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- UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 



AMERICAN ARGHAE0L06Y AND ETHNOLOGY 



VOLUME II 
WITH t1 PLATES AND MAP 



FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM 

£DITOB 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

1904-1907 



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CONTENTS. 

Q 
Number 1. — The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, William J. Sinclair, 

pages 1-28 ; plates 1-14. 
e 

Number 2. — The Langoages of the Coast of California South of San Fran- 
cisco, A. L. Kroeber, pages 29-80, with map. 

Number 3. — Types of Indian Culture in California, A. L. Kroeber, pages 
81-103. 
(^ 

Number 4. — Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, A. 
L. Kroeber^ pages 105-164, plates 15-21. 

Number 5. — The Yokuts Language of South Central California, A. L. 
Kroeber, pages 165-377. 

Index.— Pages 379-392. 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
Vol. 2 No. 1 



THE EXPLORATION 

OF THE 

POTTER CREEK CAVE 



BY 
WILLIAM J. SINCLAIR 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

APRIL, 1904 

PRICE 40 CENTS 



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^^ JUL:^o 1904 J 

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA /PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 

The publications issued from the Department of Anthropology of the 
University of California are sent in exchange for the publications of 
anthropological societies and museums, and for journals devoted to 
general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are 
also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express 
charges. They consist of three series of octavo volumes, a series of 
quarto memoirs, and occasional special volumes. 

IN LARGE OCTAVO : 
GRAEGO-ROMAIf ABGHAEOLOGY. 

Vol. 1. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I. Edited by Bernard P. Grenf ell, Arthur 
S. Hunt, and J. Gilbart Smyly. Pages 690, Plates 9, 1903 
Price, $16.00 

Vol. 2. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part 2 (in preparation). 
EGTFTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY. 

Vol. 1. The Hearst Medical Papyrus. Edited by G. A. Reisner and A.M. 
Lythgoe (in press). 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. 

Vol. 1. No. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 

Pages 88, Plates 30, September, 1903 . . . Price, $1.25 
No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March, 

1904 Price, $3.00 

Vol. 2. No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. 

Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April 1904 . . Price, .40 
No. 2. The Languages of the Coast of California, South of San 
Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber (in press). 

IN QUARTO: 
ANTHROPOLOGICAL MEMOIRS. 

Vol. I. Explorations jn Peru, by Max Uhle (in preparation). 
No. 1 . The Ruins of Moche. 
No. 2. Huamachuco, Chincha, lea. 
No. 3. The Inca Buildings of the Valley of Pisco. 

SPECIAL VOLUMES: 

The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans, containing an account of their 
rites and superstitions; an anonymous Hispano-American manuscript 
preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, Italy. Repro- 
duced in fac-simile, with introduction, translation, and commentary, 
by Zelia Nuttall. 

Part 1. Preface, Introduction and 80 Fac-simile plates in 

colors. 1903. 
Part II. Translation and Commentary. (In press). 
Price for the two parts $25.00 



Address orders for the above to the University Press, Berkeley, 
California. Exchanges to be addressed to the Department of Anthro- 
pology, University of California, Berkeley, California. , 

F. W. Putnam, Director of Department. 
A. L. Kroeber, Secretary. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL. 2. PL I. 



Interior of the main chamber of Potter Creek Cave. Looking toward the 

southeast from the top of the earth slope in the northwest end. 

Drawn from photograhs. 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
VOL 2 NO. .1 



THE EXPLOEATION 

OP THE 

POTTEE CREEK CAVE 

BT 

WILLIAM J. SmCLAIE. 



CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

Introduetion 1 

Deseription of the cave 8 

Method of working „ 4 

Str&tigraphy of the northwest fan 6 

Stratigraphy of the southeast fan 8 

Buried galleries 8 

Pocket deposits 9 

Depodts at the entrance 10 

Origin of the cave deposit 10 

Character and mode of introduction of organic remains 11 

Belies of possible human origin „ 12 

The cave fauna 16 

The contemporary fauna. 19 

The San Pablo Bay Quaternary 19 

The fauna of the Silver Lake beds of Oregon 20 

Belation of the cave to the existing topography 22 

Belation of the cave to the Quaternary topography 23 

The fauna in its relations to topographic changes 26 

Introduction. 

The limestone caves of California have only recently received 
the attention due them as localities which have afforded exceed- 
ingly favorable opportunities for the entombment and preserva- 
tion of the remains of man and of the Quaternary fauna of this 
coast.' Some of the most reliable evidence regarding the existence 
of man during the Quaternary has been derived from the caves 
of Europe. North American caves have been largely overlooked, 

Am. Abch. Etb. 2. 1. 



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2 University of California Publications, [am. aeoh. bth. 

and it is only rarely that they have been made the subject of 
special or extended investigation by the anthropologist and the 
palaeontologist. 

The work of cave exploration has been undertaken by the 
Department of Anthropology of the University of California, as 
a part of the investigation being carried on with a view to 
determining the antiquity of man on this coast. It has received 
the generous support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst and has been con- 
ducted under the immediate direction of Professor J. C. Merriam. 

The existence of bones in the Potter Creek cave was first 
discovered in 1878, by Mr. J. A. Richardson, who found there 
the skull of a large extinct bear afterwards described by Professor 
Cope as the type of a new species.* Later, Professor Cope in 
company with Mr. Richardson visited the cave, but Cope did not 
descend into the chamber where Richardson's discoveries were 
made, assuming that there was nothing of value remaining. 

The cave was rediscovered by Mr. E. L. Furlong of the 
University of California in July, 1902. Mr. Furlong excavated 
a part of the deposit on the floor of the main chamber, finding a 
large number of bones pertaining to extinct species. On Mr. 
Furlong's return to Berkeley, the exploration was continued by 
the writer and was completed in the summer of 1903. 

The present paper is a report on the exploration of the first 
of the Califomian caves in which excavation has been syste- 
matically conducted. It has been thought best to reserve for 
separate publication the descriptions of new species discovered, 
and to present here the results of more general interest. 

The writer desires to express his obligation to Professor 
F. W. Putnam, the head of the department, for the privilege 
of conducting this investigation and to Professor J. C. 
Merriam who has planned and supervised the work and 
has furnished the list of cave camivora. Dr. C. Hart 
Merriam has generously given of his time in the determination 
of many of the mammals. The fish remains have been studied 
by President David Starr Jordan. Professor C. A. Kofoid has 
undertaken the study of the blind spiders collected in the cave. 
Mr. E. L. Furlong has furnished valuable information regarding 

•AretotheHum simum, Am. Nat. XIII., p. 791; XXV., pp. 997-999,Pl. XXI. 



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Vol. 2,1 Sinclair. --The Potter Creek Cave, 3 

the stratig^raphy of that portion of the bone-bearing deposit 
which he excavated. To Mr. J. S. Diller the writer is indebted 
for information which has been of grreat value in studying the 
topographic development of the region in its relation to the cave. 
The results of the exploration were secured by leases kindly 
given to the University by the controllers of the property, Dr. 
W. C. Bruson and Mr. D. P. Doak. 

Description op the Cave. 

The Potter Creek cave is situated in Section 23, Township 34 
North, Range 4 West, Mount Diablo Meridian. It derives its 
name from its location in the high bluff on the north side of 
Potter Creek. The cave is about one mile southeast of the 
United States fishery station at Baird, on the McCloud River 
(PI. 2). It lies in a belt of Carboniferous limestone (McCloud 
limestone) at an elevation of 1500 feet above sea level, and 
about 800 feet above the level of the McCloud, at the mouth of 
Potter Creek (Pis. 8 and 9). 

The system of galleries forming the cave trends in a north- 
west-southeast direction approximately parallel with the strike 
of the McCloud limestone. The arched entrance (PI. 3) com- 
municates with a smaller chamber through which admittance is 
gained to a narrow passageway. Beyond this point the explorer 
must depend for light on lamp or candle. Following this passage 
to the left, it is found to terminate abruptly on the margin of 
a great pit. Here a convenient stalagmite pillar offers a secure 
point of attachment for a rope ladder. A vertical descent of 
forty-two feet affords entrance to a room one hundred and seven 
feet long, about thirty feet wide at its widest part, with the roof 
rising about seventy-five feet above the lowest point of the floor 
(PI. 1). Both walls of the chamber slope toward the west. 
The west wall overhangs, and is fringed with numerous massive 
pendants, some of which are shown in Plate 4. 

Forming the floor of this great room were two fan-like 
deposits of earth and stalagmite-cemented breccia, sloping from 
opposite ends of the chamber and coalescing at their borders. 
(Pis. 1, 5, 6, 12, 14) . Above the apices of the fans rose almost 
vertical chimney-like openings. 



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4 University of OdUfomia Publications. Cam. arotl bth. 

Ascending the ehute above the apex of the northwest fan bj 
the rope and ladder shown in Plate 5, a point was reached, 
forty-one feet above the earth floor, where a small arched cavity 
communicated with an earth-choked flssnre leading toward the 
surface. Live pine roots-were protruding from the clay filling 
the fissure. On the hillside above, a depression in the limestone, 
filled with yellow earth and supporting a vigorous growth of brush 
and one or two young pine trees, may represent the continuation 
of the fissure toward the surface. 

Above the apex of the southeast fan a vertical chimney 
sub-divides into several openings too small to follow. Leading 
oflf from this chimney, a deep pocket-like hole was found, con- 
taining a large number of bones imbedded in a highly calcareous 
earthy matrix. A sheet of stalagmite covered the surface of 
both fans along the western side of the chamber. Four promi- 
nent rock masses rose above the even slope of the floor. The 
largest of these was in the form of an altar resting upon a base of 
crystalline stalagmite. Above the altar, a great stalactite hung 
from the roof (Pis. 1, 6 and 14). Two broad benches of white 
calcite, rising above the floor, were overlapped by the stalagmite 
sheet (PI. 14, Nos. 10, 11). A large fallen block, fringed with 
pendants and partly imbedded in the surface stalagmite and clay, 
lay against one of the benches (PI. 14, No. 8). A record of Mr. 
Richardson's visit was found on this block, together with the 
names of several other visitors. Loose blocks of limestone were 
scattered over the surface of both slopes, especially that in the 
southeast end. Bat excrement had accumulated over a part of 
the floor, reaching a depth of a foot and a half along the east 
wall. It was in the stalagmite floor of this chamber that the 
bones collected by Mr. Richardson were found. 

Method op Working. 

Work was begun in the clay about the middle of the main 
chamber near the margin of the northwest fan, and was carried 
toward the northwest end. Later, the excavation of the south- 
east fan was completed. The surfaces of the slopes were staked 
out in four- foot squares and each of these was worked in ten-inch 
levels, all the specimens from each section being labeled with the 



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VOU2.1 Sinclair. — The Potter Greek Cave, 5 

nnmber of the section and the depth at which they were fonnd. 
The comer stakes of some of these sections are shown in Plate 6. 
Much of the material composing the southeast fan was firmly 
cemented with stalagmite, requiring the use of powder to loosen 
it, and it was worked by slicing from a vertical face instead of by 
excavating individual squares horizontally as elsewhere (PI. 6). 
Particular attention was given to preventing specimens from a 
higher level rolling down and becoming confused with bones 
from a greater depth. The loose earth was sorted with a trowel 
and removed after each shot. A somewhat similar method was 
followed in blasting out the lower stalagmite layers. The soft 
clay beneath was removed and the portions undermined were 
shot out. The large blocks of cemented clay dislodged by the 
blasts were carefully broken, and the pieces were examined indi- 
vidually. As excavation advanced the material examined was 
shoveled back over the worked area. 

Stratigraphy op the Northwest Pan. 

The structure of the fan in the northwest end was found to 
be as follows in descending order: 

A. Clay with gravel lenses, greatest depth 13i feet. 

B. Persistent gravel stratum, 6 inches to 1} feet. 

C. Volcanic ash, to li feet. 

D. Clay with fallen limestone blocks, to 3 feet. 

E. Clay and gravel cemented with stalagmite (false floor), 

6 inches to 2^ feet. 

F. Soft clay, maximum thickness 4 feet. 

G. Stalagmite blocks in clay matrix, greatest depth not 

determined. 

H. Stalagmite bosses — cave floor. 

The clay of stratum A was similar to the surface soil on the 
hillside above the cave. It was of a dull yellow color approach- 
ing red when wet, and contained abundant angular fragments of 
blue limestone and occasional pieces of stalactite from the roof. 
The layer of stalagmite capping the clay on the west margin 
rarely exceeded a few inches in thickness, usually averaging 
from half an inch to an inch. It was largely deposited by water 
dripping from the pendants fringing the west wall. 



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6 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [am. aboh. kth 

Within the limits of stratum A were two lenticular sheets of 
g^ravel, which terminated abruptly toward the southeast against 
a large boss of crystalline calcite probably forming part of the 
original cave floor. (PL 12, Sec. 7.) These gravel layers were 
similar to the larger and more persistent stratum B. All three 
roughly paralleled the surface of the fan, and thinned out toward 
the northwest. They were composed of angular, drip-worn 
fragments of limestone, and seem to have^been formed by water 
falling from the roof and washing the small limestone fragments 
from the clay. Along the west wall, the gravel strata were in 
some places found to coincide with sheets of stalagmite. This 
would indicate that the gravel layers like the stalagmite were 
formed during halts in the accumulation of the cave deposit. 
The gravel layers were separated by sheets of clay similar in 
every respect to the first clay stratum described. On the disap- 
pearance of the gravel all these clay strata blend. This is sho¥m 
in the cross section (PI. 12) , and accounts for the great thickness 
of stratum A. It is evident from the section (PI. 12, Sec. 7) that 
the lower layers of this stratum are older than those above, but 
it was not possible to separate them beyond the limits of the 
gravel layers. 

The ash layer, stratum G, was composed of fine particles of 
volcanic glass. It was thin-bedded throughout, indicating depo- 
sition in a small pool of standing water. The deposit attained 
a thickness of a foot and a half toward the center, thinning out 
at the northwest and southeast margins. The purest samples 
of the glass are of a pale straw color, and under the micro- 
scope appear as fine filaments with vitreous luster. Between 
crossed nicols they remain dark for all positions of the field. 
That a part of the ash stratum lying toward the center of the 
deposit was a deeper ochreous yellow is due, probably, to the 
presence of limonite leached in from the beds above. The 
leaching in of lime and iron from the overlying clays has not 
affected the glass, which is perfectly fresh. 

The ash shows little mixture with foreign material, indicating 
very perfect assorting by the winds which transported it into the 
cave, and rapid deposition in the pool which then lay on the 
cave floor. Scattered through the ash there are small black or 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL 2. PL 5. 



Apex of the northwest fan. The vertical chute rises above the ladder. 



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Vol. 2.] Sinclair. --The Potter Creek Gave, 7 

dark brown grains of doubtful nature, which may represent 
decomposed rock or mineral particles erupted with the ash. 

The stratum lay in general flat, but at the northwest margin 
it had a dip of about five degrees toward the southeast due to 
the deposition of the margin of the sheet over the sloping surface 
of the clay beneath it. 

The source of the ash is unknown. It was probably pro- 
duced by an explosive eruption of some one of the numerous 
volcanic peaks to the north or east. Apart from the remnant 
preserved in the cave, no trace of this ash has been found. It 
must have been deposited widely over the surface of the country, 
but the thin layer of incoherent material was readily removed 
during the period of erosion which followed the accumulation of 
the cave deposit. 

Stratum D was similar to the clay composing the upper layers 
of stratum A, from which it could not be separated beyond the 
limits of the ash. It contained a considerable number of lime- 
stone boulders and was more or less hardened by stalagmitic 
material. 

Excavation ceased during the season of 1902 at the so-called 
false floor, stratum E, a sheet of cave breccia too hard to pene- 
trate without blasting. The greater part of the floor was removed 
during the past summer, when it was found to be composed of 
layers of yellow clay with numerous limestone fragments, the 
whole cemented by stalagmite into a compact mass. 

Lying beneath the false floor was a deposit of soft yellow 
clay, stratum F, reaching at its maximum a thickness of four 
feet. The clay was not a constant feature beneath the floor, 
disappearing toward the southeast, where stratum E rested on 
bosses of stalagmite. 

Stratum G, lying beneath the clay, was composed of large 
loose blocks of yellow calcite in a clay matrix. Locally the clay 
was more or less hardened by the infiltration of calcareous mate- 
rial. Filling what appeared to be deep basins in the limestone 
floor, and occasionally occurring between the loose blocks, was a 
soft chocolate-colored mud showing stratification planes and 
evidently deposited in pools of water. The greatest depth of this 
formation was not determined. 



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8 University of Ckdifomia PubUccUians. [am. abch. bth. 

Excavation ceased when great masses of white stalagmite were 
encountered. These growths did not form a sheet, but were 
highly irregular, rising as rounded bosses with deep depressions 
between. They are prolongations of the inward slopes of the 
cave walls, which are covered with a similar accumulation of 
stalagmite, and formed the rock floor on which the layers of clay, 
ash, and gravel were accumulated. 

Stratigraphy op Southeast Pan. 

The southeast fan was much simpler in structure, possessing 
none of the variety of stratified deposits found in the middle of 
the main chamber. The entire deposit in this end of the cave 
resembled in material and structure the cemented breccia layer, 
stratum E, of the northwest fan. It was composed of sheets of 
clay containing a large number of rock fragments of all sizes. 
Clay and rock were firmly cemented by stalagmite into a hard 
breccia. Lenses of soft earth occurred, irregularly distributed 
through the breccia. Often the deposit was quite soft along the 
cave walls. The soft and hard layers bore no definite relationship 
to each other either in stratigraphic sequence or areal extent, and 
frequently passed abruptly from hard to soft. The rocks imbedded 
in the clay and breccia were either angular masses of blue lime- 
stone or more or less rounded calcite bosses similar to the altar 
base. The calcite bosses seemed to have fallen from above rather 
than to have formed in place, as the clay was often soft on all 
sides of them. In the section (PI. 12) the entire deposit in this 
end of the cave has been referred to stratum A. 

Wherever the rock floor was struck beneath the southeast 
fan, it was found to be similar to that described for the opposite 
end of the cave. 

Buried Galleries. 

During the excavation of the northwest fan there was discov- 
ered a series of chambers not before visible. The opening 
leading to these chambers (PI. 11, 1; PI. 13, Fig. 5, 1) was in the 
west wall of the main cave and was buried beneath about eleven 
feet of stratified deposits. The principal gallery had a length of 
forty-two feet extending parallel with the trend of the main room 
of the cave. At its northwest end it was prolonged by a low 



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Vol. J.) Sinclair.— The Potter Creek Cave. 9 

narrow tunnel, eleven feet in length. Joining the main gallery 
on the west was a semi-oircular passage, the floor of which was 
of blue limestone, bnt some earth and a few bones had fonnd 
their way into it. 

Flooring the long straight gallery was a mass of cave earth 
derived from the deposit in the large room. The top of this earth 
mass represented the continuation of the upper surface of the false 
floor (PI. 11). Prom this point the surface sloped downward 
steeply toward the northwest. The surface was covered with a 
creamy white stalagmite varying in thickness from a thin ^hell 
up to three or four inches. A small amount of soft earth fiUed 
the entrance above the level of the false floor. Within 
the entrance stratum E could no longer be distinguished, 
but is probably represented in part by the stalagmite layer. The 
earth deposit in this tunnel was soft above, but hardened into 
breccia as the rock floor was approached. Extending at least 
half way down the slope, beneath the clay, was a sheet of crys- 
talline stalagmite a foot or more in thickness. This was a pro- 
longation of the mass shown at H in Section 5, Plate 13. Beneath 
the stalagmite the chocolate-colored mud was present to a depth 
of more than three feet. 

Pocket Deposits. 

In the east wall of the main cave there is a small tunnel 
opposite the altar and about twelve feet above the floor. Prom 
an entrance of irregular shape it runs downward for about fifteen 
feet. This hole contained a small amount of earth and a number 
of rather poorly preserved bones. A much larger tunnel opened 
from the chute at the southeast end of the cave. This hole was 
six or seven feet in diameter and descended vertically. It also 
contained earth and bones which appeared to have found their 
way in through a narrow vertical opening extending toward the 
surface. This bone-bearing deposit was worked to a depth of 
nine feet when the increasing difficulty of handling the excavated 
material and the want of proper facilities for ventilating the 
narrow shaft compelled a cessation of the work. The earth in 
both these pockets was highly cidcareous, due to the softening 
and sloughing off of stalagmitic material covering the walls of 



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10 University of Calif omia Publications. [am.abch.bth 

the oavities leading to them. At deeper levels the matrix invest- 
ing the bones contained more clay. The pockets received their 
contents in the same manner as the main chamber, but their 
feeding conduits were smaller and became more readily choked 
by stalagmitic growths. Several other small cavities in the main 
cave and leading off from the vestibule were explored, but noth- 
ing of value was found in them. 

Deposits at the Entrance. 

Beneath the limestone arch at the entrance and flooring the 
passage leading back to the top of the rope ladder, deposits of 
soft yellow ossiferous earth were found. This material had a 
depth of over five and a half feet at the entrance, resting on a 
limestone floor which pitched steeply toward the northwest. In 
the gallery beyond the entrance the clay occupied shallow basins 
in the limestone floor. In one of these basins bones and charcoal 
fragments were found from six to eighteen inches beneath the 
surface. 

Origin op the Cave Deposit. 

With the exception of the stalagmitic growths and fallen 
blocks, the entire cave deposit was brought in through the ver- 
tical chutes which are situated above the apices of the alluvial 
fans, and through other openings which have been more or less 
completely closed by the formation of calcite growths. These 
openings still permit the entrance of water after several days of 
heavy rain. 

Excepting the chocolate-colored mud and the volcanic ash, 
which show every indication of having been laid down in shallow, 
water-filled basins, the structure of the main deposit is that of 
alluvial fans over which successive accumulations arranged 
themselves with reference to the surface slopes, without involving 
much water as the stratifying agent. The gravel layers, as 
already suggested, represent halts in the process of accumulation, 
during which stalagmite sheets began to form in the most favor- 
able places along the west wall. Otherwise there is nothing to 
indicate the rate of accumulation or to mark the successive sur- 
faces of the fans. 



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voL,%] 8in€lair.^Th€ Potitr Ortek Oatf. 11 

Surface soil was probably added daring each iret seaaon, 
while earthquakes may have detached some of the larger fallen 
blocks. Aeolian agencies were effective in transporting the fine 
ash which must have entered the cave through one or more 
openings of considerable sixe. Through some of these dry clay 
and loose rocks probably fell from time to time, adding to the 
growth of the cave fans. 

Chabacter and Mods op Iktboduction op Or<ianic Remaixh. 

Bones were found in all the strata explored excepting the 
volcanic ash and the chocolate-colored mud. Part of the skull 
of an Aretotherium and some remains of Urtus lay among the 
loose rocks on the surface of the southeast fan. Additional 
material was secured from the stalagmite on the surface of the 
slope in the northwest end. 

The majority of the specimens collected are dissociated limb 
bones, jaws, teeth, and indeterminate fragments. Complete 
skeletons were not common. Associated parts of the skeletons 
of a few squirrels and wood-rats, a snake (Orotalus), and a bat 
were found in the gravel layers. In addition to these, several 
complete limbs of ArcMherium timum, with all the elements in 
their natural positions, were discovered imbedded in soft clay, in 
the main chamber. Associated with these were various parts of 
the skeletons of several individaals of this species. 

In all cases the bones have lost their organic matter com- 
pletely, adhering to the moistened fingers like kaolin. Some of 
them are weather cracked, indicating that they lay for a time on 
the surface. The decay of bones in the cave is exceptional, but 
has been noticed at several places, where they were found reduced 
to a fine yellow powder, Occasionally some of the large limb 
bones were found broken across, where they had become softened 
by percolating water and were unable to sapport the weight of 
the earth above them. Many of the bones have been gnawed 
by rodents. 

Apart from fragments, over four thousand six hundred deter- 
minable specimens were collected. This material requires no 
preparation except to wash off the adhering clay. The bones are 
usually white, but often show yellow and faint blue discolora- 



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12 University of California Publications, [am. abch. eth. 

tions. Those from the saperficial layers of stratum A are often 
blackened. 

It is difficolt to see how such a variety of animal remains 
could accumulate in the cave, as the number of individuals of 
the larger forms represented by dissociated parts is considerable. 
There is little definite evidence indicating that Arctotherium lived 
in any of the existing galleries, and, as it could not easily 
have climed into the chamber where its remains were found, it 
is possible that it fell in, but not necessarily by way of the 
present entrance. There is nothing to indicate that a catas- 
trophic event destroyed large numbers of animals in this vicinity. 
The cave seems to have remained open for a long time, receiving 
bones swept in by rills during wet weather, and the remains of 
such forms as accidentally fell in. It is possible that the Arcto- 
therium inhabited a den adjoining the large chamber, and that 
from this bones found their way into the cave. The edges of 
some of the larger bone fragments are flaked off in such a 
manner as to suggest that they might have been broken by the 
powerful teeth of this great carnivore. No trace of such a den 
can now be found, owing to later erosion which dissected the 
surface of the region. 

Beugs of Possible Human Origin. 

Human remains and implements were carefully sought during 
the whole course of excavation in the Potter Creek cave. During 
the first season's exploration several polished bones were found 
which bear a striking resemblance to rude implements. Three 
typical specimens are represented, natural size, on Plate 7. 
The largest of these, No. M3982 (Figs. 1, la) is pointed at 
both ends, with indications of beveling at one extremity. The 
whole fragment is polished. The second specimen, No. M3894 
(Figs. 2 and 2a), has the edges on either side of the point 
beveled and polished, and shows a distinct notch in the broad 
end. The remaining edges are rounded and polished. This 
specimen was found embedded in soft clay between eighty and 
ninety inches beneath the surface. In an adjacent section several 
teeth of an extinct ungulate, Euceratlierium collinum,* were 

* See foot-note on p. 18. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. 



VOL 2. PL. 7. 




Fij^s. l-3a. Implement like bone fragments from the Potter Creek Cave (Natural size). 

Figs. 1, la, No. 3»«2. S«c. 20. 130-140 inches l^eneuth surface: Figs. 2, 2a, No. ss?f. 

Hoc. 33, WHM) inches beneath surface; PMgs. 3. 3a, No. 19 9 7, Sec. 7, 8O-10O inches beneath surface. 

Figs. 4, 5. Bone implements from the Emeryville Shell Mound (Natural size). 



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Vol. 1.1 Sinclair. -^The Potter Greek Cave. 18 

fonnd^ at a level six feet above the implement-like piece of bone 
The considerable depth at which the specimen was found in 
ondistorbed earth and the presence of remains of an extinct 
species above it, indicate that it is not of recent orifi^in. The 
third specimen, No. M3997 (Figs. 3 and 3a), is sharply pointed 
at one end, both surfaces are polished and the edges rounded. 
These i)olished bones closely resemble many of the rough imple- 
ments from the shell mounds of California. Figures of two 
of these implements, reproduced from the plates accompanying 
the manuscript of Dr. Max Uhle's report on the exploration of 
the shell mound at Emeryville, are given on Plate 7, Figures 
4 and 5. Dr. Uhle believes that these implements were originally 
splinters accidentally formed in breaking up long bones. Favor- 
able pieces were selected because they had sharp i)oints and 
these were polished in use. Often the point has been beveled 
by rubbing on one side. 

To eliminate as far as possible all question regarding the 
nature and origin of these polished bones, every fragment 
encountered during the excavation was preserved. These were 
carefuUy examined in the laboratory for traces of polish and 
any indication of cutting or rubbing to form a point or beveled 
edge. The result has been that a considerable number of speci- 
mens were found showing all degrees of polish associated with 
much variety of form. Some of these fragments bear no relation 
to any known form of implement and it is not easy to see how 
they could have been used. Many gradations exist between the 
irregular i)olished fragments and the implement-like specimens. 
This suggests the idea that they have all been made in some other 
way than through the agency of man, and that the rough, imple- 
ment-like form is purely a chance occurrence. It is therefore 
important to inquire whether the wear and polish could have been 
produced by natural means. In one or two instances polished 
fragments were found associated with limestone gravel in small 
rock-rimmed basins, where they had been exposed to the action 
of dripping water. The association of polished bones with drip- 
washed gravel suggests that some of the worn bones found in 
the clay may have been abraded in pot holes by this means, or by 
rill action, before they were entombed. 



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14 University of California Publications, [am. aeoh. eth. 

While the explanation jnst given may readily apply to the 
irregularly-shaped polished fragments, the beveled edges and 
notched base of the specimen shown in Figure 2 convey a very 
strong impression of definite purpose controlling its fashion- 
ing. On the other hand, the writer does not feel justified in 
positively asserting the human origin of this relic, believing that 
we require stronger evidence than it has yet been possible to 
obtain before such a statement is made. 

A large part of the material collected consists of sharp-edged 
bone splinters. These are found at aU depths in the bone-bearing 
deposits, and in all parts of the cave. Many of the splinters occur 
low down in the deposits and are associated with remains of 
numerous extinct animals. They resemble the fractured bones 
from the shell mounds along the coast. We can conceive of 
these splinters having been formed in a number of ways. They 
might have been produced by large bone-crushing carnivores, but 
well-marked traces of gnawing, excepting those referable to ro- 
dents, have not been observed on these fragments. In some cases, 
bones may have been fractured by the impact of their dropping 
into the cave, or by heavy stones crushing down upon them, but 
these explanations can not account for the presence of the large 
number of sharp-edged splinters found, without having some very 
definite evidence in their support, and this has been obtained in 
only a few cases. Fractured bones were found near the entrance 
in the upper gallery, where the distance from the surface is small. 
Again, bones may have been broken by striking against the irreg- 
ular walls of the chutes, through which much of the cave earth 
entered. Regarding this, it may be said that fragile bones were 
often recovered entire, while most of the splinters were produced 
from the fracture of large limb bones. Furthermore, the per- 
centage of abraded specimens is much smaller than would be re- 
quired by this theory, as most of the splinters still have sharp edges. 

Another possible explanation is that they were produced on 
the surface of the ground outside the cave by the process of 
weather cracking. Only a few could have been formed in this 
way, and they would in the majority of cases have the edges 
rubbed down in the process of being carried into the cave. 

Since other suggestions fail to explain the presence of these 



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Vol. 2.1 Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 15 

splinters satisfactorily, it is not beyond the limits of possibility 
to suppose that they were made through the agency of man . In the 
case of the material from the shell mounds, the bones were broken 
to extract the marrow by pounding with a heavy stone, resulting 
in the production of splinters identical in character with those 
from th,e cave. A difficult point to explain by this hypothesis 
is the presence of these fragments in all manner of inaccessible 
places, as in the pocket in the east wall, where they could not 
have been thrown, and must have been carried down through nar- 
row rock channels now closed by stalagmitic growths. Possibly 
they were washed in from a refuse heap or the accumulation in a 
rock shelter. The uncertainty of the evidence must be advanced 
in this case also. At the present time no explanation of the 
origin of the fragments has been discovered which accords with 
all the observed facts, though the suggestion that they were made 
by man appears on the evidence of occurrence to be open to the 
fewest objections. 

In the clay flooring the passage leading back to the top of 
the swinging ladder, a sharp-edged stone chip, flaked from a 
river-worn pebble, was found associated with the charcoal men- 
tioned as occurring in the clay. A Margaritana shell, several bone 
fragments, a tooth of the large ungulate, Euceratherium, and 
a fragment of a mammoth tooth were associated with the 
stone chip. The charcoal did not occur as a definite stratum, 
but was scattered in small fragments through a fine clay 
from six inches to eighteen inches beneath the surface of 
the floor of the gallery. It seems to have accumulated with 
clays which were carried in from the surface by riwn water 
percolating through fissures in the limestone. It can hardly be 
considered as certainly representing a local hearth deposit, though 
such may be the case. It is also possible that it is the result of 
Quaternary forest fires and has been washed into the cave. 

A careful study of the cave collection has failed to indicate 
the presence of human bones. Early man might have been in 
existence in the region and yet his remains have escaped preserva- 
tion in the cave. Those chambers in which the ossiferous deposit 
att&ined its maximum accumulation may not have been easily 
accessible to man or may have been so far from the entrance 



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16 Uhiverrity of California Publications. Cam. a«oh, m. 

that he would have preferred not to visit them frequently. A 
fragment of modem Indian basket work was found on the surface 
near the top of the ladder seen in Plate 3, indicating that the 
entrance chambers may have been used occasionally in recent 
years as a place of storage. There was nothing to indicate that 
they had been so used in prehistoric times. It seems probable 
that the main chamber of the cave originally had free com- 
munication with the surface, serving as a pitfall to catch unwary 
mammals. The accumulation of human remains in such a pitfall 
would be of rare occurrence, depending ui)on accidents against 
which the superior intelligence of man would protect him. 

The cave fauna is not too old to negative the idea of contem- 
I)oraneity with man. There can be little doubt that if man 
reached the North American continent during the Quaternary it 
was by way of the land bridge which then united Alaska with 
Siberia at Bering Strait. This land connection permitted the 
migration of many of the mammals now common to the most 
northern parts of both continents.* It seems reasonable to 
expect that some of the earliest traces of man in North America 
would be found on the Pacific coast where the climate was 
congenial and food supply abundant while the eastern portion of 
the continent was submerged beneath the ice sheet. Glaciation 
in Calif omia has never been general, occurring only at the higher 
altitudes. At its maximum the coast was almost as well adapted 
to human habitation as it is to-day. 

The Cave Fauna. 

With the exception of bats, no vertebrates are living in the 
perpetually darkened i)ortion of the cave. A few wood-rats have 
nested in some of the holes in the cliff above the entrance. 
Cliff-nesting birds (swallows and wrens) occupy some of the 
narrow ledges and smaller holes. An occasional rattlesnake 
may be found in the brush and loose stones about the cave 
mouth. Several white isopods and a number of spiders were 
collected in the main chamber of the cave. These wei*e submitted 
to Professor C. A. Eofoid. The isopods» Professor Eofoid states, 
are closely allied to Procellio scaber, a cosmopolitan species. 

•R. Lydekker. «A Geographical History of Mammals," p. 337, pp. 346-348. 



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Vol. J.] Sinclair. --The Potter Greek Cave. 17 

The spiders belong to an undetermined species in which external 
eyes are not apparent. They were living on webs spread in 
crevices in the cave walls and on the altar in the southeast end. 
In addition to these, an earthworm and several beetle larvae were 
found in the damp earth on the floor. A few specimens of a 
large myriapod were noticed, and encrusted fossil remains of an 
allied form were occasionally found in the breccia and gravel 
layers. 

The following is a revisedt list of the vertebrate species 
represented by remains collected in various parts of the cave. 
All extinct si)ecies are marked with an asterisk: 
*Aretotherium aimum Cope. 
*Ur8U8 n. Bp. 
* Felts n. sp. 

FeUs near hippolestes Merriam, C.H. 
Lynx fasoiaius Bafinesque. 
Lynx f<i8eiatu8 n. subsp. (f) 
Uroeyon iawnsendi Merriam, C.H. 
Fulpes cascadensis Merriam, C.H. 
*Canis indianensis Leidy. 
^Taxidea n. sp. (T) 
BiMsariacus raptor Baird. 
Mephitis oceidentalis Baird. 
*8pilogale n. sp. 
Putorius arieonensis Meams. 
Arctomys sp. 

Seiurus hudsonicus cUhoUmbatus Allen. 
Seiuroptertis klamathensis Merriam, C.H. 
Spermophilus douglasi Richardson. 
Eutamias senex (f) Allen. 
Callospermophihts ehrysodeirus Merriam, C.H. 
Lepus calif omieus Gray. 
Lepus klamathensis Merriam, C.H. 
Lepus near audohoni Baird. 
Lepvs sp. 
*Teonoma n. sp. 
Neotoma fusdpes Baird. 
Microtus caUf omieus Peale. 
*Thomomys n. sp. 
Thomomys leucodon Merriam, C.H. 
ThoTnoTiMfs monticola Allen. 
*AplodofUia ma^or n. subsp. 
Seapanus calif omieus (f) Ayres. 
Anirozous pallidus paoificus Merriam, C.H. 

t Provisional list in Science, N.S., Vol. XVII., No. 435, pp. 708-712, May 1, 1903. 
•Extinct. 

Am. Arch. Eth. 2, 2. 



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18 University of California Publications, (am. a»oh. bth. 

*Platygonus (t) sp. 

Odoooileus sp. a. 

Odocoileus sp. b. 

Haploeerus mont€Mus Ord. 
*Euceraiherium collinum n. gen. and sp.f 
* Bison sp. 
^Gamelid 

*Meg<ilonyx wheatletfi (f) Cope. 
*MegaUmyx jeffersonii (t) Harlan. 
*Megalonyx n. sp. 
*MegaUmyx sp. 
^Mastodon americanus Kerr. 
*Elephas primigenius Blumb. ~ 
*Eguu8 ocoidentalis Leidy. 
*Equu8 paoificus Leidy. 

Crotalus sp. 

Mylopharodon eonoeephcUus Baird and Gerard. 

Ptychocheilus (t) grandis (t) (Ayres). 

Acipenser medirostris (f) Ayres. 

In addition to the species listed, there should be mentioned 
a large number of birds which have not been determined, and 

• Extinct. 

tThls form is being investigated jointly by Mr. B. L. Furlong and the writer. 
The following preliminary description is abstracted from their manuscript: 

Eueeratherium collinum n. gen. and sp. 

^pc. —No. M8751 Univ. of Cal. Pal aeon tological Museum. A cranium without 
mandible discovered by Mr. E. L. Furlong in the Samwel cave, Shasta Co., Calif. 

Oenerie Characters, — ^Horn-cores solid, situated far behind orbit, dose together 
on posterior extremity of frontal. Frontal reaching occiput, with large pneumatic cav- 
ities extending into bases of horn-cores. Parietal confined to occiput, forming no part- 
of cranial roof. Lachrymal pit broad and shallow. Dental formula 0, 0, 3, 3. 
Teeth hypsodont, large, without cement or accessory cuspules. 

Specific Characters, ^'H-om-coT^E laterally compressed and curved, elliptical in 
cross section at base, circular at tip. Proximal half directed upward and backward, 
distal half outward and forward. Frontals broadly convex above orbits, slightly 
inflated toward bases of horn-cores. Occiput with sharp median keel above foramen 
magnum. Size almost equal to that of Bos. 

Systematic Position and Belationships. — ^The new genus is a member of the 
cavlcom division of Artiodactyla. It combines characters of several groups. From 
the Bovinae it is separated by the lack of cement and absence of accessory cuspules 
on the teeth. It differs from the goats in possessing a lachrymal depression. The 
shape and position of the horn-cores, and the large size of the animal separate it 
from Ovis. It is larger than any of the so-called goat-antelopes of North 
America, and differs from them in the presence of a lachrymal depression, the 
conformation of the parietal zone, and the shape and position of the horn-cores. On 
the other hand, it resembles the Bovinae in size, in the posterior position of the 
horn-cores, and in the relations of the frontal and parietal, but differs from that 
group in the possession of a lachrymal pit, and in dental structure. The teeth 
approximate in size and structure those of Ovibos, but there are marked cranial 
differences which separate JDueeratherium from that genus. E. L. Fublono and 
Wm. J. SmOLAIB. 



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VOL. 1.1 Binclair.-^The Potter Creek Cave. 19 

a tortoise. Shells of the helicoid mollusc Epiphragmophora 
marmonum were common, as were also remains of a fresh- water 
mussel allied to Margaritana falcata living in the McCloud river. 
The fresh- water molluscs and the fishes are believed to have 
been transported by birds. 

Of the fifty-two species listed, twenty-one are extinct and two 
or three in addition doubtfully so.* All the large ungulates and 
carnivores are extinct, while of the surviving forms the rodents 
comprise the major portion. Associated with mountain and 
forest types like Haplo€ert{S and the deer are plains species, the 
horses, camel, bison and elephant. The fauna listed is a unit. 
No distinction is to be drawn between the collections from the 
different layers. Several living forms which were not known to 
date back beyond the recent epoch have been found. Among 
these may be mentioned the Aplodontidae, the so-called Rocky 
Mountain goat, Haplocerus^ and the rattlesnake, Crotalus. With 
the exception of a single individual from Mercer's cave, Calaveras 
County, ground sloths of the genus Megalanyx have been found 
for the first time in this state, while Mylodon, a contemporary 
of Megalonyx in California, is not represented. The types pres- 
ent, as well as the proi)ortion of living to extinct species, indi- 
cate that we are dealing with an assemblage of forms of later 
Quaternary age. 

The Contemporary Fauna. 

The Ban Pahlo Bay Quaternary. --On the east shore of San 
Pablo Bay, north of Pinole, there are marine beds resting on the 
upturned edges of the San Pablo. One stratum is composed 
largely of oyster shells. Dr. Ralph Arnold has collected from 
these beds Ostrea lurida, Ostrea conchaphila, Mytilus edulis^ and 
TagelfM califomicus. On the basis of the character of the strata 
and their fauna. Dr. Arnold has correlated these beds with the 
Upper San Pedro series. t 

Above the shell beds are alluvial deposits of sand, clay and 
gravel which have afforded bones of various extinct mammals. 
Remains of Elephas have been found in the shell stratum beneath 

*A doubtful snb-speeies of Lynxfaseiatus, a Lepus and a species of OdoeoiUu$ 
may be extinct. 

t Memoirs Cal. Acad. Nat. Sci. Vol. UI, p. 49. 



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20 University of California Publications, [am. abch. eth. 

the aUuvium. Including this specimen with the species from the 
aUnvial deposits, the list of vertebrates from this locality is as 
follows: 

Large oamivore genas and sp. indet. 

Gamelid. 

Moroiherium gigaa Marsh.* 

Bison antiquus Leidy. 

EUphaa primigenius Blumb. 

Mastodon americanus Kerr. 

Eguus pacyieus Leidy. 

Equus sp.t 

This is a plains fauna, and a comparison of it with the cave 
fauna should be confined to the plains species from the latter, as 
the bay region during the accumulation of these alluvial deposits 
was probably not adapted to forest tj^s. With this limitation 
in mind, the two faunas are seen to be practically the same. 
From the sequence of Quaternary geological events which 
Professor Lawson has worked out for the bay region, the beds at 
Pinole are known to belong probably to the last quarter of that 
period.! This evidence combined with that derived from a study 
of the mammalian fauna indicates with considerable certainty 
that they are of the same age as the cave deposit. 

The Fauna of the Silver Lake Beds of Oregon. -^In order to 
fix the age of the cave deposit as definitely as possible, compar- 
ison may be made with the fossiliferous deposits at Silver Lake 
in Southern Oregon. The age of these beds is determined by the 
relation of their mammalian fauna to the faunas characterizing 
an extensive series of Miocene, Pliocene and Quaternary deposits 
in the John Day region. The following list of species from this 
locality is compiled from lists furnished in the manuscript of a 
paper on the "Fauna of Silver Lake" by Dr. Alice Robertson 
and from a paper entitled "List of the Pleistocene Fauna from 
Hay Springs, Nebraska" by Dr. W. D. Matthew.§ 

Ursus sp. indet. 
Felis sp. indet. 

* From Tomales Bay and Ball's Head Point, Contra Costa Connty. Quaternary, 
same beds as those at Pinole. Merriam, J. C, Bull. G. S. A. Vol. XI, pp. 612-614. 

t Smaller than U. paeifteus, but with more complex tooth pattern than IB, 
oecidentalis. 

t Communicated. 

f BuU. Am. Mus. Vol. XVI, pp. 317-322. 



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Vol. 2.] Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 21 

Ccmis latrans Say. 

Canis cf . ocoidmtdlis, Richardson. 

Vulpes cf . permsfflvcmicuSf Rhoads. 

Lutra canaden$i8 Schreber. 

Fiber eiheihieua Linnaeus. 

Arvieola sp. div. 

Tkomomya sp. 

Oeomys sp. 

Castor sp. 

Castoroides sp. 

Lepus sp. (cf. eampestris Baohman). 

Mylodon sodalis Cope (f If. harlani Owen). 

Equus paeifious Leidy. 

Eguus n. sp.* 

Elephas primigeniuit eolumbi Falconer. 

PlatffgonuSt of. vetus Leidy. 

Platygonus sp. minor. 

BsehaHus conidens Cope. 

Ckimelopa kansanus Leidy. 

Camelops vitakerianus Cope. 

Camelopal sp. max. 

AntUocapra. 

Regarding this association of species Dr. Matthew writes :t 
^^This is equally a plains fauna, with two aquatic mammals, 
Castor and Lutra^ not found at Hay Springs. Otherwise the 
list is very similar to that at Hay Springs, and, like it, is 
characterized by the absence of the forest types found in the 
Pleistocene cave deposits, river gravels, and peat bogs of the 
East." 

The list contains several species not found in the cave, among 
which may be mentioned Lutra, Fiber, Oeomys, Castor, Castor- 
aides, AntUocapra and the coyote. Horse, camel and elephant 
bones make up the greater part of the Silver Lake collections, 
while the remaining forms are represented by fewer individuals, 
in some cases by one or two specimens only. In the cave mate- 
rial, there are scores of specimens of Arctotherium, JJrsus, deer, 
Euceraiherium and various rodents, while of such plains t3i>es as 
Elephas, Equus and the camels a few fragmentary teeth were 
found. Megalonyx, which in California seems to have preferred 
the foot-hill region of the Sierra Nevada and the Klamath Moun- 

* Podial elements of an equine very much smaller than S, paeijlcus. The 
remains are regarded by Dr. Robertson as those of an adult indiyidual. 
t loe. eit., p, 321. 



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22 University of California Publications, [am. abcb. bth. 

tains is replaced in the Oregon plains fanna by the contemporary 
Mylodon, 

The Silver Lake fauna is Quaternary and is probably of about 
the same age as the cave deposit, as the proportion of living to 
extinct species is practically the same. Equus pa^cificus and 
Elephas primigenius are common to the cave, the beds at Pinole 
and the Silver Lake locality. Several additional genera are com- 
mon to the Silver Lake beds and the cave, but there are a num- 
ber of species, mostly living forms, represented in the Oregon 
fauna which have not been found in the cave. Some of these 
differences may be accounted for by the topographic dissimilarity 
of the two regions and their separation by considerable mountain- 
ous areas. 

Relation op the Cave to the Existing Topography. 

The spur on which the cave lies (Pis. 8 and 9) is one of 
several westerly and southwesterly trending ridges carved out of 
the Baird formation and the McCloud limestone, by short streams 
emptying into the McCloud River. The ridges form divides 
between canons with steep slopes. Where they are not controlled 
by the limestone outcrop, they rise gradually from the 1500-foot 
contour toward Horse Mountain (4040 ft.). Below the 1500- 
foot line, the slopes fall off rather abruptly toward the river. The 
surface from the cave to the mouth of Potter Creek has a fall 
of 800 feet in about one and one eighth miles. 

On the west side of the river, back of Baird, the topography 
is less rugged. The break below the 1500- foot contour is also 
better marked (PI. 10). The stream canons are fairly deep 
where they cut through the Baird shales, but broaden out at 
their head waters on Johns Creek and Turntable Creek. 

The creeks coming in from both sides reach the McCloud at 
the low water level of that stream, but this grade does not extend 
far up the tributaries, which have a fairly steep slope and are 
still cutting vigorously. 

On both sides of the river water- worn pebbles are abundant 
up to a level of 1500 feet above sea. These are found on the 
crests of divides between streams, on canon slopes and on isolated 
summits. 



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VOL.2.] Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 23 

Relation of the Cave to the Quaternary Topography. 

The 1500-foot contour marks approximately the present ele- 
vation of an earlier valley stage beneath which the existing canons 
are trenched. This topographic feature is not particularly well 
developed in the vicinity of the cave, owing to the excessive 
amount of stream dissection which the region has suffered. Mr. 
J. S. Diller has informed the writer that it is well shown in the 
vicinity of Eennett. It is also developed to the east and north- 
east of Bear Mountain, and may be viewed to advantage from 
the high ridge on the south side of Potter Creek. In Plate 10 
the trace of this earlier valley surface is shown on the summit 
of the flat-topped hiU in the background. River- worn gravel was 
found on the top of this hill and also strews the slopes to the 
back of the terrace shown in the middle ground. 

At the time when the cave deposit was accumulating the 
McCloud River flowed at a level not much lower than the bottom 
of the cave, or not far below the 1500-foot contour. This level 
was maintained not only during the time of accumulation, but 
during the much longer preceding interval required for the 
removal by solution and otherwise of a mass of limestone equal 
in volume to the cave. This could not have been accomplished 
with the river at a higher level, as in that case there would be no 
exit for the underground water, which would tend to stand in 
the country rock under pressure rather than to assume a single 
direction of flow along the fissure line controlling the trend of 
the cave. The shape of the cave, wide above and narrowing 
downward, shows that the point of discharge for the percolating 
waters must have been at a level lower than the present 
entrance. 

As the tributary streams extended back by headwater erosion, 
the country on either side of the cave was better drained. Less 
rain water circulated along the fissure and cave cutting ceased, 
because, instead of draining into the cave by a sink, the water 
flowed into the creeks. At this stage the large calcite bosses on 
the floor were formed. Later, openings in the roof, probably 
formed by rills washing off some of the surface material on the 
slopes of the incipient canons of Potter and Marble Creeks, per- 



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24 University of California Publications, [am. awjh. bth. 

mitted the entrance of clay, rock fragments, broken bones, and 
possibly living animals. 

The mingling of plains and forest types in the Qnatemary 
fanna is in accordance with the known moderate relief of the 
region, which was a broad valley with wooded hills on either 
side, above which rose higher peaks like Horse Mountain, 
affording a congenial habitat to mountain dwelling forms like 
Haplocerus, while the valley land was favorable to the presence 
of camels and horses. 

An eruption from one of the volcanic peaks to the north or 
east showered the region with fine ash during this stage of 
topographic development, but this was a mere episode, scarcely 
an interruption, which did not alter the character of the fauna 
in the least. 

This cycle of low relief was terminated by an uplift, increas- 
ing the grade of the master stream, initiating the cutting of the 
present McCloud canon, and renewing headwater erosion in the 
lateral tributaries. Eventually one of these. Potter Creek, cut 
down thi'ough one of the galleries of the cave, opening the 
present entrance. 

With the stripping off of the surface soil from the ridge sides 
by the deepening creeks, no more clay could enter the cave. 
The entrance channels were blocked by rocks or crystalline 
growths and the cave began to seal up its treasures by the forma- 
tion of a stalagmite sheet, marking the last halt in the process of 
accumulation. 

At first the canon cutting was rapid, but later the river 
reached a lower grade and began to meander. A terrace about 
240 feet above the present low water stage marks the position of 
the first halt. This terrace is shown on Plate 2. It is rock-cut 
with a thin coating of gravel on the surface. The stream gravels 
scattered on the canon slopes above this level were left stranded 
by the McCloud as it cut down from the old 1500- foot base-level. 

A second uplift, possibly of a differential character, renewed 
the downward cutting of the river. A second terrace, also rock- 
cut but of much greater extent than the first, was formed about 
150 to 160 feet above the river at Baird (PI. 10). The surface 
of this terrace is strewn with river gravel. A lower and much 



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Vol. 2.] Sinclair.— The Potter Creek Cave. 25 

smaller terrace occurs at about ninety feet, and other less distinct 
levels may be traced to perhaps fifty feet above the river.* 

Taking into consideration the amount of canon cutting 
accomplished by the McCloud above the 240-foot terrace and 
comparing it with a similar degree of cutting above a certain 
terrace level in the canon of the Sacramento, it seems reasonable 
to correlate the high terrace at Baird with the broad terrace 
which is so well developed in the upper end of the Sacramento 
Valley in the vicinity of Bedding. Regarding the age of this 
terrace Mr. Oscar Hersheyt says: 

"The Red Bluff formation belongs to the last one-fourth of 
the Quaternary era. On the northern border of the Sacramento 
Valley, in Shasta County, there are flats one to two miles wide, 
consisting of the Red Bluff gravel resting on the truncated edges 
of the highly inclined metamorphic formations. They are ele- 
vated one hundred to two hundred feet above the present streams, 
as Clear Creek and the Sacramento River, which have trenched 
narrow canons below them. The Red Bluff terrace can be traced 
for several miles up into the mountain valleys of such main 
streams as those mentioned above, and it is thus made evident 
that at the very least three- fourths of the erosion of the Sierran 
valleys had been accomplished by the time of the opening of the 
Red Bluff epoch." 

The amount of erosion in the McCloud canon above the 
upper terrace agrees favorably with Mr. Hershey's estimate, and 
strengthens the correlation of the high river terrace at Baird 
with the top portion of the Red Bluff formation, spread out over 
the surface of the Red Bluff terrace in the north end of the 
Sacramento Valley. About one-quarter of the entire interval of 
canon-cutting is represented by the amount of erosion accom- 
plished by the McCloud below the 240- foot terrace level. 

The sequence of events which has been made out in the canon 
of the McCloud agrees very closely with Professor Lawson's 

*The terrace levels given in the writer's preliminary paper (Science N. S., 
Vol. XYII, No. 435, pp. 708-712) were based on ronghly made observations and are 
not exact. The elevations given here were determined by hand level, distance from 
the ground to the eye of the observer being taken as a measuring rod. The meas- 
orements of the higher terraces were made twice, giving in each case approximately 
the same result. 

tBuU. Dept. Geol. Univ. of Cal., Vol. m, No. 1, p. 12. 



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26 University of California Publicatums. [aji.abch.bth. 

presentation of Quaternary history as recorded in the upper Eem 
basin,* but the canon of the McGloud is not as deep as that of 
the Eem, owing to a lesser degree of elevation occasioning the 
canon cutting. Professor Lawson's high valley zone corresponds 
with the earlier valley stage which has been recognized in the 
vicinity of the cave, beneath which the ca^on of the McCloud is 
trenched. The trenching of the canon occupied an exceedingly 
short time compared with the much longer interval required for 
the development of the old valley surface. The cave fauna 
occupied the latter during its completed stage, but was not 
necessarily in existence in the region while this topographic 
feature was being evolved. 

The material excavated by the McCloud while cutting down 
to the upper terrace level forms a part of the great debris fan 
buried in the upper end of the Sacramento Valley beneath the 
Red Bluff terrace. 

Older base levels of erosion have not been recognized in the 
vicinity of the cave owing to the excessive amount of dissection 
which the region has suffered, but a series of Tertiary peneplains 
in the Klamath Mountains has been described by Mr. DiUer.t 

The cave fauna described in the preceding pages is much 
older than the glacial period in this state. The maximum glacia- 
tion of the Sierra Nevada has been referred to the Wisconsin 
epoch of the glacial time scale worked out for the eastern part of 
the continent, t The Bed Bluff epoch which has been correlated 
with the upper river terrace at Baird, although referable to the 
last quarter of the Quaternary, is older than the Califomian 
glaciation, from which Hershey has separated it by two epochs 
of erosion and one of deposition.§ 

The Fauna in Its Relation to Topographic Changes. 

The change from a country of moderate relief to a moun- 
tainous district dissected by river canons reacted on the fauna. 



*BnUetin Dept. Geol. Univ. of Gal., Vol. lU, No. 15, pp. 362-368. 

t«t Topographic Development of the Klamath Mountains." Bnl. 196, U. S. 
(Geological Survey. 

to. H. Hershey. Bull. Dept. Geol. Univ. of Cal., Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 27. H. W. 
Turner. Proc. Cal. Acad. Sci., 3rd series, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 270. 

f O. H. Hershey. Bull. Dep. Geol. Univ. of Cal. Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 28 



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VOL.2. Sinclair. --The Potter Oreek Cave. 27 

causing migration and extinction. Those species which still 
exist in the region are the successful survivors, which were able 
to adapt themselves to the changed conditions. Some of the 
species which are now extinct may have continued to inhabit 
the region for a considerable time after the topographic 
revolution, but this can not be determined until bone-bearing 
Quaternary deposits of later age have been found. Higher up 
the McCloud, Mr. Furlong has discovered a cave fauna which is 
supposed to be younger than that described here. The study of 
this fauna will, it is believed, throw much light on the problem 
of faunal migration. The thorough examination of a series of 
caves ranging in age from early Quaternary to Recent will 
doubtless furnish valuable evidence relating to the faunal migra- 
tions, and should also give most imx>ortant testimony concerning 
the time when man first came to inhabit this region. 

University of California^ 
April, 1904. 



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Explanation of Plate 11. 

Longitadinal section of the buried gallery, showing the relation of its 
deposits to the beds in the main chamber of the cave. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. 



VOL 2, PL. 12. 



Longitudinal section of the deposit in the main chamber (Section 7, PI. 14). 
Horizontal and vertical scale the same. 



A, D and F — Clay, soft or cemented. 
B— Limestone gravel. 
C— -Volcanic ash. 
E— Cemented breccia. 

G — Brown mud, cemented clay and stalagmite 
blocks. 



H — Stalagmite bosses forming the c 

S — Surface stalagmite. 

1-6 — Lines of cross sections, see Pis. 

8— Fallen block. 

9--Altar. 



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the main chamber in the Potter Creek Cave. 

r interval 6 inches. 

rary datum plane, below which depression contours are 
adaries of rock masses, the cave walls and the lines of 
o at the extreme northwest end is not shown on the map. 
ries is represented by broken lines. 

3. 9— Altar. 

10, 11 — Stalagmite -covered rock benches. 
*« restinff on ossiferous clay. 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 2 No. 2 



THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST 

OF CALIFORNIA 

SOUTH OF SAN FRANCISCO 



BT 

A. L. KROEBER 



BERKELEY 

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 

JUNE, 1004 

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UNIVERSITY or ^AL^FClfNIA PUBLICATIONS { 

DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY 

The publications issued from the Department of Anthropology of the 
University of California are sent in exchange for the publications of 
anthropological societies and museums, and for journals devoted to 
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also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express 
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No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March, 

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Vol. 2* No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. 

Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April, 1904 40 

No. 2. The Laneuages of the Coast of California South of San 

Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 72, June, 1904. . .60 

No. 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. 

Pages 22, June, 1904 25 

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LANGUAGES 



OF THE 



COAST OF CALIFORNIA 

SOUTH OP SAN FRANCISCO 



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V 

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOQY AND ETHNOLOGY 
VOL. 2 NO. 2 



e 



THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST OF CALI- 
FORNIA SOUTH OF SAN FRANCISCO. 



BT 

A. L. EBOEBEB. 



CONTENTS. 

PAOI 

Introductory 29 

Chomash 31 

Salinan. 43 

Belationship of Ghnmash and Salinan 48 

Esselen 49 

Costanoan 69 

Belationship of Esselen and Costanoan 80 

INTRODUCTORY. 

Through the munificence of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst, the 
Department of Anthropology of the University of California has 
for several years conducted extensive researches. Among these 
has been an anthropological investigation of the little known 
Indians of California, which has recently been organized into an 
Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of the State. The pres- 
ent paper is based on linguistic notes made in the winter of 
1901-2 as part of this investigation. One of the languages on 
which information was desired being now extinct, it was neces- 
sary to have recourse to older records. Thanks are due to 
Professor W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, for courtesy in granting permission to use several 
vocabularies containing such material. 

The coast of California south of San Francisco was formerly 
inhabited by Indians of six linguistic stocks. These were, in 

Am. Abch. Sth. 2. 3. 



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30 University of California Public€Ui(m8. [am. aboh. bth. 

Powell's terminology, Yuman, Shoshonean, Chumashan, Sali- 
nan, Esselenian, and Costanoan, in order from south to north. 
Yuman and Shoshonean, the two southernmost of these six 
stocks, were extensive. Only a small part of their territory lay 
within the state of California. The four other stocks were 
smaller, confined to the coast, and entirely Califomian. Only 
these four are treated in this paper. 

Throughout the area under consideration, from Santa Bar- 
bara to San Francisco, there are now very few Indians. Only a 
fraction of these, mostly older people, still know the native lan- 
guages. All the Indians speak Spanish. With one exception 
no continuous texts could be obtained in any of the languages. 
To gain an idea of the grammatical structure it has therefore 
been necessary to depend on sentences. Owing to this fact and 
the writer's limited command of Spanish, the investigation of 
the languages was carried only far enough to obtain an outline 
of the structure. The results elaborate certain conclusions as 
to the morphological grouping of the linguistic families in Cali- 
fornia stated in a paper on the Native Languages of California.^ 

The following alphabet has been used. 
Vowels: 



a, a 




as in father, short and long respectively. 


a, a 




as in American fat, short and long 
respectively. 


e, i, 0, u 




short open vowels. 


e, I, 6, e 




long closed vowels. 


h, 1, 6, fl 




long open vowels. 


6, ii, 0, u 




nearly as in German; closed vowels, 
short and long. 


& 




English aw. 


a», e», i», 


0", u'^ 


nasalized vowels. 


A, B, I, o, 


u 


obscure vowels. 


a- e 1 a 
till 




scarcely articulated vowels. 


0, W, 0, tt. 


3, u, 5, U 


peculiar impure vowels. 



1 B. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, the Native Languages of Calif omia, Amer. . 
Anthr., n.s., V, p. 1, 1903. 



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VOL. 2.1 Kroeber. — Languagts of ike Coast of California, 81 



Consonants: 






q G X 0' 




k g X g' h 




tc dj 




t d g « n 




p b f V m 


w, y, h, 1, E 


as in English. 


8, c 


English s and sh, bnt often approaching 




each other. 


J 


zh, sonant of c. 


L 


palatal 1 (tl). 


r 


triUed. 


f , k-. g\ X 


palatal t, k, g, and x, approximating ty, 




ky. gy, xy. 


q!,k!.tl,p! 


stressed. 


9, d. h 


between surd and sonant. 




CHUMASH. 



The following grammatical material on one of the Chomash 
dialects was obtained at Santa Ynez from Dolores, one of 
the few Indians there who still know their native language. 
It appears to differ somewhat from the language of the Lord's 
Prayer given by Duflot de Mofras as from Santa Ines.^ Oatschet 
gives a few phrases and grammatical notes on the KasuA dialect 
recorded by Loew,* and Caballeria y Collell has published several 
pages of grammatical notes, vocabulary, and religious texts on 
the language of Siujtu rancheria at Santa Barbara.* 

PHONETIC. 

The following are the sounds of the language. 
Vowels: 

a, e, i, o, u; a, S, i, 6, u; ft, 6; (ft) ; o, i*, o, U, o, u, o, u. 



^ Duflot de MofrM, Bzploration dn Tenitoir« de rOregon, 1844, II, 393. 

3 A. 8. QftUehet in Wheeler, Bep. U. 8. Geogr. Snrr., VU, 419, 485, and Rep. 
Chief of Engineers, 1876, HI, 551. 

3 Bey. Joan Caballeria y CoUeU (E. Burke, translator). History of the City of 
Santa Barbara, SanU Barbara, 1892. 



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32 University of California Publications. Iam. aboh. eth. 

Consonants: 

q X 
k X g* 
tc 

t n 1 8, c 

p m 

w,y, L 

The vowels o, u, o, u are open sounds and give the impression 
of impurity. They may be identical with o, w, o, u. Similar 
sounds are characteristic of Shoshonean and Yokuts, two adjacent 
linguistic families.' Both ordinary and velar gutturals occur in 
Chumash. Sonants seem to be lacking. Palatal l is quite 
soft, at times difficult to distinguish from 1. R has been found 
only before q, and is probably an induced rather than an 
independent sound of the language. 

All the consonants occur in either first or last position in 
double combinations, except that y has not been found as the 
first member of a compound consonant and l not as the second. 
Combinations of three consonants are rare. Some monosyllabic 
words that may reasonably be regarded as root-forms begin with 
double consonants. But none end thus. 

As compared with the majority of Califomian languages, 
Chumash is rough. 

A euphonic vowel is much used between words and before 
consonantal suffixes. It occurs even when one of the two words 
ends in or begins with a vowel. 

nai qot'qoti-wun-a fenferqnerq I I-see-them women 

ma-k-itctti'n-i k-aqciiyak the-my-son I-like 

k-isaw6u8-i kactapin I-sweated yesterday 

ma-qo i s-&wo' the-my-dog he-white 

noi moM k-aciin-O-woc I already I-eaten-have 

k-siniwe-wun-u-woc I-kill'them-did 
The euphonic vowel is shown in black type. 



1 A. S. Gatschet, Rep. Chief of Engineers, 1876, III, p. 557, speaking of Shosh- 
onean: "O, u, often assume a darker shade by being pronounced surd or by being 
nasalized. This pronunciation of the three vowels is also peculiar to the Utah, and 
occurs In many of the Pueblo idioms of New Mexico." 



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?0L.2.] Kroeher. — Languages of the Coast of California, 33 

VERB. 

Verbs are conjugated by having the following pronominal 
elements prefixed, generally immediately to the verb-stem. 

Singular 
First person k- 

Second person p- 
Third person s- 

These prefixes are used alike with transitive and with intran- 
sitive verbs. They are also used as possessive pronouns with 
the noun. 



Dual 


Plural 


kis- 


ki- 


pis- 


pi- 


sis- 


si- 



p-axotiwiL 


thoU'Speahest 




s-axotiwiiri-was he-speak-did 




si-cuma-woe 


they-good 




k-siniwe-lin 


I-kill'thee 




ma-^nerq s-eXp^tc the-woman she-sings 


ini-k-muxttn 


not'I'hungry 




The objective pronouns 


are suffixed to the verb-stem. 


far as determined, they are 


the following: 






Singular Dual 


Plural 


First person 


-It t 


-ut 


Second person 


-in t 


-ot 


Third person 


— t 


-un 



So 



With some verbs, -lit is used instead of -it, and -lin or -win 
instead of -in. Sometimes -wun occurs for -un. These variant 
forms appear to be due to phonetic influences. 

It will be seen that if the object is in the third person singular, 
it is not expressed by a pronominal affix. / Mil him and I hill 
are identically expressed, as in a number of other American lan- 
guages, including Yokuts and Yuki in California. 

In sentences where subject and object are nouns, these parts 
of the sentence are expressed over again by means of the sub- 
jective and objective pronominal affixes in the verb. This fact 
puts Ghumash in a class with those American languages in which 
the noun-subject and noun-object are regarded as appositions to 
the holophrastic verb. 

enerqnerq ci-aqciik-un ma-ug*ug'wig' women they-like- 

them the-men. 



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84 University of California ]M>licaHons. [am. aboh. bth. 

The reflexive is expressed by the suffix -caci, which like the 
object pronouns is appended to the verb stem. 

p-aqciiyak-caci thou- lovest-self. 

Sometimes the word kokcii, of unknown meaning, is used 
with the reflexive verb. 

kokcii c-qoti-caci he-sees-self. 

A past tense, perhaps perfect in meaning, is expressed by the 
suffix -woe. This suffix follows the objective suffix-pronoun. 

A future seems to be indicated by the particle ka, placed 
before the verb. 

The negative of the verb is expressed by the prefix ini-. 
This prefix precedes the pronominal prefixes. 

The interrogative is formed by the final suffix -e. 

The imperative seems to be identical with the stem of the verb. 

A desiderative is formed by the prefix sili-. 

There are several particles used with verbs, some of them 
quite frequently. They always precede the verb. Their signifi- 
cance is not clear. The most common one, no, may be a prefix 
rather than a particle. 

The following phrases contain examples of the forms men- 
tioned. 

kai ka no-c-tiyepi this-one tmll he-teach 

kai ka-no-s-axotiwiL this-one will-he-speak 

axotiwiL speak! 

no-p-na'n thou-goest 

no ni-k-na'n not-I-go 

ini-k-sili-Xalk'inowo'n not- I-wish- jump 

q616 enerq ini-[s] sil^-aqmil-e' that woman not-she- 

tcisheS'drink-f 

noi k-sili-siniwe-lin / I-wish-kill-thee 

noi k-cili eXpitc I I-wish sing 

eXpfetc sing! 

k-aqmil-i-was I-drink-did 

p'-kitwo'n-o-wac-fe pi thou-emerge-didst-f thou 

It will be seen that the foregoing prefixes and suffixes include 
the pronominal prefixes and suffixes between themselves and the 



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YoL, 1.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Ooasi of Oalifomia. 35 

verb, the pronominal affix being always nearest the verb stem. 
The only exception is the desiderative prefix sili-, which itself 
prefixes the pronoun. It is therefore doabtful whether sili- is 
not to be regarded rather as an auxiliary verb than as a prefix. 
The following are similar cases: 

no k-cutc^ I'begin 

no k-cStc-i'-aqmil I-begin-drink 

qblb s-w6ti that'one he-shoots 

k-woLrsiniwe I-shoot-Ull (I kill by shooting) 

A verbal noun is denoted by the prefix a'l-. 

p-olXo thoU'Stealest 

a'l-olXo thief. 

pii p'-a'l-olXo thou thou-thief (thou art a thief) 

c-ukcft he'fis)'dead^ 

a'1-ak'can fa) dead (one) 

A habitual agent is also denoted by reduplication. 

k-aXciiiC I'fish 

ma-a-caX-caXciiiC the-fisher 

xuniowc hunt 

a-xun-xuniowc hunter 

The prefix a- in these reduplicated verbal nouns may be a 
form of a'l-. 

The stem aciin, eat, is given the meaning food by the pre- 
fix lam-. 

k-aciin I-eat 

ma-k-lam-actin the-my-food 

NOUN. 

The possessive pronominal elements, as already remarked, are 
identical with the subjective ones, and like them are prefixed. 
From this fact, however, it can not be concluded, as has been 
done in analogous cases in other languages, that verb and noun 
are not distinguished in Chumash, and that the verb is in reality 
a noun. Were this the case, we should not find the verbal nouns 
that have been mentioned. 



1 A. Taylor, in Powers, Tribes of California, Contr. N. A. Ethn., iii, 564: shuek- 
Bhaw, dead. 



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36 University of California Publications. [AM.ABCH.Bra. 

Some nouns, when used with the possessive pronoun, have a 
form different from their simple one. 

hutcu, dog; ma-p-qo, the-thy-dog 
ma'm, house; ma-ki-ap, the-our-house 

A word for dog similar to hutcu occurs in many Califomian 
languages; qo seems to be distinctively Ghumash. 

There is an article, ma. It has wider meaning than the 
modem European definite articles, inasmuch as it is customarily 
used with the possessive pronoun. It is a proclitic or prefix, not 
an independent particle. 



basket 

the-basket 

the-itS'feathers 

the-my-belly fpanzaj 

his'belly 

What may be a distributive, to judge from analogies in other 
American languages, is formed by reduplication. 



tsaya 

ma-tsaya 

ma-s-q'ap 

ma-k-mut 

s'-mut 



ug'«'ig' 


man 


ug''ug'«'ig' 


e'nerq 


woman 


enerq'ne'rq 


XoXau 


coyote 


XoXoXau 


hu'tcu 


dog 


hutc'hu'tcu 


ma'm 


house 


ma'ma'm 


caq! 


turtle 


caqlca'q! 


p'co'c 


snake 


p'co'p'co'c 


tsa'ya 


basket 


tsai'tsa'ya 



It will be seen that this reduplication comes very near being 
duplication of the entire word. Both animate and inanimate 
nouns are reduplicated. 

The following examples make it difficult to determine whether 
the reduplication denotes a plural, a distributive, or a collective. 



ickom-a xus 
ckumu-a XoXau 
ma-XoXoXau 
ma-ki-tsaya yila 
yila p'co'p'co'c 



two bears 
four coyotes 
the-coyotes 
the-our-baskets all 
all (the) snakes 



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Vol. 2.1 Kroeber, — Languages of the Coast of California. 37 

It is remarkable that when a noun to which a possessive pro- 
noun is prefixed is reduplicated, the pronoun is sometimes redu- 
plicated with it. Evidently the noun and the pronominal element 
are regarded as very much a unit. 

k-itc-antiik, my friend p-itc-p-itc-antiik, thy friends^ 

ma-k-its-is, my younger brother ma-k-its-k-its-is, my younger 

brothers 
ma-k-itc-tu'n, my child ma-k-itc-k-itc-tu'n, my children 

k-a-wa, my aunt ma-k-a-k-a-wa, my aunts^ 

ma-p-aX-p-a-wa, thy aunt 
ma-ki-hax-h-a-wa, our aunts 
k'-a-niic, my paternal uncle ma-k'-a-k'-a-niic, my paternal 

^ uncles 

ma-k'-ap, my house ma-k'-ap-k'-ap, my houses 

ma-ki-ap, our house ma-pi-ap-i-ap, your houses 

ma-k-wwti, my knife ma-k-oX-k-www, my knives 

ma-s-fcwu, his knife ma-s-oX-s-uwi*, his knives 

ma-ki-www, our knife ma-ki-d'X-y-www, our knives 

On the other hand reduplication of nouns occurs also without 
reduplication of the possessive prefix. 

ma-p-qo, thy dog ma-p-qoX-qo, thy dogs 

ma-ki-qo, our dog ma-ki-qoX-qo, our dogs 

ma-k-to, my brother-in-law ma-k-to-to, my brothers-in-law 

ma-k-pepe, my older brother ma-k-pe-pepe, my older brothers 

It appears that when a noun commencing with a vowel is 
reduplicated, the possessive prefix is reduplicated also. When 
the noun begins with a consonant, the pronoun is not re- 
duplicated. 

Reduplication occurs in the verb as well as in the noun, but 
expresses an iterative or a continuative, not a plural or distrib- 
utive. The verb may be used with plural subject or object 
pronoun without being reduplicated. 

XoXoXau k-unio-wun coyotes I-seek-them 

k-aqciik-un they-like-them 



^ In terms of relationship -itc- and -a- are apparently prefixes , perhaps denoting 
possession or relationship. 



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38 University of Oatif&mia Publieatums. [am. a»oh. wm. 

ki-muX«n we hunger 

noi qot'-qoti-wun-a ^n^rqiierq I I'look-at-tkem women 

(habitually) 
quti-u-wun ^n^rqnerq Llook-at (the) women 

no k-tiyepi-o I-teach-ye 

no k-ti-tiyepi-o I-teach-ye "aK the time" 

As stated previoasly, a nonn-afi^ent implying more or less 
iteration of action is formed from the verb by reduplication. 
A few verbs are regularly used in a reduplicated form. 

wopwQupw hit 

su-taxtaxsiin frighten (su- ^ causative) 

Cases are altogether wanting. A noun is identical as subject 
and object. The possessive case is expressed, as in so many 
American languages, by means of the possessive pronoun. 

ma-c-wc ftmet the-his-hole ground-squirrel 

ma-s-uwM k-itcantiik the-his-knife my-friend, 
ma-s-kani ciw' the-his-flesh elk 

The various local and instrumental relations are expressed by 
separate words, placed before the noun. 

ksunuww a Xo'p with stone 

alapa'ya ma^'m on house 

mama o" in water 

kitca hu'tcu like day 

liiiakten ma-tcai'ya-c in the-basket 

ADJECTIVE. 

The adjective seems, like the verb, not to be reduplicated to 
denote the plural. The following examples show its unchanging 
use with animate and inanimate nouns and attributively and 
predicatively. 

ki^na fenerq i-s-tc6h6 this woman she-good 

kie p'o'n o-s-tc6hd this wood it-good 

tc5h6 tcitce (a) good child 

k-tc6h5 I-good 

hutcu ftwox (a) dog white 

no qoti-wac a ciwA ftwox I-see-did elk white 



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ToL.2.) Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of Oalifomia. 39 

ma-qo i g-ftwo' tJie-my-dog he-white 

k^na-Xop i s-ftwo-wac this-stone it-white-was 

Just as the adjective is used predicatively, a noun can be 
used predicatively by prefixion of the pronominal elements, 
kiku ki-ug'ug't*ig we we-men (we are men) 
pii p-a'Polxo th(m thou-thief (thou art a thief J 

PRONOUN. 

To express the ordinary functions of pronouns, the subjective 
possessive prefix and the objective suffix are generally sufficient. 
The separate form of the pronoun, used as an independent word, 
is probably emphatic. The forms of this are: 

Singular Ihml Plural 

First person noi kicku kiku 

Second person pii picku piku 

There is no third person. It will be seen that these forms 
are nothing but the subjective-possessive prefixes with -i added in 
the singular and -ku in the dual and plural. In the first person 
singular noi takes the place of kii. 

These independent forms of the pronoun stand in the same 
relation to the verb as a noun, being connected with the verb 
by the pronominal affix which is part of the verb. Hence there 
are forms such as: 

noi k-sili-siniwe-lin I I-wish-Mll-thee; 

corresponding exactly in structure to forms such as : 

ma-amelikana si-sili-siniwe-lit the-Americans they-wish-kill-me 

It would not be possible to use noi, /, directly with the verb 
without k-. On the other hand the prefix k-, denoting J, is 
often used without noi. 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

The deinonstratives are: 

kai, this one; plural, kaiuwun 

qblbf that one; plural, qdldwun 
It will be seen that the plural ending -wun is identical with the 
pronominal suffix denoting the object of the third person plural. 



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40 University of California Publications. [am.abch. bth. 

The following adjectival demonstratives have been found: 

ki^na, this, with animate nouns 
kie, kia, this, with inanimate nouns 
qdld, that, with animate nouns 

The article that has been described is distinct from the demon- 
stratives both in meaning and in use. 

NUMERALS. 

The numerals are as follows: 

1. paka 

2. ick6m 

3. masox 

4. ckumu 

5. yitipakas 

6. yitickdm 

7. yitimasox 

8. malawa 

9. ts'pa' 
10. tciiya 

The numbers from 11 to 19 are formed by putting na- before 
those denoting 1 to 9. Twenty is simply two-ten, ickd'm-a- 
tci'iya, thirty is three-ten, and so on regularly up to ninety. 
The word for one hundred was not obtained. 

The forms given above are used in counting. When used 
with nouns the numerals are followed by -a. 

ickdm-a xus two bears 

masox-a fenerq'nerq three women 

This numeral system is decimal. There is no trace of any 
vigesimal method of counting, and none of a quinary one, unless 
masox, three, and malawa, eight, contain a common element. 
The word for four is related to that for two. Five, six, and 
seven are one, two and three plus the prefix yiti-, of unknown 
origin but equivalent to four.^ 



^Caballeria, op. eit., p. 42, says that the **iti'' forming the first part of the 
nmnerals five, six, and seven in the Siujtu dialect means ^^here.** 



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Vol, 2.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of Calif omia. 



41 



RADICALS. 

A number of the words that denote common or natural objects 
are monosyllabic and apparently irresolvable. 



cuup 


land 


6' 


water 


tuUp 


mountain 


5k' 


lake 


Xop 


rock 


p'o'n 


wood 


Xa's 


sand 


ma'm 


house 


q'si 


sun 


ya 


arrow 


nu^ 


fire 


ax 


bow 


t6x 


smoke 






Uowini 


ar names of animals are monosyllabic: 


xus 


bear 


p'co'c 


snake 


ciw' 


elk fciervoj 


xcap 


rattlesnake 


-qo 


dog 


yox 


watersnake 


q'u'n 


rabbit 


caq! 


tuHle 


ma' 


jackrdbbit 


qop' 


toad 


naq 


rat 


q'loq 


tadpole 


slo 


eagle 


toq 


grasshopper 


a' 


crow 


c-ik' 


louse 


X'6X 


heron 


s-tfep 


flea 


ceew 


owl 


kt'u't 


spider 



The following may have been formed by reduplication from 
monosyllabic stems: 

XoXau coyote 



wawau crane 



The more important parts of the body are frequently expressed 



by monosyllabic root-like words, 
only with the possessive prefixes. 



Most of them seem to occur 



noX' 


nose 


U'L 


leg 


tuX 


eye 


te'm 


foot 


tou 


ear 


qam 


wing 


sa' 


tooth 


aL 


liver 


po' 


cheek 


paX 


skin 


nii 


neck 


OG 


fur 


muut 


back 


XoV 


penis 


pu 


arm, ha/nd 


se' 


bone 



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eleu 


tongue 


oXcoL 


urine 


tm 


vagina 


eq'wai 


nail 



42 University of California Publications. [am.aeoh.] 

The following are polysyllabic: 

oqwo'n heady hair 

a'tsus beard 

us^i chestj heart 

akcuii belly 

Terms of relationship also show monosyllabic roots in most 
cases; but the roots are generally either duplicated or preceded 
by itc- or a-. 

q6, father ma-q6qo, my father 

tuq, mother ma-k-t«q, my mother 

pe, elder brother ma-k-pfepe, my elder brother 

is, younger brother or sister ma-k-its-is, my younger brother 
tn'n, son or daughter ma-k-itc-tn'n, my son 

nuc, paternal uncle k-a-nuc, my paternal uncle 

ta, maternal uncle k-tata, my maternal uncle 

wa, "awn^' k-a-wa, my ^^aunt" 

tciiix, ^^woman^snephewffj" k-tcuix, my ^^nephew" 
mu^y father- y mother-in-law k-mu«, my father-in-law 
to, brother-, sister-in-law ma-k-to, my sister-in-law 
ne, parent of mother k-nfene, my maternal grandparent 

ma, parent of father, ma-k-mama, my paternal grand- 

parent 
ma, ^^grandchiW^ ma-k-a-ma, my ^^ grandchild ^^ 

The following do not reduce to monosyllabic roots. 



ma-k-isuyix 


my 


husband 


ma-k-ta'lik 


my 


wife 


ma-k-sumep^pe 


my 


son- or daughter-in-law 
[cf . pe, elder brother"] 


k'-6na' 


my 


^' nephew'^ 


ma-k-itc-antiik 


my friend 


Verbs for the most part 


, even if of simple significance, are 


of two and three syllables. 






Monosyllabic verbs: 






na'n go 




wopwuupw hit 


we sleep 


ike give 


w(fL shoot 





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■Vol. i.] Kroeber. — Langwiges of the Coast of Oalifomia. 



43 



Polysyllabic 


1 verbs: 






qoti 


see 


ni'qot 


break 


aqciik 


like 


tiXuan 


scratch 


axotiwiL 


. talk 


caXciiiC 


fish 


eXpfetc 


sing 


tiyepi 


show, teach 


ilukltin 


sit 


aLpat 


run 


Inkomil 


stand 


olXo 


steal 


unio 


seek 


aqmil 


drink 


xonio 


hunt 


kit'wo'n 


go outj emerge 


siniwe 


kill 


-nowo'n 




aciin 


eat 


Xo-nowo'n 


fly 


mUXUn 


hungry 


Xalkli-nowo'n jump 


Most adjectives are also of more than 


one syllable. Pre- 


positional words are all of i 


Bome lengrth. 




There are some words- 


-nouns, adjectives, and verbs— which 


are rednplieated or duplicated in their normal forms. 




wopwui^pw 


hit 






Xul'Xul 


heavy 






sn-taXtaXsiin frighten 




• 


tcrtci 


child 






XopXop 


gravel TXop, rockj 


- 


phpe 


elder brother 






mama 


paternal grandparent 




n^ne 


maternal grandparent 




liiliikun 


in 






t&p'&np'&n 


kidney 
SATiTNAN. 





In 1861 Shea printed as volume Vll of his Library of American 
Linguistics a Vocabulary of the Language of the San Antonio 
Mission, Calif omia, by Father Buenaventura Sitjar (1739-1808) . 
To* the vocabulary Shea has prefixed ten pages of grammatical 
notes based upon it. These notes serve to give an idea of the 
grammatical structure of the language. 

The chief features of the San Antonio language are a strongly 
developed plural, both in verbs and nouns, formed by the 
suffixion or the infixion near the end of the word of a very 



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44 



University of California Publications, [am. aboh. etb. 



variable element, which generally however contains either 1 or t; 
the employment of this plural in verbs for both a plural subject 
and a plural object; the pronominal conjugation of the verb by 
means chiefly of prefixes for the subject and sufltses for the 
object, with considerable unexplained variability of forms; a 
very peculiar combination of the noun with the possessive 
pronoun; the absence of cases; and the expression of local rela- 
tions in the noun by means of separate prepositions. Through- 
out, the language is remarkable for its apparent irregularity. 

Material obtained by the writer at Jolon, upon the dialect of 
San Miguel, shows this to be a closely related language with the 
same general characteristics. 

The independent pronouns of the San Miguel dialect are: 

Singular Plural 

First person ke [ek-toyove] ka° [kak] 

Second person mo [mo] mom 

The words in brackets are the San Antonio forms according 
to Shea. 

The San Miguel verbal forms obtained had these pronominal 
forms suffixed. In some cases the sufOx -leu or -lew seemed 
to indicate the third person singular. In San Antonio the sub- 
jective pronominal elements are chiefly preflxed. 

Demonstratives are na, he, and h5. Na means this; he and 
h5 presumably indicate different distances of that. In San 
Antonio na means this, pe that. Besides he, heuna is found in 
San Miguel: he luwai and heuna luwai, that man, Hewat or 
hiwet seems to be a plural of he. 

The plural of nouns is formed by the same methods as in 
San Antonio. The following forms iUustrate its variability. 

Singular Plural 

man lowai dam 

woman lene lentsen 

child sepxa sem'ta 

old woman tcini tcintEn 

house t'am t'ama^niL 

dog hutcai hoste 

knife f'cak t'cak^L 



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saxe 


saxtin 


cetep 


cetlip 


smat 


smatel 



v)ot.. 2.1 Kroeber. — Langitages of the Oocyst cf Oalifomia. 45 

bird 
dead 
beautiful 

The noun is identical in form whether subject, object, or 
possessor. The possessive case is expressed by the possessive 
pronoun. 

ticxep-o luwai foot- his man 

he-menen-o lene the-hand-hers woman 

Local relations in nouns are expressed by independent 
prepositions. 

in the waier 

in the house 

in the basket 

over, on, above the water 

on the mountain^ 



mumt5ke t*a 
memt5ke t'am 
t5ke tecaan 
l^mo t'a 
l^mo t'akat 



The possessive pronoun is fused into one word with the noun. 
The following are typical cases. The bracketed forms are San 
Antonio as given by Shea in Spanish orthography. 



Meaning 


house 


teeth 


bone 


Word 


t'am 






Is. 


f^m 


fule't 


[ejac] 


2 8. 


est'me'm 


t'mulet 


[cimegac] 


3 8. 


t'hmo 


fule'to 


[ejaco] 


Ip. 


tat'^m 


tafu'let 




2 p. 


taxffem(t) 




[za ejac] 


3 p. 


fimftot 


t'ule'tot 


[zug oejac] 


Meaning' 


elder brother 


food 


eye 


Word 








Is. 


kaiye' 


lamxat 


cukanit 


2 8. 


tumkai' 


t'amlamxat 


t'omsokanit 


3 8. 


akai'y 


lamxato 




Ip. 






tacukanit 


2 p. 




talamxat 




3p. 


akai'yot 


So in Chumash: alapa 




1 I^m-O =a&o« 


k-ya = a6ore, on. 


alapa=«A:y. 








Am. Abch 


, Bth. 2. 4. 







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46 



University of California Publications, (am. aboh. bth. 



Meaning 
Word 
Is. 

2 8. 

3 8. 

Ip. 

Meaning 
Word 
Is. 

2 8. 

