  of  his  country, 
'■■noughi  toiesisl  tltat  influence;  and savemy  own    which  had  been  preserved  by  his  virtue,  brave- 


■2dii 


..,  au^  jjiuucijuc,  w liuac  *iauio  alone,  they 
thought,  would  sanctify,  and  whose  reputation 
would  Jfive  success  to  all  tiieir  measures.  'I"he 
republican  members  of  the  House  of  Itcprcsen- 
tatives,  (I  use  tlie  names  which  then  distinfjuish- 
edtheparties,)lliought  that  one,  in  particular,  of 
those  measures,  were  injurioiia  to  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  countrj-,  and  without,  in  any  in- 
stance that  I  remember,  forgetting  the  senti- 
ments of  respect,  gratitude,  and  high  admira- 
tion, which  were  due  to  General  VVasliing'ton, 
they  opposed  that  measure  of  his  administration. 
They  beheved  that  it  would  have  been  a  dere- 
hction  of  duty,  to  give  up  the  independent  ex- 
pression of  their  opinion,  because  it  was  contra- 
ry to  measures  sanctioned  by  a  name  tliey  re- 
vered— and  conscious  of  the  weight  of  that 
name,  I  may  perhaps  be  permitted  to  say,  that 
there  was  some  degree  of  merit  in  stemming 
the  tide  of  populai'ity  which  was  attached  to  it. 

Of  the  measures  to  which  I  have  alluded,  it  is 
necessary.for  the  presentpurpose,  only  to  single 
out  one.  The  mission  of  Mr.  Jay  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  its  consequences,  the  treaty  of  i795, 
and  the  refus.al  to  comply  with  the  request  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  for  the  inspection 
of  the  papers  which  led  to  the  formation  of  that 
treaty. 

That  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States 
should  be  taken  from  his  duties,  and  put  on  a 
tbreign  mission,  without  resigning  his  judicial 
.appointment,  was  deemed  unwise,  if  not  con- 
trary to  the  spirit  of  the  constitution. 

The  tfe.aty  itself,  in  its  stipulations  and  omis- 
sions, was  considered  as  dcrogatorj'  to  our  hon- 
or, and  injurious  to  our  interests. 

After  it  was  ratified,  wiien  the  appropriations 
and  la v.s  were  to  be  made  for  carrying  it  into 
effect,  the  House  made  a  respectful  request  to 
the  President,  that,  if  e.xisting  negotiations  did 
not  render  it  improper,  he  would  communicate 
to  the  House  the  papers  in  relation  to  the  said 
treaty.  This  request  was  refused,  and  the  de- 
nial was  grounded  on  a  denial  of  the  Constitu- 
tions! power  of  the  House  to  exercise  their  dis- 
cretion in  carryir.g  the  Treaty  into  eifect.  On 
this  refusal,  the  House  passed  a  resolution,  which 
asserted  the  right  that  the  President  had  denied. 

These  subjects  created  great  excitement, 
both  in  debate  and  in  the  public  mind,  and  the 
just  veneration  in  which  V/ashington  was  held, 
created  an  effect  somewhat  similar  to  the  max- 
im of  the  English  Constitutional  law.  All  these 
meisures  were  attributed  to  the  President's  ad- 
visers. It  was  known  tliatthe  headsof  Depart- 
ments, which,  by  the  Constitution,  were  to  be 
consulted,  each  on  the  aiVairs  «f  his  separate 
Department,  were  formed  into  a  Cabinet  coun- 
cil, .ind  gave  their  opiruins  on  all  the  important 
concerns  of  tlie  government.  It  was  supposed, 
(I  do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  the  supposition,  "i 
but  it  was  generally  supposed,  that  the  Presi- 
^  *  dent  was  guided  by  the  opinions  of  a  majority 
of  t,his  Council.  Hence  the  official  acts  of  the 
President  came  to  be  considered  as  those  of  his 
Cabinet,  and  were  generally  termed  the  acts  of 
/he  adminislration,  and  they  were  0]>posed  when 
it  was  thought  utfcessary,  and  canvassed,  and 
freely  spoken  of  in  debate,  without  anj'  hostili- 
ty being  intended  or  supposed  to  the  President. 
,  Indeed,  several  of  those  most  prominent  in  op- 
I  position  to  acts  of  the  Administration,  were  men 
r-        or  whom  Washuigton.had  the  highest  esteem, 


and  wiio  weiM  aiau,.!j  uioae  wuo  nioji  jcvcreil 
and  admired  him. 

The  treaty  question,  to  which  I  have  alludcu, 
look  place  in  the  first  session  of  the  fourth  Con- 
gress, the  seventh  year  of  Gen.  W.ashnigton's 
Presidency.  On  the  opening  of  the  second 
session  of  the  same  Congi-ess,  he  alluded  in  at* 
fectingtcrms  to  his  approaching  retirement  from 
office,  which  he  had  before  announced.  I  can 
solemnly  say,for  myself,that,  on  this  occasion,  so 
far  from  any  ill  f.;eling  towards  the  President, 
none  among  those  who  arrogated  to  themselves 
the  title  of  his  exclusive  friends,  could  feel  more 
sincerely,  or  were  more  disposed  to  express 
every  sentiment  of  gratitude  for  hi'  services, 
admiration  for  his  character,  or  wishes  for  his 
happiness,  than  I  was.  These  were  ideas  that 
had  gi-own  up  with  me  from  my  childhood:  I 
had  never  heard  the  name  of  Washington  pro- 
nounced but  with  veneration  by  those  near  rel- 
atives who  were  eng.aged  with" him  in  the  samei 
perilous  struggle.  Independence,  Liberty  and 
Victory  were  associated  with  it  in  my  mind,and 
the  awful  admiration  witli  wliich  I  wms  struck, 
when  (yet  a  boy)  I  was, first  admitted  to  his  pre- 
sence, yielded  only  to  tiie  more  rational  senti- 
ments of  gratitude  and  national  pride,  when  at  a 
maturer  age,  1  could  appreciate  his  services,and 
estimate  the  honor  his  rirtues  and  character  had 
conferred  upon  his  country.  I  had  seen  him  iu 
the  hour  of  peril,  when  the  contest  was  doubtful, 
and  his  life  and  repuUtion,  as  well  as  the  liber- 
ties of  the  nation,  depended  on  the  issue.  I  bad 
seen  him  in  the  moment  o.  triumph,  when  the 
surrender  of  an  hostile  army  had  secured  our 
independence.  My  adm'u-ation  followed  him  iu 
his  first  retreat,  and  was  not  lessened  by  his 
quitting  it  to  give  the  aid  of  his  name  and  influ- 
ence to  the  union  of  the  States  under  an  effici' 
cient  Government — in  addition  to  this,  he  had 
received  me  with  kindness  iu  my  youth,  and 
without  having  it  in  my  power  to  boast  of  any 
particulai-  intimac}-,  circumstances  had  thrown 
me  i^ry  frequently  in  the  way  of  receiving  from 
him  such  attentions  as  indicited  some  degree  of 
regard. 

With  these  motives  for  joining  in  the  most 
energetic  expressions  of  admiration  and^ati- 
tude— with  a  heart  filled  witli  sentiments  of  ve- 
neiation,  and  desirous  of  recording  them,  my 
concern  can  scarcely  be  imagined,  when  I 
found  th.at  I  must  be  debaned  from  joining  my 
voice  to  those  of  my  fellow  citizens  in  expres,^ 
ing  these  feelings,  unless  in  the  same  breatli  I 
should  pionounce  a  disavowal  of  principle?, 
which  I  then  tliought,and  stiil  think,  were  well 
founded,  an.l  declared  th.at  1  approved  that 
which  I  had  but  just  solemnly,  not  only  pro- 
nounced, but  recorded  to  be,  in  my  opinion,  in- . 
proper  and  injurious  to  the  Interest  of  my  con- 
stituents. It  was  iu  vain  that  I  and  others  entreat  ■ 
ed  that  the  objectionable  passages  might  be 
struck  out — in  vain  we  offered  to  insert  other.<i 
more  expressive  of  personal  respect  for  the  Pre- 
sident— they  were  a  majority,  they  v/ere  obdu- 
rate. The  address  was  ably  and  skilfully  drawn, 
and  without  this  spirit  of  investigation,  whicli 
party  generally  excites,  the  objectionable  pas- 
sages might  have  escaped  attention— but  when 
discovered  and  considered,  thev  could,  in  ray 
opinion,  bear  nu  other  cons'.ructicn  tlian  that 
which  1  have  indicated.  To  judge  of  this,  Sir 
you  m',i-:t  have  the  atldres.;  b..V, ..-o  .  ,...       ( .,-,, 


^oo 


saibe,  tiieieiorc,  so  imicii  as  relates  to  the  suti- 
iitrct  of  your  Inquiry.  The  beginning,,  which  re- 
lated chiefly  f  o  our  foreign  relations,  contained 
fiOtm  passages  which  did  not  meet  the  entire  ap- 
probation of  the  House, but  they  were  amended 
in  Committee;  the  residue  was  in  the  following 
words.  * 

"  When  %ve  advert  to  the  internal  situa- 
tronofthe  United  States,  we  deem  it  equally 
natural  a.id  becoming  to  compare  the  tranquil 
])rosperi!y  of  the  citizens  with  the  period  imme- 
diately antecedent  to  the  operation  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  to  contrast  it  with  the  calamities 
in  which  the  state  of  war  still  involves  several 
of  the  European  nations,  as  the  reflections,  de- 
duced from  both  tend  to  justify, as  well  as  to  ex- 
eite,  a  warmer  admir.ation  of  our  free  constitu- 
tion, and  to  exalt  our  minds  to  a  more  fervent 
and  grateful  sense  of  piety  towards  Almighty 
God,  for  the  beneficence  of  his  prnvidence,  by 
which  its  administration  has  been  hitherto  so  re- 
markably dlslinguislicd. 

"And  while  we  entertain  a  grateful  conviction 
lihat  your  irisc,  firm  and  pairiotic  aJministrulion 
I1.IS  been  signally  conducive  to  the  success  of 
the  present  form  of  Government,  we  cannot  for- 
bear to  express  the  deep  sensations  of  regret, 
with  which  we  contemplate  your  intended  re- 
lifement  from  office. 

"  As  no  other  suitable  occasion  may  occur,  we 
cannot  suffer  the  present  to  pass  without  at- 
tempting   to    disclose    some  of   the   emotions 
-which  it  cannot  fail  to  awaken. 

"The  gratitude  and  admir-Uion  of  your  coun- 
ti-jinen,  are  still  drawn  to  the  recollection  of 
those  resplendent  virtues  and  talents,  which 
were  so  eminently  instrumental  to  the  achieve- 
ment of  the  revolution,  and  of  which  that  glo- 
rious event  will  ever  be  the  memorial.  Your 
obedience  to  the  voice  of  duty  and  your  coun- 
try, when  30>\  quitted  reluctantly,  a  second 
time,  the  retreat  you  had  chosen,  and  first  ac- 
cepted the  Pi'esidcncy,  afforded  a  new  proof  of 
the  devotedness  of  your  zeal  in  its  service, 
ar^d  an  earnest  of  the  patriotism  and  success 
which  have  characterized  your  administration. 
As  the  grateful  confidence  of  the  citizens  in  the 
virtues  of  their  chief  magistrate,  has  essentially 
contributed  to  U>:it  success,  wc  persuade  our- 
selves, that  the  niiUions  whom  we  represent, 
participate  with  us  in  the  .insious  solicitude  of 
the  present  occasion. 

"Vet  we  cannot  be  uimiindful,  that  your  mode- 
ration and  m.igiianimity,  twice  displayed  by  re- 
tiring from  your  exalted  stations,  alford  exam- 
ples no  less  rare  and  instructive  to  mankind, 
than  valuable  to  a  republic. 

"Although  we  are  sensible  that  this  event,  of  it- 
self, comjiietes  the  lusUe  of  a  character  already 
conspicuously  unrivalled  by  the  coincidence  cf 
yirtu-;,  talents,  success,  and  public  estimation; 
yet  WG  conceive  we  owe  it  to  you.  Sir,  and  still 
rr.-cre  emphatically  to  ourselves  and  to  our  na- 
<ion,  (of  the  language  of  whose  hearts  we  pre- 
.3ume  to  think  ourselves  at  this  moment  the 
faithful  u\terpreters,)  to  express  the  sentiments 
with  which  it  is  contemplated. 

"The  specLicle  of  a  whole  nation,  the  freest 
and  most  enlightened  in  the  v.'orld,  offering  by 
its  representatives  the  tribute  of  tmfeigned  ap- 
probation to  its  first  citizen,  i.owcvernovel  and 
interesting  it  may  be,  deiives  all  its  lustre,  (a 
'[t<;tr.;  wUicU  acci'lent  c.r  eu'.hu^iasm  cuiuJ.  n")t 


b€sto\v,  and  whlcli  aUuiatiQn  would  tariusU) 
fi-ora  the  transcendant  merit  of  which  it  is  th6 
voluntary  testimony. 

"May  you  long  enjoy  that  liberty  which  is  so 
dear  to  you,  and  to  which  your  name  will  ever 
be  so  dear:  may  your  own  virtues  and  a  nation's 
()ra\'ers,  obtain  the  hap])iest  sunshine  for  the 
decline  of  your  days,  and  the  choicest  of  future 
blessings.  For  your  countiy's  sake,  for  the 
sake  of  republicr.n  liberty,  it  is  our  earnest  wish 
th,at  your  example  may  be  the  guide  of  your 
successors,  and  thus,  after  being  the  ornament 
and  safeguard  of  the  present  age,  become  the  pa- 
trimony of  our  descendants." 

In  the  very  imperfect  sketches  of  the  debates 
of  that  time,  I  find  that  all  my  remarks  in  its 
different  stages  show,  as  well  my  desire  to  coin- 
cide with  the  greatest  admirers  of  Washington, 
as  my  sincere  desire  to  produce  such  amend- 
ments  as  would  allow  me  to  vote  for  the  address, 
(p.  68  Carpenter's  Debates)  "Mr.  Livingston 
was  sorry  the  answer  was  not  drawn  so  as  to  a^ 
void  this  debate — he  said  it  was  his  sincere  de- 
sire and  hope,  that,  gentlemen  who  advocated 
this  address  in  the  present  form,  and  those  who 
wislied  t%  amend  it,  would  go  combine  as  to 
make  it  agreeable  to  all,"  he  said  he  Intended 
to  vote  against  the  amendment,  (to  strike  out 
the  last  eisrht  paragraphs, )  and  with  a  view  to 
reconcile  parties,  when  this  motion  was  disposed 
of,  he  would  move  to  strike  out  some  words  and 
insert  others — (p.  90.)  "  Mr.  Livingston  moved 
to  strike  out  the  words  **  tranquil  prospcri/jf, 
with  t/ie period,"  and  insert  "present  period  with 
that — "he  could  not  say  that  this  was  a  time  of 
tranquil  prospei-ity ;  were  he  to  s.'\y  so,  he  shoidd 
mnck  the  distresses  of  his  constituents,  which 
were  evident — trade  was  on  the  decline,  com- 
merce ruined,  embaiTassments  which  contradict 
the  assertion, existed;  but  he  could  not  think  our 
misery  equal  to  that  of  the  nations  of  Europe, 
whoweie  involved  iii  war;  he  thought,  therefore, 
that  the  language  of  the  address  might  be  retain- 
ed,as  drawing  consolation  from  that  comparison, 
ahliough  ours  is  not  a  state  of  perfect  tranquUUty 
aitd  prosperity;  he  thought  too  there  was  an  in 
accuracy  of  language  in  comparing  tranquil 
prosperity  to  aperiod — tranquillity  could  not  bo 
compared  witli  a  period  nf  timf.  He  hoped 
that,  notwithstanduig  the  tenacity  of  adherence 
to  words,  that  all  might  agree  in  the  address;//e 
IvDuldMc  rxtrciiui'ij  lnirt,could  he  conceive  thai  ice 
differed  in  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  nJmirut  ion 
for  thai  great  man\  hut  while  he  luas  desirous  to 
express  this,  he  could  not  do  it  at  tlie  expense  of 
his  feelings  or  principles^  Ttie  former  he  might 
sacrifice,  but  tlie  latter  he  could  not  to  any  man." 
This  amendment  was  agreed  to — 42  to  37, 
I  invite  your  particular  attention  Sir,  to  the 
phrase  which  I  next  proposed  to  alter;  you  will 
see  that  it  applies  to  the  adntijiistration ,  X.hc  epi- 
thets, wise,  firm  and palriolic.  You  will  bear  in 
mind  wliat  was  tlicn  generally  understood  by  the 
term  administration;  you  well  remember  that  I, 
and  those  withwhomlacted, had  butthe  preced- 
ing session,  denounced  one  of  its  leading  meas- 
ures as  deserving  th.e  very  reverse  of  these  char- 
acteristics, and  you  will  then  determine  whether 
we  could,  with  any  consistency,  vote  for  the  ad- 
dress, while  it  contained  this  sentence.  To 
show,  however,  that  wJiile  we  could  not  say 
tliat  the  measures  of  the  Cabinet  were  wiscj 
firm  and  patriotic,  we  were  peif-.-ctly  wiHing  tc 


%o  I 


iici-ibe  Uipse  qualities  to  ike  President,  i 
moved  to  strike  out  tlie  words  "  \y'.sc,  firm  and 
^latriotic  administration,"  and  insert  **  j'our 
\visdom,  firmness,  and  patriotism.**  In  movin_^ 
vhis,  (the  Uegl^^tev  sa\  s)  **  Mv.  Livinf^ston  C'")uld 
jiot  say  that  all  the  acts  of  the  administration 
!iad  been  wise  and  firm,  but  he  would  say  that 
J;e  believed  the  wisdom,  firmness  and  patriotism 
of  the  President,  h^d  been  sign.dly  conducive  to 
the  success  of  the  prcsemform  of  government." 
This  amendment  was  not  agreed  to,  and  tlic 
consequence  was  that,  we  must  either  vote  for 
the  address  containinj^  this  stigma  on  om*  own 
'■ondurt,  or  not  vote  for  it  at  alt.  In  the  House, 
one  other  amendment  was  moved — to  strike  out 
the  concluding-  paragraph  which  contained  a 
prayer  that  tlie  example  of  the  President,  that 
is  a3  we  ccnttriied  it,  the  example  of  the  pub- 
lic measures  his  adminiuraiicn  had  adopted, 
might  guide  /its  succesiors;  the  word  sticccssi/rs 
>:1early  indicating  that  it  was  the  example  of  the 
measures  of  his  aCi^inistration  that  we  proposed 
&£  a  model  for  those  of  futiu'e  Presidents;  and 
yet  we  had  opposed  the  most  prominent  of  those 
measures:  this  wa.s  also  refos-ed  by  a  vole  of  5  i 
vo  24.  No  man  whc.  ijas  a  re<;ard  for  consis- 
tency can  say  that  putting  this  construction  on 
those  parts  of  the  address  thus  regained  we 
could  vote  for  it.  No  candid  man  can  say  that 
they  will  not  at  least  beai"  such  construction, 
and  no  one  w'.o  considers  the  tenacity  with 
which  they  were  retained,  can  doubt  tliat  tiie 
federal  majority  intended  to  reduce  us  to  the 
■dilemma  of  bein^-  considered  as  unfriendly  to 
the  fame  of  the  man  whom  we  revered  as  much 
as  they  did,  or  of  signing  our  own  disgrace. 
•  Now,  Sii-,  I  pe-ay  you  to  exami/ie  the  ad- 
di'ess;  see  what  I  was  willing-  to  assent  to,  and 
peruse  it  as  it  would  have  been  if  the  few 
expressions  to  which  I  objected  had  been 
changed  or  sti-icken  out;  and  then,  for  yourself, 
answer  the  question  propoimdcd  in  your  note 
"  whether  any  improper  feeling  towards  Gen. 
%\'ashington,  prompted  my  negative  vote  to 
;he  address." 

I  have  spoken  cliiefiy  of  my  own  sentiments 
andfeeUng.i:  1  could  with  no  propriety  identify 
them  with  those  of  others;  but  I  sira  bound  to 
say,  that  I  believe  I  entertained  them  in  com- 
mon *itli  most  of  the  members  who  voted  v-'lth 
me.  In  that  list,  are  names  with  which  I  shall 
over  be  proud  to  see  mine  ?"s5ociatcd.  The  person 
to  whom  ycu  have  particr.larly  alluded,  could 
not  but  have  participated  in  the  high  admira- 
tion I  felt  for  the  man,  who,  in  that  age,  as  he 
Uim.^elf  has  done  in  his  o-.vn,  "filled  the  measure 
of  his  country'sglory:"  he  must  have  received 
in  his  congenial  mind,  the  spark  from  tliat 
bright  example,  -.viiich  iias  animated  him  so  sue- 
cesd'ully  to  emulate  the  m'.litarj'  glo'.-y  of  tiie 
hero,  who  saved  bis  co'm'.ry,  and  has  fitted  him 
to  become  a  worthy  successor  to  t!ie  first,  and 
STcatest  President  of  the  United  States.  In  tiiat 
iiat  v.-as  the  venarable  JIic;.n,  whose  mind 
is  as  inc.ipable  of  envy,  as  his  inccri-uptible  in- 
tegrity is  of  injustice.  In  it  will  be  found  otiier 
names,  of  men  who  cannot,  from  the  uniform 
tenor  of  their  lives,  and  their  attachment  to  tlie 
liberties  of  their  country,  be  for  a  moment  sus- 
pected of  ingratitude  to  its  deliverer.  I  strive 
not,  however,  to  shelter  myself  under  tJteir  sanc- 
tion: the  votes  I  gave,  were  the  deliberate  re- 
■•nl-  of  my  best  judgment,  the  sentiments  and 


reason.;  by  whicli  I  sup]>orl(d  liicni,  were,  tin; 
dictates  of  honest  conviction,  and  could  tho 
same  circumstances  ag-ain  present  themselves,  t 
should  pursue  the  s.ime  conduct.  In  justifying 
my  myn  motives,  I  do  not  presume  to  arraign 
those  of  others.  Men  for  whom  I  have  the 
bigltiit  esteem,  voted  for  the  amendments,  antl 
afterwards  for  the  Address;  they  did  it  doubtless 
fro.-n  cnnvscticn:  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
of  them  is  stated  in  liie  debate  to  liave  said,  that 
although  he  had  at  first  considered  the  objec- 
tlon;ibIe  p:u-ts  in  the  light  that  I  did,  3-et  after 
much  hesitation,  he  brought  himself  to  the  con.- 
clusion,  that  they  did  not-j^o  so  fir  as  at  first  he 
thought  they  did,  and  thatf  7iad  the;/  approved  oj 
every  measure  of  the  Prcsieknt,  he  tvmdd  hav'c 
voteSa^ahut  them.  I  thought  they  did :  I  knew 
that  whetlier  they  did  or  not,  that  construction 
would  be  put  upon  them  by  our  pojitical  ene- 
mies, and  I  even  believed  that  they  had  been 
introduced-  with  that  very  •i-iew  ;  I  therefoi-e 
could  not  vote  as  he  did.  There  is'  oiie  fact  ttS 
wiiich  I  must  allude,  showing-  conclusively  tl)at 
this  charge  of  hostility  to  Washington — disbe- 
lie\'ed  or  n^isunderstood  eveji  b)'  those  who 
made  it,  was  not  credited  bj'  the  men  of  al} 
others  best  conver.sant  of  (he  fact,  and  most  in- 
terested in  defeniling  his  reputation. 

The  Society  of  Cincinnati,  in  the  Style  of 
New  York,  some  years  ago  c!r:cte,d  Genci-Ul 
JncksVi  an  honorary  member  :  Or  liie  fourth  of 
July  last,  they  did  me  the  same  honor  by  a 
unanimous  \ote.  Would  the  venerable  rem- 
nants of  the  friends  and  corr^-'anions  of  Wash- 
ington, asscci:ited  under  his  auspices  for  the 
purpose  of  clierishing  the  friendships  con- 
tracted during  the  contest  w-hich  he  eo  glo- 
jiously  conducted,  and  watching  over  his 
fanle  so  insepnrably  connected  with  their 
owi: — would  they  have  confeiTed  this  distmc- 
tion  on  two  inen  who  had,  at  any  one  period  of 
their  lives, shov/n  themselves  his  enemies  or  de- 
tractors. This  fact  alone.  Sir,  is  an  answer  to 
youi'  inquiries,and  as  regards  m}-self,  is  the  mo?p 
conclusive,  because  at  tho  time  the  votes  in 
question  were*  given,  I  bad  the  hojior  to  repre- 
sent the  City  of  New-York  in  Congn-ess,  and  my 
constituents  coiUd  neither  be  igno:».'tcf  my 
measures,  nor  unacq-uainted  with  my  motives. 
I  may  add  too,  that  immediately  after  this  trar.s- 
action,  I  was  re-elected  by  an  increased  majority. 

I  have  found  it  impossible.  Sir,  to  answer 
your  queries  witliout  going  into  a  detail  whicli 
I  fear  y  o-u  may  think  proli.i;,  but  the  transaction  is 
so  remote,  tliat  circumstances  familiar  at  the  time, 
and  which  tiien  it  would  have  been  useless  to 
detail,  are  now  necessarily  inti-oduced  into  the 
statement,  and  I  sum  up  the  wliole  by  s.aying 
explicitly,  that  I  never  refused  my  assent  to  a 
vote  of  thanks  and  an  expression  of  gratitude 
and  respect  to  Washington — on  the  contrary, 
I  repeatedly  c-ipressed  my  desire  to  join  in  an 
address  that  should .  testiiy  it  in  the  sti-ongejt 
terms. 

I  am,  with  great  respect. 

Your  most  ob't.  serv't, 

EWD.   LIVINGSTON 

The  Hon.  .Tons  IT.  EA-ros. 


"  Sign"  ill  Boston. — The  democratic  fi'ienij.-- 
of  Axunr.w  .Jackson,  celebrated  the  l:ite  4lli  oii 
Juiy»  by  a  public  dinner,  ?nd  an  Or;itron  in  Bo<'- 
ton. 


MI 


.(•Vom  tiie  KaUonalliUelUgencerSoLl)  May.lSll. 

Extract  from  Mv.  Clay's  speech  in  the  Senate 
U.  S.  against  the  bill  to  renew  the  chatter 
of  the  Bank  of  the  U.  S. 

*'  It  has  been  said  by  the  Hon.  gentleman 
from  Georgia  ( Mr.  Crawford, )  that  this  has  been 
made  a  party  question,  although  the  law  incor- 
porating the  Hank  was  pas.sed  prior  to  the  for- 
mation of  parties  and  when  Congress  was  not 
biassed  b)  party  prejudices  (Mr.  Crawford  ex- 
plained.) He  did  not  mean  that  it  had  been 
made  a  party  question  in  the  Senate.  His  al- 
lusion was  elsewhere.  I  do  not  think  it  alto- 
gether fair  to  refer  to  the  discussions  in  the  H. 
of  Representatives,  as  gentlemen  belonging  to 
that  body,  have  no  opportunity  of  defending 
themselves  here.  It  is  true  that  tliis  law  was 
not  the  effect,  but  it  is  no  less  true  that  it  was 
one  of  the  causes  of  the  political  divisions  in 
this  country,  and'if  during  the  agitation  of  the 
present  question  the  renewal  has  on  one  side 
been  opposed  on  party  principles,  let  me  ask,  • 
if  on  the  other  it  has  not  been  advocated  on  sim 
liar  principles  }  Where  is  the  Macedonian 
phalanx,  the  opposition  in  Congress?  I  be- 
lieve Su-,  I  shall  not  incur  the  charge  of  pre- 
sumptions prophecy  when  I  predict  that  we 
.shall  not  pick  up  from  its  ranks  one  single 
str-.-ggler  !  and  if  on  this  occasion  my  worthy 
friend  fiom  Georgia,  has  gone  over  into  the 
camp  of  the  enemy,  is  it  kind  in  him  to  look 
back  upon  his  former  friends  and  rebuke  them 
for  the  fidelity  if  ith  which  they  adliere  to  their 
old  principles' 

I  shall  not  .stop  to  examine  how  fjr  a  Repre- 
sentative is  bound  by  the  instructions  of  his  con- 
stituents. That  is  a  question  between  the  giv- 
er and  receiver  of  the  instructions.  But  I  must 
be  permitteii  to  express  my  surprise  at  the 
pointed  difference  which  has  been  made  be- 
tween the  opinions  and  instructions  cf  State 
Legislatures,  and  the  opinions  and  details  of  the 
deputations,  with  which  we  liave  been  surroun- 
ded from  Philadelphia.  Whilst  the  resolutions 
of  those  Legislatures,  known  legitimate,  con 
.stitutional,  and  deliberative  bodies,  liave  been 
thrownlnto  the  back  ground  and  their  interfer- 
ence regarded  as  officious,  these  delegations 
from  sell  created  societies,  composed  of  whom 
nobody  knows,  have  been  received  by  the  Com- 
mittee with  the  utmost  complaisance. 

Their  communications  have  been  treasured  up 
with  the  greatest  diligence.  Never  did  the 
Delphic  priests  collect  with  more  holy  care  the 
frantic  expressions  of  tlie  agitated  Pythia  or  ex- 
pound them  with  more  solemnity  to  the  aston- 
ished Grecians,  than  has  tlie  Committee  gather- 
''d  the  opinions  and  testimony  of  these  deputies 
and  though  the  gentleman  from  Massichusetts, 
jMimpously  detailed  them  to  the  Senate!  Phila- 
delphia lias  her  immediate  representatives  capa- 
ble of  expressing  her  wishes  upon  the  tloor  of 
the  otlicr  House.  }f  it  be  improper  for  States 
ro  obtrude  upon  Congress  their  sentiments,  it  is 
)n«ch  more  highly  so  for  the  unauthorised  dep- 
uties of  fortuitous  congregations. 

The  first  singular  fe.atiire  that  attiiet.s  atten- 
tion in  this  bill,  is  the  new  and  unconstitutional 
veto  which  it  establishes.  The  constitution  has 
r.:quired  only  that  after  hills  have  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  tlie  Senate,  they 
cliall  be  pres-nfed  to  the  P!-e?;rlent  for  his  ap 


proval  or  rejection,  and  his  determination  is  i 
be  made  known  in  10  days.  But  this  bill  pro- 
vides that  when  all  the  constitutional  .sanctions 
are  obtained,  and  when  according  to  the  usual 
routine  of  legislation,  it  ought  to  be  considered 
as  a  law,  it  is  to  be  submitted  to  a  j.ew  branch 
of  the  legislate,  consisting  of  the  Prcsidt  nt  and 
24  Directors  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  Stales 
holding  theirsesions  in  Phih'delphia,  and  if  they 
please  to  approve  ii,  why  then, it  is  to  become  a 
law.  And  three  months,  (the  tenn  allowed  by 
our  law  of  May  last, to  one  of  the  great  belliger- 
ents, for  invokinghis  ed'cts  after  the  other  shall 
have  repealed  his  )  are  granted  them  to  decide 
whether  an  act  of  Congress  shall  be  the  law  of 
the  land  or  not!  An  act  which  is  said  to  be  in- 
dispensably necessary  to  our  salvation,  and 
witJioiit  the  passage  of  which  universal  distress 
and  bankruptcy  are  to  pervade  the  country. 
Remember,  Sir^  th  .t  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  Georgia  has  contended  that  this  charter  is 
no  contract.  Does  it,  then,  become  the  repre-- 
senttttives  of  the  nation  to  leave  the  nation  at 
the  mercy  of  a  corporation'  Ought  the  impend- 
ing calamities  to  be  left  at  the  hazard  of  a  con- 
tingent rem<  dy? 

This  vagrant  power  to  erect  a  Bank  after  leav- 
ing wandered  throughout  the  whole  constitution 
in  quest  of  some  congenial  spot  wherein  to  fas- 
ten, has  been  located  by  the  Gentleman  from 
Georgia  on  that  provision  whidi  authorizes  Con- 
gress to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  &c.  In  1791,  Uie 
power  is  referred  to  one  part  r.^the  instrument. 
In  1811,  to  another.  Sometimes  it  isallcgedlo 
be  deducible  from  the  power  to  regnl.ato  Com- 
inerce  Hard  pressed,  here  it  disappears,  and 
shows  itself  under  tlie  gr.ant  to  coin  money. 
The  sagacious  Secretary  of  the  Treasnry  in  1791 
pursued  the  wisest  course — he  has  taken  shel- 
ter behind  genet  al  high  sounding  and  imposing 
terms.  He  has  declared  in  the  preamble  to  the 
act  establishing  the  Bank,  that  it  will  be  veiy 
conducive  ts  the  successful  rofK/ac/.'n^  of  thenar 
tional  Jinanccs;  will  tend  to  give  fucillty  to  the 
obtaining  of  loans,  and  wiUbe^fj-o./urin^c  of  cor- 
siderable  advantage  to  /rcf/eand  induHrtj  in  gen- 
eral! No  allusion  is  made  to  the  collection  of 
taxes.  What  is  the  nature  of  this  government' 
It  is  emphatically  Federal,  vested  with  an  aggre- 
gate of  specified  powers  for  general  purposes 
conceded  by  existing  soveregnties  who  have 
themselves  retained  what  is  not  so  conctder. 
It  is  said  that  there  are  cases  in  which  it  must 
act  on  imphed  powers.  This  is  not  controve  - 
ted,  but  the  implication  must  be  necessary,  and 
obviouslv  flow  from  tlie  enumerated  power 
with  which  it  is  allied.  The  power  to  charter 
companies  is  not  specified  in  the  grant,  and  I 
contend  is  of  a  nature  not  transferable  by  mere 
implication.  It  is  one  of  the  most  exalted  attri- 
butes of  sovereignty.  In  the  exercise  of  this 
gigantic  power  we  have  seen  an  East  India 
Company  created  which  has  carried  dismay, 
desolation,  and  death,  thrcughout  one  of  the 
largest  portions  of  the  habitable  world.  A  com- 
pany wh'ch  is  in  itself  a  sovereignty — wliich  has 
subverted  empires,  and  set  up  new  dynasties— 
and  has  not  only  made  war,  but  w'ar  against  its 
legitimate  sovereign.  Under  the  influence 
of  this  power  we  have  seen  arise  a  South 
sea  Company,  !and  a  Mississippi  Company, 
that  distracted  and  convulsed  all  l-^urope  and 
menaced  a  total  overthrow  of  all  credit  and  cor^ 


■  itlence  and  universal  bankruptcy. .  is  it  to  be 
imajfineJ  tliat  a  [rower  bo  vast  v  oiilj  liave  been 
left  by  the  wisdoii!  of  the  Coiisiitution  to  doubt- 
Tiil  inference  '  It  has  been  alle^-jd  that  there 
are  many  instances  in  the  Constitution  where 
powers  in  their  nature  incident.Al,  and  which 
would  have  necessarily  vest-d  ahmp^  with  the 
principal  power  are  nevertheless  expressly  enu- 
merated ;  and  the  power  "  to  make  rules  and 
rc{fulatioiis  for  tlie  ^o\  ernment  of  thelanil  and 
naval  furces,"  wh'ch  it  is  jjaid  is  incidental  to 
the  i)Ower  to  raise  armies  and  to  provide  a  na- 
vy, is  given  as  an  example.  What  does  this 
this  prove  }  How  extremely  cautious  the  con- 
tention  were  to  leave  as  little  as  (lossible  f  o  im- 
plication. In  all  cases  where  Incidental  powers 
are  acted  upon,  the  principal  and  incidental 
ought  to  be  conpenial  :.  ith  each  other,  and  par- 
take of  a  common  n.ttare.  The  incidental  powef 
ought  to  be  strictly  sjbnrdinate  and  limited  to 
the  end  proposed  tobe?rittainedbv  the  specifiecl 
power.  In  other  worJs,  under  the  name  of  ac- 
comnlisliing  one  object  which  is  specified  the 
power  implied  ought 'not  to  be  made  to 
embrace  ntiier  objects  whicli  are  not  spe- 
cified in  the  Constitution.  If,  then,  you  could 
establish  a  bank  to  collect  and  distribute 
bute  the  revenue,  it  ought  to  be  expressly  re- 
stricted to  the  piU'pose  of  such  collection  and 
distribution.  I!  is  mock.-ry,  worse  than  usurpa- 
tion, to  establish  it  for  a  lawful  object,  and  then 
extend  it  to  other  objects  which  are  not  lawful. 
In  deducing  the  power  to  create  corporations, 
such  as  I  have  liescribed  it  fi-om  the  power  to 
collect  taxes,  the  relatinn  and  condition  of 
principal  and  incident  are  prostrated  and  de- 
stoj'ed.  The  accessory  is  exalted  above  the 
principal.  As  well  might  it  be  said  that 
t!ie  great  luminary  of  day  is  an  accessory, 
a  sattelitt,  to  the  humblest  starthattwinklesfortli 
its  feeble  I'ght  in  tlie  firmament  of  He.aven 

•Suiipose  the  (lonstitutlon  IkM  l-.een  silent  .-.s 
toaauidividual  Department  of  tiiisCovernment, 
could  you  under  tlie  power  to  lay  and  collect 
fax(.s,  establiBh  a  judiciary'  I  prestime  not; 
but  if  yon  could  derive  the  power  by  mere  im- 
phcation — could  you  vest  it  with  any  other  au- 
thority, tir.m  to  enforce  tiie  collection  of  the 
revenue'  A  Bank  is  made  for  the  ostensible 
purpose  of  aiding  in  the  coUeeticn  of  the  reven- 
ue, and  whilst  it  Is  engaged  in  this,  tlie  most 
inferior  an.';  suboidinaie  of  all  its  funct'ons,  it  is 
made  to  diffuse  itself  throughout  society,  and  to 
influence  ail  t!ie  great  objects  of  credit,  circula. 
tion  and  commerce.  Like  the  Vir°;inia  Justice, 
you  tell  the  man  wnose  turkey  had  been  stolen, 
1  hat  your  book  of  precedents,  furnishes  no  for.n 
for  his  case,  but  then  you  will  grant  him  a  pre- 
cept, to  search  for  a  cow,  and  wiicn  looking  for 
that,  he  may  possibly  find  his  turkey.  You  say 
to  this  corpor.ition,  we  cantiot  autliorize  you  to 
discount,  to  emit  paper,  to  regulate  commerce, 
he.  No!  Our  book  has  no  precedents  of  th.at 
kind.  Rut  then  we  can  authori.'.e  you  to  collect 
the  revenue,  and  wliiist  occupied  with  that,  you 
may  do  whatever  else  you  plea.-,e. 

AVhat  is  a  corporation  such  as  tlie  bill  contem- 
plates? It  is  a  splendid  association  of  favored 
individuaU,  taken  from  the  mass  of  society,  and 
invested  witn  exemptions,  and  surrotmded  by 
immunities  and  privileges.  The  honorable 
^ntlenian  from  Massachusetts,  (Mr.  Lloyd,) 
has  said,  that  the  oriti'inal   law  establishing  th'>- 


liank,  was  justly  iiablu  to  tlie  objecuor^  o't'  vest, 
ing  in  that  institution,  an  exclusive  privilege, 
the  faith  of  tlie  Government  being  pledged  that 
no  other  Bank  should  be  authorized  during  its 
existence.  This  objection,  he  supposes,  is  ob- 
viated bv  the  bill  under  conslderat'on;  but  all 
corporations  enjoy  exclusive  privileges — that  is^ 
the  corporators  have  privileges,  which  no  others 
possess;  and  if  you  create  fifty  coi-porations,  in- 
stead of  one,  you  have  only  fifty  privileged  bo- 
dies, instead  of  c.ne.  I  contend  that  the  States 
have  the  exclusive  power  to  regulate  contracts, 
to  declare  the  capacities  and  incapacities  to 
contr.act,  and  to  provide  as  to  the  extent  of  re- 
sponsibility of  debtors  to  tlieir  creditors.  If  Conr 
gress  have  the  power  to  erect  an  artificial  body, 
and  say  it  shall  be  endowed  with  the  attributes 
of  an  individual — if  you  can  bestow  on  this  ob- 
ject of  your  own  creation,  the  ability  to  contract, 
may  you  not  in  contravention  of  State  rights, 
confe'r  upon  slaves,  infants,  and  femes  covert^ 
the  ability  to  contract?  And  if  you  have  the 
power  to  sav,  that  an  association  of  individuals 
shall  be  responsible  for  their  debts,  only  in  a 
cei-tain  Bmited  degree,  what  is  to  prevent  an  ex- 
ten.s'on  of  a  similar  exemption,  to  individuals' 
AVhcre  is  the  limit.ition  upon  tliis  power  to  set 
up  corporations?  You  establish  one  in  the  heart 
of  a  State,  the  basis  of  whose  capital  is  money. 
You  may  erect  otbei-s,  whose  capital  shall 
consist  of  land,  slaves,  and  personal  jcstat^e, 
and  thus  the  whole  property  within  the  juris- 
diction of  a  State,  might  be  absorbed  by  these 
political  bodies.  Tiie  existing  Bank,  contend!; 
that  it  is  beyond  the  power  of  a  State  to  tax  it^ 
and  if  this  pretension  be  well  founded,  it  is  in 
the  power  of  Congress,  by  chartering  compa- 
nies, to  dry  up  tlie  whole  of  the  sources  of  State 
revenue.  '  Georgia  Jias  undertaken,  it  is  true,  ta 
levy  a  tax  on  the  Branch  within  her  jurisdic- 
tion, but  thi-'!  law,  now  under  a  eoiirso  of  liti- 
gation, is  considered  as  invalid.  The  United 
States  own  a  great  deal  of  land  in  the  State 
of  Ohio.  Can  this  Govern  Tient  for  the  purpose 
of  creating  an  ability  to  purchase  it,  charters 
company?  Ahens  are  forbidden,  I  believe  in 
that  State,  to  hold  real  estate.  Could  you,  in 
order  to  multiply  purchasers,  confer  upon  them 
the  capacity  to  hold  kind  in  derogation  of  the 
local  law  ?  Imagine  this  will  hardly  be  insisted 
upon;  and  yet  there  exists  a  more  obvious  con 
nection  between  the  undoubtetl  power  which  i< 
possessed  by  this  Government  to  sell  its  lancjj 
and  the  means  of  executing  that  power,  by  in; 
creasing  the  demand  in  the  market,  than  tbeit 
is  between  this  liank,  and  the  collection  of  e 
tax.  This  Government  has  the  power  to  levj 
taxes — to  raise  armies — provide  a  navy — make 
war — regulate  commerce — coin  meney,Ecc.  &c. 
It  woidd  not  be  difficult  to  show  as  intim.ate  f 
connexion  betv.-eeii  a  corpor.ation,  established 
forany  purpose  whatever,  and  some  one  or  othei 
of  those  grc.-'.t  powers,  as  there  is  between  the 
revenue  and  tlie  Hank  of  .the  United  States. 

Let  us  enquire  into  the  actual  psrticipation  o^ 
this  Bank,  in  the  collection  of  the  revenue. 
Prior  to  the  passage  of  the  act  of  1800,  requir 
ing  the  collectors  of  those  ports  of  entry,  a' 
which  the  principal  Bank,  or  any  of  the  office; 
are  situated,  to  deposit  with  them  the  custon 
house  bonds,  it  had  not  the  smallest  agency  ir 
the  collection  of  duties.  During  almost  ore 
mo'retv  nf  the  period,  to  wlii**!!  the  evtstmrp  o 


iStnimental  in  tlie  collection  of  that  revenue,  to 
Which  it  ii  nmv  hecome  iiKlispensuble.  The 
collection  previous  to  1800,  was  maile  entirely 
by  tlie  collectors;  and  even  at  present,  where 
■ihere  is  one  port  of  entiy,  at  uhicli  tills  Bunk  is 
employcil,  thr.-e  are  eight  or  ten,  at  which  the 
t-.bllcction  is  muJ;-,  as  it  \v;\s  before  ISG'O.  AnJ, 
^ir,  wh.-st  does  the  liaiik  or  its  Uranehes,  v.heii 
I'esQrt  i5  had  to  ii>  It  does  not  adjust  with  the 
tnerchant,  the  amount  of  the  duty,  nor  tuke  his 
bond;  noi  if  the  bond  is  lint  paid,  coerce  tile 
jjaym'ent  by  distress  or  otherwise.  In  fact,  it 
Jias  no  aeliv»a£fency,  whatever  is  the  collection, 
its  operation  is  riierely  passive;  that  is,  if  the 
pblig-cr,  after  his  b;)nd  is  p  aced  in  the  Bank, 
ilisch4V!;cs  it  ajl,  is  very  well.  „  Such  is  the 
jnijfhty  aid  afforded  by  t!iis~t;i.S'  p;;Vdierei',  witli- 
h'tit  which,  the  Government  cannot  g-et  along;. ' 
l\guii,i{  is  not  pi'otended,  tdal  the  very  limiled 
Kssistapxe  whxh  tliis  institution  does  in  truth 
i'ender,  extends  to  any  other  than  a  sliijrle  spe- 
cies of  t..^,  vliul  i.^  duties.  In  tile  coUecticn 
of  thecvcise,  the  direct  and  other  interna!  la.xes, 
ho  aid  was  derived  from  a:iy  bank.  It  .<  true, 
Jn  tl;e  collection  of  these  llis.es,  the  farmer  did 
jiot  obtaiii  the  same  induli^Vnce  vhich  the  mer- 
fchant  receives  in  p;i)  iiiy  duties.  Hut  what  obli- 
ges Cons^ress  to  give  credit  at  a'l.  Could  it  not  de- 
iflafid  J/ronipt  piiynient  uf  the  duties '  Andin  fact 
iloes  it  not  so  demand  in  many  instances. — 
■Whether  credit  is  spven  or  not,  is  a  matter  of 
iTiere  discretion.      If  it  be  a  f;ii*ility  to  niercan^ 

-  tile  spciations,  (;-,3  i  pfetuirift  it  is,)  it  ouji^hl  to. 
|je  granted.  I5ut  I  deny  the  ritfht  to  iiig'raft  upon 
it  H  bank  which  you  v.-ould  not  otherwise  liiivc 
the  power  to  erect.  Yen  csiiiiot  i-reute  the  nn- 
ecsalii/  of  a  b,ink,  and  then  jjleail  f/i/il  ncce.ssii i/ 
tor  its  establishment.  In' the  administration  of 
the  filial. ces,  tlie  bank  acts  simply  as  a  payer 
ilnd  receiver.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
jlas  money  in  New-Voi-k  and  wants  it  in  Charles- 
Ion  ;  the  bank  w'ill  furnish  him  with  a  check  or 
bill  to  make  the  remitt;mce,  v.Uich  any  mer- 
chant v/oiild  do  just  ;;.s  well. 

i  vn\i  no\e  proceed  to  show  by  fact,  actual  ex- 
perience, not  theoretic  reasouinq-,  but  by  i,he 
reddids  thems.  Ives,  of  the  Treasury,  that  the 
bperations  fif  th-jt  Uepartnient  may  be  as  well 
Conducted  without,  as   with    this   bank.      The 

.  ilelusjon  has  con^sted  in  the  use  of  certain  hi^h 
feotindnic^  phrases  dcvtmusly  used  on  the  occa- 
sion. **  i'he  collection  i>f  tlie  revenue" — "the 
fitlminisiration  e.f  Kiiance" — "the  conducting  of 
the  t'iscal  ali'.iirs  of  tjie  i^uveniiner.!,''  the  usu.;! 
ianguage  of  the  advocates  of  the  bank,  extort, 
e.\preS3  assent,  or  awe  into  acquiesence,  with- 
imt  inquiry  pi'  examination  into  its  necessity. 
About  the  commencement  fif*  this  year,  tliere 
appears  by  the  report  of  t!ie  Srcretary  of  the 
Tre:..3ury  of  the  7th  of  .I.ahuarv,  to  have  been  a 
little  up.vaids  of  two  iRillicns  and  Tour  hmuired 
thousand  d  dlars  in  the  Treas.vry  of  tlie  United 
States;  and  more  than  one-lhird  of  this 
ivhole  sum  was  in  the  vaults  of  the  local 
banks.  In  se\*crai  instances  ^'here  an  op- 
opportunity  existed  of  selectin^f^  the  baidi,  a 
preference  has  been  given  to  the  State  Bank, 
,  iir  at  least  a  portion  of  the  ciej.o^its  has  been 
made  with  it.  In  New  York,  for  example,  there 
w.aidepositeu  with  the  Manhattan  Bank.SlSS,- 
670,  althoqgli  a'  Branch  Bank  is  in   that  ciiv. 

j   in  this  niSfrict  56115,080  v/erc-  depdsitbcl  v/ifli 


the  Kauii  of  Coluniiia,  aUiioiii^u  iKie  atso  is  :. 
Branch  Bank,  and  yet  the  State  Bunks  are  u' • 
terly  unsafe  to  be  trustc<I!  If  the  money  after 
the  bonds  are  collected,  is  thus  placed  with 
these  banks,  I  presume  there  can  he  no  difli- 
culty  in  placitig  the  bonds  themselves  there,  if 
they  must  be  deposited  with  some  bank  for  col- 
lection, which  I  deny. 

Atfaiii:  one  of  the  most  iinportant  and  com- 
plicated branches  o""  the  Trea.siiry  Department 
is  the  management  of  our  landed  sy  stem.  The 
sales  have  some  years  amounted  to  upwards  of 
hatf  a  million  of  dollars,  are  generally  made 
upon  credit,  and  yet  no  bank  whatever  is  made 
use  of  to  facilitate  the  collection.  After  it  is 
made,  the  amount  in  some  instances,  has  hecii 
deposited  with  ban!;,-,  and  accor.ling  to  the 
Secretary 's  report,  which  I  have  before  advert- 
ed to,  the  amount  so  deposited,  was  in  Januaty  , 
U])wards  of  f!300,000,  not  one  cent  of  which 
was  in  the'  vaults  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
Slates,  or  in  any  of  its  branches;  bttt  in  the 
BaVik  of  rennsylvan',',  its  Branch  at  Pittsburf?,, 
the  Marietta  Bank,  and  the  Kentucky  Bank. 
Upon  the  point  of  responsibility,  I  cannot  sub- 
scribe to  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  th*^ 
Trcastny,  if  it  is  meant  that  the  abdity  to  p.ay 
the  aindunt  of  any  deposltes  which  the  goverji- 
nient  may  make  under  any  ..".xigency  is  grciitc 
than  that  of  the  State  Banks;  that  the  cccotmt- 
abilily  of  a  ramified  institution,  whose  afTair.-. 
are  mau.iged  by  a  single  head,  respinsible  for 
all  its  menrhers,  is  more  iimjile  than  that  of  a 
nun^ber  of  independent  and  unconnected  estab- 
lislim'ents,  I  shall  not  deny;  but  v.ith  reg.ardto 
Siifety,  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  think  it  is  on 
the  side  of  the  local  banks.  The  corruption 
or  misconduct  of  ti.e  p.arent,  or  any  of  its 
branches,  may  bankrupt  and  destroy  the  whole 
system,  and  the  loss  of  the  Government,  in 
tiiat  event  will  be  of  the  deposits  made  with 
eacli,'  whereas  in  thefailuve  of  one  State  Bank^ 
the  loss  will  t:c  confined  to  the  deposit  in  the 
v.aults  of  th.at  Sank.  It  is  s.ald'rfo  have  been  a 
part  ot  Burrs  plan  to  seize  on  the  Brar.cli 
I?ank  at  New  Orlean.^.  At  that  period  Large 
Sfiiiis  impol'ted  frcm  the  La  Vera  Cruz  are  al- 
lege d  to  have  been  deposited  with  it,  and  if  the 
traitor  had  accomplished  his  design,  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States  if  not  aottiallj'  hankrnpV., 
might  have  been  constrained  to  stop  payment. 

It  is  urged  by  the  gentleu'.an  from  Massachu- 
setts, (Mr.  Lloyd,)  that  as  this  natio".  progress- 
es in  commerce,  wealth,  and  population,  new 
energies  will  be  unfolded,  ne^v  wants  and  cr- 
egencies  will  arise,  and  herice  he  Infers  thai;  pow- 
ers must  be  iniplicdlVoin  the  Constiiutiun. .-  But, 
Sir,  the  question  is,  sludl  we  stretch  the  instru- 
ment to  embrace  cases  not  fairly  within  it.-.: 
scope,  or  sli;tll  we  res  >rt  to  that  remedy  by 
iiinendmeut  which  the  Constitution  prescribes  .' 

Gentlemen  contend  that  the  construction 
which  they  gi\e  t.)  the  Constitution  lias  bcc:i 
acqiiiecsed  in  by  siU  pai  ties  and  under  all  admin- 
istrations; and  they  rely  particularly  on  an  act 
which  passed  in  1304,  for  extending  a  bi-aticli 
to  New  Orleans  and  another  act  of  ISO/,  for 
pui'.lshiiig  tliose  who  should  forge  or  utter  forg- 
ed pajjcr  of  the  Bank.  V.'ith  rcgiuvl  (o  the 
firit  law  passed  no  doubt,  ufon  the  reeommen- 
d-ition  of  the  Treasury  Department,  I  would  re- 
mark tli.tt  it  was  the  extension  of  a  branch  to  u 
tftiTitoi'V,  oyev  which  Congress  p6ssess'?s.power 


^(53 


ji'  legislat-oii  almost  uncoiiti-oUeil,  aaJ  where 
without  any  constitutional  impediment,  cbai  tei'S 
of  incorporation  may  be  granted.  As  to  the 
other  act,  it  \va5  passed  no  less  for  the  benefit 
of  the  conununity  than  the  Bank — to  protect 
the  igTiorantand  unwary  from  counterfeit  paper 
purporting;  to  have  been  emitted  by  the  Ijank. 
Wlien  gentlemen  are  claiming  the  advantage 
supposed  to  be  deducihlc  from  acq^riesceiice, 
let  nie  enquire  what  they  wojdd  have  had 
those  to  hnve  done  who  bclievedihe  cstablisli- 
inent  of  the  ISsnlc  an  cncroaclnnent  upon  State 
rights  ?  Were  the)-  to  liave  resisted  and  how  > 
lly  force*  Upon  the  cliange  of  parties  in  1800 
it  must  be  well  recollected  that  the  greatest  ca- 
lamities wei'e  predicted,  as  c  inst-tiuences  of  tiiat 
event.  Intentiijns  were  a-scribed  to  the  new  oc- 
cupants of  power  of  violating  the  public  fajtli 
and  prostrating-  national  credit.  Under  such 
circumstance?;,  tlk'it  they  should  act  wltli  great 
eircumsjiection  was  qtiite  natuial.  They  saw 
in  full  operatioii  a  Ijank,  chartered  by  a  Cun- 
i^I-ess  wljo  liad  as  mucli  right  to  j-Jdgc  of  their 
.  onstitutional  powers  as  their  successors.  Had 
they  revsked  the  la-.v  whicli  gave  its  existence, 
the  institution  would  in  all  probability  have  con- 
■  inued  to  transact  busi-ricES  notwithstanding. 
'I'he  judidary  woul  J  have  been  appealed  to,and 
from  the  know;  opir/ions,  and  predilections  of 
the  Judges  tlicu  composing  it,  thcj  would  have 
pronounced  the  act  of  incorporation' as  in  ihc 
-.lature  of  a  contract,  beyond  the  repealing  pow- 
er of  any  sjcceedlng  legislature.  And  Sir, 
I'hat  a  scene  of  confusion  v.-ould  such  a  state  of 
-.hings  have  presented — an  act  of  Congress 
which  v.-as  lav,-  in  tlie  statute  P.ook,  and  a  nnlli- 
tj-  on  the  Judicial  lecords.  M'asit  not  wisest  to 
v.-ait  the  natural  dissoltition  of  the  corperation, 
ratlierthaii  acccle;-ate  'ihat  event  by  a  repealhig 
law  involving  so  many  delicate  considerations. 

AVhcn  gentlemen  attempt  to  carry  this  mea- 
uponthe  ground  of  acquiescence,  orpreeedent, 
do  they  forget  tliat  ve  are  not  in  Westmiiister 
llall'  In  courts  oFjiistice,  the  utility  of  unifor- 
Uiity  of  decision  e.'S.aets  of  t'leyudge  a  confornji- 
ty  to  the  adjudic-ation  of  his  predecetfsor.  In 
the  mterpretation  and  adniinisJ.ration  of  the  law 
this  practise  is  wi>o  and  proper,  and  without  it 
evei-1,' thing  depend  ng  upon  the  caprice  of  the 
Judge,  we  should  Itave  no  security  tor  c-ar  dear-- 
e>t  rights.  It  is  far  etheruisc  when  applied  to 
the  source  of  le~gislation.  Here  no  rule  exists 
but  the  Constitution,  and  to  legislate  upon  the 
ground,  merely  that  our  predecessors  thought 
themselves  authorised  und^r  similar  circum- 
Eianccs  to  legislate,  is  to  sanctify  error  and 
jjcrpetuate  usurpation.  Cut  if  we  are  to 
be  subjected  to  tiie  trammels  of  prece- 
dents, I  claim  on  tlie  other  hand  the  benefit 
(if  the  restrictions  under  which  the  intelligent; 
.Tudge  cautiously  receives  them.  It  is  an  estab- 
li^Mied  rule,  that  to  give  to  a  previous  adjudlca- 
Mn  any  effect,  the  rnind  of  tlie  Judge  -wlio  pro- 
nounced it  muslhave  teen  awakened  to  the  sub- 
ject, and  it  must  h.ave  Iiecn  a  deliberate  opinion, 
fonncil  after  full  argument.  In  technical  lan- 
guage, it  must  not  have  been  sub  sihntio.  Now 
the  act  of  1804  and  1S07,  relied  upon  as  ph-dges 
for  the  recliartcring  tliis  Company,  passed,  not 
only  without  anv  discussicns  wbatei-cr,  of  tlie 
l^ onstitutional  power  of  Congress,  to  cstablisli  a 
Uank,  but  I  venture  to  say  w-itlit)ut  a  siijgle 
Jnemhar  having  had  hir  attention  'ii-nvi  to  tiii° 


questicn.  1  had  the  lionof  of  a  seat  ili  tiiu  Sen- 
ate when  tlie  latter  law  passed,  probably  votetl 
for  it,  and  I  declare  with  the  titmost  sincerity 
Ihat  I  nevei'  once  thouglit  of  that  point,  and  5  ap- 
jical  confidently  to  every  honorable  member 
wiio  was  then  present  to  say,  if  tl-.at  was  not  his 
situation. 

This  doctrine  of  precedents  applied  to  the 
Legislature  appears  to  me,  lo  be  frought  .vitii 
the  most  miscliicvous  consequences.  The  great 
adva.-itage  of  our  system  of  government  over  all 
others,  is  that  we  have  a  ivriltcn  Constitution 
defining  itsllmitSi  and  prescribing  its  authorities  \ 
and  that  htuvever  far  a  time  faction  may  convulse 
llie  natioii,  and  passion  and  i-).u-ty  prejudice 
sway  its  functionaries,  the  season  of  reflection 
will  rtcur,  when  calmly  retracing  their  deeds, 
all  ^,bei-rations  from  fui.damental  jirinciple  will 
be  co!-rected.  But  once  substitute  pructlce  foi 
principle  — tl;e  expositions  of  the  constitution 
for  the  text  of  the  constitution,  and  in  vaiti 
shall  w-c  look  for  the  instrument  itself!  It 
will  be  :is  diffused  and  intangible  as  tlie 
pretended  Constitution  of  England.  And  it 
must  be  s-jught  for  in  the  Statute  Book, 
in  the  fugitive  Journals  of  Congress,  and  iu 
the  reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  'Treas- 
ury. What  v.-ould  be  our  condition,  if  wo 
were  to  take  the  intc^pretti'ions  given  to  tliat 
s.ix;redJionk,  which  is  or  ought  to  be  the  crite- 
rion of  our  faith,  for  the  book  itself*  WeshouU 
find  the  Holy  Bible,  buried  beneath  the  intcr- 
pret.itions,  glossfs,  and  comments  of  council.s,  sy- 
nods and  learned  divines,  whicli  f.ave  produced 
swarms  of  intolerant  and  furious  sects,  partaking 
lessof  t!iemildne5.=i  and  meekness  of  their  originj 
than  of  a  vindictive  spirit  of  liostility  tov.-^rds 
each  other.  They  ought  to  afford  us  a  solemn 
warning,  to  m,ike  that  Constitution,  which  wc 
have  sworn  to  support,  our  invariable  guide. 

I  conceivf,  then  Sir,  that  we  are  not  empow- 
ered by  the  Constitution,  nor  bound  by  auv 
practice  under  it,  to  rcnev.'  the  charter  of  thi>.. 
TJank,  and  I  might  here  rest  the  argument.. 
But  as  there  tire  sti-oi^g  objectioiis  to  the  renew- 
al, upon  tlie  score  of  expediency,  and  as  the 
distres.ses  wliicli  will  attend  the  dissolution  of 
the  Ba-nk,  have  been  greatly  ex-iggci-ated,  I  will 
ask  your  iadulgence  for  a  few  moments  lotigei" 
T'lat  some  temjjorary  inconvenience  v/ill  arise, 
I  sl-aU  not  deny;  but  most  groundlessly  have  the 
recent  failures  in  New  York  been  attributed  to 
a  discontinuance  of  this  Hank.  As  well  might 
yoii  ascribe  to  that  cause,  the  failures  at  Amsiei-- 
dsm  and  Ila-nburgh,  of  London  and  Liverpool. 
Th,-  emb.ari-ajsmeiilE  of  commerce — the  .seques 
tratior.iii  Fr.incc — ^the  Danish  captures— in  fin?, 
the  beiiigerent  edicts  are  the  olivious  sources  of 
these  fiiihircs.  Tlif-lr  in-imedi 'te  cause  is  the 
return  of  bilis  upon  London,  drawn  upon  tiic 
f.aith  of  unproductive  or  unprofitable  shipmert.s. 
Yes,  Sir,  die  protests  of  the  notaries  of  London, 
not  those  of  New  York,  have  occasioned  tliesi 
bankruptcies. 

Tlie  power  of  a  nation  is  said  to  con.^ist  in  the 
sword  and  the  purse,  perhaps,  at  Last,  all  pow- 
er is  resolvable  into  that  of  the  purse,  for  with 
it  you  ni,ay  command  almost  every  thing  else. 
The  specie  ciiculalion  of  the  United  S'atcs  i.s 
estimated  by  some  calctdators  at  ten  miliious  of 
dollars  :  and  if  it  be  no  more,  one  moiety  is  in 
the  vaults  of  this  bank.  May  not  the  time  ar- 
rive when  the  conccntr^itlcn  of  such  :i  v^'t  pn-- 


i'ofS 


)0n  of  the 'circulaJiig  medium  of  ilie  country 
in  the  hands  of  any  corporaiioii  will  be  (hiiigc-i'- 
ciis  to  our  liberties  >  I!y  wl:om  is  this  immense 
power  wielded  >  I!y  a  body  v.'ho  in  derogation 
of  the  jrrcat  princijjle  of  nil  our  inst'.tiitions,  re- 
sponsibility to  the  people,  is  amenable  onlv  to  ft 
few  stockholdtrr-,  and  thry  chiefly  foreit^ners. 
Suppose  an  attempt  to  subvert  this  jjoveriiment 
— would  not  the  traitor  first  aim  "by  force  or 
corruption  to  acquire  the  Treasure  of  this  Com- 
pany >  Look  at  it  in  another  aspect.  Seven- 
tenths  of  its  capital  are  in  the  hands  of  foreijjn- 
ers.and  these  foreigners  chiefly  lirtrli.sli  subjects. ' 
We  are  possibly  upon  the  eve  of  a  rupture  with 
that  nation.  Should  such  an  eient  occur,  do 
}-ou  apprehend  that  the  English  premier  would 
experience  any  difilculty  in  obtaining  iHe  en- 
tire control  of  this  institution  1 

Republics  above  all  other  nations,  ou.erht  most 
studiously  to  gTiard  against  foreijjn  influence. 
AH  l-.i.story  proves  that  the  internal  dissentions 
excited  by  foreign  intripue  have  produced  the 
downfall  of  almost  every  free  government  that 
has  hitlierto  e.xisted;  and  yet,  gentlemen  con- 
tend that  we  are  benefitted' by  the  possession  of 
this  foreign  capital!  If  we  coukl  liave  its  use 
without  its  .".ttending-  abuse,  I  sliould  be  jjrati- 
fied  also.  But  it  is' in  vain  to  expect  the  one 
without  the  other."  'WeaUh  is  power,  .and  un- 
der whatsoever  forin  it  exists,  its  prorrietor, 
whether  he  jives  on  this  or  tiie  otiier  side  of 
the  Atlaiitic,wiil  have  a  proportionatoinnuence. 
Tt  is  argued,  tiiat  our  possession  of  tiiis  English 
capital,  gives  us  a  certain  inflvience  over  the 
British  Government.  If  this  reasoning- be  sound, 
we  liad  better  revoke  theinterdiclion  as  to  aliens 
holding  land,  and  invite  foreigners  to  engross 
the  whole  property  real  and  personal  of  the 
country.  We  had  better  at  once  exchange  the 
condition  of  independent  proprietors  foV  that 
of  stewards.  We  should  then  he  aliie  to  gov- 
ern fore'gn  nations,  according  t,T  the  arguments 
of  gentlemen  on  tiie  other 'side.  Eti't  let  us 
put  sside  this  theory,  and  appeal  to  ttie  decis- 
ionsof  cxper.etice  Goto  Iheotherside  of  the 
-Atlantic,  and  see  wdiat  has  boen  achieved  for  us 
tlierc  by  Englishmen  holding  seven-tenths  of 
the  capil.'d  of  this  bank.  Has  it  released,  from 
galling  and  ignomi.nious  bondage  one  solitary 
American  seaman,  bleeding  under  British  op- 
pression? Oil  it  prevent  "the  unmanly  attack 
upon  tiie  Chesapeake.'  Did  it  arrest  the  pro- 
mulgation, or  has  it  alirogated  the  Order.s  iu 
Council — those  orders  which  have  given  birt'i 
to  a  new  era  in  commerce'  In  spile  of  all  its 
boasted  efi'ect,  are  not  the  two  nations  broug-lit 
to  the  very  brink  of  a  war?  Are  we  quite  sure 
that  on  this  side  of  the  water,  it  has  had  no  effect 
favor.able  to  uritish' interests.  It  has  often  been 
stated,  and  aitliougli  I  do  not  know  tliat  it  is 
susceptible  of  strict  proof,  I  believe  it  to  be  a 
fact,  th.at  this  Bank  exercised  its  influence  in 
support  of  Jay's  treaty — and  may  it  not  have 
contributed  to  blunt  tiie  pubhc  sentiment,  or 
paralize  the  effects  of  this  nation,  ag-ainst  British 
.aggression? 

Tile  Duke  of  Northumberland,  is  said  to  be 
the  most  considerable  stockholder  in  the  B.ink 
of  the  United  StatcE.  A  lute  Lord  Chancellor 
of  England,  besides  other  noblemen,  was  a  large 
Klockhiilder.  Suppose  the  I'rince  of  Essling, 
the'Duke  of  Cadore,  and  other  French  dignita- 
'■i.>=.  owned  sevpn.eighths  of  the  capitnl.nf  this 


Dank,  should  we  witiiejis  the  same  exertions  {^l 
allude  not  to  any  m.ade  in  the  Senate)  to  re- 
charter  it'  So  far  from  it,  would  not  the  dan- 
ger of  French  influence,  be  resounded  through- 
out the  nation' ' 

I  shall  give  my  most  heaj-ty  assent  to  the 
motion,  for  striking  out  the  first  section  of  the 
bill. 


MR.   CI,.\Y'S    PECUNIARY     EMBARRASS- 
MENTS. 

The  partisans  of  Mr.  Clay  in  Kentucky,  have 
assailed  Mr.  IVaiTy  as  a  bankrupt,  and  Mr.  Bur- 
gess in  his  tariff  speech  in  Rhode  Island  said, 
"The  relief  party  in  Kentucky  is  that  party, 
which  have  been  and  stili  arc  devising  ways  and 
means,  not  to  jiay,  but  to  avoid  paying  their 
debts.  Col.  Rany,  the  opposition,  candidate  is 
their  leader  "* 

We  shall  not  now  stop  to  examine  tlie  mo- 
tives which  led  Mr.  Burgess  to  use  this  slander 
upon  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  Kentucky; 
our  purpose  is  to  reply  to  Mr.  Clay,  for  whose 
benefit  this  slandei  is  avowedly  declared;  for 
in  the  same  speech,  Mr.  Burgesi,  speaking  of 
Mr.  Clay,  says,  "  what  will  be  done  by  Ken- 
tucky "'  "will  she  array  herself  against  her  pa- 
tron statesman"  ' 

The  abuse  of  Major  B.arry  and  his  friends,  by 
the  partizans  of  Mr.  C'ay  in  Kentucky,  has 
ca>;sed  recriminating  charges  against  Mr.  Clay, 
and  an  expose  of  his  private  emliarrassment, 
v.'lrch  has  draAvn  frotn  Mr  Clay  himself,  a 
letter  to  the  piiblic  that  will  be  found  in  an- 
other part  of  our  paper. 

It  is  a<it  our  purpose  to  do  Mr.  Clay  ini'osticc, 
but  we  Xeel  constra'iied  to  state  a  few  facts. 

Col.  Morrison  awealthy  citizen  of  Lexington, 
Kentucky,  being  on  a  visit  to  Washington,  sick- 
enedanddicd  here.  Mr.  Clay  as  his  nciglibor  and 
frii-nd,  was  called  in  and  wrote  his  \"iill.  Tlie 
following  have  been  publishcH  as  extracts 
tlierefrom. 

"I  give  to  the  Trustees  of  the  Tiansylvania 
University,  and  their  successors,  the  sum  of  ^0, 
000  dollars  in  trust,  to  vei^t  the  capital  in  some 
permanent  productive  rand,  and  out  of  tiie  annu- 
sl  interests  or  dividends  accruing  thereon  to  Jiay 
(iie  salaiT  of  a  professorship  to  be  instituted  by 
them,  and  to  be  denominated  the  .Morrison  Pro- 
fessorship, or  to  apply  the  said  S2U,000  to  the 
purchase  ofaLibr.ary,  to  be  denominated  the 
Morrison  Library,  as  the  trustees  may  think, 
will  best  promote  the  interests  of  learning  aiiti 
science."  ' 

•  Tiiis  ilr.  Burg.-ss  is  the  same,  who,  on  the 
floor  of  the  House  of  Uepreaentatives  vented  bis 
envenomeB  spleen  ag.i'iist  Kentucky,  and  drev.' 
forth  tJie  eloquent  and  able  reply  of  Mr.  Daniel. 
Aware  of  the  eflVct  which  his.  speech,  if  pub- 
lished, would  have  on  the  people  of  the  state, 
has  been  suppressed,  and  it  is  but  fair  to 
presume  that  this  speech  was  concerted  be- 
tween Mr.  Burgess  and  Mr.  Clay's  partisans,  as 
a  reply  to  Mr.  Daniel.  \Yc  have  understood 
that  .Mr.  Metcalfe  lias  decl.ared  lumself  an  old 
court  m'ln,  although  he  is  known  to  Iiave  be- 
longed to  the  new  court  party,  and  was  one  of 
those  who  vrted  tor  thefortv  banks. 


'it»/ 


1  lie  V\  ill  provides — 

"Lsstly,  I  ilo  iiomiiiate  nnd  appoint  my  wife 
Esther  Morrison,  Executrix,  and  Henry'ciay, 
Kcbert  WickliiTL-,  Farmer  Dewees,  and  Richard 
Jiawes,  KxecutorsoftUismy  last  Will  and  Testj- 
nicnt,  tzrirfos  I  apprehend  tint  my  friends,  Hen- 
ry Clay  and  Robert  VVlckliffe,  from  then  other 
fn^cgemenls,  will  not  have  it  in  the-r  pnwer  to 
take  upon  themselves  as  active  a  part  in  thegaier- 
al  management  of  my  estate  as  I  should  wish,  I 
desire  that  security  s.'iouldnoi  be  required  oftkepi, 
for  their  Executorship." 

The  Trustees  of  the  Ti-ansylv?.nia  University, 
in  their  report  to  the  Legislature  of  Kentucky 

last  winter  said  :        ,       - 

"Xo  part  of  tile  bequests  of  Co'.  Morrison, 
liave  come  into  the  hands  oftlie  Trustees,  save 
the  interest  on  the  legacy  of  «20,000,  which  is 
regurlarly  paid  by  the  Execv.tor,  and  appropria- 
ted to  tlie  Morrison  professorship.  The  wdl  of 
the  Testator  directs  that,  no  security  should  be 
rcquu'ed  of  the  Executor  acting-.  We,  conse- 
quently Iiave  none,  except  what  mav  be  found 
in  his  integrity  and  responsibility." 

In  reply  to  an  attack  iipon  Major  Barrv,  pub- 
lished .13  is  Lelieved  at  the  inst  mce  of  ^^■.  Hob- 
ert  Wickliffe,  awnter  in  tlie  Kentucky  Gazette 
^ave  the  following-  list  of  moi-tga.-cs,  made  by 
Mr.  Clay  and  recorded  in  the  clerics  ofHce  in 
J-exington.  -  •  . 

List  of-Morlgages  made  by  Mr.  Clay. 

Book  T  page  541— Mr.  Clay  to  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  to  secure  523,00J  dated  July 
1820,  eovei-s  the  Hotel  property  in  Lexing- 
ton. /• 

Rook  V  page  1~3— Mr.  Clay  to  Bank  of  ICen- 
Ittcky,  'oseciu-e  the  sum  of  $10,000  dated  26  h 
Dec.  1821,  covei-s  200  acres  of  land  in  Tavet  e 
County.  .  ' 

R  -i.k  W  page  132—Mr.  ClaV  to  James  Har- 
per, to  secure  $1,666  66  dated  '24tii  D-.-ceniber 
1822,cover3lhe  House  opposite  John  Bradford's 
in  Lexington. 

Rook  Z  page  284— Mr.  Clav  to  Ssmijel  J. 
Donaldson,  trustee  of  (he  creSitors  of  Samuel 
arid  Robert  Purviance,  Baltimore,  to  secure  gl5, 
327  due.  It  covers  the  Hotel  in  Lcxington- 
and  the  lot  fronting-  on  market  str"et  and  extend- 
ing from  short  street  to  Church  allv. 

The  same  writer  proceeds  to  s.iy : 

"  Do  you  (.Mr.  Clay)  not  o-.ve  debts  to  a  large 
amount  besides  those  prorided  in  the  above  list 
of  mortgages  "' 

' '  Vv'as  not  the  debt  due  toPurviances  heirs  of  Bal  ■ 
f  imore  (secured  in  the  last  mentioned  mortgage) 
incurred  by  yo'ir-jppropriatingto  your  own  use, 
that  amount  of  money  collected  by  you  <"or  tliem 
as  tlieir  lawyer,  and  Avhich  you  could  not  pay 
to  them  to  this  d.ay  .'" 

Ry  a  perusal  of  Mr.  Cl-ay's  letter,  it  would  ap- 
pear  that  it  was  carefully  prepared  to  counter 
act  the  etr-ct  of  the  publications,  from  which 
we  have  made  qiiotatiosis.  From  llie  reply  of 
the  same  wiiler  winch  will  be  found  m  this  pa- 
per, it  wUl  appear  that  all  of  these  moi-tgages 
have  date  since  tlie  year  1820,  and  Mr.  Clay, 
by  his  silence  upon  that  subject  admits  that 
these  debts  are  not  all  that  he"  ones.  He  con- 
fines himself  exclusively  to  those  secin-ed  by 
mortgage,  andsaysthat.bytheend  of  the  current 


year,  tiiey  will  be  mluced  to  auuitt  two  taou 
sand  dollars.  - 

It  appears  by  a  newspaper  publication,  tha 
the  sum  due  to  John  Jacob  Aster  of  New  York 
has  been  paid — this  sum,  is  stated 
At  SiO.OOO  to  20,000,  .  §20,000 

Rank  of  the  United  States,  -  22,000 

James  Harper,  -  .  •       1,666  6-( 

Bank  of  Kentuckv,     -  .  10,000 

Donaldson,        -   '       .  -  15,52" 


Amount,  $69,193  6-( 

Mr.  Clay  sa.ys  tl-.at  he  liss  paid  tliis  debt  with 
in  a  few  yeai-s  by  livi-.ig  within  his  income ! !  H( 
does  no': .pretend  to  say  that  he  has  sold  proper 
ty,  because  the  sale  of  property  to  that  amoun' 
would  be  a  m?.tter  of  proof,  but  he  has  livec 
within  his  income  !  !  Tiie  question  is  fron 
v.hence  does  he  derive  his  revenue.  History  in 
forms  us  that  Cardinal  Woolsey  wai  a  nensionej 
of  the  Pope,  of  Charles  and  of  Franci's,  at  the 
s.ame  time,  it  also  informs  us  that  Charlesthe  Se 
cond  was  the  pensiotierof  the  Kintjof  France;w< 
know  thatWoolsey  became  rich  and  lived  in  mor< 
spler.dor  than  .iny  other  s-abject  of  the  crown 
ilr.  Clay  imit.ites  him  so  far  as  to  out-strip  the 
most  opulent  citizen  of  this  district  in  the  splen 
dor  of  his  living — it  remains  for  his  partisans  tc 
expliin  the  sources  of  a  revenue  wiiich  is  com- 
petent to  such  expenditures. 

But  it  is  known  tliat  since  the  date  of  these 
mortgages,  oneof  them  bein^in  1822,  Mr.  Clay 
l-.as  been  actively  engaged  in  electioneering. 
It  is  known  ih.at  very  few  of  our  most  active 
citizens,  J-^vc  been  able  to  i-ealize  a  i-easonable 
profit  upon  capital  invested  in  the  most  active 
business.  How  has  Mr.  fjlay  realized  sc 
large  a  r-im  in  the  midst  of  so  warm  an  dec- 
tioitr:crim»-  conflict? 

Mr.  Clay  endeavors  to  account  for  his  em- 
barrasstnents  by  saying  that  he  endorsed  for 
friends,  See.'  Did  he  endorse  to  Astor,  to  the 
University,  or  to  the  heirs  of  Puniance '  It  ap- 
pears that  he  induced  bis  friend,  Mr.  Morrison, 
to  believe  that  he  could  not  take  upon  hiraselt 
an  active  executorship,  and  therefore  was  net 
required  to  give  .security.  Yet,  it  is  charged, 
and  will  not  be  denied,  thathebec.im&thesole 
ccfhig  executor,  got  the  gl5,000  in  his  posses, 
sion,  whicli  tlie  testator  had  specially  provided 
sliould  be  laid  out  in  "  some  perhi'dnent produc- 
tive funr!,"  and  t!iat,out  of  the  aimual  In'crest  ac- 
cruing- thereon, the  sa7.iry  of  a  professoisliip  to  be 
instituted  by  the  University  siioidd  be  paid,  or 
else  that  the  said  sum  should  be  expended  in 
the  purchas-  nf  a  Library,  to  be  denominated 
the  Morrison  Library. 

\Vould_lIr  Clay  nave  retained  this  sum  of 
money,  thus  obtained,  ifhe  had  an  income  which 
would  defray  the  current  expenses  of  bis  fami- 
ly, living,  as  they  do  in  more  splendor  than  any 
ether  family  in  the  District,  and  also  discharge 
the  sum  of  j^  9,000,  to  say  nothing  of  other  debts, 
in  six  years  ? 

Who  can  believe  that  Mr  Cl.ay  would  have 
applied  to  his  own  use  $15,527  collected  as  «/- 
torney  for  the  heirs  of  Punimce,  ifhe  had 
an  income  of  .«e^-enteen  tnousand  dollars  per  an- 
num? And  yet  if  we  are  to  believe  Mr.  Clay's 
statement,  his  income  cannot  have  been  less 
than  that  sum,  and  he  admits  that  he  did  .apply  to 
his  own  use  the  money  of  his  client.  Mr. 
Clay.as  an  attorney, took  an  oathfiithfiillvtodis- 


2\i8 


•char^c.liisuutytohlsclieut.  Ditlhefaithfiiilj-dis-  II.is  he   Jarge  outstamliiig'  claims  ag^iiiit  Ou: 

chai'ffe  his  diity  to  tlieheirs  of  Purviance,  by  i«it-  nwn  government?  or  is  lie  or.e  of  those  whose 

tmg-intohis  ownporlcetSlSjOOOoftheii-  money,  demands  against  a  foreig-n  poxver,  are  to  be  ar. 

|)id  he  faithfully  discharg-e  his  duty  35  executor  ranged  hy  negotiation  :^     Certain  it   is  that  he 

pf  the  esla.te  of  Monison,  when  he  applied  the  had  some  other  inducement  than  mere  persona'i 

legacy  to  the  Universitj',  to  his  own  use,  instead  attachment  to  Mr.  Cluy,  hef.n-e  he  would  have 

of  invesiinap  it  as  required  by  his  testator?    An  thus  tendered  the  pnrse  for  his  relief.     But  Mr. 

ordinary  attorney  for  a  hke  offence  w.iuid  be  ei.iyadmltsthatmoneyhasbeentenderedtohim. 

expelled  the  bar,  and  any  other   I.iv.-ycr,  who  We  b^Jievc  it  is  true. '   We  believe  it  is  true  that 

had  been  called  in  tn  write  a  will,  and,  under  Mr.  Clay  will  leave  his  present  oflice  better,  by 

pretence  that  he  could  not  take  an  active  pait  many  thousanil  dollars;  than  he  enteredlt.      Wo 

in  tbe  iTiamigement  of  the  estate,   introduced  a  believe  that  whilst  tlie  e.\peiiditures  of  the  gov- 

provision  appointing'  him-etf  an  executor,  with-  ernment,  in  the  snort  admiiustration  of  Mr.  Ad- 

out  sccurili/,  would  liave  been  suspected,  espe-  ams,  will  have  exceeded  those  of  his  predeces. 

cially  if  he  availed  himself  of  tliat  pi-ovision  to  sor,  for  the  same  period,   by    more  thau  eigh'; 

become  the  sole  actin:;-  executor,  and  obtained  iniilions  of  dollars,  whilst  our  ships  have  almost 

possi:-ssion  of  large  sums  of  money!    That  VJr.  literally  been  driven  f'om  the  ocean,  and  on.' 

Clay  has  don- so,  and  that  after  lif  has  obtained  commerc,  as  well  willt  Simlh  America,  as  the 

the  nnoney,  he  h.as  applied  Si 5,000,  if  no  more  West  Indies,   almost    destroyed,   Mr.    Clay  h:i>; 

^)f  it,  to.his  own  private  use,  in  violat'Tn  of  the  taken  g-ood  care  to  discharge   the  mortgages 

"ivill  of  his  testator,  has  not  hecn  denied.  upon  his  estate,  and  provide    means   to  wage 

.    In  our  opinion,  such  acts  on  the  part  of  Mr.  the  waj- of  ambition,   wlicji  the  resources  from 

play,  exiiibit  a  looseness  irithe  discharge  of  of-  whence  his  wants  are  iioia  supplied,  shall  be 

■pcial  duty,  and  a  laxity  of  moral  principle,  whicii  dried  up. 

sti'ikc  at  the  root  of  his  character  :;s  a  man,  Let  any  citizen  read  51r.  Clay's  speech  against 

-andyshould  impair  the  confidence  of  the  people  recharterincr  the  old  Bank  of  the  United  States, 

in  htm  as  a  public  functionary.  delivered  when  Henry  Clay  \r:is  a  republican  in 

Our  interests  as  a  nation  should  be  entrusted  practice  as  well  :-3  theory.       Let  them  contras'. 

to  men  whose  habits  and  principles  are  such  as  his  cotirsc  '.f  public  life  belbre  he  went  to  Eu. 

would  place  them  above  suspicion,  and  bej'ond  rope,  with  his  public  life  since  hlsietiu'n,  ami 

the  reach  of  temptation.     Our  intercourse  with  he  will  find  an  ample  field  for  contemplation. 

foreign  nations  is  such,  that  a  corrupted  diplo- ' 


^atist  might   "  braf^  a  million  ag.iinst  a  cent, 
Without  being  convicted,  allliough  he  might !)» 
suspected. 

Mr.  Clay's  partisans  have  waged  a  malignant 


Fi-om  the  Kentucky   Reporter. 
3!essrs.  Smith  end  Fainter, 
Tl'.e  enclosed  letter  has  been  received  in  tlis 


and  vindictive  warfare  upon  the  private  charac-    coisrse  of  a  private  andfriendly  con-espondence 
ter  of  his  political  opponents.      The  pecuniary    with  Mr.   Clay,  but  as  it  must  satisfy  all  impar- 


affairs  of  one,  and  the  domestic  relp.tions  of an- 
-Othcr  eminent  citizen,  have  been  dragg'ed  before 
^he  public,  and  Mv.  Clay  has  feasted  his  insa- 
tiable appetite  for  pov.-er  ou  the  supposed  poli- 
tical cfiect  thereby  to  be  produced.  It  was 
well  known  tli.nt  r\ci  man  was  more  vidncrable 


tial  irten  of  tlie  baseness  and  maligaity  of  those 
wlio  have  attempted  to  assail  his  feelings  by  an 
exposure  of  his  private  atib.irs,  I  take  the  respon- 
sibility of  recjuestiiig  its  publication  in  your  use- 
ful journal  and  I  hope  that  otlier  papers  friend- 
ly  to  the  -.^aiise  of  truth,  for  the,  satislaction  of 


Jn  these  points  thaii  Sir.  Ciay.      He  had  a  right    tlie  honeslof  every  political  creed,  will  make  its 
io  suppose  that  the  chi'.alrv' of  his  opponents    contents  known. 


Y,'ould  spare  thi  fecliiig"?  of  his  fa-.niiy,  and  pre- 
sent the  cxp:  sure  of  his  shameless  'lebauch- 
cries;  but  he  had  no  right  to  er.pect  that,  pecn- 
il'iiai-y  transactions  sn  iniiinately  connected  with 
itir,  moral  character,  would  not,  under  sucli  cir- 
fimistanccs,  become  the_  subject  of  investiga- 
tion. W>-  know  that  Mr.  Clay  Itas  partisans 
^vho  are  ready  to  denounce  us  for  caring  to 
question  the  truth  of  liis  statements.  But  we 
<lo  not  hesitate  to  declare  our  opinion,  titat  Mr. 
■^Vicklift'e  knew  that  Mr.  Clay's  declaration, 
that  he  had  discharged  this  imme!;se  debt,  in 
so  short  a  time,  by  the  simple  process  of  jiving 
H  ithin  liis  income,  v.  as  untrue.  Mr.  AAickliife 
)cnew  that  Mr.  Clay's  salary,  and  the  revenue 
■"from  his  estates  were  noc  equal  to  so  greats 
yi'ork.      Mr.  Clay  says: 

"A  friend  Lately  called  on  me,  at  the  instance 
of  other  friends,  and  itifornied  me,  that  they 
were  apprehensive  that  my  private  affairs  were 
embarrassed, and  that  Fallowed  their  embarress- 
ment  to  prey  upon  my  mmd.  He  came  there- 
fore, with  their  authority,  to  tell  me,  that  they 
would  contribute  any  sum  that  I  luight  waat  to 
relieve  me." 

Who  was  thr:  individual  here  Teftrred  to' 


UespectfuUv, 

ROltEUT  WICKLIl'Tli. 
-  Lexington,  June  4;  IS^S. 

Wasiiin-gtos,  C-lth  May,  182S. 
Dear  Sir. 

The  variety  in  tiieir  modes  of  attack,  and  llie 
industry  of  my  enemies  are  reni.ark.able,  if  not 
always  commendable.  I  observe  that  some  o*' 
them  about  I.exin.i^ton  have  carefldly  searciied 
the  records  of  Fayette,  and  extracted  from  them 
a  most  fcrmidable  'ist  of  mortgages  which  arc 
par.aded  as  evidence  of  m.y  bankruptcy.  The 
fairness  of  this  proctcding,  in  my  absence  on 
arduous  pubhc  service,  and  wit'nout  enqviiry  in- 
to tlie  fact  v/Iictiier  lh«^  mortgages  be  extinguish- 
ed or  not,  is  subni'ted  to  n-.y  fellow  citizens  of 
Fayette.  I  do  not  consider  a  man  who  honest- 
ly fid  His  his  pecuniary  ergagements  as  entitled 
to  any  special  praise,  or  1  would  not  obseive, 
that  I  can  couSdantly  appe.il  to  all  with  whom 
I  ever  had  pecuniary  ti-tnsactiohs,  to  bear  testi- 
mony to  the  fidelity  with  which  1  have  discharg- 
ed mine.  I  iinite  the  severest  scrutiny  into  my 
condticr,  irithat  respect,  and  request  a  compari- 
son of  it  with  that  of  any  one  of  those  who  now 
assail  mc.     I  never  was  sued  in  my  life   for  an 


i2(5y 


luicoiilested  debt — indeed  1  have  no  recoilec- 
tion,  at  this  time,  of  having  ever  been  sued  for 
any  ascertained  debt,  contested  oruncontestedi 
uihI  whether  I  was  principle  or  endorser. 

(Mr.  Chy  then  speaks  of  a  heavy  responsi- 
bility, incurred  abont  ten  years  ago,  as  e  nrlorser 
j'or  his  friends — and  proceeds) — To  that  cause 
is  to  be  attributed  my  ttmporarj'  re-tirement 
from  public  life,  and  the  renewal  of  my  pro- 
fessional labors.  I  tlien  resolved  not  to  endorse 
for  others,  except  in  extraordinary  cases,  aiid 
not  to  ask  others  to  endorse  for  me;  and  thaf, 
'.vlieh  it  became  necessary  for  me  to  ^ive  se- 
curity, to  pledgee,  in  the  form  of  mortgages, 
'.hat  estate  which  was  the  ultimate  resource  of 
my  creditors.  Hence  the  greater  n\imber  of 
the  mortgages  which  have  been  recently  so  ma- 
li^antly  exposed  to  the  public  observation. 
Slost  of  them  have  been  long  suice  satisfied. 
Among  tliis  number  is  one  for  a  debt  of  §20,000, 
%r  the  payment  of  which  ynu  had  kindly  be- 
come my  surety,  every  cent  of  which  has  long 
since  been  discharged.  There  are  not  subsist- 
!;:g  moi-tgages  upon  my  estate  to  the  amount 
of  ten  thousand  doUaT.i,  and  before  the  year  ex- 
pires I  hope  there  will  not  remain  more  than 
one  fifth  of  that  sum.  1  have  hitherto  met  all 
my  engagements  by  the  simplest  of  processes, 
that  of  ^!^ing  within  my  income,  punctually 
T)aying  interest  when  I  could  not  pay  principal, 
and  carefully  preserving  my  credit. 

I  am  not  free  absolutely  from  debt.  I  am  not 
rich.  I  never  coveted  riches.  But  my  Estjte 
\ 'ould  even  now  be  estimated  .at  not  much  less 
ihan  $100,000.  Whatever  it  may  be  T.-orth,  it 
is  a  gratification  to  me  to  know,  that  it  is  the' 
produce  of  my  ov.n  honest  labor,  no  part  Of  it 
beinghereditary,  except  one  .slave  who  would 
oblige  me  very  much  if  he  would  accent  his 
JVeedom.  It  is  sufficient  after  paying  all  my 
debts,  to  leaverayfiimily  above  want,  if  I  should 
be  seperated  ,Vom  them.  It  is  a  matter  also  of 
consolation  to  me  to  know  that  this  wanton  ex- 
posure of  my  private  afrairs  can  do  me  no  pecu- 
iiiary  prejudice.  My  few  creditor.s  will  not 
:;llow  their  confidence  in  me  to  be  shaken 
by  it.  It  has  indeed  led  to  one  incident,  which 
was  at  the  same  time  a  source  of  pleasure  and 
of  pain.  A  friend  lately  called  on  me,  at  the 
instanceof  other  friends,  and  iufonned  me,  that 
tliey  were  apprehensive  that  my  private  affairs 
were  embarr.assed  and  that  I  allmved  their  em- 
brtrras.'.nent  to  prey  upon  my  mind.  He  came 
therefore,  with  their  authority,  to  tell  me,  that 
they  would  contribute  any  sum  that  1  might 
v/ant  to  relieve  me.  The  emotions  which  such 
a  proposition  excited  can  be  conceived  by  hon- 
orable men.  I  felt  most  hanpy  to  be  able  to 
undeceive  them,  and  to  decline  theii-  beneio- 
lent  proposition. 

I  am  v.jth  great  respect. 

Your  friend  and  obedient  servant. 

H.  CL.\Y. 

ROBEKT    WlCKLlF.rE,   Es*. 


From  the  Kentucky  Gazette. 

Tiie  duty  of  retorting  upon  our  opponents, 
the  lu^manly  assaults  which  thev  h.ive  made 
i:pon  Major  Ban'v,  was  dmigreiihle  but  necessary. 
J  find  that  itis  felt,  and  I  trust  tliat  it  will  operate 
u  rcforraation  in  them,  which  will  show  itself  in 
'heir  future  condu  ;   '   ~vpre;sei'.t  purpose, 


hov.ever,  to  expose  some  of  thejesuiucal  ciAj 
sions  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Wicklifiej 
published  in  the  Reporter.  The  general  tenoi 
of  the  letter,  is  a  claim  to  the  character  of  punctu- 
ality-an  assetion  tliat  his  propertyis  uniucum- 
bercv-i,  except  by  a  debt  of  about  ten  thousand 
dollars — and  that  his  property  is  worth  one  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars. 

As  to  the  first,  1  believe  Mr.  Clay  has  beei: 
usually  correct  in  his  dealings.  I  would  not  dc 
injusticcto  Mr.  Clay:  and  I  cheerfully  admit  thai 
he  has  good  qualities.  Rut  I  cannot  agree 
that  he  has  p.iid  or  secured  the  payment  of  sev- 
eral debts  which  he  justly  owes,  or  that  he  has 
not  even  paid  the  interest  on  ihem.  There  arc 
three  cases  of  this  description  which  are  witli- 
in  my  information. 

The  first  is  the  ca.se  of  the  gentleman  who  act- 
vanced  .about  four  hundred  dollars  for  his  son  a; 
Washington,  to  pay  his  debts,  which  was  the  on- 
ly condition  upon  which  he  could  induce  tha; 
sen  to  leave  the  city.  Mr  Clay  had  requested 
th.at  gentleman  to  make  his  son  leave  Wa^hlngtor 
by  some  means  The  only  means  left  was  tr 
pay  the  debts.  Sir.  Clay  has  hitherto  failed  tc 
pay  principle  or  interest,  or  secure  either,  al 
tliough  thiit  gentleman  nec-ds  the  money.  The 
expense  of  one  or  two  dinner  parties  at  the  Sec- 
retary's mansion  at  Washington,  would  pay  botV 
principle  and  interest.  The  second  case  is  a 
claim  from  an  honest  and  industrious  tavern  kee 
per  in  Lexington,  who  presentedabill  for  board 
ing  that  same  son,  v.'lrchwas  at  first  protested, 
then  payment  promised,  then  finally  refused 
The  sum  thus  refused,  wasabout  ninety  dollars 
'  The  third  case  is  that  of  two  mechanics  in  Lex- 
ington, v.'hose  claim  he  shaved,  after  having  foi 
some  time  postponed  payment. 

The  second  iissertion,  that  his  property  is  un- 
incumbered, except  by  ten  thousand  dollars;  ] 
vill  remaak,  is  a  palpable  evasion.  It  was  as- 
serted, that  in  addition  to  the  mortgages,  M: 
Clfiy  owed  other  debts,  wliich,  with  those  upon 
record  would,  amount  to  seventy-four  or  eighty, 
four  t'r^-vi3and  dollars.  Why  does  not  Mr  Cl-iy 
ausv.-er  the  questions  upon  that  point?  thei'e  is 
one  circumstasice  which  is  a  little  remarkable. 
The  mortgages  are  :dl  dated  since  January  1820. 
He  must,  then,  have  paid  ifdrly  nine  tflousanii 
tloll'rs  and  inlet  est,  since  that  period.  I  would 
my  self  prefere  the  evidence  which  releases  from 
the  mortgages  entered  of  record,  would  furnish 
IJut  supposing  he  has  p.-ad  th.it  amount  of  those 
debts,  I  assert  that  there  are  strong  reasons  to 
believe,  that  he  owes  large  sums  independent  oi 
them.  To  prove  this  fact.  I  take  the  declaration 
of  Mr  Clay  /limsflf,  BJiv  en  to  a  friend  p"f  his  to 
whom  owed  some  few  hundred  of  dollars,  iaii 
■summer,  when  in  iliis  country.  His  friend  ap- 
]!lied  to  Kim  for  payment.  Mr  Clay  stated  to 
him  his  embarrassed  situation;  told  liim  that  he 
was  compelled  to  use  all  his  means,  beyond  hi; 
family  and  perscnal  expences,  satisfy  his  cred- 
itors, who  miglit  otherwise  push  him,  and  that-' 
he  was  compelled,  therefore,  to  trespass  on  his 
friends.  He  stated  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  he  could  p.ay  the  interest  upon  his  deltts  and 
meet  bis  expences;  and  enumerated  debts  a- 
mounting  to  SIXTY  or  EKiU  FY  THOUS.\XI) 
nOLLAliS.  This  statement  so  operated  on  his 
friend,  tliat  he  at  once  told  him  not  to  ti-ouble 
himself  any  more  about  his  claim.  Will  Clay  say 
whether  he  has  paid  those  debts  since  Usl  s-.i.t1- 


570 


niui,  ur  wib  liis  aUieiiieut  tijeii  merely  -Ajlain  lo 
obtain  inJulgence' 

The  third  assertion  is,  that  his  property  is 
worth  one  hundred  tliousand  dollars.  I  can 
only  say,  in  reply,  that  I  do  not  believe  it;  and 
that  if  It  IS  so,  the  state  revenue  is  defrauded  to 
a  large  amount  of  tax,  inasmuch  as  all  his  pro 
perly  which  is  in  Kentucky  is  listed  at  less  than 
ibrty  thousand  dollars,  as  can  be  seen  by  the  re- 
cords in  the  clerk's  office  of  Fayette  county. 
AVill  Mr.  Clay  explain  this  circumstance? 

DIOGENES. 


Extract  fi-om  Mr.  Clay's  Speech,  against  the 
renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  old  Bank  of  the 
United  States.  From  the  National  Inteiliijen- 
cer,  of  25th  May,  1811. 

•  'It  is  ai-gued,that  our  possession  of  this  English 
"■capital,  gives  us  a  certain    influence  over  the 
British  Government.   If  this  reasoning-  be  sound, 
we  had  better  revoke  ihe  interdilioii  as  to  alens 
holdinj?  la»d.  and  invite  foreigners  to  engross 
the  whole  property,  real  add   personal  of  the 
country.     We  had  better  at  once  exchange  the 
con^Ution  of  independent  proprietors  for  that 
of  stewards.     We -should  tlien  be  able' to  gov- 
ern foreign  nations,  according  to  the  arguments 
of  the  gen-.lcmen  on  the  other  side.     But  let  us 
put  aside  this  theory,  and  appeal  to  the  decis- 
ions of  experience.     Go  to  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  see  what  has  been  achieved  for  us 
there  by  KngUshnien  holdii'g  seven-tenths   of 
the  capit.a  of  this  bank.     H-is  it  released  tiom 
j^alling  and  ignominious   tcnduge,  one  solitary  , 
'"American  seaman,  bleeding- 'inder  British  op- 
-  ression?    Did  it  prevent   the  unmanly  attack 
'iDon  the  Ches2peake>  Did  it  arrest  the  promul- 
•■ation,  or  has  it  abro^jated  the  Orders  in  Coun- 
cil—those orders  which  have  given  birth  to  a 
new  era  in  commerce^     In  sphe  of  all  its  boaat 
rd  effect,  are   not  the  two  natioiw  brought  to 
I  he  very  brink  of  a  war  ?  Are  we  quite  sure  that  en 
this  side  of  the  water,   it  has  had  no  effect  ft- 
vorableto  British  interests'    It  has  often  been 
stated,   and  altliough  I  do  not  know  that  it  is 
susceptible  of  sU'lct  proof,  1  believe  it  to  be  a 
fact,  tliat  this  bank  exercised  its  infiuence  m 
support  of  Jay's  treaty— and  may   it  not  have 
conti-ibuted  to  blunt  the  public  scntsmcnt,  or 
paralize  the  eftcrts  of  this  nation,  against  British 
agtnression '  .... 

The  Duke  of  Northumbarland,  is  said  to  be 
the  most  considerable  stockholder  in  the  bank 
of  the  United  States.  A  late  Lord  Chancellor 
of  En^-land,  besides  other  noblemen,  was  a  large 
stockholder.  Suppose  the  Prince  of  Ksshng, 
the  Duke  of  Cadore,  and  other  French  dignita- 
ries, owned  seven-eights  of  the  capital  of  this 
bank,  should  we  witiKSS  tlie  same  exertions  (I 
allude  not  to  any  made  in  the  Senate)  to  recliar- 
terit.'  So  far  from  it,  wiuld  not  the  danger  of 
I'rench  i-ifluence,  be  resounded  throughout  the 
nation' 

I  shall  give  my  most  heaity  assent  to  the  mo- 
tJon.for  stiikingout  the  first  section  of  the  bill." 

Who  could  believe,  that~aftcr  Mr.  Clay's  visit 
to  Ghent,  he  should  become  the  warm  and 
strenuous  advocate  of  a  Bank,  with  three  times 
the  capital,  and  a  ten  fold  political  power'  Yet 
in  less  than  five  years,  -Mr.  Clay  advocated  the 
present  Bank,  and  scon  after  resigned  his  seat 


is  Spi'akcr  ol  tUc  liuuseot  Kepreaentaiivcs,  to/ 
the  purpose  of  pleading  the  cause  of  tlie  Bank, 
against  the  State  of  Ohio.  Mr.  Clay  in  the  same 
speech,  said:  "Perhaps,  .at  last,  all  power  is 
resolveable  into  that  of  the  purse,  for  with  it, 
yoti  may  command  almost  every  thing  else." 
dj^The  Bank  wanted  Mr.  Clay's  services,  and 
the  Bank  got  them.^ 

Extract  from  Mr.  Clay's  speech  against  the  V. 
atafcs  B.mk,  mlSll. 

Tlie  power  of  a  nation  is  said  to  consist  in  the 
sword  and  the  purse.    Perhaps,  at  last,  allpow 
er  is  resolvable   into  that  of  the  purse,  f(>r  with 
it  you   may  command  almost  every  Iking  else- 
The  specie  circulation  of  the  United  States  is 
estimated  by  some  calculators  at  ten  millio-ns  of 
dollars  :  and  if  it  be  no  more,  one  moiety  is  in 
the  vaults  of  this  bank.     May  not  the  time  ar- 
rive when  the  concentration  of  such  a  vast  por- 
tion of  the  circiilating  medium  of  the  country 
in  the  hands  ol  any  corporation  will  be  danger- 
ous to  our  liberties  >  By  whom  is  this  immense 
power  wielded  >     By  a  body  who  in  derogation 
of  the  great  principle  of  ail  our  institutions,  re- 
sponsibility to  the  people,  is  amenable  only  to 
a  few  stockholders,  nnd  they  chiefly  foreigners. 
Suppose  an  attempt  to  subvert  this  government 
— would  not  the  traitor  first   aim   by  force  or 
con-uption  to  acquire  the  Treasure  of  this  Com. 
pa'.y  '     Look  at  it  in  another  aspect.     Seven- 
tenths  of  its  capital  are  in  the  hands  of  foreign- 
ers, and  these   foreigners  chiefly  Engl.sh  sub- 
jects.    We  are  po.«ibly  upon  the  eve  of  a  rup- 
'turewith   that   nation.      Should  such  an  event 
occur,  do  you  apprehend  that  the  English  pre- 
mier would  experience  any  difficulty  in  obtain- 
ing the  entire  coPiti-ol  of  this  institution  ' 

That  Mr.  Clay  had  an  abhorrence  to  the  old 
Bank  of  the  Uni'ted  States,  is  well  known  ;  tliat 
abhorrence  is beiitvid  to  have  originated  in  his 
republican  education  and  his  local  rivalry  with 
John  Pope.  Mr.  Pope  was  Mr.  Clay's  colleague 
in  the  Senate  at  the  time  that  Mr.  Clay  deliver- 
ed the  speech  from  which  this  extract  is  taken, 
and  his  vote  in  favor  of  the  renewal  of  the 
Charter,  was  one  of  the  causes  of  his  loss  of  po- 
pularitv  in  Keiituck)'. 

Mr.  Clay,  when  Mr.  Pope  left  Congress,  be- 
came the' most  prominent  public  man  in  that 
body  from  the  West,  as  such  was  associated 
with  the  Pean  Mission.  Upon  his  return  from 
Europe  lie  became  tlie  zealous  advocate  of  a 
new  Bank,  and  v.-as  soon,  after  it  went  into  ope- 
ration, placed  upon  its  pay  roll. 


THE  UNDER  CURRENT  AND  THE  TARIFF. 

There  is  no  one  who  witnessed  the  discussion 
upon  the  tariff  bill  of  the  last  session,  -.vho  can- 
didly believes  that  bilLwould  have  passed  either 
house  of  Congress,  had  i-ot  the  Presidential 
election  been  pending  before  vi>e  people.  Nor 
have  we  heard  an\  candid  person,  at  all  acquaint- 
ed with  the  view's  of  Mr.  Adams,  express  a  be- 
lief that  he  would  have  signed  the  bill,  if  a  de- 
sire to  court  popularity  had  not  contrcUed  his 
own  opinions  of  public  pohcy.and  pubUc  inter- 
est. Tiif  fact  is  well  known,  that  Mr.  Adams 
did  deliberate,  and  many  who  had  more  confi- 
dence in  his  diplon.acv  than  iiis  integi-ity.did  ap- 
prehend, that  he  would  make  a  demonstration 


^7i 


|jjjoii  \irgmidujiu  the  bouili,  by  retiiininK-  llie 
bill  with  his  objections.  It  is  beliered  that  Mr. 
Clay's  influence  aione,  prcjjondcraled  and  pre- 
vented hinri  from  doing-  so. 

It  i3  easily  to  be  seen,  that  Mr.  Clay's  inter- 
ests are  directly  in  conflicj  with  tUOie-of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  that  whilst  the  r-jjecliun  of  the  bill, 
Y.as  the  only  movement  which  the  latter  Lad 
upon  the  political  ciiessb  .ard,  sucii  a  move,- 
Mliatever  mig!it  have  been  its  cllects  as  to  Mr. 
Adams,  would  have  been  political  death  to  Mr. 
Clay. 

A  word  In  explanation.  Had  the  policy  and 
interests  of  Mr.  Adams  succeeded,  he- would 
have  rejected  the  bill — his  partisans  in  the 
North,  would  have  united  witli  Virginia  ..mi  the 
South,  in  opposition  to  it.  A  convention  of 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  would  have  been 
invoked,  and  Mr  Adams  w-ould  have  been. sup- 
ported as  the  advocate  of  Southern  and  Eastern 
interests.  The  votes  »f  tieneraljackson,  Major 
Katon,  and  oliiers,  of  his  prominent  friends, 
would  have  been  seized  uponas  an  c.idence  of 
General  Jackson's  support  of  the  tariff,  and  we 
should  then  have  heard  tlie  partisans  of  Mr. 
Adims  ai-g'ue,  that  he  never  was  a  tarili' man. 
Let  us  see  what  woiUd  have  been  the  result. 
In  that  event,  Mr.  Adams  wo-ald  have  claimed 
New  England,  -  -  51 

New  Yorlr,  -  -  -     36 

I.'ew  Jersey,  -  -  8 

Delaware,  -  -  -       3 

M-.iryland,      -  -  -  11 

Vir^nia,  -  -  -     24 

North  Carolina,         -  -  15 

South  Carolina,  -  -     11 

Georgia,        -  -  -  9 

Louisiana,      '  -  -       5 

Alabama,       -  -  -  5 

Missis  i])|>i,         -  -  -       5 

Making-         191  votes. 

We  saw  this  s'at.-;  of  the  quesdon  with  alaim; 
we  knev/  the  strong;  excitement  in  the  South, 
and  feared  tlie  eflect  to  be  produced  by  an  art. 
ful  appeal  to  the  interests  and  passions  of  the 
people  in  the  anti-tariff  Slates;  and  we  could 
scarcely  believe  tliat  Mr.  Ad.tms,  skilled  as  he 
is  Li  diplomacy,  and  uncommitted  as  he  was 
upon  tlie  subject,  woidd  have  permitted  t.he 
only  chance  of  re-election  to  pass  unimproved. 

His  Ebony  genius  (Henry  Clay)  prevailed. 
Mr.  Clay  saw  that  if  ilr.  Adams  v/as  elected 
upon  such,  terms,  the  same  feeling  which 
elected  Mr.  Adams,  would  secure  the  re-elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  identify  Nev/  England 
and  the  Atlantic  States;  and  thus  he  would  be  left 
to  combat,  unaided,  the  strongattachment  of  Gen. 
.Tackson's  friends  for  Mr.  Calhoun, confirmed  by 
the  manner  in  wliich  the  presses  now  under  his 
control  have  assaJed  Gen.  Jackson.  Had  Mr. 
Adams  rejected  the  bill,  Mr.  Clay  \vbuld  have 
had  no  otr.er  alternative,  but  to  leave  the  Cabi- 
net or  abandon  his  "American  System,"  be- 
cause the  biUias  passed, is  m-jre  favorable  to  the 
gi-eat  interests,  upon  which  it  has  been  his  plan 
to  operate,  tliaii  any  othq;  bill  that  has  ever 
passed  into  a  law. 

We  Say  tlvit  .Mr.  Clay's  plans  and  Mr.  Clay's 
influence^irevailed;  tne  bill  was  approved,  and 
the  pohcy  of  the  Coahtion  has  Seen  early  de- 
veloped. Mr.  Clay  is  Indebted  to  his  pi-esent- 
elevation  for  his  skiU  in  attaching  particular  men 


to  hiniselt,  anil  Ins  abihty  to  persuaiie  liiem  tiiit 
tiielr  political  elevation  depends  uponhis.  Thus 
Bani  1  Webster,  after  making  demonstrations 
(dnrinjf  the  last  winter)  upon  the  Jackson  party, 
found  tliat  his  only  hope  of  preferment  rests 
ujion  identifying  himself  with  the  political  desti- 
ny of  Ucni-y  Clay,  or  at  least  of  placing  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  local  pai-tv,  upon  his  inHuence 
with  wliich  he  hopes  to  make  terms  with  the 
ne.xtadministi-alion,  or  to  hold  a  balance  of  pow- 
er, which,  by  a  combination  of  odds  and  ends, 
'may,  by  possibility,  appoint  the  successor  of 
Gen.  Jackson.  Thus  we  find,  John  Sergeant 
in  Fennsylvatjia,  Tristram  Burgess  in  Rhode 
IsUnd,  Webster  and  Everett  in  Massachusetts, 
and  Ichabod  Eartlctt  and  Samuel  Bell  in 
Ne  v  Hampshire,  making  the  most  dcsperae  ef- 
fort to  Ci-eite  a  local  and  sectional  party,  favora- 
ble to  »he  adnunisti-ation,  and  connected  with 
Mr.  Clay,  while  that  arch  int.  guant  undertakes 
to  answer  for  'New  York  and  tlic  Western 
States.  That  tiiese  men  an  c  now  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  aristocracy  of  the  I'nittd  Slates, 
and  that  they  all  despfiir  of  the  election  of  Mr. 
Ac'.'.nis,  is  niaiiifest.  That  tiiey  are  only  soliui- 
tious  to  keep  their  routed  forces  togetlier  for 
the  contest  succeeding  the  nest,  is  also 
manifest,  and  whether  they  unite  and  throw 
their  influence  upon  a  repubLcr.n  candidate,  or 
upon  one  of  their  own  party  will  depend  upon 
cootingencies  hereafter  to  arise.  I'iiat  Judge 
Tiiompson  of  New  York,  has  been  tichkd  witli 
the  notion  that  he  is  to  he  tlie  candidate  of  that 
interest,  is  obvious,  and  if  Mr.  Ciay  loses  the 
election  cf  Mr.  M<  tcalfe,!n  Ken'ucky,  he  will  be 
prepared  to  play  a  secondary  part,  as  be  has 
done  to  .Mr.  Adams.  Clay  is  resolved  that  hu 
wiii  be  President  him.'jelf,  or  that  he  who  is, 
shall  be  indebted  to  him  for  power. 

Taking  tliis  view  of  the  arrangements  of  the 
coahtion,  »c  cannot  doubt  but  that  a  plan  of 
tile  campaign  for  the  next  eight  yeai's  has  been 
settled.  And  we  have  as  little  doubt  that 
Messrs.  Clay,  Webster,  Sargeant,  and  Co.  aj-e 
to  use  the  "  American  System"  and  "slave  la- 
bor," a^  their  hobbies.  Hence  the  dinners  and 
the  dinner  speeclies.  TUey  iiavt  net  yd  ventur- 
ed on  the  ajl-ab sorbmg  question  of  negro slav ery, 
because  Mi-.  Cl.ay  could  not  afford  to  lose  Ken- 
tucky. Let  the  elections  there  ouce  be  deter- 
minedj  and  we  shall  then  see  more  and  more  of 
this  nsvf  monster  reared  in  the  non  slave  hold- 
ing-States. Seeing  that  our  Southern  friends 
will  have  to  meet  tliis  question  in  all  itsdeforns» 
ity,  we  are  prepared  to  ai'pieciate  their  excita- 
ment,  and.wc  do  look  with  intense  interest  u[». 
on  all  their  movementsia  relation  to  the  Taritt". 

Although  we  do  not  approve  the  measure,  it 
is  not  for  us  to  condemn  the  call  of  a  Convcn-  . 
tion,  calmly  to  discuss  th-s  important  s-.ibject, 
wh'.cn  has  been  .n.ide  in  several  southern  papers. 
We  do  not  see,  however,  with  what  propriety 
those  who  iiave  so  strenuously  advocated  the 
Harrisburg  Convention,  convened  bj  the  friends 
of  a  Tarili,  can  condemn  a  Conv.-ntion  called 
by  those  who  are  opposed  to  it,  Tiic  .-ighc  of 
our  citizens  to  assenible  and  petition  Coi.gress 
for  a  redress  of  grievances,  is  a  right  secured 
by  the  Constitution,  and  the  propriety  of  its 
exercise  will  depend  Ut,on  llie  time,  the  -na/i- 
ncr,  and  the  purposes  for  which  it  is  aone. 

Tiiat  our  bretlireu  in  the  South  intend  to  dis- 
solve the  Union,  or  to  foUov/  the  example  of 


^y-i 


.iic  l)a:-tii)rd  Ci/iiveiiUon,  cannot,  be  believed 
In'  those  who  know  tlie  patriotism  or  the  c'llv- 
iiiry  of  the  South.  That  all  their  dehbcrutions 
ipon  this  subject  v.iU  be  conducted  in  a  spirit 
ir  patriotism,  wc  bchcvc;  and  we  conchide 
these  renv.irlcs  by  ssyinjj  that  the  American 
people  rlre  ii;tpHirS''>*.  »"''  that  it  is  the  dutv  of 
tlie  patriot  to  appeal  to  tlieir  judgment,  ratl.cr 
'ihan  tlieir  passions. 

MOVEMENTS  OF  THE  PEOi'LE. 

Exlrndsfrom  llcpulKcan  Journals- 
.ilruenign,  in  Herkimer.-  -At  a.  presidential 
KiUot  of  tlie  (ili-awiO  grand  jury,  at  our  court 
of  common  pkas,onthe  2d  inst.  the  votes  stood, 
i'or  Jackson  12,  Adams  3,  and  neutral  1.  But 
IT  jurors  appeared,  ar\d  one  Jacksoniun  was  ab- 
.<cn't  at  the  balloting-,  which  was,  at  th-  request 
of  an  Adams  member!  We  consider  this  vote 
■IS  gJK'injja  verv  fair  indic.ition  of  tliestrcn^jtb  of 
paHics  in  this  county.— [M/fc  Falls  People's 
Friezcd.  ■    . 

.ilore  signs. — At  tlie  training- of  the  nnifonft 
conipa-nies  in  this  village,  en  M-mday  last,  a  vote 
wa«  taken  for  president.  Incapt.  Maison's  com- 
■panv  ofar'illcrv,  the  vote  s'.ood,  for  Jackson  24, 
lor  Adams  6.'  In  capt.  Graham's  company  ofri- 
lemen,  the  vote  stoed,  for  Jackson  29,  for  Ad- 
ams 3.  The  commanding  ofBcer  of  the  Fusi- 
liers, bting  an  Adams  man,  declined  having- the 
•>ote  taken  in  Trs  conipan\ .  Weshall  not  be  at 
rll  surprised  if  the  election  in  this  fown,  the  com- 
ing fall,  shall  cventna'jj  in  ai'iout  the  same,  m-.m- 
ner  as  in  the  two  companies  mentioned.  Let  ns 
licarnomorc  of  Adams'  strength  in  Foughkcep- 
<;i(i.—  ]_l)u'-hess  'Inie  .1m. 

.flnothcrkign — A*  a  muster  of  the  Salma  Guards 
on  the  3d  inst.  in  (his  village,  a  vote  was  taken 
on  the  Presidential  question.  On  countmg  the 
ballots,  tlicy  stood,  30  for  Jackson,  and  o;ie  for 
.\danis. — {Sjracuse  .Qdr. 

Still  ./?rto.'/ic;-.— If  the  foUowingliflle  incident 
■vas  to  be  mentioned  .as  evidence  of  increa.suig 
e-ood  will  towards  Jackson,  it  wonll  tell  as  much 
as  ninctenths  of  what  is  every  day  given  on  the 
other  side,  in  favour  of  Mr.  Ad.ains. 

Three  new  boats  were  a  few  days  smce  built 
nuu  launched  -at  this  place,  by  different  ownei-s. 
One  of  them  was  itanied  .Indrciv  Jackson,  anoth- 
er of  them  General  Jaehsnn,  and  the  third  Old 
/}(cA-or,y— and  it  is  said  without  any  concert  or 
previous  undei-standing  between  the  proprie- 
tors. Indeed,  at  least  one  of  them  was  a  little 
while  since  sironsflv  o.i  the  other  side.  The 
'ast  one  intended  to  iiave  called  his  An'drew- 
Jackson,  but  when  he  found  one  of  his  neigh- 
bors had  sot  (hat,  and  another,  General  Jackson, 
he  determin-d  not  to  be  thus  cut  out  of  all  al- 
lusion to  his  favorite  m-an,  called  his  Old  Nick- 
dry. — [Salina  HeinlJ- 

From  tlic  Albany  Argus. 

'dhc"grecii  republican"  administraiwn  intel- 
j,:n-^^r — xn addition  to  the  numerous  notes  of re- 
p\iblican  coi'respondents  and  newspapers, 
given  vesterday,  showing  tlve  singidav  paucity 
of  theadmmistraUon  meetinp',  ve  subjoin  t'.ic 
foHowirj: — 


Lewis  etiwdij — To  tiie  editor  ouhe  Argas,  da- 
ted Lewis  county,  June  3. 

"  Dear  Sir — I  am  happy  to  inform  you  that 
the  political  prospect  in  the  couu(y  of  Lewis  is 
g-ood.  The  eld  republicans  in  this  county,  all 
of  them,  with  one  single  exception,  arc  for  Jack- 

301T 

"  Yeslerday  the  administration  county  roeef- 
ing,for  the  purpose  of  choosing  a  delegate  to  at- 
tend the  Slate  convention  at  .Vlb.any  on  the  lOtli 
-June  inst.  met  at  Hartinsbvn-gh.  Nf.twithstaad. 
ing  every  exertion  had  been  used  to  have  that 
meeting  generally  attended,  for  the  purpose  of 
making'  a  political  show  and  parade,  only  eleven, 
all  federalists,  attended.  There  are  in  this  county 
nine  towns,  sixof  which  w-ere  not  representee! 
in  that  meeting-  There  was  one  person  from 
Denmark,  two  from  Martinsbiirgh,  and  eight 
from  flic  village  of  Lowville. 

"  I  understand  consider.iWe  exertion  was  used 
to  get  Leonard  Mouse  to  attend  the  meeting, 
who  by-the  by,  notwithstanding  his  name  is  at- 
tacb_ed  to  the  admir>is(ration  address,  is  a  strong 
Jackson  man,  and  so  declares  himself  The 
Jackson  republican  strength  will  be  called  Gilt' 
in  asliort  time  in  this  county,  by  a  general  meet- 
ing, andl  will  assure  you  that  the  republicans 
of  tile  county  will  sliow,  by  theirattcndance,  that 
the  crrHn  hand  bdls,  &c.  have  been  of  no  use  to 
the  administration  in  this  northern  region." 

JVashinghn  County. — To  the  editor  of  tlie, 
Argus,  dated  Wasliington  county,  June  7. 

"The  friends  of  the  administration  held  a 
•  county  meeting  on  tlic  5th,  to  organize  and  ap- 
point delcg:.tcs  to  the  -Albany  federa;!  conven- 
tion, it  was  a  completi  failui'c.  After  all  their 
exertions  they  were  only  able  to  inuster/!i;£)ir?/- 
.'"ren  persons  from  all  the  towns  in  the  county! 
Martindale  was  present  himself,  having  only 
arrived  in  the  county  tlie  evening  before,  inter- 
ceding for  another  nomination  (o  congress.  I 
was  present,  and  never  witnessed  faces  on  which 
disappoir.lment  was  more  strongly  marked. — 
Tliev  crpected to  Irave had  200  or  300 in  attend- 
ance.'' 

ISteiilicn  count)/.— The  Bath  advocate  exposes 
the  paucity  of  the  Adams  meeting  in  that  coun- 
ty, as  follows.  Nothing  can  be  mote  ridiculous 
tlian  tlie  pretension  that  the  people  take  any 
part  in  these  gatherings. 

"A  notici.  of  tlic  meeting  w-as  published  in 
the  Messenger  foi- three  successive  weeks  pre- 
vious to  the  meeting,  and. in  the  meantime  o 
number  of  letters  were  wiilten  by  one  or  more 
of  tlie  i:boliy  and  Topaz  party  of  Bath,  calling 
upon  tlioie  to  whom  they  were  addressed,  in  the 
most  inviting  and  pressing  teims,  to  appear  on 
the  day  and  at  t'lc  place  appointed,  and  join  in 
the  great  hue  and  cry  against,  the ,  '  militXCTj' 
chieftain.'  1  mention  these  facts  by  way  of 
illustrating  the  diligence  and  zeal  manifested  by 
the' getters  up' of  this  mighty  caucus.  ,  Their 
success,  however,  remains  yet  to  be  toid.  Of 
iicenti/  time  owns,  compi-i.'?ing  the  county  of 
Steuben, /u>o  only,  to  wit.:— Hath  and  Erwin. 
were  represented iand  from  the  k-.tter,  one p ersoii 
only  appeared!  The  wliole  number  collected, 
after  raking  and  scraping  the' highways  and 
hedges  of  the  town  and  village,  including  the 
Erwin    representation,     amounted     to    barfrU' 


UjSjTED   states^   Jl^LEGiiA^H..... Extra. 

This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  I'residentiul  Election,  and  be  published,  weekly 
imtU  the  15th  of  October  next,  foi-  One  Dolfar,-  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  and  no  more 


VOL.  I. 


BY  GREEN  fy  JARVIS. 
WASHINGTON,  JULY  13,  182S. 


No.  is. 


"SKETCH  OF  JOH^r  Q.  ADAMS." 

"We  have  seen  a  pamphlet,  now  in  circulation 
in  Kentucky,  purporting*  to  be  an  hi^toncal 
'sketch  of  John  Q.  Adams.  The  truth  ui'  its 
^Utements  may  be  tested  by  the  fact,  tliat  the 
same  pamphlet  undertakes  to  prove -that  Mr. 
Adaras  received  a  greater  nuraber  of  votes  than 
Gen.  Jackson.  Some  timt;  last  year,  we  pub- 
lisaed  a  letter  from  the  Hon.  S.  D.  lug-ham,  to 
the  Jackscn  CoiTesjioiidinjj  CommittL-e  of  Piii- 
]adeiphi.i,in  which  the  claims  of  Mr.  Adams  are 
exhibited  in  their  true  colors,  under  the  respon- 
sibility of  one  of  tile  mo^t  distinij'-uislied  states- 
men of  the  a^e.    . 

By  way  of  counteractln<j  the  cHect  of  Mr. 
Ing-Iiam's  letter,  rt  has  been  asserted, /.*2  Kai- 
(Mch}jt  that  Mr.  Ingham  wasalederalist.  If  any 
inan  may  be  truly  said  to  have  been  **  died  in  the 
"wooi"  a  dc[nocrat,that  man  is  Samuel  D.Ingham. 
}Ie  was  a  republican  in  the  days  wliich  tried 
'men's  souls.  Upon  examining  a  file  of  tlie  Auro- 
ya,  now  in  the  horary  of  Gongrts.t,  once  the  pro- 
perty of  Mr.  Jefterson,  we  find  an  evidence  of 
Mr.  Ingham's  political  opinions,  which  cannot 
be  disputed.  They  will  be  found  below,  and 
Me  now  published  that  our  republican  friends 
throughout  the  Union,  may  comj>are  the  present 
with  the  past.  At  the  time  that  this  address 
v.-as  written,  Mr.  Ing-hum  was  a  young-  man,  and 
it  is  no  sm:dl  testimoujal  cf  his  v/orth,  to  iind 
ihat  this  ad«lrc'ss  should  kave  been  again rcpub- 
].slied  in  the  Auior::^  'hi^-n  the  crg-an  of  the  lle- 
publlcan  party. 

Exiract  from  the  Address  of  the  iiepublican   Commiticc  ff 
Buck's  county y  P«.,  to  their  constituents*  . 

FKIES'DS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZEXS, 

We  liave  hiuleJ  the  reason  why  some  repubiicRiis  Iisvc 

(Uiseiited  IVom  your  ticl:ft>  in  one  or  t«"u  instances.  'Ih'.se 
"l. fleets  Mt-rt  fornu-tl  by  coiMniiUfts,'  cho.i-n  in  sittli  Tr.ainit-r 
i(i  lo  remler  it  doubtiul  uhethir  ihey  speiik  the  sense  of 
iheiniijurity.  The  uiembtrs  in  some  townships  were  t-ho- 
>rn  by  a  vi-ry  few  votes,  and  tJiose,  perhnps,  g-iv»-n  by  a  can* 
r.idatu    anu  Iiis  I'l  tends.     In  the  (bilowing  Vfsolutions  you 

uill  find  a  complete  remtdy  tor  the  evi:,  pvovuled  you  co- 
operate iu  cairyirfftheui  into  etffct.  'i  he  ploii  of  eleetioii 
j»roposed,  will  diminish  expense  j;nd  truiibtt*,  at  the  saniu 
time  llirti  it  voinbint-s  the  vuies  of  the  inajoriiy  of  the  i  e- 
piiblitans  in  thoos-jsj  tuture  Lominittves.  bt*iil,  yo^  will 
]»;e;i5f  t*'  veiiicmher,  that  ttD  comuiitttrf,  Iiuwt- ver  perlcctty 
consiituud,  C6n  fonn  a  ticlitt  ro  phase  jou  .ill.  'i  hey  «  ill 
imve  tirtir  wiuknesbes  and  pariirtlities,  and  m^^t  sonietiim.* 
do  wrong.  Vuu  will  bnv-  y«.nr  v.eal.nti-.rsand  partiatiiie*, 
ar.d  will  Uiinl:  tin  y  do  wronj;  when  they  do  risht.  Wheiii 
ibcTifore,  a  titkt-t  is  rccoiiinit-nded  which  you  do  not  wholly 
-fpprove,askyomsi!vts  the  qiieiUin,  '-hhalt  liiippo.t  ihii 
ucke'  which  comeins  one  or  luo  naiVifs  wliich  1  do  not 
lik»;  or,  !>liaJt  I  break  the  bond  of  repni^liiau  union,  siidi 
myself  and  party  into  poliiicatiiiaif^uificance  and  »ontenipt, 
ind  see  tifkfU  p.tvaii  fa..r.  y^artoyear  tonlaininK  not  a 
name  iSii-t  I  can  anprove?"  An  occasional  sacrifieo  of  pri- 
vate opinion  to  public  duty  yuu  must  make, or  votir  opinion 
on  politics  will  picicntly  stand  *i;r  r.olb.liic-  ^^  ou  d  juu 
n^erittbe  cliak-at-trt-  of  i-rpub;ie?ns?     Bow  to  llur  luilt  a/the 

.■ojorifi/.nnd support  the  tkht  formed  by  your  rrprt^icntu- 
fvcs.  Would  JOU  asiiiie  lo  the  name  of  paiiiols:'  Woind 
\aix  promnle  the  cause  of  l,iht-rty,  and  exteiidit-.  h!fssiiifr»  lo 
t  i.-uerations  yetunbovn:'  I'kuvc  Iu  the  S]j3tnu  rf  rrpuhliian 
ur.ionas-tothe  horns  ofjrctdoin^s  altar.  Wdiijd  you  merit 
lla-appeltatiou  of  wise  men  and  j^ood  politicians?  Take  the 
■''jriutts  means  to  extend  tiour  ptnver  and  in/luctirc,  and  do 
,'wt  jiiadhf  puU  dfnvii  vifh  your  owu  hands  the  fabric  ycti 
'ifLtcdut^tiso  much  cure.     In  fine,  woii!d  you  disjpponit 

lie  hopes  ot  your  fneniies,  and  avoid  the  ridimlc  whith 
-    i:";  your  V-aW    Mnke  ym:r  committee  a  Just  rrtiiesenta- 


tion  cfthe  reptibl'ican  interest— support,  hy  your  votes,,  t.'it 
tickets  theu  recommend— and  take  f'vr  your  pole  star  tJuic 
political  ww/Jri;>J,     "UNll-ED   WE  STAND,   DIVIDED 


WE  FALL.' 


lit^UM'TIONS, 


Hesolved^  That  tlie  Republican  Conunitlce  of  Buck'* 
county,  sh:.H  hereafter  be  chosen  at  tbe  sante  places  and 
on  the  ssn^edTiy,  as  township  otiicers  are  chosen,  viz.:  thr 
3d  Saturday  of  .Murth  iu  every  year,  between  the  honrs  ol' 
4.-ndfi  o'clock,  P.  M. 

Resolved^  That  the  election  shall  be  pubhihed,  and  con- 
ducted in  the  manner  folUiwiin;,  viz.: 

1.  llmt  the  Ss-cretary  of  the  Committee  for  the  time  bc- 
in^  shall  give  notice  th-ivof  tend^^ys  belbre,  inone  ormoi-»; 
cf  the  pub.ic-paiii.-r3  wh.ch  circulate  geueyully -in  th« 
county.  ,  \       , 

2.  Thcmenibeisof  the  CoMmitttefor  tlie  townskhips  rr- 
speclively,  shall  {;ive  tbe  like  tiuu-ly  iiodce  xli»-reof  by  writ 
ten  or  pvint-d  advertisfiacat^iet  up  in  four  or  tiioi'e  i>ublic 
places  in  each  townsbip. 

3.  At  the  same  time  and  place,  two  Judges  of  the  election 
and  one  Sccieur^'  shall  be  chc.sen,  end  'hry  or  any  two  ul 
tliem  shall  dfi-ideon  tbe  (^uaiitiiaiioiis  of  the  electors:  shall 

-cause  this  election  to  be  f  orSy  conducted,  and  certify  uudeu 
their  haj-.ds  the  nuiues  ((f  the  persons  choien. 

4.  Eath  tov  nsbln  sbali  elect  one,  two,  or  three  member^ 
attheir  discretion  r  but  infixing  tbe  ticket  for  the  "eneral 
election,  each  township  sball  havebutone  vote;  and  if  the 
members  for  any  town^Oiip  are  eqmdiy  di^id^-d,  and  cannot 
agiee,such  lownshtji  sh.-il  'osi;  its  vote. 

5.  The  electioa  ^ball  lu-by  ballot;  but  beJ'jre  it  proceed* 
each  elector  present  shall  have  an  opportjinity  of  putting 
iu  nonunatton  as  many  ciadiJates  as  lie  thinks  proper. 

6.  At  this  election  every  person  shatl  iMve  a  light  to 
elect  and  to  be  elected  who  is  entitled  lo  vole  at  the  general 
election;  pr  vided  he  pvofessea  lobe.i  demoeratic  republi- 
can, and  has  supiiorted  thechaiaxiicvfor  et  Iea>t  si\  raoniUi 
then  iHst  past. 

7.  If,  upon  counting  tJie  ballets,  it  shall  appear  ihattwu 
ormcre  fcudidates  bave  equal  votes,  tlieeleciois  shall  im- 
mediately determine  the  prefortuve  by  a  new  ballot  or 
otJierwise. 

8.  Fiom  and  after  the  s.^id  third  SaturJ:iy  in  March,  the 
powers  of  the  preceding  louniy  committee  shall  cease  and 
determine;  anJ  tlje  caiiKuitt^e,  chosen  aa  afurcsaid,  shall 
liold  iti.tir>i  statrd  meeting  at  ihe  public  house  iiow 
kept  hy  Joiiah  Aildis,  on  tbe  first  Tuesday  of  Septem- 
ber thvn  foliowiutr,  at  10  o'ctoci;,  in  the  tureiioon.  At 
lhi«  meeting  a  noutin'iiioii  shall  be  mad^  of  camlldntes  tu 
hli  the  several  elective  oiHces  of  State  representatives, 
bherifls,  coroners,  and  county  commissioners,  and  also  oi' 
Stxtc  Senator  anil  liepvcsv-nUtive  iur  Cungi-css  wiie.-i  occa- 
sion requires;  and  •-it;-h  a.eiobi-r^hall  haveu  right toputiu 
noniiuatiun  Avbo  nnd  as  mnuy  r.s  he  p!eas<  s,  )mivideu  thac 
any  peisonsuminaxd  sJiutl  Iiave  a  ri^Itt  tu  withdraw  Itis 
name. 

y.  The  Committee  shall  tasise  publication  to  be  madi: 
in  one  or  more  of  tUi.-  eurient  newspapers  of  th-;  nomina- 
tion albresaid,  and  of  the  »ime  and  place  of  ti\ing  tin; 
ticket;  and  tbey  shall  accoriti:igly  meet  at  tbes^nm  place 
or  a*  Uunl'-.p'»  lavvrt'n,  on  the  third  a'uesday  of  the  saints 
month;  ar.d  sball,  betwe<  it  the  hoiiis  of  tbreu  and  tivc 
oV-lock,  P.  M.,  choo^i.  by  ballot  out  of  tiie  candidates  nom^ 
nnted  as  aforesaid,  die  number  to  be  voted  lok*  at  the  sue 
cceding  general  eieciion. 

IC.  Wbtjii  membcis  of  Cougrtss  are  to-be  chosru,  con- 
fertes  iu  beha:f  of  thiitount)-  shall  beeieeted  by  the  Com- 
mittee on  the  aaid  ihi  d  Tuesday  of  SeptoiolK-r/seasonablrj 
puh.ie  notice  there^;f  beiujf  pievioosU  given;  and  we  ad- 
vise that  the  eonllrets  f;fini  this  and  the  other  lountiescoa- 
ceintd,  met  tat  Hurtivir*  tuverii,  iu  Xortliiiijiplon  tounty, 
on  thefoui;h  'I'ucsday  of  Septeniber,  and  fi\  the  lisJieifwi- 
tbertpre^-  i.tjuives  loConji^rL^s.  Mluu  the  Cooimiliee  con- 
ceive that  liiis  county  is  entitled  to  furnish  a  c^iuiliduti- 
for  Congress,  thty  imiy,  by  ballot  or  oiberwise.flx  the  can- 
didate, :ind  instruct  tiieir  confcktes  to  cndeovor  toUaveh... 
name  placed  on  the  tiikL-t. 

Kcsulved,  That  extiu  meeting';  of  the  Committee  may  be 
held  when  six  membcTs  fr<ini  lineetownships  shall tliink  ic 
t-.\pe(iii  nt;  but  in  this  casi-,  the  meeiiuff  shall  be  convened 
«t  or  near  the  centre  i.f  tin-  loumy,  and'umplt;  nouce  there*- 
of  ihall  be  given  by  tltr  public  prints,  cireular  letiers,  or 
otherwisr;  uthtr  mljouined  mtelings  may  aiso  be  hehi ; 
bui  at  suih  extra  or  uijournid  lueeniig  no  measures  shall 
be  taken  which  may  aUect  ihe  formation  of  the  litktt  tl^ 
t\xe  f;eneral  eleeiioii. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee, 

.!OSEPH  HAUT,  Chninnan. 
S/VMUEL  D.  IKGHAM,  ^crr^'.r.f* 

Mtf7fWn'«5  February  l^'t,  1803. 


^74 


\\i;  lo-iiuv,  give  Mr.  Iirr-ijajn's  iiitcicsting 
iaUer.  'I'lie'  high  standing  of  tlie  writer,  tlic 
importance  of  the  sulyect  upon  whicli  he  trcr.ls, 
•aid  llie  aWa  manner  in  wliich  it  is  done,  will 
command  for  it  an  attentive  pcmsal. 

AN  EXPOSITION 

i\i-  Titr.  rcLiTicAL  cHinAcTER  Aiiu  m IN ciri,i;S  OF 
.I05IK  QWiNCY  ABAr-IS, 

ahiiwine:  by  Hislnricul  Uccumcnis,  and  incontcs- 
rible  facta,  thitt  he  inas  crfijce/ct' a  Mo.vakchist: 
/i«5' «7(.'.Y/7ys  J«  !;/iOf/ifc /o  roruLAn  GO  vr,nN.iir.NT, 
iiird  partkularh/  to  Us  great  bulwnrky  tiie 
stiSUT  OF  suipn-vfit:  and  llwt  lie  affeclcd  to  hc- 
ro:itc  a  licpublican  only  to  uiluin  the  power  to 
pervert  and  ihgrade  the  Dr-Jioriu'ric  paiitv; 
'and  in  Jiilve  the  levy  for  .--iieh  a  change  of  Tnr, 
CosBTnuTiox  ts  wuu!deslabtltih  in  these  tnr- 
icd  Sinks,  AS  Abistocbatical  ami  IIekedit- 

AllY  G'OVi:KH-MEN'i'. 


l.ctlcr  to  Sa'ihuel  D.  Ingham,  Esq.  member  of 

Congress,  New  Hope,  Backs  county,   I'enn- 

pylviiitia.  .  ^  _ 

rini..A'DF.LruiA,  Get.  30,  18i.i  . 

\5zXv  Sill — 'tHie  general  committee  appoint* 

fd  by  the  democratic  citizens  -^f  this  district, 

to  aid  in  eflectiiig  the  electluu  of  Oen.  Jackson 

id  the  Presidency,  have  directed  us  to  address 

^'■011.  _    ,  •■ 

■  Tlie  cliaracCer  and  principles  of  the  present 
r.liief  JtagislnJe  of  the  Union  are  sincerely  be- 
lieved to  be,  as  a  politician,  in  the  enlarged 
sense  of  tliat  \rord,  dar.gero<.5  to  the  institutions 
I.f  the  country,  and,  a;  a  partj  politician,  coun- 
terfeit and  hvpocritical.  In  the  last  essay  from 
^■ou^  pen,  communicated  to  the  public,  you  in- 
timate an  intention  to  devclope  tliu  interesting 
topic,  ai-d  to  put  the  results  of  )Our  research 
before  vour  fel'-ow  citizens. 

Considering  t!ie  subject  oi  much  more  im- 
portance tliauthc  ordinary  themfsof  contrever- 
iy— as  one  whicli,  treated  by  you,  wiU  ccnhrm 
the  iud.-;ment  aii.l  sentiments  of  the  people  ot 
this  CommonwcaUh;  the  coimnitlee  leg.ird  it 
■■■i  iiicumlicnt  upon  them  to  r;(iue;*,  thattlicy 
■„av  bo  made  the  means  of  giving  to  your  ex- 
i-.osition,  ifitbe  prepared,  such  a  diftusion  as 
may  be  calculated  to  subsevvc  the  noble  demo- 
cratic cause  to  which  they  are  dc\oted.  On 
their  behalf,  tlierelbrc,  and  ap-eeably  to  tl.eir 
instruction,  we  beg  thM  your  pap"',  d  ccmplct- 
t  J,  may  be  forwarded  to  us. 

y\'c  are,  dear  sir,  very  respectfully, 
Your  friends  atid  servants, 

HPNUV  IIOHN, 
O.  JI.  DALLAS. 


UK  PLY. 

<.i,Mi.i.MiN-I  have  received  your  aivorci 
,he  oCth  ultimo,  requestmg  that  1  will  forwaid 
,0  you,  in  behalf  of  the  General  Committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  democratic  citizens  OS  tue  city 
„ri  comity  of  Pliihdelplua,  to  aid  m  efiectn,g 
the  election  cf  Gen.  .Tackson  to  tue  Presiden- 
cy of  the  United  States,  the  exposition  ot  the 
political  character  and  principles  of  the  present 
I'hief  Aiagi.stratc,  which  I  had  promised  some 
ihne  since  to  prepare,  and  make  public  K  .s 
gratifying  to  iind  tluit  you  have  so  Inglily  ap- 
pi-cciated  the    importance  of   discussing  tins 


brar.^'I^  cr: 


!•?  !rrcat  qtris'.Vjn  tvhicU  now  agi- 


tates the  public  minii,  as  to  Iiine  expecteii 
even  from  my  very  defective  labore  some  bene' 
ficial  developements.  The  countenance  of  so 
very  rcBpcctablc  a  body  cannot  fail  to  stimulate 
otlicr  snd  better  pens  to  a  more  thorough  In- 
vestigation of  t'ae  same  subject,  from  Which, 
when  employed  in  so  extensive  a  field,  wo  may 
hope  for  an  abundant  collection  and  disclosuro 
of  highly  interesting  facts. 

I  transmit  the  paper  you  have  requested,  in 
the  liope  that,  however  deficient  in  the  execu- 
tion, it  may  prove  of  some  use  to  the  great  cause 
of  public  virtue  and  political  principles  involved 
in  the  present  contest.     Kut  it  seems  proper  in 
justice  to  myself,  when  presenting  tli'rs  paper 
for   publication,   to   e.\p!ain   hew   it  has   hap- 
pened tliat  I  have  been  drawn  into  a  discussion 
of  tliis  subject  under  my  ownsigi,;itiirc:     Some 
lime  in  Aprd  last,  a  meeting  of  democi-atic  re- 
publicans was  advertised  to  be  held  at  Doylcf- 
tnwn,  in  tliis  county,  to  take  into  considcrafioii 
the  matters  involved  in  tlie  approaching  Prcsi- 
dential  election.     Owing,  jierhaps,  to  the  sup- 
position that  mv  pubhc  station  aiTorded  an  op- 
portunity for  information  on  that  subject,  whicli 
was  not  common  to  all  my  fellow  citizens,!  wa.s 
specially  requested  by  some  of  the  committee, 
wlio  called  the   meeting,  to  state  the  ]>rincipal 
grounds  on  which  Mr.  Adams  was  deemed  lesi? 
worthy  to  be  supported  for  the  Vrcsidcncy  than 
Gen.    .(ackson.       I   accordingly   made   such  a 
statement,  and  \vilh  a  scrupulous  regard  to  facts 
either  publicly  known  or  susceptible  of  proof 
from  history  o'r  documents.     Tliesc  statements, 
with  some  additloii.al  matters  suggested  by  oth- 
ers, were  made  the  basis  of  t^ie  procccdingis  of 
the  meeting-,   which   approved  and   published 
them.     I  was  soon  after  violently  ass-ailed  in 
some  cf  the  papers  that  advocate  the  claims  of 
Mr.  Adams  for  tlie  Presidency,  which  \\3^  fol- 
lowed up  by  an  intemperate  attack,  somewliat 
of  a  personal  nature,  from  Mr.  Jonathan  Hobertf, 
that  necessarily  caused  a  rejily  under  my  own 
signature.     In  the  course  of  his  essays,   Mr. 
Roberts  undertook  a  defence  of  Mr.    Adams, 
a"-ainst  all  the  allegations  in  the  Uucks  county 
resolutions,  in   which  he  rashly  denied  most  of 
the  facts  therein  stated. 

This  defence  (if  sucli  it  could  be  called)  con- 
tained internal  evidence  of  having  been  written, 
in  part  at  least,  under  the  eye  of  Mr.   Adams 
himseir.     Thus  assaiied,  and  opposed  by  such 
hi-'h  authorit*-,    and  already  embarked  in   the 
discu-ssion,  J  had  no  choice  but  to  continue  it, 
and  present  seme  of  the  f  roe'-,  which  I  had  lu 
my  po.S3essioii.     Tims  have  I  been  forced  into 
th'is  discus.sion,  by  circumstances  in  whicli  I  had 
but  I'ttlc  ai'-ency,  and  which  I  trust  will  excuse 
-me  among  my  pclilical  friends,  for  wliat  might 
otherwise  liave  .seemed  improperly  assuming. 
The  exposition  will,  I  hope,  satisfy  you  Uiatths 
facts  asserted  in  the  Bucks  county  resolution's  in 
relation  to  Mr.  Ad..ms'  alleged  conversion  fo 
democracy  can  be  fully  sustahied,  and  that  in- 
stead of  a'cting  the  part  of  au  "intemperate  ca- 
bal'," as  charged  by  Mr.  R:;berts,  wc  have  pre- 
ECiited  thciii  witli  great  moderation. 

I  am,  with  very  great  respect. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

S.  D.  INGUAM 
IlrKitv  Ilor.y,  and 
Geo.  M.  Dallas,  Esqs. 

Oieat  Springs,  l&t  Nuv.  13~'~. 


^ 


'i> 


EXPOSITION,  i«,c. 

1  his  napcr  will  be  devoted  to  im  exposition 

.■t  the  evidence  on  which  the  thinl  nllecration  'r. 

the  Bucks  county  rcsuhitions  rests  im"  its  sup- 

'^,'i-'   ,Tl':'t /allegation  is  iu  the  following-words: 

•    He  have  tiie  Ijest  reason^o  believe  that  Mr. 

„  ,.'!;-'"''  ."^«<^'"^  to  become   a  Hepublicaii  in 

IbLl^,  with  a  view  to  deceive  tiie  democratic 

•party,  and  to   obtain  its  assistance  to  acquire 

^'  power,  only  when  he  bad  lost  all  hope  of  ob- 

ta-ning-  the  object  of  his  ambition  tl.rouirh  his 

old  pohtical  friends."— The  answer  qiven  to 

this  charge  is  a  simple  negative,  viz;_"Mt. 

Adams  did  not  aff.ct  to  become  a  Republican  in 

180/,  but  ahvaya  was  a  Republican,  in  the  true 

sense  of  that  term." 

This  charge  is  one  of  the  most  serious  that  lias 
been  made  against   itr.   Adams,   prior  to  the 
events  of  the  lateelcction.    It  deeplv-implicates 
ins  pohtical  and  moral  integritv.     For  it  is  verv 
clear  that  he   who,  without  Any  conviction  df 
error,  sball  deliberately  apostuti^.e  from  the  faith 
in  wlijch  he  bad  been  educated,  and  had  con- 
tinued t.  1  at  the  full  meridian  of  life,  wheth- 
er to  gratify  avarice,  ambition,  or  any  other  pas- 
sion, must  have  cultivated  in  bis  moments  ofre- 
t.rem.nttbe  odious  uit  of  hrpocrisv,  andsilenc- 
fd  the  admonitions  of  conscience  bv  cherisbin"- 
a  cool  premeditated  contempt  for  all  moral  obL- 
g-ation  that  conflicted  witli  interest.   The  char-e 
It  wib  be  seen,  istli,atof  an  r#'o.V<f  conversfon 
liom  federalism  to  democracy  for  sinister  p.ir- 
poses.     It  will  not  be  nececsary  to  prove  in  this 
place,  tb.it  there  existed  an  essential  difTerence 
in  pnnc.ple  between  the  federalhts  and  the  re- 
puU.cans,  from  an  caj-Iy  period  of  our  govern- 
ment^    It  would  be  a  4ibel  upon  both  parties  to 
say  that  tb.e  difference  which  so  long  aritated 
ihe  country,  was  nothing  but  a  mere  scramble 
tor  power.     Uv  have  the   authority  of  Ja,;f.s 
Monroe,  in  confirmation  of  numerous  facts  lonsr 
5iO?e  recorded   as  a  part  of  our  bistory,   thai 
monarcji;;."!  priucplcs  were  not  externi  nat.-d 
^rom  pur  country  by  the  revolution,  alici  thut  ii 
portion  of  the  wh'gs  had  struggled  for  Indepen- 
dence, but  not  for  Republican  Liberty.     While 
■\Vashington  ruled,  his  piu-pose  was 'to  dispose 
of  eveiy  thing  for  the  glory  and  happiness  of  his 
country.     Ihs  singleness  of  heart  and  illustrious 
public  services,  inspired  such  universal  confi- 
<1-Snce,  that  he  readily  controlled  the  jarrintr  elc- 
;nents  around  him,  and  exerted  his  power  to 
STive  such  stability  and  beauty  to  our  goycrn- 
nient,  as  would  tc.ach  all  that  it  was  the  n.ost 
perfect  system  for  the   presenation  of  human 
happiness.     But  no  sooner  was   his  determina- 
tion to  retire  at  the  end  of  bissecond  term  made 
known   than  the  Jeepcit  an.xiety  was  .awakened 
as  to   the   pohtical   principles  of  a  successor. 
Mr.  Adams   the  chkr  was   among  the  highest 
oned  of  the  monarchical  party.     He  had  labor- 
ed with  great  zeal  and  persevering  industry  ,o 
^3\Mx^hinckpcndaice,  and  in  the  dawn  of  th.-it  in- 
dependence  with  no  les.Jzeal  and-ability  to  incul- 
cate monarclucat  principles.     For  that  purpose, 
he  ha-1  written  several  volumes  of  laborc'l  pa! 
pers,  sometimes  insidiously  disguised,  occasion- 
ally open  and  unequivocal.     Those  who  .ire  not 
t.imihar  with  the  discussions  of  lTi7-S.9    will 
netter  understand  these  facts  by  perusing  some 
iXTi  ACTS  from  the  works  alluded  to.    It'wiU  be 

'itled  the  "  nefenr^e  of  the  Amcrir;cn  Constit..,.- 


t  on.  ■  unmaiialfily  ucfuw  li.e  ol^^^ui^;,^^,,  t 
the  Convention  wbicb  adopted  the  preseii 
Constitution  of  the  (ieneral  (Vovcrnment-aui 
J^r  the  purpose  of  opera'ing  on  tlic  minds  of  tKi 
Amer.can  ,;eoi>le.  and  especiaHy  upon  the  merti 
bers  of  the  expected  convention,  in  tllfc  foiWa 
tion  ot  a  government  for  our  Union.  The  bool 
was  wiitten  in  the  years  l-86-r-8.  The  scnti 
ments  then  expressed  will  show  what  sort  o 
Government  l,o  Would  have  given  us.  and  cs 
pccially  what  were  his  views  of  a  Dcmorratir 
(.oyernmcnt.  These  will  be  found  in  the  foj 
lowing  extracts:  ' 

.  "  The  people  in  all  nations  are  naturally  dl- 
vided  into  two  sorts,  the  gentlemen  and  the  slm- 
pie  men,  a  word  which  is  iiere  chosen  to  signi- 
fy the  coMMo,,  rEuri.E."— "i!y  the  common 
p.-ople  we  mean  labcrers,  mechanics,  husband- 
men,  and  merchants  in  general,  who  pursue 
heir  occupations  and  industry,  without  any 
knowledge  m  liberal  arts  and  .sciences,  or  \n 
any  thing,  but  tlieir  own  trades  and  pursuits.'' 
V  ol.  3,  p.  458. 

"Itniu^  be  ackriowledged,   in  every  .StaV 
M.assachusett3  for  example,  there  are  inequah'- 
ties  which  Go,,  and  XATuaEhave  planted  there, 
and  whici  no  human  legislature  .-an  ever  eradi- 
cate. _  -"  Tnequahli,  „f  birth.'     Let  no  man  be 
surprised  that  this  species  of  inequality  is  intro- 
duced here.     Let  the  page  of  history  be   quo, 
ted  where  any  nation,  ancient  or  modern,  civiP, 
zed  or  .s.ayage,  is  mentioned,    among  whom  no 
diHerence  w.as   made  between   the  citizens  qn 
account  of  Uicir  exiractio,,.     the  children  of 
Illustrious   Tumilics_  have  generally  greater  ad- 
^aiit.ig..s  of  education,  and  eariier  opportunities 
to  be  acq..^,inted  with   public   chai'acters,  ami 
informed  of  public  affairs,  than  those  of  meaner 
ones,oreveii  those  in  middle  hfe;   and  wli.at  rs 
more  than  all,   an  habitual   national  vencr.ation 
for  their  names,  and  the  character  of  their  an- 
CC.S  ei-s,   deserbc-d  i„    history,  or  coming  down 
by  tiad.tion,  removes  them  further  tvom  vulvar 
jealous'/  :.nd  popu,,l-  envy,  and  secures  them  i„ 
some  degiee  the  favor,  the  atfeciion.  and  res- 
pect of  the  public  "-—Vol.  1,  p.  ioy-10. 

"  The  son  ofa  wise  and  virtuous  father  fihds 
the  world  about  him,  S'^uielinics,  as  much  dispd". 
sed  as  he  is  himself,  to  honor  the  meinory  of  hi.s 
fiither;  to  congratulate  him  as  the  successor  of 
his  estate,  and  to  compliment  him  with  electiori 
to  the  places  lieheld."^Same  vol.  p.  115, 

Thus  did  illr.  Adams  artfully  attempt  to  lav 
a  foundation  for  his  favorite  theory  of  an  here, 
ditary  government,     Rut  hear  him  fuithcr; 

•'The  distinctions  of  poor  .and  rich  arc  as  nr^ 
ces  aryn,  States  of  considerable  extent  fsucb 
xs  the  United  States,)  as  labor  and  Rood  gov^rr^ 
ment,-  the  poor  are  destined  to  labor,  and  th^ 
i-icl.,  by  the  .advantages  of  education,  indepen- 
dence, and  leisure,  arc  qualifiea  for  supciior 
stations."— Same  vol.  p.  369.  "pcnor 

These  quotations  must  prove  that  Mr.  Aihm^- 
w.as  disposed  to  base  his  system  ofgovernme™' 
ipon  the  imperfections  and  coiTuptions  of  maJ,: 
kind,  .and  to  perpetuate  the  .adventitious  inen„a. 
h  y  in  the  condition  of  man,  by  ine^n-poralirll  if. 
into  hegovcrmnmt^  instead  of  founding  it  upon 
a  natural  equality,  and  breaking  down  the  con 
trivances  of  the  old  world  to  maintain  Ind  p"": 
petuate  artilicial  distinctions, iu  soT:iety  Le- 
ns, however,  fo:io-,v  him  whifi  he  p.ttemji's '^ 


.27 1» 


'^e^ve  tkat  the  ptiopie  are  uicompctent  to  self- 
government. 

"It  has  been  the  common  people,  tlien,  and 
hot  the  gentlemen,  who  have  estibhshed  simple 
monarchies  all  over  the  world." — Vol.  3,  p.  459. 

"  It  is  the  true  policy  of  the  cummon people 
-  to  place  the   ichole  executive  power  in  the  hands 
of  one  man." — Vol.  3,  p.  460. 

"  By  kings  end  kinqihj  power  is  nneant  the  ex- 
ccuticepotvei'm  a  siriffle  person  " — Same,  i  .461. 

"  The  people  themselves,  if  uncontrolUd,  %vill 
never  \oug  ioLrate  a  freedom  ofinquirij,  debute, 
or  writing;  their  idols  must  not  be  refl'-cted  on, 
nor  their  bcliemes  and  actions  scanned,  upon 
pain  of  pooutar  vengeance,  which  is  not  less  terri- 
ble ihan  that  of  despots  or  sovereign  senators." — 
Same,  p.  326. 

What  a  libel  on  the  principles  of  free  govern- 
ment, Kndhow  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  histo- 
ry of  Ai'soion  administration,  where  the  men  in 
power,  for  ftar  of  the  .^canning'  of  /he  people, 
stopped  "  the  freedom  if  inquiry" — for  winch 
they  were  overturned  by  the  people,  whose  idol 
(Mr.  JelTcrson,)  maintained  and  estabUshed,  as 
the  everlastings  mas;n>  oi  his  country,  that  error 
bf  opinion  may  he  tolerated,  wnerc  reason  is 
left  free  to  combat  It! 

"  The  wliole  histivy  of  Rome  shows  that  cor- 
rteption  begun  with  the  penj)le  sooner  than  the 
Senate."— Same  vol.  p.  327. 

"Sobriety,  abstinence,  and  severity,  were 
never  remarkable  characteristics  of  democracy, 
or  the  democratic  branch  or  mixture  in  any  con- 
stitution; they  have  oftener  oeen  the  character- 
istics of  aristocracy  a7id  oligarchy.  Athens,  in 
narticular,  was  never  conspicuous  for  these  qua- 
lities; but,  on  the  contrary,  from  the  first  to 
the  last  of  her  democratical  constitution,  levity, 
gaiety,  inconstancy,  disbipation,  intemperance, 
debauchei-y,  and  a  dissolution  of  manners,  were 
the  prevailing  characteristics  of  the  whole  na- 
iion."     Same,  p.  344. 

"  Powerful  and  ciafty  underminers  have  no 
where  such  rarespoi-f  as  in  a  simple  democracy , 
or  single  popular  a.  siiibly.  Nowhere,  not  in 
the  completesl  despousms,  does  human  nature 
show  itsi-lf  so  completely  depraved,  .so  nearly 
approaching  an  equal  mixture  of  bnitulity  and 
(kvilism,  as  in  the  hist  stages  of  such  a  demo- 
cracy, and  in  the  beginnin.g  of  despotism,  which 
always  succeeds  it.*' — Same,  p.  329. 

Is  there  a  parasite  of  tb.e  Koly  Alliance,  in  any 
part  of  the  continent  of  Eui-ope,  that  could  ful- 
minate a  more  bitter  tirade  against  popular  go- 
vernment? The  people  cannot  be  trusted; — ttiey 
will  put  the  yoke  on  their  own  necks  by  g'iving 
(he  executive  power  to  a  king;  tliey  will  destroy 
the  liberty  of  lite  press  and  ofdtbate; — witii  them, 
cc.rrupticn  btgins.  They  are  vicious  and  dc- 
baucli^d,  and  terminate  their  government  in  a 
scene  of  "brutality  and  devilism.' .' J"  Such' 
were  the  lessons  of  poltical  instruction  given  to 
the  present  Mr.  John  Q.  Adame,  when  he  was 
about  25  years  old.  But  let  us  examine  a  few 
more  exU-acts  from  the  same  work — to  show 
the  opinions  of  the  tutor  in  rtJation  Xopopulur 
election. 

'*  Every  passion  and  prejudice  of  every  voter 
will  be  applied  to,  i^very  flattery  and  menace, 
every  trick  and  bribe  that  can  be  bestowed,  anil 
will  be  accepted,  will  be  used,  and  what  is  hor- 
rible to  think  of,  that  candidate  or  that  agent 
•"h"    has    fiv,-cs*   scrnplo.   who   will    propa- 


gate lies  and  slandeis  with  most  contideiice  and 
secrecy,  who  will  wheedle,  flatter,  and  cajole; 
who  will  debauch  the  people  by  treats,  feasts, 
and  diversions,  with  the  least  hesitation,  and 
i/ribe  with  the  most  impudent  front,  which  can 
consist  with  hypoft-itical  concealment,  will  draw 
in  tools  and  worm  out  enemies,  the  fastest — un- 
sullied honor,  ste-Jlng  integiitv,  real  virtue, 
will  bland  a  ^  ery  unequal  chancel  Where  vice, 
foUj,  impudence  and  knavery,  have  carried  an 
election  one  year,  they  will  acquire  in  the  course 
of  it  freih  influence  and  power  to  succeed  the 
next!!!"  vol.  3.  p.  275. 

Could  there  be  more  conclusive  evidence,  not 
only  of  Mr  Adams*  preference  otthemonorcliical 
system,  but  of  his  inveterate  hatred  of  repubU- 
can  govtrnment?  Not  all  the  servile  essays  of 
tl.e  hired  scribblers  for  despotic  power,  nor  all 
the  homilies  on  "  the  divine  right  of  kings," 
can  furnish  within  the  same  compass  so  many 
libels,  or  such  evidence  of  tlepra^'cd  and  em- 
bittered animosity,  against  popular  institi:tion3. 
When  it  shall  be  recollected  that  the  man  who 
entertained  these  opinions,  and  had  thus  boldly 
avowed  them,  was  suusequcnily  made  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  Slates,  and  what  a  hair- 
breadth escape  the  American  people  made  in  the 
election  of  1800,  the  patriot  cannot  help  breath- 
ing forth  a  grateful  thanksgiving  to  Providence. 

Other  extracts  may  be  g  ven  from  the  same 
work,  to  show  Mr.  Adams'  preference  for  q« 
hereditary  govcrnjnent.  "M  nubility  must  and 
will  exist."  "  Descent  from  cert.'iin  p.irent.'^^  and 
inheritance  of  ceiiain  houses,  laads,  and  other 
visible  objects,  (titles)  will  eternally  have  such  an 
influence  over  the  affeciions  and  imaginations 
of  the  people,  as  no  arts  and  institutions  will 
control;  time  wilt  come,  if  it  is  not  now,  that 
these  circumstances  will  have  more  influence 
over  great  numbers  of  minds  than  any  considera- 
tion of  virtue  and  talents,  and  whatever  injlwnces 
numbers  is  of  great  moment  in  popular  govern- 
ments and  in  all  elections."  vol.  3   p.  577. 

Thus  Mr.  Adams  contrived  a  ].retext  for  the 
establishment  of  »  political  nobility  who  sl.ould 
be  hcredUary,  and  by  the  vjlare  of  their  pedigree 
and  Jorhtne,  dazzle  tiie  people,  and  counteract 
the  "horrible"  evils  of  an  uncontrolled  popu- 
lar election.  "  Go  into  New  Kngland,"  says 
he,  "and  you  viU  find  tha:  the  office  of  jus- 
tice of  the  peace,  and  even  the  place  of  Re- 
presentative, uhich  has  ever  depeiided  on  tiic 
fresh  election  :)f  the  people,  h  i^  .e-enerally  de- 
scended from  generation  to  genenlion  in  three 
or  four  families  at  most."  (vol.  1.  p.  115.)  And 
for  this  reason,  he  would  infer,  that  to  estaldish 
an  hereditary  syslem  in  the  ^constitution  would 
only  he  conforuiing  to  the  practice  and  disposi- 
tion of  the  people — -.vhon.,  in  anotiier  place, 
when  he  wanted  to  weaken  public  attachment 
to  popular  elections,  he  hiid  so  outrageously 
scandalized. 

It  may  seem  supei-fluous  to  add  to  the  ex- 
tracts already  given,  but  I  cannot  forbear-  to  pre- 
sent a  few  more. 

"Inere  is  not,"  says  he,  "in  the  whole  Ho- 
vian  history  so  happy  a  period  as  this  under  their 
kings;  the  nation  wis  formed,  tikeir  morality, 
their  religion,  their  maxims,  the'r  government, 
were  all  established  under  their  kings — the  na- 
tion was  defended  against  numerous  warlike 
nations  of  enemies;  in  short,  Rome  was  never 
■~ri  i:.cllgorernedifr.''r>happy."     vol.  3.  p.  SO?. 


;ii  i 


•■•  i  only  conleiid  tiiatthe  Knglish  constiUiUoii 
is,  in  theory,  the  moxt  slupcnd-r  is  fabric  oflnvaan 
invention."     vol.  1.  p.  "0. 

"In  fuUire  ajft'-S  if  the  present  States  become 
a  threat  nation,  tlicir  own  feelings  and  g-ood 
sense  will  dictate  to  them  what  to  do;  they  nmy 
make  transitions  to  n  nearer  resemblance  of  the 
Jirilish  const  it  itiion."     Same,  p.  7>. 

"  It  (ihe  aristocracy')  is  a  body  of  men  wiiicli 
contains  the  greatest  cnflection  of  virtue  and  cha- 
ructer,  in  a  free  j^overnment;  is  the  ljrii;;litest  or- 
rMmtnt  and ghrij oj lilt  nation;  and  may  always 
be  made  the  greatest  blessing  of  society,  tf  it  re 

.TUniCIOUSLT    RAVAGED    IN   THE  CONSTITUTION." 

Same  vol.  p.  115. 

"  Tlii.^  hazardous  cxparimcnt  (election  of  their 
first  magistrate)  the  Americans  have  tried,  and 
if  elections  are  soberly  made,  it  may  answer 
very  well;  but  if  partien,  factions,  dn!nkennes.s, 
bribes,  armies,  and  delirium  come  in,  0-5  they 
filways  have  dctnc,  sooner  or  later,  to  cmi)roi!  rind 
decide  every  thinir,  the  people  must  again  have 
recourse  to  conventions,  and  find  a  remedy  for 
this  "  hazardous  experimv--ni."  Neither  philo- 
sophy nor  policy  has  yet  discovered  any  otlier 
cure,  than  bj'  proIo''iL,ing'  the  dnralion  of  the 
First  Magistrate  and  Senators.  The  evil  iniy 
be  lessened  and  postponed  by  elections  for 
longer  per''ods  of  years,  ti^  they  BECtiME  eoh 
T-IFE;  and  if  this  is  not  found  an  adequate  reme- 
dy, there  will  remain  no  otTier  bvit  to  make 
the.m  UERcniTART  The  d^'licacy  or  the  dread 
of  unpopvilaritv  tl1.1t  should  induce  any  man  to 
conceal  this  important  truth  from  thef'uU 
view  of  the  people,  would  be  a  weakness,  if  not 
a  vice."     V.  1.  3.  p.  296. 

"Mankind  have  universally  discovered  that 
chance  was  prefer.Tble  to  a  corrupt  choice,  and 
have  trusted  Proi'i'rfe/ice  ratlier  than  (liemselves. 
First  Mat^istrates  and  Senators  h:id  better  he 
made  hereditary  at  once,  than  that  tiie  People 
should  be  univcrsaliv  debauched  and  bribed." 
Yol.  3,p.  283. 

"  Tiiank  Heaven,  Americans  undc-rsf.-ind; 
and  if  the  time  shall  come,  as  it  is  v?ry  possible 
it  may,  whai  hereditary  descent  shall  become  a 
/ess  ceil  than  annual  fraud  and  violence,  such  a 
convention  may  still  prevent  the  first  magis- 
trate from  becoming'  absolute,  as  xrell  as  heredi- 
tary."—Same,  p.  2S^. 

It  is  impossible  by  any  comment  to  elucidate 
the  principles  ol  Mr.  Adams  more  satisfactorily 
than  it  is  d^ne  in  th'^se  texts:  that  he  would 
have  m\de  an  hereditary  government  for  the 
United  States,  compounded  of  monarchy  and 
aristocracy,  without  any  mixtjire  of  democracy, 
is  most  untjuestionable;  and  we  have  further 
evidence,  tiiat  h'-  subsec|Mently  maintained  the 
same  principles,  and  contmi.(d  to  ur^e  them 
wherever  he  tiiou^^lit  he  could  n*te  an  impres- 
sion WUti.  Vice  l*rc5id^'Pt,  he  o;;ejicd  a  cor- 
respondonc<>  v.'tii  the  .Efieat  champion  of/leino- 
cracy,  Samuel  Adams,  in  which  he  still  insisted 
upon  the  necessity  of  a  nohiVty  brancli  to  the 
government.  The  latter  observed,  that  the 
form  of  sfovernment  most  conducive  to  human 
happiness,  w.as  ind  cated  by  "  ihe  natural  hve 
of  liberty  implanted  in  Ihe  human  heart,-"  to 
which  the  Vice  President  sneering'ly  replied, 
that  the  "natural  love  of  liberty  was  also  im- 
plantr^l  in  the  breast  of  a  WOLF."  No  sooner 
was  Mr.  Adams  seated  in  the  Presidential  chair, 
(hjin  he  exerted  the  whole  power  of  his  admi- 


nistration to  establish  lii.s  iavoulij  UuctfinSf. 
Offices  were  g-iven  to  none  but  theadvocates  o?- 
his  doctrines;  and  eym'  republican  whig',  no 
matter  how  exalted  his  talents  or  virtues,  was 
proscribed.  A  politic.il  badge,  the  black  cock- 
ade, was  introduced,  by  which  the  partisans  of 
the  faith  could  be  known:  he  openly  declared 
while  in  the  Presidential  cliair,  to  Mr.  Taylor  o{ 
Virginia,  and  .Mr.  Lang'don  of  New  Hampshire, 
tliat  "  he  hoped  or  e-rpreted  to  see  the  day  when 
Mr.  Taylor  and  hir^  friend  Mr.  Cliles  would  he 
convinced  that  the  pft'-ple  of  America  ivould  not 
he  happy  willwit  an  UEaEDiTAitr   chief  siagis- 

THATE  ANII  SENATE,   OR  AT  LEAST  FOB  LIFE." 

This  decl.aration  is  verified  by  Mr.  Langdon, 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  S.amuel  Kingold,  of  Ne\v 
Hampsliire,  dated  Portsmouth,  October  10, 
l.SOO.  But  he  had  more  poweiful  instriimeuts 
tlian  arguments, dogmas,  and  Insidious  criticisms: 
hehad  the  whole  patronage  of  the  gore'-nmentof 
the  United  States  in  his  liand.  The  legislative 
power  was  employed  to  muzzle  the  press,  an<i 
stop  the  freedom  of  discussion,  in  violation  of  the 
most  sacred  provision  of  the  constilution;  and 
editors  of  newspapers  wcie  punished  by  fmc 
and  imjjrisonmeni,  for  scrutinizing  the  conduct, 
of  public  men.  This  great  rampart  of  liberty 
broken  down,  and  the  constitution  undci'inined^ 
there  rem:dned  no  sufUcicnt  barrier  to  consoli- 
dation, and  the  establishment  of  privileged  or- 
ders, offices  for  Vfe,  and  even  hereditary  succes- 
sion. I'l  .all  human  probability,  the  re-el..;ction 
of  Mr.  Adams  would  have  i^ccomplished  all  he 
wished  in  this  respect.  It  was  clearly  seen, 
that  nothing  but  a  great  political  revolution 
could  replace  the  government  on  its  original 
and  true  foundation,  and  preset  le  the  republic! 
The  mighty  work  was  tindertaken  by  the  vir- 
tuotis  patriots  of  the  d.jy,  by  the  republican 
whIgs  of  the  revolution.  They  were  denoun- 
ced by  the  dependants,  expectants,  and  hire- 
lings of  power  under  Mr.  Adams,  as  a  "  fac- 
tions opposition,"  "disorganizers,"  "enemies, 
to  lav.-,  order,  and  religion;"  in  a  word,  as  ".fc- 
C6ii,'7?s"  and  *' DrpiociiiTS;"  which  appellations 
were  intended  to  designate  the  abettors  of 
every  vice  which  the  .author  of  the  "  Drfence"^ 
had  oh:u'.icterized  as  the  concomitants  of  popu; 
lar  government.  The  struggle  was  a  feurful 
one  on  the  pai't  of  the  repubhcan.s,  and  against 
vast  odds:  the  administration  had  sought  with 
some  success  to  identify  themselves  with  the 
government  itself;  and  hence  it  as.sumed  the 
name  oi  federalism,  as  a  mask  in  it€  waifare  for 
monarchy,  and  thousands  who  deprecated  its 
course,  apprehcnied  that  a  change  of  rulers 
would  overthrow  tlie  government,  and  produce 
a  scene  of  anarch)'  and  civil  commotion. — Mr. 
Adams  was  contending,  nut  mereh  for  another 
four  years,  but  for  the  praV.tical  estahlishrnent  of 
his  doctrine  and  the  maintc;  auce  of  a  chief  ma- 
gistracy "  at  I ea.it  for  lift." — Hut  the  principles 
of  free  government  triumpiied;  the  great  *'  Is- 
lam" of  monarchy  was  overthrown,  and  left  the 
seat  of  government  like  a  deposed  king,  who^ 
feared  tliat  the  Io.iS  of  power  would  be  follow- 
ed by  the  loss  of  his  head.  The  accumulated 
machinery  and  trappings  of  latent  monarchy 
were  dissipated  by  his  successor,  and  the  go- 
vernment being  restored  to  its  original  des'gn, 
mo\  cd  smoothly  on,  cultivating  and  promoting 
the  interest  of  the  people  (or  whom  it  was 
madT".     Mr.  Adams  retained,  htiwever.   all   hi* 


nh 


ifiOnarcliical  her^sief,  ami  (o  Ihese  wa^  now 
sdded,  mi  inci-eased  hostility  to  everything  that 
pertained  to  (leinoci'acya:i(l  the  popular  svbtem. 
'J'he  immortal  Jeilorsoji  was  for  some  time  the 
bbject  of  his  invective,  "  I  sliudder,"  said  he, 
irt  one  of  his  letters  to  Ciinninjrliam,  "  at  the 
calamities  whicli  I  fear  his  conduct  is  preparing 
for  his  country,  from  a  mean  thirst  for  populari- 
ty, an  inordinate  ambition,  and  a  want  of  sin- 
cerity." 

It  appears,  then,  that  from  the  first  da\v!>  of 
independence,  while  a  minister  at  the  court  of 
St.  James,  through  tiie  successive  public  sta- 
tions to  whicli  he  was  called,  in  tlie  chief  ,nia- 
gisti-acyofthe  United  States,  and  after  his  retire- 
tnent,  when  all  his  ia(,'ue  and  false  theories  had 
been  proved  erroneous  by  experience,  he  in- 
llexibly  maintained  and  inculcated  his  monar- 
chical principles.  Puch  was  the  politiaal  creed 
bf  tile  instructor  of  Jons  Q.  Ada;«s!  Letusnow 
ascertain,  if  practicable,  wh,at  effect  tlie  instruc- 
tion of  such  a  school  has  produced  upon  his 
"mind:  whether  he  lia;;  been  an  apt  disciple  of, 
or  at  any  time  proved  recreant  to  this  imposing- 
authority. 

The  first  account  of  his  education  is  to  be 
found  in  the  secret  journal  of  the  <Jlil  Congress, 
vol.  2,  p.  312,  in  the  following- words:  "The 
Gomniittee,  consisting  of  Mr.  Forbes,  Mr.  Ma- 
thews, and  Mr.  Houston,  to  whom  wasrcfcrreil 
S  ("epcrt  of  the  commiss'roiiers  of  accounts  of  the 
li5th  October,  1779.  on  the  accounts  of  the  Hon 
John  Adams,  late  one  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  United  States  to  the  court  of  Versailles,  re- 
,j)ort:  That  they  do  not  fuid  any  vote  or  pro- 
ceeding- of  Congress,  nor  arc  tliey  informed  of 
iitiy  general  or  received  custom  on  which  the 
i'harge  of  moneys  fur  the  eilucation  of  the  acconnt- 
iint's  son,  can  be  admitted;  and  though  the  same 
is  inconsiderable,  they  are  of  opinion  it  ought 
to  be  rejected,  tliat  a  precedent  be  not  estab- 
lished." The  yountjer  Mr.  Adams  could  not 
tertainly  be  responsible  for  this  tr.ansaction, 
but  it  is  g-iven  as  .an  interesting  fact  in  the  fami- 
-  ly  history.  Nor  cculd  he  be  responsible  for 
liis  foreign  education  and  eai-ly  introduction  to 
itie  splendor  of  European  courts,  norfortlie 
political  lessons  inculcated  by  iijfi  pai-ent;  wlijle 
tlicse  have  given  the  cast  and  direction  of  li:s 
mind,  which  now  so  deeply  interest  the  Ameri- 
oan  people.  The  first  work  ft-ora  the  pen  of 
Mr.  Aifeims  tiie  younger,  wliich  seems  to  have 
iJteveloped  his  political  principles,  v.-as  written 
»n  1793,  at  an  earlj  perioil  of  the  French  revo- 
lution. The  overthrow  of  the  French  despot- 
ism, and  the  substitution  of  a  gos-crnmeut  hav- 
ingthe  appearance  of  mure  freedom,  was  hailed 
fey  the  friends  of  liberty  throughout  the  v.orid, 
and  most  especially  iii  the  United  States,  v.'ith 
a  feelinp  of  universal  joy;  none  but  nionarchlsls 
deplored  the  event,  and  what  is  remaikuble, 
none  deplored  it  more  than  the  monarchists  of 
the  United  States.  Very  few  of  these,  ho-*  ever, 
had  betrayed  their  feelings  so  early  as  1793; 
and  yet  we  llnd  Mr.  .'.dams  enlisted  with  so 
much  zeal  against  the  republicans  of  France, 
that  he  engaged  in  controverliug  the  doctrines 
of  oiie  of  the  most  cffiGienl  and  popular  writers 
of  our  revolution  against  the  principles  of  mo- 
narchy. The  well  known  sei'ies  of  papers  under 
llie  signature  of  '  I'ublicola,'  was  the  o'.Fspring 
t,f  thii  labor.  Tliey  were  written  in  defence  of 
rsValh-,  ag-ainst  the  doetrines  of  tie  Kii^it- of 


Man.  T-hcse  papers  hre.atlie,  in  .'dmoal  evety 
hne,  a  tlisguised  hostility  to  repiiblicau  princi- 
jjles,  and  the  same  devotion  to  monarchy  which 
is  found  in  tlie  writings  of  his  fatlier,  and  also 
the  same  animosity  to  tlie  great  republican  leaii- 
er  of  th-it  day.  Mr.  Jei!ei-son  is  stigmatized  as 
tlie  "  Islam  of  Democracy,"  and  his  favorable 
opinion  of  the  "Rights  of  Man"  is  criticised 
with  a  censorious  ardor  better  fitting  a  parasite 
of  (leorge  the  third,  or  of  Louis  the  si.-vteenth, 
than  the  citizen  of  a  nation  but  just  emancipated 
from  the  yoke  of  a  kingly  gtivernment,  and. 
which  had  staked  all  its  hopes  upon  a  g-ovei-n- 
ment  the  very  opposite  of  monarchy. 

Time  and  space  will  not  permit  many  quota- 
tions n-otn  this  work.  A  few  will  suffice  to  prove 
its  ch.aracter  and  its  coincidence  of  desigTi  witli 
that  of  the  author  of  the  Defence  of  tlio  Ame- 
rican Constitutions,  written  in  1787.  The  elder 
Adams  said,  that  "  the  Britisls  Constitution  wa-s 
the  most  stupendous  fabi-ic  of  human  invention:"' 
the  younger  Adams  said,  in  his  I'ublicola,  that 
"  the  British  Constltutioii  was  the  admir.ation  of 
the  world!"  The  expression  merely  varied  to 
avoid  plagiarism.  The  latter  further  remarks, 
tliat  "  the  people  of  England  have  deleg-atea 
their  whole  power  to  the  king,  lords,  and  com-, 
mons,"  and  then  adds:  "  ih-j.i  the  power  of  tic 
people  ought  to  be  B  legated  for  their  benefit.'" 
Such  is  his  accoimt  of  the  Constitution  which 
is  the  "  admiration  of  the  world,"  and  such  his 
opinion  of  the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self- 
government!  He  virtu:dly  asserts  the  doctrin<", 
that  "the  people  are  their  ow n  worst  enemies,'' 
and  that  all  power  should  be  given  up  by  them^ 
and  removed  as  far  from  their  reach  .as  possible. 
In  the  same  work  he  declares  that  "it  is  not  the 
ir,echanieeil  horror  against  the  name  of  king  or 
<trislotTaej/,  nor  the  phi/sical  unlipathy  to  the 
sound  of  an  extravagant  title,  nor  the  sigkt  of 
an-innoeent  ribband,  that  can  authorize  a  people 
to  lay  violent  hands  on  tlie  constitution  v/hicli 
protects  tlieir  rights  and  guards  their  hberties." 
The  constitution  of  the  old  French  government, 
with  its  innocent  ribbands,  and  bastiles,  ana 
letties-de. cachet,  seemed  to  have  inspired  the 
veneration  of  our  young  author,  who,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Jonathan  Roberts,  had  "  always  been 
a  republican,  in  the  true  sense  of  that  term!" 

From  about  this  period  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams  was 
employed  on  a  foreign  mission,  which  Mr.  Ito^ 
bei-ts  iias  been  Instructed  to  say,  was  in  conse-' 
quence  of  the  recommendation  of  Mr.  Jefliei-- 
son,  the  "islam  of  democracy,"  who  it  seems 
was  so  well  jileased  with  Mr.  Adanrts'  monarchi- 
cal docti-ines  in  Publicohi,  his  attack  upon  the 
"  IJights  of  Man,"  and  lastly  the  violent  assault 
upon  his  ov.n  public  conduct  and  principles, 
that  he  would  insist  upon  requiting-  him  with  a. 
foreign  mis-sion!! 

While  abroad  in  Prussi.i,  .Mr.  Adams  wrote 
his  SiLESiAN  Lkttekst  Tlic  shrew-d  editoi-s  of 
the  Edinburgh  Re\-iew,thtis  speak  of  this  work — 
vol.  »,  page  182:  "  Mr.  .\dams  h:is  many  recol- 
lections of  his  n:itive  country,  but  his  feelings 
about  it  more  resemble  the  loyal  acquiescence 
of  a  suliject,  th;in  the  personal  interest  and  ardo;- 
of  a  republican." 

If  Mr.  Adams  h'id  felt  the  "ardor  of  a  repub- 
lican," it  would  have  been  impossible  for  him 
to  have  concealed  his  feelings,  when  writing  ia 
a  Ibreign  country,  where  every  thing  around 
liim  relating-  toinunanhsppiness  and  ch-i!  liber- 


;279 


H-,  whoii  cuulruslea  wlili  tlio.se  aubjecls  in  his 
own  coULti-\',  could  not  fail  to  aiiimutc  him  with 
jiroud  gratulation. 

Not  loMij  after  liis  return  from  Prussia,  we 
fmd  him  ajjain  in  his  native  Slate,  adopted  as 
the  leader  of  the  fallen  party  in  New  England. 
Having  failed  in  an  election  to  Cong;re'is  against 
the  repuhlican  candidate,  he  was  taken  up  for 
the  Senate  m  1803,  and  after  several  ballotinjjs 
■i-hoscn  by  the  exact  number  of  votes  necessary 
to  a  choice,  against  the  republican  candidate, 
(T.  S.Stinncr.)  \t  the  succeeding  session, 
Mr.  Pickerin;^  was  jb-sociated  with  him,  being 
elected  by  the  same  parly.  At  this  pericd  tlie 
two  great  parties,  republican  and  federal,  were 
as  much  at  variance  as  at  any  period  of  o'.ir  his- 
tory, antl  I  take  it  for  granted  that  he  was  then 
acting  in  good  faith  with  tho  people  who  elected 
him  to  the  Senate.  Hi.s  votes  all  indicate  the 
most  decided  opposition  to  the  measures  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  administration,  and  a  very  marked 
personal  hostility  to  that  great  man  was  evinced 
in  his  doggerel  satires  in  the  Montlily  Antholo- 
gy. In  obedience  to  tlie  jealous  fceliugsof  the 
eastern  federalists,  he  nppmed  every  measure  for 
the  introduction  of  Louisiana  into  the  Union; 
he  even  voted  against  paying  the  militia  who  had 
been  ordered  out  by  law  to  receive  possession 
c)f  the  country;  and  moreover  ni:iintained  his 
monarchical  principles  in  every  \  ote  upon  the 
organization  of  the  goverimient  of  tUat  territo- 
ry:— he  voted  for  a  landed  property  qu.ahfica- 
tion  to  every  elector  as  a  conditiot\  for  his  right 
of  suffrage;  he  refused  to  pay  respect  to  the 
memorv  of  the  great  republican  leader  in  Mass"a- 
<;huset(3,  Samuel  Adams,  as  will  be  seen  by  a 
reference  to  the  Senate  Journal,  October,  1^03. 

These  Journals  abound  with  votes  in  uniibrm 
concert  against  the  republican  majority  of  the 
Senate.  If  Mr.  Adams  was  then  "  a  republi- 
can, in  the  true  meaning  of  that  term,"  so  was 
Timothy  Pickering,  and  so  were  the  Oaggets 
»nd  Griswolds,  and  Quincys,  and  Otis's,  and 
ifvery  body  that  was  struggling  to  overthrow 
Mr.  Jeflerson's  administration. 

The  private  coirespondence  of  the  Ex-Prcsi- 
^tent  with  Mr.  Cunningham,  connnencing  in 
A'overober,  1803,  furnishes  an  unerring-  guide  to 
niark  the  progress  of  the  political  ciuiiig-e.s  in 
the  conduct  of  i«/A  ftil/icr  and  son.  In  Janua- 
ry, 1804,  the  elder  Adams,  then  still  indulglnj^ 
}il3  hostihty  to  democracy,  olfers  to  fu:  nisli  Mr. 
Cunningham  anecdotes  iVom  his  memory  "to 
devclope  the  true  character  of  the  salt  raouu- 
tain philosopher,"  (Mr.  Jefferson.) 

In  a  letter  dated  I'eb.  2-1;  1804,  lie  maintains 
the  doctrine  laid  down  in  liis  "Defence,"  viz: 
tiiat  "rank  and  wealth  are  just  principle.s  of 
precedence  in  a  republic" — and  adds,  that  "  if 
"  a  family  which  has  been  high  in  ofiice,  and 
"  splendid  in  wealth,  fall  into  decay  from  [n-ofli- 
^'gicy,  folly,  vice,  or  misfortune,  they  general- 
"  ly  tiuni  democrats,  and  court  the  loivest  of  the 
"  people  with  an  ardo.~,  an  ait,  a  skill,  and, 
"  consequently^  witli  a  success  whicli  n'l  vulgar 
"  democrat  can  attain."  "  In  theory,"  says  he, 
"all  governments  profess  to  rtg:ird  meritrJone, 
"  but  in  practice,  democratical  governments 
"  certainly  regard  it  as  little  as  anv." 

In  a  subsequent  letter,  dated  March  15th, 
1801,  he  observes  to  his  correspondent  tlsus; 
'.'Vou  say  the  awful  spirii  of  di.-nmrary  is.,  in 
jrrea*   pvoirress  '■      I   l"-'.ieve  it.  and   \  know 


samelhing  of  the,  nature  of  ij.  'Jt  is  a  lu.ui.; 
r.ake  who  thinks  himself  very  li.m.'.some  am', 
well  made,  and  who  luislitllo  f.iitli  in  female  vi.-- 
tue:  when  the  people  once  admit  hi&courtship. 
and  permit  him  the  lc:ist  familiarity,  they  soon 
find  themselves  in  tho  conditionof  the  poor  girl 
wlio  told  her  own  story  in  this  alfecting  style: 
"The  next  day  he  grew  a  little  bolder — ^but 
promised  mo  marriage.  The  next  day  he  be^ 
gan  to  be  enterprising;  but  the  next  day — oh! 
sir,  he  got  me  with  child." 

"Democracy  is  Lovelace,  and  the  people  art 
C'lnriai'a;  the  arffal  villnhi  will  pursue  the  in- 
nocent  lovely  gnrl  to  her  ruin  and  her  death. " 

"  The  fcderahsts  appear  to  me  to  be  very  in- 
attentive to  the  public  events  as  well  as  charac- 
ter." The  letter  from  which  these  e.xtr.acts  are 
t;\ken,  teems  with  hostility  to  prominent  repub- 
licans in  New  F.ngland,  and  elsewhere,  and  is 
pure  orthodox  federalism  as  to  men  and  mea- 
sures and  principles.  During  tiiis  period,  tlie 
son,  as  had  been  observed,  w'as  acting  in  ful! 
c<iiicert  at  Jfushinglon,-  for  v/hose  advance- 
ment the  father  appears  to  have  been  mo.sL  deep- 
ly intei-ested,  which  was  the  chief  object  of  his 
correspondence  with  Cunningham.  There  is  a 
chasm  in  the  correspondence,  however,  from 
1804  to  1-808,  and  before  we  return  to  it,  it  may 
be  as  well  to  notice  some  incidents  in  relatiofs 
to  the  political  progress  of  the  i/ou>i ger  Adams. 

There  u  no  evidence  of  any  disposition  on  h'is 
part  to  secede  iiom  his  federal  friends  unlil 
some  time  in  1807.  In  the  spring  of  that  yci>r, 
"he  presided  ^s.ays  the  Boston  Statesman,)  at 
a  federal  caucus  which  nominated  Caleb  Strong 
for  Governor,  and  Christopher  Gore  and  IlarrV 
son  G.  Otis  for  Sen.itors  of  Massachusetts"  ! ! ! 

"  Aliouttlie  same  time,  at  the  table  of  an  il- 
luslrlous  citizen,  now  no  more,  he  lamented  the 
fearful  progress  of  tlie  democratic  party  and  ot' 
its  principles,  and  declared  that-  he  had  long; 
meditated  the  subject,  and  had  become  convin- 
ced that  the  only  method  by  which  the  demo, 
cralic  party  could  be  destroyed,  was  by  joining* 
wiih  it,  and  urging  it  on  with  the  utmost  energy 
to  the  completion  of  its  views,  whereby  the  re- 
sult would  prove- so  ridiculous  and  so  ruinous  to 
the  country,  that  the  people  wou'd  be  led  to 
despise  the  principles  and  to  condemn  the  ef- 
fects oi' democratic  policy;  and  then,  said  he, 

■WE  ]1I,\Y  1I.4VF.  A  FORM  or  GOVERNS! e:^-!^  EETTEll 
SUITliD  -rO  -fllF,  GLNIUS  AND  niSPOSTTION  OF  OUK 
COUN-TIIY,  TnA.\  OVie  PnKSF.NT  CON-ST!Tl/TIOy." 

This  charge,  says  a  writer  in  the  United  Stated 
Telegraph,  was  attempted  to  be  denietl  in  the 
National  Journal,  a  p.nper  established  by  Mr. 
-Adams,  tq  promote  hi.s  election,  and  mrjoly 
edited  by  him,  ami  the  St.atesnian  and  otlier  pa^ 
])en.  v.  liich  had  repeated  this  charge  were  calh  i\ 
ijpoi!  for  tlieir  .anthorily  about  the  time  the  batfl-e 
was  over."  Horatio  Townsend,  Ksq.  agenfte- 
man  of  character,  the  Clerk  cf  the  .ludiciaf 
Court  of  t'.ie  State  for  the  county  of  Noi-foik, 
and  the  neighbor  and  friend  of  Mr.  .Adam,  was 
named  as  one  who  had  heard  these  declaratioi.s,^ 
and  had  often  repeated  them.  It  was  also  stated 
by  the  editors  cf  the  Stalesman,  that  they  liacl 
been  informed  th;»t  thes;  declarations  were 
made  at  the  tihle  of  the  late  Chief  Justice  Par- 
sons, then  If.e  threat,  leader  of  the  federa!  party 
in  M;issachusetts."  Mr.  ■iownsendwasali-tciKi 
of  Mr.  Adaros,  disposed  to  do  every  thinrvwht'-'i 
in  c^nseiencp  he  cwiVJ  do  to  h*Jp  his  Ci«iSe,  tm-,' 


.^8ti 


/ir-  ;^ivcs  li;>  rrriificstc  an'i  allida-.il  :.^  i'.il'.ows; 
Di.uirAj!,  A'nv.  (i,  1R24. 
r,  iloralio  Townscnd,  Clei-k  oi"  the.  Supreme 
tliidicial  Cncirf,  and  of  tlic  Ctnirt  of  Common 
VIeas,  &c.  for  this  county,  having  this  day  heard 
read  to  me,  the  article  in  tlie  American  States- 
man and  City  Register  of  this  dale,  headrrd 
"Explanatory,"  hereby  make  solemn  oath  that 
I  have  no  recollection  of  ever  having*  dined  at 
the  table  of  the  Honorable  Theophihis  Parsons, 
in  company  with  Mr.  John  Q.  Adams,  nor  do  I 
believe,  (hat  I  ever  met  Mr.  Adams  in  company 
with  the  late  Chief  Justice  Parsons,  at  any  time 
Kiibsequent  to  my  leaving'  Mr  Parsons'  ollice  as 
a  student  in  the  sprinif  of  1783. 

HORATIO  TOWNSEND. 
This  very  singular  defence  was  relied  upon, 
and  is  the  only  answer  given  to  refute  tlie  charge. 
It  was  of  no  importance  wiien  the  coniersation 
occurred,  and  yet  Mr.  Townsend,  the  witness 
and  fricncl  of  Mr.  Adams,  only  proves  that  it 
could  not  have  occun'cd  at  Chief  Justice  Par- 
sons in  his  pi'esence — he  says  not  one  word  as 
t,o  the  fact  in  dispute,  the  denial  of  which,  lie, 
as  a  man  of  intcllig-ence,  well  knew  would  have 
been  infinitely  better  evidence  than  to  have  dis- 
proved fifty  locations  of  the  conversation.  So 
i'.ir  from  weakening  tlie  truth  of  the  charge,  the 
affidavit  of  Mr.  Townsend,  without  any  fui-lher 
evidence,  gives  it  additional  strength,  and  leaves 
the  only  material  fact  to  be  irresistibly  inferred. 
But  let  us  see  what  tv/o  other  respectable  wit- 
nesses have  stated — viz:  John  B.  Derbj-,  Esq. 
f^ounsellor  at  Eaw  of  Norfolk,  and  son-in-law  of 
Mr.  Townsend,  ar.d  James  Richardson,  Esq. 
Cc\nnscllor  at  I,aw  of  the  same  county. 
AFFIDAVIT. 
I,  John  B.  Borby,  of  I5cdham,  late  of  Med- 
ileld,  in  the  county  of  Norfolk,  of  lawfid  age, 
testify  and  say,  that  one  evening  in  the  summer 
of  1820,  being  at  the  house  of  Horatio  Towns- 
fnd,  Esq.  of  Dedham,  conversing  willi  said 
Townscnd  on  the  political  character  of  J.  Q. 
Adams,  and  objecting  to  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
ground  of  his  desertion  of  federal  principles; 
said  Townsend  asserted  tiiat  Mr.  Adams  u'as  in 
hc'jH,  a  fiderulist,  although  acting  with  the  de- 
mocratic party,  and  for  proof  thereof,  stated 
thathe.Mr.Townsrnd,  being  many  years  before 
in  company  with  5Ir.  Adams,  and  other  distin- 
guished federalists,  previous  to  Mr.  Adams' 
political  conversion,  [1  think  at  the  late  Chief 
Justice  P.irsons,]  Mr.  Adams,  speaking  of  t!'.e 
increasing  power  of  the  democratic  parly,  used 
in  substance?  the  expressions  attributed,  to  liim 
liy  the  author  of  "One  of  the  People,"  publish- 
«1  in  the  Statesman  of  July  last.  Afterwards, 
in  tlie  spring,  I  tliink,  of  1822,  the  said  Towns- 
end  being  at  m}~lioiise  in  .Mcdfield,  on  my  again 
introducing  the  discussion  of  the  s'mie  suljiect, 
repeated  tlie  same  declarations  of  Mr.  Adams  in 
tim.ular  language — that  John  Quinry  Adams 
made  such  observations,  I  <lo  not  know,  but  I 
^vas  constrained  to  believe  that  he  made  them 
by  the  frequent  and  confident  assertions  of  Mr. 
'J'ownsend.  That  Mr.  Townsend  said  in  sub- 
;;tancc  what  I  have  here  stated,  is  confirmed  by 
the  Hon.  James  Richardson,  who  says  that 
lie  immediately  recollected  having  heard  Mr. 
Townsend  so  express  himself  in  conversation 
once  at  said  'J'ownsend's  house,  and  also  at  his 
«|flice,  and  that  if  occurred  to  h.im  bcf'>re  he 


kuew  tii.M  Ii'.-  w;<s  ue^ij^ualed  a.i  one  ot  lijosc  lo 
whom  the  above  .statements  of  Mr.  Townsend 
were  addressed. 

(Signed)         JOHN  H.   DERRV. 
NiinroiK,  ES.  KoV'inbe.r  St!i,  1824-. 
Then  the  above  named  John  B.  Derby  de- 
clared on   oath  that  the  above  statement  sub- 
scribed by  him  was  true. 

(Signed)    ERASMUS  WORTHINGTON, 

Justice  iif  tlic  Peace  ■ 
On  the  back  of  the  affidavit  is  tlie  following 
certificate:  — 

I  have  read  the  part  of.  the  within  affidavit 
which  relates  to  myself,  and  declare  it  to  he 
substantiallv  true. 

(Signed)  JAMES  RICHARDSON. 
This  evidence,  which  remains  uncontradicted 
and  unexplained,  is  cf  itself  conclusive  of  the 
fact  charged  in  the  Bucks  county  resolutions, 
and  of  an  offence  even  much  more  odious — 
not  merely  that  he  was  insincere  in  his  conver- 
sion, and  used  it  to  gain  power,  but  tliat  he 
meditated  such  a  purpose  with  a  view  to  the 
prostration  of  the  democratic  partv  in  the  United 
States,  by  means  the  most  unworthy  that  could 
have  been  imagined  in  the  worst  days  of  the 
Hartford  Convention. 

This  declaration  was  obviouslj-  made  for  the 
purpose  cf  being  secretly  communicated  to  cer- 
tain of  his  old  political  friends,  with  a  view  to 
avert  their  indignation  against  him  for  his  appa- 
rent desertion  of  their  ranks.  Some  werc^  in  the 
secret  of  liis  movement,s,,and  exulted  in  his  eleva- 
tion to  the  Presidency,  before  his  public  as.suran- 
ces  were  given;  hence,Faid  Josiah  Quincy,  when 
he  heard  of  the  elect'oncf  1825,  "those  who  fell 
witlithefu'st  Adams, have  risen  with  the  second." 
In  the  session  of  180r-8,  the  grand  move- 
incnt  upon  the  democratic  party  was  made  by 
Mr.  A.dam3.  The  only  authentic  account  of  it 
is  to  be  had  from  Mv.  Randelph's  speech  de- 
livered in  the  Senate  the  day  before  be  went  to 
the  field  with  Mr.  Cl.ay,  and  which  he  expressed 
a  particular  desire  to  li.ave  pr.blished  in  the  event 
of  his  failing  iii  that  c<nnbat.  'i"he  .speech  has 
never  been  published,  and  it  is  believed  the 
reporlersdo  not  intend  to  pubhsli  it:  many  hur,- 
drcds  of  persoi^s  were  present  when  it  w;is  de- 
livered, audit  is  impossible  that  the  fiicts  stated 
can  be  matei'ially  mi.staken. 

Mr.  Randolph  read  a  letter  from  a  gentleman 
in  Virginia,  detailing  the  fiicts  as  he  had  them* 
from  Mr.  Giles,  substantially  as  follows,  viz.: 

That  Jlr.  Giles  and  Mr.  Adams  were  mem 
hers  of  the  same  Committee;  that  they  some- 
times rode  together  in  tlie  s;ime  carriage;  that 
Mr.  Adams  became  serious,  anxious,  and  seem- 
ed weighed  down  with  care  for  sonic  time;  wdie 
he  at  length  told  Mr.  Giles,  that  he  had  a  mn: 
ter  of  great  impnrtar.ce  vdiich  he  thought  it  hi.-> 
duty  to  relate  to  Mr.  JefTcrson,  then  President: 
but  did  not  know  how  to  approach  him,  and  de- 
sired Mr.  Giles  to  make  the  communication. 
The  latter  encouraged  him  to  do  it  himself, 
which  he  did.  Jlr.  Adams  informed  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, "that  the  federalists  of  New  Engiaud 
were  plotting  with  the  government  of  Canada  a 
treasonable  secession  from  the  Union — that 
their  schemes  had  been  disclosed  to  him — that 
he  had  once  believed  them, to  be  patriotic,  but 
could  no  longer  act  in  ccmcert  with  them." 
Mr.  Jeflerson  relied  on  bis  honor,  aixl  believed 


iJM 


•.ill"  statement.     Mr.  Adams  ^^'VC  in  his atilicsioii 
to  the  executive,   jind  was-  ready  from  tliat  time 
Jbr\vard,as  lie  0|jculy  declared  in  Senate,  to  "act  " 
withont.  deliberation"    in  favor  of  whatever  he' 
recommended. 

I  forbear  any  comment  upon  these  fact.s,  fur- 
llicr  than  to  observe,  that  if  the  cbarpfc  was 
Iruey  how  does  Mr.  Adams  reconcile  his  ]ircsent 
intimat."  association  with  tlie  very  men  he  then 
so  sokmiily  denounced  as  plotting  treason 
ag.ainstjiis  country'  Anrl  if  it  was  not  true,  1 
leave  to  others  to  find  language  to  express  the 
atrociousncps  of  the  caUimn} .  The  events  of 
1813-14  furnish  a  mucli  clearer  development 
of  the  views  of  certain  men  in  New  England, 
whicli  I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to  here.af'cr. 
AVe  liave  now  arrived  at  the  period  when  the 
Cunningham  correspondence  re-commenced; 
The  ex-pres'dent,  whose  feelings  appear 
throng'ho\it  to  liave  been  in  perfect  unison  with 
those  of  his  son,  ceases  to  pour  out  invectives 
ag.ainst  Mr.  .Jefferson  and  democracj-:  speaks  of 
the  "  federalists  administering  their  nauseous 
oil,'*  "to  excite  a  momentary  flash" — **  til  his 
old  lamp"  before  it  expires: — defends  his  old 
measures;  abuses  tlamllton;  thinks  "  Pinckney 
c^n  never  rise  to  the  chair,"  and  that  "  lie 
ought  never  to  h,ave  l)Cen  nominated  for  it." 
eulogizes  th.e  conduct  of  Iiis  son  as  ''aide,  up- 
I'ight,  candid,  impartial,  and  independent :" 
"  applauds. ar,d  admires"  his  letter  to  Otis;  but 
thinks  "h*  would  luve  been  more  politic  if  he 
)iad  declined  the  invitation  to  the  caucus" 
which  nominated  Mr.  Madison;  considers  "the 
policy  of  a  limitation  to  the  embai-go  a  nice 
question:"  says  "the  federalists  by  their  intol- 
erance have  gone  fur  towards  justiiying  ^^r. 
.Tefferson  for  his;"  that  '*  o:ir  government  is 
for  ever  to  be  a  party  government,  and  the  only 
hope  is,  tliat  in  the  game  of  leap  frog,  once  in 
eight  or  twelve  years,  the  |>arty  of  ihe  Ouls, 
will  leap  over  the  heads  of  the  Ins,"  and  that 
he  woiih.l  '*  nearly  as  soon  see  one  p;n"ty  :vbso- 
lute  and  unchecked  as  the  other!"'  Kuch  are 
the  views  of  the  (irst  letter  to  Cuuningh-jm  nft.r 
Mr.  .1.  Q.  Ad:i!iis' ad'ucsion  to  the  administra- 
tion at  Wasliiiiglon.  Mr.  Cunningham  was 
engaged  in  pr  paring  the  way  with  his  pen  for 
the  advancement  of  Mr.  ,1.  Q.  Adams  to  the 
pres  dency,  and  altliough  he  writes  Well,  and 
with  all  tlie  feeling  of  a  partisan  engaged  in 
what  lie  believes  to  be  a  good  cause,  fv:ems  not 
to  have  been  very  quick-sighted  in  discovering 
the  particular  motive  tor  the  change  of  tone  in 
the  ex-president's  letter.  Cunningham  proposes 
to  attack  Mr.  .leflerson.  Mr.  Adams  does  not  re- 
spond to  this  part  of  his  phin,  liut  lidverts  to  tiie 
measures  cf  "Washington's  administration,  in 
which  he  had  t:dcepi  part,  and  to  his  opinion  rf 
his  son's  t.alents,  and  furnishes  Mr.  Cunningli.am 
with  a  copy  of  a  commendatory  Istter  fi'OinWasti- 
ington  toh'mself,  written  Feb.  20,  1797.  This 
letter  has  lately  gone  the  rounds  through  all  the 
administration  pjpers,  and  therefore  deserves 
some  notice.  It  wd!  be"  recollected  tliat  Mr. 
Adams  was  elected  in  the  fall  of  1796,  by  a 
small  maprity  over  Mr.  .lert'erson.  On  the  2d 
Wednesday  in  February,  the  votes  were  ascer- 
t;uned  in  the  presence  of  both  hoiises,  and  the 
result  declared.  Between  this  time  and  the 
20th,  it  appears  from  President  Washington's 
letter,  that  Mr.  Adams  sent  him  a  paper  written 
hv  h'S  son.T.  Q.  Adams,  accompanied  by  a  sug- 


gestion  of  some  dtUcUc  AoMhxa  o(  tlie  pr.iprielv 
of  promoting  him.  Mr.  Adams  was  not  invest- 
Oil  with  tlic  executive  autlinrlfy  until  the  4tti 
of  March  following,  but  the  aggrandizement  ot 
his  family  seemed  to  have  been  an  early  and 
prim.ary  consideration;  and  the  sanction  of  Pre- 
sident Washington  was  thus  eagerly  and  cun- 
ningly SMUght,  at  the  first  and  most  propitious 
moment  to  promote  his  future  plans  for  a  family 
inheritance. 

Tiiis  oljject,  idthough  frustrated  by  the  elec- 
tion of  18U0,  and  for  some  time  after  reg.arded 
as  hopeless,  now,  viz.:  in  1808,  began  to  revive, 
and  fi'oni  th.attinie  f)rw:u-d  the  "illustrious 
fiim'ly"  w!iic!i  had  fdlen  "into  decay,"  "turn 
democrats,  and  court  the  lowest  of  (lie  people, 
wi  h  an  .ardor,  an  art,  and  a  skill,  and  conse- 
quently with  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  demo- 
crat can  .attain  " 

Gore  and  Pickman*  were  denounced  as  tlie 
"  sons  of  refugees,"  Lloyd  as  the  "  son  of  a 
Tory,"  ilamiilon  was  an  "  intriguer,"  Picker- 
ing a  tfsak,  vain,  vindictive,  and  dishonest  man. 
Tlie  Tories,  who  hailbecn-.al!  in  all  at  the  elec- 
tion of  1800,  (insomuch  that  the  whig  federal- 
i:-,ts  could  no  more  celebrate  the4th-of  ,Iuly  in 
many  parts  of  the  Union,  than  the  Admini.slra- 
tion  democrats  can  celebrate  the  Ulh  of  .Taniiary 
now,)  were  to  be  put  down,  and  Mr.  Adams, 
who  bad  lost  sight  of  the  ItevoUition  and  its 
principles,  fi'om  the  moment  he  began  to  write 
ids  "Defence,"  down  to  his  con's  ;ulhcsion  in 
1807,  now  became  .all  a'live  to  Whiggism  and 
tlie  principles  of  the  devolution;  and  said, 
"th.at  thfvporlrait  of  W.ashington  ought  not  to 
shcve  .a«ide  the  portraits  of  .lolni  Hancock  and 
Samuel  Adams  in  Fanueil  H;dl,"  viz.  the  fame 
Samuel  Ad.".ms  whom  .1.  Q.  Adams  not  long  be- 
fore refused  by  his  vote  in  the  Senate  to  pay  re- 
spect to  the  memory  cf,  by  we;u-ing  crape  on 
his  arm.  As  his  hopes  for  his  son  revived,  he 
received  new  life  and  vigor,  and  at  the  age  of 
seventy-four,  boldly  enters  iipon  the  arena  as  a 
political  gladiator,  and  witli  "  the  enthusiasm 
of  forty,"  attempts  to  "  ride  the  whirlwind," 
which  lie  had  before  said  "  would  be  delirium. " 

He  informs  Mr  Cunningham,  in  his  letter  of 
December,  1808,'  "  in  confirkncc,  tiiat  cmsider- 
able  pains  had  been  t;iken  to  persuade  his  friend 
,7.  Q.  Adams  to  consent  to  be  rnn  (for  Gover- 
nor of  Ma.ssaclmsetts)  by  the  Republicans;  but 
he  (was)  utterly  averse  to  it — and  so  am  I,"  ■■ 
said  the  father  in  perfect  concert — "for  variou.? 
reasons — 1.  The  office,  though  a  precious  stor.e, 
is  but  a  carbuncle  shining  in  the  dark;"  "  he' 
would  stand  in  competition  M'itli  Mr.  Lincoln, 
which  would  divide  the  republican  interest, 
and  "  it  irniihl  vrortiice  nn  Pltrnril  srpnralion  he- 
twecThhim  anri Ihf  fedcrrtli.tls.,"  •'  witli  l.ltle  pros- 
jject  of  doing  any  good,  or  arqnlving  (my  honor, 
or  receiving  any  prnfll."  Tlie  policy  was  to 
move  more  gradually,  get  hold  of  the  [Jepubli- 
cans,  but  not  to  let  go  of  the  Federalists.  Did 
this  look  like  a  sincere  conversion  to  republi- 
canism' Was  it  not  a  politic  movement  to  keep 
an  anchor  upon  both  parties,  ready  as  occasion 
might  ser^■e,  to  slip  the  one,  and  warp  up  on 
the  other? 

After  all  the  exertion  by  the  father,  in  writing 

volumes  for  the  paper,«,  traducing  the  men  with 

wdiom  he  had  acted  when  in  power,  and  "coiir!- 

ing  trie  people"  witli  "  more  art"  than  was  at 

•  Spc  Cnnninpliam's  T-rttp*-. 


■.ainabia  l>yu  plain  ••  iiiiiior  dunucrai,"  hia  son 
only  received  an  appointment  as  AJiniiter  to 
Jiiissia.  Tliis  was  a  severe  blow;  he  v.-aiited 
the  Stite  Department  tinder  the  new  adminis- 
tration of  Ml'.  Madison,  lint  !ie  "  was  banished 
because  he  was  too  just!" — From  this  time  hope 
v.'as  clouded,  but  not  abandoned. 

The  ex-president  constantly  relied  with  fidl 
faith  on  his  old  maxims;  and  one  laid  down  in  the 
3d  volume  of  his  "Defence,"  page  278,  London 
.edition,  peeins  to  have  preserved  andinp.pired  his 
hope  at  tins  period — -lie  there  says,  that  "  Con- 
tinuation of  power  in  the  same  persons  and  fami- 
iie.s,will  as  certainly  take  jdacein  a  simple  demo- 
cracy, or  a  democj'iicy  by  representation,  as  in 
Jiereditary  apfstocracv.,  or  monarchy.  The  con- 
tinuation will  be  cvrtain,  but  it  will  be  aecom- 
'jiUshed  by  corruption^  which  is  worse  than  a  con- 
tinuation by  birth;  and  if  corruption  cannot  ef- 
i'ect  the  continuation,  sedition  and  rebellion 
vill  be  resorted  to;  for  a  degraded,  disappoint- 
•  ■d.  rich  and  illustrious  family,  would,  at  any 
Jime,  annihilate  Heaven  and  liirlh,  if  it  could, 
lather  than  fail  of  carrying'  its  point." — His  ab- 
juration of  the  party,  and  abuse  of  the  men 
■with  whom  he  fell  in  IKOO;  his  letters,  charginj? 
them  with  being'  the  "  calves  ol'  .Tohr.  Uull,''' 
•"  Dritish  bears  and  tory  tigrcrs,"  his  sympathy 
for  "  the  poor  democrats,"  and  the  whoie  of 
i^iis  essays  in  tiie  Boston  I'atriot,  seem  indeed 
like  an  attempt  to  move  "  Heaven  and  Eartli" 
lo  "  effect  the  continuation"  of  power.  "But 
iny  sons,"  said  lie,  in  his  letter  of  thf-  22d  June, 
1809,  "  were  delighted  that  I  luid  t  (ken  the 
subject  up."  The  degroiiaJ,  rlltappotnled,  Sini 
jiLirsTiiiuus  FAMILY,  Was  ail  in  motion  for 
♦'carryjnij  its  point."  Stili  hope  was  clouded, 
■"  Aristides  is  banished  because  he  is  toojust: 
lie  will  not  leave  an  honestcr  or  abler  man  be- 
Jiind  him."  "I  nori,  (said  tfie  father,)  his  ab- 
sence ■will  i>ot  be  lonij,'' and  in  tlie  mean  time 
3 10  carries  on  the  work,  which  had  previously 
;^o  '''dciig'htetl"  his  sons. 

The  phi;  of  operation  was  for  the  father  to 
fight  the  l-.attlcj  and  prepare  the  public  mind 
ibr  tiic  admission  of  the  son  into  the  reptibli- 
<'an  rankG,  \yitbout  exposiiig  him  in  action;  but 
■.lie  progress  of  their  joint  efforts  had  not  kept 
ince  with  thei;- expectations;  the  hanishmeni of 
.  iriilifks  was  a  sore  postponement  of  tho  i'rui- 
;ion  of  their  labo:.^, 

'I"he  son  evidently  left  the  country  for  Russia, 
brooding  feelings  of  disi;ppointnient  and  vc.va- 
(ion,  wdiich  we  find  fully  matured  in  his  famous 
letter  to  Levitt  llisnis,-}:  recenUy  made  public. 

A  brief  history  of  this  letter  is  as  follows: 
Mr.  Adams  was  Minister  resident  at  St.  Teters- 
tiur.s:,  where  Hairis  was  Consul  tjenei-.il;  a  very 
<'ordi'al  and  friendly  intercoin'se  v.na.  Ic^pt  tip 
between  them  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  when  Mr. 
A'.lams  left  that  place  for  Ghent,  he  appointed 
Mr.  Harris  Charge  des  Affaires  in  his  voor.i.  Ke 
.(.-.oiifided^  in  l»ira  as  the  protector  of  his  family; 
had  written  him  many  confidi-ntial  letters,  am! 
rnnong  Vnese  the  famous  Letter  from  Ghent. 
llan'Is  was  after'i'/ard.s  accused  of  oflicial  cor- 
ruption while  Consul  Qencrat,  and  Mr.  Adams, 
ihen  Secretary  of  SLite,  backed  the  accusation 
Ijy  zealously  embarking  in  it,  and  becoming  the 
principal  witness  against  him;  his  testimony,  ail 
."hitipg  lo  facts  within  his  knowledge  while  at 

•  SeeCiinnirij;t>anrs  T.c'-ter 


St.  Petersburg-,  and  before  iie  iliaJc  Harriv!.; 
Charge  des  Affaires,  and  subsequent  to  which 
he  maintained  this  very  fremlly  oHicial  and  con- 
fidential personal  intercourse  with  him,  and 
v/rote  the  letter  alluded  to,  which  came  out  on 
the  trial. 

It  should  he  observed,  that  this  letter  wss 
w  ritten  while  .Mr.  Adams  was  enipl.iyed  in  the 
Ghent  negotiation,  and  it  was  no  doubt  inspect- 
ed by  tlie  riiitish  commissioners,  who  had  such  " 
ascendancy  in  the  Netherlands  ::s  to  have  com- 
mand^jd  complete  access  to  the  Post  Oihce.  anil 
the  aid  of  those  who  make  a  ti-ade  of  opening' 
letters,  imitating  soals  on  psper,  and  counter- 
feiting envelopes,  &.C.;  but  this  was  only  a  de- 
fect in  the  discretion  ol  the  diphmaiist;  it  might 
Itove  done  serious  injmy,  but  it  did  not.  The 
sin  of  this  letter  lies  deeper;  it  goes  to  the  /i«zr< 
of  the  mem.  It  evinces  great  confidence  in,  and 
friendship  fo;-,  Mr.  Harris,  at  a  time  when,  as 
Mr.  Adams  hassince  sworn,  he  had  r.otes  upon 
his  diary  of  Harris's  official  corruption.  I  will 
not  name  the  alternative  of  tiiis  dilemma.  Uut 
the  sin  lies  still  di.eper;  it  goes  io  the  cn.iRicTEii 

AND-PIllNCirLES  OF  Tat.  A?IKr.ieAX  CITIZEN.    Hid 

country  involved  in  war,  he  employed  in  a  high. 
confidential  st.ation  of  the  government,  located 
in  a  foreign  land,  surrounded  by  those  whose 
feelings  were  :dl  against  us,  looks  back  upon  the 
land  of  his  nativity,  sees  it  invaded  by  a  most 
formidable  force,  collected  "to  crush  us  at  a 
blow;"  the  h.attles  of  Niagara,  the  victory  of 
Plattsburgli,  the  triumph  of  Lake  Champlain, 
and  the  glorious  defence  of  Baltimore,  excite 
not  the  smallest  appearance  of  gratification,, 
much  less  the  enthusiastic  exultation  which  no 
patriotic  mind  could  have  suppressed;  Not  only 
is  there  an  utter  destitution  of  any  glow  of  pa- 
tiioti.sm  or  national  pride,  which  such  event* 
must  have  inspired  in  the  breast  of  any  real 
American,  but  he  takes  some  pains  to  depre- 
ciate their  character  and  \  alue — and  most  espc- 
ciidly  tliose  battles  wherein  the  ipjlitiahad  beei^ 
distinguished  for  their  g.allantry.  That  of  Platts- 
burgli and  Baltimore,  ai'e  disposed  of  with  th«; 
same  sneer — ercri  the  prowess  of  the  enemy  is 
undeirated,  to  give  point  to  his  slur  against  tho 
American  militia — not  content  with  deg'radiug' 
those  who  fought  so  bravely  at  Baltimore  and 
I'l.attsburpb,  he  assails  the  chai-acter  of  the 
whole  body. 

"The  firebrand  Cockburn,"  says  he,  "has 
kept  the  rav.'cst  of  our  militia. in  co'jntcnanoe 
by  his  expei-tness  in  the  ai-t  of  running  i-way.." 
The  simple  meaning  cf  which  is,  that  the  cow'- 
ardice  ccf  tt'.e  "  rawest"  of  our  militia  was  onl.v 
surpassed  by  the  co\v;irdice  of  the  enemy;  ir\ 
other  words,  x'lat  our  militia  were  too  expert  in 
the  art  of  running  an'sy,  to  fight  an  enemy  that 
was  even  mm-e  expert  in  that  art  tlian  they! 
Could  any  form  of  expression  be  devised  more 
detam-itory  and  slanderous  cf  the  character  of 
his  countrymen,  than  is  contained  in  these  few- 
words? — liut  not  content  with  this,  he  next 
a;s,sail3  hoth  iJic  pjtitwal  parties  of  th.e  country, 
ir.chiding  every  body  in./  the  Adams  fainih/,  and 
even  the  form  and  chav.icler  of  the  g^oveinnicr.t: 
itself — "a  weak  and  penurious  government, 
with  btit  five  frigates  for  a  n-avy  and  scarcely  five 
regiments  for  an  army!"'  This  denunciation 
implicated  the  ailmir.islration  a-..d  the  whols 
jjarty  in  power,  ai  well  as  the  Governi?ent;  ^icl 
:is  to  t!ie  army,  contained  ft  most  unwaU'afftihle 


i:».ij 


iU.arejii'CieiyiAtiou:  itthea  consiiied  of  forty  re^i- 
menls,  and  provision  had  been  made  tor  filling 
the  ranks  mI  more  expense  than  wa;?  ever  in- 
curred for  the  same  object  by  any  other  ^overn- 
laent.  "  One  lialf  the  nation  sold  to  the  ene- 
my!" What  a  piece  of  information  for  the 
British  commissioners!  and  how  wickedly  false! 
The  only  serious  disaffection  existed  among  a 
few  of  those  whom  Mr.  Adams  had  to  niiich 
dreade<l  an  '•  ttern;.!  separation"  from  in  1808, 
and  whom  he  has  now  so  .closely  united  with ! 
"  Sold  to  the  enemy!"  Wbat^  monsti-ous  slan- 
der of  the  {T^Wit  body  of  federalists  in  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  SiC. 

But  the  whole  letter  was  conceived  in  the 
.same  temper  that  his  father  indulged  in  for 
sometime  before  towards  both  parties;  his  sound 
"talents  and  integrity"*  Iwd  been  "insulted" 
by  one  party,  and  were  "neglected"  by  the 
other.  "The  two  factions  have  conspired  to- 
gether," said  he  in  his  letter  of  2Jd  February, 
180'J,  "to  smother  all  my  glory" — "our  par- 
ties at  prc-sent,"  said  he,  "resemble  two  ladies 
of  easy  \  Irtae,  in  whose  quarrels  and  scoldings, 
ono  ivproachcs  the  other  with  her  weakness 
Vi-ith  a  lover  the  last  night,  and  the  other  retorts 
^'0u  are  worse  than  I,  for  you  committed  adul- 
tery the  night  before,  and  put  horns  upon  your 
Inisband — unfortunately  there  is  too  mucii  truth 
ill  both.  Neither  party,  however,  in  the  inso- 
lence of  their  rage,  can  avoil  tlirowlng  out 
something  in  honor  of  Jonn  Ad:ims." 

Such  was  the  sti'ain  of  the  father,  when  he 
found  that  his  son  could  not  be  Secretary  of 
State;  that  "Mr.  Giles,  Mr.  Monroe,  Mr.  Vcpe, 
Mr.  Milchcll,  and  Mr.  twenty  other.s  would  be 
more  lUccbj." — lie  most  cortlivlly  hated  ootU 
parties,  and  his  hatred  increased  in  a  duplicate 
ratio  with  tlje  declension  of  his  hopes  for 
the  advancement  of  his  son. — Determined, 
however,  to  move  heaven  and  earth  rather  than 
fail  of  carrying  his  point,*'  **  lie  decliii-es  tiu»t  he 
•will  not  die  for  nothing,"  and  'his  pen  sliall 
go  as  long  as  liis  fingei's  can  lioUl  it!" — But  Mr. 
.f.  Q.  Adams  was  banished  to  St.  I'etersburgh, 
"becauic  he  was  too  just!"  the  family  were 
mortified,  the  son  went  off  in  a  sullen  mood, 
which  he  had  been  brooding  over  for  several 
years,  when  he  was  ordered  to  Ghent;  bat  that 
tnission  appeared  hopeless;  the  ISntish  Ministers 
had  given  in  tiicir  sine  qua  non,  and  oup  heir 
of  the  "illustrious  famil>'"  "in  decay,"  fancied 
lie  saw  in  the  "  signs  of  tlie  times,"  something 
that  promised  .at  iea^.t  some  revenge  for  the 
•nsuUs  and  ?iegkci  he  had  expciienced,  and 
possibly  in  his  mind's  eye,  behold  the  germ  of 
fiome  new  coalitions  that  would  resuscitate  their 
liopes,  and  verdy  his  father's  oracular  declara- 
tion iu  the  third  volume  of  the  "Defence,"  viz. 
lliat  "there  will  be  a  continuation  of  power  in 
the  same  families  as  certainly  in  a  democracy  as 
in  an  hereditary  aristocracy,"  which  "wdl  be 
accomplished  by  corruption,"  or  if  not,  "by 
sedition  and  rebellion ."  Some  expectation  of 
this  sort  must  have  filled  his  irjnd  when  he 
wrote  tile  hj'pocritical,  cold,  heai-tless,  and  trea- 
sonable letter  to  Harris. — lie  was  vi  wrapt  up 
tn  his  own  ambitious  Iiopc.«,  and  chagrined  by 
his  insults  and  Hf^/if/i',  that  he  evidently  thought 
of  nothing  but  condenmijig  all  the  peoTde  in  the 
"'Vihcd  States,  except  his  own  family  This 
*  <■«■  C'lm'.inrhanj*?  I  *•■.''■•, 


letter,  in  all  iis  aspet:LS.  is  a  most  luiporlaj,; 
document:  it  affords  an  unerring  guide  to  dis- 
cover the  trno  political  character  of  Jlr.  J.  Q. 
Adams.     But  we  must  pass  on. 

Upon  the  accession  of  Mr.  Monroe  to  the 
Presidency,  Mr.  Adams  was  brought  into  the 
State  D^L-partii;cnt  Oi.e  of  ii's  fi;-st  acts  having 
reUition  to  the  politics  of  New  E'lglanJ,  was  the 
appointment  of  Benjamin  Russell,  editor  of  the 
Boston  Centinel,  to  print  tr.e  laws  of  the  United 
Slates.  The  former  public  pnnter  had  been  a 
firm  and  undeviating  republican,  and  supporter 
of  the  Administrations  of  Jcfi'erson  and  Madison, 
and  of  the  country  in  the  late  war  with  Eng- 
land;— lie  had  never  wavered  under  tiie  most 
appalling  frowns  of  the  faction  that  had  then 
itiised  "  the  standard  of  moral  tr-ason  on  tbc 
confines  of  the  constitution. "  A  few  extracts 
from  the  Centinel  will  show  its  charjicter  at  tb« 
same  time. 

We  have  ali-eady  mentioned  the  hostility  o1 
Mr.  .iJ.tms  to  the  purchase  nf  Louisiana,  and 
it--  adoption  into  the  Union.  The  Boston  Cen- 
tinel for  1313,  when  war  existed  with  (li'eat 
Bntaiiij  rfnewed ihe  complaints  against  the  Ad- 
ministration for  that  mf^asure.  It  was  the  sore 
gi'icvance  of  New  England,  destructive  of  the. 
poiitical  power  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  "Iht: 
infiurncc  in  tlic  councils  of  the  nation  to  which 
siie  wj-i  sojus'hj  enlitkd." 

It  was  resolved  by  the  same  'Massacluisetts 
Legislature  whicli  organized  the  Hartford  Con- 
vention, tliat  '■  the  act  for  tlie  admission  of  Lou- 
isiana into  the  Union,  tie.  is  a  V'vlution  of  tli£ 
Constitution  of  the  United  , States. "  Mr.  .\dams 
held  the  same  opinions  in  1304-,  and  reiterated 
them  in  1S23.  This  was  one  of  the  piilars  on 
wliich  the  opp.isition  of  1813  rested  for  their 
justific;ition.  The  toasts  of  the  4t!i  of  July, 
witli  which  the  Centinel  aliounds,  indicate  the 
character  of  the  men  and  of  the  times.  A  few- 
extracts  will  suilicicntly  exemplify: — 

BosTos  Cektisei^  ^ulif  6,  1814. 

"Tub  lEDKnALisrs  oftbc  United  States: — 
Calltd  a  cmtemptible  minority,  but  like  the 
Cnssacics  of  the  Don,  rendered  formidable  bi) 
drrAimstances." 

'I'liE  I.oA?j5 — may  those  who  aid  in  the  prose- 
cution of  an  unjust  w:ir,  receive  exc4iequer 
bills,  payiblj;  in  Elba." 

Tnr,  TitKH  of  Liuebtt — Id  superffuoti-i  branch- 
es be  lopped  awap,  that  fruitful  boughs  nnii/  lire. 

The  Frexcu  Citizems,  Tiiosas  Je^fkilsov 
Asu  Jamks  Madisox,  fellow  disciples  of  the 
same  school,  and  fellow  laborers  in  the  same 
cause'.vith  their  friend,  "  the  imperial  butclicr  of 
the  human  rocc." 

In  the  month  of  October  following,  a  com- 
mittee of  the  House  of  Uepresentatives  on  the 
Governoi-'s  mes-sagc,  report  resolutions  to  raise 
10.000  men,  and  accept  the  service  of  any  voi- 
unteeis  to  march  to  ani/  pari  of  the  common- 
wealth, and  in  addition  "thereto,  the  following 
resolution,  viz: 

"That persons  be  appointed  as  dele- 
gates from  this  Ie.gi.slature  to  meet  and  confer 
v.itli  delegates  from  the  States  of  Neiv  England. 
or  iinv  of  them,  upon  the  subject  of  their  public 
grievui.cfs  rrtd concerns,  and  upon  the  best  means 
of  preserving  our  resources,  and  of  defence 
against  the  enemy,  and  to  devise  .and  suggest 
for  adintic-.n.  by  those  respective  State",  sn^ h 


;iSi 


Sneas'Ji'es  as  tlicj'  may  uecm  expedlcnf ,  and  ^Iso 
to  take  measurts,  if  t'ney  sliall  think  piopcr,  for 
Vvocufinp;  ri  convcntio'l  cf  delegates  irom  all  the 
United  States,  in  order  to  revise  the  Conslitii- 
tion  thereof,  and  more  effectually  to  secure  the  ' 
support  ana  attachment  of  all  tlie  people,  by 
placing^  a!!  upon  the  basis  of  fi-ir  representa- 
tion." This  resolution  was  adopted,  260  to 
90— and  (he  Boston  Centinel,  Nov.  9,  1814,  In 
noticing  the  appointment  of  deleg'ates  from  Con- 
necticut, calls  it  the  2d piihr,  and  the  appoint- 
ment by  Hhode-Island  :s  called  the  3rf  piUar, 
&c.  &c. — tn  discussing'  the  objects  of  the  pro- 
posed convtntion  at  Hurtfurd,  Mr.  Russell  in- 
troduces the  following"  remarks: 

"To  the  cry  of  disunion  and  separation  of  the 
States,  there  i.«  a  very  plain  and  obvious  answer: 
the  iS/il'.r  arc  ulrmdi/  fepurutrd,  the  licnd  of  union 
!.!  (ilrrndi/  l^rolcn; — broken  by  you;  .Mr.  Madison, 
find  'he  short  sighted  seifish  polilicians  who  com- 
pose your  counci/s;  all  that  we  see  in  them  and 
in  3'ou,  are  the  convulsions-  trhich  precede  disso- 
tution.  The  New  England  delegates  m.iy  aid 
in  the  rnrnngfment  of  the  succession,  but  they 
cannot,  if  Ihev  would,  arrest  the  nrn/rress  of  the 
death."  ■  -  .       -'''-•'_ 

"  The  convention  must  report  to  their  consti- 
tuents on  the  subject  of  peace  or  war;  and  if 
they  find  war  is  (o  contimie,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  tliey  will  recommend  that  no  ruen  or  money 
.•^hall  he  permitled  to  go  oiU  of  Tibw  England,  un- 
til tlie  militia  expenses  alrrady  incurred  are  re- 
imbursed; nor  until  the  most  ample  provision 
is  made  for  the  defence  nf  titf  A\iv  England 
iSttites  during  the  continuance  of  the  lear,-  they 
will  be  justified  before  Hod  and  mim  for  so 
doing. 

"If  the  r-7ew  Tngland  States  di-lermine  (o 
pay  no  mone}",  and  send  forth  no  men,  while  the 
war  continues,  until  tiirir  own  defence  is  pro- 
vided for,  theynny  save  themselves." 

It  is  to  be  hoiicd  thai  tlie  convention  v.il!  see 
fit  to  propose  a  more  ge:icral  convention  of  the 
States,  including  all  i'orth  of  the  Potomac,  iot 
the  purpose  of  forming  a  new  coiifidera'ion, 
grounded  on  experience;  without,  however, 
excluding  the  Southern  Jlttuntic  States.  AVc 
always  did  fee!,  and  we  cnnt'nue  to  feel,  that 
the  Northern  States  and  Southern  .Atlantic 
States,  liave  a  community  of  interests  and  a 
natural  dependence  on  eacli  otiier." 

In  the  Centinei  of  the  "l!i  December,  18M, 
it  is  said:  ".there  are  men  v.'ho  know  that  our 
troubles  are  not  the  off..pring  of  this  wnr  clone, 
and  will  not  die  tuilh  it." 

December  10,  1814: — '*  TVc  mu.il  demand 
thai  no  nfiu  SU.tet,  irHh  fctlings  and  seniiments 
fors'gn  to  our  ()?;•«,  s'ltall  he  cut  out  of  the  distant 
tfilds  and  admitted  into  the  Uii'sm." 

.tlgain: — "  Those  who  startle  at  the  danger 
of  a  separation,  tell  us  that  the  soil  of  Nev/  I'ni^- 
land  is  hard  and  sterile,  &c.  Do  these  men  fur- 
^et  what  7iaiional  energy  can  do  for  a  people? 
Have  they  not  read  of  Holland.'  Do  they  not 
remember  that  it  threw  off  ^lie  y,oke  of  Spain, 
(our  Virginia,)  andits  chapels  became  churches, 
and  its  poor  men's  cottages  princes'  palaces!' 

In  the  Centinei  of  the  I7th  Dccemher — 

"  Our  course  is  so  easy  and  plain,  that  I'  know 
not  how  the  most  timid  c.tu  pause  at  the  entrance 
upon  it.  It  gives  ns  the  start  of  the  Southern 
States,  finds  employments  for  our  impoverished 
mechanics,    brings   revenue    to  our    treasurv, 


spreads  activity  and  wealiii  througbliic  counliv  ■ 
A  PEACi:  wiTn  Ewgland  fok  a  single  teak, 
v.'orLn  BTtTSfi  FVEP.v  sTATn  East  of  ^*InGl^'lA 
s.-.'Tonun  Co?iFj;nKTiAcr." 

"  Jl  strict  neutrality  will  give  only  temporary 
relief.  It  leaves  government  to  mat.'C  peace  for 
'js,  and  ivilh  that  peace,  such  as  it  ivili  he,  it 
hold.-s  us  in  their  power. " 

"  It  will  th.en  be  too  la'e  to  demand  alterations 
in  the  representation  and  security  to  our  r'ghtsas 
the  only  conditions  upon,  which  we  will  adhere  to 
the  Union." 

"  It  is  said,'th.at  to  make  a  treaty  of  commerce 
with  the  enemy  is  to  violate  th?  (Constitution 
and  sever  the  Union:  are  they  not  botli  already 
vijtually  desti-ojed?  Or  in  what  s'.ag.>  of  exist- 
ence would  toe  be,  slioidd  we  declare  a  neu- 
trality, or  even  withhold  taxes  and  men '  I^t 
us  leave  it  to  the  schools  to  put  this  ques'ionto 
rest,  while  v.e  .ire  giiai'ding  tlie  honor  and  in- 
dependence of  New  England." 

"  liy  a  commercial  treaty  with  England, 
"  which  shall  provide  for  the  admission  of  such 
"  .States  as  may  wish  to  come  into  it,  and  which 
"  shall  prohibit  Engl.ind  from  making  a  treaty 
"  with  the  South  and  West,  wliicii  does  nnl 
"  grant  us  at  leastequal privileges  witli  herself, 
"  our  commerce  will  be  secured,  orn  standixc 

'*  TN  THE  IxATIO?J  RAISED    TO  ITS  PROPEll   I.EVEr.. 

"  \(  peace  leaves  us  at  the  mercy  of  the  "SVest- 
"  ern  States,  we  may  dream  of  freedom,  but  we 
"  slndl  be  in  bonds." 

'•  Wc  must  no  longer  suffer  our  liberties  to 
be  made,  the  sport  of  tlieorists,  (he  subjects  of 
speculation  of  men  of  cold  liearts  and  muddy 
understandings:  neither  allow  that  region  of 
the  west  whici)  was  a  wilderness  v.'hen  New 
England  wrought  the  Independence  of  Ameri- 
ca, lo  wrest  from  us  t'.iosc  blessings  which  we 
permitted  tliem  to  share." 

It  would  require  volumes  to  contain  all  that 
might  be  quoted  of  tlie  s.ime  character  from  the 
papers  of  New  England,  wh'cii  were  the  mere 
cutlets  from  the  grand  resenoir,  the  Boston 
Centinei.  How  exactly  do  these  sentiments 
accord  with  those  expressed  in  tlie  letter  to 
Harris,  in  relation  lo  tlie  respect  feltfor  our  go- 
vernment! But  the  chief  jiurpose  of  present- 
ing these  quotations  is  to  shou',  lliat  in  181-1, 
there  was  a  real  conspiracy  organized  to  sever 
the  Union,  and  in  lime  of  s.  foreign  war  to  com- 
mence a  f;!i!7  war,  deluge  our  country  w:th  the 
blood  r.f  brntlier  spilled  by  brothels'  liaiids, 
Sjjread-dcsolution  ever  tlie  fair  l.md,  and  blot 
out  of  existence  the  only  sanctuary  of  free 
principles  in  the  universe.  Such  was  the  con- 
spiracy during  the  late  war  for  obtaining  influ- 
ence and  power  overthc  nation,  and.the  Boston 
Centinei  was  their  grand  org,an  and  most  effec- 
tive agent. 

These  things  happened  in  1813-14-1 J.  Mr. 
Adams  came  into  tlie  State  Dep.irtment  actively 
in  September  1817,  and  one  ot  his  fust  ro'iTi- 
CAi  ACTS  was,  to  constitute  this  very  Boston 
Centinei,  by  .special  favor,  the  organ  of  the 
government' of  the  United  Stales  to  promulgate 
its  offici.al  proceedings  lo  the  American  people! 
and  this,  too,  at  the  expense  of  the  patriotic 
editor  of  another  paper  «'lio  had  labored  during 
th.at  perilous  period  for  his  countrj  and  for 
liberty. 

The  employment  to  promulgate  the  laws 
and  o«lier  acts  of  the  government,  v.-.is  chiefly  va- 


itSJ 


luabio  ad  ail  evidence  of  ilio  apprubation  and 
confidence  of  the  administration,  and  in  this 
respect  grateful  to  tlie  feeling's  of  a  patriotic 
citizen  who  had  done  mucli  service  for  the 
country — but  it  was  snatched  from  him  by  the 
calculating  and  cold  ingTatitude  of  Mr.  Adams, 
and  given  as  an  evidence  of  his  sympathetic 
afi'ection  for  the  New  England  conspirators, 
just  emer^ing^  from  sedition  and  rebellioa 
agninst  their  country'. 

It  is  not  the  pcculium  given  for  this  service 
that  can  Ijcrcgiu'ded,  but  wiien  the  failhful  are 
degraded  by  a  withdrawal  of  conhdeiici,  and 
tile  wicked  are  re'.vardcd  by  special  niarks  of  it, 
tlieix  niust  be  something  "  ruilen  in  Denmurk." 
'We  have  seen  one  illustrious  and  de  "a)  ed  fami- 
ly struggling  for  a  continuation  of  power  by 
"  turning  democrats,"  or  rather  dsm;.jJogues, 
and  others  in  the  la»rt;  resort  recommending 
open  "rebellion,"  aiul  ready  to  anniliilate 
heaven  and  earth  "  rather  than  fail  of  canying 
their  point,"  und  botli  successfully  i-i&ing,  into 
power  and  authority  over  the  heads  of  '.he  bett 
of  patriots  and  most  fjiithful  public  beuefac-  • 
tors. 

Slany  other  intervening  incidents  of  the  same 
character  might  be  noticed;  but  let  us  pass  on 
to  the  inaugurati',  n. — It  was  not  my  purpose  to 
discuss  the  election  in  this  place;  let  it  stitTice 
to  say,  we  now  find  "the  continuation  of  power 
in  the  samt;  family,"  and  tliis  "continuation" 
accomplished  "by  corruption,"  as  predicted  by 
Mr.  John  Adarhs  hi  1789,  and  whicli,  with  no 
slight  opportunity  of  knowing  the  truth,  1  do 
most  religiously  believe  was  the  fact.  Mr. 
Adams  ascends  the  ina;igural  chair,  and  pro- 
claims a  general  amnesty  for  all  political  of- 
fences, and  more  "ispecially-  to  those  who  had 
so  lately  been  "sjld  to  the  enemy  by  their  pre- 
judices and  their  igiicraucc."  Associated  with 
his  bitterest  foe,  in  the  Administration,  his  re- 
publican friends,  by  whose  indulgence  he  had 
been  tolerated  in  their  ranks  for  several  years, 
find  nothing  but  chilling  repulses  in  his  speech, 
and  more  especially  in  his  first  acts.  Rufus 
King  was  his  first  appohitment  (out  of  the  Cabi-' 
net,)  the  prime  mover  of  the  organized  resis- 
tance to  the  government  during  the  war,  and 
the  father  of  the  system  of  operation  after- 
wards adopted  by  tlie  Hartford  Convention! 
These  facts  liave  been  denied;  but  let  the  pub- 
lic journals  and  records  of  the  day  be  refeVred 
to. — I  have  before  rae  a  pamphlet  written  by 
H.  U.  Otis,  in  defence  of  tlie  Hartford  Conven- 
tion, which  he  excuses  mainly  on  t!ie  ground 
that  other  and  similar  measures  were  adopted 
in  other  parts  of  the  Uiiited  States,  not  less  re- 
prehensible than  those  by  the  New  England 
States.  Tliat  which  evinces  the  strongest  si- 
militude, was  a  meeting  held  in  New  York  in 
the  month  of  August,  1812.  Rufus  King  was 
one  of  tlie  committee  v/ho  drew  up  the  follow- 
ing resolutions,  viz: 

"That  we  are  irresistibly  drawn  to  the  con- 
"  elusion,  that  the  American  people  wjil,  under 
"  the  name  and  form  of  an  alliance,  be  submit- 
"  ted  to  the  will  and  power  of  the  French  Era- 
"peror." 

"That  in  this  view  of  Jhe  subject,  tlie  <[iies- 
"  tioii  of  peace  or  war  involves  all  tliat  is  dear 
• '  and  valuable  to  m;in  on  this  side  the  grave ! 
"  We  are  therefore  under  the  dire  necessity  of 
-■  (Jsclaring,  that  we  hav?  no  confid'  ncc  in  ttre 


"  men  who  have  brvjuglit  us  to  this  perilous  cou  > 
"dition."  They  further  resolved,  "That  repre- 
sentatives be  chosen  in  the  several  counties — 
cUscreet  men — friends  of  peace.  The  repre- 
sentatives can  correspond  or  confer  with  each 
other,  and  co-operate  with  the  fri-iids  of  peace 
in  our  sister  Slates,  in  devising  and  pursuing 
such  constitutionaj  measures  as  may  secure  our 
independence  and  preserve  our  Union,  both  of 
which  are  endangered  by  the  present  war." 
Sucii  was  the  measurL-  wliich  led  the  WLij  for 
the  consjjirators  in  Massachusetts  to  organize 
two  years  afterwards  their  convention  'Of  btato 
delegates  at  Harttbrd. — That  the  prime  mover 
in  New  York,  and  the  prime  agent  and  organ 
in  Uoston,  should  have  been  th.e  first  to  receive 
the  marks  of  special  favor  from  Mr.  John  Q. 
Adams,  is  abundant  proof  that  hii  democracy 
has  been  merely  allected. 

But  it  is  not  from  ail  that  we  have  esliibited 
merely,  norfiom  liis  att.-.chment  to  the  most  ob- 
noxious of  the  federal  leaders  in  the  Heign  of 
Tenor,  and  in  the  days  of  the  New  England 
Consph'acv,  that  the  insincerity  of  Mr.  Adams' 
sudden  coiiversionto  republicanism  is  to  be  uiier- 
red: — We  perceive  it,  in  the  licentious  exer- 
cise of  his  patronage,  prostituted  from  its  de- 
sign of  promoting  the  public  gucd  to  the  pur- 
poses of  mercenary  revv  ard  to  the  worst  of  men 
for  political  senices.  W  e  perceive  the  very  doc- 
trhie  avowed  in  his  "  !■' ublicola ,"  re-asserted 
in  his  first  message  to  Congress; — Ln  the  formei , 
it  is  alleged  that  "  all  power  ought /o  be  delrgu- 
icd  hy  ihe  people,  for  their  own  benefit,"  and  in 
the  latter,  tliat  "  the  representative  should  not  ■ 
be  palsied  by  the  will  of  his  constituents:" — 
We  perceive  all  the  old  doctrines"  of  implied 
powers  repeated  and  even  surpassed; — We  sci: 
unnecessary  embassies  got  up,  to  establish  po- 
litical connexions  with  other  countries,  conti-a- 
ry  to  the  advice  and  policy  of  Washington  and 
Jefi'trson: — We  see  liini  and  the  principal  func- 
tionaries of  his  cabinet,  whose  duty  it  is  to  at- 
tend to  the  public  concerns,  engaged  in  tra- 
versing the  Union  like  electioneering  dema- 
gogues, attending  festivals  and  barbacues, 
making  stump  speeches,  and  striving  to  court 
the  people  to  their  favor: — Wc  see  the  Presi- 
dent, through  his  friends  in  Congress,  opposing 
sucii  an  alteration  of  the  consUtutinn  as  would 
give  the  people  the  power  of  electing  their 
Chief  Magistrate,  and  this  in  direct  violation  of 
pledges  publicly  tendered  to  the  nation  before 
bis  election: — And  we  ce  in  operation  a  demo- 
rali/in^  system  of  mi-sleadlng  the  people 
through  the  influence  of  mercenary  and  cor- 
rupt editors  ot  newspapers.  \N  ho  then  can 
doubt  that  Jolin  Q.  Adams  never  has  been,  ncr 
is  now,  worthy  to  b.-^  trusted  as  a  republican' 
Who  can  avoid  tliinking,  that  the  safety  of  our 
country,  and  the  future  destiny  of  free  institu- 
tions demand  at  tile  hands  of  the  American 
people,  that  hisill-gotlen  power  should  be  taken 
from  him,  according  to  the  fimti  of  a  constitu- 
tion whose  spirit  he  has  violated i" 

It  may  be  remarked, in  conclusion,  tliat  much 
more  has  been  shown,  than  was  necessary  to 
tlie  justification  of  the  Uoylestowu  resolution. 
That  resolution  was  hi  its  phrase:jlogy  and  spi- 
rit tempered  with  a  moderation  anda  scrupulou.s 
regard  to  truth,  suited  to  the  magnitude  and  so- 
lemnity of  the  subject.  Have  we  not  proved, 
ir.contcstibK'.   th?''  "Mr.  Adams  o^cci'frf to  Ijt 


i2,&b 


■,ui.i£  a  republican  in  iii<i7,"  merely  to  answer 
the  pui poses  of  his  own  vilo  ambition'  ITave 
we  not  disproved  llic  f.ycopliantic  and  dislntjcnu- 
ous  allegation  of  Jonathan  Roberts,  that  "  -Wr. 
iSdjms  tuns  nlwaija  n  rcpubUctoi  in  I'tc  true  sinse 
oflhct  ierrti?'' 

Otir  appeal  is  to  Tar,  rr.opi.F,  whose  ans^vef, 
\ve  confidently  predict,  will,  a  second  time,  vin- 
ilirate  the  principles  of  democracy,  arid  drive 
bark  into  private  life  the  mm  whom  popular 
suflroijes never  v.otdd  have  drawn  from  it. 

APPKNDIX. 

Lfltcr  of  Joiin  Qidncy  Jlilupin,  addressed  !o  Le- 
rilt  tiarris,  Esg.  Chnrgc  a'.ijfairea  of  the  Uni- 
ted Stalai-,  at.  Petersburg. 

Chest,  \6th  A'oferrl^r,  1814. 

Dr.An  Sit?, — I  hav:  just  now  the  pleasure  of 
Vccciving' your  favor  of  14-i?6  October,  and  am 
happy  to  loarn  from  yourself,  the  coniinnation 
ot  your  recovery,  of  v.hich,  and  of  your  illnec?, 
1  had  a  few  since  been  informed  by  a  letter 
from  my  wife. 

Near  the  close  of  the  month  of  Aiip'.sf,  it  v.'as 
our  expectation  that  the  nefjotiation  here  would 
have  terminated  in  a  very  fevy-  days.  It  soon 
after  became  apparent  that  the  intention  of  the 
Britisli  government  was  to  keep  it  open,  and  to 
shape  its  demands  according  to  the  course  of 
events  in  Europe  and  in  America.  The  policy 
■still  continues  to  pervade  the  I'ritisli  Cabinet. 
Nothinc;  derisive  is  yet  known  to  them  to  have 
jiccurrcd,  either  at  Vienna,  or  in  the  other  he- 
nlisDhere,  and  accorclinfjly  they  temporize  stilh 
Unless  Siniethitigshotild  happen  to  fix  their  wa- 
vering pretensions  and  purposes,  it  will  belong- 
to  the  American  government  alone  to  brinfj  our 
business  to  a  point.  This  on  their  part  would 
certainly  be  an  honor.able  and  spirited  course 
of  conduct,  and  I  should  have  no  doubt  of  its 
being  pursued,  if  Tnn  ri;sinj:  or  teacs  wi?.e 
>-0T  rAKAM0e:<T  to  i;vi;iii  othzh  cox.iidera- 
•rxon. 

The  occurrences  of  tlie  v.:>r  in  America  h.ive 
been  of  a  divcreified  nature.  Success  and  do- 
feat  have  alternately  attended  the  arms  of  both 
hcUigerents,  and  hitlierto  have  left  them  n.arl  .■ 
where  they  were  at  the  crtrfimenccment  of  the 
campaign.  It  has  been  on  our  part  merely  de- 
fensive, with  the  sing'le  exception  of  the  takins^ 
of  Fort  Eric,  with  whicli  it  began.  The  battles 
of  Chipjtcwa  and  of  I^rid^ewatcr — the  defence 
of  Fort  Erie  on  the  ISth  cf  Autjust,  and  the  na- 
val action  upon  I^akc  Ch.implain  on  the  11th  of 
September,  have  rcdouTulcd  to  otiv  .^loiT  as 
well  as  to  our  adv.antagc — while  the  loss  of 
Washington,  the  capitulations  of  AIe;;andria 
and  of  vv.T.shinq'ton  county,  Massachusetts,  and 
of  Nantucket,  have  been  more  disgraccfil  to  us 
than  irijurious.     The   nttENci:  of   r.AT,TiiicrE 

RAS  niVKN  fS  LITTLE  ]VIOHE  TO  BE  mOUD  OF 
THAS  THE  DEIMOXBTHATJON  AGAINST  IT  UAS  AF- 
POnnED  TO  OUtl  EVE^nr.  PUEVOSt's  RilTnEAT 
FnOM  PtATTSnvBG  HAS  EF.EN  MORE  DlSHl!  ACF.FfL 
TO  THEM  THAS  nOKOnABLE  TO  US;  ASl)  WfL- 
XISOTON's  VETEIlAXe,  THE  riRE-EATEH  linis- 
EAXE,     AKD     THE     FinEIlRAXll    COCKIICIIN,    HAVE 

i^F.rT  THE  nAwr.sT  or  orn  ?iilitia  is  couxtf- 
rvAxcr,  nT  TiiEin  LxrFuTXEss  ly  Tur.  aut  or 
nuNxiKO  AWAT.  Thc  general  issue  of  the  cam- 
paign is  yet  to  come-  spO  thebj:  is  too  5Tr'-;n 


heasio^-  td  Arer,I,Hr.^-D  'tHAT  >i  will  pz  vnJa 

TORAItLE  TO  OUR  SIDF.. 

Left,  hy  a  concurrence  of  circumstances  tm- 
examplcd  in  the  unn.als  of  the  workl,  to  stnig^gk; 
alone  and  friendless  against  Tiia  wnoir.  con;s- 

SAL  POWER  OF  C.FvF.AT  nuTTAIX— fighting    ift    F^G^ 

ality  against  her  for  the  cause  of  all  Eui-opc. 
with  all  F.urope  Coldly  looking  on,  basely  boimd 
not  to  raise  in  o\ir  f.,vor  a  helping  hand,  secretly 
wishing  us  success,  and  not  daring  so  much  as 
to  cheer  us  in  tlie  strife,  what  could  be  eipect- 
ed  from  the  fii-st  furies  of  this  unequal  coufiict, 
but  ilisastcr  and  discomfiture  to  us!     Ditidtj) 

A3IOXG  oniSBLVES  XORE  ly  FASSIOXS  TUAS  IX- 
TEREST,  WITH  RAIF  TOF.  SATIOX  SOLD  BT  THEIR 
PliBJtrDlCES  AXD  TIIEIU  IGXOUAXCE  TO  OVJl  EXE- 
MT,  WITH  A  FZEBLF.  ASD  PEXCRIOUS  GOVERX- 
?IEXT,  WiTn  FIVi:  FRIGATES  FOR  A  XATT,  AXD 
SCARCEIT  FITD  EFriCIKXT  KEGIMKXTS  FOR  AX 
AR^Xr,  HOW  C.\X  IT  RE  EXPECTED  THAT  "WE 
SaOULR  KBSIST  THF.  MASS  OF  FORCE  WUICII  THAT 
CI3A5TIC  POWER  HAS  COLLECTED  TO  CRTSU  V.3 
AT    A    BLOW? 

Tliis  too  is  the  moment  which  he  has  chosen 
to  break  through  all  the  laws  of  war  acknow- 
ledged and  respected  by  civilized  nations.  Un- 
der the  false  pretence  of  retaliation,  Cochrane 
has  formally  declared  the  determination  to  de- 
stroy and  lay  waste  all  the  towns  on  thc  se:> 
coast  which  m.\v  be  assailable.  The  ordinary 
horrors  of  war  arc  mildness  and  mercy  in  com- 
parison with  what  British  vengeance  and  malice 
h.Lve  denounced  upon  us.  We  must  go  through 
it  .ill — I  trust  in  God  wc  shall  rise  in  triumph 
over  it  all; — hut  the  first  shock  is  the  most  ter- 
rible part  of  the  proc  -ss,  and  it  is  that  which  w-c 
arc  now  enduring. 

The  Transit  will  probably  s.ail  about  the  bt"- 
giiming  of  next  month  from  Bordeaux.  Your 
despatches  by  ^Ir.  Forbes  witl  go  in  her,  if  we 
get  them  in  time.  I  have  heard  nothing  from 
Count  Ncfsclrodc.  The  Congress  at  \ienna 
has  scarcely  yet  opened: — but  all  the  importiui'- 
arrangemefits  arc  inacic,  ai.d  there  is  no  dotibt 
that  the  termination  will  be  pacific. 

I  am,  willi  high  regaidand  consider.alion,  dear 
sir,  your  vcrv  humble  and  obedient  servant, 
JOflN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Tin-,  NATIONAL  INTELLIGENCEH  AG.UX 
AT  ITS   THICKS. 

Among  the  curicsitics  to  which  fhe  prestnt 
can  •• '  -s  has  giv^  -:  birth,  is  a  table  in  the  Natlon- 
Til  iHtc'';5encer,  which  represents  that,  by  ap- 
jiortionir.g  ihe  votes  fjr  each  candidate  to  the 
number  of  votes  given  to  him  in  e.ach  Stater- 
Adams  woJd  have  had  98, GQ") 

Jackson 85.83  !       , 

Crawford 4?"  23  f  ""*«"• 

Clay ?7.7'0J 


2J9r45 
And  that  by  apportioning  the  votes  for  cacli 
candidate  to  the  number  of  votes  given  to  him 
in  each  St.itc,  reduced  to  three  fifths  on  account 
of  colored  representation; 

Adams  would  have  had  9G.22"^ 
.Tackson     -----  "5-02  t 

Crawford 39.25  >^''^^"- 

Clay     -.-•--  26.43J 
It  is  rot  enough  to  reply  to  tlie  Tnk-IKg-enccr 


rim 


Uial  ill'.  Adaiui,   111  lus  letlci' la  tlie  CdtniThttee 
appointed  to  nutify  liim  of  bis  election,  said, 

"All  ijiy  projcccssors  in  the  high  station  to 
whicli  tiic'favor  of  the  House  now  calls  me,  h  . -c 
Tjecn  honored  uith  majorities  of  the  electoral 
voices  in  their  primarv  colleges.  It  lias  been 
my  fortune  to  be  placed,  by  the  divisions  of 
sentiment  prevailing  among  our  countrymen  on 
this  occasion,  in  competition,  fiieiiclly  and  hon- 
orable, with  three  of  nny  fellow  citizens,  all 
.iustly  enjoying,  in  eminent  degrees,  the  public 
favor;  and  of  whoso  wortli,  talents,  and  services, 
n-o  one  entertains  a  higiier  ami  more  respect- 
fnl  sense  than  myself.  Tho  names  of  two  of 
Ihem  were,  in  the  falfilmcnt  of  the  provisions 
of  the  Constitution,  presented  to  the  selection 
of  the  House,  in  concurrence  with  my  own — 
names  close-y  associated  with  the  glory  of  the 
!!atioii;  and  one  of  them  further  rccojnmendcd 
by  a  larger  minority  of  the  primary  electoral 
suflVages  tluin  mine." 

We  will  examine  this  table,  which  the  Intel- 
ligencer says,  is  made  up  from  the  official  de- 
tailed returns,  on  file  in  the  State  Uepartment, 
by  one  of  the  most  scientiiic  men  of  the  age; 
and  whicli  Messii".  Gales  and  Seaton  verify  to 
be  accurate,  to  the  very  lowest  fractioii^ 

■J.'he  fiist  statement,  wliich  apportions  tl-.e 
votes  given  to  the  several  candidates,  and  wliicii 
allows  Mr.  Ad.ams  98.69,  and  General  Jackson 
only  85.83,  is  false  upon  its  face.  The  whole 
wcrld  knows,  that  the  number  of  electoral  votes 
Tvas  262;  yet,  by  this  calculation,  the  sum  of  all 
the  votes  gi^cn  to  all  tho  candidates,  is  reduced 
to  359.45. 

We  do  not  knov.'  v,^.:o  is  the  scientific  author 
of  this  calculation;  but,  if  wt  are  riglitly  in- 
formed, ii'c  is  a  Clerk  in  the  State  Department, 
a  foreigner  in  birth  and  principlea,  v.'hb  seeks 
promotion  by  servile  adulation,  and  who,  to 
please  the  present  incumbents,  said  that  Gen. 
.iackson  was  a  blood-thirsty  murderer,  and 
would  be  condemned  to  be  hung'  by  any  impar- 
tial jury,  for  the  execution  of  the  *'six  militia- 
men." Such  if,  the  man  whose  calculations  the 
Intelligencer  introduces  to  the  public,  by  an  edi- 
torial article,  declaring  th  at  "  they  v/ill  stand  th  e 
test  of  the  severest  scrutiny." 

Mr.  Adams  received  in  Maine  9 — in  New 
Hampshire  8 — in  Vermont  T — in  .Massachusetts 
15 — in  IJhode  Island  •!■— in  Connecticut  8 — in 
New  York  26 — in  Oelawai-e  1 — in  Maryland  3 — 
iu  Louisiana  2 — in  Illinois  1.     Votes  84. 

Gen.  Jackson  received  in  New  York  1 — in 
New  Jersey  8 — in  Pennsylvania  28— in  .Mary- 
land r — in  North  Carolina  15 — in  Souili  Caroli- 
na 31 — iu  Tennessee  11 — in  Louisiana  3 — in 
Missi.isippi  3 — in  Indiana  5 — in  Al.abama  5 — in 
illinois  2.     Votes  9-). 

Being  a  majority  of  electoral  votes  in  eleven 
States,  and  a  plurality  of  15  votes  over  Mr. 
Adams,  the  ne.vt  highest  candidate.  All  the 
votes  giv.^n  to  Gen.  Jackson,  except  the  11 
votes  in  South  Carolina,  the  2  votes  in  Louisi- 
ana, and  1  vote  in  New  York,  were  given  to 
liim  by  the  people.  Whereas,  the  Intelligen- 
cer, speaking  of  the  ~6  votes  given  to  Mr. 
Adams  in  New  York,  says  as  follows: 
I'lwnthe Ifal'wnulIntd!li^enccr,oJ' Nov.  23,  1824. 

"If,  in  addition  to  all  ti.is,  an  imposition  had 
not  been  practised  upon  the  country  by  the  de- 
^iMOiiinth^  Legis!atr:iv  of  v;^,-  VorV.'h';  f\Ir. 


A^ms]  would  not  now  iJo  the  seaona  uii  tiifi 
iM^of  candid.ites." 

Fiom  the  same,  Hbeembcr  25,  1824. 
"It  is  a  saying  wliirh  vc  never  much  admir- 
ed, as  applied  to  political  questions,  that  thos."^ 
who  are  not  for  113  arc  against  us.  The  Legis- 
lature  of  Nev/  York,  by  their  dcci.'iion,  havrt 
given  a  new  reading  to  it,  v.'hicii  we  like  still 
less,  viz:  that  those  who  arc  against  us  arc  foi- 
U3.  It  only  has  been  upon  r.'iis  principle  that 
they  decided  that  TS  was  a  majority  of  157 — 
Let  nO  one  suppose  that  v'e  object  to  this  di-» 
cision  merelj'  because  of  the  great  injusticw 
which  it  h;ia  eiTected  in  the  paiticul.ar  case  iiv 
which  it  occurred.  We  take,  it  is  true,  some 
concern  iri  th.at,  but  v.'e  feel  a  much  deeper  in- 
-  tcrest  in  t!ie  purity  of  our  elections — intiie  keep- 
ing them  free  fromthc  pollutioii  of  concumo.vj 

TlilCff,   ASD  AUTirrCE." 

Fi-cm  Ihc  National  Inu  llfgc-hctr,  of  Nov.  25, 1824 ; 
"Our  readers  are  already  apprized  of  the 
scenes  of  insolence  and  out.-ag-e  under  wliicU 
tlie  late  decision  was  made  in  the  Lerislature  ot' 
New  Yorkj  in  regard  to  her  electoral  votes. — ■ 
The  tone  of  the  ultra  federal  prints  corrcBponds 
with  the  spii-it  of  these  scenes." 

From  the  same,  Koi:emher  30,  1824-. 

"With  due  deference  to  the  contrary  opiniort 
of  the  Editors  of  tiie  Statesman,  we  have  sup- 
posed that  the  United  States  at  large,  had  some 
sm.ali  concern  in  the  Presidential  eSecliun." 

"  If  this  be  admitted,  it  requires  no  argumen'; 
to  rrove  that  an  enorov  FH.tt;D  in  the  ciectiou 
of  electors  in  ary  one  of  the  States,  ailects  the 
wliole  of  the  States,  and  that  every  citizen,  of 
whatever  State,  has  a  moral  as  Well  as  legal  r-gU"^ 
to  express  an  opinion  upon  it." 

Froj.i  ihc  same,  December  9,  I82-1. 

"The  Blank  Ballots. — The  decision  in  thr;- 
Legislature  of  New  York,  by  which  it  has  been 
declared  th.at  less  than  one  half  is  a  majority  or' 
any  given  numbcp  of  capita,  has  excited  Ss 
much  surprise  every  where  else,  apparently,  as 
it  did  in  our  inlnd.s.' 

i\om  the  Nationalinteliigcncer,  of  Dee.  3,  lS2f. 

"The  more  the  subject  shall  be  !nvesti;';ated, 
the  more  conclusively  will  it  appear  that  tht: 
twenty-five  electors  favorable  to  Mr.  Adams^ 
were  not  chosen  by  a  majorit}'." 

"It  is  no  argument  against  ospcsiug  an  act 
of  usurpation,  in  so  important  a  concern,  that 
there  is  now  no  rem.edy  f'^r  it,siinuld  it  appear, 
as  v.'e  believe  it  wilij  thrtt  sucli  is  the  case." 

Upon  such  d;ita  as  is  thus  described  by  ths 
Intelligencer,  that  papc'r  now  attempts  to  soy 
that  Jlr.  Adams  received  a  greater  nultiber  ot" 
the  votes  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
and  gives  a  table  which  deducts  from  General 
Jackson's  vote,  on  account  of  the  three-fiftlis 
for  colored  representation,  so  as  to  reduce  his 
vote  below  th.at  given  to  Mr:  Adams! 

We  are  sometimes  cOimp'elled  almost  tQ  loath 
the  ))en  and  the  press,  when  we  see  the  prosti- 
tuted uses  to  which  they  are  apphed. 

The  slave  holding  States  in  which  Conefa! 
Jackson  received  the  electoral  votes,  were  North 
and  South  Carolina,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Lou- 
isiana, Tennessee  and  Marylaml.  Mr.  Adams 
received  a  part  of  the  vote  of  Louisiana  and 
M:u'vland,  and  takuisr  the  other  i?t3'.'"<,^nd lock- 


^88 


,-- [0  the  census,  we  CMi  easily  see  Ihemimbet  Jackson,  held  in   iialtimore, 'ana  published  ii. 

oAotcs  given  to  Geneiiil  Jackson  on  accoutit'  tliia  paper  of  June  1827,   which  never  has  yet 

of  the  colored  population  in  those  States.  been  contradicted.— Here  is  the  extract. 

Each  State  is  entitled  to  one  vote  for  each  E-:ruct  from  Iht  address  of  the  Baltimore  Jackson 
Ilepresentative  and  Senator  to  which  it  is  en- 


Convcntion. 

"Mr.  Adams  at  the  last  election  in  the  House 

of  lippresentatives,  received  the  votes  of  five  of 

the  Wcslern    States.       In    the    nine    Western 

States  General  Jackson  rec  ived  twenty-nine 

electoral  votes,    and  Mr.    Adams    only    three; 

but  one  of  which  was  from  the  people,  whereas 

twenty-six  of  the  Jackson  electors  were  chosen 

_.   _  .  immediately  by  the  people  themselves.     The 

two,  the  votes  allotted  to  each  State  on    ^^{^,.,,5  of  the  pu/J"/ar  votes  in  the  nine  Western 

int  cf  its  sovcreign'y  as  a  Stale,  from  the    c;,ates^  as  contained  in  the  papeis  piintei'  at  the 

""■'*""'■"'   "  and  not  contradicted,  are  as  follows,  viz : 


titkd  in  the  National  Legislature.  Thus  Illi- 
nois is  entitled  to  three  votes. — And  why '  Be- 
cause she  has  two  votes  on  account  (<f  htr  being 
a  sovereign  State,  and  oiiC  on  account  of  her 
popidaticn. 

The  true  inetliod,  then,  of  Hscertainmg  the 
number  of  votes  given  to  Gen.  Jackson,  on  ac- 
count of  colored  representation,  is  first  to  de- 
duct 


accou--  „     . 

whole  number  of  votes  allotted  to  that  State, 
and  '.hen  deduct  fiom  the  remahidcj-,  the  num- 
ber of  votes  allotted  to  such  State  on  account 
of  its  wlsite  population.  Tlicreniaindtr  will  ex- 
hibit the  allowance  for  colored  population.-— 
Thus,  the  free  white  population  of  Mississippi  in 
lS20,-was  -12,176 — her  black  population,  was 
32,81-1.  Mississippi  l.P.d  three  votes,  two  be- 
cause of  hei'  riglit  as  a  soveicign  State,  and 
one  on  account  of  her  white  popula'ion.  40,000 
being  the  ratio,  she  had  an  excess  cf  2,176 
whites,  and  32,814  blacks,  unrepresented  in 
the  electoi-al  college.  Vi:t  the  calculation  of 
the  scicnfif.c  Clerk  of  the  S'ate  Department, 
which  Mr.  Gales  has  endorsed  to  stand  the  test 
of  the«everest  scrutiny,  reduces  Gtn  Jackson's 
vote  in  Mississippi,  from  3  to  2.50,  on  account 
of  colored  representation! ! 

We  believe  that,  leaving  Maryland  and  Lou- 
isiana out  of  vlt'W,  and  as  to  Gen.  Jackson  and 
Mr.  Adam.s,  the  diflerence  isj  but  a  fraction:  by 
doing  so,  the  number  of  \otes  received  by  Gen. 
Jackson  on  account  of  colored  representation, 
is  as  follows: 


time, 

Jaclisnn. 
Ohio,         -  18,487 
Kentucky,     6,453 
Alabama',       9,443"' 
Indiana,  7,343 

Tennessee,  20.197 
Mississippi,  3,254 
Illinois,  1,901 

Missouri,  987 


idams. 

Cluy.    Cra 

iford- 

12,280 

19,255 
16,782 

2,415 

67 

1,680 

3,095 

5,315 

216 

312 

1,694 

119 

1,542 

1,047 

219 

311 

1,401 

43,867  • 


2,339 


Blacks. 
AVhoic 

0  -2  °P 

"§1 
^1 

?1  -P 

N.  C. 

419.200 

205.027 

15  2 

10.48 

2.52 

s  r.. 

231.812 

251.783 

11  2 

5.79 

3.21 

\\:,h. 

85.451 

41.879 

5  2 

2.38 

62 

jVliss. 

42  176 

32.824  - 

3  2 

1.  ■ 

Ten.' 

339.777 

80.107 

11  2, 
45  10 

8.49 

51 

23.14 

6.86 

TotaS^-  68,067  21,555 
From  the  above  returns  it  appears,  that  ot  the 
votes  of  the  people  in  the  nine  Western  States, 
Genera!  Jacksim  received  45,512  votes  more 
than  Mr.  Adams— 2-1,201  more  than  Mr.  Cl.y — 
261-5  more  than  Mr.  Cluy  and  Adams  together, 
and  315  more  than  the"  whole  received  by  all 
three  olthe  oppo.sing  candidates.  Suppose  the 
contest  to  have  hid  between  Mr.  Adams  and 
General  Jack.son,  and  tl>e  votes  confined  to 
those  two,  is  th.ere  any  one,  who  looks  at  the 
above  statSment  of  the  actual  votes  received  by 
Mr.  Adams,  and  reflects  that  Mr.  Clay's  fnendi 
had  industriously  represented  Mr.  Adams  as 
unfriendly  to  western  interests,  and  that  a  Pre- 
sident ought  not  again  to  be  taken  from  the  cabi- 
net, is  there  any  one,  we  rcpe-at,  who  will  ven- 
ture to  say  that"  Mr  Adams,  would  have  got  one 
fourth  of  the  votes  of  the  n;ne  v/esttrn  States' 
And  yet  he  received  the  votes  of  five  states  111 
Congress,'  and  General  Jiickson  only  four. 

The  following  are  the  results  of  the  voles,  oS 
such  states  as  are  not  contained  in  the  above  hst, 
taken  from  the  papers  printed  at  the  close  oi 
the  P,-esic'en1ial  election.  They  cannot  vary 
far  froiii  tlje  offioi:d  returns.  '        ,    „, 

Adam.i.  Jac/cspii.  Crawford.  Llay- 


6,870 
30,687 


■l'hu3  it  will  be  seen,  that  instead  of  reducing 
he  vote  given  to  the  General,  on  account  of  co- 
lored population,  to  75.02.  we  can  onlydeduct  Mi""e. 
on  that  account  5.86,  which  leaves  his  ekcto-  Massachus 
ral  vote,   exclusive  of  the   colored  representa-  Connecticut    7,58. 
tlon,92.14-makingi!  3.14  of  ^.-A^i'e  votes  higtver  Rhode  Island  2,145 
than  the  vote  given  to  Mr.   A.  without  taking  .  N.  Hainpshire4,107 
into  the  calculation  the  vote  ilUgaHy,   as  Mr.  Vugima  o,l. J 
GaVs  has  said,  obtained  in  New  York.     Deduct  I.ew  Jersey    9,110 
these  26  vote:;   from  the  vote   given   to   Mr.  Fennsylvama  5.4-i0 
\dams,  and  General  Jackson's  m:ijor,ty  of  whde  N.  CaroUnii 
Cotes  will  be  31.14.    So  much,   then,    im-  the  -Maryland 
-.  otes  given  to  General  Jackson,  on  account  of 
slave  representation.  ,  ,  i  .vr    c- 

Thfe  faUacy  of  all  the    reasoning  ^H-O"  tins  .\cJ  \V  .  b 
subject,  appeiu-s  by  the  fact,  that  Gen.  Jack 
son  received  more  of  the  people's  voles  than 
Mr.  Adams,  notwithstanding  the  number  of  votes 
\vas  reduced,  bv  the  slave   popidation   in  the 

Southern  St.atcs,  about  one  fourth.     This  ap-  -  „    .7  f:no    „,„1 

pera-s  fully,  from  tlie  following  extract  Irom  the  Adams   was  47,6-..^.  ami 

-ddress  of  the  convention  cf  friends  of  General  Clay  961. 


14,632 

83,767 
21,555 


2,330 

6,615 

1,978 

200 

643 

2,851 

8,489 

416 

10,985 

1,196 

36,100 

4,206 

1,690 

20,415 

15,621 

14,523 

3,646 

695 

84,884 
68,067 


44,975 
2,330 


2,801 
43,867 


TotalU.S.  105,322  152,951        -17,305    46,668 
From  this  table,  it  appears  that  General  Jack- 
son's majority  of  the  popular  vote,  so  far  as  t:i- 
ken  throughout     '       "    ""'   '""* "" 


the 


United  States,   over  Mr. 
over  both  Adams  ^w^ 


UNITED  Sl'ATES^  TELEGRAM—iit/y.,^. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weekly, 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dolliir;  subject  to  neAVspi'ptr  postagv,  and  no  more. 

BY  GREEN  4-  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   1. 


WASHINGTON,  JULY  19,  1S2S. 


No.  19. 


GEN.   JACKSON'S    QUALIFICATIONS   AS 
A  LEGISLATOR. 

We  have  had  several  numbers  on  this  subject 
in  the  Nationrd  Intelligencer,  under  the  sig;na- 
ture  of  Henr.-.  Our  notice  of  the  palpable 
suppression,  whicli  we  characterized  as  a 
forgery,  has  drawn  forth,  in  the  Intelligencer 
an  abusive  article  admitting-  the  suppression 
charged,  and  an  abandonment  by  the  writer 
of  the  attempt  to  make  General  Jackson  re- 
sponsible for  the  ordinance  cf  the  City  Couucil 
of  St.  .\ugusline,further  than  that  he  had  passed 
an  Ordinance  organizing  the  City  Council. 

But  hear  liim,  he  says  : 

"I.  lam  accused nf  '•fraud"  or  " profjgaie 
f'jrgery." 

The  ground  for  this  accusation  is  worthy  of 
attention.  It  will  be  recollected  that  1  .submit- 
ted to  the  public  an  Ordinance  enacted  by  Gov. 
Jackson,  No.  1,  and  dated  the  18//(  Juii/,  1321, 
creating  the  Government  cf  Mayor  and  Council 
of  St.  Augustine,  rendering  these  officers  annu- 
ally reappointable  by  himsch",  and  investing 
them  with  unlimilcd  power  oxer  lift;  liberty  and 
property.  It  will  also  be  recollected  that  tills 
City  Council,  ijnder  authority  thus  given  by 
Govoriior  Jackson,  actually  exercised  some  of 
the  powers  with  which  they  had  been  invested; 
and  b}'  ::n  Ordinance,  dated  the  17/A  October, 
1S21,  imposed  upon  the  People  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, taxes  of  unprecedented  magnitude,  and 
enforced  their  collection  v.-ith  vigorous  exact- 
ness. ItVill,  at  the  same  time,  be  recollected, 
that,  although  I  did  not  charge  Gov.  Jackson 
witli  having  enacted  the  Ordinance  of  the  City 
Council,  I  yet  considered  him  as  justly  respon- 
sible for  the  severity  of  its  provisioiis,  because 
it  emanated  from  his  delegated  authority;  be- 
cause he  had  no  riglit  to  del.?gate  authority  to 
impose  taxes;  and  because  he  gave  to  the  acts 
of  the  Council  the  forcible  saitction  of  silent  ac- 
quiescence. 

The  writer  proceeds  to  say,  that  ue  suppres- 
sed Oi-^t'.nance,  No.  1,  passed  by  Gen.  Jackson. 
As  uc  did  not  read  the  first  numbers of-Henry, 
we  do  not  know  what  Ordinance  No.  1  contain- 
ed— nor  was  the  reading  of  it  connected  with 
the  subject  matter  before  us.  Henry  had  un- 
dertaken t«  CT.-.^-e  that  Gen.  Jackson  was  not 
tVel!  qualified  to  act  as  a  Legislator,  and  as  an 
evidence  tliereof,  quoted  an  act  of  Congress,  re- 
pealing an  Ordinance  enacted  by  him.  Did 
Henry  expect  the  people  to  believe  that  the  Or- 
dinance repealed  related  to  the  Ordinance  of 
the  City  Council  '  He  did.  How  did  he 
attempt  to  produce  that  impression  '  By 
quoting  the  act  of  Congress,  .and  suppressing 
the  title  of  the  ordinance  of  tlic  ISlli  of  Ji^ly, 
lS2],  en.tcted  by  General  Jackson,  and  repeal- 
ed by  the  act  of  Congress,  and  giving  <//  large, 
the  entire  ordinance  of  the  Mayor  and  Council 
of  the  city  of  St.  Augustine,  of  ITth  October, 
and  all  that  part  of  the  act  of  Congress  which 
relates  to  it. 


Kenry  now  pretends  that  the  title  of  the  or- 
dinance enacted  by  Gen.  Jackson  was  omitted 
because  it  was  too  much  labor  foi  him  to  write 
it  out! !     l!ut  hciu-  him!   he  s;.j  s: 

U.  Tom  accused  of  "an  intentional  suppres- 
sion of  a  material  purl  of  a  Imv  prctendedly  giv- 
en to  the  public  entire,  and  oj  having  bce:n  im- 
pelled ny  MOTIVES  not  less  fruuduler.t  th(m  the 
man  who  cunimits  a  forgery  on  a  note  of  hand 
or  of  a  B.inl:.  note  fur  fraudulent  purposes." 

Tiiis  ch-ivge',  like  tlie  preceding,  has  emana- 
ted from  the  magnily  ing  optics  of  the  Editor. 
The' simple  fact  is  tills:  in  transcribing',  for  the 
reader's  convenience,  an  act  of  Congress  v.hicli 
w.as  appended  as  a  n-Ac,  the  title  of  an  irrelevant 
ordinance  was  omitted,  and  an  "'cc."  was  sub- 
stituted in  its  place.  The  insertion  of  the  "fvC.'* 
(a  fact  which  the  Editor,  witli  customary  adroit- 
ness, conceals)  was  a  sufficient  intimation,  that, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  the  lille  omitted, 
vi-as  not  deemed  material;  and  that  the  reader, 
if  he  tliought  dilTercntly,  might  consult  the  act 
itself. 

Now  the  words  omitted  were  "for  the  natur- 
alization  of  the  uihabitants  of  the  ceded  ter- 
ritories," and  weie  not  only  relevant,  but  ab- 
solutely necessary  to  aright  understanding  of 
the  act.  If  Henry  h.ad  intended  that  tlio.se  who 
\iished  to  understand  liis  article  should  refer  to- 
tlie  act  itself,  why  did  he  omit  the  only  Ime  iii 
tlie  act  which  was  relevant  to  the  suV)jeCt  th.-(t 
he  was  pretending  to  discuss,  in  an  essay  wliicli 
m.ade  two  columns  (wo  believe)  in  a  newspa- 
per' Tile  sulijcot  was  Cien.  Jackson's  quahfi- 
cations  as  a  legislatoi'.  Tlio  ordinance  of  the 
City  Cotmcil  was  q-ioted  as  an  evidence  of  ms 
legislation,  and  the  act  of  Ccngi-ess  was  referred 
to,  to  prove  that  Congress  had  condemned  it. — 
No  one  can  doubt  that  the  suppression  was  iVt- 
tentional.'  No  one  can  persuade  us  lh.at  a  man 
retained  as  a  ]iost  office  p'mp,  for  a  ctcrkwhose 
duty  it  is  to  copy  tue  .Semite  Jodunals,)  would 
be  so  much  fatigued  in  copying  an  act  of  Con^ 
gress  .as  to  sul)stitutc  an  ixc.  for  the  title  of  an 
act,  if  his  emplo)'ers  were  not  interested  i;i 
the  substitution. 

AVe  have  already  explained  the  reason  why 
the  orduiance  of  July  ISlli,  was  repealed.  Even 
Henry  does  n  .1.  complain  of  that  ordinance,  lie 
still  at -nipts  to  make  General  Jackson  i-espoii- 
siblefjrthe  ordin.ance  of  the  City  Council,  and 
with  this  view,  asserts, 

"  The  .act  quoted  by  tlie  Editor  (by  us)  de- 
clares, that  in  addition  to  the  two  expressly 
enumerated  ordinances,  viz:  one  '  providing  for 
the  naturalization  of  the  inhabitants,'  numbered 
"!r/irfe,."  the  other  "imposing  and  hiying  cer- 
tain taxes  on  the  inhabitants,"  "all  o'lier  laws, 
onDl.v.»scES,  and  rcsotees,  so  far  as  tliey  enforce 
or  conjirimui:  samk,  be,  a;id  the  same  are  here- 
by, repealed,  and  declared  nuU.and  void." 

The  reasoning  by  which  this  is  alte.mptcd,  is 
like  most  of  the   efToris  to  destroy  the  w?Il 


J,90 


tleserv^Kjl  pripiilaij^tj'  of  (jeiieiai  Jacksen.  "  Jl 
,w!llbe'rfrollfi:teil,  that  this  Oily  Council,  under 
aUfharify  thus  given  lit/  Governor  Jacfiso",  aclu- 
"iJly  fxcrdsed  some  of  the  powers  with  which  they 
had  been  invested,"  says  this  erlranrdiniiry  logi- 
rietn/.'  Central  Jackson,  iindt-r  Iiis  powers  of 
Governor,  had  organized  the  City  Council,  and 
the  City  Council  had  passed  an  ordinance!! 
Tlierefore,  General  Jackson  is  responsible  for 
— what'  not  his  own  act,  but  one  of  the  City 
Council. 

Now  upon  the  same  parity  of  reasoning,  Mr. 
Adams  is  made  responsible  for  this  ordinance. 
Mr.  Adams  d''ew  up  the  act  of  Congress  v.-st- 
ing  Generaljacksm  with  the  powers  of  Govern- 
dr,  and  therefore  Mr.  Adams  is  responsible  for 
Iiis  acts  as  Governor,  would  be  an  argument 
much  more  appropriate  tlian  this. 

But  it  is  absurd  to  argue  sucli  a  point.  Tlie 
Ordinance  of  the  City  Council  was  passed  on  the 
irtb  of  October,  1821.  It  is  not  known  that 
General  Jackson  ever  was  at  St.  Augustine,  and 
it  does  not  appear  that  the  ordmaiice  was  ever 
submitted  to  his  revision. 

Gen.  Jackson's  eloquent  address  to  the  inha- 
bitants of  Florida  is  dated  October  8th,  and  he 
left  Pensacola  about  that  date.  On  his  arriv.al  at 
Nashville,  sent  in  his  resignation. 

Niles'  Register— vol.  21,  Dec.  1,  1821— page 
;314,  says: 

•'  Gov.  Jackson  has  arrived  at  Nasliville 
where  he  was  received  by  his  fellow  citizens 
with  the  highest  marks  of  respect: 

The  same  paper  of  Dec.  5,  1821 — p.  256, 
tays: 

"Gen.   Jacksok.     It  is  po.sitively  stated  that 
Gen.  Jackson  has  resigned   the   government  of 
the  Floridas — but  the  fact  is  not  announced  at 
^Washington." 

And  tlie  same  authority  of  Dec.  29, 1821 — vol. 
21 — p.  287,  states: 

"  Gen.  Jackson.  It  is  positively  stated  that 
his  resignation,  as  Governor  of  the  Floridas,  has 
been  received  by  the  President  of  tlie  United 
States-" 

It  thus  appears  that  Gen.  Jackson  is  not  res- 
ponsible for  this  exercise  of  the  authority  grant- 
ed bv  his  ordinance,  unless  he,  in  its  enact- 
ment, exceeded  the  powers  vested  in  him 
by  his  commission  and  the  act  of  Congress. — 
We  have  already  said  that  we  have  not  read  the 
ordinance,  and  after  the  sample  of  suppressior- 
of  which  we  have  convicted  Henry,  we  cannot 
consent  to  take  his  version  of  it  as  ti'ue,  for  he 
who  would  wilfully  suppress  a  material  part  of 
an  act  for  the  purpose  of  slanderously  charging 
uponGener.al  Jackson  an  ordinance, which,  from 
aught  that  "  Henry"  appears  to  know,  he  never 
reati,  would  not  hesitate  to  give  a  false  version, 
although  he  may  happen  to  be  a  clerk  in  a  public 
office,  charged  with  copying  official  journals,  or 
the  supervision  of  eonjidential  correspondence. 

Having  answered  so  much  of  Henry's  attack 
upon  General  Jackson  as  merits  notice,  at  this 
time,  it  only  remains  for  us  to  show  what  were 
the  powers  vested  in  him  as  Governor  of  Flori- 
da and  the  manner  in  whicli  they  were  discharg- 
ed. 

By  the  act  of  Congress,  of  the  3d  of  March, 
1821,  the  President  was  authorized  to  appoint  a 
GfiTenrnr    of   F.ftst    and    West    Florida,    and 


lUe  pcr.soH  so  appointed  was  vested  witii 
all  tlie  military,  civil  and  judicial  powers  ex- 
ercised by  the  existing  government  of  the 
same.  In  virtue  of  tliis  act,  Mr.  Monroe  on  the 
10th  of  Maixli,  did  cmimission  General  Jack- 
son, and  vested  him  with  •'(■///  the  power  and '^ 
authority  heretofore  ererciscd  by  the  Governor  and 
Captain  General  and  intendant  '•/"  Cuba,  and  by 
the  Governors  of  East  and  West  Florida." 

Wiiat  were  tlie  extent  ol'  tliese  powers  is  tm-  , 
known,  because  tliey  were  undffined,   and  are 
believed  to   be  limited  by  the  absolute  and  un- 
disputed will  of  the  Governor  himself. 

Tlie  style  of  (iencral  Jaekson's  proclamation 
has  been  ridiculed,  and  these  w'ords  have  been 
cited  as  an  evidence  of  Iiis  love  of  abs.olutc  pow- 
er. Let  it  be  remembered,  that,  that  procla- 
mation was  addresit  d  'o  the  inhabitants  of  Flor- 
ida who  had  been  under  the  command  of  the 
Governor  and  superintendant  of  Cuba,  and  tliat 
the  citation  of  his  powers  was  intended  to  make 
known  to  the  people  of  Florida,  the  extent  of 
the  powers  vested  in  him  by  law. 

Let  it  also  be  remembered,  th.at  the  words 
cited,  refer  to  the  act  of  Congress  drawn  up  by 
Mr.  Adams,  and  are  a  lileral  transcript,  from 
the  commission  signed  by  Mr.  Monroi.-  and  writ- 
ten by  John  Q.  Adams  then  Secretary  of  State. 
But  we  are  not  left  to  conjecture  for  Gen. 
Jackson's  opinions  of  those  powers,  nor  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  were  exercised.  In  Niles 
Re^ster  we  find  the  following  extract  from  the 
Floridian. 

