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- UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARGHAE0L06Y AND ETHNOLOGY

VOLUME II
WITH t1 PLATES AND MAP

FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM

£DITOB

BERKELEY

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

1904-1907

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CONTENTS.

Q
Number 1. — The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, William J. Sinclair,

pages 1-28 ; plates 1-14.
e

Number 2. — The Langoages of the Coast of California South of San Fran-
cisco, A. L. Kroeber, pages 29-80, with map.

Number 3. — Types of Indian Culture in California, A. L. Kroeber, pages
81-103.
(^

Number 4. — Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, A.
L. Kroeber^ pages 105-164, plates 15-21.

Number 5. — The Yokuts Language of South Central California, A. L.
Kroeber, pages 165-377.

Index.— Pages 379-392.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 2 No. 1

THE EXPLORATION

OF THE

POTTER CREEK CAVE

BY
WILLIAM J. SINCLAIR

BERKELEY

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

APRIL, 1904

PRICE 40 CENTS

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^^ JUL:^o 1904 J

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA /PUBLICATIONS
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY

The publications issued from the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California are sent in exchange for the publications of
anthropological societies and museums, and for journals devoted to
general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are
also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express
charges. They consist of three series of octavo volumes, a series of
quarto memoirs, and occasional special volumes.

IN LARGE OCTAVO :
GRAEGO-ROMAIf ABGHAEOLOGY.

Vol. 1. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I. Edited by Bernard P. Grenf ell, Arthur
S. Hunt, and J. Gilbart Smyly. Pages 690, Plates 9, 1903
Price, $16.00

Vol. 2. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part 2 (in preparation).
EGTFTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY.

Vol. 1. The Hearst Medical Papyrus. Edited by G. A. Reisner and A.M.
Lythgoe (in press).

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.

Vol. 1. No. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard.

Pages 88, Plates 30, September, 1903 . . . Price, $1.25
No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March,

1904 Price, $3.00

Vol. 2. No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J.

Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April 1904 . . Price, .40
No. 2. The Languages of the Coast of California, South of San
Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber (in press).

IN QUARTO:
ANTHROPOLOGICAL MEMOIRS.

Vol. I. Explorations jn Peru, by Max Uhle (in preparation).
No. 1 . The Ruins of Moche.
No. 2. Huamachuco, Chincha, lea.
No. 3. The Inca Buildings of the Valley of Pisco.

SPECIAL VOLUMES:

The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans, containing an account of their
rites and superstitions; an anonymous Hispano-American manuscript
preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, Italy. Repro-
duced in fac-simile, with introduction, translation, and commentary,
by Zelia Nuttall.

Part 1. Preface, Introduction and 80 Fac-simile plates in

colors. 1903.
Part II. Translation and Commentary. (In press).
Price for the two parts $25.00

Address orders for the above to the University Press, Berkeley,
California. Exchanges to be addressed to the Department of Anthro-
pology, University of California, Berkeley, California. ,

F. W. Putnam, Director of Department.
A. L. Kroeber, Secretary.

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL. 2. PL I.

Interior of the main chamber of Potter Creek Cave. Looking toward the

southeast from the top of the earth slope in the northwest end.

Drawn from photograhs.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL 2 NO. .1

THE EXPLOEATION

OP THE

POTTEE CREEK CAVE

WILLIAM J. SmCLAIE.

CONTENTS.

PAOB

Introduetion 1

Deseription of the cave 8

Method of working „ 4

Str&tigraphy of the northwest fan 6

Stratigraphy of the southeast fan 8

Buried galleries 8

Pocket deposits 9

Depodts at the entrance 10

Origin of the cave deposit 10

Character and mode of introduction of organic remains 11

Belies of possible human origin „ 12

The cave fauna 16

The contemporary fauna. 19

The San Pablo Bay Quaternary 19

The fauna of the Silver Lake beds of Oregon 20

Belation of the cave to the existing topography 22

Belation of the cave to the Quaternary topography 23

The fauna in its relations to topographic changes 26

Introduction.

The limestone caves of California have only recently received
the attention due them as localities which have afforded exceed-
ingly favorable opportunities for the entombment and preserva-
tion of the remains of man and of the Quaternary fauna of this
coast.' Some of the most reliable evidence regarding the existence
of man during the Quaternary has been derived from the caves
of Europe. North American caves have been largely overlooked,

Am. Abch. Etb. 2. 1.

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2 University of California Publications, [am. aeoh. bth.

and it is only rarely that they have been made the subject of
special or extended investigation by the anthropologist and the
palaeontologist.

The work of cave exploration has been undertaken by the
Department of Anthropology of the University of California, as
a part of the investigation being carried on with a view to
determining the antiquity of man on this coast. It has received
the generous support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst and has been con-
ducted under the immediate direction of Professor J. C. Merriam.

The existence of bones in the Potter Creek cave was first
discovered in 1878, by Mr. J. A. Richardson, who found there
the skull of a large extinct bear afterwards described by Professor
Cope as the type of a new species.* Later, Professor Cope in
company with Mr. Richardson visited the cave, but Cope did not
descend into the chamber where Richardson's discoveries were
made, assuming that there was nothing of value remaining.

The cave was rediscovered by Mr. E. L. Furlong of the
University of California in July, 1902. Mr. Furlong excavated
a part of the deposit on the floor of the main chamber, finding a
large number of bones pertaining to extinct species. On Mr.
Furlong's return to Berkeley, the exploration was continued by
the writer and was completed in the summer of 1903.

The present paper is a report on the exploration of the first
of the Califomian caves in which excavation has been syste-
matically conducted. It has been thought best to reserve for
separate publication the descriptions of new species discovered,
and to present here the results of more general interest.

The writer desires to express his obligation to Professor
F. W. Putnam, the head of the department, for the privilege
of conducting this investigation and to Professor J. C.
Merriam who has planned and supervised the work and
has furnished the list of cave camivora. Dr. C. Hart
Merriam has generously given of his time in the determination
of many of the mammals. The fish remains have been studied
by President David Starr Jordan. Professor C. A. Kofoid has
undertaken the study of the blind spiders collected in the cave.
Mr. E. L. Furlong has furnished valuable information regarding

•AretotheHum simum, Am. Nat. XIII., p. 791; XXV., pp. 997-999,Pl. XXI.

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Vol. 2,1 Sinclair. --The Potter Creek Cave, 3

the stratig^raphy of that portion of the bone-bearing deposit
which he excavated. To Mr. J. S. Diller the writer is indebted
for information which has been of grreat value in studying the
topographic development of the region in its relation to the cave.
The results of the exploration were secured by leases kindly
given to the University by the controllers of the property, Dr.
W. C. Bruson and Mr. D. P. Doak.

Description op the Cave.

The Potter Creek cave is situated in Section 23, Township 34
North, Range 4 West, Mount Diablo Meridian. It derives its
name from its location in the high bluff on the north side of
Potter Creek. The cave is about one mile southeast of the
United States fishery station at Baird, on the McCloud River
(PI. 2). It lies in a belt of Carboniferous limestone (McCloud
limestone) at an elevation of 1500 feet above sea level, and
about 800 feet above the level of the McCloud, at the mouth of
Potter Creek (Pis. 8 and 9).

The system of galleries forming the cave trends in a north-
west-southeast direction approximately parallel with the strike
of the McCloud limestone. The arched entrance (PI. 3) com-
municates with a smaller chamber through which admittance is
gained to a narrow passageway. Beyond this point the explorer
must depend for light on lamp or candle. Following this passage
to the left, it is found to terminate abruptly on the margin of
a great pit. Here a convenient stalagmite pillar offers a secure
point of attachment for a rope ladder. A vertical descent of
forty-two feet affords entrance to a room one hundred and seven
feet long, about thirty feet wide at its widest part, with the roof
rising about seventy-five feet above the lowest point of the floor
(PI. 1). Both walls of the chamber slope toward the west.
The west wall overhangs, and is fringed with numerous massive
pendants, some of which are shown in Plate 4.

Forming the floor of this great room were two fan-like
deposits of earth and stalagmite-cemented breccia, sloping from
opposite ends of the chamber and coalescing at their borders.
(Pis. 1, 5, 6, 12, 14) . Above the apices of the fans rose almost
vertical chimney-like openings.

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4 University of OdUfomia Publications. Cam. arotl bth.

Ascending the ehute above the apex of the northwest fan bj
the rope and ladder shown in Plate 5, a point was reached,
forty-one feet above the earth floor, where a small arched cavity
communicated with an earth-choked flssnre leading toward the
surface. Live pine roots-were protruding from the clay filling
the fissure. On the hillside above, a depression in the limestone,
filled with yellow earth and supporting a vigorous growth of brush
and one or two young pine trees, may represent the continuation
of the fissure toward the surface.