3 8. 



father 



mother 


dog 




hutca'i 


apai' 


tl'itco* 


t'mfeebex" 


tmi'itco 


hxo [epjo] 


tritcoo 


t'aebex 




hand 


brother 


menenke 


[citol] 


t'umenen 


[etsmitol] 


meneno 


[citolo] 



tata"' [tm] 

t'embek [cimic] 

t'embeko [ecco] 

tabek [za till] 

knife 

t'ak, teak 

tEcak 

t'mEcak 

tEcako 

The structure of these pronominal forms is very difficult to* 
understand. Additional cases that were obtained do not make 
the matter clearer. What contributes largely to the complexity 
is the initial t* (t, tc, ts, c, s) , which occurs in many of the forms 
and is absent from others. It cannot be regarded as part of the 
pronominal possessive prefix because it occurs with equal fre- 
quency as the first sound of many nouns in their simple non- 
possessive form. Nearly three-fourths of the prefixless names of 
animals and natural objects begin with t' or one of its variants. 
It is possible that the initial t* is of demonstrative origin, per- 
haps an article that has become incorporated. It will be remem- 
bered that in Chumash the article is generally used with the 
possessive prefix. If this explanation is correct, San Miguel 
t-m-iitco, thy dog, would be equivalent to Chumash ma-p-qo. 
Salinan otherwise shows a tendency to use demonstratives before 
the possessive prefixes.' 

1 Sitjar: thy mother, peHsmipeg, mats mlpeg, eHsmlpeg. 

3 Sitjar gives dog as o'tcho in San Antonio, my dog as si o^teh^o or si'tch^o. 
If est is kiinl, my nest sikiin, (his) nest sikiino. Stone house e*xcon, my house 
oh^icono^y thy house simch^icono. his house ch^ioonou. My bed quiohe*meH, thy 
bed aquimicbe*meH, his bed quiohe*me*to. 



3 San Miguel: 




San Antonio: 




ho t'umpasi 
he meneno lene 
e t'omenen 
na tat'dopik 
na t'umkai 
na t-mecak 
na t'ulet, t'ulet 


thy son 

the woman^s hand 

thy hand 

our heads 

thy older brother 

thy knife 

my teeth 


peHsmipeg 

pe* 

na cim-lamay 

na 


thy mother 

that 

thy right hand 



ho t'abek, t'abek our father 
In the Lord's Prayer given by Duflot de Mofras, Ezpl. dn Terr, de I'Oregon, 
II, 392, and quoted by Shea, na, this, occurs seven times, five of the occurrences 
being before nouns to which a possessive pronoun is afflxed: na sananaol, the our 
debt; natsmalog, thy will; etc. 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeher, — Languages of the Coast of California, 



47 



On the other hand the Washo language of the eastern slope 
of the Sierra Nevada shows a peculiarity of structure that may 
be similar to this one in Salinan. The stems of many nouns and 
verbs are identical in Washo. The first person is indicated 
by the prefixion of the same elements in noun and verb. The 
same is true of the second person. The third person is indicated 
in both noun and verb by the absence of pronominal elements. 
Thus from the root anal are formed 1-anal-i, m-aual-i, anal-i, I 
live^ you live, he lives, and 1-anal, m-anal, anal, my house, your 
house, his house. To form the non-pronominal simple noun, a 
d- is prefixed to the root. While his house is anal, house abso- 
lutely or a house, the house, is d-anal. There is thus an appar- 
ent but unreal formation of the third person possessive by 
apocope; and there is also a large class of nouns beginning with 
the element d-. As both these conditions are similar to those in 
Salinan, it is not impossible that an analogous morphological 
process has been operative there. 

The complexity of these pronominal noun-forms is however 
such that their nature cannot be positively ascertained without 
extensive study. It is evident that phonetic influences have con- 
tributed to bring about the irregularity. 

The following are the numerals: 





San Miguel 


San Miguel 


San Antoni 






Hale' 


Shen 


1 


d^i 


tohi 


tdl 


2 


ha'kec 


kfigsu 


caquiche 


3 


la^pai 


tlfibahi 


lappay 


4 


gle'ca 


kesa 


quicha 


5 


oltca"d 


oldrato 


ultrao 


6 




paiate 


painel 


7 




tepa 


quent6 


8 




sratel 


shaanel 


9 




teditrup 


tetatsoi 


10 




trupa 


zoe 



1 Trans. Am. Ethn. Soc., II, 126. 
quality of English n in bnt. 



The marked n in kflgsu and tliibahi has the 



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48 



University of California Publieations, [am. aboh. kth. 



RELATIONSHIP OP CHUMASH AND SALINAN. 

There are the following lexical similarities between the Chu 
mashan and the Salinan material obtained. 



English 


Chumash 


Salinan 


rabbit 


q!u'n 


map! 


jack rahbit 


ma' 


g!00L 


rock 


Xop 


c-xap 


sky 


alapa 


l^m 


work 


talawaxa* 


trfilxnal* 


younger brother 


its-is 


t'-os 


older sister 


pepe 


pe 


ground squirrel 


h'mht 


c-emkom 



Several of these resemblances are probably only apparent. 
The similarities found' between other Chnmashan and Salinan 
dialects seem doubtful. There is as yet no reason to consider 
the two languages genetically related. 

On the other hand Chumash and Salinan are alike in the 
following respects: 

1. Their general phonetic character, which is not absolutely 
harsh, but yet less simple and smooth than that of most Cali- 
fornian languages. 

2. The existence of a plural, though this is differently formed 
in the two languages. 

3. The employment of the pronominal elements in the form 
of afltses instead of independent words; further the prefixion of 
the subjective and possessive elements and the suffixion of the 
objective. 

4. The use with the possessive pronoun of a prefixed element 
more or less demonstrative in nature. 

5. The close fusion of the pronominal elements with the 
noun, as evidenced in Chumash by reduplication of the pronoun 
with the noun and in Salinan by the inability of analysis to 
separate noun from pronoun with certainty. 

6. The absence of both syntactical and local cases. 



1 Perhaps Spanish. 

2 A. S. Oatschet, Bep. Chief of Engineers, 1876, III, p. 553. 



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VOL. 3.J Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California, 49 

7. The use of independent prepositions to express local rela- 
tions in nonns. 

8. The numeral system, which in both languages is decimal, 
not quinary, and has the words for four and two derived from the 
same stem. The latter is the case also in Tokuts and Gostanoan. 

The two languages differ in the following points of structure: 

1. The presence of reduplication as a syntactical or formal 
means in Chumash, and its absence in Salinan. 

2. The presence of a plural in verbs in Salinan and its 
absence in Chumash. 

Some of the features enumerated are of a general nature and 
of weight in showing similarity only because most of the neigh- 
boring languages are difFerent. For instance, while the use of 
independent prepositional words is in itself not a very specific 
characteristic, it becomes so in California and the surrounding 
region, where almost all the less extensive families, as well as 
the larger Shoshonean, Tuman, Piman, and Sahaptian stocks, 
employ case-like suffixes in place of prepositions. In general the 
salient characteristics common to Chumash and Salinan are not 
found elsewhere in the region, and the two languages must there- 
fore be regarded as constituting a morphological group/ 

ESSELEN. 

The Esselen people and language having become extinct, the 
author is indebted to the courtesy of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology for the material on which the following account is 
based. 

The extant material belonging to this linguistic stock is very 
limited and unsatisfactory for grammatical purposes, consisting 
only of several short vocabularies which include a few phrases.* 
There are no texts, not even a Lord's prayer. 

Two short Esselen vocabularies, one of twenty-two and the 
other of thirty-one words, were collected before the close of the 
eighteenth century by la P6rouse and Galiano. These have been 



1 Ameriean Anthropologist, n. s. V, p. 1, 1903. 

a The total number of words and phrases in all of the voeabularies is over three 
hundred, but there are little more than two hundred different words. 



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50 University of CkUifomia Publications, [am. aeoh. bth. 

reprinted once or twice/ Dnflot de Mofras grives a set of Esselen 
numerals under the heading Carmelo.* The Franciscan mission- 
ary Arroyo de la Cuesta, from whom we have a Mutsun grammar 
and phrase-book, wrote in 1821 a manuscript entitled ^^Idiomas 
Calif omios," containing brief material from a dozen Calif omian 
languages and dialects, one of which is Esselen. He gives some 
fifty words and phrases. A copy of this manuscript, then in 
Santa Barbara, California, was made in 1878 by Mr. E. T. 
Murray for the Bureau of American Ethnology. In 1888 Mr. 
H. W. Henshaw, then investigating the languages of California 
south of San Francisco on behalf of the Bureau, obtained one 
hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases of Esselen, in 
part from a man named Pacifico, but mainly from an old woman 
at Monterey, named Eulalia, who has since died.* Neither de 
la Cuesta' s nor Henshaw' s vocabularies have been printed. 
They constitute the material which has been put at the author's 
disposal by the Bureau of Ethnology.* In 1902 the writer 
attempted to obtain Esselen material at Monterey, but found 
only an old Costanoan woman who after considerable effort 
succeeded in remembering half a dozen Esselen words. 

As the extant Esselen material is not likely to be increased, 
and as most of it has never been printed, it is here given entire 
and unchanged from the originals. 



1 Neither the original account of the voyag^e of la P^rouse, nor Galiano's Bela- 
eion del yiage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana, 1802, have been accessi- 
ble. The la P^rouse vocabulary, taken by Lamanon, was reprinted in the English 
translation published in London in 1799, and this has been available. La P^rouse's 
vocabulary was also reprinted by A. S. Taylor in the California Farmer, October 17. 
1862. These two la P^rouse vocabularies show discrepancies in regard to six words* 
of which one is an omission by Taylor. Of Qaliano's vocabulary a manuscript copy 
from the Bureau of Ethnology has been available. Qaliano's vocabulary has been 
reprinted in the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, II, 137, and 
by A. S. Taylor in the California Farmer, April 20, 1860. Of these two reprints 
the former shows nine variations and one omission, and the latter seven variations, 
from the Bureau manuscript copy. 

2 Duflot de Mofras, Expl. du Terr, de I'Oregon, 1844, II, p. 401. 

3 In the American Anthropologist, III, 45-49, 1890, under the title *^A New 
Linguistic Family in California," Henshaw gives an account of the obtaining of 
his Esselen material. 

* De la Cuesta's vocabulary is in Spanish orthogn^hy, while Henshaw used the 
Bureau of Ethnology alphabet. Galiano's spelling is Spanish, that of la P^rouse 
and de Mofras French. 



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Vol. i.] Kroeber.— Languages of the Coast of California. 



51 




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vou 2.J Kroeb^.-^Lomguaget of the Coast of (kUifomia. 



53 





Henshaw 


de la Cuesta 


mff father 




maaths 


My wife (mi muger, 6 espoaa) 


nio-ta; nio-ta' 


niBta 


child 


, 


panajaeg 


I wiU eat (voy a e<mer) ^ 




ne amlala 


IwiUory(vovaUarar) 




ne sia hoalala 


grandfaiher J 
hit him (pegate) ^ 


n«m-l8-mia-toi;i 


metg 


myt-h^e 






haohilis ma 


siiHf (eanta tu) 




name 


wood 


i-i 


ii 


fffvlrWrv MiVVFv 




poWmo 


9un 


a'-ci 


assi 


give me (dame) 


to'-h^r-sa 


tagesa 


take it (toma) 




yu 


atone 




shiefe 


ihegrowUt (tierra) 


mak-sa'-U 


mathra 


eottontaa nObit (eon^o) 


t'ci'-oi 


ohis 


fish 


kohU-kohU 


oalol 


he died (mwio) 




moho 


I 


^n-nl 


enne 


you 


n^m-mX 


name 


he(aquel) 


lal 


hninikl ^ 


we 




lees 


y« 




nomeths 


they (aqueUos) 




laths 


I eat (yo eomo) 




enne ama 


you eat (tu eomea) 




name ama 


he eats (aquel come) 




hniniki ama 


come with me! (ven conmigo) 




iyo enemanu 


I go with you (voy contigo) 




ninenn nanmemann 


come! (ven) 


i-yu' 


iyo 


lookl (vete) 




abscula 


donU oryt (no llores) 




an siahnage 


I love you mu^ (te quiero mucho) 




mlslayaya colo 


hit me with the stone! (dame, 6 






pegame eon la piedra) 




pejnisma shiefeni 


it is finished (se aoaho) 




amomuths 


there is no more (ya estd no mas) 




alepus 


foot (pies) 




keae 


hair (pelo) 




haea 


naiU(ufias) 




nloje 


body (euerpo) 




menjel 


heart (corazon) 




masianeg 


fiea (pulga) 




hnojehahui 


eyes (cjos) 




oa 


head(cdbe0a) 


ka'-ta 


jissi 


mouth (hooa) 




catnsneg 



1 The two last Towels are not qoite certain in the manuscript. 



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54 



University of California Publications, [am. asob. bth. 





Henshaw de la Cuesta 


ahovCf up (arriba) 


ansai 


under (ahajo) 


jnjuliiiai 


what is your name? {cofno te 




Uamasf) 


kiakit na mismap 


speak! {habla tu) 


alpa nanme 


river (rio) 


asum 


creek {en la Soledad arroyo) 


K cachon 


dry creek (arroyo seoo) 


aspasianag 


oldwonum 


u'-I-yan 




a-la'-ki-n-jon 


boy 


S-hl-pa-na'-sis 


girl 


80-le'-ta 


my daughter 


nio-i-iea-a 


UUle girl; baby 


a-ka'+8-ki-ta-pa-na'-8i 


Utile boy; baby 


u-ku'+8-ki e-hfi'-notc 


UttU whiU girl 


h61-ftl-ki-pa-na 


old man 


la-U-he'-si 


devil (other informant: dark) 


tu'-mas 


the devil or evil spirit 


tn+mas-atc-hA-pa 


you are a devil 


ha-tooh^ -pa 


mother-in-law 


i-8i'-kl8 


sister 


i'-tci 


niece 


tut-8u'+ 


my son 


nic-pa'-na; mis-pa'-na 


said to be an oaih 


at-sa'-ni-oa 




a-na-i 


knife 


kum-mal 


dizey 


ti-ma'-ma 


he is drunk 


la-wa'-ti-ma'-ma 


dandy; fop 


ti-hilc-pas 


to flirt 


ti-hiOc-pas 


joker 


tdn-nl'n-paio 


a nuisance; one who is in the way 


tS^-H^B 


bay 


i-mi-lft'n-o 


house 


i-wa'-no 


basket, water-tight 


t'8i-la 






bottle of wicker 


ku'-uh' , ku'uh' 


roasting pan of roots 


io-pa-ca'-a+ 


winnowing basket 


oa'k-a 


rabbit robe 


«-he'-pft8 


asphaltum 


ci'-kll-i 


wet ground 


a'-sel-Ml-ki-ta 


hole 


i-mu'-sa 


ground-squirrel 


mfi'-h^e 


freshly made squin*el hole 


a'-8al-h6'l.ki-ta-m8'-h8-i-mn'-8a 


people 


8f-fe'-hM 



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Vol. 2.1 Kroeher.'-LcmguagM of the Coast of Calif omia. 



55 



** common p6ople(gm^0 d$ nuKm) "' 

rat 

eojfote 

dog 

deer 

gopher {pocket) 

hear {hlaek) 

mountain Hon 

wild eat 

quaa 

birds; aU birds that /Ig 

crow 

salmon 

rattlesnake 

mussels 

cat 

Mekon 

acorn 

white-oak 

tule 

grass roots used to usaks baskets 

goodnight 

gesterdag; amother dag 

running water 

tobacco 

give me tobaooo 

salt 

smoke 

sea, ocean 

seeds of plants for food 

meat 

pinole 

mush {ofaooms) 

to eat pinole 

a quantitg, much 

spotted tail 

neeklaee of beads 

a favorite dance on feast dags 

that is the truth 

I am hungrg 

he is hungrg 

we are going to bring wood 

bring water 

build afire 

where do gou come from 



Henshaw 
maU-hmi'-bft 

mA'tc-kM; mfl'to-kls 

oto-inAt; ha' -tea- IDAS; ean-i'-oo 

a-mr-Mh* 

U-DA'-nl 

kol-W-U; koa-U-U 

ti-lo'-ma 

ko'-mul 

tett'p-his 

le-ka" 

W-lbi; ki-li'-w& 

M't-B«lk-km-mm-Uii 

hA-U'k-al 

ml't-kA-tM (Carmelo Ung.f) 

kmi-ji'-nftp-ea 

pA-la't-M 

hM-K 

kft-pa'-nft 

M-le'-ki-it-ni* 

toi-lo-ir-d 
k'A'-a, k'a'-ah 
kft'k-a-to-he'-M 
mak-h*A-U-ii* 

i-mi'-li 

i-ja'm-paa 

t4't-8i 

a-mali* ; am-moh* 

tee'r-win 

hu'-I-ja-a-mah^ 

ma'-li-ai-ha-pa' 

•Q-hu'-lol-pa-wIt 

am-hft'n-ni 

le'-ll-ma 

man-tah* -i-te 

ma-oai'-pa-dn-nl; ma-eai'-I-pa-dn-nl 

la'I-ma-eai-pa 

toi'-II-ha'8-la 

to-Ia'-ha-sa'-na 

la-oa'fl-hoh 

ke'-ya-l'-ya-nft'm-ml 



I "Gente de rason " denotes eiyiUsed people, the whites. 
3 Or a-Io-ka/. Mannseript doubtful. 
>The third vowel may be e. 



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66 



Univemty of Oalifomia Publieaiums. Lam. aboh. btb. 



give me this 

came to bed 

get up, to get up 

are you going 

let us go 

who knows 

go away 

let us go home 

are you married? # 

good day 

haven* t got it; there' is nothing 

you have arrived 

bring ihe coat {of rabbit skins) 

I am glad 

I am mad 

he is angry 

he is coming to-day 

women are going to bring a load 

oftule 
give me a drink 
drink (of water) 
you are nice 
I am cold 
eome, oome! 
put it on 

what are you laughing atf 
talk, talk, what is the matter! 
I am sleepy 
to sleep 

to sleep near the fire 
who is ihatt 
that is that 
he is over there 
is it your wifet 
to sit down 
where are you going? 
where is het 
to relate; to tell 
to eat 
food 
oome 
to bet 
to run 



Henshaw 
i-yuh' 

i-yuOi' -pok-a-ni'-si 
ak-kih'-pi-Bi; aOc-hM-pi'-si 
i-yaOt-al' 
tci'-ll-yftlt-al 
me^-tca' 
toi-li-nSn-i 
i-yak-al-i-wa'-no 
mut-tl-W-wI-nttnt 
sa-le'-ki a-sa't-sa 
ma-ll-tah^ -pa 
la-wa-l&-hA-yi-8i 
i-ynOi' hi-ti'-ta 
hi-la'-pa-Sn-nl 
h*n-l&-h'n-lflk+fin-nl 
la-wat-su'-h^ a-i'-sa 
1&^ -ma-oa-pa dn-nl 
a'-mis-wa-lu'-si ta-notc a-wai-a-ke- 

BU-lo-hA'n-ka* 
to-h* e-8a-pfik-lu+-kn* 
lu'-ku 
o-wd'p-pfts 
Bu'-tuk-dn-nl 
i'-yu-i'-yu 
e-md'n-na-h^u 
pa-ol'm-a-ke-na't-su 
hal-pa-ma-tci'-hal-pn-mato-ka'ts-ski 
a-tln-ni-a 

po-ko-ni'fl-hM; ats-i-ni'-si 
i'o-to-lo 
ki-nik-i-la-ll 
a-ka-la-li-a-ni-ki 
a-ka-la-oi-ha-ni-ki 
nlm-mlo-ta 

ko-stLn-noh^ ; ko^-BO-ni's-h'i 
kd'ts - pam -n6 -ni'-pnk 
ki-ki 

hu-mul-pa 
a' -ma 

ha-ma'k'-oa 
i-yu' 

8u'-I-yun-hu' 
oan-oa-yi'-ai 



iThe manusoript has ya- at some distance before i-yaOc-al, apparently not 
****3nded to form part of it. 
2Cf. "no." 
3"a'-ml8-wa-la'-si — {ood oftule,^ ^^a-wai-a-ke-sn-lo-hA^n-ka^arf coming.^ 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber.-^Languages of the Co(ut of Oalifomia. 57 







Henshaw 


to walk 




nfi'n-I 


to laugh 




a-ke-ni-si 


toting 




ma-wi-pft 


sing, sing! 




mau'-wl 


Mp, buttock 




hi'8-ki-§i 


nose 




ho'-ote 


mouVi 




i'-ol 


ears 




tu-su's-nl-ya' 


sole of foot; footprintt 


orfoott 


«B-ke^-U 


Inme 




i'-ya 


your Inmes 




nfi'm-ml-ci'-ya 


eye 




hilL-pa; a'-ha 


your eyes 




nft'm-mls-hi'k-pa 



Scant as this material is, it allows the determination of a 
number of the stmctnral traits of the langfuage. 

PHONETICS. 

The sounds of Bsselen are the following: 

n o a e i 

ai 
k X 

tc, ts 

t n 1 c,s 

p f m 

w, y, h 

Of the vowels, a is the most frequent, and i is nearly as com- 
mon. These two sounds constitute two- thirds of the occurrences 
of vowels. U and e are of about equal frequency, but o is 
uncommon. There are a few cases of diphthongal ai. 

Among the consonants full sonants are probably lacking. 
P, an uncommon sound in America, is found several times: 
nicfe, efifeh'i, lawaef , shiefe.* La P6rouse states that it is spoken 
as by Europeans. 



^R, given twice by Henshaw (tserwin, mush; kinianermi, who are you) is 
probably not a true sooiid of the language (cf . nemmi, you). The same may be said 
of Hettshaw't sporadic 9 (taetselkamathl, rattUsnahe) ^ b fmatshaiba, g^^te de 
ra9<m)f and !i (lueufihufa^ build a Jlre, which probably ttlacnnznz). The ths of 
de la Gnesta appears to be meant for tc. La P6rouse gtves r twice and b oncd. 



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58 University of California Publicaiions. [am. aboh. kth. 

There appears to be a certain correspondence between s and 
h, X, k. Thus, asanax, asanas; mitci, methe, metg; eh^inutc, 
ejennutek; tanotc, tanutek/ 

All consonants except w appear at the beginning of words 
and all except t, m, ts, and w, y, h have been found at the end 
of words. It is probable that in larger vocabularies t, m, and 
ts would be found occurring finally. 

Vowels constitute more than one-third of the initial sounds 
of words, and considerably more than two-thirds of the final 
sounds. The syllable of most common type therefore consists 
of a consonant followed by a vowel. There are no words com- 
mencing with two consonants and none ending with two. There 
are no combinations of three consonants in the middle of words. 
It is clear from this that the syllables of the primary elements or 
radicals of the language contain no double consonants, and that 
all combinations of consonants are due to composition or deriva- 
tions. Part of the occurrences of double consonants can, by 
analysis, be shown to result from this cause. For instance, 
am-lala, es-keli, nic-fe, hatcoh*-pa, mis-katas. Nevertheless 
double consonants are not rare. E, t, x, n, m, 1, s, c, ts, tc 
occur as the first sound, and k, t, p, x, f, n, m, 1, w, h as the 
second element in such combinations. Accordingly all the con- 
sonants but y enter into combinations. 

It thus appears that the phonetics of Esselen are simple and 
regular. 





PRONOUNS. 


The Esselen prononns appear to be the following 


Is. 


eni, ene 


2 s. 


nemi, name, nanme 


3 s. 


lal 


Ip. 


lee 


2 p. 


nometc 


3 p. 


late 



iThe same yariability is found in Moquelmnnan (Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn., 
Ill, 362) and in the Dieguefio of Tuman stock. S and h, x, k are also interdialee- 
tically equivalent in Moquelumnan and Costanoan, and in certain Shoshonean 
dialects of Southern California. 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber.— Languages of the Coast of Odlifomia. 59 

There is nothing to show whether lal and late are pronominal 
or demonstrative. 

The possessive forms, which are prefixed, are: 

1 8. nic- 

2 8. nemic-, mic- 

It is possible that m- is a possessive prefix of the second per- 
son.^ Parts of the body are found without affixed possessives. 

Nearly all the conjugational forms of the verb show the full 
unabridged pronoun.* De la Cuesta puts the pronoun separate 
from the verb and before it.* Henshaw makes it follow the verb, 
except in the third person.* It appears from this that Esselen 
does not belong, as do Chumash and Salinan, to the type of lan- 
guages characterized by incorporated pronominal elements. 

There is only one doubtful occurrence of an objective pro- 
noun. This form is identical with the possessive pronoun of the 
same person, and like it is prefixed.^ 

The third person intransitive shows two forms, lal and lawa.* 

Instead of lal, de la Cuesta gives winiki for A^ faquelj. A 
similar form, aniki, is found once or twice in Henshaw's material 
with demonstrative meaning.^ The stem of the interrogative is 
ki. Who? is usuaUy kini,* and where? ke-.* 

1 Of. ** mother": Henshaw, matsi; Galiano, de la P^rouse, atoia. 
3 The exceptions are: ne amlala, vop a comer, ne siawalala, voy a llorar, 
3ene ama, I eat, name ama, you eat; winiki ama, he eats; but alpa nanme» 
habla tu, 

^maoaipa eni, / am hungry; lal macaipa, he U hungry; keya iya nemi, where 
do you eome fromf hilapa eni, I am glad; lawa tsnxaisa, he is angry; etc. 
> mislayaya kolo, te quiero mueho, I like thee much, 
>lal-macaipa he is hungry 

kini-ki-laU who U thatt 

lawa-timama he is drunk 
lawa-tsnxaisa he is hngry 
lawa-loh&yisi ^you have arrived** 
7 aka-lal-i-aniki that U that 
aka-lao-i-hanlki he is over there 

8kini a n^me who is that fellow f {quien es esef) 

kini-a-ne(r)mi who are youf 

kini-ki-lali who is thatt 

kiki who is hef 

kiakit na mismap what is thy name? {como te llamast) 
This ki- may be the same as the -ki in winiki, aniki. 

> keya iya nemmi where do you eome fromf 
kets-pam-nini-pnk where are you goingt 



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60 Unit^erHty of California Publications. Iam. abch. Bra. 

From the fact that unabridged forms of the independent pro- 
noun are used in the verb conjugation, that the personal pro- 
nouns can assume the case endings of nouns/ and that words 
denoting parts of the body are used without possessive pronouns, 
it is evident that the pronoun of Esselen is substantival rather 
than syntactical. 

VERBS. 

The imperative seems to be formed by the stem. An optative 
or imperative is expressed by tcili-. 

tcili-hasla we are going to bring wood ^esla, bring J 

tcili-yakal let us go Hyakal, are you going? J 

tcili-neni go away! 

ha-tcili-smu hit him! (pegah) 

The sufllx -la may denote the future. 
The negative is probably an.' 

ADJECTIVES. 

Adjectives appear tdmost always with a suffix -ki. If the 
translations are correct, this suffix serves to render the adjective 
attributive . This process is analogous to one in Costanoan . The 
adjective precedes the noun. 

oxusk, ukuski, uhusk small 

ukuski ta-pana-si small girl, female infant 

ukUs ehinutc Small hoy, male infant 

heleki pana little white girl 

alaki uynn black fold) woman 

putuki, yakiski large 

saleki asatsa good day 

saleki itsu good night 

NOUNS. 

It is impossible to determine from the limited material whether 
sjrntactical cases, either possessive or objective, existed in the 
language. 

I See p. 61. 

2 au slawaze (for &6t), do not wtep {no lloras); luia, no; anai, nothing. 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeher, — Languages of the Coast of California. 61 

Of local- instrumental cases there are a few instances. 

pexuisma ciefe-nn hit-me stone-withl 

iyo ene-mann come me-withl 

ninenu nanme-manu I-go thee-tvith 

It appears that -nn is instramental and -manu eomitative. 
The occurrence of these case-sufllxes, analogous to those found 
in most Galifomian languages, distinguishes Esselen quite 
sharply from Chumash and Salinan. The use of these suffixes 
on the pronoun shows that this part of speech had much the 
morphological value of a noun. 

The vocabularies give several forms that purport to be plural, 
but there is nothing to show that any of the forms given are 
reaUy so. Such identical forms as 

iya bone nemic-iya your bones 
hikpa eye nemis-hikpa your eyes 

may be due to real absence of a plural or to inexact translation. 

There is nothing that has the appearance of being a plural suffix. 
It is possible that final reduplication was used to express a 

plural. 

k'a, k'ax, kaka tobacco 

aimoulas [for aimutast] star (la P6rouse) 
amutatas stars (de la Cuesta) 

tus-us-niya ears (de la Cuesta) 

In Washo final reduplication expresses a category related to 
the plural. 

NUMERALS. 

The Esselen numerals, as they may be reconstructed from the 
various vocabularies, seem to be: 



1 


pek 


2 


xulax 


3 


xulep 


4 


xamaxus 


5 


pemaxala 


6 


pek-walanai 


7 


xulax-walanai 


. Axon. Bth. S, 6. 



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62 



University of California Publications, [am. a«ch. bth. 



8 xulep-walanai 

9 xamaxos-walanai or xamax-walanai 

10 tomoila 

11 pek-kelenai 

12 xulax-kelenai 

This system is strictly quinary. The numerals from six to 
nine are formed from those for one to four by the addition of 
walanai, and those from eleven to fourteen by the addition of 
kelenai. Two and three show analogous forms, xulax and 
xulep. Five, pe-max-ala, appears to contain the root of pek, 
one^ while its last element, -ala, occurs also in the formative 
walanai. 

REDUPLICATION. 

There are about fifteen instances of reduplication in the 
Esselen vocabularies. It does not seem likely that these can all 
be accidental and meaningless. Owing to the disjointed nature 
of the sentences and phrases, the functions of this reduplication 
are, however, not ascertainable. 



amomutc 

cancayisi 

ne amlala 

ne siawalala 

mislayaya kolo 

timama 

lawa-timama 

xuxuwai 

suh-ul-ul-pawis 

mamanes 

lelima 

kaka, k'a, k'ax 

amutatas 

tus-us-niya 

koxlkoxl 

kalul 

xilaxiluk-enni 

tcololosi 

tsetselkamati 

opopabos 



it is finished fse acaboj 

to run 

I mil eat fvoy a corner) 

I mil cry fvoy a llorarj 

I like thee much 

dizzy 

he is drunk 

under, below, (abajoj 

spotted tail 

fire 

a dance • 

tobacco 

stars 

ears 

fish 

fish 

I am angry 

running water 

rattlesnake 

seal 



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VOL.2,] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California. 63 

DERIVATION. 

A number of suffixes, both nominal and verbal, are discern- 
ible, but the meaning of most remains conjectural, 
-nex occurs on nouns: 

masianex heart 

katusnex mouth 

aspasianax dry arroyo 

anix fire 

-no is also substantival: 

imilano hay ^imila, ocean) 

iwano house 

-s is a common ending of nouns: 



tumas 


''devil:' dark 


tse-es 


nuisance^ one in the way 


lotos 


arrow 


ehepas 


rabhit'Skin robe 


mutckas, matckas 


coyote 


tcaphis 


birds 


utcmas, hutcumas 


dog 


mis-katas 


cat (Spanish) 


iyampas 


seeds for food 


hocis 


nose 


tomanis 


night 


mamanes 


fire 


nic-inatas 


day 


opopabos 


seal 


panasis 


boy 


isikis 


mother-in-law 


nic-iwis 


friend 


xekis 


panther 


amutatas 


stars 


und both in nouns 


and in verbs. In the latter case it 



appears to denote a future or an optative: 

tcili-has-la we will bring wood 

es-la hasana bring water! 

yoku-la asanax bring water! 



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64 



University of California Publications. Um. abch. bth. 



ink-la asanax 
ne am-la-la 
ne siawa-la-la 
absku-la 

tsila 

koltala 

imila 

maksala 

tomoila 



-sa: 



tohi-sa, tnxe-sa 

lawa-tsuxai-sa 

atsani-ca 

imu-sa 

kaiyina-p-ca 



-pa: 



macai-pa eni 
lal macai-pa 
malitax-pa 
hila-pa eni 
l&^-maca-pa eni 
mawi-pa 
hal-pa, al-pa 
humnl-pa 

hatcox-pa, atch&-pa 
matshai-ba 
malinaiha-pa 
hik-pa 



give me water! 
I win eat (voy a comer) 
I will cry (voy a llorarj 
look! fvete) 

a kind of basket 

black bear 

ocean 

ground 

ten 

give me! 

he is angry 

an oath 

hole 

chicken (Spanish) 

I am hungry 

he is hungry 

havenH got it, there is nothing 

I am glad 

"Ae is coming to-day^' 

"to sing^^ 

talk, speak! 

tell, relate 

devil; you are a devil 

whites (gente de razonj 

a quantity, much 

eye 



One of the commoneBt suffixes is -pisi, which also appears as 
-nisi, -isi, -pis. It makes substantives of verbs. Many of the 
verbs given by Henshaw as in the absolute form have this suffix 
and are therefore probably really nominal participles. 

malpa-pic*, alpapisi hablador, gossiper, talkative ma/n 

kolxala-6ic, kolhala hablador, story-teller 

akix-pisi, akxi-pis get up 

lawa-loho-yisi "yow" have arrived 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California. 



65 



iyux poka-nisi 

poko-nisxi 

atsi-nisi 

koso-Disxi 

canca-yisi 

ake-nisi 

mepe-yisi 



come to bed 

sleep 

sleep (atinia, I am sleepy) 

sit down 

run 

laugh 

dance (also: mep, mefpa) 

Several forms in -pas are probably to be included: 

tihik-pas " dandy , fop;'' ''to fliH " 
tenin-paic joker 
owe-pas ''you are nice'' 

The same suffix is perhaps present in the following nominal 
forms: 



lalihesi 


old 


man 


hiskisi 


hip 


, buttock 


tcololosi 


running water 


iyampas 


seeds for food 


ehepas 


rabbit'sMn robe 


COMPOSITION. 


►wing instances of composition have beei 


asi, aci 




sun 


as-atsa 




day 


xetsa 




light (luz) 


itsu 




night 


tumas 




dark, devil 


tomanis 




night 


tomanis-aci 




moo^i 


pana 




child 


ta-pana 




daughter 


pana-xuex 




son 


ta-pana-si 




girl 


ehi-pana-sis 




boy 


ehi-nutc 




m^n 


ta-notc 




woman 


sole-ta, ni(c)-cole-ta 


girl, my daughter 



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66 



University of California Publications, [am. aboh. kth. 



mak-sala, 


matra 


ground, earth 


mak-xalana 


salt 


imi-ta 




shy 


imi-la 




sea 


kele 




foot 


es-keli 




sole 



The formation of the words for man and woman is analogous 
to that in Costanoan. Night-snn for moon is common in Ameri- 
can languages. The similarity of sTcy and sea is carious if not 
fortuitous. In other languages sky and earth are sometimes 
from the same root. 

While derivation takes place through suffixes, in composition 
the qualifying substantival component precedes, as is customary 
in American languages. 

VOCABULARY. 

Verbal stems appear to be mostly disyllabic. 



al-pa 


speak 


am 


eat 


pok-o-n 


sleep 


akix, akxi 


get up 


at(s)-i-n 


sleep 


can-ca 


run 


kos-o-n 


sit dotm 


mepe 


dance 


ak-e-n 


laugh 


mawi 


sing 


macai 


hungry 


iyu 


come 


siawa 


weep 


tihik 


flirt 


neni 


go, walk 


tox-i 


give 


moho 


die 


es-la 


bring 


hila 


glad 


tima 


dizey 


luku 


drink 






To facilitate comparisons the most common nouns are f 


El uniform orthography. 






Parts of the body 


• 






haka 


hair, fur 


tus-us-niya 


ears 


xisi, kata 


head 


kele 


foot 


ici, katus-nex 


mouth 


menxel 


body 


is-kotre (sic) 


beard 


masia-nex 


heart 


aur (sic) 


teeth 


hiskisi 


hip, buttock 


ka, axa, hikpa 


eye 


iya 


bone 


hocis 


nose 


uloxe 


nails 



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Vol. J.I Kroeber. — Langvages of the Coast of Oalifomia. 



67 



Persons: 








exi- 


man 


lallhesl 


old man 


ta- 


woman 


nyan 


old woman 


pana 


child 


efehl 


people 


Terms of relationship: 






ahai, maatc^ 


father 


atsla, matsl 


mother 


milts 


''brother*' 


ltd 


''sister*' 


metce, metxe 


grandfather 


Isikls 


mother-in-law 


ta (woman J 


wife 


tntsn 


"niece'' 


fe 


friend 


iwls, lenoxe 


friend^ 


Animals: 








xekiR 


panther 


opopabos 


seal 


toloma 


wild cat 


tcaphls 


birds 


koltala 


black bear 


Icka 


crow 


matckas 


coyote 


knmal 


quail 


hatcmas, canoco 


dog 


koxlkoxl,kalul>f«A 


amisax 


deer 


talln, kUlwa 


salmon 


tcici, tois 


cottontail rabbit tsetselkamatl 


rattlesnake 


mexe 


ground-squirrel halakal 


mussels 


makel 


rat 


woxewawl 


flea 


tanani 


gopher 






Various: 








aci 


sun^ moon 


maksala, matra earth 


x-etsa 


light 


Imlta 


sky 


tuma-8 


dark, night 


Imlla 


sea 


amutas 


star 


asanax 


water 


anix 


fire 


asnm 


river 


tcaxa 


smoke 


polomo 


mountain 


ii 


wood 


ciefe 


stone 


paynnax, pag^anax 


bow 


pawl, lotos 


arrow 


knmel 


knife 


Iwano 


house 


total 


meat 


amux 


pinole 


tsewln 


acorn-soup 


tsUa 


basket 



1 haya, ahaj, aoi, maaths in the original. 

2 A number of the terms of relationship are preceded in the vooabalaries by 
the possessive prefixes or proclitics nic-, mic-, nemic-. It is possible that where 
initial m- occurs in terms of relationship it is a possessive prefix also. The ending 
-te or -tci is foond on the words for father, mother, brother, sister, g^randfather, 
niece. 



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68 University of Caiifamia Puhlic^Uians. [am. abch. bthl 

In a few words Esselen resembles other languages, especially 



Costanoan. 






Unglish. 


Esselen, 


Costanoan} 


dog 


hutcmas 


matean 


coyote 


matckan 




cottontail rabbit 


tcici 




jack rabbit 




tcleis* 


meat 


totsi 




deer 




toof 


e^r 


tns-us-niya 


tuxs* 


nose 


hoc-is 


wns 


foot 


kele 


koro* 


eat 


am- 


am- 


sleep 


atin, atsin 


etn 


drink 


luku 


nkis* 



These similarities do not justify an assertion of relationship 
between Esselen and Costanoan. The roots utc and am for dog 
and eat are found among many unrelated families in California.* 
The word for ear, being found in Yokuts as well as Costanoan, 
also proves little. The words for rabbit seem to be susceptible 
to borrowing throughout this region, as Chumash and Salinan 
also have a word in common. The Bumsien word for deer is not 
found in distant Costanoan dialects, and may therefore be taken 
from Esselen. Finally, such important words a^ head, eye, 
mouth, bone; house; sky, sun, night, fire, water, rock, wood; 
man, woman; run, dance, sing, sit; as well as the numerals; 
are dissimilar in the two languages. 

Esselen must therefore be regarded as an independent lan- 
guage lacking a synthetic pronominal structure, possessing 
case-suf&xes, and of simple phonetics, and accordingly mor- 
phologically similar to the central group of Calif omian linguistic 
families. 



1 Rumsien dialect treated below. 

* Yoknta, several dialects, tcliu. 
3 Yokuts, Tnle River dialect, tak. 

* Moquelunman dialect obtained at Pleasanton, Alameda county, kolo. 
6 Yokuts, Tule River dialect, ukun. 

>Amer. Anthropologist, n.s. V, 14, 1903. 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languctges of the Coast of California, 69 



COSTANOAN. 

There exists a grammar of one of the Costanoan languages, 
the Mntsnn of the mission San Juan Bautista in the north- 
western part of San Benito county. This was written by Arroyo 
de la Cuesta early in the nineteenth century and is accompanied 
by a vocabulary.^ If the so-called Moquelumnan languages 
shall prove to be related to Costanoan, as still seems possible, 
Gatschet's sketch of the "Chumeto language"* spoken on 
Merced river in Mariposa county must be regarded as a second 
contribution to the grammatical knowledge of this stock. 

The following notes on the Rumsien language, spoken about 
Carmel Mission, were obtained in Monterey from three inform- 
ants. The youngest of these was in his sixtieth year. 
Although all three informants had forgotten more or less of the 
language, some songs and a few broken mythological texts were 
obtained. 

PHONETICS. 

Phonetically Rumsien is an unusually regular and smooth 
Indian language. Consonants do not accumulate; the vowels 
are pure and simple; and stressed consonants and catches are 
wanting. The sounds of the language are: 



u, 0, a, e, I 




k fir X 


n 


tc 




f 




t d 


n 


P h 


m 



r, 1, s, c 



w, y, h 



The vowels are much more often short than long, but do not 
become obscure. 



^ Arroyo de la Cuesta, Grammar of the Mutsnn Language, Shea's Library of 
American Linguistics, IV, 1861. Ibid., Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun 
Language, Shea, VIII, 1862. F. Mliller has utilized this material for a sketch in 
Qrundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, II, 257. 

2 A. 8. (Htschet, Specimen of the Chumeto Language, Am. Antiq,, 1883, 
pp. 72, 173. 



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70 University of California Publications. [am.aboh.bth. 

Of the consonants, g^ d, and b are similar to k, t, and p, 
and on account of some difflcnlty in distingfuishing the two 
classes they have been written with the latter characters through- 
out. N occurs only before k and is therefore evidently only a 
modified n. X is comparatively smooth; the h that has been 
written in many words is probably the same sound. S and c 
are sometimes hard to distinguish. 

Except tc, which is treated by the unconscious genius of 
almost all languages as a simple sound, only single consonants 
occur initially. At the end of words the following combinations 
of consonants have been found: kx, kc, ks, kt, tn, tk, pc, ps, 
py, xs, xc, xt, ns, nk, mk, mp, rs, rx, rk, rks, rps, Is, ws, tcs, st, 
ct. It will be seen that with the exception of rks and rps all of 
these combinations consist of only two consonants. In the 
middle of words, where composition gives favorable opportunities 
for the accumulation of consonants, the following additional 
double combinations have been observed: tw, nw, nts, mx, rtc, 
rm, tck, sw, sm, sx, sy. E, t, p, x, n, m, s, tc, and w thus 
occur in combinations as both first and last component, r and 1 
as first element only, and y as second element only. 

Two vowels rarely follow each other. Even diphthongs are 
uncommon; and it is likely that their i and u can be referred to 
a radical y and w. 

THE PRONOUN. 

It is known that in many American languages the pronominal 
elements exist only in composition. The verb is conjugated 
subjectively and often objectively by the afflxion of these 
elements. In the noun possession is expressed by the affixion of 
pronominal elements" which may or may not be identical with 
those used with the verb-. These pronominal aflfcces are one of 
the chief means by which the language has structure. Without 
them, most sentences would fall to pieces syntactically. On the 
other hand independent pronouns used like nouns or in place of 
them are generally wanting in these languages. The words 
which superficially appear to correspond to Indo-European 
pronouns, and have generally been called such, are really 
demonstratives or emphatic phrases. Forms that resemble thou 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeher. — Languctges of the Coast of California. 71 

and we actually mean it is thou or this we. Therefore they are 
not used in ordinary constructions and are always outside the 
essential structure of the sentence. This has been shown very 
clearly by Seler of Mayan and by Eleinschmidt of Eskimo. The 
same lb true in Dakota, Arapaho, and Nahuatl. 

This specialized and characteristic type of structure is found 
chiefly in a group of important and extensive langfuages occupy- 
ing the eastern part of the continent. It has often been regarded, 
especially by theoretical writers, as representative of all American 
languages. On the Pacific side of the continent, however, there 
are languages whose pronouns are complete words corresponding 
in function and use to substantives. In regard to the pronoun, 
two types of American languages must therefore be distinguished. 
Ghumash and Salinan have been shown to belong to the former, 
and Esselen probably to the latter. Costanoan, like Esselen, 
lacks incorporation and has independent functionally substantival 
pronouns. 

There are two forms of the pronoun. The simpler is used 
as subject of the verb, whether this is transitive or intransitive, 
and, without any change whatever, as possessive pronoun with 
the noun. The second form is used as object and is derived 
from the first by the suffixion of -c. 

Subjective' Possessive Objective 
Is. ka kac 

2 s. me mec 

3 s. wa wac 
Ip. mak t 

2 p. makam mamac 

3 p. uti utsen 

Besides makam, mam and mamakam were also found. ^ 

^ The pronouns of San Juan Bautista and Chumeto respectively are: 
San Juan Bautista ^ ChutMto 

8ubj. and Po$$. Obj. 

1 s. kan, ka kanise 

2 8. men, me mese 

3 s. wak f 

1 p. makse maksene 

2 p. makam, maam makanis 

3 p. aisa aisane 
The suffix forms of Chumeto are evidently not very closelv joined to the verb, 

for the tense-suffixes interpose between the verb and them. Uti, they in Bumsien, 
I many in Chumeto. 



Indep. 


8ul^. 


P088. 


kanni 


•ma 


•nti 


mi 


-ni 


•nu, -no 






•hu, -ha 


mahi 


•mahi 


-mahi 


miko 


t 


t 






•hu, ho 



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72 University of California Publications, [am. abch. bth. 

The pronouns are placed before the verbs and noons to which 
they refer. They do not appear to be prefixed but to be rather 
closely connected with these words, much as in French. The 
subject pronoun precedes the object. 

ka mec xat / thee hit 

wa koro his foot 

THE VERB. 

Tenses are formed by su£Bbces and by preposed particles. 
A very frequent suffix, added directly to the root, is -n or -in. 
Its meaning is not certain. In San Juan Bautista -n forms a 
preterite. 

A preterite suffix is -ki or -aki. This is not found in San 
Juan Bautista, which employs -n, -s, -skun, -gte. 

The particle ar or ara, placed before the pronoun, seems to 
mean now or already and to express a perfect tense. It is used 
with or without the preterite suffix -ki. In San Juan Bautista 
ar is one of several adverbs that give a past meaning to the verb. 
The particle ku denotes a future. It is placed after the sub- 
ject pronoun but before the object pronoun. Future particles in 
San Juan Bautista are et, iete, iti, munna, piny. 

The negative of the verb is expressed by the particle kue or 
ku. In distinction from the future particle ku this adverb is 
usually placed before the subject pronoun. 
Examples of tense and negative forms: 
ka ritc-aki I spoke 

ka ku rite / shall speak 

ara makam urs-eki have ye learned 
ku ka iusen not I like 

isku mam ku lakun that ye not die 
ku ka tuman xin not I can walk 
The imperative is the stem. Amxai, xurk, eres, lupup, nenei 
mean eat! swallow! bathe! dive! search! In San Juan Bautista 
the imperative is formed by a suffix -ya. 

The imperative with an object of the third person is formed 

by the suffix -ink. 

nimink kill-him! 

cumink give- him! 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeher. — Languages of the Coast of California. 



78 



In San Jnan Bautista the corresponding suffix is -i, and there 
are other snffibces for the plural and the first person. These 
objective suffixes of the imperative are the only instance of pro- 
nominal incorporation found in the language. 

A noun- forming suffix of verb stems is -s: 



rite speak 
xurk swallow 
tep-ek shoot 



rites language 
xorks throat 
teps arrow 



Words like purps, hat, and utes, lamp, are probably derived 
from verbs by this suffix. 

A very frequent suffix of substantival or participial force is 
-St. It also often occurs on adjectives. It appears that many 
adjectives of this language are at bottom verbs, and are rendered 
attributive by this suffix. 



lakun 


die 


lakuct dead 


coxelon 


fear 


coxelost coward 


artcenin 


he jealous 


artcest a jealous one 


citim 


to fight 


citpist fighter 


yetcem 


''didblo'' 


yetcimect had 




ixsist 


fool, crazy 




petcuct 


talker, talkative 




karsist 


hlack 




yurtsist 


white 




axelust 


alone 




lokest 


blind 




lituct 


toothless 



tsorekoi piri dry (was the) world 
tsorkost piri (the) dry world 

In the Costanoan dialects of Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, and 
San Juan Bautista, -min seems to take the place of this -st. 

Certain stems are indifferently used as verbs or nouns with- 
out alteration. 

ka ukx my friend 

ka mec ukx / thee hefriend 



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74 University of California Publications, [am. aboh.eth. 

There appears to be a true substantive verb, a. 

misix ka a well I am 

misix a tsorkost piri good is (the) dry world 

iim ka a kati ever I was thus 

artcest ka a jealous-one I am 

ka artcenin / feel-jealousy 

This verb to be is however not always expressed, for forms 
like otckoct ka, deaf I, occur. 

To be with reference to location is expressed by rot or rote; 
tcawar was also found once with the same meaning.^ 

anrot where-is-itf 

inta rote what is-theref 

an ku tcawar ka iswin where will be my children? 

tea ku root me iswin here will be thy children 

THE NOUN. 

No plural was found. In view of the fact that San Juan 
Bautista, a not very different dialect, has a plural both in nouns 
and verbs,' it is not impossible that Bumsien also possesses a 
plural but that defective material was obtained on this point.* 
Chumeto has a prominent plural in noun and verb. 

Exe, much^ is sometimes used with nouns of plural meaning. 

Syntactical cases are wanting. The possessive is identical 
with the subjective, as in the pronoun. The possessive relation 
between two substantives is expressed either by juxtaposition 

1 In Arroyo de la Cnesta rote and tsahora are said to mean to exi$t, standf or 
be locally, the former being used of inanimate and the latter of animate objects. 
No snch distinction seems to exist in Bumsien. Arroyo de la Guesta, while admit- 
ting a third verb meaning to exist in a place, nua, denies that the language possesses 
a true verb substantive. Nua, however, seems to be composed of nu, here, and a, 
to be. He has the following sentences: 

p. 31 : nua emetscha tsares, alii hay un hombre 
p. 41 : misia imiu, todo es bonito 
Elsewhere in his examples good (Bumsien misix) is given as miste and misimin. 

2 Nouns in San Juan Bautista form a plural by the suiBxion of -mak or -kma; 
verbs by the inflxion of -s-. 

ara to give to one, to give once 
arsa to give to several, to give several times 
SLamanon, in la P^rouse (London, 1799» I, 409), says that the Aohastllan 
(Bumsien) language has a plural. 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of Oalifomia. 75 

or by aid of the pronoun. The regent follows its regimen unless 
the possessive pronoun is used.^ 

ores koro bear's foot 

ka ukx t'ip my friend's knife 

wa-ukx ape Ms-friend my-father 

wa-ruk ea latciamk her-house the woman 

The objective case is also not expressed. In San Juan 
Bautista the objective is expressed in both noun and pronoun by 
-se, -e, -ne.* The -c of the Bumsien objective pronoun evidently 
corresponds to these suffixes, but no trace of it has been found 
on the noun. Only the interrogative pronoun inta, what, shows 
this objective suffix in the phrase inta-ci aiiwin what did-you- 
see? 

Local and instrumental case relations are expressed by 
suffixes. 

Locative (in, on, at), -to, -tot 

Introessive, -tak 

Terminalis, -atk 

Instrumental, -eyum 

San Juan Bautista among other cases has a locative and 
terminalis -tka and -tak, and an instrumental -um, -ium, -sum; 
Ghumeto a locative -to, -t, and an intrumental -s. 

In the texts and sentences obtained, these local case suffixes 
are replaced, about as often as they are used, by another con- 
struction. This consists of the simple form of the noun, with 
the use before it, like a preposition, of the demonstrative adverb 
xuya, there. 

neku xop xuya tcipil tJten it-rose to the-hill 

wasyilum xuya wa koro approached to his feet 

xuya me tolc in your knee 

exe poor xuya ka ruk many fleas in my house 

of xuya me eten go with thy uncle 

The last sentence would literally mean go there thy uncle or 
go where thy uncle. 

1 In San Juan Bautista the possessiye and subjective also coincide in form and 
the regimen is likewise placed before its regent. 

2 Chumeto forms the objective case by the ending -i. 



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76 University of California Publications, f am. abch. bth. 

DEMONSTRATIVES. 

The following words are demonstrative: 

ne here nepe this one 

nupi-akan those 
pina this one, this 

tea, tciya here 

xu, xuya there 

A suffix -kai, of unknown meaning, is mueh used with wa, 
he, and pina, this, and occasionally with other words. 

In San Juan Bautista there are the following demonstratives: 

neppe, this, pi. nepe-an 
nuppi, that, pi. nupe-an 
pina, pinasset, that (eso) 

A demonstrative ca, which is not far from a definite article 
in meaning, is frequently used before nouns. 

Interrogatives are formed from the stems an- and in-. 

an wheref 

amp who? 



antus another 


inta 


whatf 


inwa 


\ when? 


inkatce whyf 


NUMERALS. 


The Bumsien numerals are formed on the quinary system 


Two and four are from the same root. 


1 


imxala 


2 


ut4s 


3 


kapes 


4 


uut'itim 


5 


haleis 


6 


halecaken 


7 


utxomaicaken 


8 


kapxaiscak 


9 


pak 


10 


tantsa 



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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California, 77 



REDUPUCATION. 



Reduplication is not a means of expressing a grammatical 
category. A few words occur normally duplicated or reduplicated. 



porpor 


Cottonwood' tree 


polpols 


pintOj varicolored 


kakaru 


crow 


tutelun 


buzzard 


yeyexem 


pelican 


nenei 


look, search 



In San Juan Bautista and Chumeto reduplication is equally 
restricted. 

ORDER OP WORDS. 

The order of words in the sentence does not seem to be 
altogether fixed. The verb generally stands at the head, the 
nouns follow. The personal pronouns, however, always precede 
the verb. When an adjective takes the place of the verb as 
predicate, it usually also stands at the head of the sentence, but 
the pronouns instead of preceding it often follow. 

COMPOSITION AND RADICALS. 

While there is considerable composition and derivation, the 
structure of words is clear. When there is sufficient comparative 
material, the elements of compound words can often be deter- 
mined without difficulty. Many common words are composite. 
Thus the words for man, woman, boy, girl all contain the suffix 
-iamk. Wherever the primary elements or radicals can be 
obtained they are monosyllabic. For instance the essential 
elements of the four words just referred to are muk, late, cin, 
ats. Very few if any of these radicals contain double consonants. 

Of parts of the body, the following are denoted respectively 
by monosyllabic and disyllabic words. None of three syllables 
were found. 



Am. Abch. Eth. 2, 6. 



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78 



University of California Publications, [am. aboh. bth. 



Mofwsyllahic: 




xin 


eye 


wus 


nose 


sit 


tooth' 


xai 


mouth 


uf 


head, hair 


tnxs 


ear* 


aw*c 


chin 


kafk 


neck 


olt 


shoulder 


is 


arm 


puts 


finger, hand^ 


tols 


knee 


kok 


tail 


turs 


nail 


tcatc 


bone 


xurks 


throat 


Disyllabic: 




uri 


forehead 


koro 


foot 


sire 


liver 


payan 


thigh 


patcan 


blood 


kuluc 


elbow 


pitin 


belly 



wamun feather, wing 
wipcur lips 
syimpur eyebrow 
Since the monosyllable xurks, throat, is not a radical but a 
derivative, meaning swallower, it seems probable that these 
disyllabic forms are composite. 

Names of animals are largely composite. 
Verbal roots are usually monosyllabic. While there are 
many verbs that appear polysyllabic, this is no doubt due to the 
fact that the derivational and inflectional suffixes are as yet very 
imperfectly known. 

1 Chiimash, sa\ 

2 Chumash, tou. 

3 ChumMh, pu, hand. 



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Vol. 2.) Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California. 



79 



ka 


eat 


pexc 


cough 


mut 


eat 


xin 


walk 


xurk 


swallow 


of 


go 


xis 


make 


wat 


go 


oy 


take 


pox 


go to 


tcik 


gather 


CO 


ask 


rut 


pull 


et'n 


lie, sleep 


UTB 


learn 


tatc 


kick 


wal 


cut 


cum 


give 


tcit 


dance 


xaw 


marry 


op 


pull out 


xop 


rise 


ma 


kiss 


ok 


send 


iws 


like, desire 


aiw 


look 


tat 


take, grasp 


cak 


see 


sat 


roast 


rite 


speak 


tcic 


copulate 


kai 


say 


ifk 


hiccup 


a 


be 


pate 


hit with fist 


rot 


be 


xat 


hit 


xet 


flee 


lik 


hit 


tep 


shoot 



There are preposed particles but no prefixes in the langfuage. 



SPECIMEN TEXT. 
N^ku kaii tatukima^tsan mfsix a' tso'rkost 

Then udd Coyote: "€K>od is dry 

ai'wis wa'tco8-ta I'nta n/tei wa'tcuc-ta Fmxala 



look 



pi'ri o^t' 

world." «Go 

a^tsiamsk 

firl 

ka-ii'swin 

my-ehildren?" 



rlyer-ln! What Is riyer-lnf" ««0ne 

mrsix m^ ku xa^wan ca a^tsiamsk an ku r5^ot 

pretty.** <*Toiir will-be wife this girl." <^ Where will be 

xu'ya mfe do'lc wac kai'i si'irx ku'wfe kwfe mi'six ku'luc-da 

**In your knee." Him udd Eagle: **No, not good." *^ Elbow-in." 

kuwe mi'six syi'mpur-ta kuwe mi'six ru'usEnt kue mi'six 

"Not good." «Eyebiowin." «Not good." «Baok." "Not good." 

nfeku kai umun kue mi'six nh mi'six pi'tin-ta neko kai' 

good belly-in.' 



Then 


said 


Hnnuning-bird : 


«Not 


good! 


ca 1 


Ei'tsiam'k Ink 


ku' 


ka 


anami' 


the 


girl: 


«How 


wiU 


I 


make? 


o'f 


me 


xa'wes 


m^ 


ku 


xawan 


«Go 


yon 


marry! 


Yonr wiU-be 


wife 



Here 



Then said 



ink ku anamI' ka I'swin 

How will make my ehildrenf" 

a'tsiam'k neku watin 



ca 

thU 



girl." 



Then 



went 



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80 University of California Publications. Iam. aboh. bth. 

huya ca a'tsiamEk kali tat'ikimatcan kas ka^xl n^^ku wac 

with this girl. S«id Coyote: ^'Me louse!'' Then him 

donei baTceliw neku co'xelon neku atcip ba'keliw neku 

found wood-tick. Then feared. Then threw wood-tick. Then 

wac u'ru tatcikimatcan ne'nei ne'nei 6'yonk ka't a'mxai ka 

her seized Coyote. ** Search! search! catch-it! eat! eat my 

ka^x neku kac ca a^tsiam'k xurk xork neku pai^isen ca 

louse!" Then ate the girl. *^ Swallow! swallow!" Then pregnant the 

atsiamEk neku co'xelon neku u'uwin ca a^tsiam'k neku xi's 

girl. Then feared. Then ran the girl. Then made 

misix i^nix ku ka Tusen ca Fnix 

pretty road. "Not I like this road." 



RELATIONSHIP OP ESSELEN AND COSTANOAN. 

A few words similar in Esselen and Costanoan have been 
pointed out. They fail to prove genetic affinity. But in general 
phonetic system the two linguistic stocks resemble each other. 
Structurally they are also alike in lacking a developed pro- 
nominal incorporation, in the possession of local and instru- 
mental case-suffixes, in the absence of all prefixes except perhaps 
pronominal prefixes in Esselen, in the probable derivation of 
attributive adjectives from verbal stems by means of suffixes, 
and in a quinary numeral system. In all these respects they 
differ from Chumash and Salinan. 



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IN CALIFORNIA 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

AMEmCAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
VOL. 2 NO. 4 



BASKET DESIGNS OF THE INDIANS OF 
NORTHWESTERN CALIFORNIA. 



BY 
A. L. EBOEBEB. 



INTBODUCTOBY. 

The Indians of extreme northwestern California, while show- 
ing many similarities to the other tribes of California, and 
some approximation to those of the north Pacific coast, are in 
many ways peculiar in their culture.^ The territory occupied by 
this group of tribes is very limited, comprising only Humboldt 
and Del Norte and small parts of Trinity and Siskiyou counties. 
Their specialized culture is found in its most highly developed 
form among the tribes of the lower Klamath and Trinity rivers : 
the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa. The Hupa belong to one of the 
California groups of the great Athabascan linguistic stock. The 
Yurok and Karok are small isolated linguistic stocks. The three 
languages are as radically different in phonetics as they are 
totally unrelated in vocabulary. The three tribes live in close 
contact, with more or less intercourse and generally friendly 
relations. In their culture they are remarkably alike. 

The names of the basket designs described in this paper were 
obtained from Indians of the three tribes during 1900, 1901, and 
1902. .The most extensive investigations were made among the 
I Yurok. This accounts for the larger number of designs obtained 
among this tribe. The Yurok designs described are taken from 
nearly a hundred baskets. The majority of these are now in the 
Museum of the Anthropological Department of the University 
of California. A number of baskets, and the names of their 
designs, were collected in 1900 for the California Academy of 
Sciences. Through the courtesy of the oflScers of the Academy 
this material is used in the present paper. Information was 

Ajf . Abch. Bth. 2. 9. 



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in University of Calif omiaPubUcations. [Am. Aech. Era. 

obtained among the Yurok as im the designs of a greater number 
of baskets than were actually collected, the total number reach- 
ing several hundred. The more common design names are 
exceedingly frequent among the northwestern tribes^and, while 
exact duplications of designs ordinarily do not occur, yet many 
of the variations are so slight that it was often thought unneces- 
sary to insure their preservation by purchase of the specimen. 
All baskets having characteristic designs but uncommon design- 
names were secured for the Museum of the Department. This 
selection gives the Yurok design names described an appearance 
of somewhat greater variety than they actually possess. Prob- 
ably the fifteen most common design names constitute all but a 
very few per cent of the total number. Among the Earok and 
Hupa all baskets were secured about which information was 
obtained as to the design. The number of such Karok baskets 
is about fifty, and of Hupa twenty-five. 

It was found necessary to get the names of the designs in 
the native language, as many of the words are not names of ani- 
mals or objects, but geometrical or descriptive terms not trans- 
latable by the Indians.^ 

KINDS OF BASKETS. 

The basketry of northwestern California is cbaEaoterized by 
circular open baskets somewhat rounded at the bottom and 
generally of no very great depths and by women's caps, which 
are shallower than the basketry caps worn in other parts of Cali- 
fornia. (Large baskets serving for the storage of food are propor- 
tionally of deeper shape than the smaller baskets used for cook- 
ing and eating./ Conical baskets are used for gathering seeds, 
and flat circular baskets for trays, plates, and meal sifters, ^^e 
acorn mortar consists of a basket hopper of the type used by the 
Pomo. Conical carrying baskets, baby baskets, plates, and some 
trinket baskets are made in open work. The various kinds and 

^The followinff characters have been used: c = 8h, z = spirant of 
k = kh, q = velar k. l = palatal or lateral 1. fi = ng; a = a as in father; 
a = a as in bad; a = English aw; h and o = long open e and o; ▲, i, 
I, o, u, = obscure vowels. Turok r has the peculiar qnalitj of American r 
in an exaggerated degree. Karok r is clear and trilled. Yurok v is bilab- 
ial, having nearly the the sound of w, and its g is always a spirant := 
g'=gh. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif ornia. 107 

shapes of baskets can be seen in the accompanying plates 15 to 
21, and in plates 20 to 27 published in the first volume of the 
present series of University of California publications. 
-V Turok names for baskets are: waxpeya, cap, if brown (Plate 
15, figures 7, 8) ; aqa', cap, if the ground is covered with over- 
laying (Plate 15, figures 1 to 6) ; hft'kwuts, small basket for acorn 
mush, especially for eating (Plate 16, ^gure 3, and figure 6, 
unfinished) ; muri'p, large basket for acorn mush, used for cook- 
ing (Plate 16, figures 4, 5; Wkwuts and muri'p are called by 
the Earok asip : Plate 20, figures 4, 5, 6, 8) ; perxtse'kuc, a basket 
higher than Wkwuts, used for keeping small objects (Plate 
17, figures 4, 5, 6; Earok cipnuk, Plate 20, figure 3) ; rumi'tsek, 
an openwork trinket basket (Plate 19, figure 5, usual form; fig- 
ure 6, unusual) ; qftwa'i, conical burden basket of openwork (see 
P. B. Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, University of 
California Publications, American Archaeology and Ethnology, 
I, Plate 22, figure 1) ; terre'ks, conical basket for gathering seeds 
(Goddard, op. cit., Plate 22, figure 2, of Turok provenience) ; 
paaxte'kwc, basket for storing food, especially acorns, much like 
perxtse'kuc but much larger (Goddard, Plate 23, figure 1, a 
Yurok specimen) ; meixtso', storage basket similar in shape, but 
made altogether of hazel, without overlaying or patterns ; poixko^, 
large flat tray for acorn meal (Gtoddard, Plate 24, figure 2) ; 
poixtse^kuc, small tray for seeds used as food (Plate 19, figures 
1, 2), also small, flat, conical dipper for acorn mush (Plate 19, 
figure 3, a Earok specimen) ; wetsane'p, meal sifter, flat without 
appreciable curvature (Plate II, figure 2) ; laxp'ceu, openwork 
plates for eating salmon (Plate 18, figures 1, 3; €k>ddard, Plate 
21, figure 2, a Turtk specimen) ; mfico'lii/, larger openwork 
plates on which salmon is laid; upJ'kwanu, mortar hopper (Gk)d- 
dard, Plate 24, figure 1, Yurok) ; qJme'u, also called haxku'm 
uperxtse'kuc, ** tobacco its storage-basket,'' tobacco basket, often 
with a lid, and similar to the perxtse'kuc, though generally 
smaller (Plate 17, figures 1, 3, 5, 7, Plate 19, figure 4) ; uqftm'- 
t^'m, said to have been a large form of perxtse'kuc with a small 
opening and a lid, used for storage of valuable property; ego'or, 
an approximately cylindrical basket used in the jumping dance, 
made of a rectangular sheet bent into shape of a cylinder slit 



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Its University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Era. 

along the top (Plate 18, figure 4). A Hupa baby basket and 
seedbeater are shown in Goddard's Plate 21, figure 1, and Plate 
23, figure 2. The aqa', perxtse'kuc, terre'ks, paaxte^kwc, poixko', 
poixtse'kue, wetsanJ'p, qJme'u, uqfem'ti'm, and ego'or are gene- 
rally overlaid with white ; the waxpeya, hfe'kwuts, muri'p, upi'- 
kwanu, and sometimes the poixtse'kue, are mostly in unover- 
laid brown, but usually with a pattern in overlaying; the rumi'- 
tsek, qJwa'i, laxp'ceu, meco'liL are in openwork. 

MATERIALS. 

The basket materials of this region and their employment 
have recently been given full treatment in Dr. P. E. Goddard's 
Life and Culture of the Hupa,^ and on a less localized basis by 
F. V. Coville in Professor O. T. Mason's Aboriginal American 
Basketry.' 

According to information obtained from the Yurok, the\ 
warp of their basketry regularly consists of hazel twigs. The 
woof is made of strands from roots of sugar pine and near the ^ 
coast of spruce. Redwood and willow roots are inferior but 
used. Willow seems to be usual for the woof in beginning a 
#^ basket. 

While these. root fibres. givrf a colorless gray, deepening with 
' age to a not unpleasant brown, designs and sometimes the entire 
ground color are produced by overlaying in other materials. 
The most important of these is the widely used and well known 
lustrous whitish grass xerophyllum tenax. In baskets for ordi- 
nary use the designs are worked in this white on the darker 
ground of root-fibre woof. . In ornamental baskets the ground is 
overlaid with this material, and the patterns are black, red, and 
occasionally yellow. For black the outside of stems of a species 
of maidenhair fern, adiantum, are used; for red, alder-dyed 
fibres of a large woodwardia fern. The stems of this fern are 
bruised by beating, and two flat fibres extracted from each. 
These are usually dyed by being passed through the mouth after 
alder bark has been chewed. Yellow is produced by dyeing with 



^ Univ. Gal. PubL, Am. Arch. Ethn., I, 38 seq., 1903. 
' Rep. U. 8. Nat. Mu8. 1902, 199 seq., 1904. 



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VtL. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N. W. CaUfomia. If9 

aJi^en^the widely used evemia vulpina. Porcupine quills dyed 
yellow are rarely used.^ 

Besides red and yellow, black dyeing is occasionally prac- 
ticed by burial of materials in mud. Part of the hazel twigs 
for the warp of openwork plate baskets are sometimes treated 
in this way; and rarely the woodwardia fibre for the woof of 
other baskets. 

\ Of the three colors used on a white ground, black most fre- 
quently stands alone. Red is usually accompanied by at least 

-^ a certain amount of black ornamentation, such as lines or edg- 
ing. Yellow does not seem to be used without accompanying red 

Vjor black, usually the latter. \ Occasionally the three colors are 

used in combination on a white ground, but although pleasing 

if skilfully carried out this is uncommon. Sometimes areas of 

unoverlaid brown are left in colored baskets and employed in 

design effects. The only baskets with unoverlaid ground whose 

patterns sometimes contain black or red in addition to white, are 

hats, even the plainest of which, as is only natural, show more 

ornamentation than is usual in baskets for household purposes. 

A somewhat greater proportion of red to black designs is 

found among the Karok than among the Yurok or Hupa, due 

possibly to greater scarcity of the maidenhair fern furnishing 

black. 

TECHNIQUE. 

In regard to technique, the fundamental feature of the bas- 
ketry of northwestern California is that twining is the only 
method followed. Coiled weaves of any kind, except as a border 
finish, are unknown. This statement can be made without quali- 
fication, and all coiled baskets attributed to this region are of 
erroneous provenience or obtained by the northwestern Indians 
from more southerly tribes. 

T# all intents these Indians practice only one weave, the 
simple twining with two strands. This is used for the finest 
hats, for the largest and coarsest storage baskets, for cooking 

baskets, and for openwork plates, cradles, and carrying baskets. 

■ ,f 

^ Yurok names of basket materials and dyes: hlJi'L, hazel; paxkwo', 
willow; waxpe'u, sugar pine; qlL, redwood; teiwolite'po, spruce; haamo', 
xerophyllum tenaz; rego'o, maidenhair fern; paap, woodwardia fern; 
were'regets, alder; mece'n, evemia lichen. 



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lit University of CaUfornia PubUcations, [Am. Aeoh. Bth. 

Though two-strand twining is very close to' wickerwork, differ- 
ing from it only in that the two strands cross after each warp 
is passed, instead of continuing parallel, these tribes do not seem 
to practice wickerwork. 

Three-strand twining is well known in this region and fre- 
. quent in use, but apparently no baskets are made completely in 
this weave. Almost all baskets begin in this weave ; the majority 
have one or more courses of it where the bottom begins to turn, 
and again near the top ; and occasionally a basket is finished in 
it. The specific technique sefims to be simple three-strand twin- 
ing, not three-strand breading. Each woof strand passes over 
two warp rods on the outer or pattern side of the basket, over 
one on the inside. 

There is one basket in the collections of the Department of 
Anthropology from this region in which the two strands of the 
woof cover two rods of the warp at a time, while in the following 
course they take these rods so as to alternate with the previous 
one. This is the weave that has been called diagonal twining. 
The basket is shown in Plate 17. At its origin it shows the usual 
three-strand twining. While the alternate or diagonal weave 
has been praised by Mason and Purdy as more susceptible of 
developed decoration than ordinary twining, this basket is unor- 
namented except by two plain bands. This poverty of decora- 
tion is perhaps due to the fact that the ornamentation is pro- 
duced by covering of the woof instead of by the woof itself. 
One or two other baskets found are made in this weave for a 
number of courses near their origin. 

In two-strand twining the woof strands are usually more or 
less flat, and are not twisted, the same side being turned toward 
the outside of the basket continuously, whether overlaid or not. 

The only usual modification of two strand twined weaving 
is a multiple warp. This is common for the bottom of large 
storage baskets, and is usually accompanied by a certain degree 
of openness of woof. After the turn from the horizontal bottom 
has been made and the sides of the basket started on their upward 
course, the additional warp sticks taper out and are dropped 
and the weave is continued on the main stick of each group. 
Sometimes a group is so divided as to result in two single warp 
sticks. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. California. Ill 

Crossing of the warp sometimes occurs in openwork, most 
often for one course just below the border, occasionally near the 
origin. 

Strengthening by means of a rod enclosed in the twining 
is common. This forms the first step toward lattice twining or 
the ti weave, a superimposition of coiling on twining. Mortar 
baskets are strengthened by several stout rods; storage baskets 
frequently show one or two near top or bottom ; and occasionally 
a rod is used as a finish. The great majority of cooking baskets 
have two strands, apparently of root, laid around the outside 
near the top of the basket in the region of the typical design 
zone, which they serve markedly to define, limit, or divide. It 
is probable that their decorative effect is their chief purpose; 
being pliable, they do not stiffen the basket appreciably, and 
being held only by the twining of the overlaying material — ^the 
body of the woof being usually completely lacking in the two 
courses on which the strands are laid — ^they can scarcely be a 
source of strength. 

Ornamentation almost without exception is produced by over- 
laying or false embroidery, and not by the use of colored or dyed 
woof materials. The method of overlaying differs from that of 
the Tlinkit and Thompson Indians, two strands being employed 
instead of one. Among the Tlinkit 'Hhe decorative element, 
instead of taking its turn to pass behind the warp, remains on 
the outside and makes a wrap about the strand that happens to 
be there." The Thompson Indians follow a method of "passing 
a strip of . . . material entirely around the twining each time, 
showing the figure on the inside.'^ In northwestern California 
each of the two woof strands is faced iEis it were, in the process 
of weaving, with a strand of overlaying material toward the out- 
side of the basket. This facing follows the woof -strand behind 
the warp, and together with it twines with the other woof -strand 
and its facing. As the overlaying always faces the outside of 
the backet, and not the outside of the twining, each strand of 
it is half the time between warp and woof and invisible, and 
the decoration does not show on the inside of the basket except 
casually between turns and plies especially in coarser baskets. 

^ Mason, Aborig. Amer. Basketry, Bep. U. 8. Nat. Mus. 1902, 309. 



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112 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth. 

Fine hats are nearly as completely free from trace of over- 
laying inside as is Tlinkit work. The two overlaying strands 
follow the woof strands to the edge of the design-figure, where 
they are broken off on the inside of the basket, and the woof 
continues on its course alone, or overlaid by strands of a differ- 
ent color, until the next figure is reached. Occasionally, where 
this intervening space between designs is not great, especially 
where there is a small recurrent design, the overlaying is not 
broken off, but brought to the rear of the woof, so as to be invis- 
ible from the front, and carried along to the next figure, when 
it reappears. Of course it then shows inside the basket while it 
is invisible on the outside, but this occasional result seems to be 
produced among the northwestern tribes not for its effect but 
because in such cases it is preferable to carry on the overlaying 
material rather than cut the strands to reinsert them a few 
turns, sometimes only two or three, farther on. 

It will be seen that this method of overlaying cannot be 
** classed technically with three strand twined weaving," as 
Professor Mason says of the Tlinkit process, not only because 
there is a total of four strands in the woof, but because the opera- 
tion is essentially one of two-strand twining with double strands. 

In northeastern California, among the northeastemmost 
Wintun tribes, on the McCloud river, still another process of 
overlaying is practiced. Like the northwestern overlaying, this 
is done with two strands, but the overlays form a separate twin- 
ing around both warp and woof, which latter they entirely 
enclose, never being within its plies as in the northwestern 
process. The design thus shows inside the basket as well as out- 
side. That the difference in this respect from the northwestern 
basket is fundamental, is evidenced by the fact that in the cases 
when the design appears on the inside of a northwestern basket 
it does so in the intervals of its disappearance from the outside, 
the inside and outside figures being the reverse of each other; 
whereas in these North Wintun baskets the regular overlaying 
appears inside in the same places as outside and forms identical 
figures. In the northeastern weaving each strand of overlay is 
evidently carried and treated as part of one of the woof strands, 
as in the northwestern process, but in passing around each warp 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. &. ETH. VOL. 2, PL. 16. 




Pig8. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. Cooking baskets. Yurok. 1. 
Fig. 4. Cooking basket. Karok. 1. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N. W. Calif orwia. 113 

rod it is either given a half -twist to the other side of the strand 
that it accompanies, or much more probably the combined woof 
and overlay strand is thus half twisted. 

This northern Wintun method of overlaying is used also by 
the Lutuami or Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians, and perhaps 
by the Achomawi, the Pit River Indians. 

The overlaying materials in northwestern basketry are never 
used without an underlying woof to serve them as body; but 
sometimes this woof is itself of the overlaying material, either 
with or without another overlay of the same or another material. 
Where a pattern is worked consisting of alternate stitches of 
overlaid and of undecorated woof, the whole design being merely 
one of regularly disposed dots, the woof strand on which the 
white overlay is carried is usually if not always itself of this 
material, and sometimes of double thickness, in this case making 
a woof of three flat white strands twining alternately with one 
of a single strand of brown root fibre. The same process is fol- 
lowed to produce a design of vertical bars only one stitch wide 
and one stitch apart. It is easy to see why the single overlay 
in these cases is carried on continuously with its supporting 
woof; but the only explanation that seems to account for the 
underlying woof itself being of overlay material is a desire to 
preserve the two woof strands of the same total thickness, which, 
as only one of them is overlaid, would be very difficult if the 
same body material were used for both of them. The white 
xerophyllum is flat and thin, so that two or three strands of it 
about equal in thickness one of the more rounded root fibres 
usually forming the woof. 

In some baskets almost completly covered with overlay, por- 
tions are sometimes entirely without woof except of overlaying 
materials. The motive is apparently the desire to avoid addi- 
tional strands in the twining, which would detract from fineness 
of stitch ; but as different parts of a basket are sometimes incon- 
sistently treated, it is difficult in all cases to follow the weaver's 
purpose. A Karok basket covered with a solid pattern of contig- 
uous red and white isosceles triangles alternately pointing up and 
down, lacks for the major part the usual root woof. Where the 
pattern in this basket is white, the red material serves as under- 



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114 Univemty of CaUforniaPubUcaticyns. [Am. Aeoh. Eth. 

lay, and consequently appears on the inside of the basket in an 
identical red figure ; and vice versa. The purpose of this device 
is explicable ; owing to a desire to continue the strands of over- 
lay unbroken, the usual colorless woof was sacrificed to avoid 
carrying a total of six threads, and its place taken by the overlay 
temporarily not appearing in the design. The triangles in this 
basket are however separated into several bands by horizontal 
lines consisting of a single course of black overlaying. In two 
of these courses the woof under the black material consists of 
red overlay; but in several other courses the woof is the usual 
colorless root fibre; and this material is used also for the woof 
of one of the adjacent courses forming part of the triangle 
design. 

An unfinished Karok hat, the outside only of which is shown 
in Plate 20, figure 7, has a red ground-surface. On this are 
horizontal black courses and a certain zone, not reaching the top 
or bottom of the basket, in which there is a recurrent white 
design. Through the greater part of this zone the usual woof 
material does not occur, its place being taken by the white of 
the exterior design, and, in the design, by the red of the ground. 
Two horizontal courses of black run around this zone; for the 
upper one, the red overlaying serves as underlay; for the lower 
there is the usual root fibre woof; and this is also the woof, with 
some irregularities, for one or two of the adjacent courses form- 
ing part of the red ground. 

The only production of ornamentation other than by over- 
laying in this region is in openwork plates. Hazel twigs are 
dyed black by being buried in mud. They are then grouped so 
as to form four or five narrow black sectors or rays in the cir- 
cular basket, the majority of the warp rods in the tray being 
the undyed white hazel shoots (Plate 18, figures 1 and 3). This 
process is stamped as exceptional by the fact that the coloring 
is in the warp instead of the woof. For this reason scarcely any 
other pattern could be produced in it, and it is obviously applic- 
able only to openwork. This method of ornamentation has been 
found among the Yurok, though black dyed plates are much 
less common than unomamented ones. The Earok say that they 
do not employ it. The Athabascans of Eel Biver use it fre- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N. W. CdUfomia. 115 

quently for openwork conical carrying baskets as well as for 
plates. 

The ends of the woof, and occasionally the beginnings of 
introduced warp rods, are left projecting on the inside of the 
basket until it is finished. They are then broken off, after the 
basket has been dried by being set before a fire, by scraping; 
at the present time, with the edge of a tin spoon. To even the 
shape of a new backet it is sometimes set filled with damp sand. 

There is usually no distinct finish for the edge, the ordinary 
two-ply twining merely coming to an end. The warp ends are 
cut off flush with the top of the last course of the woof. Usually 
there is no projection of the warp above this. In this respect the 
northwestern baskets differ from the twined Pomo baskets, which 
are, in process, finished similarly, but usually have the warp ends 
projecting regularly a short distance. The northern Wintun 
baskets also usually do not show quite so close a cutting off of 
the warp, though there is scarcely a well calculated intentional 
effect as among the Pomo. Plate 16, figure 6, shows a basket 
before the superfluoiis warp and woof ends have been respec- 
tively cut and rubbed off. 

A minority of baskets are finished in one or more courses of 
three strand twining. 

Large conical openwork carrying baskets and mortar baskets 
usually have the edge braided or interlaced. Openwork plates 
usually show only simple twining at the finish. A few baskets, 
especially small openwork household and trinket baskets, have 
a coiled edge, the warp sticks being bent at right angles and 
then carried horizontally around the top of the basket and 
wrapped.* Cradles are similarly finished along the oval edge in 
front, but more by means of rods specially employed for the 
multiple foundation than by a continuation of warp sticks from 
the twined body of the basket. 

Professor Mason's statement* that ''the McCloud Indians 
in Shasta county, California, cut off the warp flush and finish 
the border with what looks like plain twined weaving on the 



^ Professor Mason has illustrated this border on page 265 of his Aborig- 
inal American Basketrj, op. cit. 

'Aborig. Amer. Basketry, op. dt., 266. 



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116 University of California Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth. 

edge, but a regular half knot is tied between each pair of warp 
stems," is inapplicable to the MeCloud Wintun baskets in the 
Department's Museum, none of which appear to show anything 
that could be interpreted as a half knot. The only departure 
from the simple twining of the northwestern region is that those 
of the baskets that are overlaid to the edge show a half-twisting 
on itself of each warp strand, independently of the other, at 
each stitch, due to the northeastern method of causing the over- 
laying to come to the surface both inside and out ; but the unover- 
laid baskets go right on to the end in undisturbed and untwisted 
two-ply twining. 

OBNAMENTAL DESIGNS. 

The general character of the ornamental designs on the bas- 
kets of this region can be seen in the accompanying plates, and 
their typical arrangement has been admirably described by Dr. 
Goddard in the paper referred to.^ It vnW be noted that 
the majority of baskets have the decorative pattern confined to a 
comparatively narrow region extending around the basket not 
far below its rim. Caps are more fully covered by ornamen- 
tation, but even in these the characteristic arrangement is to 
some extent observed. An arrangement of the design in several 
distinct parallel bands, such as is common on Pomo and Yokuts 
baskets, is not found among the northwestern tribes. 

Property marks are occasionally introduced in the weaving, 
certain small areas being covered with overlaying. The irreg- 
ular designs on the basket shown in Plate 16, figure 6, were said 
to be property marks. 

There is apparently no habit among the northwestern tribes 
of leaving a break in the design encircling a basket, the opening 
or interruption being conceived as a passage. #ccasi«nal irreg- 
ularities producing this effect in continuous designs seem to be 
due to technical inability. 

TBIBAL BIFFEBENOES. 

The basketry of the Yurok, Earok, and Hupa is virtually 
identical. No given basket could be identified with certainty 
as from a particular one of the three tribes. When a large 

^ Life and Culture of the Hupa, op. cit., 44. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N,W, Calif omia, 117 

number of baskets from one tribe are brought together, slight 
diflferentiating tendencies are discernible. Thus the Karok are 
more inclined than the other tribes to use red. They seem also 
more inclined to use patterns containing vertical outlines 
instead of the more usual oblique. On the whole the finest work 
is done by the Yurok, the Karok and Hupa baskets being gene- 
rally less smooth and even. But these differences hold only as 
averages. Some of the Hupa baskets are far above the ordi- 
nary Yurok in quality. 

YUROK DESIGNS. 

One of the commonest of Yurok designs is the flint or vEnii- 
gemaa* design. Its fundamental shape is that of a parallelo- 
gram, generally with sides slantiilg downward to the right. 
Sometimes, however, the slant of the sides of the parallelogram 
is toward the left. In all the typical forms the base is consid- 
erably greater than the altitude* This figure occurs singly, but 
more frequently in diagonal rows. Sometimes the bases of suc- 
cessive parallelograms are partially superimposed; sometimes 
the parallelograms merely touch at their comers. The direction 
of the slant of the row of figures is always opposite to the 
direction of the slant of the sides of each individual figure. Not 
infrequently sublsidiary design^, especially rows of triangles, 
are combined with the^ flint design. Figure 11 shows a design 
the elements of which consist of two triangles close together. 
They are so placed that they may lie interpreted as a parallelo- 
gram that has been^is^ted. It was f#r this reason no doubt 
that the name flint was given, to the design. Sometimes rectan- 
gles take the place of the oblique-angled parallelograms, though 
this is uncommon (figure 12). Various forms of the flint design 
are shown in figures 1 to 12 and in figures 118 to 120, where 
they occur in combination with other designs. 

^Yur#k design names are mostly formed by the addition of the prefix 
VE-, (which, as the vowel is obscure, sometimes becomes va-, vu-, u-, o-), 
and of the suffix -aa. Thus niigem, flint, vE-niigem-aa, flint design; 
ts^pkw, mesh-stick, vE-tsdpkw-aa, mesh-stick design. 

Niigem in Yurok means flint or obsidian. It does not mean arrow- 
point, which is one of the commonest basket design names elsewhere in 
California. Flint knives, and especially the long knife or spearpoint- 
shaped objects of obsidian used in the deer skin dance, and regarded as 
extremely valuable, are caUed niigem. 



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120 University of Calif omia Publications. [-Aj^ Arch. Eth. 

The sharp-tooth design or vBniirpeLaa* consists of right 
angled triangles, either singly •r in combination, more usually 
the latter. The essential feature of this design is however not 
the right angle but the acute angle of the triangle. Figures 13 
to 23 show the different forms. In figure 22 it is the two small 
triangles at the ends of the Z-shaped figure which give the name 
to the design. In the design shown in figure 23 the name could 
have been applied only on account of the acute angles. Figure 
115 shows a similarly shaped design-element used as a pattern 
within larger obtuse triangles. 

The vBr^ !en or sitting design is another of the very common 
Yurok designs. Its various forms are shown in figures 24 to 
34 and in figure 115,' J^ will l^e seen that all these designs con- \^ 
tain as element an <)blique feoscelcs triangle. The reason of the 
application of the name "sittiAg" to these designs is not clear. 
It seems however that we have to deal with A spatial or verbal * 
conception, not with the representation of any object. 

Figures 33 and 34 show two designs which are probably 
modern but to which the name sitting was given. 

The snake-nose design (vEleial^kcoopem) is identical with 
the last. It is mentioned very much less frequently. Inasmuch 
as the ordinary name for the obtuse isosceles triangle among the 
Karok is snake-nose and among the Hupa rattlesnake-nose, it 
seems that the occasional occurrence of this design name among 
the Yurok must be attributed to the influence of these tribes. 
A case of this design is shown in figure 35. 

The waxpoo* design is shown in figures 36 to 44. The typ- 
ical element of this design may be described as a trapezoid the 
longer upper base of which is bisected by the apex of an inverted 
isosceles triangle. This design element, however, does not 
appear to be used in its isolated form, but always occurs either 
in combinations as in figures 36 to 39, or in distortions as in 
figures 40 to 44. The meaning of the name has not been ascer- 
tained; it seems however to have some reference to **the middle," 
presumably the bisection of the base of the trapezoid by the 



^Occasionally called veniir. 
'Also called hazpoo. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. 