Pensacola,  September  22. 
"Before  Mr.  Mitchell  pronounced  the  opin- 
ion of  the  court  on  the  tiuest'on  of  jurisdiction 
(in  the  case  of  the  heirs  of  Vidal  vs.  John  Innera- 
r':ty)  Governor  Jackson  made  several  remarks 
worthy  of  himself, pnd  which  deserve  to  be  re- 
corded, but  the  following  is  so  jierfectly  charac- 
teristic, that  we  should  be  inexcusable  in  with- 
holding it  from  our  readers 

He  said,  "  1  am  clothed  with  powers,  that  no 
one,  under  a  republic,  ought  to  possess,  and 
which  I  trust  will  never  again  be  given  t<i  any 
man — nothing  will  afford  me  more  happiness 
than  to  learn  that  Congress  in  it.;  wisdom,  shall 
have  distributed  them  properly ,  and  in  such  man- 
ner as  is  consonant  to  our  earliest  and  de;irest 
impressions— yet  as  I  hold  these  powers,  by  the 
.authority  of  an  act  of  Congress,  and  Comniis- 
ionedfi-om  the  i'resident  of  the  U.  S.  it  there- 
fore becomes  my  imperious  duty  to  discharge 
the  sacred  trust  reposed  in  me,  according  to  my 
best  abilities,  even  tho'  the  proper  exercise  of 
the  powers  given,  might  involve  me  in  heavy 
personal  responsibilities. 

It  has  been  my  fortune,  to  be  thu.s  cit'Ctim- 
stanced  on  other  occaHions,  in  mj'  .:mo'.is  rela- 
tionships as  a  public  servant — yet  I  never  have, 
nor  never  will  shrink  from  tile  discharge  of  my 
public  duties,  from  any  apprehension  of  person- 
a.  responsibility." 

It  will  here  be  seen  that  Gen  Jackson  w.as  vest- 
ed with  this  dangerous  power  by  the  act  rf  Mr. 
Adams;  and  it  will  also  appear  that  he  exercised 
it  under  a  proper  sense  of  the  high  responsibility 
imposed  upon  him. 

Henry  further  attempts  to  injure  Gen.  Jack- 
son, by  asserting,  that  he  "banished  citizens  of 
Pensacola,  for  the  alleged  crime  of  being  spies 
in  time  of  peace,  or  aliens  in  their  native  land  " 


-  291 


IS  lleiirj'  ignonoit  ol'  tlie  ciiaracttr  of  the  act 
referred  to  ?  Or  has  he  wilfully  misRtated  the 
fact,  to  make  a  new  charge  agahist  General 
Jackson?  Are  tlie  Editors  of  the  Intellig-encer 
so  much  electrified  at  the  loss  of  the  Senate's 
printing"^  Or  is  the  Mayor  so  much  engaged 
in  speculations,  to  retrieve  his  desperate  for- 
tunes, that  he  has  forgotten  it' 

Tlic  persons  banished,  were  not  citizens  of 
Florida.  They  M'ere  Spanish  officers,  who 
hy  tlie  treaty,  negociated  by  Mr  Adams,  were 
required  to  leHve  tiie  territory.  By  the  courte- 
sy of  Govrrnor  Jackson,  they  were  permitted 
to  remain  in  Pensacola  after  the  period  designa- 
ted by  Mr.  Mama  for  tjieir  departure,  and  the 
cause  of  the  order  commanding  them  to  leave 
the  territory,  was  a  contempt  of  the  judicial 
character  of  Governor  Jackson,  in  the  case  of 
C.illava. 

Of  one  of  these  men,  Mr.   Niles  says: 

"  It  appears  (hat  one  of  the  Sp.ani.sh  oflic^rs 
who  lately  signed  a  protest  against  the  pro- 
ceedings of  General  Jackson,  was  actually  serv- 
ing as  a  guide  to  the  British,  in  the  "demon- 
stration" on  New  Orleans,  in  1814,  15,  though 
a  native  of  Louisiana.'' 

The  act  against  which  the  Spanish  officers 
protested,  was  the  order  of  Governor  Jackson, 
romptUing  Colonel  Callava  to  deliver  certain 
paper:,  involving  the  title  to  tlie  property  of  or- 
phan cliildren;  the  attempt  to  withhold  v;hich, 
an  article  in  Nilcs'  Register  charges,  "was  for 
purposes  of  private  profit,  and  unfair  specula- 
tion." 

It  is  thus  that  our  opponents  are  driven  to  the 
adoption  of  open  fraud,  and  the  ad\ocacy  of 
the  most  unprincipled  men  and  actions. 

But  the  Editors  of  tlie  IntelUgencer  will  have 
full  cause  to  repent  their  attack  upon  General 
Jackson.  Desperate  in  their  pecuniary  condi- 
tion, destitute  of  political  or  moral  honesty, 
they  have  lent  t'aemselves  to  the  support  of  the 
re-election  of  John  Quincy  Adams  as  the  onlv 
means  of  prolonging  a  miserable,  political  ex- 
istence. .Their  secret  workings  arc  well  under- 
stood and  when  the  excitement  of  the  present 
moment  f '\all  have  passed  away,  those  who  now 
use  them,  will  shrink  from  their  touch,  as  fi'om  a 
putrid  njdiS  whose  contact  engenders  a  destroy- 
ing fever. 

We  are  now  told  that  ?>:r.  Fendall  is  not  the 
v.riter  of  Henry.  This  may  be  true.  So  far  as 
the  Intelligencer  is  concerned,  it  matters  not 
who  is  the  writer.  So  far  as  Mr.  Fendall  is  con- 
cerned we  are  gratified  to  learn  that  he  is  not. 
lie  has  sins  enough  of  his  own  to  answer  for, 
:md  being  a  mere  Swiss,  employed  in  foreign 
service,  we  trust  he  has  not  the  malignity  which 
characterizes  the  writer  of  Henrv. 


GEN.  JACKSON  AND  THE  FLORIDAS. 

We  have  given  extracts,  which  prove  that 
:Mr.  Adams  himself  drew  up  the  commission 
vesting  Gen.  J.  witli  the  powers  claimed,  and 
we  also  publish  at  large,  in  this  No.  of  the  Ex- 
'ra  Telegraph,  Mr.  Ad.ams's  letter  in  relation 
•o  all  Governor  Jackson's  acts. 

AVe  invite  a  careful  perusal  of  it,  and  the 
f::cnds  of  Gen.  Jackson  throughout  the  United 
states  wdl  find  in  it  an  ample  defence  of  his 
nuhhc  conduct  justificatory  of  their  determina- 
•  "1  to  hc^ov.-  upon  him  the  highcrt  honor  in 


the  gift  of  a  free  people.  But  the  Editors  of 
the  National  Inteijigencer,  and  their  corres- 
pondent Henry,  have  endeavored  to  ridiculr 
the  style  of  Gen.  Jackson's  Proclamation,  and 
have  attempted  to  draw  from  it  an  inference 
that  he  is  fond  of  power.  By  referring  to  the 
documenfNo.  1,  entitled  "Documents  accompa- 
nying the  Message  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  Ijoth  Houses  at  the  opening  of 
the  seventeenthCongress,  December  5th  1821;" 
printed  by  Gales  &  Seaton,  by  order  of  the 
.Senate,  page  32 — the  Editors  of  Die  Intelligen- 
cer will  find  the  letter  of  instructions  written 
by  Mr.  Adams  to  Gov.  Jackson,  dated  12th 
M.arch,  1821,  from  which  the  following  is  an 
extract,  viz: 

"  As  soon  as  the  possession  [of  the  Floridas, 
"  shall  be  transferred,  you  will  in  pursuance  of 
"  your  authority  o\'er  the    ceded   Territories, 

"  issue  proclamations  announcing  the  fact 

**  a  form  adopted  from  that  which  ivas  issued  ou 
"  the  first  occupation  of  Louisiana  is  hej-ewith 
"  enclosed  to  be  modified  as  the  circumsttinces  in 
"  your  opinion  iiiuy  require." 

On  page  '^7  of  the  same  document,  the  form 
is  given,  as  follows; 

'*  Form  of  a  Procla^iiatiox.'* 

"By  Major  General  Andrew  Jacl^son,  Gov- 
"  ernor  of  the  Provinces  of  the  Florid.as,  exer- 
"  cising  the  powers  of  the  Captain  General  and 
"  Intendant  of  tite  Island  of  Cuba,  over  the  said 
"  Provinces  and  of  the  Governors  of  said  Provin- 
"  ces  re3}Kctivcty." 

Thus  it  is  again  found  that  the  words,  for 
using  which  the  Editors  of  the  Intelligencer 
have  ridiculed  and  diinounced  Gen.  Jackson, 
are  copied,  verbatim,  from  a  form  giien  in  a 
letter  of  instructions,  written  by  John  Quincy 
Adams,  as  Secretary  of  State. 

What  are  we  next  to  expect  from  a  party, 
who,  having  thrice  told  their  confuted  slanders, 
are  driven  to  the  expedient  of  charging  upon 
Gen.  Jackson,  as  an  evidence  of  his  want  of 
fitness  for  the  Presidency,  the  acts  of  their  own 
favorite  candidate,  John  Q.  Adams. 

We  tender  our  thanks  to  the  Intelligencer  for 
the  zeal  with  which  it  has  lately  entered  into 
this  contest.  They  have  now  thrown  off  all 
disgifise,  and  can  fabricate  or  publish  slanders 
with  as  much  facility  as  the  most  abandoned  of 
their  crew. 


GeneralJackson  to  the  Secretary  of  Stale. 

NisHviLT.r,  January  22,   1822. 

Sin:  Your  letter  of  the  1st  instant  re.ached 
me  a  few  days  since,  in  which  you  advise  me  of 
the  receipt  of  mine  of  the  22d  November,  with 
its  enclosures.  I  had  also  the  honor  to  receive 
a  copy  of  yotu-  communication,  dated  2d  Novem- 
ber, to  liie  minister  of  Spain,  togetiier  with  the 
trantilations  of  two  letters  from  said  minister, 
■addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  .State,  and  trans- 
mitted to  me  by  direction  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States.  You  inform  me  that  the  de- 
finitive answer  to  these  letters  will  he  deferred 
tmtil  you  shall  have  the  opportunity  of  obtain- 
ing my  reply,  with  any  remarks  1  may  be  dis- 
posed to  make,  on  the  corumunicatjons  of  t!ie 
minister  of  Sp.iin. 

I  sincerely  regret  that  Don  Joaquin  de  .\ndu- 
aga's  letter  of  the  22d  November,  had  not  been 
tj-ansmitted  at  an  earlier  period,  as  it  will  h*^- 


ubj, 


necessary,  in  liiy  reply,  to  rcf-i'Vou  to  two  coni- 
municatfons  of  Capt.  Bell,  of  the  31st  July  and 
4th  August  last,  and  to  Mr.  Worthlngton's  let- 
ters on  the  subject  of  the  archives  at  St.  Augus- 
tine; the  first  of  which  are  on  tlie  file  in  the  Ex- 
ecutive office  at  Pensacola,  and  the  last  1  for- 
varded  to  you  when  I  was  informed  by  Dr. 
teronaugh  that  my  resignation  was  accepted,  on 
the  1st  ultimo,  not  expecting  to  have  any  fur- 
tlier  use  for  them.  Immediately  on  the  receipt 
of  your  letter,  however,  I  wrote  Mr.  Worthing- 
ton,  requesting  him  to  forward  you  certified  co- 
pies of  his  communications  as  promptly  as  prac- 
ticable, and  have  adopted  tlie  same  measure  in 
relation  to  those  of  Captain  Bel),  altliough  1  had 
been  advised  tliat  lie  had  transmitted  duplicates 
to  you  from  St.  Augustine.  ■  To  tlicse  docu- 
ments I  must  refer  you,  relyirg  upon  my  an- 
s.wers  thereto,  and  my  own  recollection,  for 
their  contents,  and  accompanying  my  reply 
with  such  vouchers  as  are  witliin  my  reach,  be- 
lieving there  will  Ue  ample  testimony  in  your 
inossession  to  enable  you  to  rebut  the  statements 
of  this  minister  of  the  Spanish  government. 

Upon  the  subject  of  seizing-  the  papers  at  St. 
Augustine,  you  observe  that  the  Spanish  minis- 
ter dwells  with  much  earnestness  on  the  agree- 
nient  which  had  been  made  between  Colonel 
•Butler  and  the  late  Governer  Coppinger  con- 
cerning these  papers,  and  requests  to  be  inform- 
ed whether  this  agreement  wa.*^  known  to  me  at 
the  time  the  order  w'as  issued  for  demanding 
an  receiving  them;  and,  if  so,  to'' state  the 
particular  grounds  on  whicii  I  judged  it  neces- 
sai'y  to  resort  to  compulsory  measui'es  for  obtain- 
ing possession  of  them. 

In  answer  to  tliis  inquiry,  I  have  tlie  honor 
■vspectfuUy  to  state,  tliat  Colonel  Butler,  the 
'  ,>mmissioner  appointed  to  receive  the  transfer 
of  F.ast  Florida  from  the  Spanisli  government, 
reached  me  on  the  8tii  of  August  last,  at  Pensa- 
cola, and  made  his  report.  As  soon  as  it  was 
submitted  to  my  examination  1  was  entirely  sat- 
isfied that  neither  Coppinger  on  the  one  hand, 
iior  Butler  on  the  other,  liad  any  authority,  ei- 
ther under  tlie  treaty  or  their  instructions,  to  en- 
ter into  such  an  agreement  relative  to  tlie  ar- 
chive?, wl'.ich  were,  by  a  positive  stipulation 
between  the  two  guverimients,  to  have  been 
delivered  o\er,  w ith  the  country,  to  the  consti- 
tuted authorities  of  the  Unltetl  States.  Tlie 
treaty  was  imperative,  and  vested  the  parties 
with  no  discretion  on  the  subject.  Believing, 
however,  tliat  tlie  course  adopted  by  Colonel 
Butler  was  perhaps  the  only  one  that  could  have 
been  pursued,  without  the  employment  of  force, 
to  preserve  the  documents;  and  no"t'.vithstanding  I 
was  iicrfcclly  scdisued  ih.t  Coppinger  had,  on 
his  part,  violated  both  the  treaty  and  the  order 
"of  the  Captain  General  of  Cuba,  yet  1  felt  dls- 
-  posed  to  leave  the  archives  preci.sely  in  the 
same  situation  in  which  Colonel  Budcr  had  plac- 
ed them,  under  his  agreement  with  Coppinger. 
I  was  induced  to  take  this  course  from  a  wish  to 
create  no  unnecessary  dilHcuUics,  and  from 
a  hope  th.at  Ihe  Spanish  officers  would  comply 
with  their  arrangement,  and  permit  the  papers 
to  remain  unmolested  until  the  arrival  of  the 
I'rcsident's  instructions  in  regard  to  their  final 
dtsposition. 

This  minister  states  that  the  cimmissioner.s, 
Butler  and  Coppinger,  stipulated  that  tlie  ar- 
tillery .ind  archives   were  to  remain,  the    first 


in  depo.site,  in  possession  of  the  Anglo-Ameri- 
can commissary,  and  the  last  where  they  were, 
and  without  the  possibility  of  their  beii>g  taken 
away  to  the  Il.avanna.  lie  does  not  say  what 
was  their  situation,  but  it  will  be  recollected  that 
the  alcade  was  their  keeper.  Nor  does  he  tell 
you  that  Don  .lose  Coppinger  permitted  them  to 
be  picked,  and  culi--d,  undt.aken  away,  in  viola- 
tion of  his  solemn  pledge  and  ag-reement,  as  you 
will  see  by  a  reference  being  had  to  Capt.  Bell's 
letters  to  me  of  the  olst  July  ar,d  4th  August, 
1821,  duplicates  of  which  lam  advisedareinyour 
possession. 

When  I  received  these  letters  from  Capt. 
Bell,  who  cxcercised  provisionally  the  powers 
and  authorities  of  Secretary  of  East  Florida,  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  Mr.  Worthington,  I  acknowl- 
edge that  my  iiiilignntlon  was  very  much  arotl- 
sed.  I  felt  that  it  was  my  imperative  duty  to 
protect  the  people  of  Florida  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  right  secured  them  expressly  under  the 
treaty.  I  was  bound  to  act  on  the  occasion. 
The  agreement  respecting  the  archives,  al- 
though void  abinitio,  for  the  want  of  power, 
had  been  outrageously  violated  by  Coppinger, 
or  with  bis  connivance;  and  the  evidence  of  in- 
dividual rights,  secured  to  the  citizens,  were 
about  to  be  fraudulently  conveyed  awav,  after 
he  had  pleged  himself  to  Colonel  Buticr,  that 
they  should  not  be  removed  fi  om  that  place,  and 
should  remain  precisely  as  tiicy  were. 

The  verbal  repol•^  of  Colonel  Butler,  as  com- 
municated in  my  letter  of  the  4th  August  last, 
affo-ds  a  clue  to  the  motives  of  Colonel  Cop- 
pinger, in  attempting  to  practice  this  base  de- 
ception. For  the  lastjiiix  monthspreviou.ito  the 
transfer  of  the  country,  it  is  believed  he  had 
been  eng;iged  in  issuing  surreptitious  grants,  for 
Large  quantities  of  land  in  East  F'lorida.  It  be- 
came necessary,  that  they  should  be  taken  to 
the  island  of  Cuba,  for  tlie  purpose  of  consum- 
mating the  titles.  These  were,  no  doubt,  the 
documents  v/hich  were  picked  and  culled  from 
the  balance,  to  be  transported  to  the  Havanna; 
as  Coppinger  was  convinced,  that  the  fraud 
would  be  inevitably  detected,  if  tliey  should  be 
sun-endered  to  the  American  authorities.  This 
explains  the  reason  why,  and  wherefore,  they 
were  not  delivered  over  to  our  commissioner  ill 
tlie  first  instance ;  and  forms  the  basis  of  the  con- 
fidential commuiiicition  made  to  Colonel  Butler 
on  the  3d  of  .luly  last,  advising  him  that  a  large 
portion  of  these  archives,  r-  laiing  to  private 
property,  were  packed  up  for  removal  to  Cuba; 
and  which  gave  rise  to  bis  letter  to  Colonel  Cop- 
pinger of  that  date,  as  will  appear  by  the  enclo- 
sed extract,  m.arked  E. 

Speaking  of  the  correspondence  between 
Cols.  Butler  and  Coppinger,  Don  Joaquin  dc 
Anduaga  remarks,  that  "  by  the  before  men- 
tioned correspondence,  it  appears,  that  doubts 
had  arisen  whether  the  artilltry,  and  certain  ar- 
chives ought,  or  ought  nut,  to  be  delivered  over 
to  the  United  States."  With  due  deference,  I 
•.vottld  ask,  could  any  doubts  exist,  as  to  the  ar- 
chives, under  the  second  article  of  the  treaty? 
No.  Could  any  doubts  be  entertained  relative 
to  the  archives  embraced  in  tiie  instructions  of 
his  Cathohc  Majesty,  or  the  instnictions  given 
by  the  captain  general  of  Cuba,  to  Don  Jose 
Copp  iiger,  colonel,  and  commanding  the  Span- 
ish forces  at  St.  Augusline,  and  who  was  char- 
ged ^^•^th  the  delivery  of  the  country,  ^n(J  ?1' 


U'JJ 


adcuineuls  I'eliiUiif;-  to  Uic  property  and  sover- 
eignty of  the  country  ceded?  It  is  presumed 
not.  In  his  letter  to  Col.  Forbes«of  the  16th 
May,  1821,  the  captain  general  of  Cuba  says, 
•'respecting' East  I'lorida,  where  there  ought 
to  be  found  all  her  archives.  Governor  Mahy 
\vould  direct,  that  Governor,  as  erjtrusted  by  him 
^  with  the  important  commission,  to  mak«^  a  for- 
mal delivery  to  Mr.  Forbes,  of  that  provmce,  as 
veil  as  of  the  documents  belongini?  to  it  "  "A 
similar  Jesratcli  would  l)c  addressed  to  the  com- 
mandant cf  West  Florida."  Here  is  a  positive 
dcclarauon,  that  siicli  instructions  were,  or 
should  be  g'iven,  to  Go\'ernor  Copping'er,  for 
the  delivery  of  all  the  archives  included  in  the 
stipulations  of  the  treat)'.  Contrast  thib  state- 
ment of  the  captain  gener.al  of  Cuba  with  the  an- 
swer of  Governor  Coi'>pin;);'er  to  colonel  Butler's 
letter  to  him,  dated  July  3d,  1821.  "  Confining- 
myself," he  says,  "to  a  compliance  with  the 
treaty,  ami.  the  orders  of  my  government," 
{which  he  informed  colonel  ijuller,  verh.aliy, 
prevented  him  from  deliverinij  the  archives) 
"their  literal  sense  is  the  only  y-uidc  to  m}'  en- 
deavour in  the  execution,  and  when  any  douhts 
arise,  I  consult  them,  with  that  frankness  neces- 
sary to  asceitain  my  course,  and  w.arrant  my  re- 
sponsibility." 

From  this  exposition,  no  one  can  fail  to  dis- 
cover a  striking'  contradiction  betwefen  the  cap- 
tain ijeneral  Mahy  and  Govei'norConpinger;  the 
Ibrmer  assuring  Colonel  Forbes,  that  lie  would 
direct  Governor  Copping'er  to  deliver  over  the 
documents  to  the  American  autiiarities,  and  the 
latter  asserting-,  that,  "  as  an  individual,  he  be- 
lieved, they  should  be  given  over."  See  E  E. 
But,  that  the  orders  of  his  government  preven- 
ted him  from  performing  tliat  duty.  VVc  can 
find  no  excuse,  either  for  the  captam  general, 
govei-norCoppinger,  or  Colonel  t^.allava,  for  not 
complying  with  the  orders  of  their  superiors, 
and  with  good  faith  carrying  into  effect  the  2d 
article  of  the  treaty,  by  delivering',  and  being 
prepared  to  deliver  over,  all  the  archives  and 
documents  appertainingto  the  property  and  sov- 
ereignty of  the  Floridus.  Instead  of  this,  the 
captain' gener.al  docs  not  delivet  them  at  Cuba, 
Goppiuger,  contrary  to  his  orders,  was  prepar- 
ing to  convey  them  away,  in  a  cUndestine  uian- 
ner,  in  violation  of  Wis  agreement  anil  solemn 
piledges,  until  arrested  in  liis  faitldess  conduct, 
by  Colonel  Butler;  and  Callava,  whilst  profess- 
ing to  surrender  all  the  archives,  &c.  was  wick- 
edly and  treacherously  attempting  to  carry  away 
tJie  testamentary  papers  of  t)ie  heirs  of  Vidal, 
and  other  documents,  wliich  were  tlie  evidences 
f.f  claims  to  private  properly,  in  the  country  ce- 
ded ta  tlie  United  States. 

The  u.nju3t!fiable  delays  and  evasions  of  the 
officers  of  Spain,in  -v'/ithliolding  the  archives  and 
documents,  of  which  tlie  delivery  had  been  ex- 
pressly stipulated  by  ti-eaty — vouchers  indispen- 
sable to  the  United  States,  for  the  dispensatioii 
of  private  justice,  and  the  establishment  of  pri- 
vate right,  but  entirely  useless  to  Spain — could 
not  but  impress  upon  me  the  bel.ef,  th.at  they 
were  intended  to  subserve  the  purpotes  of  in- 
justice, fraud,  and  opi)ressioH'.  The  attempt 
to  carry  away  a  nunitier  of  those  documents 
from  St.  ..\ugustinc  and  Pen.sacola,  in  a  clan- 
desiine  manner,  was  considered  as  aflagrntvio- 
lation  of  tlie  treaty;  and  I  began  to  entertain  the 
opinioii,  that  asystematic  combination  had  been 


formed  amongst  the  officers  of  Spain  to  deprivt 
the  honest  citizens  of  the  country  of  all  the  evi. 
deuces  of  their  right  to  property,  secured  to 
them  by  the  provisions  of  the  cession. 

Under  these  impressions,  and  believing  my- 
self vested  with  legal  authority  to  protect  the 
rights  of  the  citizens,  I  was  urged,  iiy  the  most 
iniperativu  duty,  to  exercise  it  in  their  behalf. 
Upon  the  receipt  of  Capt.iin  Bell's  letters,  be- 
fore referred  to,  aclvising  me  that  the  archives 
at  St.  Aug'ustirie  were  picked  and  culled  to-be 
conv.-yed  away,  I  f(n'tlnvith  wrote  him,  oii  tht 
1st  September,  1821,  the  letter  lierewitli  en- 
closed, marked  C,  of  which  the  following  is  an 
extract : 

•*  1  have  this  moment  received  your  several 
letters  of  the  31st  ,)uiy  and  4th  August,  with 
their  enclosures,  and  regret  that  the  shortness 
of  time  will  not  permit  me  to  answer  in  detail. 
On  tlic  .subject  of  the  archives  I  will  barely  draw 
your  attention  to  the  second  article  of  the  treaty 
with  Spain,  according  to  which  all  archives  or 
documents  directly  relating  io  llKi  property  or 
sovert-ignli/  of  the  country,  are  to  be  delivered 
by  her.  You  will,  therefore,  forthwith,  on  thc- 
receipt  of  this,  if  not  already  in  po3.session  of 
them,  lake  them  into  your  possession,  and  place 
them  in  the  hands  of  tiie  alcal-.le  for  safe  keep- 
ing; anil  who  auglit  to  be,  like  every  other,  a 
sworn  ofiicer  under  the  government,  and  not  a 
Spanisii  oflicer.  owing  no  allegiance  to  the  Unit- 
ed Slates.  All  papers  and  documents  in  the 
posses.sion  of  the  caliildo,  and,  in  course,  in  the 
posse.ssion  of  American,  and  not  Spanish  func- 
tionaries, are  to  be  retained,  and  none  of  them 
permitted  to  be  culled  and  taken  away. ""I  am 
gratified  with  the  friendly  expressions  of  the  ca- 
bildo  of  St.  Augustine,  but  .am  sorroy  to  find 
they  have  so  entu'ely  mistaken  tlie  sense  of  the 
proclamation.  Nothing  could  be  more  absurd 
than  tliat  Spanish  officers,  as  such,  should  ad- 
minister the  goveruir  ent.  The  true  meaning  is, 
that,  whenever  the  incumbent  will  take  the  oath 
to  support  the  constitution  of  the  United  States, 
and  abjure  that  of  Spain,  and  take  the  oaths  of 
office, he  shall  be  continued  therein;  that  part  of 
the  proclamation  which  enjoins  fidelity  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States  would,  other- 
v.'ise,  be  nonsense,  and  the  government  has,  at 
al'  times,  the  power  to  remove  or  dismiss  him, 
and  supply  hLs  place.  But  tliis  V.'ill  not  be  done^ 
unless  it  be  found  that  he  is  incompetent  to  his 
trust,  or  unfitithful;  and  v/henever  either  'is  tke 
ease,  this  power,  for  the  benefit  of  the  people, 
ought  to  be  exercised." 

Hiiving  previously  addressed  Captain  Bell  a 
letter,  on  the  13lh  of  August,  1821,  a  copy  of 
which  is  enclosed,  marked  D,  and  Ibrwaj-iled  it 
to  him  by  Mr.  Bird,  attorney  fur  the  Uniteil 
Slc-tes  in  Kast  Florida,  I  w;is' gratified  to  find 
from  liis  answer,  that,  before  the  receipt  of 
either  of  my  communications,  himself  and  Mr. 
Worthinglon  had  t.-ikeii  the  steps  necessary  to  '. 
preserve  tire  ai-chives,  and  extend  to  tlie  peo- 
ple of  East  Florida  th:it  protection  which  wasse-  ' 
cured  and  guaranteed  to  theiii  under  the  treaty. 
Wiien  it  is  recollected  that  the  archives  and 
documents  relating  to  the  property  ahd  sover- 
eignty of  the  Floridas,  were  to  be  transfered 
with  the  count'.-y,  agieeaiyly  to  the  stipulations 
of  the  treaty,  and  that  Gov.  Coppinger  ha<l 
been  ordered  to  deliver  those  in  East  Florida, 
what  indignation  must  fill  every  honest  ami  hon- 


S94 


"able  breast,  wbiiii  we  learn,  from  the  letter  of 
he  keeper  of  these  papers  at  St.  Augustine, 
liat  he  (iluims  tliem  as  private  property,  wlilch 
e  had  acquired  by  purchase.  From  whom 
ould  this  purchase  have  been  made'  From  the 
:ing'  No,  because  he  had  stipulated  to  surren- 
er  them  with  the  country,  to  the  American  au- 
horities.  If  bought  at  all,  it  must  have  been  ef- 
.icted  with  the  executive  magistrate  of  the  pro- 
ince.     In  either  event,  it  must  Rave  originated 

I  the  grossest  corruption, and  was  rendered  null 
nd  void  by  the  treaty  between  Spain  and  the 
,'iiited  States. 

Although  Don  Joaquin  de  Anduaga  has  taken 
ccassions  to  heap  upon  me  the  most  illiberal 
nd  indecorous  epithets,  he  is  challenged  to 
ubstantiate  a  single  instance,  in  which  myself, 
i'  those  acting  under  me, have  not  scrupulously 
xecuted  every  article  of  the  treaty  with  Spain. 

It  appears  that  the  minister  of  Spain  considers 
lis  sovereign  as  having  been  insulted  in  the 
lerson  of  his  Commissary,  Col.  Coppingor,  at 
he  time  tlie  seizure  of  tlie  papers  was  effected; 
le  insists  that  Col.  Coppinger,  w.is  entitled  to 

II  the  priviligcs  and  immunities  of  a.  public  of- 
icerof  Sp.iin,  in  consequence  of  his  being  re- 
ognized  as  such,  in  doing  and  transacting  buis- 
less  with  Capt.  Hell.  The  fact  was,  that  Capt. 
Sell  was  not  vested  with  any  dyplomatic,  or 
ommissarial  powers,  and  any  such  recogjiitiou 
'U  liis  part,  was  as  iu-effectuil  as  it  was  without 
uthority . 

By  turning  to  the  act  of  cession,  executed  by 
Jol.  Cutler,  and  Jose  Coppinger,  it  will  be  dis- 
inctly  seen,  that  neither  of  those  pei-sonsretaiu- 
:d  any  powers  as  commissioners,  after  the  date 
if  that  instrument.  If  this  was  the  ciise,  it  must 
<a  equally  evident,  that  neither  Capt.  Bell,  nor 
ilr.  Worthington  could  have  possessed  such 
lowers,  at  the  period  to  wiich  the  Spanish 
ninister  has  alluded.  Col.  Jose  Coppinger  being 
he  commander  in  chief,  and  Governor  ex  nfficiu 
)ver  East  Florida,  he  was  charged,  under  the 
reaty,  with  the  delivery  of  the  country,  and  the 
vithdrawal  of  the  Spanish  troops.  The  moment 
liese  duties  were  performed,  both  his  and  Col. 
jU'-ler's  powers  as  coir.misiuners  ceased.  'I'his 
;vent  took  place  on  the  10th  July,  1821,  wlien 
'.le  Spanish  authorities  ctasad  the  e.\ercise  of 
heir  functions,  as  is  dem'..nstrated  by  tlie  fol- 
owing  extract  from  the  act  of  cession. 

There  has  been  verified,  at  4  o'clock  of  the 
;veningof  this  day,  the  complete  and  personal 
lelivery  of  the  fortifications,  and  all  else  of  this 
[foresaid  province,  to  the  Commissioners,  Of- 
iccrs,  and  troops  of  the  United  States,  and,  in 
:onsequenee  thereof,  having  embarkf  d  for  the 
ilavana  the  military  and  civil  o'Kcers,  and 
Spanish  troops,  in  the  American  transports 
provided  for  tMs  purpose,  Ihc  Spanish  authori- 
Us  having  Ihis  momp.nl  ceased  fke  exercise  of  their 
''unctions,  and  those  appointed  by  the  American 
Government  having  began  theirs.  Sic." 

The  surrender  of  the  provinces  had  been 
;ompleied,  and  the  occasion  which  created  com- 
Tiissioners  ceased  to  exist.  The  authority  and 
roops  of  Spain  were  withdrawn,  and  tile  United 
states  in  entire  and  rightful  possession  of  the 
jountry.  The  six  months  had  also  transpired 
.vithin  which  the  treaty  provided  the  transfer 
jf  sovereignty  should  be  made,  as  well  as  the 
evacuation  of  all  the  Spanish  officers  within  the 
I'loridas.      Col.  Coppinger   remaining  after  the 


occurrence  of  tliese  events,  could  no  longer  be 
considered  as  entitled  to  the  privileges  and 
immunities  of  a  public  agent.  He  could  only 
be  viewed  as  a  stranger,  permitted  to  reside  in 
the  Floridas,  "  amenable  to  the  common  judi- 
cial tribunals,  but  who,  coriformably  to  the 
Spanish  laws,  existing  before  the  cession  of  the 
province,  would  have  been  liable  to  removal 
from  it,  or  to  imprisonment,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  Governor,  for  the  mere  act  of  being  there." 

These  disclosures,  I  hope,  will  e'xempt  me 
from  tlie'criminal  charge  which  Don  Joaquin  de 
Anduaga  has  preferred  against  me,  of  having  . 
trampled  upon  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  law  of 
evury  civilized  country..  If  the  detection  of 
treachery,  and  prevention  of  fraud,  the  security 
of  the  rights  of  the  citizen,  and  a  scrupulous  ad- 
herence to  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  which  both 
governments  were  sacredly  bound  to  fulfil,  arc 
to  be  considered  atrocities,  I  have  to  observe, 
that  I  glory  in  tlie  charge,  and  give  tliis  further 
assurance,  that  it  is  the  course  which  I  shall  al- 
ways pursue.  I  would  in<[uire  of  this  minister, 
whetlier  the  law  of  nations  protects  the  agents 
of  Spain  in  the  open  violation  of  the  treaty,  tha 
rights  of  individuals,  and  the  orders  of  their 
government'  Docs  this  law  sanction  the  non- 
compliance with  the  most  solemn  engngemenla 
by  which  the  rights  of  individuals  were  to  be 
sacrificed,  by  depriving  them  of  those  evidences 
of  property  stipulated  to  be  delivered  over  with 
the  country  ceded?  If  so,  then  is  every  treaty 
a  perfect  mockery,  and  the  law  of  nations  be-, 
comes  the  authority  for  every  species  of  fraud 
and  corruption.  Coppinger  and  Callava  might 
not  only  have  carried  away  all  the  archives  of 
the  country,  but  also  the  negroes,  or  moveable 
property,  and  their  agency  would  have  secured 
tnem  from  merited  punishment. 

To  the  remark  of  the  Spanish  minister,  "  that 
the  more  my  conduct  is  considered,  the  more 
evident  it  is,  that  my  sole  object  has  been  to  in- 
sult Spain,"  I  have  to  observe  in  reply,  that  it 
is  unjust;  I  challenge  Dan  Joaquin  de  Anduaga 
to  establish  the  fact  necessary  to  authorize  such 
a  conclusion  If  I  know  myself,  I  can  declare, 
with  the  utmost  confidence,  that  I  have  ncvei" 
entertained  an_«  tiling  like  national  antijihatbies, 
and  tliat  my  conduct  on  no  occasion  has  ever 
been  inUuer.ced  by  such  base  and  unmanly  con- 
siderations. All  the  measures  of  my  adminis- 
tration, wliilst  Governor  of  the  Floridas,  were 
founded  upon  the  principles  of  justice;  tlie  ob- 
ject of  which  was  tq  secure  to  the  United  States, 
and  the  people  who  were  citizens  of  the  cedei.1 
provuices,  those  rights  which  were  guarantiei! 
to  them  undir  tlie  cession,  and  whichthc  offi- 
cers of  Spain  had  wantonly  violated,  in  contra- 
vention of  tlie  treaty,  the  positive  orders  of  their 
superiors,and  their  own  solemn  pledges  and  en- 
gagements. The  virtuous  and  honorable  Span- 
iard claims  the  same  share  of  my  respect  ami 
confidence  as  the  citizens  belonging  to  any  other 
nation.  I  rejoice  in  the  regeneration  of  Old 
Spain,  andin'tlie  independence  of  the  American 
colonies,  and  liope  that  both  may  free  themselves 
from  that  misrule  and  oppression  with  which 
they  have  been  cursed,  for  centuries  past,  under 
former  governments. 

The  language  used  tliroughout  the  letters  of 
the  minister  of  Sp.ain,  and  the  charges  therein 
contained  in  relation  to  myself,  cannot  but  be 
vi'wedasan   insult  to  my   ij-overnment.  to  th': 


295 


American  people,  and  to  tlie   officei-  whom   he 
has  endeavoui-ed  to  cover  with  odium  and  dis- 
grace.     It  is  deroj^atorv  to  that  comity  and  de- 
ccriim  wliich  should  always   characterize  diplo- 
k      matic  communications,  and   which    are  essential 
^^o  the  harmony  and  friendly   intercourse  of  na- 
tions.    Ill   reply,  I   confidently   trust,    tliat  the 
President  of  tlie  United   States   will  take  sucha 
s'and,  as  shall  secure  the  respect  due  frnrnfor- 
eig'i)  ministers  to  his  exalted  station,  to  the  offi- 
cers of  the  g-overnmcnt,    and  to  the  nation  over 
whicli  he  presides. 

It  is  a  subject  of  remark,  that  I  h.ave  been  the 
object  of  Spanish  calumny  and  virulent  animad- 
version, ever  since  the  transactions  of  the  Sem- 
inole war.  This  spirit  of  hostility  is  to  be  dis- 
covered in  the  observation  of  f^overnor  Maliy  to 
Col.  Forbes;  ui  the  letter  of  the  latter  to  the 
Secretary  of  i;ate,  of  the  2ath  M.iy,  1821;  in 
the  protests  of  Cols.  Copping-er  and  Calava; 
and  has  pi-evaded  all  the  diplomatic  communi- 
cations ot  Spanish  ministers,  subse<iuent  to  the 
period  to  which  I  have  alluded.  Although  such 
a  course  is  insulting  to  myself,  to  the  executive 
and  to  theAmencan  people,!  have  neverdeem- 
ed  it  of  sulHcient  importance  to  induce  me  to 
complain. 

Feeling  a  confidence  in  having  always  dis- 
charged my  duty,  whilst  in  the  service  of  my 
country,  I  disregarded  the  abuse  and  vitupera- 
tion of  Spanish  agents,  from  a  belief  that  my 
government  would  vindicate  ils  honor  and  dig- 
nity. This,  I  flatter  myself,  will  yelbeaccom- 
pl-ihed  in  due  tune.  A  considerable  portion  of 
my  life  has  been  devoted  to  the  happiness,  hon- 
or, and  glory  of  my  country,  and  when  my  con- 
duct has  met  the  approbation  of  tile  government, 
I  have  a  right  to  expect  that  it  will  resist  any 
attempt  to  sland.er  my  reputation.  Notwith- 
standing- t  solicit  the  Most  free  and  unrestrained 
investigation  into  all  tlie  measures  of  my  public 
life,  by  those  to  whom  I  am  responsibl  ■,  it  is 
conceived  that  the  same  latitude  should  not  be 
gra-sted  to  the  ministers  of  foreign  powers. — 
Such  an  inteference  is  rude  and  indecorous, 
and  should  be  resented  on  all  proper  occasions. 
This,  it  is  believed,  is  not  due  to  me  aio^ic,  but 
Lo  liie  Fresident  and  the  nation. 

I  am,  sir,  with  sentiments    of  great    respect. 
Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 
ANUHEW   JACKSON. 
lion.   JoHX  QelNcy  Ada?.is, 
Hcaeluri/i'f  Stale. 

■^   The  documcnls  referred  to  are  omitted. 


Froivi  the  Floridian. 

LAWS   OF  FLORIDA. 

The  following  is  published  fi.r  general  infor- 
mation as  well  as  to  show  in  what  manner   the 
laws  of  our  new  Territory  are  fra.ned. 
Ordinance — No.  4. 

^Vliereas,  from  the  extent  of  the  ceded  terri- 
■tory,  it  becomes  necessary  to  make  such  divi- 
sions as  will  piomote  the  convenience  of  the 
inhabitants  and  a  speedy  execution  of  the  laws: ' 
Therefore,  and  in  \irtue  of  authority  vested  in 
me  bv  the  Government  of  the  United  State.?,  I 
do  ordain  : 

Bit.  1.  That  the  said  Provinces   be  divided 
as  follows  . 

All  the  country  lying  between  the  river  Per- 


dido  and  Suwaney  river,  with  all  the  Islandi 
therein,  shall  form  one  county  to  be  called  Es- 
cambia. 

All  the  country  lying  east  of  the  river  Suwa^ 
ney  and  every  part  of  the  ceded  territories  not 
designated  as  belonging  to  the  former  countyj, 
shall  form  a  county  to  be  called  St.  Johns. 

Sec.  ^."In  each  of  said  counties,  and  for  the. 
Government  thereoi^  there  siiall  be  established 
a  court,  to  be  designated  a  County  Court,  and 
to  be  composed  of  five  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
any  three  of  whom  shall  form  a  quorum,  and  the 
eldest,  fcy  appointment,  to  be  President  of  said 
Court,  whose  jurisdiction  shall  extend  to  all  civil 
cases  originating  in  said  county,  where  the  mat- 
ter in  controversy  sliall  exceed  twenty-dollars; 
and  to  all  criminal  cases,  sav  :i!^  to  the  parlies 
the  right  of  appeal  to  the  Governor  in  all 
cases  above  the  sum  of  five  hundred  dollars; 
and  that  there  shall  be  no  execution  for  a  capi- 
tal offence  until  the  warrant  of  the  Governor  be 
first  had  and  obtained. 

Sec.  3.  That  the  Judicial  proceedings  in  all 
civd  cases,  shall  be  conducted  except  as  to  the 
examination  of  witnesses,  according,'tothe  course 
of  the  existing  laws  or  tlie  laws  of  Spain ;  and  in 
criminal  cases  according  to  the  course  of  com- 
mon law;  that  is,  no  person  shall  be  held  to 
answer  for  a  capital  or  other  infamous  crime, 
unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a 
Grand  Jury,  and  in  all  criminal  case,s  the  accu- 
sed shall  enjoy  iherglittoa  speedy  and  publii; 
tri.d  by  an  impartial  Jury  of  the  county  wherein 
the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  and  to  be, 
informed  of  tke  nature  .and  cause  of  the  accusa- 
tion, and  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses 
ag:iinst  him,  and  have  compulsory  process  for 
obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor  and  to  have  the- 
assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defence. 

Sec  4.  There  .shall  be  a  clerk  appointed  for 
each  of  said  county  Courts,  who  shall  receive 
for  his  services,  such  compensation  as  the  Court 
for  which  he  is  appointed  may  from  time  to  time, 
and  in  each  suit  tax  or  allow;  and  there  shall  al- 
so be  a  sherifl'  appointed  to  each  court,  to  ex- 
ecute the  process  tiiereof,  whose  services  shall 
be  compensated  by  tlie  Court,  to  which  he  is 
appointed,  in  like  manner,  as  is  provided  for 
the  clerk;  and  the  said  Clerk  and  Sheriff,  shall 
give  bond  to  the  presiding  Justice,  for  the  faithr 
ful  discharge  of  their  duties. 

Sec  5.  Each  county  Court,  shall  hold  quai- 
terly  sessions,  and  continue  the  same,  until  the 
business  pendii'g  tliereiii  sliall  be  disposed  of; 
the  first  session  to  be  held  at  Pensacola,  on  the 
first  Mond.ay  of  August  next,  for  the  county  of 
Kscambia;  and  at  St.  Augustine,  on  the  second 
Monday  of  September  iie.xt,  for  the  county  of 
St.  Johns,  with  power  to  adjourn  the  same, 
from  time  to  time. 

Sec  6.  There  shall  not  be  less  than  ten  Jus- 
tices of  the  Peace,  commissioned  for  eacn  coun- 
ty, whose  jurisdiction  shall  extend  to  all  civil 
cases,  not  exceeding  fifty  dollars,  saving  to  the 
parties  or  suitor.",  an  appeal  to  the  county  Caurt, 
in  all  cases  wherein  the  matter  in  dispute  shall 
exceed  the  suhi  of  twenty  dollars;  and  shall  alsu 
be  authorised  in  all  criminal  cases,  to  exact  sure- 
ty for  good  behaiiour,  and  to  lake  recognizance 
in  cases  badable  for  the  appearance  of  the  ac- 
cused before  the  county  Court. 

Sec  7.  That  the  examination  of  all  wincises, 
whether  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  Courts,  cx-ept 


291) 


/Sjen  Uieu-  pcrsoii;',!  attendiuica  cuniioi  be  pro- 
upi'd,  sliiiU  be  concluded  viva  voce;  and  in  open 
Jonit,  tlKit  llic  parlies  mny  conduct  tlieir  suits 
li  pei-son,  ov  by  sucli  counsel  as  they  rnr.y 
iioose,  provided  lliat  tlie  s^iid  counsel,  or  coun- 
cilors shall  have  been  duly  licensed  to  practise 
n  the  (vourts,  of  tiie  said  ceded  territories,  by 
tliC  Governor. 

Sec  8.  Tlie  alcades  shall  Antinue  to  exercise 
iic  power  of  Juilges  of  Probates,  Uegisters  of 
tVills,  Ketaiies  Puolic,  of  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
md  such  other  povvcrs,  «ppertainini,'  to  their 
.aid  offices,  as  have  not  been  otlitrwise  distri- 
nitcd,  savins  t'l'"  right  of  appeal  to  the  county 
Jourti  in  all  cases. 

Sec.  9.  That  the  Judg-es  of  the  said  county 
;Uurt3,  shall  have  power  to  impose  such  taxes 
ipon  the  inh.abitants  of  their  counties  respec- 
ivcly,  as  in  their  discretion,  may  be  necessary 
o  meet  and  defray  Ih.e  expenses  which  may  be 
ncuiTcdin  carrying  this  ordinance  into  effect. 

Sec.  10.  Tliat  tlie  said  county  court  shall  have 
md  exercise  Uife  powers  of  directing  by  special 
itnireot  otherwise,  the  summoning  of  all  jurors, 
^vand  as  well  as  petit. 

Sec.  11.  That  the  said  courts  shall  h.we  the 
iower  of  creating-  an  1  regulating  their  process, 
md  proceedings,  from  time  to  time,  as  they  may 
leem  necess.ary,  and  shall  as  soon  as  convenient 
liter  their  organization,  prepare  and  report  a 
'rcc  hill  ti)  the  Governor  for  h'S  approbation. 

Sec.  12.  That  tlie  said  courts  shall  have  and 
2xercise  tlie  powers  beyond  the  limits  of  Pensa- 
2ola  and  St.  Augustine,  of  granting  and  recalling 
icenscs  or  coiu.nissions  for  inhcipers,  rtlailers 
tf'  liquors  nf  tm-rfi  dcsrrijjtioiii  a<id  /cetpei-s  of  hll- 
'iardl'Lbks,  and  to  require  of  them  such  surety, 
IS  they  maj-  deem  proper,  and  impose  such 
r-ricc  for  such  license,  as  in  their  opinion  may 
~Q  reasonable. 

Sec.  13.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  said 
fourts,  in  regulating  tlieir  process  and  proceed- 
ing.5,  to  coniine  the  parties  strictly  to  the  merits 
:S  their  cause,  and  to  cause  all  useless  matter, 
as  well  as  imnecessary  form  to  be  expunged  from 
the  pleaihngsat  the  e;;pense  of  the  party  intio- 
.  hieing  tlie  same,  so  that  justice  may  be  admin- 
istered in  the  most  simple,  cheap,  and  speedy 
:.ianner.    ■   '       ■      _ 

Sec.  j-1.  In  all  criminal  cases,  the  process  and 
indictmer.t  shall  be  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  and  there  shall  be  appointed  a  prosecut- 
ing Attorney  for  each  of  the  said  counties,  who 
shall  receiie  in  ef.ch  case,  a  reasonable  eonipen- 
bation,  to  be  taxed  by  the  court. 

Sec.  15.  That  the  police  of  the  roads  and 
hiidges,  without  the  limits  of  Pcnsacola  and  St. 
Augustine,  sh.all  be  under  the  immediate  direc- 
tion of  the  said  county  courts.  Tlie  police  of 
the  city,  to  be  exclusively  confided  to  the 
J.lavorand  Aldci-inen. 

ANlinF.W  JACKSON, 
Governor  of  the  I'loridas,  kc.  Isc.  &c. 
J)y  theGuvcrn<'r: 

It    K.  CAti, 

Actir.g  Sccret.ary  of  West  Florid,".. 

\\'yi.  G.  D.;  AV'oKTii'Nurox, 

Secretary  tor  East  Florida. 

rroralhc  Floridian,  of  October  8lh, 
GENEli.U.  JACKSON. 

7b  Ihe  Citizens  vf  the  Fhridas  ; 

The  fmnorary  organisation   of  the  Or''"rr. 


inent  of  these  pr-o\ince3,  according  to  il;e  aev 
of  Congress  of  the  last  session,  and  to  the  pow- 
ere  conferred  on  me,  by  the  I'resident  of  the 
United  States,  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  an- 
nounce, is  now  complete.  Jf  it  possess  imper- 
fections, or  defects,  the  reflecting  man  will 
make  due  allowance,  when  he  considers,  that  * 
its  duration  will  be  but  short,  and  that  it  is  the 
best,  that  circumstances  would  permit,  taking 
into  view  the  difiicultiesi  have  had  to  encoun- 
ter. Where  the  rule,  or  law  is  certain,  I  liave 
considered  it  my  duty  to  follow  it  strictly,  but 
v."here  this  has  not  been  the  case,  I  have  endea- 
voured to  make  the  best  provisions,  in  my  pow- 
er, believing  that  Government  of  some  kind,  was 
absolutely  necessary.  It  is  my  sincere  hope, 
that  the  subject  will  attract  the  earliest  attention 
of  the  Congress  of  the  U.  S.  and  that  the  in- 
habitants cf  these  provinces  will  be  relieved 
from  the  state  of  uncertainty  and  doubt,  which 
at  this  moment  must  neccssarilly  pr.-;vaii. 

In  the  organization  of  th-;  present  temjiorarv 
government, audits  executioii,I  have  kept  steadi- 
ly in  view  the  securing  to  the  inhabitants  ofthe 
Floridas  .all  the  privileges  and  immunities guai- 
anteed,  to  them,  by  the  treaty. 

The  principal  of  these  is  the  protection  of 
their  persons,  property  and  religion,  until  they 
shall  be  incorporated  into  tlie  Union,  and  be- 
come entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties of  citizens  of  tlie  United  States. 

In  performing  this  important  part  of  ray  func- 
tions, I  have  endeavored  to  pursue  the  spirit  of 
cur  p.olitical  iiistiUitions.  1  have^ade  no  dis* 
crimination  of  persons,  my  house  has  been  sur- 
rounded by  no  guards,  no  one  has  been  kept  at 
a  distance  by  repulsive  formalities,  all  have  had 
free  adiriission,  and  found  a  ready  eai-  when 
they  required  iny  aid  for  the  protection  of  their 
rights. 

The  iimerican  Government,  at  the  same  time 
that  it  is  the  freest,  is  perhaps  the  strongest  in 
the  world;  because  the  most  wealthy  and  most 
powerlul  in  society  are  as  weak  in  opposition 
to  it,  as  the  most  liurable  and  obscure.  It  knows 
no  distinction  between  an  Ex-Governor  and  a 
peasant.  In  the  course  of  my  short  adminis. 
tr.ition,  one  case  has  urifortunately  occurred, 
which  required  tiie  exertion  of  that  authority, 
which  is  no  respecter  of  persons. 

Thtit  the  necessity  should  have  existed,  has 
occasioned  me  pain  .and  regretj  and  especiallj- 
as  it  has  been  misunderstood  b}'  some  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this  country,  from  a  want  of  a 
sufHeient  acquaintance  with  the  facts  of  tli-i 
case,  as  well  as  with  the  character  and  princi- 
ples of  our  government.  It  was  my  duty,  un- 
der the  treaty  exercising  the  govenunent  in  the 
Flor'das,  to  scoure  to  the  inhabitants  all  the 
evidence  of  their  right  of  property.  The 
improper  conduct  of  the  Captain  General  of 
Ilavanna,  in  withholding  documents,  or  ar- 
chleves  of  this  nature  from  an  agent  expressly 
scntto  receive  them,  increased  the  necessity  of 
vigilance  on  my  part.  It  was  made  known  to 
m^,  by  satisfactory  evidence,  that  there  wercs 
'  d.icuniCiits  of  this  charac'L-r,  m  tiie  hands  of  an 
individual  here,  and  li'at  these  documents  were 
necessary  to  establish  the  right  of  property  in 
thi.s  country. 

The  fiict  ascertained,  my  duty  was  clear,  and 
no  alternative  was  left  me. 

T!;i'  ;"di'.lfhiaj    was  ordered  to  ^iirrende'* 


2d7 


lljcni,  so  iiiui  :;.  i.c;3Liai.  j;-  ul  inc  stcona  silicic 
of  the  treaty,  and  of  my  proclamation,  ilie  iuhab 
itaiits  niiglit  he  secured  iiitlieirrig'ht  of  proper, 
ty.  The  ijidividual  tlius  ordered  to  deliver 
ttiiem,  instead  of  obeying  as  he  ought,  the  com- 
*Jaands  of  the  Government,  nnder  which  he  vas 
jJlotected,  and  v.  hich  could  know  no  superior, 
excepting  the  Congress  or  President  of  the 
United  States,  sliifted  them  into  the  hands  of 
the  person  who  lately  administered  tne-Govem- 
mcnt  of  tliis  Province,  and  who  liad  been  au- 
thorized by  the  Captain  General  to  sur- 
render the  countiy  affreeably  to  tlie  stipu- 
lations of  the  treaty.  I'liis  person,  wliether 
flom  misapprehension,  or  from  worse  motives, 
considered  himself  not  responsible  for  any  act 
of  liis  to  the  Government  of  liie  Floridas,  and  ap- 
peared entirely  insensible  to  the  impropriety  of 
mi  hovhig  made  a  delhenj  rf  thtsc  dccitmenis  of 
ftis oien  acemd.  Wliatever  diplomatic  privileges 
iio  might  have  been  entitled  to,  these  privileges 
iir.d  ceased  upon  the  suiTcndcr  of  this  country, 
and  he  was  then  not  known  to  me,  or  recog- 
Tiized  as  having  ap.y  other  riglils  than  those  of  a 
common  individual.  '  It  was  not  cno\\c\i  for  him 
to  consider  himself  a  public  agent  of  t!ie  King 
of  Spain,  and  reside  here  for  the  jiurpose  of 
transacting  official  business  with  the  agents  of 
llic  United  Stales,  but  it  was  necessary  that  he 
should  have  made  known,  the  object  .".nd  purpose 
of  Ids  stay  4  had  he  done  so,  he  would  have  been 
informed  at  once  by  me,  tiiat  my  own  functions 
having  ceased  as  Commissioner,  no  one  but  the 
President  of  the  United  States  had  any  power 
to  give  him  permission  to  remain  here  as  a  di- 
jjlomatx  ageni, ''enjoy ivg  the  privileges  cf  itfi.r- 
<'gii  minister.  The  natural  consequences  of 
his  conduct  arc  too  well  known,  and  need  not 
be  detailed. 

AVith  tiie  except! fin  of  this  solitary  instance,  I 
feel  the  utmost  con6dence  in  saj  ing  that  nothing 
has  oocun-ed,  notwithstanding  the  numeious 
cases  in  which  I  have  been  called  upon  to  inter- 
jiose  my  authority,  either  in  a  judicial  or  execu- 
tive capacity,  to  occasion  any  thing  like  distrust, 
discontent,  or  want  of  confidence;  and  I  cheer- 
felly  take  this  occasion  to  express  my  satisfiic- 
tion,  with  tlie  peaceful,  obedient,  and  orderly 
conduct  of  all  those,  whose  allegiance  has  been 
transferred  to  the  United  States,  by  the  cession 
of  tlie  country.  It  iu-  true,  the  recent  occur- 
rence, connected  with  tho  one  referred  to,  has 
compelled  me  .o  t".ke  measures  1  conceived  ne- 
cessai-y  for  the  ci.aracter,  diprr.ity,  and  harmonv 
of  the  Governmem  1  -dminister,  and  which  at 
the  same  time,  were  tlie  mildest  Mie  circum- 
stances would  admit.  I  .flude  to  t:.c  conduct 
of  a  number  of  Spanish  officers,  remaining  here 
after  the  cession,  without  my  penijssion,  but 
^'/hich  would  certainly  not  have  l.en  witl  iield 
'.'•■om  them,  so  long  as  they  demc.ined  themselves 
respectfully  to  the  existing  authorities,  and  re- 
frained from  any  improper  interference  «'itli  the 
rneasuresof tbe  Government.  Thisrespect  isdue 
from  foreign  officers  in  all  countries — their  situa- 
tion is  materially  different  from  that  of  other  ali- 
cns,and  their  conduct  ought  therefore  to  be  more 
circumspect.  In  the  United  States,  those  are 
severely  punished,  who  are  guilty  cf  writing  in 
:i  libellous  manner  of  proceedings  in  courts  of 
justice.  For  whitt  lends  to  bring  the  judiciary 
into  disrepute  shakes  the  public  confidence  in 
'hatnart  of  tin;  governiiie:n  that  i^  looted  nnm 


as  the  most  sacred  depository  oi  indi\iuu;tr 
rights.  Hence,  in  both  these  points  of  view, 
without  noticing  the  singular  conduct  of  the 
Spanish  officers,  acting  as  if  they  considered 
themse'ves  a  distinct  .and  separate  body — sn  iin' 
puiuinin  imperio — they  were  guilty  of  great 
indiscretion  and  impropriety  in  publishing  a 
most  indecent  libel  against  the  judiciary  pro- 
ceedings of  the  highest  tribunal  in  the  I'loridaa. 
Had  I  consulted  my  peisonal  feelings,  having 
enter^^jued  a  favorable  opinion  of  some  of  them, 
and  enmity  to  none,  I  should  have  been  dispos- 
ed to  have  sjlTeredthe  .act  tosink  inloobli^ion. 
But  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the  government 
forbade  that  conduct  So  outr.ageous  should  pess 
unnoticed.  I  might  appeal  to  those  very  poi>- 
sons  and  ask  wliat  would  be  the  consequences 
if  a  band  of  American  officers  should  olTer  sucK 
an  insult  to  tlie  government  of  a  Spanish  Pro- 
vince' But  the  inhabitants  of  the  Floridas  may 
rest  assured  that  whatever  may  be  the  irapio- 
priety  or  imprudence  of  some,  it  will  have  no 
effect  upon  my  feelings  towards  tlie  rest — the 
innocent  will  notbe  confounded  with  the  guiJ- 
ty,  and  all  will  continue  to  experience  the  sair.t 
protection  and  respect  for  their  rights  whicil 
has  heretofore  been  extended,  provided  theF 
demean  themselves  with  that  propriety  which 
becomes  every  good  citizen  and  subject:  and 
sliould  ^ny  of  them  under  the  influence  of  mo- 
mentary passion  or  feeling  be  dissatisfied  with 
the  measures  I  have  pursued,  on  a  return  of 
their  sober  judgment,  I  feel  confident  they  will 
be  compelled  to  approve. 

Cinsideratioi";  of  a  personal  nature,  and  the 
situation  'jf  my  family  requiring  my  absence 
from  these  Provinces  for  a  short  period,  I  make 
known  that  in  the  mean  time  the  Government 
of  East  Florida  is  placed  under  the  charge  and 
direction  of  Wm.  D.  G.  WorthLngton,  Esq.  Se- 
cretary for  the  same,  and  that  of  West  Florida 
under  Col.  George  Walton,  Secretary  thereof. 
Each  of  these  gentlemen  are  clothed  with  all 
the  powers  apperfciining  to  the  Governors  un- 
der the  late  Government  of  .Spain,  .and  subject 
to  such  instructions  as  they  may  respectively  re- 
ceive f:om  the  I'residcnt  of  the  United  States, 
tbrcugk  me.  They  .-u-e  charged  faithfully  to 
protect  and  maintain  all  the  citizens  jnd  inhab- 
itants of  wlsfttsoever  description  in  the  said  pro- 
vinces in  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all  their 
lights,  privileges  and  immunities,  secured 
to  them  under  the  lute  treaty  with  Spain  and 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
so  f.ir  as  the  same  is  applicable.  I  have  instrnc- 
ted  them  promptly  to  punish  the  violaters  of 
tlie  lav.-,  and  require  of  all,  that  allegiance  to 
tlie  Government,  enjoined  by  my  proclamation, 
issued  on  talcing  possession  of  the  country. 
ANUKEW  JACK.SON, 
Governor,  of  the  Floridas  S;c.  £"-C' 

Pensacola,  Oct.  6,  1821. 

From  the  Floridiaii. 
PROCLAMATION. 

Bj' Major  General  Asubkw  Jackboot,  GovcrnQf 
of  the  provinces  of  *'ie  Floriflas,  exercising 
the  powers  of  the  Captain  Cencr.al,  and  oV 
the  Intendatit  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  over 
the  said  provinces,  and  of  the  Governors  of 
s:iid  provinces  respectiveij'. 
Whereas,  by  the  seventh  article  of  the  treaty 

r--,.T'..ri  -,1  h„t.vo»r!the  United  PtstesandSpBii!. 


298 


„  the  22d  day  of  Febniary,   1819,  and  duly 
it'Rcd    it  was  stipulated  that  the   "  nfficers  and 
■oons  of  his  Cathohc  M;ijesty  in  the  terntones 
ereby   ceded  to  the  United   States  shall   be 
■ilhilruivn,  and  possession   of  the  pluceJ  occu- 
lied  by  Uu-i«  :,h.dl  be  given  within  six  months 
ftci-  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,   or  sooner  li 
lOsslDle."     And  whereas,  it  has  this  day  been 
nade  known  to  me,  that  the  foUowlns  officers 
,f  his  Catliolic   Majest),  to-wit,  Marcos  de  \  il- 
iers,    Barnardo    Vricto,  Loais  Gayarre,    Civile 
esussier,  ArnaldoC-uilhmard,  Carlosde  Vilhers, 
^redo  dc    Vegas,  and  Mariana  Latady,  and  who 
iccordiHg  tu  the  seventh  article,  ouglit  to  have 
.vittnii-awn  from  the  said  ceded  territory,  with 
he  troops  of  his  Catholic   Majesty,  have  with- 
out the  permission  of  tlie    exist. ng  authorities, 
contr  iry  to  the  said  seventh  article,  remained  m 
this  city  and  its  vicinity:  And  whereasit  has  been 
made  known  to  me,  t'-.ai  the  suu!  officers,  acting 
in  a  di5tmct  bodv.nuiependent  of,  and  disowning 
a\t:n  a  ttinporarv  allegeance  to  tne  government 
ofth-  United  States,  as  existi-g  in  the  FIgndas, 
have  been  engaged  in  stinmg  up  disaHection 
thereto,  and  in  sowing  d  scontent  in   the  minds 
of  the  guodp.-ople  of  tins    said  province,  and 
wl.ereat  it  appears,  that  they  are  die  authors  o 
the    following,    false  icandolous    and   indecent 

publication*. 

'    •'  Inspcakingof  Colonel  Calava's  appearance 

before  Genera!  Jack™;.,  H.    B.  o.igiit  to    have 
stated,   that  none   of   the  interrogatorief,   and 
hie-l  Iv    otTensive   r-ccusations   ct  the    General, 
ntreT.  tiiiuily  „,tcr;;:..t..-a  to  Cl    CuUva,  any 
more  than  the  replies  of  thelatttvto  i..C  ■— ~ti_- 
It  was  thercforeont  of  the  power  of  oiu'chiet, 
not  knowing  what  was  said  to  him,  to  make  the 
auditory  understand,  liow  innocent  he  wasof  tlic 
foul  charges,    ,vit!i   which    his  unsulhed  honor 
was  endeavoured  to  be  stained,  sucli  in  sum  are 
the  observations  we  had  li>  make,  on  the  observa- 
tions   of  H.    B.  and  we  liope  that  he  and  the 
public  «dl  be  convinced,  that  we  acted  from  no 
principle  of  pusillan  ii.ity,  that  if  on  the   one 
hand  we  shuddered  at  the  uicle.-it  proceed: ng.^  ex- 
ercised  agai.sl  our  sup'nor,  we  knew  also,  what 
was  due  to  a  Governnieiit,  which  is  on  the  inost 
Xriendlv  footing  with  our  own. 

We  are  &c.  £iC. 
THE    SPANISH  OFl'lCEKS, 
Jtesident  ill  this  place." 

And  whereas  the  said  publication  is  calculat- 
ed to  excite  resistance  in  the  existing  (.overn- 
"lent  of  the  Floridas,  and  to  disturb  the  harmo- 
-  nv  DC-^re,  andgocidovderotthesamea-sweWasto 
weaken  the  allegiance  enjoined  by  my  procla- 
mation,  heretofore  published,  and  entuely  in- 
compatible with  any  pnvdeges  which  could 
have  been  extended  to  the  said  officers,  even  if 
penaission  had  been  expressly  g.ven  tliem  to  re- 
main in  the  said  province,  an.i,  und-r  existing 
cir<;umstances,a  g.-oss  abuse  o  the  lenity  and 
indulgenc-e  heretofore;  extended  to  them. 

■This  is  therefore,  to  make  known  to  the  said 
officers'to  withdraw  themselves,  as  th.y  ought, 
h.£retoi-ore,  iiave  done,  from  the  Hondas, 
aKreeably  to  the  said  seventh  article,  en  or  be- 
fore the  third  day  of  October  ncy,  after  which 
div,  if  they,  or  any  of  them,  sliall  be  found 
widiin  the  Floridas,  all  officers,  civil  and  mih- 
tary.  are  hereby  reiiuired  to  arrest,  and  secure 
ihem.so  that  thev  may   be  brought  before    m." 


to  be  dealt  with  according  to  law,  for  the  con- 
tempt and  disobedience  of  Uiis,  my  proclama- 
tion. 

Given  at  PeiLsacola,  this  29tli  day  ot  Septein- 
ber.one  thousandeight  hundred  andtwentyone,  ^ 
and  of  the  Independence  of  the  United   Stal||||^ 
the  forty-sixth. 

ANDREW  JACKSON, 
Governor  of  the  Floridas,  &c. 


•  This  is  a  part  of  their  answer  to  a  piece, 
miblished  by  H  Biglow  Esq.  in  which  they 
seize  the  opportunity  to  attack  Gov.  .lac.kson. 
The  report  that  he  is  about  to  resign  his  office 
is  unfoiuvh-d,  tho'  it  appears  he  intemUd  to 
take  his  family  to  Tennessee,  from  which  he 
would  return  as  soon  as  possible.— AW.   Ivs- 

7 he  Secretary  ofStaieto  Don  Joaquin  d^Andua^a. 

Dkp vnrMEST  of  State, 

IVMhingltm,  5th  April,  1822. 
Sin:  In  tlie  letters  which  I  had  the  honor  oii" 
writing  you,  on  tlie  2d  of  November,  and  31st 
of  D..cember  last,  you  were  informed  that  a 
definitive  answer  'o  the  complaints  against  cer- 
tain proceeding*  of  Gen-Jial  Andrew  Jackson, 
while  governor  of  Flor.da,  which  were  contain- 
ed in  aletter  to  this  Department  from  Don  Hila- 
rio  d>  Uivas  y  Salmon,  belorc  your  arrival  in 
this  country,  and  i;i  yom'  letters  of  the  IStii  and 
22d  of  November,  woull  be  _ given  alter  the 
substance  of  those  complaints  shoidd  have  been 
made  known  to  General  Jackson,  and  his  ex- 
planations of  the  motives  and  considerations  by 
which  he  had  been  governed  in  adopting  the 
measures  complained  of,  should  have  been  re- 

""'"LMj'erformingtliis  promise  I  am  cmimanded 
by  the  FiTsident  of  the  United  States  to  repeat 
the  assurance  of  his  deep  regret,  th.it  the  trans- 
actions, which  formed  the  subjectof  those  com- 
ulaints,  should  ever  have  occurred,  and  his  tuu 
conviction,  upon  a  review  of  all  the  circum- 
stances  which  have  attended  them,  tha-.  .Ue} 
arc  attributable  entirely  to  the  conduoi  ot  the 
Goverm.r  and  Captain  Genend  of  Cuba,  and  ot 
the  subordinate  officers  of  Spam,  ni  evading 
and  refu.smg  the  fulfilment  of  the  most  express 
and  positive  stipulations  of  the  treaty,  both  oi 
evacuating  the  province  witiiin  six  months  from 
U-.e  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty, 
and  of  delivering  the  archives  and  documents 
rehiting  directly  to  the  property  and  sovereign- 
ty of  the  rirovlnces. 

At  the  time  of  the  exchange  ol  the  ratifica- 
tions of  the  ti-eaty,  your  predecessor,  Cien»ral 
Vives  delivered  an  order  Iroin  His  Catnohc 
Majesty  to  the  Captain  General  and  Governor 
of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  andoflae  Flondas,  ■nform- 
in=-  him  of  ihe  cession  to  the  United  States  of 
tliat  par»  of  the  provinces  ot  wine;,  ne  was  the 
governor,  that  was  sitaated  on  this  continent, 
and  instructing  him  as  follows: 

"I  command  vou,  and  ordain,  that,  alter  Uie 
"  inform  ition  whic-  shall  be  s.iasoi.ably  given 
"  you  by  my  Minister  Plenipotentiary  and  En- 
"  voy  Extraordinaiy  at  Washington,  ut  the  raU- 
"  fic.ations  having  been  exchanged,  you  proceed 
"  onyourpart,  to  make  the  proper  disposiUons, 
"in  order  that,  at  the  end  of  six  months,  count- 
"  ing  from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the  rati- 
>'  fi.'ations  or  soontr  if  possible,  ti'.e  Spanish  ofh- 


29!) 


■  CLis  uad  Ivoops  may  evacuate;  tUc;  territories 
■■  of  both  Floridas,  and  tjiat  possession  of  iliem 
"  be  g-iven  to  the  officers  or  comraissiouers  ol' 
"  the  Unitid  States,  duhj  authoriztd  to  receive 
"  them.  You  shall  ;»rransfe,  in  proper  time,  ihe 
'*  delivery  of  the  Islands  adjacent  and  dependent 
•*  upoj^  the  two  Floridas,  and  tlie  public  lots 
■ '  and  squares,  vacant  lands,  public  edifices, 
"  fortifications,  barracks,  and  otiicr  buildings, 
•'  which  are  not  privati;  property ;  as  also  the  ar- 
"  cliives  and  dociunenti  wliich  relate  directly 
'*  to  the  property  and  ^ovt^reig-nty  i>f  tne  same 
"  tAo  pr  ivinces,  by  placinjf  lln-iii  at  the  dispo- 
"  sal  of  the  conim  ssaries  or  officers  of  the  Uni 
"  ted  States,  duly  authorized  to  receive  them." 

Tills  oriler,  thus  clear  and  explicit,  w;is  des- 
patclie'd,  together  witii  letters  from  General 
Vives,  to  the  governor  ofCubaandthe  Flori- 
das not.fying  him  of  the  excllange  of  the  ratifi- 
cations of  the  treaty,  b)  Col.  James  G.  Forbes, 
who  was  commissioned,  "as  agent  and  commis- 
sary of  tile  Uiiited  States,  to  deliver  to  liim  the 
lloval  order,* to  arrange  and  concert  with  him, 
conformably  to  instructions  committed  tliere- 
wilh,  the  execution  of  the  above  stipulations, 
and  to  receive  from  the  said  governor  and  from 
i*ny  and  every  person  possessed  of  the  said  ar- 
chives and  documents,  al  and  every  one  of  the 
same,  and  to  dispose  thereof  in  the  manner  pre- 
scribed by  his  instructions."  Colonel  F'orbes* 
autlioiity,  t  hus,  was  to  receive  the  d  icuments 
iJ  archives,  and  to  rone  rt  andurrai'^i^e  with  the 
,  jvernor  of  the  Floridas,  tlie  diUvery  n{  xhose 
jirovinces,  whicli  General  Jackson  was  commis- 
sioned to  receive,  take  possession  of,  andoccuj)y',, 
an  1  of  which  he  was  fui'tlier  commissioned  to  be 
the  governor,  when  siurendered  to  the  Unitet! 
States. 

The  royal  order  was  delivered  by  Colonel 
Forbes  to  tiie  Governor  of  the  Floridas,  at  the 
Ilavanna,  on  the  2od  of  Aprd,  1821.  There 
has  been  shown  by  that  Governor  no  cause  or 
reason  v^hich  could  justly  have,  required  him  to 
-delay  the  delivery  of  ttjc  documents  and  arclii- 
ves,  and  the  aivangements  for  the  delivery  of 
the  provinces,  beyond  the  term  of  a  single  week. 
Thcie  were  twenty  boxes  of  those  arch  ves  and 
documents;  the  whole,  or  with  very  few  excep- 
tions, the  whole,  of  which  ouglit,  by  the  posi- 
tive stipulation  of  the  treaty,  and  by  tlie  express 
order  of  the  King  of  Spain,  to  iiave  been  imme- 
diately delivered  to  Colonel  Forbes.  Not  one 
of  them  was  delivered  to  him;  nor  has  one  of 
them  been  delivered  to  this  day. 

Tlie  orders  for  the  surrender  of  the  provinces 
were  delayed  from  day  to  day,  notwithstanding 
thaurgent  and  continual  solicilatlons  of  Colonel 
Forbes,  for  the  terni-of  six  weeks,  at  the  end  of 
which,  to  avoid  further  indefinite  procrastina- 
tion, he  was  conijicUed  to  depart  without  re- 
ceiving the  archives  and  documents,  but,  with 
repeated  promises  of  the  Governor,  that  they 
should  be  transmitted  to  this  government — 
jiromises  which  have  remained  to  this  day  un- 
performed. 

Tlie  ordei-s  for  the  delivery  of  the  provinces 
thcniiehes,  were  not  only  thus  unreasonably 
wi  hlield,  but  when  made  out,  tliougii  not 
furnished  to  Colonel  Forbes  till  the  last  week 
in  .May,  were  made  to  bear  date  on  the  fifth  of 
tliat  month:  nor  were  they  prepared  conform- 
ably to  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty,  or  to  the 
'■oya!  order  of  his  CathoUc;  Maic-^iv:  ",,•■.  ins^ead 


of  directing  tl'.c  surrender  to  be  niade  to  lliC 
commissioners  or  officers  of  the  United  States, 
duly  authorized  to  receive  Mem,  the  instruction  tt> 
the  commanders  in  F.ast  and  \^  est  Florida  wa.J 
to  delivertliose  resjiective  provinces  to  Colonel 
Forbes  himself,  who  had  from  the  United  States 
no  audi'  rity  to  receive  them.  And  ttlthougU 
expressly  advised  of  tliis  fact  by  Col.  F'orbes, 
with  the  request  tliat  the  oiders  of  delivery 
might  be  aiuendcd,  and  ma  !e  conformable  to 
the  treat!',  and  to  the  royal  command,  G'lVer- 
nor  .Mahv  did  not  so  amend  it,  but  reduced 
Colonel  Forbes  to  tl.e  ah  ernative  of  submitting  to 
fuitlier  delays,  or  of  d -parting  with  an  i.i. per- 
fect and  ambigtious  order  of  delivery  of  VVest 
F'lor-ida,  authoi'izing  its  surrender  to  the  legally 
constituted  authorities  of  ~tl-.s  Uaiied  States, 
(that  is,  as  Governor  Mahy  v/ell  knew,  to  Gen- 
eral Andrew  Jackson)  only,  in  case  of  any  acci- 
dent happening  to  Col.  Forbes,  whom  he  still 
afTected  to  consider,  notwithstanding  his  own 
express  d-'claration  to  the  contraiy,  as  the  com- 
missioned agent  of  tile  United  States  to  that  ef- 
fect. 

'Hie  twenty  bo.xes  of  documents  and  archives, 
which  were  at  t!ie  Havana,  as  has  been  men- 
tioned, had  been  transmitted  thither  fiom  Pen- 
sacob;  and  contained  all  tne  most  important  re- 
cords of  property  in  West  Florida.  The  pos- 
session of  Ihem  was  in  the  highest  degree  im- 
portant to  tile  United  States,  not  only  as  the 
vouchers  of  individual  property,  but  as  protect- 
ing guards  against  the  iinpjstuie  of  fr.iudulent 
grants. 

The  same  persevering  system  of  withholding 
documents  which  it  was  the.r  duty  to  deliver, 
has  marked,  I  am  deeply  concerned  to  s.iy,  the 
conduct  of  both  the  co.i:mand'--rs  of  East  and 
West  Fl  irlda,  who^ivere  charge.l,  respectively', 
to  deliver  those  provinces  to  the  Uniied  States- 
It  is  to  this  cause,  and  to  this  alone,  as  appears 
from  a  review  of  all  tiie  Iransactious  of  wh.cli 
yoii  have  conplaincd,  that  must  be  traced  the 
origin  of  all  those  severe  measures  which  Gen- 
eral Jackson  hims.  Ifwas  the  first,  wliile  deem- 
ing them  indispensable  to  tlie  discharge  of  his 
own  official  duties,  to  lament.  Cliaiged  as  he 
was  with  the  trust  of  receiving  the  piovlnces  in 
behalf  of  the  United  States,  of  maint;uningtlieir 
rights  of  property  within  them,  of  guarding 
them  to  tlie  utmost  of  Ii.s  power  from  those 
frauds  to  which  there  was  too  much  reason  to 
apprehend  they  would  be  liable,  and  to  which 
the  retention  of  the  documents  gave  so  great 
and  dangerous  scope;  entrusted,  fiom  the  ne- 
cessity of  the  case,  during  the  interval  of  time, 
wiiile  the  general  laws  of  the  United  States  re- 
mained unexteaded  to  the  provinces,  with  the 
various  powers  »  hlch  had,  until  that  lime,  been 
exrrcisi-d  by  the  Spanish  Governors,  and  which 
inclu^iril  the  administration  of  justice  between 
individuals:  it  was  impossible  that  lie  should  not 
feel  the  necessity  of  exercising,  under  ciicum- 
staiiccs  lliiis  exasperating  and  untoward,  every 
authoriiy  c  -mimttt  d  to  him  by  the  supreme  au- 
thorit)' of  ills  country  ,  'o  preserve  inviolate,  so 
fai' as  on  him  depended,  the  inteiest,  of  that 
country,  and  the  sacred  obligadons  of  individual 
right. 

In  the  proceedings  connected  with  the  de- 
livery of  the  province,  he  had  as  little  reason  to 
be  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Col.  Cidlava,  a-i 
with  that  of  the  Captain  General.     On  a  plea  c' 


3U(» 


-iutiisposiliun,  tluiloOicer  liad,  oil  Uie  day  of  the  Individual  piopcrty.  aoma  of  these  Colonel 
surfender,  evaded  the  performance  of  a  solemn  Callava  did  deliver  up  with  the  province;  others, 
Ijromise,  which  General  Jacksou  had  consider-  of  the  ^ame  description  and  character,  indis- 
ed  an  indispensable  preliminary  to  tlic  act;  and  pcnsabJe  for  tlie  administration  of  justice  in  the- 
afterwards  the  Colonel  positively  declined  its  province,  and  useless  at  the  Havana,  whither  it 
fulfilment.  lie  had,  however,  completed  the  was  his  intention  to  have  transported  them, 
surrender, of  the  province  with  w!iich  he  had  were  retained;  not  in  his  possessioii,  butin  that 
lieen  charged.  He  had  declined  producing  to  of  Don  Domingo  Sousa,  a  Spanish  officer,  who, 
GeneralJ-icksonany  credential  as  a  commisson-  by  the  stipulation  of  the  treaty,  ought  also  to 
er  for  perfonninp:  tli:it  act;  but  had  informed  have  departed  from  the  province  before  tlie  22il 
)iim   that   he  should  make  tlie    surrender   as    of  August. 

tlie    commanding     oilicer    of    the    province.        The  d.iy   immediately  preceding  that  date, 
by  virtue  of  orders  fro.m  his  superior.      Tliis    the  alcalde  of  Pcnsacola,  at  the  suit  of  a  woman, 
sei-vice  had- been  xonsumm.atcd;  and   Colonel    in  a  humble  w'alk,  indeed,  of  life,   but  whose 
Callava,  whom  Gen.  Jackson  had  formerly  no-    rights  were,   in  the   eye  of   General  Jackson, 
lifieil  that   he  had  closed  with  him  his  official    equiiUy  entitled  to  his  protection  with  those  of 
correspondence   forever,    was  bound,    by   the    the  h:gliest  rank,  or  the  most  commanding  opu- 
special  stipulations  of  the  trea'y,  to  have  cvac-    ienoe,  had  represented  to  hun  that  a  number  of 
iiated,  as  one  of  the   Spanish  officers,  the  pro-    documents,  belonging  to  the  alcalde's   office, 
vince,  before  the  ^2d  of  August.     If  General    and  rehting  to  estate^  at  that  place,  and  to  suits 
Jacksou  hail,  in  courtesy  to  Col.   Callava,  con-    there  iustiui  ed,  were  in  the  possession  of  Do- 
sidered  him,  notvnthstanding  liis  own  disclaim-    mlngo  Sousa;  that  the  necessity  for  obtaining 
x;r   of  the   clian^cter,    as  a    Commissioner,    for    possession  o(  those  documents  was  urgent,  and 
the  delivery  of  tlie  province,  there  can  be  no    therefore  he  requested  the  Governor  to  author- 
pretence  that  he  was  entitled  to  special  privi-    ize  some  one  to  make  a  regular  demand  of  them, 
leges  imder  it,  a!\er  he  had  a\-owedly  perform-    and  to  ascertain  what  they   were.     Governor 
idl  its  duties;  after  he  had  been  infcvuied   by    Jackson,   accordingly,  forthwitl-  commissioned 
General  Jacksou  that  their  official  correspon-    the  secretary  of  the  territory,   the   alcalde  of 
Uence  wa's  finally   closed;  and  after  the  date    Pensacola  himself,  and  the  clerk  of  the  county 
when,  by  the  positive  engagements  of  the  trea-    court  of  Escambia,  to  proceed  to  the  dwelling 
ty  which  he  was  to  execute,  he  v.'as  bound  to    of  Sousa,  to  make  demand  of  all  such  papers  or 
have  departed  from   the  province.     I'rom  the    documents,  belonging  to  the  alcalde's  office,  as 
time  when  his  functions  for  the  surrender  of  the    might  be  in  his  possession;  and  in  case  of  Sou- 
province  were   discharged,  he  oould  remain  in    S'i's  refusal  to  exhibit  or  deliver  the  same,  im- 
t'ensacola   no   otherwise  than  as   a  private  un-    mediately  to  report  the.  fact  to  him,  the  Gov- 
pr'vileg'cd  indi^vidual,  amenable  to  the  duly  eon-    ernor  in  writing.       These  commissioners   the 
Stituted  American  authorities  of  the  place,  and    ne.xt  day  reported  to  the  Governor   that  they 
subjitct  to  the  sa'.ne  controul  of  (ieneral  Jack-    hid  examined  the  papers  in  the  possession  of 
son,  as  a  priv.atc  citizen  of  the   United  States    Snusa;  that  they  had  found  among  them  four 
would  have  been  to  that  of  the  Governor  of  the    sets  of  papers  of  the  kind  which  belonged  to.  the 
Thiridas,  before  the  surrender  had  taken  place,     office  of  the  alcalde,   and  among  them  those  in 
That  this   was   the   opinion-  of  Col.   Callava    which  the  woman  from  whom  tlie  first  applica- 
him.'iclf,  and  of  his  friends  who  applied  to  Judge    tion  had  proceeded  was  interested;  tliat  they 
Tromentin  for  tlie  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  to  rgs-    had,  botli  verbally  and  in  writing,  demanded  of 
cue  him  from  the  arrest  under  which  he   was    him  the  delivery  of  those  documents,  which  no 
j)Iaced  by  the  order  of  Gen.  JackGon,  is  appar-    private  individual  had  a  right  to  keep,  as  they 
<?nt  from  their  conduct  on  that  occasion.     It  is    related  to  tlie  rights  of  persons  holding  or  claim- 
stated  by  Judge  From.entine,  th.it,  before  gran-    in.g  property  in  the  province,  but  that  Sousa  had 
ting  the  supposed  w  rit  of /laicoa  corpus,  here-    r^-fused  to  deliver  them,  alleging  that  he  was 
quired  that  Co!    Calwva  should  enter  into  a  re-    but  the  servant  of  Colonel  Callava,  and  could 
•cognizance   for  twenty  thousand   dollars,  with    not  deliver  them  without  his   order.      In  the 
two  securities,  each  for  the  amount  often  thous-    transactions  of  Sousa,  on  this  occasion,  is  mani- 
and  dollii-s;  the  condition  of  which   recogniz-    fested  the  same  consciousn-ss  that  the  claim  of 
ance    was,  that  Col.  Callava    should  personally    diplomatic  privilege,    set  np   by  Col.    Callava, 
lie  and  appear  before  the  Judge   of  the  United    to  screen  him  from  the  operation  of  the  author- 
States  for  West  Florida,  &c.  whenever  requir-    ity  of  Governor  Jackson,  was  without  founda- 
cd  £0  to  do;  th.at  he  should  not  depart  from  the    tion.     For,  although  he  refused  to  deliver  up 
city  of  Pensacola,  without  the  leave  of  the  said    the  papers,  conformably  to  the  Governor's  com- 
v'ourt,  nor  send  away,  remove,  or  otherwise  dis-    rnand,  he  submitted  to  the  examination  of  them 
pose  of,  unknown  to  the  said  court,  any  of  the    by  the  commissioners,  in  obedience  to  the  same 
papers  in  question.     It  was  only  upon  the  pro-    autliority;  and,  though  he  declined    receiving 
mise  of  liis  friends  that  this  recognizance  should    from  them  the  letter  demandii  g  the  delivery  of 
be  executed,  that  Judge  Fromentin  consented    the  papers,  he  told  them  that,  to  relieve  himself 
to  issue  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus;  and  this  re-    from  the  responsibility  of  keeping   them,    he 
cognizance  renounces  in  fact  every  pretension    should  deliver  them  to  Governor  Callava  him- 
of  exemption  froin  the  judicial  authority  of  the    self.     They  were  accordingly  sent  to  the  house 
country;    and   consequently    of  the  diplomatic    of  Col.  Callava,  and  put  into  the  possession  of 
lirivileges  of  a  commissioner.  his  stewaixl  Fulierat.      it  is  clear,  however,  that. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  most  important  doc-  if  tiie  papei-s,  while  in  bousa's  possession,  were 
uments  relating  to  the  property  of  West  Florida  privileged  from  delivering  up  at  the  Command 
had  been  transmitted  to  the  Havana;  there  re-  of  Governor  Jackson,  they  were  equally  privi- 
in.aihed,  however,  a  portion  of  them,  particu-  leged  from  examination  by  the  same  authority; 
Ur!v  of  iudicial  records,  relating  to  the  ti'les  of   and,  if  thev  were  not  lawfully  screened  from  id's 


ciOl 


pi'ocess  in  the  casiociy  of  Sousa,  they  could  not  tlie  casa  might  deihaiid.     1  iiis  demand  wis  ai,- 

be  made  so  by  removiny  them  to  llie  house  oF  cording^ly  made,  and  although  at  the  first  rr.o- 

Col.  Callava.     The  truth  is,  that  the  removal  of  nient  prcmptorily  refused,  yet,  upon  Col.  Calla- 

the   documents,    at   that    time,  and  in   such  a  va's  being'  informed  that  his  refusal    would  be 

manner,    was  u  high  and  aggravated  contempt  considered  as  setting  at  defiance  the  authority 

of  the  lawful  antliority  of  the  Covernor.     It  not  of  the  governor  of  the  Floridas,  and  of  the  con- 


only  claimed  for  Col.  Callava  diplomatic  immu- 
nities, but  assumed  tliat  he  was  still  tlie  Govem- 
or  of  the  province,  and  that  Sousa  was  amena- 
ble for  his  conduct  only  to  him.  Col.  Callava 
might,  on  the  same  pretence,  have  retained  the 


governor  ot  tne  1-  lornlas,  and  of  the  con  ■ 
seq.iencesto  himself  which  must  ensue  upon  bia 
pers'sting  therein,  he  desired  to  be  furn'shed 
wit'i  a  memor.andum,  setting  forth  the  docu- 
ments recpiired,  which  was  accordingly  done, 
liutwhcn  the  delivery  of  the  papers  was  agaiit 


whole  body  of  the  Sp.anish  officers  and  troops  demanded  of  him,  he  repeated  t'.ie  refusal  to  de- 
tmder  his  command  at  Pensacob,  and  insisted  liver  tliera,  an.l  attempted  botii  to  avoid  the 
on  exercising  over  them  all  his  extinguished  personal  approach  of  Colonel  Butler  and  Dr. 
authority,  as  Governor  and  commander-in-chief,  liionaujjh,  and  to  exhibit  a  resist.ance  by  foixc 
after  the  21st  of  Atigiist,  .as  he  could  to  exer-  of  ar.ns  to  the  execution  of  the  Goveruor's  or- 
cise  any  official  authority  vvitliiu  the  province,  dcr.  And  it  is  not  a  St'le  rem.irkalile,  that 
over  Domingo  .Sousa,  or  to  cttricate  bim  from  among  tho  persons  who  appeared  thus  arrayed 
tliB  lawful  jurisdiction  of  Gov  Jackson.  ag.ain?t  tlie  authority  of  the  LTnited  States,  to  ac- 

It  is  under  tliese  circumstances  that  the  sub-  complish  the  denial  and  removal  of  the  papery 
sequent  measures  of  Governor  Jackson  are  to  be  was  a  man  against  whom  the  n;ost  important  of 
considered.  He  immediately  Issued  .an  authori-  those  papers  were  jtidJcial  decisions  of  Gover- 
ty  to  Colonel  Uobert  Butler,  and  Coi./nel  John  nor  Callava  lii.-nself|  in  behalf  of  the  orphan  chil- 
Miller,  to  seize  the  body  of  Sousa,  together  drcn,  for  the  est.iblis!.ment  of  whose  rights  thcv 
with  the  papers,  and  to  bring  them  before  him,  were  indispensably  necessary,  and  at  whose  av- 
that  Sousa  miglu  answer  such  interrog.atories  plication  they  had  been  required. 
as  might  be  put  to  him,  and  comply  with  such  Standing-  thus,  in  open  defiance  to  the  opeTa- 
order  and  decree,  toucliiug  the  said  documents  tion  of  the  law,  Colonel  Callava  was  taken  be- 
and  records,  as  tIicr!ghtiof  llie  individuals,  seai-  fore  the  Governor;  and  there refusin-'- to  answer 
red  to  them  by  the  trtcty,  might  rsguirc,  and  Ike  the  iuten-og.atories  jjut  to  him,  and  asserting  the 
Justice  of  Ihe  case  might  dent'jitd.  By  virtue,  of  groundless  pretension  of  answering  only  as  a 
this  order,  Sousa  was  brought  before  Governor  commissioner,  and  by  a  protest  against  the  act3 
Jackson,  and  again  recognized  the  authority  on-  of  tlie  Governor,  he  Was,  by  his  order,  commit- 
der  which  he  was  taken,  by  answering  the  in-  ted  to  prison,  until  the  documents  should  be  de- 
terrogatories  put  to  him.  Cut  he  had  alr.»dy  liveredto  the  Alcalde.  On  the  ne.xt  day.a  search 
put  the  papers  and  documents  out  of  his  pos-  warrant  for  the  papens  was  issued  by  tlie  Gorer- 
session;and  thus,  as  far  as  was  in  liis  power,  nor,  upen  which  they  were  actually  obta'ned, 
baffled  the  ends  of  justice,  and  set  at  defiance  and  directed  to  be  delivered  to  the  Alcalde; 
the  lawful  authority  of  the  Governor.  v.-hereupon.  Colonel  Cali.iva  was  imnvediatefv 

In  this  transaction,  Col.  Callava  was  avowedly  released, 
the  principal  agenT;  am!  altogether  unjustifiable  In  all  these  proceedings,  vou  will  perceive> 
as  it  was,  whatever  consequences  of  inconvc-  sir,  that  not  one  act  of  rigor,'oreven  of  discour- 
iiience  to  himself  resulted  from  it,  must  be  im-  tesy  towards  Colonel  Callava,  was  auiliorizedby 
puted  to  him.  It  was  an  undisguised  effort  to  Governor  Jackson,  which  was  not  indispensablv 
prostrate  the  authority  of  the  United  SLates  in  neces:,iiatcd  for  the  maintenance  of  iiis  authorl- 
the  province;  nor  had  Governor  Jackson  any  ty,  and  the  discharge  of  his  official  duty,  by  the 
other  alternative  to  choose,  than  tamely  to  see  unjustifiable  and  obstinate  resistance  of  Colonel 
the  sovereign  power  of  his  countrv,  entrusted    Callava  himself. 

to  him,  trampled  underfoot,  and  exposed  tc  de-  On  a  re\'ieiv  of  the  whole  transactions,  I  am  in- 
rision  by  a  foreigner,  remaining  there  only  upon  slructed  by  the  President  of  the  United  State's 
his  snffisrance,  or  by  the  vigorous  exercise  of  to  say,  that  he  considers  the  documents  in  nues- 
his  authority  to  vindicate  at  once  the  rrghts  of  t'on,  as  .T.no.ig  tliose  which,  by  the  stipul.atioii 
the  United  States,  and  the  just  claims  -of  indi-  oftiic  treaty,'  ought  to  have  b'een  delivered  up, 
viduals  to  their  protection.  with  the  province,  to  the  authorities  of  t!ie  Uiii- 

Governor  Jackson  could  consider  Col.  Calla-  ted  States;  that  they  were,  en  the  22d  of  Au- 
■\-a  in  no  other  light  than  that  of  a  private  indi-  gust,  when  in  the  possession  of  Domingo  Sousa, 
vidual,  entitled  indeed,  as  the  officer  of  a  fi^i-  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  Stales,  and 
ei»n  power,  to  courtesy,  but  not  to  ex.-mption  subject  to  tlic  control  of  their  Governor,  acting 
from  the  process  of  the  law.  Notliwithsta.id-  in  his  judicial  capacity,  and  liable  to  be  conipui- 
inghis  improper  conduct.  Governor  Jackson,  sively  produced  by  his  order,  th.at  the  removal 
in  the  first  instance,  authorized  Col.  Butler  and  of  them  from  the  possession  of  Sousa,  after  the 
Dr.  Bronaugh,  accomjianied  by  Jlr.  Bracken-  Governor's  order  to  him  to  deliver  theni  had 
lidge,  the  Alcalde,  to  wait  upon  him  and  his  been  served  upon  him,  cnu'd  not  withdraw 
steward,   and  demand  from^  them  the  specified    them  fromthejuri.sdictionof  Governor  Jackson, 

and  was  a  high  and  aggrav.atjd  outrage  upon 


papers,  which  Sousa  had  declared,  in  his  an- 
swer to  the  interrogatories  to  have  been  deliv- 
ered to  the  steward  at  Governor  CaI!a^  a's  house. 
It  was  only  in  case  of  tlie  refusal  to  give  up  the 
papers,  that  the  order  extended  to  the  seizure 
of  the  person  of  Col.  Callava,  that  he  might  be 
made  to  appear  before  Governor  Jackson,  to  an- 
swer interrog-.atories,  and  to  abide  by,  and  per- 
form, .such  order  and  decree  as  the  ius'-ice  oT 


his  lawful  authoiitj-;  that  the  imprisonment 
Colonel  Call.ava  was  anecessaiy,  though  bv  the 
President  deeply  regretted  consequence,  of  hi< 
obstinate  perseverance  in  refvising  to  deliver  the 
papers,  and  of  his  unfounded  claim  of  diplomat- 
ic immunitit?,  and  irreguhir  exercise  even  of 
the  authoridcs  of  a  governor  of  Florida,  after 
the  authority  of  Spain  in  the  province  liad  been 


302 


public!}'  and  soleiriiiiy  buneadered  to ikc  United 
States. 

That  the  documents  were  of  the  description 
of  those  which  tile  treaty  had  stipulated  should 
lie  delivered  up  with  the  province,  is  obvious, 
from  tile  consideration  of  their  character.  They 
related  to  the  property  of  lands  in  the  province. 
Thi-y.were  judicial  records,  directly  aflTecling 
tlie  lights  of  persons  remaining'  in  the  province^ 
rig'its  which  could  not  be  secured  without  them; 
l^ghts  over  wliieh  the  appellate  tribunal  of  the 
govcrnorof  C:uba,  to  which  Colonel  Calhiva  pro- 
poset-l  to  remove  the  papers,  tliencefortli  could 
have  no  aulhority  or  control,  they  having-  be- 
come definitively  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States.  Tlie  only  resson  assigned 
by  Colonel  Callava  for  the  pretension  to  retain 
th'm,  is,  thai  they  related  to  the  estate  of  a  de- 
ceased Spanish  ofTiccr,  and  had  thereby  been 
of  the  resort  of  the  m:lit.arv  tribunal.  But  it 
v.-as  fortlie  rif^hts  of  the  living-,  and  not  for  t^e 
privdegpcs  of  tlie  dead,  th.it  the  documents  were 
to  operate.  The  tribunal  of  tlie  captain  jjener- 
al  of  Cuba  could  neither  need  the  production  of 
the  papers,  nor  exercise  any  autlionty  over  the 
subject-matter  to  which  they  related.  To  have 
transferred  to  the  island  of  Cuba  a  question  of 
litigated  property,  concerning-  land  in  l-'lorida, 
between  persons,  all  of  whom  were  living,  and 
to  remain  in  Florida,  would  have  been  worse 
than  a  mnckcry  of  justice.  Indeed  Mr.  Salmon, 
in  bis  note,  appears  to  have  been  aware  of  the 
■weakness  of  this  allegation,  declines  tlie  discus- 
sion :'f  the  question;  and  in  justification  of  the 
refusal  of  Col.  Cdla'.a  to  deliver  up  the  docu- 
ments, merely  rests  its  defence  upon  the  plea, 
that  the  papers  had  not  been  demanded  of  him 
nfficially.  It  has  been  seen,  that  Col.  Callava 
had  no  ofiacial  character  which  could  then  ex- 
empt him  from  the  comiiulsive  process  of  the 
governor.  But  Mr.  Salmon  alleges  that  the 
Spanisl>  constitution,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Unit, 
ed  States,  separates  the  jvidici.al  from  the  exec- 
utive pon-er  exercispd  by  the  governor  or  cap- 
tain gener.al  of  a  province. 

Neither  the  constitution,  nor  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  excepting  those  relating  to  tlie 
revenue  and  its  collection, and  to  tlie  slave-trade, 
had  at  tiiat  time  been  e.'ctended  to  Florida. — 
And  as  little  had  the  Spanish  c  ]nstitution  been 
introducid  there,  in  point  of  fact,  however  it 
miglithave  bi-en  proclaimed.  But  be  tins  as  it 
may,  the  cause,  in  relation  to  wliich  the  docu- 
ments required  in  the  case  of  Vidal  had  been 
drawn  up,  and  were  needed,  was  one  of  those 
which,  -under  the  Spanish  constitution  itsrif,  re- 
mained within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor. 
Tliis  is  dcclare-l  by  Colonel  Callava  liimself,  in 
the  third  observation  of  the  appendix  to  ills 
protest,'.ransmilted  with  the  letter  of  Mr  Salmon. 
It  is  lilt  reas'^n  assigned  by  him  for  having  with- 
held those  documents  from  the  Alcalde.  And 
one  of  them  w.as  a  judgment  rendered  by  Col. 
Callava  himself,  after  the  time  when  the  pro- 
clamation of  the  Spanish  constitution  in  the  pro- 
vince is  alleged  to  have  been  made.  The  cause 
therefore,  was  on  every  hypothesis,  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  governor;  the  papers  were 
indispensable  for  the  .administration  of  justice  in 
the  cause;  and  when  once  applied  for,  by  a  pef- 
son  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  them,  it  was  the 
■'•'.'■,  *h"  ;-^"-o-^',if^  (lu'r-.  of  ei-ovcrnor  .Taci^^or, 


to  put  fortli  all  the  autliority  vested  in  him,  n</ 
cessarylo  obtain  them. 

Nor  less  imperative  was  his  obligation  to  pun- 
ish, without  respect  of  persons,  that  contempt 
of  his  jurisdiction,  wh  ch  was  manifested  in  the 
double  attempt  of  Colonel  Callava  to  defy  Ids 
power,  and  to  ev.ade  the  operation  of  its  pro- 
cess. 

With  regard  to  the  proclamation  of  General 
Jackson,  of  the  29th  of  September,  command- 
ing several  Spanish  officers,  who,  in  violation  of 
the  stipulation  of  the  treaty,  had  remained  at 
Pensacola,  after  tlie  expiration  of  the  six  months 
from  the  day  of  the  ratification  of  t'le  treaty,  to 
withdraw,  w.thin  four  days,  from  the  Flori<las, 
which  forms  the  subject  of  complaint  in  j'our 
letterof  the  18th  of  November,  it  miglit  be  suf- 
ficient to  say,  that  it  did  no  m.ore  than  enjoin 
upon  those  officers  todo  that  which  they  ought 
before,  and  without  any  injunction,  to  have 
done.  Tlie  engagement  of  the  treaty  was,  that 
they  should  all  have  evacuated  the  province  be- 
fore the  22A  of  August. 

If  they  remained  there  after  that  time,  it 
could  only  be  as  priv.ate  individuals,  amenable 
in  every  particular  to  the  laws.  Even  this  was 
merely  an  indulgence,  which  it  was  within  the 
competency  of  Genend  Jackson,  at  any  time,  to 
have  wiUidrawn.  From  ihe  extr.act  (if  a  letter 
f70m  him,  of  wliich  I  have  the  honor  of  enclos 
irga  copy,  it  will  be  seen,  that  he  was  far  from 
biing  disposed  to  withdraw  it,  had  tliej'^not,  by 
tleir  abuse  of  it,  and  br  open  outrages  upon 
his  authority,  forfeited  ail  claims  to  its  contin- 
uance. 

rh;s  extract  furnishes  a  satisfac'orj'  answer  to 
your  question,  why,  if  tlie  fulfilment  of  the  ar- 
ticle was  the  object  of  the  proclamation,  it  was 
confined  to  the  eiglit  oHicers,  by  name,  and  nut 
extended  to  all  uthe-  Span  sh  officers  in  the 
Floridas.  It  was  because  the  deportment  of  the, 
others  v.-as  as  became  them,  decent,  respectful, 
and  friendly  to'.vards  the  government,  under 
tlie  protection  of  which  they  were  permitted  to 
abide.  In  the  newspaper  p  :bl!cation,  which 
gave  rise  to  the  proclamation  of  General  Jack- 
son,_the  Sp-dni.sh  officers  avowedly  acted,  not 
as  private  individuals,  but  .is  a  distinct  body  of 
men,  speaking  of  Col.  Callava  as  their  chief, 
;/(e;V  SH/»erior,.  and  arrogating  to  themselves,  as 
a  sort  of  merit,  the  condescension  of  knowing 
what  was  due  to  a  government  (meaning  the 
American  government)  which  was  on  the  most 
fi-iendly  footing  n-  th  their  own.  This  is  lan- 
guage which  would  scarcely  be  proper  for  the 
embassador  of  one  n.ation,  upon  the  territory  of 
another,  to  which  h"  would  owe  not  even  a  tem- 
porai-y  allegiance.  From  persons  situated  as 
those  Spanish  officers  were,  it  was  language  of 
Insubordination  and  contempt. 

In  alluding  to  the  fact,  tluat  officers  of  the 
American  squadi-on,  in  the  MedlteiTanean,  are 
sometimes  received  with  friendly  ti-eatment  on 
the  territories  of  Sp.ain,  to  make  a  case  paralell 
with  the  present,  it  would  be  necessary  to  show, 
that  some  superior  officer  of  the  said  squadron 
should,  while  enjoying  the  hospitality  of  the 
Spanish  nation  upon  their  shores,  first  attempt 
to  ev.ade  and  to  resist,  the  operation  of  process 
from  the  constituted  judici;4l  tribunals  of  the 
co"ntry,  and  tlien  pretend,  as  an  American  of- 
ficer, to  be   whollv  rnrtepnnden*  of  t!"^m;  a-. 


oUo 


tlial  some  ot  bis  suuaUciiis  siiould  not  only 
countenance  and  su])port  Iiini  in  these  attempts 
but  slioulfl  affect  to  consider  him,  while  on 
Spanisli  ground,  as  their  only  superior  and 
chief,  andljy  unfounded  and  inflammatory  pub- 
lications in  tlie  daily  journals  to  arouse  the  peo- 
ple cf  Spain  to  revolt  and  insurrection  against 
tlie  judicial  tribunal  of  their  own  country. 

If  the  bare  statement  of  such  a  case  would  be 
suflicicnt  to  raise  t!ie  indignation  of  every  hon- 
orable Spaniard,  let  it  be  obsei'\'ed,  tliat  even 
this  woidd  be  without  some  oftlu-  '^g■g!■a^■alio•lS 
of  the  conduct  of  these  Spanish  officers  at  Pen- 
sacola.  For  such  outrage  woidd  be  far  les<  dan- 
gerous, committed  against  old  estabbslied  au- 
thorities, which  might  reiy  uj)on  the  support  of 
the  whole  people  surrounding  them,  tlian  in 
the  presence  of  a  people,  whose  allegl^ance 
had  been  just  transferred  to  a  new  government, 
and  when  tl»e  revolt  to  which  they  were  stimu- 
lated, would  seem  little  more  than  obedience  to 
the  authorities  to  which  tbe\  had  alwajsbcen 
accustomed  to  submit. 

T!ie  very  power  which  the  Spanish  governor 
and  officer  had  exercised  before  tlic  suire'idtr  of 
the  province,  OTight  to  have  beer  a  most  ur.^cnt 
warning  to  them  to  avoid  every  semblance  of 
authority  in  themselves,  or  of  resistance  to  that 
of  the  United  Slates,  after  the  transfer  of  the 
province  had  hcen  completed. 

In  forbearing  particularly  to  repl}'  to  [hat 
part  of  your  note,  in  which  yor  think  you-self 
authorized  to  pronounce  the  cbiJf^e  of  Gei^.e^al 
JacVson  against  these  Spanish  officers,  -.f  fiav- 
ing  attempted  to  excitf  discontent  in  the  infabi- 
tants,  ftke,  I  shall  barely  express  the  hope,  that 
the  term  was  a-imittcd into  jour  cotnmvmicution 
inadvertantl}'.  The  conduct  of  the  oilic?rs,  at 
tho  ciioe  of  Colonel  Ca'lava's  Conflict  «ith  t'lc 
authority  of  the  governor,  as  well  as  in  their  in- 
sulting newspaper  publication,  was  of  a  charac- 
ter and  tendency  too  strongly  marked,  to  leave 
a  doubt  of  the  tiutfi  with  which  it  is  described 
in  General  Jack.'son's  proclamation,  and  in  pass- 
ing unnotice<!  this  and  other  mere  invectives 
against  an  o/ficer,  whose  services  to  this  nation 
have  entitled  him  to  their  highest  regard,  and 
whose  whole  career  has  been  signalized  by  the 
purest  intentions  and  the  most  elevated  purpos- 
es, I  wish  to  be  understood  as  abstaining  from 
observations,  which,  however  justified  by  the 
occassion,  could  but  add  to  the  unpleasantness 
of  a  discussion  already  sufficiently  painful. 

That  this  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish 
officers  was  highly  reprehensible,  cannot  rea- 
sonably be  denied,  and  had  General  .lackson 
been  disposed  to  animadvert  upon  it  with  seve- 
rity, his  course  would  undoub'edlv  have  been 
that  which  you  have  pointed  out  as' appropriate 
to  the  offence.  They  vvonlcf  have  been  cited 
before  the  proper  tribimal,  hi'ard  upon  specific 
charges,  allowed  time  and  lil)erU  to  make  their 
defence,  and  punished  by  commitment  to 
pris.jn.  General  Jackson  preferred  a  milder 
a  more  indulgent  measure;  and  without  prose- 
cuting them  as  criminals,  only  withdrew  from 
them  the  privilege  of  a  protracted  infraction  of 
til  treaty,  by  requiting  them  forthwith  to  de- 
pal  t  from  tlie  province.  To  justify  him  in  this 
requisition,  neither  arrest  nor  judicial  trial  was 
necessary  or  proper.  The  facts  were  of  pub- 
lic notoriety,  and  could  not  be  denied.  The 
proclamation  only  required  of  them  the  rxecii- 


tloii  of  the  treaty,  by  llie  ictiioval  of  their  pei  - 
sons  Had  their  conduct  even  been  unexcep- 
tionable, this  measure  would  h.ave  been  w:tliin 
tlie  undoubted  authority  of  General  Jackson- 
As  their  dcj  ortment  had  licen,  it  was  the  most 
lenient  e.xercise  of  his  power  practicable,  to 
vindicate  the  incited  ho. tor  and  justice  of  his 
country- 

I  pass  to  'be  consideration  of  the  complaint? 
contained  in  your  letter  of  the  22d  of  November. 
In  or.lcr  to  take  a  correct  virw  Of  this  subject,  it 
is  again  nece.ss  .ry  to  advert  to  t!'e  ro_\  al  order  of 
his  Catholic  Majesty  to  the  Captain  General  and 
Governor  of  tlie  Island  of'  uba,  andof  tiie  Flori- 
das,  coia:nandinghifn  to  cause  to  be  p'ac  'dat  tlic 
disposal  of  tiie  oommissai'ies  or  officers  of  the 
Umte'l  States,  duly  authorised  to  receve  them, 
ilie  archives  and  doc-urni-nta  relating  directly  to 
t'le  property  and  sovereignty  of  the  two  provinc- 
es. 

On  the  16th  of  Ma}',  the  Captain  General  and 
Governor  wrote  to  Colencl  Forbes,  tiiat,"  res- 
pecting East  Elorida,  where  there  oug'it  to  be 
four^.'l  all  her  archives,  he.  Governor  Mali'.*, 
would  direct  Governor  Copping-r  to  tnakc  a  for- 
mal delivery  of  that  pro\ince,  as  well  as  of  the 
ffocutncnts  hehngnig  in  ?V. " 

On  the  2  Uh  of  M.iv,  Colonel  Forbes  wrote  to 
the  Captain  General,  renunding  him  of  the  re- 
peated promises  made  by  his  excellency,  todis- 
patc!i  hi.m  with  the  archives,  wliicli  were  to  be 
delivered,  and  then  were  at  the  Havana,  and 
with  the  orilers  for  the  deliver}-  of  the  provinces 
and  of  tl^e  archives  delivcrabl  ■  there;  of  the  con- 
tinual disappointments  to  which  he  had  been 
subjected  by  the  fiiilure  orperfo'-mance  to  those 
proiiises,  and  of  the  necessities  which  urged 
his  immediate  departure.  He  tliereforc  propos- 
ed," that  if  any  fiirtlier  researches  should  be 
necessary  for  the  discover}-  of  the  sa.il  arcliives, 
they  might  be  delivered  when  more  convenient 
to  the  Spanish  government;  that  he,  (Colonel 
Forbes)shoiild  be  .lUowcd  to  proceed  i  .nrnediate- 
ly  to  West  Florida,  with  the  co  nmissary  aiipoint- 
ed  to  carry  the  final  order  to  the  sub-governor 
there;  and,  listly,  that  a  duplicate  order  to  be 
given  at  once,  as  agreed  upon,  to  the  Governor 
ofEast  Florida,  for  the  delivery  of  tiiat  province 
to  the  constituted  authorities  of  the  United 
States,  togr.ther  wilh  the  archives  whiih  were  dc- 
d.'ired  to  b'.  on  lite  spot. 

On  the  29th  of  May,  the  Captain  General  an- 
swered this  letter,  aiid  enclosed  to  him  the  i  r- 
ders  to  the  severa!  Goiemors  of  East  and  West 
Florida,  for  lite  delivery  of  t  .e  provinces,  an'c- 
datcd  as  I  have  a!re:idy  mentioned,  with  a  de- 
claration, that  the  archives  tlienat  the  Hava.ia, 
and  w-l;ich  ought  to  have  been  deliver -d  to 
Colonel  Forbes,  nhnuld  he  transmitted  to  Ike 
Government  of  ine  United  States,  as  soon  as  thev 
were  selected;  a  promise,  at  I  have  before  ob- 
served, yet  unfcdfilled. 

Tiiesc  orders  of  the  Captain  GcMcral  to  the 
commanders  of  East  aijd  West  Florida,  are  fur- 
ther remarkable  by  tlieavpission  of  any  direction 
intlicm  fort'ie  delivery  ofthe  archives  and  docu- 
ments. It  had  been  expressly  agi-ced  bv 
him,  wltli  colonel  Forbes,  that  the  order  for  the 
delivery  of  Hast  Florida  should  include  that  of 
the  archives.  But  it  was  not  sufficient  for  Gov- 
ernor Mahy  to  avoid  tlie  peiformance  of  this 
prormse. 
rSijSif'the  letter  from  Colonel  Butler  to  General 


jU-1 


Jackd<>;i,  oi"  ilic  21st  Jaiiuiiy  iail,  a  copy  of 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose,  it  appears 
that,  with  regard  to  the  greatest  and  most  im- 
portant part  of  those  documents,  he  had  ex- 
pressly instruciel  colonel  Copping-er  770/  to  de- 
liver them.  And  hence,  wl^i  on  the  IS'h  of 
June  colonel  Butler,  the  officer  of  the  United 
States  authorized  to  receive  tlic  province,  noti- 
fied colonel  Coppinj;er  that  he  had  desig-nated 
Jlajor  Crci*  lo  receive  the  archives  relating'  to 
the  sovereignty  and  individual  property  of  tlie 
province,  he  was  ans-.veivd  by  colonel  Cop- 
pinger,  **  as  respects  the  delivery  of  the  puLihc 
archive?,  containing-  the  records  of  individual 
property  of  this  province,  tltat  will  be  delayed, 
until  various  doubls  that  occur  are  cleared  up; 
but  they  will  not  be  removed  until  then,  nor  will 
1  leave  this  place  until  all  matters  are  leguiated 
a!id  concluded  between  us,  that  demand  my 
personal  assistance." 

Thus,  uj)on  the  pretence  of  doubts,  the  na- 
ture of  which  was  not  explained.  Colonel  Cop- 
pinger  dechned,  poshively,  to  deliver  up  docu- 
ments conformably  to  the  express  stipulation  of 
the  treaty.  Col.  Butler  immediately  proposed 
to  him  a  conference  on  the  subject,  whicli  was 
.held  on  tlie  21st  of  June.  At  that  conference. 
Colonel  Cojipinger  told  Colonel  Butler,  that 
"as  an  individual,  he  believ-id  the  so  ai-chives 
shouM  be  g-iven  over  to  the  United  States,  but, 
that  his  orders  prevented  him  from  turning  them 
over."  Colonel  Butler  tlicrefore  assented,  as, 
indeed,  no  other  alternative  seemed  to  be  left 
him,  tliat  Colonel  Coppinger  should  have  time 
to  write  to  the  Captain  General  of  Cuba,  fortlio 
decision  of  his  doubts;  and  mentioned  to  liim 
the  opportunity  of  a  vessel  l!ien  about  to  sail  for 
the  liavan;>,  when  siie  Vvas  to  return  to  St  Au- 
gustine, and  migllt  bring  the  ansv.-er  of  tlie  Cap- 
tain Genend.  Colonel  Coppinger,  on  the  23d 
of  June,  informed  Colonel  Buller,  that  hi  had 
that  day  written  to  the  Captain  Genera^  for  the 
solution  of  his  doubts;  and  until  he  received  his 
answer,  the  arc'iives  should  not  be  removed froiri 
St.  Angiistine,  and  sliould  remain  precisely  as 
they  were.  Colonel  ISutlcr  by  his  letter  of  26th 
June,  agreed  to  remain  sdent  on  the  head  of  the 
archives,  uiitil  the  answer  should  be  received 
from  tlie  Captain  GtuerJ;  but  witliin  one  week 
from  that  time,  t:olone!  Ihillcr  received  informa- 
tion, that  a  large  portion  of  these  documents 
■were  packed  for  transpoitacion.  He  wrote, 
therefore;  c:i  tlic  Sdof  Ji'uy,  to  Coionci  Coppin- 
ger, enumerating  speciKcally  several  kinds  of 
records,  relating  directly  to  tlie  property  of  the 
provinc?,  and  dccbringtUat  he  considered  them 
among  tho^e  whicli  were  not  to  be  removed; 
the  reply  to  which,  hy  Colonel  Coppinger,  is  es- 
pecially to  be  remarked,  as  expressing  his  opin- 
ion, that  several  of  tho,e  dbeuments  v/ere  f.r- 
cludedfrnm  ddivcry.  There  can  be  no  reasona- 
ble doubt,  that  all  the  p.-.pers  specified  by  Colo- 
nel Butler's  letter,  were  of  those  which  the 
treaty  liad  stipulated  sho'r.ld  be  delivered  up. 
AVhe'n,  tliereforc,  GoTi>al  Jackson  considered, 
and  compared  together,  the  express  and  posi- 
tive order  of  the  King  of  Sp.ain,  to  tlie  C.iptain 
General,  and  Governor  of  Cuba,  that  he  siiould 
faithfully  see  to  tlie  delivery  of  the  ilocuments; 
the  pretences  on  wiiich  he  evaded  the  delivery, 
to  Colonel  Forbes,  of  those  v,-hicli  were  at  tiie 
Havana,  within  iiis  own  control;  the  pnnnisr. 
that  he  would  direct  the  delivery,  by  Cjlonel 
ropr.ingcr.  cf  those  that  were  at  S'.  Augustine: 


the  peremptory  poaLponeuieiit  ot  Cotor.ei  Cq;- 
pinger,  to  deliver  up  any  documents  or  recoi-ds 
reLiting  to  individual  property;  his  engagement 
that  none  of  them  should  be  removed,  until  he 
should  receive  further  instructions  from  the 
C'.ptain  General,  and  within  one  week  after, 
his  attempt  to  pack  up  for  transportiition  to  Cu- 
ba, a  large  portion  of  them;  and  finally,  his 
pretensions  that  man}-  papers,  man'festly  liavlng 
diiect  rel.uion  to  tlie  property  of  tlie  province, 
were  excluded  from  delivery,  .<'.nd  his  recurrence 
to  t!ie  literal  sense  of  his  orders  from  tlie  Cap- 
tain General,  with  tlie  vei-bal  avowal  to  Colonel 
Butler,  of  his  own  opinion  that  the  documents 
ought  to  be  deUvered,  tliough  he  wa?  forbidden 
by  his  instruct;--ns  to  deliver  them:  it  was  im- 
possible for  General  Jackson  to  close  his  eyes 
against  proceedings  so  unjustifiable  and  impro- 
per, lie  tlierefore  gave  instructions  to  the  offi- 
cer commanding  .at  St.  Augustine,  to  take  pos- 
session ot  the  papers  which  the  treaty  had  stip- 
ulated should  be  ilelivered. 

The  necessity  for  taking  possession  of  them 
had  indeed  arisen  before  the  instructions  of  Geu- 
eral  Jackson  were  received.  Most  of  the  re- 
cords relating  to  individual  property  had  been 
lefl  in  possession  of  Don  Juan  de  Entralgo,  who 
on  ihe  pretence  that  he  had  puichised  at  pub- 
lic sale>,  under  the  Spanisli  Government,  iml 
onlv  those  documents,  but  the  office  of  register 
of  (lem,  openly  advanced  the  cl.aim  of  retaining 
the  records  ?.sliis  private  property,  and  of  con- 
tinwi-ig  tlie  exercise  of  the  ofiice,  and  receiving 
fee:  for  granting  copies  of  the  s-tme. 

'lliese  pretensions  were  raised  on  t)ie  5th  of 
Sep.eni!,-jr,  nearly  three  months  after  the 
doillnjof  Coionci  Coppinger  had,  v.ith  the  con- 
sent of  Colonel  Butler,  been  referred  to  the 
Captain  Genera!  and  Governor  of  Cuba.  Long 
belbre  that  time,  the  answer  of  that  officer 
ought  lo  have  been  received,  peremptorily  com- 
manding the  delivery  oVthe  papers. 

It  was  impos.ibie  that  the  United  State.=; 
siiould  acquiirsce  in  the  cUims  of  Jlr.  Entralgo. 
They  were  unquestion:\bly  entitled  to  the  docu- 
ni'-n'ts:  and  whatever  injury  he  might  sustain 
by  the  delivery  of  them,  it  ir.ight  gi.-e  him  a 
f.Iir  demand  of  indemnity  from  his  own  govern- 
ment, but  cert.ainly  not  from  the  United  Slates. 

Yet  the  Secretary  and  acting  Governor,  J!r 
Worthington,  alhiwcd  a  further  delay  of  nearly 
a  iTionth,  before  taking  the  decisive  measures 
necessary  to  obtain  the  documents.  I!e  tlicn, 
on  the  3d  of  October,  authorized  three  persons 
of  respectable  character  to  obtain  them,  with 
the  use  offeree  if  necess.ary :  but  with  all  suita- 
ble delicacy  and  respect  towards  the  persons 
who  had  been  the  officers  of  Spain  in  the  pro- 
vince. I  have  i'.«-.  honor  of  enclosing,  herewith, 
copies  of  the  orders  from  the  Secretary  Worth- 
ington,  to  the  commissioners  appointed  by  hirn 
lo  receive,  and  afterwards  to  examine  and  assort 
the  papers,  and  of  their  reports  to  him,  exhibit- 
ing the  manner  in  which  both  those  services 
vifere  performed.  1  hey  will  prove,  that  every 
regard  w-i-i  shewn  towards  Colonel  Coppinger, 
and  Mr.  Entralgo,  cornpatible  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  duty;  and  after  the  assortment  of  the 
pap=r3,  all  thoie  v/hich  were  not  of  the  descrip- 
tion stipul.ated  to  be  delivered  over  by  the  trea- 
ty, have  ever  been,  iuid  yet  are,  ready  to  be  re- 
turned to  Colonel  Coppinger,  or  to  any  person 
duly  authorized  to  receive  them. 

rilcmaiTider  ''i  ovrii^xl-   ' 


UNITED  STATES'  TELEGRAPH— ^a^>Y/. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  tlie  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weekly, 
iliiiU  the  15th  of  Octyber  uext,  for  One  Dollar}  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  and  7>oi>iui^- 

BY  GREEN  fy  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.   1. 


WASHINGTON,  AUGUSTS,  1S2S. 


Nov  21 


accuracies,  and  continue  to  write  very  frequent- 
ly to  youri«-)er-a; 

r    :   '•,  ,T.  J.  CRITTENDEN. 

Hns.  D.  AViiiTE,  W.ashington. 

(No.  11.) 
Exlrmt  of  a  letter  from   F.  P.  Blair  lo  David 
iVldte,  dated, 
FnASKFonT,  January  19th,  1S25.    , 

My  Rear  Sir:  I  uave  not  liitlK-rto  1  roiibled  you 
with  comm\uiications,  bcinij  sensible  that  your 
7iumetx>us  correspondents  would  deiatlti)}OU 
jnore  satisl'aotorily  than  I  could,  our  local  news 
nnd  state  politics.  But  since  our  General  Assem- 
bly has  tiiought  fit  to  forward  a  requeti  on  the 
subject  of  the  presidcntia' question,  calculated 
to  limit  your  views,  and  counteract,  possibly, 
intentions  best  adapted  to  promote  the  very  in- 
terests whicliit  was  designed  to  serve,  I  have 
supposed  that  the  opinions  of  any  of  yosu- imme- 
diate constituents  on  this  intereslinj-topic, 
might  not  be  unacceptable  to  you. 

Upon  the  n.iked  question  on  v.li'ch  our  Le- 
gislature voted — "  which  ofllie  caMdidates  now 
before  the  House  of  Kcpresent:ilives  do  (lie  peo- 
ple of  Kentucky  prefer  as  I'resiilcnt,"  1  ha",  e  no 
doubt  thoy  deci.lcd  in  c-mforniity  to  the  pubhc 
will.  But  thi''  subject  must  come  before  you, 
with  roany  additional  accompaniments  which, 
pjrow  out  of  circumstances  of  wti'xh  our  Legis- 
lature could  have  no  information,  and  vrliich  may 
and  ouglit  to  be  great!}-  IriiUiential  v.-itli  you. 
Your  nearer  ])Osilion,  may  on".bleyou  to  see  be- 
yond t.'f.e  elevated  point  winch  alone  Iias_:ittract- 
ed  our 'attention,  and  (as  the  saj-ing  is)  to  know 
liow  the  land  lies  about  it.  In  a  word,  you 
havi  it  in  your  power  to  \ote  not  only  with 
a  view  to  the  first  officer,  but  proha'ly  in  re- 
ference to  the  whole  administiatiun.'  Under 
some  circumstances,  the  later  consideration 
might  deservedly  be  more  influential  than  the 
iir4t,  as  the  selection  of  the  managers  of  the  de- 
putments  not  only  involves  in  agre.it  degree  the 
COIKluct  ofpublicaSViriliiroughoutlhe  prcsiden- 
thill«'rm,but  may,  &  probably  will  decide  the  next 
presidential  contest.  Views  of  this  IciiTu  iould  not 
enter  into  the  q\iestion  brought  by  the  resolu- 
tions before  our  Legislature.  Thoy  could  not, 
indeed,  v/it!.  propriety,  have  fonned,  however 
interesting,  fit  topics  of  discussion,  much  less  of 
decision;  and  if  they  had  been  appi-npriate, 
there  was  no  information,  not  even  a  conjecture, 
as  to  the  intenti'-ins  of  the  rivals,  with  reg.ard  to 
their  projected  cabinets.  Many  influenced  by 
these  circumstances,  were  disposed  to  let  the 
subject  remain  in  tlie  hands  of  ovu' delegation, 
unbiassed  by  any  vote  of  die  General  Assembly 
I  sincerely  belie've  that  this  was  the  wisli  of  the 
majority,  but  the  resolutions,  having  been  for 
some  time  i-epressed  by  such  onsiderations, 
were  at  last  introduced  and  uri;cd  upon  tJic 
House  by  an  individual  who  was  aUva>s  oppos- 
ed t.p  Clav  and  7esjoi\3  for  T.-ickson. 


They  would  have  been  then,  I  think,  indefiri- 
tely  postponed  upon  the  single  consideration, 
that  Mr.  Clay's  future  prospects  might  be  some 
what  jeopardised  by  them,  if  the  importunity  of 
J.ackson's  friends  had  not  pr.acticed  on  the  zeal 
of  both  parties,  engaged  in  the  war  of  state 
politics. 

Mr.  Cl-ay's  sentiments  on  the  Judge  question, 
the  all  absorbing  subject  for  the  present,  were 
held  out  to  the  majority  as  hostile  to  their  own. 
This  produced  considerable  alienation  amon"^ 
them,  and  the  feeling  thus  engendered  was 
greatly  incrc..sed  by  Uie  late  denunciations  in 
the  "  Reporter,"  which,  it  was  insinuated,  spoko 
from  feelings  derived  from  a  higher  source  than 
the  editor.  This  temper  in  the  House,  so  over- 
heated as  to  be  wrought  into  a  weapon  of  any 
shape,  if  to  be  employed  upon  the  oppositioDj 
was  worked  upon  successfuU)-  by  the  friends  of 
Gen.  Jackson.  Row.an,  Da\eiss,  M'Afcc,  and 
dii'crs  leaders  out  of  the  House,  gave  the  dii-ec- 
tion  to  file  current  of  party  feeling.  The  other 
side,  conscious  that  tlieir  opponents  would  be 
glad  to  employ  a  triumpliant  name  against  them, 
(for  .allwent  on  the  supposition  that  Jackson 
would  be  elected  with  or  without  our  vote,)  de- 
termined to  elude  the  chase  by  joining  in  the  crj'. 
Thus,  the  resolutions  were  interwoven  in  our  par- 
ty questions  at  home,  to  have  effect  during  the 
nest  election,  in  wliich  judge  breaking,  it  i^ 
thought  by  tlie  anties,  will  make  a  still  more 
formidable  figure  before  the  public,  than  here- 
tofore. Ofthis  doubtless  you  are  apprised;  for 
you  k-ive,  I  expect,  been  amply  supplied  with 
preambles,  responses,  protests-,  &c  which  give 
"  dreadful  note  ®f  preparation."  But  notwith- 
standing the  adverse  circumstance  that  Mr.  Clay 
was  indentified  with  the  minorit)-,  which,  with 
the  judge-breakers,(of  whom  I  can  speak  freely, 
being  one  myself,  j  was  considered  in  the  fervor 
roused  feeling  as  almost  being  an  enemy;  yet, 
if  it  had  b'-cn  certain  that  his  future  prospects 
for  the  presidency  would  be  materially  aflccfed 
by  it,  I  do  not  believe  that  die  vote  on  the  reso. 
hitions  would  have  passed^  Or  if  it  had  been 
thought,  that  .■Vdams  would  be  elected,  and  if 
elected,  would  give  Mr.  Cl.ay  the  highest  place 
in  his  cabinet,  there  is  scarcely  a  doubt  but  t1i.at 

the  vote  would  have  tjee^n  in  favor  ef.\dams 

But  the  vote  was  taken  under  very  diaierent  sup- 
positions. 

For  my  own  part,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  say- 
ing that  ahluHigli  .Tackson  is  personaliv  prcfer- 
IKi-d  to  Adams  by  the  people,  (an  intlination  I 
fi  .1  in  common  with  them,)  yet  if  it  were  kjiown 
that  .lacksiin  v.ould  give  such  direction  to  the 
course  of  his  admniisiration  by  his  appointments 
or  otiiervvise,  as  to  foster  .\dams'  fntm-e  views 
in  preference  today's,  there  would  be  but  one 
sentiment  among  the  supporters  of  the  latttr  in 
Kentucky.  They  would  consider  it  as  a  deser- 
tion of  the  true  Western  interests,  whicli  rtiey 
feel  vitally  connected  with  th^;  great  principles 
wivDcateil  by  Mrr  Ci:ty.»  an_d   v,%<A  tltey  tmn-^ 


MJ, 


.Cite  ii<  a  great  inea9>iie  depcnJ  foi'  tiieir  con- 
lunimution  upon  the  success  oF  his  future  cxer- 
jons.  If,  therefore,  it  sliouM  be  perceived  that 
he  tendency  of  General  Jackson's  measures  as 
^'resident,  would  be  to  supplant  Mi-,  Clay  'oy 
promoting  the  %iewE  of  Adam?,  then  I  have  no 
loubt  that  the  voice  oi'  all  tlio^e  who  are  in  fu- 
,-or  of  Ml-.  Clay  weuld  be,   "If  we  ai-e  doomed 

0  have  Mr.  Adams  as  President  at  some  time, 
et  us  have  him  now;  if  he  has  General  Jackson's 
^reference,  let  the  General  himself  make  way 
or  him.  We  should  rather  have  him  now  at 
:he  expense  of  Jackson,  tlian  hereafter  at  the 
expense  of  Clay.  B-.-.t  if  Jackion  gives  earnest 
.hat  he  will  tiirovv  his  weight  into  the  Wcs'ern 
icale,  then  let  us  thr-.w  our  weig-'.t  into  bis." 
rhis,  I  believe  would  be  the  decision  cf  Uiree 
rouvths  of  the  people  of  Seutucky, 

•  (No.  12) 
Fn^NKFajiT,  Jan.  21st,  1825. 
Deal-  Sir:  Our  Legis!?.ture  is  gone,  but  have 
left  us  no  repose.  Vv'e  have  a  piospect  of  a 
contest  more  embittered  llia.T  ever.  1  regret  it, 
ind  wiiuld  gladly  escape  from  it;  but  t!ie  i'atf  s 
5ecm  to  order  it  otherwise.     I  may  mistake;  but 

1  think  the  Legislature  will  be  sustained.  The 
f  xcitement  is  among  those  opposed  to  removing 
the  judges  by  any  means. 

As  I  infornied  j-ou,  the  resolutions  request- 
ing you  to  vote  for  Jackson  passed;  and  you 
have  do-jbtless  received  them.  Jackson  is  my 
second  choice,  all  circumst.inces  being  equal  be- 
tween hin»  and  Adams.  But  if  our  interest  m 
the  west  can  be  promoted  oy  any  other  arrange- 
ment, I  shall  be  content.  At  anv  rate,  let  us 
have  a  President.  I  would  sooner  vote  for  any 
oftlie  tiireo  than  have  j  A'icegerent  for  fotu- 
years.  Do  wlvat  you  tliink  best — the  Argus 
will  not  complain,  because  it  has  faith  that  you 
will  do  nothing  to  cumpromit  the  mterests  of 
ths  western  country,  or  the  nation. 
Sincerely  your  friend, 

AM05   KENDAIL. 

{So.   13.) 

t'KAWKFOBT,  March  8th,  1828. 

Dear  Hi/-:  Yours  of  ye-:ter  Jay  was  received  last 
!!ight.  But  for  my  i-.bsence  for  mostof  tlie  last 
week,  should  have  written  to  you  on  the  subject 
to  which  it  relates. 

Many  of  your  friends  here  have  felt  dissali^fac- 
'.ion  with  ycur  address  to  the  public,  much  deep- 
er than  I  have  expressed  in  the  Argus.  They 
liave  urged  me  to  procure  proof  of  yovu-  decla- 
rations; hilt  as  I  do  not  wish  to  take  a  step  wliicli 
would  injure  you  by  showing  a  seeming  conflic- 
tionbetwecnyour  public  and  private  statements 
Ihave  put  them  cff  by  telling  thenfl  v/oali  write 
to  you  for  a  further  explanation.  If  you  aie  guil- 
ty of  any  tiling  crimins.!,  so  am  I,  Blu.ir,  Critten- 
den, and  mony  others.  We  knew  that  Clay 
was  to  be  Secretai-y,  and  for  that  reason  i)i-omot- 
ed  Adimp'  election.  You  did  no  more.  Clay's 
denunciations  .have  deterred  me  from  ■>..o\'ing 
my  agency;  Cm-  their  was  no  har.m  in  it.  i  have 
always  thought  your  best  defence  \v;.j  an  open 
avowal  of  the  facts.  Clay  has  made  them  crimin- 
al in  himsclf;by  his  own  denunciations;  but  why 
should  you  pkce  yourself  in  tlie  same  attitude 
hat  he  ha?'  Whv  should  >-ou  give  to  the  world 


a  statement  wuicii  coiiieys  the  iinpreasjon  ilia: 
you  were  not  victualed  by  any  regard  for  Clay's 
advancement  in  your  \ote  for  Mr.  A  lanif,?  J.  T. 
Johnson  told  me,  under,  the  im])ression  tiuit  he' 
should  be  called  cut  in  ti.e  Senate,  that  you 
told  him  you  were  in  a  caucus,  and  questioned 
Mr,  Clay  as  to  hiirelation  with  Jacksonand  Ad- 
ams, "iiid  wliether  the  l-itter  would  make  hirri 
Secretary  of  State;  that  he  then  retired,  and 
from  his  answers  and  other  circumstances,  yo:i 
made  i-.p  your  mind  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  hav- 
ing no  doubl  that  he  would  make  Mi.  Clay 
Stcretai-y.  In  Barry's  room  last  winter,  you 
made  a  similar  statement  in  presence  of  myself. 
B.  Johnson,  G.  E.  Uusstll,  Dr.  Sharp,  and 
many  others.  To  maiiy  of  us  you  have  often 
said,  tliat  you  voted  for  Mr.  Clay  and  not  for  Mr. 
Adams. 

Cod  know.s'I  do  not,wish  to  do  yon  any  injury 
especially  as  you  have  been  so  brutally  pels;, 
cuted  by  knaves  whom  you  honestly  aided  i-i 
accomplishing  'heir  purposes  It  seems  to  me 
th.".t  a  plai'--  nMi.itlve  of  the  facts  and  circumstan- 
ces which  led  you  to  conclude  that  Mr.  Adams 
would  make  Mr-  Clay  Secretary,  witli  the  letters 
from  yoiu-  constituents,  would  form  a  complete 
and  triumnliant  vindicaticn. 

Yolu-' frie-.d,  AMOS  KENDALL. 

LeTTEB  V. COECLITEU. 

TO  HENRY  CLAY,  ESQUIRE, 

Sr.ereiary  of  State  of  the.  United  States. 
The  following  are  the  documents  omitted  last 
week  for  v.ant  of  room,  to  which  is  i-niiesed 
the  letter  of  Mr.  Tanner.  The  circu.Ti5*aiices 
detailed  by  him  as  occurring  in  1822,  1  hr.u  to- 
tally forgotten;  but  I  have  no  doubt  of  their 
entire  truth.  1  did  not  remember  that  a  living- 
man,  except  Mr.  Clay,  knev/  th-\t  I  was  the  au- 
thor pf  "  V-'uync,"  and  if  Mr.  Ulriir  was  appris- 
ed  of  the  fact,  I  kno->v  no;  liow  he  pot  tlie  In- 
formation, and  if  I  ever  did  know,  1  liave  foi  - 
gotten  it.  Tiie  worlu  will  now  have  seen,  that 
had  I  been  disposed  to  "violate  private  con-es- 
r^ndence,"  I  could  have  furnished  the  Wash- 
ington Jackson  Conunittee  -ivith  some  facts 
which  «ould  matcii-ally  have  aided  them  ii: 
tlieir  "  Keply"  to  Mr.  Clay's  Address. 

(No.  1.) 

Washington,  ISlh  Oct.  1825. 
JMUr  Sir'  1  received  yffur  obliging  letter  of 
the  4lh  inst.  AVilh  res])ect  to  what  has  been  o.- 
may  be  caiJ  about  the  desire  which  1  had  to  en- 
gage your  services  in  tlie  Department  of  State, 
1  should  be  sorry  if  it  gave  you  any  concern. 
To  me  it  is  utterly  ind-fiej-ent.  It  is  enougti  for 
me  to  know  that  1  was  influenced  b;  no  impro- 
per motive,  and  that  1  was  guided  solely  by  the 
consideration  that  your  industr)-,  capacity  and 
integrity  might  be  beneficially  cmp'oyed  for 
tlie  public  ill  that  department.  To  guard- 
against  improper  suspicions,  you  will  remem- 
ber that  i  told  you,  if  you  came  into  :t,  I  did 
not  wisli  jou  to  enter  it  ur.til  after  the  close  of 
the  late  political  ramppign  iu  Kentucky.  1  had 
known  you  lor  a  long  time — from  Mrs.  Clay, 
Clay,  as  a  member,  of  my  family — and  person- 
ally, as  tlie  Editor  of  the  Argus.  Altliough  I 
bcheved  yon  to  be  wrong  in  your  State  politics, 
no  difference  in  oiv-''-i^  hetweei»      '-•■i   '  ,'»tsu''- 


Sil6 


i\^o  cliaii^e  h'is  occurred  in  the  officu  since 


myivuirn:  and  un'eso  a  cleikfhi;>  shciW  be 
c!-eaied  or  become  vacant,  I  do  not  knoiv  that 
1  could  offer  you  any  otter  fuar.  tiiat  wliicli  you 
(lio-.ig-ht  it  voiu-  Interest  to  decline.  As  it  was 
ongHmlly  m.idc  \i  iiliout  reiVrence  lo  rour  agen 
cy  in  r.  polities,  or  to  the  tilen  btati  of  iti-.ra, 
tlie  recent  cliaijg-e  would  li?vi'  go  efFect  on  my 
vishes  to  engatj-e  you  m  Uic  pi;  jlic  service. 

I  regret  extrcaieiy  tiie  prospect  w-liidi  y.ii: 
describe,  uf  a  rene.val,  \v\i\\  i':creased  bitter- 
ness, of  our  unfiappy  local  controversy.     I  Uiink 


Jcvail  bv  a  majority  of  two 
thirdsof  the  Union.  He  ■..ill  succeed,  in  my 
.ludjrment,  i.j^ainst  any  campe  itor  ;  but  there 
is  another  much  morrj  tbnnidable  than  Gen. 
Jaclcson. 

In  frrnkly  expressing  these  sentiments,  it  is 
not  my  intention  todiscourag-eyoufromthe  pur- 
suit of  what  you  may  deem  to  'be  yom-  duty. 

1  thoufe-ht  tliey  were  due  to  the  fi-iendly  relations 
wh.ch  have  subsisted  between  us.  I  certainly 
am  anxious  to  see  harmony  and  concord  once 
more  restored  to  our  distracted  Stiite;  but  jf  a 
sense  of  duty  impels  the  combatants  to  continue 


;aluranies  have  been  levelled  at  individuals  of 
the  opposite  party,  and  upon  tiie  wbolc  they 
Iirobauly  neutralize  eacli  other.  The  catises 
wh-ch  led  to  !!ie  ascendancy  of  vour  paity  were 
in  theu-  naiuie,  temjjorary,  and'  they  have  g'one 
Ijy.  If  you  presevere,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
result  t-f  the  next  election  will  be,  'tc  place  you 
I  a  ■>  sti;i  snialle'-  minority  tliaii    you  now  are. — 

■  n  i  die  ve.-y  effort  wlucli  is  making  to  thw  art 


AjIOS    KlSKAll,    ESft. 


(No.  2.) 

WAsmsroToN,  Slh  Jan.  1820. 
Veau  Sih  :  I  duly  received  your  obliging  fa- 
vor  of  ihe  2  tth  alt.  'the  day  before  it  arrived, 
I  had  written  t;  Bibb  and  to  Mr.  Smith  of  the 
recent  decisive  expression  of  the  jiublic  ^-  °*  I»-  authorizing  them  to  g'lve  any  publicity 
will  c^mnot  fail  to  aug-men*.  tlie  present  majori-  *9  '^^  f^'^t  that  they  ma)-  think  proper,  that'l 
ty.  I  know  hov.'  a  defeated  parte  deludes  itself  '^''^  "ot  wish  to  be  considered  a  candidate  for 
by  assig'ning  to  sinister  causes,"  ratl-.er  than  to  'he  ne.'it  Governor.  It  would  have  been  very 
tlie  true  cue,  theu- loss  of,  ortiidure  to  acquive  gratifying- tr  me  to  iiave  been  able  to  comply 
the   ascenilancy.       It  is  the  same  thing   every    with  the  wishes  of  those  estimable  friends  who 

where  and  in  all  times  with  tlie  losing-  party. ur^ed  me  to  offer;  but  it  appeared  to  me  that 

A  strong  illustration  of  this  remark  is  furnished  the  same  considerations  which  I  think  require 
l)y  the  Ar.jus  of  the  6th  instant.  You  there  ht-  ™e  to  leave  Congress,  are  equally  opposed  to 
bor  to  show  that,  by  a  smaH  change  of  votes,  my  acceptance  of  the  office  of  Goverao-r  of  K. 
in  a  few  counties,  v.'here  the  majotiiies  of  your  The  Missouri  question  is  that  which  engross- 
adversaries  bapjiened  to  be  sma'l,  you  might  ^^  tnost  of  the  thoughts  and  altent'on  of  the 
iiave  prevailed.  Hut,  my  dear  sir,  take  the  "op-  '^embers  at  present.  There  is  a  profoimd  in- 
l>os;te  side;  suppose  a  small  change  in  some  of  terest  felt  on  that  question  here.  The  subject 
the  counties   M'hcre   your  majorities  happened    has  been  started,  it  is  believed  by  many,  for  the 


to  be  small;  do  j'ou  not  see  how  the  present 
number  in  the  il.  of  R.  against  you  might  have 
been  augmented' 

As  to  the  intention  of  some  of  the  relief  gcn- 
tiemen  to  a'.tack  the  administration,  and  espe- 
cially me,  I  can  only  say  tiiat  it  is  their  cieai- 
i-ight  to  do  it,  if  they  please.     If,  by  the  allega 


purposri  of  arraying  one  portion  of  the  U.  States 
against  another;  and  theie  is  sonic  reason  to 
ajjprehend  that  this  sinister  design  may  be 
e.'?brt?d. 

Our  Spanish  affairs  have  given  rise  to  many 
diyersifiod  views  of  the  coui-se  which  this  g-o- 
vcrnment  ought  to  adopt;  and  I  have  never  seen 


ion  that  I  have  in'teifcred  and  contributed  to    '^^^  coincidence  in  opinion  among  the  members 


Ihtir  defeat,  tliey  only  mean  that  my  opinion 
was  against  them,  on  the  act  of  liie  1-asc  session, 
and  that  I  did  not  conceal  my  opinion,  they  are 
perfectly  correct.  If  tliey  mean  any  thing  else, 
they  err.     I   certainly   wislied   success   to  the 


of  CongrcS'!.  At  the  commer.ce.ment  of  the  ses- 
sion,  I  do  not  belieVc  there  were  ten  members 
who  concurred  in  tlic  recommendation  of  the 
I'resident.  F.ven  ^et,  I  do  not  think  the  num- 
ber great.     Still,  the  inHuence  eftlie   Execu- 


party  which  has  prevailed  on  that  question.  But  M^'^  '^  almost  irresistible,  and  it  is  possible  that 
diiring  my  last»'isit  to  Kentucky  t  neither  had  '}  ""^y  ""'matly  persuade  a  m,<jprity  to  believe 
ti.mc  nor  inclination  to  do  more  than  expr-ss  my  that  the  treaty  is  iiindmg,  and  e-en  that  it  is  for 
opinion,    which   -svas  not  very  often  done.      It  <'"'' '.'«et^st  to  execute  it.      With  regard  to  the 
was  very  well  known   before.     I  count  in  the  l'''l'"'ots,  all  tiie  premises  of  the  President  poin- 
relief  partv,  m-anv  of  rav  best  pcrscnid  and  poU-  ^''  '°  *^'^*=  conclusion;  tha-i  is,   a  recogniUon  of 
tical  friends,   and  I  caii  never  believe  that  the  thein;  yet  he  recommended  the  pss.sage  of  fur- 
wish  to  &ssaU  me  extc  nds  beyond  a  few,  whom  '"*"'"  '*^^*  to  enforce  our  neutrality;  in  other 
I  well  know.     If  it  is  imagined  tliat  Gen.  Jack-  woi'ds.  fuither  laws  against  them. 
son  cjn  be  elected  against  Mr.  Adams,  no  c:d-  .{  ^^  anxious  to  know  what  our  Legislature 
culation,  in  my   hu.nble  opinion,  will  be  foimd  ^*'"'  '^."^''  i'>=heve  the  country. 
to  be  mor-2  erroneoris.     1  believe  tiiat,  in  a  con-  ^^'t"  S''s»t  regard,  I  am  cordially  youi-s, 
test  between  those  two,  (rdways  canying  along  "•  CLAY 
•■  ;  ce-.;r3e  of  administration  shall  be  what  p,  s    Do  not  nublish  this  letter. 


324:, 


.   Jiiij^iesl  oiHces,  uiid  he  i»  in 
j'tis  elention. 


iiazarcl  oi  ius 


.      ^ So.  O.J 

Washi.vgtos,  16th  April,   1820.  j  wrUe  j  ou  coiifideiiatllly,    and  of  coiuse  do 

'Deau  Sib:  1  i-eceiveJyOur  favor  of  the  22d    not  wish  what  1  do  write  to   be  puMishod. 


ult.  requcsling-a  copy  of  Mr.  Lancaster's  book, 
which  communicates  his  ir.etliod  of  instruction. 
Not  knowing  wliere  to  obtain  it,  nor  indeed  what 
particular  work  of  his  you  refer  to,  1  have  writ- 
ten to  Mr.  Lancaster  himself  to  prociu'o  it,  and 
■when  obtained,  it  .^liidl  be  forwarded  to  you. 

You  will  see    from  the  papers,  that   1  have 
brought  fonvai-d  the  subject  of  the  Florida  trea- 


We  shall  adjourn  from  tl)e  Isl  to  Ijtii   May. 

Yours  faithfully,  U.   CLAY. 

Amos  Ivexbam.,   Esa. 

(N-o.  i.) 
AV.isiiiNCTON',  IGth  Feb.  ISJJ. 
n,-ar  Sir:  I  have  just  received  your  favor  o" 
ty.  1  believe  I  may  venture  to  say,  that  a  lai-ge  the  2d  inst.  I  wrote  a  few  days  ago  to  our 
jDajority  of  the  House  of  Ucpresentatives  con-  friend  Ci-iltenden,  and  must  refer  you  to  tiiat 
curred\vilh  me  in  opinion  respedingthat  treaty,  letter  for  some  top  cs  not  touched  in  this.  With 
SliU  liiere  were  many  who,  whilst  they  con-  respect  to  the  question  whether,  after  the  con- 
demned it,  did  not  think  it  right  to  anticipate  elusion  of  the  treaty  of  Louisiana,  the  i-'ght  did 
the  subject  and  express  disapprobation.  Under  not  accrue  to  the  British,  under  that  of  1783,  tc. 
these  circumstances,  I  thougiit  it  most  prudent  navigate  the  Mississipi  1  in  its  whole  extent,! 
I^ot  to  press  the  resoUitior.s  to  a  vote,  but  to  hope  you  will  not  con.m  I  yourself  until  I  see 
leave  them  undcc'ded,  believing  tlial  the  dis-  you.  My  opinion  is  very  sti-ung  tiiat  it  did  iiot; 
cussion  of  the  subject  alone  would  be  produc-  and  although  your  suggestions  arc  ingcni<i;LS,  T 
tive  of  good,  both  on  the  negotiation  and  in  the  do  not  think  them  conclusive.  1  have  not  tinii 
nation.     There  is  a  Vunior  in  the  City  which    here  to  discuss  the  question.     l!ut  I  would  ask 


will  astonish  you,  in  regard  to  the  concKisiou  of 
that  treaty.  It  has  been  asserted  by  a  member 
of  Congress,  as  comingfrom  high  authority,  tluit, 
prior  to  the  conclusion  of  tlie  treaty,  it  was 
];nown  to  Mr.  Adams  tliat  w'e  could  liave  oh- 
iait.ed  more  than  was  con\eyed  to  us;  that  is, 
that  the  Spanish  negotiator  was  allowed,  by 


if  more  can  be  granted  than  the  grantor  has? 
What  had  the  United  States  to  grant  in  17o3? 
AVhat  was  the  consideration  which  the  Uriiish 
paid?  Although  in  name  it  was  a  grant  of  the 
right  of  navig.ation,  in  t!ie  wliole  extent  of  the 
liver,  the  grant  must  be  interpreted,  not  by  its 
ivor'ls,  but  by  the  power  to  graiit.     The  cquiva- 


instructions,  to  g-rant  us  more,  but  that  less  was  lent  given,  was  measnrtdby  what  was  received, 
taken,  because  the  Spanish  mini.ster  declared.  The  case  of  a  grant  of  a  right  of  way  by  a  pri- 
if  he  went  up  to  his  instructions,  he  sb.oidd  be  vate  individual  w'dl  liot  illustrate  the  argument, 
afraid  of  some  personal  injury,  upon  his  return  because  the  sTantee  might  liave  been  deceived, 
home!  What  will  you,  in  tile  West,  think  of  Here  England  was  not  deceived,  because  she 
*the  wisdom  of  tluu  ptilicy  whicli  consents  to  knew-'  how  far  we  had  power  to  grant.  We 
surrender  an  impoit_:it  part  of  ciif  territory  procured  from  Spain  a  right  of  deposit  by  the 
irom  such  a  motive'  treaty  of  1795.  Did  tiiat  also  ifiuro  to  England  * 
You  will  see  that  an  abortive  attempt  at  a  If,  when  we  gat -.i  pari  of  the  subject,  she  could 
Caucus  has  been  made.  Uow  it  was  got  up,  by  not  claim  to  be  let  in  under  the  treaty  of  1783, 
>vhom,  and  for  what  purpose,  is  not  known.  Ti>e  bow  can  she  assert  the  claim  when  w'e  got  the 
.  pvening  proved  bad,  and  it  was  thinly  attended,  whole'  If  England  bad  tendered  to  us  a  part 
It  would  have  been  defeated,  if  the  niglit  had  of  the  fifteen  millions  which  w'e  paid  for  Louis- 
been  otherwise.  About  the  period  that  it  was  iana  proporlioiiate  to  the  right  claimed  by  her 
first  talked  of,  I  understood  that  my  name  was  to  navigate  the  river,  within  t!ie  former  limits  of 
iised  as  Vice-President,  on  the  contingency  of  Spain,  she  might  then  have  made  out  a  case, 
Tompkins'  election  as  Governor  of  New  York,  not  of^  right,  but  strongly  addressing  itself  to 
That   circumstarxe    of  course   imposed  certain  our  equit)'. 

j-e.slraints  upon  mo,and  I  did  not  attend  the  meet-        The   treaty  of   Louiiiuna  furnishes  another 

ing.       .\s  soon,  liou'ever,  as  it  was  known  that  strong  illustration.      France  by  it  was  to  be  put 

if  the  Caucus  expressed  any  opinion  it  would  be  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favored  nation.    Af- 

in  my  favour,  the  friends  of  every  pretender  to  ter  the  convention  of  London  in   1815,  France 

the  presidency  got  to  work  to  defeat  the  Caucus,  claimed  to  be  put,  in  regard  to  the  tonnage  of 

and  to  def-at  my  recommendation.      They  said,  the  respective  countries,  upon  the  same  footing 

it  wont  do  to  put  Mr-  Cl.ay  there;   he  will  be  with  England.      But  oar  governntent,  through 

abxe;ist  with  u.s,  if  poi  licfore  us;  and  it  is  be.rt  Mr.  Adams,  said,  no,  we  have  received  pay  frou. 

to  circumscribe  the  field  of  competition.    Now,  England  for  that  privilege,  and  when  you  pay 


it  may  be  very  good  for  them  to  do  so;   but  is  it 
for  the  g-ood  people  of  the  United  Sta'cs' 

Afterall.lamaisuredby  well  informed  friends 
thai,  if  there  had  been  any  recommendation  in 
Caucus,  I  would  have  been  supported  by  a  ic- 
yy  decided  nijijority.  ' 

Caucuses  are  instruments  susceptible  of  very 
great  abuse.'    Thej-  ought,    thercfoi-e,    if  evjr 
ufied,  to  he  but  seldom  employed.      It  is,  howe- 
ver, a  little  amusing  to  see  our  Virginia  fi-iends    case  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
so  warmly  reprobating  t!icm.     There    was    no         When  1  Aall  have  the  pleasin-e  of  seeing  you, 
objection  to  them,  on  their  part,  wlien  anv  risk    we  w'iirfui¥ier  discuss  this  matter, 
attended  Mr.  M.'s    elecUon.      Thei'e  will  be  no         Mr.  Talbot  promised  %n  dav  to  send  vou  one 
objection  to  them,  again,  when  a  citizen  of  Vir-    of  Mr.  Adams's  books  whicli  1  never  s^w  until 
gima   happeas  to     bo  proposed   for  one  of  the    I  cams  hsre.      I  will  sec  tha' it  is  done 


us  the  same  (that  is,  adopt  the  principles  of  re- 
cinrocity)  you  shall  be  admitted  as  the  vessels 
of  England  are  admitted.  • 

IJo  you  put  it  oivthe  ground  that  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  head  of  a  stream  have  a  right  to  fol- 
low it  to  the  ocean,  although  its  debouchement 
belongs  to  another  power'  England  at  least 
could  not  take  tiiat  gnmud,  because  she  refuses 
to'alUnv  the  application  of  the  principle  to  the 


3i>j 


Jfiiilgiiig'  from  iifeseiit  appcaiinccs,  the  ccn- 
■cst  will  be  between  Mi'.  Adams  and  me.  Mr. 
(.'law ."nrd's  prospects  have  greatly  and  evident- 
ly declined  v.itliin  the  l.'^st  tiirce  mor.tli?.  Still 
there  may  be  otlier  [.liases  cxliibiti-d  before  the 
q:icstloii  is  settled.  1  tli'nk,  therclbre,^tliat  tlie 
policy  of  mv  fi lends  should  be  tiiut  of  main- 
taining' at  least  ivspectful  relations  witli  the  oth- 
<  r  gentlemen  and  their  friends.  That  is  the 
best  course  under  all'circumstances.  Yon  may 
rjly  upon  If,  that  New  York  is  perrtclly  un- 
cominilted;  that  Mr.  Crawford  does  not  stand 
belter  there  than  I  do,  if  so  well  now;  that  my 
cause  is  j^ainin!2^  whilst  he  is  losing  grciind  in 
that  State;  and  that  in  Pennsylvania  my  pros- 
l>cct  is  f:">r  better  than  eitiier  Ivis  or  Mr.  Adams'. 
Intwoofthc  three  great  S'ates,  with  which 
the  decision  of  the  question  now  m:unly  re-its, 
I  stand  better  than  Mr.  Crawford,  and  in  two 
better  than  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Calhoun  is  gcne- 
I'ul'.y  thouifht  to  be  entirely  out  of  the  question. 

Our  Y'irc^inia  business  b;is  taken  a  most  '.ines- 
pected  turn.  AVhilst  I  certainly  should  rt;;ret 
t!iat  the  seeds  shnuM  have  been  sown  of  a  ])er- 
inanent  aUena'i<m  between  the  two  Stites,  1  do 
tliink  that  we  have  Seen  so  riyht  and  they  so 
wronc^,  that  some  nntice  ought  to  be  taken  in 
our  papers,  in  prttly  strong  terms,  of  the  re- 
jection of  the  guaranty,  lam  not  sure,  that  it 
niij^Ut  not  ha%  e  good  effect  on  the  very  ques- 
tion, respecting  wiiich  your  solitude  exists,  for 
the  preservation  of  the  harmony  between  tlic 
two  States. 

In  your  notices  of  Nh-.  Adam.?,  I  need  scarcely 
repeat  the  idea  of  the  great  advantage  which 
v.ill  attend  a  perfectly  decorous  course.  I  do 
not  know  that  I  can  add  any  suggestions  that 
w'll  be  ustful.  As  I  hope  to  be  at  home  early 
in  the  .spring  it  will  be  tlien.  time  enough  to 
make  any  tiat  may  occtu'. 

The  prospect  of  war  between  France  and 
Sp'iin  seems  to  have  diminished. 

Tiic  niniour  of  a  cession  of  Cuba  to  England 
I  do  not  believe  is  well  founded. 

With  great  regard,  I  am  faithfully  vours, 

li.  CI  AY. 

V'^IOS  KKXD.ltL,   E^'I- 

MU.  TANTvER'S  LnXTKR. 

HAiinonsBCRi:,  July  1st,  IS-S. 
Dear  Sir — Y'ou  ask  me  to  inform  you  how  I 
rame  to  the  knowledije  that  you  were  the  writer 
of  the  publications  signed  "  Wayne."  In  an- 
swer, I  will  briefly  state,  that  at  the  time  you 
were  writing  those  numbers,  I  was  in  your  em- 
^iloy  as  printer^  boarded  in  your  house,  and 
hUpt  in  the  room  you  occupied  as  an  office.  As 
one  of  the  compositors  wiio  worked  on  the 
■  newspaper,  1  always  was  permitted  to  have  free 
access  to  your  manuscript.  It  was  in  the  exer- 
cise (f  this  permission,  tiiatl  noticed  tliese  com- 
jnunications,  and  bclievnigthem  to  be  intended 
to  be  published  in  the  Ai-gus,  I  read  them.  I 
•v-lhen  discovered  that  they  were  not  intended  to 
appear  in  3'Oiir  own  pajicr,  and  asked  you  to 
explain  their  object.  You  informed  me  that 
they  had  been  '  ritten  at  the  request  or/or  Mr. 
Clay,  and  thn  mey  « ere  first  to  be  published  in 
Ohio.  Y'oi-  .lentioned  the  effect  th.at  they  were 
intended  'j  produce,  and  that  you  had  made 
:hem  as  strong  as  possible;  but  informed  rac 
■h-it  Mr.  Clav  did  not   wish  it  known  tluit  thev 


were  written  by  3-0U,  and  that  I  need  .^aVnolhir.;,, 
about  it.  I  was  then  young,  and  of  course  not 
much  acquainted  with  the  devices  of  political 
men.  I  had  viewed  Mr.  Clay  as  a  very  great  maOj 
and  was  a  little  surprised  that  he  should  get  you 
to  write  communications  for  him.  I  so  often 
thought  about  it,  that  it  made  a  lasting  impres- 
sion upon  me.  Before  these  papers  were  taken 
from  your  office.  Mr  Cl.aj- supped  with  you. 
If  I  do  not  mistake,  Mr.  .losiali  Wheeler  (no\V 
of  Oldham  county)  and  his  lady  supped  with 
you  that  evening.  I  supposed,  when  I  saw  hint 
.at  your  house  and  knew  that  he  had  been  with 
you  all  the  evening,  th.at  he  had  been  examin- 
ing your  coinmiinications,  and  1  presume  I  was 
right;  for  tliey  were  not  next  day  in  the  room. 
It  was  some  time  after  that  before  they  nrade 
their  appearance  in  the  Cincinnati  Gazette.  I 
believe  I  was  the  fii-st,  however,  tliat  recog- 
nized them  and  told  you  of  it.  You  then  pub- 
lished them  in  the  Argus,  and  the  many  connec- 
tions which  you  made  in  them  a  little  astonish- 
ed the  hands  in  the  oilice.  I  alone  knew  why 
you  took  llial  liberty,  but  did  not  nienlion  th^ 
circunistartee. 

Although  the  circumstances  df  that  publica- 
tion were  always  vivid  in  my  recollection,  when 
thinking  of  .Mr  Clay's  claims  to  (he  Presidency, 
I  did  not  advcit  to  it,  or  mention  it  to  a  single 
individual  for  some  years.  I  long  after  that  re- 
tained niv  reneralion,  as  I  maj'  term  it,  for  his 
talents  and  his  political  char.icter.  I,  after  that, 
received  from  him  some  little  patronage,  and  at 
one  time  a  complimentary  letter  of  recommen-^ 
d.alion  for  a  commercial  Iritnd  in  Louisvilje, 
where  I  lent  to  him  my  feeble  support  whili; 
the  conductor  of  a  newspaper.  Tlnough  all 
these  vicissitudes,  however,  1  never  frergot  tlig 
"  W.iyne"  communications.  I  thought  that  to 
procure  the  pen  of  another  man  to  abuse  with- 
out measure  a  political  I'ival,  exhibited  a  spe- 
cies of  intrigue  tliat  my  maiden  knowledge  of 
political  men  had  not  entirely  convinced  mc 
was  in  acc<u-dai.ce  with  the  most  honcrable  con- 
duct. Rut  I  still  thought  it  w.as  nothing  more 
than  others  would  do  under  like  circumstances, 
and  1  ovcrlookidit.  And  it  was  not  until  Mr. 
Clay  hatl  voted  for  the  man  that  I  knew  he  had 
lavished  such  abuse  on  as  is  contained  in  those 
numbers,  that  I  could  not  reconcile  such  daring 
pr'jfl  gacy  Those  communications  and  youi- 
letters  published  by  me  for  Mr.  Clay,  were  the 
foundation  upon  which  I  mainly  rested  mv  ob- 
jections to  Mr.  .'Vdams.  I  thought  that  tienn- 
C'lay  would  not  misrepresent  him,  and  if  ho  did 
not,  Mr.  Adams  was  a  b.id  man.  And  al'ter 
tills,  to  see  him  make  a  man  President,  whom 
he  had  taught  me  to  diislike,  I  could  no  Icngcr 
palliate  his  conduct.  My  veneration  was  dis 
solved. 

It  was  in  giving  my  reasons  for  withdra.win^ 
my  affections  from  Mr.  Cla}'  as  a  politician,  that 
I  sometimes  spoke  of  the  publications  of 
"Wayne."  I  introduced  the  subject  into  my 
newspaper  last  fall,  and  called  your  attention 
and  others  to  it  last  winter.  You  recollect  how 
much  you  were  surprized  when  1  mentioned 
the  subject  to  I'oii,  and  you  thouglit  there  was 
no  person  who  knew  any  thing  abuut  it.  When 
I  related  S'jme  of  the  circumstances  here  re- 
peated, you  then  remembered  them.  1  be- 
lieve, however,  Mr.  lilair  v/as  also  acquaintetl 
withlhc   facts  of  the  publica'ioi;.  whellier  oh- 


-;.'.!i 


tained from  you  ov  Mi.  Clay,  I  c-.nuot,  sa;-. 
Kepec'fuUy  yours, 

WILLIAM  TANNBB. 
Mr.   A.   Kendall 

Extract 'fiom  the  Introdudinn  to  tht  unpublished 
.anas  oj  Mr.  .hjft'-'on. 
In  these  three  volumes  w'li  be  fo'rr  J  ■  opies 
of  the  official  oph.i&ns  giveti  ir-  .rrifin^  hy  me  to 
Gea.  Washington,  while  Secretary  of  Stat.', 
with  sumetiir.'i  the  documents  btloT.ring  to 
the  case.  Some  o."  these  are  the  .-cugh 
ilraueht?,  some  pres5  f;opi<-s,  some  fair  or.es. 
Jn  tlie  earli-jr  part  o*'  my  acting  in  th:.;  oflioe,  1 
took  no  other  note  of  th;-  passing  transactioi.s, 
hut.  after  a  while.  I  caw  *he  imi)or' mce  of  do- 
ing it,  in  aid  cf  my  ircmory.  Very  <  ^len 
therefore  I  n.afle  inen-.oraudiiiiis  en  loose  sh-ap> 
of  paper,  t.ak.n  out  of  my  pociitlin  ti;.- mo- 
menti  and  l::ii  hy  to  be  •-.opied  fair  at  leisure, 
whicli  however  tb^yhanUy  e^er  v.ere.  These 
scraps  therefor.^,  ragred,  rubbei',  an',  scrib- 
bled as  they  ivt'e,  J  i  :ii  hot.  d  with  tii-i  otlicvs 
by  a  binder  whi>  c.ne  iuto  my  ccljiiiel,  lid  it 
under  my  own  ey:,  an! -J-lthoLt  tVie  O'lportu- 
nity  of  residing  a  angle  paper.  .*t  :his  dry, 
after  the  lapse  of  35  ^ears,  or  more,  frOTTi  their 
dates,  f  have  given  toth':  whole  a  ca'm  revisal, 
vvften  the  pasbicp*  of  tlic  ti-.n?  a  e  paat  av,ay, 
and  the  reasons  oi'the  transactions  aoi  alone  on 
the  judgment.  Seme  of  tho  inforraatioi^s  i  :iacl 
recorded  are  now  cut  out  fiom  ',h.°  restf  because 
I  nave  seen  Iha;  they  w<re  incor;ect,  ordo'ibt- 
fid,  or  ;.'ersonal,  or  private,  w^ui  w'nich  wc  have 

nothing  to  do. 

•  « ■  .*       _  *  I?  » 

But  HamiUon  was  not  only  a  Monarchist,  but 
for   a   Monarchy   bottomed  on  coiri:ption.     In 
proof  of  this  I  will  relate  an  anecdote,   for  the 
truth  I  attest  the  Gc  J  who  made   me.     Before 
the   President   set   out  on   his  southern  tnur  in 
April  1791,  he  addressed  a  letter  of  the  14th  of 
that  month,  fro.n  Mount  Vernon  to  the  Secreta- 
2'ies  o!  State,   t:ie  Treasury  .md  War,   desiring 
that,  ifr.ny  import.int  case  should  arise   during 
his  .absence,  t.'oy  wuiild  con.snlt   and  act    oo 
them,  and  he  requested  that  the  Vice  President 
should  also  be  consuhed.     Tliis   was  tiie  only 
occasion  on  which  that  officer  Avasever  request- 
ed to  take  p.art  ill  a   Cabnet   question.      Some 
occasion  of  conauVatJon  iiriiirig  i  invited  tiiosv^ 
gentlemen  (and  th?  Attorney    Gener.\l,  as   well 
as  I  remombei)  to  dine  with  rae  in  order  to  con- 
fer on  the  subject.   After  1 1:.-  cloth  was  removed, 
and  our  diiettion  agreed  .and  dismissed,  conver- 
sation began   on  other   matters,    and  by  some 
circumstance,  was  led  to  (he  British   Constitu- 
tion, on   v.hich   TMr.   Adams   observed    "purge 
that  Constiti:lion  of  its  corruption,  and  give  to 
its  popular  br.anch   eq;'.aUty  cf  representalion, 
and  it  would  be  the  most  per.fect   constitution 
devised  by  the  wit  of  nir.-.i."     Hamilton  paused 
and  said,  "purge  it  of  its  corroptien,  and  give 
to  its  popul.ir  branch  equality  of  repi-esentatic.n, 
and  it  would  btcome  an  hrtpracticalU  govern- 
ment :  as  it  stands  at  present,  with  all  its  sup- 
posed defects,  it  is  the   most  perfect  jfoveru- 
jnent  which   ever   existed."     And  tliis  was  as- 
suredly the  exact  line  wlijcli  seperated  the  poli- 
tical creeds  of  these  two  gentlemen.     The  one 
was  for  two  hereditary  branches  and  an   honest 
elective  one  :  the  other  for   a  hereditary  King 
y.'itha  house  of  Lords  and  Commons,  corrupted 


tohiswiJ,  and  siandin;'  "oetwocn  .  .:a  a;;a  tn. 
peonle.     Ilr.nillton  was    ideed  a  sii^gular  char- 
acter.    Of  .acute  understanding,  disinterested, 
honest  and    honoiable   ii-    ail  p-Ivate   transac- 
t;o..s,    arrjable   in    socielv,   and  duly    valuing- 
virt.ie  in   private   life,  yc*   so  bewildered  and;^ 
perverted    by  tiie    liritirh    example    as   to  be 
under    a    thoro'    conviction    (h;it     corruptiov 
was  e'isontiai  to  the  g.'-vernment   cf  a  iiatior. 
M-.   A.t..n  s  S:,A  originaliy  been  ?,  republican, 
Ihegiarr.  of  rc>yalty  andnobilitv-,  hiring  bis  mis- 
sion to  England,    bad  ni.ide  him   believe  their 
fascination     a    neces-cary    •ngredijnt    in  -gov- 
ern.'.iert,     and      Siiay's    rebellion,     not     suffi- 
ciently under.stood  where  he  then  was,  seemed 
'.o  p.'Ov_-  that  the  absence    of  want  and  oppres- 
sion   w;is   not   a    nifScient  g-.iarantet  of  order. 
His  b.->:.k  or  the  -Vmerican  Corstitutlt  ns  having 
made  known  his  poiitjcal  bias,  he  was  tak  .n  up 
by  the  Monar-^liital  r-jdcralists,  in  iiis  ab.^ence, 
and  on  his  ret^uii  to  *he   U.  S.  he  was  by  them 
made,  to   bfli-ve  tha?  Ae  general  iispositloh  of 
our  citizens  was  iavorable  to    Monarchy.      He 
here  wro'e.  his  D.avila  as   a  suppliment  to  the 
tortier  v/ork,  ;i.nd  his  election  to  the  Presidency 
cor.iii-med  his  errors      Innumerable   addresses 
too,  artfully  and  industrionsly   poured  in  upon 
him,  deceived  him  into  a  confidcncetb-.t  he  was 
o:  thepinacle   of  prosperity,  when   the   gulph 
w.as  yawning  at  his  feet  w!-.ich  was   to  swallow 
up  hirn  and  bis  deceive.-s.     For  when  General 
VV.itiiii.gton  was  withdrawn,  these  energumeni 
of  i'.iyalism,  kepi  in  check  hi'lierto  by  the  dread 
of  his  honesty,  his  firmness,  his  .patriotism,  and 
the  a-.ithority  ?f  his  name,  now  mounted  on  the 
carof  State  and  fi-ee  from  controul,  hke  Phae- 
ton on  that  of  the  «un,  drove  headlong  and  w.ld, 
looking  neither  to  right  nor  left,  nor  regarding 
any  tfiing  but  the  objects  they  weru  driving  at: 
until  cl:-:pl»ying   these  fully,  the  eyes  tif  the  na- 
tion wore  opened,    and  a  general  disiiandmont 
of  tliem  fr.im  til?  puldic  councils  took  place — 
Mr.  Adams,  I  am  sure,  has  been  long  since  con- 
vinced of  the    treacheries  with   which   he  was 
surrounded  during  his  administration.     He  has 
since  I'loroughly  seen  that  his  con.^liluents  were 
devoted  to  republican  government,  ar.d  wheth- 
er his  jurigment  is  re -settled  on  its  ancient  basis, 
or  not,  he  is  coiiformed  as  a  goc'd  citizen  to  the 
will  nf  the  m.'ijority,  and  would  now,  I  am  per- 
su.aded,  maint.iin  its  republican  strictmv,  witii 
tlie  ze  i!  and  fidtlity  belonging  to  his  character. 
I'or  even   an  enemy  h;is  siiid   "he  is  aTv,-ays  an 
honest  man   and  oltcn  a  gre.at  one, "   but  in  the 
fury  and  folli-?s   of  these   who  made   him  their 
stalking  horse,   no  man  who  did  not  witue.'^s  i", 
can  form  an  id.ra  of  their  tinbridled   madne.-.s, 
and  tiie  terrorism  with  which  they  surrounded 
themstrhts.      The  horrors  of  the  French  rtvo- 
liition  then  raging  aided  them  main!}',  and  using 
this  as  a  rav,-  head  and   bloody  bones  they  were 
en.ibled  by  li.eir  sti-atagems       «       •       •       « 
their  tales  of  tub-plot.?,  ocean  massacrees,  bloody 
buoys,  and  pulpit  lying  and  slanderings,   and 
maniacal  ravings  of  their  Gardeners,  thei'-  Os'-** 
goods  and  Parishes,  to  spread  alai-m  into  all  but 
the  firmest  breasts.     Their  Aitoriiey   General 
had  tiie  impudence  to  say  to  a  repuhlicon  mem- 
ber that  deportation  .-tiust   be    resorted  to,   oF 
which,  said  he  you  republicans  have  set  the  ex- 
ample, thus  daring  to  identify  us  « ith  the  mur- 
derous .lacobins  of  France- — These  tiansactions, 
now  recollected  but  as  dre.ams  of  the   ni.s-ht 


\ 


were  ihen  saj  I'ealuics,  ar.d  noihing-  rescued  us 
irom  their  liberticide  effect  but  tlie  unjieliling 
opposilioaof  tliose  firm  spirits  who  sternly  main- 
tained their  post,  in  defiance  of  ten'or,  until 
their  feilcw-citizens  could  be~iroused  to  their 
o'vn  danger,  and  rally,  and  rescue  the  standard 
of  the  constitution.  Th  s  has  been  happily  done. 
FcdemlisRi  and  nior^ircliism  have  lang'uished 
from  that  m.-mcnt,  until  their  trea.sonable  com- 
binations with  the  enemies  oi  their  ccuntn'  dur- 
ini;;  the  la'e  v.ar.  Their  plots  of  ctismemberinf; 
tlii  union,  ar.d  their  Hai-tford  Convention,  hr>? 
consigned  them  to  the  tomb  of  the  dewi;  acd  I 
Ibndiy  !iope  we  may  now  truly  -iay  "we  arc  all 
re])ublicansall  federalists, -'  aiid  that  the  motto 
oi*  the  standard  to  which  our  coiintrv  will  for- 
ever rally,  will  be  "Federal  union,  and  Repub- 
lican Government,"  and  sMre  1  'vm  we  mpy  say 
that  we  are  indebtetl,  for  the  preservation  of 
this  point  or  rallianre  to  that  opposition  ' 

Much  of  tliis  re!,aiion  is  notoi-ious  to  tlie  world 
and  many  intimate  proofs  of  it  vvill  be  found  in 
thesi  note*;. — Vrom  the  .noment,  where  they 
end,  of  my  retinnrti-om  tlia  adp-.inisiration,  tlie 
Federalists  g'ut  unchecked  hold  of  t5eneral 
Washington.  His  memory  was  already  .^ensib'y 
impaired  by  age,  tne  firm  tone  of  mind  for 
which  he  had  beeu  rcmarxable,  w?s  beginning 
to  reiai,  its  energy  was  aliated;  a  listl-ssness  of 
labor,  a  desire  for  tranquility  had  crept  im  him, 
and  a  wilUngness  to  let  otiiers  act  und  even  think 
for  hirh.  Like  tlie -ist  of  minklnd  he  wxs  dis- 
gusted wit!  ths  a*'  ticities  of  the  French  r"voIu- 
tion,  and  was  not  •■.uffioiently  a\  iire  of  tiie  diffe;  - 
cnce  betweeii  tlie  rabhie  who  were  uscvl  as  thr. 
instrumenf  of  their  perpetration,  and  the  stea- 
dy and  ra'ional  character  of  ihe  An?.ericr,n  peo- 
ple, in  wliich  ho  had  not  sufficient  confid-.nce. 
The  opposition  tO)  of  tlie  republicms  to  the  Bri- 
tish 'reaty,  and  zealous  support  of  tl.e  Federal- 
ists ni  th.it  unpop'ilar,  but  favorite  measure  lif 
tlu-ua,  had  nr.ade  hi.T  all  lli^i-  own.  Urder- 
Glanding  mor'-over  that  I  disapproved  of  that 
treaty,  and  copiously  nourished  with,  fi^lshoods 
by  amaligi-.antneighbor  of  mine,  who  ambition- 
cd  to  be  his  correspondent,  he  had  become 
.aleniated  from  myself  personally,  as  from  the 
republican  body  goner.aliy  of  his  fellow  citizeris; 
and  he  wrote  the  letters  to  Mr.  Adar.^s,  and  Mr. 
Carrull,  over  which,  'ndevotion  to  )i'-;  imperish- 
able fame,  we  must  forever  weep  asmonuments 
of  mortal  decay. 

TH.  JEFFERSON. 
•  Teb.  4th,  1813. 


From  the  Louisvillr;  Advertiser. 
We  insert  below,  the  promised  letter  of  Joh.v 
PopK,  Esq.  whicii,  as  will  be  observed,  was 
•written  in  reply  to  a  letter  from,  us,  on  the  sub- 
lect  of  tile  .  pproachin^  election.  Mr.  Pope's 
views  of  the  sibjectare  able  and  unanswerable, 
and  we  are  bappy  to  add,  that  he  is  acting  on 
thein — zealously  sjpporting  the  election  of  Bar- 
ry and  Breathitt,  in  private  conversation  and  in 
public  add.'csses. 

Mr.  Fenn — Owinf  to  my  absence  from  this 
county  during  tlie  last  '.'.inter  and  ipr'ng,  indis- 
positioi  and  my  necessary  attention  to  private 
business,  I  am  not  able  to  give  you  very  satis- 
factory information  of  the  state  of  public  senti- 


ment in  this  quarter,  in  relation  to  the  candi- 
dates for  Governor  and  Lt.  Governor.  I  en- 
tertain no  doL  bt  that  two-thirds,  probably  more, 
of  the  voters  in  this  county,  are  in  favor  of  the 
election  <  f  Gen.  Jackson.  There  .appears  to 
be  some  division  in  tlie  Jackson  party  about 
the  candidates  for  Governor.  An  opinion  has 
been  circuhtcd  with  great  industry,  that  the 
election  of  Governor  has  no  connection  witli 
that  of  P"e.Mdent.  Mr.  Underwood  a  few  days 
ago,  in  a  public  speech,  with  great  candor  and 
propriety,  told  the  people  that  he  considtied 
the  old  ard  new  court  question  settled.  The 
people  begin  to  understand  that  this  unpleasant 
conti'overs,  is  disposed  of,  and  that  we  are  nor 
no'v  try:ng  ila-  validity  of  the  reorgarizing  act. 
On  this  subject  the  partisans  of  the  administra- 
tion itave  p'.iyed  a  most  dexterous  game,  but 
tiieir  success  will  be  tomporarj' — it  will  not 
last  until  the  first  Monday  in  August. 

The  adminisirr  iion convention,  in  December, 
selected  Gen.  Metcalfe  as  their  candidate  for 
Governor,  and  he  must  be  considered  identified 
with  that  p.'.rty  in  his  contest.  lie  was  one  of 
our  rcprpsentatives  in  Congress  who  voted 
against  Gene-al  Jackson  contiary  to  the  will  of 
'he  Stnte,  as  expressed  through  the  General  As'- 
sembly 

The  new  court  law  was  decided  on  by  the 
people  several  years  ago,  has  been  repealed  .and 
the  old  state  of  things  restored,  and  is  not  now 
a  q'.iestlonin 'he  pending  » intest.  It  must  be 
clearly  understood  that  the  administration  part;.-, 
in  presenting  Gen.  Metcaiie  as  tiieir  fca  ididate, 
put  the  que.stion  direclly  to  the  p,-op!e  of  Ken- 
tucky: -'Djyouor  do  you  not  approve  the 
conduct  of  your  representatives  in  voting  at  the 
last  Preside'itial  election  against  General  Jack- 
son in  opposition  to  the  solemn,  urgent  .ind  al- 
most unanimous  decl.aration  of  the  General  As- 
sembly'" If  the  people,  in  the  present  aspect 
of  the' controversy,  elect  Gen.  Metcalfe,  it  will 
be  claimed,  and  very  properly,  not  only  as  an 
acquitla'  by  Kentucky  of  the  charges  against 
Adams,  Clay,  £;c.  but  as  a  triumph  of  .S3r.  Clay 
and  his  fneiids,  upon  the  very  principle  in  con- 
test. It  must  be  so  viewed  here  and  by  the 
people  of  o' bar  '  -ites.  The  eyes  of  the  nation 
are  upon  us,  lool^iiig  with  anxious  solicitude  to 
the  result  of  the  present  contest  for  Governor 
in  Kentucky.  The  election  of  General  Jlet- 
calfe  will  be  deemed  an  approbation  by  Kentuc- 
kv  of  the  vote  of  her  representatives  in  Con- 
gress at  the  last  Presidential  election.  I'he 
frier.ds  of  General  Jackson  should  e.T,"-m:ne  and 
con-lder  tliis  matter  well  before  they  decide, 
and  suffer  a  defeat,  which  may  be  fatal,  not 
only  to  his  cause  in  Kentucky,  but  have  an 
unfortunate  influence  in  otlier  States. — Can 
Jackson  men,  consistently  with  their  profes- 
sions and  the  ground  they  occupy  in  relation 
to  the  Presidential  contest,  support  tlie  election 
of  Gen.  Metcalfe '  The  constitution  pro\  ides 
that,  when  the  electors  .'ail  to  make  a  choice, 
the  election  shall  be  made  by  the  Hou.se  of  Rep- 
resentatives from  the  three  highest  voted  for 
by  tlie  elector.';  and  in  maldiig  the  choice  they 
shall  vote  by  States,  each  State  having  one  vote. 
Whether  the  representatives  fcf  a  State,  in  mak- 
ing the  choice,  shoul.l  rega-d  tiie  v.  ill  of  the 
State  represented,  is  the  leading  subject  of  in- 
quiry now  presented  to  the  consideration  of  the 
Republican  people  of  Kentucky'     t  understand 


Oyl^O 


I  lie  aJmiiustrutioii  paiiy  t6conteml,  llialUie  re* 
presentatives  have  tlio  righl  of  clioice,  regard- 
less of  the  will  of  the  State — the  Jackson  party 
insist  that  the  Uepi'esentativca  ought  to  have 
rtparded  that  will.  This  seems  to  lje  the  great 
principle  in  contestation.  \Vheu  the  electors 
vote,  they  act  in  confurmitv  to  the  will  of  the 
people  represented,  and  when  the  election  is 
made  by  the  States,  the  representatives  in  tJon- 
gress  should  e.\ercise  the  power  in  conformity 
to  the  will  of  tile  States  represented.  Some, 
indeed,  contend,  that  the  representatives  hear 
no  relation  to  tlie  States,  but  are  to  look  to  the 
particular  districts  the}"  respectively  represent. 
The  absurdity  of  this  will  be  apparent  upon  a 
single  suggestion : — Siuipose,  from  sickness  or 
other  cause,  a  niajority  of  the  representatives 
of  the  State  had  been  absent  when  th.e  election 
took  place,  and  only  one,  two  or  three  mem- 
bei-s  had  been  present  to  give  the  .ote  of  Ken- 
tucky?— when  called  on  to  give  the  vote  of  this 
State,  was  it  their  u'.ity  to  give  the  vote  of  one, 
f«'o  or  three  districts,  or  tho  vote  of  the  State' 
This  subject  is  the  more  interesting,  when  it  is 
considered  that  the  electioii  by  eleptor^is  made 
in  December,  and  the  election  by  the  House  i.f 
Ifepresentativcs  on  tlie  19th  of  February  follow- 
ing. Unless  the  will  of  the  St.ite  be  made 
known  thro\igh  their  General  Asscmblj',  it  will 
be  impracticable  to  obtain  it  in  any  other  mode, 
and  the  doctrii\e  advanced  in  the  Circular  of 
the  Clay  Committee,  in  182-1,  must  prevail.  We 
were  told  iu  that  famous  document,  tliat,  if  the 
election  should  come  before  Congress,  the  voice 
of  the  people  would  no  more  be  heard,  and  that 
every  tiling  would  be  carried  ,  l)y  the  influence 
and  intrigue,  bargani  and  management' — and 
are  the  free  people  of  Kentucky  prepared  to  put 
their  seal  of  approljation  on  this  doctrine  by 
electing  one  of  those  who,  by  his  vote  at  the  last 
I'residential  election,  gave  it  countenance? — 
This  is  not  a  contest  about  men,  but  import.ant, 
vital  principle.  Were  the  candidates  alone 
concerned,  I  should  take  no  part  in  the  contro- 
•rei'sy.  Their  relative  merits  and'  tjualifications 
arc  of  minor  importance — they  are  all  I  believe, 
highly  respectable.  A  late  Address  of  the 
friends  of  the  administration  to  the  people  of  the 
*f»!tcd  States,  merits  tlie  particidar  attention  of 
the  Jackson  party.  In  this  Address,  the  psnd- 
ijig  contest  in  Keubicky  fir  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor is  noticed  with  much  interest,  and  a  hope, 
indeed  a  confidenj  eNpectation  expressed,  of 
the  success  of  Q.n.  Metcalfe,  the  administration 
tajic'idate,  and  of  the  great  influence  his  success 
will  h.ave  on  the  Prcsidenlial  election.  Can  the 
friends  of  the  Jackson  cause  lend  tlieiraid  to  ac- 
complish what  the  fi-iends  of  the  administration 
predict  will  have  ;ui  inporlant  effect  in  defeat- 
iiigthe  election  of  Gen.  Jackson?  Can  tliey  bo 
-neutral  in  such  a  contest'  Whatever  use  the 
.a-dmiiiisti-ation  party  may  make  of  the  old  and  new 
court  question,  to  divide  and  weaken  the  Jack- 
con  force,  it  is  evidini,  not  only  from  the  candid 
declarations  of  Mr.  Underwood,  but  the  acts  of 
he  party,  that  they  do  not  consider  that  rjues- 
tion  now  before  the  people  in  this  contest  — 
Last  year,  in  the  county  of  Woodford,  where 
there' is  a  majority  of  old  court  men,  an  old  and 
a  new  court  man  was  selected  by  the  administra- 
tion party  as  candidates  for  tlie  Legislat'V-".  In 
Jeffei'soii  county  a  new  court  man  was  elected, 
and  received  the  gener.tl  support  of  the  adraiii- 


istralion  pai'ty.  In  Ileiiry  couni) ,  Mr.  Ciuiilea 
Allen,  a  decided  new  court  man,  is  a  prominent 
candidate  on  the  side  of  theadministriit'ion.  Otie 
of  the  Adams  electoral  ticket  is  aprominent  and 
and  decided  new. court  man — and  Mr.  Kendal), 
while  exerting  his  Editorial  powers  in  support 
of  the  re-organizing  act,  received  an  oOer  from 
Mr.  Clayofa  situation  in  the  Department  of 
State;  nor  did  Mr.  Clayvisit  him  witli  any  spe- 
cial mark  of  his  displeasure,  until  the  new  court 
party  wa,.  ])rostrate,  and  he  indicatevl  his  inten- 
tion to  oppose  ilic  admirirtration. 

Gen.  Metcalfe  does  not  seem  to  have  any  very' 
high  claim  to  public  con-ideration  on  account  of 
his  course  on  the  old  and  new  court  quecticHii 
The  difierence  between  him  and  M.ajor  Barf"? 
consists  in  this — that  while  Barry  openly  met 
the  odium  and  responsibility  of  the  measure. 
Gen.  iletcalfe  observed  a  profound  if  not  mys- 
terions  silence. 

With  regard  to  the  occupant  question,  which 
seems  to  be  very  foreign  to  the  subject  in  con- 
test, I  Iiave  only  to  observe,  that  I  have  not  tlie 
journals  to  enable  me  to  understand  Maj.  Bar- 
ry's votes  eighteen  or  twenty  years  agij,  upon 
the  various  jiropositions  to  alter  or  modify  out* 
occupant  laws  ;  but  it  is  due  to  hira  to  state, 
in  1821,  when  1  was  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Uepresentatives,  he  was  a  zealous  supporter  of 
the  measures  then  devised  in  opposition  to  ther 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States'  declaring  our  occupant  laws  unconstitu- 
tional. Vrom  the  tenor  of  some  of  the  haiul> 
bills  and  nubhcatinns  circulated  by  the  adrr^in* 
istration  i)ai'ty,  it  would  seem  that  all  their  sym- 
pathies are  awakened  for  the  poor  snftoiing  oc- 
cupants, and  that  their  security  is  the  cardinal 
object  of  their  solicitude  :  and  yet  I  suspect 
that,  if  a  friend  of  the  occupant  and  of  General 
Jackson  w.as  put  in  competition  for  otlice,  with 
an  enemy  to  the  occupant  and  a  friend  to  the 
administration,  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  deter- 
mine which  the  adminlstraticn  part}'  would  sitp- 
port ;  and,  it  is  probable  a  new  court  administra- 
tion mv-n  would  find  support  against  an  ohl 
court  Jackson  man.  I  do  not  mention  these 
thiiTgs  in  a  spirit  of  reproach,  but  to  expose; 
the  futility  of  such  objections  and  the  insincerity 
of  their  authors.  They  ought  to  be  lost  sight 
of,  ill  iiie  m.igii'tude  of  the  contest  now  pending 
at  the  bar  of  the  nation. 

■  It  is  well  known  tliat  I  did  not  approve  the 
selection  of  the  candidate  presented  by  the  Jack- 
son .  parly  for  the  olllce  of  governor.  1  really 
feared  that  the  consjiicious  attitude  h-e  had  oc- 
cupied in  the  nev.- court  rank,  would  render  it 
diiiicult  to  unite  the  Jackson  iiarty  for  him.  I 
am  coiis'ous  I  was  actuated  by  no  selfisli  or 
personal  consideY'ation.  Some  circumstances 
connected  wilii  tile  nomination  would  forbid  m\' 
interfiarence,  did  1  not  believe  that  the  good  of 
the  Jackson  cause  demanded  my  exertions. 

I  will  not  discuss  the  relative  merits  or  qualifi- 
cations of  Gen.  Jackson  or  Mr.  -Adams.  In 
.some  respects  Mr.  Adams  may  be  better  inform- 
ed and  qualified  tlian  lien.  Jackson — in  others, 
1  have  no  tUaibt  Gen.  Jackson  wotiUl  mate  a 
better  I  resident  than  Mr.  Adams.  They  are 
both  distinguished  and  talented  men,  and  either 
qualified  for  the  oflice.  The  cant  phrase  of 
"military  ciiieftain"  would  not  deserve  notice 
but  for  the  grave  manner  in  which  it  is  urged 
upon  Ihe'con.ihieratlon  of  the  American  people- 


dU,^ 


\U  exiitntJici.-  iia5  pioved,  1  iLink,  llial  great 
military  men  are  generally  best  suited  for  execti- 
live  stations.     Their  rTiilitJ}'yJiabits  and  feelinfjs 
ii.clirie   thera   to   fill  the  public  offices  witli  the 
most  fit  men.  and  tlieir  firnrmcss  and  desisioii  of 
cliaractcr,  afford  to  the  people  a  better  guaran- 
tee against  maladministration,  tlian  is  to  be  found 
in  intrigMinsr  m'.\\  popularity  hunting  poliiicians. 
The  apprehensions  of  dantjor  from  the  election 
of  Gen.  Jackson  is,  to  my  mind,  idle  and  imagin- 
ary. Can  any  man  in  his  sober  senses  believe,  tliat 
one  who  has  fought  for  the  liberties  of  his  coun- 
iry,  from  his  youth  to  old  age,  would  suddenly 
engage  in  a  Quisolic  scheme  to  overturn  them, 
and    at   the    very    moment    when    he    is    rc- 
v.-arded    with   the   first  honor   in   the    gifi.   of 
ihe    people'    ■\Vlir.i.    renders    ttiis    alarm    the 
more  riiliculou^,    is,  that    the    President    has 
no    power  to    declare    war,    to    raise  armies 
ur    revenue — lliese    important    powers    being 
vested  in  Congress.     No   sir — the  people  havu 
ihore  to  fear  from  intrigue  and  manageiT.cnt  in 
the  rejiresentalive    body  :  the   want   of  fidelity 
there  is  tlie  canker  tliat  corrodes  the  purity  of 
of  tlie  body  politic  and  opens  the  gate;;  of  the 
city  of  freedom  to  s^^nle  lUring  iisurper.     The 
remarks  of  an  ctiiis;litened  commentator  on  tlie 
Itign  of  Henry  Vlll.  ef  Knjbnd,  the  most  cruel 
•iHld  tyrannical  Prince  tluit    ever  disgraced  the 
Knglis'.\  throne,  merits  tlie  serious  consideration 
of  every  reflecting  statesman.     This  reign  [says 
he]  teaches  us  tlie  most  a!.anning  of  all  political 
trutlis  ;  that  the   most  absolute  despotism  may 
prevail  in  a   State,   ai'd  yet.the  forni  of  a  free 
constitution  remain.      Henry  never  attempted 
to  abolish  the  Parliament,   or   even  to  ictrencli 
its  doubtful   privileges.     The  Pai-liament   was 
the  grand   instrument  cf  Ills  tyr.annies.      The 
conclusion  he  draws  from  the  history   of  ibis 
reign  is,  that,  if  Uritons  should  ever  be  slaves, 
.sticli  an  event  is   not  likely  to   happen,  as  In 
France  or  S|!r.ln,  by  tlit;  .-ibolition  of  the  nation- 
M  asscitibly,  but  by  the  corruption  of  its  mem- 
bers— by  making  the  svipposed  bulwark  of  lib- 
erty, as  in  ancient  Rome,  the  means  of  slavery. 
We  should  bear  in  mind,  th.it  »\hen  by  any  co.i- 
triv.ance  or  n.anagemei.t,  an  election  is  df  feated 
ill  the  first  instance  and  carried  into  Con^re.^?, 
the  election  is  to  be  made  by  the  States  of  the 
Union,  each  State,  without  regard  to  its  popul.a- 
lion,  having  one  vote.     The  last  election  was 
made  by   twenty  four   votes — one  from   eacli 
State — the  Itepresentatives  of  eacli  State  gave 
the  vote  of  the  Slate.     To   ^  : vd   against   the 
abuse  of  the  power  vested  in  that  body,  it  is  of 
more  importance  to  maintain  the  controlling  in- 
tlue.ice  of  the  puljllc   will  of  tlic  States,  than 
seems  to  be  generally  conceded.  When  a  State 
acts  as  a   State,  in  its  corporate  political  cliar- 
.Tctcr,  it  must  act  aiu!  speak  by  and  through  its 
representative  body — that  is  the  appropriate  and 
only  practicable  mode  of  action. 

'Phe  General  Assembly  is  the  medium  of  ex- 
pressing the  sovereign  will  of  the  State.  Wheth- 
er the  sentiment  contained  in  the  address  of  the 
Clay  committee,  that,  v.'hen  the  election  is  to 
be  made  by  Congress,  the  voice  of  the  people' 
is  no  more  to  be  lieard — whetlier  our  represen- 
tatives iu  Congress  at  tlie  last  election  ought  to 
have  regarded  tlio  will  of  the  State  as  declared 
by  the  General  .\s5embly,  and  especially  if  they 
believed  the  declaration  to  be  true,  are  matters 
ri'decp  snd  yi'.;'!  impoif,  and  no'.v  divcctly  pre- 


sented  toti.e  s,jCcial  considtratian  ot  Kcniuci} , 
and  upon,  which  the  people  are  called  on  to  ex- 
press their  opinion,  at  llic  approachin<j  election. 
The  olTicial  alliance  between  Messrs.  Adams 
and  Clay — the  personal  and  selfish  moliver; 
which  may  have  influenced  the  vote — are  but 
circumstances  of  aggravation.  The  main  ques- 
tion is — ought  the  public  will  to  have  been  re- 
g.arded'  The  more  we  reflect  on  the  theor^'i 
and  observe  the  practicd  operations  of  this 
great  confederation,  the  more  we  shall  be  im- 
pressed with  thii  necessity  of  preserving  in,  thn 
State  representative  bathes,  efiicicnt  cheeks 
against  the  encroacliments  .and  abuses  of  federal 
power. — 'flif^y  are  not  only  necessary,  but  in- 
dispeiisuble  bulwarks  to  the  dur.ation  of  Ameri- 
can freedom.  Hcfofe  the  American  icvolulion 
the  British  parliament  claimed  the  right  of  tax- 
ing tiic  colonics  without  their  consent.  't"his 
arrogant  pivtension  was  resistetl  by  the  colonics 
through  tile  representative  bodies,  assembled 
In  various  rootles  — and  the  representative  Ijodles 
were  the  erticicnt  agents  througli  which  publi-i 
sentiment  vv.as  tlespl.iyed  and  a  stand  made 
against  the  ]>rinclplc  contemleti  for. 

Ours  is  a  representative  government,  and,  when 
v,e  act,  as  States,  we  must  act  througli  Our  as- 
sembleil  representatives.  There,  the  public 
will  must  be  embotiietl  ami  proilucei5 — nor  does 
this  doctrine  conflict  wltli  the  right  of  the  peo- 
ple to  .act  upon  tiieir  rcpreseniati%  es  by  petitior, 
address  or  remonstrance,  or  any  otlier  practi- 
cable antl  orderly  mode  Of  expressing  their 
opinions  on  public  aHiiirs.  ,  The  p,arliament 
claimetl  the  right  to  tax  tho  colonies  without 
their  consent — the  colonies  rcsistetl  it  by  a  seven 
j'ears  war.  What  is  now  claimetl  for  our  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress^  when  the  election  of 
President  is  devolved  en  that  boily' — that  the 
voice  of  the  people  is  no  more  to  be  heart! 
—.and  althougli  representing  the  States;  thcv 
have  a  right  to  make  a  President  without  thr; 
consciit.of  the  SUates,  antl  against  their  will; 
expressetl  througli  tiieir  constitutional  repre- 
sentative assemblies  !  Arc  those  who  j^rotes'". 
against  this  extr.avagant  asstimplion  to  be  called 
a  factious,  wickctl  combination'  Let  tlie  pco 
pie  weigh  these  tilings  with  deliberation,  and 
tlccide  v.lth  firmness  wiiat  gTound  cnlig-htened 
freemen  should  occupy  In  the  pentling  struff^'e. 
The  principle  involvetl  is  one  of  no  ordinav." 
m.agnitude,  the  force  of  wiiich  o  ight  not  to  be. 
obscured  or  weakened,  by  tliscussing  the  prd- 
pri-ty  of  f,ri'nishin"'tlic  Indians  with  l.kencsses,- 
or  hlackiiig  their  shoes  or  mockasins. 

I  will  not  tlescenl  tci  the  task  of  examining  in 
detail  and  tlefending-  Gen.  Jackson  against  tho 
assassin-like  attacks  matle  on  his  fcel.ngs  ami 
pride,  in  cofiln-liantl  '.lills  and  pimphlets,  call- 
ing him  acru'd  tyrant  and  murderer,  .lis  mili- 
tary deeds  have  not  been  doiie  in  a  corner,  but 
in  the  fiicc  of 'he  nation  and  of  the  public  ene- 
my. His  cjiiduct  has  passed  the  ortleal  of  his 
government,  anil  receiveil  the  plaudits  of  his 
country.  The  name  of  J.aokson  is  assoclateil 
with  the  glory  of  this  republic  througliout  the 
civilized  world.  Is  tliere  one  honoraWe  rasn 
of  any  party,  who  feels  .as  an  .Vmerican  shouM 
feel,  whose  bosom  is  not  lired  with  indignation 
at  these  wickctl  and  malignant  attempts  to  de- 
grade this  great  and  d-stmguisheil  hero  who  lia«i 
shed  so  much  lustre  on  our  national  character' 
Whether  v,-e  attrib-it'^  the  vi:tor\- of  ^:';•.7  Or- 


,* 

j'eans  tu  the  coiibiiniHiate  skill  and  geuhis  oi  llio 
American  commixnilcr,  rrconsiderh'tm.i  clicsen 
snstmnient  of  heaven,  to  save  us  }n  the  most 
g-loomy  and  })ciUoiis  moment  of  the  \vav,  he 
is  equally  entllleel  to  our  respect  and  consklera- 
tion. 

I  intended  to  have  written  you  a  short  letter, 
in  answer  to  yours  roct  ived  a  few  days  since  by 
the  way  of  Frankfort,  but  tlie  interests  awakened 
by  the  sr.bjec  .  has  led  me  ta  explore  the  jiji-ound 
of  controversy  more  at  larg-e  than  I  anticipr.tcd. 
Before  I  conclude,  I  must  remind  you  of  an 
egregious  error  committed  by  the  advocates  of 
tlie  Jackson  cause.  They  liave  exageratcd  too 
much  the  pi  .>-pects  of  Maj.  Barry,  and  thereby 
lulled  their  friends  and  induced  supineness,  in- 
difference and  neutrality  to  an  alarming-  deg-ree. 
The  vantage  ground  gained  last  year,  can  only 
be  pr.-^served  by  vigrlance  and  exertion.  Sev- 
eral gentlemen  of  the  ndmini  jtn,.tion  party  have, 
tvith  great  apparent  confidence,  claimed  for 
Gen.  ;i!otc:die  a  m.ajority  of  ,?000  votes,  and 
some  calculate  on  10,00o'.  The  .JaCkson  pai'ti- 
sans,  on  the  contrary,  cl.aim  »  majority  of  5,  10 
and  even  15,000.  A  very  intelligent  Jackson 
man  told  me,  the  oUicr  day,  that  Barry  and 
Breathitt  would  be  elected  by  a  majority  of 
rOOO  voles.  Now,  sii-,  I  believe  none' of  these 
calculations.  I  profess  to  have  some  knowledge 
of  the  stiite  of  parties  in  Kentu.cky,  and  feci  as- 
surcil  in  my  own  mind,  that  the  successful  can- 
didate, V  hethcr  Barry  or  Metcalfe,  will  not,  in 
all  probability,  obtain  a  majority  of  more  than 
"000.  1  have  beli.  ved  that  ilrerc  w;is  a  majority 
of,')  or  4000  in  favor  of  the  election  of  General 
Jacksoii^and  that  ">f  they  couid  be  uijited  upon 
the  Jackson  candidates,  their  success  might 
be  anticip.ateu  with  tolerable  certainty.  Tt  mav 
be  policy  in  a  minority  to  exagerate  the'rforce, 
to  encour.age  effort,  but  a  m.ajority  should  rath- 
er underrate  thrm  overrate  their  strength. 

It  cannot — at  least,  it  ought  not  to  have  escap- 
ed the  observation  of  the  Jackson  party,  that 
the  friends  of  the  administration,  whether  new 
or  old  court,  arc  cnie  and  indivisible.  With 
them  there  is  no  bickerinp',  or  hc.art-burning  ,a- 
bout  new  and  old  court — this  distinction  in  that 
party  is  buried.  Not  one  of  one  hundred — in- 
deed, I  might  say  of  five  hundred,  whether 
new  or  old  court,  of  th.?  administration  party, 
will  vote  for  the  Jackson  candidates.  I  find 
that,  when  a  new  court  gentleman  gives  in  his 
adhesion  to  the  administration,  he  meets  with 
V.  ready  absolution  frciTi  his  re-organizing-  sins; 
and  although  m.any  of  the  old  coiut  administra- 
tion men  manifest  great  alarm  about  the  new- 
court  question,  yet  it  is  not  improbable  that  Gen. 
Metcalie's  near  approach  to  a  re-organizer,  con- 
."itituted  a  strong- motive  for  his  selection.  The 
friends  of  Gen.  Jackson  ought  to  be  warned, 
and  solemnly  warned,  that,  upon  TUEin  uxio.-v 
depends  the  success  of  las  cause  in  Kentucky. 
If  nevif  and  ohl  court  can  unite  on  the  adminis- 
tration candidates,  wliy  will  the  friends  of  Gen. 
.Tsickson  divide  ?  Are  they  less  hearty  in  their 
cause  ''  They  must  present  an  undivided  and 
vigorous  front  to  their  opponents,  or  defeat  is 
inevitable,  '.et  them  only  uni-ce,  and  display 
the  same  Zealand  energ'y  in  the  cause  of  Jack- 
son, that  HE  did  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  and 
.all  will  be  well.  I  think  ymi  may  calculate, 
with  tolerable  certainly,  on  a  majority  of  foiu- 
or  five  Inmdred  in  this  cotmty  for  Major  Barry, 


and  it  is  not  im,,robable  that  he  will  receii , 
m.ajority  of  seven  rr  eight  hundred.  As  I  am 
not  dis[>osed  to  disguise  or  conceal  my  senti- 
ments, and  entirely  h  iilir.g  to  act  n:y  part  in 
the  face  of  day,  and  under  the  resp'j.usibility . 
of  my  name,  you  are  .-.t  liberty,  if  you  think 
proper,  to  give  this  letter  a  place  in  your  paper 
Yours,  &c.  J.   POPE. 

TVas/iiiislon  County,  July  8,  1828. 

Frcnit  he  Richmond  Enquirer. 
PLOT  IN  THE   SOUTH! 

'J  he  friends  of  the  Administration  still  insist 
upon  getting  up  "a  plot  for  the  Dissolution  of 
the  Union."  They  are  eontinualiy  bav.ding  out 
a  Plot!  a  Plot! — A  plot  is  on  foot  to  rend  asun- 
der the  Union.  The  citizens  of  the  South  are 
concerned  in  it.  The  South  Carolinians  are  to 
sound  the  tccsin,  and  the  Soutli  is  to  fall  into 
the  ranks.  The  opponents  of  the  Tariff  are  to 
rouse. up  the  peo])l.:  by  the  magic  of  th.at  ob- 
noxious measure.  Tiae  friends  of  Jackson  are 
to  hurry  them  on  to  extremities,  lio-.van  pre- 
dicted there  would  be  a  dissohition.  Steven- 
son predicted  it.  P.arker  tlu-eatened  it.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  of  it — of  a  seci-et  combination 
to  dissolve  the  Union.  The  gvmpowdcr  is  ac- 
tually depo.-ited;  the  train  is  laid — and  it  only 
req-.iires  the  hand  of  some  modern  Guy  Pawkes 
to  apply  the  sp-irk,  and  blow  this  federative  re- 
public into  atoms. 

Wc  are  not  fond  of  quizzing  our  readers — 
though  the  Virginian,  who  is  now  sltUng  quietly 
under  his  own  vine  and  fig  tr.':e,  will  scarcely 
believe  liow  many  g;-ave  faces  are  put  on,  and 
';ow  many  bold  assertions  are  inade  u-pon  the 
occasion.  The  fashion  of  the  A,Im:nislratioii 
gentlemen  is  to  cry  o-,it— a  Plot  to  dissever  the 
Union!  If  there  be  a  Plot  no  where  else,  they 
must  contrive  to  have  one  in  the  newspapers. 
Notiking  as  j'ct  has  put  do-,vn  Gen.  Jackson — 
no  lies,  no  canu-nnies,  no  .attacks  upon  his  v/jfe, 
no  generous  attempts  to  sti-ip  the  lionored  lau- 
rel from  his  bi-ows,  no  cliarg-cs  of  iiis  conspiring- 
with  Burr,  nothing  has  yet  succeeded  in  stem- 
ming the  current  of  his  jiopularity.  No  wile, 
no  invention,  has  touched  his  character.  It  has 
defied  the  ingenuity  of  Coffin  handbills — and 
and  the  .aud.acity  of  affiliated  Editors.  It  is 
proof  .against  poison  and  the  daggei-.  As  a 
desperate  resort,  they  are  turning  upon  his 
friends — charging  them  with  a  serious  design  of 
8ui>verting  the  Union,  and  jdunging  their  coun- 
try into  blood. 

Those  who  are  not  in  the  habit  of  reading  a 
variety  of  new.spapcrs,  will  scarcely'  believe  tiic 
active' efforts  which  .arc  making  to  alarm  the 
public  mind  and  prejudice  the  ca'.ise  of  Jackson, 
by  the  ci-y  of  disunion. — We  shall  seize  only  a 
few  illustrations  of  this  insidious  system.  The 
National  Intrlligencer  asserts  "tJ-.at  Uiere  is  a 
project  on  foot  for  a  virtual  dissolution  of  the 
Union — that  the  originators  of  this  .scheme  are 
among  liis  (.lackson)  most  decided  suppotters: 
nay,  more,  tliat  they  are  his  most  ekvaiedand  tal- 
enled  advocates." 

The  New  York  American,  after  quoting  the 
exprcs.iions  that  liave  been  ascribed  to  Uowan 
and  Stevenson  and  a  Judge  in  Virg.nia,  breaks 
out  into  the  following  strain;  "  When  to  these 
sintiraents  of  grave  senators  and  judges,  arc 
added   the  inflammatory  resolutions  and    pro- 


vcediiigs  of  cti'Uiiii  disti-icli.  in  iioiith  C.-.TOlifia, 
tile  open  iiivit:xtioii  to  a  separation  of  the  Union 
contained  in  some  Jackson  journals  of  thnt  st:>te 
— and  when  it  is  found  tlwt  in  evci-y  instance 
tliesosentimenls  arc  ip.(UiIg;::<l,  tills  most  Ha.sritiuiKS 
tone  is  held  by  pc.rti/ans  of  Gen.  Jaekson,  and 
by  thf-ni  only,  can  It  be  onfa':",  iinreasor.ablc, 
ci-  unjust,  to  i'mput'ithi  doctnncs  tlr.is  broach- 
ed, as  the  doctrines  of  th.c  party  ?  As  siiciv  then 
we  hold  t'lem  up  to  the  people.  We  proclaim 
"  Disunion''  aotiie  creed  of  Jacksonism — to  rule 
c.r  ruin,  as  tiK-ir.maxim." 

Tl-.e  U.  B.  Gazette  of  Philadelphia  ;Jso  cants 
about  "  t!;a  separation  of  t'lc  state,"  as  if  it 
;verc  ' '  snb ject  of  faifiiiHr  discourse  and  calcu- 
lation" But  the  auministration  men  of  Balti- 
more cap  the  climax  of  this  mock  drama.  The 
Baltimore  Marylander,  under  tlie  tiouvishinr; 
tttK-  of  "  Gcd  save  the  Unirm^''  g'ives  tKe  pro- 
ceedings of  a  "  crowded  ar.d  iiig'lily  ivspectabla 
assemblage  of  the/jvoii's  r-ftkc.  Geieral  Govini- 
ment  ojidllte  Union  o/"  l/tese  S/aft.^  m\1hetl-ith 
in.?t.  to  tttfee  into  confiideyalioii  the  lati  inflam- 
matory procoedin.^s  in  South  Caroiina  and  s/;;s- 
w'lei-e."  They  put  "the  venerable  Collector 
of  the  poit  of  Baltimore,  the.  hero  of  two  wa.v, 
James  H.  McCulloch,"  in  tbc  chair; '>eaddress- 
cds  the  meeting- — he  !>TaveIy  tells  them  "that 
it  had  been  his  undcviatirsf  practice  of  late  years 
to  abstain  fcem  all  inierfcrence  i-i  political  mat- 
ters, but  Uiat  lie  rt-jjardcu  the  cxig-enciesofthe 
present  momeut  as  so  importani,  and  the  busi- 
ness upon  wiiich  this  mee'iiig-  would  I •;?  called 
delibciate  so  morne.itoiis,  diat  lie  was  compelled 
to  make  this  case  nn  exception  to  his  general 
rule,  and  to  foreje  the  comfcrls  of  home  a-.d  a 
quiet  for  this  occasion."^"  This  address  was 
received  witii  the  most  rapl itruu."  apphuaei — 
And  after  all  these  attempts  rd  effec'.  Sir.  .f .  S. 
Tyson  produces  his  preanible  ani.1  rciolutinns, 
which  wcr-;  "■  un-tmmousl;i  adopted."  Wshai-e 
no  space  to  spare  for  sucii  efl'usion.-> — tire  reso- 
lutions alone  will  shew  the  spirit  in  which  they 
are  conceiv'cd. 

"  Resr.lrcO,  That  the  princijde<^  inculcated  in 
the  CoUtion  Ad.lress,  as  well  .-.s  t'los's  avowed 
in  the  speech  of  Mr.  George  MTJuHie,  are  lios- 
tile  to  tlie  co!istifuti.'>n,  treasonable  in  their 
spirit,  and  te:;d!ng  to  rebell'on. 

"  Resolved,  That  as  we  love  the  Union — th.c 
constitatlon  which  binds  it,  and  the  sacred  mem- 
ory of  those  wiiose  blocd  and  treasure  were 
drained  to  establL'-ii  the  i,\diper.denee  upon 
which  that  Union  was  fiiunded,  wo  will  support 
it  to  the  last,  and  assist  witii  our  lives  anil  for- 
tunes the  General  Government,  whenever  it 
shall  become  necessary 'o  p'.utish  treasoii  a.id 
suppress  rebellion. 

"Ri'sohed,  That  the  editors  of  tiie  various 
newspapers  of  this  city  and  all  others  friendly 
to  the  perpetuity  of  this  Union,  be  respectfully 
requested  to  publisli  the  above  preamble  and 
resolution.?." 

All  other  (Adams)  papers  will  be  sure  to 
catch  t!ie  cue,  and  sound  the  t'jcsin. — And  pur- 
suing' the  earnest  advice  of  the  loval  "  Marjbn- 
der,"  that  the  e,j;fl).'ijo/cof  fhoBakimnre  Mcetiniy 
"will  be  followed  througliout  the  country," 
we  may  look  out  far  similar  meetinjj.s  elsewhere. 
If  the  good  sense  of  the  people  does  not  .=fop 
the  idle  farce,  we  shall  hear  the  Adams  party 
breaking  out  into  a  full  chorus  of  denunciatioii 
.md  "reprobation." 


It  is  tiius  thai  trie's  r.f'lovXricic  is  piaycdoii— 
for  where  is  the  necessity  of  such  si  "ious  ap 
peals  to  th^'e.iple?  Ii;  there  one  imiia-lia!  mai 
v.'ho  apprchenris  disunion?  Where  are  the  evi 
der.ce.^  of  the  plot'  ■  . 

Uo  ive  find  it  in  (he  interests  of  Andrew  J?ck 
son  himself  A  man  whom  the  public  voice  i 
bearing' on  to  tiie  Chief  M:i;^is.'racy — and  win 
will  certainly  prefer  the  whole  to  a  divided  eiv. 
pire.  ,  . 

In  the  declarations,  of  Mr.  Kowan?  -IViiei 
there  is  no  proof  of  his  having  vittered  thom— 
iiiid  wiien  he  iiiiufelf  is  directlr  at  points  v.itl 
the  citizens  ox  South  Carolina  about  the  tar'fV— 
««{Sf  lo  he  one  of  the  great  bends  of  union  amonf 
the  coiispirators. 

Shall  we  rely  upon  any  general  declarstioni 
of  any  preniloman,  sent  out  to  the  world  ant 
^tript  of  all  the  circumstances  which  qualify  anc 
explain  thei-.i?  Can -.vc  l;e!ieve  that  any  mai 
wo'iki  b-i!uiy  dividg-j  a  plot  which  requires  tnt 
utmost  discretion  to  ripen  it — or  that  he  who  ii 
indebted  to  the  Union  for  one  of  the  hig'liest  of 
f.ccs  with'm  its  gif?,' would  be  mad  enough  tt 
]5rom.ote  a  plot,  Mihose  success  would  prostrate 
his  O'.vn  hmiors  and  his  Ovvn  intercslsi' 

Will  ihey  rely  upon  any  anoinmous  report  c 
the  conversations  of  a  gentleman  wiiose  whole 
character  is  nt  war  with  t'sc  alleged  declaration, 
ard  who  lias  himself  contradictetl  it' 
.  They  bring' up  some  nitis'.y  letter  written  2C 
years  ago,  ind  c'l'arg'ng  J'.r.  Giles  v.'ith  express- 
ing' a  "desire  to  see  'i  se;>arat:on  oT  this  State 
from  th-i  General  Union.'-  Jlr.  Giles  (t!\c 
pre'^enr  G.-ivcrue')  peremptcrily  denisd  the 
statem.ent  at  the  time;  denied  explicitly  what  he 
did  say  in  cenversation;  and  now  declares  that 
he  di<l  not  llien,  nor  dees  lie  no'.v,  r.or  rlid  lie 
ever  desire  to  see  a  sepLU'ation  of  the  United 
."^t.itcs — iior  did  lit;  ever  express,  or  hear  any 
other  person  express  such  desire,  to  the  best  oi 
his  re  collection. 

Where,  tiien,  arc  the  proofsofthisti'cason  and 
rebellion'  AVhy,  they  must  at  last  point  us  to 
some  aiionymousparagraphsin  South  Carolina — 
a  iev,'  hot  t;iasts  at  public  dinners — some  party 
remarks  cf  .Mr.  McDuiTie  r.nd  the  resolutions  ot 
2  or  3  ptii-dic  meeting. — But  ought  these  to  im- 
■plicate  a  wliole  Stale  in  a  grave  conspiracy?  Or 
do  they  admit  of  any  other  fair  interpretation 
than  that  'hey  express  the  feelings  of  compara- 
ti'.'ely  a  few  citizens,  soin?  under  the  goad  of 
oppi'cssio'1,  luid  «l'.o  ai'o  likely  to  recover  thei'.' 
temper  with  the  firi-t  moment  of  i e'Aiini'.ig  : •■ 
Hfction. 

We  a.'ifc  again  for  lhc"m03t  elevated  and  tal- 
ented advocnies"  of  "disunion"  among  the 
friends  of  (Icn  Jac-icson. — Where  are  they' 

Governor  Taylor  is  no  Disunionist — He  has 
frankly  set  his  face  ag.iinst  resistance  to  the  laws 
— he  refuses  tc  convene  the  Legislature  — and 
bears  testimony  to  the  general  mo.leration  of 
his  fellow  citizens.  I!o  tells  the  people  ofCol- 
l.-ton,  that  no  other  meeting  has  nmo  to  him 
with  an  .application  aimilar  to  theirs,  and  "it  i.s, 
ther-fore,  iiiirly  to  be  inferred,  that  the  measure 
you  ask  mc  to  adopt  is  no  whf.re.  in  oivr  Slate  de- 
sired /ml  by  iiiuse  on  udtose  behalf  ymt  have  made 
your  co!iimur,iCct'07i  to  me." 

The  N.ational  Intelligencer  was  the  first  to 
ciy  out  that  Gov evnen' Taylor  "has  given  the j 
qnietuK  to  the.  f;arfui  plot." — Its  ofticial  col- 
league, the   "National  .lournal,"averrd  before. 


iianJ,  iliHi  if  ••  Uoveriiof  Taxlor'^ifili  dcciiiio 
assemble  the  Le.!^'isl,it;ire,   we   mny   hope   tli;it 
this  stdi'cn  will  blow  over  witliout  injui'v" — aiitl 
yet  both  tliese  .Journals  still  coiitiiiue  to  iiarp  iip- 
011  tile  [jiot  for  ;i  di^i'^nI^Itiou  of  the  Union. 

Jlr.  Vice  President  Cr.lho'.in  trusts  to  "the 
£;ood  ieiise  antl  virtue  of  the  ])co))le  for  :i  renic- 
ily" — and  believes  that  tl.o  prescr.t  "excite- 
ment will  be  restrained  within  the  hmils  of^nod- 
craliini."     Of  conrse,  he  is  no  D^siinionist. 

Mr.  JlitchcU  (a  memlier  of  tli..-  H.  of  11. 1  at 
cl  public  dinner  at  Charlcstoji  f:;iven  by  the  old  - 
Kcvoluti;>nary  *)cieiy  on  tlia  4th  .luly,  invites 
tliem  to  "make  every  conslitiiliona!  onposilion 
to  (his  most  nnconstilulional  law,  and  Ui'Mtrt  oj 
v.oknt  fffid  hfcdlvi'^  mrasv;res." 

&Jr.  Martin,  anotliev  member  of  fjongress,  the 
decided  opp';nent  of  the  Tarill'oti  the  Commit- 
tee of  .Mamifactnrcs,  and  anoilier  decided  friend 
of  Jackson,  %r!tcs  to  liis  friend  in  Washington 
Cliy:  "I!it  friend  tiales  is  neitii-.r  f.i'r  nor  can- 
d'd,  when  he  attempts  to  nia;-n:fy  it  as  he  does, 
for  a  particular  ptnposj.  if  he  really  depre- 
cates the  oonsetftiences  which  he  pourlrays,  as 
he  aflects  to  do,  he  on!;ht  to  recollect,  that 
such  airaires  often  acquire  imparlance,  which 
never  could  have  belonged  to  thcni,  by  their 
beiui^'  used,  precisely  as. lie  is  using'  this.  'IliCrR 
is  )io  .'orf  of  di,>ig::f  tif  disunion,  aassion,  rc'jcl- 
i:o:>i  &n." 

The  idea  of  ftny  rebellion  or  disunion,  undtr 
the  circumstances  of  t'-.e  c<*uiitry,  is  the  merest 
farce  in  the '.vo' hi.  Andyet  we  hav^sccn  and 
sliall  see  it  most  gravely  urjjed,  to  aiiawrr  "  a 
particular  purpose," 

lint  we  bejj  leave  tn  c;dl  into  cour',  on  th« 
present  ficeasion,  two  vi-vv  disinterested  wit- 
nesses— t\v.>  KditDi's  of  the  New  Yoik  papers 
who  t:dce  no  active  part  in  piditics.  atid  arc  real- 
ly neillicr  Trojans  nor  Tyriafis.  'I'iiey  are  im- • 
partial  5pcc*at(!rs,  who  see  Ihc  wiio'e  of  the 
game  that  is  ijoing'  on,  and  know  wlutt  to  think 
ijf  it.  The  lirkt  we  sha'd  in'r(xltice  !3  the  "  New 
York  Statesn^aii,"  who  i^ivcs  iis  not  only  disin- 
terested opinions  but  real    iact.'f. 

"  Stidimcnii  nf  tlic  ynu.'ii. — AVe  yesterday 
cnnvei.-;ed  with  a  gentleman  from  Colunr.bia, 
Soutli  C-irnliiia,  the  se::t  .-.f  the  late  acts  of  vio- 
lence 1:1  tiiat  stale,  and  obtained  from  Mm  some 
parlicularsin  rei^'ard  to  the  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple, which  cannot  iie  i^.ilhered  from  t!ic  news- 
papers. He  states  that  the  i;rcat  liddi/  of  the 
plrnfcrs  and  o'.hcr  rcypcctabk  iiienibrsnf  Ike  com- 
luuni/ij  dibcoitntciiance  the  violent  proceciUiiifs 
of  intcniperate  iiolitic'rans.  Fcui persons  of  any 
standing  iti  sticicty  v.'cre  present  at  the  disjjrace- 
ful  scenes  in  CoUitTibia,  and  those  few  were  at- 
tracted by  mere    curiosity, 

"Ouv  informant  ailds  that  the  people  of  South 
Carolinia  are  adoptiuij  the  most  discreet,  efiica- 
tious  and  patri?tic  of  all  n'odes  ofcnui'.t^n-actin,;- 
t:;c  innuence  oft'.ie  Tariit'— ?/;«'  nf  developint^ 
tmdrtl:/i>i!;i>atlit:ir oivn .-esQurces.  Tuc moitntaiti- 
OU3  d-slricts  of  the  slate  possess  ex.::c'ient  water 
privileges  and  peculiar  advantag-es  for  maimfac- 
turin;;.  Public  attention  has  been  direct';.!  on 
this  subJEct,  as  also  to  the  j-aisiny  of  cattle  up- 
on lands  now  unoccupied.  The  latter  expe- 
dient will  relieve  the  Carolinians  from  the  ptvy- 
inent  of  K  large  amount  in  cash  to  the  western 
slates  for  beeves,  horses,  anil  mules,  without  any 
v.'ciprocity  ill  trade. 
ll       "U  is  but  justice  to  rcmat  V,  thst  the  State  of 


Virp^ini.',  iiiiii.il  as  .she  is  opposed  to  the  tai-iil^ 
has  manifested  a  det^rec  o?"  moderation  on  th'..; 
subject,  worthy  of  her  diffiiity  and  influence  in 
the  Union.  Her  example  has  prrbably  had  a 
salutary  eii'ect  on  the  warmer  temperament  of 
same  of  her  so'ltliern  nei.!{hbor=.  ,  Her  citizens 
have  h.id  tile  ju'ltjment  to  adopt  a  system  (n 
rlijid  domestic  ec:<noniy.and  self-dependence,  as 
the  oii'y  Ic.Ejitlmato  means  of  nieetiiig a  polidy  to 
which  they  are  opi)os?d. 

'*\ye  rejoice  at  these  iiidiadio^is  of  good  scnsr: 
and  sound  palrio'isnt,  in  ilie  Soulhern  ^:ialcs;fo" 
we  are  net  the  advocates  of  ths  Tariff,  as  a  poli- 
cy desitjned  to  enrich  one  section  of  tl-.e  United 
Slates,  at  the  expense  of  another,  but  because 
in  our  view  it  is  calculated  10  render  us  inde- 
pendent cf  foreign  nation.s,  cherish  the  domes- 
tic industry,  and  promote  the  pgrmaneiit  pros- 
perity of  the  v.licle  country." 

'I'he  next  is  the  N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce; 
of  the  sa'.ne  date,  (the  "-!th)  and  expresses  it- 
self irj  the  foiowinj^  manner: 

"  S'oi-"t::k!{N'  Sextimkxts \Ve  arc  rcallv 

sorry  to  see  the  manner  in  which  5orbc  of  our 
papers  arc  coiitinuintj  to  notice  the  inunnur.s 
and  movements  of  the  South  as;-.rinst  the  Tarifi'. 
We  say-of  the  South — for  so  they  speak — thi.' 
!t  is  really  only  S.  Carolina,  fund  indeed  onli/ 
a  s,'!ia/l  purl  nf  Hint,  J  that  has  made  any  show 
of  n'pposit  on  in  tile  c;ise.  The  other  States  oi' 
the  South,  and  p:rticul.r-iy  Virginia,  which  is 
th«  van  of  them,  arc  all  as  qttiit  and  hi  a/ as 
ve  could  tvis'i.  They  feel,  to  be  .sure,  the  evil, 
and  as  they  thing-,  the  injii<ttice,  and  inequality, 
and  urconstilutionality  of  the  system — and  of 
the  late  aj^gravaiiuii  of  it.  And  they  talk,  to'^, 
about  cncuiirai'-ing'  their  own  domestic  matiu- 
factures,  and  seltinij  their  slaves  to  making- 
coarse  stidfs,  and  things  nf  that  sort.  Still  yuit 
■  do  not  hear  Ihtm  i^prak  nf  rciislnnce,  or  disunion, 
or  any  i/iing  "f  i!-c  i:in<l.  This  is  wise,  anil 
proper,  and  bcccmiii!;.  lUit  in  South  Carolina, 
it  is'truc,  the  people,  (or  soine  of  tiicm,)  havs! 
nut  been  ul!n^cll:er  as  peaceable  and  prudciit 
as  they  tn'-giit  and  shovtUl  have  been,  and  somo 
of  the'm  have  uttered  and  published  amvic  rasU- 
and  silly  thiiif^s  wiiich,  taken  by  tl-.e  letter, 
might  mean  treason — or  any  thing  else — (for 
we  do  not  pretend  to  be  able  to  interpret  such, 
ebullitions  of  feeling  very  exactly.  AVe  "un- 
derstand s.  fur!/  in  tlie  words,  but  not  the 
words  ")  And  tiiese  have  been  seized  upon 
Willi  tireal  avidily.  by  our  iiarly  writers,  and 
mafrni/xd  and  luirri/ted,  in  their  way,  till  we 
could  almost  faiicy  in  reading  their  representa- 
tions, that  the  whole  of  our  Southern  States, 
from  tlie  Potomac  down,  were  ripe  and  ready 
for  a  dissolution  of  liie  Uivon!  .Ind  lliix  llu^J  do 
purely  loshcto  tiieir  zeril  for  the  tonslilulidn  and 
iiie  confc^irrnfion,  cind  titeir  anxiety  to  prcserva 
them  i.-i  idt  their  ford.' 

"No-.v,  for  our  part,  we  think  that  these  "-cos.? 
cxusgerat'ons  and  mhrepresenlalions  if  the  slate 
Off'  public  senliinenl  in  any  ipiarler  of  our  eounlry, 
accompanied  as  they  usu.ally  are  with  invidious 
and  insulting  "  geograpiiical  distinctions,"  arc 
a  thousand  times  more  dangerous  to  the  ])eaco 
and  weltiu-e  of  our  Union,  than  all  that  they, af- 
fect to  condem!!.  And  we  really  wish  th.at  those 
who  undertake  to  enlighten  and  direct  public 
opinion  could  be  made  sensible  of  the  cj-ross fol- 
ly of  proceeding  in  this  way,  to  intiame  tha 
iKissions  %\hic!i  they  ought  to"  compose,  and  in 


a.3a 


-.ISC,  o.',  pci-liaps,  ciiralc  l^e  \  evy  cviU  wliich 
1  hey  pretcml  to  JL-plore.»^ci  tVie  mean  t:me, 
wc  lira  glad  to  see  iiy  our  i.it-,'  :icco-.inls  fioin 
tWe  SoiHil,  thr.t  is,  from  South  Carolina ,  that 
the  "gooJ  people"  of  that  S;a'^,.(v,'ith  the  ex- 
ceplionof'a  few  "  ardent  spirits"  among  them,) 
are  g'oinjf  about  thiir  business  in  a  very  peacea- 
hleand  oril.nly  way  and  wearc  quite  sure,  from 
.  the  just  and  generous  senlimeiUstiiat  arebreat- 
iii.^iVQm  themin  all  direction^,  that  ive  si'i'ill  have 
iiellhrr  war,  iifir  ttpara'.Um,  f.vni  fh:m,  Ihislhne, 
nurfur a lungtimetocoine.  We rel'er  more  particii- 
l.uly  to  the  patriotic  speec"i  of  tliv.  Taylor,  (at  a 
ilinner  on  the  4tli  of  July,)  whieii  we  suppose, 
we  may  resjard  as  tlie  >  oice  of  the  State,  and  a 
part  ofv/hic'i  we  must  rive  cur  readers 'i;i  these 
woixis." 

Now,  this  as  it  should  be.  The  Editor  lias 
sense  enough  to  sceVi  at  is  passing,  and  kno\ys 
the  exact  character  of  those  who  tallc  in  South 
Carofnia,  and  those  who  comment  n)ion  Ihc-ii' 
jjroceecings  elsewhere. — We  laval!  these  mat- 
ters before  our  leaders,  and  leave  thorn  to  draw 
1  heir  own  commenls.  Uut  there  is  one  passage 
in  the  Speech  of  Henry  BtUhv in,  l".sq.  deliver- 
ed at  rtttsburgh  on  the  'itli  July,  which  he  ay- 
jilies  to  Mr.  Clay's  "War,  psstilence  and  fam- 
ine" Speech,  so  very  germain  to  the  present 
subject,  that  wc  caiiuot  resist  t-Iie  desire  ofc.x- 
^acting-  it  : 

"  rrighlful  picliucs  maybe  conjured  up  as 
bugaboos  to  alarm  children  :  but  they  are  Iru!/ 
contemptible- when  brought  to  opeiate  on  a 
grcRt  nation.  Thirty  years  .ago  the  same  spirit 
raged— tlie  Republican  parly  were  reviled  as 
being  actuated  by  tise  Jacobinical  spirit  of 
I-*i":mce — no  abuse  was  too  outrageous,  no  epi- 
thets too  vulgar  or  severe  to  apply  to  them, 
'flic  advocates  of  the  elder  Adams  not  cnly  pre- 
dicted the  destruction  of  llie  government,  by 
the  election  of  Mr.  Jefierson,  but  i  Ven  the 
ehristiapi  religion  was  to  be  prostrated  before 
the  nioloch  of  Democracy.  Such  istlie  cUmor, 
the  lute  and  cry  (fall  men  in  power,  wiien  the 
sceptre  is  about  to  pass  from  tlieir  han.h — such 
i>  the  course  of  all  adminislrati  jns,  who  liave 
lost  the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  sucli  it 
will  ever  be.  lint  freemen  will  disregard  it — 
they  have  seen  the  loUy  and  weakness  of  such 
iniwortl'.y  attempts  to  inflnence  public  opinion — 
ihcy  hr.ve  seen  their  impotent  efiorls — tiu-y 
have  or.eo  snatched  the  couititiition  from  iisui-- 
p.ation — t'ley  will  do  it  again,  and  find  the  coun- 
try as  much  benefited  by  putting >>n  end  to  llie 
administration  of  the  one,  as  the  other  Adams;" 


Vmm  the  Boston  Statesman. 

MR.  JOHN  LOWELL. 

This  veteran  politician  of  the  Essex  Junto 
school,  and  Hartford  Convention  Stamp,  has  it 
seems  after  four  or  five  years,  been  able  to  make 
liis  appe.a.-ancc  once  more  in  the  pohtical  cock- 
pit, clap  his  wiiigs,  and  show  fight.  Ills  last 
"  demimstration"  in  political  ttaifaie,  as.lohnQ. 
-\danis  says,  gave  him  litUe  to  be  proud  of,  for 
his  attack  upon  the  Ij'.ston  Patriot,  was  repuls- 
ed w,th  such  spirit  and  ability  bv  its  editor  Col. 
.larvis,  that  the  "Rebel"  has'jiot:  been  since  in 
fighting  trim.  I  am  glad  that  lie  lias  come  out 
against  the  Statesman,  for  I  like  the  paper,  and 
lis  republican  principles,  an^  noUiin?  can  be  of 


soiiiucii^  ,  ;;03itlon,  aniUius 

tilily  of  such  j).;,.t  cans  as  .(imi:,-  tiHi-ELL. 

Mr.  L'j-.vell  denies  that  he  was  the    author  of 
"  thecelohr.ated  Essays  in  the  lloslon  Ceiitinel, 
in  favor  of  the  dissolution    rtf  t'le   union."     lie 
admits  however,  th  it  th±  cliarge  is  not  one  ii.- 
venicd  by  the  Statesman,  tiiat  tliey   have  often 
been  iiiput-ed  to  him,  and  that  it   has   "never 
been  contradicted"  by  him.     When  l!;ese    E-- 
says  were  written,  they  had   a  high  reputation 
both  in  Otn  Knclvsu  aiil  Nkw  Enblasii.      Mi. 
l.ov.ell  had  /.'.e  cr(^i'  of  litem,  and  bad  the  plans 
of  til';  fedei'.il  party    s.iccetdcd,   h.ad  the    New 
Englan  1  states  obt.iined  a  release  from  the  iron 
rule  of  democracy,  and  been  brought  back  un- 
der the  mild  y<jk.e  of  the   Uritisii  monarcliy,  1.  ■ 
wojld  have  been  thought  woitiiy  «f«  pter.i^i . 
as  a  reward  for  those  ess.ay  sand  his  political  wii 
tings.      It  is  a  little  ?.ing;!lar  that  >.Jr.    L.  shoal  '■ 
have  been  willing  to  be  pi-.iisji  so  long  for  wr:  - 
tings,  ttf/uci'j /(^  Jieivc  tvrii/e.     Mr.    Lowell   sa; 
that  he  "  condemned  and  regretted"  the   publi- 
cation of  those  cssnys.     lie   also   assigns   as  : 
reason  why  lie  '■  never  contradicted"  t'le  repo,; 
that  he.wa'st!;eir  aiuhor,  thr.t  be  felt  "an  cntii 
indiff.Tence  to  it."     t!ow  do'^liese  two  tiling, 
chimer     Could  Mr   I.,  have  "felt  an  entire  L. 
diiTerence"  to  what  he  "  condemned  ami  regret- 
ted".'    If  he  felt  sucli  an  "  tmtii-e  indilierence" 
aboiit  these  essays  "  hifiivor  of  the  disbulalion  oj 
the  imiunf  hiacondemnatioji   could  i.ot   have 
been  lu'ul,  nor  his  regret  (.'«j>. 

Mr.  Lo-.vell  tellsuslliathe  "openly  condemn- 
ed and  regretted"  their  publication.      He  does 
not  say  tb.at  he  "openly  cond.r.Kiedand  regret- 
ted" their  publication  on  account  of  t'leir  daii- 
geroiis  docijines,  hut  on  accoimt  of  (ise  advan- 
tag-e  they  gave  to  the  opponents  of  the  feder.d 
pally.     I'.ut  1  chidlenge  .Mr.  Lowell  to  fuinisit 
any  salisfaclory  prooS'lh.at  he  "o/iC'2/y coidemn- 
ed"  those   Essay .s,  or  any  of  the  violent    fee - 
ings  and  measures  of  the  federal  p  uly  of  New 
England,  dining  the  lute  wai-.     I  kno.v  as  weli 
as  Jir.   Lowell  does,  all  the  publ'c  con.duct  of 
the  federal  leaders,  and  I  tlirow   the   ch.iUengo 
in  h's  teeth,  to  prodnce  Vi public  speech,  vot^or 
act,  of  his,  in  opposition   to  tne  course    of  con- 
duct pursued  by  the  ffartford  Convention  fede- 
ralists, and  which  the  late  lamented   Go.'ernor 
Eusiis,  so   trolly  and  boldy  dinnnnce  1,  ja  his 
.able  In.iug'ird  speech,  responded  to  iiy  th;f  an- 
swer of  the  House  of  liepresentalires,  and'by 
wliich  the  atrocious  conduct  ot"  tile  faier.il  par- 
ly,  was  put  upon  an  enduring  record,    to  be 
haijded  down  to  posterity,  for  their  cicrnul  at- 
hurh^nce.     II  is  a  fact  knor.n  to  tlie  whole  cntin- 
try  that  John  Lowell's  influfnce  at  ihuL  time, 
v/itli  the  fe^lei-al  party  was  so   great,   tSiat — to  | 
say  nothin.:::  of  his  open  condeiunatloii — a  word, 
a   sign,    a  look   of  disapprobation,   from    him, 
wouid  have  prevented  those   measures,  which 
all  now  disown,  and  a'l  nnw  are  obliged  to  coii- 
deinn,  and   which   sunk,  as  with   a   miil-stono 
about   the  r  neck«,    the    Hartford    Convention! 
party,  in  tlie  depths  of  a  sea  of  infamy.      Didl 
John  Lowell,  on  the  day  that  he  was  joining  in  I 
the  Te  Ueum  at  the  li'iitg'x  Chapel,   [on  Ihatl 
day   resuming  its  old  name]  cpenly   condeiimfl 
the  hoisting  of  the  five  striprd  flag — the  Uoyai 
salute  at   noon — the   New    Engla.id    sdute    ot 
five  guns  at   suiiT-Set,    by   the  Silver  tirey   hc-ji 
roes  of  iS'ewburyport,  where  they  threatened  tc 
"resi.-t  even  unto  liiood"'     Dk!  Jolvi   Loivellj 


openly  cofHlc-iiiu,  and  regret  the  Te  Deiiin 
iv/iich Jie  assis/ai >n  f^eitinij  up  in  liunoi-  of  the 
victories  of  Eng--.«iJ,  our  enemy,  On^n  desolat- 
ing' our  coiuury,  ririil  tl^.e  Holy  fVUiai-.ce,  the 
avowed  cneiiuts  i;fu!l  rep-jblican  g-ovcrnments' 
Did  loiiii  Lowell  opc.iilj'  regret  s.nA  Condemn 
the  conduci  of  Gover-icr  Caleb  Strong-,  when 
he  unlawfully  reftisfd,  being-  S'istalned  l->y  his 
iedtraUndg-es,  the  call  of  tlie  Gener.-d  Govern- 
ment for  the  Militia  '  Uid  .lohn  Lowell  openly 
cotidomn  and  rejjrct  Stronjf-'s  infamous  procla- 
matirn,  dcclarin.^-  our  ei>;-my  Kngl.-uir",  'ihe  niod- 
eru  liabylon,  "  full  if  her  aljominatlons,"  who 
drove  o-jr  fathers  ovcr'tSyj^wide  si-a  i;;to  th's 
wiUlerness,  to  seek  for  the  enjoymcrit  of  civil 
and  relijjiot^Siliberty — tkk  i!utv.'AHK.oi-THE  be- 
HCios  WE  pnoftss  ?  Did  John  Lowell  openly 
condemn  and  re^^ret  the  rc-soiution  of  .lo.'^iali 
Quiiicy,  since  expiinjfcd  as.8  disgrace  to  tiie  re- 
cords of  the  Senate  of  Masivclmsctts.that  it  \ras 
unbecoming  a  moral  and  i-eljj^ious  peopla  to  re- 
joice in  the  victories  of  their  cotintryineii  ?  Did 
John  Lo->vc!l  opeiJy  coi'.demn  Jantes  Lioyd-'s 
letter  to  John  Kandolph  of  Rcanoice,  insisting 
Vhat  I'resi.dcnt  .Mad, son  slioiild  be  "covrpd'cd  in 
resign"?  Finally— did  John  Lowei!  openly 
condcn-.r!>  that  execrable  measure  to  Ijaiter  off 
101-  "innocent ribband;," for  our  Va!'.!:ee  Nobili- 
ty, the  "common  j>ec'ple"  of  New  Hnglar.^!,  as 
slaves  tof  the  Uriiis'.i  Crown— the  Hahtjouu 
CoNvKSTioN  ?  Wv  tippeai  to  the  whiile  coun- 
try to  cay  \vhetli*r  John  Lo-.vell  "openly  con- 
demned," or  "  c\)cn\y"  ceunknrwcer;',  t!ie  no- 
led  measures  of  tl:e  federal  parly  ot  New  Eng-- 
land,  during-  the  war.  Tiie,  v.-lio'e  tendency  of 
Mr.  Lowell's  writings  and  ccndect  was  to  .sus- 
tain the  federal  p;;rty,  and  the  whole  aim  and 
tendency  of  t';ie  measures  of  that  parly  were  to 
jiroduee  "a  jiissoivtios  of  t:ik  ijmos."  To 
deny  tlie  abominable  object  of  the  Hartford 
Convention  is  now  usekie.  The  sentence  of 
time  has  passed  upon  it,  which  is  irreversible. 

Tilr.  Lowell  boasts  o'  bis  zeal  .ind  e.\e-rtionsin 
the  feder-il  cause,  and  he  is  still  proud  of  his 
federalism.  We  v.-ishthat  his  nepiiew,  m  whose 
l>e;!a)f  Mr.  Lov.'clUias  stepped  forth  so  p-r-ilanl- 
jy,  and  Ihe  oliier  amalgam.Ation  g-en-lemcn, 
would  be  so  fraiik^  Mr.  VVebster,  who  has  ta- 
ken the  helm  of t!ie  federal  i)avty,!rora  the  Low- 
ells, the  Otises,  &.cJ  is  "the  head  of  tlie  amalg'ai 
■mation  pai-ly  in  v^J-.ich  Mr..  Lowcll's'ivephew 
l.olds  a  subordinate  slatTon.  Ko-iv  the  amal?;a- 
inuti.onists  have  abjured  the  >ianic  but  not  the 
;3rj7ici)<&4- of  federalism,  and  they  are  so  laham- 
^rf  of  what  Sir.  Lowell  seems  to  be  so  '-jro'idui', 
tiiat  they  protest  that  t/t'.ileralism  is  dead,  and  the 
!<ia!c  reptesrrjcd  insolvent.-  Mr.  Lowell,  v.-ho 
conceives  that  the  fed-.-ral  party  is  !ivinfr>  (hat 
he  IS  pfoud  to  belong  to  if,  and  lir.  M'ebster 
and  his  uridcrli!i!;s  wiio  say  that  it  i^  dfad  and 
buried,  niny  settle  this  matter  between  thein. 

Ivlr.  Lowell,  also,  inthe  transport  of  his  adir.i- 
-ration  for  federalism,  loves  it  more  when  its 
isupporters  are  out  of  power,  than  wl.eii  in  pow- 
|;cr.  In  this  taste,  the  people  of  the  .United  S. 
[a^ree  with  him,  and  probably  it  is  the  only  po- 
litical matter  in  whicli  they  and  ^!r.  L-.iweil  ean 
.  K'rve.      Th^  great  massoftl-.e   people  oftlie 

lilted  States  love  the  federal  party  best  when 
of  po-vver,  for  then  they  qannot  op))rcss  or 
n.ischief.     In  order,  too,  that  tlieir  love  for 

e  federalists  may  not  be  abated,  they  mean 
■'y:ilol!fep  'liiii:  Old  nfpov.(r.     As  Mr.  Low- 


ell loves  them  best  wiieii  in  trouble,,  he  will 
love  them  better  than  ever— a.fter  the  next  4ll; 
of  M.'ivch.  ■  ;, 

Jtr.  Lowell  rdso  tells  us  how  independent  he 
is  >>f  the  people,  and  hn-.v  little  he  reg-a'ds^iupu- 
iar  •;!  vour.  I'his  is  the  cant  of  all  rundown  pol- 
Kicians.  It  was  only  when  the  jjrapes  were  be- 
yond liis  reach  that  the  fox  called  them  sour. 

Mr.  Lowel!  ass-.-rts  his  devotion  to  our  govern- 
ment, and  in  the  same  breath  boasts  of  his 
prompt,  and  constant  exertions  in  the  glorious 
cause  of  federalism.  I'his  seems  to  be  alilile  in- 
consistent, for  it  a  \\ell  known  fact — that  the 
g-reat  object  of  th-  federal  party,  has  ever  ijeen 
the  esi  (blishment  of  a  Monai'ciiical  form  of  gov- 
ernment, on  the  ru'ns  of  the  Republic.  Their 
zeal-  for  the  adopuon  oi  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  was  merely  because  they  saw  it 
in  theyir;«,and  bO|)e<l  soon  to  see  the  suhstunce, 
of  that  ''most  stupen.ious  f.ibric  of  human  in- 
vention" as  the  riusT  Ad.i>!s  called  the  Br.iTJSii 
CossTiTuTioN.  They  intendcd^hal  v.'t  should 
soon  have  the  substance  of  the  Kritish  Constitu- 
tion. The  obnoxious  measures  of  John  Achuns's 
adminislTatioii,  were  al!  with  this  view.  Had  he 
been  re-elecled.  Cod  be  thanked  he  was  not,  it 
was  inlcndetl  by  Gag-  laws,  the  llank  inlluence, 
and  a  standing  army,  to  force  upon  the  [H-oplc 
of  the  United  States  a  Kinult  Goveiinmext. 
When  by  the  civil  revohition  of  1301,  the  iilan 
was  defeated,  the  next  plan  was  a  distolutiun  of 
the  Union,  and  a  Northern  confederacy,  under 
the  i)rotection  of  tlic  British  Crown,  and  under 
the  jjovevnuient  of  a  Ilritisli  Prince.  Tliis  was 
tl-.e  "daring  pint  to  dissever  trie  Union"  of  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  says  "t.ie  Hartford  Cuni-iUl ion  was 
a  sitOseijiten!  Chapter"  This  plot  and  "/A? /reas- 
onalle  d^fispts  of  tin  federal  ptirty  aflltat  day" 
were  disclosed  by  John  Q.  Adams,  who  impeach- 
ed lii.s  old  associates,  as  is  proved  by  the  letters 
of  Governor  Giles  and  Thoir.as  Jefferson. 

>Ir.  Lowell  says,  as  I  have  already  observed, 
that  he  has  never  co-.,tradicted  the  story  of  his 
being-  the  au'Jior  cjf  'those  Kss-ays,  and  that  he 
has  felt  "an  entire  indifference  to  it."  Does 
this  look  as  though  he  "  lypcvly  coid'mncd  and 
resetted"  those  Essay!?,  or  dots  it  look  like  as- 
sent and  appi-obtit'on  ?  It  is  too  late  in  the  day 
for  the  leaders  of  the  IVdefKl  party  of  New 
Engfland  in  1814  to  hope  to  throw  of  the  load  of 
reproacii  which  rests  upon  them.  The  very  at- 
temjjl  only  makes  them  dispised  by  those  who 
before  only  koted  tliern.  The  people  have  set 
.imark  upon  them,  and  they  will  never  trust- 
ti;cm,  nor -believe  t/ieni.  Mr.  Lowell  has  told 
ys  what  he  fuis  not  written.  A  man  who  is  so 
I)i-ou(i  of  what  he  has  done  for  the  fedeftl  cause, 
can  surely  have  no  objection  to  inforniinjf  the 
public  what  he  lius  written  during-the  last  v/ar, 
whether  he  is  not  the  author  cf  the  "  Ifoadto 
Ruin,"  "  the  Boston  rebel,"  and  many  essays 
in  the  Boston  papers  against  Samuel  Dexter 
when  a  candidate  for  Go^-ernor,  on  account  of 
his  opposition  to  the  conduct  of  the  Hartford 
Convention  party. 

Mr.  Lowell  assigns  as  a  rea.tolii  for  coming 
out  agaiust  the  S.tatesma!',  that  i*  was  not  on  his 
account,  but  on  account  of  bis  nephew.  The 
best  service  which  Mr.  L.  can  render  his  re- 
lations ill  the  political  world,  is  to  provoke  no 
exaininat'-on  of /us  past  political  conduci,  and  to 
maintain  a  discreet  silence  on  ih<:  s-jbject  of  lii» 
connexions!- besides  Mr.  Lowell's  nephew  will 


iSi) 


,cr  oe  ot  so  niiicli  imporUii-.c^-,  as  to  provoke  lo  scitlcr  tnc;  iii.»ib  ci  aeccijuoii,  m  rtiuua.i  ti. 

.iltiicksuffic.enilvseiioiisaitoreqi'.u-e ill  Ills  Pennsyivaui-,  «!"ch  ."fe   lioven.ig   ov.-r  oilier 

defence  such   an   able  cb.impio!!   as  Mr.  Jolm  ijlatcs,  ^.ml^or.fk,  in  i-ctirKi,  as  m  noiv  rcspecS- 

Lo^yel].  fully  do,  from  yon,  siicb  iniorr.it.or.,   f.s  it  tnr.y 

Mr.  Lowell  speaks  wiih  no  small  degree  of  be  supposed  Pcniuvlvania  must  be  anxious  lo 
coirplacency  of  tlie  sen-ices  which  he  is  con- 


stun-;iy  rendering:  llie  public.  He  jirobabie 
means  .i.s  an  asTiciiltur.ilist,  and  1  concede  to  him 
*•  great  merit  in  this  particular.  1  base  no  dnubt 
tJiat  in  conseqaence  of  his  excrlio.is,  our  bulls 
at  the  Cattle  Shows  make  a  far  more:  maijniiiccnt 
appeai-ance  than  formerly,  and  iliat  our  puir.p- 
kuis  liave  greatly  improved  in  size  an;!  flavor. 
Had  Mr.  Lowell  been  as  good  a  politician  as  lie 
is  a  fai-mer,   and  h:id  not  sov.-ed  mor^ tarts  than 


receive. 

Willi  an  earnestness,  such  as  men  should  feel, 
who  respect  themselves,  and  covet  the  regai-d 
of  others,  we  assure  you,  that  the  fidelity  cl 
Pennsylvania  to  tiie  iiicorruiitible  patriot,  wlioiu 
she,  fii'stofall  the  Stiues,  hid  the  honor  to  pro- 
pose for  the  presidency,  rtm;uns  unslnken,  tl-.at 
s!ie  glories  in  the  position,  which  she  held  and 
holds;  andtii.1t  this  spirit  will  be  manifested  b;- 
nmsjbmy,  which,  we   believe,  will  lie  greate; 


fhsat  in  tiie  political  held,  he  would  have  en-  than  tiiat  which  any  individual  has  ever  hnd,  ai 

jyed  more  of  wlKit  he  now  seems  to  despise,  a  coutes'-cd  election  in  Pennsylvania. 

,'pL''.arf.ivor,  than  has  fidlenlo  his  lot.     In  that  It  is  tnia,  that,   especially  in  tlie  disU-ict  :r 

;..enl  he  probably  could  nave  set  a  higher  value  which  we  reside,  denr.onstratioiis  have  of  lal- 

upo.i  il.       -         '  been  made,  calculated,   as  lliey  v.'ere  designed, 

In  parting  with  Mr.  Lowell,  I  must  repeat  my  to  create  an  impreision  abroad,  that  there  had 

.troductory  congr.atu!ation,  en  finding  him,  by  been  acllang-c  in  public  opinioiW  but  those  c.\- 

r  eM  of  Judge  iUrsh-AVs  strcngHunins  pittsli.-,  hibitions  have  been  altogether  scenic  and  facti- 

for  which  Mr.  Lowell  sent  all  the  way  to  liicii-  tiouE;  our  imiTiediate  oppohents  rest  upon    no 

mond,  Va.,  so  much  recovered  from  the  bruises  common  basis,  nor  ai-e  tliey  connected  by  any 

which  he  received  from  Col.  .larvis.     I  hope  he  convnon  tie,  so  f;U'  as  political  principles  arc 


v.il!  recommend  the  use  of  this  plaster  to  Mi 
.lohii  Ad.^ms,  a   "fellow  svjf.irer,"  h\  the  tsiinit 
cause,  by  the  sume  haul.  XENOPH  KN. 


c(>ncenied  ;  they  embrace  the  aristocr.acy  of  tho 
fed..ral  and  republican  parties  of  this  districl, 
but  they  want  the  honest,  however  erroneous, 
cori;istency  of  the  former,  and  .are  utterly  desti- 
tute of  the  great  and  guiding  principles  of  the 
,,.    .     „       ,,.        -,  .„       s-  r,  1  latter;  with  the  neople   of  the  State   at  large, 

Vj  ins  Rcpubhccn  Commdlu  of  Correspondence    ^,^^^,  ,.,^^,^    ,j^j  -^i^^  smallest    svmpathv,    while 
for  I^-nns^lvania-  amongst  thcfscbesr  '■         " 


CIRCULAR  ADD11ES3 


l-'ellow  Citizens: — 

Thccoiivcrtion  of  delegates,  from  the  various 
■  ounties  of  Pennsylvania,  which  assembled  at 
Harrisburg,  on  the  8th  of  .laniiary  l-.tst,  and,  in 
obedience  to  the  will  of  their  repubiican  con- 
stituents, recommended  Andrew  Jackson  and 
John  C.  Calhoun,  as  candidates  for  the  presi- 


des they  comprehend  the  most 
diccordant  and  severrlly  repulsive  elements.  Of 
the  preponderance  of  the  r  liopes  or  fears,  you 
may  foi'm  an  estimate,  from  the  grossn-ss  of 
their  invect  ve,  and  the  inte.Tiperance  of  their 
proscription;  they  affect  to  rs-spcct  the  ?  srht  of 
oi)inion,  and  yet  denounce  the  inass  of  iho-e 
disagree  Viath  them  as  a  faction;  they  labour  to 
dency  and  vice-presidency  of  tiie  Unit  jd  States,  afHxupon  the  friends  of  Andrew  Jackson  the 
did  us  tile  honor  to  appoint  us  a  com^nittee  tjf  roproaeUcf  violence,  yet  ihey  are  so'iisible  th- 
correspondence,  for  the  second  congressional  their  ov.'ii 'associates  and  favorites  are  the  only 
disti-ict  of  this  state, — the  city  of  Philadelphia,  person.s,  who  have  sought  to  quench  iH^ir  pJ- 
We  are  notaware,  (hat  it  was  the  dcsh-e  of  liiical  resentments  with  human  b'ood;  they 
the  convention  to  limit  the  sphere  of  our  action,  fe'elingiy  speak  of  the  odiousness  of  cidumnv 
or  that  we  deviate  fi-om  our  proper  ccursc,  in  althoiigli  their  own  p;u-;i?,ans  have  violated  the 
lIuis  addressing  our  friends  in  other  states;  but,  sanctnry  of  the  don^estic  heaiti:,  ;^lld  have  bro- 
ify.e  ciT,  an  apology,  we  are  sure,  w!!l  be  foitnd  ken  t!;e  silence  i.f  tlie  tomb  its-jlf,  to  gratifv 
:n  tlie  zeal,  which  animates  cur  heail?  in  a  their  inssitiable  lust  of  defamation, 
righteous  cause,  th.at  of  the  purity  of  our  in:-;'.!-  nucli  combinations,  the  people  of  Pennsvlva-' 
tutions,  and  then-  transmission  unimpaired  to  nia  cr.n  never  ftar;  sucii  means,  they  ever  will 
posterity.     •  abhor;  and,  accordingly,    wc  are  insensible  of  I 

At  the  present  crisis,  indeed,  the  agency  of  any  diminution  of  our  strength:  on  the  contrarv, 
committees  of  correspordencc  seems  to  be  in-  we  confid'.ntly  hope,  tli.at  in  this,  the  most  aris- 
disper.sably  nc:essar_y,  to  die  dissemination  of  tocratic  district  in  tlie  State,  we  shall  triumph 
truth:  formerly, "much  reli:ince  could  be  placed    at  the  ensuing  electijj,i. 

upon  the  ordinary  organs  of  information;  few,  if  May  \Ve  not,  indeed,  without  incurring  the 
any,  of  the  conductors  of  the  piLbhc  journals,  penalty  of  self-praise,  appeal  to  the  luiiforin  I 
)iad  the  audacity  to  utter,  for  effect  abroad,  .  character  and  conduct  of  r.  publican  Ponnsylva- 
Vbat  was  kno\vn  at  home  to  be  absoUiteij'  un-  nia,  as  a  refutation  of  the  slander,  that  she  is  ca-  I 
trae,  but,  during  the  existing  contest,  ti;e  adhe-  pable  of  deserting  her  old  piipciplesaiid  friends?  I 
rents  of  the  administration  seem  to  consider  tlie  She  hasnot  hadthehanor  to  oSertotUe  Union.ai 
misrepresentation  of  ourcondition  .".t  liome,  as  V/ashingtjn  or  Jeifer3on,Clinton  or  Jackson;  buti 
llis  principle  foundation  of  anticipated  success  shelws  given  to  those  distinguished  p.atriots  herf 
in  other  states;  and  hence  it  is,  that  even  Penn-  cordial  support:  she  has  never  been  seen,  cpn-l 
sylvania  has  beCit  classed  among  states  faithless  tending  in  tlie  arena  of  state  ambition,  but  hasl 
to  themselves  and  to  the  union.  clung  with  fondnc,?  t'.>  the  union,   as  tho  surel 

It  seems,  therefore,  to  he  the  dutj  of  some  of    basis  of  safety  at  home  and   reputation   abroad,  f 
those,  who  have  a  stake  in  the  duration  of  our    AVliy,  then,  should  Pennsylvania  be   supposed 
i nstitutions  agd  the  general  welfare  of  society,    capable  of  apostacy?     Surely,  she  is  not  teoip-j 
'o  give  their  own  tesiiinony  to  distant  friends;  ^tcd  by  the-knowledgc,  that,  by  a  double,  ccnj 


336 


ii'ac!.  belvv-eeji  iiithci-to  iiostiie  naviii-an?,  nncl 
;.especffiil!y  reviled  aspirants,  the  people  have 
been  fil'ched  ol'  tlieir  riic'nts,  v.  Iiicli  were  piii- 
CiiaseJ  by  the  blood  oi'  tlieir  fatlicrt!  .'•"ui-ely 
.she  is  nnl  allured  by  a  standard,  which  Vallies 
{iroiiiid  it  all  those  pcrsnn.s,  wiio  have  been  at 
all  times  anxiousto  abriilg-e  human  liberty,  and 
to  erect  upoii  its  niins  the  fabric  of  privileged 
classes! 

No!  Pennsylvania  isfuithfiiliher  (leoj^est  anx- 
iety now  is,  that  her  sister  states  slibtd.l  tndy 
understand,  as  siie  persuad^'s  herself  she  does, 
the  nature  of  the  pcndinj^  contest;  that  it  is  not 
n  mere  controversy  about  men,  but  a  mighty 
btrupijjle  for  principles;  that  the  successnfone 
carididatc  wc?uld  proclaim  tiie  supfemr»ey  of  cor- 
ruption, and  the  rapidi'j' of  tlic  republic's  tie- 
tline;  whiht  the  success  of  ihe  otiier  would  re- 
ki'cam  the  fame  of  a  i'.ee  gcverument,  .and  trans- 
init,  unimpaired,  lo  our  imme<liat£  successors, 
the  great  lejticy  held  for  lhe:!i  and  th^ir  poster- 
ity. ■        '      '     " 

We  fond!)' fancy,  Ibal  we  hear  Pennsylvania 
applauded,  by  her  sister  states,  for  tiie  steadi- 
ness v.-ith  which  she  resists  ti>e  cin'[ent  oC  oR- 
<.;a) influence,  which rolU  inlpetuo;.sl\  >!-.rou.2:Ii 
thestiite;but  prou.las  she  ireiy  be  of  the  ^.^ipro- 
iiattoTi  of  others,  shesceks  no  sucli  tribute,  sh? 
Vv'ell  knows,  that  the  inestimable  blessing's  >>' 
Ireeduni,  as  they  were  thercwarci  of  »;'ii':,n".i 
■\'iL;ilance,  are  not  to  be  preserved  witiiout  the 
constant  exercise  of  those  duties,  she  is  not 
dlsmayetl  at  the  amb'-iion  and  avarice,  whicli 
produced  the  present  crisis,  for  she  knows  th.it 
t  hose  evils  wc'.'e  foreseen  by  the  founder.s  of  tlie 
}iepublic,  and  arc  incident  to  the  imperfection 
of  human  beings  ;  and  fi.c  is  sensible  lliat,  :isin 
:J1  ot'.ier  free  States,  the  pendinij  coiiftict  is  be- 
tween the  aspifing'  few,  who  see'tk  to  pervert 
pov.'er  to  their  own  sellish  puvposis,  and  tlie 
Tf.ass  of  our  freemen  contemning  for  its  exercise 
lor  tlvc  common  cjo-id- 

It  is  under  .such  impressions  as  these,  be  as- 
stircd,  that  Pennsylvania  acts,  and  therefore  we 
cannot  err  in  Die  anticip;ition,  which  will  soon 
be  i^lorously  rctilized  :  this  state  will  inamt:un 
the'only  distinction  to  which  she  has  ever  as- 
piretl,  that  of  being' true  to  those  principles, 
lipoi)  an  a'.lherence  to  which,  under  Ueaveii, 
.  our  national  safety  and  individual  liap_piiie£s  de- 
fend.' 
*       ■\Ve  greet  you,  not  oidy  on  the- view  thus  pre- 

I  iented  of  Pei-.nsylvuni.s  but  upon  the  indications 
'of  .triumph  manifested  in  other  States;  that  we 
i  may  receive   of  any  intelligence  equally  cheer- 
in"  from  yoiu'  own  neighborhood,   we   fondly 
lume:  Addres,«-dto  ourclialrman,  .loieph  '\Vor- 
rel,  Esq.,  it  will  be  giadly  reccivedby 

Your  sincere  friends — 
1  .TOSEI'M    WO'.dJKLL,     -\    rs 

AVII.LIAM   DUNCAN, 

II  WILLIAM  BOYD, 
llENUY  T01,.\N1), 
.10HN   WUKTS,  y^ 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANE, 
WILLIAM  J.   LEIPER, 
CH.\ULES   S.    COXE, 
THOMAS   M.    I'EVnTJ    ?- 

Philadelphia,  July  17th,  18:38. 


From  the  Bufl'alo  Hepublican. 
AJr.  JIdame  and  Ihe  Federalists. — Tltc  subject 
•f  t,h"  r>Ied!Te  ir'de  bv  Mr.  Adam°  to  the  fede- 


ralists, in  a  letter  that  was  revised,  coi'rcc'ied  cf 
modiiiedby  him,  in   his -jwn  hand  writing,  antl 
by  which  he  stipulated,  in  the  event  of  his  elec- 
tion, not  to  "  pursue   the  policy  of  excluding 
the  federalists  from  office,"  has  been  heretofore 
so  often   alluded  to   in  this  paper,  that  we  per 
haps  owe   an  apology'  to  our  readers  for  troub- 
ling them  further  in  relation  to  it.     It  lias  been 
publicly  alleged  in  tliese  <-olumn.s,  that  amongst 
others  to  whom  this  letter  was  shown,  was  the 
late  Mr.  Rich.ard  Stockton,  of  this  State,  and  an 
extract  of  a  letter  from  that  gentleman,  relating 
thereto,  has  been  laid  before  our  readets.     This 
charge,  \?c  ?,rc  fully  i^ware,  is  a  %'ery  serious  one 
and  faijirtg  to  show  reason.abIe  ground.i  to  sub- 
stantiate  which,    we  frankly  admit,    that    we 
should  forfeit  the  conUdence  of  our  party  and 
of  the  puHlic.     There  is  not  an  individual  in  the 
wide  bounds  of  o'lr  republic,  of  correct  an'i.^ 
manly  sentiments,  v. ho  would  not  rejjiobate  tl;e 
cor.duct  <.f  the  candidate  for  the   presidency, 
vho  could  stoop  himself  to  make  such  a  bargain 
as  well  as  that  of  the  wretch  who  caul^l  cause- 
lessly lay  such   a   sin  to   his  charge,     tint  tho 
charge  has  been  made  publicly;  it  h.as  been  re- 
i..prated  from  Maine,    to  Georgia;  and  3'et  the 
sevcnd   persons  referred  to  as  being  cognizant 
of  the  facts,  have  remained  silent.     Mr.   Walsh, 
indeed,  has  given  an  exposition  of  the  matter, 
wliicn  goes  very  far  towards  substantiating  all 
that  h;is  been  alleged.     He   denies  the  truth  of 
the  Stockto.i  letter,  it  is  true,  and  in   one  li^tie 
month  afterwards  he  admits  tlie  truth  of  every 
material  allegation  co;-.tained  in  that  letter.   His 
version  does  not  at  all  release  Mr.  Adams  from 
the  charge  made  against  him;  on  the  contrary, 
if,  confii'ms  the  existence  of  Ihe  letter,  concern- 
ing which  he  authorized    Mr.    King  to  give  the 
most  unequivocal  denial,  whtn  the   cluirge  was 
first  made.     The  letter  rein,i:ns  uncontradicted 
except  by  the  simple  belief  of  Mr.  K.  F.  Stork- 
ton,  and  is  suppoj  ,cd  by  the,  evidence  of  nume- 
rous individuals  in  this  city   [Trenton]  and  in 
otiier  parts  of  tiie  State.     Among   others  who 
are  cognizant  of  the  facts  stated  in   that  letter, 
we    call   ui)Ou   Mr.     \A'ebster,     Mi'.     Southard, 
Messrs.  Ilopkinson  and  Walsh  of  Philadelphia, 
Mr.  Stockton  of  the  navy,  Mr.    Thompson,  the 
son-in-law  of  the  late  Mr.   Stockton,  Mr.    Bis- 
pham  of  Trenton,  Mr.  Armstrong  of  Woodburry, 
i;ich  .indcvery  one  of  them,  tj'say  v.hethcr  they 
are  not  suhstnntially  true.     The  disputetj  letter 
was  addressed  to  one  of  the  gentlemen  named, 
and  if  we  ai'C  not  misinformed,  it  h.as  been  seen 
by  two  others;     We  defv  tbe«n  to  a  contradic- 
tion,  and  the   termination  of  the   nonti'ovets'y. 
shall  1)0  the  jiroductionof  the  letter  in  question. 
We  are  not  to  be  tr.f  cd  with:  nor  will  we  keep 
our  readers  longei-  i,'.  suspense.     Another  word 
of  abuse  and   contradiction,   and   we    will  "  li. 
round  unvari.ished  talc  deliver,"  which  it  will 
not  be  loss  pleasant  for  'he  coalition   to  hear, 
than  it  will  be  for  us  to  be  compelled  to  relate - 
Nothing  will  s.Uisfy  the  public,  but  the   pro- 
duction of  "  the  faiTious  Webster  letter."    Uar- 
g.aining  ;ind  tampering  in  relation  to  the  presi- 
dency, tre  charges  that  rests  upon  Me.ssni-  Ad- 
ams and  Webster,  and  as  yet  they  are  uncontra- 
dicted.    We  do  nof  despjiv  of  yet  bringingtbis 
letter  tc  light.     A  cop}-  of  it  we  have  onoe  seen 
and  handled,  and  our  readers  may  ere  luiig  ex- 
pert to  have  it  spread  bffore  them 


UNITED  STATES^  T 


'EL'k 


GRAPH. .  ..Extra. 


This  paper  \i-ill  be  devoted  exclusivelv  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published,  week!}-, 
until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar;  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  and  no  niotS. 

BY  GREEN  4-  J.iRVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  AUGUST    9,  1S2S. 


No.  23. 


THE  MARYLAND  ADDRESS. 

The  talented  and  patriotic  writer  of  tlie  Ma- 
^VhinJ  Addicss,  at  tlie  instance  of  the  Corres- 
ponding Committee,  Xvm  revised  ihat  able  pio- 
liuclion,  and  appended  to  it  niucli  additiojial 
matter  wliicli  the  late  developenr.ents  of  the  bar 
^in  have  brought  to  hsjlit.  We  invite  fur  it  an 
attentive  perusul — paitjcularly  oftliatparlwliich 
examines  tlie  dangerous  tendency  of  an  election 
of  President  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
■and  the  duty  which  devolves  upon  tlie  repre- 
sentatives of  States  under  the  Constitution  as  it 
now  is. 

,  It  is  a  remarkable  feature  of  the  present  con- 
troversy, that  while  thefriendsof  Gen  Jackson, 
like  our  fathers  of  the  revolution,  contend  for 
^rcat  principles  identifted  with  civil  liberty, 
the  advocates  of  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay  ad- 
here to  power,  like  tlie  lories  of  that  day. 

ADDRESS 

or  THE 

.TACKSOZr    STATE    COKVErmOMT 

TO  THE 

PEOPLE  or  MARYLAND, 

On ilhc  latcand approaching  cUclion  of  Presiduzi. 

(becoxb  i;i)1tio>-.) 

ydlow  Ciiiztns:  Havint;  been  appointed  De!e- 
jjales  from  the  several  Electoral  Districts  of  the 
ytate,  to  meet  in  Convention,  in  this  city,  for 
the  purpose  of  considering'  the  course,  which 
t1uty  to  our  country  enjoins  upon  us,  in  relation 
to  the  next  election  of  President,  we  beg  leave 
to  lay  before  you  the  result  of  our  deliberations. 

After  taking  into  our  most  serious  considera- 
tion all  the  circumstances  of  the  last  Presiden- 
tial election,  we  are,  on  mature  reflection,  iin- 
pressetl  with  a  solemn  conviction,  tliat  althoi^h 
the  forms  of  the  constitution  were  observLd, 
the  spirit  of  that  sacred  instrument  was  vio- 
lated:— 

That  the  Chief  Magistnte  wa»  elected  by  the 
■jtcs  of  the  Representatives  of  States,  again:;t 
t'iie  will  of  the  people  of  those  States. 

That  if  the  votes  of  those  States  had  been 
ijiven  according  to  that  will,  when  the  real  con- 
test-lay between  Gen.  Jackson  and  Mr.  Adams, 
as  the  spirit  of  the  constitution  dictates,  the 
former  would  have  been  elected  President  of 
the  United  States,  instead  of  the  ktlcr. 

Tliat,  therefore,  the  will  of  a  majority  of  the 
States,  as  well  as  of  th^peopk  of  the  Union  has 
been  defeated. 

That  the  President,  having  thus  obtained  the 
Chief  Magistracy,rewarded  his  principal  assistant 
in  defeating  the  voice  of  the  nation,  by  the  high- 
est office  in  his  gift,  and  has  since  emi)loyed  the 
patronage  of  government,  for  the  furtherance  of 
his  pei-sonal  views,  and  to  secure  hia  re-election. 

That  before  his  election  by  the  House  of 
Eeprtseiitatives,  Mr.  Adams  approved  of  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution,  in  order  to  take 
*^c  iK!Vi"cr  cf  choosine-  the  President  from  thsit 


body,  and  to  give  it  directly  to  the  people,  for 
the  purpose  of  preventing- in  future,  not  only 
all  corruption,  but  ail  suspicion  of  corruption. 

But  that,  sii.ce  his  .si'.ccess  with  the  House  of 
Representatives,  in  defeating  the  w ill  of  a  ma- 
jvrilij  of  ihe  pcuple  and  cf  the  k'tidef,  he  has  not^ 
only  ilisaiipointed  the  friends  of  the  piu-ity  ot"" 
our  government,  by  declining  to  recommend 
tliat -onendrnent  to  Ihe  adoption  of  Congress, 
but  his  frij;nds  hi  that  bod)-,  when  it  was  brought 
ttVward  widiout  his  recommendation,  opposed 
•jluA  defealcdit.. 

In  support  of  these  opinions,  we  will  state  the 
facts,  v.hich  have  v.'rought  conviction  on  oui- 
minds. 

In  the  late  Presidential  election,  nine' ;j-nbif. 
electoral  votes  were  given  to  General  Jackson; 
eig'Uy-fo'ir  to  Mr  AtUans,/:.';-/y-o;!C  to  Mr.  Craw- 
ford, and  tlnrti/stvcn  to  Mr.  Clay.   . 

Had  the  election  been  sent  back  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  the  choice  restricted  to  the  two  highes : 
candidates,  as  it  virtiually  was  in  the  I-ous-e, 
there  is  no  one,  who  v.'as  well  acquainted  willi 
the  state  cf  public  opinion  in  the  Southern  and 
Westei-n  Stales,  where  nearly  all  the  votes  for 
Mr.  Crawford  and  Mr  C'luv  were  given,  who 
would  not  be  obliged  to  acknowledge,  that  of 
the  seventy-eiglit  votes  received  by  thoss  gen- 
tlemen, at  le.ast  tiiirty-two,  the  number  which, 
in  addition  to  the  ninety-nine  already  receive.l 
by  Gen.  Jackson,  was  necessary  to  his  election. 
would  have  been  given  to  him.  Accerding  ti. 
this  test,  therefore,  a  majority  of  the  people  oi' 
the  United  States,  Were  opposed  to  tlie  electioti 
of  Mj.  Adams-  (.r) 

A  majority  of  the  states,  if  their  wi-slies  had 
been  complied  with,  are  also  opposed  to  his 
election.  Ue  succeeded  in  the  House  by  a  irrrv- 
jnrity  of  one  state  only;  and  it  is  notorious,  th;-i. 
in  contempt  of  the  will  of  their  constituents, win. 
had  given  unequivocal  proofs  of  their  prefer- 
etice  of  General  Jackson  over  Mr.  Ad.\>!s,  tliu 
representatives  in  Congress  of  several  of  t[iV-. 
western  slates,  gave  their  votes  for  Mr. 
Adams,  b. 

In  political  intrigues,  written  instruments  an; 
not  exchanged,  nor  witnesses  called  in  by  the 
parties  to  attest  tlie  conditions  of  their  compaei. 
I'osltiie  tcsiimony  on  the  present  occasion,  is  nc:: 
therefore  to  be  expected.  C'ircumslaiitiat  cri- 
drnce  however,  often- as  irresistible  as  2%'sitii'c 
testimony,  has  established  beyond  a  reasoiiabl_t 
doubt,  tiiat  the  voles  thus  given  to  Mr.  Ada.ws 
bj^  Representatives  in  contempvof  the  will  c; 
their  constituents,  were  obtained  for  him  duel 
ly  through  the  instrumentality  and  influence  c 
Mr.  Clai".  In  proof  of  this  fact,  we  snllcit  yon.' 
attentive  consideration  of  the  ibllowing  circuir.- 
stances: 

During  the  contest  for  electors,  Mr.  Ci-!.'.- 
and  his  friends  liad  opposed  Mr.  Ahams  n.or'» 
violently  than  any  of  the  other  candidatca.  ('.: : 
The  grounds  of  objection  to  Mr.  Adams,  most 
warmly  urged,  were: 

That  a  Presidcr.t  ought  to  be  elected  CciP^. 

thp_  T'^'piff  • 


J88 


'I'hai  Ml'.  AiiAjjs  was  untrieiidly  to  Wederr. 
"Ulerests; 

That  he  hud  aUempted  to  sacrifice  them  in 
favoi-  of  his  Eiistern  Bruthren  in  tiie  negotiation 
at  Q^ent. 

Mr.  Clay  himself  charged  ilv.  Adams  in  his 
iepi-esen;at)Oii  ofth:it  negotiation,  with  "  errrrs 
both  as  to  matttrs  ot  fact  and  raafc-rs  of  opinion 
relating  to  the  navigation  of  tin-  MisMss.ii])!,  ai\d 
certain  hbertie?,  claimed  hy  tiie  United  (Slates 
in  the  fisheries" — and  in  .iliiisioii  to  the  ixcite- 
ment  of  the  pending  presldeatial  contest,  stated 
that  "at  some  time  more  propitious  thnn  the  pre- 
sent, to  calm  and  dispassionate  consideration, 
lind  when  there  could  be  no  misinterpretation 
of  motivef:,  he  would  lay  before  the  pubic  a  nar- 
lUtive  of  those  transactions."  c. 

In  the  circular  address  of  Mr.  Ci-iT's  friends 
inOhio,  it  is  stated,  that  "it  was  the  first  object 
of  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clav,  to'keep  from  the 
Presidential  Chair,  one  of  iheprescat  Cabnel," 
and  to  elect  some  person,  v  ho  v.'as  ou/  of  Ihe 
Cabinet."  The  doctrine,  tii.at  it  was  r.ecissary 
to  break  up  the  "yuccet'sion  &creturcfjs"  to  tiie 
I'residency,  or  the  ".Secretary  dt/'Hisly,"  so  cul- 
led, was  urged  throughout  the  U'est  by  Sir 
CiAi's  friends,  d. 

At  length  the  contest  for  electors  is  over. 
SJr.  CLiris  net  returned  to  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, and  could  not  himself  therefore 
any  longer  be  voted  for. 

Another  fVestern  man  however,  of  great  tal- 
ents splendid  service  and  unquestioned  int  gri- 
Vv:  am!  a  man  moreover,  who  did  not  belong  to 
tiie  Cabinet,  was  returnKd  to  tlie  House,  by ^a 
larger  number  of  electors  than  Sir.  .\dams,  and 
under  circumstances,  tliat  left  no  i-easonable 
doubt,  as  has  already  beenshown,  that  nVIici  the 
real  contest  lay  between  ifmi  and  Mr.  .\uA-is,he 
was  the  choice  of  a  large  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  Stales. 

The  elevation  of  General  Jacksos,  liowevt  p 
to  the  Presidency,  by  satisfy  ing  the  claim  of  ll:e 
IFcst,  would  operate  against  the  future  pro3- 
pects  of  Mr.  Clat,  which  on  the  contrary, 
would  be  slrengtheu'-d  by  the  election  of  an 
Easiernman,  especially  if  it  could  be  seen  by 
the  East,  "that  the  boon  was  coufi  iTed  upon 
them  by  his  exei-tions  and  influtnce. 

Mr.  Cl.1T  therefore,  and  his  partisans  with 
liim,  suddenly  ailopt  a  new  set  of  opinions  to 
Kliit  altered  circumstances,  and  think  it  in  con- 
iortnity  with  "safe  prECEiitsTs"  that'  another 
Sccretari/ should  be  elected  President: 

That  an  £;as/ecn  man,  whom  th'-y  had  de- 
nounced as  unfriendly  to  PVestem  interests, 
was  nevertheless  to  be  preferred  to  a  IVe.'it- 
crn  man — and  notwithstanding  tlieir  late  vio 
lent  and  bitter  atiimosity  and  opposition,  and 
ill  defiance  of  the  known  wishes  of  tlieir 
constituents,  vote  for  Jomn  Qcinct  .\nAMs,  and 
make  him  Presidenc  of  ti;e  United  Slates. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Adams  is  thus  made  Frcsl- 
(Ipntby  the  vote  and  influence  of  Mr.  Clat,  he 
2'ewards  Mr.  Clat  for  his  services  with  the  high- 
<:St  office  in  bis  gift,  makes  hiia  Secretary  of 
.State,  and  places  him  in  the  line  of  "  safeprece. 
dints." 

Mr.  Clay  ^ves  his  warmest  support  to  Mr. 
Adaibs'  administration,  and  forgetting  his  pub- 
!'c  pledge,  is-  as  silent  as  the  grave  about  the 
Ghent  negociatiob  ! 

ranyoii,  Fr.LtoW  CiTizkss,  have  stronger 


proof  of  a  POLITICAL  BAKtIAIN,  by  whicl. 
the  ri/rht.i  of  the  People  have  been  net  at  naught, 
and  jiertonat  inlereila  hare  triumphed  oi'er  the 
spirit  if  the  Coustitulion  and  the  fundamental 
priuapkb  of  republican  govermtfent  ?  3  », 

Power,  thus  olita. lied  Dy  "  inflvieuce  and  lUr 
trigiir,  b.irgain  ar.d  matiagement,"  w.th  th>'  un- 
fa tiiiul  agt  iits  cif  the  p.ople  against  the  will  .f 
the  pe:>,  e,  must  of  necessity  he  nian'.ained  and 
continued  by  llic  same  means.  Hence  all  the 
selfish  passions  of  political  ajjonents  have  beea 
appealed  to,  and  high  offices  have  been  lav  sh- 
ed upon  those  wiio  were  most  conspicuous 
amongst  thm,  to  puichase  their  support  and 
neutralize  the  eflbrts  of  their  friends. 

/iVnce  the  papers  under  the  immediate  con. 
trol  of  tlie  government,  have  teemed  with  ca- 
lumnies withuut  number  upon  the  distinguished 
and  patuoiic  men,  who  have  had  the  courage  to 
stem  the  torrent  of  ex-,  cutive  influence,  to  ex- 
ercise and  maintain  thv  freedom  of  speech, 
an  I  opinon,  and  to  ad  in  an  attempt  to  punish 
the  Violation  of  tin-  spirit  of  the  con..iitiition. 

Hence  Mr.  Clay  has  atL-mpied  to  puiLsh  the 
indepe.idence  o:  oilier  pupers,  by  Witiuhawing 
the  puMicatron  of  the  laws  from  ihem,  because 
they  were  not  entirely  subservient  to  liis  views, 
an.  1  by  transferring  it  to  those  of  compar,itively 
limliCil  circuliition,  althougii  the  objt-ct  of  thai 
piiblic.-.ti  n  "il  •  dilfuie  a  iiii:'wledge  of  me  laws 
as  viidely  as  pos.siole,  araingst  the  people. 

Hc'ice,  tie  pap-rs  which  supported  the  elec- 
tion of  .Mr.  Adams  most  warmly  befor."  the  peo- 
ple, while  it  could  S'-rve  toe  interest  ot  tiieir 
palioii,  recommended  and  applauded  the  propo- 
sition to  change  the  mode  ot  clioosingtiie  Presi- 
dent, so  as  to  l^ke  tin-  contingent  puwer  of 
electing  him  from  the  House  of  Uejjresentatives, 
and  give  tile  election  directly  to  thi-  people,  and 
assured  tiie  people  tliat  Mr.  Ada.mr,  if  elected, 
would  usfe  his  influence  iii  tavor  of  the  change, 
have,  since  his  rejection  by  the  people,  aiid  nis 
eicction  by  the  Honsj  of  Kcpresentatives, 
thro'.vn  ob.-tacles  in  the  way  of  that  p'roposi- 
lion,   e      .  • 

//e/ici,  alliiough  .Mr.  Adasis  himself  immedi- 
ately after  his  election,  while  th  obligation  of 
former  declarations  and  the  a.ssertions  of  his  ad- 
vocates and  friend.-i,  were  fresli  upon  his  mind, 
in  lis  ans.ver  to  the  committee  of  the  House  of 
liepretehtatives,  that  waited  iiponuimto  inform 
him  of  MS  clecton,  avowed  li:s  ajiprobation  of 
the  pr:.  posed  change  in  the  follow  ing  words : — 
"Could  my  lefusal  toacceptoi  tlie  Presidency, 
gve  an  mniediate  opportunity  to  the  people  lo 
form  and  express,  witli  a  nearer  approach  to 
unanimity,  the  object  of  their  preference,  I 
should  not  hesitat.  to  decline  the  ace  jptaiice  of 
that  eminenl  cuarge  and  suinint  the  deci>;on  of 
this  momentous  question  again  t--)  their  determi- 
nation," and  by  a>s;g-niiig  as  his  only  reason  for 
not  do  ng  so,  that  "constitution  itself  had  not 
so  dispoM'd  of  tlie  contingency,  which  would 
arise  in  the  event  of  Irs  refusal,"  offered  a 
pledge  of  his  support  to  a  proposition  so  to 
change  the  Constitution  in  respect  to  the  forms 
of  the  Presidential  election  as  to  t.ike  it  from 
the  House,  and  give.it  directly  to  the])cople; 
.  yet,  notwithstanding  this  pledge  and  the  gene- 
ral obligation  of  duly,  imposed  by  ihe  Constitu- 
tion itself,  to  recommend  lo  Congresssuch  mea- 
sures as  he  may  dei  m  the  public  welfare  to-re- 
qtiire,  he  has  hitherto  declined  sending  a  mcs- 


S3i) 


i>:ige  to  Congress  to  i-ecoinrnciid  t'lr.l  chang'':. 
On  tlie  contrary,  when  a  measure  for  that  pur- 
pose was  introilticed  into  Cong:rcss  witho.it  llie 
aid  of  liis  expected  rccoaimeiiJalion,  nearly  all 
his  friends  in  that  body  arrayed  i,hein--elves 
against  it,  and  all  Lis  .\t:w  EnglniK/inends  with- 
out a  single  exception,  voted  aganst  taking  llie 
election  tp(<intlie  House  of  U-. pie^entatives.  / 

The  foregoing;  statemu  n;  demonstrates  t!i:it 
Mr.  AD.ir.s,  having  obl:i!ncd  powi  r  by  violating 
the  sp',rit  of  the  ConstitmiMn,  is  e«iploying  i"ll 
the  means,  which  his  situation  ,^ivcs  him,  to 
maintain  it  and  to  secure  a  le-clecuoii,  and  gives 
lis  the  solemn  adnic  niton  thai  the  period  ^a"  ar- 
nvedin  theoper.ii'on  of  our  governm,  n',  wl:tn 
it  belioves  the  Peoplk  to  recur  to  riusr  pusxci- 
TLES,  and  to  i  nquireif  tiie  foundatiitn  on  vs  iiich 
Xhc'.v pi:ll'c-.l ibirlf/  rests  berwt  ustkrniincil. 