Above the apex of the southeast fan a vertical chimney
sub-divides into several openings too small to follow. Leading
oflf from this chimney, a deep pocket-like hole was found, con-
taining a large number of bones imbedded in a highly calcareous
earthy matrix. A sheet of stalagmite covered the surface of
both fans along the western side of the chamber. Four promi-
nent rock masses rose above the even slope of the floor. The
largest of these was in the form of an altar resting upon a base of
crystalline stalagmite. Above the altar, a great stalactite hung
from the roof (Pis. 1, 6 and 14). Two broad benches of white
calcite, rising above the floor, were overlapped by the stalagmite
sheet (PI. 14, Nos. 10, 11). A large fallen block, fringed with
pendants and partly imbedded in the surface stalagmite and clay,
lay against one of the benches (PI. 14, No. 8). A record of Mr.
Richardson's visit was found on this block, together with the
names of several other visitors. Loose blocks of limestone were
scattered over the surface of both slopes, especially that in the
southeast end. Bat excrement had accumulated over a part of
the floor, reaching a depth of a foot and a half along the east
wall. It was in the stalagmite floor of this chamber that the
bones collected by Mr. Richardson were found.

Method op Working.

Work was begun in the clay about the middle of the main
chamber near the margin of the northwest fan, and was carried
toward the northwest end. Later, the excavation of the south-
east fan was completed. The surfaces of the slopes were staked
out in four- foot squares and each of these was worked in ten-inch
levels, all the specimens from each section being labeled with the

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VOU2.1 Sinclair. — The Potter Greek Cave, 5

nnmber of the section and the depth at which they were fonnd.
The comer stakes of some of these sections are shown in Plate 6.
Much of the material composing the southeast fan was firmly
cemented with stalagmite, requiring the use of powder to loosen
it, and it was worked by slicing from a vertical face instead of by
excavating individual squares horizontally as elsewhere (PI. 6).
Particular attention was given to preventing specimens from a
higher level rolling down and becoming confused with bones
from a greater depth. The loose earth was sorted with a trowel
and removed after each shot. A somewhat similar method was
followed in blasting out the lower stalagmite layers. The soft
clay beneath was removed and the portions undermined were
shot out. The large blocks of cemented clay dislodged by the
blasts were carefully broken, and the pieces were examined indi-
vidually. As excavation advanced the material examined was
shoveled back over the worked area.

Stratigraphy op the Northwest Pan.

The structure of the fan in the northwest end was found to
be as follows in descending order:

A. Clay with gravel lenses, greatest depth 13i feet.

B. Persistent gravel stratum, 6 inches to 1} feet.

C. Volcanic ash, to li feet.

D. Clay with fallen limestone blocks, to 3 feet.

E. Clay and gravel cemented with stalagmite (false floor),

6 inches to 2^ feet.

F. Soft clay, maximum thickness 4 feet.

G. Stalagmite blocks in clay matrix, greatest depth not

determined.

H. Stalagmite bosses — cave floor.

The clay of stratum A was similar to the surface soil on the
hillside above the cave. It was of a dull yellow color approach-
ing red when wet, and contained abundant angular fragments of
blue limestone and occasional pieces of stalactite from the roof.
The layer of stalagmite capping the clay on the west margin
rarely exceeded a few inches in thickness, usually averaging
from half an inch to an inch. It was largely deposited by water
dripping from the pendants fringing the west wall.

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6 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [am. aboh. kth

Within the limits of stratum A were two lenticular sheets of
g^ravel, which terminated abruptly toward the southeast against
a large boss of crystalline calcite probably forming part of the
original cave floor. (PL 12, Sec. 7.) These gravel layers were
similar to the larger and more persistent stratum B. All three
roughly paralleled the surface of the fan, and thinned out toward
the northwest. They were composed of angular, drip-worn
fragments of limestone, and seem to have^been formed by water
falling from the roof and washing the small limestone fragments
from the clay. Along the west wall, the gravel strata were in
some places found to coincide with sheets of stalagmite. This
would indicate that the gravel layers like the stalagmite were
formed during halts in the accumulation of the cave deposit.
The gravel layers were separated by sheets of clay similar in
every respect to the first clay stratum described. On the disap-
pearance of the gravel all these clay strata blend. This is sho¥m
in the cross section (PI. 12) , and accounts for the great thickness
of stratum A. It is evident from the section (PI. 12, Sec. 7) that
the lower layers of this stratum are older than those above, but
it was not possible to separate them beyond the limits of the
gravel layers.

The ash layer, stratum G, was composed of fine particles of
volcanic glass. It was thin-bedded throughout, indicating depo-
sition in a small pool of standing water. The deposit attained
a thickness of a foot and a half toward the center, thinning out
at the northwest and southeast margins. The purest samples
of the glass are of a pale straw color, and under the micro-
scope appear as fine filaments with vitreous luster. Between
crossed nicols they remain dark for all positions of the field.
That a part of the ash stratum lying toward the center of the
deposit was a deeper ochreous yellow is due, probably, to the
presence of limonite leached in from the beds above. The
leaching in of lime and iron from the overlying clays has not
affected the glass, which is perfectly fresh.

The ash shows little mixture with foreign material, indicating
very perfect assorting by the winds which transported it into the
cave, and rapid deposition in the pool which then lay on the
cave floor. Scattered through the ash there are small black or

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL 2. PL 5.

Apex of the northwest fan. The vertical chute rises above the ladder.

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Vol. 2.] Sinclair. --The Potter Creek Gave, 7

dark brown grains of doubtful nature, which may represent
decomposed rock or mineral particles erupted with the ash.

The stratum lay in general flat, but at the northwest margin
it had a dip of about five degrees toward the southeast due to
the deposition of the margin of the sheet over the sloping surface
of the clay beneath it.

The source of the ash is unknown. It was probably pro-
duced by an explosive eruption of some one of the numerous
volcanic peaks to the north or east. Apart from the remnant
preserved in the cave, no trace of this ash has been found. It
must have been deposited widely over the surface of the country,
but the thin layer of incoherent material was readily removed
during the period of erosion which followed the accumulation of
the cave deposit.

Stratum D was similar to the clay composing the upper layers
of stratum A, from which it could not be separated beyond the
limits of the ash. It contained a considerable number of lime-
stone boulders and was more or less hardened by stalagmitic
material.

Excavation ceased during the season of 1902 at the so-called
false floor, stratum E, a sheet of cave breccia too hard to pene-
trate without blasting. The greater part of the floor was removed
during the past summer, when it was found to be composed of
layers of yellow clay with numerous limestone fragments, the
whole cemented by stalagmite into a compact mass.

Lying beneath the false floor was a deposit of soft yellow
clay, stratum F, reaching at its maximum a thickness of four
feet. The clay was not a constant feature beneath the floor,
disappearing toward the southeast, where stratum E rested on
bosses of stalagmite.

Stratum G, lying beneath the clay, was composed of large
loose blocks of yellow calcite in a clay matrix. Locally the clay
was more or less hardened by the infiltration of calcareous mate-
rial. Filling what appeared to be deep basins in the limestone
floor, and occasionally occurring between the loose blocks, was a
soft chocolate-colored mud showing stratification planes and
evidently deposited in pools of water. The greatest depth of this
formation was not determined.

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8 University of Ckdifomia PubUccUians. [am. abch. bth.

Excavation ceased when great masses of white stalagmite were
encountered. These growths did not form a sheet, but were
highly irregular, rising as rounded bosses with deep depressions
between. They are prolongations of the inward slopes of the
cave walls, which are covered with a similar accumulation of
stalagmite, and formed the rock floor on which the layers of clay,
ash, and gravel were accumulated.

Stratigraphy op Southeast Pan.

The southeast fan was much simpler in structure, possessing
none of the variety of stratified deposits found in the middle of
the main chamber. The entire deposit in this end of the cave
resembled in material and structure the cemented breccia layer,
stratum E, of the northwest fan. It was composed of sheets of
clay containing a large number of rock fragments of all sizes.
Clay and rock were firmly cemented by stalagmite into a hard
breccia. Lenses of soft earth occurred, irregularly distributed
through the breccia. Often the deposit was quite soft along the
cave walls. The soft and hard layers bore no definite relationship
to each other either in stratigraphic sequence or areal extent, and
frequently passed abruptly from hard to soft. The rocks imbedded
in the clay and breccia were either angular masses of blue lime-
stone or more or less rounded calcite bosses similar to the altar
base. The calcite bosses seemed to have fallen from above rather
than to have formed in place, as the clay was often soft on all
sides of them. In the section (PI. 12) the entire deposit in this
end of the cave has been referred to stratum A.

Wherever the rock floor was struck beneath the southeast
fan, it was found to be similar to that described for the opposite
end of the cave.

Buried Galleries.

During the excavation of the northwest fan there was discov-
ered a series of chambers not before visible. The opening
leading to these chambers (PI. 11, 1; PI. 13, Fig. 5, 1) was in the
west wall of the main cave and was buried beneath about eleven
feet of stratified deposits. The principal gallery had a length of
forty-two feet extending parallel with the trend of the main room
of the cave. At its northwest end it was prolonged by a low

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Vol. J.) Sinclair.— The Potter Creek Cave. 9

narrow tunnel, eleven feet in length. Joining the main gallery
on the west was a semi-oircular passage, the floor of which was
of blue limestone, bnt some earth and a few bones had fonnd
their way into it.