VOL. 2. PL 17. 




Tobacco and other baskets. Yurok. \. 



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Ygu 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 121 

apex of the triangle. This is also a very frequent characteristic 
design. Figures 40 to 44 would seem to show that the trapezoid 
is not an ess^itial element of the design and that any obtuse 
isosceles triangle whose apex is in contact with a horizontal line 
may be given this name. The design shown in figure 44 was 
called sitting as well as waxpoo. The waxpoo design is also 
shown in figures 116 and 117 in combination with other designs. 

The snake design (vEleial^kcaa) consists of a progressive 
zigzag of alternately horizontal and vertical stripes. In accord- 
ance with the general trend of Yurok patterns, the horizontally 
extending portions of this zigzag are usually considerably 
longer than the vertical ones. In most cases the snake design 
is combined with the flint design in the manner shown in figure 
119. Figure 45 shows it occurring independently. The design 
in figure 46 was also given the name snake. It might equally 
well have received one or two other names. In figure 47 the 
right angled zigzag stripe does not ascend but is alternately 
directed upward and downward, thus forming a band through 
the zone of ornamentation on the basket instead of nsing diag- 
onally from the base to the rim of the basket. The triangles 
adjacent to this design do not form part of it They were given 
the name sitting. 

The spread-hand or spread-finger design (okwEg^tsip) is 
shown in figures 48 to 50. Its most usual form is the one it 
has in figure 48. It will be noted that all the figures contain a 
common element: the paired acute angles with vertical sides 
parallel. 

The foot design (um^tsqaa), figures 51 to 57, has for its ele- 
ment a right angled triangle at the end of a bar or stem. Being 
a small design, it is rarely found singly, but its application in 
patterns varies considerably. Figure 52 is not uncommon. The 
form shown in 53 is also not rare. The form shown in figure 
57 is fairly common and suggests a design found among the 
Maidu, Achomawi, and other tribes. Figure 116 shows the foot 
design in combination with waxpoo and ladder. 

The ladder design (vii^qimviLqimaa, also viLq^ma) is shown 
in figures 58 to 63. In figure 58 the small squares were called lad- 
der. This occurrence and that shown in figure 63 demonstrate that 

▲m. Aboh. Bth. 2, 10. 



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124 University of Calif omia PMblicdtions. [-A^* Aech. Eth. 

the elemental idea of this design name is the square or rectangle. 
In by far the greater number of cases, however, this element 
occurs only in combination. In these cases the characteristic 
feature is the step-like effect which gives the design its name. 
The Yurok ladder which leads into the pit of the house consists 
of a large slab or a log into which several steps have been cut. 
It is interesting to note that while this design obviously takes 
its name from a combination of elements in a pattern, the same 
name is also used for the elements occurring singly, when real- 
istically the name is inappropriate. 

Not uncommon is the elk design (umeviLkaa), cases of which 
are shown in figures 64 to 70. These designs may in general be 
described as consisting of a rectangle placed on the middle of 
another about twice its length. Essentially therefore this design 
is very like the preceding ladder design, and to many designs 
either name might properly be applied. It may be noted that 
among the Karok and Hupa there ia only one name correspond- 
ing to these two Turok designs. It has not been possible to 
obtain an explanation of the reason for the use of this name. 
In figure 64 the rows of vertical bars are strictly only an adjunct 
to the design. The same may be said of the triangles in figures 
65. Figure 68 might quite correctly have been named either 
sitting or waxpoo by other individuals. For figure 69 the name 
elk would hardly have been expected. This design would usually 
receive the name flint, snake, or possibly ladder. There is also 
no apparent reason why the design shown in figure 70 should 
have been called elk, as it bears no relation to any of the other 
forms of the design. 

The sturgeon-back design (qaxkwilee), representing the plates 
of the sturgeon, is shown in figures 71 to 75. Figure 71 shows 
what may be regarded as the most typical form. Whether the 
parallelograms in figure 75, which would ordinarily be called 
flint, are correctly named sturgeon-back, seems doubtful. Par- 
allelograms painted on the back of a bow, though arranged 
somewhat differently, have however also been called sturgeon- 
back. 

The okrekruyaa design, which may be translated crooked or 
zigzag, is rather common. A variety of its forms are shown in 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N, W. Calif omia, 125 

figures 76 to 83. It will be seen that its essential constituent is 
an angle. As in the ease of most other Yurok designs this 
usually occurs in repetition or combination, though not neces- 
sarily so. Figure 83 shows a pattern to which in most cases the 
name flint or waxpoo would be given. The name crooked was 
here no doubt applied to it on account of its zigzag outline. Fig- 
ure 80 was called both crooked and sturgeon-back. 

A very common design is called by the Yurok vRts^ !s^ !oaa. 
The translation of this word is uncertain. It seems to be about 
equivalent to striped. The design consists of vertical bars or 
stripes. These may be attenuated to mere lines or shortened 
until they become small rectangles. Figures 84 to 90 show the 
different forms of this design. The grate-like lines of figure 64 
were also given this name. Figure 90 is virtually the same 
design as figure 57, but occurs on another basket and was inter- 
preted by another woman. Figures 117 and 118 also show this 
design. In both these cases there is only a single strii>e and it 
is not vertical. 

Somewhat less common is the design called vAnaanak. This 
also consists of parallel stripes or bars but their direction is 
diagonal instead of vertical. The meaning of this name is also not 
clear. This design sometimes constitutes a small patch at the 
bottom of a basket. Some of these occurrences may be property 
marks, irregularities in design being occasionally explained in 
this way. The vAnaanak design is shown in figures 91 to 94. 

The meaning of the design called by the Yurok vutsierau 
can also not be given. It consists simply of a narrow line. 
Sometimes the name is given to the ridge, one or two courses 
wide, of a strand laid on horizontally outside and encircling the 
basket. Such a case is shown in figure 95. While this pattern 
is very common, it is hardly a true design, and it is not impos- 
sible that the name may refer only to the technique of its pro- 
duction. 

A design called by the Indians vBtergerpuraa is shown in 
figures 96 and 97. The meaning of this name has not been 
ascertained. It is however evidently of spatial or geometrical 
significance, perhaps having reference to the joined apices of 



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126 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am, Aech. Bth. 

triangles or angles.^ Another instance in which this design 
was found was on a basket showing a pattern identical with the 
abnormal snake design of figure 46. 

A design that is not uncommon, but is very limited in the 
scope of its employment, is the tattoo (opegoixket) design. This 
represents the tattooing on the chin of the women. It is found 
only on openwork basketry trays used as plates for dried salmon 
and similar food. Many of these trays are plain, but some con- 
tain four or five figures like that shown in figure 98, radiating 
from the center to the edge of the plate and produced by the 
use of black-dyed warp stems. 

All the remaining Yurok designs have been found only once 
and must therefore be regarded as much less typical than those 
that have been described. 

A band consisting of a double row of rectangles (figure 99) 
was given the name flying geese (qleilekvel^) by an old woman. 

Figure 100 shows a design called owatsela, the small skunk 
or polecat. It probably represents the markings of the animal. 
A crab or crayfish design (qerLqer) is shown in figure 101. 

Figure 102 is a design called maggots (viekwELkwaa). Prob- 
ably the small white rectangles are to be interpreted as the 
maggots. 

Boxes of an approximately cylindrical shape are made by 
the Yurok from elk antlers for holding dentalium money, and 
of wood for larger objects. Such boxes are represented in a 
design called vEtekwanekwcaa. It is shown in figure 103; the 
rectangles represent the boxes. 

Figure 104 shows the elbow design, uperxkricenaa. 

Figure 105 shows another geometrical non-realistic design. 
It was called ts^xtselaa, spreading apart. This design was also 
given the name foot. 

A design known as vsts^pkwaa or mesh-stick, being a repre- 
sentation of the approximately rectangular flat pieces of elk 
antler used for measuring net meshes, was found only once as 
a basket design. It is shown in figure 106. The same name 
was however found applied once or twice to carved rectangular 
figures on the wooden paddles used for stirring acorn soup. 

^The design shown in figure 97 was caUed TEtiifferpikwaa, ''small in 
the middle." 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 127 

A series of rhombi, which would ordinarily be called stnr- 
geon-back, was once given the name kwerermetsaa, a chiton mol- 
lusk. This design is shown in figure 107. 

What was called a star design, ha&getsaa, is represented in 
figure 108. 

A design called swallow is shown in figure 109. It is sup- 
posed to represent the tail. This name has been also found 
applied to a decorative figure carved as part of an acorn-soup 
paddle. 

A design representing the markings of a small red snake 
is shown in number 110. In this case part of the design was 
executed in red. 

The design shown in figure 111 was called orawoi, dove. 
Ordinarily such a design would be named waxpoo and vRts^!- 
ts^q !oaa. It is possible that the information supplied in regard 
to this design and the two preceding may not be correct. 

The following names that were each found once, seem either 
to denote geometrical ideas or to be modifications of common 
designs. They are: 

A design called verJt!, shown in figure 112. 

A design called ver^t Ikorem, consisting of the horizontal bar 
in the middle of figure 54. 

A design called veniirpcLaa upapelek, large ( f ) sharp-teeth, 
shown in figure 113. 

The same design executed in smaller size on the same basket 
was called okegotir, crossed. 

A design, shown in figure 120, consisting of two right tri- 
angles in contact at their acutest angles, was called kiwSgik 
vEler^ !en, sitting in the middle. 

The term veniir okegaama, *' sharp different" or ** sharp 
varying,'' was applied to the sharp-tooth design shown in figure 
18, and the term vEn^g^tsiq !, interpreted as sleeping together, to 
the ladder design of figure 63. 

A modem design, to which no name was given because it 
was of recent invention, is shown in figure 114, in order to illus- 
trate its difference in character from the older designs. 

Figures 115 to 120 show patterns consisting in each case of 
two or more design elements. These are : 



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130 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Bth. 

Figure 115, sharp-tooth and sittiiig. 

Figure 116, waxpoo and foot and ladder. 

Figure 117, waxpoo and vBtsip Its^ !oaa. 

Figure 118, flint and TEts^ Its^q !oaa. 

Figure 119, flint and snake. 

Figure 120, flint and kiwagik vEler^ !en. 

Basket design names are the only names applied bj the 
Yurok to the carved, engraved, or painted figures, predomina- 
tingly of triangles, on wooden acorn-soup paddles, elkhom 
spoons and purses, and network and skins. This decoration, 
which is never realistic, is not made with any purpose of signi- 
fication and usually is nameless ; but when a name is applied to 
it, it is either descriptive, such as '^ scratched," or a name 
familiar from baskets, such as sitting, sharp-teeth, sturgeon-back, 
crooked, or mesh-stick. 

KABOK DESIGNS. 

The Earok designs are very similar to those of the Yurok, 
although their names sometimes do not correspond equally. 
They will be taken up in the order of the Yurok designs.^ 

The Earok otehaliits or flint-like design has for its element 
the parallelogram. It is identical with the Yurok flint design. 
Figures 121 to 124 show different forms. The design shown in 
figure 124 was called oteha'hits tunueits, small flint. The oblique 
parallelogram is replaced by a rectangle more often among the 
Karok than among the Yurok. 

The tatalctak design among the Earok corresponds to the 

Yurok sharp-tooth. The etymology of this word is not known; 

it seems to be derived from an adjectival or verbal root. Objects 

with a row of notches are so called. A variety of the forms 

assumed by the tata'ktak design may be seen in figures 125 to 

133, as well as in figures 185 to 187 where this design occurs in 

combination with others. A design like that shown in figure 

151, which is ordinarily called spread-finger, was once named 

tata'ktak. This interpretation is very natural, as the elements 

of the spread-finger design always constitute the tata'ktak 

figure. 

^ Earok names of baskets: cooking or eating basket, large or sina)], 
asip; higher basket for trinkets^ eipnnk; hat, apzan. Earok names of 
ba^et materials; hazel, asis; pine roots, eamm; xerophyUum, panjara; 
adiantom, ynmarekiritap; woodwardia, tiptip. 



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Vol. 21 Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N, W. CaUfomia, 131 

The apcuniu'fi or snake-nose design corresponds to the Yurok 
sitting design. A number of forms are shown in figures 134 
to 141, and in figure 184. The species of snake denoted by apcun 
is not known. 

The apxanko'ikoi design corresponds to the Yurok waxpoo. 
The typical form is seen in figure 142. Figures 143 to 145 show 
forms that are unusual among the Yurok. It will be seen that 
figures 143 and 144 lack the isosceles triangle, the bisection by 
whose apex of the longer base of the trapezoid appears to give 
the Yurok design its name. The Karok name for the design 
contains the word for basketry cap, apxan. Eoikoi, the second 
part of the word, is said to mean up and down, or progressively 
back and forth, or the successive placing of one thing against 
another. Figures 146 and 147 show forms of this design to 
which the Yurok would in most cases apply the name of the 
elements constituting them, sitting. The relation of these pat- 
terns to the typical forms of the design is however obvious. Fig- 
ure 185 shows the apxanko^ikoi design in combination with the 
tata'ktak. 

These four designs — ^fiint, tata'ktak, snake-nose, and apxan- 
ko'ikoi — are among the commonest of Karok designs, as their 
equivalents are among the Yurok. 

The design called vakaixara, long worm, shown in figures 
148 and 149, corresponds exactly to the Yurok snake, even to 
its usual association with the flint design. An entirely different 
form is shown in figure 150. This appears to be equivalent to 
the rare Yurok maggot design. 

The kixtakpis or kixtapis design of the Karok corresponds 
in shape to the Yurok spread-finger or hand design. A similar 
significance has been obtained for the Karok word, but others 
say that the fingers are used only in illustration, the meaning 
being long and pointed, though not necessarily sharp. It is pos- 
sible that the Yurok word okwEg^tsip also refers to the fingers 
only by implication. This design is shown in figures 151 and 152. 

The crow-foot design, anatcfis, corresponds to the Yurok foot 
design, especially to that variety of it shown in figure 53. 

A common Karok design is the cut-wood, 6n i'kiviti. This 
is the equivalent of the Yurok elk and ladder designs and there- 



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132 University of Calif omia Publications. [Aic. Arch. Eth. 

fore needs no further characterization. It is shown in figures 
153 to 160, and again in figure 184. 

The ikurukur design is the equivalent of the Yurok okre- 
kruyaa; apparently the name is to be translated stirred, which 
may be a way of expressing the spatial idea zigzag. It is shown 
in figures 161 to 163. Another form is like the Yurok variety 
in figure 79. 

The Earok xurip or striped design is the equivalent of the 
Yurok vBts^ !siq !oaa. It is shown in figures 164 to 166 and 
186 to 187. 

The design corresponding to the Yurok vxnaanak seems to 
be called among the Earok kutsisiva'c, spotted.^ An instance 
of this design is shown in figure 167. Another form is identical 
with the Yurok form shown in figure 93. 

A single line or ridge encircling a basket, called among the 
Yurok vutsierau, is called by the Karok uc-acip-rdvahit. This 
is said to mean to put something long around, and in basketry 
may refer to the technique rather than to the design. A portion 
of a design given this name is shown in figure 168. 

A design similar to the ikurukur design was a number 
of times given the name xasi'ree. The meaning of this term 
could not be obtained, which is evidence that the word is descrip- 
tive and not the metaphorical application of the name of an 
object. This design seems to differ from the ordinary zigzag or 
crooked design in that when it constitutes a separate zigzag band 
it appears to be composed of broken lines, and that when it 
follows an outline of triangles, it is detached from them a little 
distance. In all the cases obtained there is thus a broken or 
openwork effect.* (Figures 169 to 172.) There seems to be 
nothing among the Yurok corresponding to this design name. 

The ^vaci or snail-back design, said also to mean to carry, 
is another that is not found among the Yurok. Its element seems 
to be an acute or right angled triangle. It is shown in figures 
173 and 174. The two designs in figure 174 were found on the 
same basket and were called by the owner of the basket both 
tata^ktak and snail-back. 

* The last part of this word has a resemblance to the name of the snail- 
back design, esivacL 

* That this is the essential feature of the design is made almost certain 
by the fact that zas has recently been found to mean separated. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N, W. CdUfomia, 133 

The deer-excrement design, ip'af, is also not found among 
the Yurok, but occurs among the Achomawi and Wintun. Its 
element is a small rectangle used in combination. It is shown 
in figures 175-177. The design in figure 177 was also called 
rabbit-excrement, niv'af. 

A design found only once is shown in figure 178. It was 
called iyu'uphit, eyes, strictly, like eyes. 

A modification of the snake-nose design consists of two hori- 
zontal rows of the isosceles triangular elements. The design is 
then called apcuniu'fi upcantu'nvahit, snake-noses on top of each 
other, or snake-noses together. Once the form apcuniu'fi upsan- 
tunvaramu was given. Figures 179 to 181 show the modified 
snake-nose design. It will be seen that the isosceles triangles 
may be put simply above one another or joined at their apices 
or along their bases. In the latter case a diamond or rhombus 
results. It is in this way that the diamonds in figure 184 are 
to be interpreted as snake-noses. 

Figure 182, which is the same design as 181, was called by 
an old woman tata'ktak tcivi^tahits. Tcivi^tahits is said to be 
used of small objects in a row. 

A pattern like the eye pattern of figure 178, ascending diago- 
nally through two flint-parallelograms, was once called snake- 
nose ikurukur. This name shows that each of the rectangles in 
the design was in this case considered as consisting of two tri- 
angles joined at the bases. 

Figure 183 shows a design called tata^ktak iviyi'hura, tatak- 
tak ascending, or thrown or moved up. 

Figures 184 to 187 show combinations of designs. These are : 

Figure 184, in i'kiviti and apcuniu'fi. 

Figure 185, apxanko^ikoi and tata'ktak. 

Figure 186, xu'rip and tata'ktak. 

Figure 187, xurip and tata'ktak. 

HUPA DESIGNS. 

Since the drawings for this paper were made, Dr. P. B. Gtod- 
dard has published a description of Hupa basket making, includ- 
ing an account of the designs and their' names, in his general 
paper on the Life and Culture of the Hupa referred to. His 



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136 University of Calif ornia PubUcatians. [Am . Arch. Bth. 

illustrated description of the various classes of baskets and of 
the arrangement of their decoration shows the practical identity 
of Hupa and Turok basketry, several of the pieces he figures 
being in fact of Turok origin, and has rendered any lengthy 
treatment of the same subject unnecessary in the present paper. 
His account of the use and treatm^t of materials is particu- 
larly full, and the material previously presented in this connec- 
tion must be regarded as merely supplementary of his more 
exact observations. Dr. Goddard names and figures a number 
of Hupa designs, some of which were not obtained by the author. 
In the cases where the same names were secured. Dr. Goddard 's 
orthographical rendering has been adopted, except that his close 
o and u are represented without diacritical marks. Where he 
does not give a design name, it has been rendered according to the 
phonetic system employed for native names in this paper. 

So far as the Hupa designs can be paralleled with Turok 
designs they will be taken up in the same order. 

The common design whose elements are parallelograms is 
called by the Hupa niLkfitdasaan, on top of each other. While 
this design itself is generally identical in shape with the corre- 
sponding Turok and Earok flint designs, its name is altogether 
different. Several forms are shown in figures 188 to 191. Inas- 
much as the name has reference only to the relative position of 
the component elements, and not to their shape, it is i>erfectly 
applicable to the pattern shown in figure 191, though this design 
corresponds much rather to the Turok elk or ladder than to the 
flint design. 

In one case a design consisting of two oblique parallelograms 
was called by a Hupa woman nesetaxkyuuLon, long mark. 
According to Dr. Qoddard the second part of this word means 
weave or woven. This design is shown in figure 192. 

The Turok sharp-tooth and Earok tata'ktak designs are called 
by the Hupa tcaxtceuiieL. Occurrences are shown in figures 
193 to 196. According to Dr. Goddard this word means points 
sticking up and is applicable to a series of projecting angles. 
The name was obtained, however, for the design reproduced in 
figure 194, which consists of an isolated triangle. Dr. Goddard 
gives as the name of the single right triangle tcesLinalwiltcwel, 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. &. ETH. VOL. 2, PL. 18. 



Fi^s. 1, 2, 3. Openwork and sifting tray><. Yurok. 
Fi^. 4. Dance basket. Yurok. v^- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif omia. 137 

said to mean sharp and slanting. The design shown in figure 
195 was called miskaxe teaztceMeL with niLkHtdasaan. 

A design identical with that of figure 196 is shown in figures 

200 and 202, which were called swallow-tail. While this is per- 
haps the more characteristic name, the acute angles in the figure 
make tcaxtceuneL also applicable to it. Dr. Goddard notes the 
use of both names for this design. 

The obtuse isosceles triangle is called by the Hupa nearly 
as by the Earok, rattlesnake-nose, Luumiintcwuti;. Two patterns 
are shown in figures 197, 198. Dr. Ooddard mentions also 
Luumiintcwuu; niikiitdasaan, rattlesnake noses on top of each 
other, as the name of a pattern of isosceles triangles, which cor- 
responds with the Earok name apcuniu'fi upcantu^nvahit, snake 
noses on top of each other. 

The Yurok waxpoo, the Earok apxanko^ikoi design is called 
by the Hupa tea, or tcax-hultcwe (=tca-wiltcwelt). An 
instance is shown in figure 199. The meaning is unknown. Tea 
and the first part of tcax-hultcwe appear to occur also in tcax- 
tceuneL; hultcwe in mi-kinily-ultcwe and perhaps in tcesiinal- 
wiltcwel. 

According to Dr. Ooddard the tea design is usually so 
arranged that a series of figures encircles the basket, when the 
name liCnaLdauu; is given it, signifying **it encircles." 

The swallow-tail design, testcetcmikye in Hupa, has not been 
found among the Earok and only once or twice among the 
Yurok. It appears to be not uncommon among the Hupa. A 
typical form is shown in figure 200. The pattern shown in figure 

201 is from the same basket and was given the same name, but 
is so unrelated in form that a mistake seems likely. Figure 202 
shows the elements found in figure 200 arranged in a continuous 
zigzag pattern. 

The design shown in figure 53 as a Yurok foot design is usu- 
ally called by the Hupa frog hand, tcwal mila. This name was 
also found applied to the design shown in figure 204, but the 
connection between this form and the usual one is not clear. 
The typical form of the frog hand design is again shown in 
figure 203, though in this case it was given the name spread- 
hand, mila analeii. It thus appears that the Yurok foot design 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2. 11. 



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138 University of CaUfamia P%Micati<mi, [Am . Aboh. Bth. 

oorrespondfl to both the Hupa frog hand and spread-hand 
designs, while the Ynrok spread-hand design is the equiTalent 
of die Hupa swallow-tail. 

The Ynrok elk and ladder, and the Earok eut-wood designSy 
are found among the Hupa in the forms shown in figures 205 
to 208. To the first two of these, which were obtained from 
one individual, the name Lenouiion was given. To the two 
others, which were obtained from two diflEerent individuals, the 
name LenoikyuuLon was applied. According to Dr. Goddard 
Le-, the first element of these names, means joined or tied 
together, and is no doubt used because the design extends in a 
continuous pattern around the basket; while -kyuuLon means, 
as stated before, weave or woven. 

The sturgeon-back design, Lokyomenkontc, was found once 
among the Hupa and shows in this case the same shape as the 
typical form of the Yurok design of the same name. It is repro- 
duced in figure 209. 

The equivalent of the Yurok crooked or zigzag design is 
called by the Hupa naikyexoloxats. A form is given in figure 
210. The design shown in figure 81 was also called by this name. 

The Yurok vEts^q !s6q !oaa, tlie design of vertical bars, is 
called by the Hupa kinesni. It is shown in figures 211 and 212. 
Presumably the meaning of this design name is, as among the 
Yurok and Earok, striped. 

The design of slanting stripes called by the Yurok vAnaanak 
is called by the Hupa kinilyu. This was translated spotted, but 
this rendering may be inexact. An instance is shown in figure 
213. In figure 189 the diagonal stripes, were called mikinily- 
ultcwe. 

In addition to the designs here figured, Dr. Qoddard gives 
the following. 

Mikyowe mila, grizzly bear hand, a parallelogram with pro- 
jecting acute angles along the oblique sides. 

**They come together," LAyuwineL, seems to be trapezoids 
superimposed. 

Qowitselminat, worm goes round or worm's stairway, is a 
series of rectangular parallelograms superimposed so that each 
higher one projects to the right of the one below it, the wl^ 
being bordered by a double line conforming to the outline. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs a/ N.W. California. 139 

Oblique lines ninniiig through oblique angled parallelograms 
are called niLkutdasaan, one on the other its scratches. 

COMPABISON OP YUBOK, EABOE, AND HUPA DESIGNS. 

On the whole the designs of the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa 
correspond rather closely. Still there are a number of discrep- 
ancies in design names. The Turok and Earok flint design, 
which takes its name from the individual parallelogram, is 
called in Hupa on top of each other, the name being given not 
on account of the shape of the elements but on account of their 
combination into a pattern. The difference between Yurok 
snake and Earok long worm is of course slight. The same may 
be said of Yurok ladder and Karok cut-wood, since the ladder 
consists of a log or slab into which steps are cut. It should be 
noted however that the Earok cut-wood and the corresponding 
Hupa design have two equivalents in Yurok : ladder and elk. 

The design consisting of four or more triangles at the end 
of vertical stalks, those in the middle being higher than those at 
the two sides, is called among the Yurok foot, after the indi- 
vidual elements composing the design; among the Earok and 
Wishosk crow-foot, after the design as a whole; and among the 
Hupa frog-foot. The Hupa however, apply to the design a 
second name, namely spread-hand. This name is found also 
among both Yurok and Earok, but applied to a design consisting 
of four or six vertically projecting acute angles. This design 
in turn is found also among the Hupa, who have given it the 
name swallow-tail. This name, finally, has not been found 
among the other tribes, except for a few cases among the Yurok. 
This is a characteristic instance of the degree of variability of 
design names among the northwestern tribes. 

All the designs so far found among the Yurok, Earok, and 
Hupa are given in Table I, which is arranged so as to show the 
design names that correspond among the three tribes. It will 
be seen that the greater number of names found in one tribe 
but missing in another, are names that are rare even where 
they do occur. Some discrepancies, however, will be noted also 
among the more common names, although, as previously stated, 
all the designs themselves are common to the three tribes. Of 



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140 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth. 

the Yurok designs found more than once, Earok lacks five: 
sturgeon-back, tattoo, vEtergerpuraa, elk, and sitting; but of 
these the first three are not very common even among the Yurok, 
while the elk and sitting are both second names for designs 
whose other names, snake-nose and ladder, have Earok equiva- 
lents. Of Earok designs found more than once, the Yurok 
lacks only deer-excrement, snail-back and xasiree. Hupa, so 
far as now known, lacks nearly the same Yurok design names 
as Earok: snake, sturgeon-back, vEtergerpuraa, elk, and sitting. 
The difference in the number of design names among the 
three tribes is probably only apparent and owing to the fact that 
inquiry has been fuller among the Yurok than among the other 
tribes. Omitting the names found only once, and the varia- 
tions of the common names, there were found among the Yurok 
sixteen, among the Earok fourteen, and among the Hupa, includ- 
ing the designs given by Dr. Gk>ddard, about an equal number of 
characteristic common tribal design names. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 141 

TABLE I.-EQUIVALBNT DESIGN NAMES. 

The correBponding Torok, Karok, and Hupa names of the same flgore 
are on the same line. 



yUROK 


KAROK 


HtJFA. 


flint 


flint-like 


on top of each other; long woven" 


sharp-tooth 


tataktak 


points sticking up 


sitting; snake-nose 


snake-nose 


rattlesnake-nose 


wazpoo 


apzankoikoi 


tcaxhultewe, tea" 


snake 


long worm 




spread-hand 


spread-hand (f) 


swaUow-tail 


foot 


crow-foot 


frog hand; spread-hand" 


ladder; elk 


out-wood 


LenouLon, LenoikyuuLon 


sturgeon-hack 




sturgeon-back" 


okrekrujaa 


ikurukur 


naikyexoloxats 


▼xtsdqttsdqioaa 


zurip 


kinesni" 




kutsisivac 


kinilyu' 


YUtsieraa 


ueaciprdvahit" 




▼Btergerpnraa 






tattoo 


zasiree 
snail-back 
deer-excrement 
rabbit-excrement" 
eye-like" « 




flying geese" 






dove" 






crab" 






maggots" 






box* 






elboT»* 






spreading" 






meah measure" 






chiton mollusc" 






star* 






swaUow 






red snake" 






skunk"' 







WISHOSK DESIGNS. 

The names of the designs on a few Wishosk baskets seen were 

obtained, as well as the Wishosk names of a few sketches of 

Turok designs. Most of the names are untranslatable. Some 

may be descriptive terms instead of standard design names. 

They are given for what they are worth. They are : 

"Found once. 

'A few variations of standard designs, such as ascending tataktak and 
snake-noses on top of each other, are not included. 



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142 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth. 

Yurds foot, as in figure 53, but larger, with six to eight stalks 
on each side: Wishosk gatsireweliLe or sisgoptele weliLel, crow 
foot. 

Turok sharp-tooth: Wishosk laget. 

Turok sitting, as in figures 27, 135 : Wishosk dutematho. 

Turok ysts^q !ts^ !oaa : Wishosk tciruratcgat. 

Yurok sturgeon-back or Earok flint, as in figures 72, 123: 
Wishosk gavoyahati. 

Yurok fiint, as in figure 6: Wishosk wa'sat, put on top, or 
ritve wa'sat, two put on top. 

Yurok elk, as in figure 66 : Wishosk ritvelet, two 1 

Yurok waxpoo, like the elements in figures 36, 142, but in 
three tiers like figure 146 except that the trapezoids are solid: 
Wishosk rikweritcag'atgat, three 1 

Yurok waxpoo, like figure 37 : Wishosk gidacedariL or gidace- 
dariL dudematho, said to mean grown up or full blown. 

Long horizontal trapezoids on top of each other: Wishosk 
datherowaLet, said to mean straight across horizontally. 

Short vertical bars at the ends of these trapezoids : Wishosk 
rakdathaligwalat, said to mean beginning to grow. 

NOBTHEASTEBN WINTUN DESIGNS. 

The following information as to the baskets and design names 
of the Wintun of the McCloud river at the extreme northeastern 
end of the territory of the stock and in contact with the Acho- 
mawi or Pit River Indians, was obtained, together with the speci- 
mens to which it relates, by Professor John C. Merriam and is 
presented through his courtesy. 

Typical baskets of this branch of the Wintun are shown in 
Plate 21. In general they are of the northwestern type. The 
weaves are the same except for the different method of over- 
laying described, the shapes and patterns not very different, 
and the materials are largely identical. The warp is of willow 
in place of the northwestern hazel.^ For conical carrying bas- 
kets poison oak, rhus diversiloba, is also used. The woof is of 
roots of yellow pine, pinus ponderosa. The overlaying materials 

' McCloud river Wintun names of baskets: puluk, large cooking basket; 
dausep, small shallow cooking and drinking basket; kolom, smidl deeper 
basket; kawi, mortar basket; an'kapis, con&al openwork carrying basket; 
an, seed-beater; tekes, flat tray-shaped basket. 



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Vol, 2] Kroeber.—Baakei Design9 of N. W, CtOtfomia, 143 

are the same as in the northwest, xerophiylluin, adiantnm, and 
alder-dyed woodwardia. It Ib possible that additional maierials 
may be used to produce patterns. The hat shown in Plate 21, 
fi^ore 3, resembles a Modoe more than a Ynrok hat in shape, 
pattern, and softnesa. The warp appears to be of roots instead 
of twigs ; it is said to be grass, admitted to be an unusual mate- 
rial. The woof at the center or (Hrigin of thia hat is of twine, 
as in Modoc hats. 

In part the desi^ names collected by Professor Merriam 
corroborate those given by Dr. B. B. Dixon from the upper Sac- 
ramento river Wintun ;^ others are new. 

The water-snake design, shown in figure 214, agrees with 
ttio f <»rm given by Dr. Dixon. The diamond-shaped rattlesnake- 
head design shown 
in figure 215 in 
continuous pattern 
is also given by 
Dr. Dixon. Figure 
216, a row of tri- 
angles, middle of 
base on apex, called 
sucker-tail, is also 
practically ident- 
ical with the Dixon 
sucker-tail design. 
The flying geese, 
figures 217 and 
224, are somewhat 
different from the 
Dixon design, but 
there is an under- 
lying similarity in 
pattern effect. Fig- 
ure 218 shows leaves. A more typical form is said to consist of 
obtuse isosceles triangles with their bases in a row. Dr. Dixon 
shows rows of triangles on each side of a diagonal, which he calls 
' * leaves strung along. ' ' 

of the Indians of Northern California, BnlL Am. 
ri, I, 17, 1902. 



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144 University of CdUfarnia PubUcatians. [ Am. Aboh. Bth. 

A bird's breast design is shown in figure 219. It consists 
of a band of diagonal stripes. Both in form and name this sug- 
gests the Pit River meadowlark neck design.^ 

Figure 225 shows a design that is called lizard foot or track. 
A different combination of the elements constituting this design 
was found by Dr. Dixon called bear-foot.* 

Figure 220 shows what was called a tribal design, taken from 
the woman's cap mentioned. 

Figure 221 shows the arrow point design. 

Figure 222 is the quail-crest design. 

Figure 223 represents a form of what is called the zigzag 
design. 

A raft design, not figured, is square or oblong, containing 
about two horizontal dividing lines. 

A navel-string design on a basket for preserving a child's 
navel-string, also not figured, consists of vertical parallel bars 
or stripes. 

8INKINB DESIGNS. 

The Athabascans of lower South fork of Eel river and of the 
neighboring coast region seem to call themselves Sinkine. In 
the totality of their culture they are as near the Yuki and 
northern Pomo as they are to the Hupa and Yurok. Their bas- 
ketry, however, is distinctively of the northwestern type, though 
very poorly made. The materials include hazel, redwood roots, 
maidenhair fern, woodwardia fibres dyed with alder, and xero- 
phyllum; and coiled baskets are not made. These Indians are 
fond of introducing black radiating stripes in all their open- 
work by coloring the warp, a method only occasionally practiced 
by the Yurok. Much like the northern Wintun and probably 
Shasta, the Sinkine tend to certain minor differences in form 
of their baskets and pattern arrangements from the Yurok, 
Earok, and Hupa. Large baskets have somewhat more contin- 
uous curve and flare in profile than among the tribes of the 
north, and the edge is more often strengthened by a thick rod. 
The acorn meal sifter is shallowly concave in place of flat as 
with the Yurok and Karok or somewhat conical as- with the 



^ Dixon, op. cit., p. 16. 
•Ibid., p. 18. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL. 2. PL. 19. 



Various basketn. Fij?8. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, Yurok. Fig. 3, Karok. f^'o- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W.CoUfornia. 146 

Hupa. Openwork trays are slightly deeper than among these 
tribes. The patterns are inclined to run in a large horizontal 



A design of a continuous series of angles, either acute or 
oblique, is called naLgos. 

A pattern of alternately black and white small rectangles is 
called tees 'an or tes'an, which is translated patch. 

Vertical stripes or bars have the name tcinisnoi, which is 
dialectically equivalent to the Hupa name of this design, kinesni. 

C0MPABI80N OF BASKET DESIGNS IN NOBTHBBN CALIPOENIA. 

Before proceeding to a comparison of the basket design 
names of California, so far as they are known, it is desirable to 
discuss briefly the geographical relations of techniques and of 
pattern arrangements. 

As between the two chief modes of weaving that are cus- 
tomarily distinguished in western North America, the twined 
and the coiled, twined weaving has perhains a wider distribution 
in Califomia, but coiled weaving is the principal and more 
characteristic technique of the greater number of groups. 

The tribes of northernmost California, both east and west, 
practice only twined weaving. South of the Yurok, Karok, and 
Hupa the Wailaki are the first group that make coiled baskets. 
The Indians who adjoin them on the north class them as coiled 
basketry makers, while at Bound Valley, where they now live 
in contact with YuM, Pomo, Maidu, and other stocks that chiefly 
make coiled baskets, they are looked upon as workers in twined 
weaving. The Wailaki baskets in the Museum of the Depart- 
ment of Anthropology are divided between the two techniques; 
and of two in the American Museum of Natural History one is 
coiled and one twined. The baskets of the Shasta and Chima- 
riko were undoubtedly twined. The northern Wintun of the 
upper Sacramento and McCloud rivers make twined baskets 
exclusively, as those of Trinity river almost certainly did. This 
however must not be supposed to apply to the entire Wintun 
stock. The southern Wintun east of the Pomo make coiled bas- 
kets. How far north in the territory of this family the practice 
of making coiled baskets extends is not certain. Coiled baskets 
were made on Stony creek. The Achomawi, the Pit river basin 



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14fi UnivsrsUy of CaUfemia PubUeations. [ An. Aeoh. Bth. 

Iwdiiaim, according to Dixon made only twined baskets. The 
Tana work is twined. The Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians 
of the head waters of the Elamath river also use the twined 
teelmiqne exclusivdy. 

South of these tribes coiled work was found and everywhere 
predominated except for larger and more specialized bas- 
kets. Among the Porno twined weaving was relatively more 
important than among other tribes that employed the coiled 
style ; but even here the smaller and more characteristic baskets 
are coiled. 

In regard to the grouping of designs in patterns on Gali- 
f omia baskets the following arrangements must be distiuguished : 

First, horizontal^ either in continuous bands or in rows of 
figures. 

Second, vertical or radiating. 

Third, diagonal or spiral, according as the basket is deep 
or flat. 

Fourth, zigzag, or diagonal alternately to the right and left. 

Fifth, in blocks, where a compact cluster of designs or a 
single figure occupies the greater part of the basket visible in 
one view. 

These terms have reference to the appearance of the ordi* 
nary basket seen from the side. In the case of a flat, tray-like 
basket, a horizontal arrangement would consist of circular 
bands, a vertical pattern would be radiating, a diagonal one 
spiral, and a zigzag one star or net-shaped. 

In the baskets from the northwestern region the preponder- 
ating tendency is a horizontal one. The ordinary baskets for 
purposes of cooking or eating, and the hats, show in most cases 
a single decorated strip extending around the basket a short 
distance below its rim. In the case of caps there is generally 
an additional simple subsidiary design at the center. This hori- 
zontal decorative area may consist of the same figure or group 
of figures three or four times repeated in the circuit of the bas- 
ket, or of a more simple and more continuous pattern. The fig- 
ures may be repeated in part above or below the main design 
zone. Ordinarily the zone does not take the form of a distinct 
band of the sort that is so common on the Yokuts and larger 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 147 

Porno baskets. Within this horizontal zone of decoration the 
lines of the pattern sometimes run vertically, but more usually, 
in connection with the common parallelograms and triangles, 
diagonally. 

A secondary tendency in the general pattern disposition of 
northwestern baskets is a diagonal arrangement. This is found 
chiefly in trinket and storage baskets. These are about equal 
in height and diameter, so that in their case the style of decora- 
tion which is confined to a zone near the rim would leave the 
greater portion of the surface of the basket unomamentedL The 
diagonal arrangement allows the design to be carried without 
difSculty from the bottom to the top of the basket. The cooking 
baskets and hats are considerably lower than they are wide, so 
that a single horizontal zone of decoration sufficiently occupies 
the visible surface. 

Other methods of distributing the pattern are rare in bas- 
kets of northwestern California. A vertical ornamentation is 
occasionally found in small baskets and a zigzag arrangement 
on large ones. 

The Achomawi baskets are made in the same general style as 
those of the Yurok and Hupa. The unadorned brown, the nat- 
ural color of the roots employed for the woof in most north- 
western baskets not intended for purposes of display, is how- 
ever apparently not used among the Achomawi. The charac- 
teristic Achomawi basket, even when intended for carrying or 
cooking, has its entire surface overlaid with xerophyllum grass, 
which by the northwestern tribes is used to such an extent only 
for caps, trinket baskets, and others in which the ornamental 
purpose is at least equal to the useful one. The alder-dyed red 
of the northwestern region is also absent from baskets of the 
Pit river region. A black, apparently the same as the maiden- 
hair fern fibre of northwestern California, is used by the Acho- 
mawi for making their designs on the white ground color. Some- 
times a dyed black is used. The bottom of some Achomawi bas- 
kets is left in a natural brown without xerophyllum overlaying, 
but this is not always done. 

The baskets from this region are generally somewhat higher 
in proportion to the diameter than the comparatively shallow 



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148 University of CdUfornia PtAlications, [ Am. Arch. Bth. 

baskets characteristic of the northwestern region. The bottom 
of the baskets is also squarer, the sides meeting the flat bottom 
more nearly at an angle with a very short curvature, while in 
the northwestern baskets the curving bottom runs very grad- 
ually into the sides. Nevertheless on the whole Pit river bas- 
kets and those from the lower Klamath region belong to the 
same type. 

In the arrangement of designs, however, the Pit river and 
northwestern baskets differ fundamentally. The most common 
arrangement in the Pit river region is the spiral one. Zigzag 
patterns are also common. Block patterns, or single figures, 
which are nearly wanting in the northwest, also occur. On the 
other hand the horizontally arranged patterns of northwestern 
California occur rarely. 

The basketry of the Yana, who are almost extinct, is very 
little known. Dr. Dixon has however described two pieces. They 
seem not very different from Achomawi baskets, being twined 
and overlaid with xerophyllum. Their designs also suggest the 
Pit river designs.^ 

The baskets of the Modoc, and of the Indians often loosely 
called Elamath Indians, the two tribes who constitute the Lutu- 
ami stock, resemble in many ways the northwestern and Acho- 
mawi baskets, belonging to the same twined overlaid type. 

Both warp and woof of the Lutuami baskets are however of 
tule in place of tree twigs and roots, resulting in a more flexible 
basket. The basketry hats are also higher and flatter than those 
of the northwestern Indians besides being begun with woof of 
string. 

The pattern arrangement on the Modoc-Klamath baskets is 
different from the characteristic northwestern ^ arrangement. 
While frequently horizontal, there is a distinct tendency to 
defined bands. The pattern arrangement of hats resembles that 
of Achomawi baskets, being usually zigzag or diagonal. 

The northern Wintun baskets described by Dr. Dixon and 
in this paper stand nearly as close to the Achomawi and Lutu- 
ami baskets as to the Yurok-Karok-Hupa. They resemble the 
Achomawi baskets in being less flat than the northwestern bas- 

^B. B. Dixon, op. cit., p. 19. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif omia. 149 

kets and in that their ground color is more often in overlaid 
white than in the natural color of the root fibres of the Woof. 
They also lack the characteristic horizontal design-zone of the 
northwestern baskets, but agree with them in showing in the 
great majority of cases either a diagonal or a horizontal arrange- 
menty although the vertical, the zigzag, and the block arrange- 
ments are also found. The elements of the designs are for the 
most part equivalent to northwestern design elements. 

The Shasta seem to have made comparatively few baskets and 
these resembled the Yurok and Karok baskets of poorer finish. 
Most of the few baskets that can be regarded as typically Shastan 
show a simple pattern of a band of vertical bars. 

Among the few surviving Sinkine, the Athabascans of South 
fork of Eel river, north and west of the Wailaki, baskets are 
altogether northwestern in type, though crudely made. It is 
noteworthy, however, that in the patterns there is a distinct 
tendency toward a zigzag arrangement. 

In the region where coiled basketry predominates, compris- 
ing the remainder and by far the greater part of the state, three 
main types of pattern arrangement may be distinguished, which 
may be called the Maidu, the Southern, and the Pomo. It is 
hardly necessary to say once more that this classification has 
nothing to do with materials, technique, or texture. 

The Maidu baskets illustrated and described by Dr. Dixon 
show most commonly a zigzag arrangement. Second in import- 
ance is a diagonal arrangement. Horizontal distribution of 
designs is very rare and the vertical or block arrangement still 
more so. 

The northern Moquelumnan or Miwok baskets in the American 
Museum illustrated by Dr. Dixon, show a preponderating hori- 
zontal arrangement, and secondary to this is a vertical arrange- 
ment of designs. The characteristic Maidu diagonal and zigzag 
arrangements seem to be rare. This fact is noteworthy because 
the Moquelumnan arrangement is that of the southern basketry, 
so that the Maidu type of pattern arrangement would seem not 
to extend southward beyond the limits of the stock, and alto- 
gether to be limited to the Maidu themselves and perhaps some 
of the adjacent Wintun. 



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160 UmverHty of CaUfornia Publications, [ Aic Arch. Eth. 

The Yokuts makers of the Tulare baskets prevailingly use 
horizontal and secondarily vertical patterns, thus agreeing with 
their northern neighbors the Moquelumnan Indians. EspeciaUy 
among the southern Yokuts the continuous horizontal band is 
however more in use than in Moquelumnan territory. A diag- 
onal arrangement is not rare in these regions, but usually has 
the form of a series of rectangular steps, so that the horizontal- 
vertical tendency still finds expression. The Shoshonean tribes 
adjacent to the Yokuts follow the same pattern arrangements. 

Baskets from the coast region west and southwest of the San 
Joaquin valley are very scarce. The few that are undoubtedly 
from this region, almost all from Chumash territory, show a 
combination of horizontal and vertical designs. 

The baskets of the Shoshonean and Yuman Mission Indians 
of Southern California, while different from the Yokuts types 
of baskets in many ways, like them generally show horizontal 
and vertical arrangements. Tray-shaped baskets frequently 
show a star-shaped pattern, which should be classed as a form 
of zigzag aramgement. The tribes of the desert farther east, 
such as the Chemehuevi, seem to use the same types of design 
arrangement. 

The entire part of California south of the latitude of San 
Francisco, the larger half of the state, must accordingly be con- 
sidered a unit in the matter of basket-design arrangement, the 
patterns being prevailingly horizontal or vertical instead of 
diagonal or zigzag. 

The third region in which coiled basketry predominates is 
that of the coast region immediately north of San Francisco, 
eictending along the coast to the northwestern region. The Pomo 
are the largest group in this area. 

Twined weaving is of relatively greater importance among 
the Pomo than among either the Maidu or the Indians south of 
the latitude of San Francisco. Besides having twined and coiled 
basketry, the Pomo possess the ti weave, a superimposition of 
coiling on twining. Including the minor variations, the total 
number of weaves practiced by the Pomo may not be as large 
as can be found among some other California groups; but 
whereas other groups limit the use of their less characteristic 



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YoL. 2] Kroeber.— Basket De^ns of N.W. CaUfomia. 151 

weaves to parts of baskets or to certain classes or shapes of bas- 
kets having special purposes, among the Porno the employment 
of the several techniques is not confined nearly as rigorously to 
narrow types of ware. Besides the variety of techniques there 
exists much latitude of shapes, there being flat bowl-shaped bas- 
kets, others whose opening is about equal in diameter to their 
bases, and still others which curve inward to the top consider- 
ably ; besides of course conical carrying baskets and the flat tray 
baskets found all over California. The Porno have also devel- 
oped the canoe shaped or oval basket which is scarcely aborig- 
inal in any other region in California or at least is not usual 
anywhere else. They also use the greatest variety of external 
ornament. Beads, shell ornaments, quail plumes, and feathering 
are employed to a far greater extent than elsewhere. Among the 
northern tribes using only the twined technique sudi external 
decoration is altogether wanting. The total covering of baskets 
with feathers is also not found outside of the Pomo region, 
though this area must probably be made to include some of the 
southern Wintun, southern Yuki, and perhaps northwestern 
Moquelumnan, as well as the Pomo. Complete feathering is said 
not to have been practiced formerly even by the Yuki proper, 
who in their general culture and their basket technique belong 
to the Pomo type. 

As in shape and technique, Pomo baskets show the greatest 
variety of design arrangements in CaUfomia. The horizontal 
and diagonal arrangements I4)parently predominate. Single fig- 
ures of such size that one fills the entire visible surface of a 
basket, or of such size that several are visible at one time, are 
also considerably used, especially on the smaller coiled baskets. 
Very often these figures are fairly elaborate, consisting of a 
group of figures rather than of a design or pattern. Zigzag and 
vertical patterns are also both found on Pomo baskets, and a 
net-like arrangement which might be described as a combination 
of two diagonal patterns slanting in opposite directions is not 
uncommon. 

In regard to decorative scheme and pattern arrangements 
California baskets may therefore be classified as follows : 



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152 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth. 

A. Northwestern type, twined. Designs arranged hori- 
zontally in a single pattern-zone or diagonally. 

B. Northeastern or Achomawi type, twined. Arrangement 
of patterns diagonal or zigzag, not horizontal. 

C. Maidu type, chiefly coiled. Pattern arrangement zigzag 
or diagonal. 

D. Southern type, chiefly coiled. Pattern arrangement 
horizontal (often in continuous bands) or vertical. 

E. Pomo type, coiled and twined. Variety of design 
arrangements, horizontal bands and diagonal patterns being 
most frequent. 

In this classification the Yana belong to the Northeastern 
type, the Lutuami and northern Wintun are intermediate between 
the Northeastern and the Northwestern types, the affinities of the 
southern Wintun are either with the Pomo or Maidu, the Tuki 
probably belong to the Pomo class, and the Southern type covers 
the larger half of the state. 

It will be seen that while the Northwestern and Northeastern 
types resemble each other in technique, materials, and general 
effect, the Northwestern and Pomo types are most similar in 
pattern arrangement, whereas the Northeastern is similar in pat- 
tern arrangement to the Maidu. The Maidu and the North- 
western types differ most in pattern arrangement. 

The considerable similarity in materials, methods of manu- 
facture, and general appearance between the basketry of the 
Indians of northwestern and of northeastern California must 
not be interpreted as evidence of general cultural similarity. 
The culture of the two groups of tribes is quite distinct. The 
Lutuami and Achomawi in general resemble the tribes of the 
Sacramento valley or of the great interior basin much more than 
they do the Karok, Yurok, and Hupa. It is in northernmost 
California that the deep and sharp difference between the culture 
of the immediate Pacific coast and that of the interior, which is 
so marked everywhere farther north, finds its most southerly 
occurrence. South of Mount Shasta the line of ethnographical 
division is transferred from the Coast Range eastward to the 
Sierra Nevada; and the differences across this line become of a 
different nature. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. 



VOL. 2. PL. 20. 



I 



Figs. 1-2. Small cooking baskets. Hupa. },. 
Figs. 3-8. Cooking and other baskets. Karok. A- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 153 

The artistic poverty said by Dr. Dixon to characterize Pomo 
basketry work must from what has been said be understood to 
be only paucity of design names. That it does not extend further 
even to the designs themselves, much less to the general deco- 
rative and technical style, is sufficiently evident from the series 
of Pomo baskets illustrated by Dr. Dixon himself. Of patterns 
the Pomo have as great wealth and variety as any other Cali- 
fomian group. Apart from all question of whether their work 
shows a more refined taste and artistic feeling and execution 
than that of other Indians, it can scarcely be disputed that they 
evince freer imagination and wider range of treatment in the 
decoration of their basketry than other tribes. 

A classification according to meaning of Califomian basket 
design names among the tribes from which adequate material 
is at present available is shown in Table II. It will be seen that 
names of animals^ of parts of animals, and of parts of the body 
are very frequent, constituting everywhere a majority of the 
total number of design names. The only exception is among 
the Maidu, where the proportion of animal designs sinks to 
about one-half. Instead, there is an unusually large proportion 
of names of plants and parts of plants among the Maidu, these 
constituting nearly a third of the designs. Elsewhere plant 
designs are few, and among the Yurok and Karok are altogether 
lacking. Names of natural or artificial objects are found in 
about the same proportion among all the tribes. A fourth class 
of design names are spatial or dynamic; these might also be 
called geometrical or abstractly descriptive. Names of this sort 
are lacking among the Maidu and are few among the Achomawi. 
Among the Yurok and Karok they are important, constituting 
more than a fourth of all the design names; and the same is 
true of the northern Wintun. Among the Hupa names of this 
class are more numerous than all others. 

In regard to range of representation of design names, accord- 
ingly, the northwestern tribes and the Maidu stand farthest 
apart in that the northwestern tribes have numerous geomet- 
rical designs and none representing plants, the reverse being the 
case with the Maidu; while the northwestern group is inter- 
mediate. 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 12. 



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154 University of CaUfornia Publications. [Am. Ahch. Bth. 

TABLE n. 

AnimalB and Spatial 

parts of the and dynamical 
bodj. Plants. Objects. ideas. 

Yurok !... 17 6 9 

Karok 8 2 4 

Hnpa 7 .. 12 

Wintnn 12 1 1 4 

Achomawi 13 2 2 1 

Maida 18 11 7 

In the descriptions of Yurok designs previously given it will 
have been noted that almost all the names applied rather to the 
simple element of design than to the pattern as a whole. . The 
figure which receives the Yurok name flint is the parallelogram. 
This name is applied to the design whether it consists of the 
simple parallelogram standing alone or of a pattern of such 
parallelograms, although the latter is more frequentiy the case 
Among the Hupa the same design is named on top of each other. 
This name is obviously applicable only to a pattern consisting 
of two or more such parallelograms. We have here a difference 
between a design-element name and a pattern name. Again, 
there is a widespread design which may be described as consist- 
ing of four or more triangles, or horizontal bars, at the ends of 
vertical stalks arising from a horizontal base, the stalks in the 
middle being longer than those at the two ends. This design 
has various names, such as crow-foot among the Karok and 
Wishosk, frog-foot among the Hupa, lizard-foot among the Acho- 
mawi, and pine-cone among the Maidu. All of these names are 
applicable only to the design as a whole. Among the Yurok the 
design is called simply foot, and the application of this term 
to certain other patterns shows that the name refers not to the 
pattern as a whole but to the single elements constituting the 
pattern, the small triangles at the ends of stalks. 

The relative frequency of design names applying to design- 
elements, and of those applying to composite patterns, is shown 
in Table III.^ 

It will be seen that among the Yurok and Earok designs 
named for constituent elements are in the majority. Among the 

* The numbers given in Table III are fewer than the total number of 
designs, owing to the difficulty of classifying certain designs. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 155 

Maidu the opposite is the case. The northern Wintun agree 
with the Yurok and Karok, but the Hupa form an exception 
among the northwestern tribes. The Achomawi show an approx- 
imate balance, but the difference is slightly in the direction of 
the Maidu tendency. 

TABLE III. 

Deedgns named Designs named 

after their after the whole 
elements. pattern. 

Yurok 13 8 

Karok 9 4 

Hupa 5 12 

Wintun 10 6 

Achomawi 8 9 

Maidu 8 19 

A summary of the Yurok, Karok, Hupa, and northern Win- 
tun design names presented in this paper, and those of the Maidu, 
Achomawi, and Wintun described by Dr. Dixon, together with 
a few other names obtained by the author, is given in Table IV. 
Only translatable design names have been included. The Wishosk 
are from Humboldt Bay, the Sinkine are Athabascans from 
southernmost Humboldt county, the YuM are from Round Val- 
ley, the northern Yokuts are the Chuckchansi of Madera county, 
the southern Yokuts the Tule river Indians of Tulare county. 



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UniverHty of CaUfomia PubUcaiions, l^^- arch. Bth. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 



157 




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158 



University of CaUfomia Publications, l^^- Aech. Eth. 



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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL 2. PL. 21. 




Fij?8. 1, 2, 4, .'), (). Baskets. Nortlu*rn Wintini. |Vy. 
Fi>r. 3. Cap, Modoe ty]»e. Northern Wiiitun. J. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 159 

It will be seen that although this summary covers only half 
a dozen tribes or groups, occupying much the smaller part of 
the state, there yet is no design name which is found in all of 
them. Patterns having some reference to snakes or parts of 
snakes are found among all the tribes included except the Acho- 
mawi. The rattlesnake is of course especially prominent. Among 
the Yokuts and Maidu its marking is represented; among the 
Wintun its head; among the Hupa its nose. It is evident that 
there is a tendency to use the rattlesnake for design names but 
that the parts of the snake selected are as diverse as the figures 
to which they are applied. There is a similar tendency in regard 
to the deer. The Achomawi have the deer rib, deer gut, and deer 
excrement designs. The Wintun have the deer excrement. The 
Maidu lack deer designs. The northwestern tribes also have no 
deer design names excepting that among the Karok the deer 
excrement design is found and among the Yurok an elk design. 
The arrow-point and flint designs, assuming that they may be 
taken as equivalents, are of the commonest the state over. So 
far however neither has yet been found among the Hupa. The 
quail-plume design, which among some tribes is very common, 
seems to occur chiefly on coiled basketry, to which the use of 
the feather itself as an ornament is also confined. The Acho- 
mawi have the design name but the northern Wintun and all the 
northwestern tribes lack it. 

Little of a general nature as to the relative amoimt of simi- 
larity of design names among different tribes can be deduced 
from the table. On coimt, the greater part of the total number 
of design names of any group appears not to be found in any 
other group. As far as the material goes, the northern Wintun 
and Achomawi, who are territorially in contact, show the greatest 
number of design names held in common. 

If the designs themselves to which the names that are given 
in this table are attached are compared, it will be seen that the 
designs corresponding to identical names among several tribes 
are in many cases very different. In the northwestern region 
for instance the flint design is always a slanting parallelogram. 
Among all the other tribes from which material is available the 
equally common arrow-point design is always a triangle. Con- 



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160 Vmversiiy of CaUfarniaPvhUcaHans. [Am. Ahch. Bra. 

versely, the same pattern or design-element has among different 
tribes often radically different names. To take again the paral- 
lelogram, its name among the Yurok and Earok, whether nsed 
singly or in combination, is flint; the Hnpa call it long mark, 
or more frequently on top of each other; the Wintun, rattle- 
snake head. The Achomawi and Maidu do not seem to use it as 
an isolated figure but always in pairs or diagonal rows. Among 
the Achomawi these rows are frequently divided by a transverse 
diagonal stripe or other pattern, the parallelograms thus being 
cut into triangles. The pattern running through the rows 
of parallelograms is the deer rib or deer gut design and the tri- 
angles resulting from the divided parallelograms are called 
arrow-points. The undivided rows of parallelograms are called 
by the Achomawi fl3ring geese. The Maidu call such rows vines, 
or, if triangles are combined with the parallelograms, flying geese. 
When the rows of parallelograms are divided by a line or pat- 
tern the design is called fern or notched feather. 

Another instance of diversity of names for an identioal pat- 
tern is the design in which the point of a triangle rest^ on the 
middle of the longer base of a trapezoid. In the northwestern 
region the meaning of the names for this design are not alto- 
gether certain, but among the Yurok the name appears to have 
reference to the middle, among the Karok to basketry-)|at, and 
among the Hupa to sharp or point. Dr. Dixon gives the same 
figure from the Achomawi, but the name attributed to it by these 
Indians is bushes. 

Again the obtuse isosceles or equilateral triangle has, in 
different arrangements, the meaning among the Maidi) of moth, 
quail-tip, flower, and notched feather, among the AcJ^omawi of 
arrow-point, among the Wintun of fish-tail, flying geese, and 
leaves, among the Yurok of sitting. 

It is not necessary to give further illustrations. The cases 
cited show that there is no deep or inherent relationpihip between 
the designs .of California basketry and their nam^. Of course 
some names are from their nature applicable o|^y to certain 
designs and must be applied either to these or drop out of use. 
Most names, however, owing to the simplicity of technical repre- 
sentation, are applicable to several designs and are often found 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 161 

attached to different designs among different groups or even in 
the same tribe, just as the same designs very frequently have 
different names among different groups. It must be concluded 
that the basket-design names of at least the greater part of Cali- 
fornia are little more than conventional names of conventional 
designs. 

Symbolism, in the usual and historic sense of the word, does 
not therefore exist in California basketry. The designs and 
design names given by Dixon from the northeastern tribes and 
those from the northwestern part of the state here presented, 
make this fact very clear. Recent investigations on behalf of 
the University by Mr. S. A. Barrett among the Pomo have 
brought out the same result. The various information thus 
obtained covers northern California fairly completely. As to 
the rest of the state less is known at present, but there are no 
indications that conditions are different. The design names of 
the Yokuts at the southern end of the San Joaquin basin are 
certainly of the same general character as those found in the 
north of the state. The names of the designs painted by the 
Mohave, still farther south, on pottery and sometimes on wood, 
refer in large part to objects that do not occur among the design 
names of the basket making tribes, but are as free as these of 
religious or any but a conventional significance. Lack of con- 
nection between basket design names and religious thought can 
therefore be absolutely asserted for the greater part of California 
and can safely be accepted as extremely probable for all the 
remainder of the state. Certainly there is as yet no trustworthy 
evidence of anything to the contrary. This condition is in entire 
accordance with the almost utter lack of pictographic or realistic 
representation in the art of these Indians. Symbolic expression 
in actions or ritual is almost equally absent. When the general 
fundamental difference in character of the California Indians 
from those of the southwest and of the Mississippi valley, and 
in a measure from those of the north Pacific coast, is once 
clearly realized, the conventionality of their basket design names 
seems entirely natural. Of course it is needless to say that no 
California basket designs express modem poetical sentiments. 
The California Indian calls a triangular ornament in basketry 



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162 



University of California Publications. E-Ajc Arch. Bth. 



an arrow-point, not because this figure expresses a wish or 
prayer for success in the hunt, but because it is a simple and 
fitting name for a simple design. The significance of the deco- 
ration of California basketry is therefore of an entirely different 
nature from the symbolism of a Navaho sand-painting, a Pueblo 
altar, a Plains shield, or a Haida totem pole. The designs are 
primarily decorative, no doubt conditioned in part, but only 
in part, by technique; and they have convenient names. These 
names of course are as appropriate as possible. This simple 
naming of decorative figures appears to be the analogue or repre- 
sentative in California of a more prevalent tendency in mankind 
to embody a deeper significance in ornaments. But in the form 
in which these design names exist among the California Indians 
they are free from attempts at picture writing or the expr^sion 
of religious ideas. 



KEY TO FIGURES OF DESIGNS SHOWN ALSO IN THE PHOTOGRAPHIOALLY 
REPBOOUGED PLATES. 



Ficore. 


Plate. 


Ficnre. 


Figore. 


Plate. Flcaxe. 


4 


15 

18 

15 


3 

1 
3 


140 


20 


3 


5 


142 


20 


8 


9 


150 


20 


8 


14 


16 

17 


5 


152 


20 


6 


16 


172 


20 


3 


17 


15 

16 




179 


16 


4 


20 


184 


20 


4 


29 


17 




192 


18 


2 


38 


16 




197 


20 


1 


64 


15 




199 


15 


8 


71 


16 




206 


20 


2 


74 


16 




209 


20 


1 


81 


18 

15 




215 


21 


5 


84 


216 


21 


5 


90 


16 




217 


21 


6 


93 


15 




218 


21 


4 


96 


16 




219 


21 


2 


98 


18 




220 


21 


3 


104 


17 


6 


221 

222 


21 

21 


4 


118 


15 


5 


132 


20 


7 


225 


21 


2 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 



163 



MUSEUM CATALOGUE NUMBERS OF BASKETS ILLUSTRATED IN THE PLATES. 

Numbers with numerator 1 refer to speeimeiui in the MuBeom of the 
Anthropological Department of the UniTersity of California. 

Numbera with numerator 40 refer to specimens in the California Acad- 
emy of Sciences. 



Plate 


16, 


figure 


1 
2 
3 


40-1675 

1-1591 

40-1663 








2 
3 

4 


1-2234 
1-2016 
1-1461 








4 


40-1661 


Plate 


19, 


figure 


1 


1-1588 








5 


40-1653 








2 


1-1877 








6 


1-1609 








3 


1-1798 








7 


40-1708 








4 


1-1594 








8 


1-1496 








5 


1-1847 


Plate 


16, 


figure 


1 


1-1579 








6 


1-1608 








2 


1-1870 


Plate 


20, 


figure 


1 


1-1493 








3 


1-1472 








2 


1-1517 








4 


1-1761 








3 


1-1807 








5 


40-1683 








4 


1-1763 








6 


1-1481 








5 


1-1772 


Plate 


17, 


figure 


1 
2 
3 


1-1661 
1-1507 
1-1888 






• 


6 
7 

8 


1-1762 
1-1778 
1-1764 








4 


1-1571 


Plate 


21, 


figure 


1 


1-2307 








5 


1-1599-1601 








2 


1-2300 








6 


40-1655 








3 


1-2305 








7 


1-1817 








4 


1-2310 








8 


40-1659 








5 


1-2308 


Plate 


18, 


figure 


1 


40-1711 








6 


1-2303 



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164 



University of California Publications, i^^- Arch. Bth. 



MUSEUM CATALOGUE NUMBERS OF BASKETS FROM WHICH DESIGNS ARE FIGURED. 



Fig. Cftt. No. 

1 40-1652 

2 40-1720 

3 40-1654 

4 40-1663 

5 40-1711 

6 40-1720 

7 40-1721 

8 40-1659 

9 40-1663 
10 

11 1-1434 

12 1-1438 

13 40-1721 

14 40-1653 

15 1-1571 

16 40-1707 

17 40-1661 

18 40-1697 

19 1-1636 

20 40-1708 

21 40-1699 

22 1-1610 

23 1-1442 

24 40-1709 

25 40-1727 

26 40-1658 

27 40-1660 

28 40-1662 

29 40-1655 

30 40-1682 
31 

32 1-1610 

33 1-1593 

34 1-1592 

35 40-1656 

36 40-1682 

37 40-1660 

38 40-1661 

39 1-1424 

40 1-1425 

41 40-1725 

42 1-1417 

43 1-1692 

44 1-1444 

45 40-1656, 

1659, 1676 



Pi«. 
46 
47 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
53 
54 
55 
56 
57 
58 
59 
60 
61 
62 
63 
64 
65 
66 
67 
68 
69 
70 
71 
72 
73 
74 
75 
76 
77 
78 
79 
80 
81 
82 
83 
84 

85 
86 
87 
S8 
89 
90 



Cftt. No. 
40-1724, 1720 

1-1473 
401664 
40-1694 

1-1831 

40-1727 
40-1607 

1-1698 

1-1577 

1-1672 

1-1880 

1-1478 

1-1482 
40-1695 

1-1672 

1-1483 
40-1725 
40-1675 
40-1662 
40-1657 

1-1441 

1-1692 

1-1606 
40^1706 

1-1579 

1-1844 

1-1828 

1-1481 

1-1456 

40-1699, 1687 
40-1684 

1-1606 

1-1589 

1-1461 

1-1440 

1-1479 
40-1651, 1662, 

1708, 1728 
40-1685 
40-1712 
40-1673 
40-1724 

1-1870 



Fit. 
135 
91 
92 
93 
94 
95 
96 
97 
98 
99 
100 
101 
102 
103 
104 
105 
106 
107 
108 
109 
110 
111 
112 
113 
114 
115 
116 
117 
118 
Hi 
120 
121 
122 
123 
124 
125 
126 
127 
128 
129 
130 
131 
132 
133 
134 



Cftt. No. 

1-1586 
40-1658 
40-1709 
40-1661 



1-1472 
1-1829 
40-1711 
1-1857 
1-1474 

1-1577 
1-1830 
1-1661 
1-1590 
1-1476 
40-1665 



1-1475 
40-1700 
1-1435 
1-1439 
1-1437 
1-1578 

1-1609 
1-1480 
1-1426 
1-1784 
1-1804 
1-1514 
1-1806 
1-1596 
1-1769 
1-1595 
1-1587 
1-1799 
1-1802 
1-1772 
1-1778 
1-1765 
1-1499 



Pi«. 
136 
137 
138 
139 
140 
141 
142 
143 
144 
145 
146 
147 
148 
149 
150 
151 
152 
153 
154 
155 
156 
157 
158 
159 
160 
161 
162 
163 
164 
165 
166 
167 
168 
169 
170 
171 
172 
173 
174 
175 
176 
177 
178 
179 
180 



Cat. No. 

1-1794 

1-1587 

1-1782 

1-1806 

1-1807 

1-1801 

1-1764 

1-1598 

1-1585 

1-1583 

1-1788 

1-1790 

1-1803 

1-1805 

1-1764 

1-1767 

1-1762 

1-1789 

1-1584 

1-1800 

1-1585 

1-1797 

1-1805 

1-1586 

1-1766 

1-1596 

1-1776 

1-1598 

1-1769 

1-1773 
1-1597 
1-1773 
1-1770 
1-1772 
1-1771 
1-1807 
1-1793 
1-1773 
1-1791 
1-1768 
1-1792 
1-1804 
1-1761 
1-1777 



Pi«. 
181 
182 
183 
184 
185 
186 
187 
188 
189 
190 
191 
192 
193 
194 
195 
196 
197 
198 
199 
200 
201 
202 
203 
204 
205 
206 
207 
208 
209 
210 
211 
212 
213 
214 
215 
216 
217 
218 
219 
221 
222 
220 
223 
224 
225 



Cat. No. 



1-1783 
1-1763 
1-1787 
1-1774 
11781 
1-1463 
1-1502 
1-1494 
1-2235 
1-2234 
1-1508 
1-1500 
1-1501 
1-1518 
1-1493 
1-1509 
1-1496 
1-1497 
1-1497 
1-2233 
12236 
1-1495 
1-1516 
1-1517 
1-1863 
1-2232 
1-1493 
1-1864 
1-1463 
1-1503 
1-1492 
1-2302 
1-2308 
1-2308 
1-2303 
1-2310 
1-2300 
1-2310 
1-2308 
1-2305 
1-2309 
1-2306 
1-2300 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
VOL. 2 NO. 6 



THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH 
CENTRAL CALIFORNIA. 

BY 

A. L. KBOEBEB. 



CONTENTS. 

PAGE 
iNTBODUCnON 169 

I. The Yaudanohi Dialect ^ 173 

Phonetic System 173 

Vowels and vocalic mutations 173 

Consonants 179 

Structure of the syllable 181 

Accent and enclitics ^ 182 

Summary „ 183 

Structure - 183 

Means of expression of grammatical structure 184 

A. Beduplication 184 

B and C. SuiBxion and yocalie mutation 186 

List of suffixes occurring in the language 186 

Categories of grammatical form expressed 188 

The Noun 189 

Plural 189 

Cases 193 

Objective 196 

Other cases 201 

Cases in the plural 203 

The Verb » 204 

Semi-derivatives 204 

Tense, mode, and voice - 208 

Vocalic mutations of the stem 208 

Imperative ^ 214 

Future and participle 215 

Continuative 216 

Past tenses 217 

Passive 218 

Participles and verbal nouns 218 

Interrogative and negative 221 

Verb substantive 221 

Am. Abob. Eth. 2, 13 



L.. 



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PAGE 

The Pronoun „ 221 

Personal pronouns ^ 221 

Demonstratives 225 

Interrogatives - 228 

The Adjective ^ 229 

Numerals 230 

Adverbs and nnsyntactical Words «... 232 

Order of Words ^ 233 

Vocabulary ^ „ 234 

Composition ^ 234 

Derivation ^ 235 

Reduplication 238 

General character of the vocabulary 238 

List of principal words - 239 

Nouns 240 

Adjectives ^ 244 

Adverbs and particles 245 

Alphabetical list of verbs 246 

Yaudanchi texts ~ 255 

Tangled-Hair 256 

Anaylsis 256 

The Prairie-falcon's Wife 259 

Partial Analysis 262 

The Prairie-falcon fights 263 

The Prairie-falcon loses ~ 264 

Milriti „ 266 

The Visit to the Dead 272 

Fight with the Pitanisha 274 

loi and Bluejay 275 

Summary 277 

II. The Yauelmani Dialect 279 

Phonetics 279 

Means of grammatical structure ^ 280 

The Noun 282 

The Verb 285 

Semi-derivatives 285 

Suffixes of tense, mode, and voice 285 

Imperative 288 

Vocalic Mutations 289 

Various Suffixes ; 292 

Particles 294 

The Pronoun 294 

Numerals 297 

Composition and derivation 298 

Yauelmani Sentences 299 

[166] 



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PAGE 

in. Other Dialects and CJomparisons 308 

Dialectic Divisions 309 

Valley Division 310 

Foot-hill Division ^ 311 

Belations of Dialectic Groups 313 

Lexical Belations of Dialects 316 

Phonetic Belations of Dialects 328 

Grammatical Relations of Dialects 333 

Personal Pronouns ^ 334 

Demonstratives 337 

Verbal Suffixes 337 

Composition and Derivation 339 

Beduplication 343 

Summary 346 

The Various Dialects 347 

Paleuyami 347 

Buena Vista Group 350 

Wiikchamni 351 

Chukaimina and Michahai 351 

Aiticha 351 

Choinimni 352 

Gashowu 352 

Kechayi 353 

Dumna 353 

Toltichi ■ 354 

Chukchansi 357 

Chauchila 358 

Hoyima 359 

Wakichi , 359 

Wechikhit 360 

Nutunutu 360 

Tachi 361 

Chunut 362 

Wo'lasi 363 

Ghoinok 363 

Texts in Various Dialects 363 

Status of Yokuts Among the Languages of California 375 



[1671 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 169 



THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH 
CENTRAL CALIFORNLA.. 



The Indians of ibe Yokuts linguistic family, sometimes also 
called Mariposan, inhabited the southern end of the San Joaquin 
basin in California. Roughly, their territory extended from the 
Sierra Nevada to the Coast Range, and from the Tehachapi 
mountains which shut off the San Joaquin basin on the south 
from the desert, to the Fresno and Chowchilla rivers in the 
north. The higher Sierras all along this territory, and certain 
foothill regions in the south, were occupied by Indians belonging 
to the Shoshonean family. The great level stretch of valley 
throughout, and in most cases the foothills also, were occupied 
by the Yokuts. A detached branch of the family, known as the 
Cholovone, inhabited a small area on the east bank of the San 
Joaquin, in the vicinity of Stockton, considerably nearer the 
mouth of this river than the remainder of the stock. The Cho- 
lovone are perhaps entirely extinct and are certainly practically 
so. Their language is unknown except from one published vocab- 
ulary, which shows it to have been a Yokuts dialect not very 
different from the remainder of the family. 

The Yokuts were divided into a large number of groups some- 
what resembling small tribes. As is not uncommon in California, 
each of these groups had a dialect, but, what is unusual in Cali- 
fornia, each had a distinct tribal name as well. The various 
dialects are on the whole closely related. Their general structure 
and their phonetic system are virtually identical. There is also 
considerable similarity in vocabulary. It is probable that Indians 
from Kern river and from Fresno river could have conversed. 



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170 University of Califorma Publications. [AM.AacH.ETH. 

and that they could have learned to understand each other per- 
fectly in a short time. The greatest divergences in vocabulary 
were seemingly shown by small groups geographically or other- 
wise more or less isolated from the others, the speech of the more 
important tribes through the whole range of territory of the 
family diflfering only dialectically. From many tribes vocabu- 
laries have never been obtained. For this reason the grouping 
of the dialects can only be determined approximately. The avail- 
able evidence on this point is summed up at the end of the paper. 
For the present it is enough to state that there were two main 
branches of the family, which include the more divergent dialects 
peculiar to small groups such as the Paleuyami of Poso Creek. 
The two branches have been here called the Valley division and 
the Foot-hill division, from the fact that the former includes 
nearly all the valley tribes while the latter consists principally of 
the hill tribes on Tule river, Kaweah river, Kings river, and Dry 
creek. 

The differences between the vocabularies of the many dialects 
consist both of phonetic variations of words and of radical dif- 
ferences. Prominent among the variations are vocalic mutations. 
These seem to be similar to a scheme of vowel changes which 
constitutes one of the most important means in the language of 
expressing structure. The radical differences in words between 
dialects that on the whole are closely related are sometimes sur- 
prising, occurring frequently in the most common words, such 
as man, woman, person, house, stone, eat, and sleep. A similar 
tendency toward as marked a prevalence of radical as of pho- 
netic differences exists in the dialects of other linguistic stocks 
in California. At least one cause of this feature is certainly the 
universal tabu of the names of the dead ; but it is scarcely pos- 
sible that this cause alone is sufficient to explain the extent of 
the phenomenon. Among the Yokuts the people speaking one 
dialect generally understand and often know the radicaUy dif- 
ferent words of other dialects though they do not use them. 

We owe the name Yokuts to Stephen Powers. It is the word 
denoting person or people in the majority of the dialects of this 
linguistic family, but in the usage of the Indians its application 
is not confined to individuals of their own linguistic family. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Lcmguage. 171 

For this family there is, as might be expected, no native name. 
The exact form of the word is usually yokotc, sometimes yokots. 
Tokoch would therefore be the most accurate general orthog- 
raphy, provided the vowels were given the quality of continental 
open o and spoken short with the accent on the first syllable. 
Yokut is of course only a false English singular. 

As to the name Maripoean, it is sufficient to say that its sole 
claim to acceptance rests on the employment of a rule of pri- 
ority borrowed from the system of modem biological technical 
nomenclature, never formally or generally accepted by anthro- 
pologists, and as undesirable to attempt to introduce into eth- 
nology as it will be impossible to enforce in the end. It is de- 
rived from Mariposa, meaning butterfly in Spanish, the name 
of a California county which was not organized until after the 
American settlement. This county may once have contained some 
Tokuts Indians ; but in its present smaller extent it does not cover 
one square mile of what is known to have been Yokuts territory. 

The dialect specially investigated is that of the people calling 
themselves Yaudanchi, plural Yowechani, who inhabited the foot- 
hill region of Tule river. By most of their neighbors they are 
called Yaulanchi. At present they constitute a small fraction 
of the one hundred and fifty Indians on Tule river reservation, 
the majority being Yauelmani, a tribe originally farther south. 
It has seemed best to avoid confusion by first treating this dialect 
alone without reference to other dialects in regard to which less 
complete information was obtained, and then to follow with com- 
parative notes on such material as was obtained from these other 
dialects, thus avoiding duplication of presentation as much as 
possible. The first part of this paper, therefore, consists of a 
discussion of the phonetics and grammar of Yaudanchi, fol- 
lowed by a vocabulary and interlinear texts in the same dialect. 
In part second are given comparative grammatical notes on the 
Yauelmani dialect of Kern river. A third part of the paper deals 
more briefly with various other dialects, and includes a number 
of short texts, as well as comparisons and summaries. A compar- 
ative Yokuts vocabulary, covering all the dialects from which 
there is material, has been reserved for inclusion in a subsequent 
publication. 



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172 Umversity of Calif omia PiibUcaiions. [Am.Akch.Bth. 

The investigations on which this paper is based were begun 
in 1900 for the California Academy of Sciences, but were mainly 
made in 1902, 1903, and 1904 in connection with the Ethnological 
and Archaeological Survey of California carried on through the 
liberal support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst by the Department of 
Anthropology of the University of California. 



Univbbsity of California, 
May, 1905. 



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Vol, 2] Kroeber.—The Yokut$ Language. 173 



I. THE YAUDANCHI DIALECT. 

Study of the Yandanchi dialect was begun with a young man 
named Bob, a Wiikchamni on Tule river reservation. The Wflk- 
chamni dialect is almost identical with the Yaudanchi. Most of 
the material obtained, including all the texts, is from Peter 
Christman, a man about sixty, who, both as a boy and as a man, 
has lived for years with the whites, and speaks English fluently. 

PHONETIC SYSTEM. 



u, 0, a, e, 


i; tt, 0, a, 


0, w. 




u, h, a, h. 


I; «, 6, i, 


8.^. 




k k' 


e X 


8' 


fi 


tc tc' 


dj 






t- t' 


d- 






t t' 


d 




n 


P P' 


b 




m 


0,8 


w, y, h. 







VOWELS AND VOCALIO MUTATIONS. 

The Yaudanchi vowek are of two classes, pure and impure. The 
pure are the five vowels ordinarily distinguished, spoken clearly. 
E and o are open whether long or short. A with the quality of 
American a in bad is not found. The impure vowels will be 
familiar to any one acquainted with the neighboring Shoshonean 
family of languages. They are perhaps due to rounding of the 
lips. Though they have a certain uniform quality, due to their 
similar method of production, which makes them less easily dis- 
tinguishable one from the other than are the pure vowels, they 
are very different from the merely obscure brief vowek in words 
like our better, cotton, madam, pencil, which almost lack quality. 

Of the impure vowels, o and ii correspond to e and iBau,o, a, 
do to u, o, a. This is true with a reservation. It is part of the 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2, 14. 



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174 University of Calif omia Pvilicaiions. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

system of vocalic harmony permeating the langoage that an 
impure vowel tends to cause other vowels of the word to become 
impure. While this tendency is not a universal law, yet it is so 
far operative that there are few polysyllabic words containing 
only one impure vowel. The impure vowels may accordingly be 
either induced or radical. U and o are frequently induced; a 
possibly always. V and o are more often radical than induced. 
I and e are also more resistant to being made impure by the 
proximity of an impure vowel than are u and o. Finally u and 
appear to differ more in quality from i and e than do u and o 
from u and o. Even though they lack the fullness of quality 
found in French and (German closed u and o, yet they are dis- 
tinctly ii and o rather than i and e sounds. 

Omitting a, which is uncommon and whose relationships are 
not quite clear, the nine vowels of Yaudanchi show certain group- 
ings and afSnities with one another. These relationships are not 
always consistent, but it is according to them that the sympa- 
thetic vowel changes in which the language abounds take place. 

In verb-stems the vowels besides a fall into four pairs, each 
pair consisting of the two pure or of the two impure vowels 
respectively higher and lower in pitch than a : u and o, u and o, 
ii and o, and i and e. Upon the addition to the verb-stem of a 
modal-temporal sufSx containing an a, a vocalic alteration oc- 
curs in the first and sometimes in the second syllable of the stem. 
The vowel of this syllable is changed to the other vowel of the 
same pair. U becomes o, and o u; and similarly in the other 
three pairs, as: k'uik-un, k 'oik-ad; k*on-ji, k'un-e-ad; hdn-ji, 
hwn-ad ; ep-ji, ip-ac. Radical a does not change and may be re- 
garded as constituting a fifth set of verb-stem vowels.^ 

The same vocalic alternation occurs in numerals on addition 
of the sufSx -in as in verbs before an a-sufSx. 

In the noun this vocalic law is, at least practically, not opera- 
tive. There is observable in nouns the general tendency, already 
mentioned, and not confined to this class of words, for impure 
vowels to induce impurity in subsequent vowels in the same 

^ In some respects a balances with i (just as the verb-soffixes are either 
a or i) ; the second syllable of certain a-stems varies between i and a, agree- 
ing with the soffix: amid-ji, amad-ac. 



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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 175 

word ; and there is a still less rigorous tendency for the second 
vowel of the stem to agree with the first. 

In certain ways the language seems to feel n and o, and again 
i and e, to be identical. Thns there are no snffixes containing 
e and o, but many with i and some with n; evidently n and o, 
and i and e, are regarded as one in this respect. A change of 
the possessive case-suffix -in to -un occurs as well on nouns whose 
last stem vowel is u, as on those that have o preceded by u. An 
occasional objective case-suffix -i takes the place of more usual 
-a most frequently when the stem contains either an o or u fol- 
lowed by either an e or i. 

There are a few special relationships of vowels. For in- 
stance, almost all suffixes have either a or i as their vowel.^ 
Under certain circumstances a and i also show a further corre- 
spondence. The usual objective and plural suffixes are -a and -i ; 
but in a number of cases these suffixes become respectively -i 
and -a. A phonetic law obtaining in the plural is that the last 
vowel of the noun stem becomes either i or a according as the 
plural suffix is respectively -a or -i. When the plural sufiOx is 
'i, this induced ultimate a of the stem may be replaced by e; 
but this substitution of e can occur only when the unaflfected 
ultimate vowel of the stem is a or i. Finally, disyllabic tricon- 
sonantal verb stems in a have their second vowel a when the stem 
is followed by an a suffix and i when followed by an i suffix. 

There is some differentiation of o and u as regards their in- 
fluence on case and tense sufiSxes. U in the stem, or o followed 
by u, cause the possessive -in and the past -ji to become -un and 
-ju. U and ii in the stem also seem to produce respectively -i^n, 
-jtt, and 'Un, -jw. 0, however, and probably o and o as well, pro- 
vided they are the only vowels of the stem, do not alter these 
suffixes. On the other hand o in the stem, if unaccompanied by 
other vowels, causes the objective suffix -a to become -o, while 
u fails to produce any corresponding effect. 

Vocalic changes, though most frequently induced in the stem 
by suffixion, occur also in the suffix through the influence of the 

^ Besides a and i, only u occurs in suffixes. E and o and all the impure 
vowels do not occur in suffixes except as directly induced from a, i, or u by 
stem vowels. 



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176 UniversUy of California Publications. [Am.Aech.Bth. 

stem vowels. As just mentioiiedy the possesdve case snffix -in 
and the verbal past suffix -ji regularly become -un and -ju after 
u stems or u-o stems. The objective suffix -a becomes -o after o 
stems; the instrumental -in or -ni in the same circumstances 
changes to -on. The future and participial ending -in is sub- 
jected to the variations -en, -on, -un. Monosyllabic verb st^ns 
in u that changes to o in this tense, take -en ; so do i stems, and, 
for unexplained reasons, a few a stems. Monoi^llabic o stems 
take -un; mono^Uabic u stems, -on; disyllabic u stems, -un; 
but disyllabic o stems, and some monosyllabic ones, retain -in 
unchanged. It is evident that the mutation of this verbal suffix 
takes place under rules resembling those applying to the verb 
stem itself when i and a suffixes respectively are added, since u 
stems are followed by o or e in the suffix, o stems by u or i, i 
stems by e, e stems by i, and a stems generally by what must be 
regarded as the normal or unmodified vowel, i ; so that, except- 
ing a, the vowel of the suffix tends to be opposed to the vowel 
of the stem. The more derivational intransitive sufiOx -in- is also 
subject to modification by the stem, being sometimes subjected 
to the tendency of contrast and in other cases assimilated to the 
stem-voweL 

Laws of vocalic harmony are thus not only operative from 
stem to suffix but also from suffix to stem. 

The vocalic changes in suffixes are undoubtedly connected, 
either as cause or as effect, with the fact that with two excep- 
tions, the locative and the reflexive, all suffixes that are in any 
way formal or grammatical contain only a or i as vowel. Of these 
two vowels, i is susceptible to considerable change, being espe- 
cially liable to assimilation by u in the stem and, where what 
may be called the law of vocalic contrast in balanced pairs ob- 
tains, changing to e, o, u, u, and ii. A on the other hand is much 
more stable as a sufiSx vowel, being practically unmodified except 
for some assimilation by stem o. 

The different harmonic laws of Yokuts are, each by itself, 
simple rather than intricate and observed with considerable 
regularity; their complexity is due to their number. The rules 
for the change of the verb-stem do not apply at all to the noun. 
The addition, to certain stems, of one and the same suffix to indi- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 177 

cate both the objective and the plural has quite different effects 
on the stem-vowel according to the significance of the suffix. 
Nibetc becomes nibfetc-i and nSbatc-i ; napac, napac-a and napic- 
a; mukoc, mokc-i and muk^c-i. Similarly -i added to onmid to 
denote the plural, forms onimad-i ; when added to designate the 
death of the connecting relative, it makes onimid-i.* The vocalic 
changes occurring in suffixes show the same degree of variability. 
The possessive noun-suffix -in is changeable only to -un, and that 
only by u in the stem. The verbal future-suffix -in is changed to 
-en by u and i, to -on by u, to -un by o. The numeral suffix 
-m is never changed. The verbal temporal-modal i suffibces -in, 
-ji, -itc, change their vowels differently; for instance, buk-en, 
bok-ji; t-ufi-on, t-on-ju; k'am-en, k*am-ji, k'am-atc. The change 
to the opposite stem-vowel within the balanced pair occurs in 
verbs before a-suflSxes; in the numeral before -in. The vocalic 
mutations in the language can therefore not be regarded as due 
to a single complex system of harmony which is alwayB equally 
operative and differs in its results only through dissimilarity 
of circumstances. It is evident that there exists a general ten- 
dency toward vocalic harmony which takes form differently not 
only according to phonetic influences but in accord with logical 
differences, such as the grammatical categories and the distinc- 
tion of the parts of speech. The Yokuts vocalic system thus is 
arbitrary rather than phonetically automatic, and appears to be 
influenced as much by impulses to express linguistic forms as by 
purely physiological habits. 