Tlu:  fiint/:menltJ  priucipU-  on  wi.icii  our 
whole  system  rests,  is  tlie  rOLincAL  Eai'JLrrr 
of  ihe  c  tizens. 

From  this  pol  tical   eq.ial.ty,   necessari  y  re- 
s'dts  the  doctrine,  that  the  wi/l  of  iitt  mjorily  . 
ahall  prevail.  ,        . 

The  object  of  all  tiie  forme  of  cur  Nation,-!  and  ' 
State  Govi  riiments  is  to  secure  the  fair  andun- 
hissed  expression  of  ihatwiil. 

The  unl)  eiiecl.;al  bec.irlty  against  the  abuses 
of  the  Supreme  I'.xeciiiive  l'oi\e;',  is  the  direct 
rcspmiiibhti/ of  \um,  who  exereises  it,  to  the 
people  over  wliom  it  is  exercised  ;  arul  U.e  only 
efhcient  mode,  by  which  t!iat  lesponsiljil  ty  can 
be  enforced,  is  by  KiaJcinf^  iMCkef  Miig.s/rats 
Jepenihnt  upon  Ihe  I'cople  for  tlie possv:a.on  and 
.  ihe  cimtrnuanee  of  hispowcr. 

Wo  hold  it  to  be  undeniable,  that  iipeOrding 
to  the  theory  of  our  constitution,  the  election  of 
the  I'residciii  of  ihe  United  States,  was  intt  iid- 
cd  to  be  Ihe  act  of  the  Jmerkan  pi.ojjfe,  and  that 
Iht  eliciors  are  lountl  to  ro.'c  accord  »g  lo  Ihe  wiil 
of  their  cons/iiitcnfs- 

We  also  Hold,  that  when  the  election  of  the 
Tresident  devolves  upon  Congi .  ss,  the  repi-c- 
senUitives  of  l!ic  several  States,  in  the  disciiarge 
of  their  c&c/or///  dut^,a/e  by  the  spirit  of  the 
constitution,  which  they  :'re  sworn  to  supper', 
bound,  hke  the  electors /»  C'jrri/  into  iff'Cl,  no 
far  as  piaciic;ibli.,  the  tvllof  their  cuiist  iuenls. 

Ami  we  are  of  opin  on,  after  the  most  d  spa*- 
sionate  and  dcliber.ile  consideration  of  all  the 
circumstances,  attending  the  late  presidiiit al 
election,  tnat  the  foregoii;g  fvindtmu-ntai  pr  nci- 
ples  were  violated  in  tie  election  of  Jok.\  ftuix- 
TT  Au.iats  to  the  Cli^efJlagisjacy  hy  tlic  House 
of  KeprcseiUatives,  in  which  the  votes  of  several 
States  were  given  by  represenlatves,  c.ntiary 
to  tile  known  will  of  tiie  p.oplcof  those  Sia^es. 
Such,  fellow  citizens,  are  the  ^essential  and  fun- 
damental principles  of  liberty  in  our  goi-crn- 
nient,  according  to  our  construction  of  tlie  con- 
^litution.  Such  are  the  great  principles  which 
have  been  violated.  - 

The  supporters  of  ^)r.  Adams  endeavoVjr  to 
av-oJd  the  otlium  of  that  i  iolation  by  giving  a 
totally  different  interpretation  ot  ti.e  coiisiitu- 
tioh.  They  justify  the  conduct  of  those,  who 
\'0ted  against  the  v.iU  of  their  constituents,  by 
iiiaintaining  the  alurining  doctrine, .  that  the 
members  of  the  House  of  licpreseiitalivesin  the 
cleiTiion  of  president,  ma_\  throw  off". all  refer.-, 
ciic'e  and  regard  to  the  opinions  of. tlie  people 
and  lbs  states,  and  under  the  pi  a  of  "ij;/f)ro- 
<X(itir:g   thrir  c<mscicnc{t\"    set  tip    their   ovm 


judgment  and  wishes,  generally  the  offspring  ot 
their  interest,  in  opposition  to  ti;e  disifiteresteii 
wishes  and  w.ll  of  their  constituents,  g 

Tlii.s  dc'ccriue  is  maintdned  in  the  !:*cc  of  the 
very  words  of  t!ie  constitution,  which  directs 
liiat  when  the  election  of  Pi  tsidiiji  devolv.  s  on 
the  House  of  Represenliitives,  the  vote  shall  b,: 
taken  by  States,  and  tiie  rcprtSi  ntalion  of  each 
State  siiall  be  entitled  to  one  vote,  and  a  majori 
ty  of  all  the  St.\tes  siiall  be  necessary  lo  a 
choice.  The  natural  and  ..lain  construction  cl 
the  tenns  role  of  a  slate,  means  a  vole  expres-iing 
the  will  of  the  people  of  the  State,  ^id  no;  the 
persoiiiJ  co'e  of  tlie-  reprcsent.tives  from  the 
atite — II  was  intended  to  presi  rve,  i^i  the  sc- 
rondaiy  election,  tli.  yi'rfcr'ji/fcch.ractei  of  the 
General  liovernmem,  by  giving  to  each  iStau  an 
equal  i-.-iighf  iii)d  injlii  nee,  which  object  \ioui.i 
be  entirely  lefeateii  liy  gi\  inglhe  ?Tyj/(ie/*/tf?(tv 
u  personal  di.scretionury  vole.  This  feature  c; 
the  Constdulion  wasiustrted  in  i!nitat;on  of  tiv 
provisions  of  the  old  Coniederation,  accoiilin 
.to  which- the  vote  wasaKvays  taken  by  State.-, 
and  it  is  well  knonn,  that  Hie  delegate^  in  co:. 
gress  from  llie  *talxs  under  the  Conlederatiua 
were  completely  under  the  control  and  subjec* 
to  the  insiriic'iiuns  of  the  L  gi.-Jalares  I13'  uuich 
thty  were  sent  and  by  whoin  also  thy  were  rt - 
called  at  plea-suie.  , 

The  reasoning  then.  Com  the  intoniiou  r; 
the  fraincrs.of  the  const  lution,  as  well  as  Ironi 
analogy  is  str'>ngly  in  favor  of  the  coustruclio:i 
for  wliich  we  conleiid.        .  '  ' 

And  we  beg  every  citizen  wha  is  aitaclie<!  < 
hnerty  and  liis  country,  to  pause  and  reflect  sc- 
rioiisl)  upon  itie  fatal  coiiS;qui  nees  ol  givinf; 
the  latitudinaiian  eoii.struclion  of  the  conbtilu- 
tioh  contended  for  by  the  supporters  of  Jlr-  Ai 
.ois.^'Adopt  til  s  construction  and  you  ihrov 
wide'opeii the  d.  orto torrupticn,an Jtlie eleojion 
in  the  House  wdluievilabiy,  to  adopt  the  .lan- 
guage of  the  circular  address  of  Mr  Clay'- 
fnends  m  Kentucky  be  d.termined,  "by  injlu 
ence  ai\i .iiirgHe,  ho'gain  uiid.muiiu^'ment."  1 
tieneml  Jack^m  the  last  oftlie  revolut  on.- 
ry  herors,  wlr.  cjiice  in  tiie  coureo  01  nature-. 
a  candidate  for  the  i*tes!denc3',  and  from  tiie  in- 
crease of  population  and  llie  mtdtiphcalion  o. 
the  -states,  we  must  expect,  after  the  next  tlt;< 
lion,  thai  so  many  candidalesWill  be  set  up  tli;. 
the  piimary  idectioji  wdl  i-arcly  be  conclusive 
It  Will  become  a  matter  of  course  for<the  c-Iee 
tibn  to  devolve  on  the  House  ofRe])resentalJve£ 
— Tiieir  Hall,  instead  of  being  a  seal  oi  inde 
J  pendent  legislation,  will  become  a  theatre  f  11 
electionneeiing  and  intrigue  from  Uie  period  ot 
one  election  to  anolber.  The  amUitious  men, 
who  aspire  to  the  ricsidency,  will  generally  b' 
members  of  congress  or  of  the  cabinet,  and  will 
have  the  opportunity  of  laying  their  plans  delib 
erately  and  pursuing  them  perseveringl).— 
.  Ail  the  arts  of  pcr.'.onal  address,  of  Hattering 
attentions  and  (inl'Jj;tiinments  will  be  resorted 
to.  The  sordid  will  liop^  for  offices  of  protii 
for  tiiemselves  ourelationsas  a  reu  ard  for aUacli 
ing  themselves  (o  llie-  cause  of  sopie  one  ot  tiiesf 
Presidential  Cand  da'tes.  The  ambit  ions  \ul 
look  for  promotiim  and  distinction.  Those,  wlic 
des.Tc  no  appomfmen^iibr  tluvfielt:':^,  wjl  hupe 
to  obtain  an  intiuence.^M  the  distribution  of  tiif 
l>alroii.Hge  of  the  gol'?j-'i^eiit,  and  have  it  in 
their  power  to  gratify  their  frundi.  Selflovr 
will  often  disguise,  even  from  the  parties  then. 


540 


lilves,  fue  true  nature  of  the  ilifliiaice  uiu&r 
hich  they  act,  and  a  wliole  circle  of  interest- 
i  motives,  will  have  full  scope  for  action  under 
le  appeai-aace  of  a  desire  to  serve  friends,  or 
potnote  tlie  interest  of  their  neighborhood,  oi' 
^haps  the  interest  of  the  coimti'y  at  largje. 
Kor  ought  v<e  from  filsc  delicacy  to  deny  the 
ct,  tliat  hig-li  and  respectable  as  thd  station  of 
ember  of  Congress  is,  that  occasionally  men  of 
le  most  venal  and  cori'npt  character  attain  it: 
id  when  we  reflect  that  the  whole  number  of 
Dtes  is  onlytwenty-four: — that  the  votes  of  one 
;  two  individuals  in  consequence  of  divic'ions 
nongit  the  lypresentatives  of  even  large  states, 
:iU  often  decide  the  vote  of  those  stales:  and 
iiat  the  votes  of  several  small  states  are  actual- 
'  held  by  individuiil  members: — when  we  re- 
ect  further  that  this  highest  honor  on  earth  will 
jlen  rest  upon  the  dccisron  of  some  hu/f  dozen 
r  even  a  less  number  of  persons,  perhaps  one 
:  a  body  composed  of  more  tliMi  two  hundred 
timbers,  and  place  before  us  the  fact,  that  the 
iccessful  candidate  will  have  the  distribution  of 
ealth  and  disthiction,  in  the  nomination  to  ten 
lousand  various  offices,  we  must  tremble  for 
le  liberty  of  our  country,  unless  «e  wilfully 
imt  our  eyes  to  all  the  records  of  histoiy,  all 
le  lessons  of  experience,  and  all  the  deduc- 
3ns  of  reason.  4 

I  Let  it  not  be  s;ud  we  dishonor  our  country  by 
presenting-  Congress  as  liable  to  corruption. 
,'e  have  a  just  confidence  in  Congress.  V/e 
elieve  that  the  members  are  as  virtiious  and  pat- 
otic  as  other  meii:  we  will  admit,  that  their 
lucation,  character,  and  stuitions  in  life  place 
lem  as  much  above  the  reach  of  improper  in- 
uencc,  as  any  equal  number  of  their  fellow- 
tizeiis — perhaps  even  more.  It  is  not  because 
ley  are  less  virtuous  than  others,  that  we  look, 
them  with  dj:itnist,  when  they  come  to  e.i;er- 
se  Hie  functions  of  electors  of  the  Chief  Mag- 
trate;  but  it  is  because  they  are  men,  and  men 
'posed  to  the  strrmgc';t  and  most  seduc'ice  iemp- 
tions  disguised  in  the  most  allurir.g  and  dela- 
te forms.  We  should  be  traitors  to  truth  and 
tow  ourselves  incapable  of  instruction  from 
.e  whole  history  of  our  race,  nay,  insensible  to 
e  dictates  of  common  sense,  if  v.e  should  frcm 
lurious  patriotism  or  any  other  motive,  give 
)uutenancc  to  the  idea,  that  Congress  is  so 
lire  and  disinterested,  and  so  elevated  in  char- 
;tei",  that  the  small  number  of  members  gen- 
■aliy  neciJssary  to  change  the  fate  of  the  elec- 
3n,  may  not  be  found,  who  are  Uable  to  be  in- 
jenced  in  the  vote  they  are  to  give,  by  person- 
interest,  not  approaching-  them  in  the  revol- 
ig  shape  of  a  direct  bribe,  hut  in  the  enticing- 
rn;  of  distinction  amongst  their  fellow-citizens 
ul  reward  for  patriotic  sen-ices. 
So  long  then  as  the  forms  of  the  con.stitution 
relation  to  the  election  of  President  remain 
they  are,  the  most  disastrous  consequences 
ill  9ow  from  the  construction  contended  for 
'  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  most 
ittering  prize,  that  ambition  can  seek,  with 
t  its  accompanying  allurements,  is  every  fou-i- 
■ars  to  be  thrown  into  the  midst  of  two  hund- 
d  fallible  men  to  distract  and  excite  them- 
;n  too,  who  are  cut  loose  from  the  wholesome 
straints  of  a  safe  ccmstruction  of  tiie  constitu- 
>n,  v'hich  furnishe  i  a  sure  and  certain  guide 
r  their  cori^hK.;.  in  tlr^UviU  of  their  Gonsti'.u- 


A-  dScisrou  under  stitli  circu'mslancetf  v.\il 
rarely  if  ever  inspire  the  nation  with  confiderjcej 
in  the  President — that  ccmjldencc,  which  is  so  ne- 
cessary to  the  independent  and  sahiiery  exercise 
of  the  executive  authoriiy. 

Under  this  dangerous  and  anti-republican 
construction  of  the  constitution  a  jastification  ite 
attempted  of  the  most  flagi-ant  violation  of  its 
spirit,  and  exhibits  in  the  strongest  point  of 
view,  a  necessity  for  a  change  oi  its  forms,  which 
shall  place  its  priiuiples  above  all  misconstruc- 
tion. We  earnestly  entrer.t  you,  therefore, 
Fellow-Citizens,  not  to  believe,  as  those,  who 
haVe  obtained  power  at  the  expense  of  your 
rights  would  persuade  you  to  do,  that  the  en'' 
suing  Presidential  Election  is  a  simple  congest 
between  two  eminent  citizens  for  the  Cliief 
Magistracy,  in  v/hich  their  personal  merits  and 
past  services  are  alone  to  be  considered.  Great 
as  they  may  be  esteemed  by  the  friends  of  Gen. 
Jackson  and  Mr.  Adams  respectively,  they  are 
as  dust  in  tli«  balance,  and  dwindle  into  utter 
insignificance,  w'hen  compared  with  the  impor- 
tance of  the  great  constitutional  principles, 
which  are  at  stake.  No  conflict  of  parties  since 
the  commencement  of  our  Government  has  in- 
volved such  vital  interests  as  are  now  in  agita- 
tion. It  is  not  a  question  whether  a  few  cents 
more  or  Ie.ss  duty  upon  Woollen  or  Cotton  Man- 
ufactures sl>all  be  imposed: — it  i,"  not  a  question, 
whether  Internal  Improvement  shall  be  prose- 
cuted under  the  authority  of  the  General  Gov- 
ernment or  abandoned  as  either  inexpedient  o.? 
unconstitutional: — it  is  not  a  question,  whether 
Commisslcners,  or  Ministers  Plenipotentiary,  or 
no  agents  at  all  sliall  be  sent  to  Panama: — it  i'a 
not  a  question,  whether  the  trade  with  the  Brit- 
Lsli  West  Indie?,  (important  as  it  is  to  our  ship- 
ping and  agricultural  interest)  has  been  lost  by 
neglect  or  mismanagement.  These  questions, 
interesting  as  they  are,  are  nevertheless  of  lit-. 
tie  consequence  compared  \»-ith  those,  which 
you  are  now  Called  upon  to  decide,  involving  an 
thcij  do  in  tlie  muintenanj:e  or  s\-rrender  of  thn 
fundamental  prindplfs  of  the  canstitutian,  and- 
tlie  vital  intercits  oflii/crly. 

The  great  questions  now  in  agitation  are; 
whet!ier  the  Ch'ef  Maig.stracy  shall  be  obtained 
by '^  influence  and  intrigue,  bargain  and  man-'' 
agement,"  or  be  awarded  to  merit  and  public  ser- 
vices by  the  unbougiit  suffrarTes  of  the  people; 
— whether  the  influence  of  Governmental  pat- 
ronage sl»ll  sustain  a  i.iinorily  in  power  against 
the  will  of  the  7?i(7/'ori7^:— whetlier  the  forms 
prescribed  by  the  constitution,  regulat'mg  thp 
election  of  the  Chief  Magistrate,  originally  de- 
signed to  give  effect  to  the  will  of  the  majority, 
but  which  have  been  found'  inadequate  to  tha 
purpose,  shall  be  abolished,  and  the  ekciion  be 
given  dircdhj  to  ike  People: — and  whether  the 
peopfe  themselves  have  spirit  and  intellig-cncc 
enough  to  eject  from  power,  those  who  have 
obtained  it  under  the/urms  of  the  Constitution, 
in  violation  of  its  spirii,  or  whether  they  aVe 
)jrepared  to  submit  without  resistance  to  usur- 
pation. 

Those  T.'ho  are  interested  In  maintaining  ex- 
isting abuses,  and  oppose  that  change  which 
wov.ld  put  an  end  to  them  hereafter,  seek  to  at- 
tract exclusive  attention  to  the  measures  oH the: 
Adm'inistration,  and  to  draw  it  off"  from  the  vio- 
latioi  of  great  and  fundamental  principles  in' 
thiiir  e'evatiwii  to  pl3T;sr.    W'hTij  this  vjolltici , 


34i 


.,  with  us'th^  prjncji'al  groin.il,  iipjnii  w'mcIi  we  paviusj  :i  uuly  ul' two  ne'^ce--  p.(Uind  ou-iej*,  iri^i 

oppose  the  re-elcclioii  of  Mr.  Adams,  we  see  induced  our  ancestors  to  resist  Great  Britain/ li. 

Jievertheless,  strong  reasons  for    opposition,  in  defy  her  power  and  brave  all  the  hazard  oi"  tlic 

the  manner  in   whicli  he    was  exercised   by  far  revoliitionary  war' — No,  fellew-cilizens,  it  was 

the  most  important  of  all  the   functions   cftlie  the  principles  upon  which  that  m^asuse  was  jus- 

fexecutive    authorit}' — we    mean    t/ie  puwer    of  tified  and  adopted — it  was  the  right  claimed  o"f 

appointing  lo  office  and   distributing   t/tc  pat-  controling- us  by  law,  made  without  oui- consent 

ronageofthe    Gorernm^nt.      The  use,  that  his  — in  otiier  wards  against  the  laV/ of  a   majority 

been  made  of  this  to  buy  up  political  opponents  — it  was  the  principle  of  tyranny — it   was  tho. 


and  control  the  fipedpni  of  the  press,  deserves 
and  receives  our  unqualified  reprobation. 

The  next  moit  important  branch  of  Execu- 
tive duti=j  reLitcs  to  the  regulation  of  our  jn- 


usurpation  of  power  which  our   revolutionary 
fatlicrs  resisted:  Had  they  stopped  to  weigh  the  , 
measures  ofthe  British  administration,  and  com- 
pare the  grievance  of  the  tas,  with  the  burthens 


tercourse  with  foreign  nations.     The  friends  of  and   perils  of  the  v.ar,   ttithou<  reference  to  n 

the  administratlpn  ascribe  great  diplomatic  tal-  priiicifile,  the  surrender  of  which  was  a  virtual 

ents  to  the  I?rcsident,  and  yet  on  the  most  in-  surrender  of  liberty,  opposition  would  not  have 

teresting  subject  of  negotiation,  which  has  oc-  been  made;  our  glorious  revolution  would  not 

curred  since  his  election,  he  has  been  guilty  of  have  been  achieved,  and  an  experiment  of  self 

3  palpable  neglect  of  duty,  to  which  xve  do  not  government,  which  we  are  now  makin.ir,  anfl 

Ihink  a  parallel  can  be  found  in  the  history  of  upon  the  success  ot  which  the  hopes  of  freedom's 

cur  exterior  retations,  and  to  which  we  are  in-  friends,  throurjhout  tlie  world  depend,  woiJl3  . 


<3ehted  for  the  loss  of  one  ofthe  most  important 
and  profitable  branches  of  our  ccmiaerce — we 
mean  our  trade  with  the  West  Ii\die3,  so  essen- 
tial to  the  prosperity  of  Maryland  and  tl\e  othei- 
grain  growing  States,  as  well  as  to  the  shipping 
interest.  Notwithstanding  a  minister  was  dis- 
Jiatched  to  England  at  great  expense  to  the  na- 
iion,  all  the  nace^isary  instructions  were  omitted 
to  be  given  in  relation  to  this  trade,  and  no  re- 
commcndalio;!  of  legislative  measures  was  sent 
to  Congress  to  meet  these  ofthe  British  Parlia- 
ment, the  terms  of  which  our  Minister,  now 
when  it  is  too  Jate.is  instructed  to  comply  with. 


never  have  been  tried. 

Wc  would  ask  those  who  pass  over  without 
the  remark,  violation  of  the  principles  of  tlit- 
constitution,  by  which  Adams  ascended  to  pow. 
er,  and  ask  us  lo  regard  his  acts  onh-  after  oh 
taining  it,  liliat  would  they  say,  if  taking  pas: 
session  ofthe  President's  House  at  Washington, 
he  had  claim.'d  the  executive  authority  in  righ't 
of  birth,  his  father  having  been  President  be: 
fore .'  Would  they  then  fold  tlieir  arms  and  say, 
let  us  wait  and  see  what  use  he  makes  of  his 
power,  and  estimate  him  by  the  measures  whic7: 
he  recom.mends?     No!   every  voice,  and  every 


and  an  attiiinpt  is   made  to  cast  the   blame  on  liaiid  would  be  raised  to  put  down  the  usurper 

Congress  for  not  acting  without  Executive  re-  because  tlie  forms  as  well  as  the  spirit  of  tht 

commendation,  although   it  w.as  distil. ctly  inti-  constitution  «  ould  have  been  viol.ated.     In  the 

Jnated  to  the   chairman  (' /^  of  the   Committee  present  case  we   admit  as  the  forms  of  the  coa 

on  Commerce  in  the  Senate,  and  tlirough  Jiim  stitution  have  been  comjdied  with,  Mr.  Adams 

to  that  body,  that  the   Administration  preferred  must  forthe  time  be  regarded  as  constitulioiialN 

to  arrange  that  part  of  our  foreign  trade  by  ne-  invested  with  the  executive  authority,  and  it  fs 

gotiation.  the  duty  of  every  patriotic  citisen  in   referencT; 

Another  expedient  resorted  to  by  the  sup-  to  tiiosc  forms,  "  to  sustain  tlie    wholctonn; 

tjorters  of  Mr.  Adams  to  divert  attention  from  operations  of  the  government,"  and  "support 


the  manner  of  his  obtaining  power  and  to  misre- 
present the  grounds  of  our  opposition  to  his  rc- 
aiectioa,  re<jiures  our  notice. 

The  most  strenuous  efforts  are  made  to  excite 


11  the  measures  essential  to  the  prosperitj'  of 
the  country,"  but  it  is  equally  his  duty  to  pro» 
claim  from  the  house  top,  the  violation  of  thg 
principles  of  the  constitution  ir.  the  last  Presr- 


% 


irejudiceagainst  the  friends  of  Gei>erj]  Jacks  Du  dential  election,  and   to  exeft  every  power  un- 

jy  representing  them  as  oppo  ed  to  Internal  der  those  forms  to  punish  tlie  men  who  havt 

I, Improvement  and   Domestic  Manufactures:  ai-  been  guilty  of  it,  liy   refusing  to   continue   to 

though  it  is  well  known  that  many  of  his  warm-  them  bejond  the  constitutional  term,  the  powej: 

est  advocates  are  amongst  the  most  decided  sup-  thus  improperly  attained.     We  believe  it  to  be 

porters  of  those  great  interests,  and  tlie  consti-  peculiarly  proper,  that    atonement  should  be 

lutional  doctrines  upon   which   their  protecti,;n  made  to  the  violated   constitution  by  the  ciev^- 

depends.  ticn  to  the  chi^i   magistracy,  of  Gen.  Andrew;- 

We  utterly  deny   that  these  mcasiirts  we  the  Jacks<m,  the  patriot  hero,  through  whoni  tir? 

lines  of  scfioration  between  the  supporters  of  Mr.  conslitution  has  been  wounded.     Ills  cause -el 

aidants  ami  Gen.  Jackson.  the  last  election  rested  upon  great  talents,  exem- 

The  friends  of  Mr.   Adams  differ  with  each  /)/ffr;,' PiTnioTisJt   un(faui.ionediyar,Ti\tY^aml 

Dther  on  these  questions,  so  also  do  the  friends  splendid  seevicks.     //  Aa.s  now  ticome  identijiet! 

of  General  Jactson,  but  are  held  firmly  togeth-  willi  the  C.iVSE  of  thr  CONSTITUTION,  oj 

■er  by  the  common  interest  which  we  all  fee!  in  LIBERTY,  and  lite  COUNTRY. 

preserving  the  great  and  fundament.ll  principles  The  enemies  of  Andrew  Jack<ron   call  him  a 

of  the  constitution,  and  while  we  are  engaged  in  "  Militan/    Chiijlain."—W'e    reply:    So  was 

repairing  the  shattered  timbers  of  t!ie  \  esse!  of  WisuisnTos,  the  l-.\Tnzu  of  his  country. 

State  to  prevent  it  from  sinking,  we  do  not  stop  They  say  he  lias  not  been  a  foreign  Wnisler: 

to  dispute  about  the  course  she  shall  t;ike,  when  — neither  had  Washisgton  nor  Maiusox. 

the  danger  is  over.  They  say,  there  are  no  great  specc'tes  made 

We  say  tl)en,  letthe  administration  be  judged  by  him  in  Congress  on  record,  to  attest  his  p»- 

r'ae  principles  and  the  means,  by  which  they  Ktical  talents;  neither  ar*   feereany  of  W^sk- 

ingd  their  power.  isgtot;,  my  jEFrEBsg                 Mr  ApiJIs  t 

■'.Vfts  it;  think  J-OU;  the  heavy  grievance  of  self 


J'l^ 


riicy  would  persuade  you  tlut  Jack.so:,-  has 
iiadno  experience  in  civil  affuirK,  beciuisc  his 
most  brilliant  services  have  been  of  a  military 
ciinracler:  yet  lie  rose  to  distinction  as  a  lawyer 
at  the  bar  of  Tennessee,  bt-came  her  Attorney 
General—  was  a  U-ading  and  most  efficient  in-  m- 
Iierofthe  Conierition  iliat  fr.inedtlie  Co!isilii- 
ilon — si  rved  as  I. or  first  Ki-presentalivcin  Con- 
5;']ess — as  a  Jndfjc  of  her  S'lpreme  Court;  as 
Governor  of  KPirida;  as  a  member  uf  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  at  t'.vo  difrerent  perierls, 
and  !iad  had  the  ofler  of  a  fore'.^n  embasss :  thifs 
aetnady  occupMngsix  difTereiit  civil  offices'dli- 
ring;  a  period  of  tw^  nty  years,  and  only  .one  m:'i- 
tary  ortire,  that  of  (iener..!,  first  in  the  mlitia  of 
Tennessee,  a:Kl  ufterivardd  in  the  Unittd  States 
Army- 

\{\^  enemies  say,  however,  that  he  res'^ned 
all  his  cnV appointments;  biitth-y  forget' .to t.U 
yOii,  it  was  usually  at  the  call  of  his  connlry  to 
hig'hir  stations;  and  that  ite  also  i'es'gned  liis 
milil  ry  cnmniand,  \v!ien  t!ie  ciicunvitances  of 
the  country. did  not  rendjr  his  .services  any 
Jonger  indispensable,  thereby  showing  that  a 
desire  to  render  real seri'i~e,  and  not  a  love  of 
emolument  or  ofSciiil  distinction,  was  his  "only 
motive  for  accepting'  or  re',ai;;irig;  office,  civil  or 
military.  No  one,  liowever.iias  ever  s^;owii  that 
he  '.\A  notpeiform  the  dtitiesof  all  the  inimcrous 
offices  he  has  filled;  whether  civir  c>rniilii.;i.ry, 
with  efficiency  and  zeal;  nor  has  any  one  dared 
to  call  in  question  his  eminent  service^,  liis  de- 
voted patr  otisfD,  his  unspotted  integr.ty;  or  to 
ileny  to  hirri  gr  at  elevation,  deci.-.io'n,  ai'd  tirni- 
jiess  of  character,  a  vig'orous  and  powerful  intel- 
lect, an  '  C'tnr  and  selid  j^dgmeut,  i\nA  an  exr 
■ram-dlnary  S'lg':-^  ty  Id  d  sccrn  iniif  ajiprec'i^lc  /he 
' h'lrar.'f.rfind i-knt  ofolhers;  alatetit,  which  «e 
1  steorn  the  must- e'svintial  of  all  the  qnalifjca- 
liosis  of  tile  Chi  -f  Maijistrate,  Vy'.'ose  most  diifi- 
ciil!  a-id  tf. '.hj^  duty  consists  in  the  selection  of 
m      for  office.  ..      . 

.Tin  .-/.e.;;  es  i>f  C'.-n  Jackson  have  a  donb  e 
object  in  calling  him  sTMl-liiry  '^.'liif'uin  'i'lie 
lirst  is,  to  make  tiie.  impression 'that  he  hxs  no 
;  xperi  nee  or  roput-it  on  in;c. .■.■.Yafra:fs;.^The 
second,  that  he  -is  reg-ardhss  of  the  l.aws.  ,'i'his 
charge  of  violence  has  arisen  from  the  many  em- 
barrassin.tf  situations  in  wfiich  .'he.  has  -been 
;)iaced,  where  none  but  the 'most  cnerijetic 
iTieasures  of  seeming,  violence,  tjlit  real  necessi- 
ty, and  cool  deliberation  could  extiicale  his 
conntrv  from  disaster  and  dis:frace.  K.it  those 
who  mrke  tliis  charp;i-  omit  to  tell  you  of  the 
mai^nanimous  examjile  of  submission  to  tlie 
laws  which  he  set  immediateU  afier  the  b;iti^ 
of  New  Orleans,  when  ari„  gned  beliore  a  court 
of  justice  for  a  writ  of //,4e<i.-  Corpm  ilur  ng-the 
evstence  of  martial  '3.  v.  A -s  the  account  of  liis 
demeanor  on  the  occasion  displays  oie  of  the, 
nobleit  ci.aiacteristics  of  the  m:in,  we  w.U  state 
it  in  the  words  of  an  eloquent  "  Vir^miAToa" 
of  his  fame  iri  I  he  \V<st: 

*■  During  the  existi.i  ...     '  N. 

Orlean.1,  and  \k-hil.t  the  H.  it.--.^  Amy  ■!,!!,  qn.id- 
niple  (^f  our?,  hovered  v.-iihinafew  hours  sail  of 
tlie  city,  and  wiiilsl  mutiny  and  dissatisraction 
were  maiciiiij  progress.  Gen.  Jackson-  arrested 
.1  man,  wlio  .i)  his  legi>!.iti\e  charsct^T  had  be- 
tiire  altenip'cd  to  surrender  the  city  to  the  lirit- 
ibli.  and  wlio  continued  to  excite  the  American 
army  to  mutiny  by  an  incendiary  publication. 

He  was  arrested  bv  Jieicsox  and  refused  to 


the  order  of  Jiidjcc  Hal!,  and  the  Judge  iiimstu 
dispatched  to  a  j.lacc  of  safety  at  some  distance 
fi'orn  tbe  city. 

Hr.d  Gen.  jACi:so>r  yielded  to  the  mandate  of 
Flal!,  his  army  m-ist  have  been  dissolved  and 
within  a  diiy  the  y^tr  ets  of  Orleans  have  been 
drenched  wth  American  blood.  Rat  when  the 
dannrer  was  orer.  Gen.  Jackscs,  immediately 
evincd  "  I. is  respi  ct  forthe  laws,"  by  yielding 
hims>  If  up  to  the  civil  authority,  to  pay  lliepm- 
ally  ofhuv'ng  s.a-cU  Jos  coimhy  He  was  sum- 
moned before  Judge  IlAt.t,  w.as  refused  atriil 
by  jury,  and  his  counsel  prevented  from  reading 
his  def.;rice.  He  had  tlirown  off  his  militarv 
garl),  witli  tlie  hope  of  being  undiscovered  in 
the  crowd,'  and  repair!>,d  to  Uie  court  to  submit 
to  whitevcr  peh.dty  his  adversary  might  inflict. 
He  had  reachet!  the  bai'unnetice. I,  when  he  was 
aflnigth  pl'i-ceivfd,  a'l-.d  with  admiration  beam- 
ing in  every  .cplin'lcnance,  and  gratitude  speak- 
ing in  every  eye,  tseb.uitding echoed  witfi  rap- 
turous slioiits  of  anpLaiise  of  Jacksun-  and  men- 
aces of  tile  Judge;  ihcHr.tto  rose  and  addressei! 
the  assemblage.  '  Ha  lofd  thrm  of  "  the  dutv 
diie  to  the  public  authorities,"  and  "  urged 
their.,  if  they  liad  a 'regard  for  him,  that  they 
would  on  the  present  occasion,  forbear  thos. 
feeling."',  and  expressions  of  opinion."'  'I'h 
ttrrificd  Jndgs»  was  about  to  adjoui-n  tlie  court, 
when  Jacksox  again  rofe  andrtquested  it  might 
not  be  dme,  declaring,  '•l/icrsi--<  >w  d'lngtr  /lerr 
— I'liere  ihall be  none:  /he  snmc  arm  thai  pro/eci- 
cd  from  dtiitgi/'^/his  c  ty,  ai;ainst  i/ie  incuders  '  f 
'/Hp  cnuiitry^'wll  siu-^ld  and  protect  (his  court  cr 
p:rifh  in  thc'tffbrt."  The  Judge  tl'en  proceed- 
ed and  fined  Tim  one  thousand  dullurs.  The  en- 
thusia.sin  of  ll'.e  people  could  be  rcstitiined  no 
longer;  hurryiig  him  fore  hly  against  hisrepe.i' 
cd  ei'ftri  ati'e's,  into  a  carriage,  they  bore  him  i  1 
triumpli  to  a  pu'Jlic  roorri,  still  menacing  th^ 
JtuJ^e.  Order  being  at  length  restolvd,  Gen. 
JacsvSOs  rose  and  addressed  them  with  great 
feeling  -aying,  "that  if  tlu-y  had  the  ie.ast  grati- 
tude for  his  services,  they  would  evince  it  in  no 
w.ay  so  satiEfaclprily,"'a3  by  subm'tting,  as  he 
most  cl.eerfuMr  did'ti'lhe  decree,  v.hith  hatl 
just  been  pror.otincrd  aifain.st  him— 77i(.7  /hr 
ch'il  was  Ikipurantbtitxt  and^upreme  authority — 
/hut  suhmifsiiin  /o  the  cifil  authority  is  thejir.'t 
duly  nf  the  tS.'izen.  'Had  the  penalty  reachi.  ! 
my  utniost'alitlity  tt)  meet  it,  1  should  not  have 
inurmiiiv  d  or  complained."* 

He  ininie'datcly  paid  the  fine.  The  citi- 
zens of  .Nev/  Orleans  collected  however  and 
placed  tliC  anoimt  to  his  credit  in  b.aiik 
and  notified  him  of  it.  He  refused  it  in  a 
inannei"  the  most  delicate.  In  his  r^ply  he 
di  claicd  he  could  not  accept  of  it,  yet  as  it 
was'tle  re.suh  of  tlie  most  generous  I'eelings, 
he  solicitei  tJiat  t'ie  amount  might  be  applied 
to  th.e  assistance  and  relief  of  those,  whose  re- 
lationSy-dnnng  the  si^ge,  had  fallen  in  battle; 
t;'U'  ;jrop.)S.t"'On  was  accedt  d  to  and  the  arnouii' 
fttib  cribcd',  W'hich.  had  been  designed  cxpre.ssli 
for  liis  relief,  was  disposed  of  for  the  benefit  oi 
pvj  WIDOV  ami  FAin  KKKLESS."' 

Ill  the  ;tl  ove  rel.ition,  behold  the  gennin'- 
character  of  the  "Military  diiejlain,"  who  i, 
leprcsenlet!  as  de.spising-  the  anttiorlty  ofth 
Laws  anil  Constitution  of^  his  countrj'  I.ct  u- 
tlien  rally.roiind  this  Hci-oic  Citizen.  Let  us  re- 
w;u-d  his  valour,  his  jjatriotism,  his  magnanimity 
and  toilsome  rervicrs  by  the  highest  honor  a 


gn.terul   people  can   be'tow;  assured  tiiat  kis        From   tliis    lable   it  appears,   that    Ueiierul 

iucctisis  asiuciattd  wil/i  the  trivnipit  ofilie  Cos-    Jackson's  inajni-ily  of  the  popular  vote  sii  far  is 

sTircTioN,  ofLiBKUTrandtliecauseofourbe-    taken  tliroug'liout  the   United   States,  over  J];. 

loved  CoC-\TiiT.  '  ■•   ■  •  .  Adams,  was  47,6':8,  and  over  both  Adams  and 

-; —        _  Clay  961. 

A  FPEN  r»lX.  The  return  of  votes  from  N.  Hampsliire,  Vir- 

n  Afr.  Adams,  at  tiit  l:;->;  elect'on  in  the  House    ginia  and  Missouri  in  the  above   tables  are  not 

of  Represr  ntatlves,   rrceived  the  viites  of  five    entirely   complete,    the   votes  from  some   fexv 

of  the   western    States.,     In  the   nine  western    counties  not  beinij  included. — These  however. 

Stales  General  Jackson   received  tivcnty-nine    could  not  vary  the  result  1000  votes,   and  sup- 

electord  votes,  ami  Mr.  Adams  only  three;  but    posing-   that  thousand   be  taken  fiom   General 

om    of  which  was  from  the  people,   wliereas    Jwckson,  tlicre  can  be  no  question  in  the  mind 

twenty -.six  of  the  Jackson  electors  were  chosen    "f  any  ime  who  recalls  the  state  ol'  public  opinion 

immediately  by  the   people  themselves.     Tiie    'i   the  Stites   Dflaware,  N.    York,    Vermont, 

returns  of  the  popular  votes  in  the  eig-ht  west-    Georffia,  and  South  Carolina,  where  t!ie  electors 

ern  .states,  as  c.rniained  in  the  papers  printed  at    were  appointed  by  the  legislatureij,  that  if  the 

the  time,  and  not  contradicted,  are  as  follows,     ^'fte  of  the  people  had  been  taken,  there  would 

'iz: —  h.ave  been  for  J.ickson,   a  much  larger  majority 

Jackson.  Mams.  Cliiy.  Cratvford.    than  1000  votes      And  if  any  one  will  recollect 

,o4(irv     .or.n«    ,^^-_  tile  stute  of  pubUc  opinion   in  those   southern 

and  western  States,  where  Clay  and  Crawford 
received  the  principal  part  of  their  votes,  be 
cannot,  without  flying  in  tlie  face  of  all  reaso7i- 
abl&  calculations,  come  to  anjlother  conclusion, 
tnan  that, :'  the  election  in  those  states  had 
been  by  the  people  and  the  choice  restricted  to. 
Jackson  and  Adams,  the  majority  of  the  former 
over  the  latter,  throughout  the  Union,  woidd 
have  been  jrreatly  increased.  And  if  you  look 
to  the  public  opinion  In  the  States  where  Craw- 
ford and  Cl.iy  received  the  votes,  you  will  be 
oblifred  to  admit  that  if  their  choice  in  the  house 
had  been   confined  to  Adams  and  Jackson  the 

,  Ailam,  t.ji'.ther     ^'''^"s  of  nearly  ail  of  them  would  have  been  for 

aMr^'51^more  tiiun  the   whole  recei|fcd'' by  all    •'^'^'^son,  if  the  wiUof  the  peo|)Je  of  these  States 
three  of  the  opposing   candidates.     Suppose    .''^'^''cen  attended  to  by   their  representatives 


Ohio, 

18489 
6453 

12280 

19255 

•^ 

Kentucky,  ' 

16782 

A'labamai 

944.3 

2417' 

67 

1680 

Indiana; 

7^-i5 

;5095 

5315 

Tenr.esiee, 

20197 

216 

312 

Mississippi, 

3254 

1694 

119 

Illinois, 

19J1 

1512 

1047 

219 

Missouri, 

9S7 

311 

1401 

Total,     68067     21555    43S67 


330 


From  thu  .above  returns. it  appears,  that  of 
the  votes  of  the  people  in  eigjit  western  States, 
General  Jackson  received  46,512  Votes  more 
than  Mr.  Adams— 2 1.,201  more  than  Mr.  Clay 
2,645  more  than  .Mr.  Clav       '   '  " 


the  contest  to  have  led  between  .Mr.  Adams 
and  Genera]  Jickson,  ah  1  tJK'  voie^  confined  to 
those  two,  is  th-jL  any  one,.>Uio  looks  at  the 
above  •itaiemvni  of  t^he  actual  vote.-,  riccivtd  by 
Mr.Adamsand  rt  flicts  that  Mr.  (Jiay's  fr;ends 
had  inilustriousty  represented  Mr.  Ada.ns  as 
unfriendly  to  ivalcin  interests,  ani.i  that  a  Pre- 
sident outfht  not  ag-aiii  to.  be  fcd;eii  from  the 
eabinct,  is  tliere  an^  one,\ve  repeat,  who  will 
venture  I'o  say  that  Mr;  Adams  wcndd  have  got 
one:  0'\\\)\  of  the  votes  o.f  the  nine  western 
States?  And  yet  he  received  the  votes  of/re 
Stites  in  Coiigress,  and  General  Jackson  only 

The  following  are  tiicTestilts  of  the  votes  of 
stich  State-^,  as  are  not  contained  in  the  above 
list,  takt;ii  from  the  papers  printed  at  tisfufelose 
of  the  f  r^-bidi  nli:.l  election.     They  <;„  x\\c  40' 

•  .'est;  w)  , 


far  from  Qie  olucial  returns. 

.Tuchsun.  .Silams. 


Maine, 

Massachusetts, 
CouTWir.ticut, 
Klioile  I.slund, 
New  H-impsihre, 


Virpnia, 
New  Jersey, 
I'ennsylv.inia, 

N.  'Ctu-olina, 
M.-»nland, 


.Vdd  Western 
States 


2,S61 
10,985 

36, 1  'JO 

L"j.-;:  " 

34,68.^ 
68,067 


6870 
30rxR7 
7*87 
2lJi« 
4,107- 
3,189 
9,  UK 


2JS{:  *<W'"v 
0616"'''   ■  • 

.'200 

■6,489        416 
3, 196 

A   ■'■, 


!>3,767  44,97. 


m  C'j<igrej:S. 

4  Ail  the  electoral  votes  for  Mr.  Adams  were 
received  from  the  New  Eng-land  State  sand  New 
Yciik,  cxcepl  seven,  which  were  received  as 
follows:  one  out  of  tliree  ;rom  Delaware — threo 
out  of  eleven  in  Maryland — two  out  of  five  in 
Louisiana  one  out  of  three  in  Illinois;  that  is 
only  7  electoral  votes  out  of  17  states,  and  not  a 
m^.jcn-ity  of  the  electoral  votes  in  any  one  of 
those  \T  states:  yet  in  the  House  of  Kepresen- 
tiitives  he  received  the  vetes  of  6  of  these  17 
■St:ttes. 

Ill  confirmation  of  this  view,  the  people  of 
Kentucky  at  the  last  Congressional  election, 
.ifter  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen  President,  turned 
out  those  who  had  voted  for  him,  and  returneci 
representatives,  two-thirds  of  whom,  :ire  friend- 
ly to  Gen.  Jackson. 

In  Illinois,  the  inajority  of  the  people  being 
in  favor  of  Gen.  Jtickson,  turned  out  Daniel  P. 
Conk,  who  had  voted  against  their  will  for  Mi- 
Adams. 

Tiie  same  fate  awaited  Mr.  Scott,  ivlio  liad 
violated  the  will  of  his  constituents,  and  gav.e 
the  vote  of  .Missouri  to  Mr.  Adams. 

It  is  proved  by  the  statement  ofO.  B.  Brown. 
K.jq.  that  in  a  convers.ation  with  Mr.  Scott,  the 
l-.iter in  reply  to  tlie  question,  whether  "his 
1,690  vnte"  (far-Mi\  Adams)  "would  be  poptilar  in 
Ms-^w.-i,"  said,  i\y.^.t  nintUen-lwtntic'ks  of  his 
1:95  C'>:>.ililucnl!i  ifouul  be  irppm'd  to  ti."  He  added, 
that  •- it  wasascif'uiinei,  if  Mr.  Adams  s.houUi 
.lot  he  .  lected  on  the  tirat  balla,  he  could  not 
be  electeil  afterwards:  LHat  if  he  had  not  voted 


lot.M  tf.  S.      152,951 


21,557     2,330    43,867    for  Mr.  Ad;ims,  Mr.  Cook,  of  Illinois,  would  oat 

~ have  voted  for  him,  and  that  without  both  their 

105,322  47,305  46,668    votes,  he  would  not  have  been  clerted."  liwa^ 


.jl-4. 


iii^n  rov.-.ai'kcd,  thai,  ..o  vi.^  sieouon  h;.a  ile- 
pended  upoa-him,  (Scott,)  he  (Bi'own)  sup- 
posed, ill  case  oi'  his  iUilure  at  tbt:  next  elcc- 
"cion,  he  would  he  chei'tvise  provided  for.  To 
tiiis,  he  TLiiswered,  thit  "he  would  acceptof  no 
Appointment  whatever  under  the  arlministration 
of  ill'.  Atiams,  ki-t  it  thvuU  he  regarded  ns  the 
reward  ofnis  voce."  Tire  rciucrd  i^nwecer  of  lu- 
crative oppointments  -wire  aflerwards  offired  hi) 
3Ir.  Adams,  Ao/A  to  Mr.  Scott  and  Mr.  Cook, 
tind  by  both  accepdd,  as  above  stated.  ' 

(2)  Since  the  first  edition  of  this  address, 
an  examination  of  testimony  on  oath  was  insti- 
tuted before  the  Seriate  of  Kcntueky,  in. conse- 
quence of  the  introduction  ihlo  thr.t  I'^ody,  by  a 
.  !i\eniber  friendly  to  the  pr:-icnt  .^rimini.sti'ation, 
(Mr.  Bkatty,)  of  a  Resolution  deciarint^,  that 
''  the  charges  of  bi;r(>siti,  sale  and  coi-rupUcn  in 
"  the  elrctioH  of  .!oiis  Q..  Apamk,  are  uUerltj 
Jahe  and  maicinus."  In  tins  examination,  a 
variety  of  most  important  fiu-.t>,  wiiicii  establish 
the  barsjain  beyond.,  all  reasonriblo  doubt,  were 
provt4  by  witnes4pn  of  unimpeach  d  andun- 
jrhpe.achable  character,  a  number  of  whom 
were  at  the  tiine  members  of  tlie  Kentucky  Le- 
gislature. These  facta  will  be  refcixed  to  in 
.subsequent  notts.  The  cbjeC  of  this  note  is 
to  shew  tlie  hostility  esistins  b  ■tween  Mr.  Clat 
and  Mr.  AiiA.^iS  previcust  o  the  last  Presiden- 
tial elecli.ni. 

On  an  amendment  of  the  above  resolution, 
proposed  by  Itr.  Vope,  a  gentleman,  who  mar- 
ried a  sister  of  .\Ir.  AiLams'  \vifc,  which  went 
to  declare — "that  the  charges  rnacle  a.^^ainst 
John  Q..  Adams,  before  the  last  Presidential 
election,  in  the  western  country,  in  the  public 
prints  and  pamphlets,  that  he  was  hostilf  to  the 
rights  and  interests  of  tile  west,  aiid  lli-.it  he  at- 
tempted, in  the  negotiation  at  Glient,  to  sacri- 
iice  or  prejudice  the  rights  or  hitcrests  of  the 
western  country,  are  utterly  false,  and  wei-e 
broug'ht  forward  and  circulated  to  disti-oy  the 
confidence  of  the  western  people  in  thb  said 
.lohn  Q.  Adams,  and  to  promote  tiie  views  of  a 
rival  candidate;"  a  debate  took  pbce  in  which 
!Mr.  Dirr.iss,  from  Mercer  Couniy,  rose  and 
■'said— 

"  That  he  could  not  vote  for  the  amendment 
ofTered  by  tiie  honorable  gentleman  trom  Wash- 
ington, as  he  had  been  tang-'.t  to  believe,  from 
every  thing  he  had  seen  in  the  pubhc  pr:nlsor 
ctberwise,  tliat  Mr.  A.dams  h.KHong  been  an 
enemy  to  the  Vrest,  and  liad  attempted  to  cede 
aw.iy  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  to  the 
Ui-itish  Government,  at  the  treaty  of  Ghent. — 
These  were  the  declarations  of  Mr.  Clay  and 
Iiis  friends  anterior  to  the  Presidential  election 
(Mr.  I),  was  here  interrupted  by  .Mr.  'Wick- 
lift'e,  who  denied  tlie  charge  of  Mr.  Clay's  hav- 
ing ever  said  any  thing  about  Mr.  Adams,  and 
c.illed  upon  the  gentleman  from  Mercer,  (Mi'. 
Eaveiss,)  to  furnisli  the  House  with  some  re- 
sponsible witness  to  support  the  statement  he 
had  .made. )  Mr.  Daveiss  said  that  Ive  iiad  the 
-evidence  at  hand.  I  will  take  the  I;bLrt>-  of 
5iresenting  to  the  Ilousf,  certain  nucibeis  ad- 
dressed to  the  people  of  Ohio  under  the  signa- 
ture of  Wayne,  which  were  published  in  tlie 
Cincinu.itti  Gazette,  in  tlie  year  1822,  and  af- 
.terward-.  rejniblislicd  in  the  .\rgu3  of  Westirn 
.\merica.  These  numbers,  said  Mr.  D.,  1  now 
hold  in  my  hand.  (Mr.  Wicklift'e  again  inter- 
I'tinted  lur.  naveiss:   by  observing  that  he  hnd 


caiicd  unon  tiie  gcntieman  lor  u  responsifciie  tWU. 
n ess,  whoso  name  would  l>e  surrendered  up.) 
Mr.  Oaveiss  said  that  he  hoped  the  gentleman 
would  have  patience;  before  he  was  done  he 
would  render  the  cadence  complete.  I  state, 
continued  Mr.  D.  upon  the  most  uuqiiestionablc 
authority,  that  these  numbers  were  writt<  n  by  a 
citizen  of  Kentucky,  and  the  manuscript  sent  to 
Mr.  Clay  How  they  afterwards  made  their 
appearance  in  the  Cinciniulti  Gazette,  will  be 
for  Mr.  Clay  to  account.  I  am  now  ready  to 
prove  the  fact,  if  the  gentleman  from  Fayette^ 
(Mr.  WickliiFe)  requires  it.  The  proof  is  now- 
v.ithin  the  walls  of  this  House.  1  pause  to  see 
if  Uie  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  will  call  for  tlie  proof 
»«*»«»«  fioj  daring  to  meet  this  proof 
tjie  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  remained  silent,  when 
Mr.  Davtkss  proceeded  and  said,  "  these  num- 
bers, ])aiticnlarly  the  tliird  and  fourth,  present. 
Mr.  Adams  inamost  odious  point  of  vieiv  to 
the  people  of  the  West,  :uKi  bad  the  effect  to 
prostrate  him,  in  that  State,  as  VvsU  as  Ken- 
tucky. 

The  extract  from  Watne  then  read,  being 
two  long  for  insertion  at  la-ge  in  this  note,  the 
following  expressions,  which  are  siifiicient  to 
shew  the  nature  of  tbat  publication,  are  quoted, 
from  it  Mr.  AnAMs  is  amongst  many  otlierthings, 
charged  witli  "an  unfeeling  po/.cy,"  which 
'  'would  crimson  nur  fresh  fields  with  the  blood  of 
our  b'lrder  brethren,  and  light  the  midnight  fi/r- 
est  with  the  flames  of  their  dwelliiigs"  with  "giv- 
ing our  wive.^  and  children  fnr  fish,  aud  bartering 
the  bltud  oflnur  citizens  for  immey;"  with  being 
'•rV-r^prw;?^  of  WL'Stern  interests,  or  "disregard' 
ing  "  them.  The  proposition  made  a*  Ghent, 
he  declares  to  be  a  "  fatal  project,"  an  "afro- 
ciotis  proposal,"  "os  stronge  as  it  is  alarming," 
and  that  but  for  Mi-.  Clat's  exertions,  "tht; 
seeds  of  war  mg'ht  now  liave  been  sowing,  ahmg 
our  noHhcrn  and  icslern  borders,  which,  at  no 
distant  d'ly,  would  have  produced  an  aban-dani 
harvest  of  tears  and  blood."  The  publication 
concluded  by  s.aying,  in  allusion  to  the  alleged 
hostilitv  of  iir.  Adams  to  the  West,  as  demon- 
strated by  tlie  Ghent  Negotiation.  It  shows 
the  interest  we  have  in  phicing  a  distinguished 
western  man  at  the  helm  of  the  nation,  and  the 
justice  of  distributing  to  every  section,  its  dm.: 
ciiare  in  foreign  missions,  as  well  as  in  the  cab- 
inet it>e;f." 

These  publications,  signed  Wayne,  and  re- 
viewer'of  .Ml-.  Clat  liefore  they  v/cre  sent  U. 
the  }ced  tiiiay  be  seen  at  large  in  the  (jincin-- 
ruiti.X  iif^t'T,  where  they  first  appeared,  or  in. 
the'\iiB(H;r  livhere  they  were  republished  on  the 
i4th  ail  .m1.lW.  November,  1S22. 

Buttue  part  which  Mr.  Clat  boreinthepub- 
lication  of  these  numl>ers  is  proven  by  liis  owii 
letter.  In  an  address  to  Mr.  Clay,  lately  piib- 
lished,  Mr.  Kendall  says: 

"  These  numbers  were  sent  to.  }"OU  at  Le?; 
ington.  The  following  extract  of  a  letter  fi'oni 
vou,  d.ited Lexington,  33dJune,  1822.acknow-, 
ledges  the  receipt  of  them,  shows  how  they  got 
to  Cincinnati,  and  proves  your  agency  in  this 
attack-  upoia  Mr   Adams: 

"  I  received  3'our  obhging  favor  of  the  20tii 
inst.  and  thank  you  most  sincerely  for  the 
friendlv  sentiments  towards  ni«  which  it  con- 
tains. Mr.  T.  Crittenden  has  retained  tiie  pro.- 
diiction  which  accompanied  it,  and  which  he 
liss  undertaken  to  divide,  and  t<>  dispose  of  in 


^4o 


l<jj  jiiaue  qJ  residence,  [Cincinr.ati,')  according 
;;)OU«  WISHES.'" 

In  the  nbovomentioned  invpstig.itioii  .before 
!he  Senate  of  Kentucky,  it  was  proved  on  oath, 
ihat,  after  the  publication  cf  Mr.  iVuvrirs' bonk 
upon  the  Fisheries,'Sir.  Ci.at  called  upon  his 
friend,  the  Editor  of  tlie  ,\vgus  of  Western 
America,  published  at  Frankfort,  in  Kentuclcy-, 
gave  him  a  narrative  of  the  proceeding;5at  Ghent, 
;ind  explained  the  principles  involved  in  them. 
The  Editor  then  tool;  up  the  pubilcaiion  of  Mr. 
.A.dams,  and  reviewed  it  in  a  scries  of  nine  let- 
ters, addressed  to  Jonx  Qcincy  Ahamb.  After 
most  of  these  letters  bad  been  publi.sbed  in  the 
Argns,  Ii^r.  Clat  converiied  with  the  Editor 
^'  about  pubhshiny  them  in  a  pamphlet,  and 
ofTered  to  pay  $50  of  tlie  expen.se.  This  was 
declined.  It  was  proved,  however,  by  the  oath 
of  Mr.  Tanner,  a  printer,  that  Mr.  Cut  after- 
v.-ards  conversed  with  him  as  to  the  expense  of 
printing'  the  pamphirt.  Mr.  Tanner  beir■,^•  a.sk- 
ed,  "  whether  he  printed  it?"  he  replied  "that 
lie  did."  And  on  being  asked  "  whether  Mr. 
CtAT  paid  any  part  of  the  expense '"  he  replied, 
"  th.at  he  did  pay  wic  hundred  dollars" 

The  full  extent  of  the  charges  apiinst  Mr. 
Adams,  contained  in  these  letters,  th  •  m:iterials 
for  which  had  been  originally  furnished  -^y  Mr. 
Clat,  as  was  proved  by  the  oath  of  the  F.Jitor 
of  the  Arg;us,  in  which  they<first  a'ine.ired,  can 
only  be  judged  of  after  a  perusal  of  the  pampli- 
let  Vjself,  which  v,-.as  printed  in  the  lattt  i  j.art  of 
182j.  The  following  extr.acts,  however,  will 
sufficiently  shew  the  nature  and  spii-it  of  them. 
Mr.  Adams  is  charged  with  "  hearvigjhke  %vit- 
ncss  against  lii-s  neighlmr;"  with  "fahekood"  in 
relation  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi; 
:.vith  "weighing  dulltirs  n-^ainst  blood;"  with 
''  fahe!iuods"  relative  to  the  extent  of  the  fishe- 
ries, contested  at  Gl;ent;  with  "  Jmetrin^l'j 
v.iolativg  the  very  letter  iif  Ids  inslructim;!,-"  with 
pursuing  "a  course  whci'i/  sectional;"  with  at- 
iemptingto  '■'make the  Wi.i,tern  people  pny  an 
exclusive  tax  cf  rivnkliip,  war  and  blond,  for  the 
lecuriti/of  those  fuhermen,  who  frequent  ijrilish 
waters;"  with  "  mamtfccturitig  foots;"  with  as- 
EEttinij  '  '^opposite  principles;"  with  gi-oss  "  ah- 
"iirditles,  tnonsi-stencies,  and  cotJrudiclions," 
".ith  injustice  to  his  colleagues  oi'lhe  minority,' 
with  a  policy  promoting  Indian  wa!-s  and  massa- 
cres; with  "  a  deadli;  hofjitilij,  cr  a  cttlpithle  in- 
difference,to till- interests nf the  f-Vestern  country" 
V.  itli  hostility  to  the  annexation  of  Louisiana  to 
the  United  States;  with  insincerity  in  the  de- 
itnce  of  his  votes,  in  relation  to  the  West;  with 
"adding  rns-ult  and  mnc/cci/,  to  abafdonmcnt 
and  injustice;"  Kith  being  "an  artful  sophist, 
n  tlumsi/  negotiator,  and  vindictive  rnrm\"  with 
'*  Diews  ton  erroneniis.feetingi  too  sectionol,  i:n.d 
femper  too  vindictive,  fur  t!ie  Chief  Magistrate  of 
a  free  people. " 

TaoiiiAs  P.  Moore,  a  mcniberfrom  Kentuck)', 
vlio  refused  to  vote  against  ih'e  will  of  the 
people  of  that  State,  to  promote  Mr.  Ciay's 
views,  though  at  that  peripd  one  of  his  most  ar- 
dent friends,  in  a  letter  to  Gen.  Vav  Nrss,  after 
saying  he  was,  before  the  I''residenti;d  election, 
"  warmly  attached  to  Mr.  Ciav,  and  decidedly 
iiostile  to  Mr.  Aha-.is,"  btates,  that  he  "had 
denounced  him  (Mr.  Adams)  in  all  pails  of  tlie 
district  i-eprosented  by  him,  on  the  autltority  of 
facts,  derived  from  Av.  Clat." 

That  Mr    Acl-ims  was  aware  of  the   hostilitv 


of  Mr.  Cla)',  is  perfectiy  manifest  from  the  Iql 
lowing  extracts  fi'om  his  book  upon  the  Fishe- 
ries and  the  Mississippi.  In  tlie  first  page  of 
the  introduction,  Mr.  Adams  says  : 

"In  the  course  of  last  summer,  (of  1821,)  I 
was  apprized  by  a  fiend,  that  i-umors  very  un- 
f.'.vorable  to  ny  reputation,  tven  for  integrity, 
were  industriously  circulated  in  the  western 
country.  That  it  was  said  I  had  made  a  propo- 
sition at  Ghent  to  grant  to  the  British  the  right 
to  navig.ate  the  Mississippi,  in  return  for  the 
Nev.'fouiidland  fisheries,  and  that  this  was  re- 
presented as,  at  least,  a  high  misdemeanori" 
"  He  .=^aid,  the  pmposal  was  t5)  be  represetited 
(as  an  offence)  so  that  it  was  charged  exclusive- 
ly upon  me  ;  and  that  I  shoi.ld  hear  more  about 
it  ere  long." 

In  his  book,  page  232,  be  says  : 

"  Since  the  conii.iunication  of  his  (Mr.  Rus- 
sell's) letters  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
the  uses  for  which  it  was  supposed  the  produc- 
tion of  them  was  intended,  and  to  which  they 
were  adapted,  have  not  been  altogether  aban- 
doned in  some  parts  Of  the  western  countrj', 
The  St.  Louis  Enquirer,  has  pui-sued  t!iis  pur- 
pose in  the  simplest  form,  by  publishiug  the 
mes«age  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
to  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  of  the  fth 
May,  and  Mr.  Uusstll's  private  letter,  and  by 
suppressing  the  duplicate  and  the  remarks.  In 
the  Kettiicky  ileporter,  published  in  Lcxing- 
ti  n,  and  in  the  Argus  of  V.'estern  America, 
published  in  FrankiVirt,  various  publications 
have  appeared,  exhibiting  similar  views  of  the 
subject,  representing  the  proposition  made  to 
the  British  Plenipotentiaries  on  the  1st  Decem- 
ber, 1814,  as  a  very  grievous  oflence,  and  as- 
cribing it  exclusively  to  me." 

In  page  254,  he  further  says  :  "  The  perusal 
of  Mr.  Russell's  duplicate,  disclosed  to  me  the 
misten'  of  ruin  v.'hich  bad  been  brewing  against 
me,  from  the  very  day  after  the  sigiiariir^-cf 
the  treaty  of  Client.  It  was  by  roprese  nlations 
like  those  of  that  letter,  that  the  minds  of  my 
fellow-citizens  in  the  we.st,  liad  for  a  succession 
of  years  been  abused  and  ulcerated  a^'ainst  me. 
That  letter,  indeed,  inculpated  the  whole  m.a,- 
jority  of  the  ijilssion  of  Ghent ;  but  r.ubsidiar.' 
slander  had  peifjrmed  its  part  of  pointing  all 
the  gudt,  and  fastening  ail  the  responsibilily  oi 
the  crime  upon  me." 

The  allusions  to  Mr.  Clay,  an<i  the  imputa- 
tions cast  on  him  by  Mr.  Adams,  wea-e  too  ob- 
vious  and  loo  severe  to  pass  without  notice,  and 
he  carje  out  in  the  Intelligencer  willi  the  fam- 
ous letter  about  the  Ghent  negotj;\tion,  frotn 
which  the  quotation  in  the  text  above  is  tiiken. 

c  VidcNaticnai  Intelligencer,  Dec.  17,  1822. 

tl  The  Kentucky  Reporter,  a  papei'«lited  by 
a  near  relative  of  Sir.  Clay,  and  long  kn'iv.-n  as 
the  organ  of  his  opinions,  as  early  as  July  Isl 
1815,  in  an  article  headed  "  Present  itdte  cf 
Parties,"  said  of  Mr.  Adams,  "lie  was  not 
born  or  educated  a  republican;  but  on  the  con- 
trary, his  wbele  life  has  been  distinguished  by  a 
decided  attachment  for,  and  we  believe,  an  in 
temperate  zew]  in  s.ipport  of,  tlw  principles  erf' 
his  f.ither,  and  the  aristocracy  of  the  countn-. 
It  is  true,  he  abandoned  the  sen-ice  of  lils  old 
friends  for  the  enjoyment  of  office,  but  we  have 
never  heard  that  he  abandoned  his  feder.il  prin- 
ciples to  adopt  republicanism." 

The  s.iiiK:  paptv  of  .Tu!v   15th,  I825v  under 


liie.  head  of  •'  iitxl  eUdion  of  President,"  says, 
"  Tlie  otlitr  point  which  w;;  deem  very  itnpoit- 
ant,  and  whicli  \vc  hope  toga)ii,.is,  tiiat  he  (Mr. 
Monroe)  shall  not  he  stifll-red  to  appoint  his 
successor.  .Itfrerson  and  Madison  liave /both 
e.^cei-c  sed  this  power,  but  we  trus'  the  precdcni 
will  bo  (bllowed  no  fiirtlier;  it  is  t-me  to  take 
alarm,  our  objection  lies  cliiefly  to  the  prhicylf, 
though,  if  it  were  necessary,  we  could  slate" 
some  objections  to  the  man  also.  Biit  in  rrtfard 
to  him  we  feel  indilferent.  \1e  should  object 
to  any  n.an  as  President,  who  was  not  the  frre 
and  regular  cki}<i:i' of  thp propk.  Mr  Adains  is 
desig'nated  b^  the  President  and  liis  presses  as 
the  heir  uppinen!,  the  next  successor  to  the 
Presidency.  .Since  tlie  principle  wisintrodiiced, 
there  husheen  a  rnpij  dis^tneraq/ in  the  i'hiff 
Maiiixtrate;  and  the  PRO.SPkCT  of  still 
GREATER  DKGRNEHArY  is  KTiiONG  and 
.\I. ARMING.  ■  Ad:nit  the  people  should  ac- 
i|u:esce  in  the  Presidential  appointment  W  .Mr. 
Adani.5  to  this  high  oflice;  who  again  will  he 
choose  as  his  .successor?  "Will  it  be  Jo.siah 
<iu  ncy.  H.  G.  Otis,  or  Eufns  King-?  An  Jlrie- 
tncrvt,  at  least,  if  not  a  TuAtTon,  will  be  our 
portion." 

And  the  same  paper  of  the  next  wct  k,  follow- 
ing up  the  same  subject  says,  "  the  selection  of 
Mr.  Adams,  the  aon,  to  be  Secretary  of  State 
anu  successor  in  the  Presidency,  a  ^entlc;man 
who  is  well  understood  to  have  imbibed  the  poli- 
tics of  his  father,  was  an  ir.dicatiou,  if  the  Intel- 
ligencer hud  not  let  out  'die  fjict,  t'mt  Mr.  Men- 
roe  venerates  the  aiiministration  of  Mr.  Ac'.ams, 
anil  of  course  will  take  it  for  his  model." 

The  same  violent  opjjosition  to  iWr.  Adams 
was  continued  in  the  Kcpurters.nd  other  papers 
which  supported  Mr.  Clay's  pretensions  iji  the 
AVest,  from  the  d^it-:^  of  the  above  publications 
until  the  electoral  election,  and  upon  the  same 
gTOunds  wWch  were  asserted  in  the  more  firm- 
al  exposition  of  the  principles  ar.d  views  of  Mr 
Clay's  pav'.lcidar  friends,  us  will  appear  from 
the  following^: — Extracts fi'um  a  circular  Address 
of  a  meetir.i;  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  the  loth 
.luly,  1S24,  fo?  the  purpose  of  nominating'  H. 
rl:iy,  for  the  Presidency. 

"  The  names  of  at  least  three  itiember.s  of 
'Ir.  Aloiii'oe's  Cal)iiiet,  v/ere  prelty  di.stinclly 
[jresented  to  the  public,  as  candidates  to  suc- 
ceed liim.  Reflecting'  men  could  not  but  see, 
thac  a  stiuK-g-le  for  the  Presidency,  between  tile 
principal  Secretaries  was  fraURlit  with  much 
evil  to  the  nation,  inasmucli  as  it  mu;it  <listract 
die  harmony  of  her  councils,  if  it  did  not  endan- 
ger the  integriiy  of  the  functionaries,  and  jeo- 
p.ardize  her  peace  and  her  reputation.  P.esliies 
these  mischiefs,  to  select  one  of  t!ie  Secretaries, 
was  to  continue  the  s.ime  influence  in  nffice, 
■\vhich  would  virtually  be  a  departure  from  the 
m'ixim,  that  rotation  in  office  was  essential  to 
the  prt^servation  of  the  Republic.  For;  to  chanije 
the  ri-van  and  to  retain  the  induence,  would  be 
to  reywse  u])on  the  shadow  ?m\  aban'Um  the 
substance.  The  co;is'der!it'Ou!\ere  In-ieHy  stat- 
ed, determined. nuiny  of  ilie  most  reflecting-  ci- 
tizens of  the  e.'-iuntry  to  ad-ipt  the  o:>inion,  '.liat 
no  nitmhir  nj  ilif.  i^.xi.:utne  Vahlfiet.  ouf^lit  to 
be  se5ecte<l  tri  succeed  .Mr,  Monroe,, and  this 
detcrmina'ion  was  formed  v.-i'liout  any  disre- 
spect 16  the  tall-Ills  or  cliaracter  of  the  incum- 
bents themselves.  It  rested  upon  public  priii- 
rrnlt  ami  puhlic  iJutp  m\'\  upon  tiicse  alone.'' 


(n^^iKitherpai'lof  the  .same  address, it  isstatc'. 
to  be' .the first  object  v.ith  Mr.  d.-iy's  friends  to 
prevent  O.nr.  of  tU^  Cabiset  from  being  plac- 
ed in  the  Presidential  Chair. 

"  It  was  partictjlarly  hoped  that  the  Western 
connti7  vvruid  have  [jresentcd  an  undivided 
phalanx  upon  this  p-reat  public  quest-on,  and  it 
is  ikeplji  r'gretled  that  an."ihir  cundiditte,  should 
be  named  and  sup])oned  in  the  IVest,  with  the 
same  oljccf  and  Tvr  ^he  same  purpose." 

Mr.  Cla-j's  opinions  undergo  a  sudden 
cliange  after  the  election  devolved  upon  the 
House  of  Rv-presentatives,  from  which  he  was 
exclu'.icd,  as  v.  ill  appear  from  the  following  ex- 
tract fr-'m  his  address  to  his  constituents,  being 
an  apology  far  his  conduct  In  voting  for  Mr. 
AdaiTi'-,  published  in  the  National  Journal  of 
the  2ath  March,  18^5. 

I  saw  in  hW  (Mr.  Adams,)  election  the  es- 
tablishment of  no  dangi:!-oiis  example.  I  saw 
in  it  on  the  contrary  onli/  cvtifwini/y  to  the  SAFE 
PRECt:UENTS,  7™/cA  had  been  eittul/llshed  in 
the  instances  of  Mr.'  Jbffehson,  Mr.  Madisox 
and  Mr.  Musiioi;,  «  ho  had  respectively  filled 
the  same  office  from  which  he  was  translated." 

(3)  When  the  above  .iddress  was  first  pub- 
llhed  in  May  1827,  the  ti-ain  of  circumstances, 
were  known  to  the  public,  terminating  in  an 
interchange  cf  the  highest  political  favors  and 
services  between  prcr/'ou.'fy  hostile  rivals  and  an- 
tagcmint  in  principle,  and  policy,  the  one  by  his 
vote  and  influence  making  the  other  President, 
and  rece'iving  in  retrirn  the  highest  office  in  that 
Presi-.lent's  gift,  was  thought  to  afford  the 
strongest  proof  of  a  corrupt  understanding  be- 
tween th#partie3,  tliat  the  nature  of  the  tran.s- 
action,  which  tliey  would  instinctively  seek  to 
shroud  in  dai-kness,  seemed  to  admit.  Still 
more  conclusive  and  pos'llve  evidence,  however 
was  d'"stined  to  be  brought  to  light  by  the  im- 
prudence o>  the  friends  of  JSr.  Clat,  who  by 
the  introduction  of  the  white  washing  resolu- 
tions, mentioned  in  a  pfvious  nor,e,  into  the 
Senate  of  Kentucky,  rendered  the  in\estiga- 
tion,  which  took  place  before  that  body,  una- 
voidable. 

Dcsirnns  that  his  friends  in  Congrcsis,  accord- 
ing to  the  language  of  their  circul,u',  i.ssued  on 
the  25th  of  May,  18S4,  in  case  of  his  being  ex- 
cluded from  tt.e  House  "should  be  able  by 
concentration  to  control  the  event"  of  tlie  elec- 
tion, "  andiiold  In  their  hands  the  bal.mce,  and 
determine  between  the'  opposing  and  confllcl- 
ing  interests:  T-'.r.  Clay,  as  early  as  tlu  month 
of  October,  1S"4,  accarding  to  the  statement  of 
T.  P.  Mooirs,  a  member  of  Congress  from  Ken- 
tucky, expressed  at  Frankfoit,  "an  appre- 
hension, that  he  should  be  excluded  from  the 
House  of  Representatives,"  and  observed  with 
see.Tiing  carelessness  of  ni:.nner,  that  "  II  would 
be  best  for  us  (meaning  himself  and  his  friemis 
In  Congress)  in  that  cftse  to  vemaim  uncortf mined 
as  to  our  second  fclioice.  ■  •■■\ 

C.  A.  WicKLi.'rK,  anotlier  member  from  Ken- 
tucky, stated  in  a  letter  to  the  .laekson  corres- 
po'iduig  Committee  lor  the  District  of  Columbia, 
that  Mr.  Ci.Ar  said  to  him,  at  the  same  court  in 
Frankfort,  that  in  case  he  sli  .'Vild  be  excluded 
from  the  House  "  he  tiioughl  it  best,  that  his 
friends  should  not  hastily  commi'/ tlioiiSelvcs  in 
tlieir  second  choice." 

Thokas  D.  Cahneai.,  a  member  of  the  Sen- 
ate of  Ke-.itiickv.  stated  in  i.i.e  investigation  he.- 


.347 


o.e  tliat  boJ)i,,tUut  Mr.  Ctii,  a  few  days  before 
1:  started  f.irM'fshington  in  the  fill  of  1824, 
i:(l,  "he  did  not  iike  to  be  instructed  l)y  tlie 
i^^>ffislature  as  to  his  vole,"  and  that  "  in  case 
*  lie  «cre eXcUided  from  the  House,  lie  was  whol- 
Iv  uncommitted,  as  to  his  vote  and  wished  to  be 
lift  .free."  ' 

iir.  M^uiiiE,  staged  hi  a  1  ttcr  to  the  santie 
C'.nimitiee,  that  ^i^.  fcL.vr  after  his  arrival  at 
Washington,  called  to  see  hini,  and  told  him  in 
enijjhaiic  lPnii'i,*tU;it  "he  ha;i  litik-  <loubi,t1iat 
he  was  cxcliidei)  iVonithf  House  of  llepresf  nti- 
tiu-3,  :uul  that  all  w;,"  (injaiiing.the  Ke"tncky 
»D.l'.jj'.i;ion  111  CongTess,)  "had  now  to  doj  was 
tci  hold  (nu-selv.-s  ititeom  iiificd,  as  to  i.ur  second 
choice,  declui ii'.g  "  that  \vc  ci'iild  vMe  {ur  either 
.)i  th':  three  candidates  and  jnst-fy  oursehes  to 
ourconsli'ucnts."  Majca- K-  P-  Hevkt,  another 
member  of  Coiigi'ess  from  Kentucky,  now  no 
more,  detailed  a  sim  lar  conversation,  whic!!  had 
tafeen  place  between, himself  and  Mr.  Ci-av. 

Notwitlistand'.ng'  the  impression  which  Mr. 
Clay  was  e\ideMtT)  dt-sroiis  of  making-  by  per- 
M.adiig  otiiers  to  remain  uncummitied,  that  he 
as  himself  also  u7iC0'HWj///t«/  ae.d  free  tn  vote 
lor  cither  of  the  three  candidates  rctirned  to 
the  House,  he,  ncverthclfss,  in  his  late  Ad- 
ilresiiDage  15,  says — «' this  testimony  estabhsh- 
cs,  taat  on  var.ons  occasions  and  tim<  s,  begin- 
ning in  Kentncky  about  the  1st  O -Mober,  1824," 
('he  very  time  he  began  to  inculcate  the  dec- 
trine  of  non-cmnmitti.l),  "and  continued  in  the 
f'ity  of  y/ashingtiin  down  to  the  jbcriod  when 
my  ilcterir.ination  to  vo*e  for  Mr.  Adams  was 
.j,'i,-neraily  known  in  tlii:j  city,"  (Washington) 
"  I  uiiifvirmly  expressed  my  conviction  of  tie- 
neral  .lackson's  want  of  ri'ialfieaiion,  and  mi/ 
fixvd  nsolulioa  not  to  volt  fur  him,  it  I  were 
Called  upon  to  give  a  lote."  In  page  17,  he 
says — "  fo  unalterably  fixed  was  my  resolution 
prior  to  my  departure  for  Kentucky."  In  page 
'2'J,  he  sajs — "  Here  then  is  an  unbroken  chain 
of  lestiinony,  commtncing  early  in  October, 
1S:D4,  and  extending  to  nearly  the  end  of  the 
year,  es:abli.sliing  beyond  all  eontroversr,  niy 
Jixtd-Mid  iiiiwaicring  decision  not  to  vote  for 
General  Jackson." 

If  tills  chain  of  tistimony  be  not  broken 
by  tile  attempt."!  above  detailed  to  make  the 
impression,  that  he  was  uncommilltd,  into  how 
many  fragments  is  it  not  shattered  by  the  fol- 
lov.itig  unexpected  blow  from  Gen.F^OTP,  of 
Virginia?  That  gentleman,  in  a  letter  to  Gen. 
Va.n  Kejs,  recently  puidisiied,  states,  that  in  a 
conversation,  in  tlie  month  of  January,  or  the 
latter  p. irt  of  the  preceding  iiioi)th,  December, 
whilst  the  election  of  the  President  wasthii 
before  thi-  House nf  Kin-reseiitatives,  Mr  Clat 
said  t.o  him — "  When  1  take  up  the  preteiisions 
of  .Mr.  AiiA.MS  and  weigh  them,  and  lay  them 
down;  then  take  up  tlii.-  pretensions  of  Genera! 
Jackso.v,  weigh  tht  m  and  lay  them  down  by  the 
sitle  of  llK..>^e  of  Mr.  Adai>;s,  I  never  was  as 
rntich  puzzled  in  my  life,  as  1  am  to  decide  be- 
tween tb<.-in." 

H'iie  cine  Itfunravcl  the  iiai-k  intrgtie  that 
recftiired  of  its  atith  t-  to  prese-.tt  such  diverse 
aiRl  contrarient  views  of  the  Stale  of  lis  own 
mind,  througii  a  period  of  three  months,  that 
he  might  be  furnished  with  excuses,  if  not  the 
means  of  justification,  in  talcing  whatever  course 
his  interest  might  ultimately  dictate,  is  disclos- 
ed In  tlie  testimony  of  Jcuix  S.  Hitt,  of  Bour- 


bon, who  ftated  before  the  Senate  of  Kentucky. 
"  that  in  1825,  on  the  4th  or  5th  January,  he 
went  into  Washingloii  City  in  the  evening,  and 
was  in  company  with  Gen.  Metcalfe,  and  ask 
t  d  him  for  iniormation  relative  to  the  Presiden- 
tial election?  He  said  he  knew  little  more  than 
wheit  he  first  arrived,  or  than  witness;  that  the 
friends  of  Jackson  woui'  come  to  us  and  say, 
we  heal*  }'ou  are  going  to  vote  for  Mr.  Ahaius; 
and  the  friends  of  Adaks  would  come  to  us 
and  say,  we  understand  you  are  going  to  vote 
forjACKSos;  and  so  of  the  friends  of  Crawford; 
that  we  stand-  uiicomirttUd,  and  we  must  hwiu 
sonidhing  about  hou'the  aibinel  isto  bt  Jilifd." 

J.  Dcnj.F.r,  a   member  cf  the  Senate,   being 
cailed  on,  stated  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  that 
"in.Jaimary  1835,  F.  P.  BLAin,"  (the  intimate 
and   confidential    correspondent    and   friend  of 
Mr.  Clai,  who,  as  was  proved  by  another  wit- 
ness, had  stated  tliree  or  four  weeks  before  the 
Presidential  election,  that  Mr.  Cluy  would  be 
Secretary  ul  K'atr,   f  Mr.  Jldfims  was  made  Frc 
sid'nt,  and  who  iiad  refused  to  swear,  when  c:dl- 
ed  on,   upon  the  gr'.und,  that  the  information 
he  hatl,  was  obtained  in  the  course  of  friendly 
communications  and /)'/««/£ corrf. s/ioni/cnce.ieA/f /• 
he  Veemed  cnnjulenti/d)   came  mto   the  Senate 
Chamber,  seated  h-.mself  near  me,  and  inquired 
my  opinion  on  the  re.-^ohitions  past  requesting: 
our  members  of  Congress  to  vote  for  Gen.  Jack- 
son as  PTesidenI  of  the  United  .Sates.     Mr.  B. 
desired  that  I  wonkl  write  letters  requesting  the 
members,  and  particuUrly  D.  Whitl,  from  this 
district,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Clai-  and  vote  as  lie. 
m'ght  desire.     To  this  I  objected,  and  gave  my 
reasons  therefor.      Mr.   B,   appeared  surprised 
that  I  shoidd  raise  any   objections,  pai"icn!arly 
as  I  was  opposed  to  t!.e  rcsokitons.      He  said, 
that  a  nnmi)er  of  members  of  both  houses,  who 
voted  for  the  resolution,  iind  written  auch  Idler.", 
and  that  I  could  do  it  with  more  propriety.     11'- 
said,  if  Mr.  Jftiite  amid  be  induced  to  vote  for  Air. 
Mams,  he  would  obtain  the  vote  ofKmtuchy,  and 
with  it  the  vi'tes  of  mrstoftiie   IVest-rn  tSiate.^. 
which  would  elect  him,-  >n  lohic/i  case  Mr.   Cluy 
.  would  obtain  tJie  appoint  mnit  of  Secretary  of  Stale. 
I  then  inquired  how   that  fact  had  been   ascer- 
tained'    His  answer  was,  that   letters  had  been 
received  froDi  genlleincn  of  undoubted  veracity,  at 
JVushiitt-'oii  City,  containing  such  information, 
and  1  might  rely  with  confidence  on  that  state- 
rnent.     I  replied  tlia',  although  I  was  opposed 
to  the  resolutions,  I  had  no  doubt  they  contain- 
ed the  truth,  and  therefore  I  could  ^ot  say  on  ■ 
word  to  induce  our  membere  of  Congress  to  b^ 
lleve  otherwise." 

It  was  jiroved,  by  Mr.  ilaoHE,  that  aftenvai als 
Mr.  WuirE,  said  before  the  election  came  oil 
that  "Lewv.i  not  about  to  vols  for  Mr.  Adamsbiit 
for  Mr.  Clat. 

Mr.  Moore  also'stated,  that  he  "received  twa 
!r  tiers  from  a  cnnji'l'.ntial  Jrlend  of  Mr  Clav's 
residing  in  Kentucky,'  urging  him  to  vole  for 
v;ho"-tr  w  ruld  make  Mr.  Cluy  Secretary  of  State, 
and  intimulr'ig  that  Mr.  .Idams  woulitdo  it. 

After  ascertaining,  to  use  the  words  of  Gen. 
MsTCALFK,  low  Hie  Cab'ncI  was  to  be /iUid,  Vitc 
nujority  oftuc-  Kciducky  deleg.ation  made  up 
their  minds  ai-id  did  vote  for  VJr.  AnA.>ts:  and 
Mr.  C LAY  was  m-Mie  Secretary  oj  State.  In  th^ 
investigation  before  the  Senate,  of  Kentuckv,  i' 
was  proved,  that  Fkancis  Johxsov,  a  member 
of  Congress  from  that  State,   being  asked  nfter 


^48 


Jus  yetur;;  lir/.r.e  by  same  of  Jiis  constituent?,  ••  it  will  be  uuivefsaliy  atlsnittej,  th^t  tlieai. 
"how  he  came  to  vote  for  Mr.  Ahams"?  an-  cusution  is  of  the  rrtost  serious  nature.  Ilardly 
swered  "  that  lie  voted jor  Mr.  Adams  to.^d  Mr.  any  more  atrocious  could  he  preferred  a^nst  a 
Clay  raade  Secrclary  cf  Sfiite."  ~  representative  of  the  people  in  his  official  char 

It  was  prcrt-ed,  that  Gen.  Metcalf-  on  being  acter.  The  charge  in  substance  is,  that  delibe  ■ 
told  that  voting  for  Mr.  AnA?Js  i-vnuld  bean  up-  rate  "  propositions  cf  bargain"  v.ere  ireide  bv 
iiill  business  in  Kentucky,  repli&'l,  "  /  bilieve  my  Congressional  friends  collectively,  through 
we  havcdnne  tno  macA  fur  our  friend."  After  his  auauthorizedandldistinguishedmeniberof  Con- 
return  home,  he  said  to  a  constituent,  as  area-  gress,  to  tnen.  Ja  k.son;  that  their  object  was, 
son,  why  he  voted  for  Mr.  Adajis,  "  u-c  amid  by  tliese  "means  of  bargain  and  coiTuption," 
not  patsibly  f;et  Mr.  Clat  in  the  Cabinet  ivith-  to  exchiele  Mr.  Adams  ft  om  the  Department  of 
out  voting  for  and  electing  Mr.  Adams.  State,  or  to  secure  iny  promotion  to  office;  an(i_, 

And  finally,  alihougli  it  was  established  by  that  I  v/as  privy  and  assented  to  tliose  proposi-' 
the  testimony  of  more  tlian  a  dozen  witnesses,  tions  and  to  the  employment  of  those  raeaas. 
that  D-avid  Trimble,  anotlier  member  from  Such  bein^'  tlie  .iccusatlon  and  the  piosecu.- 
Kentucky,  had,  previous  to  the  Kate  Presiden  tor,  and  the  issue  betvi'een  uSj  I  have  now  a 
tial  election,  in  v.arious  electioneering  speeches  right  to  expect  that  be  wiU  substar,tiate  hii 
;.nd  conversations,  and  at  different  times,  es-  charges  by  the  exhibition  of  satisfactory  evi- 
T;resse<l  his  dislike  and  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams,  dence.  In  that  event,  there  is  no  punishment 
ill  the  strongest  terms,  and  said,  us  he  c.id  in  a  which  would  exceed  the  measure  of  my  of- 
speech  on  the  Court-house  steps  in   Flemings-    fence." 

burgh,  that  tlie  elder  John  Ad.ams  was  tlie  most  Unfortunately  for  Mr.  Cky's  reputation,  a 
(iangerous  man  in  government  in  his  day,  and  correspondence  between  himself  and  Mr.  Blair 
that  young  .lohn  Q.  Adams  was  a  chip  of  the  of  Kentucky,  and  between  Messrs.  lllair,  Crit- 
o!d  block;  if  any  odds,  worse;  that  in  tlieti».aty  tendcn  and  White,  confirnis  the  charge  whicb. 
at  Ghent,  he  vvantcd  /o  barter  awe ij  thenariga  is  here  denied.  Mr.  Clay  refused  to  publish  \a% 
Iwn  of  the  Mississippi,  the  kej  stone  of  the  letters  toj  Mr.  Bkir— but  gave  kis  consent  that 
■\Yestera  country, /w  a  mtsv«  f/ cof^'sA,.  that  he  a  copy  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  his 
■.<as  alw.iys  considered  an  apostate  fedevol'st;  political  friends  in  Fr.ankfurt  Kentucky,  by 
thathe  always  had  been /,osi'/&  to /7(c  TfW,- and  vvliom  they  were  sIiowb  to  Sir.  Kendall  tlie 
th.at  we  never  will  have  an  equal  ciiance  witli  cdito>  of  tlie  Kentucky  Argus.  That  gentle- 
the  Eastern  peopl' ,  until  we  get  a  Jfes/ern  Pre-  7nanina  letter  to  Mr.  CKay  speaks  of  one  of 
sidcnt;  tliat  we  now  liave  a  chance  in  tie  West,    ihem  as  follows  : 

for  we  h.ave  two  candiilales  for  the  Presidenc}';  "  Let  the. date  be  recollected — It  is  .TaTtWD'i/ 
and  that  he  thought  Hkntt  Clax  was  tlie  Stb,  1825. — You  eommeiice  by  giving  Mr.  Blai: 
strongest;  and  if  we  ayuldmu  get  him,  vse  hare  your  opinion  upon  a  work  by  Lord  Byron  whici) 
(mother  eJuintc  in  the  TVest,  to  tint,  Gsn.  Jack-  you  say  you  have  sent  him — (franked  Ipresunie.'j 
SOS;"  yet  notwithstanding  all  tliese  cienuncia-  You  then  enter  into  the  subject  of  the  presiden- 
1  ioii.s,  and  this  decided  expression  of  preference  tlal  election,  and  say,  that  the  time  b:;s  now  ar- 
Jiir  Gen.  Jacksoa-,  next  to  Mr.  Clat,  he  voted  rived  when  you  must  begin  to  think  seriously 
fcr  John  tlciscT  Adams,  and  on  br.ing  called  for  whom  you  are.  to  vote.  You  state,  that  tire 
to  account  for  it  by  bis  ci,)n£tituents,  on  vai'ious  friends  of  all  the  candidates  entertained  the 
occasions,  and  at  dift'ei-ent  places,  assigned  as  his  opinion  tiiat  on  you  rested  the  decision  of  the 
leasons  fordisregtirding  their  will,  as  was  proved  contest,  and  that  your  situation  was  singular  and 
by  EiGiiTitKS  witnesses,  some  nf  v/hoiii  were  amusing.  Y'ou  s:iy  that  the  friends  of  several 
members  of  the  KentKcky  Legislature,  that  "!#  candidates  accost  yo-.i  in  turn;  that  a  friend  of 
icas  iiisTiMCTLT  ASCEHTAiNED,  that  Mr.  .\dams  {S<eneral  Jackson  says  to  you.  My  dear  Sir,  my 
■■rinild  maJ;e  M.".  Clat,  ti^crelary  tif  S^ie,  and  hopes  are  upon  you — do  not  disapi)oint  us — oil;- 
'lut  Gen.  Jack^os  would  not.'-'  partiality  was  for  you   next  to  the  hero — you 

This  proof  is  sufficient  to  aatisfy  .-m  ordinary    know  the  anxiety  we  all  had  for  a  Western  Prt 
.-v.ind,  that  Mr.   flay  and  his  friends  voted  for    sidcnt:     That  a  ii-iend  of  Mr.    CraM-ford  comes 
Mrj^  Adami,  witli  a  view  to  the  appointment  of   and  says,  the  hopes  of  the  republican  party  ar<j 
Mr,  Clay  to  be   Secretary  of  State.     Yet  Mr.    upon  you;  you  and  Mr.  Crawford  were  the  onJ;v 
■Claj',  in  an  address  to  the  public,  dated  at  Lex-    republican  candidates;  had  you  been  returned 


ington,  39t!i  of  June,  1827,  says: 
'  "I  neither  made,  nor  aulhorizod,  nor  knew 
of  any  proposition  whatever  to  either  of  the 
three  candidates  who  were  returned  to  t!ie 
House  cf  Representatives  at  tha  last  Presiden- 
tial election,  or  to  the  friends  of  cither  of  them 


to  the  House,  we  shou!  J  all  have  conoentratej'i 
our  force  upon  you.  The  language  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams' friends,  you  give  in  nearly  the  following- 
words. 

"A  friend  of  Mr.   Adams  comes  to  me  '-wrth 
teal's   in  bis  eyes"   and  says— Sir,   Mr.   Adam; 


for  the  purpose  of  injluenciug  the  result  of  the  has  always  had  the  greate^it  respect   for  you, 

election,  or  for  .any  other  purpose.     And  all  and   the    highest    admiration  tor  your  talents, 

allegations,  intimations  :ind  inue^does  that  my  There  is  no  station  to  which  j'ou  are  not  equal. 

TOte,  on  that  occasion,  was  offered  to  be  given.  You  were  undoubtedly  tlie  second   choice,  of 

or  was  in  fact  given,  in  consideration  of  any  Mew   England,    audi   pr,";-    you    to    consider 

stipulationorunderslanding,  express  or  implied,  whether  tJic  public  good  a; id  j'our  own  future 

direct  or  j;id'!»ect,  written  or  verbal,  that  I  wa.s,  intere-ts  do  not    distinctly    point   you  to  the 

or  that  any  other  peison  was  not,  to  be  appoint-  course  which  yyii  ought  to  pursiie." 
ed  Secretary  of  Stste,  or  that  I  was,  in  any  otb-        "You  liien  give  some  reasons  why  Mr. Adams 

er  manner,  to  be  personally  benefitted,  are  dc-  should  be  prefered  to  General  Jackssn,  amoitjf 

void  of  all  truth,  and  destitute  of  any  founda-  which  I  rem<'mber  only  the  statement  that  thti 

tion  whatever."  Ohio  delegation  had  determined  to  vote  for  M.-- 

la.  Uis  sam.e  addtcss  Mr.  Clay  says*  Adams,  the  alleged  want  of  t^ualifkittion  in  the 


ai-y 


leral  anu  his  military  propensities.  You 
n  declare  distincUy,  and  in  neai-ly  the  fol- 
ins;  words." 

'My  frienda  entertr.in  the  belief  that  their 
;1  wishes  towards  tnc,  will,  in  the  end,  be 
•e  likely  to  be  accomplished,  by  so  bcstovv- 
their  votes." 

oil  then  decUre,  that  you  have  urged  them 
>c  governed  V>y  their  views  of  the  public  good 
le,  and  aver  that  you  have  been  influenced 
/  by  tliat  consideration.  In  conclusion,  you 
nearly  tlie  foUowinjc  words: 
'Vour  representative  is  inclined  to  concur 
1  us  in  tViese  sentiments,  ap.d  as  I  know  hi.'' 
>ect  for  your  opinion,  I  request  if  you  con- 
in  eur  views  that  you  will  write  to  him  by 
irn  maU  to  strengthen  him  in  his  inclina- 
s.  Shew  this  tu  Crittenden  alone." 
ou  say  yon  could  not  publish  tli'.s  letter  with- 
publishing-  letters  from  Mr.  Blair,  to  show 
;  he  understood  it.  This  was  written  on  t^ie 
of  January.  About  the  20th  he  must  have 
?ive<l-it.  I  have  stated,  am!  he  has  admit- 
,  that  about  the  20111,  he  told  me  tiiat  Mr. 
'.msif  etectea,  tcn-ild  viakf  you  S':crelary  af 
tc.  Does  not  this  show  how  he  understood  it  ?" 
'  The  letter  concludes  by  saying;,  '•shew  this 
'irittenden  alone."  Doubtless  it  was  sliewn 
lim.  On  the  19th  .lanuan',  Mr.  Crittenden 
>te  io  "our  rcpresenialivc,"  [Mr.  Whitt.]  as 
otfs;" 

'  Tliink  as  I  do  of  ilr.  Clay — of  his  great  in- 
rity,  his  lofty  American  spirit,  and  his  con- 
imate  ability,  1  believe  it  to  be  hi.^hly  impor- 
t  to  the  public  interest  that  he  should  oc- 
ly  a  distinguished  station  in  th?  Executive 
partmc-nt.  Under  all  present  circumstances, 
/?/-«;  ivis/i  m  rclalioii  ro  this  subject  (and  it  is 
dictated  both  by  my  personal  p'artialities 
considerations  of  the  public  g-ood  {ivoiitd 
thiU  Juchson  should  be  the  FnsidenI  and  Clcnj 
Sfcrctary  of  fi'tale.  And  I  really  do  believe, 
;  the  common  good  is  more  concerned  in 
y's  being  Secretary,  than  it  is  in  the  qties- 
1  whether  Jackson  or  Adams  sliall  be  the 
:sident." 

'  Doe.s  not  this  show  how  he  understood  it  r 
'  Orvthe  someday,  Mr.  Blair  wrote  to  "  our 
■c-scnlu'ipc"  [Ml-.  \".'Uitt']  as  follows  : 
'  Vou  have  it  in  you  power  to  vote  not  only 
ii  a  view  to  the  hist  officer,  but  probably  in 
irence  to  the  whole  administration.  Under 
le  circumstances,  the  latter  consideration 
lit  deservedly  be  more  influential  than  the 
;,  as  tl\e  selection  of  the  managers  of  the  de- 
iments  not  only  involves  in  a  great  degi'ee, 
condiK't  of  public  atfairs  throughout  the 
sidential  tcnn,  but  probably  will  decide 
ncj;t  presidential  election."  Again — "  if 
lad  been  thought  that  Mr.  Adams  would  be 
:tcd,  and  if  elected,  v/ould  give  Mr.  Clay  the 
lest  place  in  his  cabinet,  there  is  scarcely  a 
bt  that  the  vote  [of  the  Kentucky  Legisla- 
^]  would  h.ave  been  in  favor  of  Mr.  Adams." 
T'Oes  not  this  further  show  how  he  iinder- 

Klit'».         . 

You  say  in  jour  letter  to  Mr.TJIair.lhat  your 
iends  entsrlam  the  belief,  that  their  hind 
'tcs  towards  you  would  be  most  likely  to  be 
)ir.plished  by  voting  for  ?.Ir.  Adams.  Vv'liat 
e  their  "  kind  wi.s'hes?"  Doubtless  the 
rtd  ttfiyjci"  of  your  friends  in  Frankfort  and 
sWntrron.   were  tire  same.     V,'e  have  seen 


that  the  "kind  wisiies"  of  Messrs.  Blair  and 
Crictcndcn  were,  that  you  should  be  Secretary 
of  Slate,  as  a  stepping  stone  to  the  presidency. 

Mr.  Trimble  said,  after  he  came  home,  that: 
he  "  voted  for  Mr.  Adams  because  it  was  dis- 
tinctly ascertained,  Ihnt  he  would  make  yoil  Se- 
cretary of  State."  Tliis  shows  what  were  ius 
"  kind  wishes." 

"Gen.  ^!etca]fe  said,  they  "could  not  possibly 
get  Mr.  Clay  iiiade  Secretary  of  State  without 
voting  for  and  electing  Mr.  Adams."  This 
proves  what  were  his  "  kind  wi.4hes." 

"Mr.  Fr.  Johnson  said,  he  "voted  for  Mr. 
Adam.s  to  get  Mr.  Clay  made  Secretary  of 
Sutc."  This  shows  what  were  Ills  "kind  wish- 
es." • 

"Mr.  White  was  not  quite  ^'kind  enough,  and 
you  undertook  to  get  letters  from  some  of  your 
friends  among  liis  constituent,s  to  "  strengthen 
him  in  his  inclinations,^  and  warm  up  his  ' '  kiiilfi 
wiihes. " 

Mr.  White  in  a  letter  of  June  2rth  1828, 
says  : 

"  M}'  correspondents  were  numerous,  and 
from  the  coincidence  of  their  views  and  senti- 
ments, I  had  rea.ion  to  believe  that  it  would  be 
most  agreeable  to  my  constituents,  and  strictly 
consistent  with  the  v.-ishes  of  a  majority  of  them, 
to  adopt  the  t,ouvse  which  I  did  finally  pursue. 
That  such  communic-itions,  voluntai'ily  made, 
from  highl)-  respectable  and  intelligent  gentle- 
men, differing  ou  local  pviitics  and  leaders  of 
parties  at  that  time,  on  a  subject  of  Such  deep 
interest,  anil  pressing  emei-geiicy  as  that  of  the 
election  of  a  Chief  Magistrate,  should  have  a. 
poweiful  infii'.ence  on  my  mind,  is  perfect  natu-- 
ral.  That  1  was  confirmed  in  my  vote  by  their 
suggestions,  I  do  freely  acknowledge  ;  and, 
therefore,  as  1  have  often  heretofore,  frankly 
avowed,  I  now  State,  that  1  voted  for  Mr.  Ad- 
ams with  a  ^  lew  to  promote  i\lr.  Clay's  future 
prospects  fo»  the  presidency.  In  confirming 
this  avowal,  I  do  not  mean  to  say,  that  others', 
either  in  or  out  of  Congress,  were  or  were  not 
influenced  by  the  same  motive.  So  far  as  I  was 
informed  on  the  subject,  evcrj'  circumstance 
tended  to  rivet  op,  my  miiid  tlic  impression,  that 
the  people  -of  Kemucky,  and  particularly  'of 
my  distr'Lt,  looked  forvMrd  to  the  adv.ahcemer.^ 
of  Mr.  C!'-\v's  future  success  w  ith  a  moiK  intense 
interest  than  totlie  success  of  either  of  the  can- 
didates then  before  the  Hotise  of  lieprcsenta- 
tives  ;  andjwhatever  might  have  been  my  own 
inclinations  and  prefU-ences  on  the  occasion,  T 
felt  ti-at  I  was  bound  by  a  duty  par.anioiinttoail 
olht!-!.,  which  was  to  give  the  vate  according  to 
the  wiU  of  a.majoiiij  of  my  immediate  consti- 
tuents. Mr.  Cby's  Promotion  put  cf  the  way, 
it  ir.  not  pr-obable  {hat  Mr.  Adams  v.-ould  have 
^al  the  sufl'rages  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  in 
Congress;  neither  w  ould  J  have  been  advised  to 
support  Mr.  .\dams,  with  a  viev/  to  Mr.  Clay's 
preferment.  I  would  not  liave  voted  for  the 
present  incumbent,  under  any  other  circum- 
stances than  those  v,  hicb  1  had  reason  to  believe 
would  have  metthe  apprcba'.icncf  the  people." 

By  a  comparison  oftnese  extracts  and  dates,  it 
will  be  found  that  it  v.-as  the  first  wish  of  some,  if 
not  all  of  Mr.  Clay's  friends,  tliat  Gen.  Jackson 
sliould  be  President,  and  Mr.  Clay  Secretary  of 
State.  From  the  letters  of  Gener-d  Jackson  to 
Carter  Beverly,  and  Mr.  Buchanan's  address  in 
reply,  it  appears  tltat  Mr.  Clav  ascertained  errl" 


J60 


ill  Jaiiuan-,  tiiat  Gen.  Jackson  would  give  no 
pledge  as  to  whom  he  would  appoint  Sccretaiy 
of  State.  On  the  8th,  Mr.  C!ay  wrote  to  Mr. 
Blair  rerjuesting-  him  to  write  to  Mr  Wliite  to 
stl-ehgth.?n  his  disposition  to  vote  for  Mr.  Ad- 
ams— why?  Not  bfcjuse  the  election  of  Mr. 
Adarns  v.  oiild  promote  tlie  "  .American  Sys- 
tem." Nut  because  it  would  protect  "Uonies- 
tjc  Industrj-,"  or  favor  "Internal  Improvement," 
but  because  it  would  prnmoteMr.  Clay's  ''future 
s)}leresfs  "  In  accordance  witii  the^e  instruc- 
tions, Mj'.  Blair  and  Mr.  Crittenden  did  procure 
-.lumerous  letters  to  be  written  to  Mr.  White, 
expressly  avowing  the  wish  of  the  writers,  that 
Mr.  White  shoulil  give  his  vote  with  a  view  to 
secure  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  for  Mr. 
Clay.  Mr.  .\dims  was  elected,  and  .Mr  Clay 
•was  appointed.  S.cretary.  Can  ar.y  one  doubt 
that,  that  tiiere  was  an  understanding  between 
Mr.  Clay  asd  Mr.  Adams? 

Ifa.iy  thinff  more  were  wanting,  it  'S  furn'sh- 
Pd  in  the  foUo.vini;'  extract  of  a  letter  from  l^e 
Hon.  .John  McLaiie,  at  that  time  a  Sen,itOi-  -n 
x'Jongress  from  lUincis,  addressed  loJ.he  lion. 
John  H.  Eaton.     Mr.  McLane  says: 

"Thebargamof  1825,  between  'i!essi-s  Ad- 
-ams  and  Clay,  I  remember  well,  was  frtely  spo- 
ten  of  by  many  members  of  Conpfress,  alihuiigii 
I  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  a'V  fact  which 
Tvould  war  am  t!o  b.-lief  rA»/  tAemiitracI  exiif'r!^ 
besides  the  high  estimation  in  which  1  tlien  held 
Mr.  Clay,  forbade  my  suspicions  on  any  accu- 
s=ations  not  supported  by  positive  proof;  that 
proof  was  not  afforded  me,  and  !  helit  him  guilt- ' 
less;  yet  there  were  tmyie  ciratmstcnces  nf  un- 
favorable upptartmce,  and  uhich,  as  the  fi' nd  nf 
Mr.  Clui/,  I  WHS  inrry  had  t\rislet.ce.  The  cir- 
Cumst.mces  to  v/Mch  1  allude,  were  tha  continu- 
ed  silence  and  lengthy  reserve  oj  Mr  Clay's 
friends,  in  publishing  nr  leltihg  it  be  tinoivn  Itaw 
Ihcy  would  vote;  and  the  fact  that  lie  Kcniudiy 
delegation,  who  voted  for  M'\  Ji.  hudn  mielini^ 
to  deicrm'neupon  their  course  ri3  I  ivis  informed 
by  one  of  them,  at  trhich,  it  jvas  said  to  me,  that 
upon  tlie  g-icition  being  prnjiosed  to  jSIr.  Cly, 
for  whom  shall  icc  xmlt-.i  H..-  answered,  in  .'^ub- 
stance,  "  thai  in  case  General  Jackiy^n  should  be 
elected,  he  bcUeved  that  the  udministrut  on,  with 
its  weight,  would  be  opposed  to  Idm,  to  jrroitmle 
him;  that,  should  Mr.  A.  be  elected,  he  ftlt  sat- 
isfied it  would  not  h-  so,  but  that  he  hoped  no 
pcrsvnnl coits- da-atinn  fo  ■  him,  wouldin'uce  them 
to  act  contrary  to  their  desire."  Upon  tliese,  c  r- 
cumstances,  I  have  often  renvivked,  that  the 
first  was  in  charucfer  nf  lifnivckians;  t.'iat  the 
t;uit  iras  the  strongest  appeal  iWiich  cwddbe  made 
to  a  man's  friends,  and  the  heaviest  reqiiisilion 
ti'hich  could  be  levied,  on  their  a' tuchment." 

e  "  The  fact  is  notorious,  that  during  the 
vcar  preceding  Mr.  .\dams'  ekction,  the  Na. 
tional  Journal  was  unive;sa)iy  recognized,  both 
I'.y  his  friends  and  opponents,  as  t!ie  advocate  of 
Ins  pretensions  and  the  organ  of  h  s  views.  We 
find  nofault  with  himontliis  account;  but  we  do 
eonlend  tlial  when  a  candidate  for  popular  favor 
permits  himself  to  be  sup])0rted  for  the  liif;oest 
office  intlie  gd"t  of  the  people,  by  a  press  dirt'Ct. 
ly  under  liis  eye,  upon  the  the  express  ground, 
that  he  holds  ceitain  principles,  and  will  en- 
deavour to  cau^e  certain  measures  to  be  adopt- 
ed; he  is  guilty  of  a  flagrant  breach  of  good 
faith,  if  he  afterwards  abandons  those  principU  s, 
■'jri  ex?r*s  his  influence  lo  defisat  those  mea- 


sures." We  shail  be  able  to  decide.  La'  tii 
following  esti'acts  how  faithfully  Mr.  Adani 
has  a'lliered  to  the  promise  by  which  he  ascetic 
ed  to  power. 

In  the  Nation!il  .lournal  of  the  lOlh  of  Augiisl 
1834,  are  these  authurative  declarations  : 

"  If  Mr  \  i<ims  should  be  elected,  we  thin^ 
we  may  <afcly  aflfinn  nur  belief,  that  lie  will  cot 
scient^ously  and  iirmly  do  all  that  i:  may  b 
proper  for  him  lo  d.>,  to  secure  tlie  electio 
of  tile  President  in  the  hands  of  the  People."  "i 
Mr.  Clay  should  be  elected,  he  and  his  frienc 
will  be  bound  by  a  regard  for  consistenc}-,  if  b 
no  political  considerations,  to  pursue  the  sam 
course.  We  sincerely  believe  that  an  el"Ciio 
hy  the  Peirple,  in  the  worst  possible  mode,  th: 
could  be  devised  by  those  whose  object  'ias  to  di 
vise  tli«  best,  would  be  ntin  tely  prefrable  t 
the  best  possible  nwde  of  elect- ng  u  I'lemdent,  i 
which  Congress  or  the  State  Legslitwes  have  an 
ciinicr'i'" 

["\f  .I(Hirn;d  of  the  19th  October,  contains  th 
following. 

"  The  chief  mag'strate,  when  elected,  li; 
tlie  whnte'patro'iage  of  the  nation  in  his  haiid 
and  may  reward  with  honor  or  profit,  those  wl; 
have  been  active  in  his  election.  Tims  w'le 
the  power  of  choosing  is  exercised  by  a  fcv 
they  may  be  tempt  d  from  the  path  of  dut; 
and  in  'uced  to  v  te  in  op.jo.Vition  to  the  popiili 
v.'ill  What  a  prophetic  foresight  of  "  comiii 
events!" 

On  another  occasion  (August  10)  we  hat 
this  sti'Ong  denunciation  of  conduct,  since  viml 
Cited  by  the  same  autliorit\ ; — "  When  tl 
voice  cf  the  people  is  proclaitjied,  the  lepyesc, 
tative,  if  be  be  true  to  his  trust,  is  bound  to  r 
spoiid  to  tilul  voice,  and  give  it  its  full  ej}ecl;  if  i 
do  not,  he  no  lunggr  represents  //ie  peoph,  but 
an  aristocrat  and  usurper."  And  aga  n,  (N 
vember  18, )  "Is  the  public  servant  under  i 
obligation  to  respect  the  will  of  Ins  constituent 
— Can  it  be  doubted  that  those  who  have  thi 
iMurpedand  trampled  im  the  rigi>ts  of  the  pe 
pli-,  would,,  were  it  in  their  power,  put  dow 
the  Sovereigiity  of  the  People  ami  coiifedcra 
with  the  Hoi;.  Alliance,  to  maintain  tneir  usii 
patioii  "  .Such  are  the  imspanng  terms  in  wliii 
Mr.  Adams,  through  hs  seim-offii-ial  organ,  ii 
w'itting.y  denounced,  by  an'icipation,  the  mea 
by  which  he  has  "  usurped  and  trampled  on  I 
rights  of  tite  people."  These  are  not  our  wor 
■ — -'otitof  his  own  nvoiitli  we  condemn  him 
To  show  the  strong  and  decided  opinion  ft 
merly  entertained  of  the  district  system,  v 
quoti-  from  the  .lournal  of  20!h  No' embc 
"Let  the  right  of  clioice  be  given  directly 
the  people,  in  districts;  there  can  be  then  i 
cavilling  a'lOut  what  is,  and  what  is  not,  the  w 
of  the  people  ;  and  above  all,  let  the  mode 
election,  whatever  it  be,  be  uniform  through<i 
the  United  States.  It  is  thus  only  that  tl 
rights  of  the  majority  can  be  properly  secured 

Such  were  the  avowed  prjjiciples  of  Mr.  A 
ams  while  a  candidate  ;  principles  direCtly  h( 
lile  to  his  subsequent  practices. 

/  Upon  Mr   McDiiffie's  resolution,   in  .\pr 
1S25,   to  refer   the    propcsition   t6    amend  ll 
Constitution,  the  vote  siood  thus  : 
Uluiiie. 

Veas — Messrs.  Anderson  and  Lincoln. 

Nays— Messrs.  Kiflder,  O'iirien,  Sprague  ai 
Jlej-rick. 


361 


A'ew-Uampshire. 
\eas  - 

Nays — Messrs.  BartlcU,  Brown,  Eastman, 
Healy  and  Whipple. 

Vermont. 
Yeas — 

Nays — .Messrs.  Bradley,  Mallaiy,  Mattocks, 
and  Wales. 

Bhode-Tsland. 
Yeas — 
Nays — Mr.  Fearcu. 

Massachnselh. 

Teas — Messrs.  Bailey  and  Bayiie*. 

Naj's — Messrs.  Allen, Davis,. Dwig-ht,  Everett, 
Crownmshield,  I.ocke,  Heed,  Vamum,  and 
Webster. 

Connuikul. 

Yeas — 

Nays  --Messrs    Baldwin,    Barber,    Ingersol, 
Phelps,  Tomlinson  and  Merwin. 
Neic-Yirrk.  ■ 

Yeas — Messrs  Adams,  Aiig'el,  Ashley,  Badg- 
er, Can'.brelcng',  Deltz,  Fosdick,  Garnst-y,  Kal- 
lock,  Hoffman,  Hayden,  Ilug'uein,  Hiinphrej-, 
Kcllog-g',  .McXlanu-,  Martindule,  Marktll,  \lar- 
\\n.  Miller,  Porter,  Ilos',  Rose,  Verplanck, 
Ward,  AVliitteniore  and  Wood. 

Nays — Messrs./  [hishbrook.  Van  Rennsalaer, 
Sands,  Storrs,   SlroTig-,   Taylor  and  White. 
A^ew-Ja-sei/.  ' 

■\  ea.s — Mpssi-3.  Cas3cdy,Garrison  andTucker. 

Naj-s — Messrs.  Condict  and  Swann. 
VelawcK: 

Yeas — 

Naj's — Mr.  McLane. 

Peiinfyhariia. 

Yeas — Messrs.  .\ddonis,  Buchanan,  Edwards, 
l-'ind'ay,  Harris,  Hemphil!,  ^ng;ham,  Kremer, 
J.awrence,  Markley,  Mitchell,  McKean,  Orr, 
Plunier,  Stewart,  Stevenson,  Thompson  J.  ^Vil- 
so*i,  H.  Wilson,  Woli'and  Wurts. 

Nays — .Mr.  Miner. 

MarylttiiJ. 

Yeas— Jlestrs.  Barjity,  Kerr,  Little,  Mitchell, 
Peter  and  AV'otthington. 

Nays — 

J'irgiiiia. 

Yeas— Messrs.  jVlexan('.?r,  Aimstrong",  "Bar- 
l)onr,  BasscU,  Davenpon,  Estill,  Claiborne, 
,lo:mson,  Mercer,  McCoy,  Powell,  Rives, 
Smith,  Taliaferro,  Tai.lo)-,  Trezvaat,  Steven- 
»on  and  Crump. 

Nays — Mr.  Newton. 

North  -  Carol; » CL. 

Yea.'; — Messrs.  Alston,  Carson,  Edwards, 
Contier,  Hiiies,  Holmes,  l.onp,  Ma.-.g-um,  .Mc- 
Neil, Sawyer,  Saunders  and  Williams. 

Nays — .Mr.  Bryan. 

I'icru/h  Carolina. 

Yeas— Messrs.  Carter,  Gist,  Gorman,  Hamil- 
ton, McDiffie,  Tucker,  Wilson  and  Drayton. 

Nays — 

Georgia. 

Yeas — Messrs.  Carty,  H.aynes,  Merriwetlier, 
'I'attnall  and  Thompson. 

Nays— Mr.  Forsyth. 

Veas— Messrs.  Buckner,^ Henry,  ,1.  .lohnson, 
V.  Johnson,  Lecompte,  Le'.cheii  Moore,  Met- 
I  life,  Trimble,  VounEjand  WinljlifJV. 


'Jhtnea.tit. 
Yeaii — Messrs.     Alexander,     .\llen,     Blair, 
Cocke,  Isaacs,  Marable,  Mitchcl,  ITonston  and 
l\uk. 
Nays — 

OIUo. 
Yeas — Messrs.  Campbell,    Fin  Hay,  McLean, 
Thompson,  Wilson  and  W'lO  's. 

Nays — Messrs.    Bartlev,   B-.'ecbcr,    Bradley, 
Sloane,  Vinton,  Whittlesey,  Vance  and  Wright. 
Lou!si(wa. 
Yeas — IVIessrs.  Brent,  Gurleyand  Livingston'. 
Naj's — 

Indiana. 
■i'eas — Messrs.  Jennings,  Boone  and  Test". 
Nays— 

H'lississippi. 
No  Representative. 

Illinoii'. 
Yeas — Mr.  Cook. 
Nays — 

.'ilcibumu. 
Yeas — Messvs.  Moore  and  Owen 
Nays — 

Slissouri. 
Ye.as — Mr.  J.  Scott. 
Na_vs — 

The  force  ef  imblic  sentiment  is  made  inar.i- 
fest — in  the  N'.nv  England  State;?,  where  Mr. 
Ad^l.'-:^  was  popn'ar,  his  frieiid  in  Congress 
voted  ag-ainst  a  proposition  v.'liich  be  was  pled- 
ged to  support,  lest  their  votes  in  favor  of  such 
propositions  should  be  used  as  an  argument, 
against  tlie  manner  ofliis  election,  tn  Delaware 
the  tdented  represen;at;\e  was  known  to  have 
been  opposed  to  .\Ir.  Adams.  He  had  not  violated 
llie  will  of  his  constituents  by  voting  for  an  a/2- 
/)opi//«!- con.stitutional  President,  and  desirous 
to  preserve  the  wciglit  and  iiiflucnce  of  bis 
State,  he  w.as  opposed  to  any  amendment  which 
miK-Iit  lessen  her  infiocnce,'  wliich  under  the 
present  consiilution  witii  one  two  hundred  .and 
tbirteentli  part  of  the  represent.ation,  gave  i  er 
one  twenty-fourth  of  tlie  choice  of  a  President. 
Yet  the  Uepre-ie>*tatives  o."  Missouri  and  ill  nois,' 
St.at'-s«'mi7ai7y  ,,:tmt.  d,  andof  LoT^slannL'  •>ro 
of  v.'bom  had  voted  fur  vir.  Adams,  were 
impelled  by  public  sentiment  to  \oi-  I'jr  ine 
refer.yice. 

The  policy  of  the  -Administration  and  the 
ferce  of  public  sentiment  are  strikingly  illuslra- 
ed  by  Llia  foUowin.;  table: 


AOAISST     IT. 

Maine, 

New  Hampshire, 

A'crmont, 

Kiiode  Island, 

JMassachusetts. 

Connecticut, 

Delawai-e. 


For  tnv.  at.iexd.>ie!it. 
New  York, 
New  Jersey, 
Pennsjlvani;', 
Maryland, 
Virginia, 
Nortli  Carolina, 
South  Carolina, 
Georgia, 
Kentucky, 
Tennessee, 
1/  uis'ana, 
Inliana, 
Alabama, 
Illinois, 
Missouri . 

g  Mr.  Clay,  ui  a  speech  deiuered  in  tn. 
.ressou  the  Utli. January  1  Sir.  on  the  rene-lj 


ao2 


lae  tamous  Compensaiion  Law,  asocrts  the 
coctnne  of  obediehce  on  the  part  of  the  Kenre- 
sentatjveslo  the  will  of  their  constituents  in  th 


fv,i!„    •       1  "• '"c"  ^-oiisLKuciiis  m  trie 

loliow.ng-  languag-e,  cqudly  broad  and  strong- , 
Mr.  Claysaul-.'He  agi-eed  perfectly  in  tl,e 
sentiment  that  ii,stract,on3,  giUn  by  lhe%eo. 
pie  are  obhg-aton,  on  Uie  Kepresi-ntative.  This 
was  a  prricipie,  consecrated  by  the  Kevohition, 
insep:irable  from  all  free  government,  and 
which  he  therefore  hoped  never  to  see  departed 
from  in  practice  und . ,  ours  Whilst,  then,  he 
had  a  seat  on  this  fi.or,  it  was  immaterial /io,,, 
he  an-aed  at  the  «il!  of  his  constitu- nts,  or 
j'-^tu'cre  lhecu,dc„ces  of  it ,  Hvms  sufficient 
llwt  he  should  know  ,/. "  Vide  National  fntelU- 
gencer,  January  28,  ISIT. 

_    h  Extract  from  a  Circnlar  published  at  Wash- 
ington, by  tiie  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  in  ConsTress 
May  25,  1824  :  ■'        ^""Sress, 

^  "If  contrary  to  all  probability,  Jlr.  Clav 
s.iould  not  fee  returned  to  the  House.'his  friends 
havu.g:  done  the.r  duty,  will  be  able  iy  conccn- 
b-aUoa  fa  control  the  ci-ent  .—Ihey  hold  in  ;hcir 
hand,  the  bo  lance  .—lU,y  will  determine  be- 
twc-en  the  opposin-  and  conflicting-  interests  " 

K-Xtract  from  a  Circurar  Address  of  a  Commit- 

y-c  ot  Con-espoiidence  appointed  by  Mr.  Cliy's 

tnends  in  the  Legislature,  of  Kentncky  .-  •'  And 

-'etthem  (the  people)  remember  that,  after  the 

choice  of  electors  once  "takes  place,  their 

•  voice  Will  no  more  be  heard  in  this  contest.   All 

•w.n  be  earned  hy  in />u^:„ce  and  inlri'^ue  bar- 

gmn  and managemtnt.     He  who  has  tlie  most 

extensive  means  of  influence,   and  will  pro 

"  raise  the  most  favors,  will  have  the  prospect 

••  of  success  ;  and  the  nation  will   r.-ceive  the 

-=  President,    not  from  the   pure  hands  of  the 

•'  people,  but/rom  a  club  of  political  man.-.'-'-rs 

■"  and u'itritrncr.f." 

The  same  committee  proceed  to  say  :  "  If  he 
*'  (nr  Clay)  be  returne<l  to  the  House  of  Ke- 
"  prcsentatives,  v/e  have  little  doubt  of  liis  final 
election  !  !  ! 

(4)    At  the  late  election  of  President,  in  the 
Jlouse  of  Representatives,   the  votes  of  Dela- 
'.'.ai-e,  Illinois,  Missouri  and  Mississippi,  and  th- 
c-stuigvo;esofthcgTe:.t  State  of  Nev/    York~ 
and  ot  Maryland,  were  lield   by   individiwls;  so 
that  SIX  individuals  had  the  disposal  of  the  votes 
at  SIS  Slates,  which  is  one  quarter  of  the   whele 
number.  Tlie  rtprssentalivc—vi,^  should  say,  the 
meniba;    who  huid  the   vote   of  M.ss-Hiri    Jlr 
Scii-rt-,  s;-ave  it  against  the  will  ofhis  coustiiueiits 
and  they  turned  him  out  at  the  Uf  xt  elec- ion- 
out  Mr   Ada.iis  rewarded  him!,y  a  lucrative  ap- 
pomtnient.     The  member,  v/ho  i.eld   the  vote 
of  Illinois,  D-uiiel  P    Cook,  voted  a-dnst  the 
-  Will  o(  the  people  and  they  turn-d  him  out  also 
— but  he  was  recompensed  by  .Mr.  Ad^nms,  liy  -i 
secret  mission  to   Cuba.     TJie   casting  vote  of 
Kentucky  was  given  by  FiuNcks  Johnson   and 
David  rm.irBLE  ag-ainstthe  will  of  tiicir  constit- 
uents,  who,   at  the  n-.xt  election,  turned  them 
out.     If  the  votes  of  these  three  Stares,  which 
were  known  before  the  election  to  prefer  Gen 
UcRso.v  te  Mr.  Adaihs,  and  which  iiave  since' 
by  their  vcte.s,  at  the  la.st  Congressional  election,' 
proved  it,  had  been  given  acconling  to  the  uil'l 
cf  the  people,  Mr.  Adams  could  not  have  been 
elected.     Three  being  taken  from  Mr.  Adims 
and  given  to  Gen.   J jcicsov  would  have  made 
■then-  respective  iiuipbers   equal,   each  havii-e- 
*en  votes      And  it  is  wel!  known,  tliat  vhcn  th- 


friends  ot'Mr.  CitA-wroiii),  \viio  Tieid  the  «-gc< 
of  Georgia,  North  Carolina,   Virginia,  and  Del- 
av/are,   had  found  his  election  hopeless,  that  the 
Kepresentatives  of  at  least  three  cf  those  States 
—Georgia,    Nortli    Carolina,    and    Delaware, 
would  have    taken   General   Jackson  as  their 
second  choice,    which   would  have  given  hhn 
a  majority  of  the  States;  and  it  is  well  kno\vn 
that  Col.  Mitchell,   of  this  State,   who  voted 
tor  Mr.  .\«4Ms,  under  a  pledge  to  his  constit- 
uents, has   declared   that  on  a  Becond-ballot  he 
would  vote  for  Gen.  JitEso.v  and  thus  h^-e  in- 
creased  the  majority  by  the  vote  of  Maryland. 
i  Mr.^  Lloyd  of  Massachusetts. 
•Such   v/cre.the   sentiments  expressed  Dv 
Mr.  Clay  and  his  political  friends,  but  a  short 
time    before   the   election:'    Mr.  Scott,  of  Mis- 
souri, was  a  candidate  for  the  nineteenth  Con- 
gress,  and  in  July,  1824,  addressed  a  circular 
letter  to  the  people  of  that  State,  from  whfch 
the  follo-.ving  is  an  extract: 

^  "_  You  are  apprized,   feilow   citizens,    tha* 
within  my  pn  sent  term  of  service,   should  tire 
election  of  President  come  before  the  House  of 
RepreseAtativ.-s,  it  is  my  boundenduty,  and  ex- 
alted  prreledge,  to  have  a  voice  in  that  elec- 
tion. ^  The  occasion  wherein  this  question  vvoulc'. 
have  influenced  you  in  electing   me,  who   no^v 
offers  to  represent  jou   in  Congress,  is  past,  is 
done,  and  cannot   be  undone.     If  your  confi- 
dence is  misplaced,   as  some  would  have  you 
believe,  it  is  now  irremediable.     Bat  to  satisfv 
you  who  have  confided  to  me  this   important 
trust,  and  before  whom  I  appear  a  candidate  to 
represent  you  in  the  nineteenth  Congress,  I  fee! 
a    w-illmgess  and    desire,    when   all  motive  to 
conceal  is  past,  to  express,  in  this  public  address, 
my   course    on   this    momentous  subject.    In    • 
such  an  event  (providet'  the  election  of  elec- 
tors is  made  by  tile  people)   I  have  two  votes  to 
give,  one  for  an  elector  tor  President ,  anothei.- 
for  a  President ;  the  fii-.st.asa  citi;-en  of  Missouri, 
the   latter   as   the  Representative   of  Missouri  i 
one  in  this  St.ate,  the  other  in  the  House  of  IJep* 
resentatives.     In  giving  the  former,  my  wishes 
being  such  as  may  be   reasonabiy  supposed  to 
be  entertained  by  a   western   man,  I   shall  be 
governed   by  individual  feelings,  coiTccted  by 
my  best  judgment.     In  giving 'the  latter,   I  be- 
come  the  organ  of  the  people,  and  the  express- 
ed will  of  the   people    vnll  be   my  guide.     T 
vote  not  as  a  citizen  of  Missouri,  but  as  the  Kep- 
rescntative  of  Missouri ;   the    vote  belongs  tt^ 
the  pc'.'ple,  and  not  to  me  ;  and   the   voice  of     ' 
Missouri,  will,  in  such  case,  as  far  as  pr.icticable, 
be  the  voice  of  her  representative.     These  were 
my  firinciplcs  in  \S22,  and  such  are  my  pritic":- 
pies  in  1824,  and  such  slsall  be  nsy  vote  iu  the 
hall    of  the    House  of  Kepresentatives  on  tile 
election  of  President,  come  when  it  may.*'  - 

Yet  Mr.  Scott,  re-elected  to  Conp-ress  under 
this  pledge,  voted  for  Mr.  Adamsrand  after- 
wards admitted  to  the  Rev.,  O.  B.  Brown,  as  we 
have  befoie  stateil,  that  he  knew  th.at  nineteen- 
twentieths  o;  his  constituents  were  opposed  to 
hiiD. 


J.\CKSt')i>f  REPUBLICAN. 
_    A  new  paper,  under  this   title,  is  publish^ 
in  uoston      We  have  received  the  (Irst  number. 
It  IS  r.eatiy  executed,and  promises  to  be  an  O^h. 
auxili;.ry  in  the  ca^sc  cf  the  people. 


UNirED  Sl'A'iES    'I'ELEOUAPH-— l^o^Yrw, 


This  paper  will  be  Jevoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Klection,  and  be  published  weekl);, 

until  the  15th  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar,  subject  to  newspaper  postage  and  no  mare. 

BY  GEE  EN  S,'  J.^EVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  AUGUST  16,   1S2S. 


No.  33, 


GEN.  JACIvSON  AND  GOV    SHELBY. 

We  to-day  lay  before  our  readers  a  letter 
from  Tho.  H.  Shelby,  another  from  VVm.  B. 
l,ewis,  and  the  treaty  to  which  tliey  refer.  We 
have  not  inserted  the  letter  of  Chas.  8.  Todd, 
•whose  misfortune  seems  to  be  that  he  was  the 
son  of  a  Circuit  Judge,  and  Uie  son-in-law  of 
Governor  Shelby.  Some  men  there  are,  who, 
educated  at  the  expense  of  tlie  public,  cannot 
live  without  t!ie  patronag-e  of  those  in  office, — 
■  such  men  are  fit  panders  cf  cors'upt  politicians 
in  office. 

The  letter  of  Mr.  Lewis  is  in  corroberation  of 
General  Jackson's  known   character,   and  con- 
tains additional  evidence  of  his  strength  of  mind 
and  cmu'tcous  deportment;     The  letter  of  Mr. 
Shelbj'if  true,  exhibits  a  jealousy  on  the  pitrt 
of  Gov.  Shelby  which  we  will  not  characterise, 
and  the  declaration,  that  he  would  knock  the  old 
'.rascal  twenty  feet,  whicli  the  son  puts  into  the 
•  mouth  of  the  father,  if  true,  shows  a  violence  of 
temper  on  the  part  of  Gov.  Shelby,  entirely  dis- 
reputable to  him  and  alto_;jether  at  war  with  his 
subsequent  conduct.     If  Gov.  Shelby  had  cou- 
siderird  Gen.  Jackson  to  be  tlie  "old  rascal,"the 
"  corrupt"  man  whicl'  he  is  made  afterwards 
to  declare  him  to  be,  would   he   have   visited 
General  Jackson's  house  on  his  return  home  ? 
AVouiJ  lie  have  remained   tlsere  enjoying   the 
hospitality  of  General   Jackson's  amiable  lady 
untd  his  portrait  ivas  painted  by  Mr.  Earle?  No, 
Gov.   Shelby   was  a  soldier.       lie  himself  had 
been    slandered.        His    children    cannot    be 
ignoiant    that    in    180C,     Doctor    Hunn     had 
prepared  an   expose   of  Governor  Shelby's  re- 
volutionary services,  the   publication  of  which 
was  suppressed  by  the  great  eflbrts  of  Governor 
Shelby  and  his  prominent  Iricnds.      Tliomas  U. 
Shelby  and  Cliarles  S.  Todd,  cumot  be  ignoj-ant 
of  the  fact,  that  Governor  Shelby  was  charged 
with  the  improper  embezzlement  of  property, 
forcibly  taken  from  the  tories,  during  the  revo- 
lution— and   we   cannot   believe,    that    with    a 
knewledg-e  that  charges  had  beisn  made  against 
himself.    Governor    Shelby    would,     if  living, 
countenance  the  base  attacks  now  made  on  the 
character  of  General  Jackson.     'Vlie  fact  stated 
by  Mr.  Lewis,  that  he,   on  his  return,  visited 
Mrs.  Jackson,  in  the  aosence  of  her  husband, 
is  proof  of  I'.is  convictien,  tluat  th.e  suspicious 
which  he  had  enterta  ncd,  were  unjust     and  iif 
his  desire  to  atone  as  far  as  possible,  for  enter- 
taining sucli   suspicion,    by"  thus  publicly  ex- 
pressing his  belief  of  Gen.  Jackson's  worth. 

If  we  are  correctly  informed,  one  of  Governor 
Shelby's  daughters,  immediately  after  his  death, 
sent  to  the  Hermitage,  and  liail  a  copy  taken  of 
the  portrait  refeiTed  to  by  Mjjor  Lewis.  Why 
so?  Governor  Shelby  had  no'doubt  sjjoken  of 
this  portrait  to  his  family.  Wat  Governor  Sh^I- 
by  a  hypocrite?  Woiild  he  receive  tlie  hospi- 
tality and  kindnes<i  of  General  Jackson  in  public, 
and  abuse  and  slander  lilm  in  private'  To  do 
so,  would  be  to^eveal  his  own  disgrace  to  his 
family,  while  he  suught  to  coucea]  it  from  ths 


world.     Governor  Shelby  understood  the  value 
of  reputation  too  well  to  do  this.  ' 

But  to  show  what  was  General  Jackson's 
opinion  upon  this  subject,  we  quote  a  toast 
given  by  him  at  a  public  dinner  in  Nashville,  on 
the6tli  of  September,  1819. 

"■  Isaac  Shelby,  t'.ie  Ucvolutionary  Patriot  and 
distinguished  Hero." 

No  man,  we  believe,  has  charged  Gen.  Jack- 
son with  hypocrisy — that,  we  suppose  is  to  be 
the  last  alternative.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  the 
conduct  of  Gov.  Shelby  had  been  such  as  to 
satisfy  Gen.  Jackson,  that  whatever  unkind  feel- 
ing had  originated  at  tlie  treaty  had  been  re- 
moved, and -this  toast  was  given  to  show  to  Gov. 
Shelby  that  Andrew  Jackson  was  as  courteous 
as  he  was  firm. 

But  it  is  objected  that  too  mucli  was  given  for 
the  landl !  This  charge  was  intended  to  operate 
upon  Kentucky.  So  far  as  the  people  of  Ken- 
tucky are  concerned,  the  charge  will  fail.  Im- 
pressed with  the  importance  of  locating  a  dense 
population  on  the  shore  of  the  Mississippi,  It 
was  always  a  favorite  policy  with  Mr.  CaHioun, 
to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  the  lands  west 
of  the  Cumberland^  and  south  and  west  of  the 
Tennessee  rivers — by  the  treaty,  Kentucky  has 
now  large  tracts  of  vacant  land  yet  to  be  soId,and 
the  soldiers  of  the  Uevolution  are  permitted  to 
enter  upon  the  lands  which  were  acquired  in 
the  defence  of  our  rights  in  the  war  of '76. 

The  grant  to  Colbert  is  objected  to.  Let  it 
be  recollected  that  the  grant  to  Colbert  was 
only  a  confirmation  of  a  grant  made  in  a  previous 
treaty.  Colbert  was  a  distinguished  and  in-  ' 
flucntial  Chief— he  had  done  much  to  civilize 
his  ti-ibe,  and  his  influence  could  have  defeated 
the  treaty.  The  reservation  to  Colbert  was  m 
accordance  with  the  usages  of  the  nation  in  its 
intercoui-se  with  the  Indians.  We  have  before 
us  a  treaty  held  witli  the  Indians  by  Gov.  Cass 
and  Thomas  L.  McKenney,  pet  negotiators  for 
this  diplomatic  administration,  approved  by 
John  Quincy  Adams,  and  published  in  the  vol- 
ume of  the  lav/s  of  the  session  before  last.  The 
4th  section  of  that  treaty  is  in  the  following 
words: 

Sec  4.  It  being  deemed  important  that  the 
half  breeds  scittered  througli  this  extensive 
country,  should  he  stimulated  to  exertion  and 
improvement,  by  t!ie  possession  of  permanent 
property  and  tixed  residencies,  the  Chippewa 
Tribe,  in  consideration  of  the  afTection  thev 
bear  to  these  persons,  and  of  the  interest  which 
they  feel  in  their  welfare,  gra-it  to  each  of  the 
persons  described  in  the  schedule  herento  an- 
nexed, being  half  breeds  and  Chippewa  by  de- 
scent, and  it  being  understood  that  the  schedule 
includes  all  this  description  who  are  attached  to 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  six  hun- 
dred and  forty  acres  of  land  to  be  located  under 
the  direction  of  the  President  of  the  United  S. 
upon  the  Island  and  shore  of  the  St.  Marys  riv. 
cr,  wherever  good  land  enough  for  this  purpose 


tio-l 


cAii  be  ibuiid;  a:ivi  .t5  ^^j.jii  <iS  sucli  iiicatkius  are 
made,  the  jurisdiction  and  soil  thereof  are  Bei'e- 
Vy  ceded.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  parties, 
triat  where  circunistances  will  permit,  the  g-rants 
^)e' siirvejed  in  the  ancient  French  manner, 
Ivounding'  not  less  than  six  arpens  nor  more  tiian 
ten,  upon  the  river  and  running'  back  for  quan- 
tity! and  thtit  where  this'  cannot  be  done,  such 
giants  be  surveyed  in  any  manner  the  President 
may  direct.  The  locations  for  Oshaugu?cnday- 
\vayqua  and  her  descendents  shall  be  adjoining 
ih-e  lower  park  of  the  military  reservation,  and 
U!«>n  the  he-.'.d  of  Sugar  Island.  The  persons 
to  whom  grants  are  made  shall  not  have  the  \m- 
vilcge  of  conveying  the  same,  without  the  per- 
mission of  the  President. 

The  schedule  referring  to  this  section  is  as 
follows: 

To  Oshaugcrscodawagriiia  v/ife  of  John  John- 
son Esq.  to  each  of  her  children,  and  to  each  of 
her  grand  children  one  section. 

To  Sangemauqua  widow  of  the  late  John 
Baptiste  Cadotte  and  to  her  children,  Louison, 
Sophia,  Archangel,  Edward,  and  Polly,  one 
'section  each. 

To  Kencesequa,  ttife  of  Samuel  Ashman,  and 
to  e.aclt  of  her  children,  one  section. 

To  Teegaushau,  wife  of  Charles  II.  Okcs, 
ebdto  each  of  her  children  one  section. 

To  Thomas  Shau',  son  of  Obimetunoqua  and 
to  his  wife  Mary,  being  also  of  Indian  descent, 
each  one  section. 

To  Fanny  Levakc,  daughter  of  Meeshwauqua 
and  to  each  of  her  grand  children,  one  section. 
To  ObayshaunoquoloUa,  wife  of  Francis  Gooley 
,Tr.  one  sectiQn. 

To  Omucka'ckeenee,  wife  of  John  Holliday, 
and  to  each  of  hsr  children,  one  section. 

To  Obimegeezhigoqua,  wife  of  Joseph  du 
Chene,  Jr.  and  to  each  of  her  children,  onesec- 
■tio)).' . 

'iro  Vi  onedaqua,  wife  of  Charles  Cloulier,  one 
"section. 

To  SusUn  Yarr.s,  daughter  of  Odanbitogeez- 

hlguqua,  one  section.. 

To  Henry  Sayer,  and  John  Sa}-er  sons  of 
Obeaiauunoqua  each,  one  section. 

To  each  of  the  children  of  John  Tanner  being 
of  Chippewa  descent,  one  section. 

To   Wassldjeewunoqua   and  to  each  of  her 
' ci:iidren by  c'corge  Johnson,  one  section. 
"■     To  Michael   Cailotte  senior    son    of   Equa- 
waiqe,  one  section. 

'io  Equay?ayav.y  wife  of  Jlichael   Cadotte, 
:  senior,  and  to  each  of  her  children  h^'ing  within 
'.he  United  States,  one  seciion. 

'fo  each  of  tlje  children  of  Charlotte  War- 
ren, widow  of  ttie  late  Truman  A.  V^'arren, 
<l>ie  sectioii> 

To  Mary  Chapman,  daughter  of  Equamecg, 
ond  wife  of  I5ela  Chapniau,  and  to  eacli  of  her 
children,  one  section. 
.      To  Saganoshequa,  vdfe  of  John  II.  Faiibanks, 
and  to  each  of  her  children,  one  section. 

To  Shaughunaminicc,  v;i:c  of  Wilham  Mor- 
rison, and  to  each  of  her  cliildren,  one  section. 
■     To  each  of  the  children  of  the  late  Ingwaysub, 
•  M'ife  of  Joseph  Cote,  one  section. 

To  each  of  tjie  children  of  AngeUque  Cclc, 
^  late  wife  of  Pieire  Cote,  one  section. 

Tci  Pazliikwutoqna,  wife  of  William  A'''li-''i>j 
ond  to  each^oflier  children,  one  section. 

T-'   a^j-"'".    »OT,ei;!ia;t.  , grand    u'a'igh'e:'   of 


Mishquabuiioquo',-  aiiii  «ii'e  oi'  Ambrose  Uaien* 
port,  and  to  eacli  of  her  cliildren,  one  section. 

To  ^Vanbunequa,  wife  of  Augustin  Belanga^ 
and  to  each  of  her  children,  one  section. 

To  Ch.arlottc  Louisa  Mon-ison,  wife  of  Allan 
Slorrison,  and  daughter  of  Manitowedjewimg's 
and  to  each  of  her'chihlren,  one  section. 

To  each  of  the  children  of  Eustace  Roussair, 
by  Shauwunaubunoqua,  ^Vauwausswnoqua  and 
Payshaubunoqua,  one  section. 

To  Isabella  Dingley,  wife  of  Daniel  Dinglev,' 
and  daughter  of  Pimegeezhigoqua,  and  to  each 
of  her  children,  one  section. 

To  George  Birkhead,  being  a  Chippewa  bj' 
descent,  one  section. 

To  Susan  Conner,  wife  of  Thomas  Conner, 
and  daughter  ef  Pimegeeshegoqua,  and  to  each 
of  her  children,  one  section. 

To  the  children  of  George  Ermatlnger,  being 
of  Shawnee  extraction,  two  sections  collective!}'. 

To  Ossinahjeeunoqua,  wife  of  Michael  Ca- 
dotte, jr.  and  to  each  of  her  children,  one  sec- 
tion. 

ToMinedemoseyah,  wife  of-Pierre  Duvernay, 
one  section. 

Here  we  have  diplomacy  in  style!  ^  If  the 
coalition  desire  to  find  abuses,  let  them  exam- 
ine into  the  diplomacy  of  this  diplomatic  admiiv 
islralion. 


TREATY  WITH  THE   CHICKASAWS. 

To  settle  all  controversies,  and  to  remove  all 
ground  of  complaint  or  dissatisfaction  that  might 
arise  to  inteirupt  the  peace  and  harmony  which 
have  so  long  and  -o  happily  existed,  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Chickasaw 
nation  of  Indians,  James  Monroe,  President  of 
the  United  States,  by  Isaac  Shelby  and  Andrev/ 
Jackson,  of  ^the  one  part,  and  the  whole  Chick- 
asaw nation,  by  their  Chiefs,  Head  Men,  and 
Warriors,  in  full  council  assembled,  of  the  otlic- 
p.arl,  h«vc  agreed  on  the  following  articles-, 
which  when  ratified  by  the  President  and  Sen- 
.ate  of  the  Uiiitfd  States  of  America  slrall  form 
a  tixaty  binding  on  all  parties. 

AiiT.  1.  Peace  and  friendshli)  are  hereby 
firmly  crtablislied  and  made-perpetual  between 
the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Chicka- 
Siiw  nation  of  Indians. 

Art.  2.  To  obtiun  the  object  of  the  forego- 
'ing  article,  tlie  Chickasaw  nation  of  Indians 
cede  to  tlie  United  States  of  America,  (with 
the  exception  of  such  reservation  as  shall  bo 
hereafter  ineiitioned)  all  claim  or  title  which 
the  said  nation  has  to  the  land  lying  north  of 
the  south  boundary  of -the  State  of  Tennessee, 
which  is  bounded  s-outh  by  the  thirty-fifth  de- 
gree of  north  l_atitudc,  and  which  lands  heivl-.y 
ceded/lie  within  the  following  boundaries,  vj/.: 
Beginning  on  the  Tennessee  rivrj,  about  thirly- 
five  miles,  by  water,  below  Col.  George  Col- 
bert's ferry,  where  the  thirty-fifth  degree  of 
north  latitude  strikes  the  same;  thence  due 
west  with  .said  degree  of  north  latitude,  ti> 
wiiere  it  cuts  the  Mississipjii  liverat  or  neartlie 
Ciiickujaw  Bluf^;  tbeiice  up  the  said  Mississip- 
pi river  to  thje  mouth  of  the  Ohio;  thence  u]> 
the  Ohio  river;  to  the  mouth  ,,»Tenuessee  river;, 
tlicnce  up  the  Tennessee  river  to  the  place  Qi" 
beginniir,'.  ,  ^  .       _  ^ 

Ait.  :3.  In  consideration  df  tl^e  relinquish - 


35o 


tiiiig' ai'Ucle,  and  loperpeiuate  t!ie  happiness  of 
the  Chickasaw  nation  of  Indians,  the  Commis- 
■sioners  of  the  United   States,    before   r.am-d 
ngi-ee  to  allow  the  said  nation  the  sum  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars  per  annum,  foi-  fifteen  succes- 
sive years  to  be  paid  annually;  and  as  a  further 
tonsideration  for  the  objects  aforesaid,  and   at 
the  request  ofthe  chiefs  of  the  said  nation   the 
<.omniissi,,ne.s  agree  to  pay  Captain  John  Gor- 
don of  Tennessee,  the  sum  of  one  thousand  one 
hundred  and  fifteen  dollars,  it  beine'  a  debt  due 
t.y,Ge^neral  V/illiam  Colbert,  of  said  nation,   to 
t.se  aforesaid  Gordon;  -imj  the  further  sum  of 
.wo  tlu)usand  dollars,  dueTy  said  nation  of  In- 
dians to  Captain  Uavid  Smith,  now  of  Kcntoclcy 
tor  that  sum  by  him  exp-^nded  in  supplyin-  him- 
self and  forty-five  soldiers  from  Tennessee,   in 
lue  year  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  nine- 
ty-five,  when  assisting- them   (at  their   request 
and  mvitation  m  defending  their  towns   against 
the  invasion  of  the  Creek  Indians;  both  of  which 
.-urns  onthe  application  of  the  said  nation)  are 
TO  be  paid  within  sixty  days  after  the  ratification 
«t  this  treaty  to  the  aforesaid  Gordon  and  Smith 
Art.  4.   'l-he  Commissionerssgrce  on  the  fur- 
ther and  particular  application  of  the  chiefs,  and 
.or  the  bcncfat  of  the  poor  and  warrio-.  of  the 
..     said  nation,  that  a  tract  of  land,  coiitaininfr  four 
miles  square;  to  include  a  salt  lick  orspnns-on  or 
near  the  river  Sandy,  a  branch  of  the  Tennessee 
■and  witinn  toe  laiul  hereby  ceded,  be  reserved, 
and  to  be  laid  off  m  a  square  or  oblong-,   so  as 
^  include  the  best    timber,  at  the  option  of 
their  beloved  Chief  Levi   Colbert   and   Major 
-fames    Brown,  or   cither    of   them;    who  are 
hereby   made  ag-e(its  and  trustees  for  the  na- 
tion  to  lease  the  said  salt  lick  or  springs,   on 
..he  lollowin-  express  conditions,  viz:  FoMhe 
■leneht  ot   this    reserva'tion  as  before  recited 
the  trustees  or  agents  are  bound  to  lease  th  ' 

the  United  States  for  a  reasonable  quantity  of 
Salt,  to.be  paid  annually  to  the  said  nation  for 
die  use  thereof;  and  that,  from  and  after  two 
J  eai-s  after  the  ratification  of  this  freatv,  nosalt 
Made  at  the  works  to  be  erected  en  this  reser- 
vation shall  be  sold  within  the  limits  of  the 
same   or  a  higher  price   th-in   <Mie   dollar  per 

which  ,h     1     ^  Tn^^    ^^'^''SLti   on  failure  of 
^^h,chthe  lease  shall  be   forieited,  and  the  re- 
servation revert  to  the  United  States. 
.I,.^]"!'  '^'    H'^  Commissioners  agree  that  there 

Oh  e'-of  tL' n,  °  ""'--""'"I'l'y.  a  principal 
'v.n.e.  of  the  Chickasaw  nation,  within  sixty  days 
after  tne  ratification  of  this  treatv,  the  sum  of 
five  hundred  dollars,  as  a  full  compensat^n  for 
the  reservation  of  two  miles  square,  on  the 
nprti,  side  6f  the  Tennessee  riveV,  secured  o 
iim  and  his  heirs  by  the  treaty,  h'eM  with  tl  ^ 
said  Chickasaw  nation,  on  the  twentieth  day  of 
September,  18I6;'and  the  furthersum  of  Jen' 
} -five  dollars  to  .lohn  Lewis,  a  half  breed,  for 
a  saddle  he  lost  while  in  the  service  of  the   U 

-hlvTt '"  r''°'T  "'^  '•"•'^''■^  '^'  President  of 
■ne  U.  S.   has  for  the  said  Chickasaw  nation,  at 

'he  S"'  •"'  ''''   ""''''^^  <^f  *'"«  =^='''^  "^tion 
Jc  Commissioners  agree  that  the  sum  of  one 

housand  and   eightynine  dollars  shall  be  pa"! 

o   Major  J;:..,e-s   Colbert,  Interpreter,  within 

ubei,..tlie  amount  of   a  sum  of  money  take, 


missioners,  as  a  lurtiidr  regard  for  said  nalic 

do  agree  that  the  reservations  made  to  Geor 

Colbert  and  Levi  Colbert  in  the  Treaty  held 

the  Council  House  of  said  nation  oo  the  twe 

ty-sixUi  day  of  September,  1816,  the  fii-st 

Col.  George   Colj.^rt  on  the  north  side  of  tl 

I  ennessee  river,  and  tliose  to  Major  Levi  C( 

bert  on  the   cast  side  of  the  Tombigbee  rive 

shall  enure  to  the  sole  use  of  the  said  Colon 

George  Colbert,  and  Major  Levi  Colbert,  the 

heirs  and  assigns  forever,  with  their  butts  ar 

bounds  as  defined  by  said  treaty,  and  agreeab' 

to  the  marks  and   boundaries  as  laid  off  an 

marked  by  the  surveyor  of  the  United  State 

wfiere  that  is  the  case,  and  where  the  reserv; 

tions  have   not  been  laid  off  and  mar&ed  by 

siiryeyorof  the  Umted  States,  the  same  sliall  b 

so  done  as  soon  after  the  ratification  of  this  tre- 

ty  as  practicable  on  the  applicatioh  of  the  rt 

servees,  or  their  legally  appointed  agent  unde 

them,  and  agreeably  to  the  definition  in  the  be 

fore  recited  treaty.     This  agreement  is  mad, 

on  the  following  express  conditiojis  :  That  thi 

said   land,  and  those  living  on  it,   shall  be  sub 

ject  to  tlic  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  all  le 

g»l  taxation  that  may  be  imposed  on  the  land  o] 

citizens  of  the   United   States   inbabitinff  th< 

territory   where   the   said   Taiid   is   situattd  - 

he   Commissioners  further    agree,    that  thf 

he  reservation  secured  to  John  McCleish  or 

the  north  side  of  the   Tennessee   Riyer  by  (he 

before  recited  Treaty,  in  consequence  of  hi- 

having  been  raised  in  the  St.ate  of  Tennessee' 

aid  marrymg  a  white  woman,  shall  enure  to  th- 

sole  use  of  the  said  John  McCleish.  his  heir' 

and  assigns   forever,  on  the  same  coiKlitions  at^ 

tached  to  the   ands  of  Col.  George  Colbert  and 

M,y.  Levi  Colbert,  in  this  article. 

Art.  6.  The  two  contracting  harti'es  cove- 
nant and  agree  that  the  line  of  the  South  boX 
dary  of  the  State  of  Tennessee  as  described  iu 
the  second  article  of  this  treaty,  shall  be  ascEt" 
t.uned  and  marked  by  Commissioners  appointed 
by  the  I'resKlent  of  the  United  States ;  that  thS 
marks  shall  be  bold  ;  the  trees  to  be  bIa^ed  o^ 
both  sides  of  the  hue,  and  the  fore  and  aft  tree«; 

u^'f."    y.t  ''  ^"'^  •''^'  *'"^  commissioners shal'j 
be  attended  by  two  persons,  to  be  designated  by 
the  Chickasaw  n.ation  ;  and  the  said  nation  sbaU 
have  du6  and  seasonable  notice  when  said  opc^ 
ration  is  to  be  commenced.     It  is  furtheragreed 
by  the  Cornmissioners  that  all  impi-6vemeBts 
ac  ually  niade  by  mdiv.du^,  of  the  Chickagavir  I 
nation,  which  shall  be    oi-.l  within  the  lands   i 
ceded  by  this  Treaty,  that  a  fair  and  reasonable  '' 
compensation  shall  be  paid  therefor,  to  the  res- 
pective individuals  having  made  or  owned  tKs 
same. 

Art.  7.  In  consideration  of  the  friendly  and    ' 
conciliatory  disposition  evinced  during  the   ne 
gotiatioii  of  this  treaty  by  the  Chickasaw  chiefV- 
and  warriors  but  more  iiarticularly  as  a  manifes- 
tation of  the  friendship   and  liberality   of  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  the  Commissioi>. 
ers  agree   to   give   on  the  ratification   of  this  1 
treaty  to  Cliinnubby.   King  of  the  Chickasavr-I 
nation,  to  Teshuamingo.     \VilIiam    McGilva-y 
-^npassantubby.  Samuel  Seely,  James  Brown, 
Levi  Coibert.  Ickaryoncuttafia,   George  Petti- 
grove,  Immart.arharmicco,    Chickasaw    Chief.:    ^. 
and  to  Malculm  Magee,  iiiterprdtr  to  this  ti-ea'  '' 
ty,  each  one  hundred  andfilty  dollars,  in  cash-  3 


Job 


Colbert,  Hopoyeair..uifimiii-,  Immaakiusharho- 
poyea,  Tushkarhopoye,  Hopoyeahaummar,  jr  , 
Immauklusharhopyea,  James  Colbert,  Cowea- 
marthlar,  lUachouwarhopoyea,  military  leaders, 
one  hundred  dollars  each;  and  do  further  agree, 
that  any  annuity,  heretofore  secured  to  the 
Chickasaw,  nation  of  Indians,  by  treaty,  to  be 
paid  in  jcoods,  shall  hereafter  be  paid  in  cash. 

In  testimony  whereof,  tlie  said  commissioners 
and  undersigned  chiefs  and  warnors  liave  set 
their  hands  and  seals.  Done  at  the  treaty 
"■round,  east  of  Old  Town,  this  nineteenth  day 
Sf  October,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  tliou- 
sand,  eight  hundred,  ^^i^h^.^^^^ 

ANDRKW  JACKSON. 
Levi  Colbert,  his  X  mark, 
Samuel  Seely,  his  X  mark, 
Chinnubby,  ICing,  his  X  mark, 
i      Tcshuamingo,  his  X  mark, 

■William  McGilvery,  his  X.mark, 
Arpashenshtubby,  his  X  mark, 
James  Brosvn,  his  X  mark, 
Ickarryancuttiiha,  his  X  mark, 
George  Pettigrovc,  his  X  mark, 
Immartaharmico,  his  X  mark, 
Major  General  William  Colbert,  his  X  marK, 
Major  WilUam  Glover,  hisX  mark, 
-    Hopayahaummai-,  his  X  maik, 
Immo'ukhisharhopoyea,  his  X  mark, 
'      Tuskalhopoyea,  his  X  mark, 

Hopoyahaummar,  iunr.,  h;s  X  mark, 
Immaukhisharopoyea,  his  X  mark, 
James  Colbert,  hisX  mark, 
Cowemarthlar,  his  X  mark, 
lllackhanwarhopoyea,  his  X  mark. 
Colonel  George  Colbert,  lus  X  mark. 
In  the  presence  of 

UoBERT  Bdtler,  Mj ■  Gen.  a'^a  "Vf/f"'^-  , 
Th.  J.  SuERBunsF,  Agent  Jot  iheChickoM^ 

nation  of  Indians. 
Malcolm  McGee,  Interpreter,  his  X  maik. 

i:        MaRTIK  CoLBEttT,  ,.       ,     ^  c     n 

f      J.  C.  BRosACGn,  Assistant  Insp'r  Gen.  *.  V. 
Tbos.  H.  Sbelbt,  of  Kentucky. 
R.  K.  Call,  Captain  U.  S.  Army. 
Benjamin  Smitu,  of  Kentucky. 
RicaAHB  J.  Easter,  A.  D.  Q.  M.  Gen. 
M.  B.  Winchestes. 
"W.  B.  Lewis. 


Extract  of  a  ktter  from  Thoma^  //"  Z"^^^' 
dated  Grassland,  April  28th,  182B. 
My  father  set  out  on  the  10th  September, 
1818,  and  arrived  at  Gen  Jackson's  on  the  17th. 
where  he  remained  a  few  days,  and  in  compa- 
ny with  his  coUeague  proceeded  to  Nashville. 
In  a  day  or  two  we  set  out  for  the  treaty  ground, 
accompanied  by  eight  or  ten  gentlemen,  friends 
of  Gen  Jackson,  with  all  ot  whom,  excepting 
Col.  Butler,  my  father  was  acquainted.  Dur- 
inff  the  journey  little  was  said  on  the  subject 
of  the  treaty.  I  heard  the  General,  on  one  oc- 
casion, ask  my  father  how  far  he  was  willing  to 
go  for  the  Indian  boundary.  My  father  rephed 
that  he  was  prepared  to  go  as  high  as  $oOO,OOU 
rather  than  not  effect  the  purchase— but,  said 
he,  "  Gen.  Jackson,  I  have  not  the  least  >dea 
that  we  shall  find  it  necessary  to  give  half  that 
sum."  After  this  conversation,  a  profound  si- 
lence was  observed  by  Gen.  Jackson,  and  the 
friends  who  accompanied  him,  on  the  subject  <rt 
iH  treaty,  in  mv  father's  presence,    At  length 


we  arrived  at  tlie  treaty  gi-ound  ;  the  indians ai» 
sembled.     My  father  soon  observed  great  in- 
tcrcourse  between  the  General  and  the  Indians, 
of  which  he  spoke  frequently  to  mc.     On  one 
occasion,  the  General  and  part  of  his  suit  were 
absent  from  camp  all  night ',  the  General  witil- 
hc-ld  the  motive  of  his  nocturnal  visit  from  his 
colleague  bv  studied  sdence  on  the  subject.     I 
did  understand  by  some  means,  tr.atthe  General 
parsed  the  night 'with  Colbert,  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal Chiefs.     Ay  fVither  expressed  to  me  his 
suspicions  that  "  there  was  something  not  right 
o-oinx-on."     Before  any  Council  had  convened, 
the  General  informed  his  colleague  "  that  some 
of  the  principal  Chiefs  were  violently  opposed 
to  selling  land,    and  that  those   fellows   would 
have  to  be  bought  over."     At  length  a  counsel 
was  called.     Among  other  objections  made  by 
Uie  Indians  to  the  selling  of  their  land,   it  was 
urged  by  them  "that  the  United  States  were 
lai-o-ely  in  an-ears  to  them  ;  and  until  old  debts 
were  paid,  they  would  not  contiact  new  ones." 
The  Commissioners  found  it  necessary  to  send 
to  Nashville  for  money  to  pay  those  claims,  and 
thus  remove   the  main  dlfliculty      In  about  a 
week,  the  messenger  to  Nashville  arrives— the 
money  is   distributed  agreeably  to  the    census 
of  the  nation,  taken  during  his  absence.     A  se- 
cond council  13  convened.     Gen.  Jackson  in- 
quires of  the  Chiefs— 

"  W  at  do  you  ask  foi-  this  land  ? 
Interpreter— "We    don't  know— what    will 

^""afnera!  J.—"  We  wiU  give  you  $  150,000.''> 
Interpreter— "V/e.  can't  take  it." 
GeneralJ.—"  We  will  give  yoU  $200,000.'' 
Interpreter—"'  No  we  cannot  take  it." 
GeneralJ.—"  We  will  give  you  !S250,000." 
M^ercreto-— "No,  no." 
".^3Jb,000,"  says  the  General.     My  lather 
left  the  table  and  the  council  broke  up.     The 
General  observed  to  my  father  in  conversation, 
that  the  Chiefs  contended  for  Uie  privilege  of 
selling  a  large  reservation  of  land  to  whom  they 
might   think  proper.     My  father  objected  to 
this  proposition  ;  he  said  "they  might  sell  it  to 
the  King  of  England."     The  General  observed, 
"  that  there  was  tlien  a  company  of  gentlemen 
on  the  ground  that  would  pay  them  down  then- 
price,  320,000."     Mv  father  refused  positively 
to  permit  the  Indians  to  sell  land  to  private  indi- 
viduals.    He  contended  that  the  Government 
should  have  tlie  option  of  taking  the  reservation 
at  the  price  stipulated,  and  the  General  and  the 
Chiefs  were  in  the  end  obhged  to  consent  to  it. 
Mv  father  told  the  General  he  had  made  the 
Indians  offers  that  he  could  not  sanction.  "Why, 
Governor,  God  damn  it,  did  not   you  say  that 
you  would  give   J 300,000?"     "No  Sir,  I  give 
not  authorize  you  to  make  ajy  such  proposi- 
tion "     The  parties  seemed  on  the   very  point 
of  coming  to  blows,  when  I  stepped  between 
them,  laying  a   hand  on   each,  and  entreating 
them  to  talk  the  matter  over  more  dispassionate- 
ly      My   father  told  ine  afterwards,  that  it  was 
well  for  the  old  rascal  that  I  interfered,  that  he 
should  have  knocked  him  twenty  feet.     Not  a 
word  passed  between  the   Commissioners  until 
the  next  day,  when  the  General  broke  oat  upon 
his  colleague  in  a  strain,  if  possible,  more  rough 
and  boisterous  than  before.     I  again  slept  Jje- 
tween  them,  and  caUed  on  tlie  friends  ofthe 
General  to  interfere.     Old  Major  Snuth  step- 


;J5: 


pzd  up  and  observed,  '•  Gentlemen,  I  am  no 
dictator,  but  I  will  be  moderator,"  and  we  kept 
them  apart.  My  father  told  the  General  "  he 
should  leave  Jiim  and  go  home  "  "Go,  Gov- 
ernor," replied  the  General,  "by  God  I  will 
make  the  treaty  without  you."  While  our 
horses  were  sadtUingf,  the  friends  of  General  ur- 
g'ed  me  to  use  my  influence  with  my  father, 
not  to'go.  He  at  last  agreed  to  remain.  Ano- 
ther council  was  called.  The  Indians  demand- 
ed the  J  300,000,  and  would  treat  for  nothing 
less.  Finally,  the  treaty  was  made.  My  father 
thought  that  Gen.  Jackson's  corruption  and  fol- 
ly had  cost  the  Government  from  100,000  to 
200,000  dollai-s.  His  mind  under  went  no 
change  upon  this  subject  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

I  hare  thus  given  yon  a  detail  of  facts,  wliich 
came  under  my  own  observation:  you  are  at  li» 
bcrty  to  make  what  use  of  it  you  may  tliink 
proper.  Vour  friend, 

THO.  H.  SELBY. 

Col.  C.   S.  Todd." 

From  the  Frankfort  Ky.  Argus. 

TO    THE    ZDITOns. 

GEN.  JACKSON  AND  GOV.   SHELBY. 

Nasbtillk,  July  12,  1828. 
Sm — In  the  supplement  of  Mr.  Clay's  address 
to  the  public,  published  in  December  last,  is  a 
letter  to  him  from  Mr.  C.  S.  TodJ  of  your  State, 
purporting  to  relate  a  convertation  between  the 
late  Governor  Shelby  and  Mr  Clay,  in  July, 
1824,  upon  the  subject  of  the  Chickasaw  treaty 
in  1818.  Mr.  Todd  observes  in  his  letter  to 
Jlr.  Clay:  "  In  appropriate  connection  with  tlie 
preceding  narrative,  I  can  state  the  substance 
■of  a  conversation  of  like  tendency,  had  between 
j'OurseU  and  our  venerated  friend,  the  late  Gov. 
Shelby,  at  his  residence,  as  early  as  the  month 
of  July,  1824.  He  commenced  the  conversa- 
tion, by  reking  wh.'Jt  you  thought  of  the  pros- 
pects of  Gen.  Jackson  in  the  approaching  elec- 
tion. You  replied  by  stating,  that  jou  did  not 
believe  he  would  be  elected,  and  spoke  free!}- 
and  fully  of  his  conduct  and  qualifications,  very 
much  in  the  manner  you  had  treated  of  them  in 
your  public  speeches — that  you  did  not  expect 
from  him  or  his  counsellors,  any  friendly  feeling 
toward  Kentucky,  or  the  great  western  inter- 
ests, which  she  had  so  prominently  supported; 
and  that  you  had  strong  apprehensions  his  ad- 
ministration would  be  a  reign  of  fury  and  tur- 
bulence. Governor  Shelby  then  remarked, 
that  he  concurred  entirely  in  these  views,  and 
proceeded  to  communicate  to  you  what  he  had 
never  mentioned  out  of  the  circle  of  his  imme- 
diate family,  the  great  change  effected  in  his 
mind  towards  General  Jackson,  by  his  conduct 
at  the  Chick.is^v  treaty  in  1818;  tliat  tlie  high 
estimation  in  which  he  had  heretofore  regarded 
the  temper,  the  discretion,  judgment,  and  disin- 
terested patriotism  of  General  Jackson,  had  been 
greatly  lessened  by  his  conduct  on  that  occa- 
sion. He  said,  hi.s  rasli,  hot-headed  temper,  if  it 
had  not  been  rc-strainer],  would  have  cost  the 
nation  double  the  sum  for  which  the  land  was 
ultimately  purchased;  and  he  had  so  permitted 
the  integrity  of  his  principles  to  be  tlie  dupe  of 
an  intrigue,  as  to  propose,  on  behalf  of  his  per- 
sonal friends  then  present,  to  secure  for  them  a 
reservation  of  the  Big  Spiing,  and  a  valuable 
'rartof  land  around  it.     To  this  proposition,  he. 


Governor  Shelby,  opposed  an  incugn^nt  reiusa! : 
but  at  length  consented  to  «ts  partial  adoption, 
with  the  understanding  that  the  government 
should  have  the  preemption  right,  at  the  price 
stipiUated.  He  accordingly  caused  the  neces- 
sary information  to  be  transmitted  to  the  Presi- 
dent, wht)  promptly  accepted  the  reservation  on 
behalf  of  the  government." 

I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  the  ac- 
count here  given  in  relation  to  the  transactions 
of  the  Chickasaw  treaty  of  1818,  is  greatly  erro- 
neous. I  was  present  when  that  treaty  was 
made,  and  have,  perhaps,  as  accurate  a  knowl- 
edge of  what  was  done,  or  proposed  to  be  done, 
as  any  other  person  on  the  ground,  not  even  ex- 
cepting the  commissioners.  I  feel  myself  fully 
authorised  in  saying  that  either  Governor  Shel- 
by's recollection  must  have  entirely  failed  him. 
or  that  his  remarks  have  been  incorrectly  report- 
ed. I  have  in  my  possession  a  duplicate  of  the 
secret  and  confidential  Journal  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  commissioners,  in  the  hand-writing 
oftheir  Secretary,  Col.  Robert  Butler,  and  wiW 
extract  so  much  as  relates  to  tlie  proceedings  of 
the  "  Big  Spring"  reservation,  in  order  to  show 
that  nothing  imfair  or  selfish  could  have  been  at- 
tempted. The  Journal  says:  "  The  reservation 
made  by  the  treaty  of  September  1816,  to 
Geoig.-  and  Levi  Colbert,  was  proposed  to  be 
given  in  fee  simple, — and  that  a  conveyance 
would  be  taken  for  the  same  for  the  banefit  of 
the  government,  if  the  Executive  chose  to  ac- 
cept it ;  that  it  should  be  made  to  an  individual, 
and  placed  in  my  hands,  as  an  esami;  until  the 
option  of  the  government  was  had  The  sum 
proposed  for  tiiese  reservations  was,  in  the  first 
instance  S  10,000 ;  but  would  not  be  heard. 
The  confidential  at^ent  was  then  instructed  to 
offer  g  17, 000,  which  made  them  listen,"  Sec. 
The  commissioners  finally  offered  them  $  20,- 
OUO,  which  they  agreed  to  take. 

When  I  infomi  you  that  the  confidential  agent 
alluded  to  in  the  extract  above,  was  myself,  you 
must  be  satisfied  that  no  one  on  the  treaty- 
ground  could  have  had  abetter  opportunity  of 
knowing  the  nature  of  the  propositions  which 
were  submitted  or  proposed  to  be  submitted  to 
the  Colberts,  for  their  reservations;  and  I  do 
aver,  that  no  other  arrangement  than  the  one 
recorded  in  the  secret  Journal  was  ever  pro- 
posed, or,  so  far  as  I  ki.ow,  ever  contemplated 
by  eitlier  of  the  commissioners.  It  was  believed 
that  the  possibility  even,  of  making  a  treaty, 
depended  upon  the  purchase  of  those  reserva- 
tions. The  plan  originated  with  Gen.  Jackson, 
anrl  I  believe  he  communicated  his  views  to  me 
before  he  consulted  Governor  Shelby  upon  the 
subject.  The  General  obsei-vedtome,  that  the 
commissioners  were  not  authorised  by  the  gov- 
ernment to  purchase  those  reservations;  but 
that  he  thought  it  might  be  done  by  introducing 
a  clause  into  the  treaty,  should  one  be  made, 
authorising  the  Ind'.rans'to  sell  to  an  individual, 
and  the  government  could  eitlier  sanction  it  or 
not,  when  it  should  be  laid  before  them  for  rati- 
fication. This  arrangement  was  proposed,  not 
for  the  purpose  of  benefitting  pergonal  friends, 
"  then  present,"  but  to  enable  the  commission- 
ers with  more  certainty  to  accomplish  the  ob- 
jects of  the  governm'ent.  The  necessity  of 
some  such  measure  was  considered  by  Governor 
Shelby  himself,  as  indispensable,  and  he  unhest- 
fatingly  entered  into  the  views  rtf  Gen.  J.ick'Oti , 


J58 


J  Was  present  wlieji  Oiey  taikeu  upon  the  sub- 
;jwt;  there  was  no  discivpaiicy  in  their  opinions, 
no  indigtiant  ri^/fd;(>fi^r  propositions  on  cither 
jside,  as  I  heard;  they  acconlcd  in  their  views, 
and  deputed  me  to  wait  on  tlie  ownei-s  of  the 
reservations  with  the  propositions  given  in  the 
confidential  Jo'irnal.     If  any  thing  selfish,   tn-.- 
fair,  or  improper,  was  intended  by  either  Ml'tlie 
Commissioners,  I  was  wholly  unapprizcd  of  it: 
'and  it  does  seem  to  me,  that  none  other  than  a 
.mind  deeply  tinctured  svitli  unwai-rnntable  sus- 
■picion,  could  have  conceived  such  an  idea.     It 
is  possible,  that  because  the  General  spoke  of 
; Laving  the  land  conveyed,  in  the  first  instance, 
to  an  individual.  Governor  Shelby,   before  an 
explanation  was  made,  might  have  supposed  it 
■was  designed  for  the  benefit  of  particidar  indi- 
^^duals;   but  I  could  not  have  imagined,  from 
what  passed  between  him  anu  the  General,  in 
jny  presence,  that   such   an  impression  .could 
liave  remained  upon  his  mind.  I  liave  no  doubt, 
(and  I  c/u)ff;/.s  so  believed,)  that  both  commis- 
sioners were  actuated,  in  the  transactions  of  tliat 
treaty,  from  motives  of  disinterested  patriotism. 
The  objects  to  be  accomplished  were   of  vast 
importance  to  the  State.s  ofTcnnessee  and  Ken- 
lucky,  and  they,  no  doubt,  were  wiUintj  to  .av.'ul 
themselves  of  all  fair  and  honorable  means  which 
promised  to  crown  their  efforts  with  success. 

But  Governor  Shelby,  according  to  Mr.  Toddj 
thought  Genera]  Jackson  was  induced  to  pro- 
pose this  arrangement(concerning  the  reserva- 
tions) for  the  benefit  of  "personal  friends  tlicn 
present."  If  the  Governor's  allusion  w.as  to  me, 
as  one  of  the  General's  friends,  he  labored  un- 
der a  great  mistake;  for  I  had  resolved  on  hav. 
jng  nothing  to  do  with  it,  unless  compelled  by 
my  responsibility  forthepaynientof  tlie  money, 
in  case  the  govei'nment  did  not  think  proper  to 
take  the  land.  1  did  not  think  tlie  purchase  so 
threat  a  b.argain  as  some  others  did;  I  knew,  so 
Jar  from  the  reserv-ation  containing  an  entire  bo- 
dy of  rich  land,  that  a  large  proportion  of  it  was 
poor,  and  the  sum  stipulated  to  be  given  w.as  at 
the  rate  of  about  one  dollar  per  acre-,  if  my  re- 
collection does  not  deceive  me.  I  did  not  ex-  ■ 
pect  to  havp  any  interest  whatever  in  the  pur- 
chase; iloc  do  I  beheve  a  single  individual  on 
the  ground  was  in  any  manner  concerned. — 
Those  on  whom  the  General  relied  to  advance 
the  money,  in  cusa  the  government  declined 
taking  the  land,  were  absent.  The  Governor's 
recollection  was  certainly  very  defective  in  some 
respects;  for  he  is  represented  as  locating  the 
Colbert  reservatio'n  around  the  B^g  ftpring  and 
including  a  body  of  vuluahh  Innd.  Now,  1  ad- 
jnit  that  if  located  at  tliat  Spring,  it  would  have 
included  a  body  of  rich  and  valuable  land;  but 
its  locality  is  not  within  fifteen  or  twenty  miles 
of  it,  and  includes,  comparatively  speaking, 
poor  lands.  The  one  is  on  tiie  south,  and  the 
gther  is  on  the  iiertli  side  of  the  Tennessee  ri- 
ver. 

It  appears  also,  that  Governor  Shelby  is  made 
to  find  great  fiiult  with  General  Jackson's  tem- 
per, "lie  said,  his  ras)i,  hot-lcadcd  temper,  if 
it  had  not  been  restrained,  v.'ould  have  cn.st  the 
nation  double  the  sum  for  which  tlie  land  was 
ultimately  purchased."  Here,  I  presume,  the 
Governor  does  not  speak  in  reference  to  tlie 
renervatiun,  but  the  lands  situated  in  tlie  States 
of  Tennessee  and  Kentuckv.  Wlictlier  Gen- 
"ral  .Kackson  cviclcnrcl  mere  itmpn-m  r'"A.'(f^s 


than  Governor  Shelby  lumself,  in  nigoliatlng 
that  treaty,  will  appear  from  the  following  facUv 
and  circumsTmces. 

It  is  true,  that  some  difficulty  did  arL5e  in  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty,  and  that  the  General 
and  the  Governor  were  both  considerably  ex- 
cited for  a  short  time.  It  muse  be  in  reference 
to  that  unfortunate  disagreement  Governor  Shel- 
by speaks,  when  he  objects  to  General  Jack- 
son's ^fm/7er.  This  w,'.s  an  extremely  unplea- 
sant occurrence,  and  tlie  General  and  his 
friends  have  always  forborne  to  speak  of  it  even 
in  their  own  "  immediate  families,"  more  on 
Governor  Shelby's  account,  however,  than  bis. 
They  were  willing  it  should  be  forgotten,  nor 
would  it  now  be  called  up  and  presented  to  the 
public,  if  a  member  ol.Governor  Shelby's  fami- 
ly was  not  .attempting  to  use  it  to  the  prejudice, 
of  General  Jackson. 

That  you  may  the  better  understand  tlia 
cauK  of  this  personal  controversy  between  thf; 
commissioners,  I  will  introduce  into  this  letter 
another  extract  from  the  confidential  Journal 
111  answer  to  a  talk  made  by  Levi  Colbert,  thft 
speaker  of  the  nation,  "  t!ie  commissioners  told 
him  they  would  be  liberal,  as  their  Father,  the 
President,  had  told  them  to  be  so.  Twenty 
thousand  dollars  for  twelve  years  was  then  pro. 
posed  by  the  commissioners,  which  they  stern- 
ly refused,  remarking,  they  loved  money  w»l!> 
but  they  loved  their  land  much  better.  It  was 
then  proposed  to  add  one  )  ear,  which  was  like- 
v>-ise  rejected.  General  Jackson  then  observed, 
to  make  all  hearts  straight,  he  would  agree  to- 
make  the  annuity  fourteen  years,  and  that  he 
hoped  the  Chiefs  and  the  nation  would  consid- 
er that  a  liberal  price  from  their  Father  the. 
President.  Levi  Colbert  then  remarked,  they 
wotdd  consider  of  it,  and  then  adjourned.  Ou 
mceting  ag;iin,  Colbert  enciuired  if  one  cent 
would  not  be  given;  and  being  informed  that 
the  commissioners  had  gone  to  their  limit,  lie 
observed  that  the  American  nation  is  as  «rong 
as  iron — great,  rich  and  Ktrong,  and  one  cent 
was  nothing  tc  it,  and  this  would  satisfy  the 
nation.  General  Jackson  replied  by  asking  if  one 
solitary  cent  would  i Mtisfy  the  nation,  and  the 
speaker  replied  it  would,  observing  that  the 
.'iinerican  nation  was  stron,",  and  the  young- 
er brother  must  therefore  yield  to  the  elder  bro- 
tber;  on  which  they  sliook  hands  with  the  com- 
missioners and  parted.  In  a  conversation  short- 
ly after,  with  the  interpreter,  he  said  they  shook 
hands  on  fifteen  years  annuity,  which  was  not 
the  understanding  of  the  commissioners  :  and 
thus  the  thing  rested,  until  the  time  arranged 
for  signing  the  treaty. 

"  The  Chiefs  arrived  this  morning  about  11 
o'clock,  and  the  commissioners  attempted  tet- 
explain  how  they  nvstook  the  meaning  of  the 
speaker  about  tlie  cent ;  but  they  could  not» 
nor  would  not  understand  it  in  any  other  light 
than  That  his  meaning  was  one  additional  annuity, 
on  which  tliey  shook  hands,  and  tliat  they  ii.ad 
come  prepared  to  sign  the  treaty  «s  agreed  up- 
on. 'I'he  comminsioners  finding  from  t.'ie  stern 
manner  in  whicli  they  vieived  an  attempt  to  ex- 
plain away  their  understanding  of  the  annuity, 
deemed  it  prudent  not  to  jeopardise  the  gj'and 
object  for  the  pittanceof  §20,0000,  to  be  paid  15 
years  hence,  and  accordingly  filled  up  the  blank 
in  tlie  treaty  with  fiiteen,  and  the  instrument; 
was  then  diilv  and  snlemnlv  ex'Tu^'d  and  '.f' 


'J  of) 


presence  Qi"  the  numerous  concourse  of  their 
j-oungf  mej." 

At  the  end  of  this  Journal  is  the  fullo'.viiig; 
certificate:  "  Examined  and  approved." 
(Signed)     ISAAC  SHELBY,  ,  ^      , 
AND.  JACKSOy,  5 

The  controvevsy  between  General  Jaclc^on 
and  Govemor  Shelby  fjrew  out  of  tlie  misun- 
derstanding' with  regard  to  the  one  ctitl.  Tl^.;  In- 
iliaiis  insisted  that  tUey  meant  by  one  cent,  ano- 
therannuity.and  that  no  otherconstruction  could 
I'airly  be  put  upon  their  meaning'.  Governor 
"Shelhy  pusitii-ely  refused  to  give  the  adilition'dl 
annuity,  and  tlie  Indians  as  positively  refused  to 
cede  their  lands.  General  .Jackson,  wlio,  until 
now,  hadtakonbut  iitllepartin  the  controversy, 
thought  the  objects  tobe  aco,uired  by  the  trc-.ity 
verc  of  too  higii  impprUince  to  he  !o:>t  by  the 
mere  pittance  of  20,000  dollars,  to  be  paid  35 
years  from  that  a.ite,  and  was  willing  to  give 
tliem  the  fifteen  annuitcs.  The  Governor  still 
peremptorily  refused.  The  Gccieral  enquired 
of  hi.Ti,  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  company, 
if  they  had  not,  betu'een  themselves,  agreed  to 
go  as  hig-h  as  tlirec  hundred  tliousand  dollars 
for  the  country.  The  Governor  said  ihey  I'.ad, 
but  that  he  intended  that  S'um  to  cover  also  the 
expenses  of  holding-  the  treaty.  General  Jack- 
son replied,  that  was  not  his  understanuinjj; 
that  he  considered  the  fifteen  annuities  within 
the  hmit  prescribed  to  themselves  in  their  pri- 
vate conference,  and  that  he  wag  ilispesed  to  fill 
up  the  blank  with  that  number.  Gov.  Shelby 
still  obstinately  refused.  The  Genera!  said  he 
rep'etted  such  was  his  determination;  but  still 
he  would  execute  the  treaty  liiinself,  on  th.e 
part  of  the  United  States,  and  send  it  to  the  gov- 
ernment, and  they  coidd  ratify  it  or  not  as  they 
chose.  Ui>on  this  Gov.  Shelby  became  quite 
Niolent,  ordered  his  servant  to  get  his  horses 
and  declai'ed  he  would  leave  the  treatj-.g'roUnd. 
Jlis  horses  v.-ere  accordin,:5ly  brought  out  and 
saddled;  and,  finding  that  he  \Vas  re;olved  on 
leaving  the  ground  without  concluding"  the  trea- 
ty, then  ready  for  his  signature,  I  'letsrmined, 
if  possible,  to  remove  every  obstacle  to  its  final 
consummation,  and, -.vitli  a.vie'.v  to  ttfect  that 
object,  uutliorised  Col.  Butler,  the  Secretary, 
to  speak  to  Gov.  Shelbj',  and  say  to  him  tliat  if 
the  a<lditional  annuity  was  the  only  objection  to 
the  h'eatVj  I  would  exectite  to  hirr,  or  tlie  E.x- 
ccutive  of  the  If  nited  States,  my  bond  for  the 
S'30,000,  with  any  security  that  might  -be  re- 
^[uired,  to  be  paid  on  condition  the  government 
.should  be  unwilhng  to  ratify  the  tre::ty  for  more 
than  fourteen  anmnties.  Col.  IJutlcr  did  wait 
on  Gov.  Shelby  with  mv  proposition,  and  re- 
<eived  for  answer,  that  the  additional  aniniity 
was  the  only  objection  to  the  treaty;  ind,  after 
a  few  minutes  reflection,  agreed  to  accept  my 
proposition.  The  bond  was  accordingly  exa- 
cuted,  deposited  in  the  hands  of  their  Secretary, 
and  the  treat}'  signed  by  both  of  the  Commi-;- 
.sioners.  I  w.as  induced  to  propose  and  enter 
into  this  arrangment,  as  well  on  aceuiu".t  of  the 
State  of  Tennessee,  which  was  deeply  interes- 
ted in  the  success  of  this  negotiation  witli  th'S 
f'.iiickasaws  for  tlieir  lands,  as  on  my  own  ac- 
count, and  many  of  my  personal  friends,  who, 
as  well  as  fnyself,  were  largely  interested  in 
lands  situated  iji  that  section  of  the  State,  ami 
beW  undoi'  North  Carolina  irrants,  issued,  most 


of  then;,  thirfy.dve.yeju's  bcfo^  the -uciitv  was 
made.  '       •• 

Governor  Shelby,  -^I'lien  he  reflected  on  th'i 
part  he  ha<;  acted'  at  the  treaty,  became  ^;ol^• 
vmced,  no  doubt,  th'.:t  his  conduct  had  been 
ha>.ly,  if  not  rash.  This  may  be  inferred,  from 
tlie  circumstance  of  his  directing  Col.  Uutlcrto 
destroy  the  bond  he  bad  taken  for  the  p.ayment 
of  the'lxst  annuity,  before  he  reached  Nsshvute 
en  his  return. 

As  Gen.  Jackson's  official  duties  preventeji 
his  accompanying  the  Governor,  on  their  return 
home,  f;;rther  tlian  Florence,  they  parted  at  tliut 
place,  in  perfect  friendship,  and  the  Govenio;- 
called  .It  the  Hermita.gc,  on  his  way  to  Kentucky 
—■-remained  there  a  day  or  two  with  Mrs.  J'.ick- 
son,  and  left  hi-  po.-irait,  taken  by  Mr.  Earle^ 
for  the  General,  which  occupies  the  most  coi^- 
^icuous  place  in  his  dramng-room.  >7o  one. 
I  will  venture  tc  assert,  has  ever  heard  Genera! 
Jackson,  since  that  period,  speak  of  Covernof 
Shelby  in  any  other  thar,  terms  of  kindness  ama 
friendship. 

I  think,  sir,  every  thing  considered,  that  Go-,'- 
ernor  Shelby  had  but  little  gi'ound  to  complain 
of  General  J.-n:k'Son's  Umptr.  I  v>-ill  not  dcn\- 
but  that  the  General  was,  for  the  moment, 
pretty  much  excited  as  well  as  the  Gove.-nor; 
but  still  he  would  not  permit  his  feelings,  for  an 
instant,  to  di'/crt  his  mind  from  the  treaty.  Thn 
objects  to  be  attair.ed  by  it  were  of  too  grca', 
importanco  to  the  nation,  to  Tennessee,  and  to 
Kentucky,  to  be  iOandojied,  as  he  thought,  for 
the  mere  pittance  of  520,000:  Besides  v,'ha« 
would  the  ntition  have  gtiined,  if  the  treaty  had 
been  broken  oIT  in  consequence  of-the  com- 
n  •  isioners  refusing  to  give  the  additional  aiit 
nuity?  The  expences  ef  holding  the  treaty 
amounted  to  nearly  S:.i0,000,  which  would  havu 
been  a  clear  loss  to  the  government  if  no  treaty 
had  been  made.  However,  bette;'  counsel; 
prevailed;  the  treaty  was  made,  and  a  tract  0(" 
country  acquired  thereby,  that  has  given  to,^ 
Kentucky  four  t.ew  counties,  to  Tennessee 
fourteen  entire  counties  besides  several  targa 
fractions  of  other  counties,  and  to  the  nation, 
it  will  in  a  few  years  more  give  a  strong,  dense 
and  enterprising  population  on  the  banks  of  the 
upper  Mississippi,  capable  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing of  contributing  largely  to  the  defence  and 
protection  of  the  lower  country,  whenever  its 
rights  shall  be  ass.ailed  by  either  a  foreign  or 
nomestic  foe. 

The  General  evinced  no  disposition  to  go 
beyond  the  sum  agreed  on  as  the  ultimatum  to 
be  given.  He  had  frequently  been  engaged".!! 
making  Indian  tre.ities,  and  in  what  instance  has 
he  given  duulJe  as  much  as  the  country  aequi'.- 
ed  was.  worth.'  The  General  was  always  dispc-j 
ed  to  give  what  lie  thoughta  fair  price  forlaUiis 
purchased  of  tlie  Indian."-:,  dcaUng  justly  witu 
them,  without  manifesting  any  diE])Osition  tu 
lose  sight  of  the  interest  of  his  country. 

I  do  not  wish,  sir,  to  be  understood  ascastlii!'; 
any  itnputations  upon  the  veracity  of  Goveruiu 
Shelby,  with  regard  to  the  remarks  atti'lbuted  t!i 
him  by  Mr.  Todd.  I  have  uo  doubt  but  that 
the  old  gentleman  stated  what  were  then  his  iiir- 
pressions;  but  I  maintain^h.it  he  Ifad  fo;'gottc.\ 
the  circumstances  connected  with  the  purc)i.isi- 
of  the  reservation,  or  totally  m!icoricf;!«'ed  tlic 
nature  of  the  propositions  submitted  '  o'.he  Co:  - 
'•er's.      "-•r,.:;!..!  ,i:i'~kscm's  obie?    •>.      9»  'I'lr 


>Bt) 


ciiase  the  laiiil,  and  il'  Uic  goTcriimcut  should 
think  the  price  too  high,  or  refuse  to  take  it, 
1.  i  he  was  willing  to  take  upon  liimself  the  res- 
Ji  ponsibility  of  finding;  individuals  who  would 
*'  take  it  at  the  stipulated  price;  because  on  this 
arrangement  he  believed  the  ultimate  success 
of  the  treaty  rested.  I  again  aver,  that  I  have 
no  knowledge  of  any  other  arrangement  hav- 
ing been  proposed,  or  cunlcrnplaied,  with  re- 
f'l  garii  to  those  reservations,  tlian  the  one  enter- 
s  ed  into  and  recorded  in  the  confidentialjouvnal. 
'  This  averment  I  feel  confident  will  be  sustained 
by  the  testimony  of  Col.  Itobert  Butler,  who 
•.vas  present,  if  I  am  not  mis<aken,  when  the 
conversation  alluded  to,  took  place  between 
the  commissioners.  With  reg.trd  to  tlie  unfor- 
tunate difference  between  the  commissioners  at 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  about  the  ad(jj- 
tional  annuity,  the  circumstances  detailed  above 
■must  be  recollected  bv  every  pcrsoii  present, 
to  wit:  Col.  Butler,  Gen.  Richard  Call,  Major 
"William  Eastin,  Capt.  David  Smith,  Major  Ben- 
jamin Smith,  Major  Winchester,  Sir.  Kerr,  and 
manv  others.  Respectfully, 

W.'t.  LEWIS. 


From  the  Virginia  Ad^ticate. 
JACKSON  AND  BURR. 

In  our  last  we  promised  this  week  to  take  tli.at 
notice  of  Judge  Williams'  statement,  which  our 
other  engagements  then  prevented.  It  is  our 
purpose  now  to  fulfil  that  pledge. 

Most  of  oar  readers  are  already  informed  that 
duringthe  session  of  the  Adams  Convention  in 
Kicbmond  in  January  last,  a  letter  purporting  to 
have  been  written  by  Judge  Nathaniel  Williams 
of  Tennessee,  to  Mr.  Kerr  of  this  State,  was  ex- 
hibfted,  circulated,  copied,  and  much  talked  of, 
Tn  which  the  writer  affirmed  of  his  own  knowl- 
edge that  there  had  existed  a  rrimina'  connex- 
■' on  between  General  J.ackson  and  Aaron  Burr. 
Those  who  have  observed  with  what  avidity  the 
friends  of  the  administration  seize  on  every 
cjiarge  against  Gen .  Jackson,  which  folly  or  ma- 
lignity can  invent,  in  the  vain  hope  that  by  their 
clamour  against  him,  tliey  m.^y  be  able  to  divert 
public  attention  from  the  corruption  and  inca- 
pacity of  those  whom  they  support,  will  not  be 
surprised  to  learn  that  this  story  improbable  as 
it  is,  was  most  favorably  received  by  them.  It  was 
not  indeed  so  far  distinguished  as  to  be  allow- 
ed a  place  in  the  Address,  along  nith  other  ac- 
cusations equally  unfounded, — but  individual 
entcrprize  and  jjartizan  zeal  were  relied  on  to 
give  it  circulation;  and  they  have  accomplished 
the  object  no  loss  effectually,  than  if  "  tliirty 
thousand"  impressions  of  it  also,  liad  issued  from 
the  s.ime  mint,  v'liich  stamped  if  it  did  not  coin 
many  similai-  calumnies.  By  the  adoption  of 
this  mode  it  has  too  been  so  circulated,  as  to 
preclude  all  enqviiry  as  to  its  truth,  all  exposure 
of  its  fallacy.  W'c  rejoice  that  its  autlior  has  at 
length  ventured  from  his  concealment,  though 
with  every  advantage  wiiicli  tlie  orer/zif »/ of  im- 
!Il3.terial  facts  and  the  dedurtion  from  tliem  of 
those  he  wished  to  establish — u'liich  omission 
and  confusion  of  dates — and  we  believe,  which 
change  of  plot,  induced  by  subsequent  devel- 
opements,  iimy  all'ord  liim-  We  .arc  indeed 
somewhat  at  a  loss  to  imagine,  to  ^^■llat  ])roper 
cause  can  be  attributed  his  long  silence.  As 
earlv  asFebniarv  last,  he  wasinformr-d  bv  Gen. 


J.ickson,  tiiat  the  facta  undersloou  to  liave  beeri 
communicated  by  him  to  Mr.  Kerr,  were  untrue 
and  he  pei-mits  tliem  to  remain  in  private  circu- 
lution  from  that  time  until  about  the  first  of  this 
month,  without  retracting  or  explaining  what 
he  had  said,  or  assuming  the  responsibility  of  its 
truth.  Such  a  course  in  our  opinion  cannot  be 
justified  or  defended.  It  is  directly  at  war  with 
every  principle  of  fairdealing  and  honorable  op- 
position. Our  business  however  is  witli  the  ac- 
cur.".cy  of  Judge  WiHi.ams'  statement — not  the 
propriety  of  his  conduct — and  with  the  former 
only  shall  we  now  concern  ourselves. 

Gen.   Jackson  having  been  inforrned  by   a 
friend  in  Virginia   of  Williams'   letter  to  Kerr, 
addressed  the  following  communication  to  him. 
f  General  Jackson  to  Judge  IViltiams.J 
Hermitage,  Feb.  23,  18'28. 

Sin — Having  received  a  letter  from  a  high- 
rtiinded,  honorable  gentleman  of  Virginia,  who 
loves  truth,  and  kniiivs  how  to  appreciate  charac- 
ter, I  lose  no  tirne  in  laying  before  you,  the  post- 
script of  his  letter,  which  is  in  the  following 
words,  to  wit; — "  It  may  be  well  to  say,  that  a 
letter  was  handed  about  at  the  Adams  Conven- 
tion, I  hear,  accusing  you  of  being  concerned  in 
Burr's  conspiracy,  upon  the  authority  of  a  Judge 
Nathaniel  WillUims  of  your  State.  The  report 
is,  that  this  Judge  Williams  writes,  when  a 
young  man,  he  applied  to  you,  then  a  Judge,  to 
sign  his  license  as  a  lawyer,  tliat  you  did  so,  but 
reconii|iepded  to  him,  as  you  conceived  him  to 
be  a  man  of  promise,  to  push  his  foitune  by 
joining  Burr,  wiio  was  then  in  your  house,  pro- 
mising, if  he  would  do  so,  to  procure  for  him  a 
commission  as  a  Captain  in  Burr's  army.  This 
story  is  going  the  rounds  from  the  Adams  Dele- 
gates, who  have  returned  home,  notwithstand- 
ng  they  ought  to  knovv  that  you  was  the  first 
person  to  put  Governor  Claiborne  on  his  guard 
against  the  schemes  of  BuiT.   VERBUM  SAT.'" 

The  records  of  the  country  contradict  this 
statement,  as  it  is  well  known  that  I  resigned 
my  appointment  of  Judge,  before  Col.  ISurr 
eter  was  in  the  State  of  'Tennessee.  I  cannot, 
then,  for  one  moment,  permit  myself  to  believe 
that  you,  elevated  as  you  are,  to  a  seat  on  the 
judicial  bench  of  Tennessee,  could  give  your 
authority  to  stjch  an  unfounded  falsehood. — 
Diity  to  myself,  as  well  as  lustiee  to  you,  there- 
fore, requii'e  that  I  should,  without  delay,  .ad- 
vise you  of  this  hbel  upon  my  char.acter,  so  that 
you  may  at  once  declare  whet,.er  you  are  or  are 
not  the  author  of  this  calumny,  before  I  expose 
it  as  such. 

I  am,  and  have  been,  well  advised  of  a  secret- 
combination  of  :i  base  and  wicked  few  in  Tennes- 
see, whose  object  is  to  slander  me,  but,  until  now, 
I  liave  never  heard,  crhad  the  least  intimation 
that  you  were  of  that  group.  Nor  do  I  now  be- 
lieve that  you,  who  must  be  so  well  satisfied  of 
the  falsehood  contained  in  the  postscript  of  the 
letti.T  referred  to  aboye,  as  well  as  the  rectitude 
of  my  conduct  since  your  acquaintance  with  me, 
could  be  so  lost  to  virtue  and  to  truth  as  to  have 
originated  and  ])ut  in  circulation  so  base  a  calum- 
ny- With  this  imp<;-cssion  I  send  J-  W.  D.  S. 
Donelson  to  you  with  this  communication,  hav- 
ing no  doubt,  as  an  honorable  man,  that  jou 
will  send  me  a  frank  and  prompt  reply. 

(A  copy.  Signed)  ANDREW  JACKSON. 
The  Hon.  N.vtiiamiel  Williams, 

Judiie  of  fh*'  (Urntif  Co^irts  of  T'fvn''sf>ce. 


361 


U  will  be  obserred  that  whilst  Gen.  Jackson 
refers  to  the  time  of  his  retirement  from  the 
bench  to  disprove  the  truth  of  the  slatemenl 
which  he  «-as  informed  had  been  made,  be  ex- 
plicitly denies  the  truth  of  the  charge  against 
himself,  independently  of  the  circumstances  de- 
tailed in  cormeX'On  with  it.  He  pronounces  it 
a  "libel  ujion"  his  "character,"  and  a  "calum- 
ny ;" — and  says,  "  nor  do  I  now  believe  that 
you  wlio  must  be  so  we'l  satisfied  of  the  false- 
hood contained  in  the  post  <cript  of  the  letter  re- 
ferred t:i  above,  as  well  as  the  rectitude  of  my 
fonducl  since  your  atqualntance  with  me,  could 
be  so  lost  to  virtue  and  to  truth  as  to  have  ori- 
f^inatcd  and  put  iivto  circulation  sobase  a  calum- 
ny. A  move  full  and  unequivocal  denial  of  the 
criminality  charg-ed  charged  upon  him,  as  well 
as  the  truth  of  Williams'  story,  could  not  well 
have  been  framed. 

To  this  letter,  Williams  makes  the  following- 
reply  : 

C Judge  Williams'  reply  to  Gea.  Jackson.  J 

Sparta,  Feb.  2",  1S28. 

After  copying  from  Gen  .Jackson's  letter  to 
me,  the  report  as  stated  in  his  letter,  I  w  rote  as 
follows  : 

1  can  very  frankly  deny  ever  having  written 
the  letter  .spoken  of  by  the  gentleman  wote 
you  from  Was:ungton,  but  I  did  write  a  letter  to 
a.  relation  of  mine,  at  thatf  time  in  Richmond. 
The  letter,  if  seen,  would  siiow  that  it  was  de- 
signed as  a  confidential  one.  I  do  not  at  tiiis 
time  recollect  accurately  what  the  letter  did 
contain;  I  believe,though,l  can  remember  a  part, 
if  not  the  whole,  of  what  I  intended  at  the  time, 
and  I  wdl  state  it,  as  it  is  but  just  that  what  has 
been  by  me  means  privately  circulatet',  s*iould 
be  publicly  .avowed  under  the  necessities  of  this 
case.  • 

Some  time  after  Burr  had  passed  Nashville 
once  or  twice,  to  tl>e  lower  country,  before  Mr. 
.Tefl'erson's  proci.amition,  ir,  riding  from  Gen. 
,!ackson's  house  to  N.ishv ille,  Geii.  .lacksou,  in 
reference  to  thatconspiracy,  or  what  was  a'ter- 
wards  called  by  others  a  conspiracy,  said  to  me, 
"  thati  could,  if  I  would  accept  of  it,  obtain  a 
commission  of  captain." 

Afterwards,  during  the  sitting  of  the  Covuity 
Court  of  Sumner,  at  ati  me  when  Patton  Ander- 
son told  me  that  eitbei"  Surr  or  Adair,  or  both  of 
them,  were  at  Gen.  .lackson's  house,  in  a  room 
of  a  tavern  tlien  kept  hy  an  Edmund  Crutchcr, 
General  Jackson  said  to  me — I  think  Judge 
Stewart  was  then  in  the  room — "  Take  notice. 
Gentlemen,  you  will  find  that  a  division  of  the 
United  States  has  taken  deep  root ;  jou  will 
find  that  a  number  of  the  Senate,  and  a  number 
of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives are  deeply  involved  in  the  scheme  " 

I  am  not  certain  that  the  above  was  contain- 
ed in  my  private  letter  to  Mr.  Nathaniel  Kerr; 
but  as  I  have  made  these  statements  priv.ately, 
it  is  but  just  Uiat  I  should  now  avow  them. 

Ism  in  hopes,  sir,  that  this  letter  will  be  al- 
together satisfactory  to  you,  for.  Gen.  Jackson 
may  be  assured  (the  Presidential  question  aside) 
no  man  can  feel  more  bound  to  Gen.  Jackson 
than  myself,  for  the  great  honor  conferred  by 
him  on  my  country. 

KATH.   W.   WIT.T.IAMS. 
(Copy.1 

Grv.  A  vpRKM' .TAf'icsnv.  - 


This  letter  wbiist  it  was  so  prepared  as  to  u 
Toid  asserting  directly  or  by  necessary  infer- 
ence, that  the  writer  had  not  informed  his  cor- 
respondent, that  his  conversation  with  General 
Jackson  took  place  on  his  applying  to  the  latter 
to  examine  him  for  a  license,  is  manifestly  so 
worded  as  to  convey  that  impression  to  those 
who  read  It.  The  letter  to  Kerr,  we  have 
never  seen.  But  we  have  heard  it  spoken  of 
by  manv — as  well  in  Richmond  wi;en  it  was  first 
exhibited,  as  eliewhere  smce — by  some  who 
had  seen  it,  and  some  who  had  not — and  up  to 
tile  time  of  Judge  Williams'  publication,  we  had 
always  heard  its  purport  represented  in  the 
same  manner,  and  to  tlie  best  of  our  recollec- 
tion, tlie  conversation  uniforn)ly  described  as 
having  taken  place  at  Gen.  Jackson's. house  on 
Williams'  applying  to  him  for  a  license.  Now, 
Judge  Williams  seC7ns  to  deny  that  such  was  his 
statement,  and  we  arc  told  by  those  who  sus-- 
tain  and  profess  to  beheve  him,  that  his  letter 
(lid  not  contain  it.  If  gentlemen  who  have 
seen  that  letter  make  that  assertion,  we  cannot 
disbelieve  them.  But  then  the  inquiry  immedi- 
ately presents  itself  how  did  it  happen  that  an 
avowed  "conjecture"  of  Mr.  Kerr's  (for  such 
we  are  nov/  informed  from  several  sources,  was 
its  character)  came  to  be  represented  by  the 
\CTv  gentlemen  who  heard  it,  in  the  v.ry  place 
tiiat  it  wai  expressed,  and  we  imagine  on  the 
ver)"  dav  of  its  utterance,  as  tiie  solemn  affirma- 
tion of  .fudge  Williams;  and  has  been  so  repeat- 
ed and  circulated  forsix  months.  What  are  we 
to  think  of  a  party  who  if  their  explanation  b^ 
true,  convert  "  conjecture",  into  proof-^circu- 
late  it  as  evidence  establishing  a  criminal  charge 
against  him  whona  they  oppose,  .and  are  lengtli 
induced  to  confess  its  real  nature,  not  from  aay 
lingering  sense  of  justice,  bui  to  skreen  the 
character  of  their  witness'  Tlie  defence  may 
possibly  avaU  Williams — it  assuredly  deeply 
criminates  uthei'S.  If  however  those  concerned 
be  ambitious  of  the  honor  which  such  an  ex- 
planation unavoich'.blj  "infers  on  them,  it  be- 
comes not  us  to  disput.  their  title  to  it.  But  we 
will  endeavor  to  siiow  that  tliough  they  claim 
and  enjoy  it,  Williams  is  not  necessarily  inno- 
cent of  having  made  the  stateir.ent,  which  they 
would  now  disclaim  for  him. 

It  must  be  adm.itted  to  be  extremely  impro- 
bable that  -Mr.  KeiT  should  hjive  hazarded  a  con- 
jecture of  that  sort  at  all,  unless  he  has  receiv- 
.  d  information  authorizing  it  from  Williams — 
for  from  no  other  source  could  it  have  boon  de- 
rived. How  could  he  have  known  that  Williams 
had  ever  been  examiiied  by  Gen.  J.ackson — or 
if  he  knew  this  only,  what  could  have  induced 
liim  of  liis  own  mere  pleasure,  without  either 
knowing  the  fact  or  having  any  sufficient  reason 
to  presume  it,  to  state  evenasaconjectHre,  that 
the  conver.satioi\  occurred  at  Jackson's  house 
on  his  being  applied  to  by  Williams  for  his  li- 
cense. Why  not  have  conjectured  that  it  took 
place  at  Nashville,  or  at  some  Court,  or  at  the 
memorable  ball  which  Burr  attended'  Such 
conjectiu'es  would  have  been  more  probably 
correct,  because  at  the  latter  places,  it  might 
have  been  reason.ably  supposed  that  Gen.  Jack- 
son and  Wilhams  had  met.  And  if  it  be  im- 
probable that  Kerr  should,  in  mere  wantonness, 
have  hazrrded  as  conjectural  only,  the  state- 
ment ascribed  to  him — how  much  more  so  is  it, 
il>nthe  should  have  made  it,  not  ris  a  •surmise of 


Jb'i^ 


1  lis  own,  but  Ub  lienved  tro2ii  V\iiiiains  himself, 
if  in  fact  he  had  no  authority  for  the  represen- 
tation?   That  he  did  maku  it  in  suc'.i  a  mann-.r 
as  to  induce  that  impression  we  have  heard  from 
unquestionable  authority;  and  indeed  the  act  of 
his  party  in  Circulating'  it  as  a  part  of  the  tesli- 
moiiy  of  Williams,  should  at  least  sa.tisfiy  them- 
selves that  he  was  g-'enerally  so  understood. — 
AVhen  in  addition,  it  is  known,  as  we  have  been 
informed  was  Uic  case,  that  Mr.  Kerr  had  seen 
Judge  Williams  within  a  short  lime  previous  to 
the  receipt'Of  h'S  letter  in  January,  it  cannot  we 
think  be  doubted,  that  his  statements — now  al- 
Jeged  to  have  beenhis  conjectures — were  made 
on  the  authority  of  Williams,  whether  contain- 
ed in  his  letter  or  not.     It  is  the  only  pesunip- 
tion  warranted  by  the  facts^the  only  one  which 
t^an  be  indulged  consistently  with  tiie  character 
and  integrity  of  Mr.  Kerr  arid  his  party. 
.   Assuming, then,  as  we  may  fairly  do,  that  the 
olleged  coq^jecture   of  Kerr  was"  in  trutli  the 
statement  of  Williams  himself,   it  follows  as  a 
necessary  consecjuencc,  that  the  inconsistency 
— the  contradiction  between  hia  first  and  sub- 
sequent represent.-itions,  render    both   utterly 
wnworthy  of  confidence.     We  do  nbt  pretenil 
to  assert — no  man  in  his  senses  can — that  the 
character  of  any  communication  made  by  Gen. 
Jackson  to  Williams  was  at  all  affected  by  the 
phcE  of  it.     If  it  was  criminal  at  his  house  on 
Williams'  going  to  be  examined  liy  him,  it  would 
Jiave  been  equally  sc,  if  made  at  tlie  same  time, 
on  the  road  to   Nashville   or  elsewhere.     Kut 
considered    in   relation   to  the   credit   of   the 
Wtness,  we  beg  to  know  what  faith  can   be 
reposed    in  his   testimony,  who   at  one  time 
Jocates  a  criminal    charge  at    one    place,   and 
then  at  another — who  hi-st  details  certain  cir- 
cumstances as  attending  the  act,  and  wlien  tlie 
falsthond'Cf  thuse  circumstttAcci:  is  exposed  hei/onfl 
nil  questiun,  substitutes  others  in  their  stead? 
The  criminality  of  a  felon  is  in  no  manner  de- 
pendent on  the  precise  spot  on  which  the  of- 
fence   was    perpetrated.      It    can,    however, 
scarcely  be  questioned,  that  were  a  witness  for 
■A  prosecution  to  testily  at  one  time  to  its  having 
b,cn  committed  at  a  cert. lin  pl.ice,  under  ccr- 
>;.!n   ■  ircumslances,  and  al'ierwar.ls  to  say  that 
it  was  committed  at  another,  and  con.iected  with 
difieiciit  incidents,   his    testimony   would  and 
ought  to  be  ^v'hol!y  disregarded,  "for  thi.s  very 
good  rcison — he  must  have  spoken  ignorantly 
or  falsely,  either  on  one  occasion  or  the  other, 
and  we  can  have  no  assurance  that  he  lias  been 
better  "siformed  as  to  i'acts,  or  more  observant 
of  truth,  on  other  and  more  material   points. 
This  principle,  sanctioned  Uj  the  law  of  all  civi- 
lized countries,  and  tiie   feelings  and  common 
sense  of  eve:y  intelligent  human  being-,  would- 
',    in  a  case  of  similar  inconsistency  on  the  part  of 
tlie   witness  against  him,   protect   the   veriest 
wretch  who  was  ever  dragged  to  the  bar  of  jus-, 
tice,  loaded  with  ignominy  and  suspicion,    ilay 
;    we  not  then  claim  its  benefit  in  behalf  of  in  il- 
lustrious man,  charged  with  a  crime,  against 
^   vhich  th^  integrity  of  a  long  and  useful   life, 
"  trumpet-tongued"  defend  him. 

Of  llie  witness  in  this  case,  v.-e  know  nothing 

personally — we  do  not  even  know,  though  we 

'    iiavc  the  best   reason  to  behove  it,  tjiat  he   has 

involved  himself  ill  the  contradiction  which,  if 

J    it  exists,   wc  say  should  discredit  liiin,     (3f  his 

I    motives  too,  we  have   m  knowledo-c:  ho  m:(',' 


have  been  excited  by  mahgiiiiy,  or  liave  beei. 
deceived  by  the  forgetfulness  of  age.     But  the. 
objection  we  have  urged  to  the  auSiority  cf  his  ' 
testimony,  we  are  persuaded  cannot  be  contro- 
verted. 

But  waiving  it — putting  out  of  view  that  he 
once  asserted  as  we  have  attempted  to  show, 
that  the  conveisation  referred  to  with  General 
Jackson  occurred  at  the  |iouse  of  the  latter  on  hi^ 
applying  to  him  for  his  license,  and  now,  since 
it  has  been  clearly  establisiicd  that  at  that  time 
General  Jackson  was  r.o  Judge  and  therefore 
could  not  have  been  applied  to  for  any  sucU 
purpose,  that  it  occurred  during  a  casual  ride 
to  Nashville — admitting  tliat  the  error  contain- 
ed in  his  representation  to  Kerr,  shall  not  affect 
the  statements  iu  his  letter  to  floncwl  Jackson, 
— and  that  they  are  true — AVliat  do  they  prove  •' 
We  confidently  answer  nothing  in  the  slightest 
degree  implicating   Gen.  Jackson's  character. 

The  letter  of  Williams  to  Gen.  Jackson,  con- 
tains but  two  averments — first  that  Gen.  Jack - 
full,  speaking  in  reference  to  I'tiri-'s  expeditioTij 
saidto  him,  that  he  "  could,  if  he  would  aijcept 
it,  obtaina  Commission  of  Captain:"  and  se- 
condly, that  General  Jackson  subsequently  re- 
marked to  him,  "  Take  notice,  gentlemen,  you 
will  findth.at  a  division  of  the  U .  States  has  tak- 
en deep  root,"  &c.  Granting  these  observations 
to  have  been  correctly  under.stood  and  repcVt- 
ed,  which,  bearing  in  mind  that  WiUiatns  wa3 
unable  to  recollect  what  he  had  written  to  Kerr 
but  two  months  before,  is  at  least  doubtful — it 
may  be  easily  shown  that  their  character,  and 
of  course  their  susceptibility  of  being  construed 
into  the  evidence  of  guilt,  depend  entirely  on 
their  respective  dates. 

It  is  v>-eH  known  that  for  a  conffiderable  timf; 
afterBun-had  indicated  his  intention  of  en,gaging 
in  a  .Southcril  expedition — after  indeed  he  licfd 
notoriously  commenced  his  preparittions,  hisrciU 
object  wasnot  suspected,  but  was  suppressed  by 
almost  every  one,  only  to  extend  to  an  incursion 
upon,  or  a  settlement  in  the  Spanish  terrltoiy — 
a  project  in  which  it  was  generally  believed,  he 
was,  if  not  encouraged,  at  least  not  opposed  by 
his  own  government.  Under  this  impression, 
many  most  patriotic  andrespectable  men  joined 
him  ;  and  many  more  associared  with  him,  and 
paid  him  the  respect  due  to  high  itanding,  with- 
out the  shglitest  suspicion  of  his  treasonable  in- 
tentions, it  was  indeed  a  considerable  time, 
before  his  real  designs  became  known.  '?'he 
station  which  he  had  but  recently  occupied  in 
the  government,  his  character,  and  hisaddress. 
,ill  conspired  to  create  and  to  continue  the  de- 
ception. Gcu.  Jackson  along  with  otliers  was 
deceived  :  liowhe  at  length  became  aware  of 
his  real  designs,  we  .shall  hereafter  have  occa- 
sion to  show. 

.  If  we  be  correct  in  this  view  of  the  subject, 
or  rather  in  this  historic.il  detail,  nothing  more 
can  be  necessary  to  satisfy  the  minds  of  the  most 
prejudiced,  that  as  we  asserted,  the  construc- 
tion to  be  placed  on  these  imputed  remarks  of 
Gen,  ,T.ickson,  must  depend  entirely  on  the 
time  when  they  occurred  If  the  first  w.is  ex- 
pressed before  he  became. undeceived,  and  the 
latter  afterwards,  then  all  must  admit  tliat  they 
prove  nothing  to  his  prejad:ce.  It  is  only  by 
assuming  that  the  alleged  offer  of  the  captaincy 
look  place  after  <^eu.  Jackson  became  acquaint- 
ed with  lirrn's  dcsicns  to  s-^ver 'he,I'n!'.)n — in 


3&0 


oUiei-  wciiils,  by  Goniiectiiighis  twTj observations, 
ihixt  his  guilt  is  inferred.  We  have  as  much 
rc-.ison  to  s;iy,  as  wc  conscieutiously  believe,  that 
lit  the  time  of  the  first  remark,  Burr's  true  object 
was  unknown  to  Gen.  Jackson;  and  as  these  re- 
marks are  adduced  in  support  of  the  cliarg-e,  it 
is  clearly  incumbent  on  those  who  rely  on  them, 
to  prove  that  they  occurred  at  the  times  assumed 
by  them,  otherwise  they  aflbrd  no  evidence  in 
their  favor.  No  such  pi-oot  has  been  offered, 
;(nd  tlierefore,  we  have  the  riijlitto  conclude,  in 
the  absence  of  all  proof  oi'  the  subject,  that 
they  occurred  at  the  times  we  believe  them  to 
have  taken  place,  and  wiien  they  were  entirely 
Innocent.  But  we  will  go  farther,  and  express 
1.lie  opinion  that  Wilhams's  own  statement,  if  it 
•loes  not  prove,  at  least  clearly  indicates  that 
these  remarks  were  made  at  the  times  supposed 
by  us.  As  to  the  first,  he  expressly  says,  it  was 
' '  liefiire  Mr.  Jefferson's procluma'ion,"  and  that  it 
■was  in  relttiou  to  what  \vi\s  "ofkrwards  called 
aconspirassj."  If  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence, 
iieitlier  government  nor  individuals  were  appris- 
<.-d  of  Burr's  designs — if  rumor  even  had  not  cal- 
led his  sclieme  a  "conspiracy,"  we  are  utterly 
unable  to  perceive  how  Gen.  Jackson  can  be 
presumed  to  have  penetrated  his  object,  and 
upon  this  violent  presumption  be  held  responsi- 
ble for  an  observation,  which,  at  that  time,  any 
other  naan  in  the  nation  might  have  innocently 
made.  As  to  the  last  remark  ascribed  to  Gen. 
Jackson,  William:-  admits  i*.  was  "afterwards," 
that  is,  after  the  fifit;  and  therefore  even  if  it 
be  conceded  that  it  was  made,  it  assuredly  can- 
not be  connected  with  tlie»<lrst.  If,  as  must 
lave  been  the  case,  itoecurrcd  afierlie  became 
;icquainted  with  Burr's  object,  it  siiows  that  he 
was  the  first  man  to  proclaim  hi  >  designs  and 
warn  his  friends  against  tliem. 

This  letter,  then,  admitting  every  word  of  it 
to  be  true,  does  not  crimiriatc  (^cn  Jackson,  i:; 
the  slightest  degree.  In  the  language  of  Wii- 
Siftms,  it  could  not  have  been  otherwise  tnan 
"altogether  satisisctory"  totlie  General,  (so  far 
ut  least  as  it  implicated  his  charac'-.er,  )though  he 
may  not  have  been  satisfied  as  to  tlie  accuracy 
ofitj  statements.* 

•  We  have  been  informed  tbat  for  many 
years  after  Burr's  conspiracy.  Judge  \Villiams 
i-emaJned  intimate  with  Gen.  Jackson.  lie  could 
:iiot,  therefore,  himself,  have  believed  in  the 
charge  which  he  now  makes. 

It  is  .tsserted  by  the  Knoxville  Enquirer  that 
Judge  Williams,  a  few  days  after  Jackson  had 
offered  him  a  captaincy  in  Burr's  army,  wrote 
TO  his  relation,  Col.  John  Williams,  communi- 
i;ating  the  fact.  But  Col.  Willi.ams,  in  a  late 
circular,  speaking  of  the  suspicions  wliich  once 
prevailed  that -Jacicson  had  been  engaged  witli 
&air,  ssys  that,  for  his  part,  he  "acted  on  the 
principle  which  shall  always  govern"  his  "  con- 
dnct,  of  condemning  no  individu.al  u^jon  rumor, 
and  without  testimony;-^'  and  therefore  disre- 
gaid  the  suspicions.  And  yet,  if  the  En- 
<\uirer,  the  organ  of  Judge  Williv^s,  speaks 
truth,  Col.  Williams  was  mfonned  of  the  fact 
which  is  nrQW  relied  on  as  evidence  of  General 
Jackson's  guilt,  in  a  few  days  after  its  occui'- 
I'ffnce. 

A  charge  not  believed  by  its  atitjior  or  his  re- 
lation, who  is  .said  to  be  his  instigator  also,  can 
pravfelv  b*"-  lielieved  bv  anv  ono  I'X^c-. 


Of  this,  Wliiiams  and  his  instigatca's  ueic 
welKaware.  I'or  when  after  a  lapse  of  four  or 
five  months  it  was  determined  to  revive  the  cal- 
umny contained  in  his,  letter  to  Kerr,  and  to 
publisli  it  to  the  world,  in  the  hope  no  doubt  si' 
being  able  to  affect  by  it  tiie  approaching  elec- 
tion in  Kentucky, — we  fiud  them  not  content 
with  republishing  his  letter  to  Gen.  Jackson, 
and  relviug  upon  tlie  evidence  which  it  affords  ; 
but  the'TolIowing  statement  accompanies  it. 

"Under  the  belief  that  it  is  my  duty  to  make 
the  following  statement,  \  make  it.  I  moved  to 
Nasliville,  Teniiessce,  from  the  County  of  Pitt- 
sylvania, Virginia,  in  the  fall  of  the  year  1804, 
;;t  tlie  age  of  twenty  five,  that  is,  I  moved  from 
Virginia,  in  1803,  to  Hawkins  Couil-House. 
East  Teunessee,  and  from  there  I  moved  to 
Nashville.  In  1805  or '7,  these  Buit  matters 
transpired.  I  before  protesting  against  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Burr,  had  been  frequently  eniploy- 
eA\n  r.en.  J.ackson's  collecting  business  and 
other  suits.  I  think  in  the  spring  or  fall  of  1805, 
in  nding  from  the  General's  house  to  Nashville, 
ne.ai-  the  Clover  Bottom,  ha  spoke  to  me  in  re- 
lation to  the  Comniis^ion  in  Burr's  afmy.  And 
in  the  same  year,  at  G;dlatin,  he  made  the  dec- 
laration ill  relation  to  the  division  of  the  Uuion, 
as  stited  in  our  coiTcsponileiice.  1  riot  only 
then  determined  that  I  would  not  agree  to  what 
t  believed  to  be  Burr's  schemes,  but  that  1 
would  oppose  I'.im  as  tin'  as  I  could.  Kither 
before  or  after  ilr.  J efiersson's  proclamation, 
it  was,  as  I  tlsonght,  intended  to  impress  the 
public  mind  with  the  belief 'di.it  a  balU  then 
on  hand  in  Nashville,  was  intended  as  a 
mwk  of  respect  to  Col.  Biu-r.  A  number  of 
gentlemen  in  Nashville,  to  destroy  this  sipres 
sion,  and  to  shew  their  disapprobation  of  Buif, 
determined  that-  Co!.  Barr  should  not  a'- 
tend  the  ball,  and  so  informed  Colori:i 
BniT  through  Judge  John  Overton,  who  retur.i- 
cd  witii  the  information,  as  he  told  me,  from 
Burr,  th.atCol.  Bnii-  had  declined  coming  to  th- 
ball.^ — With  this  we  were  satisfied.  About  tin; 
time  the  ball  was  half  over,  Iwasstanding  again-  ■; 
the  wall,  opposite  the  door  of  entrance  inth-. 
room,  .and  saw  Gen.  Jackson  lead  Buit  by  t',.- 
arm  into  the  room,  and  introduce  him,  v.i:'.i 
considerable  form,  to  the  ladies  and  geiukmcii 
then  present.  I  do  not  recollect  at  tliis  titiii-, 
that  Mr.  Jefferson's  proclamation  had  any  eilcrc'^ 
on  the  persons  then  about:  Naslivdle,  who  were, 
from  their  conduct,  justly  liable  to  our  suspi- 
cions, and  I  think,  I  took  some  pains  to  enquire 
into  that  circumstance. — Some  time  afterwards, 
our  party;  to  show  their  furtlier  indignation, 
burnt  Burr  pubhcly  in  effigy;  I  have  alw-ays  be- 
lieved that  Gurhig  this  Burr  matter,  tliat  Majn;- 
Tilman  Dixon  informed  me,  by  letter,  that  Ger,. 
Coffee  had  been  engaged  in  procuring  boats  and 
provLiions  for  Bun-  on  Cumberland  river,  tl-.ougU 
the  letter,  if  there  was  one,  I  cannot  now  find, 
and  I  have  examined  foiyt.  It  was  my  under- 
standing at  the  time,  that  Col.  Stokely  U.  Hay.s 
wentofi'as  one  of  B',n-r's  men  in  his  boats,  and 
1  have  never  heard  it  disputed  since.  Col.  Hays 
is  a  nephew  of  Mrs.  Jackson.  Although  I  ne- 
ver was  at  Gen.  Jackson':-  house  with  Burr,  ye" 
X  am  tolerably  well  satisiicd  according  to  my 
own  recollection  at  this  time  of  occurrences  then, 
that  in  the  of  ISOd,  and  whiter  of  180r,  Burr, 
and  Gen.  Jackson  were  vcrj'  intimate;  and  llrav. 
Burr  was  fr.-.'qucntly   at   the   Gcuera'.'s  housr. 


3B4 


The  above  is  4  statement  of  die  most  prominent 
facts  as  they  are  fixed  on  my  recollection.     If  I 
am  mistaken  about  any  thing,  it  is  about  dates, 
and  about  them  I  do  not  pretend  to  accuracy. 
NATH.   W.   WILLIAMS. 
.9  list  oj  the  gentelmen  in  the  ballronm  at  the  time, 
and  who  were  present  on  the  public  square  at 
jfttshti/le,  when  Burr  was  burnt  in  effigy  as 
well  as  7101V  recollected. 
Geo.   \V.  L.  Marr,   Attorney  at  Law, 
■\V'm.  Smith,    Attorney    at   Law,    and  now 
Clerk  of  tlie  Circuit  Court,  of  Williamson'coun- 

ty. 

Thos.  Swan,  of  Virginia,  Attorney  at  Law, 
(dead.) 

Doctor  Watkins,  of  East  Tenn. 

John  G.  Blount,  of  N.  C. 

Judge  Porter,  of  Louisiana, 

N.  Tunstall,    of  Pittsylvania  County,  Va. 

E.  S.  Hall. 

CuiTy,  former  Postmaster  at  Nashville. 

I  am  not  certain  tliat  the  gentleman  referred 
to  were  present;  if  not  they  cau  say ;  the  great- 
er part  I  am  pretty  confident  were  present.  I 
very  well  know  tlicre  were  at  the  burning  of  the 
effigy  from  one  to  two  hundred  individuals. 
N.   W.   WILLIAMS."* 

Tlie  only  new  allegation  of  importance  con- 
tained in  this  expose,  relates  to  Uie  attendance 
by  Burr  of  a  ball  in  Nashville.  The  others  had 
been  made  before,  or  are  now  made  with  so  lit- 
tle certainty  o.nd  precision  both  as  to  dates  and 
facts,  as  not  to  merit  or  admit  of  refutation . — 
And  Jh  regard  to  it,  we  are  so  fortunate  as  to 
have  the  evidence  of  a  gentleman  present  at 
tliat  ball,  which  proves  beyond  all  question  tliat 
Williams'  statement  on  this  subject  is  untrue. 
The  gentleman  to  whom  we  refer,  is  Dr.  Thrs. 
G.  Watkins  of  East  Tennessee,  one  of  those 
named  by  Williams  himself  as  present  on  the 
occasion  referred  to.  Dr.  Watkins  during  a 
visit  to  Virginia  last  Spring,  having  detailed  to 
one  of  the  editors  of  this  paper  the  facts  con- 
nected with  Burr's  going  to  this  ball,  was  re- 
quested by  him  to  commit  tliem  to  writing;  and 
in  compliance  witli  tliis  request,  addressed  to 
him  the  following  letter: 


*  This  man  has  more  recently  addressed  ano- 
ther communication  to  the  public.  As,  how- 
ever, it  contains  no  new  fact,  but  is  rather  a  silly 
argument  in  support  of  his  charge,  we  sliall  not 
encumber  our  columns  with  his  trash.  Accom- 
panying it,  is  a  letter  from  a  Mr.  .lohn  Hoover, 
who  states  among  otlier  similar  reasons  for  be- 
lieving the  charge,  that  the  standing  of  Jackson 
was  at  th.at  time  at  so  low  an  ebb,  that  lie  proba- 
bly supposed  he  liad  nothinj;  to  loose,  and  there- 
fore might  readily  have  engaged  in  such  a 
scheme.  We  should  suppose  this  fellow  has 
no  character  to  loose,  or  he  certainly  v.ould  not 
have  stated  so  absurd  a  falsehood.  It  is  well 
known  th.at  General  Jackson  in  his  youth,  was 
the  Attoriie;  General  of  his  State,  afterwards  a 
member  of  either  House  of  Congress — had  re- 
signed recently  a  Judgship; — and  w.ts  then,  .ns 
he  has  always  been,  one  of  tlie  most  popular 
men  in  the  State.  Yet  this  Mr.  Jolni  Hoover, 
whom  no  one  ever  heard  of,  testifies  tiiat  liis 
standing  in  life  was  then  desperate.  It  woul 
he  dilhiuilt  to  say,  wheth'^r  this  man  displays 
most  folly  or  maligiiitv,"" 


CBAHtOTTEsvriLE,  May  14,  1828, 
Deak  Sir — In  the  winter  of  1806  or '7,  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection  as  to  the  time,  I  was  a 
member  of  the  dancing  assemblies,  for  the  sea- 
son, in  Nashville.  On  one  of  the  evenmgs  pre- 
ceding a  stated  meeting  for  the  night,  it  was 
communicated  to  the  managers  for  the  season, 
two  of  whom  T  distinctly  recollect,  were  the 
present  John  Overton,  L.  L.  D.  of  Traveller's 
Rest,  near  Nashville,  and  the  late  Doctor  Han- 
son Catlett — that  Col.  Burr  was  in  town.  He 
was  immediately  ticketed,  as  Judge  Overton  in- 
formed me,  nem.  con.  I  think  by  the  managers. 
Some  one,  I  do  not  now  recollect  who,  objected 
to  this  act  of  the  managers.  Judge  Overton  re- 
marked that  he  had  concurred  in  the  invitation, 
from  a  conviction  of  its  propriety — but,  as  he 
acted  upon  delegated  authority,  he  wished  a 
meeting,  as  full  and  general  as  practicable,  of  the 
subscribers  to  the  assemblies,  to  be  convened; 
and  if  a  majority  of  them  disapproved  of  the  act 
of  the  maiiag.^rs,  the  invifcitioii  to  Mi'.  Burr  should 
be  promptly  withdrawn.  A  meeting,  a  very  full 
meeting  was  called,  and  a  m.ijority  sanctioned 
the  act  of  the  managers.  The  ball  went  on 
very  harmoniously  ;  Col.  Burr,  though  some- 
what distnisted  by  some,  was  considered  an 
elef>' int  acquisition  to  it — and  was  treated  ac- 
cordingly ;  a  hospitable,  and  gracious  smil^  from 
the  ladies,  in  return  for  his  very  gcnerfl,  and 
very  elegant  salutations,  proved  their  happy  ac- 
quiesence,  in  the  general  an'angement.  Gene- 
ral Jackson  resided  about  fourteen  miles  from 
Nashville  at  the  time:  if  he  and  his  amiable  lady 
attended  on  that  occasion  as  they  often  did  on 
others — I  have  lost  all  distinct  recollection  of  it, 
which,  I  think  I  should  not,  If  there  had  been 
any  thing  more  marked  in  the  attention  of  either 
to  Col.  Burr,  than  seemed  to  be  generally  awar- 
ded to  him  by  the  company  present.  While 
on  this  subject  I  will  remark,  that,  sometime 
previous  to  this  Ball,  a  youug  gentleman  who  re- 
sided in  my  family  in  Nashville,  appeared  anx- 
ious to  go  with  Col.  Burr — he  afterwards  cooled 
off.  And  questioned  on  the  subject,  by  myself 
or  some  one  in  my  presence,  he  stated  that  a 
Mr.  Caffrey,  I  think  was  the  name,  had  been 
about  that  time  advised — verbally  or  by  a  letter, 
I  am  not  certain  which — by  Gen.  Jackson,  to 
have  notliing  to  do  with  Col.  Bun-'s  expedition. 
Respectfully,  TH.    G.   WATKINS. 

It  is  thus  clearly  shown  that  Burr  was  invited 
to  the  ball — that  his  invitation  was  not  recalled, 
but  sanctioned  by  the  subscribers, — and  there- 
fore  all  assertions  of  insinuations  that  he  was  in- 
troduced by  Gen.  Jackson  against  the  consent 
of  the  gentlemen  attending,  are  without  the 
shadow  of  a  foundation.  From  the  statement  of 
"Dr.  Watkins,  it  is  also  extremely  improbable 
tliat  Gen.  Jackson,  if  present  at  all,  sliowed  to 
Burr  more  attention  than  is  usually  paid  to  a 
distinguished  stranger,  to  whose  prejudice,  no- 
thing w  known:  the  assertion  of  Williams  to  the 
contrai-y  notwiihstancKng,  who,  if  his  memory- 
he  asb.id  aswh.^'i  it  suits  his  purposes,  he  choos- 
es to  represent  it,  may  well  nave  been  standing 
on  his  her.d  iu  a  corner,  for  aught  he  now  knows 
to  the  contrary,  instead  of  on  hia  feet  "against 
tlie  wall  opposite  the  drjor." 

The  statements  of  Williams — the  witness  so. 
much  relied  on  by  the  Coalition — h.aving  been 
disposed  of, — it  only  remainr  for  us  to  ofter  a 
f»v.'  r-Tiarks  upon  th»"  charge  itself,  and  refe- 


}d5 


to  and  exhibit  sacii  evidence  m  disproof  of  it,  .nth  the  rest  of  tbe  giei.t  citizen-soldier's  hie. 
as,  in  our  opinion,  conclusively  shows  its  false-  In  the  man  who  m  1806  in  a  sparsely  settled 
{jq'qj  1  '     ■  •■  country,  pledged  himself  to  bring  into  the  field 

The  letter  witten  by  Gen.  Jackson  to  Mr.  at  twenty  days'  notice  three  regiments  of  vo- 
Claiborne,  Governor  of  Louisiana  on  the  12lh  liinteers;  we  recognize  the  same  Andrew  Jack- 
Nov  1806,  is  already  before  the  public.  In  it  son  who,  in  1817,  has  esUiblished  such  a  cha- 
hesavs  "Be  upon 'the  alert,  keep  a  watchful  ructer  for  energy  and  devotion  to  the  public 
eve  upin  our  General,  and  biwarc  of  an  a/tack  weal,  as  to  be  appealed  to  by  the  Federal  Exe- 
ai  well  from  our  own  (ounlnj,  as  Spain .  I  fear  citive  tolead  his  feilow-citizens  into  the  [ndiaii 
there  is  something  rotten  in  the  state  of  Den-  country,  and  "t,  ^  -,ate  the  conflict  which 
mark.  You  have  enemies  within  your  own  city,  was  desolating  tht,  .  jnt-ers. 
that  may  try  to  subvert  >our  government,  and  Xee  President  of  the  United  States. 
try  to  separate  it  from  the  Union.  You  know  sia: — In  the  event  of  insult  or  aggressio;i 
I  never  li2i;ard  ideas  without  good  grounds—  maje  on  our  government  and  country  from  ant 
you  will  keep  these  hints  to  yourself.  But  I  ,iuakteb,  I  am  so  well  convinced  that  the  pub- 
gay  again,  be  upon  the  alert;  your  government  He  sentiment  and  feeUng  of  the  citizens  within 
is  in  danger.  IJear  there  are  plans  on  foot  inimi-  this  state,  and  particularly  witliin  my  division, 
cal  to  the  Union,  whether  they  will  be  attempted  are  buch,  of  such  a  nature  and  sucli  a  kind,  that 
to  be  carried  into  effect  or  not  I  cannot  say :  but  j  take  the  libei-tjwof  tendering  their  services — 
rest  assured  they  are  in  operation,  or  1  calculate  tliat  is,  under  my  command: — and  at  one  mo- 
boldly;"  and  again  in  the  same — "I  will  die  in  cent's  warning.after  your  .signification  that  this 
the  last  ditch  before  I  would  see  the  Union  dis-  tender  is  .-.cceptable,  my  orders  shall  be  given 
united." — In  addition  to  this  warning  to  Gov.     conformably. 

Claiborne,  given  doubtless  as  soon  as  he  be-  [beg  leave  to  offer  to  your  view  the  enclosed 
came  convinced  of  Burr's  intentions,  it  is  also  orders  some  time  ago  issued  by  me  :  since 
known,  that  about  the  same  time,  (suspicions  ivhich  time  I  have  not  been  furnished  witli 
then  beginning  very  generally  to  prevail,)  many    complete  returns  of  the  volunteer  companies  ; 

revolutionary  ofiicers  in  Tennessee  of  ^reat re-   __ ^      ■  ;„;„;"" 

spectubility— men  who  from  their  Situations  m^sy  Edgehill,  July  M,  IK^b. 

be  presumed  to  haveknown  J.ackson  intimatelv,  Deab  Sie.— In  answer  to  yours  of  the  29tli, 
and  from  their  character  cannot  be  suspected  of  requesting  a  copy  of  a  htter  written  f'y  <'«"■ 
having  participated  in  any  treasonable  designs  Jackson  to  Mr.  Jefferson  in  Uie  v/inter  of  1805 
—made  a  formal  tender  to  him  as  their  com-  — I  had  some  doubtsas  to  th#propriety  of  send- 
mander,  of  their  services  in  support  of  "the  ing  it;  but  from  its  being  intended  to  be  used  to 
laws  and  constituted  authorities"  of  the  coun- 
try. 

Mr.  Jefferson  who  was  President  at  the  time 
and  who  is  known  to  have  been  early  informed 
of  Burr's   designs,  of  all  his  preparations,  and 

of  his  associates,  may  be  presumed  to  have  had  credandinviolateasheljniiselfw'ouldhavedonc. 
better  means  of  ascertaining  whether  General  the  confidence  of  lus  private  correspmdence 
Jackson  was  connected  with  him,  than  any  one  I  have  been  the  more  sensible  of  the  propriety 
else.  His  opinion  therefore,  from  the  mere  of  this,  from  the  manner  in  which  his  private 
circumstance  that  he  possessed  this  knowledge,  convevsatioiis  have  been  misconceived  and  re- 
end  apart  from  that  deference  which  might  be  peated,  and  his  privr;te  letters  divulged;  as  pain- 
i,laimed  for  his  judgment,  is  deserving  of  parti-  fvd  to  his  friends,  as  it  has  lieen  cruelly  unjust 
ular  attention.  Whf.t  that  opinion  was,  is  to  him.  All  who  knew  him,  know  how  entire- 
well  known.  As  early  as  the  tliird  of  January,  ly  averse  he  was, — liaving  himself  retired  from 
1827,  he  said  in  a  letter  to  General  Wilkinson,  the  arena, — to  an  expression  of  opinion  con- 
"  Be  assured  that  Tennessee,  and  parlicularlij  cernmg  the  fitness  Or  unfitness  of  any  ofth'.; 
GemralJackson,  are  faithful."  This  opinion  actors  then  upon  tlie  stage;  declaring  his  own 
underwent  no  change.  For  to  a  gentleman  incompetency  to  decide  upon  that  which  was 
whom  we  know  to  have  been  high  in  his  esti-  t!ie  business  of  younger  heads  .and  more  active 
mation,  and  to  have  had  many  long  and  unre-  minds,  conversant  witli  the  scenes  and  circum- 
served  conversations  with  him  on  the  politics  stances  under  which  they  played  their  parts, 
.and  pohtical  history  of  our  country,  he  remark-  This  is  fully  proved  by  the  perfect  doubt  exis- 
cd  only  a  few  years  before  his  death — "  You  ting  amongst  his  most  intimate  and  confidentiiil 
may  depend  upon  it.  Sir,  that  I  had  at  thetime  friends,  as  to  the  object  of  his  preference:  Cicli 
of  that  transaction  the  most  satisfactory  eviden-  thinking  his  own  peculiar  favorite  the  one  ap- 
ces  of  the  vigilance,  patriotism  and  integrity  of    proved  by  him . 

General  Jackson  on  that  occasion."  I  have  been  prompted  to  this  digression,  from 

This  observation  evidently  pointed  to  some     he  deep  moitification  which  lias  been  inilicted 


remove  injiiiious  suspicions  a|^nst  Gen.  o;;.ck, 
son,  I  have  concluded  on  complying  WjtJi  yow^ 
req.icst. 

The  papers  of  Mr.  Jefferson  Laving  passed 
into  my  hands,  it  is  uiy  dut.,>  to  preserve,  as  sa- 


communications  from  the  Western  country — 
among  them,probably  to  one  from  Jackson  him- 
self. Accordingly,  having  ascertained  tlie  ex- 
istence among  Mr.  Jeffenson's  papers  of  a  let- 
ter from  this  ever  ready  patriot,  written  at  the 
close  of  1806;  we  applied  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  ex- 
ecutor for  a  copy  thereof.  It  has  been  com- 
municated* and  will  be  found  to  be  of  a  piece    consequent  misstatement. 

Very  sincerely,  your's, 

*At  the  same  time  was  received  the  following  TH.  JEFFERSON  UANDOLPH. 

letter  from  Mr.  Randolph—  J,  A.  G.  Day!',  B<i\. 


upon  the  family  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  the  manner 
in  which  he  has  been  placed  without  the  pale  of 
the  common  decencies  of  s-ociety,  in  the  viola- 
tion of  his  confidence,  by  the  publication  of  his 
confidential  letters,  and  di\ulging  his  private 
and  unguarded  conversations  so  liable,  without 
the  least  improper  design,  to  misconception  and 


'jt)6 


i>iit  troin  the  inibiTuuiion  I  jiossaas,  i  Lave  [io 
doubt  tJiat  three  re.^iments  of  volunteers  (to  be 
commanded  by  their  own  officers,  and  such  as 
may  be  reconimended'by  their  General)  can  be 
brought  into  the  field,  ready  to  march  in,  twen- 
ty days  from  the  receipt  of  orders. 

Accept  assurances  for  my  higli  consideration 
and  respect,  ANDItEW  .hVCKSON. 

M.  G.  2rf  Division,  Tamcssee, 

[This  letter  Is  without  date.  It  is  endorsed 
however,  in  Mr.  .leflerson's  hand  writing- and 
invariable  manner:  "Jackson,  Genl.  And. 
Tennessee,  rscd.  Nov.  24,  06."  The  import- 
ant words  "  from  any  quarter,"  we  have  set  in 
.tinall  capitals,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing-  to 
them  the  especial  attention  v.-hich  they  merit.] 

Our  columns  are  alreadv  too  crowded  with 
this  iiia.ter,  to  admit  at  full  length  the ' '  orders" 
referred  to  in  this  letter.  IH'hcy  also,  however, 
contain  a  deeply  sij^nifirant  passag-e.  After 
c-alling-  the  attention  to  the  "  hi!e  conduct  of 
the  Spanish  Government,  added  to  the  liostile 
appearance  and  nienacin.if  attitude  of  their  arm- 
etl  forces"  as  making  it  "  necessary  that  the 
Militia  under  his  c\immand  should  be  in  com- 
plete order  and  at  a  moments  warning  ready  to 
march,"  and  impressing-  the  truth  "that  cur 
E'ood  materials,  our  best  of  men  must  be  proi)cr- 
ly  disciplined;  and.in  this  way,  tlie  preperation 
cannot  be  too  great  to  meet  the  wishes  of  the 
General,  and  thdfexig-encies  of  our  country,^— ha 
addresses  his  officers  as  foilous  :  "Vou  al-e 
ilierefore  or<len|d,  witlioufc  delay,  to  place  your 
bri^^^deon  the  most  respectable  footing,  and  be 
in  reawiness  to  furnish  tlje  qneUa  required  of  yo" 
at  the  sliortc^t  notice.  Ail  volunteer  companies 
■well  equipped  will  be  accepted.  If  the  full 
quota  can  be  raised  by  vohii-.t.iry  enlistment,  it 
will  ansv.'er  government  a  better  ])urpose  than 
hy  pressing-  men  from  tl'.eir  families  hy  draft; 
but  il'it  be  discnvered.tliat  tliibcarinot  bedone, 
you  will  (Urecttbat  the  eliectivo  men  be  classed 
and  that  the  law  in  this  respect  be  particularly 
attended  to.;  and  wlien  the  GovEn-oit-VT  anu 
CossTiTcrcn  A'ji-a';iti tti'.s  of  our  counti-j'  in- 
quire, they  must  be  m  readiness  to  niirch." 

If  after  this  exposition,  any  doubt  still  re- 
mains, which  we  caiUKit  believe  possible,  it  must 
be  dissipated,  even  willi  the  most  determined 
nnd  inveterate  of  Gen.  Jackson's  maligners,  by 
the  evidence  which  we  will  now  proceed  to  ex- 
hibit. In  March  last,  J.  Baker,  Esq.  of  St.  Mar- 
tinsville, Louisiana,  viuited  this  neighborhood. 
In  a  conversation  with  nvo  of  us,  in  relation  to 
Gen.  Jackson,  and  the  various  charges  against 
him,  he  ommimicated  to  us  information  on  the 
s>.*hject  of  tile  p-jrticular  one  under  considera- 
tion, which  we  deemed  important.  At  our  re- 
quest, he  addressed  to  one  of  us  a  letter,  re- 
peating the  statement  wliich  lie  had  verbally 
made,  and  which  we  now  publisij.  Air.  Uaktr 
has  been  hnig  and  intini;itely  know  i  to  one  of 
the  Editors  of  this  paper,  and  he  hesitates  not  to 
sdtirm,  that  no  m.in  is  more  respect;ible,  or  main- 
tains a  more  imimpeaciied  and  unimpeachable 
character  for  veracity  and  honor.  Wheie  he  is 
Xnown,  no  testimonial  of  his  respectability  is  ne- 
'-essary,  and  no  do-abt  will  beejitcrtainedof  the 
ixirrectness  of  his  str.ter.ieut.  Mr.  Cafi'rey,  to 
•i'  iioni  he  '.cfei'S, is,  v,-c  are  assured  by  Lira,  a  gen- 
tleman of  high  stahilinr;-  and  groat  respeclabili-'.y 


we  do  n.;it  pr?t 


Jhat  Mr.  Baker's 


statement  wouia  be  aiiruiasiDie,  -as  sttjciiy  leg, 
evidence,  it  cannot  fail  to  carry  conviction  I 
every  miixl,  not  Impenious  to  the  light  of  truti 
.\prd  Sth,  1828. 
Deah  Sm, — You  request  me  to  .send  youth 
statement  in  writing!  made  at  Mr.  G  .  .  .  . 
about  the  fiurr  aj't'air.  It  has  been  so  long  sintf 
Uonelson  Caifrey,  Esi]  of  St.  Maiy's,  I,ouisiam 
made  the  same  to  mt,  that  I  cannot  give  tb 
dates  of  the  dlflerent  t'iinsactions,  nor  the  tim 
when  I  had  the  conveiVition  with  him,  but  tliin; 
it  \\'a3  about  the  time  of  the  last  Presidenti: 
election.  I  did  not  treasure  up  tlie  facts  an' 
dates  that  Mr.  C.  communicated  to  me,  be 
cause  I  did  not  then  think,  nor  do  Tnow  think 
that  any  such  proof  was  necessary  to  repel  th- 
idea  of  Gen.  Jackson's  having  had  any  thing  t 
do  with  Burr's  conspiracy.  Those  w!  -  knov 
Gen.  J.  could  not  for  one  mom.ent  suppose  hill 
to  have  been  in  any  way  er.gaged  widi  Burr 
and  his  acts  of  a  public  character  slrow  tot 
much  jjatriotism  for  any  one  to  believe  sucn  ; 
fabrication  at  this  day.  Mr.  Caffrey's  commu 
nication  was  sub.stantially  as  follows: — Burr  vis 
iled  Tennessee,  staid  some  time  at  JS'ashville 
and  was  often  to  see  Gen.  Jackson.  A  frienr 
of  Burr  went  to  see  Gen.  J.  and  while 'in  famil 
iar  conversation  with  him,  a'^keil  him  what  hi 
would  tliink  of  the  man  who  had  the  talenC 
and  means  to  scperate  the  Western  States  fron 
the  Eastern,  an  j  make  the  mountain  the  divi 
ding  line.  The  General  replied  that  he  woule 
consider  him  a  traitor  to  his  country,  and  wouki 
be  one  oftlie  first  to  take  his  life.  Here  thi 
conversation  ended .  Tliis  friend  of  Curr  retur- 
ned to  Nashville,  where  BulT  then  was,  and  no 
doubt  commtmirated  to  him  Gen,  Jackson's  an- 
swer to  this  oblique  question.  This  conversa- 
tion awakened  Geii.  Jackson's  suspicions,  foiv 
he  xrrrte  to  Gov.  Clauborne,  putting  him  upoi; 
his  guard  against  Burr.  Clairborne  was  then 
Govej-nor  of  the  ten-itory  of  Mississippi.  Gen, 
J.  also  lecallcd  fi-omthe  service  of  Burr  all  his 
young  relatives  who  h:id  been  induced  to  join 
Burr  under  the  belief  that;  he  was  going  to  rev- 
ohitionizethe  Spaish  dominions  in  North  Amer- 
ica. Mr.  Caffrey  was  one  of  them.  I  think 
(thou.^h  I  will  not  be  positive,)  that  Mr.  C. 
showed  me  Gen.  J's  letter  to  him,  advising  him 
to  abandon  Burr. 

Vour  friend,  JOSHUA   BAKEn. 

In  this  letter  we  are  persuaded,  is  contained 
t!\e  true  explanation  of  Gen.  Jsckson's  alleged 
co;inc.\ion  with  l"urr,  and  the  reasoi  t  which 
hrst  iriduc.  d  him  to  suspect  his  designs.  Im- 
mediately  on  discovering  them,  though  he  was 
not  authoriz---d  by  wliat  had  passed,  pubHcly  to 
nroclaiin  Buit  a  traitor,  he  recalled  his  nephev.' 
;i-om  his  service,  wrote  to  Claiborne  putting- 
him  on  his  guard,  and  to  the  President,  making 
a  tender  of  his  services  to  the  government. 

We  have,  we  trust,  redeemed  the  pledge  wo 
gave  to  refute  this  foul  calumny  whenever  its 
authors  ;uid  abettors  dared  to  produced  the  evi- 
dence of  which  they  boasted  the  possession.  In 
In  ])crfoi-ming  this  task,  we  have  beenjehict- 
anlly  led  into  gi-e;.>er  pruli.\ity  than  was  desira- 
ble or  pei-haps  necessary.  The  very  weakness 
of  the  c:.f2  which  we  had  to  oppose,  presenting" 
no  one  strong- point  to  be  asSailed,  and  the  im- 
perfert  and  conclusive  nature  of  llie  evidence 
on  which  it  rests,  consisting  of  v3r,ue  rumors, 
iV!a.'!c;wscCnjec'"i;rcs,  and  unic-aridsJ  infer:-.- 


J67 


ce»,  in  agriat  dd^reS  expojtd  us  to  tbis  incon- 
j, ,  ■  veliience.  But  after  undertakings  the  examiiia- 
tioi),  we  desired  to  peruse  it  effectually  and  tho- 
louglily;  thoiic^h  we  were  satistiedthat  a  formal 
refutation  of  the  charge  was  not  necessary  to 
the  vindication  of  Gen.  Jackson's  character. 
He  may  have  been  occasionsUy  impelled  by  th.e 
warmtli  of  his  temperament  and  the  peculiar 
circumstances  of  his  situation,  to  acts,  whicfi  to 
those  who  scan  his  conduct  with  harshness  rath- 
er than  justice,  may  seem  to  have  partaken  of 
rashness  and  excess  ;  be  ir.ay  in  his  zeal  to 
serve  his  country,  sometimes  have  overstep- 
ped the  limits  of  liis  authority  ; — these  are 
questions  about  which  honest  and  intelli- 
gent men  may  well  differ.  But  when  an  at- 
tempt is  made  by  that  parly  and  those  acting 
with  them,  who  have  always  opposed  tiie  Govern- 
ment unless  when  it  was  administered  by  them- 
.sclves,  who  preferred  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
to  sustaining  the  burtliens  and  encountering  the 
perils  incident  to  a  state  of  war,  who  have  uni- 
formly "  sunk  as  their  country  rose,  and  rose  as 
tliat  desponding',  lacerated,  perishing,  betrayed 
country  sunk," — to  prove  TREASojf  on  him  wlip 
was  an  able  and  efHcient  member  of  the  repub- 
lican party  in  '  98,  who  largely  contributed  to 
win  his  valor  the  honorable  peace  which  they 
\voulJ  liave  purchased  with  national  disgrace, 
who  lias  been  a  consistent  patriot  from  his  boy- 
liood,  and  an  honest  and  lionorable  man  through 
life — tlie  American  people  cannot  require  the 
formality  of  a  defence,  to  acquit  him  from  such 
a  charge.  It  does  in  'ruth  no  less  insult  their' 
understandings,  than  foully,  basely  calumniate 
one  of  tlieirgreatcst  benefactors. 

From  the  Argus  of  Western  America. 
SUMMARY  Ol-  FACTS. 

I'ram  the  conduct  of  the  advocates  of  John 
tl.  Adams,  it  is  ar.parent  that  they  do  not  rely 
for  success  on  his  merit  of  the  acts  of  his  admin- 
istration. Of  the  well  founded  objections  to 
him,  both  on  the  score  of  principle  and  con- 
duct, originatiiig  as  well  before  as  sijice  his  ac- 
oessionto  tlie  I'residcncy,  Ueysc.ircely  deign 
to  take  any  notice;  but  answer  every  new  dis- 
covery of  private  (lelliiquency  and  public  abuse 
,  \vi(\\  some  new  charge  against  General  Jack- 
son. By  tbis  course  of  conduct,  t)iey  concli?.;- 
ively  prove,  tliat  the  present  men  in  power  are 
wholly  indefensible,  and  tliat  their  onlV  hope 
consists  in  rendering  Gen.  Jackson  still  more 
obnoxious  than  they  are. 

They  do  not  attempt  to  show  that  Mr.  Ad- 
.i;n5  was  r.ot  raised  inthc  principles  of  his  fuiier, 
;'i  aristocrat  and  monarchist,  who  believed  that 
llicre  ought  to  be,  and  always  would  be,  di?- 
!.!.ctioir5  in  society,  and  that  the  British  syslem 
'f  King, -Lords  and  Commons,  is  "' the  noblest 
v.-ork  of  hum^n  invention,"  the  admu-:ition  of 
Uie  world." 

_  Tliey  cannot  pretend  that  he  was  not  l!)e  i-e- 
vjler  ofJeiferson,  the  foe  of  democracy,  a!ul 
i^ne  oHf.s  leaders  of  the  New- England  federal- 

;,  until  the  latter  pait  of  180". 

rhcy  do  not  deny  th:it  besrcretl^  denounced 

:-  federal  party  to  Mr.  Giles  and  Mr.  Jcffer- 
•.■'",  as  tr.iitoi-s  to   tiieir  couiitry  while  lie  was 

1  bSicly  seeking  to  retain  tlielr  friciidsliip. 

I'irc  jDurnals  show  beyond  contrudictioii,  tli;'t 


tlou  in  velatioil  to  tiae  election  ot'  'Pi'esiaent  and 
Vice-President,  after  having  learnt,  by  the  con-  • 
test  between  Jefferson  and  Burr,  that  it  was  fa- 
tally defective. 

The  same  evidence,  united  with  his  vindica. 
tion  in  1813,  proves  that  he  voted  against  ar.- 
nexing  Louisiana  to  the  United  States,  and  con- 
sidered it  vvii-^lly  unconstitutioiial. 

Wc  havi-  the  authority  of  Mr.  Cl.ty,  DaHJ 
Trimble,  Ben.  Hardin,  &c.  8:c.  for  saying  that 
at  Ghent  he  displ.^^'ed  his  hostility  to  the  Wes^, 
in  attempting  to  barter  to  the  British  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Missi.«ippi. 

We  have  the  authority  of  Jlr.  Clay  and  liis 
friends,  for  saying,  th.at  he  gave  up  Texas  to 
Spain  witho\it  necessity  or  equivalent,  ttrg 
Spanish  minister  being  iiistructeti  to  concede  it 
to  us. 

During  Yhe  last  Presidential  contest  David 
Trimble,  the  Reporter,  and  all  Mr.  Clay's 
friends  and  advocates  in  this  country,  represen- 
ted Mr.  Adams  as  an  apostate  federalist,  a  politi- 
cal hypocrite,  an  enemy  of  the  West,  undeser\'- 
ing  of  pubhc  honors  and  unfit  for  public  stations. 

Dcrelopmci.ts  since  made,  prove,  that  on  the 
Ghent  mission,  while  ourcountiy  was  bleedi.n^, 
our  trea.«ury  was  empty  and  our  army  starving-, 
he  was  charging  for  outfits,  salaries,  contingen- 
cies and  journeys  never  performed,  a  greater 
sum  per  annum  than  the  sal.ary  of  tlie  President, 
and  pevishly  complaining  of  our  government  as 
"feeble  and  penmious,  "  because  Congress 
somewhat  obstructed  cupidity  and  avarice. 

It  is  admitted,  even  by  his  friends,  that  after 
bis  return  home,  the  books  of  the  Treasury 
were  falsified,  to  enable  him  to  pocket  a  con- 
.sider'ible  sum,  to  which  he  was  not  entitled  by 
law,  and  it  is  imjiossilile  that  it  coul-d  have 
been  done  without  liis  "knowledge  or  connivance. 

When  made  Secretary  of  State,  he  took  the 
printing  of  tlie  Acts  of  Congress  in  Massachu- 
setts Troni  a  republican  paper  which  had  sup- 
ported the  country  in  peace  and  in  war,  and 
gave  it  to  Ben.  Uiissell  of  the  Bosti -i  CentlncI, 
tiie  leading  advocate  of  the  Har'lbrd  Convention 
and  di.sunion. 

He  w;is  made  President  by  a  double  bargain. 
Tile  federalists  li-itcd  him  because  he  had  be- 
trayed and  abandoned  them;  but,  tD  secir.-r; 
the  r  votes,  traitws  as  he  bad  declared  them  to 
be,  he  gave  a  written  pledge,  as  one  of  them 
has  acknowledgetl,  to  appoint  thera  to  offices-  - 
Tlie  western  members  hated  him  as  the  cnem;- 
of  tiieir  section  of  the  Union;  yet  he  got  tlieiv 
votes,  because  it  was  "distinctly  ascertained 
that  lie  would  make  Mr.  Clav  Secretary  of 
State." 

By  tiiis  buyip.g  irj  ea5<.ern  traitors  and  the  re- 
presentatives of  western  patriots,  he  was  made 
.President  according  to  the  foim  ot  the  constitu- 
tion, but  in  gross  violation  of  the  will  of  the  pec^- 
ple.  By  ti;e  union  of  those  two  extremes,  old 
rua.xims  have  been  discarded,  and  old  principles 
recanted  ;  dangerous  examples  have  becom.; 
"safe  precedents,"  and  the  Secretary  succes- 
sion, which,  "it  wc'j;  tlie  fi:-st  object  of  Mr.  Clav'-i 
inends  to  prevent,"  h;is  now  become  the  first 
object  of  tueii-  desires;  it  is  to  furnish  a  conven- 
ient sub3titut'3  for  hcrcditarv  succession,  and 
like  impe;-iai  Home,  we  are  to  have  o'u-  line  of 
CVcsars,  each  appoiating  h's  successor.'. 

When  a  SfoatOv  darcii  to  arr.iign  this  iinnat- 
'  ;■  '    ~    :     '■     '  '    'r-.  Ml'-  Adanr.s"  suffered  h'-. 
^  I .  ^^..,,,^^~wrxnrrr:vm'30  in.-- 


J6s 


pj-ime  minister  and  appointed  successor  to  call 
liim  to  the  field  and  attempt  to  shoot  him  to 
death. 

By  the  terror  of  the  pistol,  by  the  influence 
of  official  station,  by  the  power  and  patronage 
of  the  g:overnment,  have  Mr  Adams  and  his 
Secretary  attempted  to  make  themselves  popu- 
iai-. 

A  billiard  table  was  purchased  and  set  up, 
and  is  now  standing;  in  the  President's  house, 
when  most  of  the  States  have  suppressed  the 
g^me,  from  its  immorality. 

Printers  were  procribed  and  deprived  of  pub- 
lic patronage,  solely  because  they  dared  to  raise 
their  voices  against  the  principles  of  the  elec- 
tion aad  the  acts  of  the  administration,  and  the 
patronage  of  the  government  is  avowedly  bes- 
towed only  on  those  who  sujmortthc  men  in 
power. 

A  salary  was  paid  to  a  friend  of  Jlr.  Clay,  as 
Sec-retaiy  of  the  Panama  mission,  for  several 
mouths,  while  he  was  electioneering  for  the  of- 
fice ofGovernor  of  Ne«p-\'crk. 

The  ill  jud^-d  project  of  a  mission  of  Pana- 
ma, cost  the  life  of  our  valued  fellow-citizen, 
ilicha^j  ij.  Anderson,  and  about  S8'J,000  in  out- 
VifS,  salaries,  contingenccs  and  the  equipments 
of  a  public  ship,  without  yielding  the  slightest 
return  in  profit  or  in  honor. 

The  superannuated  liufus  King  was  sent  to 
Kngland,  and  left  without  instructions  as  to  the 
British  coloi\ial  trade;  and  having  pocketed  an 
outfit  of  *9,000  and  a  salar}'  nf  about  $9,000,  re- 
turned  home  and  left  his  son  in  charge  of  the 
papers  to  whom  was  paid  over '.'5, OOU  for  tliat 
service,  about  sixty  days,  contrary  to  all  law  and 
;n  dcfimce  of  all  justice. 

Albert  Gallatin  was  then  sent  to  the  same 
post;  and  having  pocketed  an  outfit  of  $9,000 
and  a  salary  of  ^9,000,  he  also  returned  home. 

The  Uritish  cflcred  us  their  colonial  trade  on 
terms  wlilch  Mr.  Adams  rejected;  aftewvards 
changing  his  mind,  he  offered  the  same  terms 
10  them  ;  they  also  had  changed  their  minds, 
and  deprived  us  of  the  trade  altogether. 

For  a  long  time  while  our  relations  with  that 
government  were  of  so  serious  a  nature  as  to  re- 
quire of  the  President  to  order  troops  to  the 
frontiers  of  Maine  to  check  Brlush  encrcacments, 
we  were  left  who.ly  unrepresented  at  that 
Couit! 

At  last  James  Barbour  is  seot  out  as  our  min- 
ster, with  his  outfit  of  §9,000,  who  will  doubt- 
less return  in  one  year,  having  ])0ckeled  a  sala- 
ry of  §9,000,  while  ?.4,500  will  doubtless  be 
paid  the  present  Charge  des  Afl'airs  for  his  out- 
fit: making  the  outfits  of  that  mission  ibr  four 
years,  no  less  that  $30,000. 

By  neglect,  he  French  colonial  trade  has 
been  lost. 

The  independent  State  of  Georgia  .Has  been 
threatened  with  miUitary  punishment,  for  daring 
to  survey  her  own  tcrriiory. 

The  Secretaries,  Heads  of  the  scvei-.al  De- 
partments, almost  periodically,  quit  their  pub- 
lic duties,  range  through  the  couniry,  making 
speeches  .and  electioneering  to  keep  their  mas- 
ter in  ofiice,  in  the  face  of  .all  propriety,  of  all 
decency,  contrary  to  t!ie  practice  of  all  i'ormer 
limes  and  the  instructions  given  by  the  revered 
JeHTerson. 

Documents  from  public  officers  have  been  so 
lisarranged  v.benlaid  before  Congres'; asto pro- 


duce false  impressions,  while  some  ut  the  mosi 
important  have  been  suppressed,  and  as  well 
the  papers  as  the  money  of  the  people  prostitut- 
ed to  the  vilest  electioneering. 

The  public  money  has  been  literally  lavished 
on  partisans  and  favorites,  and  ingenuity  seems 
to  have  been  taxed  to  devise  ways  and  means  to 
extract  it  from  the  Treasury. 

John  H.  Pleasants,  editor  of  the  Richmond 
Whig,  was  jiaid  Sl,940  for  carrying  depatches 
to  Buenos  -Vy,es,  when  the  Government  knew, 
that  instead  of  going  there,  he  sent  his  papers 
by  another  hand,  and  went  on  a  trip  of  pleasure 
to  England. 

Theodore  W.  Claj',  son  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  was  paid  $1,20  j  for  carrying  despatches 
to  Mexico. 

These  and  many  other  messengers  vvere  al- 
lowed  six  dollai"s  per  day,  besides  the  payment 
of  enormous  bills  for  their  expenses,  making  it 
amount  in  soifp  instances,  to  sixteen  dollars  \>ev 
day,  when  an  honest  man  as  ever  bore  a  letter, 
could  liave  been  hired  for  two  dollars  and  tlieiv 
actual  expenses. 

Messengers  have  been  even  hired  to  carry 
despatches  to  New-York  .and  Norfolk,  where  the 
puhhc  mails  run  as  swiftly  as  any  messenger  can 
go,  and  would  carry  despatches  as  safely. 

In  the  Department  of  State  alone,  S  15,000 
has  bei-n  paid  for  extra  f;Ierk  hire,  in  addition 
to  the  sahiries  of  a  host  of  regular  Clerks,  sume 
of  them  have  received  considerable  sums  for  al- 
leged e.xtra  work  ;  many  thousands,  in  purchas- 
ing all  sorts  of  books,  few  of  which  are  in  use  in 
tlie  duties  of  the  Department  ;  thousands  for 
medals  and  pictures  of  distinguished  men — of 
the  President  and  Indians ;  more  than  $4,000 
for  boarding  Indians  in  the  most  extrav.agant  ot 
the  City  Hotels,  hundreds  for  Englli-h  writing 
paper  with  the  crown  stamped  on.  it;  extrava- 
gant ))rices  for  Port  Folios,  and  every  sort  of  fi- 
nery and  foolery,  not  for  the  people's  use,  bu' 
to  giatify  the  extravagancies  of  officers  and 
clerks;  more  than  3  1,300  for  buying,  keep- 
ing, recovering,  SiC.  of  horses  and  their  trap- 
pings ;  various  items  for  cleaning  grass  out  of 
the  pavement  of  the  Secretary's  office,  and 
pouring  hot  ley  on  it ;  and  $  215  for  cleaning 
boots  and  shoes  for  Indians ! 

Old  Ilezek'.ali  Niles  has  been  paid  a  gl,000 
for  subscription  to  his  newspaper! 

By  these  and  many  other  extravagancies  and 
fooleries,  the  expenses  of  the  government  have 
been  increased  during  the  last  three  years  mw£ 
than  eight  millions  of  chiUars. 

How  do  the  advocates  of  Mr.  Adams  defend 
all  abandonments  of  principle  and  abuses  of 
power;  this  lack  of  patriotism  and  fraud  on  the 
treasury,  this  neglect  of  public  duty  and  reward 
of  favorites;  this  contempt  of  public  morality 
and  of  the  privileges  of  the  people's  represen- 
t.atives\  this  preference  of  foreign  manufactures 
and  prodig;d  waste  of  public  money. 

They  seem  to  have  ab.andoned  all  defence  in 
utter. despair.  When  a  new  abuse  is  discover- 
ed, they  get  up  a  new  cnarge  against  Genera! 
Jackson,  or  new  vamp  an  old  one,  attempt  to 
draw  oft"  the  attention  of  the  people  from  what. 
is,  to  what  might  be,  and  induce  them  to  submit 
to  detected  dishonesty,  ind  abuse  and  corrup- 
tion, through  fear  of  worse  evils,  should  the 
Farmer  of  Tennessee  be  placed  at  the  head  oi 
Uie  nation. 


UJSITED  S'1'5H*ES'  "VELEGnAi^a—Exira. 


'["his  paj)ei-  will  ke  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published  weeWv 
.ifn'iil  the  ISih  of  October  next,  for  One  Ihlhrf  subject  to  newspaper  postRge,  atilfl  namwe.-' 

BY  GREEN  ^-  JAR  VIS. 


VOL.  1. 


WASHINGTON,  SEPTEMBER  6,  1S3S. 


No.  2G. 


LETTER  IX.    . 

'Ih  Jolm  Sergeant,  Manutl  Eyre,  Laa-rence  Ijfw- 
is,  C.  C.  Biddle,  and  Joseph  P.  Nnrris,  E.i- 
f/uiies — Authors  of  an  adjrcss  adopted  at  the 
admmistrutloii  town  rn'.el'mg  of  the  7  th  Julij. 
Although,  gentlemen,  you  profess  to  depre- 
cate every  thing    calculated   to    "excite  and 
agitate — to  silence  the  calm  voice  of  reason  and 
truth,  by  stirring  up  tumultuous  feelings,"  and 
suspicions.  We  have  never  read  an  address,  bear- 
ing such  internal  evidence  as  yours  does,  that 
you  rely  upon  excitement,  agitation,  and  sus- 
picion, us  your  ablest  agents.     We  are,  indeed, 
constrained  to  say,  that  there  is  not  novelty  in 
the  matter,  or  in  the  manner  of  your  addi-ess — 
it  barely  echoes  the  surmises  and  the  insinua- 
tions a  thousand  times  uttered  before,  by  those 
alarmists,  who,  being  destitute  of  arjj-uments  to 
convince  men,  resojt  to  such  terrors, as  mischiev- 
ous nurses  invent  to  silence  children. 

You  insinuate,  that  the  friends  of  Gen.  Jack- 
sou  contend,  that  the  only  road  through  which 
ihe  presidency  sliould  be  reached,  ist'ie  field  of 
battle;  but  you  have  not  had  the  gooilne.'js  to 
name  a  single  person,  who  has  ever  bad  the 
'UfUc'.fy  to  ajvocate,  or  the  folly  to  sug;>-cst 
,uch  a  docUnne.  Vou  labor  to  instil  into  "the 
public  mind,  that  the  friends  of  General  .lactson 
consider  the  sword  alone  sufficient  to  open  the 
.locr  to  the  highest  civil  office  in  the  republic- 
but  you  cannot  point  out  one  man,  so  destitute 
if  patriotism  and  common  sense,  as  to  entertain 
such  a  sentiment.  M'hat  do  j  on  consider  such 
conduct  as  this'  Is  it  manly,  liberal,  just >  Is 
it  not  exactly  such  a  course  of  e.'icitement, 
alarm,  and  intimidation,  as  you  pretend  to  cen- 
sure, as  the  genuine  characteristics  of  faction' 

But,  although  you  will  not  venUire  to  meet 
our  appeal  to  you,  to  name  a  single  pei-son  who 
advocates  any  of  the  doctrines  which  vou  insin- 
uate all  the  friends  of  Gen.  Jack^n  protess- 
pcMmps  jou  will  say,  that  our  support  of  Gen.' 
.(ackson  shows  that  such  are  our  opinions.  If 
such  shall  be  s:udj  the  fiuestion  will  ari?e,  whe- 
ther Gen.  Jackson  has  or  has >  not  oMaUficstions 
besides  those  of  a  military  ch.iracter.  You  as- 
sert that  he  has  not,  and  we  aver  that  he  has. 
^  How  IS  this  point  to  be  decided'  Surelv,  not 
oyyour  assertions,  nor  bv  ours,  but  by  facts- 
yet,  we  ui  vain  look  for  facts  in  your  address- 
you  lavor  the  public  witli  assertions  and  infer- 
ences only.  Thus,  you  assert,  that  Gen.  .Tack- 
son  retired  soon,  and  v/ithout  distinction,  from 
every  civil  employment  which  lie  filled;  but  the 
orce  of  tnis  remark  depends  not  merelv  upon 
the  meaning  of  the  words  "soon"  .-ind  "distinc- 
tion,, ^ut  on  the  motives  of  his  conduct,  which 
J  ou  cannot  know.  Gen.  Jackson  was  district 
attorney  of  the  United  States,  for  about  seven 
years  and  then  resigned— was  that  ".soon  '" 
(.en.  Jackson  executed,  with  skill  andiiitec-ritv, 
•lie  duties  of  every  statin,,  which  he  fi!led_,"io 
.-.■..nplaurt  was  ever  made  .against  liiin-was  not 
1,1,  i  serving  with  "  distinrtion?"  or  docs  vour 
rstimate  of  .lis-tinction  embrace  the  characteris- 
;k.suI  "swelling  orators"  only?  Your  asseiv 
■•'   :<Ucast.  admits,  that  Gen,  JacksOn  held 


many  civil  offices,  and  of  course  he  v/asdeemet[ 
qualified  by  those  who  appointed  him;  it  is  of 
no  consequence,  therefore,  how  long  he  held 
appointments,  his  tenure  of  office  depended  ou 
his  own  pleasure.  Far  from  impairing  our  con- 
fidence in  Gen.  j;-.cks:in,  what  you  assert  on- 
tiiis  point  increases  it;  you  bring  forcibly  to  our 
recollection,  that  Gen.  Jackson  has  not  sought 
offices,  but  that  he  has  been  always  solicited  to 
hold  theni— that,  like  VVasliingten',  he  has  usuaT- 
ly  served  his  country  when  called  on,  but  has 
resigned  and  retired  to  his  farm  when  tlie  ne- 
cessity for  his  service  ce.ased  !  Such  conductas 
this  is  most  remarkably  different  from  that  of 
your  favorite,  \re  confess;  it  is  for  the  people  to 
say,  which  course  of  conduct  they  prefer.  iSv. 
Adams  has  been  in  office  aljout  forty  years — has 
he  ever  resigned  or  declined  an  office?  Far  from 
it  :  he  has  g.athered  the  emoluments  of  office 
with  a  most  greedy  hand.  Nor  has  .Mr.  Clay 
been  more  modest — yes,  he  did  on  one  occasion 
resign  the  Speaker's  chair  to  promote  his  pri- 
vate interests  as  a  member  of  the  bar.  Gen. 
Jackson,  however,  never  deserted  a  post, from 
mercenai'y  views — nor  has  he  everdrawn  money 
from  the  pockets  of  the  people,  as  .Mr.  Adams, 
has  done,  forservices  never  performed!  ' 

Such,  then,  gentlemen,  is  your  evidence  of 
Gen.  .Jackson's  wa:it  of  civil  qualifications:  do 
}  0,1  think  it  conclusive  >  Or  do  yoii  imagine 
that  the  .American  iieople  arc  IncapaWe  of  see- 
ing t'lc  fallacy  ;,f  such  proofs.' 

Conscious  of  3^our  weakness,  on  this  point,' 
however,  you  introduce  a  doctrine,  to  the  na- 
ture and  tendency  of  wluch  we  anxiously  call 
the  pubhc  attention.  In  order  to  show-;  tJiat 
Gen.  J.ackson  has  no  qualifications  but  those, 
of  a  military  kind,  you  describe  the  qualifica- 
tions, which,  you  s:iy,  every  one  slioukl  possess, 
wiio  13  proposed  for  the  presidency:  The  mos'- 
essenlial  of  those  qualifications,  in  your  opinion,' 
'■"'  '.■^\^^P'^'^^<^rice,  or  knowledge  of  public 
alhura,  foreign  and  domes':,- ••  ,.„?  vou  <:ay  that 
the  only  assurance,  th.:  .iuul  hi'such 

qualifications   ,s,  "th-.  ,   obtained  b-. 

long  and  fliillifid  services  of  a  Miuilar  kind'"  " 
Such  IS  your  doctrine— it  does  not  surprise  u  - 
:is  It  accords  witli  tlie  aristocrat;-,:  characteristics 
of  your  address,  m  other  respects.  What  is 
this  doctrine?  It  is  what  Sir.  Clay  once  most  bit- 
terly  denounced;  it  is  wliat  he  noxy.nioit  sturdily 
upholds— cab  met  succession!  No  man,  vou  say 
ought  to  be  president,  who  is  not  "  a  tied  and 
approved  statesman,"— wlio  has  not  an  exten- 
sive knowledge  of  public  aiiairo,  fbreign  and 
domestic:  And  no  man,  vou  sav,  can  have  that 
knowledge,  w!io  has  not  liad  long  and  faithful 
senice  of  a  similar  kind:  can  .iny  thii.^  be  plain- 
er' No  man  sliai!  be  president,  who  has  ncr 
been  in  the  ministry  at  home  or  abroad! 

This,   gentlemen,  is  the  principle  which  3-ou 
desire  to  see  established:  it  is,    no  doubt,  veiy 
couvement   to  those   who  nialcc  a  business   cf   ' 
.ambition,  but  it  isutteriyat  vai-iaiice  with  tb- 
gfiuusol  our  institutions;  ;uid,  we  wish  we  con  I 
say— with  the  practice  underthera;  but  unhatipi- 
ly ,  the  pcojile  have  in  this  c'l-je  irreat  f:a.!sc  fi- 


lUiJ 


•ii§ 


i^lyi:ci<ixiicii  i  uicy   ■j.iuclioneil  a   nwst  jj£nii-  ^v^o  had  fcujen  ambaaiaclurs  to  king-^j,  ajid  wiit; 

oious  example;  they  abandoned  principle  fores-  had  found  their  way  through  the  labyrinths  of 

apdiency;  they   tolerated  an  abuse   yesterday,  diplomacy'-    Franklin  existed — he  was  OEC  of 

to-day  it  is  a  precedent,  and  tomorrow  it  will  be  the  glories  of  the  a^  in  which  he  lived — ho  was 

law,  unless thepeopleprotest against thefraud.  as  profoundly  versed  in  public  affairs,  as  he  was 

Did  you  intend,  gentlemen,  to  go  so  far'  Did  distinguished  in  the  walks  of  science  and  litera- 
you  suppose  jou  were  not  merely  advocating  ture — he  was  remarkable  for  an  intim:.'c  know- 
tfie  elc<;lion  of  Mr.  Adams,  but  that  of  Mr.  Clay  Iedgeofhumannaturf,andacapacity  toaoply  his 
?s  his  successor— ;;nd  not  even  the  succe-ision  of  various  acqirremi  nts  to  t'le  affairs  of  Stales,  av 
Sir.  Clay,  but  that  of  Mr  Clay's  Secretary'  wellas  tnoseof  iiidividuahi — he  Imd  rendered  the 
"Vour  party  was  accustomed  to  taunt  us  rcpub-  most  signal  services,  in  the  highest  civil  depart- 
Jicans,  as  Napoleon  pa.-ised  from  first  consul  to  meiits — yet,  \a  preference  to  tins  patriot,  states- 
Consul  for  life — and  from  consul  for  life  to  Em-  man,  philosopher  a-'id  sage,  the  American  peo- 
peror;  ridiculing,  as  your  party  did,  the  notion  pie  selPcted  "amere  soldier"  as  their  President.' 
6f  the  durability  of  a  repubUc!  the  doct/mes,  You  tell  the  people,  that  they  sbo'jld  imitate 
Vhich  you  now  openly  avow,  ai'e  in  accordance  the  example  of  tlie  heroes  ami  sages  of  the  re- 
vKh  old  sentiments;  "and  yet,  gentlemen,  you  volution,  and  you  say  that  they  were  competent 
faVk  of  danger  to  our  institutions  from  a  "  mili-  to  decide  upon  the  qualifications  of  a  candidate 
tary  chieftain!"  — what,  then,  was  their  decision'     They  were 

It  is  most  fortunate  that  selfishness  andambi-  almost  all  living  in  1789,  all  were  active  in  tlial 

'tion  usually  betray  themselves:  the  people  have  trying  penod,   and  of  all  men  they  preferred 

now  one  more   incentive  to  action,  and  are  in-  Washington,   whose  prominent  merit  was   his 

delated  to  you,  gentlemen,  for  its  developcment.  success  as  a   military  commander^he  had  not 


Respectfully,  vours,  &.C. 

V     JOSEPH   WORRELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN, 
WlLLLVJl  BOTD, 
llENKY  TOLAND, 
JOHN  WUIiTS, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANIi, 
WILLIAM  J.  LEIPER, 
CHARLES   S.   COSE, 
THOMAS   II.   PETTIT, 
(..loianiittee  of  Correspondence  for  Philadeljihia, 
appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention, 
a9sembledat"H.\rrisburg,  January  8th,  1828. 
A-ustis.t  12th,  132a. 

LETTER  X. 


had  the  adi'antages  of  a  classical  education — he 
liad  never  filled  any  civil  station  whatever — he 
had  bantU  acquii-ed  a  knowle.lge  of  surveying', 
of  farming,  and  oi  "  the  trade  of  a  soldier"— he 
had  never  trodden  upon  a  foreign  soil — yet  to 
him  the  eyes  and  the  hearts  of  the  people  turn- 
ed as  their  favorite.  Will  you,  gentlemen,  pre- 
tend, that  if  Washington  had  not  been  "  a  miK- 
tiry  chieftain,"  such  would  have  been  the  re- 
suh.'  Can  you  aver  that  Washington  had  any 
of  the  civil  qiualifications  which  you  now  say  are 
essential,  and  not  <o  be  acquired  without  long- 
service  of  a  similar  kind? 

Fortunately,  Washington  himself  declared  the 
truth :  on  tlve'  30th  April,  irB9,  on  taking  the 
oath  of  office  as  President,  after  expressing  his 
reluctance   at  being  called  from  his  farm,   the 


(io  Jukn  Sergeanl,  ManutlEyre,  Latorence  Lew-    as\'!um  ol  his  decliningyears,  he  said:  "  On  the 
is,  C  C.BidJle,  mid  Joseph  P.  Norris,  Fsqrs.    other  liand,  the  m;ignitude  and  difficulty  of  this 
iiMors  of  an  address  cuhpicd  al  the  adimnis-    trust,  to  which  the  voice  of  my  country  caUed 
"■'    ~-'   ^  '  me,  beUig  sufficient  to  awaken,  in  the  wisest 

and  mast  exper.eiiced  of  her  citizens,  a  distrust 
ful  scrutiny  into    his  qualifications,  eoukl   "" 


/ration  town  meeting  of  the  7th  July 
(JxNTLOiES  :  The  question,  that  we  are  con- 
sidering, is,  whether  Gen.  Jackson  has,  or  !i;ts 
not,  qualifications,  besides  tliose  of  a  military 
Jiind— you  say  lie  has  not,  and  v,-e  aver  that  iie 
'ias.  To  prove  his  unfi  tness  for  the  presidency, 
•vou  insist,  that  long  and  useful  service  of  a  simi- 


not 
but  overwhelm  w.tli  despondence,  one,  who 
iniieritinginferiorendonments  from  nature,  and 
unpractised  in  the  duties  of  civil  administntlion, 
ought  to  be..pec'j!iarly  oonscious  of  his  own  de- 
i'iVkind  is  indi.perrsr.ble,  and  that  Gen.  Jackson  ficiencies.  In  this  f  »«'<=' f'j™"|;Xl  ,tudt 
has  had  no  such  service-on  tlie  contrary,  you  dare  aver  is,  that  it  has  been  mj  failhtul  studs 
s^,  hehasUtl.eld  civil  offices  long,  oUith  to  collect  my  duty  from  ^f  i^t^XbTaf 
,1i?tinclion-U)is  is  the  substance  of  your  asser-    every    circumstance  by  which  it  might   beat 

f^ons      We  have  already  shown  the  pernicious    fected.  , 

-!end;"cv  of  your  succei«ion  argument;  we  sliall  Such  was  the  avowal  of  the  muividual,  chose,^ 
,\ow  ekpose  its  tiiUacy,  and  show  the  stations  the  fir.,t  President  ol  this  repubhc,  a  pe_,-son  un- 
Hen.  Jackson  has  filled,  and  what  has  been  the 


vil  administration- 


practised  in  the  duties  oi  civi 
fact  well  known  at  the  time  to  the  people,  as 
the  reply  of  their  representatives  in  Congress 
declared:  ,    , ,  ^,     r     ^ 

"You  have  long,"  said  they,  "held  the  first 
place  in  tire  people's  esteem:  you  have  often  re- 
cfcivtd  tokens  of  tlieir  aifection;  you  now  "pos- 
sess the  on!v  proof  that  remained  oi;  their  gra- 


character  that  he  has  establiiJied. 

At  what  period,  since  the  er-i  of  independ- 
ence, were  high  qualifications  most  nece.sary' 
Was  it  not,  wlien  the  heaving  of  the  political 
Waves  still  told  that  the  storm  of  the  revolu- 
tion was  scarcely  over?  V»'hal  is  not,  when  the 
liohtofthe  constitution  scarcely  began  to  dis- 

pd  the  gloom  of  the  confederacy'  Was  it  not  titudefor  your  pastservius 
when  the  n-ational  bark  for  tlie  first  time  floated 
upon  the  sea  of  e.-qieriment  >  If  such  was  llic 
cri.sis,  most  pregnant  with  events,  and  most  pro- 
ductive of  anxiety,  whom  did  the  people  take 
as  their  pilot'  \Yliere  were  then  those  cabinet 
;5*ed  miuisterJ,  who,  alone,  you  say,  have  there 


uisit-; 


atio:'is .'    AVti-e;'e  w^re    the  men 


What  past  services  '  not  those  of  a  cabinet 
minister— not  those  of  an  ambassador—not 
those  of  "a  tried  and  approved  statesmm  — 
not  services  of  a  civil  kind,  but  those  ul  "a  sol- 
dier." 

Was  the  republic  disappointed'  Was  Wash- 
ington found  irrcompetcnt?    If  he  was  compe- 


493 


\fi\\.  at  sucii  a  ciisis,  wiiy  sUoaUl  nyt  Gfener&l 
Jackson  be  conipet<y\t  now'  O'lr  insUtutioiis 
and  our  credit  are^now  established — Our  charac- 
ter is  high  in  the  estimation  of  the  worid — our 
citizens  have  not  made  greater  advances  in 
Tiumbers  ti>an  in  intelligence — a  Prt-sideut  has 
several  millions  of  'v.eii,  from  whom  to  select 
able  counsellors — the  people  hold  the  purse 
and  the  sword  in  their  own  hands:  why,  then, 
sliould  they  distrust  General  Jackson'  has  he 
ever  deceived  them?  in  what  instance  did  asi-lf- 
ish  spirit  guide  him'  where  has  he  ever  acted, 
but  for  his  conntry  ?  what  proofs  of  fitness  did 
AVashin^on  give  prior  to  1789  ?  he  answers 
himself,  none  of  a  civil  kind:  what  proofs  has 
.7ackson  given?  his  history  proves,  thi't,  besides 
that  given  by  Washington,  he  has  given  many 
that  Washington  never  gave.  Washington  was 
"  a  successful  military  chief" — Jackson  never 
Jailed  to  triumph  over  -his  country's  enemies. 
Washington,  before  his  elevation  to  the  Pre- 
sJdonc)',  never  executed  a  civil  trust — Jack- 
son has  executed  nearly  all  the  civil  trusts  in 
he  power  of  the  people  or  the  government  to 
ttmfer. 