Flooring the long straight gallery was a mass of cave earth
derived from the deposit in the large room. The top of this earth
mass represented the continuation of the upper surface of the false
floor (PI. 11). Prom this point the surface sloped downward
steeply toward the northwest. The surface was covered with a
creamy white stalagmite varying in thickness from a thin ^hell
up to three or four inches. A small amount of soft earth fiUed
the entrance above the level of the false floor. Within
the entrance stratum E could no longer be distinguished,
but is probably represented in part by the stalagmite layer. The
earth deposit in this tunnel was soft above, but hardened into
breccia as the rock floor was approached. Extending at least
half way down the slope, beneath the clay, was a sheet of crys-
talline stalagmite a foot or more in thickness. This was a pro-
longation of the mass shown at H in Section 5, Plate 13. Beneath
the stalagmite the chocolate-colored mud was present to a depth
of more than three feet.

Pocket Deposits.

In the east wall of the main cave there is a small tunnel
opposite the altar and about twelve feet above the floor. Prom
an entrance of irregular shape it runs downward for about fifteen
feet. This hole contained a small amount of earth and a number
of rather poorly preserved bones. A much larger tunnel opened
from the chute at the southeast end of the cave. This hole was
six or seven feet in diameter and descended vertically. It also
contained earth and bones which appeared to have found their
way in through a narrow vertical opening extending toward the
surface. This bone-bearing deposit was worked to a depth of
nine feet when the increasing difficulty of handling the excavated
material and the want of proper facilities for ventilating the
narrow shaft compelled a cessation of the work. The earth in
both these pockets was highly cidcareous, due to the softening
and sloughing off of stalagmitic material covering the walls of

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10 University of Calif omia Publications. [am.abch.bth

the oavities leading to them. At deeper levels the matrix invest-
ing the bones contained more clay. The pockets received their
contents in the same manner as the main chamber, but their
feeding conduits were smaller and became more readily choked
by stalagmitic growths. Several other small cavities in the main
cave and leading off from the vestibule were explored, but noth-
ing of value was found in them.

Deposits at the Entrance.

Beneath the limestone arch at the entrance and flooring the
passage leading back to the top of the rope ladder, deposits of
soft yellow ossiferous earth were found. This material had a
depth of over five and a half feet at the entrance, resting on a
limestone floor which pitched steeply toward the northwest. In
the gallery beyond the entrance the clay occupied shallow basins
in the limestone floor. In one of these basins bones and charcoal
fragments were found from six to eighteen inches beneath the
surface.

Origin op the Cave Deposit.

With the exception of the stalagmitic growths and fallen
blocks, the entire cave deposit was brought in through the ver-
tical chutes which are situated above the apices of the alluvial
fans, and through other openings which have been more or less
completely closed by the formation of calcite growths. These
openings still permit the entrance of water after several days of
heavy rain.

Excepting the chocolate-colored mud and the volcanic ash,
which show every indication of having been laid down in shallow,
water-filled basins, the structure of the main deposit is that of
alluvial fans over which successive accumulations arranged
themselves with reference to the surface slopes, without involving
much water as the stratifying agent. The gravel layers, as
already suggested, represent halts in the process of accumulation,
during which stalagmite sheets began to form in the most favor-
able places along the west wall. Otherwise there is nothing to
indicate the rate of accumulation or to mark the successive sur-
faces of the fans.

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voL,%] 8in€lair.^Th€ Potitr Ortek Oatf. 11

Surface soil was probably added daring each iret seaaon,
while earthquakes may have detached some of the larger fallen
blocks. Aeolian agencies were effective in transporting the fine
ash which must have entered the cave through one or more
openings of considerable sixe. Through some of these dry clay
and loose rocks probably fell from time to time, adding to the
growth of the cave fans.

Chabacter and Mods op Iktboduction op Or<ianic Remaixh.

Bones were found in all the strata explored excepting the
volcanic ash and the chocolate-colored mud. Part of the skull
of an Aretotherium and some remains of Urtus lay among the
loose rocks on the surface of the southeast fan. Additional
material was secured from the stalagmite on the surface of the
slope in the northwest end.

The majority of the specimens collected are dissociated limb
bones, jaws, teeth, and indeterminate fragments. Complete
skeletons were not common. Associated parts of the skeletons
of a few squirrels and wood-rats, a snake (Orotalus), and a bat
were found in the gravel layers. In addition to these, several
complete limbs of ArcMherium timum, with all the elements in
their natural positions, were discovered imbedded in soft clay, in
the main chamber. Associated with these were various parts of
the skeletons of several individaals of this species.

In all cases the bones have lost their organic matter com-
pletely, adhering to the moistened fingers like kaolin. Some of
them are weather cracked, indicating that they lay for a time on
the surface. The decay of bones in the cave is exceptional, but
has been noticed at several places, where they were found reduced
to a fine yellow powder, Occasionally some of the large limb
bones were found broken across, where they had become softened
by percolating water and were unable to sapport the weight of
the earth above them. Many of the bones have been gnawed
by rodents.

Apart from fragments, over four thousand six hundred deter-
minable specimens were collected. This material requires no
preparation except to wash off the adhering clay. The bones are
usually white, but often show yellow and faint blue discolora-

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12 University of California Publications, [am. abch. eth.

tions. Those from the saperficial layers of stratum A are often
blackened.

It is difficolt to see how such a variety of animal remains
could accumulate in the cave, as the number of individuals of
the larger forms represented by dissociated parts is considerable.
There is little definite evidence indicating that Arctotherium lived
in any of the existing galleries, and, as it could not easily
have climed into the chamber where its remains were found, it
is possible that it fell in, but not necessarily by way of the
present entrance. There is nothing to indicate that a catas-
trophic event destroyed large numbers of animals in this vicinity.
The cave seems to have remained open for a long time, receiving
bones swept in by rills during wet weather, and the remains of
such forms as accidentally fell in. It is possible that the Arcto-
therium inhabited a den adjoining the large chamber, and that
from this bones found their way into the cave. The edges of
some of the larger bone fragments are flaked off in such a
manner as to suggest that they might have been broken by the
powerful teeth of this great carnivore. No trace of such a den
can now be found, owing to later erosion which dissected the
surface of the region.

Beugs of Possible Human Origin.

Human remains and implements were carefully sought during
the whole course of excavation in the Potter Creek cave. During
the first season's exploration several polished bones were found
which bear a striking resemblance to rude implements. Three
typical specimens are represented, natural size, on Plate 7.
The largest of these, No. M3982 (Figs. 1, la) is pointed at
both ends, with indications of beveling at one extremity. The
whole fragment is polished. The second specimen, No. M3894
(Figs. 2 and 2a), has the edges on either side of the point
beveled and polished, and shows a distinct notch in the broad
end. The remaining edges are rounded and polished. This
specimen was found embedded in soft clay between eighty and
ninety inches beneath the surface. In an adjacent section several
teeth of an extinct ungulate, Euceratlierium collinum,* were

* See foot-note on p. 18.

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH.

VOL 2. PL. 7.

Fij^s. l-3a. Implement like bone fragments from the Potter Creek Cave (Natural size).

Figs. 1, la, No. 3»«2. S«c. 20. 130-140 inches l^eneuth surface: Figs. 2, 2a, No. ss?f.

Hoc. 33, WHM) inches beneath surface; PMgs. 3. 3a, No. 19 9 7, Sec. 7, 8O-10O inches beneath surface.

Figs. 4, 5. Bone implements from the Emeryville Shell Mound (Natural size).

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Vol. 1.1 Sinclair. -^The Potter Greek Cave. 18

fonnd^ at a level six feet above the implement-like piece of bone
The considerable depth at which the specimen was found in
ondistorbed earth and the presence of remains of an extinct
species above it, indicate that it is not of recent orifi^in. The
third specimen, No. M3997 (Figs. 3 and 3a), is sharply pointed
at one end, both surfaces are polished and the edges rounded.
These i)olished bones closely resemble many of the rough imple-
ments from the shell mounds of California. Figures of two
of these implements, reproduced from the plates accompanying
the manuscript of Dr. Max Uhle's report on the exploration of
the shell mound at Emeryville, are given on Plate 7, Figures
4 and 5. Dr. Uhle believes that these implements were originally
splinters accidentally formed in breaking up long bones. Favor-
able pieces were selected because they had sharp i)oints and
these were polished in use. Often the point has been beveled
by rubbing on one side.

To eliminate as far as possible all question regarding the
nature and origin of these polished bones, every fragment
encountered during the excavation was preserved. These were
carefuUy examined in the laboratory for traces of polish and
any indication of cutting or rubbing to form a point or beveled
edge. The result has been that a considerable number of speci-
mens were found showing all degrees of polish associated with
much variety of form. Some of these fragments bear no relation
to any known form of implement and it is not easy to see how
they could have been used. Many gradations exist between the
irregular i)olished fragments and the implement-like specimens.
This suggests the idea that they have all been made in some other
way than through the agency of man, and that the rough, imple-
ment-like form is purely a chance occurrence. It is therefore
important to inquire whether the wear and polish could have been
produced by natural means. In one or two instances polished
fragments were found associated with limestone gravel in small
rock-rimmed basins, where they had been exposed to the action
of dripping water. The association of polished bones with drip-
washed gravel suggests that some of the worn bones found in
the clay may have been abraded in pot holes by this means, or by
rill action, before they were entombed.

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14 University of California Publications, [am. aeoh. eth.