The chief vocalic changes in the stem may be summarized as 
follows : 

In the verb the vowels are grouped in pairs, with the same 
respective relation existing between the members of each pair; 
and, most regularly in monosyllables, each vowel changes to the 
opposite one of its pair according as sufiOxes containing a or i 
are added; as, ep-ji, ip-&c; hon-ji, hufi-&c; uk-un-ji, ok-n-&c; 
hdpiMl-ji, hupod-at; yom-un( for yom-in), yum-&d. 

In the numeral an identical change accompanies the suffbdon 
of animate -in : cdpi-n, cup^-in ; tcudip-i, teodep-!n. 

In the noun this form of harmony does not seem to exist. On 

'Beep. 201. 



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178 University of California PubUcaiions. [Am.Abch.Bth. 

the siiffizion of -i or -a to indicate the plural, the last vowel of 
the stem turns respectively to -a or -i, accompanied bj opposite 
tendencies affecting the quantity and accent of the preceding 
part of the stem: ne'ec, n^'c-i; o'nmid, on^'mad-i; na'at, na'it-a; 
nap&^tum, na^ptim-a. 

In terms of relationship, the suffixion of -i to indicate that 
the person through whom the relationship or connection exists 
is no longer living, turns the two last vowels of the stem, what- 
ever they are, to i : onmid, onimid-i ; napatum, napitim-i ; onpoi, 
unipiy-i. 

Without the stimulus of sufiixion, and accompanied by no 
other change, vocalic mutations occur between the forms of verbs 
and nouns derived from the same radical: cokud, pierce; cikid, 
arrow; muyuk, whirl; moyak, whirlwind. 

Finally, vowel mutations are often the only changes occur- 
ring between dialects in certain words: hitec, hutac, wood. 

Accompanying the vocalic mutations and allied to them is a 
frequent metathesis of vowels as regards consonants, and an ap- 
pearance and disappearance of them between consonants. Hat'- 
pa-ni, four, on the sufiSxion of -In becomes hat'-^p-In; the verb 
root pitid with suffix -&c becomes p^td-ac; hiwet, heut-ad; the 
verb stem tcadix with the intransitive derivative -in takes in 
different tenses the forms tcadax-n-ad and tcadx-in-ji. The 
noun-stem onmid becomes in the objective and other cases un- 
imd-, in the plural on^mad-; axid becomes respectively axd- 
and ax^d-. The stem ent-im, sleep, as in ent*im-ji, becomes inet- 
m-ac, and analogy with other verb stems makes it possible that 
even the apparent stem ent*im is transposed from a radical 
fiet'im. One form of verbal reduplication, or rather monosyl- 
labic stem-duplication, consists of a doubling of the syllable with 
a transposition of the vowel of the second syllable between the 
two stems: ka'm, ka'm-ji, ka'm-a-k'm-ac; t'uy, t'ui-ju, t'ui-t'ui, 
and t'uy-u-tV-uwuc; day, dai-ji, dai-dai, and day-a-dy-ac. 

On the other hand metathesis, induction, and suppression of 
consonants are as rare as they are common in vowels. 

Doubling of vowels as an accompaniment of length is not in- 
frequently discernible, but is less marked than for instance in 
Yuki and some other American languages. 



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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuis Language. 179 

Diphthongs maj be said scarcely to occur in the language. 
Ai, au, oi, ui, eu, iu occur, but almost invariably either finaUy, 
where they may be the natural result of original y or w; or 
before vowels, where their second elements almost certainly rep- 
resent y or w; or, if before consonants, it is in cases in which 
the second element of the diphthong can be shown to be the rem- 
nant of a stem y or w intermediate between two vowels; as in 
heut from the stem hiwet. Two verb-stems, waik to lose and waid 
to breakfast, apparently contain radical diphthongs. Quiha and 
koiwoc are more doubtful cases in nouns. As waid forms waid-ji 
but waad-ad, it may be that it stands for disyllabic wayid, which 
should according to rule become wayid-ji and wayad-ad ; so that 
even if this diphthong is radical it is treated in the application 
of the system of vocalic harmony as if it were a disyllabic. Cer- 
tainly the majority of the not very abundant diphthongs in the 
language are resolvable into a simple vowel plus y or w. 

OONSONANTS. 

Surds, sonants, and aspirates are found in all the five series 
of sounds that will be described. Nasals occur corresponding 
to k, t, and p ; spirants exist, other than sibilants, only in the k 
series. The k spirants however are both surd and sonant. W, 
y, and h are the only other consonants in the language, the 
Yaudanchi dialect having lost an 1 existing in most other Yokuts 
dialects. The aspirates are not violently stressed, but are never- 
theless easily distinguishable from the unaspirated surds. The 
sonants differ less from the surds than in English but more than 
in some Indian languages. They are distinguished from the 
surds with less difficulty than is the case in Gostanoan, Washo, 
and certain Shoshonean dialects. 

The gutturals are formed far back. Unfamiliar combina- 
tions of sounds pronounced with English k were reproduced by 
an Indian fluently familiar with English by tc and even palatal 
t-. There is a possibility than in certain words velar k (q) 
sounds occur; the difference between these and the more anterior 
gutturals is however in any case slight, and only one k has been 
written. 



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180 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth. 

The palatal compound consonants tc, tc' and dj have been 
here included among simple sounds because the language, like 
most languages that possess these sounds, regards and treats them 
as simple. 

Two classes of t sounds exist, the tongue contact in one being 
below and the other above that in English t. T is interdental. 
T* is postalveolar or more probably even palatal, the tip of the 
tongue however appearing to be bent down towards the lower 
teeth. In quality this sound is quite close to tc. Very often, 
as in t-e, house, t- has an r-like quality, which has caused it to 
be written tr in many Yokuts vocabularies. It is not certain 
whether this r-like t- represents a sound distinct from the ordi- 
nary t-. Only one t- has therefore been written. It is not cer- 
tain whether n, c, and j belong to the interdental or palatal class. 
In a few cases c has something the quality of r-like t-, as in 
c'*6opin, three, which may perhaps be coopin, with c* correspond- 
ing to t- as c to t. 

The sibilants are surd c and sonant j. It seems that these 
represent sounds intermediate respectively between English sh 
and s and zh and z ; though nearer sh and zh than s and z. Both 
c and s have actually been written in recording the language. 

Most Yokuts dialects possess an 1, which in Yaudanchi has 
become uniformly d. L is pronounced without difficulty by the 
Yaudanchi and a few words containing 1, mostly nouns, such as 
limik, the prairie falcon, occur in the Yaudanchi texts obtained. 
These words have entered the dialect through the interchange 
of songs and traditions, and through intercourse between the 
small tribal groups. This intercourse has of course been in- 
creased since Indians of several dialects have lived together on 
a small reservation. There is not a Yaudanchi verb, pronoun, or 
adverbial particle containing an 1. Even the nouns usually pro- 
nounced with 1 are accepted as correct when spoken with d; as 
dimik, prairie falcon. 

Probably all the sounds of the language can appear initially, 
finally, or medially. A few of the less common consonants such 
as g and j have not been found finally or initially, no doubt 
through incompleteness of materia]. W, y, and h when final be- 
come u, i, or ' ; they occur finally on stems. 



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Vol. 2] Eroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 181 

Just as actual diphthongs are uncommon and radical ones 
probably entirely absent, so, while combinations of consonants 
are moderately frequent, there is no evidence of their occurrence 
in stems. Combinations of consonants never exist initially and 
scarcely ever finally; and there does not seem to be a case of 
their occurrence medially which cannot be either positively laid 
to suffixion or which is not subject to suffering the appearance of 
a vowel between the two consonants in certain grammatical forms 
of the stem. As unmodifiable particles also show no double con- 
sonants, and as no words ever possess combinations of three 
consonants, it is clear that radically the language is without 
combinations of consonants and that actual occurrences of such 
are due either to composition or to the laws of vocalic interinflu- 
ence and change. 

Consonantal changes are as rare as vocalic mutations are fre- 
quent. There are no consonantal harmonies or assimilations. 
N becomes d in the objective of tacin, those: tacd-i ; as is proved 
by the dual tacik, tack-i. Instances such as this are however 
almost without parallels. - If tcox, skunk and tcuMt, stink, are 
from the same radical, there is an instance of mutation between 
spirant and surd ; but the derivation is uncertain. 

STRUCTURE OP THE SYLLABLE. 

Stems and words occasionally begin with vowels, and not 
infrequently end in them. A few common suflSxes such as -a, 
-i, -u, -ji, considerably increase the number of vocalic endings. 
The typical syllable however consists of consonant, vowel, and 
consonant. This is the form of the majority of verb stems: 
t'uy, duy, toj, t'ic, t-un, tcup, ka'm, xatc, xot, wot-, naw, dox, 
pitc', hon. Of the disyllabic verb stems the majority show the 
form: consonant, vowel, consonant, vowel, consonant; as: t-anit, 
kuyuk, xapit, hutok, nokum, dapay, tanay, tcadix, dadik, 
dixid. Many nouns can be derived from stems of similar con- 
struction, mainly disyllabic and triconsonantal : tni&uk, muk 'ac, 
wit'ep, nibetc, butcon, wuton, natet, t-unot, tcayax, napaj, ontip, 
podut, yawud, cokod, detcip. It would be unfounded to say that 
these forms are more original, that is earlier in time, than such 
len qrmmetrical forms of the same stems as -ut'y-, t-afit- and 



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182 UniversUy of California PvbUcaiions. [Aic.Abch.Eth. 

t^nk-. But it is clear that the nncoDscioiis feeling of the lan- 
guage is that t'uy, t-anit, t-tinuk are the normal or characteristic 
forms of these stems, whatever the frequency of occurrence of 
modifications. And such unconscious linguistic feeling, as re- 
vealed in phonetic and structural treatment, is all the basis of 
existence that roots have and on which it is justifiable to try to 
determine them. 

AOCENT AND ENCLTnCB. 

Stress accent of separate words is not very marked. It is 
partly dependent on quantity of vowels. Nearly every vowel 
that has been written long in the ultimate, penult, or antepenult 
carries what appears to be the word accent. There are a few 
exceptions such as pa^t-ujac. Unsuffixed words without long 
vowels most frequently are accented on the penult, sometimes 
on the antepenult. SufSxes, reduplication, and the appearances 
and disappearances of stem vowels contingent upon sufSxes, af- 
fect the accent considerably. From tan are formed ta^n-ji and 
tan-a^c; from t'uy, tVi-ju, t'uy-u'-t'y-uwuc, and t'oy-a'-t'y-ac; 
from oTmi, SIlaj and iika'c; from wi't'ep, wit'fe'p-in and wit'i'p- 
hatc; from napa^tum, na^patm-a and napti^m-a; from o^ntip, 
uni'tpa, on^^tapi, uni'tipi; from a'fit-u, anu't-wa; from in'jij, 
ini'jaji and ine'cnad. The system of vocalic mutations charac- 
terizing the dialect is more or less connected with the accent of 
words, and may be causally dependent upon it. 

Certain pronouns and monosyllabic particles are accentless 
and more or less enclitic. They tend to draw the accent of pre- 
ceding words toward themselves. Several enclitics together 
form a group, the first member of which derives an accent from 
the fact that it is followed by the others. Among the words 
that show most tendency toward enclitism are: the personal 
pronouns, which, if both subjective and objective are present, 
regularly join into a group with one accent ; the possessive pro- 
nouns, which, if postposed, are clearly joined to the preceding 
word; and the negative, interrogative, and future particles am, 
hin, and hi. Examples are: a^m-na-mam-hi duyd^n, not-I-thee- 
will eat; duyd'n na-mam-hi, eat I-thee-wiU; yi'una-an, wife-his; 
li^mik-na, li^mik-na, I am limik, I am limiki In these phrases 



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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 183 

only the marked syllables are stressed, so that a'm-na-mam-hi 
duyd^n has the phonetic character of two words instead of five. 
The influence of these enclitics on the accent of words ordinarily 
independently accented is shown in : xi^ nim am&^ditc, he is my 
helper, as compared with taxn&^d-na am&di^tc-mam, come-I (to) 
help-thee. On the whole the accent of the isolated word tends to 
disappear in connected speech as against the accent of the phrase 
or sentence. 

8UMMABY. 

Altogether the Taudanchi phonetic system is regular and sim- 
ple in content. It contains no difScult or violent sounds, and be- 
sides the impure vowels and the palatal t* consonants none that 
are uncommon in other languages. It is free from accumu- 
lation of either vowels or consonants and tends to a simple alter- 
nation of consonant and vowel. The consonants are unusually 
permanent and unaffectable by each other or vowels. In vowels 
well developed and important harmonies obtain; but these are 
not so much results of meaningless phonetic interaction as means 
of grammatical form. 

STRUCTURE. 

Structurally Yokuts is very simple. Composition exists to 
an insignificant extent. A few derivational non-formal sufSxes 
occur sporadically, but no precise meaning can be determined 
for most of them. There is not a prefix in the language. Such 
affixes to the verb as express instrument, position, motion, and 
even the object in certain American languages, are entirely lack- 
ing. There is no incorporation of pronouns in verb or noun. 
The appositional type of structure in which pronominal affixes 
hold together the sentence, or the more extreme one in which 
practically every word capable of grammatical form exists only 
with a pronominal afiOx, is almost without even reminiscences in 
Yokuts. For an American language it shows little verbal subor- 
dination, the sentence structure being quite simple. Altogether 
the highly complex and synthetical structure found in some 
American languages, and often thought to be characteristic of 



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184 UrUversUy of CdUfomia Pvhlicaiions. [Am.Abch.Eth. 

them as a group, is absent, and although certain ideas are ex- 
pressed by formal means which our own languages would not 
thus express, the Yokuts language on the broad lines of its struc- 
ture, as compared with some of the more widely-spoken Ameri- 
can languages such as Eskimo, Athabascan, Algonkin, Iroquois, 
and Maya, is superficially not very different in type from the 
Indo-European languages. 

MEANS OF EXPRESSION OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE. 

Three means are employed for the expression of form. First, 
reduplication, which is relatively unimportant. Second suffixa- 
tion, which though not very extensively developed is the most 
used means of structural expression ; and third, vocalic mutation. 
In the derivation of stems or words vocalic mutation sometimes 
occurs without any further change; but as a means of gram- 
matical form it exists only in conjunction with reduplication or 
suflSxation, of which, strictly, it appears to be an induced accom- 
paniment, though actually, in certain cases, it produces more 
striking changes in words than either of these processes alone. 

A, RedupUcation. 

Reduplication is both material or derivational and formal or 
grammatical in its function. Some nouns are already dupli- 
cated or finally reduplicated in their ordmary form: pon-pon, 
snow, ca-ca, eye, hon-hofi, heart, tc'im-tc'im, bat, xam-am, ribs, 
naj-oj, mother, nat-et, father. Some verbs are also reduplicated, 
usually finally, in their simplest form : tom-om, lie. Others are 
reduplications of a shorter base with some change of meaning: 
dan-an, listen, from dafi, hear; g*o-g*o-c, was, lived, from g*o-ji, 
sat. There are similar adjectives: inj-ij, good, is shown by its 
objective case inij-ya, for inij-a, to be a final reduplication of a 
stem inij. All these forms, being ungrammatical, will not be 
further considered except in the vocabulary. 

Qrammatical reduplication of fixed stems, to express not 
another meaning but a different aspect or relation of the mean- 
ing of the word, occurs in verbs and numerals. It is absent from 
nouns. In verbs it expresses iteration or repetition ; in numerals 
distribution. 



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Vol. 2] KroeUr.—TU YokuU Language. 186 

Verbal rednplicatdon ocours most MMnmonlj in mono«yllabie 
stems. As the entire stem syllable, with or without mutation or 
metathesis of the vowel, is repeated, the process ii strictly one 
of duplication rather than of reduplication. This duplication 
takes two forms. In the imperative, which is the stem, and 
before modal and temporal suffixes containing i, the stem is 
duplicated without change or sometimes with a lightening of the 
second vowel to i: am dai-dai min napatma, don't kick your 
brother-in-law; duc-duc-wi nan, rub me; t'uy-t'uy-ut, was shot 
many times ; na max-max-ci, I gathered constantly ; cap-cap-it na, 
I was whipped; aj-ij nan, bite me several times. On the other 
hand, before the temporal suffixes -ac and -ad, and before the 
various forms of the reflexive suffix excepting the imperative 
reflexive, only the first of the pair of reduplicated syllables is 
identical with the normal stem syllable. This is followed by its 
vowel, or sometimes, apparently through influence of the a of 
the sufSx, by a. Upon this in turn follow the consonants of the 
reduplicated syllable, either without any vowel or with only light 
short i between them. Thus: kac-a-kc-ad na, I am whispering; 
doy-a-dy-ac ma, you ate; hi&mu na t*ec-a-t'c-ac, long ago I came 
out. Contrasting with t*uy-t'uy-ut are t*uy-u-t'y-uwuc and t'oy- 
a-t'y-ac; with cap-cap-it, cap-i-cp-uwic ; with dem-dim-ji, dim-e- 
dm-ac ; with dai-dai, day-a-dy-ac. 

A third, somewhat intermediate form of reduplication, occurs 
on unsufiKxed stems other than imperatives. A stressed vowel 
appears between the two reduplicated syllables, but the second 
of these is not deprived of its vowel, which at most is weakened 
to i. Thus bok-d'-bik, tud-A'-tud, pud-o-ptid from the stems bok, 
tud, and pod. Cap-a'-cap namamhi, I will whip you repeatedly, 
shows this form as contrasting with cap-cap-it na and cap-i-cp- 
uwic. 

Reduplication in numerals affects only the first syllable of 
the stem. This is entirely duplicated, with weakening of the 
vowel in the second syllable to i. Po'n-oi, cd'p-in, hat'-pa'-ni, 
two, three, four, form pon-pi'n-i, cop-ci'p-i, hat'-hu't'-up, two 
each, three each, four each. The loss or modifications of the 
syllables following the reduplicated one are not caused by the 
reduplication; for the same modifications take place upon the 



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186 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am-Arch-Bth. 

addition of certain suffixes, — another instance of the domination 
in the language of structural motives over phonetic ones. 

There is an apparent objective case reduplication in personal 
pronouns, nan from na and mam from ma, which is really due to 
suffixation or analogy. 

B and C. Suffixian and Vocalic Mutation. 

As the grammatical use of reduplication is confined, it follows 
that nearly all formal expression in the language is due to snf- 
fixion, extended and aided somewhat by vocalic mutation. In 
view of the large part left to this process to fill, it is surprising 
that altogether scarcely thirty formal suffixes have been found 
in the language. As this number includes case and number 
sufSxes as well as modal and temporal ones, it is evident that the 
economy which the language exercises in its means of expressing 
form extends also to the grammatical ideas expressed. The struc- 
ture of the language is therefore necessarily simple. 

List of Suffixes Occurring in the Language. 

Including for the sake of completeness a few purely deriva- 
tional suffixes, we have the following as the total of known Yau- 
danchi sufSxes. 

Non-grammatical suffixes: 

-oc, forming a few nouns, such as t'uy-oc, arrow, from t'uy 

shoot, 
-ud, probably forming a few nouns, such as t-un-oc-ud, gate, 

from t-un, close, 
-it, probably meaning place of, as in inet-m-it sleeping place, 
-i or -ui, perhaps forming nouns from verbs, as padit-i, pestle, 

from padw-, enter, and tcuduk-ui, index finger, from 

tcuduk, point, select, 
-i, on certain terms of relationship, indicating that the person 

through whom the relationship existed is dead, 
-in-in, on terms of direction and other words, meaning people 

of: xomot, south, xomt-in-in, southerners, 
-am, on numerals, meaning ten and, -teen. 



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Vou2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 187 

Semi-formative verb sufiixes: 
-da-, causative, 
-ta-, frequentative, 
-tcin-, -a-tcin, desiderative. 
-cit-, benefactive, expressing that the verbal action is done 

for the object, 
-in-, intransitive, 
-wic- and modifications of it, such as -wid and -umdu-wic, 

reflexive. 

Modal-temporal verb suffixes: . 
-ji, preterite, 
-ac, preterite. 

-in, future or present ; also participle, 
-ad, continuative. 
-it, passive. 

-nitc, -anitc, future passive, and active verbal object-noun, 
-itc, noun agent; purposive, 
-ana, participle. 

Suffixes of number: 

-i (-a), plural in nouns. 

-n, -in, plural in pronouns.* 

-k, -ik, dual in pronouns. 

-C-, occurring before dual and plural suffixes of demonstra- 
tive pronouns. 

-ate, -hate, diminutive, plural in adjectives. 

An occasional plural ending -awayi is perhaps material rather 
than grammatical in meaning. Similar is -wadi, on 
plurals of tribal names. 

-hin, collective of inanimate nouns. 

Case suffixes: 

-a (-i), objective on nouns, verbs, and adjectives, 
-n, objective on demonstrative pronouns, 
-wa, perhaps identical with -a, found only as the objective 
ending of plural personal pronouns. 

^ The plural -in of pronouns and the plnral or collective animate -in of 
nmnerals may be identicaL 



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188 University of CdUfomia P%U>licaiion8. [Am. Arch. Bra. 

-in, i>08sefisiye. 
-n, -ni, instrxunentaL 
-u, locative, 
-nity ablative. 

Suffixes of numerals and interrogative pronouns: 

-in, used for animate subjective substantival numerals, pos- 
sibly collective, 
-id, adverbial, signifying the number of times, 
-ak, makes interrogative and indefinite pronouns more indefi- 
nite, 
-tci, the same ; suffixed to -ak. 

It is a curious fact which has already been discussed that all 
the formal suffixes of the language except the locative and re- 
flexive contain only the vowels a and i. That such of the suf- 
fixes as change i to u after u stems, as the past -ji and the pos- 
sessive -in, are really i suffixes and not of indeterminate vocalic 
content becoming i or u according to the vocalic constitution of 
the stem to which they are attached, is made probable by the 
fact that o stems are followed by the normal i forms of these 
suffixes. Analagous facts make the intransitive -in or the objec- 
tive -a, which appear under circumstances as -un, -on, -o, seem 
to be true normal forms subject to vocalic modification rather 
than one of several equally undetermined alternative forms. 
This view of course applies not to the origin and history of these 
suffixes — of which nothing is known — ^but only to the feeling 
evinced by the language for their vocalic content in its treatment 
of them. 



CATEGORIES OF GRAMMATICAL FORM EXPRESSED. 

As the means of expressing grammatical form are limited, so 
the morphological categories expressed in Yokuts are compara- 
tively few in number. The range of these grammatical ideas 
has been given by the preceding list of suffixes. It may be sum- 
marized as follows. The categories finding expression to a greater 
or less degree are : the plural in animate noims and in pronouns; 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language. 189 

duality in the pronoun; cases, including an objective, a poases- 
sive, an instrumental, a locative, and an ablative; distribution 
in the numeral, and distribution or repetition in the verb; the 
distinction between the combination of the first and second and 
of the first and third persons in the pronoun; animation, and 
the number of events, in the numeral ; and a causative, frequen- 
tative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, reflexive, continua- 
tive, purposive, preterite, future, passive, noun-agent, and par- 
ticiple in the verb. There is no indication of gender other than 
the distinction between animate and inanimate under certain 
circumstances in the numeral, and no expression of person other 
than by differences of stems in personal pronouns. All the gram- 
matical categories enumerated are expressed by suffixes accom- 
panied in most cases by vocalic mutation, except the category of 
distribution or repetition, which is indicated by reduplication. 

THE NOUN. 

PLURAL. 

All nouns that refer to persons, and only such, have a plural. 
Names of animals seem to be used in the plural in certain special 
circumstances. For instance the plural of nohoo, grizzly bear, 
is the same, nohoo. But when bear-doctors, called simply grizzly 
bears, are spoken of, the plural form is noh'ica or nohoica. Sev- 
eral such plurals of names of animals have been included in the 
consideration of the methods of formation of the plural, though 
they are not in ordinary use. The only inanimate plural that 
has been found is t-e-awayi, houses, from t*e. The suffix -awayi 
occurs also in nutc-awayi, easterners, mountaineers, from the 
singular nut 'a, but its true meaning is unknown. (Generally 
speaking, the plural in Yokuts may be said to be confined to 
words designating persons of various ages, sexes, and conditions, 
to terms of relationship, to tribal names, and to noun agents 
derived from verbs by the suffix -itc. 

A dual found in the pronoun is without an equivalent in the 
noun. To designate two persons the plural is used. 

The normal plural seems to be formed by the suffix -i. About 
one noun out of three however has the ending -a. What deter- 

Am. Aboh. Xth. 2. 15. 



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190 Univenity of California PubUcaiions. [AicArch-Btbl 

mines the choice of these two vowels in each case is not very dear. 
Stems with all classes of vowel-combinations ocear proportion- 
ately about equally in the i-plural group and in the a-plural 
group. The final sound of the stem may be of more influence. 
All stems found ending in an -i or -u which appears to represent 
a radical -y or -w take the ending -i. Outside of this one group, 
however, there is again no regularity in the constitution of either 
the -i or the -a class. The majority of stems in -t, -d, -tc, -n, and 
vowels are followed by -i, the majority in -c and -m by -a, but 
there are a number of cases contrary to both these tendencies. 
As the number of available instances of the plural is small on 
account of its restricted use, the possibility of a determination of 
the rules governing the point in question seems problematical. 

A number of stems ending in a vowel appear to offer diffi- 
culty to the addition of the vocalic suffix, especially as the lan- 
guage will not allow the plural -i suffix to become -y but insists 
on treating it as a full syllable. In the majority of such cases 
of vocalic stem endings not reducible to -y or -w, a c or tc is 
introduced before the plural suflSx whether this is -i or -a. 

Besides suffixion, stem-changes mark the plural. These follow 
definite courses quite different from the phonetic changes occur- 
ring in the expression of other formal categories, and must be 
regarded as latent in the stem for use in the plural and induced 
by the stimulus of the suffix, rather than as the direct purely 
phonetic consequence of the addition of the suffix. On the suf- 
fixion of -i, the last vowel of the stem — ^whatever it is — ^tums to 
a; on the addition of -a, the vowel becomes i. Accompanying 
the change of the last stem- vowel to a is a tendency to lengthen 
the latter part of the stem, wherever possible by the introduction 
of a vowel between two consonants, and to a shifting of accent 
toward the suffix. Accompanying the contrasting stem-change 
to i there is an opposite tendency to shorten the latter part of 
the stem, the accent advancing toward the head of the word, and 
a combination of consonants being frequently formed by the 
dropping out of the middle vowel in trivocalic stems. These 
two opposite changes occur quite regularly without exception or 
noteworthy modification, except that before the -i suffix the final 
stem-syllable, if a or i, may become d in place of a. The change 



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VOL. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 191 

of accent occurs with less regularity than that of the quality of 
the final stem-vowel ; in some words the accent even appears to 
alter in a manner the opposite of the usual one. 

There is, especially before the -i suflSx, a secondary and less 
regular tendency toward vocalic change in the first syllable of the 
stem, resembling the vowel-mutation occurring in the stem syl- 
lable of verbs, whereby u becomes o and o becomes u, with corre- 
sponding equivalences in other pairs of vowels. In trivocalic 
noun-stems this mutation accompanying the plural may extend to 
the second syllable.* Ndno, plural nuni-i; nip'ii, nip'ay-i; tcu- 
nut, tcunot-a-tc-i. It is not unlikely that this mutation in the 
first syllable of the stem is a secondary effect of the sufi^, that is 
to say, the direct result not of the addition of the suflSx but of 
the alteration of the vowel of the final stem-syllable produced by 
the sufi^. 

In tribal names metathesis of a vowel in reference to its con- 
sonants is common. Banka- becomes banek-; -tci-, -ate-; -mni-, 
-man- ; bokni-, buken-. 

Besides the changes enumerated there are a number of more 
sporadic ones in the formation of the plural, such as the loss of 
final consonants (kou*tcu-n), of vowels (hit-wai-u), and the in- 
sertion of d (waksatci, wake'sdatci, unless waksatci represents 
waksadtci). 

The various modifications of the stem in the plural are shown 
in the following list. In this list all vowels marked long bear the 
word-accent. In words containing no vowel marked long, the 
accent is on the penultimate vowel or diphthong unless specially 
indicated. 



^If stems are omitted from consideration whose first vowel is a, which 
is not susceptible of this change, and if monosyllabic and biconsonantal 
stems are also excluded because their vowels on account of their proximity 
to the suffix are primarily affected by the law of i-a balance which most 
fundamentally characterizes the plural, it may be said that the majority of 
stems taking the -i suffix, and part of those with the -a suffix, undergo this 
mutation of the first or second stem vowel to its opposite within its vowel- 
pair. 



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192 



University of California Publications. [Au.Aech.Bth. 





I'-PUiraU. 






kou'tcnn 


kou'tca-i 


woman 


muk'oc 


muk'6c-i 


joung man 


ndtco 


nutc^i 


chief 


diya' 


dd'a-c-i 




afit*u 


afit.aw-i 


widower 


hupana 


hopna-tc-i 


older brother 


nibetc 


nebatc-i 


younger brother 


ndec 


ndac-i 


younger sister 


ndot 


ndat-i 


son 


butcofi 


botcafi-i 


daughter, child 


axid 


axdd-i 


father's sister 


giiiha 


guyd'a-c-i 


bear 


diliizim 


dffwdziin-i 


panther 


wdh5cit 


wohoeat-i 


wild cat 


t'uiLod 


t'uJi5ad-i 


mother's brother 


ftgac 


ag^:i 


woman's sister's child 


&zi 


axSy-i 


maternal grandmother 


t'ut'a 


t'ut'5a-c-i 


paternal grandmother 


bap' 


bap'M 


great grandfather 


hitw&iu 


hit.dway-i 


daughter-in-law 


onmid 


ondmad-i 


mother-in-law 


ontip 


ondtap-i 


parent of child-in-law 


makci 


mak^-i 


man's wife's brother 


nip'ei 


n^p'ay-i 


friend 


n6tci 


nudtc-i 


deer 


zoi 


xuyte-c-i 


watcher (teid, guard) 


tied-itc 


teid-atc-i 


tribal name 


yaudantci 


yowedtcan-i 


tribal name 


baflkal&tci 


bafieTdatc-i 


tribal name 


tcoinok 


tcuydnak-i 


tribal name 


yokod 


yuwSkad-i 


tribal name 


gawia 


gaw6yay-i 


tribal name 


wetcig'it 


witc^at-i 


tribal name 


wimiltci 


wimdlatc-i 


tribal name 


yaudinmi 


yowe'dman-i 


tribal name 


tcoinimni 


tcuyenman-i 


tribal name 


bokni'nuwad 


buk^nwad-i 


tribal name 


wdwod 


wowdwad-i* 


tribal name 


kaw&ija 


kaweije-tc-i 


tribal name 


tcunut 


tcundta-tc-i 


tribal name 


tadji 


tadjd-tc-ay-i 


tribal name 


woksatd 


wake'sdatc-i* 


tribal name 


tedamni 


tiddam-i 


tribal name 


badwica 


baddwac-i 



* Wowud means stand, from the radical wud. Wowdwadi is perhaps not 
reduplicated but formed by development of -6- into -ow6-, as in y-uwd-kadi. 

* Or, woke's-wadi, resembling the plurals kuma'tc-wadi and kuydt-wadi of 
the tribal names kumatcesi and koydti. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



193 





A'Plurals, 




girl 


guyMum 


gdyum-a 


old person 


mozodo 


mozdi-tc-a 


older sister 


naat 


nait-a 


mother 


najoj 


najuj-a 


father 


natet 


natit-a 


father's brother 


komo'yic 


ko'myic-a 


mother's sister 


mo'koi 


moko'i-o 


grandfather 


dnac 


inac-a 


son-in-law 


napatum 


napti'm-a 


dog 


tcd'jej 


tcija'j-a 


grizzlj bear 


fiohoo 


fioho'i-c-a* 


man's sister's child 


tca'yax 


teayi'z-a 


woman's brother's child 


napac 


napic-a 


father-in-law 


naza'mic 


na'zmic-a 


dancer (ka'm, dance) 


ka'm-fttc 


ka'm-itc-ha 


tribal name 


wtiktcamni 


wuka'tcmin-a 


tribal name 


zocdm-o 


z5cim-a 


tribal name 


monadji 


monadji-c-a 


tribal name 


tulamni 


tula'-l-min-a 


Shoshonean 


malta 


malftta-tc-a 


A collective -hin, on inanimate nouns, 


occurs several tim 


a text given in Part III. 






bokdo-hin 


where many springs 


yapkan-hin 


I many trees 




doxmad-h^ rock-pile 




tcodwon-hin plains 





GASES. 

Nouns are used with five case suffixes, an objective -a, a pos- 
sessive -in, an instrumental -n, a locative -u, and an ablative -nit, 
making with the unaffixed subjective a total of six cases. The 
same suffixes are attachable to verb stems used as nouns, to verbal 
derivatives, and to verbal forms used participially. That these 
verb forms with case suffixes are no longer verbs but nouns is 
shown by the fact that their logical subject is in the possessive 
case. Adjectives take at least the objective, personal pronouns 
the locative, and demonstratives and interrogatives all the suf- 
fixes except the objective, for which they substitute a suffix pecu- 
liar to themselves. 



*0r fioh'i-c-a. 



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194 University of Calif omia Publicaiions. [AM.ARCH.BrH. 

The employment of these cases is on the whole indicated by 
their names, there being few special idiomatic uses. 

The objective seems to be used with prepositional words: 
atc'e-u yapikn-a, close to the tree, padu-unun nim podt-a inside 
my body, pina-u idk-a, near the water. The true nature of these 
prepositional words is however not clear; padu-unun is evidently 
the intransitive participle of the stem padu to enter; atc'e-u and 
p^a-u seem to be locatives of unknown stems. 

The possessive gives the appearance of being used as subject 
in certain clauses where it is really the grammatical regimen of 
a verbal noun. Thus 5kac na kou'tcun-un duy-a, I saw the man 
eat, is really : saw I man's eating. It appears that after a passive 
the instrumental is expressed by the possessive : aj-it na tcejej-in, 
I was bitten by a dog, and waki-t yet tan watak-in, he was pre- 
sented with one pine-nut. The possessive pronoun of the third 
person may or may not be used in addition to the possessive case 
to express possessive relation between nouns: yiuna an limk-in, 
wife his prairie-falcon's; but the possessive suffix is never 
omitted. 

The instrumental is used in two special constructions. What 
we should consider the direct object of a verb, is, when this verb 
contains the suffix -cit, for the benefit of, put in the instrumental, 
the person benefited being treated as the object of the verb: 
max-cit-ji nan duy-ani, he-got me with-food, he got food. for me; 
cuina-cti nan xi-ni, buy me with-this, buy this for me. After 
waki, give, the person which we treat as dative is in Yokuts 
objective, our object in the instrumental; so that waM can be 
more literally rendered by our ** present" than **give'*: waki-ji 
tan (obj.) ta-ni tipdi-n, he-presented her with-that mountain- 
quail. No instrumental of personal pronouns has yet been found, 
and it is possible that the present two constructions are merely 
due to a tendency of the language to avoid the use of the instru- 
mental in personal pronouns. 

The locative covers a wide range of meaning — ^at, in, to, on, 
in fact all locative ideas except the ablative — ^and refers to time 
as well as space: copin-au opodo, in three days; nauuji wit'ep-au, 
he came to the boy. It also has the meaning for, on account of : 
mukc-iu xe-u toocnad doowac, on account of this woman is being 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The YoktUs Language, 195 

made a battle (woman-at this-at is-making battle) ; ukn-au na 
nim t-okit, I was hit for drinking (drink-at I my hit-was) ; wi 
coz-ji yaka, ta-u tin tan taudjata, he-killed cattle, for-that they 
him killed. The construction by which the addition of the loca- 
tive suffix to the -ji past-suffix of the verb makes a dependent 
temporal clause, the subject becoming possessive, has already 
been referred to: tan-ji-u limk-in moxodo ent-im-ji, while-went 
(went-at, at the going of) prairie-falcon, the-old-man slept; xi 
nan amadac tcuxiitc-n-au nim, he me helped when I was sick 
(sick-being-at my). Most names of places and the modem names 
of the days of the week are locatives: tcit'at-iu, a place name 
(tcit'at, a species of clover) ; xo-en-au, sitting at, Sunday. On 
numeral stems the locative suffix gives an ordinal adverbial mean- 
ing: hat'pani, four, hat'pa-u, the fourth time, as opposed to 
hat '-pud, four times. 

As some of these case suffixes, such as the objective, are en- 
tirely syntactical in function, and all but the ablative are used 
at times as purely sjnitactical means, they must be regarded as 
true cases and not as adverbial postpositions. Their phonetic 
character, their effect on the stem, and their small number, also 
are evidence that their formal force and content far outweigh 
their material significance. There is no trace of any of the case- 
suffixes ever being used independently of a noun as an adverb 
or preposition. The presence of these cases in the language is 
naturally aUied to the absence of incorporation in the verb. 
While similar case-suffixes are found in many Califomian lan- 
guages, usually also accompanied by lack of incorporation, their 
number in these languages is often larger, their sense more spe- 
cific and adverbial, and the suffixes themselves in their phonetic 
form are more like independent stems. The partial resemblance 
of the terminatives, inessives, introessives, comitatives, simila- 
tives, and other cases in Maidu, Yuki, Pomo, Washo, and other 
central Califomian languages, to suffixed prepositions, cannot 
be said to extend to Yokuts, except to a certain degree perhaps 
in the ablative. 



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196 University of California PvJ)lications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

Objective. 

The objective ease presents considerable phonetic irregularity. 
Normally it seems to be indicated by -a. For this, -i, -o, and 
occasionally -u are substituted in not a few words, and a large 
number of words show no change whatever from the absolute or 
subjective form. 

Like the analogous substitution of plural -a for more common 
-i, the cause of the use of objective -i in place of -a is not clear. 
The words found with objective -i are muk'oc, nibetc, natet, 
iw^itc, kaiu, nahat-, d-oxid, owik, t-e, koyoyitc, huc-widitc, gdk- 
widStc, and perhaps koc6yi and makci; there are no doubt a 
number of others. 

Objective -o is found on monosyllabic and disyllabic o stems 
and on a few others usually containing o in the first syllable fol- 
lowed by an i that disappears before the sufl&x ; so that this -o is 
quite clearly due to influence of the stem. The stems taking -o 
are tot-, t-ot-, tcox, najoj, ucit, odix, bokid, dopit-, [domit], cokod, 
and perhaps yonho and nohoo. 

Objective -u occurs on n6ot, perhaps on najoj and hutulu, 
and on three stems the u of whose last syllable disappears before 
the suflSx, tutuyun, dum6dumutc, and yipyeput-. This -u is, 
like -o, due to the influence of stem u-o sounds. 

The objective of a large number of nouns, at least one in 
three, is without any suffix and identical with the subjective. 
This class includes terms of relationship, names of persons, ani- 
mals, parts of the body, and natural and artifleiai objects, so 
that it is not in any way determined by meaning. While phonetic 
form and to a certain extent probably derivational constitution 
are evidently the causes of this lack of an objective suffix by 
such nouns, yet a considerable proportion of them are not act- 
ually explainable in these ways, as will be seen from the follow- 
ing circumstances. 

Most duplicated or reduplicated nouns lack the objective 
suffix: tcej-ej, dog, coxcux and tcaktcak, two species of hawk, 
la la*, goose, hoiihon, heart, dapdap, leaf, xam-am, rib. A few 
duplicated nouns however show a suffix, such as tc'imtc'im, bat: 
tc'imitc'm-a. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuis Language. 197 

The majority of nouns ending in vowels are also alike in the 
subjective and objective. These include nfttco, moxodo, diya', 
hupana, mokoi, mai, t'ut'a, hit-waiu, onpoi, xoi, tcitceu, coxgoi, 
k'ondjedja, hoopa, hayana, upyayi, yakau, ndotci, katcau, p'anuc- 
kai, woxono, t-ipni, t'ufioi, tc'aiji, oca, t'ipeni, k'aiyaat-u, t'ukoi, 
tcoto. The final vowels of several of these nouns are quite 
strongly resistant to suffixation, as is shown by the complete loss 
of this vowel in the possessive (n6tc-in, hayan-in, tcot-in), or 
by such loss of the vowel with accompanying irregular effects, 
especially the addition of tc or c, in the plural (moxdi-tc-a, 
hopna-tc-i, t'ut'oa-c-i). Nouns with vocalic ending taking an 
objective sufBx are much less frequent than those that do not. 
They include kaiu, t-e, ant-u, axi, nip'ei, tiV, matci, t-wdw, tcudui, 
tci ; and probably the following, in which the final vowel seems to 
be repeated to form the objective sufBx : caca, gtiiha, makci, ko- 
cdyi, nohoo, yofiho, hutulu. 

Finally a considerable number of nouns ending in consonants 
do not change in the objective: komoyic, ^nac, t'unod, agac, 
itwap, bohad, coyod, t-odd, tadxat-, djamoc, 5gnn, pootc, minitc, 
k'ewSt, kicik, comot, manad, tcuyon, mod*ak, anac, kiwec, witcet, 
hon-oc, tcit'at, bemamgutc, goddiikil, djitcpaapu, k'atcanat, ku- 
yocud. The last half dozen of these are evidently not simple 
stems; and while their origin cannot be traced, it is possible that 
the same feeling of the language which usually prevents the addi- 
tion of a suffix to duplicated and reduplicated nouns, may be 
operative in these composite, derivative, or onomatopoetic words. 
But for the great majority of the words in this list even such a 
tentative explanation is not available, since stems which are ap- 
parently simple and which have the same vowels as those here 
given, or the same consonantal ending, take objective suffixes. 

The following list of subjective and objective forms gives 
the nouns found whose objective suffix is -a, those that have -o 
and -u, those with -i, and shows the scope of the changes in the 
stem and the extent of irregularities. The objective case less its 
suflk, or sometimes Mrith it — and never the subjective or absolute 
form of the noun — ^is invariably the base from which the posses- 
sive, instrumental, locative, and ablative cases are formed. 



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198 



University of Calif omia PubUa^ions. [Am-Abch-Eth. 



Engliik 


SiOfjeoiive 


Objedive 


man 


kou'tcun 


kou'tcun-a 


duld 


wit'ep 


wit'dp-a 


medicine-man 


afit.u 


afiut*w-a 


younger brother 


n^ 


n^-a 


older gister 


n§at 


n§at-a 


Bon 


butcoft 


butcoft-a 


daughter 


azid 


azd-a 


Bon-in-law 


nap&tum 


napat'm-a 


bear 


dHuxun 


dtizn-a 


panther 


woh&sit 


wohoct-a 


man's sister's child 


tcayax 


tcayax-a 


woman's sister's child 


azi 


axi-a 


woman 's brother 's child 


napac 


napac-a 


grandmother 


bap' 


bap 'a 


daughter-in-law 


onmid 


unimd-a 


father-in-law 


nazamie 




mother-in-law 


ontip 


unitp-a 


brother-in-law 


nip'M 


nip'dy-a 


mountain-sheep 


diwdcip 


diwecp-a 


rabbit 


ti'w 


ti'w-a 


beaver 


topuk 


topk-a 


raccoon 


kut'U 


ktit.i«-a 


small dark rabbit 


m&tci 


m&tcy-a 


gopher 


hung'ut 


hunuzt-a 


condor 


witc 


witc-a 


hawk, sp. 


cuxup 


cuzp-a 


prairie-falcon 


Umik 


limk-a 


crow 


aduut* 


aduut-a 


bird 


ddtcip 


ddtcp-a 


bat 


t^'imtc'im 


tc'imitc'm-a 


water-snake 


yax 


yax-a 


quail 


hummud 


humumd-a 


eye 


caca 


caca-a 


nose 


t.iifiuk 


t.ufik-a 


ear 


tuk 


tuk-a 


forehead 


t.udii 


t-«du-a 


skin 


tcudui 


tcudi-a 


bone 


tc'U 


tc'iy-a 


Hver 


dip 


dip-a 


kidnej 


tcindkit 


tcindkt-a 


▼agina 


umut 


umta 


guts 


doc 


doc-a 


excrement 


bidik 


bid'k-a 


tail 


gut 


gut-a 


tree 


yapkin 


yapikn-a 


water 


idik 


idk-a 


hunting arrow 


cikid 


cikd-a 



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199 



Bngh$h 


Svbjectwe 


ObjectiM 


bow 


dayap 


daip-a 


town 


t.ipic 


t.ipc-a 


world 


p'aan 


p'&an-a 


wife 


yiwin 


yiun-a 


body 


podut 


podt-a 


game baU 


odot 


pdot, odot-a 


pestle 


padtd 


paduy-a 


cane, reed 


kadkid 


kadikd-a 


fl8h 


dopit* 


dopt-o 


skunk 


tcoz 


tcox-o 


squirrel 


yofiho 


yofiho-o 


bead 


t5ot. 


t6ot.-o 


beUy 


t.ot. 


t-ot-o 


hole 


cokod 


cokd-o 


mountain 


domit 


domt-o 


fire 


ucit 


oct-o 


pillow 


odii 


odx-o 


spring of water 


bokid 


bokd-o 


younger sister 


n6ot 


ndot-u 


mother 


najoj 


najoj-u* 


jaekrabbit 


tukuyun 


tukuin-u 


animal sp. 


dum5dumutc 


dum5dumtc-u 


owl 


hutulu 


hutulu-u 


Up 


yipyeput. 


yipiyapt.-u 


woman 


muk'oc 


mok'c-i 


older brother 


nibetc 


nibetc-i 


father 


natet 


natdt-i * 


parent of child-in-law 


makd 




wolf 


iwdite 


iwdtc-i 


coyote 


kaiu 


kauw-i 


eagle 


d.ozid 


d.oxd-i 


bald eagle 


owik 


6k-i 


raven 


g5k-uddtc 


gok-uddtc-i. 


gopher-snake 


huc-uddtc 


huc-uddte-i 


frog 


koyoyite 


koyoyitc-i 


house 


t.e 


t.M 



The nouns that do not change for the objective have been 
previously given. 

It appears from this list that the considerable changes in the 
stem occurring in the expression of the plural are not found in 

* Or najoj-o. 



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200 University of Calif omia PiLblications, [Am.Arch.Eth. 

the objective. As a rule the quality of the stem vowels is not 
aflfected by the objective suffix. There is however an inclination 
to drop the last vowel of the stem before the suffix. A consid- 
erable proportion of nouns, about half, indeed do not show this 
shortening; but when monosyllables and stems with vocalic end- 
ing, which are incapable of such change beyond softening i and u 
to y and w, are omitted from consideration, at least three nouns 
out of four are seen to drop their last stem vowel before the 
objective suffix. Limik makes limk-a; cuxup, cuxp-a; yiwin, 
yiun-a; dwxwn, dwxn-a; owik, dk-i; wohocit, wohact-a; muk'oc, 
mok'c-i; ucit, oct-o. The exceptions found are butcon, put-on, 
tcayax, napac, nahat-, nibetc, aduut-, odot, gdkudStc, hucudetc, 
koyoyitc. Not infrequently a vowel appears in the middle of 
the word to compensate for the loss of the one in the last syllable ; 
or the double process may be regarded as a transposition of the 
vowel. In four-consonantal stems the new vowel usually appears 
between a double consonant in the middle of the word: ontip, 
unitp-a; kadkid, kadikd-a; tc'imtc'im, tc'imitc'm-a; onmid, 
unimd-a; hung'ut, hunuxt-a. In such cases there is occasionally 
a change in vowel quality also. 

The word-accent also, which is no doubt causally related to 
the quantity and quality of the vowels of the word, is not af- 
fected by the objective suffixes as by the plural ones. Whereas 
in the plural the accent, according to the suffix added, usually 
moves forward or backward in the word, in the objective it al- 
most always remains in place. This immovability of the accent 
before the objective suffix is no doubt connected, either as cause 
or as effect, with the tendency of the normal accent to rest on 
the penultimate syllable of the word, and the tendency of the last 
vowel of the stem to be lost before the objective suffix as its equiv- 
alent, as it were. 

It will be seen that the considerable similarity between the 
plural and the objective suffixes, — respectively i, sometimes a; 
and a, sometimes i,^-does not extend to the forms assumed by 
the stems to which these suffixes are added. On some words the 
suffixes are actually identical, whereas the stems differ vocalically 
according to the grammatical meaning of the suffix. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber, — The Yokuis Language. 



201 



Meaning 


Subjective 


Objective 


Plural 


woman 


mok'oc 


mok'c-i 


mok'ic-i 


older brother 


nibetc 


nibetc-i 


ndnwitc-i 


parent of child-in-law 


makci 


ma'kci-i 


mak^i 




naat 


na'at-a 


nait-a 


man's nstar's child 


tcajaz 


tcajaz-a 


tcajix-a 


woman's brother's child 


napac 


nap&c-a 


na'pic-a 


father-in-law 


nazamic 




na'zmic-a 



The diflferencee in the objective and plural forms of the above 
words, which are entirely typical, show that the vocalic changes 
in the stem are not due merely to the direct phonetic effect of 
the suffix, but are caused rather by the general rules of formation 
for these two categories; the specific influence of the suffixes, if 
it ever was dominant at all, must have been more in the develop- 
ment of the general methods of formation characterizing the 
category, and in stimulating the active operation of a process 
of analogization, than exerted on the particular forms of stems 
existing at present. 

An entirely similar case, which has also already been referred 
to in another connection, is the difference in stem presented when 
the plural suffix -i, and the derivative suffix -i denoting the death 
of a connecting relative, are respectively added to the same stem : 
Meaning Singular Plural Relative dead 

Mother-in-law ontip ondtap-i nnitip-i 

Daughter-in-law onmid ondmad-i onimid-i 

Other Cases. 

The four remaining cases, the possessive, instrumental, loca- 
tive, and ablative, follow the objective in usually causing the 
loss of the last vowel of consonantally ending stems, being in 
fact formed from the stem used in the objective, and not from 
the absolute or subjective stem-form. Thus : cikid, cikd-a, cikd- 
an; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk-anit; limik, limk-a, limk-in, limk-au; 
cuxup, cuxp-a, cuxp-un. The only exception found is cokod, 
hole, objective cokd-o, locative cokod-iu. The possessive, instru- 
mental, locative, and ablative agree among themselves and differ 
from the objective in being always expressed by a suffix and 
never identical with the subjective, as the objective is in many 
words. 



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202 University of Calif orrUa PubUcatians. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

The possessive ending is -in. On stems whose last vowel is u, 
or o following u in a preceding syllable, -in becomes -un. Mono- 
syllabic o-stems, as well as those containing ultimate o preceded 
by any vowel except u, and all stems whose last vowel is i, e, or a, 
take -in. The only exceptions are noot and najoj, which form 
noot-un and najoj-un, and which in the objective also take -u 
and -o instead of more regular -o and -a. WohScit takes -un, 
toddy -in. 

Final vowels do not present the same resistance to the posses- 
sive as to the objective suflSx. Usually the -in or -un is simply 
added: diya', diya'-in; nip'ei, nip'ey-in; kiit-u, kiltu-un; la 'la', 
la 'la '-in; upyayi, upyayi-in. Certain nouns impervious to the 
objective and usually causing the addition of -tc- or -c- in the 
plural, take the possessive sufSx after losing their final vowel. 



Subjective 


'Objective 


Plural 


Possessive 


hayana 






hayan-in 


tcoto 






tcot-in 


ndtco 




nutcft-i 


note-in 


nohoo 




noh-i-c-a 


noh-i-in 


hupana 




hopna-tc-i 


hupan-in 


moxodo 




moxdi-tc-a 


moxod-in 



The instrumental, locative, and ablative seem to be based to 
some extent on the objective even as regards the phonetic form 
of their suflSxes. Where the objective shows what must be con- 
sidered its normal form, namely -a, the characteristic endings of 
the three cases at present under consideration are added directly 
to this -a : duy, eating, food, objective duy-a ; duy-ani, by means 
of eating, duy-au, at, for, eating; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk- 
anit; tuk, tuk-a, tuk-ani, tuk-au. After monosyllables -ani re- 
places -an. "Where the objective is -o, the instrumental is -on, 
the locative -o. Where the objective is unexpressed by a sufl&x, 
the formation of these cases varies. Some words show an instru- 
mental in -ni or -in, and a locative in -iu ; others respectively -an 
or -on, and au. On demonstratives which end vocalically the 
instrumental is -ni, the locative -u, the ablative -nit. The follow- 
ing list shows such minor variations. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber, — The YokiUs Language. 



203 



Meaning 


Subjedwe 


Ohjeeiive 


InairumentiA 


Locative 


bird 


detcip 


detcp-a 


detcp-aii 




tree 


japkin 


yapikn-a 




yapikn-au 


arrow 


cikid 


cikd-a 


cikd-aii 




water 


idik 


idk-a 




idkau 


bow 


dayap 


daip-a 


daip-aii 




nose 


t'UMk 


tttfik-a 


tiiiik-aii 


t.i(fik-au 


ear 


tuk 


tuk-a 


tuk-afii 


tuk-au 


forehead 


t.fldi* 


t.fldt«-a 


t.adtt-aH 


t*ildtt-au 


skin 


tcudui 


tcudi-a 


tcudi-aH 


tcudi-au 


bone 


tc^ 


tc'i-a 


tcl-afii 


tcl-au 


▼agina 


umut 


umt-a 


umt-aii 


umtau 


eye 


caca 


caca-a 


caca-fii 


caca-u 


guts 


doc 


doc-a 


doc-ofd 


doc-ou 


head 


toot. 


toot-o 


toot-oft 


toot'-o 


pillow 


odix 


odx-o 




odx-o 


hole 


cokod 


cokd-o 




cokod-iu 


house 


t.e 


t.e-i 




t*e-u 


breast 


p^tc 


p^'tc 


p^tc-afi 


p^tc-au 


rock 


yakau 


yakau 


yakau-afi^ 


yakau-au^ 


stick 


witcet 


witcet 


witoet-afi 




foot 


wutoft 


wutofi 


wutofi-afi 


wutofi-au 


basket 


katcau 


katcau 


katcaw-ufi 


katcaw-u 


sweathonse 


moc 






moc-au 


brush 


yawud 






yaud-au 


awl 


bawuk 




bauk-uii 




clover sp. 


tcit'at 


tcit'at 




tcit'at-iu 


tongue 


tadxat. 


tadxat. 


tadxat-fii 


tadxat-iu 


mRmm^ 


mdnite 


mdnitc 


mdnitc-fii 




testicles 


hofi-oc 


hofi-oc 


hofioc-ift 


hofioc-iu 


leaf 


dapdap 


dapdap 




dapdap-iu 



Cases in the Plural. 

The objective of the plural is uniformly identical with the 
subjective plural. 

The possessive plural is formed from the subjective plural 
by the suflSxion of -n. The possessive of -i plurals thus is -in, 
of -a plurals -an, and of the one -o plural found, mokoi-o from 
mokoi, mother's sister, it is -on, mokoi-on. 

* Instrumental and locative also yakau-fi and yakaw-u. 



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204 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [AicAech.Eth. 



THE VERB. 

Of the traditional categories of inflection of the verb : person^ 
number, tense, mode, and voice, the Yokuts verb is entirely with- 
out expression of person. There is not even so much change for 
person as the one rudimentary inflection that persists in the verb 
of spoken English. This total lack of pronominal incorporation 
is perhaps the prime characteristic of the Yokuts verb. 

Less frequent than pronominal incorporation, but sometimes 
held to be equally typical of the principles of procedure 
of American languages as a whole, is a differentiation of verb 
stems for number. Such differentiation may be by inflection and 
affixion, or may be radical; in transitive verbs it refers to the 
number of the object This expression of number is, however, 
like that of person, entirely wanting in the Yokuts verb. There is 
one case of stem differentiation ; taudj means to kill one, cox to 
kill more than one. How far the feeling of the language for the 
difference between these two stems is a grammatical one, or how 
far there is a connotation in one stem of "kill," in the other of 
''exterminate," it is impossible to say. 

The reduplicated verb stem occasionally has the appearance 
of indicating a plurality of objects, but this is probably only 
incidental, the reduplication being used to express the repetition 
of the verbal act which usually is implied in a dynamic action 
affecting several persons or things, rather than to express the 
plurality of these persons or things themselves. 

Tense, mode, and voice are all expressed by one method, 
suffixation, several phonetic elements existing to designate the 
various categories. 

SEMI-DERIVATIVES. 

Ck)ntrasting with the tense, mode, and voice suffixes is an- 
other class of suffixes expressing ideas which most languages 
agree in regarding as less grammatical in nature than these and 
more derivative and stem-formative. Yokuts shows this same 
feeling in that it treats the affixes expressing this class of ideas 
differently from those relating to tense, mode, and voice. Such 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 205 

semi-derivative suffixes always precede the grammatical ones, 
being joined directly to the stem. They include a causative, fre- 
quentative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, and reflexive. 
The causative, which is not very frequent, is expressed either 
by the suffix -da or by lengthening, with change, of the ultimate 
stem vowel. 

t'ic-da-yan, let him come out ! 

un-an-da, lean it ! 

dui-da-c, made eat 

tcan na mam ka'm-da-d, I will 
make you dance 



t'ic. 


to emerge 


wn, to be leaning 


duy, 


to eat 


ka'm 


L, to dance 


oilarly ok-da-d froi 


udiik 


sing 


uk-un 


drink 


dawid 


run 


tax-in 


come 


xuyu 


return 



iidSok 


make sing 


uk-6on 


make drink 


dawaad 


make run 


taxaan 


make come 


xoyoo 


bring back 



Had-ad, to raise, with its intransitive had-ad-in, to rise, is 
perhaps a causative formation from had-in, to rise. 

The frequentative -ta is also not very common, 
aj to bite aj-aj-ta-c bit often 

tcabop to lie on the belly tcabop-ta-ji na I was lying on my belly 
had-ad to raise hada-ta raise it several times ! 

damna to try daman-ta-c tried (all his arrows) 

t'uy to shoot t'ui-ta-i shoot repeatedly 

The desiderative is -tcin or -atcin. 
tan to go na tan tan-atcin-ad I too would-like-to-go 

duy to eat duy-atcin-ad na I would like to eat 

oka to see wka-tein-in tan wishing to see him 

t'umi to throw at tomoi-tcin-ac manan you tried to throw at me 
xatc to stab xatc-atcin-ac manan you tried to stab me 

The suffix -cit expresses the fact that the action of the verb 
is done for the benefit of some one. The noun or pronoun desig- 
nating the person thus affected is in the objective case, the object 
itself in the instrumental. 

Am. Abob. Eth. 2. 16. 



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206 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

max to get max-cit-ji nan duy-ani brought-f or-did me f ood- 

Mrith: he got me some- 
thing to eat. 

tuc to make tuuc-ucta nan daip-an make-for me (with-)a- 

bow. 

iidiik to sing udk-wct-a sing for. 

cuina to buy cuina-cti nan x&ni buy me this ! 

bi to finish bii-cit-in tan-ji having made it for him, 

he went. 



The intransitive -in is frequent. Many verbs, snch as uk-un, 
to drink, regularly contain this suffix. In some cases it denotes 
automatic, uncaused, unintentional action : wox-ji, fell, implying 
causation, wox-in-ji fell, of itself. T-ati-ji na tan, I broke it, 
literally, break-did I that ; tat-i-n-ji nan xe, I broke it uninten- 
tionally, literally, broke me this; na todc-ad doowac, I make 
battle; nanau tooc-n-ad doowac, for-me (literally, me-at) is-made 
battle. Had-ad, to raise, had-in, to rise, and had-ad-n-ad, rises. 
T'on-un, to drown, twwj-wn, to become, t'uy-in, to be night, taw- 
in, to be day, dok-in, to be satisfied from hunger, hic-in, to hide, 
yiw-in, to marry, tax-in, to come, and other stems, show this 
suffix. 

The reflexive, which in phonetic detail is somewhat variable, 
is an important formative. Its fundamental form is perhaps 
-wic, which also appears as -uj, -wac,- woe, often with the intro- 
duction of a preceding long vowel. In this supposed funda- 
mental form the reflexive verb is used as an abstract noun. The 
tenses of the reflexive are formed by adding the usual suffixes 
to this base, forming -wici, -ucac, and -ucad or -wicad ; only the 
future and participial suffix -in seems averse to being super- 
added to the reflexive (as to the intransitive), so that the future 
is expressed by -wic without any further suffix. A suffix related 
to the reflexive, and appearing to have the force of referring 
the verbal action to the body, is -wid, appearing with tense- 
suffixes as wid-6n, wid-ji, wid-ed, and perhaps wita. An impera- 
tive -we is perhaps connected more nearly with this form rather 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 207 

than with the -wic reflexive.* The snfSx -nmduuc or -umduwic 
denotes a person accompanied by that one of his relatives desig- 
nated by the stem of the word. The category of reciprocity does 
not appear to be strictly distinguished from the reflexive. The 
reciprocal forms obtained contain the reflexive suffix, the fre- 
quentative -ta, and are usually reduplicated. It is not certain 
how far these means are actually used to express the idea of 
reciprocity, and in how far they are the expression of the repeti- 
tion which is very apt to be implied in any plural verb with the 
object **each other." 

doo-wao battle 

katd-uwie kated-game 

tcom-woc a hiding and gnessing game 

teatcn-uwie stave game 

t*it-wae copulation 

boyo-wae name 

tafiy-uwie ceremonj of drinking jimson-weed (tafiai) 

dai-wicu na I kicked mjself (day) 

cap-wicu na I whipped myself (cap) 

cap-a-uj-ad na I used to whip myself 

cap-a-wic nihi I shall whip myself 

wot-wici na I hit myself with a stick (wot*) 

wot-5j-od na I used to hit myself 

wot-5wic nihi I shall hit myself 

dny-6wic nihi I shall eat myself (day) 

tcan na tuuj-wac t'ofiotcmi I shall be t'ofiotcim (tuc, make) 

tcan t'uy-u-t'y-uwnc t*aatci there will be a great battle, (people will shoot 

each other, t'uy) 

tooj-aij-ac woxono made herself, turned to, a log 

tcanj-t2j-ac combed herself (tconic) 

^ The sufSx -wid, imperative -we, is probably related to the independent 
stem wid, to tell or say, also to do or make; as wid-ji nan, he said to me. 
This stem appears in such words as hnc-uddtc, ' ' hush-sayer, " a species of 
snake, and kux-ud^tc, kux-wid-Mtc, * * kukh-maker, " a species of hawk 
which is thought to produce a sound kukh as it parts the brush in dashing 
through it in pursuit of game. Hatic-wid, to sneeze, accordingly seems to 
be nothing but "to say hatish," or ''to make hatish," and more obscure 
forms such as tcabop-wid and tifi-tifi-wid may contain the same stem. When 
Yokuts vocabularies are obtained it soon becomes noticeable that words are 
frequently given followed by wi. This is especially the case when an in- 
formant deliberates or app^s to a bystander; the latter will then often 
mention the word followed by wi, as iUk wi, literally **8ay ilik," or **tell 
him ilik," but actually perhaps nearer, in general force, to our **it is ilik." 
It is doubtful from all this whether the -wid, -we suffix should really be 
regarded as unconnected with the reflexive, or whether the reflexive can be 
considered as probably genetically related to the verb stem wi, wid, of gen- 
eralized meaning. 



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208 



University of California Publications, [Am.Arch.Eth. 



t«aud-uj-ac 
tcadx-uj-ac na 

tcabop-we 
t 'omom-we 
hadad-we 
dt*c-dMc-wi nan 
alat-we 

c&na hatic-wid-en 

cana t 'omum-wid-^d 

€ana tcabop-wid-en 

adad-wid-ji ta mai 

roj-oj-wid-ji 

iam na ufl-ufi-wid-ji 

iuc-dtic-wid-^n namam 

\k axd-nmduwic 

ak nat-umduwic 
acki putcn-omduj-a 
omitck-amduuc 

ap-i-cp-uuj-a-ta mak 
Lai-dj-uj-a-ta mak 
j-aj-ta-uj-i-ta mak 
g-aj-ta-uj-i-ta na 



brushed herself (tanit) 

I turned myself over (tcadix) 

lie on your belly I 

Uel 

raise yourself 1 

rub met 

stick out your tongue! 



I (shall) 

I (will) lie down 

I will lie on my belly 

supported that person 

(arrows) stuck in (his entire body) 

I leaned against it 

I will rub you 

she and her daughter (they daughter-and-her- 

self) 
my father and I (we father-and-myself ) 
him and his son (those son-and-himself ) 
two cowives (cowife-and-herself ) 

we whip each other 
we kick each other 
we bite each other 
I bite myself constantly 



TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE. 

The final suffixes of tense, mode, and voice are two preterites 
n -ae and - ji ; a finite future and a present participle in -in ; a 
;ontinuative, indefinite as to time, in -ad; a passive in -it; a 
future passive and an active verbal objective noun in -nitc, some- 
:imes -anitc; an agent in -itc; and a participial form in -ana. 
The unaffixed stem is used for the imperative and sometimes in 
:he indicative. Cases can be added directly to the stem treated 
is a noun, as well as to some of the temporal-modal forms. The 
mffix -ana may possibly be a case form of the participial ending 
in; the locative -u added to the preterite -ji makes a temporal 
participle. 

Vocalic Mutations of the Stem. 

The stem preceding these modal-temporal suffixes often un- 
iergoes a vocalic change previously referred to. The form of 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 209 

the stem which may be considered the normal one occurs before 
i-suffixes; a changed form before a-snffixes. The mutation as it 
occurs in monosyllabic stems ending in a consonant is as follows : 

Before i-sufflxes Before Orsuffixes 

u 

u 

u 

u 

u 

u 

i e 

e i 

A undergoes no change. Monosyllabic stems ending in vowels 
also do not change. 

Disyllabic stems are fewer and their changes more compli- 
cated, so that the principles governing their mutations are not 
so clear. Where the stem is derivative from a monosyllabic rad- 
ical, either by reduplication, by the common intransitive suffix 
-in, or by some other suffix, there is a considerable tendency for 
the secondary syllable to contrast, according to the pairing just 
given, with the primary one, whatever the form of the stem ; so 
that in these verbs the vocalic mutation is a double shift. For 
instance : 

Before i-suffixes Before a-sufflxes 
t'on-un t'un-on 

dem-dim dim-edm 

hop-wd hiip-od 

dotc-tin dutC'On 

wo-wud wu-wod 

Sometimes, on the contrary, the derivative -in assimilates with 
the stem vowel. In this case, when the stem vowel changes be- 
fore an a-suffix, the vowel of the derivative disappears. 

Before i-sufflxes Before a-sufflxes 
tid-in ted-n 

uk-un ok-n 

twwc-iin tooc-n 



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210 University of California PiLblications. [Am.Aech.Eth. 

Disyllabic stems whose Yowels are i and e interchange these 
before a-suffixes; disyllabic i stems change the first i to e and 
lose the second. 

ent-im inet'im 

ipe epi 

hiwet heut 

ciwex ceux 

pitid petd 

winis wens 

xit-iu xet-u 

Final vowels in disyllabic as well as monosyllabic stems are 

usually not changed; the preceding vowel also sometimes does 

not alter. 

waki waki 

hoyi hoyi 

xuyu xuyu 

d'ka ilka, 

k^unu k'anu 

t'umi t'omi 

tcit'a tcet'a 

Disyllabic stems with primary a do not alter this. An i in 

the second syllable after an a in the first changes to a before a- 
suffixes. If the first syllable ends in w, the second vowel, whether 
i or a, disappears before a-suffixes. 

cadik cadak 

tcadx-in tcadax 

amid amad 

a '-in a '-an 

bax-in bax-an 

hawid hawad 

dawid daud 

tawidj taudj 

awat- aut- 

tawac tauc 

A fundamental feature of these verbal stem changes is that 
the altered stem vowel is not in direct accord or assimilation 



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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 211 

with the vowel of the suflSx that might be supposed to have 
caused the change. While the process of stem-mutation appears 
to be set in operation only when certain phonetic elements are 
suffixed, the mutations are by no means directly determined from 
these elements but entirely follow their own rules. 

There are two apparent departures from the rule that one 
form of stem is used before i-suffixes, the other before a-suffixes. 
First, the stem otherwise found before a-suffixes occurs generally 
before the agentive-purposive -itc. Many verbs however show 
this suffix in the form -aitc, -ditc, -ate, and some of those that 
have merely -itc lengthen and accent the last vowel of the stem. 
It appears from these facts, and is confirmed by similar condi- 
tions in the Yauelmani dialect, that the full form of the suffix 
is not -itc but the equivalent of -a-itc, or -itc combined with an- 
other element, possibly the causative. This explains the a-suffix 
stem used. 

Second, case suffixes, namely -a, -au, and -ani, are added to 
the i-suffix form of the stem. The explanation of this fact is that 
when provided with these case-suffixes the verb-stem is a noun, 
so that the verbal laws of vocalic change are inoperative. What 
seems to be the i-suffix stem-form in these case-formations is only 
the normal form of the stem, as it appears for instance in the 
unsuffixed imperative. This fact is typically illustrative of the 
nature of the laws of vocalic harmony in the language. Were 
the basis of these laws purely phonetic, that is to say physiolog- 
ical, the stem duy, which becomes doy-ad and doy-anitc, should 
also become doy-a and doy-ani; that it remains duy before the 
case-suffixes -a and -ani is evidence that the grammatical circum- 
stance, of the stem with the suffix -a or -ani being syntactically 
a noun, is of more consequence than the phonetic circumstance 
of the vowel of these suffixes being a; in other words that an 
abstract grammatical distinction entirely suspends and again 
sets in operation this concrete and physical phonetic law. That 
this potent distinction is the fundamental but purely formal one 
between noun and verb, is food for thought for those who have 
been taught to regard American languages as, in the higher lin- 
guistic sense, * 'formless." 



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212 University of California Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth. 

It is of course theoretically possible that this inoperativeness 
of the verbal law of vocalic change before case suffixes is due to 
some original but now vanished difference between the phonetic 
content of the case suffixes and the modal-temporal sufSxes; in 
other words, that -a and -ani fail to produce a stem-vowel change 
in verbs not because they are case-suflBxes which by their pres- 
ence convert the stem into a noun, but because in some former 
period they differed vocalically, just as now they differ conso- 
nantally, from the suffixes -ad and -anitc, and that the stem- 
differentiation, which at that time occurred before the two sets 
of suffixes according to physiological influences, became crystal- 
lized and has survived as an apparent psychological distinction 
CO this day when the suffixes no longer bear their original form. 
Such an explanation is entirely possible and will no doubt be 
made by those who are so inclined; nevertheless, when we do 
not go beyond what we actually have knowledge of, which is the 
language in its present form, it is indisputable that in this point 
grammar, that is to say psychological activity, predominates over 
physiological activity or phonetics. 

The use of the two contrasting verb-stem forms is recapitu- 
lated in the following classification. 

First form of stem Second form of stem 

-ji -ac 

-it -ad 

-in -ana 

-nitc -anitc 

[-itc] -itc 
Unsuffixed stem, indicative. Unsuffixed stem, indicative, re- 

Unsuffixed stem, imperative. duplicated, 
[-a, -ani, -au, non-verbal] 
[-ca, enclitic] 

A number of verbs, a minority of those known, show a sec- 
ondary differentiation of stem in regard to the future and 
participial suffix -in and the past suffix -ji. 

Monosyllabic o stems containing two consonants usually 
change o to u before -in, so that the stem of this tense agrees 
exceptionally with the a-suffix stem. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 213 

'in 'ji 

bnk bok 

cux cox 

dux dox 

hut hot 

wut« wot- 

The stem of the passive in -it seems to agree with the -in form 
in these verbs. 

Certain disyllabic stems lose their second vowel, which is 
light, before -in and the passive -it, but retain it before -ji and 
in the unsuflSxed stem. This difference is evidently merely due 
to the vocalic beginning of -in and -it as compared with conso- 
nantal -ji. There is no approximation to the a-suffix stem, for 
this tends to emphasize the second stem vowel instead o{ drop- 
ping it. 



-in 


'it 


-J* 


Imperative 


a-mffl 


dukd-un 


dukd-ut 


dukud-ji 


dukud 






hupc-ut 


hupuc-yu 


hupuc 




patd-in 


patd-it 


patid-ji 






pitcw-in 


pitcw-it 


pitciu-ji 


pitciu 




amd-in 




amid-ji 


amid 


amad- 


pitd-in 




pitid-ji 


pitid 


p^td- 



Another occasional stem-diflPerence between the -in-tense and 
the -ji-tense is accompanied by a double form of the -in-tense. 
This difference within the -in-tense seems to be due to a distinc- 
tion made between the two meanings expressed by the suflBx, 
namely a finite future or present and a participle. In the verbs 
in which the forms for these two ideas are not alike, the partici- 
pial -in has the stem-form of the -ji-past; the stem of the future 
-in differs. 



waid 

teap 
t'ui 

The temporal and modal suffixes are not much modified by 
the stem. -Ji and -it follow the rule of the possessive suffix -in 
in their susceptibility to the stem ; they become -ju and -ut after 



•in future 


'in participle 
or stem 


•a 


'O-SUffi 


waad-in 


waid-in 


waid-ji 


waad- 


htipod- 


hopvd 


hopud- 


htipod- 


tcup-an 


tcop-nn 


tcop-un-ju 


tcop- 


t'oy-an 


t'uy-in 


t'uy-in-ji 


t'oy- 



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214 Universtty of California Publications. [AicAech.Eth. 

stems containing u in the final syllable and after disyllabic stems 
containing u followed by o. The suffix -in undergoes greater modi- 
fications, which have been described in the general discussion of 
the laws of phonetic mutation. This suffix shows some tendency 
to contrast the quality of its vowel with that of the stem. The 
-nitc and -anitc suffixes do not change; -itc varies somewhat 
irregularly, being sometimes -iitc, -aitc, -utc. After pure a-stems 
it becomes -ate. The a-suffixes -ac and -ad are unmodified except 
that pure o stems usually cause a change of a to o. A softening 
to e on stems whose last vowel is i is also heard. -Ana is unal- 
tered; it has some power of assimilating the preceding syllable 
to -a-. 

Imperative. 

The imperative is the stem of the verb. It agrees with the 
stem of the i-sufSx forms, as found most purely in the -ji past. 
The singular imperative is the stem alone ; the dual, plural, and 
optative are indicated by the postposed enclitics yak, yan, han, 
and ca. Yak and yan are sometimes attached to other words 
and may precede the verb. Han is usually heard as a separate 
word. . Ca sounds much like a suflBx, but as it does not affect the 
vowel quality of the verb stem as it should if a suffix, resem- 
bling in this respect yak, yan, and han; and as it is always so 
closely followed by the pronoun that this forms part of it as 
much as the particle itself does of the verb ; there seems no reason 
to regard it as anything else than an enclitic. 

Yak denotes the dual, yan the plural. These forms are re- 
lated to the pronouns, whose indications of dual and plural are 
-k and -n. Ya, their first element, is found as an independent 
adverb at the head of imperative and optative sentences. Han 
indicates a modified imperative, sometimes translated ''I want 
you to." Ca indicates the optative of the first person. 



dox 




spiUt 


t.'ik 




tiel 


pitc' 




count 1 


dui 




eatt 


dm-ak 




eatl (dual) 


dui-an 




eat I (plural) 


tazin 




come I 


taxin-iak t 


'ic-yak 


come, come out, you two! 



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Vol. 2] 



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215 



^ka-jak nan 
am ^a 
am jan ^ka 
am yak pat*uja 
tau-jan zoodo 
ka'm ban 
ka'm han yan 
nuhuk ban 
teudnk ban 
boll-ban xifL 
ya'-mak e'p-ca-mak 
ta'zin, piti'd-ca-na-mam 



ka 'm-ea-mak 

ja'mak t'ni-t'ui-ca-mak tacdi 

jra'mai doo-ca-mai 



look at me, you two! 

don't lookt 

don't ye lookl 

don't you two figbtt • 

tbere make bim sit I (plural) 

I want you to danee ! 

I want ye to dance 1 

kneel! 

point at it! 

I want you to smell tbis! 

let us (two) swim. 

come bere, I will tell you 

a story (come, relate-let- 

I-tbee). 
let us two dance, 
let us go sboot tbem. 
let us (plural) play. 



The future indicated by the suflSx -in, by the particle hi, or 
by both, is frequently used to express the imperative. 

Future and Participle. 

The important suflix -in expresses both a finite tense, pri- 
marily future but verging on the present, and a participle used 
like the English present participle when it is adjectival to the 
subject of the principal verb, as in ** he went singing." In ordi- 
nary simple verbs it is the suffix -in that has both these mean- 
ings; in the reflexive both significations appear to be expressed 
without the suffix -in ; and only after the derived intransitive -in- 
stem and in certain verbs like k'on, daka, oka is there the dis- 
tinction that the future indicative is expressed by the stem but 
the participle adds its proper -in. Tax-in, to come, is used for 
**will come"; tax-in- ji is came, tax-in-in, coming. Dotc-wn-wn, 
being cold, padtt-un-un, being inside, uk-un-un, drinking (uk-un, 
will drink), are other cases. 

tau akam ni hi daka, there perhaps I shall spend-the-night. 

punyid daka-in am tacdi wat ukaac, twice spending-the-night, 
not them anyone saw. 

pin^tji bok hotc-in-in tan, he asked, wishing to find her. 

hideu tanaad tawidj-in, where does-he-go dying? 

cukid-ji muk'ac wka-tcin-in tan, made-a-hole the-woman see- 
wishing him. 



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216 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

ama ta-nit bii-cit-in tan-ji, then there-from finished-it-for- 
him-having came. 

ot-in-in tid-in-ji, falling he-rolled-down. 

In a few verbs, namely wtad hungry, oka see, hwpod men- 
struate, in which the unsuffixed indicative stem with future 
meaning takes the place of the -in-suffix future, this unsufSxed 
indicative stem differs from the imperative and i-suffix stem and 
agrees in vocalic form with the second or a-suffix stem. 

The unsuflBxed reduplicated stem is also used as a future or 

perhaps an indefinite indicative. The reduplication in this case 

is always of the kind with metathesis of the second vowel, and 

the first syllable has the a-suffix form of the stem. 

hiemzac na haja-wic to-morrow I shall-laugh (cf. baya-uc-ad) 

hiemxac na ah-in to-morrow I shall-cry (cf. ahn-ad) 

wica akam ni hi 70 utad soon perhaps I shaU again hanger 

ta na mam uka if (lit. that) I 70a see 

na ka'm-a-ki'm I dance 

zit'ia hi angry will-be 

tcan na tud-6-tnd zifi p'ana (future) I bum this country 

The future is usually accompanied by one of two particles: 
tcan, placed at the head of the sentence, perhaps meaning soon, 
and denoting the immediate future; and hi, indicating a more 
general future. Hi is an enclitic and is postposed to the per- 
sonal pronouns. It has the effect of changing na, I, and ma, you, 
to ni and mi : nilii, milii. No other similar modification of the 
pronouns seems to exist. 

tant-i'n namamhi I shall shake you 

tca-na tux-dn I shall pull 

dux-S'n mi-hi you will spill it 

pitcw-in na tan I shall stop it 

pitc'-ft'n na tan hi I shall count it 

a'm na hootiid hawid-in ni-hi tan tcok-un 

not I know doing'What I shall it extingoisb-shall 

Continuative. 

The suffix -ad marks a continuative and usitative, which ap- 
pears to be entirely indefinite as to time, since it is sometimes 
past, sometimes present, and sometimes future. 

hide ma tanaad where are you going t 

hunai na heutad I am just traveling (for-nothing I go) 



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Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



217 



Past Tenses, 

The past is expressed by the two suflSxes -ji and -ac. These 
may perhaps be related in origin. -Ji forms the ordinary narra- 
tive tense. The -ac forms do not seem to be used without being 
connected with an adjacent -ji form, though they are probably 
not strictly dependent or subordinate forms. Sometimes the 
-ac tense occurs in what corresponds to a relative or temporal 
clause in a sentence whose principal verb has the suffix -ji ; occa- 
sionally the relation is the opposite; and sometimes both tenses 
are distinctly finite, but the two sentences in which they occur 
present a certain contrast. The -ac tense is probably in some 
way analagous — ^not equivalent — ^to the Indo-European pluper- 
fect, which also cannot exist without at least a logical reference 
to some other past time. 



ama 

Then 



ama 

Then 



ent-im-ji 

he-slept. 

batsyo 

again 



ama 

Then 



k'anuw-ac 

he-wM-lyins 



yet'-au 

with 



t-aud-uuj-ac 

she-broflhed-henelf. 



ama tik yo 

Then (they two) again 



woxono 

a-log. 

tan-ji 

went. 



ama yet n6no dan-an-t-a-ji c6opin nunei xay-at 

Then one man heard (-what) three men (had) said. 

ama tanit tanji pitanica xi-tau tud-ot-ac altinin 

Then thenee went a-Pitanisha hereto-where were-boming the-people-of-Altan. 



anik tannitc an 

Their (A) going not 

okaj pitanica 

saw Pitanisha (B). 



tacdi wat ukaac 

those (A) anyone (B) had-seen. 



ama tin 

then they (A) 



ama 

Then 



XWIU-JI 

he-retnmed 



hidee-nit 

where-from 



taxn-ae 

he-had-eome. 



ama tan tcfeet-ac am 

Then It eloTer*8he*ate: not 



tan hfeta miik-ac yo tap 

it yet she-had -swallowed and 



ti-ji nohoo 

emerged grixzly-bear. 



ama ta-nit tan t'ui-jn t-ipnin ukaac nohoo 

Then there-from him he-shot np looking grizzly-bear. 

There is no present tense-suflSx in the language, this tense 
being expressed variously by the future, the continuative, and 
the -ji-past suffixes. 



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218 



University of California PtLbUcations, [Am.Aech.Eth, 



Passive. 

The passive in -it is in every sense a true passive, and not 
very uncommon. It is past in meaning, or present when the 
present passive state implies a past action. 

buk-it na I was found 

dukd-ut na I am buried or I was buried 

na hupc-ut I was selected 

na had-ad-it I was raised (na hadinji, I rose) 

pitc'-it mak we were counted 

bi-it ma you are eaten (**you were finished") 

Participles and Verbal Nouns. 

The -itc suffix forms a noun agent: tcow, work, tcuwSitc, 
worker, iiduk, sing, UdSkiitQ, singer, yiwin, marry, yuwSnitc, 
husband, ka'm, dance, ka'maatc, dancer. The same form is also 
used as a purposive: tan-ji t-okt-ik-itc, he went to hunt. Of 
course there is no wide difference between **he went hunting," 
**he went as hunter," and **the hunter went." 

taxn-a'd na amad-i'tc mam come I to-help you 

xe' nim ama'd-itc he (is) my helper 

The phonetic formation of this verbal is not clear, as it ap- 
pears to be usually derived from the a-suffix stem of the verb 
but sometimes from the i-suffix stem, and as often -itc becomes 
-6itc, -aitc, or -ate, or is accompanied by lengthening of the last 
stem vowel. 



yuwteitc 


yiwin 


marry 


doowitc 


doo 


play 


UdokiitQ 


udilk 


sing 


ipyitc 


ipi 


get water 


hawaditc 


hawid 


do 


hiutitc 


hiwet 


go, walk 


dixeditc 


dixid 


make basket 


amaditc 


amid 


help 


goyuwinitc 




gamble 


tcit'^tc 


tcit'a 


eat clover 






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Vol. 2] 



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219 



dapyitc 


dapi 


pick, gather 


pitc'Jitc 


pitc' 


count 


pwdaitc 


pod 


cross stream 


tcuwMtc 


tcow 


work 


ka'maatc 


ka'm 


dance 


ahanatc 


ah-in 


cry 


ukaatc 


oka 


see 


wdudutc 


wo-wud 


stand 


tiSditc 


teid 


guard 



Like -in and -itc, the suffix -nitc has two functions. It forms 
a future-present or continuative passive ; and it forms an active 
verbal used as the object of an indicative verb, the subject of 
the verbal being rendered possessive by the substantivification. 
The passive form on some stems is -anitc instead of -nitc, in 
which cases the stems undergo the a-suffix mutation. 



dai-nitc na 
bok-nitc na 
day-a-dy-a-fdtc na 
watak ta patd-anitc 
tcan mai cox-nitc 
ha-fd mi hi hoyo-nitc 



I shall be kicked 
I shall be found 
I am being kicked 
someone was being cut open 
now we shall all be killed 
what-with you will named-be ? 



hiam na tcun-ju nim tcowo-nitc, now I have-completed my 
working. 

haujad ta ma hoitcad nim tan tamna-nitc, how-many-times 
that you wish my that trying (me to try it) ? 

wkac na min tan dui-da-nitc, I saw you making him eat (saw 
I your him eat-making). 

Much like the -nitc forms in function and use are the object- 
verbals formed directly from the simple verb stem with case 
sufiSxes. 

ifckac na min wdk-a, saw I you (your) singing. 

okaj na min yiun-in ipe-i, saw I your wife's water-getting. 

am-na hootcad minik wk-n-a, not-I want ye to-look. 

maiaju tooj-ad an t'un-na, himself made his drown. 

dana'c na min xay-a, heard I you what-said (your speech). 

na hutop min xay-a, I shall-leam your language. 



J 

i 



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220 University of California PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth. 

As previously stated, other case-formations of the verb stem 
are similarly used as nouns : ukn-au, at drinking, on account of 
drinking; duy-ani, in order to eat, for food. 

The suffix -ana forms nouns and participles. Sometimes it 
has the appearance of an -in participle modified by the added -a 
of the objective ; but this explanation does not cover many cases 
and is problematical. Generally -ana seems to have the force of 
a — one. 



tcapana 


half 


tcop 


divide 


yuwana 


married one 


yiwin 


marry, wife 


hupana 


widow, widower 






baxana 


coward 


bax 


fear 


hixana 


fat one 


hSxa 


fat 


cinana 


thin one 






hayana 


duck 


hayin 


fly 



xi katcau map-ana, this basket is-fuU (a-fuU-one). 
bok-ji na main t-e-i at-ad-ana, found I our house open, 
bok-ji na patad-ana, found I a-disemboweled-one. 
haaktci na tau bok-ji nukam-ana, something I there found 
bent. 

hanak tau ka dadak-ana, something there that is-hanging. 

A characteristic construction of the language is a temporal 
clause formed by the -ji past tense to which the locative -u is 
added, the subject becoming possessive. 

uksL namamhi tuyuji-u min, I shall see you when you return 
(see I-you-shall retum-at your). 

ama kaiu ent-im-ji modot-sy-u an 

Then Coyote slept seed-gatherinc-at her. 

tan-ji-u an limk-in ta moxodo ent-im-ji 

Golng-away-at his Limik's that old-man slept. 

xwiu-ji-u nim hiam dowactacnac 

Betam-at my already a-battle-was-fonght. 

yhViu p'aan-in tan-ji-u ama widji 

One world's gone-at, then said. (After one year he said.) 

ttka namam hi xwiu-ji-u min 

See I yon shall retnm-at yonr. 

t*ok-it na wduk-ji-u nim 

Hit-was I singing-for my. 