You  perceive,  then,  gentlemen,  that  experl- 
•cnce  proves  the  fallacy  of  your  doctrine  of  siic- 
cession,  that  no  one  should  be  President,  who 
liad  not  been  in  the  political  ministry:  and  we 
now  proceed  to  show  that  Gen.  Jackson  has 
other  qualifications,  besides  those  of  a  military 
Tcind. 

1.  Gen.  .lactson  received  a  classical  educa- 
tion: was  this  no  advantage '  Some  of  your  as- 
sodates  think  it  an  inrlispensable  requisite,  for 
public  trust  or  private  station. 

2.  He  had,  like  Franklin,  to  establish  lire 
name,  without  the  patronage  of  a  sincjlc  relative 
Or  friend:  if  he  Irad  not  had  fident*:  and  virtues, 
Svouldhe  not  have  remained  in  obscurity?  Could 
lie  have  arrived  at  hts  present  celebrity  « ilhout 
them?  How  many  in  half  a  century  have  risen 
over  all  impediments  as  he  has  done?  How 
many  of  his  ass-allants  could  imitate  iiis  example' 

3.  In  his  20th  year,  he  was  .idinitted  to  the 
bar,  and  leaving  his  native'State,  South  Caroli- 
na, went  to  Nashville,  to  establisli  a  character 
and  earn  an  independence  amongst  straagers. 
IJidthis  not  evince  strength  of  mind  and  talents' 

4.  Such  was  the  leputation,  which  he  esta- 
IjFished,  that,  upon  the  organizationnf  the  terri- 
tory of  tlie  United  States  south  of  the  Ohio 
(now  called  Tennessee,)  in  May,  1790  Wash- 
ington  appointed  him  District  .^ttoim  ,*  a  sta- 
tion which  Andrew  Jackson  held  un;ii  elected 
to  serve  in  1796,  in  the  convention  for  formng 
a  constitution  for  Tennessee:  Was  this  no  proof 
of  fitness  for  civil  trusts' 

5.  In  his  30th  year  he  was  chosen  a  member 
oCthe  cofi>iention  forforming  a  constituticn  ibr 
Tennessee:  what  stronger  token  could  apeople 
give  of  theii'  sense  of  his  integrity  and  abilities,' 

6.  At  the  same  age  he  was  elected  a  meip.ber 
of  Congress  of  the  United  States;  was  not  this 
an  evidence  of  good  chaiacterand  qualifications 
ibr  civil  stations' 

7.  In  his  31st  year,  ke  was  elected  to  repre- 
.-ent  Tennessee  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  the  most  distinguislied  Tjody  of  this,  or 
perhaps  any  countrj':  wliat  could  more  clearly 
show  a  fitness  for  high  tnists? 

8.  The  next  station  v.hicli  he  filled  was 
'hat  cf  .fudiic  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Tennes- 


see: he  lie'lil  it  tyr  sevcial  )eai-3;  did  this  eiijict 
no  civil  qualifications  ? 

9.  Having  acquired  a  moderate  e^ate»  he 
retired  from  public  life,  and  became  a  Tennes- 
see  farmer:  what  a  contrast  with  his  rival '. 

10.  Whe7i  Congiess  authorized  the  em- 
ployment of  volunteers  to  defend  their  countr};,. 
in  the  last  war,  Andrew  Jackson  left  his  farm, 
and  appealed  to  liis  ne  ghbours  and  country, 
men  ;  2j00  of  them  placed  themselves  at  his 
disposal :  what  stronger  proof  of  his  patriotism — 
what  higher  evidence  of  the  attachment  of  his 
countrymen — need  be  given  ?  ' 

11  After  he  had  vanquished  the  confederated 
Indians,  and  their  more  savage  allies,  he  con- 
cluded se\'feral  imiiortant  treaties  with  the  form- 
er, under  the  direction  of  government,  not  on- 
ly to  its  satisfaction,  but  in  a  maiiner  tliat  com- 
manded the  gratitude  of  the  conquered  tribes: — 
are  these  no  tokens  of  merit ' 

12.  He  was  appointed  governor  of  Florifla. 
a  station  requiring  the  exercise  of  Svil  as  wdW 
as  military  qualifications:  was  not  thi^  »  proof 
ttiat  he  possessed  them  ? 

13.  Ho  was  offered,  by  Mr.  Monroe,  a  sea* 
in  the  Cabinet,  as  Secretary  at  War;  but  he  de- 
clined it:  was  thisno  evidence  oi  his  talents — = 
no  proof  of  his  being  free  from  selfish  or  amliri- 
tious  views? 

14.  Mr.  Monroe  asked  liiin  to  proceSS  to 
Mexico,  as  Ambaspador  of  .  Uni  ■  .  •  •  es: — 
was  this  no  proof  of  his  having  the  qoalifitations 
of  a  statesman  ?  he  refused  to  accept  the  station, 
because  he  thought  this  republic  ought  not  to 
sanction  the  military  usurpation  of  Iturbide, 
by  sending  a  minister  to  his  court — was  this 
such  coiuUict  as  would  dis'ing-jisb  a  man,  dis- 
posed to  become  himself  an  usurper? 

. . .  .Such,  geiitlemep,  ai'e  foiu^een  factsj  not 
assertions:  have  they  no  influence  uporx  tbj 
question  before  us'  do  thoy  not  contradict  you,, 
when  you  say  that  Andrew  Jackson  has  milrtarv 
merits  pnl)' '  do  tlie}-  not  support  Us,  when  wi 
say,  that  he  has  qualifications  from  n;iture,.  edu- 
cation, and  e\perience,  competent  to  the  exe- 
cution of  the  duties  of  President?  Are  not  your 
pai-tisans  constantly  boasting,  that  your  candi- 
date  had  the  confidence  of  Washington  and 
other  Presidents'  if  their  confidence  is  a  proof 
of  Mr.  Adarns's  merits,  why  shall  not  the  coiifi- 
ilencc  and  applause  of  Washington,  Adams, 
Jeflerson,  Madison,  Monroe,  and  John  Quincy 
Adams  himself,  be  proofs  of  General  Jacfcsoij's 
merits? 

1 .  President  WAsntjnjroK  appointed  Andriiv 
Jackson  to  a  high  ci\-il  trust,  which  he  held  fo: 
nearl)-  six  years. 

0.  President  John- Ai)A3re,  in  1  Si^O  decTsn-ed; 
tliat  he  had  been  attentive  to  the  character  and 
actions  of  Gen.  Jackson — that  he  considered  • 
him  one  of  the  gre.atest  military  cli.aracters  that 
Korth  America  had  produced — that  he  n  as  a 
csEAT  MAS,  to  whom  we  were  all  deepiv  in- 
debted, and  vvhose  bust  he  would  preserve  as  a 
precious  monument,  for  the  contemplation  of 
his.  Sir.  .\dams's,  posterity. 

3.  President  jF.FFEnsoN  declared,  that  An- 
drew Jackson  was  an  undeviating  rATjiiOT, 
whom  he  ranked  with  AVashington,  FrankJiii, 
Sec — that  he  was  a  clc.ar-hcaded,  strong-mind  ■ 
ed  man,,  with  more  of  the  Koroau  in  him  than 
any  man  living. 

4.  I'tv'-^'-'*  Y:--. '  --  :Tfn-'  -1  <n  int^vfv'T"  'r 


J.U4 


^« 


' 'iP'Mfii^'Jg''^e(;Ubft,   "-'triiQia  fecDllection  of  tothemeinory  ofUielateJudj^e  f  eters:  "Waii; 

'Vthe  relation  "in  mWcH  lie  stood  to  Gen.  Jack-  ington  never  patronized  the  undeserving." 
"  son,  whilst  President,  and  of  tlie  proofs  given        The  following  is  the  form  of  the  commissionj 

"  liim  cf  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held ."  given  by  Washington,  to  Andrew  Jackson :   We 

3.  President  Mojjkoe  said,    "  my  friendship  are  not  sore  that  the  date  is  con'=-ct,  tnit  we  be- 

•'  for  Gen.  Jackson,   and  the  strong   proofs  of  lievt  it  is  so,  and  equally  correct  in  all  other  pas-- 

"  confidence  and  regard  1    have    given   him,  ticulars:  The  disbict  south  of  thf  Ohio,  was  or- 

"^  whilst  President,   forbid   my  taking  any  part  gamzed  underact  of  Congress,  i.f  May  35,  1790: 

'■■  against  him  at  the  ensuing  election."     ^  Andrew  Jackson  was  appointed  under  it — 

G.  President  J.  Q.  Adams  said,  Gen.  Jackson  <<  George  Washington,  President  of  the  United 


*' justly  enjoys,  in  an  eminent  degree,  the  pub- 
lito  favor  :  of  his  worth,  talents  and  services,  no 


i>ne   entertains  a  higher,   or  more  respectful 
QDinioii,  than  myself'—"  his   whole  career  has 


States  of  America: 
To  all  who  shall  sec  these  presents,  greeting — 
"  Know  ye,  that  reposing  special  ti'ust  and 
Qpiroon,  than  mysen  — ••  i:is  wutnc  carcci-  iras  confidence,  in  the  integrity,  ability,  and  learning- 
been  signalized  by  the  purest  intentions,  and  of  Andrew  Jack.son,  of  Nashville,  in  the  territo- 
the  most  elevated  purposes,  and  lii.s  services  to  ry  of  the  United  States,  south  of  the  Ohio,  I 
tllis  nation  entitle  him  to  its  highest  rewards."  have  nominated,  and  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
. . .  .Here,  gentlemen,  are  six  more  fads,  not  consent  of  the  Senate,  do  appoint  him  attorney 
rOsseriians — luive  these  no  influence  upon  the  of  the  siid  United  States  for  the  district  of  the 
question  before  us  >  Is  all  that  the  six  Presi-  £,:i;d  U.-ut?  1  olales  south  of  the  river  Ohio:  and 
tWnts  have  «aid  and  done  false  and  erroneous  ?  do  authorize  and  empower  him  to  execute  and 
Oo  you  admit  the  competency  of  your  own  fulfil  the  duties  of  that  office  according  to  law; 
tandidate,  t6  decide,  whether  a  man  is  or  is  not  ;ind  to  liave  ajid  hold  the  same,  together  with 
\Kortliy  of  the  Presidency  If  you  admit  his  all  t'.ie  poiver,  privileges,  and  emoluments there- 
-competency,  what  becomes  of  all  the  slanders  to  of  right  appertaining,  unto  him  the  said  An- 
nipon  Gen.  Jajckson — and  your  own  objections  ?  drew  Jackson,  during  the  pleasure  of  the  Presi- 
■'.j'ohn  Q.  Adams  declares  that  AntU-ew  Jackson  dent  of  tlie  U.  S.  for  the  time  being:  In  testi- 
descrves  the  highest  rewards  that  his  country  mony  whereof  I  have  caused  these  letters  to  be 
^an  bestow — what  is  the  highest  reward  '  Sure-  made  patent,  and  the  seal  of  the  United  States 
15  the  very  station  to  which  you  modestly  de-  to  be  hereto  afBxed. 

dare  he  Iras  no  claim.  Given  under  my  hand,  at  the   City  of  New- 
Read  over  again,  we  entreat  you,  the  address  York,  the  twelfth  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of 
which  you   have  signed:  read    especially   this  our  Lord,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  nine- 
santence  :  "  we  are  constrained  to  say,  that,  if  ty. 


"  his  conduct  in  office  should  conespond 

"  with  any  kno\vn  part  of  his  conduct  in 

"  lifb,  public  or  private,  there  is  no  ground 

•■■•■  fo  hope  that  l>e  would  be  governed  by 

"  anyrespect  fortlie  constitution,  the  laws, 

•''  or  the  rights  of  liis  fellow-citizens." 

. . .  .This,  gentlemen,   is  your   solemn  asser- 

Xfin  in  the  face  of  the  world  ;  would  not  a  str.m- 

"•er  suppose  that  you  allude   to  some  high-way 

Sbbber  ?     Would   any   one   suppose,   that  the 

man,  whom  you  thus  mostindecently  abuse,  is  the 

same  person  whose  character  is  written,  not  on 

I^  by  the  hands  of  all  oiu- Presidents,  but  in  the 

h'earts  of  a  grateful  people  !     Shame — shame, 

ilpon  the  vile  passions  that  could  dictate  such  a 

liftel ! 

V.onr5^  Sec. 

JOSliPH  WOURELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCA>7, 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
HENRY  TOLAND, 
.!OHN  WUKTZ, 
WILLIAM  J.   UUANE, 
AVILLIAM  J.   LEIPER, 
CHARLES  S.   COXE, 
THOMAS  M.  PE'ITIT, 
\.omnuiia:  of  Correspondence,  for  Philadelphia, 


[t..  3.]     (Signed)         G.  WASHINGTON. 

LETTER  XI. 
2b  John  Sergeant,  Manuel  Syre,  Latcrence  Lac- 
h,  C.  C.  Bidilk,  and  Joseph  P.  JVm-ri^,  Ssqrs. 
Jlutlwrs  of  an  address  adopted  at  the  aiminis- 
Iraiion  tmon  nv  eting  of  the  7th  July. 
Oentlemkn  :  At  the  meet  ng,   which  adopt- 
ed   your  a.idress,    many  correct    observations 
were  Tjiade  by  Jlr.  Hopkinson:  "  To  thmk free- 
ly, to  act  freely,  and  to  discuss  freely,"  said  he, 
«'  are    essential   rights   of    repubhcanism — but 
they  must  be  exercised   with   a   kind,   liberal, 
and  accommod.-'.t'ig  .-ipirit:"  Y'et  this  judicious 
cottnse!  was  scirctly  given,  when  \on  present- 
etl  your  address,  containing  this  assertion  : — 
"AVeare  constr.iiued  to  say,   and  we   say  it 
with  reluctance,  that,  if   his  (Gen.   Jack- 
son's) cond'ict  in  office  should  correspond 
with  any  known  part  of  his  conduct  in  life, 
public  or   private,  there  is  no  ground  to 
liope,  that  lie  would  be  governed  by  any 
respect  for  the  constitution,  tlie   laws,  or 
the  rights  of  his  fellow  citizens. " 
Is  this    n  a  kind,  liberal,  or  accommodating 
spirit '     Could  malignity  itself  clothe  abuse  in 
,,,..,  ,,  to 


appohittd  by  the  Rtpubliean  Convention,  i/s-    any  terms  so  Will   caicidated,   as  tivese  are: 
imblcdat  Harrisburg,  Jan.  8lh,  1828.  engender  haticd  and  suspicion?— You  say,  you 

JfUnist  lilJ'    IS23.  reluctantly  utter  this  proscription,  and  seem  to 

^  ■*  thiiikthat  your  reluctance  qualifies  or  excuses 

• ..To  have  been  rewarded,  for  these  pub-    its  indecency ;  but  tlie  very  reverse^  is  tl.e  case; 

"  Re  services  and  others,  by  a  commission  •   •■  '      •         -   ''  -  -  ' 

"signed  by  Wasliington,   who  never  pat- 

"  ronized  the  undeserving,  is  a  substantial 

"recommendation." 

Su.ch  was  the  language  ofMr.  C.  J.IngersoU, 

at  a  meeting  of  the  bar  of  Philadelphia,  August 

"■',  ?8"8,  ctillKl  to  pay  a  la;t  tribvite  of  respect 


much  that  is  said,  during  tlie  excitement  of  a 
popular  assemb  y,  should  be  forgotten  and  for- 
given at  its  dissolution;  but  reluctance  shows 
t)i.atyou  deliberated,  and  therefore  no  palliation 
exists. 

That-you  ought  to  have  been  reluctant,  who 
c,".n  (loubf  for  vou  aver,  that  Ren.  JacbBon  hail 


40  y 


ui  ills  priviite  lil'c  and  public  cai'eer,  violated 
the  constitution,  tJie  law,  and  tlie  rights  of  his 
ieliow  citizens,  so  often,  tliat  even  hope  of  le- 
formation  is  extinct! — Vo  iinike  sucli  achaig'e 
as  this,  every  man  ought  indeed  to  be  rehictant, 
because  he  may  be  required  to  prove  it;  and 
because  suoli  a  charge  cannot  but  be  regarded 
as  an  insult  to  a  wliole  people—  for,  of  whom  is 
this  picture  given'  a  person  old  ennujjh  to  be 
the  fcither  oi  any  of  his  ti'.-ducers — a  man  hon- 
ored with  the  confidi.nce  of  all  our  Presidents 
— a  man,  whom  m  pul)hc  body,  court,  or  jury, 
l^as  ever  censured — a  mar-  who  was  never  fined 
Tjut  oue«,  and  then,  like  Aristides,  for  being 
true  to  his  country — a  man,  who  enonntered 
"  war,  pestilence,  and  famine"  to  ^ard  our 
naked  fronti.i's,  whilst  the  mass  of  his  slander- 
ers were  resting  on  beds  of  down — a  man,  who, 
wjtiiout  patronage  or  family,  has  raisf  d  himself 
fi'om  obsniirity  to  t'le  highest  place  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen ! 

Such  is  the  iiidividual,  whom  )ou  denounce 
with  a  bitterness,  that  no  criminal  judge  would 
indulge  in  when  sentencing  the  most  hardened 
officnder!  What  must  Uie  world  think  of  a  peo- 
ple, who  have  not  only  perii'tted  an  uniform 
violatoi'  of  all  that  is  sacred,  to  go  unpunished, 
but  have  conferred  upon  him  the  highest  tnists, 
for  nearly  forty  yeare' — or,  what  must  they 
think  of  you,  if  tiiey  prefer  the  testimony  of 
the  coumiy  to  your  imputations? 

Upon  that  contrast  alone,  we  might  rest  the 
r^uestion — wlietl^cr  j  our  represenlation  is  true 
or  not:  but,  we  preiei-  an  open  exposition:  we 
desire  that  no  doubt  may  exist  of  our  abiUty, 
■or  inclination,  to  prove  that  die  estimate  of 
Gen.  Jackson's  ciiaracter,  formed  by  his  coiin- 
tr}',  is  correct,  and  that  your  i.'etcription  of  it 
is  baseless — tliat  his  countiy  h:is  bten  just  and 
generous,  but  that  you  are  cruel  and  ungrateful. 

Here,  at  the  ihrtshold,  however,  we  are 
Stopped  by  your  own  default:  you  have  made 
one  of  the  most  serious  charges  ever  preferred, 
and  yet  you  have  not  sUUeri  a  single  instance, 
in  the  private  life  of  (Jen.  Jackson,  of  any  want 
of  integrity,  or  of  any  outr.tge  on  constitution, 
Ia,w,  ortlie  rights  of  his  fellow  citizens.  Yon 
content  yourselves  witli  a  series  of  assertions, 
culled  from  a  catidogue  of  purcha.sed  calumnies, 
and,  in  your  zeal  to  preserve  the  ^rossncss  of 
the  original,  To;get  what  was  due  to  your  coun- 
tjy  and  youi-selves. 

In  the  absence  of  all  specification,  a.s  to  his 
private  life,  wliat  are  your  chai-ges  against  his 
public  conduct?  Has  he  e\er neglected  or  be- 
trayed his  counti-y's  interests  '  has  ho  ever 
given  a  vote  at  variance  with  republican  princi- 
ples? has  he  ever  defiimed  th;;  c.^unt^y,  from 
which  he  was  at  the  time  deriving  honor  and 
eniolum^nl'  has  he  ever  been  an  apo3t.it..  for 
office — a  common  iui'nrmerfor  pro;notion?  Let 
tls  see. ...  what  are  his  of^'eiices'  nobody  will 
doubt  your  zcul  in  exposing  them:  v.-l.at,  tlie.n, 
are  they  ?  You  refer  to  three  periods  only  m  his 
political  career;  1— -  n  1790,  us  a  member  of 
Congress:  2  -  ia  1815,  at  New  OrUans:3— and 
subsequently,  in  the  Seminole  war. 

1.   As  to  the  first:  "Americans,"  you  say, 
*'  giory   in  the  name  of  Washington.     General 
'  JacS«on  has  recorded  his  hostihlv  to  that  voji- 
"  erated  iiame."* 

The  design  of  tliis  assertion  is  palpable — no- 
thing is  more  natural  than  that  Amrricansshould 


venerate  the  man  wiio  fought  tiieii'  battje^  am"! 
materially  contributed  to  the  happiness  oftlreiv 
country — nothing  is  more  natural,  than  that 
♦hey  should  consider  his  enemy,  as  in  some  mesa- 
sure  tlieii-  own.  To  opejato  upon  tlie  feelings  of 
the  people,  therefore,  you  have  made  the  above 
assertion,  and  Uie  inquiry,  that  first  presait.'s 
itself,  is— v:hether  tliw  assertiaa  U  true!  We. 
cannot  hesitate,  one  moment,  in  asserting,  that" 
it  is  riot — it  is  not  only  unfounded  in  itself  but 
there  is  a  suppression  of  truths,  which,  if  IIEC- 
senfed  to  the  public,  would  have  shown  its- im- 
posture. 

If,  for  instance,  you  had  charged  ti^n.  WasTj- 
ington  vrlfh  shedding  American  idood  hi  seve-' 
rrd  instances,  and  had  said  no  more,  you  would 
have  treated  him  exactly  as  yon  have  treated 
Ooii.  .lackson— it  would  have  been  true,  that 
Gen.  Washington  had  caused  American  blood  to 
be  Bbcd,  but  the  further  truth  should  liave  been 
told,  that  the  blood  shed  was  that  of  traltoFtf, 
mutineers  and  deserters — and  thus  all  odium 
VI  ould  have  been  prevented .  So  that,  even  the 
fame  of  Washington  might  thus  be  blasted,  by 
the  suppression  of  the  facts  material  to  an  hon- 
est exposition. 

Is  such  a  course  .as  tliis  "  kind"  or  "  liberal?  ' 
Is  it  consistent  with  the  habits  of  our  communi- 
ty '  Is  it  honorable  to  yourselves  or  to  the  cau^g 
which  you  espouse' 

Ameiricans  glory  in  the  names  of  John  Han'- 
cocIe,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Edmund  Pendleton 
—the  two  first  were  proscribed  by  tlie  Britidi 
ministry,  at  the  dawn  of  the  revolution,  and  the 
latter  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  vvhigs 
of  Virginia.  What  would  you  have  said,  if,  on. 
the  death  of  such  eminent  men,  Andrew  Jack- 
s'>n  had  voted  against  paying  lo  their  meinorjes 
••  the  cheap  tribute  of  crape"  for  thirty  days' 
Jl'ight  you  not,  then,  have  some  apology  for  as- 
serting, that  he  recorded  his  hostility  to  their 
venerated  names?  If  such  a  vote  ought  lo  de. 
grade  him  in  t'.ie  e\  es  of  his  countrymen,  what 
du  you  think  of  your  own  candidate?  It  was 
not  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  but  J.  9.- 
Adams,  of  MassachuEett.^  who  tluis  recoivleO 
his  hosiililyto  Samuel  Adams  and  Edmund  Pen- 
dleton ! 

ID\d  the  vote  of  Andrew  Jackson  to  whicli 
you  allude,  the  least  similitude  to  such  a  ran- 
corous vote  as  this  ?  Had  that  vote  the  smallest 
reference  to  W-AsWmgion  penonalli/  ov  poUiicaf- 

ly^     Farfrom  it it  would,  indeed,  have  been 

publiclv  base  and  ijersonally  ungrateful,  if  An- 
drew Jackson  had  entertained  hostility  to  Wasli- 
inglori,  who  was  not  merely  his  country's  sliieli}, 
but  his  own  earliest  benefactor  ! 

IVhat,  then,  is  the  Coandation  of  your  charge? 

Gen.  Wasliington  having  dclivereci  an  address 
to  Congress,  a  reply  on  the  pan  of  the  House  of 
Rcpiesentati\-ts  was  prepared  by  Sir.  Fisher 
Ames— this  reply,  instead  of  being  liberal  and 
pati-iotic,  w.as  factions  and  insulting  to  many  of 
the  members  of  the  House— upon  the  question 
whether  such  ^  r^piy  should  he  adopted,  An- 
tli'CW  Jackson  recorded  his  opjiosition.  Was  this 
hostility  to  Washington  r  If  it  was,  then  tlie  v^'higs 
of  Pennsylvania  were  hostile  to  him,  .and  th-y 
included  men,  respect  for  wliose  memory  ougtit 
to  have  protected  their  friend  General  Jackson, 
at  least  from  your  censure!  Y'es,  it  is  true," 
that  so  early  as  ir96s  Andrew  Jackson  was  i« 
the  same  ranks  with  JeffVl-jon,  CliiTton-.  Lang' 


106 


joii,  Mapo.iij  Giles,  llojiioc,  Smilie,  Venable, 
i>uval,  Butle)',  Mason,  Whitehill,  and  other  dis- 
tinguished republicans — and  it  is  true,  that  then 
and  by  them  was  commenced  the  oj)position 
(.not  to  Washington,  but  to  an  aristocratic  fac- 
tion) which  ended  in  the  banishment  of  Mr. 
John  Adams  to  Braintree  I  Is  this  a  crime,  in 
the  eyes  of  republicans?  No  doubt  it  is  in  yours, 
gentlemen,  for  your  principles  are  aristocratic  ; 
but  it  cannot  be  in  th^-irs  ;  on  the  contrary,  you 
have  placed  in  a  new  light  this  early  claim 
which  Andrew  Jackson  had  upon  the  gratitude 
of  his  countrymen. 

Gov.  Giles,  one  of  the  minority,  with  whom 
(Jen.  Jackson  voted,  in  a  letter  dated  May  5, 
1828,  gives  a  faitlifu'  history  of  the  vo  c,  to 
which  you  object:  "Mr.  Ames,"  says  he,  "might 
"  without  difficulty,have  obtained  an  unanimous 
'.' and heartt/  vole,  in  favor  of  his  answer  (to  Gen. 
"  Washington's  address)  if  his  sole  o!)ject  had 
"  been  the  plaudits  of  Gen.  If'asking/o'i,  'low- 
■'•  ever  highly  wrought  or  extravagant  -  but  this 
y  v-ci'.^O  not  content  him  or  his  party:  the  hu- 
"  mJiation  of  their  political  antagonists  seemed 
*■' to  be  the  most  acceptat)le  portion  of  his  un- 
"  hallowed  incense:  Mr.  Ames  made  the  most 
. "  artful  and  cutting  thrusts  at  them  which  the 
"  occasion  invited." 

Thus  we  see  that  tlie  republicans,  inpludmg- 
Gen.  Jadkson,  would  have  heartily  and  unani- 
mously recorded  praise  and  gratitude  to  Wash- 
ington, but  that  would  not  suit  Mr.  Ames  and  his 
party  :  and  who  was  Sir.  Ames,  and  wha 
were  the  principles  of  his  party  * 

"It  is  in  the  nature  of  white  birch  states," 
s;i'k1  Mr.  Amt  s,   "  to  £;til  in  two  years  :  and 
"  A  BEpcBiic  wears  out  its  morals,  almost 
"  as  soon  as  the  sap  of  a  wliite  birch  rots  t\ie 
"  wood." — JVorks  of  Fisher  .Imcs — p.  514. 
"  Our  country  is  too  big  for  union — too  sor- 
"  did  for  patriotism — too  deriiocr.atic  for 
"  liberty." — Same — p.  483. 
■'Our  disease  is. democracy:  it  is  not  the  skin 
" that  fiaters,  our  very  bones  are  carious, 
--'and  their  marrow  blackens  with   gan- 
''  grene. " — Same. 
Such  were  the  sentiments  of  Mr.  Ames,  the 
npetes.ded  fiiend  of  Washington;  but  what  were 
•he  principles  of  Washington?" 
"  Accustom  yourselves,  "s.aidhe,  "totldHka.ni 
'■  epcah  o(  your  union  as  the  palladium   of 
"vour   political  s;ifcty    and   prosperity." 
' '  Is  there  a  doubt  whethci'  a  co:r.innn  gov- 
.    "  ernment  can  embr,ice  so  large  a  sphere? 
'• — let  expericjice  solve  it:to/w.'e«  to  spec- 
"ulation  in  such  a  c.ise  were  criminal? 
■<  Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  libei-ty  with 
"every  ligament  of  your  hearts,  no  recom- 
"  mendation  of  mine  is  necessary  to  fortify 
''<  or  confirm  the  .atUichment. 
Which,  gentlemen,  do  you  pro*ss,  the  doc- 
trines of  Sir.  Ames,  or  tliose  of  Gen.  W-i^-'hing- 
tOn'  If  the  latter,  can  you  be  surprscd,  that  the 
republican  party,  inclutling  Gen.   Jack.-on,  re- 
fused to  sanction   an  tiddrcss,   penned  by  Mr 
Ames— an  addre^^s,  no'  approbatory  of  Washing- 
ton, but  masking  the  hostility  of  Mr.  Aires  to 
the  true  friends  of  "lie  Union'   With  what  truth, 
ttien,  do  you  assert  that  G^n.  Jackson   was  hos- 
tile to  Gen.  Washington!   is  it  not  manifest  that 
it  was  Mr.   Ames,  who  was  in  principle  hostile 
10  hiiri^  havf  not  the  ]);irt\'.  t.">  M''i'c'^i  i''-"  belorrr, 


systematically  acted  in  direct  hostUi.ty  tq  Gei,  • 
AVashington's  farewell   address' 

The  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson,  at  New- 
Orleans,  which,  collectively,  will  form  an  imper- 
ishable monument,  not  only  to  his  own  fame, 
but  to  the  glory  of  his  country,  has  been,  ne- 
.venheless,  the  fruitful  topic  for  defamatioit. 
Thf  people,  and  their  representative.s,  have  pas- 
sed upon  it,  and  by  both  the  gratitude,  due  to 
patriotic  devotion,  has  been  added  to  the  hon. 
ors  conferred  on  military  skill. 

Is  not  this  true'  And,  as  you  ksow  it  is,  is  it 
not  an  ample  reply  to  ymr  reproaches'  Or 
have  you  l!>P  vanity  to  suppose,  tliat  a  garbled 
statemen',  m'lde  under  factious  excitement,  is. 
to  outweigh  thedetails  which  ah-eady  constitute 
grave  history? 

You  assert,  that  Geu  Jackson  turned  the  le- 
gislature dut  of  doors,  but  you  en' in  saying  tverr 
that:  it  is  ii  mistake,  he  simply  caused  a  suspen- 
sion of  delibe:'ation3  ' — And  why  did  he  adopt 
that  course?  because  the  legislature  proposed  to 
smreudel-  to  the  enemy  a  city,  which  it  was  the 
duty  of  Gen.  Jackson  to  defend:  would  you, 
gentlemen,  have  surrendered  tha city?  If  not, 
then  yo.i  must  .approve  of  the  only  coui'se  by 
which  th.at  calamity  could  have  been  averted. 

You  assert,  that  after  peace  was  known  to  have 
been  in-idc,  Gen.  Jackson  fettered  the  press, 
imprisoned  a  judge,  arrested  a  patriotic  mem- 
ber of  the  legislature,  Sec.  but  you  surely  do 
not  mean  to  say,  th.it  this,  or  any  pai't  of  this, 
was  done,  after  t!ie  existence  of  peace  was 
known  at  New  Orkans .'  Your  lang'jage  is 
anibig-uiius:  it  seems  to  have  been  oesigned  to 
convey  an  impression,  that  this  was  done  bj' 
Gen.  Jackson,  after  he  knew  that  peace  exist- 
ed— but  we  are  unwilling  to  attribute  to  you  a 
design,  that  would  disgrace  the  vilest  of  the 
many  vile  slanderers  of  General  Jackson-  you 
cannot  mean  to  s.ay,  that  General  Jackson  knew 
th.at  peace  existed,  because  sucli  an  a.ssertion 
would  be  inconsistent  with  truth:  Wh.at,  then, 
are  the  facts'  Gen.  Jackson  was  responsible 
for'heftiteof  New  OiJeans,  and  had  declared 
martial  law — ;f  he  had  not  done  so.  New  Or- 
leans would  been  betrayed  by  spies  aadtraitors, 
and  the  consequences  need  not  be  described: 
if  martial  law  was  an  indispensable  measure, 
then  it  became  the  duty  of  the  General  to  see 
that  it  wais  not  a  dead  letter;  to  see  that  even 
judge.sand  legislators  should  not  betrav  their- 
country !  The  defence  is,  therefore,  brief,  as  it 
has  hitlierto  been  triumphant. 

But,  gentlemen,  if  Gen.  Jackson  really  did, 
and  you  say  he  did,  commit  such  outrages  upon 
constitution,  law,  and  pc-r-ional  rights,  is  it  not 
itiai-vellous,  th.it  the  Congress  of  the  Union, 
whilst  the  events  were  fresh  in  memory,  in  the 
sess-on  of  1815,  passes!  resolutions  of  thanks, 
and  voted  gold  medal.?,  to  hunf— N.-ty,  gentle- 
men, we  will  bring  th-;  matter  sliii  clo*.cr  to 
vouvselvis:  you  know  that  evei-y  member  of 
Congress  s«eai-s  to  support  the  constitution.; 
you  know  that  a  m.emb-jr,  vi-hohas  akiiowl  dge 
"that  a  public  olhcer  violated  the  constitution  and 
thelaw,andvetom't9tocallhimtoac.couiit,ishim- 
self  guilty  of  abr.  ach  of  trust.  Let  us  then  apply 
these  facts  to  one  of  yourselves,  Mr.  John  -Ser- 
geant: he  was  in  Congress,  per!i;ips  eiilier  than, 
but  certainly  in  1818;  all  the  acts  done  at  N  Or- 
le:ins  in  181.')  were  then  as  well  known  astliey  are 
now,   what  n'-^.  v:"  to  think  of  a  Tiepresentativf, 


'>\iiO  tbcifi  oveilooked  tii  oiitragcs  vvhicli  his 
pen  now  describes  in  such  appalling  colors? — 
Did  Mr.  Sergeant  neglect  his  ccuntr)'  then,  or 
is  his  present  alarm  factitious'  Is  it  true,  that, 
with  a  knowledge  of  the  existeace  of  peace, 
Gen.  Jac'Kson  did  trample  on  constitution,  law, 
■and  personal  liberty-aiid  if  it  is,  why  did  not  Mr. 
Sergeant  call  for  inquir>' and  for  Tunishment' 
And  if  Mr.- Sergeant  did  not  call  for  inqu'ry, 
33  he  was  bound  by  the  most  sacred  obligation.s 
to  do,  is  it  not  conclusive  that,  .n  1818,  he  did 
not  believe  that  any  such  outrages  had  been 
committed '  And  if  he  did  not  then  believe  so, 
how  has  the  conviction  to  tlie  contrary  been 
since  produced?  No,  gentleme.i,  allow  us  to 
say,  w'rlhout  meaning'  disrespect,  that  you  act 
^mder  txcitement — you  write  under  excitement 
— and  it  is  not  in  -your  power  to  convince  an  in  ■ 
telligent  people,  of  the  fairness  of  repiesenta- 
tions,  in  which,  in  moments  of  refection,  yovi 
canrot  yourselves  confide. 

The  third  branch  of  your  censure  shall  be  no. 
'iced in  our  next  letter. 
Tours,  &c. 

JOSEPH  WORRELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN, 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
HENRY  TOLANLi, 
JOHN  WURTS, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUaNE, 
WILLIAM  J.  LEIPEH, 
CHARLES  S.   COXE, 
THOMAS  M.  PET1IT, 
Committee   of  Con-espondence  for  Phila- 
delphia, appointed  by  the  Republican 
Convention,  assembled  at  Hanisburg-, 
Jaji.   8th,  1828. 
August  16th,  1828. 

*  There  are  not,  in  Pennsylvania,  two  more 
violent  opposers  of  Cen.  Jackson,  t'nan  Messrs. 

Abner    Lacock  and  Jonatlian   Roberts tlie 

journal  of  the  United  States  Senate,  of  January, 
1819,  records  their  hostili'y  to  the  venerated 
name  of  Washington  in  these  terms — on  a  mo- 
tion to  carry  into  effect  a  resolution  S  Congress, 
of  August  7, 1783,  for  erecting  a  s'atue  to  Wash- 
ington, the  T£*s  were  30,  the  nays  6,  including 
in  this  lank  minority  Messrs.  Lacock  and  llo- 
herts!! 

f  The  foHowing  resolutions  will  be  found 
Rinong  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  adopted 
in  February,  1815. 

"  Resckcd,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  United  States  of  America, 
in  Congi-ess  assembled.  That  the  thanks  of  Con- 
gress, be,  and  they  are  lif  rebv  given  to  MA- 
JOR-GENER.\L  JACKSON,  and  through  Iiim, 
to  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  regular  army, 
of  the  militia,  and  of  the  volunteers  under  his 
command,  the  greater  proportion  of  whicli 
troops  consisted  of  militia  end  roktnicers,  sud- 
denly collected  together,  for  tlieir  usifor.h 
■i-iLLAKTRY  and  GOOD  CONDUCT,  conspicu- 
nuslv  disvlayed  against  Ihe  enemi/,  FROM  THE 
TIME  OF  HIS  LANDING  KEFORE  NEW 
ORLEANS,  UNTIL  HIS  FINAL  EXPUL- 
SION THEREFROM:  and ;7;,-.(;cu&r/yf..rtheir 
ralyf,  skill,  "td^ood  conduct  on  the  eighlh  of 
■January  last,  in  repulsing,  with  great  slaughter, 
a  nunia-ous  Briiisli  army  of  chostn  veteran 
troops,  when  attempting,  by  a  bold  and  daring 
frttatic   to   eaiTV  hv  .storm,   the   works  lit'stily 


llirown  up  for  lite  protection  of  "^^^  Orii^AliSp 
and  thereby  obtaining  a  most  signal  victorv 
over  the  enemy,  with  a  disparity  of  loss,  on  his 
part,  UNEXAMPLED  IN  MILITARY  AN- 
NALS. .      . 

"  Rewtved,  That  the  President  of  the  UmteU 
States  be  requested  to  caii-se  to  be  struck,  a 
Gold  Medal,  v*-ith  devices  emblematical  of  this 
splendid  achievement,  and  presented  to  Major 
General  Jackson,  aj  a  testiinony  oj  the  liigli  sense 
entertained  bit  Consp-ess  nf  his  JUDICIOUS  a^tif, 
distineuished  cmulueton  that  memorable  occasion. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Preadent  of  the  Unitefl 
States  be  requested  to  cause  the  foregomg  resoj 
lutionstobe  commuuiouted  to  MAJOR-GEN- 
ERAL JACKSON,  in  such  terms  as  he  mat 
deem  best  calculated  to  give  effect  to  t.\T>.  oTi 
jects  thereof." 

LETTER  Xn. 

To  John  Sergeant,  Manuel  Eyre^  Law-retic' 
Lewis,  C.  C.  BUhVe,  and  Joseph  P.  Norr,s, 
R'.quircs,  .luthors  of  an  addrcs  adopted  at  the. 
M.nmistration  town  meeting  oJ  tlie  7lk  Julyj- 
GuNTLEMF-N  :  In  the  speech  of  Mr.  Hopkm- 
son.  to  which,  in  our  last  letter,  we  took  the- 
freedom  to  refer,  that  gentleman  very  correct- 
ly .said,  that  the  sense  of  the  people  'S  not  to 
be  ascertained  from  "the  u>ten<p"rate  address- 
es of  self-called  meetings,  cr  tlie  more  intem- 
perate harangues  of  inflamed  .-mdswellmg  ora- 
tors :"  it  would,  indeed,  be  a  blotupon  ^vt  re- 
putation of  Philadelphia,  if  any  portion  of  our 
immunity  bad  deliberately  sanctioned  your 
address  :  and  it  is  due  to  that  comn.un.ty  to 
sav,  that  it  bears  no  more  resemblance  to  tht 
acts  of  otu-  citizens,  calmly  executed,  than  tjie 
harangues  to  wliich  Mr.  Hopmnson  ''e'^'J-^; 
do  to'the  exalted  feelings  of  the  people  ot  the 
South.  ,    ^        ,   iiM 

What  part  did  your  meeting,  what  part  a\a 
even  you,  gentlemen,  take,  in  the  formation  ot 
your  address  >  you  were  appo'nted_  upon  tne 
spot  to  report  an  address  ;  your  chairman,  Ml. 
Sergeant,  produced  one  already  written,  but 
which  none  of  you,  as  a  comnuttee  at  least,. 
even  considered ';  -n  the  haste  and  bustle  inci- 
dent to  Uie  meeting,  the  address  was  read  by 
you,  or  perhaps  not  read  at  all ;  with  tne  ex- 
ception of  your  chairman,  you  had  no  soft  oV 
opportunity'  to  consider  the  nature  of  the 
charges  made  in  it.;  but,  relying  on  him,  yoU 
agreed  to  report  the  instrument  as  your  delilJ- 
efate  act  !  The  selfcallrd  meeting  then 
adopted  in  mass  the  harangue  of  its  "inflatned 
author  !  and  thus  gave  the  world  one  ot  the 
most  gross  productions  that  the  intemper- 
ance of  anv  faction  has  ever  saxictioned. 
■  Is  such 'a  course  consistent  with  the  charac- 
ter of  Philadelphia  ?  Is  it  such  as,  in  pnvate 
life,  anv  of  you  would  venture  to  pursue  >  Is 
there  o'ne  of  you,  even  the  chairman  himseit, 
who  would  charge  any  fellow-citizen  with  wan- 
toaand  deliberate  murder,  '  If  any  of  you  be- 
lieved that  any  murders  had  been  committed, 
would  yon  not  consider  it  a  solemn  duty  to  pur- 
sue the  offender  .' 

Upon  what  nrmciple,  then,  is  it  that  you  jus- 
tify your  doing  as  politicians,  what  you  woulci. 
not  tare,  or  what  you  would  blush  to  do,  as  pri- 
vate men '  Would  you  not  feel  yourselves  in  an. 
awkward  predi<^ament,  if  ca«f  d  upon  to  sut;- 


408 


-.cinliate  bai'liK-l  jai%  Uio  tuul  ciimes  you  im- 
ijule  to  Gf-n.  Jackson  before  the  public  }  Ljit, 
gentlemen,  you  fancy  that  you  ai-e  safe,  because 
conscious  iuiiccence  is  a  shield  siifficientlvain- 
.  ^le  to  protect  Gen  Jackson  from  '<ll  aspersions, 
Because  his  country  has  already  refused  to  ctn- 
sure  him,  and  you  really  were  not  aware  of  the 
extent  of  your  own  denunciation — is  it  not  so  ? 
For  our  own  part,  w«  entirely  acquit  all  of 
you,  fxce]5t  your  chairman,  of  responsibility 
for  your  address  ;  we  do  not  believe  that,  your 
chairman  excepted,  any  of  you  understood  its 
real  character,  and  we  siiall  be  able  to  show 
th»tyour  chairman  himself,  cither  did  not  be- 
lieve what  lie  has  now,  \\hen  inflamed,  writ- 
jten,  or  that  if  he  did  believe  it,  he  has  most 
g-rossly  abused  the  coatidence  placed  in  hhn  bv 
J  fiis  district. 

The  third  branch  of  your  adilress  embraces 
<ftTCurreuces  subsequent  to  tlie  peace  of  1815, 
(in  the  Indian  and  Spanish  settlements.     You 
are  not,  indeed,  as  precise  as  men  writing  on  a 
'  -solemn  subject,  and  appearing  before  the  pub- 
lic, ought  to  be.     You  do  not   mention  dates, 
wlaces  or  persons  ;  but  in  sweeping'  terms,  you 
assert  that  Gen.  Jackson  has  looked  uponijlood 
•ttnd  carnage  with  composure,  if  not  enjoyment; 
and  that  he  has  eagerly  caught  at  every  oppor- 
tunity to  shed  Anterican  blood,  without  any  au- 
thority but  arbitrary   power  !     This   pic' lire, 
you  must  confi.  ss,  could  not  ha\  e  had  a  hieiier 
colouring:  ii;s;ory   does  not  present  a  nitiian 
-vvhose  ]*oi>ensi'.ie3  were   more  atrocious   than 
thoge   attributed  to  Gen.   .Lackson  I     Such  of 
^'ou,  gentkmeti,  as  really  desire  to  be  esteem- 
ed and  beloved,  as  good  and  intelligent  men, 
cannot  but  feel  some  "compunctious  visitings," 
as  you  look  upon  the  hideous  object,  which  an 
infla:^  ed  temperament  has  tlius  seduced  you  to 
resent  to  thespublic  eyes  !   At  least  you  ought 
>  have  inquired — and   compared — and  given 
:  <ts  ajid  evidence  ;  but  you  disdain  the  per- 
.rinance  of  such  duties,   and  ofter  bare  asser- 
ions  1 
Now,  you  mpst  be  aware  that  it  is  utterly  im- 
•jjosslblfj  ft)r  us  to  meet  a  sweeping  allegation, 
except  by  a  positive  de<;ial  of  its  truth.     If  you 
had  given  dates,  names,  and  places,  we  would 
-lave  entered  uijon   the  inquiry  ;  but  there  is 
'.nt  a  man  in  the  penitentiary  wlio  wotdd  not 
,;[itly  consider  himself  injured  and  abused,  if 
,  ou  had  applied  to  him  the  terms  which  you 
ecklessly  employ  against  a  jjatriot  who  stands 
.  lighest  in   the  hirarts  of  his  eountryraen.     We 
iing  buolc,  then,  all  such  imputations  as  foul 
and  slanderous. 

. . .  .When  Gen,  Jackson  had  defeated,  on  the 
iiain  of  Orleans,  the  bes-t  appointed  army  evci' 
•mbod'.ed  in  America — when  his  own  army,  un- 
,  iijurcd,  saw  the  remnant  of  their  enemies  in 
disorder  and  ilight,  and  sotight  to  pui-sue  them, 
.hat  was  <he  conduct  of  Gen  .lackson  '  Did 
I'e,  who  you  ?ay,  enjoys  the  sight  of  blood, 
hen  assent  to  the  wisliesofhis  troops  ?  Did 
Jie  desire,  in  pursuit  of  military  renown,  to 
.laughter  the  fugitives  of  a  panic-stricken  ene- 
What  commander,  all  circumstances  con- 


,ny 

idered,  would  have  checked  his  own  and  his 
:iriny's  thirst  for  still  greater  results  ?  Far  from 
indulging  any  such  vain-glorious  and  ciuel  in- 
( filiations,  he  Ibrliade  all  pursuit — and  by  doing 
..;),  he  incurred  the  resentment  and  displeasure 
I'stim'^  nf  hi*;  o\'. '1  anient  troops. 


\Vc  next  see  hiuJ  eutei-ing  upcaj  acampaig-i; 
against  the  ruthless  Indians  who  give  no  quar- 
ter— and  their  more  cruel  allies  who  aroused  all 
their  ferocious  pissions.  Instead  of  suffering 
his  troops  to  obey  the  law  offetaliation,  he  thus, 
in  his  orders  to  them,  inculcates  the  soundest 
principles  of  humanity  and  discipline: — 

"How  shall  a  war,"  said  General  Jackson, 
"  so  long  forborne,  and  so  loudly  called  for  by 
retributive  jiistics,  be  waged  '  Shall  we  imi- 
fete  the  example  of  ourenemiee,  in  the  disorder 
of  their  movements,  and  stivageness  of  their  dis- 
positions' Is  it  worthy  of  the  character  of 
American  soldiefs,  who  take  arms  to  redress 
the  wrongs  of  an  injiu'ed  country,  to  assumr 
no  better  model  than  that  furnished  them  by 
barbarians?  Nol  fellow-soldiers — great  asare  the 
grievances  that|havo  called  us  from  our  home.Sj. 
we  must  not  yenjiit  disorderly  passions  to  tar- 
nish the  reputition  weshali  carrj'  along  with  us; 
we  must  and  will  be  victorious— hut  we  roust 
conquer  as  n/en,  ^vho  owe  nothing  to  chance; 
and  who,  in  the  midst  of  victory,  can  still  bt 
mindftil  of  wllat  is  due  to  humanitj'." 

Let  us  not,  however,  appeal  to  the  public 
addresses  of  Gen.  Jackson  to  histi'oops,  empha- 
tie  as  they  are.  Let  us  inquire  what  his  cotm- 
tty  thought/of  his  acts  when  they  were  fresh  iii 
memory,  aid  closely  sci'Utini.ied.  Let  us  see 
what  your  own  candidate,  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams 
said;  what  was  the  solemn  conviction  of 
TiioM.is  JiTiT.nsow,  whom  you,  gentlemen, 
joined  in  eulogizing — and  what  were  the  con- 
duct and  opinions  of  your  own  chairman,  Mr. 
John  Sf-rseant. 

There  seems  to  be  some  excuse  for  the  Span- 
ish Minister.- ai;d  the  Bntishjounialists  who  cen- 
sured the  conduct  of  General  Jackson  in  the  war 
in  the  ludian  and  rlorida  settlements — but  it  is 
diflicult  to  make  any  sort  of  apology  for  those 
Americans,  who  have  exceeded  all  foreign 
agents  and  journalists,  in  the  abuse  of  their  own 
officers  and  government.  Forfuiiately  for  the 
reputation  of  the  cnuntrv,  Gen.  Jackson's  con- 
duct has  been  subjected  to  every  ordeal  calcu- 
lated to  expme  criminality  or  proclaim  inno- 
cence— with  the  reputation  of  his  countiy,  Gen- 
.Tacksoii's  has  escaped  unhurt,  and  to  no  cham- 
pion is  he  more  indebted  tlian  to  your  own  can- 
didate, .Mr.  J.  Q.  Ad.ams — that  gentleman,  in  an 
official  letter  to  our  minister  at  the  court  of 
Spain,  said: 

"  In  passing  unnoticed  this  and  other  invec- 
"tives  against  an  officer  (Gen.  Jackson), 
"  wiMse  services  io  this  nation  /•niUle  kirn  it} 
"  Ih'ir  highest  rewards,  and  vj/iuse  ivhok  cu- 
•■'reer  has  been  si^ialized  by  the  purest  in- 
"  tcnlions,  and  the  most  elevated  purposes, 
"  I  wish   to  be   understood  as  abstaining 
"  from     observations,     which,      however 
"justified  by  the  occasion,  could  but  add 
"to    the  unpleasantness    of   the    discus 
"  sion." 
Again — Mr.  Adams  said. . . . 
"  But  the  President   will  neither  inflict  pun  j 
"  i:;hraent,  nor  pass  censure  upon  Genera' 
*'  Jackson,  for  that  conduct,  the  motives  o^ 
"  which  were  founded  in  iUe  purest  patriot- 
"  ism;  of  the  necessity  for  which  he  had  the 
"most  immediate  and  cffeclind  means   of 
"forming  a  judgment;  and  the  vindication^ 
"  of   which  is  written  in    every  pagi?  of 


■  tue  iuws'  h^'^^wjiS)  ^i?  welLastiie  first -^v' 
'Maft- of  nM<Ji;^«ii<»Sael?nce,|;^         .,/-■" 
To  the   testimorij.  SCM*- Adams,"' \ve--^(l(l,"' 
hatof  v.'r.  JelTerso.*:.     '-^Jt^j;. ,    •*      .^■Vvi;^»;, 
"  TnOMAB  Jf.fi'BesoV  rptdrtisliis  thanb^'-to 
"  General  Jackson,    for   the -JsMja-fTe  has 
"  been  so  ffood  as  lo  se'iil  hitri,  Sf  the  v'm- 
"dication  of  the  prnceedinsjB   in    the   Se 
"  minoic  war.     If  doubts  of  those  proceid- 
"  ings  have  existed  in   candid  minds,  this 
"  able  vindication  can  scarcely  tad  to  re- 
'•  move  them.     In  addition  to    what  iiad 
"been   laid  before   the  public,  it   brings 
"  forward  some  nmv  views,  and   new  facts 
"  of  great  weigjht.     Onthe  wliole,   he  can- 
•'  not  donbt,  but  that   the   g-rawtude  of  his 
■'  countiy,  for  former  achievements,    will 
"be  fortified  by  those   new  proofs   of  the 
"  salutary  eneg'ies  of  their  grea^  btnefactar. 
"  He  salutes   the  General  with  assurances 
"of  his  constant  and  affectionate  attitch- 
"mentand  high  respect." 
"Nov.  1830.-' 
It  is  not,  however,  upon  the  testimony  of  Mr. 
Jelferson,  given  in  his  retirement,  or  on  that  of 
Mr.  Adams,   as   Secretary  of   State,   tiiat    we 


'Mr.jjDobl)  tlicn  olfered  this  resolution— 
~  igfoeo!,  "That  this  house  disapprove  of  the 
^'«in'd  occupation  of  Pensacola  and  the 

•  It  is  remarkable,  that,  whilst  the  partisans 
of  Mr.  Adams  naw  condemn  the  acts  of  retri- 
butive justice,  performed  by  Gen.  Jackson  up- 
on the  domestic  and  foreign  savages,  who  deso- 
lat<-d  our  frontiers,  they  keep  entirely  out  oi 
sight  the  memorable  fact,  that  Mr.  Adams  cool- 
ly, in  his'closet,  defended  eveiy  one  of  them:  in 
one  of  his  letters  to  our  minister  in  Spain,  Mi'. 
Adams  enumerated  some  of  the  atrocities,  nott' 
wholly  kept  out  of  view  by  his  friende,  and 
quaintly  asked,  whether  such  facts  were  not 
sufficient  to  cool  tlie  .sympathies  excited  in  be- 
half of  such  monsters  as^he  describes  ' 

"  The  Spanisli  governme'nl  i*  not  at  tliis  daj' 
to  be  informed,  tijat,  cmel  as  war  in  its  mildest 
fjrms  must  be,  it  is,  and  necessarily  must  be, 
doubly  cmel  when  vig^id  with  Eavajes;  tbn* 
savages  make  no  prisonei'S  but  totorlure  them 
that  they  give  no  quarters;  that  they  put  to 
drath,  without  discrimination  of  age  or  sex. 
That  these   ordinary  characteristics  of  Indian 

their  most 


„...  . ,   .„   „^^ . ,    „.    .,,„..,,    ., „,  warfare,  lu^ve  been  applicable,   iii 

need  relv:  we  have  tlie  sole.nn  decsion  of  the    hcart-sicktning  hon-ors,  to  tli.-tt  war  left  us  by 
House  of  Keprcseiitatives  U,   S.,  of  which  one    Nicliolls,  as  his  legacy,  reinstigated  by  Wood 


of  you,  gentlemen,  (Mr.  Jolm  Serge»nt,)  was 
at  the  time  a  member  In  January  and  Feb- 
ruary, 1819,  all  the  great  qutistions,  upon  whch 
you  now  seek  to  agit  ite  the  public  mind,  were 
fully  discussed — at  tliat^time  all  the  intornia;ion 
now  had,  was  fiil!y  possessed — let  us,  tlien,  see 
what  the  grand  council  of  the  nation  deter- 
mined. 

After  a  debate,  that  continued  for  a  inontli, 
January,  1819,  the  following  resoiutl'ins  were 
thus  decided  upon  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House: 

1.  '■'Resolved,  Tliat  the  IlQuse  of  Represen- 
tatives of  tlie  Unitt  d  States  disapproves  tlie 
proceedings  in  the  trml  and  eoiecution  of  Alex- 
ander Arbuthnot  and  Robert  C.  Ambristor — 

I'or  this  resolution 54 

Against  it ". ;' 90 

2.  "  Renotwd,  That  the  (Jommittee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs  be  instiucicd  to  piennre  and  report 
a  bill  to  this  House,  prohitjitingiu  time  of  peace, 
or  in  the  time  of  war,  with  any  Indian  tribe  or 
U'ibes  only,  the  execution  of  any  captive,  taken 
by  the^rmy  of  the  U.  S.  witliout  the  approba- 
'  ion  of  such  execution  by  the  President — 

For  this  resolution 57 

Against  it 9S 

3.  "  Hesohcd,  That  the  late  seizure  of  the 
Spanish  forts  of  Pensacola  and  St.  Carlos  de 
Barancas,  in  West  VIorida,  by  the  army  of  the 
U.  S .  was  conti-ary  to  the   constitution  of  the 

.  United  States. 

For  this  resolution 65 

-\gainstit ; 91 

And  when  the  subject  was  firally  ilisposed 
of,  on  the  8th  of  February,  1819,  the  several 
questions  were  thus  determined: 

For  disapproving  of  the  trial  and  execution 
of  Alexander  Arbutlinot: 

J^yes 62, 

Noes  ...108 — including  Hr.  John  Sei-geant. 

F-or  disapproving  of  the  triid  ^nd  execution  of 
I{.  C.  Ambrlitcr: 

Ayes 63 

\'nfB....107 — including  Mr.  Jolm  .'>orgcunt. 


bine,  Arouthn  it,  and  .\mbrist»r,  and  stimula- 
ted by  the  approbation,  encouragement,  and 
aid  of  the  Spanish  commanda'it  at  St.  Marks,  is 
proof  required'  Entreat  the  Spanish  Minister 
of  Sta.tc,  Cor  a  moment,  to  overcome  the  feel- 
ings, which  details  like  these  must  excite,  and. 
to  reflect,  if  possible,  with  compo.iure  upon  the 
f:icts  stated  in  the  following  extracts,  from  the 
documents  enclosed: 

Letter  ftom  sading. master  JaUnis  Lo6«nis  to 
Commodore  Daniel  T.  P;itterson,  l»th  Augus' 
1816,  reporting  the  destruction   of  the  negr 
fort: 

"On  examining  the  prisoners,  they  stated  thi 
Edward  Daniels,  O.  S.  who  was  made  prisone 
in  the  bo:it,  onthe  17th  July,  una  tarrtd  an 
burnt  alive." 

Letter  from  Archibald  Clarke  to  General 
Gaines,  26t!i  February,  1817.  (Message,  1'. 
U.  S.  to  Congress,  23th  March,  1818,  p.  9.) 

"On  lhe24thinst.  the  house  of  Mr   Garret, 
residing  in  the  upper  part  of  this  coui:ty,  near 
tht  boiindar)'  of 'W:une  county,  (Geovgi!!,)  was 
attacked  during  his  absence,  near  the  middle  of 
the  da}',  by  this  party  [of  Indians,]  consisting  of 
about 'fifteen,    who   shot   Mrs.    Garret  in  twn 
phices,  and  then  despatched  her  byslabbing  a.' 
scalping.     Her  two  children,  one  about  thrc 
years,  the  otlicr  two  months,  were  also  muitici 
ed,  and  the  eldest  scidped;  and  the  house  was 
then  plundered  of  every  article  of  value,  and 
set  on  fire." 

Letter  from  Peter  B.  Cook,  (Arbntlmot's 
clerk,)  to  Kliza  A.  C;>rney,  atNa5s.au,  datqd 
Suwahnee,  19th  January,  1818,  giving  an  :ic- 
connt  of  tlieir  oper::tlons  with  the  Indians, 
against  the  Americans,  and  tlie  massacre  of 
Lt.  Scott  and  his  party. 

"  There  was  a  boat  that  was  taken  by  the  In- 
dians, t'lat  had  in  it  thirty  men,  seven  women, 
lour  small  childicn.  There  w  ere  six  of  the  men 
got  clear,  and  one  woman  saved,  and  all  the 
rest  got  kjiied.  The  cliildren  were  taken  by 
the  legs,  and  their  brains  da::!*-''  "••'  '•'.'■•:■  ■^'<■\^v■ 
boat." 


410 


:  tViitress  of  Barrancas  by  the  army  of  the  U. 
■'  S.  and  the  establishment  of  a  civil  govern- 
"  ment  therein  without  the  authority  of  Con- 
"gress — 

For  this  resolution 70 

Afrainstit 100— including  ^?r.  J.  Serjreant. 

Thus,  after  an  aident  debate,  in  which  all  the 
passions  and  feelings  of  the  members  were  ap- 
pealed to,  in  order  to  censure  <icn.  Jaikson — 
and  in  the  coiuve  of  «  hich  all  the  acts  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson,  in  hie  cimpaigns,  were  referred  to 
— he  was  iriumphantlv  released  from  all  cen- 
sure, with  the  full  concurrence  of  Mr.  John  Ser- 
geant, himself,  acting  under  the  most  solemn 
obligatiyns! 

To  show  that  the  chai-ges  now  made;  were 
then  made,  it  is  barely  necessary  to  rtf,  r  to  the 
debates  ihemselves:' IVr.  Holnuf,  for  instance, 
said — "It  w ill  require  pp.tty  .trorigpror.f  to  pro- 
"  duci-  con%iction,  that  lien.  Js  kson  h;.s  inten- 
*■  tionaily  done  wioi\g:  at  his  nge, crowned  with 
«'  the  honors,  and  loadc.l  witli  the  gratitude  of 
"  his  countiT,  what  adequate  motive  could  in- 
"  duce  him  to  tarnish  his  glory  by  acts  of  crn- 
'' elty  and  revenge?"  ' 

No  proof  w:is  givtn— no  convicticn  of  error, 
rnuch  less  crime;  was  proi'uced,  ,ind  Gen.  Jack- 
son came  foith,  released  from  censyre  by  an 
■overwhelming  majority! 

Which,  then,  are  we  to  believe — 

1.  Thomas  Jefferson. 
-2.  John  Q.  Adams.   - 

;.  James  .Monroe,  who,   after  this  decision 
conferred  appointments  on  Gen.  Jsekson. 

4.  The  U.  s.  Senate,  which  confirmed  those 
appoinlmriits. 

5.  Tne  House   of  Rrpresentatives,  including 
Mr.  John  Sergeant. 

rir_  -  . 

!.   Mr.  John  Sergeant. 

i.  Mr.  \!aniiel  Eyre. 

o.   -Air.  L.  Lewis. 

4..    Mr.  C.  C.  Bidclle. 

5.   My.  J.  P.  Norris,  jr. 

Is  it  to  be  believed,  that  Mr.  Sergeant  was  ig- 
.■  jiorant  in  1815>  Is  it  to  be  credited,  t!iat  he 
Was  then  destitute  of  pati-iotism  and  humanity 
also?  Was  not  every  fiict  then  known,  that  is 
known  now  ?  Was  there  a  single  act  of  General 
Jackson's  career,  whicli  was  noi  eagerly  di-:.g- 
ged  into  a  protracted  and  ardent  debate?  How 
happened  it,  then,  that  Mr.  Serjeant  invariably 
•.  Gted  in  favor  of  Gen.  Jackson? 

If  Gen   Jackson  had,  in  the  course  of  his  ope- 

'■fms,  eagerly  caught  at  everv  opportunity-  to 
d  American  blood,   upun  his  own  arbitrary 

ill,  wliy  did  Mr.  Sergeant  support  him  ?  If 
; .( ;i.  Jackson  had  shoAn  a  composure  at  blood 
and  cai-nage,  why  did  Mr.  •- evgeant  invariably 
act  with  his  friends  in  his  behalf? 

If  it  was  tiiie,  that  Gcni  Jackson  had  been  so 
prodigal  of  blood,  American  blood,  as  to  shed  it 
v.  1th  eagerness,  and  illegally,  why  did  not   JJr. 

r^eant  proclaim  the  fict  to  Cimgress?     Why 

.1  he  not  demand  an  inquiry?  Why  did  he  not 
;  11  test  against  an  hof;orable  acquittal?  'Why 
t'iJ  he  solemnly  reco?\i  his  own  votes,  in  oppo- 
■'■■JOTx  to  Mr.  Clay  and  his  faction,  infavor  oftiiat 
uc'ncittal? 

To  these  qiicstions  \vc  make  no  specific   rc- 

'— that  ta^k   we  leave  to  :i  d;*pa-:sionate  ptib- 
;;h'-ta'nir"'.  n  -  x\"?'  ;'(\  I'V*  p  f'-nn>  tVric^^  fr>'i». 


ments  whicK  seem  to  be  demanded  by  ifspet?-' 
for  the  principles  of  retributive  justice. 
Vours,  &c. 

JOSKPH  WORRELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN. 
WILLIAM   BOYD, 
HENRY  TOLAND, 
JOHN    VVURTS, 
WILLIAM  J.    DUANE, 
WILLL\.M  J.    LEIPER, 
CHARLES.   S.  COXE, 
THOMAS   M.   PETTIT, 
Committee  of  of  Correspondence  forPhila- 
delphia,    appointed  by  the   Republican 
Convention,   assembled   at    Harrisburg, 
Jan.  8th,  1S28. 
August  18tli,  1SJ8. 

LETTER  Xin. 

7b  John  SergranI,  Manuel  fCyre,  Lawrence  Lew- 
is,  C.  r  Blirilf,  and  Joseph  P.  Norris,  Esqrs, 
Jttl/iors  u]  an  (iddrt-ss  iidopled  at  the  adminis- 
Iraliun  I  own  meeiivg  of  7tk  July. 

Gkstlejie*  :  You  have  incorporated  with 
your  adilressj  the  speech  delivered  at  your  meet- 
ing, by  Mr.  Hopkinson,  and  made  it,  like  your 
address,  a  fair  subject  for  comment.  We  pro- 
pose to  notice  one  part  of  it,  in  connexion  with 
your  own  s«ntinieuts  on  the  same  topic. 

You  attribute  tlie  opposition  that  is  made  to 
Mr;  Adams,  to  a  vai'iety  of  personal  considera- 
tions— bul  .Mr.  Hopkinson  asserts,  that  the  ques- 
tion does  not  turn  on  the  merits  or  qualifications 
of  can.lidates;  it  is,  says  he,  "a  sti-uggle  be- 
tween a  jouthe'n and nortiiern  policy — ^between 
a  man  of  the  north,  and  one  oftiie  south." 

ll  must  be  confessed,  that  the  position  thus 
taken,  is  a  very  important  one — it  is  an  asser- 
tion, that  Mr.  Adams  is  the  representative  of 
what  is  called  a  nortliern  policy;  that  his  friends 
.alone  are  tlie  friends  of  that  policy;  that  Gen. 
Jackson  is  the  representati,c  of  a  southern  poli- 
cy, .and  tlie  friends  oftliat  policy  are  his  only  sup- 
poiti-rs — this,  we  take  it,  is  the  sjibstance  of  the 
position  tliere. assumed. 

"  One  of  the  espedieiits  of  party,"  said  Gen- 
Washington,  in  his  farewell  address;,  "to  ac- 
quire influence  within  particular  districts,  is  ta 
misrepresent  the  opinions  and  views  of  other 
distjictf." 

We  do  not  attribute  to  Mr.  Hopkinson  the 
design  here  referred  to — lie,  no  doubt,  enter- 
tains the  ophiion  that  he  expresses,  erroneous 
as  it  is;  and  it  is  because  such  men  do  express 
such  opinions,  that  it  becomes  necessary  to  show 
their  error.  Attliougit  such  is  the  case,  in  re- 
lation to  Mr.  Hopkinson,  we  can  make  no  such, 
allowance  for  many  others^ — we  have  no  doubt 
that  the  aims  of  the  people  o(  tiie  south  are 
grosslv  mi.srcpresented  in  Pennsylvania,  for  the 
purpose  of  acquiring  inRuence  there,  prCKluc- 
ing  t'.iose  jea'ousics  and  heart-burnings  which 
Wasliington  so  pathetically  ilepi-fecates .  P.atri- 
otsandmenof  sense  would  have  seen,  as  Mr. 
Hopkinson  did,  in  the  late  ebullitions  in  the 
soutli,  notliiug  but  a  mcmentary  feeling;  but 
you,  gentlemen,  under  excitement,  attribute 
them  to  noth'ngless  than  treason! 

It  appeal's  to  us  to  l>e  a  fallacy,  to  say,  that 
Mr.  Adams  is  the  representative  of  a  poficy 
which  he  has  never  had  the  manliness  to  recom- 
mend; or  th.at  Gen.   .T:\ckson  is   opposed  to   a 


preferenca  of  the  one,  or  oujectiwi  to  tlie  uiiiej , 
they  are  stru^glinf  foi'  a  Southern,  or  against  a. 
Noi-lhern  pohcy.  All  who  know  the  capftcity 
of  the  g-tiuieman  who  urges  this  doctrine, 
must  he  convinced,  that,  if  any  facts  or  argij- 
meiits  to  support  this  position  existed,  he  could 
have  pioducfd  them  :  and  all,  who  know  his 
zeal,  must  admit,  that  he  would  have  produced 
ihein:  but  we  in  vain  seek  such  authority  in  his 
ad^jress— instead  of  it,  he  asks  h  series  of  ques- 
tions, leaving-  his  hearersto  make  3uchreplies,^s 
tlieir  several  degrees  of  intelligence,  candor,  or 
prejudice,  might  enable  or  proitipt  them  to 

^'  it  savs  Mr.  H  it  is  not  a  struggle  between 
the  northern  and  southern  pohcy,  why  does 
Virgiiiia  now  support  Gt-n.  Jackson,  after  op- 
noiuisrhini  four  ye-rs  ago>  why  do  presses,  tha! 
then  censured,  now  applud  him? 

,\  simple  aiswer  to  these  mquines  might  be 
m.de,    bv   asking,    why  Virginia  and   certain 

tlemeu,    if  you"  Mill'  enable  us  to  decide",'  on    ijresses,  wlilch  four  yenrs  ago  opposed  Mr,  Ad- 

whicii  horn  of  this  dilemma  your  candidate  is  to    ams,  should  now  support  him'     It  V  n  g.nia  aiiu 

be  fixed! 

No  such  dilemma  exists  in  the  case  of  Gen. 

.fackson.     When  he  came  to  act  upon  his  oath, 

he  did  not  shun  the  question  as  ?.lr.  Adams  did. 

The  father  of  the  tariff  of  1824,   Mr.  Henry 

Baiiiwin,  thus  spiraks  on  this subjict: 

"  We  support  as  our  candidate  the  man,  who. 

In  every  emergency,  risked  his  lif-  for  his  coun 


V>oU!-y  whioii  he  iias  upheld  by  his  vote  and 
written  decbration — so  that,  in  tnitli,  if  the 
cjiiestion  before  the  people  is,  as  Mr.  Jlopkinson 
says,  a  mere  question  of  policy,  the  American 
System,  itis  the  north  that  ought  to  st-.pport  Gen. 
Jackson,  for  liis  sentiments  are  avowed. 

The  constitution  of  the  United  Stales,  2d  ar- 
ticle, 3d  section,  declares  that  the  President  of 
the  United  Stites  "  .s/ic//,  from  li:Ne  tr.iinic.  re- 
commend to  tlie  con.iicicraiion  of  Congress,  such 
iTieasures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expe- 
dient"— and  in  his  oath  of  office,  Mr.  Adams 
s-wore,  that  he  would  faithfully  execute  what 
the  constituf.on  enjoined.  Is  the  American  sys- 
tem necessary  cr  expedient'  If  it  is,  wny  h:is 
3Ir.  Adams  refused  to  reconrmend  it'  He  must 
ilave  violated  liis  duty,  if  he  believed  it  neces- 
sary or  expedient,  and  did  no'  recommend — or, 
if^hc  refused  to  recommend  it,  be'-ause  he 
deemed  it  unnecessary,  then  he  is  not  the  friend 
of  the  northern  polic) .     We  sliall  be  glid,  gen- 


ams,  shv- —  — ,  ,  ,  ,,  -  a  i 

ceitaui  presses  had  then  supi)orled  Mr.  Adams, 
it  miglit  well  be  asked.  wUi>t  had  produced  tlie 
change  ;  but,  as  they  have  been  consistent  in  op- 
poiilfmi  to  Mi-.  A'lams.  we  are  at  a  loss  to  con 
ceive  why  they  should  be  rebuked. 

Or,    is'  it    pretended,    that,    because    mei 

change,  their  motives  must  therefore  be  un 

worthy '  if  this  is  insisted  upon,  what  are  we  tc 

try,  andwho.  dsrer^rdTtTgailVonsidTa'tio'ns'of  think  of  Mr.  Clay'  who,  ^"-^'r'/ °'' "'*"°'-'^,!=Zf 

locid  popuL'irltv,  took  his  stand  in  the  south,  in    act.  r,  in  the  South,  ever  assailed  l.en.  jacKsou 


a,  bitierlv  as  Mr.  C.hy  assailed  Mr  Adr.ms  ii 
the  West' who  flung  at  Gen.  Jackson,  suclr  ; 
mttss  of  coa>-se  invective  as  was  cast  upon  Mr 
Adams,  bv  Mr.  l.aco«k.  in  PeiMisylv:«ma  '  yc 
Mr.  Clav  "and  Mr.  I^ocock  ..re  now  tlie  sturd 
ad  ■.oca'  es  ofthe  former  o!-ject  oftheir  obloquy 
Do  you,  pe-tlcmen,  km.w  no  presses,  wbicti 
four  yeir8i?'\  covered  Mr.  A.lams  with  vulga 
opprcbriarii  that  .row  eulogize  lum  ' 

The  question,  in  eacii  case   of  change,  is 

what  were  die  motives  of-  th.-   parties'  and,  r.< 

CO  ding  to  this  ru.e,  the   southern   support   c 

Gen    .iackson  is  ,19  honorable  and  manly,  .asth 

support  of  Mr.  Adam?,  by   his  former  revderi 

is  mean  and  mercenary  ,  _ 

In  hisspec-cli,  Mr.  Uopkinson treated  tnepe; 

These  being  the  giliiid  mat^-    pie  of  the  sout'.i  with  a  liberalty,  very  much  1 

■  -  -  contrast,  gentlemen,   with  your  harsiiness :  li 


Jitvor  of  lli£  American  System,  and  with  the 
saiTC  firiiiuiss  with  which  he  liad  often  foiled 
our  eueipies,  boldly  annputircd  his  devotion  to 
its  principles.  In  him  there  wasiio  mii''t'rif,  lio 
rliplomu-^!/ ,  every  one  cstn  understand  liu  mean- 

i'Eg — //I'iscare  the  woixls  of  Gen.  Jackson 

"  Heaven  smded  up  Tn,1  and  gave  us  Ubirty 
"  aivA  indeptndmcc  iBie  same  I'rovidence 
"  has  blessed  us  witii  He  means  nf  national 
"  independence  and  national  di  fence.  If  we 
''  omit,  or  refuse  to  use  tlie  gifts  which  fie 
•  ' has  extended  to  us,'  we  deserve  not  the 
"continuation  of  /As blessings.  He  has (111- 
«'  ed  our  mountains  and  our  plains  with  minc- 
'■'rals — with  lead,  irim  and  copper,  and  given 
"us  climate  and  soil  for  tlie  grouting  of  hemp 
"and  u:ool. 

"rials  for  our  national  def-uce,  f/iet/  ought  to 
'<  haue  extended  to  them  adeouatt  and  fair  pro- 
■''t'-Ciio7i,  that  our  own  m.mufacturers  and  la- 
'<  borers  may  be  pl.-\ced  on  a  fair  competition 
•■with  those  of  Kurope,  and  that  we  may 
"■have,  teithin  our  country,  a  supply  of  tho<e 
■''leadi.ig-aud important  article.'^,  so  essential 
''m  war." 

Wlio  has  written  more  than  Mr.  Ad.ims  ? 

tvbo  is  fonder  of  appearing  in  print  t!>an  he  is  ' 
h'i  has  even  taken  the  pains  to  pi')claim,  tliat 
he  never  vill  be  a  free-ma.soa  !  and,  yet,,  no 
ntan  has  ever  seen  an  avnwid  from  his  pen  on 
the  subj'>ct  of  a  tariff!  Is  it  no'  illusory,  then, 
to,  pK-ti-iid  ihat  he  is  idea'  fied  svitii  it,  or  with 
any  fixed  princ'plf  on  the  subjec*' 

...  .Let  us  retuin  to  the  position  cf  Mr.  Uop- 
kinson, and  consider  it  m  reference  10  the 
South  ;  in  eii'ect,  it  is  tliis — that  t  ho  South  is  im- 
pelled by  influ-.-nces  i;f  a  sectional  character, 
,and  not  by  palriotisui,  in  its  support  of  Gen. 
.lacTiSon:  that,  instead  of  supporting  Gen.  Jack- 
ion.  or  Opposing  Mr.  Adam«,  from  an  lioncst 


anticipated  from  the  South,  all  uuexcited  mine 
must,  all  that  is  honorable  and  safe,  .loni  tii 
force  of  facts  and  reflecticm  :  but  stdl,  we  thin 
he  erred  in  ascribing  to  sectional  feeling  or  .1 
tevest  their  devotion  ti.  a  cause  which  tliey  hoi 
cstlv  think  involves  not  merely  a  question  1 
taxation,  but  nafionul  existence  itsclj. 

fan  no  motives  of  a  n-itional,  honorable,  ar 
person. 1  k-nd,  be  assigiv.-d for  the  support 
Gen.  Jickso'i  inthe  S.ni'.h?  _ 

M,.„   of  the  So'ith  have  been  mvanab 

oftlV.'r'publicaM  nar^y  :  their  Jtffersons,  il 
cons  and  T.ionroes  had,  at  a  memorable  cpocl 
an  ardent  friend  in  Gen.  J-.^ckson.  Is  it  not  n 
tui-al,'thenefore„lh.t  thoy  slv>.dd  prefer  him 
Mr.  Adams,  whose  pol.t:c.d  princ:ples  have 
all  times  been  at  variance' wit :  'heir  own  . 

. . .  Men  of  the  South  are  distinguished  tor 
patriotism  that  never  calculates,  an.i  tor  a  spu 
th.at   is  somewhat  chiv.alrous.      What  then 
more  natural,  than  that  they  should  prefer 
gallant  defender  of  his  contry,  to  a  pers. 


4U 


whose  aim  has  been  oince  for  tbe  kake  of  its 
emoluments  >  TI.ey  sa^-  J.ckson  plectin!  Is 
estate  to  faise  money  to  defend  his  country   a 

I^«  ?7  ""T'="'  ^^'''^"  ^'-  Adams  vas  ex 
q*t,nff  from  ,hat  country  the  uttermost  ce^ 
to  .nvr-st  m  n.,.9;an  stock.!  Thev  s  w  m!' 
Ada.ns  coolly  cdcdatin^in  F.rope,  'the  down! 
^ckJ  "','—.'  "f'  "'-y  beheld  Genend 
.om^hj  s  enemy  !  They  saw  Mr.  Adams,  in 
Eoron..   H«rca.t,cally  scoffing  at  the   miiitia  as 


rmii,./]    ..    1        •    -""""'S '>'- 'lie    mwitia  ai 

covud^uKlrunau-ays— andGc-n.  Jackson  eal 

antly  Ie.di„g  d^  n,ilitiato  trit.mph  over  the^^- 

uT^tS.t   Adam,  predicted^  wotdd '^^u^. 

an;!';'*!"'"!  "'""'^  ^"""^  '^"•^  t°0  '^"c!l  virtue 
and  pride  to  enter  tl,:=  political  market,  to  traffic 
away  the  rights  of  their  coantry.ne  of  a» 
the  Amcncan  people,  they  are  the  least  expert 
•it  n  akmj,.  har^?a.-,s,  ftom  a  natn^a"]  repngS 
revohl':  /'-r'P^--  ■■  f^-^  the  daw„^?f "he 
solution  to  I  !,epresent^av,  no, rud?,  has  been 

•'  with  teL  :„  M '::^'''^:''^''T' "°  ^"^-"-^^ 

ti.emto|:S;.;',:;:^:u;:;;^^:i:ft^:^^y 

pie  had  become  swhidlere.  Is  it  wo  derfal' 
then   that  the  men  of  the  Sonth  shmdd    u^rt 

swanoiv  liim  r.uher  than  owe   his  elevation  to 

LV/;.*'*"  °/""-'  Sovthare  distinguished  for 
,.  ,     ^"-  Adanjs  has  never  ventured  nubliciv  to 

'Sut":^%'nM"-  -«='•-''-'■-  bee'n  eSi: 
Hut,ou.s  not  to  op,  ose  it_fhey  caj.not  recorl- 

oi~^  I't"  °"  ''"^''  '^  *°P'«  ^^i"'  P"Wic  dutv  01- 
personal  honor  :  Thev  know  that  Gen  Jack  on 
i-oted  for  the  tarin'of  iS24  and  .I.Vt  hl^f , 

^concealhisanxietyfor;u\:^lS  ,ttt::! 
I  hey  know  that  he  will  not,  if  H,.esTdent  s!eV 

0  sacrifice  the  interests  of  'one^,^  t  I'f  ?,t 
'/.  -i".?™'""*^  "'"^'^  of  another,  as  Mr  Chv 
;.»d  s..,d  Mr.  Adamsdid  at  Ghent     VVhatrth^ 

a  be  more  patriotic  or  prudent,  than  t^^e  pre'- 
I  =1  encc  of  a  national  statesman  >  "^ 

1  tfte  bouth  should  honor  the  Wc-t   which  ha^ 

iJ^^^tdcb;:^:;!!?-^'^^^'^^"-"-^'^ 

;   "  For  eight  years,"  says  .Mr.  HatHew  Cai-ev 

endeavor,  have  been  used,  to  poison  the 

i  wards,  and  to  aleniate  them  from,  tl;e'-r  fcJ-- 
f     i7'•c;t.^e;,softhe  Southern  Stae       The 

pouajed  as  demons  incarnRtc,  an:!  des- 
/■ic-of  all  the  qualities  that  di-raif.  or 
'orn  human  nature !    Nothing-  oan  exceed 

J     ul  ich  would  h.;ve  suited  t!:e  ferocious  in. 

i.    hah.  ants  of  New  Zealand,    rath;  Zn  a 

r.  .  i,'vdized  or  polished  nation. "_,,:  253 

.he  nnholy^and   .temoniae  spirit   that  i„- 

'^d   the  writer  of  the  above  vile  libel 

-■-— -^.^-necl   IVdham,    ISOO)   has    been 

;;.n  chat  hour  t.,  the  present  ince.s.santly 

!>lovecl  to  ovrite  ho.tilitv   he^veen  fhr^ 


difiereut  sections  of  the  (Jmon.     'J'o  such 
horrible  lengths  basthis  spirit  been  carried, 
that  many  paragraphs  have  occasionally  ap- 
peared mthe  Boston  papers,  iutau/ed  and 
calcutaledlo  excite  Iht  negroes  oft  he  souUtem 
9J".      '".  "«"'  "'"^  moisacre  their  mastets  '— 
this   Will  undoubtedly  appear  incredible 
to  the  reader  ;  it  is  nevertheless  sacrtdhf 
true  :  Ft  IS  a  species  of  turpitude  and  base- 
nees,  of  wmch  '.he  world  has  produced  few 
examples  !" — p.  2i4. 
Mr.  Carey  then  proceeds  to  refer  to  official 
documents  to   prov*  the   relative  con.mercial 
standmg  oS  the  Eastern  Stale,,  in  contrast  with 
the  Southern  States;  and  say s— 

"I  am  tired  of  this  exposure— I  sicken  for 
the  honor  of  the  human  species:  what  idea 
imist  the  wodd  form  of  the   arrogance  of 
the  pretensions  of  one  side  (Eastern  States) 
and,  on  the  other,  of  the  folly  and  weak- 
nass  of  the  rest  of  the  Uni<m,  to  have  so 
long  sufTerdd  them  to  pass  without  expo- 
sure or  detection." 
"  The  naked  fact  is,  that  the  demagogues  in 
the   Easlepn   States,  not  siitisfied  with  de- 
riving alt  tlie  benefits  from   the    Southern 
States,  which  they  would  from  so   many 
wealthy   colonies— widi    makir^  princely 
iortunes  by  ttie  carriage  and  transportation 
of  their  bulky  and  valuable  productions— 
and  supplying  them  with  their  own  manu- 
factures,! and  the  manufactures  and  pro- 
ductions of  Europe  and  the  East  and  Wesl 
Indies,  to  an  cnoivjous  amount,  and  at  an 
immense    profit— Aia-e    unifm-mly   treated 
them  with  outrage,  insult  and  injury."-^. 

"  I  repeat  it,  and  hope  the  solemn  truth  will 
be  borne  id  constant  rernenibrance,   tliat 
the  Southern  States  are  virtuaUv   colonies 
to  those  States,  whose  demagogues  have 
never  ceased  skr.dering  and  persecatine- 
them."— />.  280.  ^  ^  s 
Such  is  tbe  picture  of  the   Eastern  sec- 
tion of  the  Union,  drawn  by  tlie  pencil  of  Mr. 
Carey    one  of  yoiu-  ow  n  present  partisans:  Is  it 
calctdated  to  attract;  Southern  a-lmlKition  ?    Is 
It  sin-prising  that  tlie   South  refuses  to  honor 
those  who  h.ive  treated tii em  so  long  with  inju- 
ry .and  insult'    Let  it  not  be  said,  th.-.t  either 
tunes  or  men  ii.ave,  within  a  few  years,  changed 
—the  very  demagogues,  who  thus  reviled  the 
Soiitli,  who  sought  to  poison  the  minds  of  their 
countrymen,  who,  according  to  Mr.   Carey,  p. 
252,  sougiit  to  dissolve  the  Union  so  long"  :igo 

as  1796,  are  now  unanimous  for  Mr.  Adatns 

whilst  the  rcpubbciin  minority  ofNew  England, 
alw.-xys  faithful  to  tlieir  country,  are  opposed  to 
himf  To  which  does  Pennsylvania  lean'  To 
the  Eastern  demagogues  or  to  the  Union'  To 
the  Middle,  South  and  West,  or  to  a  faction, 
that  are  tyrants  in  powei-,  and  disposed  to  be 
traitors  itither  than  net  rule  the  Union? 

. . .  .The  people  of  Pennsylv:in:a  cannot  in;.<!- 
take  the  question  before  them:  if  the  question 
IS  conuecled  with  the  tr.nff,  then  they  lia\e  the 
vote  «nd  tlie  written  declaration  of  Geji.  Jr.ck- 
son  on  one  side,  and  the  utter  silence  r  f  Mr. 
Aflams  on  the  other:  Hut  il  i.s  not  the  question 
of  a  tailff,  that  is  now  to  be  decided;  m:itters  of 
higher  moment  are  to  be  settled.  We  are  not 
inquiring,  whether,  tliis  or  that  particuKir  poll- 
er ;s  to  he;  pursued — Hut,  i"heil,er  the  /■nmfitu- 


i,ioii  uiiu  tilt  hiuun  we  to  ej:i,st:  ter  it  is  idle  to 
pretend,  that  the  constitution  or  the  Union  ciin 
exist,  if  the  people  shall  sanction  the  sale  of  the 
Presidency  in  the  capitol.  Who  will  not  despair 
ofarcpubhc,  if  the  people  shall  calmly  look 
on,  whilst  their  dearest  rights  are  staked  upon 
a  polttical  gaming- L'lblc,  to  become  the  prize  of 
the  most  desperate  dealer  in  corruption.  77?.s 
is  the  question,  and  not  local  or  sectional  poli- 
cy, which  is  now  to  be  determined;  and  if  it  is 
true,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  asserts,  that,  to  preserve 
the  constitution  itself,  the  law  may  on  an  emer- 
gency be  over-leaped,  who  is  not  prepared  to 
make  local  or  personal  sacrifices,  lo  preserve 
that  constitution.'  It  would  be  a  poor  consola- 
tion,- to  have  a  tariff,  without  a  constitution,  or 
to  maintain  a  local  policy  without  a  bond  of  na- 
tiona  1  union  :  but  with  the  CatisHtulhn  and 
Vnloii,  we  shall  preserve  nil  that  is  dear  to  man. 
Respectfully,  yours.  Sec. 

JOSEPH  WORRF.LL, 
AVILHAM  DUNCAN, 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
HENRY  TOL\PyD, 
JOHN  WURTS, 
WILLL\M  J.  DUANE, 
AVILLIAM  J.  LEIPER, 
CHARLCS   S.   COXE, 
TilOMAS.   M.   PEITrr, 
Committee  of  Con-espondence  for  Phila- 
delphia, appointed  by  the  Republican 
Convention,  assembled  at  llarrisburg', 
Jan.  8th.  1328. 


f'rom  the  Rochester  Daily  Advertiser. 

UUID   PRO  QUO — THE     BAKGAlxMNG 
SYSTEM  DEVELOPED. 

MR.    CLAY—GEN.     PORTER— AND    THE 
NEW- YORK  LEGISLATURE  OF  1824. 

The  sm'prise  excited  throu^^hout  the  State  by 
the  selection  of  General  Peter  B.  Porter  as 
Chief  of  a  prominent  Department  of  the  Nation- 
al Government,  is  a  guarantee  (hat  the  follow 
ing  will  meet  an  attentive  and  general  perusal. 
The  causes  of  an  appointment  so  singiil.ir — the 
seri)ices  for  which  this  disting-uished  station  i:  the 
reward — are  delineated,  in  part,  by  an  individual 
wliose  station  rendered  him  famsKar  witli  the 
facts  at  the  time,  and  whose  character  forbids 
the  supposition  that  lie  lias  wiltuUy  misstated  ^\\c 
particulars. 

In  connexion  with  tlie  developments  maile  by 
Mr.  Kendall  of  Kentucky — a  former  confiden 
tial  friend  of  Mr.  Clay — this  statement  exhibits, 
in  all  their  naked  deformity,  the  means  unsuc- 
cessfully pursued  by  Mr.  Cla.v,  throush  his 
Agents,  for  bringing-  himself  be'fore  tiie  House 
ol  Representatives  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency at  the  last  election.  The  substance  of 
Jlr.  Kendall's  e.^i)osition,  copied  from  t!ie  Al- 
bany Argus,  is  submitted  to  our  readers  on  the 
first  pag«.  To  such  of  them  a*:  have  not  read 
it — to  such  ;is  seek  rap.terials  for  e.-itimating-  the 
character  of  Henry  Clay — to  such  as  lionestly 
believe  in  hb  political  purity— to  such,  we  re- 
peat, these  expositions  should  be  fully  under- 
stood.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  politi- 
cian who  could  thus  scheme  and  electioneer  for 
himself  wth  the  Representatives  of  the  People, 
v.oi;Id  shrink  from  barg-aining  with  a  rival  csn- 


didat?,  Vviien  no  oti\er  means  weiv  Ictl,  to  parti- 
tion that  power  between  themselves  which  the 
People  deiiarned  for  a  third  per.son. 

The  facts  narrated  below  are  such  as  .should 
command  pubhc  ai  tcntion.  The  system  of  bai-- 
gainand  sale,  con.5uniiiiated  by  the  JastTresiden- 
tial  election,  has  received  less  consideration  than 
it  de.sei-ves.  The  transactions  in  tlie  .NewYork 
Legislature  of '24  form  no  inconsidcrabip  feature 
of  that  system.  They  are  placed  in  a  striking- 
light  by  the  plain,  unadorned  detail,  furnished 
by  our  correspondent. 

It  is  only  necessarj'  to  refer  to  Mr  Kendall's 
exposition,  to  establish  the  fact  that  Gtnerai 
Porter  was  guided  in  all  his  intrifrtie.1  for  ad- 
vancing Mr.  Chy's  Mei-eHs,  bij  the.  plans  and 
instructions  of  iltti/ himself.'  Ho  was  literallv 
the  puppet  of  Mr.  Clay,  to  whose  gratitude  lie 
is  now  indebted  for  the  Secretaryship  of  War. 
lie  obeyed  the  impulse  of  that  calculating  po- 
litician, with  a  zeal  and  precision  more  credita- 
ble to  his  docility  than  his  honor.  The 
abstract  of  Mr  Kenr'.all's  exposition,  furnish- 
ed by  the  Argu.s,  contains  the  following  pas- 
sage in  relation  to  this  subject.  It  will  be  seen 
that,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  KendslI,  da;ed  eight 
meniha  previou-i  tn  the  choicf  of  i  lectors  in  t!ic 
state  of  New-York,  .Mr.  Clay  ha.:  planned  the 
game  which  was  to  be  performed  by  his  few 
friends  in  the  Legisluttire  of  New-  York! 

We  entreat  the  reader,  to  attend  particularly 
to  the  terms  of  Mr.  Clay's  letter,  and  compare 
them  with  the  cour.se  of  General  Porter  in  the 
Legislature  of  1K24,  .is  detailrd  by  our  coires- 
pondent.  They  agree  in  evcTy  particular,  and 
indehbly  fix  upon  Mr.  Clay  and  Gen.  Porter  the 
charge  ot'  having-  secretly  conspired  to  divide, 
distract,  or  divert  the  electoral  vole  of  the 
Stale  of  New- York,  in  ani/  channel  uhich 
might  best  subserve  the  ambitious  schemes  of  ilr. 
Ciay\ 

C/"  I-ook  upon  this  picture'  J^" 
From  the  Albany  Argus. 
"  To  the  people  of  this  State,  the  most  e.\ 
traordinary  and  the  most  striking  of  these  cor- 
rupt acts,  is  the  deep  game  pla>cd  by  Afr.  Clav 
and  his  frtends  in  the  Ne\i^  York  legislature  or 
1824.  In  these  scenes  of  intrigue,  no  doubt 
his  present  very  befitting  associate,  the  Hon. 
tlie  Secretary  at  W.ir,  fully  enacted  his  part. 
The  fact  d.sclosed  in  the  letter  of  Mr,  Cl.iy  to 
Mr.  Kendall  of  tic  18tu  of  March,  1824,  will 
strke  the  republicans  of  New  York,  at  least, 
with  surprise.  In  that  letter,  Mr.  Clay— the 
pure,  the  mode.il,  the  disinterestedness,  the  pat- 
riotic Mr.  Clay — calculates  thus  closelv  on  man- 
aging the  Electoral  Votes  of  the  ijtatc  of  Now- 
York.     Hes.ays:  i 

"New  York  continues  to  be  a  contested  Si 
My  decided  opinion  is,  tliat  it  will  gne  its  sup. 
port  to  Mr.  Adams  or  to  me,  or  perhaps  divide  ii 
beticeen  us  In  thal:k;ase,  Mr.  Cr.awford  cannot 
come  into  the  House.  My  friends  are  coiifideni 
in  the  belief,  that  if  I  enter  th.e  House  as  one  ot 
the  three  highest,  ?)o  mailer  with  what  as.^ociates, 
I  shall  be  eleded.  If,  contrary  to  all  probability. 
Mr.  Crawford  should  obtainthe  vote  New  York! 
the  contest  for  an  entry  into  the  House  will  pro- 
bably be  between  J.ickson  and  me.  In  .'-Jiu-}- 
land,  Delaware,  and  New  Jersey,  1  havcieasoi: 
to  count  up  some  support.— V\'ithout  cuteiins 
into  further  pariiciilars,,  m"  opinion  is  thatm- 


114 


ifiends  have  cveiy 'motive  io  vigovous.animafed, 
and  persevering  exertion." 

Alark  the  fact.'  Eighth  months  beFore  the 
vxAe  of  this  State  was  given,  Mr.  Chiy  pretbcts 
that  it  will  be  (/iii((/€</  betwetn  himself  mid  Mr. 
^dams—A  result  wliich,  owing  te.  the  choice  of 
electors  b_v  the  legislature,  was  di  en  '  d  by  the 
honest  and  uninitiated,  scarcel>  possible,  but 
wliici.  nevertheless  «e/ui.//i/  look pUicr  .'  V^  ho 
will  doubt  thai  Mr.  t:la)  and  bis  agent  were  ac- 
tively engaged,  during  all  the  suihirer,  in  bar- 
gaining for  a  divis  on  of  tlie  votes  here,  and  tliat 
they  ul'iniatelv  etli-cted  it,  for  the  purpose  of 
enabling  him  to  get  into  the  House  of  liepre- 
sentatives,  where  (from  hisskll  in  intrigue)  lie 
seemed  to  feel  confident  of  success,  "«ho  ever 
M'ere  his  associates?"  And  who  v/iil  doubt, 
when,  with  all  his  efforts,  he  was  eschided 
from  the  House,  he  bi/rguined  und  coalesced  with 
Mr.  Adams  for  the  Secretaryship,  as  a  stepping- 
stone  to  tlio  future  attainment  of  what  he  had 
already  sought  by  such  shameful  means'" 

(j3°  And  then  upon  this  !  J^ 
To  the  Editors  of  the  Daily  Mvtrtisa: 

Gentiemf.x  :  'I'hat  H.  Ci:>y  was  instrumental 
in  making  .Mr.  Adions  President,  und  that  Mr. 
A.  in  return  rewarded  him  with  the  highest  of- 
fice in  his  power,  are  facts  of  pubhc  noioi;ety. 
But  that  there  was  any  corrupt  understanding 
between  the  parties,  is  of  course  denied  by  both 
principals  and  their  partis:insi  and  in  Mr.  Clay's 
anxiety  to  exonerate  himself  even  from  the  sus- 
picion of  being  actuated  by  interested  motives 
in  siippor'thig  .'Vd.inis,  he  has  wriUeii  books,  and 
made  many  cualiliun,  lunch,  unddinntr  speeches, 
for  which  iie  is  fauious 

As  he  is  expected  to  be  n  this  State  soon  on 
the  same  eiTand,  accovnpaiiied  by  anotiier  of 
the  heads  of  c!i  partments,  [Gen.  Horicr]  it  may 
be  due  to  thi>ae  gentlemen  I  apprize  them  that 
they  are  .suspected  [l.:lay  as  pri  cipal,  and  Por- 
ter as  agent]  of  nnf.iir  and  tiislionest  efforts  to 
obtain,  ay  bargain  and  management,  one  half 
of  the  votes  of  this  Stale  for  Clay  during  tlie 
last  presidential  election — that  Porter,thc  agent, 
in  his  anxiety  to  serve  his  principal,  made  pro- 
posals to  the  friends  of  bolli  Crawford  and  Ad- 
ams to  divide  the  votes  of  tliis  State  beswten  his 
principal  and  them,  and  that  these  negotiations 
were  pending  irfa'fmio/A  a!  the  same  lime. 

1  shall  proceed  and  state  tlie  facts  and  cir- 
cumstances as  they  occurred;  and  in  so  doing, 
if  I  should  fall  into  any  eiTors  in  the  detail,  I 
will  thank  any  individual  who  will  correct  nie; 
or  if  I  shall  mention  the  n.ime  of  any  member  of 
the  Legislature  of  .l!i24,  I  trust  it  may  not  be 
attributed  to  any  .want  of  respect,  but  as  neces- 
cessary  in  giving  tliat  truth  to  the  pubhc  to 
which  they  are  entitled,  particularly  ona.sub- 
iect  whicli  so  materially  affects  the  parties  con- 
cerned. 

It  will  be  recollected  by  those  familiarly  ac. 
quainted  with  ^the  politics  of  our  State  in  the 
winter  of  1824,  that  a  warm  struggle  was  main- 
tained between  ti>e  friends  of  Crawford  and  Ad- 
ams, the  two  prominent  canJidntes  fur  tjic  Pre- 
•sidcncy.  The  friends  ofCrawf'.rd,  at  the  com- 
raence'ment  of  the  session  of  the  l.egislatuie, 
undoubtedly  had  a  majority  in  this  State;  but, 
by  ill-devised  mcariires,  tlie  leaders  of  that  par- 
ty became  unpopular;  still  tliey  held  a  decided 
■naioritv  in  'oi'it   h;illi>t,  over  tlir  (rir-v.rk  of   \d. 


ams.     AlthaiigJa  Jackson  and  CUay  vr-STfe  ''BcTIT 
candidates,  s-i  little  was  said  aboat  either,  that„ 
during  the  session   of  1834,   no   apprehensions 
were  entertained  by  the  friends  of  Crawford  or 
.\damsthal  the  few  partisans  of  .lackson or  ClaV 
seriously  intended  to  make  an  effort  to  obtain  any 
portion  of  the  volei-s  "f  this  State  for  their  favor 
itesi  but,  on  the  contrary,   supposed  th,.t  tbey 
would  aitach  themselves  to  on.   of  the  two  prin- 
cipal  candidates.     This   belief  prevailed  until 
the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  for  the  purpose 
of  choosing  electors,    which  took  place  on  the 
2d   Nov.     Gen.    Porter  arrived  in  Albany  the 
Jast  of  October,  and   located  at  the  Eagle  Ta- 
vern, when  he  was  ready  to  meet  the  meinbersS 
of  the  Legislature  ^•s  they  sevyally  alrived.   He 
commeiiced  organizing-  the  friends  of  Clay,  and 
probably  increasing  theh'  numbers,   which  was 
the  more  easily  eflected,  as  it  was  allowed  that 
the  friends  of  neither  party  could  give  the  requi- 
site number  of  votes  to   choose   electors;   and 
therefore  the  friends  of  Clay,  by  being  organii:- 
ed,  could  control  1  he  election      As  much  per- 
sonal fi  eling  had  become  enlisted  in  the  contro- 
versy  between  the  friends  of  Adams  and  Craw- 
ford, it  was   expected  that  either  party  would 
the  more  nadilv    listen  to  terms,  which,  if  they 
dill  not  give  them  a  complete  victory,  woold  at 
least  defeat  their  opponents.     On  the  evening 
preceding  the    meeting  ot   the  Legislature,  a 
meetuig   of  the   friends  of  Adams  and  Clay — 
members  of  the  Legislature  who  had  arrived 
in  Albany — was  attended  at  the  Eagle  Tavern — 
where  the  proposals  were  first  made  of  uniting 
tlie  friends  of  iJlay   and  Atlams,  and  dividing 
the  votes.     A  more  full   and  general   meeting 
was  agreed  upon  for  the  next   evening,  which 
accordingly   took   place.      After  the  meeting 
was  organized,  General  George  McClure  made, 
some  general  re  nariis  on  the  peculiar   state  of 
the   parties — the    importance  of    uniting   the. 
friends  of  the    people— of  defeating  those  who 
trumpled  on  tlieir  rights,  &c.  and  concluded 
by  proposing  to  gn-i-  Clay  and  Adams  the  votes 
of  the  State,  equally   divided.     Me  was  follow- 
ed by  Sir.  Ogden  of  the  Senate,  who,  after  oc- 
cupying some  time,  closed  by  offering  a  resoltt- 
tion'for  the  appointment  ot  a  committee,  who 
should  select  from  tlie -several  districts  of  this 
State  suitable  persons  for  electors,  one  half  of 
whom  sbouh   be  friendly  to  Henry  Clay,  and 
the  other  to  ,).  Q.   Adams.     Several  other  gen- 
tlemen addressed  the    meeting,  .all  assenting  to 
the  propBsition,  altlio'  assigning  different  rea- 
sons.    Jlr-  Henry  Wheaton,  a  particular  friend 
of  Mr.   A  ,   was  the  la^  and   most  decided  ad- 
.  vocati  for  the  measures  proposed.    He  address- 
ed the   meeting,  and   urg-d  an  immediate  pas- 
.sage  of  the  resolatiims,  alleging,  among  other 
reasons,  tile  ability  of  the  friends  of  Clay  to  give 
the  majority  to  either  candidate.     One  indivi- 
dual addressed  the   meeting,  objecting  to  the 
question  being  taken  on  the  resolution  at  that 
time— alleging  that  it   was  acting  without  due 
delibeiation-    that  no  necessity  existed  for  such 
precipitancy — that  if  a  bargain  was  necessary, 
Clay  had  not  slock  enough  to  entitle  him  to  half; 
and' finally   protesting  against  being  a  party  to 
tlie  arrangement.     \Vithout  going  into  further 
detail,  the   meeting   adjourned;  and  although 
the  proposition  was   favorably  received,  a  few 
dissenting  voices   were  sufficient  to  defeat  it, 
and  the  timl  ivsnU,  was  tlu-^-fwe  doubtful.   Thf- 


Mb 


tfiifte  ocning-  I'lue^sday,  iid  Nov.j  one  of  the    Committee,  who  be  expec£e<l  were  tbeii  iu  wait' 
i'riend*   of  Mr.   Clay   proposed  in  the   Senate    ing  in  the  Capitol,  desirous  of  conferring'  will 

Chumber,  wlien  tile  friends  of  Crawford  had  as-    '■■-   '■-  —  -'-  -'■  ■'-     •> '"i--    ^ •"- 

setnbled,  that  in  forming  an  electoral  ticket,  re- 
ference ^ouW  be  liadtothe  interest  of  Clay.  His 
friend  urged  that,  as  there  was  no  probability  of 
a  President  being  tiiosen  by  tlie  colleges,  tiiey 
should  insist  on  a  few  votis,  w'licti  .would  i  na- 
ble  him  to  go  before  Congress;  and,  if  I  mistake 
not,  they  proposi  dto  be  coiiteiited  \i  itli  t-Kvcn, 
Heeming  that  number  Miliicient.  Some  of  Vli'. 
Crawford's  friends  were  disposed  to  listen  lo  the 
proposition  — otliers  were  avei'se   to  a  divided 


the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  Committee 
presented  themselves,  and  desired  that  a  Com- 
mittee should  be  nam'd  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, with  whom  tliey  migiit  confer.  This  was 
objected  to;  but  a  major  t>,  from  motives  of 
courtesy,  consented,  and  a  comruittee  wa»  ap- 
pointed, and  retired  for  a  short  time.  When 
th»y  retiu'ned,  they  reported  that  the  friends  Qt 
M-.  Clay  had  offered  n'»tliing  new;  but  renew- 
ed their  original  proposal  for  half  of  the  ^•otes. 
The    committee    was    directed   to  infonn  the 


ticket.     The  meeting  adjourned,  no  vote  being    friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  that  any  such  proposal  was 
taken  on  the  question.     The   ntgoiialioti    was    inadmissible.     On  Monday,  the  15th November, 
itrged,  and  solicitations  to  Ao^'/ pw/.cs  for  a  di-    Gen.  Porter   called  personally  on  Mr.    Plagi;: 
Alsion  of  tlie  votes  weft  continued,  witli  great    and  urged  him  to  postpone  the  consideration  c. 
earnestness,  for  some  days — when   a   written    the  resolution  ofiered  by  Mr.   Follet,   for  a  few 
communication  from  tile  friends   of  Mr.  Clay    days,  anri  meanlime  see  if  an  arrangement  couliT 
was  made  to  the  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  and    nnl  be  effected.     This  request  was  not  comglied 
fead  in  caucus.     The  contents  of  this  1  cannot    with,  and  the  reeoiution  was  called  up  the  same 
now  repeat.     1  bowevci;  recollect  that,  at  the    day,  (the  15th)  and  passed,  62  to  55.     This  put 
time,  I  understood  it  to  be  a  withdrawal  of  cer-    an  end  to  General  Porter's  iiopes  for  obtaining- 
tain  individuals  from  -he  Crawford  party,  and    by  any  direct  negotiations  and  bargains,  the  half 
declaring  tlieir  preference  for  Clay  ;  and  formal-    the  votis  of  this  State  for   Clay;  but  efforts  to 
Ij' lu-ging  his  claim  for   a  portion  of  electoral    obtain  a  few  votes  by  ind  rect  means  \v  ere  suc- 
votes.     T.Ue  measure  was  then  ascribed  to \3en.    cessfully  continued.     The  result  of  the  final 
Porter,  whose   solicitude  and   exertions  Uept    ballotting  for  electors:!!  this  Sta'e,  excited  so 
pace  with  the  importance   of  his  object.  \  On    much  interest  at  the  time  as  to  make  it  unnece.'i- 
the  11th  of  November  the  Senate  ii.iminited    sfiry  forme  to  refer  to  it  now.     My  object  is  to 
electors  friendly  to  Mr  Crawford  ;  and  the  As-    give  the  facts.     The  public  will  draw  their  own 
sembly,  [never  before  able  to  ascertain  who  the    inferences,  and  be  enabled  to  account  for  the 
friends  of  Cby  were,  or  rather  what  were  t  leir    very  extraordinai-y  appointment  of  Gtn.  Porter 
number,]  proceeded  to  ballot  for  electors,  land    as  Secretary  of  War,  and  give  credit  to  Mr.  Clw 
found  the  vote  to  stand  as  follows:  Adams/oO  ;    for  his  due  share  in  the  ti-ansaction.  *^ 

Crawford  43,  and  Clay  32.     On  the  11th,  Gen.  GENESEK-. 

George  McClure  brought  forward  a. resolution,  ^ , _ 

proposing  the  same  list  of  electors,  at  the  head 

of  whom  was  Samuel  Young,,.     The  friends  of        The  Nishville  Republicah  of  the  I9tli  uWmOj 

Crawford  and  Adams  voted   ^Rainst  tlie  adop-    confains  the  following  notice: 

tioii.     The  vote  .stoiKl  95  to  3i.     Several  simi 


lar  resolutions  were  ofiered  by  the  friends  of 
the  otner  candidates.  The  result  of  the  votes 
on  which,  differed  but  little  fiom  that  given  on 
the  ftrst  ba;lot. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  lindiiig  them- 
selves disappointeil  in  the  hop-  s  whicii  they 
had  entenained,  that  the  few  honorable  and 
high-minded  m^n  who  had  been  seduced  by 
Gen.  Porter  to  abandon  their  party,  would,  on 
a  little  reflection,  see, the  impropriety  of'di- 
viding  the  vote  of  the  State,  Sir.  Follet  of  the 
Assembly,  (a  decided  friend  of  Mr.  Ci-awfnrd) 
on  tne  12th  November,  intioduced  a  rcsolutio:i 
embracing  tlie  names  of'tlie  Adums  electors  (ire- 
viously  offered  and  rejected.  Ke  was  instantly 
assailed  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  and  asked 
if  he  would  finally  vote  for  the  names  proposed, 
&c.  Mr.  Follett  explained,  and  his  conduct 
was  justified  by  Mr.  Flagg,  who  referr  d '^  the 
ooupse  pursued  by  Mr.  Clay's  frinds  with  great 
sevei-ity.     The  resolution  was  laid  on  the  table. 


BcBR  AND  Jackson. — Ileiterated  calls  have 
been  made  on  the  NushHUe  Committee  and 
NashvUle  Republican,  by  the  Coahtion  prints,  to 
"come  out"  on  the  subject  of  pen.  Jackson's  al- 
leged participation  in  the  Burr  conspiracy. 
Sn  ers,  and  taunts,  ?nd  challenges  have  been 
used  without  stint.  These  we  regard  not.  But 
we  take  tliis  opportunity  of  saying  to  the  friends 
of  Gen.  Jackson  throughoutthe  Union,  thatthc 
cliarge  will  be  i^et — Iriumphunt/y  met.  A  full 
exjiose  ofGerfr  Jackson  3  acquaintance  and  con- 
n.-xion  with  Aaron  Burr,  will  in  due  time  be 
made,  which  shall  cause  his  fi-iends  to  exult,  and 
cover  his  enemies  with  shame  and  confusion — 
one,  that  shall  show  to  the  .American  people  the 
utter  falsity  of  ihe  foul  charge  which  has  been 
sougiit  to  be  fastened  on  their  greatest  defen- 
der. 


A  short  time  ago,  a  relation  of  Gen.  Wool,  of 
the  army,  residing  near  .\lbany  called  on  him. 
Immediately  previous  to  the  adjoiUMimeiit,  fhci*  and  demanded  a  loan  of  some  money.  The 
appearedananonymousnnticecaUingthe friends  ticn.  refused  liie  loan — and  the  applicant  Imme- 
pf  Mr.  A.togetberin  one  oftlieConimittee  rooms  diatelydrew  apistol  and  attempted  to  kill  him. 
in  the  Capitol,  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.     We  havlp  wondered  titat  this  attempt  to  ;issassi- 


There  was  a  full  raeetingat  the  hour  appointed. 
It  was  organized.  On  mquii-y  being  made  by  a 
member,  what  the. object  of  tiie  meeting  was  '' 
or  by  whom  called^  no  answer  ivas  given;  and  it 
■(vas  about  to  be  adjourned,  when  a  member 
from  New  York  observed  that  he  undi  istood 
rhat  the  ffiends  of  Mr.  Clay  had  appointed  a 


nate  Gen  Wool,  li;«?  not  been  cliarged  by  the 
tools  of  the  coalition  itpon  Gen.  Jackson.  It 
had  as  much  connexion  with  the  psliticsof  the 
.,.y,  US  tlie  flagellation  of  Mr.  Armstrong  lud, 
ci-uo  v.'as  C'lastiscd  by  the  Mf  ssrs  Gilchrists  foi- 
slandering  their  father,  a  patriot  of  tlie  revolu- 
tion. 


^116  tr 


When  Mr.  Atianl's  was  in  the  line  of  "safe, 
lic«;edfnt,"  and  advocatinjj  the  doctiint  that 
tit  MminiaiTCilion  cmdd  do  no  urong,  (a  dec- 
trine  wliich  tin-  Inteilis^cncer  then  combnttt-d; 
though  it  has  ever  since  zealously  supported  it, 
lie  was  reminded  by  liiat  press  of  the  homely 
■proverb,  "  WIten.  toe  wunt  to  beat  a  dog,  it  is  an 
easy  matter  to  find  a  stick."  So  it  appcii'?,  when 
a  calumny  is  to  be  distfrninatcd,  it  is  an  easy 
lUattep  to  find  witnesses  to  support  it;  and"the 
Walilion  liave  never  lacked  tliem;  tbung'h,  un- 
fortunately for  them,  all  they  have  cied  Ijave 
been  of  such  questionable  veracity,  that  their 
slanders  have  rarely  outlived  the  hour  which 
guve  them  birth.  On  Monday  last,  tlie  Intclli- 
g*encer  breathed  nothing  bet  l.cyrror  at  ihe  idea 
that  tiie  Legislature  of  N.  York  should  alter  the 
electoral  law,  and  give  tlie  vote  of  that  State  to 
Gen.  Jackson.  Thismeasure,  it  asserteri,  was  to 
be  brought  about  by  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  the 
editors  "had  information  on  whicli  they  placed 
entire  reliance,"  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  "hadfum- 
.s«y  K'Wrttra  to  that  effect."  Well,  ou  yester- 
day, it  had  more  SJ^is,  which  the  editors  wmild 
have  us  to  believe,  were  full  w  portentous  as 
those  that  aifi-ighted  Culphuriiia  the  night  pre- 
ceding-Cjesar's  assassination;  and  they  submit- 
ted the  "confirinaiifm  strung"  of  the  c.)nsplracy 
to  obtain  the  vote  of  New  York,  elect  Jack- 
son, ai.d  subvert  the  Constitution."  And  what 
does  the  eader  suppose  was  this  co?iclusive 
testimony?  Why,an  extract  fiom  the  Cincinnati' 
(Ohio)  Gazette,  a  paper  conducted  by  Charles 
Harnm'  nd,  which  originated  and  circulates 
thoae  foul  and  detestable  slanders  against  that 
excellent,  aged,  ^-vnd  unoffending  hidv,  Mrs.  ; 
Jackson,  and  wliich  is  sunk  to  .^o  ]ov/  an  ebb  of  „ 
infamy,  that  few  of  the  Adams  prints  now  quote  ' 
it.  ,\nd  yet  tiiis  isthe  evidence  on  which  the  .( 
>tcUigenccr  relies  to  support  its  charges  — 
i  'ow  fallen  has  this  journal  become,  lit  its  pro- 
rent  couree  speak.  We  only  wont'.cr  why 
Jud<i;e  iVilliamiaxii  Col  Andrea  Erwin,  of  Ten- 
■  i^isef;,  liave  not  been  resorted  to  for  tlieir  cer-r'. 
'.tes  on  the  subject. 

The  Nc\#  Hampshire  Gazette,  published  at^ 
Portsmouth,  in  commenting  upon  th.";  residt  of^ 
'.he  late  election  in  Louisiana,  makes  the  follow-!- 
iig  just  remarks:  -'Hi'i' 

But  the  great  cause  of  boasting,  !icco;-,^3n'^.-' 
:o  Daniel  Webster's  organ,    was  that  ?lIu^.VT,-- 
iXcsTo^-  was  defeated,  as  "a  punishmaSQ^r  : 
:ke  backdidirigs  of  thirty  years," — tlic  "  oliT^n-^ 
■ler," — the  fnend  of  Jencrson, — of  v>^m  this 
-leparted  patriot  spake,  so  late  as  1824',  as  hav- 
ing been  .so  ineful  a  member  of  the,  old  ithool 
of  democracy  in   Congress — O   Daji'el  !\  di^t 
<hou  suppose  a  single  pilgrimasje  to  J4ajiticelloj 
and  thy  eulogium  on  the  death  cffeiliis  revered 
,>postle  of  deniocr.cy,  wo»ild cofer  tliy  inveter- 


th(^nsili)efi'repubUcMisP'  Theraihs  of  Heavtii 
wi.ll;^\eyo^  bleach  the  Ethiopian's  skin,  no.': 
change^the  leopard's  spots, — so  neither  would 
ai\'!*n;ijjal"^ii'gnmagc  of  forty  years  (o.Monticel- 
lo'ssla-'ute,^ with  pease  [not  boil'd]  within  thy 
shoi^sj.'ifp.ll^kte  )hce  suffer  penance,  ever  make 
tlfep 'seenii -tOythose  who  know -thee,  wliSt 
tliO'i'rt  iiijtvin'gtain, — a  democrat.  Thoudiclst 
once  essaj'J'by  th'  wAilet.cash  of  amal;;amati6n, 
like  Johimv  Q.  to  make  the  democrats  behave 
thou  nastthuirfiiend,  and  like  him  seemed  to 
join  with  thein,  to  urge  them  on,  and  sang  tl^ 
parody  so  technical,— -"  0;ir  covinlryj- our  whole 
country,  and\  odiing  but  our  couiiii'y."  This 
WIS  ambitH-n's  ladder,  on  which  thbii^diilsl^  ex- 
pect torise  t()influenceiandpov/^erii>it(;i,l!Ti)a'[i^s 
fair;  fir.st  to  St,  James*,  therejto  ;Ra_i^thy-«court, 
to  royalty,  rot 'fn.^  in  state,  a^id  M?e'tby. 'proto- 
type, to  sprejjftiiy^  "god-liXe"fivtij0ijV foreign 
parts,, and slmw  tlvj^i^" irnniorlaltM,%7^''rh^'ncti 
lauier  bn.ggiiig  tiair}','  .'Untoliijc,  of/;recerfe»!te 
so  safe" — andthcnct— r — ^bui'.'Vhere  areftow 
those  dreams  of  greaStess ''/'  Blasted  in  the  bud. 
Corruption,  ba-cgainin&ntrigxiitig,  all  exposed; 
all  hopes  to  sway  tlie-sc!?^e  of  the  Union  van- 
ished; whore's  "our  wfi^  country"  now.' 
Now  thou  e.ssay'st  to  raise  th'  indignant  cries  of 
yankees  'gainst  the  3outli,and  call  those  recreants 
wh.odo  not  join  thee.  "New  England,  the 
whole  New  England,  and  nothing  but  New  Eng- 
land," is  the  cry,  and  thy  myrmidons  denoimcc 
the  eatly  friends  of  Jefferson  as  the  old  fefe/('- 
(fec?  in  tlic  davs  of '98. 


ply 

•ooted.  'I'hou  didst,  in  earlier  days,  accuKe  this 
.  oatTot  of  falsehood  and  duplicity,  and  his  disci- 
ples with  "blaspheming  Hfaven,  and  mocking 
^  ,t  with  diabolical  gratitude."  And  by  thy  craft 
j  r;nd  double-lealing,  ever  didst  evince  thy  dire 
liostility  to  the  rights  of  those  whom  thou  call's! 
•  ■'  menofycsicrdaij,"  and  wiiom  thy  little  scani- 
,    i)!ing,  prating  Jackall  represents  "to  have  th' 


;  The  Louisiana  Advertiser  of  the  oth  nit. 
taakes  the  following  pungent  remarks  on  one  ot 
^Sefacis  dctaile  !  by  t'.iepresent  Hon.  Secreta- 
35"  of  War,  in  his  "New  York  administration 
sid^e.s-,"  wiiich  -.uenis  to  have  been  considei<ed 
by'iJr.  Adams  apfize  essay  entitling  its  author 
to  a  y.eward  troni  the  Coalition. 

Jli&'ktr  lie  dct'ded. — None  of  the  addresses: 
pttWtislHd  by  thi  Adams  conventions,  that  of 
Hichui^nd  not  excepted,  contains  so  many 
gCVsiJ^ttsthoods  as  that  which  was  lately  issued 
by  tbc,';flartford  party  in  New  York.  Amonga 
tiiVu^'iA'l  other  lies,  we,  in  Louisiana,  who  wit- 
IjestJed  all  the  events  of  a  campaign  so  vitally  in- 
tpirgs^ing  I;)  us,  were  forcibly  struck  by  tlie  un- 
fJlifsfilT'r.g  .is:.ertion  that  Governor  Claiborne  was 
a^:  ,;tt-d  by  ordor  of  General  Jackson  and  iguo- 
iifihrioisiy  di^gged  through  the  streets  of  New 
<)ricaiis  by  an  armeil  force.  Tlie  people  of 
Mew  Orleans  know  this  to  bean  absolute  false- 
hood, and  we  defy  :<ny  mercenary  of  the  coali- 
tion in'ttu!i(.:ity  to  as,;crtthat  this  calumny  of 
tlie  Nev^york  lories  has  the  slightest  founda- 
tion in  f:ict.XThis  is  a  s:implo  of  the  regard 
which  the  coalition  have  for  truth— and  \vi; 
fearlessly  assert  th.at  all  the  accu5;itions  agains*^ 
General  Jacksos,  whenever  their  inventors 
have  been  totii|)e!lcd  to  give  them  a  local  habi- 
tation, have  tunied  out  to  be  equally  grotind- 
les,s  with  this  charge  respecting  the  alleged  ar- 
rest of  Governor  Claiborne. 


"Dnon  of  Grecnhu.th,  Renmclaer  County. — Tlif ■ 
meetirig  of  the  republicans  of  Greeubush,  wa?, 
most  numerously  atteiidedji. and  tin-  most  grati- 
fying Zealand  ynim;ition  in  the  good  cntisewere 
iiiaiufested.     'i'fic  di  mocracv  of  Oreenhusli  will 

...1,, -■■;,■'  -    ■■■:>  ■■■■   f'..-  '.'"'.l..-  —r!'l'    .I'-IIiis 


UNITED  STATES'   TELEGRAPH— Ax^n^. 


This  paper  will  be  devoted  excliisivdy  to  tlie  Vresidential  ElecUou,  and  be  published  weekly, 
until  the  15th  of  Octobei-  next,  for  One  Dollar,  subject  to  newspaper  postage  and  no  more. 

BY  GREEN  S;  JJIRVJS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGNK)N,  SEPTEMBER  13,  182S. 


"irrri  I 


For  the  United  Stutes'  Tekgrapli. 
TO  JOSEPH  GALES,  ESQ. 
Sin:  If  it  be  true,  as  somt  have  alleged,  that 
my  language  is  too  plain,  and  my  dennnciations 
too  sfpong-,  the  public  must  bear  with  it ;  for  I 
cannot  comprehend  t.iat  rule  wi.ich  enjoins  us 
to  speak  one  way  when  we  t!.;nk  anotlier;  and, 
indeed,  if  I  could  comprehend  it.  I  would  not 
conform  to  it.  I  have  yet  to  h;arn  liow  to  make 
my  tong'iie  and  soul  h)pocriles  to  each  other. 
To  the  du])licity  of  the  court,  where  men  are 
laupfht  to  s))eak  with  "  candid  tongues,"  and 
in  set  and  studied  ptirases,  1  am  a  stranger,  and 
liope  ever  to  remain  so.  I  would  not,  if  I  could, 
divest  myself  of  those  principles  which  I  im- 
bibed in  the  spring  time  of  ray  life,  wliich  have 
adhered  to  me  llii-ough  thi-  simimer,  and  atiU 
abide  with  me  now,  in  the  autumn  of  my  days — 
jirinciples  which  have  alv.nys  impel'ed  me  to 
the  cultivation  of  honest fVclings,  and  liic  frar.k 
andfcailE'ssufcrancecft'-itm.  No,  Sir,  I  tbank 
fortune,  that  she  has  cast  my  lot  in  the  wliole- 
some  and  moral  atmo.sp;iere  of  the  couiitry, 
among'  men  v/liose  tongues  utter  only  what  their 
liear's  feel — plain,  blunt,  honest  firmers, 
"  Who  have  not  those  soft  fjarts  of  conversation 
"  That  men  of  intrigue  have." 

Sir,  when  I  see  a  man  eagei'ly  catching-  up, 
and  publishing,  the  malignant  tales  which  idle 
lauTior  witli  iicr  thousand  tongues  is  propagating, 
and  which  he  knows  to  be  false,  too — that  man 
I  will  call  a  Calumsl^toii  and  a  Liah.  M'lien 
1  see  him,  like  the  cSmeleon,  changing  lus  hue 
■with  every  change  of  the  admini-^tr.ition,  and 
adaptinghis  shape  andcharactertoevery  change 
of  party,  as  they  alternatively  att:iin  to  power,  I 
will  call  Iiini  a  Uknecauo.  When  i  see  him  ad- 
vocating a  band  of  political  intiigiiants,  who,  by 
treading  on  the  nccksof  the  peo|ile,  have  stolen 
into  power,  and  who  are  now  endeavoring,  by 
urts  the  most  vile,  to  keep  the  people  down, 
and  perpetuate  their  own  dominion,  I  will  call 
liim  a  TnAiTOH.  When  t  see  him  stealing  in- 
sidiously on  his  intended  victim — his  hideous 
form  wrapped  in  a  cloak  of  disinterestedness, 
vidi  a  poisoned  dagger  concealed  in  its  folds,  I 
will  cry  out,  A.n  Assassi.v!  bewere  of  him.' 
AVhen  I  see  him  made  frantic  by  the  hopeless- 
ness of  his  condition,  wielJmg  with  desperate 
hand  the  flaming  torch  of  discord  and  disunion, 
and  inciting  the  people  to  rebellion,  I  will  hit 
vp  my  voice,  and  exclaim.  An  Incendiahi! 
An  Incendiart!  Sir,  shall  we  be  afraid  to 
speak  now — now,  when  ow  country  demands 
of  us  to  speak  out,  even  at  the  hazard  of  oiu 
lives?  I  know  not  what  others  may  be  disposed 
to  do;  but  for  myself,  as  I  live — 

*' 1  will  speak,  liberal  as  the  air; 

"  Let  timid  boys,  men,  and  devils,  let  them  all, 
»•  All,  all,  cry  shame  against  me,  yet  I'll  speak." 
Whatever  others  may  think,  surely  you  can- 
not object  to  the  terms  1  use,  and  tlie  epithets 
I  apply;  for  you  know  that  every  fact  I  state, 
snd  (draosl  eicry  arg-umenl  I  employ,  \u  refuta- 


tion of  your  slanders  on  General  Jackson,  are 
derived  .exclusively  from  your  own  columns. 
'i"'.ie  epithets  are  mere  inferences,  wliich  force 
themselves  irresistibly  on  the  minds  of  all  who 
read  the  facts.  If  I  prove  conclusivclj',  and  by 
his  own  teitimonv,  that  a  man  has  told  a  lie, 
would  it  be  a  fault  to  say,  that,  tiierefore,  that 
man  is  a  liar?  If  it  be  a  fault  to  employ  such 
terms,  then,  sir,  you  are  responsible  for  them  ; 
for  you  have,  by  your  wrickless  course,  and 
egregious  inconsistency,  written  tluni  un  the 
minds  of  all  your  readers,  in  chai^icters  too  deep 
to  be  easily  erased.  ^' 

You  have  engaged  a  new  hand,  though  an 
old  workman,  to  toil  with  you  in  your  labora- 
tory of  defamation.  It  was  not  necessary,  how- 
ever, that  you  should  expend  half  a  column  in 
vouching  for  bis  character;  for  LitocK  is  the. 
man  of  famous  contaact  memory,  well  known  as 
the  venal  Senator,  who  was  universally  denoun- 
-  ced  as  a  dishonor  to  his  4ate,  and  a  disgrace  to 
his  country.  And  besides,  if  he  were  not  so 
renowned,  you  ought  to  have  known,  thai  a 
letter  of  credit  from  a  man  who  ie  notoriously  ;i 
bankrupt  in  veracity,  always  casts  i  deep  shade 
of  suspicion  on  him  whom  it  is  intended  to 
set-ve.  You  Icnow  that  a  had  endorser  will  vitiate 
a  bill  which  is  good  in  itself — 'tis  so,  too,  in 
politics.  You  ought,  therefore,  to  hare  with- 
iield  your  testimony,  for  your  recommendation 
will  serve  a  man  as  little  in  political  traffic,  as 
your  endorsement  will  in  mercantile.  But  if 
you  do  not  find  him  a  very  efficient  coadjutor,  I 
am  sure  he  will  prove  a  very  willing  and  zeal- 
ous one.  Avarice  is  his  ruling  passion,  and  so 
malevolent  and  revengeful  is  his  temper,  tliat, 
in  confedei'iiting  with  you,  he  seems  only  to  be 
fulfilling  the  designs  of  nature. — I'ur  nubik 
fralrum! 

Lest,  however,  there  may  be  some  who  know 
not  this  co-slanderer  of  yours,  and  may  be  dis- 
posed to  allow  to  his  evidence  some  degree  of 
credit,  because  of  (heir  ignoKuice  of  the  man, 
ai.d  the  mere  circum:itance  of  his  having  been 
once  a  Senator,  I  will  apply  your  own,  and  his 
Standard  of  evidence  to  iletermine  lis  character, 
and  the  motives  by  which  he  is  influenced  in 
thus  assaihng  the  private  reputation  and  public 
conduct  of  General  Jackson.  By  your  own  and 
liis  standard  of  evidence — "  I  mja:i  rumour  not 
contradicted,"  "current  reports,"  far  you  both 
allege,  that  t!ie  silly  story  about  cutting  oil 
Senator's  ears,  was  g'enerally  spoken  of  and  not 
contradicted,  and  that,  therefore,  it  must  be 
true.  To  be  judged  by  Uiistest,  surely  neither 
of  you  will  object,  for  you  cannot  complain  of 
the  application  to  yon  of  that  rule  which  \  on 
a,pply  to  others.  Aiulherc  Lmust  acknuw  ledg-c 
my  obhgatiou  to  you,  for  furnisliing  me  with 
tins  standard  of  evidence,  as  I  shall  fiml  it  of 
great  use  in  the  course  of  mv  mimbcrs,  in  deli- 
neating the  character  and  motives  of  one,  for 
whom  50a  f.cla  deeper  interest  than  you  do  for 
Lacock. 

Then  who  is  this  Abucr  Lscock-      floramcn 


lis 


rumor  r£|jr.i;.s.eiits  iiini  as  aiiiaii  of  sucli  inordi- 
nate a\'aricp,  and  such  vindicliveness  of  temper, 
that  aU  his  obligations  to  his  neighbor,  his  stale, 
and  his  country,  are  made  subservient  to  the 
gratification  of  those  passions — that  even  the  sa- 
credness  ot  a  Senator's  oath  is  inadequate  to 
restrain  them,  and  that  wliile  in  tlu;  United 
States'  Senate,  he  was  distinguished  only  for 
prostituting  the  digniiy  of  his  ulhcc  to  the  ad- 
vanct  ment  of  his  personal  interest,  and  the  grat- 
ification of  his  private  resentments.  Humor  de- 
signated him  .IS  the  man  who  abus-.d  tlie  confi- 
dence of  Mr.  Monroe,  and  "  purlouii  d  from  his 
table  a  private  lett'-r,  witli  a  design  to  use  it 
again^  General  Jackson. 

These  are  the  ciiaracteris'ilcs  which  all  who 
know  him  ascribe  to  him.  The  black  cata- 
logue of  specifications  which  constitute  tliem, 
were  the  "  common  topics  of  the  day,"  "  cur- 
rent reports,"  and  were  implicitly  believed  by 
all  who  heard  them,  and  knew  the  man.  Surely, 
sTjtjou  remember  them.  Do  you  not  recollect 
a  certain  Mi-.  Orr,  between  whom  and  Mr.  La- 
cock  there  was  an  intimacy  which  could  in  no 
way  be  accounted  for,  except  by  an  identity  of 
interest — that  fl<e  shadow  and  the  substance 
were  scarcely  mor  i  separable  ilian  thfy  were' 
1)0 you  not  n-.n.  -.nber  that  this  Mr.  Orr  obtained 
large  contracfs  for  furnishing  the  army  with 
.supplies,  and  that  wh  le  he  remained  in  Wash- 
ington in  daily  attendance  upon  the  Depart- 
ments, with  Abner  Lacock,  that  Atlas  Lacock, 
THE  SOS  or  Abxeh,  was  engaged  as  principal 
agent  for  procuring  and  furnishing  the  provi- 
sions' Do  you  not  remember,  that  when  Mr. 
Orr  and  his  agent,  Atlas,  the  son  of  Abner, 
failed  to  supply  Gen.  Harrison's  army,  accord- 
ing to  the  terms  of  the  contract;  that  Gen.  H. 
ordered  his  commissaries  t^  purchase  provisions 
and  charge  the  expense  to  the  con'.ractor,  giv- 
ing him  credit  for  the  contract  price  of  the  ra- 
tion onl\ — that  Mr.  Orr  and  Abner  I.,acock 
were  active  in  circulating  reports  to  the  injury 
of  Geneial  Harrison,  and  industriously  endea- 
vored to  create,  at  the  War  Department,  and 
elsewhere,  an  opinion,  that  he  had  effected  the 
ruin  of  OiT  to  promote  his  own  private  interest? 
Do  you  not  recollect  that  Abner  Lac^'ck  re- 
mained a  considerable  time  at  Washington, 
after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and  by  his 
obsequious  and  suppliant  importunity  at  the 
War  Department,  ultimately  prevailed  on  the 
Secretary  (General  Armstrong)  to  disregard  the 
conditions  and  ])enallies  of  the  law,  and  settle 
Mr.  Orr's  account  without  ch.argirg  him  with 
the  cost  of  his  shameful  delinquency,  thereby 
affording  to  him  the  benefit  of  furnishing  his 
rations,  (hiring  the  summer  and  fall,  at  an  im- 
mense profit,  and  imposing  on  the  government 
the  heavy  expense  of  furnishing  supplies  during 
the  winter,  and,  indeed,  incurring  the  danger 
of  starving  the  army,  or  leaving  the  Nortli 
Western  frontier  unprotected'  Do  you  not  re- 
member, that  , Mr.  Orr,  whose  chief  agent  was 
Atlas,  the  son  of  Abner,  was  thus,  through  the 
iroporttmity  of  Abner,  the  father  of  Atlas,  re- 
lieved from  a  responsibility  of  one  hundred  and 
seven  thousand  dollars,  and  that,  as  if  by  magic, 
he  became  suddenly  rich,  purchased  lots  in 
AVashington,  and  erected  rplendid  buildings — 
that  the  same  power  of  enchantment  seemed  to 
operate  on  Abner's  circumstances;  that  the  man 
of  ve.rj'  moderate  fortune  was  suddenly  meta- 


morphosed into  a  gj'eat  speculator  in  lands  iiij 
a  builder  of  houses'  Do  you  not  remember, 
that  this  same  Mr.  Orr,  notwithstanding  his  fail- 
ures in  his  North  Western  frontier  contract,  ob- 
tained another  for  supplying  General  Gaines's 
army  in  the  expedition  against  the  Seminole  In- 
dians, and  fliaf  the  firs'  expeditiim  of  that  gal- 
lant officer  was  rendered  wholly  abortive  by  the 
failure  of  the  agent  Atlas,  the  son  of  Abner,  to 
supply  his  army,  and  that  the  government  was 
thereby  compelled  to  incur  the  expense  of  the 
second  expedition  under  General  Jackson?  Do 
you  not  recollect,  that  General  Jackson  was  tooi 
intent  on  his  country's  good,  and  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  lives  of  his  frontier  brethren,  to  tole- 
rate the  abominable  frauds  and  delays  of  Atlas 
the  agent,  or  place  any  reliance  on  one  whose 
delinquency  had  nearly  starved  the  army,  and 
cost  the  government  such  immense  sums,  even 
though  that  agent  was  a  Senator's  son — that  he 
did  not  stop  to  consider  whether  that  Senator 
himself  was  not  interested  (sub  rosji)  in  the  con- 
tract, or  what  injury  he  might  do  bim  at  Wash- 
ington, by  his  malignant  revenge'  Do  you  not 
know,  tliat  General  Jackson,  having  no  confi- 
dence in  the  contractor,  or  his  agent,  appealed 
to  the  enterprise  and  paU'iotism  of  such  men  as 
the  gallant  Gibson,  who  now  presides  with  so 
much  credit  over  the  Subs's'ence  Department 
of  the  Government — that  the  Army  was  sup- 
plied— a  most  perilous  expedition  completely 
accomplished,  and  that  since,  no  Indian  toma- 
hawk has  been  raised  in  all  the  South  against  a 
white  man'  Sir,  you  wel!  recollect  the  indus- 
try of  both  Lacock  and  Oit,  (an  industry  which 
betrayed  a  personal  interest,)  in  endeavoring  to 
prevent  Congn-ss  from  changing  the  mode  otT 
supplying  the  Army,  as  has  since  been  done 
with  such  great  advantage.  You  knoiv,  that 
ever  since  he  left  the  Senate,  Lacock's  ruling 
passion  has  exhibited  itself  strong  in  the  eager 
pursuit  of  public  con'racts  You  remember, 
too,  that,  in  all  his  conduct  and  conversation  in 
relation  to  General  Jackson,  he  always  betrayed 
a  malignancy  and  vindictiveness  of  feehng, 
which  awakened  and  defied  conjecture,  till  the 
incidents  of  the  Seminole  campaign  were 
known.  Then,  indeed,  astonishment  at  his 
ranccr  gave  place  to  derison  and  contempt  for 
his  meanness.  He  became  the  common  object 
of  scorn  and  butt  of  ridicule  to  all  in  Washing- 
ton. They  despised  his  revengeful  ravings, 
and  were  amused  with  his  dastardly  apprehen- 
sions. His  own  state  mortified,  and  indignant 
at  the  base  and  sorthd  conduct  of  their  Senator 
— to  mark  it  with  reprobation,  adopted,  on  the 
2rth  March,  (a  few  days  after  his  famous  re- 
psrt,)  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  the  follow- 
ing resolution: 

"  Resolved,  That  the  conduct  of  Major  Gen. 
Andrew  Jackson,  in  the  late  war  with  Great 
Britain  and  his  savage  allies,  and  in  the  late 
Seminok  war,  is  marked  with  eKeigy,  skill,  and 
patriotism,  not  sur|)assed  in  the  annals  of  our 
country;  .and  inasmuch  as  the  approbation  of  his 
country  is  the  higliest  reward  that  a  hero  and 
patriot  can  receive,  they,  tlierefore,  approve  of 
the  conduct  of  General  Jackson,  and  llic  decision 
of  Congress  thlrcon  ,-  and  that  the  Governor  be, 
and  he  is  hereby  requested  to  present  the  thanks 
of  this  commonwealth  to  Major  General  Andrew 
Jackson,  in  a  manner  that  he  may  deem  proper 
on  the  occasion." 


419 


Such,  then,  »s  Abner  Lacock,  whose  niisera- 
We  slanders  you  publish  to  tlie  world,  and  ask 
the  people  to  credit  them.  And  now,  sir, 
having  sketched  his  character  and  motires,  I 
will  proceed  to  notice  his  farraf;o  of  idle  and 
arrogant  abuse  of  General  Jackson.  I  will  judge 
it  chiefly  by  facts  and  opinions  stated  by  your- 
self, and  authentic  documents  taken  from  your 
columns;  in  the  course  of  whicli,  I  will  devel- 
ope  another  of  your  glaringly  impudent  false- 
hoods. 

He  begins  by  a  billingsgate  attack  on  the 
private  character  and  reputation  of  Gen.  Jack- 
son. Speaks  of  "  his  former  crimes  and  errors," 
and  **  the  deformed  arid  heinous  picture  of  his 
private  life  "  Rut  what  those  "  crimes  and  er- 
rors" are,  or  of  what  acts  or  features  this  "  hor- 
rid picture"  is  made  up,  we  ar"  left  to  conjec- 
ture. Nothing  is  specified — it  is  .sweeping  and 
gratuitous  denunciation  no  specification  of  his 
having  violated  the  sanctity  of  an  oath,  for  the 
gratification  of  a  mercenary  disposition^-of  his 
having  prostituted  his  official  power  and  dignitv 
to  the  indulgence  of  malevolen'.  priv.ite  resent- 
ments, or  of  his  having  abused  the  confidence 
of  a  friend,  and  stolen  from  him  a  letter,  for 
purposes  the  most  base.  No,  sir,  tliis  arrogant 
and  abominable  denunciation  is  belched  forth, 
without  a  shadow  of  evidence,  either  positive 
or  circumstantial,  to  support  it. 

But,  sir,  I  am  not  more  surprised  at  the  bold- 
ness of  his  invective,  tiiau  at  the  pofenci/  of  his 
logic.  After  presenting  this  horriblc'picture 
of  General  Jackson's  private  life,  he  alleges, 
that,  in  consideration  of  his  military  services,  the 
people  "  passed  over  his  former  crimes  and  er- 
rors with  impunity,  and  spread  upon  them  the 
almost  impenetrable  mantle  of  oblivion  and  for 
getfulness."  And  yet,  for  tliese  ve?-y  militarv 
services  which  obtained  for  him  a  pardon  for 
the  nuiny  heinous  sins  of  Ills  private  life,  he  is 
denounced  by  you  and  Mr  Lacock  as  a  traitor 
and  a  murderer!  Is  it  not  strange,  sir,  that  acts 
deserving  such  epithets  should  expiate  former 
crimes  and  errors,  and  wipe  from  the  picture  of 
his  private  life  those  hideous  and  deformed  feat- 
ures which  before  stood  upon  the  canvass  in 
bold  relief '  In  denouncing  General  J.ickson's 
private  life  as  a  "  deformed  and  heinous  pic- 
ture," and  liis  military  services  (which  he  says 
atoned  for,  and  gave  impunity  to  his  private  of- 
fences,) as  traitorous  and  murderous,  Mr.  La- 
cock has  branded  himself  a  slanderer — let  him 
take  either  horn  of  the  dilemma — let  him  writhe 
and  distort  himself  under  the  agony  of  the 
charge,  still  it  will  stick  to  him,  as  did  the  poi- 
soned tunick  to  the  back  of  Hercules. 

But  mark,  again,  what  an  admirable  logician 
he  is.  He  observes:  "  In  short,  he  tvas  before 
the  nation  as  a  military  officer  merely,  and  hence 
it  Was,  that  the  report  made  to  the  Senate,  and  a 
similar  one  to  the  Hoiis^  of  IbpresenlaUrm,  was 
not  well  received  by  the  people  or  their  Hepresenta- 
tives."  Indeed!  Whv,  what  w.is  the  suhji  ct  of 
the  report,  and  for  what  was  he  arraigned  be- 
fore the  nation  ?  Was  it  for  offences  committed 
as  a  Foreign  Minister — a  Uepresentative  in  Con- 
gress, or  a  Head  of  a  Department'  No,  sir.  it 
was  for  acts  done  as  a  military  officer,  and  be- 
cause he  was  charged  as  a  military  officer  for  al- 
leged military  offences,  Mr.  Lacock  complains 
that  the  report  was  not  well  received  bv  the 


people  or  tiieir  Representiitives.  Admirable 
log^c!  conclusive  and  triumphal^! 

After  having  thus  emitted  his  venom  on  the 
private  reputation  of  General  Jackson,  he  calls 
upon  the  people  to  reason  with  him,  and 
presents  himself  as  the  advocate  and  champion 
of  those  murderous  savages,  who  stained  our 
border  lines  with  the  blood  of  our  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  marked  it  with  the  smouldering  ruins 
of  their  huts.  He  asserts,  that  it  "  is  certain 
the  white  men  committed  depredations  on  the 
Indians,  and  that  they  retaliated — that  the  dis- 
turbance at  length  became  serious — the  Indians 
were  beaten,  and  fled  into  the  Spanish  territo- 
ries for  shelter,  peihaps  for  protection."  Here, 
sir,  is  a  pictwre  iiighly  discreditable  to  his  own 
government;  and  even  if  it  be  true,  Gen.  Jack- 
son could  have  no  agency  in  it.  But  it  is  false, 
and  Mr.  Lacock  knew  it.  It  is  a  gross  and  in- 
famous slandi  r  on  the  white  men  and  <he  nation, 
for  which  he  ought  to  be  held  in  universal  de- 
testation. 

The  President,  in  a  cnmmunicatifin  to  Con- 
gress on  the  25th  March,  1818,  says,  "  I  lay  be- 
fore Congress  all  the  information  in  possession 
of  the  Executive  respecting  the  war  with  the 
Seminoles,  and  the  measures  which  it  has 
thought  proper  to  adopt,  for  the  safety  of  our 
fellow-citizens  on  the  frontier,  exposed  to  their 
ravages.  T^e  ettchsed documents  show  that  the 
hostilities  of  this  tribe  were  unprovoked,  the  off- 
spring  ofaspitit  long  cherished  and  often  mnni- 
feste-l  towards  the  United  States,-  and  that,  in  the 
present  instance,  it  was  extending  itself  to  other 
tribes,  and  daily  assuming  a  more  serious  as- 
pect." Now,  sir,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that 
lie  had  not  read  this  'message,  and  the  docu- 
ments accomp.anying  it.  He  therefore  stands 
convicted  of  a  wilful  falsehood,  and  malicious 
sl.ander  on  his  own  government. 

General  Jackson  is  charged  with  a  violation 
of  the  constitution,  in  substituting  "  volunteers 
for  Militia,  ind  Horsemen  for  Infantry,  and  ap- 
pointing officers  to  command  them."  It  is 
true,  sir,  that  he  involved  the  aid  of  those  gal- 
lant men  who  had  accompanied  him  through 
the  dangers  and  toils  of  the  Creek  war,  and  who 
had'  gathered  laurels  on  the  plains  of  New  Or- 
leans, to  join  him  in  defending  the  lives  of  their 
frontier  brethren  ;  but  the  appointment  of  the 
officers  w!is,  in  all  cases,  made  by  the  men  thus 
brought  into  the  field,  and  sanctioned  by  the 
proper  authority.  This  fact  is  sustained  by  the 
deposition  of  Col.  Butler,  which  deposition  Mr. 
Lacock  has  read. 

In  relation  to  the  charge  of  having  substituted 
volunteers  for  drafted  militia.  "  Gen.  Jackson 
had  to  choose  between  two  modes  of  raising  the 
requisite  force  ;  the  one  productive  of  perni- 
cious delay,  and  calculated  to  ensure  ultimate 
defisHt;  the  other  more  simple,  less  expensive, 
and  creative  of  an  army  fraught  with  ai<lent  en- 
terprise, and  willing  to  endure  e;ery  privation, 
in  giving  safety  to  their  brethren  of  the  South. 

It   was  a  choice  between  defeat   and  victory 

the  full  performance  of  an  urgent  duty,  or  the 
disgrace  of  the  General,  and  the  destmction  of 
his  army."  He  advised  the  Governor  of  Ten- 
nessee of  the  measure  he  had  adopted,  who  not 
only  approved  it,"  but  added  to  his  force  a  com- 
pany of  mounted  volunteers.  Gen.  Harrison.. 
dming  the  late  war,  was  joined  by  a  body  of  vo- 


4i-lO 


>un'ieer's,  led  by  Col.  Johiison;  and  Governor 
tilielby  autlinrbed  liim  to  fonn  thf  ii  into  corps, 
and  appoint  ;ipclii  officers  as  the  men  mig'ht 
elect.  Another  body  of  volunteers,  ♦Voni  Ohio, 
joined  Gen.  Harrison  on  the  march,  lor  the  re- 
lief of  I'ort  Wayne,  without  any  authority,  and 
not  commissioned  by  the  Stote  Executive.  It 
was  volunteers  who  followed  Gen.  Jackson  into 
liie  Creek,  nation,  achieve<l  the  victories  of 
'I'elede.^a,  Emuckfaw,  and  the  Horse  Shoe  ; 
penetrated  tlie  swamps  of  Florida,  covered  Mo- 
bile from  Uritish  visitation,  defeated  Welling- 
ton's veterans  on  the  shores  of  tjie  Mississippi, 
and  saved  New  Orleans  from  pollution.  SVas 
the  r.aising  of  vohmteere  then  deemed  unconsti- 
tutional, or  did  Congress  approve  the  measure, 
and  make  appropriations  for  payln.^  them' 
Tliroutcliout  the  vvhol'"  discussioii  in  the  House 
of  III  presentatives,  which  continued  more  than 
three  weeks,  not  a  breath  of  disapprobation 
wa-s  u'.tered  as  to  this  part  of  his  conduct. 
Away,  tlien,  with  the  ridiculous  charge.  Do 
you  imagine  that  the  peo))le  will  censure  Gen. 
Jackson  fi.r  doing  that  which  saved  the  liven  of 
their  fellow  couutryincn,  and  the  money  of  the 
government' 

But  here,  too,  Mr.  Lacock  makes  a  stab  at 
Mr.  Monroe,  for  General  Jackson  advised  the 
Department  of  all  lie  h.ad  done,  and  on  tl'e  C9th 
January,  1818,  the  Secretary  at  War  thus  writes 
to  him:  "  Your  Icttcre  of  the  l2th  and  -ISth  in- 
stant are  received,  'i'lie  measures  yoa  have  ta- 
ken to  bring  an  efficient  force  into  the  field,  are 
approved"  And  again,  on  the  6th  of  Febru- 
ary: "  I  have  the  honor  to  acknoT.ledg'e  the  re- 
ceipt of  youi-  letter  of  the  23tU  ultimo,  and  to 
acquaint  joii  of  the  entire  approbutioh  of  the  Pre- 
aidenl,  of  nil  the  measures  you  have  adopted  to 
terminate  tiie  war  with  the  Ind'ans.  The  honor 
i-.f  our  army,  as  well  .is  the  interest  of  our  coun- 
i  ry,  requires  that  it  should  be  as  sneedily  termi- 
iialed  as  practicable;  and  the  confidence  reposed 
in  your  skill  and  promptitude,  assures  us  that 
])eace  will  be  restored  on  such  coiulitiojis  as 
will  make  it  honorable  and  I'KRMANKNT." 
]f,  then,  this  was  a  violation  of  the  constitution, 
the  President  and  Cabinet  were  obnoxious  to 
tile  ch.irge. 

It  is  alleged,  in  farther  support  of  this  charge, 
that  Gen.  Jackson  employed  an  Indian  force, 
ainounJug  to  about  ISOO,  and  that  he  appointed 
a  Brigadier  General,  and  a  vast  number  of  sub- 
ordinate officers,  to  command  them.  Now,  sir, 
Mr.  Lacock  knows  this  to  be  false,  and,  know- 
ing it  to  be  so,  he  gives  it  publicity.  He  knows 
iluit  this  force  was  furnished  upon  a  call  from 
t.;en.  Gaines,  and  was  organized  by  him,  before 
«ien.  Jackson  took  command  of  the  ;irmv.  He 
Ivnows,  too,  that  Gen.  Gaines  apprised  the  De- 
jiartment  of  it,  and  that  it  was  not  disan  proved. 

Mr.  l.acock  jn'occeds— "  With  this  force, 
ibreadded  to  the  regulars.  Gen.  Jackson  and  his 
-army,  above  4000  strong,  marched  into  the 
Spanish  Territory  of  Florida,  in  pui-suit  of  the 
defeated  and  fugitive  Indi.ans  and  n.naway  ne- 
yroes,  whose  whole  fin'ce,  if  embodied,  would 
not  amount  to  1000  men."  What  i\!r.  Lacock 
designs  to  eii'ect  by  tliis,  it  is  difiicuU  to  ima- 
-ine.  General  Jackson  wtis  fighting  for  his 
■country,  not  fo:*  fame.  Tlirougiiout  his  whole 
life,  his  motto  has  been,  "/;/u  pntria."  In 
every  glorious  achievement  in  wliieh  he  has 
been  coaoeriicd.  Ue  has  been  assiduous  i:;  dis- 


claiming merit  ior  himseJl',  and  ascribing  it  t& 
others;  and  if,  at  any  period  of  his  life,  he  had 
been  capable  of  hazarding  the  interest  of  hi.i 
country,  and  the  lives  of  his  fellow-citizens,  to 
gratify  his  ambition,  the  motive  must  have  been 
inoperative  then;  for  then  his  brows  were  cover- 
ed with  laurels,  and  there  was  a  haln  of  lustre 
about  him,  which  nothing  could  render  more 
elfrdgvnt.  Vet  here,  too,  as  in  all  his  other 
charg'e*,  Mr.  l.acock  was  not  disposed  to  in- 
quire into  the  fact,  or  if  he  did,  he  was  not  dis- 
posed to  apeak  the  truth;  far  you,  yourself,  on 
the 5th  M»rch,  1818,  says,  that  informatjonhas 
been  received,  that  the  Semino'es  and  Creeks 
are  4000  warriors  strong;  that  th^.y  have  de- 
stroyed theirtowns,  placed  their  women  and  chil- 
dren, stock  :ind  provisions,  in  a  fortified  camp, 
situated  in  the  midst  of  an  immense  and  almost 
itnpassahie  marsh."  But  whether  it  be  true  or 
not,  what  will  the  people  think  of  the  modesty 
of  Mr.  Lacock's  demand  upon  them?  viz:  to 
censure  General  J;tck»on  for  taking  with  him  a 
force  which  lie  t.iought  would  cn.sure  a  victory! 

But  it  seems  that  Gen.  Jackson  in  his  mad 
ambition,  usurped  the  power  of  Congress,  and 
declared  war  by  the  invasion  of  PLirica,  and 
that  he  defied  and  disobeyed  the  orders  of  the 
President  by  the  capture  of  St.  Marks  and  Pen- 
sacola  Mr.  Lacock  is  peculiarly  unfortunate 
in  all  his  assaults  on  Gen.  Jackson,  for  every 
thrust  he  airna  at  him,  misses  his  object  .'.nd 
strikes  the  President.  You  are  aware  Sir,  that 
Gen.  Gaines  was  empowered  in  repeated  orders 
to  cross  the  line,  and  fhat  the  continued  indiscri- 
minate ai:d  bloody  slaughter  of  old  men,  women 
and  chiMren — the  desolation  of  our  borders,  with 
fire  and  the  tomaha//t,  could  not  have  been  pre- 
vented or  a".'enged,  witiiont  pursuirtg  those  ruth- 
less savages  into  their  very  fastnesses,  w!;ere 
they  lay  in  imaguied  security,  hke  the  An:icon- 
da,  gorged  with  the  blood  of  our  feilow-citizens. 
Why  Sfr,  to  have  protected  our  citizens  without 
crossing  the  line,  would  liave  required  a  force 
of  100,000  instead  of  4, 000  of  which  Mr  Lacccfc 
complains.  Uut  it  is  not  mj  jmrpose  to  demon- 
sU-ate  the  expediency  of  the  act,  it  is  sufficient 
if  t  prove,  that  it  was  autiiorized. 

The  depredations  of  those  monsters,  had  be- 
come so  terrible,  and  the  means  resorted  to,  so 
inadeqiate  to  prevent  them,  that  the  Govern- 
ment under  those  disastrous  circumstances,  h.ad 
recourse  to  the  well  established  energy  and 
talents  of  Jackson;  and  although  he  had  fought 
Vith  the  veterans  of  Europe,  and  conquered 
them;  yet  at  the  call  of  Ins  coiuitry,  he  rejiaired 
with  alacrity  to  the  postof  danger,  with  a  mere 
handful  of  men.  to  CHinhat  with  a  dispicable  and 
treacherous  savage  foe.  Sir,  he  has  never  refused 
a  call  o£  nis  country,  when  honorable  service 
could  be  rendered,  and  he  never  disappointed 
(he  high  expectations  which  his  well  tried  patri- 
otisiT,  and  wisdom,  inspired  the  nation  with. 

So  gi'eat  was  tlie  confidence  which  the  Gov- 
ernment reposed  in  him,  that  t.'ie firs'  orderthey 
gave  h.in,  commanded  him  in  terms  positive,  to 
invade  Tlorida,  a;id  ve.^tedhiin  vvith  a  difcretitm. 
as  to  ulterior  operations.  It  informed  him 
that  Gen.  Gaines,  under  nis  com^nand,  had  been 
ordered  "to  penetrate  from  AmeUa  Island, 
through  Florida  to  the  Seminole  towits,"  and  di- 
rects him  to  "concentrate  his  force,  and  adopt 
the  ncikisary  measures  to  tLr:iunate  the  conflict." 
Can  there  be  a  doubt  sir,  that  the  terms  of  this 


order  vested  him  wiUi  a  discretion  j,  Tv'liat, 
'f  the  necessary  measures  to  terminate  the  con- 
flict" were,  are  not  detailed.  It  is  manifest  that 
thev  were  only  tobc  ascertained  and  deteimined 
bv  circumstances  to  be  developed  in  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war;  what,  therefore,  appeire<l  to 
Gen.  Jackson,  necessary  to  this  object,  ^.e  was 
not  only  authorized,  but  bound  to  adopt;  th.«t 
it  was  designed  by  tlie  Department  itself,  that 
this  constnictlon  should  be  given  it,  is  evidtnt 
from  the  Secretaiy  of  War's  letter  to  Governor 
Bibb  on  the  13th  llay.  ]818,  wherein  he  says: 
•'  General  Jcchicn  is  vested  with  full  powtrs  to 
conduct  the  war  in  fite  maaner  he  may  judge  best."' 
The  President  in  bis  mesyig^;  to  Conyres*,  on 
the  25tli  Mai-ch,  1818,  sayt  that  Cien.  Jackion 
«'waa  ordered  to  the  theatre  of  action,  ch»rg-ed 
■with  tlie  roanagemant  of  the  war,  and  vested 
with  the  powers  necessarj-  to  ^ve  it  effect."  It 
is  true,  however,  ne  stales  that  "oidere  have 
been  given  to  the  General  in  command,  to  re- 
spect the  Spanish  auiliority,  ■a.herever  it  is  main- 
iciined,"  but  in  the  same  messajje  asserts  that, 
that  autliority  is  no  where  maintained;  he  i^ys: 
"as  almost  the  whole  of  this  tribe  inhabits  the 
country  witliiii  the  limits  ot  Florida,  Spain  was 
bound,  by  the  treaty  of  1795,  to  restrain  them 
from  coiirmittinpf  hostilities  against  the  United 
States.  We  have  seen  w:th ,  egTet  that  her  gov- 
ernment has  altogether  failed  lo  fulfil  this  obli- 
gation, nor  are  we  aware  that  it  made  on  effort 
to  tliat  effect.  When  we  consider  her  utter  in- 
ability to  check,  even  in  the  slightest  deg;-ee, 
the  movements  of  this  tribe,  by  her  verj'  small 
and  incompetent  force  in  Florida,  we  are  not 
disposed  to  ascribe  the  failure  to  any  other  cause. 
The  inability  however  of  Spain  to  maintain  her 
authority,  over  the  territory  and  Indians  within 
lier  limits,  and  in  consequence  to  fulfil  the  trea- 
ty, ought  nottoerpcse  the  Urited  States, to  otiior 
and  greateT  injuries.  When  the  authority  of  Spain 
ceases  to  exist,then  the  United  States  have  a  right 
to  pursue  their  enemy  or.  a  principle  of  seif  de- 
fence. Ill  this  instance  the  right  is  moie  com- 
plete and  obvious,  because  we  shall  perform  oii- 
Iv  what  Spain  was  boniid  to  peribrni  herself. 
To  the  high  obllgaiion  awl  privileges  of  this  great 
and  sucredrigfit  ofse!f/iefinct,willihe  mocemenSs 
of  our  troops  be  striclly  confiiud."  And  in  his 
message  at  the  commenremeht  of  the  session  in 
1818,  he  says  that  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
"facts  were  disclosed  respecting  the  conduct 
of  the  oflncers  of  Spain,  in  authority  there,  in 
encouraging  the  wir,  furnishing  munitions  of 
,var,  and  other  supplies,  to  cavr)'  it  on,  and  in 
other  acts  not  less  marked,  which  evi'ired  th^r 
participation  in  the  hostile  purpose  orthat  com- 
bination, and  justified  the  confidence  with  which 
it  inspired  the  savages— tliat  by  those  officers 
they  would  be  protected."  Now,  Sir,  I  chal- 
lenge uny  candid  man,  to  read  this  evidence, 
and  arrive  at  .any  other  e.^'^ 'usion,  tlian  that. 
General  Jackson  was  not  du'y  author'zed,  but 
bound  to  invade  Florida,  and  take  possession 
of  St.  Mnrks  and  Fensacoia. 

But  lest  you  and  Mr.  I.acock  may  question 
the  evidence  I  have  adduced,  I  will  present  you 
with  tliat,  which  you  will  have  some  difficulty 
'in  denying,  ilr.  Lacock  himself,  say?,  that  the 
Indians  "  fled  into  the  Spanish  territory  for 
shelter  znd  protection,"  and  you  Sir,  on  the  19th 
September,  1818,  tell  us  "  that  tlie  post  of  St. 
Marks  is  a  military  post,  remote  from  any  popu- 


lation, surrounded  by  hordes  of  desperate  _ii: 
dians  and  negrofes;  it  is  the  only  baiTier  against 
the  r  ravages  and  incursions.  To  evacuate  it  on 
the  mc^re  demand  of  any  Spanish  agent,  deput 
ed  to  receive,  or  to  a  force  incompetent  to  hold 
it,  wnuld  be  to  evacuate  it  to  the  Indians;for  we 
have  the  authority  of  the  late  Spanish  command- 
er of  it,  for  saying  that  the  Indians  controlled 
him,  and  not  he  them.  Self  preservation  is  the 
first  dictate  of  nature;  and  there  is  notliing-  in 
the  law  of  nations,  most  rigorously  construed, 
which  requires  a  nation  to  prostrate  any  part  ot 
its  population,  at  the  mercy  of  an  infuriated  and 
savage  enemy.  We  have  daily  accounts,  that 
the  Seminole  Indians  remaining  unsubdued  arc 
embodied  in  full;  this  check  withdrawn,  and 
they  mijht  sweep  our  borders."  And  again  oil 
the  23d  of  June,  1S18,  you  say— "If  the  Indians 
in  arms  against  us,  led  the  way  to  Fensacoia, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  General  Jackson's  be- 
ing-justified infoUowlng  and  dislodging  them." 
N'lW  Sir,  you  havetiie  deposition  of  Col.  But- 
ler, wiiicii  states  "  that  Gener.al  Jackson  re- 
ceived information  at  St.  M.arks  that,  there 
were  about  six  hundred  hostile  Indians  atPen- 
sacola,  who  received  ammunition  and  provisions 
from  the  government. 

Would  it  be  believed,  after  all  this  Sir,  that 
you  could  be  so  regardless  of  the  truth — so 
reckless  of  reputation,  as  to  assert,  on  the  17th 
ult.  that  you  "  never  did  agree  with  Mr.  Adams 
on  the  subject  of  the  Seminole  war!"  And  yet, 
as  incredible  as  it  may  appear,  it  is  nevertheless 
tme,  that  you  did  assert  this  most  daring  and 
detestable  falsehood.  Oh  impudence,  thy  rthmo. 
is  Joseph  Gales!  !* 

If  Mr.  Munroe  w.as  justified  by  Congress,  the 
country  and  your.self,  for  the  capture  of  Amelia 
Island  from  a  few  European  adventurers,  with  a 
view  to  prevent  some  slight  emban'assment  to 
our  commerce — surely,  he  will  not  be  censured 
for  taking  possession  of  Florida  from  a  band  of 
desperate  runaway  negroes,  and  infuriated  sav- 
ages, with  a  view  to  prevent  tlie  horrid  massa-  ^ 
ere  of  oar  fellow  citizens. 

I  must  here  notice,  a  piece  of  disgraceful  dis- 
ingenuousness  on  the  part  of  Lacock,  eminently 
worthy  of  him.  He  asserts  th.at  the  "Presi- 
dent ordered  the  line  to  be  crossed,  if  necessa- 
ry,! ill  especially  directed,that  if  the  Indians  took 
refuge  under  a  Spanish  fort,  not  to  disturb 
them,butto  renort  the  facts  to  the  Departmenf. 
of  Wai'."  It  is  plain  that  he  here  designs,  that 
the  public  shall  understand  that  such  an  order 
was  given  to  Gen.  Jackson.  Ves  Sir,  he  evi- 
dently designs  tliat  this  impression  shall  he. 
made,  although  he  knows  it  to  be  false,  .'^uch 
an  order  might  possibly  have  been  given  to  Gen. 
Gaines,  but  none  such  was  ever  issued  to  Gen. 
Jackson,  and  even  if  the  orders  given  to  Gen. 
Games  before  Gen.  Jackson  took  the  commami 


"■  Here  I  admit  myself  guilty  of  plagiarism — 
tills  beautiful  and  sublime  exclamation,  is  bor- 
rowed from  Mr.  Gales,  who,  on  the2Sth  uhlmo. 
when  speaking  of  the  Inconsistency  of  the  Rich- 
mond Enquirer,  in  a  paroxysm  of  poetic  inspi- 
ration, exclaims 

"  O'l  FiC&kness  thy  abode  is  Hichnonj!" 

But  I  believe  that  Mr.  Cales  may  be  convicteti 
too,  of  a  literary-  theft,  for  Shakspeaie  says, 
"  Oh  Frailty,  thy  name  is  Woman!" 


wei'p  binding-  on  him,  this  order  (if  such  was 
given)  was  completely  abrogated  by  the  orders 
wliich  Gen.  Jackson  subsequently  received  h'om 
the  Department.  The  meanness  of  this  attempt, 
is  soglaring-;  and  tlie  design  in  itstlf,  ■•o  d  sgrare- 
ful  to  our  friend  Abner,  that  I  rould  not  make 
the  one  marf  manifi  st,  or  increae  the  measure 
of  the  other,  by  any  tli'ng  th:.'  I  could  add. 

Sir,  I  designed  wlien  I  coinm'  need  this,  to 
take  some  notice  of  Lacock's  Lameivtatidns 
on  the  death  of  Arbntlinot  and  Ainbrisler,  and 
Francis  and  Hoomocheco  ;  und  of  ids  dastardly 
fears  und foamijigs  about  the  silly  story  of  Gen. 
Jackson's  threats — but  I  am  tired  sir — really  so 
tired  th.at  I  have  not  inchnation  to  revise  this 
letter.  I  will  pi»rhaps  adv.irt  to  them,  in  some  of 
my  subsequent  numbers,  when  1  will  add  to  his 
title  of  Basi  SiAsnKRER,  tliat  of  Hinrri.  P<il 
TBooN.  A  MARYLAND  FARMER. 

For  the  United  States  Telegraph. 
TO  JOSEPH  GALES,   ESQ.  . 

Sir:  It  is  a  beneficent  order  of  Providence, 
that  a  man  with  great  depravity  of  heart,  seldom 
possesses  that  skill  and  disercticm  necessary  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  designs.  The  perju- 
rer betrays  his  guilt,  by  his  eftbrts  to  conceal  it. 
The  assassin  excites  suspicion,  and  defeats  his 
own  purpose,  by  his  stealthy  pace;  andthebra- 
7.£n  visor  which  the  Liar  puts  on  for  conceal- 
ment, often  proves  the  cause  of  his  detection. 
Thus  the  very  means  which  man  resorts  to,  is 
auxiliaries  to  his  baseness,  are  converted  by  Pro- 
vidence into  instruments  of  his  exposure  and 
■Jjunishment. — Doyou  want  examples,  sir'  Your 
own  history  abounds  with  them.  Y"ou  will  en- 
counter no  difficulty  in  the  search,  for  so  recent- 
ty  as  the  12th  inst.  you  present  an  illustration, 
clear  and  conclusive. 

You  doubtless  imagined  that  you  had  played 
off  upon  the  public  a  very  ingenious  trick,  when 
you  .alleged  that  "  a  Jackson  friend  in  a  neigh- 
boring pubhc  office"  hsd  rt-qtiested  you, in  "an 
anonymous  lefter,"to  publisli  the  evidence  I  ad- 
duced to  convict  you  of  a  wicked  and  impudent 
falsehood.  But,  sir,  if  you  had  possessed  com- 
mon sagacity,  you  would  Jiave  known,  that  the 
veriest  tjro  would  detect  the  paltry  artifice, 
and  despise  the  poltroon  principle  which  could 
induce  a  resort  to  it.  It  was  indeed  a  contempti- 
ble trick,  and  cruel  as  contemptible — it  was 
contemptible,  because  it  was  false  without  being 
artful;  and  it  was  cruel,  because  it  was  designed 
to  call  down  upon  the  clerks  an  unprovoked 
vengeance,  which  would  involve  in  its  impover- 
ishing influence  their  wives  and  children. 

I  knew  that  conscience  had  ceased  to  exert 
-an  influerice  over  you,  yet  I  did  suppose  that 
j'ou  had   adroi:  :■.  -'gh  to  avoid  an  expe- 

dient,  the  me.'.  i  mendacity  of  which, 

must  lie  ;if  p.,.  ...  10  your  most  unintelligent 
reader.  It  seems,  Jiowever,  that  I  gave  y.iu 
credit  for  more  talents  than  you  possess.  The 
difficulties  of  the  crisis  have  tested  them,  and 
proved  that,  \\ith  the  disposition  to  play  the 
caitiff,  you  have  not  the  art  to  do  it  successfully. 
The  summer's  £e.a,  on  which  you  have  been 
so  long  .and  so  buoyantly  swimming,  is  now 
tossed  by  ateiTible  tempest,  .and  you  are  too 
weak  to  buffet  it.  Your  road,  heretofore,  has 
been  so  plainly  marked,  that  you  could  not  miss 
your  way,  and  no  temptation  has  assailed  you 
iitrone  enous'h  to  divert  you  from  it ;  hence  you 


acquired  a  fictitious  reputation,  \vhich  is  noiv 
your  only  resource.  But,  Sir,  this  will  no  longer 
avail  you.  I  have  dragged  you  from  behind 
that  barrier  of  mock  dignity,  which  your  "high 
blown  pride"  had  erected,  and  where,  like  a 
Coward,  you  had  enireuchid  yourself;  and  be 
assured,  that,  before  we  part,  I  will  tear  from 
your  back  the  lion's  skin  in  which  you  have  so 
long  been  enveloped ;  and  exhibit  you  to  the  na- 
tion as  a  mere  braying  ass. 

You  had  been  so  much  favored  by  a  blind 
fotune,  and  pampered  by  successi^  e  adminis- 
trations, that  many  who  had  not  the  indiLstry  to 
investigate  or  the  intelligence  to  comprehend, 
believed  that  you  really  had  some  merit,  and 
Were  di«piised  to  allow  to  your  opinions  some 
degree  of  influence.  You  grew  vain,  and  attribu- 
teti  to  your  own  skill  that  f  )r  wliicii  you  were  in- 
debted to  accident  exclusively.  I  had  been  con- 
tent to  remain  silent,  and  suffer  you  to  swell  and 
strut  inyour  imagined  importance,  .and  enjoy  your 
bloated  reputation,  while  that  influence  which 
a  too  credulous  party  had  invested  you  with, 
had  not  been  exerted  to  distract  and  niin  a  free 
and  happy  peopt«  ;  and  even  now  I  engage  in 
the  w  ork  of  disrobing  you  with  unfeigned  reluc- 
tance, and  shall  pursue  it  with  unaffected  pain. 
I  lament  th?  necessity  while  I  yield  to  its  force. 

The  panther's  cry  in  imitation  of  the  waiUngs 
of  a  child,  excites  no  alarm  when  all  know  the 
source  from  whence  it  proceeds  ;  but,  when 
the  iinwaty,  deceived  by'  the  artifice,  are  hast- 
ening to  the  supposed  rescue,  we  are  irresistiljly 
impelled  to  interpose,  and  tell  them  that  it  is  a 
monster  who  allures,  only  to  destroy.  We  can 
view  without  trepidation,  the  child  caressing 
his  lap  dog,  and  amused  with  his  phayfulness — 
but,  when  we  see  the  pet  with  frenzied  eye 
and  slavered  jaws,  ready  to  seize  the  hand  which 
fed,  and  tear  the  bosom  which  caressed  it,  we 
are  involuntarily  constrained  to  cry  aloud  in  our 
terror,  and  warn  the  careless  victim  of  liis  dan- 

Sir,  you  came  among  us  from  a  foreign  land. 
Whether  you  were  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  en- 
terprise, or  driven  by  the  retributive  vengeance 
of  offended  laws  we  inquired  not.  We  receiv- 
ed you  witli  that  feeling  which  distinguishes  a 
generous  people — a  bold  and  unsuspecting  con- 
fidence. We  spread  over  you,  for  your  own 
protection,  the  mi.ntle  of  eur  laws,  and  offered 
to  your  enterprise  and  your  industry,  all  the  re- 
sources of  our  land.  With  what  success  you 
availed  yourself  of  these  advantages,  let  your 
for  ner  history  testify.  With  what  black  ingra- 
titude vou  abused  them,  your  recent  contiuct 
be^s  lameivtable  evidence. 

The  patier  which  you  know  cr.nduct  was, 
«  hen  under  the  auspices  of  your  predecessor, 
adopted  by  the  Republican  party  as  their  organ. 
After  the  battle  had  been  fought,  the  victory 
won,  and  the  power  of  the  party  estabhshed  on 
a  basis  so  sure  as  to  require  but  Uttle  talent  or 
effort  to  sustain  it,  you  succeeded  to  the  control 
of  it.  They  desired  only  to  disseminate  know- 
ledge among  thf^people  to  give  them  but  light.To 
this  purpose,  fidelity  and  a  moderate  degree  of 
industry  alone  were  necessary.  It  wassupptsed 
that  you  possessed  these,  .and  they  gave  'you 
their  countenance.  Th^y  raised  you  from  ob- 
scurity to  eminence,— from  poverty  to  affluence 
— they  cherished  you  long.and  bestowed  on  you 
their  patronage  with  a  liberal  spirit. — For  a  con- 


•iiiierable  period  the  ascendancy  of  the  p:irty  re- 
mained uncontested,  apd  no  ciicumstance  tran- 
spired to  test  your  principles,  or  develope  your 
baseness;  during'  the  whilf  you  rioted  in  tlieir  fa- 
vors, and  den\'ed  a  bloated  consequence  from 
their  support.  Sir,  how  did  yt.u  repay  tlieir 
kindness'  When  the  enemy,  disifiiised  as  a 
friend,  sfile  into  our  camp,  and  by  his  arts  spread 
distraction  in  our  ranks,  did  you  stand  firm,  and 
bravely  fight  in  our  cause '  I)id  you  endeavor  to 
repel  the  invader'  Or  did  you, 'seduced  by  his 
power  to  compensate,  prove  recreant  to  your 
trust.and  basely  desertus?  Aj  ,sir,yoa  did  more- 
you  eierted  the  very  power  which  we  [rave  you, 
forourdestruction — you  strove,  with  a  fiend-like 
spirit, to  stab  tlie bosom  that  warmed  vou  into  life; 
and  you  are  now  laboring,  will)  frantic  zeal,  to 
arra\-  in  deadly  hostility  the  North  asjainst  the 
South,  and  spread  over  this  happy  land  which 
afforded  you  an  asylum,  an  universal  death ! 

Sir,  you  present  a  picture  mere  revolting  than 
that  of  the  unnatural  son,  smiting,with  mortal  in- 
tent, the  bosom  of  his  mother. — His,  is  the  re- 
sult of  defective  organization,  or  frenzy  produc- 
ed by  disease:  your's,  the  deliberate  and  helhsh 
spirit  of  the  arch-fiend,  afraid  to  make  the  onset 
boldly,  but  striving  by  exasperation  to  entnp, 
that  you  may  slay  the  more  securely. — He,  is 
furiously  mpelled  by  madness  without  a  motive 
— you,  are  deliberately  incited  by  the  base  hooe 
of  pecuniary  reward.  The  tile  is  so  unnatural, 
that  it  would  be  rejected  as  incredible,  were  it 
not  for  the  weight  of  irresistible  evidence  to  sus- 
tain it. 

You  advocated  t:ie  interest  of  the  South  and 
the  Southern  policy — was  engaged  in  a  warm 
controversy  with  M.  Carey,  the  gr'-at  champion 
of  the  tariff  S)stem  ;  and  you  aliege<l  in  1823, 
Itbat  he  manufacturing  communit)  was  the  on- 
^y  prosperous  community  in  the  country,  and 
hat  it  was  pampered  at  the  expense  oftheal- 
eady  starving  AgTiCuliur.-d  and  Commercial  in- 
erests  of  the  nation.  Vou  lauded  all  the  acts  of 
Gen.  J.ackson,  and  defendedhimwith  greatzeal 
against  the  malignant  aspersions  of  liis  personal 
foes.  You  denounced  Mr.  Clay  as  one,  to  whom 
you  could  never  give  your  support,  and  asserted 
that  he  knew  it  too.  You  charged  Mr.  Adams 
with  possessing  and  advocating  monarchical 
principles,  and  assailed  him  with  a  spirit  indica- 
tive of  persona!  as  well  a.s  political  hatred.  You 
did  all  this,  sir,  'till  the  usurpers  consummated 
their  plot,  and  brandished  before  \ou  the  pap- 
spoon  of  the  Treasury — then,  like  a  base  Judean, 
you  threw  your  former  friends  and  principles 
away, — and,  to  cram  your  hungiy  maw,  engaged 
in  the  work  of  defaming  your  friends  and  dis- 
tracting the  country. 

Sir,  I  intended  when  I  took  up  my  pen  to 
prove  all  this,  out  of  your  own  mouth,  and  to 
demonsti-atethat,  in  your  effort  on  the  12th  ntst. 
to  wipe  from  your  forehead  the  bideius  mark 
which  I  had  fixed  there,  you  onl)'  rivetted  it 
the  firmer;  but  1  shall  be  too  late  for  the  po.st. 
In  my  next  "I  will  a  rmitid  unvarnished  tale 
deliver,"  and  like  Acteon,  who  was  chased  by 
his  own  dogs  and  devoured,  you  shall  be  pur- 
sued by  a  pack  of  your  own  opinions,  and  over- 
whelmed. A   MARYLAND  FARMER. 

For  the  United  States  Telegraph. 
TO  JOSEPH  GALES,  ESQ. 
Sm: — Tt  often  happens  that  an  incident  tri- 


fiing  ill  itself,  gives  a  direction  to  a  man's  whole 
future  course/ and  controls  his  destiny.  His 
gr.adations  in  vice,  although  sometimes  impel - 
ceptible,  are  almost  always  certain.  Impunity 
give-;  encouragement,  and  detection  destroys 
restraint.  Conscience,  once  deposed,  seldom 
reg-iins  its  hold  on  the  helm  of  man's  life.  He 
dashe"-  nntlie'  seaof  infamy,  reckless  of  the  rocks 
and  whirlpools  which  beset  liis  way,  and  unless 
a  piwer  more  than  human  interposes  for  his 
safety,  suffers  unavoidable  shipwreck.  Sir,  ycu 
have  launched  your  bark  upon  this  perilous 
sea— you  have  degraded  conscience,  and  shut 
your  eves  upon  the  polar  star  of  truth— and  you 
n-e  fast  hastening  to  tiiat  terrible  doom,  which, 
without  the  intervention  of  a  superhuman  cL 
fort,  is  inevitable. 

Although  vour  present  state  of  remorseless 
depravitv,  excHes  in  me  feelings  of  the  deepest 
indignation,  yet  I  frankly  confess  that,  in  the 
contemplation  of  the  events  wliich  led  to  it,  1 
cannot  resist  the  emotions  of  pity.  I  saw  you 
shamefully  abusing  the  prodigal  munificence  ot 
the  party  which  sustained  you— indulging  in  a 
course  of  pomp  and  profligacy,  believing  that 
the  favors  of  fortune  wliicli  you  had  so  long  en- 
joyed, and  without  an  effort  too,  would  be 
eternal.  I  knew-  that  the  day  of  trial  would 
come,  an  IT  trembled  for  the  issue— that  day  of 
trial,  that  fatal  dav  did  indeed  come— »nd  then 
ensued  the  conflict  between  avarice  and  hones- 
ty. I  watched  the  alternate  indications  with 
anxious  interest.  I  w..s  aware  that  in  your  feel- 
ings of  pride,  habits  of  extravagance,  and  em- 
bar'-assed  condition,  avatice  would  find  most 
powerful  auxiliaries;  yet  I  knew,  too,  that  there 
were  men  who  would  rather  be  "stecp'd  in 
in  poverty  to  the  ver}-  l.jis"  than  yield  to  its  do- 
minion, and  Ihoped'thal  you  might  prove  your- 
self such  a  man— but,  how  vain  the  hope!  You 
surrendered  at  discetion;  but  with  a  reluctance 
which  seemed  to  say,  "  My  poverty,  butnot  iny 
will,  consents." 

Yes,  Sir,  all  your  public  acts,  your  whole  po 
litical  course,  and  every  consideration  of  consist- 
ency, urged  you  to  advocate  the  people's  cause, 
and  to  resist  with  all  your  might  the  usurpations 
of  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay:  but  your  private 
profligacy  had  imposed  upon  you  necessities 
wliich  vou  had  not  virtue  enough  to  resist,  and 
doomed  you  to  a  state  of  wretched  senitude  in 
the  cause  of  those  whom  you  had  formerly 
abused.  Mr  Cby  had  practised  upon  you  his 
seductive  arts,  before;  he  had  endeavoured  to 
persuade  you  to  unite  with  him  in  opposition  to 
Mr.  Monroe's  administr.ation;  but  he  was  defi- 
cient in  that  power  which  alone  could  induce 
vou  to  yield — the  power  of  compensating.  You 
were  not  willing  to  take  his  promises,  depen- 
dent upon  an  issue  by  no  means  certain ;  and  act- 
ing upon  that  discreet  maxim,  not  to  forego  a 
certain  advantage  for  that  which  was  doubtful, 
you  resisted  his  wiles,  and  adhered  to  that  par- 
ty, of  whose  power  to  reward  you  were  well 
assured.  Provoked  by  your  servility,  .and  ex- 
asperated at  his  failure,  Mr:  Clay  publicly  as- 
.sailed  you  in  tlie  H-H'se  ...f  R?prt  sehU'ves,  and 
charged  vou  with  a  i..-..!-  '  ,  ..-Aience  up- 
on those  '  who  distributed  '•treasury  pap." 
His  contempt  of  you,  and  your  hostility  to  him, 
were  open  and  undisguised.  Your  p;irtner  de_ 
clared  to  Colonel  .lohnson,  in  the  Senate  Clnmi 
ber,  that   "  Mr.  Clay  had -nnfr-i-ndlnffdinsalo 


Mr.    Umj  loo  tjvff.AXnMR   Cl.t   k;;ew  this 

KICTTOO    \VKf.,.,     KV1;kto    «E  YOUl.  rR„;,n,  •> 

in  )'oi,r  conli-ovevsy  with  Mr.  Adams'in  1824, 

>oaassa,!edhu»«itliclK,rg:esofs.ichacharactei- 
^s  o  render  a  support  of  liim  Impossible,  unless 
at  the  sacnhco  of  pvery  honorable  feeiins-.  You 

tf^^'{  '^^'T'""'"''  heavc™.»a,  Ldthe 
pr.n.ml.s^he   advocated,    as   "  Mox^ncHicAt 

;.°"'""'A        ''  -'^-"'Tf-({EPUBI.ICA-»    D0CTIli:«F.S," 
.V2W    D0CTU,M,.s,"      "  UlTKA      DnCTniNES," 

ami  endeavored  toprovoke  him  with  vo.,r.,«»frs 
Tal  ''™'"^'^Pt"""s  manner.  On  the  'Uth  Aiiir 
lb-1,  m  rcpiy  to  Mr.  Adams,  von  sav  "  7%; 
<l'singenuousncns  is    of   a    piece 


yon.  But  this  hop.;  was  of  brief  duration;  fur. 
on  the  10th  of  OctoI)er,  '2?,  it  fled  s'li  -Vlng- 
away,  when,  with  fhe  desperation  of  a  con  ,--,ct. 
ed  catift',  you  BotnLr  confessed,  that  rou 
HAD  AVILFULI.Y  SUTT  topr  i;tes  upos  tue 
tbcth! 

"  Whv  shbdid  honor  outlive  honesty' 
Let  it  go  alJ!"      v.  - 

Then,  the  gleamingsbf  departed  conscience 
shone  out  their  last— then,  ym  cast  a\v:iy  the 
innocent  flower,  and  exposed  the  serpent  that 
jurked  benc;ith  it— you  fhnt  up  the  passag'e  to 
remorse,  and<letcrmined  that  no  compunctious 


-     of   a    piece  with  rill   the    '^'^'''"g'^  "f  nature,  should  shake  your  fell  pur 
i  real  mcnl  we  have  received  from   the  party   and    ''™'^'     ^^'^  ■"^*'  ""  'n"'"<^  nf  the  limid  culprit 

•W-E     EXPECT     Know    THElt    so    BETTF.n.       It' in'  "      ' "  " 


AND 

be  ]eare,niiat  they  have  vol  ever,,  irrnce  enou<^h  to 
iMisk  at  tkerklcct:.onofthelr.-!ophiHtru."  And  the 
whole  controversy  is  marked  by  a^asper  iy  so 

banish  for  ever,  all  hope  of  areconci!i,tion. 

buch  was  the  relation  in  which  vou  stood 
towar<is  Messrs.  Adams  and  Clay.  K„w  m^. 
cnt  was  the  attitude  in  which  vo,i  s»ood  towards 

had'nor^f"'  "'"^''f'^'  ««<=•-' conduct  ™u 
had  not  only  approved,  but  praised;  when  assail- 
'^d,  you  stood  forth  and  defende.l  him  with  an 
ardor  which  bespoke  your  admiration  of  his  cha- 
racter and  h.3  talents,  and  a^^ainst  him  never  did 

you  utter  a  word  9f  censure  ov  disapprobation.  ,  , 

sir,  I  repeat  it,  r.ever,  nn,  never  rlir!  mu  permit  a  ""    mendacious  e.xpedient  you  resorted  to, 

^'■irril  of  ofi/ectionitgain.-it  Gen.  Jachonfo  escape  ^^^^   ■'*'""  '"'?'''  notice  the  char.eje;  and  I  wilf 

//"^'t  Vhtil  ;iou  hat  the  prinlina  of  the  Senate'     '  "ow  show,  that  as  pitiful  as  it  is,  it  is  not  a.s 

With  tliis  view  of  the  case,  an   honest  m.an  """ch  .so  as  the  arg-ument  you  use  to  acquit 

Would  deem  it  an  insult  to  his  iinderstandin.!-  to  yo'ii'SPlf-  ^nt  "  it  is  to  be  feared  that  you  have 

be  aeked  whom  you  wo\ild  advocate   and  vv'hat  ""*  '"^^^  ^\-Ace  enoug-h  to  blush  at  the  detection 

coursoyou   would  pursue'    He  would   not  be  of  your  sophistry." 

able  to  conceive  how  political  preferences   and        ^"'^  '""<'i't°'l  t'*"^'  ^''S  execution  of  Arbuth- 

private  regards,  such  as  you  had  manllested  for  ""*    *"'^    Ambrister    was   a    scene    of    blood 

Gen.  Jackson,  could,  without  even  a  shadow  of  *"'^  carnap:e,  which  you   could  not  look  upon 

justification,  be  discarded — he  would  not  beaSle  ^^'*''  compnsure,  and  that  you  expressed  your 

to  comprehend  the  art  of  nov;  laudino-  a  man  '^"'''"'"'  ^^  *'''•■  "~>nsaction,  at  the  time  of  it. — 

for  his  acts  in  terms  of  the  hia-hest  admiration  I  pronounced  it   to  bean   odious,    wicked  lie. 


starting  and  blushing  at  every  step  in  infamy, 
or  the  trembling  assassin,  wilMng  to  st.ab,  ye': 
afraid  to  strike — but  the  brazen-iliced  calumnia- 
tor stood  forth,  with  the  hideous  mark  of  Liar 
on  his  forehead,  fixed  there  by  his  own  confes- 
sion, resolved  to  lie  on  without  blushing! 

Sir,  it  woulil  have  been  better — iiifinitelv 
better,  for  you  to  have  continued  to  aiail  your- 
self of  the  plea  of  hnving  w'Ifatly  lied,  thiin  tr> 
have  attempted,  as  you  did  on  tlie  12th  inst.  a. 
justification  whereby  you  exposed  your  guilt 
by  your  eS'orts  to  conceal  it;  and  in  }our  strug- 
gle to  avoid  the  odium  or  one  lie,  not  onlv  con- 
victed yoiu'self  of  that,  but  incurred  tl\e  crime 
of  others.     I  have  already  spoken  of  the  piti- 


and  defenchng  him  with  a  zeafindicative  of  the 
warmest  friendship— a,,,!  fken,  for  the  very 
same  acts,  assailing  him  in  the  language  of  vul- 
gar and  vituperative  abuse,  and  with  a  rmcr 
denoting  the  most  venomous  hostility'  In  vain 
would  he  ivy  to  believe  it  possible,  tjiat  no!ific.al 
aversion  and  pei-sonal  animosities,  sue'''  as  vou 
h.ad  exhibited  fow.ards  Messrs.  Adams  and  C'lav 
could,  without  .some  show  of  reason,  be  nibdue'I '■ 
and  that  the  men  whom  vou  h;id  bo'dlv  <le- 
nounced  and  defied  to  their  verv  beards.'  and 
sneererl  at   contemptuouslv,  could  becom'e  the 


and  demanded  of  you  to  produce  one  article, 
one  sentence,  yc:i,  even  one  word  to  sustain  it ; 
and  promised  that,  if  you  did,  I  would  piibliclv 
confess  that  I  hail  wronged  you.  I  told  you 
I  had  searched  your  columns  for  evidence,  and 
gave  you  the  following  txtract,  as  going  as  far 
to  sustain  your  declaration  as  ;iiiy  thing  you  had 
written  on  tlie  subject  : 

'  We  are  bound  to  presume  tliat  these  fact.s 
•  were  proved ;  for  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister 
'  were  tried  before  a  Court  Miu'tial,  of  which 
the  discreet  and  gallant  Gaines  was  President, 


dols  ot  your  homage,  before  whom  \mi  would  '  &nt^  composed  of  officers  of  the  highest  cha'- 
bow  down  with  obsequious  flattery  and  fawning  '  r.acter  and  standing.  The  sentence  w.as  ap- 
supplicalion !  No,  sir,  he  would  be  indignant  at  '  proved  by  Jackson,  whose  liumanit\',  as  well 
the  supposition;  and  declar.",  there  v.-ere  none  so  '  as  his  valor,  has  often  been  te.sted  ;  from 
base!  But  let  him  trice  your  history  a  little  far-  '  which  character  tile  energy  that  distinguishes 
ther— his  doubts  will  vanish:  and,  "with  me,  he  '  his  conduct  surely  cannot  detr.act.  If  we  had 
will  lament,  that  a  man  should,  bv  his  '  known  nothing  of  Gen.  Jackson's  character 
pride  and  profligacy,  create  necessities  so  '  before,  the  generous  indignation  he  manifest- 
strong,  as  to  make  all  the  obligations  of  honor,  '  ed  at  the  unwarranted  destruction  of  Chehaw 


of  morality,  and  religion,  subservient  to  t!iem. 
liven  after  you  had  yielded  yourself  up  to  th's 
<lire  necessity,  some  gleams  of  remorse,  some 
nickelings  of  conscience,  would  occ,->.sionall>- 
show  themselves,  and  a  blush  of  shame,  in  spite 
of  your  edorts  to  conceal  it,  would  flit  across 
Tour  sheet.  It  gave  to  your  friends  a  faint  hope, 
that  there  was  some   honor  still  n'-;>'ir--  v'' 


'  interposes  between  him  and  the  charge  of 
«  cruelty.  It  has  bjen  said  that  Gen.  Jackson 
"'  ought  to  have  awaited  the  decision  of  the  Pre- 
'  sident  on  the  fate  of  his  prisoners.  On  this 
'  head  the  law  has  placed  in  the  hands  of  Gen. 
'Jackson  a  discretionary  power,  and  if  he  be- 
'  lievedit  proper,  and  it  might  have  been  neces- 
'  "ary,  perhaps,  to  the  sai'^jty  of  his  army,  it  w.^ 


"•"L's  iTiity  to  cirry  into  effect  a  sentence  inteml- 
"  cd  t(»  operate  more  as  an  example  than  a  pun- 
'  hhme.nt.'Sat.  tut.  ISW /un^  ISIS. 

Sir,  j-ou  felt  the  ciiar^e,  ami  felt  it  keenly, 
too.  ■  Look  at  y  OH"  mi.ferable  efforts  to  evade 
it — md  bliisli,  if  olush-yoii  can,  at  the  glaring 
falsehoods  and  "iophi'try  ypu  have  iiidid^^ed  in. 

Yon  prctendijd  to  compily  w't'i  the  request  of 
a  "  Jackson  frkml"  to  publish  the  extract,  an;' 
then  avajk-d  yourself  of  the  ci"ciimstance  to 
make  (xplnntttions,\'.W\chynu  thowg-ht  nvijht,  in 
the  opinion  of  some,  acquit  you  of  the  chavE^e. 
Yo'i state  that  Gen.  Jackson  was  assailed  fjr 
the  act,  and  that  you  endeavored  to  avert  the 
risini^  sentiment  against  him,  and  a'k — 

"  And  how  did  we  do  it  '  D:d  we  justify  a 
r.ruel  am!  san,^uinary  disposition  in  him  '  Nn  : 
Ave  soug'ht  out  the  case  of  g'en'^rous  in  *ignation 
once  exhibited  by  him,  and  we  turned  it  to 
g-ood  account  by  consiileriuf;  it  as  warding  off 
the  impulation  of  cruelty  of  character. " 

A^'hy  it  was  never  alleged  that  you  justified 
a  sanguinary  disposition  in  him — -for  in  all 
your  remarks  in  relation  to  his  character 
and  his  conduct,  you  ascribe  exactly  t 'e  re- 
verse to  him.  But,  Sir,  wit  it  not  require  a 
more  than  onlini.ry  effort  to  believe,  thi-.t  this 
act,  which, in  1S18,  and  whicii  vou  now  style  an 
act  of  "gtnerous  •nd'^nri'i'm,"  and  which  vou 
used  to  ward  oft'  the  charjje  of  cnielty  of  charac- 
ter; that  this  ver\- act  is.on  the  l.ith  of  Xug'.lSS?, 
iirg^fd  by  you  as  a  crit.e  of  a  m'st  serious  natvire, 
and  as  exhibiting  in  Gen. . 'wckson,  a  lemT^er  at 
which  you  shuddered!  Ay,  Sin  a^.  strang-e  as  it 
may  appear,  'tis  true.  Turn  to  your  sheet  of 
thai  day,  and  the  fact  will  stare  you  in  the  face, 
and  drive  the  natural  ruhy  from  vour  cheeks. 
Thus,  like  a  perjured  ci'iminal,  whose  dreadful 
apprehensions  overpower  his  memoiy,  in  vom- 
blind  and  convulsive  stnitje'le  (o  escape  one 
chartfe,  you  encounter  another  iiiore  appalling. 

Yo\i  proceed,  and  say:  "  In  recprd  to  the  par- 
ticular  question  at  issue,  we  said,  tliat  if  it  was 
necessary  to  tlic  safety  of  his  army,  it  was  jus- 
tifiable. Andihis  v:\snll  th.at  we  could  sav  in 
favor  of  it."  And  then,  havinsr  verv  modestly 
assunwd  this,  ycu  proceed  to  d'scuss  the  ques- 
tion, whether  it  was  or  was  not  necessan'  to  the 
safety  of  his  army  '  Now,  Sir,  tliis-is  downrigl't 
lunacy.  It  is  not  only  not  a/l,  but  ?)»'A<'i^  that 
you  did  say.  You  said  that  "  if  he  believed  it 
proper,  it  w,is  his  duty  to  carr\'  into  eff<-ct  the 
sentence."  And  all  that  is  said  about  its  being 
necessary' to  the  safety  of  his  army,  is  a  mere 
conjectural  re.ason  of  your  own,  superadded  to 
tlie  other,  which  was  in  your  opinion  sufficient 
to  justify  the  act.  Read  it,  and  say  if,  by  the 
most  forced  construetioii.it  can  he  made  to  mean 
what  you  assert.  Supply  all  that  you  can  pos- 
sibly contend  to  be  understood,  and  you  make 
nonsense  of  it.  "If  he  believed  it  proper,  and 
(if  he  believed)  it  might  have  been  necessary 
perhaps,  to  the  safety  of  his  army,  it  was,  &c." 
^Vhy,  Sir,  if  you  had  any  nride  of  literature  at 
all,  you  would  be  offended  that  any  should  as- 
cribe suc!i  unmeaning'  stuti'  to  you.  You  pre- 
sume too  much  upon  the  ignorance  of  your 
feaders. 

Y'et  this  is  not  all.  Yo!i  exhibit,  in  the  follow- 
ing'sentence,  tak"n  from  the  same  article,  aniur 
stance  of  bold  and  dauntless  dishonesty,  which 
has  no  parallel. 


"  ^Ve  well  rem^ir.ocr  thai,  on  the  iirst  glaiiLi:; 
at  the  proceedings  of  th.at  trib\inal  which  doom- 
ed those  lud-dcss  foreifrner.s,  we.  briefly  noticed 
the  siibject  in  this  p-^per,  expressing'  our  dit' 
^I's^atthein,  s  lyin;^  {in  Ihesenr  eqivhnknt  trords,) 
If  this  be  military  l^w,  Heaven  long-  preserve  u>! 
i'rom  being'  subject  to  its  sway  !" 

Now,  Sir,  if  you  had  been  honest,  and.de- 
signed  not  to  impos*  upon  the  people,  why  did 
you  not  (five  the  very  word*  of  t!ie  declaration 
to  wliich  you  here  advert,  and  the  day  on  which 
ynu  made  it.  that  tliey  misflit  construe  It  them- 
selves, and  not  take  your  sense  of  it,  or  what  you 
deemed  an  "«juiwifo>^"  meaning'  Isyourre- 
pntation  of  so  little  value,  that  you  will  nottakn 
the  trouble  to  refer  to  your  columns  and  give; 
proof  to  sus'^jin  it'  Ordoyou  deem  yourself  of 
such  mighty  consequence,  that  if  you  but  assert 
it,  it  will  he  believed'  No,  Sir,  you  were  con- 
scious of  your  guif,  and  had  no  remedy,  but  to 
hazard  another  lie,  in  the  desperate  hope  that 
some  credulous  creature  would  believe  you. 

I  will,  however,  deal  fairer  with  t!ie  people. 
I  will  give  them  the  declaration  itself,  and  let 
them  judfce.  it  was  made  on  the  9th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1818,  the  day  nn  which  you  published  the 
proceedings  of  the  Court  .Martial.  Here  it  is! 
"jVt'ith  respect  to  the  evidence  before  the  r.ourt, 
in  this  case,  our  respect  for  the  charactf  aof  the 
Officers  composing  it,  obhijes  us,  litfle  conver- 
sant as  we  have  professed  to  be,  (and  may  we 
ever  be!")  with  xniWtzry  "law,  fo- pn.-suirf  it  was 
such  OS  thai  law  ndmits,  and  th'S  is  all  we  shall 
say  of  it."  And  then.  Sir,  in  the  very  same  ar- 
ticle, .apprehending  that  some  doubt  may  arise 
as  to  the  propriety  of  the  proceedi«^,s_  ofihi"-^ 
f.'nurt,  vou  proceed  to  justify  the  rexeatl&flvin 
another  plea,  and  say — "  On  the  principle  of «-  . 
fuliation  reco,gnised  by  .all  nations,  these  persons' 
we  conceive  mig-ht  have  been  lawfdly  put- 
to  death.  They  had  identified  themitelvcs 
with  the  Indians;  and  though  cl.aiming'  to  be 
BritLsh  subjects,  did  not  prove  themselves 
to  be  such;  and  were,  according  to  our  doctrine 
on  the  subject  of  alleg-iance,  actually  expatri.i- 
te  1.  The  military  practices  of  Indians,  cioi- 
trury  to  the  laws  of  war,  the  commanding  gen- 
end  had  a  clear  right  to  retaliate.  He  did  .so 
in  the  case  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  and  he  might 
have  done  so  in  the  case  of  Arbuthnotand  Am- 
brister. " 

On  the  11th  of  December,  '18,  you  defend 
him  on  the  same  plea,  and  in  relation  to  the 
objeclions  which  ma)'  be  made  to  tlie  proceed- 
ing-s  of  the  Court,  you  alleg-e  that  it  is  stated 
that  Gen.  .Jackson  desigated  that  the  Court 
should  on'y  ascertain  the  facts,  .and  that  it  was 
Itpon  tlie  facts,  thus  ascertained,  that  lie  acted. 

On  the  29th  of  December,  you  invite  the  at  ■ 
tention  of  you'-  readers  to  an  abh'  article  in 
vindication  of  Gen.  .lackson,  cupled  from  thR 
I''.astei'n  Argus,  and  observe:  **This  article  dis- 
tinctly exhibits  the  proceeding,  not  as  a  trial 
before  a  Court  Martial,  but  an  exercise  ofpovi'- 
er.  inherent  in  every  eommandlug  general  in 
the  field,  on  facts  .ascert.alncd  to  his  satisfaction 
liy  a  j'lrv,  rather  than  a  court  of  oflicers  sum- 
moned for  that  purpose.  In  this  view  of  the 
case,  though  \''e  do  nut  cease  to  v.'ish  the  oc- 
currence Ctrial)  had  never  taken  place,  tne  k- 
gal  objections  to  it  are  greativ  lessened;  if  not 
entire/i/  obriafed.  It  is  one  of  the  least  of  the 
grnumls  of  our  regret,  in  regard  to  this  trifts- 


421) 


iiiUon,  ttiat  it  ha3,  as  we  foresaw  it  would, 
been  seized  on  as  the  means  of  producinpf  an 
impression  on  tlie  public  mind,  luifavoralile  to 
liis  character,  by  those  rvho  hcul  re^imnx  fur  din- 
liking  Gen.  Jackson  of  at}  f-  rlier  dile  lluiti  the 
Seminnlf  war."  Where  now  is  the  n)snr-T — 
where  the  horror — where  is  the  sren'- of  blood 
and  carn„g-e  which  made  you  shudder,  and  burst 
forth  in  such  awful  ijacidations  to  H-aven' — 
Where  mf^  they'  Can  you  se-  them'  '"'eii  for 
pity's  sake,  show  tliem  to  me,  fi>i  I  .n.-.  ;  .dlv 
weary  in  searching  for  thi-m.  M  -I'  r  V-  you 
Will  see  more  horror  in  thisexp  s-  ■,  ihan  voii 
did  in  the  execuiion  of  these  savage  incendia- 
ries! 

lut  ag«in,  on  tlie  12tb  inst.  you  say:  "  From 
tkat  day  to  this,*  no  expression  of  approbation 
of  the  nianncr  of  the  execution  of  A  rbuthnot, 
has  ever  been  hearri  from  us."  \\'h\,  Sir,  no 
ctarge  of  this  kind  was  alleg-ed  against  you. 
You  had  declared,  tl>at  at  the  time  of  the  "exe- 
cution, you  had  expressed  your  disappi-obafinn 
and  disgust  at  it.  This  I  a'sserted  to  be  false, 
and  challenged  you  to  the  proof,  and  thus  vou 
plead  to  it.  But  .are  vou  seriouslv  anxiouC  to 
make  your  readers  believe  that  you  did  disap- 
prove of  it'  Although  you  reallv  seem  to  be, 
I  can  hardly  believe  it;  for  adrmt'ting  that  you 
did,  what  cau  you  possibly  accomplish  by' it  > 
None,  I  am  sure,  will  concur  with  you  in  the 
opmion.  But  as  you  seem  desirous  thev  shoidd 
think  so,  I  will  annex  afew  remarks,  taken  from 
your  columns.  On  the  4th  of  June,  1818,  I 
iind  tlie  following—"  In  viewing  the  end  of 
Arbuthiiot  and  Amhrister,  the  nilnd  can  expe- 
rience no  other  sensation  than  cnmnl.iceucy. 
that  guilt  so  full,  so  uuex-.impled  as  theirs,  has 
j-eceived  its  merited  punishmen' .  And,  indeed, 
wlwt  pity  do  they  desene,  wlio,  born  and  rdu- 
cated  in  the  bosom  of  civilized  soci-ty,  have  iden- 
tified themselves  with  cannibals,  tlVirsiing  after 
human  blood !  who  could  excite,  apnlaud,  and  re- 
compense their  deeds  of  ferocity!" 

On  the  5th  of  June,  1818—"  the  commander 
of  the  UacJi-i  (Ambrister),  an  Rnglisbman  who 
had  served  as  an  engineer  under  (\\nnel  Nchoh, 
was  taken,  tried  by  a  court  martial,  and  shot — 
Arbuthnot  was  hung  on  the  24th  of  April." 

On  the  19th  June,  1818,  you  sav:  "In  regard 
to  these  executions,  then,  our  information  ex- 
tends only  to  the  fact  that  two  Indians,  the  per- 
petual foes  to  the  American  race,  and  who 
are  said  to  have  violated  every  obhgation 
of  nature  or  of  law,  by  savage  treachery,  were 
iHing  by  Ge.i.  Jackson,  and  that  two  white 
persons  Wf re  tried  Jiy  a  court  martial,  and  pun-^ 
ished  with  dea'h,  on  chavpjes  of  treachery' 
and  dehbei-ate  incitement  of  the  savages  to  acts 
of  barbarity.  We  have  not  ilie  official  annnoci- 
ation  of  these  facts;  neither  the  p'-ocr-cdings  of 
the  court  martial,  befor-  wh-m  the  tatter  were 
tried.  But  wt  haee  cnmi^h  to  certify  un,  IJiat 
these  persons,  if  guillt/  nf  the  offences  nllegid 
against  them,  merited  their  fate.  •  •  •  •  We  can 
well  conceive,  that  a  painful  feeling  mi»ht  be 
awakened  in  the  breasts  of  many,  nay,  most  of 
our  readers,  on  hearing  these  circumstances. 
The  feeling  is  natural.  The  miserable  wretch, 
whose  life  is  forfeit  to  the  laws  for  the  offence 
of  horse  stealing  or  highway  robbery,  is  not 
launched  into  eternity  without  commiseration. 
We  would  at  that  moment  save  him  if  we  could 
Hut  in   the  highest  excitement  of  that  feeling. 


who  ever  censured  the  jury  that  decided,  or  tjie 
Judge  who  pronounced  the  law,  or  the  officer 
of  the  court,  whose  unfortunate  duty  it  was  to 
see  it-executed'  Yet  the  degree  of  the  crime 
tlitis  atoned  bears  no  proportion  to  the  enormi- 
ty of  that,  of  wliiclihe  is  guilty,  who  educates  a 
whole  tribe  to  murder  and  rapint-;  puts  the  in- 
struments into  thbir  li-rnds,  and  even  heads  the 
bands  which  haye  slanglitered  our  furthers,  bro- 
thers, wives,  and  helpless  infants.  Tli'ir  crime 
was  horr'/ik  'f  proved,  undthcmeamrt  of  juslicf 
not  o^-erlfpfo.'!" 

On  the  17th  October,  '18,  you  say.  "The  war, 
with  all  its  ho'Tid  con«equenres,  is  imputable 
then  to  his  (.Vrbuthnot's)  interference.  What- 
ever may  have  been  his  motives,  he  has  perish- 
ed amidst  the  massacre  and  conflagration  which 
he  instigated." 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  remarks  in 
vour  paper  on  this  subject.  It  has  never,  I 
believe,  been  asserted  by  any  one,  that  these 
men  were  not  guilty  of  the  crimes  for  which 
they  'iuffered.  and  if  you  can  derive  any  plea- 
sure from  inducing  the  public  to  believe  that 
you  expressed  disapproijation  and  disgust  at  the 
execution  of  these  "LUCKLESS  FOKEIGN- 
ERS,"— why,  Sir,  enjoy  it— I  would  not  rob 
you  of  a  gratification  of  that  kind  ! 

Yoti  fut-tlier  sav.  on  the  12th  inst.  "  We  con- 
sider the  whole  proceeding  as  having  been  con- 
trary to  the  spirit  of  tliis  government  and  of  this 
people."  Sir,  vou  did  not  entertain  this  opin- 
ion when  you  publi'^hed  the  President's  message 
in  1818,  which  iustifiev^  in  the  strongest  terms, 
and  to  the  fullest  extent,  General  Jackson's  con- 
duct in  the  Seminole  war;  for  in  rtk'ion  to  that 
message,  and  with  direct  reference  to  this  sub- 
ject, you  say  on  the  21st  of  November,  "we  may 
safely  say,  after  the  exposition  thus  officially 
given,  thecotirse  of  tliis  government  stands  on 
tliat  vantage  ground  of  justice  and  security, 
which  we  hope  it  will  always  occupy  in  its  re- 
lations with  foreign  powers." 

Again,  you  say:  "It  was  this  incident,  with 
some  others  which  occurred  about  the  same 
time,  that  awakened  a  feeling  in  regard  to  Gen. 
Jackson,  which  gave  us  great  pain,  though  it  did 
not  diminish  vour  (our)  disposition  to  look  upon 
him. and  whatever  he  did,  with  a  favorable  eye." 
I  confess.  Sir,  that  I  have  endeavored,  in  vain, 
to  comprehend  this.  Yo\i  asserted,  but  a  few 
days  ago,  that  it  was  an  act,  which,  from  your 
inability  to  look  on  blood  and  camJge  with 
composure,  you  could  not  contemplate  witlt- 
out  feelings  of  horror,  and  that,  "at  the 
time  of  it,"  you  expressed  your  objection  to 
it.  And  in  the  sentence  immediately  pre- 
ceding it,  you  say — "we  briefly  noticed  the 
subject  (at  tiie  time)  in  this  paper,  expressing 
cir  d'sgu-it,  &.C  This  is  looking  upon  it  with  a 
favorable  eye,  "  with  a  vengeance!"  How  you 
could  thus  look  upon  it,anrl  express  your  horror 
and  disgust  at  it,  is  a  question  beyond  my  ca- 
pacity to  solve.  It  was  doubtless  an  erratum: 
iov  expressed  \\t  should  read  suppressed. 

But  it  sei-ms  that  you  continued  "to  feel 
towards  Gen.  Jaeks(ii  this  favorable  disposition 
aj  longas  he  was  a  private  man.  But  wlien  he 
came  to  be  proposed  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, you  (we)  felt  a  surprise  great  as,  &c. 
Here,  sir,  is  evidently  another  mistake.  Your 
memory  fails  you.  It  was  not  when  Gen.  Jack- 
son was  proposed  for  the  Presidency,  that  you 


«clt  surprise.  It  was  when  you  lost  thi  printing' 
to  the  Senate— it  was  then,  Sir, — then  that  you 
were  "  electrified.'"  it  was  then  that  with  "sor- 
row's eye,  glazed  with  hlinding  tears,"  you  ex- 
pressed your  surprise  in  strains  sc  dniefiil  as  to 
make  "e'en  angels  weep."  Siirely  you  re 
member  that  Gen.  .lackson  was  a  cmdida'e  for 
the  Presidency  in  1S24,  and  nevenn'  1  that  fa- 
tal election  in  the  Senate,  which  oscurrrvl  in 
1827',i.'id  you  evin  whisper  a  word  of  ibje  ct'.on 
to  his  temper,  his  acts,  or  his  qualificat'oiis  ! 

What  mighty  miracles  did  thst  election 
work!  It  turned  complacency  to  honor,  ho- 
ney to  gall,  fond  love  to  deadly  hatf — day 
into  night!  Oh,  'twas  indeed  a  terribie  •vent ! 
Never  sliall  it  "  part  fnim  my  heart ;  whene'er 
I  would  be  sad,  I  tliink  of  it." 

Now,  seriously.  Sir,  do  you  not  th'i\k  it 
would  have  been  better,  to  have  cor.fess' 
cd,  as  you  did  on  the  10th  of  October, 
3837,  that  you  Iiad  wilfully  shut  your  eves 
upon  the  truth,  than  thus  to  have  ag- 
gravated your  guilt  by  such  a  horrid  accumula 
tion  of  falsehoods  ? 

I  had  transcribed  from  your  colurmis  a  small 

volume  of  evidence,  but  enough  I  am  sure   has 

been  said,  to  show  on  your  forehead  the  od'ous 

motto. — "  He  that  willg-ve  nwst,  shall  ham  me." 

A  MARYLAND  FARMER. 

August  25th  1828. 

TO  THE  PEOPLE. 

Fellow  Citizeni — In  the  administration  ad- 
dress to  which  wc  are  replying  by  let'ers,  ad- 
dressed to  its  authors,  grent  .stress  is  laid  upon 
the  conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson,  in  undertaking  to 
act  against,  or  without  law,  at  New  Orleans  es- 
pecialh' — this  objection  was  noticed  in  nur  ele- 
venth letter,  and  we  s'lOiiM  have  presented  with 
that  letter,  the  papers,  wiiich  we  now  lay  be- 
fore you,  if  they  had  been  in  our  possession. 
\Ve  offer  them  now,  and  ask  for  them  yair  par- 
ticular consideration. 

The  first  is  a  letter  from  the  late  President 
JEFFERSON,  written  in  1810,  the  principles 
of  which  are  most  rem.arkHl)ly  ipplicable  to  the 
<;mergencies  in  which  Gen  Jackson  wjs  called 
to  act  five  years  aftcrwanls — those  priuciples, 
Unless  sound  in  themselves,  could  not  be  ren- 
dered so  even  by  so  high  an  authority  as  Mr. 
Jeffersoi) — upon  a  dispassionate  consideration 
of  them,  however, they  will  be  found  in  accord- 
ance with  the  patriotism  of  him  who  acted  up- 
on them,  as  well  of  him  who  sanctioned  them. 

The  second  is  the  patriotic  and  appropriate 
spe€ch,  delivered  by  Mr.  C.  J.  iNnEnsniL,  the 
representative  of  this  city  in  Congress,  in  1815, 
when  thanks  and  a  go!d  medal  were  iinan  mons- 
ly  voted  to  Gen.  Jackson.  The  spirit  of  this 
address  was,  at  the  time,  the  spirit  of  the  na- 
tion; an,d,  we  doubt  not,  is  llie  same  spirit, 
which  still  animates  a  large  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  will  ensure  the  tnnmph  of  their  cause. 

The  Athenians,  who  sacrificed  Aristides  for 
the  sternness  of  his  virtues,  who  allowed  Militla- 
des  to  perish  in  prison  for  a  sum  les-.  than  the 
Ctbst  of  one  of  their  dramatic  exhibitions,  and 
who  permitted  the  greatest  philosophers  to  be 
murdered  under  the  mask  of  devotion  to  the 
Gods,  were  already  prepared  for  the-  yoke  of  the 
thirty  tyrants.  It  cannot  he  the  desire  or  the 
interest  of  Americans,  to  imitate  the  example 
of  a  degenerated  people.     We  cannot  conceal 


from  ourselves  the  fact,  that  the  age,  in  viuca 
we  live,  is  pregnant  with  political  good  or  evil 
to  mankind;  the  course  of  events  is  only  check- 
ed in  Europe;  to  this  country,  the  eyes  of  »U 
libend  men  are  directed— for  the  sake  of  our 
fame  and  our  prosperity,  let  us  beware  of  sol- 
emnly sanctioning  by  our  votes,  the  success  of 
a  corrupt  combination— let  us  beware  of  sacrifi- 
cing a  man.  whose  Ife  has  been  devoted  to  the 
service  of  bis  country. 

JOSEPH  WORRPLL, 
WU.l.UM  UUNCANi 
WILLIAM  liOYD, 
HKKRY  TOLAND, 
JOH\-   WURTS, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANE, 
WILLIAM  J    LEIPER, 
CH\liLES  S     COXE, 
THOMAS   M.  PETTIT, 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Philadelphia, 
appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention, 
assembled  at  Harrisburg,  Jan.  8th,  1-82?. 
August  29. 

MR.  JEFFERSON'S    OPINIONS. 
Tu  Mr.  .1.  B   CuLTi.v. 

Monticello,  .Sept.  20,  1310. 

Sir  :  Your  (iivor  of  the  14tU,  has  been 
duly  receive,',  aid  I  iiave  'o  thank  you  for  the 
maiiy  obliging  tlimgs  resi.ecting  myself  which 
are  said  in'it.  If  I  ha\  e  left  in  the  breasts  of  my 
fellow  citizens  a  sentiment  of  satisfaction  with 
my  conduct  in  the  transaction  of  their  business, 
it  will  soften  the  pillow  of  my  repose  through 
the  residue  of  life. 

The  question  you  propose,  whether  circuni- 
stances  do  not  someti;;ies  occur  which  make  it' 
a  duty  in  officers  of  high  trust  to  assume  au- 
thorities beyond  the  law.  is  easy  of  .solution  m 
principle,  but  sometimes  embarrassing  m  prac- 
tice. A  strict  observance  of  the  written  laws  is 
doublU-sss  one  of  the  hig!i  duties  of  a  good  citi- 
zen: but  it  is  not  the  highest  The  laws  of  ne- 
cessity, of  self  preservation,  of  saving  .-'iir  coun- 
try when  in  danger,  are  of  h  gher  oblgation. 
To  lose  our  country  by  a  scrupulous  adherence 
to  written  law,  woiild  be  to  lose  the  law  itself, 
with  life,  liberty,  property,  and  all  those  who 
are  enioying  them  with  us ;  thus  absurdly  sacri- 
ficing the  end  to  the  means.  When,  in  the  bat- 
tle o'r  German  ':WTi,  General  Washington's  army 
was  annoyed  from  Chew's  house,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  plant  his  cannon  against  it,  altlynigh 
the  property  of  a  citizen.  When  he  besieged 
York  Town,  he  levelled  the  suburbs,  fcehng 
r.w  the  laws  of  property  must  be  postponed  to 
the  safety  of  the  nation.  While  that  army  was 
before  York,  the  (iovernor  of  Virginia  took 
horses,  carriages,  provisions,  and  even  wun,  by 
force,  to  enable  that  army  to  stay  together  tiU 
it  could  master  the  public  enemy  ;  and  he  was 
justified.  Ashipatsea,  in  distress  for  previsions, 
'meets  another  having  .abundance,  yet  refusing  a 
supply  ;  the  law  of  s  If.presei'vation  authorizes 
the  distressed  to  take  a  supply  by  force.  In  aU 
these  cases  the  unwritten  l;iws  of  necessity,  of 
self-preservation,  and  of  public  safety,  control 
the  written  laws  of  meum  and  tuum.  Further 
to  exempl'fy  the  principle,  I  will.state  an  iiypo- 
thetical  case.  Supposeit  h.adbeenniade  known 
to  the  E.xecutive  of  the  Union  in  the  autumn  of 
1808,  that  we  might  have  the  Floridasfor  a  rea- 
sonable sum,  that  that  sum  had  not  indeed  been 


4-2S 


so  appropriated  by  law,  but  that  Coligress  were 
to  meet  within  tliree  weeks,  ah  J  iiiiefht  appra- 
pliate  it  on  tlie  first  or  second  day  of  their  ses- 
sion. Ouslit  he,  for  so  gTcaf  an  advantage  to 
Ills  country,  to  have  risked  himself  by  transcend- 
ing the  law,  and  making  the  purchiise'  The 
public  advantage  "ffered,  in  this  supposed  case, 
■was  indeei  immense:  but  a  reverence  for  law, 
and  the  probubdify  th>itl  tii*  advantage  iriiffht 
still  be  Ugully  accomplisiied  by  a  delay  of  only 
three  weeks,  were  powerfid  reasons  against 
hazard'i^^  the  act.  But  siipjjose  it  foreseen  that 
a  '>»»»•'•*•*»•  would  find  means  to  protract 
tlie  proceeding  onit  by  Conpress,  antil  the  en- 
suing Spring,  by  wliichtime  newcircumsttnces 
woidd  charyje  the  iriind  of  the  other  party: 
Ought  the  F,K(  CMtne,  in  that  esse,  and  with  that 
forekrowledge,  to  have  secured  the  good  to  his 
country,  and  to  havi  truEtti!  to  their  justice  for 
the  trsnsgression  of  the -law '  I  tiiink  he  ought, 
and  that  the  net  woidd  have  b<-en  approved. 
After  the  ufF;iir  of  the  Cbes:ipeake,  we  thought 
war  a  very  possibK'  r-sult.  Our  magazines  were 
Illy  provided  with  some  necessary  articles,  nor 
had  any  apprnpristions  been  made  for  their  pur- 
chase. We  ventured, diowever,  to  provide  them, 
and  to  place  our  couniry  in  saftty,  and  stating 
the  cast  to  Oon^Tess,  t(>ey  SKiictioned  the  act. 

To  proceed  tu  the  conspirnc;,  of  Burr,  and 
particularly  to  Gen.  Wiik.nson's  sitiiation  in 
Ne*'  Orlenns.  In  juajfinp  th's  case  we  art 
bound  to  consider  the  stale  cf  '.he  inf':rm.-tion, 
coiTcct  and  incorrect,  wliich  lie  then  possessed. 
He  expected  Burr  and  his  baud  from  above,  a 
British  fleet  from  beiow,  anii  he  kn^w  there  was 
a  fbrmldatjie  conspiracy  wit  hin  the  city  Under 
these  circumstances,  was  he  justifiable,  1st.  In 
seizing  notoricus  conspirat'irs'  On  this  there 
can  bi  but  t»o  opinions;  one,  of  the  jfuilty  and 
the:-  occompiices;  the  other,  that  of  ail  ho- 
nest men.  2d.  Sending  them  to  the  seat  of 
government  wiien  the  wr'rtten  law  gave  them  a 
right  to  trial  m  the  territory?  '['lie  danger  of 
their  rescue,  of  their  continuing  their  niachina- 
1  ions,  the  tardiness  and  weakness  of  the  la«',  apa- 
tiij"  of  the  Judges,  active  pntror.age  of  the  whole 
tribe  of  l»%vyers,  unknown  disposition  of  the 
jurit-s,  an  hourly  expectation  of  the  enemy,  sal- 
tation of  tlie  city,  and  cf  the  Union  itself, 
which  would  have  been  convulsed  toils  centre, 
had  tnat  conspiracy  succeeded;  all  these  consti- 
tuted a  law  of  necessity  an  i  se'f-preservatron, 
and  rendered  the  saluspopuli  supreme  over  the 
written  law.  The  ofilcer  who  ig  called  to  act 
on  this  superior  ground,  docs  indeed  rijk  him- 
self on  the  justice  of  the  controllinjf  powers  of 
the  Constitulien,  and  his  station  makes  it  his  du- 
ty to  incur  that  risk.  But  tiiose  controlling  pow- 
ers, and  his  fell.->v/-citizens  gener.aliy,  are  bound 
to  judge  according  to  the  circumstances  under 
which  he  acted.  Th.-y  are  not  to  tra.ister  the 
information  of  this  place  or  moment  to  the  time 
find  place  of  his  action:  b'it  te  put  themselves 
into  his  situ'ition.  Wc  know  here  that  there 
never  was  dansrer  of  a  British  fleet  from  below, 
and  that  Bu-r's  b.md  wascrnshed  b'fore  it  reach- 
ed the  Mississippi.  Rut  Gen.  Wilkinson's  in- 
formation was  very  different,  and  he  could  act 
on  n*c  other. 

From  these  examples  and  principles,  you  may 
see  what  I  think  on  the  question  proposed. — 
They  do  not  guto  tlie  case  of  persons  charjj'ed 
withr'petty  duties,  where  <'onseqirences  are  tri- 


fling', and  time  allowed  for  a  legal  course,  nou? 
to  .authorize  tliem  to  take  such  cases  out  of  the 
written  law.  In  these  the  example  of  overleap- 
ing the  law  is  of  greater  evil  than  a  strict  adhe- 
rence to  its  injjjerfect  provisions.  It  is  incum- 
bent on  those/)nly  who  accept  of  great  charges, 
to  risk  themselves  on  great  occasions,  when  the 
•afeiy  of  the/nation,  or  some  of  its  very  high  in- 
terests are  at  stake.  An  officer  is  bound  to  obey 
orders:  yet/he  would  be  a  bad  one  who  should 
do  it  in  ca*s  for  which  they  were  not  intended, 
and  whicl/  involved  the  must  important  conse- 
quences./ The  line  of  discrimination  between 
cases  ipaf  be  difficult;  but  the  good  officer  is 
bound  19  draw  it  at  his  own  peril,  and  throw 
himself  ^n  the  justice  of  his  country  and  the  rec- 
titude or  his  motives. 

I  ha/e  indidged  freer  views  on  this  questiorj 
on  yoii"  assurances  that  they  are  fcr  your  own 
eye  oiily,  and  that  they  will  not  get  into  the  hands 
of  netfswriters.  I  met  their  scurrilities  without 
co'icsrn,  while  in  pursuit  of  the  great  interests 
with  ft'liicli  I  was  charfjed:  but  in  my  present  re- 
tirement, no  duty  forbids  my  wish  for  quiet. 

Accept  the  assurances  of  my  esteem  and  re- 
spect. *        TH:   JEFf'-.RSON. 

Substance  of  Mr.  Ingerso'.l's  observ.ations  on 
the  passage  of  the  resolutions  expressive  of 
the  thanks  of  Congress  to  Gi-n.  Jackson,  &c. 
Mr.  Speuktr—l  regret  that  these  pesoliuions 
require  an%  amendment.  I  am  persuaded,  how- 
ever, that  their  final  passage  v.'iil  be  unanimous. 
The  house  will  excuse  mt ,  1  hope,  if  I  indulge 
myself  in  a  few  obsei-vations  on  tnis  occasion.  I 
speak  impromptu,  sir,  without  premeditation — T 
have  found  ;t  impossible  to  think— I  have  been 
able  only  to  feel  these  Last  three  days.  The  un- 
cxpecteli,  the  grateful  termination  of  the  glori- 
ous struggle  we  have  just  concluded,  is  calcula- 
ted to  escite  emotions'sucli  as  can  he  understood 
by  those  only  who  can  feel  them.  For  the  first 
time  diirngthis  long,  .arduous  andtrying  session, 
we  can  aJ  feel  alike— wc  are  all  of  one  mind— all 
heartslesp  to  the  embraces  of  each  other.  Such 
a  spectacie  as  that  now  exhibited  by  the  Senate 
and  FIoLse  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,'was  never  presented  to  the 
world  before.  While  the  Senate  are  ratifying  a 
treaty  of  peace,  the  House  of  Representativesare 
voting  heart-felt  thanks  to  those  noble  patriots, 
those  g  dlant  citi"en  soldiers  who  have  crowned 
that  peace  with  imperishable  lustre.  The  terms 
of  the  h-eaty  ai'e  yet  unknown  to  us.  But  the 
victory  at  Orleans  has  rendered  them  glorious 
and  honorable,  be  they  what  they  may.  They 
must  be  honourable  under  such  a  termination  of 
the  war.  Those  Commissionerswholiaveafibrd- 
cd  119  such  signal  credentials  of  their  firmnef  s 
heretofore,  cannot  possibly  have  swerved.  The 
government  has  not  betrayed  its  trust.  The 
n.ation  now  cannot  be  discredited.  It  has  done 
its  dutv,  and  is  above  disgrace.  Within  five 
;ind  tl>irtv  years  of  our  national  existence,  we 
have  achieved  a  second  acknowledgment  of  our 
national  sovereignty.  In  the  war  of  the  revolu- 
tion we  had  with  allies — in  arms— reinforcements 
from  abroad!  on  our  own  soil — and  the  wishes  of 
all  Europe  on  our  side.  But  in  this  late  conflict 
we  stood  single  handed.  Kot  an  auxiliary  to 
support  us — ko*  a  bosom  in  Kurope  that  dared 
beat  in  our  behalf— not  one  but  was  constrained 
to  stifle  its  hopes,  if  it  entertained  any  in  cur  fa- 


sor.     The  tveaty  signed  ut  Paris  on  the  ISth  of  cruelly  enslaved,  folaiid,  the  richcst.linest  coui; 

last  May  placed  us  in  a  situation  of  the  utmost  try  on  that  continent,  with  a  population  roman' 

emergency.  England  had  triumphed  ovei- France  sically  free  and  patriotic,  is  annexed  to  Kassia. 

—and  she  turned  upon  us   with  Iser  bands  full  After  flighting'  tiic  battles  of  France  foi-  the  pay 

of  the  implements  of  destruction — her  heart  al-  of  emancipation,  Poland  falls  imder  the  Russian 


most  bursting  with  vengeance  and  fury — male- 
diction in  her  manifestoes — siiHjuga'ion  on  her 
sTord.  We  have  already  voted  thaiks  to  tliose 
heroes  of  the  North  who,  in  Canada,  faced  and 
broke  the  spell  of  English  invincibility.  From 
the  noi-tli  the  tempest  rolled  on  to  this  leighbor- 
hood:  and  it  v*a  in  the  midst  of  the  ruins — the 
ciaders — of  thos  capitol,  which  bscamethe  mo- 
mentary prize  (if  a  succesiful  incursion — it  was 
atja  period  the  most  awfiil,  under  difficuities  the 


yoke.  Sa.Tony,  one  of  the  mott  ancient  andre- 
tpectible  of  the  sover.  ipnties  of  Europe,  is  sub- 
joined as  a  prnvincc'ts  Prussia,  the  rao-st  recent, 
the  most  despicable  of  all  the  Ecrnpean  pawers 
— a  kinj;dom  which  found  a  transient  conse- 
quence in  the  irfuius  of  the  p-eit  Frederick, 
which  never  can  be  considerable  without  such  a 
genius  to  sustain  it.  The  Italians  .are  torn  from 
their  l-.omes  to  serve  in  Austrian  annies.  Nor- 
wav  dislocate,!  from  Denmark  to  be  forcsd  into 


most  appalliiiff,  that  preparations  were  nade  to  the  arms  of  Sweden — France  is  unsettled-Spain 

meet  the  fitial,  the  concentrated  onset  ai  New-  .tonvulsed— TioUand  swelled  into  an  ephen>eral 

Orleans — the  most  remote,  the  weakest  piir.t  of  mriKiiitude.      U'l-at  a  contrant  with  tiiis  happy, 

our  territories — the  mostS-ulnerable — the  hard-  thnnrg-,  blessed  rountfy!   Who  doss  not  rejoice 

est  to  hold — and  the  hardest  .to  regain  if  once  that  he  isnot  an  Enrnpean!     Who  is  not  proud 

lost.     For  the  capture  of  that  city  a  mosthrmi-  tofeelhi— self  an  Am-rcan — cur  wrongs  avcng- 

dable  force  was  embodied.     All  the  disposable  cd — our  rights  recogniss-d,  for  1  repeat  that 

troops  to  be  spared  by   England  from  Europe,  no  matter  wKt  the  terms  of  the  treaty  may  be, 

the  detachments  scattered  along  our  coasts,  all  the   effects  of  this  war  must  be  permanently 


the  garrisons  and  troops  that  could  be  collected 
from  the  West  India  Islands,  were  concentrated 
fbr  this  la*t  and  grand  object.  The  gallant  and 
g;enerous  inhabitanis  of  the  west  fl^-'W  to  arms. 
It  was  not  I'leir  fire-sides  they  had  to  defend. 
It  was  in  many  cases  more  th»n  a  thousand,  in 
all  more  tiian  five  hundred  miles  from  nonie 
they  were  to  seek  the  scene  of  their  exploits. 
They  Went  with  an  immortalizing  alacrity  of  pat- 
riotism.    Everv  man  of  them   is  entitled   to  a 


prosperous  and  honorable.  The  catastro- 
phe at  Orle,ans  lias  fir.ed  an  impress,  has  scaled, 
h.as  consecrated  the  compact  beyond  the  pow- 
ers of  parchment  and  diplomacy,  -•'•t  sea  a  tide 
of  triumphs — by  land  ■  continent  on  which  the 
enemy  conid  gain  n.'  foothold.  Yoi  !•  navy  tran- 
ccnd<'nt  in  achievements — yctir  army  at  length 
equalT'Og  your  navy.  Mr.  Speaker,  forthe  rich- 
est kingdom  in  F.nrope  I  wou'd  not  exchange 
mv  American  cit'zenship — for  the  most  opnleut 


paneg},T)C.     There  is  no  distinction  but  that  of  endowment  1    would  not  surrender  the  delight 

itink   to    be  made   between  them,    and  their  which  T  derive  from  the  feelings  of  this  moment, 

brave,  their  v;ary,  their  consummate  command-  Let  us  ♦hen  pass,  let  us  vote  by  acclamation,  the 

er.     Ifardly  arrived  in  Ne*-Orleans  \then  the  thanks  of  Cor.gress  to  Gen.  Jackson  aid  his 

cneiny  appeared,  they  instantly  attacked  him —  companionsin  victory. 

and    in   the  night  time.     The   result   of  this  I  cannot  res^ime  my  seat,  sir,  without  a  word 

immediate    intrepidity    wa,s    their    .slriking    a  of  merited  eulcgiuin  on  an  individual  not  com. 


salutary  respect  into  the  invaders,  the  con- 
querors of  Europe  sent  the  flowcri  of  their 
armies  under  the  moi^t  eminent  of  tjieir  com- 
manders, on  this  expedition.  On  the2oth  De- 
cember and  the  1st  of  January,  atterppis  were 
made  to  carrj'the  American  lines— biit  without 
success.     Witliout  i.mpression.      Fiiitling  tiiat 


prehended  in  these  resolutions;  b.it  to  w'lom  the 
nation  is  cTeally  inilcbted  for  this  success,  jl 
mean  the  present  Secretary  at  War.  From  the 
monumental  dilapi  lations  i;f  this  capitsd,  with 
enemies  lo  p'oviilo  against  on  all  quai'lers,  those 
arrangements  were  made  and  those  aids  afford- 
ed by  the   government,  wliicli  tnamly  contiibu- 


their  men  had  learneci   a  reluctance  to  attack  ted  to  the  glorious  result  at  Orleans. — Jackson, 

from  these  experiments,  the  British  officers,  on  to  be  sure,  anii  his   cohorts  banded  tojretliRr 

the  memorable  eigii'h. threw  themselves  into  the  from  till  regions,  by   his   powerful  ascendancy, 

front  and  led  on  the  charge.   It  is  this  that  alone  were  the  executors — butithe  able  and  honest 

can  account  for  tlie   enormous  effusion   v.ftifti-  strtesman,  who  now  holds  the  WurDepartiT.ent, 

cers' blood.     Not  relying  on  the  example  thus  \v.a5theauthorandorig:natoroftlie  preparations, 

set,  they  added  inor^.over  those  enticements,  Let  us  therefore — 1  hope  all  will   agree  to  it — 


which,  at  Cadajoz  and  St.  Sebastians,  had  se- 
duced the  soldiers  to  success.  They  offered 
beauty  and  bojty — in  other  words,  rape  and  ra- 
pine, as  the  reward  of  victory.  Thus  led  and 
thus  invited,  the  British  army  made  its  storm. 
Their  discouihture  is  without  example — never 
was  there  such  a  disparity  of  loss.  Wilh  the 
tidings  of  this  triumph  from  the  south,  to  have 
peace  from  the  east,  is  such  a  fulness  of  gratl- 
fication  as  must  overflow  all  hearts  with  g.-ati- 
tude  to  the  Givr  of  ;dl  good— to  ihat  Being 
who  has  saved  us  from  tl.e  enemy,    who   has 


let  us  consider  him,  too,  in  our  applause. 

LETTER  XIV. 

To  John  Sergeant, Mannd  £i/rp,Lawrcnce-Lew!s, 
C.  C-  Bkiiik,  and  Joupit  f.  NoiTis,  Esquires 
— .iuthors  of  an  address  adopted  tit  the  admin- 
istration town  meetiyig  of  the  7th  July. 

Gextle-hex:  If  it  is  true,  is  is  constantly  as- 
serted, that  ihe  people  of  this  country  are  not 
only  free  but  enlightened,  it  must  be  the  in- 
terest of  ;hoje,  whosj  cause  is  good,  to  rely 


savedusfrom  all  harms.     Not   to   ha  grateful  upon  facts  and   fair  argument:  so  that,  when 

would  be   impious — not   to  triumph,  cold  and  bare   assertion,    insinu.ation,   and   intemperate 

chm'lish  indeed.     England  has  conquered  Eu-  proscription   are   resorted  to,   we   may  ju.->tly 

I'upe.     In  the  midst  of  her  conquests,  she  is  dis-  doubt  the  soundness  of  the  cause  they  are  pro. 

contented  and  unhappy.   Europe,  relieved  from  duced  to  support. 
)'rcnch  dominion,  is  already  enslaved  afresh,       In  such  a  comniunity  as  ours,  v.hat  coulf^ 


4^tt 


))ave  eeeo  aa  accent  as  a  Ikir  exposition  of  the 
merits  of  your  own  candidate*  Yet,  it  is  le- 
niarkable,  that  ail  you  say  about  him,  is  em- 
fataced  in  a  sing^le  line! — whilst  columns  are 
iUled  with  invec  iye  against  his  rival! 

We  have  shown  that  your  statements,  in  re- 
lation to  the  qualifications  o:  Gen.  Jackson,  are 
peremptorily  contradicted,  by  a  series  of  civil 
services,  performed  by  hi™,  in  the  course  of 
forty  years:  and  we  have  shown,  that  your  as- 
sertions in  relation  to  his  conduct,  ire  erroneous, 
according-  to  'he  testimony  of  all  ttie  funetiotla- 
'^^-ies  by  whom  it  has  oeen  cunvassed. 

Itisnowtim^-   to  inquire  into  the  merits 

of  your  own  candidate,  as  you  have  studiously 
Shuaned  that  subjectyourselves:  rt  is  time  to  ask, 
whether  the  political  eduaition,  principks,  con- 
duct and  measures  of  your  own  candidate,  entitle 
him  to  the  confidence  of  a  free  and  virtuous  peo- 
ple '  All  inquiries  of  this  kind  you  carefully 
?upply  by  a  single  assertion — that'he  is  an  "il- 
justrious  patriot!"  Now  it  is  rem.u-kable,  that, 
if  Mr  Adams  merits  tliis  illustrious  title,  you  did 
not  lay  some  evidence  of  his  deserts  before  the 
public!  Such  a  title  isn-'t  easy  earned — a  long 
train  of  cii-cumstances  must  precede  the  ac«f  lire- 
mentof  the  givat-st  honor,  that,  in  a  rep'ililie, 
can  be  had:  but  no  such  foundation  is  laul  by 
you,  and  for  the  simple  reason,  no  doubt,  that  it 
could  not  be  done. 

"  An  illustrious  patriot!"  What  do  we  me.in 
Sy  such  an  appellation'  is  it  not  a  man,  who,  at 
peril  and  sacrifice,  has  laboured  to  serve  his 
countrj-'ifit  is— what  claim  has  Mr.  Adams  to 
the  title?  w!iat;9en/ has /le  ever  encountered, 
what  sacrifice  has  /<c  ever  made,  for  his  country  ? 
is  not  an  ilhistrio;'.s  patriot,  a  man  who  has  hi  en 
invariably  devoted  to  the  princ  pits  nf  civil  liber- 
tij,  and  to  the  prouiot.oii  of  Ike  happiness  of  his 
(mtntrgmen?  If  sucli  is  an  iliustr.ous  patriot, 
what  are  the  claims  of  Mr.  Ail^ms' 

Yes,  we  call  upon  you,  gentlemen,  to  point 
out  to  the  public,  what  senicex  Mr.  Adams  has 
ever  performed,  svhat  principles  he  has  ever 
acted  upon,  which  give  him  the  character  of  a 
patriot,  or  any  claim  upon  the  gratitude  of ,  his 
countr}'. 

It  i.s,  indeed,  with  amazement,  that  we  regard 
the  position,  now  held  by  Mr.  .\dams,  wlien.we 
dispassionately  ask  ourselves — n:hat  have  been 
/lis  principles?  what  has  he  done?  Nav,  it  will 
be  with  amazement  that  even  ynu,  gintlemen, 
will  regard  those  q  lestions!  answer  them,  you 
cannot! 

When  any  one  says  "the  patriot  Washington  " 
the  mind  never  pauses  to  consider  the  truth  of 
the  appellation:  llie  generous  devotion  and  the 
disinterested  services  of  that  venerated  man  are 
always  present  to  our  contemphition:  but  when 
you  say  "  the  illustrious  patriot  John  Q.  Adams," 
the  heart  and  the  head  at  once  resist  and  detect 
the  imposture :  In  every  pag-e  of  our  historv.we 
find  the  proof  of  the  patriotism  of  such  men  as 
Washington,  I'l-anklin,  Hancock — and  in  the 
history  of  his  distinguished  services,  we  rec.ig- 
nise  the  patriotism"  of  Jackson:  but  in  what 
page  is  written,  or  ever  will  be  written,  the  evi- 
dence of  tile  patriotism  of  Mr.  Adams.' 

No,  gentlemen,  it  is  a  mistake;  your  candid- 
ate is  not,  j.id  neverwiU  be,  regarded  as  a  patri- 
ot: his  education  and  his  principles  h;ive  been 
anti-patriotic,  and  self-a^grandizentent  bus  been 


the  regulating  passion  of  his  life,     llacts  vnii 
prove  it. 

1.  The  circumstance,  that  a  father  enter- 
tained antiropubhcan  pinnciplcs,  ought  not  be 
mentiimed,  yhen  we  canvass  the  principles  of 
a  son,  unless  the  conduct  of  the  son  can  be 
.shown  to  by  in  accunlance  with  the  father's 
doctrines:  out,  when  that  can  be  shown,  it  is 
fair  to  refef  to  the  doctrines  of  the  father,  as  the 
foundation  of  the  principles  of  the  son.  What, 
then,  weie  the  sentiments  of  the  father,  in  re- 
latio:i  toiAf  two  great  events,  which  distinguish 
the  ageln  which  we  live,  the  American  and 
French  revolutions?*  wliatare  the  doctrines  de- 
liberately advocated  in  his  work  on  the  Ameri- 
can coijstitutions? 

It  isvery  true,  that  Mr.  Adams  signed  the 
Decl  :«tion  of  Independence;  but  it  is  equally 
tnie,  tflat  he  afterwards  contradicted  wiial  that 
instni/nent  asserted — the  declarition  pronoun- 
Ce<l  a/1  men  ecpiaJ,  but  Mr.  Ad.ams,  in  tl^work 
referred  to,  asserts  thsit  men  arc  natural  divi- 
detl  into  two  classes,  the  gentlemen  mio  ave 
destined  to  govern,  and  the  simplemen  who  are 
destined  to  labor!  The  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence a,sserts,  the  long  discontent  of  the 
cotoiiitss,  at  the  oppressions  of  the  British  gov- 
eimnent — its  language  is  "in  every  stage  of 
'our  oppressions,  wo  have  petitioned  for  re- 
'  dress  in  the  most  humble  terms — our  repeated 
•  petitions  have  been  answered  only  by  repeat- 
'ed  injury— a  prince  whose  char.acter  is  thus 
'  marked  by  every  act  which  can  define  a  ty- 
'  rani,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people." 

Mr.  Adams,  however,  in  his  ...nswer  to  the 
address  of  the  youngmen  of  Philadelphia,  1798, 
says.... 

"  For  1  long  course  of  years,  before  the  birth 
'  of  the  e'destof  you,  I  was  called  to  act  with 
'  youi-  fatiers,  in  concerting  measures  the  most 
'disagreeable  and  dangerous  ;  not  from  a  desire 
of  innovition — not  from  discontent  at  the  go- 
'  vernmert  under  which  we  were  bred  and  bom; 
'  but  to  preserve  the  honor  of  our  cou;itry,  and 
'  vindicate  the  immemorial  liberty  of  ourances- 
•tors  In  pursuit  of  those  measures,  it  became, 
•not  an  object  of  preddection  or  choice,  but  of 
'indisp.-ns"ible  necessity,  to  assert  our  indepen- 
'dence." 

What  avowal  can  be  more  explicit  than  this? 
The  m  asures  concerted  in  1776,  were,  no 
doubt,  attended  with  rfi«(?'T,  bin  what  patriot 
could  consider  them  disii(rre.:bk,  when  they 
were  essential  to  the  liberty  of  his  countrj'? 
Who,  that  truly  desired  to  escape  from  oppres- 
sion, 'voiild  say,  that  neces.siiy,  and  not  choice, 
dictated  measMrts  for  relief?  Who,  that  spoke 
truth,  could  say,  that  the  revolution,  to  throw 
off  the  yoke  of  oppression,  did  not  originate  in 
discontent  at  the  oppressors'  If  it  shall  be 
said,  that,  it  is  absurd  to  suppose,  Mr.  Adams 
meant  to  say,  tliat  discontcit  at  the  conduct  of 
England  did  not  exist ;  then,  there  is  but  one 
other  way  in  which  his  words  can  be  interpreted, 
and  that  certainly  13  in  accordance  with  his  po- 
litical principles  ;  he  declares,  that  n.casures  for 
independence  were  not  concerted  from  discon- 


•The  French  revolution,  says  Dr.  Priestly, 
;«-ose  from  the  same  general  principles  as  that 
of  America,  and  in  a  great  mea-sure  sprung  from 
it.— Letter  to  Edmund  Burke,  1791. 


4^1 


thiaitlic  g^veniMieul,  mcaniug  tiie  t'orra  of 
jovemment,  king,  Urds  and  co'iimons — ^be  his 
tnesning,  however,  what  it  may,  the  avowal  is 
not  thai  of  a  patriot — it  clearly  appears,  that 
Mr.  Adams  lamented  tlie  necessity  which  pro- 
duced the  cutting  of  tlie  knot. 

As  soon  as  imlc-prndeuce  was  established,  the 
political  doctrines  and  ^i^ws  uf  Mr.  A  l:ims 
were  unfolded,  m  a  m;inner  subversive  of  all 
doubt  Tlie  convention  to  form  a  constitution 
of  the  United  States,  nut  in  PhJUdelpliia,  in 
1787 — and  on  that  memorable  occusion  first 
appeared,  the  first  volume  of  Mr.  Adams's 
work,  strangely  styled  a  defence  of  the  A.neri- 
<:ii\  Constitutions.  The  time,  tiie  place,  and 
the  circumstances  of  publication,  clearly  show, 
that  Mr  Adams  designed  to  control  public 
opinion,  then  in  favor  of  a  representative  de- 
mocracy; and  to  prevail  upon  the  convention  to 
Ingraft  in  the  constitution  the  principles  of 
royalty,  nobility  and  vassalage. 

He  lays  down  these  principles — that  men  are 
divided  by  nature  with  two  orders;  1.  nobility 
or  gentlemen,  who  are  well-born  and  possess 
wealth;  and  2.  simple-men,  destined  to  labor; 
that  between  these  two  orders,  a  contention 
must  be  constantly  arising;  that,  to  prevent 
such  a  contention,  three  branches  of  govern- 
ment* ought  to  exist,  one  representing  the  gen- 
tlemen, another  the  commonalty,  and -a  third, 
a  single  person  to  control  the  others,  witli  j 
power  to  negative  all  laws  proposf*  ^tWhem. 
Whftther  those  three  branches,  sayslAte,  are 
called  king,  lords  and  commons — or  president, 
senate  and  house  of  representative*, Is  "but 
the  whistVmj  of  a  name!"  To  protect  the  .aristo- 
cracy, says  he,  from  the  madness  of  the  people, 
give  them  "  a  regal  power  to  appeal  to" — and 
to  protect  tiie  peoplt  from  the  illegal  Sesigns  of 
one  man,  the  regal  power,  let  them  t^ve  "an 
independent  ally  in  the  aristocTitical  a^emhly," 
the  lords. 

To  illustrate  his  principles,  Mr.  Adins  refers 
to,  and  eulogizes  the  Britis!i  Governtjent  as  a 
model,  and  laments  that  Americans  ait  not  dis- 
posed to  give  the  Executive  tiie  powefto  nega- 
tive acts  of  the  legislature.  'In  futii-e  ages,' 
says  he,  'if  the  present  States  becomireat  na- 
«  t'ions,  their  own  feelings  and  good  sfnse  will 

•  dictate  to  them  what  to  do — they  riay  make 
'  transitions  to  a  nearer  resemblance  to  lie  British 
'  constitution,  without  the  smallest  interruption 
'  to  liberty.'  '  An  hereditary  Chief  Migistrate, 
'  at  once,  would  perhaps  be  preferable  to  elec- 
'  tions  by  legislative  representatives.'  Again — 
'  The  dislinclions  of  poor  and  rich,  are  as  neces- 
'  sary  in  States  of  considerable  extent,  as  labor 
'  and  good  government:  the/joorare  destined  to 
'  labor,-  and  the  rich,  by  the  advantages  of  edu. 
'  cation,  independence,  and  leisure,  are  quali- 

•  fied  for  superior  stations. '     '  Tlie  higher  ranks 
'  will  never  exceed  their  inferiors,  but  in  a  cer- 
tain proportion — but  the  distinction  they  are 

■  absolutely  obliged  to  keep,  or  fall  into  con- 
tempt anil  ridicule.' 

The  framers  of  the  constitution  rejec'ed  all 
;uch  regal  and  aristocratic  projects,  and  expe- 
•ience  has  sanctioned  their  course:  But  th?  sen- 
imentsofMr.  Adam.^  remained  unchanged:— 
iven  after  he  was  elected  President,  lie  de- 
clared, that  "  he  hoped  and  expected  to  see  the 
'd-iy,  when  Mr.  Taylor  and  .Mr.  Giles,  fdibtin- 


"guishcd  repubheans  ol  Virginia)  w«ul«l  ht 
"convinced  that  the  peopi*  of  America  would 
"  not  be  happy,  without  an  hereditiry  chief 
"migistrats,  or  at  least  for  life." 

Such,  gentlemen,  were  the  principles  of  Mr. 
J.  Adams,  during,  and  subsequent  to,  the 
American  revolution,  the  first  pohtical  convul- 
sion which  disiinguisheJ  this  age:  Thus  you 
see  him  instead  :f  seeking  to  raise  mankind  to 
a  ;tate-of  in  lepend.ence,  laboring  to  maintain 
the  doctrines  of  feudality!  You  see  him  con- 
tradicting the  "  truth  self-evident "  of  the  de- 
claration of  independence!  You  see  lijm  resist- 
ing even  the  purpises  of  the  Creator,  and  im- 
piously contending  that  the  largest  portion  of 
his  countrymen  were  "destined"  to  labor,  in 
order  to  keep  the  few,  in  riches  and  leisure,  to 
nile  over  them! 

Lest  it  should  he  supposed,  that  our  represen- 
tation, of  the  doctrines  of  Mr.  Adams,  is  in  the 
smallest  degr''e,  exaggerated,  besides  referring 
to  his  book  in  all  our  hbraries,  we  ask  public  at- 
tention to  what  was  said  of  it  in  KngUnd,  iinme- 
diatelv  after  its  public:ition.  In  tiie  British 
Monthly  Review  for  1788,  ihe  work  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams is  'particularly  nouced — to  tlie  following^ 
parts  of  the  review,  we  especially  refer: 

"  The  sreat  pohit,  that  Mr.  .^  lams  wishes  lo 
establish,  is,  that  a  d'mocract),  if  such  a  go- 
vernment could  exist,  is  the  very  worst  form 
of  governm.-n';  that  those  devices,  which 
have  been  oft  -n  recommended  as  of  such 
esseniia!  consequence  for  preserving  liber- 
ty— such  as  frequency  if  elections  inio  the 
general  council  —a  general  right  of  voting 
amongfhe  people;  rotation  among  persons 
in  office,  &.C.  ar»  of  very  little  consequence 
to  raank  ud;  ;ind  that  freedom  can  only  be 
preserved,  by  establisUing  proper  checks 
on  the  diffeient  branch^  s  oradministration, 
or,  as  he  calls  it,  balances — and  by  dividing 
the  legislative  from  the  executive  power, 
and  renderng  the  judicial  independent  of 
either: — in  short  by  making  it  in  every  res- 
pect as  much  as  possible  the  same  with  the 
actu:d  constitution  of  Great  Britain." 
Again — the  review  says — 
"  Though  he  judicious  reader  will  perceive, 
that  these  observations  (of  Mr.  Adaitis)  are 
the  dictates  of  sound  sense,  grounded  on 
experience,  yet,  if  we  judge  of  the  senti- 
ments of  the  people  of  America  by  the  writ- 
ings that  are  popular  amungst  them,  we 
fear  that  such  remarks  will  not,  at  the  pre- 
sent mo  nent,  be  received  with  all  the  cor- 
diaUty  which  he  mav  wish :  the  aut'jor  seems, 
himself,  to  think  so;  and,  if  we  mistake  not. 
he  ha;  employed  Ins  utmost  addres3  lo  ex- 
press them  so  ns  not  lo  give  d'sgust.  Proba- 
bly, many  of  those  passages,  which  we  con- 
sider defects,  nay  be  ascribed  to  this  cause. 
■  'I'he  reg.al  auihority,  it  is  well  known,  is  ex- 
ceedingly disliked  liy  many  of  the  Ameri- 
cans; and  an  hereditary  nobility  is  looked 
on  as  httle  less  destructive  to  the  communi- 
ty: yet,  it  is  plain  from  innumerable  parts 
of  this  work,  that  Mr.  Adams  cons-ders 
those  two  classes  of  men,  taking  undjtobks) 
as  being,  under  certain  circumstances,  not 
only  harmless,  but  most  useful,  as  bulwarks 
of  freedom.  Openly  to  avow  those  princi- 
ples, must  have  frustrated  his  view,  and  to 


'i3i 


Ktitulions,  but  it  is  a.  \v;a-ni  defence  of  the 
Constitution  of  Great  liiitain.  U  is  tlie  best 
Kuti-tleiiior-raticUtat'Si:  th:it  wc  have  seen, 
lor  Mr.  Ad'iiiii  sf<«ms  to  droaJ  tlut  ilml  is 
ilie  extre.ne  to  which  his  countryni<:n  will 


suppress  bis  notions  en  taat  head,  vfould  A  CAUTION. 

have  been  mean  liud  disingenuoiis.  lie  has        The  friends  of  GeneralJacksou  are  cauliouec 
chosen  to  iteera  middle  course."  against  a  trick  whicli,  it  is  nnderstood,  is  to  be. 

Again —  the  dernier  resort  of  the   Kbonites,  wlien  they 

"  i-'rom  these  exti'icts  the  reader  will  be  able  fj^j  all  their  oth;r  machli^ations  to  fail.  It  is 
to  form  an  idea  of  tlie  general  tendeiicy  "t  understood  that  about  the  time  of  the  election, 
tlii.;  work,  and  t!ie  mode  of  reasoning  adopt-  g,.  g^  ^g^p ;(._  ([j^j  ^|,e  report  cannot  be  contra- 
od  by  the  author.  It  ia  not,. indeed,  as  its  (Jjcted,  one  siimiltaneous  movement  will  be 
title  says,  a  defence  of  tlie  American  lion-    [yiade  throughovit  the  Un-ted  States.     It  will  b<: 

reported  that  Ge-vbual  Jacksos  is  DRiT).     Him 

seless  to  point  out  the  eHect  which  this  would 

have  on  the  elcctioH  if  believed.     It   would  gu 

to  establish  tfiai,  which,  of  every  thing -vouH  be 

the  most  disagreeable  to  the  friends  of  Reform: 

iiaturidly  lean,  and  lie  has  exerted  his  best    it  would  promote  Johnftuincy  A.-!anis  to  the 

efforts  to  obv'iate  that  evil."  _  Presidentid  Chair.     But  we  caution  all  our  rest 

Such  are  tlie  opniions  of  Englishmen,  in  rela-    ^^„  against  the  hellish  project,  .ind  not  to  suC- 

tlou  to  the  work  a.iJ  docti-ines  of  Mr.  Adams:    {-^.1.  themselves  to  be  imposed  upon  bj-  it.     It  is 

tvhat  the  real  doctrines  of  Mr.   Adan.s  were,  if   o^j  intention  to  keep  this  article  at  the  head  of 

disclosed,  may  be.  conceived  from  what  he  has    ^  column  in  our  paper  till  after  the  day  of  elcc- 

vcr.tured  to  avow.        .  tion;  and  we  call  upon  all  those  Jaclison editors 

Confidur  all  those  doctrines  of  Sir.  Adams,  if   ^yit(j  ^vhom  we  exchange  to  warn  their  readers 

\oii  pliiise,  matkrs  ofophvan  :    He  had  an  un-    in  the  same  manner. — Ed.  Cincinnati  MvertiscT. 

doubted  r:^:ht  to  assert  and  sujjporl  lliem  by  ar-  ^ ^ ^ 

gument  or  persuasion:  We  ceis-sure  no  man  for 
<lifTering  iVo.ii  us  in  sentiment  upon  any  topic: 
lUit,  when  a  man,  wlio  maintains  anti-repubiican 
doclritiej,  seeks  to  be  t!ie  magistrate  of  repub- 
lic:ins,  it  becomes  a  solemn  duty  to  resist  him — 
and  this  was  the  case  in  1797.  At  tt.at  time, 
however,  wl'.en  Mr.  .lohn  A.iaras  wxs  elected, 
is  his  son  h.is  subs':quent  been,  somewhat  by 
chance,  and  nuch  to  the  surprise  of  I'.iC  nation; 
■ivliat  was  Ills  coud.ict  in  thi  Presidency!  Did 
he  abandon«iiis  doctrines?  iiir  from  itt^his  whole 
admiiKstration  was  the  natural  result  of  his  prin- 
flp'.es  »■;.  pre.iii(Jices:  :in  alien  lav.-,  a  sc Jr.  on 
iaw^,  a  standing  army,  persecution  i,f  tiie  repiib- 
liciiis,  abuse  of  the   Frciick  revolution,  attach- 


;nem;toK,^land,i,ostmtytoI.anc^^i^^  Z^::!t...  leaves  hisiiu™  only  when 

the  charact;:ristics  oi  "  the  rcig.i  o,  ituor  :  ^.^  .  ~.  ..    . 

Can  you  be  astonished,  when  you  n-fieet  up- 
cu  sutii  fudi,  that'  the  American  people,  in 
1 SOO,  disiilssed  Mr.  Adams'  Is  it  not  mai-vel- 
lous,  ttiathe  ever  reaclietl  tiie  presidency?— 
And,  what  is  our  cot^dition  now?  Have 
principles  and  the  cnndact  of  t!ie  s-tin  diff 
from  those  of  the  faUta-?  We  sh:iU  shojv 


Have  the 

diffeied 

■  youi 

tliat,  of  tlie  two,  the  father  v.'as  the  most  sin- 
cere, and  of  course  the  l.-ast  dariirerous.  We 
shall  show  you,  that,  wHiut  the  father  w^ould 
have  heldhv  open  activity,  the.  son  has  gained, 
and  seeks  to  liold,  by  hyi<ocnsy  and  corruption. 
We  do  net  assert  this  merely,  we  will  give  ?;ood 
vcasons  for  our  convict:ons,  without  the  slight- 
est unkind  feeling  towards  Mr.  Adams  person- 
ally, but  under  a  serious  sense  of  our  duty  to 
the  public. 

Respectfully,  \     ■'.^,  E^c 


"raNNKSSEE. — We  have  been  furnished 
with  a  letter,  cfwliichthe  following  is  an  ex- 
tract, from  the  son  of  a  respectable  German,  foi- 
merl)- of  Lbanon  county  in  tliis  Slate,  but  foi 
many  years  a  citizen  of  I'cnnessee,  to  Ui&Woth- 
er  iiil'.ebanoii. — imericnn  Senitnfl. 

"SivAr^.^nunfi/,  Ttnn.  June  loih,  1S2B. 
■"I  sUfSd  like  to  know  whether  there  is  any 
stir  in  your  neighl-orhood.     I  feel  considerably 
interested?;*  or.e  of  the  candidates  (Gen.  Jack- 
son) is  my  neighbour.     1  have  been  jiused  with- 
in fourteen  miles  of  him.     Father  has  oftcry; 
as  a  juror,  ».if;  !,eird  iiim  plead  luw;  but  he  h;i 
long  since  quit  it,  and  went  to  farming,  his  fa- 
Ue  is  a  plain,   steady  old 
'      '■  m  only  wheii 
his  countn  needs  h.s  services.     The  men  that 
setve.d  uncbr  VJm  in  the  armv  love  him  as  a  fa- 
ther.    Youhav-:r,  no  doulit,  heard  the  story  of 
the  t.s.  mill  ia  men  that  were  shot.     There  were 
many  of  mj  ntighbou-rs  in  tlie  «-niy  at  tlie  time 
— thcv  all  ielieied  then,  and  yet  belie* e  he  did 
right  "in  t!at  case.     During   the   war-,  seven- 
eighths  of  tile  men  of  Sumner  county  serv«l  un- 
der him,  citicr.is  volunteers  or  drafted  men,  and 
he  will  not  'o?e  twenty  imen  in  tlie  county,  and 
such  as  are  opposed  to  "Him  are  those  that  were 
opp'ised  to  the  war  and  Mr.  Madison's  adminis- 
tration.    I  hojie  yuu  will  vote  for  the  Jackson 
ticket. 


Binns  and  several  other  coalitionists  have  set 
down  Tiog-a  county,  (Tenn. )  for  the  administra- 
tion. It  goes  to  show  what  grounds  they  rest 
on.  Theix;  certainly  is  not  a  county  in  the  State 
more  unanimous  oil  any  question  than  Tioga  is 
for  Jackson. 

Binns  in  his  last  paper  calculates  on  -H  elec- 
toral votes  in  Pennsylvania  for  Adams,  and  in 
sp'ondence  for  Pliiladcl-    North  Carolina,  15!!'— iVVMera  £nn. 

phia,  E.ppoInted  by  tlie  Kepublicun  Con-  

vention,  assembled  at  Uarrisbuig,  Jan.  8di, 


JOSEPH  WORKELl., 
WILLIA*i  UUM.AN, 
WILLIAM   BOYD, 
HENRY  TOLANU, 
JOHN   WUllTS, 

Committee  of  Corres; 


WM.  J.  DLANE, 
WM.  J.  LEIPEU, 
(■HAS.  S.  COXE, 
THOS.  M.  PETilT, 


1828. 
August  £5th,  18:8. 

•  The  doctrine  of  tliree  branches,  one  regal, 
is  as  old  as  Tacitus—but  even  Tacitus  admits 
•ii.^t  such  a  svs'.ctn  could  nit  long  exist. 


Impm-hwl  Recipe.— K  man,  .after  drinking 
imprudently  of  cold  water,  in  one  of  our  cities, 
was  soo.i  relieved  from  great  distress  by  dis- 
solving half  an  ounce  of  camphor  in  a  gill  ol 
brandv,  which  was  divided  into  three  parts 
a!i<!  given  at  intervals  of  three  minutes. 


IjISlTED  SiALli^'    i'ELEGRAPli — ExLru. 


This  paper  will  be  dovoted  exclusively  to  llie  I'residi-ntiul  lilectioii,  and  be  published  weekly 
until  the  15th  of  Oclobcr  next,  for  One  Dollar;  subject  to  iie%vsp;i.,)cr  postage,  afiij  liSmore. 

B  Y  GREEN  ^-  J.AR  VIS. 


VOL.  1. 


WASHINGTON.  SEPTEMBER  20,  1S2S. 


No.  2S, 


L'.OTIKR  X\'. 

To  John  iStrgcant,  yiitvud  Eijrc^  Laicrcnce.  Ltw- 
f.%  C.  C.  BiddU;amIJo^spli  P.  Norris,  Esqrs. 
.tu/hors  of  tin  acIJi-css  adnp'rd  at  the  adminis- 
ii-aJ!on  tvuii  mtcfing  of  I  he  Ttfi  Jiih;. 
GE.NTLr.:>ir.x  !  In  Ibc  absence  of  ijlpjexplana- 
ionon  yi)i:i"part,  we'arc  inqtiirmgiTOto  tbe^o- 
'Hical principles,  service",  *id  wAvy/fs  of  youi; 
'undidate.     We  refi-iTi'd,  in  fiur  last  letter,  to 
he  political  pi-inciplcs  and  actioiiB,  of  tlie  father, 
;iS  tlie  models  of  llie  son;  and  ve  sliall  now  in- 
quire, whether  that  example  wa";  not  faitlifully 
ioUowed. 

We  know  no  v.\ay,  in  whicli  the  political 
principles  of  a  candidate  can  be  so  well  tested, 
a5  by  ascertaining  his  sentiments  in  relation  to 
liic  American  and  rrcncii  revolations.  Upon 
the  C[;iesticn3  involved  in  those  gTeat  events, 
there  could  have  been  no  neulralf;  every  tnan 
iniist  have  been  either  a  friend  to  reform,  or  in 
i'avor  of  a  perpetuity  of  existing'  establishments. 
As  to  tlio  American  revolution,  tlie  doctrines  of 
Mr.  Jolui  Adams  alone  can  be  referred  to;  and, 
wc  have  shovi  n  that  those  doctrines  were  hos- 
tile to  the  declaration  of  independence.  It  was 
'at  the  dawn  of  tlie  Frenc!»  revolution,  that  Mr. 
T'ohn  J.  Adams  arrived  at  nianliood;  and,  we 
shall  show,  that  lie  :idhc  red  tu  ilie  doctrines  of 
Ills  father. 

. . .  .Kven  .amongst  tiie  enl'i^h'sncd  people  of 
the  United  States  of  the  present  day,  an  aston- 
ishing prejudice  prevails,  respecting'  the  caiues 
rtnd  character  of  the  Frencli  revolution.  The 
pensioned  writers  of  Europe,  ar.d  their  servile 
liopyists  in  America,  li.ave  so  grossly  misrepre- 
sented its  origin,  progress,  and  end,  that  it  is 
often  spoken  of  as  a  sort  of  irruption  of  barba- 
dians, rather  than  as  the  effort  of  a  gallant  pco-. 
pie  to  assert  tlieir  independence;  we  seem  to 
forget,  that  our  own  revolution  was  the  spark 
which  kindled  the  flame  of  freedom  in  Europe; 
that,  if  we  had  failed  in  oiir  object,  we  should 
have  been  treated  as  rebels — and  that  the  failure 
of  the  French  is  attributable,  not  to  the  un- 
soimdncss  of  tiieir  cause,  but  to  the  combined 
!-.iflucnce  of  the  money,  pens,  and  bayonet  of 
Kurope. 

The  cause  of  the  French  w.-is,  in  fiict,  the 
cause  of  mankind;  the  struggle  of  the  oppress- 
ed against  the  oppressors — it  involve<l  tlie 
's.'tme  questions  which  had  been  but  lately  be- 
fore strttled  in  .\merica — the  sarae  cpiestions 
which  have  since  ag-itatcd  Spain,  which  now  con- 
vince Portugal,  and  which  must  continue  »o  bo 
iliscnssed,  so  long  as  any  part  of  mankind  sliall 
prefer  the  safety  and  lienor  of  freedom,  to  the 
J.inger  and  dislionor  of  vassalage . 

11  we,  of  tlie  present  day,  desire  to  knovif 
\yhat  were  the  feelings  of  America,  at  the  dawn 
of  the  French  revolution,  we  have  only  to  con- 
sider our  own  senlimeiits,  when  the  Riegos  and 
Quirogas,  of  Spain,  shook  oil'  the  yokes  of  Fer- 
dinand and  the  inquisition — and  if  we  desire  to 
knoiv  what  was  thought  of  the  Fren«h  revohi- 
•:  1011,  s!X  years  after  its  commencement,  let  us 
-onsult  the  testimony  left  to  us  by  Washington. 
Wiien  France,  iu  January,  1796,  presented  her 
'tsndard  to  the  United  States,  Washingtosi  ma(is 


tiiis  eloquent  reply  to  the  minister  of  that  cotijip 

...."^Born,  Sir,  in  a  land  of  liberty;  having 
early  learned  its  value;  having  eng.aged  in  a  pe- 
rilous conflict  to  defend  it;  having,  in  a  word, 
dBvote<l  thfi  best  years  of  my  hfo  to  secure  it's 
perminent  establishment  in  my  own  country^ 
ray  anxious  recollection?,  my  sympathetic  feel* 
ings,  and  my  best  wishes  are  irresistibly  excited, 
whenever,  in  .any  country,  I  see  an  oi)presseli 
nation  unfuil  the  banner  of  freedom :  but,  above 
all,  the  event';  of-  the  French  revolution  have 
pi-oduced  the  deepest  solicitude,  as  well  as  the 
highest  admiration.  To  call  your  nation  brave, 
were  to  pronounce  but  common  pr;use:  Won- 
derful people!  Ages  to  come  will  read,  with 
astonishment,  the  history  op  your  brilliant  ex- 
ploits! 

"I  rejoice  that  the  period  of  your  toils,  and 
of  yoiU'  immense  sacrifices  is  approaching;  I  re- 
joice, that  the  interesting  revolutionary  move- 
ments of  .so  many  ye.ai-s  have  i-isued  in  the  for- 
mation of  a  c<mstitulion,  designed  to  give  per- 
manency  to  the  great  object,  for  which  you  have 
contended.  I  rejoice  that  hberty,  which  you 
have  so  long  enibraccd  v.ith  enthusiasm,  .and  ot 
which  you  h;ive  been  the  invincllile  defenders, 
now  fuul=  an  asylum  in  the  bosom  of  a  regular, 
organized  go\'ernment— a  government,  which, 
being  formed  to  secure  the  happine.ss  of  the 
French  people,  corresponds  with  the  ardent 
wishes  of  my  heart,  whilst  it  gratifies  the  pride 
of  every  citizen  of  the  United  States,  by  its  re- 
semblance to  our  own :  on  these  glorious  events^ 
accept,  Sir,  my  sincere  congratulations, 

"  In  delivering  to  you  these  statements,  I  ex- 
press not  my  o\'.n  feelings  only,  but  those  of  my 
J  fellow  citizens,  in  relation  to  the  co7?jmcncf;n^»j4 
XXiC  progress,  and  the  ;iri;eofthe  French  revolu- 
tion; and  they  will  cordially  join  with  me  in 
purest  wishes  to  the  Supreme  Being,  that  the? 
citizens  of  our  sister  republic,  our  magnanimous 
alJics,  may  sooiv  enjoy  in  peace,  that  liberty, 
whi«li  they  have  pm-chased  at  so  great  a  price, 
and  all  the  huppincss  that  hberty  can  bestow. 

"  I  receive,  Sir,  with  lively  sensibility,  the 
symbol  of  the  tiiumphs,  and  of  the  enfranchise- 
ment of  your  nation — the  colors  of  France, 
^hich  j'ou  have,  now  presented  to  the  United 
States.  The  transaction  will  be  .announced  to 
■  Congress;  and  the  colors  will  be  deposited  with 
those  archives  of  the  United  States,  which  are 
at  once  the  evidences  and  the  memorials  of  their 
frcedoiTi  .and  independence.  May  these  be  per- 
|)etuat,  and  may  the  friendship  of  the  two  re- 
publics be  cnumiensurate  witli  their  existence." 

Such  were  the  sentiments  of  Washing-- 

ton — such  were  the  feelings  of  the  American  • 
people.  What  were  tlie  sentiments  and  the 
feelings  of  Messrs.  Adams,  father  and  son?  Did 
they  concur  v.ith  Washington  and  their  country^ 
in  favor  of  Fran':e  and  freedom — or  enrol  them- 
selves in  the  ranks  ofthe  enemies  of  jwith?  Let 
ft;,  although  out  of  the  order  of  timi^  ascertain 
the  sentiments  of  the  father  in  the  first  place, 
aud  then  consider  the  conduct  of  the  son. 

In  little  more  than  one  year,  after  Washing* 
ton  delivered  the  foregoing  addrcs^i,  Mr.  John 


■ioA 


jiCLaiuo'iiQCi^uic'i>it:oiy^-ilUyjii^»  ^clute  ilic  end  oT 
t.«'0  j^gjre,  lie  iiivolvedtlie  "sister  repiiblic^' 
i^hostililies!  Tosusl;un  his  popularitj-,  a  Se- 
ries ofadutess^es  v/erc  gx)t  up  from  v-ario'us  p-Jrts 
ufthe  Unitti!  States,  aad  in  lii?  replies  to  them. 
Mp.  Adams  ii'.dulged  in  tlie  most  offensive  in- 
vectives ag'ainst  our ' '  maijnaninious  allies."  IF 
he  had  ct)nfined  himself  to  censures  upon  the 
pubhc  agents  of  France,  the  friends  of  freedom 
Avould  not  have  had  so  much  occasion  to  com- 
plani;  but  he  ass;uled  not  only  the  French  rev- 
olution, but  all  who  approved  of  it — in  his  reply, 
iri  1798,  to  an  address  of  certain  citizens  of  Ver- 
mpnt,  he  said — 

•'  I  liave  seen  in  the  conduct  of  the  FrenoJi  na- 
Carij  for  the  last  twelve  years,  a  repetition  of 
their  cliaraaicr,  displayed  under  Louis  XIV. 
a"n.d  little  more — except  the  e.xtravi^anc  es, 
vhich  Icive  been  intermingled  with  it,  of  the 
wildest  philosopb.y,  which  was  ever  professed 
m  thiis  world  since  the  building  of  Babel." 
Thirs  Mr.   John  Adams  wrote,  in   less  than 
XKO  3'ears  .Ifter  Washiugton  bad  exulted  at  the 
'>*'g'"j  pi'Ojres.s,  and  end  ef  the  revolution   in 
France:  Washington  sa.i-,  in  that  revohition,  an 
oppressed  petsple  uin''urlmg-  the  banner  of  free- 
dom— Mr.  Adams  stvw  in  it  an  exlravagaiit  philc-- 
s6phy,  like  tlie  buildin.s,''  of  H-ubel:   Washing-ton 
.saw  in  the  resistance  of  France  ajjainst  the  ar- 
mies ofthc  allie?,  the  brilliant  exploits  of  a  brave 
J5.'5opIe  fighting  fov  liberty — Mr.  Adams  coireid- 
tyred  the  triumphs  of  tlie  P'rench  as   na  more 
than  the  ambitious  projects  uf  a  despotic  King! 
Can  any  one  doubt  the  political  principles  of 
Washington,  who  reads  his  address!     Can  any 
one  doubt  the  nature  of  .Mr.  Adams'  principles, 
who  contrasts  his  replies  with  the  address  of 
Washington.'     Letusnov/  inauire  into  the  con- 
duct of  Mr.  J.  Q.  .'.dams. 

. . .  .The  natural  consequence  of  the  reform 
of  abuses  in  France,  wa-s  to  call  the  attention  of 
the  people  of  England,  in  particular,  to  the  cor- 
ruptions that  had  crept  into  tiieir  own  country, 
and  to  produce  a  difi'usion  of  intelhgence  and 
spirit  amongst  thera.  The  celebrated  Dr.  Price, 
the  steady  friend  of  America,  and  the  enlighten- 
ed correspoiider.t  of  Franklin,  was  amongvt  the 
first  to  proclaim  to  his  countrymen,  the  import- 
ance of  reform  in  Britain;  On  the  4th  Novem- 
ber, 1789,  he  delivered  his  "discourse,  on  the- 
Itivc  of  country,"  in  which  he  maintained  the 
doctrines,  asserted  in  the  declaration  of  Ameri- 
can Independence— that  the  end  of  govern- 
mej-.t  is  the  happiness  of  tiis  people — that  all 
civil  g'overnorsare  but  the  servants  of  the  peo- 
ple— that  the  people  have  a  right  to  c;ishier 
their  agents,  and  choose  others — and  that  they 
have  a  right  to  frame  a  government  for  them- 
selves. 

In  1790,  Mr.  Edmund  Burke  published  his 
«■'  Ueflections  on  the  French  Revolution" — a 
■\vork  in  which,. almost  every  principle,  avowed 
in  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  constitutions,  is  scoffed  at  and  denied:  It 
is  immaterial  to  our  purpose  to  refer  to  the  op- 
probrious manner  in  which  Mr.  Burke  spoke  of 
the  French  people:  wliat  we  have  to  do  is  to 
show  the  unsoundness  of  his  doctrines,  and  to 
do  so,  it  is  barely  sufficient  to  enumerate  them: 
He  contended,  that  the  people  of  England  had 
ne  ri^ht  to  alter  the  form  of  their  government — 
that  tile  Kings  of  England  did  not  derive  their 
r  f&t  \t>  tiie  crown  frcu  the  tiijice  of  the  uec- 


Ill'e;  -r.njl  -nj;;e  nv'i-rif  i>tHisji.ue  Uj  iiieui — ^liiut  i.; 
the  rcvolutioli  of  l&8f(,  the  people  had  abdicat- 
cd  fpr  ttiemselves  and  posterity  all  right  to  elect 
their  King.s — that  tlie  principle  of  hereditai^' 
Succt.-5Bion  was  saei'frd — that  "the  vety  idea  of 
"  the  fitbrication  of  a  neu'  government  was 
"  enough  to  fill  one  with  disgust  and  liorroT"— 
that  an  established  church  was  an  ess-entia!  part 
of  government. 

To  this  work  of  Mr.  Burke,  replies  were  pub- 
lished by  Dr.  Priestley,  Mr.  Thomas  Paine,  Mf.- 
Capel  Lofft,  and  other.s,  in  1790  and  1791 : 

'It  is  \vith  vciy  sensible  regixl,'  says  Ur. 
Priestly,  'that  1  find  M.r.  Burke  and  m)-self  on 
'  the  opposite  sides  of  .any  important  question} 
'  and  esjiecJally  tliat  I  must  now  no  loug-cr  class 
'  him  [xmun^  ike  friends  of  what  I  deem  to  be  the 
'  cause  oj  hUrtij,  civil  and  i-cUgiow,  .after  hav- 
'iug'.  In  a  plecsing  occasional  intercouree  of 
'many  years,  currsidered  him  in  this  respectable 
'lig-ht.  That  an  :ivowcd  friend  of  the  American 
'  revolution,  should  be  an  enemy  to  that  of  tlie 
'FrcncJi,  which  arose  from  the  same  gincraV 
'  principles,  and  in  a  great  measure  sprung  from 
'  it,  is  to  me  unaccountable." 

!>!■•.  Thomas  I';dno,  in  his  "  Bights  of  .Man," 
ve-asserted  the  principles  avowed  by  Dr.  Price, 
and  which  had  been  controverted  by  Mr.  Burke : 
in  a  comparison  between  th.e  French  and  the 
I>n,:^lisii  systems,  he  gave  a  preference  to  the 
French  constitution,  because  it  guaranteed  civil 
and  religions  liberty  to  all  men,  and  the  free- 
dom of  speech  and  of  the  press  :  it  took  from 
the  crown  the  power  to  make  w.ar,  without  the 
consent  ofthc  log-l^lature  :  it  abolished  game 
laws,  monopolies,  and  seigniorlea  ;  It  declare 
the  people  to  he  the  sonrce  of  allauthority  :  it 
secured  the  tri.al  byjuiy:  it  prohibited  rainis- 
tevs  of  the  crown,  placemen  and  pensioners 
from  hoUiiiig  seats  in  the  legislature  :  it  abol- 
ished imprisonment,  except  by  due  course  of 
law  :  it  establi-shtd  ,the  principle,  no  taxation 
without  representation. 

Sucii,  gentlemen,  is  a,  very  brief  ctposV 

i.ion  of  the  controversy  produced  in  England, 
by  tlie  French  revolution.  The  whigs  of  En- 
gkmd,  headed  by  Earl  Stanhope,  Mr.  Fox  and 
others,  cordially  congratulated  the  French  up- 
on t'leir  political  reformation,  and  advocate 
a  correction  of  abuses  at  home.  The  tories, 
headed  by  Mr.  .Tenkinson,  afterw-anls  Lord 
Liverpool,  Mr.  Dundas,  and  others,  to  arrest 
reform,  plunged  .the  nation  into  war  against 
France.  In  short,  therf  were  then,  as  there 
are  now,  but   two  parties,  the  LiberiiU  and  the 

What  part  chd  J.  Q.  Adams  take  at  that 

crisis  '  On  this  question  he  has  shown  senst- 
bihty — he  fee.ls  it  is  a  tender  point — he  appear- 
ed in  the  public  newspapers,  upon  this  topic, 
in  1822 — he  admitted  th:it  he  did  take  a  part, 
a?  writer  of  ele\  en  letters  signed  Pubhcohi,  but 
denied  any  design  to  oppose  the  rights  of  man  . 
if  he  had  pleaded  youth  or  inexperience,  no 
one  could  with  propriety  push  the  matter  fur- 
ther ;  but  he  made  no  excuse,  and  asierls  now 
what  he  asserted  in  1791. 

To  ansv/er  the  question,  what  part  he  took, 
it  is  simply  enough  to  assert,  what  no  one  can 
contradict,  tlir-t  there  were  Burke,  Pitt,  and 
Jenkinson  on  one  side;  and  Price,  Priestly  and 
Paine  on  the  other  :  if  the  principles  advocat- 
ed bv  'he  latvr,   had  bee.n  punpcr'ed  by  M- 


•IJ  J 


Aa^iiii„  ii^  v.K)jaitjiiii->  1--  i.ai4  .-^j,  aiisi  cvcr^'  body 
would  have  given  him  applause  ;  but  he  could 
iiot  say  80,  for  he  had  actually  taken  part  witii 
(tte  fbrm&r.  Dr.  Priestly  ci;ased  to  regard  Mr. 
Doi-ke  r^  a  friend  to  Ubej-ty,  as  soon  as  Mr. 
liurke's  book  appeared  ;  Mr.  Adams  did  not 
enter  the  h?t  against  Burke,  but  .ij-.iinst  his  an- 
tagonist, I'aine — and  from  that  moment  v.'as  ob- 
Itosious  to  Dr.  Priestley's  objection. 

No  one  can  with  truth  controvert  what  we  here 
Say — the  evidence  is  in  all  our  own  respectable 
librajies:  but  it  is  or.ly  by  consulting  the  evi- 
dence throughout  tint  the  truth  will  fully  ap- 
pear: for  it  is  certainly  a  fact,  that  the  argu- 
ments and  statements  of  ilr.  Adams  are  so  dis- 
g.U'.3ed,  that  all  the  parts  must  be  scrutini-sred 
and  contr.asted  with  sound  principles,  fully  to 
comprehend  tlie  drift  of  tlie  wiiole.  The  main 
tjuestion,  as  we  ha\'e  slated,  wa:*,  whether  tlie 
people  of  England  had  a  rigiit  to  reform  their 
gDvernment — on  thi.s  Mr.  Adams  throws  his 
whole  weig'ht  into  the  scale  of  .Mr.  Burke,  and 
almost  in  his  words  supports  his  anti-revolution 
docti-ine:  in  his  third  letter,  he  assert."),  that,  in 
3  68.3,  the  people  Irad  renounced,  fortliemsclvcs 
and  posterity,  all  right  to  decide,  in  tiieir  ori- 
}',;inal  cltaracter,  who  should  be  their'agcnts — 
that  they  had  surrendered  to  tlie  king,  lords  and 
commons,  not  only  all  such  right,  but  the 
power  to  alter  the  conotitution  itself.  !f  it  shall 
DC  said,  that  tliis  was  mere  matter  of  opinion, 
we  answer,  that  it  was  an  opinion  against  the 
M'hig"3,  and  in  fa\'or  of  the  tories,  of  England-— 
that  it  was  an  opinion  against  the  principles  of 
civil  Uberty:  If  Dr.  Priestley  was  right,  in  re- 
fusing' to  consider  Mr.  Burke  a  friend  to  liber- 
ty, after  he  ha',  advocated  such  doctrines,  sure- 
ly we  are  justified  in  coming  to  the  same  conclu- 
sion as  to  Mr.  Adams. 

The  uhigs  of  Englind,  and  JSr.    Paine  their 
advocate,  alleged  that  the  constitution  of  Prance 
was  better  than  the  system  of  England — 
Because — it  secured  religious  toleration  :    Jlr. 
Adams  does  not  advert  to  tliis  superiority. 
Because — it  placed  the  power  of  war  and  peace 
in  the  legislature  and  not  in  the  crosvn:  .Mr. 
Adams  defends  the  English  system,  giving 
the  psv/er  to  make  M'ar  or   peace  to  the 
king— 
Itxause — it  prohibited  ministers,  placemen  and 
pensioners  from   sitting  in  the  legLslature: 
Mr.    Adams  advocatts  the  linglish  system, 
under  which  ministers  and  pensioners  rule 
the  parliament. 
Stcaust — it  prohibited  the  legislature  from  crea- 
ting monopolies,  or  passing  game-laws:  Mr. 
Adams  defends  the  English  system,  and  in- 
sists tliat  it  is  right  to  reserve  the  power  to 
make  game-laws. 
In  the  7th  letter  of  Publicola,  Mr.  Ad:ims  ad- 
vacates  the  absolute  transfer  by  the  people  of  all 
tlieir  power,  to  tlio  King,  \a\\\s  and  commons  ; 
and  in  support  of  thi'S  gross  doctrine,  advances 
the  most  powerful   argument,  tliat  couM  be  ur- 
ged against  it:  upon  an  alarm,  says  he,  the  par- 
liamerit  changed  tiie'.r  duration  from  three  to  se- 
ven years — if  tliey  had  not  the  entire  power  in 
their  hands,    and   had  not  done   this,  mischief 
might  h;ive  followed!     So  that,  he  advocatcsa 
power,    which   would   enable  a  ctjrrupt  parlia- 
ment,  upon  their  own  assertion  of  danger,  to  de- 
prive tlie  people  of  theL-  right,  to  elect  represeiv- 


tativei,    ju»t.  as  ii^:ig  us  liie   paiUaineiu   la^yj 
choose, — .seventy  years  as  well  as  seven.^ 

What  further  proof  is  needful,  to  show  the 
real  principles  of  .Mr.  Adams'  Is  it  wonderTuI 
that  his  ess:iys,  as  he  adinib:,  drew  down  upon 
him  torrents  of  censure '  why  did  his  conntr)  - 
men  in  l"i31  so  bitterly  complain  of  the  letters 
of  Publicola,  if  ihey  were  not  hostile  to  civil  li- 
berty' in  those  letters,  he  declared  that  the  BrJ^- 
tish  constitution  had  long  been  the  admiration  of 
the  world!  that  he  hoped  such  an  excellent  sys.- 
tern  would  not  be  abolished,  merely  because  it 
was  not,  like  a  deed,in  a  written  form!  Speaking 
of  the  American  revolution,  he  s.iid  it  was  the  re- 
sult of  "an  un.iccountable  necessitj-!"  anC 
speaking  of  tlie  French  revolution,  he  said,  thuj 
people  in  America  could  not  decide,  whether 
the  condition  of  the  French  was  such  as  to  war- 
rant it! 