While the explanation jnst given may readily apply to the
irregularly-shaped polished fragments, the beveled edges and
notched base of the specimen shown in Figure 2 convey a very
strong impression of definite purpose controlling its fashion-
ing. On the other hand, the writer does not feel justified in
positively asserting the human origin of this relic, believing that
we require stronger evidence than it has yet been possible to
obtain before such a statement is made.

A large part of the material collected consists of sharp-edged
bone splinters. These are found at aU depths in the bone-bearing
deposits, and in all parts of the cave. Many of the splinters occur
low down in the deposits and are associated with remains of
numerous extinct animals. They resemble the fractured bones
from the shell mounds along the coast. We can conceive of
these splinters having been formed in a number of ways. They
might have been produced by large bone-crushing carnivores, but
well-marked traces of gnawing, excepting those referable to ro-
dents, have not been observed on these fragments. In some cases,
bones may have been fractured by the impact of their dropping
into the cave, or by heavy stones crushing down upon them, but
these explanations can not account for the presence of the large
number of sharp-edged splinters found, without having some very
definite evidence in their support, and this has been obtained in
only a few cases. Fractured bones were found near the entrance
in the upper gallery, where the distance from the surface is small.
Again, bones may have been broken by striking against the irreg-
ular walls of the chutes, through which much of the cave earth
entered. Regarding this, it may be said that fragile bones were
often recovered entire, while most of the splinters were produced
from the fracture of large limb bones. Furthermore, the per-
centage of abraded specimens is much smaller than would be re-
quired by this theory, as most of the splinters still have sharp edges.

Another possible explanation is that they were produced on
the surface of the ground outside the cave by the process of
weather cracking. Only a few could have been formed in this
way, and they would in the majority of cases have the edges
rubbed down in the process of being carried into the cave.

Since other suggestions fail to explain the presence of these

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Vol. 2.1 Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 15

splinters satisfactorily, it is not beyond the limits of possibility
to suppose that they were made through the agency of man . In the
case of the material from the shell mounds, the bones were broken
to extract the marrow by pounding with a heavy stone, resulting
in the production of splinters identical in character with those
from th,e cave. A difficult point to explain by this hypothesis
is the presence of these fragments in all manner of inaccessible
places, as in the pocket in the east wall, where they could not
have been thrown, and must have been carried down through nar-
row rock channels now closed by stalagmitic growths. Possibly
they were washed in from a refuse heap or the accumulation in a
rock shelter. The uncertainty of the evidence must be advanced
in this case also. At the present time no explanation of the
origin of the fragments has been discovered which accords with
all the observed facts, though the suggestion that they were made
by man appears on the evidence of occurrence to be open to the
fewest objections.

In the clay flooring the passage leading back to the top of
the swinging ladder, a sharp-edged stone chip, flaked from a
river-worn pebble, was found associated with the charcoal men-
tioned as occurring in the clay. A Margaritana shell, several bone
fragments, a tooth of the large ungulate, Euceratherium, and
a fragment of a mammoth tooth were associated with the
stone chip. The charcoal did not occur as a definite stratum,
but was scattered in small fragments through a fine clay
from six inches to eighteen inches beneath the surface of
the floor of the gallery. It seems to have accumulated with
clays which were carried in from the surface by riwn water
percolating through fissures in the limestone. It can hardly be
considered as certainly representing a local hearth deposit, though
such may be the case. It is also possible that it is the result of
Quaternary forest fires and has been washed into the cave.

A careful study of the cave collection has failed to indicate
the presence of human bones. Early man might have been in
existence in the region and yet his remains have escaped preserva-
tion in the cave. Those chambers in which the ossiferous deposit
att&ined its maximum accumulation may not have been easily
accessible to man or may have been so far from the entrance

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16 Uhiverrity of California Publications. Cam. a«oh, m.

that he would have preferred not to visit them frequently. A
fragment of modem Indian basket work was found on the surface
near the top of the ladder seen in Plate 3, indicating that the
entrance chambers may have been used occasionally in recent
years as a place of storage. There was nothing to indicate that
they had been so used in prehistoric times. It seems probable
that the main chamber of the cave originally had free com-
munication with the surface, serving as a pitfall to catch unwary
mammals. The accumulation of human remains in such a pitfall
would be of rare occurrence, depending ui)on accidents against
which the superior intelligence of man would protect him.

The cave fauna is not too old to negative the idea of contem-
I)oraneity with man. There can be little doubt that if man
reached the North American continent during the Quaternary it
was by way of the land bridge which then united Alaska with
Siberia at Bering Strait. This land connection permitted the
migration of many of the mammals now common to the most
northern parts of both continents.* It seems reasonable to
expect that some of the earliest traces of man in North America
would be found on the Pacific coast where the climate was
congenial and food supply abundant while the eastern portion of
the continent was submerged beneath the ice sheet. Glaciation
in Calif omia has never been general, occurring only at the higher
altitudes. At its maximum the coast was almost as well adapted
to human habitation as it is to-day.

The Cave Fauna.

With the exception of bats, no vertebrates are living in the
perpetually darkened i)ortion of the cave. A few wood-rats have
nested in some of the holes in the cliff above the entrance.
Cliff-nesting birds (swallows and wrens) occupy some of the
narrow ledges and smaller holes. An occasional rattlesnake
may be found in the brush and loose stones about the cave
mouth. Several white isopods and a number of spiders were
collected in the main chamber of the cave. These wei*e submitted
to Professor C. A. Eofoid. The isopods» Professor Eofoid states,
are closely allied to Procellio scaber, a cosmopolitan species.

•R. Lydekker. «A Geographical History of Mammals," p. 337, pp. 346-348.

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Vol. J.] Sinclair. --The Potter Greek Cave. 17

The spiders belong to an undetermined species in which external
eyes are not apparent. They were living on webs spread in
crevices in the cave walls and on the altar in the southeast end.
In addition to these, an earthworm and several beetle larvae were
found in the damp earth on the floor. A few specimens of a
large myriapod were noticed, and encrusted fossil remains of an
allied form were occasionally found in the breccia and gravel
layers.

The following is a revisedt list of the vertebrate species
represented by remains collected in various parts of the cave.
All extinct si)ecies are marked with an asterisk:
*Aretotherium aimum Cope.
*Ur8U8 n. Bp.
* Felts n. sp.

FeUs near hippolestes Merriam, C.H.
Lynx fasoiaius Bafinesque.
Lynx f<i8eiatu8 n. subsp. (f)
Uroeyon iawnsendi Merriam, C.H.
Fulpes cascadensis Merriam, C.H.
*Canis indianensis Leidy.
^Taxidea n. sp. (T)
BiMsariacus raptor Baird.
Mephitis oceidentalis Baird.
*8pilogale n. sp.
Putorius arieonensis Meams.
Arctomys sp.

Seiurus hudsonicus cUhoUmbatus Allen.
Seiuroptertis klamathensis Merriam, C.H.
Spermophilus douglasi Richardson.
Eutamias senex (f) Allen.
Callospermophihts ehrysodeirus Merriam, C.H.
Lepus calif omieus Gray.
Lepus klamathensis Merriam, C.H.
Lepus near audohoni Baird.
Lepvs sp.
*Teonoma n. sp.
Neotoma fusdpes Baird.
Microtus caUf omieus Peale.
*Thomomys n. sp.
Thomomys leucodon Merriam, C.H.
ThoTnoTiMfs monticola Allen.
*AplodofUia ma^or n. subsp.
Seapanus calif omieus (f) Ayres.
Anirozous pallidus paoificus Merriam, C.H.

t Provisional list in Science, N.S., Vol. XVII., No. 435, pp. 708-712, May 1, 1903.
•Extinct.

Am. Arch. Eth. 2, 2.

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18 University of California Publications, (am. a»oh. bth.

*Platygonus (t) sp.

Odoooileus sp. a.

Odocoileus sp. b.

Haploeerus mont€Mus Ord.
*Euceraiherium collinum n. gen. and sp.f
* Bison sp.
^Gamelid

*Meg<ilonyx wheatletfi (f) Cope.
*MegaUmyx jeffersonii (t) Harlan.
*Megalonyx n. sp.
*MegaUmyx sp.
^Mastodon americanus Kerr.
*Elephas primigenius Blumb. ~
*Eguu8 ocoidentalis Leidy.
*Equu8 paoificus Leidy.

Crotalus sp.

Mylopharodon eonoeephcUus Baird and Gerard.

Ptychocheilus (t) grandis (t) (Ayres).

Acipenser medirostris (f) Ayres.

In addition to the species listed, there should be mentioned
a large number of birds which have not been determined, and

• Extinct.

tThls form is being investigated jointly by Mr. B. L. Furlong and the writer.
The following preliminary description is abstracted from their manuscript:

Eueeratherium collinum n. gen. and sp.

^pc. —No. M8751 Univ. of Cal. Pal aeon tological Museum. A cranium without
mandible discovered by Mr. E. L. Furlong in the Samwel cave, Shasta Co., Calif.

Oenerie Characters, — ^Horn-cores solid, situated far behind orbit, dose together
on posterior extremity of frontal. Frontal reaching occiput, with large pneumatic cav-
ities extending into bases of horn-cores. Parietal confined to occiput, forming no part-
of cranial roof. Lachrymal pit broad and shallow. Dental formula 0, 0, 3, 3.
Teeth hypsodont, large, without cement or accessory cuspules.