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Kroeber. — The Tokuts Langiiage. 



221 



Interrogative and Negative. 

The interrogative and the negative are not expressed by alter- 
ation of the verb, but by independent particles, hin and am, 
usually placed at the head of the sentence. Sometimes ti is found 
instead of hin, usually proclitic to ma, you. 

Yerh Substantive. 

There is no verb substantive. Two nouns or a pronoun and 
noun are simply put into juxtaposition. Xi djejej, this is a dog. 

THE PRONOXJN. 

PEBSONAL PB0N0UN8. 

The personal pronouns, which are never abbreviated,^ much 
less incorporated, are differentiated for: the first and second 
persons and in part for the third, for singular, dual, and plural, 
for subjective, objective, possessive, and locative, and in the first 
person dual and plural for inclusion and exclusion of the second 
person. 







Suhjectwe 


Objective 


Possessive 




1 


na 


nan 


nim 


SifngiOaf 2 


ma 


mam 


min 




S 






an 




1 excl 


nak 


nanak 


nimgin 




1 incl. 


imftV 


f 


magin 


Dwu 


s 


Tiiftk 


TfiftTTIftk 


mingin 
angin 




1 excl. 


n&n 


nanunwa 


nimik 




1 incl. 


mai 


f 


main 


Plural 


t 


mlui 




minik 




S 






anik 



There is no third person except in the possessive. When 
there is no noun-subject the third person of the verb is either 
unexpressed or is replaced by demonstratives or the particles 
tik, tin. The possessive of the third person may be altogether 
a formation by analogy. In other dialects, such as neighboring 
Yauelmani, **his" is amin instead of an, thus differing from 

^And never modified except for the change of na and ma to ni and mi 
before the future enclitic particle hi: nihi and mihL 

Am. Aboh. Btb. 3, 17. 



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222 Univemty of CaUfamia PubUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth. 

**your" only by the initial a-.* Whatever the origin of all the 
pronominal forms, and this probably cannot be definitely deter- 
mined, analogy has certainly been a powerful factor in shaping 
them. The regularity of the series is very unusual. The objec- 
tives nan and mam, me and thee, might be regarded as due to 
reduplication — ^an unheard of process to indicate case, and one 
that would be unparalleled in this language both in respect to 
occurring in the pronoun and in being so incomplete as to lack 
a second syllable— or as assimilation of a case-suffix, such as 
the -n forming the objective of demonstratives, to the initial 
consonants of the stems. But as the forms nan and mam are the 
bases for the respective locatives, as well as for the dual and 
plural objective pronouns of the first and second persons, these 
views seem problematical. fJ does not enter into either the loca- 
tive or plural of demonstratives ; and above all the suffixion of 
a number-suffix to a case-suffix, as it might be alleged to occur 
in the dual na-n-ak, is the reverse of the process found without 
exception in nouns and demonstratives.* The forms nan and 
mam can accordingly not be wholly explained by any of the 
grammatical processes operative in the language, — suffixion, re- 
duplication, and vocalic harmony. They may or may not have 
been stems originally diverse from the subjective stems; analogy 
however has certainly helped to shape them. This analogizing 
force becomes doubly striking when one compares the possessive 
forms nim and min. The absence of a third person has perhaps 
contributed to this parallelism by leaving room for the balancing 
of n and m to be fully carried out in the first two persons : n and 
m, n-n and m-m, n-m and m-n. 

The dual and plural suffixes of pronouns are in element -k and 
-n, both occurring also in demonstratives. The full forms of these 
Suffixes are, for the subjective -k and -n, for the objective -ak 
and -un, for the possessive -g and -ik, added to the case forms of 
the singular, which are thus treated as stems. In nouns and dem- 
onstratives number suffixes always precede case suffixes. In the 

* See the diflcussion of the comparative forms of the persomil pronouxiB of 
all the Yokuts dialects in Part lU. Certain groups of dialects possess sab- 
jeetive and objective forms of the third person in tiie dual and plural; but 
none in the singular. 

' And even elsewhere in the pronoun, as nim-g-in, ma-i-n, nan-un-wa. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 223 

X>068668ive, the dual snflSx seems to be used, strangely enough, for 
both dual and plural ; the dual is differentiated from the plural 
by the further addition of -in, which is probably not the pronom- 
inal plural suffix here dealt with but the usual nominal and dem- 
onstrative possessive sign -in. In the objective plural there is a 
final suffix -wa, which may be related to the ordinary substan- 
tival objective singular case-suffix -a. The most regularly anal- 
ogous forms of the first person in the dual and plural are the 
exclusive ones; the inclusive dual and plural are formed from 
the stem of the second person which they include. The inclusive 
dual mak is like the second person dual mak;^ the inclusive 
plural is mai, i)ossibly formed from the stem ma of the second 
person by the substantival plural suffix -i to indicate this first 
person, as opposed to the plural maan or man of the second 
person itself. The objectives of the indusives were not obtained ; 
their possessives, diversely from all the other pronominal posses- 
sives, are formed by addition of the regular substantival posses- 
sive suffix -in directly to the subjective. 

The locatives of the personal pronoun are formed, as in the 
noun, from the objective as a base, by suffixion of -au, iu, or -u. 
So far as obtained they are : 

nan-au for me, on account of me^ 

mam-au for you 

nanak-iu for us (dual inclusive) 

mamak-iu for us (dual exclusive) 

nanunwa-u for us 

No instrumentals of the personal pronouns have been found ; 
the language appears to show some inclination to avoid them. 

There is no distinction in the third person between pronouns 
referring respectively to the subject and to a person or thing 
distinct from the subject, — se and eum. 

maiaju an yiuna t-okji himself (ipse) his wife he-hit 

t-okji an yiuna tain he-hit his wife that-one 's 

Before the future participle hi, na and ma become ni and mi. 

^ Probably differing however in length of voweL 

'In other dialects these locative forms have been found with locative 
meaning: nanau, at me, here; mamau, at jou, there. 



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224 University of Cdifomia Publications. [AicAech.Eth. 

The possessiTe pronoun of the third person may be introduced 
between two nouns one of which is in the possessive case, though 
this is not often done ; but such a possessive pronoun never re- 
places the possessive case-sufBx, — another instance of the com- 
pleteness with which syntactical case construction dominates in 
the language over the necessarily largely pronominal ''incorpor- 
ating" type of construction. 

yiwin an limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife 

yiwin limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife 

The possessive pronoun is also often tautologically repeated : 

hatpau an naunitcau an, fourth-time his coming-at his. 
cuMdji an t*eu an muk'oc ta, pierced her house her woman 
the. 

When both a subjective and an objective pronoun occur in 
a clause, they are closely coupled together. Except in cases of 
strong emphasis, the subjective precedes. The combination pre- 
cedes or foUows the verb. When it foUows, it is usually enclitic 
to the verb; when it precedes, it is usually attached in similar 
manner to a particle at the head of the sentence, such as tcan, 
soon, at once (future), hin, the interrogative particle, or am, 
not. Other particles like hi in turn generally attach themselves 
to the end of the compound in the same manner; so that the 
word which they all follow may carry the accent for three or 
four syllables. The rule that the objective pronoun follows 
immediately upon the subjective is probably more regularly ob- 
served than any other governing the order of words in the lan- 
guage, and there is in it possibly a faint reminiscence of pro- 
nominal incorporation. That this customary coupling is however 
in no sense even partial incorporation is shown by the fact that 
the pronouns are not shortened or altered, that their position as 
regards the verb is not at all fixed, and that on occasion the 
compound can be broken up and disarranged. Both in the strict- 
ness of their order among themselves and in the fixedness of 
their position as regards the verb, the pronouns of French come 
much nearer to being incorporated than those of Yokuts. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 225 

k^id namam, I embrace you 

ohd'n namamhi, I will look for you 

tc&'namam tanft'd, I will take you with me 

ca'inactid na'mamhi, I will buy-it-f or you 

bin manan SkBC, did yon see met 

namamhi tftn taudjad, I will kill yon too 

ma'm na ohdod. You are the one I want (when 

the right one appears after 
several undesirable ones have 
been rejected) 



DEMONSTRATIVES. 

There are four demonstrative stems, falling into two groups ; 
the radical consonant of one group is k or z, of the other t. Xe, 
xi, and ka, meaning this, this, and that, refer respectively to 
the first, the second, and the third person, or to distances con- 
ceived of as equivalent. When there are no persons involved, 
ze refers to close proximity, zi to a short distance, ka to a longer 
distance, but within sight. When an invisible object, or one 
merely referred to, is spoken of, the demonstrative constituting 
the second group, ta, must be used. Ta, however, does not pri- 
marily mean **that invisible." It is a general indefinite demon- 
strative, sometimes similar to our article the, and quite generally 
used, especially in the objective, for the pronoun of the third 
person. Its locative tan, there, is also liberally strewn about 
sentences without much specific reference. Ta is even used of 
present objects and of persons within range of speech and just 
referred to by zi : 

widji witc am mi hi zin yiuna nim widen 

Sftid Condor: **Not yon will this wife my toll} 

am mi hi tan ipein widen 

BOl yon will her: *get*water' tell.'' 

The difFerence between ze, zi, ka, on the one hand, and ta 
on the other, is therefore primarily between locally specific dem- 
onstratives and a locally indefinite one; secondarily, between 
prozimity and visibility as opposed to distance and invisibility. 



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226 University of CdUfomia Publications. [AicAbch-Bth. 

The four demonstrative stems form their cases and numbers 
as follows. The objective is -n. The possessive, instnimental, 
locative, and ablative are the noun case-sofSxes -in, -ni, -n, -nit. 
The dual and plural are formed with enlargement of the stem 
by -c, to which the numbernsuffixes : dual -k and plural -n, con- 
nected with the -c by a vowel contrasting with the stem vowel, 
are appended. This gives the subjective forms. The objective 
are formed by apparent metathesis of the last vowel, or more 
probably by sufSxion of -a or -i, before which the last vowel is 
lost. In this process -en- becomes -cd-. Ta-nit is often contracted 
to tat. 

Xe and zi differ only in the subjective singular; all their 
other forms are identical. 



Sulj. Olj. Pass, In8tr. Loe. Abl. 

Singular 



zi-n x%-in x^-ni xe-u xe-nit 



This (near 1. p.) xe 

This (near 2. p.) xi 

That (visible) ka ka-n ka-ni ka-u 

That (general ) . - ^ • * -• ^ . •. 

• • -1.1 \ r ta ta-n ta-m ta-ni ta-u ta-mt 

invisible) J 



i" xi-c-ak xi-c-k-a 



* xi-c-an xi-c-d-a 



Dual 
This (xe) 
This (xi) 
That (ka) ka-c-k-i 

That (ta) ta-c-ik ta-c-k-i 

Plural 
This (xe) 
This (xi) 
That (ka) 
That (ta) ta-c-in ta-c-d-i 



These demonstratives are used indifferently as substantives or 
as adjectives, and for animate or inanimate objects. 

In connected discourse tan, that, him, it, like tau, there, is 
used so frequently, and with so little weight, that it occurs tauto- 
logically. 



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Vou2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 227 

ama tan natet an widji tan wit'epa, then him father his told 
the boy. 

widji tan mikiti axda an, told her Mikiti daughter her. 

If tan were a true pronominal element, and actually incor- 
porated in the verb by affixation, we should have here incorpora- 
tion of the holophrastic type. 

While true relative pronouns are lacking, the demonstratives 
in part fulfill their function. 

ta injij mak daka, that good we spend-night (it is best that 
we spend the night) . 

okac na tan ndno xi nan kow-o-kw-oc, I see the man who hit 
me (see I that man this me hit). 

ama tan taut-aj xi tan taut-ataji an najojo, then him he-killed 
this her killed his mother (he killed him who had killed his 
mother) . 

ama tanit tanji xi tau tud-o-td-ac, then thence he-went this 
there they-were-buming-it (went where they burned). 

Tik and tin, dual and plural, containing the dual and plural 
suffix-elements -k and -n, are used with verbs of the third person 
lacking a substantival or demonstrative subject. The number 
of the subject of the verb is thus given even if the subject is 
lacking, the singular of course being indicated by the absence of 
the particles. While the t- of these forms seems demonstrative, 
and their number-endings are undoubtedly pronominal-demon- 
strative, they seem to be merely particles indicative of the num- 
ber of the understood subject and of the verb, and not to be felt 
as pronouns. Interpreters find difficulty in translating them 
and do not give the meaning **they.''^ 

The imperative dual and plural particles ya-k and ya-n that 
have been described contain the same dual and plural suffixes 
and are somewhat of the same nature. 



^ Similar eonditions obtain in other Toknts dialects which lack tik and 
tin. These dialects possess subjective dual and plural forms of the pro- 
noun of the third person which are used like tik and tin to indicate the 
duality or plurality of the preceding noun or verb: aman, they, resembling 
man, je, as amin, his (Taudanchi an), resembles min, thine. No objective 
or singular forms of these dual and plural words have been found, a fact 
which corroborates the conclusion, already evident from their usage, that 
they are functionally not so mucb-^e equivalents of for instance the English 
personal pronouns, as primarily indications of number. 



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228 Univenity of CdUfomia Publications. [AicAech.Bth. 

INTEBB0GATIVE8. 

The interrogatiyes and indefinite pronouns are: 

wat, whot, someone; objective wat-i ( t) ; possessive wat-in. 
bed, hawed, which onet 

han, whatt something; objective baa; instrumental b&-ni. 
bide-u, where t somewhere; a locative; ablative: hide-nit. 

Two suffixes serve to render these stems more indefinite : -ak 
and -tci. 

wat-ak, someone. 

han-ak, ha-ak, something or other; h&-ak-tci, what, I wonder t 

hede-ak-tci, which one, I wonder t 

The verbal root baud, bawd, to do, to do something, to do 
whatt, to do howt, which seems to be almost certainly related to 
the stem of ha, what, forms the following in common use : 

hawidin, haudinin, howt what fort thus; literally, doing 
whatt doing thus. 

haud-au, ever, at any time, at what timet whent; with nega- 
tive, never; bauj-ud is how many times t 

It will be seen that the same stems are indeterminately inter- 
rogative or indefinite. When interrogative they do not require 
the presence of the interrogative particle bin; they are usually 
placed at the head of the sentence. It will also be seen that 
whereas the demonstrative does not differentiate for animate- 
ness and inanimateness, the interrogative-indefinites are divided 
between two groups of stems, wat- for the animate, h-, especially 
ha-, for the inanimate. Resembling the latter and probably re- 
lated to it by analogy if not in origin is the interrogative particle 
bin. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



229 



THE ADJECTIVE. 

AdjectiveB are as infrequent and comparatiyely unimportant 
in Yokuts as in most American lan^^ages. It is difficult to de- 
termine whether they are at bottom more properly nouns or 
verbs. Their occasional use with case suffixes seems to designate 
them as nouns. A plural suffix -hate appears to belong primarily 
to adjectives used substantively.* A few adjectives show unex- 
plained variations of form ; punun, puutcutc, small ; met*, large, 
mit-amut, large ones. A few adjectives of shape are redupli- 
cated : cot-ot, circular, up-up-uc, buk-buk-uc, spherical, taptap-ic, 
flat (cf. dapdap leaves) ; also pun-un, puutc-utc, small, inj-ij 
good. Attributive and predicate forms are alike. 

badjikin red 

butawaca badjiknin painted with red 
small his foot 
small (ones) his feet 
adult 

large-ones are-coming 
a-child 
children 
I am-little 

I am-little, I am-a-baby 
wben-I-was-little (as-a-little-one) 

I shot 
I am-large 
we are-large 
the-house is-large 
reached (they) large house 
farther-off there is-a-large-one 
farther-off there are-large-ones 
good I am-boy 
good my dog-is 
good-are we 



punun an wuton 
punin-hetc an wuton 
baha'dja 

bahadj-batc taxn-ad 
wit'ep 
wit'ip-hatc 
na punun 
na puutcutc 
puutcutc na t-ok-ci 



na met* 
nan met* 
t-e met- 

nau-ji tik met- t-e-i 
xund tau met- 
xun6 tau mit-a'mut 
injij na wit'ep 
injij nim djejej 
injjeji mak 
g'og'ocinJjaji 
mononhoi 



there-were good things 



^ It seems, especially from the evidence of other dialects, that this suifix 
hate is really a diminutive. 



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230 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth. 



NUMERALS. 

The numeral system is decimal. None of the numerals below 
en are analyzable, except that hat'pani, four, contains ponoi, 
wo, and ywt-cin-id;, five, contains yet, one.* The numerals from 
ileven to nineteen are formed from those for one to nine by the 
uffixion of -am, or sometimes by addition of the words for **ten 
ind." Thus, yetc-am, eleven, or t-ieu yo yet, ten and one. 
Twenty is two ten, and all the tens are formed thus. Twenty- 
me is two ten one. One hundred is yet pitc', one count. The 
lundreds are enumerated to t-ieu pitc', ten count?, one thousand. 

According to their function the numerals assume several 
orms. In most of these forms certain final phonetic elements 
tre lost in several of the stems. These unstable endings are : 



2 


-o- (nsoally) 


3 


-n 


4 


-fii 


5 


•nut 


6 


-i 


7 


• 

-in 



One suffers no loss, but is somewhat irregular. Eight, nine, 
ind ten are also not shortened. 

The modifications of form undergone by the numerals are the 
■ollowing. 

1. When the numerals are adjectives attributive to nouns, 
>r are inanimate nouns in the subjective case, the full forms used 
n counting are employed. 

2. When the numerals are nouns in the objective case, or 
idjectives modifying such nouns, the same forms are used, plus 
he objective suflSx -a (-i). 

3. When the numerals are animate nouns in the subjective 
xase, such as **they three," **the four of them," with perhaps 
he idea of collectivity prevailing, the detachable endings are 

^ Even though the words for four and five so evidently contain tiie stems 
>f two and one, their forms in twenty different Tokuts dialects vary only 
)honetically and give no light on their composition. This is in accord with 
itatements made below as to the scarcity of Yokuts words whose derivation 
s explainable. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Ixmguage. 231 

lost, the sufSx -In is added to the abridged stem, and the stem- 
Towels, or more strictly most of them, undergo the change to the 
nearest contrasting vowel familiar from verb stems, i to e, e to i, 
u to 0, o to u, a to d'. The word hanj-un, how manyf may also 
contain this snfSx -in.^ 

4. To indicate a distributive, as ** three each,** in the objec- 
tive, the detachable endings are lost, and the first syllable of the 
stem is duplicated, the vowel in its second occurrence being 
weakened to i. 

5. To indicate cardinal adverbs, such as "four times," the 
numerals undergo the same loss of their detachable endings, in 
addition drop the vowel that then remains in their second syl- 
lable, and add the sufSx -id, which is on some of them assimilated 
to -ad,- ud. Compare hauj-ud, how many times t 

6. The ordinal adverbs, such as "fourth time,** are formed 
like the last class, except that in place of the suffix -id they add 
the locative ending -u. 

So far as obtained, the numerals of these different classes are 
given in the following list. 

Omrdinml 0(M<m AwtmmU 2H§trib%Ui9€ AdMrMcl .^HH^JSm 

1 yet yet yit-ein ylt-yit-ln yit-ate 

2 pofioi pofti-o poflo-iin pofl-pifi-i pofiy-id pofly-o 

3 odopin cdopin-a cnp^-iin cop-eip-i eopy-id oopy-o 

4 hat'palii hat'pafky-i hat'op-iin hat'-httV-«p hat'p-nd hat'p-an 

5 y«ft-cifli«t y«lt-oift-n-i yiit-eo-iin y«lt-yiit-t{o yiit-o-ud ytft-o-an 

6 to'ndipi to'od^p-iin to'o-to'id-ip te'odp-id te'odp-o 

7 nomtoin num^to-iin nom-nim-ito nomto-id 

8 mn'noc mn'ndc-iin ma'n-mu'n-uo mn'no-ad 

9 n^nip nnn^p-iin non-nin-ip nonp-id 

10 tiea tieu-iin ti-t-i-w t-i-ad, tiewa 

The detachable endings that are lost in certain of these cate- 
gories do not represent concrete sufi&xes or sense elements, but 
are determined apparently by phonetic usage. In hat'-pani, 
four, -pani represents ponoi, two, but is cut in half when there is 
a loss of ending, hat '-pa being retained and -ni lost. 

The numerals from eleven to nineteen are formed from those 
for one to nine by the suffix -am, with loss of the detachable end- 

^ This suffix -in may be identical with the -in indicating the plural of pro- 
nouns and demonstratives, and occurring also in the imperative and indicate 
particles ya-n and t-in expressing the plural. 



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232 University of Cdlifomia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth. 

ingg. Stenui whose first vowel is o change -am to -om. It will 
be seen that this derivative process is entirely similar to the 
gramamtical ones above described. 

11 yfttc-am 

12 cnynkai 

13 copy-om 

14 hatcp-am 

15 yut-c-am 

16 tc'odp-om 

17 nomtc-om 

18 mn'nc-am 

19 nonp-om 

Cuyukai is said to be the proper Yaudanchi form for twelve. 
Most other dialects have potcd-om, which is formed from potcot, 
given by the Yaudanchi as an alternative or more correct form 
for ponoi, two, but not yet found in the dialects that use potcd- 
om. In Yaudanchi also potcot seems to be used only in counting; 
the suflSxes are all added to the stem ponoi. 

The stem yet, one, appears as yet- and yetc in certain Yokuts 
dialects, and some of its Yaudanchi derivatives show the form 
yetc: yetc-am, eleven, yitc-a, alone. Yet-au, literally one-in, is 
together ; 6ma is first. 



ADVERBS AND UNSYNTACTICAL WORDS. 

Other classes of words, which we call adverbs, conjunctions, 
prepositions, and interjections, are difficult to separate in Yo- 
kuts, and require little comment. A few words with the appear- 
ance of prepositions have been referred to in connection with the 
objective case. They are of several syllables and appear to have 
either a participial or a locative ending. The noun to which they 
refer is in the objective. 

A number o;f adverbial words such as mun-au, outdoors, 
t'ic-au, in the open, bepat-iu, at the top, cik-au, in the side, hetc- 
au, close, are locatives. 



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^OL.2] Kroeber.—The Yokuis Language. 233 

Conjunctions, bemdes 70, and, again, also, are about lacking. 
Their place is taken by the subordinating constructions of the 
verb, the participles and the case-suffixed verbals. Ama, then, 
is a common introductory particle in narrative. Ta, that, is 
sometimes used in the sense of if. 

ta namam i2ka, ama namam kuwu, if I you see, then I you hit. 
ta ma tan hi uka, wi padiotn mam hi, if you him wiU look-at, 
then he-enter-to you will. 



ORDER OP WORDS. 

The order of words in the Yaudanchi sentence is rather shift- 
ing. A usual order is quite perceptible, but this is often departed 
from. As regards the three chief parts of the sentence, the verb 
most frequently comes first, the subject next, and the object last. 
Locative nouns, and similar modifiers, commonly stand at either 
of the ends of the sentence. The adjective, whether attributive 
or predicative, almost always precedes its noun. The personal 
pronouns usually precede the verb, especially if there are nouns 
in the sentence. The frequent tafi, him, her, it, and tau, there, 
usually also precede the verb ; tan especially when it represents 
a noun subsequently expressed in the sentence. The subject and 
object pronoun form a rather close complex between which other 
words do not enter, and in which the order subject-object is not 
departed from except for special emphasis. The particle hi 
follows the pronouns, usually immediately upon them. The nega- 
tive am, the interrogative hin, and all interrogative pronouns 
usually open the sentences in which they occur. A rarer inter- 
rogative ti usually precedes the pronoun of the second person. 
The introductory ama, then, heads the sentence in narrative. 
The possessive pronoun is used either before or after its noun; 
sometimes both before and after. Tik and tin follow the verb 
immediately or precede it ; the same is to be said of yak and yan. 



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234 University of Calif ornia Publicatiom. [Am-Argh-Bth. 



VOCABULARY. 

COMPOfiinON. 

No certain case of full binary compoBition, like sugar-loaf, 
man-killer, has appeared in the Yaudanohi dialect of Yokuts. 
There are a few doubtful cases. 5fohoo ka'm, grizzly-bear dance, 
was heard as two words; so was k'amun hoyowoc, no name, the 
appellation by which a person whose names are tabu through 
death is addressed. Yitca-xooo virgin, bachelor, is '* alone sit- 
ting," and may be two words or one, a description or a name. 
It is theoretically improbable that there is no binary composition 
whatever in the language; but the process is certainly not of 
much importance. The familiar class of words represented in so 
many American languages by mouth-stone and night-sun is lack- 
ing. In the place of such compounds Yokuts has for its nouns 
disyllabic and trisyllabic words a very few of which are deriv- 
able, more of which contain a familiar stem or suffix while the 
remainder of the word does not yield to analysis, and the great 
majority of which are even after some study as unassailable as 
monoi^llables.^ 

A number of words, mainly names of birds, are formed of an 
onomatopoetic element, usually duplicated, followed by widfttc, 
udfetc, sayer : 

huhu'-udJtc, hmhm-uditc bull roarer, huhn-sayer 

o-udetc chicken 

p6k6k-udJtc ground owl 

g6k-uditc raven 

huc-ud^tc gopher-snake 

and a number of others. 



^It is worthy of note that an apparently composite word like hatpafii, 
four, certainly related to pofioi, two, appears in all the dialects known, of 
course with phonetic variations, but never any more structurally transpar- 
ent; and that under the influence of suffixes its stem is unetymologieally 
reduced to hatpa- not only in Yaudanchi but in the other dialects from which 
there is material. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language. 



235 



DEBIVATION. 



Half a dozen deriyational suffixes, all forming norms, can be 
determined, though their meaning is not always clear. 



-oc: 
t'ny 
t-ufi 
mok 
ho 'ft 

-ud: 
ttofi-oe-nd 
kuy-oc-ud 



shoot 

Bhut 

swallow 

egg, hoii-hoii heart 



t'ny-oc 
t<ufi-oc-ud 
mUk-ue 
hofi-oo 



a kind of arrow 
door, gate 
throat 
testielea 



door, gate (t*im, shut) 
knee (kuyo, ankle) 



-i, -ui, -oi: 

padtf enter 

hiwet go, walk 

tendnk point, select 

foil drown 

-it, place of: 

efit'im sleep \ 

t«it-wac eopnlate l^reAenre) 



padi»-i 
hiwit-i 
tcndnk-ni 
t'ufi-oi 



ifiet*m-it 
t.it-euc-it 



pestle 
tracks 
index finger 
fish net 



sleeping place 
hoose of prostitution 



-i in terms of relationship, with vowel change, denotes that 
the person through whom the relationship existed is dead: 



napatom son-in-law 


napitim-i 


son-in-law after death 
of daughter 


nip'ei wife's brother 


nipiyi-t-i 


etc 


ontip mother-in-law 


onitip-i 




nazamic father-in-law 


naximic-i 




onndd daughter-in-law 


onimid-i 




onpoi wife's sister, 


unipiy-i 




husband's brother 






-inin, people of : 






zomot south 


zomt-inin 


southerners 


xucim north 


zocm-inin 


zocom-o, zocima, 
northerners 


not, not-u east 


nutn-unun 


nut 'a, nutca-wayi, 
easterners 


datu, dat'Wun west 


dat*w-unun 


westerners 


pad-u down-stream (=inf) 


padu-unun 


those below (=being 
insidef) 


aIit,Yaudanchi grass sp. 


alt-inin 


people of alt-au 


adit 







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University of Cciifomia Publications, (Aic Arch. Era. 



The case suffixes, especially the locative, serve to derive 
words: 



doo 


battle 


doo-e-id-aa 


where-always-figfat 
(name of a place) 


aHt,adit 


species of grass 


alt-an 


at-aUt 

(name of a place) 


t'ic 


emerge 


t'ie-an 


in the open, np from 
a stream 


g'o 


sit 


g* o-en-aa 


Sunday 


wo-wud 


stand 


wod-an 


Monday 


pofioi 


two 


pofiey-afiet- 


an Tuesday 


c6pin 


three 


enpej-afiet- 


au Wednesday 


hat'pafii 


four 


hat'p-an 


Thursday 


ytft'cifint 


five 


yit'c-au 


. Friday 


sabado 


(Spanish) 


saualo 


Saturday 


The intransitive derivative 


-in makes verbs from nouns : 


wotofi 


foot 


wntofi-n 


to track 


mnk'oe 


woman 


mok'c-in 


to lose in luck through 
a. woman, to "be 
womaned. ' ' 


yet, yet'au 


one, together 


yitw-in 


to gather 


injij 


good (=inij-ij) 


inej-n-ad 


likes 


opod-o 


son 


opod-n-id 


sun shines 


There 


is some derivation by vowel change alone. 




Verb 




Noun 


cokud 


perforate 


cokod 


hole 






Cikid 


hunting arrow 


hofi-hofi 


breathe 


hofi-hofi 


heart 


hofi 


smeU., 






mnyak 


whirl 


moyak 


whirlwind 



There is considerable derivation between nouns and verbs, 
with and without vowel changes, that cannot be classified or 
explained. 



zot 


to rain 


zotoo 


rain 


ciwex 


to drizzle 


ciwaza 


drizzle 


winis 


ready 


winatum 


servant, messenger 


widt 


erectio penis 


wicdta 


elder-tree 


t'ofi 


drown 


van-uk 


thick 


t'ic 


emerge 


t'ic-am-ya 


in spring 


copd 


cover with blanket 


copon 


blanket 


tcutya 


carrying net 


tcutui 


put into carrying net 


hopa 


blood 


hopud 


menstruate 


tipin 


acorn-bread 


tipin 


to eat acorn-bread 


dik 


acorn-mush 


dik 


to eat acorn-mush 


tAfiai 


jimson-weed 


tafiy- 


to drink jimson-weed 


tcit'at 


a species of clover 


tcit'a 


to gather or eat clover 


axid 


daughter, child 


azad 


to have a child 


watcam 


feather-ornament for 


watcim 


to hold a feather- 




hand 




ornament 



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237 



A number of words show possible evidences of comi)osition 
or derivation, though it is not possible to determine much about 
them. 



tcok,t'Ok 


hant, hit 


tcok-oyija 


wasp 


imd 


to cross a stream 


pod-zoi 


sucker 


zoi 


deer 






p'in 


world, land 


p '&n-nckai 


fly 


k'on 


f aU, alight 


k'on-djedja 


a large species of 
lizard 


pad-a 


enter, in, down- 


pad-euyami 


tribal name 




stream! 


bad-wija 


tribal name 


zadm 


north 


zocomo, 
pLzodma 


tribal name 


bok 


find 


bok-ninuwad 


tribal name (so called 
* * because they do 
not give up things 
that they find") 


tcoin-ok 


tribal name 


tcoin-imni 


tribal name 


yawud 


brush 




tribal name 






yaud-antci 


tribal name 


opdi 


. day 


opodo 


sun* 






upic 


moon 


toM 


rattle-snake 


t.uwd-um 


rattle-snake medicine- 
man 


ho'fi . 


egg 


hofi-tod 


fish roe 


k'oco 


thigh 


k'oco-yi 


elbow 


doe 


intestines 






teudui 


skin 


tcu-doc-ui 


navel 


azid 


dao^ter, child 


azed-cat 


husband 


t*ipm 
n5tco 


top, up, on, sky 
young man 


t'ipni 
n6tci 


magical, monster, 

supernatural 
friend 


efit.im 


sleep 


afiatc-wat 


dream 


tnk 


ear 


tuk-uyun 


jackrabbit 


pofioi 


two 


potcot 


two 






hat'pafii 


four 


yet 


one 


yiit'ciiittt 


five 


flaw 


arrive 


Unm^x 


bring 




already 


hiam-u 


long ago 






hiam-zac 


yesterday 


JO 


and, again, also 


batc-yo 


again 


wa 


far, wide, long 


wa-wa-u 


to-morrow 


tcan 


now (future) 


tcan-um 


at once 


wttze 


much, many 


wtiz-nad 


very 


on- 




on-tip 


mother-in-law 






on-mid 


daughter-in-law 






on-poi 


wife's sister, 
husband's brother 



^ O'p is sun and moon in other dialects. 
Am. Abob. BtHm S, 18. 



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(8 



University of California Publications. [AicAbch.Eth. 



REDUPLICATION. 

Reduplication occurs to some extent in the formation of stems, 
he forms it takes and the classes of words it affects, have been 
iscussed under the general subject of reduplication ; the specific 
ises will be found in the vocabulary and in the comparative dis- 
cission of reduplication in the last part of the paper. 



GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE VOCABULARY. 

With SO little analysis of evidently and probably derived 
;ems possible, with very few deriving sufiSxes determinable and 
Imost no composition, the majority of Yokuts words, whatever 
leir original nature, must at least be treated as stems. 

Of the verb stems, the majority are monosyllabic. A third 
r more are irreducible disyllables. The typical verb stem is 
learly a vowel between two consonants or two vowels alternating 
etween three consonants. 

Of the noun stems only a small proportion are monosyllabic, 
hese are : 

Parts of the body: 



Terms of relationship : 



Persons: 



tc'i 


bone 


ca-ca 


eye 


tuk 


ear 


gut 


taU 


tot. 


head 


tot. 


belly 


dip 


liver 


doc 


guts 


hon-hon 


heart 


neec* 


younger brother 


noot^ 


younger sister 


naat^ 


older sister 


bap' 


paternal grandmother 



mai 



person 



^ The formation of the plural would indicate that these stems are disyl- 
Etbles. 



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Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language. 



239 



Animals: 



Objects: 



xoi 


deer 


ti'w 


rabbit 


tcox 


skiink 


witc 


condor 


teak 


blackbird 


tM 


rattle-snake 


yax 


water-snake 


lau-lau 


butterfly 


te 


house 


moc 


sweat-house 


ka'tc 


arrow point 


pon-pon 


snow 


p'an 


land 


dap-dap 


leaf 


got- 


tule sp. 


cax 


milkweed, string-fibre 


box 


a shrub, string-fibre 


pi'd 


road 


not 


east 


so'm 


wristlet 


tcok 


a measure of beads 


dik 


acorn mush 



UST OP PRINCIPAL WORDS. 

The following vocabulary is incomplete, including less than 
two hundred verb radicals whereas the number in the language 
is presumably two or three times as great, and being deficient 
in the series of noun stems also. As the most common stems are 
included, some idea of the character of the words of the language 
is however given. The nouns are classified in the following 
groups: Words denoting persons, terms of relationship, names 
of parts of the body, of animals, of plants, and of inanimate 
objects, natural and artificial. The list of verbs is arranged 
alphabetically by stems. Following each stem and its signifi- 
cance, are given, in all cases where they have been actually found,, 
the imperative, the future-participial form, the continuative, and 
the two past tenses, together with other less common forms. 



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Nouns: 



person 
people 



'sons: 



woman 
child 
youth 
ft girl 

old person 
friend 

tns of relationship: 



te'atic 


neighbor 


t'ofi6tcim 


hermaphrodite 




servant, meaeenger 


diya' 


chief 


afit*a 


doctor 


fee 


rain-maker 


t*aniian,hupana widow, widower 


wdet.it 


bride 



father (address: opojo) 

mother (address: icaja) 

son, man's brother's son 

daughter, child 

older brother, cousin 

younger brother, cousin 

older sister, cousin 

younger sister, cousin 

older or younger brother or sister, by speaker of opposite 

sex 
father's brother 
father's sister 
mother's brother 
mother's sister 
woman's brother's child 
man's sister's child 
woman's sister's child, man's brother's daughter 

[cf. azid] 
grandfather, man's grandchild 
paternal grandmother, woman's son's child 
maternal grandmother, woman's daughter's child 
greatgrandfather, man's greatgrandchild (also ghost) 
greatgrandmother, woman's greatgrandchild [cf. mokoi] 
husband [=marrier] 
wife 

father-in-law 
mother-in-law 

son-in-law, sister's husband 
daughter-in-law 
parent of child-in-law 
man's wife's brother 

woman's husband's brother, man's wife's sister 
man's brother's wife, woman's husband's sister and 

brother's wife 



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Parts of the body: 






tdt. 


heady hair, sknU 


t'ufi 


anal hair 


Ot*0 


hair 


umut 


▼agina 


t.udtf 


forehead 


tcudocui 


nayel 


tcimdjid 


eyebrows and lashes 


tcuyon 


urine 


caca 


eye 


bidik 


faeces 


tunuk 


nose 




sweat 


t^fiani 


cheek 


mafiad 


tears 


tnk 


ear 


hozutc 


saHva 


cama 


mouth 


nitet 


mucus 


yipyeput. 


lip 


t-oka 


brains 


tadzat. 


ton^e 


bac 


marrow 


t^ 


teeth 


piked 


sinew 


awaci 


chin 


kufiat 


tendons 


djamoc 


beard 


hofihoii 


heart 


hoeod, mitktic 


throat 


comot 


lungs 


6gaii 


neck 


dip 


liver 


t*apad 


shoulder 


tcin^t 


kidney 


pootc 


breast, sternum 


cupiz ^ 




m^nitc 
t.ot. 


mamma, milk 
beUy 


potodo ( 
doc j 


• intestines, stoma 


k'ew^t 


back 


betninwatc J 






rib 


hopa 


blood 


zozoic 


hip 


tc'ii 


bone 


k'ocd (yokutc) 


thigh 


h^za 


fat 


kadaca (pokn) 


lower leg 


tcudui 


skin 


kuyocud 


knee 


podut 


body 


kuyo 


ankle 


p'aada 


fur, feathers 


wutofi 


foot 


tcoddfiic 


feathers 


putofi 


hand, arm 


tcai 


down 


zapad 


finger, toe 


kabad 


wings 


kddk 


nail 


bumot* 


beak 


k'ocoyi 


elbow 


zicyad 


scales 


takatci 


palm 


ho'fi 


egg 


teda 


anus 


ho'fitod 


roe 


poto 


penis 


gut 


.tail 


hofioc 


testicles 


i«cad 


horn 


iket 


glans penis 


tc'inawa 


shadow 


put'Wid 


semen 


hOpod 


menstruation 


t*umot 


pubic hair 


hoyowac 


name 


Animals: 








tcdjej 


dog 


bohad 


ground-squirrel 


duuTun 


bear 


yofizo, 


tree squirrel 


fiohoo 


grizzly bear 


dumddumutc 


wood-rat 


iwMtc 


wolf 


tciviyi, [tcivili] chipmunk 


kaiu 


coyote 


atcgit 


mole 


au'tea 


foz 


hung'nt 


gopher 


huyaktitsi 


badger 


[p'icUu] 


mouse 



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raccoon 


poh6ot 


weasel 


otter 


wohWt 


panther 


beayer 


t'ufiod 


wildcat 


skunk 


diy^ip 


mountain-sheep 


polecat 


cozgoi 


elk 


jackrabbit 


zoi 


deer 


cottontaU rabbit 


coyod 


antelope 


small black rabbit 


tc'imtc'im 


bat 


bird 


g6kuddtc 


rayen 


eagle 


aduut* 


crow 


bald eagle 


otcotc 


magpie 


condor 


oiui 


road-runner 


buzzard 


t.aicuddtc 


jay 


prairie-falcon 




crested jay 


sparrow hawk 


teak 


blackbird 


falco columbariuB, 


tcakudu 


meadowlark 


circus hudsonicus 


paladat 


woodpecker 


accipiter yeloz 


t'iwica 


yellow-hammer 


accipiter cooperi 


upyayi 


mourning doye 


bnteo swainsoni 


tcuiditna 


himantapus mezieanus 


buteo lineatus 


wazit 


crane 


hawk sp. 


hayana 


duck generically 


fish-hawk 


wat'wat* 


mallard duck 


snowy owl 


la 'la' 


goose 


homed owl 


datcai 


mudhen 


glancidium gnoma 


uyoiitc 


wood-duck 


samia ulula 


hozodo 


duck sp. 


ground owl 


hummud 


quail 


a small owl 


t.ipdi 


mountain quail 


hummingbird 






rattle-snake 


koyoyitc 


frog 


water-snake 


djitcpaapn 


homed toad 


gopher-snake 


k'ondjddja 


lizard sp. 


king-snake 


kahut*wai 


lizard sp. 


snake sp. 


zolpdyi 


lizard sp. 


snake sp. 


wildH 


lizard sp. 


turtle 


k'atcanat 


salamander 


fish 


dpic 


lake ''trout" 


trout 


djak6mon 


riyer "trout" 


sucker 


g6pa 


perch 


wasp 


laulan 


butterfly 


yellow-jacket 


tc'andkac 


grasshopper 


fly 


b'akid 


flea 


blowfly 


tehet. 


head louse 


mosquito 


badad. 


body louse 


dragonfly 


gat.uk 


worm 


red ant 


tobak 


deer-tick 



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Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language, 



243 



Plants: 

japkin 

yawud 

tc'azic 

deun 

k'dmiyaz 

tcimat 

tdwudt 

putuc 

kanad 

tcuiiozic 

tofiac 

idfiit 

watak 

wic^ta 

cazate 

eadam 

aptu 

topofi 

we'tcip 

Natural 

Mpin 

opodo 

upic 

opdi 

tojono 

tc'oitoe 

k'udai 

tcefaefi 

zotoo 

dwaxa 

ponpon 

ZOWOt'O 

dag6tak 

t«akaa 

tcidaca 

mojak 

ydlyal 

p'&an 

ditfitft 

domit 



tree 

brush, grass 
live oak 
black oak 
plains oak 
oak sp. 
white oak 
acorn 
conifer sp. 
sugar pine 
digger pine 
pine sp. 
pine nut 
elder 

willow sp. 
willow sp. 
manzanita 
buckeye 
a small tree 

objects: 

sky, above, up 

sun 

moon 

day 

night 

star 

cloud 

fog 

rain 

drizzle 

snow 

hail 

rainbow 

thunder 

wind 

whirlwind 

earthquake 

land, world 

earth 

mountain 



tcozote 

hoz 

tcitUE 

caz 

h6fiatchufiatc 

cuyo, got. 

kadkid 

tc'akac 

adit 

tcit'at 

zodono 

dapdap 

Mam, ddau 

h6pud 

bumtana 



tcodowin 

wages 

kuyo 

yakau 

witcet 

hutac 

wozono 

idik 

bokid 

piaji 

buyofi 

ucit 

mod'ak 

hapac 

capan 

zucim 

not 

zomot 

dat'UU 



soaproot 

shrub used for string 

milkweed used for 

string 
milkweed used for 

string 
milkweed used for 

gum 
tule, two sp. 
cane, reed 
wire-grass, basket 

material 
salt-grass 
cloyer sp. 
clover sp. 
leaf 
flower 
root 
stump 



plain 

sand 

salt 

rock 

stick 

wood 

log 

water, stream 

spring 

lake 

ice 

fire 

smoke 

ashes 

coal 

north 

east, up-stream 

south 

west, down-stream 



Artificial objects: 
t*e house 

moc sweat-house 



pad&wa 
t'Ufidcud 



entrance, cave 
gate, stopper 



giteu 

wadak 

watcam 



wooden hairpin 
head-net 

feather ornament 
carried in hand 



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University of CaUfornia Publications. [Am,Arch,Eth. 



t.ipic 


town, people 


c^ma 


head-band of eagle 


copon 


blanket 




down 


dayap 


bow 


so'm 


wristlet of eagle down 


cikid 


arrow . 


waiatc 


necklace, garland 


t'uyoc 


war-arrow 


tc'omis 


tule case 


djibaku 


a kind of arrow 


tcoxun 


ceremonial skirt of 


wuk'ud 


a kind of arrow 




eagle down 


k'atc 


arrow-point 


pode, cuyut 


beads 


padtii 


peetle 




long beads 


padifi 


bed-rock mortar 


bopoitc 


needle for piercing ear 


p^wac 


portable mortar 


cakai 


asphalt 


k'oiwoc 


small mortar 


zojojidj 


white mineral paint 


katcan 


basket 


kababafiitc 


fathom 


tcaiji 


open-work seed-beater histH 


measure of shell- 


kaiadjn 


sifting basket 




beads (on hand) 


t'aiwan 


gambling tray of 


tcok 


half of hista 




basketry 


k'onomo 


half of tcok 


bawok 


bone basket-awl 


mononhoi 


property 


dahitci 


moccasin 


baut 


shelled acorns 


tc'ufiic 


woman's dress 


ip'in 


ground acorns 


badawufint* 


pipe 


tipin 


acorn bread made in 


85kon 


tobacco 




flat basket 


citet 


cane 


kodwidin 


acorn bread cooled in 


tcapoi 


^gg^T^ stick 




water 


tock[«c] 


crook for gathering 


caca-fiitc 


acorn bread cooked in 




wood 




a hole 


tcutia 


carrying net 


t'adic 


soft acorn bread 


odix 


pillow 




cooked in rocks 


owon 


tule boat 


dik 


acorn mush 


huetc 


walnut dice 


ctoit 


meat 


odot 


ball 


udam 


myth 


iatet 


ball stick 


tibiknitc 


world of the dead 


tcupaiwit 


swing 


tcMafidu 


passage to tibiknitc 


pucatc 


whistle 


cokod 


hole 


manwatd 


musical bow 


pi'd 


road 


wocok 


belt 








Adjectives. 




wuze 


many 


up-up-uc 


spherical 


k'uxnui 


aU 


buk-buk-nc 


spherical 


met* 


large 


wiic 


bare, naked 


ptman, putcutc 


small 


padtfx 


smooth 


inj-ij 


good 


nuitc 


crooked 


dot.e 


bad 


badjikin 


red 


wa 


long 


tclimat 


green 


at'e 


short 


tcodod 


white 


tap-tap-ic 


flat 


tcumgtttan 


black 


cot-ot 


circular 







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245 



Adverbs and Particles. 



hohu, houQ 


yes (o nasal) 


hunai 


for nothing, in vain 


k'ama 


no 


hiam 


already, now 


am 


not 


hiamn 


long ago 


penau 


near 


hiamxac 


to-morrow 


atceu 


near 


wawau 


yesterday 


munaa 


outdoors 


hdtd 


today, now 


pidan 


at the door 


wttxnad 


very (cf . wwxe) 


k'acQii 


at the rear of the 


akam 


perhaps, it seems 




honse 




too, also 


t'icau 


in the open, up from 


yo 


and, also, again 




a stream 


wica 


after a time, after- 


tdunaj 


through 




ward 


powo 


across a stream 


ama 


and then, then 




on this side of 


hi 


future particle 


tdpin 


up, high, above, sky 


hin 


interrogative particle 


adid 


down, low, below 


ti 


interrogative particle 


hitca 


perhaps 


dap 


particle expressing the 


wit'i 


aUttle 




unexpected or a 


widitc 


a Uttle while 




contrast; indeed 




self, of himself, by 


we 


particle expressing 




itself (ipse) 




indefiniteness 


hntfiai 


intentionally 


wi 


weUI 


niudi 


another 


hawe 


well I 


yitca 


alone 


ya 


used with the optative 


yet 'an 


together (=at one) 


wd'patc 


utinam 


beta 


yet 


tcuk'it 


look out I 


tean 


future particle 


hide 


greeting 


teanum 


immediately 




(cf. ''where!") 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The YohuU Language. 255 



TAUDANCHI TEXTS. 

The following Yaudanchi texts include all the myths and 
tales obtained and two incomplete texts based on myths of other 
Indian tribes. These two were obtained with the idea that a 
Yokuts text expressing the same ideas as texts extant in other 
languages might be convenient in comparisons aimed to bring 
out the essential qualities of different American languages. One 
of these two texts is a translation of part of an Arapaho story, 
the other of the beginning of a Chinuk myth. The former is the 
first text given, and illustrates the dependent constructions of 
Yokuts unusually well. It is followed by a full word by word 
analysis. The first lines of the second text, the story ot which 
is purely Yokuts, have been analyzed in the same way. All the 
texts have been left exactly as recorded as regards the division 
of words. This was done because the question of the degree of 
union between the pronouns and the tense and mode particles is 
at once a delicate one to decide and perhaps an important one 
in Yokuts, since the grouping of these words is the nearest ap- 
proximation in this language to the common American charac- 
teristic of incorporation. In actual discourse these pronouns 
and particles are probably run together somewhat more than 
shown in the texts, as the informant unquestionably sometimes 
spoke with unusual slowness and distinctness for dictation. On 
the whole, however, the condition of the texts in this respect will 
indicate fairly the character and extent of such enclitic word 
grouping. In all cases the several words heard pronounced as 
one have been separated -in the Indian text by hyphens and their 
English equivalents have been given as entirely separate words. 
Wherever a single Indian word has had to be translated by two 
or more English words in order to make its meaning clear, these 
English words have been united by hyphens. In regard to ac- 
cents, also, the texts have been left exactly as recorded in spite 
of some inconsistencies and incompleteness. The word accent in 
Yokuts is not so marked that it would be wise to indicate it un- 
less special attention had been given to it, which was not the case ;. 
the sentence accent, however, on account of the grouping of en- 
clitic words, bears on the same question, of the degree of union 



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256 



University of California Publications, [Am.Aiich.Eth. 



between them, that has just been referred to ; and for this reason 
the accents, in spite of the imperfection of the record, have been 
retained where written and not added where omitted. 



ma 

jon 



ta 
"If 

widj'-an 

told hit 

t-okt-ikitc 

to-hnnt. 

yiuna-an 

wife his. 

xwiuji 

retamed 

t-ipni 

the-8upe]iuitiirml<one 

taxin 

eomM. 



tan 

him 



yiuna 

wife 

ama 

Then 



TANGLED HAIR. 

hi tika-wi 

wlU lookat, 

tanatcinin 

co-wishing. 



padaan 

wlll-enter>to 



ama 

Then 



d-ajd-ajtintootc 

D-aJdaJUntoote* 



tanit 

that-from 

nauji 

reached 



mam-hi 

yonwiU." 

tanji 

went 

tan 

that 



an 

her 



ama 

Then 

t*ea 

h<mse-at 

tan 

that 

i^ka-na-mam-hi 

"See I yon will 

cokdo an 

hole her 



wa-am-tan okaj 

Long not him looked-at. 

hideenit taxnac 

where-from came. 

tan oma nauni 

(f) first arriTing-by 

nannitcau-an 

arriTing-at his 

naunitcau-an 

arriying*at his 

mukac ta 

woman that 



ama 

Then 



am 

Not 



d*ajd*ajtintootc 

D-aJd-ajtintoote 



tan 

there. 



haa 

anything 

tcan 

Soon 



tiiiieju 

did 

xono 

constantly 



ama 

Then 



am 

not 



tan 

him 



hatpau-an 

f onr-at his 



tan 

there 

panknn-an 

awl-with her 



t-ipni 

snpematnral-one. 



ama 

Then 



t-ipni 

snpematnral-one. 



widji 

said 

xuyinjiu 

retom-at 



an 

her 



mm 

your." 



ukaad 

eTer»looked-at. 

cnkidja-an 

X»ieroedher 

ukatcinin 

see-wishing 

demdam 

thought: 

ama 

Then 



tan 

there 



okac 

looked. 



ANALYSIS. 

ta, if; indefinite demonstrative that, need sometimes as an equivalent of if. 

ma, you. 

tafi, him; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; objective suffix of demonstra- 

tives, -fi. 
hi, future particle. 

uka, see, look. Unsuffixed stem altered from oka. 
wi, interjection, 
paduan, wiU enter; -in or future tense of padv, to enter. 

* Based on part of the text of an Arapaho myth. 

*d-aj. tangle, tin. particle of plnral, tdtc or t6t-, head, hair. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 257 

mam-hiy two words: mam, objective you, thee; hi, enclitic future particle. 

widj', for wid-ji, told; -ji past tense of stem wid, to tell. 

an, his; possessive of third person singular; here enclitic to widj'. 

yiuna, wife; objective case of yiwin, bj suffix -a. 

tanatcinin, wishing to go; stem tan-, to go; a-tcin, desiderative suffix; -in, 
suffix of participial-future tense. 

ama, then; introductory connective. 

tanit, thence; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; -nit, ablative suffix. 

tanji, went; -ji past tense of stem tan, go. 

t*okt*ikitc, to hunt; stem t*ok, reduplicated t*okt*ik; -itc, purposive and 
agent suffix of verbs. 

ama, then. 

d.ajd>ajtintootc. Tangled-hair, name; composed of stem d*aj, tangle, dupli- 
cated; tin, particle expressing the plurality of the subject of 
the verb; tootc or tbt*, hair. 

fiauji, reached, arrived; -ji past-tense of fiau, to arrive. 

tafi, that; indefinite demonstrative, here adjective, ta; -fi, objective suffix 
of demonstratives. 

yiuna-an, his wife. Two words: yiuna, objective of yiwin, wife; and an, 
his, possessive of the third person, here enclitic to yiuna. 

wa-am-tafi, long not Mm. Three words: wa, far, long; am, not; tafi, indefi- 
nite demonstrative that, he, ta, with objective suffix -fi. 

^kaj, looked at; -ji past tense of oka, 900, look. 

ama, then. 

d*ajd*ajtintootc, Tangled-hair. 

xwiuji, returned; -ji past tense of xwiu, to return. 

hideenit, whence; interrogative-relative hide, hidee, where; -nit, ablative 
suffix. 

taxn-ac, came, had come; -ac past tense of stem taxn, come, probably re- 
lated to tan, go. 

am, not. 

haa, anything; indefinite-relative something, anything. 

tuilcju, did; -ji past tense of stem iuiie, make, do form. 

t«ipni, supernatural being, act, or power. Evidently related to t-ipin, up, 
sky, high. 

tan, for tafi, herf 

oma, first, adverb. 

naufii, by his arrival; instrumental case, suffix -fii as in nouns, of the stem 
fiau, arrive, reach. 

tau, there; indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u. Tau is freely 
used without specific force. 

tcan, soon; adverbial particle, usually at the head of the sentence, implying 
urgency or immediateness, and generally futurity. 

xono, constantly. 

taxin, comes; -in participial-future tense of taxn, to come. The full form 
taxin-in is used only partidpially; the finite present-future 
form is taxin, according to rule for -in verbs. 

ama, then. 



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258 University of California Publications. [Ai£.Aech.Eth. 

fiaunitcau-an, at his arriyal; two words, iiaufiitcau and the enclitic an, his; 
fiaufiitcau is a locative participial form, composed of fiau, 
arrive; participle -fiitc; locative -u or -an. 

am, not. 

t.afi, Mm; objective of demonstrative ta, bj snffiz -fi. 

ukaad, ever looked at; continnative -ad tense of oka, see, look. 

ama, then. 

hatpaoan, at his fourth; two words, hatpau, at the fourth, and enclitic an, 
his; hatpau is formed bj the regular locative suffix -u from 
the reduced stem of hatpa£d, four, which is derived from 
pofioi, two. The locative forms of the numerals are adverbial 
ordinals, denoting the nth time. 

fiaufiitcau-an, at his arrival; two words, iiaufiitcau and the enclitic an, his, 
tautologicallj repeated from hatpau-an; fiaufiitcau is the stem 
fiau, arrive, with participial suffix -fiitc, and the usual locative 
suffix -u or -an. 

tau, there; locative of the demonstrative ta, that. Freelj used without 
specific force in many cases. 

cukidja-an, she pierced her; two words, cuMdja and enclitic an, his, her. 
Cukidja is the -ji past tense form of stem cokud, to pierce, per- 
forate, appearing also in cikid, arrow, and cokod, hole. 

t*eu, house; locative, bj means of the regular sufiSx -u, of t>e, house. 

an, her; tautological to the enclitic an in preceding cukidja-an, both being 
attributive to t<eu, house. 

muk'oc, woman. 

ta, that; indefinite demonstrative, here attributive, implying previous men- 
tion rather than location. 

paukun-an, with her awl ; two words, paukufi, with awl, from bawuk, awl, and 
the instrumental sufSx -ufi, -ifi, -fii; and an, her. 

tikatcinin, wishing to see; participial-future -in form of the stem oka, see, 
with the desiderative sufiSix -tcin. 

tan, that; demonstrative ta, demonstrative objective suffix -fi; here attribu- 
tive to t'ipni. 

t*ipni, supernatural one; objective, identical with the subjective occurring 
previously. 

ama, then. 

widji, said; -ji past tense of stem wid, say, tell. 

an, her. 

demdam, thought; stem probably dim, used only in duplicated or redupli- 
cated form. Verbal forms are dim-e-dm-ad, dem-dim-ji. Dem- 
dam here seems to be substantival, probably in Unexpressed 
locative relation to widji : said in her thoughts. It seems less 
likely that it is the subject of widji. The omission of the sign 
of the locative is unusual and not explained. 

iika-na-mam-hi, I shall see you; four words, ttka, see, and the three enclitics 
na, I, mam, objective you, thee, and hi, future particle; these 
three are in the usual order of pronominal subject, object, 
and future tense particle, t^ka is the unaflBbEcd but altered 
stem form oka. 



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Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language. 



259 



t*ipm, supernatural one; objective case^ identical with the subjective. 

xuyiujiu, at the return, when you return; stem zwiu, return; past tense- 
suffix -ji; locative suffix -u. The ending -jiu renders the verb 
participial, its subject being in the possessive case, and gives 
the phrase the force of a temporal or causal clause. 

min, your; possessive pronoun of the second person singular, subjective ma. 
Min is subject of the participle xuyiu-ji-u. 

ama, then. 

cokdo, hole; probably objective, possibly locative, of cokod, hole. 

an, her. I 

tau, there; indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u. 

okac, looked; -ji past tense of oka, see, look. 



THE PRAIRIE-PALCON'S WIPE. 



gbg'oQ 
Lived 



ha^ia'na 

dnek. 

tin 

(they) 



tan 

there 

g*6g*0C 
Uved 



li'mik 

prairie-falcon. 

kai^in 

coyote 



tan 

there 



tan 

there 



widji 

(he-) told 

an 

hig 



kainwi 

coyote: 

limkin 

prairie-falcon'e 



cnpfeiin 

three. 

am-hi 

« Not will 



ama' 

Then 



ent-im 

sleep!" 



gbg'oe 

Ured 

yfet'an' 

with 

tanji 

went 

ama 

Then 



an 

his 

tan 

him. 



yiwin 

wife 

gbgOQ 
Uved 



limik 

prairie*falcon. 

tanit 

there-from 



nannji 

arrived. 



tiin 

(they) 

limik 

prairie-falcon. 



yo 

AUo 

kn'moi 

all 



tanji 

went. 

limik 

prairie-falcon 

nannji 

arrived. 



ama 

Then 

yo 

also 



ama 

Then 



modotci 

seed-gathered. 

nannji 

arrived. 

t'awi'nin 

becoming-day 



ama' 

Then 



ama 

Then 



yo 

again 



ama 

Then 



widji 

told 



kai'nwi 

coyote: 



ama 

Then 

kai^n 

coyote 

witc 

condor 

kwanji 
lit 

ta'n 

her 

mnk'ac 

woman: 



tanji 

went 

entimji 

slept 

t'ipinit 

above-from. 

tan 

her 



yo 

again 



yiwin 

wife 



an 

his 



am-hi 

«NotwiU 

li^mkin 

prairie-falcon's. 



modotcyn 

seed-gathering-at 

ama^ 

Then 

a'tc'en 



an 

her. 

tanit 

there-from 



okaj 

saw 

tag*i'nji 



ama 

Then 



wi^dji 

told: 



t-ipin-mak 

'^ Above we-two 



yinna 

wife 

ta'n 

go-wUl." 



an 

his 



limkin 

prairie-falcon's. 



ama 

Then 



widji 

told 



a'm-ni-hi 

«NotIwiU 



tan 

go-will." 



ama 

Then 



tan 

her 



ama 

Then 

yiwin 

wife 

tlk 

(they-two) 

ineci'in 

weU 

ta'nji 

went 

e'nt-im 

sleep!" 

ama 

Then 

tan 

her 

ama^ 

Then 

ama 

Then 

tan 

him 

wi'dji 

told: 



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260 



University of California Publications, [Am.Abch.Eth. 



taha^n-mak 

« Go-will we-two.*» 

hawidin 

"Wh*t-doiii« 

tcab<ypwe 

prottrato-yonnelf 



ama 

Then 



tcoopunju 

contented. 



ama 

Then 



tan 

him 



ni-hi 

I shall 



taban 

go-shallf" 

kiwfetau-nim 

b«ek-on my." 



ama 

Then 



widji 

said: 



ama 

Then 



tik 

(they-two) 

cok6diu 

hole-at 

moxodo 

old-num. 

muTc'ci 

wonuMi. 

muTc'ci 

woman. 

hide'e-nim 

"Where my 



t-i'pin 

above. 

an 

its 

ama 

Then 

ama 

Then 

ama' 



ama 

Then 



mam 

oar 



tik 

(they-two) 



tik 

(they-two) 

p'anin 

world's. 

tau 

there 



tik 

(they-two) 

tan 

that-at 

ama 

Then 

g*6g*OC 
lived 



ta'nji 

went. 

nau'ji 

arrived 

g*dg'oc 



widji 

told: 

xeu-nan 

** Here me 

tanji 

Went 

wa' 

far 

tan 

there 



t-6in-tan 

possessing tliat 



tani-tan 

there-from that 

na'nuji 



Then 

yiwin 

wife!" 



arrived 



ama' 

Then 



ama 

Then 

widji 

said: 

ama 

Then 



widji 

said: 

ho'oo 

"Yes, 

tik 

(they-two) 



hawi'dji-ma 

** Did- what yon f 

ent*imji-na 

slept I." 



tan 

that 



wfejinji 

not-fonnd. 



moxo'do 

old-man 

li'mik 

prairie-faleon. 

widji 

said: 

ent'imji 

Slept 

ama' 

Then 

ama' 



Then 



npya'yi 

dove. 

tik 

(they-two) 

am-bokci 

not found. 

p'a'nnckai 

fly. 



ama' 

Then 

h6'yic-yo 

sent also 

a'ma 



tan 

her 



npya'yi 

dove 

tc'a'nkaa 

bnzsard. 



t^idji 

guarded 

ama 

Then 

am-na 

"Not I 

ti'-ma 

youf" 

tik 

(they-two) 

tik 

(they-two) 

am-bokji 

not found. 



Then 



tik 

(they-two) 



also 



amaa-tan 

Then her 

h6'yic 

sent 



ama 

Then 



tan 

her 



am-bokji 

not found. 



ama 

Then 



h6yic 

■Anf. 

ji 

ed 



tan 

that 



met- 

large 



k'o'ndj^dja 

lizard-species. 



ama 

Then 



tan 

that 

widji 

said: 

h6otit 

know." 

ama 

Then 

6hoc 

sought. 

hd'yi(5 

sent 

ama 

Then 

kot-eya 

buzzard 

met* 

large 

tik 

(they-two) 

k'ondj^a 

lixard 



tan 

that 



yakan'wanit 

roek-from. 



ama' 

And 



t-ipin 

above 



djfe'dja 

tard: 

met- 

large 



co'kod 

hole 

tipi'n 

"Above 

p'a'nuckai 

fly. 



ma'm 

our 



wa 

far." 



ama 

Then 



ama' 

Then 



t-ipin 

above 

p'a'anin 

sky's. 

tin 

(they) 

ta'nji 

went 



o'kaj 

looked. 

ama 

Then 

tan 

that 

t-ipin 

above. 



ama' 

And 

widji 

said 

hftyic. 

sent 

ama^ 

Then 



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261 



taa 

that-at 

ama^ 

Then 

tanit 

that-from 

widji 

told 

ama^ 

Then 



nanji 

anlTed 

okaj 



t-ipin 

above 

tan 

that 



cok6'diu 

hole-at 

muk'ci 

woman 



xu'ymji 

returned. 

li^mka 

prairie*faloon: 

tanji 

went. 



ama' 

Then 



a'm-mi-i-xin 

^'Not yon wlU this 

ip'fe'in 

*cet-waterl' 

moxc/do 

old-man. 

li'mik 

prairie-faleon 



tau-min 

"There yonr 

widji 

Said 

yi'una-nim 



na'uji 

arrived 

g 5'og 1 

is 

witc 

condor 



p'a'anin 

world's 

p'a'nuckai 

fly. 

li'mkau 

prairie-faleon-at. 

yiuwin 

wife 



ma'in 

onr. 

ama 

iknd 

ama' 

Then 

t-i'pin 

above." 



tan 

that 



wide'n 

•ay. 

ama 

Then 

idkau 

water-at. 



wife my 

wi-tca'-na 

Well, now I 



wi'd^n 

say; 

ta'an 

80." 



moxo'do 

old-man: 

am-mi'-i-tan 

not yon will her: 



tanji 

went 



wi'tc 

condor. 



ama 

And 



tau 

that-at 



ymna 

wife. 



ama 

Then 



a'm-mi-hi 

"NotyonwilUticJ 

mox<ydo 

old-man. 



tan 

her 

t6'jin 

silent-be!" 



widji 

told 



ama 

Then 

limik 

prairie-falcon 

yiuna 

wife 



widji 

told 

uauji 

arrived 



tan 

that 

tan 

that-at 



an 

his 



an 

his 



ama' 

Then 



nannji 

arrived. 

tanaat 

gof" 

widji 

told: 

hi 

will 

h6'we 

"Yes." 

entimji 

slept. 

nanuji 

arrived 



ama'a 

And 

ama 

Then 

tca-na-tan 

**NowI«o;" 

nawin 

arrive 

ama' 

Then 

ama 

Then 



ta'nit 

that-from 

tan 

that 

widji 

said: 

widji 

told 

iMkau 

water-at." 



ama' 

Then 

limik 

prairie-faloon 

widji 

said 



limik 

prairie-faleon 

ta'nji 

went. 



okac 

saw 

limik 

prairie-faleon: 

tUu]unlu 

became-made 



moxodo 

old-man: 



ama' 

And 

hide'e 

"Where 



tan 

that-at 

ma 

yon 



huna'i-na 

"Only 



ama 

Then 



an 

his 

ama' 

Then 



wife: 



hentad 

am-travellinc." 

wi-ta'u-ma-nan 

"Well, there you me 



an-ta-yi'win 

his that wife 



tan 

that 



an 

his 



tanji'n-an 

going-at his 

limkin 

prairie-falcon's 

yinwin 

wife 



limkin 

prairie-falcon's 

yi'win 

wife 

limkin 

prairie-falcon's 



ta 

that 

tanji 

went. 

tan 

that-at 



ama 

Then 

te'u 

hoose-at. 



tik 

(they-two) 



tanji 

went. 



ama' 

And 



tik 

(they-two) 



nanuji 

arrived 



widji 

said: 

moxodo 

old-man 

ama 

Then 

i'dkan 

water-at. 

a'n'gin 

their- two 



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262 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth. 



PARTIAL ANALYSIS. 

g'dg'oc, lived; radical g^o, sit, be; past g'o-ji, sat; g'og'oc, lived, is a 
reduplicated form with the same narrative past sofBz, = 
g'o-g'o-ji. 

tau, there, that-at, indefinite distant demonstrative ta, locative -a. 

limik, prairie-falcon. 

g'6goc, lived. 

an, his. 

yiwin, wife; yiwin, many. 

haiana, mallard-duck. Hay- to jump, flj; -ana nominal participial suffix. 
(Derivation probable.) 

g'dg'oc, lived. 

tau, there, that-at. 

kaiiu, kaiii, coyote. 

ydt'au, together- with, one-at; yet«, yit, one, -au locative. 

tan, him, that-one; ta, indefinite demonstrative frequently used as pronoun 
of third person; -fi, objective suffix for demonstratives. 

g'dg' oc, lived. 

tin, (they) ; particle indicating the plurality of the subject; -n is the plural 
suffix of pronouns and demonstratives. 

tau, there, that-at. 

cup^n, three, three of theuL Subjective animate form, possibly collective 
in meaning, derived from copin, three, by loss of final -n, 
regular before suf^es, by addition of the suffix -in, and by 
accompanying change of the stem-vowels to those of contrast- 
ing quality: o to u and i to e. 

ama, then, and then, frequent introductory or connective particle in nar- 
rative. 

tanji, went; stem tan, narrative past suffix -ji. 

limik, prairie-falcon. 

ama, then. 

widji, told, said to; stem wid, narrative past suffix -ji. 

kaiwi, coyote; from stem kaiu and objective suf^ -i. 

am-hi, not will; two words, the second accentless and enclitic. Am, not; 
hi, particle indicating the future. 

efit'im, sleep ; the stem, used as imperative. 

ama, then. 

tanit, there-from, that-from; indefinite distant demonstrative ta, ablative 
suffibc -nit. 

yiwin, wife. 

an, his. 

limkin, prairie-falcon's, possessive case of limik, formed by regular suffix 
-in, with loss of unaccented second stem voweL 

tanji, went. 

ama, then. 

modotci, seed-gathered; stem modotc, to gather k'isin seeds, narrative past 
suffix -jL 

ama, then. 



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tik, (thej-two), particle expressing the duality of the subject, as tin does 
plurality ; -k is the dual suffix of nouns and pronouns. 

ilauuji, arrived, reached their house; from stem fiau, flaw and narrative past 
suffix -ji. 

70, also, again, and. 

limik, prairie-falcon. 

yo, also. 

fiauuji, arrived. 

ama, then. 

ineciin, well, probably being well, doing well, from stem inij, (from which 
ioj-ij good, objective inij-ya, plural inej-aj-i), and active 
participial and future suffix -in; or possibly the subjective 
animate collective suffix -in of numerals as found in cup^iin. 

tiin, they, = tin, particle of plurality. 

kumoi, all, adjective used substantively. 

fiauuji, arrived. 

ama, then. 

t'awinin, becoming-day; stem t'aw or taw, not found without intransitive 
suffix -in; finite future tawin, active participle tawin-in, formed 
by the future and participial su£^ -in which appears after -in- 
only with participial meaning. 

yo, again^ also, and. 



tanji, went. 










limik, prairie-falcon. 












THE PRATEIE-PALCON FIGHTS 






g*6g* 


oc w'dam li'mik 


g*6g*0C 


ti'pic 


li'mik 


liired myth 


prairle-faleon. Llred 


Tillage, prairie-falcon 


gbgoc 


y'itca 


ama'-tanji 


i ama' 


nau'uji 


ti'pca 


lived 


alone. 


Then went. 


Then 


arrived 


town. 


ama' 


ta'nit 


xwi'wiji 


ama' yo 


ta'nji 


ama 


And 


that-from 


retomed. 


And iMr»in 


went. 


And 


na'wiji 


ya'kau 


ama' 


nawiji 


t-ipi'n 


tan 


•rrlved 


rock. 


Then 


arrived 


top 


that 


yakau 


tau u 


I'dutaji 1 


ama' o'doic an 


da'ipa 


rock 


that 


•at-on. 


Then laid-on 


his 


bow 


tan 


ya'kau 


t-i'pin 


ama' ta'nit demdi'mji 


that 


rock 


top. 


Then that-from 


thought. 


ama 


widji 


ta-i'njij-na 


cux^'n 


ti'pca 


ama 


And 


said: 


"That food I 


kill-wiU 


village." 


Then 


ta'nit 


ta'nji 


ama pa't-ujac tca'num 


t'u'ijn 


that-from 


went. 


And 


fonght. Immediately 


ahot. 


ama' 


tca'num 


tipic 


xiti'ujic 1 


ama' 


tcanum 


Then 


at-onee 


Tillage 


angry. 


And 


immediately 


d6'wiji 


a'ma 


co'xji 


tipca 


ama' 


coxin 


batUed. 


Then 


killed 


Tillage. 


Then 


of-the-kllled 


dadikji 


anik 


(/to 


yapi'knau 






hnnc 


thelr-two 


hair 


tree-on. 







"N 



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264 



University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth. 



THE PRAIBIE-PALCON LOSES. 



tca'watcwac 

Shouted 



limik 

prairie-falcon. 



ama^ 

Then 
(they two) 

ama 

Then 

ama^ 

Then 

domto 

mountain* 

bfe'pat'iu 

tip-at 



g*6'g*oc 

were 

hftyic 

•ent 

widji 

said 

ta'nji 

went 

g*6'g*0C 
was 

do'mtin 

moontain's. 



upya'yi 

dove 

k'a'iuwe 

eoyote: 

k'a'iu 

eoyote: 

do'mto 

moontain.* 

bftTdt 

spring. 

ama 

Then 



k'u'mui 

aU 

yo 

and 



t-a'uci 

beat 

tca'k'udo 

meadow-lark. 



t*a'atci 

people. 

ama 

Then 



da'wit 

«GoI 

h6we 

"Yes. 

ama 

And 

ama 

Then 

tanit 

that'from 



yo^m 

enekold 



li^mka 

prairie-falcon!' 



y6mu'n-a-tan-hi 

enekold I him will." 



taa 

that-at 

tanji 

went 

tidinji 

rolled. 



djoopaa 

half-at 



kaia 

eoyote 



wa 

far 



limik-na 

** Prairie-falcon I. 



limik-na 

prairie-falcon I, 

nau'uji 

arrived. 

limik 

prairie-falcon. 

domtin 

mountain's. 

li^mik-na 

<* Prairie-falcon I, 

i^dkau 

water-at. 

xunynai 

further 

yo'o-tanji 

again went 



limik-na 

prairie-faloon I 



limik-na 

prairie-faloon I" 



ama 

Then 



tan 

that-at 



ama 

Then 

ama 

Then 

ama 

And 



^aj 

looked 

yoo 

again 

tat 

that-from 



tan 

that 



idka 

water. 



tanji 

went 

tidinji 

roUed 



limik-na limik-na 

prairie-faleon I, prairie-falcon T, 



ama 

Then 

t'ipin 

up 

bepatnit 

tip-from 

limik-na 

prairie-falcon I." 



bokdo 

spring^ 

mi't'atc 

somewhat 

bJipatiu 

tip-at 

domtin 

mountain's. 

nanji-tau 

Arrived that-at 



ama 

Then 

tau 

tha^at 



o^aj 

looked 



tan 

that 



idka 

water 



yo'o 

again. 



bfe'patiu 

tip-at 



mit'atc 

somewhat 

ta'in 

that-of 



limik 

prairle-falcon. 

do'mtin 

mountain's. 



ama 

Then 



ama' 

Then 



yo tidi'nji 

again rolled. 



tan 

that-at 



idkan 

water-at. 



li^mik-na 

** Prairie-falcon I, 

ama 

Then 



li'mik-na li'mik 

prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon." 

tan oH^aj idka 

that looked water. 



ama 

Then 

ta'nit 

that-from 

ta'nit 

that-from 

nanuji 

Arrived 

ama 

Then 



* Probably locative, perhaps objective. 



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Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language. 



265 



hi'am limik 


wit'a 


wo'ipat-nim tan 


k'a'tet 


now prairie-faleon; 


said: 


'^ Let-there-be mj that-at 


ballstick." 


ama tanit 


tanji 


kaiu limkin t-en 


ama 


Then that-from 


went 


coyote prairie-falcon's house-to. 


Then 


tau k'ate'ta 


itnitnta 


tan camau an 


t-^'in 


tha^at baU-8tiek 


leaned 


that-at entrance-at its 


house's 


li'mkin ama' 


widji 


limkin yi'una taxa'ni-nim 


prairie-falcon's. Then 


told 


prairie-falcon's wife. ** Bring my 


o'dot ama 


wi'dji 


yi'win li'mkin 


hide'u 


ball." Then 


said 


wife prairie-falcon's: 


«Where-at 


g*6g*i tau c 


/dxo 


makin g*6g*i ama' 


5'hoc 


is!" «Tbat-at plllow-at 


of-us-two is." Then 


sought 


tan odot ama am-tan bokji odota 


ama 


that ball. Then not that fonnd ball. 


Then 


widji li'mkin 


yiwin 


taxi'nin maia'ju 


max 


said prairie-falcon's 


wife: 


"Come. self 


get!" 


ama' t-e 


paduunju tanit ka'iu 


ama 


Then house 


entered 


tha^from coyote. 


Then 


odxo-xin atidji 


ama 


tan g*og*oc ta 


o'dot 


pillow this opened. 


Then 


that-at was that 


ball. 


ama li'mkin 


yi'nwin haudinin ma 


wi'ic 


Then prairie-falcon's 


wife: 


«Why you 


left(f)» 


tana'at ama 


tanit 


kai'iu kfe'mic-t^n 


ama 


coingf" Then 


that-from 


coyote hugced that. 


Then 


tan t.'i'tsyi' 


tan 


kaiu ti'ci tanit 


ka'iu 


that copulated 


that 


coyote. Went-out that-from 


coyote 


t.fe'nit wot'6'ot 


an 


gut ama' kau 


nau'ji 


house-from project 


his 


taU. Then that-at 


arrived 


kata'd'wictcu 


hiam 


t-a'uuji upya'yi 


hiem 


ball-stick-one-another-at. 


Now 


won dove. 


now 


t-a'oji tc'ak'u'du hiem tawinji li'mik 


k'umui 


won meadow-lark 


:, now 


lost prairie-falcon; 


all 


an k'5^xa t-awi'nji 


limik 




hU beads 


lost prairie-falcon, 
cl. 




1 Wiic is also bare. nake< 




«Fortit-3i. 









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g ogoc 

Lived 

tcit'aaiu* 

clover-at. 

ama 

Then 



tan 

thAt-at 

g*Og*OC 
Lived 

t'i'camyu 

sprinc-in 



MIKITI. 

milciti* 

mikiU 



tik 

(they two) 



taa 

there 



yo 

and 

yi'tca 

alone 



an 

her 



a'xid 

daughter 

axdu'mduwic 

she-and-her-dauxhter. 



boohu'tsyu 



ta-a^xid-an tana^ad tcit'^itc ama 

that daughter her used-to-go to*gather^over. Then 

wi'ta a'm-mi-hi wa-ta'han ama 

told: «Not you will far go!" Then 

am wa tanji ama ta'nit 

not far went. Then that-from 



tci't'at 

clover. 

tan 

that^ne 

gbgoc 



wa 

far 

ama 

Then 

hide' 

"Where 

ta'nji 

went." 

am-mi'-hi 

« Not you will 

da'pyitc 

to-gather. 

hntkadnit 

gather-whence 

yaudan 

Brush 

inisya 

good. 

da'paiji 

gathered. 

tc'u'tia 

carrying-net. 

^'kaj 

saw 



mi't'atc 

somewhat. 

tan 

that 

ma 

you 



ama' 

Then 



tan 

that-at 



o^kaj 

saw 



ama 

Then 

ta'u-yo 

that-at again 



na'muxjn 

hrought. 

ma'xji 

got 

tan 

that 



ama 

Then 

i'nisya 

good 

widji 

told 



hatcatami 

began (1) 

tci't'at 

clover. 

tcfet'aj-tan 

ate-the-dover that 

tci't'at 

cloverf" 



ama' 

Then 

mi'kiti 

mikiti 

wa 

longtime (t) 

ta'nji 

went 

dapai'ji 

gathered. 

mikiti 

mikiU. 

wa^a-na 



ama 

Then 



tanji 

went 



ta'han 

go!" 

ta'u-wa 



ama 

Then 



ihat-atfar 



tci't'a 

taste-clover!" 



wi'dji 

told 



tan 

that 



«FarI 

mikiti axd-an 

mikiti daughter her: 

tawi'nin 

being-day 

yaudan wi-a-mi-hi 

brush. ^ Well, not you will 

mi'kiti axda'-an 

mikiti daughter her. 



ta'nji 

went 



tan 

there 

ama 

Then 

ama' 

Then 

ama 

Then 



tanji 

went. 

tan 

that-at 

tan 

that 



ama 

Then 



ta 

that-one 



ama 

Then 



tcitat-tan 

clover that. 

tan 

that 



maxji 

seized 

ama' 

Then 

tcfe'et'aj 

ate-clover. 



da'paiji 

gathered. 

tc'utu'iju 

put-into-net. 

tci't'at 

clover. 



ama' 

Then 



bokci 

found 

tanit 

that-from 



tci't'at 

clover 

wiixi 

much 



ama 

Then 



ama 

Then 



bi'in-an-tan 

finish her that 



i'njij 



^A kind of supernatural being. 



wii'xuad 

very 

hfeta 

yet 
'Name of a place; tci't'at. a species of clover. 



good 

am-taii 

Not that 



tanit tan 

that-from that 

okati'nan 

looked. 

mwka'ac 

swallowed 



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Kroeber, — The Yokuts Language, 



267 



tci't'at 

elover 

biit 

WM finished,^ 

dokywono 

Pregnant 



yo'-tap 

mnd indeed 

kaatc 

lUMSh.* 

ta 

that 



emerged 

kaatc 

kach, 

muk'ac 

woman. 



Qohoo 

grinly-bear. 

kaatc 

kach. 

ama 

Then 



ama 

And 



kaatc 

kaeh, 

miki'ti 

mikiti 



am 

not 



ua'nigi 

arrived 



hiam-na-mam 

''Nowl jon 



a^ngin 

their-two 

h5^tatac 

knew« 



t-e'u 

honie-at. 



ama 

Then 



wh biit-ma 

somehow are-flnished yon.** 



widji 

said 

ama 

Then 



tanji 

went 

an 

her 

bokji 

found 

ha' 

anything 

da'nji 

heard 



wutu'nnac 

tracked. 



ama 

Then 



o'kaj 

saw 



an-tau 

her that-at 



tan 

that-at 

kaatc 

kaoh. 

w^jinji 

missed, 

mikiti 

mikiU: 

tawi'nin 

heing-day 

dapi'i-tau 

gather that-at 



a'xdin 

daughter's. 

h^pa 

hlood. 

da'nji 

heard. 

yo'o 

again. 



ama 

Then 



ama' 

Then 



yhoc 

sought 

ta'nit 

that-from : 



k'u'mui 

aU 
(whistling). 



xeu 

thU-at. 



a'm 

not 



am 

Not 



ama^ 

Then 



yo 

again: 



ama' 

Then 



yo 

again 



tanji 

went. 



(whUtling). 

ama 

Then 



am 

Not 



hide'u 

anywhere-at 

ha' 

anything 



tanit 

that-from 



yo 

again: 



(whistling). 

djudj'a' 

daughter's ehild 



ama^ 

Then 



wanit 

far-from: 



(a faint long whistle). 



ama 

Then 

k-u'mui 

aU 

ama^ 

Then 



tan 

that 



g*6'og*i 

is." 

6'ohoc 

sought 



ama' 

Then 



tan 

thaMo 



e" 

«Ah. 

ta'nji 

went 



k'umai 

aU 



tan 

that 



6'hoc 

sought. 



he'tanit* 



am 

not 

xenit 

this-from. 



bo'kji 

found. 



tcit'a'tiu 

dover-ln, 

ama^ 



tau-ta'-nim 

that-at that my 

miki'ti 

mikiti. 

tcit'a'tiu 

dover-in, 



Then 



ama' 

Then 



yo 

again: 

tan 

that 



hetan'-xeu* 

this-at 



tan 

that 

ama^ 

Then 



maxji 

took 

tan 

that 



h^'pa 

hlood 

h^^pa 

blood 

katca'uwn 

basket-in 



idkau'-an 

water-at her 



bokdo 

spring-at. 



ama' 

Then 



tcit'a'tin 

dover-on 

dapdap-tan 

leaf that 

Ot6'ji 
put. 

tan 

that 



da'pda'piu 

leaf -on. 

ta^nac 

brought 



ama 

Then 



tau 

that-at 



tan 

that 

dft'odoc 

left. 



(whistling). 

okaj 

saw 

ama' 

Then 

t-e'u-an 

house-at her. 

ta'nac 

took 

tomji 

covered 



1 Devoured. * Indicating the sound of chewing. 

'Padeuyami dialect for t'ut'a. 

*Hita, yet. tf. above, plus -nit, -u; or xe, this, plus ta-nit. ta-u, thcre(f) 



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University of California PvJ)lication8. [Aic Arch. Era. 



tan 



ama 

Then 

ama' 

Then 



katca'wun 

bMketwith. 

tawi'nin 

dawning 



ama 

Then 

o'kaj-tan 

looked that. 



tanji tat mikiti t*e^u-an 

went that-from mUdtl hoose-toher. 



tanit 

that-from 



djndj'ankel 

daughter's-chUd! 



ama' 

Then 

ta'nac 

took 



tau 

that 



da'nji 

heard 

hiam 

Already 

at-i'dji 

opened 



dana'nt-a 

listened 

k'o'xko'wi'ta* 6 

tapped. **0h. 



tan 

that 



poohu'tcn 

grew 

t-ipni'ni 

eovering 



mm 

my 

ka'tcau 

basket. 



at-idin 

opening. 

djudj'a'nkel' 

danghter'i-ehild ! 

djndj'ankel 

daoghter's-ehild!" 

ama'-tan 

Then that 



t-e'u-an 

honse*to her. 



ten-an-tan 

honse-to her that 



tanac 

took 



g*6'g*oc 

lived 

mu'nan 

ontdoort. 



ti'ik 

(they two) 

ama 

Then 



tan 

' thatat. 



hiam 

Already 

ta'nac 

took 

ama 

Then 



wit'ep 

boy 



djndj'ankel 

maternal-grandmother I 



injg 

good 



naa-tan 

I that 



ha'aktci-na 

Something-or-other I 

t-6kin 

will hit!" 



tan 

that-at 

tan 

that 

tanit 

that-from 

xn3m'ji 

returned: 

o'kfig 

saw 



mai 

person 

wit'fe'pa 

ehUd. 

wi't'ep 

boy 

djndj'ankel 

^ Biatmrnal-grandmother! 



gogi 

was 

'ma' 

Then 

t'ici 



dfetcip 

bird! 



a'ma 

Then 



ama'-tan 

Then that-one 



djndj'a'nkel-an 

daaghter's-«hild her. 



ama 

Then 



cika'dnactic 

made-arrows-for 

ta'nit biici't'in ta'nji ama 

that-from, having-flnished-fbr, went. Then 



tan 

that-at 



o'kaj 

saw 



dfe'tcpa* 

bird. 



ama 

Then 



tan 

that 



tn'ijn 

shot 



ama'-tat 

Then that-from 



taxi'nji 

came. 



ama 

Then 



ta'ni 

that-wlth. 

tanji 

went. 



injij 

"Good 



ama 

Then 



wuxnad 

very 

taxi'nji 



waki'ji 

presented 

djndj'a'nkel 

my daughter's child ! ** 



tan 

that-at 



t-o'kji-tan 

hit that 

d^'tepan 

bird-with 
yo'o 



yo 

again: 



ama' 

Then 

djndj'a'nkel 

^ Matemal-grandmotiier, 



ha'aa'ktci'-na 

something-or-other I 



o'kaj 



g*6^g*'-an-gi'ten 

was itserest!** 



wita'-tan 

told that. 

t'ni'jn 

shot. 



ama' 

Then 



tat 

that-from 



tanji 

went 



wit'ep 

boy. 



ama' 

Then 



t-o'kji-tan 

hit that. 



ama' 

Then 



ta't 

that-from 



taxinj' 

came. 



hn'mmnt 

"QnaU," 



tan 

that 

ama' 

Then 



»"Saidk'6xk6." 

* Said to be Padenyami dialect for t'nt'a-nlm. The form given for << my " by the Padeoy- 
ami is gen, not kel. 

'Objective; ct. the objective d&tcip above. 