Surely  comment  U  not  necessary !  Can  any  olie 
doubt  whit  were  the  principles  of  Mr.  Adaihs 
in  ir91 — re-asserted  in  1B22.' — All  the  world 
knows  tlie  causes  of  the  American  Revolutior.-- 
but  Mr.  Ad:ims  ascribes  it  to  an  unaccountable 
necessity!  Ail  the  world  knows,  as  Washington 
said,  that  the  French  were  an  oppressed  people, 
groaning  under  an  intoIer:ible  despotism — bir- 
.Mr.  Adams  said  it  was  doubtful  wheflier  their 
revolution  was  justifiable! 

In  an  inquiry,  like  the  present,  concise- 
ness is  not  to  be  expected:  we  aim  to  prove  the 
anti-republican  doctri:>.-3  and  tendencies  of  Mr. 
.T.  Q.  Adams — that  he  is  not  "  an  illustrious  pa,- 
triot" — and  that  he  ought  not  to  receive  the  suf- 
frages of  a  free  people. 

Uespectfully,  yours,  S;c. 

JOSEPH  WORRELI,. 
WiLElAM  DUNC•A^•.- 
AVILLJAM  BOYD, 
HENKY  TOLAMD^ 
.JOHN  WUKTS, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANE. 
WILLIAM  J.   LEIPER, 
CHAHLES  S.   COXE, 
THOMAS  Jt.  PETTIT, 
(Juuimlttee  of  Correspondence  for  Philadel- 
phia, appointed  by  tHe  Republican  Con- 
vention assembled  at  Tlamsburo-,  Jati, 
S:h,  1828. 
August  28lh,  1823. 

LEITER    XVI. 

TuJijhn  Sergtnnl,  Manuel Eyn,  Lnvrtace Lewl^ 
C.  C.  Diddle,  and  Joupli  P.  A'orris,  Esqrs.— 
■lytharsuf  an  address  adopted  al  thi  administra- 
tion town  melting  of  the  7th  Julj: 

GKNTtE.VE.v:— Our  inquiry- into  the  political 
principles  of  Mr.  Adams,  extended,  in  our  last 
letter,  to  the  year  ir'JI :  As  he  was,  soon  after,, 
invested  with  a  pubUc  employment,  cur  atteji- 
tion  will  now  be  directed  to  his  &cr-vices  as  well 
as  principles. 

In  179-1,  Mr.  Adams  was  appointed  niini^iier 
to  Hoihuid,  and  sub-:oqtiently  to  Prussia,  from 
whence  he  returned  in  ISOl.The  ten  years,  suc- 
ceeding 1791,  embraced  one  of  the  most  impol-- 
tant  periods  in  the  annals  of  the  world;  A  fairer 
occasion  hadpeverbcen  before  presented  for  the 
exercise  of  patriotism  and  talent,  as  a  uegotiatov 
or  a  writer;  yet  wo  know  of  no  act  or  incident, 
which  shows  that  Mr.  Adams  had  the  smaUest 
sympathy  with  the  friends  of  freedom. 


i'^b 


T^ie  <j;uyp:;^Jutt  uiliis  ni-j>,  in  Uic  i;om-sc  of 
ten  years,  tonsistpd  of  letters  written  in  Prussia, 
lyid  adih-cssecl  <o  his  brother  in  the  United 
Siates,  tiescrlp'.ive  of  a  joiinrcy  into  Siiesia:-- 
'I'hose  letter^rirc  remarkably  sterile  of  comment 
or  allusion,  in  relation  to  the  ijreat  (lram;i,  then 
performing  on  the  political  theatre  of  F.urope; 
in  ll'.e  n;ost  ])roi>tinent  instuncv,  in  which  refer- 
ence is  mo.:\e  to  the  btllipcrcnts,  Mr.  Adams 
leans  a^inst  republican  France.  Describing' 
S'ilesia,  he  represents  many  of  the  people  of  the 
cOiuntry  as  serfs,  laborers  solil  with  the  land,  and 
transferred  from  n-iaster  to  master— compelled  to 
perform  the  labor  often  days  in  six— and  habi- 
fituily  aslciiij;'  from  travellers  even  the  smallest 
pittance;  and  I'ct,  at  the  close  of  his  letters  he 
proJioimces  a  pompous  enco:r.ium  upon  the  dcs- 
[>ot,  who  had  lield  the  Silesians  in  this  deplora- 
Irte  condition  1  The  Edinburgh  Review,  vol.  5, 
page  182,  ven-  justly  says,  in  reference  to  the 
fetters  on  Silesia,  "Mr.  Adams  has  many  rcccl- 
■■' lections  of  his  native  country,  but  hisfeelijigs 
'■_'  about  it,  move  resemble  the  loyal  acquiescence 
"  of  a  subject,  than  the  personal  interest  and  ar- 
'■■'dor  of  a  republican." 

You  have,  gentlemen,  called  Mr.  Adams  "au 
iltlistrious  patriot,"  and  he  is  often  .styled  "an 
able  statesman:"  it  is  not  difficult  to  apply  such 
titles,  but  the  appellation  does  not  establish  tlie 
fact.  If,  indeed,  succe.sr.  in  obtaining  appoint- 
ments, principally  from  his  father,  wlien  Presi- 
thent,  constitutes  a  title  to  slatesm.anship;  Mr. 
Adams  is  a  statesman — he  had  appointments  to 
Portugal,  Holland,  Sweden,  and  Prussia:  liut 
men  of  sense  look  beyond  the  mere  tenure  of 
office,  for  rcsul/s:  JVe  ask  you,  then,  what  ad- 
vantages did  his  country  derive  from  the  diplo- 
macy of  Mr.  Adams,  up  to  1801'  AVhilst  re- 
ceiving his  s.ahuy,  as  resident  minister  at  lierlin, 
iie  drew  cutfil.5  and  salaries  for  other  st.ations; 
an  appointment  to  Stockholm,  for  instance, 
conferred  in  March,  1798,  by  his  father:  for  all 
the  emolumen's,  tluisaccunuibted,  what  actual 
service  did  he  render'  Wliat  had  he  done,  to 
merit  this  monopoly  of  diplomatic  fortune'' 
What  advant:ige,  in  reputation  or  trade,  did  the 
.■ountry  derive  from  his  statesmanship '  In  vain 
do  we  look  for  proofs  of  benefit — a  treaty  was 
renewed,  but  r.ot  discussed:  iio  new  principles 
were  estabUsricd;  on  the  contrary,  some,  that 
were  essential  to  the  reputation  and  the  rights 
of  neutral  America,  were  abandonedl  In  1735, 
i)r.  Franklin  liad  negotiated  a  treaty  with  Prus- 
tia,  in  which  these  principles  were  recognised 
— 1.  That  if  either  should  be  at  war  witli  a 
third  power,  tlie  trade  of  tlie  neutral  should  not 
be  inteniipted  with  the  belligerent:  2.  Th.at 
the  neutral  flag  sliould  protect  the  goods  of  the 
belligerent  on  board  the  neutral  vessel:  3.  That 
ihe  neutral  flag  should  protcvtail  persons,  ex- 
cept soldiers  in  service:  Tliis  treaty,  by  hmita- 
tifln,  was  to  expire  in  1795;  and,  when  then  re- 
newed by  Mr.  Adams,  he  ga^e  up  all  those  sal- 
utary principles,  and,  as  is  stated  in  the  treaty, 
fcr  the  very  reason  tlriat  ought  to  have  prevent- 
ed their  aljandonraent— namely,  that  tlie  belli- 
gerents liad  not  respected  them.  (See  laws 
U.   S.   vol.   1.   p.  2.54.) 

We  have  no  evidence,  therefore,  that  i;p  to 
the  year  1801,  Mr.  .\dam5  rendered  such  ser- 
vices as  give  him  a  claim  tcr  the  distinctions  of 
patriot  and  statesman,  or  to'ltis  countrv's  grati- 
■'■ide, 


On  tJic  •tlcLiiyji  -of  Mt.  JiiJierspii  to  in,c  !%<!- 
sldency,  in  that  year,  the  embassy  to  Uerlin 
was  inchided  in  the  number  of  abuses  cofrevktt, 
and  Mr.  Adams  returned  to  the  United  Sfatifs — 
with  alt  the  resentments,  produced  by  the  re- 
moval of  his  f.ithcr  from  pon'er,  and  the  stop- 
page of  his  own  diplomatic  c:ireer.  Instead  f-f 
observing  the  moderation  which  a  sense  of  per- 
sonal delicacy  demanded  from  an  individual  jiist 
recalled,  auJ  tiie  son  of  a  President  just  reject- 
ed; Mr.  Adams,  on  his  return  to  Boston,  becamt; 
the  prominent  leader  of  the  New  England  fac- 
tion, wliich,  according  to  the  authority  of  Mr. 
Slathew  Carey,  had  been  laboring,  since  179t)-, 
to  produce  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  !  Soon 
after  his  return,  be  was  placed  in  the  Senatfr 
of  Massachusetts:  .and,  in  1803,  a  vacancy  hav- 
ing taken  place  in  the  representation  of  that 
State,  in  the  Sen;\te  of  the  Union,  he  wa:9  pno- 
posed  as  a  candidate,  in  competition  with  MC. 
Ti:Tinth}-  Pickering,  of  his  own  party,  and  viih 
Gen.  Skinner,  the  c;indidate  of  the  rcpublicai'; 
party. 

As  Mr.  Adams  has  claimetl  to  be  of  the  re- 
publican part)-,  and  as  in  Pennsylvania  especiah- 
ly,  his  friends  desire  to  take  advantage  of  this 
imjio.sture,  it  is  necessary  to  expose  it.  Th^e 
Rostou  Centiael,  (the  same  paper  in  which  Mr.  , 
Adams  publislied  his  Publicohi,  in  1791,  whicli, 
in  1314,  was  the  organ  of  the  Hartford  Con- 
vention, and  wdiich  upholds  Mr.  Adams  now,) 
published  this  statement  on  the  5th  February, 
180,3:  "The  federalists  of  M.assachusctts  s'e- 
'  looted  two  persons,  both  of  whom  have  beeji 
'  the  object-)  of  democraiic  persecution,  the 
'  Hon.  Timotliy  Pickering,  lato  Secretary  qF 
'  State,  and  the'  Hon.  ,1.  Q..  Ad.ains,  late  Minis- 
'  ter  to  Berlin" — to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  Se- 
nate Uniteil  States:  "When  circumstances 
'  place  two  such  men  as  candidates  for  the  sam!? 
'  office,  it  is  not  an  easy  task  to  givo  a  prefer.- 
'  cncc." 

The  task  was,  indeed,  difficult — four  trials 
bj'  ballot,  were  made  before  a  choice  was  effect  ■ 
ed;  the  republican  members  of  the  Massachu- 
setts legislature,  ineachinstancc  voting  for  Gem 
Skinner,  and  the  federal  members  dividing, 
some  for  Mr.  Adams  :md  some  for  Mr.  Picker- 
ing,  until  the  f  luith  ballot,  when  Mr.  Adams 
w;is  chosen.  Tiiis  result  speaks  a  language 
that  cannot  be  misunderstood — ardent  an  oppo- 
nent of  the  republican  party  as  Mr.  Pickering 
had  been,  Mr.  Adams  was  by  federalists  jirefer- 
red  to  him— a  fact,  w-hich  shows  the  extent  of 
his  zeal  for  them,  of  their  zeal  in  his  hehalf,  of 
his  sut)sec]uent  tre:ichery,  or  of  the  subsequent 
meanness  of  many  of  them. 

Here,  tueii,    gentlemen,    we   find    Mr. 

Adams  for  the  first  tunc  in  Congress — in  the 
Senate  too,  as  the  i-e|M-esen.t,ative  of  federal  Mas- 
sachusetts— a  field  sufficiently  ample  for  th-e 
display  cf  all  the  qualities  of  the  most  illustrions 
patriot  or  able  statesman.  Was  his  conduct 
there  that  of  a  patriot,  or  factious  leader'  Can 
you  refer  to  any  bill,  motion,  resolution,  or  vote, 
which  denoted  p;\triotism'  Why  do  you,  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Adams,  oblngeus,  his  opponents, 
to  st-ardi,  volume  after  volume,  to  test  the  ac- 
curacy of  your  encomiums  upon  him'  Surely,  in 
the  Senate,  U.  States,  Mr.  Adams  could  not 
havetieen  an  idle  member. — What,  then,  were 
his  .actions,  denoting  the  patriot  and  statesman? 
's  it  not  ovjdeu';  'ha',  if  any  measure  had  be??! 


ij.'ujJObeti,  oi-uny  %ote  hini  hcca  given  by  lutri, 
cakulated  to  confei-  honor  upon  him,  you  wou'kI 
have  been  glftd  to  make  it  known  '  Can  your 
utter  silence  upon  such  vital  questions,  be  attri- 
mited  to  any  tiling  else  than  your  inability  to 
sustain  the  chai-acter  of  patriot,  which  you  as- 
sign to  him  ? 

But,  gentlemen,  if  you  will  not  execute  tl'.e 
dXity,  zoe  must  inquire';  and  therefore  we  pro- 
cfeed  to  examine  some  of  the  actions  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams, m  1803—4—5  and  6. 

1.  Whatever,  tjentlemcn,  may  have  been 
your  prejudices  in  relation  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  you 
are  now,  we  presume,  disposed  to  do  justice  to 
His  merits:  you  will  confess,  we  tliijik,  th.it  he 
mvinced  "illustrious  patriotism"  and  stutcsnian- 
t.hip,  in  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana;  to  use  the 
langiiag-e  of  the  writer  of  able  letters,  publislied 
in  the  Albany  Argus,  in  reply  to  an  address  of 
Gen.  p.  B.  Porter  of  New -York,  and  to  wliich 
we  are  under  obligations — "the  importance  of 
'the  acquisition  is  now'  unquestioned:  to  the 
'  Western  States,  its  value  is  so  great,  that  it 
■"  cannot  be  brought  within  the  limits  of  an  esti- 

•  mate.  Without  it  their  access  to  the  ocean 
«  would  have  been  obstructed,  they  would  have 

•  been  destitute  of  a  market;  and  tlie  continued 
'  occlusion  of  New-Orleans,  by  depriving  them 
'  of  the  stimulus  of  industry,  would  have  produc- 

•  ed  a  mo.st  pernicious  effect  on  the  mor.il  ch;u-- 

•  acter  of  the  people;  they  would  eit'.ier  have 

•  been  compelled  to  surmount  the  mountainous 
»  barrier,  which  separated  them  from  the  Allan- 
'  tic,  and  return  to  tlieir  original  homes,  or  to 
?  take  the  city  by  force,  and  by  waging  warse- 

•  panitely,  to  have  produced  a  virtual  dissolution 
'  of  the  confederacy. — Deprived  of  a  comnirr- 
'  cial  intercourse  with  the  Atlantic  States,  tl'.e 
'  Union  would  have  oifercd  but  few  advantages 
'  to  them,  and  the  most  trifling  accident  would 

•  have  broken  the  connexion  between  them  and 
<  the'States  of  the  Atlantic.  The  acquisition  of 
'  Louisiana  identified   the  interests  of  the  East 

•  and  the  West:  A  commercial  connexion  mutu- 
'  ally  advanfcigeous,destroyed  the  germs  of  jeal- 
5  ousy,  and  feelings  of  a  kindly  character  were 
■  soon  cidtiv:Ued  between  the  people  inhabiting 
'  either  e.Ktremlty  of  our  common  empire:  It  rc- 
'  moved  all  feais  of  a  foreign  ir.vasiou  from  the 
'  West,  i^ave  us  an  influence  over  the  savages, 
'  commanding  and  .absolute,  hounded  us  on  the 
'  Gulf  of  Me.\ico,  and  opened  the  trade  of  the 
'  world  to  the  remotest  inh;ibitants  of  the  inte- 
'  rior:  It  gave  us  Ruth  banks  of  the  most  inagnl- 
'  ftcent  river  on  the  eai'th,  from  its  sources  to 

•  the  ocean:  It  g.ave  us  a  territory  boundle.=.s  in 
'  extent,  and  with  it,  capacities  of  increasing 
■*  greatness  beyond  the  most  sanguine  anticipa- 
'  tions  of  the  boldest  imagination. 

...  .Is  there  the  least  excess  of  colouring  in 
this  picture  '  If  it  is  a  fair  representation,  as 
you  must  admit  it  is,  what  canyon  ofler  as  an 
apology  foi'  the  opposition  of  Mr.  Adams,  iji  a 
minority  of  three,  (.Idams,  Plumcr  and  Wells,) 
to  the  acquisition  of  those  immense  advantages  ' 
you  cannot  urge  his  own  apology  at  the  time, 
forhehis  himself  since  abandoned  it.  Where, 
then,  was  his  patriotism  and  his  sUitssmanship 
in  1801  ' 

3.  On  the  same  occasion,  when  the  details  of 
tlje  biUsln  relation  to  Louisiana,  were  consider- 
ed, ^Ir.  Adams  voted,  that  no  person  should  be 
litribM  a?  !\  r'-tiresentative,  who   did  not  ImVd 


ill  his  own  rjgiit  Qiie  hundreit  .ic.-es  ui  laud  u 
fee  simple,  or  a  house  and  lot  in  New-Orleans  . 
and  tliat  no  person  should  vote  for  a  representa 
tivc,  who  did  not  hold  a  frceholil  of  fifty  acres 
of  land!  W;\3  this  a  toketi  of  l.is  rcpublicak- 
ism  ' 

3.  When  the  imperfection  of  the  Constituj 
tion,  aud  the  intrigues  of  Mr.  Uurr  in  1801,  haU 
spread  alarm  throughout  the  Union,  every  pa- 
triot, and  indeed,  every  considerate  person,  de. 
sired  to  see  the  constitution  so  amended,  tlpt 
the  electors  might  designate  the  caudid:ite  they 
preferred  for  the  Presidency,  and  the  candid.ate 
they  preferred  for  the  A'ice-Pres-dency— on  thi's 
great  question,  Mr.  Adams  voted  ;igainst  the 
pr>pulai'  will  :  upon  what  prete?;t,  gentlemen,  ■ 
can  you  justify  this  act  ?  w:is  it  patriotic,  or  the 
eiTect  of  prejudice  against  Mr.  .ieilerson  .'  As 
we  shall  hereafter  show  you,  liie  New-Kngland 
nieniber.s  in  1801,  preferred  .a  convulsion  tatlv 
election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  .' 

In  short,  in  tJie  session  of  1803-4.  Mi- 
Adams  \oted  invariably  against  the  measures 
recommended  by  the  Jefferson  ad  ministration,-, 
without  proposing  any  measures  himself.  Indi- 
cative of  high  capacity  or  eSalted  views.  Ik 
the  succeeding  session,  he  continued  his  ho-:- 
tillty. 

4.  A  bill  was  introduced,  to  prevent  the  wa!^ 
ing  private  war,  without  nation:i!  authorit} , 
against  the  people  and  commerce  ofotherStates". 
upon  what  jiretext  could  a  measure,  to  prev-ent 
such  outrages  be  opposed.'  what  could  be  more 
humane,  just,  or  politic,  th;m^an  effort  thus  tp 
prevent  aggression  by  our  own  citizens,  and  to 
.avert  the  resentment  of  other  States?  yet  Mr, 
.'Kdams  voted  against  il! 

5.  A  bill,  of  a  similar  pacific  tendency,  Wift 
proposed,  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  to 
prevent  the  violation  of  the  laws,  and  outrirgcs 
upon  the  rights  of  strangers,  by  ve.s.sels  of  the 
United  States,  within  our  own  jurisdiction; 
against  this  also  Mr.  Adams  voted,  in  a  minority 
of  three ! 

b.  At  the  saniQ;  "ssion,  1804-5,  ?,Jr.  Jeffersoji 
called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  tiie  ccJiduct 
of  belligerent  vessels  hovering  on  our  coasts  and 
harbors,  seeking,  contrary  to  the  liws  of  na- 
tions, to  assail  enemies  there:  Mr.  Adams  voted 
in  a  minority  of  three  (.Vdams,  Picl-ering,  Plu. 
raer, )  against  even  the  reference  of  the  subject 
to  the  consideration  of  a  committee'. 

. .  .The  first  in:  tance  in  whic'i  Mr.  Adams 
voted  with  the  republicans,  in  the  Senate,  was 
on  the  15th  April,  1806,  on  a  resolution  to  sus- 
pend the  non-importation  act,  until  Novembev 
in  the  same  year; — a  vote,  attributed,  as  we 
think  justly,  to  the  chang-e  in  the  politics  of 
Massachusett.s,  and  to  the  desire  to  conciliate 
the  ascending  republicans  ;  Nevertheless,  i:i 
the  session  of  18(io-7,  he  voted  in  t!ie  Senate, 
very  peneraliy  with  his  old  friends;  and,  finding 
the  politie;d  current  running  strongly  in  theitv 
favor  on  his  return  to  Boston,  in  March,  ISO?, 
he  presided  at  the  federal  caucus,  which  nom>; 
nated  Mr.  Caleb  Strong  for  Guvernor.-tlio same 
Caleb  Strong,  wjio  a.ssembled  the  kgis!~ture  of 
Massr..husett.-.  u'  ISM,  wh.n  the  British  burnt 
WasU.r.g' .  ■■he   purp-r':  .;  aiding  the 

Union  at  that  tn^is;  bu^  to  elect  delegates  to  the 
Hartford  Convention! 

We    have    thus  shown,  gentlemen — i, 

that  frOtn  1.7?4  to  fWl,  Mr  A-dnms  held  various 


4-38 


iipiojjialic  apjiyLuJiiiC!!',.''.  virldmg'  great  citiqIu- 
nenf,  several  at  one  and  the  same  time,  no 
mblic  advantages  from  which  have  ever  been 
nown  to  Iiave  been  derivcfli  and  tlinf,  in  one 
nsfance,  Mr.  Aiiums  abandoned  principles,  im- 
i,ort;int  to  America: — -.  that  from  1801  to  1807, 
le  was  the  leader  of  the  New  Entjland  faction, 
vluch,  accordmg  to  Mr.  M.  Carey,  liad  been 
;onspiring,  ever  .since  1796,  ix>  dissolve  the 
Jnion: — o.  that,  as  a  Sen.itor,  he  had  op'poped 
ill  tile  measures,  rii^ht  or  wron?,  of  Mr.  JefTer- 
on's  administration,  uithoiit  ]>~oposinga  s'ngle 
noasure,  indicative  of  patriotism  or  statesman- 
hip— if  we  err  in  this  ini'crrnce — if  Mr  Adams 
lid  perform  any  action  indicative  of  p.^triotism 
)r  statesmanship,  we  ask  you  to  point  it  out. 

. . .  .In  1807,  a  crisis  had  arrived:  arepuhlican 
I'dministr.^tion  was  chosen  in  Massachusetts: 
rhcn,  and  not  imtil  then,  I'.id  Mr.  Adams  evince 
ndecision!  then,  and  noL  until  then,  didhede- 
ermiue  to  go  with  the  current:  If  hat  produced 
his  change  ' 

We  ask  you,  gentlemen,  \yhat  produced  the 
tecision  of  Mr.  Adams,  in  1S07,  to  abandon  the 
'ederal  party,  and  attach  himsc'f  to  the  repnbli- 
;an'  That'he  belonged  to  the  federal  pra-ty— 
hat  holiad  imiformly  written,  spoken, and  voted 
:gainst  republican  principles,  measures,  and 
•nen,  from  1791  to  1807,  no  man  of  truth  will 
Icuy— that  hehad  headed  the  federal  party  after 
lis  return  to  Boston,  in  March,  1807,  noonehas 
■ver ventured  to  contradict:  uv;//,  then,  did  Mr. 
Mr.  Adams  suddenly  abandon  his  old  friend.s, 
jndgooverto  those  whom  he  had  uniformly 
reviled  ?  We  shall  consider  these  questions  in 
y\v  next  Tetter. 

.Respectfully,  yours,  '<c. 

JOSEPH  WORRELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN, 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
IIENKY  TOLAND, 
.ICHN  WORTS, 
VvILLIAM  .1.   DUANE, 
WILLIAM  .T.   LEIPER, 
CHARLES   S.    COXE, 
THOMAS  M.   PETTIT, 
C;.onmiittee  of  Correspondence  for   Phila- 
delphia, appointed  by  the  Republican 
Convention,  .assembled  at  llnmsburg', 
J-an.  Ml,   182n. 
August  oOth,  1823, 

CIIiCULAR. 

Tu  thcJacHon  Committees  of  Correspomhncc  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Feliow  CiTizni-s — Although  we  were  .ap- 
pointed a  Committee  of  Correspondence,  for  a 
single  district  only,  as  that  district  embraced  the 
/:ity  of  Philadelphia,  the  point  at  which  infor- 
.mation  is  most  quickly  received,  and  from 
whence  it  is  most  extensively  circulated;  we 
(Tid  not  hesitate  to  address  the  Committees  of 
Correspondence  of  other  States,  giving  to  them 
our  opinions  in  relation  to  the  political  pros- 
pects of  Penn^lv.-iiiia,  and  soliciting  from  them 
information  respecting  their  rwn. 

"Wo  have  thus  r  ceived,  .vitliin  the  past 
.rrronth,  a  mass  of  cheering  information,  upon 
the  fidelity  of  which  ue  can  rely;  and,  .is  the 
ffeniiments,  contained  in  several  Ist'rrs  to  us, 
must  be  gratifying  to  you,  we  aiiiic.it  extraitts. 


Troni  all  tli.e  sources,  cf  intelligence,  williui 
our  reach,  ve  prersent  the  following  table — 

JacTiSon.  Adavis.  Douhtfuj. 

Alabama 5 

Carolimi  N l.i 

Carolina   S II 

Connecticut 8 

Delaware 3 

Georgia 9 

Illinois 3 

Indiana .5 

Kentucky 14 

Loul3i.^na •  5 

M:iine 8  1 

Maryland 5  4  2 

Massachusetts 13 

Mississippi 3 

Missouri 3 

New  Hampshire 8 

New  Jersey 8 

New  York 24.  13 

Ohio 16 

Penm'vlv.ania 23 

Rhode  Island 4- 

Tennessee 11 

Vermont " 

Virginia 24 

155  65  40 

Tlie  view,  which  we  thus  present,  is  not  de. 
signed  for  eliect — we  have  no  wish  to  intimidate 
our  opponents,  or  to  crcite  a  pernicious  confi- 
dence .amongst  our  friends:  wo  simply  prestilt 
this  table  as  the  result  of  our  information. 

Undoubtedly,  v.e  are  encouraged,  to  antic;. 
p:Ue  a  great  and  honorable  triumph,  at  the  elec- 
tui-.al  election  on  the  31st  of  October  next ;  and 
we  have  no  c:>use  to  suppose,  tliat  Pennsylvania 
will  change  the  proud  position  which  she  heW 
four  jea;s  ago:  but  we  protest  against  the  pre- 
vailing sentiment,  deceptiously  circulated  in  this 
slate,  that  exertion  isncedlesr.:  we  believe  it  to 
be  needless,  as  to  the  result;  but  we  aver  that 
exertion  is  demanded  by  every  consideration, 
connected  with  the  purity  of  our  iiisiitution.s, 
and  the  honor  of  Pennsylvania. 

V.'hen  we  anticipated  dar.ger,  four  years  agti, 
we  deemed  exertion  a  sacredduty ;  tlie  danger, 
{\\cn  threatened  r.n\y,  is  now/t/i— and  is  this  a 
time  to  relax '  Tlie  safety  .and  purity  of  our  in- 
stitutions depend  upon  ze;d  at  all  elections:  but 
the  election  that  is  at  hand,  v;^ll  be  the  most  im- 
portant ever  held  in  this  or  any  other  country  : 
the  present  contest  is,  in  fact,  vital  ! 

In  1776,  a  foreign  tyranny  exer:jised  its  pow- 
er openly  and  without  disguise,  and  it  was  there- 
fore move  exposed  to  resistance  and  defeat:  In 
1798  a  domestic  tyranny  was  equally  undisguis- 
ed in  its  objects  and  actions;  and  was,  therefurc, 
with  comparative  facility,  met  and  overcome: 
but  our  present  opponents,  taking  counsel  from 
experience,  now  rely  upon  corruption  and  not 
force — upon  fraud  rather  than  intimid:ition. 
Our  candidate  and  his  active  friends  are,  indeed, 
proscribed,  as  the  whigs  were  in  1776,  and  as 
the  republicans  were  in  1798— but  the  main  ami 
pervading  power,  now  employed  against  us,  is 
MONKY—tliat  instrument,  which,  in  Europe  has 
overcome  all  opposers,  and  which  in  Amerrc:\, 
Mr.  Clay  has  told  us,  can  accomplish  any  pur- 
pose whatever! 

Ves,  fellow  ritirens,  the  effort  19  now  madV-. 


Vur  tiic  first  time  sn  t'uis  repuUJic.,  lo  efiVvt  a 
mighty  revolation,  by  tlic  employment  of  tbe 
public  money,  am!  the  contributions  of  those 
•>\  lio  maintain  tliemselves  by  public  abuses!  Is  it 
u?ioug]i,  that  such  a  scheme  should  be  merely 
defeated'  Do  We  desire  to  terminate  evil  now, 
<ir  push  ofV  danger  to  our  posterity '  Would  it 
not  be  odious,  to  hand  to  them  an  inheritance, 
wiUi  an  incumbrance  that  must  produce  its  loss? 
!f  there  are  any,  who  doubt  the  foul  means  by 
which  the  present  administration  acquired  ])0w- 
er — let  them  be  indifTercnt,  if  they  please;  but, 
who  can  with  honcr  or  sufet}'  be  passive,  who 
r.eflects  upon  the  scenes  before  us' 

Hasnot  tho  will  of  the  people  been  as  cjorrupt- 
:y  set  aside,  as  if  purses  of  gold-had  been  the 
medium  Oi'e^clmng'e?  What  constititles  cor- 
ruption— the  quality  of  the  brilie,  or  the  fact 
of  its  acceptance'  Shall  we  scorn  the  debasing 
practices  nf  European  politician",  and  lament 
the  condition  of  abused  nations  in  tlie  old  work!, 
and  yet  tolerate  the  very  practices  here  that 
must  degrade  us  to  the  same  condition? 

Will  it  be  no  triumph  to  our  opponents — no 
stimulus  t.)  their  future  exertions — if,  relying 
upon  the  goodness  of  our  cause,  and  our  known 
stenjth,  we  gain  but  a  meagre  majority  ?  Shall 
we  in  1828  be  content  with  twenty  thousand, 
when  we  can  givo  forty  thousand?'  Look  at 
our  opponents!  is  there  any  effort,  fair  or  foul, 
which  they  are  not  employing;  and  is  this  a  time 
for  us  to  be  contenting  ourselves  with  certain 
but  mere  success?  Is  it  enough  to  be  strong' — 
bliould  we  not  show  our  .strength  at  such  a  cri- 
sis as  the  present?  By  political  efibrt,  are  we 
not  promoting  our  own  welfare,  and  tlie  happi- 
ness of  our  poaterity,  even  more  thin  by  the 
accumulation  of  dollars  or  acres?  The  liberty, 
that  we  possess,  cost  much  blood  and  treasure — 
are  a  few  days  devotion  to  tlie  business  of  elec- 
tion, in  each  year,  too  much  to  pay  for  its  pre- 
sen-atlon ' 

We  arc  told  that  our  condition  is  prosperous — 
whom  have  we  to  thank,  if  itis  so'  Have  we  not 
to  be  grateful,  next  to  Providence,  to  those  who 
have  gone  before  tis,  and  left  us  a  precious  pa- 
trimony ?  How  long  will  that  patrimony  remain 
witli  us,  if  ue  remain  unmindful  of  our  duties  ' 
It  is  said  that  our  trade  is  prosperous,  but  truth 
'ontradicts  (lie  assertion— the  market  of  the 
West  ladies  has  been  chut  against  our  bread- 
stufTsbytlie  neglect  and  improvidence  of  the 
administration.  It  is  said,  that  our  public  debt 
is  reduced;  but  who  has  the  merit  of  this'  not 
those  now  in  power,  but  the  administration  cf 
JcfTerson,  which  laid  tlie  foundation  of  frngali- 
ty:  as  well  might  a  collector  of  tolls  on  a  turnpike 
take  to  himself  the  merit  of  a  good  road,  as  tho 
administration  claim  thanks  for  the  mere  re- 
ceipt and  payment  of  moneys,  provided  by  a 
i-epiiblican  policy  :  There  can  be  no  deception 
as  totlie  general  funds  of  the  nation,  but  what 
is  the  condition  of  the  moneys  left  at  the  jjartica- 
lar  control  of  the  administration  '  It  is  applied7 
not  for  public  uses,  but  to  pay  and  reward  po- 
litical partisan.'*. 

In  the  days  of  Jefferson,  Madiwn  and  Mon- 

•In  1824,  Pennsylvania  giiTc  to 

Andrew  Jackson  36'100 

J.  ti.  Adams  5440 

W.  H.  Cnw-for-]  4206 

Jfcnn.-  Cla-'-  lOPO 


rae,  nobody  saw  them,  ov  ilicir  otlicers,  tr^y^i- 
ling  through  the  country,  partaking  of  politi- 
cal dinners,  or  making  political  harangues,  to 
secure  tlieir  election:  When  we  see  tlieir  suc- 
cessors departing  from  their  example,  is  it  nc^ 
time  to  arouse'  lo  avoid  all  intercourse  with 
t!ic  prominent  men  of  the  Union,  General  Jack- 
son resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  of  the  Unitetl 
State.i,  and  retired  to  hisfai'm.  He  never  sought 
the  Presidency;  he  doe-s  not  now  seek  it,  for  his 
ov.-ii  s;.ke:  he  was  appointed  by  the  Presiden.t 
and  the  Senate,  in  1823,  Minis'ter  to  Mexico,,! 
vv-ith  the  right  to  put  eiglUecn  thousand  dollars 
at  onc£  in  his  pocket — biit  he  r&Fused  the  sta-- 
tion,  because  he  would  not  be  Minister  to  an 
usurper:  no  act  of  his  life  .shows  a  desire  for  sciv 
vice,  for  any  other  end  but  utility  to  his  coun- 
Iry — every  act  of  his  rival  slious  Ivs  o!)jcct  to 
li:ive  been  always  mercenary:  What,  then,  can 
give  lo  General  Jackson  higher  claims  td  c: 
-gratituile  and  regard  ? 

Ill  whatever  light  we  consider  the  present 
contest,  therefore,  in  relation  to  principles  or 
men,  we  a;-e  impressed  witli  a  conviction,  thai 
it  is  the  serious  duty  of  every  freeman  to  be  at 
his  post:  wo  should  not  be  wailingfor  otiicrs,  or 
excusing  ourselves  by  tlieir  h;id  example,  but 
act  as  if  the  result  depended  upon  our  own  votes 
— and  thus,  and  thus  only,  will  Pennsylvania 
preserve  the  distinguished  position,  which  she 
holds,  of  being  the  lirst  to  nominate,  and  the 
most  unanimous  m  support  of  the  Farmer  of 
Tennessee. 

We  offer  these  observations  (o  3  ou,  felloy.'- 
citizens,  with  a  frankness,  that  becomes  free- 
men: We  see  in  the  conduct  of  many  of  oar 
friends,  not  merely  the  confidence,  which  is  the 
result  of  conscious  strength — but  an  inactivity, 
which,  when  contrasted  with  the  ardor  of  our 
opponents,  is  holy  unsuited  to  the  crisis.  We 
respectfully  suggest,  therefore,  that  the  several 
committees  of  correspondence,  appointed  by 
the  republican  convention  of  the  8th  of  Januar)" 
last,  should  take  prompt  measures  to  convince 
their  fellow  citizens,  that  (he  republic  ejcpects 
every  man  to  do  his  duty. 

We  ought  lo  direct  our  attenlinn  with  equal 
zeal  to  the  general  :'!ectJon,  on  the  14th,  and 
the  presidential  election,  on  the  Slst  of  October 
next:  the  result  nf  the  first  may  have  an  influ.- 
cnce  upon  the  second,  in  other  .States,  and  wa 
should  leave  no  fair  and  honorable  effort  unem- 
ployed to  sectire  a  great  triumph  on  each  occa'- 
sion — we  have  only  to  v/iil  a  great  triumph  to 
secure  it. 

We  congratulate  you  upon  the  bright  pros- 
pects in  the  West  !  In  preferring  principles  to 
men,  Kentucky  has  preserved  her  former  stani 
ing  in  the  Uniow,  and  merited  another  U-ibute 
of  gratitude  from  the  P.epublic  :  her  triumpii 
must  have  a  permanent  influence  upon  the  des- 
tiny of  our  free  country;  it  luis  shown,  that  ta,- 
lents  and  service.s,  unaccompanied  by  political 
honesty,  cannot  control  a  VMrinous  people  ;  the 
lesson   is   salutary  to   electors   and   candidates 

j  from  the  Niilianal  IrtlcWgencer,  Jan,  28,  1825. 

-Appointment  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  and  witii  the  advice  and  Ccmsent  ol' 
the  Senate — 

AsniiLw  Jackson,  to  be  I'tlvoy  Ext*»ordinB» 
ry  and  Minister  Plenipoten1>i»ry  ofthrUr.ite3 
sf.iirs  t.n  ihe  Government  of  Mc  Kico, 


1.-10 


niieiy  where  :  Mr.  Jellbrsoii  relied. upon  his 
"  favoiite  west,"  as  tlie  sheet  anchor  of  pul)!ic 
liberty, — and  ive  glory  in  the  conviction,  that 
this  anticipation  will  be  realized  ! 

It  is  for  us,  in  Peiinsyhania,  to  keep  ourdislin- 
SJiished  position,  as  "the  great  prop  of  the  re- 
publiean  cause  :"  Ko  donbt  must  exist  of  our 
continued  devotioii  to  those  principlc-s,  which 
are  essential  to  our  political  safety  and  personal 
advantage. 

Yours,  very  respectfuUv, 

JOSKPif    WORRELL, 
■\VILL1AM   DUNCAN, 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
HENRY  TOLAND, 
JOHV  WUHTS, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANE, 
M'ILI,tAM  J.   LEIPEU, 
CHARLES   S.   COXE, 
Tn().1L\S   M    PETTIT, 
fjpmmittee  of  Corre5;n>ndcncefor  Philadelphia, 
appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention,  as- 
sembled atHarrisburj,  Jan.  8th,  1828. 
September  Isf,  ISCS. 

"Extraets  rf  Letters  from  Commillees  of  Corres- 
pondence, &c. 

VIRGINIA. — "  The  members  of  our  legisla- 
ture, actin;^  iu  their  individual  capacity,  appoint- 
cd  a  central  committee  at  this  place,  (Richmond) 
and  committees  in  each  county  and  principal 
town  in  the  State,  to  promote  the  election  of 
Gen.  Jackson  and  Mr.  Calhoiln:  those  commit- 
tees have  not  been  unmindful  of  the  trust  con- 
fided to  them  ;  in  truth,  however,  little  was  ne- 
cessary in  this  State  ;  Me  peorile  had  taken  the 
subject  into  their  own  hands,  and  will  support 
the  republican  ticket  of  electors,  with  a  zeal 
and  unanimity  unexanipkd  in  our  political  an- 
Hals.  We  have  one  hundred  and  five  counties, 
besides  boi-oughs  in  this  State,  entitled  to  rep- 
-.-.esentation,  and  of  these  not  more  than  ^^y/cffi 
will  give  a  majority  for  Mr.  Adams,  and  in  seve- 
ral of  these  there  will  be  strong'  minorities. 
Among  the  Jackson  counties  are  some  of  the 
largest  in  the  State,  and  in  many  of  these  Mr. 
Adams  will  noi  obtain  more  than  30  or  40  votes: 
Xn  the  aggregate  in  the  State,Gen.  Jackson  will 
seceive  five  votes  toonc  for  Mr.  Adams. 

"We  are  fully  aware  of  the  misrepresenta- 
tions made  by  some  of  the  friends  of  the  admin- 
istration, as  to  their  strength  in  various  paits  of 
the  Union  ;  thus  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  and 
Virghiia  have  been  alternately  claimed:  But 
these  devices,  so  often  exposed,  like  the  un- 
fbunded  charges  against  Gen.  Jackson,  have 
defeated  the  purposes  of  their  authors. 

"In  lehttlon  to  PenHsxi-vania,  no  man  al  all 
acquainted  .v;*h  our  political  history  could  en- 
tertain a  doubt  o:  "  .  consistency:  From  the 
time  of  the  election  oi  .  'eftcrson  to  the  pres- 
ent time,  youc  g-red/  '  /  ■III ic  Slate  has  been 
the  nifist  firm  supp  >.  oi  correct  principles, 
anvi  ^ven  ■'  ".i  ;;:ijrmed  politician  has  looked 
Upon  her  as  t/te  great  prop  of  the  rtpublicun 
cause:  Pennsylvania,  which  was  the  first  to 
support  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson,  will  be 
t}ie  last  to  relax  in  his  cause;  ViniiisiA  will  be 
fSund  slde-by-side,  with  her  valued  and  respec- 
ted sister  Pennsylvania  (as  slie  has  frequently 
been)  supporting  repubhcan  principles,  such  as 
prevailed  in  the  auspicious  era  of  Mr.  Jefferson's 
el  ecttbn     Thieccntral  committee  most  cordially 


reciprocate  congratulations  on  tiic  liappv  [nun 
pect  of  a  glorious  triumph." 

NEW  YORK. — "  We  are  not  surprised  to 
hear  from  you,  that  the  gnat  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania, '  the  kcy-stonc  of  the  federal  arch,' 
is  true  to  Gen.  Jackson — that  is,  the  cause  of 
Reform  and  Liberty.  She  was  the  first  to  appre- 
ciate his  eminent  services  to  his  country,  and  to 
express  her  grateful  estimation  of  them;  and 
upon  this,  as  on  all  questions  of  importance  to 
the  repubhc,  her  course  has  been  equally  pa- 
triotic and  disir.terested.  In  Nkw  Yohk,  she 
will  fmdafirm  undzeithns auxiliury  in  the  s.ame 
gi-eat  cause — nei-cr  was  the  republican  party  in 
our  Slate  more  un'ted  or  powerful,  or  success 
■more  certain  or  triumphant. 

"  We  have  intelligence  from  every  part  o1 
the  State  of  the  most  pleasing  nature,  wliicli 
we  shall  recapitulate  at  the  close  of  this  letter 
— we  cannot  be  mistaken  in  saying,  there  is  no 
possibility  of  the  Tennessee  farmer  and  patriot 
having  less  than  C  t  electoral  votes,  and  we  are 
not  without  hopes  of  giving  I.im  more. 

IIIXAEITULATION. 

Dis.   Counties.  J.  ,i.  2)1. 

1.  Suffolk  and  (iueeiis  1 

2.  Kings,  Richmond  &.  Rockland  i 
".  New  York                              '  .T 

4.  Westchester  and  Putnam  1 

5.  Dutchess  1 

6.  Or.ngc  1 

7.  Ulster  and  SuUivim  1 

8.  Columbia  1 

9.  Rensselaer  1 

10.  Albany  1 

11.  Green  and  Delaware  1 

12.  Scholmrie  and  Schenectady  1 

13.  Olsego  1 

14.  Oneida  1 

15.  Herkimer  1 

16.  Montgomery  1 
1".   Saratoga  1 

18.  'Wasliington  I 

19.  Franklin,    Chnton,    Essex   and 

Warren  1 

20.  Oswego,  JeHerson,   Lewis  and 

St.  Lawrence  2 

2il^.  Ciienango  and  Boone  1 

22.  Madison  and  Cortlandt  1 

23.  Onondaga  1 

24.  Cayuga  1 

25.  Tompkins  and  Tioga  1 

26.  Ontario,  Seneca,  W.ayneSi  Y'ates  - 

27.  Monroe  and  Livingston  1 

28.  Catt;iragus,   Steuben  and  Al'te- 

ghaney  1 

29.  Genessee  and  Orleans  1 

30.  Chatauque,  Erie  and  Niagara  1 

22     7     4 
Maioritv  gives  2  additional  electors       2 

.24     7     4 

NEW  JERSEY. — "  Your  communication  of 
the  flattering  propects  of  success  in  thecaik^e  in 
which  we  .are  united  heart  and  hand,  has  been  re* 
ceived,  for  which  we  tender  you  our  th.;nks. 
Y'our  assurances  of  Pennsylvania  are  a  further 
proof  of  what  we  never  could  entertain  aserioUs 
doubt.  We  could  not  do  such  injustice  to  her 
character,  as  to  suppose  she  would  abandon  the 


-i'  ±  i 


mail  of  iiw  li^lipci'iite  cliuioe,  \W,:i  such  increas- 
ed inducements' to  sustain  liim;  although  we 
cannot  look  foi-warJ  with  equal  certainty  of  suc- 
cess in  New  Jerse}', )et  our  prospecls  are  truly 
flattering-,  arcl  manj-  think  this  State  will  go  to,- 
Jackson.  Tliis  opinion  has  not  been  iiastily 
formed,  but  rests  on  information  received  from 
different  parts  of  the  State,  we  think,  can  be  re- 
lied on.  Periiaps  in  no  part  of  New  Jei-sey  has 
the  change  been  greater  tlian  in  the  count}'  of 
Essex.  Tlie  candid  among  cur  o|iponents  have 
-estimated  the  majority  with  wiiicli  they  started 
of  C500  to  six  or  seven,  and  we  confidently  think 
they  will  not  liave  five  hundred:  sliould  such  be 
the  result,  and  our  information  from  other  i>arls 
of  the  St.ate  be  correct,  w^e  must  succeed.  Tlie 
following  is  our  present  calculation. 

Majorities.     Majorities. 


Counties. 

Jnck^rit . 

.iJam 

Cape  May 

100 

Salem 

- 

100 

Gloucester, 

divided  - 

Cumberland 

•     2JJ 

Burlington 

rou 

Monmouth 

-     400 

IIunterdoi\ 

-     800 

Warren 

-     400 

Somerset 

-     250       ■ 

Sussex 

-  1000       • 

Middlesex 

. 

loO 

Essex 

.    . 

50O 

Morris 

-     300      - 

Bergen 

50 

2100  1600 

You  observe  this  result  renders  the  election 
a  clo.=e  one:  we  tliink  it  will  be  so:  but  in  many 
of  the  counties  where  we  expect  majorities  we 
have  put  them  less  than  we  anticipate.  We  feel 
satisfied  that  we  ai'e  constantly  gaininsr,  ;>nd 
should  nothing  occur  to  produce  a  re-actio^, 
cur  numbers  will  increase  before  the  election." 

OHIO. — "  Vour  circular  has  been  gladly  re- 
ceived: Assure  yotirselves  of  om-  faithful  co  op- 
eration: the  conflict  in  this  S'ate  is  a  warm  one, 
but,  encourag-e.l  by  the  e.-iample  of  the  friends 
of  liberty  in  other  States,  we  continue  to  main- 
tain the  cause  of  the  people  with  increasing 
prospects  of  ultimate  success.  We  can  positive- 
ly assure  you,  that  our  cause  is  g:uning'  ground 
throughout  the  whole  western  countrj':  Ouio  is 
now  the  field  of  great  efforts:  the  wiiole  p'.nv -r 
and  p.^tronage  of  the  govt-vnment  is  -openly 
brought  to  bear  upon  us,  but  we  strive  to  turn 
their  weapons  back  upon  them.  .\s  to  Kextic- 
KT — Although 'Mr.  Metcalfe  is  elected,  it-is,  you 
see,  byauinsig-nificanit  majority,  whilst  a  majori- 
ty in  both  houses  of  the  legislature  are  for  Jack- 
son, as  well  as  the  Lieutenant  (Jovernor:  Judp-e 
Barry  lost  his  election  on  new  court  principles: 
there  will  no  doubt  be  a  majority  for  Jack.sonof 
from  7000  to  lOOOO  votes.— Illinois  has  elected 
all  her  officers,  general  and  State,  fi-ora  the 
friends  of  Jackson. — I^-DIA^■-^  has  re-elected  a 
Jackson  Governo;-,  and  a  large  majority  in  both 
houses  of  the  legislature;  notwithstanding  the 
Congress  results  spokeu  of,  nobody  doubts  that 
this  Stale  is  decidedly  Jacksonian.— The  contest 
in  Ohio  is  now  doubtful:  both  p:r.ties  claim  a 
majority;  our  own  impressions  are  lliat  we  shall 
succeed:  the  people  are  aw.akened  to  inquiry, 
*hat  !■!  all  we  want,  and  our  efforts  to  give  iiifo'r- 


niation  muit  increase  witii  tiieir  iiefiiajiii.  'U  e 
confident!}'  believe  we  sh:UI  prevail:  our  oppo- 
nents are  alarmed^  ami  not  without  cause.  O.n 
the  30th  (AugTist)the  citizens  of  three  counties 
will  meet  ;it  tins  place:  we  shall  notice  the  "  tr:i- 
velhng  c;ibinet,"  although  the  people  seem  dis. 
gusted  enough  at  it  already." 

KENTUCKY.— "Thvre  were  77,271  votes 
given  for  Governor:  Gl-u.  Metcalfe  hits  but  509 
majority!  our  candidate  for  Lleuten:mt  Govem- 
or  has  1087  majority.  Rest  assured,  no  event 
in  th.e  womb  of  lime  is  more  cert.ain,  than  tliaf 
Jackson  will  get  the  electoral  vote  of  Iventuckj.'' 

.MlSSOUIir.-*-"  Your  application  for  iiiibr- 
matioii  is  received :  we  reply  without  a  resor.t 
to  conjecture  or  opinion,  hy  stating  the  fact, 
tliatour  general  election  is  just  (Aug.  17)  over, 
that  the  presidential  question  w;is  brought 
to  bear  upon  it,  and  that  the  result  is  a  clear- 
majority  of  about  3000  votes:  This,  however,  is 
not  thex:iitire  strength  of  the  Jackson  cause  in 
thisSt.ate;  circumstances,  not  neccisary  to  be 
stated,  prevented  the  perfect  union  of  the  party 
at  the  last  contest;  we  shall  give  the  electoral 
ticket  at  least  four  thousand  majority." 

MARYL.VND. — "Our  sanguine  friends  say 
seven,-  we  sa}-  s:x  electoral  votes  for  the  Tennes- 
see Farmer,  certain;  the  timid  say  five.  The 
result  of  the  whole  election  is  important,  not 
o:ily  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  but  positivciv 
to  the  civiliz'-d  wcrld:  the  men,  who  have  gut 
into  the  house  at  tlie  b;ick  doo;-,  hold  on  with 
the  grasp  of  a  drowning  man  on  the  last  plajik'; 
but  out  they  must  go ." 

LETTER  XVil. 

To  John  Si:rgeanl,  M'jnu-l  Eyre,  L-ivyreriKLnc- 
is,~C\  C-  Biddli,  and  Joseph  P.  Nirris,  Jr.  Es~ 
Quires — .iutltors  of  an  address  adopted  at  tkc 
adnmiiitratiun  lawn  msethtg  of  the  TthJuli/. 
Gextlemen — The  question,  to  which,  in  the 
I)rescnt  letter,  we  beg  leave  to  call  your  own, 
and  the  public,  attention,  is  ihU. .  .'.ff'/iy  diii 
3Jr.  Adun/s  desert  the  Federal  parly?  To  s;ip- 
pose,  that  }-ou,  the  .ardent  advoc:\tes  of  Mr.  Ac- 
ams,  and  one  of  you  his  confidenti;il  friend,  can 
be  ignorant,  upon  the' most  e.'ctraordinary  event 
i:i  his  oolitical  life,  is  to  do  violeuce  to  all  par- 
lies: lie  would  not  think  of  soliciting,  or  of  pro- 
fiting by,  your  zeal,  without  confidence  on  his 
part;  and,  sureh',  \ou  would  not  support  him,, 
whilst  loaded  with  suspicion:  We  pr.ay  you, 
then,  to  remove  a  veil  that  h.as  hitherto  conceal- 
ed transactions,  involving  not  merely  the  repu- 
tation of  Jlr.  Adaihs,  but  the  political  integrit}' 
;ind  persona!  honor  of  a  considerable  portion  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States. 

. . .  .In  our  last  letter  we  reached  the  spring  of 
1807,the  fortieth  year,  we  think,  of  Mr.  Adams's 
life:  At  that  time,  we  sav,  him,  l.kea  determin- 
ed and  skilful  gener:d,  marshalling  the  fedend- 
ists  of  Massachusetts,  in  prepai'ation  for  the  im- 
portant State  election,  then  :it  hand:  The  elec- 
tion took  place,  and,  for  the  first  time,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, tlie  entire  federal  force  was  routed; 
and  the  pireitions  of  governor,  legislature,  and 
all  others  dependent  upon  them,  fell  into  repub- 
lican hands.  The  joy  that  beamed  upon  the 
countenances  of  one  nartv,  was -signally  contrast. 


44. 


ed  vvuii  tlie  giooui  uiat  evefcast  these  of  llie 
other:  The  mass  nfthe  federalists,  cvejy  where, 
rejjarded  Massachusetts  as  their  citadel,  and 
whcii  that  fell,  many  among-  tliem  relinqiiislicd 
all  hopes  of  future  political  ascen'Jancy. 

Ji'or  were  these  prognostics  confined  to  the 
state  of  things,  in  Massachiisells:  No  indication 
Was  given  any  v/Iiere,  that  an  attempt,  even  to 
nominate  a  federal  candidate  to  the  ijres-dency 
NtTiuldbemade — publicopinion  had  settled  down 
Upon  Mr.  Madison,  as  the  successor  of  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson; and  although  there  were  some  vagrant 
wishes  for  George  Clinton  of  New  York,  Ids  re- 
jJublican  integrity  guaranteed  a  pursuance  of 
bie  Jefferson  policy,  in  public_  affairs,  foreign 
and  domestic. 

Siich,  then,  was  the  condition  of  the  two  par- 
ties in  180r — the  rcpublifans  every  where  tri- 
umphant, with  a  certainty  that  power  v.-ould 
rest  in  their  hands  until  1816,  at  least:  Thefe- 
'leraiists,  every  where  in  the  minority;  and,  al- 
though, w-itli  their  aggregate  minorities,  sliUre- 
-spectable  in  numbers-as  well  as  energy,  desti- 
tute of  the  power,  which  alone  attaches  mcrce- 
iiarv  men-,  to  pay  in  offices  for  integrity  to  their 
ranse. 

It  must  be  confessed,  that,  at  such  a  time  as 
this,  no  man  of  gocd  ;ind  generous  feehngs,  to 
say  nothing  ofpoluical  honesty,  would  sit  down 
and  deliberately  weigli  tiic  chances  of  personal 
benefit,  from  an  adherence  to  old  friends,  or  a 
desertion  to  hereditary  enemies.  The  wreck  of 
a  once  powerful  and  in  t:dent  at  least  respccta- 
Me,  party,  now  scattered  upon  the  political 
Bit akers,  would  liave  aroused  liie  sympatiiies, 
even  of  opponents,  to  protect  the  scattered 
crew  from  injury  and  insult,  rather  than  to 
pjuck  from  tli._m  the  only  treasurethat  they  had 
Keen  able  to  preserve. 

And  if  such  should  have  been  the  conduct  of 
republicans,  in  relation  to  their  now  powerless 
opponents;  if  it  would  have  been  patriotic,  and 
kind  in, them,  to  concdiate  men  long  estranged 
— to  prove  that  ddi'erencc  in  political  senti- 
ment did  dot  render  the  heart  cal'cus,  what 
OLtght  to  have  been  the  conduct  of  Sir.  J.  tj. 
Adams'  If  he  possessed  any  power,  influence, 
or  wcL'.ltli,  to  whom  was  h.e  indebted  for  it' — 
Was  it  not  to  tlie  very  party  which  he  now  saw 
ih  t!ic  deepest  adversity'  If  that  pally  had 
snnk  into  public  odium,  had  not  the  pa.ssionsof 
li!s  own  father  greatly  contributed  to  tlieirfall? 
llsid  they  not,  bnt  lately  before,  given  I'.im  a 
most  striking  proof  of  conudeirce  and  favor,  by 
standing  him  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
i'n  preference  even  to  tlicir  veteran,  Mr.  Picker- 
i^! 

■iet,  unmindful  of  ell  thi.s,  it  was  in  tiiis  hour 
of  deep  despondency,  that  Mr  Adams  fled  from 
tj^e  coloriofhis  political  house,  and  entered 
the  ranks  of  its  uniform  opponents' 

Let  it  not  be  supposed,  gentlemen,  that  we 
censure  theabandonmcrit  of  measures  crof  men, 
fpund  to  be  mischievous:  let  no  one  say,  that 
we  object  to  tlie  conversion  of  those  who  dif- 
fer fi-om  us  in  politiciil  sentiment:  on  the  con- 
trary, we  hail  honest  conversion  .as  beneficial  to 
the  political  institutions,  and  to  the  Fecial  ha]i- 
piness  of  our  coiinlry:  we  knew  many,  very 
iQan}',  \^ho,  having  become  coiwinced  of  error, 
its  to  the  views  and  feelings  cf  the  republican 
party,  are  now  attached  to  if.  But  we  are  not 
rth\f  to  Sef*,  in  the  fife,  principles.  Or  at^'fj-of  Mr. 


.\dams,  tho.ie  indications  wliich  pi'Uede,  acconi' 
pany,  imifidiow  conversion:  we  have  not  seen 
in  him  a  convert,  but  an  infonncr  against  one 
part}-,  in  order  to  be  received  into  and  destroy 
anot!;oi' — a  deserter,  not  disgusted  with  his  old 
prii.ciplcs,  but  alarmed  at  tlie  politico]  naked- 
ness of  his  old  friends — an  ally,  not  attracted  by 
republic;in  simplicity,  but  by  the  capacity  to 
gratify  his  insatiable  lust  of  ambition  and  avarice. 

. . .  .We  have  already  shown,  that,  from  his 
youth  to  his  foitieth  year,  Mr.  Adams  luro/e, 
spoife,  and  acted  against  republican  priuciptcs^ 
mccsures,  and  nicti:  He  had  ne\'er,  we  believe,, 
from  weakness  of  nerves,  or  mildness  of  dispo- 
sition, halte<l  between  two  opinions:  lie  liad  ne- 
ver been  known  to  change  a  sentiment,  as  men 
cf  moderation  do,  gradually — or  asmen  of  ardent 
temperament  do,  suddenly :  so  far  as  we  can- 
judge,  he  had  been,  from  nature  and  education, 
what  is  termed  obstinate,  dogm.atic:  andinpofi- 
t;C3  especially,  he  hr.d  been  wliatis  well  under- 
sttiod  by  tile  term  an  u'lia:  so  Ueen  were  his 
resentments,  that,  it  has  been  filleged,  he  even 
indulged  in  the  most  offensive  invective  against 
Mr.  Jefferson,  under  the  puet's  mask. 

It  is  a  ihatter  of  public  concern,  and  not  of 
mere  curiosity,  -then,  to  ascertain  what  produced 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  political  meta* 
morphoses,  which  the  annals  of  paity  describe. 
If  .Mr.  Adams  had  gradu.-illy  retired,  and  relin- 
quished former  principles  and  associations,  all 
men  would  have  acknowledged  the  sincerity  of 
conversion:  if  he  had  sought  to  assuage  the  vio- 
lence of  his  former  partisans,  or  merely  to  ex- 
pose tlie  pernicious  tendency  of  their  course, 
he  woi^jd  have  merited  the  gratitude  of  his  . 
countiy :  if,  when  he  saw  them  on  the  verge  of 
mischief  and  punishment,  he  had  sought  to  ar- 
rest the  one,  and  prevent  the  other,  the  good- 
ness of  his  heart  would  have  been  manifest. 
Hut,  in  vsin  do  we  seek  such  ti-aits  as  these: 
Mr.  Adans'  change  was  sudden  and  unlimited; 
an:!,  to  all  appearance,  his  antipathies  and  his 
attaclimsn:s  were  at  once  given  u]>,  with  as 
much  composure  and  tact,  as  a  veteran  come- 
dian cxliibits,  in  tiie  prepar.ation  for  various 
parts  of  the  plavs  in  which  iie  acts:  He  did  not 
change  fron.  an  extreme  fcderahst  to  a  moder- 
ate ffderalisi,  or  "even  to  a  moderate  republican 
— but  loan  absolute  ze'.alot  in  the  ranks  of  the 
partj  by  which  his  father  and  himself  had  been 
deprived  of  all  power,  and  agiiinst  which  his 
father  and  himself  had  written  with  pens  dipped 
in  gall. 

Can  you  explain  to  us,  gentlemen,  how  this 
most  singular  result  was  brought  about'  Were 
the  motives  of  .\Ir.  Adams  pure  and  pati-iotlc? 
if  they  were,  what  can  so  well  promote  his 
cause  "now,  as  to  make  them  known  to  the  peo- 
ple.' You  mtist  be  aware,  th.at  many  good  men 
cf  both  the  parties  in  our  country,  object  to 
Mr.  Adams,  especially  for  his  conduct  in  1807-8 
— whatcanbesoneccssarjsthen.lohisownfamc;, 
and  indeed  to  your  ov.n  political  reputation,  a 
Il:s  suppotaeis,  ics.u  uutinv  u.\^trtiiui.i»..ii  ^t  utc^ 
fftu.?fs'of  his  change  of  political  party'  But,  if 
all  such  explanation  shall  be  refused,  we  must 
of  necessity  form  our  own  conclusions — and,  in 
that  case,  wiial  think  you,  gentlemen,  of  this 
;;cntiincnt  of  .Mr.  Joiin  Adams: — 

"If  a  (iimily,  which  has  been  high  in  olac.c, 
"  and  splendid  in  wealth,  falls  nito  decay,. 
' '  from  profligacy,  folIv.^•ice-,  or  misftrtiitie. 


443 


'■  Uiey  geiiea'aliy  turn  ilemoi:"at=,  and  court 
"the  lowest  of  the  people,  with  an  afJor, 
"an  art,  a  skill,  and  consequently  with  a 
"success,  which  no  vulgar  democrat  can 
"attain."'         Cunningham  Ldkrs:    VI. 
. . .  .Do  you  rccog^nlsc  no  features  in  tills  pic- 
ture, that  bring  Mr.   Adams  to  your  contempla- 
tion '  His  family  had  sunk  into  decay, from  cau-;es 
which  need  no  explanation  ;  Ills  political  family, 
too,  had  lost  all  iniluence,  in  the  disposition  of 
power.   That  he  turned    democrat,  is  his  own 
boast ;  and  that   he  has  since  done  what  has 
brought  blushes  into  many  democr.itic  c!iceks, 
the  liistory  of  the  times  cstablisiies.     For  in- 
stance. . . . 

1.  In  March  1807,  Sir.  Adams  prcsid- d  at 
the  gre.at  federal  convention  in  M.^ssachuselts  ; 
in  the  next  month  the  federal  party  was  routed 
in  the  State:  in  the  next  October,  Mr.  Adams 
resumed  his  seat  in  the  Senntc  of  the  U.  .S. : 
on  the  15th  December,  Mr.  Jefferson  scut  his 
message  to  Congress  recommending  an  embar- 
go: in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  a  large 
inajoritv  of  political,  and  many  persona!  friends: 
some  of  them  asked  to  put  off  a  decision  of  .'o 
momentous  a  subject,  even  for  one  day:  if  it 
was  right  to  proceed,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  de- 
Sired,  at  once,  he  had  friends  .able  and  disposed, 
to  say  so,  and  did  not  stand  in  need  of  the  .■sup- 
port of  Mr.  Adams — but  Mr.  Adams  had  fail- 
en  into  decay,  and  now  saw  the  moment,  at 
wliich  to  tvirn  democrat:  he  arose,  and  said,  not 
merely   that   he    was   for   proceeding  at  once, 

but "1  would  not  dc!iber.ate— I    would  act; 

"  doubtless  the  presiilent  possesses  such  further 
"  information,  as  will  justify  the  me.asure:"  no 
dependant  upon  the  will  of  a  despot  could  do- 
scend  lower  than  tliis: — even  fro:in  a  republi- 
can confidant  of  Mr.  Jefi'erson,  such  a  senli. 
ment  would  have  been  impolitic,  unsound,  and 
unmanly  ;  but  from  Mr.  Adams,  it  must  have 
been  listened  to  with  amazemeiit,a3  wcD  as  dis- 
gust. But  tluis  he  "  courted  the  jieople." 
Soon  after,  although  Jlr.  Jefferson  had  the 
pens  of  fumdreds  of  able  men  to  defend  his  acts, 
Mr.  Adams  volunteered  in  his  cause,  and  wrote 
a  labored  defence  of  tlie  embar(,v! 

2.  But  these  acts,  bold  as  t'.iey  were,  did  not 
limit  the  zeal  of  Mr.  Adams  :  "He  most  unex- 
'  pectedly,  but  avowedly,"  .qays  Governor 
Gde«,  "  made  a  complete  pollti'cal  somerset 
'from  the  fedsral  to  the  republican  p.artv-" 
"  How  was  this  done  '  It  was  first  done  by  a 

•  most  solemn  communication  to  myself,  and  af- 
'  terwards  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  .as  !  "am  we!!  in- 
'  formed."  "At  the  time  Mr.  Ad:ims  made  a 
'  disclosure  to  me,  he  imposed  no  injunction  of 
'  secrecy  whatever  :  he  spoke  of  the  occasion, 
'  however,  as  one  of  awful  magnitude — notliing 
<  less   than    hazarding   the   severance    of  the 

•  Union."  After  quoting  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Jefferson  to  him,  on  this  subject,  Mr.  Giles  ))ro- 
ceeds  ;  "  Hence  the  following  facts  evilently 
'  appear  :  that  Mr.  Adams  made  the  disclosure 
'  to  me  of  his  intending  to  desert  the  feder.al 
'  party,  in  the  winter  of  1807-8 — to  the  best  of 
'  my  recollection,  a  .short  time  previous  to  the 
'  ftrst  embargo  :  that  it  was  made  under  the 
'  tnost  solemn  assurances  of  his  patriotism  ahd 
'  disinterestedness,  and  of  an  entire  exemption 
'  of  all  views  of  persona!  promotion  bv  the  par- 

•  ty  to  which  he  had  proseljted.  Mr.' Jefferson 
'  stat-s  the  grounds  of  this  charge,  as  commu- 


•  nicated  by  Jlr.  Adams  liimscif,  to  be  tie  (Hti- 
'  sonabk  views  of  the  jcdnal  party,  and  those 
'  treasonable  views  extended  to  disunion." 

In  short,  gentlemen,  as  you  know,  Mr.  Ad- 
ams accused  tlic  federal  party  of  being  engaged 
in  a  consjiiracy  to  dismember  the  Union  :  and 
made  this  the  pretext  for  his  conversion' 

3.  Although  Mr.  Adams  professed  disinter- 
estedness, in  all  this,  wlio  can  behove  him  '  A 
man  wiio  deserts  any  cause,  must,  if  lie  has  any 
feeling  at  all,  prefer  retirement  to  exposure,  if 
for  no  other  reason,  to  avert  suspicion  as  to  his 
motives  :  no  ouch  sentiment  seems  to  have 
ruleil  Mr.  Ad:ims  :  he  did,  indeed,  when  the 
federalists  in  Massachusttts,  in  1808,  unexpect- 
edly regained  power.resign  his  seat  in'the  Sen- 
.ate  of  the  Uiiiled  States;  but  in  doing  so,  he 
sought  to  pcrsuaile  the  republicans  that  h<-- 
was  a  sort  of  ])o!iticaI  inartj  r,  and  he  certainly 
produced  the  desired  effect  ! 

4.  Mr.  Jefferson,  to  whom  Mr.  .\dams  made 
his  disclosure  of  the  Irciisonable  designs  of  the 
federal  party,  profited  by  the  cilsclosure,  v.-e 
presume,  so  far  as  to  watch  the  movements  in 
Massachusetts  especially — but  he  gave  n-i  re- 
ward to  the  informer! 

5.  No  sooner,  however,  was  Mr.  Madison 
elected,  tli-.ui,  on  the  very  day  of  his  inaugura- 
tion, .March  4,  1809,  he  nominated  Mr.  Adams 
minister  to  llussia:  the  Senate  did  r.ot  confirm 
the  nomination;  and  it  was  not  until  the  extra- 
ordinary session,  in  the  s.ame  year,  that  Mr. 
Adams  ascended  t!ic  first  step  to  liepublican 
promotion. 

6.  In  1814,  lie  was  minister  at  Ghent:  subse- 
quently at  London,  and  at  last  in  1820,  entered 
the  cabinet,  iiaving  thus  with  "  ardor,  art,  and 
skill,"  successfuiiy  rcaciied  a  point,  to  whldi 
many  distinguished  republicans,  even  Mr.  ClaV 
himself,  aspired  in  vain. 

7.  Whilst  Secret;a-y  of  State,  lie  delivered  an 
oration  on  t'le  anniversary  of  independence^ 
which  brought  blushes  into  the  cheeks  of  every 
Republican,  who  respected  his  country  or  him- 
self— mucli  ast'i.e  Hepublicans  had  .always  dread- 
ed the  contam'.nating  Influence  of  England,  and 
greatly  as  tlicy  dLshkcd  the  Engiisl,  form  of  go- 
veninient,  tliey  were  .siiocked  and  disgusted  at 
the  strain  of  invective  in  Mr.  Adams'  oration, 
.against  a  nation,  with  which  we  v.'ere  at  peace — 
an  oratidn,  in  wliich  the  insanity  of  the  king  of 
England  w.is  referred  to  wil.h  a  levity,  if  not 
prntanencss,  unworthy  of  a  generous  -na'ion  ; 
tliat  it  was  intended  to  "  court  the  lowest  of  the 
people,"  m.ay  be  Irtie,  but  we  know  no  people 
in  this  countiy,  so  deliascd  as  to  he  gratified 
with  such  arts. 

8.  After  his  elevation  to  tiie  Presidency  of  the 
Union,  we  witnessed  another  such  resemblance 
to  the  picture  <lrawn  by  Mi'.  J.  Adams:  we  all 
rememb?r  tiie  toast,  so  offensive,  not  to  the  me- 
inary  of  General  Ross,  not  to  the  British  nation, 
merely,  but  to  every  gonerou.s  spirit!  with  a 
coldness  and  rancor,  unwortliy  of  the  "low- 
est of  tlie  people,"  we  herrd  the  President 
of  tins  great  country  speak  of  speeding  a 
bullet  into  the  b:-east  of  a  brave  foe! — for  what 
was  all  this  but  to  "court  the  lowest  of  the 
people!" 

9.  The  S])irit  which  actuated  Ferdinand  and 
the  inqui:vi'Lii>ii  of"  Spain  to  persecute  a  body  of 
men,  called  free-masons,  having  unaccountably 
reached  this  c'ountrv,  where  ft  has  ?>een  baselv 


i44 


prosUtuled  to eiedionecring  pui|)oses;  ajiei-son 
in  the  interior  of  Kc-w-York  wrote  to  Wrr  Adams 
ceccnlly,  to  know  whether  he  was  a  free-mason, 
and  telling  him  if  he  was  not,  it  wuuUl  help  his 
election  to  make  it  known — instead  of  throw- 
ingp  such  a  note  under  the  table,  Mr.  Adams, 
with  the  zeal  of  Ferdinand  himself,  set  down 
and  wrote  a  repi\",  saying,  not  merely  that  he 
was  not  a  mason,  but  that  he  never  wouUl  be 
one ! 

10.  It  would  be  below  the  character  of  U-ttei's 
like  the  present  to  describe  oths4' instances  of 
popular  cotntship:  we  saw  Mr.  Adams  stripping 
off  his  coat,  before  a  multitude,  merely  to  per- 
form the  ceremony  of  lifting  a  root:  we  saw  him 
ride. . .  .we  forbear. 

...  .But,  gentlemen,  let  us  not  further  di- 
gress :  J!r.  Adams  fell  irito  decay — he  tvu-ned 
democrat — he  courted  "  the  lowest  of  the 
people,"  as  well  as  their  agents,  "  with  an 
*'  ai-doi*,  an  art,  a  skill,  and  consequently,  with 
•'  a  success,  which  no  vulgar  democrat  c.in  at- 
■■•  tain." 

Is  this  the  porir.ait  which  we  must  look  upon 
as  faithful?  Ifthe  likeness  is  true,  is  the  original 
worthy  of  our  suiii-ages'  Ifthe  resemblance  is 
not  faithful,  why  do  you  not  point  out  the  dissi- 
niihrity' 

...  .If  it  was  not  the  intoxicating  influence  of 
ambition  and  avarice  which  induced  Mr.  Acfams 
to  make  so  sudden  and  .so  surprising  a  change — 
what  else  v.'as  it'  If  Mr.  Adams  did  not  desert 
one  party  and  fly  to  ar.oihcifor  mere-jnerceuary 
views,  why  did  lie  descrl?  Is  It  true,  that  the 
federal  party  was  conspiring  to  sever  the  Uni- 
on.' Mr.  Adams  says  they  were:  and  JTr.  Adams 
is  your  candidate!  It  is  not  the  republicans, 
who  charge  the  federalists  with  being  conspi- 
rators; the  cliarge  of  coiispiracy  to  sever  the 
Union  is  made  by  Mr.  Adams  himself!  Is  it  true 
that  llic  federal  party  did  conspire?  Jflhcy  did, 
then  we  call  on  the  people  of  the  Union  to 
look  and  beliold  the  mass  of  the  ;ame  federal 
party  now  the  main  prop  of  Mr  Adams's  fall- 
ine- house!  Jf  they  did  nut  compile,  then  v.'e 
call  on  the  people  of  the  Union  to  look  and  be- 
hold llie  mass  of  the  same  federal  paity,  which 
Mr.  .*.dams  tins  deuounccdj  cliaering  him  as 
their  candidate ! 

The  spectacle  is  positively  appalling!  there 
is  nothing  like  it,  in  th.e  history  of  tliis,  or  per- 
hips  in  that  of  any  country :  with  the  exception 
of  a  very  few  federalists,  few  when  compared 
with  the  mass — th.e  party  whicli  Mr.  Adams 
abandoned,  which  he  denounced  as  conspira- 
tors against  their  countrymen,  is  now  arriiyed 
in  his. support!  Mr.  Otis,  Mr.  Quincy,  Mr.  Web- 
ster, Mr.  Lowell,  Mr.  Dwight — besides  n;any 
members  of  the  Hartford  Convention,  are  unit- 
ed to  elevate  the  man,  who  stamped  "conspi- 
rator to  dissolve  the  Union"  upon  their  fore- 
heads! 

Canyon,  gentlemen,  explain  all  this?  Did 

Mr.  Adams  conspire  with  fediralists,  to  go  over 
to  us  republicans,  in  order  to  betray  us'  Is  the 
union  n.,w  existing  between  Mr.  Adams  and 
the  federalists  of  Ncv.'  England  the  consumma- 
tion of  such  a  coiispintcy '. . .  .Or,  did  Mr.  Adams 
turn  democrat  to  promote  his  own  ends',  — Or, 
did  he  truly  accuse  the  federal  party  ?...  .Or, 
did  he  falsely  impute  to  then»  treasonable  de- 
signs? These  are  questiojis  to  which  we  crave 
vmir  attention. 


T'lie  point  to  which  we  calf  public  aueatioii  la 
this:  a  cordial  unioivnow  exists  between  Mr.  Ad- 
ams and  tlie  mass  of  the  party,  which,  Mr.  Ad- 
ams declared,  conspired  to  dissolve  the  Union: 
Is  it  safe  or  honorable,  to  elect  a  person,  who, 
according  to  his  own  accoimt,  must  have  had 
a  full  knowledge  of  a  cor.splracy,  who  did  not 
betray  it  until  tlie  republicans  had  got  the  pow- 
er iitto  their  own  hands,  and  who  has  now  .ag.ain 
thrown  himselfinto  the  armsofthesame conspi- 
rators ' 

...  .As  to  the  federal  party  of  I.'ew  England^ 
for  we  consider  the  mass  of  the  feder;dists  oft!>e 
rest  of  the  IHiion  to  be  the  disciples  of  Wash- 
ington, rather  than  tlie  slaves  of  an  eastern  aris- 
tocracy, who  can  doubt  Jiat  they  deserved  the 
cliar;4cter  given  to  them  by  Mr.  Adams f 
Would  any  man  of  spirit,  or  of  common  hones- 
ty, support  the  person,  who  had  falsely  accused 
him  ? 

Vou,  gentlemen,  can  set  aside  all  doubt  an<l 
suspicion :  my  did  Mr.  Adams  desert  t!ir  fid-rut 
party? 

Rcspcctfulh,   yours,  &,c. 

JOSEPH  WORRELL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN. 
WILLIAM  BOYD, 
liENUY  TOLAND, 
JOHN   WURr.S, 
WILLIAM  J.   DUANE, 
WILLIAM  J.   LEIPEI!,, 
CHAIiLES   S.   COXE, 
THOMAS  M.   PETTIT, 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Phila. 
^        deljjhia,  appointed   by    the   Republican 
Com-ention,    assembled   at   Harrisburg,. 
Jan  8th,  1828. 
Sept.  8,  1S2S. 

To  John  Sergeant,  Mamtel Eyre,  Lmvrcnce  Lew- 
is, C.  C.  liiddle,  and  Joseph  !'■  Norris,  Esqs . 
— iuihors  (if  un  address  adopted  at  t/ie  admin- 
istration town  meeting  oft/ic7tli  July. 

GESTLr.MEif: -In  the  letters  which  we  have 
addressed  to'you,  we  have,  we  believe,  said, 
that  we  were  not  aware  of  error,  and  ourreadi, 
ness  to  eorrect-tt,  if  discovered. 

Our  :Utention  has  been  called  to  our  tenth  let- 
ter, iii  which  we  referred  to  the  civil  offices  coij 
ferred  on  Geii.  Jackson. 

In  tliat  letter,  we  stated,  that  Wasliingtojx 
had  appointed  Andrew  Jackson  attorney  of  the 
district,  now  Tennessee,  under  the  act  of  Con- 
gress organizing  that  territory,  of  Hay  26, 
1790,  and  then,  in  a  note,  we  presented  the 
form  of  a  commission  to  Gen.  Jackson  :i5  dls» 
trict  attorney. 

It  has  been  represented — 

1.  Tii:U  the  statement  made  by  us,  as  to  the, 
appointment,  is  unfoimded: 

2.  'i"liat  tlje  form  of  a  commission,  annexed 
in  ;i  note  to  our  tenth  letter,  was  presented 
by  us  for  purposes  of  deception; 

1.  .?»  to  the  first  assertion,  we  say:  we  regard- 
ed the  fict  of  the  appointment  of  Andrew  Jack. 
soa,  by  Washington,  historicid  and  undoubted : 
it  had  never,  to  our  knowledge,  been  contnidicti 
ed,  although  long  before  the  public:  In  thelife- 
of  Aiulrew'jackbon,  written  by  John  H.  Eaton) 
Esq.  it  is  sf.ited— that  Gen.  Jackson  had  settled 
in  Te!>ucssce  in  17^8— that  he  had  cfabl-'hcd 
himself  there  as  a  lawyer— and 


L4;' 


•siiotuy  at;tiv.-uvd.-,  ne  v^i^  appointed,  by 
"  Washington,  Altovney  Gemral  foi-  tho 
"  district,  in  which  capacity  he  continacil 
"  for  several  years-— 
As  Gen.  Eattm  had  not  fixed  the  time  of  ap- 
pointment, we  referred  to  the  laws  U.  S.  and 
from  the  date  of  the  organisation  of  llic  district, 
and  the  statement  of  Gen.  Eaton  as  to  the  time 
when  Gen.  Jackson  cst.ablithed  himself,  con- 
cluded that  Gen.  Jackson  «■»«;  tlie  fii-st  attorney. 
2.  .is  io  the  second a.'iacrtion,  we  say,  that  it  is 
tontr.^dicted  by  the  very  note  objected  to;  We 
had  no  .sort  of  donbt  of  the  correctness  of  tho 
grav'»  declaration  of  Gen.  Eaton;  w-e  implicitly 
lieheved,  and  we  still  believe,  that  Gen..J.ack- 
son  was  appointed  by  Washington  :  To  show, 
in  as  prominent  a  way  a-j-.ve  coidd,  what  it  vas 
that  Washington  had  done  for  Gen.  Jackson, 
we  gave,  in  a  note,  appended  to  our  tentti  let- 
ter, the  furm  of  ii  ciinmisslon,  (copied  from  an 
original  commission  of  1789,  from  Wa,sliington 
to  a  district  .attorney)  giving  t!)e  n.ame,  place, 
and  date  as  we  believed  they  must  be  in  the  ori- 
ginal, which  we  had  no  doubt  had  been  given 
to  Gen.  Jackson.  In  otir  note,  wo  did  not  give 
the  paper  as  the  commission  given  to  General 
Jackson:  we  did  not  give  it  as  the  cn|>y  even  ; 
we  gave  a  form,  just  .as  we  believed  the  origin- 
al to  be;  and  designated  its  character,  Hot  only 
by  the  name  given  to  it,  but  by  our  statement, 
that  we  could  not  be  certain  as  to  the  date.  In 
short,  we  intended  to  present,  if  we  may  sos.ay, 
the  picture  of  the  appointment  which  we  be- 
lieved had  been  given. 

Gen.  Eaton,  who  is  the  authority  forour  state- 
ment as  to  the  appointment,  will  be  able  to  re- 
move doubt,  if  doubt  exists;  For  ours-dvcs,  we 
have  g  vcp  the  facts  as  they  were  and  are— not 
sonscious,  and,  as  we  know  ourfelvcsto  be,  not 
capable  of  unfairness. 

Respcctfullv,  vours,  kc. 

JOSEPH  AVORUKLL, 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN, 
WILLIAM   BOVD, 
HENKY   TOLANI), 
-'OHN  WURTS, 
WILLLSM  J.   BUANE, 
WILLIAM  J.    LEiPER, 
(;IIAKLE.S   S.    COXE, 
TIIO.MAS   n.   I'ETTIT, 
I  .iiuulfec  of  Correspondence   for   Phila- 
delphi.a,   appointed  by  the   Republican 
Convention,   assembled   at    (larrisburg, 
.Tan.  8th,  1828. 
.-ept.  8,  1828. 

LETl^EU  XVIII. 

yhJaliu  Ser-c;eanl,  M:nuel Ei/re,Lawrcncc Lcivi^, 
C.  C.  Biddh',  and  Jusc'p.'i  P.  Njrri.i,  Jun. 
J^sqitira^, — .itithors  of  an  address  adnpfed  at 
the  administration  town  meeting  of  the  7tli 

GEKTirJiKN — The  remarks,  which  we  pro- 
pose to  make  in  the  present  letter,  although 
deserving,  as  we  trust,  the  attention  of  men  of 
all  parties,  are  particularly  designed  for  that 
portion  of  our  fellow  citizens  who  declare  them- 
selves federalists  of  the  Waslfmgton  school. 
Difference  of  opinion  will  exist,  and  difi'erence 
of  opinion  will  produce  a  varieiy  of  designation; 
But  it  is  the  extreme  of  tyranny  to  frown  upon  a 
fellow  citizen  for  hi?  exercising  the  rig-ht,  -Khiih 


it  is  tlic  bo.ast  ot'  us  all  to  possess.  I'iic  sound- 
ness of  a  man's  political  sentiments  and  pro- 
fessions is  to  be  tested  by  his  actions — no  one 
would  d:irc  to  doubt  the  purity  of  the  intentions 
of  those,  who,  in  an  hour  of  peril,  would  risk 
life  and  fortune  for  their  country^  but,  the  pa- 
triotism of  tl-.ose  may  well  be  doulitod,  tv?io,  in 
tlie  moment  of  danger,  would  convii/.iC  llieir  coitn- 
iry,  and  cover  it  with  blojd,  rather  t!jan  not  gra- 
tify their  .selfish  views. 

Th.at  there  have  been,  and  are,  two  descrip- 
tions of  federalists  in  this  country,  no  man  o^ 
discernment  can  doubt — the  first  consists  of 
those  whom  J!r.  John  Adams  calls  the  "high 
o'igirchy" — men  swollen  with  wealth,  and 
goaded  by  the  desire  to  exhibit  its  possession 
by  ail  the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  aristocratic 
state — men,  who  ccn.sidcr  themseh-es  bom  to 
guide  the  destinies  of  a  nation — men,  who 
think  a  vepuidic  a  sort  of  visionary  sclieme, 
that  has  never  lasted,  :ind  that  never  can  last 
long — men,  who  would  convulse  their  country, 
to  dispel  this  political  mist,  as  they  consider  it, 
which  obscures  tlie  brigiilness  of  their  own 
fancied  superiority. 

The  other  party  coTiETsts,  of  souiid  and  dis  i 
creet  men,  who  really  love  liberty,  but  still, 
from  the  impressions  made  upon  them  by  the 
first  class,  conceive  that  there  is  a  ti>n(leucy  in 
t.he  republican  parly  to  rim  into  the  abuse;  of 
a  government  purely  popular — they,  however, 
cherish  the  union  of  th:;  States,  and  upon  all 
occasions  of  dang,  r  offer  their  purses  and  ocr- 
sons  in  their  country's  cause. 

It  is  to  the  sober  minds  and  the  pure  hearts  of 
this  hst  description  of  our  fellow  citizens,  that 
we  now  address  ourselves.  They  are  mi.staken 
in  S'i])poairig  that  there  is  any  tendency  in  the 
republican  part)    to  run   into  abuses,  which,  in 

fact,  cannot  exist  in   our  rrpre&enlalive sipt.-m 

they  are  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  repub- 
licans willingly  exclude  th.m,  .IS  the  C:itholics 
of  Ireland  are  excluded,  from  places  of  trust, 
profit  or  honor— they  are  mistaken  if  Ihev  sup- 
pose, that  the  republicans  h:vi-e  any  other  wish 
or  interest,  but  to  promote  tiie  pohtical  union 
of  the  States,  the  permanency  of  the  constiti:- 
lion,  and  the  substantial  welfare  of  all  the  peo- 
ple. 

But,  if  it  is  asked,  why  the  republicans  have 
appeared  to  be  intolerant,  wcpoint.  at  once  to  the 
cause — th?  republicans  have  rarely  seen  the  mo- 
derate or  ;?,6t)-i.7 federalists  separate  themselves 
from  the  ultra  federalists.  AVhen  Mr.  Jeffei-son 
came  into  power,  although  he  said  the  people 
'.vere  "all  federalists — all  republica'is,"  he  was 
restrained  from  conferring  pohtical  stations  up- 
on both,  by  public  opinion,  which  pointed  to 
the  extreme-  doctrines  and  actions  under  Mr. 
.\dams,as  denoting  initi-republican  tendencies.  If 
tiiesouml  men  wiio  consult  the  counsel  of  Wash- 
ington, had  idways  had  that  counsel  before  their 
eyes,  they  would  not  have  thrown  their  influ- 
ence into  the  scale (>f  a  New  England  aristocra- 
cy, that  has  long  meditated  a  separation  of  th.c 
Union — an  evil,  of  .allotliers,  which  Wa-ihington 
deprecated.  Let  us  hear  his  voice  fir.st.atid 
then  see  how  it  was  attended  to  : 

"  The  unity  of  governflient,"  (said  Washing- 
ton, in  his  farewell  address)  "  which  constitutes 
"  you  one  people,  is  also  dear  to  vou.  It  is 
"justly  so;  for  it  is  the  main  pillar'in  the  edi- 
"  fice  of  your  independence,  the  support  of 


446 


■'  of  your  sui'ety;  of  your  prospei-ity;  of  that  veiy 
'"'  liberty  \ihich  yovi  so  higiily  prize.  But  as 
'^  H  is  easy  to  foresee,  Ihnt  from  ('iffereut 
"  causes,  aiiJ  from  diSerent  quarlej-s,  i.iucli 
*"'  pains  u-ill  be  t(i!:m,  mm^  urt:fices  entploycJ, 
"  to  weaken  in  your  miiKls  tlie  conviction  of 
"  this  truth;  as  this;  is  the  point  in  your  political 
"  fortress,  against  which  ihe  batteries  of  inter- 
"  nal  and  exlcmul  enemies  will  be  most  con- 
'•stantly  and  actively  (though  often  covertly 
''and  insidiously)  directed,  it  is  of  infinite  mo- 
"  mont,  that  ycu  should  properly  estimate 
"  the  immense  value  of  your  national  union,  to 
"  your  collective  and  individual  happiness;  that 
<''  you  should  cher;sh  a  cordial,  habitual,  and 
>' immovable  attachment  to  it;  accustoming 
"yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  the  Pal- 
"hdium  of  your  political  safety  and  prosperity; 
"  watehirfg  for  its  jireservatiou  willi  jealous 
"  anxiety;  discountenancing-  whatever  may  sug- 
'•'  gestcvcn  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event 
"'be  abandoned;  and  indignantly  frowning-  up- 
"  on  the  first  dawning  of  every  attempt  to 
•■'•  alienate  any  ptntion  of  our  country  from  the 
"  rest,  or  to  enfceble  //k  sacred  lia:,  which  uo-,v 
••  fink  together  the  various  parts." 

Such  is  the  advice  of  him,  whom  all  aver 

a  veneration  for:  Who  have  followed  tliis  cou:;- 
sel'  who  have  rejected  it? 

Have  the  republicans  of  the  c:ist,  middle, 
south  or  west,  ever,  in  the  slightest  deg-rec, 
sought  to  enfeeble  the  sacr'.d  //t.^  uniting  the 
States? 

Have  the  federalists  of  the  east,   or  of  any 
'  other  quarter  of  the  Union,  con -,pirc<l  to  destroy 
the  Palladium  of  cur  political  .safety  and  pros- 
perity? 

We  put  these  nuestions  to  all  good  men.  Vv'c 
s.av,  in  answer  to  the  Ilrst,  that  tiie  republicans 
are  guiltless  of  tliis  sin.  In  answer  to  the  second, 
we  sav,  on  various  autbcritics,  to  which  we  shall 
refer,  that  the  federalists  of  the  cast  have  disre- 
garded this  counsel  of  Washington,  and  conspir- 
ed to  se-"--r  the  Union. 

1.  Inthi  prefjce  to  Mr.  M.Carey's  Olive 
Branch,  '2Je(iJ!wa,  page  6,  it  is  t!r,!s  written: 

'=  It  cannot  be  any  longer  doubted  that  there 

..its  a  cor,sp!r.icy'in  New  England,  among  a 
tew  of  the  most  influential  ar.d  we:dthy  citizens, 
to  effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  at  every 
bazai-d,  and  to  form  a  separate  coii.'"ederacy. 
This  has  been  asserted  by  some  of  our  citizens 
for  years,  and  stronuou-sly  denied  by  ethers,  de- 
ceived by  tl-.e  mask  the'conspirators  wore,  and 
their  hollow  professions.  B;it  it  req.iires  more 
than  Dxot-an  stupidity  and  dulness  to  hesitate 
on  the  subject,  after  the  late  extraordinai-y 
movements,  which  cannot  possibly  have  any 
other  object.  It  is  ciglitecn  years  since  this 
dann-ei-ous  projcci  was  promulgated.  (In  a  se._ 
rie-s^'of  essays  published  under  the  signature  of 
Pelham,  iii  the  Connecticut  Courar.t,  1796.) 
l-fomtnat  period  to  the  present,  it  has  not  been 
one  hour  out  of  view.  And  unholy  and  pcriu- 
tious  as  ■v.-as  the  end,  t!ie  me.-ms  employed  were 
at  least  as  unholv  and  pernicious:  falsehood,  de- 
ception, and  caliimnvt  in  turn,  have  been  called 
ii)  to  aid  the  design:'' &c. 

The  pages  of  Mr.  Carey's  work  are  adorned 
vith  the  political  portr.-.its  of  Jlr.  Webster,  Mr. 
J.o-.vell,  Mr. 'O'.is,  Mr.  Quiiicv,  and  others  now 


aclivel)  pi-a;nwlin_t;,  Willi  ilie  uii^uugrs  oi  U^c 
Uartford  Convention,  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams— tlie  same  Mi-.  Adams  who  promulgated 
to  Mr.  Giles  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  the  existe<ice 
of  a  conspiracy  in  New  England  to  dissolve  tire 
Union.    ' 

2.  In  the  Cunningliam  Letters,  Boston  edi- 
tion, page  66  to  76,  will  be  found  a  letter  from 
Mr.  John  Ad.aras  to  Mr.  Cunningham,  dated 
"  December  ISth,  1803,"  containing  thes.£ 
words: 

"I  may  mention  to  you  in  confidence,  that  coy- 
'siderable  pains  have  been  taken  to  persuade 
'  }'0ur  friend  John  Q.  Adams  to  consent  to  h-e 
'run  [for  Uovernorof   Mass-achusetts]  bytli-t! 
'  i-epublicans.     llut  he  is  ulterli/  ave-rse  to  it, 
'and  so  am  I,  fur  rr.any  rc-asons,  .among  which 
'  are  (for  6  of  them  see  book) — 7.     It  would 
'  produce  an  eternal  separation  between  him 
'and  the  federalists,  at  least  that  part  of  them 
'  who  now  constitute  the  absolute  obiigarcby. 
'  This,  I  own,  however,  I  should  not  much  re- 
'grct,  fur  this  nation  has  marc  to  fear  f mm- 
'  them  thaii  ant/  other  source." 
Thus,  we  see,  that  although  Mr.  J.  Q  AdamS 
denounced  this  very  oligarcliy,  to  Mr.  Jefler- 
son,   in  th.e  winter  of  1807-8,'  he  still  clung  to 
them   in   December  18U8,  and  would  not  act 
with  the  republicans — AVe  see  him  balancing, 
as  the  political  thermometer  varied:  And  above 
all,  we'  see,  on  the  authority  of  Mr.  Jolm  Ad- 
ams, that  from  the  New  England  faction,  now  at 
the  head  of  Mr.  J.  Q-  Adams's  supporters,  'this 
iia'ion  has  more  to  fear  than  from  any  other 
source.' 

3.  We  next  refer  to  the  message  of  tba 
Tresident  of  the  U.  S.  to  Congress,  comrauni- 
c,^ting  the  disclosures,  made  by  John  Henry, 
the  agent  employed  by  the  Governor  General  of 
Canadr,  S;c.  to  proceed  on  a  political  mission 
to  the  United  States. 

Extract  from  J.  IJenri/'s  memorial  to  Lord  Liver- 
pout,  of  the'VMh  June,  IS'il. 

"  Soon  after  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake 
frigate,  when  his  Majesty's  Governor  General 
of  British  America  had  reason  to  believe  that 
tlie  two  countries  would  be  involved  in  a  war, 
and  had  submitted  to  his  Majesty's  Ministers  the 
arrangements  of  the  Enghsh  party  in  tlie  United 
States  for  an  efricient  resistance  to  the  General 
Government,  v.hich  would  probably  terminate 
in  a  sep.iratloii  of  the  Northern  St.ites  from  the 
general  confederacy,  he  applied  to  the  uuder- 
signed,  to  undertake  a  mission  to  Boston,  where 
the  whole  concerns  of  the  cpposition  were  managcxJ. 
The  object  of  the  mission  was  to  promote  and 
cncoui-age  the  federal  party  to  resist  the  mea- 
sures vfthc  general  government;  to  offer  assuran- 
ces of  aid  mid  support  from  his  Mijestfs  govern, 
mcni  of  Camida;  and  to  open  a  communication 
between  the  leading  men  eng.aged  in  that  oppo- 
sition, and  the  Governor  General,  upon  such  a 
footing  as  circumstances  might  suggest;  and  fi- 
nally, to  render  the  plans  then  in  contemplation 
subservient  to  the  views  of  his  Majesty's  gov. 
ernment." 

Extract  of  a  later  from  John  Henri/  to  Sir  James 
Craig,  governor  general  of  British  America,  da- 
ted Bvitun,  March   7,  1809. 
"Sia — I  have  already  given  a  decideii  opiniQn 
that,  a  dechra'.ion  of  war  is  not  to  be  expected; 


-A-±, 


i)|iv,  cvJi^>i-y  lit  ail  )-cusiuiublii  c:iCulaUonb 
should  the  Coiigi-css  possess  siiirjt  and  indepen- 
dence enoiig-li  to  place  their  popuUrity  iu  jeo- 
TKirdy  by  so  stn.ng-  a  measure,  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts  ivill  g-ivc  the  tone  to  the  neigh- 
boring^ States,  will  declare  itself  permanent  un- 
til a  new  election  of  metnhers ;  invite  a  Coii- 
Kress,  to  be  composed  of  Delegates  from  the 
Federal  States,  and  erect  a  separate  Govern- 
mejit  for  their  common  defence  and  common  in- 
terest." 

Extract  jrom  the  same  to  the  same,  dated  Boston, 
March  20,   1809. 

"Since  liie  plan  of  an  org-anized  opposition  to 
the  projects  of  Mr.  Jefferson  was  put  into  ope- 
ration, tlie  wjiole  of  tlie  New  England  States 
(live  transfcrred  their  pnlilieal  power  to  his  po- 
litical enemies;  and  the  reason  that  he  has  still 
so  many  adherents,  is,  that  thor.e  who  consider 
the  only  true  policy  of  America  to  consistin  the 
cultivation  of  peace,  have  still  great  confidence, 
tbat  nothing-  can  force  him  (Qr  his  successur, 
who  acts  111)  to  his  system,  or  rather  is  governed 
by  it)  to  consent  to  war. 

"  A  war  attempted  without  the  concurrence 
nf  both  parties,  and  the  general  consent  of  the 
Northern  States,  which  constitute  the  bone  and 
muscle  of  the  countr)',n"inst  commence  without 
hopes,  and  end  in  disgrace.  It  should,  therefore, 
be  the  peculiar  care  of  Great  Britain,  to  foster 
rfim.'O.'i  hetwetii  llic  liorili  and  &;;/,';;  and  b>'  suc- 
ceedincf  in  tiiis,  she  may  carry  into  efiV-'Ct  her 
own  projects  in  Europe,  with  a  tota^  disregard 
of  the  resentments  of  the  domoci-ats  of  this  coun- 
try." 

A:  We  all  remembrr  the  frloomy  period,  Au- 
gust and  Sept.  181-1,  when  Washington  city 
was  burnt,  when  a  British  army  14000  strong, 
under  Sir  John  Prevost,  wasm.r.-chingto  Platts- 
bugh,  and  when  tlie  army  under  Gen.  Rois,  to 
divert  attention  from  the  North,  \yas  approach- 
ing Baltimore;  at  that  period,  there  was  pub- 
lished, in  the  Boston  Centinel  (to  which  Mr.  i . 
Q.  Adams  hag  g-iveii  the  public  printing-,  before 
held  by  a  republican  paper)  a  series  ot' essays; 
the  object  of  wliich  may  be  judg-ed  n-o;Ti  these 
cxtracLs: 

"She  (Xew-Kiigland)  will  now  meet  every 
danger,  and  go  through  every  difficulty,  until 
her  rights  are  restored  to  the  full,  and'  settled 
too  strongly  to  be  siiaken.  Sliev.ill  put  aside 
all  luilf-u-uy  Tiicaswes;  she  will  look  with  an  eye 
of  doubt  on  those  who  propose  them;  in  the 
cause  of  New-England  Inilepctidcncc,  they  must 
do  it  in  the  spirit  ofNev.'-Englaiidmtn." 

"  Tiiose  who  startle  at  tlie  danger  oi'a  separ- 
ation, tell  us  that  the  soil  of  N'--w-Englind  is 
hard  and  sterile:  tliat  deprived  of  the  ^produc- 
tions of  the  South,  we  should  soon  become'  a 
wretched  i-ace  of  cowherds  ;u)d  fislieraien;  that 
our  narrowed  territory,  and  diminislied  popula- 
tion woiUd  make  us  an  ea^y  prey  to  foreign 
powers." 

"  Do  these  men  forget  what  national  energy 
can  do  for  a  people  r  Have  they  not  re.ad  of 
Holland'  Do  they  not  remember  that  it  grew 
in  wealth  and  power  amidst  contest  and  alarm: 
Tha  it  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Spain,  (our  Vir- 
ginia,) and  its  chapels  became  churches,  ar.d 
.•a  pogj.  men's  '-ottajes.  Princes'  nahic"!''" 


"  Uo  our  iiisji  of  Jii'jdtralit-i;  ti.ii.i*  tnal  u/>jip- 
silion  hi  all  its  horrors  will  not  then  break  out  in 
New-England?" 

"  Could  it  be  supposed,  that  the  members  of 
thcNev.--Kngland  Convention  would  return  each 
to  iiis  home,  witliout  propo:ing  some  measures 
going  to  our  full  relief  and  security '  Who  does 
not  foresee,  much  as  ihey  arc  respected,  that 
the  sufferings  of  those  wlio  loot  up  to  them  for 
blessings,  v.'ii!  embitter  their  coming  dsys,  ami 
darken  their  latest  hour'" 

"  Citizens nf  New- En-f^laad — 'With  numerous, 
conseriuencts  conjured  up   before  your   cyeS^ 
there  are  still  a  few  ivko  iiive  started  at  the  soundF 
of  an.  Eastern  -.uutratity,  and  a  treaty  of  cam- 
merce  with  England.     They  trembled  too  atth-e 
name  of  a  conviiition." 

'•  It  is  said,  that  to  maJ;e  a  treaty  of  comr,icrr': 
with  the  enemy,  is  to  violate  the  Constitution  atul 
sever  the  Union.  Are  they  not  both  already." 
virtually  destroyed?" 

"  Tin-owing  off  all  connexion  with  tb.is  waste- 
ful war — making  peace  with  our  enemy,  ami 
opening  oi'.ce  more  our  com.merce  with  the 
-.vorld,  would  be  a  wise  and  manly  course.  T/tr. 
occasion  demands  it  nf  us,  and  the  pcoplt  at  Icrg'' 
are  ready  to  meet  it. " 

■  5.  In  proof  th.at  the  advice  of  the  agctit  of 
England  was  acted  upon,  and  every  effort  made 
to  iri-itate  the  North  against  the  South,  we  again 
rcier  to  Mr.  Carey's  booh,  chapter  32:  Mr.  Ca 
rey  asserts,  that  the  demagogues  of  the  Eastern 
Slates  had  "uniformly  treated  the  Southern 
"  States,  witli  outrage,  insult,  and  injury" — pagf 
259:  and  that  the  Boston  p.apers  contained  arti- 
cles "  intended  and  calculated  to  e.\citc  the  iic- 
"groes  of  the  Southern  Slates  to  rise  and  mas- 
"sacre  their  mastei-s" — page  25-1. 

6.  In  ISOl,  the  constitution U.  S.  didnotail- 
thui-ize  electoi-s  of  President  and  Vice  Pres'ident, 
as  it  now  does,  todcsignatc  the  person  they  pre- 
ferred as  President,  and  the  person  they  prefer- 
red as  A'ice  President:  the  electors  g.ave  in  that 
year  an  equal  number  of  votes  to  Jlr.  Jefferson 
and  Mr.  Burr;  but  it  ivas  well  understood  tha; 
it::  Jcflcrson  was  intended  as  Prc-sident  and  Mr. 
Burr  as  Vice-President:  the  election,  however, 
devolving  on  the  House  of  Uepresentatives,  the 
New  England  fiiction  undertook  to  obstr-iict  the 
popular  will:  although  Mr.  Bun- was  a  republi- 
can as  well  as  Mr.  Jefferson,  they  pushed  their 
support  of  the  former,  almost  to  a  civil  war,  and 
if  the  federahbts  of  the  middle  States  had  to 
the  end  adhered  to  them,  that  would  have  been 
the  result.  The  States  then  voti'.ig  were  six- 
teen. 

Tlie  public  under-stand  the  character  of  the 
late  Mr.  .lames  .\.  BjyarJ,  who  then  repre- 
sented and  give  the  vote  of  l)claw:u-e:  we  have 
now  before  us  two  original  letters,  written  by 
lum,  at  tlie  memorable  crisis  referedto:  the  bal- 
lotings  v/ere  carried  on  by  night  as  well  as  day, 
for  m;my  days  and  nights,  producing  alarm  and 
gloom  tliroughout  tb.e  Union:  the  first  letter  is 
date  J-,  oiie  o'clock  at  night,  February  12,  Chant- 
bcr  of  Uepresentatives,  and  states,  that  the 
House  was  then  in  session,  balloting — that  IH 
times  the  ballots  had  hee?i  given  in,  and  pro- 
duced the  same  reault,  8  votes  for  Jefferson,  6 
forG'trr,  svA  two  divided:   "  how  or  when  *he 


i-ib 


.ij'tiiir  wiil  ciiil,'  b.iys  il..-.  Uayui'd,  -'we  know 
riot:"  the  balloling  continued  until  tliR  17tli 
I'^ebruary:  on  tiiat  tlay  Mr.  Ijayiird  wro^  ,tlic 
second  letter  before  ns,  announcing*  tlnit  Mr. 
■PrfTerE'JU  wiis  ek'Cted:  and  tliis  letter  cont;uus 
'h.'^'u  memorable  vi^>rd.s: 

"  The  New  Knifland  g-cntlemen  came  out,  ami 
*•  declared,  tlicy  neai\t  to  g"n  '.vithoiit  a  C(>i]- 
"  stitulion,  and  take  the  risk  of  a  civil  war." 
SuchadecLii'ation  was  well  calculated  to  open 
the  eyes  oFnien  who  really  respected  die  covni- 
sei  of  Washinprton  ;  and  Mr.   .TefTcTson,  the  can- 
didate   intended   by    tlie  people,  v.'as  -placed  in 
the  presidency. 

. . .  .We  have  tlms  given  our  proofs  of  the  dis- 
position of  (he  New  England  faction  to  disre- 
ganl  the  advice  of  VV.ashington:  and  we  now  ap- 
peal to  all  discreet  mci^  to  sav,  whether  the  d'H- 
trvrst-of  federalists  entertained  by  republicans  is 
to  be  wondered  .at  ?  "The  ambitious  dem.a- 
«■' gogues  of  Boston,"  s.ays  .Mr.  M.  Ctirny,  pnge 
•"06,  "have  been  the  guide  of  federalists  tlirou:  !i- 
"out  tlv;  Union:  they  have  lead  them  a  dc- 
"  vinus  coui-se,  from  the  patli.i  prescribed  by 
*'  Washington :  they  h.ave  allured  to  the  brink  of 
"insurrc-ction,  civd  war,  and  horrible  devasta- 
"ti(m,  which  are  all  .synonymous  with  a  disso- 
"Iiitloii  of  the  Union." 

Is  it  surprising",  then,  we  ask,  if  rcp'-iblicans 
have  hesitated  to  put  offices  and  power  into 
tKe  hands  of  persons  who  permit  themselves 
to  be  thus  led  away.'  l,et  candid  men  reverse 
the  scene,  and  for  the  instant  suppose,  that  the 
dem.".gogues  of  tlie  west  had  acted  like  thoie 
of  the  east  had  done,  and  tiiat  the  republicans 
of  Pennsylvania  had  sustaijied  the  v/'estern  mis- 
conduct ;  would  not  complaint  be  made  with 
jjisticc!  If  the  Union  is  dear  to  us,  if  peace  is 
sp  desirable,  why  ding  to  a  faction  that  has 
thi-c.atcncd  bctli.' 

To  the  discreet  men,  to  th.  r;..J  disciples  of 
Washington,  we,  liiercforc,  say,  come  out  from 
.tmongst  them:  show  that  you  tru'y  love  your 
country,  and  not  a  section  of  it  merely:  that 
you  are,  in  trutli,'-the  admirers  of  him,  whose 
services  and  wishes  embraced  the  whole  Ame- 
rican family.  The  people  of  New  Knffland  at 
large,  are  virtuous,  intsiligent,  and  faiihful;  but 
it  has  unaccountably  happened,  th.at  they  '^avc 
not  had  thjrresolution  to  resist  a  pres'-ure  upon 
tliem,  fron^ji  interested  aristocracy :  but  ih.c 
federalistsrtf  other  States  give  them  ;..j  example, 
and  they  will  cease  to  be  guitled  as  heretofore. 

lictween  An:'rew  Jackson  and  John  Q. 

•^dams  there,  is  a  striking  contrast,  invitinjj  the 
support  of  the  former,  <hi  the  part  of  men  of 
-principle — The  one  has  always  actctl  for  his 
connti-y — the  other  for  himself.*  The  one  has 
always' been  of  the  republican  party,  and"  yet 
he  has  openly  avowed  his  desire  to  honor  and 
confide  in  men  of  all  parlie.^,  who  :ive  true  to 
th.cir  country  in  hours  of  danger.  Mr.  Adams, 
on  the  cpn'rai-}-,  has  been  of  evci-y  party  and 
faction,  and  broken  faith  with  them  all.  He  is 
liow  undoubtedly  the  candidate  of  the  very 
faction  fro:n  which  his  father  said  the  country 
lias  more  to  fear  th.-m  from  any  other  source. 
•We  ask,  if,  w  ithout  the  New  England  aristocra- 
cy Mr.  Adams  would  have  twenty  votes'  We 
ssk discreet  federalists  to  say,  whether  they  are 
prepared  to  be  again  "guided"  to  th^  verge 
of  miscliief,  or  will  act  for  their  country' 


If  such  cou:ist.l  as  uc  iia^e  given  sliali  b3di=  - 
regarded,  at  least  we  shall  have  done  ourdiit}-. 
llespeclfulh',  vours,  S-;c. 

JOSEl'll  wonuELu 
WILLIAM  DUNCAN, 
AVII.LIA.M  BOYD, 
IlENltY  TOLAND, 
V.ILLIA.M  J.  DUANE. 
WILLIAM  .T.  LEIPER, 
CIIAULES    S.  COXE, 
IHOMAS  M.  TETTn, 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Philadelphia , 
appointed  by  the  Utpublican  Convention, 
assembleii  at  !I;irrisburg,  Jan.  8th,  1828. 
September  10th,  1828. 


THE  P03T.MASTEU  GENERAL. 

Shorth-  after  Mr.  Clay  was  in  Kentucky,  i;; 
1827,  Thomas  Cui'rey,  kn;nvn  as  an  assistant 
Editor  to  the  Kentucky  Reporter,  came  on  to 
this  city,  and  report  say.s,  we  know  not  how 
truly,  is  now  snp(forted  on  the  bounty  of  the 
Secretary  of  State.  He  is,  we  are  credibly  in- 
fornieil,  one  of  the  writei-j  for  a  scurrilous  print 
published  in  Ihis  city  under  the  patronage  of  the 
State  Department,  which,  speaking  of  the  Post- 
master General,  uses  the  following  lajiguage: 

"  It  may  be  a  painful  duty  to  dismiss  him, 
'  but  Mr.  Adams  must  screw  his  courage  to  the 
'  stickhig  phicc,  :ind  do  it.  The  Intelligencer, 
'  wide  awake  to  the  political  opposition  of  Mr. 
'  McLean,  proposes,  by  w:iy  of  a  genteel  rid- 
'  dance,  to  tender  him  the  vacant  Judgeship  on 
'  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  lately  filled 
'  by  Mr.  Trimble,  deceased;  but  we   have  no 

•  idea  of  any  midlle  cmirse  in  the  matter;  whilst 
'  there  arc  real  friends  of  the  AAninistration* 

•  who  would  accept  the  .appointment,  it  sliould 
'  never,  with  our  consent,  be  given  to  a.  sham 
'  fi-iend.     Tiie   Intelligencer  must  be  joking. 

•  Mr.  McLean  has  had  the  weather-giu.ge  long 
'  cnougli  ag:iinst  the  Executive-:  and  if  he  has 
'  any  political  merit  to  reward,  we  are  ignorant 
'  of  it.  These  are  party  times,  and  we  sjieak 
'  and  feel  for  our  party,  who  are  straining  every 
'  nerve  to  maintain  the  good  cause.  With  sur- 
'  face  politicians,  and  double-dealei-s,  we  have 
'  noihing  to  do." 

And  the  same  paper  asserts —  ^ 

"  However,  we  do  not  wonder  that  some 
'  men  make  common  cause  with  J.^ckson,  be- 
'  cause  thev  knov.-  they  are  doomed  to  stand,  or 
'  fall,  with  ihe  hero." 

Wc' have  long  known  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion of  Mr.  Clay  to  force  the  President  to  re- 
move Mr.  .McLean.  Nothing  but  the  remon- 
stritnce  of  his  more  prudent  friends  prevented 
Mr-  Adams  fiom  committing  that  act  of  political 
suicide  last  spring,  anil  we  now  have  the  open 
declaration  of  one  of  his  official  organs,  that  he 
waits  onlv  to  be  confirmed  in  power  to  consum- 
mate his  purpose:  Tor,  says  the  Court  paper, 
speaking  of  the  Post  Master  General  and  two 
of  his  Clerks:  "  They  are  doomed  to  stand  or 
f^dl  with  the  Hero."  ' 


Sif;n  in  Madison  County,  N..  Y. — At  an  offi- 
cer drill  of  the  rifle  regiment  commanded  by 
Col.  Williams,  on  the  27th  ult.  in  the  village  of 
Hamilton,  a  vote  was  taken  on  the  Presidential 
question: — For  Jackson  51,  Adams  52, 


UNITED   STATES^  TELEiyliAl'U.. ..Evlia. 

This  piner  will  be  devoted  oxcluaivelv  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  publislied,  wcckI: 
'  until  the  lah  of  October  next,  for  One  Dollar.-  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  und  no  mvr,e. 


BY  GREEN  ^-  JAEVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  SEPTEMBER  27,  1328 


No.  29. 


From  the  New  York  Evening  Post. 

AS-.  Mama's  po/'7(mZcAffroc?<T.— We  commence 
to  dav  the  publicntion  of  a  series  of  iiumbcrii 
latelv  received,  on  tlie  political  character  of 
John  Quincy  Adams,  examined  particularly  in 
relation  to  his  claim?  u|)on  the  siipnort  of  the 
federal  pa^t}^  VVc  give  them  to  the  public  with 
tlie  more  pleasure  not  only  because  they  enable 
VIS  to  fulfil,  bet:crthan  we  could  do  ourselves,  a 
sort  of  promise  under  which  we  lie  to  take  up 
this  subiect,but  because  thev  appear  from  intrin- 
sic evidence  to  be  the  work  of  no  commoner 
obscaie  bsnJ,  and  no  iimr.ature  or  inexperienc- 
ed judgment      We   are   gratified   at   this  U'.-w 

jroof  f-irsuci'  it  .teems  to  us,  that  we  stillretrn 
confidence  of  those  men  of  eminent  talents 


pr 

the   -  -  - 

and  lofty  and  enliphtoned  mtegrity,  whose  par- 
ticipation fTjves  dijfuity  to  polilicai  controversy, 
and  whost'  opinions  add  weight  to  tlie  cause  to 
which  thev  incline. 

Tha  public  life  of  Mr.  Adams  from  tlie  time 
when  he  abai.dcnud  the  iedcral  party,  up  to  his 
election  as  r  resident  of  the  United  States,  has 
been  passed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  avoid,  in  a 
fjood  degree,  a  strict  public  scrutiny.  Had  he, 
instead  of  receiving  a  series  of  e.\-ccutive  ap- 
pointments, been  a  candidate  for  offices  in  the 
jpft  of  the  citizens,  there  are  many  passages  in 
iiis  political  history  with  v/liich  the  public 
would  be  much  more  fiimiliar  than  they  are  now. 
The  industry  of  p'>lltical  rivals  would  have 
brought  to  light,  and  pressed  upon  the  attention 
of  the  community  many  thin^'-s  now  obscurely 
remembered.  The  essays  of  which  we  now 
commence  the  publi::aticn,  supply  this  deficien- 
c  V.  We  recommend  them  to  tlie  particular  no- 
tice of  our  federal  readers,  to  whose  bosoms  we 
think  they  cannot  fail  of  carrj'ing  tiie  strong-est 
conviction  that  Mr.  Adams  is  a  man  wholly  un- 
worthy of  their  political  confidence  or  sup])ort. 
Our  correspondent  wl'.o  has  desired  us  to  enter 
into  the  cxaminatiou  of  his  cisjmsupon  the  fede- 
ral party,  will  find  the  subject  discussed  with 
an  ability  seldom  brought  to  tasks  of  this  kind. 

The  conduct  of  Jons  Quinct  Adams  consider- 
ed in  his  relations,  political  and  mora!,  to- 
wards the  Federal  PAiiTTr 

No.  1. 
The  most  zealous  party  man  in  these  times, 
will  not  contend  that  the  measures,  opinions, 
und  conduct  of  any  party  are  .-Ight  in  all  things. 
The  most  moderate  party  man  will  adnn.it  tliat 
the  principles  of  party  fidelity  ought  to  be  re- 
spected, thAt  it  is  strongly  allied  to  honor,  and  balancing  probabilities,  and  counting  cliances 
lias  a  powerful  influence  over  honorible  minds,  and  who,  (when  their  calculations  are  tomplet 
that  it  cherishes  many  virtues  and  occasions  ed,1  proceed  in  their  heartless  course  unswevv 
but  few  fiiults.  Themass  of  men  do  not  (except  ed  by  feeling  or  principle,  feaiing  the  s'igiitct. 
on  some  great  occasions)  indulge  in  any  strong  deviation  m.\v  risk  their  ultimate  success,  are 
party  feelings,  yet  in  a  republic  every  one  has  of  all  those  who  ehgage  in  public  aifairs,  thi 
hn  preference  of  parties.  Those  who  have  ta-  most  dangerous.  The^  look  upon  men  as  thei 
ken  no  trusts  or  honors  from  them,  who  have  counters,  and  never  hesitate  :n  the  pursuit  i 
cherished  no  strong/eelings  of  party  attachment  personal  objects  to  cut  througU  all  the  tie 
or  party  antipathy,  although  they  have  ^ene-  which  ought  to  bind  man  to  man,  leaving  bs 
rally  (accidentally  perhaps)  been  associated  hind  them  the  traces  of  ingratittide,  f»l«ehood 
"^\*\  03e  oartvj  are  still  free  to  choess  another;  dfeho.w>r  and  treacherv.    Such  men,  howevei 


and  if  thev  should  abandon  the  one  and  join 
the  other,  in  such  the  oiTence,  if  any,  would  be 
venia'.  Not  so  with  those  who  have  received 
high  ofhcial  trusts  from  a  party,  and  have  shared 
their  confidence  and  their  patronage.  The  vio- 
l.itiou  of  Rdchty  in  them  is  as  disgraceful  as  it 
would  be  in  a  general  to  betray  the  army  which 
he  commanded.  A  general  has  an  unquestion- 
able light  to  retire  fiom  his  command  when  the 
service  becomes  disagrei  aide.— So  a  statesnian 
having  received  a  high  office  from  a  party  has 
an  unquestionable  right  to  resign,  when  he  13 
convinced  that  the  measures  which  his  party 
favourare  injurious  to  the  great  interests  of  lus 
countrv;  but  an  honorable  man  would  nev^>rr.;» 
main  in  office  to  injure  the  party  who  placed 
him  there.  The  violation  of  these  honorable 
obligations  has  occasioned,  in  some  great  minds, 
such  an  agony  of  remorse  as  io  induce  them  to 
seek  relief  from  a  miserable  eiisionce  in  a  vo- 
luntary death;  such  was  the  fate  of  Lord  Chan- 
cellor' Yorke.  •'  He  was  a  man  of  spirit,  (we- 
a'c  told  ")  he  had  a  quick  sense  of  shame,  and 
death  redeemed  his  character."  The  jealousy 
which  the  people  always  entertain  of  those 
s'atesmen  who  aband-  n  the  weaker  to  join 
the  stronger  party,  is  wise,  salutary,  .and  gener- 
cus. 

Parties,   it  is  tnie,  may  be  very  opposue  in 
their  p'-inciples;  yet,  the   individuals    of  ea'   , 
may  cherish  an  exjual  degree  of  attachment  to 
their  common  countrv:  and  if  the  diflorencebe- 
t>i-een  them  be  analysed,  it   may,    perhaps  be 
discovered,  that  it  consists  more  in  a  ddference 
of  opinion  as  to  the  best  mode  of  promoting  the 
public  good,  than  in  any  r-adical  hostility  to  tiie 
national  institutions:— much  mischief  may  result 
from  doing  proper  acts  in  an  improper  manner, 
but  the  motives  of  each  party  may  be  equUly 
pure.     It  is  the  dutv  of  all  honest  men  to  Irus! 
none  but  the  most  honest  of  their  party  asso- 
ciates, the  best  and  most  faithful  friends— and 
it  is  equally  their  duty  when  some  member  <m  s 
i-ival  party  shall  have  rendered  great  and  illus 
tri  jUS  services  to  that  country,    which   is  tlis 
common  parent  of  both,  to   award  to  him  tht 
full  measure  of  glory  and  of  gratitude.    A  genei 
ous  mind  would  no't  withhold  one  tittle  of  ap 
piausc  from  the  patriot  who  has  idustrtted  th( 
national    character  by  glorious  achievments,  al 
though  he  may  find  just  grounds  to  differ  fron 
the  party  with  which  the  hero  or  the  patriot  ; 
associated. 

The  political  Arithmeticians,  v.ho,  like  Bur 
rers,  in  the   French  convention,  are  constaiith 


\bii 


•.<i'e  is.'iAa}j>  triiaU'i  kn^-  ■I.ikc  llarru'c  tliey 
inay  es(;ape  punishment,  but  tUcy  cannot  long 
pscape  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  honest  men  of 
all  pavlies.  » 

There  is  also  another  class  of  M'orthless  and 
dangerous  politicians.  Fislier  Ames,  some- 
where, says; — "  Some  ver)'  vain  men,  and  some 
Very  great  hypocrites  pretend  to  be  ofnopnrlg; 
while  they  arrogate  to  themselves  'i  discernment 
superior  to  both  parties,  tliey  afTcct  to  be  neu- 
tral and  undecided  between  them.  I'hey  claim 
the  title  of  truest  patriots,  and  to  love  their 
CDuntry  with  the  ardor  of  passion,  jet  they  in- 
(Jpnsistentiy  condemn  tlie  violence  of  both  par- 
ties, and  expect  to  have  both  believe  that  the 
fire  of  their  zeal  subsists  pure  and  unexpended 
rh  the  frost  of  modentioii.  Such  men  are  of- 
ten flattered  as  Federalists,  more  often  used  as 
&niocrats,  but  always  held  in  contempt,  that  is 
never  more  hearty  than  when  it  is  discreetly 
oppressed."  After  M».  Adams  had  served  and 
used,  and  betrayed  the  Federal  party:  after  he 
Iiad  served  and  used,  and  betrayed  the  Repub- 
IFcan  party,  he  places  himself  at  the  head  of  «o 
party,  and  calls-to  his  standard  the  apostates  of 
•all  parties  to  form  a  new  parly  and  a  personal 
Tjarty,  without  any  basis  of  principle  or  policy 
except  individual  interest.  He  toUl  the  people 
of  America,  "that  tlicre  stiU  remained  one  ef- 
-fort  of  m.ignanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  to  be  made  by  individuals  through- 
put the  nation,  who  hare  heretofore  followed 
ihe  standards  of  political  party — that  of  discard- 
ing evciy  remnant  of-tiuicor  against  each  other; 
«>r  embracing  as  countryme}i  and  friends,  and  of 
yielding  to  talents  and  virtue  ainnc,  that  confi- 
dence, which,  in  times  of  contention  for  princi- 
ple, was  bestowed  only  upon  those  wl:o  bore 
(he  badge  of  party  communion."  These  are 
very  amiable,  but  very  heartless  words— such 
as  ambition  h.-is  always  used,  whether  by  the 
ipoutlisof  Carsar,  or  Cromwell,  or  Hichard  III. 
— and  I  shall  soon  show  how  much  tlic  conduct 
of  this  climber  of  " .ambition's  ladder"  has 
i;omportcd  with  the  spirit  of  his  declarations. 
Wy  present  object  is  to  exhibit  the  manner  and 
the  temper  whh  whicli  J!r.  Adams  embraced 
the  republican  party:  tlie  extent  of  liis  obliga- 
tions to  the  I>arty  which  he  abandoned,  and  his 
conducfand  treatment  to  them  after  it  was  in 
his  power  to  confer,  and  when  he  was  not  un- 
rler  the  necessity  of  aslcing-  favours:  and  how 
far  his  "change"  furnishes  evidence  that  he 
is  in  the  "  practice  of  .all  the  moral  virtues. "• 

The  transition  of  .1  oh  n  Quincv  Adams  from 
the  fe<kr:ilists  to  the  republicans,  lias  marked 

Iiis  politicd    life    v.-ith  its  most   striking  trait 

Barty  histor)-  in  America,  had  presented  no  such 
iircjdent  in  any  charicter  of  eminence.  It  was 
ao  unexpected,  so  strange  and  so  alarming  that 
men  begTin  to  da\ibt  whetlier  such  a  qMulUv  as 
political  honesty  was  cherished  amongst  states- 
men. Many  bec.\m.e  apprehensive  oftlir-  effect 
of  the  example  upon  the  morality  of  tlie  nation, 
when  a  distinguislud'leader  of  the  federalists, — 
the  son  of  .lohn  Adams,  the  defende-  of  their 
meaaores   arti   the   sharer   of  their   p.atrcnage 

'  General  Porlcv,  in  his  late  Address,  s.aid  of 
Jft.  Adams,  "Learning,  cxpercnce,  a  sound 
mind  and  chastened  temper,  cnfo'cd  to  the  prac- 
tttc  of  all  fht  moral  virtucx,  define  him  tiic  safe 
fieJI'OStffrr  nf  jTnwin  a  free  government. " 


when  in  power,  and  afterwards  a  clucftaiil  0! 
the  opposition,  without  .iny  apparent  cause, 
abandoned  and  denounced  them. 

If  some  venerable  feder.alist,  whose  hairs  hatl 
whitened  while  his  party  waned;  who  had  stip- 
portcd  the  elder  Adams  in  the  energetic  mea- 
sures of  '  98,  and  by  his  side  had  encountered 
the  storm  which  drove  him  from  office  in  1801; 
who,  having  shared  iiis  prosperous  fortune  did 
notdeaerthim  in  his  downfall;  whose  tongue 
has  not  yet  learned  tiic  soft  and  courtly  lan- 
guage of  his  younger  bretliren; — in  whose  vo- 
cabulrv  apost»cy  has  not  yet  usurped  the  name 
of  magnanimity; — who  c.innot  yet  be  induced 
to  believe  that  unprincipled  ambition  is  stern 
integtity; — who  cannot  yet  confound  the  dis- 
tinctions between  selfishness  and  patriotism, 
falsehood  and  truth: — if  such  a  man  :'ho>dd  now 
address  him,  wc  might  presume  the  style  of  his 
rebuke  would  be  somewh;it  like  this: 

"You  have  now  attained  the  highest  station 
that  is  accessiblv-  to  an  American  citizen.  The 
place  from  which  your  father  was  expelled  has 
been  regained  by  you:  this  event  might  be  sop- 
posed  to  offer  some  alleviation  to  the  wounded 
pride  of  those  who  had  shared  his  disgrace,  and 
some  consolation  for  the  pohtical  misfortunes 
and  disasters  which  they  endured  for  him. 

"You  was  nurtured  in  the  bosom  of  the  fede^ 
ral  party.  They  who  bad  done  so  much  for  your 
fatlier,  elevated  him  to  a  station  second  only  to 
that  of  Washington,  and  afterwards  gave  him 
that,  illustrated  and  almost  consecrated  by  the 
virtues  and  wtsdom  of  tlie  first  President,  feel- 
ing the  strong  impulse  of  hereditary  allVction, 
turned  their  eyes  on  you,  as  soon  as  your  years- 
rendered  you  constitutionally  competent  to  re- 
ceive the  trusts  .and  the  honoi-s  of  the  republic. 

"In  your  early  youth,  we  clierlshed  the  fond 
hope  that  you  would,  on  souic  day,  succei-d  to 
your  father's  honors,  and  altliougli  you  had  giv- 
en us  no  proof  of  any  eminent  qual.fioatioii  for 
high  office,  we  took  you  on  trust;— it  w,a3  our 
influence  which  removed  you  from  your  hum- 
ble lawyer's  oillcc,  ("into  whicli  no  clicnf.s 
feet  were  ever  known  to  stray")  and  .sent  you 
on  an  honor.ible  and  important  mission  to  Eu- 
yope; — v,e  gave  you  the  office  by  which  the 
foundation  of  your  ample  fortune  was  laid;  a  sit- 
uation which  afforded  you  the  necessary  leisure 
for  literary  pursuits,  and  enabled  jou  to  mingle 
with  the  literati,  statesmen  and  nobility  of  the 
old  world,  and  relieved  you  fr^jm  tlu-  burthen  of 
encountering  the  toil  and  odium  which  fell  tip- 
on  us  in  our  fruitless  endeavor  to  sustain  your  fa- 
ther's lidmlnisii-.^tion,  andrcLevedyou  too,from 
the  "  painful  .Uity  "  (as  you  wottld  now  have 
this  n.aticn  behev'e)  of  "  opposing  your  fatlici-'s 
a:Iniini.UTSt:ou!  "  Yes,  we  did  attempt  to  susr 
t-ain  liim  witluut  your  aicl,  and  your  pen  so  pow 
erful  in  "  intimidating  .lact.bins  "confined  its 
powers  to  cotirtly  notes  and  complimentary 
communicalions. 

•'  T\'e  dallv  saw  that  our  cause  v.-as  becoming 
more  t'esperate,  yet,  we  continued  cur  support. 
We  saw  our  most  faithful  and  trusted  Icaderi? 
riacrificed  and  disgraced,  not  for  the  interest  of 
tile  partv,  but  for  your  fritiier's  personal  interest. 
Wc  saw' the  honest  and  able  Pickering  and  the 
amiable  McIIeniy  dismissed  from  their  places 
V,  Itiio'.it  an  allegation  or  a  pretence  of  miscon- 
duct, and  still  wc  were  true  to  him.  We  wit- 
nessed Ivs  "f.irrc  d  retreat"  irr.m  pov.-er,andwc 


4^.1 


'.ijiver  ttiUeveO  i'l  our  ;ittac;uilie.nt,  U;5  succes- 
sor addressed  T19  in  the  language  and  peace  and 
■conciliation,  but  we  preferred  the  friendship  of 
John  Adams,  a  private  citizen  destitute  of  pow- 
cy,  to  the  patronage  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
President  of  the  United  Slates.  Yet,  we  were 
charged  with  luke-warmness,  neglect  and  in- 
sensibility. We  endured  the  reproaches  of  the 
fallen  statesman  in  compassion  to  hia  age  and 
political  misfoHu.nes.  He  would  have  infused 
ilia  fiery  passions  into  our  bosoms.  He  would 
have  rekindled  tlie  flame  of  party  animosjty 
which  was  smouldering  in  the  ashes — he  would 
tare  fanned  the  expiring  embers  until  they  bla- 
med into  a  conflagration  wide  enough  to  con- 
s.ume  his  rival  and  all  wlio  supported  him. 

"  Vou  returned  from  Europe.  Our  political 
■Jlopes  revived.  The  age  of  your  father  render- 
ed him  unequal  to  the  exertion  and  the  Hbour 
tvhich  was  required  in  the  chief  of  a  party.  We 
Tiailed  your  return  with  heart-felt  gratulatiuns. 
Our  sinking  hopes  were  animated  by  your  pre- 
sence, and  we  saw  a  new  chieftain  of  the  still 
idolized  house  of  Braintree.  A  seat  wa.-i  im- 
mediately given  you  in  the  Senate  of  Massachu- 
setts. VVe  spared  no  exertion  to  drive  out  of 
Oongi'ess  the  popular  Eustice,  a  veteran  repub- 
lican, and  revolutionist,  and  to  give  his  seat  to 
you.  We  failed,  but  tlie  closeness  of  the  con- 
test discovered  tl>e  extent  of  our  efTorts.  This 
defeat  only  strengthened  our  attachment,  and 
you  were  chosen  soon  after  by  the  Legislature 
of  Massachusetts  to  the  liigli  and  honorable  of- 
frce  of  Senator  of  the  United  S-tites.  Under 
what  circumstances  were  you  elected  ^  You  re- 
ceived no  support  from  the  republicans.  Tliey, 
at  that  time,  would  as  soon  have  thought  of 
JjOrd  North  in  connexion  with  that  office  as 
any  member  of  your  father's  family,  but  they 
Were  a  minority.  Who  were  our  candidates? 
They  were  no  ordinary  competitors,  no  com- 
mon-place statesmen,  no  party  lumber. 
Amongst  them  was  Timothy  Pickering.a  revolu- 
tionary officer  of  high  distinction,  honored  and 
trusted  by  General  \Vasliington,whohad  j^ucees- 
sively  held  tke  offici-s  cf  Postmaster  General, 
Secretary  of  War,  and  Secretary  of  Slate. 
Ifcnr}'  Knox  was  another,  a  celebrated  revolu- 
tionary general,  the  first  Secretary  of  War,  dis- 
tinguished for  every  accomplisliment  civil  .and 
military,  who  not  only  shared  the  councils  but  the 
ifffcctions  of  Washington, — who  not  only  shared 
bis  affections  but  was  emphatically  the  man  of  lU- 
others  whom  Washington  loved — apolitical  phi- 
losopher as  well  as  a  military  hero,  v/;th  manners 
3D  affable,  so  dignitied  and  so  frank,  that  they 
would  have  graced  the  most  polished  court,  a 
practised  debater  and  an  eloquent  oiator.  Sam- 
uel Dexter  was  also  a  candidate,  one  of  tlie  most 
••xtraordinary  men  in  the  United  Statea,  who 
will  long' be  remembered  a-s  the  pride  and  orna- 
ment of  the  American  bar,  distinguished  for  his 
eloquence  in  Congress,  a  veteran  statesman  who 
bad  filled  two  oiiices  in  the  cabinet.  VVe  reject- 
ed them  ill! — the  faithful  and  able  Pickering, 
the  gallant  and  accomplislied  Knox,  the  match 
less  Dexter  did  we  reject,  because  there  was  an 
A,dams  to  be  gratified! 

"Inthiii  way  the  federal  party  opened  the 
rtJad  to  all  your  greatness.  They  presented  you 
to  the  nation  as  a  distinguibhed  statesman.  You 
adhered  to  our  cause  and  our  party  with  unwav- 
"'•ing'  frlfirtv.,   nnin  we  1"=*  dur  pvwei'  in  the 


f 

3 
1 

c 

State  of  Massachui-etls,  and  until  the  ie^iiut'iiiU'.;. 
ascendency  was  established  throughout  the^ 
Union  so  universally,  and  to  afl  appearance  sp.' 
firmly  that  we  were  left  without  hope.  U  was^ 
in  th.at  sad  and  fatal  hour  of  "  dim  echpse  anif 
disastrous  twilight,"  *' when  the  glory  of  our. 
house  had  departed,"  and  nothing  was  leit  to 
our  political  poverty  but  the  proud  cnjisolatton' 
of  having,  according  to  our  lights  and  our  opin-! 
ions,  served  our  country  with  ti'uth  andfidelity, ! 
that  we  were  destined  to  experience  the  deep- 
est and  most  painful  wound  that  was  ever  inflict  \ 
ed  on  our  feelings.  The  shaft  by  which  it  was  ' 
inflicted  was  launched  from  a  hand  which  we  ' 
had  grasped  in  friendship — and  it  was  poiso.ni  ' 
ed."  CATULLUS.      ' 


I'rom  tlie  New  York  Evening  Post. 
CATULLUS.— No.  2. 
If  there  is  one  federalist  of  the  Hamilton 
school  yet  left,  whose  bosom  swells  with  the 
remembrance  of  the  days  that  are  past,  he  is 
invited  to  peruse  the  ensuing  number. 
The  conduct  of  John  Qi  iNcr  AnAMS,  consid- 
ered, in  his  relations,  political  and  moral, 
towards  the  Fedehai.  Pauti. 
Same  address  continued. — "  We  had  hitherto 
stood  in  the  glory  of  our  ancient  honors;  like 
some  venerable  tree,  once  the  pride  of  the 
grove,  which  had  endured  the  blast  of  a  thou 
sand  wintry  storms,  yet  still  continued  to  wear 
the  green  livery  of  its  youth,  though  its  trunk 
was  indented  with  lightning  marks,  and  its 
limbs  twisted  and  torn  by  whirlwinds — and,  like 
that  ton,  we  found  our  niin  in  the  worm,  the 
vile  worm,  which  lurked  at  the  root.  Our  op- 
position to  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefliersor. 
had  been  distinguished  by  much  excitement  5f 
feeling,  but  in  none  were  violence  and  uncomr 
promising  hostility  more  distinctly  manifested 
than  in  you.  However,  in  the  party  conflicts  of 
that  day,  the  combatants  would  sometimes  pause 
to  let  the  people  know  that  they  had  some  re- 
spect for  each  ot'.ier.  But  their  warfare  soon 
assumed  a  character  of  unyielding  animosity,  of 
deep  and  inveterate  rancor.  To  you  may  be 
traced  that  stei-n  spiri t  of  h osU li ty ,  that  endunng 
suspicion,  which  for  twenty  j%.irs  has  been  cherr 
ishcd  amongst  the  great  democratic  party  in  the 
United  States  ag.iiusl  their  federal  brethren;  a 
spirit  far  transcending  the  ordinary  animosity  oj" 
political  rivaiiy,  a  spirit  which  has  even  blasted 
the  prospects  of  many  noble  minded  and  talent- 
ed democrats,  who  had  been  so  unfortunate  as 
to  receive  federal  support,  and  so  unwise  as  to. 
accept  it. 

"  Conscious  of  innocence,  yet  matter  of  accii'- 
sation  wa.s  found  again.st  them  in  their  most  inno- 
"cent  acts.  Suspecteii  and  distrusted, they  lived  in 
their  own  country  like  strangers  m  aforeign  land., 
like  the  Jews  in  Palestine,  like  the  Greeks-iii 
the  once  proud  Pelo,ionessus,  now  the  Turkish 
Morea.  They  lived  on  the  lands  of  their  fathers 
whose  graves  were  scattei'ed  around  them,  but 
their  penates  were  unknowngods.  Deemed  by 
their  opponents  to  be  unwortiiy  of  honor  or 
trust,  because  they  had  plotted  the  dismember- 
ment of  the  confederacy,  they  deemed  them- 
selves the  victims  of  oppression.  Suspicion 
hung  over  them  like  a  cloud,  as  permanent  as 
those  which  eternally  brood  over  tha  far-distant 
seas  of  t'K  South.     In  Vfin  might  41  Van  Hensse- 


•iJS 


'.ii'eer  ^Oiai  \x>  kis  uicediLig'  wouu.U.  In  vaui 
ina;ight  a  Mull,  a  Decatur,  a  Bainbrldge,  or  a 
psctewart,  show  the*  glorioa3  Rags  triumphant  in 
all  :any  an  ocean  battle.  In  vain  might  a  Perry 
':•  ft  VlacDonou^h,  open  a  new  scene  of  g-loiy 
daraid  the  solitude  of  the  lakes — the  suspicion  re- 
vhaijied,  and  federalism  and  treachery  were  yet 
Veijrnonymous. 

wl  "  Time  bringfs  anany  dark  transactions  to  light : 
sufie  foul  slanderer  of  the  fed(-ral  party,  who  infu- 
traed  his  poison  into  tfie  mind;,  of  tne  three  last 
th/residents,  now  stands  revealed  in  the  pij-son  of 
Csme  of  tile  most  chi-rlshed  of  its  sons.  It  ii:ns 
<^fi  for  you  to  accuse  the  ftderalists  of  a  con- 
ticp'racy  to  dismember  the  States,  and  of  a  denif^n 
Hrvform  a  confederacy  loith  tlie  Critiah  provinces  of 
\UVorth  America,  and  to  e.itabltsh  a  new  E;ovemmc:nt 
tender  the  protection  of  Grerit  Britain .' 
iij  "  Can  you  deny  that  you  made  sucli  a  disclo- 
nfcure  to  Pref  idcr.l  .lefFersnn.'  Dare  you  deny  it ' 
^'I'he  proofs  wliicli  have  been  g'iveu  to  tlie  pabr 
nil''  by  Gov.  Giles,  uiider  tlis  sanction  of  his 
liiiiime,  the  allusion  ii".  Ids  speeches  at  the  time, 
li^he  recent  letter  of  Mr.  .leffcrson  disclosinq;  a 
jjknowledge  of  the  same  fact,  the  speccW  of  Mr. 
allandolph  in  the  Senate  three  years  ago  [the  re- 
-gi>ort  of  which  was  sujipressed,']  the  silence  of  your 
ei'edcral  friends  in  that  body  when  they  were 
ocompelled  to  listen  to  the  vindication  of  the  in- 
-fitef  rity  of  their  party  from  a  veteran  republican, 

-  fhe  inflexible  enemy  of  your  father  and  your- 
p  icdf,  your  own  silence,  and  the  silence  cf  your 
1  official  editors,  who  scream  in  the  agony  of 
i  their  peevishness  and  ang-er  when  charges  of  a 
».  chai'acter  far  less  infamous  than  tliis  arc  hinted 
^  in  the  opposition  paper.^,  would  prod\ice  &n  ir- 
(  resistible  conviction  in  any  unprejudiced  mind 
1  tliat  you  did  make  that  disclosure.  You  cannot 
(  [in  a  case  like  this]  hide  behind  the  throne  and 
■■  plea  lyourprivilege.  You  have  accused  your  fel- 
!  low  citizens  of  plotting- treason!  That  you  made 
:  such  an  accusation,  is  asserted  by  the  Governor 
.  of  a  State,  a  veteran  statesman  whose  name  is 
,   known  as  far  as  yours,  and  who  has  been  before 

-  tuo  public  in  hi^h  olVice  for  forty  yca:-s,  and  who 
.v;)i:..'.is  from  personal  knowledge. 

■'  .\dm:t  llie  disclosure  to  h.ave  been  truii,  it 
■>.  J  Jd  have  come  with  a  better  grace  from  any 
otlier  person  in  tlie  United  States  than  from 
vou.  You  was  the  political  friend  of  tlie  men 
\vhom  you  accused.  Xliey  ^vcie  your  patrons. 
'I'hey  h.id  given  you  the  brcafl  which  you  had. 
fiaten.  Kheir  "houses,  tabLs,  iorlu'iies,  all 
weca  yours."     As  to  you,   they  liad  committed 

•  noolivnce.  Theio  had  not  been  the  least  in- 
I  termis3>o'i  of  friendly  intercourse  between  you. 
•    They  ha<l  abandoned  their  Ijes;  and  ablest  men 

to  §'ive  their  offices  t.>  you.  Your  knovvledge 
of  their  treasonable  intentions  implies  an  inter- 
ctiurse  of  the  most  confidential  kind.  Men  do 
.1101  go  into  the  streets  to  proclaim  the  treasons 
u  hich  they  intend  to  commit.  The  fact  could 
not  have  coine  to  your  knowledge,  unless  from 
a  commojiicatlon  of  the  most  secret  and  saci'cd 
character.  The  office  which  gave  to  your  dis- 
Cjosure  its  consequence  and  its  credit,  had  been 
given  to  you  by  them.     It  was   tlie  revelation 

•  of  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  to  the 
President  of  the  fnited  States.  ^Vhen  Gov- 
ernor Giles  pressed  you  to  the  disclosine,  you 
were  in  great  distress.  Your  face  wo.c  its 
gloomiest  aspect.  You  was  doubtful  as  to  your 
ct>jtT^  but  yet  your  bosom  CDtjlJ  find  noplace 


for  liieivy.  You  ioved  )our  country  su  well 
that  you  could  not  spare  your  friends!  The 
sacrifice  was  great,  but  patriotism  required  it! 

"  The  secrecy  which  attended  this  mysterious 
disclosure,  belies  its  truth.  Your  charges  against 
the  federal  party  were  not  of  a  vague  and  gene- 
ral character.  Your  information  [il  wouhl  seem] 
was  particular.  Die  names  of  t'lose  wl.o  ^vere 
concernsd,  the  names  of  the  foreign  agents 
with  whom  this  treasonable  intercourse  '.'-as 
'.olden,  were  submitted  to  ihe  President.  Your 
facts  were  carefully  arranged,  with  far  more  at- 
tention to  accuracy  and  probability  than  those 
which  your  gr^at  prototyi.e.  Dr.  Cites,  sub- 
mitted to  the  ministers  of  Charles  II.  His  ir.-, 
famous  crudities  tilled  lingland  with  dismay, 
and  stained  her  land  with  the  blood  of  inno- 
cence;  but  here  there  was  no  investigation  ot" 
this  alarming  and  dangerous  conspir,acy.  Mr. 
Jellerson  was  possessed  of  the  names  of  the  New 
Knglaiid  conspirators.  No  message  was  sent  to 
Congress.  No  judicial  investigalinn  was  or- 
dered. The  public  papers  (which  are  seldom 
backward  on  such  occasions)  never  brought 
forth  the  name  of  a  single  individual  in  connec- 
tion with  this  plot. 

"  Did  Mr.  JclFerson  doubt  the  truth  of  your 
disclosure  '  Was  secresy  imposed  on  him  ? 
Was  he  restrained  by  his  promise  of  honor' 
Did  you  stipulate  for  the  safely  and  conceul- 
meni  of  those  wh<m  you  accused  '  Did  your 
dark  policy  .suggest  to.  your  mind  the  expe- 
diency of  infusing  the  suspicion  hito  the  mind 
of  the  President,  and  yet  staying  the  avenging 
arm  of  the  government?  The  disclosure  would 
prove  your  devotion  to  yoiu-  country .  Your 
stipulation  for  favor  would  be  attributed  to  a 
feeling  both  honorable  and  amiable.  In  this 
w.ay  you  might  propitiate  the  fiivor  of  t!ie  adinin- 
islration,  secure  their  cimfidcnce,  and  conceal 
the  falsehood  of  the  accusation.  The  concep- 
tion was  worthy  of  Machiavel.  Yet  Mr.  Jefi'er- 
son  was  wary — he  never  trusted  you.  Ue  le- 
ceived  your  inform.ation — he  listened  to  youy 
disclosures — yet  he  never  trusted  you. 

Amongst  tlie  federalists  who  were  betbre  tlie 
public  in  those  days,  the  person  who  was  the 
most  open  to  su.spicion  of  treasonable  designs, 
was  your  friend  and  K'nsman,  (the  worthy  re- 
presentative of  an  illustrious  father,  as  you  now 
say,)  the  honnrable  Joslah  Qulncy  now  .Mayor 
of  the  city  of  Boston.  Tlie  violence  which  cha- 
racterized the  deportment  of  this  gentleman  iu 
Co:!gi^.",the  style  ofhis  attacks  on. Mr.  Jeflerson, 
so  obnoxious  to  yotir  friend  and  p.em:e;- Mr.Clay 
as  to  draw  from  him  the  memorable  e.xpres.sion 
"that  he  soiled  the  carp  ;  on  wiii.-h  hotrod" 
— his  unsupported  motion  to  impeach  him— his 
bold  denunciation  of  the  Louisiana  treaty — his 
extraordinary  doctrines  .at  the  time  of  the  admis- 
sion of  that  country  into  the  Union — his  asser- 
tion on  the  floor  of  Congress  that  its  admission 
would  "justify  a  revolution" — his  bold  avowal, 
in  the  same  jjlace,  of  a  deliberate  op  nion,  that 
the  passing  of  the  bill  which  provided  for  its  ad- 
mission would  be  a  virtual  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  that  it  would  free  the  States  from  all 
constitutional  allegiance  to  the  general'govern- 
ment,  "  und  that  U  tvouU  he  the  right  of  all,  and 
the  duty  of  some  to  prepare  definitely  fur  a  SEl^- 
JUiAtlON,  etnilcnbhj  if  they  could ,  forcibly  if 
tliey  must :"  his  incessant  warnings  against  the 
Tramontane,  western  infliiencs— and  the  raerr.- 


453 


orable  resolution  which  he  submitted  to  the 
Senate  of  Massachusetts, that  it  was  unbecoming' 
a  moral  and  religious  people  to  rejoice  at  our 
national  victories, — are-all  circumstances  which 
would  render  him  more  liable  than  any  other 
federalist  in  the  United  States  to  the  imputation 
of  designs  of  the  cliiracter  of  tliose  which  you 
communicated  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  Had  Josiah 
Quincy  plotted  in  dark  cabal  the  dismember- 
ment and  degradation  of  hiscountiy.with  a  con- 
science as  sensitive  as  yours,  a  patriotism  which 
sternly  cut  asunder  all  the  ties  which  bind  man 
to  man,  the  ties  of  gratitude  and  friendship,  as 
iron-hearted  as  that  of  tlic  elder  Brutus,  you 
would  have  shrunk  from  the  fellowship  of  a 
traitor.  IJut  your  good  understanding  with  this 
cherished  relation  was  never  suspended:  there 
XV.1S  not  even  a  momen'.avy  coolness  between 
you.  The  very  doctrines  which  he  put  forth 
with  such  astonishing  boldness  in  Congress, 
were  derivfd  from  you,  and  were  sanctioned  by 
your  opini"";-..  You  have  lately  taken  public 
occasion  to \  xpress  your  admiration  of  his  ex- 
alted worth,  oefore  the  people  of  Boston.  No 
one  believes — no  one  dares  to  hint,  that  Josiah 
Quiiicy  was  ever  engaged  in  any  such  transac- 
tions as  you  have  charged  upon  the  federal  par- 
ty. And  ia  he  any  less  guilty  now  th?.n  he  was 
in  180-> 

"The  federal  party  have  a  right  to  demand  a 
Cull  disclosin-e  from  you.  They  have  a  right  to 
the  nanus.  Even  if  this  tale  istruc,  it  is  due  to 
justice,  it  is  due  to  your  country  to  separate  the 
innocent  from  the  guilty,  and  not  to  suffer  a 
r^uspicion  of  treason  to  re,t  upon  all  the  indivi- 
duals of  a  great  and  respectable  party. — Come 
forth,  thou  coiner  of  falsehood!  Anticipate  Gov. 
Gdes.  Rive  us  the  names.  Abandon  your 
cowardly  reserve,  your  treacherous  secrecy. 
Come  forth  with  the  facts,  give  them  the  sanc- 
tion of  your  n,ime.  Proclaim  the  traitors!  I,  a 
feder.ilist,  dare  you  to  the  disclosure.  I  tender 
you  the  issue  with  tlie  whole  American  people 
for  a  jury.  I  dare  yo\i  :o  the  trial.  If  you  leave 
your  covert,  I  will  strip  you  bare.  I  will  show 
yon  as  you  are,  a  vile  informer,  a  false  informer. 
Titus  O.ates  had  the  horrible  excus?  of  an  nngra- 
(ified  revenge:  the  Jesuits  had  exjjelledliim  from 
St.  Omer's.  You  had  nothing;  to  revenge.  We 
imputed  injustice,  and  w'rong,\and  unchavitable- 
ness  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  ami  yet,  was  he  ccns:ir.i- 
ble  for  believing  tlie  solemn  asseverations  of  !lic 
most  trusted  ciiicf  of  our  parly.'  If  he  did  be- 
lieve them,  we  have  little  to  for.8;ive,  and  much 
U^  admire.  Ue  requires  no  forgiveness  for  be- 
lieving one  whom  wc  all  believed;  and  if  he  did 
believe  him,  we  have  to  adnjire  him  for  bis  for- 
bearance. 

"  But  you,  yo!/,  ought  to  be  holden  in  detes- 
tation by  every  man  wlio  bears  the  name  of  fed- 
eralist. After  your  family  had  led  the  federa- 
lists into  all  those  measures  which  produced 
their  downfall,  after  they  liadm'nistered  to  your 
ambition  by  bestowing  on  you  their  last  gift,  af- 
ter you  had  infused  into  them  a  spirit  which 
hurried  them  along  in  a  course  of  opposition, 

now  acknowledged  to  have  been  too  violent 

was  it  f  )r  you  to  slander  their  good  name '  \Vas 
there  no  tongue  but  your's  to  calumniate 
them'  One  would  have  thouglit  iliat  an 
association  of  thirty  years,  distinguished  on 
their  part  by  unvarying  kindness  and  respect, 
'vj'.'.Id  have  saved  :' «:>i    fr^i-    ■  o- r    tjir'-'-^ 


23 


if  it  did  not  from  your  repi'oathts.     It  was  in  t  ^ 
wane  of  our  fortunes,  when  our  power  had  c^l 
parted,  that  you  sought  this  interview  with  Kj_ 
Jefferson,    to  whom,  you  had  not  spoken  (^ 
years,  to  whom,  attached  as  you  are  to  the  pui,, 
tilios  of  etiquette,  you  had  never  tendered  t^ 
official  civilities  of  a  senator  to  the  chief  mag 
trate,  but  h.ad  brooded   in    sullen  desponden-ji 
over  the  political   misfortunes  of  your  familj^^ 
cherishing  at  the  l)otlom  of  your  heart  a  detj^ 
and  inveterate  hatred  to  all  who  had    been  i  ■' 
strumental  in   effecting  their   overthrow,  aii^ 
avoiding  even  the  common  social  intercour 
which  exists  in  societiesevcrso  discordant:  th' 
it  was,  th.at  you  might  have  been   seen  glidii,, 
in  the  obscurity  of  the  twilightalong  the  Pen  ' 
sylvania  avenue,  purposely  shunning  tlie   ligj-^ 
— your  bosom  tortured  with  unholy  amhltiu; 
— yet    feeling,  perhaps,  some  natural    pan|5' 


remorse  which 
of 


mil, 


rs 


the  forerunners    of  that 

follow     the    commission     of   a     dishonorab'. 
act — premeditating     the    deed,    and    connii., 
the    falsehood — stealing  warily    and   cautiot;. 
ly    into  the    palace,    and  fiui^iog    yoiu'self  ' ' 
the  presence  of  the  hated  rival  of  your  father-, 
the  man   who   had  eclipsed  bis  grandeur,  arj. 
had  driven  him  into  retirement,  the  foul  siand^ ' 
was  whispered  in  the  dark,  and  ere  the  noctiT- 
nal   lamps  were  lighted  you  had   pcrpetrat/ 
this  monstrous  ingratitude,  this   suicide  of  yi  w 
honor, — and   you  stood  in  tl.e  moral  world  liij. 
the  deadly  Upas,  shedding  blights  and  poiso  j 
over  God's  faurst  works! 

"  Soon  did  we  ascertain  the  extent   )f  th.^ 
devouring  ambition  whicli  sought  its  objects    " 
despite  of  the  obhgations  of  honor,  gratitud 
and    truth.      Y'ouv   measures  against   Scnat' 
Smith  (if  the  str.tement  of  Mr.  Randolph  ^^ 
to  be  credited)   were   undoubtedly    initiato^ 
to  jjroceedings  against  Chief  Justice  llarsh^*^ 
by  impeachment.     Yes,  to  establish  yourself.'' 
tlie  confidence  of  the  ruling  party.you  were  wi"* 
ing  to  disjijace  and   dishonor  thi's  ancient  ar^ 
distinguished  friend  of  your  fattier,  the  colossi 
of  his  administration,  by  a  legislative  impeac^ 
ment:    and  yet  he,  too, — John    M.irsh.all,   tl* 
chief  of  the  federalists,  he  too,    adheres  to  ye" 
— he  too,  comes  forth,  to  tell  the  public  that  1 
will  now  exercise  a  right,  to  aid  your  clectio 
which  he  had  abandoned  for  thirty  years!     H 
ancient  loyalty  is  rekindled, — yom-  insults  ar 
your  injuries  have  faded  from  liis  memory,  aril 
he  is  now  ready  to  exclaim,  like  Lord  Cnawforw 
when  King  Louis  XI.   was  assailed  by  the  bo'e 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  "  I  have  fought  for  his  fst; 
tber,  and  by  St.   Andrew,  end  the   matter  as^e 
will,  I  will  not  fail  him  at  this  pinch."  'S 
CATULLUS.  1- 
„___ c- 

Trom  the  N.   Y.  Evening  Post.  ° 

CATULLUS— No.  Ill-  J^i^ 

The  reader  of  the  following  number  of  Catitd 
lus  will  find  sotue  past  events  recalled  to  hfe 
recollection,  which,  for  any  other  purpose  th:y 
that  of  exposing  fl.a.grant  profligacy  and  a  totxJ 
\v.ant  of  principle,  might  as  v.'ell  have  been  suV- 
fercd  to  rot  in  oblivion. 

The  conduct  of  Jnu.\  Qdisct  Aoa?is  considcf- 

ed,  in  bis  relations,    political  and  moral,  t'<^ 

wards  tlie  rEDSUAi.  I-ahtv.  s- 

^'It'esamcMdreiscnrdimtcJ. — "  lonce  thong''' 


he  memorabte  embwcfO;  but  if  they  have  not 
,1  ;te .  bi?pttei> it  the}' certainly  have  forgiven  it.  To 
i^jigp^jre  pp'rv-atc  injuries  U  commendable,  but  to 
J,"j^g,orgive  a  statesman  who  mined  the  great  intrr- 
allatr'*'  "J  '**  ''^'"^^  which  he  was  delegated  to  pro- 
.  j^ect,  j-etjuires  a  degree  of  forbearance  not  en- 
^^jji,oine;l  by  any  principle  of  charity  or  peli^ion, 
^]j.„ui  unwise  and  fatal  lenity  productive  of  little 
^  '^;ood,  and  dangerous  lo  the  interests  of  the  com- 
^^  (ifiunity, 

sutie 

tcfid' 


"In  narrating  your  conduct  on  this  question, 

l  shall  follow  the  account  of  Col.  Pickering', 

ttre""^  I  would  premise  th-.it  when  the  "  last  ofthe 

^^mans"  undertakes  to  state  facts  from  personal 

\ytno\  "    ■ 


wlcdge,  I  would  yield  to  his  statement   the 


.  icated  by  other  evidence,  by  public  docun^cnts, 
J    ,and  by  your  own  appe;Us  to  the  pubhc. 

J,.  "File  documents  submitted  to  CongT(«s  with 
fi'i"h?'®  iiessage  of  President  Jefferson,  recomniend- 
^, ,  :ng  the  embargo,  were — 

luia:  No.  1-  A  proclamation  dated  Oct.  16,  180?, 
lth<''y  th"?  King  of  Great  Britain,  requiring  his  na- 
jkntural  born  subjects,  seafaring  men,  to  return 
jlUOorac. 

-jYjo,  No.  2.  An  extract  of  a  letter  dated  Sept.  18, 
,fcti307,  from  the  French  Grand  Judge,  Minister 
jcD^f  •'''^'ee,  to  the  Imperial  Advocate  General  for 
.jtejthe  Council  of  Prizes.  It  was  an  answer  to  some 
;<hiqnestions  which  con'^erned  the  esecution  of 
,  t.e'*  he  Berlin  decj-ee. 

•  ofi  The  Berlin  decree  was  issued  by  the  Empe- 
'  th.ipp  Napoleon  at  Berlin,  November  Slst,  lSu6, 
1  (>,then  in  tlic  plciititude  of  his  power,  by  which 
ill  the  British  Islands  were  declared  in  a  state  of 
j.gblockade,  all  commerce  and  coirespondtnce 
til  witn  them  prohibited.  AH  trade  in  Er.gHsh 
j^iimerchandise  forbidden;  and  all  merchandise 
p|belonging  to  England  or  coming  from  its  manu- 
jofactories  and  coloniei  decl'jred  lawful  prize- 
gu  The  extr.ict  from  the  ktter  consisted  in  a 
o|q,ucstion  and  answer. 

k'  1st.  M.iy  vessels  of  war,  by  virtue  ofthe  ira- 
t'  perial  decree  ofthe  21st  November  last,  seize, 
sr;on  board  neutral  vessels,  either  English  proper- 
ty, or  even  all  merchandise  proceeding  from 
vthe  English  manufactories  or  territory. 
0  Answer.  His  Maj  esty  has  mtimated,  that  as 
y  he  did  not  think  proper  to  express  any  cxcep- 
vtijon  in  his  decree,  tiiere  is  no  ground  for  making 
'I  any  in  its  execution,  in  relation  to  any  whomso- 
e  ever. 

«  2.  His  Majesty  has  postponed  a  decision  on 
-  SI  the  question,  whether  amied  French  vessels 
thought  to  captiu'e  neutral  vessels  hound  to  or 
Ifrom  England,  even  when  they  have  no  Eng- 
'  li^h  merchandise  onboard." 
>  (Signed)  REGNIBB. 

■  '-'Col.  Pickering  says  tliese  two  papers,  or  the 
^substaiicc  of  them,  had  been  made  public  for 
jsome  time  previous  to  the  message,  but  had 
J  "  excited  but  little  ifany  concern  amongst  those 
^most  interested — our  iterchants  and  seafaring 
, people;  they  saw  in  the  proclamation,  not  an 
jiricrcased,  but  a  diminished  danger  of  impress- 
,  Jments;  and  French  cruisers  en  the  seas  were 
■tlrenfew  in  number." 

"  The  third  paper  was  a  letter,  dated  Sept. 
U  IPOT-  from  General  \.rmsfi'onetothcFri'nch 


jrmls.ter  oi?  JtuttysJl  Afeii:*,  C'WiJiAiiujJ-,  asic- 
mg  him  whethw  tlie  report  he  had  j(&  heard 
was  tsue — "  that  a  new  and  extended  construe 
tion,  higiily  injurious  *o  the  commerce  of  the 
©nited  States,  wss  about  to  be  given  to  the  im- 
perial tleerce  ofthe  21st  November,  1806. "»» 
[Berfm  decree.] 

"  The  fourth  document  was  Champagny's 
answer  to  Armstrong,  bearing  date  October  f, 
1807,  substantially  hke  that  of  Kegnier.  The 
imperial  minister  concludes  his  letter  in  theSfe 
words:  "  the  decree  of  blockade  has  now  beelx 
issued  eleven  months.  Tlie  principal  powets 
of  Europe,  (meaning  Holland,  Spain,  and  the 
other  powers  which  the  arras  of  France  had 
subjected  to  her  control,)  far  from  protesting;" 
against  its  provisions,  have  adopted  them.  Th«> 
have  perceived  tliat  its  execution  mtist  beajjli-r 
pfe/e  In  render  it  effectual. " 

"  The  commeree  of  the  United  States  sUl*; 
passed  that  of  all  the  other  neutral  nations  ;  and 
vith  the  British  dominions  w.is  very  e.xtensivej 
and  of  vast  importance  to  bnth.  To  render  fhe 
blockade  of  the  British  Islands  coniplete>  the 
commerce  of  neutiais  with  them  must  cease. 
This  object,  in  respect  to  the  United  State^ 
could   be  accomplished  only  by  an  embargo.  ' 

•"  Such  were  the  grounds,  or  pretext  for  the 
embargo.  The  President's  Message,  and  the 
four  papers  accompanying  it,  were  referred  to 
a  committee,  of  which  John  Q.  Adams  was  one. 
In  a  short  time  they  reported  the  bill  for  laying 
an  embargo.  It  was  read  once. — A  motioo 
made  to  read  it,  immediately,  a  second  time'; 
was  objected  to  ;  it  was  repugnant  to  a  stand- 
ing rule  of  the  Senate,  wisely  formed  to  prei-ent 
hasty  decisions."  The  rule  was  suspended, 
"The  bill  was  then  read  a  second  time  as  in 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  reported  to  the 
House  without  amendment.  111611  the  bill, 
having  been  quickly  engrossed,  was  read  a 
thirf  time,  and  passed." 

"  The  time  occupied  in  this  business,  irom 
the  reception  of  tlie  President's  Message,  to  the 
passing'  ofthe  bill  was  about  four  hours.  It 
was  Friday.  A  motion  was  made  to  postpone 
the  further  consideration  of  the  bill  until  the 
next  Monday ;  It  passed  in  the  negative.  Oo 
motion  of  Mr.  Crawford — that  the  bill  be  post- 
poned till  the  next  day,  it  passed  in  the  nega-  - 
tivc,  yeaS-  12 — nays  16.  Mr.  Adams  was 
amongst  the  nays.  No  member  of  t fie  Senate  dis' 
played  equal  zeal  fur  the  passing  cfihe  bill.  lb 
opposing  a  postponement,  to  obtain  further  in- 
formation, and  to  consider  a  measure  of  such 
moment,  of  such  universal  concern,  Mr.  Adams 
made  this  memorable  declaration:  "  The  Pre- 
sident hai  recommended  this  measure  on  His  kigfi, 
rcsponsibiliiy  :  1  would  not  consider — J  tvouUi 
not  deliberate- — 1  would  act.  Doubtless  the 
tTCiident  possesses  suck  furtlier  information  as 
zoilljustifi/  the  measure."  This  seniiment  (con- 
tinues Col.  Pickering)  was  so  extraordinary, 
that  1  instantly  wrote  it  down.  Il  shocked  evcu 
Mr.  Jefferson's  devoted  partisans.  "  However 
I  may  vote  (a  member  was  heard  to  remark)  that 
is  too  mtich  for  n.o  to  say."  For  my  own  part,. 
I  originally  viewed,  and  I  still  view,  tiie  senti- 
ment as  so  abhorrent  to  the  principles  of  a  free 
government,  so  derogatory  to  the  character  oi 
a  mcrn'oer  of  Congress,  such  a  uereliction  of 
duty,  and  so  disgraceful  to  a  man  of  sense,  that 
lam  incapable  of  contciving' of  .iny  counter- 


aaiajicij  in  ofticial  honors  and  emoluraeiits.  An 
^mbassj',  a  judgeship,  or  the  Presidency,  lo  an 
honorable  and  independent  mind,  would,  in  the 
comparison,  be  "as  a  drop  in  the  bucket,  and 
the  small  dust  in  the  balance." 

"  The  sen'.imcnt  expi-essed  by  Mr.  Adams  re- 
solves the  u-hole  business  of  legislation  into  the 
Vill  of  the  Executive." 

Agrain — "In  the  yfc.ir  1S07,  the  registered 
tonna^  of  the  United  Stjtes  employed  in  for- 
eign trade,  amounted  to  848,306  tons;  of  this 
Jlsssachusetts owned. "510,  309  Ions. 

"  In  his  Mter  to  Mr.  Otis,  .Mr.  J.  Q.Adams 
Ultimate^  a  reproach  to  me  for  spending  my 
time,  when  a  senator,  in  writing  the  letter  to 
Gov.  SuUivan,  while  he  was  assiduously  devoted 
to  his  senatorial  duties.  But  where  was  his  re- 
.  gard  to  liis  duty  as  a  legislator  for  the  Union,  in 
advocating  and  voting  for  a  law  which  paraly- 
zed all  the  business  of  tke  nation,  when  by  his 
own  admission,  it  had  only  four  ciphers  for  its 
basis'  Where  was  his  attention  to  the  rights 
and  interests  of  his  constituents  in  Uassachu- 
oetts,  when  his  utmost  exertions  were  made  to 
impose  the  law  on  them'" 

Again — "  whetlier  J.  Q.  Adams  really  per- 
fbrmed  his  duty  in  thus  advocating  and  voting 
for  the  embargo,  or  abandoned  it,  whether  he 
guarded  the  interests  of  his  constituents  of 
M.i'sachusetts,  or  betrayed  them,  the  reader  can 
now  f'jrm  a  pretty  correr.t  opinion,  but  if  he 
will  accompany  me  as  I  proceed,  he  will  see  the 
latter  completely  estaulished." 

"  Col.  Picker.ng  then  adverts  to  the  letter 
written  by  you  to  the  Hon.  Harrison  Gray  Otis 
in  justification  of 'he  embargo.  He  says — "In 
this  letter  Mr.  Adams  took  new  ground  on 
which  to  rest  the  embargo;  thi'  British  orders 
in  council  of  the  11th  Nov.  1807,  issued  to  re- 
taliate the  French  Emperor's  Berlin  decree." 

Ag"^in — *' these  were  the  order=;  which  J.  Q. 
Adams  has  said  ''stood  in  front  of  the  re.-!! 
causes  of  the  embargo.  To  argue  (s.iid  he) 
upon  the  subject  of  our  .-'isimtes  with  Great 
Britain,  or  upun  the  motives  for  the  embargo,  and 
lieep  them  out  of  sight .  is  like  laying  your  finger 
Over  the  unit  before  a  series  of  nai  ^hts,  and 
then  arithmetically  proving  that  theyall  amount 
to  nothing."  "  Now,  (says  Cot.  Pickering,)  I 
will  show,  that  when  th;  embargo  was  recom- 
mended, and  when  the  bill  passed  the  Senate, 
those  orders  in  council  were,  in  fact,  out  of 
sight  of  the  President,  out  of  sight  of  the  Se- 
cr-tary  of  State,  out  of  sight  of  tlie  Senate, 
and  out  of  sight  of  M'-.  Adams  himself."  He 
then  proves  that  your  bold  assertion  that  the 
orders  in  council  was  a  cause  of  the  embargo, 
was  untrue.  • 

1st.  By  showing  that  Mr.  Jefferson's  message 
recommending  the  embargo  contained  no  allu- 
sion to  the  orders  in  council,  and  that  he  rested 
his  reasons  on  the  contents  of  the  four  papers 
already  mentioned:  "  and,  says  he)  there  is 
not  the  slightest  reason  to  believe  tliat  lie 
thought  of  tlieir  e.'iistence.  On  the  contrary, 
fbrty-six  days  afterwards,  viz:  in  his  message 
to  Congress  of  February  2,  1SU8,  laying  before 
them  the  orders  in  council,  he. says,  "  I  trans- 
mit them  to  Congress  as  a  further  proof  of  the 
increasing  danger*  to  our  navigation  and  com- 
me-ce,  which  led  to  ilie  provident  measure  of 
tlie  act  of  the  ijrescnt  session,  laying  an  em- 
bargo on  our  own  vessels  " 


■'id.  Mr,  Madiion,  in  Ijis  Ict'er  of  December 
23,  180r,  the  day  after  the  ettibargo  Uw  was 
enacted,  to  William  Vinkne)',  our  Jdinistcr  in 
London,  says:  "  J  ■j-nol  ise  j'ou  a  copy  of  a  meat 
sage  frjjm  the  PrpsiStnt  to  Coiigrcss,  and  thei- 
act  in  pursuance  of  it,  laying  an  immedl-it©  em^ 
bargo  on  our  vessels  and  exports.  The  poif^ 
and  causes  of  the  measure  are>  expla:ntCA  tXc  iSi 
mfmage  itself. " 

3d.  (Col.  Pickering  continues)  "I  have  said 
that  as  to  J  Q  Adams  hireself  the  orders  iii 
council  were  out  of  sight,  when  he  zealouily  ad- 
vocated and  voted  for  tlie  embargo.  Tiiis  rs 
a  plain  inference  from  the  ficts  1  have  already 
stated.  Wlien  hard  pressed  for  adecjuate  causes 
for  the  embargo,  and  not  finding  them  in  the 
four  documents  coinmnnicated  with  the  mest 
sage,  Mr.  .\dam3,  it  will  be  recollectedj  hadrcr 
course  to  the  Presidency's  highly  responsible 
recommendationof  the  measure,  and  the  possi- 
ble inforra.ation  locked  up  in  his  besom,  to  jus. 
tify  the  passage  of  the  law.  Now  if  the  orders 
in  council  furnished  the  great  and  prominent 
cause  for  the  embargo,  and  if,  compared  with 
them,  the  four  papers  assigned  by  the  Presr- 
dent  as  the  only  causes  for  an  embargo  were 
but  four  "naughts,"  is  it  possible  that  "those 
all  devouring  instruments  of'  rapine,"  as  Mr.  Ad- 
a'os  calls  the  orders  in  council,  should  never 
have  arisen  in  their  terrific  forms  to  his  view? 
That  he  should  not  have  so  presented  them  to 
the  view  of  the  Senate?  Aud  that  they  should" 
not  have  caused  him  to  pour  forth  a  deluge  d^ 
his  appalUng  metaphors,  in  describing  them.'  I 
hesitate  not  to  pronounce  it  impossible.  "  Oat 
of  the  abundance  of  the  heart  tlie  mouth  sptak- 
eth."  Should  he  assert  the  contrary,  no  man  of 
common  understanding  can  believe  him.  At 
all  events  it  is  clear,  from  the  President's  first 
message  and  documents,  and  from  the  quota- 
tions already  made  from  his  next  message,  and 
from  Mr.  Madison's  letter,  tliat  nsither  Mc 
.Jefferson  nor  he  had  tiie  orders  in  council  ia 
their  minds,  whet'.assigning  and  mentioning  the 
causes  ofthe  embargo." 

4th.  "It  is  equally  clear,  that  no  other  Sen- 
aor  in  voting  for  the  embargo,  contemplated 
the  orders  ia  council,  because  no  one  adverteS 
to  them  in  the  discussion." 

Such  is  the   lucid  statement  of  Col.  Pict"'* 
iiig  respecting  your  conduct  and  agency  in, 
imposition  ofthe  embargo. 

What  reflections  does  this  narrative  occasionr 
K  £en.^tor  of  Massachusetts  refuses  to  allow 
the  deliberation  of  a  single  night  to  a  measure 
which  annihilated  the  whole  shipping  interest 
ofthe  United  States,  (and  of  whicii  the  State- 
which  he  repjesented  in  the  Senate  owned  mor^ 
llian  a  third!)  A  Senator  of  Massachusetts  im- 
poses on  his  own  constituents  a  wider  destruc- 
tion than  the  Boston  Portbiil!  And  why  did 
he  do  it?  The  President  recommended  it,— 
That  and  that  only  induced  him  to  support  if 
Well  might  the  republican  Senators  be  shocked 
at  this  monstrous  abasement  of  the  legislativfe 
character.  Well  might  Col,  Pickering  say- 
that  no  office,  not  the  Presidency  itself,  would 
be  any  compensation  for  such  slavish  subseiTi. 
ency. 

"  Odious  as  your  conduct  was  in  this  memor- 
able transaction,  it  would  admit  of  excuse  if  We 
could  believe  that  you  acted  from  a  high  but  mis- 
taken sense  of  duty  :  but  yoij  cannot  olead  tlm 


iiii;CiaI)ie lajrness  oi  a  genuemaii— a  gcuilsmani 
cannot  quibble,  evade,  or  prevaricate.  Truth  is 
as  much  a  habitude  with  him  as  decency.  In 
your  letter  to  Mr.  Otis,  you  assert  that  the 
Britisli  orilers  in  council  was  the  principal 
Ciuse  of  your  vote  for  the  embargo.  The 
'Catement  of  Col.  Pickerinij  is  demonstration. 
The  orders  in  council  could  not  have  been  the 
cause,  l-jcause  no  one  in  America  knew  of 
their  existence  at  the  time  of  the  passage  of  the 
act;  Some  men  (it  is  true)  mifclit  have  forgot- 
ten the  facts,  and  so  confounded  the  reasons. 
The  transaction  at  the  time  of  the  date  of  your 
letter  was  too  recent — your  memory  is  too  ten- 
acious, and  too  accurate  to  admit  the  possibility 
of  forgetfulnoss  on  this  subject.  You  did  not 
farget.  You  forget  nothing  but  the  obligations 
of  gi-atitude  and  fidelity. 

"It  may  suit  your  purposes  to  represent 
1hese  as  the  opinions  of  some  odd,  eccentric, 
disconttntod  or  imprincipled  Federalist,  which 
are  repudiated  by  the  good  sense  and  true  pa- 
triotism of  the  party  generally.-  To  show  that 
it  is  not  so,  I  will  produce  a  few  witnesses  out 
of  a  multitude,  and  I  will  take  them  from  "your 
own  New-England." 

1st.  The  late  Mr.  Dexter,  whom  you  alw.-iys 
profesfed  to  hold  in  high  respect. 

2.  Your  favorite  and  cherished  friend  and 
kinsman,  Josiah  Quincy. 

3.  Tristam  Burgess,  your  champion  in  the 
Mational  Hous'?  of  Uepres^ntatives. 

4.  I).intel  Webster,  your  Ajax  in  the  Senate. 

5.  The  Legislature  of  your  native   State  of  _ 
Massachusetts,   the  stronghold  of  your  power 
and  influence 

6.  The  City  of  Boston,  nov/  so  devoted  to 
your  iiit, 'rests. 

Speaking  of  the  Reatrlctlve'Sys'em  Mr.  Dex- 
ter says:     "  Timt  he  believed— 

1st.  That  it  overleaps  the  bounds  of  constitu- 
tional power. 

2.  That  it  is  impossible  to  sxecute  it. 

3.  That  Uic  attempt  to  do  so  corrupts  us, 
fay  destroying  the  correct  habits  of  our  mer- 
chants, and  rendering  perjury  familiar. 

4.  That  it  would  be  ineffectual  to  coerce 
foreign  nations,  ifexccuted. 

5.  That  it  is  unjust  and  oppressive  to  the  com- 
mercial part  of  the  community,  as  it  destroys 
i.ivaluuble  intirests  which  the  government 
is  bound  to  protect. 

6.  That  it  completely  sacrifices  our  only  con- 
siderable source  of  revenue,  and  reduces  us  to 
depend  on  a  meagre  supply  from  internal  bixa- 
tion,  or  to  accumulate  an  enormous  public  debt 
by  loans  procured  on  hard  terms,  which  govern- 
ment has  no  adequate  funds  to  reimburse. 

7.  Tliat  it  aims  a  fr.tal  blow  at  our  unexam- 
pled progress  in  wealth  and  general  improve- 
ment. " 

"  Sach  were  tlie  strong  and  conclusive  ob- 
jections of  Mr.  Dexter  to  the  Restrictive  system. 
The  whole  Federal  party  on  this  question  en- 
tertained similar  sentiments.  And  after  this 
open  avowal  in  a  pubhc  address  pending  a  gu- 
bernatorial contiTiversy,  (.and  himself  a  candi- 
date,) tlie  whole  republican  party  supported 
him.  Neither  did  this. avov.-al  lessen  him  in  the 
estimation  of  .Mr.  Madison,  under  whose  admin- 
istration this  Federal  gentleman  v/as  offered  the 
"Jliigh  office  of  Minister  to  Spain,  and  (it  is  .w;d) 
s  seat  ""A  *'"^  c^biT'P*. 


"As  to  ill'.  Quincy,  he  Lis  r^ronouncedtiii;! 
measure  in  Congress  and  out  of  Congress,  by- 
night  and  by  day,  at  all  times  aad  in  all  places^ 
as  unconstitutional,  unjust  and  wicked;  of  a 
characters©  oppressive  and  odious  as  to  justify 
forcible  resistance.  The  evidence  is  every 
wliere,  and  it  is  only  to  recur  to  the  journals  of 
the  day  to  find  it. 

Mr.  Burgcs,  in  a  public  address  applied  this 
language  to  the  Embargo: 

"This  single  measure  more  impoverished 
the  nation  than  our  eight  years  war  with  Britain. 
It  cut  off  ourrev;.nue;  discr.iraged  our  Indus-' 
try;  wasted  our  capital;  ruined  our  fisheries;  ex- 
iled our  seamen,  and  scattered  them  to  the  four 
winds  of  Heaven.  Had  our  government  invited 
to  a  war  of  depredation  upon  us,  all  the  pirates 
of  Barbary,  of  France,  of  England,  and  at  the 
same  time  let  loose  the  tawny  sons  of  the  wil- 
derness on  our  defenceless  frontiers;  less,  incal- 
culably less,  would  have  hcen  tie  injury.  If 
the  administration  had  openly  taken  counsel  of 
France,  she  would  first  of  all  have  advised  a 
perpetual  Embargo;  for  that  must/ by  aboUsh- 
ing  our  government,  jissolve  our  t^nion,  de» 
stroy  our  national  character,  and  reduce  us 
back  to  the  tame  condition  of  colonial  slavery. 
Surely  there  is  a  singular  coincidence  between 
French  and  American  policy.  Gad  forbid,  that 
a  riband  of  legionary  honor,  or  a  cross  of  the 
empire,  should  solve  th.at  dark  political  riddle— 
the  American  Emb.argo." 

"This  is  the  language  of  the  Kon.  Daniel 
Webster,  on  the  floor  of  Congress:  "  The  faith 
of  this  nation  'S  pledged  to  its  commerce,  form- 
ally and  solemnly.  I  call  upon  you  to  redeem 
that  pledge  ;  not  by  sacrificing  while  you 
profess  to  regard  it,  but  by  unshackling  it,  and 
protecting  it,  and  fostering  it,  according  to  your 
ability  and  the  reasonable  expectations  of  those 
who  iisve  committed  it  to  the  care  of  govern- 
ment. In  tlie  commerce  of  the  country  the 
constitution  of  the  country  had  its  birth.  In  the 
extinction  ofthat  commerce  it  will  find  its  grave. 
I  use  not  the  tone  of  intimidation  or  menace, 
but  I  ferewarn  you  of  consequences — Let  it 
be  remembered  that  in  my  place,  this  d.iy,  and 
in  the  disci  arge  of  my  pubhc  duty,  I  conjure 
you  to  alter  your  course.  I  u^^'e  to  you  the 
language  of  entreaty.  I  beseech  you  by  your 
best  hopes  of  your  country's  prospeiity;  by  your 
regard  fir  the  pres'^i-vatien  of  her  government, 
and  her  union;  by  your  own  ambition,  as  hon- 
orable men,  of  leading  liere.atter  in  the  councils 
of  a  great  and  growing  Empire: — I  conjure  you 
by  every  motive  which  can  be  addressed  to  the 
mind  of  man,  that  you  abandon  your  system  of 
restrictions;  that  you  abandon  it  at  once — and 
abandon  it  for  tver. " 

"  Mr.  Webster  "cshcd  his  maiden  sword  by 
writing  a  strong  and  eloquent  pamphlet  at  that 
day  to  prove  tlie  Embargo  was  enacted  in  the 
very  teeth  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  an 
address  to  the  people,  after  displaying  in  the 
most  vivid  languaga  the  ruinous  effects  of  the 
Embargo  upon  the  commerce  and  navigation  of 
the  United  States,  and  particuhtrly  upon  the 
Stite  of  Massachusetts,  which  navigation  in 
1S03  they  represent  to  have  asnounted  to 
1,140,3C8  tons,  of  which  M:issachusetts  owned 
4'25,940,  in  alluding  to  the  South,  use  these 
T>-or:l=:  "There  is   no'  a  grc-ster  diversity   r- 


4&7 


ir.wei'esU  becuecn   tiiem   (tiie  people  of  the  without  Uieir  support   your  Uigolien  powe: 

South)  and  yourselves,  than  will  be  found  in  the  would  be  prostrated  in  a  week  ! 
distant  provinces   of  all  great  Empires:   none,         "The  t^p^islature  of  Massachusetts  were  no 

indeed,     that  a  truly    national    administrition  less  decided  in  their  opinions  as  to  the  injustico 

cannot  reconcile.     It  is  believed  too,  t!iat  many  and  uncon?titutionalitv- of  the  e;nbarg-n.     Thev 

of  your  Southern  brethren  accord  with  you  in  appointed  fast  :iftpr  fast  to  (ieprccate  the  vcn- 

their  estimate  of  the  true  interests  of  their  cdmu-  s^eance  jf  Heaven  fr,r  tiie  "  deep  da.nnation"  of 

try,  and  are  inclined  magrianimously  to  sacrifice  tliis  act.     They  solemnly  advised  ;:.e  people  to 

local  pr^udices  to  national  scfety  and  honor. —  exclude  from  thcii  cjuncils  and  confidence  "ail 

Th'S  happy  result  may  br  fxpi-ded,  when    Vew  (he  r'dvoi^nt'"  fj  f'lcl  ifci'rucfive  nystem."     Tbjp- 

England,  faithful  to  her  true  infereMs,  fhalls^eak  Legislature  of  this  sam"  State  of  M.-issachusetts, 

tvith  one  voice,  and  exclude  from  her  councils  in  th'-ir  headlong   career  -S  :nfurJ:>ted  i.->v^Itj-, 

those  who,  front   misapprehension  of  iho-^e  itUe-  are  now  ready  to  visit  rdl  those  anfo,  tunale  citi- 

reats,  or  any  other  cause,  are  advocates  of  the  pre-  zens  w.t!>  their  official  vtncjeance,  wiio  venture 


iertt  destructive  system." 

' '  New  England  does  indeed  now  speak  with 
one  voice,  but  it  is  to  utter  the  sent-^nce  of  po- 
litical condemnation  against  all  inose  who  w.ll 
not  renounce  their  settled  convictions,  an:l  \  ield 


to  doubt  whether  Joiin  Q.nncy  Adam*  is  the 
{greatest  of  men,  the  most  disinterested  of  patri- 
ots, and  the  best  of  Presidents  ! 

'  Boston,  the   citr*'  of  Boston,  who  put  he? 

newspapers  in  niournlr.ff,  and  called  h;T  pro- 

their  venal  support  to  the  pri.icipal  advocate  of   ceeding^  in  Vaneml  Hall   "  tiie  second  r.^cking- 

that  destructive  System.  of  the   cradle   of  American  indepencle'ice"-^ 

who,  in  town  meeting-,  by  an  overwhelming  ma- 


"  And,  ajjain,  the  same  Lci?tslature  in  a  V.c- 
port,  accepted  by  them,  made  on  the  memorials 
of  sundry  towns  in  Massachusetts,  conch-ding 
with  H  resolution  that  the  embarcro  was  uncon- 
stitutional, and  that  it  violated  the  rights  of  the 
people,  say : 

"  This  act  is  denounced  by  all  the  raemoi  i-l" 
ists  in  the  warmest  and  mort  energttic  langiiss^e- 
as  a  gross  and  palpable  violation  of  the  princi- 
ples of  the  constitution;  that  it  cannot  be  sub- 
mitted to  without  a  pusillanimous  smrender  of   t  "  i  ^ 


jorlty,  rtsolvjd,  "tn.^t  tiirr  wov.ld  not  volunta- 
rily aid  and  assist  In  the  execution  of  tlia  em- 
bargo laws,  and  that  all  uho  dfl  otijjht  to  b* 
considev'd  as  enemies  of  the  con-titution  of  the 
United  States  and  of  the  State  of  \!aEsachusc*ts, 
and  hostji*  to  the.  liberties  of  the  people" — now 
consider  all  who  venture  to  oppose  yovir  vc-elec- 
tion  as  unwoi'tiiy  of  all  rcsp'Ctable  associ.atlon, 
and  shun  them  as  iftiieir  characters  had  been 
blasted  bj  the  imputation  of  crime — as  if  they 
een  given  up  !.t  public  infamy  by  the  in- 


fliction of  disgraceful  punishment. 

"  This  act,  so  ruinous  to  the  private  intei'ests 
of  the  federalists  of  M:issac);u:5etts,  (for  in  conv 
merce  and  navigation  they  were  at  that  time 
deeply  interested,)  exhausted  their  patience 
and  forbearance;  and,  in  choosing  a  Senator  to 
serve  after  the  fourth   of  March,   1809,  they 


those  rights  and  liberties,  which  their  ancesti-.-s 
brought  to  these  shores,  which  they  fought  and 
bled  to  maintain,  and  which  we,  their  descen- 
dants ought  to  be  ready  to  defend,  at  the  same 
expense  and  hazard,  or  forfeit  the  character  cf 
freemen. 

"  With  such  a  display  of  grievances,  suffer- 
ings and  apprehensions  before  them,  couched  elected  Mr.  Lloyd,  and,  kindtven  in  their  ani 
in  terms  of  affecting  eloquence,  and  breathing  mosity,  t'ley  gave  you  an  opportunity  to  plead 
a  spirit  of  firmness  and  resolution  to  procure,  persecution,  as  a  claim  on  the  administration, 
by  some  means,  competent  rehef,  your  commit-  If  they  did  not  continue  your  official  honors, 
tee  cannot  but  be  forcibly  impressed.  They  they  gave  you  (what  was  far  mor.e  imp"i  taut  tf> 
believe  in  the  existenee  of  those  grievance3,and  your  nittrcsts)  the  opportunity' to  represent 
the  causes  to  wliicVi  they  have  been  ascribed."  yourself  is  a  political  m:<r'yr.  You  resigned 
They  further  say — "  A  power  to  regulate  com-  t!ie  fragment  of  your  senatorial  tr.rm,  aud  the 
were  J  IS  abused  wiien  employed  to  destroy  it,  federaUsts,  after 'suffering  from  the  infliction  of 
and  a  manifest  and  voluntary  abuse  of  power  your  anti-commercial  legislation,  were  dcstint-d 
sanctions  the  right  of  resistance  as  much  as  a  to  feel  the  w.lght  of  a  pen  once  so  dreadful  to 
direct  and  palpable  usurpati.in."  the  jacobins!"  CATULLUS 

"  Mr.  Quincy  has  bestowed  every  epithet  of  ■ — ■ 

abuse  on  thia  mea-ure,which  his  teeming-  imagi-     '  .^.^^'"^  ^'^'  Xew-Yai  x.  Kver.ing  Pest. 
ii.ation  could  supply.  ^yt-»'^^t>     C.VTUI.LUS.— No.  IV. 

"  Mr.  Biirges  pronounced  it  the  rnos't  afflic- 
tive of  all  evils — worse  than  the  revolutionary 
war — worse  than  a  w.ar  with  France,  England, 
the  Barbary  powers,  and  the  Indians,  united- 


to  be  accounted  for  only  from  t' 
some  deep  and  wicked  plct  to  chl 
of  the  government.  i'  **  '  ' 
'■  -Mr.  Webster  predicted  the 
the  Union  from  its  continuance,  an 
prophetic  warnings  upon  Co)if,Te: 
almost    as  solemn   and  emphatic    8 


"r.;nce  of 
he  form 

3'  ion  of 
jed  his 
m  terms 
those  bv 


Those  readers  who  admire   to  see  just   ami 
clcv.ated  sentiments,  orn;^mented  with  all  the 
advantages  of  a  beautiful  and  polished  style,  are 
assured,  that  in  the  interesting  number  we  now 
offer  them,  the  v.'riter  of  Catullus  has  not  flag-- 
gsd  a  5i::7!e  line  in  hi>  towering  flight. 
The  conduct  of  John  Quincv  AT)-^MS  ciusider. 
ed,  in  his  reL^tions,  political  and   inor..!,  to- 
wards the  Fedehai  PiRir. 
The  spm' Address  contomcd. — "The  bright 


which  that  great  prophet,  w  hose  name  he  bears  spirit  nf  Fisher  .\m?s  had  left  its  mort  ,1  part  to 

announced  to  the  impious  and  trembling  king  the  darkness  of  the  tomb,  and  had  ascended  to 

of  the  Assyrians  the  approaching  destruction  of  its  Maker.     By  a   "  posthuur.is  attack"  o.t  his 

his  empire.  memory,  the  federalists  were  to  be  wounded, 

"And  yet  all  these  gentlemen  are  now  your  and  you  assumed  the   unholy  tasic.     You,  his 

chosen  friends,  your  trusted  champions,  the  or-  professed  friend,   derided  his  talents,  and  de- 

*'"l!?9  of  vonr  party,   th-?  pill.irs  of  th»  thri>ne —  tiounced  his  principle;;.     You   ?;>proached   his 


^_  /fUi-^^-HfU^^yif^ 


458 


gl'ive,  and  insulted  his  dust-  Ko _ ancient  re- 
miniscences allayed  the  vindictiveness  of  your 
"  postiiumous"  resentments.  Your  unsparing 
malice  induced  you  to  represent  the  eloquent 
effusions  of  his  matcliless  pen  as  the  outpour- 
ings of  infurialed  insanity !  When  that  tongue 
vras  mute  which  had  infl'ienced  a  senate  and 
animated  a  nation — when  that  hand  was  cold 
which  had  written  volumes  of  political  wisdom 
' — ^5"ou  ventured  oii  the  ungracious  deed,  and 
flared  with  audacious  rcvilings  to  insult  one 
wtien  dead,  from  whom,  when  living-,  you  would 
have  shrunk  as  from  a  thimderhott — whose  in- 
dignation would  have  withered  you  into  no- 
thing, or  left  you  as  a  blasted  monument  of  the 
avengmg  power  of  geniiisl  But  you  was  safe — 
no  Ames  remained — the  pang  was  inflicted  on 
an  unhappy  widow  ad  grieving  orplians.  Al- 
though flo'ids  of  tears  had  fallen  on  his  coffin — 
although  kindred  genius  had  poured  forth  its 
■felegiac  eloquence,  and  men  were  5)roud  who 
liad  gra3pe<l  his  living  hand  in  friendship— no 
avenger  appe^u-ed,  and  you  were  left  unntolest- 
ed  to  the  gratification  of  your  miaerable  revenge 
on  the  federalis-ts,  by  assailing  the  memory  of  a 
man,  whom  they  had  honored  as  a  leader  when 
living,  and  lamented  when  dead. 

"  You  received  your  reward,  and  went 
through  a  course  of  Kuropean  diplomacy,  with 
outii's  and  salaries,  and  the  payment  for  jour- 
liies  actual  and  journies  constructive,  and  many 
other  contingencies,  which  fdl  the  puree  and 
lessen  the  honor.  You  returned  Secretary  of 
State,  and  w.as  pluci^d  in  the  line  of  "  safe  pre- 
cedents." Wh.it  federalist  experienced  your  fa- 
vor or  sliarcd  your  pat;*  iage'  Sone  govern- 
ment printmg,  indeed,  was  given  to  Mr.  Rus- 
sell, of  the  Boston  Centinel:  but  even  in  that 
paltry  appointment  the  prevading  selfishness  of 
your  character  was  still  apparent.  .Mr.  Rnsscll 
was  a  trusted  and  influential  pereon.ige  with  the 
federalists  of  Maesachusetts,  and  there  that  par- 
ty was  yet  predominant.  Without  Massachu- 
setts, small  indeed  was  your  chance  of  gaining 
the  Presidency. — But  when  their  ascendancy 
had  terminatt-d,  the  democratic  papers  in  )Our 
interest,  to  give  more  effect  to  their  invectives, 
introduced  your  opinions.  Traitors  and  tories 
were  the  mildest  ter.nis  in  the  catalogue  of  vitu- 
perative epithets,  which  spared  not  even  Mr. 
Crawford,  who  was  accused  of  cherisliingsome 
libera!  feehngs  towards  men  who  were  so  un- 
fortunate as  to  Searthe  name  of  federalists,  and 
to  be  in  a  minority;  and  it  was  proudly  pro- 
claimed, in  all  your  papers,  that  there  was  none 
who  held  the  federalists  in  more  scorn  and  con- 
tempt than  you. 

"  But  at  length  the  federalists,  contemned 
and  despised  for  so  many  years,  became  like  the 
Cossacs  to  Napoleon,  "important  f  om  circum- 
stances." The  eledion  of  President  devolved 
upon  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  votes 
of  four  States  were  in  tlntir  hands.  Massachu- 
.settsand  Delaware  were  represented  by  federa- 
lists, and  they  controlled  New-York  and  Mary- 
land,— they  could  have  neutralized  New  York, 
— they  could  have  given  to  Gen.  Jackson  the 
vote  of  Maryland.  Three  of  these  States  were 
'o  be  gained  to  secure  your  election.  It  does 
not  require  the  discernment  of  a  De  Ketz  or  a 
Uichelieu  to  understand  the  arts  bywhich  you 
secured  the  Presidency. 

"The  adminJstraiioM  party  have  been  uncom- 


monly sensitive  at  the  shgUt£St  u\ip.uiaVittl>  oS,-, 
having  gained  that  election  by  bargains,  secret 
understandings,  or  promises  of  favoT.     Mr.  Clay 
h  I  made  speeches  without  number,   and   haS 
written  books  to  prove  his  innocence  of  such 
charges..     He  has  ransacked   the  United  States 
for  witnesses.     He  has  e-xcited  the  honorable 
sympathy   of  Chief  Justice  Marsh.a!l.     He  haS 
put  forth  the  mont  solemn  declaimers.     He  haS 
denied  the  cli.argc  so  earnestly  and  so  indignant- 
ly, that  it  is  apparent   that   he   considers  its  eS- 
t.iblishment  and  verification  by  incontrovertible! 
proof  as  the  ruin  of  his  reputation,  and  the  dCr 
Ktruction  of  his  prospects.     If  innocent,  this  ef- 
fect to  clear  himself  of  the  imputation  is  honora> 
ble  to  his  character.     But  can   Mr.  Adams   say 
that  he  never  endeavored  to  secure  votes  by 
promises  of  f  ivor  >     Can  he  say  tliat  on  this  stib- 
jett  he  had  no  communication  with   Mr.    Web' 
ster'     If  Mr.  Clay  has  exculpated  himself,  th6 
charge  still  remains  good   agauist  Mr.  Adams. 
It  was  just  as  censurable   in  the  latter  bargatit 
witli  the  federalists  to  jiecurc  per.*onal  advanta- 
ges, as  it  was  to  bargain  with  Mr.  Clay.    The  pal> 
ties  who  had  knowledge  of  this  transaction  have 
been  named  in  the  public  papers.     Mr.  Bailey 
denies  his  participation,  and  well  he  might;  Mr. 
Webster  would  never  have  trusted  Bailey   in  a 
negotiation  of  this  character.     But  will  Mr.  iV- 
Lane  and  Mr.  Hopkinsondeny  it'     Has  not  Mr. 
WaUh  admitted  and  jtistified  it'     Has  Mr.  Web- 
ster denied  it'     I  low  stands  the  fact'     Aflcrthe 
Representatives  of  Kentucky,  Ohio,  Illinois,  Mis- 
souri  and  Louisiana  (all  which  Slates  had  givcil 
their  electoral  votes  against  you)had  been  secur- 
ed, your  success  was  still  doubtful  williout  the 
federalists.     Ten  of  the  thirteen  representatives 
of  Massachus.tts  wei-e  federalists,  and  seven  of 
them  at  least,  uncommitted.     Mr.  M'Lane  re- 
presented Delaware,  Gen.  Van  Rens3elaer(broth- 
er-in-!aw  of  tiie  illustrious  Hamilton)  whose  hos- 
tility to  you  was  well  knoivn,  and  Mr.  Warfield 
eqmdly  hoslile,coiild  neutralize  and  control  the 
votes  of  New  York  and  Maryland : — both  had  rc- 
pefitedlv  and  publicly  said  that  they  preferred 
either  of  the  candidates  to  you:— you  had  gain- 
ed six  of  the  nine  Western  States,  and  your  pros- 
pects Were  good  if  you  could  gam  the  feder,al- 
ists.     In  this   "pinch  of  the  game"  (according 
to  the  cturent  report )   appeared  Mr.  Webster. 
He  discerned  the  crisis,  and  determined  that  its 
importance  should  not  be   lost  to  his  friends. 
He  was  uncommitted.    He  had  refused  to  pledge 
himself  to  your  suppOTt,  and  took  the  hazard  of 
an  election  (even  In  Boston)   without  com.mit- 
ment,  and   he  had  been  opposed  by  the  party 
whi^h  required   pledges  in  your  favor.     This 
decided  and  manly  course  had  secured  to  him  a 
powerful  influence  over  the  remnant  of  the  fed- 
eralists, and  it  w.is  witli  no  small  pride  that  they 
beheld  a  SD  aof  the  most  commanding  talents 
willing  to  share  their  humble  fortunes,  and   to 
we.ar  the  badge  of  a  powerless  party. 

"  You  comiTiericed  a  negotiation  with  Ml"- 
Webster.  ' XI  .%%^V..*he  ur.contradicted  asser- 
tion of  the'piibUc'iiapcrs.)  YOu  commenced  a 
negotiation  wiUi  :»h-.  Webster.  He  knew  bis 
man.  He  trusted  nothing  to  words;  and  al- 
though he  received  the  strongest  assurances 
from  you,  that  if  you  were  the  President,  the 
proscription  should  be  removed  from  the  -Fedc 
ral  party,  and  that  qualifications  and  moral  worth 
would  be  lite  only  test  with  vou.  and  that  parl^/ 


(jamt.'.  iiould  no  longer  be  an  objection  lo  coi.i- 
petent  men,  —yet,  he  preferred  a  written  vouch- 
er to  a  treachei-oii.s  memory.  He  embodied 
wrnr  fissurances  in  a  letter  to  a  party  friend, 
intending,  doubtless,  that  the  pledjje  sliould  re- 
Joain  with  the  person.  He  submitted  tlie  letter 
to  your  inspection.  He  fores.uv  that  if  a  misun- 
<ierstanding'  should  arise  as  to  the  terms,  the 
evidence  could  be  produced.  If  you  denied 
Ihe  fact,  you  would  put  your  veracity  in  compe- 
tition with  his,  and  in  tliat  trial  as  to  the  weight 
of  credibility,  he  well  knew  the  advantage  of  a 
good  character.  But  you  saved  him  from  this 
contingency.  In  your  eagerness  to  secure  the 
aid,  you  gave  with  your  own  pen  a  morr  deci- 
•  ded  character  to  tlie  "words  of  the  promise." 

"  With  this  "  written  pledge"  thus  sanction- 
ed by  yourself,  the  deep-rooted  prejudices  of 
th«  Federalists  were  overcome:  —their  wound- 
ed feelings  were  soothed:— their  firm  determi- 
nations  were  abandoned,  and  their  open  decl;^- 
I'ations  falsified;  and  although  the  high-soulcd 
listened  not  to  the  voice  of  the  tempter,  yet  the 
deep-rooted  prejudices  of  Gen.  V:m  Rensselaer 
and  Mr.  Warfield  wci-e  removed,  their  stern 
hostility  was  molified;  in  an  unfortunate  moment 
they  yielded  to  a  delusion,  and  were  found  in  a 
Kvery  which  they  had  scorned. 

"  You  who  had  |jractised  every  art  to  gain  the 
felectoral  votes,  whose  papers  had  been  filled 
with  pledges  of  your  scorn  and  hatred  of  the 
federalists,  you  could  seek  their  support,  when 
neccssaiy,  by  counter  p/fajsres.'  You  who  have 
won  your  way  to  the  chair  by  "doubjiiig  on 
your  track,"  and  with  a  temper  vindictive  even 
to  the  dead,  (for  this  object)  associate  yourself 
T>n  terms  of  apparent  friendsliip  witli  your  most 
deadly  living  enemy,  and  so  far  soften  the  sullen 
obstinacy  of  your  nature  as  to  become  the  pliant 
mstniment  of  your  most  hated  rival — 3  ou  who 
have  "  moved  heaven  and  earth  to  carry  your 
point,"  and  gain  the  presidency,  had  thr-n  the 
bold  hypocrisy  to  declare  to  the  representatives 
of  the  American  people,  tl-.at  if  "your  refus:d" 
to  accept  that  office  would  "  give  an  immediate 
opportunity  to  the  people  to  form  and  e.xpress, 
with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanimity,  the  object 
of  their  preference,"  you  "  would'  not  hesitate 
todecUne  tlieacceptanceof  thateminent  ch.irge, 
and  submit  the  decision  of  that  momentous  ques- 
tion again  to  their  determination."  How  forci- 
bly does  this  bring  to  recollection  an  observa- 
tion of  VVhitaker  in  his  raasteiOy  Vindication  of 
Mary-—"  An  habitual  hypocrisy  frequently  be- 
trays itself,  by  exercising  its  powers  where  they 
pre  totally  imnecessar)-,  by  a  wanton  dispLay  of 
its  deceptions,  and  by  an  Impertinent  affectation 
of  scrupulosity?"  Never  was  observation  more 
applicable. 

Y'ourinau,gural speech  cont;iined  the  procla- 
mation of  amnesty.  You  told  the  federal  party- 
>  oil  told  the  world  "there  stdl  remained  one 
effort  of  magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  prejudice 
and  passion,  to  be  made  by  individuals  through- 
out the  nation,  who  hove  heretofore  followed 
the  standiu-dsof  ])olliic::l  p:ut) — that  of  discard- 
ing every  remnant  of  rancor  against  each  other; 
of  embracing  ss  countrymen  and  friends,  and  of 
yielding  to  talents  ,ind  virtue  alone,  that  confi- 
dence which,  in  times  of  contention  fur  princi- 
ple, was  bestowed  only  upon  those  who  bore 
'he  badge  of  party  communion." 

"  This  declaration  thus  solemnh-  n/ 


preseiic/3  of  an  asseiiibled  iiatiui),  rc.viveji  tn'c 
hopes  of  the  desponding  Federalists,  and 
glimpses  of  light  began  to  break  in  on  the 
darkness  of  th  -ir  prospects.  They  embraced 
your  cause  with  zeal,  and  were  once  more  tal- 
lied under  the  banner  of  an  Adan.s. 

"  \"ou  selected  yo.ir  cabinet.  No  Federalist 
was  invited  to  aid  in. .your  councils — some  stnv- 
prise  w.as  manifested:  many  h:-.d  supposed  that 
the  dislinguishpd  character  who  had  rendered 
such  importintserv'ces,  and  to  whom  you  owed 
the  presidency,  would  have  been  called  to  S 
seat  in  your  cabinet,  for  he  certaiidy  was  com- 
petent to  the  duties  of  any  oflrce;  but  as  he  did 
not  complain,  his  party  were  silent.  Soon  after 
the  mission  to  St.  James'  was  offered  to  tlie  late 
Gov.  Clirt<ni:  he  declined.  The  same  appoint- 
ment was  offered  to  Mr.  Rui\is  King,  which  hfi 
iccepted.  Mr.  Sergeant  was  sent  to  PanamJ^, 
and  no  other  appointmenis  to  oflices  of  any  iro  ■ 
portance  have  been  made  of  any  to  whom  Fed 
erallsm  could  with  any  colorable  pretence  be 
imptited.  A  veiy  clever  political  manager 
sometimes  overreaches  himself.  Should  the 
Federalists  require  the  fulfilment  of  the  pledge, 
and  complain  of  neglect,  your  answer  was  ready, 
I  have  offered  to  Gov  Clinton  the  appointment 
to  an  office  of  the  first  importance:  this  is  con- 
clusive evidence  of  my  regard  to  the  chiims  of 
your  party.  This  honorable  notice  of  a  man 
who  has  been  yonr  candidate  for  the  office  of 
Governor  of  New  York — who  has  received 
your  unanimous  support  when  a  candidate  fot- 
the  President's  office — cannot  fail  of  being sat- 
isfiictory  to  you.  Gov.  Clinton's  refusal  gave 
me  the  opportunity  of  appointing  Mr.  King  to 
the  same  office.  This  gentleman  h:is  been  your 
candidate  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York  against  Vice-President 
Tompkins.  The  FoderaUsts  of  Philadelphia 
by  repeated  elections  have  manifested  their 
confidence  in  the  talents  and  integtity  of  Mr. 
Sergeant."  C.\IULLDS. 


From  the  New-Y^ork  Evening  Post. 
CATULLUS.— No!  V. 

The  conduct  of  Jons  QuiNcr  Adams  consij  r 
ed,  in  his  rcl.itions,  political  and  moral,  ;.  . 
wards  the  Frnr.nAL  Pabtt. 
S<:mc  (iddrens  concluded. — "If  some  vet^rin 
republican  had  addressed  you  in  the  langrafrc 
of  complaint  and  remojistra'nce,  and  ha..l  press- 
ed his  inquiries  and  remarks  in  a  style  like 
this — "  You  profess  to  be  a  member  of  the  re- 
publican party,  and  friendly  to  our  usagi-sv 
How  could  you  violate  your  partv  obligations, 
and  depart  from  those  usages,  b'  oTering  h  .■■!i' 
offices  to  Governor  Clinton,  Mr.  Kmg,  aiid  AUi. 
Sergeant.'  Mr.  King  may  be  re.spectcd  by  Irs 
friends — he  must  be  obnoxious  to  us.  Can 
you  suppose  that  we  would  tolerate  the  ir.a;i 
who  reporte:!  to  a  federal  meeting,  short'v. 
after  the  commencement  of  the  last  war,  resolii- 
tions  in  substance  like  these.'— 'We  are  in-c- 
sistibly  drawn  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Ameri- 
can people  will,  under  the  name  and  form  of 
an  alliance,  be  submitted  to  the  will  and  power 
of  the  French  Emperor.  In  this  view  of  the 
subject,  the  question  of  peace  or  war  involves 
all  that  is  dear  and  valuable  to  man  on  this  side 
the  gra-.e.  We  are  therefore  under  the 
dire  necessity  of  declaring  th"t  wo  hM-e  no  cor  • 


460 


fulenoe  in  Ihe  Jiien  who  have  brought  us  to  this 
perilous  contlillon.'  And  a.s^ain; — 'Resolved, 
that  rcpvcsentatires  be  chosen  in  the  several 
counties,  discreet  men,  friends  of  peace.  These 
Teprescnta'ives  can  correspond  or  conifer  with 
each  other,  and  coopcraifwi'h  l!ic  friends  of  pence 
zA  our  ■iisUr  Slules,  in  devisingj  and  pursuing 
such  constitutional  measures  as  may  secure  our 
independence  and  preserve  our  Union,  both  of 
whicli  arf  endang'ered  by  the  present  war.'  " 

Your  iin^wer  to  ttie  Cfjr'plaming  and  dissatis- 
fied repiibhcans.may  be  imagined. 

"I  profess  to  be  governed  by  the  usages  of 
the  -Republican  party,  and  I  am  not  conscious  of 
dcpartuig  from  them.  1  have  appointed  no  Fe- 
•"  .ralist  to  ofTicc.  1  have  extended  the  pati-on- 
age  of  tc!S  government  only  to  those  of  ihe  true 
fii.th.  Gov.  CHnton  was  a  Republican  by  birtii 
anu  edi'cation — he  v.-as  n<;-ver  even  called  a  Fc- 
der.^hst.  He  has  differed  In  some  of  his  opin- 
ions from  some  of  the  Repuhlicans.  AVhat  then ' 
Have  not  T,  the  Chi:,f  cf  the  Republican  p"r'y, 
oifered  -Yom  thr.t  distinguish''d  leader  of  the 
Western  Republicans,  Mr.  Clay'  It  was  only 
a  temporarj-  diirercnce: — It  has  been  easily  and 
happily  reconciled.  I  mean  to  harmonize  the 
Rcpubhcan  party,  and  to  effect  an  union  asfirm, 
sincere  an  I  invincible  as  that  -.vhich  e^iisted  in 
1801,  when  we  pnstr.Ued  the  aris'ocracy  and 
terminated  the  reign"  of  terror.  I  mean  to  re- 
store the  glorious  days  of  .'efferson.  Can  it  bi- 
supposed  that  t  have  been  heedless  of  my  fa- 
ther's precepts'  You  know  with  what  zeal  h» 
labored  to  prostrate  that  monstrous  system 
which  was  sustained  by  alien  an."!  sedltior.  laws. 
— In  that  glor  ous  undertaking  Gov.  Clinton 
was  a  fellow  laborer,  and  yon  might  as  well  un- 
dertake to  impe.ach  the  republican  principle  of 
my  father  or  myself,  a.sof  I)e  Witt  Clinton. 

"  f fr.  King  has  been  chosen  almost  u]iani- 
mously  by  tl-.c  I'epublic'ans  of  New  York  a  Sen- 
ator of  the  United  States:  his  patriotism  has  been 
proved  by  the  very  iionnrable  certificate  of  Vici 
I'resi^lont  Tompkins:  his  sons  have  given  irre- 
fr.tgabie  proofs  of  their  complete  devotion  to  the 
rcpublictiu  p.arty,  and  hfti  e  So-far  thrown  off 
their  early  aristocratic  notions  as  even  ta  assume 
tile  name  of  "people's  men"  amt  to  discard  the 
proud  .<r;Jr/i;u£.'  of  "pinks  of  chivahy."  The 
father  was  particularly  patronized  by  Mr.  Van 
Bin'on  and  received  from  him  lessons  in  political 
science  and  republican  policy.  Can  you  doubt 
his  republicanism  when  you  examine  his  con- 
duct relative  to  the  appointment  of  deputy 
Vost -master  at  Albany'  Solo'ocn  Van  Rensse- 
laer h;ul  some  claims  on  popnl.ar  gratitude, — his 
blood  hail  often  flowed  in  his  country's  battles, 
— but  he  was  a  feder.alist.  It  v..as  on  this  occa- 
sion that  the  republican  principles  of  Mr.  King 
were  displ.ayed  in  a  far  more  striking  manner 
than  those  cf  Mr.  Van  Iluren.  The  latter  was 
neither  the  political  nor  personal  fnend  of  Sol. 
Van  Rensselaer,  and  had  incurred  no  obligations 
either  'or  acts  of  friendship  or  political  support 
— Sol.  Van  Rensselaer  liad  been  the  /•:  alous  po- 
litical friend  of  Mr.  King,  but  the  latter  fi^thful 
Id  I'le  republican  party,  abandoned  his  friend! 
Can  you  have  a  stronger  proof  of  devotion  than 
this?  There  were  other  advantages  secured  to 
the  r:publicin  party  by  tliis appointment: — Mr. 
.iohuA.  Kii'.g  lately  a  republican  assembly-man 
of  the  Stiiteof  N  York,agfTve,  wise,  deep-read 
"ud  eloquent  civtlis.n,  condescended  to   act  in 


the  htimbte  capacity  of  Secretary  to  his  fathe?, 
with  the  outfit  of  a  Charge  only!" 

"It  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  the  son  of 
"Jonathan  DicUinson  Sergeant,  who  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  republicans"  in  '98,  (the  r 
republicans  who  in  the  slanderous  nometicla- 
ture  of  the  Federalism  of  tiif.t  day  were  styled  a 
"mcb,")cou!d  ever  have  been  a  Federalist. 
He  scorns  their  name  and  association.  Although 
at  the  late  election  -n  Philadelphia  he  received 
four-fifths  of  his  voles  fiom  them,  and  the  elec- 
tion was  in  their  hamls,  yet,  with  tKat  stern  in- 
dependence forwhichhe  is  so  much  distinguish- 
ed, he  contented  himself  with  the  sol'd  adv:mr 
tagc  of  their  votcSj  and  nobly  refused  their  ten- 
dered nomination,  whic'i  he  graciousl]^-  and ' 
(p-atefully  accepted  from  Capt.  Jorfee,  John 
ijinns,  and  Markley!" 

"  After  making  these  appointments  you  be- 
came frightened  even  at  the  gentle  murmuring 
of  the  republic:in  papers.  Y.iu  stopped  at 
once.  Toil  wit'idrew  your  oflered  hand  from 
tiie  Feder.ilists.  The  stream  of  )-our  bounty* 
again  chilled  ii'to  ice.  You  threw  tl. em  of}".— 
The  p!cdge  was  violated.  The  Federalists, 
without  realizing  a'snhtary  favor,  were  again  lel'f 
to  cherish  hope,and';xptri! nee  disappointtrient; 
and  to  prove  the  suiccity  cf  your  ilcmocracy  to 
the  Pennsylvanians,  Albert  Gallatin  was  sent 
to  the  court  of  St.  .lames'!  Vain  ai'e  the  hopes 
of  tile  Federalists.  Mr.  Warfield  witl-j\ever 
surmount  the  Andes.  Mr.  Webster  will  never 
visit  England  as  your  plenipotentiary.  You  ■ 
dure  not  appoint  him.  You  ivalt  a  re-election. 
He  may  h  ive  occasion  to  call  up  his  recollcc 
tious  of  Shal;speare — 

"  There  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men, 
Which,  t.nken  at  its  flood,  leads  on  to  fortune : 
Neglected,  all  is  lost." 

W'lcn  you  was  put  to  the  test — wl-.en  the 
real  Feuer.alist'S  were  recommended  for  judi 
cial  ofKces  in  whicli  party  character  is  not  gen 
erally  so  much  regarded — when  Ric'.iard  Stock- 
ton, (acknowledged  by  all  to  have  been  the 
first  jurist  in  New  Jersey,)  was  a  candidate 
for  the  ofnce  of  District  Judge  in  that  State 
and  received  the  undivided snpport.of  the  Fed- 
eraUsts,  and  no  one  ventured  to  deny  his  emi- 
nent fiualifications,  lie  was  lejected,  becauss 
his  character  as  a  Federalist  was  unequivocal, 
and  the  ofhce  was  given  to  the  S.i>ddler.  AVhen 
the  same  office  became  vacant  ui  the  north  dis- 
trict of  New  York,  were  the  Feder;ilists  con- 
sulted as  to  the  appointment  of  a  successor? 
W.as  not  the  recommendation  of  Gov.  Clinton 
of  itself  sufficient  to  secure  the  appointment  of 
Mr."  Conklin'  The  duty  again  devolved  upon 
you  to  supply  another  vacancy  in  this  State . 
But  a  few  months  had  intervened  since  the  ap- 
pointment of  Mr.  ConkHn,  and  jet  the  interest 
of  .Gov.  Clinton  v.as  gone.  Tho  seven  repub- 
lican representatives  in  Congress  from  this  State, 
once  contemned-  and  despised  a3  Bucktails, 
were  considered  t!ie  real  represent.itives  of  the 
great  republican  party — their  reccr.inic-ndations 
had  been  unnoticed  and  neglected — they  were 
suddenly  invited,  courted  and  coaxed  to  recoir.-  ^ 
mend  anew  judge,  .\fter  experiencing  one  wir 
ter  of  slight  &  neglect, they  were  remunerated  b;, 
another  of  flattery  and  caresses,  and  Ihe  Fedc-- 
ralistsand  Clintonians  experienced  a  vitissitudi: 
in  court  favor,  atid  found  themselves  in  a   new 


461 


\-,  election  lia-iiQtervened,  and  the  sociate  themselves  uitl.  Agg:,  Bims  nu  i  lie 
B.'.ctt.U  or  RenuSn  rirtv  hud  g-^v.ed  both  KicL'apoo'  If  t!>.  delusion  should  be  d,ss.pated-. 
bane4s  oVure'^St  teL^^^  'f  they  s'.cld  a!.-ndor,  the   apostate  and  fly 

^,t  Gove,tr  -u'dT  maj;;ritv  in'  the  national  from  dishonor,  if  they  sho>,  d  -"y  "->";"-;: 
I  ouse  of  Kep.'ce.ta.iv  J.  This  change  in  the  veteran  who  had  ^-^f ,  'JJ^;, '^^'^  ;^f i^.fan  ' 
".^.eat  State"  produced  a con-e.pondingchar.ge  tmly,  in  prosper.tj  and  a.heis.t;.  and  feivean 
in'-f.-elings  and  opmions  at  Wad.ington.  The  honorabU:  support  '<>/'>  ^^norabe  >na.tle^ 
C.pubhfa,>  mcn:be.s  declined  to  recnmend  a  miffhtpuUdou-n  Ih.  IVll-'-^^fy'""- '»-™^'"  ^J^.^ 
iXc.  Tne  claim  of  Chancellor  Kent  was.  temple  and  bury  you  m,tsru,n.l,eae.f^  bet 
iuppovted  by  the  Clintonians  and  Fcderah.ts  ter  to  hazard  tbe>r  pohfc:.  existence  ma l.gh- 
with  g-rea.  zeal  and  earne.ln:-ss.  The  repubh-  eons  effort  than  to  hve  d.^honorcd. 
cahs  admitted  that  the  Cliancellor  v.as  possess-  Qne  would  think  that  the  monument  whirl) 
cdof  the  highest  qualifications  ibat  he  was  federal  gratitude  has  reared  to  honor  tile  memo- 
competent  to  tlie  duties  of  any  judicial  offic^^  ,,j.  of  Hamiiton  in  Trinity  t;hurch  yard,  would 
>■'  that  Ids  integrity  was  incorruptible,  and  his  cha-  f^j]  anart  when  federalists  siiall  move  alon<j 
racter  without  stain  or  blemish;  but  so  great  was  Broadway,  to  swell  tlie  tuin  and  ti.e  trnimpli  oi 
ilicnew-bornattachmenttothcBucktads.thatlhe  q^^  who  imaged  him  while  living,  and  revurd 
iiighclalmsofthiscminentandillustriouslawyer  i,ini  when  dead.  One  would  think  that  the 
v.eredisregarded,andthcofucewasbestO\vedon  shadowy  form  ofrisher  Ames  would  come  forth 
Mr.  BL-tts,  much  his  junior  hiyeai-s  ar.d  abilisies.  ^^^^.^  ^j,e  tomb,  and  if  a  blush  could  redden  on 
in  this  vacillating  coui-tship  of  the  parties  which  i„e  p^Uid  cheek  of  a  disembodied  spint,  Ins 
have  alternately  predominated  in  thlsTJtare,  you  ^youlj  give  one  hidignant  sign  of  vit;.h;y  when 
iiavc  disregarded  and  neglected  the  highest  in-  he  witnessed  the  tluonj  who  now  follow  your 
tereot  of  the  nation,  and  have  rejected  jurists  c(,:u-iot  wheels  through  the  streets  ot  Boston, 
universally  acknowledged  to  possess  the  most  taking  your  dust,  sliouling  your  praises,  and 
eminent  quaUtications  to  secure  objects  person-  i-evelling  in  the  exuberance  of  their  loyalty; 
al  and  selfish.  and  who  once,, in    the   agoiiized    b.llcriics.-    't 

To  wh.at  a  miserable  situation  have  the  once  their giief,  had  poured  out  at  his  grave  the  tt  ars_ 
proud  federalists  degraded  themselves?  The  ofthe  heart!— And  is  this  the  sad  condition  ot 
fedcrahsls,  without  whose  aid  you  never  could  human  nature?  Arc  the  noblest  and  must  genc- 
j.ave  reached  the  Presidency,  without  whose  rous  aSeotions  to  be  sutteiedforevcv  to  ruii^lo 
aid  you  cannot  he  sustained,' are  the  Helots  of  waste  in  senseless  and  headlong  loyalty '  'liie 
your  party.  One  would  think  diat  your  own  in-  history  of  the  federalists  Was  written  long  ago. 
» irests,  to  v.^hlch  yotrare  always  sensitive,  would  The  English  Jacobites  roused  from  the  sl.iailjers 
induce  you  to  treat  them  with  more  considera-  of  half  a  century,  to  follow  the  son  ot  the  he- 
lion.  Withhout  them,  you  could  not  even  show  reditary  monarch;  tliose  who  shared  his  prison 
tlie  fragment  of  a  party,  and  yet  you  have  not  rather  than  desert  him,  were  spurned  from  his 
t!ie  spirit  to  acknowledge  the  cxisUng  counex-  presence  and  treated  with  insult;  their  councils 
ion,  although  every  one  perceives  it.  Devoted  were  betrayed  to  the  Elector  ot  Hanover;  the!'.' 
to  you  (with  few  exceptions)  having  amongst  Jives  were  in  constant  danger  from  the  treaoery 
the'm  men  of  the  first  grade  of  talent,  ofthe  of  the  time-servers  and  apostates,  to  whom  .alor.a 
ilnest  genius,  ofthe  highest  capacity  to  serve  he  gave  his  confidence.  He  overlooked  the 
the  nation  in  great  affairs,  they,  like  llie  Je*s  tried  lidelitv  of  tliose  wlio  served  liim  from  a'- 
m  Egypt,  have  no  consjlation  but  in  the  liope  tachment,  and  gave  the  man.agement  ol  his  ai- 
of  thc'promi.'ed  land  They  feel  the  neglect.  f;iirs  to  his  enemies.  -Even  his  Secretary  \ya« 
They  hate  and  scorn  while  they  serve  you.  In  the  pensioned  agent  of  King  George.  Ilejiil-d 
secret  corners  amongsttiiemselves  the  outpour-  his  itroiis;  buxcs  wiHi  more}/,  and  permitted  his 
ings  of  their  hearts  discover  their  burning  sense 
ofthe  shame  of  their  degradation. 

"  Oh  it  sickens  the  heart"  to  see  this  lofty 
party,  who  opposed  and  defied  for  more  tiian 
twenty  years  the  most  pouerful  and  popular 
Presidents;  whose  aspirations  were  of  no  hum- 
ble character;  whose  proud  boast  was  that  in 
their  ranks  were  embodied  the  wealth,  talent 


most  faithful  fuUowcrs  to  beg! 

And  is  the  parallel  to  be  completed?  Arc 
tlie  ill-fated  federalists  doomed  to  find  their 
safety  in  their  insignificance,  and  to  receive 
immunity  from  the  contemptuous  pity,  rather 
than  from  the  magnanimous  adnih'ation  ot  gene- 
rous enemies'  Are  tliey  satisfied  to  amalsainoU 
.  ,  -      .      ,    tlieir  fortunes  with  ihe'fortunts  of  Joiinmuncy 

and  chivalry  of  the  nation;  who  compromised    ^^^j„„,5   ^nd  without  any  honorahio  distinction 

no  principles,   insensible  alike    to   persuasion,  '  ■■  "•  •  ..      <.- 

flattery  and  ambition;  who,  like  the   fire-u'or 

shippers  of  Pei'sia,  continued  to  cherish  the  sa 


L-red  flame,  and  worshipped  as  their  fathers  had 
worshipped.  Yes, — it  does  sicken  the  heart 
now  to  see  them  cowering  to  the  craven,  and 
trusting  the  aposiate!  It  does  sicken  the  heart 
to  see  tnem  bending  in  lowly  reverence  before 
a  dishonored  man;  satisfied  to  play  the  mute  on 
the  same  stage  where  they  once  *' enacted  the 
parts  of  heroes;"  daily  discovering  by  some  new 


to  act  as  the  menials. of  a  selfish  apo4ate,  to 
serve  in  his  ranks  without  command,  not  to 
sh-jre  the  honors  and  the  advantages  of  the^  vic- 
tory, but  onlv  the  disgrace  and  disasters  of  the 
defe.at?     Here  I  take  my  leave  of  you. 


CATULLUS. 


A  Damper. — Mr.  Solomon  Clarke,  of  Nash- 
ville, happening  in  Lexington  a  sh.n-t  time 
since,  v.'as  introduced  to  Henry  Cl.\v,  who  ac- 
and  monstrous  association  an  increasing  abase-  costed  him  to  this  effect:  "Pray,  Mr.  Clarke, 
ment  of  character,  and  a  wider  departure  from  in  case  of  Gen.  Jackson's  eleetion,  what  oTices 
honorable  pride;  finding  in  the  lowest  depth  of  will  he  confer  upon  Col.  Benton  and  his  frieml 
their  degradation  a  deep  still  lower.  Can  it  be  Tom  Moore '"  "  Genen.1  Jackson  is  not  in  the 
possible  that  great  and  renowned  men,  men  of  habit  of  making  appninlmenfs  to  offii:;  before  fi;^ 
lofty  minds  and  of  honorable  charactw  can  as-   ffrrfioH.'"  returned  Clarke. — IVe?.  Bat. 


4fi'2 


liar  Uie  V  nilcd  states'  Telegraph. 

The  Jackson  CormiiiUee  of  Correspondence 
of  Plilladelpliia,  have  plKced  before  the  public 
'eye,  a  series  of  letters,  on  nearly  all  the  topics 
iiow_  discussed;  and  yet,  the  advocatesof  tlie 
administration  have  ventured  to  notice  a  part 
Only  of  a  single  letter.  Even  if  the  committee 
had  erred  in  one  particular,  it  need  not  excite 
surprise;  but  I  am  about  to  siiow,  that  the  Na- 
ttonal  Journal  is  mistaken,  even  as  to  that  par- 
ticular. 

The  Journal,  in  langviag'e  suiTiciently  gross, 
I  confess,  :4ssert9,  thht  Andrew  Jacks.i'n  never 
was  appijnteil  by  W:ishiiigton,  Attorney  of  the 
D;»trct,  now  Tennessee:  th:it  the  Thiladelplua 
Committee  forged  the  paper  appended  to  th'-ir 
tenth  Ir't-r:  and  insinuates  that  ihe  whole  v.'as 
done  under  the  g-uidance  of  some  unseen  di- 
rector! 

As  to  the  pap.-r  appended  in  a  note  to  their 
Tenth  letter,  it  is  expressly  st;>ted  to  be  a  form 
of  a  commission,  the  date  of  Avhich  is  not 
thought  correct,  but  that  it  is  believed  to  be  so 
in  all  resjjects.  Tlie  object  of  prcsentiuff  this 
form  IS  obvioui— instead  of  merely  s»j/oig, 
"  Washington  made  J;ickson  an  .Vttorney  of  tiie 
ITnitcd  States,"  it  .t/ictus  in  the  form,  tvhnf  the 
act  v.-as:  itsiiows  that  Washington  expressed 
confidence  in  Jackson's /cnrmn^  and  mte^ity, 
and  from  this,  the  people  h:ive  a  true  idl-a  of 
the  thing  done.  Th.it  such  was  the  form,  to  a 
letter,  of  the  commissions  given  to  district  at- 
tornies,  1  h.ivc  positive  knowledge;  so  that,  if 
Andrew  Jackson  was  appointed  attorney,  he 
must  have  got  a  commission  exa  ;tly  in  the  form 
Sivcn,  and  no  evil  js  done  by  laying  that  form 
before  the  public. 

The  main  question  then,  is — ico?  Andrew 
.hckfon  appointed  liy  Has/iinqlon?  If  he  was, 
1  suppose  the  Journal  itself  will  not  complain 
of  the  rest. 

Th.it  Andrew  Jackson  was  appointed  attor- 
ney of  the  district,  nov.-  Tennessee,  by  Wash- 
ington, I  propo.se  to  prove,  not  only  by  the 
strength  of  affirmative  proof,  but  by  the  abso- 
fute  weakness  and  absiu-dity,  if  not  falsity  of 
-the  negative  evidence  of  the  Journal.  I  pro- 
pose to  do  this  without  speaking  to  a  human 
beliig,  or  applying  in  any  way  to  any  person 
for  information— to  apply  to  Gen.  Eaton  is  not 
possible  for  early  use. 

1.  In  the  Life  of  Gen.  Jackson,  by  John  H. 
Katon,  Esq.  it  is  stated,  that  Andrew  Jackson, 
in  October,  1788,  went  with  Judge  McNa^ry  to 
rS'ushville — that  lie  established  lumsel-f  asa  law- 
yer in  good  business  there — and  that  he  was 
"  shoi-tJy  afterwards  ajipointed  by  Washington 
'  attorney  general  for  the  district,  in  which 
••  capacity  he  continued  to  act  for  several 
.'  years." 

This  testimony,  imcontradicted  until  now, 
ancP  now  only  by  the  Journal,  is  enough 
for  all  reasonable  men:  but  1  proceed — 

-"■  In  the  letter  of  Judge  John  McNairy  to 
the  Nashville  Jackson  Committee,  dated  "  Nasli- 
*>'ille,  Ahiy  T,  182","  he  says — ■' Gen.  Jackson 
'  and  myself  have  been  acquainted  more  than 

•  40  years,  I  think  44  or  45  years;  part  of  the 
'  time  we  lived  together;  and  the  balance  in 
'  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  each  other. 

•  We  moved  together,  from  North  Carolina  to 

•  this  State,  and  arri\  cd   in   N.ishviile,  in  f)cto- 


.J.  Tile  Journal  adaun  iliui.  the  diatrictj  iu>vs 
Tennessee,  was  organized  for  judicial  purposes, 
under  act  of  May  26,  1/90;  and  it  admits  that 
John  McNairy  was  appointed  United  States 
Judge  under  that  act,  on  the  9th  June,  1T90. 

4.  In  trie  letter  from  Judge  John  Overton 
to  the  Nashvi'le  Jackson  Co.-nmittce,  dated 
May  8,  1827,  he  states,  that  having  completed 
the  studj  of  the  law,  he  went  to  settle  ill 
he  country,  now  called  West  Tennessee;  and 
then  pr.jceeds — 'Mr.  A.  Jackson  had  studied 
'  the  law  at  Salisbu  *,  North  Carolina,  as  1  un- 
'  derstoud,  and  had  ai-rivcd  in  this  country  with 
'  Judge  McNaJj-y,  &c.  ;dl  lawyers,  scckingtheir  , 
'  fortunes,  not  more  th;in  a  month  or  two  before 
'  my  arrival.'  'Jackson  went  down  the  river 
'  from  Nashville  to  Natchez,  some  time  in  the 
'  winter  or  spring  of  1791.'  '  Previously  to  his 
'  starting,  he  intrusted  idl  his  law  business  to 
'  me.'  '  He  dccended  the  river,  returned  f-oni 
'  Natchez  t-^  N.isliviUe,  and  was  at  the  Superior 
'  Court  ;a  th>-  latter  place,  in  May,  1791,  attend- 
« ing  to  liis  business  as  a  lawyer,  and  'S'olicilor 
'  General  for  the  Govei'nrnetit.' 

These  facts  arctliereforo  cv'dent: 

1 .  Tiiat  A.  Jackson  was.  at  Nashville,  Octo- 
ber, 1788.- 

2.  That  the  Territory  was  organized  for  judi- 
cial purposes,  after  May,  1790. 

3.  That  the  Judges,  McNairy,  &c.  were  ap. 
pointed  June,  1790. 

4.  Thai  A.  J:'ckson  was  the  Government  So- 
licitor Central,  as  Judge  Overton  calls  it,  in 
May,  1791. 

Ail  this  is  independent  of  Major  F-aton's  posi- 
tive declaration,  in  tlie  biog'raphy  of  Gen.  Jack, 
son,  tliat  Gen.  Washington  appointed  him  At- 
torney, shortly  after  his  establishment  at  Nash- 
ville;, and  tis  the  Court  was  not  organized  until 
May,  1790,  it  must  have  been  after  that. 

In  tlie  face  of  this  affirmative  proof,  the  Joiu'- 
nal  asserts,  that  Gsn.  Jackson  was  not  appointed 
bv  Washington.  Let  us  see  what  evidence  it 
gives.     It  says: 

1.  May  26,  1790,  the  President  signed  "An 
act  for  the  government  of  the  territory  of 
the  United  States,  south  of  tlie  river  Ohio. 
See  Laws  CI  S.  Vol.  2,  p.  lU-t. 

2.  The  first  section  of  this  act  ordains,  that 
"the.governinent  of  the  said  territory  south 
of  the  Ohio,  sliall  be  similar  to  that  which 
is  now  exercised  in  the  territory  north-west 
of  the  Ohio. 

5.  The  form  of  government  prescribed  for 
the  territory  i,orlh-v/est  of  the  Ohio,  will 
be  found  in  the  ordinance  of  Congress,  of 
the  13th  Julv,  1787.— &;;  Laws  U.  S.  Vot 
l,p.i76. 

4.  The  ordinance  provides  for  the  appomt- 
mcT-.t  by  the  United  States,  of  a  Governor, 
a    Secretary,    a    Coarl,  to   coniist  of  thre^ 
Judges,  and  (when  there  sliould  be  a  certain 
number  of  inhabitants  in  the  territory,)  of 
a  legislative  counc.l,  consLstlngof  five  mem- 
bers.   II  dors  not  (lutiiorize  tlu:  nppoinlmtnt 
of  an  Mtoriuy  of  the  United  States. 
This,  then,  is  tiie  cviilence  of  the  Journal— 
but  the  Journal  is  not  content  ivith  this— It  goes 
on  to  assert,  that  no  Attorney  was  appointed, 
and  how  does  it  prove  this.'     Why,  by  another 
assertion  of  its  own,  that  no  officers,  hut  these 
it  names.  Governor,  Secrciari/,  ,/U4?isand  Cou'i- 
ril,  were  appointed  i 


'1 U  >i 


\n  li'uUi,  tills  IS  a  pitiful  lig-mc whicli  lue  great 
iournal  of  ilic  Government  cuts — a  paltry  equi- 
.'ocation — 11  wretched  apology  for  the  pompons 
Jiipluy  of  names  and  dates! 

The  position  of  the  Journal  is  this.  Jackson 
I'as  not  appointed,  because  'die  ordinance  did 
lot  enumerate  an  Attorney  amongst  the  officers 
o  be  appointed.  Jackson  was  not  appoinicd, 
jecause  a  Governor,  Secretary,  a.-d  Judges,  and 
Council  were  appointed. 

Thtsis  the  niightv  proof! 

The  answer  to  all  tiiis  is  perfectly  simple.  AH 
Tiust  agree,  that  three  Judges,  constituting  a 
Vcrnrt,  were  aijpointed,  forbupuiess  williin  Uni- 
ed  Sta'es  jurisdiction.  Has  any  body  over  heard 
)f  aCwuit'of  the  United  St.-.ton,  wiilKiMt  an  .\t. 
orney  of  the  United  States'  I  mlglit  as  well 
.skfif  any  body  had  ever  seen  a  coach  travel 
vithout  horses'  The  fact  is,  the  organization 
vonld  have  been  impeifcct  without  a  reprcsen- 
atlve  of  the  Union.  Ay,  but  says  the  Journ.al, 
he  ordinance  did  not  authorize  an  appointment 
if  an  Attorney.  Indeed'  this 's  marvellous!  If 
he  Journal  will  look  at  page  71,  vol.  2, 
.aws  of  the  United  States,  it  will  find  a  key, 
hat  will  open  a  door  to  nece.Hsary  knowled^'e  on 
hia subject.  "  An  act  to  establish  the  judicial 
mirts  of  the  United  States,"  section  35,  ap. 
iroved  September  24,  1789,  says:  "Inrdlthe 
Burts  of  the  United  States,  the  parties  may 
ilead  and  manage  their  own  causes,  personally, 
r  by  the  as.sistaiice  of  such  counsel  or  attorney 
t  law,  as,  by  the  rules  of  the  said  Courts  respec- 
ivcly, shall  be  permitted  to  manage  and  conduct 
auses  therein.  Andihere  slicdl be  appoin'cri  in 
acit  district,  n  meet  person,  learned  in  the  hitv, 
D  act  as  Allorncy  fur  She  United  tVlalcs  in  melt 
'istricl,  who  shall  be  sworn,  &c'." 

Can  any  thing  be  plainer?  In  1789,  a  general 
ct  was  passed,  directing  attorneys  to  be  np- 
ointed  in  all  the  Courts  United  States.  In 
790,  a  Coiii't  U.  S.  was  organized  in  the  dis- 
cict,  now  Tennessee:  in  the  organizing  law  it 
•as  useless  to  authorize  that  to  be  done,  which 
le  general  judiciary  act  already  directed  to  be 
one:  sothat, unless  Washington  neglcct.-dhisdu 
•,anattorncy  for  it  was  appointed:  To  suppose 
lat  no  a'torney  was  appointed,  is  to  suppose  as 
ross  a  piece  of  absurdity  as  stupidity  could  cn- 
ender.  Who,  then,  was  appointed  ?  The 
mrnal  has  access  to  all  books  and  papers.  I 
ive  not:  if  any  body  but  Andrew  Jackson  was 
ipointed,  let  the  journal  tellusU'Aoit  was,  and 
le  matter  will  be  settled:  But  I  aver  that  An- 
:ew  Jackson  was  appointed, and  nobodv  else — 
ilemn  display  of  knowledge  on  tl.e  point,  of 
"  .7(iuni:d,  to  il,c  con'av.ry  iiolwithstanding. 
AN  ENQUIKEU. 

li-om  the  American  Rentnel. 
THE  VOTE  OF  I'F,NXSYLVAM.\. 
Congressional  D-slrtcis. 
'}"i\.:  F,',r.t  Districl,  now  Topi'csen;e.(;  hy  ,/'uel 
■  isulJierliind,  is  composed  of  Southwiuk.'.Moy- 
nensing,  I'assy-nik.  Tdockleyand  Kingsessing, 
the    Cinnity   of  I'iiiladelphia,  Cedar,    Fine, 
id  Kew  Market  wards  in  the  Cils/  of  rliiladel- 
lia."     In  this  district,  the   Jackson   electoral 
;kct  wjU  have  a  majority  ijf  at  least  800. 
Tiie  Second  Disiric',  composed  of  "Locust, 
3ck,  Walnut,  Chesnul,  High,  Jliddle,  Sonlii, 
Dvth  ?.rnllicv"v,  P'-nh  Milbp—v.  North.  ITpp»r 


Delaware  and  Lowe>  Delaware  Waras,  iiowri;. 
presented  by  John  Sergeant.  In  tliis  district, 
Mr.  //cH!/)/»Y/ will  be  the  opposing  candidate  to 
Mr.  6Vr.^c(j;i/.  Althdugh  we  put  it  down  as 
doubtful,  »Ir,  IIcmphitl{lhc  Jackson  candidati' ) 
v;ill  he  elected. 

The  Third  District,  now  represented  by  Da- 
niel H.  Miller,  is  composed  of  the  Northern  Li- 
bertics,L.KTnsuiglon,  Penn  Township,  German- 
town,  R<>xboroi!"h.  Bristol.  Oxf'-rd,  Byl>errv, 
Morel.-..nd,  andtLWci  Uii!l  n  tn.'  mh  ;)S  !n  'iiS 
district  the  opposition  admit  we  WilHiave  a  ma- 
jority. 

The  first  and  third  districts  are  made  up  of 
till-  counli/of  Pliiladilphia  and  t..e  t'lree  lower 
wards  of  the  city,  v:z:  Piiie,  C.:dar  and  New 
Market.  In  these  three  wards,  last  year,  the 
Jackson  majority  was  58  votes.  The  remain- 
ing part  of  the  two  districts,  is  formed  out  o''  the 
countij  of  I'iiiladelphia.  There  Biiins  admits, 
by  his  estimate,  that  the  Jackson  party  will  re- 
c^ve  1000  majority:  Consequently,  headmits, 
that  \.\\e  first  and  third  Congressional  districts  will 
go  for  Jack f on. 

The  Fourth  Dlstrixf,  now  represented  by 
Jiimc:  Viichcnan,  Charles  Miner,  and  Samuel 
.Snderso'i,  composed  of  "  Lancaster,  Chester 
and  Driaware  counties."  Of  the  present  mem- 
bers, Messrs.  Miner  and  .Anderson  are  for  the 
administration,  and  Mr.  Bxtchimun  against  it. — 
For  the  approaching  election,  the  tickets  are  so 
nominated,  as  'o  make  the  election  a  test  of  th^ 
Presidential  election.  Messrs.  Andi-rson,  of 
Dclawarcj  Ilaincs  of  Chester,  and  Heiiler  of 
Lancaster,  are  on  the  Administratio-.i  ticket. — 
Messrs.  Ihichanan  of  Lancaster,  Eruns  of  Chcs 
tcr,  and  Leipcr  of  Delaware,  are  on  the  Jackson 
ticket.  The  Presidential-queslion  lias  not  been 
submitted  before  in  thi.<  district  upon  the  con- 
gression.-d  election,  lioth  parties  claim  the  ma- 
joritj-  in  it.  The  election  will  be  strongly  con- 
tested, and  the  m.ijority  on  whichever  side  it 
may  bo,  will  not  be  great.  Our  oiiinlon  is, 
that  the  Jackson  party  will  carry  their  ticket.; 
in  which  case,  wc  will  gain  t%vo  Jackson  mem- 
bers in  the  room  of  Jlcssrs.  Miner  and  Jlnd'.r 
son. 

The  Fifi/i  District,  "Montgoihery  County,'-' 
now  represented  by  John  H.  SIcrigere,  friendly 
to  the  election  of  Gen.  Jackson.  It  is  said, 
that  he  will  be  nominated  again;  if  so,  he  w-ill 
be  re-elected  by  a  majority  at  least  of  500  votes, 
over  his  opponent^ Vosfp'i  Boijer,  an  Adams 
man . 

The  Sixth  District,  composed  of  "  Dauphin 
and  Lebanon  count  es."  Here  Judge  irreen,. 
the  present  representative,  a  Jackson  man,  will 
be  re-ekcted. 

T.'ie  Seventh  District,  composed  of  "the 
counties  of  I'erks,  Schuylki'l  and  Lehigh,"  at 
present  represented  by  lles.srs.  .fldams&ni  Pi-ey, 
both-Jacksoniaiis.  The  ticket  for  this  district 
has  not  yet  been  agreed  ujion.  No  cand!d;ite 
but  a  friend  of  Jackson  v.-ill  be  nominated.  Tiio 
inajority  \ull  exceed  4000  at  the  ckctnra! 
(Icclion.  ninns'  estimate  concedes  this  di.  - 
trict  to  J:ickson. 

The  Eighth  District,  compo^^d  or"tlic coun- 
ties of  Rucks,  Northampton,  I'lke  and  Wayne," 
now  represented  by  Samuel  D.  Ingham  and 
George  Wolf.  The)-  will  be  rc-elcctcd  by  a  very 
large  majority.     In  tiiis  district  t.!;e  Jackson  eh.  ■ 


^o^ 


aial  ticket  wlil  gel  a  majo/ity  oi  upwards  of  son,'  now    vej)resetm;d    by   Sichard    CouUer, 


t'ricr.dly  to  Jackson;  the  administration  men 
liave  not  ventured  to  nominate  a  candidate  in 
opposition  to  Mr  Coidter.  Ojr  irijfri'y  for 
the  el;  ctorat  ticket  will  be  2500.  Bii.iis  albO 
concedes  tliis  district  to  Jackson  by  hia  calcula- 
tiin. 

The  Eighteenth  Dhtrid,   composed  of  '  the 
counties  of  Erie,  Crawford,    Mercer,   Warren, 


JOOO. 

'I'lie  Ninth  District,  composed  of  -the  coun- 
ties of  Union,  Northumberland,  Columbia,  I.u- 
i'.erne,  Susqiiolianna,  Bradford,  Lycoming-,  Ti- 
oga, Votlorand  M'Kcan."  This  d  strxt  is  now 
represented  b\  Gen.  Samuel  MKean,  Oetirge 
Kremtr,  ar.d  JFsp.V  ^l-nhont.  The  licket  has 
not  yet  been  ag-reed  upon,  hut  no  person  can  be 

chosen  m  that  district,  unless  iie  is  friendly  to  and  Venantfo,'  now  represented  by  Stejj/ien 
the  election  of  tlvc  Farmer  of  Tennessee.  The  Dartow.  \Ve  will  have  a  large  rnhjority  in  this 
majority  at  the  electoral  election  will  he  very  district  in  favor  of  our  electoral  ticket, 
great.  ■  The  central  committee  estimate  it  at  up-  We  have  prepared  this  estimate  with  great 
wards  of  rooO.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  in  care,  that  our  friends  abroad,  as  well  as  r.t 
this  district,  tile  administration  parly  do  not  talk  home,  m.iy  learn  the  real  st.-ength  of  Gen. 
oi  putting  an  Adams  man  in  tt^i  jtJd  fj.~  Cun-  Jackson  ia  this  State. 
S''^ss.  ^  ■  5  a  many  of  (he  congressional  districts,  it  will 

Tiie  T  A  ZJi's/nV/,  composed  of "  the  county  be  iierceWed,  tliat  even  Binns,  in  h'S  estimate 
of  York,  Dr.  Adiun  Ka>^,  t's.-.  present  Jack-  ,of  the  ^•c;te  of  Pennsylvania,  concedes  that  we 
son  representative,  will  be  ;-'^-«"r<".'.:?.  The  m.a-  will  have  majorities  for  Jackson.  It  will  also 
jority  for  (h?  Jackson  eiectoial  tiv^tct  will  be  be  perceived,  that  in  many  of  the  districts,  no 
larg-e — yet  Binns  claims  for  the  admiiii.stration  a    administration  candidaies  are  likely  to  be  put 


mnjority  of  30'J. 

'Vhe  Eicvenl/i  flis/riW,  composed  of  the  coun- 
ties i>i  "Adams,  Franklin,  Cumberland,  and  Per- 
ry," now  represented  bv  H'm.  liamseu,  of  Cum- 
berland, and  James  j'Vi.'soii,  of  Adams.  Mi-. 
IJanns.'.y  is  for  J-i-;k->on,  ami  Mr.  Wilson  for.\d- 
ams.  Inconseepience  ofliis  going-  for  the  ad- 
ininiotnation,  Mr.  Wilson  -..iU  be  left  at  home. 
Tile  ticket  lias  not  yet  been  settled;  Mr.  Kam- 
r.:>y  will  be  one  of  t!ie  candidates,  and  will  be 
re-elected.  The  Jackson  electoral  ticket  will 
succeed  by  a  m.ijurity  of  2500. 

The  Twe/fll:  Oisfrat,  composed  of  t!ie  coun- 
ties  of   "  liuntii-.sdoi),    Mifiiin,    Centre,    and 


in  nomin.ation,  so  overwhelming  is  the  Jacfcson 
vote  in  ihera. 

Inconc'udinfr  this  article,  we  request  the  ad 
ministration  editors  thi-oughout  t'le  S-'t.ate,  and 
the  Unio.i,  if  tliey  pU-ase,  to  take  notice  of  this 
opinion  in  relation  to  tiic  apprcacliii.g  conjjres- 
sional  election  in  Pennsjlvania.  We  ask  it  to 
herecuidtd,  as  our  opinion,  that  at  the  ccngres- 
sional  election  in  October,  the  administration 
will  not  have  a  piobable  chance  of  carrying 
more  than  trM  'dixtricls  in  this  State,  viz.  the 
neamd  and  fonrtii.  In  tlvose  districts,  every 
inch  of  gTOund  \v;il  be  warmly  contested;  and 
suchistheenthusia-iinof  tlie  friends  of  Jackson, 


Clearfield,"  now  rcpre.-iented  by  John  M.tchtH,  that  it  is  cnnfidcntly  lielieved,  by  many  of  the 
a  friend  of  Jackson,  ilere  a  Jackson  man  be-  most  intelligent  of  our  friends,  that  even  iii 
yoiida   doubt   wll!  be  elected.     Tlie  Jackson  " '  '         '" '        '         '      "~" 


electoral  ticket  will  succeed  by  a  majority  oF 
IVom  twenty  .four '0  t'.veiity-seven  hundred.  In 
this  district  no  .Vdams  candidate  v.-ill  be  nonii- 
ii.ited  for  couq-ress.  Uiimi'  esti;n;:te  adir/its 
t^ia'  J.'.oi;s''n  v.  ill  lave  a  majority. 

Tii.-!  'i'KiriLtnth  District,  comiioscd  of  tlie 
'•  counties  ot'liedt':.rd,  Somerset,  and  Cambra," 
repres.:*nted  by  Chauiiceij  FurwarJ,  a  J.ackso- 
siian.  The  Jackson  electoral  ticket  here  will 
gctup'.vards  of  j0'30  majority.  No  opposition 
by  llic  administration.  Ilimia'  estimate  gives 
•  bis  d  itrict  iiloo  to  Jackson. 

Tile  Fitiiiieciil/t  Jiistrid,  coiTipose<l  of  "  the 
counties  of  I-'ayette  an  I  Gi-ecne,"  represented 
hy. 'Indretf  Stewart,  an  Adams  man.  Binns  says 
we  will  g.-t  a  majority  in  the  district.  We  ask 
'Z3M  majority'. 

The  Fifteenth  District,  composed  of  "  Wash- 
ington county,"  now  represented  he  Jos.  I^)W- 
rtnc-;  an  Adams  man.  Our  majoriiy  for  the 
elector.d  ticket  will  be  about  2000.  Binns 
admits  by  his  estimate  that  we  will  get  a  major- 
ity here. 

'The  Sixteenth  District,  composed  of  the  coun- 
ties of  Alleglieny,  Beavtr,  Butler,  and  Aim- 
strong-,  nriw  represented  by  James  iV.  Stevetismi 
and  liobtrt  Orr.  We  claini  a  majority  for  tlie 
Jackson  electoral  ticket  of  2600.     'i'lie  adminis- 

ft'at:on    men  liave   onlv  dared  to  put  one  Con-        .^..^.^  >«  .-/-—    — • -  it,,-,..,  fm 

Pressionul  candidate  in  the  field-tlirce  out  of  Adams  man  n,-et  the  other  day—  ^^^YuJr 
the  four  candidates  running  for  Congress  being  J,c!,-son,"  said  the  hrst.  "  Hurra  tor  the  Dtmt, 
for  Jackson.  said  the  spunky  coahtiomst- 

The- 
^S'jnties  ( 


them  our  candidates  will  be  elected.  For  our- 
selves, v/e  b;:!ievc,  that  tiis  chances  are,  on  the 
whole,  in  favour  of  the  Jackson  candidaica. 
But  if  we  tVil,  it  will  be  by  a  very  small  vote  ; 
and  the  administr.ation  will  have  but  tuo  di-s- 
trictsoutof  c/^«ton,  into  wliicli  the  State  isdi- 

>-ided. 

Cantempt;l/le— The  New-York  National  Advo- 
cate, gives  the  names  of  the  members  of  the  le- 
gislati'ii-e  of  this  State,  "oppmed  io  a  repeal  of  the 
electoral  law."  This  "list,"  which  embraces 
all  the  federal  administration  members.and  just 
enough  of  the  republican  Jackson  members  to 
make  i:p  a  bare  majority  in  both  houses,  tho 
Advocate  pretends  ""  has  been  compiled  out 
with  much  care!"  This  is  a  very  contemptible 
artiiice,  quite  worthy  ofits  source,  and  very 
much  in  the  manner  of  .lohn  Binns  and  the  Na- 


tional  Intehigencer.  The  d-^sign  is  to  convey 
the  impressioii  that  all  the  members  whose  names 
are  not  included  in  the  "  list,"  are  in  favor  of  a 
repeal.  The  National  Advocate  is  challenged 
to  name  a  single  Jackscn  member  of  cither 
br.anc:i  of  tlie  legisl-jture  who  is  not  opposed  to 
a  repeal  of  tlie  electoral  law.  A  good  cause 
can  scarcely  require  the  aid  of  such  tricks:  And 
tliey   accelerate   the  downhill  course  of  a  bad 

cause. — Jtlbimij  .irg'.is.  -^ 

Stick  to  your  C'cnii'rfn^e.— -A  Jackson  and  nil 


'Very  weU,"  re. 

''^Seventeenth  JiiUrict,  composed  of  '  the    iortVdthe  Jacksonlan,  "V°"  °,*i<^^,'°  y°",'m"''" 
esof  Wcstniorelaftd,  ludiana-  and  .'effer-   didate,  and  rilsliok  to  mine.  -Enmmum 


UNITED  STATES'  TELEGRAVK— Extra. 


Thjs  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  ijublished  weekly 
until  the  15tii  of  October  next,  ("or  0«f  DbUarg  subject  to  newspaper  postage,  and  iiUmors. 

BV  GliEJSN  fy  JARVIS. 


VOL.    1. 


WASHINGTON,  OCTOBER  4,  1S28. 


No.   30. 


GKN.  JACKSON    \r  Ni;vV   OULEAXS. 

Am;)i;^  the  atlem|)ts  to  dc-stroy  the  cli:ir;icter 
of  Gtii  Jackson,  made  by  the  National  IiHelli- 
gencc-r,  tlie  publictiion  of  a  lettir  wr  tten  to 
him  by  the  Acting  Secretary  of  War,  in  the 
spring;  of  1815,  in  reply  to  complaints  f;'im  the 
disaffected  at  New  Orleans,  and  the  suppr  -^sion 
of  his  answer,  is  not  the  ]e;isl  remarkable. — 
That  letter  speaks  of  c:'mplaints  against  fien 
Jackson's  exercise  of  mlitary  power,  and  at 
tiie  same  time  that  it  expresses  the  h  g!i  confi 
donee  of  the  Presid.  nt,  (.Mr.  i^dison,)  calls 
upon  Gen  Jackson  to  comniuiiicate  the  reasons 
for  his  conduct.  We  say  that  tiie  InteUigencer 
has  suppressed  his  aaswer:  because  it  is  u-'t  to 
be  believed  that  Mr.  Madison  woidd  have  re- 
tained him  in  comm.ind  of  tiie  aimy, or  that , 
Mr.  Monroe  woidd  ;^ave  conferred  additional 
offi(;es  upon  Gen.  Jackso-i,  if  lie  had  refused  or 
neglected  to  give  a  s-itisfacVory  answer  lo  such 
a  letter.  Thefi'esoftie  War  Uepartment  are 
open  to  the  Editors  uf  IIk- int'lligeneeri  they 
are  closed  against  u?.  We  do  not  Icsiw  that 
any  letter  from  Gen  iacks'in  is  on  file.  But 
we  are  bound  to  presume  thai  the  letter  'f  the 
Secretary  of  War  was  saiisfiiclorly  answered, 
otherwise  it  would  iiave  been  the  duty  of  the 
President  to  have  ordered  the  arrest  and  trial 
of  Gen  Jackson.  Instead  of  wliich,  all  know 
.that  lie  was  a  favorite  of  Ir.  'liadisou's  and  also 
of  Mr.  Monroe's  aiministralion. 

Mr.  Adams  himself,  long  after  this,  said  of 
him,   that  he  was 

"  An  officer,  whose  .services  entitle  him  to 
the  iughe.->t  rewards,  and  wliose  whole  cueer 
has  b»-ii  sig-n.il.zed  by  the  purest  intentions  and 
the  niost  elevated  purposes." 

The  Editors  of  llie  Inielligencer  know,  that 
that  letter  was  prepared  for  the  eye  of  those 
who  li.ad  in.^c  complaints  ag-auistGen.  Jackson. 
One  of  them  :st  iia'alu^ble  properliesofourform 
ofgovernrneiit  is.tliat.wiialever  might  liave-been 
the  [nolives  of  ttios<;  opposed  to  Gen. -Jackson, 
it  was  as  much  tlie  duty  of  the  Vresi  ent  to  ex- 
amine into  cliargespieferred  by  the  disatt'ected, 
as  if  they  had  originated  in  the  purest  patriot- 
ism. And  the  Editors  '  f  t!ie  Intelligencer 
know,  th.at  it  is  usual  to  furnish  the  aoctisers 
with  a  copy  of  such  communication  to  the  per- 
son accused,  in  answer  to  their  complaint,  and 
hence  it  is  more  tlian  probable,  that  a  cojjy  of 
Mr.  Dallas's  letter  to  Gen.  Jackson  was  trans- 
mitted to  his  accusers.  And  the  fac-'.  that  it 
was  intended  for  them  as-well  as  for  him,  will 
e.tplain  the  t'-rms  in  which  it  was  wiitlen. 

i?ut  did   Mr.    M  idson    prosecute  tiie  subject 
fvirther?  ivo.      Wiiy  did  he  not  do  so?    We  are 
I' consti'ained  to  believe   that   Gen.  Jackson's  an- 
swer Was  satisfactory. 

We  do  not  kn  iw  wliat  that  an.«wer  was;  but 
in  the  absence  of  tire  answer  it.self,  which  the 
Ijecretiu'j-  of  War  refuses  to  us,  although  he 
admits  .Ur.  Gales  to  examine  the  or'.;ri.,li.  we 
have  published  Gen.  .'  .■.  :-.i's  liefi  v;-^  betore 
Judge  Hall.  We  invite  for  tiuflelcq'.'ii*  d  icii- 
ment  that  perusal  whioh  it  merits — and  pia^e 


before  our  readers  the  following  appropriate 
and  able  vindication,  from  the  pen  of  the  vener- 
ated Jefferson: 

Extract  of  a  letter  from   Mr.  Jeffersiin  to  ,Jmn 
B.  Colvin,  Esq. 

"  To  proceed  to  the  conspiracy  of  Burr,  and 
particularly  to  Gen.  AVilkinson's  situation  in 
New  Orleans.  In  judging  this  case  we  are 
bound  to  consider  the  state  of  the  information, 
correct  and  incorrect,  which  he  then  possessed. 
He  exp  cted  I5urr  and  his  band  from  above,  a 
Brillsii  flee!  from  below,  and  he  knew  there 
was  a  formidable  conspiracy  within  the  city* — 
Under  these  circumstances,  was  he  justifiable. 
1st.  In  seizing  notorious  conspirators'  On  this 
there  can  be  but  two  opinions:  oneoftlie  guilty 
and  their  accomplices:  the  oihcr,  tliat  of  all  hon- 
est men.  2d.  Sending  tliein  to  the  Seat  of 
Goverinnent,  when  the  written  law  gave  them 
a  right  to  trial  in  the  Territory?  The  danger  of 
their  rescue,  of  continuing  the  machinations, 
the  tar  liness  and  weakness  of  the  law,  apathy 
of  the  Judges,  active  patronage  of  the  whole 
tribe  of  lawyei-3,  unkuown  dispositions  of  the 
juries,  an  hourly  expectation  of  the  enemy,  sal- 
vation of  the  city,  and  of  the  Union  itsell,  which  ■ 
would  have  been  convulsed  to  its  centre,  had 
that  cnnspiracy  succeeiled,  all  these  constituted 
a  law  of  necessity  and  self  preservation,  and 
rendered  the  salus  populi  supreme  over  the 
written  law.  The  officer  who  is  called  to  act  on 
this  superior  ground,  d  les  indeed  risk  himself 
on  the  justice  of  the  controlling  powers  of  the 
Constitution,  and  ids  station  makes  it  his  duty  to 
incur  tiiat  risk.  But  th~se  controlling  powers, 
and  his  fellow  citizens  generally,  are  bound  to 
judge  according  to  circumatances  under  which 
he  acted.  The)-  aie  not  to  transfer  the  informa- 
tion of  this  (ilace,  or  moment,  to  the  time  and 
])Iace  of  this  action:  but  to  put  themselves  into 
his  situation.  We  know  here  that  there  never 
was  danger  of  a  British  fleet  from  below,  and 
thatBun''s  band  was  crushed  before  it  reached  the 
Misbissippi.  Biit  Gen  Wilkinson's  information 
was  very  different,  and  he  could  act  on  no  other. 

"  From  these  e-ximples  md  principles,  yoi: 
may  see  what  I  think  on  the  question  proposed. 
They  do  not  go  to  the  case  of  pe.rsons  charged 
with  petty  duties,  where  consequences  are  trif- 
ling: and  time  allowed  for  a  legal  course,  nor 
to  authorise  the*  to  take  such  cases  out  of  the 
written  law.  In  these  the  example  of  overleap- 
ing the  law,  is  of  greater  evil  than  a  strict  ad- 
I'-erence  to  its  impei/v-ct  provisions.  It  is  in- 
cumbent on  tho.se  only  wlio  accep:  oi  gi-eat 
charges,  to  risk  themselves  on  tjieat  occasions, 
when  the  safety  of  the  Nation,  or  some  of  its 
very  high  interests  are  at  stake.  An  ofTicer  is 
bound  to  obey  orders — yet  -he  would  be  a  bad 
one  who  should  do  it  in  cases  for  wliicli  the.y 
wcr2  not  intended,  and  whic'n  involved  th» 
most  important  consequences.  The  lines  of 
discrimliv-.vrr;  'j-tween  cases,  may  be  dillicult; 
but  the  g^-'.iu  ,  ncer  is  bound  to  ilraw  it  at  his 
own  pvVil,  and  throw  himself  on  the  justice 
of  his  countrv, and  the  rectitude  ofhii  iTmtive?," 


115 1> 


l-rl'om  Uie  t.ouisianii  Uazenc. 

Answer,  submitted  by  Majnf  General  Jackson, 
on  a  rule,  to  show  cause  wliy  an  attachment 
for  contempt  should  not  issue  ag-ainst  him. 

This  respondent  l\as  received  a  paper,  pur- 
porting to  be  the  eopy  of  a  rule  of  the  district 
court  of  the  tJnited  States  for  Louisiana^  in  a 
suit  entitled  "  Tile  United  States  vs.  A.  Jack- 
sou;  comuianding  him  to  show  cause  ^vhy  an 
attacliment  sliould  not  issue  ugAinst  him,  for 
clivers  alleg-ed  contempts  of  the  said  court." 
Before  he  makes  any  answer  whatever  to  the 
said  clnr^es,  he  deems  it  necessary  to  protest, 
and  he  does  hereby  pretest  against,  and  reserve 
to  himself  a1]  manner  of  benefit  of  exception  to, 
theiUej^tl,  uncoustiuitioual,  and  infoim-il  na- 
ture of  the  proceedings  instituted  against  him; 
it  appearing-  by  the  said  proccedinij — 

I.  X'h.at  witnesses  have  been  summoned  by 
process  of  subpoena,  in  a  .suit  or  prosecution  of 
the  United  St;ite.?at^.iinst  him,  when,  in  fict,  in 
truth  there  was  not  then  any  such  suit  or  pro- 
secution legally  pending  insaitl  court. 

U.  That  the  said  rule  w.is  obtained  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  Attorney  of  the  United  States,  for 
the  district  of  Louisiana,  who  had  no  rig-ht  offi- 
cially to  ask  for,  or  obtain  it;  the  duties  of  tlie 
Attorney  being,  by  law,  restricted  to  the  prose- 
cution of  "all  delinquents  for  crimes  and  qffi-n- 
I'M,  cognizable  under  the  authority  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  and  all  civil  actions  in  whicli  tliey 
?h:dl  be  concerned."  As  this  prcceeding  is  not 
pretended  to  be  a  civil  action,  to  bring  it  with 
in  the  purview  of  the  duties  of  the  Attorne)  j  it 
tnust  be  a  prosecution  f.^r  a  crime  or  offence, 
cognisable  under  the  suthori^'y  of  the  United 
States.  But  the  fact  stated  in  the  rule  do  not 
constitute  any  "crime  or  nflence,  cogniz.»ble 
imder  this  authority."  The  courts  uf  the  Uni- 
ted St.aces,have  no  common  law  jurisdiction  of 
crimes  or  oflfcnces;  if  therefore, the  facts  stated 
in  tlte  nilc  are  no'  made  sucVi  by  statute,  they 
are  not  cognizable  by  the  courts;  but  tiie  sta- 
tutes have  been  searched,  and  no  such  provision 
ran  hr  fotmd;  therefore,  t!ie  facts  charged  are 
11(1*.  4.;Ter.ccs  which  are  cither  cngniaabic  by  this 
coui-t,  or  liable  to  be  prosecuted  by  the  Attor- 
ney for  the  United  States. 

III.  That  if  this  be  a  prosecution  for  a  crime 
or  offence  tinder  tiie  authority  of  the  United 
States,  the  mode  of  proceeding  is  both  uncon- 
stitutional and  illegid;  the  7th  and  8th  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  contain  many  provi- 
sions directly  contrary  to  the  mode  of  proceed- 
ing Ijy  att.achment,  for  contempt;  particularly 
the  7th  amendment,  that  no  person  shall  be  de- 
piived  of  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  pro- 
cess of  lavv;  ami  of  the  8th,  that,  in  all  criminal 
prosecutions,,  the  accused  shall  e.-jjoy  theri^ht 
of  a  speedy  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury;  and 
iu  the  32d  section  of  the  law/or  punishing  cer- 
tain crimes  against  the  United  States,  is  contain- 
ed a  conclusive  implication,  if  not  an  e.\prossed 
pi-ovision,  that  no  utTence  can  be  prosecuted, 
e.tcept  by  informut'on  or  indictment;  neither 
of  which  have  been  filtd,  in  this  instance.  The 
respondent,  therefore,  concludes  those  heads  of 
exceptions,  by  the  dilemma,  tliat,  if  the  pro- 
ceeding be  a  prosecution  fcr  a  crin.e  or  offence 
cognizable  by  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  both  unconstitutional  and  illegal  in 
'■'^  ptesent  form;  and  if  it  be  not  such  a  pr03e> 


eution,  llten  iias  liie  Auorney  of  the  Unitea 
Slates  no  right  to  institute  it;  his  ministry,  by, 
law,  extending  only  to  them. 

\y.  That  this  court  has  no  right  to  issue  an 
attachment  for  any  contempt  whatever,  or  to 
pmiish  the  same,  in  any  other  cases  than  tliose 
prescribed  by  the  I7th  section  of  the  judiciary 
act,  which  confines  such  authority  to  the  pun- 
ishment, by  line  and  imi)risonment,  for  contempt 
in  an\'  cause  or  hearing  before  the  same^ — where- 
as, by  the  rule,  nor  the  affidavits,  does  it  ap- 
pear, that  the  alleged  contempts  were  offered 
in  any  cause  or  hearing  before  the  said  Distaict 
Court;  on  the  contrary,  all  (he  acts  complamed 
of  as  contempts,  are  stated  to  have  been  done 
in  relation  to  an  ex-parte  application  made  to 
thej'tdge  of  the  said  court,  at  his  chambers,  at 
a  time  when  his  court  was  in  vacation,  ajid  Qot 
in  a  cause  or  hearing  before  the  court. 

V.  That  no  attachment  ought  to  issue:  for 
neglecting  or  refusing  a  return  to  a  habeas 
corpus,  issued  and  returnable  out  of  court;  the 
Rtaf.ites  on  tliat  suhji^ct,  both  in  England  and 
in  the  United  States,  wherever  they  liave  been 
re-enacted,  contain  express  penalties  for  this 
offence;  d<nibtless  for  the  reason  tltat  such  rieg- 
tect  or  refusal,  \n  relation  to  an  act  done,  not  iu 
a.  cause  or  hearing  pending  in  court,  but  in  au 
cx-p.irte  proceeding  at  a  judge's  chambers, 
could  not  be  punished,  by  attachment,  as  a  con- 
tempt. 

VI.  That  no  act  in  relation  to  the  writ  of  ha- 
beiis  corpus,  or  the  allowance  of  the  same,  in 
the  case  mentioned  in  the  said  rule,  can  be  con- 
sidered as  a  contempt;  because  the  judge  of  this 
honorable  court,  by  the  14ifi  section  of  the  ju- 
diciary act  of  the  IJnited  States,  is  expressly  in- 
hibited from  issuing  any  writ  of  hibcas  corpus., 
except  in  cases  of  prisoners  "'in  custody,'  under 
or  by  color  of  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
or  committed  for  trial  befor:-  some  court  of  the. 
same;  or  svho  are  necessary  to  be  br  •ugh.t  into 
court'to  testify,-  neither  of  wliich  circumstances 
appear,  either  in  the  writ,  the  allowance  of  the 
same,  orthe  aflidavrt  on  which  it  was  founded. 
Th's  court,  then,  having  no  jurisdiction  of  the 
case,  according  to  a  decision  of  the  Supremo 
Court  of  the  United  States,  this  respondent  h.-ul 
a  right  tt>  coiisider  the  ser\  ice  as  a  trespass. 

VII.  That,  by  the  said  writ,  no  place  was  de- 
signated at  whicli  dte  same  should  be  retunied. 

VIII.  Tjiat  the  writ  w.as  served  on  tlic  res- 
pondent, long  after  the  return  thereof,  by  rea-- 
son  whereof  he  coiiUl  not  have  complied  witli 
the  tenor,  had  he  been  so  disposed. 

IX-  The  sa'd  writ  of  haljeas  corpus  was  issued 
-in  an  irregular  manner,  and  the  respondent  was 
in  ito  wise  compelled  by  law  to  obey  it;  inas- 
much ai  the  name  of  the  judge,  allowing  the 
.same,  was  not  signed  on  tlie  writ  with  his  pro- 
per hand  writing;  nor  were  the  words,  "accord- 
ing to  the  form  of  the  statute,"  marked  there- 
on— both  wliioh  are  positively  required,  by  the 
statutes  regulating-  the  issuing  of  such  process: 
and  without  which  they  need  not  be  obeyed. 
Should  it  be  objected,  that  the  lingh-sh  st.itu'tes 
are  not  binding  here,  it  is  answered,  that  the 
U.  States  are  without  a  statuary  provision  on 
the  subject  ;  and  that  the  introduction  of  the 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  generally,  muot  introduce 
it,  as  it  stood  at  the  time  of  making  the  consti 
tution." 
'  X.  That  if  the  allowance  on  the  bsck  of  tlu 


■rer 


jHitta^'it,  cunti'avy  la  ilic  CA'jii'css  void's  of  the 
biatutc,  be  deemed  suillcient,  yet  the  reipoiid- 
<ii\t  was  Mot  bound  lo  pay  any  attcnlion  to  tlie 
vrit  of  habeas  corpus,  because  the  same  was 
iiot  issued  in  confoniiity  with  the  allowance 
given  on  the  fiftli  day  of  March;  this  was  fop  a 
writ  returnable  on  l!ie  ne?.t  day,  and  afterwards 
altered,  so  as  tw  bcai-  ilatc  on  the  six'h  of  the 
game  monOi,  returnable  on  the  succeeding* 
morning',  which  would  have  been  the  "th; 
whereas  the  writ  actually  issued,  bore  date  the 
Cth,  and  was  returnable  the  sain^  day — thus 
vai'yingf  materially  from  the  allowance.  This 
circumstance  is  an  excellent  lUusti-ation  of  tho 
V'isdom  of  the  statuary  provision,  which  requires 
■that  tho  writ  itself  be  sig-nedby  the  jud,^. 

Under  all  which  protestations  and  e:vce[)tions 
—without  submitting  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
said  court,  or  acknowledg'ing  the  regularity  of 
the  proceedings,  but  expressly  denying  the 
s-aoie.  This  responrlent,  in  order  to  give  a  fair 
and  true  exposition  of  his  couducr,  on  every 
occasion  in  which  it  may  be  drawn  into  qiies- 
lion — 
Saith— 

That  previously  to,  and  soon  after,  his  arrival 
in  this  section  of  the  sevendi  milit-jry  district, 
he  received  several  letters  and  conunuiiications, 
putting  him  on  hi^  guard  against  a  portion  of 
the  iunab'itants  of  the  State,  th?  Le^-slafure, 
and  luie'i^ii  eniissar^ts  in  the  city.  Tlie  popu- 
iation  of  the  couuU'V  was  repiesented  as  divided 
by  political  parties  atid  national  prt-ju<hce8;  a 
f^rcit  poi'lion  of  them  attached  to  f  ireiifn  pow- 
ers and  dsaffected  to  the  goveriiinent  of  their 
O'vVn  coun'ry,  and  s  lai^  as  totahy  i;nw.>rthy  of 
confidence  Tiie  nn'hlia  was  descrit>ed  as  re- 
sisting die  authority  of  their  Uommander-in 
chief,  and  encourage, I  in  their  disobedience  by 
tht  Legislature  of  the  State  :  that  Legisla- 
ture characterized  as  politically  rotten;  and  the 
whole  State  in  such  a  situation  as  to  make  it  ne- 
aessary  to  look  for  defence  principally  from  the 
reg^lar  troops,  and  tlie  milifafrom  other  States. 
Auiong  those  representations,  the  most  imjiort- 
ant,  from  the  official  station  of  the  writer,  were 
those  of  the  Governoi-.  On  the  8th  of  August, 
3814,  he  says — 

"  On  a  late  occasion  [  had  the  mortilicalion 
(o  ackjiowledge  my  inabiUty  to  meet  a  requisi- 
tion from  Gen.  I'lournpy;  the  corps  of  thus  ci- 
ty having,  for  the  most  pact,  resisted  my  orders, 
being  encourage-J  in  theu'  disobedience  by  the 
Legislature  of  the  State,  then  in  session;  one 
branch  of  which,  the  Senate,  having  declared 
'.he  rtquisilioii  illegal  and  ojjpressiye,  and  the 
House  of  Representatives  having  rejected  a 
proposition  to  approve  the  measure.  How  far 
}  shall  be  supported  in  my  late  o'lders,  remains 
yet  to  be  proved.  1  liave  reason  to  calculate 
upon  the  patriotism  of  the  interior  and  We.steru 
counties.  I  know  also  that  there  are  many  faith- 
ful citizens  in  New  Orleans ;  but  there  are 
Cithers,  in  whose  attachment  to  the  U.  Slates, 
I  ought  not  to  confidt.  Upon  the  whole.  Sir, 
I  cainiot  disguise  the  fact,  that  if  Louisiana 
should  be  attacked,  we  must  principally  depend 
for  Bcctirity  upon  the  prompt  movements  of  die 
regular  force  under  your  command,  and  the  mi- 
litia of  the  Western  States  and  territories.  A,t 
this  moment,  «e  are  in  a  vary  unprepared  and 
defeijceless  condition:  several  important  points 
of  dr-fence  remain  iirio.rcupied,  and  i.n  rase  of  a 


siiddcr.  attack,  tlxis  capital  would,  I  fear,  ti»ll  ar, 
easy  sacrifice." 

6.1  the  lib  of  the  same  month,  the  resporv- 
dent  was  told — 

"  On  the  native  Americans,  and  a  irastmajort» 
ty  of  the  Creoles  of  the  country,  I  place  iqiich 
confidence,  nor  do  I  doubt  the  tidelity  of  many 
Kuropeans,  who  have  lung  resided  in  the  cuuif^. 
try;  but  there  are  others,  much  devoted  to  th^ 
interest  of  Spain,  and  whose  partiality  to  th& 
English  is  not  less  observable  than  tlteir  tUslifct 
to  the  American  governmettt.'*  _ 

In  a  letter  of  the  24th,  the  same  ideas  9ie  ij. 
peated — 

"  Be  assured,  sir,  that  no  exertions  shall  te 
wanting,  on  my  part;  but  I  cannot  disg'utSE 
from  you,  that  I  have  a  very  ditticult  people  to 
manage:  to  this  moment,  no  opposition  to  the 
requisition  has  manifested  itself,  but  I  am  not 
seconded  with  that  ardent  zeal,  which,  in  my 
opinion,  tile  crisis  demands.  We  look  wiui 
great  an.v.cty  to  your  movements,  and  place  aui* 
greatest  reliance  for  safety,  on  the  energy  and 
patriotism  of  the  Western  States.  la  Louisiana, 
lliere  are  many  faithful  citizens:  these  last  per- 
suade themselves,  that  Spain  will  soon  repossess 
herself  of  Louisiana,  and  they  seem  to  believe, 
that  a  combined  Spanish  and  Englisii  force  wiU 
soon  appear  on  our  coa-st.  If  Louisiana  is  invad- 
ed, I  shall  put  myself  at  the  head  of  such  of  my 
milita  as  will  follow  me  to  the  field,  and,  un  TC" 
cciviug,  shall  ohei/  your  orders.  Ineednot  as- 
sure you  ofiny  entire  confidence  in  you,  ns  a 
commander,  and  of  the  pleasiue  I  shall  experi- 
ence in  supp  irting  all  your  msasures  fcir  thp 
common  defence  ,  hut,  sir,  a  cause  of  iiidescri? 
bable  chagrin  to  me  is,  that  I  am  not  at  the  head 
of  a  willing  and  united  people  :  native  AmerK. 
cans,  native  Louisianians, Frenchmen  and  Spaitv 
iards,  with  some  Englishmen,  compose  tins 
mass  of  the  population — among  them,  thei'c  ex- 
ists much  jealousy,  and  as  great  difl'erences  In 
political  sentiments  as  in  their  language  and 
habits.  But,  nevertheless,  sir,  if  we  are  sup- 
ported by  a  respectable  body  of  regular  troops, 
or  of  western  militiaj  I  trust  I  shall  he  able  to 
bring  to  your  aid,  a  valiant  and  faithful  corns 
of  Louisiana  militia;  but  if  we  are  left  to  rciv 
princifiallij  on  our  inuii  resources,  1  feai"  existiug' 
jealousies  will  lead  to  a  distrust  so  general,  thaV 
we  shall  be  able  lo  make  but  a  feeble  i-es'lsf, 
ance." 

On  the  8th  of  September,  the  spirit  of  disai» 
fection  is  said  to  be  greater  tlian  was  supposed 
— the  country  is  said  to  be  filled  with  tj)les  and 
traitors  :  "  Inclosed  vyu  have  copies  of  iilV 
late  general  orders.  They  may,  and  I  trusi, 
will  be,  obeyed  ;  but  to  this  moment  my  fellow« 
citizens  have  not  manifested  all  that  union  and 
zeal  the  crisis  demands^  and  their  own  safety 
requires.  There  is  in  this  city  a  much  greater 
spirit  of  disafiecticn  tJian  I  had  anticipated  ; 
and  amoitg  the  faithful  Louisianians,  there  is  a 
despondency  which  palsies  all  my  prep.arations; 
they  see  no  strong  regular  force,  around  whicli 
tliey  could nJly  witii  confidence,  and  they  seem 
to  diink  themselves  not  within  tiie  reach  of 
seasonable  assistance  from  the  western  States. 
I  aiu  assured,  sir,  you  will  make  the  most  judi- 
cluu&  disposition  of  the  forces  under  your  com. 
raand,  hut  excuse  me  for  suggesting  that  the 
presence  of  th.e  seventh  regiment,  at  or  near 
New-Orleans,  w'iU  bsvethetnostswhrtary  pfTcrt, 


468 


The  g'iiTisuii  Ijcre  ut  present,  is  ui;u-ming-ly 
weak,  and  is  a  cause  of  much  regret :  fiom  the 
great  mixture  of  person?,  and  charact;  ;s,  in 
this  city,  « e  ha\c  as  much  tn  apprehend  from 
within  as  fri.m  without.  In  arresting  tiie  inter- 
course between  New-Orleans  and  Pensaco^a, 
you  have  done  right.  PennsaCola  is,  in  fact, 
an  enemy's  post,  and  had  our  commercial  inter- 
course will,  it  continued,  tlie  supplies  furnished 
to  the  enemy  would  have  so  mucli  exhausted 
our  own  stock  of  |)rovisions,  us  to  have  occa- 
sionifd  the  most  serious  inconvenience  to  our- 
selves. I  was  on  the  point  o-  lakinf  on  myself 
the  proliibition  of  the  trade  with  Fensaeola  :  1 
,had  prepared  a  proclamation  to  that  eft'ecl,  and 
would  have  issued  it  tlie  very  day  I  heard  of 
your  interposition.  Enemies  to  the  countiy 
may  blame  you  fur  your  pronijit  and  energetic 
measures ;  but,  in  the  pei-.son  of  every  patriot, 
you  will  find  a  supporter.  I  aiii  veij  confident 
of  the  very  la.\  police  of  tl.is  city,  and  inde-d, 
throughout  the  Slate,  uith  respect  to  the  visits 
of  stranffers.  I  think,  with  you,  that  our  Coun- 
try is  filled  with  spies  and  traitors  :  I  have  writ- 
ten pressingly  on  the  subject  to  the  city  auilio- 
rilicsauJ  parish  judges.  1  hope  some  efficient 
regulatioi'S  will  speedily  be  adopted  by  the 
first,  and  more  vigilance  exerted  for  the  future 
by  the  latter." 

On  the  19th  of  September,  speaking  of  the 
drafts  of  militia,  he  says  : — 

"  rhe  ()n!>  difliculty  1  have  hitherto  expe- 
rienced in  meeting  the  requisition,  has  been  in 
this  city,  and  exclusively  Irom  soi.e  Eviropcan 
Frenchmen,  who,  after  giving  their  adhesion  to 
Louis  XV  111,  fiave,  through  the  medium  of  the 
Trench  Consul,  claimed  exemption  from  the 
drafts,  as  French  subjects.  The  questioji  of 
exemption;  however,  is  now  under  discussion, 
before  a  special  court  of  inquiry,  and  I  am  not 
without  hopes  that  these  iingTatef'ul  men  may 
yetbebrought  toad'schaige  of  their  duties." 

On  the  necessity  of  securing  the  country 
against  the  niachinations  of  foreigners,  he,  en 
the  4th  of  Nov.  informed  the  respondent — 

"  You  have  been  informed  of  tiie  contents  of 
an  intercepted  letter,  written  by  .Colonel  Coriel, 
a  Spanish  officer,  to  Capt.  Morales,  of  Pcns:i- 
cola.  This  letter  was  submitted  for  the  opinion 
of  the  Attorney  Genera!  of  Lhe  State,  as  to 
measures  to  be  pursued^.^inst  the  writer.  'Jfl'e 
Attoi'uej  -Genera!  was  of  opinion,  that  the  courts 
could  take  no  cognzance  of  the  same;  but  that 
the  Governor  might  order  the  writer  tn  leave 
the  State,  .ind  in  ctise  of  refusal,  to  send  him 
off  by  force.  1  accordingly.  Sir,  oidered  CoV. 
jGoriel  to  take  l.'.s  dep:'.rture,  in  Ibrtycight 
hours,  for  Pensacola,  and  gave  him  the  neces- 
sary passports.  I  hope  this  measure  may  meet 
your  approb'tion.  It  isajui,l  retaliation  for  the 
conduct  lately  observed  by  the  Governor  of 
Pensacola,  and  may  induce  the  Spaniards  resid- 
ing among  us,  to  be  le-ss  communicative  upon 
those  subjects  which  relate  to  ouf  .militaiv 
r.;ov"mems." 