Specific Characters, ^'H-om-coT^E laterally compressed and curved, elliptical in
cross section at base, circular at tip. Proximal half directed upward and backward,
distal half outward and forward. Frontals broadly convex above orbits, slightly
inflated toward bases of horn-cores. Occiput with sharp median keel above foramen
magnum. Size almost equal to that of Bos.

Systematic Position and Belationships. — ^The new genus is a member of the
cavlcom division of Artiodactyla. It combines characters of several groups. From
the Bovinae it is separated by the lack of cement and absence of accessory cuspules
on the teeth. It differs from the goats in possessing a lachrymal depression. The
shape and position of the horn-cores, and the large size of the animal separate it
from Ovis. It is larger than any of the so-called goat-antelopes of North
America, and differs from them in the presence of a lachrymal depression, the
conformation of the parietal zone, and the shape and position of the horn-cores. On
the other hand, it resembles the Bovinae in size, in the posterior position of the
horn-cores, and in the relations of the frontal and parietal, but differs from that
group in the possession of a lachrymal pit, and in dental structure. The teeth
approximate in size and structure those of Ovibos, but there are marked cranial
differences which separate JDueeratherium from that genus. E. L. Fublono and
Wm. J. SmOLAIB.

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VOL. 1.1 Binclair.-^The Potter Creek Cave. 19

a tortoise. Shells of the helicoid mollusc Epiphragmophora
marmonum were common, as were also remains of a fresh- water
mussel allied to Margaritana falcata living in the McCloud river.
The fresh- water molluscs and the fishes are believed to have
been transported by birds.

Of the fifty-two species listed, twenty-one are extinct and two
or three in addition doubtfully so.* All the large ungulates and
carnivores are extinct, while of the surviving forms the rodents
comprise the major portion. Associated with mountain and
forest types like Haplo€ert{S and the deer are plains species, the
horses, camel, bison and elephant. The fauna listed is a unit.
No distinction is to be drawn between the collections from the
different layers. Several living forms which were not known to
date back beyond the recent epoch have been found. Among
these may be mentioned the Aplodontidae, the so-called Rocky
Mountain goat, Haplocerus^ and the rattlesnake, Crotalus. With
the exception of a single individual from Mercer's cave, Calaveras
County, ground sloths of the genus Megalanyx have been found
for the first time in this state, while Mylodon, a contemporary
of Megalonyx in California, is not represented. The types pres-
ent, as well as the proi)ortion of living to extinct species, indi-
cate that we are dealing with an assemblage of forms of later
Quaternary age.

The Contemporary Fauna.

The Ban Pahlo Bay Quaternary. --On the east shore of San
Pablo Bay, north of Pinole, there are marine beds resting on the
upturned edges of the San Pablo. One stratum is composed
largely of oyster shells. Dr. Ralph Arnold has collected from
these beds Ostrea lurida, Ostrea conchaphila, Mytilus edulis^ and
TagelfM califomicus. On the basis of the character of the strata
and their fauna. Dr. Arnold has correlated these beds with the
Upper San Pedro series. t

Above the shell beds are alluvial deposits of sand, clay and
gravel which have afforded bones of various extinct mammals.
Remains of Elephas have been found in the shell stratum beneath

*A doubtful snb-speeies of Lynxfaseiatus, a Lepus and a species of OdoeoiUu$
may be extinct.

t Memoirs Cal. Acad. Nat. Sci. Vol. UI, p. 49.

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20 University of California Publications, [am. abch. eth.

the aUuvium. Including this specimen with the species from the
aUnvial deposits, the list of vertebrates from this locality is as
follows:

Large oamivore genas and sp. indet.

Gamelid.

Moroiherium gigaa Marsh.*

Bison antiquus Leidy.

EUphaa primigenius Blumb.

Mastodon americanus Kerr.

Eguus pacyieus Leidy.

Equus sp.t

This is a plains fauna, and a comparison of it with the cave
fauna should be confined to the plains species from the latter, as
the bay region during the accumulation of these alluvial deposits
was probably not adapted to forest tj^s. With this limitation
in mind, the two faunas are seen to be practically the same.
From the sequence of Quaternary geological events which
Professor Lawson has worked out for the bay region, the beds at
Pinole are known to belong probably to the last quarter of that
period.! This evidence combined with that derived from a study
of the mammalian fauna indicates with considerable certainty
that they are of the same age as the cave deposit.

The Fauna of the Silver Lake Beds of Oregon. -^In order to
fix the age of the cave deposit as definitely as possible, compar-
ison may be made with the fossiliferous deposits at Silver Lake
in Southern Oregon. The age of these beds is determined by the
relation of their mammalian fauna to the faunas characterizing
an extensive series of Miocene, Pliocene and Quaternary deposits
in the John Day region. The following list of species from this
locality is compiled from lists furnished in the manuscript of a
paper on the "Fauna of Silver Lake" by Dr. Alice Robertson
and from a paper entitled "List of the Pleistocene Fauna from
Hay Springs, Nebraska" by Dr. W. D. Matthew.§

Ursus sp. indet.
Felis sp. indet.

* From Tomales Bay and Ball's Head Point, Contra Costa Connty. Quaternary,
same beds as those at Pinole. Merriam, J. C, Bull. G. S. A. Vol. XI, pp. 612-614.

t Smaller than U. paeifteus, but with more complex tooth pattern than IB,
oecidentalis.

t Communicated.

f BuU. Am. Mus. Vol. XVI, pp. 317-322.

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Vol. 2.] Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 21

Ccmis latrans Say.

Canis cf . ocoidmtdlis, Richardson.

Vulpes cf . permsfflvcmicuSf Rhoads.

Lutra canaden$i8 Schreber.

Fiber eiheihieua Linnaeus.

Arvieola sp. div.

Tkomomya sp.

Oeomys sp.

Castor sp.

Castoroides sp.

Lepus sp. (cf. eampestris Baohman).

Mylodon sodalis Cope (f If. harlani Owen).

Equus paeifious Leidy.

Eguus n. sp.*

Elephas primigeniuit eolumbi Falconer.

PlatffgonuSt of. vetus Leidy.

Platygonus sp. minor.

BsehaHus conidens Cope.

Ckimelopa kansanus Leidy.

Camelops vitakerianus Cope.

Camelopal sp. max.

AntUocapra.

Regarding this association of species Dr. Matthew writes :t
^^This is equally a plains fauna, with two aquatic mammals,
Castor and Lutra^ not found at Hay Springs. Otherwise the
list is very similar to that at Hay Springs, and, like it, is
characterized by the absence of the forest types found in the
Pleistocene cave deposits, river gravels, and peat bogs of the
East."

The list contains several species not found in the cave, among
which may be mentioned Lutra, Fiber, Oeomys, Castor, Castor-
aides, AntUocapra and the coyote. Horse, camel and elephant
bones make up the greater part of the Silver Lake collections,
while the remaining forms are represented by fewer individuals,
in some cases by one or two specimens only. In the cave mate-
rial, there are scores of specimens of Arctotherium, JJrsus, deer,
Euceraiherium and various rodents, while of such plains t3i>es as
Elephas, Equus and the camels a few fragmentary teeth were
found. Megalonyx, which in California seems to have preferred
the foot-hill region of the Sierra Nevada and the Klamath Moun-

* Podial elements of an equine very much smaller than S, paeijlcus. The
remains are regarded by Dr. Robertson as those of an adult indiyidual.
t loe. eit., p, 321.

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22 University of California Publications, [am. abcb. bth.

tains is replaced in the Oregon plains fanna by the contemporary
Mylodon,

The Silver Lake fauna is Quaternary and is probably of about
the same age as the cave deposit, as the proportion of living to
extinct species is practically the same. Equus pa^cificus and
Elephas primigenius are common to the cave, the beds at Pinole
and the Silver Lake locality. Several additional genera are com-
mon to the Silver Lake beds and the cave, but there are a num-
ber of species, mostly living forms, represented in the Oregon
fauna which have not been found in the cave. Some of these
differences may be accounted for by the topographic dissimilarity
of the two regions and their separation by considerable mountain-
ous areas.

Relation op the Cave to the Existing Topography.

The spur on which the cave lies (Pis. 8 and 9) is one of
several westerly and southwesterly trending ridges carved out of
the Baird formation and the McCloud limestone, by short streams
emptying into the McCloud River. The ridges form divides
between canons with steep slopes. Where they are not controlled
by the limestone outcrop, they rise gradually from the 1500-foot
contour toward Horse Mountain (4040 ft.). Below the 1500-
foot line, the slopes fall off rather abruptly toward the river. The
surface from the cave to the mouth of Potter Creek has a fall
of 800 feet in about one and one eighth miles.

On the west side of the river, back of Baird, the topography
is less rugged. The break below the 1500- foot contour is also
better marked (PI. 10). The stream canons are fairly deep
where they cut through the Baird shales, but broaden out at
their head waters on Johns Creek and Turntable Creek.

The creeks coming in from both sides reach the McCloud at
the low water level of that stream, but this grade does not extend
far up the tributaries, which have a fairly steep slope and are
still cutting vigorously.

On both sides of the river water- worn pebbles are abundant
up to a level of 1500 feet above sea. These are found on the
crests of divides between streams, on canon slopes and on isolated
summits.