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269 



waki'ji 

XHretented 

hnmu^mda 

quail. 



tan 

her 



ta 

that 



ama' 

Then: 



injij 

cood 

tuucyu* 

made 

xa'pi'tsyi 

imlled-ont 

ta^nji 

went 



ma-nan 

you me 

miki^ti 

mikiti, 

an 

her 



yoo 



ama' 

Then 

djudj'a'nkel ha^'n 

maternal-grandmother.'* *^What 

t-i'pdi-ta 

Monntain-qoall that; 

ta wit^ep 

that boy. 



wit'ep 

boy 

hia^m 

<" Already 

tuucyat 

make 

tu^wsyu* 

made 

t.u'mot 

pnblc-hair 
f 



t-okin 

hitting; 

totci-nim 

bad my 

niudin 

another*with 



t.o'kji 

hit 

xe 

thU 

daipan 

bow- with I" 



daipa 

bow 



ta'-an 

that her 



ini'sya 

good. 

tugVcdut 

bow-string. 



gi'teu 

creat!" 

ta'nji 

went 

tn'iju 

shot; 

tan 

that 

hiam 

now 

dai^ipa 

bow 

mu'nonhoi 

property 

nnhn 

"Yee. 

at-i'dji 

opened 

k'u'mui 

all 



t'a'udjac-tan 

UUed that. 



yo 

again 

ta^ham 

f 

t-andja 

kill 

ama 

Then 

ama^ 



taxinji 



ha'aktci-na 

« Something-or-other I 



tan 

that 

daiap 

bow. 

ama 

Then 

ama^ 

Then 

ama^ 

Then 

5^aj 

saw 



wa'a-an 

** Long its 

da'wit 

go!" 

ta-nan'ji' 

that-reaehed. 



xund^nai-kau 

farther that-at 



ama' 

Then 



ama' 

Then 



Then 



ta'ni 

that-wlth 



t-i'pdin 



tat 

that-from 

djudj'a'nkel 



taxi^nji 



monntain-Qoail-wlth maternal-grandmother 



pi/hutcyu' 

grew. 



ama' 

Then 



awa'tsjd* 

disliked 



an 

his. 



a'n 



ama' 

Then 



widji 

said: 



nim 

my 

U." 

a'nkin 

their-two 

in^sasi 

good 



paha'dhain ama^ 

aneestors'f" Then 

h(/itcad-na-nim tan 

*^Wish I my that 

t-i'i ama' 

house. 



k'amu' 

«Not 

widji 

said 

u'kna 



g*yg*oc 



tan 

that-at was 

padnu'njn tan 

entered that-at 

djndj'ankel 

maternal-grandmother : 

^FortiHZe-Ji. 
sporpuhnte-Ji. 



taiynp 

bows 

in^'sasi 

good 

ta 

that 



Then 

t'u'yoc 

war-arrows 

mo'nonhoi 

property. 



tan 

that-at 

c6'p'on 

blankets 



tat 

that-from 

' - tan 

that 

waki'ji 

presented 

'ma' 

Then 

tan 

that 

tixfe' 

remains 

miki'ti 

mikiti: 

ama 

Then 
g*6'g*OC 



hu'puc 

<*Seleet 



wi't'ep 

boy. 

ha'a 

what 



ama 

Then 



ma 

you 



ama' 

Then 

ta 

that 

oh6'od 

wish. 



*For tau-fian'Ji, there reaehedt 
^Porawa't -Ji. 



k'umni 

aU 

tan 

that-at 

widji 

said 

ama' 

Then 



Am. Aboh. Eth. 2, 20. 



Digitized by 



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270 



University of CaUfomio Pvhlications. [AicArch.Bth. 



ma-tan 

nmthat 


ma'xin ama' widji wi't'ep 

take-will." Then taid boy: 


hdo 

•Yes. 


xin-ni 

ThUIwUl 


maxin dai'pa 

take-wiU bow 


yo 

and 


xin t'u'yoc 

this war-arrow." 


ama' 

Then 


ta'nit 

tha^from 


dama'ndao 

tried 


a'n-tan 

hUthat 


k'u'mui 

all 


t^u'yoc 

war-arrows. 


ama'-tAfi 

Then that 


djadj'ankel 

maternal-grandmother 


a'm-mi-hi xe'u 

«Not yon will thU-at 


not 

east 


ta^an 

lo; 


tandja'nitc mi-hii 

will-be-killed yon will." 


ama' ta'nit 

Then that-from 


ta'nji 

went. 


ama' 

Then 


tau na'unji wa'a tau gVg'oc 

that-at arrived far that-at was 


yalcau 

roek. 


ama' 

Then 


tau hadxi'nji 

that-at aeeended. 


ama' tanit 

Then that-from 


xwiu'ji 

returned 


t-e'u-an 

home-to hU 


ama' tau 

Then that-at: 


djudj'ankel wa'a-na- tanji 

« Maternal-grandmother, Hr I went 


no't 


am hii yoo 

<<Not will again 


tau 

that-at 


tan ta'udjad-mam-hi 

go; kill yon will 


t'fe"n" 

griady-hear. 


nn ta'-ti 

«0h. cannot (!) 


haa t-a'udjad 

anything UU 


moxodo 

old-one 


midja'md-un* wu'ton 

large (hayingf ) feet." 


ama' 

Then 


ta'nit ta'nji 

that-from went. 


ama 

Then 


ta'nit 

that-from 


tca'uuji ama' 

thonted. Then 


taxi'nji tca'nufi * 

eame Immedlalely 


no'hoo 

srissly-bear. 


ama' 

Then 


tau na'uji 

tha^at arrived 


ta-nohoo tau 

that grinly-bear that-at 


wit'ft'pa 

boy. 


ama'-tan widji 

Then that-one told 


wit'ep 

boy: 


xuiyi'u 

"Return 


dawc/t 

run. 


a'm-na-mam ohft'od 

not I you with!" 


'ma' 

Th«n 


yo'o tca'aj 

again shouted. 


ama' 

Then 


yo 

again 


tcanu'n' taxi'nji ni'udi no'hoo 

immediately came another grixsly-bear. 


ama 

Then 


tau 

that-at 


yo nau'ji wit'fe'pau 

again arrived boy-at. 


ama tan 

Then that-one 


widji 

told 


ta 

that 


witep nohoo' 

boy grizxly-bear 


tAfi 
thston* 


xwiyu'-dawit 

"Return run« 


am 

not 


na-mam 

I yon 


ohft'od ama' 

wish!" Then 


tat 

that-from 


tanji xwiii'ji 

went returned. 


ama' 

Then 


yo 

again 


tca'num tca'uji ama' tcanu'm 


«Bh. 



^ Said to be Padeuyami dialect for Aohoo, grlnly bear. 
*8ald to be Padeuyami dialect; <f. met-, large. 
' For teanum. 



Digitized by 



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Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language, 



271 



ma'm-na 

you I 

tcanum 

Immediately 

wit'fep 

boy. 

haii^nji 

jumped-np-to 
shot 

mukca'u-an 

throat-in his 

taudjataji 

had-kiUed 

noTioo 

crizzly-bear. 
g*Og*OC 



oh6'od 

wish!" 

tan 

that-one 

ama 

Then 



ama^ 

Then 

hainictac 

leaped-at 



no'hoo tca'num i'njij 

grizzly-bear immediately: '^Good.'' 

no'hoo ama' wodd'ic 

grizzly-bear. Then dodged 



yo'o 

again 



tan 

that-one 



t'ipin 

high 

tdpnin 

np 



yakaVau 

roek-on. 

uka'ao 

looking 



haini'ctac 

leaped-at. 

ama' 



Then 

no'hoo 

griizly-bear. 



ama 

Then 

ta'nit 

that-from 



wa 

far 

tan 

that-one 



t'u'iju 

shot. 



an 

his 

ama' 

Then 



najyjo 

mother. 



ama- tan 

Then that-one 

ama' 



taudjac 

killed 



ama'a-tafi 

And that 

xi-tan 

this that-one 



tat 

that-from 



Then 

ta'nji 

went. 



yakau 

rock 



i'piia'u-an 

water-get-at her 

tcndya'n-an 

skin-witii his 



mikitiin 

mikiti's. 



tan 

that 

ama 

Then 

ama' 

Then 



tanji djudj'ankel 

went. ^ Matemal-grandmothe r , 



djndj'ankel 

daoghter's-ohild .** 

tat c^'kaj 

that-from saw 



tanji 

Went 

tan 

that 



tain-no'h'iin 

of -that grizzly-bear's. 

ip'fe'i 

get-water, 

tat mikiti 

that-from mikiti 

noh'i'in 

grizzly-bear's 



cutu'xju 

flayed 

tan 

tha^at 

copdo'c 

eovered 

ama'-tat 

Then that-from 

da'wet 

mn!" 

ipyitc 

to-get- water. 



tcu'dya 

skin. 



ama' 

Then 



miki'ti 

miUtl 



xwiu'ji 

returned. 



do'jojojojojoj 

" Doshozhozhozhozhozh/ 

wa'kyit 

(he-) was-presented. 



ama' 

Then 

katca'wu 

basket (-in) 



tanit 

that-from 



injg 

good 

da'wit 

ran!" 

tan 

that 

'ma' 

Then 



idilt 

water; 



ama' 

Then 



ama' 

Then 

dot.e 

bad; 

tat 

that-from 



tan 

that 



an 

her. 

awat.ji 

disliked 

wa'yikhunu 

throw-away; 



ta'h'nin 

coming 

ama' 

Then 

ta-wi't'ip 

that boy. 

ini'cya 



yoo 

again 



ta'nji 

went 



good 

ipyi'tc 

to-get-water. 



tan 

that 

ya'kan 

roek 

tafi 

thai 

t.e'n 

hoose-tc 

i'njij 

''Good, 

ama 

The I 

ta'nit 

that-from 

tcuyd'ju 

urinated: 

tat 

that-fron 

am-xi 

"Notthii 

i'p'ei 

water-get 

ama' 

Then 



yo 

again 

ta'nit 

that-from 



o'kaj 

saw 



idkau-a'n-tau 

water-at her that-at 



tcudya-an 

skin his 



taxinji 

came 



yo 

again 



xuyugi 

returned 



am 

not 



no'h'iin 

grizzly-bear's 

ip'feyin* 

bringing-watei 



* ip'^Ji. brought water, was also said. 



Digitized by 



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272 



Umversity of Calif omia PvhUcations. [Aic Arch. Era. 



i'nisya 

food. 



ama' 

Then 



na'muxju wit'fe'pa* 

brought boy. 

e'p'yad 

are-brlncinc-water • 

djudj'ankel 

** Maternal-grandmother, 



tannin 

going 

aW 



ma'gin 

of-ns-twot 



ta'-ta' 

That that 



(Thenf) 

wita'a-tan 

told that-one. 

haa-ma-ta^u 

what yon that-at 

nohoo 

grissly-bear 



tcuyft'ju 

urinated. 

tan 

that-one: 



ama 

Then 

a-ma-xin 

*«Not you this 



ama^a-tan 

Then that-one 



baxa'nad 

fear 



taudjataji 

klUed 



nun 



tan 

that-at 

i'nisya 

good 

piti'dsyi' 

related: 

i^dkau 

water-at 

naj6^jo 

mother." 



THE VISIT TO THE DEAD. 



xi-ta'pa 

Thl»-[f] 



mfe'tc 

"true"* 



tawidji-nan 

die we. 



ama' 

Now 



yuw^nitc-an 

husband her 



ta'nji 

went. 

dukdut 

was-buried. 

ama 

Then 

nauji 

arrived, 

ama 

Then 

t'ici' 

emerged 

ama 

And 

ama 

Then 



ama 

And 

ama 

Then 



tanji 

went 



ta'u-xi-ta'u 

there this there 



an 

his 



yiwm 

wife 



tan 

that-at 



yo 

again 



tanji 

went 



toyo'no 

night 

to'yono 

night. 



ent'imji 

slept 



ynw^nitc-an 

husband her. 



ama 

Then 



tan 

that-at 



yo 

again 



tan 

that-at 

tau-yo 

there again 

an 

his 



yo 

again 

ent-imji 

tlept, 

yi'win 

wife. 



ent*imji 

slept. 

ama 

Then 



ama 

Then 



yo 

again 



t-'andn^njac 

shook-herself. 



ama 

And 



apni 

following 



tanji 

went 



to'init 

spent-the-night (t) 



ama 

Then 



ama 

And 

bats-yo' 

again 

bats-yo 

again 



tanit 

that-from 



tan 

tha^at 

mn^k'ac 

woman 



ama' 

And 

widin 

[»1 

k'onhtcn'n-an 

man her. 

tieujunju 

beeame-made 



dj5'opan 

mlddle-at 

wd^wndjn 

stood 



tanji 

went 

ama 

And 



woxono 

log 



t-andn'njac 

brushed-herself. 

woxono 

log 



ama 

And 

tuujunju 

beeame-made 



g*o'oji 

sat-up 

tik 

(they-two) 

ta'watca 

dead-one. 



to'yono 

at-night. 

yo'o-tanji 

again went. 

ama 

Then 



tan 

that-at 

tanji 

went. 

toyo'no 

night 



yiwin-an 

wlftohis. 

xtt'cim 

north. 

tik 

(they-two) 

tawatca 

dead-one. 

ama 

And 

ama 

And 

yoo 



^Orwlt'^panf 
•Forpitld-li. 



*Forama, theni 
^Yauelmanidialeet: m^ts. ** because." 



Digitized by 



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Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language, 



273 



ama 

Then 



arose. 

tik 

(they-two) 

wa 

far 

yuwinitc-an 

husband her 



g'6'm 

arislmc 



yo-ta'nji 

again went. 

tibiknitca 

world-of-dead. 



ama' 

Then 

ama 

Then 



tudyju 



bats-yo 

acain 

tik 

(they two) 

ta'nji 

went 

ama 



t*andu'igaj 

broshed-herself. 



tcedanduu-tau 

bridge-at there, 

p6w5'n t'feidatci 

across watchers. 



yuwi'nitc-an 

husband her 



ama 

And 



t'ud6'ju 

waS'Unable. 

ti'in 

(they) 



nautgi 

arrived 

mu'k'oc 

woman. 

tanji-an 

went his 

ama 

And 



ama 

Then 

tcfe'dandu 

bridge 

ama 

And 

yiwin 

wife 

g*Og*OC 
were 



konhtcuna-an 

man her 

t'^idatci 

watehers: 

mft'kcin-ta'in 

woman's that 



p5ow5'o 

across 



ama' 



«Now 

k'o'uhtcun 



i'dka 

water. 

tuuc-yaan 

make [ye] 



ama 

And 



okcg 

saw 

wi'dji 

said 



t'feidatci 

watchers 

madman 

yon-at 

yuwfe'nitc-an 

husband her. 



honji 

smelled. 



ama 

Then 



ta'nji 

went. 

t'Mdatci 

watchers 



tcfe'edandu 

bridge!" 

nau'uci-tau 

arrived there. 

wi'dji 

said: 



g*o'odo 

make-him-sitl** 



ama' 

Then 



ama 

And 

h6tsyu 

knew 



tau 

there 

ta'cin 

those 



gOOJl 
sat 

ti'idatci 

watchers. 



widji 



ama 

Then 

yet 

one. 

tan 

that 

ama' 

Then 

ama' 

And 

t'feidatci 

watchers 

ama 

Then 

tik 

(they-two) 



tin 

(they): 

wakit 

was-presented 



tita'dad 

"Hungry 

yfet-an 

one that 



akam 

perhaps; 

wata'kin 

pine-nut's 



waki'-an 

present his 

ama 

and 



tan 

that 



ama 

Then 

pi'iji 

finished 



piyi 

finished 



tan 

that. 



ama 

And 



yo 

again 



Wtt'Xe 
many. 



yoo 

again. 



ama 

And 



yo 



dd'k'inji 

was-satisfied. 



ama 

And 



yo 

again 



ta'win'in 

being-day, 



toyo'no 

night 

toyo'no 

night 



xono-tau 

beyond that-at 

kam^n 

dance 

k'a'm'en 

dance. 



wi'dji 

said 



tin 

(they): 



ti'cidai-yan 

"Emergemake [ye] 



xm 

this 



tin 

(they) 

xn'iyu 

return.** 



widji 

said 



ama 

Then 



an-tan 

his that 

tik 

(they-two) 



yi'una 

wife: 

xwi'yuji 

returned. 



ta 

•'That 



tan 

that 

taci'n 

those 

ama 

And 

ama 

Then 

tau-yan 

« There- [ye] 

ta 

that 

ama' 

Then 

dnya'ni 

food-wlth." 

duiju 

ate 

ama 

Then 

wu'xe 

many. 

t.aatc 

persons. 

ama' 

Then 

mo'k'ci 

woman 1** 

i'njij 



ama 

And 



good 

tin 

they 



Digitized by 



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274 University of California Publications. [AicAech.Bth. 



tan 


widji 


t'fe'idatci 


a'm-mi-hi 


e^nt-imin ama' 


him 


told 


watchers: 


"NotyoawUl 


sleep!" Then 


tik 


xwi'yuji daka' 


ji tik 


ama tik yo 


(they-two) 


returned; 


pftSMdnii^t (theytwo). 


Than (theytwo) agsin 


ta^nji 


ama' 


tik 


yo da'kaji ama tik 


went. 


And 


they 


again camped. And (they*two) 


yo'o 


tanji 


a^ma 


e'nt-imji 


ama k'anuwac 


•C*in 


went. 


Then 


8le]>t. 


Then lay 


yfe'etau 


wo'xono 






one-at 


log. 









FIGHT WITH THE PITANISHA 



widji pit'a'nica oOcaj o'ctin m6^djak ama 

Said Pltanisha-Indians: "(I) -saw fire's smoke." Then 

widji pit'anica w^u-ham-na ma'x anik-tcTa 

said Pitanisha: <* Would wish I get their bones." 

ama tanit yet n6no da'nant-a'ji cdopin 

Then that-from one man heard three 

na'n^i xa'yac ama tanit tanji pit'a'nica 

men had-said. Then that-from went Pitanisha. 

xi-tau tudo't'ac alti'nin ama' tacdi widji 

This that-at bumed-the*land Altau-people. Then those told 

yet pit'a'nica wiwu-ham-nan max anik-tc'I'a 

one Pitanisha: ^Wouldwlshwe get their bones," 

widji ta'cdi ama xiti'uji t.'ie'u nun^i ama' 

told those. Then were-angry ten men. Then 

tin widji tan pit'a'nica tan ma^n-hi tacdi 

(they) told that Pitanisha: *« That-at ye will those 

tanat u'nau ama widji pit'a'nica hd'n 

go-eause playing-plaoe." Then said Pitanisha: "Tes. 

tau-na'n hi-tan na'win na'n-i-tan cod^pinau 

there we will go, arrive-will we will that-at three-in 

op'o'do ca'lalwidan waidin ta'han tan ama 

days; early-moming-in breakfasting go- will that-at." Then 

tanji altinin punyid daka'in yet op'o'do 

went Altau-people twice passing-the-night one day 

a'nik ta'ngitc^ am tacdi wat ukaac ama 

their going not them anyone saw. Then 

* For tan-fiitcf 



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275 



tin 

(they) 



taxin 

to." 

pit'a'nica 

Pttanlsha 



o'kaj 

saw 

xeu 

«Thl»-at 

ama^ 



pit'a'nica 

Pltanisluu 



ama 

Then 



tin 

(they) 



widji 

told 



Then 



taxin 

go 

ta 

that 



tan 

that 



t'icau 

open*ln, 

ndno 

man 

ndno 



xen 

here 

hnpuc 

Mleeted 



na'n-lii 

wewUl 



ta 

that 



yet 

one 



pit'a'ni(5a 

Pltanisha: 



taxnad 

ia-comlng! 

wodd'yita 

dodging 

hokcu'-tan 

met him. 



tca'n-mai 

Now we (incl.) 

taxuin 

comes. 



taxnad 

ftn coming. 

cutawidin 

«Get-ready! 

co^xnitc ama 

shaU-be-UUed.** Then 

tcanum 

immediately 



a'nik 

their. 

ama 

Then 



ama 

And 



y6'o-xe 

Also this 



tapa 

ffl 



ama 

Then 

to'kji 

hit 

pit'a'nica 

Pltanisha. 

ama^ 

Then 

t'iji 

emerged 

ama 

And 

n5no 



tcanum 

immediately 

yet 



t'uiju 

shot 



yaudau 

brosh-in 

ta-n6'no 

that man 



tcanum 

atK>noe 



am 

Not 

ta 

that 

pit'a'nica 

Pltanisha 

taxnad 

ware-going 

alti'nin 

Altan-person. 

ama 

Then 



yet 

one 

yaudau 

brosh-in 

ama 

Then 

widji 

said 

huna'i 

vainly 

ndono 



ama 

Then 



tcanu^m 

immediately 



ye't t'ii'iju 

one shot-at. 

t'uit'uiyut 

was-shot-at-repeatedly 



am-tiin-tan- to'kji 

not (they) him hit. 

yau'dau 

bmsh-at. 



xeu 

this-at 

tcanum 

immediately 



ama 

Then 



ama 

Then 



xican 

these 

tcanum 

immediately 



tanji 

went 

t-aa'tci 

people. 

ama 

Then 

xiti'uji 

were-angry 

ta-n^no 

that man. 

t-aa'tci 

people 

do'owoc 

battled. 



pit'a'nica 

Pltanisha 



t'uit'uyut 

was-shot-repeatedly. 



ama 

And 



t'u'yoc 

arrows 

pit'anica 

Pltanisha 



hetat 

still 



da'witji 

ran*off 



t'oyatyanitc 

was-shot-repeatedly. 

kumoi 

all. 



da'witji 

ran. 

wojojwidji 

pierced 

ama 

Then 



ama 

Then 



ta 

that 

pot'au 

body-in 



ye't 

one 

an 

his 



hi'a 

at-last 



ta'witsi. 

died. 



lOI AND BLUEJAY. 

YM y5 tc'ai'judMc nfees-an wit'ep g*5'g*oc 

loi and Jay younger-brother her boy were 

tak tau yitau t^oyo'no taxi'nji hitcwa'iu 

(they-two) that-at. One-at night came ghost, 
> Of. Boas. Chinook Texts, 181. 



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Aversity of California Publications. [AicArch.Eth. 



an-yi'una Y^i 

hit wife. lol 

li cuinat tau 

nrlth was-boncht. ThAt-at 

^a^alwidan ta^nji 

Mrly-in-mornlng went 

in g*6'g*oc 

l-at liTed, 



cuinat 

wms-boQcfat, 

yfe'winji 

married 



Y5i 

loi. 



yet'in 

of -one 



panin 

world's 



ri'tcet 

treea,' 

hide'u 

Where-at 

Dfetsyi* 

Aked. 

yakan 

stone. 

aam-hi 

9nwlU 

ama 

Then 

widfetc 
tan 

that-at 



oh6-na-nim 

^'Seek-wUlImy 

bok 

And 

mai 

person 

am 

not 



hnk'yjo 

sister." 



hotci'nin 

wishing 

tana^ad 



tan 



tanidjin 

dyincf 



cntcahana 
t'o'yono 

night. 

tc'aijndetc 

Jay 

tanji'n 

gone-at.* 

pinfe'tsyi* 

Asked 

ama' 

Then 

knmni 

AU 



tlin 

(they) 



tan 



wi'dji 

Said 

tan 

that-to 



tan 

to-that-one: 

tanad 

take." 



pitidji 

related. 

t-awa'da 

«Paj 

ama' 

Then 



ama 

Then 



tan 

that-one 

nanji 

arrived 



ta'nac 

took 

tik 

(they-two) 



hitcwa'in 

ghoststo. 

tan 

that-at 



k'amn 

not 



tan 

that-at 



nannji 

reached 

met- 

large 



tcnmnan 

last-at 

t-M 

house. 



md'djak 

smoke. 

t.ea'waihin 

of honsee. 



nan 

me, 

tan 

that 

yakan' 

Stone 

t.ea'wayn 

hooses-at. 

ama 

Then 

nanji 

reached 



ama' 

Then 



la 

en 



tan 

that-at 

ama 

Then 



o'kaj 

saw 

tan 

that-st 



bokci 

found. 

jietsyi 

asked 

m-na 

'Not I 

aa'mnxjn 

brought." 



padnunju tc'aijudfetc 

entered Jay. 

hide' nfes-nim hidenit-ma 

**Well, younger-brother my, where-from yon 

tawi'dji ti-ma ama 

*<died didyouf" Then 



tan 

that-one; 

ta'widji 

died; 

ama 

Then 



yakan 

stone 

at-i'dji 

opened 

•Porplnitrji. 
*PorwidJl. 



nan 

me 

k'nmni 

all 



xeu 

thifito 

t.fe'wayi 

houses. 



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277 



map'i^nxac 

faU 

do'momto 

lay 



t*eawaihm 

hOQMS' 



tc'i 

bones 



fi't'at 

only. 



t'6t 

HMd 



atce^u 



ama 

Then 

tc'ia'ni 

bonee-witht" 



huk6'iju-an 

to*8isterhiB 



ama 

Then 



an 

his 



widji 

told: 



am 

«Not 



an 

his 

pinetsyi 

asked: 



huko'iju 

sister 



haa 

«What 



yoo 

and 

ma-xfe'ni 

yon this-with 



tan 

that 

da'idai 

kick 



dai'iji 

kicked. 



mm 

yonr 



ama 

Then 



tan 



tan 

tha^at 

tcTi-yo'o 

bones also.^ 

haudi 

do- what 

na'at 



to-that-one elder-sister 



napa^tma. 

sister's-hnsbandl^ 



SUMMARY. 

The chief characteristics of the Yaudanchi dialect,^ which 
in the main apply also to all the other dialects of the Yokuts 
family, are a comparatively simple phonetic system, the presence 
of a series of impure vowels' more or less parallel to the usual 
series, the occurrence of two classes of t-sounds, the presence of 
hard sonants and of stressed surds in all series of consonants, the 
absence of spirants except in the k series and among the s-sounds, 
an extensive and varied development of vowel mutations, the 
presence of syntactic cases and of several locative and instru- 
mental ones, a plural for words denoting persons, the absence 
of reduplication as a grammatical means in the noun but its 
presence in the verb and numeral, the complete lack of pronom- 
inal affixes in verbs, the vocalic differentiation of the verb stem 
into two principal forms determined probably by the suffixes, the 
indication of number in the verb by separate particles, a full and 
very schematic development of the personal pronouns in singular, 
dual, and plural, the absence of a personal pronoun in the third 
person except in the possessive, the occurrence of number and 
case suffixes in both personal pronouns and demonstratives dif- 
ferent from those in nouns, the combination of personal pro- 
nouns and modal and temporal particles into clusters very nearly 

* « Head and bones also" = skeleton. 

s See also p. 183. 

' Lacking in most Yokuts dialects. 



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278 Universiiy of Calif omia PubUcaiuyns, [AicArch.Eth. 

equivalent to words but without abbreviation or phonetic modifi- 
cation of the particles composing these clusters, and a simple 
sentence structure marked by a lack of involved dependent con- 
structions, the clauses occurring being either non-pronominal 
participial derivatives of verbs or non-pronominal verbal nouns 
with case suffixes. The number of grammatical categories in the 
language is not large and the means used to express them are 
still more restricted, consisting, besides a limited employment 
of reduplication, only of vocalic mutation and suffixion. The 
vocalic mutations are peculiar in being of a different character 
in the expression of different grammatical functions. The num- 
ber of suffixes used for grammatical purposes is small, probably 
not exceeding thirty or forty. There are no affixes of the kind 
found in many American languages and denoting shape, spatial 
relation, or the instrument or object of action, all such ideas 
being expressed as in English only by words or circumlocutions. 
The use of suffixes for etymological derivation is restricted and 
composition of two independent stems is very unusual. Many 
verbs go back to monosyllabic stems, but on the whole the stems 
of the language are polysyllabic. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 279 



n. THE YAUELMANI DIALECT. 

The material on which the following comparative sketch of 
the Yauelmani dialect is based was collected in 1900. No texts 
were secured at that time and the work was not carried farther 
in subsequent years, except that a few songs and short formulas 
were recorded in this dialect in 1903. These are included with 
the texts from miscellaneous dialects in Part III. Except for 
these short texts all the material obtained is from a young middle- 
aged man named Jos6 Maria, at Tule river reservation. 

The Yauelmani, or at least the people at present speaking 
this dialect, are more numerous on Tule river reservation than 
the Yaudanchi, although the reservation is situated near or in 
the original territory of the latter. The Yauelmani territory 
seems to have been on Eem river in the vicinity of Bakersfield 
and in the plains northward. Its exact limits have not been de- 
termined. On the east and south this territory was adjacent to 
Shoshonean areas, on the west and north to other tribes of Yokuts 
family. 

In general structure the Yauelmani dialect is closely similar 
to the Yaudanchi. There are however a number of distinct dif- 
ferences that are structural and not merely phonetic. The rela- 
tion of the vocabulary of the two dialects is discussed in Part III. 
In probably a majority of words the two dialects differ either by 
phonetic variations or radically. 



PHONETICS. 

The phonetic constituents of Yauelmani are on the whole 
much the same as those of Yaudanchi. The most important dif- 
ference is that Yauelmani lacks the impure vowels, especially 
and u, of Yaudanchi. I takes the place of u, and e of o, as 
shown by the corresponding forms of certain words. It is pos- 
sible that this i and e are not exactly the same as ordinary i and 
e of this dialect. Ilik means both water and sing in Yauelmani, 



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80 Univemiy of California PubUcatians, [AicArch.Bth. 

orresponding respectively to Yaudanchi idik and uduk. The 
rauelmani informant asserted that there was a difference in the 
nality of the vowels of this word according as the meaning 
aried; but the difference heard was imperceptible, so that it 
ould not be determined whether the distinction really exists in 
he language or was due in this case to an unconscious intention 
discriminate between the homonyms. Yaudanchi pd'otc is piis 
Q Yauelmani. It is worthy of note that most Yaudanchi words 
ontaining an impure vowel have been found represented not by 
>honetic equivalents but by entirely different stems in Yaud- 
aani. 

sick, hurt tdixiitQ tixt-in 

cloud k'udai k'ilei 

beaver t'opwk t'^pik 

panther wohocit weh^t 

make tiiiii, tooj tic, tec 

One of the chief other phonetic differentiations of the two 
lialects is the occurrence in Yauelmani of 1. This is usually d 
n Yaudanchi. In some cases 1 is represented by Yaudanchi n. 
Jometimes y is the equivalent of d in Yaudanchi and 1 in other 
lialects. 5f does not occur in Yauelmani, being replaced through- 
out by n. S and c are distinguished with diflSculty in Yaudanchi 
n Yauelmani the sound nearer to s was heard more frequently 
han that approaching c. The difference between the two dialects 
ixtends to tc, which is usually ts in Yauelmani. In some cases, 
neluding the suflSxes -nitc, -atcin, and -tci, Yaudanchi tc becomes 
in Yauelmani. 



MEANS OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE. 

The various forms of reduplication found in Yaudanchi, and 
epresented respectively by the forms: t'uy-t'uy, t'uy-u-t'y, tud- 
>-tud, and cop-cip-i, occur in Yauelmani. 

Many Yauelmani suffixes are identical with the Yaudanchi 
ones and some differ only phonetically. A few of the most im- 
)ortant Yaudanchi suffixes are however lacking, and a number 



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281 



that have not been found in Taudanchi are important in Tauel- 
mani. The following list gives the sufiSxes determined for the 
two dialects. 



Non-grammatical : 



Taudanchi 


Tauelmani 


Meaning 


-oc 


-oc 


noun formative 


-ud 






-it 


-its! 


place of 


-i, -ui 




noun formative 


-i 




death of a connecting relative 


-in-in 


-in-in f 


people of 




•at. 


desirer of 




-lis 


habitual place off agent f 


-am 


•am 


ten and, on numerals 


Number: 






-i (-a) 


-i 


plural, nouns 


-11,-m 


-n, -in, -an 


plural, pronouns 


.k,.ik 


-k,-ik,-ak 


dual, pronouns 


-c 


-8 


connective, demonstratives 


-hate 


-hats 


diminutive, plural of adjectives 


-awayi 




plural f collective! 


-bin 


•hal 


coUective, inanimate nouns 



Case: 



-a (-i) 


-a (-i) 


objective, nouns 


-fi 


-n, -in 


objective, demonsti'atives (-in, nouns) 


-wa 


-wa 


objective plural, pronouns 


-in 


-in 


possessive 


-fii,.fi 


-ni 


instrumental 


-u 


-u 


locative 


-nit 


-nit 


ablative 



On Numerals and Interrogatives : 

•in animate f collective f 



-id 


-il 


adverbial 




-am 


adverbial distributive 


-ak 


-uk 


indefinite 


-tci 


-ti 


indefinite 



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282 



University of California Publications, [Aic Arch. Bra. 



Semi-derivative, verbal: 



-da 

-ta 

-a-tcin 

-cit 

-in 

-wic 

-wid 
-umdu-wic 



-1, -u, -a 

-la 

-li 

-ta 

-a-tin 

-sit 

-in 

-wis 



causative 

causative 

frequentative 

frequentative 

desideration 

benefactive 

intransitive 

reflexive 



Mode and Tense, Verb: 



-ji 


• 


preterite 


-ac 


• 


preterite 


-in 


-in 


future 


-in 


-bin 


participle, present 


-ad 


• 


continuative 




•an 


aorist 




-ahin 


preterite 




'fto 


continuative 




-g'ohin, 


g' on preterite 


-it 


-it 


passive 


-fiitc 


-nit 


future passive 


-itc 


•its 


agent 




-ini 


agent 


•ana 




participle 




-al 


apodosis of hypothetical condition 




-mi 


from 




-i 


from, of? 




-a 


habitual agent f 




-ban 


passive in dependent clause 




•wal 


f 


• 


•ka 


imperative 
THE NOUN. 



Very little material was obtained as to the plural in Yaucl- 
mani. It is confined to names of persons, and is formed by the 
sufi&x i with more or less vocalic alteration of the stem as in 
Taudanchi. 

youth n6to ndt^i 

man n5no nonei 

kaiina kaeni 



woman 
child 



witep 



* Lengthening of final stem vowel. 

* Suffix known to be lacldng. 



witip-hats 



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283 



A suffix -hal, apparently corresponding to Taudanchi -hin, is 
used on inanimate nouns with a collective meaning. 

silel-hal pile of rocks 

witcet-al many sticks 

Idmet-al-iu mountainous, mountain-many-at 

tun-5-hal many pines 

salam-hal willows 

The case suffixes are the same as in Yaudanchi, with of course 
the regular change of the instrumental -ni to ni, and plus an 
objective form not found in Yaudanchi. The Yaudanchi objec- 
tive suf&x -a or -i occurs on some words, but a number of others 
in Yauelmani show a sufBx -in, the equal in form of the posses- 
sive suffix. The objective suflSx for demonstratives in Yaudanchi 
is -n, which in this dialect becomes -n, and it is possible that 
the ending in question is to be explained as this suffix used on 
nouns. Certain words which take the -in suffix, such as n6to, 
young man, and n5no, man, are identical in form in the objective 
and possessive. Added to final i, the ending -in changes this to 
h. Occasionally the objective -in is modified to -n, -en, or -on. 
Whatever the suffix -in itself, it appears that its occurrence with 
objective meaning in Yauelmani must be connected with phonetic 
causes ; since all words that take it end vocalically, while those 
that end in a consonant take -a or -i. 



m: 



a: 



Objective, 



t.d-m 


house (t«i) 


kawayd-n 


horse (kawayu) 


n6to-in 


youth 


taut-in^-in 


murderer (taut-ini) 


n5no-in 


man 


tid.ik-1-ind-in 


continued splitter 


kodj-te 


smaU (kudji) 


tid'ak-t-in^-in 


continued splitter 


totce-en 


bad 


hay-in^-in 


laugher 


nohoo-n 


grizzly bear 


hat-ya-in 


glutton 


hitwaia-n 


ghOBt 


insana-n 


lover 


pimtana-in 


Btump 


mand-in 


much (mani) 


witep-a 


child 


paln-a 


flat (paUn) 


pu8-a 


dog 


yapikn-a 


tree 


ilka 


water, song 


and most verb 
eat 


stems, such as xat-a, 



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284 University of California Puilicaiions, [Am.Arch.Eth. 



bateikn-i 


red 


kaa-a-te-i 


puncher (kas-a-ita) 


^okot8-i 


person 


oxoyo-ls-i 


lover 


lehto-t8-i 


runner 


ax-ts-i 


bed(azit8) 


rat-a-t8-i 


eater (xat-a-its) 






thout object 


ive suffix : 






kaiina 


woman 


xoi 


deer 


frilil 


rock 


talap 


arrow 



The f ormfl taken by the other cases need no special comment. 
B locative appears as -u, -iu, -au, -ou, -o, as in Yaudanchi: 
u, xot-i-u (from xot-oi), ilk-au, oct-ou, lomt-o. Sili-u from 
1 is scarcely an irregularity. There is a break after the second 
vel of this word, apparently due to its aspiration, so that more 
urately it is sili'l. Powers wrote it silekhl. Moreover, silil 
y be a reduplication from sil, and this form the one used in 
formation of the locative.^ 

The use of the cases is the same as in Yaudanchi, but one or 
) idioms have been noted. An animate agent with a passive 
b is put in the possessive, not in the instrumental. This holds 
Yaudanchi also, and of the pronoun as well as of the noun. 
3 possessive is used as the subject of verbal object clauses, the 
)m in such cases being really: **I saw your eating" where 
say: **I saw you eat.'' The object of such a verbal clause, 
ich is itself an object, is in the instrumental. To express the 
El of ''for," the possessive case is used, at least in demonstra- 
». Many constructions were obtained in which the case end- 
s were added directly to verb stems. In such sentences as: 
see you eat," the objective -a is added to the naked stem 
sining to eat. Only very few verbs, including hiwet, to walk, 
to swim, and huloc, to sit, lack the objective -a in such con- 
ictions and are used without any suffix. The locative is used 
verbs with the meaning of **for the purpose of"; the posses- 
3 with the meaning **on account of," or **from," as in tui- 

a, from being struck. When a causative suffix is added to a 

b, the person that is caused to perform the action is expressed 
the objective, the person or object affected by the action, in 

instrumental. 



Like dulul, mountain, dul-au; injij, good, inij-ya; natet, father, nat- 
lawic, in other dialects. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 285 



THE VERB. 

Number and person are not expressed in the Yauelmani verb 
and the scope and methods of the expression of mode and tense 
agree quite closely with those in Yaudanchi, though some of the 
suffixes used differ entirely. 

SEMI-DEBIVATIVES. 

The causative is in some verbs expressed by -la, correspond- 
ing to Yaudanchi -da, and in others by -i, -a, or -u. This latter 
suffix replaces the lengthening of the last stem vowel in some 
Yaudanchi verbs. Yaudanchi forms ilAok from uAvk^ to sing; 
Yauelmani, ilik-i from ilik. Other occurrences are kosow-e, 
lihim-e, hatam-i, ukon-o, tan-a, cilit-i. 

The frequentative -ta is alike in the two languages. 

The desiderative -atin is the phonetic equivalent of -atcin or 
-tcin in Yaudanchi. 

-sit is the Yaudanchi -cit, indicating that the verbal action 
is performed for some one's benefit. The idiom by which the 
object of the action is in the instrumental case is common to the 
two dialects. 

The intransitive -in is as frequent as in Yaudanchi and like 
it varies in form to -n or -un. 

The reflexive is -wis, corresponding to Yaudanchi -wic. 

SUFFIXES OF TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE. 

In the matter of modal and temporal suffixes there is consid- 
erable difference from Yaudanchi. Of the four common tense 
suffixes of Yaudanchi the two preterites in -ji and -ac and the 
continuative in -ad do not occur in Yauelmani. 

The future and indefinitely participial suffix -in is the only 
one of the four common to the two dialects. In Yauelmani it 
tak^ two slightly different forms corresponding to its two mean- 
ings in Yaudanchi. The future is expressed in Yauelmani by 
-in ; an indefinite or present tense, which appears however to be 
finite and not participial, is expressed by -hin. In some verbs 

Am. Aboh. Eth. 2. 21. 



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286 UfUversity of CdUfomia Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth. 

the difference between the two suffixes is further increased by a 
difference in the stem, the future -in causing a lightening or 
omission of the last vowel and a consequent shortening of the 
stem, whereas -hin is added to the full unaltered verb stem as it 
is found in the imperative. In many other cases, however, the 
verb stem is alike for the two suflSxes; and as their phonetic 
difference is so slight, they are frequently difficult to distinguish. 

A suffix -an seems to be an aorist, sometimes past and some- 
times present in meaning. Related to this suffix in its influence 
on the stem is a preterite -ahin, which has some appearance of 
being composed of -an and -hin. 

A continuative or indefinite present is formed by the suffix 
-g*6. There can be little doubt that this is the verb stem g'o, to 
live or be (appearing in Yaudanchi with the additional mean- 
ing **sit" and in certain northern dialects as *'house'0> which, 
through being an auxiliary, has become a sufiSx. That it is at 
present a suffix and not an enclitic is certain from the fact that 
in some cases it causes vocalic modification of the stem. Just 
as the preterite -ahin is formed from the aorist -an, so the tem- 
porally indefinite -g*6 gives rise to a preterite -g*6n, also appear- 
ing in the forms -g'6in and -g6hin. It seems a little curious that 
the indefinite or present -hin should be used to derive the only 
two distinctly past tenses in the language, -ahin and g*6n; but 
there is a parallel in many Indo-European languages in the use 
of auxiliaries, which are themselves in the present tense, to ex- 
press a perfect in the verb. The -g*6 and -g*dn suffixes are in 
some verbs added directly to the stem; in others a connecting 
vowel, usually ^, is inserted. An additional reason for regarding 
these two suffixes g*o and g*6n as derived from the verb-stem 
g'o, is the fact that they are the only suffixes found in this dialect 
with o as their vowel. It may be added that this o never under- 
goes modification. 

As in Yaudanchi, the future suffix -in changes its vowel, 
chiefly to e or o, after certain stems. The analogous suffix, -hin, 
seems to change less readily. The forms taken by the suffix -in 
may be summarized as follows: After monosyllabic or disyl- 
labic i or e-stems the sufBx is either -in or -en; after monosyl- 
labic a-stems it is in some instances -in, in others -en; on di^l- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 287 

labic stems whose first vowel is a, and the second vowel i strength- 
ened to a before an a-suflix and lost entirely before the present 
suffix, the form is -in; monosyllabic o-stems in some cases take 
-en, in others -on; disyllabic stems containing an o followed by 
an i take -en; u-stems and disyllabic stems containing o and u 
take -on. 

The usual suffix indicating the agent is -its, Yaudanchi -itc. 
On certain verbs and after certain suffixes this form is not used, 
but the agent is expressed by -ini. This difference seems to be 
duf to a difference in meaning between the two suflSxes, rendering 
each more appropriate for certain verbs. -Ini perhaps denotes a 
more habitual agent. 

As in Yaudanchi, the suffix -its is not always used in its 
simple form. On disyllabic stems it appears as -its, except that 
stems containing only o or u alter the sufb to -uts. Monosyl- 
labic stems, on the other hand, insert a vowel between the stem 
and the suffix, a after a-stems, 6 after o or u-stems, and h after 
e or i-stems. This inserted vowel bears the accent. As an equiv- 
alent, disyllabic stems strengthen their second vowel as they 
do before a-suffixes. Some verbs in Yaudanchi have also been 
found to insert a vowel before this suffix, but the phonetic pro- 
cesses seem less clear in that dialect than in Yauelmani. It is 
not improbable that this suffix is to be conceived as added to 
the causative of the stem, one form of which is expressed in 
Yauelmani by the addition of a vowel similar in quality to the 
vowels of the stem, and in Yaudanchi by the strengthening of 
the last stem vowel much as before the present -its suflSx on disyl- 
labic verbs in Yauelmani. That this vowel-lengthening form of 
the causative has not been found on all verbs in both these dia- 
lects, but is replaced in some by the suffix -la, is not necessarily 
an objection to this view, as the causative vowel may now be 
present before the -itc suflBx merely as a. rudiment of the process 
which once introduced it there, and not with any active meaning. 

The agent suf&x -Ini just mentioned perhaps expresses a more 
habitual agent than the suffix -itc. It is regularly found on some 
verbs in place of -itc, and apparently always after the frequen- 
tatives -ta and -11. It is however possible that the distinction of 
use between -ini and -itc is not due to any difference in meaning 



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288 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

but to phonetic causes, since the former suffix is found regularly 
on all verb stems whose imperative is -k instead of -ka, and only 
on such stems. It is to be observed that the f requentatives -ta 
and -li also have imperatives in -k instead of -ka. 

The passive is expressed by the suffix -it, identical with the 
Yaudanchi form. The idiom by which the animate agent of the 
passive verb is in the possessive case is common to the two 
dialects. 

The future passive is expressed by -nit, corresponding to 
Yaudanchi -nitc. 

The Yaudanchi participial form -ana has not been found, ex- 
cept perhaps in ins-ana, lover, apparently from ins-is, good. 

IBiPEBATIVE. 

The imperative is regularly expressed by the addition of -ka, 
or, in a smaller number of verbs, -k. This ending is added to 
the pure forms of the stem. In Yaudanchi the imperative is 
expressed by the stem without any ending. This difference is 
one of the most characteristic between the two dialects, coming 
to light even in a short vocabulary, and persisting throughout 
the two dialectic groups of which Yaudanchi and Yauelmani 
are representatives, from the southern to the northern limits of 
the family. It is probable that this ending -ka is not a true 
suffix. It certainly is felt as an enclitic rather than as a con- 
stituent part of the word, even though its union with the stem 
seems to be quite close. Were it a true suffix becoming an in- 
tegral part of the verb, it would seem that the same stem-vowel 
strengthening would occur before it that occurs before other a- 
suffixes in the verb; but this is not the case. The stem- vowels 
retain before it what may be considered their normal (or i-suffix) 
form, corresponding to their form in the unsuffixed Yaudanchi 
imperative. The dual and plural imperative are respectively 
-ka-wik and -ka-wil. -Ik and -in are pronominal suffixes indi- 
cating the dual and plural. This fact is further evidence that 
the -ka preceding them is not a real suffix, for it is the distinct 
tendency of Yokuts, shown not only in the present dialect but in 
aU known, to avoid coupling pronominal elements with the verb 
so closely as to actually combine them into a single word. In 



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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yokuts Language. 289 

Yaudanchi -yak and -yan indicate the dual and plural of the 
imperative. These two particles also contain the pronominal 
endings -ik and -in. While usually enclitic to the verb to such a 
degree as to resemble suffixes, this -yak and -yan are sometimes 
added to other words, a fact which proves them to be structur- 
ally and syntactically independent particles. Both from inherent 
evidence and from the analogues in Yaudanchi it is therefore 
clear that the Yaudanchi imperative endings are not regarded as 
suffixes by the language.^ 

The optative is expressed by the enclitic -xa or -g*a, corre- 
sponding to Yaudanchi -ca, similarly used. 

VOCALIC MUTATIONS. 

The characteristic vowel mutations of Yaudanchi, according 
to which one of the stem vowels in many verbs changes in quality 
to a reciprocal vowel before certain suffixes, are found in much 
the same form in Yauelmani. As in Yaudanchi, the process does 
not seem quite regular, certain verbs preserving their vowels, 
while others, apparently in the same phonetic circumstances, 
alter theirs. In disyllabic stems the second vowel usually changes. 
If i, it becomes e, or if i preceded by a, it becomes a ; if u, it be- 
comes 0. A as the vowel of monosyllabic verbs, or the first vowel 
of disyllabic verbs, does not change. I also shows considerable 
resistance to modification. The other vowels sometimes change 
and sometimes do not when they occur in monosyllabic verbs or 
the first syllable of disyllabic verbs. If they change e becomes i, 
becomes u, and u becomes o. 

The suffixes that bring about these changes in the stem seem 
to be, as in Yaudanchi, those containing an a; whereas those 
containing an i, such as -in, -hin, -it, and -wis, do not cause a 
change in the vowels of the stem, except that as already men- 
tioned the future suffix -in sometimes causes a change in the 
opposite direction, namely, a lightening or omission of the second 
vowel of the stem. The a-suffixes are -an and -ahin. The im- 
perative with the ending ka does not affect the stem; as ex- 

^ In Chanchila the imperative ending -ka is modified to -ku and -ki after 
u and i stems, so that in this dialect it can scarcely be regarded as anything 
but a sufBiz. 



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290 University of CaUfomia PvhUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth. 






a 



^ 11 S« I M 










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^ jsp-g 55 5 5 5J55 5?55 js 252 5 






fl 



S 







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Vol, 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



291 



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a 






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I 



1^ 






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is 






I 




a 



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292 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am.Arch.Bth. 

plained, probably because it is not a snflfix. The agent snflSx -its 
has the same effect on the stem as an a-suffix. In Yaudanchi 
this tendency of this suflSx is also observable, though it is appar- 
ently less regular than in Tauelmani. The explanation of the 
exceptional effect of this i-suffix as due to its including the causa- 
tive suffix, or another vocalic element, has been mentioned. 

The phonetic effect of the two o-suffixes, namely, g'd and 
-g*6n, has not become clear on account of an insufficient number 
of occurrences of these forms. At least in certain stems, such 
as huloc, hiwet, and woy, the o-suffixes produce vocalic changes 
from the i-suffix forms of the stem not produced in these words 
by the a-suffixes. 

The behavior of the verb stem under the influence of its prin- 
cipal temporal and modal suffixes is illustrated in the appended 
list of Yauelmani verbs giving the forms actually found. 



VARIOUS SUFFIXES. 

A suffix -mi, not found in Yaudanchi and used only on verb 
stems, has the force of from, because of, on account of, and 
sometimes, perhaps, of at or when. It is used in such cases as 
**I am sick from eating." 

A suflSx -i, also without known Yaudanchi parallel, has been 
found a few times as a suflSx of verbs dependent on the stem 
moy-in, to be tired of. The subject of the verb with this -i suflSx 
is in the possessive case. The construction of these forms is 
similar to that of stems with the ordinary objective suflSx -a. 
That this -i is not the objective is made probable by the fact that 
the stems on which it has been found also appear with the objec- 
tive -a. 

hiem na moyin-hin ilek-i nim, now I am-tired of -singing my. 

A suffix -han has been found with a passive meaning on verbs 
dependent on other verbs. 

lan-a-g*o na min cil-han, hear I that-you were-seen. 

An apparent suflSx -wal has been found in a few cases, always 
before an imperative -ik. Its meaning is unknown and the ex- 
istence of the suflSx cannot be regarded as certain, since -lik, the 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yohuis Language. 293 

last part of -walik, admits in form of being the imperative of the 
iterative -li. 

ynx-ul-wal-ek crush it ! 

potox-wal-ek smash it! 

A suflBx -al is used on verbs in the apodosis of conditional 
sentences. Usually it is accompanied by a particle lac. The 
Yaudanchi material obtained happening to be lacking in condi- 
tional sentences, this suflBx or its equivalent has not been found 
in that dialect. 

kun-al na mam lac I should have struck you, (if ) 

taxn-al na lac I should have come, (if ) 

A suffix -a, found a few times, perhaps indicates a continuing 
agent. 

hat-ya, glutton (from xat, eat?), 
hulc-a, one who sits in one place, 
wul-a, one who stands a long time. 

Another somewhat doubtful suffix, also without known Yau- 
danchi equivalent, is -lis, appearing to denote the agent or place 
of an action. 

oxoyo-lis, lover (oxoyo, desire, seek). 

hot-one-ls, fireplace (hot-one-, build a fire).^ 

The case suffixes of nouns are freely used on verb stems and 
more instances of such constructions were obtained in this dialect 
than in Yaudanchi. The objective suffix -a is added to unsuffixed 
verb stems dependent as objects on another verb, as in **I saw 
you eat.'' The subject of the dependent verb is in the possessive 
case, showing that this dependent verb, in line with its having 
a case-ending, is really regarded as a noun. This is further 
borne out by the fact that its logical object is not in the objective 
case but in the instrumental. Literally the construction then 
is: **I saw your eating by means of meat." It has been men- 
tioned that a few verb stems, such as hiwet, ep, and huloc, 
appear to occur in this construction without any objective case 
suffix. The locative is used with the sense of **for" as well as 
**at." The possessive occurs on passive verbs with the meaning 

* Cf . Tachi yoktco-lis, somebody, from yokotc, person. 



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294 University of Califomia PubUcatiom. [Am.Arch.Bth. 

of from : tui-t-un, from being shot. On active verbs the posses- 
sive ease ending does not appear to be used, the suffix -mi, not 
found on nouns and not known from Yaudanchi, taking its place 
with the meaning of **from." The instrumental also occurs on 
verbs. The Yaudanchi construction in which a temporal clause 
is expressed by the suffixion of the locative to a verb with the 
past tense ending -ji, the logical subject being in the possessive 
and the whole phrase having the force of a temporal clause, is 
lacking in Yauelmani on account of the absence of the -ji suffix, 
and no analogous construction has been found. 

PARTICLES. 

The modal and temporal particles of Yauelmani are in part 
different from those of Yaudanchi. The ordinary future is ex- 
pressed, in addition to the suffix -in, by the particle hi, which 
as in Yaudanchi tends to be enclitic to the pronouns and to alter 
na and ma, I and you, to ni and mi. A particle mi, usually at 
the head of the sentence, seems to correspond to Yaudanchi tcan, 
which does not occur. It is used before future verbs. The nega- 
tive is ohom in place of Yaudanchi am. The interrogative is ki, 
which seems to correspond to Yaudanchi ti, used less frequently 
in that dialect than hin, which is without a representative in 
Yauelmani. If is expressed by acwa in the protasis and lac in 
the apodosis. 

THE PRONOUN. 

The personal pronoun is used as in Yaudanchi and many of 
the forms are identical. What chiefly characterizes the Yauel- 
mani pronouns as distinguished from the Yaudanchi, is first the 
formation of the possessive of the third person from a stem amin, 
instead of Yaudanchi an, and second the fact that in the dual 
and plural there are subjective and objective as well as posses- 
sive forms for the third person. In Yaudanchi this is not the 
case, the demonstrative pronouns being used for the object and 
the particles tik and tin to indicate the duality and plurality of 
the subject of the third person. These two Yaudanchi particles 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Langiiage, 



295 



and the Tauelmani subjective forms of the third person, amak 
and aman, render each other mutually unnecessary; so that 
whereas Yaudanchi entirely lacks the pronominal forms, Yauel- 
mani is without the particles. Minor diflPerences of the Tauel- 
mani pronouns from the Yaudanchi are the fact that the objec- 
tive ending wa is found in the dual as well as in the plural, that 
the connecting vowel in the dual and plural of the objective is i 
instead of a or u, and in the plural of the possessive o instead of i. 
It is noteworthy that in spite of the presence in this dialect 
of forms for the third person throughout the dual and plural as 
weU as in the possessive, there are no forms for the subjective 
and objective singular, he and him. These are, as in Yaudanchi, 
either simply understood or expressed by demonstratives. 



Singular S 
S 



Subjective 

na 

ma 



Dual 



1 excl, nak 

1 inch mak 

^ mak 

S amak 



I excl. 
1 incL 
Plural g 
3 



naan 
mai 
t 
aman 



Objective 

nan 

mam 

T 

t 

mamikwa 

amamikwa 

naninwa 
t 

maminwa 
amaminwa 



Possessive 

n\n\ 
min 
amin 

nimgin 
magin 
mingin 
amingin 

nimdk, nimdkun 

maiin 

mindk, mindkun 

amndk 



The artificiality, so to speak, of the forms for the third per- 
son, and their probable derivation from the second person by 
analogy, are, very strongly shown by this table. So full a form 
as the possessive amin without even a trace of a subjective or 
objective base, either in this or in any other Yokuts dialect, and 
identical but for its initial a- with the min of the second person, 
is one point; another, even stronger on account of the absence 
of plural forms of the third person from Yaudanchi, is the ex- 
actly similar relation of the dual and plural forms to the dual 
and plural of the second person. It is clear from the lack in 
the singular of forms for the most common categories, the sub- 
jective and objective, he and him, and from their absence in all 
numbers in Yaudanchi, that the language has a feeling against 



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296 University of Calif omia PubUcoitions. [AicAkch.Eth. 

personal pronominal forms of the third person. Their occur- 
rence in the dual and plural in Tauelmani as equivalents of 
only semi-demonstrative particles in Taudanchi, stamps them as 
primarily mere indications of number and case, their pronominal 
content being very subsidiary. It is on this account that their 
close similarity to the forms of the second person is so significant. 
In the possessive relation pronominal forms are for some reason 
felt as more important by the language, as is shown by their 
existence in all numbers in both dialects ; but the lack of a his- 
toric base to go back to is evident from the entire difference of 
the forms used in the two dialects: an, unrelated to anything 
else, in Yaudanchi, and amin, closely connected by analogy with 
the second person min, in Yauelmani. 

Three demonstratives have been found as against the four 
of Yaudanchi. These are ki, ke, and ta. Ki indicates proximity, 
ke a short distance, and ta a greater distance or invisibility. Ta 
corresponds to Yaudanchi ta, ke probably to ka, which is not 
in very frequent use, and ki to the Yaudanchi xe and xi, which 
in all cases except the subjective are identical in form in that 
dialect. In Yauelmani at least the locative of ki and ke, and 
perhaps other cases also, are alike or distinguished only with 
difficulty. The objectives of ki and ke are however distinct. 
The dual and plural of the demonstratives are formed much as 
in Yaudanchi, except that a greater resemblance to the suffixes 
of the personal pronouns is observable, especially in the objective. 

Instr. hoc. 



k^-ni k^-n 
ta-ni 



Singular: 


Sub. 


Ohj. 


P088. 


This (close) ki 
That (further) ke 
That (distant) ta 

TUiJil • 


ki-n ^ 

ke-n 

ta-n 


k^-in 
ta-in 


IrmJkk, 

This (ki) 
That (ke) 
That (ta) 

VUirnJ • 


ki-s-ik 






This (ki) 
That (ke) 
That (ta) 


ki-s-in 
ta-s-in 


ki-s-in-wa 
ta-8-in-wa 


ta-8-in-w-in 



The interrogative and indefinite pronouns are given below. 
It will be seen that almost throughout they end in -uk. This 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yohuts Language. 297 

-uk seems to be the Yaudanchi suffix -ak, which in that dialect 
is added only to give an idea of indefiniteness. A second Yau- 
danchi suffix, -tci, is represented in Yauelmani by -ti, occurring 
about as frequently as in Yaudanchi, and distinctlj^ with the 
force in both dialects of making for greater indefiniteness. It 
will be seen that except for this suffix -ti the -uk is always final. 
Thus, the objective hanuk, what, is to be explained as the stem 
ha, what, with the demonstrative objective case suffix -n, plus 
-uk. The interrogative of place, hiyok or hiyuk, where, contains 
the stem hiye and the same suffix -uk. Hiye is the equivalent 
of Yaudanchi hide and hile of other dialects.^ The same stem 
with the locative suffix, hiye-u, is the non-interrogative indefinite 
** somewhere." 

wat-uk who! 

wat-5k-ti some one (objective) 

wat-au some one 



h&-uk 


whatt 


ha-n-uk 


whatt (objective) 


ha-n.5k 


with what! (instrumental) 


ha-uk-ti 


something 


ha-n-uk-ti 


something (objective) 


ha-wiy-uk 


which, what kindt 


ha-uydn-uk 


what fort why! 


ha-ujin-uk 


how manyf 


ha-wetam-uk 


howl doing whatt 


hiy-ok 


where! 


hiye-t-uk 


from where t 


hiye-u 


somewhere 


hiye-nit 


from somewhere 


NUMERALS. 



The numerals are radically the same as those of Yaudanchi 
except that another word is used for nine. The ordinary cardi- 
nal forms are used both for counting and as adjectives with 
nouns. Two, three, and four take the objective suffix -a. When 
the numerals are suffixed or reduplicated they lose certain final 
portions, which correspond exactly to those similarly lost in 
Yaudanchi, and like these are determined by phonetic causes 

^ Cf . teyi, tedi, and teli, teeth, in the same dialectic groups. 



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University of California Publications. [Am.Aech.Bth. 



and not by etymology. The animate or collective suffix -in of 
Yaudanchi, and the ordinal adverbial forms produced by the 
locative suffix in that dialect, perhaps occur in Yauelmani, but 
have not been found. The adverbial form of the numeral ex- 
pressing **the number of times'' is formed by the suffix -il, cor- 
responding to Yaudanchi -id. -H is used on o-stems, -al on 
i-stems, and -ul on an o-stem, monos, the first vowel of which 
appears to replace an original u. The distributive is formed by 
reduplication, the stem as far as the first consonant after the 
first vowel being reduplicated and prefixed. The vowel of the 
prefixed syllable is that of the unreduplicated stem, except that 
i is strengthened to e ; the vowel of the second syllable, the orig- 
inal stem, is weakened to e, except again in monos. To indicate 
the adverbial distributive with the meaning **so many at a 
time," the suffix -am is added to the distributive forms. 





CardifuU 


Oljeeiive 


Adverbial 


Distributive 


CoUecOve 




inoonnting 

andM 
•djeetiyes 


Madjeotives 


thenomber 
of times 




"-•tatime" 


1 


yet. 




yitsai 


yet.-y6t.-in 


yet.-ylBt.n-am 


2 


ponoi 


pony-0 


pony-il 


pon-p^ni 


pon-peny^am 


3 


o-dopin 


c.6opin-a 


e-opi-il 


c.op-c^pi , 


c.op-cepy-am 


4 


hotponoi 


hotpony-o 


hotpi-il 


•hot-hdtip 


hot-hetp-am 


5 


yitsinil 




yit8-al 


yet-y^tis 


yit-yeta-am 


6 


tsolipi 




tsolp-il 


tsol-ts^lip 


tsol-tselp-am 


7 


ndmtsil 




nomts-il 


nom-n^mits 


nom-nemts-am 


8 


mdnoB 




mons-ul 


mon-mdno8 


mon-mdns-am 


9 


soponhot 










10 


tieu 




tiw-al 


t.ei-t.Mu 


t-ei-teiw-am 


11 


t-ien yo yet, 








12 


t'ieu yo ponoi 








20 
00 


ponoi t.ien 
yet- pits 











COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION. 

The traces of composition and derivation are as slight in 
Yauelmani as in Yaudanchi. The suffix -wiya is added to un- 
syntactical stems denoting shape or motion and makes of these 
verbs of action. The suffix seems to be derived from the stem 
wi, to do thus or to say, and its use in this way is analogous to 
that of the Yaudanchi suffix -wid-^tc added to unsyntactical 



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Vol. 2] Eroeber,—The Yakuts Language. 299 

terms representing animal cries, thus forming names of animals, 
as huc-udJte. A Yauelmani suffix -at-, -t«, or hat- added to nouns 
seems to mean **he who desires." Thus, t-6-t-, kawayu-t-, mokS- 
hat*, insin-hat-, one who likes to stay at home, one fond of horses, 
one who desires women, a woman who desires lovers. A few iso- 
lated eases of derivation or composition have been noted, such 
as k'ili, cloud, k'ili-a-g*o, it is cloudy; maya-in-talap, large bows, 
the name of the Shoshonean Gitanemuk of Tejon; and paaji, 
lake, kuyu-paaji, ocean, literally salt lake. It is however to be ob- 
served, as in analogous Yaudanchi forms, that there is nothing 
to prove that such forms as the two last are true compound words 
and not merely collocations or phrases. 

YAUELMANI SENTENCES. 

In the absence of texts, the following Yauelmani sentences 
are appended. The transcription of these follows the methods 
employed in giving the Yaudanchi texts. Where two or more 
words, — usually all but one of them pronouns or other enclitics, 
— were heard as one, they have been written as one, the com- 
ponent elements of the cluster being separated by hyphens. The 
English equivalents of such words have been separated. Hyph- 
ens connecting English words indicate that all so connected are 
to be regarded as a unit equivalent to one Indian word ; hyphens 
in the Indian text, other than for the purpose mentioned, are 
used in many cases to separate suffixes from the stem and from 
each other, for the sake of making the structure clearer. Gener- 
ally the English translation is as if interlinear, the words follow- 
ing one another in the same order as their Indian originals. In 
a few cases, which will be obvious, a short Indian phrase has 
been more freely rendered by a longer English one and no at- 
tempt made at a word for word translation. 

amin t'ii, his house, 
m^n t*ii, of me-and-you the-house. 
nimgin t<ii, of-me-and-him the-house. 
mingin t.ii, of-you-two the-house. 
mindk t«ii, your (pi.) house, 
nimdk t<ii, our-aud-their house. 
amn5k t<ii, their house. 



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300 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

amingin t<iiy of-them-two the-house. 

k'iliy cloud. 

k'Uiag^o, it is cloudy. 

p&aji, lake. 

kuju-pluiji, ocean, (salt-lake). 

yaha mak huloc-xa mak, come we-two, sit let us-twol 

na mamikwa cil-hin, I ye-two see. 

ma naninwa cil-hin, you us-two see. 

hitsi na-mam cil-en, to-morrow I you see-shalL 

wa ta n5no g'o-g'o, far that man is. 

cil-an-na amin uk'n-a, see I his drinking. 

h5hu cilaan-ma nim zat-a, yes, see you me eat. 

nim zat, my food. 

hanuk na zat-an inis-a, something I eat good, what I eat is good. 

Insis t'ii, good house. 

na insis, I am good. 

insis nim t*ii, good my house, I have a good house. 

cil-hin na inisa t*dn, see I good house. 

cil-hin na inisa zat-a, see I good food. 

maiek t<ii, large house. 

taut'a-na-kin puus-a mets-nan as-is-in, kill-shall I this dog because me 

bites, 
hawiy-uk puus-a ma taut-an, which dog you killed f 
ta ki nan ta as-as-ahin, tan na taut-&hin, that this me that bit, that-one 

I killed, 
hauj-in-uk ma taut-ahin, how-many you killed f 
hot'pony-o na taut-ahin, four I killed. 
c*5opin-a na taut-&hin, three I killed, 
hauydn-uk ma taut-fthin, what-for you did-kill-themf 
h&-nd-k ma tan taut-fthin, with-what you him killed f 
h&-n-uk ma cil-ahin, what you did-seef 
h&-uk-ta, what (is) thatf 
h&-uk-ki, what (is) thisf 
h&-uk-ke, what (is) this (more distant)! 
wat-uk-ma, who (are) youf 
cil-hin-na h&-n-uk-ti, see I something, 
ha-uk-ti tahan-an zami, something comes hither, 
pat-in-hin na ha-n-ok-ti, fell-on I something, 
tsup-a yokots, some people, part-of-the persons, 
tsup-a silel, some-of-the stones, 
ha-utsin yokots, few people, 
m&ni yokots, many people, 
cil-hin-na tan hat-ya-in, saw I that glutton, 
cil-hin-na tan zat-a-ts-i, saw I that-one who-eats. 
cil-hin-na ta-in zat-a, saw I that-one eat. 
cil-hin-na ta-n zat-a, saw I that food, 
taut-in^-in na cil-hin, the-killer I saw. 
na n5no, I-am a-man. 
ma kaiina, you-are a-woman. 



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Vol. 2] Eroeber.—The Yakuts Langv4ige, 301 

na hulc-a, I-am a-sitter. 

na hulac-t-iini, I-am a-repeated-cdtter. 

tdpin ki-n zat-a, on-top-of this food. 

g'o-g'o ta-u kudjala ke-u xat-au, is there the-spoon at-this food-at. 

jawalya-ky run around, look for it I 

ylt-was na amaminwa, go-with I them (yit*; one, -wis reflezive). 

api-na mam tahan, with I you come. 

api-na-mam g'o, with I you live. 

gfb'k ta-Uy live there I (a farewell greeting). 

gfb-k wik ta-u, live you-two there I 

g'd-k wil ta-u, live ye there! 

g'd-na kft-u, live I here. 

g'd-in-in-na kd-u, live I here. 

gfb-g^o ki-ma k6-u, live (question) you heref 

nibets nim nak y^t-iu tahan-&n, older-brother my he-and-I together come. 

yit-was na puus-a nim tahan-ahin, accompanying I dog my came. 

g* d-g* o-in-nak, live-together we-two. 

toxil-nit na tahan-an, west-f rom I come. 

xosim-na tanan, north I go. 

witcet ki panan-g' o k^-u oct-ou, stick this lies this-at fire-at. 

amtsau ki-n oct-o huloc-on-na, near this fire sit I. 

tdpin ki-n oct-o, over this fire. 

az-its, bed. 

atil ki-n az-ts-i, under this bed. 

tot.ii-ka, break-it! 

tot.ii-li-k, break-several-pieces! 

na tot<i-ld-hen, I shall-break-several. 

walan-na tsdop-ahin toineu, yesterday I broke-it in-the-middle. 

tsuup-un, noon. 

salap-ta-g' 5n-nan walan nim5kun t>amut, shaving-were we yesterday our 

beards. 
cU-hin-na mindkun calp-a, see I you-plural shaving, 
potox-wal-ek ySt.o yux-un-uk, smash-it-entirely, pulverize-it I 
potox-potez-wal-ek amaminwa, smash them! 
piwec-an aman, pound-acorns they, 
piwac-ta-k, pound-acoms-intermittently! 
piwic-ka, pound-acorns! (once or continuously, for a short or long time, 

but without intermission), 
paiic, mortar. 

potox-potoz-wal-ini, one-who-mashes-everywhere. 
kit.-d-kit-its, one-who-cuts. 
tid.^k-its, one-who-splits. 
tid.ik-1-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly. 
tid.ak-t-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly. 
salap-t-ini, one-who-whittles-repeatedly. 
mokd-hat<, one-who-likes-women. 
ins-in-hat., one-who-likes-lovers. 

kawaiu-t., one- who-is-fond-of -riding-horseback (kawaiu, horse), 
t^-t., stay-at-home (t-i, t-e-, house). 

Am. Abch. Eth. 2, 22. 



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J02 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth. 

hat-ya ma, glutton you. 

xat-iin ma, glutton you. 

zat-&-it8 nan cil-hin, the-eater me saw. 

hulc-a, one-who-sitS'in-one-place. 

hulac-tft-hin na, I sit, get up, sit again, and so on. 

wowul-mu-na-mam cil-hin, standing I you saw. 

cil-hin-nan xat-mi, he-saw me when-he-was-eating, (from, at, eating). 

hulac-t-ini nan cil-hin, he-who-sits-down-repeatedly me sees. 

ohom na mam cil-aan, not I you see. 

an-ki mi-hi lap-en, f you will hit-himt 

hosoon ki ma, cold (question) youf 

ohom, no. 

inds-as-i mak, are-good you-and-I. 

inds-as-i mak, are-good ye-two. 

yet.0 mai inds-as-i, all-together we are-good. 

lap-ka, whip I 

lap-ka-wik, whip-ye-twol 

lap-ka- wil, whip-ye! 

kun-kun-ka-wik, hit-repeatedly-ye-twol 

kun-kun-ka-wil, hit-repeatedly-yel 

lap-wis-in-ma, whip-self you. 

lap-wis-in, he-in^ps-himself . 

lap-wis-in aman, whip-themselves they. 

lap-i-lp-iis-a-g' o aman, whip-one-another they. 

kun-u-kn-us-a-g' o amak, strike-each-other they-two. 

lai-i-ly-is-a-g' amak, kick-each-other they-two. 

wot-i-wit-is-a-g* o mak, beat-eaeh-other we-two. 

xat-xa-mak, eat let me-and-you. 

lap-xa-mak, whip let us- two (I and you). 

lap-it nak, whipped-are we-two (I and he). 

uk6n-u-k nan, drink-give me I 

lap-xa na, whip let me I 

tan-za-mak t«du, go let us-two house-to. 

walan-na-mam ep-la-g'on, yesterday I you made-swim. 

walan-na-mam lap-lap-la-g' oin, yesterday I you made-whip-repeatedly. 

walan-na-mam xat-la-g* oin, yesterday I you eat-gaye. 

cil-aan-na min uk-dn-u ki-n ta-ni ilk-ani, saw I your giving-to-drink him 
with-that water. 

cil-aan-na min xat-la ke-ni ta-n, saw I your giving-to-eat with-this to- 
that-one. 

cil-aan-na min cilit-i-han-an, saw I your making-him-jump. 

cil-aan-na kun-a min ki-n puus-a silel-ni, saw I striking your this dog 
stone-with. 

cil-aahin na walan kun-a-la min ki-n n6t5-in kd-ni puus-ani silel-ni, saw 
I yesterday making-strike your this youth by-means-of-this dog 
stone-with (I saw you make the youth strike the dog with a stone). 

hawdtam-uk ma ta-n tiic-in, how you that makef 

wi-mi, thus. 

ins-in-g'o na-mam, like I you. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 303 

ins-in-ka mam, love me I 

ines-til-sit-g' o na-mam, or ines-tal-sat-g' o na-mam, do-well-f or I you. 

C'dopin cilit, three jumps. 

yit. kun, one stroke. 

tizt-in-hin-na hotp-il kun-t-un min, sick-became I four-times hit-being-from 

of-you. 
tizt-in-hin-na kun-mi, sick-am I hitting-from. 
tizt-in-hin-na lap-lap-t-in amin, sick-am I repeatedly-whipped-being-f rom of- 

him. 
na ilak-ta-g' 5hon ama na kun-ut, I sang-a-long-time, then I was-struck. 
hitsi-na ilak-ta, tomorrow I shall-sing-a-long-time. 
ilak-ta-k, sing (a long time, or continually) I 

taxan-&hin-na t<d-nit mdts na hosdon, came I house-from because I cold, 
tizt-in-hin-na hosiuw-mi, get-sick I cold-being-from. 
hosiu-ta-u-nim tizdt-an ot*o, cold-continually-from my hurts head, 
mi na-mam ilik-i, shall I you sing-make, 
mi na-mam hatam-i, ^all I you dance-make, 
walan-na mam ilik-i-g'dn, yesterday I you sing-made, 
uk-on-dhin nan, drink-he-made me. 
lihim-i na-hi tan, run-make I shall him. 
ta lihim-hin, he runs, 
hiwlt-i na-hi tan, walk-make I shall him. 
hiem-ma tan-hin, now you gof 
tan-a na-mam-hi, take (make-go) I you shalL 
mi-na kin tan-a, shall I this take. 

mi na-mam ep-la, shall I you swim-make, or put-in-the-water. 
tan-&n-ki-ma, going-are (question) youf 
wiy-&an-nan, he-says-to me. 

wiy-aahin nan tan-ki-mi-hi, said-to me: ''go (question) you willf " 
wiy-aan nan t&n-hi, he-told me go he-would, 
ma ki nan cilit-i, you (question) me jump-make f 
cilit-d-hin nan, jump-makes me. 
cilit-i na-mam-in-wa, jump-make I ye. 
kun-a-la na mam hi, hit-make I you shall, 
walan-na-mam kun-a-la-g' dn, yesterday I you hit-made, 
ndtu-na wa gf o, east I far live, 
tozil-ki ma g'o, west do you livef 
hitsi ni-hi tau g'o, to-morrow I shall there be. 
mi-na tau gf o, shall I there stay, 
atil ilk-a, bottom-of water, 
hatim-hin-na, dance I. 
paiut^n hatim, Paiute's dance, 
paiuti hatam-an, the-Paiute is-dancing. 
ilik-sit-g* o-na paiutd-n, sing-for I Paiute. 
tsumun-amin, end its. 

tsumun amin ilk-in kon-in, end its water's fall's, 
woi-ka, sleep! 

walan-na wuy-^-g'dn, yesterday I slept, 
c.dopin toino hiem tan-in, three nights now went. 



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304 University of Calif omia Ptiblicatums. [Am.Aech.Bth. 

tsum-un amin wuy-un nim, end its sleep's 1117. 

insis nim wui, good-is my sleep. 

ins-in-g' o-na nim wvlj-a, like I my sleep (I like to sleep). 

inee-tam-na kon-in-hin, weU I descend. 

dl-e-g'o-na batsikn-i ptis-a, see I red dog. 

silit-hin-na t*ipin ki-n silel, jump I on this rock. 

witset ki panan-g'o kd-u sili-w, stick this lies on-this rock. 

cil-e-g'dhin na as-a min ta-s-in-wa, see (sawf) I biting jour those. 

as-is-in nan aman, bite me they. 

as-is'in na a-mam-in-wa, bite I them. 

as-is-in na kin, bite I him-doee-by. 

as-is-in na ken, bite I him-somewhat-near. 

cil-e-g' 6n-na min lai-han-ahin xat-au-miny saw I your haying-been-kicked 

eating-f or your, 
cil-e-g' dn-na min as-is-(h)an-&n min uk-un-t-au, saw I your having-been 

bitten your drinking-f or. 
cil-aan-na ki-n puus-a xat-an, see I this dog eat. 
cil-aan-na k^-in puus-un xat-a, see I this dog's eating, 
kd-in puus-un zat, this dog's food. 

cil-hin-na kd-in zat-a, see I this-one 's food, see I this-one eat. 
ki tan n5no xat-in, this there man eats, 
cil-hin-na ki tau ndno xat-an, see I this there man eat 
cil-hin-na kd-in tau n5nd-in xat-a, see I this there man eat. 
tijct-in-hin na mdts na ki-n xat-in, sick-am I because I this eat. 
tixt-in-hin na ta-ni zat-ani, sick-am I that by-means-of-food. 
tizt-in-hin-na zat-mi ki-n, sick-am I eating-from this, 
tail-hin-na hatim-mi, recover I dancing-f rom. 
tail-hin-na k^-ni hatm-&ni, recover I this dance-by-means-of . 
mi-na hatm-in ama-na tal-an, shall I dance, then I recover-shalL 
wot-it-na kd-in ndno-in, hit- was I of -this man. 
pok-in-ki-ma, find did youf 
wot-sit-it na min, hit-for-am I for-you. 
kun-hun-na, hit-with-the-hand I. 

cil-hin-na puus-un lap-lap-han-ain, see I dog's being-whipped, 
cil-hin-na min kun-han-ain, see I your being-struck, 
cil-it-aman, seen-are they. 

lana-g' o-na-min cil-han, hear I you to-have-been-seen. 
lana-ahin na min cil-a nohoo-n, heard I you saw grizzly-bear, 
ilk-in kono, water-fall. 

walan-na pat-an na ilk-au, yesterday I fell I water-in. 
pat-n-in na ilk-au^ fall-shall I water-in. 
pat-in-hin-na zoti-u, fall I ground-on. 
kon-in-ka, descend! 

wa-nit t.ipi-nit ilik kono-n-on, far-from high-from water falls, 
lomt-o-nit tahan-an ilik, mountains-f rom comes the-water. 
toxil tan-aan ilik, west goes the-water. 
palu-wa g'o-g'o paaci, down far is lake. 

pus na-mam wiyaan, zat-en mi-hi, ( f ) I you told, eat you would, 
wut-d-g' o-na ki tan hi nono zat-en, knew I this it would man eat 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 305 

wut'd-g' o na kon-on-ma-nan-hi, knew I strike you me would. 

taud.ak,kmi 

mi-na-mam taud*a, shall I you kilL 

walan-na-tan taud'a-g' 5ii, yesterday I him killed. 

hitsi-na-tan taud*a, tomorrow I him kill. 

k'ehdian m^ts na tan taud*ahin, (sorry) because I him killed. 

dl-hin-na amin tan taud^a, saw I his him killing. 

cil-hin-no min wat-dok-ti taud^a, saw I you some-one kilL 

taud*a-nit na-hi, kiUed-shall-be I shall. 

ma-hi tau taud*a-nity you will there killed-be. 

haiyu-wis-ka-nan, laugh-at me! 

waxil-sit-ka-nan, cry-for me I 

ilik-sit-g' 5-na-mam, singing-for-am I you. 

tezal-sit-g' o-na-mam, speaking-f or-am I you, I interpret for you. 

texal-g' o-na-mam, speaking-am I you, I talk of you. 

taud'a-sit-g' o-na-mam tani, killing-f or-am I for-you that-one. 

kun-sut-un-na-mam k^ni, strike-f or I for-you this-one. 

mi-na tamna, shall I taste. 

tamna-sit-ka nan, taste-for me I 

mi-na kiy-en tan, shall I touch that. 

kii-sit-g* o-na-mam, touch-it-for I for-you. 

lap-lap-it-na, whipped-am I. 

lap-ats, a whip. 

mi-na lap-en, I shall whip. 

wot. -it, he-is-hii. 

wot.-wot-it-na, am-hit-several-times I. 

wot'-g' o na kin pus-a, hit I this dog. 

wot-en na ken pus-a, hit I that dog (at some distance, but visible). 

oyog*d-na kisinwa ndndhi, seek I these men. 

oyozan-nan aman, seek me they. 

tasin nan n5n^i oyozo, those me men seek. 

kisik nan n5n^i oyoxo, these-two me men seek. 

tasin nan ins-in-g'dn, those me like. 

ki talap, this bow. 

nim talap, my bow. 

kd-in ndno-in talap, this man's bow. 

C'dopin ndn^i, three men. 

tixt-in-hin-na zat-mi xoi, sick-am I eating-f rom deer. 

taiil-hin-na ukun-mu ilk-a, well-am I drinking-from water. 

x6no na as tixt-in-g* o, constantly 1(f) am-sick. 

mi-na kin zat-en xoi, ania na tahan t<^-u-nim, shall I this eat deer, then 1 go 

house-to my. 
as-it-na puus-un, bitten I dog-of . 
as-en-na-mam, bite-shall I you. 
lai-it-na ndno-in, kicked-was I man-of . 
kun-ut-na witdp-in, struck-was 1 child-of . 
witdp-in sasa, child's eye. 
n5no-in tinik, man's nose, 
kainha-n sasa, woman's eye. 



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306 University of CaUfomia Publications, [Am.Aech.Bth. 



Id nan n5no cil-hin, this me man i 

eil-hin na kin ndno-in, see I this man. 

tixtin-hin-na eil-mi hitwaia-n, sick I seeing-from ghost. 

tixtin-hin-na hitwaia-ni, sick I ghost-bj. 

hitwaia nan lihim-^hen, ^ost me mn-made. 

tosit-en-na-mam-hi, tell-shall I jou shalL 

pus-na-mam wiyaahin, kun-kun-ut-ni-hi, (f) I jou told, stnick-be I should. 

kun-ut-na, I am struck one blow. 

kon-kon-ut-na, I am struck many blows or all over mj body. 

cU-hin na maiek t^^in, see I large honse. 

maiek pfis nan as-is-in, a-large dog me bit. 

ki pus kudjii, this dog is-smalL 

cil-hin na kodj^-n pfls-a, see I small dog. 

ins-in-g' o-na-min ilk-a, like I your singing. 

ponoi ilik, two songs. 

walan-na ilek-&hin, yesterday I sang. 

c*5opin nim hatim, three my dances, I have three dances. 

ins-in-g'o na wiy-ain hat'm-a min, like I do-thus (the-way-of) dance yonr. 

wi-ka, do-it-thusi 

wiy-ain ilik-a, thus sing I 

hawiyuk-min ilik, what-kind is-your songf 

hawiyuk, how-does-it-look f 

nd-ki, like this. 

nd'pus, like a-dog. 

cil-en-na-mam-hi hitsii, see I you shall to-morrow. 

zat-atin-g'o na mandn, eat-like I much. 

cil-hin-na zat-a min pus-a, see I eating your dog, I see yon eating a dog. 

xoi-n sasa, deer's eye. 

puuB-un sasa, dog's eye. 

kainha-n t*inik, woman's nose. 

mani witip-ats, many children. 

silil, rock. 

silel-hal, rocky, a lot of rocks. 

yet-yet*-in nimdgon tok zoi, one-each our kill deer. 

pon-pdn-i nim5gun tok zoi, two-each our kill deer. 

bdpatiu ki-n lomt-o, top-at this mountain. 

taud-ahin na kd-ni talap-ni, killed- (him) I this-with bow-with. 

kopin ki-n deiwitc, inside this basket 

ydt*o n5nM taud<a-t, all the-men were-killed (every man was kiUed). 

yfet.o g* o-g* o ndndh-in yet-yet-in t.i, every is men 's one-each house. 

yet'O g'og'o ta-s-in-w-in ndn^-in t*i yit*, all is of -those men's house one 

(they have one house together). 
yet>-yet<-n-am na amaminwa kun-kun-hun, singly I them strike, 
witcet-al, many sticks lying about 

mi-na ki-n tot*i-li yet-yet-n-am witset, will I this break each-singly stick. 
C'dp-c*epy-am aman tazan-an, three-at-a-time they came, 
kft-u, here (from ki). 
kd-u, there (from ke). 
kd-u tazn-en, hither he-comes. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 307 

hiyok ma g'og'o, where you live! 

hiye-t-uk ma tahan-an, whenee you comef (hiye-t for hiye-nit before -uk). 

hiye-nit na tauac tahan-an, somewhere^rom I ( f ) come. 

ki na tau gfogfo konon-on ponpon, this I there live falls snow. 

bis nan ti hi watau as-en, ama na ta-n kun-on, if(f) me (t) will anyone 
bite, then I him hit-will. 

acwa-ma-nan as-as-&hin walan, kun-al-na-mam lac, if you me had-bitten yes- 
terday, struck-should-have I you indeed(f). 

acwa ma insis, wan-al-na mam nac kawaio-n, if you good, give I you indeed 
(!) horse. 

hot-d-g* on-na kun-on mi-hi ta-n, knew I hit you would hinh 

acwa ha ma walan tazan-fthin, wan-al na mam lac xat-ani, if ( f ) you yester- 
day had-come, presented-should-have I you indeed(f) with-food. 

acwa ma-nan walan kun-ahin, as-al-na-mam lac, if you me yesterday had- 
struck, bitten-should-have I you indeed(f) 

acwa ma t>^-u gf o-g' on, tazn-al na lac ta-u, if you at-home had-been, come- 
should-have I indeed(f) there. 

mand-in na at-in hites, anum na tumk-un-un, much I cut wood, that I warm- 
will-be. 

diln-au hiwet-in ki-n lomt-o, along walk this mountain. 

koyoii-koyoii-wiy-ahin amin hoiin, zigzag-going his flight. 

hoiin-hin tukal-iu, he-flies straight. 

tukal witset, straight stick. 

mi-na hiwet-an ayan-aya-wiya, shall I walk swaying-going. 

hot*dnd-hin na, make-a-fire I, keep-up-a-fire I. 

hot*dne-ls, fire-place. 

palam-palam-wiy-an, flames (= are-flaming). 

palam-am-wiy-ahin, flames (=:were-flaming). 

tul-ul-ul-wi oct-in, hissing of -fire. 

tuk-tuk-wi oct-in, crackling of -fire. 

salats-wiyan, daybreak. 

zap-la yokots, angel (flying person). 

taud<a-wis-in amak, kill-themselves they-two. 

lap-i-lp-is-an amak, whip-each-other they-two. 

tuy-u-ty-us-ahin amak, shot-each-other they-two. 

tizt-in-hin-na min tui-t-un, sick-am I your being-shot-from. 

tuy-ut-na, am-shot I. 

tixt-in-hin-ma amin tui-t-un, sick-are you by-him being-shot-from. 

moy-on-on na tui-tui-mu, tired I f rom-shooting. 

hiem na moy-in-in nim ilek-i, now I am-tired my singing (of singing). 

hiem na moy-in-in as-as-i nim, now I am-tired biting my (of biting). 

hiem na moy-in-hin as-as-i nan, now I am-tired biting me (of being bitten). ^ 

moy-on-on na hiem kun-dw-i nan min, tired I now striking me of -you (of 
being struck by you). 

hiem na moy-in-hin kun-dw-i mam nim, tired I now striking you of -me (from 
striking you). 

wa mi-hi-tan lap-en, ta-na-mam as hi cil-en, ( f ) you will him strike, that I 
you (f) shall see. 