VVii!:  the  impressions  this  correspondence 
Wi«  •^jic'i'ated  to  produce,  the  respondent  ai-- 
^iv^  li.  diis  city,  where,  in  different  conversa- 
tions, the  same  ideas  were  enforced,  and  he  was 
advised,  not  only  by  the  Governor  of  the  State, 
but  very  many  influential  persons,  to  jiroclaim 
aiABTiAi  LAW,  »s  thc  Only  means  of  producing 
Onion,     overcoming      disaffection,,    detecting 


treason,  and  calling  forth  the  energies  uf'Uia 
country.  This  measure  was  discussed  and  re- 
commended to  the  responilcnt,  as  he  well  re- 
collects, in  the  presence  of  the  Judge  of  this 
honci-.d)Ic  Court,  who  not  only  made  no  objec- 
tion, but  seemed,  by  his  gestures  and  silence, 
to  approve  oP  its  being  adopted.  These  opin- 
ions, respectable  in  themselves,  derived  great- 
er weight  from  that  which  the  Governor  expres- 
sed of  the  Legislature  then  in  session.  Here- 
presented  their  fidelity  as  ve'.y  doubtful;  ascri- 
bed design  to  their  ])rolonged  session,  and  ap- 
peared extremely  desirous  Uiat  they  should  ad- 
joinn. 

The  respondent  had  also  been  informed,  that 
in  llie  House  of  Representatives,  the  idea,  that 
a  very  considerable  part  of  the  State  belonged 
to  the  Span.sh  Governtnent,  and  ought  not  to 
he  represented,  ha  I  ueen  openly  advocated, 
and  favorably  heard.  The  cooperation  of  the 
Spaniards  with  the  English,  was,  at  that  tii^e, 
a  prevalent  idea.  This  mfurmation,  therefore, 
appeared  higldy  important.  He  determined  to 
examine,  with  the  utmost  care,  all  the  facts  that 
had  been  communicated  to  hhii;  and  not  to  act 
upon  the  advice  he  had  received,  until  the 
clearest  demonstiation  should  have  determined 
its  propriety.  He  v.as  then  almost  an  entire 
stranger,  in  t!>e  place  he  was  sent  to  defend, 
and  vMiacquair.ted  with  the  language  of  a  major- 
ity of  its  inhabitants.  VVhile  these  eircurastan- 
ees  were  unfavorable  to  his  obtaining  infonna- 
tion,  o!i  the  one  iiand,  they  precluded,  on  the 
otiier,  a  suspicion.that  his  measures  were  dic- 
tated by  persona!  friendship,  private  animosity, 
or  party  vlev,-s.  Uninfluenced  by  such  motives, 
he  begad  ills  observations.  He  sought  f»r  m- 
forination,  and  to  obtain  it,  communicated  with 
men  of  every  description.  He  believed  that 
even-tiienhe  discovered  those  high  qualifies, 
which  have  since  dis'ingu  shed  those  brave  de- 
fenders of  their  com*  y;  that  the  variety  of  lan- 
guage, the  difl'erence  of  habit,  and  even  the  na- 
tional prejudices,  which  seemed  to  divide  the 
inhabitant-;,  might  be  made,  if  properly  direc  - 
ted,  the  source  of  the  most  honurai)le  emida- 
tion.  Delicate  attentions  were  necessary  to 
foster  this  disposition;  and  the  highest  energ;,-, 
to  restrain  the  effects,  that  such  an  assemblage 
was  calculated  to  produce;  he  determined  to 
avail  himself  of  both,  and  witli  this  view  called 
to  his  aid,  thc  hnpulse  of  national  feeling,  the 
higher  motives  of  patriotic  sentiment,  and  the 
noble  enthusia.sm  of  valor.  Tliey  operated  in  a 
manner  v.  Inch  history  will  record;  all  who  could 
be  influenced  by  those  feelings,  rallied  without 
del-»y,  round  the  standard  of  their  country. — 
Their  efforts,  however,  would  have  been  una- 
vailing, if  thc  disaffected  had  been  permitted 
to  .counteract  them  by  their  treason,  and  the 
timid,  to  paralyze  them  by  their  example,  and 
both  to  stand  aloof  Su  the  hour  of  dangei-,  Rn<i 
enjov  the  fruit  of  victory  without  participating 
in  tiie  danger  of  defeat. 

A  disciplined  and  powerful  army  was  on  our 
const,  comm.-.nded  by  officers  of  tried' valor  and 
consummate  skill;  their  fleet  had  already  de- 
stroyed the  feeble  defence,  on  which,  alone, 
we  could  rely  to  prevent  their  landing  on  our 
shores.  Their  point  of  attack  was  uncertain- 
a  hundred  inlets  were  to  be  guaided,  by  a  force 
not  sufficient  in  number  for  one;  we  had  no  J 
lines  of  defence;  ti'eas<m  lurked  among  us,  andj 


40  VI 


only  uaiteddie  iiio.iieiVt  of  expected  defeat,  to 
show  itself  openly, — Our  men  were  few,  and  of 
iiose  few,  not  all  were  anneil;  our  prospect  of 
uid  and  stii:)plv  was  distant  and  urcertain;  our 
utter  ruin,  if  we  failed,  at  hand,  and  inevitable; 
■very  thing' depended  on  the  prompt  and  ener- 
getic use  of  the  means  we  possessed — on  call- 
ing the  v.•hol^  force  of  the  community  in'o  ac- 
tion; it  was  a  contest  for  the  very  existence  of 
the  State,  an<^  every  nerve  was  to  l>e  st'-ained  in 
its  defence.  The  pliysical  force  ofeiery  indi- 
vidual, his  moral  f»culties,  his  property,  and 
the  energ'y  of  liis  example,  were  to  be  called  in- 
to action,  and  instant  action.  No  delay — no 
hesitation — no  inquiry  about  rights,  or  all  was 
lost;  and  every  tiling"  dear  to  man,  his  property, 
life,  the  honor  of  his  family,  hi^  coimtry,  its  con- 
stitution and  lav.'s,  were  swept  away  bj  the 
avowed  principles,  the  open  practice  of  the  en- 
'Miiy  with  whom  we  had  to  contend.  Fortifica- 
tions were  to  be  erected,  supplies  procured, 
arms  sought  for,  requisitions  made,  the  emissa- 
ries of  the  enemy  watcliod,  lurking-  treason 
overawed,  insubordination  punished,  and  the 
contigion  of  cotturdly  example  to  be  stopped. 

In  this  crisis,  and  under  afirm  persuasion  that 
none  of  those  objects  could  be  effected  by  the 
exercise  of  the  ordinary  powers-confided  to  him 
— under  a  solemn  convietion  that  the  country 
committed  to  his  care  could  be  s.U"ed  by  that 
measure  onlj.from  utter  ruin — under  a  religious 
belief,  that  lie  was  pcnorming;  the  most  impor- 
t^antani  sacred  duty,  the  respondent  prMlaim- 
cd  martial  law.  He  intended  by  tliat  measure, 
to'superrcde  such  civil  ]iowers  as,  in  their  o[)e- 
ration,  interfered  with  those  he  was  obllge<l  to 
exercise.  He  thought,  in  such  a  momei't,  con- 
stitutional forms  must  be  suspended,  for  the 
permanent  preservation  o!"constitjtional  rights, 
and  that  tiiere  could  be  no  question,  whttherit 
were  best  to  depart  for  a  niomeni,  from  the  en- 
joyment of  our  dearest  privileges,  or  have  them 
wrested  from  us  for  ever.  lie  knew,  tiiat  if  the 
civil  magistrates  were  permitted  to  exercise 
their  usual  funct!On.s,  none  "f  the  measures  ne- 
cessary to  avert  tlie  awfid  fitc  tliat  threatened 
lis.  conld  be  expected.  Personal  I'befty  can- 
not exist  at  a  time  whfn  every  man  Is  required 
to  become  a  soldier.  Private  property^annot 
'.le  secured  when  its  use  is  indispensabl-?  to  the 
public  safety.  Unlimited  I'berty  of  speech  is 
Incompatible  with  the  discipline  of  a  camp;  and 
that  of  the  press  more  dangerous  still,  when 
made  the  vehicle  of  ciiuvc_\ing  intelligence  to 
the  enem}',  or  exciting  mutiny  among  the  troops. 
To  have  suflered  tiie  uncontrolled  enjoyment  of 
any  of  those  lights,  during  the  time  of  the  late 
invasion,  would  Imve  been  to  abandon  the  de- 
fence of  the  country:  the  civil  m.agistrate  is  the 
guardian  of  those  rights,  a.-id  the  proclamation 
of  martial  law  was,  therefore,  intended  to  su- 
percede the  exercise  of  his  autliority,  so  far  as 
it  interfered  with  the  necessary  restriction  of 
tliose  rights — but  nofurtlicr. 

The  respondent  states  these  principles  ex- 
plicitly, because  they  arc  the  \n<h  of  his  de- 
i'ence,  and  because  a  mistaken  notion  has  been 
circulated  that  the  declaration  of  martial  law 
only  subjected  ihe  militia  in  service  to  its  ope- 
T-ation.  This  would,  imleed,  have  been  a  very 
useless  ceremony,  as  such  persons  were  already 
subjeoljto  it,  without  the  addition  of  any  other 
act     Besides,  if  tlie  procb-x.atiori  of  martial  law 


were  a  measure  of  necessity, — u  iiie:isurei  Witlt- 
out  the  exercise  of  which  the  country  must  un 
questionably  have  been  conquered,  tlien  doe.^ 
it  form^  complete  justification  for  the  act.  li 
it  do  not,  in  wliat  manner  will  the  proceeding 
by  attachment  for  contempt  be  justified!'  It  is 
undoubteilly  and  strictly  a  criminal  prosecution; 
and  the  constitution  declares,  that  in  all  crimin- 
al prosecutions,  the  .accused  shall  have  the  be- 
nefit of  a  tri;d  by  jnr}  ;  yet  a  prosecution  is  even 
now  going  on  in  this  court,  where  no  such  bene- 
fit is  allowed. — Why'  From  the  alleged  ne- 
cessitv  of  tl'.V  case,  because  courts  could  not,  it 
is  said,  subsist  v/ithout  a  power  to  punish 
prompllv  by  their  own  act,  and  without  the  in- 
tervention of  a  jury.  Necessity  then,  may,  in 
some  cases,  justify  a  departure  from  the  consti 
tutlon:  and  if,  in  the  doubtful  case  of  avoiding 
confusion  in  a  court,  shall  it  be  denied  in  tlic 
serious  one  of  preser^'ing  a  country  from  con 
quest  and  ruin?  The  respondent  begs  leave  tc 
explain,  that  in  using  this  argument,  he  doe; 
not  mean  to  adm  t  the  existence  of  necessity  in 
the  case  of  attachment;  but  to  show  that  the 
principle  of  a  justification  ti'om  necessity  is  ad 
mittei  even  in  the  weaker  case.  If  the  legis 
lature  of  the  United  States  have  given  to  court; 
the  power  to  punish  contempts,  it  is  no  ausv/ej 
to  this  <lefcnce,  for  tw.o  reasons— first,  because 
the  wonls  of  the  la  ■  do  not  n;^.ccssarily  exclude 
the  intervention  of  a  jury;  and  secondly,  if  thc> 
do,  the  law  itself  is  contraiy  to"  the  words  of  the 
constitution,  and  can  only  be  supported  on  the 
plea  of  necessity:  to  which  head  it  is  referred 
by  the  English  writers  on  the  subject. 

The  only  rcsp.nsibiV.ty  which  has  lieen  in 
currcd  in. the  present  cpkc,  is  that  which  iirise- 
from  necessity.  This,  the  respondent  agrees 
must  not  be  doubtful ;  it  must_be  apparent 
from  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  or  it  form: 
no  jiistification.  tie  submits  all  his  acts,  there 
fore,  to  be  tested  by  this  rule. 

To  the  forcible  reasons  which  he  has  detailed 
as  impelling  him  to  tiiis  measure,'  he  oiight  t( 
add,  that  he  has  since,  by  the  co;ifeS9ion  of  th( 
enemv  himself,  received  a  confirmation  of  thi 
opini  ms,  which  he  had  then  good  re.<>son  to  be 
licve;  that  there  were  men  among  us  so  eleprav 
ed  as  to  give  da  ly  and  exact  information  of  oui 
movements,  and  our  forces;  that  the  numbe) 
of  those  persons  was  considerable,  and  their  ac 
{ivity  unceasing.  Tfie  names  of  tliose  wretche: 
will  prob.ibly  be  discovered;  and  the  respond 
ent  persuades  hi>nself,  that  this  tribunal  wil 
employ  itself,  with  greater  sausfaction,  in  in 
flicting  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes, 
than  it  now  docs  in  investigating  the  measures 
that  were  taken  to  counteract  them. 

If  example  can  justify,  or  the  practice  c 
others  serve  as  a  proof  of  necessity,  the  res 
pondent  has  ample  materials  !br  his  defence 
not  from  Analogous  construction,  but  from  the 
conduct  of  .all  the  different  departments  of  the 
State  Government,  in  the  very  case  now  unde; 
discussion. 

The  legislature  of  the  Stale,  having  no  con- 
stitutional power  to  regulate  or  restrain  com- 
merce, on  the day  of  Deccinber  last,  pass- 
ed an  act  layin,'  an  embargo — Jhe  executive 
sanctioned  it;  and  froin  a  conviction  ()f  its  ne- 
cessity, it  was  acquiesced  in.  The  same  legis- 
lature shut  up  the  courts  of  justice  for  foui 
months,  to  nli  civil  suitors — the  same  executive 


•170 


iAit-kiMcd  dtat-faw,  utd  ilie  jbdickry  lutt  bnly 
accJuieSced,  btit  solemnly  approved  it. 

The  GoveiTicrr,  as  appears  by  one  of  the  let- 
ters quoted,  undertook  to  inflict  the  punish- 
rrtSnt  of  exile  upon  an  inhabitant,  without  any 
tbrm  of  law,  merely  becauije  lie  thouglit  that  an 
individual's  presence  might  be  dangerous  to  the 
publ'.c  safety. 

'I'he  Judge  of  this  very  court,  duly  imi^ressed 
^ith  the  emergency  of  the  moment,  and  ihe 
necessity  of  employing  every  means  of  defence, 
f^onsented  to  tlie  disciiarg'e  of  men  committed 
and  indicted  for  capital  crimcfi,  without  buil, 
and  without  recognizance:  and  probably  under 
an  impression  that  the  exercise  of  his  functions 
■n'ould  be  useless,  absented  himself  from  the 
place  where  his  court  was  to  be  holden,  and 
postponed  its  session  during  a  regular  term. 

Thus  the  conduct  of  the  legislative,  execu- 
tive, and  judiciary  branches  of  the  liovernmerit 
of  this  State,  have  borne  the  fullest  testimony 
rtf  the  existence  of  the  necessity  on  which  the 
respondent  rchcs. 

The  unqualified  approbation  of  the  Lcgisla- 
lature  of  the  United  States,  and  such  of  the  in- 
dividual states  as  were  in  session,  ouglit  as  also 
{o  be  admitted,  as  nO  slight  means  of  dfcfence; 
inasmuch  as  all  these  respectable  bo(hes  were 
fUUy  apprized  of  his  proclamation  of  martial 
law,  and  some  of  them  seem  to  refer  ti>  it,  by 
tiranking  him  for  the  energy  of  his  measures. 

The  respondent,  therefore,  believes  ho  h-as 
established  the  necessity  of  proclaiming  martial 
fiw.  He  has  shown  the  effects  of  that  diclara- 
tion;  and  it  only  remains  to  prove,  in  answer  to 
^e  rule,  that  the  power  assumed  from  ncccsui- 
ty,  was  not  abused  in  its  exercise,  nor  improper- 
ly  protracted  in  its  duration. 

All  the  acts  mentioned  in  the  rule,  took  place 
after  the  enemy  had  retired  from  the  position 
they  had  at  first  assumed — after  they  had  met 
^ith  a  signal  defeat,  and  after  an  unofficial  ac- 
count had  been  received  of  the  signature  of  a 
treaty  of  peace.  Each  of  these  circumstances 
mrght  be,  to  one  who  did  notste  the  whole 
ground,  a  sufficient  reason  for  supposing  that 
Ijjrther  nets  of  energ}'  and  vigour  were  unneces- 
sary. On  the  mind  ot  the  respondent  they  had 
a  dlfitrent  effect.  The  enemy  had  Fl  tired  from 
their  position,  it  is  true;  but  they  «ere  slill  on 
the  coast,  and  witliin  a  few  hours  sail  of  the  city. 
They  had  been  defeated,  and  with  a  loss:  hut  the 
loss  was  not  to  be  repaired  by  expected  rein- 
fi>rcements.  Their  numbers  still  much  more 
than  quadrupled  all  the  regular  forces  which 
the  respondent  could  command;  and  the  term 
flf  servios  of  his  most  efficient  militia  force  was 
about  to  expire.  Defeat,  to  a  poweiful  and  ac- 
tive enemy,  was  more  likely  to  operate  as  mi 
iijcentive  to  renewed  and  increased  exertion, 
than  to  inspire  them  with  despondency,  or  to 
p.iralyze  their  efforts.  A  treaty,  it  is  true,  had 
been  pvobably  signed;  yet  it  might  not  bt-  rati- 
fiisd.  Its  contents  had  not  transpired,  and  no 
reasonable  conjecture  could  be  foimed,  that  it 
ryould  be  acceptable.  The  influence  vvliicli 
the  account  of  its  signature  had  on  the  army, 
was  deleterious  in  the  extreme,  and  show  ed  a 
necessity  for  increased  energy,  instea<l  of  a  re- 
I.lSation  of  dibxipline.  Men,  who  had  .shown 
themselves  zealous  in  the  preceeding  part  of 
the  campaign,  new  became  lukewarm  in  the 
ssmce.    Those  ■whom  nrt  danger  co-jid  nppal, 


fluu  no  labour  duiCouc^g^e,  ubniplaincd  oi'  uic 
hardships  of  the  eamp.  When  the  enemy  were 
no  longer  immediately  before  them,  they  thought 
themselves  oppressed,  by  being  detained  in  seT*- 
vice.  Wicked  and  weak  men,  who,  from  their 
situation  in  life,  oiiglit  to  huve  furnished  a  bet- 
ter example,  secretly  encouraged  this  spirit  of 
insubordination.  They  affected  to  piiy  the 
hai-dships  of  those  who  wtrc  kept^n  the  field; 
they  fomented  ilisconteiit,  by  insimiat'ng  that 
the  merits  of  those  to  wlion:  they  addressed 
them.5Clv.;s,  had  not  been  sufficiently  noticed  <Sr 
applauded;  ai.d  to  so  high  a  degree  had  the  dis- 
order at  length  risen,  that  at  one  period,  only 
fifteen  men  and  one  officer,  out  of  a  whole  regi- 
ment, stationed  to  guard  the  very  avenue  throiigh 
which  the  enemy  had  penetrated  into  the  coun- 
trj-,  were  (ound  at  their  post.  At  another  point 
equally  important,  a  whole  corps,  on  which  the 
greatest  reliance  had  been  placed,  operated  up- 
on by  tlie  .lets  of  a  foreign  agent,  suddenly  de- 
serted their  post. 

If  trusting  to  an  uncertain  pe.ace,  the  respon- 
dent had  revoked  his  proclamation,  or  ceased 
to  act  under  it,  the  fetal  security,  by  which  wc 
were  hillcrl,  might  have  destroj  ed  all  discipline, 
have  dissolved  all  bis  force,  and  left  him  with- 
out any  means  of  <leffnding  tlic  country  against 
an  enemy,  instructed,  bj'  the  traitors  within  ou? 
own  bosioni,  of  the  lime  and  place  at  which  he 
might  safely  make  his  -sttack.  In  such  an 
event,  his  life  nvglit  htve  been  offered  up;  yet 
it  would  have  been  but  a  feeble  expiation,  for 
the  disgraci.  .-.nd  misery,  into.which,  by  his  crim- 
inal n-glinerice,  he  had  permitted  the  coun» 
try  to  be  plunged. 

lie  thought  peace  a  pnb.able,  but  by  no 
means  a  certain  event.  If  it  haJ  really  taken 
place,  a  few  da\s  must  bring  the  official  advice 
of  it;  and  he  bclievetl  it  better  to  submit,  during 
those  few  days,  to  the  salutary  restraints  impo- 
sed, than  toput  evi  ry  thing  dear  to  ourselves 
and  country  at  risk,  upon  an  uncertain  contin- 
gency. Admit  the  chances  to  have  been  a  hurt*' 
drcd  or  a  tlious;:n  J  to  one  in  favor  of  the  ratifi- 
cation, and  agamst  any  renewed  attem]itsoftlie 
enemy,  whatshouhl  we  say  or  think  of  the  prii- 
denre  of  the  man,  who  w<.nld  stake  his  life,  his 
fortune,  his  couiitry,  and  liis  honor,  even  with 
such  odds  in  his  favor,  against  a  few  ttays'  anti- 
cipated enjoyment  of  the  blessings  of  peace' 
The  respondent  could  not  bring  himself  to  pl.ay 
so  deep  a  haz.ard;  uninfluenced  by  the  clamoi'M 
of  the  ignorant  and  the  designing,  he  continued 
the  ex'Tcise  of  that  law  wliich  necessity  had 
compelled  him  to  proclaim;  and  he  still  thinks 
himstlf justified,  by  the  situation  of  affa-rs,  for 
the  cour.e  which  he  adopted  and  pursued .  Has 
he  exercised  this  power  wantonly  or  improper- 
ly? If  so,  he  is  liable;  not,  as  he  believes,  to 
tliis  honorable  court  for  contempt,  but  to  his 
government  for  :in  abuse  of  power,  and  to  those 
individuals  whom  he  has  injured,  i:i  damages 
proportioned  to  that  injury. 

About  the  period  Last  described,  the  consul 
of  France,  who  appears,  by  (iovernor  Clai- 
borne's letter,  to  have  embarrassed  the  first 
drafts,  by  liis  claims  in  favor  of  pretended  sub- 
jects of  his  king,  renewed  iiis  interference;  his 
certificates  were  given  to  men  in  thcranksofthe 
army;  to  some  who  hud  nevr  applied,  and  to 
others  who  wislied  to  use  them  asthe^e.ans  of 
obtaining  an  inglorious  exemption  from  dangc" 


diiti  latigue.  liie  iiiiUiUiiity  dei'ivtd  trom  tliese  uilly  to  du  Uiis,-vV:is  to  place  the  Judge  in  asiii," 
certificates  not  only  thinned  the  rarks,  by  the  nation  in  wliich  his  interference  could  not  coun- 
withdrawal  of  those  to  whom  they  vere  given,  teract  die  measures  of  defence,  or  give  counte. 
but  produced  the  desertion  of  others,  who  nanceto  the  mutinous  disposition  that  liad  shawl's 
thought  theinselves  equally  entitled  to  the  pri-  itself  in  so  alarming  a  degree.  Merely  to  have: 
vi'.ege;  and  to  this  cause  mustbe  traceithe  aban-  disregarded  the  writ,  would  but  have  increased 
donment  of  the  important  post  of  Chef  Menteur,  the  evil,  and  to  have  obeyed  it,  was  wholly  re- 
aodthe  temporary  refusal  of  a  relief  ordered  to  piignant  to  the  respondent's  ideas  of  the  public 
occupy  it.  safety,   and   to   liis  own   sense  of  duty.     The 

Under  these    circumslanccs,  to  remove   the    Judge  was  therefore  confined,  and  removed  bc^ 
force  of  an  example  which  had  already'  occasion-    jond  the  tines  of  defence. 

pd  such  dangerous  consequences,  and  to  pun-  As  to  the  paper  mentioned  in  the  rule,  wliich 
ish  those  who  were  jo  willing  to  defend  what  the  respondent  is  charged  wUh  taking  .and  de. 
they  wtre  so  ready  to  enjny,  the  rctspindent  is-  taining,  he  answers,  that  when  the  writ  was 
sued  a  general  order,  directing  those  French  produced  by  the  clerk  of  this  honorable  court, 
subjects  who  had  availed  tl-eniselves  of  the  con-  the  date  of  i^s  issuance  appeared  to  h.ave  beea 
sal's  certificates,  to  remove  out  of  tlie  lines  of  altered  from  the  5th  to  the  6tli.  lie  was  ques- 
defence,  and  far  enough  to  avoid  any  tempta-  tinned  respecting  the  apparent  alteralion,  and 
lion  of  intercourse  with  our  enemy,  whom  they  acknowledged  it  had  been  done  by  Judge 
were  so  scrupulous  of  opposing.  Tliis  measure  Hall,  and  not  hi  the  presence  of  the  party  wliu 
was  resorted  to,  as  the  mildest  mode  of  proceed-  made  the  affidavit.  This  material  alterat'on,  in 
:ng  against  a  dangerous  and  mcreasiiig  evil;  and  a  paper  that  concerned  him,  gave  the  respond- 
ihe  respondent  had  the  less  scruple  of  hispow-  ent,  as  he  thought, a  right  to  detain  it  for  further 
er,  ill  tliis  instance,  as  it  was  not  quite  so  strong  investigation,  which  he  accordingly  did  ;  b\it 
as  that  which  Governor  Clairborne  had  exer-  gave  a  certified  copy,  and  an  acknowledgement 
cised,  before  the  invasion,  by  tiie  advice  oi  his  that  the  original  was  in  his  possession. 
attorr>ey  general,  in  the  case  of  Col.  Coliel.  The  respondent  avows:   that   he  considered 

It  cre-ated,  however,  some  senoatian, — dis-  this  alteration  in  the  date  of  the  affid.avit,  as  it 
contents  were  again  fomented,  from  the  source  was  then  explained  to'him  by  the  clerk,  to  be 
that  had  first  produced  tnem.  Aliens  and  stran-  such  evider.ce  of  s  personal,  not  judicial  niter- 
gers  became  the  most  violent  advocates  of  ference,  and  activity,  in  behalf  of  a  man  charged 
constitutional  I'ights,  and  native  Americims  with  the  most  seiious  offence,  as  justified  the 
were  taught  the  value  of  their  privileges,  by  idea  then  formed,  th;it  the  judge  approved  hii 
those  who  formally  disavowed  any  title  to  their  conduct,  and  supported  his  attempts  to  excite 
enjoyment.  The  order  was  particularly  oppos-  dlaffection  among  the  ti'oops 
ed,  in  an  anonymous  publication.  In  this,  the  This  was  the  conduct  of  the  respondent,  ant 
author  deliberately  and  wictedly  misrepresent-  these  the  motives  winch  prompted  it.  Thej 
^d  the  order,  as  subjecting  to  removal,  all  have  been  fairly  and  openl}  exposed  to  this  tri 
I'renchmen  whatever,  even  those  who  had  glo-  bunal,  and  to  the  world,  and  would  not  hav< 
riously  fought  in  defence  of  the  country  :  and  been  accompanied  by  any  exception  or  wave: 
aftermany  dangerous  and  unwarrantable  decla-  of  jurisdiction,  if  it  had  been  deemed  expediSn 
rations,  h 5  closes,  by  calling  upon  all  French-  to  give  him  that  species  of  trial,  to  which  hi 
men  to  flock  to  the  standard  of  their  Consul —  thinks  himself  entitled,  by  the  constitution  o 
ihus  advising  and  producing  an  act  of  mutiny  his  country.  The  powers  wlych  the  cxigenc; 
and  insubordination,  and  publishing  the  evi-  of  the  times  forced  him  to  assume,  luave  beei 
donee  of  our  weakness  and  discord  to  the  ene-  exercised  exclusively  for  die  public  good  ;  anc 
my,  who  were  still  in  our  vicinity,  .anxious,  no  by  the  blessing  ..f  God,  they  have  been  attendei 
doubt,  beforethe  cessation  of  iiostilities,  to  wipe  with  unpiualled  success.  They  have  saved  th 
away  the  late  stain  upon  their  arms.  To  have 
silently  loo'eed  on  such  an  oftence,  without 
raakhig  any  attempt  to  puni  h  it,  v  ould  h;ive 
been  •a.  formal  surrender  of  all  discipline,  all  or- 
der, all  personal  dignity,  and  public  safety.  This 
.  could  not  be  done  ;  and  the  respondent  imme- 
diately ordered  the  arrest  of  the  oifender.  A 
VT!t  of  habeas  coipus  was  directed  to  issue  for 
his  enlargement.  The  very  case  which  hail 
been  foreseen,  the  very  contingency  on  which 
martial  law  was  intended  to  operate,  had  now 
occurred;  tlie  civil  mag'strate  seemed  to  think  it 
Jtis  duty  to  enforce  the  enjoyment  of  civil  rights, 
although  the  consequences  which  h.ave  been 
described,  would  probably  have  resulted 


country  :  and  whatever  may  be  tlie  opinion  o 
that  countrv,  or  the  decrees  of  its  courts,  in  re 
lation  to  the  means  he  has  used,  he  o;iu  neve 
regret  that  he  employed  them. 

ANDREW  JACKSON. 


For  tke  United  States  Telegraph 

V.'iU  they  give  them  up  > 
Give  up  whom  ?  Ad.^ms,  Ciav  &  Co.  ■■ 
■Why  is  Mr.  Adams  like  a  Brick-maker  ;• 
Because  he  moulds  C/ay  to  his  wishes. 
Why  is  Mr.  Adams  on  ticklish  grounds  : 
Bee  luse  he  stands  on  ilippery  Clay,  leans  o 
An    a  7?u«//,  and  hopes  something  from  the  A'ouMar6 

unbending  sense   of  wh;it   he  seemed  to  think        AV by  lias  Mr.  Ad.iras  an  aversion  to  the  l'o.si 

his  st.ation   required,   induced  him  to  order  the    master  General 


liberation  of  the  prisoners.  This,  under  the  re- 
spondent's sense  of  dutj-,  produced  a  conflict 
which  it  was  his  wish  to  avoid. 

No  other  course  remained,  than  to  enforce 
tlie  principles  which  he  h:ul  Laid  down  as  hi; 
guide,  and  to  suspend  the  exercise  of  thisjudi 
cial  power,  wherever  it  interfered  with  the  nc- 
'■essarj-  me.nis  of  defenre.    The  onlv  wav  effect. 


Because    he    has    a    dislike   to   make  clia 
(McLean)  the  Augean  Stables. 

Why  is  Mr.  Adams  like  a  Carpenter  ? 

liecause  he  is  not  a  Mason. 

What  will  Mr.  Adams  do  on  the  next  4th  c 
March  '' 

Ecfto March. 

Vours,  BILLY  BtfACK/  ' 


1'/^ 


LhiliLR  XIX. 

To  John  Sergeant,  Ulanutt  Eyre,  Lawrence  Lew- 
(>,  C.  C.  BiMlr,  &  Joseph  P.  Norria,  Jr. 
EsqUiM^s — Authors  of  an  address  adupted  at 
tie  adntinislration  town  meeling  of  the  7th 
Juhj. 

CfESTLEMtN- In   our  sixteenth  letter,  wc 

■,vere  inqiiiHng  into  the  SC'Vi'ms  and  ine.asureso's 
Mr.  Adam.5,  in  order  to  ascertain  the  correct- 
ness ot'yoiu'rppresentution,  that  he  is  an  iilus- 
txieus  patriot  and  statesm.in :  and  we  had  inten- 
'tad  to  pursue  the  inquiry,  minutely,  in  sue- 
deeding  letters:  the  desire,  iiowever,  t.o  publish, 
iji  a  |>aiTiphletft)rni,  wliat  we  have  already  writ- 
tJai,  interrupts  our  prog-ress,  and  we  shall  at 
jjresent  notice  those  topics  in  a  very  brief  man- 

irer. 

It  cannot  escape  puhlic  observation,  that, 
tliere  is,  throughout  the  addresses  in  favor  of 
tlie  administration,  a  dearth  of  information  res- 
[5acting  senders  sini  measures:  So  remarkable 
a'u  uniformity  could  not  have  been  accidental: 
We  are  justified  in  supposing,  therefore,  that  it 
really  was  t!ie  result  of  a  want  of  adequate  ma- 
terials.— Up  to  1309,  we  have  already  accom- 
panied Mr.  Adams,  in  his  diplomatic  career, 
without  finding  any  result,  honorable  to  the 
fame,  or  useful  to  the  interests  of  his  coun'ry. 
Let  us  see  whether  he  was  more  Jistinguisli- 
ed  subsequently. 

From  1809  to  1814,  Mr.  Adams  was  in  Rus- 
sia: We  have  no  knowledge,  we  never  have 
fteard,  that  his  services  extended  beyond  a  resi- 
dence at  St.  Fetershurgh:  He  was  g-recdy  in 
the  accumulation  of  the  large  sums  paid  by  his 
"  penurious  "  coiH)iry;  but  we  have  yet  to 
learn  that  any  retiu-n  of  national  benefit  was 
ma<le. 

In  ISl-t,  we  find  .Mr.  Adams  at  Ghent:  in  the 
execution  of  this  tmst,  if  we  arc  to  believe  Mr. 
Clay,  there  was  not  displayed,  by  Mr.  Adams, 
either  patriotism  or  statesmanship:  On  the 
ct)ntrary,  he  was  anxious  to  give  up  nation:d 
j'literests  to  pui-.hase  a  sectional  advantage  for 
the  East.  Let  the  friends  of  those  g"ent!emen, 
ftowever,  settle  this  matter,  if  they  can;  A  day, 
we  hope,  will  arise,  when  the  veil  which  hides 
the  "  secret  night"  tras;ictions  at  Ghent,  will  be 
rf  nt,  and  salutary  truths  made  known  to  an 
abused  people. 

Mr.  Adams  subsequently  proceeded  to  Lon- 
don, and  remained  there  until  1816.  There 
were  many  matters,  dependent  upon  the  traaty 
of  Ghent,  which  demanded  efficient  attention, 
but  we  have  no  knowledge  that  any  of  them 
Were  at  this  period  adjusted. 

Here  ends  the  career  of  Mr.  Adams,  .is  a 
fbreign  minister:  It  is  incredible,  that,  if,  in  the 
course  of  twenty  years,  he  really  had  effected 
any  object  of  momciit  for  his  country,  an  utter 
silence  respecting  it  would  be  observed:  On  the 
cbntrary,  when  so  much  is  said  pompously  and 
gratuitously,  we  may  well  coircltiJe,  tliat  the 
subject  will  not  beai-  examination  We  have 
no  doubt,  that  Mr  Adams  was  a  constant  and 
voluminous  correspondent,  but  we  have  no 
knowledge  of  results  of  his  diplomacy,  deno- 
ting patriotism  and  statesmanship. 

Let  us  then,  hastily,  pass  with  hiin  through 
the  cabinet,  from  1816  to  1825,  The  field. 
Here  opened,  was  sufficiently  extensive  fortlie 
display  of  every  talent,  natural  or  acquired:  and 


if  the  duties  comprehended  Hiereiy  a  irulii  of 
elaborate,  and  often  elegant  compositions,  wc 
should  not  hesitate  to  confer  hlg'i:  prai.se:  But, 
if  sound  advice  and  salutary  :iction.^,  are  the 
tests  of  a  Tiinister,  we  must  refuse  to  place  Mr. 
Adnrnsin  th  ■  rank,  w'ich  is  claiineil  for  him. 

What,  in  the  wiiole  course  of  his  ministrj-, 
did  he  effeci  with/')v/«c«.?  If  the  government 
of  th'-  United  StiUes  hud  released  France  from 
resp.msibility,  'or  spoliations  pr;or  to  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana,  at  least  indi  mnity  was  due 
fortlu-  losses  of  American  citizens,  by  the  out- 
rages of  France  ,<iubseqiLLnt  to  that  period. 
Those  lo-ses  in  .i',\  pr'>babd  ty  exceeded  twenty 
millions  of  dollars,  yet  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  efficient  eflbrt  has  been  made  to  obtain  re- 
muneraticn. 

On  the  purchase  of  Florida  from  France,  an 
illustrious  patriot  or  statesman  never  would 
have  pursued  the  course  taken  by  Mr.  Adams: 
it  was  wholly  immaterial  to  France,  how  the 
p'.irclis.se  money  should  be  :ipplied,  that  ques- 
tion rested  with  the  Uuted  States  alone;  a  faith- 
ful Minister,  in  fixing  t!ie  am-  unt  to  be  applied 
to  tlie  p.aynent  of  losses  by  his  countrymen, 
would  h;ive  t.aken  such  limits  as  would  embrace 
every  fair  claim:  .Mr.  Adams,  however,  limited 
the  indemnity  for  los-:es  to  five  millions,  where- 
as the  actual  claims  amounted  to  twenty  mil- 
lions: the  injui-ious  effects  of  this  arrangement 
were  severely  felt,  upon  the  decision  of  the 
commissioners.  According  to  the  principles 
of  justice  and  sound  policy,  there  ought  to  have 
been  no  limit,  hut  '.he  extent  of  the  fund,  and 
thus  all  honest  claimants  wouli!  have  been  in- 
demnified. 

The  United  Sttitcs  had  been  the  first  to  ac- 
knowledge live  hidepciulepcc  of  &tf/A  America 
and  Mrx'icOj  the/  were  sister  republics  in  the 
same  hemisphere;  we  had  claims  of  gratitude 
and  sympathy  to  prefer;  yet  we  have  seen  the 
diplomacy  of  F.ngland  stripping  us  of  advanta- 
ges, politically  and  commercially  important. 
The  iiicapaciiy  and  failure  of  Mr.  Adams,  in 
this  respect,  were  exposed  by  Mr.  Clay  him- 
self, in  the  deb.ates  in  1820,  upon  the  Spanish 
treaty. 

In  the  negBtiations  with  Spain,  Mr-  Adams 
evinced  a  want  of  capacity,  or   zeal,  which  af- 
forded Mr.  Clay  an  opportunity  to  rebuke  him 
before  the  nation.     It  has  never  been  explained 
w'hy,  in  negotiating  with  Spain,  the  territory  of 
7"exas  was  gi\e;)   to  Spain — a  ten'itory   ^'.hich, 
according  to  Mr.  Clay,  Spain  herself  had  agreed 
to  consider  within  the  boun  laries  of  Louisiana — 
a  territorv  comprrlienihng  six   degrees  of  lati- 
tude, from  the  26lh  to  the  32d  N.  and  about  nine 
degrees  of  longitude,  from  the  Hiodel  Norde  to 
the  Sabine.     T'o  arrest    sucli  a   tr.ansfer,  and  to 
rebuke  Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Clay  laid  these  resolu- 
tions on  the  table  of  the  House   of  Representa- 
tives, on  the  20lh  M:irch,  1820. 
"  Jiesohvi,    That  the   constitu'.i'U  vests  in  con- 
gress, the  power  to  dispose  of  the  territoi-y 
belonging  to   the  United  Stales,  and  that  no 
treatv,    proposin*j   t.>    alienate  any    portion 
thereof  is  valid,   without  the  concurrence  of 
congress: 
"  Resohed,  That  the  equivalent  proposed  to  be 
given  by  Spain  to   the  United   States,   in  the 
ti'eaty  concluded  between  them,  on  the   22<1 
day  of  February,  1809,  for  that  partofLouis- 
iai'.a,    Iving   west   of  the  Sabine,   was  inade 


quaLcj  iuiil  iii^i-   il-  \iouUl  be   hiexpcdlciiHo 
make  atransfer  thereof  to  any  foreign  power, 
ur  to  reneiv  tlie  aforesaid  Ireafy."    - 
Thtse  resolutions  spoke  a  language  not  tobr. 
mi"»un<lerstoo.l:  tliey  show  the  conviction  of  Mr. 
Clay  in  1820,  that  Mr.  Adams  wase-tlier  incom- 
petent or  ur.fa.tliful:  ilie  debutes,  on  the  subject, 
set  all  doubt?  at  rest:  Mr.  Clay  charged  Mr.  Ad- 
ams with  subserviency  to  foriisn   poh.cy,  in  re- 
garii  to  Spain  and  her  late  colonies,  and  said  that 
a  single  expression  of  Lord  Castlerengh  had 
guided  the   course  of  the    United  States:  1  am 
quite  refreshed,  said  Mr.  Clay,  at  reading  a  p.a- 
per  from  the  i>cn  of  Count  Nisselrode,  "aftir 

•  perusing  those  (  he   wus  s-n-ry  to  say  it,   he 

•  wished  there  was  a  veil  thick  and  broad  enougli 
'  to  conceal  them  forever)  which  tliis  (the  Span- 
'  ish  tre.ity  ncgoti:ited  by  Mr.  Adams)  h:ul  pro- 
'  duced  on  tiife  part  of  the  government:"  The 
valuable  tcrrltoiy,  however,  w.as  given  up — 
whetJicr  owing  to  Mr.  Adams'  infidelity  or  in- 
competency, we  leave  tlie  friends  of  Mr.  Ad- 
ams and  Mr.  Clay  to  decide  ;  that  the  territo- 
ry was  lost  by  one  or  the  other  is  indisputa- 
ble. 

Pursuing  our  inquiry  beyond  the  period  of 
Mr.  .'Adams's  eIectio;i,  v.e  see  the  same  i;iciim- 
petency  or  indifference  as  to  our  relations  with 
England.  The  Colonial  trade  had  beeii  the 
topic  of  discussion  for  many  years — if  it  had  not 
been  considered  i.nportant  to  the  United  States, 
this  would  not  have  been  t!;e  case.  The  Brit- 
ish ministry,  departing  from  their  usual  policy, 
oflcred  to  relax  their  Ci,loni.»l  system  in  fa\  or  of 
the  United  States,  not  doubting  but  that  ttic 
propo:ial  would  be  met  in  a  spirit  vi  hk-^^nmy, 
leading  to  gre.iter  results— the  offer  was,  tiow- 
ever,  so  grossly  neglected,  and  the  excuses  for 
the  neglect  were  so  contradictory,  that  the  Bri- 
tish ministry  withdrew  the  overture,  and  Mr. 
Canning  explained  the  act  in  a  rebuke,  highly 
inculpating  iht  (-,-overnment  ofthe  United'Stutes. 
It  is  ext;-eme!y  probable,  tiiat  attention  to  elec- 
tioneering, produced  ivegkrt  of  public  duty  in 
this  case — from  July  1824,  to  June  i8-,J6,  tliere 
was  a  neglect  cither  to  renew  negotiations  at 
Washington,  or  to  send  the  necessary  instruc- 
tions to  Kng'land. 

. . .  .With  regard  to  the  measures  of  the  ad- 
ministration. What  new  piinciple,  or  me.asure, 
has  Mr.  Adams  ever  proposed,  to  promote  the 
interests  of  agriculture,  trade  or  manufactures' 
What  has  he  done  tr>  develope  the  resources  of 
the  country  from  its  soil,  mines,  woods  or  fish- 
eries? Has  he  suggested  any  new  source  of 
revenue,  or  any  improvement  in  any  that  exists' 
Til  the  entire  organization  of  the  existing  sys- 
tem, are  not  things  exactly  as  they  were  planned 
and  left  l)y  his  predecessors'  What  an  absurdi- 
ty, then,  to  cl.aim  a  merit  for  the  administration 
from  any  existing  ])rosperity — ilie  boast  of  the 
fly  on  the  chariot  wheel,  that  its  agency  pro- 
duced the  motion,  is  not  more  ridiculous. 

No  person  of  candor  can  have  regarded  pass- 
ing events  with  any  sort  of  c;ire,  without  being 
entirely  s:itisfied,  th;.'.  tlie  gre.it  interests  of  the 
nation  have  been  merged  in  the  anxiety  of  the 
men  in  power  to  keep  it,  if  at  all  practicable  — 
the  committee  of  reirenchment  made  develope- 
ments,  which,  in  any  individual  cise,  would 
have  stripped  .any  man  of  the  confidence  of  his 
employers — the  three  cases  of  Mr.  John  A. 
King,  Mr.  J.  H.  Pleas.ints.  anl  Mr.  Cook,  mem- 


ber of  Congress  from  Illinois,  are  suHici&iit  to 
explain  tiiis  fully: 

1.  Mr.  John  .1.  King.  The  act  of  Congress 
of  Mav  1,  18(0,  (.section  2,  page  509,  of  vol. 
4,  law's  U.  S  )  exp;-cssly  declares,  that  no  com- 
pens;iti<m  shall  be  .allowed  to  any  charge  des  af- 
fiirfS,  who  sh  ill  not  have  been  appointed  by*' 
the  President  United  .Slates,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  or  by  the 
President  during  a  recess,  and  aficrwards  ap- 
proved bv  Senate.  No  one  has  ever  pretend- 
ed th.it  Mr.  John  A.  King  was  embraced  in 
either  of  these  cases,  yet  Sir  Adams  directed 
S5,253  15  to  be  p:ud  to  him  for  62  days  pre- 
tended services,  and  it  was  paid  to  him,  in  open 
violation  of  law. 

2.  Mr.  Jii.'in  ff.  PA-fl-ranfe,  an  administration 
editor,  received  1,940  dollars  as  the  bearer  of 
despatches  from  the  United  States  to  Buenos 
Ayres,  :di hough  he  has  himself  confessed  that 
he  never  went  to  liu  nos  .\yres;  that  he  gave 
the  despatches  to  the  captain  of  a  vessel  bound 
there;  and  that,  in.stead  of  execuUng  the  duty 
for  vhich  he  was  pat.!,  he  made  a  pleasant  tour 
in  Eiig'and! 

3.  Mr.  Cook  gave  t'l?  vote  of  Illinoii  to  Mr. 
Adams,  contrary  to  the  will  of  his  constituents; 
his  constituents' dismissed  him;  the  administra- 
tion t'en  gave  him  a  secret  agency  to  Cuba,  at 
a  comT)ens:ition  of  55;J0  dollars,  of  which  he 
i-cce  ved  1500— he  was  in  bad  health,  did  not 
understiind  the  Span's!)  laiignr-ge— was  hut  a 
few  weeks  at  the  Havana— from  w  hence  he  re- 
turned, without  elfecting  any  object  wlnt.ver! 
In  t!il3  case,  for  t'rr  Srst  t.  e  since  the  forma- 
tmn  of  t!.a  gove:  iiJient.  the  ^-=^eoutivc  refused 
to  disclose  to  Cong:-e.s  the  ^:;-^  "^  ^h  Pre- 
— the  constitution  imperatively -'iror's  . 
sident  to  give  information  to  Congress;  a  conv." 
mittee  of  Congress  asked  it;  it  aiu  refused, 
without  any  pretence,  that  the  public  interest 

-  demanded  concealment! 

When  such  abuses  as  these  are  considered,  ;  . 
is  not  surprising,  th;it  the  contingent  expenses 
of  the  executive  department,  in  1325-6-7"  un- 
der Ml'.  Ail.t  .  s,  exceeded  the  like  expenses  un- 
der Mr.  Monro;',  in  1822-3-4,  in  the  sura 
■J306,506doll;irs! 

....We  have  not  venture:!,  to   present  ow 
naked  opinions,  in  relaton  to  seri'ices  and  r: 
siire.^',  but  to  r^fer  to  the  absence  of  proof:  ' 
well  known,  th::t  Mr.  Jeffei'son  set  a  very  d 
rent   estimate   upon   the   qualifications   of    >'. 
Adams,  from  tli.at  fixed  iiy  his   friends:     >' 
Jefferson  considered    Mr.  Ad;inis  merely  a  1: 
bellrs  httrcs  schokr,  but  that,  if  ho  was  c.alled 
for  the  exercise  oihis  judgment,  it  was  a  en 
and  pile  chance  w'lether  he  <vas  rig'iit  or  wixmf. : 
This  opinion  accords  so  rcmark:\bly  with  thos,^ 
of  Gov    Giles,  a  gentleman  long  conversant  u'ith 
public  aflairs  and  men,  tliat  we  close  our  letter 
-with  an  extract  frum  his  :«l;lrcss  ofthe  28th  oi" 
February  last: 

"  I  believe  (says  Gov.  Giles)  that  Mr  Ad:ims 
docs  not  possess  the  necesiary  iLScful, practical 
t;dents,  for  administering  any  government  what- 
ever, and  that  Giin.  Jackson's  talents  for  th^t  ob- 
ject are  Incointjarably  greater  than  Mr.  .\dam's! 
Whilst  I  am  willing  to  admit,  that  Mr  A  lams 
may  be,  more  than  Gen.  Jackscm,  the  poet  born, 
and  more  the  schohir  made  ,•  I  believe  Ml'. 
Adams  not  to  be  a  wise  man,  that  he  pos- 
sesses verv  ftw  of   the  att.iibutes  of  wisdom. 


'i^/  -A- 


t  iiiuat  bUck.  to  iiiy  ueiinilicin  oi'  tei-ms.  I  be- 
lieve Mr-  Adams  is  not  wise  in  conduct — not 
wise  in  acticlis.  I  believe  he  is  not  blessed  with 
the  U&ppy  tulent  of  choosin.^  the  best  measures; 
nor  the  best  means  of  carrying  his  chosen  mea- 
riires  into  tftect.  To  be  in  tlie  fashion,  j>urticn- 
larly  with  "  the  Antl  Jackson  Convention,"  I 
nnist  coin  a  word  to  convey  my  ideas  of  Mr. 
.\daiTisin  tills  respect;  \  bclic^'e  Mr.  Adams  to 
L'e  an  anti-wise  man.  The  wliole  history  of  i'is 
life  will  pi'ove  the  correctness  (»f  these  convic- 
tions, but  I  will  specify  a  few  cases  only,  in  de- 
monstr.ation.  Ills  leiter  to  the  committee,  be- 
fore quoted,  grounded,  1  think,  npor.  f:dlacious 
inis'-epresentat'ons,  extend'.nj:^  even  to  a  piiint  of 
incredibility  :  His  various  efl'iirts  in  various  pa- 
j)ers,  but  particularly  in  h's  first  message  to  Con- 
gTess,  to  derive  powci-s  to  the  general  govern- 
ment from  sources  paramount  tothe  constitution, 
or  from  lil.s  own  peculiarly  eccentric  interpreta- 
tion of  the  constitution.  His  conduct  in  the 
whole  of  his  intercourse  wHli  Gieat  Britain,  by 
which  we  have  not  only  lost  the  West  India 
trade,  but  diminished  the  lest  of  our  Hrilish 
trade,  and  hazarded  the  whole — a  trade  amount- 
ing to  more  tliao  one-half  of  our  fneign  trade, 
and  thus  introducing  a  state  of  impoverishment 
lathe  United  States  unknown  here  before.  I 
think  Mr.  .\dams  has  been  particidarjy  .anti- 
wise  in  all  his  most  Importanl  diplomatic  nego- 
tiations, parlicuiarly  so  in  liis  treaties  of  rmtits, 
both  with  Spain  and  Gie.it  Eritain  :  in  the  one, 
he  lost  the  Texas  ;  in  tlic  other,  he  has  reduced 
lis  to  the  disgraceful  arbitrament  of  a  foreign 
power,  fora  territory  on  her  north-castcru  boun- 
dary, equal,  perhajis  greater  in  extent  than  the 
whole  State  of  New-Hampshire.  I  conceive 
Mr.  Adams  particularly  anti-wise,  in  his  claims 
to  executive  powers,  especially  in  relation  to 
his  competency  to  originate  foreign  missions 
without  the  consent  of  the  Senate  ;  particularly 
as  tint  question  was  settled  in  his  own  person 
against  such  rlglit,  about  the  close  of  Mr.  ,Tcf- 
i'erson's  .\dministration.  ^Vithollt  impugning 
at  this  time  tlic  policy  of  his  Panama  Mission,  I 
tiiink  one  of  the  rea.son:;  he  assigned  for.it  the 
most  anli-ui.se  tU.it  could  have  entered  into  the 
i  iiaginatiuH  i.f  man — to  liberalize  the  Sotith 
American  Ca'iioiics,  on  tiic  score  of  religion. 
This  most  eccentric  notion  has  )>erhaps,  tend- 
otl  more  than  any  thing  else,  to  deprive  us  of 
tl.e  valiiab'e  fivor  of  the  South  American  Re- 
publics. Thi*  catalogue  of  anti-wise  measures 
must  suflice,  altbotugh  //  is  but  Just  begun." 
Ucspccti'uUy,  yours,  &c. 


.lOfeKdMI    WOUKKLT., 
WII^tJAM  DUrsXAN, 
AVTLLIAM  HOVD, 
HENRY  TOLAND, 


\VM.   .1.   DUANE, 
WM.    J.    I.KH'KK, 
CHAS     S.    COXK, 
TIIOS.  M.  PETTIT. 
Committee  of  Con'espoiidence  for  I'lill  idel- 
phia,    apijointfcd    by    tiie    Republican 
Convention,  assembled  at  Harrisburg, 
.fan.  8th,  1828. 
Sept.  151h,  1828. 


To  John  6trg-cai>/,  Hmud  Eyre,  Lawrence  Leu> 
i>,  C.  C.  Diddk.  and  Joseph  P.  Nurris,  Eaqrs. 
.'lul/wrs  of  an  address  aiJuplcd  at  the  adininis- 
tralion  lou'n  meeting  nf  the  Tlh  Jul;/. 
GENTLr.ME.N — Thc  field  of  discussion,   which 

"re  hidii.tended  to  'rarersc.  ir^  every  part,  has 


been  circumscribed:  the  dtiiul,  m  lelatioi.  xct 
the  services  and  measures  of  Mr.  Adams,  into 
which  we  had  designed  to  enter,  has  been  con- 
fined to  a  very  few  pouits:  and  we  now  proceed 
to  close  the  letters,  which  it  became  our  duty 
to  write. 

Duty,  we  say,  called  upon  us  to  write  them  ; 
for,  according  to  tiie  spirit  of  our  institutions, 
we  conceive,  that  no  man  can,  with  pripriety, 
shrink  from  the  execution  of  a  irus",  conferred 
upon  him  by  any  considerable  portion  of  his 
fellcw-citizi^ns. 

A  convention  of  rcptdilican  delegates,  from 
the  various  counties  of  Penns}'lvania,  which  as- 
sembled at  Harrisburg,  on  the  8;li  of  January 
last,  to  nominate  an  electoral  ticket,  favourable 
to  Gen.  A.  Jackson,  and  Mr.  J.  C.  Calhoun,  ap- 
pointed us  a  committee  of  correspondence  for 
this  city:  Custom  had  long  rendered  it  the  du- 
ty of  such  co'.nmtttecs,  to  slistain  thc  cause,  pro- 
posed to  be  piomoted  ;  yet,  it  is  certainly  true, 
tiiat  we  did  not  :mticip:ite  a  necessity  for  any 
other  Httention  on  our  pari,  than  th.at  which 
would  be.  required,  in  maintaining  a  corres|ion- 
dence  with  our  own  political  friends.  The 
jliesses,  we  thought,  were  sufficiently  numer- 
ous, and  their  conductors  sufficiently  zealous,  to 
enable  the  people  at  large  to  ohtam  all  thc  in- 
formation, necessary  to  the  exposition  of  truth. " 
But  you,  genUemen,  thought,  as  you  had  an 
un  loubted  right,  to  think  differently:  You 
deemed  the  cause  o!  the  administration  so  weak, 
or  its  editorial  supporters  so  unworthy,  as  to 
demand  the  exercise  of  your  own  person;d 
talents  aadiidluence. 

To  this,  no  one  could,  with  the  least  pFopricr 
ty,  have  objected  ;  on  the  contrary,  if  you  had 
explained  the  principles,  services,  and  mea- 
sures, of  Mr.  Adams,  even  in  thc  language  of 
high  panegyric,  we  do  not  believe  thai  we 
should  have  considered  ourselves  bound  to  at- 
tempt to  strip  him  of  a  single  ornament- 

A'ery  diU'erent,  however,  was  the  course  pur- 
sped:  upon  the  a;iniversary  of  the  nation's  birth, 
tlie  best  feelings  were  per\^rted,  from  its  so- 
lemnization, to  the  development  of  party  pas- 
sions; and  ere  the  excitement,  then  produced, 
had  ceased  to  operate,  it  was  clcen.ed  pohtic  to 
convene  a  gciural  assemblage  of  your  partisans. 
Tltose,  whoha^e  been  observers  of  men  and 
things,  saw  in  thrHponuhu- assembly  a  departure 
from  the  former  i.rnciples  and  practices  of 
many  of  tiiose,  who  now  attended:  It  had  long 
been  their  opinion,  that  more  evil  than  advav.- 
t-Lge  resiiltcd  frojn  town-meetings  ;  and  so  far  as 
thc  meeting  of  the  7th  July  is  to  be  the  crite-. 
I'lon,  the  sentiment  is  undoubtedly  sanctionedi 
Harangires  were  pronounced,  on  that  occa- 
sion, well  calculated  to  reconcile  incongruous 
materi;d3  to  each  otiier,  and  to  rouse  them  to 
unity  in  action  againsl  the  rest  of  their  fellow 
citizens:  Yet,  if  the  proceedings  had  ended 
there,  we  should  not  have  had  a  desire  to  inter- 
rupt your  ooui-se:  the  sober  reflection  of  many, 
who  were  present,  would,  we  were  sure,  sue 
cccd  an  unnatund  excitement,  and  produce 
even  regict  at  such  an  example  of  popular  ex- 
cess: We  saw  the  youth  of  your  party  tread  in 
the  footsteps  of  th'cii-  fatlicrs,  and  rival  them  in 
zeal  to  tear  all  the  honors,  conferred  by  his 
countrv,  from  the  hoarv  head  of  a  public  bene- 
factor;' and  we  bchevcd,  that  fathers  would  noi 
iTpen  reflection,    deem  such  rudencfs, the  indi 


vAUQii  of  f uiuw  usclulues's,  any  in6re  than   at 
gresent  modesty. 

But  the  ebullition  did  not  end  with  the  meef- 
i)ig;  an  address,  avowedly  from  gentlemi-n  in 
ail  respects  entitled  to  regard,  was  ushered  to 
Ihe  world,  not  only  accusing  the  candidate  of 
our  choice  of  the  most  atrocious  crimes  known 
^)^  savage  or  civili;ted  life,  but  ilcnouticin,r  his 
ibenfls  witiiout  distinction  as  a  faction,  influ- 
enced by  the  worst  passions  af  d  seeking  to 
■gjatify  tiiem  by  tlie  basest  means  ! 

We  felt  ourselves  bound,  therefore,  by  re- 
spect for  public  opinion  and  for  ourseh'es,  to 
OTfand  our  candidate,  our  principles  and  oar- 
selves.  We  took  up  the  pen,  just  as  the  re- 
■publican  committee  of  1799,  did,  upon  a  .similar 
occasion,  when  the  late  Gov.  M'Kean  was  as- 
sailed, and  addressed  oui-selves  directly  to  those 
■who,  by  their  names,  as  the  a\itliors  of  the 
ftddress,  pledged  themselves  to  the  public  for 
rcs  correctness.  • 

. .  .-To  notice  an  address,  such  as,  in  monien'.j 
of  calmness,  you  must  confess  ycurs  to  be,  was 
tiot  an  easy  task — with  the  utmost  desire  to 
avoid  cYcitemc-nt  on  our  part,  i(  was  rdmost  ne- 
cessarily produced  by  a  sort  of  contact  with  your 
own;  and  with  atl  possible  desire  to  respect  vour 
■fnotives  anri  feeling-;,  it  was  difficult  to  refrain 
?)om  severe  censure  upon  your  dnts:  If,  in  any 
instance,  we  passed  the  true  line  of  sound  discre- 
tion, it  must  have  been  because  you  had  briikrn 
<lb\rn  the  distinctive  boundaries,  ar.d  laid  all 
•iviste  before  you;  but,  we  have  no  remembrance 
of  excess  on  our  part,  and  if  there  was  any,  we 
Famant  it  sincerely. 

f  n  short,  gentlemen,  as  we  have  s:iid  through- 
TOiit,  we  fbrbear  to  assign  invidious  motives;  we 
attribute  your  conduct  to  an  excitement,  alto- 
g-etlier  factitious.  "What  else  could  c.xctrse  such 
extreme  intemperance'  Thirty  \-ears  ago,  in- 
femporance  equally  great  wa^  ilivected  agair)sl 
the  late  Governor  M'Kean  and  the  late  Presi- 
dent JeiTerson;  yet  we  saw  the  memories  .of 
those  patriots  honored  by  many  of  (he  verv  pci-- 
^ns  who  h«d  been  amongst  tluir  revilers  In 
the  natural  course  of  things,  you,  gentlemen, 
Vill  long  survive  Gen.  J.ickson,  and  we  shall 
410t  be  at  all  surprised  to  see  \  ou,  anxious  to 
atone  in  de.<ith  for  tire  great  itrjuslice  done  t(> 
Tiiln  in  lift: 

No  doubt  it  was  yoin-  rit<lit,  nay  your  duty,  to 
Ctrutinrze  his  conduct  and  character — but,  in 
Soing  sc-,'  it  becam.e  you  to  inquire  dispaSion- 
ately — to  consider  whether  it  wtre  likeh,  that 
jtearly  all  the  distinguished  men  in  the  south 
and  West,  to  say  nothing  of  t!ie  raass  of  the, 
pi'ople  Oiere  and  in  your  own  State,  were  all 
deceived  '  Or  .vlietlicr  it  wa.j  not  more  likely 
that  you  tr?re  yourselves  mistaken  .'  At  least, 
jsomc  degree  of  calmi.ess  Would  have  been  thus 
p-roduced. 

But,  instead  of  that,  yoti  ran  with  the  raging 
Current  of  detraction  ;  an<lnow,  in  truth,  itmav 
well  be  asked,  whether  one  of  the  causes  o'f 
<j'en.  Jackson's  election,  for  elected  he  certain- . 
Ty  will  be,  will  not  have  been— the  cruel  and 
relentless  manner  in  which  he  has  been  assail- 
ed ?  For  it  cannot  be  the  interest  or  the  wish 
of  any  man,  who  loves  his  countiy,  that  it  should 
present  the  .spectacle  which  you  have' aided  to 
tiphold.  On  the  coritrary,  it  seems  to  be  the 
serious  duty  of  good  men  to  resist  the  toirent 
Miit-h  s»cfc=;  to  overn-helm  all  the  ccji3;de:-a- 


tjons  that  produce  respect  abroad  Oi'  charicy  at 
hbm'w 

If  this  IS  not  .so,  what  must  be  the  results  ' 
Vii-tiioiis  men  will  refuse  to  he  candidates. — 
Those  who  look  to  the  grntitude  and  honors  to 
be  conferred  by  the  country,  for  faillit'ul  service 
will  cease  to  have  sucii  incen'ivi.s  :  licputation 
and  eap.acity  will  no  longer  be  valuable,  if  pub. 
lie  stations  are  to  be  gained  by  disgus'-ig  hiero- 
glyphics, and  not  by  sound  arguujent.s,  by  ap- 
peals  to  the  vilest  pussions,  rather  tliau  to  the 
sober  disci-ction  of  the  people.  • 

Are  tlie  citizens  of  the  United  States  aiK- 
ious  ft>r  such  a  race  as  this?  If  such  races  arc 
to  be  run,  must  they  not  at  last  terminate  in  fa- 
vor of  tile  most  proflig.ate'  What  distingnish- 
es  the  scenes  now  befoi'e  us  fj'om  the  mahs  ol 
Legendre,  but'  tire  al)sence  of  a  dims?  popula'- 
tion'  In  spiv't,  ;'.ie  mode  of  O]>posit;on  adopted 
against  Gen.  Jackson,  is  the  s.ime  which  cover- 
etl  Par'.s  with  blood — age  and  sex  ai»e  no  prr>. 
taction,  and  the  grave  itself  Ls  called  to  give  un 
its  dead,  not  for  tiie  fair  sCTutiny  of  public  6har 
acter,  but  in  search  of  the  feculent  materials  ol 
personal  slander. 

In  reverting  to  what  duty  has  called  tip- 

on  HS  to  lay  before  tlie  public  eye,  we  rejoic! 
to  find,  that  temptation  toretahatfe  did  not  hi- 
duce  us  to  pass  tiie  boUHdary  of  fair  iliseussioii; 
W-j  are  not  conscious,  that  we  approached  ihc 
confines  of  private  reputation,  or  that  we  !m- 
projierly  souo-ht  in  unworthy  motives  to  fins! 
tlie  sources  of  public  actions.  We  have  indeet' 
desired,  by  argumetit  and  explanation,  toshow 
that  ambitious  and  selfish  pas.sions  h.ave  been 
the  governing  impulses  of  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr. 
Clay: — whether  our  arguments  have  bet  n  ado. 
qnate  to  tlie  proposed  end,  onr  fellow-citizert! 
will  decide. 

We  have  defended  Gen.  .lack^on^  by  expv>- 
sing  the  unfairness,  and  the  fallacy  of  the  cha^ 
ges  against  him.-  by  showing  the  coiifi  leiicc  Vi- 
posed  in  iiim  by  all  our  presidents;  by  exhibit 
ing  h'S  uiiifoi-m  disinterested :iess,  ar.d'genrroiM 
devotion;  by  proving  the  uniforinily  o.f  h-s  prtT- 
cipltfs,  at;d  theu- libend.tv-  withal;' by  showiiic 
th-it  he  is  not  in  favor  of  treating  any  of  h\: 
countrymen  ;isthe  C;Uhcdics  of  Ireland  I'lre  treat' 
el,  without  coirSdence  or  honor,  but  that  In 
decnis  it  p.atriotic,  just  and  politic  to  ".j  J<lg< 
of  the  tree  by  its  fruits,"  and  to  regard  ail  mei 
as  .-qua!  in  e-aims  to  public  trifsts,  who  are  tret 
to  their  counliy.  \Vv  have  shown,  tliat  he  nev 
er  was,  .and  is  not,  r.t  Ihe  head  of  any  factioii- 
that  be  never  has  sought  power,  but  lias  cftci^ 
refused  higli  stations  yielding  great  cmolu' 
rnenls;  that  he  lias,  from"  principle,  shunned  in 
tercourse  or  acts  calculated  to  give  the  oppor 
tun'.ty  to  create  influence:  He  has  made  no  con 
tracts-,  he  has  no  successor  designated;  he  ivi  11  be 
the  president  of  a  nation  and  not  of  a  section  pi 
it,  the  father  of  a  whole  people,  pot  (he  patrur 
of  a  favored  cbiss. 

■\Ve  have  also  inquired  into  the  principles, 
services,  ar.d  m:-asures  of  Mr.  .\dams,  and  havf 
failed  to  find  the  evidences  of  the  patriotism  -.mr 
statesmanship,  which  his  friends  assign  to  him 
His  whole  career  has  been  markisd  bv  a  rcgan 
to  his  personal  interests;  we  know  no  instance 
in  which  he  made  a  single  sacrifice  fur  his  coun 
try:  whilst  .iefTersOn,  Clinton,  and  otlier  pa 
•riots  have  sunk  into  (lie  tomb,  l<-;uing  no  in- 
Iieritance  tn  ,(heir  children  but  a  glorious  repu 


47(5 


♦.aUou,  Mr.  AiUms  m  ill  leave  tlie  public  service, 
after  bavins'  amassed  an  immense  fortune  ; 
And  for  :iU  this  what  will  he  liavc  left,  Ihat  will 
survive  him' — There  will  be  volumes  of  com- 
position, remarkable  for  goodness  of  style  ra- 
ther than  sovmdness  of  instruction,  for  bnlliau- 
cy  of  Iani^aa;^e  rather  titan  solidity  of  judgment; 
volumes  that  will  give  b'lt  ar  imperfi>ct  lipht 
upon  the  future  patli  in  diplomacy.  \Vhi\\  nets, 
what  resu//s,  will  appear  upon  the  pag-e  of  his- 
tory ? 

. . .  .Personal-  considerations  or  merits,  how- 
ever, are  of  minor  import:  The  question,  now 
to  be  settled,  is  vita/:  "Never'"  said  .ludjje 
Rowan  of  Kentucky,  in  his  most  able  letter, 
'  ncfer  will  tlie  people  hy  an  itnb>asf!:d  vole  ehct 
'  anofher  president — if  Mr.  .Ir/nms  shall  be  re- 
'  elected;  Tite  struggle,  on  ikep'irl  ofthc  admln- 
'  islration  is  to  sustain  itself  in  the  violation  of 
'the  public  will,  and  to  perpetuate  its  ill  gfotten 

*  power,  by  a  mis-exercise  of  the  patronage  be- 
'  long'injf  to  it :  7Jte  effort  on  the  pari  nftlte  pto- 
'p  le,  is  to  assert  the  power  of  their  will,  and  to 
'vindicate  its  predomirant  authority:      If  Mr. 

*  Adams  shall    be  re-eleti-d  it   will  be  an  evi- 

*  dence  that  the  power  ofthc  patronap^'e  of  the 

*  government  is  too  strong- for  tlie  p  iwerof  pub- 
'  lie  sentiment:  Tlie  contest  will  never  be  re- 
'  newed,  on  the  part  ofthc  people,  under  hap- 
'  pier  auspices;  they  never  can  apain  expect  to 
'  select  an  individual  from  amon?  themselves  of 
'  more  deservinpf  tliat  Gen.  Jackson — one  to- 
'  wards  whom  the  public  esteeni,  i^r.atitude,  and 
'  .afi'ection  so  obviouslv  and  intensely  converge. 
'  Tf  the  power  of  the  government,  with  fts  strat- 
'  agcms  and   intrig-nes,   shall,  ;')!  this  instnncf, 

'  prove  too  strong  for  the  violated  and  insulted 
'  will  of  the  people,  it  will,  at  crcri/  subsequent 
'  occasion,  be  found  still  stronger". .. . 

And,  if  it  will  increase  in  force,  what  will 

follow'  This  is  a  question,  which  we  put  to  all 
"^OuSiieii;  'W'lut  \vill  be  the  consequence,  if 
corrupt  r!L:d"'!S  slr.dl  ti-iumpb '  Can  the  rcyiub- 
lic  subsist'  \V\\i  it  not  become  a  prey  to  an  ol- 
igarchy' What  will  be  left  to  the  people,  but 
the  odious  liberty  left  to  the  I>olcs,— of  regis- 
tering their  own  debasement. 
'  .  Ag.ainst  such  a  calamity,  we  ask  all  good  men 
to  protect  their  country — antl,  from  the  shame 
of  producing  such  a  bondage,  we  ask  all  good 
men  to  relCTiBc  themselves. 

.mSEPH  WnT5«F,t,I., 
WII.LI'AM  BUXCAN, 

WILLIAM  uovn, 

HFNRY  TOI.ANl), 
•lOIIN  WURIS, 
Wir.LIAM  .1.  nu^xK, 
WILLIAM  .T     LKIPER, 
CflAKLE.S'S.    COXR, 
THOMAS    M.   PETTiT, 
v.tjmniitlee  of  Correspondence  for  Phil;idelphia, 
appointed  by  the  Republican  Convention, 
assembled  at  Harrisbi'.iHj,  Jan.  8th,  1828. 
September  16th,  1828. 

Mr.   CLAY. 

The  Delaware  Patriot  suggests,  that  Mr.  Clay 
desires  a  seat  on  the  Supreme  Court  Bench.  We 
liaveno  doubt  that  he  desires  to  be  pl.acedbeyond 
the  reach  ofthc  people,  but  we  mist;ike  the 
<;ha.ractcr  ol  the  Senate  ofthc  United  St.ates,  jf 
that  body  permits  Mr.  Adams  to  inipo-c  any 
piD-tisan  upon  that  elevate<l  station 


From  the  boston  atatesrnaa. 

Mn.  GiiiENE  :  A  late  number  of  the  bustt^il 
Fulriut,  in  a  feeble  attempt  to  accuse  Mr  J.arvis 
of  political  inconsistency,  introduces  the  follow- 
ing- assertion;  **  Derhy^s  uffidiivit  which  few  per- 
sons believed,"  ice  — I  am  that  "  Derby,"  and  my 
affidavit  published  in  the  Kostou  Statesman  in 
November,  1824,  is  the  affidavit  which,  accord- 
ing to  thf  Patriot,  ''  few  persons  believed'"  T 
think  it  my  duty  to  notiee  this  assertion,  not  for 
the  purpose  of  proving  iXsfvhity,-  that  is  known 
to*  every  reader  of  theopjjosition  j)  ipers  for  the 
last  four  years; — but  because  the  Patriot,  with 
characteri.stic  meanness.has  repeatedly  suppress- 
ed part  of  the  evidence  in  confirmation  of  my 
affidavit. — This  ii  the  second  time  tliat  paper 
has  intimated  tliat  the  charge  agfiin.t  Mr.  Adams 
of  "  a  design  to  destroy  the  democratic  party" 
rests  on  my  tesilmony  alone;  and  then  by  calling 
me  an  interesterl  witness,  witli  admirab^le  com- 
pllcency  it  pronounces  the  charge  repelled. 
Sucli  conduct  is  worthyof  a  journal  once  the 
scorn  of  that  narly  which  it  now  caresses,  the 
federalists,  and  now  the  ung-rateful  a^jsailant  of 
cons'stcnt  rei)ublicans,  its  old  :ind  gcnerou*  pa- 
trons! I  speak  of  the  paper;  for  I  am  ignorant 
who  nau!  mixes  the  ingredients  of  the  sleeping 
potion  diily  in  its  pages  administered  to  the 
public  Nor  do  I  feel  myself  injured  by  any  of 
its  scurrilous  remarks.  On  the  contrary,  the 
"  Bo.ston  Patriot"  has  .so  long  been  notorious  for 
its  slanderous  attacks  on  the  most  ijatriotic  and 
illustrious  citizens,  that  it  is  an  ho-nnr  to  an  hum^ 
bl=  individual  not  to  be  thought  unworthy  of 
its  hostility. 

Many  persons  who  knew  the  origin  of  mj 
affilavit  in  l«2-i,  have  probably  forgotten  the 
/«/.«  connected  with  it  ;  and  many  who  then 
"gave  them  little  attention,  may  now  be  induced 
by  thf  exc'temcnt  of  the  moment,  to  con- 
sider them  more  attentively.  Truth  must  and 
will  ulli.-paleli/  prevail :  it  is  of  thi:  utmost  im- 
jKirtance  tliat  it  notv  prevail.  .\t  the  last  elec- 
tion .Mr  Adams  was  not  the  choice  of  the  peo- 
ple. That  sin  lies  not  yet  at  their  door.  But 
»/o!«ifheis  re-elected,  it  will  be  the  deliberate 
act  of  the  people  ;  a  calamity  which  ( I  consci- 
entiously believe^  every  friend  of  the  constitu- 
ti<m,  of  reptibllran  principles^  of  p.  htrcal  mteg- 
ritv,  h.moT  and  fidelity,  should  «ipp!icate  Heav- 
en' to  avert.-  I  trust,  therefore,  that  I  .shall  not 
he  thought  impertinent,  if  in  reply  to  the  asser- 
tion of  the  Patriot,  that  '<  my  amdavit"  of  1824 
«'  was  belicve.l  bv  few  persons,"  I  state  briefly 
the  history  of  tliat  affidavit,  and  disclose  sonic 
ncut //cte' tending  to  substantiate  the  charge 
m.id.- tigainst  Mr.    .\daiT'.s. 

During  the  summer  of  182-!-,  certain  essays 
bv  "  one  of  the  people"  appeared  in  the -\mcr- 
ic^n  Statesman,  published  at  Boston,  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  election  (  f  John  Qtiincy  .Vdains — 
In  one  of  these  essays,  the  writer  made  the  fol- 
lowing charge  against  Mr.  Adams: — 

"  .\boutthc  same  time,  (viz  :  in  the  spring 
of  1807,)  at  the  table  of  an  illustrious  citizen, 
now  no  more,  he  (Mr.  Adams)  lamented  the 
fearful  progress  of  tiie  democratic  parly,  and  o. 
its  principles,  and  declared  that  he  liad  long 
meditated  the  subject,  and  had  become  con- 
vinced that  the  only  tnelhod  by  which  tne  demo- 
cratic par/!/  could  he  destroyed,  was  by  joinm!; 
W'th  it,  a.id  urging  H  on  withth.-  utmost  ener- 
velurtantlv,   but  with  an  uiinrciM.bred  mind,   I 


-ime  ioinvuivl  xvitli  my  testii.iouy.     I  publisherl  E^q.  which  ihe  mfatuatol  zealots  at  the  Aaams 

in  ihe  Statesman  of  Nov.  9,-1824,  my  affidavit  party  constniea  as  a  denial  of  the  charg-  in  the 

7M(feroa</i,  of  which  the  following  is  an  exact  Statesman,  but  wliicli  the  cool-headed  me.,  ot 

,.„_.,.  all  parties  considered  as  a  fuU  but  reluctant  con- 


Dedham,  6th  Nov.  182-1. 


copy:  ad  parti 

"'l,  Jo!m  B.  D  -rby,  of  Uedham.  late  of  Med-  fession  of  its  trutii 
field,  in  the  conn  y  of  Norfolk,  of  l.iwful  a>^e, 
testify  aiidsav,  Th-at  one  evening  in  the  Slimmer  Nohfolk,  ss. 
of  18'iO,  being-  at  the  house  of  Horatio  Town-  i_  Hora'io  Townseml,  Clerk  of  the  Supreme* 
send,  Esq.,  of  Dedham,  conversing  with  said  Judicial  (;ouit  and  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Townsend  on  th.-  poUtical  character  of  John  Q  pleas,  &.C..  for  this  county,  having  this  day 
Adi«Ti3,  and  objecting  to  Mr.  Adams  on  the  heard  read  to  me  the  article  in  the  American 
ground  of  his  desertion  (if  tedei-ul  principles,  said  statesm.an  and  City  Re(jister  of  this  date,  head- 
Townseid  asserted,  tliat  Mr-  Adams  was  at  heart  f.^\  "explanatory,"  hereby  make  solemn  oatli, 
a  federalist  altlioiitfh  acting-  with  (he  deiuocrai-  tijat  I  have  no  recollection  of  ever  having  dined 
icpartA-,  and  fur  proof  thereof  stated,  that  he  at  the  table  of  tlie  late  Honorable  Theophilus 
(Mr  Townsena)  beiner  many  years  before  in  parsons  in  company  with  Mr.  John  Quincy  Ad- 
company  witli  Mr.  Adams  and  otiier -tistiiiijuish- 
ed  federalists,  previous  to  Mr.  Ad  ims's  politi- 
cal conversion  (I  tiiink  at  the  late  Ciiii  f  Ju-i- 
tice  Parsons')  Mr  Adams  in  speaking- of  the  in- 
creasing power  of  the  democrat. c  party,  usedin 
substance  the  expressions  attrib  ted  to  hini  by 
the  author  of  "one  of  the  people,"  published 
in  the  Statesman  in  July  last .  Afterwards  in  the 
spring  (I  think)  of  1822,  said  Townsend  being 
at  my  house  in  J.ledueld,  on  my  again  intiodu 


am-i,  nor  do  I  believe  tliat  I  ever  did.  Nor  do 
i  recollect  or  believe  that  I  ever  nut  Mr.  Ad- 
ams in  company  with  the  late  Chief  Justxe  Par- 
sons at  anv  time  subsequent  to  my  leaving  Mr. 
Parsons'  oflice  as  a  student  in  the  spring  ot 
178S.  HORATIO  TOWNSEND. 

NoRroLK,  ss.  Nov.  6th,  1834. 

Then  the  above   named   Horatio  Townsend 
made  oath  to  the  truth  of  the  foregoing  affidavit 

cing  the  discussion  of  the  samd  suiyect,  repeat-  ^y  '■™J^"^!^'^7J^^'- '     tHERON  METCALF, 

Justie'  nf  Peace- 
It  was  supposed  that  the  testimony  of  two 
witnesses  (Mr.   Richardson  .and  myself)  \vliose 
credib.htvstoodunimpeached,  and  one  of  whom 


cd  to  me  the  same  declaration  of  Mr.  -Adams  in 
similar  language.  That  Joiin  Q.  Adams  ever 
made  such  observations  1  do  nit  kuow,  but  I 
was  constrained  to  believe  that  lie  made  t!iem, 
by  the  frequ-.-nt  and  confident  assertions  if  Mr. 
Townsend.  That  Mr  To-,vnsen.l  said  in  sub- 
stance what  1  have  iiere  stated,  is  confirmed  by 
the  Hon.  James  liicUards  »n,  wh-i  says  that  on 
Iiearingthe  extract  fr.>m  "one  of  the  people" 


S'lstained  a  conspicuous  rank  \n  the  comm-jni*y, 
would  be  sufficient  to  convince  all  reasonable- 
men,  that  Horatio  Townsend  ha;i  actually  re- 
ported to  lis  and   attributed  to  Uv.   Ad-.ms  the 


read  to  liim,  he  immediutclv  recollected  Ii-aving    sentiments  alleged  by  "one  ot  the  P<-'<'!'1;--   ' 


heard  Mr.  Townsend,  in  substance,  so  express 
himself  in  conversation  to  Uim,  once  at  said 
Townsend*s  house,  and  also  at  his  -office,  and 
that  it  occuiTed  to  hi^n  before  he  (Mr.  R)  knew 
that  he  was  designated  as  one  of  tiiose  to  whom 
the   above  statements  of  Mp.  Tij-^nsend  were 


More  pspec-allv  when  it  appeared  that  Town- 
send  in  his  .iffi.lavit,  avoided  all  direct  denial  of 
the  fact,  and  confi.ied  himself  to  disproving  a 
collateral  and  unimportant  c-rcunistance.  But 
these  are  times  wlien  men  "  strain  at  a  gnat  an-^ 
swallow  a  camel!"     There  are  multitudes  who 


addiesse  1."— John  B.    Derby.     "Tlie  pieces  cannot  be  convinced  that  the  man  v.'ho  once  bc- 

signed  "one  of  the  people"  are  written  with  so  traved   and   calumniated  his  party  for  political 

much  t.dent  that  itis  h-.u-dly  necessary  for  me  advancement,  could   be  so  dishonorable  as  to 

to  add  that  I  am  not  the  author."  meditate  a  .second  treachery,  and   \et  will  reaa:- 

Norfolk,  ss.  Nov.  8th,  1824.     Tiien  the  above  Iv  believe  that  a  fortunate    Geiier-il,  who  at  the 

named  John   B.    Derby  declared  on   oath,  that  head  of  a  victoriois  and  devoted  army  ;>/-C5eri-f.^ 


the  above    statement,  bv  liim   siibscrib  -d,  was 
true.  ERASlU.s'  WOV: VHINi.TON, 

»  Jtistice  of  Peace. 
[See  Slatesoiari,  Nov.  9th.  1S24.] 
This  affidavit  was  confirmed  by  the  testimony 
of  the  Hon.  Jam:s  Richardson,  formerly  a  Sen- 
ator of  Massachusetts,  then  and  now  Piesident, 
of  the  Bar  of  the  county  of  JJoifolk,  a  gentleman 
of  great  respectability,  and  unsuspected  veraci- 
ty.    He  stated  ..s  follows — 

Dkdiiat.i,  Nov.  8!h,  1824. 
1  have  read  the  part  of  the  witli  n  affid-ivit 


Me  ronstilulion  and  savtd  Ihe  cninlri/,  wails  orlj 
the  acquisition  of  civil  po-.ver  to  effect  their  de- 
struction! 

One  axiom  in  morals  seems  to  have  become 
obsolete,  viz:  That  compunctious  visitings  are 
less  poignant  on  the  repelition  of  an  ofi'ence;  and 
that  he  who  iioblv  resists  a  powerful  temptation 
adds  strength  and  security  to  his  virtue. 

The  "  Boston  Patriot"  would  have  it  behev- 
ed  that  my  affidavit  stood  alone  and  uns-jpport- 
by  any  conftrniatorv  testi.nony.  Did  the  edi- 
tor of 'that  paper  never  read  in  the  Statesman  oi 
Aug.   9tli,    1824,  the  following  extract  of  a  let- 


wliich  relates   to  myself,   and  declare  it  to  be  ter  from  a  renSloman  of  a  distant  State  of  ex-alt 

subsUntially  correct.  .  ej  charactL-r  and    worth.'— "  There  is  a  piece 

JAMES  RICHARDSON.  ;„  the    Boston    Statesnmn    of  the  23d   mstant,'^ 

It  will  be  remarked  that  fhe  assertion  made  (the    essay  by  "one   of  the   people,"  before 

by  me,  that  "  I  am  not  the  wi-iter  of  the  esfiays  quoted)   "which   has  brought  to  my   recollcc 

by  "  one  of  the  people"  is  not  included  in  the  tion  an  information  tiiat  I  received  f^om  a  gen- 


bbdy  of  the  affidavit.     I  intended  thaf  it  should    tleman  of  very  high  standing  in  New  York  many 

and  1  now  solemnly  disclaim  be-    years  past,  and  which  I  have  frequently  thoug'it 

ing  the  author  of  llio.se  essays.  of  since.      The  same  gentleman  has  siiown  him- 


beapart  of  it. 


In  the  "  Patrir.t"  of  Nov.   9,  1824,  appeared    self  a  warm  advocate   lor   Mr.   Adams— he  s-aid 
♦be  following  affidavit  of  Tloratio  Townsend,    that  Mr,   Adams  called  on  him.   either  going  or 


-1  /c? 


[■cmrning  i'nat  l.-ougrcss,"  (piob:ib!y  \n  l&JT) 
?;idsaiJ: — It  was  in  vain  to  contend  with  the 
.Ic-mocratic  parly  as  a  party, — the  people  were 
witli  tliem, — and  to  iuccccii  we  must  take  si^s 
'L'i//i  them ;  our  talents  will  induce  tliem  to  cm- 
hrace  us — we  slioiikl  in  that  case  be  brought  in- 
to poH'.'i-,  andthe  government  may  then  be  iTiade 
to  conrorm  to  our  vitws;  and  /Aj\-  is  Ike  course  I 
mean  tn pursue,  and  tl'at  which  1  recommend  to 
you." — The  answei-  was  "  you  may,  but  /will 
never  pursue  such  a  course."  (See  Statesman 
uf  Auj-Mist  9,  IS'SJ.)  This  communication  was 
suffered  to  pa.'is  in  silence.  I  do  not  remember 
that  fuller  the  "Patriot,"  or  Centinsl,  or  N.i- 
:ional  Journal,  or  any  otiier  .\<!ams  paper  called 
on  the  Statesman  or  its  correspondent  for  proof 
:)t  this  assertion  Surely  a  cliarg-e  of  so  g'rave  a 
:atnre,.  so  confirmed  by  su!)sequeiit  eveivts,  and 
jnduuhtedly  susceptible  of  proof,  rcijuiredso.tie 
L».\tenuating  notice  from  the  cons;erv,V..ors  of  the 
president's  political  reputation.  Here  are  sub- 
i'.antially  the  SHme  sentiments,  utter.d  at  about 
liie  same  time  in  New  York,  with  thofe  disclos- 
r.l  to  Mr.  Tortnsend  in  Massachusetts,  and  by 
tlie  man  who  s.mn  afterwards  reduced  theso 
sentiments  to  practice!  Of  this  corrolrorative 
lestimoiiy-,  t  was  utterly  ignoi-jjit,  till  I  saw  the 
s  inimuiiicaiion  in  tlie  Statesman.  See  also  the 
Matesm.-ui,  Xov-  27,  18i-l-.  ' 

11  additional  evidence  is  required  to  the  mass 
already  accumulated,  to  establisli  the  focts  con- 
lained  in  my  alhdavit,  there  are  other  witnesses 
»o  the  di-clarations  of  'i'o«nseiid,  who  ;u-e  pro- 
bably deterred  from  a  public  testimony  by  the 
conviction  that  speakinjf  unwelootne  trutli.4  in 
ihese,days  subjects  the  offender  t.)  relentless 
persecution.  1  could  point  out  these  persons, 
(•lit  1  will  not  by  nubli&hingr  their  names,  bjing' 
upon  them  so  great  and  certain  an  evil  Nor 
does  tlie  case  require  ij;  Townsend  himself  vir- 
tually confesses  its  tnith,  and  I  now  proceed  to 
produce  Ills  further  testimony,  not  only  as  prov- 
ing his  declarations  to  myself.bnt  (as  I  conceive) 
r.  '.pportin^^  :,n'l  fortifying  the  positions  of  "  one 
'('the  pel  itlii."   - 

I  lioj.t  iu'.ny  possession  a  paper  that  may  Hot 
i;:.iy  aid  the  incrcdnl.ius  (if  any  sucli  there  are) 
\\  believing  my  atiidavit,  but  perhaps  open  a 
>isw  field  in  wh.ich  tlieir  fiith  may  expatiate. 
'This  evidence  I  omitted  to  publish  in  1824,  in 
gonsequence  of  the  unexpected  termination  of 
That  controversy.  I  withheld  it  in  the  expecta- 
tion tl'.ac  a  reply  would  be  atempted  to  my  Last 
puhhcation  in  the  Statesman,  and  designed  in  a 
i'lilure  communication  to  prsduce  it,  to  tlie  utter 
discomfiture  of  the  enemy  No  reply  appeared 
and  no  o]>i.ortnnity  has  oiTered  lIU  the  present, 
wherein  I  could  publish  it  without  seeming-  to 
iiUrihla  myself  on  the  public.  The  paper  came 
ijito  my  pos:ession  in  the  foUowing-  manner: — 
A  few  days  arer  the  publication  of  Horitio 
Townsend's  affidavit  in  the  Patriot,  (a  copy  of 
which  1  have  inserted  above)  xXti  Just  tee  cf  tke 
I'cfice  by  whom  that  afHdavit  was  taken,  volun- 
tarily informed  me  of  certain  admissions  made 
by  Townsend,  in  hi;  presence,  at  the  time.  I 
look  down  his  information  in  writing,  adopting 
)iis  language  as  closely  as  1  could  recollect.  The 
!iext  moiuing  1  called  at  his  ofiice  and  present- 
ing him  the  w^-iting,  requested  him  to  erase  eve- 
jy  erroneous  word,  every  sentence  too  strongly 
ixpressed,aiid  to  put  it  in  a  form  tuat  should 
j;ive.  verlmflin,    if  possible,    the  admission:)   of 


Mr.  Townsend.  After  reading-  it  atteutivcij 
he  made  several  erasures,  and  inserted  conside- 
rable new  matter^  and  1  now  hold  that  paper, 
so  corrected  by  him,  nearly  one  half  of  which 
i;  in  his  writing.  Th;s  gentleman  is  the  learn- 
e<litor  of  Velvcrton's  Kepoi-ts  and  Starkic's  Evi- 
dence, a  distinguished  jurist  mid  accompUshed 
scholar.  X  g-ivc  a  true  copy  of  that  paper,  tbv 
currxliims  being  piintcd  in  italics. 

"  Horatio  Towi.send  told  Alexander  Towns- 
end,  at  the  time  said  A.  visited  Horatio  for  the 
purpose  of  procuring  his  affidavit,  which  nftei- 
wards  appeared  in  t!ie  Patriot,  tliat  he  did-  re- 
collect having  a-  conversation  with  John  Q. 
Adams,  the  year  previous  to  his  secession  from 
the  federal  party,  that  he  {II.  T.)  had  on  re- 
flection— "  doubted  whether  he  ought  net  to  hats 
cu'isi'dered  and  treated  the  convermlion  us  cos n- 
DBXTfii,  though  there  >eas  no  such  injunction  or 
uriicrstanding at  the  tii/i!\  but  what  he  had  CQW- 
murilcated  gai-e  cnlor  for  the  statements  wtiich 
hid  been  made  rcf.peetir,g  it." 

To  those  who  were  acquainted  v/ith  '.he  late 
Horatio  'I'ownsend,  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to 
make  any  cnmrnenis  on  the  above  statement. 
Thei/  will  readilv  understand  that  such  admis- 
sions from  a  mail  of  his  remarkable  pertinacity 
of  temper  and  subtile  mind,  are  equivalent  to  it 
full  confession.  To  those  v.  ho  knew  not  the 
nian,  I  sug-gest  a  few  reflections.  Townsend 
in  the  above  statement  admits  that  a  convcrSB^ 
tioii  did  take  place  between  John  Q.  Adams 
and  hiinseh'.  When* — The  year  before  Mr^ 
AdaHt's  p^ilical  conversion.  What  was  the 
surport  (ifih-it  coiiver.satioii?  He  is  silent  re-^ 
ppectii'g  it,  hut  (iiscovei-s,  after  an  interval  ot" 
inoi-e  than  eigrkteen  yeii''s,t!ial  it  was  of  a  nature 
to  be  consideii  <1  and  treated  as  a  covfiderUiai. 
conver.sation.  \VLv>  Have  wc  not  a  iiglit  to, 
infer  because  as  an  eleo'ion  of  President  »  as  at 
hand,  and  John  Q..  Adams  a  candidate,  a  disclo- 
sure of  that  conversation  would  be  injurious  to- 
his  success? — Vet  'I'ownseiid  confesses  that  he 
had  communicated  that  confidential  convers.atioR. 
or  a  par:  of  it — and  for  auglit  appears,  to  Mr. 
Kieharttsou  and  mvseli';,  indeed  he  must  have  re- 
ferred to  the  declarations  in  the  Statesinan.  Was. 
my  report  of  that  disclosuie,  was  Mr.  Uichard- 
son's  recollection  of  the  same  erroneous!  So 
far  from  it  Townsend  confesses  that  his  commu- 
nications autliorijtcd  those  statements. 

If  it  be  asked  why,  as  ajidcralisl,l  am  opposed 
to  Mr.  Adams,  I  answer,  t^ecause  federalism,  (as 
I  ever  understood  it,)incidcated  pure  republican 
principles,  and  honorable  and  consistent  politi- 
cal conduct.  Those  f»>'tiiat  party  whom  1  have 
known  from  my  youi,i»,  were  generally  men  ot 
exalted  b'tegrily,  ardently  devoted  to  the  cause 
of  the  constitution  and  of  i-atiumd  liberty.  There-  • 
fore  i  cd^isider  ihecalui.inies  vented  upon  them 
by  Mr.  Adams,  atthjt  ii-!  of  his  pretended  con- 
vei-sion,  to  require  of  t'lem  as  a  sacred  duty 
which  they  owe  to  th';i.:selves,  to  posterity.and 
to  their  country,  a  fir;. ,  united  and  unuring  op- 
position to  all  the  aspirations  of  his  ambition. 
Can  siic'n  of  that  pai-tv  as  now  rally  in  his  support 
(and,  alas!  they  are  numerous)  palbate  ihe 
charge,  that  bv'so  doing  they  confess  the  ti-ulh 
of  his  accusations  and  seal  their  own  infamy  > 

Again, should  it  be  asked  (admitting  Mr.  Ad- 
ams's pol'ttic-al  desertion  to  6e  ^iig'ierf,  and  his 
declarations  to  Townsend,  to  disclose  hi«  true 
sentiraents^  whv  I  come  not  to  hi*  aid  'is\  hts  de- 


svtj:i  ui  1  esloniic;  tin;  l'e<iia-;U  pan;,  lo  p iwer  by 
ireadierouslij  ell'ecling'  llie  ruin  of  their  ibnner 
adversnriei' — I  should  Ihink  it  foul  scoiii  in  any 
Oiie  to  presume  to  suppgest  so  buse  an  action, 
antl  in  the  langiia^e  of  Evan  Dhii,  should  reply 
"  that  he  who  could  aslc  such  a  question,  kens 
iitlle  of  tile  heart"  of  a  federalist,  "  or  the  honor 
of  a  g-enlleman. " 

.lOflN  B.   DERBY. 
Dedkam,  Mass.  .August  18/A,  182S. 


For  the  United  States'  tel-.^i-aph. 
CIVIL  CHIKFTAINS. 

Ml-.  Clay,  who  seems  to  have  glanced  over 
the  pages  of  ancient  history  for  the  purpose  of 
satisfying  honsclf  that  no  man  who  has  risked 
his  hfe  in  defence  of  his  country,  is  worthy  of 
a  civil  tnist — has  taken  care  to  study, in  the  same 
pag-es,  the  lessons  taught  in  the  school  of  tfte 
Oriitars;  but  without  reflecting  that  the  art  of 
printing  his  enabled  the  people  to  "  wrigh" 
tlie  principles,  and  the  professions,  and  the  ac- 
t  ions  of  aspiringdemagogues,  he  has  not  profited 
by  the  destiny  of  '-s  Orators,  whose  vanity 
prompted  them  to  trc»i  'he  people  as  their 
property,  which  th<v  coi.  ^.  transfer  to  any 
master  they  might  be  |    "d  to  servi. 

Demosthenes  seems  to  r.a. e  'jeen  the  model 
whicfi  Mr.  Clav  hxs  endeavored  to  imitate — and 
he  has  chosen  a  sufHciently  sordid  example. 
Demosthenes  took  pay  from  both  parties  to  a 
suit  for  debt  due  to  the  public  treasury:  ilr. 
Clay,  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  pronounced  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  unconstitutional, and 
dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the  country — yet 
he  afterwards  became  the  liirHl  advocate  and 
supporter  of  that  Bank.  Demosiheues  wrote 
,*  an  oration  against  his  rival  JEschine-;,  for  6e- 
Jraying  his  trust  as  ambassador:"  Mr.  Clay  has 
caused  a  scncs  of  essays  to  be  vvrittcn  anfl  pub- 
lished against  his  rival,  John  Q.  .Vdams,  fjr  be- 
irayirt^Jiis  trust  as  an  ambassador/  Thc'points 
of  similarity  are  strongly  developed  in  many  Other 
.aspects — bvit  it  is  unnecessary  to  cite  them. 
I,et  the  following  example  of  the  failli  and 
iionor  of  a  "  mere  orator,"  suffice  for  the  pre- 
sent. 

Plutarch  states  that  J^schines,  envious  and 
isalous  of  Demostlienes,  impeached  him  pub- 
licly; but  Demosthenes  was  honora')ly  acqait- 
•  ed — whereupon,  "  .lischines  immediately  tiuit- 
'eJ  Athens,  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  days  in 
teaching  Rhetoric  at  Rhodes  and  in  Ionia."  The 
historian  then  proceeds: 

•'It  was  not  long  after  this,  that  Harpalus 
came  from  Asia  to  Athens.*  He  had  fled  from 
the  s'nice  of  Alexander,  both  because  lie  was 
conscious  to  hi  "^.self  of  having  falsficd  liis  trust, 
to  minister  to  his  nleasurc,  and  because  he  dresdr 
ed  his  master,  who  v.'as  now  become  terrible  to 
liis  best  friends.  As  he  applied  to  t!ie  people 
of  Athens  for  shelter,  and  desired  protection  for 


his  ships  and  treasures,  niOot  oi  the  Orators  [tU<- 
WjLBSTEns,  &C.J  had.t.N  kte  upon  thf.  (iotn,  and 
supported  his  application  with  oli  their  interest. 
De  Bo^thencsat  first  advised  them  to  order  Hav- 
palus  ofC  immediately,  and  to  be  particularly 
car-fid  not  to  involve  the  city  in  war  again, 
without  any  just  or  necessary  cause. 

"Yet  a  f;w  days  jfter,  wh<  n  they  were  talc- 
ing an  .iccoiuit  of  the  treasure,  Harpalus  perceiv. 
ing  tliat  Demosthenes  was  much  pleased  with 
o:ie  of  the.  King's  cups,  [a  very  "Safe  Prece- 
dent!"] and  s:ood  admiring  the  workmanship 
and  fashion,  desired  him  to  t::ke  it  in  his  hand, 
and  fed  the  weight  of  the  fioW-t  Demosthenes 
being  surprised  at  vhe  weioht,  and  asking  Ha^ 
palus  how  much  it  might  bring  him,  he  smiled 
and  said,  "  It  will  bring  ynu  twenty  talents." 
And  as  soon  as  it  wasiu'^A/.  he  sent  him  the  cnp, 
withthatsurn.  For  H<rpaUisk:iew  well  enough 
how  to  distinguish  a  mail's  passion  for  gold,  by 
his  pleasure  at  the  sight,  and.  the  keen  looks  he 
cast  upon  il.  Demosthenes  could  not  resist  ttit 
temptiUion;  it  made  all  the  impression  upon  him 
that    was  expected;  he  received  the    money. 

Those  who  have  heard  Mr.  Cliy  tell  the  ad- 
venture of  one  of  his  colieagu.-s  at  Ghent,  with 
the  handsome  Flemish  girl,  understand  who  was 
intended  to  lie  designated  in  his  letter  to  Mr. 
lilair,  by  the  man  "  tcith  tears  in  his  rj/es,"  who 
urged  him  bv  a  regard  tor  his  FUTURE  IN- 
TEREST to  Vole  for  Cd"^'"-  Adams.  Thehmt 
was  understood  by  the  gentlemen  who  wi-otc  lo 
Mr.  ■\\niite,  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Clay. 
like  a  garrison,  into  his  house,  and  wen!  over  lo 
the  interests  of  Barpahis.  Next  day,  became 
into  the  assembly  with  a  quantity  of  WOOL? 
and  b..:i;lage3  about  his  neck;  and  when  the 
people  c.  Med  upon  him  to  get  up  and  .speak, 
he  made  signs  th.it  he  had  lost  liis  voice  Upon 
which,  some  that  were  by  said,  "  It  was  no  com- 
mon hoarseness  'nuiney]  that  he  had  got  in  die 
ni?hl:  it  was  a  hoarseness  [quiney]  occasioned 
bv  swallowing  ;?.oW  and  sU'Cr  "  After  wants, 
Vhen  all  the  people  were  apprized  of  h'la  faki-}g 
tlie  bribe,  and  he  wanted  to  speak  in  hi.s  own 
defence,  they  would  not  sutler  him,  but  nn-  ;d 
a  clamor,  and  expressed  their  indignation.  At 
the  same  time,  so.mebody  or  other  [a  Khemer  of 
a  fcliow,  no  doubt,]  stood  up,  aiid  said,  sneer- 
ingh-,  "  IViU  you  not  listen  to  the  mrin  with  the 
cup?"  The  .\theni.ans  then  immediately  sent 
H.arpalus  off;  and  fearing  they  might  be  called 
to  account  for  the  mon'ey  with  which  the  Orators 
had  been  corrupted,  they  made  a  strict  inquiry 
after  it,.and  searched  all  their  houses  except  that 
of  Calficlcs,  the  son  of  Arrcnides:  whom  they 


•  Harpalus  had  the  ch.arge  of  Alex.'mder's 
ti'easure  in  Babylon;  and,  fl3tterii:g  himself 
that  he  would  never  return  from  his  Indian  ex. 
pedition,  he  gave  in  to  all  manner  of  crimes  nnd 
excesses.  At  last,  when  he  found  that  Alex- 
andcr  was  really  returr.ing,  and  that  he  took  a 
severe  account  of  such  people  as  himself,  he 
thought  proper  to  march  off  with  .5.00'")  talents, 
■:4nd  6.000  men,  into  .Mtira 


t  Mr.  Cay  said  to  Mr  Floyd,  (of  Va.)  pending 
the  Presidential  election  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives— ■'  When  I  take  up  the  pretension.s 
of  Mr.  .\d;'.ms,  and  weigh  them,  and  lay  them 
rlown— then  take  up  the  pretensions  ufljencrai 
Jackson,  ts-eigb  them,  and  la}'  them  down  by 
the  side  of  those  ot  Mr.  A.dams — I  never  W'as  .as 
much  puzzled  inall  my  life,  as  I  am  to  decide  be- 
tween them." — No  doubt, if  Mr. .\d:.rns'  friend, 
"  with  tears  in  his  eyes,"  had  not  cast  the  gold- 
en cup  "  safe  precedent,"  into  the  scale  witii 
Mr.  --Vr/ams'  pretensions,  the  wishes  ofth;  peo- 
ple of  Kentucky,  and  the  utlier  Western  States, 
would  have  been  gratified  in  the  el''ction  of  their 
favorite — <ien.  .fack'son. 
Vnt  n  iVnolkns  Bill 


spared,  as  Tli^opoinijui  says,   because  lie  was 
newly  manied,  and  his  bi-uie  was  in  his  house. 

"A:  the  same  liiTi;-,  DemosthenesSKEMING- 
LY  with  a  cles'^ii  lo  prove  /lis  iiinnccitcc,  moved 
for  an  order,  tliat  the  ail.iir  should  be  bro.ight 
before  the  €011  it  of  Areopagus,  [(ymiires:^]  and 
all  persons  punislied  who  shoidd  be  found  g-uii- 
ty  of  taking  bribes.  In  consequence  of  which, 
he  appeared  before  tliat  Court,  and  wns  one  of 
ike  first  that  was  conviderf.  Being  sentenced  to 
pay  a  fine  of  fifty  talents,  and  to  be  im- 
prisoned till  it  was  paid,  thcdivgrace  of  his 
con\  iclion,  and  the  wcakneis:-  of  his  con.'-tltuliuJi, 
which  could  not  bear  ei.nsE<fcosviS};ME>-T,  de- 
termined him  to  tty;  and  this  he  did,  undis- 
covered by  some  and  assisted  by  others,  l!  is 
said,  that  when  lie  was  not  far  from  the  city,  lie 
perceived  some  of  his  lute  adversaries  foliov.-- 
ing,  and  endeavored  to  hide  himself.  But  they 
called-lo  him  by  name;  and  when  they  came 
nearer,  desired  him  to  tak^Jsome  necessaVv  sup- 
plies of  mdiiey,  which  they  had  brought  with 
them  for  that  purpo.se.  Tliey  assured  liim  ility 
had  no  other  desig-n  in  following,  and  exhorted 
him  to  take  courage.  KuX  Demosthenes  gave 
in  to  more  violent  eicprcs.sions  of  grief  th.an 
ever,  and  said—"  What  comfort  can  t  have, 
when  I  leave  enemies  in  this  city,  more  gene- 
rous than  it  seems  possible  to  find  friends  in 
any  othei  ?"  He  bore  his  exile  in  a  urn/  weak 
and  f^(.m/n«/e-manner.  For  the  most  part  he 
resided  in  JEgiiiaor  Trcczenc;  where,  whenever 
he  locked  tow«.xls  Atlica,  the  tears  fell  pom 
his  eyes.  In  his  expressions  there  wys  noliii.g 
of  a  rnt.cnul  firmtiess,  nothing  answeralile  to 
the  ImU  :lihjgs  he  liad  sa'd  and  r/ojie  in  his  ad- 
minisl ration.  When  he  left  Athens,  we  arc 
tpid,  he  fifted  up  his  hanis  to«':i?-ds  the  citadel, 
and  said,  "O,  Minrva,  godiless  of  these  towers, 
whence  is  it  tliat  thou  delightest  in  tliree  such 
inon.slers  as  an  owl,  a  dnigon,and  tht.  PEitptt:'." 
The  young  men  w!>o  resoi-tcd  to  him  Tor  instruc- 
tion, he  aihiscd,  l)y  no  means,  to  meddle  with 
affairs  of  sLite.  He  told  them,  "  that  if  two 
roads  h.ad  been  shown  him  at  first,  the  one  1,  ad- 
ing  to  the  roxtrum  and  tiie  business  of  the  As- 
sembly, and  tlie  other  lo  certain  destruction; 
and  he  could  have  foreseen  the  evils  that  await- 
ed hini  in  the  political  wolk, — the. fears,  the 
envy,  the  calumny,  and  contention — he  would 
have  cliosen  that  road  which  led  to  immediate 
death."—  Pages  62-64,  Philnrch's  Lives,  vol.  5. 
rriti'ed  at  Woree^ter,  Mass.  ba  Isaiah   Thome, 

.A  /).  1804. 

PriILO  PLUTARCH. 


From  the  Ithaca  Journal. 
MR.    ADAMS   AND    55ASONKY— AG  AIN. 
We  liave  no  desire  to  prolong  this  .subject;  but 
since  the  publication  of  the  llusscit  corretfond- 
cncCf  which  was  a  mere  addrndu  to  tliat  of  Mr. 
Adams  himself  with   OUvtr  Hearlivelt,   we  have 
received  from    Bostcju    an    e.xpliiniitory  letter, 
whicli  places  Mr.  Adams'  friend,  Major  Russell, 
in  somctjiin^   of  a  prtdirament.      We  don't  see 
lichv  he  is  to  extricate  himself  from  it.     The  Ma- 
jor had  declared,  that  he  now  Mr.  .Idams  mnde 
umason.     lie  afterwards  said,  that  he  was  m;.*- 
iaken .-   it  was  Jo'iiah   Quincy,  instead  of  ,fohn 
'  Quincy  Jidams,    that    he    saw   initiated.       It 
'  now  turns  out,  that  he  did  not  see  Josiah  (i'lincy 
'  initiated  :  and  the  fair  inference  is,  that  it  mrt.?* 


i/eMr.  .hkinc,.'  But  here  isllie  letter,  ^\  hich  ve 
take  the  liberty  of  publishing,  with  the  single 
rem.irk.  th.xt  upon  tlie  statements  of  Mr.  Greene , 
our  readers  may  place  the  most  implicit  reliance. 

Boston,  September  6,  1828. 
E.    MACK,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir — I  have  seen  in  the  Ithaca  Journal  of 
August  27,  Major  RusseH's  letter  of  the  9th, 
and  mine  of  the  7ih  of  August,  tugctherwith 
your  comments.  I  think  a  little  explanation 
necessary  to  a  right  understanding  of  Major 
Russell's  letter  I  am  not  myself  a  Mason,  and 
have  no  particular  bias  'for  or  against  the  institu- 
tion ;  but  I  am  informed  that  a  record  is  kept  of 
every  lodge  meeting,  of  their  proceedings;  of 
the  nanies  of  those  entered,  passed,  and  raised  -, 
and  also  of  the  names  of  the  members  and  visi- 
ters present.  Hence,  if  Mr.  Adains  were  made 
a  mason  in  St.  John's  Louge,  it  would  appear 
on  the  records  ;  and  hence,  perhaps,  we  may 
.account  for  the  .absence  of  the  records.  Major 
Russell  says,  that  "  some  lime  last  spring,  Mr. 
John  Roberts,  kno«n  by  me  to  be  a  mason, 
called  on  me  to  enquire  if  I  had  any  knowledge 
of  Mr  .\d.ams'  being  a  free  mason,  and  I  ex- 
pressed my  belief  that  he  had  been  made  ore 
in  St.  John's  or  Massachusetts  lodge,  many  years 
since,  and  that  I  was  present  at  his'initiation  as 
a  visiter."  •  •  •  «  »  •  » 
>  •         «         «         •  *         • 

*  "Having  immediately  made 
due  ii.<iuir\ ,  i  fourd  that  Mr.  Adams  had  never 
tjeen  made  a  mason,  and  was  satisfied  tliat  the 
initiation  I  had  seen,  was  that  of  Josiah  Quincy, 
and  that  1  had  mistaken  him  for  John  Quincy 
Adams."  .  ■    '    ' 

VVh<  n  there  was  no  political  efl'ect  to  be  pro- 
diiced,  Majnr  Russell's  recollection  was  diis- 
tinct,  that  he  saw  .John  Quincy  Jldanis  made  a 
mason  ;  and  I  am  told  Lj  masons,  that  one 
would  not  be  likely  to  make  a  mistake  in  this 
matter.  He  now,  however,  says,  hedid  mistake; 
and  that  it  Was  Josiah  Quincy  whom  he  saw  ini- 
tiated ;  so  that  it  was  doul)lless  one  or  the  other 
of  them  he  saw.  Now,  the  records  of  the  lodge 
arc  deficient  for  a  nuinber  of  years,  about  the 
time  M;ijor  Russell  thought  he  saw  Mr.  Adams 
made  ;  so  that  we  cannot  get  the  proof  to  con- 
front him  witli,  on  this  point  ;  but,  fortunately, 
the  records  oCJoiiah  Qui'nc/y'i initiation (foexist. 
He  was  made  in  St.  John's  lodge:  and  on  ex- 
amining tiie  records,  behold!  Jl.ajor  Russell  was 
NOT  present,  either  as  a  visiter  or  member,  or 
in  any  other  capacity!  I  will  leave  it  to  you  to 
draw  the  irresistable  inference  from  these  facts; 
and  to  the  Adams  men  to  explain  the  mysteri- 
ous deficiency  in  the  records  of  St.  John's 
lodge. 

Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

NATHANIEL   GREENE 


C3-  The  only  POTENTATES  of  the  present 
ag  who  rail  aganst  and  persecute  the  Freema- 
sons, a  society  v.  iiose  foundation  principles  are 
Ptulunlkiophysind  Charity,  M-e  King  Ferdinand 
of  Spain,  who  sheds  the  blood  of  the  Spanish 
Patriots,  and  embroiders  a  petticoat  for  the  Im- 
age of  the  Virgin  Mary,  and  King  Jol  n  2iid  of 
the  U.  States,  who  rides  tlirough  i'  '  countiy 
on  the  Sabbath  day  in  the  disguise  of  a  llnii<i 
JocKKr. — Hostnn  Stafenmnn. 


t'lils  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusively  to  tlie  Presideiitial  F.lcction,  and  be  puhlislietl,  weekly 
uittU  the  tSti  of  October  nest,  for  One  Dollar;  subject  to  ncwsiMipoi'  postagoyanfl  r,i>riv<rr 


BY  GREEN  fy  JARVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  OCTOBER  11,  1828. 


No.  31. 


NASHVILLK  COMMITTEK. 

■Fj-oBi  the  NoshviUe  Republican, 
•4'0  THE  PUnLIO. 

?^  StaUTUOi!  of  Uie  euiJencc  of  facta  andinftrfn- 
<rBS  dcducible  therefrom,  by  the  Nashtillk 
Cu^itiiTTEB,  in  rrfutaiion  of  a  cJmr^e,  in  ikt 
^hlie  printet,  imputing  lt>  Gen.  Jackson  apiir- 
iicipalion  in  ike  affair  'jstml/y  railed.'  Burr'.: 
'Vonepij-a£y. 

Nearly  at  the  close  of  a  contest  for  the  I'res- 
rdency,unparalleired  in  the  number  and  atrocity 
of  the  calumnies  heaped  on  one  of  the  candi- 
flites,  whose  only  offence  is,  to  have  met  with 
TOuch  unboug-ht  favor  and  support  from  the 
gj-eat  body  of  the  citizens  of  these  States,  we 
«£e  a  last  desperate  effort  made,  to  bllpht  the 
honor  of  this  man,  and  Impair  the  just  oonfi- 
'k.nce  reposed  in  his  patriotism  and  intc^ih", 
■Ny  nis  countrymen.  He  is  charged  witli  t!-p 
<oal  crime  of  treason;  of  having;  been  connect- 
ed with  Aaron  Burr  in  a  cOKSpii-acy  to  sever  the 
TJniou  of  these  States. 

Before  we  proceed  with  the  evidence,  inre- 
flitationof  this  unprincipled  calumny,  we  will 
premi.ie,  that  Gen.  Jackson,  while  in  the  Sen- 
ate of  the  United  States,  became  well  acquain- 
ted with  Col.  Burr;  that  then,  and  lonj  :ifter. 
Col.  Bwrr  stood  high  in  tlic  fnvor  and  esti:na- 
tion  of.the  republican  p:irty  in  the  United  States; 
ihftt  he  had  acquired  the  good  feelings  of  the 
West,  by  his  great  attention  to  its  intereBts, 
end  particularly  of  Tcnnes.sec,  by  his  activity 
:tj  procuring  her  admission  into  the  Union;  and 
Uiat  up  to  the  month  of  November  1306,  notli- 
•in^  like  suspicion  cftre.ason,  or  of  any  project 
Uufriendly  to  the  peace  or  iiUegrity  of  the 
<->nited  States,  had  any  e.-;istenco  in  this  coun- 
try; though  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  !ii-i  message  of 
January  22d,  1807,  says— 

"Some  time  in  the  latter  p:xrt  of  September  I 
■icccivcd  intimation  that  dcsiffus  were  in  agita- 
tion  in  the  western  country,  unlawful  and  un- 
ffiendly  to  the  peace  of  the  union,  and  that  the 
■pritns  mover  in  these  uas  Aaron  Burr,  hereto- 
tSre  distinffuished  by  the  favor"  of  his  country. 
T.'ia  grounds  ot  these  intimations  beinj  incoa- 
flijsive,  the  objects  uncertain,  and  the  fijehty 
m  that  country  kn.iwn  to  be  firm,  the  only 
njeasurc  Lakeu  was  to  urge  tlie  informants  to 
me  their  best  eudeavoi-s  to  get  further  insight 
into  the  desig^ns  and  proceedings  of  the  suspect 
Si  persons  and  to  communicatelhem  to  me. " 
And  again  lie  says  : — • 

"  The  General's  [Wilkinson's]  letter  whicli 
come  lo  hand  on  tlie  25th  November,  as  has 
been  mentioned,  aiul  some  otbei-  information 
received  a  few  d.iys  eai-Iier,  when  brought  to- 
k'ethev,  developed  Burr's  genei-al  designs,  dif- 
!r^"'  P-'i>'s  of  which  oiiU  ha,l  been  revealed  to 
different  mformanto.  It  appeared  that  he  con- 
t?mpV^ted  two  distinct  objects  which  might  be 
Orned  on  either  jointly  or  separatMy,  and 
clfher  the  one  Wthe  o;her,  fii-st,  as  circumstan- 


once  of  the  union  of  these  Statas  by  the  AllcgJ 
ny  mountains;  the  other  an  attack-en  Mexici; 
A  third  o'oject  was  provided,  merely  ostensible, 
to  v/it,  the  settlement  of  a  pretended  piirchasr 
of  a  t-act  of  country  on  the  Washita,  cbimcf! 
by  a  Baron  Bastr.-ip.  This  was  to  seiTC  :is  thf 
pretest  for  all  his  preparations,  an  alluremer,- 
for  such  followers  as  really  wished  to  acquir.- 
settlemeuts  in  that  cou'.itry,  and  a  cover  undei" 
which  a  retjeat  in  the  event  of  a  iin.a!  disrom. 
filurc  of  both  branches  of  his  real  design. 

"  He  found  at  once  th:it  llie  ;<ttach'nei;t  ol 
the  Western  Counti-y  to  the  present  union  \vs~ 
not  tobc  siiaken;  thi'.t  its  dissolution  coijld  not 
be  cfTected  with  the  consent  of  its  inliab: 
tant,s,  and  that  his  resources  were  inadequate; 
as  yet,  *o  effect  it  by  force.  He  took  his  course 
4hen  at  once,  determined  to  seize  on  Ncv,--Or- 
leans,  Tihm'ler  the  hank  there,  poi5ePs  himself 
of  the' military  and  n.tval  stores,  and  p'.occcil 
en  hift-ETipcdition  to  Mexico,  and  to  this  ■•bjcct 
a!l  Sil.s  means  and  preparations  were  now  (iivect- 
ed.  He  coUccU-d  from  ail  the  qvs.artevs  wiiere 
himself  or  his  agents  possessed  inilueno,  sill 
the  ardent,  restless,  desperate,  arJ  disafi.ctcfl 
persons  who  were  ready  for  any  cnteti;-lze 
analogous  to  their  characters.  Ue  scdur-cd 
good  and  well  meaning  citi:'.e;-!ssome  by  assur- 
ances  tliat  he  possessed  the  confidence  of  the 
government,  and  was  acting  under  its  secret 
patronage;  a  pretence  which  pi'ocered  some 
credit,  from  the  state  cf  ourdilfercnces  with 
Spain,  and  otl\ers  by  oHcrs  of  Ir.nd  in  Bastrop's 
claim  on  the  Washita. 

"  This  was  the  state  of  my  lnfo'.-mation  of  bis 
proceedings,  about  tlie  last  of  Xovcmbcr;  at 
whicli  lime,  therefore,  it  was  first  possihie  lo 
take  specific  measures  to  meet  them  — Tiie 
proclamation  of  November  tiie  27lh,  two  day- 
after  the  receipt  of  C.cn.  Wilkinson's  informit-. 
tiou,  was  now  issued." 

"  Not  apprized,  till  very  l.ite,  that  any  iioats 
were  building  on  C.mibcr'.ir.d,  tise  effect  oithe 
procl.imation  had  b-ceu  trusted  to  for  some 
time  in  the  State  of  Tennessee;  but  on  the  19th 
of  December,  simthu-  communications  and  in- 
structions, with  those  to  the  neighboring  States, 
were  dcspatcheil  by  express,  to  the  g<ivernor, 
and  a  i^ieraloffizer  of  Ilia  U'eslcrn  Division,  of  the. 
Bute;  and  on  the  :}3d  of  December,  o;r  confi: 
dential  agent  left  Frankfort  for  Nashville,  (o 
put  into  activity,  the  means  oftii.at  State  also."' 

Although  some  migiit  suspect  Col.  Hurr  lo, 
be  engaged  in  scliemcsof  pecuni.uy  or  personal 
aggrandizement,  and  might  disapprove  of  them, 
and  he  might  t!ien  have  heco;ns  a  subject  of. 
suspicion  to  some  extent,  yet  no  oue  suspcctefl, 
t!:emtobe,  in  any  degree,  hostile  to  tiie  gov, 
ernment  of  the  United  Ststes;  and  most  per- 
sons in  the  West,  believed  that  his  designs  were 
countenanced,  an',  in  their  execuUon,  would, 
be  supported  by  the  government.  This  idea 
wa-3  supported  by  Ihe  existing  sUite  of  our  rela- 
tions with  Spain,  anil  the  belief  that  a  war  with 
that  po>/er  wa^  impending — a  v.'ar  which,  ar 
that  time,  w.oii!d  !i.Tve  been  popular  iiit|i^  West- 


4tei> 


Wii  \'/iii  !ii;\v  i;ii.i;uihico  General  Jackson's 
Iffter  to  George  AV.  Campbell,  then  a  repre- 
sentative 5n  Confrrcss  from  Tennessee,  tUteil 
Januai'v  15lli,  1Sj7,  not  because  it  is  first  in 
ilate  oftlie  several  documents  we  shall  present, 
but  because  il  coulains  u  connected  and  con- 
tiniions  relation  ef  Gen.  Jackson's  knowledge 
and  conduct,  with  rei^ard  to  Col.  Burr:  a  plain 
and  manly  narrative,  containing;  in  itseit'a  vin- 
dication, whicli  must  prove  satisihctory  and  con- 
clusive to  every  honest  and  well  constituted 
jnind;  from  whicli  .sopliistry  and  incredulitv 
■>vill  jilike  shrink  back,  toiled  .tnd  overcome; 
and  which,  when  .-upporlcd  in  all  material 
liointi-,  by  other  direct  evidence,  which  shall 
oe  ipvcn,  must  ca"r\'  comic' Ion  to  the  most 
prejudiced  of  his  foes. 

Pnjn/  ofn  Idler fi-vm  .imlrew  Jncli.ion  to  G.  TV. 
Caiiipb'-.l/,  January  15tlt,  180". 

/"  Sin: — The  late  den;i:!,ciat!on  of  Aaron  Purr, 
rtsa  traitor,  has  excited  great^urprisc,  and  gen- 
;>ral  indijrn.ation.  Still,  from  the  opinion  jjos- 
sessed  ofrhe  accuser,  many  there  are  who  wait 
Jor  the  proof,  before  tliey  will  pronounce  him 
f^uitty  of  the  ch.ar!»e.  One  thing' is  generally 
tfaUeved,  that  if  IJurr  :s  (juilty,  Wilkinson  has 
oarticipatcd  in  the  treason.  Th."  public  mind 
Ks.i  been  mtich  ag;il-.itcd  from  various  repgj-i.s,  of 
iinrf  having  been  met  at  t!ie  mouth  ofCumbrr- 
jand  river,  with  JOO  boats  and  1000  armed  men; 
and  it  was  s-tated  as  a  f;\ct,  that  the  Tapta'n  at 
Massac  and  all  the  men  were  g'oini^  witii  hl:n. 
Suhscfjuent  reports  stated  they  had  j^'onc.  An 
express  which  1  started  en  the  receipt  of  the 
-S*crotaiy  of  War's  letter  of  the  —  ult.  has  re- 
Uirned,  and  states  tiiat  I'.urr  left  Massac  on  the 
.■)(1  ul'.  in  company  ten  boats,  .six  men  on  board 
vach,  without  arms,  or  any  thini^  that  can  a0"ord 
Kirspicion;  and  th.at  Capt.  liissell  has  been  doiiiF' 
f'is  duty  as  a  vigilant  otucer.  1  h;»l  ordered 
out  lli  eonipanies  of  volunteers  on  the  receipt 
of  the  Secretary  of  U  ar's  letter  ti  check  the  ad- 
veiiiiire.=:,  wh;i-.h  cu  return  of  cspres:;  I  cl".smiss- 
etl.  I  hav;;  no  loubt  hut  from  the  pains»tliat 
h.ave  been  taken  1 1  circulate  reports,  it  will  be 
rumored  that  I  am  on  full  inarch  to  unite  with 
fiurr.  This  1  know  you  never  will  believe  un- 
'il  Vou  hear  it  from  myself;  or  from  such  a 
;  rv'.cce  that  you  know  ca;v5ol  pw.  Should  you 
fvcr  liear  that  I  am  embarked  in  a  cause,  inimi- 
cal to  tny  country,  believe  it  not.  Should )ou 
hc.ir  that  t.-easonable  intentions  have  come  to 
n<y  knowledf^e,  and  that  I  have  been  silent,  be- 
lieve them  not;  or  that  1  would  not  put  any  man 
iiut  of  existence,  who  would  name  such  a  thing 
to  me,  without  ou  the  ground  of  discovering  it 
to  the  proper  authorities.  If  Burr  l:as  any  trea- 
sonable intentions  in  view,  he  is  tl;e  basest  of  .'ill 
human  beings: — I  w'ill  tell  you  why.  He  :d- 
^-.-avs  held  out  the  idea  of  settling  Washita,  ui> 
less  R  war  v.'ith  Spain,  in  tliat  event,  he  held 
out  the  idea,  th.at  from  his  intimacy  with  the  Sec- 
retary of  War,  he  would  obtain  an  ."ppoliit- 
nieiit,  and  if  he  did,  would  revolutionise  Me.ti- 
co.  About  the  10th  of  November,  Captain 
„—.—  called  at  my  hou.se,  and  after  the  stay  of 
a  night,  and  part  of  a  day  introduced  the  sub- 
>ect  of  the  advenlurej-s  and  in  part  stSted,  that 
their  intention  was  to  divide  the  Union.  T  stenir 
ly  asked  how  they  would  effect  it,  he  replied 
Jiy  seizing-  Nev  Orleans  and  the  Bank,  shutting 
*jh<f  port,  eoiirqu^riifg  Me\it:o,    n'nl  uniting  th? 


westcni  p.-^ijts  of  tUo  Uniati  to  tlie  cuiiiiuerei* 
country.  I,  perhaps  with  warmth  asked  him 
how  thisw.as  to  be  eiTccted;  ho  replied,  by  the 
aid  of  the  federal  troop';,  and  the  general  at 
their  head.  I  asked  if  he  had  this  from  the 
tiener,al,  he  said  he  ha.I  not.  I  asked  him  if 
Col.  Burr  was  in  the  scheme;  he  answered  he 
did  not  know,  nor  was  \\o  informed  that  he  was 
— that  he  barely  knew-  Col.  Burr,  and  never 
had  any  conversation  with  him.  I  asked  him 
!iow  he  knew  this,  and  from  whom  he  got    hi-< 

information;  he  s.aid   from in   New  York. 

Knowing  tlat  Col.    Kun-  was   well  acquainted 

with itTushedinto  my  mind  like  lightning, 

that  he,  (Rurr,  j  wa.s  at  the  head,  and  from  the 
colorings  he  had  held  ojt  to  rae.  Generals  Rob- 
ertson and  Overton,  ;ind  the  hospitality  I  hail 
shown  him,  I  viewed  it  .as  base  conduct  to  ut> 
a.11,  :ind  heightened  the  baseness  of  his  in^ 
tended  crimes,  if  he  really  w.as  about  to  be- 
come a  tiaitor.  I  sat  ilown  and  wrote  to  Gene- 
ral Smith  and  Doctor  Dickson;  I  wrote  to  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne  to  jnit  his  citadel  in  a  state 
of  defence,  without  naming  any  person  except 
Gen.  Wilkinson.  When  this  w.asdone,  I  wrote 
Col  I?iu-r  in  strong  terms,  my  suspicions  of  him 
and  until  they  were  cleared  from  my  mind,  no- 
further  intimacy  was  to  e.xist  between  us.  I 
mjule  my  suspicions  known  to  Generals  Robert- 
son and  Tatum,  with  some  others.  Not  lon^ 
after,  I  received  his  answer,  with  the  most  sa- 
cred pledges  that  h.e  had  not,  nor  never  had, 
any  views  inimical. or  hostile  to  tiio  United 
States,  and  whenever  he  was  charged  with  the 
intention  of  separating  the  Union,  the  idea  of 
insanity  must  be  ascrilied  to  him.  After  his  ac- 
quittal in  Kentucky,  he  returned  to  this  coun- 
IM',  and  to  .all  who  named  the  subject,  made 
the  same  pledge,  ;uid  said  that  he  iiad  no  ob- 
jects in  view,  but  such  as  were  sanctioned  by  le- 
gal authority  ;  and  still  said,  that  when  neces- 
sary, he  wotild  produce  the  Secretary  of  'War'.'! 
orders — that  he  wanted  only  young  men  of  tal- 
ents to  go  with  him,  with  such  lie  wished  to 
m:dce  his  settlement,  as  it  would  have  a  tenden  ■ 
cy  to  draw  to  it  weallh  and  character.  Fov 
these  reasons — from  the  pledges  made,  if  he  is. 
a  ti.aitor,  he  is  the  basest  thai  ever  did  commit 
treason,  and  being  torn  to  pieces,  and  scattered 
to  the  4  winds' of  Heaven,  wotild  be  too  good  for 
him.  liutwev.ill  leave  him  fu-  time  and  evi- 
dence to  verify  his  hue.  I  h;we  given  you  the 
outlines,  and  in  a  few  weeks  will  give  the  proci, 
A.  JACKSON. 
<' It  is  hereby  certified  that  the  original  let- 
ter here  referred  to,  was  submitted  to  .Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, then  President  of  the  United  States,  im- 
mediatelv  after  it  was  received,  From  w  Inch,  al- 
ter perusing  it,  he  desired  permission  to  copv 
s;ich  parts  as  related  to  the  affair  of  Durr,  be- 
ing the  same  contained  in  the  foregoing  extracts,, 
which  was  freely  given,  and  when  the  letter 
was  returned  to  the  undersigned,  he  under- 
stood, irom  Mr.  Jefi'erson  he  hud  taken  a  copy 
as  he  proposed  doing  ;  and  those  parts  of 
which  the  foregoing  is  a  copy,  being  :dl  that  rr: 
lated  to  said  allair,  were  underscored  while  '::\ 
his  possession. 

■"(3.  W.   CAMPBELL. 
April  the  3d  1823." 

This  letter  wassiiown,  Immedi.itely  on  its  re- 
ceipt to  Mr.  Jelferson,  and  by  him  copied, 
V"f7ni  tills  we  see  the  refs-cm   whv  Rurr'»  i")-!-.  • 


I 


^^^ 


.v,>3  ij oi  ic,c;r,uQn  e;i  iu  ih  c  ieilca'  yi  tri£  iilth  Xov. 
;.S06,  to  CUubgine  ;  the  information  obtaineil 
by  Jackson  extended  only  to  the  comnnander  of 
the  U.  S.  troops  ;  the  connexion  of  Burr  witli 
him,  was  a  mere  conjeclnrc  of  his  own;  thcre- 
fpre  it  is  also,  that  in  tl)e  lett>rrs  of  Gen.  Smith 
and  Dr.  Dickson,  Senator  a'ld  Representative  in 
Cougresf),  he  speaks  of  liis  apprehensions  of  an 
attempt  to  sever  the  Union,  and  with  refer- 
ence to  Bnrr,  in  separate  paragraphs. 

Every  act  and  sentiment  of  Gen.  Jackson's 
I'fe  is  marked  witli  tlie  deepest  liorror  of  any 
opinions,  or  acts,  or  persons,  favoring  a  sever- 
ance of  the  States  ;  and  upon  this  snbject  lie 
always  has  displaye<i  a  more  than  ordinnrj-  seiTsi- 
bitity;  no  wonder  then,  that  hemay  before  Judgii 
\Vi!li;uns  and  others,  Inivc  oxprpsscd,  in  strong 
faagitajjc,  his  oppreheiTsloirs  in  relation  to  it, 
vhen  ho  was  communicating  every  week  t>b 
same  fears  and  anxieties  to  the  gi^neral  govtrrn- 
ment  through  onrmcmbfrs  ofCongres';-  But  no 
man,  not  even  Jn<lge  Williams,  w!io  will  be  d:s- 
pase<l  of  presently,  has  ever  dared  to  testify 
.that  Jackson  ever  exprij<;ed  approbation  of 
snch  desii^ns,  or  that  lie  ever  expressed  anv 
other  sentiment  than  that  wliicli  he  announced, 
emphatically,  to  Gov.  Claiborne — "I  will  die 
in  t!x  last  ditch  before  I  would  yield  a  foot 
fo  :.ic  Duns  or  sec  tlic  ihii-m  ditU'iUed."'  A 
heroic  and  sjiblime  annui!c;iation,  which  snbse- 
Guent  events  have  stamped  with  the  seal  of  uu- 
qucstionable  verity,  and  proved  to  be  no  vain 
flourisli;  and  that  whcthw  the  enemy  of  his 
country  was  the  Don,  tlie  Savage,  or  the  Eritoi), 
hh  life  was  always  ready  to  'oo  ofi'ered  up  xi  a 
willing  sacriiice  for  her  s:ifety  and  glnrv. 

We  now  give  extracts  from  Jackson's  lettcts 
■io  Gen.  Smith  and  Doctor  Dickson,  datxid  No- 
vember irtli  and  arth,  1306. 

J^lraciofa  lella-from  G,^.  Jac'.san  to  the  Haa. 
X),rrrirl  Saitfh,  SenaJor  in  Confess. 

IltniiiTAcr,  TiTiv.  IT,  ISOfl. 

Dcrrr  Sir:  By  the  last  mail  f  wrote  you  lenj^th. 
>',iy  upon  a  snbject  on  which  I  havo  heard  noth- 
.ing  sinoo.  My  mind  is  still  as  firmly  flxed  in 
ihe  belief  as  it  possibly  can  be  in  a  thing  of 
which  it  has  not  po;'tive  proofi  however,  cir- 
cumstances may  aris^  thu'.  imy  oitry  tlie  project 
in  oblivion. 

I  have  nothing  new  since- 1  wrote  yon  hst. 

Ueport  says  Col.  Kiirr  has  been  arrested  in 
Trankfort,  Kentucky,  on  a  cliarg-e  for  raisin};- 
men  to  invade  Mexico;  whether  this  is  the  fact 
J  cannot  say,  but  from  the  channel  through 
which  the  report  h.aa  come,  I  believe  it  true  th^t 
he  has  been  arrested. 

Pxtracl  rif  a  letter  froni  thes(uaoio  Dr.  Ti'l/iann 
Dickson,  lieprcstii/nirrc  in  Coii^rcgS,  dated 
JS'ar.  IT,  18U6. 

Since  my  l.tst,  I  havo  henrd  nothing  more  on 
tlte  subject  I  wrote  Gen.  Smith;  but  my  mind 
is  as  fir.mly  of  the  belief  that  the  project'was  in 
view,  as  it  can  be  without  positive  proof;  cir- 
cumst.ances  may  arise,  thou£;h,  whicli  may  put 
an  end  to  it  altogether. 

Report  833-3  Col.  Burr  has  been  arrested  on  ci 
warrant,  issued  from  the  Federal  Court  of  Ken- 
tucky, on  a  chai-jjc  of  raising  men  to  invade 

•  See  Ren.  Jackson's  Icttev  to  GovermiT  Clai- 
Homiitin^Js-  'lateNrtv.  X'^fh,  l-«ot; 


Me.xico,    Wiietiic;-  liii^  is  true,  oi;  r.Qt  I  cannoy 
say— it  appears  to  be  pretty  authentic^ 

Frojn  i/ic  same,  to  the  Hon.  Daniel  Spiiih,  Strnxf,- 
tar  in  Ctngress.  ' 

Nasovule,  Nov.  2"th,  '06. 

Dear  Genera!:  I  have  nothing  since  my  last,*^ 
inform  j-ou — nothing  either  to  confirm  or  lessen 
my  suspicions  on  the  subject  named  in  my  first 
letter  to  you.  A  little  time  will  give  us  room  to 
form  a  more  conclusive  opinion  on  the  snbjeti': 
and  points  therein  alluded  to.  '" 

These  letters  show  that  abrr-.t  tlio  12th  (f 
November,!  as  stated  in  his  letter  to  iilr.  Camp- 
bell, General  Jackson  had  written  to  Smith  anfl 
Dioksnn  detailing  such  information  as  he  pos^ 
strssfd.  The  letters  of  the  12th  to  those  gen r 
tlemen  cannot  be  (bund,  altho'  the  executors  of 
both  (both  being  dead)  have  made  ditig^Tit 
search  ftir  them,  and  General  Jac&spn  retalnefl 
no  copies.} 

In  furthiT  s;;pp3rt  of  .the  fticts  as  stated  in 
Gen.  Jackson's  letter  to  Mr.  Campbell,  we 
shall  append  and  refer  to  the  letters  of  Gener;fl 
Hobertsou  to  General  Smith,  dated  l>ec.  2.id, 
1S06,  and  February,  1807,  and  the  letter  <Ji' 
Judge  Stewart,  (then  district  attorney  for  thf. 
United  State;)  to  (ien.  Smith  of  January  ufi, 
ISOr,  and  t!ie  sl.atemeat  of  Dr.  Felix  KobcrT-,. 
son-.^ 

AVe  now  introduce  the  tt;£timony  of  Gfinera'i 
Coffee  and  Col.  Ward,  conipletely  explanatory 
of  .all  the  circumstances  connected  with  build'- 
ing  boats  for  Col.  Burp;  the  ostensible  dejr;gns 
and  objects  held  out  by  him,  the  reasons  of  hts 
favorable  reception  in  Tennessee  by  Gen.  jRcl<t 
snii.  Gen.  Uobcrtson  and  many  other  djstjti 
guished  persons  of  the  country;  the  origin  and 
exti  nt  of  the  suspicions  as  to  his  objects;  h& 
ttst  visit  to  the  Clover  bottom,  near  Gen.  Ja**!;,^ 
son's,  in  pecembcr,  1806,  his  rece^iti.on,  fcc^ 

"Nj^.aTiiir,  Aug.  28,  1828. 
"  By  request  of  the  Nashville  Committee,  i 
do  hereby  st.ate,  that  Col.  Burr,  when  in  Ten- 
nessee in  ISO5  and  e,  represented  his  vlewa  ta 
be  the  settlement  of  lands  to  the  south,  on  the 
Washita  rive-r.  He  spoke  of  the  probability  of 
a  rnpture  between  the  United  States  and  Spain, 
in  which  event,  the  impression  was,  that  he 
(Col.  Burr)  wocld  Irvve  command  of  an  expe-' 

t  Certainly  on  this  day,  as  will  appe.Tr  by 
Gen.  Jackson's  letter  to  G.  W.  Campbell,  E5Q. 
of  that  date  in  which  he  says  "  I  sat  dowt>  ind 
wrtiteto  Gen.  Smith  and  Dr.  Dickson"  &c.  Src 

*  Probably' tended  to  Mr.  Jeffersop  and  ^ly 
trim  retained. 

^  See  appendix  ffom  ono  to  four  indnsh-e. 

5  With  a  view  t.y  show  the  state  of  publlfc 
opinion  in  this  State  with  regard  to  Col.  Bllrt-, 
about  this  time,  the  following  erticle  js  copiefl 
from  the  Impaitial  Review,  a  paper  printbdiu 
N'a-shville,  dated  Oct.  4lh  1806. 

"  Col.  Aaron  Burr,  the  steady  and  firm  frie(<tl 
of  the  State  of  Tennessee  arrived  in  this  place 
on  i'riday  2Sth  tilt,  and  on  the  next  day,  a  din- 
ner was  given  him  at  Talbot's  Hotel,  at  which 
v.ere  convened  many  of  the  mast  respectabfe 
citizens  of  \ashville  and  its  vicinity.  Ther0 
appeared  an  union  of  sentiment  on  this  ocea- 
sion  ;  mhny  appropriate  toasts  were  drank,  anfl 
a  ffew  of  the  most  suitable  sonr"»  given,  wh-pyi 
*>>^  ''*wif'*'.^fv  r(»*(rf»d  qTilre  prafiR'^f'y'' 


484 


ihority  of  the  United  States.  Somctin.e  after 
lUe  hid  becii  i:i  Tennessee  In  180J,  and  left  tlii," 
impression,  letters  were,i"tceive<i  from  him,  as 
my  impressions  now  arc,  by  Gens,  .lacksoii  irid 
Jlobertson,  requesting  tliem  to  niuke  out  and 
forward  to  him  a  list  of  such  enterprising 
Youncf  men,  as  it  was  believed  would  serve  the 
country  well  in  the  impendnij^  anticipated  con- 
test with  Spain.  Gen's  Mob^-rtson  and  Jack- 
son, with  sundry  others  of  the  old  respec- 
table citizens,  did,  iV-r  tiiat  p'irposs  meet  in 
■Kashvdlc,  and  made  out  such  list  and  as  I  sup- 
posed sent  it  on  to  him.  Colonel  Burr's  tJien 
standing  in  tlie  western  coun.try  ('..aving  lately 
filled  the  second  office  in  ihe  jjovcrnniec.t,)  for- 
bade the  idea  that  his  coiitemplated  measures 
were  apart  from  the  knowledge  and  appi'oba- 
tion  of  the  government. — On  his  an  ival  here, 
and  for  some  time  after,  marked  attentions  were 
l-y  ^  ■'  t-itended  to  him;  and  no  suspicions  Were 
entertai;.^-;  that  Iiis  ].l-,.>3  and  views  were  at  all 
.different- -n  what  they  were  represented  by 
hiniseir  '•■  ■■  u  vi^i-  totUe  Lvillding- of  some 
hoato,  &i..i  i^iocuring  some  provisions,  tliere  had 
.been  remitted  to  Gen.  Jackson  the  sum  of  three 
thousand  and  five  dollars,  which  v.as  placed  in 
niy  hands,  with  a  desire  expressed  that  I  would 
attend  to  the  request  made  by  Col.  Burr. 

"This  agency  I  accepted  and  performed, 
and  made  ai-rangements,  for  purchasing  sonic 
jjrovisions,  and  the  building  by  dlfierent  per- 
sons of  five  flat  boats,  and  the  purchase  of  one 
keel  boat.  Subsequently,  afurlhersum  of  five 
liundred  dollars  w«  put  into  my  h;ind3. 

"Part  of  the  funds,  to  wit,  seven  hundred 
SoUars,  as  appe:'r3  by  reference  to  the  meiTio- 
randumofthe  expenditure,  was  paid  over  to 
Col.  ■\VilUam  P.  Anderson;  wherefore,  and  for 
what  account,  this  advance  to  Col.  Andersen 
was  made,  I  have  not  now  a  sufficient  reeoUec- 
tjon  to  speak  with  certainty.  Suspicions  hav- 
ing subs;quf  ntly  arisen,  relative  to  the  ve;il  ob- 
jects and  views  of  Col.  Burr,  nsy  agency  in  his 
affairs  ceased,  except  to  discharge  tlic  contracts 
that  h.->d  previously  been  entered  into.  The 
balance  of  thu  remain' n^'  funds  in  my  hands  was 
paid  over  to  Col.  Burr  on  hisaiTiva'.  i-sToane.s- 
■fSee  on  the  hist  visit  he  mado  here,  in  the  month 
of  Bectmber  ISDG.  I  was  atthat  time  en-jag'cd 
in  mercantile  business,  and  these  services  were 
pcifotmcd  by  me  for  Colonel  Kuir,  as  they 
would  have  been  rendered  to  any  respectable 
man,  fop  I,  nrM'  any  or.n  else,  i;iM.  came  to  my 
knowledge,  believed  that  he  h.-d  '/bjects  to 
•isrve,  other  than  were  represented  by  liimsei;'. 
"  The  particulars  here  detailed,  are  founded 
(,n  p/apers  nov/  in  my  possession,  written  at  the 
time,  snd  in  my  own  hand  writing. — In  the 
.month  of  December,  ISOo,  Col.  Burr  r.-turned 
<o  Tcr.nossee,  where  he  was  met  coolly  by 
those  who  before  had  acted  differently  towards 
liim.  He  perceived  if,  and  reni.".rked  ii  to  me  ; 
fny  reply  to  him  in  substance  was,  that  su;p:- 
.oiona  rested  against  him,  a.id  unt'i  they  were  re- 
inoved^  nothing  different  was  to  be  expectcS. 

"At  the  Clover  Ilottom,  nine  miles  from 
Nashville,  whera  I  '.hy.n  did  busines'?,  an-d 
which  was  the  nearest  point  on  "the  liver  to 
where  bis  boats  were,  tliere  wa^  a  tavern,  and 
to  tiiis  place  Col.  P,urr  came  and  remained  about 
a  week,  until  he  had  gotten  every  thing  in  read- 
iness for  fiis  departure  dova  the  'rvw.     On 


life  first  arfi\  al  jii  Teunfessi;ej  uii  Ills  Jiist  visit  i; 
Uecember,  Genera!  Jackson  was  absent  from 
home;  having  returned  within  a  ftw  days  after- 
wards, the  Genenil  came  in  company  with  Gen- 
era! Overton,  to  the  Clover  Bottom,  where  Col. 
r.urr  resided  An  interview  took  place  be- 
tween them  and  (^ol.  Burr,  at  wnich  they  in- 
formed him  ot  the  suspicions  and  disti'ust,  tliat 
were  entertained  agamst  him.  Uuit  repelled 
them,  and  expressed  deep  regret  that  tliere 
slnuild  be  any  such,  and  remarked  iliathe  could, 
and  would  be  aiile  to  satisfy  ever.  dispa!«sionate 
min'l,  that  liis  views  and  objects  were  fncndly 
to  the  Govetn;ntnt,  and  suci..  as  he  had  repre- 
sented them  to  be.  In  a  few  days  .ifter,  he  left 
the  country. 

"A  son  of  Colonel  Hays,  about  seventeen- 
years  of  age,  as  has  been  represented,  nepl'.eW 
to  \lrs.  Jackson,  went  along.  His  falhtr  had 
become  reduced  in  hi",  circumsl.tnces;  'id  beei\ 
personally  known  V.  Col.  Burr,  dui-ing  die  Kev- 
olution,  and  his  sun  a  young  man  of  promise,  it 
had  been  proposed  to  the  old  genllenian,  that 
he  should  tuke  him  and  aid  him  in  his  cdi»ca» 
tioii,  which  was  consented  to  by  his  father.— 
General  Jackson  gave  him  letters  to  Governor 
Claiborne,  and  instructed  young  Mr.  Hays,  as 
I  uu.lerstood  at  the  time,  that  bhould  he  discov- 
er Col  iJurr's  views  to  lie  at  all  intmioal  to  tue 
United  States,  or  adverst  to  the  designs  ol  Gov- 
ernment, to  leave  Isim  and  place  himself  umler 
the  protection  and  care  of  Governor  Claiborne. 
"  Oetvicen  General  Jackson  and  myself, 
tlrere  has  always  e.slsted  confidence  and  friend- 
ship: and  there  was  nothing  ever  perceived  in 
himby  ras,that  could  in  luce  the  belief  ttiat  there- 
was  any  man  in  the  country  Y/lio  would  ^'.o  fur^ 
tiier,  and  make  g.e.iier  sacrifiees,  to  defend 
and  maintain  the  integri'y  of  the  Union; — on  all 
occasioe.3  his  conduct  and  declarations  have 
stamped  upon  rnv  mind  this  conviction. 

JOHN  COITEE. 

"  At  ihercqiiest  of  iheChairman  of  the  Nash-. 
viUe  Committee,  !  make  t!ie  fallowing  state- 
mer.t.  That  G'li.  Tnomas  Ovei  ton  deceased, 
informed  me  within  a  few  days  after  tiie  occur, 
reuce,  that  so  soon  asthei.imor  reached  this 
country,- tiiat  Col.  Aaron  Iv.a-r  had  tir-asonablc 
designs  against  our  government,  he,  (General 
Ovvi" ton)  and  General  A.  Jackson  waited  en 
Col.  Hurr,  who  was  then  1  think  at  <;iover  Rot- 
torn,  and  informed  him  of  the  rumor,  a.id  re- 
quired  of  him  to  state  to  them  wh.U  v.cre  his 
views  or  designs.  This  answer  was  made,  as 
he  said,  on  the  honor  of  a  gentl-;:.!tn:  -'That 
lie  h'id  no  views  inimical  m  llic  Gi.'Venime:it — 
none  but  wh&t  ■.vere  k..o'.vi:  lo  the  G  wernment 
and  viewed  with  complaisance."  And  as  well 
as  mv  niemory  serves  me,  shewed  them  a  com- 
'mission  in  blaiik,  wit":  .Mr.  Jcil-^r.-jon's  si:j;nalure 
to  it.  KDWAUIJ    VVAUD. 

Naahviile,  Sept    2U,  1828. 

Tl~s  testimony  require-s  no  commentary;  it 
is  full  and  d.-cisive. 

To  show  wVat  views  were  expressed  by  Col. 
Burr  to  Gen.  Jackson  and  others,  so  early  as 
the  spring  of  1806,  ar.d  to  explain  l-e\ond  the 
reach  o(  cavil  and  dispute,  the  time,  nature  and 
inport  of  any  possibk  conversation  which  Gen. 
J.tckson  may  have  field  with  Judge  Wdliams,  ii- 
relation  to  a  commission,  connoted  with  stn;.' 
djf'ejTi!!  or   'lews  of  Co'.  V.urr.  ve  ffive  ev 


-t-snn 


^nn,  dated  24t!i  March,  ISOG,  Washington  city. 
Aftoj  speaking    of  some    general    pniitical 
siUbjcctB.   and  of  the  stcoiip  p-obability(rfa,-,in- 
ture  with  Spain—"  If  these  cipprehensions  (says 
^e)«lioiild   be   justified  by  events,   a   militapv 
«ixe   on  our  part   wiiW  berequsite,  and  that 
fftrcc  inight   come  from  your  side  of  the  mnun- 
^>m.     It   ,s    presumed  that   West    Tennessee 
0)uM   not  spare  more    tlian  two   regiments." 
"nalce  the  liberty  of  recommendiniT-  to  you  to 
maKe   out  a  hst  of  officers,    from  cioiiel"  down 
to   tiiisiPn,    for  one  or  two  refj-im.-nts."      •'  If 
3--O0  will  transmit  to   me  this  list,  !  will  in  case 
troops  should    «f«/&<//or,  recommend  it  to  the 
V'.partment  »f  War,  ami  I  jiave    reason  to    be- 
-leve,  ;that  on  such  .in  occasion,  my  advice  would 
be  listened  to."     Gen.   Coifee   savs,    "that  in 
consequence  of  letters,  from  Col.  Rurr  to  Gen 
Jtoben.son  and  others  of  simitar  imparl,  a  meet- 
ing was  held  in   Nashville   by  Gen.  Robertson, 
General  Jackson,  and  others  ofth^j    most  -es 
prettable  men,  an<l  a  li.st  made  ouL  of  such  en'ter- 
pnsmgr  young  men  as  it   was  believed,    would 
serve  tue  country  well,   in  the  iinpe„d.ng- con- 
test with  Spain."  o  -  "' 

This  brings  us  naturally  to  the  consideration 
i  •'"'"-f  ^^'"':*-"°'  statemcnts-and  here  we 
cantiot  forbear  for  one  moment,  to  remark  on 
,(.e  danger,  the  folly,  and  the  wickedness  of  at- 
temptmg  to  bereave  a  man  of  his  fime,  unci 
-harge  upon  him  one  of  the  foulest  rr,mc= 
i^nown  to  the  iau-,  upon  !,,ose,  vague  reconec 
lions  of  a  casual  convei-sation  ,sa:d  toh.nx  tak-n 
Place  upwartis  of  t^venty  years  ago,  with- 
out    :,y     statement    of   the    convi^atian    in 

.^J'h  .Ir"""''  '''  '"*'>°"'  *">•  'i'^te,  except 
.^th  reference  to  a  range  of  nine  months 
M  .ime;  without  any  rehuion  of  the  circim- 
.  Chinees  wn,ch  led  to  an  ms.ilated  .-er.iark,'  so 
■strange  and  incredible,  if  take,,  ,n  the  sense  at- 
tempted to  be  attached  to  itbv  Jud-c  William, 
and  many  of  the  adm.inistrati..,n  p^nts-  s  a  e 
mentsmadeby  a  man  who,  bv  his  own  ad-nil 
Mons  h,s  own  showing,  and  ydt  more,  i.y  iolial 
l^e  shrJlshou;  ,s  subject  to  the  mos  inaccu- 
rate recollection:  when  the  change  or  omiss  on, 
or  addition  of  a  single   word,   or  tlie  naiur,-  „f 

enfvlT "''';      "  °';  '*"'=<=<^e''i"8-   rcn-.arks,    would 
entirely  ch.ange  the    whole   meaning  and  sense 
of  what  ,s  stated  to  have  been  said. 
xv^y'"'"  •""!?'-,  J-J^fice  may  be  done    to  .kulo-e 
Williams   mmd,   consistency,  and  conduct,  ^?e 

pubhsued.n   relation  to  this  coniersation   an<! 

h.hed  ,0  bo  the  substance  of  tlie  letter  wr  tten 
by  h.mtohis  friend  in  Virginia,  as  a  cor  of 
that  let  cr  has  been,  as  wo  undersUnd.  c^dlcd 
for,  and  withheld  from  publication. 

'aK'iig-  tbc  v.-holc  of  those  document^-  v, 
|m-e  some  data  fron,  which  to  estimrco^rec't! 
|^,  how  far  the  clearness  of  Judge  Wiliams' 
mmd,  and  the  imp.artiality  of  his  feelings,  qiTli- 
IJ'  him  for  depo..ing  accurately  and  faiii  We 
^v.  1  look  at  them,  ilrst,  with  a  view  to  the  ques: 
tion,  ho^v  much  reliance  is  to  be  reposed  in  the 
accuracy  and  fairness  of  his  statements  and  m^. 
mory;  and  then,  ,„  prosecution  of  the  samc-^n- 
quiry,  produce  some  additional  evidence  Se 
rondly;_we   shall  bhew  the  extreme  improba- 


Wity,  irom  Wu«aai!*'uvsuyisu^uftm>  Uiat4.e.^ 
Jackson  ever  could  have  made  any  pwp^f, 
tlons  to  him,  in  reference  to  any  illegal  or  trea- 
sonable  project;  and  l.i.stiy,  the  fallacy  of  the  m: 
tcrences  which  his  pretr-nded  friends,  attempt  t* 
deduce  fron.  what  be  Ikis  said:  and  show  wliat 
Ju.Ige  Wdhams  has  really  stated  as  Gen.  Jack- 
son s  conversation  with  i.im,  and  what  (iie  con. 
versation  (if,  indeed,  there  ever  was  one  of  ana 
such  nature)  related  to. 

In  his  letter  to  Mr.   Ken-»  Judge   WHlliama 
says,  the  conversation  occurred  upon  liis  ex-. 
amination    by  Gen.  Jackson,  then  a  Judge,  as 
to  his   fitness  to  receive    a   license  to   practise, 
law;  but  nhrn  he  discovered  by  thei>ecords  of 
the    State,!  *hat  it  would  be  proved,  Genei-at 
Jackson  was  not,  and  had  not,  been  a  Jinige  foi'- 
several  years  before  this  time,  the  conversation 
IS   divested  of  this   circuinstance  in  his  .subse: 
quent   statements.     In  the  letter  to  Mr.   Kerr^ 
Judge  Stewart    is  saiil   to  have  heard  tliis  con*- 
versation  a.-j  to  the  offer  of  a  commission;   bnt. 
v.!ien  Judge   Stewart  not   only  does  not  recol- 
lect any    such  conversation,  but  is  sure  none- 
such was  held  in   his   pre3ence;r  the  scene  of 
the   conversation  is  tiieii   recollected  bv  Jiid<-e 
Williams  to  have  been  a  soIitar\  ride  from  Gen 
Jack.soiv's   to  Nashville.     In    h'is  letter  to  Gen'- 
Jacksnn,  Williams  says,   "  Gen.  Jackson,  in  re- 
ference to  that  conspir.icy^  or  what  xaas  after' 
wa-ds  called  by  of  hers,  a  conspiracy,  said  to  me 
that  I  could,  if  I  would  accept  it,  obtain  a  com- 
mission   of  captain."     In    his    la.st    statement, 
made,  a-id  published  in  tjie  Knoxville  Enquire- 
of  August  6thl.S33,   hes-..ys,   -in  riding  fi-onl 
Gen.  .lacicson's    house    to  Nashvdie,  near  thV 
Ci'jvor-bottoni,  he  spoke  to  me  in  relation  to  .-» 
commi-ision  in   Burr's   army,"   le.avingout  th« 
mater  a!  idea  of  a  reference  to  what  was  aftfv. 
wards  as  he  .says,  called  a  co-!«piracv;  shewin'r.- 
hereby,  that  in  these   statements,  Jud'-e  WiT- 
lams  does  not  jir'tend  to  detaU  >-,th  accuracy 
tbe   words  ov  terms  used  in  the  conversation! 
hut    only   l!,e   genera!   impressions,    and  that, 
those  impre.^oiis  are  indefinite  aiul  very  vaore 
and  are  the  mere  floating  and  broken  rem?nis: 
cences    ol    a  feeble  and  shattered  memorv.- 
Jud^^c    Williams  says,  that  from  the  best   ofhi^ 
rjcu^ecl,o„       Air.     Smth,      Mr.      Curry      and 
Dr.     vVatkins,    among   others,    were    p-esent 
when  Burr-s  effigy  «as  burnt.     Mr.  Smith  snv<» 
he  was  not  presein  either  at   the  ball  or  at  the 
bnrnmg  oftne  cifigy.     Mr.   Curry 5   says  that 
he  was  not  present  at  the  ceremony  of  burning- 
Co,.   Burr  in  effigy,  and    considered  it  a  dis- 
graceful act;  and  he  also  .says  in  further  confir-' 
m.ation  ol   Judge  Williams'  feebleness  of  men-.- 
U!.V,  and  the  probable  recentuess  of  his  p-sent 
impressions,  tii.it  -Mr.   Williams  crdled  on  me 
frequently  after  Burr  became   an  object  of  sus- 
picion, and  conversed  freely  on  the  subject,  and 
asl  then  thought,  withheldiiothing;  vet  he  nev^        1 
er   told  me  that  Gen.  Jackson  wanted  to  enli-^t      *  ' 
him  to  fight  Spaniards,  nor  ever  mentioned  hi--         ' 


oe  .ippendiv  fr 


*See  Appendix Xo.  j. 

jSee  Journals  of  the  State  Le.-'is^afi-'-  at  f, 
July  Session  180.^,  heretofore  p"ublished  in  tl. 
Uichmond  Enquirer. 

I8-.S,  lately  published  m>  tlic  Journals  nf  i|,. 
nay. 


m^ 


i,^Hic  ai  ciWLiiciaea  viiui,  or  tinj^my'io  any  H 
iJarr'sschempsi!!  These ftnJ otIici'Ctmtra(Iiiifir)n& 
unddiajrepancieSjiNifclTed  to  in  tbe  appendix, ;irc 
mentioned  not  to  rhcw  any  wilful  or  comipt 
niis-itatemcnt  oq  the  part  of  Judje  Ay  illiams, 
(liow  far  they  may  tend  to  that  point  we  leave 
iiiheta  to  infer)  but  to  shew  how  little  credence 
(^  (r.(fst  can  be  placed  on  the  recollections 
Co"en  if  slated  in  the  utmost  (rood  faith)  of  a 
i|Ten)Ojy,  mistaken  io  so  many  circumstanceB> 
aui  i^eRjons,  and  things^  when  it  ctjmca  to  de- 
tail a  cfibveisation,  in  which  a  single  wortl 
\i duld  wholly  trarafoim  its  meaning'  and  con- 
irfrcctioa.  But  to  dispose  of  Judge  Williams 
id  anxre,  and  to  shew  what  degree  of  confidence 
is  due  to  what  he  may  relate,  either  as  to  facts 
or  the  conveisations  of  otliers — whcthc-r  this 
vant  of  coufldence  ariso  ft-om  gnat  uvsound- 
'Qpss  of  ttztmnry,  or  other  cause — and  also  to 
■jjiow  how  fir  Judg-e  Williams'  feeling-s  as  to 
oentral  JacksDn,  entitle  him  to  the  cluiracter 
of  a  cool  and  impartial  witness;  and  also  in 
sriU  ftirther  (Elucidation  of  Judge  Williams' 
candour  and  consi-sleiKy;  and  to  sliow  how 
t<!,r  his  declarations  in  his  letter,  that  •'  General 
Ta;c'k!3on  may  be  assured  {th^  PresUknIlal  guc.i- 
•'ijiin  aside)  no  man  can  feel utare  boimJ  to  dn. 
Jaufsmi  than  m)'Sclf,  for  the  great  honor  confcr- 
ijd  by  him  on  my  country" — a:as  a  tnie  rcpre. 
.^entUtmii  cf  what  hi  did  fid;  we  call  the  atten- 
llon  of  Crery  American  citizen  to  the  following 
o;.tract  of  a  publication  of  Judgt;  Williams,  da- 
t'ed  "  McUmnvillc-i  June  28lh,  18J.3. 

"State  alsD,  if  you  please,  Mr.  Ddittir;  that 
ill  flic  town  of  M'MinnTille,  there  lives  a  man 
by  the  iiame  of  Theodeiio  Burton— a  man  of 
fmtlvard  !'cspec1ab:lily,  iK'Ihavc  heard  liere — 
iieiitatcs  that  in  I  SO  ji,  he  waiaae  of  Burr's  wm, 
a  id  was  imrslcrcd  into  service  at  the  Clover  Bot- 
(  ):ii,  with  arms  in  their  hands— that  about  seven- 
ty-five men  signed  the  list  of  enrolment  at  the 
same  time  with  himself— that  at  that  time  Gen. 
■la  'kson  and  Aai'on  Burr,  were  on  the  gT0un<!, 
an  1  that  I'ation  Anderson  was  his  Captain.  Bur- 
£^n  says,  when  the  men  under  Anderson  sepera- 
ted^  it  was  under  an  agreement,  as  to  the  time 
\vhe:i  tlicy  were  to  march  oil' with  Burr,  as  his 
wen— and  that  before  that  time  c-ame  round, 
the  matter burstcd.  This  i^  a  coiidcnscd  view 
of  what  Mr.  Burton  says:  v/Iio  re<Vises  to  give  a 
wcitten  statement.  Now,  when  Gen.  Jackson 
was  summoned' as  it  witness  to  Richmond  against 
IJuir,  if  he  Uad  CLlied  on  Burtou  as  unoliiei-  wit- 
^e'sa,  the  Ooverument  wculd  lun  e  been  enabled 
to  have  proved  an  overt  act  of  treason  en  Burr. 
'i"re<ison  when  connected  with  Gen.  Eaton's  and 
Commodore  Truxton'a  lividciice. — Why,  let 
iiM- ask,  did  hefail  to  do  so'  Wlicii  I  recollect, 
tint  the  dcLtruclion  of  the  American  Institu- 
tions was  fhe  object  of  the  Burr  Conspiracy, 
atidthat  Gen.  Jackson  was  in  the  possesion  of 
;.icts  and  circumstances  which  v.-ould  have  con- 
\ioted  the  Conspii-ators,  aud  yet  improjjerly 
witTihcld  them,  when  summoned  to  itichir.ond 
Vu  give  testimony,  thereby  enabling  tiiem  to  es- 
(.-.ape  flom  punishment',  1  am  filled  witl;  a'ston- 
ishment,  llKitthe  American  Nation  should  think 
itr  a  moment,  of  supporting  his  pretensions  to 
the  highest  oSice  intl-.e  gift  of  the  people. — In 
view  of  this  state  of  things,  1  t:cm}>!'c  fc?  my 
country's  honor  iiid  tifcty. 

!,£•€&  apjnnji.'S.  tSQ.  ;i- 


"fi  Mr.  JetSerACui  invCi»leu  as  in;  uas  \vitTi 
such  political  power  and  authority,  had  been  aS 
ffietKlIy  to  Burr's  Schemes  ns  JacSsou  is  believ- . 
cd  to  have  been,  it  is  im))Ossible  for  the  mind  of 
man  to  conceive,  the  disasters  that  would  have 
threatened  the  safety  of  this  Union. 

Siiyn.   W.    WILLIAMS." 

Compati;  this  .statement  with  tliat  of  Mr  CuV. 
ton,  the  ffertleman  refeiTed  to  in  the  abq»'o  ri^ 
marks  of  Judge  Williams,  as  "   a  man  of  tJ-uUt 
and  TCspecJabilitfJ,"  which  is  US  follows: 
"  To  the  Editors  oflJrt  Repnhtiava. 

Gentle-ies: — In  as  much  as  ?vuttranlel  W. 
Williams,  in  a  late  newspaper  pubricatioo,  h4^ 
taken  the  liberty  to  advert  to  my  name,  and  to 
give  me  as  authority  for  facts  in  relation  to  Gxai. 
.Tactsou  and  Col.  Burr,  whicli  I  nerer  stated  to 
him,  or  any  one  elsi:,  :md  which  in  truth  I  ne^-er 
heard  erf  before;  it  is  due  to  my  character,  huTH' 
blc  as  it  may  be,  and  to  Gen  Jackson,  the  de> 
.struction  of  whose  private  and  honest  reputation 
he  seeks,  to  declare  to  the  world  that  I  was  nev- 
er mus'.treil  into  Col.  Bucr's  servicei,  at  the 
Clover  Bottom,  or  any  where  cT:e>  tmv  dM  I 
ever  so  state  to  Judge  Williams. 

Wlicn  Col.  Burr,  was  in  this  ctjuntrj-,  ma ■ 
ny  years  agt),  (  the  particular  year  or  season 
of  the  year,  is  not  now  w  ithin  my  recollection,) 
1  residetl  with  Mii.j.  Tilman  Dickson,  Pattern 
Anderstm  passed  through  the  neighborhood 
and  was  enpfag'cd  in  recruiting  a  company,  as 
he  sUid,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  settlement' 
in  the  Washita  countp)-.  Being  a  younjy  nraii-, 
I  Was  prevailed  on  by  ll«j.  nickson  and  Pattoij 
Anderson,  to  join  the  company,  and  did  activ 
ally  enroll  myself  under  Andereon.  I  know 
not  how  many  men  were  eng,igcd  besides  my. 
self,  nor  do  I  remember  any  one  of  my  acquaiu- 
tnnces  or  neiglibfu'S,  wh'.i  did  join  the  compa- 
ny. Here,  however,  the  matter  ended.  I  wa:i 
never  mustered  into  ;rervice  at  the  Crlover  Bot* 
torn,  nor  did  I  ever  receive  any  arms,  as  I  am 
made  to  .say  most  untruly  by  Judge  Williams, 
to  whom  I  dtclaiv  I  never  made  so  unfounded 
an  asOTrtion;  nor  did  I  ever  see  any  milit:.r>'  pa- 
i:ule  cf  any  company  ot  persons,  whatei'i-r,  a" 
tha  Clover  Bb'tom,  or  any  whtrc  else,  at  the 
lime  refeired  to  and  as  stated  by  the  Judge. 

"I  renienibfr  once  to  have  seen  General 
Jackson  and  Col.  Burr  at  a  race  over  the  Clo- 
ver Bottom  tm  f ;  but  so  far  from  suspecting'  thai' 
they  were  concc-rting  any  schemes  againia  the 
cnuntry,  I  snw  no  ajipaient  intimacy  betwccji 
therti. 

"  So  far  itom  wisliing,  or  intending  Oum  am- 
tiling  r.iid  every  thing'l  knov,'  on  the  sjibjcCl  of 
Col.  Burr  and  hi.s  alKgi'd  conspiricy,  or  in  any 
conversation  with  Judge  WiUi-im?,  toondeinii 
General  Jackson,  or-to  connect  \\\j,  name  with 
any  scheme,  unfriendly  to  the  Governmctit,  J 
wish  to  be  undei'stt od as  deelaiing  to  the  v.'orid 
th:4t  I  believe  him  to  be  an  injured  patriot,  in 
icany  things — in  nothing'  more  cruelly,  th.ai  i:. 
t!'.e  attemjivto  make  hini  a  coiKpir.-^toi'. 

"  It  is  rig-iit   and   proper  to  add,  thai  when 
Judge  Williams  heard  of  my  compbiints,  occa- 
sioned by  his  unaiitiioiized  use  of  my  name,  he  J 
wished  to  avoid  the  censure  that  awaited  him,  _      f| 
by  begging  me  not  to  give  this   statement,  bul'         '' 
to  leave  to  him  to  e3.honci"atc  himself,  by  cor- 
recting his  publications.     I  leave  the  world  to 
form  their  opinions  olsuch  conduct.     Tor  mv- 
'.l^;l  ir.'ast  ;';Jjv',',  ro--  r.unie  from  tlic  list  of 


■iHj 


iisiiqiii  >iu;lisuii's  vclf.uUu.w  auUvuai  perse- 
cutujs.  TUKODEKlCli  BUmON. 

M'MinnviUe,  Vf'orrcii,  a)unli/,  Tcnn.  Sept.  6,  ''2S. 

After  this  cJompartsou,  and  afier  the  conclud- 
liig  reinar'ts  unci  facts  exhibited  in  itr.  IJiir- 
fon's  letter,  we  mi^lit  securely  consig-tf  Judge 
WiUi&ms,  his  mind,  his  meniorv,  liis  acciiraci,-, 
-and  his  credit,  to  be  estimated  as  the  people 
may  think  meet  and  proper. 

But  we  now  submit  to  the  g'ood  sense  of  all 
reflecting  men,  the  extreme  improbability, 
that  under  the  circumstances  related  bj'Judjfe 
■Williams,  any  treasonable  or  illeg-.U  proposi- 
tion, could  have  been  made  to  bim  by  Gen. 
Jackson,  a  proposition,  pregnant  with  the  most 
fearftil  and  dangerouB  consequences  to  the  pro- 
jector; made  without  any  previous  asccrtain- 
;nenf  of  the  man's  views  or  feeling-s  to  whom  it 
Vias  addressed;  wlUiout  any  promise  or  even 
veciuest  of  secrecy  or  conceabncnt;  vvitbovit  cx- 
jjlanation  or  deveJopement  of  tlit  means  to  be 
employed,  or  the  objects  to  be  at'aiued;  made 
in  ;.c;iiual  and  careless  conversation,  made  to  a 
wnny  man  of  much  less  than  mediocrity  of  in- 
-  tellect,  and  who  had  uutiiiUfC  to  bring'  in  aid  of 
such  a  high  and  dangerous  enterprl;!e,  but 
want  of  Isl'cnt  arid  want  of  prudence — contains 
a  series  of  improbabilities,  wliich  umount  to  a')- 
M)!ute  CMTtaicty,  and  which  tiio  most  credulous 
and  prejudiceil,  we  believe,  must  reject. 

But  when  we  curae  to  c:c:mi!iie  what  Judg'e 
WilUaras  relates  of  this  converJ.ition,  wo  find 
that  if  any  Siich  over  did  occur,  it  must  natural- 
ly and  necessarily  be  referred  to  tlie  legal,  fiiir 
ar.d  publicly  avowed  viev.'s  of  Col.  Burr;  to 
thetv/o  regiments  spoken  of  in  his  lettcia  to 
Oe-u.  Jackson,  Gen.  llobertssn  and  otliei-s,  to 
fa's  organized  and  comnivssioned  Ijy  the  govern- 
ment; to  the  force  and  arms  to  be  employed  hy 
lijo  United  States,  in  t!ie  anticipr.tcd  wui'  witji 
STiam,  to  (he  list  of  young  men  spoken  cf  in 
l^ol  Burr's  letters,  :iud  which  was  to  be  laid 
before  tlie  Secretary  of  War;  in  short,  to  the 
ivfmed  force,  at  the  head  of  wliicij,  Col.  Burr> 
held  out  the  belief,  he  was  to  be  placed  by  gov- 
■ennncnt,  in  the  event  of  a  w;u-  with  Sp.ain. 
.Indge  WilliAiTis  docs  not  pretend  that  Gen. 
.lackson  disclosed  to  him,  any  lrcason;ib!e  or  il- 
legal pi-ojects;  does  not  pretend  that  the  offer 
^oken  of,  was  preceded  by  any  couvei'sation 
Hi'  commuiiications  by  Gen.  Jackson  or  any 
Iraitoi'ous  or  illegal  cor^ph-acy,  against  tlic 
peace  or  iiitegi-ity  of  tlie  United  States.  If 
such  communications  had  been  made  to  Judge 
Willisms,  and  he  had  I'aiied  to  levcal  tlicm  In- 
staatly  to  the  proper  aurnorities,  he  would  stand 
;m  infamous  and  avowed  tiaitor  in  heart,  and 
unwoi-iby  the  confidence  of  any  honest  man  or 
ti»ie  citiiien.  But  he  does  not  say  any  such 
jiUns  or  plots  were  conniuinicated  to  him;  in 
justice  of  Judge  WilliamSj  and  in  conformity 
with  truth,  we  na'.sl  bjy,  none  siicii  cverwere. 

■In  h'rs  letter  to  Gen.  Jackson  of  February 
■.^7th,  iS28,*  WiUiams  says,  "some  time  be- 
fore Jeffei son's  [)r;)clamation,  in  riding  irom 
Gen.  Jackson's  heuse  to  Nashville,  General 
Jackson,  in  refa-eune  to  tkalcompi/ac:/,  or  wkal 
U\-is  cjhrwards  called  hi/  ntheis  a  cuiispiracij, 
said  to  me,  "that  I  coulil,  if  I  would  .accept  it, 
obtain  a  commission  of  Captain."  'I'his  is  the 
only  oneof  Judge  ■Williams'  several  statements, 

•  "ce  Annendix,  >:o    ' 


in  wSiicli  lac  ust;i  auj  te.riuc»iii  niipijiuig\i.\cn\^ 
or  il!ega!it\ ;  the  word  tonsphaty,  find  the  only 
words  attributed  to  Gen.  Jackson  are,  "  Gen.^ 
Jackson  said  to  me,  "1  could,  if  I  would  ac- 
cept it,  obtain  a  ctnnmi.-ision  of  Captain."  lie 
says  that  this  was  said  by  Gen.  J.acksoii  in  it-- 
fe'rcncs  to  that  conspiracy.  What  conspiracy'' 
Did  it  refer  to  any  previous  conversation  devel, 
oping  a  conspiracy'  Judge  ■\ViHiams  does  no«,' 
Kay  so.  No  st.-.te  of  facts  then  existed,  eveniu 
/lis  raiml,  to  which  tlie  term  coimpiracy  was  b\ 
/;;■/«  Meu  attached;  but  it  was  what  w.is  njler- 
wavdn  hij  others,  called  so. f  Tliis  is  not  left  to 
reasoning,  however  conclusive  and  satis&ctoiy 
that  may  be,  for  in  his  fubseqiient  and  mature 
statement,  publialied,  as  he  avows,  from  ase«Afl 
of  duty,  he  says,  "in  riding  from  Gen.  Jack- 
son's house  to  Nashville,  near  the  Clover-Bot- 
torn,  he  spoke  to  me  in  relation  to  a  commission 
in  Burr's  armv,"  and  this  was  some  lime  inliie 
spring  or  f.dl  of  1806.  Here  the  offer  and  con- 
versation ia  in  reference  to  "  Burr's  .irmv;"—, 
what  army,  and  for  what  objects?  Beyond  all 
question,  the  ariny  spoken  of  by  Umr,  in  h'"* 
letter  to  Gen.  Jackson  of  March  iCOti;  the  offi- 
cers to  be  cotimi  -oxintud  b  v  the  Sccret;u'y  at  ^Var, 
and  to  be  employed  ag.".'nst  S;vf.in.;  \J'e  1|0.^♦' 
dismiss  Jtidgo  Will:.ims. 

j  See  Judge  William's  geuuin- Setter  to  Gei;. 
Jncksnn,  published  originally  in  the  Kichmomi 
Enquirer,  and  varying  t.om  that  published  '.l\ 
the  Knoxville  Enquirer. 

i  See  tlie  statement  of  the  Hon.  'Willii  Alsloii/ 
M.  C.  under  dale  Feb.  lltb,  1828,  in  the  Ap- 
peiulix.  No.  13,  in  which  Gen.  Jackson  i.sreJ 
))Oi'teu  to  h.ive  "asked  of  Mr.  jelTerson  (they 
I'residentof  the  U.  S.)  t!ie  views  of  l!ic  gov- 
ernment, tendering  his  services  if  wanted,  tu 
make  a  descent  upon  Mexico,  us  stated  bj-  Burr 
— but  if  Burr  was  not  aiitlun-ized  by  the  go*.-- 
crnmen-t  to  carry  on  his  enterprise  as  ."itated,- 
then  lie  (Jackson)  was  ready  to  arrest  him." 
See  also  the  President's  message  of  Janiiary 
ir3d,  loOr,  in  which  he  says — "  Ue  (Burr)  se- 
duced goo-iand  wellmeeningcitl/cns,  some  hr 
assurances  that  he  possessed  the  confidence  ut 
the  government,  and  was  acting  under  its  se-* 
crct  patronage;  a  pretence  wliicli  procured 
some  credit,  from  our  diffei-ences  with  Spainj 
and  others  by  offers  of  land  in  Bastrop's  claim 
on  the  AV'ashita."  The  abovi  co-nversalioii  of 
Mr.  J.  with  Mr.  Alston,  is  preSiiintd  to  h;ive 
taken, jilace,  wlu-n  the  supposed  conspir.iey 
v.-as  on  the  tajvis,  during  tile  I'resi.iency  of  Mv. 
Jefferson.  Aj;ain;  Doct.  Watkiiis  details  «.• 
similar  conversation;  he  siiys  in  hi.*  letter  uf 
Aug.Tst  :6th,  published  on  the  2Tlh  iu  tl'ie 
IvnoivilV  Register — "in  a  conversatiiin  with 
Jlr.  Jefferson  in  his  chamber,  when  convaliJs- 
cciit  from  a  dangeroii-;  spell  of  sickness,  iu 
which  latte-id.td  iiim  in  the  aut.imn  of  1S19,  F 
remarked  thnt  some  h.ad  expressed  doubts  of  the 
conduct  of  Gen.  Jackson,  in  relation  to  Col. 
Burr's  affair.  Mr.  Jefferson  most  promptly  and 
explicitly  replied,  in  as  nearly  as  I  can  recollect^ 
tliese  express  words,  "you  may  depaid  upon 
it.  Sir,  that  I  have  the  most  satisfactory  evi- 
dence, that  on  that  occasion.  Gen.  Jacisoi) 
was  vieilant,  faithful,  and  patriotic." 

See  also  Gcu.  J's  letter  to  ilr.  Jcfl"el'Sor., 
received  by  him  on  the  2.'Uh  November,  1806^ 
jjubllslicd  sr.  the  ''•'irjjhiia  Ad'  o-ate  Auguat  2i- 


■isib 


•>  lo  Niitdic^  v>-;ih  C.>!.  VJiiiV,   ve  submit  the    Sgiimst  Col.  Burr,  oraOer  the  letters  to  (&ver- 
itcmcrts   ai'  General   Cofi'ee  afitl   Col.   Hays    nor  Claihoine, Gen.  Smith,  nr>d  Doctor  Diclcsoi), 


mseh'.^i  uliroli  ara  not  only  sufi^fuctory,  we 
ink,  IS  to  that  matter,  but  also  tliPow  atWi- 
iD.a  ligln  in  showing  the  stri-Tt  pi-oppiety  and 
nectness  of  all  Gtjii.  Jackson's  acts  and  inten- 
ns  tiwards  Col.  iiuiT. 

I'll  conciusiun,  T.e  shall  briefly  recapitulate 
2  most  mati-rial  facts  and  Circumstances,  prov- 
ijytheforcKoiiv,'- testiuLony      l.st.   That  Gen. 


and  tti.j  gjucd  niigiit  associiitc  without  re- 
xich,  aiul'.is  a  man,  in  ?.lr.  Jefrerson'.-j  l;;n- 
ige,  '•  liercSofoic  iTisriugiiished  by  the  favour 
lis  -coiinUy  '" 


Col.  Burp  never  Mas  invite<l  to  Gen.  Jackson's 
house;  but  that  M-hen  in  the  state  of  Tennessee, 
in  the  montK  of  Oee.  1806,  he  remained  not  at 
Gen.  Jacksoii's,  but  at  a  tavern  at  the  ClovrtVt 
bottom,  several  miles  distant,  near  which  hfs 
boats  wpre;  that  he  was  received  witli  a  mark- 
ed changv  of  manners  and  coldness  by  Jackson, 
and  others;  that  aH  interview  tvith  Burr  liffs 
r.k.toii  only  uceive.!  and  tre.ited  Col.  Burr  as  sought  by  Jackson,  and  had  m  the  presence  oS 
■  enerous  run!  hospitable  i^-enUemaii  would  re-  several  g'entlemen,  when  Bvirr  most  solemnly' 
ive  and  treat  n.  gue^t  and  actpi.-untance,  who  avow&l  his  innocence,  and  disavowed  all  ob . 
?n,  aiid  lotig  had  held  a  distinpuisJicJ  rank  as  ji'cls  hostile  lotheunionorgt)venitQent;andtbat 
tatesman  and  man  of  talent^i,  in  the  estima-  tiie  President's  proclamation  \vm  not  receivej 
n  of  tiiejjrcat  Republican  party  in  the  United  at  Nashville  until  the  Srth  December,  laOii 
itc.ii  who  h:ul  recently  litld  the  second  office  five  days  iiler  Colonel  Ikirr's  departure,  wUli 
.he  govevnmeiit;  ai:d  wUh   «lioai  the  honora-    oujy  twobo-its.' 

C.  I'hiit  from  Ihc  ualiappy  inaccuracy  di 
Judg«  Williams'  meiucry  and  recoHectioiis,  nc 
rcl'ianee  can  be  [lisced  on  his  statements:  btr? 
that  if  any  stich  reiianco  could  be  given,  it  Is 
fh.at  Gen.  Jactson  comraunicaf«<l  fo  fhe  sliovyn  that  the  oiTcvand  conversalimi  he  speak» 
xTiimcut  and  its  officers,  fully  and  cxplicillv,  of,  related  above  to  the  public,  well  krou'ii', 
icon  <is  he  Tia!  inlbrmalion  of  any  kind.  and  legal  objects  held  out  and  spoken  of  by  CtiU 

I.   That  Col.  Umr  never  dil  communicate  to    Buic. 

:i.  Jackson  any  designs  treasonable  or  hostile  We  do  not  foel  perfectly  suise,  that  in  tlib 
he  govefnmeiit  of  the  United  Slates;  but  al-  course  wb  have  pursued,  u-e  shall  not  be  cuii- 
r's  avowed  desii^os  consistent  with   its  into-    s-dered  by  st);nc,  as  nnatiifeling  a  want  of  prtj» 

:,  and  averred  by  him  to   he  supported  by 

roimtenance  and  authority  tliis  place,  t!iat  Col.  Burr  had  left  Lexington-, 

•.  That  t!ie  iirst  public  suspicions,  a.?  to  the  Joseph  H.  I)avies,Attorney,for  the  {JnitedStalei; 
dlit)- ofCol  Burrs  pixiject;,  wer.~  allayed,  ft>r  this  District,' appeared  iti  Court,  and  afler 
,  t<va  great  dc<.;roe  destmyed,  by  the  investi-  tome  preliminary  observations,  calculated  to 
oils  in  Kenti  v^ky  in  the  beginiiintf  of  Decern-  eicitc  grtat  expectation,  read  the  affidavit  whicTi 
.  1-806,  by  the  findinjr  of  tlie  grand  jurv,  ai)pcars  in  this  paper,  and  moved  the  Court  for 
K'.h  uas  evidemly  calculated  to  h.ave  this  efi-  a  capias  against  Col.  Buit,  and  for  compuIsDr\' 
',  and  \vh,ch  c fleet  is  proven  by  Mr.  Jeffep-  pi-ores.-,  to  compel  the  attcmlance  of  witnesses.'' 
's  message  of  January   S2J,    1807.  to    have         •*...-».. 

"  'f"heso  events  having  circulated  rapidly 
throuffhout  the  country,  and  generally  minj^lerf 
with  error  and  exaggeration,  excitetl  g'reat  so- 
hcitude  and  expectation.  On  Wednesday 
morning,  (yesterday,  12th  iost.)  this  town  wa^ 
crowded  with  persoirs  from  all  quartets,  beyontf 
Sec  Appcndi:.',  No.  14,  and  Gen.  GolFte's  any  fr-nner  example;  all  was  eagerness  aiid  im- 
eraenl.  patience.     Thi-  v.itncsscs  who  had   been  suii> 

iUinNKFoRT,  Dae.  5th,  1806.  moned,  attended  without  an  exception — the 
~.>i..  Ticiia. —  The  Grand  Jury  are  happy  to  Court  was  opened,  the  Grand  Jury  was  called, 
rm  the  Court,  that  no  violent  disturbance  of  and  appeare<l;  just  as  the  Judge  was  expected 
I  public  tranquillity,  or  breach  of  Ilic  laws,  todeliver  his  charge,  Mr.  Davies  rose, and  moved 
come  to  their  knowledge.  that  tlie  Grand  Jury  might  be  dismissed,  de- 

i'e  have  no  hesitation  in  dec?arii>_^,  "that  elarinij  that  he  was  not  prepared  to  proceed 
ing  carefully  examined  and  scrutinixcd  all  '&ith  tiie  inquiry,  by  reason  of  tlie  absence  of  a 
testimoiiv  which  has  come  before  us,  as  well  \\  itnc^s,  v.*hom  he  deemed  material.  The  dh^ 
Ct'.s  chavgts  against  Aaron  Burr,  as  those  appointment  and  chagrin  of  a  crowded  ati- 
tained  in  the  indictment  prefoncd  to  us  dience  rauy  he  conceived,  but  the  ridicule  and 
.nst  John  AJair;  that  there  has  bceniK)  tts-  hiugiiter  whicJi  followed,  was  univei-sal.  The 
)  ly  before  us,  wliich  does  in  the  smallest  de-  public  scntinitni  ukich  hud  uU  along  been  itroKg- 
i  criminate  the  condact  of  either  of  those  tv  in  favor  of  Col.  Burr,  Jioiu  burst  fortlt  uitthout 
;ons;  nor  can  vc,  from  all  the  inquiries  and  aisj^iusc.  There  is  nC't  time  to  comment  on 
■Mitj.itioi!s  of  the  subject,  di.sco\cr  that  any  these  traDS.actio:;s;  but  two  or  three  facts  may 
g  improper  or  injurious  to  the  interest  of  tend  to  disclose  the  motives  wiiich  are  generally 
(government  of  the  United  States,  or  contra-    viewed  as  ^persecution.'' 

J  the  la'.v.-i  thereof,  is  designed  or  contem-  Let  the  above  extracts  be  compaied  with  the 
c-d  by  either  of  them. — [Frvm  the  Imparliai  foUowing  remarks  from  r.  leading  administratiqn 
iw  of  Uec.  IS//^,  18C0.  print  in  Virginia; 

iVom  the  Frankfort  {Ky.)  Palladium.  "  On  tlie  5th  of  November  [1806]  Burr  had 

published  in  the  Impartial  Review,  Novem-    been  arrtii^ed  of  high  trea.s,on  at  Lexington, 
ber  29th,  1806 — Nashville.)  [Lexington!]  Kentucky,  and  though  discharged. 

Oil  Wednesday,  the  5th  inst.  when  it  was    no  man  doubted  his  ^lli'/^" 
entlt'  reported  and  generally  Relieved  in        '?pc  R«  B<  Ci'-n^PN '%«faf?Tneilt,  Kb  U 


n  produced,  where  he  says,  "  In  Kentucky, 
prer.viinrr  attempt  to  brinjj  Burr  to  ju.sticc 
liout  sutiiCient  evidence  for  his  conviction, 
produced  a  popular  i.npression  in  his  favor, 
a  general  disbelief  of  his  guiU."li 


,.1^.;  u^l^^  1.11  lUt>  ejiljg>ili.ui;u  ucU;l-!ig:oUL',  ;iaii 
ihS  noble  aiTtl  contiding  natui'es  of  the  Zmcn  ■ 
can  peopli";  and  vlietjier  it  might  not  be  tluuslit 
a  mwe  llisB  sufficient  .insa'er  to  the  bast  sur- 
ititses,  the  unworthy  suspicions,  and  the  ftebly 
labored  arguments,  which  have  bccncirculited 
\nth  so  much  industry,  to  point  with  emplasis 
to  a  long-  life  devoted  to  the  service  <ifb\s  ciun- 
tpy;  his  boyhood  given  to  tl>p  vsr  of  the  nvo- 
iution  and  to  the  achievement  oi'  her  independ- 
ence; his  mature  manhood  to  the  honest  ind 
iJuthful  discharge  of  all  th"  dtrues  other  iigh- 
esf  civil  empioynients;  and  his  late  ypr.r>i,  when 
sgfc  might  claim  an  exemption  from  tod  inA 
<^n^er; — when  these,  his  .iccusevs,  were  tohe 
lound  in  tJie  courts  and  palaces  of  Kinjjs,  or  ^e- 
jjosingj  in  the  lap  of  ease  and  hixurj',  he  "as 
only  to  be  found  in  the  wilderness  and  on  tie 
iield  ofbatilo;  only  in  the  p'.irsnit  or  in  the  face 
of  the  eiieatins  of  hi\  cuuntrif,  expose<l  to  ever- 
Jjeril,  to  every  privation,  to  every  sufferinsp,  be- 
(ore  which  tlio  cowai-d  or  tlie  triiitor's  heavl 
Voukl  have  ejuailed  or  been  subdued.  This 
j-nigfbt  be  rclieil  on  as  a  sufficient  reply  to  the 
cliarg'e,  that  Gelicval  iack«oa  was  tainted  with 
(reason,  and  that  he  was  leajjued  and  connect- 
ed-with  traiti.rs  and  enemies  to  his  countrv;  — 
aiul  how  ill-timed  and  ncf,Taciou?!r,  this  cliarg'e 
comis  at  tliis  l:ii  e  day !  There  uils  a  tin;e  of  all 
othens,  when  if  tr-,c,  or  if  colored  by  the  sem- 
blance of  truth,  -t  should  have  been  urged 
and  lou.iiy  trumpeted;  in  the  dark  and  storm)' 
period  of  1S13  and  1814,  when  treason  was 
much  spoken  of  and  much  feared;  when  a 
sereraucc  of  the  Union  was  not  darkly  Iiint- 
ed.-.'t,  but  boldly  spoken  of  in  the  capitol; 
not  about  to  be  eficcttxl  by  two  empty  flat 
boats,  and  half  a  dozen  unarmed  men,  but 
urjjed,  ciiuutcnanced,  and  supported  by  the 
most  powerful  nation  on  cjrth,  thcnouVfoe, 
s.rid  hanginsi'  on  all  our  coasts  and  frontiers,  with 
her  victorioirs  and  numerous  fleets  ai;:i  .tiraies; 
rVj«)j  was  the  time  wiien  traitors  shv.M  have 
been  denounced;  v.'lien  .Jackson,  if  suspcctcil. 
should  have  been  branded  with  infiiiiy,  and  all 
power  andcoafidencc  withheld  from  h'.m;  then. 
When  he  w.ts  to  take  the  connnand  of  one  divi- 
sion of  the  arn'.ies  of  the  United  States,  to  be 
fnvested  with  uulimiteel  n-iilitary  power,  then 
should  he  have  b -en  held  up  as  shrouded  in 
suspicion,  and  unworthy  to  be  trusted,  liut  did 
a  wliispcr,  a  n;urm;ir,  then,  of  doubt,  or  dis- 
Cajst,  bre,,k  forth*  All  looked  to  hirn  ;;s  a 
lather  ;ind  friend,  with  whom  in  that  fc.-.rtul  hour, 
the  safety  of  the  nation  and  its  hijrhcst  powers 
could  be  deposited  wiili  the  utmost  security. 

But  Uavinif  the  proofs,  we  deemed  it  best  to 
present  them,  wliich  not  only  positively  and 
directly  disprove  this  charfje,  in  all  its  forms, 
and  expose  the  propai^tors  of  it  to  shame  and 
ronfiision;  l.-iit  will  shed  additional  histre  on 
the  endown.enis  both  <>f  the  head  a^d  heart  of 
this  distinfriikshed  benefactor  of  his  country;  and 
prove  the  trutli  of  that  elevated  an-d  :nanly  sen- 
timent e.cpressed  to  his  friends,  in  reference  to 
tlxis  subject,  when  loose  scraps  and  notes  writ- 
ten in  haste  many  years  ajjo,  and  lon£,'for,ij-it(tn 
were  raked  up  and  ])Uijlishcd:  "  I  recoUecL 
Ihem  njt;  but  this  1  do  know,  and.  avow,  that 
neverinallmy  hfe.did  I  entertain  even  a  thought, 
that  t  would  not  cheeriuUy  submit  to  the  judc;-- 
menl  of  tlie  American  people,  and  stand  or  fall 
bvth":r 'V''ision.'' 


^•L'l'K.\l»b.\- 

E.'.^i(irt  of  a  icier  fi-om   Oru.   JauiSs  BobciU^i' 
iolhe  Hon.  JJanicl  Smif/i.  datfd — 

Nasuvili.e,  Dec  2jd,  18(J6. 
.SiK  :  Great  anxiety  appears  to  prevail  in  thii? 
place  to  see  the  rresidcnt's  message,  as  it  wU' 
privc  "50i>ie  information  how  oiu'  relations  arf 
with  the  F/uropcan  powers.  Col.  Buit  left 
this  yesterday,  with  two  Urge  boats,  in  order 
to  descend  the  ?.!ississippi  river  .Many  conje<'- 
tiu-es  are  f  jrmed  respecting  Ins  designs.  1  can- 
not harbor  an  opinion  that  he  has  any  views  itt- 
imical  to  the  United  States.  I  did  not  sec  him, 
though  he  was  tllI^;e  or  four  days  in  this  place  ; 
but  last  fidl  he  diucd  with  me,  and  I  was  several 
time-;  in  hrs  company.  He  then  told  me  he  ex- 
pected to  make  settlements  with  his  son-in-Ia\r 
on  the  western  waters.  I  endeavored  to  find 
how  the  &secut!%-e  of  our  government  vs-as 
held  with  ;  but  he  was  so  guarded,  I  gained 
but  little  satisfaction,  btit  I  thouglit  he  spoke 
rather  in  favor— this  might  have  been  his 
knowing  my  opinion.  I,  from  that  time,  harv6 
had  some  doubts  cf  his  friendship. 

Exlracl  of  a  ktlerpom  (fev.  Jnmes  Itotierlsoxt,  io 
'  Gen.  Daniel  S.mti'i,  aal'd— 

NisiiViLLE,  Feb.  2d,  ISOr. 

We  are  all  quiet  at  present,  but  there  was  an 
uncommon  bustle  for  several  weeks  after  the 
President's  proclamation  appeared  here,  and  if  il 
had  reached  this  place  before  Burr's  departure, 
he  would  have  been  arrested,  notwithstanding 
his  acquittal  in  Kentucky. 

You  know  liefore  the  cxpo.'ntion  of  his  scheme"?^ 
he  w.as  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  citizens o-' 
this  place,  on  account  of  the  exertions  he  made 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  at  the  timf. 
of  our  ailmission  as  an  independent  State  Intci 
the  Union.  But  when  the  proclamation  ap- 
peared, the  general  cry  was,  let  us  to  a  man  go 
in  a  mais  to"  suppress  such  base  proji«ts,  and_ 
bring  Burr  an^l  his  adherents  to  the  bar  of 
JMstice;  and  I  believe  it  would  not  have  been 
difficult  to  have  iv.ised  a  thousand  volunteers  to 
have  gone  to  Natchev;  or  New-Orleans  fron. 
West  Tennessee.  Uurr,  as  1  understand,  at 
hi  s  leaving  Nashville  with  tv,-o  boats,  stiU  insis*- 
ed  that  bib"  intention  was  to  .settle  in  lower  Lou- 
isiana, and  that  he  was  taking  provisions  to  fur- 
nish his  son-in-law,  who  wouhi  go  with  him 
from  South-Carolina. 

[3.] 
Exli-ml of  a  hiUrfrom  Thomas  Sltiart,  Big.  ai 

that  dmr  attornq/  for  llf  Uniti-d  iitaUs,  to  Gen. 

Danid  Smltli,  f<cnator  in  Cnitgresn,  ddled 
Nasuvij-lu,  Jan   3d,  1807- 

SiTi:  I  received  your  letter  of  Dec.  Ijtli, 
ISOci.  Colonel  Burr's  tran3;ictions  have  made, 
much  noise  here  also.  You  request  mc  to  in- 
form -1  ou  what  is  known  t.n  .  ".at  subject  in  Tcij- 
nessec  On  this  poisi'.  1  am  ablo  to  give  you 
very  little  satisfaction.  1!  has  visited  Nash- 
ville i-.nd  its  vicinisv  t :  <  ■  1h.;  course  of  this 
winter;  he  has  bec'nt  v.->  •.,  .-•ith  rcspccLfu!  at- 
tention by  niauv  of  liie  &u:;eri.s  -he  bad  two  nv 
tlfree  bo.'.ts  built  upon  -t.-ne's  riv  ^-r,  -ind  started 
in  one  of  them  from  Nas  ivilie  down  Cumber- 
land river,  about  a  \vetk  ago,  witii  eight  hands,  " 
without  arini,  supplied  with  conveniences  fo:- 
descending  tlie  Mississippi.  1  understand  his 
r'h'-r  b^at.;  arc  to  take  in  pork  at  Stone's  river. 


t^u 


I 


-jiKl  Ui^tliclija  jjvji-ciiiiiaid  acuusid-ar.ibio  quan- 
tity of  pork  at  Claiksville.  The  enclosed, 
taken  from  Kubt.n's  paper,  sliou-s  how  tie  is 
Wewed  by. some  of  the  citizens  of  tliis  place. 
[That  extract  alludes  to  the  burning  of  Burr's 
cffiKy,  30lh  neccmber,  ISOG.] 

Stokely  Mays  and  a  son  of  Capt.  Harney's, 
have  p-one  down  witli  hiin.  His  ostensiblS' ob- 
^iect,  I  understand,  was  the  colonization  of  a 
iarge  tract  of  land  on  the  AVashita;  but  the  cir- 
cumstances did  not  appear  to  fit  that.  A  cer- 
tain air  of  mystery  in  his  conduct  eicited  biis- 
picioii;  this  suspicion  was  confirmed  by  liis 
having'  been  suspected  elsewhere.  The  paper 
called  the  "Western  Worlds"  held  him  up  to 
public  view  33  a  conspirator,  connecter!  witli 
Wilkinson  and  .Sebastian.  AVhen  mei\  attcmijt- 
ccl  to  view  iiis  objects,  tiiey  f«)iind  themselves 
.-Jirrmmded  witli  darkness;  their  imag'inations 
were  let  loOi~',  and  to  many  he  became  an  ob- 
ject of  horror. 

I  am  confident  that  no  scheme  couIJ  be  more 
tmiversally  execrated  here,  th.in  a  sejKirationof 
the  State  of  feniiessee  from  the  onion.  1  be- 
lieve the  idea  of  t!ie  cuui^uest  of  Mexico,  uncon- 
iiectcJ  with  the  othci',  t.'oulJ  h.ave  been  very 
popular  ."iome  time  ag-o,  and  that  a  war  with 
Spain  w.as  wished;  but  I  believe  m.anv  people 
have  changed  tlicir  minds  o;i  that  point,  ovi^inp 
to  a  very  g-enerul  distrust,  now  prev,\ilinij,  of  the 
tidelity  and  integrity  of  him  who  would  conduct 
the  operation.  A  Ilussellville  paperst.ates,  that 
a  Davis  riuyd,  sheniV  ol' Indiana  county,  oppo- 
site Louisville,  had  descended  the  river,  w  itli 
^itX)  men,  to  join  Burr;  but  I  am  persuaded  lie 
will  never  make  many  conquests  witli  the  sol- 
(Itfcs  he  will  raise  in  Ohio,  Kentucky  or  Tcnnes- 
tif.e.  I  expect  Buit's  real  views  were  disclosed 
to  Very  fev/,  if  any,  in  this  country.  Before 
Btirrcauie  to  Nashville  the  l5s.t  time,  he  had 
been  tried  by  the  Grand  Jury  in  Kentucky,  and 
must  have  satisfied  thp!>»  who  continued  here  to 
'ic;it  him  with  b'lspit.jl.ty,  of  the  rectitude  of 
his  ir.tcnticns.  He  mu.st  have  been  verj;  cau- 
rioiis  in  Kentucky  in  disclosinif  his  real  views, 
for  amons  the  nuniernus  witnesses  examined  be- 
fore the  Gr.;.ul  .Jury,  m;iny  of  them  apparently, 
his  particular  triends,  none  could  testify  against 
him.  I  have  been  frequently  urged  to  com- 
mence a  prosecution  ag-.iinst  him  hc?e,  hut  1  ne- 
>^r  could  Hud  any  evidence  against  him,  e.xcept 
pulilic  opinion.  1  tliink  it  very  probable  if  he 
!i.adbe'-ii  here  when  th.'.  President's  proclama- 
tion and  Gen.  Vi'illiam  liaton's  statement  arrived, 
liewoifid  have  been  astassinated.  '>"hc  ^olul'l- 
"eer  rnililia  of  Tcunessec  ara  in  moliL'a. 

iJE.  IIOBEP.TSON'S  STATE,MEXT. 

I\'asiivillv,,  July  20lh,  1821S. 
Dcccr.'iir. — Your  note  of  the  18th  instant  is 
veccived,  making  iuquiiy  relative  to  my  recol- 
Jectiou  of  Col.  Binr's  visit  to  this  neighborhood, 
Jic.  The  first  time  1  ever  saw  t;cl.  Burr,  was 
•ii  tliis  ]ilace,  in  September,  ISOti.  He  v.as  re- 
ceived, both  publicly  and  privately,  with  iirJtk- 
(d  distinction.  It  was  gcncrall}'  imderstood 
■indbelieved,  tliat  liis  object  w.as  tiie  settling  of 
.,ome  lands,  he  claimed  on  the  borders  of  f.ouis- 
aua,  Ouachita;  but  if  a  wcr  between  S])aln  and 
■  ,ie  Viiiled  States,  took  place,  ilien  to  seize  on, 
and  rcvohuionii'.e  tiic  adjoining  C!>lony  of 
S,oain.  This  scheme  .  was  very  iiopuiar  in  thi's 
-■?M'.'itr.-' nt  Iha'.  tin-?,  and  t!;-;cura!red  by  most 


of  tiie  /eaduig  iiu;n..  jUuI.  bulr  ciruulaied  ui'- 
report /hat  our  government  wsts  favorable  to- 
wards/iis  views,  and  intimated  that  it  wa.1  prob- 
able tjc  g-overnment  troops,  statiouLd  near  th-e 
S^abiit,  would  ultimately  co-operate  with  himr. 
The  iublic  feeling  on  the  subject,  at  thrs  junc- 
ture, indicated  that  he  would  receive  much  aid 
fromltiii-i  quarter.  He  staid  here  but  a  ffew 
dnvs  went  to  Kentucky,  where  he  was  shortly 
aftei/arrested,  under  the  charge  oftreason;  tried 
and  aequitte<l — and  again  in  December  made 
his  :ppearance  in  ICashvillc.  His  reception 
was  rerv  different  now  tYomtliat  in  September- 
He  ivas  very  generally  neglected,  aiid  even 
shuiiied.  But  even  at  this  period,  very  few 
pertons  with  whom  I  csnvcrscd,  believed  that 
lie  lad  any  treasonable  designs  against  his'tfov- 
criAuent.  ' !Su!i)nc'on,\iOv;c\c\;  hung  about  hiui, 
au/1  the  people  discovered  that  he  had  declvetl 
tli^m  ?-•<  to  the  feelings  of  our  government  to- 
unrds  his  cntcrjirise,  and  lost  confidence  In 
'idn.  He  hastened  his  business  to  a  close,  au<l 
left  the  neighborhood  in  a  short  time,  with  bare- 
\f  men  enough  to  work  his  bo-.its  out  of  the  riv- 
er, instead  of  the  splcndlil  armament,  which  ap- 
pearances on  his  first  vis'it  had  led  him  to  c\- 
pet-t.— I  u.'.derstood  he  left  this  countrj' appa- 
rently great  mortified  ;  complaining  of  the  tui- 
glect  he  liad  encountered  in  this  last  visit. 

I  know  of  no  ciroimstunco,  in  this  matter 
which  coulc!  i>oint  suspicion  to  General  Jack- 
son in  preference  to  any  other  prominent  man,  ■ 
(inlcKS  it  lie  that  Col  S.  D.  Hay-S  [a  nephew  of 
Mi's.  Jackson]  accompanied  Bun-  to  the  kiwei- 
country;  and  with  tho^e  who  knew  the  young- 
man,  tii'iK  could  h:ne  no  wei.ght.  I  alwaj-sun- 
derstooii  that  Mr.  lla_\ij  went  against  the  advice  - 
and  wishes  of  General  Jackson.  X  have  betsn 
intiir.atelv  a<quainted  witli  Col.  Hays  from  his 
infancy,  imd  know  he  has  always  beeil  in  the 
habit  of  relying  on  liis  own  judgment,  and  dis- 
))oscd  to  execute  its  decisions,  independent  of 
the  opinions  of  others.  I  saw  Geaeral  Coffee  a 
few  liays  after  Burr's  departure,  who  told  me 
he  went  ofl'complaining  of  tlie  treatment  ho  had 
rcceiv^il  from  General  Jackson,  an;l  most  of  his 
other  .icquaintancc  of  the  country.  lie  h.ad  he- 
come  so  extremely  peevisli,  that  General  Coliec 
said  he  could  do  notliing  which  seemc<l  to  please 
him.  I  never  have  understood,  tliat  Coi.  Hays' 
trip  with  Burr  had  injured  him  in  ilie  public  es- 
timation. He  is  at  this  lime,  a  highly  respect.1- 
blc  citizen  of  this  State.  Vcrv  respectfully, 
FELIX  UOHEUT.SON. 

To  tke  Cliairmati  of  Ihc  i\'as/tnlk  CommiilK. 

[5.] 

Exjrnrl  of  a  teller  from  Judge  Attthnmel  U  . 

Waii'tms,  iif  7'<:«/!P.«.'.(C,  !o  Nathanid  W.    !V. 

Ktrr,  Eaq.  dated  ISlh  Decemhu,  182T._. 

"  My  Itr.Aii  Siii: — It  is  madness  to  think  of 
Jackson  ibr  I're-iideiit  of  the  I'niled  States, 
This  Burr  matter  I  cannot  he  mistaken 
aDOut — my  eves  and  cars  are'  my  witnesses,  lie 
(Jack'-rin')  oHeicd  me  a  commission  of  Captain 
in  iiu-.-;'s  army,  or  told  nie  I  could  get  oiia  iff 
woiihl  a'-<ept'     And  during  this  affair  he  said  to 

me,  ill  the  presence  of  Judge ,  Cwhothough 

now  says  lie  d'lCs  not  remember  it)  "depend 
upon  it,  gentlemen,  the  division  of  the  United 
States  has  taken  deep  root.  Vou  will  find  a 
number  of  the  Senate,  and  a  r.uniber  of  the 
members  of  ihellouoc  of  Hepreser.tati'.'CS  deeply 
involved  in  this  scheme  '' 


ijcu.  Jutlcsoa  lu  JuJge  WdUajji-i. 

llLitMiTAOK,  Feb.   23.  181-8. 

fell!— Having'  received  a  letter  from  ahig^h 
Tiiinded,  honorable  gi;nUemaii  of  Virgnrvia,  a'lio 
loves  tralb,  and  knows  how  to  nppreciate  charmter, 
1  lose  no  time  in  laying  befbre  you  the  poststript 
of  hts  letter,  whirh  is  in  the  foilo\7in3-  won!),  to 
wit:  "It  may  be  \fcll  to  say  that  a  lottcrM-ttS 
hauded  about  ut  tlic  Adams  Conventivn,  I  licar, 
axrcusiii^  you  of  beinjr  concerned  in  13'irr's  ;oii- 
Spinicy,  upoi>  the  authority  of  Judge  Nathaiicl 
Willianre  of  your  St.ito.  The  report  is,  tbnt  lirs 
Jttdfjo  Williams  writc-s,  wlien  a  young  man.  he 
applied  to  you,  tlien  a  judg*,  losignTiis  liccrse 
as  a  lawyer;  tb;it  you  d'd  so,  but  recoiTiTuend^d 
to  him,  as  you  conceived  him  to  be  a  man  af 
promise,  to  ptish  li.s  fortune  by  jomin^'  Bur.-, 
vrbo  taaii  thai  iu  ijctr  liouic;  piomisin!»,  if  lu 
would  do  ji  >,  to  procure  him  a  commission  as 
Captain  in  Burr's  army.  This  ston-  is  {^oinjj-lhc 
rounds  from  the  A^ams  delvfjates,  who  Imvo  re- 
turned home,  nytuitlistanding'  they  ougiit  to 
kno\v  that  you  was  tlie  first  person  lo  put  Gov- 
ernor Claiborne  onhis  g-uiU'd,ftpiiiust  the  scliemes 
of  Burr.  •' VEltBUM  SAT." 

The  records  of  the  country  contradict  this 
statement,  as  it  is  well  known  that  I  resigned 
iny  appointmcn;  of  Judge  before  Colon-:!  15nrr 
tverwas  in  the 'Stale  nf  fcimcssee.  I  cannot, 
t'tienj-  fat  one  moment,  permit  myself  to  believe-, 
that  you,  elevated  as  you  are,  to  a  scat  on  the 
judicial  bone!)  of  Tennessee,  could  give  your 
authority  to  such  an  unfounded  falseiiotjd.  Du- 
ty to  myself,  as  well  as  ju.sticc  to  you,  therefore, 
requires  that  I  should,  tt'ilhout  delay,  adu?o 
you  of  tilts  libel  upon  my  cij'iracter,  so  thafydu 
inaj-  at  once  declare  Tihethcr  )0U  are  or  ai'o 
iiot  the  author  of  this  calumny,  before  1  expose 
it  as  such. 

I  am,  and  haveb-cn,  veil  advised  (rf  a  sc- 
tret  combination  of  a  base  and  wicked  few  iu 
Tennessee,  whose  oljject  is  to  slander  me,  but, 
nntil  ncu',  I  have  never  heard  or  had  llie  least 
i-ntiniation  that  you  Mere  of  that  gi-oup.  Nor 
do  1  now  believe  tliat  you.vvlio  must  be  so  well 
satisfied  of  tiio  falsehood  c-rti'ained  in  the  post- 
Script  of  'he  letter  rcfcned  to  above,  as  well 
as  t!ie  rectitude  of  my  conduct  since  your  ac- 
qu-aiulance  v.itii  me,  could  be  so  lost  to  virtue 
a:id  Iruih  as  to  iiave  origm^ited  and  put  in  cir- 
culation so  base  a  calumny.  With  this  impres- 
sion I  seni  U.  S.  Doneison  to  you  v.;th  this 
cont.nunicatio:!,  llaving"  no  doubt,  as  an  lioi;ora- 
Ble  man,  tliat  you  v/ill  send  me  a  frank  and 
prompf  reply. 

(.\copy,  sigred)  AKDRKW  JACliSON. 
The  Hon.   Natuasikl  V/il\.iaws, 

Judge  of  the  Virbzit  Court  of  7>«amcc. 

[-] 

Judge  TViluuitis'  reply  lo  Genera!  Juclfscn. 
SrAKTA.  I-£ir.  erih,   182a. 

ARer  copying  from  General  Jackson's  letter 
to  me,  the  report  as  stated  in  his  letter,  I  wrote- 
ds  follows: 

'  1  cajt  very  fr.ankly  deny  ever  kaving  written 
tlic  letter  spoken  of  by  the  gentleman  who 
wrote  you  fro"in  V.'asliinjjton,  but  I  did  write  u 
letter  to  a  relation  of  mine,  at  that  time  iu  Uich- 
jnond.  The  letter,  if  seen,  wouldshov/  th.-.t  it 
■"•Vaj  c'-J-sie'iicd  r.s  a-ccnfi-:ler.tii'.l  one.     T  ijo  no'; 


at  this  lime,  rtu;oUei-'.  acuirateiy  \»-iiat  lUe  le.' 
terdid  contain;  I  believe,  thou,5ii  I  can  remem- 
ber a  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  what  I  intended^ 
at  the  time;  and,  I  will  state  it,  .is  it  is  but  jusl 
that  what  lias  been  by  my  mean's  privately  dr. 
culatcd,  shr,-Lild  be  publicly  avowed  undel'  the  ' 
neceesities  of  this  c:i3e. 

Sc."ie  ti:p.e  after  Burr  liad  passed  Nashville, 
once  or  twice,  to  the  lower  country,  betbre  M!-. 
Jeficpion's  Proclamation,  iu  riding  from  Gen- 
Jacksun'e  house  to  Nashville,  Gen.  Jackson,  in 
reference  to  that  coi-spiracy,  said  to  roe,  "  that 
I  could,  if  I  would  accept  it,  obtain  a  commis- 
sion of  Captain." 

After\yarAs,  during  the  setting  of  tha  county 
Court  of  Sumner,  at  a  time  when  I'atton  An- 
derson told  lae  that  cither  Burr  or  Adair,  or 
both  of  them,  wore  at  Gen.  Jackson's  house,, 
in  a  room  of  a  tavern  the«  kept  by  Kdniuud 
Crutcher,  Gen.  Jackson  said  to  me — I  think 
Judge  Stuart  was  then  in  the  room — "Take  no- 
tice, gentlemen,  yon  will  find  that  a  division  of 
the  United  Stales  has  taken  deep  root;  you  will 
find  that  a  numbcrof  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Eepresentalivcs  are  deeply  involved  in  the 
scheme." 

1  am  not  ccrtaiu  that  the  .above  vxs  contaitieJ 
iu  my  private  letter  to  Mr.  Nathaniel  Kerr,  but 
as  I  have  made  Hief.e  statements  privately,  it  is 
but  just  thai  I  should  now  avow  them. 

lam  in  hopes.  Sir,  that  this  letter  will  be  al- 
togctlier  salisfjcloiy  to  you,  for  Gen.  Jackson 
may  in-  assured  (the  Pre^deutial  question  aside) 
no  man  can  ftcl  more  bound  to  Gen.  JacTcson 
than  myselr',  for  the  great  homr  conferred  by 
him  on  nrv  countrv. 

(Copy.)         KATII.  AV.  AVn.1.1  A ?.!=;. 

Gl's.  -Vnuhlw  Jacksox. 

[8]         . 
3\-DGli:  WILLIAMS'  S  IATl:U£-\"r. 

Under  the  belief  that  it  U  my  duty  to  make 
the  fulluwin:^st;it_-ment,  I  make  it.  I  moved  to' 
NabhvTlle,  Tenn.  from  the  county  of  Pittsylva- 
nia; A'irginia,  in  the  fall  of  the  ye:u-  ISO'l-,  al  the 
age  of  twenty-live,  tli;it  is,  I  ^1ov•edfrom^'irgin- 
ia,  in  1803,  to  ILiv.ldns  Courthouse,  Last  Ten- 
netsee  and  from  tlicre  I  moved  to  Naslivilic. 
In  1603  or  T,  these  Burr  matters  transpired-  I. 
before  protesting  a(.pinst  tlie  proceeding  of 
K.UT,  had  been  frequently  employed  hi  Cer, 
Jackson's  coUtctJuij  bvisincss  and  other  suits  of 
his.  I  think  in  tile  spring  or  fall  of  1806,-  in  ri- 
d'lig  from  the  G.:ncr;il's  liouse  to  NashviMe,  near 
tliC  Clover  Botto.ii,  he  spoke  to  m:  in  relation 
to  a«ommi:ssion  in  Burr's  army.  And  in  the 
same  year,  at  Gallatin,  he  made  the  declaiatioLs 
in  relation  lo  the  division  of  the  Lni'^n,  as  sta- 
ted iu  Our  cori'espoiulence.  1  cot  only  thcii.dc. 
termintd  tliat  1  \vo;ild  not  agree  to  what  I  be. 
lievedu:  be  Burr's  seliemCs,  but  tliat  I  would 
oppose  him  as  fur  as  I  could.  Lltlier  hefoie  c!* 
after  Ml'.  Jefl'erson's  proclamation,  it  w.ls,  as  I 
tiiouglit,  intended  to  iuipre.'^  the  public  mind 
■u-ith  the  belief  that  a  ball,  then  on  hand  in  N-.isU- 
viUe,  was  intended  as  a  mark  of  respect  to  Coi. 
Burr.  A  number  of  p;enllcmen  in  K'lshville,  to 
d'eslroy  this  impressi'.T.i  a:;d  to  show  their  disap- 
probation of  Burr,  determined  that  Col.  INu.": 
h-hould  not  atten.l  tlie  Ball,  and  so  informedCol. 
Burr  througli  Judge  Joiin  Oveilon,  who  return- 
ed wi'ih  the  inforaiation,  as  lie  told  me,  from 
Uiirr.  that  Col.liVjr  hv.',  di-cl^n-jd  ccining  to  ih-: 


±\)^ 


ii-iU.  Wiili  Uii.^  i>-o  vi'c;.;  baui.ued."  About  the 
Mme  the  ball  was  half  «vei',  I  was  standing 
rtgaitisl  tlic  wall,  opposite  the  door  of  en- 
trance in  ihe  I'oom,  and  saw  General  Jack- 
son lead  Burr  by  the  arm  into  the  room,  and 
witrodace  him,  with  considerable  form,  to  the 
ladies  and  pcntlemen  then  present.  I  do  not  re- 
collect at  this  time  t'lat  Mr.  .leflTtrbTin's  procla- 
mation had  any  effect  (jii  the  pc  rsons  then  al.iout 
JJash^'iUe,  who  were,  fron  their  cond\ict  justly 
liable  to  our  suspicions,  and  I  think,  I  took  some 
pains  to  inquire  into  that  circumstance. — Some 
tim?  afterwards  our  partyy  to  show  their  further 
j'ndig-natioM,  burnt  Durr  publicly  in  cffij^y.  1 
have  always  heleved  that  durincr  this  Burr  mat- 
ter, that  Major  Tilman  Dixon  informed  me  by 
tetter,  that  Oen.  Coffee  had  been  engTised  in 
"procuring  boats  and  provi?!ona  for  Br.iT  on  Ciun- 
berland  Kiver,  though  the  letter  if  there  was 
one,  I  cannot  now  find,  ami  T  have  examiiicd  for 
"11:.  It  was  my  understanding',  ;it  the  time,  th.it 
Col.  Stokely  U.  Hays  went  off  as  one  of  r.urr's 
men  in  his  boats,  and  I  have  never  heard  it  dia- 
J?uti-d  since.  Col.  Hays  is  a  nephew  of  ?(rs. 
.fitckson.  Ahhoufjl,  I  never  was  at  Gen.  .hick- 
son's  house  with  P.ujt,  yet  I  am  toh-rably  well 
satrs'ied,  according  to  my  recolh^'Ction  at  this 
time  of  occurrences  then,  th.at  in  Ihofall  of  1S06, 
and  winter  of  180",  Kun-  r.ud  Gf;n.  .I.ick.son 
were  very  intimate,  and  that  Burr  was  frequent- 
ly at  the  general's  house  The  .^hovc  is  a  state- 
ment of  the  most  prominent  facts  as  they  arc  fix- 
■  "T'U  my  recollection.  If  I  am  mistaken  .Vbout  any 
ihing,  it  is  about  dalfs,  and  about  tl>cm  I  do  not 
i'Stend  to  aocuracv. 

NATH.  ',V.  WILLIAMS. 

Alist  of  gcnilemcn  inthi:  hall  rnnni  at  l!ir  tiinc. 

find  who  ivcrc  preaenl  on  Ike  public  nrpinre  vf 

JViHikci/ic,   vlirn  Jitin-  was  barnt  in  cSigy,  as 

incll  as  now  rccnlhc/cd. 

Geo.  W.  L-  Slarr,  Esq.  att".  at  Uw  ;  Wm. 
■^mith,  atto.  ai  lav.-,  and  now  Cicrk  of  the  cir- 
cuit ct.  of  VViiliams'.in  county  ;  Tho.  Swann,  of 
Ya.  atto.  at  law,  (dead)  ;  IJoct.  M'atkins,  of  .'J. 
Tcim.  ;  John  G.  Blount,  of  N.  Carolina  ;  Jud^>; 
I'orter,  of  Louis'ana  ;  \.  Tonstall,  of  I'ittsvlva- 

lua  county,  Va.  K.  S.  Hall; Cnrry,  former 

Tostmasterat  Nasliville. 

I  am  not  cci  tain  that  the  .fjciitiemen  refeiTed 
to  were  present,  if  not  thfy  can  say  ;  the  great- 
er part  I  am  pretty  confident  were  present.  I 
\cry\>e!l  know  there  were  at  the  burning' of 
•■lie  eftigv  froni  out  to  twohrmd''ed  individuals. 
N.   W.    WILLIAMS. 

From  tile  Spar'a  Review; 
Jac'csoH  wild  Sun-: — In  you.r  last  number  of 
Ihe  Revic,'/ yen  defend   Gen.  Jackson,   or  you 

'Judg'e  Overton  has  no  recollection  of  haviniy 
undertaken  this  uiigi-aeimis  errand,  after  Col. 
liiirrliad  been  iiii-itcd  bv  ti'.e  .Manag'ei'.s,  a.s  sta- 
led by  Dr.  T.  G.  ■Watkiiis,  in  his  letter  of  the 
l-l-th  of  Jliy,  1828,  puMished  in  the  V'trginia 
Advocate  of  the  2d  Aujjust,  -.yhich  gives  an  ac- 
count of  this  Ball,  believed  to  be  substantially 
cblTtct.  See  also  the  statement  of  lioht.  U". 
f^iirrcy,.  late  Postmaster,  whicli  shows  that  Judg'o 
AViiiiams  must  be  nii-staken;  especially  when'it 
].;  considered  that  it  is  somewhat  diflerent  from 
'he  account  hrst  publislicd  by  him  in  tho  Spar- 


s.ay,  tVc  Tc]<;};i';iiiil ucteuds  ijinj,  '»i>  luc  4^jo;jiiu 
that !»  number  of  respectable  veterans  of  the 
revo^ition  (Col.  Rob't  H.iys,  among  the  num- 
ber, the  brother  in-law  of  Gen.  Jackson,)  ad- 
dressed (he  General  with  a  view  to  aid  him  iir 
h's  efforts  to  suppress  the  degraded  AnTon  Burr- 
Th<j  Telegraph  does  not  Kx  the  time  at  whict 
the  ia.!d;''--ss  '.viis  made,  but  say.**  it  was  made  'i 
few  weeks  lifter  J:.ckson  wrote  to  Gov  Cl.t'- 
bin'ie  Claiborne's  Letter,  you  say,  wasonttic 
12tk  November  1806,  and  a  few  weeks  after 
tha^time  would  be  about  tlie  1st  of  December 
ISIJC.  It  wotdd  be  important  to  know  where 
Bu'r  v/:isatt!iat  Cimc~lhe  time  of  Jackson's  lel= 
'ei'to  Claiborne.  At  what  part  of  Cumberland 
hi^boats  were  building — whether  at  the  mouth 
of^Stone's  river,  or  higher  up  the  Cumberland 
Wrer — nearer  to  Gen.  J-ackson'si  house.  It 
Would  be  material  also  to  know, who  the  Gen.'S 
fficnds,  an-l  relatives  v.-cre,  who  were  preparing- 
io  S'O  off  with  Burr,  and  who  did  in  fact  go  otf 
nith  him!  See  a  copj-  of  John  Hoover's  lettef 
here  enclosed. 

Now,  fron  Bnn-'s  trial,  it  appears  that  the 
Ci'spu'ators  on  the  Ohio,  fle;'.  from  lilennerlias- 
set's  Island  on  the  10th  December,  1806,  and 
v/ere  at  the  mouth  of  Cumberlano,  as  soon  as 
they  couKl  conveniently  get  there;  where  they 
met  with  Col.  Bnrr,  who  harang'ued  the  men, 
and  told  them  lie  would  develope  his  schciiicS 
to  them  more  fully,  than  he  could  with  safety 
to  his  interests,  do  there.  So  it  is  believed,  that 
at  the  precise  time  when  this  letter  was  address- 
ed by  Col.  Ko.lert  Hays,  and  other  revolutiona- 
ry veterans  to  the  General,  Aaron  Burr  was  in 
tile  noiyhborhopd  of  Gen.  Jackson's,  bulliUnp: 
boati;  and  many  of  the  General's  ncAr  rclatloii'j 
and  friends  were  ])rcparing  to  g-o  oft"  with  him. 
The  Telegraph  makes  Col.  Kobert  H..rs  express 
the  lanijuage  in  the  address  at  the  precis  time 
when  his  son.  Stoiiely  D-  Hays,  was  prrp.arintf 
to  ofo  off  in  boats  built  for  Bcrr  at  the  mouth  ot" 
Stone's  river,  a  point  on  the  O'.imbcrland,  near 
to  Gen.  Jackson's  hou.sc.  I  lived  in  Nashville 
at  the  time  -vIicm  that  address  was  first  publislicil 
in  the  papc r.s,  and  according'  to  my  rccoUeciion, 
it  was  before  tiiere  was  any  talk  of  Burr's  con^ 
spiracy.  It  new  occiU'S  to  me,  that  it  grew  ou+ 
of  the  prospect  of  a  Spanisii  war,  and  the  rela- 
tion of  Wilkinson  and  the  Spanish  army,  oh  the 
river  Sabine;  and  I  believe  it  had  at  the  time  oE 
its  first  publication,  no  other  connexion  with 
Col.  Bnrr.  He  is  believed  though,  to  have  been 
some-wiiere  in  the  Western  country — perhaps 
near  Nashville.  I  remember  to  have  held  a  con- 
vev.,ation  -Ailii  Jiidije  Jolm  Overton,  on  the  same 
evening',  oV  the  next  morninj;,  after  Gen.  Jack- 
son led  Burr  into  the  bail  room  at  Talbot's  tn.- 
vern.  Overton,  Jackson,  and  myself,  and  othei 
friends  before  tliat  time,  had  been  on  terms  of 
the  strictest  iiiiimacy,  and  it  was  the  office  ol 
Judge  Overton,  ontii.it  occasion,  to  remonstrat.: 
with  me,  on  account  of  the  part  I  wastlientakia.', 
against  Burr.  I  recollect  distinctly  in  that  con- 
versation, his  reference  to  this  company  of  old 
rren,  whose  address  had  been  signed  and  deliv 
ercd  long  before  to  Jackson,  -t  id  asked  me  if  1 
supposed  such  men  were  inimical  to  tho  coun- 
try, andwillingtocommitlreason.  If  I  answered 
any  thing,  I  nuisc  have  answered  as  I  now  be- 
lieve, that  that  address  had  no  connexion  with, 
or  allusion  to  Burr.  'I'his  conversation  was  pcr- 
bans  t'l'-  ■J--1--'  ■     .-ii'.nD-  .'iNh,""  '■<■.— ■'-^'  carno  ''" 


■l^. 


ijii;,  •;.  uU  Itii;  iiUoriumiun  that  Col.  Muvv  wuuUl 
riot  attend  the  ball,  a?  his  company  woiiH  be 
disagrepahle.* 

State  also,  if  you  please,  Mr.  Editor,  tint  in 

*  Jiidjje  Williams  sayS' — "  Wlien  this  I'.tter 
tt'as   addressed  by  Colonel   Itobcri   Hays,  a^d 
other  revulutionarj'  veterans  to  the  t^eneral, '  he 
"  lived  in  Nashvill;-,  at  the  time    uhen  tiia  ad- 
dress  was  first   published   in  the    pape^-s,   and 
according'    to    iny  recolh-ction    it     was    before 
there    sva*  ain'   talk    of    Burr's   constjiracy.** 
Here,    again,   the  Judge's    memory  fails  hini. 
'rhe    address  of  ^*//;f     rsvoiittinnary    ve'enns" 
was  first  published  in  t!ie  luiparti.d  Review,  tlie 
only  newspaper  then  in  Nashville,  on    tlie  lOth 
January,  18'J7,  immediately  after  it  was  deliver- 
ed to  Gen.    Jackson,  as  is  understood  and  be- 
lieved— certain  it  is,  that  it  v.  as  after  tlie  arrivnl  , 
of  the   I'resident's  Proclamation  of  the   27'tli 
JNov.  1806,  which  was  on  the  27th  of  Dec.  1806, 
a.ftei  Col.  Jlurr  lefi  Nashville  the  last  time  (san^e 
|nie»so!je)   for  whirh  see  Doctor  Thos.  G.  Wat- 
kins' letter  under  d;ite  of  Auf^ust  IGtIl,  182i;, 
to  the  Editors  of  the  Knoxville  Register  of  Aug. 
i^rth,  and  Robert   B.Currty's   stutement,   Ap- 
pendix No.  11.     Besides,  it  is  kmv/n  to  many 
persons   in  society  here,  that  this  address  was 
delivered  after  tl\e  amval  of  tiie  Proclaniaiion, 
which  was   tl-.e   first  authentic   information  of 
B-.a-r's  schemes;  and  the   face  of  the  address 
plaiidy  indicates  a  knowledg-e  of  the  fiict.  IJeinpf 
thus  under  an  erroncntia  impression  in  relation 
to  the  date  of  this  a.ldris.s,  ;t  follows  as  a  neces 
,sary  consequence,  that  Judge  Williams  is'in  er- 
ror, in  attributing-  to   Judge  Overton  t)ie  con- 
>  ersation  respecting  an  affair  which  did  not  I;aj-- 
pen  for  nearly  three  weeks  after  the  fiall.  when 
th'S  conversiition    is  stated  to  have  taken  place. 
'I'liisBali  w.",sa  regular  or.e  of  the  season,  wh'Ch 
was  held  njonthly,  -^ad  the  one  wliieh  took  pi  ioe 
in  December,  I'^'JO,    v.as  on   the    1S«:    of  the 
ir.oath.      Gen.  Jackson  was    one  of  (lie   regular 
subscnberi  to  these    Bulls,    irhich,  i  :.r  the  pro- 
motion of  s:;cial  int'jrcourse,  he  then  u.^ually  ut- 
■fended.      Se«  Talbot's  Tavern  .Sournal.     Gen. 
Jackson  came  from  hi;>  residence  in  (he  couiitiy, 
and  WHsat  thi.fUall.     Col.   Bu:r  wa3  ij-.vitedby 
the  managers,  and  was  rdso  there.     !t  appears 
tVom  the  impaitial  Review  that   he  arrived-  in 
SJashville  on  the  irth,  and  liie  Bali  to,:k  place  on 
the  19th.     Jiidf:-e  Philips,   inie  of  i;!is  commit- 
tee, -Jtaiei  tbat  he  was  also  at  this  Ball— -that  in 
the  evcniiig,  previous  to  it.s  commencement,  he 
was  in  company  wi(!i  M--.  Natlil.  Wi'liams  (uow 
Judge  Williams)  when  the  conversatioii  turned 
on  Ibc  subject  of  (he    unusemcnts  of  tlu'  evca- 
ing,  and   respecting  Col     );urr'3    being-  at  the 
liall,  when  it    was  di.stincliy  understood  by  tlie 
con;p-iny  (hat  Col.  Durr  was  to  be  there,  leaving 
been  invited  by  the  managers.     He  l.asar.  indis- 
tinct recoliection   thst    Mr.  Williams    la  sed  tlie 
qu'.  .-iion  as  to  the  propriety  of  l-.is  being  invited, 
but  It  seemed  to   be   conceded  by  almost  every 
person,  that   t'ol.  liurr  was  entitled  to  tiie  com- 
hion  civiiities  of  sojial  -ntercoursi^,  o-sually  ob- 
served   to-.V!u-ds    dislingiiished    or   resoectable 
strangers.     Vi'hen  in  t!ie  Ball  room,  Judge  I'hi- 
Kpi  did  not  see  any  marked   attentions   on  the 
part  of  Gen.  Jackson  towards  C<>1.  Burr— ifthcre 
w-ere  any  such,  it  ha>  escaped  his  recollection. 
See  also  nn  this  suh;cct>fr.  Cnrr-v  y  stat^picnt, 
marked  Nn,  1 1        ' 


the  lowu  of  M'.MJniiviUe,  theie  li'.-es  a  liian  oy 
the  name  '.-f  Threderick  Borton — a  ma  c;f  truth!* 
and  respectability,  as  I  '.i.>e  heard  er.- — hen 
states  that,  in  1805,  he  was.  one  of  Burr's  TO«i, 
and  was  mnstered  into  service  .at  the  Clover 
Bottom,  with  arms  in  their  hands — tliat  about 
se^'enty-five  men  sign'-dihe  list  of  enrolment  at 
the  same  time  with  himself — that  at  that  iiir.t; 
Gen.  Jackson  and  Aaron  Burr,  were  on  the 
ground,  and  that  Patton  Anderson  w:.s  bis  Cap- 
tain Btirton  says  when  th.-  meo  under  Ander- 
son separataJ,  it  -.vas  under  an  agreenieni,  as 
to  'he  lime  when  they  were  to  march  off  with 
B'.UT,  as  his  men — -ind  that  before  \\\^t.  tune 
came  round,  the  matter  burs'ed.  Thisisacon- 
den.sed  view  of  what  Mr.  Burton  says,  who  re- 
fuses to  give  a  written  statement.  Now,  whei> 
Gen.  Jackson  was  summoned  as  a  wltncws  to 
Richmond  against  Buir,  if  lie  had  called  an 
Burton  as  another  witness,  the  Government 
would  have  been  enabled  to  have  pioved  an 
overt  act  of  Treason  on  Burr — Treas<in,  when 
connected  with  Gen.  Eaton's  and  Commodore: 
Truxtun's  evidence.  Why,  let  me  r-k;  did  he 
fail  to  do  so.'  When  I  recollect,  that  the  de- 
sti-uction  of  the  Anierio.an  Institutions  was  the 
object  of  the  Burr  ■Cons|-i'-ac},  and  ilrat  Gen, 
Jackson  was  in  the  possscss-on  of  f«eis.'!i:d  cir- 
cumstances *hich  could  have  convicted  the 
Conspirators,  and  yet  improperly  withheld  then? 
whe-n  summoned  to  nichmond  to  give  testimo- 
ny, thirreby  -nahhng  tl-.eni  to  escape  from  pun- 
ishment, I  am  filled  with  astonishment,  that  the 
American  Nation  should  ihir.k  for  a  monitnt,  of 
suppurlioghis  pretensions  to  the  highesL  o'ticc 
in  the  g.f"t  of  the  people.  In  view  of  this  state 
of  things,  I  trr  Tible  for  my  country's  honor  and 
safty. 

If  Mr.  Jederson,  invested  as  he  was  whh  such 
pof;tJCil  power  and  a'Jlho-.-ft_r.  had  been  KS 
fri--  ndly  to  IVirr's  sclienies  as  Jackson  is  believ- 
ed to  have  be.-n,  it  .s  ioipossiule  fo^  the  n:ln'!  c-P 
man  to  conceit  e  the  disasters  tliat  v  ould  have 
threatened  the  s.afety  of  this  Union. 

N.'Vni.  W.  WILLIAMS. 
[IC] 
VriLUAM  SMITH'S  STATI-.MENT. 
Eii,vxKi.it;,  A:;g.  irvli,  18'28. 
DiARSin:  In  answer  to  yoji'  ;:o,e,  which 
came  t ;  Ir.iiid  on  tiie  evening-  of  yesterday,  re- 
questing me  to  state  wliat  I  recollect  of  Aaron 
Burr  heir.g  at  a  ball  at  Na.shville,  many  year? 
ago— what  u-ansj)ired  o-i  tiiat  occasion,  and  olso 
as  to  his  having  Ijeen  binned  in  efiigy  in  tlial 
place,  1  would  remark,  that  I  was  not  preseiil 
at  tlie  hall  Judge  Williams  speaks  of,  neither 
was  i  in  Nash-.il!e  on  the  evening  ol'  the  ball, 
I  afterwards  understood  thai  Col.  Burr  attended 
it,  and  that  li.'--  company  gci-.e-all} ,  un-.i  the 
ladies  partieuiaiiy,  wei-e  much  pleased  ivdh  his 
geiiilemanly  and  cour.ly  dciiorjinent.  I  do  not 
recollect  hwing  hcaid  that  any  objections  were 
made  to  the  [u-opriety  of  (lie  attend.ince  o{  Col, 
Burr  at  tli'-s  Ball — ;f  suc'i  e-visted  at.  tins  tinve, 
they  were  confined  to  the  iier,sorei  entertainiiijj 
them,  as  least  so  far  as  1  'y.now,  never  iiaviuj 
head  of  theiTi. 

I  do  not  recollect  having  Ivcaid  Judge  WIV 
liams  express  Iiimself  unfriendly  to  Col.  Burr,  iu- 
liis  enterprise,  until  after  conjecture  and  rumour 
hat!  assured  to  it  a  trea.son.dde  ciiaractcr.  Soais 
short  time  after  Burr  left  NashviUii,  (v.-hcn  he 
■'•:?<;  OU  1/'"  '."ay  to  New  Oi-lcaric  T  ■■■■';e^*e.  "^  sttni  - 


-ly-i 


;iqrsBij.j  turufti  ^"'^  »n  iiiiigy-  i  v.'as  r.ot  in 
?Ji>shville  when  this  took  place,  but  licanl  that 
some  few  irnUviduuls  caused  the  eiiig'y  to  be 
made,  and  procured  some  persons  to  take  it  to 
the  public  square  and  set  it  on  Grc;  but -.vho 
inade  it,  or  who  committed  it  to  I  he  flames  I  do 
not  know,  but  tliiuk  Judge  Williams  informed 
me  that  he  liad  some  hand  in  the  afl'uir.  I  would 
observe,  in  conclusion,  that  it  has  been  so  long- 
F.nce  these  things  occurred,  that  many  minor 
particu!a-s  mr.y,  anrl  doubtlesss  have,  escaped 
-Tiy  recollection;  but  of  the  correctness  of  the 
preceding  statement  I  have  no  doubt,  so  f:u-  m 
memory,  (alter  a  lapse  of  many  years,)  maybe 
Vf'ried  upoi).    "  I  ana^  Sir,  vours,  S:c. 

\v.  synn. 

[U.] 
JfTB.   CURRKY'S   STATEUBNT. 

Nashviiliv,  Au;;.  25th,  IS'ZS. 

Having"  seen  in  the  public  priiiLs  a  statement 
of  N.  \V.  Williams  that  I  was  pteseii*  n1  iho 
burning'  of  Col.  Durr's  clflgy,  and  knowiniv  tlio 
sam-e  to  be  destitute  of  truth,  1  was  led  (o  ex- 
amine into  the  nrturacy  ef  some  of  his  other 
assertions,  and  am  astonishc<l  that  any  person 
having  pretensions  to  amdor,  sliould  h.iictinl 
statements  sd  iiiaccumts  botli  as  to  dates  and 
iji.a'tcrs  of  fact. 

The  Dall  which  he  nosv  would  wish  to  be 
consiilercd  as  havin<j  been  .Cfot  up  as  a  m.ark  of 
respect  lo  IUut,  after  the  receipt  of  the  Presi- 
dent's proclamation,  was  in  fact  one  of  our  re- 
gular Assembly  Balls;  and  though  Judcfe  Wil- 
3>ams  may  have  lost  the  recollection  of  my  jiven 
name,  as  well  as  otlier  thing's  of  more  import- 
ance, ye.t  if  lie  has  a  lucid  moment,  the  .Tudgw 
piuEt  recollect  he  called  on  me  tlie  day  preced- 
ing' che  Rail,  to  address  the  mr.nafccrs  to  cn- 
lilude  Col.  Uurr^  which  he  said  I  CJ)u!d  do  with 
wore  propiiety  a.?  one  of  the  orig-'nal  subscrib- 
(Tra  by  the  season,  (which  I  think  he  said  lie 
>y,-»3  no;,)  and  that  I  positively  objccled,  and 
g-avc  as  my  reasons,  that  it  would  be  violating' 
die  hospitality  already  ofiVred,  on  mere  rumor, 
'.vhicli  might  or  might  not  be  true,  I  believe 
fliat  the  pprformancc  of  tliis  piece  of  etiquette 
was  not  i!npo'ST?d  on  the  managers — Col.  Burr 
attended,  and  was  politely  received,  as  fhrasniy 
ob<!<Tvr.ticii  cxteiidc'.l. 

<;,!,  g.vir.j?  the  tbllowinir  slntcmcnt,  my  rctiCj- 
fectioi:,  though  it  perfectly  serves  me,  is  sup- 
ivirtejl  by  a  reference  to  a  correspondence  ivith 
iliL-  I'kJstm-.Kter  Gener.d  on  tlio  subject.  The 
{nessage  and  proclamation  of  the  Pnsideut,  ac- 
companied by  tic n.  Iviton's  communication,  ar- 
•ived  at  Ncvsiivitlc-  on  the 27th  IJcc.  \Sl<e,'  seve- 
ral days  after  Col.  Burr  descended  the  river,  and 
not  before  ;  antl  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  the 
qfRgyofCoI.   Burr  was  burnt.     It  wag  conjtc- 

•  Extract  (if  a  'cttcr  from  .lames  Sounders  la 
Gen.  Daniel  Sm-th,  Senator  in  Congress,  datetl 
3st  .Tantiary,  1807. 

"  liy  the  last  papers  I  have  received  the  Pre- 
iidenl's  mcRiage — also  his  iiroctair-ition,  which 
T  suppose  u-as  produced  by  the  acts  of  Aaron 
Surr" 

By  referen-c  to  tlie  books  o.f  the  PostmDster, 
it  appears  Ih.at  the  Northern  mail  arrived  in 
;;ashville  on  the  27th  December,  1806.  Of 
course  this  v.':t-,  tlic  last  mail  rferred  to  in  Air. 
Saunders' letter  of  the  1st  Jarmarvj  18^ — the 
"r>.ii1  irrivin^bnf  nnr^^  i  w(*cTc. 


Uircii  ihtn  tluU  Cul.  Bun-  must  iiave  re iciieij 
tho  Qtiio,  and  might  be  on  the  Mis-sissippi,  if 
not  detained.  I  was  not  ono  of  Mr.  Williams,' 
party!  at  this  efligy  burning,  as  he  assert.s,  nor 
did  lever  witness  a  ceremony  of  the  kind,  be- 
leviilg  tliat  such  measures  were  better  suited  to 
the  iinorant,  than  an  enlightencdcommmfityof 
freeiicn,  whose  laws  and  ballot  box  are  opei\ 
for  tie  punisliment  of  offenders  ;  and  find  that 
in  nfeiitinning  this  effigy  in  my  letter  to  the 
PoEtmaster  General  (fortl'.e  '■redltof  our  town) 
I  doerced  an  apology  necessary.  These  com- 
munications were  msde  In  complianco  with  in- 
structions from  the  Postmaster  General  to  in- 
form him  of  the  state  of  affairs,  he.  &c.  I  wa? 
not  commissioned  Postmaster  for  some  time  al- 
ter this,  but  haij  been  the  acting  Postrmrster  foi' 
Stifera!  yeaits. 

Seth  Pease,  B.sq.  arrived  here  early  in  Janua- 
ry, 1807,  and  shoii-ed  me  his.  insti-uctioiTS  from 
tlie  Poht  Master  General,  requirirrg  my  co-opc- 
nition  in  inquiring  into  Col  Burr's  projects,  l^.c. 
Af'er  remaining  as  long  as  he  deemed  necessa- 
ry, ho  s-et  out  for  the  Mississippi  Territory;  be- 
ing then  or  shortly  aflcr,  appointed  Surveyor 
General  of  that  Territory— Mr.  Pease,  while 
here,  was  persevering;  mingling  occa.sionally  la 
mixed  companies  in  cogitiln.  lie  told  me  be- 
fore he  left  this  place,  "tliat  he  was  per-tctly  sat- 
isfied if  Col.  Burr  had  any  treusor.able  views  h'i 
had  not  disclosed  them  he;'e  ;  but  that  ho  had 
imposed  on  some  by  false  pretences,  of  .an  eji- 
pcdition  against  Me'xico,  in  which  he  was  to  be 
aided  or  at  least  sanctioned  by  our  Clov- 
ernmenf,  that  if  the  U.  S.  Army  then  on  the  line 
sliould  fail  to  cn-opcrate,  and  they  were  over, 
powered,  it  would  rover  their  retreat,  and  they 
could  fdlb.ick,  settle  on  Baron  B.astrop's  grant, 
and  wait  a.morc  favorable  opportunity,  a-s  a  w,-]? 
w'tti  Sp'iin  Was  ineviti'.lilc:  and  that  he  imposed 
on  others,  by  the  pro'i.isc  of  Washita  lands,  in- 
ducing  tlicp'i  to  be!"-.-ve  tiiat  his  views  extcidcd 
i}o  further  tl.aii  a  peaceable  .settlement  there. 

Ml-.  Williams  called  on  --le  frequently  after 
Cnl.  Run- became  an  object  ef  suspicion,  andln 
rny  ofHce,  conversed  freely  on  the  subject,  and 
as"  I  thought  withlield  nothing,  yet  ho  never 
told  me  that  Gen.  Jackson  w.anted  to  enlist  hint 
to  fight  the  Spaniards,  nor  even  mentioned  his 
name  a.s  connected  with  or  even  knowing  to  any 
ofCol.  Burr's  scheme.!. 

It  would  appear  superfluous  in  me,  a  private, 
though  an  eld  citizen,  to  cffbr  my  testimany  of 
tho  irnocence  of  Gen.  .lackson,  further  than 
kiiov.-a  facta  may  serve  to  defend  his  well  earn,- 
cd  fame  from  foul  aspersions:  Those  who  know 
mes  know  him,  and  I  fee!  confident  that  no  one 
w!io  docs  kno-.v  him,  can  conscientiously  and 
Kolemnlv  sav,  that  t'ley  believe  or  ever  <lid  be- 
lieve, tJjat  he  ever  kiiew  of  and  ajiproved,  o-.- 
even  connived  at  treason — no;  but  rather  tba^ 
his  lii-m  integr'ty  in  snpjiort  of  the  Union,  the 
constilutinn.'and  our  republican  institutions  ri> 
their  piiritj",  has  whetted  the  envy  of  hia  oppo- 
nMit,%  bcc-auso  of  tho  coiiti-.ast. 

nOBEKT  B.   CUKREY. 
[13.] 
WILLIS    ALSTON'S   STATEMKNT. 

I  hereby  certif\',  that  in  a  conversation  with 
Mr.  Jefl'erson,  tiien  President  of  tlie  United 
State--,  respecting  the  movement  of  Col.  Burr 
in  t^c  West.  I  observed  that  the  rumour  of  the 
d:<v   w-ns,  tliat  Ge'ne-ril    \nJi'e-.v  .rnrksnn   had 


lyu 


i  jiUcU  iiiii'.'  ■  Ko.i  SO",  or,  nut  lruc»  said  JSr.  ,Tef- 
jerson,  for  I  tliis  day  received  n  letter  fn.m  him 
(^Gcu.  Jackson,)  intbrmiiig  uie  tiiat  be  Imlsccii 
Uurr,  ami  that  BuiT  said  liis  entevpns>  was 
sanctioned  by  tlie  poveinm?iit,  and  lie,  .Tacvson, 
bad  been  tendered  a  high  command  by  Ijiirr, 
and  asked  of  Mr.  .TefTerson  the  views  d  tlie 
Government,  tenderinj^  his  services,  if  waited, 
'o  make  a  descent  upon  Mexico,  as  stated  by 
VInrr,  but  if  KiiiT  was  not  authorized  b\  the 
g^Dvernment  to  carry  on  his  euterjirisc  as  stated, 
Vl^en  he,  Jackson,  was  ready  to  arrest  him 

\V1I,U.S   ALSTON".' 

CJmiiitr  of  I'.r  I{.  TUpreaentalives,   ? 

J>ebfuary  Uth,  1828.   J 

(I'i) 

COL.    HAYS'   LETTEn- 

77(B   Chiiiriuan   i>f  the    Jaclno7i   Comntitltc  ul 

Nasltvillc. 

Srn — In  an"!weT  to  your  call  on  me,  for  i.ny 
information  in  ray  possession  in  relation  to  the 
Sht'  ha-iiafSF,  I  have  to  remark,  tiiat  Col.  Burr 
;a'js  nn  intmiatc  friend  and  brother  of&cer  of  my 
fallier,  during  the  revolutionary  war.  He  visited 
him  in  1804  or  5 — became  acquainted  witji  me; 
profe^cd  tu  be  much  pleased  with  me,  and  en- 
listed my  feelings  for  him.  He  requested  my 
iUthe-r  to  permit  me  to  !>'o  with  him  to  New  York 
and  study  law.  He  objected,  on  the  ff.  ound 
that  I  wa-s  too  young',  and  had  not  .advanced  suf- 
ticiently  in  my  Academical  course.  But  it  was 
SEjreed  and  understood  that  I  should  g"o  in  t!ie 
course  of  two  or  three  years  to  finish  my  educa- 
tion with  Col.  Burr.  In  the  winter  of  IS'.tC,  ~, 
Uie  Col.  came  to  Nashvdie,  and  sent  for  me 
Vvhen  atscliool,  near  there,  and  on  meetinij  hiin, 
lio  cl-oimed  the  promise  which  had  been  m.a(]e 
to  him  on  his  first  vi.sit — but  stated  ho  was  !;oing 
by  the  way  of  the  Mississippi,  and  thai  1  must 
accompany  him,  and  that  he  liad  seen  my  father 
jind  obtained  his  consent — that  he  received  me 
a"s  a  spn#  and  I  must  consider  liini  in  the  charac- 
fer  of  a  father.  I  observed  to  him,  that  1  must 
see  and  consult  my  friends,  before  I  gave  my 
irnal  consent.  On  advising  with, them,  some 
doubt  of  Mr.  Eurr's  object  was  suggested,  but. 
lie  having-  pledged  his  word  of  honor,  th.at  he 
bad  nothing  in  view  hostile  to  the  best  interests 
of  the  United  States,  I  determined  to  go  with 
llim.  Mr.  C.  C.  Claiborne  was  at  that  time 
GCyernor  of  Louisiana,  and  an  old  friend  of  my 
litlier's,  and  had  requested  him  to  permit  me 
to  go  to  New  Orleans  as  lira  private  SecrelAry. 
To  him  Gen.  Jackson  wi-ote  a  letter,  and  gave 
va&  to  deliver,  nrgino"  it  on  me,  in  the  most  earn- 
est raannt-T,  to  leave  Lurr,  if  at  any  time  1  should 
discover  he  had  any  views  or  Intentions  inimi- 
cal to  the  interests  or  integrity  of  the  Govei-n- 
Vienf.  I  left  my  father's  on  horseback,  about 
the  middle  of  December,  1K06,  and  joined  Mr. 
Uurr  at  the  mo»th  of  Cumberland  river,  and 
Went  with  him  down  to  the  mouth  of  Bayou 
JPien'e,  where  I  leftliim,  and  saw  him  no  more, 
except  at  a  ball  in  Washington,  Mississippi,  and 
on  his  trial  there  before  ttic  Court. 

Kespectfullv,  your  obedient  servant, 

S.  D.  II AV.?. 

•Tons  OVETITOX, 

C'iairnuttt  NashrUk  ConunilleP. 

[15.] 
LETTER  OF   M«.    GKAVES. 

To  Cajit.  .IndrewJ.  Jhnckon, 

^^^r- — In  answer  to  v.-nir  v(>'!Tal   inquiry  thrr>' 


Col,  Williainsuii,  !  can  iniul'ill  )oii  wiiat  I  said 
to  him,  and  will  always  say,  when  called  on,  tr» 
wit: — That  at  the  time  Coi.  Burr  was  building' 
a  boat  on  Stone's  river,  or  near  the  mouth  of  it, 
there  was  a  rnmor  among  I'lc  people  that  he 
wanted  foity  or  fifty,  or  more,  young  men  to 
go  with  llim  to  some  place  not  known,  and  th.iV, 
he  would  g-ivc  liberal  wages  A  young  mauv 
Mr.  Rutherford  Ilutlaiid,  had  some  niition  of 
going  with  Burr,  but  seemed  unwilling  to  em- 
i)aik  unless  he  knew  his  intentions,  and  could 
receive  some  certain  assvirance  of  the  amount  of 
wag-es.  As  I  was  going  to  Nashville  in  compa- 
ny with  the  said  liutherfn-d  Rutland,  we  foun-d 
Gen.  Jackson  ata  store  near  the  Clover  Gottom, 
and  I  there  remarked  to  Rutland  that  he  had 
better  -ask  Gen.  Jackson  if  ho  knew  Burr's  in- 
tcnlioiis,  bcforo  he  engaged  him.self  to  desceiKt 
the  river  with  him.  lie  did  so,  and  the  Gener- 
al answered  in  a  very  prompt  and  decided  man- 
ner, that  he  knew  nothing  of  Burr's  inte^tion^!, 
and  advised  him  to  stay  at  Home. 

JOHN  G.   GR.VVEP.. 
JNO.    OVERTON',  Chciirmau. 
n.    C.  FOSTER,  DAN'L.   GRAHAM, 

R.    WnVTE,  JESSE   V.-H/VinOiV. 

JKO.   CATRON,  JO.SLMl   NICHOL, 

G.  W.  CAMPBELL,    EDWARr;  WARD, 
TEL   CL.\!BORNE,      W  M.  !!.  LEWIS, 
F'X.  ROBERTSON,    WM.    L.    BUO^V"^^ 
.1-OS-    PHILIPS,  WM.    AVHITE, 

.TNO.   SHELBY,  ALi'RED  BAI.CHs 

DAN'L.   GRAHAM,   Secrelar;;. 

Trorn  the  New  York  Evening  Post. 

The  following  is  taken  from  the  PenrBylvani- 
an,  a  well  conducted  weekly  paper,  pul.hslied 
in  PiiiUdelphia,  devoted  principaily  to  litera- 
ture, and  although  occasionally  introducing  po. 
litical  topics,  yet  always  treating  them  with 
great  moderation  and  decorum  — We  take  it 
for  granted  therefore,  tliat  the  particulars  rela- 
ted in  the  article  below  are  uiiquestionably  aii- 
thentic,  and  we  recommend  it  to  ihe  sober  con- 
sideration of  the  slanderers  of  Gen.  Jackson's 
character. 

Characleristic  Jlnccdoic. — A  young  missionary 
from  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  wliile  on  hi,<> 
w.ay  some  vcars  ago  to  his  station  among  some, 
of  the  western  Indi.ins,  fell  sick  near  Nashville, 
Tennessee.  His  funds  were  small,  and  the 
Classis  of  Albany,  or  thereabouts,  from  wliiciv 
he  came,  were  -slow  in  his  remittances.  His 
monevsoon  went  away  for  medicine  and  b.>ardr 
in?-;  his  horse  followed;  and  after  awhile  he. 
had  little  remaining  of  the  things  of  this  world 
but  a  relapsed  bilioiiB  fever,  and  a  scanty  pair 
of  .saddle  bags,  ile  called  his  landlord,  am\ 
announced  his  condition:  his  remnant  ofclotli- 
ing,  he  said,  would  scarcely  defray  llie  expen 
se's  of  hisburi.al;  and  if  he  continued  longer  a 
living  inmate  of  the  taicrn,  it  ir.iirt  be  without 
the  hope  of  compensation  to  those  around  liiip-. 
The  innkeeper  was  embarrassed;  for  bis  om  ii 
blender  means  did  not  invite  to  the  exercise  of 
costly  hos!)itality ;  yet  his  conscience  refused  Xo 
turn  tlie  sick  stranger  from  his  house.  A  plail 
a'  la.st  struck  him  for  tlie  relief  of  both  parties; 
■■  You  must  be  carried,  he  said,  to  the  Ilermil- 
age,  to  General  Jackson's."  It  was,  intleed,  a 
severe  trial  for  the  young  mis-sionary,  to  become 
the  volunteer  guest  of  so  formidable  a  pci-son- 
aoTP,  the  murdi-i-pr  of  Arlnithnot  and  AivlTri-itev, 


496 


ujlio  Iwng  ilic  pvoiiliet  i'liincisj  and  s'uot  the 
six  militia  meo.  But  there  was  no  alternative: 
he  had  no  rifflit  to  remsin  where  he  was;  asid 
vhen  the  General's  cnrriape  arrived  to  convey 
liimaway,  he  entered  It  with  a  determined  feel- 
ing of  a  martyr.  His  disease  was  violent  and 
obstinate;  but  after  a  fortnight  of  almoii*  uiire- 
jTiitting-  deiiriiira,  during'  which  his  imagination 
Was  busy  wjtli  scahis  and  tomahawks,  and  deeds 
of  blood,  his  con%lituti"n  triumphed.  Awak- 
ing to  ii  consciousness  of  his  situation,  he  found 
hinMeJf  in  an  airy,  comfortabie  apartment,  where 
every  thinij  was  quiet,  simpl-.-,  and  unostenta- 
tious. The  elderly  niation,  who  sat  watching' 
isilenily  by  liis  pillow,  niig-ht  have  served  for  a 
model  of  tliat  charity,  which  .suftereth  ionij  and 
is  kind;  and  he.' venerable  partner,  whoc.mein 
soon  after,  liad  nothinR-  about  hiin  of  the  fierce 
and  vinchctive  expression,  -.vith  which  a  morbid 
ftncy  had  painted  him.  As  his  strength  return- 
ed, the  strai.ffcr  had  many  opportunities  of  stu- 
clyinpf  the  character  of  h's  host,  snd  of  ob.crv- 
jngthe  estiiiiation  in  which  others  !;c".d  him. 
He  saw  him  frank,  iinellig-erit,  and  kind-heart- 
ed; the  g'uardian  of  the  orplian,  tile  advise- of 
the  friendless,  and  i!ie  favorite  depository  of  all 
three  trusts,  v/Ii.ch  are  considered  m-iel  respon- 
sible ai\d  sacred  among  men.  He  foun'l  his 
house  the  refn.i^e  of  tlu-  widow  and  the  poor, 
and  his  talile  tht  pattern  of  the  simple  but  cor- 
dial iiospitality  of  the  west.  He  stood  with  iiim 
in  the  morninij  an  1  evening  circle  of  family  de- 
votion, and  heard  him  pray  for  the  forgiveness 
of  his  enemies.  He  smiled  at  hU  own  delu:.ii>n, 
as  he  contrasted  the  oxellent  old  chief  with 
the  portrait  which  his  imajjiii.ation  h.xui  dcline- 
flteii;.  Some  four  weeks  af\erv,'ards,  the  i-omig; 
fe!c?*j'n!.jii  was  seen,  renewed  in  health.,  "v.'eil 
mounted, 'and  his  p.iiic  ■■-■«!'  filled  by  the  yiexi- 
craVs  liberality,  ploddiuff  his  way  to  the  niis-jr-'n- 
ary  st;it.,m.  His  first  !-tter  to' his  friends  told 
of  all  these  thin^  and  invoked  the  blessings  of 
•  rieavcii  on  the  {joo.d  Samaritan,  wl'.o  had  reliev- 
ed him  ill  his  hour  of  need. 


From  the  HarlP'rd  Times. 

As  the  election  approaches,  tlic  Adams  men 
are  rcvll-'.n;?  their  often  told  slanders  against 
<jpn.  .I.icicson,  and  in  order  to  carrj-  their  points, 
it  is  nr'f  to  be  dotibtcd  that  everv  species  of  eal- 
uniiiy '.vin  h;-  Te^->r;'^.'  to,  intil  the  -lection  takes 
place.  U'e  would  pu*  our  friends  or.  tlieir 
guai-d  agpin-st  pivintj  ciodoncc  to  wiiar  may  be. 
asserted  by  them,  for  we  sliail  not  be  .ssirprised 
it'  they  put  in  circ\riation  on  the  very  eve  of  the 
electio!;,  r"i>oi't3  tlial  he  is  dead  or  that  some 
■calamity  has  bef;dlen  hiiii,  Tliose  who  coidd 
print  and  is^nc  the  coffin  liandblUs,  who  can 
put  sucli  viJe  constructions  on  tiie  moti-res  and 
conduc'i  of  some  n:  cur  best  men,  tiiat  .lackson 
and  hi...  f;ienus  iiiigi.t  be  injured,  arc  capable  of 
any 'i^etiis  of  fraud  tliat  malice  ,aud  intrigue 
can  invent  (ir  propagate. 

It  has  been  uiifortimate  for  the  .^dr.ms  i>:irty, 
tliat  tliey  commenced  their  falsehoods  at  so  ■■::u-]y 
g.  period.  They  iiave  been  m"t'  and  exposed, 
and  those  whom  they  have  onco  deceived,  will 
be  cautiou.':,  and  gu.arded  against  future  impo- 
;  ilioits. 

The  administration  iiealots  have  recently  h:'.d 
much  to  say  of  dinger  of  evil  examples  in  pub- 
lic men,  and  are  tellint;  their  friends  to  beware 
<>f  .T';!cUsl:i]!.      Tf  rV- '^-i   '' -•  ••. '.:-'l  not  f{o  g»1- 


loping/Uirougli  tiie  co'aiitry  oji  tiie  sa:bi>ai.i., 
dl-cssefl  in  the  parb  of  a  jockey.  He  would 
not  litd  his  influence  to  fan  the  eml)ei'S  of  a 
fanatcal  excitement  against  the  masonic  insti. 
tutio«,  or  write  letters  for  private  circulation 
ap;airjt  a  body  of  men,  many  iJ"  >yhom  in  point 
of  pstriotisiii,  talents  and  every  civil  or  moral 
qualfication  arc  immeasurably  superior  to  Mr. 
Adains. 

Nor  would  he  call  to  liis  cabinet  or  retain  as 
Secit:taiy  of  State,  a  man  wlio  could  cluJleag^ 
to  the  field  of  mortal  combat,  a  Senator  of  the' 
llni(fd  Suites,  in  viol.-.tion  of  the  cunstitiitioiij 
and  the  laivs  of  (iod  and  man.  Mr.  Adams  hi'.s 
■■jhoirn  himselftiie  friend  and  patron  of  diieUists. 
IJe  has  prirtectLtl  and  taken  to  his  coi.fii'ence 
tienry  Clay,  anJ  tliat  too  under  the  cii-cuni 
stances  (seting  aside  the  barg'.ain  an'i  sale- 
wiiich  no  other  man  would  have  done,  who  res- 
])ccte<l  Itimself  or  the  laws.  Tlie  following  is 
the  Si-^ms'one  epislk  of  Henry  Clay  issued  onr 
the  31st  of  -.laniiary,  1825.  Within"  little  more 
than  thirty  days  from  its  piibli-atioii  the  same' 
individual,  v.'ho  challenges  the  whole  world 
who  holds  his  adversary  as  hz  does  himself  /■€.■■■- 
pnnsihle  in  all  the  lavis  xvkic/i  sin-ern  and  regu  - 
lulK  men  of  honor,  is  nominated  by  Joim  Quincy 
Ada'.jis  to  tlie  second  office  of  the  Government. 

"A  Card. — 1  hav<;  seen  without  anj  other 
emotion  than  that  oi'  ineflable  contempt,  the 
abuse  which  has  been  |5-.;ured  out  upon  me  by 
a  scurrilous  paper,  issued  in  this  city,  and  by 
other  kindred  prints  ^ind  persons,  in  reg-ard  to 
the  Presidential  F.kctiun.  Th.e  editor  of  one 
of  tlio-^e  prints  uiiliered  forth  in  Pliiladelphia, 
cal'--<l  the  Columbian  Obsei'tcr,  for  which  I  do 
i:ot  sub'.cribc,  and  wbich  1  have  not  ordered,. 
has  h;;d' the  impud-nce  to  transmit  to  me  his 
vik:  ,-.'iper  ef  il'.e  23th  i.r.st.  In  thr,t  number  i- 
;:,.  ji't.-d''a.feltc!',  :,Ui'porti:ig  to  have  been  writ- 
ten iVom  tills  city,  ou  the  25th  inst.  by  a  .mem- 
ber of  the  House  of  Iteprcsentativcs,  belong- 
ing to  the  Pennsylvania  delegation.  I  believe 
it  to  be  a  forgery;  bnt,  if  it  be  genuine,  I  pj-o-. 
ncunce  the  member,  whoever  he  may  be,a  b.asp 
and  infa;nou3  cah'.mniator,  a  dastard  and  liar; 
and  if  he  dare  unveil  himself  and  avow  hi-- 
nar,~.e,  I  will  hjld  him  responsible,  a.s  I  here  ad 
mit  myself  to  be,  to  all  the  la'.vs  which  govern 
and  r^ulate  the  conduct  of  men  of  honor.  . 

2Ut.  Juniiorij,  \6-2S.  H.   CLAV.'- 

Kot  satisfied  with  tiiis  general  challenge,  Mr. 
C\i\  the  following  year  called  iUr.  Uandclph  to- 
the  licUl.  Th^re  is  a  clause  in  the  con.stitutioti, 
tls:itc>nstiti.tioii  wbicii  botJi  Mtssi-s.  Adams  and 
Clay.iiad  s'.vjrn  to  defend  und  maintain,  whicfli 
savs  tiiat,  merahci'b  shaJl  r.ot  bo  iicld  respnns'- 
bl'c  for  words  spoken  m  debate.  Mr.  Clay., 
h.ov.evev,  found  it  convenient  ai  set  tins  clause 
aside — Mr.  Ilandolph  had  justly  ceuiure--.  \,\xa, 
in  the  5?enate,  and  is  held  responsible  therefur. 
We  v.ill  not  stop  at  tliis  time  to  compare  tUt^ 
iiigli  minded  and  honorable  conduct  of  the  X'v:- 
ginia  Senator,  wlio  sUtVered  him.self  tO';;^c  tlK- 
inaik  of  llio  Secrcru'}  of  State  withoutretum 
ing  his  fire — -.vi'l:  that  of  the  iiritabTe  and  e.\, 
cited  Ml'.  Clay.  The  wliole  figliling  palt  oi 
the  d'lel  wns  i)trformed  by  Mr.  Clay,  and  Alr. 
Adam.i  approves  his  conduct,  still  retiiins  liiir_ 
as  Secretary,  and  makes  common  catise  with 
him.  Who  after  this  can  say  that  Mr.  Adam? 
is  opposed  *"  t'le  rn-in'-inle  or  pntrtiif  "f  ,Tik-' 
ling' 


7iiit3  p.-vjier  Will  be  (l.cvi,tcd  cxcUisivc-h"'  to  the  Prc.s:,!eiU:al  IlUclioii,  v.m\  be  pvibli 
Olidl  Uie  15\h  ofOC'-OUer  noxt,  ;'q.-  Out  Jhluir;  subject  to  iiewspiiptr  postajje,  i 


1,  r.iiA  be  pvibllbhctl  weetiv 


VOL.   1. 


^^■ASHiNGTON,  OCTOBER  IS,  182S. 


No.  32 


Ai: 


HE.S'iiV   (JIAV  AND    TUB  E.VK. 
A  new  vi'fo  of  tlie  oM  s'.nrij  of  ilic  bar^i::;; 
•"  Kesving-  not  o»e  iuop  Lo  Irituj  o/Jd  <l<>ubtuj)3ii. '" 

"Oh  \ivA  one  iitvu'id  /nor  ma       <»r-K-iM  nijy 
,iksirt  i.H,  Ma<  //te  .Jtmi^li-'i/  voiilil  ap.s-i-ci  ="  ^-j 
Slid  l/iui  mioe  (tflsersan/  Jicd  mritliji  a-beali-'' — 
Job,  chap.  xxxj.  ver.  33. 

Mv.  Chy  lii3  MTilUy!  tlires  boiit.s,  aivil  nruit'o 
.sundry  elecUoiiBeriii;;  sjifetiied,  iiuaei-  thepre- 
X?\t  or  viwiiciitint^  liinise^f  a{^aiiisl  tho  .0itui'i;"O 
-■oi"  placlni^  liiinseli'  i:i  h'-s  p-;;i^r.t  oiEci,  DV 
■means  ofa  U,'i'ir:i:n  with  .Mr.  .\dira». 

Tile  wi'iter  ihuiks  that  tlie  c-^)i:lents  of  t'.ies?" 
Jvmitcs   and  spocd'.t*,   connected  wi'h   certaia 
•known  and  t'StabUsheU  fs<;!?,  prove,  iintiuestioR- 
nbly,  tile  i-ea!:ty  ol' ili:it  bavg.iin;  espec.aily  afsci- 
t'n-i   n<:w  acvelo!)tmc;iit3  made  in    Wr.  Clay's 
.!t;t!c-r  fo  .Mv.  Kbir.;  Ibc  dkclosni-e  cftlie  secret 
Jriigai.-i  With  Mr.  Conk,   aiitl  written  plc-<lge   ti) 
Jtlr.  Webjtei'.     Tlii;se  p.ipers,  coii.iected  with 
.<itiier  ui:ic'.0bui'ts  iVom  y,\i\    Cl:iv  ijimse'f,  prt- 
-sc-nt   p.cw  asjj'jct?,    and  uew   coioriNijiS  to  the 
fiufgiiii,  which  stauip  its  rea'Jty^'itti   perfect 
<-r;ru^inty.     'i'iio  \i-i-;tc;t.  "ww^.^  j'or.a  lonf^.tinic,  ob- 
.sei\e<i  with  surpriss,    the  iuvts!i  w.tste  of  pen, 
ink  and  pa]!-!-,  in  e.-iortsto  prove-tlie  existence 
.of  the  bar^-iiii  by  tiu  evidtvice  pf  others;  when 
iie thiiiks  that  i'acJ.  bus b jen  nndei/iabiy  pro'.oci 
5iy  .Mr.  Clay's  own  procioiis  Lor.feiisions.     One 
imPui'tv'.r.ate  effect,  I'.rising-  from   tliJK  .coiii-se  cl" 
prKceedii'g',  his  bee-ii,  to  diicrt  the  piibhc  at- 
tention from  Mr.  Cb.y's  own  stateine-.ilS,  ar,<l  \o 
ii'.tro>.Uice  unavaiiln;r  dispulalioiiS  about  tbecfe^ 
(VibHity  of  v.ltne«-i.s,  w'.i'ch  wouUl  banf.neces- 
.63-'y  were  A5;'.  (May  tiie  sole  witness.     His  evl- 
.<hnc;'3  the  wri'.-T  liiiuks,  abuodantly  6n,iiic:e,nt 
-  oi'iticU',  io  pi-jve  tlie  rfa!ity.of  lije  har^L;in;and 
-in  prove  (nucii  nuirc  !  !  !      Tliaf^Ir.  CLiy  stoop- 
f'X    to   eo^.pioy  d-oCQjjtion,  p.;fiiily,    dupUcily, 
tnritrad'iction  aiid  ijitiTf«iie,  as  insU'iinieiits  f.>r 
.::fti:cting  the  hargalH  i  !  !       T'rfft.iVTitei-   IhiT.ks 
SitattliJs  decjijy  intei'cs!in.j;  .^ibject  loudly  calU 
tor  every  view   of  it,  wl.icii  ir.ay  liei've  to  eiicit 
(.he  tnith;  aiitl  in  o:>e»He:ic.c  to  ):is  sense  of  da'.y 
to  file  |uiblic,  lie  v.  ill  proceed  tr.  pei  form  that 
ilfik.     yiii-3  b-liaU  he  done,  by  a  siinplii  analj-sis 
(;f  ilve  cwitcnl's  of  Jir.  Chiy's  own  evidoncc.;  rc- 
4;ardlcss  of  its  jitst  influence  upon  Mr.    Clay's 
iiwn  utanding'in  society,     'i'he  wrttcj- wirt  thkii 
•  .t-are  to  avoid  t.he    ])0H5ibility  <if  lic.ing  injustice 
1)  Mr.  Clay,  by  presenting  Iho  evid;-nce  ii>  Mr. 
<-U«y's  own  words;  .so  that,  if  he  s'j'uild  uniritrii- 
lionidly  h:ive  done  an   iryury  ta  ^U.  C}ay  in  his 
i;on=traclion  of  the  (.videiice,   he  \;  ill,  ut   the 
same  time,   fii:-ii;sh  tlie  public  v.-Itii  lite  niear.,i 
<jf  coi  reclioij.     Bat  v/hilst  nothing'  c/i;ild  siioi:k 
the  write^i;,pore,  tlicii  doin^  an  act  of  injiiclicft 
to  any  Imuihn  beiii;.jj  he  ia  not  at  ail  aj>piehen- 
siye  of  bay.ng  it  in  his  power  to  do  any  tti  ^!i'. 
iJlay,  ii  he  \v<niM.     .Ms-.  C'i:iy  Ij t*  nvsde  the  pub- 
li-c  avowal,  lli.ilhe  wiii  employ  li.i.s  •'■<iicial  -ia- 
itonajfe  to  the  ntma-it,  tor  thi  urJi''.oiiuu  ofliis 
ji\vu  objects.      This  i  ittuence!sci::efiy  c.xerttil 
jiver  tiie  press;  and  i'j  ("I'lind  I'j  b'--  so  u  rtut  u'.n'u 


his  dependants  of  tho  t^-pf.  ^'^^^t  ^'"^  'l^"" 
mcnthc  isatticked,  liioitwiitls  cf  (focse  quill.s 
{\v  to  his  relief;  bi:t  tlie  writer  cci;ifider:Uy  puts, 
at  dcP.ance,  all  the  r-oosc  qanis  of  the  n-ation  \\\ 
attamptins'  to  relieve  Mr.  Clay  from  tlie  many 
entanj;lemeiits  he  has  incautiously  thrown  un. 
on  hiinseif,  bv  means  o)' his  vohirr.ir.ons publican 
tioiTs.  Ml-.  Cbv  acldrcases  his  iii'st  book  to  h!s 
c-oivstiment-s,  o.n  the  if^th  ci"  Marcli  1823<  fi-otij 
M'hich  fli;;foUo-.ving;is  an  extract  : 

"  It  is  known  to  y oiu  tl.at  my  nair.e  iu-.d  been 
pce3ejitt.d,  by  ilic'rcspectahie  Slates  of  Crfiie, 
KentnckV,  I.ouis'rar.aj  and  Slissauri.fc/rthe  of^kl; 
■if  President,  to  tlie  consideration  of  tho  Amer- 
i_..r  ,)ublie,  and  that  it.  liTcl  attracted  scnie  sti 
tcat-.onir.  other  quarters  of  tlie  Union.  \Vhen, 
early  in  Novajnber  last,  I  took  my  depanufc- 
froi  the  district  to  repuir  to  thi.s.citT,  fr.e  issn  j 
of  l!:o  -Pre^deiitial  .••-■clicn  before  the  (i^oplj 
was  unknown.  K .  i  nt?,  however,  had  then  so 
far  transpired  as  to  rv.-;der'  it  higiiiy  probable 
th.al  lliere  would  be  no  election  bj'  the  people, 
and  I  hat!  slionldbe  cxchidtd  from  the  Uousi 
or  Stepve«enta lives,  it  became,  therefore,  my 
dutv  to  consider,  and  to  make  up  an^opinicfl 
on  tho  respective  pretensions  of  tlie  three  ffcv.- 
tkm-T.that  inii,'ht  be  returned;  and  at  that  earn 
h  period  I  itatVd  to  Ur  Drake,  oncof|hePro- 
fes.sovs  in  the  Medical  Schcal  of  ■1Sr»nE>1<'in!-'! 
Urvivci-sity,  and  to  .lohii.T.  Crittc^iS^J^lCsij.  oY 
Kraiildprt^  my  eleterininatioii  to  s«^<ort  Mr. 
Adams  in  preference  to  {'.en.  .InciSjoij^I  Wrote, 
to  Cli;ir!es  llar.iinond,  i:,sq.  ot  Cii-cinn.Uv  abo>.  t 
t'le  same  time,  and  mentioned  ceitain.objcci 
lipus  to  the  ek-cUon  of  Mr.  Cr.av.iord,  (amojuf 
.whieli  was  that  of  iilscor.tiniied  ill  healtli,)  thtf 
appeared  -to  m:;  a!mo.st  insuperable.  Durir,;; 
my  Jo-.irney  hitlur,  and  up  to  iieaT  CUristmas, 
it  remained  uncertain  whether  '\\v.  Crawford  e,- 
I  would  be  retuniod  to  the  House  of  Reiji..- 
KBUtatirc-^.  tp  to  near-Ciiristin;!.-..  iill  our  ir,- 
fanTi.iUoii  mai^tit  highly  probaWe  that  the  voti 
fifl.oiiisiaiu  would  !)0  given  to  mCj  and  \.\v,X  [ 
siionld  eoilse.que!!tly  be  retjnnied,  to  tliee?;c;ai 
sioa  cfMr.  Ciitwfnid.  And,  whilst  thatfijoba- 
bility  wasslroncf,  I  cnramuninated  to  Mr.  Sena 
tor  Johnston,  of  Louisiuiis,  my  resolution  not  to 
Siiuv.' my  iKL-iie,  in  consequence  of  the  small 
number  fxf  votes  by  which  rt  would  be  crrieil 
into  the  House,  if  1  v/cre  ii^tarue*!,  to  constitut  ■ 
Sii  a'y-staclc,  for  cr:c  ir.omsr.t,  to  its  e!cctl«jv  in 
the  Uoifse  of  ij'-prcseiita'ive.^.'^     - 

1  he  mo;.t  .supetticitd  reader,  csnsot  bat  cbv 
sevvcj  that  in  this  quotation,  Mr.  Clay  sugljests 
Wvohiconijtulil'li;  prviuiir'Miit':.,  in  relatifi.>3  to  a;' 
uuknowii  evciit.,  existing  at  the  s;4me  limev  au'l 
each  proUabihty.  at  the  s.\me  time,  formed  a 
HiOlive  fijr  }ft:  <;!ay's  coHtradicJoiy  co".'^';"?.. 
■i"lie  one  probubiUly  was,  that  eariy  it:  f'oven; 
he?,  ISS-ir,  evMiI.s  bad  ti-3 Inspired,  xv'h'ch  render- 
edit  "hi^ldy  i!«''>-.ble'»  ttial  ^Ip.  f  y  .■■..ti',.i 
t.e  e,\chid<.-i!  fp>in!  the  Honsf  of  '{■  p"--."uta'.' 
by  the  v.iie?  f*' the  «'t'-c«!>-il  fUcr^s.  T!ip 
other  \\*a«.  th'*^,  a?  tho  t-T'i'*,  &rf*  rrarJ*  up  t. 
».lu>itiutiK,  tisia  f*tus  tvtut^^jiad  r^nder?^.  - 


lyb 


-  :iig;(j!y  iJiiobHbie,"  that  liic  same  yfi:  day, 
would  lint  be  oxcUiiled  from  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives '.1  y  t !io  same  clertnral  votes.  lino, 
then,  are  pt-csciitec!,  two  "high  probabilitieK," 
existing- at  the  same  time  in  relation  to  the  same 
event;  and  each  "  big-h  prnbabihty."  in  spite  o 
its  antag-onist  "high  probability,"  is  asserted 
by  Mr.  Clay,  tofoim  a  nuitive  with  him  tor  bis 
conduct  at  the  same  moment.  vVhcl  could  be 
expected  t'ro!n  Mr.  Clay'.s  c<mduct,  .^rounded 
tjpon  contradictory  prc'babilities,  existing  at  the 
same  time,  but  conti-odiciions  and  ab.surd!ties.' 
The  writer  wjil  despatch,  at  once,  his  examina- 
tion of  the  conduct,  -.vhich  .S4i.  Clay  bad  (ler- 
emptorily  marked  uut  fuj-  hi^  observance  upon 
the  occurrence  of  Ihe  srcoud  "hig-li  probabili- 
ty," which  was  then  strong-er  than  its  antag-o 
nist,  and  continued  to  i^row  stroni^r,  until  the 
2Dth  of  December,  1821.,  that  Mr.  Clay  would 
not  be  excluded  from  the  Uo'i?e  of  Representa- 
th-es.  In  that  event,  Mr.  Clay  says;  "  whilst 
that  probability  was  stron;;-,  I  communicated  to 
Mr.  Senator  Johnston,  of  Louisiana,  my  resolu- 
tion, not  to  ailnv  my  name,  in  consequence 
of  the  sniall  number  of  votes  by  which  it 
'.vould  be  carried  into  the  House,  if  I  were  re- 
turned, to  constitute  an  obstacle,  for  one  mo- 
iTient,  to  an  election  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives."'  Wonderful  resolution!!!  I'htonic, 
beyond  .all  belief!!  AVIiy  would  3'ou  not,  Mr. 
Clay,  allow  your  name  to  constitute  an  obsia- 
cle;  for  one  moment,  to  an  election  in  the  House 
of  Representatives'  Answer — in  Mr.  Cb.y'  own 
■words:  "in  consequence  of  the  .small  number 
of  votes  by  which  it  would  be  carried  into  the 
House."  Mr.  Clay  here  voluntarily  excludes 
himself  from  the  benefit  which  would  have  ac- 
crued to  him,  if  broug-bt  into  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, in  con^'-qucnce  of  the  very  g-reat 
jSlurality  of  votes  given  to  two  of  his  competi- 
tors, over  himself;  pfrotindit^fj  his  positive  ex- 
clusion solely  upon  the  principles  of  plurality, 
in  the  r'egree  of  J'sparily  between  the  compe- 
titors. •  Could  any  thing  be  more  pure,  patri- 
otic, and  platonic! ! !  A  perfect  political  pheno- 
menon, in  thrse  detjenente  days! ! !  One,  str'ct- 
Jy  "  s'.ii  generis!"  But,  wonderful  as  this  claim 
to  purity  and  imm.aculacv  if,  Mr.  Cla}''.=  creator 
Jiberality  to  one  of  bis  competitors,  is  stiU  more 
wondertui ! ! !  Vhilst  bis  own  platonism  applies 
the  principb  of  exclusion  positively  to  himself, 
his  liberality  induced  him  to  apply  ii  only  arj;ii- 
mentatively  to  one  of  his  least  fivored  compe- 
titors; and  that  is  done,  under  circum' tances 
itiore  untavorable  to  tii.at  one  than  to  hintteif. 
Mow  many  vtfles  broug^ht  Mr.  Crawford  into 
the  House' — 41.  How  many  votes  would  have 
brought  Mr.  Clay  into  the  House,  if  he  had  se- 
cured the  votes  of  Louisiana' — 42.  Yet  Mr. 
Clay  professes  to  mike  a  principle,  arieing- sole- 
ly from  the  small  number  of  voles  which  would 
liave  been  given  to  him,  positive,  in  relation  to 
himself,  and  applies  tlie  principle  only  partially 
tT  Mr.  Crawfinl,  having'  41  votes. 

Hear  Mr.  Cl.ay's  reasoning's  upon  this  princi- 
ple in  bis  ovn  words: 

"  The  fir5t  inq;iiry  v,  hich  it  beiicoved  mc  to 
)-nte  was,  [ifter  th=  20th  Dec.  1824,]  as  to  the 
influence  which  oug'ht  to  be  exerted  on  my 
j'-idg-ment,  by  the  relative  state  cf  the  electoral 
rotes,  which  the  three  returned  candidates 
broirg-ht  into  the  Honse,  from. the  colleges. — 
fj^n^n'l  .Vackfon   phtain-il  95,  IMr.  Adams  S+, 


:ina  Mr.  Crawford  Jl.  uugbtthe  iact ot'a [lii; • 
ralfty  being  p;-iven  to  one  of  the  candidates  a> 
have  any,  and  what, 'vi-eigbt?  If  the  Constitu- 
tion had  intended  that  it  should  li.ave  been  oV- 
cisivf,  the  Constitution  would  have  made  it  ilc- 
ehirc,  and  interdicted  the  exercise  of  any  dis- 
cretion on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. The  Constitution  has  not  so  ordained; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  it  has  provided,  that 
"from  the  persons  having- the  highest  numbers, 
not  exceeding-  three,  on  the  list  of  those  voted 
for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  choose,  immediately,  by  ballot,  a  Presi- 
dent." Thus,  a  discretiim  is  necessarily  in- 
vested in  th':  House,  Cor  choice  implies  exami- 
nation, comparison,  judg-ment.  The  fact,  there- 
fore, that  ore  of  tlie  three  persons  wq^the  hig^h- 
est  returned,  not  being,  by  the  constitution  of 
the  country,  concliuiive  upon  the  judgment  of 
the  House,  it  still  remains  to  determine  what  is 
the  true  degree  of  weight  belonging  to  it.'" 