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VOL.2.] Sinclair. ^The Potter Creek Cave. 23

Relation of the Cave to the Quaternary Topography.

The 1500-foot contour marks approximately the present ele-
vation of an earlier valley stage beneath which the existing canons
are trenched. This topographic feature is not particularly well
developed in the vicinity of the cave, owing to the excessive
amount of stream dissection which the region has suffered. Mr.
J. S. Diller has informed the writer that it is well shown in the
vicinity of Eennett. It is also developed to the east and north-
east of Bear Mountain, and may be viewed to advantage from
the high ridge on the south side of Potter Creek. In Plate 10
the trace of this earlier valley surface is shown on the summit
of the flat-topped hiU in the background. River- worn gravel was
found on the top of this hill and also strews the slopes to the
back of the terrace shown in the middle ground.

At the time when the cave deposit was accumulating the
McCloud River flowed at a level not much lower than the bottom
of the cave, or not far below the 1500-foot contour. This level
was maintained not only during the time of accumulation, but
during the much longer preceding interval required for the
removal by solution and otherwise of a mass of limestone equal
in volume to the cave. This could not have been accomplished
with the river at a higher level, as in that case there would be no
exit for the underground water, which would tend to stand in
the country rock under pressure rather than to assume a single
direction of flow along the fissure line controlling the trend of
the cave. The shape of the cave, wide above and narrowing
downward, shows that the point of discharge for the percolating
waters must have been at a level lower than the present
entrance.

As the tributary streams extended back by headwater erosion,
the country on either side of the cave was better drained. Less
rain water circulated along the fissure and cave cutting ceased,
because, instead of draining into the cave by a sink, the water
flowed into the creeks. At this stage the large calcite bosses on
the floor were formed. Later, openings in the roof, probably
formed by rills washing off some of the surface material on the
slopes of the incipient canons of Potter and Marble Creeks, per-

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24 University of California Publications, [am. awjh. bth.

mitted the entrance of clay, rock fragments, broken bones, and
possibly living animals.

The mingling of plains and forest types in the Qnatemary
fanna is in accordance with the known moderate relief of the
region, which was a broad valley with wooded hills on either
side, above which rose higher peaks like Horse Mountain,
affording a congenial habitat to mountain dwelling forms like
Haplocerus, while the valley land was favorable to the presence
of camels and horses.

An eruption from one of the volcanic peaks to the north or
east showered the region with fine ash during this stage of
topographic development, but this was a mere episode, scarcely
an interruption, which did not alter the character of the fauna
in the least.

This cycle of low relief was terminated by an uplift, increas-
ing the grade of the master stream, initiating the cutting of the
present McCloud canon, and renewing headwater erosion in the
lateral tributaries. Eventually one of these. Potter Creek, cut
down thi'ough one of the galleries of the cave, opening the
present entrance.

With the stripping off of the surface soil from the ridge sides
by the deepening creeks, no more clay could enter the cave.
The entrance channels were blocked by rocks or crystalline
growths and the cave began to seal up its treasures by the forma-
tion of a stalagmite sheet, marking the last halt in the process of
accumulation.

At first the canon cutting was rapid, but later the river
reached a lower grade and began to meander. A terrace about
240 feet above the present low water stage marks the position of
the first halt. This terrace is shown on Plate 2. It is rock-cut
with a thin coating of gravel on the surface. The stream gravels
scattered on the canon slopes above this level were left stranded
by the McCloud as it cut down from the old 1500- foot base-level.

A second uplift, possibly of a differential character, renewed
the downward cutting of the river. A second terrace, also rock-
cut but of much greater extent than the first, was formed about
150 to 160 feet above the river at Baird (PI. 10). The surface
of this terrace is strewn with river gravel. A lower and much

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CL

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Vol. 2.] Sinclair.— The Potter Creek Cave. 25

smaller terrace occurs at about ninety feet, and other less distinct
levels may be traced to perhaps fifty feet above the river.*

Taking into consideration the amount of canon cutting
accomplished by the McCloud above the 240-foot terrace and
comparing it with a similar degree of cutting above a certain
terrace level in the canon of the Sacramento, it seems reasonable
to correlate the high terrace at Baird with the broad terrace
which is so well developed in the upper end of the Sacramento
Valley in the vicinity of Bedding. Regarding the age of this
terrace Mr. Oscar Hersheyt says:

"The Red Bluff formation belongs to the last one-fourth of
the Quaternary era. On the northern border of the Sacramento
Valley, in Shasta County, there are flats one to two miles wide,
consisting of the Red Bluff gravel resting on the truncated edges
of the highly inclined metamorphic formations. They are ele-
vated one hundred to two hundred feet above the present streams,
as Clear Creek and the Sacramento River, which have trenched
narrow canons below them. The Red Bluff terrace can be traced
for several miles up into the mountain valleys of such main
streams as those mentioned above, and it is thus made evident
that at the very least three- fourths of the erosion of the Sierran
valleys had been accomplished by the time of the opening of the
Red Bluff epoch."

The amount of erosion in the McCloud canon above the
upper terrace agrees favorably with Mr. Hershey's estimate, and
strengthens the correlation of the high river terrace at Baird
with the top portion of the Red Bluff formation, spread out over
the surface of the Red Bluff terrace in the north end of the
Sacramento Valley. About one-quarter of the entire interval of
canon-cutting is represented by the amount of erosion accom-
plished by the McCloud below the 240- foot terrace level.

The sequence of events which has been made out in the canon
of the McCloud agrees very closely with Professor Lawson's

*The terrace levels given in the writer's preliminary paper (Science N. S.,
Vol. XYII, No. 435, pp. 708-712) were based on ronghly made observations and are
not exact. The elevations given here were determined by hand level, distance from
the ground to the eye of the observer being taken as a measuring rod. The meas-
orements of the higher terraces were made twice, giving in each case approximately
the same result.

tBuU. Dept. Geol. Univ. of Cal., Vol. m, No. 1, p. 12.

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26 University of California Publicatums. [aji.abch.bth.

presentation of Quaternary history as recorded in the upper Eem
basin,* but the canon of the McGloud is not as deep as that of
the Eem, owing to a lesser degree of elevation occasioning the
canon cutting. Professor Lawson's high valley zone corresponds
with the earlier valley stage which has been recognized in the
vicinity of the cave, beneath which the ca^on of the McCloud is
trenched. The trenching of the canon occupied an exceedingly
short time compared with the much longer interval required for
the development of the old valley surface. The cave fauna
occupied the latter during its completed stage, but was not
necessarily in existence in the region while this topographic
feature was being evolved.

The material excavated by the McCloud while cutting down
to the upper terrace level forms a part of the great debris fan
buried in the upper end of the Sacramento Valley beneath the
Red Bluff terrace.

Older base levels of erosion have not been recognized in the
vicinity of the cave owing to the excessive amount of dissection
which the region has suffered, but a series of Tertiary peneplains
in the Klamath Mountains has been described by Mr. DiUer.t

The cave fauna described in the preceding pages is much
older than the glacial period in this state. The maximum glacia-
tion of the Sierra Nevada has been referred to the Wisconsin
epoch of the glacial time scale worked out for the eastern part of
the continent, t The Bed Bluff epoch which has been correlated
with the upper river terrace at Baird, although referable to the
last quarter of the Quaternary, is older than the Califomian
glaciation, from which Hershey has separated it by two epochs
of erosion and one of deposition.§

The Fauna in Its Relation to Topographic Changes.

The change from a country of moderate relief to a moun-
tainous district dissected by river canons reacted on the fauna.

*BnUetin Dept. Geol. Univ. of Gal., Vol. lU, No. 15, pp. 362-368.

t«t Topographic Development of the Klamath Mountains." Bnl. 196, U. S.
(Geological Survey.

to. H. Hershey. Bull. Dept. Geol. Univ. of Cal., Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 27. H. W.
Turner. Proc. Cal. Acad. Sci., 3rd series, Vol. 1, No. 9, p. 270.

f O. H. Hershey. Bull. Dep. Geol. Univ. of Cal. Vol. 3, No. 1, p. 28

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VOL.2. Sinclair. --The Potter Oreek Cave. 27

causing migration and extinction. Those species which still
exist in the region are the successful survivors, which were able
to adapt themselves to the changed conditions. Some of the
species which are now extinct may have continued to inhabit
the region for a considerable time after the topographic
revolution, but this can not be determined until bone-bearing
Quaternary deposits of later age have been found. Higher up
the McCloud, Mr. Furlong has discovered a cave fauna which is
supposed to be younger than that described here. The study of
this fauna will, it is believed, throw much light on the problem
of faunal migration. The thorough examination of a series of
caves ranging in age from early Quaternary to Recent will
doubtless furnish valuable evidence relating to the faunal migra-
tions, and should also give most imx>ortant testimony concerning
the time when man first came to inhabit this region.

University of California^
April, 1904.

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Explanation of Plate 11.

Longitadinal section of the buried gallery, showing the relation of its
deposits to the beds in the main chamber of the cave.

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z:
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Z
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-15 pq o

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r>?

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''--i^

14).

he c

Pis.

i
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'*<::ay:7-'-^'^

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH.

VOL 2, PL. 12.

Longitudinal section of the deposit in the main chamber (Section 7, PI. 14).
Horizontal and vertical scale the same.