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308 University of Calif omia Publications. [Aic.Abch.Eth. 



"v 



III. OTHER DIALECTS AND COMPARISONS. 

This third part of the present paper deals briefly and com- 
paratively with all the Yoknts dialects on which material is 
available. As originally written, this part contained discussions 
of six or eight dialects besides Yaudanehi and Yauelmani. Sub- 
sequently an opportunity arose to make a special study of the 
territory, tribal divisions, and dialectic groups of the Yokuts 
family as a whole. This study was carried out in the early part 
of 1906, and included among its results about twenty vocabu- 
laries, of different dialects, available for systematic comparison. 
This increased body of material has made possible a determina- 
tion of the principal divisions of the Yokuts family. While 
many dialects have become entirely extinct, it appears, from the 
information obtained, that none of those thus lost was sufficiently 
distinctive to exclude it from the several dialectic groups that 
have been established. In other words, these groups appear to 
represent all the principal divisions of the Yokuts language at 
the time of its first contact with white civilization, and the dia- 
lects that have been lost to differ from those known only in minor 
features. 

The linguistic material obtained in the last study made was 
recorded at so many places, and from so many different indi- 
viduals, that it was impracticable to extend it beyond vocabu- 
laries, and to enter into grammatical investigations, in the time 
that was available. Previous knowledge of the structure of Yau- 
danehi and Yauelmani however made it possible to determine 
certain structural features, such as the pronouns and the verbal 
suffixes, in many cases, and the morphological information se- 
cured in this way is sufficient, when combined with the more 
readily obtained lexical and phonetic results, to allow of a satis- 
factory general classification of all the dialects. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 309 



DIALECTIC DIVISIONS. 

As stated at the opening of this paper, the Yoknts dialects 
were numerous, each small tribe, of which there were about forty, 
possessing a dialect distinct, in at least some words, from all 
others. At the same time the differentiation of even the most 
diverse dialects was not very great. Barring two small special- 
ized groups comprising together not more than three or four dia- 
lects, all the dialects were more or less intelligible to one another. 
Structurally they are very uniform, and even lexically they 
differ more conspicuously by the use of different stems to ex- 
press the same idea than by serious modifications of the same 
stem. Altogether the dialects, including the two specialized 
groups just mentioned, fall quitely clearly into two divisions, of 
which the Yaudanchi and Yauelmani that have been described 
are typical grammatical representatives. These two divisions 
have been called the Foot-hill and Valley divisions. 

The relation of these two divisions to the topography of the 
Yokuts territory is, when particularly considered, quite striking. 
As has been stated, the Yokuts occupied the entire southern half 
of the San Joaquin-Tulare Valley, besides almost all the adja- 
cent foot-hills. They did not reach high into the mountains, 
which were held everywhere by Shoshoneans and, in the south, 
by Chumash. The present Tule river reservation, which is sit- 
uated on original Yokuts territory, is farther up in the moun- 
tains than almost any other habitat of even the Foot-hill tribes, 
a circumstance due probably to the presence in the Tule river 
region of a well marked secondary range of the Sierra Nevada, 
which served as a natural dividing line between the two stocks. 
Within the Yokuts family the dialectic distinction between the 
inhabitants of the plains and those of the foot-hills is equally 
sharp. Not only that adjacent tribes living respectively in the 
valley and in the hills spoke differently, but, with only two ex- 
ceptions, all valley tribes everywhere belonged to one division, and 
all foot-hill tribes to another. These two exceptions were, first, 
at the extreme northern. end of the Yokuts territory, on the San 
Joaquin and Fresno rivers, where dialects belonging to the Valley 
division, but forming a well-marked subdivision, were spoken in 



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310 University of CaUfomia PviUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth. 

the foot-hills as well as on the plains.* Second, at the extreme 
south of the Yokuts territory, two similar and much specialized 
Foot-hill dialects were spoken about Buena Vista and Eem lakes. 
While these lakes are in the great Tulare plain, and the tribes in- 
habiting their shores were separated from the other tribes of the 
Foot-hill division by the Valley tribes on Eem river and Tulare 
lake, yet the two lakes are comparatively close to the mountains 
that shut off the Tulare basin on the south ; and, as these moun- 
tains, while forming part of the Coast Range, are also connected 
with the southern Sierra Nevada into one long continuous system 
swung about in a semi-circle, the habitat of this isolated lake 
group is not so diverse from that of the remainder of the Foot- 
hill division as at first appears. 

In connection with the sharp differentiation of dialects spoken 
in the valley and in the foot-hills, it is to be observed that almost 
throughout the Yokuts territory, at least from the San Joaquin 
southward, the distinction is equally sharp topographically. The 
foot-hills end abruptly, in some cases quite boldly, at the edge 
of the plain, and a few yards, sometimes a single step, bring cme 
clearly from one zone into the other. North of the San Joaquin 
river the physiography is usually quite different, as the foot-hills 
slope almost imperceptibly into the valley in a long peneplain. 
This is the character of the country among the northern Yokuts 
tribes that live in the foot-hills but speak Valley dialects. It is 
also the character of the country among the Miwok, the stock 
adjoining the Yokuts on the north, and it appears that in this 
family, although its range is much higher into the mountains 
than that of the Yokuts, there is no such marked division into 
Foot-hill and Valley dialects as exists in the latter. 

VALLEY DIVISION. 

The Valley division consists of two groups, a northern, and a 

principal one occupying most of the valley proper. 

^ The Northern group of dialects, while showing some unity and a number 
of stems peculiar to itself, appears to have consisted of two sub-groups, one 
comprising the tribes living in the plains, the other those in the hills. The 
dialects of the plains sub-group were the nearer to those of the southern 
Valley tribes. Thus even in this Northern group, which on the whole be- 
longs distinctively to the Valley division, the distinction between Valley and 
Foot-hill dialects is to some degree maintained. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 311 

The Northern group comprised the tribes living directly on 
the San Joaquin and on the streams to the north, the Fresno and 
the Chowchilla. From this group material is extant from the 
Chukchansi, Kechayi, Dumna, and Chauchila dialects. The dia- 
lects of the adjacent Dalinchi, Hoyima, Heuchi, Pitkachi, Wa- 
kichi, and perhaps Toltichi, also belonged to this group. 

The main Valley group extended over the territory from 
lower Kings river to lower Kern river, that is to say, the land 
bordering on these streams as well as on the lower courses of 
Tule and Kaweah rivers and the smaller neighboring streams, 
as also on Tulare Lake. This was the largest group of Yokuts 
dialects, and formed linguistically a close unit. It included 
Yauelmani, Wechikhit, Nutunutu, Tachi, Chunut, Wowolasi, and 
Choinok, from which there is material, besides Wimilchi, Apia- 
chi, Telamni, Wowowali, Koyeti, Truhohayi, and probably others, 
all or most of which are extinct. 

The Chulamni, or Cholovone, occupying a detached territory 
in the vicinity of Stockton on the eastern bank of the lower San 
Joaquin river considerably to the north of all the remaining Yo- 
kuts tribes, also spoke a dialect belonging to the Valley division. 
Its aflSnities are very markedly with Chauchila, the northern- 
most dialect of the Valley division, and which, while most closely 
allied to the Northern dialects in the fpot-hills, such as Chuk- 
chansi, shows so many special afl&nities to the main Valley group 
as to make it nearly a transition between the two. 

FOOT-HILL DIVISION. 

The Foot-hill division occupied a smaller area than the Valley 
division, and the number of tribes included in it was smaller. 
The number of its subdivisions is however greater, and these sub- 
divisions differ considerably more from one another. The North- 
em and Valley dialects of the Valley division are practically 
identical in structure and in phonetics, the differences being lex- 
ical. Among the four Foot-hill groups, however, there are gram- 
matical and phonetic differences, besides lexical divergences 
considerably greater than those existing in the Valley division. 
The four foot-hill groups were spoken respectively on Kings 



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312 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

river, on Tule and Kaweah rivers, on Poso creek, and at Buena 
Vista and Kern lakes. 

The Kings River group is the northernmost of the Foot-hill 
division, and in every way closest to the Valley division. It is, 
for instance, phonetically entirely similar to the Valley dialects. 
Structurally it also agrees with the Valley dialects in certain re- 
spects, although other features, and these apparently more numer- 
ous and distinctive ones, ally it with the adjacent Tule-Kaweah 
group of the Foot-hill division. Lexically, also, it shows many 
aflSnities with both the groups of the Valley division, but the 
body of its words it has in common with the other Foot-hill 
groups. The Chukaimina, Michahai, Aiticha, and Choinimni, as 
well as probably one or two other tribes living on the immediate 
Kings river drainage, such as the Toikhichi and Kocheyali, from 
whom no material has been secured, formed this group. The 
Gashowu of Dry creek, the next stream to the north of Kings 
river, between it and the San Joaquin, also belonged to this 
group, although their dialect shows a number of special affinities 
with the adjacent Northern group. 

The Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division comprised a 
small number of tribes: the Yaudanchi, Wiikchamni, and pos- 
sibly two or three others, such as the Gawia, Yokod, and Bokni- 
nuwad. In this group there appear for the first time the sounds 
and il and the other impure vowels that have been encountered 
in Yaudanchi; also n, which may have been an original sound 
of the language lost in the greater number of other dialects; 
while 1 is changed to d. Lexically this group is more diflferent 
than its northern neighbor, the Kings River group, from the 
Valley division, and the same is true of its grammatical features. 
Thus, while **his'' in all Valley dialects is **amin,'' it is **imin" 
in the Kings River group, but **an'* in the Tule-Kaweah group. 
This group is the central one in the Foot-hill division, and lin- 
guistically also intermediate between the less specialized Kings 
River group and the more specialized Poso Creek and Buena 
Vista Lake groups, and may be regarded as typical of the Foot- 
hill division. Accordingly Yaudanchi, which belongs to this 
group, and Yauelmani, which forms part of the principal Valley 
subdivision, are typically representative, although they are geo- 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 313 

graphically almost in contiguity, of the two main branches of 
the Yokuts family. 

A much specialized group of the Foot-hill division comprised 
the Paleuyami of Poso creek, and possibly one or two neighbor- 
ing dialects, such as Kumachisi. This small dialectic group does 
not show the o and u and impure vowels of the Tule-Kaweah 
group, nor has it changed 1 to d, although it uses n. Its greatest 
divergence is lexical. It possesses many stems peculiar to itself, 
and where the stems which it uses are those of other dialects, 
they are usually phonetically altered in Paleuyami, the vowels 
being particularly modified. The pronouns are as divergent as 
those of any Yokuts group ; the verbal forms resemble those of 
Yaudanchi. While the distinctness of this dialectic group is con- 
siderable, it clearly forms part of the Foot-hill division. 

A fourth Foot-hill group, a small body on the plains around 
Buena Vista and Kern lakes, seems to have consisted of only 
two tribes, the Tulamni, and another the proper name of which 
appears to have been entirely forgotten and which is therefore 
designated by the term Klometwoli, meaning simply southerners, 
applied to it by its Yauelmani and other neighbors. This small 
Buena Vista Lake group is lexically still more distinctive than 
the Poso Creek group, especially in the number of its stems pecu- 
liar to itself. Both phonetically and structurally, however, it 
appears to be about as close to the remaining Foot-hill groups, 
especially the Tule-Kaweah, as the Poso Creek group. Like the 
Tule-Kaweah dialects it possesses o and u and n. . 

RELATIONS OP DIALECTIO GROUPS. 

As can be seen, grammar, lexical content, and phonetics 
usually present about similar degrees of distinctiveness in these 
several dialectic groups, so that a natural classification presents 
no complexities. Such a classification is illustrated in the fol- 
lowing three diagrams. The first of these, figure 226, indicates 
the degree of difference or similarity between dialectic groups by 
the relative linear distances between the figures representing 
these groups. This graphic method is of course more or less im- 
perfect while confined to a representation in two dimensions. As 



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314 



University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am.Abch.Bth. 



will be seen, the area occupied in this diagram by the four Foot- 
hill groups is much greater than that covered by the two Valley 
subdivisions, indicating a much greater divergence from one an- 




FiG. 226. 

other of the former. This contrast is further accentuated by 
the fact that the closely similar Valley groups comprised a much 
greater number of dialects. If the extent of territory inhabited 
by the groups, and not the degree of their dissimilarity, had been 
indicated in this diagram, the Valley area would have been con- 
siderably larger than the Foot-hill area. 

This first representation has the disadvantage that it shows 
only the actual degree of difference between dialectic groups, 
without any reference to the nature or cause of this difference. 




YOKUTS 

Fig. 227. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



315 



While, for instance, the Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake dia- 
lects are perhaps more divergent even from their nearest ally, 
the Tule-Kaweah group, than this is different from all the other 
groups, even of the Valley division, yet it is not unlikely that 
these so divergent dialects are comparatively recent specialized 
ofehoots from a former generalized Foot-hill branch, now repre- 
sented more nearly in its early state by the Kings River or Tule- 
Kaweah subdivisions. With the probable original relation of the 
groups in view, a second diagram in the form of a tree of rela- 
tionship has therefore been arranged in figure 227. This dia- 
gram expresses approximately the degree of similarity between 
dialectic groups by the distances between the ends of the lines 
representing them, while at the same time the branching of these 
lines illustrates the presumable origin and connection of the dia- 
lectic groups. 

A third diagram, figure 228, has been arranged to show sche- 




rio. 228. 

matically the relation of the dialectic groups to the Tokuts terri- 
tory. If it is borne in mind that the geography of this sketch is 
only diagrammatic, and that the relationship of the dialectic 
groups is indicated by the chain of figures representing them, the 
meaning of the figure will be clear. 



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316 University of Calif omia PubUcoHons. [Am.Arch.Eth. 



LEXICAL RELATIONS OP DIALECTS. 

The principal characteristic of the vocabulary of the Yokuts 
dialects is the great number of totally distinct stems used in 
different dialects for the same word. This feature is the more 
pronounced on account of the comparatively great uniformity 
of words when their stems do not change, and especially on ac- 
count of the marked structural similarity pervading all divisions 
of the family. The diversity of dialects as regards stems becomes 
particularly apparent when, after having the conditions of Yo- 
kuts in mind, one turns for comparison to the larger families of 
the continent, as for instance Shoshonean. This family, adjoin- 
ing the Yokuts on the east, has an immensely greater territorial 
extent, reaching from Wyoming to Southern California and from 
Oregon to Texas. Its dialectic groups are well marked; but as 
one turns the pages of a comparative vocabulary, he is impressed 
by the almost endless variability, time and again, of the same 
stem, with a persistence, however, of this stem through all or 
nearly all the dialects. In Yokuts the stems vary much less, and 
in fact are often identical ; but instead, new radicals constantly 
appear as one passes from one dialectic group to another. 

It is probable that a similar comparative phonetic uniformity 
but radical diversity characterizes many of the linguistic families 
of California, especially those in the large Central morphological 
group. This feature has been exaggerated by writers who have 
received impressions of the native languages by coming more or 
less in contact with the Indians without systematically collecting 
linguistic material ; but, allowing for the necessary modification 
on this account, these impressions are nevertheless correct. Study 
shows conditions entirely similar to those of Yokuts to exist in 
Yuki, Pomo, and Costanoan. Dr. Dixon's recent study of the 
Shasta and Achomawi, as a result of which he has united these 
two groups into a single family, deals primarily with lexical simi- 
larities, but gives negative evidence of the great radical diversity 
that must exist in this now unified family. The miscellaneous 
published Maidu and Wintun vocabularies show quite clearly 
that the same conditions exist at least to a considerable degree in 



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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 317 

these two stocks ; precisely to what extent, remains to be seen. All 
these languages, with the exception in a measure of the Shasta- 
Achomawi, are phonetically very simple and clear. In none of 
them do radical syllables appear to contain two consecutive con- 
sonants; in all full, simple, and naturally produced sounds pre- 
dominate greatly over impure, unusual, or phonetically idiomatic 
ones. In all there is very little phonetic modification, especially 
of consonants, upon contact of stems in composition or deriva- 
tion. Even the vowels undergo little, change in this way except 
for some phonetic harmony in Maidu and Yokuts. It is evident 
that with this quality of phonetic simplicity fundamentally im- 
pressed upon the consciousness or rather unconsciousness of these 
languages, extensive and complicated phonetic variations such as 
characterize Indo-European and some of the larger American 
families, cannot so well occur between dialects. 

While the comparatively slight diversification of dialects 
through alterations in them of the same radicals, is thus causally 
directly connected with the phonetic character of the Central Cali- 
fomian languages — slight as compared with the total degree of 
differentiation of dialects, — ^the origin of the corresponding op- 
posite characteristic of great radical diversity is less easily ex- 
plained even in a general way. It is probable that this radical 
differentiation is due largely to the general tendencies which 
have resulted in the diversification of the languages of California 
into so many families or apparent families, so far as this diversi- 
fication may have arisen within California and not be due to 
successive immigrations of already distinct stocks. But what 
those diversifying tendencies are is not yet known. All that can 
at present be conjectured is that they are connected, as they are 
g>existent with, the tendencies toward phonetic and structural 
simplicity that are so deeply impressed upon almost all the Cen- 
tral Calif omian languages. 

Borrowing of words from other families will account for the 
radical diversities between dialects only to a slight extent. It is 
becoming evident that there has been more or less borrowing be- 
tween almost all the families of the Central Califomian group. 
In a few cases the number of stems held in common by two or 
more stocks is in fact so large as to raise the question whether it 

Am. Abch. £th. 2, 23. 



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318 University of California Publications, [Am.Akch.Bth. 

does not point to their original unity. In most cases, however, 
the borrowed words constitute only a small portion of the total 
vocabulary of any family or dialect, and, what is more, they are 
as often stems denoting special ideas as they are words of more 
primitive meaning and considerable significance in linguistic 
comparisons. A second cause that has no doubt been operative in 
producing the differentiation of dialects, exactly to what degree 
is hard to determine, is the prevailing taboo of names of the dead. 
This in some cases probably has led to borrowing ; but more fre- 
quently to the use of a stem properly belonging to a dialect and 
cognate in meaning to, but as a radical distinct from, the one 
which is temporarily or permanently dropped. This process, it 
will be seen, would explain a great number of diversities in To- 
kuts. It is however hard to imagine that this cause alone could 
have been productive even of only a large part of the extensive 
differentiation occurring. Where a siQgle dialect shows a dif- 
ferent radical from the other dialects of the same group, this 
explanation of the taboo as cause is reasonable enough; but when 
entire groups of dialects possess different radicals from other 
groups, it is evident that further factors must be taken into con- 
sideration. And these factors still remain to be discovered. 

Numerous instances could be given of the disappearance of 
stems in one or more of the dialectic groups of Yokuts, and of 
the appearance in these dialects of other stems, often utterly un- 
changed from their forms in other groups but with a different 
meaning. 

For instance, the usual Yokuts word for house is t-i, varied 
occasionally to t-e and tci. In most Northern dialects this stem 
disappears and is replaced by xo. The usual meaning of xo is 
to be or live, which it appears to possess in all dialects. In addi- 
tion it has probably given rise to the continuative sufl3x xo foimd 
in the Valley, Northern, and Kings River groups. In the Foot- 
hill dialects this stem xo acquires the additional meaning of sit, 
replacing entirely the Valley stem huloc. 

The usual Foot-hill stem for sleep is ent-im. In Paleuyami 
this is replaced by k'eneu, which is nothing but the usual Foot- 
hill radical k'ttnw or k'aniu, meaning to lie. In the Valley dia- 
lects sleep is expressed by woi, which is also the term for lie. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 319 

The iMual Yokuts tenn for smoke is modak. In most North- 
em dialects this disappears to be replaced by a stem tsehan, 
which reappears in Yaudanchi as tcehen with the meaning of fog. 
The same stem, tcehen, replaces the usual word for cloud, k'iedai 
or k'ilei, in Wiikchamni, Aiticha, and Choinok, while in Tachi 
the stem ceel, which usually has the meaning of rain, appears for 
cloud. In place of this stem ceel, which is the customary one in 
the Valley dialects for rain, xotoo is characteristic of the Foot- 
hill dialects. But in certain special Foot-hill and Valley dialects, 
such as Tulamni, Gashowu, Tachi, Chunut, and Nutunutu, a stem 
gono, meaning fall, appears. 

The usual stem for medicine-man is ant*u. The Northern dia- 
lects show a stem teic, which is the radical having in Yaudanchi, 
and iq>parently in most other dialects, the meaning of make. The 
medicine-man is he who makes. 

In Paleuyami the usual Yokuts words for head and hair, ot'O 
and dool, are replaced by a form t-uk, which is nothing but the 
Foot-hill and Northern stem tcuk, meaning in these dialects 
brain. 

Such instances could be indefinitely multiplied, and were the 
Yokuts languages known more thoroughly an even greater nimi- 
ber of radical diversities could no doubt be explained in this 
manner than is now the case. At the same time there is evidently 
a large element of diverse stems whose origin cannot be explained 
in this way. Such stems may also once have taken their rise 
through dialectic shifting of meaning, but the process and the 
fact can no longer be traced or determined. 

To illustrate the degree of uniformity and diversity of the 
stems in the several dialectic groups of Yokuts, a comparative 
vocabulary of a few selected terms is here given. The fuller 
vocabularies from which this table is drawn will be presented in 
a future publication dealing specifically with the tribal divisions 
and dialects of the family. 



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320 



University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



321 



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322 University of Calif omia PubUcaiions. [AM.ABCH.E>rH. 

Of about two hundred and twenty-five common words on 
which there is sufficient material for comparisons in the vocabu- 
laries obtained, one hundred and fifty, or fully two-thirds, show 
two or more distinct radicals in the totality of dialects. Of the re- 
mainder, forty-three, or barely a fifth, go back to the same radical 
in all six dialectic groups. In the case of about thirty words only 
one stem appears in the dialectic groups from which there is 
material, but information is lacking in regard to one or two 
groups. As these are usually the specialized Poso Creek and 
Buena Vista Lake groups, in which divergent radicals most fre- 
quently appear, a certain part of these thirty words would no 
doubt have to be added, were the information complete, to the 
one hundred and fifty showing two or more stems. In any case 
it is clear that at least two-thirds of the most common linguistic 
ideas, including nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and numerals, 
and excluding only personal and demonstrative pronouns, are 
expressed by diverse stems in one or more of the six structurally 
so closely united dialectic groups of Yokuts. 

The respective proportion of words showing uniform and 
diverse stems is very different in the several classes of words. 
The figures are given in the accompanying table. It will be seen 
that the numerals are conspicuously uniform. Only the word 
for nine differs; but for this there are four distinct st^ns. Of 
next greatest uniformity are adverbial and interrogative pronom- 
inal stems. The proportion of uniform stems does not vary very 
much in the different classes of nouns and verbs, being twenty- 
seven per cent for verbs ; thirty-two per cent, the highest propor- 
tion, for parts of the body ; twenty-nine per cent for the names 
of a few of the more important artificial objects ; twenty-four per 
cent for natural objects, including the cardinal directions and 
names of plants ; and twenty-two per cent for mammals. Words 
denoting birds and animals other than mammals, indeed appar- 
ently show a very high frequency of uniform stems, amounting 
to about one-half, but this circumstance is due to two factors; 
first the accident of an unusually large number of gaps among 
these words in the vocabularies from the more specialized dialects ; 
and second the greater predominance in this class than in others 
of onomatopoetic terms. It is notable that the proportion of 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 323 

words derived from diverse steins is greatest in nouns denoting 
persons and in adjectives, in both of which classes the percentage 
of uniform stems is nothing. 





Identical Items 
in all 
in <ai so far as 
groups knoum 


Different Percentage 
Stems of total 
formed by 
identioal stems 


Numerals 


9 


.^ 


1 


90 


Nouns 










Persons 


— 


— 


13 





Parts 0} the Body 


11 


5 


31 


32 


Artificial Objects 


4 


1 


12 


29 


Natural Objects 


6 


3 


29 


24 


Mammals 


2 


3 


18 


22 


Birds and other Animals 


3 


16 


20 


49 


Adjectives 


— 


— 


9 





Adverbs and Interrogatives 


5 


1 


6 


50 


Verbs 


3 


1 


11 


27 



Total 43 30 150 33 

These proportions are of general interest in three points. 
First, in the comparatively small number of uniform verbal 
stems, showing that verb stems in this language are not more 
primary, original, or less subject to change than noun stems. 
Second, in the fact that the uniformity of stems in words denot- 
ing parts of the body is not materially greater than among nouns 
of other meaning, which is contrary to the usual supposition, 
which is no doubt often correct, that terms denoting parts of the 
body are less subject to alteration in dialectic differentiation 
than are other classes of substantives. Third, in the great uni- . 
formity existing among the numerals. This uniformity among 
numerals is indeed paralleled by the conditions existing in many 
languages, but is exceptional for California.* 

The principal words found which go back to a single stem in 

all the Yokuts dialects are the following: The numerals from 

one to eight, ten, ear, eye, nose, mouth, eyelid, tooth, beard, 

' In Costanoan and Tuki the numerals vary enormously in different dia- 
lects, and in Porno, Chumash, and other families there are also great varia- 
tions of a radical nature. Many of these variations are due to the com- 
posite nature of the numerals above three, and occur most frequently in 
languages whose numeral system is quinary or quaternary. The decimal 
system of Yokuts, like most decimal systems, is less transparent as to origin. 
It is however noteworthy that those of the Tokuts numerals liiat are clearly 
derivative, such as four and five, show as great a uniformity in the various 
dialects as those that go back directly to a simple radical. 



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324 University of Calif omia PubUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth. 

woman's breast, bone, tears, sweat-house, boat, road, north, south, 
night, fire, water, panther, skunk, condor, goose, fish, louse, far, 
who, what, where, drink, give, and laugh. The following are 
radically alike in all the dialectic groups from which there is 
information, but may show different stems in those groups which 
are not represented in these words in the vocabularies: Lips, 
navel, ankle, faeces, urine, sinew, arrow-point, hail, star, leaf, 
tobacco, plains oak, manzanita, polecat, otter, beaver, bald eagle, 
magpie, blackbird, bluejay, mountain quail, pigeon, woodpecker, 
yellowhammer, road-runner, crane, kingsnake, lake trout, spider, 
up, and stand. As stated, most of the names of birds are onoma- 
topoetic. The words which show radically different stems in one 
or more of the dialectic groups are too numerous to be listed, but 
include nine, person, man, woman, child, old man, old woman, 
father, mother, chief, friend, head, hair, tongue, neck, hand, 
fingernail, belly, back, foot, heart, blood, liver, brain, skin, house, 
bow, arrow, pipe, meat, name, west, sun, moon, day, cloud, rain, 
snow, smoke, ash, ice, earth, world, stream, mountain, rock, salt, 
wood, willow, tule, dog, bear, coyote, wolf, fox, wildcat, deer, elk, 
antelope, hare, rabbit, ground-squirrel, gopher, raccoon, badger, 
bird, eagle, buzzard, homed owl, raven, crow, humming-bird, 
quail, lizard, frog, fly, worm, white, black, red, large, small, good, 
bad, all, much, down, to-morrow, yesterday, no, eat, run, dance, 
sing, sleep, talk, see, kill, sit, lie, walk, and cry. 

To determine the relative degrees of affinity or specialization 
of the several dialectic groups, computations have been made of 
the number of stems they respectively have and have not in com- 
mon with other groups. The Kings River group of the Foot-hill 
division shows similarities to the Valley division, and was there- 
fore compared with both the groups of this division as well as 
with the nearest group, the Tule-Kaweah, of the Foot-hill divi- 
sion. Excluding on the one hand words possessing identical 
stems in the four groups, and on the other hand words showing 
stems peculiar to the Kings River group, the Bangs River group 
agrees with the Tule-Kaweah group fifty-four times and differs 
from it thirty-three times; and agrees with the Northern and the 
principal Valley groups respectively thirty-five and thirty-three 
times and differs from them fifty-two and forty-eight times. The 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language, 325 

proportion of words of the Kings River group going back to the 
same stem as the corresponding words in the Tule-Kaweah group 
is thus about sixty per cent., whereas the proportion between 
Kings River and the two Valley groups is only forty per cent. 
While the Kings River group makes the nearest approach within 
the Foot-hill division to the Valley division, it thus clearly be- 
longs with the Tule-Kaweah group to the former. 

Within the Kings River group the Gashowu, spoken on Dry 
creek, between Kings river and the San Joaquin, shows the most 
specialization, and many of its differentiations are in the direc- 
tion of the forms found in the Northern group, which is on the 
San Joaquin. A computation, however, shows forty-six stems 
agreeing with Kings River forms and differing from Northern 
forms, and only twenty of opposite affinity. While Gashowu 
therefore has something of a transitional character, and must be 
regarded as the one of all the Foot-hill dialects approaching most 
nearly to the Valley division, it yet belongs distinctively to the 
Kings River group. 

Chauchila, which, as the only plains dialect in the Northern 
group from which there is material, may be taken as repre- 
sentative of these, differs in a number of cases from the foot-hill 
dialects in this group, and in these cases almost always agrees 
with the forms of the main Valley group. The proportion of its 
agreements and disagreements with these two groups — ^the main 
Valley and the Northern as typified by the dialects spoken in the 
foot-hills — is nearly equal, but somewhat in favor of the North- 
em group by about nineteen cases to fifteen. The sub-group of 
Northern dialects spoken in the plains, to which besides Chau- 
chila the isolated Chulamni of the region about Stockton is 
known to have belonged, as well as probably Hoyima, Heuchi, 
Pitkachi, and Wakichi, thus formed a true transition between 
the principal Valley group and the sub-group of Northern dia- 
lects spoken in the foot-hills : Chukchansi, Dalinchi, Kechayi, and 
Dumna. Of course all these groups and sub-groups, the principal 
Valley, the Northern of the plains, and the Northern of the hills, 
belong to the Valley division. 

The Northern group, including both its plains and foot-hill 
sub-groups, shows the following result on comparison with the 
other five groups of the family : 



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326 



University of California PubUccitions. [AitABCH-Bra. 





Northern Oroup, 




Oroup 


JdenHeal sieme 


Different 


Percentage of 






stems 


identical stems 


Buena Vista 


16 


56 


23 


Foso Creek 


24 


47 


34 


TuU-Kaweak 


35 


68 


38 


Kinge Bwer 


64 


37 


59 


raUey 


61 


27 


69 



In addition there are thirty-six words in which the majority 
of the Northern dialects show stems peculiar to themselves. It 
is evident from this table that the Northern group forms part of 
the Valley division, that within the Foot-hill division its nearest 
relative is the Kings River group, to which it is contiguous ; and 
that the Buena Vista Lake group is apparently the most special- 
ized of all Yokuts groups. 

Finally a computation was made as to the respective degrees 
of specialization of Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake, the most 
modified groups, and their relationship to other groups. Paleu- 
yami, representing the Poso Creek group, showed thirty-eight 
words radically distinct from the corresponding words of other 
dialects, or, if words are excluded which were not represented in 
all groups, thirty-two. The two dialects representing the Buena 
Vista Lake group showed sixty-seven words of radical disrtinct- 
ness, or, omitting the words not fully represented in all dialects, 
fifty-five. The relation of these two groups to the other groups 
of the family is shown by the following table. In this table the 
thirty-two to thirty-nine and fifty-five to sixty-seven stems pecu- 
liar respectively to the two groups in question, have been included 
in the series of figures expressing the number of words found 
showing stems different from those of the other dialects. 



Buena Vista 



Poso 



Buena Vista 

Foso 

Tule-Kaweah 

Kings 

Valley 

Northern 



Stems in 
Common 



29 
36 
24 
18 
12 



Stems Percentage Stems in Stems Percentage 
Different in Common Common Different in Common 



71 
83 
93 
95 
106 



29 
30 
21 
15 
10 



29 

54 
43 
38 



71 

55 
67 
66 

78 



50 
39 
37 
27 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language. 327 

It will be seen that the proportion of stems held in common 
with other groups is throughout higher for Paleuyami than for 
the Buena Vista Lake dialects. The order of afl&nity is the same 
in both cases, namely, first with Tule-Kaweah, next with Kings 
River, and then with the two groups of the Valley division, the 
principal Valley group coming before the Northern. As regards 
the relation of the two dialects to each other, while the percentage 
of stems held in common by the two is of course the same for 
both of them, their position toward each other in their respec- 
tive ranks of affinity is diflferent. To the Poso dialect the Buena 
Vista group is among those presenting the fewest similarities, 
showing in fact, next to the distant Northern, the smallest num- 
ber of stems held in common. This fact must be interpreted as 
proof of a really great divergence from each other of these two 
specialized groups. To the Buena Vista group, on the other 
hand, the Poso Creek group ranks very high in the scale of affini- 
ties, the proportion of common stems being almost as great as 
with the Tule-Kaweah group, which is the Buena Vista group 's 
nearest relative. This apparently contradictory circumstance is 
due to the fact that the great degree of specialization of the 
Buena Vista group has lowered the proportion of all its other 
similarities, thus giving Poso Creek an unduly high apparent 
degree of resemblance to it. The number of stems common to the 
two groups and peculiar to themselves is only six. If the two 
groups were a common offshoot from the main Yokuts stock, and 
only of comparatively late differentiation from each other, the 
number of such stems would certainly be very much greater. 

It thus appears that the Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake 
groups are independent divergences from the Foot-hill division 
of the Yokuts family and probably from the Tule-Kaweah group 
or its progenitor; that they have comparatively little in common 
with each other; and that Buena Vista is the more specialized of 
the two, differing more than any other group in its lexical content 
from the remaining Yokuts groups. 

In all the above computations words showing the same stem in 
all dialectic groups have been entirely excluded from consider- 
ation. 



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328 University of California Ptthlications. [Am.Aech.Bth. 



PHONETIC RELATIONS OF DIALECTS. 

The phonetic changes and equivalences of th^ Yokuts dia- 
lectic groups are few and simple. There are only three affecting 
entire groups with any frequency. These are, first a change of 
usual 1 to d, confined to the Tule-Kaweah group, within which it 
is universal ; second the occurrence of o and ii in the Tule-Ka- 
weah and Buena Vista groups ; and third the occurrence of n in 
the Tule-Kaweah, Buena Vista, and Poso Creek groups. It will 
be seen that all these phonetic specializations are confined to the 
Foot-hill division and that the northernmost group within this 
division, the Kings River, is free from them and agrees phoneti- 
cally with the groups of the Valley division. While the first of 
these three mutations, the change of 1 to d, holds universally in 
the dialects in which it occurs, the substitution of the other 
sounds, n for n and o and ii for e and i, is only partial in the 
dialectic groups in which they appear. But obversely n, o, and il 
are universally replaced by n, e, and i in those groups in which 
they do not appear. 

The change of 1 to d in the Tule-Kaweah group requires no 
particular discussion. The fact that it is confined to only one of 
the six groups in the family, and that one a small group, shows 
this d to have been almost certainly a comparatively late develop- 
ment from a more original 1. It is possible that this change of 1 
to d is due to Shoshonean influence, for the Mono division of the 
Shoshonean family entirely lacks 1. The case for this supposition 
is however not very strong, for the Kings River and Northern Yo- 
kuts groups are also in contact with the Mono and have retained 
1, whereas within the Tule-Kaweah group, which has made the 
change to d, only the tribes on Kaweah river, such as the Wuk- 
chamni, are in contact with Shoshoneans of the Mono division, 
the Tule river tribes, such as the Yaudanchi, having been in 
closer touch with the Shoshoneans of the distinct Kern River 
group, whose dialect contains 1. 

Of course d, corresponding to t as g does to k, appears in all 
Yokuts dialects irrespective of whether or not they possess 1. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 329 

As regards the second principal phonetic peculiarity, the ap- 
pearance of and u and the so-called impure vowels in the Tule- 
Eaweah and Buena Vista groups, it is almost certain that Sho- 
shonean influence must be reckoned with. This o and il, and per- 
haps other impure o and u sounds, are characteristic of the Sho- 
shonean family, being found in all its dialectic branches except 
the southernmost of those in southern California. The.Shosho- 
nean family occupies almost the entire territory extending along 
the eastern side of the Sierra Nevada, and thence south and west- 
ward through southern California to the ocean. The four purely 
Califomian families with which the Shoshoneans come in terri- 
torial contact along this stretch, the Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, and 
Chumash, all show these impure d and u sounds. Moreover these 
four families are, so far as known at present, the only ones in 
California that possess these sounds. The case could not well be 
stronger for the territorial continuity of characteristics due to 
interinfluence. It is rendered still stronger by the circumstance 
that one division of the Miwok or Moquelumnan family, which is 
separated from the remainder of the stock, and out of reach of 
direct Shoshonean influence, in the northern Coast Range of the 
state, appears to lack these d and il sounds in question. Yokuts 
would appear to have been influenced less than the three other 
stocks, since the great majority of its dialects, including many 
of those in the foot-hills in direct contact with Shoshoneans, 
lack the o and il. The two dialectic groups possessing 6 and u 
probably had closer relations with the neighboring Shoshoneans 
than any other groups excepting that on Poso creek. The Tule- 
Kaweah group was in contact with both the Mono and Kern 
River divisions, and the Buena Vista group in close proximity to 
the Kern River, Kawaiisu, and Serrano divisions, besides being 
in direct contact with the northeastemmost Chumash. Why the 
Paleuyami of Poso creek, who were probably more intimately 
associated with Shoshoneans than any other Yokuts group, should 
lack these sounds is difficult to understand. The Paleuyami dia- 
lect, however, often pronounces its vowels, especially i, e, o, and 
u, with a quality somewhat different from that which they have 
in other dialects; i and u especially are open to the point of 
sounding impure. In the dialects lacking 5 and w, e and i always 



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330 University of California Puilications. [Am.Abch.Eth. 

replace them. The other impure vowels, which, as has been 
stated of Yaudanchi, are frequently only induced by o and w, 
are replaced by the ordinary simple vowels in other dialects. 
Whether o and ii are original in the words in which they occur, 
or only subsequent wwwliftrfct i nns of e and i, is not certain ; but 
the great preponderance of dialects IsekiBg 6 and ii, and the 
proximity of the dialects possessing these sounds to nTinHhanrnn 
territory, makes the latter explanation more probable ; so that in 
this respect also the Valley and Kings River dialects seem to 
represent a more original state of the language than the southern 
Foot-hill groups. 

The sound n, occurring in the three southern Foot-hill groups 
and replaced in all others by n, is the most difficult to under- 
stand. The evidence for influence of other families is not very 
strong. Mono and the other Shoshonean divisions in contact with 
the Yokuts, excepting the Kern River group and some of the 
southeastern Mono, all lack n, as does Chumash. This fact would 
accord with internal circumstances which tend to show that this 
sound is an original one in Yokuts. If this is the case, the n oc- 
curring in the Kem River division of Shoshonean is probably due 
to Yokuts influence. 

Whereas n is invariably replaced by n in the Valley and 
Kings River dialects, n of these dialects is replaced by n in only 
a certain number of words in the three southern Foot-hill groups. 
Of a hundred Valley or Kings River words containing n medi- 
ally, about forty southern Foot-hill words have n; of one hun- 
dred containing n finally, about twenty-five in the Foot-hill group 
replace it by n ; of one hundred beginning with n, not more than 
five or ten show initial n in the southern Foot-hill groups. While 
there is thus a marked tendency for n to appear finally and espe- 
cially medially, it is clear that its appearance is not entirely or 
directly due to its position in words. An examination of its rela- 
tions to the vowels of the words in which it appears also brings 
out no definite conclusions. There is thus no apparent internal 
cause for the appearance of n. This circumstance, coupled with 
the fact that a stem containing n and appearing in several of the 
Foot-hill dialects invariably shows n and not n in all the dialects 
of these groups in which it occurs, makes it probable that this 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Tokuts Language. 



331 



sound goes back to the period when these three groups, and per- 
haps all the groups of Yokuts, were not yet fully differentiated. 
As the three southern Foot-hill groups are now so much special- 
ized, they cannot have been separated very recently. It is there^ 
fore clear, first that n is almost certainly a sound oi some an- 
tiquity in the dialects in which it oeenn^ and second that it 
may have been an original genaral Tokuts characteristic which 
has been lost in those three of the Yokuts groups that now contain 
the greater number of dialects. 

Other than these three dialectic equivalences there are none 
in* Yokuts that are general enough to be of much comparative 
significance in our present knowledge of the language. In a few 
words 1 and y correspond interdialectally. Usually the Valley 
group shows y. 



EngUsh 


P080 


Buena 
Vista 


TaU- 
Kawedh 


Kings 


Northern 


Falley 


where 


heli- 


hel 


hide- 


hile- 


hile- 


hiye- 


tooth 


tile 


teli 


tedi 


teli 


teli 


teyi 


white 






toodod 


tooyoyi 


(djolol) 


djolol 


tale 


kololis 








koyis 




buzzard 










Chunut: 
Tauelmani: 


got.ela 
: kot-eya 


bow 






dayap 


dalip 




t.alap 



There is some irregular accordance between t, t-, and tc. 
Some of the principal instances are shown in the following table. 
It will be seen 4;hat the Valley dialects show most tendency to 
palatalize t sounds formed at the teeth in other dialects. While t 
and t- sound much alike to the untrained Indo-European ear, 
they are quite distinct to the Yokuts, and it seems strange that 
these equivalences between them should exist. It is however sig- 
nificant that these equivalences of t, t-, and tc are on the one 
hand infrequent and on the other hand not always in the same 
direction, although in the case of any one word all the dialects 
of one group are usually a unit in regard to the sound they show. 



English 


Poso 


Buena 
Vista 


Tule- 
Kaweah 


Kings 


Northern 


Valley 


one 


yit 


yit 


yet 


yetc 


yet 


yet, yeto 


belly 


t.ot 


tooto 


t.ot. 






tot. 


bow 






dayap 


dalipi 




t.alap 


earth 








xotol 


xotsoi 


xot'Oi 


sweat 






damkun 


t-umon 


toamak 


topox 


rabbit 


tin 




tin 


ten 


teu 


toiu 



^ Some dialects : d.alip. 



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332 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

Several instances of equivalences of t, t-, and tc between Yau- 
danchi and Yauelmani have been given in the diacnssion of the 
phonetics of the latter dialect. 

There are some correspondences between s and t-. In most 
words there are only one or two dialects which sporadically show 
one of these sounds in place of the other. 

Mouth : cama ; Gashowu, t-ama. 

Eye : caca ; Gashowu, Choinok, t-at-a. 

Nose : t-inik ; Chukchansi, sinik. 

Beard: Southern Foot-hill, d-amoc, djamoc; Kings River 
group and Valley division, damut-. 

Testicles : Tule-Kaweah, honoc ; Valley, honot-, honoc. 

Badger : t-aniu, t-anau ; Choinimni, sanau. 

Pish : lopit- ; Chukchansi, lopis. 

In a few cases x and k correspond. The usual form for finger- 
nail, xecix, becomes kecik in the Tule-Kaweah group. Horn, 
usually koyec, is xoyec in Gashowu and Dumna. In the Valley 
division the demonstrative stems indicating proximity are hi and 
ki, in the Kings River group of the Foot-hill division ke, and in 
the three southern Foot-hill groups xi, or xe and xi. 

As has been said in the discussion of Yaudanchi, it is not 
quite clear whether s and c are two distinct sounds in Yokuts or 
only one. If distinct, the two are certainly much alike. There 
is some individual variation. Women especially are apt to pro- 
nounce s and ts much more sharply and clearly than men, from 
whom c and tc are more frequently heard. There is probably 
also some slight dialectic difference in this respect, as in certain 
Valley dialects, such as Yauelmani, s and ts are almost always 
heard. 

While, as has been shown, radical differences between dialects 
are much more conspicuous in Yokuts than phonetic ones; and 
while regular phonetic mutations between dialects are but 
slightly developed; there yet are, as might be expected, many 
stems that, in an apparently irregular fashion, assume more or 
less different forms in the six groups and even in individual dia- 
lects. Only, these differences are neither very striking nor of 
such nature or degree as to have any appreciable significance in 
the present state of the study of the language. The kind and 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 333 

extent of these ** irregular'' differences are represented in the se- 
lected comparative vocabulary given. Onomatopoetic words seem 
particularly liable to such irregular and certainly often mean- 
ingless modification, as a few examples of names of animals will 
illustrate. 

Hummingbird: bSmamgutc, dSmamtcui, d^mamuku, dJmai- 
tcu, b^manduts, b^mamtcui, b^max, gtlmax. The accent is in all 
forms on the first syllable. 

King-snake: godonkid = golonkil, golonki, gololki, golonti, 
golwonti, golontil. 

Species of lizard: kondjedja, kondjedjwi, kondjodjuwi, kon- 
djedji, kondjowi. 

There are a few cases, but only a few, where the initial con- 
sonant of stems becomes lost or altered in certain dialects, so 
much so that the identity of the stem could not be asserted were 
it not for transitional forms in other dialects. The principal in- 
stances observed of this nature are the following. 

Forehead: Valley, pit-iu; Poso Creek, peleu; other Foot-hill 
groups, tiliu. 

Tongue : Northern and Valley, talxat- ; Tule-Kaweah, tadxat- ; 
Poso, talapis ; Buena Vista, aladis ; Kings, madat*. 

Belly: Northern, balik; Kings, olok'; Gashowu, luk'in. 

Brains: Northern, Tule-Kaweah, Buena Vista, tcoga, tcok; 
Chauchila, oka ; Kings, hoga ; Valley, hop, hup. 

Saliva : Poso, keljd ; Buena Vista, gwlwyi ; Kings kilet-, kelit- ; 
Choinok, helawat; Northern, hedjil; Gashowu, Chauchila, hexil. 

Bear : Dumna uyun ; Chauchila, Tachi, ului ; Choinok, Yauel- 
mani, moloi. 

GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS OF DIALECTS. 

As has been said, a comparative grammatical examination of 
the Yokuts dialects closely corroborates their classification on 
lexical grounds. There is evident the same primary distinction 
between Foot-hill and Valley dialects, with a greater diversity 
in the former and with particular specialization in the Poso 
Creek and Buena Vista Lake groups. The structural features 
most readily available for comparison are, first, the pronouns, 
Am. AmoH. Sth. 2. 24. 



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334 University of California Publications. [Am, Arch. Era. 

especially the personal ones; and, second, the verbal suffixes of 
mode and tense. 

PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 

In at least seven-eighths of the Yokuts dialects the personal 
pronouns are remarkably uniform, the extent of the variations 
being shown by the two full tables previously given of the Yau- 
danchi and Yauelmani forms. In the great mass of dialects 
there are no variations of moment from these forms, and the 
more elementary forms, such as the subjective, objective, and 
possessive of the singular of the first two persons, na, ma, nan, 
mam, nim, and min, are absolutely identical. The third person 
shows more variation. In all dialects it lacks subjective and ob- 
jective singular forms. The possessive, his, in all Valley dialects 
is amin, clearly related through analogy to the possessive of the 
second person, min. In the Foot-hill division the Kings River 
dialects show the form nearest the Valley form, namely, imin. 
The Tule-Kaweah group has an, made familiar from Yaudanchi, 
while the Poso Creek and Buena Vista forms are not known. 
There is a further difference between the Valley and Foot-hill 
divisions in that the former possesses subjective forms of the 
third person in the dual and plural, amak and aman, which at 
least the Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division lacks. 
These subjective Valley forms of the third person are, however, 
not true pronouns. They are not used as the equivalent of 
English **they,'' but merely as an indication of number, fre- 
quently with nouns as well as verbs, so that thev equal in func- 
tion the Yaudanchi number-particles tik and ti» - 

The Poso Creek and Buena Vista groups 6» .w the greatest 
peculiarities in the forms of their pronouns. Their singular 
subjective and objective forms are indeed identical with those 
of all other dialects : na, ma, nan, and mam ; but their possessive 
forms vary from the usual ones, — ^principally through the in- 
troduction of a k sound into the forms for the first person. Poso 
Creek says gen for **my," Buena Vista mik. Poso Creek has 
men for the possessive of the second person, while the Buena 
Vista group has the usual min. It will be seen that while the 
forms used in these two groups vary from aU others, and from 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 335 

each other, there yet is within each dialect a parallelism of form 
between the first and second persons, similar to the parallelism 
existing in all other dialects : Poso Creek, gen and men ; Buena 
Vista, mik and min ; other groups, nim and min. 

The k appearing in the possessive pronoun of the first person 
of these two southernmost groups is interesting because it would 
seem to be due to the influence of extraneous linguistic stocks. 
K is the radical element expressing the first person in the Chu- 
mash languages, with which the Buena Vista dialects were in im- 
mediate territorial contact. K is also found in the pronouns of 
the first person in the Kern River branch of the Shoshonean fam- 
ily, the branch of the family with which the Paleuyami of Poso 
creek were undoubtedly in closest relation. The general Sho- 
shonean radical indicative of the first person is n, which appears 
in the Kern River dialects with the addition of k : nogi or noki, 
instead of usual nit. It is scarcely to be supposed that the two 
southern Yokuts groups directly borrowed their k pronominal 
forms from the adjacent Shoshonean and Chumash stocks. Such 
borrowing is both highly improbable on general grounds and 
unlikely because these Yokuts dialects show the k only in the 
possessive pronoun, the subjective and objective elements of the 
first person being the usual Yokuts n. It is rather to be imag- 
ined that acquaintance with languages of contiguous families, 
and the unconscious influence of these, stimulated or reawakened 
a tendency that led to the use of these k forms in the affected 
Yokuts dialects. While such tendencies may seem intangible 
and vague, and it must be admitted that we as yet know prac- 
tically nothin"- 'f their real nature, there nevertheless is evidence 
that they exis d. It is well known, for instance, that the great 
majority of the numerous linguistic families of North America 
have either n or m or both for the roots of their pronominal 
stems of the firit and second persons. This wide-spread agree- 
ment can scarcely be interpreted as an indication of original 
relationship of these families, many of which are as utterly dis- 
tinct in fundamental structure and general phonetic character 
as they are totally diverse in their words. Neither can the phe- 
nomenon be attributed to accident, for the number of cases is 
far too great. It can also scarcely be imagined that pronominal 



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336 University of California Publications. [AicAech-Bth. 

forms are above all others particularly liable to direct borrowing 
in American languages. It is accordingly necessary to conceive 
of a certain deep-seated tendency, not yet well understood, which 
either results in the production of pronominal forms in n and m 
by most stocks, and their adherence or reversion to such forms; 
or which renders most stocks particularly susceptible to external 
influence in the phonetic shaping of their pronominal stems. 
Conditions are certainly very remarkable in California as re- 
gards this wide-spread uniformity, as has been previously 
pointed out.^ Of twenty-one families now recognized, seventeen 
or eighteen have m as the primary constituent of their pronom- 
inal stem denoting the second person ; nine, or nearly half, show 
n in the first person, and four show k. The distribution of these 
four families is also instructive. They are Miwok, Costanoan, 
Salinan, and Chumash, occupying a continuous area in central 
California practically enclosing the Yokuts territory. As to 
these four families must be added the contiguous southernmost 
dialectic groups of Yokuts, and the also contiguous Kern River 
Shoshonean dialectic group; and as the sound k does not else- 
where in California appear as an expression of the first person, 
except that in Yurok, far in the north, it is used in combination 
with n in the form nek; it is evident that this occurrence of k 
to denote the first person is not accidental, but due to the inter- 
influence of territorially adjacent stocks. Even if it is held that 
this argument is weakened by the probable superficiality of the 
diversity of the families at present recognized as distinct in Cali- 
fornia, the explanation of this k as due to an original identity 
of the several stocks possessing it, cannot be accepted, for while 
some or many of the Califomian linguistic families may ulti- 
mately prove to be related, this c€ui safely be affirmed not to be 
true of the stocks here in consideration. Chumash and Salinan 
are in morphological type and phonetic character quite distinct 
from Costanoan, Yokuts, Miwok, and the remaining families of 
California.^ The large and well defined Shoshonean family can 
also certainly not be regarded as genetically related to the minor 
and diverse Califomian stocks. It is therefore clear that at least 



» Amer. Anthr., n. b. V, 17, 1903. 
"Ibid., 18. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 337 

part of the occurrefnce of k stems to denote the first person in 
California is due to the influence upon each other of distinct but 
geographically adjacent families. 

DBMONSTBATIVBS. 

The demonstrative forms are also a ready means of distin- 
guishing the Yokuts dialectic groups. The indefinite demonstra- 
tive ta, expressive of reference rather than of distance, but when 
referring to distance indicating remoteness and not proximity, 
seems to be used in all dialects without variation ; but the forms 
of the several stems more or less definitely expressing distance 
vary phonetically. The usual stem of the demonstrative specifi- 
cally indicating remoteness without invisibility is ka, found prob- 
ably in all the dialects of the Valley division and in the Tule- 
Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division. In the Kings River 
group of the Foot-hill division the similar form gai is used. The 
two southern Foot-hill groups show somewhat aberrant forms, 
Poso Creek ko, and Buena Vista xuntu. The demonstratives in- 
dicating propinquity are sometimes one and sometimes two in 
number, but in the latter case always quite similar in form. The 
fundamental form is perhaps ki, corresponding to the ka indi- 
cating remoteness. The Valley division shows two forms, hi and 
ki, the former apparently indicating greater nearness. The prin- 
cipal Valley differs from the Northern group in using the hi 
stem in reduplicated form. In the Foot-hill division the Kings 
River group has ke. The three southern groups of this division 
all show xi, with the addition at least in Tule-Kaweah of xe. The 
relation of these forms indicating proximity may be briefly ex- 
pressed thus : xi forms in the three southern Foot-hill groups are 
replaced by ki and hi forms in the most northern Foot-hill group 
and in the Valley division. 

VERBAL SUFFIXES. 

The structural factors most important in the classification of 
the Yokuts dialects are the tense and mode suffixes of the verbs. 
Prominent among these, both on account of the imif ormity with 
which it coincides with the divisions and on account of the readi- 
ness with which it is obtained in securing information, is the 



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338 University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Bth. 

imperative. When asked to translate an English verb stem into 
their language, the Yokuts, like people of many other lingoistic 
stocks, are likely to give the imperative form. Accordingly, once 
the imperative ending is known, almost any Yokuts vocabulary 
containing half a dozen verbs, no matter how inaccurately ren- 
dered, is almost certain to be suflScient to show to which division 
of the family the dialect in question belongs. The Valley dia- 
lects throughout use a form -ka, while the Foot-hill dialects all 
lack any suffix. So far as known this rule suffers no exceptions. 
The -ka ending, as has been brought out in the discussion of 
Yaudanchi, does not, like the usual a-suflfixes, affect the quality 
of the stem vowels of the verb. There is therefore some reason 
for regarding it as being an enclitic particle in the inward con- 
sciousness of the language, rather than a true sufKx. The -ka 
ending itself is subject to but little dialectic modification, other 
than becoming -ga in some dialects, or lightening its vowel until 
its form is almost -k. Of the known dialects Chauchila alone 
shows a tendency to vary the a of this ending to harmonize with 
the vowels of the stem of the verb : -ka, -ku, -ki, etc. 

The true tense and mode suffixes of Yokuts are of two kinds. 
First those which like the future and present -in, the reflexive 
-wic, and the agentive -itc, appear to be found in all dialects with 
no alteration except slight phonetic modification ; and second the 
remainder, of which each is confined to certain groups of dialects. 
Of this class the most prominent are the past suffixes -ji and -ac 
and the continuative -ad or -al, which are characteristic of the 
Foot-hill division, and the past -an and continuative -xo charac- 
teristic of the Valley division. The scant Poso Creek material 
does not show the continuative -al, but on the other hand there 
is no evidence that it is absent. The only exception to the gen- 
eral appertainment of these suffixes respectively to the two divi- 
sions is that the Kings River group lacks the -al continuative of 
the other Foot-hill groups and replaces it by the typical VaUey 
form -xo. In addition to these two classes of sufKxes correspond- 
ing to the two divisions of the family, there is a verbal form -am, 
or -mi, of a significance not yet determined, which is character- 
istic of the Northern and probably also the Kings River dialects, 
but is lacking in the main Valley and the Tule-Kaweah group. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 339 

A means of determining whether any dialect belongs to the 
Foot-hill or Valley division, with apparently as much certainty 
and readiness as by the imperative suflftx, is furnished by the 
negative, no. All Valley dialects have the form ohom, all Foot- 
hill dialects k'amu, except that the Buena Vista group shows 
u°hu° or a°ha°. 

COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION. 

In the discussion of Yaudanchi a particular point was made 
of the apparent scarcity of evidences of composition and deriva- 
tion in this dialect, although many of its words were of several 
syllables and of a length and appearance which in other lin- 
guistic families would be almost prima facie evidence of their 
derivative nature. The statement to this efiPect was written when 
but few of the dialects of the family were known to the writer. 
As the subsequent accessions of material have brought the num- 
ber of dialects represented by considerable vocabularies to more 
than twenty, and as these have been systematically compared, it 
might be expected that evidence of the composite structure or 
derivative nature of many stems had thereby been obtained to 
a suflScient degree to necessitate a modification of the statement 
previously made. This is however not the case, for the collation 
of the various vocabularies not only fails to explain the origin 
of the Yaudanchi words, but makes it clear that derivative pro- 
cesses are of small significance in the etymology of all the 
branches of the Yokuts family. Three or four derivative suffixes 
are indeed visible in the compared vocabularies; but these suf- 
fixes are nearly all derivable from an inspection of the Yau- 
danchi material alone, are of indefinite significance, are applied 
to a comparatively small number of words, and make the orig- 
inal meaning of the stems to which they are appended, many of 
which are poly^llabic, no clearer than before. As has been said 
before, the lexical differentiation of the Yokuts dialects takes 
place primarily through the employment of radically different 
stems, and secondarily through minor phonetic modifications 
which are clearly not of structural or derivational significance. 
Etymological differences between dialects are so few because deri- 
vation is a factor of negligible significance in Yokuts. 



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340 University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Eth. 

A striking instance of the failure of dialectic comparisons to 
shed any light on the origin of Yokuts words is furnished by the 
numerals four and five. These words are undoubtedly deriva- 
tive, four, hat-pani or hoto-ponoi, being certainly formed from 
ponoi or ponoi, two, and yit-cinil, five, from yet, one. This being 
the case, it might be supposed that in so great a number of dia- 
lects as have been examined, and these belonging to six distinct 
groups, there would be a certain number which showed forms 
for four and five containing the elements two and one in combi- 
nation with other elements than the dialects previously known, 
or containing the same elements in a phonetic form that would 
make them identifiable with stems of known significance. This 
supposition is however not a fact. The twenty-one dialects show 
forms for these two numerals that are in their elements abso- 
lutely identical and that present variations which are clearly only 
phonetic, that is to say, in themselves meaningless. It is there- 
fore clear that, while it cannot be doubted that these two words 
are composite in origin, this original composition yet goes back 
to an earlier stage of the language ; and that in its present stage, 
as proved by their unity in the most diverse dialectic groups, 
these composite forms are regarded and treated by the language 
purely as radical stems. The same fact is emphasized by the 
words for fourteen and fifteen, which are formed from the ab- 
breviated stems for four and five by the addition of the suffix -am. 
As stated in the presentation of Yaudanchi, the abbreviation of 
these two numerals before this decimal suffix runs counter to 
their etymology, the second element of each being, as it were, de- 
liberately cut in two and the final portion lost before the suffix. 
Hat-pani becomes hatc-p-am, and yit-cinil yit-c-am. These two 
forms hatc-p-am and yit-c-am have been found not only in YatP 
danchi but in five other dialects, representing all the principal 
groups of the family; and their forms in these six dialects are, 
except for variations in the quality of their vowels, absolutely 
identical. Here again it is clear that the derivational process has 
long since become crystallized, and that the derived form is 
treated by all dialects alike as a radical unit. In other words, 
while there is some etymological derivation in Yokuts, the pro- 
cess is a completed rather than an active one, and the fluidity of 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 341 

elementary parts and the possibility of their free combination so 
characteristic of many American languXges, is entirely wanting. 
The following are the principal derivational suffixes apparent 
in the comparative vocabularies. 

-ate, 'tie, diminutive; Yaudanchi -hate, apparently a plural of 
adjectives when used substantively. 

akd-atc, child in Michahai, Choinimni, Gashowu, and Dumna, 
from axid, daughter, child. 

got-etc, small in Northern dialects, from got-i, large, 
mets-ots, small in Buena Vista, from stem met*, large, 
gu-itc, beads in Wiikchamni. 
-ic, 'Uc: 

Tail: Foot-hill, gut; VaUey, gut'-uc. 
Liver: dip; Kings River, dalap-ic. 
Arrow: t'uy-oc; t'ui, shoot. 
Woman: Valley, muk'-Ma; Foot-hill, muk'-ec. 
Tongue : talxat- ; Poso and Buena Vista, talap-is, alad-is. 
Thigh: k'oh-ic, k'ow-i, gow-i. 

Sun, moon: Valley, o'p; Kings and Tule-Kaweah, up-ic, 
up-uc. 

Wood: hit'-ec; hit*-el, ash. 
Ash : Tule-Kaweah and Poso, hap-ac. 
Sand: Tule-Kaweah and Kings, wak'-ac. 
Digger-pine : ton, Tule-Kaweah, ton-ac. 
'U, 'id: 

awaic-il, awatc-il, chin ; some dialects, awac, awadji. 
tcimec-il, eyebrow; some dialects, d-imit-. 
gepc-il, shoulder; some dialects, gapsai. 
kuyo-c-il, knee ; kuyo, ankle, 
cayat-el, foot, in Paleuyami. 

hacp-el, Choinok; hacpay-al, Yauelmani; has-oski, Tachi: 
lungs. 

getsn-il, gatsin-il, bow, in Paleuyami and Buena Vista, 
humn-ul, quail, 
hit '-el, ash; hit'-ec, wood. 
'Ui, 'tcui: 

Navel: tcutkuc; Buena Vista, tsotus; Yaudanchi, tcudoc-ui. 
Knee: upuc; Choinimni, poc-opc-ui. 



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342 University of CaUfomia PtibliccUions. [AicArch-Bth. 

Kidney: tsiliuxai; Tachi, tsilamg-ui. 

Hummingbird: bftmamgutc, etc.; b^mam-tc-ui, d^mam-tc-ni; 
Tachi, ho-ho-tc-ui. 

Butterfly: wal-ap-tc-ui, dab-a-dap-tc-ui ; wal-wal, butterfly, 
dap-dap, leaf. 
-na: 

Snake sp. : delits-delits-na. 

Hummingbird: kum-kum-na. 

Homed owl ; hi-hi-na. 

The most conspicuous indications of composition or deriva- 
tion other than by these suffixes are found in the following words : 

Pour: hat-pani, hoto-ponoi; ponoi, ponoi, two. 

Five: yit-cinil, yit-icnil; yit, yet, one. 

Man : Buena Vista, kohotc ; Tule-Kaweah, kouhtc-un ; Kings, 
butc-on. 

Woman: Foot-hill, muk*-ec; Valley, muk'-ftla 

Girl: Northern and Valley dialects, various, gai-na, woman, 
girl, gai-ta, girl, little girl. 

Old man, old woman: mox-elo, mok-djo, mok-nitc, motc-atc, 
motc-odo ; Poso, nem-halatci, nem-a, large. 

Father: no-pop; Tule-Kaweah, na-tet; no- is possibly origi- 
nally the possessive pronoun of the first person ; cf . mother, no- 
om, na-joj. 

Sweat-house: moc; Poso, muc-an. 

Pipe : baum, etc. ; Poso, bam-un ; other dialects, cuk-ut, cuk- 
mai. 

Belly: balik, olok', luk'-in. 

Sun, moon, day; o'p, op-odo, up-ic, op-di, ob-ol-iu. 

Snow : ponpon ; some Valley dialects, hayau ; Poso and Buena 
Vista, caway-an. 

Large : Tule-Kaweah, met- ; Valley, mat-ek, may-ek. 

Jackrabbit: Poso, tok-coc; Yaudanchi and Yauelmani, tuk- 
uyun ; tuk, ear. 

Rabbit: tiu, tciu; Poso, yem-tseu. 

Plat tule : got- ; Poso, gats-wei ; Buena Vista, gats-iwi. 

Dog: tcec-ec; Northern, tce-xa. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 343 

REDUPLICATION. 

The failure of extended comparative material to show any 
considerable processes of derivation by composition or afBbcation 
in Yokuts is repeated in the similar failure of this material to 
throw much light on processes of derivation by reduplication. A 
considerable number of duplicated and reduplicated words are 
evident, but in a very great majority of the cases these retain 
their reduplicated form, often with more or less phonetic modi- 
fication, through all the dialectic groups. Where such a redupli- 
cated form is not shown by one or more groups, it is usually the 
stem itself that fails to appear in these groups, not the redupli- 
cation of the stem. Dul-ul, mountain, and inc-ic, good, exist in 
these reduplicated forms in all dialects in which they appear at 
all.^ In the dialects in which they are not found, they are re- 
placed by the entirely distinct stems lomit and met-, or similar 
forms. It is evident that reduplication like composition is no 
longer an active word-forming process in the language, but that 
the forms which it has produced are usually treated by the lan- 
guage as simple stems. 

Of course the purely grammatical process of reduplication in 
the numeral and verb to express distribution and iteration, which 
can be applied at will to any stem of these two parts of speech 
provided that its significance allows, is of a different character 
from the etymological reduplication here discussed, and must not 
be confused with it. 

The etymological reduplication found in the Yokuts dialects 
takes several different forms. First there is simple duplication, 
usually of monosyllabic steins, as in dapdap, leaf. Second there 
is a form resembling this, in which the first syllable of a disyl- 
labic or polysyllabic word is repeated, including at times the con- 
sonant following as well as preceding the vowel of the duplicated 
syllable. If the words in which this form of reduplication occurs 
can be regarded as composite, then the first monosyllabic con- 
stituent of the words is entirely repeated, and the process must 

^ At the same time there are found such unredaplicated forms of the same 
stems as the objective inic-ya and the locative dul-au. Similar forms, such 
as sil-iu from sil-il and nat-umduwic from nat-et, are evidence of some ten- 
dency especially for final reduplication to disappear before suffization. 



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344 University of California Publications, [Am.Arch.Bth. 

be considered as a duplication of an entire stem or word-element. 
If however such words are not composite, then the process is to 
be regarded as merely a phonetic reduplication of the first syl- 
lable of a word. Such forms as pud-pud-ui and yip-yap-ut- are 
examples. Third, there occurs a process that has the appearance 
of final reduplication. This differs from the two preceding 
methods in that the reduplicated portion of the word seems never 
to contain more than one consonant, whether this be initial or 
final. Thus we have inc-ic and wile-li. Fourth and finally, there 
are a few words showing duplication or initial reduplication with 
a shifting of the vowel of the second of the reduplicated syllables 
to a position between the two duplicating syllables. Thus poc- 
o-pc-ui, knee, undoubtedly related to a form upuc found in other 
dialects ; and dab-a-dap-tcui, butterfly, probably related in origin 
to dap-dap, leaf. This form of reduplication also occurs, as has 
been mentioned, in connection with grammatical reduplication in 
the verb. It is infrequent as an etymological factor. Redupli- 
cation of the first two types, or full duplication and initial re- 
duplication, is the most frequent, thirty-five or forty instances 
having been noted, mostly of the first of these two classes. Final 
reduplication has been found in about twenty-five words. 

Duplication, 

Man : nd-no, V, N. 
Eye : ca-ca. 

Heart : hon-hon, hon-hon. 
Arrow: g'el-g'el, P. 
Earthquake: yel-yal. 
Cloud: p'ia-p'ai, BV. 
Snow: pon-pon. 
Ice : gan-gen, P. 
Ocean : h6u-ho, N. 
Leaf: dap-dap. 
Ducksp.: k'ui-k'ui. 
Snake sp. : dMam-dMam 

delits-delits-na. 
Butterfly : lau-lau. 

wal-wal. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language, 345 

Worm: k Was-k 'ewas, N. 

wek-wik, V. 
Hawk sp. : watc-watc. 
Mallard duck: wat-wat-. 
Duck sp. : con-cen, P. 
Duck sp. : ox-ox, BV, ox-ux-um, P. 
Road-runner: oi-ui. 
Goose: la '-la*. 
Bluejay : t^ai-t-ai, etc. 
Homed owl : him-him, etc. 
Magpie : otc-otc. 
Walk:tiu-tiu, P. 

Initiai Reduplication. 

Lips : yip-yap-ut-, yibebit-, yebit-. 

Lower leg : pud-pud-ui, bul-bul-ui. 

Long beads : tca-tca-yal, BV. 

Thunder: mi-mi-at-. 

Stand : wo-wu-L 

Turtle : koi-koy-ot. 

Bird : we-wu-tsoi, V, wi-wi-tsi, P. 

Homed owl : hi-hi-na, him-him. 

Small owl : gu-go-tcup. 

Hummingbird: kum-kum-na, K, ho-ho-tcui, Tachi. 

Duck sp. : ox-ux-um, P, ox-ox, BV. 

Final Beduplic(Uion, 

Father: no-p-op, na-t-et. 

Mother: na-j-oj. 

Throat : so-lo-lo, K, N. 

Fingers: xal-al-nit, xal-il-it, K; xapal, V, T, BV. 

Foot: dadat- (t). 

Mountain : dul-ul, dul-au ; gop-up-at, BV. 

Plain : wal-al, V. 

Rock: sil-il, N, V, P; odox-ix, BV. 

Tule sp. : kol-ol-is, P, koy-us, koy-is, N. 

White : djol-ol, tcoy-oi. 

Good: inc-ic. 

Lie : ban-an-. 



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346 



University of California Publications. [Aic.Arch.Bth. 



Dog : tcec-ec, PH. 

Weasel : cam-im, N, K. 

Duck sp. : teo-gu-gu, to-gu-gu, V. 

Lizard sp. : kon-dje-dja, etc. 

wi-le-li, wu-lo-lu. 
Frog: o-gu-ku. 
Butterfly: wo>ge>gi. 
Woodpecker: pal-ad-at, pal-ag-ak. 
Small owl : co-li-li. 
Ground owl : we-dji-dji. 
Hummingbird : bem-am-guts, etc. 
Dove : up-la-li, up-ya-yi. 

Reduplication with Change of Vowel, 
Knee : poc-opc-ui, K. 
Wood-rat : dum-6-dum-utc, T. 
Snake sp. : cap-a-cip-itc, lap-a-lip-it-. 
Butterfly : dab-a-dap-tcui. 

SUMMARY. 

For convenience, the principal phonetic and grammatical dif- 
ferences and correspondences of the six dialectic groups are re- 
viewed in the following table. 







Foothill 




Valley 




Bu6na 
Vista 


Poso 
Creek 


TuXe- 
Kaweak 


Kings 
Biver 


Northern 


VaUejf 


1 


1 


1 


d 


1 


1 


1 


fi 


fi 


n 


fi 


n 


n 


n 


o,n 


0,tt 


e,i 


o,tl 


e,i 


e,i 


e,i 


Imperative 


— 


— 


— 


— 


-ka 


-ka 


Preterite 


f 


-ji 


-ji 


-ji 


— 


— 


Preterite 


-ac 


f 


-ac 


-ac 


— 


— 


Preterite 





— 


— 


— 


-an 


-an 


Continuative 


-al 


f 


-ad 


— 


— 


— 


Continuative 


— 


— 


— 


-xo 


-xo 


-xo 


Put., Partic. 


-in 


-in 


-in 


-in 


-in 


-in 


Reflexive 


f 


f 


-wic 


-wic 


-wic 


-wic 


Agent 


-itc 


-itc 


-itc 


-itc 


-itc 


-itc 


My 


mik 


gen 


nim 


nim 


nim 


nim 


Thy 


min 


men 


min 


min 


min 


min 


His 


f 


f 


an 


imin 


amin 


amin 


This 
This 


}- 


zi 


xe 
xi 


}- 


hi 
ki 


hihi 
ki 


That 


xnntu 


ko 


ka 


gai 


kaf 


ka 


That 


ta 


ta 


ta 


ta 


ta 


ta 


Where 


hel 


heli-u 


hide-u 


hile-u 


hile-u 


hiye-uk 


No 


a'ha- 


k'ami 


k'amu 


k'amu 


ohom 


ohom 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language. 



347 



THE VARIOUS DIALECTS. 



PALEUYAMI. 



Phonetically, Palenyami m mxsch q^edalized. Its vowels par- 
tkmlariy have been affected, and with an apparent perversity 
that has an aspect of unconscious deliberateness. Words con- 
taining two similar vowels in other dialects, often have one al- 
tered in Paleuyami so as to contrast with the other : ilik becomes 
elik. On the other hand in a smaller number of words diverse 
vowels are assimilated in Paleuyami, usually to i: tc'olipi be- 
comes tc'ilipi. Metathesis of vowels is frequent: xecix becomes 
xisex. Finally there are simple changes of single vowels. The 
most frequent of these changes is to e, most often from a or i. 
The contrary changes, to a and i, are few; o, or i following o, 
sometimes becomes a, and e followed by a becomes i. Between o 
and u, change to the former is more frequent, just as e is favored 
over i. U followed by i becomes o followed by o. 

Similar vowels differentiated in Paleuyami: 



yet-sili 


yit-sinil 


t-enik 


tinik, t-unwk 


pietc 


piic, pootc 


elik 


ilik 


xelul 


silil 


tihet- 


tihit- 


tepid 


tipdi, tcipit 


piel 


pi'l 


tcicuc 


tcecec 


tiel 


teel, t-ood 


honhen 


honhon, honhon 


ent vowels assimilated in Paleuyami : 


tc'ilipi 


tc'olipi 


minits 


menit- 


wihicit 


wehecit, wohd'cit 


wiwitsi 


wewutsoi 


opto 


apt-u 



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348 



University of California Publications. [Am.Aboh.Eth. 



Metathesis of vowels in 


Paleuyami : 


menuc 


munac 


teiu 


tieu 


weteip 


witcep 


teimicel 


tcimecil 


tilei 


teli 


xisex 


xecix 


ecil 


icel, ticad 


k'eli 


k'ilei, k'wdai 


isen 


esin, osun 


heliu 


hileu 


etis 


hit'ec, hwt'ac, hit'ic 


wexi 


wwxe, wixe 


dibek 


tepik-, topiik 


Paleuyami changes to e 


: 


sextel 


sitxil 


keiu 


kaiu 


wiwel 


wowul 


wa'en 


wa'n, wan 


k'eneu 


k'aniu, k'wnu 


det-i 


dot'i 


wetek 


watak 


ent-eu 


ant-u, ant-u 


ceca 


caca 


cema 


cama 


gepcU 


gapcai 


keyn 


kuyn, kuyo 


menal 


manal 


xowet- 


xowot- 


djamec 


d-amoc 


hetpeni 


hatpani, hotoponoi 


Paleuyami changes to o : 




tok 


tuk 


got 


gut, gut'uc 


xo 


ka 


tsoyotis 


tcayatac, tcoitoc 


xocom 


xucim, xucum 


opoc 


upic, upuc 


ocot 


ucit, ucut, ocit 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber, — The Yokuts Langtiage. 



349 



Paleuyami changes to 


i: 




hiba 






hfepa, h5pa 


hig'a 






h^xa 


gixa 






gjxa, k'dxa 


yit 






yet 


k'ami 






k'amu 


Paleuyami changes to 


u: 




nut 






not, notu 


mut-ka 






modak 


humnol 






humnul 


Paleuyami changes to 


a: 




lopat- 






lopit- 


lomat 






lomit 


comat 






comot 


xotai 






xotoi 


gats-wei 






got- 




Orammatical Forms. 


Pronouns: 








S 1 




na, na'en, poss. gen. 


S 2 




ma, 


ma 'en, poss. men. 


D 1 




mak 




P 1 




mai 





Demonstrative forms : 

xi, xiu, xeu, xien; ko, xota, go-awe; ta, ta-in (or ta-en, his). 

han-ta, what t 

wat-entex, who? 
Verbal forms: 

hiem toyon-si, it is (already) night. 

na-an ti ma, will you eatt 

tsaa na na-an, I will eat. 

hel ma tawaca, are you thirsty t 

ama na tawaca, I am not thirsty. 

heliu ma tanawi, where are you going! 

k'eneu-ji, xai-si. 

lolh-in. 

wod-oyits, hatam-its, dancer, singer. 

ui-ui-wil-eits, road-runner. 

ho', wiwel, tiutiu, sit, stand, walk! 

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2. 25. 



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350 TJnivertUy of California PubUcaiions. [Am. Arch. Bra. 

Miscellaneous : 

kumui-tein, all ; waxe-tein, many, 
notci-gen, my friend, 
tok-men, your ear. 
citcil-hal, deer. 

BUENA VISTA GROUP: TULAMNI AND KHOMETWOLL 

Pronouns : 

SI na nan mik 

S 2 ma mam min 

D 1 ex. nak 

D 1 in. mak 

P 1 ex. nimak 

P 1 in. mayi 

P 2 man 

P 3 aman 

Aman, they, is a Valley form. Yaudanchi lacks it. 
Demonstratives : 

xi, this, plural xi-san ; xi-ts, here, xi-ten, there. 

xuntu, that, plural xunto-s-an; xuntu, xonto, and xata were 
also given as equivalents of Yauelmani ke-in, this one's, his. 

ta, that. 

han-wil, what t 

Forms of nouns: 

sas, sas-al, eye, probably eyes, in other dialects caca. 

suk'-al, **ear,'' probably ears; in other dialects tuk. 

This -al is evidently the occasional Yauelmani plural-collec- 
tive suffix of inanimate nouns -hal. 

Cases: locative, hulas-iu, tsidjests-iu, tcapan-au; possessive, 
got-eya-n. 

Verbal forms: 

lui', eat! (imperative). 

luy-on, biy-en. 

luy-os, tawatc-ac. 

haa-1, tana-al, tawatc-al, xahayaw-al, oho'-l, gune-al. 

malac-itc, hiwet-atc. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 351 

WUKCHAMNI. 

Except for some lexical differences, this dialect is practically 
identical with Yaudanchi. 

Pronouns: na; nim, min, an. 

Demonstratives: xi; ka; ta-n; han. 

Adjectives : puunun, pudjidj, little. 

Nouns : t-i, t«eu. 

Verbs : wokiy-ad, tan-aad, taut-a-d ; daid-ji ; duy-on ; hai-wuc, 
hoyo-woc ; can-can-wid-eitc, kux-wud-eitc. 

The locative mam-au, at you, is used in the phrase xi-mamau, 
this, or here, near you. A form xi-ne-u, here, differs from Yau- 
danchi xe-u, but has northern analogues. 

CHUKAIMINA AND MICHAHAI. 

Pronouns : na, nim ; ma, mam, min ; imin ; mak. 

Demonstratives : 

ke, this, locative keu, keua, possessive kin. 
kai, gai, that, locative kau, gau, possessive kan. 
ta, that, 
han, whatt 

Nouns: 

nihin-au, dul-au. 

Numerals : 

yetc-am, eleven, potcd-om, twelve, etc., as in Yaudanchi. 

Verbs : 

tah-an, nah-an, xo-on. 
tawat-a, dead, 
yuwanwaca, marry, 
hayn-ac, waxal-ac, tawat-ac. 
laha-itc, moccasins. 

AinCHA. 

Pronouns : 

SI na nan nim 

S 2 ma min 

S 3 imin 



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352 University of California PubUcaiions. [Am.Abch.Bth. 

Demonstratives : 

ke, this, objective ki-n. 
gai, that, possessive ka-n. 
ta, that, 
han, what! 

Verbs : 

hoitcuc, tawat*a-c. 
ukun kin, drink this ! 

CHOINIMNI. 

Pronouns : 

nim-a, my [sic] ; min-a, thy [sic] ; imin, his. 

Demonstratives : 
ke, this, ke-u, here, 
gai, that, ganiu, there, 
ta, that, tan, there, 
han, what? 

[Numerals: 

The suflfix -am is used for eleven to nineteen as in Yaudanchi. 

Verbs: 

wan-ac, elk-ac, xahi-ac, ika-ac, taut-a-c, wowol-ac, k'anuw-ae, 
veaxal-ic. 
. xoot-xo, dau'hali-xo. 







GASHOWU. 




Pronouns : 








S 1 


na 


nan 


nim 


S 2 


ma 


mam 




S 3 






amin 


D 1 ex. 






nimgin 


D 1 in. 


mak 






P 1 in. 


mai 




main 


P 2 


man 






P 3 


aman 







Cf : wixi aman dumna, many the (lit., they) Dumna. 

The form for his, amin, is that of the Valley and* Northern 
iialeets ; the Kings River dialects have imin. 



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^oh. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 353 

Demonstratives : 

ke, this, obj. kin, poss. kSin, loc. ke (for keut). 
gai, that, loc. gani, ganiu. 
ta, that, 
han, what! 

Numerals : 

yetcam, eleven; potcdom, cophiom, hatcpam, yit-tcam, tcol- 
pom, nomtcom, muntcom, nonpom, twelve to nineteen. 

Verbs: 

tah-an. 

wan-aac, wan-ei; ika-ac, eka-ci; hatam-ic, xahi-ae, hoitc-ic, 
tauta-e, xoo-oc, k'anuw-ae, heut-ic, waxal-ie, ukn-ae, nah'-ae, 
pan-ae, lok'6n-oc (luk'in). 

dawliali-xo. 

haya-wic-ac, tcaplu-wic. 

kam-ini, tcic-ini. 

xo-mi, wownl-mu, banana-mi. 

KBOHATI. 

Of the few pronominal forms obtained, the one of most in- 
terest is amungun, their. 

Demonstratives found were hi, plural hi-c-in, locative he-u, 
and gi, locative g-eu. 

The imperative shows the ending -ka or -ga. 

DUMNA. 

Pronouns : 

SI na nan nim 

S 2 ma iham min 

S 3 amin 

D 1 in. mak 

P 1 in. mai 

P 2 man 

Demonstratives: 
hi, this; heu, here, 
ki, gi, this; geu, here, 
kini, this ( ?) ; Mneu, geneu, here ( ?). 
han, whatt 



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354 University of CaUfomia PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth. 

Norms: 

ton, digger-pine, plural tun-aa; ut'u, tree, ut'd-a, timber. 
These plurals of inanimate nouns are unexampled in all other 
dialects that are grammatically known. Ndnei, plural of n5no, 
man, occurs in other dialects also. 

cutcon-au, (in the) brush. 

ak*d-atc, child ; poyod-atc, old man. 

Adjectives : 

got-etc, small, apparently from got-i, large. 

Numerals : 

yetcam, eleven, potcdom, twelve; copiom, hatc'pam, yit'tcam, 
tcolpom, nom'tcom, mun'tcam, non'pom, thirteen to nineteen. 

Verbs : 

lihim-ga, run, holoc-ga, sit, wowul-ga, stand, ugun-ga, drink, 
wan-ga, give, yet-ka, speak — all imperative. 

ogon-an, drink, wiy-an, say, tac-an (taic), see. 

tanyuc-a-xon. 

tcapli-wic, moccasin ; dat«la-wac, stepping-ceremony. 

hacaw-ana, dead. 

ma ti-ma wihi, did you say itt 

TOLUCHI. 

A divergent northern dialect, which has become extinct, was 
the Toltichi, spoken by the Yokuts tribe living farthest up the 
San Joaquin river. The last person actually using this dialect, 
a woman, is said by the Yokuts informants to have died thirty 
years ago. She was related to the old woman from whom the 
Dimina material used in the present paper was obtained, and 
from this Dumna informant a brief vocabulary of the Toltichi 
dialect was secured. This vocabulary, however, raises some 
doubts, and for this reason the dialect has not been included in 
the general consideration of the others. The fifty or sixty Tol- 
tichi words obtained show forms that go back quite clearly to 
stems characteristic of the northern Yokuts group. There are 
however two marked peculiarities, one phonetic, the other lexical. 
First, there are uniform consonant changes : s, c, and h to x, and 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 355 

n, 1, y, tc and sometimes t to w. Second, the numerals are pecu- 
liar in not being Yokuts at all, nor Miwok or Shoshonean nor 
apparently of any other known linguistic family. These diver- 
gent numerals render the Toltichi dialect very puzzling. It is 
beyond doubt that the set of numerals obtained existed some- 
where in this region, for a second informant among the northern 
Yokuts was sufficiently acquainted with the series to state that 
it was correct. On general grounds, however, it seems highly 
improbable that a dialect diflfering from the other northern Yo- 
kuts dialects principally only in regular phonetic mutations 
should possess a numeral system radically peculiar to itself. It 
is possible that this numeral system belonged to a distinct lin- 
guistic family on the upper San Joaquin, almost extinct at the 
coming of the whites, and that these people, through intercourse 
with the neighboring Yokuts, were familiar also with Yokuts, 
which, on account of the phonetic characteristics of their own 
language, they barbarously distorted ; but there is no direct evi- 
dence whatever to support such a conjecture. A further compli- 
cation is caused by the fact that the phonetic mutations charac- 
terizing the bulk of the Toltichi material obtained are so extreme 
and consistent that they differ totally in nature from all known 
phonetic equivalences and changes of Yokuts dialects and dia- 
lectic groups. The informant evidently held a strong impression 
of the phonetic peculiarity of the language, particularly its 
roughness, for she pronounced its k's as far back in the throat 
as possible and emphasized as strongly as possible both the gut- 
tural and the spirant character of the x with which she replaced 
the s of her own dialect. As she spoke this it still bore some 
audible resemblance to s, and was formed with the lower lip 
drawn into the mouth. It seems very unlikely that any language 
was actually thus spoken. It must therefore be concluded that 
the phonetic peculiarities of this dialect have been exaggerated 
in the record obtained. Once this exaggeration is accepted, it 
becomes doubtful to what extent it was carried. It may be con- 
cluded that the dialect differed from the neighboring Yokuts dia- 
lects in the directions indicated by the material obtained; but 
whether only slightly, or to the degree shown by this vocabulary, 
must be doubtful. 



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356 



University of Calif omia Publications. [AicAacH.ETH. 



If, accordingly, the Toltichi were Yokuts,* and not people of 
another linguistic family whose distortion of Yokuts has been 
imitated in the scant material secured, they must be regarded as 
a specialized offshoot of the northern group. If their language 
is at all fairly represented by the vocabulary, it possessed suffi- 
cient distinctness to entitle it to be regarded as a separate branch, 
and the number of Yokuts dialectic groups would have to be in- 
creased from six to seven. After all considerations, however, the 
internal nature of the information secured raises so many doubts, 
that it has seemed best to regard the available material as only 
tentative, and to refrain from definitely regarding the Toltichi 
as forming a distinct Yokuts dialectic group. 

The material obtained is here given, together with the Dumna 
equivalents. It will be seen that the presence of the imperative 
suffix -ka, and of the form amin for the possessive pronoun of 
the third person, if correct, place Toltichi close to the other north- 
em Yokuts dialects. 



English 


Toltichi 


Dumna 


1 


n&8 


yet 


2 


bis 


punoi 


d 


nayo 


86opin 


4 


&min 


hatepanai 


5 


hie 


yiteeinil 


6 


otol 


tc'oUpi 


7 


makatc 


nomtc'in 


8 


tc'eitemak 


mon'oc 


9 


wa'ditc 


n5nip 


10 


wadi'tc 


ts'ieu 


person 


wokotc 


yokotc 


men 


woVM 


n5nei 


woman 


mok'dwa 


mok'dU 


child 


k'ow-itc 


ak'd-atc 


ear 


xuk" 


tuk 


eye 


zaxa 


easa 


nose 


winik' 


tinik 


mouth 


zama 


cama 


hand 


p'ofLox 


b'onoo 


foot 


ta'wau' 


dad<at8 


back 


katauw* 


gadai, cotox 



'It may be said that several northern Yokuts informants were unani- 
mous in declaring the Toltichi to have been a Yokuts tribe, and the one 
farthest up the San Joaquin river. 