Mr.  Cl-ay  most  platonically  makes  the  degree 
of  disparity  which  could  justify  a  positive  ex- 
clusion, in  bis  own  case,  42  to  84' — 99;  and 
most  liberally  refuses  to  make  the  principle- 
of  exch.ision  positive,  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Craw- 
ford, u])on  a  disparity  of  41  to  84 — 99  votes. 
IJesides,  Mr.  Clay's  reasoning  {joes  to  show  con- 
clusively, that  no  di.'sparity  of  numbers  would 
justify  the  principle  of  positive  exclusion.  Why, 
then,  voluntarily  make  the  principle  of  exclu- 
sion positive,  in  relation  to  himself,  and  not  to 
Mr.  Crawford'  And  whence  all  the  anxiety 
m:inifcsted  by  Mr.  Cl'iy  himself,  th.at  he  should 
be  brought  info  the  House,  when  his  own  reso- 
lution to  exclude  himself,  if  broug'ht  in  upon  a 
s'jiall  number  of  votes,  put  him  in  a  worse  con- 
dition, than  if  he  had  been  exchidird  by  the 
electoral  collog-es'  For,  in  the  one  case,  he 
would  have  been  excluded  from  a  vote  between 
the  other  competitors;  in  the  other,  he  would 
not;  and  the  manner  he  did  exercise  his  right 
to  vote,  incontestibly  proves  the  high  value  he 
put  iipon  the  right  it.self  ISut  hear  his  own 
reasoning  in  relation  to  Mr.  ('rawford,  in  his 
own  words: 

"  For  Mr.  Crawford,  vi'Iio  barely  ciittrcd  the 
House,  with  only  four  voles  more  than  one  can- 
didate not  returned,  and  upon  whose  case, 
therefore,  the  avgum.ent  derived  from  the  fact 
of  plurality,  nperalcd  U':lh  .'•■froii!^,  though  not 
dccisit'C  force,  i  nave  ever  ft/I  »iur/i  pfrsonal  re- 
gard. B-'.t  I  was  called  upon  to  perfoi-m  a  sri- 
lemn  public  duty,  in  which  my  private  feelings,* 
whether  of  affection  or  aversion,  were  not  to 
be  in  iul.ged,  bui  the  good  (f  my  country  mihi 
consulted.  Jt  appeared  to  me  tliat  the  ])recavl- 
ous  state  of  that  gcntlem.-.n's  health,  alHiough 
I  participated  witli  his  best  fi'iends,  in  all  their 
regrets  and  sympathies,  on  account  of  it,  was 
concln.sive  against  him,  to  say  nothing  of  other 
consideiatior.s,  of  a  public  nature,  which  would 
I'.ave  deserved  examination,  if  happily,  in  that 
respect,  lie  had  been  difiereiuly  circumstanced. 
He  bad  been  iil  near  eig-htecn  months;  and  al- 
tbougb.  I  !im  aware  that  I'.is  actual  condition  w-as 
afact  dependinff  upon  evidence,  and  that  the 
evidence  in  regard  to  it,  which  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  piibhc,  was  not  perfectly  harmo- 
nious,  I  judged  for  myself  upon  what  I  saw  and 
heard.  He  may,  and  I  ardently  lirpe,  will,  re- 
cover; but  I  did  not  think  it  became  me  to  i%, 
sist  in  (^omrpittinc*  the  Kxrei^'^ivo  ndmini'^'i-atioTi 


ji  tliii  gr'eat  Uepuuiic  ci\  the  ilwiblful  coiitin- 
g'ency  of  the  restoiution  to  health  of  a  g-cntle- 
man  who  had  been  so  long'  and  so  seriously  af- 
flicted." 

If  Mr.  Clay  had  made  the  principle  of  ccclu- 
sion  positive  in  relation  to  Mr.  Crawford,  as  he 
did  in  relation  to  himself,  all  inquiry  about  his 
health,  qualities,  or  qualifications,  would  have 
been  wholly  unnecessary.  He  would  liave  been 
previously  esciuded  from  the  email  niur.ljcv  of 
votes  which  carried  him  into  the  House.  The 
principle  of  exclusion  beinif  the  same  in  its  ap- 
plication to  both,  its  refus.-Cl  to  Mr.  Crawford, 
could  only  have  been  founded  on  personal  con- 
siderations—That Mr.  Cl:iy  actually  loved  J!r. 
Crawford  more  dearly  than  he  did  himself!!! 
Would  not  that  be  wonderful?  Is  it  not  abso- 
hitely  incredible,  when,  upon  every  other  occa- 
sion of  his  life,  Mr.  Clay,  it  is  thought,  presents 
himself  the  most  devoted  egotist  upon  earth' 
The  letter  "T"  is  the  most  favorite  one  in  the 
whole  alphabet,  witli  Mr.  Clay.  It  is  fortunate 
fbr  him,  that  it  is  a  monosyllable,  and  occupies 
little  more  space  than  a  ri^jht  line,  otherwise, 
its  frequent  use  would  add  greatly  to  Mr.  Cl:;y's 
labors,  in  his  voluminous  writings.  The  writer 
believes,  from  lo.rg  and  f-cquont  observation, 
the  favorite  letter  "  I,."  occurs  oftencr  in  Mr. 
Clay's  writings,  than  those  of  any  other  writer 
uho  ever  wielded  a  pen  to  the  same  exicat. 
Under  v^hat  circumstances  was  Uiis  phitonic 
resolution  communicated  to  Mr.  Sen.ator  .lohn- 
ston.'  It  was  when  "every  probability"  was 
in  favor  of  the  happening  of  the  event' of  Mr. 
Clay^s  being  returned  to  the  tlouse — which 
would  test  Mr.  Clav's  sincerity  in  his  phtonic 
professions.  Here  Mr.  Clay's  reKolution  was 
positive,  not  to  let  Iiis  name  constitute  an  ob- 
stacle, for  one  moment,  to  nn  election  by  the 
House!  15 ut  in  Mr.  Clay's  second  book— Dec. 
1827 — he  seems  to  be  under  an  impression  that 
he  had  earned  his  platonism  too  far;  and  he 
again  introduces  the  subject,  as  if  to  show 
there  was  some  latent  mental  reservation,  whicli 
would  be  inconsistent  with  such  positive  reso 
lution. 

Mr.  Clay  says — "  I  stated  in  my  address  to 
my  coiisiituent-s,  thst  if  I  had  received  the  vote 
of  Louisiana,  and  become  one  of  the  three  can- 
didates returned,  I  h.ad  r«o/rcrf  at  a  tim.e  when 
ihere  w.is  '  cvtry probuhUlly'  of  ir.y  receiving  it, 
thati  wou!d  not  allow  my  name,  in  consequence 
of  the  small  number  of  votes  by  wbicli  it  would 
be  carried  into  the  House,  if  I  was  returned,  Irv 
nmstitute  an  obslacle  lo  nn  clecfion."  Sir.  .Toh.ii- 
.ston  says — "  You  replied,  that  you  would  not 
permit  the  country  to  bo  disturbed  a  day  on 
yonr  account;  th.at  you  would  not  allow  your 
name  to  interlcre  with  the  prompt  decision  of 
the  question." 

Hero  seems  In  be  some  intim.ition,  thai  Mr. 
play  did  not  mean  to  apply  the  principle  of  pos- 
itive exclusion  to  himself,  in  tlie  event  of  his 
getting  the  vote  of  the  House,  by  general  acci.a- 
raation;  butmerely  that  he  would  notpermitihe 
country  to  bf  disturbed  on  his  account.  If  such 
v.'ei-e  Mr.  Clay'-,  secret  relistioe,  i>  ccmpletely 
takcsav.-.i.y  all !  is  biaslt  d  platciiisin,  and  render's 
his  professions  to' his  fri'end  .lohnston  perfidious 
in  the  highest  (.fcgree.  It  will  be  seen  here,  how 
sjveetly  his  bosom  friend  chimes  in  with  Mr. 
Cl^y  for  his  explanjttory  object.      Tri*We  and 


te.nor — most  h.aiinonioiis.iy  s3-mj>i>qtn,:ing— Jlia^, 
(base)  enough  symphonizing  with  both. 

This  communication  was  made  to  Mr.  Senatov- 
iTolinston,  when  every  anxiety  was  manife.stei'. 
by  Mr.  Cl.ay,  to  be  returned  to  the  Hoiise^  and 
when.  If  he  adhered  to  his  positive  platonio 
resolution,  he  would  have  put  himself  into  .■>. 
worse  condition,  in  relation  to  his  influence  la 
the  election,  than  if  he  were  excluded  by  tlte 
electoral  vote.  Whence,  then,  the  anxiety  noi 
to  be  excluded' 

It  was  made  when  there  was  a  general  \vc\^ 
pression  more  strongly  perhaps  upon  Mr.  C'ay's 
mind,  than  on  that  of  anj'  other  person's,  thst 
if  he  were  retvu'ned  to  tlie  House  io  any  way-«- 
by  hook  or  by  crook — he  woidd  bo  elected  to 
the  Presidency  by  the  partial  favor  of  the 
House.  Mr.  Clay  describes  his  impres'iions  in 
that  respect  in  the  following  words: 

"  During  the  month  of  December,  and  tire 
greater  part  of  .Tanuary,  strong'  professions  of 
high  consideration,  and  of  unbounded  admira- 
tion of  mf,  were  made  to  my  friends,  in  tho 
greatest  profusion,  by  sorfie  of  the  active  friends 
of  all  the  returned  candid.ates.  Every  body  prc- 
fes.sed  to  regret,  after  /  was  excluded  from  tlie 
House,  that  I  had  not  been  returned  to  if.  / 
seemed  to  be  the  favorite  of  eveiy  body. 
Describing  my  situation  to  a  distant  friend,  / 
s.iidto  him,  '/am  enjoying,  whilst  alive,  the 
postumous  honors  which  are  usually  awarded 
tothe  venerated  dead.' 

"  A  person  not  acqu.ainted  with  liuman  ira- 
ture,  would  have  been  surprised,  in  listening  t/:t 
these  pr.aises,  th.at  the  object  of  them  liad  no' 
been  elcctcfl  by  gcnrra'l  ccdamation.  Norfc 
made  more  or  warmer  manifestations  of  these 
sentiments  of  esteem  and  admiration,  than  some 
oftiie  friends  of  Gener.il  .lackson.  None  werp 
so  reserved  as  those  of  Mr.  Adams;  underau  opin- 
ion, (as  /have  learnt  since  the  election,)  whicfi 
they  early  imbibed,  that  the  western  vote 
wouMjbe  onlj"  influenced  by  its  own  sen'ie  pf 
publre  duty;  and  tiiat  ititi  judgment  pointed 
to  any  other  than  Mr.  Adaras,  nothing  whicii 
tliey  could  do  would  secure  it  to  him.  These 
professions  and  manifestations  were  taken  bv 
me  for  what  they  v.-ere  worth.  /  knew  that 
t!ie  sunbeams  would  quickly  disappear,  after 
my  opinion  shouUl  be  iiscertained,  and  thit 
they  would  be  sucecde;i.by  a  storm;  althong'h 
/did  not  foresee  exactly  how  it  wotdd  burst 
upon  -nty  poor  head.  /  found  myself  transform.- 
edfrom  a  cindicUite  before  the  people,  into  an 
elector  for  the  people.  /  dtliberateiy  eX" 
amined  the  duties  incident  to  this  new  .attitude, 
and  weighed  all  tlio  f.ic'.s  before  me,  upon 
which  my  judgement  war,  to  be  formed  or  re- 
viewed. If  the  eagerness  of  any  of  the  heated 
partiosn.softhe  respective  candidates  suggested 
a  tardiness  in  the  decUration  of  my  intention, 
/  believed  th.at  the  new  relation,  in  which  J 
was  placed  to  the  subject  imposed  on  me  an 
obligation  to  pay  some  respect  to  delicacy  and 
decorum."  (/ — me — or  my — twenty-onetimes 
in  tliis  quotation.)     Egotism  enough! 

Under  these  circumstances,  is  tliere  one  lur- 
man  being  who  can  believe  in  the  sincerity  of 
Mr.  Clay's  positive  resolution  to  exclude  him- 
self from  an  election  by  the  House,  when  his 
election  to  the  Presidency  by  lh:it  Hou-se  was 
tliought  to  be  cert.iin?  An  election  Vidiich 
w(T\i)d  have  c'ins\immrfteTl  srI!   thr-  foflrl  }T»)p«?s 


Soft  I 


Jiim  full  ciiinpeiisation  for  all  Ihc  anxious  in- 
frigues  -of  Ills  l.iborioiis  <l;iy?,  and  sleepless 
ui}jlits1  All  to  be  sacrificed  wiliioiit  caiHc,  cx- 
<.e|jt  tlie  pure  gratificallon  of  Mr.  Claj's  dlsiii- 
lertsted  patriotism!  And  liosv  do  al!  these  pla- 
Toiiio  stnsibilities  and  patriolic  profe«t.ioii=, 
<;(>naport  with  the  followins"  expi'es-iio:!-.  <ii'M'^ 
■Clay's  anxiety  to  be  l)Vi>ui;lit  ijiU<  ilii-  iioiis;-,  in 
which  event,  his  election  to  the  Presidency 
■YVouldhivebeenrenderid  certain, no  matter  with 
\yhat  a^'uciatcs;  and  his  lu'gent' recorrmienda- 
tion  to  his  friend j  W)  pci'Scvcie  in  crini^inj;' him 
into  i!ie  House?  TUe  followitiij  is  an  extract 
ii'oni  Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Kendal,  recently  broujjht 
tj  light,      sir.   Kendall  say.!!;  .    ' 

"  I  find  in  one  of  yonr  lettei-s,  dated  AV.t.sh- 
i^gton,  IStli  March,  TS^l-,  a  remark  wiiichldo 
jiot  understand,  unless  there  was  then  ion'.e  iin- 
4ierT.iandi.'ig"  orsome  pitr>'.pect  t:i' one,  bct\vecn 
;j'OU  a!id  Mr.  Ail.inis.      \oii  say: 

"  i>cn'  York  continues  to  he  a  contested 
fi'tate.  5Iy  deciiled  opininn  is,  tljat  it  will  give 
jjs  support  to  Mr.  Adanis  or- to  me.  or  perhaps 
<iivids  it  between  us.  In  that  case,  Sir.  Cit.v.- 
-^i.rd  cannot  come  into  the  {Ions-.  My  fixnds 
*-e  conlidsnt  in  tlie  belief,  that  if  1  eiiler.iiie 
Jfouse  as  or.e  of  the  three  Ii'Rh-.si,  no  matter 
vilii  M'lial  associates,  I  sl-.all  be—' l.cied-  If, 
•xontrary  toal!  probability,  Mr.  (hitvibrd  should 
^bUin  the  vote  <  f  New  Voi  k,  the  contest  for  an 
tintry  into  the  House  v.iU  probably  be  between 
Jiic^sonandaie." — "  Without  enuring  into  fuv- 
itici-  particulars,  my  opinion  is,  that  my  friends 
llave  cvtry  mtitive  for  vigjri-us,  animated,  and 
persevering  exertion." 

■'■     tinder  the.-vc  ciroum.-tances,  it  is  not  possi- 
fele  for  any  hain.".n  being- qfsourd  mind  to  be- 
lieve Mr.   Clay's  p'atonic,  patwulic  ]5rofes..ions. 
If  notr^if  his  iinceniy  be  utterly   <iisrreditod, 
<!oes  not  iiis  avowal  to  Mr.  Rcnaior  Jolir.ston  he- 
tbre  the  event,   and  liis  disclosure  to  ihf  publx 
aVtcr  the  event  even  after  vvritini^  this  leUerlo 
)i!S  friend,  Mr,  Kendall,  present  u,n  unparalleled 
example  of  duplitily,  perfidy,  and  hypocrisy, 
^?rst  towards    his  bosom  fiiend,  .ind    tIn-oiif;-li 
U^'-Ti,  to.iards   the  public  !  !  !     No!     It  is    be 
^     -vd   A'!r.   Cl.a's    cftse    is    not    tmjiaralieled. 
^.-aialle!  one    maybe  four.d.  in   Mr.    Adams's 
ieinii    decl.natioli  to  the  Aniei'ican    pei^ji'ic; 
.  liiat  t  was  actually  his  wish  to  set  aside  his  own 
<tflection    to    t'io    f  residency,    and  to  .submit 
i  aspiii  to  tlic  decision  of  the  people. 
Hear  him,  in  his  own  words!      ■ 
.".Mr.  Adams  positively,  arid  tineqnivoc  illy 
asserts,  in  substance,  that  in  consequence  of  ail 
Ills  predecessors  in   the  hii^h  station  to  which 
tiie  selection  of  the  IIo::sc  liud called  him,  liayinfj 
had  a  majority  of  the  votes  of  the  primary  elec- 
toral suffr.Lgrs,   whdst  it  had  (alien  to  liis  Jot  to 
•    Jiavc  a  minority  of  voles;  and  stil!  worse,  one  of 
his  conipetitoi's  for  the   oitice   havinj;-   even  a 
.!!;_reater  minority  than  himself,  "  lie  should  not 
Jiesita'.e  to  decline  the  acceptance  of  the  emi- 
nent charge,  and  to  submit  the  deei.sion  of  tliis 
inomcritoas  question  a;^.iin  to  the  determination 
j.f  the  people,   proiidcil  bis  refusal   to   accept 
the  trust  deleg-atcd  to  him,  wculd  g-ive  .an  iin- 
jitedi.ite  opportunity  to  tile  people  to  firm,  and 
lo  express,  with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanirnl- 
^.•,  i:ie  object  of  tlieii  prefej-ence.'?:  .i,-,  ,' 

An    elettitin,    v  hich  had  been  sec'tir-?d   by 
•    -.erv  s7''i-V.-rf  •■.■■;T!;'o?,  ■.■i:t.:T  iiftrfg-iV  Iv  .Mr 


Ailims!     H.is  bargain  wi.tli  Ciay,  iiow  reducet; 
to  a  certainty — Iiis  written  pledtje  to  Webstei'. 
Was  there  ever  before  an  exhibition  of  two 
moreconaunimate  Machiaivalsin  political  morals 
(ban  the  one  here  presented  in   the  persons  of 
Messrs.   Adams  and  Clay  ?  "  Were  there  ever 
morcsh.\l!ow,  iinblushins^-artificcs  and  practices, 
than  those  chosen  by  theMachi.evalsfor  tlie  ma- 
nifestation of  their  political  morals'    Are  tliese; 
two   nnpri.'cipled  Macliixvals  to  be  elected  by 
the  free  voii~e  of  the  American   people'    '1  lie 
one  tiieir  President!!!      The  otlier   their  be- 
cretary  of  State!!!     Oh  !  shame'!  !  !     Worst, 
than  iiodom   and  Gcmorr:.b  of  old!!!    Cannot 
two  hnni-st  men  be  found   to  save   this  great 
youlhftil  nation'   But  itrs  is  the  least  iinportaiii. 
examination  of  Mr.  Clay's  preposterous,  decep- 
tive disclosures,  and  ridiculovus  preyarieations. 
Look  at  his  declared  course  of  conduct,  and  his 
nioi'vesfor  it,  as  well   liefbre  as  after  the  fciip- 
penin;r  of  tiiey;V«/  higapruhalilUi/.      The  l:r^t 
observation,  which  occurs  in  the  examination. 
of  Mr.  Clay's  course  of  conduct,  under  theyiMi! 
hisrh  j>rnbabilitv,  that  Mr.   Clay  would  be  e^x- 
ciuded  from  the  Ilous/N  is  his  preposterous^  at- 
ten  r*  to  pi-ove  'the  publicity tn  a  fact,'  againsl. 
•public   notoriety.'     -Mr.   Clay   undertakes  to 
pvo^c,  that  earlv  in  Oct.  1S24,  he  bad  declared 
his  "t'chan^eab'e  determination  substantially  to- 
vo-e  r.  i-  \lv.  Adams;  ard  ho  does  pi-.)ve  by  some 
ton,  or  a  dozen,   of   li'.s  svmplion.zinR-  compui  • 
c-ators,  t!iat  lie  had  apprized  tliem  of  that  fixed 
detcrmin-atipn;  but  he  does  not  prove   by  uiiy 
one  of  thf-ni;  that  he  made  the  eommunicatior. 
xvitli  the  intent  to  have  it  ma.le  public,  northal, 
in  fact,  it  was  made  pirblic;  but  merely  w-ith  aii 
intent  to  lus  friends,  private  g-ratilication.    This 
is  suSioieiitlv  olivious,  from  tiie  fact,  that  eacii 
of  his  (riends  kept  the  sacred  deposite  to  liim- 
se!f,  and  did  not  p-ratify  the  public  anxious  cu 
i-ios'ty  v.-i(!i  the  information  intrusted  to  him  by 
Hfr.  Clay.     Amonprst  other  witntsses,  Mr.  Clay 
Itfstakenthe  trou'ble  tosend  to  VYancc.for  tli- 
p'lrpose   of  introducinjf  General  |r..afayette,  :v, 
one  of  Ids  witnesses;  but  L.afajette  proves/JiiSi- 
ttiKlii,    that    the  information  disclosed  to   him 
was'/un  }r)-ivatr,  unJ  mi!  a  piihlic  inlenst  aii.L 
\ias    considered    conUdcnti-al    by   him.        Tlii^ 
comniunication   was  made  about  the  last  yf  3)c- 
cem'oer,  1824.-  Mr.  Clay  has  taken  (jrcat  pains 
to  prove,  that  it  v.-as  alter  the  20th  of  Deccm- 
bcp.  1824,  ■       . 

•i'liere   seems  to  have  been   a   confusion  ol 
idess,  and  of -bhinderirtv contradictions,  on  th- 
part  of  Mr.  Clay  in  this  iransaction,  that  isahso- 
lutelv  unaccountable,  upon  t.ic  supposition  of' 
the  ordinary  exercise  of  Mr.  Clay's  mental  facul- 
ties.    Whilst  his  obiectis  to  prove  that  as  early 
as  October,  1S2-I.,  liti  had  communicated  to  .soinc. 
chosen  frieiurs  a  fact,  with  an  ir.tent  to  have  it. 
made  public  through  them,  he  calls  upon  Gen. , 
Lafavette   to  pro-vc,   th.at  Mr.  Clay   cominum- , 
cated  the  same,  fact  to  him,  {:i  cor:j'i(Lnr.e,  ^ftev 
the  Sath  of  December,  ia24! ! !     Confidence  is  ■ 
the  .antipodes  of  publicity;  and  proves,  not  onlv 
that  the  fact  v.. is  not  public,  but  not  intended 
to  be  made  public  by  i«r.   Cl.ay,  as  late  as20t:i 
lice.  1824.      rierc,thea,   Mr.  i;lay's  proof  fa.K 
him  entirelv  in  iV4rard.  to  his  undi-tjuistd  publ. 
city  of  a  fact  in  (Set.  13-24,  which  he  considerea 
asconlidentialafurthe  20th  of  Dec.  T32-1-.  Koi 
a  conli.'icntial  conimiMiicalion  of  a  fact  of  pub- 
j;c  ■'  :*  '•■oiecism  111  1    —  - 


fict,  is  now,  and  wiis  tlicj\,  mattei;  of  public  iid- 
lorietyt  and  this  public  iiotnricty,  Mr.  Clay  h;i3 
ihe  preposterous  hartlihood  to  attempt  to  dis- 
prove  by  liis  symphoTiizing-  compurfjators. 

But  as  tliis  is  really  a  matter  <.f'  curiosity,  rts 
veil  as  oi' interest,  lic;*r  the  evidence  as  given 
by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  and  Gen.  I.aliiycttc. 
K.\tract  ftOTn  Jlr.  Clay's  address  to  his  ccn'Sti- 
tiients. 

"And  at  thnf  far!// perifHf,  (ihe  early  part  nf 
Nov.  1829,)  I  stated  to  Dr.  Dr;ike,  one  of  the 
t>rofessors  in  the  Jlcdical  Scliool  vf  Trar.\viv.i- 
nia  University,  and  tn  John  J.  Crittenden, 
Itisq.  of  Frankfort,  my  determination  to  »uppor.t 
Mr.  Adams  in  prtfcrence  to  Gen.  Jark^on.  I 
wrote  to  Charles  lIamtno..J,  Esq.  o;  Cincl  ina'.i, 
Tibout  the  same  time,  and  mentiuiicfl  certain  ob- 
jections to  the  election  of  Mr.  Crawford,  (amon^ 
which  was  tirat  of  his  continued  i!l-licaltli,)  t!\at 
appeared  cl'nmt  htsuperabic  Dnrinij  my  jouE- 
ney  hither,  and  up  to  near  Christmas,  It  remuin- 
cd'uncertain'whether  J!r.  Crawford  or  I  would 
be  returned  to  the  House  of  Representatives. 
1,'p  to  near  Christmas,  all  our  information  made 
it  high  probable  that  the  vote  of  Louisiana  v.-ould 
be  given  to  me,  and  tliat  I  should  cinsequent-' 
ly  be  returned  to  the  exclusion  of  Mr.  Craw- 
ford." 

Extract  fr.im  Mr.  Clay's addfcsS,  Dec.  'iZIT. 

"  This  testimony  es+ablishes,  that  on  varioii<! 
■Occasions  and  limes,  be^'inning- in  Tveniiicky  as 
■  TCtu-ly  as  about  the  1st  October,  1821,  and  coii- 
tinue-.l  in  the  City  of  Wasiiint^on  do«n  to  tlic 
period  when  my  determination  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Adams  was  (generally  known  in  this  City,  I  uni- 
formly expressed  my  conviction  of  Gen.  Jack- 
son's want  of  t^ualification,  and  my  fixed  resolu- 
tion not  to  vole  for  him,  if  I  were  tailed  upon 
to  g^v,»  a  vt.te.  These  sentiments,  lon^'cliciish- 
{■d,  were  deliberately  expressed ^o  pcnllemen 
of  the  highest  resperlabilily,  most  of  them  my 
personal  and  particular  fiends,  in  all  ofwbnse 
estimation  I  must  have  stood  dishonored,  if  I 
had  voted  for  Gen.  Jackson,  contraril}'  to  my 
itleclared  purpose.  This  purpose  was  avowed 
immediately  preceding-  my  dcpaMiire  from  Ken- 
tucky to  attend  Congress,  and  immediately  on 
fnv  arrival  here,  after  the  termination  of  tiic 
iourney.  D.avid  Trimble  E^q.  states  tliat  about 
the  first  of  October,  i82-),  he  licld  a  conversa- 
tion with  me  at  Frankfort,  in  Kentucky,  on  th? 
subject  and  prospects  of  the  pendir.jj  election, 
wliich  he  details  minutely,  and  that  in  ihecourse 
of  it,  I  said:  "that  I  could  not,  consistently  with 
mj"  principles,  vote  for  Ceu.  Jackson,  uiiderany 
possible  circumstances." 

JCxtract  from  General  Lafayette's  letter  to  M.-. 
Clay. 
''  My  remembrance  cor.ciic;  with  your  OM'n 
on  fills  pohit,  th.at  in  the  latter  end  nf  Vtcembcr, 
cither  before  or  after  my  visit  to  Annapolis, 
you  beintf  out  of  the  ['residential  candidature, 
aftcr.having-  expressed  my  above-mentioned  n.o- 
*ives  of  i^orbcarance,  I,  by  way  of  a  contidential 
exception,  allowed  m}  s.U'to  put  a  simple  un- 
qualified question  respecting' your  electioneer- 
ing guess,  and  your  intended  vote  :  }'our  answer 
was,  that,  in  your  opinion,  the  actual  state  of 
health  of  Mr.  Crawford  had  limitctl  the  contest 
to  a  choice  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Cien.  Jack- 
son :  that  a  claim  fou'.y.led  on  militarv  acliievc- 


mCJli''  '.'jJ  "ii.  ■•■ii:Ji\'~,t^^"i>j'^i'^'^i''i^'  ;-anil  thai 
loii  had  cmicludGd  to  vote  for  Mr.  .^.■;ams»x 
Such  has  been,  if  not  the  literal  wutding-,  atj 
least  the  precise  sense  of  n  convcJ'sati.m  inbidu 
it  woul'l  have  been  inconsistent  f.'.r  me.  ',a  Ctrr;;" 
any  farther,  nittl  not  to  keep  a  s-ccre'.,  v;hil  a  rc-- 
cul'eetion  of  it  to  a.aiist  your  iiieniory,  I  sh^ft- 
not  now  deny,  irv  cnly  to  yon,  no,  my  frienf!^ 
but  to  arvmanin  a  similar  si' uation."^' 

Here  &»en  is  seen  CJeil.  Lafayette's  sUilc- 
ment,  that  the  commnilirat'on  m.ade  fn  him  *f- 
ter  the  2r}tli  Oecember,  18-4,  was  ccnlideiitiitll 
and  by  him  kept  secret. 

Mr.'  Clay  himself dccfareS  : 

Extract  from  Mr.  Clay's  pam.phlet,  of  Dec  18^7. 

"  It  was  the  policy  with  which  tiie  political 
campaign  was  conducted  in  the  winter  of  182'1-. 
'J5,  bv  tlie  forces  of  the  General,  in  tlic  linst 
instance  to  practise  stratagem  with  n,y  friejids 
and  me.  Accordin;:jly  the  arts  of  persiia.siou 
and  flattery  were  employee!.  Etit  as  I  did  noj;. 
hasten  to  ^ivs^  in  my  adiiesion,  and  rem.aineil 
most  mvsleiiously  sdent ;  in  other  words-,  ha<T 
not  converted  myself  into  a  boisterous  and  zeal- 
ous partisan  of  Cien.  .f.,  it  became  nccc-sixiry  t» 
chaiiiije  that  policy,  and  to  sub-sliltlte  ir.liu!idi--,j 
lion  for  hlindisl-inent." 

Mr.  Chiy's  p-roof,  %r,  fir  a%  it  wa'S  intcr,3eS  (» 
make  an  i-ripress'on  of  his  having  fairly  aiitT 
openlv  dccl.ired  his  determination  to  vote  fat 
Mr.  Adasns  from  October,  and  even  after  hi  i- 
aiviral  at  Washiii.^loii,  again  completely  tails 
him  ;  and  his  proof  of  hii  ma'icing  that  declara' 
tion  for  ii>.divi'.h:a!.!,aatific:ition,  can  he  of  no  stfr* 
vice  to  him  \vhjt--rer.  Ij-2sides  if  it'  ftict  he 
had  so  m.ade  up  Itis  mind  unc'ianjjenbly  to  vole- 
for  Mr.  Adam?,  ys  early  as  October,  it  was  the 
plain  and  obvious  dictate  of  duty,  frankly  anB 
lionestly  to  have  said  so  to  the  public,  ami  no.t 
to  some  few  friends  inily — not  to  remain  "  m^vsl'- 
mvstcriously  silent,"  during  the  winter  of  ISJ-l;. 
'25.  Hear  Mi;.  Clay  aj^ain,  in  contradiction  oi' 
himself:  ' '  ' 

Ex'rac!-  n-cm  V:-.?.  Sd  Took,  IS^r. 

"  I  challenge  the  production  of  such  A  pap-.-v  ; 
I  do  not  believe  my  intention  fo  vote  for  itli. 
Ad-ains  was  announced  in  the  newtpapets  opcn.- 
ly  and  avowedly  during  the  whole  month  of 
.January,  or  at  atiy  rate,  until  late  in  the  month, 
The  only  avowal  of  my  intention  to  vol-?  fdi- 
him,  wliich  was  publicly,  ma;ie  in  (he  netv.'i- 
papers  prior  to  t!ie  cU'Ction,  iscontainetl  in  xr\^~ 
Jellerto  Judge  Rrooke,  which  is  dated  theSSth 


of  .January.  It  w.asfiret  published  in  the  R:-.qulrc'.: 
at  Riclimond,  sometime  in  the  cnroing  month. 
I  fro  farllier:  I  do  not  believe  any  newspaper  ft 
V.'ashingtiui  can  be  pniduced  annoniicinij  be— 
fi^re  Ihe^atter  partof  .latniarv  thefae',  wliethc- 
upon  r,!v  avowal  or  not,  of  my  intention  to  Toty, 
fur  Jlr.  Adams  :  !  " 

Could  ai^y  thing  sh.orl  of  lunar  inUiicncc,  Qr- 
lucid  into; ■^.als  account  for  Mr.  Clay's  <ltfianc<s 
to  the  world  to  show  that  bis  intention  fl)  votf/ 
for  Mr.  Adatns  had  appeared  in  :hc  new.spapcl's 
before  the  last  of.J.amiaiy,  1825,  when  he  hat! 
taken  so  mticli  testimony  to  prove,  an!  so  stre- 
nuously insisted  upon  his  having  given  ihr+t  \(* 
rv  intention  publicitv,  as  eaily  as  tile  l.stofOr'- 
lober,  1824.' 

.Still  worse:  Mr.  Clay  persevered  in  tli-s  ctij. 
pable,  "  most  mystcvious  silence,"  being  pei-- 
fcc'.ly  c-?inpalible  v\'\i  his  defi-Hrssf  ti,  siir^^ 


lUi^ 


till  the  last  of  Janiiai'y,  or  beg'jnnuip  of  Febixmr}-,  tcTTOiiiation  >    AVhat  w-ere  the  duties  fo'be  per- 

J835;  perfectly   incomputible    with    his   ffciiik  formejl    by  Mr.   Clay    afttT  the  20th  of  Dec  i 

<hscH,s»jnB  01  the  same  intention,  made  as  early  1 834 >     To  wei^h  all  the  fects  before  hin.  upoir- 

as  October,  1824,   with  a  full  knowledge  of  its  which   his  jiulgement   was   to  be   thereafter 

deprecated  consequences  to  himsL-lf.   He  says  :  formed,  or  reviewed.     Now,  if  these  very  du' 

"I  knew  that  the  sunbeams  would  quickly  ties  had  been  irrevocably   performed, Bas  early 

aisappear  af'er  my  opinions   sliiHilJ   be   ascci"-  as  the  1st  October,  1824,  could  they  remain  to 

taiiied,  and  that  they  would  be  succeeded  by  a  be  peifoj'nicd.  after  tlie  20th  Dec,   1824>     But 


M".   Clay  tells  the  public  himself,  how  he  pro- 
ce'-ded  to  porfirm  the  very  dunes  af^.r  his  ar- 
vival  at  Washingtoji,  wrtici.  he  had  irrevocably 
performed  as  early  as  the  1st  Oct.,  preceding. 
Notwithstanding-  Mr.   Crawford  was  excluded, 
both  by  the  small  number  of  votes  which  carrl- 
cd  liiui  into  the  House,  upon  Mr.  Clay's  princf- 
ple,  applicable  to  himself,  and   by  Mr.   Clay's 
irrevocable  deterndrralion  to  vote  for  Mr.  Ad- 
ams under  any  circumstances  which  could  pos- 
sibly   occur;  Mr.  Clay   took   Mr.     Crawford'.s 
ca.s-e  into  consideration  after  his  arrivalat  Wasli. 
injton      He  states,  in  subs^ince,  that  not  will- 
injf  to  trust  to  rumor,  he  waited  on  Mr.  Craw- 
ford in  peiSDii,  to  determine  on  the  state  of  his 
health,    and  fj  iiid  it  such  as  to  put  him  out  of 
tlie  questixir:.      His  remaining  duties  to  be  per- 
formed, were,  to  w  eig-h  all  th.  ticts  before  Uin5 
ill  relation   to   Mr.   Adams  and  Gen.  Jacks.-,n's 
pretensions;  and  in  the  discharge  of  these  dti- 
ties,  he  remained  '•  most  mysteriously  silent," 
in  relation  io  his   final   determination  between 
them,  as  well  as  Mr.   Crawford,  until  his  opin- 
ions in   that  re.^pect    were  g-enera!ly  k:iown  in 
Washington,  some  time   in  the    latter  part   of 
January,  or  bepinniitg  of  Kebniary,  1825.     This 
duty  was  eijTjaliy  unnecessary,  if'his  determina- 
tior.  had  leen  ri-evocably  fixed  as  early  as  Oct., 
1824.     Now,  hi  the  first  place,  is  not  this  most 
mysterio  is   s-ier.ce,     absolutely    incompatible 
with  a  state  of  publicity   in  relation  to  the  ob- 
jects  uf  it?     Does  It  not    prove   incontestibly, 
that  Mr.   Clay  had  not  given  publicity   to  those 
objects'     Does  not  his   preposterous  attempt 
to   prove   that  he   l-.ad   given  them   publicity, 
through  his  fiank  corrimunications  to  his   sym- 
phonizing  compuigators,  prove  his  own  convic- 
tions that   he  ought  to  have  made  it   public' 
date  before  the  people,  into  an  elector  tor  the    Does  nut  his   most   mysterious  silence  prove, 
people.     (Hinc  ilia:  lacliryms.)  1  deliberately    that,    notwithstanding   those  communications^ 
(Examined  the   duties  incident  to  this  new  atti-    he  had   not  irrevocably  made  up  his  mind  re- 
tude,  and  weighed  all  the  facts  before  me  upon    specting  jiis  vote  for  the   Presidency;   or  if  he 
which  my  judgement  was  to  be  formed,   or  re-    had,  that  he  did  not  wish  it  made  public'     Vol- 
irewtd."     When  did  this  most  deplorable  dis-    if  he  so  wished,   whv  not  make  it  so   himself 
closure  take  place'     20th  Dec,    1824,  by  the    Is  there  a  human   being,  who   possesses  more 
annunciation  of  the  vote  of  I.miislana  through    facilities  in   giving  publicity   to  anything  he 
Mr.  SenalorBouligny.      What  were  the  instant    may  wish'     Bat  in  that  case",  what  is' to  become 
effects  of  this  disclosure'  of  the  positive  evidence  ofhis  partial  pai-isans, 

First,  it  converted  Mr.  Clay  from  a  candi-  that  he  told  Hicm,  he  had  so  made  up  his  mind' 
date  before  the  people,  into  an  elector  for  tlie  And  that  he  stood  pledg.;d  to  them  to  carry  his 
people.  Second,  this  new  attitude  imposed  determination  into  effect;  or  if  he  failed  to  do 
new  duties  upon  Mr.  Cla'y.  W hat  were  these  so,  he  must  stand  di^himored  in  their  eyes' 
new  duties,  incident  to  this  new  attitude,  delib-  _What  a  hoa.\'  Where  is  the  difJicultv  in  the 
eratcly  to  be  examin'td  by  Mr.  Clay.'  They  solution  of  these  questions.'  As  it  regards  the 
were,  to  weigh  all  the  facts  before  him,  upon  first,  it  only  goes  to  show,  that  Mr.  Clay  had 
which  his  judgement  in  the  Presidential  eiec-  sotold  his  symphonlzing  compurgators;  not  that 
lion  was  to  be  formed,  or  reviewed.  All  this  it  was  so  in  fact,  as  now  proved  by  himself  Is 
was  to  be  done  after  the  20th  Dec,  1824,  and  there  any  thing  miraculous,  or  even  strange,  in 
of  course  could  not  have  been  irrevocably  done,    this?      How   many  starid    conspicuous,  in   hrs 


storm. 

This  most  infatu.ated  declaration  ])roves,  at 
once,  tliat  Mr.  Cl.ay  well  knew  hc~had  concealed 
fitini  the  public  his  determination  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Adams,  under  any  circumstances  which 
could  possibly  take  place,  if,  indeed,  he  had 
determined,  it  being  clear  that  he  had  not,  and 
a  conscious  conviction  that  he  was  doing  wrong 
in'  preserving  the  "  most  mysterious  silence" 
upon  a  matter  which  he  oiight  frankly  and 
openly  to  h;»ve  communicated  to  the  public  ; 
and  which,  if  done,  would  have  relieved  him  in 
*  inoment  from  all  the  consequence.';  of  the 
s/orm  he  then  anticipated — all  the  liorrible  ef- 
fi.'cts  of  which  storm  Mr.  Clay  was  willing  to  en 
<^ounter£or  tlie  prize  he  had  in  view,  although 
he  could  not  tell  how  it  would  "burst  over  his 
poor  head."  All  this  vast  parade  of  prooii, 
then,  ushered  forth  to  the  pubiic,  when  fairly 
anal}  zed,  goes  only  to  show,  that  Mr.  Clay  tuld 
tome  of  his  symphonizing  compui-gatois, 
tinder  the  spell  of  confiderrf:e,  that  he  had 
conclusively  made  up  his  determination  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  from  the  early  part  of 
October  to  the  last  of  December,  1824,  and 
even  up  to  the  time  of  actually  giving  the 
vote.  But  this  is  no  proof  whatever,  tliat 
'SXr.  Clay's  mind  was  unalterabiv  fixed  in 
ifs  purpose.  It  proves  only,  that  "he  told  his 
friends  it  \\-as.  That  by  no  means  proves  that 
it  was  so  in  foot.  Mr.  Clay  proves  positively 
and  unequivocally  himself,  that  it  was  not  to 
tixed  in  fact;  and  describes  Ids  state  of  mind  to 
be  abs-olutely  incompatible  with  that  fi.\ed  de- 
"crraiuatiun. 

Hear  him,  in  bis  own  words: 
'  I  found  myself  transformed   from  a  candi- 


Uefore  that  time.  Is  this  not  proof  positive  by 
Mr.  Clay  himself,  that  he  had  not,  in  fact,  and 
i'li  tiuth,  unalterably  made  up  his  mind,  nearly 
T.0  t'ae  1st  of  October,  to  vote  for  Mr.  Adams. 
I?  ;.  jt  tjTc  stite  of  mind>  Irere  described  abso- 


written  effusions,  now  under  ex;imination?  Per- 
haps not  one  half  will  be  introduced  here;   but;  ' 
only  count   those  which  shall  be  enumerated, 
and  all  seeming  difficulties  on  that  6t;ore  ^yili 
instantly  vani.sh. 


:^iii  ius  drtttcul^  will  KUej\il  thf-  f  ojulioji  tif 
ttic  otUar  diffimU)'.  The  oii\5'  task  imposed 
Vipon  Mr.  Chiv  by  his  disclosures  to  liis  di;votcd 
jiartisaire,  wus  tn  roconcile  Iheni  to  any  change 
Ite  might,  make  in  his  vote  subsequently  to  these 
disclosure.*.  Supposc^theii  Mr  (Jlay  had  finally, 
i-Ster  his  long  most  mysterious  silence,  voted 
ftr  Gen  Jackson,  instead  of  Mr.  Adams  ;  how 
(i3uld  he  save  his  honor  with  his  own  devoted 
p^irtisans  ?  The  oidy  conceivable  object  with 
Jlr.  Clay,  for  this  most  mysterious  silence,  was 
to  secure  to  himself  the  office  of  Secretary  of 
5jtat8.  That  w:  ^e  great  boon  in  request,  both 
By  liimEelf  and  friends.  Suppose  then  Mr. 
Clay  had  asccilained  after  these  cor.imunica- 
trons,  that  in  the  event  of  Gen.  Jacksou^s  elec- 
tiftn,  Mr.  Clay  would  be  Secretary  of  Slate, 
where  would  then  have  been  the  ilifficulty  of 
l^oDciline;  them  to  this  change  of  conduct  ^ 
\Votild  not  Mr.  Clay  liave  found  complete  j.ist.- 
fitation  with  tUecn,  iiitl:c  issuia-.icc  liiat  he  had 
secure*!  the  great  object  tne\  had  in  View  '  to 
■wit  :  that  in  Ihe  fvent  of  Jackson's  election,  he 
vvould  be  Secretary  of  State  .'  Mr.  Clay  would 
Cnly  have  had  to  say  in  his  justification,  that  up- 
on full  deliberation,  after  his  conver?ali<'n  with 
thsra,  he  had  concluded,  that  it  would  be  bet- 
{6r  to  have  a  Western  President,  with  a  West- 
ern Secretary  of  State,  than  to  have  an  Eastcrii 
Presklent,  eitlier  with  or  «'ithout  a  Western  Se- 
';r.etary  of  Sta'e  ;  »nd  when,  that  Eastern 
President  was  the  most  obnoxious  pcison- 
■.(ge  to  the  Western  people,  in  the  United 
•States,  rendered  chiefly  so  by  Henry  (;lay,  and 
his  competitor  the  most  popular!  Would  he 
not  have  found  much  less  difliculty  in  reeoircil- 
mg  some  dozen  sweet  symphonizing  friends  to 
the  arrangement,  than  he  has  found  in  reconcil- 
ing the  Western  people  with  tlie  arrange:.nent 
he  didactually  make,  against  their  will,  althoug-h 
be  did  thereby  get  the  great  boor,  for  himself 
and  the  Western  people.  Doubtlessly  much  less. 
Indeed,  by  critically  examining  all  ,\Ir.  Clay 
lias  disclosed  upon  the  subject,  it  maj  be  clear- 
ly seen,  he  had  in  tliat  event,  already  anlicipst- 
ed  this  ground  ;  and  that  Mi-.  Clay,  notwith- 
standing all  that  passed  from  him  in  relation  to 
tTen.  Jackson,  wou-ld  nevertheless  have  voted  for 
Gfen.  .Jackson  in  preference  to  Mr.  Adams,  could 
he  have  previously  ascertained,  that  in  so  doing, 
lie  would  be  Secretary  of  State;  and  this  for  the 
most  obvious  reasons  ;  because  he  would  then 
liave  effected  his  object  without  hazarding'  his 
own  popularity  in  the  West,  which  with  him 
was  an  all-important  cons'.deralicn,  whereas,  in 
the  daring,  hazardoiw  attempt  he  h'is  ni.adc,  be 
lias  completely  and  most  just!}'  sacrificed  his 
own  standing  in  the  West.  It  is  peifectly  clear, 
that  Mr.  Clay  apprehcndei!  a  storm  from  the 
West,  in  consequence  of  tlie  course  he  pursued 
for  bis  own  promotion  ;  and  that  he  did  not  de- 
cide upon  it  until  after  tiie  disclo.sure  made  by 
Mr.  Buchanan,  of  the  honorable  refusal  oi'Gen. 
Jackson  to  comiu-oniit  biuiself  in  any  respect' 
whatever;  and  then  evidently  in  a  state  of  tre- 
pidation and  icluctaiice  ;  for  he  says,  it  must  be 
presumed,  in  consequence  of  this  most  hazard- 
bifs  enterprize,  he  anticipated  t!ie  most  horri- 
ble storm  "  would  burst  over  his  poor  head." 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  Mr,  Clay  thought 
then,  that  it  woultl  be  much  easier  to  reconcile 
his  most  parCal  friends  to  his  voting  for  General 
Jackson,  tliar,  to  reconcile  the  Western  people 


to  nis  vuiin^  i<U' Mr.  AUkiiis.,  uiui  Ac.  kiiuu''«  &u 
now. 

Is  it  possible  to  divine  any  other  oliject  Ml'., 
Cl.ay  could  have  had  in  view,  by  his  long,  cul-' 
pable,  mysterious  silence,  but  the  ascertain- 
ment of  the  hand  from  wliicli  he  would  most 
certainly  receive  tlie  office  of  Secretary  of 
Slate  '  and  thus  avail  himself  in  future,  of  the 
"  safe  precedent  '"  What  effects  were  this 
mysterious  silciict  calculated  to  have  upon  the 
p.irtisa.ns  of  the  dlilerent  competitors  ?  Wha}. 
effects  did  it  actually  have,  according  to  Mi-. 
Clay's  ownsliowing  '  Was  it  not  equivalent  ip 
its  effects,  to  an  open  public  advertisement  ? 
■'  Penrr  Clay  up  to  the  highest  bidder  !"  or  to 
a  label  in  large  Roman  capitals  upon  his  fore- 
head' "Henry  Clay  to  lei."  A  frank,  h.pnesldis- 
closureof  bis  intentions  in  the  beginning,  must 
have  saved  him  from  all  the  consequences  of  his 
culp.able,  m}'sterious  silence-  The  sole  object 
e.f  this  mysterious  silence  was  sufficiently  ob- 
vious before  the  publicatinn  of  the  substantial 
contents  of  Mr.  Cltiy's  letter  to  Mr.  Blair.  Thar 
publicatien  leaves  it  withojt  a  doubt.  He«J' 
Mr.  Clay  upon  this  most  importaut  point  : 
Extract      from       Mr.      Exlnic'      from       Mr, 

Clfff's  liUer  to  Mr.         CUty'.t  address  to  4t.v 

Bluir,    vs  published        comlituents,       April 

by  Mr   Kcidall. 

"  The  Chairman  re- 


ceived the  note  with 
that  suavity  and  polite- 
ness for  which  he  is  so 
justly  distinguished, 
kindly  remarking  to 
my  friend  who  bore  it, 
that  if  the  letters  had 
been  left  in  his  posses- 
sion, i  should  not  have 
had  a  sight  of  them — 
much  less  a  ccpj';  but 
he  linally  promised  to 
lay  the  application  be- 
fore the  committee  at 
their  next  meeting.  As 
f  cannot,  fi-om  the  feel- 
ings evinced  b)'  the 
Chaii'iiian,  c.vpect  any 
thing  favorable  from 
the  deliberations  of  the 


3,    i825j    much    a} 

large. 

"  During  the  monfli 
of  December,  .ind  the 
greatest  part  of  Janua- 
yyj  strong  professions 
of  hrgh  consideralieu 
and  unbounded  admi- 
ration, of  me,  were 
made  to  my  friends,  in 
the  greatest  profusion, 
by  seme  of  the  active 
friends  of  all  tlie  return- 
ed candivUtes.  Everv 
body  professed  to  re- 
gT'iija^ter  /was  exclud- 
ed from  the  House,  that 
7had  not  been  returned 
to  it.  /seemed  to  be  the 
fiivorite  of  eve:y  body. 
Describing  jny  slttni 
tion  to  a  distant  frien'i 


contmittee,  I  feel  com-,    /saiil  to  him,  /  am  eii- 
pelled  to  resort  to  my     joying,  m  liilst  a!ive,tlie 


recollections  for  (he 
subs(.",nce  of  your  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Blair. 

Let  the  date  be  r*- 
coUecled — it  is  Janu- 
ary 8lh,  1825.  You 
commence  by  giving 
Mr.  Blair  your  opinion 
upon  a  work  by  Lord 
Byron  which  you  say 
you  h.ave   sent   him 


posthumous  honors, 
which  are  usually  awar- 
ded to  tlie  \enerated 
de.ad.  .\  person  nof: 
Rcquaintedwilh  human 
nature  would  havf. 
been  surprised,  in  list- 
ening to  these  praises: 
that  the  object  of  (hem 
had  not  been  elected 
by  general  acclamation. 


ffranfi-ed  I  presume.  J     None    made    more  or 


You  then  enter  into 
the  sid)ject  of  the 
Presidential  election 
and  say,  that  the  time 
has  no\v  arriveil,  when 
you  must  begin  '.o 
t'tlink  seriously  for 
whom 
Yo- 


warmer  manifestations 
of  these  sentiments  of 
cst»em  and  admiration, 
than  some  of  the  friends 
of  Gen  Jackson.  None 
were  so  reserved  as 
those  of  Mr.  Adams; 
nrc  to  vote,  under  an  opinion,  (as  / 
!:at    tile     have  learnt   since  the 


iciiub  of  all  die  ^.u.-  /JecLiunjj  \wii'.vi>  tLsy 
ilatcs  entertaiiiejtlic  earU'  imb!be<1,  thaf  tlio 
:iininn  that  on  vcu  western  vote  v.'ouW  be 
■sted  the  decision  of  only  influenced  by  its' 
le  contest,  and  that-  own  sense  of  pubHc 
jur  situation  was  sin-  duly;  and  thaf,  if  its 
jlar  and  aiTiusing'.  judgement  pninfed  to 
on  ssy  that  the  'any  otiier  man  than 
"■ends  of  the  several  Mr.  Adams,  notiiing- 
ir.didatcs  accost  you  v.-bich  ihey  coidd  do 
(turn;  that  afnend  of  would  secure  it  to  him. 
cneral  Jackson-saya  These  professions  and 
1  ybii,  my  dear  sir,  nianifestatioits  were 
ly  hopes  are  vipon  taken  by  mc  for  what 
3U  do  not  disappoint  they  were  wcrth.  7 
3— our  partiahfy  was  knew  tliat  the  Siiri- 
ir  you  nest  to  the  beams  v>Ould  qurcTily 
oro — you  know  ttie  cFisappeRr,  afier  my 
iiSiety  wc  a!!  had  for  opir.ion  shotild  bo  as- 
wes'eni  IViSidenl:  LCried,  and  {hat  tIte^ 
'hat  a  friend  of  MV.  would  be  S';ccei?ded 
Tawfovd  corner.  .tTid  bv  astsmi;  althougli  / 
lys,  the  Iropes  of  the  did  nctse-e  exstr-'dy  how 
?pubrieTtn  ])arty  ale  it  v.-oidd  buret 'upon 
pon  yon;  you  and  Sir.  j/ij  poor  !ien<T.  /found 
ravT&rJ -weic  the  on^  my-seit'  transfo;-merl 
(:  Mpuljiicaa  camTt-  fi.oni  a  canclittate  be- 
ites;  had  you  beeil  fiu-»  tlie  people,  into 
^turned  to  f'lc  House,  an  ejector  for  tho  pco- 
e  shoTiW  have  con-  pie.  /  delibera'tcly 
en'iMtid  our  force  CAaniined  the  duties  iu- 
pon  you.  The  Ian-  ciJenito  tliis  new  atii- 
\iage  of  Mr.  Adams'  tudc,  and  wei.^ied.  all 
isnds,  you  jrlvc  in  tlio  facts  before. tuc, 
eafly  the  foilou'ln.tj  upon  which  mjjuJi^e- 
,ords:  nitaitv>;is  So  be  formed, 

"A  frieiid  of   Sfr.     cr   renewed-       If  the 
Vdams  conies  to  mt;    cagTirness  cfr.ny  oftKe 
vi'ith  t^-ars  in  iris  eyes'     heated  partisiii.-   of  the 
nd     says — Sii',      Mv.     respective   caodldales, 
Vdamshaa  «lwRys  had     su.^j^.'rted  a    (iLrdiness 
he    greatest    respect     iu  the  declaration  of  mi/ 
'>r  >  on  oi\'\  the  high-     Inlentit.pj;,  I  believed 
^stailmjcation  for  your    tltat  the   nev.-  relation, 
alonta.     TIkm-c  is  no    in  which    /xvn?  placed 
.lalion  to  wliicli    you    to  the  subjcct.iirposed 
ire    not  cqna!.     Vou     on  nr^  en  obV.j^v.tlcn  to 
vera  uadoubtedly  tiio    pay  some  respect  to  dc- 
;econ\I  rficxe  of  Nev/     re"'-    •.■■ '   -'-"or.;!!-.." 
li'ngSinU,  aJiJ   I  pv3;.' 
,•:;  I  '->  r'-.Tivd'^r    whe- 
.lier  lite  public  gac3 
ind  ync?  own  fjutiTCe 
aUTests  do    not   dlS^ 
tiv  >:..  'y  r:citu  yo-i  to  tbc 
'.*IJ?2      uJiieh     yst! 
>^lit  to  puraue." 

Tiie ditiereiiCcmtlic-iiu^-o'iOc.,  ....;...ii.,  iVuU 
spjrit  ef  these  two  recitals,  must  strilie  the  at- 
[^-ijtian  of  tlie  mot.c  -Enpc-iioial  oh.servcr; — the 
most  pro.TiiRerjt  ar.d  cperativo  of  them  only, 
s^hiH  be  i:itrodv;ceJ  hers.  The  lT:ttcr  to  Mr. 
Hln'P  wss  writtiT.  before  the  eiec!  ion,  and  pre- 
giritory  forit.  (.Slh  Jan.  iSOo.)  Tlicaddressto 
ilr.  Clay's  cnnstituents  after  the  election,  ck- 
p.lanatoi-y  of  his  inot^ves  furhi.->  vote,  and  con- 
d'iCtin  the  election  (JVarcli  1823.)  TUe  recit- 
uSua^ree  sub  star,  liuiy  ;  that  afie-r  it  vi'as  asrer- 
taned,  that  Mi-.  Cl.iy-  was  cxchliled  !Vo:n  the 
r'oMS2  (3'Jih  U;c.  lS^4-,3  new  duties  devolved 
tipoi)  Sf.  Ciar,  arising  ircm  his  cliang'e  of  atti- 
'•ili",  to«-a"<ts  the  people-,  beiii.^  t:ansrormed 
from  "3  r,ii»d'.-ii'«  hciTfr^   ilre  'm'')}!!.---  \)-'.-i  sn 


cittt&v  fui  Oie  jiCiijUe:"' — Vn  iiis-itlit-.r  to  ii.  ."• 
Ulalr,  Sir.  Clay  sa\-s:   r'Thc  time  U  mvr  artiveuj 
v.hcn   Ue   inuit   begin    to   think  seriously   Aji' 
whom  he  is  to  vote."     Strange!  'lr.it  Xtr.  Cluv 
should  not  till  then  (Rfi  J:)n.  18:20«,)    b.-gin  l',> 
think  serious!}'  for  w'fiom  he  sbo;dd  vote  ;  sine."; 
he  I-ras  asspi-ted,  and  proved  positively,   by  hi's 
sympiionizinfi;  comnar^rrtor'*,  tliat  he  tohi  t'henu 
l»e  had  irrrvccably  deterniincl,  :is  early  us  Oc- 
tobei-  1824  to  vo>e  for  '.!r.  Attains  ;  am!  ficU  !i«r 
had  openly,   ,ar^'l    Oanklv   told   his   f;ieiKts  so-,. 
with  a  View  to  its  pubTcity,   if  (ire  comiTHinica'- 
tion  be  at  all  availaufe   Un-  his  o!>ject,  both  be- 
fore,  and   after   !ie   had   rencliti  WnshirMjton, 
(Winttn-  of  IS'J't— '.:3.)  !f  the-!?  facts  liTid  really 
beensT),wliencet!ictroublEaiiaanxicty  ofivcitrli- 
inj^  .all   the  fticts  before  him,   to  irscertaln  tcr 
whom  he  Gheidtl  vote  ".fer  the  SOth  Drcenihcf 
lS2i''  and  .aftfr  it  had  been  asc.rtained  ttiat  Im 
V.  as    most    urexpc&tedly    exciudwl  from   rhe 
House'     &nrc4y   Mr.    CLiy  himself  mmt,  npori 
tl'.ia  review,  ncknowknlga  that  he  is  entan^ed 
in  an  inexti-fcii'ie  wel),  spread  hyiiiniscir.     But 
the  essentia!  differences  consi;<i  in  the  reciCnIs 
of  the  diiTcrent  ovcrtureti  nrade  to  Mr   Ctay  by  , 
the  partisans  of  the  d.ficrent  competitors.     In' 
relation  to  tlios-e  made   by  the   iriends  of  Mr. 
Crawford,  and  Oen.   .Tackson,    it  is   necessary 
only  to  remark  ;  tliat  in  liis,  Blair's  letter,  they 
oonta'n   nothing;  d'-sho-^orable  ;  whilst  ti>e  o>-er- 
t;ircs  made  by  Mr.  Adams'  frieiid-i  contain  tli-R 
p'th,  and  subst.ince  of  the  subseqv.cnt  liaTg-iin. 
Mr.  Clay  saj-s:  "  a  friend  of  Mr   A<)anTs  rome^ 
fome  "  wit!)  tears  in  his  ej-es"  .-end  s*ays:  "  Sirl 
Mr.  Adr.ras  always  had  the  liigh>st  res-pect  for 
yo'.i,  andth"  higlicrrt  admiration  of  yotir  tulc ntt; 
thereis  no  ^lUml'tm  lo  u-'/ii:li  i/uii  arc  lyot  cqita'i; 
you  are   i;nd.!ub'e<Uy   th*   second   ehoe.cc   cf 
New   Rngland,  am!   I   p'^ay  yoii    to    consider 
whc'i  er  the  pntrfe  (^od,  a'ld  ynnr  o'.vn  fiture 
interests  do  not  distiiK'tly  point  ou?,  ti-e  course 
you  ou^l'-t  to  pursue'"     Can  there  he  s>  clearer 
indic'.'tioa  of  a  quid    pro  qi:o    siif'g''«tcd  to  tho 
option  of  Mr-   Clay'     In  his  addics^to  his  con- 
stituents,  Mr.   Chy  says:  "  Tlier^e  profcsMons 
and.  manfes'aticKis  were  taken  by  ma  for   what 
fliey  were  worth."     This  is   aime^t  the.   on!;' 
truth  llr.  Cluy  tells  his'conslitnents  in  n-Iatien 
to  the  overtures  made  him  ;  nnd  tliJs  has  every 
rippear;i.vicei  of  a  "  l^ip-siis   ilnifiia,"     Mr.  Cluy 
se^ms  perA-ctiy  to  have  und'^irbtoud  their  v.-nrlii 
respectively. 

Those  of  Jacfcstm,  cv  Crawford,  beins  mcr"- 
"ii'  complimentary,  were  not  worth  a  etnt. 
Those,  from  \'.v,  Aduirri,  v.erc  worth  the  I'resi-  _ 
dency  fo  him,  arn!  to  Mr.  C\'~y,  tlie  otTtcc  cf 
Sccrefaiv  <<f  SttitB  rths  one,  the  considcratiu^i 
of  the  otiiev  ;  and  Mr.  Clay  seems  to  liave  ac- 
CV'ted  tlie.  nverlure  widi  avidTty,  ai^er  haviiTi;- 
rillv  ascerti-.ined  that  ,Ta;kson  winii'i  not  traffic. 
Uere  then,  rs  a  picture  drawn  In  his  letter  to 
Mr.  filair.  by  II'.  Chiy  himself.  Look  now  at 
its  contntit,  "as  di-.iwn  hy  Mr.  Cl-jy  for  hfs  con- 
sntiients'  "None  were  so  reserved  as  those 
cf  Mr.  Adani^,  i;i«ler  an  opinion  (:is  I  h.v,'.; 
learnt  since  ll'.e  election)  wiiich  they  euily  im- 
bibed, that  the  'Vc»t.ern  vote,  wtKil-d  be  only  ir- 
fitienced  by  its  own  sense  of  pulucdiity  ;  an, I 
■tliat  if  its  jv.ii^ner.t  jiv.imed  to  any  otlicr,  thai 
Sir.  Adams,  notliingwhich  they  could  do,  woulil 
secure  it  to  Uiin."  Loolt  upon  this  invented 
pcJure  of  human  deformity  ;  s-nd  weep  ovt  • 
Ji'iTinn  <!:°rravitv'- 1     \Vas  t'.VT"  ever  clear.' - 


.  cction  ot  !i  more  unprinc»  led  httrj^nt  at  ,U 

loii?,  lilts  most  unfoi-timate  mr.>s  ranb<.'  kc-jtim 
.-luich  hmjrn  i»  l,;s  boKi,  :mbi«i|,iftr  csrec-in 
^lie  .n.t,„fc<n<,on  r,r  his  pubiic  vic^,  and  n-" 
vac™„Kn^7,.,e^!-     But    p-rh.ps  objection, 

nd  pj-ormse  to  prove  tSe  b.rp.«,,  In-  Mr.  C™,-?, 
.wn  ev,de,H.e.  s,,eh  .^y^ctioos,  ,1^  m,,;..  tvill 
'>  anowM  .«  be  wixl.out  fl=c  M.<4...  of  p-'e,"' 

^.y  Mr.  a.,v  hi,^,,,f,    J,,  ,,,,..  ,^„,i;P  ;■*-; 

:-|oh..it^.,jo,,uMic.  nc 3t-;s'aV.:S^r 

■  /.,  !»  pl.-.ctsl  HitJie  hsiKl3cfih-  Adams  Ccnti-,1 
co.^rm.,ec  ..rK..,„„cfc,  ,  ,„a  that   tJ^e  com"^? 

^an    ■v.,>.«4i,lUn<!^^b:l;^^';;;^^™■ 
pose  of  msp«.t„.r|:  it.     Mr.   Kcnd.!)    i,     co^ 

■commutee    Fur   an    u,..pcct;o„    of  fhe    con  ■ 
-ami  makes  !,«  st.ten,«,t  to    the   p.bL  f-o^n 

-ue  same   rnn-.-     „„j„_    ,         |j  >  ".i.  r.o.n 

i!on 


•Jte  same   copv.    imrier    iiiH-m    ^r 

-re,  mat   u    is  sub3ta:-.t:al!v  corppr>     t-    i^- 

on;i:^^.^^f^-^:n^-;:^=-^er=opv 

aeve  l„ms.)r  fro,„  a„v   pr^Lbi '   i , W  ^ -.i^ 
•  writ:nff,tse  f      7-       *  ^^   ^''^J-r"'!"«ion  nftbe 

^.fsoin  n>llib'c;V;^be  «■  ^'"1^  [''l=-PI>n.-s 
■Ir.  Mebatcr.    IK-ai- Mr  r\ , ■,■>..",■  " 
■.".!!  the  case    ..,-,11  ■  .^  '^  ''""  ^'Irnis-'iAris 

.1  [necooe,  and  lus  most  q<,!s cil,  faihcimis  r-i 

-,-    r  •■'   '^^'■'•«f>"nufnce   «-it!>.  that  <-c-r.t7'»m"n 
^v..s  friend  I- o.i.i  f.,„:i:  ,      '"-.'.'-'"' -i"-", 

•ve       U  i.    •  •  •*"':"-2'-.  "^t'-i-crr.eiirr.es,  sport- 

".  "  t')  tesufv  eo!iceni  i!»  i!s  CMitpnt*- ?,.,.,„ 
--Pn„c;ple,hathevv;Hlnot\:iSv^;" 
ri  ;t  °  K '^  ^'?'^''''^'  <.-f  private  eorrcspondcnce. 

.  .1  honevable  tnen.    S„  i;,r  ,,,  , ,  ..^^s  .h./c:nr-e 
-t^T;^'^'^''  P'-.!^f;cu,inP.  ^..<r,dl   hen-uiC. 

cral  ^.nJe,-,«-,-:  lo  wl.om  !  l,a-,e  .sl.nvvn  (1-e 
^-0  rcspo„ae„ce,  and  such- is  i,,v  own  n„t 
3^U1  nr,t  a>a,i  rrn^cirof  this  adv.i:t.ffe,  at  be 
■•  ■;  "'^"' "f rnnc,p!c  the preservaCcn  of  :v.!,ich 
;^^a  n.ee.saryt'..amntce  to  «,eial  cnOieS 
^nd  intcrcomse.  I  c.inl.I not  nioreover  .;„blisb 
.^>  own  letters  to  Mr.  El=ir.    without  soiree' 

<■  '  ,M-  -tl;  ."■ 'S,''  ''=.':«^'  S-'ven  me  permissior^. 

"■■■'''"■    --"■--  -ijbtiiot  to  1    ; 


profl  g-ate  cditt:r  be  tie  first  to  sit  a  mischief-. 
euM  exauipio,  v.hich  the  olbtfr.paUv  to  the  cor- 
rcspri-dence  lusnfjsed  to  cstabUsi- :  i  i;,,.^;  de- 
cb.--.  therefore «iifhori-.-:n^  the  pubiiralion  of 
o,.r  corresj^idencc.  T.ut  the  C..r.tral  Commit- 
tee are  at  Uhtityy  exhibit  to  tl-.c  impection  oi 
ar.y^ent,eTOn  o1  ar-  pany.  o.H  st.ch  portions 
cf:t  ,,rc.|.te  to  the  Prcdentiil  clcct!r.n.  an.i 
vy.!,<;otbe  saoie  npon  ar.y  ,uch  ap;:!;c.nioa 
bt-ing--r,>udc  to  rnc."  * 

Jft-re  ilK,.,  Mr.  Giay  .idmits  the  possession  of 
a  copy  of  tlie  cri.sfinal  later,  b,.th  by  himself 
atrt  the  C,-n:r.d  Committee,  aiM  neither  th6 
one  nor  the  wher  h.>s  contradlck^d  Mr.  Ken- 
<:al  s  sta'emen',  which,  he  pledgees  himself,  to 
he  exprei.<-d  m-terr-iv  rsot  so^Wur^  against  Mr 
C.ay  .',s  vhett-rnriScoMained  in  tbe  ccpv,  flT>m 
whxh  ,t  ,s  ,„ade    .S;,rely,  the  teeter  bti7;g  from 

nor   p„M,s!,ed   by    .VIr.  Chy,    t!>.e  evidence    is 
str.-CilVs,  .Mr. 'Clay's  own   evidence.     Bat  pr-.v 
rea  ler,  r.tfer,il  tp  fho  nvserabk,  silly  a.nbblcs,' 
r.m  nrfdces, -^y-hxh  .Mr.'Clay  i^rin-s  for^vartl,  to 
.l!i_st.fv  Ins   refusal   to  p'ubl^sh  the  letter      Mr 
Ci.iy's  chJmsfo. credit,  f.'r  his  plalonlc  sclf-d»' 
1U..1   (opubh^hth^  leltci-,  when  its  p.ibIir..itiOR 
would    be    to    ;..-    sdvanta^'...,    are   ind'cro.r.. 
enru-fh,  tor  if  f...  contents  of  the  letter,  bear 
t.ie  least  resembLince  to  the   cnnten's  ef  Mr 
ivcndars  st«e3r,ei,t,  istho-e  a  man  in   the  u-orW 
crer.nknis cr.OM-b,  to  bcPeve  thf.t  Mr:  Cliv   o- 
kis  mt.tt  parE;.il  parti-rj-n,  can  tluLfc  their  nu'biC 
cation  wonKt  be  s.-y  a-'v.-imjj^-e  to  -Mr.    Ciav,  in 
am-icjpect  XvMa««,ver'  Cut  why  is  it,  Mr.  Cfav 
thatyoi.  w,l   tlHis  mostgfncToiislvfortJ.o  tlir 
a(.«r.ta~eto  yourself,  .iltci^dant  <;p,jn   itspub- 
w'|;\-,    V,7'>''''-"^=^^  <•!«'.•'»  l^iso«-n   words- 
'    hut  r  w,!!  „ot  avail  myself  r:ftl,eadvantaVc 
attJ!esacnSccofnj.i,-,c.;p|<..  rt-o  preservation  of 
wnicn,  isa  p.ecess8rjr  g;i.-ira..lee  to  sociu  confi- 
t.cnce  and  intercourse."      Mow  considcr.-xte  " 
Il'iw'iibcrdnj   How  generous,  to  socictv"  Hor- 
-pur-:"     H.iw   disinterested'.'     Uok  cruel,   tn 
mms-If. ;     What  principle  is  it,  ?,:r.  Cbiv,  iha'- 
yo'i  •_h<,Ki   so    saercd,  \lH.t    you    would'  safi'c- 
po'itic;..:  .r..tr»:,Tdoin,  rather  tlian  viohtel'     it  i^ 
a.;Miiicip!e  lu^d  down.by  Mr.  lilair.  for  ids  ob. 
s..r\-siice— to  wi;:  "Thut!!.-  wili  not  voUlnfariTv 
consent  to  a   violation    of  priva-e    coiTespoii- 
oencc.-'     A  rrjost  s.icrcd  pcincipit-,  it  ^.s  true- 
JUt  !t  IS  a  i-,r;ncip!e,   not  beariji:^  tlie  real  rch'. 
t:on  t^o  Mr.  Ciay'snwn  case.     Tne.prinrij  loap- 
p.-c:ible  to  Mr.  Ci;iy's  own  case,  is  nt.t     V.'ili 
vo.i   vn1;ii»tar;!y    consent    to  a    ptibTicalion  of 
;,'!,''■   '•"f ='■'*  ci'>rr;£puncieT.cc  ^a.qiain'^t  h-.s  will  ? 
I  lierc  ■;^  7K)  fiwi-.  derrami  tjiade-cn'Slr.  -Clav 
ht.t    win    yon     rcnseiit    to' liave '  vcnr     own 
Kt.crs    !o  Mr.  -Blair  made  piibHc  '"    Con.setrt, 
mjctn  tb.s    r';'if!f:il>io,    Cfudd    be  no  violaticrii 
01  taei>r;,ic!;)ie  laid  .down   bv  Mr.   lilaii-— it  is -> 
ircre  .raqiicst,  mada  to   Hi-.'  rla;:.  to  take  the 
liberh-  wit.b  b?mset-?;   to  iiave  his  own  letter  to 
JTr    niaiv  niarle   pnbho.     It   is   believed,  th!* 
mi^ht  be  reau:'?y  dorte,   wiihciit  the  least  ha7- 
z-.rdto  "soci.il   confidence  and   intercour'ie  " 
liendci    Mr.   H'air  prcsent^^.-^Jr.   Clav  with  this 
honorable    principle,     which  is    sti'^c'!;!"    ar- 
phcabio  to  Mr.  Ci.\vs  owu  cii.^e,  v%'h;!st  tlie'cthc- 
ho!iorab!o.pr;,-.cip!e  is  not.  Mr.  CIsv  sa->-s,  «M:-. 
Bl.v.r  h.^s  g-ivcn  pie  pei-rnisslnn  to  pubi'sh  btith 
to  wit,  Mr.  Cl.'.y'.sanpJf;-.  I^air's  le;tcr.s.  I-j  there 


jU6 


Vle,  that  a  compliance  with  it,  would  hazard  all 
^' social  ctintidence  and  intercoufse"*  Yet 
Ais  is  the  case  which  is  exactly  applicable  to 
•Sir  Clay's  case.  Mr.  Blair  honcralily  consents 
to  have  his  own  letters  to  Mr.  tXay  publisl^ed 
--<4hy  will  not  Mr.  Chiy  follow"  his  honorable 
example,  in  consentiiiK'  to  have  his  own  letters 
lo  Mr.  IMuir  inade  public'  Surely  he  could  do 
£his  without  any  viol;;tion  of  "social  confidence 
oi- intei-course."  Tliattlisis  all  'hat  ever  has 
been  requested  of  Mr.  Clay.  Wdl  you  consent 
to  have  your  own  letters  to  Mr.  Blair  made 
public?  Not,  will  J ou  conserit  to  ]nibli.-.li  Mr. 
Blair's  letters  to  you  against  his  will '  Mr  lilair 
Tlas  honorably  consented  to  have  his  letiters  lo 
Mr.  Clay  made  public.  Far  froir  following- 
this  honorable  example,  strictly  applicable  to 
Mr  Clay's  case,  he  dishonorably  refused  to 
ftllow  this  honorable  example,  and  founds  the 
justiCr-ation  of  his  refusal,  upon  his  approbation 
<if  another  honorable  principle,  observed  by  Mr. 
BJaJr.  This  refusal  to  publish  Mr  Clay's  letter 
to  him,  aguinst  Mr.  Clay's  will;  w hic'n  is  in  no 
respect  whatever,  applicable  to  Mr.  Clav's  case, 
and  of  course,  no^iossible  justification  of  his  re- 
.fiisal  to  j^.ve  publicity  to  his  letters  to  Mr.  Blair, 
all  the  subtleties  and  artifices  employed  hv  Mr. 
Clay  in  disguising-  his  real  nic.titivcs  for  b.is  re- 
fusal to  .consent  to  the  publication  of  his  letters 
to  Mr.  Blair,  consits  simply,  in  the  attempt  to 
.shift  the  question,  the  chief  art  employed  by 
Mr.  Clay,  in  all  his  superficiji!,  fallacious,  de- 
ceptive reasonings.  \VI  at  vanity,  what  egotism, 
is  here  displayed  by  Mr.  Clay!  What  disre- 
spect, what  contempt  for  the  understandings  of 
the  pecpV.  After  all,  howrash,  how  weak,  bow 
superficial,  how  conteniejjtible  arc  all  tliese  shifts 
subtilties,  and  invenf'on.s.  The  whole  evidence 
of  the  overtures  made  to  Mr.  Clay  b\-  Mr.  Adams, 
or  his  partisans,  "with  teai-s  in  tl  e'r  cyc.%"  is 
now  in  rc\-iew,  at  one  glance.  What  has  been 
the  result,  as  proven  by  Mr.  Clav  himself  In 
Mr.  Clay's  electioneering  di'incr  sp<-ech  at 
J'ittsburg,  he  makes  the  following  assertions  and 
•■'  precious  confe-sions." 

"  I  have  differed  only  once  with  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  that  was  a  difference  in  relation  to  men, 
not  measures.  It  was  not  among  the  most  in- 
<;Dnsiderable  reasons  which  induced  me  on  that 
occasion  to  make  the  selection  which  I  did,  that 
I  thouglit  the  measures  wiiich  Pennsylvapia  ap- 
proved, would  be  safe  uniler  the  administration 
of  our  present  Chief  Magist;-atc.  I  knew  his 
opinions,  and  1  have  not  been  disappointed.  I 
did  not  certainly  know  the  opinions  of  his  great 
rival.  I  liad  my  fears,  and  succeeding  events 
hare  not  been  of  a  nature  to  quiet  tliem!"  M'hat 
have  we  here?  "  Precious  confessions,"  indeed' 
These  "  precious  confessions"  demonstratively 
prove,  tlr.it  all  the  overtures  made  by  Mr. 
Adahis's  supplicators  to  Mr.  Clay,  solemi.ized 
with  '  tears  in  their  eyes,',  were  not  witliout  the 
mas;  decisive  an<l  f?it4d  resulls.  Mr.  Clav  him- 
self, makeo  these  "  precious  cnnfesiions."  1st. 
That  he  had  ascei-tained  Mr  Adams's  rpinious 
res]5ecting  the  Pennsylvania  policy,  the  larill'. 
"I  know  his  opinions."  2d.  That  the  Penn- 
sylrania  policy,  the  tariC,  would  be  safer  in  Mr. 
.Adams's  hands,  tlian  in  Gen.  Jackson's,  ."d. 
That  he  did  not  certainly  know  "the  opinions 
of  his  great  rival,"  positively  implying,  that  he 
diJ  certainly  Jcnor/  Mr.  Adams's  opinions,  'ith. 


That  Mr.  tJJ-ay  hviiiflU  becii  (ItsajJfMiuUeil  ^b\ 
That  this  knowledge  formed  a  motive  with  Vtr- 
Clay,  fiT  voting-  for  Mr.  Adanra.  Now,  let  it  be 
asked,  in  wh.it  way  could  Mr.  Cluy  have  come 
to  this  certain  knowledge  of  Mr.  Adams's  deter- 
mination to  support  the  t.irifi?  It  could  have 
been  done  only  in  two  ways."  First ,  from  Mr. 
Adams  himself,  either  verbally,  by  pei-sonalin- 
feniew,  or-  by  WTitten  assurances.  Second, 
from  Mr.  Adams's  weeping  negotiators  and 
supplicators.  Let  it  also  be  asked,  at  what 
tin:e  was  tliis  certain  knowledge  obtained 
from  Mr.  Adams?  It  -ivasTibtaiiied  t:me  enough 
to  form  an  inducement  with  Mr.  Clay,  "  to 
make  the  selection  he  did."  Novif  pr.ny,  rea- 
dei-,  take  these  results,  as  proved  by  Mr.  Clay 
himself,  and  recollecting  the  natural  and  obvious 
course  of  cause  and  effect — then  ask,  if  they 
are  not  tlic  necessary  results  from  the  adoption 
of  Mr.  Adams's  overtures  by  Mr.  Clay.  The 
existence  of  these  overtures,  were  m',ide  as  ear- 
ly as  the  Sth  of  Januaiy,  1805.  One  result  was, 
the  ascertainment  of  Mr.  Adams's  determination 
to  support  the  tarifi".  The  knowledge  of  this 
fact  was  obtained,  in  time  to  form  a  motive  with 
Mr.  Clay,  in  voting  for  Mr.  Adams;  and  he  ac- 
tually did  vote  for  Mr.  Adams,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  that  mot.vc.  From  all  this  proof  by 
Mr  Clay  himself,  can  there  exist  a  doubt,  but 
tli.it  so  much  of  the  barga-n  had  been  made,  as 
to  pledge  Mr.  Cl;:y  lo  place  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
Presidential  clair,  pro\-ided  Mr.  Adams  would 
place  Mr.  Cl.ay  in  the  chair  of  tlie  Secretaiy  of 
State.  The  pledge  of  Mr.  Adams  to  support  the 
Pennsylvania  policy,  t!ie  tariff,  must  necessarily 
have  been  the  consequence  of  previous  under- 
standing of  the  other  points,  audit  is  fairtocoii- 
clude,wa3mucl)more  d'flicultto  obtain,  than  the 
pledge  to  make  Mr.  Cl.iy,  Becrctai-y  of  State. 
Mr.  Adams'  own  ofhce  depending  upon  that 
pledge,  whilst  it  is  well  known,  that  Mr.  Adams 
is  secretly  and  at  heart  opposed  lo  the  tariff, 
and  the  whoL  abominablr  doctrines  upon  which 
it  is  f.iunded;  whilst  Mr.  Adams  has  never,  up 
to  this  day,  lisped  a  sentence  in  approbation  of 
that  measure.  It  is  known  that  he  had  expressed 
the  strongest  opinions  in  hostility  to  it,  in  1823. 
Mr.  Adams  in  his  iustructions  to  cur  Minister  at 
Colombia,  Mr.  Anderson,  lays  down  the  follow  - 
ing  just  and  liber;J  principles  for  his  guides,  in 
forming  a  cummerc'al  treaty  wilii  Colombia. 

"  The  arrival  of  -Mr.  Salazar  piay  be  expected 
from  day  to  day.  In  tlie  n.ean  time,"  we  are  yet 
unacqtiainted  with  the  particular  objects  of  com- 
mercial intcrcour.se  which  the  Colombian  Gov- 
ernment wishes  to  regulate  witli  us  by  Treaty. 
The  imly  abject  uhich  we afiall hnvc 7nuc/i~at  heart 
in  thenegotudwn  wil!  be  the  sanction  hij  solemn 
compact  of  the  lyuitdandWjeralprincipks  oj'inde- 
peniie77ce,  equal  favors,  and  nciprocil'/.  With 
this  view  I  recommend  to  your  particular  atlei-i. 
lion  the  preai;;ide,  and  fii-st  four  articles  of  the 
first  Tre.ily  oi'amity  and  commerce  between  the 
United  States  and  France,  concluded  ontheOtii 
of  February,  1778.  The  preamble  is  Ijelieved 
to  be  the  first  instance  on  the  Diplomatic  IJec- 
ord  of  Nations,  upon  which  the  true  principles 
of  all  fair  commercial  negotiation  between  Inde- 
pendent Stales  were  laid  down  and  proclaimed 
to  the  world.  That preumlle  was  to  the  juunda- 
llon  of  our  comrncrcicl  intcrcimrse  ivitk  the  rest 
of  viunkind,  what  (lie  Micloruiioii  of  Indepen- 
dence was  lot  hat  of  our  internal  Govtmmm(.-» 


£»«: 


iht  imjlu  iji^irutMtMUa  ux/cpju^ia  oj  \u!£  uxui  iue  ^trmn 
.vys/foj,  matured  by  lonii  und  anxious  deliberatioa 
dfthe  founders  of  this  Union  in  the  ever  memni-a- 
hle  Congreis  of  1776;  and  us  the  Dcclarulion  uf  In- 
dependence iaas  tlie  fnuntainof  tdl  our  mtm-cipk 
insl'lvtin'ts;lkeprcamhlefntke  Tmitywlth  France 
laid  iki  corner  titone  fo^  alt  our  suhsequent  Lrans- 
actiona  of  intercnnrse  with  fi/rc'gn  naiions.  Us 
principles  should  be  therefore  deeply  impressed 
ujmn  the  mind  of  every  statesman  ryid  ne^oliatur 
of  this  linion,  and  the  first  four  articles  of  the 
Treaty  with  France,  cmilain  the  praclicil  expo- 
sition of  thosi  principles  which  msy  serve  as  mo- 
dels for  insertion  in  the  projected  Treaty,  or  in 
any  other  that  we  muj'  liereafttr  neg-otiate  with 
any  of  the  rising  Republics  of  the  South. 

There  is  indeerl  a  principle  of  still  more  ex- 
3>ansive  liberality,  which  may  be  assumed  as  the 
basis  of  commercial  intercourse  between  nation 
and  nation.  It  is  thai  of  placing  the  foreigner, 
in  Tegasdto  all  objects  of  navigation  and  coninurce, 
irpoa  a  foofrig  of  eguat  favor  with  the  natii'C  cit- 
izen, and  to  f/iat  end,  of  abolishing  all  r/iscrimi- 
noting  duties  and  charges  whatsoever.  This  prin- 
ciple is  altagethir  congenial  to  f  lie  spirit  of  our  in- 
stitutions, and  the  tmiin  obstacle  to  its  adoption 
consists  in  this:  that  the  fairness  of  its  opcr-rtinn 
depends  upon  its  being  admitted  universally  — 
For,  while  two  maritinrie  and  commercial  nations 
^ould  bind  themselves  to  it  as  a  compact  ope- 
Tative  only  between  them,  a  third  Power,  mis'ht 
avail  itself  of  its  own  res'rictive  and  discrimina- 
fin.5  regulations,  to  secure  adv.intages  to  its  own 
People,  at  the  expence  of  both  the  parties t-i  the 
'i'reaty.  The  United  States  k'jve  ncrer'h'less 
made  considerable  advances  in  their  proposals  to 
other  nations  towards  the  general  establishment 
cfthit  most  liberal  of  all  principals  ofcommercicTi 
intercourse. 

Again,  iu  the  same  instructions : 
'•  Let  her  look  to  commerce  and  rnvigation, 
and  not  to  empire,  as  her  means  of  communica- 
tion with  the  re-it  of  the  human  fam'lv.  These 
are  the  principles  upon  which  our  confederated 
republic  is  founded,  and  they  are  those  upon 
which  we  hope  our  sisters  of  the  southern  conti- 
nent wiil  ultimately  perceive  it  to  be  for  the'r 
own  welfare,  no  less  than  for  that  of  tlie  world, 
that  they  should  found  themselves." 

What  was  Vr.  .Vdams,  and  what  his  profes- 
sions ill  1823'  He  then  professed  to  he  a  re- 
publican cf  the  old  school.  The  devoted  ad- 
vocatc-of  the  then  true  .Vmerlcan  system.  Free- 
dom to  the  citizen — freedom  to  commerce — 
written  restraints  on  governments.  What  did  Mr. 
Adams  become  in  1825,  and  what  were  then  his 
professions'  The  devoted  advocate  of  govern- 
ments of  unlimited  will — ot  the  monopolies  and 
striction  of  despotism  in  every  form  and  effect. 
This  pledge  was  obtained  by  Mr.  Clay  from  Mr. 
Adams,  when  Mr.  Adams  stood  reproached  bo- 
fore  the  world  by  Mr.  Clay,  "  as  an  unprinci- 
pled political  associate;"  and  Mr.  Clay  stood  re- 
proached before  tile  world  by  Mr.  Adam.s,  as 
"  an  unprincipled  holiow-heartcd  demagogue." 
Yet  Mr.  Adams  yielded  up  his  objcctionsto  the- 
tarift",  as  well  as  Mr.  Clay,  for  tile  glitter  of  the 
1'resiL.ent'al  chair  —and  jlr.  Clay  yield.-^d  up  his 
hostility  to  Mr.  Adams,  for  the  splendor  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  being  a  "safe  precedent." 
no  not  these  overtures,  and  tliese  results, 
proved  by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  undeniably  demon- 
*;trSte  the  reality  of  the  bargain;  "r,  it  there 


should  be  iirjiUiaiuiugdouut,  wiii  nai  Uie  knuirtti 
and  established  facts,  dis.sipatc  ever)'  vcstage  af 
a  doubt'      That   Mr.  Adams  was  in  fact  placed 
in  the  Presidential  chair  by  Mr.  Clay;  and  Mf. 
Clay  placed  in  tlif  chair  of  Secretaiy  of  State  by 
Mr.    Adams      The   two  avowed  objects  of  all 
the  previous  oveiiures  and  negotiations,  and  the 
natural   and   flbvious  effects  directly   resulting' 
tiierefrom.      Surely  notling  can  be  wanting  to 
prove  tht  real'iv  of  the  baigain  to  a  certamty. 
yes,  to  even'  possible  certainty, 
'  Leaving  not  one  loop  to  hang  one  doubt  upon.' 
So  far  as  relates  to  the  pledge  of  the  writer, 
to  demonstrate  from  Mr.  Clay's  own  evidence, 
the  reality  of  the  bargain,  he  thinks,  he  raighf: 
safely  stop  here,  with  the   most  perfect  confi- 
denc    i    having  redeemed  liis  pledge;  hut  there 
are  otncr  expositions,  in  -Mr.  Clay's  books, whicJi 
display  so  much  corruption  of  mind,  and  profli- 
gacy of  character,  in  this  prcsuraptuouslofty  as- 
pirant, that  they  ought  to  be  exhibited,  in  full 
relief,    to  the  view  of  the  American   people'; 
who,    iiom    strange  foittiitous   circumstances, 
have  become  deeply  interested  in  5Ir.   Clay's 
political  destinies.     Mr.  Clay  has  peremptorily 
denied,  that    "  Mr   .\da:ns  ever  made  offers  to 
to  him,"  or  that  any  overtures,  of  any  sort  or 
kind,  respect'mg-  his  vote  for  President,  evev 
were  made  to   liim  by   others,  in   any  way  or 
form  whatever;   challenges  the  world  for  the 
proof,    and    bi.ldly  demands     "  the  witness." 
The  writer  promptly  accepts  the  challenge, and 
confidently  piesentsthe  witness  in  the  person 
of  Henry  Clay.     Hear  Henry  Clay,  in  his  own 
words:  both  in  regard  to  his  daring  defiance,  and 
the  facts  respecting  the  overtures: 
Extract  from  Mr.  Clay's  second  booi,  Decern^ 
ber,  182r. 
"  Thus,  it  appears,  that  in  March,  1825,  a't 
vaiiotis  places,  in  the  presence  of  many  persons. 
Gen.  Jackson  took  upon  himself  to  represent, 
that  Mr    Adams  had  m;ide    ofll'ers   to  me,  and 
that,  if  he  had  tnade  similar  proposals,   he,  and 
not  Mr.  Adams,  would  have  been  elected  Pre- 
sident.    With  what  truth  tlien,  can  he  assort  as 
he  has  done,  that  the   "  origin"  of  his  charge 
was  two  years  afterwards  at  his  own  fire-side? 
or  that  "  he  'lias  not  gone   into  the  high-ways: 
and-niarket-places  to  proclaim  his  opinions  '" 
Extract  fi-om  his  electioneering  speech,   at  No<- 
ble's,  July,  182/. 
"  We  stand  confronted  before   the  American 
people,  pronouncing  the  charges,  as  1  again  do, 
destitute  of  al!  foundation,  and  gross  aspersions, 
whether  clandestinely,  or  openly  issued,    from" 
the  lalls  of  the  f;apitol,  the  saloons  of  the  Her'- 
mitage,  or  by  pie.-^,  by  pen,  or  by  tongue,  and 
safely  resting  on  my  conscious  integrity — I  de- 
mand the  witness,  and  await  the  event  with  fear- 
less ctinlidence — t:.e  issue  is  fairlv  joined — tiie 
imputed  o.Tence  does  not  c->mprehend  a  single 
frienj,  hut  the  collective  body  of  my  friends  in 
Congress;  and  it  accTisesthem  of  offering,  and 
not  with  sanctioning  corrupt  propositions,  dero- 
gating from  honor,  ;ind  in  violation  of  the  most 
sacred  of  duties. " 

Again,  from  the  same  speech. 
"  Mr.  Adams  and  myself  are  both  guilty,  or 
we  are  both  innocent  of  the  imputed  arrange- 
ment between  us — his  innocence  is  absolutely 
irrecoiiciI;d)le  with  my  guilt — readily  admitted 
to  be  a  self-evident  postulation  " 


.\i;'.  i.j-.kv  UKts  Call;  la  i^iac-  iuii:,i';ii'  lauVr 
lie  old  adage  "  company  is  gtjod,  even  to  the 
jsllows."  Should  that  elevation  be  awarded  to 
rlr.  Clay,  oi-  shoidd  t>e  coiidemncd.to  ale.sscle- 
•ated  doom,  for  "  sanctioning  cornipt  pr^poji- 
ions;  derogatory  from  honor,  and  in  viojati^jn  of 
be  most  sacr<-d  of  duties,"  he  seems  dot^rini!!- 
■d  to  1)6  attended  uit!i  a  hrilliant  tmin  of  pjod 
iompr.ny.  Mr.  AtLuns  leading  th'e  van,  and  all 
ris  (levofed  fncnds  in  Conffrcra,  bringing-  np 
lu;  real- — a  br.ndof  foi-mdi'ile  suppnilers.jTi  lied 
inon  by  Mr.  Clay,  as  paitiripators  in  Wis  own 
ices,  and  thu9  tess-.ning:  (he  odium,  by  its  di- 
ision.  I»ut  ti;e  niost  profligate  disclosure  in 
he  forcgpinij  quotation,  is  founded  in  the  most 
ninute,  an<l  peremp:ory  denial  by  Mr.  Clay, 
hat  any  o\erturts  of  any  kind  or  sort  what- 
ever, either  from  Sir.  Adams,  or  any  other  per- 
on,  in  any  way  or  foi'm  wliatever,  «  ere  ever 
nade  to  him,  and  deinaTidifi^  the  witness  to  that 
harg-e.  No\v,  hear  Mr.  Clay,  substantially  in 
lis  own  ■tt;ordv  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  E'air; 

"  The  lancjuag-e  of  Mr.  Adams' friends,  you 
■\\-c  in  nearly  tl\e  following  words: 

•  A  friend  uf  Mr.  Adams  c:)mcs  to  me 'with 
curs  in  his  eyes' and  says — Sir,  Mr.  Adams  has 
Iways  had  the  gnvatest  respect  for  ye^i  and  the 
ighcst  admirilion  for  your  talents.  .  Ther,»  is 
o  station  to  wliich  you  are  not  etfu'al.  You 
cere  undoubtedly  the  second  choice  ofNcw- 
"ii,C[!and,  and  I  pray  you  to  consider  whether 
iie  pubic  g'ood  and  your  ov.'n  future  interests 
io  not  distmclly  point  you  to  the  coarse  which 
01!  ovitjht  to  pursue.' 

You  then  give  some  »ea3ons  why  5ir.  Adams 
bould  be  piei'erred  to  fvcn.  .Tackson,  amonjj 
ihich  I  i-cmmiber only  the  .statrment  that  the 
,)l.io  df  le-gation  had  determ.iwed  to  vote  for  Mr. 
idanis.  the  alleged  want  of  qualification  in  t'.c 
iencral  and  his  military  propcnsitirs  Yo>i  then 
.eclarc  disiinctly,  and  in  nearly  the  following^ 
,-ords: 

'  My  friends  entertain  the  belief  that  their 
ind  wishes  towanis  me,  will,  in  the  end,  he 
lorelikdly  to  be  accuuipliahed,  by  so  bestowing' 
ie:r  \-otes. ' 

You  then  dccl.arc,  that  you  have  urged  them 
3  be  Rovcrued  by  their  views  of  the  public 
ood  alone,  and  uver  tliat  you  have  been  in- 
ucnced  only  by  that  consideraticni.  In  con- 
iirsion,  you  use  nearly  the  foUoivint^  words: 

•  Your  Htpresentative  is  inclined  to  concur 
ith  un  in  these  sen-imcnts,  and  as  I  know  his 
jspecl  for  your  opinion,  I  request,  if  you  con- 
iir  in  our  views,  that  you  will  rtri'o  (o  him  by 
?turn  mail  to  strenjrllien  him  in  his  inclinations, 
how  this  to  Crittenden  alone'" 

Comment  is  xnintcessavj'  liere.  Mr.Clay  here 
stes  himself  in  the  niobt  unequivocal  terms, 
lat  a  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  not  only  made  over- 
ircs,  solemnized  by  tears  in  his  ej  cs,  but  b.e 
:ates  the  overtures  tjiemse'ves,  in  f;eneral 
;nns.  lie  dues  more,  lie  ur<jcs  ids  iricnds 
)  co-epcratc  with  him,  to  enable  him  lo  com- 
Iv  with  the  condition  of  lac  overtures  on  his 
art,  partic\darly  to  fix  the  vote  of  a  wavering' 
icmbcT  in  favor  of  -Mr.  Adams.  He  does  still 
lorc.  Ha  declares,  in  his  I'ittsbuj-g  speech, 
lathe  had  a"reitaincd  to  a  certainly,  that  Mr. 
.(lam.s,  if  elected,  would  support  (he  I'ennsyl- 
ania  policy.  Hear  him  again,  in  his  ovvii 
ords  : 

-1  Ip.TC  differed  only  Oi:c<i  v.illi  rennsylv.-*- 


nia,  and  tiiac  Vi^b  u.  dilU;i',eieMC  :i)  i.oi'i-iv.;'  '"  >■■-'. 
not  measures.  It  vvas  not  among  the  most  in- 
considerable reasons  which  induced  me  on  that 
occasion  to  make  the  selection,  whicli  I  did, 
that  1  thoiight  the  measures  which  Pennsylvn- 
nia  ai>prove<l  would  be  saVer  under  the  admiii- 
istrRt.on  of  our  present  Chief  Magistrate — I 
knew.his  opinions,  and  I  have  not  bcrn  disap- 
pointed— I  did  not  certainly  know  the  opinions 
of  his  great  rival — I  had  my  fears  »ud  succeed- 
ing events  have  rot  been  of  a  nature  to  quiet 
them." 

This  is  an  ohvions  and  ntUural  cnnsi-qucncc 
from  the  overtures  described,  lie  does  still 
more.  He  accepts  the  corrupt  proposition; 
and  it  is  most  unfortunate  ior  the  people  and 
government  of  the  United  States,  aciiiallv  car- 
ried into  practical  effect.  'VVas  tlserc  ever  a  more 
daringanduiibliisliingdefiance'  AVas  theree^er 
one,  more  completely  detected  and  exposed.' 
And  that  too,  by  the  evidence  of  the  profligate 
challenge'-  hunself  Cut  a  still  more  repref- 
henslblo  conhiot,  if  possible  on  the  part  of 
Mr  Clay,  ccnsiStK  i^n  the  ijis-.ilious  attempts  he 
has  made,  uivder  the  pretext  of  dz-feniling  him- 
sel",  fo  assail  the  reputation  of  General  Jack- 
son, with  Iheninst  disingenuous  vindictive  nial- 
ignity — ^nd  this  .attack  made  upon  the  p'^int. 
of  ovevtiires,  in  which,  Mr.  Clay  himself  is 
most  vulnerable,  and  culpable — and  Gen.  Jack- 
son Tiost  conspicuously  honorable.  Hear  Mr. 
Ciav.     Kxtract  from  his  speech  at  Nulles'. 

. "  When  the  alledged  ovgrture  was  made, 
tho  election  remained  undecided.  Why  did 
not  Gen.  Jackson  then,  hold  tip  to  universal 
scorn,  and  indignation,  the  in;..nioiis  bearer  of 
the  prnp.isnl,  and  fliese  who  I'.ared  to  insT;lt 
his  honor  and  tarrspcr  wiih  his  integritj-?  If 
he  had  at  that  tima  denour.ce-l  all  tl-.c  mfamouB 
parties  concerned,  demanded  an  inqairy  in  the 
House  of  licprespntatives,  and  established  by 
satisfactory  prtiof  tlio  truth  of  his  accusation, 
tiierc  migiit  and  probably  would  have  been  i' 
diO'erent  rasuli  to  (he  election. 

Again,  fiom  the  same  siieech. 

"If  he  had  rendered  the  disiingiii.shed  mem- 
ber of  C'lngrest,  a  little  more  disfiiigifished- 
by  Instantly  ordering  him  from  his  prescnce-- 
and  by  forthwith  denoimcing  him,  and  the  in- 
famous proposition,  wh.ich  he  bore  to  <he  Amer- 
ican public,  wc  should  be  little  better  prepared 
to  admit  the  claims  to  untirnished  integrity, 
which  t'lP  General  so  modestly  puts  fonvard. 
Rut  acce'ding  to  his  own  account,  a  ccrrup: 
and  scandulous-prop.isal  is  made  to  him,  tin 
person  who  conveyed  it,  ^Ui^cs  him  to  accept 
it,  and  yet  (h.it  person  still  retains  the  friend- 
ship of  Gen.  Jackson,  who  is  so  tender  of  hi- 
cii.iraetcr,  th.at  bis  name  is  carefully  cemceale  ' 
and  leservcd  to  be  hereafter  bi'ought  forwani 
as  a  .vitness  A  man  who  if  he  be  a  member  of 
the  House  cf  Representatives,  is  doubly  infa- 
ifious — Infamous  for  the  advice  which  he  gave, 
and  infamous  for  his  willingness  to  connive  a' 
the  corruption  of  the  body,  of  which  he  was  a 
sworn  meinber,  is  the  credible  -uitness,  by 
whom.  Gen.  Jackson  stands  ready  to  establisli 
the  corruption  of  men,  v.diosc  characters  were 
nev(  r  rpiestioned." 

At  the  time  these  cold  discngenuous  chargCFi 
weic  is.iiied  agfainst  Gen.  J.ackson,  the  sub- 
stance <>f  Mr:  Clay's  letter  to  Mr.  lilair,  was 
net  known  to  th.o  publir;  dncf  '.'s  p'.'.V.Hca'.ien, 


$09 


ilr.CJiv,  liy  liU  Oivn  '  ijificloiis  confessions, '  is 
placed  jirecLs^ly  in  the  sUiiation,  ill  vvliich  he 
lUIseJy  att(;n)|jts  lo  place  Ccn.  Jacksnn.  It  now 
iuni3  out;  that  lie  not  only  received  overtures, 
but  received  them  mulcr  a  peculiar  s<ikmiii'za- 
lion — batlieJ  with  tears — why  did  not  Mr. 
tilay  jjrescn-e  the  noble,  honorable  conduct, 
Mliich  he  urges  npon  Gen.  Jackson — why  did 
)ie  not  hold  up  this  whinin.!;,  weepinir  adaniite 
lo  "  public  scorn,  and  iniiif^nation'"  Why 
not  d^;  it  now'  And  who  is  that  whining-  siip- 
i)lic-.i!or  in  iavor  of  ^^r.  Adsnis'  Since  the 
piiblicutli'ii  ofthe  suh^tince  of  Mr.  Cl.iy's  let- 
ter'.! Mr.  Ulair,  oiiKlit  n:  t  the  publ.c' to  de- 
mand I'le  name  o!"  th'.s  whin.:  _-;,  weeping  in- 
trijfuer.'  Ought  he  to  renrain  i  ,-vncealcd,  and 
hold  his  station  in.  society?  Ought  not  overy 
friend  ot  .Mr.  Adams'  cominp:  wit!:i-.i  t'le  impli- 
ciition  toc.-mand  the  name  of  the  cuh'^ii, to  ex- 
empt hinis^ir  from  the  suspicion,  hovering;  over 
all?  Surely  this  wcepii-(ff  supplicatcr  ouft-ht 
not  lo  be  lon.ijer  co.icealcd.?  fc  it  true  tliat 
there  was  ouc?  Is  it  true,  that  there  were  ma- 
ny .'  In  either  case,  accordinij  to  M-.  play's 
own  denuiK'iatioii  n-jainst  Gen. .  ,;.-.ck*on,  ilv.; 
one,  or  tlie  many  onjfht  lohe  in.strin'Iv  imnias- 
ked,  and  to  stand  before  the  ;)iih!lo  in  .nil  t!  .■  r 
horrihle  deformities.  Suppose  it  not  to  l>e  triie 
ill  relation  to  one,  or  to  many.     \Vhere  is   X!r. 


f'lay'a    boasted    honor    and 


Gone! 


lione  forever!  But  instead  of  this  honorable 
coui-se,  what  course  did  JIr»  Clay  actually  pnr- 
bne?  He  accepted  the  overture  with  cotnpla- 
.-incv,  and  dii-ected  it  to  its  iniqnitous  ends, 
lie  actually  succeeded,  by  nmveaiied  exertion, 
;ind  intrigues  to  curry  it  into,  practical  e'flVct. 
Ad.anis  was  made  President  b\  Cl.iv.  And  Clay 
Clay  niide»bccretary  by  Adan'is.  What  was  Gen. 
.lack.'win's conduct,  when  fro.ni  the  enmmence- 
nient  of  a  coniniunicationfrom  Mr.  Eiichanaii, 
he  thought  ieadi-igto  a  overture'  lie  honorably 
vstransjled  it  in  its  cradle.  Upon  this  first 
blush  of  an  overture,  or  even  a  conx-crsation 
Jeading-  to  it.  Gen.  .)ac!cson  in  a  fi-ank  .ind  hnn- 
orable  manner,  crushed  it  in  t!ie  bud.  Hut  what 
vas  the  nature  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  communica- 
tion? It  Was  merely  to  inform  Gen.  J;ickson  of 
the  intrig-ues  then  carrying-  on  by  Mr.  Adarns 
and  his  friends,  and  to  consult  him  upon  the 
means  of  counteraction.  These  intrigues  of 
Mr.  ..\dams  and  his  friends,  are  now  nude- 
uiahly  proved  by  the  evidence  of  Mr.  Clav  him- 
self. 

The  writer's  heart  hasieccme  ack  of  the 
disclosure  of  somnch  human  vice  an.-l  liuman  de- 
pravity. _  He  wili  terminate  tlie  ilisgus-ting  ciila- 
logne,  with  only  one  more  expowire  of  perfidy 
and  duplicity  from  Mr.  Clay  towards  Mr.  Adams. 
5Ir.  Clay  peremptorily  denies  the  ch.irg-es  of 
fflnbittered  hostility  e'xi.stinR-  at  ilie  time,  be- 
tween h;m..:ci(  and  Mr.  Adams,  lie  also  denies 
ail  rcsponsJIjility  for  pamphlets  and  ncwtpaper 
essays  published  by  his  friends  in  Kentucky 
against  Sir.  Adams-,. or  that  he  ever  did  any 
thing  ag.dnst  hhn,  "  inronaistent  with  a  lair  loid 
honoraide  coiiTpctition. "  Mr.  Clay  also  labors 
to  meliorate  the  embittered  feeling's  of  hostility 
existing  betwei-n  himself  and  Mr.  Adams,  hV 
reduc.ng  it  to  something  like  an  Innocent  dif- 
fftrence  of  opinion,  botii  in  relation  to//ri  and 
Jinncip:,-;  but  all  this  diiVerence  with  liie  best 
intentions  on  bodi  sides.  He.ir  hi?  ov.-n  i:;vjii- 
'■'■•"  •-\>'0'c  in  his  Own  v,-rtfiT=-  * 


Extract  from  Vii-.  Cl.i)''s  ovsii  I'eifeierice  to    Ui,e 

National  Intelligencer,  1st  of  March,  1816. 

"  When  the  British  Commissioners  demant!- 
ed,  in  their  projet,  a  renewal  to  Great  Britain 
of  the  right  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
secured  by  the  treaty  of  1"8.3,  a  bare  majority' 
of  the  American  Commissioners  ofl'ered  to  re- 
new it,  upon  the  condition  that  the  liberties  in 
question  were  renewed  to  us.  lie  w  as  not  one 
of  that  majority,  lie  would  not  l.roiihle  the 
Committee  with  his  reasons  for  being  opposed 
to  the  offer.  A  m-ijojiiy  of  his  colleagues,  oc- 
huiUd  ht  h'lieifcl  hg  the  boel  molives,  made,  how- 
ever, the  ofl'er,  and  it  was  refused  by  the  Brit- 
ish Commissioners." 

Now  hcai  I'.im  'n  an  extract  from  his  address 
to  his  constituents: 

"The  relations  ia  which  I  stoml  to  Mr.  Ad- 
am.s  constitute  the  next  theme  of  the  address, 
■Vi'hich  I  siiall  notice.     1  am  described  as  having- 
assumed  "a  position  of  peculiar  aiKl  decidetl 
hostility  to  the   election   of  .Mr.  Adams,"  and 
eipr.;ssions  to-.vai-ds  him  are  attributed  to  me, 
which  1  nevt  r  used.     I  am  fixide  alto  responff- 
llt  "  far  pamphkls  and  rssa>;s  of  great  aliili/t//' 
puhlislied  hij  mi/  fn'ciids  in   Koilucln/,   in  tfie- 
cot;/-*e  of  ihf  camais.    The  injustice  of  the  prm- 
ciple  of  holding  ir.e  thus  aiis-jverahlo,  may  be 
tested  by  applying  it  to  the  case  of  Gen.  Jack- 
sf-n,  in  reference  to  publications  issued,  for  cs- 
ainple,  from  the  Columbian  Ob.^erver.     ThatI 
was  not  in  favor  of  the  electioi  of  Mr.  AdaiTiS, 
when  the  contest  was  before  the  jicople,  is  most 
certain.     Neither  was  1  in  favor  of  that  of  .Mr. 
Crawford  or  On.  Jackson.    I'/ifit  1  erer  ifulim^/' 
tliiri!!  against  Mr.  .^''unis,  or  cilh'.r  of  tht  otlm- 
{(fnflenieri,  iticoiisis/tnl  irith  a  firir  and  honorti- 
Uk  coinpeHfion,  J  uHir/j/  den:/.     My  relations  «T 
ill-.  .\damB  iiave  been  the  subject  of  much  miiS^ 
conception,    if^i-ot   misrepresentation.     I  have 
been  stated  to  be  under  a  public  pledge  to  e-s- 
pose  some  nefarious  comhict  of  that  g\  ntlemaij, 
during  the  ncgMtiation  at  Ghent;  which  wouIU 
prove  him   to  He  enjirely  tinworthy  of  public 
conftderce;  and  that,  with  a  knowledge  of  his 
perfidv,  T  nevertheleii.s,  voted  for  him     If  these 
imputHtions  are  well  founded,  I  should  iiuleed, 
he  ail'  cliject  for  public  cen.^nre;  but  if;  onthie 
contrarv,  it  sliaU  be  found  that  otlier--,  inimicSl 
both  lo"  him  and  to  me,  have  stihstituted  the!- 
own  intereste.l  wishes  for  my  public  promises, 
1  trust  that  tlie.  indignation  which  they  wculd 
excite,  will  he  turned  from  rae.     My  letter  ad- 
dressed to  the  Editors  of  the  Intelligencer,  un-  '• 
dor  date  of  the  15th  Novemb'--,',  1322,  is  inaifc 
the  occasion  for  ascribing  to  mc  tho  protni^  ■ 
and  the, pledge  to  make  those  treasonable  (Cs- 
closures  on  Mr.  Adami.     Let  that  letter  spe.-ik  i 
for  itself,  and  it  will  be  scon  how  little  justi-fi-  | 
cation  there  is  for  such  an  assertion.     It  advfetis  , 
to   the -controversy  which  had  arisen  befwten  \ 
Messrs,  Adatns  and  Kiisseil,  and  then  proceeds  j 
to  .-tale  tha',   "in  tliG  coii;-se  of  several  piibll-  j 
cations  of  which  it  has  been  the  occ;ision,  !ii)H  ■ 
particularly,    in    the.  appendix  to  a  pampiilet  j| 
which  had  been  i-eccnlly  jiubli/^hcd  hy  the  IlOn.  S 
John  Q..  Adams,  I  tliink  there  are  EO,Tie  erl'oi'S,  \ 
(no  doubt  nnintentinnal, )    both  as  to  niattttS-Of  | 
fact,  and  matters  of  opinion,  in  rcg-ard  to'the  J 
trai.soctions  at  Ghent,  relating  to  thenaviga'iiou 
of  the  MissisMopi,  and  certain  liberties  chiiiivet'. 
bv  the  United  Slates  in  fisheries;  mid  trtiitpr"  ■ 


ali   -^ 


/ 


Siinc£  Ibest  hivciUive,  deceptive  exposUionr., 
t  has  been  positively  pi-n',ed,  that  Mr.  Clay  not 
iniy  verbally  repi'isented  Mr. -'Adams  in  the 
:DiTect  terms,  but  furnished  the  materials  for 
ihese  same  newspaper  essays,  urged  the  repub- 
ication  of  some  of  them  in  a  pamplilet  form; 
ippvoved  their  contents  wlien  published,  con- 
iributed  to  their  circulation,  and-actua'ly  con- 
;ributed  SlOO  to  defray  the  expenses  of  tl-.eir 
publication.  That  the  pamphlet  and  news- 
paper ewiiys,  contained  the  most  unprincipled, 
opprobrious  and  deg-rading'  chtirg'es  a^inst  Mr. 
Adams — and  under  epithets,  the  most  co.'irse 
ind  oflTcnsive,  which  the  English  languajje  af- 
forded, accusing'  Mr.  Adams  of  every  species 
of  public  vice  and  private  immorality — while 
Lhpsc  hostile,  vindictive  proceedings  were  c'.an- 
clestmely  carrying  on  under  the  invisible  influ- 
cmce  of  Ml'.  Clay,  he  was  lioiding  out  a  veiy 
dificirent  languafje  to  the  public,  and  to  Mr. 
.\dams,  as  he  now  publicly  avosw,  reducinjthis 
active,  inveterate  hosiilitj ,  to  a  mere  matter  of 
diffisrence  of  opmion,  hs  to  matter  of  fact  and 
prir'.apk;  and  in  tliis  state  of  things,  Mr.  Clay 
solemnly  pledges  himself  to  his  coii.stituents, 
and  to  ihe  world,  that  he  never  did  any  thing 
against  Mr.  Adams,  inco'isistent  with  fair  and 
honorable  competition.  What  notions  must  Mr. 
Clay  indulge  as  to  the  ciiaracter  of  fair  and 
honorable  means  to  elfect  a  favorite' end'  A 
perfect  Machivael  in  principle,  all  means  are 
Lawful,  provided  the  end  be  good;  all  means 
are  fair  and  lionorable  for  the  good  of  placing 
Jlr.  Ciav  in  the  Presidential  chair;  snd  when 
that  failed,  the  like  means  may  be  employed  to 
make  him  Secretary  of  St.f^te — with  the  advan- 
tage of  a  safe  precedent.  How  p-ofligate!! 
IIow  deplorable!!  Kut  perhaps  it  may  be  ob- 
jected, that  resorting  to  this  evidence  of  other*;, 
respecting  this  pomt,  is  a  departure  from  the 
promise  of  tlie  writer,  to  resort  for  hia  proofs 
to  Mr.  Clay's  evidence  alone.  Perh-aps  it  may 
be  asked,  where  is  the  evidence  nf  ?ilr.  Clay's 
own  admission  of  these  facto.'  So  far  as  his  fur- 
nishing n:ateria!s  for  the  newspaper  essays  and 
pamphlets,  and  contributing  to  their  circulation, 
will  be  seen  in  his  letters  to  Mr.  Ken<la!l;  and 
<;o  far  as  I'clates  to  the  proof  of  his  contributing 
SlOO  for  dcfra_ylng  the  expenses  of  their  publi- 
cation, tlie  proof,  although  from  another,  is  of 
character  to  throw  tlie  burthen  of  a  denitd  on 
Mr.  Clay.  Tiie  $100  are  proved  to  h,ave  been 
paid  by  order,  on  Mr.  Clay's  friends,  or  agents; 
so  that,  if  the  charge  be  not  true,  Mr.  Clay  is 
in  possession  of  the  means  of  exposing  the  false- 
hood. This  he  has  ;  ot  .attempted;  nor  has  he 
denied  the  tmth  of  the  statement !  This  re- 
fusal to  deny,  is  an  admission  of  tiie  ti-uth  of  the 
charge,  by  Mr.  Clay  himself,  and  makes  the  evi- 
dence  Mr.  Clay's  own  evidence,  under  the  rule 
of  law  and  common  sense,  to  wliich  reference 
has  heretofore  been  made.  Now,  re.ader,  you 
have  a  fidi  review  before  you  of  a  pnrt  of  the 
evidence,  in  relation  to  the  imputed  con-upt 
bargain  between  Jlcssrs.  Adams  and  Clay,  un- 
der its  ne'.v  aspects  and  coloring,  furnished  by 
Mr.  Clay  himself,  eitiier  in  his  own  wrrds,  or 
sanctioned  by  his  a,dmis4ons — and  does  it  not 
fully  and  completely  prove  the  reality  of  the 
hari^ain,  leaving  not  ane  lonp  to  h;mg  one 
doubt  upon'  Does  it  not  prove  much  more' 
That  any  species  of  perfidy,-  duplicity,  contra- 
('■."fion,  hvnocrlsv  an-d  intrigue,  hnvp  N^rn  em- 


ployed, Cj'st  to  effect  it;  and  then  to  conceal  li. 
If  so,  what  a  scene  of  lamentable  reflections  is 
here  opened  to  view?  It  has  heretofore  been 
admitted  by  all  parties,  that  if  the  ch.'U-ge  of  the 
corrupt  bargahi  be  found  to  be  true,  the  infamy 
of  the  transaction  ought  doubtlessly  to  exclude 
the  parties  to  it,  fi'cmi  their  present  high  sta- 
tioijs,  and  fr>'m  all  confirlencc  in  future,  and  it 
is  believed,  that  no  one  has  stamped  the  trans- 
action, if'true,  more  indellibly  with  the  seal  of 
infamy,  than  Mr.  Clay  himself.  Now  if,  coutrary 
to  all  former  admissions,  these  two  Machieval^^ 
wtre  to  be  re-elected  to  their  present  high  sta- 
tions; what  would  be  its  most  obvious  effects 
unon  the  people,  andgovei'nmentof  the  Unitert 
States'  Would  it  not  go  to  sanction  their  polit- 
ical lunsies,  and  con'upt  practices,  with  the- 
approbation  of  th  ■  people'  Wh.it  h.ive  already 
been  the  effects  of  tliese  heresies,  and  corrnpl 
practices'  Tliey  have  already  corrupted  the 
public  morals,  and  destroyed  the  written  con-- 
stitution  of  the  United  St:ites.  If  the  measures- 
producing'  these  depreciated  elT'ects,  be  sanc- 
tioned by  the  pViblic  approbation,  can  there  be 
the  shadow  of  a  hope  of  the  restoration  of  the 
puid'C  morals,  and  the  renovation,  and  reinvigo- 
vation  of  the  written  constitution'  Under  tht- 
best  auspicies,  front  the  administration  of  oihers, 
there  can  hardly  be  a  hope  indulged  ofefflcienri 
ly  producing  these  blessed  results'^  but  the  re. 
election  of  the  Machiev:ds,  would  fix,  for  c^n/«- 
rlcs,  the  seal  of  destmction  upon  the  public 
m  irals,  and  the  written  constitution;  and  the 
last  ves  age  of  liope  for  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  whole  human  race,  would  be  swept  aw^- 
forever  with  their  names! ! ! 


Trom  tlie  Ithaca  .lournal,  Aug.  27- 
MR.  ADAMS  AND  MAS<lft>IRY. 

In  the  Journal  of  July  30th,  we  took  occasion, 
to  notic..'  the  efliirts  making  by  some  of  the  sup- 
porters of  Mr.  Adams  in  tins  quarter,  to  pervert 
the  aati-m;i3onic  excitement  to  l.is  advantage. 
We  thcnst.ated  the  fact,  that  most  of  tile  mem- 
bers of  his  cabinet,  as  well  as  many  of  his  present 
supporters  in  this  state  and  county,  were  ma- 
sons ;  .ind  our  conviction  that  Mr.  Adams  vffR 
also  hiin^.clt  ii  mason — hence  arguing  the  incon-^ 
sisfmcv  and  the  pcr/idi/  of  urging  on  this  unhap.- 
py  excitemtnt  to  promote  the  election  of  Wr. 
Adams.  As  one  proof  that  Mr.  Adams  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  fraternilv,  we  stated  that  Major  Rus- 
sell, editor  of  the  Boston  Centinel,  had  dechir- 
ed,  tlw(t  he  miu  Mr.  .idams  made  a  maso>h  sonte 
veal's  ago,  in  a  lodge  in  that  city.  It  seems  tliat 
a  parti/an  of  Mr.  Adams  in  tliis  village,  has  com- 
municated our  article  to  Major  Russell,  witU 
whom  we  do  n6t  exchange,  and  thus  procured 
us  the  favour  of  .a  letter  from  him  on  tlie  subjec', 
This  letter,  wiiich  M;ijor  R.  requests  us  to  pub- 
lish, would  h.ave  been  entitled  to  our  respectful 
as  well  as  prompt  attention,  except  for  a  circum- 
stance not  much,  we  conceive,  to  the  credit  of 
the  writer.  At  the  same  time  that  he  was  ad- 
dressing us  with  protestations  of  apec'jiiar  na. 
ture,  and  entorcing  them  bythe  most  delicate 
appeals,  he  furnishes  a  copy  '.f  this  letter  to  Da- 
vid WooncocK,  u  member  cf  Ihe  anli-ma-wnc 
ritrrcspoiid.ng  cnmiyiiltee  of  this  county,  and  ph- 
ces  it  at  his  entire  difposal!  Thus  he  pays  uft 
the  sorry  compliment  of  doubting  our  sense 
of  honour  and   iustice.  or  li-etr.tvs  a  rrtiTriflus 


// 


Jrath  and  sincerity  of  his  pvotZito^       wt  i      "'i'/''']''^^''''-^  *'"''^''^'  tJiat  I  cxpressiy  , 
W  not  in  wl,nt  school  JlafTr      '  "u  hasl!    ^fTnt^''^:^'' "'^' I  had  mistaken  tl.e^  ini.iit 

been  acqu.red  in  the  school  of /./,/Q„;7cr*rf-    'nflr^V"^'''''''t''^'^'""'   ^'^^  i"!''"'/  «■ 


s-on.     In  tlie  Chronicle  of  last  week.  \!r  Wood  r-J.              '  n'"^"^""^''  '"  the   Ma.e»^r   „.„. 

'^ock  procures  the  puhhcation  of  MuVrKtisseU's  „T™""°"^  '"  "?  statements,  the  foliowinff  ai^ 

etter  to  h„n:  and  a  threat  ,s  glv  J  to   nub!    h  ^  «''"  °"  "'"'""''^  ''°°'"" 

he  letter  to  u,-,  of  which   Mr^  W.  la"    a  com  t^""^-", '"""    '^'''  ''P""^   «'••   Joi.n     Robert. 

oftvdrl''",'^^"'^  P>"^l-l'editin  our  pa,'^-;  t^"-/r^  to  be  a  ,„.son.    called  on  me  t. 

onv  cdnesday  last.     Now   Mr.    Woodcock  ind  '"1""°  V  '   ''«' ^"J' knovvled-e-of  Mr.    Ad..in. 

Mr  Spencer  mnst  have  known,  that  ,ne  editor  ^^V  ^7^'"'"'  :.nd  I  e.^e.^ed  m.   behe 

«.?    f  i        *""''  ''^^'"^  received  the  l-tt"r  to  IT.           '-o^g-f  .many  years  since,  and  Uiat  1 

Nvhiclrthey  allnded.     They  therefore    ook  ad  iu"  ^''''^l-'  ^'  '"  """^'''""  ^  "^  visiter,-    bftt  a 

^anta^e  of  (ns  absence,  to  misrepresent  Mu- ac  ''"  ^■^™'^  "''J^   distrusting  my  recollection  and 

tual.mportofthe  letter,   and  to   prejud^  .^id  '^^f^l'^S  Mv.  Ji.  to  have  made  the  inquiry    o 

Ofth,s  niean  and  contemptible  artificrh^wive-  'f  J,''""^'^;'^  "h- lodges,  in  wh.ch,  tf«r.   A 

He  tnake  no  complaint:   it  b  no  more  tlr'n   we  l,      ft  "  '""^T"^'  "  '•^'^"«'  "'""'d  »"=  '""'"J-     1 

should  expect  from  such  a  quarter.     T  Hotter  ev  m     '-'r.T^'  ""^''"'"^  *'>'   '''■  »•  "'^'  ^e  i,ad 

'  ^'-  ■—  '      .f  the  ed  ,or  me"  X           ,"  ■  "'^.""^^''   ="«'  ''••"!  "°t  found  a,Tv 

tued.ior  me„.,o.,,mdemthemof.VIr.  Adams.     He  did 

ye  rccorns,   asserted  in  the  Messeng-er  letter 
llTl?  ""'"^  i'ately  made  due  ,nqun-y,  I  foumj 
that  .Mr.  Adams  had  never  been  made.;  nnson 
ni.d  was  satisfied  ti,at the  inination  .  hadscen  was 
tl.at  of  .losiah  Quincy,  and  that  I  had  mistaken 

in  iVf""  ^"'"'^  ^^'"^'-  ^<  '!'^'t  remote 
t.m_  r  lad  no  pn-sona!  acquaintance  with  cither 
cf  the  above  now  distn^uishedgentLrnen. 

Tothis"p!.a.n  unvanrsJl«d  tale,"  /  de^m  it 

but,,,st,ce  to  add,  th.t  when  Mr.  liobertsfomKl 

hat  the  mformation  he  had  received  from  ,^ 

ad  become  the  subject   of  political  remark^ 

the  newspaper..,  he  e.vpiessed  his  resret  at  tlK- 

.^ttSr;  f"""'  ''='-"«•"">■  -S'-ncTin  it,  and 
attr  huted  ,t   o  a  person,  not  a  ma.son,  to  whom  ~ 

he  h.ad  casually  mentioned  (he  subject.     I  >-aZ 
no  doubt  t  .of  tho  !„.. r.... -.     ■'      .      »  •■•«i^ 


'  f.'.''"'^^'^'''^"^''^' •"*'"' the  remarks  of  the  td  lor    i^'"'"""   "'"= .  "-'"'™s.  ■•■<ki  li.art  not  1 
of  the  Chronicle,  convey  (h-  impress,,, '.th-tr  Ma     ^-'    ■"■"  '"■'^'  '"-"'"'"  °^  "'■•   '^^ams. 

Mr.  .idams  made  a  mcLwr,  and  Mr.  Spencer  ob- 
serves, that  the  letter  to  us  "places'  heeror 

sertion  on  the  authoritv  of  Mr-  fjussell   in  nn 
v=^   enviable  light,-'  "  Xow   M     RnZu    "° 

iTLiiTi:  ^"-'"^  T'^- "-  aecia,-:!io^:, 

,r.=  -?^,  '  ''*^ ''••'««''«  become  convinced  he 
^v^mtMren  «  M  the  person,.'.'  T|,e  prcvill 
e^phinat.on,  which  he  speaks  of,  and  vSwe 
.^oppose  was  .similar  to' the  present,  ve.'evvr 
saw;  nor  has  .t  been  re-published,  toourkno'w- 
^df^e  n,  any  newspaper  whatever.  Ind.ed  ,he 
Major's  '<  expI.,na,ion,"  wh.ch  he  wi  so  much 
disappo.nted  ,„  no,  seeing  "  in  our  papei^  va 
published  by  iHs  own  account.  /,,>e  the  ^tvv 

It  professes  to  cx;)/am,  was  !(T/7/crt    vi7    n„ /i,  ,      .  ■-.■■■■- >..^..  ...-c  ouuieci. 

29^/.o/.Vf,,„/!,wL,-ea'stl,eBos(^n'i:terrh  :  jri'T  V  "••■'';'"^ '^""^^ -'■■<=■>  y- have  pub- 
we  copied,  was  dated  the  e,LW,th  ..fJ}n,'/Z.\    i  '*"  "i''^''^'''    '"^  ^'-fi'ten   by  somo  eves- 

pubhshed  in  the    Onfaiio   wLenirL  "^f  C  /    ''^PPf '"  ^ff^^*--*  =>  P^"tV  end.  ^  ^"^ 

::OM.V.'  The  letter  from  AIa]or^na5^".  "^"f  .,V'^"  "'^■;^P<=t'«on  if  mv  request,  th..t  vor. 
«ow  pDblish,  together  with  one  from  lull  as  ,'^''"  8''?  P""^  ^^'.'>' '" 'hisnote-with  therenew.: 
respectable  a  source,  received  M  the  same'llL:;    aZ:':^ Cb^T SS:!!^'  ^"'^  '^^ 

lam,  wi(h  consideration, 

Your  brother  and  humble  serv'c, 
_  _    BENJ.   RUSSELr.. 

From  the  Ithaca  ,»onrn.a?. 
^^•^"S  AND  MASONRY-  ONCE  MORE. 
vJteuhfhT^   Mitere-^ting:   letter,    received 
3  esteida;,,    becomes  our  dutv  to  publish-  and 
«'e  present  it  to  cur  readers  w^ithout  rem^'k 
Boston-,  .Septeraber  15.  jpoo 
Col.  E.   MACK, 


.0  answer  to  one  from  ns,  referrin-  expresdv 
to  our  article  of  the  30th  July,  and  maWin 
Tu.ry  upon  the  subject  whicirit  emb'neeT 

Cof.  £teu...^/„S""^'  ""'  ^"°"'''  ''''■ 

,  ,.'"'0'  '■"■  and  have  noticed  therein  the  re 
publication  of  an  article  from  the  O ntario  mIs" 
S«'  f^-'-P^'-t'^S-to  be  an  ex-n.ct  of  a  letter" 
fiom  Boston,  of  April  .'50,  in  which  my  name  L 
"sed  as  bavins-  sfated  that  I  had  s=en  .'ohn  Ouin 
n'  Ad.ams  made  a  mason  manv  years  ^^o  but  r 
^•as  disappointed  in  ;:„/,.,„■„.  i^  /ourin^e    the 

~Jth  .March,  of  the  occurrence,  in  place  of  rr-^^ 

"-''e-i.      in  that    ei;pianaf;on    to:!-,- 


alii 


/r/Litulav  aljjic!.,  i'u-M  to  !;ivc  a  cu;Tec£  i'^lc- 

ruer.t  of  facts.     1  will  now  give  ytm  r  simple 

^atement  of  Ihc   co'iversalioii,  as  it  occun-cd 

Sietwteii  Major  Russe!!  anvV  nivself     Sonfie  time 

in  March  last,  I  called  on  iu}v,-  l^isseli   a;.;l 

aske<l  iiiir,  if  JoUn  Ci.  Adaiiis  was  a  Mason..    lU: 

answe'.i-il  me   proniplly   f.wl  liiieo.'iivacal!','  in 

^     the  aRirmutive,  and  procccil-jd  'o  nsy,  iie  was 

present  wlion  Mr.  Adams  took  lii.s  first  dc^wc; 

..that  the  cii'CHiv.s'.ance  wxe  iVesii  in  his  rctii-.piy, 

and  tiiat  he  was-iaitiatedin  St.  .1  jhirslodjv.     I 

llieii  a»k<xi  him  tlie  time  the  ceremony   tool; 

place.     I.^  i<efj!ie<!.  he  co'ild  not  tt)f-n  recolhcl 

the  year,  but  it  wjis  aljout  the  tJiiK  he  [.\d.iin.sl 

Ici't  ollcge;  antj-  (tu-tlier  cbserveu,  thai  I  joiild 

:fsccrtain  the  time  by  searchiii<j,  the  !\.c<ii'ds  of 

tlie  liKlg-e.     Tbc  rc'cui-is  of  the  lo'l{ru  were  ac- 

curdingiy  l)a<l  access  to:  but  strange  as  it  uisy 

appear.  t!u*  reoordiifrom   1784,   to  l''S)2,   wi-r'e 

Oot  tT)  h?  founds  and  as  Mr.  Adams  becar.is  of 

itije  ill  ir!j3,.his  name  inu.-.t  ofc.oirse  have  bean 

"athc  records  tl'Kitare  nissing,  or  aappryssed. 

Subsecptent  to  th«  rccorj.s  being  seaiahcd,.! 

.  5ain  saw  t!)c  lla^pr,  and  tnld  hiai  Mr.  Adams' 

jiamc   could   not    be  found  in   the   lod^.e.     !fe 

a^.iin  ie)>!ied,  that,  he  " coiiid  k;>1  be  mi!.t;iKcn," 

.  as  he  i)ei  fcct'y  recollected  the  place  ths  lodj^c 

Hva^   heid   in.     And   to    corjcbornte    the    fact 

tiamed,  th&t  tlic  late  GoT.;7i-or  Gore  v.as  ;;rcsei!t 

£S  a  vislt'T.      Sir.  i7u.i-;cli  stitt s  in  hW  i-ttcr  to 

■  oil.  tliathe  inistooic  .Mr.  Ad.mis for  J<isiah  Cinio- 

y;  biit  iha!  ny.iit   be   ac.    TiXir;   for   we   find 

::.it  whr:;)   Mr.  Quiocy  Wa  i  made  a  ini;sun    ><r. 

lusscll   Wa;.-  not  ]jresent,  if-tlie   rccnds  of  !he 

odgc  be  correct      ilr.  JUisst-il  further  .state?, 

,,  l,;«  tester  to  yoi!,  t'lal  he   was  npt.  personally 

c-.;uauttHl with  criiier  Ailaoiso;  ilifnvcy.at  tiiat 

-■:note  time.    I  regTet  the  gcntirnian'i  memory 

so  treuclieroiis;  for  we  find  in  the  yrar  179!, 

ilin  Q.  Adams  puh!i:ihed  a  series  of  numbers, 

.r.,|cr  the  si^iiatijg;  of  "  I'ljblico,"  in  which  he 

nndc  a   most   i>bwcr!'iJ   attempt  to   annihdate 

Bepubllc.ai!i."in,  in  the  (;<dunibian  Cciitinf.1  <.f 

■whidi  J/Ir.   lics^JI.  w:is   the  liditor.     The  ,\ia- 

^or  further  stairs  to  yon,  tJiatwhcn  I  found  the 

"'onj;i'!<iii  liv  ivi!4.!;''vcn  me  Imd  icuome  tlic 

■..i..ci    <.*•   j;'«I.t,ca;   remark    in   the   neik^pa- 


io  OLll  bUUSCllliiEllS'. 

'fJiAliilintier  conip'en-s  the  s^riis  i}romi»eU  ill  oiirtinl^*^ 
psi  inviSlit-itlH.  ^V'>;  )imp,  h,  ncvir,  i-  tj  |H',  j*ji(l  ulll  JJUD*.-. 
lisli  Hii-ty  a(l»itii'iiii!  prfRP*,  i-oiit.iMiJnprnialii  r  ufdi^h  iiitc»x 
1-cal.  Miiicli  nitii  that'in  Iht-  pri^'etdnii;  iiumbf»«,wi:l  niak»- 
llle  ij.:ilra  'reii.Kr.ii»h  a  va'iiabi,*  li(K>k  f.  i  fijoiti?  tif  rtjw:*'^^ 
■\*'.'ih  ihis  vitw  it  ii  i;>ti'H»l  J  (<j  rsnif  an  ailil*  i.iiinl  iiiiinliM"- 
tiicijiilain  the  oJlioia:  l-efJi-jnoiul  a  t»1)'e  i.f  ntnlciii*.  'Ilia- 
lr<;5'  iicceisariiy  bi-.  ilelnyteil  until  ui'-cr  the  trtsulciitla". 
e!^-'  xr-n  is  closf  d. 

!(;;  .■>!){*  devotei!  out  tiiwe  for  ne.ij-Iy  tlifce  years,  exciu 
iivrly  to  tljc  C'.tist;  if  our  fouiitry,  tlie  tmtf rih-ds  of  thw 
peritiiitioii  wrhft^-!?*-!  i!yron,mnlt;i^  pn«X''i]»tioillnul  de— 
iuiuti.ition  wf  lu IV  iiivd"i(;oiit-,  *.viU  tiji-m,  it  is  Ijupei),  iomc 
apology  fill-  siiciilkiii^'  of  oiirsf!it.s. 

'Lhf   rtutlfiii'tr  tisvinionia's  of  public  coufiitt-nce  in  oiu 
posit  Sii'ru,,i',r»t3oi(J.  u  u*  tjr  uiv,  \)tb*.  o\tr  privalc  ililciosl  : 
lu*.  iuat -1>   cttraifctKd  wilSi  Iju-  piil»Iip   -Aelliiie.     Is  ,t  fr.'v 
prrts-  onr  of  ibe  stroii^^i's:  (;.ii.nl.3!is  of  puli.ii  lilwrtj?     Is 
ti  not  tlHr  privrili'  iitlvrest  of  tlic  ruudufloa'  of  wicb  a  prfs^ 
so  to  di-ifhaia;^  Iii^. tJiily.as  to  nfaiii  the  pMhat*  (OiiflitnMf^ 
It   t3  im  uniwlili*  trail   iti  lliL-  churat-ttT  "f  the  Ariil-ricaiK. 
ptop'e,  llrftt  whilst  ttuy  art- jealous  «  C  anj  iiHl^flvs  ready 
to  n-fcr.t  eiicio.irhlivnrt   npo:i  lh«' fundauiffmal  pmoipit'a. 
cf,oi;[-  iiisiiluUtjiw.  tl>«y  ar^'  prolit-  to  z\\f    B  «ar.tldn>^- 
sm>porTtto  Ciou*  piih'.j*  fii'K  u.nriiti  s,  wiio,  it  nnfilitlifuV 
can  ilo  iijLAt  tDGiidi'i  niitii'  tilt'  fV.iindvttioii  r.f  vivi!  liberty.. 
Tosueti  »   iitHipif  :t  i\xe  prcM  it   tliL-  uaturul  niitl    surivC: 
;;ij!:riltni.     .\  w.  II  rr;-!ila*cd  I'.vr  of  praise,  f;n(l  ■  vvi,r.  fbuii- 
drd  li.jpf  of  reM  ard,  Jtrc  ihv  stroup  £1  iinliifi-r.i-cHtM  .'a  rioit 
ftiid  vii-tut.iis  :>c(iutis.    Thecf-rlaiiuy  o:-tU'ifCiiou  j.ml  (hty. 
dread  of  piiiifrliaieiit  a'C  tlie  sirol\^-.-&l  p.-*sprratir«of  tlifi'^ 
Iwili  ic  iiioru:*-     \Vtn'n  we  tbiii  siic.ik,    «-e  do  i(  with  mv • 
.s|>i.-it  of  iniii  ti.ssiiii;;.-  V.  hui  aKi^r  liimh  lafltcfioii,  W(^. 
\l.-liluicd  to  i'l.««-e  oiuselvlsilijl  {v.siti'Hi  wltitb,  umh:i  tliu'. 
f\ij?i:iici''s  ( f  tli'i*  t.ini<^,  lit^^C'^s2r.'7    fx;-.!    upon    iis    llitf 
i-yis,  and    ill  M.nio  il>  Rrt i*  thi.-   hoiKs  of  fie  Ropiiblican/-, 
par!)',,wc  n't;  t  »r.;i!  ihe-'AUUt  of  ih  ji.-  ubililiis,  tht  odii-,- 
otttion  and  t'sl'triunt  o  U'hith  Ihf  position  Hud  lb;- 1  ir.^-s  di'-- 
inauilf .'.    Ou"   tolit'd.ute   was   in    tli"   :i;t  Rrry   of  opr- 
inininrtivta,  iV.f  ii.oiilijf'-ntr,  thi.'  virm^,  mid  may  y(e  lie 
p<-nnitt>-dln!-.'.y,  tin  eiKtitud.-  f.i.lh:  ixv|.:o. 

'tUf  jtnJiiKev(-i''r:i»'nt  whitlihi^fi  pii  v.;did  -ac  (oainiutn. . 
triilUbf  iindvihirbvKU  apath).     I  lit'  ptiLnc  miud,  fc-- 
tiKtjMi  bv  ih.'  f^.-slsiu  .  f  Ihv  piHiiiil  fsnvasi,  «i'l  fall  iu.'... 
tc-r-noi';   bal  l!ie  vijii'Mf-t^  s^^ulinct  tfWi   not  sin;/.      V\>i 
<u.-iu\-  is  routed,  rot  dosn-oyed.      I  liu  cui.s  of  lli..  citadel 
must  l.f  -oaid.  .i  v.  .th  rt  doubled  viKi:an.-e  I.  »t  ipits,  lii  the 
parb  .■,^de^e•■w^6  Btianeotra's,  uittT  tlitltal  and  bind  Xha 
urm'c^ji'Oii  ivlijic  h*  s  ei-pi-th. 

.Si  iHr  -IS  '^-ietts  t<»  .1  subsi;»3pt:oii,  fff  have  n  t  been  dj 
nppointi.l,    V.i   ih<  >lir;«t  "■pane  of  oi.r   ed.iortal  crirter 
iiiorr  tb.iu  ;\ieiwY  tUoiitnt.d   names   n-irr  breii  n.ared  o!., 
oia-  ii.l.      'lo   retain  sitrll  a  pnnoti.pi;  fsoiti  tfic  ^'onu 
tl.-itischu    fiS    wi'l  jdao*'  II*  Deyuiid   t*^fco--Ttioiis  «l  tilts 
l.a.j  ueifa.tj-  llw    lial  <1  ireii  our  .otelu;Kir«riis  lo  de- 
pciui  iipoiuiti uti'. e  fjv.ir,  ii  oiii-  creal  ilesidl-ralinn. 

To  do  iDis  v.i.-  lamt  uviko  the  I  eo  i;. apli  suel.  a  pap'  ■ 
aj-ic  is  i1k  u.teiist  cf  the  p.ib.k  to  patroiliio.  It  uiu 
E;:s-e  n  f  ith'ai  and  hill  r;:<ilt  of  lit.-  prottcdiuRS  of  lioll>» 
lic-usei  of  Collfrrts-i.  It  m:i«  give  t'j-'  eari^'et  lof«i  Blut 
l*i:Su  utivs,t.nil  must  i-.letilily  itscif  with  the  lilvraturei^ 
inil  suieiitv  as  iveii  as  the  lioaiii-s  of  the  fount.  /.  We  base; 
provid  d  »h:>;  r  poit?!-*,  and  si  ill  l3)  ta  ems  and  iiltnii- 
tnrc  oiuier -.mli'b.iiiju,  il  wecanotyord  ti.  do  so. 

Hi*.- ul^  1  ili-  ral.'Jcr.ibirj   have  comp  aiuiil  that  tliel^.w.. 
h   has   not  reach -d  th  ni  iti  tjti.e.    ;so  lar  as 


•   i^s,   (Isat  I  legi-e^tid   the    pill  ■ho:>.tio:>v.  denied    tra  -leliKi-.i.h  lia^  not  ivaeh.d 
:vi,.;f  a:,y  affl-nc^  in  It,  and  tliat  I  attributed  it    !i,;;VS^:'\;,i;r;i,i:'~;:'Lta" 


'  a  ptrs(;ti  not  a  ma  tjn.     Bnt  hi-ro  the    Major 

:eaiiy  reiTie;n!>ers  what  never  was  s.iid,  .or  iiiti- 

•n-.ted  hy  me,  or  even  a'luded  to,  r-i;  I  nevs-r 

!  uve  re(;:i.-llid  the  intjniry  or  ptihlicition  of  the 

.cl;  but  ilortgiel  that  ii.e  Major  ehsuld  be  so 

it'orStiiiate  as  to  makfi  s'.ateineiiisjo  eiTOiieoiibi 

■  i:J  fill  (her  rejjnr,  tint  a'ly  pei-fj.-i  wlio  lias 

.'"en  honouf e<l  v.ltli  the  Siibiiinc  tk}jrct-3  ofnia- 

:  >try,and  knows  'rhc  h!es-Tingsoi'  the  mason  ck 

Ktiluticn    lo  mankind  fio;i,  t'le- dajs'of  km;' 

■'lomoii  to  the  prea-nl  linr.o,  slioni  1  lend  liim- 

s'df  to  (jive  cuiTfiicy  lo  sueh  lj*se  and  uawRiriR: 

'  i'lle  i'ep!>i.-9  S3  are  tvery  day  gs^n^  tJrercuniJs 

A  O'lrp'.iblick  prints-     .*>..sfiisc  of  lii.i'r  cpuipeis 

;  I'j  to  .riakt-  these  rcinarics,  that  tiie  jiuiiHc  il.Kiy 

•.tot  ho  deceived  hy  art,  di.s;gii,..e«;i;lTocj'.lioif,  or 

inpjsitib.'i.      I  am,  Sir,  rcsm-ctfuilv  vonr.^i 

ioyiy.imv.vA'jv;., 


,  .^  machine  ins  been  invented  by  a  ".Ir.  IIo- 
b.tlt,  cs  Montgomeiy  Cmint*,  Ncvi'  \orli,  by 
wdiicti  a  ton  in  weight  vi'  !:'!■<■>-■  ?hn--'i,  jtiav  bo 
'I'ldi'  tfl  S  i'hl!;''''  (Ite. 


_^  ^  _   _      _  .  . . ,  lias  hwli  luail  :    but  tins 

edition  SlTis^bei'lv  St)  '■^iRf,  ihst  a.lhougU  we  h  .vc  druen  the 
I  :-'.5»t-s  day  ondnigln.it  .sasn.Oeiia.  vveeould  do,  toniiise 
up  Iiwa  fe\T  (!jvy  suspellrfioa,  o.tasiuiied  I.y  nn  aeiiaeiiaiE. 
li-  fi.i.  ney  ill  our  supp  y  of  pai.er.     I  o  ea.ilia  us  to  oOvcnu : 
Ihii  olije,;:on,  v.chivecoiilnieledfijr.  andosP'Ci  to  base 
in  opeealioa  Kbout  ibc  coitim'-n-i'iuelit  of  lh-„- uirvt  st-tsloll 
of  toil'-res-,   n  pr.ii  cipahie  oi'  oecutinR   at   least    Ipty 
lli.n;.ji.'j  iuipreisieii!  per  diem.    %Vilh  suHi  a  pri-«  nude.-' 
the  arii.i.E^meut  sv»  hate  iiaidf,  wesini  proiuw  the  tar-. 
lifM  iiit-^ligeuce,  l'or'-i;;ii  oi'^iio  ..cutic,  ttj  wie!i  oJxiur  rvad'  ; 
Cl!  n<  fro^n"t!Hir  ili.-a;  pc.itirui.loot  lo  this  p.a.e  for  it. 

\\'*i  bUpestf,  so  soon  us, our  uiss-prisi  is  in  opi'ratltjii„. 
to  111  Tiasn-.bi:  si/;-  ol  ou.-p»lHi-  to  ihat  ofilie  latge-it  iii. 
the' eooolrv.      In  ijeiiver  lliy  oai.  y   us  litrelolore,  at  t  t: 
it.dl.-iti  tv>-.in-lici->.     Til.-  u-i-"P.-IUyat  S..1,  and  the  vvee1. 
lyat  loo-.     •)itf  sleiRls- paper    \Mo    be    pubioloti    in    t,:  ; 
ki.p-.ie  lo.ij.irioor  e.ira,  hm  ut  a  si/i-  u>  loiila.n.at  le.. 
tsriet:  llu:  m..l.er,  r.ui  oo  a  pap  r  of  ■  the  best   qUJIilj 
A  s.imp.-w-  s!il< -.  of  w'.i-b  «ia.  la  a  tew  siwUs,  U;  pubu.l. 
td  anilsnitlo  loosl  of  oursubsi-rilni-!.       _ 

To  tiiina'e  the  !«s,  and  uiiltruiiity  ol  co.lc;:uji',  '> 
piopuse  to-;orol-h  the   paper  t-i  ap-uts,  «iio  obtain  i  .1  - 
soribvri;,  ar.d  i;;-nwie  tiimiss'v.j   responsible  f.i-  the  p.-; 
mcilt,  ti-pv.rler.r  i-.i.adTalirs-,  nt  tl;t  ft.lUMiUK  latts; 

l;aii\.  s  svii'itol^ais  l;er  iiun-tUL 

'fii-\\V«  U>,  iitui-  doiu.i-s  pu-  iU::nIt>l. 

Vf'eeljv.nr  i«o  dol.ars.  ,         ^  ,        ■• 

Nod  d..<,Ioiniia  li- made  01.   VK  t!an  file  aiil.-seriocr .. 
and  i-iu-h  SKeiil  t>nl  bf    i-peclr«  to  Rire  boult  sv.ili  u,,   . 
ploied  seioriij  forth-  lailWui  jayuiei.i  oflils  diu-». 

Th-  sr  rtniarls  are  suliniiited  lU'.a  r  Iht  laipr  thai  ihiKe  !• 
V  ho.ii  we  art  a  ri«  Iv  under  iiwm  obli|aiuoii.,  »l'l  aid  '.s .. . 
O.iroftiirt  lu  u.iik.Mjn:  1  ebf.rnpU  die  pride  «.l  its  liulo.  ■ 
md  fll-  s..*!("jr.c-atl'Ulr'!»',"l'h..  h.l>:  t.aries^!  i-ixi  bo;-" 


UNITE])  STATES'   TELEGllAPH— i'lr/ri/. 


I'liis  paper  will  be  devoted  exclusivtfly  to  t!ie  Prcbidaiitial  Klectian,  and  be  publislied  werfily, 
until  tiie  loth  ol'  October  next,  Cor  One  IhiHar,  aiihjecL  to  newspaper  postSf?  and  iioino><: 

BY  GREEN  iy  J.IRVIS. 


VOL.  I. 


WASHINGTON,  OCTOBER  23,  1S2S. 


No. 


IMPOIiTANT  DISCLOSURE. 

The  light  which  the  fijllewing  commu- 
nication from  Mr.  Jonatlian  Russall, 
i^heds  upon  a  subjext,  heretofore  of  niucii 
interest,  aithoiiiih  but  iiniierrect'y  under- 
stood, because  of  the  mystery  in  which  it 
was  envaioped,  has  induced  us  to  exte-id 
the  issue  of  our  extra  paper  beyond  the 
numoer  originally  proposed.  VVe  lay  it 
before  our  readers  as  j>art  of  the  secret 
iiistorv  of  our  country,  deeply  interesting 
to  posterity.  Whether  jVIr.  Clay  will 
now  redeem  his  pledge,  and  give  the  his- 
tory of  tlte  open  day  and  secret  night 
trairsaction,  wdl,  no  doubt,  depend  upon 
the  eftect  which,  in  his  opinion,  S'lch  a 
procedure  will  have  upon  the  public  mind. 
After  the  picture  wliich  Mr.  Russell  has 
drawn  of  Mr.  Adams,  for  the  correctness 
of  which  Mr.  Clay  himself  is  a  witness, 
it  is  to  be  expecied  that  they  will  b:)th 
break  the  seal  of  silence,  wincli,  but  for 
this  tlisclnsurc,  would  no  doubt  have  been 
perpetual. 

V/e  have  introduced  the  letter  of  Mr., 
Clay  to  Mr.  Russell,  and  th^a  reply  of 
Mr."  Russel  to  Mr.  Ciaj",  into  the  body 
of  his  letter  to  the  Chairman  of  the  coiii- 
inittee,  because  as  Mr.  Clay  acknow- 
ied;!;es  the  receipt  of  that  letter,  and  is,  in 
its  fdce,  called  as  a  witness  to  itsti-uth:  it 
shows  the  oninion  which  Mr.  Clay,  him- 
self, entertained  of  Mr.  Adiims,  until  he 
fo  nd  it  for  his  interest  to  supplant  th.e 
ca"lea!jue  alluded  to,  and  become,  what 
UlslEditor  of  tl;e  llichmond  Vv'hio;has  call- 
ed, the  "  The  power  beh.ind  the  throne 
'j^veater  than  the  tiirone  itself." 

Mr.  Russell  complains  that  tiie  Central 
Co^tmittee  have  adopted  Mr.  Ad;;ms' 
book  as  the  text,  from  which  they  drew 
the  inference  that  he  acted  in  concert 
with  Mn  Claj'.  It  is  not  for  us  to  enter 
upon  the  defence  of  the  commit^e  now. 
They  vi'Ci-e  examining;  the  relation  which 
Mr.  Ciay  had  borne  to  Mr.  Adams.  Thi 
latter  had  pointed  to  Mr.  Clay,  as  an  ac 
complice  with  Mr.  llussell;  and,  if  the 
conimiitoe  have  entertained  an  errone- 
(las  ojjinion  of  ti-.e  relation  which  Mr.  Rus- 
sell and  Mr.  Clay  boi  e  to'cacii  other,  it  in 
to  be  attributed  to  the  want  of  that  in- 
Ibrmution  which  Mr.  Russell  had  it  in 
hrs  power  to  give,  but  which,  wrxa  wit^i- 
he^tl  uiTf'i  the 'Ji^'u^simii;,  in  w)(kh  !'!«' 


committee  participated,  have  exposed  the 
hollow  prctsHsions  by  which  Mr.  C!ay 
has  induced  Mr.  iiusscll  to  believe  that 
he  was  a  friend. 

^ye  proceed  to  lay  Mr.  Russell's  letter 
before  the  public — that  he  will  be  assailea 
by  all  the  virulence  of  the  coalition  is  to 
be  expected — that  he  must  triumph  in  flKS 
his,h  gratification  of  renderina;  an  essen- 
tial service  to  his  countiv,  in  the  double 
esposure  of  a  false  niend  i'.nd  an  old  ene. 
mj',  is  manifest. 

ISIiLTox,  SqUeoiber  10,  ]8'I8, 

To  John  P.  Van  Ness,  Ksq. 

Sik:  As  the  Chairman,  and^  of  cov.rge; 
as  tiie  ostensible  or£:an  of  "  the  Jackson 
Corresponding  Committee,  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,"  I  now  claim  the  pri-. 
vilege  of  addressing  yoi'. 

Tiuit    committee,   in  their    '•  reply," 
publisiied  in  the  United  States'  Telei^rajjii 
Extn:,    of  the   10th  May  last,  to   "Mr. 
Clay's  last  address,"  took  the  freedom  ■ 
of  presenting  me,  entirely  uncalled  for  by 
their  professed,  general  object,  on  that  oc- 
casion, "to  th.e  People  of  the  U.  Stales," 
and,  as  it  appeared  to  me,  in  a  style  pe- 
culiarly ungracious  towards  me.      This 
seemed,  indeed,  the  more  extraordinary, 
as  I  was  not  aware  of  having  done  r.ugfit 
to  deserve  ill,  either  of  the  present  friends 
of  General   Jackson,  or   of    the  forntcr 
friends  of  Mr.  Crawford,  in  their  succes- 
sive or  joint  array  for  the  presidential- 
struggle.     This  rtide   and  wanton  notice 
of  aic,    by  the  committee,  was   not  only 
irreconcilable    with   the    political    faith 
which  5ve  all  pr>)fc3s,  and  with  th.e  suc- 
cess of  the  great  political   object  whicU 
we  now  pursue,  but  with  all  tlie  notions 
v.hich  I  have   cherished  of  the  amiable 
temper  and  unsinning  courtesy  cd  tiieir 
chairman.     I  will  still  believe,  that  you 
cot'.ld  not,  even  for  a  n.ioment,  have,  ad^ 
iisedhj,  intpaireil  yov.r  just  title  to  this 
Character:  but  that  all  of  which  1  may 
T^oniplaln  ''  in  the  reply,''  is  to  be  ascrib- 
ed to  the  less  fcstidious  zeal   of  others. 
In  acquitting  you,  however,  of  all  i"Uftif. 
participatinn  in  the  offence,  I  could  not 
now  gratify  the  real  offenders  by  conde- 
scending to   notice  tiiem,   in   this   public 
manner,  had  I  not  been  persuaded,  li'     . 
loali.  Wv  sftiiie  of  th^m.   who  desc     /  '" 


<Ji4 


■was  n6t  inietidttl  tii  disparage  me,  or 
to  \yBund  my  feelings."'  Although  I  will 
ffcankly  own,  that  they  appear  to  me  to 
have  chosen  rather  an  awkwar<l  or  arabi- 
gjious  way  to  exhibit  their  consideration 
and  regard;  yet  circumstancs,  which 
have  since  occurred,  or  recently  became 
known  to  me,  have  powerfully  coiisj'.red, 
vyil  .  this  willin;;  fui'^b,  to  induce  ilie  to 
ri"sten  to  the  wishes  of  my  fr:ei<ds. 

In  ray  observations  on  "  the  reply,"  I 
shall  be  as  brief  as  perspicuity  will  per- 
mit. The  exti-act  horn  the  joint  das- 
patch  of  the  American  Cumrais^ioners  to 
fheiro;ovcrnment,  dated  at  Ghent,  Decem- 
ber 2Tlh,  i814.  i  find  to  beentirely  cor- 
rect. The  manner  of  accountin-^  tor  the 
prc*iion,  "a  majority  of  u^,"  used iu  that 
extract,  and  for  the  aiit'jorily  for  which 
your  commi'tca appeal  to  Mr.  Ad;.ms'  book 
iipon  the  Mississippi  and  the  tisheries,'' 
is  not  correct.  It  was  on  tlie  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Clay,  himself,  that  this  expression 
\va,s  inserted — with  his  memory,  on  this 
point,  mine  perfectly  accoi'ds.  In  his 
fetter  to  me,  of  die  yth  juiy,  IS-Zi, 
he  says,  *'  you  wUl,  no  doubt,  recol- 
lect that  /  suggrsted  ivhei}  ice  went  to 
sign  thai  despatch,  the  mention  of  the 
words  "  a  majority,"  and  my  purpose  for 
doing  it  iiias  not  mistaken.'''  ••  Ho\v  it"' 
(that  offer)  "was  carried,  it  was  nol  neces- 
sary for  them"  ('the  British  Commission- 
ers) '•  to  know,  but  might,  to  us,  have 
been  highly  injurious.  But  it  was  ma- 
terial that  our  government,  to  which  we 
were  responsible,  sliould  know  how  we 
did  act;  and,  accordingly,  when  we  came 
to  address  it,  we  informed  it  that  it  was 
the  affair  of  the  majority,  &c."  "  It  was 
the  less  necessary  for  us  to  disclose  the 
fttal  secret  of  our  divisions  to  the  enemy, 
because,  &c." 

After  you  are  apprized,  by  this  letter 
q{  Mr.  (Jlay,  how  strong  our  obligation 
Ki.iS  to  acquaint  our  own  government 
^  how  wc  did  a.;,"  you  will  not  believe 
that  your  committee  ought  to  iiave  ex- 
pressed so  much  surprise  at  my  solicitude 
to  confirm  to  it.  In  the  discharge  of 
this  duty  [  did  not,  indeed,  feel  a  right 
to  speak  lor  any  other  member  of  tiie 
mission,  whether  of  the  majority  or  the  mi- 
nority, but  leaving  each  one  perfectly 
free  to  speak  for  himself,  and  to  render, 
as  I  intended  to  do,  when  and  where  he 
pleased,  his  own  reasons  for  his  own  act. 
I  cannot  admit,  unhesitatingly,  the  soli- 
dity of  the  reir  if  your  committee, 
"  that  it  was  ver  •  si  ••  :ular^'  that  I  should, 
without  even  desiring  to  suggest  to  oitr 


goVciuumeJit  Uie  exi!!,icjuii;e  ut  any  di\L,i'.- 
sity  of  opinion,  in  relation  to  "  the  ofi'cj 
of  the  Mississippi  navigation,"  have  so 
far  changed  my  mind  oil  the  same  day, 
as  to  deem  it  necessai-yfor  mc,  in  vindica- 
tion of  my  motives,  to  give  an  explana- 
tion to  my  governinent  fjr  votin^j  m  the 
minority,  ('ouidit,  indeed,  h;:ve  requir- 
ed a  singtdar  change  of  minJ.  lo  have 
beeri  even  indifferent,  wheiher  i  he  fact  of 
there  hailing  been  a  minority,  wareatatea 
or  not,  in  fhejoini  ■Jespaichof  the  Secre- 
tary of  Slate,  and  yet,  wiien  th  t  fact 
ha(r  actually  been  so  stated,  to  deem  it 
proper,  on  the  same  day,  m  wnting  a  let- 
ter to  him,  frankly  to  avo\v  hmp  i  had 
Voted,  and  to  express  my  intention  of 
communicating,  when  more  at  leism-Cj 
my  reasons  ivky  I  had  so  voted.'' 

"  Nobody,"  your  committee  say, "  had 
denounced  my  mo.'ivei;,  and  the  Secreta- 
ry of  State  would  never  have  known  U 
had  I  not  announced  it  myscf. "  Pray 
what  right  had  your  comnpttee  thus  to 
insinuate  that  a  consciou-^ness  of  be- 
ing in  the  wrong,  should  have  deferred 
me  from  declaring  myst?!f  to  have  beea 
one  of  the  rainorityf"  But  I  will  press 
this  inquiry  im  further,  presuming  that 
you  could  have  meant  nothing  uncourte- 
ous. — Siill,  had  I  been  willing  to  conceal, 
even  from  ovr  own  government,  all  know- 
ledge of  our  iiivisions  at  Ghivnt,  on  this 
subject,  and  of  the  part  I  had  taken,  and 
had,  too,  been  a  thorough  convert  to  the 
])o!itical  morality  of  seeking  iuipunityby 
the  concealment  of  crime,  could  your 
committee  have  been  quite  sure  that  "  1 
should  never  liave  been  known  as  one  of 
the  minorilyr''  Could  they  have,  foretold, 
with  absolute  certainty,  that  all  curiosity 
would  have  slept  a  sleep  of  death  .''  That 
no  spirit  of  inquiry  would  be  awake,  and 
abroad  to  ransack  '■  Iho  open  day  and 
secret  niL^hr,"  'o  discover  things  necessa- 
rily intrusted  for  safe  keeping  to  so  ma- 
ny bosoms,  liai)le  to  bo  agitated  by  such 
various  passions  and  feelings,  and  to  bc 
exposed  to  the  iniiueiue  of  such  a  diver- 
sity of  honest  views,  if  nol  of  yain  and 
capricious  notions  ?  Giving  to  these  con- 
siderations their  due  weigtit,  and  admit- 
ting the  fitness,  already  urged,  of  ac- 
counting fur  all  niv  official  conduct, 
where  alone  I  felt  myself  responsible,  I 
might — notwithstanding  it  well  became 
Mr.  Adams  to  affect  to  sneer  at  my  men- 
tion of  "  candir"  in  acknowledging 
myself  one  of  the  minority — have  hoped 
that  your  committee  would  not  have  pro- 
nounced it  evident  that  I  must  have  had 
"  a  motive   in  this  ti^•a^snction•   diMinct 


oho 


^fri-alit  seif  vijM.uUaioui''  Vfas  tliere,  iiideedj 
ii-o  candor  in  fraukly  avowing  myself  to 
be  responsible  for  somctliing  whicli  a  ma- 
jority of  the  mission  appeared  to  liave  be- 
lieved erroneous?  and  tlius.as  faras  belong- 
ed to  me.have  saved  them  from  all  invidious 
suspicion  which  mi^ht  have  resulted  to 
fhem  from  tiie  indiscriminate  language  of 
(he  joint  despatch,  of  the  same  date,  in 
this  particular  ?  I  owe  it  also  to  truth, 
here  to  declare,  that  I  have  no  recollec- 
tion nor  belief  of  acquainting  Mr.  Cla}', 
at  that  time,  with  any  knowledge  of  ray 
communication  to  the  Secretarj'  of  State", 
of  the  fact,  "of  my  having  been  one  cf 
the  minority. "  '-The  mystery  of  ruin 
•which" — on  no  better  autliority  than  the 
book  of  Mr.  Adams — your  committee 
venture  to  repeat  ■•'  had  been  brewing 
between  Mr.  Clay  and  me  against  him, 
front  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent," 
could,  therefore,  liave  owed  its  existence 
alone  to  the  distempered  imagination,  or 
blind  niaSignity  of  Mr.  Adams  himself. 

While  your  committee  appear  to  be  so 
ready  to  echo  what  Mr.  Adams,  in  his 
book,  sars  aoout  me,  and  to  call  me  to  a 
■severe  account  for  writing;  my  separate 
letter  of  the  2;7th  of  December.  18!  4, 
they  ought,  at  least,  to  have  inquiied  if 
the  assertions  of  Mr.  Adams,  which  they 
thus  repeated,  were  true,  and  if  his  own 
conduct  conformed  to  them.  When  they 
found  in  the  very  beginning  of  his  baok, 
(page  6,)  his  assertion  that  neither  Mr. 
Clay  tior  any  other  member  of  the  mis- 
sion, save  Mr.  Russell,  had  thought  it  ne- 
cessary, at  that  time,  to  inform  the  go- 
vernment hov.'  he  had  voted,  on  tiie  ques- 
tion, or  to  vindicate  hi^  vote;  ♦hc'V  ought 
to  have  examined  if  the  evidence  ftirnish- 
cd  by  the  book  itself,  was  in  strict  ac- 
cordance with  that  assertion.  They 
Mould  have  found  (pages  54,  55.)  that 
Mr.  Adams  and  the  other  members  of  the 
majority  had,  in  direct  contradiction  to 
that  assertion,  thought  it  necessary,  at 
the  very  time,  and  in  the  very  joint  des- 
patch, to  inform  government  how  they 
had  voted,  and  to  indicate  their  vote. 
Mr.  Gallatin,  one  of  that  majority, 
thought  it  necessary,  too,  in  a  separate 
letier,  of  the  same  ilate,  to  indicate,  with 
sufficient  clearness,  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  how  he  had  voted,  and,  again, 
to  vindicate  his  vdte,  (page  57;  nay, 
the  committee  would  have  found  (page 
206)  that  Mr.  Adams  had,  himself,  the 
very  next  day.  (December  ilO,  1814.) 
written  a  separate  letter  on  the  subject, 
not  direct  to  the  government,  indeed,  but 
p}  his  JatKnr,  in  -which  ^?  not  daly  aigni- 


Jitea,  V\'rti>  djucIl  siitt-c'0^q^laceal■c^-.  how- 
he  had  voted,  and  not  only  nmnberea,  bvfi 
denounced  the  minority,  by  savino-,  "  thi^ 
olfer  met,  however,  ivith  great  oppositimi 
among  ourselves,  for  there  were  two  o/ 
us   against   making   it,  and  wiio  thought 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi   incom- 
parably more  valuable  than  the  conteslcd 
part   of  the   fisheries.      Not  so  did  the 
British  government  think ;  for  they,instead 
of  accepting  it,  oftered  us  an  article  stipu- 
lating to  negotiate  hereafter  for  an   equi- 
valent to  be  given  by  Great  Britain   for 
the   right  of  navigating   the  Mississippi: 
and  by  the  United  States  for  the  liberties 
of  the   fisheries    tcithin  British  jurisdic- 
tion."    Mr.  Adams  also  says,  "this  was 
merely  to  obtain  from   us  the  formal  ad- 
mission that  both  rights  were  abrogated 
by  the  v.ar."     What  sagacity ! I  Some  of 
us,  at  leasr,    liad  good  reason  to  believe, 
that  they  preferred  their  article  to  our  of- 
fer, because  owr  ij^cr  would  secure  a  title 
to  both  rights,  while,  under  their  article, 
they  migiit  have  required  an  exorbitant 
equivalcn'— and  expecting  to  capture  and 
intending  to^  hold  New     Orleans,    they 
vouid.  i'!  fact,  acquire  the  navijiatioa  of 
the  Mwsissippi  withcu'  nny  equivalent  at 
all.      One  of  the  British  ministe;-s,  cfter 
the  signature  of  the  treaty,    declared  to 
one  or  more  of  the  American  ministers, 
in  private   conversation,   witli   an   air  of 
self-gratulation,   that  New    Orleans  v.as 
taken,    and   significantly  observed,   that 
the   navigation  of  the   Mississippi  would 
not   probably,  in  funire,    cause  so  much 
difficuUy  between  the  tico  countries. 

This  separate  letter  of  Mr.  Adams,  to 
his  father,  with  tiie  secrets  of  the  mission 
of  Glient,  and  the  emphatic  denunciations 
of  th.e  minority  wh.ich  it  contained,  was 
sent  by  the  latter  to  James  Lloyd,  Esq. 
"one  of  the  most  disting-uished  merchants 
and  statesmen  of  the  Union."  Mr.  Lloyd, 
in  compliance  with  the  intimation  which 
had  been  given  him  with  the  letter,  ad- 
dressed, on  the  8th  March,  181.5,  a  long 
communication  to  the  elder  Mr.  Adams, 
concerning  the  fisheries.  He  said,  at  the 
same  time,  "  my  information  with  regard 
to  them,  has,  in  general,  been  derived 
from  respectable  'sources,  on  uhom  I  can 
relv,  never  having  any  direct  int<?ip«t  or 
concern  in  them  m. self."  Th  -  letter 
from  Mr.  Lloyd  v  s  transr.iUted  'O  Mr. 
John  Quin  v"  Adams,  at  London,  in 
the  summer  if  1815;  and,  amon^;  the  pa- 
pers published  in  the  boc".  as  containing 
the  material  )iarts  of  the  infoimatior 
which  had  been  requested,  it  is  placed  u 
the  foremost,    fank,    (page   209.)      ^t 


516 


Lloyd,  grateful,  uo  deub^,  tor  iFie  coiide- 
scensidn  and  coiifidence  with  which  he 
had  thus  beoii  distinguished  by  tlie  sire, 
had.  full  of  the  god,  snatched  from  the 
Quincv  altar  the  fuming  censor,  and  rap- 
turously and  devoutly  waving  itaromd, 
filled  all  the  feniple  v.'ith  tiie  "^>.ncient  and 
fra'rrance  of  t! -e  lucense  witl> 


consecrate( 

which  the  race  is  so 


•ichl  V  oerfumed.     He 


knew,  tluit,  lor  any  peeidiarily  as  a  cifi- 
7.en  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Adams  could 
have  had  no  plausible  pretext,  other  than 
might  have  been  suggestetl  by  my  daiinfj; 
to  diift:-  f.ciu  him  on  the  re!ati\  e  value  of 
the  fishi'i;^  liberties  within  the  British  ju- 
risdiction, and  the  free  navigatioii  of  tiie 
Mississippi  within  our  own. 

In  addition  to  all  I  have   here  said 


begins  his  devotion  by  declaring  '•  these  my  liability  of  being  known  as  one  of  the 

fisheries  were  most    advantageously   se-  mniority,  and  on  t!ie  fitness  of  niv  assij9;n- 

cured  to  the   United  States  by  the  treaty  ing  nvj  motives  to  my  goverainenf  for  be- 

of  1783,  and  made,  as  I  have  always  un-  ing  so;  on  the  total  falsehood  of  the  asser- 

derslood.  a  sine  tjiia  nan  of  that  treaty,  tion,  that  no  member  of  the  mission,  ex- 

PRiNCiPALLY   by   one  of  our  ministers."  cepting  me,    '•  had   thought  it  necessary, 

(page  210. )     lie  calls  tliis  loiitesled  right  at  the  time,  to  inform  government  how  lie 

had  voted  im  the  cjuestion.  or  to  vindicate 


of  fishing  within  British  jurisdiction,  "a 
gem  which  should  never  be  surrendered; 
nor    will  it   ever  be  nv  axy   srATESMvx 

ALIVE  TO  THE  ISTERESTS  OF  illS  COCKTUY. 


his  vote;  in  addition,  too,  to  the  fair  in- 
ference, that  I  was  actually  one  of  the 
minority,    "'■'     which    your    Committee 


©ompaj'ed,   in   its   consequences,  with   a    might  have  learned  from  the  book  with 


free  right  of  navigating  the  Mississippi,  it 
is  even  a  more  unequal  stake  then  would 


which  tiiev  were  so  well  acquainted — they 
mi^ht,  also,  have  learned  from  tliat  book. 


be  "  sis  Frcncli  rapiers  imponcd  against  b(  f  )rc  their  reply,  that  I  had  complained 

six   Barb.-try  horses'*!!   (page   '21'.^     In  of  being  designated,  in  1816,  in  the  Eos- 

the  nest  page,  meaning,  no  doubt, /;r«rf<-  ton  Ceutinel,  as  having  been,  at  (ihent, 

cully  to   apply  the  icisihm   of  these   re-  unfavor.;bie  to  the  fisheries.    It  is  not  ne- 

marks,  he  says,  ■•' She,"  (Great  Britain,)  cessary,    I   trust,  to  inquire,   here,    wlio 

"has,     therefore,     notwithstanding    tht  could  have  given  that  informaticm,  to  per- 

opinion  ok  two  of  the  Ami'.kicak  Com-  suadeyour  Committee  that  !  needed  not. 


■jMissioxKRs,  and  her  own  probable  pre- 
tensions cf  fairness,  given  up  nothing,  in 
point  of  value,  v/ith  the  fisheries." 

Your   Committee,    who  appear  to  be 
niuch    more  familiar   with    Mr.  Adams' 


at  any  time,  "  a  motive  distinct  froni  self- 
vindication,"  satisfactorily  to  account  fur 
my  conduct  in  this  business." 

If  your  Committee  should   be  inclined 
to    make   a  distinction    in  favor  of  Mr. 


book  than  1  can  pretend  to  be.  rould  not  Ada  uf,   for  having  written  his  separate 

well  h.ave  been  ignorant  that  Mr.  Adams  letter  from  Ghent,  relating  to  the  secret 

had  himself  not  only4.!cnounced  the  lai-  doings  of  the  mission,  directly  to  his  fa- 

ncrity  of  'ivo.  in  a  letter  to  his  fatlier,  but  thcr,  and  indirectly  to  his  fath.cr's  confi- 

•the  father  had  sent  this  letter  to  "  one  of  dant,  and  that  mine  was  written  directly 

the  most   distinguished   merchants    and  to  the  government,  and  for  it  only;  bc- 

stalesmen  of  the  Union,"  who  virtually  cause,  whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of 

reproached  the  two  Commissioners  cf  the  your  Commi(tee  on  the  comparative  ab- 

iriinovify  with  h.aving  done  sn  act  which  strart  propriety  of  selecting,  as  vve  did, 

could  have-  been   done  "  by  any  our  respective  correspondent!;,  still,  from 

alive   to  t!ie   interests  <if  his  the  letter  of  Mr.  Aiiams  not 


never 

statesman  alive  to  t!ie  interests  of  his.  the  letter  of  Mr.  Aiiams  not  being  ad- 
countiv."  He  compiled,  toe,  a  lono;  dis-  dressed  directly  to  the  government,  vour 
sertation,   most  profound,    no  doubt,  for    Co'iunittee  may  be  disposed  to  acquit  hiin 


the  infjrmation  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  m 
vindi^otiori  of  his  vote  as  one  o  the  ma- 
jority! Mr.  Lloyd,  too,  altliou.h  he  might 
not  have  been  expressly  t.dd — but  most 
prfibably  he  was — that  [  was  one  of  the 
iniiioiity,    must   have  iwfened   this   fact 


of  having,  by  his  confidence  in  his  father, 
and  thence  in  Mr.  Idoyd,  violated  his  as- 
sertion, that  I  only  had  addicssed  the  go- 
vernment, or  justified  myself  to  it.  You 
shall  see  !  And  although  your  Committee 
could  not  have  made  this  discovery  by  ull 


from  the  arrogant  expression  of  the  letter  *the  lights  cf  ll:e  book,  yet  will  yoa   not 
which  had  been  submitted   to  him  by  the    acknowledj^e  it  to  be  the  less  wonderful. 


fjther.  Mr.  Adsnis  there  says,  "«s  a  cit- 
izen of  Massachiisetls,  I  felt  it  to  be  most 
PECL'i.iAKLY  my  duly  not  to  abandon  any 
one  of  iier  rights,  and  I  would  have  re- 
fused to  sign  the  treaty,  had  any  one  of 
rfiem  been  ahrtnfloned."'    Mr.  T/hivd  vTell 


The  copy,  or  the  duplicate,  or  the 
triplicate,  or  whatever  it  might  be.  as 
printed  in  tiie  book,  of  the  letier'of  Mr. 
Lloyd,  of  the  8th  of  March,  1815,  as  ad- 
dr.-'ssed  to  ?.Ir.  John  Adams,  is  but  a 
wretched  mutiiatpd   fragmfiit  of  the  ori- 


>uuil  lettui-  thai  wics  tiiuo  addressed. 
This  origmal,  to  mj  surprise,  1  found 
at  Washiu^-ton,  in  ISir,  iti  the  Depiirt- 
luent  of  State.  Tlie  sire,  it  seems,  not 
satisfied  witii  transmitting  Mr.  Lloyd's 
prodigious  protli'ction  to  London,  as  re- 
quested, tiiat  his  son  might  know  some- 
tlung  abo'it  the  fislieries  and  the  Missis- 
si(,pi,  siiould  tiiat  practised  statesman 
thereafter  liave  occasion  to  treat  about 
them,  but  he  sent  that  letter,  about  the 
same  time,  to  our  own  governnient,  inci- 
dentally, no  doubt,  to  instruct  them,  but 
mainly  to  vindicate  the  son  as  one  of  the 
mijor-ty,  at  Ghent,  on  this  question,  and 
insidiously  to  denounce  the  minority. 
Mr.  Lloyd  probably  assented  to  lus  letter 
being  so  employed,"  as  Ihe  mutilated  frag- 
ment, if  nr.t  fashioned  by  him  to  abuse 
nic,  was  so  published  bj  his  e.rprcss  per- 
mission.  (Page  209.) 

I  need  not  now  ask  your  Cimimittee,  ! 
trust,  if  they  still  doubt  my  sufficient  mo- 
tive for  self-vindication,  or  now  consider 
the  assertion  of  Mr.  Adams, '« that  no  other 
member  of  the  mission  had  thought  it  ne- 
cessary to  vindicate  his  own  vote"  but  me. 
i  will  detain  your  Committee  a  little 
longer  with  Mr.  Lloyd's  Ictler,  in  itd  va- 
rious shapes.  I  found  tlic  copy  ofthe  ori- 
ginal, as  1  have  stated,  in  the  i)epartment 
of  State;  and  the  excellent  Mr.  Graham, 
who  was  then  Chief  Cleric  of  that  Depart- 
ment, afforded  me  an  opportunity  to  pro- 
cure a  copy.  Such  a  cony  I  now  saiid 
you,  and  they  can  compare  it  with  iiiatin 
"the  Department  of  Stare,  sliould  it  have 
survived  all  tiie  changes  there.  I  send 
you,  too,  a  transcript  of  Ihe  fragment, 
from  (he  book,  that  some  of  your  Cor.iniil  - 
tee,  who  ap))ear  well  qualified  i\;r  the 
task,  may  critically  co!iK:r;ie  (he  who/e  cS 
both;  and  although  thiy  may  not  descend 
to  note  the  dili'erevie.s  (f  punctuation  be- 
tween them,  yei  t;:ry,  injustice,  will  not 
allow  to  escape  them  aiiy  c?scnt!al  cor- 
reclioii.s,  variations,  or  (iiacie.uaiKies. 
They  will  remember  that  this  fragment  is 
a  (locumenf,  not  only  published  in  the 
book,  by  special  permission^  to  furnish 
Icstiuiony  to  prove   that  the  liberty  of  ta- 


ment,  wJiidi  may  bo  expected  from  a  thJi- 
roiigh  comparison  ofltotli. 

The  very  first  stride,  stretches  as  far 
as  the  limits  of  the  two  papers  would  ad- 
mit. It  consists  in  taking  t!ie  da!c  from 
the  very  hoftom  of  the  copy  t)f  the  orig-ina/, 
and  placing  it  at  the  very  top  of  the  other 
thin^.  Then,  and  not  far  from  the  be- 
find    the    specimen 


promised : 

Copy 


you 


ill 


!  l/ie    D^part- 
tnent. 

"  Tile  c:ius<:-s  of  its 
value  and  iinporlaiice 
not  being'  a  in:itter  of 
g'l'es'.er  notoriety  here, 
are  ohvioos.  Ii  was  ;in 
eiiipln}  incut  ni)t  or.ly 
in  the  fishing-,  but  in 
many  insUmccs  un- 
ilocibtoilly  in  trade,  (r.'irf 
in  an  illicit  trade  witli 
Ihe  British  inliabitanti, 
in  ivkichf  iiuhprndently 
of  (he  dreud  tjjf  conineti- 
fion,  one  of  !he  inherent 
af/rihufes  of  corriTnei'CCf 
piMiclly  ictis  nicst  care- 
fully  to  be  avoided. 
Tiiose,  therefore,  who 
were  cng'uged  in  it, 
mscle  no  unneci-ss-iry 
pi  omii!g':ition  of  their 
employment,  while 
theiv^  condjutors,     the 


Cojiy  in  the  Book. 


"  The  causes  of  its 
value  and  importance 
not  beinf^  a  matter  of 
great  notoriety  here» 
are  obvious;  it  was  nn 
employment  not  only 
in  the  fishery,  -hut,  in 
ni:iny  iiulances,  nn- 
douhtedly  in  trade 
with  the  British  inhab- 
itants. Those  who 
were  '  eng-ag^ed  in  it 
made  no  vmuecesaary 
promulg-itioiis  of  tlieir 
empioyinent,  while 
tile  poorer  inhabitants 
of  the  provinces,  t.ist- 
ing,  equally  its  SA-eets 
and  advantages,  were 
alike  Jisposei  to  keep 
silence  wilii  regard  to 
it;  but  «o/  so  situated 
were     tiie    prov;ncial 


poorer   mliabitants    of-  governments  and   tlte 
liie  iirovinces,  tasting     more   wealthy   of  the 


Iving  fisli  within  British  jurisdiction  is 
inurli  more  valuable  than  the  freedom  of 
navigating  tlie  Misslssijipi  within  oars,  but 
was  specially  drawn  fnth  on  this  occa- 
sion, as  "  a  French  rapier,"  for  the  chi-_ 
v'alrrfus  purpose  of  making  a  deadly  thrust' 
at  me !  Lest,  however,  none  of  your 
Committee  may  be  immediately  at  leisure, 
to  attend  to  this  undert;d:ing,  I  will  give 
you  a  siirfrt  specimen  ofthe  notable  varia- 
tions between  the  copy  printed  iu  the 
boolc,  ami  the  copy  found  in  the  Depart- 


qaally  its  sweets  and 
advantages,  wero  alike 
disposed  to  keep  si- 
lence with  regard  to  it. 
B:!t  so  situated  were 
not  ^)ie  i*/o-,"ir;rial  Go- 
vernments, and  the 
more  wealthy  of  the 
merchants  of  the  sea- 
port to'.vns.  They  had 
b'Co;ije  highly  aiarmed 
at  die  e\!>ar,>ion  of  tills 
ijsucry  and  trade,  jeal- 
ous of  its  progress,  and 
cUmorcus  at  its  endur- 
ance. The  former  stw 
llieir  own  sonserjuencs 
abridged;  their  revenue 
interrupted;  their  peo- 
ple alienated,  eni\i/ins: 
Ihe  prioilrges  una  aS- 
vanliigr.s  oj  a  ncig'ibo!-- 
ing  notion,  u-hich  their 
own  siijhtenis  would  not . 
permit  them  to  enjoy,  CJ 
wiinessi.'jg  the  famouj 
nuvignlion  act,  the  sh  eft 
anchor  of  their  commer- 
cial supremncij,  render- 
ed, in  its  local  operation 
at  least,  u  dead  h'.ller.. 
TIjev,  thes-cforc,  oflate 
years,"  PiC 


ir.ercl.ants  of  the  ; 
port  towns.  They  had 
become  hig'ily  alarm- 
ed at  the  expansion  .of 
thia  nsiury  and  tradc;- 
jealous  of  its  progress,, 
and  cl.tmorous  ttt  its 
endurance ;  they,, 

therefore,      of       late. 
years,"  fee. 


It  has  not  Iteeii  withoui  regret,  that  I 
ive  perceived  your  committee  apparent- 
■  give  credit  to  the  statements  of  Mr. 
dams,  however  coutradictorv  in  l»is 
5ok,  concerning  the  share  wliich  I  took 
t  the  discussion  of  the  fishing  question 
i  Ghent.  As  the  most  satisfactory  mode 
f  correcting  the  impression  whicli  you 
lay  thus  erroneously  have,  received,  1 
2nd  you,  herewith,  that  part  f  my  cor- 
fspondence  witli  ^^'^lliam  H.. Crawford, 
isij.,  then  our  Minister  at  Paris,  which 
>ok.  j.lace  at  tliat  time  between  us  in  re- 
ition  to  tliat  subject.  This  part  of  the 
orrespondence  may  not  only  give  you 
onie  n>)tion  of  the  whole  of  that  cories- 
ondente,  '"•'  ■  f  '''e  jjeiieral  - mi'.nner  in 
'hich  ii  a!  i  he  discharge  of  my 

iities.     (i;,  ... 

YouKj^omuiittee  ^vill  be  able  to  judge, 
■om  wluitlias  here  alnu^ly  been  said,  by 
4ioin  the  mysteries  vl'  ruin  w  ere  brew- 
ig,  from  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of 
irhent,  and  if,  indeed,  I  did  iirst  7?i«Aean 
ccasion  for  infoiming  Mr.  Monroe  that  1 
I'as  in  the  minority,  and  then,  in  accord- 
nce  witli  such  itifonnation,  write,  gratu- 
tously,  a  long  letter  from  Paris.  1  can 
ssure  your  committee  that  I  contrived 
10  plot  with  Mr.  Clay,  or  he  with  me, 
t  Ghent  or  Paris,  either  for  his  elevation 
>v  the  depression  of  Mr.  Adams.  A1-' 
hough  I  should  have  supposed  myself,  at 
hut  lime,  to  have  been  sufficiently  in  the 
onfidence  of  Mr.  Clay  for  such  "a  com- 
nunication,  yet  he  never  intimated  to  me 
my  project  or  even  wish  of  political  ad- 
ancement  or  aggrandizement — nor  did 

ever  hear  him'liint,  at  tliat  time,  any 
elfish  view  on  the  Department  of  State, 
is  to  myself,  your  committee  do  me  egre- 
gious wrong  wlien  they  insiiniate,  that  I 
vas  concerting  the  exaltation  of  Mr. 
21ay  and  the  prostration  of  Mr.  Adams, 
IS  "  my  interest,  they  say,  could  only 
lave  been  contingent  upon  the  success 
)f  Mr.  Clay.-'  Whatever  mystery  there 
night  have  been  in  all  tliis,  must  have 
)wed  its  existence  exclusively  to  the  ex- 
iberant  imagination  of  your  committee, 
.vanned,  perhaps,  by  the  inspiration  of 
he  scriptures  of  Mr.  Adams.  I  could 
lot  know,  nor  did  I  believe  at  the  time 
Mr.  Clay  left  Europe  to  return  to  the 
United  States,  that  Mr.  Monroe  would 
36  the  next  President,  and,  of  course,  I 
rould  not  suspect  that  any  competition 
existed  between  two  of  my  late  col- 
leagues for  the  Department  of  State,  un- 
der him, 

Mr.  Clay  had  ctrtainlv,  during  our  of- 
firial  asPivciatioti.  maintained  all  the  ele- 


vation which  my  pre--concti\ ed  opinioii.- 
of  his  talents,  patriotism,  and  political 
principles  had  assigned  him.  While, 
however,  1  sincerely  believed  he  deserv- 
ed well  of  the  republic,  I  neither  felt,  nor 
do  1  believe,  that  he  considered  me  as  his 
partisan,  ^^"hatever  might  have  been  his 
iuture  plans  of  ambition,  they  were  not 
confided  to  me. 

On  the  other  hand,  !Mr.  Adams,  whom 
I  was  prepared,  by  his  reputation,  to 
meet  a  great  man,  proved  to  be  one  of 
those  peculiar  objects  which  distance 
magnifies,  but  which  dwindle  as  they  are 
approached.  He  had  loomed  through  a 
ha/y  atmospiiere ;  but,  as  tlie  welkin 
brightened,  shrunk  to  his  true  dimensions. 
Instead  of  being  satisfied  with  common 
sense,  he  often  aspired,  abortively,  to  dis- 
play what  is  styled  genius,  and  an  effort 
ia  produce  the  prodigious  frequently  re- 
sulted in  the  ridiculous.  A  chaos  of  lite- 
rature, acquired  by  incessant  labor,  tend- 
ed rather  too  bscuKe  than  to  enlighten  the 
understanding.  And  where  I  expected 
to  iiiid  the  principles  of  the  patriot  and 
tlie  w;isdom  of  tiie  sage,  I  found  only 
crude  prejudices  and  ungoverned  pas- 
sions. Although  disappointed  in  my  an- 
ticipations of  Mr.  Adams,  I  honestly 
shook  him  by  the  hand,  when,  after  the 
treaty  of  Ghent,  I  parted  with  him  at 
Paris;  and  if  ever  I  had  windered  at  his 
singtilar  good  fortune,  in  his  political  ca- 
reer, I  certainly  wished  him  no  ill.  It 
:vas  only  during  the  ensuing  autumn  that 
I  was  induced,  by  information  received 
from  the  United  States,  to  write  to  IMr. 
Clay  my  letter  in  answer  to  the  one  an- 
nexed. The  letter  sufficiently  explains 
its  own  object. 

Letter  from  3Ir.  Clay  to  Mr.  Russell. 
LoNDOx,  ioth  May,  1815. 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  understand,  with  re- 
gret, that  you  were  dissatisfied  with  me  for 
not  writing  to  you  from  this  place  on  the 
subject  of  the  interview  with  Lord  Castlc- 
reai'.h,advcrted  loin  a  letter  which  I  wrote 
to  Mr.Crawford.  I  did  not  wi-ite  to  you. 
for  two  reasons:  first, because  nothing  oc- 
curred in  the  interview  worth  communica- 
ting; and  secondly,  because  I  did  not  ex- 
pect, if  I  did  write,  that  my  letter  v>'oul(l 
find  you  at  Paris. 

Subsequent  to  Mr.  Gallatin's  arrival, 
v,'e  had,  at  Lord  Castlereagh's  request,  a 
second  interview  with  him  of  more  im- 
portance. The  first  topic  to  which  he 
referred,  was  the  firing  upon  the  Ameri- 
can prisoners  at  Dartmoor.  Contradic- 
lorv  accounts  from  the  Britisli  authori- 
ties and  the  American  ;'risonP!'S  had  heeii 


.'>  1 9 


1 1'L'.e'iviil,  as  111  llie  causes  of  tliat  luifor- 
tuiiate  event.  He  proposed,  to  asceitiiiii 
llie  real  trutit  of  the  case,  that  a  joint  in-- 
qiiiry  should  be  instituted  at  tiic  instance 
of  tlie  two  j;ovcriimeut»5  and  to  "ive  it 
more  solcmnitv^  also  proposed  that  it 
should  be  conducied  bv  one  of  ns  and  one 
of  die  British  Commission ;is,  who  nego- 
tiate<l  the  treaty  of  Glieiit.  If  the  recur- 
rence to  forci^  had  been  improper,  he  as- 
sured us  that  tiie  British  utBcers  should 
be  broaglit  to  piuiishment.  VV'e  stated 
that  our  poweis  did  not  aulhorize-imy  in- 
terference on  our.parl;  that  Mr.  IJeasley 
was  alone  competent  to  the  re^iuircd  in- 
terposition; ami  that  the  most  we  could 
do,  was  to  advise  him.  V>e  added,  (hat 
for  these  and  other  reasons,  neither  tf  us 
could  conduct  the  inquiry.  Concurring, 
however,  as  we  did,  in  the  propriety  of  a 
thorougli  investigation,  we  advised  Mr. 
B.  to  co-operate  in  that  object,  and  re- 
tommendea  h'm  to  appoint  for  that  pur- 
pose Mr.  C.  King,  a  son  of  Mr.  iiufus 
King,  who  was  here.  The  result  has 
been,  a  report  from  Mr.  King  and  his 
British  colleague,  by  which  it  would  ap- 
pear, that  the  firing,  in  the  first  instance, 
was  perhaps  justifiable,  but  'hat,  it  v.as 
conducted  in  a  most  unjustifiable  uianner, 
was  continued  unnecessaril  Vi  and  in  some 
instances  with  wantonness.  1  understand, 
(though  we  have  not  yet  been  olficiallv 
told,)  that  some  further  proceedings  aic 
to  take  place. 

The  next  subject  mentioned  by  Lord 
Ca8tlercru5;h,  was  the  transportation  to 
America  of  the  American  prisoneis,  abont 
(JOOO,  in  England.  Our  government,  it 
seems,  inter]>rets  the  article  in  the  treaty 
of  Ghent  which  relates  to  the  restoration 
of  prisoners,  to  mean  that  each  party,  at 
his  own  proper  expense,  is  to  return  the 
prisoners  of  the  other  to  their  country. 
This  construction  is  objected  to  by  this 
trovernment.  He  proposed  to  transport 
llie  prisoners  in  Kngland  at  the  joint  ex- 
pense of  the  two  governments,  and  to  re- 
serve the  tiuestion  for  future  arrange- 
ment. On  this,  as  on  the  other  subject, 
we  stilted  that  we  had  no  powers;  but  we 
advised  Mr.  Beasiey  to  accede  to  i!ie  pro- 
posed arrangement,  and  it  is  now  in  -a 
course  of  execution. 

The  last,  nnd  the  only  topic  in  which 
we  had  any  immedi;ite  concern,  noticed 
by  Lord  Castlereagh.  was  the  coinmuni- 
cation  made  by  the  joint  commission  at 
Ghent,  uf  their  powers  to  negotiate  a 
commercial  treaty.  Lord  (,'astiereagh 
said,  that  before  lie  answered  that  com- 
murttcSifttjn,  lie  wmM  Tike  to  awevtain^ 


by  an  official  conversatioji,  i'f  it  iVci'C 
likely  that  some  general  principles  coukjl 
be  agreed  on  to  iorm  th''  basis  of  audi  a 
ti  eaty.  He  proposed,  for  this  parposej 
that  an  interview  should  take  place  be- 
tween the  British  Commissioners  who 
were  at  Ghent,  and  the  Vice-President 
of  the  EiMid  of  Trade,  (the  President 
being  absent,)  and  us;  ve  objected,  that 
such  a  conversation  would  be  on  a  foot- 
ing of  inequality,  (we  ha\  ing  powers  and 
the  other  jjarty  none,)  unless  it  were  un- 
derstood that  the  requisite  powers  should 
be  granted  to  the  same  persons,  if  there 
were  a  probability  of  any  practical  result' 
which  Lord  C.  said  was  certainly  his  un- 
derstanding. We  were  tolu  that  four  or 
five  davs  would  be  necessary  for  them  to 
prepare  for  the  intei  vievi',  which  wo  con- 
sented should  take  place. 

Thus  matters  remained  for  more  thai\ 
three  weeks,  without  our  receiving  any 
notice  that  they  were  ready  for  the  inter- 
view. Having  been  invited  to  dine  witli 
Lord  C.  on  Sunday  next,  we  thought  the 
dpoo!  tunitv  a  good  one  to  give  a  hint  of 
cur  iirxntlon  to  wait  no  longer,  and  de- 
cliue.d  accepting  it,  on  the  ground  that 
we  had  fixed  our  departure  to  a  preceding 
day. 

Benig  ill  the  House  <  t  Commons  the 
day  before  yesterday,  the  Vice-President 
ot  the  Boartl  of  Trade  came  to  me,  and 
after  expressing  his  regret  at  the  delay, 
which  he  said  was  unavoidable,  owing  to 
the  pressure  of  business,  stated  that  they 
would  be  ready  to  meet  us  on  Thursday 
next,  if  it  would  be  convenieui  to  us. 
liast  night  I  received  a  note  requesting 
an  interview  on  that  day,  which  wc  have 
agreed  to. 

As  I  intend  to  keep  tliis  letter  open  to 
inform  vou  of  the  result,  I  will  make  no 
speculations  on  the  probable  issue  of  this 
business. 

The  jirospect  of  renewed  wa"  in  Eu- 
rope, on  which  the  allies  appear  to  be  re- 
solved, leoders  it  extremely  desirable 
that  the  impressment  question  should  be 
arranged,  and  perhaps  lenders. it  eligible, 
to  jirevent  coll-sii.ns,  by  settling  come 
other  disputed  points  of  a  commercial 
nature. 

We  shall  leave  here  on  Friday  or  .Satur- 
day next,  unless  wo  find,  from  the  inter- 
view, a  pvospcct  i:f  diinggood  by  remain- 
ing. The  I^eptui'.e  y.as  to  leaVe  Havre, 
to  vvhicli  place  she  was  ordered  in  conse- 
quence of  Mr.  Bayard's  weak  state,  this 
day,  and  to  reach  Plymouth,  if  possible, 
by  the  I5th,  where  Mr.  Crawford,  nov<t 
lr»ve/.  Mc.  Gallatin,  aod  I  ivill  join  Mr.  B. 


520 


ViT:    iy.    AaJS  ho    Shilll    Uttt     UCCept  UlS     ilp- 

jtoiiitmeut,    ami   Mr.  B.,    i    undcritand, 
vrill  also  decline  his. 

Mr."  Adams  remains  at  P:ir;s.  waiting 
his  credentials,  which  I  am  told  have  ar- 
rived. 

We  have  received  no  despatch  fio-.n 
government  to  the  joint  commission.  It 
v>a3  expected,  at  ^V'ashi!lgt9■a,  that  none 
would  tind  us  irs  Europe. 

Papers  from  America  to  tlie  lOtli  Ajnil 
have  bee:',  received  here,  but  I  do  not  now 
recollect  any  thing  in  them  wortli  coni- 
itvanicating. 

Is/  .Mi/\ 

1  have  thus  long  kept  open  my  letter 
to  inform  vou  of  th.e  result  of  our  nego- 
tiation. "SMthout  trouUliag you  with  i;se- 
lej*  details.  I  will  observe, "that  Messrs. 
Robinsim,  Goulhirn,  and  Dr.  Adams  h.av- 
ir-.p;  been  couHnissionetl  to  treat  v.ith  us, 
afrcr  considerable  discussion,  we  yester- 
day agreed  finally  ujxin  the  terms  of  a 
coinmercial  convention,  which  is  to  be 
s:;;ned  on  Monday  next.  The  two  import- 
ant provisions  of  it  are,  1st.  a  mutual 
abolition  of  all  discriminating  duties  on 
tonna;;e  aud  on  nierchand.ise,  with  an 
ac-ree.ment  to  admit  the  prw'tictlons  of 
tiu»  United  States  into  the  British  Euro- 
pean possessions,  and  vice  versa,  subject 
to  no  liixher  or  other  duties  than  are  paid 
on  similar  articles  of  other  foreign  coun- 
tries. !2d!v-  Our  admission  to  the  trade 
of  British  India,  free  from  the  restriction 
irapo)<C(lbv  tiie  unratified  treaty  of  1f>06, 
of  a  direct  vovjxge  from  the  United  States 
to  [ndia.  We  could  come  to  no  agreement 
a.sto  the  West  India  trade,  nor  as  to  that 
with  the  British  North  American  Colo- 
nics. The  convention  to  last  4  years  on- 
ly from  the  siguainre.  _ 

On  the  subjects  of  Impressment,  ulock- 
fide.  Colonial  trade,  &c.  we  have  not  j'et 
entered  upon  thcnegotiaticm.  From  apvos- 
pect  of  a  speedy  termination  of  the  Eu- 
iopean  war,  I  believe  we  shall  not  engage 
on  those  topics,  but  leave  them  to  future 
tonsidorations  and  to  other  hands.  Re- 
lative to  impressment,  they  make  us 
strong  assurances  of  guarding,  in  future, 
a<!pinst  cax'.ses  of  complaint  on  our  part. 
"The  Neptune  sailed  on  the  18!h  ult. 
uom  Plymouth,  carrying  Mr.  Crawford, 
and  Mr.  Bayard,  whose  death  before  he 
reaches  America,  I  regret  to  inf  >rm  you, 
v.as  feared  to  be  almost  inevitable. 

Mr.  Gallatin  and  I  shall  leave  here  next 
week  fc:  Livci-pool,  where  w^e  shall  em- 
b.irk  for  The  United  States. 

I  am  fiik  "l'  Europe,  and  sicker  of 
European  politics.      I  will  not  {rouble 


•ou  wirli  mv  distresses  «m  this  latter  sub- 


Make  my  respects  to  I^awrcnce,   and 
believe  me,  sincerelv,  your  friend,  &c. 
(Signed)      "    ■       II.  CLAY. 


Cojjj/  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Russell  lo  Mr. 
Clay,  dated 

Stockholm,  1j//j  October,  1815. 
.  4Iy  Beau  Siii:  Your  letter,  begun  on 
the  lOtli  of  May,  and  condiuied  on  the 
1st  of  July  last,  reached  me,  some  time 
since.  "  It  i^^  th.e  more  pri'.ied  liy  me,  as  it 
iB  the  only  one  I  have  received  from  my 
Ijit?  colleagues  since  my  departure  from 
Pftris,  aiid  of  course  contains  the  only 
authentic  information  that  I  have  hitherto 
received,  of  the  exercise  of  the  joint  pow- 
ers for  neSiOtiating  a  commercial  treaty 
with  Great  Britain. 

I  was  extremely  embarrassed  previous 
fv)  leaving  Paris,  in  selecting  the  course 
which  I  oiig;ht  to  pursue.  I  was  ])repared 
fo  follow  my  duty  whithersoever  it  might 
lead  me,  and  to  repair  to  London  upon  a 
reasonable  prospect  of  the  institution  of 
a  commercial  negotiation  there.  In  the 
state  of  doubt  and  usicertainty  in  which  I 
fnund  niyself  on  this  subject,  1  was  indeed 
very  solicitous  to  iiear  trora  you;  and  al- 
tliough  it  was  rather  too  strong  to  say  that 
I  was  dissatisfir'l  with  you  for  not  writing 
ine,  Vet  I  certainly  regretted  your  silence: 
I  believed,  however,  that  you  would  have 
written  me,  had  you  tliscovercd  any  dis- 
1,.:--'  other  party  to  enter  into 

a  rt  'ement;  and  your  not 

haviii.,  Mfe'l,  with  other 

cop.sidera  me  tliat  no 

sucliarra!igi-iu>,-iv     -  ;.•■.  :c   ...-.de,  and  to 
detfrioine  Kie  tu  return  tu  this  cou-itry. 

We  !iad  never,  before  or  after  leaving 
Ghent,  perceived  tlie  slightest  disposition 
on  t!ie  part  of  Great  Britain  to  enter  with 
us  into  a  commercial  negotiation,  although 
rcpratedhj  assailed  by  us  on  that  subject. 
Lord  Casllcreagh,  in  an  interview   with 
i\lr.  Bayard  at  Paris,  expressed  himself 
very  explicitly'  against  tl>e  expediency  of 
commercial  treaties  in  general;  thereby 
inducing  ?-,Iv.    Bayai-d   to   believe    that 
there  v.vj,  no  intention  cf  concluding  one        4 
with  t!-:e  United  States.     After  the  time         ' 
had  passed  at  which  you  had  announced        i 
an  expected  interview  witli  Lord  Castle-        ' 
rcagh  at  Londiin,  you  wiote  to  Mr.  Bay- 
ard vviilioutthe  faintest  intim^-.tion  of  tlie        i 
result  of  that  meetiiig,other  than  might  be        I 
inferred  from  tlie  isiqulry  which  you  made        ;i 
relative   to  the  movements  of  the  Nep-        ii 
tune,  and  of  (lie  indication  of  vourintoii-        i! 


.  l»wi  to  eikii):ick  at  liivotpuol,  kiitluir  tliuji 
to  protract,  (in  Iscr  account,  your  resi- 
dence in  Enp,lan(l.  Tlitse  cr.cunistances, 
added  to  vnur  silence  towards  me,  left  no 
ro'.iin  to  doubt  that  tli^«joint  mission  had 
iibsolutei^'  terminated;' esjieciallv  as  the 
ratilication  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  by  the 
President  and  Senate,  had  been  already 
known  in  Europe  for  nearly  a  luonth.  I 
hope,  tb.crefore,  that  you  may  not  only  be 
satisiied  of  thu  correctness  of  my  views, 
in  iny  returning  liither,  and  not  partici- 
patinji  in  your  lahtsrs  at  London,  but  tiiat 
Vvni  will  be  disposed,  should  the  occasion 
require  it,  to  vindicate  me  tierein,  with  . 
(hose  to  whom  I  am  responsible  for  my 
official  conduct. 

The  Irciitv  of  commerce,  which  you 
have  made,  appears  to  me,  as  far  8S  it 
goes,  to  be  a  good  one.  Tlie  provision 
v.'hich  stipulates  for  the  mutual  abolition 
of  the  discriminating  duties,  i  consiiler 
to  be  very  imjiortant  to  us,  and  I  can  but 
regret  that  its  operation  is  iiir.lted  to  the 
brief  period  of  four  years,  'lliis  pn^vi- 
sioii,  however,  is  a  great  poiiit  gained, 
and  may  not  only  load  the  way  to  a  more 
permanent  rCjiulation  on  the  subject  with 
England  herself,  but  will  liavc  a  salutary 
influence  on  our  negotiations  with  oth.er 
nations.  I  am  fully  per^uaded,  from  some 
experience  and  much  observation,  that  the 
sagacity,  skill,  and  enterprise  oi  our  fel- 
low citizens,  will  always  secure  tile  as- 
cendant in  a  free  commerciitl  competi- 
tion, and  that  we  shall  always  have  the 
advantage  in  every  advancement  towards 
liberal  principles.  I  hope  that  Great 
Britain  will  not  make  this  discovery  be- 
fore the  expiration  of  the  four  j-ears.  The 
provision  relative  to  tiie  trade  with  the 
British  East  Mi-Jjss,  so  far  as  it  frees  !is 
from  the  re:v;i.  :i;'n  of  the  direct  voyage, 
is  certainly  a  !h):;ii  ifuined,  although  tlie 
interests  of  Great  i-'. 'airi  iierself  vviii,  i 
doubt  net  -.^hvayr  ^u.^.-u'itee  io  us  a  par- 
licipatioii  of  tiiat  coiiijoerce.  I  was  a 
little  surprised  that  there  was  no  provi- 
sion in  die  treaty  for  the  reiiulatioii  of  (he 
intercourse  between  the  Uniloii  States 
anil  the  British  North  America:;  Colonies, 
if  I  refncmber  correctly,  the  immediate 
nrcessity  of  such  a  provision  was  tlie 
chief,  if  not  the  o/h't/  ostensible  reason 
iiiged  by  Mr.  U.dlatiii  for  pressing  a  com- 
mercial negotiation.  !  believe,  however, 
that  it  will  be  always  witliiri  our  power 
to  bring  Great  iiiilain  to  terms  on  that 
■subject,'  and  that  it  may  be  less  difficult 
!:;rusto  prevent  smugglers  and  Indian 
incendiaries,  without  "a  treaty  on  that 
point,  than  v>irh  ott^. 


I  liave  li<td  muiji  wiiliijUv  u>  Ivuow 
the  various  anecdotes  which  grew  out  uf 
the  negotiation  at  London.  If  any  thing 
Wds  agitated  in  relation  to  the  navigatiosi 
of  the  Jilississippi,  the  iishinm  liberty,  and 
Indian  commerce.  I  should,  iiuieed",  have 
lamented  my  return  to  Sweden  had  it  left 
you  in  the  minority  on  these  questions. 
As  nothing,  howevei-,  has  been  concluded 
with  respect  to  them,  I  am  reconciled  to 
t!ie  course  which  1  have  pursued.  As  to 
(he  questions  of  maritime  rights,  I  was 
aware  that  it  vtas  not  the  time  to  toticfi 
them  to  advantage. 

If  the  government  do  not  blame  me  for 
not  having  assisted  at  the  commeri:ial 
treaty,  and  [  confidently  tiiist  it  will  not, 
[shall  have  nothing;  to  regret.  The  rc- 
spoi;S!uility  and  difCKfemeTts tyf  ihit  trans- 
acMon  were  certain — tlie  hsnor,  even  in 
case  of  a  successful  issHe,  precarious. 
Mr.  »  •'  «  «  and  Mr.  *  *  «  *  have  botii 
acquainted  me  tlrat  a  very  general  opinion 
appealed  to  prevail  in  the  EJnitrd  States, 
that  the  whole  of  the  credit  of  the  nego- 
tiation at  Glient.  belonged  to  two  prmd- 
pcd  membe;-s  of  the  American  mission, 
s  9  3  a  ^[^(j  i  -s  s  »  |,,jr[  very  good  na- 
turealy  expressed  their  indignation  at  so 
unjust  an  opinion,  anil  combated  it  ac- 
cordingly. They  were  certainly  very 
caadid  in  doing  so,  and  are  enutlcd  to 
the  thardvs  of  the  three  Commissioners 
whose  reputation  they  attempted  to  vindi- 
cate, t  believe,  however,  that  public 
opinion  is  not  long  unjust,  and  that  at  last 
it  generally  corrects  iiself.  They  do  ncrt 
mention  the' names  of  the  two  ^reat  per- 
sonages, and  thus,  perhaps,  ler,Tc  it  to 
our  vanity  to  designate  them.  It  vniMu 
be  fair  en(!ugh.  therefore,  for  you  and  ?nc 
to  claim  this  distinction,  if  it  were  not  too 
obvious  that  some  little  pitiful  (ricks  ha-:f 
been  practised  to  create  it.  Of  these  1 
know. we  are  both  incapable;  and  I  am' 
obliged,  t'ierefore.  for  yoar  sake  and  my 
ov.'n,  to  renounce  our  claims  to  this  mo- 
nopoly of  public  iijjplause.  It  is  a  pitv, 
indeed,  that  tlie  public  should  bo  deceiv- 
ed on  this  occasion:  no!  s.)  niucli  because 
its  error  is  injurious  to  us,  as  this  would 
perhaps  be  an  evil  of  very  limited  extent: 
but  because  it  gives  a  fJse  and  fictitious 
importance  toothers,  which  may  be  abused 
in  their  race  for  popuhn-ity  to  unrighteous 
purposes,  in  widcii  the  v.'hoie  nation  is 
concerriesl.  l\\  therefore,  the  person  wlio 
has  fuur.d  it  sosnv  v.  ha?  difficult  to  support 
tlie  reputation  of  great  talsni's  by  the  pro- 
duction (;f  any  Ihing  great  in  the  depart- 
ment v.aicii  he  iias  admiuisicred;  who 
slinitik  rromihedntTesoftiia*  deonrfment 


vjii  die  lirbi  appruacli  ol  diilicuUy;  wliose 
poHtical  firmness  and  integrit}'  are  at 
feast  equivocal,  and  wh:)S!;  ongin  pn>- 
scriljes  hini  in  the  hnncit  prejudices  of 
the  n;itinn, should,  in  desj)air  of  exercising 
directly  himself  t!ie  p')\ver9  of  t!ie  (Jhief 
Magistracy,  seek  for  some  cnuvenicnt  in- 
dividual to  fill  that  station,  whom  he  might 
maaaee  and  control,  and  move  as  a  show- 
man his  puppets  at  Paris:  If  the  indi- 
vidual thus  sought,  should  be  a  kind  ofla- 
bon.)us  pedant,  without  judirment  e.iough 
to  be  us-'ful,  or  taste  sufiioient  to  be  ad- 
mired; who  is  suspected  of  forgetting  his 
country'  in  the  pursuit  of  little  personal  or 
fa.;ni!y  interests;  and  v.'ho  is  known  fre- 
querftly  to  forget  iiiiiiself  in  a  jjaroxysm  of 
unmanageable  passion;  who  has  had  the 
virtui!  t;i  mask  his  participation  in  the  re- 
sentments of  his  father,  under  the  affecta- 
tion of  catriotism,  and  the  patriotism  to 
-descir  his  party  wiien  it  had  lost  its  pow- 
&!•;  who  adopts  t!ie  most  extravagant 
opinions  in  the  hectic  of  the  moment,  and 
defends  them  with  obstinacy  and  vehe- 
mence while  the  -fever  lasts,  and  thus  re- 
duces himself  to  tlie  miserable  alternative 
of  beina;  constantly  absurd  or  ridiculously 
inconsistent;  who  has  neither  dignity  to 
com;nand,  nor  address  to  persuade,  and  is 
therefore  as  unqnalifiod  to  iul-»  others  as 
he  is  to  govern  himself;  who  believes  the 
national  prosperitj-  to  consist  in  the  pros- 
peritv  of  a  district,  a^circumscribes  his 
love  "of  country  wilhitfTlie  confines  of  the 
State  in  whicli  he  was  "born;  who  would 
barter  the  patriotic  blood  of  the  West  for 
blubb"?r,  and  exchaLi:i;e  uhra-AUeahany 
scalps  for  codfish;  who  inherits  •'  a  vanity 
withour  bounds,  and  a  jealousy  that  disco- 
lors every  thing" — why But  enough! 

I  say  if  all  this  should  be  so — and  these 
two  men  should  have  formed  a  felonious 
conspiracy  to  chtat  themselves  into  pub- 
lic favor,  "by  filchina;  from  their  late  col- 
leagues their  well-earned  proportion  of 
fame — ought  we  not,  how  little  soever  we 
inay  vaiusthe  stolen  souds,  to  drag  the 
thieves  to  justice,  aid  to  pi  event  them 
from  converting  our  property  to  the  pur- 
chase of  dangerous  aiut  unmerited  in- 
fluence? 

When  I  recollect  tiie  supercilious  ar- 
ros;ance  of  these  men,  I  am  not  at  all  sur- 
prised at  their  exclusive  pretensions.  The 
one  appeared  C'>atinual!y  to  consider  him- 
self as  a  kind  of  itinerant  member  of  the 
Cabinet,  and  to  bear  about  with  him  a 
portion  of  (he  soveroiijn  power.  lie  iVe- 
quently  c«;;ducted  as  if  he  feit  rather  the 
light  of  eiviita:  instructions,  than  the  obli- 
SSrtton  of  obeyins:  tliem :  and  his  colleagues 


found  it  iieicessai}-,  on  mare  than  one  qc- 
casion,  to  remind  him  of  their  equality, 
and  to  restrain  him  within  the  boumis  "of 
his  duty.  The  other,  eitlier  from  alpha- 
betical .priority,  or  accident,  havina;  been 
first  named  inthecomiwssion,  fastidiously 
claimed  rank  on  every  occasion.  He  was 
as  ambitious  of  the  lionors  of  the  dinner 
table,  as  he  was  of  those  of  the  council 
board,  and  nndeviat-ngly  placed  himie'f 
at  the  head  of  both.  He  not  only  assumed 
the  right  of  being  tiie  or^an  of  our  oral 
communications,  in  which  situation  I 
more  tlian  once  blushed  for  him  and  for 
ourselves;  but  he  claimed,  and  forcibly 
kept,  against  a  vote  of  the  commissioir. 
the  possession  of  its  official  archives. 

Notwithstanding,  however,  the  charac- 
teristic presuiuption  which  betrayed  itself 
in  their  exclusive  pretensions,  the  preten- 
sions themselves  are  not  the  less  unfound- 
ed and  inadmissible.  V/hat  would  have 
become  of  the  lights  and  honor  of  the 
country,  if  they  had  depended  alone  oa 
thenarrowandtime-servingpolicyofaman 
who  sought  for  peace  as  a  financial  expe- 
dient, and  appeared  still  to  tremble  at  the 
hollow  groans  of  the  Treasury,  which,  in 
its  distress,  he  had  abandoned.  A  man 
who,  always  inclining  to  the  side  of  con- 
cession, was  absolutely  borne  through 
the  negotiation  by  the  firmness  of  his  col- 
leagues; who  sought  to  obtain  tlic  possi- 
ble, but  paltry  difference  between  specie 
and  current  money,  in  the  liquidation  of 
advances  which  might  have  been  made  for 
the  nnintenance  of  prisoners,  with  more 
zeal  tiian  he  had  resisted  the  most  extra- 
vagant demands  asserted  by  the  enenw; 
and  who,  after  having  explicitly  avowed 
that  the  contested  hberty  of  tlie  fisheries 
was  no  equiv.dent  for  the  free  navi'^atioii 
of  the  Mississippi,  not  onlv  insisted  that 
the  latter  should'  be  ofi'ered  in  considera- 
tion of  the  formci-,  but  actually  himself 
made  this  ofler  to  tlie  IJritish  Commis- 
sioners, in  a  manner  unexpected  and  un- 
authorized by  at  least  a  majority  of  his 
colleagues.  Peace,  at  any  rate,  was  ids 
object;  and  taking  counsel  of  his  nerves, 
he  appeared  to  be  prepared  to  pay  for  it 
in  atiy  thing  excepting  specie. 

And  v/hat  would  have  become  of  the 
peace  itself,  tlius  inordinately  sought  for 
by  one  of  these  men,  had  it  been  intrust- 
ed to  the  wild  eccentricity  and  intemper- 
ate caprice  of  tiie  other.'  This  last  had 
so  precipitately  made  up  his  judgment  on 
tlie  existiu;.'  circuiasianc:::;,  that  hp  not 
only  proaounced  a  peace  to  be  impracti- 
cable, but,  on  leaving  Stockholm,  iiiti- 
mnt.'.'il  tbe  nncertainty  of  his  prorp.eriing 


liuahcf  iliau  tjoihiniiburg,  a=  lie  acknow-^ 
Icdged  neither  the  utility  or  obligation  of 
acquiescing  in  the  location  of  the  Con- 
SXess  at  Ghent.     If  the  peevish  declama- 
tion that  he  had  jrejiared  in  answer  to 
the  very  first  note  of  the  British  Cor.imis- 
sionersj!  had  been  fanctinned  by  his  col- 
leagues, it  must  liave  put  an  end  to  the 
last  hope  of  accommodation.      It  had,  in- 
deed, rather  the  tone   of  an  impassioned 
mailifesto  o;\  the  final  rupture  of  a  stormy 
and   unsuccessful  negotiation,  thr.n  a  di- 
plomatic comuiunicatior,  m.ade  atthe  verj' 
tisreshold  of  a  discussioi;  for  peace,  with 
a  view  of  atiainiug  that  object.  Although 
the  greater  part  of  this  performance  was 
unhesitatingly  expunged,  and  the  spirit 
of  the  rest  greatly  chastened,  yet  the  folly 
of  a  single  sentence,  that  was  indiscreetly 
spared  by  a  kind  of  mistaken   charity, 
v.as  a  source   to  us  rf  infinite    vexation 
and  labor.     This  sentence  itself  was,  in- 
deed, corrected  and  qualified;   and,   in- 
stead of  prefer!  ing  a  direct  charge  ?.gainst 
the  adverse  party,  of"  the  rapacity  of  am- 
bition,"' was  permitted  to  insinuate  only 
a  desire  of  aggraiulizement."    This  in- 
inuation,  liuMever,  provoked  our  adver- 
aries  to  a  retort  whicli  put  us  on  the  de- 
fensive, during  almost  the  whole  of  tlie 
remainder  of  the  negotiation.   If  the  rhap- 
sodies of  this  man  !iad  not  abortively  per- 
ished from  the  fever  in  whicli  they  were 
generated,  they  would  have  abruptly  ter- 
minated the  discussions,  or  at   least  have 
ideprived  them  of  that  collected  firmness 
and  dignify  ^hich  constitute  their  proud- 
!cst  merit.      V.  e  might,  indeeil,  by  those 
rhapsodies, have  dazzled  the  vulgar  uith a 
laze  of  tropes  and  figures,   worthy  of  a 
rofessor  of  Belles  Lettres,  but  we  must 
liave  renounced  all  pretension  to  the  cha- 
racter of  sober  and   enlightened  states- 
nen.     Never,  perhaps,  was  there  a  nego- 
aation  at  which  the  merit  of  correction  so 
nuch  exceeded  that  of  composing.  What 
I  tawdry  and  slovenly  appearance  should 
ve   have    made   before  the    public,  had 
fhere  been  found  none  among  us  to  have 
Hpped  off  our  French  embroidery,  and  to 
lave  washed  our  dirty  linen!   It  was  not, 
;iowe\er,  in  our  solemn  official  communi- 
fatioiis  \\\i\\  the  British  ministers,  onlv, 
jhat  we  were  annoyed  with  the  obtrusive 
[pedantry  of  the  person  now  in  question; 
^t    our   deliberations   amona;  ourselves 
iVere  constant^'  embarrassed,  and   some- 
ines  suspended  by  them.     Did  he  not, 
in  one  occasion,  drive  his  colleagues  from 
e  Board,  by  superciliously  and  perti- 
jacioiisly  insisting  th.at  the  former  treaty 
"peaw  should  be  cited   as  of  ir82.  and 


not  of  frt>j?  liave  vc  not  J  re^ioiitiij 
known  him  most  inconsistently  to  oppose, 
to-<lay,  with  ardor,  the  proposition  of 
which  he  was  yesterday  tlie  warm  advo- 
cate, and  perhaps  tiie  mover?  to  blow, 
within  the  four-ar.d-tw  eniy  hours,  with 
eciual  violence,  from  every  point  of  the 
compass?  and  at  one  moirent  to  rnergizs 
on  triiics,  and,  at  the  next,  to  treat  as 
trifies,  matters  of  the  utmost  importance? 

Shall  these  men.  who  were  thus  re- 
spectively exposed,  by  their  fears,  to  have 
concluded  a  treaty  without  honor,  or,  by 
their  Txbimsical  violence,  to  have  defeated 
the  conclusion  of  any  treaty,  be  Rilowe<l 
to  engross  the  credit  which  is  liiainly 
owing  to  the  firmness  and  temper  of  their 
colle.igues,  and  be  permitted  to  abuse  this 
credit  to  purposes  {lisgraceful  and  disas- 
trous to  tlie  country? 

Mr.  **s-ss  i.w  :  jg  lifiown  to  be  opposed  to 
the  election  cf  Mr.  Monroe,  or  of  any 
other  able  and  independent  man  to  the 
Presidency.  He  had  designa'ed  Govercar 
Torapkirs  for  that  ofiice,  until  he  waj: 
aware  that  the  project  was  impracticable. 
Ke  has,  therefore,  it  seems,  nov;  deter- 
mined to  make  an  experiment  of  Mr. 
Adams:  and.  at  once  to  imlulge  his  own 
vanity,  and  to  give  to  the  experiment  some 
chance  of  success,  he  has  very  honestly 
consented  to  share  with  liimthe  wliol'e 
hon(n-  r.f  vhe  ncaotiation  at  Ghent.  Al- 
ready is  Mr.  A?iams  nominated  as  a  can- 
didate fitr  the  Presidency  in  the  newspa- 
pers of  tliC  United  States:  and  he  has,  ac- 
cording to  my  information  from  London, 
obviously  elevated  his  ambition  to  that  ob- 
ject. iNow.  as  an  American,  as  a  repub- 
lican, as  a  New  England  man,  I  solemnij'- 
enter  my  profe:-t  against  his  election.  He 
is  entirely  unqualified  for  the  station,  and^ 
like  his  father,  he  will  be  surg  to  ruin  any 
pa?^y  that  shall  attenipt  to  sitppoi-t  him. 
Hehas  no  talent  to  manage  others,  and  Mr. 
sf*.  i**  v.ould  very  soon  discoverthatlieis 
totally  unmanageable  himself.  Wherever 
thereisagreatand  evident  disparity  in  the 
qualifications  of  rival  candidates,  mere 
local  prejudice  ought  to  have  no  weight. 
If,  !io«ever,  such  a  prejudice  is  to  be  w- 
garded,  slill  it  can  aflord  no  assistance 
to  the  pretensions  of  Massachusetts.  She 
has  already  had  her  full  proportion  ot 
Presidents  and  Vice-Presidents,  and  can 
assert  no  just  claim  at  the  ensuing  elec- 
tion. To  take  the  next  President  from 
that  State,  woidd  be  to  sanction,  and  not 
to  correei,  the  sectional  arrogance  which 
causes  all  this  clamor.  Surh  a  proceed- 
ing would  not  have  even  the  eB'ect  to 
conciliate  that    factious  portion    r>F    (h<' 


^■\:-i 


I.  uiiiu.  It  is  ;t  iVWjtii'ist,  ami  not  a  ?<ie\v- 
Englund  man,\v!ilch  tlie  disairccniii  i!esh-e; 
antl  Mr.  Atiau.!i  woukl  not  have  a  single 
vote  in  his  mitive  State.     Tl'ie  majoritj 


of  that  State  iletes;  his  pasiapostacy,  and 
the  minority  iiave  doubts  oi'  ills  future 
liiith.  \'y  his  clei'ion  iiotliins;  would 
he  gained;  but  by  it  lUe  peace  and  dignity 
of  the  Ci.untry,  iiiul  tiic  Very  existence  of 
the  republica'n  party,  wi.  '"::  become  the 
sport  of  iVeali  aTid  violence;  .:".d  not  only 
a  preposterous  sacrifice  be  m.^'if'.  to  local 
jealousv,  but  aii  invidious  step  tiiken  to- 
wanis  far.iily  agE,randixc!nent. 

I  mu'.st  no'.v  apologize  for  having  detain- 
ed you  with  so  lung  a  dissertation;  but  I 
could  not  fee!  entirely  at  my  ease  until  I 
had  deposited  my  scutimerits  on -this  sub- 
ject, in  some  friendly  bosom,  and  I  be- 
lieved it  was  not  lawful  for  nie  to  speak 
of  the  mysteries  of  the  nec,(-.tiation  except; 
lO  the  initiated.  I  disclaim  all  interested 
^ievvs  in  what  I  have  written.  I  nm  suf- 
iicicntly  regarded  for  any  share  which  I 
may  have  had  in  bringin^iour  labors  to  an 
h.onorable  issue,  by  the  consciousness  of 
havin,'^  discharged  my  dafy  to  the  best  of 
•!iy  abilities:  and  it  imports  me  little 
M  here  the  credit  is  bestowed,  provideii  it 
floes  not  become  an  instrument  of  pre- 
sumptuous ambition,  i  have  given  you 
my  tes,[\vnonv,inperj)ciu(nn7r!e7nonam  rei, 
(liat  should  I  be  destined  soon  to  follow  our 
worthy  ar.d  sincerely  lamented  colleague, 
?vlr.  Bayard,  you  may  not  be  left  a  solita 
r^'witness  to  the  truth. 
"  1  observe  that  j'ou  are  f<ick  of  Europe 
and  European  politics.  1  can  assure  you 
that  I  am  sincerely  so;  at  least  I  am  hear- 
tily tired  of  Sweden,  and  would  most 
cheerfully  ex^chan^c  the  public  trust  com- 
mitted to  ine  here,  for  tlic  humble  com- 
forts of  piivat?  life.  I  find  it  indispet's^- 
ble  to  my  hap]>ir.ess,  to  liave  my  chihlren 
tibout  me.  and  it  is  impjssible  to  bring  them 
to  this  dreary  region,  destitute  of  all  means 
of  oilucaiion.  Will  von  inqiiire  contiden- 
tially  of  the  President,  if  Mr.  *  *  *  *  « 
has  made  to  hir.i  the  prouiiicd  cowniuni- 
cation  on  this  subject,  and  will  you  use 
vour  friendly  offices  to  obtain  pen!usf^ic>n 
iitr  mo  to  lay  down  sviy  iiJriCtions  here?  i 
should  be  truly  wretched  if  I  believed 
that  my  residence  at  Stockhobu  would 
be  prouacted  bcyotid  tin;  ens-oii-.s  sum- 
mer. ■  Do  not  iaistakc  ine — I  ask  only  for 
the  liberty  of  leaving  Sweden. 

Mv.  Lawrence  has  already  applied  (o 

the  Secretary  of  Stiuc,  for  perniis'sion  to 

ipturn  to  America,  and  is  in  daily  exj-,cc- 

"ion  of  receiviiig  it.     Although  I  coukl 


not  oppose  tills  pj-oceeUijig;,  yet  f  aiu 
afraid  it  may  embarrass  the  accomplisli- 
ineiit  of  my  own  wishes.  It  may,  perhaps, 
be  inexpedient  to  terminate,  at  once,  this 
legation,  and  after  the  dcpaiturc  of  Mr. 
Lawrence,  there  can  be  found  no  person  iu 
thisquari.er  of  Europe,  qualified  to  receive 
the  trust  from  me.  If,  therefore.  1  shall 
be  pcrmittK  I  to  leave  this  country,  of 
vvhich  1  will  not  doubt,  it  may  be  wi?ll  to 
appoint,  immediately, another  Sccretaiy, 
who  will  be  competent  to  remain  as 
C'har!!,^' d'Anaiics— orto  appoint,  at  once, 
I!  ^!!nistr^  to  succeed  me.  The  former 
mode  of  procedure  would  be  least  excep- 
tionable towards  this  court,  unless  my  suc- 
cessor siioald  be  a  ?<!ini8ter  Plenipoten- 
tiary, which  I  candidly  confess  to  you,  I 
think  altooctiier  inexpedient.  Tlie  ex- 
pectation fhat  the  ncirofiatien  for  peace 
would  be  entertained  at  Gothemburg,  and 
that  the  good  oilices  of  this  governmeiu 
might  have  had  a  beneficial  influence  on 
ttie  result,  was  certainly,  at  the  lime,  a 
justification  of  the  appointment  of  a  Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary.  Such  a  reason, 
however,  n.o  longer  exists;  and  neither  the 
actual  rank  of  the  Swedish  Minister  in 
the  United  States,  nor  the  ordinary  illa- 
tions between  the  two  countries,  require 
us  to  accredit  liere  more  than  a  Minister 
of  the  third  order.  I  leave  entirely  to 
your  good  judgment  and  friendly  disposi- 
tion towards  nie,  to  suL^t;est  herein  what- 
ever you  may  deem  best  calculated  to 
promote  my  object.  I  have  not  only 
written  yoti  already  too  long  a  letter  to 
add  any  thing  on  European  politics,  but  1 
am  too  mMch  disgtisted  with  the  subject, 
to  turn  willingly  towards  it  my  attention. 

I  congratulate  you  sincerely  on  the  glo- 
rious termination  of  the  war  with  Algiers, 
and  I  personally  rejoice  at  the  part  which 
liis  Owyheen  Excellency  has  had  in  the 
transaction.  He  is  really  an  intelligent, 
worthy  fellow,  although  a  brother-in-law- 
was  preferred  for  a  confidential  mission 
to  Vienna. 

I  am  not  v.'ith.out  fear  that  you  were 
v.-ithin  the  range  of  the  terrible  storin  that 
so  rudely  treated  the  .lamaica  fleet,  on 
the  9th  of  August.  I  calculate  liiuch, 
however,  on  your  i^ood  luck,  and  I  hope 
soon  to  be  relieved  from  all  solicitude,  bv 
hearing  of  your  safe  arrival.  If  you  will 
pardon  the  affrightful  length  of  this  letter, 
you  may  be  assuretl  of  my  being  more  rea- 
sonable in  future.  Remcifiber  me,. I  pray 
you,  to  Mr.  Ciawfoid,  and  believe  me, 
ii'.itiifuUy  an<l  cordially,  vour  friend. 
(Signed)  .IONa':  RUSSELL. 


On  uiy  leiiini  U)  Aniei'lca,  1  visiioi!  HoWevoi-  1  lip.d  rep;re'.tcd  tlie  ki^s  ot 
Wasliiu«-to!i  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  Mr.  Chiy's  weight  and  infiiience,  fiom 
1817.  °Mr,  Monroe  had  Uien  actu.ally  any  cause  whatsoever,  yet  I  have  been 
been  elected  President,  and  his  cabinet  itnlincd  to  "bslievc,  tfiat  the  "a'.tera- 
not  yet  finally  arranged.  It  was  said  tions,"  assigned  by  ywircominittee,  were 
that  "a  Secretary  fur  the  Department  of  merely  the  prc/p,r<  fur  that  loss;  but  that 
Stale  had  not  yet  been  definitively  select-  the  _  r£icten(  cause  of  rendering  his 
ed,  and  tiiatMr.  Clay  and  Mr.  A<!ams  "  weij:,ht  and  iri'.l'ieuce"  not  only  nega- 
were  considered  as  competitors  fi)r  that  tive,  with  regard  to  me,  but  for  con'._ert- 
appointuient.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  ing  them  into  means  of  hostility  against 
former,  I  with  zeal  urged  tise  superiority  me,  was  tlie  frank  avowal  I  had,  rasiily 
of  his  claims.  That  I  could  do  so  hon-  perhnps,  confided  to  his  over-ialed  pet- 
estly  and  sincerely,  without  any  ueces-  sonal  friendship  for  me.  He  covdd  not, 
sityof  Ions;  preparation  by  previous  in-  it  seems,  employ  his  "  weiglit  and  influ- 
trio-ue,  my^-espective  opinions  of  the  two  ence"  to  protect  me  fiom  injustice,  unless. 
me^i,  here  uufjlded,  will  sufiiciently  war-  I  would  use  mine  to  make  him  President, 
rant.  Mr.  Monroe  preferred  Mr.  A"!iatns,  I  am  not  vy:norant,  and  1  have  sincore- 
and  has  since,  undoubtedly,  informed  hiin  ly  i-egretted,  that  the  efforts  of  my  politi- 
that  I  hL;d  been  the  advocate  of  h.is  rival,  ca!  enemies  to  misrepresent  me,  l;ad  so 
for  I  have  seen  tliis  recommendation  of  far  succeeded  as  to  prejudice  some 
Mr.  Clay  arrayed  aK;ainst  lae  as  a  most  against  me  who  had  no  special  inte- 
heinous  political  transgression.  I  should  rest  in  niy  destruction,  and  whose  good 
believe  Mr.  Adams  himself,  might  now,  opiuinn  i'highly  cherished, 
on  consuitini;  his  own  Secretary  of  Stite,  I  had  beiicvcd  that  I  had  remained  en- 
find  for  it  some  palliation.  tirely  Piaster  of  my  own  defence  for  my 

Afterthespringof  1817,  until  the  com-  doin'?;s  at  Ghent,  unshackled  by  parlia- 
mencement  of  the  vearl8.2'Z  I  did  not  mentary  forms.  Of  the  call  of  the  House 
meet  asain  with  rilr.  Clay.  He  was  not  which  procured  tiie  communication  of 
then  in  Congress,  but  was  paying  a  visit  the  letter  coistaining  that  defence,  I  had 
at  Washins,ton,  on  private  business,  I  not,  as  1  have  staled  elsewhere,  the  slight- 
often  saw  liim  then,  and,  I  believe,  at  est  intimation,  directly  or  indirectly,  of 
our  first  interview,  he  told  me,  and  be-  any  intention  to  make  it — .anything  cer- 
fore  I  !iad  received  any  iiitimation  in  ;;:;y  t.fie;!  to  the  contrary  iiotwlthstaudinn;. 
other  way,  that  he  should  allow  hinis.'if  When,  liowever,  that  call  had  actually 
to  be  proposed  as  one  of  Il\e  candidates  been  made,  !  feil  a  solicitude,  as  ahe.^dy 
at  the  next  election  for  President.  He  stated,  (o  produce  vny  defence.  As  I  h'.d 
gave  me,  at  the  sam?,  time  to  understand,  found  Mr.  Lloyd's  jifhateXcti^r  in  the 
that  his  prospects  of  success  were  prom-  Department  of  Htafe,  which  deiiounced 
ising.  I  was  really  too  much  liis  friciul  tiie  minority  and  vindicated  the  other  side 
to  su:Ter  him  to  deceive  himself  for  an  of  the  quest-on,  I  thoujcht  it  but  fair  to 
instant,  with  respect  to  tlie  aid  which  he  presume  that  my  jirivate  letter  fro'.n  .'■'a- 
mi^ht,  on  that  occaiion,  expect  from  me.  ris,  on  the  otlierside,  migiit  be  found  in 
1  according;!  told  iiim,  fiankly,  and  the  same  place.  Real  or  pretended 
wifliout  hesitation,  that  already  Iliad  de-  searcii  was,  hov.ever,.  for  a  long  finu-, 
finiiively  determined  to  lend  all  r.^.y  fee-  made  for.  it  there  in  vain.  It  was  then 
bic  support  to  Mr,  Crawford,  and  could  sugi^ested,  tiiat  Mr.  J.Ionroe,  who,  from 
do  him  no 'good.  I  expressed  a  liope.  Secretary  of  Sstate  had  been  made  Presi- 
however,  that  cur  relations  of  personal  dent,  had  kept  it  in  his  possession.  I 
friendsinp  mis^ht  receive  no  prejudice  accordingly  inquired  of  him  after  it.  He 
from  this  avowal.  He  assured  me,  wdth  countenanced  the  snpposiiion  of  his  hav- 
rnuch  apparent  cordiality,  that  it  should  ing  retained  possession  of  it,  and  en^faged 
not;  nor  coulil  1  remark,  at  our  subse-  to  look  after  it.  I  frequently  cdledaf- 
quent  interviews  during  hisstay  at  Wash-  terwards  on  'lim,  to  i«arn  (he  success  of 
inj:;tnn,  at  that  time,  any  cause'to  distrust  his  search;  and  v.'hen  I  despaired  of  its 
this  assurance,  although  our  c^inversa-  beinj^  in  liis  power  or  his  convenience  to 
tion  necessarily  becKnie  less  confidential  rind  it,  I  procured  it  from  my  home, 
iu  what  specially  concerned  himself.  where  it  mi^ht  still  have  remained,  had 

Your  committee  assert,  that  "■•  had  not  it  not  been  fur  the  call  of  the  iionse.  It 
(he  alterations  in  n>y  DUPLieATE  render-  was  nearly  seven  vears  that  I  had  not 
ed  nre  wipopidar,  lliere  is  little  doubt  tliat  looked  at  it.  aad  when  l  f  a|Vie  to  examine 
I  would  have  been  backed  and  sustained  it,  i  believed  itwighf  be  slightly  correct- 
bv  all  Mr.  Clav".-,  weiijlit  and  infiuenre."'    ed  v.ifh  ad  iantafeeitii  the  nubile,  fftrwhfim 


52b 


u  Itiiii  Mui  been  \su-Uttii.  1  teiHiiinly  felt 
no  more  resiiTiint  in  thus  correcting  it  for 
commu!ii(.ation  tc  the  public.  througK  the 
llouso,  th;in  1  should  have  felt  a.-*  a 'mem- 
ber if  t!e  House,  to  amend  a  speech  for 
coramunication  to  the  public  through  the 
press,  it  was  my  nv.npriraie  letter,  con- 
taining my  own  special  defence:  and  if 
comiuunicatad  at  all,  I  believed  it  ought 
to  be  commuuiciifed  in  what  shape  I 
pleased.  Under  this  imnression,  1  so 
amended  it,  and  went  with  it  to  the  De- 
pai-tment  of  State,  v/here,  as  Mr.  Adams 
was  not  in  his  ofiice,  !  left  it  Vvith  the 
X'hief  Clerk.  I  called  a  second  time  with- 
out dnding  Mr.  Adams:  at  my  third  call 
he  was  there. 

I  had  always  intended  to  stafe  to  him 
the  difterenccs  between  the  copy  which 
I  had  kept,  and  the  paper,  which,  ar  the 
suggestion  of  the  Chief  Clerk,  had  been 
called  duplicate.  If  I  had  not  made  the 
two  papers  verbatim  alike — I  had  made 
them  alike  Irue. 

After  I  began  a  short  conversation  up- 
on another  subject,  ho  abruptly  adverted 
to  the  paper  v.'hich  I  had  left  s')rae  ddys 
before  at  the  office.  His  fii>-;  remarks 
discovered  that  the  origi.iul,  which  ijeffire 
!iad  so  loni^  been  sought  fir  In  vain,  had 
now  been  found  without  difficulty.  He 
commented  in  his  own  way;  and  "his  lan- 
guage of  decency,"  not  bcin;i  copious 
enough  to  e:  cress  all  he  seemed  to  feel, 
I  was  o'jliged  to  rell  hitn  that  i  was  nut 
aware  of  tiiere  being  any  thing  material  in 
the  dift'erenres,  and  that  certainly  no- 
thing uS'e'isi\e  could  have  been  intended. 
He  interrupted  me  with  one  of  his  habitu- 
al paroxvsm^.  menacing  to  communicate 
both  pajiers,  with  his  rcni:irks,  v/hich  took 
from  me  the  inclination  to  carry  into  ef- 
fect the  purpose  f,)r  v/hich  1  had  called — 
to  state  and  explain  the  diUerences,  and 
leave  the  whole  at  his  disposal — and  1  re- 
peat, '•  destroyed  in  me  even  a  wish  to 
conciliate  or  appease  him."  The  man 
whose  whole  political  life,  since  his  dis- 
closures to  Mr.  Giles,  is  a  tissue  of  impos- 
ture, would  have  told  me,  if  he  dared, 
that  I  h:id  attempted  to  deceive  the  De- 
partment. When  I  rose  to  leave  him,  he 
it)sc  too,  and  then  said,  what  he  seems 
desirous  in  his  book  I  should  repeat,  and 
which  I  cheerfully  do,  for  the  speci.al  edi- 
fication of  vour  committee.  ••This,"  he 
said,  still  struggling  with  passion,  "  shall 
jnake  no  difference  in  the  official  commu- 
nications between  us,  but  I  never  wish 
to  have  any  personal  intercourse  with  3'ou 
again."  Then,  (said  J,)  stretching  <o- 
^rards  him  mv  hand,  which  he  thought 


best  to  arcCj^ll,  •  ■  J  ivill  Lid  ^u  wi  eltntui 
farnreU.  "  And  did  indeed  leave  hnn  ac- 
cordingly, oflicially  as  well  as  personally. 

I  immediately  waited  on  the  President, 
and  found  tl;e  J^ecretar-f  of  the  Navy  with 
him — I  imfuvmed  !iim,torthv.  ith,  of  the  in- 
terview I  had  just  had  with  JMr.  Adams,  and 
that  Mr.  Adams  had  made  himself  vervan- 
gry  with  the  two  papers,  and  threatened  to 
cause  both  to  be  communicated  to  the 
Huuse.in  order  that  he  might  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  his  remarks  on  the  vari- 
ance between  them.  [  tcjldMr.  Monroe  that 
I  was  willing  that  either  or  neither  of  the 
papers  should  be  communicated;  but  I  felt 
a  repugnance  that  the  ill-nature  of  Mr. 
Adams  should  be  indulged  v.ith  his  con- 
templated communication  of  both.  Mi'. 
M(mi-oe,  in  reply,  assured  me  that  he 
\rould  con>'«nt  to  communicate  neither—^ 
for  he  would  not  ^'- consent  to  becomciho 
organ  of  personal  hostility.*' 

With  this  assurance,  T  retired  satisfied 
— but  as  i  crossed  the  saiooii,  outward, 
I  passed,  at  a  respectful  distance,  Mr. 
Adams,  who  was  entering — and  I  doubt 
nrit,  at  this  visit,  he  persuculed  the  Presi- 
dent to  forget  the  assurance  he  had  given 
me  bui  a  few  minutes  before,  and  now  to 
consent  to  communicate  to  the  House  all 
that  Mr.  Adams  desired. 

Such  arc  the  details  of  this  transaction,, 
most  of  w'lich  i  commuriicated  to  Mr. 
Clay,  as  long  ago  as  tiie  seventh  of  Au- 
gust, ]82'2,  in  a  letier  of  tliat  date, 
a  copy  of  which  1  herev.ith  send  you. 
Tiie  letter  was  in  aiiswer  io  one  from 
him  of  the  9th  of  July,  which  had 
been  received,  in  answer  to  a  letter  from 
me  of  the  6th  of  June,  l>oth  of  the 
Same  j'ear,  and  copies  of  both  you  w-ill 
find  also  enclosed. 

My  letter  of  the  Tth  of  August,  com- 
mences thus — "  I  received  by  the  last 
mail,  your  letter  of  the  9th  uit.  All  the 
abuse  of  Mr.  Adams  and  his  satellites 
has  not  given  me  so  much  pain  as  the  mild 
intimation  of  your  disapprobation.  What 
is  done  cannot  be  undone.  My  greatest  er- 
ror, however,  has  been  at  placing  any  con- 
lidence  in  the  candor  of  Mr. Adams.  It  was 
my  intention  to  have  acfpiainted  him  witli 
the  variations,antl  to  have  left  him  with  this 
knowledge,  free  to  act  as  he  might  think 
proper.  It  was  for  this  purpose  J  called 
at  the  department  with  the  exact  copy  in 
mv  pocket,  but  before  [  saw  him.  he  and 
the  President  had  found  the  original, 
and  the  mischief  was  done.  The  coarse 
and  violent  manner  in  which  he  introduc- 
ed the  subject,  made  it  impossible  for  me 
to  deprecate  liis  hostility,  by  declaring 


■Aii,V 


Vipi  iii-uiivimu  w'uJi  \Uiiiih  1  iiad  culled  trn 
liiiii-  Such  a  tlcclaration,  uiiiler  such  cir- 
cumstances, indeed,  was  not  only  repug- 
nant to  mj  feelings,  but  would  have  been 
worse  than  useless,  and  merely  exposed 
nicto  an  additioiUil  afiront.  I  now  make 
this  declaration  to  you,becauie  you  are  my 
frkmU  but,  on  the  rack,  1  would  not 
make  it  to  my  enemies.  After  this  ex- 
pkr.,;oa  with  Mr.  Adam.s,  I  called  on  Mr. 
Monroe,  and  stated  iohim  what  had  been 
my  intentions,  ar.d  my  willingness  that 
either  p;>pei-  should  be  communicated,  or 
neiihcr- — and  he  emphatically  assured  me 
that  neither  should  be  communicated  to 
the  House,  a.s  he  would  not  become  l/ie 
organ  of  person  hoslilily — yet  tivo  days 
afterwards  he  sent  his  stranj^e  message  of 
the  4tli  of  March,  which  look  from  him 
all  control  over  the  proceeding. 

Thus  much  for'' the  duplicate:""  and 
although  I  am  aware  it  has  been  judged 
hardly,  I  will  not  believe  that  when  all 
the  facts  are  known,  it  can  do  me,  as  Mr. 
Clay  unkindly  intimated,  '-a  lasting  pre- 
judice,'' 

In  liis  letter  of  the  4tli*of  Septem- 
ber, a  copv  of  which  I  also  transmit, 
IrCrewith,  ht;  attempts  "  to  sooth  my 
feeling,"  by  saj'inp; — "I  have  no  doubt 
you  were  dcMilt  with  by  the  persons  to 
whom  you  refer,  with  great  duplicity,  and 
that  one  of  them  even  souji;ht  to  produce 
the  very  state  of  things  ichich  e:>-isfsj'' 
Thisletteivilihimjrh  still  professing  frienij- 
ship,  (vautt'd  all  the  warm-heartedness  of 
our  friendship  of  former  times — yet  1 
Avould  not  believe  that  iher^e  professions 
were  entisely  hollow — when,  alierv.aids, 
I  saw  him  not  only  make  liis  peace  with 
his  political  rival  and  my  pei-sonal  cnemv, 
but  enter  his  sel■^ice  and  do  his  dirty 
work,  I  still  thought  my  heart  was  chill- 
ed, could  not  suppose  he  had  been  my 
'enemy  over  since  1  had  declined  to  aid  his 
pretensions  to  the  Presidency.  It  was 
liis  letter  to  Mr.  Amos  Kcntlall.  cf  the 
f!r>d  of  June,  ISC'2,  published  in  the  Unit- 
ed States'  Telegraph,  of  the  21st  July  last, 
to  which  I  refer  your  committee,  that  not 
only  like  an  assassin  thrust  in  the  dark, 
s^veretl  the  last  bond  that  bound  me  to 
him,  and  dissipated  the  lingering  deiusicn 
which  made  me  still  hopte  welt  of  liim. 
and  almost  foigive  him — but  cunsummat- 
ed  tlie  metamorphosis  which  he  had  been 
gradually  undergoing  from  the  fair  form 
of  light,  iu  whicK  I  had  once  delighted  to 
revere  him,  into  a  monster  of  darkness 
and  deformity.  About  the  very  time  he 
vas  condoling  mc,  on  the  duplicity  of 
otberF.  he  vrns  himself  acting  with  Iho 


inQSi,iyj.\okLiig  dupliuiy  tuvvaius  u.c.  lu 
that  letter  to  Rir.  Kendall,  notwithstand- 
ing his  simultaneous  professions  of  friend- 
ship to  me,  he  was  virtually  taking  part 
against  mc,  in  my  controversy  with  Mr. 
Adams,  by  prognosticating  tlie  incurable 
wounds  his  venomeJ  shafts  would  intiict: 
and  had  ihus  (urned  •'pioplie:  of  plagues," 
and  thus  ''boded  ill,"  that  he  might,  for- 
sooth, escajje  all  suspicion  of  having  any 
agency  in  biiiigingfortli  my  letters,  which 
he  pronounces  so  unworthyof  him,  ws  tobe 
beneatli  the  notice  of  himself  or  his  friends. 
I  knirw  not,  as  I  have  said,  to  whom  that 
agency  can  be  justly  ascribed — but  is  Mr. 
Clay  quite  sure  that  he  is  entirely  inno- 
cent of  it.-  He  charges  tne,  too,  witli 
making  myself  the  prominent  person  in 
opposing  the  Mississippi  proposition.  He 
knew  that  I  never  intended  doing  him 
that  injustice.  He  charges  mc.  too,  of 
not  naming  him,  and  keeping  out  of  view 
his  strenuous  opposition,  and  says,  "  the 
truth  is,  that  I  did  not  know  that  such  a 
letter  was  in  existence.''  All  this  was 
done,  too,  to  avoid  the  odious  suspicion  of 
any  ageticv  in  the  call  which  brought  out 
that  letter. 

Mow  I  had  read  that  letter  to  Mr.  Clay, 
in  Paris,  immediately  after  itvas  written, 
and  althmijjh  hv-  had  no  share  in  its  com- 
position, he  approved  on  hearing  it,  tlie 
general  views  it  had  taken,  and  found  no 
fault  with  not  ha\ing  been  named  in  it. 
In  my  letter  to  him  of  the  6th  of  June, 
I  say  to  him — "  I  showed  y-u  at  the 
tinie,  the  letter  vvhich.  1  wrote  at  Par- 
is, and  you  coincided  with  me  in  the 
grounds  there  taken  for  our  opposition — J 
shall  state  this  f;ict,  and  I  hope,  should 
the  occasion  require,  you  v  ill  confirm  it.*' 
Ill  reply  to  that  letter  he  savs,  on  the 
9th  of  July  following:  "  Yoar  letter, 
^^■hich  I  believe  you  showed  me  at  Paris. 
I  suppose  was  written  to  ex];lain  the 
grounds  on  which  you  had  proceeded;  and 
was  to  be  used  defensi\elv  upon  the  pos- 
sible contingency  of  a  misrcpresentaiion 
or  misc^jnception  of  your  course — ^no  such 
ccntingency  had  occurred."  This  dis- 
tinctly admits  tlie  truth  of  my  assertion, 
made  in  the  Boston  Statesman  of  the  £7th 
June,  1822,  "  t'lat  the  only  member  of  the 
mission  who  had  a  direct  interest  in  liie 
case,  I  did  show  at  the  time,  the  letter 
written  at  Paris,"  and  justifies  the  infer- 
ence of  Mr.  Kendall,  th.-.t  this  "  member" 
was  Mr.  Clay. 

On  the  strange  assertions  of  Mr.  Clay, 
in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Kendall,  I  make  no 
further  comment.  It  has  convinced  me 
that    Mr.    riav    eouM    never  have    pro- 


52S 


lesjed  iriejidship  for  ine  but  with  inte- 
rested ]uiipose5,  and  that  he  could  desert 
me  without  an  clVurt,  rather  than  haxitrd  a 

f)aiticlc  of  his  popularitj  by  expofeliia; 
limseir  to  the  suspic/nHi  of  being  niv 
friend.  The  letter  of  Mr.  CKtt  to  JJiV 
Kendal!,  is  one  of  tl;e  rircvimstaiices,  re- 
ferred to  in  the  coninienceine.'it  of  this 
letter,  which  has  iudiK-edme  to  make  this 
coninuniication  to  you. 

It  is  with  deep  h'jmiliation  I  liave  felt 
myself  deceived  in  the  noble  and  gener- 
ous nature  of  Henry  Claji' — the  reptile 
crawl  and  tlia  viper  sfin;?-,"  which  could 
unite  the  abject  and  the  venomous,  would 
not  have  surprised  me  ia  John  QuincT 
Adams — but  (  had  indeed  looked  up  for  a 
more  ethereal  and  exhilirating  co&rse 
A-om  Henry  Claj. 

Your  Commitiee  will.  I  trust,  from  the 


communication  which  1  have  nov/  ad- 
dressed to  yo'-t,  acquit  me  of  having  con- 
trived any  plot,  with  >Ir.  Clay,  from  the 
signature  of  the  trca<-y  of  Ghent,  or  at 
any  subjC(juent  epoch,  tor  the  destruction 
01  Jlr.  Adams,  which  can  have  issued  in 
so  niarvellaus  a  catastrophe. 

All  the  mystery  whicii  caji  really  have 
b}-ewcd,  is  that,  which,  by  the  strange 
coaipound  and  hctei-o;ieneou9  ingredients, 
has  produced  the  agitated  maSs  of  corrup- 
tion, vrhich,  in  the  viole;ice  of  its  fer;nen- 
tation,  has  browghtfrom  the  bottom  to  the 
surface,  the  political  incubus  which  now 
bestrides  and  oppresses  tliis  Republic. 

1  pray  you,  .Sir,  fyryoar:ielf,  and  in  be- 
half of  jour  Committee,  to  accept  my  re- 
spectfnl  salutations. 

.T(WA:RrsSF,LT, 


APPENDIX. 


t'opy  of  a  letter  J'ror.i  James  Lloyd  to 
John  Jjihirns,  as  coniainel  in  John 
Qithiry  Alains''  book. 

Boston,  &tk  March,'lS\S. 
"  Siii:  In  a  former  note,  returning  the 
letter  with  which  you  had  so  oblluiriglr 
favored  ms,  I  had  the  iionor  to  otter  you 
my  congratulafions  on  the  tenaination  of 
the  war,  without  v.aiting  to  know  v/hat 
were  the  grounds  of  tiie  treaty  which  con-» 
eluded  it|  because,  from  the  tenor  of  i!>e 
previous  correspondence,  .and  my  pej^^t 
sona!  knowled?;e  of  nearly  ail  the  GoHcf 
missioners,  I  felt  a  reliance  f'lat  iha  ar- 
rangement would  not  be  dis!:ono>able, 
altiiough  1  acknowledge  my  rejoirir.g  was 
mingled  with  fear  least  it  should  be,  at 
least  in  some  points,  a  disadvantageous 
one;  and  this  exj.iession  of  fecirng  I 
volunteered  rtith  the  more  readinesi,  as 
the  intelligence  was  received  at  a  mo- 
nicat  when  the  national  character  had 
been  splendidly  illustrated  by  the  recent 
achievement  at  New  Orleans. 

"But  I  greeted  the  occurrence  with 
smiles,  principally,  not  because  I  expect- 
ed it  would  bring  or  restore  to  us  all  tlie 
benefits  we  possessed  under  former  trea- 
ties, but  because  I  saw  no  chance,  but 
from  this  souice,  ofTiappier  prospects  for 
the  future.  It  was  not,  l\owevcr,  the 
sloi'm  ihat  howled  along  the  Inkes,  or  up- 
on the  se:t-b';3rd..  riiat  created  the  aj.pre- 
honsion  of  .m  instant  for  the  fate  of  the 
r:inf.-'st.  hut  it  M-as  Ihe  hidden  fire  that  was 


rambling  within  our  ov.u  bosoms,  and 
which,  uiuler  the  continuance  of  thtj^  war, 
would,  I  believe,  have  made  our  country 
the  tiieal.re  of  dauiestic  convulsions,  a.-, 
well  as  of  foreign  warfare,  aiid  jierhaps 
from  its  eft'ects  have  oifercd  up  some  parts 
of  it  as  no  very  difficult  prej  to  the  mer- 
cy of  the  enemy.  .-■  •  '  ' 
"On  this  hand,  I  know.   Sir,  vou  had 


bette 


r  !m;-!es  aad  thoucht  ciift'erentlv  frajn 


me?  and  I  have  now  only  to  say,  1  am 
glad  the  experiment  has  never  ^ome  to  is- 
9<ie. 

"As  the  price  (if  the  purchase  of  an 
escape  from  evils  portentous  as  these,  I 
considered  it  as  probable  that  ti-.e  English 
government  might  claim  from  us  the  con- 
tested eastern,  islands,  and  interdict  aU 
tr'tle  between  us  and  her  colonial  posses- 
sions; and  possibly  still  furtlier,  that  she 
would  endeavor  to  extort  from  us  the 
coast  fisheries  around  her  own  shores;  for, 
o;i  the  maenaniraity  or  friendahip  of 
Great  Britain,  or  of  any  other  nation,  in 
matters  of  interest,  I  confess  I  never  had 
the  ability  ti)  lash  my  imaginatiu;s  into  any 
sort  of  dependence;  but  I  did  also  cher- 
ish the  belief,  that  noiic  of  our  essential 
or  important  rights  or  libcrlies  would  \yA 
diminished  or  surrendered.  Of  the  lat- 
ver,  the  one  of  tlie  greatest  consequeuce, 
in  reference  toils  intrinsic  value, and  as 
derived  from  discovciy  and  possession, 
and  confirmed  by  a  formal  treaty  stipula- 
tion, is  ::;:r:nFstionab;v  t':;.t  to  wliir'i  v.ni 


€K1 1  ED   8'1'A TES'   iELEGRAVH.... Extra. 


this  paper  will  be  devftted  exclusively  to  the  Presidential  Election,  and  be  published,  weekfy 
until  tlie  loth  of  October  D;-xt,  ior  OneDuliar,-  siibjectto  newspaper  posta^,  and  no  more. 

BY  GKEEN  S,-  J.IKVIS. 


VOL.  r. 


WASHINGTON,  NOVEMBER   1,    1S28 


No.  34'. 


have  referred — the  coast  tislieries  on  the 
shores  of  the  British  possessions  in 
North  America. 

"  These  dsheries,  as  most  advantage- 
ously secured  (o  the  United  States  by  tlie 
treaty  of  1783,  and'^ade.  at  the  time,  as 
I  have  always  uiidei  Atond.  n  sine  qua  non 
i»f  that  treaty,  offer  an  invaluable  fund 
of  wealth  and  powej-  to  our  comtry;  one 
which  has  never  l)eeii  duly  attended  to 
nor  justly  appreciated,  bu(  '.vhich,  if  con- 
tinued a.'id  imjir'^'v.jd.  whs  de^ifiiied  to 
grow  '.vitjiour  growth  and  strengtlien  with 
du''  streu'cih. 

"The  prosecution  of  these  coast  and 
bay  fisheries,  although  it  had  already 
become  extremely  advantageous,  had  un- 
doubtedly reached,  in  a  very  small  de- 
gi'ee,  the  extension  and  importance  it 
was  capable  of  attiiinlns:.  The  unsettled 
state  of  the  commercial  world  for  the 
past  twenty  yoai-s,  and  the  more  alluring 
objects  of  mercantile  enterprise  v/hich 
such  a  .state  of  things  evolved,  seemed 
in  point  of  immediate  consideration  aiul 
attention,  to  throw  these  fislieries  into  tiic 
background;  but  still,  until  Grst  checked 
by  the  system  of  embariioes  and  re^;tric- 
tions,  and  finally  stop'ped  by  a  declara- 
tion of  war,  they  were  silently,  but  .ra- 
pidly progressing,  ami  reaching;  an  im- 
prtrtanc'e  which,  though  generally  un- 
known to  our  country  and  its  statesmen, 
had  become  highly  alarming  fo  the  go- 
vernments and  more  wealthy  merchants 
of  the  provinces,  and  was  be'^inning  to 
attract  the  atteiition  and  jealousy  ot'thc 
cabinet  of  Great  Britain  towards  them. 

"  The  shores,  the  creeks,  the  inlets  of 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  the  Bav  of  Chaleurs, 
anVl  tlie  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  the 
Straits  of  liellisle,  and  t!;e  Coast  of  La- 
brador, appe'ar  to  have  been  designed  by 
the  (jod  ot  Nature  as  the  great  ovarium 
of  fish;  the  inexhaustible  repository  of 
this  species  of  fnod,  not  only  for  the  sup- 
ply of  the  American  but  of  the  European 
continent.  At  the  proper  season,  to 
catch  them  in  endless  abundance,  little 
Kiore  of  eftort  is  needed  than  to  bait  tlic 
liook  and  pull  the  line,  and  occasionally, 
even  t!iis  is  not  necessary.  In  clear 
weather,  near  the  shores,  myriads  arc  visi- 
ble, and  tile  strand  is  at  times  almost 
literally  paved  v.itli  them. 


known  to  the  enterprise  and  vigilanci  j 
the  New  England  fishermen,  and  for  a 
few  seasons  prior  to  the  year  1808,  tlie 
resort  to  this  employment  had  become  an 
object  of  attention,  from  the  Tliames,  at 
New  London,  to  the  Schoodic;  and  btiats 
and  vessels  of  a  small  as  well  as  u  large 
size,  were  flocking,  to  it  frum  all  the  in- 
termediate ppr's  of  the  I'nited  States. 
In  the  fishing  seas.m,  at  i\\^  best  places 
for  catching  the  cod,  the  New  England 
fislier-:ien,  I  atn  lold,  on  a  Sunday  swarm- 
ed like  Dies  upnn  the  shores,  and  th.it  iu 
some  of  these  years,  it  prob.lbly  wn«ld 
not  make  an  over-e>>iiiV'ic  to  rate  tJic 
number  of  vessels  enip;  ,j_)'»ii  in  this  fishe- 
ry, belonging  to  the  tl.iited  States,  at 
from  15fW  to  2000  sail,  reckoning  a  vesi- 
sel  for  each  trip  or  voyage,  and  including 
the  larger  boat  fishery;  and  the  number,  ■ 
if  the  fisheries  were  continued,  would 
shortly  be  still  further  and  vei-y  greatly 
extended. 

'•The  nursery  for  seamen,  the  coiisi;- 
quent  increase  of  power,  the  mine  of" 
wealth,  the  accumulation  of  capital,  (fjr 
it  has  been  justly  observed,  tiiathe  who 
draws  a  codiish  from  the  sea,  gives  a 
piece  of  silver  to  his  counti-y,)  the  elVect 
upon  the  trade  and  "custom  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  the  corresponding  advantages  to 
the  United  States,  of  which  the  enlarge- 
ment of  such  an  inlerroui-sc  was  suscept- 
ible, (for  (he  stock  of  fish  appears  inex- 
haustible.) you  are  much  better  able  to 
conceive  than  I  to  describe;  but  I  with 
pleasure  paint  thcai  ancv.-  for  your  con- 
sideration, as  on  many  accounts  present- 
ing one  of  the  most  interesting  public  ob- 
jects to  which  it  can  be  directed.  IaI- 
ce*tive,  however,  and  imposing  in  its  in- 
dividual and  national  bearings,  as  this 
fishery  was,  and  w»s  to  become,  it  was  lit- 
tle known  to  tht  /*:dding  men  of  otti 
country,  and  little  spoken  of  by  others, 
even  in  Ma.  ^huselts,  or  among  tho"". 
who  were  actually  engaged  in  it,  and  s 
knowledge  of  its  existence  in  any  thing 
like  its  real  extent,  or  future  capability, 
was  per'saps  confined  to  not  more  than 
half  a  dozen  heads,  (if  so  many,")  i-n  the 
whole  of  the  Southern  and  Western,  and 
even  middle  divisions  of  the  Union. 

'••  Tlie  causes  of  its  value  and  import- 
ancc  not  being  a  matter  of  great  notnrie- 


■:  \II  this  was  !;radnally  makin<;  itself    tv  here,   are  obvious:  it  \<*fN   Sn  Cniplov. 


meut,  not  only  iu  tUe  tisher.y,  but  in  many 
instances  uniloubtus;''/  in  trade  with  the 
British  iniiabitants;  those  who  were  en- 
gai^ed  in  it  made  no  unnecessaiy  promul- 
g;itio!is  of  their  cmployinont,  v.hile  the 
{joorer  inhabitants  of  O.ie  pi-ovinces,  tast- 
ing; ef|ual.ly  its  sweets  and  advan*aa;es, 
were  alike  disposed  to  keep  silence  with 
i-egard  to  it.  15ut  not  so  situated  the  pro- 
vincial ^governments  and  the  more  weal- 
thy of  the  merchants  of  th.e  sea-port 
towns.  They  had  become  highly  alarm- 
ed at  the  expansion  of  this  risl"->Ty  and 
trade;  jealous  of  its  proi'^ress,  anu  ..nicr- 
9US  at  its  endurance;  nhey,  therefore,  of 
late  years,  have  repeatedly  mcmoriarized 
the  governn»ent  in  England  respecting 
the  fisheries  carried  on  by  the  Americans; 
while  (he  whole  body  of  the  Scottish  ad- 
venturers, whose  trade,  both  in  imiwrts 
and  exports,  and  ccmtiol  over  the  inhabit- 
ants it  curtiiileiK  have  turned  out  in  the 
full  cry  and  joiiiijd  the  chorus  of  the  co- 
lonial gaveriinients  in  a  cru>ade  against 
the  encroachments  of  the  infidels,  the 
disbelievers  in  the  divine  authority  of 
kiui':;  or  the  ii<;hts  of  <he  provinces,  and 
liave  pursued  tlieiv  objects  so  assiduously 
that,  at  their  own  expense,  as  I  am  inform- 
ed from  a  respectable  source,  in  the  year 
1807  Gr  8,  they  stationed  a  watchm^'.u  m 
some  favorable  position  nqar  the  Straits 
of  Canso,  to  count  tlie  number  of  Ameri- 
can vessels  which  passed  those  Straits  on 
this  employment;  who  returned  nine  hun- 
dred and  thirty- eight  as  the  number  actu- 
ally ascertained  by  fiim  To  have  passed, 
and  doubtless  many  others  during  the 
night  or  in  stormy  or  thick  weather,  es- 
caped his  observation;  and  some  of  these 
addressers  have  distinctly  looked  forward 
with  gratification  to  a  state  of  war  as  a 
desirable  occurrence,  v.hicli  would  by  its 
existence  annul  existing  treaty  stipula- 
tions, so  injurious,  as  they  conreiid,  to 
their  interests  and  those  of  the  nation. 
With  what  degree  of  correctness  this  ex- 
pectation has  been  entertained,  the  future 
must  determine;  but  unfortunately,  these 
murmurs  and  complaints  readied  Eng- 
land, and  were  industriously  circulated 
about  the  time  that  our  restrictive  mea- 
sures awakened  an  unusual  and  critical 
attention  to  the  commercial  connexion 
between  the  two  countries,  and  probably 
the  value  and  importance  of  this  brancli 
of  it  is  now  at  least  as  fully  understood 
and  appreciated  on  the  eastern  as  oa  the 
vvesteni  side  of  tlic  Atlantic. 

"  Carried  away  by  first  impressions,  a 
targe  part  of  mankind  become  not  unfrc- 
quently  fhad'ipcs  of  nsi^iconception,  r.nd 


adhere  to  their  opinions  wiiii  a  pertonaci- 
ty  proportioned  to  the  time  they  have  en- 
tertained them.  From  a  source  some- 
thing like  this,  it  has  been,  and  is  genei'- 
ally,  1  nugiit  almost  say  iiniversa'ly.  be- 
lieved by  the  mass  of  our  countrymen, 
that  the  riglit  of  fishing  on  the  b.Vuks  o 
Newfound'tand,  or  as  :t  is  properly  ridled, 
I'le  Grand  fcJ.Tnk,  was  the  great  boon  ac- 
quired, as  it  respected  the  fisheries,  by 
tlie  treaty  of  !/'83,  while  unquestionablr 
tlie  fisheries  on  the  banks  of  Newfi-und- 
lanil  no  more  belonged  exclusively,  in  pos- 
session or  toe  right  of  control,  either  lo 
Great  Britain  or  to  the  United  Stare^ 
than  tiie  air  of  Heaven  is  the  patent 
property  of  both  or  either  of  them,  with 
power  to  dole  out  its  use  to  such  other 
nations  as  agrge  to  conform  to  the  stipu- 
lations they  may  please  to  prescribe  for 
its  enjoyment.  If  any  thing  was  gained 
or  secured  on  this  head,  it  undoubtedly 
was  the  Coast  Fisheries,  on  the  shores  of 
(he  British  provinces.  This  is  the  fishe- 
ry which  will  now  come  under  discussion, 
at  least,  if  not  into  contest,  between  the 
tv/o  countries.  It  is  highly  iioptirtant 
that  correct  ideas  of  its  vulue  aad  extent 
should  be  entertained,  and  perhaps  these 
could  not  be  more  perspicuously  traced 
than  by  taking  a  relative  vieiv  of  it,  com- 
pared with  the  importance  of  the  Bank 
Fishery.  This  I  will  imw  brietly  attempt; 
confident,  that  if  in  doing  it  I  should  be 
i^terating  to  you  the  communication  of 
facts  of  a  knowledge  of  which  you  are 
already  ac(piaiuted,  the  motive  will  bring 
along  with  '♦  its  o  vn  sulTicicnt  apology. 

^' 'i'he  hi.,\g  Fis/ierij  is  carried  on  in 
vessels  generally  from  70  to  9(1  tons  bur- 
then, and  manned  with  eight  or  ten  men 
each.  They  commence  their  voyages 
early  in  March,  and  continue  in  this  em- 
ployment until  the  last  of  October,  in 
which  time  they  make  iwn,  and  some- 
times three  fares  to  the  United  States, 
bring! na;  their  fish  home  to  be  cured. 
The  produce  of  these  trips,  if  sucressfal, 
after  paying  the  slioresmen  the  expense 
of  making  or  curing,  generally  furiiishes 
a  sufficient  (juantlty  of  dried  fish  to  load 
the  vess»'  for  Europe.  These  vessels 
employeft  ...  fishing  require  cables  of  from 
160  to  ISO  fathoms  in  length.  They  must 
alw.ays  keep  their  sails  bent  to  the  yards, 
so  as  to  be  ready,  in  case  of  accident  to 
the  cable,  or  anv  of  those  adverse  occur' 
rences  to  which  tempests  or  the  casual- 
ties incident  to  aachoring  nearly  in  mid 
ocean,  must  expose  them.  They  pur- 
ch.ase  salted  dams  for  bait,  which  they 
jiroctlre    at    corl'^i.deririifp  expense,    atMl 


631 


take  w'Mi  ilieui  lioui  ilie  United  States. 
Tliej  h»i!  niglit  ami  day,  when  (lie  fish 
bite  well,  which  is  not  always  tlie  case, 
and  liaul  their  cod  in  a  depth  of  water 
from  45  to  55  fathonis.  After  catching, 
they  liead  and  open  the  fish,  and  place 
them  in  the  hold,  in  an  unciued,  and 
conseijuently,  in  some  decree,  in  a  par- 
tially perishing  state;  and  after  having 
obtained  a  fare,  or  freight,  return  with  it 
to  tlie  United  States,  to  be  cured  or  dri- 
ed and  prepared  for  ex})ortati()n;  but  be- 
fore this  is  done,  or  thej'  can  be  landed, 
the  Hsh  is  always  more  or  less  deteriora- 
ted, becomes  softer,  and  part  of  it  makes 
an  inferior  iiuality  of  fish,  called  Jamaica 
fisli,  and  tlie  proportion  of  this  Jamaica 
fish  is  much  greater  than  it  would  have 
been  had  the  fish  been  dried  and  cured 
shortly  after  having  been  taken,  as  is  the 
case  with  the  coast  and  bay  fishery ; 
in  addition  to  which,  these  vessels  cm- 
|)loyed  in  the  bank  fishery  arc  unavoida- 
bly obliged  to  prosecute  this  business 
with  a  great  comparative  expense,  as  to 
the  wear  and  tear  of  their  vessels,  ami 
loss  of  time,  and  with  an  increased  de- 
gree of  haz.ard,  both  as  to  safety  and  suc- 
cess. 

"  The  Coast  and  Labrador  Fisheries 
arc  prosecuted  in  vessels  of  from  40  to 
li20  tons  burthen,  carrying  a  nu;nber  of 
men,  according  to  their  respective  seizes, 
in  about  the  same  proportion  as  the  vessels 
on  the  bank  fishery.  They  commence 
their  voyages  in  May,  and  gel  on  the  fish- 
ing ground  about  the  1st  of  June.  bofi)re 
which  time  bait  calinot  be  obtained.  This 
bait  is  furnished  by  a  small  species  of  fish 
called  capling,  which  strike  in  shore  at 
that  time,  and  arc  followed  b\-  immense 
shoal-  ■>{  codfish,  w hich  feed  upon  them. 
Each  .  .;»sel  selects  its  own  fishing  ground 
along  the  coasts  of  the  bay  of  tjliuleurs, 
the  gulph  of  St.  Lawrence,  the  straits  of 
Bellisle.  the  toast  of  Labrador,  even  as 
far  as  Cumberland  Island,  and  the  en- 
trance of  Huilson's  Bay,  thus  improving 
a  fishing  ground  reaching  in  extent  from 
the  4jth  to  the  08th  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude. _ 

"  In  choosing  their  situation,  the  fish- 
ermen generally  seek  some  sheltered  and 
safe  harboi-,  or  cove,  where   they   anchor 
in  about  six  or  seven  falhom  water,   un- 
bend their  sails,   stow  them   below,   and 
literally  making  themselves  at  home,  dis- 
■  mantle  and  convert  their  vessels  into  ha- 
;   bitations,  at  least  as  durable  as  those  of 
..   the  ancient  Scytiftans.      They  then   cast 
a  net  over  the  stern  of  the  vessel ,  in  which 
a  siiHicient  nunibw   of  c-aplins;;    are  soon 


caught  to  supply  them  with  bait  from  day 
to  day.  Each  vessel  is  furnished  with 
lour  or  five  light  boats,  according  to  their 
size  and  number  of  men,  each  boat  re- 
quiring two  men.  They  leave  the  vessel 
early  in  the  morning,  and  seek  the  best 
or  sufficiently  good  spot  for  fishing,  which 
is  frequently  f  iuiid  within  a  few  rods  of 
their  \esscls,  and  very  rarely  more  than 
one  or  two  miles  distant  "from  them, 
where  they  haul  the  fish  as  fast  as  they  can 
pull  their  lines,  and  sometimes,  it  is" said, 
that  the  fish  have  been  so  abundant,  as 
to  be  gafted  or  scooped  into  the  boats, 
without  even  a  hook  or  line,  ami  the  fish- 
ermen also  say,  that  the  c«dfish  have 
been  known  to  pursue  the  cajdingin  such 
quantities,  and  with  such  voracity,  as  to 
run  in  large  numbers  quite  out  of  water 
on  to  the  shores.  The  boats  return  to 
the  vessels  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing, at  breakfast,  put  their  fish  onboard. 
salt  and  split  them;  and  after  having 
fished  several  days,  b^-  whicli  time  the 
salt  has  been  sufficiently  struck  in  the 
fish  first  caught,  they  carry  them  on  shore, 
and  spread  and  dry  them  on  the  rocks  or 
temporary  flakes.  This  routine  is  fol- 
lowed every  day,  with  the  addition  of  at- 
tending to  such  as  have  been  spread,  and 
carrying  on  board  and  slowing  away  those 
that  have  become  sufficiently  cured,  until 
the  vessel  is  filled  with  dried  fish  fit  for 
an  immediate  market,  w-hich  is  gene- 
rally the  case  by  the  middle  or  hist  of 
August,  and  with  which  she  then  pro- 
ceeils  immediately  to  Eurojie,  or  returns 
to  the  United  States;  and  this  fish,  thus 
caught  and  cured,  is  esteemed  the 
best  that  is  brought  to  market,  and  for 
several  years  j)revious  to  that  of  1808, 
was  computed  to  furnish  three  fmirth 
parts  of  all  the  dned  fish  exported  from 
the  United  States.  This  fishery  was  also 
about  that  time  taking  a  new  form,  which 
w  5uld  have  had  a  double  advantage,  both 
in  point  of  profit  and  extensioa;  for  some 
of  pur  merchants  were  beginning  to  send 
their  large  vessels  to  the  Labrador  coast, 
and  its  vicinity,  to  receive  there,  from 
small  fishing  boats  they  employed  or  pur- 
cliashed  from,  cured  fish,  to  load  their 
verssels  with  immediately  for  Europe; 
thus  saving  so  great  an  expense  in  getting 
the  fish  to  market  abroad,  as  would  in  a 
short  time  have  given  our  merchants  a 
conmiand  of  the  European  markets,  and 
would  have  also  a'forded  an  encourage- 
ment to  a  small  but  very  numerous  boat 
fishery,  which,  from  receiving  the  pay 
ft)r  their  labor  en  the  spot,  could  not 
fail  to  hrtvp  b.V'n  greatly  excif£.d  and  ]r\ 


532 


Cl-fillW-il, 


aiMkiijj^  tluo  ij£i,:>«jn»'  cc:i- 


(,01'iiwt  in  iftp  (!jriiortatian  from  the  crtiist, 
to  Feeelve  at  hom*  the  jjfoiccds  of  their 
adventures  from  abrnsd.  about  as  early 
as  the  hank  fish  could  have  been  put  intt) 
a  state  tit  to  be  exported  from  t'lf  Ur.it'-d 
States;  in  addition  to  which,  we  were 
grosccutirig  a  very  productive  salmon  and 
inackerel  tisherv,  in  the  sa;n«  vicinity,  as 
inost  of  the  ])ictieil  fish  we  had  received 
!ft)r  some  years  [ir.or  tn  the  war  were 
caught  on  those  shores. 

"  Tliis  Cocuji  Fixhen/,  then,  mrwt  high- 
ly iiKiJortiint  and  invaluable  as  I  thinit  U 
loust  bo  adniitteil  to  be,  even  fiv.m  the 
lbreJi;oir.g  hastv  iini>erfect  sketch  of  it.ine- 
vits  every  possible  desi  e*  of  attention  and 
i^ftbrt  for  us  preservation  on  the  part  of 
the  government  of  tiie  United  IStates. 
The  i«t"i>sal  of  the  British  Commissioners 
jFo  i'euew,  or  recognise  the  stipulation  of 
the  treaty  of  1783,  res[(ectin)£  it,  ami  the 
j>otification,  I  hope  not  formally  given, 
ihat  it  would  not  hereafter  be  permitk*d 
without  an  equivalent,  are  alannias;  indi- 
cations ill  reference  to  the  future  }>!>arMi- 
ble  prosecution  of  this  fishery,  and  of  the 
disiwsitions  of  the  British  goverument 
Avitli  regard  to  it. 

"  The  dirt'ercnc*  of  expression  used  in 
the  third  article  of  the  treaty  of  pence  of 
1783,  fts  to  the  tig/tl  id"  fishing  on  the 
Banks  of  Newfoundland  and  the  liberfy 
of  fishing  on  th«  coasts  of  the  British  pro- 
vinces in  North  America,  however  it 
might  have  originated,  aftbrds  a  diversity 
of  expression  whiih.  in  the  present  in- 
•stance,  will  be  sei/xd,  and  be  made  to 
^ve  tati  parnsans  of  Great  Britain  and 
of  the  provinces  a  pjpular  color  of  justice 
in  support  of  tlieir  argiiments,  when  they 
contend,  as  I  think  they  probably  will  do, 
that  in  so  important  a  compact,  tiie  vari- 
ance of  language  could  not  have  been  a 
.matter  of  accident:  that  if  precisi.in  in 
t,he  use  of  terms  in  their  most  literal 
sense  is  any  where  to  be  expected,  it  is 
lertainly  to  be  looked  f  )r  in  an  instru- 
ment, wliich  is  to  form  the  paramount  law 
between  two  nations,  whose  clashing  inter- 
Cits  have  broui|;ht  them  into  cidlision,  and 
wliich  is  generally  fra.ki^^  bj  men  of  the 
most  distinguished  talents  of  each  party. 
the  acuteness  of  whose  conceptions  is  al- 
>vayskept  in  full  pla^',  by  the  contending 
pretensions  they  have  respectively  to 
consult  and  sustain;  and  th.it  therefore  a 
distinction  was  made,  and  was  intended 
tb  be  made,  at  the  time  of  the  negi'tiation 
Between  a  right  derived  from  the  God  of 
nature,  and  to  be  e\erc(s«d  on  the  com- 
mon 6ehl  rtf  Ris  brtrnty.   fhe  great  high- 


vay  •!■  uahtiUi,:  au4.  the  UMu^,  |Mi('' 
mission,  or  indulgence,  as  they  will  tttrtti 
it,  to  continue  the  exercise  of  an  employ- 
ment on  the  coast  at  the  very  doors,  and 
within  the  peculiar  and  especift!  jurisdic- 
tion, of  anotlicr  nation:  the  one  accord- 
ing to  this  ddc trine  being  a  right  inherent 
and  not  to  be  drawn  in  question;  the 
other  a  suflFtrance  open  to  rotidificatioa  or 
denial,  aitirgefher  subseviueiiily  to  a  war, 
according  to  the  will  or  the  interests  of 
the  parly  orisriually  acceding  to  it. 

"  The  liberiy,  for  the  expression  ol  the 
treaty  in  tlie  uiscuesion  betw-.'«»  tlie  two 
nations  must  L>e  adfritteil,  whether  it  op- 
erate jttiverscly  or  fevorabty  to  us,  reels 
for  its  own  continuance,  eitner  ae  we  as^ 
sert,  on  the  ground  of  right  as  an  anteri- 
or possession  and  a  j>erpetnal  franchise.  • 
or  as  the  British  will  contend,  on  the  exis- 
tence of  the  tr«ity  of  1783.  The  first 
grouml  to  be  supported  on  the  view  taken 
of  it  in  your  own  letter,  and  in  that  wh-ch 
you  half  the  goodness  to  communicate  to 
me,  and  even  on  the  second,  admitting 
pro  forma,  that  a  declaration  of  war  does, 
ipso  facto,  abrogate  all  pj-evious  treaty 
stipulatiout!,  brought  into  contest  by  it, 
unlesB  tacitly  or  expressly  renewed  lay  a 
new  treacy,  to  be  an  acknowledged  princi- 
ple of  international  law,  still  the  nght  iti 
quesfioi),  conld,  1  believe,  rest  untouched 
and  unaffected,  although  1  know  not  with 
what  degre*  of  devision  or  determiuation 
the  n^otiation  of  a  future  use  of  the  coast 
fisheries  was  brought  forv,  ard  in  the  ne- 
gotiations at  Ghent,  by  the  British  Com- 
missioners. But  while  on  the  one  hand  the 
coupling  the  o!K;r  to  treat  for  a  renew.il  of 
the  liberty  of  the  coast  fisheries,  for  an 
equivalent  with  a  proposition  to  treat  for 
a  renewal  of  the  right  of  the  free  naviga- 
tioti  of  the  Mississippi,  also  foranequiva- 
l?n';,  unless,  as  has  been  suspected,  thev 
were  made  with  the  insidious  jiurpose  of 
obtaining  an  admission  that  both  had  al- 
ready ceased  to  exist,  shows  the  confi- 
dence they  would  wish  to  appear  to  en- 
terf^ainin  the  soundness  of  their  pfjsitioa, 
that  the  v.-ar  had  extinguished  botJi  tiie 
right  and  the  liberty;  for  the  former,  the 
free  navigation  of  tlie  Mississippi,  if  force 
of  language  and  repetition  are  to  have  any 
weight,  could  not  well  have  been  placed 
on  a  stronger  basis,  it  being  very  express- 
ly and  explicitly  contracted  for  in  the; 
treaty  of  1783,  recognised  In  that  of, I 
1794.  and  ajniin  mentioned  in  a  provi- 1 
slonal  article  in  1796,  still,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  omission  in  tlic  new  tre.ity  to  I 
state  that  the  treaty  of  1783  had  expired  f 
or  been  annttUcd,  and  a  peftrence  Jiarvinal 

0| 


lueen  liiniie  C'u  it  in  seveiul  luitances,  is  ;•  cuiiUi.^i\,..d  jj^.vei.,  of  tiie  L(.  .Siuies-  anil 

yet  stronger  eviilence  that  they  dU  con-  should  the  British  ministiy  or  Colonial  au^ 

sidei-  that  treaty  as  reuiaininsj  in    exist-  thorities  attempt  to  interdict  this  fisherj- 

ence,  and  of  con8e()uence,  entitled  io  re  as  I  tJiinIc  tjiey  now   will,  to  the  inhabif"'- 

spect  and  obserTance   in  all    such  of  its  ants   of  the   United  States,   the  eoveru- 

provkiotts  as  had  not  been  specially  con-  raent  ouxht,   and  I  trust  will     take  most 

travened  in  the  new  treaty.  '  prompt  and  efficient   measures   to  obtain 

"  A  liberty  was  recognised  by  the  tre«-  and   enfjice  a  renewal  or  recognition  ofi 

ty  of    1783,  for    the    inhabitants    of   the  this  nght  as  it  has  heretofore  exfsted.     It 

United  8tate«,t«j>ro»*rute  the  flsheriea oil  ■  a  gem   which  stiould   nerer  be  suiren- 

the  co&ats  of  British  North  America,  with  dered,  nor  can   it  ever  be  abandoned  by 

ti»e  exception  of  ilie  Island  of  Newfound-  any  statesman,  alive  tothe  interests  of  Ills' 
land,  iM;t  ooly  where  the  partie*  had  been 
accustomed  to  use  them,  out  wiiere  Brii- 
ish   fisherman   not  only   did,    but    mijiht 


country:  compared  in  its  consef|uenceH 
\yith  ft  free  right  of  navigating  tiie  Missi><- 
sipn:,  it  is  even  a  niucli  more  unequal 
stake  than  would  be '-si?;  Freiicli  rap'.-rs 
imnoned  against  six  Barbarv  horses.'' 

'•Theright  of  iiavi2;atini;  the  Mississrp- 
pi,  since  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  and 


thereafter,  (that  i«,  8ubse<|uenily  to  the 
date  of  the  treaty)  prosecute  them,  and 
this  right,  for  it  had  now  become  a  rig/;i 
aflberty  or  use,   lieraanded  by  the  one 

party  and  admitted  and  acknowledged  by    the  possession  of  both  sides  of  the  river 
the  other,  was  wholly  without  limits  as  to   by  tne  United  8t.ites.  and  when  the  ilifli- 
its  duration,  and  could   then  only  ceisc,    culties  of  the  ascending  navl-a.'iou  arc 
or  the  limitatioti  Lake  eftect,  on  "the  hap-    considered,   and  the  jealousy  and  incon- 
pening  of  one  of  three  events,  that  is,  the    venience    which    the    subjects    of  Great 
suirenderof  the  jMrtv  possessing  the  right    Britain  must  experience  from  attcmptiii" 
and  the  annul  meiitofthe  treaty  which  con-    to  avail  of  it,  can  be  of  little  value  to  he;" 
firmed  it,  or  by  an  usurped  and  unjustifi-    except  as  in  its  higher  branches,  and  oji 
ab'e  exercise  of  power  on  the  one  part,  in    the  >ii?4ouri,  it  may  facilitate  the  prose- 
defiance  (if  the  righta  of  the  other,  and  in    cution  of  the  fur  tracle.     This  trade,  hovv- 
violation  of  those  common   principles  of  evcj,  altliough  it  employs  a  large  number 
gj)od  faith,  which  can  iiiune   re^^ulate   the    of  persons,  never  has  been  very  important 
intercourse  between  nations;  bwt  the  sar-    to    the   nation,    and  must,    from  the  op- 
rciider  of  the  i  ighl  has  not  been  Tii.iiie  bv    eration  of  indiviilua!  causes,  gradually  les- 
the  United  States,  and  the  treaty  of  1783  •  &*-!',  and  in  the  <<'urae  of  a  fe.v  years,  re- 
has  not  been  annihilated  by  the  exisfeiice    cede  altogether  from  tlic^reat  rivers.   She 
of  tlie  war,  l>ecausc  the  |)arties  liavc  not    'las,  therefore,  notwithstanding  the  opin- 
ouly  not  agreed  to  abrogate  it,  but  have    ion  of  two  of  the  American  Coinmissicm- 
expredsly  relericd  to  lU  and  in  tiie  treaty    ers,  and  her  own,  probable  pretensions  of 


fairness,  givesi  up  nothing  in  point  «f 
value,  contpoieii  willi  the  fislieiics,  which 
•jjx)n  tlie  same  ground,  she  is  undoubted- 
ly desirous  of  fjrtifving  herself  in  wiQv 
liolding. 