A, D and F — Clay, soft or cemented.
B— Limestone gravel.
C— -Volcanic ash.
E— Cemented breccia.

G — Brown mud, cemented clay and stalagmite
blocks.

H — Stalagmite bosses forming the c

S — Surface stalagmite.

1-6 — Lines of cross sections, see Pis.

8— Fallen block.

9--Altar.

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the main chamber in the Potter Creek Cave.

r interval 6 inches.

rary datum plane, below which depression contours are
adaries of rock masses, the cave walls and the lines of
o at the extreme northwest end is not shown on the map.
ries is represented by broken lines.

3. 9— Altar.

10, 11 — Stalagmite -covered rock benches.
*« restinff on ossiferous clay.

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o
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY

Vol. 2 No. 2

THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST

OF CALIFORNIA

SOUTH OF SAN FRANCISCO

A. L. KROEBER

BERKELEY

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

JUNE, 1004

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Vol. 2* No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J.

Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April, 1904 40

No. 2. The Laneuages of the Coast of California South of San

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Pages 22, June, 1904 25

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LANGUAGES

OF THE

COAST OF CALIFORNIA

SOUTH OP SAN FRANCISCO

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOQY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL. 2 NO. 2

THE LANGUAGES OF THE COAST OF CALI-
FORNIA SOUTH OF SAN FRANCISCO.

A. L. EBOEBEB.

CONTENTS.

PAOI

Introductory 29

Chomash 31

Salinan. 43

Belationship of Ghnmash and Salinan 48

Esselen 49

Costanoan 69

Belationship of Esselen and Costanoan 80

INTRODUCTORY.

Through the munificence of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst, the
Department of Anthropology of the University of California has
for several years conducted extensive researches. Among these
has been an anthropological investigation of the little known
Indians of California, which has recently been organized into an
Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of the State. The pres-
ent paper is based on linguistic notes made in the winter of
1901-2 as part of this investigation. One of the languages on
which information was desired being now extinct, it was neces-
sary to have recourse to older records. Thanks are due to
Professor W. H. Holmes, Chief of the Bureau of American
Ethnology, for courtesy in granting permission to use several
vocabularies containing such material.

The coast of California south of San Francisco was formerly
inhabited by Indians of six linguistic stocks. These were, in

Am. Abch. Sth. 2. 3.

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30 University of California Public€Ui(m8. [am. aboh. bth.

Powell's terminology, Yuman, Shoshonean, Chumashan, Sali-
nan, Esselenian, and Costanoan, in order from south to north.
Yuman and Shoshonean, the two southernmost of these six
stocks, were extensive. Only a small part of their territory lay
within the state of California. The four other stocks were
smaller, confined to the coast, and entirely Califomian. Only
these four are treated in this paper.

Throughout the area under consideration, from Santa Bar-
bara to San Francisco, there are now very few Indians. Only a
fraction of these, mostly older people, still know the native lan-
guages. All the Indians speak Spanish. With one exception
no continuous texts could be obtained in any of the languages.
To gain an idea of the grammatical structure it has therefore
been necessary to depend on sentences. Owing to this fact and
the writer's limited command of Spanish, the investigation of
the languages was carried only far enough to obtain an outline
of the structure. The results elaborate certain conclusions as
to the morphological grouping of the linguistic families in Cali-
fornia stated in a paper on the Native Languages of California.^

The following alphabet has been used.
Vowels:

a, a

as in father, short and long respectively.

a, a

as in American fat, short and long
respectively.

e, i, 0, u

short open vowels.

e, I, 6, e

long closed vowels.

h, 1, 6, fl

long open vowels.

6, ii, 0, u

nearly as in German; closed vowels,
short and long.

English aw.

a», e», i»,

0", u'^

nasalized vowels.

A, B, I, o,

obscure vowels.

a- e 1 a
till

scarcely articulated vowels.

0, W, 0, tt.

3, u, 5, U

peculiar impure vowels.

1 B. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, the Native Languages of Calif omia, Amer. .
Anthr., n.s., V, p. 1, 1903.

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VOL. 2.1 Kroeber. — Languagts of ike Coast of California, 81

Consonants:

q G X 0'

k g X g' h

tc dj

t d g « n

p b f V m

w, y, h, 1, E

as in English.

8, c

English s and sh, bnt often approaching

each other.

zh, sonant of c.

palatal 1 (tl).

triUed.

f , k-. g\ X

palatal t, k, g, and x, approximating ty,

ky. gy, xy.

q!,k!.tl,p!

stressed.

9, d. h

between surd and sonant.

CHUMASH.

The following grammatical material on one of the Chomash
dialects was obtained at Santa Ynez from Dolores, one of
the few Indians there who still know their native language.
It appears to differ somewhat from the language of the Lord's
Prayer given by Duflot de Mofras as from Santa Ines.^ Oatschet
gives a few phrases and grammatical notes on the KasuA dialect
recorded by Loew,* and Caballeria y Collell has published several
pages of grammatical notes, vocabulary, and religious texts on
the language of Siujtu rancheria at Santa Barbara.*

PHONETIC.

The following are the sounds of the language.
Vowels:

a, e, i, o, u; a, S, i, 6, u; ft, 6; (ft) ; o, i*, o, U, o, u, o, u.

^ Duflot de MofrM, Bzploration dn Tenitoir« de rOregon, 1844, II, 393.

3 A. 8. QftUehet in Wheeler, Bep. U. 8. Geogr. Snrr., VU, 419, 485, and Rep.
Chief of Engineers, 1876, HI, 551.

3 Bey. Joan Caballeria y CoUeU (E. Burke, translator). History of the City of
Santa Barbara, SanU Barbara, 1892.

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32 University of California Publications. Iam. aboh. eth.

Consonants:

q X
k X g*
tc

t n 1 8, c

p m

w,y, L

The vowels o, u, o, u are open sounds and give the impression
of impurity. They may be identical with o, w, o, u. Similar
sounds are characteristic of Shoshonean and Yokuts, two adjacent
linguistic families.' Both ordinary and velar gutturals occur in
Chumash. Sonants seem to be lacking. Palatal l is quite
soft, at times difficult to distinguish from 1. R has been found
only before q, and is probably an induced rather than an
independent sound of the language.

All the consonants occur in either first or last position in
double combinations, except that y has not been found as the
first member of a compound consonant and l not as the second.
Combinations of three consonants are rare. Some monosyllabic
words that may reasonably be regarded as root-forms begin with
double consonants. But none end thus.

As compared with the majority of Califomian languages,
Chumash is rough.

A euphonic vowel is much used between words and before
consonantal suffixes. It occurs even when one of the two words
ends in or begins with a vowel.

nai qot'qoti-wun-a fenferqnerq I I-see-them women

ma-k-itctti'n-i k-aqciiyak the-my-son I-like

k-isaw6u8-i kactapin I-sweated yesterday

ma-qo i s-&wo' the-my-dog he-white

noi moM k-aciin-O-woc I already I-eaten-have

k-siniwe-wun-u-woc I-kill'them-did
The euphonic vowel is shown in black type.

1 A. S. Gatschet, Rep. Chief of Engineers, 1876, III, p. 557, speaking of Shosh-
onean: "O, u, often assume a darker shade by being pronounced surd or by being
nasalized. This pronunciation of the three vowels is also peculiar to the Utah, and
occurs In many of the Pueblo idioms of New Mexico."

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?0L.2.] Kroeher. — Languages of the Coast of California, 33

VERB.

Verbs are conjugated by having the following pronominal
elements prefixed, generally immediately to the verb-stem.

Singular
First person k-

Second person p-
Third person s-

These prefixes are used alike with transitive and with intran-
sitive verbs. They are also used as possessive pronouns with
the noun.

Dual

Plural

kis-

ki-

pis-

pi-

sis-

si-

p-axotiwiL

thoU'Speahest

s-axotiwiiri-was he-speak-did

si-cuma-woe

they-good

k-siniwe-lin

I-kill'thee

ma-^nerq s-eXp^tc the-woman she-sings

ini-k-muxttn

not'I'hungry

The objective pronouns

are suffixed to the verb-stem.

far as determined, they are

the following:

Singular Dual

Plural

First person

-It t

-ut

Second person

-in t

-ot

Third person

— t

-un

With some verbs, -lit is used instead of -it, and -lin or -win
instead of -in. Sometimes -wun occurs for -un. These variant
forms appear to be due to phonetic influences.

It will be seen that if the object is in the third person singular,
it is not expressed by a pronominal affix. / Mil him and I hill
are identically expressed, as in a number of other American lan-
guages, including Yokuts and Yuki in California.

In sentences where subject and object are nouns, these parts
of the sentence are expressed over again by means of the sub-
jective and objective pronominal affixes in the verb. This fact
puts Ghumash in a class with those American languages in which
the noun-subject and noun-object are regarded as appositions to
the holophrastic verb.

enerqnerq ci-aqciik-un ma-ug*ug'wig' women they-like-

them the-men.

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84 University of California ]M>licaHons. [am. aboh. bth.

The reflexive is expressed by the suffix -caci, which like the
object pronouns is appended to the verb stem.

p-aqciiyak-caci thou- lovest-self.

Sometimes the word kokcii, of unknown meaning, is used
with the reflexive verb.

kokcii c-qoti-caci he-sees-self.