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Vol. 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 



357 



English 


Toltichi 


Dumna 


house 


c&mc, z&mx 


samic 


acorn 


ktimin 


k'inim 


berries sp. 


waxato 


taxati 


son 


zapiu (hot) 


xapil, op 


fire 


ocit, ozit 


ocit 


water 


iwix 


ilik 


creek 


waktai 


wakai 


earth 


xowai 


xotsoi 


world 


' ho'gli 


hoM' 


dog 


k^za 


tc^xa 


grizzly bear 


wox'o 


nohoo 


coyote 


x'aiu 


kaiu 


deer 


xow 


xoi 


elk 


xoxgoi 


soxgoi 


eagle 


wo 'ucul 


wi'usul 


buzzard 


x'ots 


hots 


rattlesnake 


wat'it* 


nat.it. 


small fish 


wopit. 


lopits 


salmon 


g&waxit 


g&yaxit 


eat 


xat-ga 


xat-ga 


drink 


ugun-ga 


ugun-ga 


sleep 


woxi-ka 


woi-ka 


talk 


wat-ka 


yet-ka 


run 




lihim-ga 


stand 


xwoxwul-ka 


wowul-ga 


sit 


howox-ka 


holoc-ga 


greeting 


xawaxan 


hawaan 


where f 


xiw'eu 


hUeu 


where are you 


xiw'eu ma 


hileu ma t&ne 


going f 


tan'i(n) 




his 


am*in 


amin 



CHUKOHANSI. 



Pronouns: 








S 1 


na 


nim 


nan-au 


S 2 


ma 


min 




S 3 




amin 


amam-au 


P 1 in. 


mai 






P 3 




amungun 





The locatives nan-au, by me, and amam-au, at him, were 
translated **here'' and ''there." It is not probable that the 
hypothetical objective of the third person singular, amam, to 
which amam-au points, has any actual existence. Yauelmani 



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358 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bra. 

amam-in-wa, them, has the same hypothetical base, and tins base 
does not occur in Yauelmani. 

Demonstratives : 
hi, locative he-u. 
[ki, not obtained], locative ki-n-eu. 

Nouns: 

op-in, sun's. 

nasi-n, rattlesnake's. 

hoyim-h-an, of the Hoyima. 

tcaucil-h-an, of the Chauchila. 

The locative in -u, -au, -iu is frequent. 

Verbs: 

-ka, imperative: winis-ka, hulos-ka, xat-ka, woi-ka, gun-ka, 
taic-ka, adj-idj-ka; heu-ne-k, pana-k. 

-xon, continuative : yuncun-xon, quakes, honhon-xon, breathes, 
paix-im-xon, menstruates (honhon, heart, payax, blood). 

-an, past : tac-an, panai-an. 

-it, passive : tuy-han-it, be shot. 

-wic, reflexive : dani-wis-an, dui-wac, puxpux-wac. 

-in, intransitive: heu-n-en, thus, heu-ne-k, do thus! 



CHAUCHILA. 



Pronouns : 








S 1 


na 


nan 


nim 


S 2 


ma 


mam 


min 


D 1 in. 






magin 


P 1 in. 


mai 




main 



Demonstratives : 

he, this, poss. he-n-in, loc. he-u. 
ke, that, loc. k-eu. 
wat, who, some one. 
hileu, where? 

Nouns: 

nopop-in father's. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokvis Language, 359 

Verbs : 

-ka, imperative. 

-in, future-present. 

-am (?) 

-xo, -6-xo, continuative. 

-wie, reflexive. 

The vowels of the three suflSxes -ka, -in, -am are assimilated 
to the vowels of the stem. This is exceptional in Tokuts. Usually 
it is the stem-vowels that are affected by the suffix. When the 
sufl&x vowel is altered, in other Yokuts dialects, it is as frequently 
to contrast with the stem-vowels as to agree with them. The as- 
similation of the vowel of the imperative -ka is especially note- 
worthy, as in Yauelmani and other dialects this ending appears 
to be an enclitic rather than a true suffix, and fails to aflfect the 
vowels af the stem as a-suffixes do. 

-ka : lui-ku, ukun-ku, tui-ku, gun-ku, lihim-i-ki, cilit-ki. 

-in : ac-ac-an, woy-on, hiwet-en, ciel-en, tay-en. 

-am : dauc-am, thirsty ; wok-om, kill. 

-xo : etil-xo, tay-e-xo. 

-wic : wok-woc, hoyo-wuc, lon-i-wic. 

HOYIMA. 

A few phrases of this dialect were given by Chauchila and 
Chukchansi informants. They appear not to be strictly accurate. 

helo naxon dut, Chauchila hileu nexo ux (?), what do you 
say (t) 

haulen dut, Chauchila hileu nen ux ( ?), Chukchansi ha weta, 
what do you say? 

etel-am na, Chauchila etil-xo na, I am hungry. 

haul ma dut, Chukchansi haual ma du, when was that? 

wiy-en, Chukchansi heu-n-en, thus. 

WAKICHI. 

A few Wakichi phrases were obtained from the Dumna in- 
formant. The differences that these show from the equivalent 
Dumna phrases have probably been exaggerated. 



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J 



360 UniversUy of CaUfornia PubUcaiicms. [Am. Arch. Bra. 

wi-hin, say. 

wiy-ftahin, said; Dumna, wiy-an. 

ut-upa ma wi-hin, Dunma ma ti-ma wi-hi, did you say itt 

hau bin duta, Dumna hawa an dita, what is the matter T 

Wakichi, Pitkat-i, and Hoyima were said to use buuc, not 
tc^xa, for dog. This would include them with Chauehila, Chu- 
lamni, and probably Heuchi in the valley half of the Northern 
group, as contrasting with Chuckchansi, Dalinchi, Eechayi, and 
Dumna of the foot-hill half of the same group. 



Pronouns: 


WJSUMUiHlT. 




SI na nim 




S 2 ma min 




S 3 amin 




D 1 ex. numdgin 


• 


D 1 in. mak 




P 1 in. mai 




P 2 man 


Demonstratives : 


behi, this, hetam, here ; ga, that, gau, there ; wat-oku, han-uku. 


hiye-uku or hiye-uk, who? what? where? 


Nouns : 




p'an-in, 


world's. 


Verbs: 




holuc-k, 


sit ! wan-ka, give ! 


tauta-xo, kill ; tcow'-xo, work. 


tan, go. 




-in suffix : xat-en, lihim-en, hatm-en, wipil-en, texal-en, sil-en, 


ugn-on, woy-on, wow'l-on. 


-wic reflexive : tAnyu-wis, hoyo-woc, datla-wac. 



NUTUNTJTU. 



Pronouns : na, ma, mak, nim, min, amin. 
Demonstratives: hehe-n, apparently possessive; heham, here; 
gau, there. 

Verbs: xat-k, ugun-k, cil-k; wooi-an, huits-in, tsow-on. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 361 

TACm. 



S 1 


na 


nan 


nim 


S 2 


ma 


mam 


min 


S 3 






amin 


D 1 in. 


mak 




makin 


P 1 in. 


mai 







Demonstratives : 

hihi, hehi, this (near). 

ki, this, poss. ke-in, loc. ke-u. 

ka, ga, that. 

wat-nk, who? 

han-uk, what? 

hancun-uk, how many? 

hiye-uk, hiye-k, where? 
Numerals : 

11 yJtc-am 16 tcolp-om 

12 batsd-om 17 nomtc-^m 

13 copi-om 18 munc-am 

14 hotep-om 19 coponhot-min 

15 yitc-am 
Nouns : 

tatei, pi. tatcitcayi. 
t-uxoxi, pi. t-ux6xayi. 
teunut, pi. tcundtati. 
(wimiltei), pi. wimJlatei. 
(weteixit), pi. witcSxatci. 
(wowol), pi. wow6woli. 
(nutunutu), pi. nutant-ic-a. 
witep, child, pi. witip-ate, witip-hat. 
Possessive: -in. 
Locative: -u. 
Instrumental : -ni. 
Verbs : 

Imperative: -k, -g. 
Continuative : -xo, -e-xo. 
Preterite : -ahin. 
Future-present: -in. 



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University of California PubUcatians. [Am.Aech.Bth. 



Agent : -itc. 

(Future passive) : -nitc, -nit-. 

Reflexive : -wic. 

Causative; -la. 

Future particle : min. 

Negative particle : ohom, 6m. 

Tachi phrases : 
k^in pane 
puue-un dadat* 
min mai oj-in &wo 

hilata 6m na min hot'-6*xo hojowoc 

hiek ma xo h^tci 

k6*u na xo tozil 

6m na mam cil-ahin hi&mi 

hiek ma ta 

k6*n na tan nim tce-n 

hik min id 

k6-u na x6-n nibet-in nim tce-u 

6m nim t*a witip-hat ndec 

c.oy61-in pil 

jokote 

7oktco-lis 

n6tco-iny mokela-n 

xocima-n 

t6c-ite 

xohot-itc 

y6t-au 

dat-la-wac 

munoi 
munuj-uwuc 



his dog. 

dog's foot. 

shall we move across, we shall move to 
the other side. 

( f ) not I your know name. 

where jou live nowf 

there (this-at) I live west. 

not I you saw long. 

where you gof 

there I go my house-at. 

where your house f 

there I live older-brother's my 
house-at. 

not my ( f ) children younger- 
brother's. 

antelope's road, milky way. 

person. 

somebody. 

man's, woman's. 

of the northerners. 

a kind of medicine man (maker). 

ceremonial down. 

all (one-at). 

rattlesnake ceremony (making-step, 
= dai-da-fiitc). 

jimson-weed (tanai). 

jimson-weed-drinking ceremony 
(tany-uwis). 



CHUNUT. 

Pronouns : na, I, ma, thou, mak, we two. 

Demonstratives: hetam, here, apparently from stem hi; ki, 
this, ke-u, there; ga, that; wat-uk, who; han-uk, what, hiye-uk, 
where. 

Nouns: toino-in op, night's luminary, moon. 

Verbs : The imperative ending was usually heard as -ga. The 
continuative -xo appears in oho-xo na I like; -an in tah-an; -wic 
in hoyo-woc ; -itc in tsalai-wiy-feits. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 863 

wo 'lasi. 

Pronouns found are na, ma, mak, nim, min, amin. 
The demonstrative ta appears as ta-n, him, ta-in, his. 
Who? is wat-uk; where? hiye-uk or hiydko. 
The imperative usually ends in -k, sometimes in ka or ke. 

CHOINOK. 

Demonstratives: 

ki, this J ka, that; hiy-uk, where? 

Veri»: 

xat-ka, ukun-ka, woi-ka, tui-ka. 
taut-a-k, tcowo-k. 
got-on, strike, 
gon-in-hin, fall. 
san-san-wi-Jitc, tree-squirrel. 



TEXTS IN VARIOUS DIALECTS. 

The following short texts have three sources. Numbers 1 to 

27 are all transcriptions of phonographic records of songs ob- 
tained from Peter Christman, the principal Yaudanchi infor- 
mant employed. Many of the songs were said by him to be in 
Yauelmani, Tachi, and other dialects. How far they may be 
mixed with Yaudanchi forms, or translated into the latter, is in 
many cases not certain ; so that they can be used as material for 
a comparative study of dialects only with reservations. Numbers 

28 to 35 were obtained from an old man called Chalola, by birth 
half Wowol, but speaking the Yauelmani dialect. The first five 
of these, numbers 28 to 32, are songs from a myth, and were 
recorded without the aid of a phonograph; the last three, num- 
bers 33 to 35, are prayers or ceremonial speeches. All the mate- 
rial from this informant is good Yauelmani. Lastly, numbers 
36 to 38, three short ceremonial speeches, are Tachi, obtained 
from a Tachi informant named Tom. The transcription and 
translation of the texts resemble those of the Yaudanchi texts. 
Translations in parentheses are given on the authority of the 
informant. 



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364 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth. 

1. Mourning-ceremony song. 

yiw6 yiw6 
ahan^ 

2. The same. 

yd wax&le 
ahand 

3. The same. Last song of the ceremony. 

ySuyahd 

wiahi 
Ah is Yaudanchi for crying in mourning, waxil in other dia- 
lects ; youyahS is said to be from yuy, to thrust or motion toward, 
as during this song the dancers motion toward the fire ; wiahi is 
said to be from the stem wi, to say. 

4. Ohowish ceremony song. Wiikchamni. 



¥rita 

Mid 


VopUk yo 

beaver and 


nahaal 

otter 


be 


wita 

said 


tan WO oh6witc-u t'uiju 


ma-nan 

yon me 


ama oh6witc maya 

then ohowlih-medldne-inMi self 


ma-nan 

you DM 


t'uijn 

shot 


5. Rattlesnake 


ceremony song. 






wita 

told 


tan golonkil 

him klnc-make 


t'Ood 
to-rattletnake 




am-nan 

not m« 


pitciu* 

toneh 






a-ma 

not yon 


haa hawad'i 

anything ean-do 






dok'ou 

bellyfoU 


tcixac 

(lie) 






doxmadhin t-od'A 

(roek-pile) rattlesnake 






am-nan 

not me 


pitciu 

tonch 






wita 

said: 


a-ma haa 

not you anything 


hawad'i 

can-do 




tinelhan ma tood 

sqnirrel-hole-many you rattlesnake 







* Handle, catch, take, stop. 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 865 



dok'on 

belly.fuU • 


tcixac-ma 

(lie) you 


am -nan 

not me 


pitciu 

touch 




ma ti-nan 

you (what) me 


haudihi 

can-do r 


yapkanhin 

many-trees 


t-ood 

rattlesnake 


tc'ineu 

shade 


tcixac 

(Ue) 




a-ma haa 

not you anythlnff 


hawad'i 

can-do 


am-nan 

not me 


pitciu 

touch 




am-nan 

not me 


pitciu 

touch 




tc'odwonhin t-dod 

plains rattlesnake 


tc'ododin 

white 


ma 

you 


caca 

eye 


opodnid 

sun-thines-on 


min 

your 




am-nan 

not me 


pitciu 

touch 





The language is Taudanchi. Several interesting forms occur. 
Opodnid is perhaps the continuative of an intransitive derivative 
from the word sun : opodo, -in, -ad. The collectives in -hin and 
-han have not been found otherwise in Yaudanchi, but recall the 
inanimate collective -hal of Yauelmani. The informant once 
said tinel-hal for tinel-han. The latter he translated ** squirrel 
town." In addition to the forms given in the song, namely, 
yapkan-hin from yapkin, and doxmad-hin and tc'odwon-hin, he 
also used the word bokdo-hin, * * where many springs. ' ' As spring 
is bokid, the ending -hin is in this word added to the locative 
suffix. None of the nouns in question are capable of taking an 
ordinary plural. The forms -hin and -han have some appearance 
of being possessives. 



Am. Arch. Eth. 2, 20. 



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366 



University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Eth. 



6. Dancing song, said to be in archaic Ghunut dialect. 



wehe 

na 

I 



yoho 

yoho 

kiitcau 



hoyoji 

named 



p'ana 

earth 



kalaga¥riw 

(invisible) 

widata 



not' 

east 



walan-iho 

yesterday 

7. An old dancing song of the Tachi Indians. 



hanuk-u 

who 

yfeha 

yeha 

xom6t-i 

sonth 

yfeha 

yeha 

pinfet'iux 

ask 



tcipin-ewe 

braTef 



may-a 



tan-iyo 

go 



na 

I 



tcay-e 

down-feather 



Tcipin, Yaudanchi t-ipni, is wonderful, supernatural. 
8. Said to be a Tachi song. 



xami 

(come!) 


xami wuala k^ na 

(oome!) stand (this) I 


nan 

me 


ki ma 

(this) yoa 


panahin tcipni 

(arrive) sapematoral-power 


nayu 

nayn 






d to be 


a Tachi song. 




w^hfe 

wehe 


yoho 

yoho 




nan-a 

me 


ge ma 

yon 


ha wiihin 

(do not mind) 


^kak 

see 


tcan-a witcfepa 

(that-distant) child 



A very barbarous Tachi. Ekak is the Yaudanchi stem oka, 
not found in the Valley dialects, with the imperative ending -ka 



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<^'Etb. Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The YokuU Language. 367 

or -k found only in the Valley dialects. Child in Tachi is not 
witcep but witep. Tean-a seems to be similarly formed, by sub- 
stitution of to for t, from tan, Yaudanchi tan, objective of ta, 
that. 

10. A medicine man's song for dancing. He dreamed that 
his father said to him : 

lanaka nan-a 

listen to-me 

may^mai 

(name of the eonaposer of the song) 

notu na keu 

east I there 

teicin-fe wfehfe 

shall-emerge wehe 

w^ mukulau 

we (turning) 

hi sonolo wfehfe 

hi hand-feather-omament wehe 

11. From the informant's grandfather. 

y6-nono pana 

again (pursues) 

piwaca nan yo-nona pana 

grizzly-bear me again (pursues) 

For piwaca compare the Tachi form biwacw and Tulamni 
biawas. For pana compare song 8. 

12. Dreamed by a man the night after he had seen a water 
monster. 

watin xe t'uit'ai dupit- 

whose this shoot flshf 

wi xi min ta watcam ahadad 

well, this your that feather-hand-omament is-panting 

13. Grizzly-bear-doctor's song, learned from the bears by the 
informant's father-in-law. 

mfeedjin xol6non 

(noise of scratching) 

tcuyuak ma ha tala taaji 

(even if you enter) 

yakiuhaaliu 

at the rocks 

ta-na-mam otokotooji 

that I yon (raise) 



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368 



University of Calif omia Publications. [AM.AacH.ETH. 



Yakiuhaalin is the locative of the collective -hal, which has so 
far been found only in Yauelmani, suffixed to the Yaudanchi 
stem yakau, rock, for which Yauelmani uses silil. The 1 in this 
and other words points to a Valley dialect. 

14. Eagle song, for dancing. Dreamed by the informant's 
grandfather. Clearly a Valley dialect. 



yileyalfe 






eartliQiiake 






silika 


nim 


teicau 


see 


my emerg«nee-at 


walaliu 


tcoxil-a 


mayu 


«t-open-plaoe 


eagle 




15. Dancing song. The informant's grandmother dreamed 


that she learned it from a coyote. 


mam 


wiliteyau 


muyukun 


you 


(In-front-of) 


whirl 


yfeha 






7«h« 






uyayet 


ke 


tc^kfeya mayin p'aanin 


(moum-for) 


that 


8trlxi£ our world^s 



Said to be Yauelmani ; and in fact tcikei, string, and ke, that, 
are Yauelmani but not Yaudanchi forms. Cf . 1 in wiliteyau. 

16. Coyote song. For dancing. 

kaiu 

coyote 



na 
I 



naan 

we 

ama 

then 

ama 

then 



kaiu 

coyotes 

p'an 

earth 

p'au 

earth 



a-ma-nan-hi 

not yon me will 



widji 

told 

widji 

told 

k'uyak'tad 

scratch 



tacki 

those 



17. Coyote song. For dancing, 
yawud 

(do-thns) 

na t-ipinit 

I from-above 



kaiiu-na 

coyote I 

ama 

then 

kaiiu-na 

coyote-I 



161^nac 

(twirled) 



yaud 

(do-thns) 



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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 369 

18. Coyote song. For dan^cing. 

kaiiu wita 

eoyote said 

hanham-na kaiiu-na 

what-am If eoyote I 

wi idkau-un na 

well, water-in I 

hanham-na 

what-am I? 

kaiin-na 

coyote I 

This song is said to be from the Kings River or Northern 
Yokuts. 

19. Coyote song. For dancing. The deer says : 

xeu nan t'ui eik'au-nim 

here me shoot side-in my 

kaiyuwin mam ta t'uyoe 

ooyote*8 you that arrow 

20. Dancing song; about the deer. 

wat-a nan 

who me 

t'uyon 

shoots f 

t'ipinit 

from-above 

t'uyon 

shoots f 

yfeitcai 

once 

t'uyon 

shoots! 

w^hfen 

wehen 

21. Dancing song about the deer. 

xuyiu naan 

return we 

n6tu naan xuyiu 

east we return 

tahitcipau 

to-Tehachapi 

p'aanin 

land's 



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I University of California Publications. [Am.Akch.Eth. 

22. Mountain-sheep song. 

hiyeu-na nkunumu 
or: hideu-na ukun 

where I drink-will 

wa na d6mto ukun 

far I mountain-lit drink-will 

23. Ground-squirrel song. When the ground-squirrel, pohad, 
s buckeyes, it becomes crazy. 

ama watcimji otcotc t-ipin 

Then swnnff-in-his-hand magpie high 

muyukju 

whirled 

watcimin otcotco 

Bwinging-in-his-hand magpie 

Watcam is a feather ornament held in the hand, watcim is to 
d or move it ; otcotc, magpie, appears to mean magpie feathers. 

!4. Road-runner's song. Yauelmani or a Valley dialect. The 
udanchi equivalent words as given by the informant are added. 



oyuoyu 


nan 


he 




o^-uy 


nan 


xe 




road-ranner 


me 


here 




limini 


mai 






dawit-sa 


mak 






let-ran 


ns-two 






hiam-a 


na 


tcokonit 




hiam 


na 


tcokit 




now 


I 


am-hit 




tcokunau 


nim 






tcoxiiau 


nim 






feather-belt-in 


my 






25. Otter song. 


Yaudanchi. 




nahait- 


hahi 


dawit 


yaudau 


otter 


(said): 


"run 


in-brash!" 


danaad-na 


yaudau dawit 


hear I: 


«in- 


brush run 


!" 



26. Water's song. Dreamed by a female relative, of his 
ndfather's generation, of the informant. The present version 
n Yaudanchi. The original song is said to have been in the 



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Vou 2] 



Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language, 



371 



Yokol dialect. In this the first line ran : yo ki-mi-nana taxenen, 
and the last: tolomit na ilekin. 



yo ti-ma 


taxin 


again do yon 


oome! 


wa ha 


mai kitewin 


far something 


we will-go 


wa na 


kitiu 


far I 


go 


todomit na 


idkin 


do-not-flnd I 


water's 



27. Pleiades song. Dreamed by a relative of the informant's 
father. 





guyfepa nana 

(spin-aronnd we 


guy^pa 

spin-aronnd) 




haini hamana 

(fly what-we!) 






m&xnmxai 

(Pleiades) 




Said to be in Paleuyami dialect. 


28. 


Song from a myth about the pra: 




xoiyu nan 

return to-mef (wef) 






xoiyn nan 

return ibid 






ama nim huwut- 

then my gambling 




t-awe nan 

beat me 






dokoi-nim 

game my 




29. 


Another. 






hiweti 


go 




yo na 
hiweti 


again I 
go 




naamtayo 
laniyo 
hilal^kiyo 
t-awat-e 


beat 



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372 



University of California PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth. 



30. 


Another. 

yah! lulumai 
yahimai lulumai 
sawawa kanama 
taniyo 

yapiwipiwimai 
tawana tsiniyo 
hilallkiyo 
t-awati t-awat- 




31. 


Another. 






hila ma ta 


you 




hayawiyn 


(ridicule) 




Iftkoyowani 


(ignorant) 




waatin 


whose 




humuyn hile 




32. 


Another. 






h6simi 


cold 




hosiwimine 


cold 




wanit wilima 


from-far (t) 




lana-na-ma 


hear 




hdsimi 


cold 



33. A prayer for good fortune. Yauelmani. Evidently a 
fixed formula. Spoken rapidly, rhythmically, and monotonously, 
with motions of the arms, alternately and together, to the heart 
and out again. Seven deities are addressed. The impure vowels 
found in the names of these deities do not occur in Yauelmani. 
The r occurring in pitswriut is npt a Yokuts sound at all. 

silkawil nan 

■•••ye me 

silka-nan tdueixxt 

»•• me name (=maker) 

silka-nan bamaciut 



silka-nan yoxaxait 

see me xuune (^crasher!) 

silka-nan etc^pat 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The YoTcvis Language. 373 

silka-nan pitsuriut 

gee me name 

silka-nan tsukit 

see me name 

silka-nan nkat 

(=looker!) 



y%t*a man amlin nan 

together ye help me 

nim yfet-au t-ikexo texal 

my together ii-tied talk 

maiayiu lomto 

with-the-large mountain 

maiayiu silelhaliu 

with-the-large rooks 

maiayiu witsetaliu 

with-the-large trees (woods) 

y^t'au polut-nim 

together body my 

ucuk-nim 

heart my 

y^t • au-ma-nan amalan 

together ye me help 

t-^pani 

supernatural 

y6-ma 

and yon 

daak 

day 

y6-ma 

and yon 

toino 

night 

yet*a-man 

together ye 

nan-silfexo 

me see 
and 

yet.au ki 

together this 

p'aan 

world 



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374 



University of California Publications, [Am-Abch-Bth. 



34. Prayer to the panther for success in hunting deer. Yauel- 
mani. Down and kas3rin seeds are deposited on the ground dur- 
ing the prayer. 



ya wehdsit 

wokitska-nan t-iimi 

wehfesit 

hanas 

ma 

yiitsa 

wokitska-nan tiimi 

weh^it 

ma 

yiitsa 

hanas 



ya, panther 

(give) me (now) 

panther 

hunter 

you 

alone 

(give) me (noW) 

panther 

you 

alone 

hunter 



35. Speech made by the old man in charge of the tanyuwis, 
the jimson-weed ceremony, to the novices. With each phrase he 
motions with the basket of liquid as if to give it. After the third 
phrase he hands the basket. Tauelmani dialect. 



ukunka 


kin 


ilka 


t^syutin 


drink 


this 


w»ter 


for-TSiiahint 


ukunka 


kin 


ilka 


k^in 


bamasyutin 


drink 


this 


water 


for-that 


Bamashint 


ukunka 


kin 


Uka 


kfein 


yuxaxaitin 


drink 


this 


water 


forthat 


Tukhakhait 


36. Tachi formula spok 


en when 


one comes 


to strange water. 


When this formula is said, 


the beings in the water allow one to 


take of it. 










mak 


heham 


xoin 


hiamu 


pana 


we 


here 


Uve 


ions 


world 


hehi 


makin 


ilik 






this 


our 


water 







37. Tachi formula, sung, accompanied by dancing, by an old 
woman at an eclipse of the sun. 

heucitka-nan mit^ni op6ni 

leave me with-a-little sun 

an^ nan yfet-au tcomcot'k (or tcom'k) 

(not) for-me altogether eat-it 

heucit nan mit^ni 

leave me with-a-little 



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Vol. 2] Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language. 375 

38. Tachi formula spoken to the dead, to prevent their return 
as ghosts. 

miin ma 5yin lakil p'aana 

7<m go (another) land 

huyetcim tan p'aan 

(like) that land 

ohom ma heha xoyi 

not yon here live 



STATUS OP YOKUTS AMONG THE LANGUAGES 
OF CALIFORNIA. 

From what has been said, most fully of Yaudanchi, it appears 
that Yokuts forms one of a group of linguistic families occupy- 
ing the greater part of the state of California, especially its cen- 
tral region. This group of families, which has been defined in 
a general discussion of the types of structure of the languages of 
California,^ is marked by simple phonetics, the lack of incor- 
poration, the presence of cases, and a simple transparent struc- 
ture, and in addition to Yokuts includes Costanoan, Esselen, 
Maidu, Wintun, Yuki, Pomo, and perhaps other languages, be- 
sides showing certain general resemblance of type to Shoshonean, 
Lutuami, and Sahaptin. In certain respects Miwok or Moque- 
lumnan, bordering Yokuts on the north, seems also to belong to 
this type. Chumash and Salinan, however, which are territo- 
rially in contact with Yokuts, occupying the adjacent coast, be- 
long to another group, the Southwestern, which comprises only 
these two families and is marked by disagreement from the large 
Central Califomian group in all the points that have been men- 
tioned as typical of this.^ The characteristics that probably 
distinguish the morphology of Yokuts most sharply from that 
of the other linguistic families belonging to the same Central 
group, are its development of systems of vocalic mutation as an 

^ B. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, 
American Anthropologist, n. s. Y, 1, 1903. The families in one group are 
not etymologically or genetically related, but are structurally similar. 

'Ibid., and Languages of the Coast of California South of San Fran- 
cisco, p. 48 of this volume. 



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376 University of Calif omia PubUccUions. [Am.Arch.Eth. 

accompaniment or means of grammatical expression, the pre- 
dominance of polysyllabic stems, and the slight development of 
derivation by affixion and composition. It seems that these three 
features are all more or less related. Most of the other languages 
of the group of which it forms part show no vocalic mutation 
other than perhaps an occasional harmonizing of vowels. Esselen 
and Costanoan are probably,* and Yuki and Pomo certainly, 
free from any developed vocalic mutation. The last two lan- 
guages are characterized by great distinctness of stems, which 
are in large measure monosyllabic. This distinctness is not so 
apparent to the ear as it becomes visible on analysis. Most Yuki 
and Pomo words are actually composed of several stems, either 
independent or aflixes, which scarcely aflfect each other's phonetic 
shape by being brought in contact, other than perhaps for inser- 
tions of euphonic vowels. In consequence, the words of three or 
four syllables in Yuki and Pomo almost always differ from those 
of equal length in Yokuts in being built up of a number of con- 
stituent parts, but on account of the comparative phonetic im- 
mutability of the parts the structure of the words remains trans- 
parent. Maidu shows vocalic harmony to a considerable extent 
and it will be interesting to know whether the scope and forms 
of this are similar to those of Yokuts harmony, especially as there 
seems to have been some borrowing of words between the two 
languages, indicating the possibility that they may at some time 
have been in closer contact. Maidu, however, appears to re- 
semble Yuki and Pomo in that its words possess a transparent 
though sometimes elaborate structure. Wintun is too little known 
to allow anything definite to be said about it in this regard, but 
it seems that its structure, like that of Esselen and Costanoan, is 
simple, or if complex, clear, and that vocalic mutation is not de-r 
veloped. In its grammatical cases Yokuts resembles the other 
families of the Central group except in that it possesses only one 
local case that is specific, the ablative, whereas in the other lan- 
guages a large niunber of specialized locative cases are usually 
found. A considerable diversity exists among the languages of 
the Central Californian group in regard to the expression respec- 
tively by characterizing aflSxes, or by descriptive phrases, of ideas 
* Pp. 49, 69 of this volume. 



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Vol, 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuis Language. 377 

of shape, motion, direction, or instrument. The former method 
is found in a number of languages outside of California. Within 
the state it is known to occur in Washo, Maidu, and Pomo ; and, 
on account of its intermediate geographical relation, it is not 
unreasonable to look for this feature also in Wintun. On the 
other hand some languages of the Central group do not show 
such afiSxes. This is certain of Yokuts and Yuki, and probable 
of others. The extent of the development of the plural in Yokuts 
is very similar to that occurring in certain other families in the 
Central Califomian group, such as Yuki. Some families, such as 
Pomo, show practically no plural, and others, like Miwok, a con- 
siderably more extensive one than Yokuts. The importance of 
reduplication is also about the same in Yokuts and in the other 
families of its tj'pe. The same may be said of such features as 
the absence of articles and the frequency but grammatical in- 
definiteness and unimportance of demonstratives. The resem- 
blances between distinct families belonging to one morphological 
type can of course be only general. With this in view, it is clear 
that Yokuts forms part of the Central Califomian group of lan- 
guages, its most marked peculiarity within this group being its 
correlated features of vocalic harmony, polysyllabic stems, and 
lack of structural composition. 



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INDEX. 



Ablative case in Yokuts, 201, 202, 

226. 
Accent in Yokuts, 182, 255. 
Acculturation in California, 82. 
Achastlian, 74. 
Achomawi, 113, 121, 133, 142, 145, 

152, 154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 316; 

baskets, 147, 148. 
Aoipenser medirostris, 8. 
Acorns, 82, 86. 
Adiantum, 108, 143. 
Adjective, 38, 60, 229, 230, 244, 

323. 
Adverbs in Yokuts, 232, 245. 
Africans, 90. 
Agentive in Yokuts, 218, 285, 290, 

346. 
Agriculture in California, 102; in 

Southern California, 100. 
Aiticha dialect of Yokuts, 312, 319. 
Alaska, 86. 

Alder, 144, 147; dyeing, 108. 
Alphabet, 30, 106. 
American Anthropologist, 30, 49. 
American Ethnological Society, 

Transactions of l£e, 50. 
American Indians, 84. 
American Museum of Natural His- 
tory, 145. 
Analogy in Yokuts pronouns, 221, 

295. 
Analysis of texts in Yokuts, 256, 

262. 
Ancestor myths, 94. 
Ancestors, 87. 
Andamanese, 90. 
Animal design names, 153, 154t 
Animals, in Indian mythology, 91; 

names of, in Yokuts, 239, 241. 
Animate in Yokuts, 230. 
AntUocapra, 21. 

Antroeous paUidus paoificus, 17. 
Apiachi dialect of Yokuts, 311. 
Apladontia major n. subsp., 17. 
Appositional structure lacking in 

Yokuts, 183. 
Appositions to the holophrastic 

verb, 33. 
Apzank6ikoi design, 131, 137, 141. 
Arapaho, 71, 94, 255. 
Arctamys sp., 17. 
Arctotheriumf 11, 12, 21. 
Arctotherium simum, 11, 17. 
Arizona, 100. 



Arnold, Balph, 19. 

Arrowpoint design, 144, 158, 159, 
160, 162. 

Article, 36, 40, 76. 

Article in languages of California, 
377. 

Artistic poverty of Pomo basketry, 
153. 

Arts in California, 83, 86, 102. 

Arvicola sp. div., 21. 

Aspirates in Yokuts, 179. 

Athabascan family, 105 ; tribes, 85. 

Athabascans, 85, 100, 149; of Eel 
river, 114, 144. 

Australians, 90. 

Baby baskets, 106, 108. 

Babylonia, 91. 

Baird, 3; formation, 22; shales, 22. 

Bakersfield, 279. 

Barrett, S. A., 161. 

Ba88ar%8cu8 raptor, 17. 

Basket, designs found once, 141; 
materials, 108, 149, 152. 

Basketry, 83, 87; caps, 106, 116, 
148, 160; hats, 146, 147; in Cal- 
ifornia, 102; of northwtetem 
California, 106; plates, 106. 

Bautista, mission San Juan, 69; 
dialect, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77. 

Beads, 88; design, 158; on baskets, 
151. 

Bear, 2. 

Bear-foot design, 144, 156. 

Bear Mountain, 23. 

Beginning-to-grow design, 142. 

Bella Coola pantheon, 92. 

Benef active in Yokuts, 205, 285. 

Bent-elbow design, 156. 

Bent-knee design, 156. 

Big-tongue design, 157. 

Bird bones, 18. 

Birds, 18. 

Bird's-breast design, 144, 156. 

Birth, 85. 

Bison antiqumy 20. 

Bisor^ sp., 18. 

Black-dyed warp stems, 126. 

Black dyeing, 109, 114. 

Blackf eet, 87, 94. 

Black-oak design, 157. 

Blind spiders, 2. 

Block pattern arrangement, 146, 
148, 149, 151. 

Blood-clot-,boy, 94. 



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Index. 



Body demgn names, 153, 154. 

Bokiiinuwad dialect of Tokots, 312. 

Box design, 126, 141, 158. 

Boxes, 87. 

Braiding, three-strand, 110. 

Break in basket designs, 116. 

Bnison, W. C, 3. 

Buena Bista and Kern Lakes, 310. 

Buena Vista Lake group of Tokuts 
dialects, 312, 313, 326, 329, 331, 
350. 

BuU's Head Point, 20. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 29, 
49, 50. 

Burial, 87; in Santa Barbara re- 
gion, 99. 

Buried galleries, 8. 

Burning, 84. 

Bush design, 157, 160. 

Butterfly design, 157. 

Caballeria, 31. 

California Academy of Sciences, 
105, 163, 172. 

California, Ethnological and Arch- 
aeological Survey of, 29, 81, 172 ; 
morphological grouping of lin- 
guistic families of, 30 ; Southern, 
316, 329; University of, 81. 

California Farmer, 50. 

California Indians, 161. 

Callospermophilus chrysodeirtts, 17. 

Camelid, 18, 20. 

Camelops kansawaay 21. 

Camelops sp. max., 21. 

Camelops vitakerianus, 21. 

Camels, 21. 

Canis cf. occidentaHSf 21. 

Cants indianensiSf 17. 

Canis latrans, 21. 

Canoes, 86; in Santa Barbara re- 
gion, 99. 

Canoe-shaped basket, 151. 

Capture, 88. 

Carmelo, 50. 

Carrying baskets, 106, 115, 151. 

Carving, 83, 87. 

Carvings of cetaceans in Santa 
Barbara region, 99. 

Cases, 38, 61, 74; in Yokuts, 193, 
226, 277; in the plural in Yo- 
kuts, 203. 

Case suffixes, 281; in Yokuts, 211, 
236, 277, 282, 293. 

Castor, 21. 

Cantor sp., 21. 

Castor odes, 21. 

Castoroides sp. 21. 

Catalogue numbers of baskets illus- 
trated, 163, 164. 



Categories of grammatical form 
expressed in Yokuts, 188. 

Causative in Yokuts, 205, 285. 

Cave fauna, 16. 

Central California, 88, 89, 101, 103. 

Central group of linguistic families 
of CaUfomia, 317, 375, 376. 

Ceremonies, 88, 89; in California, 
84. 

Ceremonial tendency of myths, 90. 

Chalola, 363. 

Charcoal, 10, 15. 

Chauchila dialect of Yokuts, 289, 
311, 325, 333, 338, 358, 359, 360. 

Chemehuevi, 150. 

Cherokee, 94. 

Chiefs in California, 84. 

Chimariko, 85, 145. 

Chinuk myth, 255. 

Chiton design, 127, 141, 157. 

Choinimni dialect of Yokuts, 312, 
332, 341, 352. 

Choinok dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
319, 332, 333, 341, 363. 

Cholovone, 169; dialect of Yokuts, 
311 [see Chulamni]. 

ChowchiUa river, 169, 311. 

Chukaimina dialect of Yokuts, 312, 
350. 

Chukchansi, 155; dialect of Yo- 
kuts, 311, 325, 332, 360; vocabu- 
lary, 357. 

Chulamni dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
325, 360 [see also Cholovone]. 

Chumash, 45, 46, 59, 61, 71, 80, 100, 
102, 150, 309, 323, 329, 330, 335, 
336, 375; adjective^ 38; article, 
36, 40; cases 38; collective 36; 
combinations of consonants, 32; 
consonants, 32 ; continuative, 37 ; 
demonstratives, 39, 40; distribu- 
tive, 36; duplication, 36; inde- 
pendent pronouns, 39; instru- 
mental relations, 38; iterative, 
37; Kasua dialect of, 31; lin- 
guistic family, 31; local eases, 
38; noun-agent, 38; numerals, 
40; numeral system quinary, 40; 
objective pronouns, 33; objec- 
tive suffix, 39; phonetics, 31; 
plural, 36; possessive prefix, 39; 
possessive pronoun, 38; pronoun, 
39; pronominal elements, 33; 
pronominal prefixes, 33; subjec- 
tive prefix, 39; radicals, 41; re- 
duplication of nouns with pos- 
sessive prefix, 37; polysyllabic 
words, 42; terms of relationship, 
42; verb, 33; vowels, 31. 



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Index, 



Chumashan, 30. 

Chumeto language, 69, 71, 74, 75, 
77. 

Chunut dialect of Yokuts, 311, 319, 
362. 

Clan origin legends, 93. 

Clans, 87. 

Classification of California baskets 
as to pattern arrangement, 152. 

Coast Range, 152, 169, 310, 329. 

CoUed baskets, 87, 144, 149, 159; 
coiled weaves, 109; coiled weav- 
ing, distribution of^ 145. 

Collective, 36; in Yokuts, 193, 282. 

Collectivity in Yokuts, 230. 

Color in basketry patterns, 109. 

Colorado river tribes, 100. 

Columbia river, 86. 

(/ombinations of consonants, 32, 58, 
70; in Yokuts, 181. 

Come-together design, 158. 

Comitative, 61. 

Comparison of basket designs in 
Northern California, 145. 

Composition, 65, 77; in Yokuts, 
234, 278, 298, 339, 376, 377. 

Concepcion, Point, 85, 99. 

Conditional sentences in Yokuts, 
293. 

Conical baskets, 106. 

Conjunctions in Yokuts, 232. 

Consonants, 32, 57, 70; of Yokuts, 
179. 

Continuative, 37, 216, 246, 285, 286, 
290. 

Conventional names, 161. 

Ck^nventionality of basket design 
names, 161. 

Cooking baskets, 106, 111, 146, 147. 

Cope, E. D., 2. 

Correspondences of Yokuts dia- 
lects, summary of, 346. 

Costanoan, 30, 49, 60, 66, 69, 316, 
323, 336, 375, 376; article, 76; 
cases, 74; combinations of con- 
sonants, 70; composition, 77; 
consonants, 70 ; demonstrative, 
75, 76; disyllabic words, 78; In- 
dians, 97; linguistic family, 69; 
local cases, 75; monosyllabic 
words, 77, 78; noun, 74; numer- 
als, 76; numeral system quinary, 
76; order of words, 77; phonet- 
ics, 69; plural, 74; prepositions, 
75; pronoun, 70, 71; radicals, 
77; reduplication, 77; tenses, 
72; text, 79; verb, 72, 74; ver- 
bal roots, 78; vowels, 69. 

Coville, F. v., 108. 



Coyote, 97, 101. 

Crab or crayfish design, 126, 141, 
157. 

Creation myths, 89, 93; in Califor- 
nia, 98, 102. 

Creator in American mythology, 
91 ; in Central California, 97. 

Creek, 94. 

Cremation, 87; in Southern Cali- 
fornia, 100. 

Crimes, 88. 

Crooked design, 124, 125, 130, 138, 
158. 

Crook-stick design, 158. 

Crossed design, 127, 158. 

Crossing of the warp. 111. 

Crossways design, 158. 

Crotalus, 11, 19. 

Crotalus sp., 18. 

Crow-foot design, 131, 139, 141, 
142, 154, 156. 

Cry, 84. 

Cultural similarity, lack of between 
northwestern and northeastern 
California, 152. 

Culture hero, 91, 93, 97; in cen- 
tral California, 97; in northwest- 
ern California, 95. 

Curtin, 96. 

Cut-wood design, 131, 138, 139, 141, 
158. 

Dakota, 71. 

Dalinchi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
325, 360. 

Dance-basket, 107. 

Dance of the dead, 84. 

Dances, 88; in California, 84. 

Dead, burned in Southern Califor- 
nia, 100; taboo of names of, 170, 
318 ; Tachi formula for, 375. 

Death, 85; origin of, 97. 

Debt, 88. 

Decorative basket designs, 162. 

Deer, 21; designs, 159; excrement 
design, 133, 140, 141, 156, 159; 
foot design, 156 ; gut design, 156, 
159, 160; rib design, 156, 159; 
skins, 88. 

Deer-skin dance, 85. 

de la Cuesta, Arroyo, 50, 57, 59, 69, 
74. 

Delaware, 94. 

Del Norte County, 105. 

Demonstratives, 39, 40, 44, 48, 59, 
75, 76; in languages of Califor- 
nia, 377; in Yokuts, 225, 296, 
337, 346. 

Dentalia, 88. 



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Index, 



Derivation, 63, 66; in Yokuts, 278, 
298, 235, 339, 376. 

Derivational suffixes in Tokuts, 
235. 

Derivatives in Yokuts verb, 204. 

Descriptive design names, 153. 

Desiderative in Yokuts, 205, 285. 

Design element names, 154. 

Development of ari» in Santa Bar- 
bara region, 99. 

Diagonal or spiral pattern arrange- 
ment, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151. 

Dialectic divisions of Yokuts, 309. 

Dialectic groups, relations of, of 
Yokuts, 313. 

Dialects of Yokuts, 308; composi- 
tion in, 339; demonstrative pro- 
nouns in, 337 ; derivation in, 339; 
imperative in, 338; lexical rela- 
tions of, 316; numerals in, 340; 
phonetic relations of, * 328; pro- 
nouns in, 334; reduplication in, 
343; texts in various, 363. 

Dieguenos, 100. 

Diller, J. 8., 3, 23, 26. 

Diminutive in Yokuts, 229. 

Diphthongs in Yokuts, 179. 

Dipper for acorn mush, 107. 

Distributive^ 36; in Yokuts, 231, 
298. 

Disyllabic words, 78. 

Diving of animals, 90. 

Dixon, B. B., 30, 143, 146, 148, 149, 
153, 155, 161, 316, 375. 

Doak, D. P., 3. 

Dorsey, J. O., 87. 

Dove design, 127, 141, 156. 

Dry creek, 170, 325; dialect of Yo- 
kuts, 312. 

Dual in Yokuts, 189, 221, 222, 226, 
227, 277. 

Duck-wing design, 156. 

Dunma dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325, 
332, 333, 341, 353, 360; vocabu- 
laiy, 356. 

Duplication, 36; in Yokuts, 185, 
344. 

Dutematho design, 142. 

Dyed woof materials, 111. 

Dynamic design names, 153, 154. 

Eagle as creator in Central Cali- 
fornia, 97. 

Earthworm design, 157. 

Eel river, 85, 149. 

Eclipse of the sun, Tachi formula 
for, 374. 

Egypt, 91. 

Elbow design, 126, 141, 156. 

Elements ot designs, 154, 155. 



Elephas, 19, 21. 

Elephas primigetUiu, 18, 20, 22. 

Elephas pritnigenim columbi, 21. 

Elk design, 124, 131, 138, 139, 140, 
141, 156> 159. 

Emeryville shell mound, 13; bone 
implements from, op. p. 12. 

Encircles design, 158. 

Enclitics in Yokuts, 182. 

Environment, favorable in Califor- 
nia, 81. 

Epiphragmophora mormonum, 19. 

Equivalent design names, table of, 
among Yurok, ELarok, and Hupa, 
141. 

Eqwus, 21; n. sp., 21; oceidenialU, 
18, 20; paeificm, 18, 20, 21, 22; 
sp., 20. 

Eacluxtius conidens, 21. 

Eskimo, 71, 81, 85, 93, 95; myths, 
93. 

Esselen, 71, 375, 376; adjective, 
60; cases, 61; demonstratives, 
59; derivation, 63, 66; combina- 
tions of consonants, 58; compo- 
sition, 65; consonants, 57; inde- 
pendent pronoun, 60; linguistic 
family, 49; noun, 60; numerals, 
50, 61; numeral system quinary, 
62; phonetics, 57; plural, 61; 
prefixes, 59; pronouns, 58; redu- 
plication, 61; suffixes, 63; verb, 
59, 60; vocabularies, 49; vocab- 
ulary, 66; vocabulaiy, general 
combined, 51; vowels, 57. 

Esselenian, 30. 

Eticeraiherium, 15, 21; ooIltnuiH, 
12, 18; collinwn n. gen. and sp., 
18. 

Euphonic vowels, 32. 

Eutamias aenex, 17. 

Evemia vulpina, 109. 

Exogamy, 87. 

Extinct dialects of Yokuts, 308. 

Extraneous races in California, 82. 

Eye design, 133, 156. 

Eye-like design, 141. 

False embroidery. 111. 

Fauna, 20. 

Fauna of Silver Lake, 20. 

Feathered baskets, 151, 159. 

Feather dance costume, 85. 

Felts near hippolestea, 17. 

Feli8 n. sp., 17; sp. indet., 20. 

Fern design, 157, 160. 

Fetishism, 84; in California, 102. 

Fiber, 21 ; eibethicm, 21. 

Final sounds in Yokuts, 180. 

Fir-branch design, 158. 



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Index, 



Fish-tail design, 157, 160. 
Fish-teeth design, 157. 
Flint design, 117, 124, 125, 130, 
131, 136, 139, 141, 142, 158, 159, 
160. 
Flint-like design, 130, 141, 158. 
Flood, 90. 

Flower design, 157, 160. 
Fly design, 157. 
Fljing geese design, 126, 141, 143, 

156, 160. 
Foot design, 121, 130, 139, 141, 156. 
Foot-hill division of Tokuts dia- 
lects, 170, 309, 3*10, 311, 324, 388. 
Formulas, 88, 89. 
Fossils, 

Acipenser medirostriSf 18. 

AntUocapra, 21. 

Antrosous pallidas pacificus, 
17. 

Aplodantia major n. subsp., 17. 

Arotomys sp., 17. 

Arctotherium, 11, 12, 21. 

Afctothervam aimum, 11, 17. 

Arvicola sp. div., 21. 

Bassariscus raptor, 17. 

Bear, 2. 

Birds, 18. 

Bison antiquus, 20. 

Bison sp., 18. 

Callospermophilus chrysodeirus, 
17. 

Camelid, 18, 20. 

Camels, 21. 

Camelops Icansanus, 21. 

Camelops sp. max., 21. 

Camelops vitakerianus, 21. 

Cants cf . occidentalis, 21. 

Cants indianensis, 

Canis latrans, 21. 

Castor, 21. 

Castor sp., 21. 

Castoroides, 21. 

Castoroides sp., 21. 

Crotalus, 11, 19. 

Crotalus sp., 18. 

Deer, 21. 

Elephas, 19, 21. 

Elephas primigenius, 18, 20, 22. 

Elephas primigenius columhi, 
21. 

Epiphragmophora mormonum, 
19. 

Equus, 21. 

EqwM n. sp., 21. 

Equus ocddentdlis, 18, 20. 

Equus pacificus, IS, 20, 21, 22. 

Equus sp., 20. 

Eschatius conidens, 21. 



Euceratherium, 15, 21. 
Euceratherium collinum, 12, 

18. 
Euceratherium collinum n. gen. 

and sp., 18. 
Eutamias senex, 17. 
Felis near hippolestes, 17. 
Felis n. sp., 17. 
Felis sp. indet., 20. 
Fiber, 21. 

Fiber eibethious, 21. 
Qeomys, 21. 
Geomys sp., 21. 
Haplocerus, 19, 24. 
Haplocerus montanus, 18. 
Large carnivore genus and sp. 

indet, 20. 
Lepus, 19. 

Lepus caXifomicus, 17. 
Lepus klamathensis, 17. 
Lepus near audoboni, 17. 
Lepus sp., 17, 21. 
Lwtra, 21. 

Lutra canadensis, 21. 
I^Vfu; fasdatus, 17, 19. 
Lj^fur fasdatus n. subsp., 17. 
Ifarparitana, 15. 
Margaritana falcata, 19. 
Mastodon americanus, 18, 20. 
Megalonyx, 19, 21. 
Megalonyx jefersonU, 18. 
Megdtonyx n. sp., 18. 
Megalonyx sp., 18. 
Megalonyx wheatleyi, 18. 
Jfep^ttM oc<nd«ntaZt«, 17. 
JficrotiM califomicus, 17. 
MorotTi^rwm gigas, 20. 
Mylodon, 19, 22. 
Mylodon soddtis, 21. 
Mylopharodon conocephalus, 

18. 
Myriapod, 17. 
Ms^tiZiM edati«, 19. 
Neotoma fuscipes, 17. 
Odocoileus, 19. 
Odocoi{eiM sp. a., 18. 
Odocoileus sp. b., 18. 
Ostrea conchapUa, 19. 
Ostrea lurida, 19. 
Platygonus, cf. vettw, 21. 
Platygonus sp., 18. 
Platj^^oniM sp. minor, 21. 
Pt^c^c^tfiZiw grandis, 18. 
Pwtornw ari£ron&n«t«, 17. 
Scapanus califomicus, 17. 
/fifctttroptertM /;2amat/i«n»i«, 17. 

*t«, 17. 
/9permopftiZiw doi«^l(Mi, 17. 



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Index. 



SpUogale n. 8p., 17. 

Tagelus calif omuma, 19. 

Taxidea n. sp., 17. 

Teonoffia n. sp., 17. 

Thamomys leucodon, 17. 

Thomamys montiooia, 17. 

Thomamys n. sp., 17. 

Thamomys ap., 21. 

Tortoise, 19. 

Urocyon townsendi, 17. 

I7r«t«, 11, 21. 

Ursus n. sp., 17. 

Ursus sp. indet.y 20. 

Vulpes cascadensiSf 17. 

Vulpes cf. pcniwyivaniciw, 21. 
Frequentative in Yokuts, 205, 285. 
Fresno river, 169, 309, 311. 
Frog, 101; foot design, 139, 154; 
hand design, 137, 138, 141, 157. 
Furlong, E. L., 2, 27. 
Future in Yokuts, 215, 223, 285, 

290, 346. 
Gabrielinos, 100. 
Galiano, 49, 50, 59. 
Gaahowu cUalect of Yokuts, 312, 

319, 325, 332, 333, 341, 352. 
Gatschet, 31, 69. 
Gavovabati design, 142. 
Gawia dialect of Yokuts, 312. 
General character of the vocabu- 
lary in Yokuts, 238. 
Genera] cultural qualities of Cali- 
fornia Indians, 103. 
Gentile names, 87; organisation, 
83; organization in California, 
102. 
Geometrical design names, 153. 
Geomys, 21. 
Geomys sp., 21. 
GidacedariL design, 142. 
Gitanemuk, 299. 
Goddard, P. E., 108, 116, 133, 137, 

140. 
Gods in American mythology, 91. 
Grammatical expression in Yokuts, 

means of, 376. 
Grammatical relations of Yokuts 

dialects, 333. 
Grammatical structure in Yokuts, 

means of, 280. 
Grasshopper-leg design, 157. 
Gray-squirrel-foot design, 156. 
Great Basin, 101. 
Greece, 91. 

Grizzly-bear-hand design, 138, 156. 
Grown-up design, 142, 158. 
Guardian spirit, 89, 93. 
Haida, 87, 162. 



Hale, 47. 

Haplocertis, 19, 24; H. montanus, 
18. 

Hay Springs, Nebraska, 20, 21. 

Hazel, 108, 109, 142, 144. 

Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., 2, 29, 81, 
172. 

Helper, supernatural, 89. 

Henshaw, H. W., 50, 57, 59. 

Hershey, O. H., 25, 26. 

Heuchi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325, 
360. 

Hidatsa, 94. 

Hide-wrench-out design, 158. 

Holmes, W. H., 29. 

Horizontal pattern arrangement, 
146, 148, 149, 150, 151. 

Hornet design, 157. 

Horse Mountain, 22, 24. 

House design, 158. 

Houses, 83, 86; in Santa Barbara 
region, 99. 

Hoyima dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325, 
359, 360. 

Humboldt bay, 85, 155 ; county, 85, 
105. 

Hunt, 89. 

Hupa, 85, 88, 95, 105, 106, 124, 144, 
145, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 
159, 160; baskets, 107, 109; bas- 
ketry, 116, 136, 139; basket de- 
signs, 133; basket making, 133. 

Hyphens in transcription of Yo- 
kuts, 255. 

Idiomas Califomios, 50. 

Ikurukur design, 141. 

Ikxareya, 95. 

Imperative in Yokuts, 246, 288, 290, 
338. 

Imperative particles in Yokuts, 227. 

Implements, 12. 

Impure vowels, 32; in linguistic 
families of California, 329; in 
Yokuts, 173, 277, 279, 312; in 
Shoshonean, 329. 

Incorporated pronominal elements, 
59. 

Incorporation, 71; in Yokuts, 183, 
204, 224, 227, 255. 

Independent pronoun, 39, 60. 

India, 91. 

Indo-European, 70, 317. 

Initial sounds in Yokuts, 180. 

Initiation, 88. 

Initiation rites in California, 102. 

Inlaid work in Santa Barbara re- 
gion, 99. 

In-middle design, 158. 



[384] 



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Instrumental, 61, 75; prefixes lack- 
ing in Tokuts, 183; case in Yo- 
kuts, 194, 201, 202, 203, 223, 226, 
284, 293; prefixes in languages 
of California, 377; relations, 38. 

Interjections in Tokuts, 232. 

Interrogative in Yokuts, 221, 228, 
294. 

Interrogative particle in Yokuts, 
228. 

Intransitive in Yokuts, 206, 236, 
285. 

loi and Bluejay, Yokuts text, 275. 

Iroquois, 87. 

Iterative, 37. 

John Day region, 20. 

Johns Creek, 22. 

Jolon, 44. 

Jordan, David Starr, 2. 

Karok, 85, 95, 105, 106, 124, 144, 
145, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159, 
160; baskets, 109; basket de- 
signs, 130; basketry, 113, 114, 
116; names of baskets, 130. 

Kasua dialect of Chumash, 31. 

Kawaiisu, 329. 

Kaweah river, 170, 311, 328. 

Kechayi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
325, 353, 360. 

Kennett, 23. 

Kern river, 169, 279, 310, 311. 

Kern river group of Shoshonean 
family, 328, 329, 330, 335, 336. 

Khometwoli dialect of Yokuts, 350. 

E^hometwoli group of Yokuts dia- 
lects, 313. 

Kinesni design, 138, 141, 145. 

Kings river, 170, 311, 325; group 
of Yokuts dialects, 311, 312, 324, 
325, 326, 331. 

Kinilyu design, 138, 141. 

Kixtakpis design, 131. 

Kixunai, 95. 

Klamath Indians, 148. 

Klamath Lake Indians, 95, 113, 
146. 

Klamath river, 85, 105. 

Kleinschmidt, 71. 

Kmukamtch, 95. 

Kocheyali dialect of Yokuts, 312. 

Kofoid, C. A., 2, 16. 

Koyeti dialect of Yokuts, 311. 

Kumachisi dialect of Yokuts, 313. 

Kutsisivac design, 141. 

Kwakiutl, 87. 

Ladder design, 121, 124, 130, 131, 
138, 139, 140, 141, 158. 

Laget design, 142. 

Lamanon, 50, 74. 



Languages of California, 102. 

Languages of the Coast of Califor- 
nia, map of, opp. p. 29. 

Languages of the Coast of Califor- 
nia South of San Francisco, 29; 
cited, 375. 

Large carnivore genus and sp. in- 
det., 20. 

Large sharp-teeth design, 127. 

Lattice twining, 111. 

Lawson, A. C, 20, 26. 

Leaves design, 157. 

Leaves strung along design, 143. 

Legends, local, 87. 

LenaLdauw design, 137. 

LenoikyuuLon design, 138, 141. 

LenouLon design, 138, 141. 

LepuSf 19; califomumSf 17; Jclama- 
thensis, 17; near attdoboni, 17; 
sp., 17, 21. 

Lexical similarities of Chumash 
and Salinan, 48. 

Library of American Linguistics, 
43. 

Linguistic diversity in California, 
82. 

Linguistic family, 31, 43, 49, 69. 

Linguistic families of California, 
102. 

Lizard-foot design, 144, 154, 157. 

Local cases, 38, 48, 75. 

Locative case in Yokuts, 194, 201, 
202, 203, 221, 223, 226, 232, 236, 
284, 293. 

Loew, 31. 

Long design, 158. 

Long mark design, 136, 160. 

Long worm design, 131, 139, 141, 
157. 

Long woven design, 141. 

Lord's Prayer, 31, 46, 49. 

Los Angeles county, 99. 

Luisenos, 100. 

Lutra, 21 ; canadensis, 21. 

Lutuami, 113, 148, 152, 375. 

Lydekker, R., 16. 

LyTix fasdatus, 17, 19; n. subsp., 
17. 

Madera county, 155. 

Maggot design, 126, 141, 157. 

Maidenhair fern, 108, 109, 144, 147. 

Maidu, 97, 121, 145, 149, 150, 153, 
154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 316, 317, 
329, 375, 376, 377 ; type of pat- 
tern arrangement, 152. 

Maori, 89. 

Marble Creek, 23. 

Margaritana, 15; falcata, 19. 

Mariposa county, 69, 171. 



[385] 



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Index. 



Maripoean, 169^ 171. 

Marriage, 88. 

Maaon, O. T., 108, 115. 

Mtuiodon amerteamu, 18, 20. 

Matthew, W. D., 20, 21. 

Maya, 71. 

McCloud Indians, 115; limestone, 
3, 22; river, 3, 112, 145; 240- 
foot terrace, 24, 25; 150-160 foot 
terrace, 24; 90-foot terrace, 25. 

Meadowlark neck design, 144, 156. 

Meal sifter, 107. 

Means of expression of grammati- 
cal stractnre in Yokuts, 184. 

Medial sounds in Toknts, 180. 

MegaUmyx, 19, 21; jeffersorUi, 18; 
n. sp., 18; sp., 18; wheatleyif 18. 

Mendocino, Cape, 85, 99; countv, 
86. 

Mephitis occidentalis, 17. 

Merced river, 69. 

Mercenary temper, 88. 

Mercer's cave, Calaveras county, 
19. 

Merriam, C. Hart, 2. 

Merriam, J. C, 2, 20, 142. 

Mesh-stick design, 126, 130, 141, 
158; on wooden paddies, 126. 

Metathesis bf vowels in Yokut?, 
178. 

Method of counting, vigesimal, 40; 
quinary, 40. 

Mexicans, 92. 

Michahai dialect of Yokuts, 312, 
341, 350. 

Microtus cdlifornicus, 17. 

Migration traditions, 94; in South- 
em California, 101. 

Mikinilyultcwe design, 138. 

Mikiti, Yokuts text, 266. 

Millipede design, 157. 

Mission Indians, 150. 

Mississippi Valley Indians, 85, 161. 

Miwok, 149, 310, 329, 336, 375, 377. 

Mode in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285. 

Modem design, 127. 

Modoc, 113, 143, 146, 148. 

Mofras, Duflot de, 31, 46, 50. 

Mohave, 101, 161; mythology, 100. 

Mono, 329, 330. 

Monosyllabic stems in Yokuts^ 238, 
278; in languages of California, 
376. 

Monosyllabic words, 41, 77, 78. 

Monsters, 93. 

Monterey, 50. 

Moquelumnan, 69, 150, 375; bas- 
kets, 149; northwestern, 151. 



Morotherium gigas, 20. 

Morphological group consisting of 
Chuma^ and Salinan languages, 
49. 

Morphological groups of linguistic 
families of California, 316, 375. 

Mortar baskets, 106, 111, 115. 

Moth design, 157, 160. 

Mountain design, 158. 

Mountains and clouds design, 158. 

Mourning ceremony, 88; in Cali- 
fornia, 84, 102 ; in Southern Cali- 
fornia, 100. 

Multiple warp basketry, 110. 

Murray, E. T., 50. 

Mussel-tongue design, 157. 

Mutsun, 69; grammar and phrase 
book, 50. 

Mylodon, 19, 22; sodalia, 21. 

Mylopharodon conocephalus, 18. 

Myriapod, 17. 

Mysticism, 89. 

Mythological specialization charac- 
teristic of American Indians, 98. 

Mythologies of California, 89; gen- 
eralized, 98. 

Mythology an attempt at science, 
90. 

Myths, 89. 

Mytilus ediUia, 19. 

Nahuatl, 71. 

Naikyexoloxats design^ 138, 141. 

NaLgos design, 145. 

Names attached to different de- 
signs among different groups, 
161. 

Names in California, 85. 

Native Languages of California, 
30; cited, 375. 

Navaho sand-painting, 162. 

Navel-string design, 144, 156. 

Negative in Yokuts, 221, 294. 

Negative particle in Yokuts dia- 
lects, 339, 346. 

Neoioma fu8cip€s, 17. 

New Mexico, 100. 

NiLkfitdasaan design, 139. 

NobiUty, 84. 

Nobles, 87. 

Northeastern California, 112. 

Northeastern or Achomawi type of 
pattern arrangement, 152. 

Northern group of Yokuts dialects, 
310, 311, 312, 325, 326, 331. 

North Pacific Coast, 92, 105, 161. 

North Pacific Coast Indians, 85, 86, 
87, 88. 



[386] 



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Index. 



Northwestern CaHf ornia, 86, 87, 88, 
102, 105; culture area, 85; tribes, 
101; type of pattern arrange- 
ment, 152. 

Norway, 91. 

Notched feather design, 158, 160. 

Noun, 45, 60, 74; in Tokuts, 189, 
282, 323. 

Noun-agent, 38; in Tokuts, 287. 

Number in Yokuts verb, 204. 

Number of design names among 
tribes, 140. 

Number suffixes, 281. 

Numerals, 40, 47, 61, 76; in Yo- 
kuts, 230, 297, 323, 339; cardi- 
nal adverbs in Yokuts, 231 ; ordi- 
nal adverbs in Yokuts, 231. 

Numeral system, 49, 62, 76; deci- 
mal, 40. 

Nutunutu dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
319, 360. 

Object design names, 154. 

Objective case in Yokuts, 194, 196, 
203, 221, 226, 230, 283. 

Objective pronouns, 33. 

Objective suffix, 39. 

Objects, names of, in Yokuts, 239, 
243, 323. 

Obsidian implements, 88. 

OdocoileWf 19; sp. a, 18; sp. b, 18. 

Okrekruyaa design, 124, 141. 

Onomatopoetic words in Yokuts, 
234. 

On top of design, 158. 

On top of each other design, 136, 
139, 141, 154, 158. 

Openwork, 111, 114; baskets, 106, 
109; trays, 126, 145; plate, 107. 

Optative in Yokuts, 289. 

Oregon, 87, 316; Indians, 85, 86. 

Order of words, 77; in Yokuts, 233. 

Origin myths, 88. 

Origin of death, 97; of the earth, 
90. 

Ornamentation, 87. 

Ornament in California, 83. 

Ostrea conchaphila, 19. 

Ostrea lurida, 19. 

Oval basket, 151. 

Overlaying, 108, 142; in basketry, 
111, 112, 113. 

Ovibos, 18. 

Owl-daw design, 156. 

Paddles, 83, 87. 

Palatal consonants in Yokuts, 180. 

Palatal L, 32. 

Paleuyami, 170; dialect of Yokuts, 
313, 318, 329, 335, 341, 347. 

Participle in Yokuts, 215, 218, 220. 



Particle in Yokuts, 245, 277, 294. 

Parts of the body, 41; in Yokuts, 
238, 241, 323. 

Passive in Yokuts, 218, 219, 288, 
290, 292; future, 288. 

Past tenses in Yokuts, 217, 246, 
286, 290, 346. 

Patch design, 145, 158. 

Pattern designs, 155; names, 154. 

Patterns, 154; composite, 154. 

Payments, 88. 

Perouse, de la, 49, 50, 57, 59, 74. 

Person in Yokuts, 204. 

Personal pronouns in Yokilts, 221. 

Persons, names of, in Yokuts, 240, 
323. 

Peter Christman, 363. 

Philosophical tendency in mjrths, 
90. 

Phonetic changes in Yokuts, 328; 
character, 48; immutability in 
languages of California, 376; 
system of Yokuts, 173, 183, 277. 

Phonetics, 31, 57, 69; of Yokuts, 
279. 

Pictography among California In- 
dians, 161. 

Picture writing in California, 83; 
in California basketry, 162. 

Piman, 49. 

Pine-cone design, 154, 157. 

Pinole, 20. 

Pinus ponderosa, 142. 

Pipes, 83, 87. 

Pitanisha, Fight with the, Yokuts 
text, 274. 

Pitkachi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
325, 360. 

Pit river baskets, 148; Indians, 85, 
113, 142, 144, 147. 

Plains Indians, 94, 98; shield, 162. 

Planks, 86. 

Plant, design, 157; design names, 
153, 154; food, 82. 

Plants, names of, in Yokuts, 243. 

Platygonus, cf. vetw, 21; sp., 18; 
sp. minor, 21. 

Plural, 36, 44, 48, 61, 74; in lan- 
guages of California, 377; in 
verbs, 49; in Yokuts, 189, 199, 
201, 221, 222, 226, 227, 277, 282; 
stem changes in Yokuts, 190. 

Pocket deposits, 9. 

Poetical sentiments in basket de- 
signs, 161. 

Point Concepcion, 85, 99. 

Points-sticking-up design, 141, 158. 

Poison oak, 142. 

Polecat design, 126. 



[387] 



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Index, 



Pol^rnesians, 90, 91. 

Poljsyllabic stems in Yokats, 376, 
377; words, 42. 

Polytheism, 91. 

Porno, 84, 86, 106, 144, 145, 146, 
149, 150, 151, 161, 316, 323, 375, 
376, 377; basketiy, 116; baskets, 
115; Domber of weaves practiced 
bj, 150 ; type of pattern arrange- 
ment, 152 ; variety of pattern ar- 
rangement, 151. 

Porcupine quills, 109. 

Poso creek, 170, 329 ; group of Yo- 
kuts dialects, 312, 313, 326, 331. 

Possessive case, 45 ; in Yokuts, 194, 
201, 202, 203, 221, 224, 226, 284, 
293; prefix, 39, 45, 59; pronoun, 
38 48 

Potlatch, 81, 88. 

Potter creek, 3, 22. 

Potter Creek Cave, 1. 

Pottery, 161; in California, 83, 
102; in Southern California, 100. 

Powers, Stephen, 81, 170. 

Prairie-falcon Fights, Yokuts text, 
263. 

Prairie-falcon Loses, Yokuts text, 
264. 

Prairie-falcon's Wife, Yokuts text, 
259. 

Prayers and formulas, Yokuts, 374. 

Prayers in basket designs, 162. 

Prayer, Yokuts, 372. 

Prefixes, lacking in Yokuts, 183 ; of 
terms of relationship, 37. 

Prepositions, 45, 49, 75; in Yokuts, 
232. 

Preseut tense in Yokuts, 217, 285, 
290. 

Previous race, 95. 

Priest, 89. 

Procellio scaber, 16, 

Pronominal, affixes, 70; elements, 
33, 48; close fusion of elements 
with the noun, 48 ; prefixes, 33. 

Pronoun, 39, 44, 58, 70, 71 ; in Yo- 
kuts, 221, 277, 294, 346; combi- 
nations of in Yokuts, 224, 277; 
demonstrative in Yokuts, 225, 
296; interrogative in Yokuts, 
228, 296; personal in Yokuts, 
221, 294, 334; possessive in Yo- 
kuts, 221, 224, 227, 295; relative 
in Yokuts, 227; indefinite in Yo- 
kuts, 228, 296. 

Pronouns of American languages 
containing n, m, and k, 3&. 

Property, 84; marks in basketry, 
116; rights in California, 84. 



Prosaic character of CaUf omia 
myths, 97. 

PtychocheUus grandis, 18. 

Pueblo, 87, 100; altar, 162; myths, 
94. 

Pueblos, 81. 

Pulled around design, 158. 

Purchase, 88. 

Purdy, 110. 

Purses of elkhom, 87. 

Putnam, P. W., 2. 

Put on top design, 142. 

Putoriui arieanenais, 17. 

Quail, crest design, 144, 156; de- 
sign, 156; plume design, 159; tip 
design, 160. 

Babbit excrement design, 141, 156. 

Raccoon design, 156. 

Radical diversity of Yokuts dia- 
lects, 170, 316, 319. 

Radicals, 41, 77. 

Raft design, 144, 158. 

Rainbow design, 158. 

Rattlesnake, 159; head design, 143, 
156; markings design, 1^; noM 
design, 137, 141, 156; noses on 
top of each other design, 137. 

Raven, 93. 

Realism in art of California In- 
dians, 102, 161. 

Realistic representation, 87. 

Red Bluff, 26; terrace, 25, 26. 

Red-snake, design, 127, 141, 157; 
markings design, 157. 

Reduplication, 49, 61, 77; in lan- 
guages of California, 377; in 
Yokuts, 238, 277, 278, 280, 343; 
etymological, in Yokuts, 343; 
final, in Yokuts, 345; initial, in 
Yokuts, 345; in Yokuts numer- 
als, 185; in Yokuts verb, 204; of 
nouns with possessive prefix, 37; 
with change of vowel in Yokuts, 
346. 

Redwood, 108, 144; creek, 85. 

Refiexive in Yokuts, 206, 285, 290. 

Relationship of Chumash and Sa- 
linan, 48; of Esselen and Costa- 
noan, 68, 80. 

Religious ideas in basketry, expres- 
sion of, 162. 

Religious significance of basket de- 
signs, 161. 

Rhus diversiloba, 142. 

Richardson, J. A., 2, 4. 

Rikweritcag* atgat design, 142. 

Ritualism, 84, 89; in California, 
102. 

Ritvelet design, 142. 



[388] 



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Index. 



Robertson, Alice, 20, 21. 

Root fibres, 108. 

Round Valley, 145. 

Rumsien dialect, 69, 74, 75. 

Sacramento river, 145; valley, 152. 

Sacramento valley Indians, 85. 

Sacred numbers, 89. 

Sahaptian, 49. 

Sahaptin, 375. 

Salinan, 30, 43, 59, 61, 71, 80, 336, 
375; demonstratives, 44; family, 
102; initial t*, 46; linguistic 
family, 43; noun, 4^; numerals, 
47; possessive case, 45; posses- 
sive prefixes, 45; plural, 444 
prepositions, 45; pronouns, 44; 
pronominal forms, 46. . 

Salinas Valley, 102. 

Salmon, 86. 

San Antonio dialect, 43, 44, 45, 46, 
47; Mission, vocabulary of the 
language of the, 43. 

San Benito county, 69. 

San Francisco, 30; latitude of, 150. 

San Joaquin valley. 150; basin, 
161, 169; river, 169, 309, 310, 
311, 312, 325. 

San Lucas, Cape, 99. 

San Miguel dialect, 44, 46, 47. 

San Pablo Bay quaternary, 19. 

Santa Barbara, 30, 31, 50, 98, 100, 
102; region, 101, 102. 

Santa Clara, 73. 

Santa Cruz, 73. 

Santa Ynez, 31. 

Scapanua calif omious, 17. 

Scientific explanation in myth, 93. 

Sciuropterus klamathensis, 17. 

Sciurus hudsonums albolimbatus, 
17. 

Scratches design, 158. 

Secret society, 88; in California, 
84. 

Seedbeater, 108. 

Seler, 71. 

Semi-derivatives in Yokuts verb, 
204. 

Semi-derivative suffixes, 282; in 
Yokuts, 285. 

Sentence structure in Yokuts, 183, 
278. 

Sentences, Yauelmani, 299. 

Serrano, 329. 

Shamanism, 89. 

Sharp different design, 127; sharp 
slanting design, 158 ; sharp tooth 
design, 120, 130, 136, 141, 156. 

Shasta, 85, 144, 145, 316; Mount, 
85, 152; county, 115; baskets, 
149. 



Shasta-Achomawi, 317. 

Shea, 43, 46, 47. 

Shoshonean, 30, 32, 49, 279, 316, 
328, 329, 330, 335, 375; family, 
169, 173; tribes, 150. 

Shoshoneans, 100, 101, 299, 809. 

Sierra Nevada, 47, 85, 152, 169, 
309, 310, 329. 

Significance of decoration of Cali- 
fornia basketry, 162. 

Silver Lake, Oregon, 20; beds of, 
20; fauna, 22. 

Singing ceremonies in Southern 
California, 100. 

Sinkine, 144, 149, 155, 158. 

Sinkyone or Sinkine, 144. 

Siskiyou county, 105; range, 86. 

Sitting design, 120, 124, 130, 140, 
141, 158, 160. 

Sitting in the middle design, 127. 

Sitjar, Buenaventura, 43. 

Siujtu rancheria, 31. 

Skunk design, 141, 156. 

Skunk-nose design, 156. 

Slaves, 84, 88. 

Sleeping together design, 127. 

Small flint design, 130. 

Smith river, 85. 

Snail-back design, 132, 140, 141, 
157. 

Snake, design, 121, 124, 130, 139, 
140, 141, 157; head design, 160; 
nose design, 120, 131, 140, 141, 
156; noses on top of each other 
design, 133; patterns, 159. 

Social organization, 87, 88 ; in Cali- 
fornia, 83, 102. 

Social rank, 84. 

Sonants, 32; in Yokuts, 179, 277. 

Song, Chunut, dancing, 366; from 
a Yokuts myth, 371 ; Tachi, danc- 
ing, 366; Tachi, 366; Wiikcham- 
ni, Ohowish ceremony, 364; Yau- 
danchi, otter, 370; Yokuts, coy- 
ote, 368, 369; Yokuts, dancing, 
368, 369; Yokuts, eagle, 368; 
Yokuts, grizzly-bear doctor's, 
367 ; Yokuts, ground-squirrel, 
370; Yokuts, medicine man's, 
367; Yokuts, mourning cere- 
mony, 364; Yokuts, mountain 
sheep, 370; Yokuts, Pleiades, 
371; Yokuts, rattlesnake cere- 
mony, 364; Yokuts, road-run- 
ner's, 370; Yokuts, water's, 370. 

Southern California, 101. 

Southern type of pattern arrange- 
ment in basketry, 149, 152. 

Southwestern California, 102. 



[389] 



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Index. 



Southwestern group of linguistic 
families of California, 375. 

Southwestern myths, 94. 

Southwest India^nsy 161. 

Spanish speaking Indians, 30. 

Spatial design names, 153, 154. 

Specialisation, of California In- 
dians, 103 ; of culture in Califor- 
nia, 86. 

SpermophUua dougUui, 17. 

Spiders, 17. 

SpQogale n. sp. 17. 

Spiral pattern arrangement, 148. 

Spirants in Toknts, 179, 277. 

Spoons, 87. 

Spotted design, 132, 138, 158. 

Spread finger design, 121, 130. 

Spread-hand design, 137, 138, 139, 
141, 156. 

Spreading apart design, 126. 

Spreading design, 141, 158. 

Spruce, 108. 

Star design, 141, 158. 

Star-sha^d pattern, 150. 

Stems, different, in Tokuts dia- 
lects, 323; identical, in Tokuts 
dialects, 323. 

Stirred design, 132, 158. 

Stockton, 169, 311, 325. 

Stone bowls in Santa Barbara re- 
gion, 99. 

Stony creek, 145. 

Storage baskets, 106, 107, 110, 111, 
147. 

Straight across design, 142. 

String, 83. 

Striped design, 125, 132, 138, 145, 
158. 

Structure, of Yokuts, 186; of the 
syllable in Yokuts, 181; trans- 
parence of in languages of Cali- 
fornia, 376. 

Sturgeon-back design, 124, 125, 
127, 130, 138, 140, 141, 142, 157. 

Subjective case in Yokuts, 221. 

Subjective prefix, 39. 

Sucker-tail design, 143, 157. 

Suffixes, 63; in Yokuts, 278, 280; 
list of, 186, 281; verbal, 292, 337. 

Suffixion in Yokuts, 184, 186, 278. 

Sugar-pine, design, 157; roots of, 
108. 

Sun, 93. 

Surds in Yokuts, 179, 277. 

Swallow, design, 127, 141, 156; tail 
design, 137, 138, 139, 141, 156. 

Sweat-house, 83, 86. 

Symbolism, 89, 162; in California, 
102; in basketry, 161. 



Syntactical cases, 48. 

fi^thetieal structure of Yctets, 
183. 

Tachi, dialect of Yokuts, 311, 319, 
333, 341, 342, 361, 363, 367, 374; 
phrases, 362. 

Tagelu$ ealifomiem, 19. 

Tales of adventures, 93. 

Tanked Hair, Yokuts text, 256. 

Tanyuwis, jimson-weed ceremony 
of Yokuts, 374. 

Tattoo design, 126, 140, 141, 156. 

Taxidea n .sp., 17. 

Taylor, A. a, 50. 

Tea design, 137, 141. 

Tcaxhultcwe design, 137, 141. 

TcaxtcefifieL design, 136, 137. 

Tcesiifialwiltcwel design, 136. 

Tcinisnoi design, 145. 

Tciruratcgat design, 142. 

Technique, 162; of basketry, 152; 
of basketry of northwestern Cal- 
ifornia, 109; of baskets, 149. 

Tehachapi, 85; south of, 99, 100; 
north of, 102 ; mountaiJis, 169. 

Tejon, 299. 

Telamni dialect of Yokuts, 311. 

Temperamental characteristics of 
Cidifomia Indians, 103. 

Temporal clauses in Yokuts, 220. 

Tense in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285. 

Tenses, 72. 

Teanoma n. sp., 17. 

Terms of relationship, 42; in Yo- 
kuts, 178, 201, 235, 238, 240. 

Territorial continuity of character- 
istics, 329. 

Texas, 316. 

Text, 79. 

Texts in Yokuts, 255, 279, 363. 

Texture of baskets, 149. 

Theft, of fire, 97; of the sun, 97. 

Theory as to the fundamental na- 
ture of American mjrths, 96. 

They come together design, 138. 

Thomomys leucodan, 17 ; monticola, 
17; n. sp., 17; sp., 21. 

Thompson Indians, 111. 

Throwing stick in Southern Cali- 
fornia, 100. 

Tied design, 158. 

Ti weave, 111, 150. 

TUnkit, 111, 112. 

Tobacco basket, 107. 

Toikhichi dialect of Yokuts, 312. 

Tolowa, 85. 

Toltichi, dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
354; vocabulary, 356. 

Tomales Bay, 20. 



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Tom, Taehi inf ormaDt, 363. 

Tongs design, 158. 

Tornit, 95. 

Tortoise, 19. 

Totem, 87. 

Totemic gentile system in Southern 
California, 100. 

Totemism in California, 102. 

Totems, 81. 

Tracks design, 156. 

Tray, baskets, 106, 151; for acorn 
meal, 107. 

Tree design, 157. 

Tribal, ceremonies in California, 
84; design, 144; differences in 
northwestern basket designs, 116 ; 
names in California, 169. 

Tribes of California, 81, 83. 

Tribute, 88. 

Trickster, 93, 95. 

Trinity county, 105; river, 85, 105, 
145. 

Trinket basket, 107, 147. 

Truhohayi dialect of Yokuts, 311. 

Tulamni group of Yokuts ^alects, 
313; dialect of Yokuts, 319, 350, 
367. 

Tulare, basin, 310; baskets, 150; 
county, 155; lake, 310, 311. 

Tule, 83, 86; as basket material, 
148; raft in Santa Barbara re- 
gion, 99. 

Tule river, 170, 311, 328; Indians, 
155; reservation, 279, ^09. 

Tule-Kaweah group of .Yokuts dia- 
lects, 311, 312, 313, 324, 325, 326, 
329. 

Turning around design, 158. 

Turntable creek, 22. 

Twined, baskets, 145 ; basketry, 87 ; 
weaving, 150; weaving, distribu- 
tion of, 145. 

Twining, 109; diagonal, 110; two- 
strand,' 110, 112; three-strand, 
110, 112, 115. 

Types of Indian culture in Califor- 
nia, 81. 

Typical culture area of California, 
82. 

Ucaciprftvahit design, 141. 

Uhle, Max, 13. 

Uniformity of general type of cul- 
ture in California, 82. 

United States fishery station, 3. 

University of California, 81. 

Unwarlike nature of California In- 
dians, 103. 

Upper San Pedro series, 19. 

Urocyon totvnsendi, 17. 



Ursus, 11, 21; n. sp., 17; sp. indet., 

20. 

Valley division of Yokuts dialects, 
170, 309, 310, 311, 324, 325, 326, 
331, 338. 

VAnaanak design, 125, 138, 141. 

Velar gutturals, 32. 

Velars in Yokuts, 179. 

Ventura, 98. 

Verb, 33, 59, 60, 72, 74; in Yokuts, 
204, 246, 285, 323; stems in Yo- 
kuts, 238, 246; substantive in 
Yokuts, 221. 

Verbal, nouns in Yokuts, 218, 278; 
roots, 78. 

Verett design, 127. 

Veretlkormen design, 127. 

Vertical pattern arrangement, 146, 
147, 149, 150, 151. 

VEtergerpuraa design, 125, 140, 
141. 

VBtseqttseqIoaa design, 125, 127, 
130, 138, 141. 

Village, 87, 88; in California, 83; 
communities, 84, 87. 

Vine design, 157, 160. 

Visit to the dead, Yokuts text, 272. 

Vocabulary, 51, 66; of Yokuts, 234, 
239, 316; selected comparative, 
of 21 Yokuts dialects, 320. 

Vocalic, changes in Yokuts, 177; 
harmony in Yokuts, 176, 377; 
harmony in Maidu, 376; muta- 
tion, in languages of CaUfomia, 
376; mutation in Yokuts, 170, 
173, 182, 184, 186, 208, 278, 289, 
375. 

Voice in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285. 

Volcanic ash, 5, 6, 7. 

Vowel, change in Yokuts, 236; mu- 
tations in Yokuts, 277. 

Vowels, 31, 57, 69; of Yokuts, 173; 
quantity of, 182. 

Vulpes cascadensis, 17. 

Vulpes cf. pennsylvanicus, 21. 

Vutsierau design, 125, 141. 

Waghe, 95. 

Wailaki, 145, 149. 

Wakichi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325, 
359, 360. 

War, 88. 

Warclub in Southern California, 
100. 

Washo, 47, 61, 101, 377. 

Water-snake design, 143, 157. 

Waxpoo design, 120, 121, 124, 125, 
127, 130, 137, 141, 142. 

Wealth, 87, 88, 89; in California, 
102. 



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Wechikhit dialect of Yokuts, 311, 
360. 

White-oak deeign, 157. 

Wichita, 94. 

Willow, 108, 142. 

Wimilchi dialect of Yokuts, 311. 

Wintun, 112, 133, 149, 164, 155, 
156, 159, 316, 375, 376, 377; bas- 
ket designs, 142; baskets, north- 
ern, 115, 148; names of baskets, 
142; northern, 112, 113, 144, 145, 
152, 153, 155, 159; of the Mc- 
Cloud river, 142; of upper Sac- 
ramento river, 143 ; southern, 145, 
151, 152. 

Wishosk, 85, 156, 158; basket de- 
signs, 141. 

WoMasi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 363. 

Wolf's eye design, 156. 

Wood-billets design, 158. 

Woodpecker scalps, 88. 

Woodwardia fern, 108, 109, 143, 
144. 

World, explanation of the, 89; ori- 
gin of, 90. 

Worm goes around design, 138, 157. 

Wowol dialect of Yokuts, 363. 

Wowolasi [see Wolasi]. 

Wowowali dialect of Yokuts, 311. 

Wiikchamni dialect of Yokuts, 173, 
312, 319, 328, 341, 351. 

Wyoming, 316. 

Xasiree design, 132, 140, 141. 

Xerophyllum tenaz, 108, 113, 143, 
144, 147, 148. 



Xurip design, 141. 

Yana, 146, 148, 152, 156, 158. 

Yaudanchi dialect of Yokuts, 171, 

173, 312, 319, 328, 332, 342, 365, 

368. 
Yauelmani dialect of Yokuts, 171, 

279, 311, 312, 332, 333, 341, 342, 

363, 365, 368. 
Yaulanchi, 171. 
Yellow dyeing, 108. 
Yellow-pine, 142; design, 157. 
Yoked [see Yokol]. 
Yokol dialect of Yokuts, 312, 371. 
Yokuts, 32, 33, 49, 84, 146, 150, 

155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161; bas- 
ketry, 116; origin of name, 170; 
part of Central Califomian 
group of languages, 377; rela- 
tion of to languages of Califor- 
nia, 375; territory, 309. 

Yuki, 33, 86, 97, 144, 145, 152, 155, 

156, 158, 316, 323, 375, 376, 377. 
Yuman, 30, 49, 150; family, 100. 
Yurok, 85, 89, 95, 105, 106, 144, 

145, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 
159, 160, 336; basket designs, 
117; basketry, 114, 116, 136; 
baskets, 107, 109; names of bas- 
kets, 107; southern, 151. 
Zigzag, design, 124, 144, 158; pat- 
tern arrangement, 146, 147, 148, 
149, 150, 151. 



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