'•  In  compliance  with  the  intimation  yoii 
had  given  me,  I  iiave  commented  on  this 
subject  at  much  greater  lengtli,  even  tlian 
as  no  such  stipulation  does  exist  in  the  I  Had  contemplated  at  the  outset,  perhaps 
present  case,  the  treaty  of  17'^.'!,  is,  as  I  too  minutely,  when  I  recollect  that  a  part 
•^lould  contrnd,  even  by  the  showing  of  i>i' it  at  loAst,  must  be  much  bettc-r  under- 
the  British  Commissioneis  themselvea,  s»t<K)tl  at  Quincy,  than  by  myself,  but  tlie 
still  in  fAistenc*  with  ail  the  rights  and  account  of  the  recent  state  of  these  fishe- 
liberties  incident  tt  it,  with  the  full  and  ries  and  tJie  mode  in  which  they  were 
free  use  to  th.'  inhabitants  (.f  the  United  fu'esecuted,  I  thought  might  not  be  unac- 
Statps,  of  the    fi^shenes,  as  firmly   recog-    ceptable  to  you.     Mv  information  in  re- 


of  Ghent,  made  a  provisio;.  to  carry  the 
stipulations  as  to  boundaries  of  the  treaty 
of  1783,  more  fully  and  complefely  into 
effect:  now  it  being  an  uncontroverted 
pirinciple  of  tiie  law  of  evidence,  that  the 
whole  must  be  admitted  if  a  ]>art  is  re- 
«:eived,  unlets  stime  re^.iprocal  and  mutu- 
al agreement,  exists  to  the  contrary,  and 


n'if.-a  and  Si'cured  to  the  United  jStates, 
by  that  treaty. 

'-This  is  t!ie  construction,  wheihei-  to 
.Jif  support *h1  on  tl'is  ground  or  any  other, 
vrhich  I  hope  -the  g.-vernmeut  of  oar  conn- 
frf  will  maintain,  it  is  a  rlj/ht  most  his'ilv 
jmportant  to  tjie.C"s*crn  section,  a-id, in- 


jjai-d  to  them,  has  in  genera!  been  derived 
from  respectable  sources,  upon  uhichl 
can  rely,_nevcr  having  h.ad  any  direct  in- 
terest or  concern  in  the  fisheries  myself.  I 
have  not  attempted  to  apply  the  principle 
cf  public  lav/  to  the  question  respecting, 
them,  because  the  few  books  of  iLl*  de- 


H^pd,  (.-.tlTt^t^efepnt  acd future  na?»l  ami  SCTJpti%,  whiai.  I  pos?e^  are  stUt  at 


534 


VVashingiteii;  and  since  the  risiug  of  the 
Council,  I|have  nothati  time  to  make  any 
research  elsewhere,  and  because  I  pre- 
sume this  part  of  the  business  will  bo  plac- 
ed uniler  the  hands  of  those  who  will  iiave 
both  the  means  and  (he  ability  to  do  it  am- 
ple justice. 

"  I  had  intended  also  in  reference  to 
the  treaty  of  1814,  to  have  made  some 
few  remarks  on  the  interdictioo  it  may  oc- 
casion, of  a  trade  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  ports  in  India,  and 
on  its  operation  upon  tlie  contested  boun- 
dary on  our  Korth  Eastern  frontier,  as 
regards  the  right  of  possession  to  the  Isl- 
ands of  Dudley,  Moore,  and  Fretlcrick,  in 
the  bay  of  Passamaquoddy.  I  have,however, 
already  so  unduly  tresjjassed  on  your  pa- 
tience, that  I  will  only  not  omit  them  al- 
together. Both  these  subjects  attach  to 
then^  some  importance,  but  compared  in 
point  of  value,  with  the  possession  of  the 
fisheries,  perhaps  in  a  ratio  not  much 
greater  than  the  bullion  in  the  mint  at 
Philadelphia,  would  be  to  the  ore  in  the 
mines  of  Peru. 

"Feeling  persuaded  that  in  avowing 
the  hope  tiiat  all  these  objects  may  be  dis- 
posed of  in'such  a  manner  as  best  to  con- 
firm the  rights  and  secure  the  interests  of 
the  United  States,  I  shall  unite  fully  in 
sentiment  with  yourself. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  sir,  with 
gj-eat  consideration,  your  very  respectful 
and  obedient  servant. " 

(Signed)  JAMES  LLOYD. 

(ropy  of  a  Letter  from  James  Lloyd  to 
John  Quincy  Mams,  deposited  in  the 
Department  of  State. 

Sir:  In  a  former  note,  returning  (he 
letter  icith  whidi  you  had  obligingly 
favor'.d  me,  I  had  the  honor  to  oftei- 
you  my  congratulations  on  the  termi- 
nation of  the  war,  without  waiting  to 
know  what  w  ere  the  grounds  of  the  tn'aty 
which  concluded  it;  because,  from  the 
tenor  of  the  previous  correspondence,  and 
my  personal  knowledge  of  nearlv  all  the 
commissioners,  1  folt  a  reliance"tiiat  the 
arrangement  wouhl  not  be  dishonorable, 
though  I  acknowledge  mv  rejoicing  was 
mingled  with  fear,  kst  it  sliould  be,  at 
least  in  some  poi]its,  a  disudvantan-eous 
one;  and  this  expression  of  feeling  I  vo- 
lunteered ^vith  the  more  readiness,  as  the 
intelligence  was  received  at  a  moment 
when  the  national  character  had  been 
splendidly  illustrated  by  the  i-pcent 
achievement  at  New  Orleans. 


I  greeted  the  occurrence  \i  idi  suule-^ 
principally,  not  because  I  expected  i 
woiiW  biing  or  restore  to  us  all  the  bene 
fits  we  possessed  under  former  treaties 
but  because  I  saw  no  chance,  but  fron 
this  source,  of  happier  prospects  for  th 
future.  It  was  not,  however,  the  storr 
that  howleil  along  the  lakes,  or  upon  th 
sea-board,  that  created  the  apprehensioi 
of  an  instant  for  the  fate  of  the  contest 
but  it  was  the  hidden  fire  that  was  rum 
bling  within  our  own  bosoms,  and  which 
under  a.  continuance  of  the  war,  wouhl 
I  believe,  have  made  cmr  counti-y  th 
theatre  of  domestic  convulsions,  as  wel 
as  of  foreign  warfare,  and  perhaps,  froii 
its  effects,  have  offered  up  some  parts  o 
it,  as  no  very  dilHcult  prey,  to  the  mere 
of  the  enemy. 

On  this  head  I  know,  sir,  you  had  bet 
ter  hopes,  and  tliought  differently  fron 
ine;  and  I  have  now  only  to  say,  I  an 
glad  the  experiment  has  never  come  ti 
issue. 

As  the  price  of  the  purchase  of  an  es 
cape  from  evils  portentous  as  these,  I  con 
sidered  it  as  ])robable  that  the  Englis! 
government  might  claim  from  us  the  con 
tested  eastern  islands,  and  interdict  al 
trade  between  us  and  her  colonial  pos 
scsisions;  and  possibly  still  further,  tha 
slie  would  endeavor  to  extort  from  us  thi 
coast  fisheries  around  her  own  shores 
foi-,  on  the  magnanimity  or  friend;ihip  a 
Great  Britain,  or  of  any  oth.er  nation,  ii 
matters  of  interest,  I  confess  I  never  Inn 
the  ability  to  lash  my  imagination  int 
■  any  sort  of  dependence;  but  i  did  alsi 
cherish  the  belief,  that  mme  of  our  essen 
tial  or  important  rights  or  liberties  wonlt 
be  diminished  or  surrendered.  Of  thi 
latter,  tlie  one  of  the  greatest  consequence 
in  reference  to  its  intrinsic  value,  and  ai 
derived  from  discovery  and  possession 
confirmed  by  a  formal  treaty  stipulation 
is  unquestionably  that  to  which  you  hav( 
referred — the  coast  fisheries  (m  the  shores 
of  tlie  British  possessions  in  Nortl 
America. 

These  fisheries,  as  most  advantao-ecusly 
secured  to  t!ie  United  States  by  the  treaty 
of  1783,  and  made  at  the  time,  as  I  have 
always  understood,  a  sine  qua  non  of  that 
treaty,  principally  by  one  of  our  then 
ministers,  offer  an  invaluable  fund  o! 
we.aith  and  power  to  our  conntrv,  one 
which  has  never  been  duly  atteniled  to, 
nor  justly  appreciated,  but  which,  if  con- 
tinued or  improved,  was  destined  to  grow 
with  our  growth,  and  strcnifthen  "with 
our  strength;  and,  at  no  very  distant  day. 
to  extract  the  eream  of  the  trade,  as  well 


585 


;Is  ihe  tislieiies,  auJ  render,  iu  a  great 
measure,  dependant  upon,  if  not  tribu- 
tanj  to  us,  all  the  Britisli  Atlantic  pos- 
sessions upon  this  coucinent. 

In  revie\ving  l!ie  recognition  of  this 
libciy  for  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  United 
Stales,  i«  tisii,  without  limitation  of  time, 
on  all  the  coasts  of  Newfiundland,  wiiich 
British  iishenaen  shidl  use,  and,  also,  on 
all  the  coasts,  bays,  and  creeks,  of  all 
ot/ier  his  Britannic  majesty's  dominions 
in  America,  aTid  with  the  exception  of 
the  island  of  Newfoundland,  to  dry  and 
cure  lish  on  the  said  shores,  wherever  un- 
settled, or  where  settled,  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  proprietors  or  possessors  of 
the  soil,  it  is  difficult  to  suppiess  a 
,  homage  of  respect  for  the  talents  and  pre- 
'  science  of  l/ie  negotiators  on  the  one  side, 
in  ootainin^  the  recoj^nition  of  such  a 
riglii  or  liberty,  or  of  surprise  at  the 
hecillessness  or  obtuseness  of  those  on 
the  other  in  acceding  to  it,  except  under 
the  pressure  of  some  necessitif. 

This  liberty  is,  in  fact,  looking  to  it  in 
its  naked  state,  and  such  in  time  of  gen- 
erHl  peace  it  would  shortly  have  proved 
itseli  to  be,  granting  to  a  young  and  in- 
creasing, a  powerful  and  rival  nation,  the 
ability  to  moor  wahin  a  cable's  length  of 
the  shore,  a  cordon  of  foreign  vessels 
around  the  seaboard  of  the  British  pro- 
vinces, of  engrossing  the  lietter  part  of  all 
the  wealth  they  possessed,  an  J  setting  at 
defiance  the  revenne  lai"s,  both  of  the  mo- 
ther country  and  the  culordes.  For  that 
vastly  the  larger  part  of  the  fisheries,  as 
well  as  the  more  valuable  of  the  supplies 
of  these  provinces,  would  have  found 
their  way  tlnouirh  this  line  of  circumval- 
lation,was  as  certain  to  happen,  as  the  re- 
gular appearance  of  the  American  fisher- 
men on  their  coasts. 

The  prosecution  of  these  coast  and  bay 
lisheries,  althougii  it  had  already  become 
extremely  advantageous,  has  uiuloubtedly 
leached,  in  a  ver^'  small  degree,  the  ex- 
tension and  importance  it  was  capable  of 
attaining.  The  unsettled  state  of  the 
commercial  world  for  the  past  twenty 
years,  and  the  more  alluring  objects  of 
commercial  enterprise  which  sucli  a  state 
of  thhisrs  devolved,  served,  in  point  of  im- 
mediate cor.nideratioii  and  attention,  to 
throw  these  fisheries  in<o  the  back  ground; 
but  still,  unti'  first  checked  by  tise  system 
of  embargoes  and  restriction*,  and  fually 
stopped  by  a  decluiation  of  war,  they 
.were  silently  but  rapidly  progressing  and 
laaching  an"  importance  which,  although 
generally  unknoicn  to  our  country  and 
its  statcsiiieu,  has  become  highlv  alarm- 


ing to  the  governments  and  mul*c  v.-"a'.'h* 
merchants  of  the  provinces,  and  v. as  be- 
ginning to  attract  the  attention  and  ieal- 
ousy  of  the  cabinet  of  Great  Britain  te- 
wai'ds  them. 

The  shores,  the  creeks,  the  inlets  of 
the  Biiy  of  Fundy,  the  Bay  of  Clujeur 
the  Gufph  of  St."  Lawrence,  the  Straiia 
of  Bellisle,  and  the  Coast  of  Labrador, 
appear  to  have  been  designed  by  the  God 
of  nature  as  the  great  ovarium  o"f  fish,  the 
inexhaustible  repository  of  this  species  of 
food,  not  only  for  the  supply  of  the  Amer- 
ican but  of  tfie  European  coatbient.  At 
the  proper  season  to  catch  them  in  end- 
less abundance,  little  more  of  ctVort  is 
needed  than  to  bait  tiie  hook  and  pull  the 
line,  and,  occasionally,  this  is  not  neces- 
sary. In  clear  weather,  near  the  shores, 
myriads  arc  visible,  and  the  strand  is  at 
times  almost  literally  paved  with  them. 

All  this'  was  gradually  making  itself 
kno\in  to  the  enterprise  and  vigilance  of 
the  New  England  fishermen;  and  for  a 
few  seasons  prior  to  the  year  1808,  the 
resort  to  this  emi>loyment  had  become  an 
obj('ct  of  attention  from  the  Thames,  at 
Nev/  Loudon,  to  the  Schoodic;  and  boats 
and  vessels  of  a  small  as  well  as  of  a  large 
size,  were  flocking  to  it  from  all  the  in- 
termediate ports  of  ilie  United  States.  In 
the  fishing  season,  at  the  best  places  foj- 
catching  the  cod,  the  New  England  fish- 
ermen. /  am  told,  on  a  Sunday,  swarmed 
like  (lies  upon  the  slioies;  a"nd  that,  in 
some  of  these  years,  it  probably  v.ould 
not  be  an  over  estimate,  to  rate  the  ves- 
sels employed  in  this  fishery,  belonging 
to  the  United  States,  at  from  fifteen  hun- 
dred to  two  thousand  sail,  reckoning  a 
vessel  for  each  trip  or  voyage;  and  this 
number,  if  the  fisheries  were  c(jntinued, 
v.ould  shortly  be  still  further  and  very 
greatly  extended. 

The  nursery  for  seamen;  the  conse- 
f|uent  increase  of  power;  the  mine  of 
wealth;  the  accumulation  of  capital,  (for 
it  has  been  justly  observed,  that  he  who 
draws  a  cod-fish  from  the  sea,  gives  a 
piece  of  silver  to  his  country;)  the  control 
over  the  British  North  .'American  provin- 
ces; the  effect  ripon  the  trade  and  citsloms 
of  the  parent  country,  andtlie  correspond- 
ing advantages  to  th.e  United  States,  (of 
wiiich  the  enlargement  of  such  an  inter- 
course was  sucep*!ble.)  yon  are  much 
better  abls  to  cimceive  than  I  am  to  de- 
scribe, but  I  \\ith  pleasure  point  them 
anew  to  your  consideration,  as,  on  many^ 
accounts,  presenting  one  of  the  most  in- 
teresting public  objects  tp  which  it  can  be 
devoted'. 


^yo 


Lucrative,    Luwever,  aud  imposing  m    straits  of  Causo,  to  count  tlie  uuuibej'  of 
it.s  individual   and  national  bearings,  as   the  American  vessels  wliicli  passed  those 
{his  fisliery  was,  and  was  to  become,   it    straits  in  f  Jiis  cnip'ojmcnt,  who  returned 
>p((s  little  known  to  the  leading  men  of  nine   liiindreil   and   tliifiy -eight,    as   tiie 
oltr    ermntry,    and  little    sjjoken    of  hy    number  actually    ascertained!    by  him  to 
_iithers  encn  in   Massachusetts,  or  amono;    have  passed,   and  doubtless  many  otiiers 
those  who  were  actually  engaged  in  it,  and    during  the   night,  or  in  stormy  or  thick, 
a  kriowledge  of  its  existence  in  any  thing    weather,   escaped    his    observation — and 
like  its  real  extent  or  future  capability,    some  (>f  tiiese  addressers  have  distinctly 
was  perhaps  confined  to  not  more  than  a    looked    forward    with   gratification    to   a 
dozen  heads,  (if  so  many)  in  the  wiiole  of   state  of  war,  as  a    desirable  occurrence, 
the  southern  and  western,  and  even  mid-    which  would  by  its  existence  annul  ear- 
die  divisions 'jf  tiie  Union,  i sting  treaty  stipulations,  so  injurious  as 
The  causes  of  its  value  and  importance,    tiiey  conteiid  to  their  interests  and  those 
not  beinsi  a   matter  of  greater   tiotoriety    of  the  nation — with  what  degree  of  cor- 
Jtiere,  are  obvious.    It  was  an  employment    raetaiess  this  expectation  has  been  enter* 
not  only  in  the  fishery,   but  in  many  in-    tained  the  future  must  determine.     But 
stances  und 'ubtedly  in  trade,  and  in  an    unf)rtunately  these  niutmurs,  and  com- 
iilicit  trade  with  the  British  itihalutants,    plaints  reached  England,  and  were  indus- 
jn  which,  independently  of  the  drea<l  of   triously  circulat>.d    about   the    time  that 
competition,    one   of  the  inherent  attri-    our  restrictive  measures,  inefficacious  at 
butes  of  commerce,   publicity  was  iniist    best,    and   rendered    still   more  so   from 
carefully  to  be  avoided        Those,   there-    never  having  been  fully  executed,    awa- 
fore,  who  were  engaged  in    it   made    no    kened  an   unusual  and  critical  attention 
unnecessary    promulgation    of  their   em-    to  the  commercial  connexion  between  the 
ployment,    while    tlieir  co-adjutors,    tlie    two    countries,   and    probably   the  value 
poorer  inhabitants  of  the  provinces,  tast-    am!   imporrance  of  this  [)raucli  of  it,    is 
ing  equally  its   sweets   and   advantages,    now  at  least  as  fully  understood  and  ap- 
were  alike  disposed  to  keep  silence  with    preciated  on  the  eastern   as  on  the  west- 
regard  to   it.     But  so  situated  were   not    ern  "side  of  the  Atlantic, 
the  ProviiicLiJ  government,  and  the  more        Carried   away    bv    first  impressions, a 
wealthy  of  the  merchants  of  the  sea-port    large  part  of  mankind  become  not  unfre- 
towns.     They  had  become  highly  alarm-    quenSly  the  dupes  of  misconception,  and 
•ed  at  the  expansion   of   this    fishery  and    adhere  to  their  opinions  with  a  pertinacity 
trade,  jealous  of  its  progress,  and  clamor-    pioportioucd  to  (he  time  they  have  entcr- 
ous  at   its  endurance.     The   former  saw    tained  them.     From  a  source  something 
their  own    consequence  abridged — their    like  this,  it  has  been,  and  is  generally, 
}cvcmie  -intercepted — their   people  alien     I  might  almost  say  univei-sa'ly  believed, 
ated,   envying  the  privileges  and   advan-    by  the  mass  of  our  countrymen,  that  the 
tages  ofa  neighboring  nation,  which  their    right  of  fishing  on  the  banks  of  Newfound- 
own  system  would  not    permit   tlietn    to    land,    or,    as   it   is   properly    called    the 
enjoy,  and  witnessing  their  famous  navi-    Crcnd-bank,  was  the  greal  boon  acquir- 
gfition  act,  the  sheet  aiichor-of  their  com-    cd  as   it   respected    the  fisheries,   by  the 
mercial  supremacy,  rendered  in  its  local    treaty  of  1783;  while  unquestionabfy  the 
operation  at  least  a  dead   letter.     They,    fisheries  of  the  banks  of  Newfoundland, 
therefore  of  late  years,   have  repeatedly    no  more  belonged  exclusively  in  posses- 
memciialiyed  the  government  in  England    sion    or    the   right    of  control,  eilher  to 
irespecf^ng    fisheries    carrieil    on    by    the    Great   Britain  or  the  United  .States,  than 
Americans,  while  the  whole  body  of  Scot-    the  air  of  Heaven  is  the  patent  property  of 
'tishadventu.'eiS)  vvhose  trade,  both  in  im-    both  or  eilher  of  them,  with  the  power  to 
ports  and  expi"'rtS  au<l   contiol   over  the    dole  out  its  use  to  such  other  nations  as 
inhabitants  it  curtailed,  have  turned  out    may  aj^ree  and  conform  to  tlie  stipulations 
in  full  cry,   and  jo'J\e''  the  cliorus  of  tlie    they  may  ph-ase  to  prescribe   for   its  en- 
colonial '^vernments  .'oa  crusade  against  joyinent.     If  any  thing  was  gained  or  se- 
theencroachmentsof  the  infidels,  the  dis-    cured  on    thi-.  head,  it  undoubtedly  was 
believers  In  th.e  divine  auti'i"'i^y  of  kings,    t\\e  eoast  fisiteries  on  the    shores  of  the 
or  the  rin-hts  of  the  province^ — and  have    British  provinces.     This    is  the    fisliery 
uursued   their  object  so   assiduously  that    that  will  now  come  under  discussion,  at 
at  their    own   expens",    as  I  am  inform-    least,  if  not  into  contest  between  the  two 
4d  from  a  respectable  source,  in  the  year    countries.      It  is  highly   important    that 
1807  or    18U3,  they  stationed  a   watch-    correct  ideas   of  its   value   and    extent 
-nan  in  some  lavoraWe  pfifrtirtr;  near  the   should  be  entertained,  and  perhaps  these 


,.uulii  uol  Oe  ino;c  coliipicuuusly  tiiiced 
than  by  taking  a  relative  view  of  it,  com- 
pared witli  the  mode  of  prosecuting,  and 
the  iinportanceof  the  hank  Jishery.  'lliis 
I  will  now  brieily  attemjtt,  confident  if  in 
doing  it  I  should"  be  reiterating  to  you  the 
com.nunication  of  facts,  of  a  knowledge 
of  which  you  are  already  in  possession, 
the  motive  will  bring  along  with  it  its 
own  sufficient  ajjology. 

The  banh  Jifihcry  is  carried  on  in  ves- 
sels generally  of  .seventy  to  ninety  tons 
hurtlien,  and  maimed  with  eight  or  ten 
men  each.  Tiiey  commence  their  voy- 
a.ges  early  in  Murth,  and  continue  in  this 
eiTHilovm'ent  until  the  last  of  October,  in 
which "tiuie  they  make/!t'o,  and  s(nne!imea 
three  fares  to  the  United  States,  bringing 
their  tish  home  to  be  cured.  'I'lic  pro- 
duce of  these  trips,  if  successful,  after 
paying  the  shoresmen  the  expense  of  mak- 
ing or'curiiig,  generally  furnishes  a  s.iffi- 
cient  qu(in'i/tj  of  dried  Ji^h  to  load  tlie 
vessel  for  Europe.  These  vessels  em- 
ployed in  fishing,  require  cables  of  froiu 
one  hundred  and  sixty  to  one  hundreil 
and  eighty  fathoms  in  length.  Tiicy  must 
always  keep  their  sails  be!it  to  the  yard, 
so  as  to  be  ready,  m  case  of  acciilent  to 
the  cable,  or  any  of  those  adverse  orrur- 
rences,  to  whicli  tempests  or  casualtita 
incident  to  anchoring  m'arly  in  mid- 
ocean  must  expose  them.  They  pur- 
chase salted  clams  for  bait,  '.hi^l*  ■♦hey 
|)rocure  at  considerable  expense  an(i  rake 
with  them  from  tii'e  Uniled  States.  They 
tish  niglil  and  day  when  tiio  fish  bite  well", 
which  is  not  always  the  case,  ami  haul 
their  cod  in  a  depth  of  water  from  forty- 
live  to  lifty-five  fathoms.  After  catch- 
ing, they  iiVad  and  open  the  fish,  and 
place  them  in  the  hold  in  an  uncured, 
and  consequently  in  some  degree  in"  a 
partially  perishing  state,  and  after  hav- 
ing obtained  a  fare  or  freight,  return  with 
it 'to  the  United  States  to  be  cured  or 
dried,  and  prepared  for  exportation — l)ut 
before  this  is  done  or  they  can  be  landed, 
the  fi^h  is  always  more  or  less  deteriora- 
ted, becomes  softer  and  part  of  it  makes 
an  inferior  quality  of  fisli,  called  .lainaica 
fish,  which  is  isciiercJhi  one-third  less  in 
price  than  ivha!  is  considered  as  tnerchant- 
ab/e  Jiihr-^and  the  proportion  of  this  Ja- 
maica fisli,  is  much  greater  than  it  v.ould 
have  been,  had  the  fish  been  dried  and 
cured  sliortly  after  Living  been  taken,  as 
Is  the  case  with  the  coast  and  bay  fishery; 
in  addition  to  whirh,  these  vessels  em- 
])loyed  in  the  bank  fishery  are  unavoidably 
obliged  to  prosecute  their  bxisiness  with 
great  romp-arative  expense,  as  tti  the  wear 


and  tear  of  the  vesseLs,  and  kiss  of  time 
and  w  ith  an  increased  degree  of  hazard 
both  as  to  safety  and  success. 

The  Coast  and  Labrador  fisheries  era 
prosecu  ted  in  vessels  of  from  forty  to  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  tons  burthen,  carrying  a 
number  of  men,  accordijig  to  their  resrject- 
ive  sizes,  in  about  the  same  proportion  as 
the  vessels  of  the  bank  fishery;  they  com- 
mence their  voyncfes  in  May',  and  tet  on 
the  fishinir  ground  about  the  1*.'  oj  Jvne, 
before  \»  hich  time  bait  .-annot  be  otitaWied. 
This  bait  is  furnished  by  a  small  speciea 
of  fish  call'c<l  eeijjling,  which  sirike  in 
shore  at  that  time,  and  are  followed  by 
immense  shoals  of  codfish,  whic!;  feed  up- 
on them.  Fvich  vessel  selects  its  own 
fishing  ground  along  the  coasts  of  the  bay 
of  Chaleur,  'iulphofSt.  Lawrencej 

the  straits  ofllci..  le;  the  coast  of  Labra- 
dor, and  even  as  fir  as  Cumberland  Isl- 
and and  (lieentranceof  Huds)n'.:.'l>av;  thus 
improving  a  fishinxground,  reac!'aig;n  ex- 
tent from  the  -1  )tli  to  the  68l!i  degree  of 
north  latitude.  In  choosingtheir  situation, 
the  fishermen  gefierally  seek  some  she! 
tered  and  safe  liarbi)r  or  cave,  wliere  they 
anchor  in  about  six  or  seven  fathoins  wa- 
ter, unl)end  their  sails,  stow  tiiem  below 
■.>.vA  !i!ei\dly  making  theinseives  at  liomc, 
dismantle  and  convert  their  vessels  into 
habitations  at  !•  a<t  as  durable  as  tiiose  ot 
t!ie  ancient  Srythiaii s  i  tiiey  then  cast  it 
net  ovfr  iti,>  stern  of  the  vessel,  in  whicti 
:..  ^uSiLient  number  of  rapling  are  soon 
t  r: ught,  to  supply  them  with  bait  from  day 
to  ifay.  Each  vessel  is  furnished  with 
four  or  five  li^ht  boats,  according  to  her 
size  anil  number  of  men.  each  Wit  re>- 
quiring  two  men:  they  leave  the  vessel 
early  in  the  morning  an  I  seei,  the  best  or 
a  sufficiently  good  sp<it  for  fishina;,  which 
is  fre(|uently  found  within  a  few  rods  of 
their  vessel,  and  very  rarely  nmre  tliaii 
one  or  two  miles  distant  fr.im  if,  where 
they  iiaul  the  fish  as  fast  as  thei/  can 
pull  their  lines,  and  sometimes,  it  is  said, 
the  fish  have  been  so  abundant  as  to  be- 
trafed  or  scooped  into  the  boats  without 
even  a  liook  or  line;  and  the  fishermen  al- 
so say,  that  the  codfish  have  been  known 
to  nuiRue  the  capling  in  such  quantities, 
and  with  such  voracitv  as  to  run  m  larqc 
numbers  cfjife  out  of  leader  on  the  shores. 
The  boats  return  to  tiie  vessels  about  9 
o'clock,  in  the  morning  at  breakfa-t — put 
their  fish  on  board,  and  sa't  and  split  thera. 
and  after  having  (ished  several  davs,  by 
which  time  the  salt  has  been  sufficiently 
struck  in  the  fish  first  caught,  they  carry 
them  on  shore,  and  spread  and  dry  them 
on  the  rocks,  or  tempprarv  f]al:e-..     This 


loutine  is  foUoweil  every  day,  wiili  ilie 
atldition  of  attending  to  sucti  a's  have  been' 
spread,  and  carrying  on  board  and  ston- 
ing away  those  that  have  become  sufti- 
ciently  cured, ?.<K/J/  Ihe  vessel  is  filled  tvilh 
dried  fish  Jit  for  an  immtdirife  taurket, 
which  is  seneriiUy  the  case  by  tlic  mid- 
dle or  last  of  .August,  and  wii'i  which  she 
then  proceeds  imr.iediately  to  Europe,  or 
returns  to  the  United  States;  and  this 
fish  dius  caught  aiidcuied,  is  esteemed 
the  best  that"  is  br.,ught  to  market,  and 
for  several  years  previous  to  that  of  1808, 
was  computed  to  furnish  three  fourths 
part  of  ail  tl-.e  dried  fish  exported  from 
tlie  United  States. 

This  fisherv  was  also  about  that  time 
taking  a  new  form,  Vi^hich  would  have  had 
a  double  advantage  both  in  point  of  pro- 
fit and  extension,  for  some  of  our  mer- 
chants were  beginning,  to  send  their  large 
vessels  to  the  Labrador  coast  and  its  vi- 
cinitv,  to  receive  there  from  small  fishing- 
boats  they  employed  or  purchased  from, 
cured  fis'ned  to  load  their  vessels  with  im- 
mediately for  Europe,  thus  savins-  so 
great  an  expense  in  getting  the  fisli  to 
market  abroad,  as  would  in  a  short  time 
have  aiven  oui  merchants  a  romm.ind  o 
the  European  markets,  and  vvouul  also 
have  affn-ded  an  encouragcmetit  to  a 
small  bu*  very  numerous  boat  fishery, 
which  from  receiving  ihe  pn.y  for  their 
labor  on  the  ;-pot,  would  not  fail  to  have 
been  very  greatly  excited  and  increased, 
and  enabling  the  persons  concerned  in 
the  exportation  from  the  coast  to  receive 
at  home  the  proceeds  of  their  adventures 
from  abroad  about  as  early  as  the  bank- 
fish  could  have  been  put  into  a  state  iit  to 
be  exported  fi'oai  the  United  States.  In 
addition  to  which  we  were  prosecuting  a 
very  prod  uctive.Wwu/:  and  mackerel  fish- 
cry  in  the  same  vicinity,  as  most  of  the 
pickled  fi<h  of  this  description,  we  had 
received  for  some  years  prior  to  tlie  war, 
were  caugiit  on  those  slsores. 

This  eoasi  fishery,  then,  mast  highly 
important  and  invaluable,  as  I  tliivik  it 
must  be  .".dmitted  (o  bo.  even  fioni  the 
foregoing  hasty  and  iniperfect  sketch  of 
it,  merits  every  possible  degree  of  atten- 
tion and  effort  for  its  preservation  on  the 
part  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States;  the  refusal  of  (lie  British  Com- 
missioners to  renev/  or  to  recognise  tiie 
stipulation  of  tiia  treaty  of  1783,  respect- 
ing it — emit  the  notification,  I  hope  not 
fornudly  gicen  that  it  would  not  hc'-euf- 
ttr  be  perinitlrd  without  an  eijineulenf, 
are  alarming  iiidicatiops  in  reference  to 
the  future  peaceable  prosecution  of  tips 


fishery,  and  the   dispositions  of  tlie  Bri- 
tisli  governmeiit  with  regard  to  it. 

The  difference  of  expression  used  iu 
the  third  article  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
of  irSj,  as  to  the  right  of  fishing  on  the 
baidvs  of  Newfoundland,  and  the  tiberfij 
of  fishing  on  tlie  coasts  of  tlie  British 
provinces  in  North  America,  however  it 
might  have  originated,  attbrds  a  diversity 
of  expression,  which,  in  the  present  in- 
stance, will  be  seized  upon,  and  be  made 
to  give  to  the  partimns  of  Great  Britain 
and  of  the  provinces,  a  popular  color  of 
justice  in  support  ot  tiieir  argument, 
when  they  contend,  as  I  think  they  pro- 
bably will  do,  that  in  so  important  a  com- 
pact this  variance  of  language  could  not 
have  been  a  matter  of  accident,  that  if 
precision  in  tl'.e  use  of  terms  in  their  most  ' 
literal  sense  is  any  where  to  be  expected, 
it  is  certainly  to  be  looked  fi)r  in  an  in- 
strument which  is  to  form  the  paramount 
law  between  two  nations,  whose  clasiiing 
interests  have  brought  them  into  collision, 
and  which  is  generally  framed  by  men  of 
the  most  disting-uished  talents  of  each 
party,  the  acuteness  of  whose  perception 
is  always  kept  in  full  play  by  the  con- 
tending pretensions  they  have  respective- 
ly to  consult  and  sustain,  and  that  there- 
fore a  distinction  v.as  made,  and  was  in- 
tended to  Ijc  made  at  the  time  of  the  ne- 
gotiation betvyfeen  the  right  derived  from 
the  God  of  nature,  and  to  be  exercised  on 
the  common  field  of  his  bounty,  the  great 
highway  of  nations,  and  the  liberty,  per- 
niissi(m,  or  indulgence,  as  they  will 
phrase  it,  to  continue  the  exercise  of  an 
employment  on  the  coasts,  at  the  very 
doors  and  ivithin  tlie  peculiar  and  special 
/i(7'jsdic.tion  of  another  nation  :  the  one, 
according  to  this  doctrine,  being  a  right 
inherent,  and  not  to  be  drawn  in  ques- 
tion, the  other  a  sufferance  open  to  modi- 
fication or  denial  altogether  subscfjuently 
to  a  war,  according  to  the  will  or  the  in- 
terests of  the  party  originally  acceding 
to  it. 

This  Kherty,  for  the  expression  of  the 
treat*  in  the  discussion  between  the  two 
nations  must  be  admittad.  wheth'.Mit  ope- 
rate adversely  or  iavorablj'  to  us,  rests 
for  its  continuance,  either  as  we  assert, 
on  the  ground  of  right,  as  an  anterior 
possession  am'  perpetual  franchise,  or,  as 
ike.  Britisli  will  contend,  on  the  existence 
of  the  treatv  of  '83  :  the  first  ground  is 
to  be  supp'irted  en  the  view  talen  of  it 
in  yoitr  own  letter,  and  that  which  you 
had  t!ie  goodness  lo  conimKnicaie  to  me} 
and  even  on  the  second,  admitting,  pro 
forma,  that  o  declaration  of  war  does  ipst) 


539 


facto  abrogate  all  previous  treaty  stiyjiia-  the  right,  the  annulment  of  the  treat* 
tions  brough  :•  t^.'  contest  by  it,  unks.  .•l.icli  confirmefl  it,  or bv  an  usurped  anil 
lacitly  or  expressij    -  r-X  hy  a  new    unjustifiable   exercise   of  power  on    liie 

treaty,  to  be  an  acknowledged  principle  one  part  in  defiance  of  the  rights  of  th» 
of  international  law,  still  the  right  in  other,  and  in  violation  of  ttiose  common 
question  would,  I  believe,  restuntouched  principlfs  of  goi><l  faith  which  can  alone 
and  unaffected;  uithough  I  know  not,  re^^ulate  the  interrour-^e  between  nations; 
with  what  degree  of  decision  or  deter-  but  the  saiTender  of  this  right  has  not 
mination,  the  negation  of  a  future  t'ac  of  been  made,  and  will  not  be  made  by  the 
the  Coast  fisheries  was  brought  foruHud  United  States;and  the  treaty  of  1783  has 
in  the  negotiations  at  Ghent'hy  the  Bri-  not  been  annihilated  by  tlie  existence  of 
tish  Commissioners.  Ihe  war,  because  tiie  pai  ties  have  not  on- 

But  v^hde  on  the  one  hand,  the  cou-  ly  Jio^  wgreetZ  to  abroga tc  it,  but  have  ex- 
pling  the  ofter  to  treat  for  a  r;-newal  of  pressly  referred  to  it,  and  in  the  treaty  of 
the  coast  fisheries  tor  an  equivalent,  with  Ghent  made  a  provision  to  carry  tlie  sti- 
a  proposition  to  treat  for  a  renewal  of  the  puiatlons  as  to  boundaries  of  tfie  treaty 
right  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis-  of  "83,  move  fully  and  completely  into 
sissippi  also  for  an  equivalent,  unless  as  effect;  now.  it  being  an  uncontroverted 
has  been  suspected,  they  were  made  with  principle  of  the  law  of  evidence,  that  the 
ise  of  obtaining  an  ad-    whole  must  be  adir.itted,  if  a  part   Is  rc- 


the  insidious  purpose 
mission  that  both  had  already  ceased  to 
exist,  shows  the  confidence  they  would 
wish  to  appear  to  entertain,  in  the  sound- 
ness of  their  position,  tliat  the  war  had 
extinguished  both  tlie  right  and  the  liber- 
ty: for  the  former,  the  free  navigation  of 


1-' 
ceivesl.  unless  sotne  reciprocal  and  mutu- 
al agreeincnt  exists  to  tne  contrary,  and 
as  no  such  stipulation  docs  exist  in  the 
present  case,  the  treaty  of  1783  is,  as  I 
should  CMitend.  ev<;n  by  the  showing  of 
tbe    British   Commis-ioneis   themselves, 


tionedin  a  provisional  article  in  '90:  still, 
on  the  other  hand  the  omissi-m  in  the 
new  treaty,  to  state  that  the  treaty  of 
'83  had  expired,  or  been  annulled,  and 
a  reference  having  been  made  to  it  in  se- 
veral instances,  is  a  yet  stronger  evitlence 
that  they  {liil  consider  that  treaty  as 
remaining"   in    existence,   aiid    of  conse- 


the  Mississippi,  if  force  of  language  and  still  in  existence,  with  all  the  rights  and 
repetition  are  to  have  ?.ny  weight,  cov.ld  liberf.es  incident  to  it,  and  of  conse- 
Uot  well  have  been  placed  on  a  stronger  (}uence  with  the  full  and  free  use  to  the 
basis,  it  being  very  ex;)rpssly  and  expli-  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  of  the 
citly  contracted  for,  in  the  treaty  of '.'-So, .  fisheries  as  formally  recognised  and  se- 
recognised  in  that  of  '94,  and  again  mm-    cured  to  the  United  States"  by  that  treaty. 

This  is  the  co'isti-uction,  whether  it  be 
supported  on  this  j;i;cund  or  any  other, 
whicii  I  hope  the  government  of  our  coun- 
try will  maintain — it  is  arij^htniusl  high- 
ly important  to  the  eastern  sertioii,  and 
indeed  to  the  present  and  future  naval 
and  commorcial  powers  of  the  United 
States,  and  should  the  Eritislt  ininistry 
quence  entitled  to  respect  and  observ-  or  Colonial  authorities  attempt  to  inter- 
ance,  in  all  such  of  its  provisions  as  had  diet  this  fishery,  as  I  think  t'.;'y  now  will, 
not  been  specially  controverted  in  tiie  to  (he  inhabitants  of  the  Uiiited  States, 
new  treatv.  "  the  government  ought,  and  I  trust  will, 

■  A  liberty  was  recognised  by  the  treaty  take  the  most  prompt  ar.d  efiectual  mea- 
of  1783,  for  the  inliabitants  of  the  United  sures  to  obtain  and  enforce  a  renewal  or 
States  to  prosecute  the  fisheries  on  the  recognition  of  this  right  as  it  has  hereto- 
coasts  of  British  North  America,  with  fore  existed.  It  is  a  gem  wliicl!  sh;mld 
the  exception  of  the  Island  of  Newfound-  never  be  surrendered,  nor  can  it  ever  be 
land,  not  only  where  the  parties  had  been  abandoned  iy  any  statesmen  alive  to  Ike 
accustomed  to  use  them,  but  where  Bri-    interests  of  their  country:   compared   in 

its  consequences  with  a  free  rio;ht  of  na- 
vigating the  Mississippi,  it  is  even  a 
much  more  unequal  stake  than  would  be 
"  six  French  rapiers  imponed  against 
six  Barbarv  horses." 

Tiie  ri;,hr  of  navigating  the  Mississip- 
pi since  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  aud 
the  possession  of  both  sides  of  the  river 
by  the  United  States,  and  when  the  diffi- 
culties of  the'  ascending  navigation  are 
considered,    aiicj  flip  jealou--    and  inron- 


tish  fishermen  not  only  did  but  might 
thereafter  (that  is  subsequently  to  the 
date  of  the  treaty)  prosecute  tliem.  and 
this  right,  for  it  had  now  become  a  right 
of  liberti/  or  i(se.  demanded  by  the  one 
party  and  admitted  and  acknowledged  by 
the  other,  was  wholly  widiout  limits  as 
to  its  duration,  and  could  tVieu  only  cease, 
or  the  limitation  take  etfect  on  the  hap- 
pening of  OIK-  of  three  events  ;  that  is 
bv  the  suixender  of  tlie  person  possessing 


veuieoice  wludi  the  subjects  ot  Great 
Biitain  must  experience  from  attempting 
to  avail  of  it,  can  be  of  little  value  to 
her,  except  as  in  its  higher  branches  and 
on  the  Missouri,  it  may  facilitate  the' pro- 
secution of  tiie  tur  trade;  this  trade, 
liowever,  although  it  employs  a  large 
number  of  persons  never  Iw-i  been  very 
important  to  the  nation,  ana  must,  from 
the  operatioii  of  unavoidable  causes, 
p-aduaily  leasen,  and  in  the  course  of  a 
few  years,  probably  recede  altogether 
flrom  the  great  rivers.  Site  /laa,  therefore, 
notwith»ta>ij'ing  the  opinion  of  two  of  /he 
.American  Commissio/^rrs,  and  her  own 
probable  pretensions  of  fairness  given  up 
nothing,  in  point  of  value,  compared  with 
the  fisheries,  whichupon  the  same  ground 
she  is  undoubtedly  desirous  of  fortifying 
herself  in  wiluholding. 

In  compliance  with  the  intimation  vou 
liad  given  me,  i  have  commeiiied  on  this 
subji'ct  at  mu"h  greater  lein;(h  even  thaji 
I  had  contemplated  at  the  outset,  perhaps 
too  minutely,  when  I  recollect  thnt  a 
part  of  it,  at  least,  must  be  so  much  bet- 
ter utiderstoiid  at  Qidnci/  thaiiby  myself; 
but  the  account  of  the  recent  state  of 
these  fisheries  and  the  moile  in  wiiich 
they  were  prosecuted,  1  thought  might  not 
be  unacceptable  to  you.  My  information 
in  regard  to  them  has,  in  general,  been 
derived  from  respectable  sourceson  which 
I  can  rely,  never  having  had  any  direct 
interest  or  concern  in  the  fisheries  mv- 
«clf.  I  have  not  attempted  to  apply  the 
principles  of  public  law  to  the  (pjestions 
respi'Ciing  them,  ijecause  the  lew  books  ot 
this  descriptiosi  which  I  possess  are  stiil 
M.  Washington,  and  since  the  rising  of 
the  council  1  have  not  had  time  to 
make  any  research  elsewhere;  and  be- 
cause I  presuMie  this  part  of  the  business 
will  bo  placed  under  the  hands  of  those 
who  will  iiave  both  the  means  and  the 
ability  to  do  it  ample  justice. 

1  had  intended  also,  in  reference  to  the 
treaty  of  1814,  to  have  made  some  rc- 
markj  on  the  interdiction  it  may  occa- 
sion, i)f  a  trade  between  the  "United 
States  and  the  British  nr,rt^  in  India, 
and  on  its  operation  on"  the  contested 
boundary  on  our  northeastern  frontici, 
so  far  as  regards  tiie  riglit  of  po^ser.sion, 
to  the  Island  of  Dud  fey,  Mi-jse,  and 
Frederick,  in  the  Bay  of  iXissimacpioddy. 
I  have,  howcvei-,  ahaadv  sounduiy  tres- 
passed on  your  patiencej  that  I  wdl  only 
not  omit  noticiny;  them  altogether.  Both 
these  <'l)jects  attach  to  tiwin  SMUie  im- 
portance, buteompared  in  point  of  value 
',ntli  the  possession  of  the  fisheries,  per- 


haps in  a  ratio  not  much  greater  thaii 
the  bullion  in  tlie  Mint  at  Philadelphia 
would  bear  to  the  ore  in  the  mines  of 
Peru. 

If  it  be  true,  as  it  undoubtedly  isi,  that 
in  the  absence  of  treaty  stipulations  eve- 
ry nation  has  a  right  to  control  or  inter- 
dict altogether  to  others  a  trade  with  its 
own  dominions,  then  this  trade  to  flritish 
ports  in  India,  the  agreement  respecting 
it  in  1794,  having  expired  by  its  own 
terms,  is  perfectly  within  the  regulation 
of  the  government  of  Great  Britain  with- 
out any  reference  to  our  wishes,  or  pro- 
fit, or  advantage.  It  has  gone  by  one 
omission,  to  renew  the  treaty  of  '94  un- 
der which  it  was  prosecuted  with  benefit, 
and  was  beginning  to  affud  a  new  emolu- 
ment to  us  by  our  availing  of  the  letter 
of  the  treaty,  which  allowed  to  trade 
from  Britisl)  India  to  "  America,"  to 
prosecute  a  trade  between  Bengal  and 
the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  ports  ia 
South  .'America.  This  was  a  trade  not 
contemplated  at  the  time  the  treaty  was 
made,  and  the  liberty  to  engage  in  it  is 
not  possessed  by  the  English  Kast  India 
Company  under  its  charter;  but  had  Mr. 
Jay's  treaty  been  continued  or  renewed, 
I  Know  not  how  the  British  gover*ment 
or  the  Company  could  have  got  clear  of 
the  construction  which  permitted  it  to 
vessels  of  the  United  States. 

The  direct  trade  to  our  own  ports  was 
advantageous  to  us,  although  principally 
carried  i>n  with  specie,  inasmuch  as  it 
gave  employment  to  our  large  ships,  to 
the  most  respectable  of  our  navigators 
and  t!ie  best  of  our  seamen;  as  it  con- 
sumed and  took  oft"  considerable  (|uanti- 
ties  of  our  provisions,  and  besides  supply- 
ing us  with  clieap  fabrics  fordomestic  use, 
furnished  us  also  with  many  important 
articles  of  export,  which  in  small  parcels, 
but  in  the  ag>>:regate,  to  an  important 
amount,  eventually  found  their  way  to 
South  America,  the  West  Indies,  Medi- 
terranean and  the  North  of  Europe,  we 
were  also  gradually  feeling  our  way  and 
becoming  possessed  of  a  knowledge  of 
some  -.irticles  of  export  from  hcnce» 
wt'i^h  tie  loftiness  or  la7.iness  of  the 
Compaiiy's  servants  had  overlooked,  and 
although  specie  formed  the  principal  part 
of  the'  caoital  of  these  voyiiges,  popular 
opinion  to  the  contrary  notwithstandipgj 
this  circumstance  to  my  view  cftt-red  lif- 
tie  or  no  objection  to  it,  for  I  have  no  be- 
lief that  such  a  trade  in  sisecie  can  be 
injurious  to  a  country  tmtil  the  drain  of  it 
becomes  so  excessive,  asutaterially  to  ad- 
^':iTice  t!ir- price  of  the  precious  ujetels  in 


a4> 


Viili=»i^utiuco  ni  tha  abduL-t«*u  ftt'  them; 
and  wheathieisthe  case,  the  disease  will 
bring  its  own  remedy;  the  trade  will  im- 
mediately stop  of  itself,  because  the  pro- 
fits on  it  have  not  been  so  large  as  to  al- 
low of  its  prosecution  at  any  great  addi- 
tional expense. 

But  as  this  trade  to   the  British  ports 
in  India,  furiiishe<l  revei.ue  t.j  the  Kiit;- 
lish  governiuent,  moui'vand  ammaliori  to 
the  native  manufacturers,   as  we  general- 
ly received  giwds  of  a  less  valuable  fa- 
bric than   those  prepared  for   fie    India 
Conijjanv;  and  as  even  in  the  opinion  of 
some  of  the  Governors  General,  I  believe 
Lord   Morninxton  and  Lord  Cornwallis, 
fhe  trade  w^s  profitable  to  the  English  as 
%vell  as  ourselves,  it  is  not  improbable  af- 
ter the  fit  of  ill  humor  may  have  jHissed 
away  that  it  will  again  return  to  us,  fr.>ra 
a  sense  of  their  own  advantage  in  renew- 
ing it.      Without   discovering  tr.ip  d"em- 
pressment    for  its  attainment,  any  open- 
ing for  securing  it  on  a  ti  eaty  basis  should 
be  embraced,   as  nearly  on   the  terms  of 
the  treaty  of  '94  as   may  be  practicable, 
for  the  voyage  is  both  too  distant  and  ex- 
pensive to  be  undertaken  upon  occasion- 
al licenses,    or  to  depend   ujwn  the   will 
or  caprice  of  the  local  authorities  in  India. 
The   contested  Islands  in  the  Hny  of 
Passamaquoddy   are   valuable   to  us,   as 
now    possessing    a    population    of    from 
2000   to  2500  |>ersons,    and  as   aftbrd- 
ing    greater    facilities    than    the    main 
in    prosecuting  the  tr»de    in    Gypsam, 
or    Plaster    of    Paris;    of    which    there 
were    received    from    thence    in    some 
years,  in  vessels    of  the  United  States, 
about  3,000  tons,  being  three  quarters  of 
the  whole  quantity  taken  from  the  Bay  of 
Fundy,    xvherc  it  is    principally    found. 
The  Islands  are  also  valuable,  from  ena- 
bling us  the  better  to  cany  on  a  boat  fish- 
ing,  principally  in  Pollock,   a  fish   well 
adapted  to  the  West  India  market,   and 
■which  are   caught  in   great   (juantities  in 
the  currents  near  those  Islands.    But  the 
points  of  tins  subject  must  be  now  well 
understood,  as  they  have  been  under  con- 
sideration in  the  papers,  anil  between  the 
States  and  General  Govcirninent,  and  the 
British  Government  and  the  Provinces, 
nearly  since  the  peace  of   1783,  for  the 
discussion  of  them  began,  I  believe,  with 
Governor  Hancock,  in  1*86,  and  has  been 
continued  under  every  administration  of 
the  General  Government  until  the  present. 
When  at  Washington  I  had  made  this 
subject  a   topic  of  inquiry,    supjwsing  it 
might  come  within  the  scope  of  my  effi- 
Tient  duty  to  attend  to  it.  but  I  wll  not 


dilat*  Au  rl.  It  is  u  uuestiua  «t'  ri^i 
not  to  be  governed  by  the  received  piin- 
ciple  of  national  law,  where  rivers  form 
boundaries,  but  by  (he  fair  construction 
of  tlie  article  which  refers  t  .  it  in  the  trea- 
ty of  1783,  and  lies,  I  thiifk.  in  a  nutsliell. 

If  the  ancient  charter  of  Nova  Scotia 
granted  in  16'21,  the  jurisdiction  exercised 
antecedently  to  tlkB  commenceinent  of  the 
Revulution.iry  war,and  the  old  maps  of  the 
Province  can  be  brou;iht  in  evidence,  in 
support  of  the  British  claim,  the  question 
is,  I  think,  decided  at  once.  If  these  things 
cannot  be  done,  the  Islands  belong  to  ns. 

The  English  view  of  the  subject  has 
been  more  distinctly  stxted  in  a  work  o1 
Nathaniel  Atcheson,  printed  at  London, 
in  1808,  than  in  any  other  publication  \ 
have  seen. 

Feeling  persuaded  that  in  avowing  the 
hope  that  all  these  objects  may  be  dispos- 
ed of  in  such  mat.n-.r  as  best  to  c«nfinn 
the  rights,  and  secure  the  intei-ests  of 
the  United  States,  t  shall  unite  fully  in 
sentiment  with  yourself. 

1  have  the  honor  to  remain,  sir,  with 
great  consideration,  your  very  respectful 
and  obedient  servant. 

(Slgneil)  JAMES  LLOYD. 

His  Exci-n?ncy  John  Adams. 
Boston',  March  Sffi.  1815. 


Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Russell  to  M/ 

Crawford. 
Gubnt,  4/^  yovemlier,  1814. 
Mv  Hear  Sir:  Since  I  had  the  plea- 
sure of  writing  you  on  the  25th  ult.  I 
have  received  your  letter  of  the  24th  of 
that  lujiith.  I  most  heartily  rejoice  with 
you  on  the  late  successes  on  the  other 
side  of  th.e  Atlantic,  and  in  the  .apparent 
improvement  of  the  public  spirit  there  to 
rey;ret,  however,  still  to  see  that  Boston 
federalism  persists  in  separating  the 
country  from  the  government,  aid  in 
acting  as  citiieus  of  Massachusetts,  rather 
than  as  citizens  of  tiie  United  States. 

You  will  perceive,  by  the  last  note 
which  we  have  received  from  the  British 
Plenipotentiaries,  a  copy  of  \\  hich  1  now 
send  you  by  Uoctor  Boswell,  that  the 
same  spirit  of  procrastination  and  etjui- 
vocation  still  prevails  in  the  British  cabi- 
net. It  is,  indeed,  astonishing,  liiat  an> 
tiling  which  has  »et  been  presented  to  us, 
should  be  considered  as  a  complete  pro- 
ject of  a  pacification.  We  are,  indeed, 
somewhat  at  a  loss,  after  the  obscurity 
which  appears  designedly  to  have  been 
thrown  over  this  subject,  to  decide  whal 
pretensions,  originally  brought  Ior\ranl 


ay  liie  atlver.-50  p-ii'iv.  iiave  been  aban- 
doned, and  what  are  still  persisted  in. 
Whether,  for  instance,  we  are  to  hear 
any  tiling  more  about  Indian  barrier,  the 
exclusive  British  military  possession  of" 
the  lakes,  tlie  uti  possidetis,  &c.  We 
have  decided,  however,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent t'url!\er  r|iiibbling,  though  not  with- 
out reluctance  by  some  cf  us,  to  furnish  a 
complete  project  of  our  own.  If  we  ad- 
here to  the  understanding  which  we  now 
have,  we  shall  make  the  sUttus  ante  bellum 
a  si.ie  qua  non. 

The  question  which  perplexes  us  tlie 
most,  is  that  concerning  die  fisheries,  and 
we  have  not  yet  decided  on  the  moiie  of 
pvocecdiiig  in  relation  to  it.  They  have 
told  us  that  the  liberty  of  taking,  drying, 
and  curing  our  fish,  witliin  the  exclusive 
jurisdiction  of  Great  Britain,  will  not  be 
continued  to  us  without  an  equivalent. 
We  cannot  relinquish  the  liberty,  and 
we  cannot  offer  terriiory  as  an  equiva- 
lent. Shall  v.e,  then,  oifer  the  free  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi,  which. tliey  ap- 
parently suggested,  v/ith  this  view.'  I 
thinii  this  will  be  carried  in  the  affirma- 
tive, although  I  confess  I  have  very  se- 
rious obji'cvions  to  the  measure. 

Wc  are  witliout  any  precise  informa- 
tion as  to  the  doings  at  Vieniia,  and  can 
form  no  satisfactory  opinion  as  to  the  re- 
sult. Has  France  the  firmness  to  persist 
in  a  course  of  resistance  to  tlie  preten- 
s  ons  of  her  late  conquerors;  and  has  the 
present  king  a  real  disposition  to  do  so? 
It  is  a  little  extraordinary,  if  she  has  any 
intention  of  proceeding  to  extremities 
with  England,"  that  she  has  not  taken 
v.isasures  to  ascerlain,  either  through  you 
or  througli  us,  how  far  she  may  presume 
on  the  continuance  of  (he  American  war 
as  a  diversion  in  her  favor.  I  am  afraid 
tliat  all  her  remonstrances  will  amount  to 
&.C.  &c. 

JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 
His  Excellency  AVm.  1L  Crawford. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.   Crauford.  to 
Mr.  Russell,  dated, 
Paris,  November  lOth,  1814. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Yours  of  the  4th  instant, 
was  delivered  on  the  8tli,  in  the  evening. 
T  regret  that  there  is  a  probability  of  your 
havins  offered  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  as  an  equivalent  for  taking 
nnd  drying  fish  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  enemy.  This  privilege,  as  enjoyed 
before  the  war,  was  dimiiiislnng  from 
voar  to  year.  The  privilege  of  drying 
llsh  on  "ihori^.  a«  well  a*  T  vecoliect,  wa*; 


nothing, 


confined  to  the  coasts  which  were  unset- 
tled or  uninhabited.  As  these  settlements 
extended,  the  privilege  diminished,  a;i(l 
there  is  but  very  liUle  reason  to  doulit, 
but  that  they  would  have  been  extended 
with  an  express  view  to  t!iat  diminution 
Why  do  they  want  the  priviloj^e  of  navi- 
gating tiie  Mississippi.''  Ostensibly  to 
communicate  with  their  possessions  in  the 
Norih  br  means  of  this  river:  really  to 
smuggle  their  manufactures  into  the 
country,  and  to  extend  tiieir  connexions 
with,  and  influence  over  the  Indians,  and, 
through  their  agency,  to  increase  tiieir 
msans  of  annoying  us.  There  can  be  no 
mistake  or  illiberality  in  this  opinion. 
Coleman,  Editor  of  the;  New  York  Even- 
ing Post,  asserts,  tliat  two-thirds  of  the 
fislicaujrht  by  the  United  States,  are  sent 
home  to  be  suited  and  cured,  and  that  the 
other  third  miglit  as  well  be.  If  no  other 
equivalent  can  be  found  but  tliat  of  the 
free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  I  hope 
none  will  be  offered. 

The  privilege'isnotof  such  importance 
as  to  justify  a  concession  which  will  per- 
mit the  enemy,  duty  free,  to  smuggle  his 
manufactmes  from  the  north  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi to  the  Lakes,  and  will  place  in 
his  hands  the  means  of  setting  upon  our 
frontier  settlements  all  the  savage  tribes 
of  North  America.  The  privilege  of  dry- 
ing fl?h  within  the  jurisdiction  of  tite  eii'e- 
my,  wiien  confined  to  their  uninhabited 
shores,  ^vill  continue  to  diminish,  as  I 
have  already  stated,  but  the  equivalent 
which  we  grant,  will  continue  to  increase 
in  value  from  year  to  year.  '  This  is  a 
consideration  which  ouglit  to  have  great 
weight.  Anderson,  a  member  of  Parlia- 
ment; in  a  book  written  with  tlie  ostensi- 
ble view  of  proving  the  importance  of 
Cairada,  has- insisted  upon  the  necessity  of 
prosecuting  the  war  until  they  conquer 
Louisiana.  The  strong  iiiducenienf, 
which  he  holds  out  to  thegovernment,  is  tlie 
facility  which  it  will  give  them  of  forcin"- 
their  manufactures  into  the  United  States 
m  spite  of  the  ii;overnment. 

This  book  is  dedicated  to  Mr.  Rose. 
The  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
places  in  their  hands  this  f^icility,  which, 
in  the  opinion t>f  the  writer,  is" an  object, 
of  such  importance  as  to  justify  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  war. 

Present  my  respects.to  your  colleagues, 
and  accept  for  yourself  the  assurance  of 
my  high  regaid. 

(Signed)     "*.VM.  H.  CRAWFORD. 
His  Excellency  Jonathan  Russei.i.. 

P.  S.  The  idea  that  France  v\ill  press 
any  point  ai    Vienna  at  the   risk  of  wi\v 


\vii!i  Eiiglanil,  is  wholiy  inadmissible. 
So  far  from  taking  this  ground  is  sUe,  that 
I  am  persuaded  that  this  government  looks 
to  England  fnr  support  in  case  of  tiifficul- 
ty  and  trouble  at  home;  Lord  ^^'elli^g- 
ton  has  the  use  of  the  Telegraph  to  cor- 
respond with  the  English  array  in  Bel- 
gium. Tfie  neutrality  of  France  between 
the  UiiUed  States  and  England,  will  de- 
pend entn-ely  upon  the  in'portance  which 
the  latter  attaches  to  it.  1  am  persuaded 
that  nodiingbut  actual  hostilities  u^iUjn- 
duce  France  to  niaUe*«'rir  upon  Knglaiid. 

w.  h:  c. 


Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Busscll  to  Mr. 
Crawford,  date'], 
Ghknt.  •24'A  Nov.  1814. 

My  Dear  Sir:  Your  favor  of  the  10th 
inst.  together  with  its  duplicate,  reached 
me  in  due  time. 

AVithout  having  been  deceived  relative 
to  the  disposition  of  the  majority  on  the 
subject  of  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi, I  am  ha])py  to  inform  you  that  this 
disposition  was  not  indexible,  and  we  fi- 
nally tra!ismitied  our  project  witliout  tlic 
article  that  had  at  first  been  carried, 
'lliis,, article  was  as  follows: 

"  The  right  and  liberty  of  the  people 
and  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  to 
take,  dry,  and  cure  fish,  in  places  within 
the  exclusive  juiisdictiim  ofGreit  Britain, 
as  recogmsed  (and  secured)  by  the  for- 
mei-  treaty  of  peace,  and  the  privilege  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  wiil-.in 
the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States,  (as  secured  to  the  subjects  of  Great 
Britain  by  the  same  treaty)  are  here  re- 
cognised and  confirmed." 

_  Besides  the  objections  to  such  an  arti- 
cle, which  had  occurred  to  you,  and 
which  had  not  escaped  us,  the  blending 
the  two  points  together,  and  making 
them  mutually  depe^dant  on  each  other, 
which  was  not  done  in  the  treatv  of  I'So, 
made  tills  article  the  more  exceptionable. 

The  project  which  Me  finally  present- 
ed, cf  nsists  of  fifteen  articles,  in  sub- 
stance as  follows : 

First.  Peace,  and  tlic  mutual  restora- 
tion (;f  a'l  torritv)ry,  places,  possessions, 
and  all  archives,  records,  d^eds,  and  pa- 
pers, either  p\!blic  or  private,  taken  by 
either  party  during  tiie  war  ;  uo  destruc- 
tion or  carrying  away  of  any  artillery, 
or  other  public  property,  or  slaves,  or 
other  private  property,   to  be  permitted. 

Second.  All  vessels  and  eiTects  taken 

after  certain  periods  (left  blank)  in  difter- 

.  cnt  parts  of  the  wDrkl,  to  be  respectively 

rp«to!'pd 


'Fhird.  To  appoint  ceuimissioHers  to 
run  the  boundary  line  from  the  moutii  of 
the  river  St.  Croix  to  the  Bay  of  Fundy, 
to  ascertain  to  whom  the  several  islands 
in  the  Bay  of  Passamaijuoddy-  and  the 
Island  of  Grand  Menai.  belong. 

Fourth.  Xfi  appoint  commissioners  to 
ascertain  the  north-westernmost  angle  of 
Nova  Scotia,  and  the  ni.rth  westernmost 
head  of  Conjiecncul  river,  anil  to  run 
the  bounddiy  line  through  these  points,  . 
from  tlve  source  of  (he  river  St.  Croix  4o 
the  liver  Iroquois,  or  Cataraguy. 

Fifth.  To  appoint  cunnuissioners  to  run 
the  boundary  line  from  the  iroquois  to 
Lake  Superior. 

^  Sixth.  'Phe  last  mentioned  cominis- 
sioners  to^r^in  the  boundary  Ijne  from 
Lake  Supeiior  to  the  most  north-western 
point  of  the  Lake  of  the  Woods. 

Seventh.  Authori/.es  the  coramissi«ners 
appointed  according  to  the  fourpreccdilig 
articles,  to  employ  a  secretjiry,  survey- 
ors, and  such  other  persons  as  thej'  may 
deem  necessary;  and  provides  for  their 
compensation,  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
agreed  on  by  the  two  parties  at  the  ex- 
change of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty. 

Eighth.  That  a  line  drawn  due  north 
or  south  (as  the  case  may  reqiiire)  from 
the  most  north-w  I'stern  p>>int  of  the  Luke 
of  the  Woods,  until  it  snail  intersect  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  and 
from  the  point  of  sucli  intersection  due 
west  along  and  with  the  said  par.dlel,  to 
be  the  boundary  be.tw<5-sn  the  part'cs  as 
far  as  their  respective  territories  extend, 
but  not  to  be  constiiied  to  extend  to  the 
nin-th-v\est  coast,  or  to  territory  owned  or 
claimed  by  either  [larty  to  the  westward 
of  tlie  Stony  Mountains. 

Ninth.  The  article  concerning  Indian 
pacification  already  agreed  on. 

Tenth.  For  the  one  party  to  resfrain- 
the  Indians  living  within  its  domiiw;;,jj 
from    committing  hostilities  again';f-  iA„ 
other  party;  and  both  parties  agi  ^ 
employ  Indians.or  admit  their  l.     -    • 
tion,  in  tlieir  wars  with  each  other.     ',-' 

Eleventh.  Each  party  agrees  to  exclude 
otn  its  naval  and  commercial  service  the  ' 
seamen  of  die  other  party;  not  ou  the 
high  seas,  or  without  its  o\v!i  jurisdiction, 
to  take  fiom  ships  or  vessels  of  the  otlier, 
an}'  persons,  escepting  such  as  may  he  in 
the  service  of  an  enemy,  and  rauiuully  to 
surrender  deserters.  This  article  to  be 
limited  in  its  duration  t« years. 

Twelfth.   Delia.ng  blockade. 

Tldrteenth.  Indemnity  for  injuries 
done  before  and  since  the  commencement 


944.,  fffZ 


(rf  UiWtUities  cvatrury  fa  Uie  established 
laws  of  nations? 

Fourlecntk.  A  general  amnesty  fjr  the 
citizen-*  or  subitfcts  of  citlier  pai  ty  who 
raiy  have  sided  with    t!ie  ;»thi;r  party  in 

-•the  wai-,  v-'ith  liberty"  ro  ae!!*nd  remove. 
Fifiientl).    Relative  to  (Jic  e.':ch;u",ge  of 
•Patifications.  '^  •    • 

^ufh  is  the  ^ener:!!  ojitliV  of  the  arti- 

*  cles  which  ne  presented,  and  wliich  we 
^i^co-npanicd  with  an  explanatory  note. 

»  In  this  note  #e  give  the  adverse  party 
prcity  distinctly  to  understand,  that  the 
s-tatiis  ante  bellum  is  a  sine  qua  non,  al- 
though we  do  not  say  so  in  t^ms.  and  \\% 
as  dist!n»tly  give  them  to  understand, 
that  noife  ol  t!ie  other  articles  woi^d  l)e 
insisted  on  by  us.  whicii  li;is  somewliaf  the 
.  appearan.e.  !  confess,  of  stifling  our  pro- 
ject 5t  its  birth. 

1  would  wiriin2;Iy  have  had  the  follow- 
ing sentence  omitted,  not  only  because  it 
sceiued  to  me  to  be  i/l  thnfJ,  but  because 
it  may  be  construed  to  mean  more  than  I 
should  lilce  to  concede:  "The  under- 
signed cannot  a^^ree  to  any  other  princi- 
ple than  that  of  a  mutual  restoration  of 
territory,  and  have  accuidingly  prepared 
an  article  founded  on  tiiot  basis.  They  are 
willing  even  to  extend  tiie  same  principle 
to  the  other  objects  in  dispute  between 
the  two  nations;  and  in  proposing  all  the 
other  articles  includeil  in  this  project, 
they  wish  to  be  distinctly  understood, 
that  they  arc  ready  to  sign  a  treaty  pla- 
cing the  two  countries,  in  respect  to  all 
the  subjects  of  diiference  between  tliem, 
in  the  same  stiite  in  which  tliey  were  at 
the  commencement  of  the  present  war. 
reserving  to  each  party  all  its  rights,  and 
leaving  whatever  may  remain  of  contro- 
versy between  them  for  future  and  pacific 
Ticgotiafion." 

fter  this  declaration  it  cannot  be  ex- 
that  our  articles  relative  to  im- 
lent,  indemnity, aon-employment  of 
Sns,  or  even  amnesty,  will  be  gratui- 
touipy  accorded  by  the  otlier  party.  In 
offering  these  articles,  by  way  of  experi- 
ment, would  it  not  have  been  well  to  have 
given  tlietn  at  least  a  fair  chance  of  con- 
sideration, and  to  have  forced  our  adver- 
sary to  assign  his  reasons  for  their  rejec- 
tion? We  should  always  have  been  at 
liberty  to  have  withdrawn  tliem.  It 
seems,  indeed,  preposterous  to  make  and 
to  waive  a  proposition  in  the  same  commu- 
nication. I  am  afraid,  however,  that  it 
is  something  worse  than  a  mere  negative 
proceeding,  as  applicable  to  the  project 
itself.  ^  I  am  afraid  that  it  is  not  only  a 
conPeSsion  that  wo  are  readv  to  CT)n?rnt 


to  puttiag  au  end  Is  thee  uitr  witiiout  hrn. 
ing  gained  a  single  point  for  which  it  WR^ 
made,  and  which  would  imply  that  foi 
.such  causes  we  would  not  again  \iiak< 
win;  but  admits  a  construction J;hat  the 
articles  of  the  treaty  of  ir9-i,«ielative  tt 
the  Mississippi,  &c.  ar»  t*  be  revived. 
If  it  lie  said  that  these  mjiter*^f^e  n(^ 
inhjects  of  Jifference,  i',  can  be  Aswerei' 
that  it  would  be  absurd  to  pfaau  poiiits 
th#t  ^vereaiot  in  c^inftoversy 'in*  ^v  )rsc 
situation  than  tho.se  which  were — to  agre« 
not  to  adjust  points  that  were  disputed 
;uid  to  insist  on  dinpatint;  tliose  whict 
wereaijjusted;  and  to  menu,  by  each  par 
ty's  reserving  ail  it8  rights,  iW  reserva- 
tion of  those  only  which  were  denjfd  bj 
tlie  oihcT  pa!  tv.  i  regret  this  declaratior 
the  mure,  as  I  begin  to  believe  that  tht 
enemy  will  avail  himself  of  it,  to  put  ar 
eiid  to  a  war,  by  which  he,  at  last,  per 
Ceives  that  he  his  but  little  chance^  of  ob 
taining  either  glory  or  aggrandizement. 
The  late  news  irom  America  must  have 
lowered  his  pretensions,  and  lie  will  now 
make  pence,  unless,  from  wounded  pride, 
lie  shall  determine  on  a  desperate  attciap; 
to'  redeem  his  lost  lienor.  * 

Our  note  and  the  project  were  deliveret 
on  the  10th  instant,  now  fourteen  days 
since,  and  we  have  as  yet  received  no  an 
swer.  They  have  atVorded,  it  appears 
matter  for  consideration,  and  I  shouU 
not  be  surprised  if  the  intelligence  by  th( 
Fingal,  should  i.iflucnce  the  decisior 
which  may  be  taken  upon  them.  At  an\ 
rate,  the  answer  we  may«»eceiye  will  pro 
bably  have  a  definitive  character,  as  thi 
adverse  party  must  either  accept  our  ba 
sis  or  drive  us  from  the  negotiation,  fot*-) 
conceive  we  have  nothing  more  to  ofler. 

•Very,  &c. ' 
(Signed)     JONATHAN  RUSSELL. 


Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  RusscU  to  Mr 
Clay,  dafeJ 
Me.ndov,  6lh  June,  18'2i2. 
Mv  Dear  Sib:  You  will  have  seen,  be' 
fore  this  reaches  you.  the  c(nnmunicatior 
to  Congress,  of  what  Mr.  Adams  calls  m^ 
original  and  duplicate  of  a  letter,  writter 
at  Paris,  llt+i  February,  1815,  and  his  re 
marks  on  tliese  papers.  I  have  re.ally  : 
great  contempt  for  his  part  of  the  per 
tormance,  and  might  remain  silent,  bu^ 
for  the  desire  expressed  by  some  friends, 
whose  opinions  I  respect,  tliat  I  shouk 
present  to  the  public,  at  least  an  explana 
tion  on  some  points.  I  shall  do  so  ac 
cordingly,  and.  as  it  will  be  necessary  U 
appeal  to  yon  for  confirmatioH  of  some  oi 
the  view?  and  fact?  which  T  shall  present. 


tJNlT£B  Si A'lKS'    t^hl^GKAi'K—Jixmc. 

This  paper  will  be  il-voted  exclusively  to  »lie  Presidential  ElccTion,  and  be  ^ubDAed  Waelcly 
antil  the  15tli  oi  October  nest,  lor  (Me  Dollar^  subject  to  nevispapsr  postage,  taA  nttnmz. 

BY  GREEN  Sf  JAR  VIS. 


VOJv   1.  .  WASHINGTON,  NOVEMBER  8,  1828. No.  36. 

particularly  those  in  which  you  are  exclu-  ing,  the}'  had  already  by  their  note  of  the 
sively  or  jointly  interested',  it  is  import-  21st  oftiiat  month,  communicated  to  UB 
ant  that  our  memories  should  perfectly  all  the  points  upon  which  they  were  in- 
accord  with  each  other.  structed  to  insist.     Aft«r  th*  receipt  df 

Mr.  Adams  pretends  to  remember  that    this  note,  I  believe  we  met  together  ev©, 
a  despatch  received  on  the  '24th  Novem-    ry  day  to  decide,  tirst,  if  we  should  |re- 
ber,  ISH,  released  us,  hy  penuittinji  the     sent  a.  complete  project  on  our  ^rt,  anA 
s/«/ks  <7J!^eSf//(/7».  as thebasis of  negotia-    then  having  decided  to  do  so,  to  digest 
tion,  from  the  obligation  of  observing  the    this  project,  until  tlie  10th  of  Notembei;, 
instruction  of  the  15th  April,  1813,  (see    when  it  was  presented.     Daring  this  pe- 
paper  annexed,)  which    f^irbitls  us  tore-    riod,   tlie   proposition    iu  question,   after 
new  the  article  of  the  treaty  of  1/94,    having  been    repeatedly  discussed,   vras 
"allowing  tlie  northwest  company   and     carried  in  tiie  affirmative,  Butwitkstand- 
Biitish  traders,   to  carry   on   trade  with    ing  your  and  my  opposition  to  it.      1  an 
the  Indian  tribes  within  our  limits,  a  pri-    rerv   cei-tiin   one   among  eur  •lijecti«BS 
vilege,  tlie  pernicious  effects  of  which  have    was  its  incompatibility  with  car  iustruc- 
beeii  most  sensibly  felt   in   the    present    tions  of  the  loth  April,  1813,ab«ve-meu- 
war" — and  commanded  us  to  "  avoid  any   tioned.      When  i  had  the  pleasure  of  see- 
stipulation  which  might  restrain  the  Unit-   ing   you  at   Washington,  a  few  Bioath? 
ed  States  from  iiicreasifig  their  naval  force    ago,    vou    tlien   intimated   a  rectdleciion 
to  any  extent  they  may  think  pri'per  on    that  tliis  proposition  was  against  our  ia- 
the  lakes,  held  in  cominon,  or  excluding    structions".    I  examined  in  conse.ijuence  all 
tlie  British  traders  from  the  lakes  and    our  instructions,aiid  finding  tijne  other  s« 
rivers    exclusively    within   our  jurisdic-    much  in  point,  a  pi  'lubition  t«  bring  our 
tion."    He  also  insinuates,  if  he  may  not    risht  to  the  fibheries  into  disculs'.on  not 
be  said  to  assert,  that  being  thus  released    being  equally  so,  Iwassatisfied  fraaiyour 
by  the  despatch  received  on  tlie  24tii  No-    intimation  and  from  my  own  recollection, 
vember.    the  proposition  relating  to  the    that  the  instruction  which   yo'i   v:  f?ri-ed 
navigation  of    the  Mississippi,   and    the    to,  was  that  of  the  loth  Apnl,  1813.      It 
fishing  privilege,  had  b'^en  discussed  at    was  from  this  circumstance,  that  I  was  in- 
thc  meetings  of  the  mission,   on  the  28th    duced  to  add  this  objection  to  tliose  which 
and  29th  of  November,  and  that  in  conse-    I  had  stated  at  Paris.   After  tlie  majority 
quenceofthr.se  discussions,  that  proposi-    had   decided   on  making  the  proposition 
tion  was  made  to  the  Uritish  Plsnipotcn-    above-mentioned,  as  a  part  of  the  project, 
tiaries,  on  the  1st  of  December  following,    our   continued    opposition,    particularly 
Now  I   remember    distinctly,    that    the    yours,  for  it  was  then  that  you  declareil 
meetings  of  the  mission,   at  which  tiiat    that  you  would  sign  no  treaty  of  which 
proposition  was  seriously  discussed,  were    such  an   article  should  make  a  part,  im- 
commenced,  as  early,  at  least,  as  the  Sd    duced  the'majority  to  relax,  particularly 
of  November,  and  probably  the  first,  and     Mr.  Bayard,  and  to  consent  to  present 
the    sense  of    the    American    Ministers    the  project  to  the  British  Ministers  with- 
thereon,  when  you  and  I  were  in  the  mi-    out  such  an  article;  declaring,however,  iu 
nority,  was  taken  before  the  It'th  of  tliat    our  note,   which    accorapanied  that  pro- 
month.     The  following  facts  may  serve  to    ject,  that  "  in  answer  to  the  declaration 
refresh  your  memory — on  the  24th  of  Oc-    made  bj-  the  British  Plenipote»tiaries,  re- 
tober,  we  addressed  a  tiote  to  the  British    specting  the  fisheries,  the  undersigned. 
Ministers,   and     repeated    our    request    referring  to  what  passed  in  the  conference 
that  the  latter  would  communicate  all  the    of  the  9th   of  August,    can   oaly  state 
other  specific  propositions  (the  prelimina-    that  they  are  not  authorized  to  bring  into 
By  article  proposed  by  tiie  British  govern-    discussion  any  of  the  rights  or   liberties 
ment  having  been  accepteil  by  us)  offer-    which  the  United  States  hare  hereM^re 
ing  a  simultaneous  excV.ange  of  projects    enjoyed  in  relation  thereto.     Froaa  thfir 
by  both  parties.     The  British  Minisiirs    aature.and  from  the  peoalisr  ckaaraetw  of 
by  their  note  of  the  31st  of  that  month,    the  treaty  of  178S,  by  ^vhich  thw  w^CTA  ■ 
^lecljiied  acceding  ts>  tfeis  proposal,  say-    recejaRie^d,.  no  futstifir   stjyuV^.^^^  »  ~  '« 


■j46 


tveeii  ilciiiiiea  uet«i>j.i7  by  tlie  govern-  I  «ill  gpive  j(Wi  lieit.-,   exujicts  ii-»jn  tM.i/ 

ment  of  the  United  States,  to  entitle  them  letters  which  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Crawford  at 

to  the  full   enjoyment   of   all    of  them."  the  time. 

This  paragraplt  was  drawn  up  by  you,  as  In  a  letter  to  him,  dated  at  Ghent,  the 
Mr.  Adams  liimselfiKhiiils;  and  "your  sole  4th  November,  1814,  is  the  following:— 
object  in  drawing  it  up  was  to  get  rid  of  "The  question  which  perplexes  us  the 
the  otter  of  the  navigation  c.f  tha  Missis-  most,  is  that  concerning  the  fisheries,  and 
sippi  as  nn  cquivalen!  for  the  fishins;  liber-  we  have  not  yet  decided  on  the  mode  of 
ty.  To  induce  the  inajontv  to  go  with  proce-.nl-ii^  in  relation  to  it.  They  have 
you.  on  this  point,  you  adopted  the  doc-  told  us  that  the  liberty  of  taking,  drying, 
trine  of  the  peculiarity  of  the  treaty  of  and  cuiin;^  fish  within  the  exclusive  juris- 
1783.  On  the  27th  of  November,  .the  diction  of  Great  Britain,  will  not  be  con- 
British  Ministers  returned  our  projects  tinned  to  us  without  an  etjuivalent.  "We 
with  margiiifil alterations  and  suKsiestlons,  cannot  lelinciuish  this  libcrty.and  we  can- 
and  with'an  explanatory  note   dated  the  not  offer  territory  as  an  equivalent.   Shall 


26th,  the  preceding  day.  The  meetings 
of  the  American  mission  on  the  28th  and 
29th,  were  to  dclib;.ratc  on  this  communi- 
cation from  the  British  Ministers,  in 
which  not  a  word  was  said  concerning 
either  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
or  the  fishing  privilege.  If  this  subject 
w^as  mentioned  by  us  at  those  meetings, 
and  possibly  it  might  be,  still  it  is  certain 
that  the  jiropusition  in  relation  to  it  which 


v/e  then  ofier  the  free  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  which  they  apparently  sug- 
gested witli  this  view?  I  tliink  this  will 
be  carried  in  tiie  affirmative,  although  I 
have  very  serious  objections  to  the  mea- 
sure." 

In  another  letter  to  him,  of  the  24(h 
November,  1814, 1  say:  "  Without  having 
been  deceived  relative  to  the  disposition 
of  tlie  majority  on  t!ie  subject  of  the  free 
' I  am  hap- 


had  been  first  carried  imd  then  waived  by    navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 

the  majority,  previous  to  the  1 0th  of  that    py  to  inform  you  that  this  disposition  was 

month,  was  not  decided  on  again,  as  Mr.    -not  inflcxiMc,  and-  we  finally  transmitted 


Adams  more  tlian  insiniiaies.     1  distinct-  our   project  without  the  article  that  hail 

ly  remember,  and  I  doubt  not  your  recol-  at  first  been  carried.      This  article  was  a* 

'.ectionwill   perfoctly   accord   with  mine,  follows:      'The  right  and  liberty  of  the 

tliat  a  majority  of  ttie  mission  were  sur-  peopls  and   inhabitants   of   the    Uni 

pi-ised  when  that  proposition  w:iS  oftWed  States,  d   take,    drj-,  and    cure    fish, 

at  the  conference  on  the  1st  of  Uerembrr,      '  -  -'    ■ '  i  ,.i..t.„. 

as.  such  an  offer  was  tliCn  enlirdy  tmex- 


United 

in 

places  with-iitiie  exclusive  jurisdiction  of 


peeled  by  them.  Mr.  Bayard,  in  return- 
ing with  j'oii  and  me  to  the  Hotel,  expres- 
sed his  disapprobation  in  very  strong 
ferms,  that  sucli  an  offer  should  have  been 


Great  Britain,  as  recognised  and  secured 
bv  the  firmer  treaty  of  pcace.and  the  pri- 
vilege of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississip- 
pi within  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  tlic 
United  States,  as  secured  to  the  subjects 


made  so  long  after  th.e  affirmative  decision  of  Great  Britain,  by  the  same  treaty,  arc 
liad  been  taken  on  it,  without  again-con-  hereby ,re"cognised  and  confirmed.' 
suiting  him.  To  show  you  tha't  iny  me-  "  Br>sides  the  objections  to  such  an  ar- 
mory has  been  correct  on"  this  point.'l  will  tide  v.hicli  hail  occurred  to  you,and  wliicli 
give  you  an  extract  from  a  letter  which  I  had  not  escaped  us,  the  friending  the 
addressed  to  you  at  Stockholm,  on  the  two  points  together  and  making  them  mu- 
15th  October,'l8K'5.  and  which  I  hope  j'ou  tuaily  dependant  on  each  other,  which 
still  have  in  your  possession.  In  that  was  not  done  in  the  treaty  of  1783.  made 
letter,  speaking  <.f  Mr.  *  *  *  *,  I  say:  this  article  the  more  objectiimable." 
•'  who  after  having  explicitly  avowed  that  I  tliiiik  we  mu-t  remember  alike,  con- 
the  contested  liberty  of  the"  fisheries  was  cernin:.!;  the  transactions  above  referred 
■no  equivalent  for  the  free  navigation  of  to,  and  leave  you  to  draw  inferences, 
the  Mississippi,  not  only  insisted  that  the  Tiiere  are  other  points  in  wliich  we 
latter  should  be  ofiijrcd  in  consideration  ouglit,  and  I  believe  shall  agree.  Mr. 
of  the  former,  but  actually  liimsplf,  made  Adamsin  his  remarks,  you  will  perceive, 
this  ofter  to  the  British  Ministers  in  a  hasmadeus«ssf)i/ to  liis  ))rinciple,  &  oven 
manner  unexpected  and  unaitthnrized  by  to  the  proposition  in  question.  1st,  Be- 
at least  a  majority  of  his  colleagues."  cause  you  presented  the  paragraph  above- 
To  show  you  also  that  I  remembei-  cor-  mentioned,  of  our  note  of  the  10th  of  No- 
ijectly  concerning  the  time  when  the  pro-  veniber,  .admitting  the  perw/inr  clwracter 
position  was  really  discussed  and  decided,  of  the  treaty  of  1783,  and  because  the 
aj[(J  the  ;najority  relaxed  in  relation  to  it_.  mission  unanimously  accepted  it- 


He 


547 


says  thai  1,  and  of  course  3  ou,  assented 
to  the  proposition,  because  it  "  was  made 
by  the  whole  of  the  Jlmerican  mission,  as 
may  be  seen  by  tlie  protocol  of  the  confer- 
ence of  the  1st  of  DeceuVoer,  1814,  and 
by  the  letter  from  the  A'Ovnicau  to  tlie 
Britisii  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  14th  De- 
cember, 1814,  which  says,  "to  such  an 
article,  which  they  vievje.d  as  merely  de- 
claratory, the  undersigned  had  no  objec- 
tion, and  have  ottered  to  accede;''  and 
Mr.  Adams  says,  that,  to  thai  letter  the 
name  of  Mr.  Russell  is  subscribed,  lie 
might  have  added  also  your  name.  Now 
I  consider  all  this  as  «iuibb!iii;>;,  and  shall 
so  tre«:tit;  and  I  trust  1  sliall  be  support- 
ed by  yo\ir  opinion — with  regard  to  the 
adoption  of  the  principle  of  'vlr.  Adams, 
with  respect  to  tiie  peculiar  ciiara;  ter  of 
the  treaty  of  1783,  ic  in  the  pRruii,raph 
which  you  furnished  for  the  ni)te  of  the 
10th  of  November,  it  was  assented  to  by 
Us  on  that  occasion,  astl.eonlv  means  of 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  ■.viajority,  to 
the  only  expedient  which  was  left  to  get 
rid  of  the  proposal  already  decided  on  by 
that  m  ijority,  of  giving  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi  for  the  lishing  privi- 
lege. That  principle  was  admitted  by  us 
for  that  object,  on  that  occasion  only. 
Weconsidereil  it  as  a  mere  pretext,  that 
thus  used  miglit  do  i>ood,  but  could  so  far 
do  no  harm.  Whatever  i".fiuence  ii  might 
have  on  tot  British  ministry,  it  had  a 
salutary  one  on  our  cidleasues,  by  induc- 
ing tliem  to  waive  ihcir  proposal — wlieii- 
ever  that  principle  or  pretexf  or  any  otlier 
was  advanced  and  applied  to  sanction  the 
British  claim  to  the  free  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi,  we  uniformly  helil  if  to  be 
unsound,  and  resisted  it  accordingly. 
With  regard  to  the  protocol  of  the  1st  of 
December,  it  was  like  all  other  protocols,  a 
mere  record  of  facts — and  the  fact  that 
that  proposition  was  made  to  the  British 
ministers,  in  no  way  imjilied  the  iinani- 
inous  consent  of  the  American  ministers 
to  such  propositioji;  our  signing  the  let- 
ter of  the  14th  of  December,  1814,  after 
the  proposition  had  been  male,  acknow- 
ledging that  fact,  canno!  be  evidence  of 
your  consent  or  mine  to  its  being  niade, 
or  of  cur  approbation  of  it.  On  the  con- 
trary, our  assent  to  view  it  as  merely  de- 
ilura'ory,  was  to  diminish  the  evii  which 
it  might  produce  as  it  stood  when  ofi'ered, 
and  preventing  it  as  far  as  possible  from 
being  considered  as  coiitaiiiiug  mulual 
efiuivalents,  and  tlius  pi:rmitting  the  Bri- 
tish claim  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  stand  on  other  or  better  ground 


than  tliaton  which  it  would  have  stood  un- 
der the  mere  revival  of  the  treaty  of  1783. 
If  we  had  not  been  able  to  prevent  its  be- 
ing offered,  still  we  were  willing  to  cir- 
cumscribe its  meaning  as  much  as  pas- 
sible. 

I  showed  to  you  at  the  time  the  lettei* 
which  I  wrote  at  Paris,  and  you  coincided 
with  me  in  the  grounds  there  taken  for 
our  opposition.  I  shall  state  this  fact,  and 
hope,  should  occasion  require,  you  will 
confirm  it.  Mr.  Adams,  throughout  his 
remarks,  asserts'or  insinuates  that  I  took 
no  part  in  the  debate  on  this  subject,  or 
said  less  on  it  than  any  other  member  of 
the  mission,  or  gave  perhaps  a  silent  vote, 
&c.  Now,  although  I  do  not  pretend  to 
have  said  as  much  as  you  against  this  pro- 
position, yet  1  did  say  more  against  it^ 
and  with  more  earnestness  than  on  any 
other  subject  where  there  was  a  diversi- 
ty of  opinion. 

In  the  publicaticm  which  I  intend  first 
making,  and"  which  will  appear  before  I 
can  liear  from  you,  I  shall  contiol  im-  feel- 
ings as  much  as  possible,  and  act  on  the 
defensive  only.  There  will  be  time  en«mgli 
afterwards  to  take  a  dittt'rent  course. 

I  have  hastily  written  to  you,  my  good 
friend,  this  long  letti>r,  to  freshen  ^  our 
memory,  and  to  throw  myself  on  youi  jus- 
tice and  friendsiiip,  to  do  all  you  tan, 
with  truth  and  pro;i:iety,  to  rescue  me 
from  the  virule.ice  ..iid  falseiiood  of  my 
malignant  and  mean  ca'.unfniator. 

It  consoles  me  not  a  little  that  Mr. 
Adams  by  avowingiii  his  rage  tiiatthe  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  is  of  no 
more  importance  than  the  right  to  us  of 
navigating  the  Bridgewater  canal,  or  the 
Danube,  has  settledliis  fate  iuyourquar- 
ter,  and  will  gain  him  nothing  here.  A 
line  from  _  you,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, would  be  particularly  satisfac- 
tory. 

Faithfully  and  cordialtv yours, 
(Signed)      JONATHAN^  RUSSELL. 

I  cannot  close  this  letter  without  tak- 
ing notice  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Adairis 
in  getting  his  remarks  before  tlie  public. 
After  the  first  straage  message  of  the 
President,  Mr.  Adaios,  seeing  that  no 
cail  h\  conse(|uenc«!of  it  was  made,-  went 
on  the  6th  of  May  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, m  person,  and  anplied  to  Eus- 
tis  to  make  t!ie  call,  bul  he  decLned: 
Mr.  Ad;tins  then  pi  or lUed  little  .\tr.  Ful- 
ler to  peifonn  this  (ask  Fuller  made 
the  call  the  same  <lay;  th.e  papers  were 
communicated  on  the  7th,  and  the  House 
atljoiuned  on  the  7th.      I  had  left  AVifsfJi,'. 


»4t 


raf (♦«  •»  tlie  5ta.  Was  it  fair  fowards 
me,  was  it  respectful  towards  the  House, 
thus  to  time  flie  obtrusion  of  such  a  scur- 
tiloi'S  paperoa  the  House  to  abuse  an  ab- 
sent Member?  I  hope  some  member  may 
bei.'Und  properly  to  not:,  e  this,  next  ses- 
sion. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  II.    Clay  to  Mr. 
Eussell. 

Lbxtogton,  9th  July,  1822. 

3#T  I>«  R  Silt:  Your  Setter  of  the  6th 
ulti»o,  •rrired  whilst  I  •»3  absent  from 
faowe,  »t  one  ef  the  wattnua;  places,  and 
hence  Ae  deliy  ef  mj  a.iswer.  I  had 
cead  the  communication  of  the  President 
to  Congress  of  your  letters  and  Mr. 
Adams'  remarks.  And  I  must  frankly 
say  to  you,  that  the  variations  between 
your  two  letters  has  given,  in  the  public 
judgment,  a  great  advantage  to  Mr. 
Adams,  at  least  for  the  moment,  and  that 
unless  satisfactorily  explained,  it  will  do 
you  a  lasting  prejudice.  I 'saw  it  with 
very  deep  regret,  and  shall  anxiously 
look  for  an  explanation. 

On  many  of  the  circumstances  stated 
in  your  letter,  my  memory  accords  with 
yours;  on  one  or  two  only  it  does  not.  I 
recollect  distinctly,  that  the  paragraph 
•ffered  by  me  and  inserted  in  our  des- 
patch to  the  British  Commissioners  of 
the  10th  November,  terminated,  at  that 
time,  the  discussions  respecting  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Missis9!|ipi,  and  the  privi- 
fege  concerning  the  h'elieries  within  the 
British  Jurisdiction.  It  was  prior  to  the 
adoption  of  that  pa'agraph  that  it  had 
been  proposed,  I  iVv^k  by  Mr.  Gallatin, 
to  grant  the  one  for  the  other,  that  the 
discussion,  which  was  long,  earnest,  ani- 
mated, often  renewed,  had  taken  place; 
that  a  majority  consisting  of  Messrs.  Gal- 
latin, Allams  and  Bayard,  appeared  to 
be  in  favor  of  it;  and  that  1  had  declared 
Uiat  I  would  sign  no  treaty  In  which  such 
a  stipulation  should  ba  included.  After 
this  declaration,  Mr.  Bayard  came  over 
fb  us'  and  made  us  the  majority.  It  was 
tVien  necessary  that  we  sliould,  as  we 
were  about  to  send  in  to  tlffi  British  Coin- 
missimiers  the  project  of  a  treaty  of 
»eace,  give  some  written  answer  to  their 
notification  of  the  8th  of  August,  con- 
cevniiig  the  fisheries.  Wc  were  forbidden, 
"by  our  instructions,  to  suffm-  our  rinht  to 
{fee  fisheries  to  be  brought  into  discussion. 
The  majority  b.ad  now  determined  not  to 
•ffer  for  the  renewal  of  our  right  to  the 
mavigation  of  the  Mississippi.     We  had, 


had,  tlierelorc.  »•  «tiier  grsund  to  take 
than  that  wliicli  the  above  paragraph  as- 
sumes. Whether  solid  or  not,  it  was  the  • 
best  we  could  occupy,  and  liad  tlie  ad- 
vantage of  being  in  conformity  to  our  in- 
structions. 

After  the  British  Commissioners  re- 
turned our  project,  with  an  alteration 
proposing  the  renewal  to  them  of  the 
right  to  navigate  the  Mississijni,  1  think 
the  same  (juestion,  tl'.ough  in  a  fr.>r'.n  sume- 
wh;;t  different,  came  up  in  our  commis 
sion.  We  received  their  note,  with  iheii* 
proposed  alterations  and  suggestions,  on 
the  27th  of  November.  We  had  a  con- 
ference witli  tiiem  on  the  first  of  Da  em- 
ber. (  think  it  must  have  been  between 
those  two  days  that  the  question  was  again 
considered.  You  and  1  (such,  at  least, 
is  mv'  recollection.)  proposed  to  strike  out 
that  part  of  the  British  alteration  of  the 
8th  article,  uinch  had  for  its  object  the 
renewal  of  their  right  to  navigate  the 
Mississippi;  but  the  same  majority  that 
was  at  first  in  favor  of  making  the  oft'er  of 
the  navigation  of  that  river,  was  now  will- 
ing to  accept  the  British  proposal,  upon 
the  condition  of  their  renewing  to  us  the 
fishing  liberty  within  their  jurisdiction. 
The  article  proposed  at  tiic  conference  on 
the  first  of  December,  expressed  the  sense 
of  1.\\p  majority.  My  determination  on 
this  subject,  had  been  deliberately  form- 
ed, and  comtuunicated  frankly  to  my  col- 
leagues. I  did  not  probably  repeat  the 
communication  of  my  resolutiosi,  because 
it  would  have  worn  the  appearance  oF 
menace.  I  have  some  recollection  of  Mr. 
Bayard,  on  our  return  from  the  con- 
ference of  tlie  1st  of  December,  having 
expressed  his  dissatisfaction  witl:  some- 
thing which  ?tlr.  G  *  "  *  said  or  did  at 
the  c(mference;  but  what  it  was  I  do  not 
recollect.  I  cannot  think  it  possible  that 
we  should  have  gone  into  tliat  conference 
rvitiiout  being  prepared  to  say  something 
to  the  British  commissioners  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  my  recollection  is  very  strong  that 
the  nbiive  maj.irity  was  in  favor  of  accept- 
ing their  proposal,  witli  the  condition 
whicli  I  have  mentioned.  I  regret  that  I 
cannot  put  my  hands  upon  your  letter 
from  Stockholm,  mentioned  in  your  last. 

Nothing  can  be  more  unfounded  than 
Mr.  Adams'  inferejice,  (if  he  intended  to 
draw  an  inference,)  of  our  assent  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  imperishable  character,  in 
all  respects,  of  the  treaty  of  1783,  and  to 
the  proposal  in  regard  to  the  navigation 
of  tjie  Mississippi,  from  the  fact  of  ouv 


349 


>)gna(uie  to  the  communicaiiou,  respect- 
ing those,  subjects,  to  the  British  commis- 
sioners, and  tliat  of  our- bein;;  present  at 
the  conference  of  tiu^  1st  of  December. 

1.  As  to  the  durable  cliaiacter  of  the- 
treaty.  I  think  all  of  us,  (except  Mr.  Ad- 
ams,) concurred  in  believing  that  tlie  pro- 
visions respecting  the  fishing-  grants 
willtin  the  ihitish  excJuswe.ptriidiclian, 
and  the  navijiation  of  the  Mississijipi.  ex- 
pired on  tiie  hr'>akinu:  out  of  tl>e  war. 
W!iy  he  calls  it  the  American  doctrine 
i  do  nr)t  know.  If  it  be  iruc,  it  is  <he  doc- 
trine of  tiie  piiblic  law.  If  he  means  to  say 
that  it  is  American,  because  we  were  most 
interested  in  maintaininji  it.he  is  mistaken. 
If  the  superiority  of  interest  should  deter- 
mine the  national  character  of  the  doc- 
trine, it  ought  to  be  called  British. 
Then  why  did  we  take  the  ground  which 
we  did,  in  our  note  of  the  10th  of  Novem- 
ber? For  the  reason  ali'eady  assigned. 
It  was  the  best  we  could  occupy.  It  w as 
plausible,  and  might  serve,  as  probably  it 
subsequently  did  serve,  to  enable  us  to 
make  some  satisfactory  arrangement  \ni\\ 
Great  Britain  in  regard  to  the  fislieries. 
AVe  were  bound  to  say  something,  or  ac- 
knowledge, by  our  silence,  the  principle 
asserted  by  the  British  commissioners,  on 
the  8th  of  August.  By  taking  the  ground 
which  we  did,  if  it  were  not  absolutely 
tenable  we  were  better  otf  than  to  liave 
st()od  mute. 

i2.  As  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi: that  the  oflfer  of  it  was  the  work  of 
a  majority,  in  which  we  did  not  partici- 
pate, cannot  be  denied.  What  puts  tiiis 
matter  conclusively  at  rest  is,  the  des- 
patch signed  bv  all  the  American  commis- 
sioners to  the  Secretary-  of  State,  under 
date  the  25th  of  Decs'inber,  accom- 
panying the  treaty,  in  which  it  is  stat- 
ed: "To  place  both  points  Qi.  e.  the 
navigation  and  the  fisheries,]  beyond 
all  future  controversy,  a  innjorily  of 
us  determined  to  oSer  to  admit  an 
article  confirming  both  riglits."  You 
will  no  doubt  recollect,  that  I  suggested 
when  we  went  to  sign  that  despatch,  the 
insertion  of  ihe  words  "•  a  m-ajority;" 
and  my  purpose  for  doing  it  was  not  mis- 
taken. Wily  did  we  sign  the  communi- 
cation to  the  British  Commissioners  of 
the  14(h  of  December;  and  why  were 
we  present  at  the  conference  of  the  first, 
without  objecting  to  that  article.'  If  we 
had  failed  to  subscribe  that  communica- 
tion, or  if  we  had  objected  to  the  article 
at  the  conference,  it  would  have,  in  effect, 
notified  to  the  British  Commissioners  a 
"serious  division  amonspst  us,  than  which 


nothing  could  have  been  more  unlbrcu 
nate  Our  signatures  nor  our  pre'-ccr. 
no  more  proved  our  assent  to  the  article, 
than  the  signature  of  an  arbitrator  to  an 
award  proves  his  assent  to  it  when  it  was 
carried  by  the  majority  a!>:ainst  his  opin- 
ion, or  tile  assent  by  a  member  of  an  ag- 
gregate hodv  to  all  the  transactions  of 
that  body  ■  which  happened  during  his 
j!reseuce;  all  that  it  was  material  to  the 
British  Commissioners  to  know  was,  that 
the  olVer  was  the  act  of  the  American 
Couiinissioners,  which  it  would  eijually 
have  been,  wiictiier  carried  unanimously, 
by  a  majority  of  four,  or  a  majority  of 
three.  How  it  was  carried,  (that  is,  by- 
what  majority.)  it  was  not  necessary  for 
them  !"  know,  but  might  to  us  have  been 
highly  injurious.  But  it  was  material 
that  our  own  government,  to  which  wc 
were  resjKinsible,  should  know  how  we 
did  act;  ami  accordingly,  when  we  cainc 
to  address  it,  we  informed  it  that  it  was 
the  ailiiir  of  the  majoritj*.  &c. 
.  It  was  the  less  necessary  for  us  to  dis- 
close the  fatal  secret  of  our  divisions  to 
the  enemy,  because  the  pronositiim  in.ght 
be  rejecteii,  might  be  m-jdined  during  the 
negotiation  so  as  ultimately  to  be  accept- 
able or  less  objectionable  to  us,  or  finalh" 
might  be  witinlrawn.  It  was  withdrawn; 
and,  thereby,  ili.it  w.as  ultimately  done, 
which  v,-e  at  first  proposed,  and  a  clear 
demoiTstration  v,,"s  -fiven  of  the  indiscre- 
tion which  would  have  cliai'acteri-/,ed  a 
gratiiiious  disclosure  of  the  divisions 
among  the  American  Commissioners. 

When  I  spoke  to  y,m  at  Washington, 
of  our  instructions  being  opposed  to  the 
article  in  (juestio'i,  1  alluded  more  par- 
tirulaily  to  that  part  of  tliem  which  rela- 
ted to  the  fisheries,  our  right  to  which 
we  were  forbidden  to  discuss,  &c. 

Tlie  authority  to  treat  on  the  basis  of 
the  stdtus  ante  bellum,  which  we  did  not 
receive  until  two  or  tliree  weeks  after  the 
discussion  in  our  board,  which,  as  before 
mentioned,  was  closed  by  the  paragraph 
in  our  dispatch  of  the  ICth  of  November, 
did  not  authorize  us  to  propose  the  arti- 
cle which  we  did,  concerning  the  naviga- 
tion ol  the  Mississippi,  if,  as  I  think, 
that  article  in  ell'ect  would  have  amount- 
ed to  a  grant  of  the  navigation,  in  the 
whole  eKteot  of  the  river  from  the  source 
to  the  Bulizc.  For  what  was  the  status 
ante  bellum  of  that  subject.''  The  sub- 
jects of  Great  Biitaiu  had  no  right,  either 
by  the  treaty  of  17S,>  or  b^  that  of  1794, 
to  navigate  that  river  within  the  Spanish 
jurisdiction;  and  the  sovereign  rights  of 
Spain  over  that  river,  were  not  vested  in 


5aQ 


Us  until  the  cuuctusioii  of  the  ueaty  of 
Louisiana  iii  1803.  It  lias  been  said  tliat, 
during  thirty  years  no  use  was  made  by 
British  subjects  of  tlie  navigation  of  that 
river.  During  a  great  part  of  the  same 
thirty  years,  (untiftheyear  1795,)  no  use, 
ior  purposes  of  commerce,  was  made  of 
it  by  the  citizens  of  the  Uni'ed  States^ 
and  for  the  same  reason,  in  both  instances; 
that  is,  that  Spain  held  Doth  sides  of  it, 
from  the  mouth  to  the  31st  degree  of 
north  latitude,  and  the  west  side  up  to  its 
source. 

Nothing  would  be  more  painful  to  me 
than  to  be  drawn,  even  remotely,  into 
the  unhappy  controversy  between  Mr. 
Adams  and  yourself — a  controversy  in 
which  the  party  the  most  successful,  will 
be  a  loser  in  the  public  estimation.  I 
certainly  thi.u^lit  that  the  public  ought  to 
have  Deen  put  in  possession  of  the  wluile 
of  the  official  transactions  of  the  mission 
of  Ghent,  not  knowing  m_>-self  of  any 
sufficient  reason<4or  witiiliold'iiig  any  pait 
of  tiiein.  But  I  do  not  think  that  any 
private  letters  ought  to  iiave  been  com 
muiiicated  by-  tlie  President.  Far  from 
stimulating,  as  I  think  he  did,  perhaps 
unintentionally,  a  call  upon  him  for  your 
letter  along  with. ?<ir.  Adams'  renuirks, 
he  ought,  ill  my  opinion,  to  have  refused 
such  B  call,  however  uiienuivocallv  made. 
Your  letter,  which  i  believe  you  showed 
me  at  Paris,  I  supposed  was  written  to 
explain  tne  grounds  on  wiiicli  you  had 
proceeded,  and  to  be  used  defensivei y, 
upon  liie  possible  contingeiK'y  of  ;i  -jiw- 
represcntatioi!  or  inisconcoj)tion  of  your 
course.  No  bucli  contingency  iiatl  oc- 
curred. 

Wiiat  would  aggravate  the  pain  which 
I  should  feel,  even  at  ^he  necessity  of 
my  testifying  to  any  of  the  transactions 
at  Ghciu,  111  a  controversy  between  tv.o 
of  my  colleagues,  is  a  consideration  of 
the  relation,  in  regard  to  tlie  subject,  iii 
which  I  stood  to  Mr.  Adams;  the  relation 
in  which  I  now  stand  to  him,  and  in 
which  we  both  appear  to  tl-.e  public,  and 
tlie  friendly  relation  which  I  h.iye  ever 
borne  to  ywt.  I  should  hope  that 
a  necessity  may  not  arise  for  me  to 
appear  in  any  form  before  the  puMic. 
Woiild  it  not  be  mosv  advisable  for 
you  t»  state  what  really  occurred,  with- 
out appciiling  to  any  person  to  con- 
firm your  stateinentr  VVouKi  not  such 
ail  appeal  be  a  departure  from  self  res- 
pect ami  self  dignity,  as  Tmidying  a 
caiicioiwnefc  that  it  was  necessary?  Al- 
xeady,  1  understand,  it  has  been  said,  at 
f.io   inetF«polis  <>t  a  sre;U   f:l!<,tf.    t!:at  / 


have  promptefl  tiie  call  for  you/  leUdii, 
than  which  nothing  can  be  more  incor- 
rect. I  mention  the  incident,  not  that  I 
care  for  it,  but  to  show  you  the  distrustful 
state  of  the  public  mint!. 

This  letter  is  not  written  for  the  public 
eye,  but  for  your  own.  I  am  most  anx- 
ious to  see  the  publication,  which  you  in- 
timate was  shortly  to  appear  after  the  date 
of  your  letter.  So  far  as  the  subject  and 
the  argument  are  concerned,  you  cannot 
fail  to  achieve  a  signal  triumph  over  your 
antagonist.  And  I  repeat,  in  conclusion,' 
the  hope  that,  so  fltr  as  there  is  any  thing 
personal,  you  will  be  able  fully  to  vin- 
dicate yourself  in  res[)ect  to  the  vari- 
ance between  your  two  letters. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  best  respects 
to  Mrs.  Russell;  and  believe  me  sincere- 
ly and  cordially  yours. 

(Signed)  H.   CLAY. 

The  Honorable  Mr.  RusseLl. 

P.  S.  In  the  session  of  Congress  ot 
181J-1G.  in  a  debate  on  the  state  of  the 
Union,  I  addressed  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, in  vindication  of  the  war,  the 
terms  of  the  peace,  &c.  In  the  course  ot 
my  speech  I  stated  that  a  majorily  of  the 
American  commissioners  had  made  the 
offer  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
f  >r  the  fishing  liberties.  My  speech  was 
published  in  the  Inteliigcnccr  and  other 
prints  of  the  day. 

H.  C. 


Copy  of  a  lelicr  from  Jonathan  Russe  to 
Henry  Clay. 
Mexdon,  7lh  August,  1822.- 
My  Dear  Sir :  I  received,  by  the  last 
itinjl,  your  letter  of  the.  9th  ultimo.  All 
the  abuse  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  of  his  sat- 
ellites, has  not  given  me  so  much  pain  as 
the  mild  intimation  of  your  disapproba- 
tion. What  is  done  cannot  be  undone. 
My  greatest  erroi'.  however,  has  been  in 
placino-  any  confidence  in  the  candor  of 
Mr,  Adams.  It  was  my  intention  to  have 
ac<(uaiated  him  vvitli  the  variations,  and 
to  have  left  him,  with  this  knowledge, 
free  to  act  as  he  miglU  think  proper.  It 
was  for  this  purpose  1  ciillcii  at  ilie  De- 
partment with  the  exact  copy  in  my  pock- 
et, but  before  1  saw  liim,  he  anil  the  Pre- 
ijident  had  found  the  original,  and  the 
mischief  was  done.  The  coarse  and  vio- 
lent manner  in  which  he  introduced  the 
subject,  made  it  impossible  for  me  to  de- 
precate his  hostility,  by  declaring  thein- 
tentiim  with  which  I  had  called  on  him 
Siicii  a  declaration,  under  such  circura- 
s;.,nces»  indt«>#.  was  not  only  i epugiTKlf^. 


;)51 


llJ  Uiy  teeliu^,  but  \joukI  bave  been 
Worse  than  useless,  and  merelj  exposed 
me  to  an  additional  affront.  1  now  make 
this  declaration  to  you,  Ufecause  you  are 
my  friend,  but,  on  the  rack,  1  would  not 
make  it  to  my  eneniiL>s.  After  this  ■■^' 
plosion  with  Sir.  Adams,  I  ca'lsd  ir'  ?  ■• 
Monroe,  and  stated  to  liini  wUp"  ooii 

my  intention'',    and    .niy  wiM- '^uess  ■" 
cither  paprr  s'l^uiJ  be  coraaiur-   :-_<i,  i" 
neither;    ai  '     ue    cnT^.^tluaUy    ?.s"i\rc;i 
me  that  neith.--r  sliould  h<^  C'-!nniinic.'',ied 
to  the    House,   ''s  he  woi.  "i   i- ;'  :;•  t :,  r.e 
the  organ  of  perso.al  hostililr  ;   y,;t,  two 
days  afterwards,  he  sent  his  s(r;nife  m>:3- 
Sa!;e  of  the  4th  of  May,  which  look  from 
him    all    control    over  th>.   proceedings. 
Thus  I  have  been  made  tlu-  vic'im  of  the 
ferocity  of  tlie  one,  and  the  perfidy  of  flie 
other.      There  is  a  circumstance  in  the 
ronduct  of   Mr.  Adams  relative  to    the 
fishing    question,    with  which,    perhaps, 
you  are  not  ac(iuaiated.    He  wrote  to  Iiis 
father,    at  the  time,    an  account  of  the 
transaction,  and  the  part  which  he  had 
taken,  and  the  doctrine  which  lie  had  as- 
serted.     His    father    sent   this  letter    to 
James  Lloyd,  now  a  Senator  in  Congress, 
apparently   with  a  request  to  furnish  his 
views  on  the  subject.   Mr.  Lloyd,  on  the 
8th  of  March,  1815.  adc!ro«iiPfl  a  lot  (or -of 
several  siieets  to   the    Ex-Prcsidcnt,    in 
which  he  gave  a  most  exaggerated  account 
of  the  importance  of  the  fishing  privilege, 
and  a  very  Jesuitical  coiument  on  our  itu- 
perishable  right  to  it.  He  says,  "it  is  a  gem 
which  should  never  be  surrendered,  nor 
can  it  ever  be  abandoned  by  (my  statcs- 
iimn  alive  to  the  iaterchts  of  his  country. 
Compared,  in  its  consequences,   with  a 
free  right  of  navigating  the  Mississippi,  it 
is  even  a  much  more  unequal  stake  than 
would   be    six  French  rapiers    imponed 
against  six  Barbary  horses."   In  another 
place  he   says:     "She"'   (Great  Britain.) 
"has,     therefore,     notwithstanding     the 
opinion  of  tico  of  the  American  commis- 
sioners,   and    her  own   probable  preten- 
sions of  fairness,   given  up    nothing,   in 
point  of  value,  compared  with  the  iishe- 
ries,     which,    upon   the   same     ground, 
she    is  undoubtedly   desirous   of  fortify- 
ing herself    in  withholding."     This  sa- 
pient treatise   of  Mr.    Lloyd    was   sent 
by    the    father    to    Washington,    and    is 
there  carefully  preserved  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  State.     I  have  reason  to  believe 
that  it  has  even  been  sent  to  the  legation 
at   London,  to  have   an  influence  there. 
Thus  it  is,  that,  notwithstanding  Mr.  Ad- 
ams' rage  against  private  letters,  that  we 
^WTC  been  denounced  in  secret".    All  this 


in  coafideBiw;  l»v  I  do  uoc  wisS  it  to  be 
known  at  this  time  that  I  possess  a  copy 
of  this  letter.  It  may  possibly  be  used 
vpith  seme  advantage  hereafter.  You  will 
perceive  that  I  appealed  to  your  recollcc- 
Lio.i  ii  :nv  explanations  on  one  point  on- 
'y,  -uu  aa  .r.  '.(..it  v-!>»ir  memory  does  not, 
it  5.>,T.o';.-r-  -i^cord  p.-"Ci.=e:y  V.  =  ih  mine, 
..  i-i  of  thp  less  i.i-.;.?rtauce,  as; ....  -an 
,  >  Er:  =  "-'.'i :  :  ■  •«  UiiaoubtCvIiy  you 
Wiii  .'  ^i!V;^ii;;.  All  I  rioant 

to  sr;;  iiittionson  this  point, 

wat^,  that  .'  e  instructions  received  ;)n  the 
24t'\  T  November  had  no  inlluence  on 
tlie  der-s'(  ns  of  the  board  in  relation  to 
tlie  ^I!ssiss!ppi,and  that  the  majority  kuA 
minority  continusd  the  same  iU;i;i'oi"e,and 
thft!  lucre  w!i=;  then  no  serious  discussion 
or  rcgitlar  division  on  the  subject.  I  am 
clear  in  my  recollection,  that  the  dissatis- 
faction of  Mr.  Bayard  related  to  the  ofler 
made  on  the  1st  December;  and  although 
he  was  still  with  the  majority,  yet  the  of- 
fer was  made  at  a  time  and  in" a  manncF 
unexpected  b^^him.  Now.mvgood  frieijd, 
you  may  rest  assured  that  1  shall  do  no- 
thing that  can  injure  you.  Although 
Adams  has  hurt  the  feelings  of  my  friends, 
and  perhaps  injured  me.  he  has  gained 
nothing  for  himse't  by  indulirinp-in  2  <«»>•• 
uiibt^Jiiiiiij;  a  vu..nirtiine  tor  tlie  highest  . 

and  greatest  dignity  in  this  Republic. 
All  this  in  confidence. 

For  the  present  I  shall  fake  no  further 
public  notice  of  Mr.  Adams  or  his  rhapso- 
dies He  smotl'.ers  the  merits  of  the  case 
in  a  cloud  of  vituperation.  His  rejoinder 
is  a  mere  duplicate  of  his  remarks.  He 
avoids  all  argument,  and  deals  only  in 
abuse.  Any  further  explanation  on  my 
part  would  be  followe<l  by  another  repe- 
tition of  the  same  scurrility  on  his,  and 
tend  only  to  keep  up,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
the  unfavor.^ble  excitement  of  the  public. 
Howe^■er  pure  and  p.atriotic  might  have 
been  my  vie\\  s:  however  just  to  myself  or 
friendly  towards  vou.  still  my  indiscre- 
tion in  conliding  "to  any  thing  like  mag- 
Haniraiiy  or  liberality  in  Mr.  Adams,  has 
unfortunately  given  him  such  an  acciden- 
tal advantage,  which  he  is  disposed  te 
abuse,  even  to  excess,  against  me,  that  I 
cannot  hope,  at  present,  to  obtain  a  tri- 
umph over  the  prejudices  which  he  has 
sought  to  enlist  against  me.  He  has  too 
many  printers  and  c/crA«  under  his  patron- 
age to  furnish  "essays  and  evidence,  to 
leave  me  a  chance  of  encountering  him 
with  advantage.  Some  of  the  assertions 
in  his  rejoinder  are  totally  unfounded, 
and  the  declarations  of  Brent  and  Bailey, 
particularly   the    latter,    contain    many 


dAil 


thingji  uurst!  tl-uin  mistakes.  Besides 
these  objections  to  the  continuance  of  a 
personal  and  newspaper  controversy  witli 
Mr.  \dnms  on  the  present  groimJ,  i-  h;ivc 
on  my  hands  a  libel  \s  liich  more  seriouily 
att'ectsniy  nood  fame,  and  which  will  leave 
me  no  fitne,  and  scarcely  inclination,  to 
attend  to  lesser  slanders.  You  will  have 
seen  in  the  public  papers  the  infamous  li- 
bel to  whicii  I  allude.  With  you  1  trust 
I  need  no  defence  against  such  a  charge. 
I  will,  however,  enclose  you  a  copy  of  a 
letter  which  I  have  just  received  from 
Frederic  Mullet,  a  partner  in  the  house 
designated  by  Hunt.  Mr.  Mullet  is  tlie 
very  best  witness  the  case  admits,  and 
you  will  perceive  that  he  is  disposed  to  do 
ample  justice.  I  will  frankly  confess  tiiat 
all  those  things  weigh  upon  my  heart,  and 
make  me  feel  t!ie  want  of,  at  least,  the 
ch;irityofmy  friends  to  lighten  it. 

Mrs.  Russell,  who  has,  since  her  return 
home,  presented  mc  with  another  datigii- 
i^n:  o;ratefuiiy  acknowledges  your  kind 
reitiembrauce  of  lier.  Remember  me.  in 
return,  i  pray  v;>u,  respectfully,  to  Mrs. 
eiav. 

Witli  great  respect  and  i-egard,  devot- 
edly and' faitldully  your  friend, 


Copy  of  a  Idler  from  H.  Clay  to  Jona- 
than Ih'sscU. 

'    Columbus,  4th  September,  1822. 

My  Deau  Sir:  Being  at  this  place  at- 
tending the  Federal  t'ourt  of  Ohio,  your 
letter,  under  date  the  7th  ultimo,  ad- 
dressed to  me  at  Lexington,  has  been  for- 
warded to  me  iiere.  I  assure  you,  most 
sincerely,  tha<^  it  gave  me  as  much  pain 
to  make,  as  it  could  possibly  you  to  re- 
ceive, "trie  tndd  intimation  of  my  disap- 
probation," in  reijard  to  the  unfortunate 
crior  which,  I  think,  you  committed  in 
the  variance  between  your  two  letters. 
I  thought  it  ilue  to  onr  mutual  friendship 
that  I  should  speak,  in  its  genuiue  spirit. 
v/ithout  disguise.  Bui  I  will  not  dv/ell 
on  that  unpleasant  subject.  ''  What  is 
done  cannot  be  undone,"  and  I  would 
rather  sooth,  your  feelings,  than  add,  in 
the  smallest  degree,  to  your  afflictions. 
i  have  no  doubt  that  you  were  dealt  witli, 
by  the  ]"!ersons  to  wKom  you  refer,  with 
great  duplicity,  and  thai  one  of  thsm 
even  sought  to  produce  the  very  state  of 
tKiugs  which  exists.  So  far  as  the  con- 
troversy is  a  personal  one,  I  do  not  see 
that  a  continuance  of  it  in  ti:e  newspa- 
pers is  likely  to  be  profifatle  to  you.  So 
tar.'isit  resnerts   the   nublic    £noi!irI«!  n!' 


dift'ereuce  between  Mr.  Adams  aud 
you — the  respective  values  of  the  fish- 
ing liberty  ai»l  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  the  continued  operation 
of  the  provisions  of  the  former  treaty  of 
peace — much  ni'jre  might  be  said,  and 
advantageously  said.  These  are,  in  truth, 
the  only'grourids  in  which  the  public  at 
large  has  a  deep  and  extensive  interest, 
and  it  has  so  liapnened  heretofore,  that 
they  have  occupied  the  least  prominent 
position  in  your  coatroversy.  As  Mr. 
Adams  has  iivowed  lus  intention  of  ap- 
pealing to  the  public,  in  another  form,  in 
relation  to  these  grounds,  you  may  liave 
an  opportunity,  if  you  tliink  proper  to 
entbrace  it,  toVesume  the  subject  under 
better  auspices. 

I  think  I  have  seen  the  letter  of  Mr. 
Llovd  to  which  you  refer.  1  recollect  it 
ratlier  from  ids  strange  figure  of  the 
Frencli  rapiers  aud  the  Barbary  horsea 
.than  from  its  arg-ument.  I  feel  so  per- 
fectly confident  in  the  propriety  of  the 
opinions  which  we  held  at  Ghent,  in  re- 
gard to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi 
and  die  fishing  liberty,  that  I  should  not 
be  provoked,  by  the  eccentricities  of  Mr. 
Lloyd,  to  eiig.age  in  any  public  vindica 
-Vi^Xiif  them.  \  51-cat  part  of  the  nation 
is  now  surprised,  and  all  of  it  will  before 
long  wonder,  that  any  person  could  ever 
think  of  exchanging  tiie  one  f<u-  the  other. 

I  had  seen  tke  production  of  Ariel, 
anil  have  read  the  correspondence  which 
subsequently  passed  between  its  author 
and-  you,  as  I  have  also  observed  the  »ro- 
'ceedings  which  you  have  institutea  a- 
gainst  him.  I  never  could  doubt  the  bare- 
ness of  liis  calumny,  and  rejoice  to  find, 
from  the  copy  of  the  letter  which  you 
transuiitted  to  me,  that  you  will  have  it 
in  your  power  to  expose  its  atrocity,  aud 
to  "manifest  to  the  world  that  the  opinion 
which  it  has  entertained  of  your  probity 
rests  upon  a  solid  foundation.  In  this 
controversy  I  am  per&uaded  that  you  have 
all  the  sympathies  of  the  public  on  your 
side.  And  !  trust  that  your  complete 
vi'idlcation,  winch  I  anticipate  as  certain, 
will  go  far  to  eh"ice  any  unfavorable  im- 
pression wl.icli  has  been  made  by  your 
aKiir  with  Mr.  Adams. 

Our  electi«ns  to  Congress  have  just 
terminated  in  Kentucky.  I  am  return- 
ed without  oppos'tlon,  though  with  some 
reluctance  on  my  part. 

With  great  regard,  I  am  faithfully  and 
cordially  your  friend. 

(Signed,)  H.  CLAY. 


UNITED  STATES'  TELEGRAPH— E:vtra. 


'  newspaper  postage,  and  no  more. 
Br  DUFF  (lliEEN. 


^'"L.  I. WASHLNGION,  JAxNUAKY  24,  1829.  |n„.  36 


TO  THE  SUBSCRIBEKS  TO  THE  EXTRA    daily  p.per.  ami  the  use  of  one  square,  renew 
TELEGRAPH.  able  once  a  week  for  one  year,  at  fitly  dollars, 

In  No.  32  of  this  paper,  I  promised  to  give    ne-w  advertisements  to  have  at  least  one  inser- 
anothcr  number,   containing  a  Table  of  (Jon-    tion  in  the  m.ier  form  of  the  country  paper. 
tents,     and    a     Statement    of    the    Electoral        Advertisements  in  the  weekly,  at  the  rate  of 
Votes.     I    have   waited  until   now.   hoping  to    one  dollar  for  each  insertion,  not  exceeding  one 
obtain  a  correct  return  of  the  votes  in   Mis-    squai-e. 

sissippi.  The  table  is  not  as  complete  as  I  Advertisements  in  tlie  daily  and  country,  at 
wished  to  make  it,  but  the  deficiency  as  to  the  "le  rate  of  one  dollar  per  square,  for  the  fi'rst 
returns  of  the  late  election  is  more  than  sup-  three,  and  twenty-five  cents  for  each  subse- 
plied  by  the  additional  memoranda  of  the  for-  quent  conVmiious  insertion.  If  ordered  once 
mer,  which,  in  the  condensed  form  they  are  »  week,  thirty-seven  and  a  half  cents  per  square 
given,  will  gratify  the  curious,  and  enhance  the  '<"'  each  additional  insertion.  No  advertise, 
volume  of  the  "  Extra"  as  a  book  of  reference,  ments  for  less  than  one  dollar.  All  material 
It  is  believed  that  all  the  Electors  who  voted  alterations  are  considered  as  new  advertise- 
for  General  VVMshington,  in  1798,  are  dead,  ex-  ments.  Each  distant  order  for  an  advertise- 
cept  Mr.  Uoane,  of  Virginia,  wiio  is  now  a  mem-  "le"'  must  proceed  from  an  Agent,  be  accom- 
ber  of  the  present  Ci'iigies.si  if  so,  Mr.  Roane  panied  by  the  rash,  or  enclosed  through  some 
is  the  eldest  federal  offictrin  tlie  United  States,     responsible  person  in  the  District. 

In  the  same  number  we  g«ve  notice  of  our  Ailver/isemen's  in  the  District  must  be  ac- 
mtention  to  enlarge  our  daily,  country,  and  companied  by  the  cash,  or  satisfactory  arrange- 
weekly  paper.     1    have   taken   the   liberty   to    ments. 

send  a  copy  of  the  weekly,  on  the   enlarged        All  agents  will  be  considered  responsible  for 
.size,  to  the  subscribers  to  the  Extra,  under  the    ai'veriisi  rnentso.-deiv.l  by  tJiem,  and  the  amoimt 
hope  that  many  of  them  may  beinduce.l  to  sub      charged  in  their  accoinUs,  and  a  commission  of 
scribe  for  it— and  in  anticipation  of  orders,  have    twenty.fivc  per  cent,  allowed  thereon, 
printed  a  large  edition,  commencing  wih  the        All  money  due   me   fio.n   A^en  s  or  others 

present   session  of  Congress.     I  have  been  at     "i*.^    l^^'   transnitted,   at   my    risk,    by   mail 

much  expense  to  obtain  the  best  reporters,  and    Agi  nts  will  be  required  to  settle  their  accounts 
the  Weekly  Telegraph  will  contain  a  more  ac-    quuiterly,  to-wit:    on   tije   first   of  December 
curate  and  enlarged  report  of  the  proceedings    March,  June  and  September  of  each  year   ex- 
of  Congress  and  ofiicial  papers,  than  lias  ever    "^^P*  "'  cases  where  the  sum  due  is  less  than 
been  given  to  the  public  on  the  same  terms.  twenty  dollars  per  annum,  in  which  case  remit- 

Experience  has  convinced  me,  that  the  only  tances  must  be  made  semi-annually,  in  advance 
w.ay  to  avoid  ruin,  is  to  enfi-rce  punctuality  on  °"  •'i<-  first  of  June  ami  D  cember.  In  all 
the  part  of  my  subscribers.  I  have  therefore  cases  the  p. .stage  must  be  paid  by  our  corres- 
rcsolved  to  adopt  the  following  regulations,  pendents.  T  lis  item  of  our  expenditure  is 
which,  it  is  hoped,  will   be  acceptable  to  sub-    onc-ouM  in  the  extreme. 

scribers.    whilst     they    protect    me   from   the         I  am  desirous  to  obtain  an  agent  at  each  post 
heavy  losses  heretofore  sustained.  office  wltere  as  many  a.s  five  subscribers  cat,  be 

TERMS  OF  PURLICATION.  had,  and  hope  that  t!  e  terms  proposed  will  in- 

The  Unitkd  Statls'  Teledrai-u  is  publish-    vite  a  cumpetition,  and  ensure  the   success  of 
ed   daily,  tri-wedfly,    (during  the    session   of    my  plan.     In  some  cases  the  subscribers  them- 
Congress,  and  twice  a  week  during  the  recess,)     selves  have  made  arrangements  w  th  eachnthe 
and  weekly.     The  daily  paper  for  ten — the  tri-    and  remitted  the  amount  through  one  of  the 
weekly  for  six— and  tlie  we  kly  tor  four  dollars.     They  have  been  creditrd  as  though  the  oerso 
All  payments  in  advance.     To  Agents  it  will    selected  was  an  A;;ent;  although  1  would 
be  sent  fer,  in  all   cases,  the   appo.ntment  of  a  regular 

For  tht  Jaily,    at   seven   dollars  per  annum.         Agtnt. 

Tri-weekly.  four     do.  do.  The  a.lvantages  wh  ch  the  extended  circula- 

Weekly,  at  two      do.  do.  t,on  of  this  paper  will  give  to  al:  ad  •  -t" 

Annual  advertising  customers  will  receive  a    customnrs,  it  =3  fic!i»-v^,i    .,  «  ■  j       •  ^^'"si^tT 


i54 


I, ail  themselv'es  of  its  columns;  and  the  terms 
jfTei-ed  to  Agents,  it  is  hoped,  will  stimulate 
hem  to  use  some  exertions  to  obtain  advertise- 
ments as  well  as  subscribers. 

The  papers  sent  to  an  office  will  be  fonvard- 
=d  in  the  name  of  the  Agent,  who  will  obtain 
md  keep  his  accounts  with  his  own  subscribers; 
and  in  all  cases  where  an  Affent  fails  to  make 
his  remittance  in  due  time,  he  is  liable  to  remo- 
val, and  he  alone  wUl  be  responsible  to  those 
who  may  have  paid  money  to  him  on  account  of 
the  paper.  DUFF  GUEEN. 

All  Agents  are  required  to  give  bond  in  the 
following  form: 

Know  all  men  by  these  presents,   that  we, 
as  principal,  and 
as  security,  are  held  and  firmly  bound  unto  Diiff 
Green,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  in  the  penal  sum 
of  dollars;  for  the  payment  of  which, 

well  and  truly  to  be  made,  we  bind  ourselves, 
our  heirs,  executors,  or  administrators,  upon 
the  condition  following,  to  wit: 

Whereas,  the  said  h^th 

been  appointed  by  the  s;tid  Duff  Green,  an 
Agent,  at  as  explained  in 

the  proposals  of  the  said  Green,  her-to  attach- 
ed: if  the  said  sha"  •lu'y 
transmit,  by  mail,  quarterly  or  semi-annually, 
as  the  case  may  be,  all  sums  due  from  him  to 
the  said  Green,  on  account  of  his  s:iid  agency, 
then,  in  that  case,  the  said  obligation  to  be  null 
and  void;  otherwise,  to  remain  in  full  force  and 
effect  in  law . 

In  testimony  whereof,   we  have  hereunto  set 
our  hands  and  seals,  this  day  of 

182     . 

L.  S. 
L.  S. 


Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  I-rc-' 
sident  of  the  United  States,  for  the  first  elec- 
tion for  four  years,  from  the  4th  March,  1789 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  President, 
JOHN   ADA  VIS,  Vice  President. 


NEW   HAMPSHIRE 

Benjamin  Bt  llo« 


Jol.u  Pickering, 
John  SiHhvan, 


Ebenezt-r   ThompsoHj 
John  Parker. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


Caleb  Davis, 
Samuel  Phillips,  Jr. 
Francis  Dana, 
Samuel  Henshaw, 
Wdiram  Sever, 


David  Sewall, 
Walter  Spooner, 
Moses  Gill, 
WiUiam  Gushing, 
William  Shepard. 

CONNECTICUT. 


Samuel  Huntington 
Oliver  Wolcott, 
Richard  Law, 
Mathew  Giiswold, 

NEW  JERSEY 


Erastus  Wolcott, 
Tliaddeus  Burr, 
Jedediah  Huntingtoi!-. 


David  Brearley, 
J:iiTie3  Kinsey, 
John  Neilson, 


David  Moore, 
Ji.hii  Riith<  rfordj 
Matthias  Ogden. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


Edward  Hand, 
George  Gibson, 
John  Arnilt, 
Colhnson  Read, 
Lawrence  Ktene, 


James  Wilson, 
James  O'Harra, 
D-ivid  Grier, 
Samurl  Potts, 
Alexander  Graydon 


FIRST  PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION. 

1789.— Geobge  Washington  was  unanimously 
elected  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
John  Adams  elected  Vice  President,  bytUe 
following  vote,  for  four  years  from  the  4th 
March,  1789: 


<3   V                                                              t  ^1 

^02 

o 

c 

1 

5fl               _    - 

:  ^ 

5f     . 

1  'i 

c 

0 

>-C 

5il   S    . 

c 

•§2  »■ 

2 
STATES.        J 

c 

il3     'Z'- 
=!i  s  £ 

i  ^i 

1  s 

J 

a 

Q 

a    S  *^.  ~ 

5  *^ 

V 

K 

a 

■n  s  ~-i 

-    0   -s    .-= 

4  a  ca 

5 

N.  Hampshire,       5 

1 

10 

Massachusetls,      10 

10 

7 

Connecticut,            "' 

5 

2 

B     New  Jersey,           t» 

1 

.     5 

10      PennsvUania,       It 

8 

1  2 

3     Delaware,               3 

■     'i  ■" 

C 

Maryland,               0 

6 

in 

Virginia,               10 

5 

'.     1    1 

3 

S.  Carolina,           7 

.     .     1 

.     .     6 

5 

Georgia,                5 

...     2 

1   1 

1 

69 

69 

34I  SS'  9!  4 

6    3    6    3 

11 

1 

DEL.iVWARE. 

Gunning  Bedford,  Georgi-  MitcheU. 

John  Baniiig, 

MARYLAND. 
John  Rogers,  Pi'il'P  Thomas, 

Georo-e  Plater,  Robert  Smith, 

WiUiam  Tilghman,  William  Richardson, 

Alexander  C.  Hanson,      William  Matthews. 

VIRGINIA. 
Patrick  Henry,  W.  Tikhugh. 

John  Pride,  Edward  Stevens, 

Zachariah  Johnston,         Antiiony  Walke, 
James  Wood,  David  Stuart, 

John  Harvie,  John  Roane. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Christopher  Gadsden,       Edward  RutVdgc^' 
Henry  Lavrens,  Arthur  Simkins, 

Charles     Cotesworlh    ,  Thomas  Hey  ward,  Jr 
Pinckney,  John  F.  Grimke. 

GEORGI  \. 

George  Handley,  John  Wilson, 

George  Walton",  H.  Osborne. 

John  King, 


SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 
1793.— George  Washington  was  elected  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States,  unanimously, 
and  John  Abams  Vice  President,  by  a  plu- 
rality of  votes,  for  four  yeare,  from  the  4th 
of  March,  179.".  as  follow 


-3 

o 

c: 

S 

f 

a 

=  "|l               STATES. 

> 

i 

c 

•g 

^.-^•s 

O 

Mm  = 

?„ 

-*: 

Efi 

s 

c 

S 

1 

2: 

a 

-a 

o 

X3 

G 

New  Hampshire, 

n 

fi 

16 

Massachusetts, 

10 

m 

4 

Rhodi;  Island, 

4 

4 

9 

Connecticut, 

q 

<) 

3 

Vermont, 

1 

3 

J3 

New  York, 

1? 

1" 

7 

New  Jersey, 

7 

7 

13 

Pennsylvania, 

l.i 

14 

1 

3 

Delaware,     -        .        , 

3 

1 

8 

Maryland,     - 

fl 

8 

21 

Vii^inia,       .        -        _ 

21 

?1 

4 

Kentucky.     - 

4 

12 

Norti)  Carolina,    - 

1" 

1" 

8 

South  Carolina,    - 

R 

7 

■- 

4 

Georgia, 

4 

4 

132 

132 

77 

50 

4 

David  Stewait,  Jamta  Mouis, 

George  Latimer,  Kobert  Hare. 

Hugh  Lloyd, 

DELAWARE. 
James  Sykes,  Gunning  Bedt'oi\i 

William  Hill  Wells, 

MARYLAND. 
Alexander  C.  Hanson,     John  Sency, 
John  Eager  Howard, 


1 

Xames  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States  for  the  second 
election  for  four  \  ears,  from  the  4th  March. 
]r93.  ' 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  President, 
JOHN  AD  VMS,  Vice  President. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

.Tosiah  Bartlelt,  Benjamin  Bellows, 

.John  T.  Gilman,  Johii  Pickering, 

Jonathan  Freeman,  Ebenezer  Thompson. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 


Azor  Orne, 
Samuel  Holten, 
Thomas  Dawes, 
Increase  Sumner, 
Moses  Gill, 
William  Shepard, 
Thompson  J.  Skinner, 
D  Wight  Foster, 

RHODE  ISLAND 
Arthur  Fenner,  Samuel  J .  Potter, 

George  Champlin,  William  Greene. 

CONNECTICUT. 


Francis  Dana, 
Ebenezt-r  Mu  toon,  Jr. 
William  Sever, 
Walter  S:iOoner, 
Suloniou  Freeman, 
Nathaniel  Wells, 
Daniel  Cony, 
Peleg  Wadswoi-th. 


Samuel  Huntington, 
Oliver  Wolrott, 
David  ,\ustin, 
Thomas  Seymour, 
Marvin  Wait, 

VERMONT, 


.lonn  Davenport,  Jr. 
Thomas  Grosvenor, 
Elijah  Hubbard, 
Sylvester  Gilbert. 


Samuel  Hitchcock, 
Lot  Hall, 

NEW 
Jesse  Woodhull, 
Edward  Savage, 
.lohannes  Bruyn, 
William  Floyd, 
Abraham  TenEjck, 
John  Bay, 


Lemuel  Chipraan, 
PauJ  Bngham. 
YORK. 
D:ivid  VanNess, 
Samuel  Clark, 
Abraham  Yates,  Jr. 
Volkcrt  Veeder, 
Stephen  Ward, 
Samuel  Osgood. 


NEW  JERSEY. 
Thomas  H.  Sanderson,     Aaron  D.  Woodruff, 
Richard  Stockton,  John  W.  Vancleve, 

Joseph  Bloomfield,  Samuel  Dick. 

Franklin  Davenport, 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
William  Henry,  Robert  Coleman, 

Joseph  Huster,  Thomas  Bull, 

Thomas  McKeaii,  Cornelius  Coxe, 

Henry  Miller,  Robert  Johnston, 

'r"^".  Wi'.kin?.  .T-.  t„),,,  i.^,-,..         ^^    , 


Thomas  Sim  Lee, 
Richard  Potts, 
William  Richafdson 
Donaldson  Yates, 


Levin  Winder, 
Wdham  Smith," 
Samuel  Hugiies.* 


'  Not  present . 
VIRGINIA. 

George  Carrington, 
John  Early, 
Catesby  Jones, 
Daniel  C.  Brent, 
Stephen  T.  Mason, 
Moses  Hunter, 
.'  rchibald  Stuart, 
John  Bowyer, 
Maxwell  Armstrong, 
Claiborne  Watkins. 


John  Wise, 
Nathaniel  Wilkinson, 
William  O.  Callis, 
Elias  I.anghain, 
John  Dawson, 
John  Roane,  Jr. 
James  Murdough, 
Michael  Bailey, 
Thomas  Claiborne, 
John  Pride, 
Tarlton  Woodson, 

KENTUCKY. 
Richard  C.  Anderson,     diaries  Scott, 
Benjamin  Logan,  Notle\  Conn. 

NORTH   CAROLINA. 


Stephen  Cabarrus, 
Alfred  Moore, 
Joel  Sane, 
Benjamin  Smith, 
Matthew  Lock, 
James  T.avlor, 


John  Louis  Taylof, 
Joiin  Mucon, 
Richard  D.  Spa'.gbt, 
John  M.  liinford, 
Peter  Dange, 
William  Porter. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Charles  C.  Pinckney,       John  Chesnut, 
Andrew  Pickens,  John  Hunter, 

John  Barnwell,  Edward  Rutledge, 

Robert  Anderson,  John  Julius  Piingle. 

GEOKGIA. 
Benjamin  Taliafrrro,        Will  am  Gibbons, 
John  King,  Seaborn  Jones. 


THIRD  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 
1797. — Jobs  Adams  was  elected  President,  am 
Tho.iias  Jeffekson  Vice  President,  for  foil 
years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1797,  by  th< 
following  vote: 


am 

ih 

III 

STATES. 

3 
1 
7 

12 
9 
4 

16 
4 
6 

3 
£ 

;i 

4 
4 
8 
11 
2U 
4 

14 

66 

S 
I 
1 

t 
2 
7 

13 
4 

13 
4 

59 

3 
4 

6 
1 
3 

13 
30 

2 

s 
« 

< 

15 
IS 

4 

1 

i 
n 

5 

1 

O 

a.' 

3 
7 

o 

c 
c 

3 
O 

a' 

1 

E 
3 

3 

1 

s 

i 

■J 

1 
1 

1 

c 

6 

i 

1 

1 

3 
4 
4 

8 
12 
21 
10 

3 
IS 

7 
13 

9 

4 
10 

4 

6 

Tf-nncdsee, 

Kentucky, 

Georgia, 

S.  Carolina, 

.■<.  Carolina, 

Virginia, 

Maryland, 

Delaware, 

Penrisylvania, 

New  Jersey, 

Now  York, 

Connecticut, 

Rhode  Island, 

Mas.sachusetts, 

ViTinont, 

N.  Hampshire, 

amea  oF  Electors  of  President  and  \  .ce  Pre- 
sTdent  of  the  UnUed  States  for  the  tl-'^d  elec- 
tion, for  four  years  from  the  4th  March,  1797. 

JOHN  ADAMS,  President,  .      „      . ,     . 
THOMAS  JEFFF.RSON,  Vice  President. 

TENNESSEE. 
)anicl  Smith,  Hugh  Neilson. 

oseph  Greer, 

KENTUCKY, 
.tephen  Ormsby,  Caleb  Wallace, 

saac  Shelby,  Jol>"  Cobiirn. 

GEORGIA. 
ames  Jackson,  Charles  Abercrombie, 

idward  Telfair.  William  Barnett. 

SOUTH   CAttOLINA. 
Idward  Rulledgc,  Arthur  Simkins, 

indrew  Pickens,  Will  am  1  h..inas, 

ohnChcsr.ut,  John  Mat;,e«s, 

rhonias  Taylor,  J"''"  R'Uledge.  Jr. 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 
lames  Martin, 
Jabriel  Rasrsdale, 
lohn  Hamilton,  of  G 
(ames  Bradley, 
IViUiam  Martin, 
^nthonv  Brown, 

VIRGINIA. 
William  Nimmo,  William  Terry, 

Mathanicl  Wilkinson, 
Tohn  Taylor, 
Wilson  Cavy  Nicholas, 
William  Madison, 


Richard  D.  Spaight, 
John  tiniy  Blout 
William  Edmunds, 
John  H  imilton,  of  P. 
Evan  Ali-xander, 
Sterling  Harwell. 


CONNECTICUT. 

Oliver  Wolcott,  Jonathan  Trumbuii, 

Jeremiah   Wadsworth,     Heman  Swift, 
Elizur  G.  odrich,  William  Hart, 

Elias  Perkins,  Jesse  Root. 

Jonathan  Sturgps, 

RHODE  ISLAND. 
Arthur  Fenner,  Samuel  J.  Potter, 

George  Cliamplin,  William  Greene. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
William  Sever,  St.  phcn  Longfellow, 

Samuel  H  Iten,  Ed.'ardH    Robbins, 

Elbridg    Gerry,  Ebenezer  Mattoon, 

Samuel  Phillips,  Increase  Sumner, 

Thomas  Dawes,  David  Rosseter, 

Nallianiel  Wells,  EbL-nezer  Hunt, 

Ehsha  May,  Joseph  Allen, 

Thomas  Rice,  Ebenezer  Bacon. 

VERMONT 
Elijah  Dewey,  Johi-  Bridgman, 

Elisha  Sheldon,  Oliver  Gallup. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
John  Taylor  Gilmaii,        Timothy  Farrar, 
Oliver  Peabody,  Ebenezer  Thompson, 

Benjamin  Bellows,  Timothy  Walker. 


David  Saunders, 
Catesby  Jones, 
Daniel  Carroll  Brent, 
Le\iii  Powell, 
Mosts  Hunter, 
Archibald  St'^art, 
John  Bowyer, 
John  Brown, 
Robert  Crockett. 


Benjamin  Temple, 
Tosiah  R.ddiclc, 
John  >Tason, 
Robert  Walker, 
George  Markham, 
Peter  Johnson, 

MARYLAND. 
John  Rousby  Plater,        Jduh  Archer, 
Francis  Deakins, 
George  Murdock, 
John  Lynn, 
Gabriel  Duvall, 

DELAWARE. 
Thomas  Robinson,  Isaac  Cooper 

Richard  Bassett, 

PENNSYLVANIA. 


Jiihn  G  Ipin, 
John  Koberts, 
John  Eccleston, 
John  Done. 


John  Smilie, 
Josepli  Heister, 
John  Piper, 
Wdliain  Irvine, 
Robert  Coleman, 
Sa    uel   Miles, 
William  Maclav. 


Thomas  McKcan, 

James  Boyd, 

William  Brov.n, 

John  Wliitehill, 

Peter  Muhlenberg, 

Abraham  Smith, 

Jacob  Morgan, 

lames  Haiina, 

NEW  JERSEY. 
lohnNeilson,  Caleb  Newbold, 

iaron  Ogden,  John  Bl  ickwood, 

onathan  Rhea,  William  Colelax. 

^Usha  Lai\  rence, 

NEW  YORK. 


',ewri9  Morris, 
'ichard  Thome, 
.braliam    I'enBroeck, 
brahamVanVechten, 
cer  Smith, 
harle*  Ncwkirk, 


FOURTH  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

1801.— Ill  1800  the  Electoral  College  having 
failed  to  elect  a  President  of  the  United 
States,  Thomas  J  EFFEiisoN  and  AiBON  BrBB 
having  received  73  votes  each,  a  majority 
of  the  whole  number  given,  the  choice  de- 
volved upon  the  House  of  Representatives, 
when  Mr.  Jefferson  was  elected  President 
— .\inoN  Bunu  being,  cunsequmtly,  the 
Vice  President  chosen  by  the  electors,  for 
four  years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1801. 

The  following  is  the  elector.il  vote  from 
which  no  choice  resulted: 


Rob't  VanRensselaer, 
Peter  Cantiiie,  Jr. 
Obijab  Hammond, 
William  Root, 
St.John  Honeywood, 
Tohannes  Miller 


^ 

C  a) 

2-2 

c 

• 

1. 

ST.\TE3. 

1 

3 

P 

25? 

5| 

III 

3 
x: 

a 
c 
o 

< 

13 

a 

•§ 

-3 

1-3 

x: 
o 

.•5 

6 

New  Hampsiiire,  - 

6 

6 

16 

Massacliiitelis, 

16 

IG 

4 

Rhudf  Inland, 

4 

3 

1 

9 

Connecticut, 

9 

9 

4 

Vermont,       .        -        - 

4 

4 

12 

New  York,    - 

l'.i 

12 

New  Jersey, 

7 

7 

15 

Pennsylvania, 

8 

8 

7 

■; 

3 

Delaware,     -        -        - 

3 

3 

10 

Maryland,     - 

5 

5 

5 

S 

21 

Virginia,       -        -        - 

21 

21 

4 

Kentucky, 

4 

4 

19 

North  Carolina,    - 

8 

8 

4 

4 

3 

Tennessee,    - 

3 

3 

8 

South  Carolina,    - 

8 

8 

4 

Georgia,         .        .        - 

4 
73 

4 
73 

05 

fit 



1-2S 

1 

The  following  is  the  vote  in  the  House  of 
Representatives: 

On  the  36th  ballot  the  votes  of  the  several 
Stn'es  stood  thus: 


b57 


For  Mr.  Jejffenon.  For  Jaron  Burr. 

Vermont,  Rhode  Island, 

New  York,  New  Hampshire, 

New  Jersey,  Connecticut,  and 

Pennsylvania,  jlassachusetts. 

Mar\  land, 

Virg-inia, 

North  Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky,  and 

Teimessee. 
And  the  votes  of  two  States,  viz   Delaware  and 
South  Carolina,  were  given  blank. 

Names  of  Electors  of  Presidetit  and  Vice  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States  for  the  fourth 
election,  for  four  years  from  4th  March,  1801. 

THOMAS  .lEFFERSON,  President, 
AARON  BURh,  Vire  President. 

NEW  HA.MI'SHIRE. 

Oliver  Peabody,  Benjamin  Billows, 

John  Prentice,  Tiraoihy  Farrar, 

Ebenezcr  Tliompson,       Arlliur  Livermore. 
MASSACHUSETTS. 


Samuel  Pliillips, 
Edward  H.  Kobhms, 
David  Uossett  r, 
Ebenezer  Uimt, 
Walter  Spooncr, 
William  Sever, 
William  Baylies, 
Thomus  UawcB, 

RHODE 
George  Champliu, 
Edward  Manlon, 

CONNEC TK  UT. 
Jonathan  Trumbull,  Jonathan  Ingersoll, 


Francis  D  ma, 
Samuel  S-  wall, 
Thtophilus  Bradbury, 
Jo'm  Hooker, 
Joseph  All  n, 
Samuel  SumnerWilde, 
Lemuel  Wc  ks, 
Andr'  "   P.  Fernald. 
ISLAND 
Oliver  Davis, 
William  Grctne. 


John  I'realwell, 
Jesse  Uo.)l, 
Jonathan  Sturgcs, 
Stephen  M.  Milcliell, 


Tapping-  Reeve, 
Matthew  tinswold, 
Junatlian  Ogden  Mose- 
lev. 
VERMONT. 
Elijah  Dewey,  Ros.iell  Hopkins, 

Jonatiian  Hunt,  Wi  liam  Chamberlain. 

NEW  YORK. 
Isaac  Ledyard,  Peter  Van  Ness, 

Autliony  Lispenard,         Rober'   Ellis, 
Pierre   Van  Cortlandt,     John  Woodworth, 


Jr. 
James  Burt, 
Gilbert  Livingston, 
Thomas  Jenkins, 


Jeremah  Van  Renssel- 
aer, 
Jacob  Eiker, 
VVilliim  Floyd. 
NEW  JERSEY. 
Isaac  Smith,  Samuel  S.  Smith, 

Thomas  Sinnickson,         Matthias   Williamson, 
nicli:ird  Stockton,  Jr. 

Joshua  L.  Howell,  William  Griffith. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 


Frederick  Kuhn, 
James  Armstrong, 
George  Ege, 
John  Hubley, 
Wdliam  Hall, 
Samuel  W.  Fisher, 
James  Crawford,  Sr. 
Robert  Whitehill, 

DELAWARE. 
Kensey  Johns,  Nathaniel  Mitchell 

Samuel  White, 

MARYLAND. 
Edmund  Plowden.  Francis  Deakinp, 


Samuel  Wetherill, 
John  Kean, 
Jonas  Hartzell, 
Gabriel  Hiester, 
Presly  (;arr  Lane, 
N-^thaniel   B    Borleau, 
Isaac  Van  Home. 


George  Murdock,  John  Gilpin, 

Martin  Kershner,  Pei*ry  Spencer, 

Gabriel  Duvall,  William  M  Robertson, 

Nicholas  B-  Moore,  Littleton  Dennis. 

VIRGINIA. 

George  Wythe,  Walter  Jones, 

William  Newsura,  Richard  Brent, 

William  H    Cabell,  William  Ellzey, 

James  Madison,  Jr.  John  Brown, 

John  Page,  John  Preston, 

Tliomas  Newton,  Hugh  Holmes, 

Joseph  Jones,  Arcliibald  Stuart, 

WiUiam  B.  Giles,  Jolin  Shore, 

Creed  I'aylor,  John  Bowyer, 

Thomas  Rcade,  Sr.  Daniel  Coleman . 
George  Penn, 

KENTUCKY. 

John  Cobum,  Charles  Scotf, 

John  Pope,  Isaac  Shelby. 

NORTH  CAROLINA 

William  Tate,  Thomas  Brown 

Jo-eph  Winston  William  Martin 

Absalom  Tatom  Bryan  Whitfield 

Spruce  Macay  Nathan  Mayo 

Jo  eph  Taylor  Thomas  Wj  nns 

Gideon  Alston  John  Hamilton. 

TENNESSEE. 

Daniel  Smith  Robert  Love. 
John  Locke 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

John  Hunter  \r(luir  S<mkin3 

Paul  Hamilton  Andrew  Love 

Robert  Anderson  Jo^,ep  i  BIyth 

The  od're  GaiUaril  Wad    Hampton. 

GEORGIA 

Johu  Morrison  H   nry  Graybill 

Dennis  Smell  David  Blackshear.    ' 


FIFTH   PRE-IDKNTIAL    ELECTION. 

1805. — In  1304  Tuiimas  .Ieefehsos  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  Geurge 
Clinton  V'.ce  President,  for  four  years 
from  the  4th  of  March,  1805,  by  the  fol- 
lowing vote: 


x: 

For 

For  rice 

.— 

President. 

President. 

£-^ 

S^ 

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Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States  for  the  fifth  elec 
tion,  for  four  years  from  the  4th  March,  1S05 


\ 


5'oS 


i'HOMAS  JEVFERSON.  President,  William  H.  Cabell 

GEORGE  CLINTON,  Vice  President.  George  Penn 

Georffe  Wythe 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  lohn  Taylor 

lolin  Goddard  Robert  Alcnck  Larkin  Smith 

Levi  Bartlett  George  Aklrich  John  Minor 

Tiraothv  Walker  Wilham  Tarlton.  W.   .am  ElUy 

Jonathan  Steele  \V  .Iham  Dudley 

MASSACHUSETTS.  Mann  Page 


.5obn  Taliaferro,  Jr. 
Richard  Brent 
Hugh  Holmes 
James  Dailey 
James  Allen 
Archibald  Stuart 
James  McFarlane 
J  'hn  Preston 
Wdliam  McKinlev. 


Jame^  Sullivan  TimoM.y  N-well 

Elbridpe  Gerry  Jolui  VVhiMng 

James  Bowdoin  John  B  cnn 

John  Huthorne  ,.  William  Heath 

Th.imas  Kitteridge  Jobi.  Woodman 

James  Wiuthrop  Cha  les  Turner 

Edward  Upham  Tliomas  Fi^ebrown 

James  Warren  Jo'm  Farley 

Jihn  Davis  Jonathan  Smitli. 
Josiah  Deane 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

Constant  Taber  James  Helme 

James  Aklrich  B-ujamin   Remington. 

CONNECTICUT. 

.Tonathan  Trumbud  Lewies  B.  Sturges 

John  Treadwell  David  Sm  th 

Oliviir  Ellsworth  Asher  Mil  er 

David  Da^gftt  Sylvester  Gilbert. 
Joshua  Huntington 

VERMONT. 

Josiari  Wright  Nathaniel  Niles 

Samuel  Shaw  William  Hunter 

Ezra  Butler  John  Noyes. 

NEW  YORK. 


Sylvester  Dcring 
James  Fairlie 
Cornelius  Bergen 
John  Herring 
Ezra  Thpmpson 
.Tohn  Wood 
eonrad  I    Elmendorff 
Stephen  Miller 
Albert  Pawling 
Isaac  Sargent 

NEW  JERSEY. 
Solomon  Freligli  Thnmas  Newbold 

Alexander  Carmichael      Moore  Kurman 
Phineas  Manning  Jacib  Hiifty 

William  Rossell  Abijah  Smith. 

PENNSYLN \NIA 


Jolm  Cramer 
Thomas  Brooks 
Matthias  B.  Hddretli 
William  Floyd 
Jonas  Earl 
Joseph  EUicott 
Henrv  Quackinboss 
A.  lam  Comstock 
Abraham  Bancker. 


Charles  Thompson 
William  Montgomery 
Matthew  Law  ler 
Robert  McMuUen 
William  Brooke 
Thomas  Long 
Francis  Swaine 
Henry  Spering 
.Tames  Boyd 
Peter  Frailey 


Casper  Shaffner,  Jr. 
John  Bowman 
William  Blown 
George  Smith 
Jacob  Hostetter 
Jacob  Bnnnett 
James  Mo  tgomer)' 
John  Minor 
John  H.imilton 
Nathan  e   Irish 


DELAWARE. 

Maxwell  Bines  Thomas  Fisher. 

George  Kennard 

MARYLAND. 


.Tohn  Parnham 
Joseph  Wilkinson 
John  Johnson 
Edward  Johnson 
John  Tyler 
IFrisby  Tilghman 


Tobias  E.  Stansbury 
John  Gilpin 
William  Cleaves 
Perry  Spencer 
Ephraim  K.  Wilson. 


VIRGINIA. 

Ifichard  Evers  Lee  Richard  Field 

John  Goodrich  Thomas  Read 

Pdward  Pegram  Creed  Taylor 


Felix  Walker 
Peter  Forney 
Joseph  Williams 
Montford  Stokes 
Solomon  Graves 
Joseph  Taylor 
Joseph  John  Alston 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 


Robert  Cochran 
Lemuel  Sawyer 
James  Jones 
Reading  Blount 
Bryan  Wliilfield 
Samuel  Ashe,  Sen 
Gideon  Alston. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

John  Blake  Saumel  Warren 

John  (iaillird  Arthur  Simkin? 

Thomas  Taylor  William  Hill 

Joseph  Blvt'he  James  Miles 

Joseph  Ca'lhoim  Jolin  Taylor. 

GEORGIA. 
Edward  Telfair  James  B.  Maxwell 

D.avid  Emanuel  John  Rutherford 

Henry  Graybill  David  Cresswell. 

TENNESSEE. 
David  Deaderick  William  Martin 

R,ch..rd  Mitchell  Georg<i  Ridley. 

Robert  Houston 

KENTUCKY. 


Charles  Scott 
John  Coburn 
Hubbard  Taylor 
William  Irvine 

William  Goforth 
Nathaniel  Massic 


Isaac  Shelby 
Ninian  Edwards 
Joseph  Lewis 
WiUiam  Roberts. 
OHIO. 

James  Prltchard. 


SIXTH  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

1809. — In  1808  James  Madison  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  Geohge 
Cli!iton  Vice  President  for  four  years  from 
the  4th  of  March,  1809,  by  the  following 
vote: 


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559 


Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Presi- 
dent uf  the  United  States  for  the  sixth  elec- 
tion, for  four  years  from  4th  March,  1809. 

JAMES    MADISON.  President. 

GEORGE  CLINI'ON,  Vice  Pr  sident. 

NEW  HAvTpsinu^. 

Jeremiah  Smith  Titiothy  Farrar 

Oliver  Peabody  Benjamin  West 

SamiK  I  Hale  Jonathan  Franklin 

Robert  Wallace 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Caleb  Strong  Dmicl  Dewey 

Francis  Dana  Ebene  er  Warren 

Joliii  Brooks  Samiiel  Tobey 

Mos'  s  Broun  Joslma  T'lomas 

William  Bartlett  Lemuel  Williams 

Ebenez  r  Bridge  Andresv  Fernald 

Benjamin  Heywood  Samuel  Freeman 

Josiah  Stearns  Samuel  S    Wilde 

,Tohn  Hooker  Jeremiah  Bailey. 

John  Barrett 

RHODE  INLAND. 
Thomas  P.  Ives  James  Rliodes 

Christopher  Fowler         Thomas  Noyes. 
CONNECTICUT. 

John  Cotton  Smith 
Stephen  T.  Hosmer 
Jesse  Root 
Frederick  W'olcott 


Jonathan  Trumbull 
John  Treadwell 
David  Dnggett 
Roger  driswold 
Samuel  W.  Johnson 

VERMONT. 


Israel  Smith 
.Tonas  Galiisha 
John  White 


Sa  nuel  Shepard«on 
Jami'S  T»-box 
WMIi  im  Cahoon. 
NEW   YORK 

He  rv  Y  itps,  Jr. 
Bt*nj-  m'm  Moocrs 
Adam  R.  Vrnman 
Thomas  Shauklnid 
Willi  m  H;.llock 
Rnssel  .\twatpr 
.lost'ph  Simonds 
H'le'i  Jamison 
Matthvw  Carpenter. 


Edward  Pegram,  Sen. 
Richard  Field 
Thomas  Read 
Joseph  Eggleston 
Hugh  Nelson 
George  Penn 
Philip  N.  Nicholas 
Spencer  Roane 
John  Roune 
Robert  Taylor 
Gustavus  B.  Horner 


John  R.  Plater 
Robert  Bowie 
Edward  Johnson 
John  Johnson 
•John  Tyler 
Nathaniel  Rochester 

VIRGINIA. 
'oseph  Godwin,  Sen.        Benjamin  Harrison 


Tobias  E.  Stan.Aury 
Thomas  W.  Veazey 
Richa'd  Tilgliman 
Earle  Perry  Spencer 
Henry  James  Carroll. 


Itobert  NeibOi 
Mann  Page 
Richard  Barnes 
John  T.  Brooke 
Il'igh  Holmes 
Osborne  Sprigg 
James  Allen 
Archibald  Stuart 
A'ldrew  Russell 
John  Preston 
William  UcKinlej'. 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Francis  Locke  Robert  Cleveland 


Thomas  Wynns 
Samuel  Ashe,  Sen. 
Murdock  McKenzie 
Robert  l.ove 
John  Winslow 
William  Gaston 


Kemp  Plummer 
Joseph  Taylor 
Pet^Forney 
J.ames  Rainey 
Joseph  Riddick 
Henry  I.  Toole 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
Joseph  Gist  J  seph  Bellinger 

John  Wilson  Langdon  Chevcs 

John  McMonies  P:<ul  Hamilton 

William  Sirother  Samuel  Mays 

Will  am  Zimmerman        William  Rouse. 

GEORGIA. 
John  Rutherfo  d  David  Meriwethei' 

John  Twiggs  Christopher  Clark 

Henrv  Graybdl  James  E.  Houstoiffi 

KENTUCKY 
Samui  1  Hnpkins  Charles  Scott 

William  Logan  H'-bert  Trimble 

Matdiew  Walton  Hubbard  Taylor 

R'.bert  Ew  ng  Christopher  Greenup 

TENNESSEE 


Ambrose  Spencer 
Heiry  Huntmgton 
John  W    Seaman 
Henry  Rutgers 
John  GaiTetson 
Kbenezer  White 
Thomas  Lawrence 
James  Tallmadge 
Jonathan  Rouse 
Micajah  Pettit 

NEW  JER-EY. 
James  Mott  B  njamin  Egbert 

James  Morgan  Thomas  Hendry 

Amos  Harrison  George  Burgin 

David  Welsh  Abijaii  Smith. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 
Charles  Thomson  Adamson  Tannehill 

Thomas  Leiper  James  Cowden 

Michael  Leib  William  Wilson 

Joseph  Engle  "Rohert  Griffen 

William  RixVman  Jacob  Hostettev 

Aicbiba'd  Darrah  David  Fu  lerton 

Jacob  Weygandt  Pe'er  KimmeU 

Jceph  Lefevre  Joseph  Huston 

Gabriel  Hiester,  Jr.  William  Montgomery 

George  Hartman  John  McDowell. 

DELAWARE. 
James  Booth  Daniel  Rodney. 

Nicholas  Ridgely 

MARYLAND. 


Jumes  RobiTlsun 
W  Uiam  Martin 
Baldwin  Harle 

Nathaniel  Massie 
Stephen  Wood 


Josf  ph  Greer 
James  Sevier. 

OHIO. 

Tiiomas  McCune. 


SEVENTH  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

1813. — In  1812  James  Madisos  was  re-electe 
Pres  dem,  and  Elbhiug  Gehhi  was  elec 
ed  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  f< 
4  years  from  4th  March,  1813,  asfolows: 


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Wames  ot  the  Electors  of  President  and  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States,  for  the  se- 
venth election  from  the  4th  of  March,  1813. 

JAMES  MADISON,  President. 
ELBRIOGE  GFRRY,  Vice  President. 

NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

John  Goddartl  Timotliv  Farrar 

Oliver  Peabndy  B.  njamin  West 

Samnil  H-.de  CU-b  E!lis 

Nathan  Taylor  Joiia'haii  Franklin. 

MASSACHUSETIS. 

William  Heath  John  W    Hnlbert 

Harrison  G.  0;;»,  Joshua  Th   mas 

Nathan   Dane  Dav  d  SciichU-r 

Jeremiah  Ntdsim  Lat'irnp  Lewis 

Abraham  Bi^loe  Nath^inji  1  (iuodvvin 

Jr)hM  Wilker  Samuel  P  frris 

Georj^e  Bhss  A')iel  ^>'f)od 

Benjamin  HeywooJ  L«-mucl  Paine 

Eleazer  James  Jamrs  Mcl.cllan 

Ephraim  Wdliams  William  Cr  sby 

Isaac  Maltby  lsrai-1  Tborndike. 

RHODE  ISL.\ND. 

Christopher  F  nvlcr  William  R'lodeg 

Samuel  G.  Arnol  J  Epiiraim  Uowen. 

coNNECTn;ur. 

Nathaniel  Terry  Daniel   Putnam 

Theodore  Dn'ight  James  Gould 

David  Dasgett  Stephen  T    Hosmcr 

Calvin  Goddard  Jonathan  Barnes. 
Samuel  B.  Sherwood 

VERMONT. 

fJathaniel  Niles  Josiah  Wright 

Soah  Chittenden  William  A.  Griswold 

William  Slade  Elihu  Luce 

John  H.  Andrus  Mark  Richards. 

NEW  YORK, 

loseph  C.  Ya'es  D  iviil  Van  Ness 

Simeon  De  Witt  Robert  Jenkins 

Archibald  Mclntyre  M.  S.    V  n  D-rcnok 

lohn  C.  Hogeb'iom  George  Palmer,  Jr. 

Gurdon  S    Mumf'ord  James  Hill 

lacob  D'lamontap^nie  William  Kiiby 

Philip  Van  Cortlandt  Hl'TV  Frey 

Tohn  Chandler  Tliomia  H    Hubbard 

Heni'y  Huntington  John  Russell 

Tohn  Woodworth  James  S    Kipp 

David  Boyd  Jotham  Jayne 

Cornelius  Bergen  J  mat    an  Stanley,  Jr. 

Joseph  Ferine  William  Burnet 

Chauncey  Belknap  Geori^e  Rosecranlz 
Tohn  Dill 

NF.W  JER^F.Y. 

Matthew  Whillden  \\  H  am  t.rltft-th 

VVilli-im  B.  K.w.ng  Ehas  (;o  i'  ver 

Fi-aiiklin  Diivenpurt  And  e->   Hi)Wt-ll 

Tacob  Losey  U  illi  im  Mciidl 

PENNSYLVANIA 

Walter  Franklin  H   gu  (ilasgotv 

David  Mitchell  David  Fullcrlon 

Paul  ('.ox  Sa  auel  .Smyth 

Isaac  Worrell  Ribert  Sniiih 

Michael  Baker  Nathaniel  Mckler 

Joseph  Engle  Charlt-s  Shoemaker.Jr. 

James  Fulton  James  Miichell 

Isaiah  Davis  John  Murray 

John  Whitehill  Clement  Paine 

Kdward  Crouch  Joseph  Reed 


Henry  Allshouse  Alexander  Dt  sar* 

James  Stephenson  David  Mead 
Abia  Minor 

DELAWARE. 

James  L.  Clayton  James  Sykes 

Bt  njamin  Blackiston  Thomas  Fisher. 

MARYLAND. 

Henry  H.  Chapman  Tobias  E.  Stansbury 

EiKvarl  H.  Calvert  Thomas  W.  Veazey 

Edward  Johnson  Thomas  Worrell 

Jolin  Stephen  Edward  Lloyd 

H   nr\   Williams  Littleton  Dennis. 
Daniel  Rentch 

VIRGINIA. 

Richard  Henry  Lee  Gustavus  B   Horner 

B   iijamin  H  u-i-ison  R'ibert  Nelson 

Edward  Peg-ram  Mann  Page 

RicUard  Field  Waltei-  Jones 

Thom  IS  R.  ad  John  T    Brooke 

Matliew  Cheatham  H  igli  Holmes 

Williim  \rmistead  Dmiil  Morg.m 

Claries  Yancey  Archibald  Rutherford 

George  Pcnn  Archibald  Stuart 

William  G  Poindexter  Andrew  Russell 

Spencer  Roane  Charles  T.aylor 

Sthreslilv  R  nnolds  William  McKinley. 
Robert  Taylor 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 

W  Uiam  H.  Murfree  James  Mcbane 

Redar  Ral'ard  James  Rainey 

James  Bi  ight  Francis  Locke 

Thomas  D.  King  Montfort  Stokes 

Jamts  W.   Clarke  Joseph  Winston 

Ilitchens  G.  Burton  .Tonathan  H  impton 

Thomas  Davis  Henry  Massey. 
Kemp  Flummer 

SOUTH  CAROLINA 

James  Campbell  Reuben  Starke 

John  Johnson  John  McCreary 

Anilrew  Pickens  William  Smith 

William  Caldwell  William  Alston 

Samuel  Johnson  Richard  Singleton. 
Sampson  Butler 

GEORGIA. 

Daniel  S'ewart  John  Twiggs 

Henry   Graybill  Oliver  Porter 

Charles  Harris  Henry  Mitchell 

John  Rutherford  John  Howard 

KENTUCKY. 

Robert  Ewing  W  illiani  Irvine 

W  Uiam  Casey  Rc.bert  Mosby 

Samiie-l  Miirr  II  •  Hubbard  Taylor 

Samuel  Caldwell  D  ival   Hayne 

Ri<  hud  Taylor  VYalker  Baylor 

William  Li.gan  Tho  i  as  D.  Owings. 

TENNESSEE. 

F-  R   Dnlanv  V\  liliam    Frigg 

Hinry  Bi-adford  Thomas  Washington 

James   I'rimble  Dayd  .McEwen 

James  .McCampbell  Tiioma^  Johnson. 

OHIO. 

John  Jones  David  Abbott* 

Matthias  Corwin  Thomas  Ijams 

Davifl  Purviance  John  Hamm. 

James  Dunlap  

James  Pritchard  *  Not  present. 

LOUISIANA. 

.Tulien  Poydras  Stephen  A.  Hopkins 
Philemon  Thomas 


561 


lilGU'lH  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

1817. — In  1816  James  Monhoe  was  elected 
President,  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States  for  four 
years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1817,  as  fol- 
lows: 


NEW  YORK. 
Henry  Uulgcrs  Alexander  McNisi 


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Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Pie- 
sident  of  the  United  Slates,  f»r  the  eighth 
election  for  four  years,  from  4lh  March,  1817. 

JAMES    MONROE,  President. 

DANIEL  D.   TOMPKINS,  Vice  President. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

Richard  H.  Ayer 


Thomas  Manning 
Benjamil^  Butler 
Wdliam  Badger 
Amos  Cogswell 

MASS 
Christopher  Gore 
Prentiss  Mellan 
Israel  Thorndike 
Benjamin  Pic'sman 
Daniel  A.  White 
Josepli  Locke 
Thomas  D  wight 
Peter  Bryant 
Da  liel  How.ard 
Wendell  Davis 
Seta  Washburn 


Jacob  Tuttle 
Thomas  C.  Drew 
D.^n  Young. 

ACHUSETTS. 

B -zaleel  Taft 
Jonas  Kendall 
Edward  H.  Robbins 

i,Jr.     John  Low 

Steph.  Longfellow,  Jr. 
William  Abbot 
TiiUDtliy  Roiitelle 
Luther  Cari'y 
William  Phillips 
Josiah  St  bbins 
Thomas  H.  Perkins. 


RHODE  ISL\ND. 

James  Fenner  Ed  war.  I  Willcox 

Thoma-.  Pitman  Dutee  Arn  Id. 

CONNEt;TICUT. 


Jonathan  Ingersoll 
Nathaniel  Terry 
Setlt  P.  Staples 
Jirah  Isham 
Samuel  W.  Johnson 


William  Perkins 
Elisha  Sterling 
Elijah  Hubbard 
Asa  Willey. 


VERMONT. 

Jonathan  Robinson  James  Roberts 

ApoUas  Austin  Asiiph  Fle'xher 

Robert  Holly  John  H.  Cotton 

William  Brayton  Isaiah  Fisk. 


Lemuel  flhipman 
John  W.  Seaman 
Jacob  Drake 
James  Kairlie 
Augustus  Wright 
Peter  S   Vnn  Orden 
T.  W.  Van  Wyck 
Joseph  D    Monell 
John  Blnke,  Jr. 
Jacob  Wertz 
Gabriel  North 
Charles  E    Dudley 
Benjamin  Smith 
Samuel  Lewis 

NEW  JERSEY. 
Lewis  Moore  Charl'  s  Ogden 

Aaron  Kitchell  Daniel  Garr.son 

David  Welsh  William  Rossell 

John  Crowell  R  bert  McNeely. 

PENNSYLVANIA 


Artemas  Mdiich 
Henry  Becker 
Aai'on  Haring 
Israel  W  Clark 
D<niel  Root 
Montgomery  Hunt 
Nichoil  Fosdick 
Eliphalet  Edmonds 
George  Petit 
Richard  Townley 
Saraufl  Lawrence 
Nathaniel  Rochester 
Worihy^L  Churchel. 


Paul  Cox 
David  Mitchell 
John  Gryer 
Diiiiel  Biissier 
John  Conard 
William  Brooke 
Isaac  Anderson 
Matthew  Roberts 
John  Mohlur 
John  Harrison 
Jacob  Hosletter 
J  ihii  Rea 
William  GiUiUnd 

DELAW  \RE. 
Thomas  Robinson  Andrew  Barratt 

Isaac  Tunnell  Nicholas  Ridgely. 

MARYLAND. 


Mich.ael  Fackenthal 
James  Wilson 
Gabriel  Heister 
James  Meloy 
James  Banks 
Robert  Clark 
Abiel  Fellows 
David  Marchand 
Thomas  Patterson 
Joseph  Huston 
Samuel  Scott 
James  Alexander. 


William  Dent  Beall 
Joseph  K  nt 
Edward  Johnson 
John  Siephen 
John  Buchanan 
Lawrence  Brengle 

VIRGINIA 


George  Warner 
Wdliam  C.   Miller 
Benj  unit  Massy 
Thomas  Ennalls 
Littleton  Dennis. 


George  Newton 
Charles  II.  Graves 
John  Pegram 
John  Piirnall 
Joseph  C.  Cabell 
Charles  Yancey 
Spencer  Roane 
Sthreshly  Reynolds 
Robert  Taylor 
Isaac  Foster 
Brazure  W   Prj'or 
William  Jones 
William  Lee  Ball" 

NORTH 
Robert  Love 
Jesse  Kraiklin 
Peter  Forney 
Francis  Locke 
Abraham  Phillips 
Alexander  Gray 
Joseph  Pukett 
Thomas  Ruffin 


John  T.  Brooke 
Hugh  Holmes 
Archibald  Rutherford 
Archibald  Stiart 
Andrew  Russell 
Charles  T.ay!or 
Robert  B.  Starke 
\Villiam  Archer 
Benjamin  Cook 
Wm.  Biockenbrough 
Dan  el  Morgan 
John  Edie. 

CAROLINA. 

Nathaniel  Jones 
John  Hall 
Thomas  Wvnns 
Joseph  Riddick 
James  Hoskins 
Vine  Allen 
Thomas  D.  King. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA 
William  Garrett  James  Duff 

PhiJeiTinn  Bradford  Thomas  F.vanc 


;5b2 


WiilJam  McKerails  Thomas  Lee 

Frederick  Nance  John  L.  Wilson 

John  Thomas  Joseph  Reid. 

Richards.  Screven 

GEORGIA. 
David  Adan\s  ,        Charles  Harris 

John  Mcintosh  John  Clark 

Jared  Irwin  John  Rutherford 

Henry  Mitchell  D'-vid  Meriwetlier. 

KENTUCKY. 
Duvall  Payne  Ricliard  Taylor 

Hubbard  Taylor  William  Logan 

Robert  Trimble  Alexander  Adair 

Thomas  Bodley  Samuel  Cald  well 

Willis  A.  Lee  Samuel  Muriel 

William  Irvine  Robert  Ewing. 

TENNESSEE. 
Alfred  M.  Carter  Robert  Allen 

Joseph  Hamilton  Martin  McClanohan 

Qavid  Campbell  Samuel  Buchanan 

»  Adam  Huntsman  James  Baxter. 

OHIO. 

Abraham  Shepherd 
Othnifl  Looker 
B  njamin  Haugh 
Janes  Curry. 

LOUISIANA. 

Oarri^es  Flavijau  Squire  Le.-i. 

John  R.  Grymes 

INDIANA. 

.Tesse  L   Holman  Tbjmas  H.  Blake. 

Josepli  Bartholomew 

NINtITpREsIDENTIAL  ELEt.TION. 

1821 — In  IffiO  Jambs  Monroe  was  re-elected 
President,  and  Damel  D.  Tcupkins  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States,  for  four 
years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1821,  by  the 
following  vote: 


Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Vrt- 
sident  of  the  United  States,  for  the  ninth 
election,  for  four  years  from  the  4th  of  March. 
1821. 

JAMES   MONROE,  President. 

DANIEL  D.  TOMP&INS,  Vice  President. 

NEW   HAMPSHIRE 


William  Plumer 
Davil  Barker 
William  Fisk 
Samuel  Dinsmoor 


John  G.  Young 
Aaron  Wheeler 
John  Patterson 
William  Skinner 


Fo 

r 

For 

~                              1 
Si                           1 

President 

Vice  presiient. 

en     1           1 

ol 

S 

-S 

a 

STATES. 

s 

< 

P.    , 

o 

1 

i 

5 

-a 

°02 

1 

'5 

d  ' 

"d 

6 

-p 

ti 

II 

i 

13 

1 

O 

S3 

1 

a 

a 

1 

Q 

12 

a 

K 

a 

8     N   Hampshire, 

7 

1 

7 

1 

15 

Massacliuseus. 

15 

7 

8 

4 

Rhode  Island, 

4 

4 

9 

Connecticut, 

9 

9 

8 

Vermonl,     - 

8 

8 

29 

New  York, 

29 

29 

8 

New  Jersey, 

8 

8 

is 

Pennsylvania, 

24 

ei 

4 

Delaware,   - 

4 

4 

11 

Maryland,    - 

11 

10 

I 

'25 

Viririnia, 

25 

25 

15 

N.  Carolina, 

15 

15 

11 

8.  Carolina, 

11 

11 

8 

Georgia, 

8 

8 

12 

Kemucky,  - 

12 

12 

8 

Tennessee, 

7 

7 

3 

Ohio,  - 

8 

8 

3 

I^ouisiana,  - 

3 

3 

3 

Indiana, 

3 

3 

3 

Mississippi, 

o 

2 

3 

Illinois. 

3 

3 

3 

Alabama,    - 

3 

3 

9 

Maine, 

9 

9 

3 

Missouri,     - 

3 

3 

231 

228 

1     215 

U 

1 

1 

4 

John  Pi-ndexter 
Nathaniel  Shannon 
Ezra  Raitlett 
James  Smith. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


John  Adams 
William  Phillips 
William  Gray 
Daniel  Webster 
B.  W.  Crowninshield 
John  Heard 
Samuel  Dana 
Ebenezer  Mattoon 

RHODE  ISLAND. 
James  Fenner  Robert  F.  Noyes 

Dutee  J.  Pearce  Dutee  Arnold. 

CONNECTICUT. 


Seth  Sprague 
Thomas  H.  Blood 
Jonas  Sibley 
Ezra  Starkweather 
Wendell  Davis 
John  Davis 
Joseph  Woodbridgc 


Henry  Seymour 
Samuel  Welles 
William  Moseley 
Ebenezer  Rro  kway 
Samuel  H.  Phillips 


James  Galusha 
Gilb-rt  Denison 
Pliny  Smith 
Aaron  Leland 

NEW 
William  Floyd 
Henry  Rutgers 
\bel  Hunhngton 
Edward  St-verich 
Isaac  Lawrence 
John  Targee 
Jacob  Odell 
Peter  Waring 
Edward  P.  Livingston 
Peter  Millikin 
David  Hammond 
Mark  Spencer 
Benjamin  Knower 
Gilbert  EJdy 


Isaiah  Loomis 
William  Cogswell 
Jo!in  Alsop 
Ingoldsby    W.    Craw- 
ford. 
VERMONT. 

William  Slade,  Jr. 
Diniel  A.   A    Buck 
Ezra  Butler 
Timothy  Stanley. 
YORK. 
John  Baker 
John  WHlworth 
Daniel  McDjugall 
Sutii  Wetmore 
Latham  A.  Buirows 
F:  rrand  S'.ranalian 
Heury  Wager 
Elisha  Hariiham 
Jonathan  Collins 
Samuel  Nelson 
William  B.  Rochester 
Charles  Thompson 
Fhiletus  Swift 
James  Brisban. 


Howell  Gardner 

NEW  JER-iEY. 
David  Mills  S;.muel  L.  Southart' 

John  Wil  on  Joseph  Budd 

John  Crowell  Isaiah  Shinn 

Aaron  Van^yciiel  John  L.  Smith. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 


Thomas  Leiper 
Paul  Cox 
Daniel  Groves 
Chandler  Price 
Pierce  Crosby 
Andrew  Gilkerson 
Joiin  Ha  Hilton 
James  Kerr 
WiUiam  Mitchell 
Daniel  W.  Dlngman 
Gabriel  Hiester,  Sen. 
John  Todd 
Philip  Benner 


James  P.  Sanderson 
William  Chnghan 
George  Barnitz 
James  Gnfien 
John  Miley 
George  Plumer 
George  Hebb 
Andrew  Sutton 
Josepli  Huston 
Hugh  Davis 
Patrick  Farrelly 
Melchior   Rahm — (de- 
ceased. 1 


.303 


DELAWARE. 
I'etfii-  Kob'mson  Nicholas  Ridgely 

John  Clark  Andiew  Barratt. 

MARYLAND . 


John  Scott 
Henry  Minor 


James  Forrest 
Robert  W.  Bowie 
John  Stephen 
Alexander  McKim 
William  Gabby 
Michael  C    Sprgg 

VIRGINIA. 


Elias  Brown 
John  Forward 
AVilliam  R.  Stuart 
John  Rem 
Joshua  Prideaux. 


William  C.  Holt 
Charles  H.  Graves 
John  Pegram 
Robert  B.  Stark 
John  Purnall 
Branch  T.  Archer 
William  C.  Rives 
Charles  Y;-.ncey 
Joseph  Martin 
Wm.  Biockenbrough 
Armistead  Huomes 
James  Hunter 
Robert  Taylor 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 


Thomas  Thrown 
Robert  Shields 
William  J.-nes 
John  Taliaferro 
John  T.  Brook 
H  igh  Holmes 
Wm.  AiTnstrnng,  Jr. 
Archibald  Rutherford 
Archibald  Stuart 
Andrew  Russell 
Samuel  Blackburn 
John  Edie. 


Robert  Love 
Jesse  Franklin 
Michael  ^lcLeary 
Francis  Locke 
Abraham  Phillips 
Alexander  Gray 
Benj.  H.  Covington 
James  Mebane 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 


Kimborough  Jones 
John  Hall 
George  Outlaw 
Charles  E.  Johnson 
Lewis  D.    Wilson 
Henry  J.  G.  Ruffin 
Thomas  Kenan. 


Bei\jamin  Rynalds 
Isaac  Sm'th 
John  Dunovant 
Rasha  Cannon 
William  A.  Ball. 


Benjamin  James 
Lewis  VI.  Aver 
John  S.  Glascock 
Matthew  J.  Kirth 
Benjamin  Dickson 
Charles  Miller 

GEORGIA. 
Oliver  Porter  John  Graves 

Henry  Mitchell  Jolin  Ru'hertbrd 

John  Mcintosh  John  Foster 

David  Meriwether  Benjamin  Whitaker. 

KENTUCKY. 


Samuel  Murrel 
Ephraim  M.  Ewing 
Samuel  Caldwell 
John  E.  King 
Joim  Pope 
Richard  Taylor 


Martin  D.  Hardin 
Willis  A    Lee 
James  Johnson 
Jesse  Bledsoe 
Thomas  Bodley 
Hubbard  Taylor. 


TENNESSEE. 
Alfred  M.  Carter  Joseph  Dickson 

Joseph  Hamilton,  Sr.       German  Lester 
David  Campbell  Henry  Small. 

John  J,  White 

OHIO. 
Jeremiah  Morrow  James  Caldwell 

William  H.  Har-ison        James  Kilbourne 
Alexander  Campbell        John  MrLavighlin 
Robert  Lucas  Lt-wis  Ddle. 

LOUISIANA. 
Philemon  Thomus  Jolm  R.  Grvmes. 

David  L.  Todd 

INDIANA. 
Nathaniel  Ewing  John  H.  Thompson. 

Daniel  J .  Caswell 

MISSISSIPPI. 
Duncan  Stewart  Daniel  Burnet . 

Theodore  Stark 

ILLINOIS. 
James  B.  Moore  Adolphus  Frederick 

Michael  Jrnip";  Hubbard. 


ALABAMA. 

George  Phillip?, 


MAINE. 

Lemuel  Trescott 
Joshua  Gage 
Josiah  Prescott 
Levi  Hubbard. 


William  Moody 
Joshua  Wingate,  Jr. 
Eli.sha  Allen 
William  Chadwick 
Samuel  Tucker 

MISSOURI. 
William  Shannon  John  S.  Brickey. 

William  Christy 

TENTH   PRESIDENIIAL  ELECTION. 

1825. — In  1824  there  were  four  candidates  for 
the  Presidency  before  tlie  people,  viz. 
Andrew  Jacksox  of  Tennessee.  William 
H.  CnAWFOBD  of  Georgia,  Juux  QriscT 
AiiAMS  of  Massachusetts,  and  Hkn'ri  Clay 
of  Kentucky;  and  the  Electoral  College 
having  elected  Junx  C.  Cii-nors  of  South 
Carolina,  as  Vict'  President,  and  having 
failed  to  elect  a  President,  the  choice  de- 
volied  on  ihe  House  of  Representatives, 
who  elected  Johx  Qcisct  .\dams. 

The  votes  m  the  Electoral  College  from 
which  no  choice  resulted,  is  as  follows: 


For 
Presiiitmt^ 


2  » 


13 

4 


36 
8 
2.3 
3 
11 
24 
15 
11 
9 
14 
11 
16 


New  Hampshire. 

Massacliuseus, 

Rhode  Island, 

Conncclicul, 

Vermont, 

New  York,    - 

New  Jersey, 

Pennsylvania, 

Delaware, 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

North  Carolina, 

South  Carolina, 

Georgia, 

Kentucky, 

Tennessee,     - 

Ohio.      - 

Louisiana.     - 

Indiana, 

Mississippi,   - 

Illinois, 

Alabama, 

Maine, 

Missouri, 


:^^ 


09  84  41  r. 


yiee  President. 


S    = 

§5 


1SI30  24 


«;.=  ■>* 
^  CIS 
c   =   § 


isl  9'  2 


The  following  is  the 
Representatives : 
For  Jnhn  Qititicy  Mams. 

Mame, 

New  Hampshire, 

Massacliusetts, 

Rhode  Island, 

Connecticut, 

Vermont, 

New  York, 

Maryland, 

Ohio,  For 

Kentucky, 

Illiuois, 

Missouri, 

T.mii'^iana — A^. 


vote  in  the  House  of 

For  ^ndreio  Jacksoit. 
New  J  ersey, 
Pennsylvania, 
Souih  Carolina, 
Tennessee, 
Alabama, 
Mississippi, 
Indiana — 7. 

William  H.  Crawford. 
Delaware, 
Virginia, 
North  Carolina. 
Georgia— 4. 


ifHK 


Names  of  Electors  of  President  and  Vice  Pre- 
sident of  the  United  States,  for  th  •  tenth 
elc-ction,  for  four  years  from  the  4th  March, 

1825. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  President. 
JOHN  C.  CALHOUN,  Vice  President 

NEW   HAMP'^HIRE. 

Joslah  Bartlett  Abel  Parker 

WilUam  Badger  Caleb  Keith 

Samuel  ftiiarles  Mose-  White 

William  Fisk  Hall  Burgin. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

William  Gray  Oliver  Smith 

Levi  Lincoln  Eiios  Foot 

Thomas  L.  Winthrop  William  Walker 

Nathaniel  Silsbee  Jolin  Endicot 

Joseph  Kettredge  Thomas  Weston 

Augustus  Tower  Cornelius  Gr  nnell 

Jonathan  Davis  Hezekiah  Barnard. 
Edmund  Cushing 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

Caleb  Earle  Elisha  Watson 

Stephen  B.  Cornell  Ch.irl.s  Eldridge. 

CONNECTUUT. 

Calvin  Willey  David  Keyes 

Oliver  Wolcott  J..lin  Swathel 

Rufus  Hitbhcock  Lemuel  White 

Dav^d  Hill  Moses  Warren. 

VERMONT. 

Jonas  Galusha  John  Msson 

Titus    lutchinson  Dan  Carpenter 

Joseph  Burr  Asa  Aldis. 
Jabez  Procter 

NEW  YORK. 

Nathan  Thompson  William  Townsend 

Dar.us  Bciitley  Thomas  La.vyer 

Micah  Brooks  Edward  B   Craudale 

Pierre  A.  B;irker  Samue)  Hicks 

Joseph  Sibley  Edward  Savage 

Timotliy  H   Porter  Benjamin  Mooers 

Samuel  Russell  Chester  Patterson 

Marinus  WiUett  Phineas  Coon 

Ebenezer  Sage  Azariah  Smith 

Richard  Blauvelt  Eleazer  Biirnham 

Abraham  Stagg  Solomon  St.  John 

John  Drake  Elisha  B.  Strong 

James  Drake  Clark  Cran<lall 

Isaac  Sutherland  Isaac  Sutherland 

William  Walsh  Jolin  Lansing,  Jr. 

Alexander  J.  CofSn  Benjamin  Bailey 

Benjamin  Smith  Samuel  Smith 

Elisha  Dorr  Hrmnn  Cady. 

NEW  JERSEY. 

Peter  Wilson  John  Buck 

Daniel  Vliet  James  Cook 

Jacob  Kline  James  Parker 

Joseph  Kille  Joseph  W.  Scott 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Thomas  Leiper  William  Beatty 

Cromwell  Pearce  Valentine  Giesey 

Philip  Peltz  John  Reed 

Alexander  M'Caraher  James  Duncan 

Daniel  Sheffer  John  Boyd 

Daniel  Raub  Abraham  Addams 

Joseph  Engle  Isaac  Smith 

John  Pugh  William  Thomson 

Adam  Ritscher  Asa  Mann 

Charles  Kenny  John  Fogel 

\dam  King    '  Philip  Benner 


John  Rush  Henry  Sclieet. 

Peter  A  Idams  Adam  Light 

James  Ankrim  James  Muitv. 

DELAWARE. 

John  Caldwell  Isaac  Tunnell. 
Joseph  G.  Rowland 

MARYLAND 

Henrj  Brawner  Williim  Brown 

John  C.  Herbert  Thomas  Hope 

George  Winchester  Samuel  ti    Osborn 

Dennis  Claude  James  Sanj;ston 

William  Tyler  Littleton  Dennis. 
Thomas  Post 

VIRGINIA. 

William  C.  Holt  Robert  Shield 

Charles  H.  Graves  Ellison  Currie 

John  Cargill  Robert  Taylor 

William  H.  Brodnax  Isaac  Foster 

Joseph  Wyatt  Daniel  .Morgan 

James  Jones  William  Armstrong 

Cliarles  Yancey  Archibald  Rutherford 

Joseph  Martin  John  Bowyer 

Thomas  M.  Randolph  James  Hoge 

Wm.  Brock  nbrough  Andriw  Russell 

John  T.  .Somas  Joseph  H    S.amuels 

William  Jones  William  Marteney. 

NORTH  CAROLINA 

Montf  irt  Stokes  William  Martin 

Rol)ert  Love  William  A    Blount 

p.  tcr  Furney  Wlliam  B.  Lockliart 

Vine  Allen  E.Uvard  B    Dudley 

James  Mebane  Augusta  H.  Shepperd 

John  Giles  Wall    r  J    Leake 

William  Drew  John  M.  Morehead. 
Jusiali  CniduD 

SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Robert  Clendinen  Evai;  Bt-nbow 

John  K    Griffin  William  Garrett 

Ar.gus  Patterson  Eldred     imkins 

Joseph  W.  Alston  WiUiam  C   Pmckney 

M  itthew  J.  Keith  Tltomas  Benson. 
William  Laval 

GEORGIA 

EliasBeall  William  Matthews 

Thomas  'iumming  John  VIcIiitosh 

John  Floyd  John  Rutlierford 

John  Harden  William  Terrell 
Warren  Jourdan 

KENTUCKY. 

Joseph  R.  Underwood  Richard  Taylor 

John  E.  King  Josepli  Allen 

Ahuy  McLean  W.  Moore 

Young  Ewing  Thomas  Bodley 

Benjamin  Lecher  D.  Payne 

Jam  s  Smiley  J.  J.  Crittenden 

Joshua  Fry  H.  Taylor. 

TENNESSEE. 

John  Rhea  William  A    Sublet', 

T.  A.  Howard  Joseph  Brown 

Will.  E.  Anderson  Joel  Pinson 

B    <:.  stout  WiUie  Blout 

WiUiam  Mitchell  Robert  H   Dyer 
Samuel  Hogg 

OHIO. 

A'iUiam  H.  Harrison  James  Caldwell 

William  M.Fmland  Daiid  Sloane 

Thomas  Kiiker  Samuel  Coulter 

James  Heaton  Solomon  Kingsberry 

Henr)  Brown  Ebrni  zt  r  Mirrj' 

EbenezerBuckingham  James  Cooley 

William  Kendall  James  Steele 

William  Ski.mcr  John  Bigge'- 


LOUISIANA. 

\V  illium  N'ott  John  B.  Plauche 

James  H.  Shepherd  S.  Hiriart. 

Pierre  Lacoste 

INDIANA. 

John  CaiT 
Jonathan  McCarty. 


Elias  McNamee 
David  Robb 
Samuel  Milroy 

Thomas  H'nds 
James  Patton 


MISSISSIPPI 

Bartlett  C.  Barry. 


ILLINOIS. 
W  Iliam  Harrison  Alexander  P.  Field. 

Henrj'  Eddy 

ALABAMA. 


Ueuben  Saffold 
Henri'  Chambers 
William  Fleming 


James  Hill 
John  Murphy. 


James  Campbell 
Thomas  Fillebrown 
Nathaniel  H  ibbs 
Rev  Joshua  Taylor 
Stephen  Parsons 

MISSOURI. 
David  Todd  James  Logan 

David  Musick 


MAINE. 

Lemuel  Trescott 
James  Parker 
Beniamin  Chandler 
Benjamin  Nourse. 


-1 

TIME  OP 

STATES. 

MODE. 

6  « 

IE. 

ELECTION. 

Maine. 

District, 

9 

November  3d. 

Xew  Hampshire, 

Gen.  ticket. 

8 

November  3il. 

Massachusetts, 

Ge:i.  ticket, 

15 

November  3tl. 

Rhode  I-laiid,     . 

Gen.  ticket. 

4 

Noveinb<;r  19th. 

Connecticut, 

Gen.  ticket. 

8 

November  3d. 

Vermont,    . 

Gen.  ticket, 

7 

November  lith. 

New  Vork, 

District, 

3G 

Novembers,  4,  ij. 

New  Jersey, 

Gen.  ticket, 

S 

Novenj^ber  4  fit  5. 

Pe.'iiisylvania,    . 

Gen.  ticket, 

3S 

Octiber  31st. 

Delaware, 

Legislature, 

3 

By  Legislature. 

Maryland, 

Dtsirict, 

11 

November  lOlh. 

Virginia,     . 

Gen.  ticket, 

!M 

November  3d. 

North  Carolina, 

Gen.  ticket, 

15 

November  13th. 

•Souih  Carolina, 

Legislature, 

11 

By  Legislature. 

fi'.o.gia,     . 

Gen.  ticket. 

9 

November  3d. 

Tctinp-iscc, 

District,   . 

11 

November  l:{&  14. 

K^'iiiuci^y, 

Gen.  ticket. 

14 

November  10th. 

Ohio. 

Gen.  ticket, 

.lO 

Oetober  31st. 

Indintia, 

Gen.  ticket. 

'  5 

Kov  ember  10th. 

llliiiois. 

Gtn.  ticket, 

3 

No^embei  ^d. 

Missouri,    . 

Gen.  ticket. 

3 

November  3d. 

I.'iuisiana, 

Gen.  ticket, 

5 

November  3,  4,  o. 

Mississippi, 

Gen.  ticket. 

3 

November  3d. 

Alabama,   . 

Gen.  ticket, 

5 

November  10th. 

Total 

261 

From  the  foregoing-  statement  it  will  be  seen 
*:.at  eighteen  States  choose  "their  Electors  by 
General  Ticket,  four  States  by  Districts,  and 
livo  Slates  by  the  Legislature. 

ELEVENTH  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTION. 

1^29. — In  1828  AsnnFW  Jacksos  was  elected 
President,  and  Joa2f  C.  CiLHors  re-elect- 
ed Vice  President  of  the  United  Slates,  for 
''•■\r  years  from  the  4th  March.  1829. 


The  following  is  a  siatemeut  ot  the  votes  tor 
President: 

MAINE. 

Jackson.     Jdams.     Scat. 
3047 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTION. 

The  following  statement  exhibits  the  manner 
of  clioosing  Electors  for  President  and  Vice 
President  in  the  several  States,  the  time  at 
which  each  election  is  held,  and  the  number 
of  Electors  to  which  each    State    is  entitled: 


Dislricls. 
York, 

Cumberland, 
Lincoln, 
Kctinebec, 
Oxford, 


1865 

4227 

833 

1057 

2903 


Hancnck  &  Washington,  12.35 
Somerset  &.  Penobscot,    1807 


4043 
2111 
3075 
3265 
2268 
2964 


9 
n 

5 

8 

31 

4 
35 


Total, 


13.927     20,773       94 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 
Jackson.  Adams.  Total. 

20,692  24,076  44,098 


VERMONT. 

OFFICIAI,    CANVASS. 

Counties. 

Adams. 

Jackson 

Bennington, 

1658 

386 

Windham, 

2907 

,   497 

Rutland, 

3502 

671 

Windsor, 

4022 

502 

Addison, 

2582 

633 

Orange, 

1995 

1203 

Chittenden, 

1825 

1096 

Caledonia, 

1324 

497 

Washington, 

1313 

1129 

Franklin, 

1820 

805 

Orleans, 

879 

450 

Essex, 

264 

198 

Grand  Isle, 

266 

138 

Totals, 


24,784        8,205 


MASSACHUSETTS. 

Jackson.  Adams.  Thtal. 

6,019  29S36  35,855 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

Jackson.  Adams.  Thtal. 

695  2,548  3,243 

CONNECTICUT. 


Counties. 

Adams. 

Jackson 

Hartford, 

1273 

2577 

New  Haven, 

2031 

234 

New  London, 

2042 

908 

Fairiield, 

1785 

384 

Winilliam, 

1255 

256 

Litchfield, 

2222 

505 

illddlesex. 

890 

373 

Tolland, 

1027 

515 

Totals, 

13,829 

4,448 

NEW 

YORK. 

The  following  ta!>le  exhibits  the  votes  for 
Presidential  Electors  inthe  several  districts  in 
this  State: 

Districts.  Jjckson.  Adams. 

1  Queens  and  Suffolk,  3075         2347 

2  Kings,  Rockland  &  Rich'd,     2986         1966 
r,  New  York,  15435         9538 

4  Westchester  and  Putnam,       3788        3153 

5  Dutchess,  4680         3263 

6  Orange,  i798         25S6 
"  Ulster  a-nd  S■.lUi^■T^n  '"^"t        2T^ 


3  Columbia, 
9  Hensselaer, 
Ifl  Albany, 

11  Greene  and  Delaware, 

12  Schenectady  &  Schohaiie, 

13  Otsego, 

14  Oneida, 

15  Herkimer, 

16  Montgomery, 

17  Saratoga, 

18  Washington, 

19  Clinton,  Essex,  &c. 

20  Jefferson,  St.  Lawrence,  &c, 

21  Cbenpn"''^  and  Broome, 

22  Madison  and  Cortland, 

23  Onondaga, 

24  Cayuga, 

25  Tompkins  and  1  loga, 

26  Ontario,  Seneca,  &.c. 

27  Monroe  and  Livingston, 

28  Steuben,  Alleghany,  &c. 

29  Genessee  and  Orleans, 

30  Erie,  Niagara,  &c. 

140,763   135,413 
Aggregate  majority  for  the  Jackson  Electors, 

5,350.  

NEW  JERSEY. 
ornciAL  BETcnss  fob  electobs. 


o44e 

3642 

4263 

4650 

3924 

4195 

5331 

3371 

3740 

2584 

4241 

3900 

5136 

5817 

3177 

2516 

3778 

3982 

2920 

3545 

2658 

4085 

4503 

5042 

,  9081 

9164 

4329 

3116 

4136 

4974 

4264 

3796 

4159 

2416 

5427 

3735 

7011 

9119 

4631 

7079 

5347 

4395 

3256 

6823 

3660 

7983 

Susquehanna, 

Centre, 

Clearfield, 

Mifflin, 

Crawford, 

Cambria, 

Mercer, 

Pi- IT}', 

Wasbington, 

Greene, 

Fayette, 

Franklin, 

Armstrong, 

Krie, 

Beaver, 

Schuylkill, 

Indiana  &  Jefferson,  926 

Somerset, 

Butler, 

Venango, 

Pike, 

Wayne, 

Warren, 


1U62 

W-i 

.ot. 

1998 

453 

1545 

393 

211 

182 

1650 

506 

1144. 

1117- 

958 

159 

314 

94 

220 

1603 

738 

865 

1060 

241 

819 

3893 

1687 

2196 

1498 

452 

1046 

2945 

1230 

1715 

2586 

1915 

671 

1133 

169 

964 

773 

945 

m 

1152 

1282 

29 

863 

220 

643 

1,  926 

245 

681 

1347 

238 

1109 

1068 

610 

458 

769 

126 

643 

549 

74 

475 

541 

320 

eii 

340 

243 

97 

950 

193 

657 

1,  175 

108 

67 

Mams. 
Frelinghuysen, 
Learning, 
White, 
Hnff, 
Ely, 
Brown, 
Elmer, 
Zabriskie, 


23758 
23757 
23626 
23760 
23761 
23760 
23757 
23754 


Jackson. 
M'CuUough, 
M'Carter, 
Maxwell, 
Conover, 
Townsend, 
Kille, 
Godwin, 
Shinn, 


21809 
21951 
21950 
21703 
21947 
21946 
2195  ,■ 
21951 


Tioga, 

Potter  and  M'Kean,    175 

101,652  50,848     51,569  765 
Majority  for  Andrew  Jackson,  50,804. 

DELAWARE. 

The  Electors  are  chosen  by  the  Legislature. 
The  vote  of  this  State  was  given  to  Mr.  Adams. 

MARYLAND. 

We  have  placed  all  the  returns  from  this 
State,  except  St.  Mar>'s.  which  will  not  vary 
the  general  result,  and  the  Jackson  majority  is 
161  Votes  through  the  State. 

Jackson. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 

OFFICIAL  BETCBSS. 


M.  of  votes  polled.  Mnjorities. 


Qountles . 


City  and  county  of 

Philadelphia, 
Chester, 
Lancaster, 
Delaware, 
Montgomery, 
Berks, 
Bucks, 
York, 
Cumberland, 

D  uphin, 
Lebanon, 
Huntii-gdon, 
Northu'.-'^iberland, 

Lehigh, 

Adams, 

Northampton, 

Alleghany, 

•Westmoreland, 

Bedford, 

Lycoming 

Columbia, 

Union, 

Bradford, 


12017 
3835 
5186 
953 
3341 
4583 
3297 
3645 
2113 
1974 
1439 
1708 
1669 
2000 
1242 
3628 
3866 
3917 
2260 
1534 
1869 
1697 
1553 


■< 

6200 
3535 
3719 
1164 
2311 
894 
3425 
1864 
898 
1140 
597 
1144 
395 
516 
1461 
889 
166G 
629 
780 
467 
562 
210 
910 


5817 

300 

1467 

1030 
3689 

1781 

1215 

834 

842 

564 

1374 

1484 

2739 
2200 
3288 
1480 
1067 
1307 
152S 
643 
910 


211 


128 


Baltimore  city, 

Baltimore  county, 

Prince  George's, 

Montgomery, 

City  of  Annapolis, 

Hartford, 

Cecil, 

Queen  Anne, 

Kent, 

Talbot, 

Caroline, 

Dorchester, 

Somerset, 

Worcester, 

Anne  Arundel, 

Frederick, 

AVashington, 

Calvert, 

Charles, 

Alleghany, 


•i385 
2952 
716 
168 
158 
1233 
1055 
666 
502 
558 
572 
643 
828 
1086 
1070 
2980 
1626 
320 
571 
693 


.9dams. 
4012 
1505 
766 
1017 
152 
1076 
996 
641 
539 
790 
672 
893 
1176 
899 
1219 
3291 
1506 
5S0 
735 
549 


23,175         23,014 


219 


Albemarle 

Amelia 

Amherst 

Augusta 

Accomack 

Alleghanv 


VIRGINIA. 

OFFICIAL  BETrBSS. 

Jackson  Ticket.  Adams  Ticket. 

478  124 

223  ^5 

206  115 

359  407 

216  240 

102  IS 


lledtord 

^;jOU 

294 

Pendleton 

XioO 

144 

Brooke 

315 

135 

Prince  Edward 

323 

8 

Brui.swick 

318 

61 

Princess  Anne 

105 

264 

Buckingham 

437 

42 

Richmond  County 

83 

106 

Berkeley 

196 

334 

Rockbridge 

363 

236 

Botetourt 

396 

73 

Rockingham 

631 

121 

Campbell 

311 

191 

Randolph 

107 

148 

Caroline 

302 

99 

Russell 

229 

15 

Charles  City 

60 

26 

Shehandoah 

990 

47 

Charlotte 

319 

51 

Soutliampton 

341 

113 

Chesterfield 

366 

102 

Sp.  itsylvania 

267 

77 

Culpepper 

5ir 

119 

Staff-ord 

106 

110 

Cabell 

203 

•      70 

Sussex 

305 

8 

Cumberland 

219 

86 

Scott 

247 

4 

Dinwiddie 

171 

31 

Surry 

160 

32 

Elizabeth  City 

74 

74 

Tyler 

124 

106 

Essex 

195 

46 

Tazewell 

304 

3 

Fairfax 

119 

123 

Westmoreland 

102 

95 

Fauqaier 

372 

249 

Warwick 

46 

7 

Fluvanna 

269 

2 

Washington 

564 

15 

Frederick 

63« 

453 

Wood 

135 

182 

Franklin 

471 

96 

Wythe 

382 

20 

Giles 

292 

40 

York 

84 

7 

Gloucester 

148 

34 

Norfolk-Borough 

244 

218 

Goochland 

178       • 

30 

Petersburg 

134 

67 

Greenbrier 

139 

255 

Richmond 

107 

199 

Greensville 

101 

17 

Williamsburg 

36 

26 

Grayson 

289 

73 

Hampshire 

317 

292 

r 

6,503 

11,997 

Hanover 

280 

145 

Inofficial 

Henrico 

220 

120 

Lancaster 

59 

93 

Ha'ifax 

560 

76 

Logan 

190 

11 

Hardy 
Harrison 

95 

114 

437 

291 

26,752 

13,101 

Henrv 

245 

27 

12,101 

Isle  of  Wight 

262 

68 

Majority  for  Gen.  Jackson 

m  Virginia,  14,651 

Jefferson 

207 

291 

■ 

James  City 

83 

21    ■ 

NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Kiinawha 

167 

129 

King  &  Queen 

182 

82 

OFFICIAL  BETURSS. 

King  William 

178 

32 

Counties. 

Jacisoii-  Adams- 

King  George 

42 

83 

Anson 

- 

701        494 

LoutJoun 

229 

525 

Ashee 

. 

-    319         107 

Louisa 

435 

34 

Beaufort 

. 

372         625 

Lee 

275 

33 

Brunswick 

. 

-     149         175 

Lewis 

164 

1-81 

Buncombe 

762         111 

-  Lunenburg 

194 

13 

Burke 

. 

-  1314        211 

Matthews 

113 

45 

Bertie 

571         210 

Mason 

173 

129   ■ 

Bladen 

. 

-    384        111 

Middlesex 

102 

38 

C.ibarrus 

428        321 

Mecklenburg 

461 

28 

Chowan 

- 

-     225           69 

Montgomery 

412 

40 

Columbus 

300          40 

Madison 

259 

17 

Cumberland    - 

. 

-     821         325 

Monongalia 

366 

156 

Caswell 

941           26 

Monroe 

158 

268 

Ciiatliam 

. 

-     698         409 

Morgan 

75 

62 

Craven 

550         399 

Nanst-mond 

234 

221 

Camden 

-     426           65 

Nelson 

199 

71 

Carteret 

.325         350   ■ 

New  Kent 

96 

77 

Currituck 

. 

-     396           35 

Norfolk  County 

156 

317 

Davidson 

849         234 

Northampton 

90 

29 

Duplin 

. 

-     546         132 

Northumberland 

130 

121 

Edgecomb  • 

902         111 

Nicholas 

116 

72 

Franklin 

. 

-     630           82 

Nottoway 

208 

2 

Guilford 

•  • 

546         970 

Ohio 

330 

421 

Gates 

. 

-     424           85 

Orange 

424 

XD7 

GranviUe 

842         102 

Pocahontas 

94 

56 

Greene 

_ 

-     203         146 

Powhatan 

158 

26 

Haywood 

933            G 

Preston 

228 

91 

Halifax 

. 

-    765          60 

Prince  George 

180 

8   , 

Hertford 

379        159 

Prince  William 

117 

69 

Hyde 

. 

-    247          88 

Patrick 

262 

53 

Iredell 

563        571 

"'i"?v!vari':) 

/;t?o 

*  t  f: 

Tnhnstoi' 

'If'           ■»  B  ^ 

Jonea 

Lenoir 

Lincoln 

Martin 

Montgomery 

Mecklenburg 

Moore 

New  Hanover 

Nash  , 

Northampton 

Onslow 

Orange 

Perquimons 

Person 

Pitt 

Pasquotank 

Randolpli 

Kichmond 

Rockingham 

Bobeson 

Rowan 

Rutherford 

Sampson 

Stokes 

Surry 

Tyrrell 

Warren 

Wake 

Wayne 

Washuigton     • 

Wilkes 


212 
251 

1191 
461 
564 

1194 
515 
668 
453 
362 
476 

1057 
301 
393 
329 
378 
417 
358 
989 
579 

1197 

1214 
599 

1190 

1190 
273 
532 

1037 
538 
315 
699 


215 
111 
429 
198 
331 
376 

90 
147 

57 
228 
l')5 
440 
134 

24 
485 
293 
619 
209 
110 
C64 
321 

53 
120 
245 
272 

20 

33 
266 
282 

62 
310 


37,857  13,918 
13,918 

Jackson's  majority     23,939 

SOUTH  CAROLIKA. 

The  Electors  are  chosen  by  the  Legislature. 
The  vote  of  this  State  was  given  to  General 
Jackson. 

GEORGIA. 

The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  votes 
given  in  sixty  counties  of  this  Slate,  for  Elec- 
tors of  President  and  Vice  President: 


Troup  Ticka. 
Blacksliear,        10,133 
Clayton, 


Graves, 
Maxwe!!, 
Moore, 
« Porter 
Reid, 

Rutherford, 
Terrell, 


CounlUS' 
Adair 
Allen 
Anderson 
BaiTcn 
Bath 
Boone 
Bourbon 
Bracken, 
Breckinridge 
Bullitt 
Butler 
JuldweU 
■  .lln..  iv 


10,112 
9,977 
10,087 
9,967 
10,066 
10,186 
10,262 
9,908 


Clark  Ticket. 
Newnun, 
S  ten  art, 
Burnett, 
Cunningham, 
Pentecost, 
Hatcher, 
Mitchell, 
Leigh, 
MUncr, 


8,447 
7,659 
7,515 
7,513 
7,691 
7,265 
7,6o5 
7,421 
7,.,89 


KEN  i  UCK.V. 

ornciAL  aETOiisi 
Jackson. 
571 
540 
•  444 
889 
548 
485 
849 
427 
369 
453 
218 
637 


Adams. 

•  ■  333 
223 
107 
765 
.>43 
442 
1100 
452 
501 
227 
125 
232 


Campbell, (not 

Casey 

Christian 

Clarke 

Clay 

Cumberland 

Daviess 

Edmonson 

Estill 

Fnyette 

Flemming 

Floyd 

Franklin 

Gallatin 

Garrard 

Grant 

Graves 

Grayson 

Green 

Greenup 

Hardin 

Harlan 

Harrison 

Hart 

Henderson 

Henry 

Hickman 

Hopkins 

Jefferson 

Jessamine 

Knox 

Laurel 

Lawrence 

Lewis 

Lincoln 

Livingston 

Logan 

Madison 

Mason 

M'Crackeii 

MeaJe 

Mercer 

Monroe 

Montgomery 

Morgan 

Muhlenberg 

Nelson 

Nicholas 

Ohio 

Oldham 

Owen 

Pendleton  (not 

Perry 

Pike 

Pulaski 

RjckcasAlc 

Russell 

Scott 

ShL-Iby 

Simpson 

Snencer 

Todd 

Trigg 

Union 

Warren 

Washington 

Wayne 

Whitley 

Woodford 

Totiil.  . 


official)  541  niaj. 
278 
530 

Sir 

58 
435. 
284 
197 
239 
1021 
661 
380 
631 
452 
262 
186 
141 
247 
993 
302 
908 
123 
966 
366 
255 
672 
260 
362 
1460 
520 
134 

77 
283 
404 
576 
373 
342- 
653 
860 

94 
150 
1258 
463 
600 
280 
266 
784 
536 
358 
657 
502 
official)  267 

59 
194 
519 
jij4 
269 
993 
946 
355 
437 
29G 
304 
249 
478 
1486 
578 
177 
513 


39,071 
31,167 


18i 
655 
784 
348 
327 
161 
128 
215 

1340 

675 

92 

.^84 

341 

1014 
186 
24 
232 
524 
294 
505 
214 
403 
151 
321 
338 
32 
274 

1024. 
472 
285 
141 
107 
303 
554 
213 
883 
866 

1088 

33 

201 

525 

585 
62 
259 
835 
329 
213 
343 
117 
152 
100 
3 
437 
249 
19(1 
555 
1097 
.334 
218 
486 
200 
199 
674 
491 
271 
161 
647 

^1,167 


Tacksan  nia'orityT    7,904 


j6y 


Tirst  Eleclorai  District, 
Second  F;lectoral  District, 
Third  Electoral  D'strict, 
Fourth  Electoral  District, 
Fifth  Electoral  District, 
Sixth  Electoral  District, 
Seventh  Electoral  District, 
Riffiith  Electoral  District, 
Ninth  Electoral  District, 
Teiltli  Electoral  District, 
Eleventh  Electoral  District, 


44193      2240 


OHIO. 

JACESOR  COUSTIE3. 


Loiain, 

io^i 

d\)j 

Hirding  and  I-ogai', 

27-5 

^l-S 

Miami, 

761 

1089 

Muskingum, 

2J51 

2183, 

Medina, 

160 

803 

Meigs, 

ao6 

S7a 

Preble, 

895 

lllii 

Portage, 

855 

2107 

Ross, 

1780 

1951 

Scioio,    • 

469 

685 

Sandusky, 

lar 

209 

Seneca, 

242 

353 

TnimbuU, 

1590 

2518 

Warren, 

1797 

1835 

WashingtOD, 

695 

1086 

Wood, 

46 

W- 

Couniiea. 

Jackson. 

Adams. 

i-auiuing,        ( 
Henry,          J 

Adams, 

1327 

373 

Belmont, 

218S 

2162 

Builer, 

3239 

953 

67,597 

63,; 

Brown, 

1560 

703 

63,395 

Clermont, 

2038 

1002 

Majority  for  Jackson, 

4,201 

Coshocton, 

1031 

574 



Columbiana, 

2431 

2153 

INDIANA. 

Dark, 

571 

190 

orriciA 

L    BETCnsS. 

Fayette, 

627 

532 

Coimtici, 
Jobnsoa     - 

Jackson. 
298 

Adan(» 
19^ 

Fairfield, 

2606 

1131 

Shelby       - 

458 

310 

Guernsey 

1259 

1204- 

Henry 

284 

32B 

Hamilton, 

4917 

2716 

Hancock    - 

65 

67 

582 

Highland, 

991 

858 

Marion 

379 

Harrison, 

1594 

1422 

Hamilton   - 

5S 

156 

Hocking, 

293 

213 

Bartholomew 

44-5 

235 

Holmes, 

863 

234 

Decatur     » 

346 

232 

Hancock, 

49 

32 

Rush 

649 

345 

Jefferson, 

1933 

1555 

Madison      - 

58 

rs 

Jackson, 

390 

389 

Hendricks 

204 

164 

Knox, 

1597 

735 

Morgan 

235 

232 

Licking, 

1825 

1040 

Posey         -      ,     . 

646 

278 

tawrence. 

270 

269 

Vanderburgfj 

108 

134 

Madison, 

435 

424 

Wiiriick     - 

318 

7;i 

Montgomery, 

1754 

1709 

Spencer     - 

173 

80 

Monroe, 

741 

297 

Switzerland 

439 

335 

Morgan, 

840 

697 

Pike 

149 

140 

Marion, 

320 

254 

Gibson 

380 

239 

Vanwert,       ') 

Eipley 

322 

335 

Allen,             C 

111 

72 

Dubl>io 

180 

49 

Mercer,         3 

liandolph  • 

123 

25(J 

Pike, 

487 

242 

Perry 

134 

180 

Pickaway, 

1536 

1139 

Debware  -      ,  . 

91 

6S 

Perry, 

1308 

640 

Daviess 

291 

210 

Richland, 

1805 

1283 

H.iiTison     - 

705 

457 

Stark, 

1770 

1308 

Crawtord   • 

230 

206 

Shelby, 

273 

193 

Wayne       - 

888 

,1343 

Tuscarawas, 

1041 

884 

Union 

547 

518 

Union, 

194 

181 

Fayette       - 

650 

516 

"SVayne, 

2045 

925 

Franklin     - 

693 

655 

ADAMS  COUNTIES. 

Dearborn  - 

1066 

986 

Ashtabula, 

179 

1935 

Allen 

64 

74 

Alliens, 

482 

833 

Clay  - 

83 

25 

Champaign, 

595 

1048 

Putnam 

632 

309 

Clinton, 

ri5 

1007 

Carroll 

112 

73 

Cuyahoga, 

320 

1269 

Tippecanoe 

210 

184 

Clark, 

637 

1254 

Warren 

63 

77 

Crawford, 

322 

210 

Montgomeiy 

359 

243 

Delaware, 

473 

868 

Fountain    - 

468 

22.J 

Franklin, 

868 

1155 

Vigo 

186 

544 

Greene, 

964 

1197 

Owen 

137 

201 

Gallia, 

-      439 

745 

(ireen 

320 

161 

Geauga, 

347 

2135 

Sullivan     - 

432 

1«& 

T^aron, 

5B3 

l?4i. 

Knox 

43rt 

40~ 

a  TO 


JiarV-i 

ftbu 

jStf 

Martin 

191 

68 

Vermillion 

282 

'J8- 

Monroe 

570 

223 

Clark 

953 

615 

Orange 

631 

285 

Floyd 

590 

374 

"Washington 

1083 

61S. 

Lawrence 

823 

21S 

Jeffei-Bon    - 

627 

700 

Jennings    - 

204 

290 

Scott 

283 

147 

Jackson 

405 

182 

22237 

1705?. 

- 

ILLINOIS. 

omciAi  hetcess 

Names  of  Candidates  for  Electors. 


COCHTIEB. 

a 

k 

o 

H 

0 

0 

at 

IB 

^ 

Ui 

>j 

B 

B 

a 

< 

0 
d 

M 

> 
77 

-T- 

W 

13 

ss 

Marion, 

77;    77 

13 

AVabash, 

109 

109'  109 

193 

193 

193 

Edwards, 

184 

184    184| 

118 

118 

118 

Montgomery, 

2U8 

208    20ffl 

47 

47 

47 

Jackson, 

142 

142    142 

14 

14 

14 

Clay, 

102 

102'  102 

13 

13 

13 

Clinton, 

130 

110    130 

74 

74 

74 

Wsshln^toD, 

73 

72,     71 

28 

27 

27 

Shelby,' 

238 

238:  J.J38! 

32 

32 

32 

Fulton, 

53 

53      71 

85 

85 

85 

St.  Clair, 

535 

538    539 

334 

337 

334 

White, 

428 

428    428 

213 

213 

213 

Hamilton, 

270 

270    270; 

11 

11 

11 

Wayne, 

205 

205,  205| 

30 

30     30 

Perry, 

31 

31:      31 

7 

7 

7 

Union, 

234 

234'  234! 

29 

30 

30 

•Johnson, 

95 

96     96; 

6 

6 

6 

Alexander, 

37 

37:     37l 

29 

22 

11 

Tazewell, 

149 

149'  149 

109 

109 

109 

Pope, 

254 

255:  255 

56 

56 

56 

Oallatin, 

435 

417,  438 

104 

111 

111 

Jeffei-son, 

224 

2241  224 

31 

31 

31 

Bond, 

151 

151 

151 

114 

114 

114 

Handolph, 

368 

365 

369 

156 

161 

159 

Monroe, 

167 

166 

— — 

83 

84 

84 

Madison^ 

39« 

390 

390 

348 

347 

343 

Greene, 

484 

482 

485 

203 

205 

203 

Elorgan, 

702 

702 

702 

282 

282 

279 

!5angamon. 

677 

680 

682 

431 

431 

451 

■Vennillion, 

224 

224 

223 

110 

64 

110 

Edgar, 

19i 

192 

192 

120 

120 

120 

Clarke, 

100 

100 

100 
224 

115 

115 

115 

Crawford, 

230 

232 

101 

101 

101 

Lawrence, 

247 

247 

247 

131 

131 

134 

Calhoun, 

4S 

42 

42 

57 

57 

57 

Pike, 

53 

43 

54 

117 

117 

116 

Adams, 

1  2 

72 

72 

60 

64 

65 

Peofw, 

41 

43;     46 

91 

93 

78 

Tayette, 

20C 

2001  200 
613!  613 

70 

70 

70 

.Joe  Daviti'j 

6i; 

.   442 

442 

442 

Franklin, 

32C 

320   320 

11 

11 

11 

Schuyler, 

74 

76     75 

i^ 

1  _. 

56 

I'  _    _ 

■iCmi 


Total, 


liicljard  M.  YoQiag, 
Alexander  M.  Houston, 
John  Taylor, 

ADAMS  CASBIllATr.*. 

Elijah  lies,    -         .         .         . 
Samuel  H .  Thompson, 
George  Webb, 

SrATTEniNO. 

,Tohn  Ewing* 

John  Houston,*     ... 

McNabb,'     - 

■Tohn  M.  Taylor,* 
William  Webb,      . 
Andrew  P^xson,   •         -         - 
James  Thompson, f 


9,5oi; 
9,518 
9,415 


4,60; 
4,634 
4,659 


iZl 

35 

14 

167 

1 

4 
46 


•  These  x'otes  ^i-ere  evidently  intended  for  tiie  Jacksoii 
candidates,  whicii  would  give  the  highest  Jackson  candi 
date  a  majority  of  4,902  over  the  highest  Adams  candidate, 

t  Which  added,  makes  Mr.  Thompson's  vole  1,680. 


ALABAMA. 


VbV' 


We  learn  from  Mr.  H.  Pdulpot,  the  messeii- 
ger  who  was  selected  to  bring  on  the  electoral 
votes  of  Alabama,  that  the  vote  in  that  State 

was,   for  Jackson  and  Gaihodn   17,138 for 

Adams  and  Rush  1,938.     Several  connties  not 
heard  from. 

MISSISSIPPI. 

The  following  is  the  state  of  the  polls  far 
Electors  of  President  in  the  State  of  Mississip. 
pi,  with  the  exception  of  Simpson  county: 


9560  9518i9415;!4662i463414659 

!»    »    i.m->  V  in  I    11  I     .      ■"i«i 


Counties. 

Jackson. 

Mam 

Monroe 

362 

16 

Hinds 

411 

57 

Yazoo 

229 

4 

Madison 

140 

14 

Copiah 

495 

40 

Uantln 

51 

4 

Lawrencf- 

490 

40 

Covington 

209 

17 

Marion 

250 

48 

Pike 

390 

25 

Jones 

124 

1 

Wayne 

156 

35 

Wilkinson 

576 

161 

Perry 

164 

10 

Greene 

99 

20 

Adams 

422 

335 

Jefferson 

491 

194 

Claiborne 

^73 

'T^'?. 

Warren 

412 

176 

Franklin 

285 

43 

Hancock 

61 

8 

Jackson 

S  J> 

11 

Washington 

54 

18 

Amite 

446 

79 

6772 

Z581 

Jackson's  nia 

.oriij-,   6191. 

•^.71 


LOUISLVNA. 


orpicni.  n 
Parishes. 
Placquemine., 
St.  Bernaril, 
New  Orleans, 
-Jefferson, 
St.  Charles, 
St.  John  Baptist, 
St.  Jame.<;, 
Ascension, 
Assumption, 
Lafourche  Interior, 
Terrebounee, 
Iberville, 

West  Baton  Rouge, 
Point  Coupee, 
West  Feliciana, 
East  Feliciana, 
East  Baton  Houge, 
St.  Helena, 
AVashington, 
St.  Tammany, 
Catahoula, 
Washita, 
Natchitoches  and  CTai- 

bornCj 
Rapides, 
St.  Mary, 
St.  Martin, 
St.  Landry, 
Lafayette, 
eoncordia, 
Avoyelles, 
Total, 


ETrHNS- 

Jackson . 
29 
56 

747 
24 
37 
30 

re 

106 
140 

39 

43 
190 

72 

93 
255 
441 
247 
294 
181 

ie4 

147 
141 

242 
241 

85 

63 
135 
208 

70 

40 


ddanii 

68 

89 
665 

63 

54 

77 
153 
106 
140 
338 
54 

66 
62 
68 
98 
80 
149 
53 
44 
46 
38 
S\ 

139 

83 
130 
257 
543 
158 

42 
133 


MissoiJia- 

ojyic 

lAL  nirunss. 

Counikf. 

Jackson- 

^.(lan\f. 

Howard, 

658 

355 

Charlton, 

361 

102 

Cole, 

331 

45 

Boone, 

520 

296 

Montgomery, 

23<t 

127 

Callaway, 

267 

168 

St.  Charles, 

248 

146 

Pike, 

260 

238 

Ste.  Geneviev^ 

112 

48 

Washington, 

356 

199 

Madison, 

271 

56 

St.  Francois, 

189 

89 

JefTersonj 

152 

72 

Ralls, 

117 

50 

Cooper, 

458 

203 

Lafayette, 

322 

-       60 

Franlclin, 

267 

SI 

Saline, 

150 

SO 

Bay, 

186 

31 

LincolDj 

231 

w. 

Clay, 

364 

125 

Cape  GirardeaUj 

457 

148 

St.  Louis, 

609 

443 

Scott. 

66 

23 

.Tackson, 

210 

'o 

Wayne. 

218 

5 

Perry,  ' 

196 

49 

Marion, 

159 

103 

Gasconade, 

20S 

C 

New  Madrid, 

58 

38 

4603 


4078 


a272 


3400 


The  following  Table  exhibits,  in  a  condensed  form,  a  statement  of  popular  votes  given  in  tlij» 

several  States; 


STATES. 


Whole  vote 
for  Jackson. 


Whole  vote 
for  Adams. 


Hajotity  for 
Jackson. 


aiajorjiv  fcr 
Adam5. 


Maine     ..... 

13,927 

20,773 

I 

6,846 

New  Hampshire 

29.922 

24,124 

, 

3,202 

A'ermont             .             . 

8,333 

24,364 

,                   , 

16,0U 

Massachusetts                  ... 

6,019 

39,837 

,                  , 

23,818 

Rhode  Island     .            -            .            . 

821 

2,754 

. 

1,93.: 

Connecticut       i             .             .           , . 

4,448 

13,830 

, 

9,390 

New  York          ~            .            .            . 

140,76.'? 

135,413  ■ 

5,350 

. 

New  Jersey        .            .            ►            . 

21,951 

23,761 

. 

1,81.0 

Pennsylvania     .... 

101,652 

50,848 

50,804 

. 

Delaware*          .            .            .            , 

,                     , 

,                   , 

^         , 

,                     , 

Maryland            .... 

24,565 

25,527 

, 

se- 

Virginia                            ... 

26,752 

12,101 

14,651 

North  Carolina 

37,857 

13,918 

23,939 

. 

South  Carolina* 

»                  • 

, 

>                   . 

Georgia              .... 

19,362 

642 

18,720 

Alabama              .... 

13,384 

1,934 

11,450 

Mississippi          .... 

6,772 

1,581 

5,191 

Louisiana            .... 

4,603 

4,078 

527 

Tennessee          .... 

44,193 

2,240 

41,953 

Kentucky           .            .            ,            . 

39,084 

31,172 

7,912 

. 

Ohio       ..... 

67,597 

63,396 

4,201 

. 

Indiana               .... 

32,237 

17,052 

5,185 

IlLnois  ..... 

9,560 

4,659 

4,991 

» 

Missouri              .... 

8,272 

3,400 

4,872 

Aggregate  majorities     ... 

643,096 

507,413 

199,656 

€3,97? 

507,413 

63,972 

..acksom  majoriti^gj        ... 

135,684 

i 

135,684 

_f_'5[h«El^sctora  are  appointed  bWhe  Lcgtslhiurc. 

J^-?^ — i'- Ja.- 

r 

mu 


f\'ame^$  of  persons  in  nomination  for  Electors  of  President  and  Vic»  Fresideiii  of 
tbe  United  States,  for  the  eleventh  election,  from  the  4th  of  March,  1829. 


MAINE. 


JACKS05". 

j^ac  I.ane  > 

Danirl  Rose 
Henry  Hobbs 
James  C.  CliurchiU' 
Moses  Cailton 
eoiiielius  H  iliand 
Abijali  S.iiith 
William  .-<paulding 
■VViiliani  Webber. 
Those  marked  thus  (' 


AniMS. 

Thomas  Fill'-brown* 
Simon  Novvell* 
Jos,^pli  Prime* 
F,l"as  Tlionias 
Ebeiiezer  Firley* 
John  S.  Kiqiball* 
Joseph  S')utHwi  k* 
Levi  Hiibhaid* 
Jo!in  Mo>re.* 
)  were  elected. 


VERMONT. 


JiCKSOy. 

Slartin  Field 
i.yman  Fitch 
John  Vy.  Dana 
Truman  Chittenden 
Jo.5eph  Reed 
Abel  Tomlinson 
Tohn  Jackson. 


ACAIIIS. 

Jonas  Galusha 
Ezra  Butler 
John  Phelps 
Apollos  Austin 
Asa  Aldis 
Josiah  Dana 
William  Jarvis. 


Th?  Adams  ticket  succeeded. 
SfEW  HAMPSHIRE. 


j"ACKSOIf. 

yohn  Harvey 
Benmng  VI.  Bean 
William  Pickering 
Jesse  Bowers 
Aaron  Matson 
.Tonatlian  Nye 
Stephen  P.Webster 
Moses  White. 

Tbe  Adams 


ABAIIS. 

George  Sullivan 
Samne)  Quarles 
Nahum  Parker 
Samuel  Sparhawk 
Wilham  Bisby 
Thomas  Woolson 
Ezra  Barilett 
William  I.OTejoy. 
ticket  succeeded. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


JACKSON. 

Nathan  WiUU 
Bavid  Henshaw 
Phineas  Allen 
Josepli  M.  Forward 
jTjhn  Drwry 
Jonas  Sibley 
William  Willard 
William  Austin 
John  K.  Simpson 
Ebenezep  Seave? 
Eliliu  Dagget,  Jr. 
jPeter  H.  Pierce 
^ohn   P.  Nortoa 
Josiah  Newhall 
J^hn  Russ. 

The  Adams 


ADAMS. 

Thomas  C.  Winthrop 
■Samuel  Lathrop 
Jesse  Futnam 
Sttplien  White 
Bailey  Bartlett 
Nathan  Cliandler 
Jonathan  Davis 
Edmund  (Pushing 
Eliel  Frost 
John  Gilbert 
Samuel  Jones 
Edward  H.  Robbins 
Oliver  Starkweather 
Braddock  Dimick 
Seth  Sprague. 
ticket  succeeded. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 


JACKSOW. 

Wilkins  Updike 
Henry  Bull 
i>Iathan  B.  Sprague 
'iliCTmas  Remingfton. 


ADAMS. 

Caleb  Earle 
Stephen  B.  Cornell 
Elisha  Watson 
Charl.-s  Elbridge. 


CONNECTICUT, 

.TACKSOS. 

Noah  A    Phelps 
Wilham  Todd 
John  P.  Tiott 
Henry  Sherwood 
Dav  .1  BoUes 
Jo  ,n  W  Ich 
John  Stewart,  2d. 
Ini,''hlsby  W.   Craw- 
ford. 

The  Adams  ticket  succeeded. 


ADAHS. 

Sylveste'  Norton 
Rufiib  H  tchrock 
Moses  \V  arrcn 
Cliarhs  Hawley 
Roger  Taimor 
Ho.ner  Bo«rdman 
G-  orge  Pratt 
Walter  R.  Kibbee. 


NEW 

JACKSO.V. 

Mosc-  Roiph* 
John  Garrison* 
U  njamin  Bailey* 
John  Targee* 
Gilbert  Coutant* 
,T.icob  Odell* 
Morgan  Lewis* 
Egbert  Jansen* 
John  E.  Russell* 
Moses  Yoiinglove 
Jacob  Yates 
John  Tayler 
Peter  Pine* 
Joseph  C.  Yates* 
Elkanah  Brush* 
Henry  Wager 
Rufus  Crane* 
John  Fay 
Howell  Gardiner 
John  Gale 
Josiah  F^sk 
Charles  Dayan 
Alvio  Bronson 
Tliomas  Bhkeslee* 
John  S,  Boyd 
Freeborn  G.  Jewett* 
Asapli  Stow* 
Andrew  D  VV.  Bruyn* 
Thomas  Rogers,  2d. 
Asa  Cole 
Matthew  Warner 
John  Lloyd* 
Hiram  Frisbee 
Samuel  Russell.  ' 


YORK. 

ASAKS. 

Elbert  H.  Jones 
Samuel  G   Vabryct 
Marinus  WiUett 
James  F;:irlee 
Peter  A.  Jay 
John  Odetl ' 
Daniel  C.  VerplancTc 
James  Burt 
Abraham  Hasbrouch 
Alexander  Coffin* 
Gilberi  Eddy* 
AbrihamVanVechten* 
Alanson  Buei 
Lsaac  M.  Schemerhorn 
John  Badger 
Eben'r.  B.  Shearman* 
Jacob  Marshall 
Archibald  Mclntyre* 
Salmon  Childs* 
Peter  H    Myers* 
James  Campbell* 
Jesse  Smith* 
Aigustiis  Chapman* 
John  W.  Harper 
Benjamin  Cottoi^* 
Azaiiah  Smith 
Christopher  Morgan 
Charles  Pumpelly 
Joiin  Beal* 
William  Hildreth* 
Jamt'S  H.  Guernscv* 
Claik  Crandall 
Shiibal  Dunham* 
Ebenezer  Walden.* 


JSominations  in  the  Electoral  College. 

JACKSON.  ADAMS. 

John  Tayler*  John  D    P .  Dou«' 

Charles  Dayan*  -Abel  French 

Those  marked  thus  (*)  were  elected. 
NEW-JERSEY. 


The  Adams  ticket  succeeded. 


JACKSON. 

Abraham  Godwin 
William  McCullough 
Robert  H.  McCarter 
George  Ma.\well 
William  I.  Conover 
William  N.  Shinn 
Joseph  Kille 
Cresse  Townsend. 


ADAWEI. 

T.  Prelinghuysen 
A.  Learning 
A    White 
Gabriel  Hoff 
J.  J.  Ely 
Abraham  Brown 
T.  Elmer 
C.  Zabriskie 


Tbe  Adorns  tickgt  succeeded 


576 


PliNi>^YLVAMA. 


JACK30X. 

JolinB    G'bson 
William  Findlay 
Edward  King 
John  Lisle 
Jacob  Holgate 
Samuel  Humes,  sen. 
Jolin  W.  Cuiiningliam 
George  G   Leiptr 
Henry  Shei;tz 
Ad  in  Ritscher 
Daiid  Hottiistein 
Peter  Fiailey 
Fra  icia  Kaird 
Henry  Winters 
Wil'^a.n  Th..mpson 
Leonard  Rupert 
Jacob  Gi.a.  Iiart 
George  B.irultz 
JacoD  Iliiyser 
John   lluper 
Jolin   Scott 
\Vdlian  Piper 
Valentine  Geisy 
James  Gordon 
John  M.  Snowden 
Robert  Scott 
Henry  Allsliouse 
James  Duncan. 


ADAMS. 

Gabriel  Heister 
Joun  Ueed 
Cliarlrs  Penrose 
Samuel  Wetherill 
R  'hert  Kennedy 
S.imuel  Dale 
Uuvid  I'ownsend 
Pierce  Crosby 
Pliil  j>  R  ed 
Ja'ub  G  (irUiart 
Georg.-  xclull 
Ge  T^e  H  ush 
Wiliiam  Wails 
Georg     Weoer 
G    ir.;'-  Do.inison 
Diniel  Vlontgomery 
Willia  n  Wilson 
James  S.   vlitchell 
Jolin  Heed 
John  Hershberger 
Conra  1  Biicher 
Henry  Black 
JiTeiniah  Kendall 
Thorn  IS  McCall 
FruiiCiS  McClure 
Jacob  M  chlin 
.  J'lhn  L'liiugier 
John  Leech. 


The  Jackson  tiiket  succeeded. 
UELAWAKE. 

The  Electors  are  Chosen  oy  the  Legislature. 
Adams  Electors  were  appointed. 
James  fanby  D.vid  Hazard. 

John  Adams 

VIKGINIA. 

JACKSON'.  ADAJtS. 

William  • : .  Unit 
Wdliam  H.  M'Farlaiid 
Jolin  CargiU 
Thomas  M.  Nelson 
Ric  ard   Logan 
Jaiii'"s  Jones 
Wiliiam  D  iniel 
Joseph  Martin 
Wdliam  F.  Gordon 
AVin.  Bro'^kenQrough 
Gorge  Buckner* 
William  Jones 
Robert  .M'Candlish 
EUyson  Currie 
John  W.  Green 
John  Gibson 
George  Rust 
Jared   Williams 
Jacob  D.  Williamson 
John   Kowyer 
John  E.  George 
Andrew  Russell 
Joel  Shrewsbury 
John  M'Milinn. 


MAUYLAND. 

AllA^it•. 
Henry  Brawuer' 
Benj.  F.  Forest' 
Gi'orge  Beltzcr 
W  Ham  Price 
James  Bayle 
Win.  St.   vart 
Jas.  H.  M'Culloch 
Ja.iies  Sew«-ll* 
Thomas  Kmory' 
T.  R.   1  .i.ckei- nan* 
Littleton  Dennis.* 


JACKSOX. 

Joseph  Stone 
John  C   Herbert 
\Vm    Fitzhugh,  Jr.* 
William  Tyler* 
John  S    Sell-nan' 
Benjamin  C    'l.uvard* 
Kl.as  Bvnwii* 
Thomas  ^l.  Forman 
Jo:m  T.    Ilees 
James  Sanj^^ton 
Thonns  K    CaiToll. 

Those  marked  thus  (•)  were  elected 
NORTH  CAKOLLN'A. 

APiMS. 

Isaac  N    Lamb 
Samuel  Kenon 


JACKSON. 

Bobeit  Live 
Moiiifort  Stukes 
Peter  Forney 
John  Giles 
Abraham  Phillips 
Join  .M.  Morehead 
Wa'ter  F.  Leake 
W.lhe  P.  VI  ngum 
Josiah  Crudup 
John  Hall 

Joseph  J.  VViUiams 
Kedar  Ratlard 
Lou  s  D.  Wilson 
R  chai  d  l).)bbs  Spaight 
Edward  B.   Dudley. 


James  ^la  isoii  j 
Ja  i-es  Monnii  ■[ 
Steplie  '  Wright 
Beiijamii  Harrison 
Jos^pli  Giiidwyn 
Ric'iiird  Fiehl 
Edward  C.  Carrington 
Beiijamn  H.ilcher 
Samuel  Bi'.uich  • 

Flem  ng  Sannders 
David  S    liarland 
Ch  pmaii  Johnson 
Francis  I'.  Brooke 
Charles  Hill 
Robert  Lively 
Hancock  KusUce 
Wm.  A    G    ti.ide 
Alfred  H    P   well 
Joseph   \laiizeu 
ArcUibald  Stuart 
Ballard  Smith 
Be.ijamin  Estill 
Lewis  Summers 
Alpiieus  P.  Wilson. 
The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 

•  A  few  days  previous  to  the  meeting  of  the 
Electors  Mr.  George  Buckner  died,  and  Mr. 
Garret  Minor  was  chosen  to  fill  the  vacancy. 

■\  Those  gentlemen  declined,  and  the  vacancy 
■*'as  filled  by  Mr.  John  Shackleford  and  Col. 
'Viirmm  Eibev. 


Wm.  S.  Blackledg-c 
William  Clark 
Edwaid  Hall 
W.lham  Hinton 
D  iiiiel  Kenon 
Benjamin  Koberson 
Edmund  Dei)erry 
James  S.  Smith 
Alexander  Gray 
James  I".  Morehead 
Abner  Franklin 
Kober'  Burton 
Isaac  r.  Avery. 
The  Jackson  ticke!  succeeded. 
SOUTH  CAKOLINA.- 
The  Eiectoi-s  are  chosen  uy  the  Leffislature. 
Jatkson  Electors  wiT    api.ointeU. 


Sander:-  Glover 
Uaviil  R.  hvans 
Joiiii  Siewart 
Dav  d  SI  an 
William  J.ihnston 
Wade  Hampton,  Jr 

GEORGIA. 

JATliSeA   TICKET. 


William  Pope 
Jolin  McComb 
Arrhur  P.  Ilayne 
Gi-et  11  B   Colvm 
Henry  L.  Pinokney. 


TROUP   PArtTX. 

John  Ru'herlord 
Ruhert   li.  Ueid 
David  Blacksliear 
Augustin  S-  Clayton 
Solomon   Graves 
Tjol.n  Maxwell 
Olivet  Porter 
William  TerrfU 
Seaton  Grantland. 


CLARK  PAETr- 

Daiiiel  Ne>vnan 
John  Stewart 
Henry    Mitciiell 
John  Burnett 
Ji  hii  Cunningham 
William  Pentecos' 
John  Hatchep 
Benj.imin  Leigh 
Pitt'.NIiliier. 


ADAMS  TICKET. 

John  Burch  Thomas  Murray. 

The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 


ALABAMA. 


JACKSON. 

Thomas  Mi  ler 
Enoili  P  usoiis 
Wm   Y     Hoggins 
J.ihn  A    Elmore 
Tiios    D-  Crabb. 


ADAMS. 

James  Uellett 
— ; —       Wealherspoon 
J    G.  Birney 
George  Coulter 
Smith. 


The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 
MISSISSIPPI. 

JACKSON.  ADAMS. 

Joseph  Dunbar  I   R.  Nicholson 

Wiley  P.  Harris  William  Lung 

William  Dowsing.  Edward  M'GeheP. 

The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded 


D/4 


LOCISIANA. 


Ivam 


j-ACKsoir. 
JohiiB    Plauche 
Thos   VV.  Scott 
Trasiinon  LanJry 
Alexander  Mouton 
Placide  Bossier. 


ADAMS. 

Benjamin  Morris 
Neuville  Declouet 
Jaques  Villere 
Charles  Bushnell 
Louis  Le  Blanc. 


The  Jacksen  ticket  succeeded. 
TENNESSEE. 


JACKSOir. 

John  Rhea 
Samuel  Bimch 
Thomas  McCorry 
Benjamin  C.  Stout 
Andrew  J  Marchbanks 
George  EUi  .t 
William  A.  Sublett 
Alfred  Flournoy 
Joseph  Brown 
Willie  Blo'int 
Adam  R.  Alexander. 


ADAMS. 

Moses  F    Roberts 
Boyd  M'Nairy 
John  R.  Nelson 
Isaac  Rawlings 
William  Cos 
James  Taylor. 

[Not  a  full  ticket  in 
nomination.] 


The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 
KENTUCKY. 


JACKSOy. 

Thomas  S.  Slaughter 
Matthew  Lyon 
Eklmund  Watkins 
Nattian  Gaither 
Tunstall  Quarles 
Iteubeii  Munday 
Benjamin  Cnapeze 
John  Younger 
John  Sterrett 
Benjamin  Taylor 
Robert  J    Ward 
Tandy  Allen 
Bicliard  French 
Thompson  Ward. 

The  Jackson  t: 


ADAMS. 

John  M.  Cowell 
Joseph  Earl 
Thomas  Bodley 
Richard  Taylor 
Duval  Paine 
Christopher  Tompkins 
Burr  Harrison 
Joseph  Allen 
Alnay  Whean 
John  Anderson 
Ephraim  Ewing 
Richard  Soutligate 
Thomas  C.  Howard 
Gabriel  Slaughter, 
icfcet  succeeded 


JACKSOIf. 

Ethan  Allen  Brown 
George  M'Cook 
William  Piatt 
James  Shields 
Henry  BaiTin(,'ton 
Thomas  Gillespie 
Thomas  L    Humer 
Valentine  Keffer 

Robert  Lucas 

John   M'Elvaiii 

Samuel  Herrick 

George  Sharp 

AValter  M.  Blake 

Benjamin  Jones 

William  Hayne 

Hugh   M'Fall. 

The  Jackson 


UHIu. 


ADAX3. 

Jeremiah  Morrow 
Peter  Hitchcock 
William  Ruffin 
James  M'Bride 
Joseph  C.  Hawkir 
Bciijainin  Whitem 
John  Smith 
Duncan  M'Arthur 
William  Kendall 
Ralpli  Osborn 
Isaac  Van  Horne 
John  Patterson 
John  M'Laughlin 
William  Fogle 
Aaron  Wheeler 
Ebenezer  Lane, 
ticket  succeeded. 


IN  DIANA, 

JACKSON.  ADAMS. 

Benj.  V.   Beckes  Joseph  Bartholeme 

Jesse  B.  Durham  Isaac  M  .ntgoinery 

Ross  Smiley  John  Watts 

Ratliff  Boon  Amaziah  Morgan 

William  Lowe.  Joseph  Orr. 

The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 
ILLINOIS. 

ADAMS. 

Elijah  lies 
Samuel  H.  Thomps 
George  Webb. 


jACKSosr. 
John  Taylor 
Alexander  .M   Houston 
Richard  M.  Young. 


The  Jackson  ticket  succeeded. 
MISSOURI. 

JACKSON.  ADAMS, 

John  Bull  Benjamin  H    Eeavc' 

Benjamin  O'Fallon  Joseph  C.  Brown 

Augustus  Joaes.  John  Hall. 

The  Jackson  ticket  succeeder'. 


OF  THE 

iriVITED  STATES'  TELEGRAPH— EXTRA, 

VOLUME  I. 


iNo.  1— March  1,  18;}8. 
Address  of  the  CentralJackson  Committee 

of  Kentucky,  to  the  people  of  Kentucky 
Investig'ation  of  the  charge  against  Mr. Clay, 

before  tlie  Kentucky  Legislature, 
Evidence  of  M.  MiUan     - 

Gridia  ... 

Tanner         ... 
Kendall 


C:»rnial  ... 

Keene  ... 

McAlear      ... 

ShacKleford 

Johnson       • 

Blair 

Mason 

Hitt 

Bills 

Miller 

IJesha  ... 

Lee  and  others 

Harrison      -  -  .10 

Dudley 

Summers     - 

Halbcrl  aiul  Hamrick 
Letter  of  T.  P.  Moore,  to  the  editor  of  the 
Kentucky  Central  Watch  Tower,  on  the 
subject  of  Mr.  Adams's  accounts 
Green  &  Jarvis  to  the  patrons  of  the  Tele- 
graph     -  -  -  .  . 

No.  2— March  21,  1838. 
Sis  Militi  (  men       .  .  .  , 

Seo'y  of  War  to  Gov.  Blount 
Do  to         D,      . 

Do  to  Uencral  Jackson 

t;eneral  order  of  Governor  Blount 
Division  order  of  General  Jackson 
Sec'y  of  War  to  Do  .  . 

John  Blair  to  Messrs.  Green  S;  Jnrvls 
Extract   from   AUxander's   Letter 
Report  of  the  Committee  on   Military  Af- 
fairs, roncerniug  the  Tennessee  Militia 
men        .  .  .  .  _ 

Days  of  Yore,  sig-ned  "  Spirit  of  '76,"  from 

the  Doyle-town  Democrat 
The  prim/c  integrity  of  Mr.  Adams 
Mr.  Adams's  politUal  integrity 

no  Do  Do 

Letter  of  Moratio  Towiisend 
Affidavit  of  John  B.  Derby  .  I 

Certificate  of  James  Kicliardson  '. 

Governor  Giles  to  the  public 
X'roposals  of  Green  Sc  Jarvis  .  ' 

Ko.  3— March  28,  1828. 
t-itter  irom  the  Jackson   Committ?- 


Page. 


9 

6 

7 

ib 

ib 

ib 

9 

10 

11 

ib 

ib 

ib 

ib 

12 

ib 

ib 

13 


13 
16 

ir 

18 
ib 
ib 
ib 
ib 
ib 
ib 
ib 


24 
26 
27 
28 
ib 
ib 
ib 
32 


Nashville,  in  answer  to  one  from  a  similar 
Committee,  at  Cincinnati,  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  General  Jackson's  Marriage,  ac- 
companied by  documents,  in  an  Appen- 
dix  thereto  annexed         .  -  . 

Appendix  Vo.  1 — James  Breckenridge     . 
No.  2— John  M'Nairy     - 
No.  3— Elizabeth  Craighead       - 
No.  4— Sally  Smith 
No.  5 — Mary  H.  Bowen 
No  6 — I  homas  Crutcher 
No.  8»-James  Ray 
•  It  should  have  been  printed  No.  7. 
N".  9— John    McGinnis 
No.  lO-ThomasAllin     - 
No.  11-John  .Meaux 
No.  12-A.   Foster 
No.  I3-John  Overton     . 
Remarks  of  Green  &  Jarvis  on  the  subject 
George  S    Lane  to  Green  &  Jarvis 
Green  &  Jarvis  in  reply  to  the  Journal,  up- 
on the  expected  nomination  of  Mr.  Web- 
ster        -  .  .  _ 
Sunday  School  Union;  from  the  American 

Si'ntinel 
Proposals  of  Green  &  Jarvis  '.  '. 

No.  4— April  5,  1828. 
Jetterson.  To  the  Editors  of  the  KiciiHiona 
Enquirer  ;   from  the  Nashville  Hepub. 
iican        .  .  .  .      '^     _ 

No.  5— Aprill  12,  1828 
Continuation  of  Jefferson 
Mr.  Adams'  Defence  of  General  Jackson  ; 

from  (he  Iihaca  Journal 
The  tricks  of  the  Co.alilion 
Correspondence  between  Governor  Blount 

and  the  Secretary  of  War,  respecting  tlie 

Tennessee  troops 
General  Jackson's  Address  to  the  Tennes. 

see  troops  -  .  .  _ 

His  Letter  to  Col.  Cooke  .  '. 

Do        to  Governor  Blount    - 
Governor  Blount's  Answer 
Secretary  of  War  to  Governor  Blount         I 
Do  to  Do         . 

Do  to  General  Jackson 

Governor  Bloimt  to  Do         . 

General  Order  of  General  Jackson  I 

Secretary  of  war  to  the  Editor 
Col.   Pipkin  ..." 

Col.   Russel  .  .  I  ' 

Certificate  of   Charles  J.  NoursJ,    Chief 

Clerk  of  the  Department  of  War 
A  Farmer.    To  the  Hon.  Mr.  Everett         ' 
Gen.  Jackson  and  Mr.  Clav'sBonlc 
Mr.  Calhoun  •_•'_'"'  - 

^fr.  Sutherland's  amendment  to  the  Tariff 


i'ogc 


77 
78 
79 
80 

ib 


Ba 
PI. 

Jas 
Jot 

JO! 

^y 

Sol 
El 
El 

»€ 

Jo 

Jo 

To 


H 

•I- 


Page. 

No.  0— April  19,  1828. 
tiTeen&Jarvis  to  Subscribers  -    81 

"The  real  state  of  the  case"  reviewed,  or 
a  vindication  of  the  Committee  on  Mana- 
factures  -  -  -     ib 

Accounting' Officeis  of  tlie  Treasiuy  -     84 

Mr.  J    S.  Barbour's  resolution  and  Speech      ib 
Chief  Justice  Maishall  -  -     90 

His  letter  to  John  H    Pleasants  -      ib 

Remarks  of  Gieen  Ikjarvis         -  -     91 

Extract   from    Mr.  Uandoljih's  speech  on 

Retrenchment         -  -  -     ib 

Remarks  of  lireen  £c  Jarvis  concerning"  Mr. 

Adams  and  t  lie  Tariff  -  -     92 

J.  Adams's  Letter  to  Mr.  Cunninj^ham       -      ib 
President    Adams — from   the    Democratic 

Eagle  -.        .     .  .  -93 

Furl  her  remarks  of  Green  &  Jarvis  on  Man- 
ufactures and  the  Tariff  -  -     94 
"The  Minister    to   EHS^Iand" — from    the 
Boston  Patriot,  credited  to  the   Demo- 
cratic Press          -             -             -  .95 
Remarks  ol  Green  8i  Jarvis             -             -      ib 
David  Crockett.   To  Green  &:  Jarvis  on  the 
Presidential  question       -             -  -96 
No.   -—April  26,   1828. 
Gen.   Jackson's  Literature               -  -     9" 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  observaiions  on  Mr.  Foot's 
amendment  to  tlie  Rules  of  the  Senate, 
by  which  it  was  proposed   to  give  the 
Vice  President  the  right  to  call  to  order 
for  words  spoken  in  debate         -             -  103 

No.   8— April  30,  1828. 
i'he  Six  Militiamen — from-  the    Baltimore 

Republican  -  -  -  -  113 

D.  S.  Carr  to  Hon.  J.  K.  Polk.       -  -     ib 

Folk's  answer         -  .  -  -  114 

Governor  Blount's  order  to  Gen.  Jackson     \\7 
His  affidavit  -  -  -  -  118 

Gen.  Jackson's  order  to  his  division  -      ib 

T   U"   Pi.i!i  *«  Hem.  E/.  Livrngstoii  -     ib 

Mr.  Livingston's  answer  -  -      ib 

T.  W.  Armstrong  .o  Hon.  J.  K.  Polk         -  119 
Hon.  L.  White  and  J.   K.    Polk   to  Major 

Gen.  E.  I'.  Gajiies  -  -  -      ib 

Gen.  Gaines's  answer  -  -  -      ib 

Gener.al  Greene  -  -  -  120 

E.Kecution  of  Militiamen  -  -  121 

Internal  Improvement         -  -  -      ib 

Speech  of  Mr.  McLane  on  -  -      ib 

Do.     of  tlie  Vice  I'rcsideut,  Mr.  Caihoun  125 
The  Webster  Bargain         -  -  -  127 

F.  R.  Stockton,  to  the  Editor  of  the  N.  Y. 

Evening  Post  -  -  -      ib 

The  National  Gazette         -  -  -  128 

Remarks  of  Green  and  Jarvis,  on  a  Letter 

from  Kentucky  on  the  election  -      ib 

The  Six  Militiamen  -  -  -      ib 

Additional  remarks  on  the  subject  by  the 

Editors  -  -  -  -      jb 

No.  9— M:.y  r,  1828. 
.Expenditures  in  the  Department  of  Slate     129 


Report  of  the  Committee  on  .so  much  of 
the  Public  Accounts  ;.nd  expenditures 
as  relates  to  the  State  Department  -      ib 

Secretary    of   State  to   Hon.  John  Blair, 

Chairman,  &c.  -  -  -  135 

Mr.  Pleasonton  to  Mr.  Clay  -  -  13C 

Mr.  Nourse  to  Mr.  Plea-onton  "      -  -  137 

■  tatem  ept  showing  the  disburseitients  &  c .     i  b 


Economy — ^I'emarKs  by  tne  Editors  .  ] 

The  Pubic  Debt— remarks  by  the  Editors  ] 

Remarks  on  the  subject  of  the  postag-e   of 

the  Extra        .     -  .  .  . 

No.   10— May  10,   1828. 

Reply  by  the  Jackson  Corresponding  Com- 
mittee of  the  D  strict  of  Columbia,  to  Mr. 
Clay's  last  Address  -  .  .  ] 

Mr.  Clay  to  the  Editors  of  the  N.ational  In- 
lellig'-ncer  -  -  .  .    ) 

Mr.  Adams'  rep'y  - 

Extracts  from  Wayne  -  -  .   . 

Extracts  fi  om  a  .series  of  letters  addressed 
to  Mr.  Adams     -  -  .  -'] 

No.  11— May  10,  1828. 
Reply  jontinued   -  -  -  -     ] 

No.  12-  M.ay  10,   1828. 
Reply  continued    -  -  -  -      1 

Coiifirmation  of  Mr.    Millan's  testimony        1 
Appcndi.x  No.  1 — the  investigation  in  the 

Kentucky  legislature     I 
The  bargain — more  proof  -  -     1 

Certificate  of  Frizzle  and  others  -  -     1 

of  P.  M.  Savage  -  -     1 

of  Geo.   IJea     - 

of  A.  Duke      - 
Appendix  No.  2 — letter  of  T.  P.  Moore 

No.  13- May  10,  1828. 
Reply  continued    -  -  -  -     1 

Letter  of  T.  P.  Moore,  continued 
-\ppendix  No.  3 — letter  of  (;.  A.  Wick- 

liffe-  -  -     1 

No.  4 — letter  of  John  Floyd  of 

Va.   - 
No.  5 — letter  of  A.  Greer 
No.  6— letter  of  R.  K    Call       -     1 
No.  7— letter  of  J.  H.  Eaton    -     1 
letter  of  John  McLean      1 

letter  of  O     S.    UroWU 

No.  8 — letter  of  G.  Kremer    •-     1 
No.  9— letter  of  Hu.  L.  White 
No.  10-letter  of  J.  C.  Isacks    - 
No.  ll-letur  of  John  Blair       -     1 
No.  12-e.\tractof  .Mr  Saunder's 
letterinreply  to  Gov. 
Kent 
Remarks  o»  tl>e  reply  rf  the  Committee,- 

&c.  by  the  Kditors         -  -  -     2 

D    Green  to  Thomas  Speed,  Esq.  Bairds- 

town,  Kentucky  -  -  -     2 

Statement  of  John  S.  Mechan      -  -     2 

Speech  of  Mr.  Barbour  in  the  Senate  of 
the  U.  S.  March  31st,  1818,  on  intro- 
ducing the  proposition  for  causing  a 
sword  to  be  presented  to  Col.  R.  M. 
Johnson  .  .  .  - 

Communication  to  the  Editors,  on  the  pro- 
bable result  of  the  Pre.sidential  election     2 
Remarks  by  the  F.ditors  on  the  same  sub- 
j-ct        -  .         - 

No.  14— Tune  14,  1828. 
Retrenchment,  report  of  the  Select  Com- 
mittee thereon,  in  part  -  -     2' 
Appendix  No.  1 — containing    a    circular 
letter  of  the  chairman  Mr.  Hamilton,  to 
the  he.ad  of  each  of  l!ie  Executive  De- 
partments, and  of  the  Post  Office  De- 
partment, accompanied  by  the  resolu- 
■ 'ion  of  the  Committee  -  ■     -^ 


Appendix  No.  2— letter  ol  the  Secretary 

ot  State  to  the  chairman  .  .  21" 

Appropriations  and  cxpenuitiires  .  220 

Summary  statement  nt'  moneys  appropri-  ~  ' 

ated  and  expended        -     '       .  .  <y^i 

Secretary  of  State  to  lion.  C.  A.  AVick- 

I'fl'e  ....  ogn 

Remitances  to  Europe     -  .  .     224 

No.  15— June  21,  1S28. 
IJeport  of  the  Select   Commit! ee  on  re- 
trencliment,   and  accompanying-  docu- 
ments, continued  -        '    .  .     oo- 
Statcment  of  sums  remitted  to  Europe 
between  7th  October,   and  last  dav  of 
December  1824,  for  the  service  of  t'-e 
Department  of  State,  and  between  same 
dates  in  182"     -             .             .             -        'h 
Joseph  Nourse   Register— to  the  chairman 

ot  the  committee  .  .  ojg 

Statement  of  the  sums  of  money  ^vhich 
have  been  disbursed  throiig-h  the  State 
Department,  and  settled  ut  the  Treasu- 
ry  iipon  the  certificate  of  the  President 
wjthout  specification,  since  the  1st  of 
July,  1790,  &c  .  .  .  .     oog 

Secretary  of  State  to  the  chairman  of  the 

committee  ...  .. 

E.xtracts  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Forbes  to' 

Mr.  Ciay  .  .  .  _     <,(,j, 

^Ir.  Pleasants  to  Mr.  Clay  .  ."     ~^i, 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  same  to  same     "28 
ournal  of  proceeding's  of  the  Committee 
on  Uetreiichment  .  .  -        ib 

'hos.  B.  Dashiel,  Geo.  W.  Dashial,  and 
Dr.  Laurie,  examined  before  the  com- 
mitiee   -  .  .  .  _    g.^j 

•r   Nourse  examined       -  .  .     233 

lis  letter  to  the  committee  -  .     234 

Ir.  Graham's  testimony   .  .  -        ib 

lis  letter  to  the  committee  .  .     235 

on.  Mr.  Barton  examined  -  -     ~  ib 

Ir.  Letcl'cr's  testimony  ...     035 
r.  .McLean's  testimony  -  ■ .  .     03^- 

r.  Letcher's  letter  .  .  ,     338 

r    AVay  examined  .  .  -        ib 

r.  Cutts  examined  .  .  .     239 

is  letter  to  Thos.  L.  McKenney  '.     240 

lios.  L.  McKenney  to  the  Sec'v  of  War        ib 
Jrrespondence  between   Mr.   Chairman 
and  .Mr.  Nourse,  on  the  subiect  of  Mr 
Cook     -  .  .  ■        ., 

lb 

No.  16— June  28,  1828. 
■port  of  the  Select  Committee  on  re- 
trenchment,  and  accompanying-  docu- 
ments, continued  .  .  .     9^j 
irnal  of  proceedings  of  the  committee 
;ontinued           .             .             .  .        "h 
e  Chairman  to  t!ie  Secretary  of  State    -        ib 
.  Grouard  examined      -             .             -        ib 
.  Smoot           do             .             .             .     242 
.  Meehan        do             .  -i, 
•  Elliot            do             .             .             '     o'A 

Jretary  of  State  to  the  chairman  .    "ib 

Smoot's  letter  .  .  I 

ssrs.  Gales  t^  Seaton's  letter     -  ".  944 

itimony  of  Stewart       -             .  -u 

itimony  of  Peters         .             "  I  ib 
2  Chairman  of  the  committee  to  the" 

ecretary  of  State          .  •. 

es  &  Seaton  to  the  Committee  '.  045 

fetary  of  War  to  the  chairman  .  ib 


„  Pase, 

Post-master  General  to  the  do     -            -  247 

Gales  &  Seaton  to  the            do     -             -  ~ib 

.\flidavitsof\V.ay  and  Weig-htman             -  248 

Gales  &  .«eaton  to  lion.  S.  D.  Ingham      .  ib 
Mr.  Clay's  last  book— remai-ks  by  tlie  Ed- 

"ors  -.."..  249 
Letter  of  George  Robertson  to  Col.  Da- 
vidson -  .  .  .  .  250 
Jackson  and  Washington,  from  the  Balti- 
more Kepublican  -  .  .  256 
Mr.  Yancey's  circuhn-  ...  250 
Editors  correspondence  .  -  -  ib 
Jackson  in  New  Hampshire           .             .  ib 

No.  17— July  5,  1828. 
Address  to  Gen.  Washington        .  .     257 

Letter  of  J.  H.  Eaton  to  Green  &  Jarvis  -  ib 
Letter  of  Mr.  B.  Giles  to  J.  n.  Eaton  -  257 
Letter  of  Edward  Livingston  to  do  -     258 

"Sign"  in  Boston  -  .  .     261 

Extract  from   Mr.    Claj's  speech   in  the 
Senate  U.  S.  against  the  bill  to  renew 
the  charter  of  tiie  Bank  of  the  U.  S.— 
^from  the  National  Intelligencer  .     262 

Mr.  Clay's  pecuni.iry  embarrassments  .  266 
Kemarks  by  the  Editors    -  .  -        ib 

Letter  of  Robert  Wicklilfe  to  Messrs. 
Smith  &  Palmer— from  the  Kentucky 
Reporter  .  .  .  '.     ogg 

H.  Clay  to  Robert  Wicklifle         -  -     ~ib 

Diogenes— from  the  Kentucky  Gazette    -     269 
Extracts  from   .Mr.    Clay's  speech  against 
the  renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  old 
Bank  of  the  LT.  S  .-remai-ks  by  the  Ed- 
itors     -  .  .  .  .270 
The  under  current,  and  the  tariff  .        ib 
Movements  of  the  people               .              .     oj-j 
.-v.  tiue  s^gn  in  Herkimer— from  the  I.itUe 

Falls  People's  friend     .  -  -        ib 

More  signs— from  tlie  Dutchess  True  Am"  ib 
Another  sign— from  the  Syracuse  Adver  ib 
Still  another— from  the  Salina  Herald  -  ib 
The  "great  rcpubhcan"  Administration 
meeting-3— from  the  Albany  Argus  .  lb 
No.  18— July  12,  1828. 
"Sketchof  J.Q.  Adams"  .  •    27^     ' 

Remarks  by  the  Edhors  -  .  -        ib 

Extract  from  the  address  of  the  Republi- 
can Committee  of  Bucks  County,  Pa. 
to  their  constituents      -  .  -        fh 

An  exposition  of  tlie  political  character 
and  principles  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
showing  by  historical  documents  and  in- 
contestible  facts,  that  he  was  educated 
a  m^nurchisf,  ike  .  .  ,     h'ta 

Letter  of  Henry  Horn  and  John  M.  Dallas 

to  Samuel  D.   Ingham  -  .  -        ib 

Mr.  Ingham's  Reply  .  .  .      ib 

Affidavit  of  Horatio  Townsend       -  .  280 

.    Do       of  John  B.  Derby  .  .      j[, 

Statement  of  James  Richaidson      .  .      ib 

Appendix-  Letter  of  John  Q.  Adams,  to 
Levitt  Harris,  Esq.  Charge  d'Affaires  of 
the  United  States,  at  St.  Petersburg      .  286 
The   National    InteUigencer    again   at   its 

irtcks     -  .  .  ,  ...^ 

Calculations  of  votes  .  "       ^"^  jt, 


No.  19— July  19,  1828. 
Genera]  Jackson's  qualifications  as  a  letris- 

lator        -  .  .  -  .  2gc> 

Gener.^l  .lackson  and  the  FlorMas  .  391 


578 


Fage. 


291 

295 

296 


-  297 
198 


General  Jackson  to  the  Secretiiv  of  Stale 
Laws  of  Florida;  from  the  Floridiaii 
General  Jackson  to  the  citizens  of  the  Flo 

ridas;  from  the  same 
Proclamation  of  General  Jackson,  Govern- 
or of  the  Floridas;  from  the  same 
The   Secretary  of  State,  to   Don  Joaquin 
d'Auduag-a  .... 

No.  20— July  26,  1S23. 

The   Secretary  of  State,   to   Don  Joaquin 
d'Anduag-a,    continued 

Mr.  Clay     -  .  .  .  . 

Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Kendall 

J.  Harvie  to  H.  Clay 

H.  Clay  to  J.  Haryie 

Letter  of  A.  Kendall 

Letter  of  A.  Kendall 
Do     of      Uo       - 

Letter  V.  to  Henry  Clay,  Esq.  by  A.  Ken- 
dall .  .  .  _  _ 

Letters  of  Mr.  Clay  to  A.  Kendall  !  ^lo 

Letter  of  A.  Kendall  to  David  White,  Esq    319 

David  White  to  A.  Kendall  .  .      jb 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  J.  J.  Crittenden  to 
DaviJ  White       -  .  .  .  gog 


-  3 


ib 
396 

ib 

ib 
308 
309 

ib 


Judg-e  Williams'  reply 

His  statement,  in  add'ition  -  .  3i 

List  ol  gentlemen  present,  when  Hun-  was 

burnt  in  effigy,  in  Nashville         -  .  3i 

Letter  of  Thonjas  G.  Watkins 

General  Jackson  to  Mr.  JefFerson  3t 
Thomas  Jefferson  Kandolph  to  i. 

A.  G    Davis,  Esq 
Joshua  Baker       -  .  .  3f 

Summary  of  Facts;  from  the  Argus  of  W. 
America  -  .  .  .  "f 


ib 
318 


No.  21— August  2,  1828. 

Extract  of  a   Letter  from   F.   P.  Blair  to 
David  Wliite       -  .  .  . 

Letters  of  A.  Kendall 

Letter  V.  to  Henry  Clay,  Esq.  by  A.  Ken- 
dall,   concluded 

8-  Clay  to  A.  Kendall 
Do      to         Do 
Do      to         Do 
Do      to         Do 

Mr.  Tanner's  Letter  tp  A.  Kendall 

Extract  from  the  Intrnduction  to  the  un- 
published Annals  of  Mr.  Jeftcrson 

3,  Pope  to  Mr.  Penn;  from  the  Louisville 
Advertiser 

Plot  in  the  South;  from  the  Hichmond  En- 
quirer     -  .  .  _ 

Xenophon— Mr.  Johji  LoweU;  from  the 
Boston  Statesman 

Circular  Address,  of  the  Republican  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  for  Pennsyl- 
vania       .  ,     -        _  -' 

^\  ff'^"'f/"'^.  '.'"'  feder-llists  ;  from  the" 
iJuttalp  Republican 


321 
322 

ib 

ib 

323 

324 

ib 

325 

-  326 

327 

330 


No.  28— August  9,  1828. 

The  Maryland  Address  ;  remarks  by  the 
Editors  .  .  J     '^ 

Address  of  the  Jackson  State  ConveaUon" 
to  the  people  of  Maryland,  on  thriate 
and  approaching  election  of  President, 
(second  edition  J 

Appendix  .  . 

Jackson  Republican  .  \  \ 

No.  23— August  16,  1828. 
General  Jackson  and  Governor  Shelby 
Treaty  vvith  the  Chickasaws 
Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Thomas  H.  Shelby 

to  Cbi.  C.  S.  Todd  .  . 

W.  B  Lew.5  to  the  Editors;  from  the  Ken- 

tuckyArgus 
Jackson  &  Burr;  from  the  Virginia  Advoi 

cate  .  .  .        ° 

General  Jackson  to  Judge  WiHianis 


335 
336 


33? 


■b 

343 
352 


353 
354 

356 

357 

360 
ib 


No.  24— August  23,  1828. 
New  Publications.  Remarks  by  tlie  Editors 
on  the  production  entitled  "Moniiinenial 
Inscriptions;  compiled  from  official  do- 
cuments, communicated  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  War" 
Letter  of  Charles  Lewis  to  Green  &  Jar- 
vis  -  -  . 
Glorious  Jackson  meeting  in  Washington 
Square — from  the  Baltimore  Republican 
Address       -             .            .  .  . 
Diplomacy  of  the  present  Administration — 
from  the  Richmond    Enquirer  by  Publi- 
cola          -             -             -             .             . 
Arts   of   the   affiliated  Presses — from  the 
Richmond  Enquirer         -             -             . 
Extract  of  a  letter  from  Andrew  Steven- 
son, Esq.  to  one  of  the  Editors 

Do  do      from  Judge  R.  E.  Park- 

er . 

Judge  Parker  to  the    Editors  of  the  Whig 
Mr.  Clay's  Appendix — from  the  Washing- 

ington   [Pa.]    Examiner 
Statement  of  Mr.   Sample 
'I'hos.  Morgan's  letter 
McLaughlin  to  Morgan       ... 
Mor-'an  to  Workman 
Workman  to  Morgan 

Address  of  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence    for    Philadelphia,    to  the    peo- 
ple -  .  .  .  . 
Letter  I  —To  John    Sergeant,    Manuel 
Eyre,  Lawrence  Lewis,    C.  C.  Biddle, 
and  Joseph  P.  Norris,  Esqs.,  authors  of 
an  address,  adopted,  &c. 
The  Anti-Masonic  Convention — from  the 
Albany  Argus      -             -             .             . 

Tribute  to  Maj.  J.  Hamilton,  jun from 

the  Charleston  Mercury 
Signs — Civil  and  Military. 

No.  25— August  30,  1828. 

Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Phila- 
delphia, &c.   to  John  Sergeant,  Manuel 
Eyre,  Sic — Letter  H 
Letter  HI — of   same  to  the  same 
Letter  IV  "  <• 

Letter  V  "  •<  . 

Letter  VI  <<  n 

Letter  VII  "  <<  . 

Letter  VIII  "  c.  . 

Pennsylvania — remarks  by  the  Editors 
Letter  addressed  by  the  Republican  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  of  Philadel 
phia  to  the  Committees  of  Correspon 
dence  of  other  States 
Pennsylvania— from  the  Philadelphia  "  A- 
merican  Sentinel,"  ... 

Ohio  Politics  -  .  .  . 

Maine         -  -  »  „ 


3<>' 

37\ 

37 
il 

37( 

37? 

ib 

37S 
379 

3801 
ibi 

M 
381 
ib 
ib 

381 


383 

384 

ib 


385 
387 
389 
391 
393 
395 
396 
398 


-  398 


399 

400 

ib 


579 


I'age. 
Mr.  Randolph  and   Mr.  Adams — from  the 
Boston  Statesman  -  -  .  400 

No.  26— September  6,  1828. 
Committee   of  Correspondence  for  Phila- 
delpliia,  &c.  to  John  Sergeant,   Manual 
Erie,  &c.  Letter  IX         -  -  .  401 

Letter  X  ....  40g 

Letter  Xt  -  .  .  .  404 

LetierXlI  .  .  ,  .407 

Letter  XIII  -  .  .  .410 

Quid  pro  quo — Tlie  bargaining'  system  de- 
veloped—.Mr.  Clay,  Gen.  Porter,  and  the 
Neiv-York  Legislature  of  1824— from 
the  Rochester  Daily  Advertiser 
Extract  from  the  Albany  Argus  - 
Genncssee— to  the  Editors  of  the  Daily 
Advertiser  -  .  .  . 

Hinr  and  Jackson — from  the  Nashville  Re. 
publican  .... 

Gen    Wool  .... 

Remarks  of  the  Editors  on  the  election 
Exlrsct  from  the  N.  Hampshire  Gazette     • 
Do      from  the  Louisiana  Advertiser 
Do      from  the  Albany  Argus 

No.  2r— September  13,  1828. 
A  Maryland  Farmer,  to  Joseph  Gales,  Esq.  417 
Same  to  tlie  same  .  ...  422 

S.ime  to  the  same  ...  433 

Committee  of  Correspondence   for  Phila- 
delphia, &c.  to  the  people  -  .  427 
Mr.    Jefferson's   opinions — Letter  of    Mr. 

Jefferson  to  J.  B.  Colvin 
Mr.  Ingersoll's  observations  on  the  passage 
of   the    resolutions   expressive    of   the 
thanks  of  Congress  to  Gen.  Jackson,  &c 
Committee  of  Correspondence   for  Phila. 
delphia,   &.C.  to  John  .Sergeant,  Manuel 
Eyrie,  &.C.— Letter  XIV 
A  caution — by  the  Editors 
Extract  of  a  letter  on  the  subject  of  the  six 
TT^iUtjamon,  Rtr.-  writtpn  hy  the   son  of  a 
German  in  Tennessee,  to  his  brother  in 
Lebanon — from  the  American  Sentinel,  4S2 


Catullus,  No.  1 
No.  2 
No.  3 
No.  4 
No.  5 

A  damper  . 

An  Enquirer 


413 
ib 

414 

415 

415 

416 

ib 

ib 

ib 


ib 


428 


429 
432 


'  449 

-  451 

-  453 

-  457 

-  459 
.  461 
.462 

1  he  I  ote  of  Pennsylvania— from  the  Ame- 
rican Sentinel      -  .  .  .  463 

Extract  from  the  Albany  Argus      -  .  464 

Do     from  the  Emporium  .  •     ib 

No.  30 — October  4,  1828. 

Gen.  Jackson  at  .\ew  Orleans         .  .  465 

Mr.  Jefferson  to  John  B.  Colvin,  Esq.        .      ib 
Gen.  Jackson's  answer  to  a  rule  to  show 
cause  why  an  attachment  for  contempt 
should  not  issue  against  him        -  .  466 

Billy  Black,  Jr.        .  .  .  .  47X 

Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Philadel- 
phia, &c.  to  John  Sergeant,  Manuel  Ey- 
rie, &c — .-Letter  XIX.  -  .  472 
Letter  XX.               .             .             .  .474 

Mr-  Clay 475 

John  B.  Derby  to  the  Boston  Statesman  ib 

Charge  against  Mr.  Adams 

Derby's  affidavit     . 

Townsend's  do       . 

Civil  Chieftains— by  Philo  Plutarch 

Mr.  Adams  and  Masonry — again 

Nathaniel  Greene  to  E.  Mack,  Esq, 

Extract  from  the  Boston  Statesman 


.     ib 

477 

'     ib 

479 

480 

lb 

ib 


No.  31— October  11,  1828. 


liiniis 

Important  recipe     -  -  .  . 

No.  28— September  20,  1828. 
Committee  of  correspondence  for  Phila'd. 
&c.to  John  Sergeant,  Manuel  Eyrie,&c. 
letter  XV.  -  -  .  . 

Letter  XVI.  .  .  .  . 

Same  to  the  Jackson  committees  of  corres- 
pondence of  Pennsylvania 
Extracts  of  letters  from  committees  of  cor- 
respondence— Virginia 
do  N.  York 

do  New  Jersey 

do  Ohio 

do  Kentucky 

do  Missouri 

do  Maryland 

Committee  of  correspondence  for  Philad'a, 
Sec. to  John  Sergeant,  Manuel  Eyrie,&c. 
letter  XVII.         -  -  .  . 

Same  Committee  to  the  same 
Same  to  same — letter  X\'II. 
I'he  Post-master  General  -  -  . 

-^ig-n  in  Madison  County,  N.  Y. 

No.  29— September  27,  1828. 
Mr.  Adams'  political  character — from  the 
>f,  York  Evening  Post   ... 


ib 

ib 


A  statement  of  the  evidence  of  facts  and 
inferences  deducible  therefrom,  by  the 
Nashville  Committee,  in  refutation  of  a 
charge  in  the  public  prints,  imputing  to 
Gen.  Jackson  a  participation  in  the  affair 
usually  called  Burr's  conspiracy — from 
the  Nashville  Republican  .  .  481 

Gen.  Jackson  to  G.  W.  Campbell  .  482 

Campbell's  certificate         -  -  .      ib 

Extract  of  a  letter  from   Gen.  Jackson  to 
the  lion.  Daniel  Smith,  Senator  in  Con- 
gress      -  -  .  .  .483 
Do     do     to  Dr.  \Vm.  Dickson,  Represen- 


433 
435 

438 

440 
ib 
ib 

441 
ib 
ib 
ib 


ib 
444 
445 
448 

ib 


449 


ib 
ib 
ib 

484 

■  485 


tative  in  Congress 
Do     do     to  Daniel  Smith 
Statement  of  John  Coffee 

Do      of  Edward  Ward 
Extracts  from  a  letter  of  Col.  Burr  to  Gen. 

Jackson  ,  _^^^ 

Extract  of  a  publication  of  Judge  Williams'  486 
Theodorick  Burton  to  the   Editors  of  the 

Republican  -  .  -     ib 

Extract  from  the  Impartial  Review  of  De- 
cember 13,  t806  -  .  .  488 
Do     from  the  Frankfort,  (Ky.)  Palladium       ib 
-\ppendis.  No.  1. — Extract  of  a  letter  from 
Gen.  James   Robertson  to  the 
Hon.  Daniel  Smith    -             .  489 
No.  2. — Extract  of  a  letter  from 

the  same  to  Gen.  D.  Smith         ib 
No.  3. — Extract  of  a  letter  from 
Thomas  Stuart,  attorney,  &c. 
to  the  same    -  -  -      ib 

No.  4. — Felii.  Robcrtsou's  state- 
ment .  .  .  490 
No.  5. — Extract  of  a  letter  from 
Judge  Williams  to  Mr.  Kerr       ih 


»so 


Page. 


'Appendix,  No.  6.— Gen.  Jackson  to  Judge 
Williams         -  -  - 

No,  7.— Judge  Williams'  reply 
No.  8. — Judge  Williams'  state- 
ment       '      - 
No.  9. — Judge  AViUiams  to  the 

Sparta  Review 
No.  10.— Wm.    Smith's   state- 
.  ment  -  "  " 

No   11.— Mr.  Cuney's        do 
No.  13. — Willis  Alston's     do 
No.  14.— Col.  Hays'  letter 
No.  15. — Letter  of  Mr.  Graves 
Characteristic  anecdote 
Extract  from  the  Hartford  Times 

No.  32.— October  18,  1828. 

Henry  Clay  and  the  bargain  *        -  -  497 

E.\tract  from  Mr.  Clay's  address  to  his  con- 


491 
ib 

ib 

492 

49;'; 

494 

ib 

-  495 

ib 

-  495 

-  496 


Pus;f.. 
-  51  i 

.  513 


stituents 

Do      from  his  address,  Dec.  1827 
Co      from  Gen.  Lafayette's  letter  to  Mr 
Clay        -  -  -  - 

Do     from  Mr.  Clay's  pamphlet  of  Dec. 
1827       -  -  -  ■ 

Do      from  his  second  book,  1827 
Do      from  his  letterlo  Mr.  Blair,  as  pub- 
lished by  Mr.  Kendall    - 
Do     from  Mr.  Cl.iy's  address  to  his  con- 
stituents, April  1,  1825 
Do      from  his  second  book,  Dec  1837 
Do      from  his  electioneering   speech  at 

NobU's,  July,  1827 
Do     from  the  same 
Mr.  Adams  and  Masonry    - 


501 
ib 

ib 

ib 

ib 

503 

ib 
507 

ib 
ib 


-remarks  by  the  Edl- 


Adams  and  Masonry — once  more 
Green  &.  Jarvis  to  their  subscribers 

No.  33.— October  28,  1828. 
Important  disclosure 

tors 
Jonathan  Kussell  to  John  P.  Van  Ness,  Esq. 
Letter  from  Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Russell 
Do         Mr.  Russell  to  Mr.  Clay 
Appendix — Copy  of  a  letter  from  James 
Lloyd  to  J.  Adams,  as  contained  in  J.  Q. 
Adams's  book     -  -  _         - 

No.  34. — November  1, 1828. 
Appendix  to  Russell's  letter  continned 
Letter  from  James  Lloyd  to  John  Adams, 
continued  -  -  ■  " 

Letter  from  Jas.  Lloyd  to  John  Q.  Adams, 

deposited  in  the  Dep.irtment  of  State 
Letter  from  .Mr.  Russell  to  Mr.  Crawford 
Do        Mr.  Crawford  to  Mr.  Kussell 
Do        Mr.  Rus.^ell  to  Mr.  Crawford 
Do        Mr.  Kussell  to  Mr.  Clay 
No.  35.— November  8,  1828. 
Appendix  to  Russell's  letter,  continued 
Letter  from  Mr.  Russell  to  Mr.  Clay,  con- 
tinued    -  -  "  " 
Letter  fiom  H.  Clay  to  Mr.  Russell 
Do         Mr.  Ru.ssell  to  Mr.  Clay 
Do         Mr.  Clay  to  Mr.  Russell 
No.  36.— January  24, 1829. 
Editor's  Address  to  the  Subscribers  to  the 
■     Extra  Telegraph              -           „:        .,  ' 
Presidential  Elections- from  1,89  to  the  ^ 
present  timr,  iTlclus^^  o    -  -  •    '''''• 


51,"; 

ib 

51S 

520 


528 

529 

ib 

534 
541 
542 
543 
.  544 

545 

ib 
548 
550 
552 


I 


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