A past tense, perhaps perfect in meaning, is expressed by the
suffix -woe. This suffix follows the objective suffix-pronoun.

A future seems to be indicated by the particle ka, placed
before the verb.

The negative of the verb is expressed by the prefix ini-.
This prefix precedes the pronominal prefixes.

The interrogative is formed by the final suffix -e.

The imperative seems to be identical with the stem of the verb.

A desiderative is formed by the prefix sili-.

There are several particles used with verbs, some of them
quite frequently. They always precede the verb. Their signifi-
cance is not clear. The most common one, no, may be a prefix
rather than a particle.

The following phrases contain examples of the forms men-
tioned.

kai ka no-c-tiyepi this-one tmll he-teach

kai ka-no-s-axotiwiL this-one will-he-speak

axotiwiL speak!

no-p-na'n thou-goest

no ni-k-na'n not-I-go

ini-k-sili-Xalk'inowo'n not- I-wish- jump

q616 enerq ini-[s] sil^-aqmil-e' that woman not-she-

tcisheS'drink-f

noi k-sili-siniwe-lin / I-wish-kill-thee

noi k-cili eXpitc I I-wish sing

eXpfetc sing!

k-aqmil-i-was I-drink-did

p'-kitwo'n-o-wac-fe pi thou-emerge-didst-f thou

It will be seen that the foregoing prefixes and suffixes include
the pronominal prefixes and suffixes between themselves and the

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YoL, 1.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Ooasi of Oalifomia. 35

verb, the pronominal affix being always nearest the verb stem.
The only exception is the desiderative prefix sili-, which itself
prefixes the pronoun. It is therefore doabtful whether sili- is
not to be regarded rather as an auxiliary verb than as a prefix.
The following are similar cases:

no k-cutc^ I'begin

no k-cStc-i'-aqmil I-begin-drink

qblb s-w6ti that'one he-shoots

k-woLrsiniwe I-shoot-Ull (I kill by shooting)

A verbal noun is denoted by the prefix a'l-.

p-olXo thoU'Stealest

a'l-olXo thief.

pii p'-a'l-olXo thou thou-thief (thou art a thief)

c-ukcft he'fis)'dead^

a'1-ak'can fa) dead (one)

A habitual agent is also denoted by reduplication.

k-aXciiiC I'fish

ma-a-caX-caXciiiC the-fisher

xuniowc hunt

a-xun-xuniowc hunter

The prefix a- in these reduplicated verbal nouns may be a
form of a'l-.

The stem aciin, eat, is given the meaning food by the pre-
fix lam-.

k-aciin I-eat

ma-k-lam-actin the-my-food

NOUN.

The possessive pronominal elements, as already remarked, are
identical with the subjective ones, and like them are prefixed.
From this fact, however, it can not be concluded, as has been
done in analogous cases in other languages, that verb and noun
are not distinguished in Chumash, and that the verb is in reality
a noun. Were this the case, we should not find the verbal nouns
that have been mentioned.

1 A. Taylor, in Powers, Tribes of California, Contr. N. A. Ethn., iii, 564: shuek-
Bhaw, dead.

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36 University of California Publications. [AM.ABCH.Bra.

Some nouns, when used with the possessive pronoun, have a
form different from their simple one.

hutcu, dog; ma-p-qo, the-thy-dog
ma'm, house; ma-ki-ap, the-our-house

A word for dog similar to hutcu occurs in many Califomian
languages; qo seems to be distinctively Ghumash.

There is an article, ma. It has wider meaning than the
modem European definite articles, inasmuch as it is customarily
used with the possessive pronoun. It is a proclitic or prefix, not
an independent particle.

basket

the-basket

the-itS'feathers

the-my-belly fpanzaj

his'belly

What may be a distributive, to judge from analogies in other
American languages, is formed by reduplication.

tsaya

ma-tsaya

ma-s-q'ap

ma-k-mut

s'-mut

ug'«'ig'

man

ug''ug'«'ig'

e'nerq

woman

enerq'ne'rq

XoXau

coyote

XoXoXau

hu'tcu

dog

hutc'hu'tcu

ma'm

house

ma'ma'm

caq!

turtle

caqlca'q!

p'co'c

snake

p'co'p'co'c

tsa'ya

basket

tsai'tsa'ya

It will be seen that this reduplication comes very near being
duplication of the entire word. Both animate and inanimate
nouns are reduplicated.

The following examples make it difficult to determine whether
the reduplication denotes a plural, a distributive, or a collective.

ickom-a xus
ckumu-a XoXau
ma-XoXoXau
ma-ki-tsaya yila
yila p'co'p'co'c

two bears
four coyotes
the-coyotes
the-our-baskets all
all (the) snakes

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Vol. 2.1 Kroeber, — Languages of the Coast of California. 37

It is remarkable that when a noun to which a possessive pro-
noun is prefixed is reduplicated, the pronoun is sometimes redu-
plicated with it. Evidently the noun and the pronominal element
are regarded as very much a unit.

k-itc-antiik, my friend p-itc-p-itc-antiik, thy friends^

ma-k-its-is, my younger brother ma-k-its-k-its-is, my younger

brothers
ma-k-itc-tu'n, my child ma-k-itc-k-itc-tu'n, my children

k-a-wa, my aunt ma-k-a-k-a-wa, my aunts^

ma-p-aX-p-a-wa, thy aunt
ma-ki-hax-h-a-wa, our aunts
k'-a-niic, my paternal uncle ma-k'-a-k'-a-niic, my paternal

^ uncles

ma-k'-ap, my house ma-k'-ap-k'-ap, my houses

ma-ki-ap, our house ma-pi-ap-i-ap, your houses

ma-k-wwti, my knife ma-k-oX-k-www, my knives

ma-s-fcwu, his knife ma-s-oX-s-uwi*, his knives

ma-ki-www, our knife ma-ki-d'X-y-www, our knives

On the other hand reduplication of nouns occurs also without
reduplication of the possessive prefix.

ma-p-qo, thy dog ma-p-qoX-qo, thy dogs

ma-ki-qo, our dog ma-ki-qoX-qo, our dogs

ma-k-to, my brother-in-law ma-k-to-to, my brothers-in-law

ma-k-pepe, my older brother ma-k-pe-pepe, my older brothers

It appears that when a noun commencing with a vowel is
reduplicated, the possessive prefix is reduplicated also. When
the noun begins with a consonant, the pronoun is not re-
duplicated.

Reduplication occurs in the verb as well as in the noun, but
expresses an iterative or a continuative, not a plural or distrib-
utive. The verb may be used with plural subject or object
pronoun without being reduplicated.

XoXoXau k-unio-wun coyotes I-seek-them

k-aqciik-un they-like-them

^ In terms of relationship -itc- and -a- are apparently prefixes , perhaps denoting
possession or relationship.

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38 University of Oatif&mia Publieatums. [am. a»oh. wm.

ki-muX«n we hunger

noi qot'-qoti-wun-a ^n^rqiierq I I'look-at-tkem women

(habitually)
quti-u-wun ^n^rqnerq Llook-at (the) women

no k-tiyepi-o I-teach-ye

no k-ti-tiyepi-o I-teach-ye "aK the time"

As stated previoasly, a nonn-afi^ent implying more or less
iteration of action is formed from the verb by reduplication.
A few verbs are regularly used in a reduplicated form.

wopwQupw hit

su-taxtaxsiin frighten (su- ^ causative)

Cases are altogether wanting. A noun is identical as subject
and object. The possessive case is expressed, as in so many
American languages, by means of the possessive pronoun.

ma-c-wc ftmet the-his-hole ground-squirrel

ma-s-uwM k-itcantiik the-his-knife my-friend,
ma-s-kani ciw' the-his-flesh elk

The various local and instrumental relations are expressed by
separate words, placed before the noun.

ksunuww a Xo'p with stone

alapa'ya ma^'m on house

mama o" in water

kitca hu'tcu like day

liiiakten ma-tcai'ya-c in the-basket

ADJECTIVE.

The adjective seems, like the verb, not to be reduplicated to
denote the plural. The following examples show its unchanging
use with animate and inanimate nouns and attributively and
predicatively.

ki^na fenerq i-s-tc6h6 this woman she-good

kie p'o'n o-s-tc6hd this wood it-good

tc5h6 tcitce (a) good child

k-tc6h5 I-good

hutcu ftwox (a) dog white

no qoti-wac a ciwA ftwox I-see-did elk white

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ToL.2.) Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of Oalifomia. 39

ma-qo i g-ftwo' tJie-my-dog he-white

k^na-Xop i s-ftwo-wac this-stone it-white-was

Just as the adjective is used predicatively, a noun can be
used predicatively by prefixion of the pronominal elements,
kiku ki-ug'ug't*ig we we-men (we are men)
pii p-a'Polxo th(m thou-thief (thou art a thief J

PRONOUN.

To express the ordinary functions of pronouns, the subjective
possessive prefix and the objective suffix are generally sufficient.
The separate form of the pronoun, used as an independent word,
is probably emphatic. The forms of this are:

Singular Ihml Plural

First person noi kicku kiku

Second person pii picku piku

There is no third person. It will be seen that these forms
are nothing but the subjective-possessive prefixes with -i added in
the singular and -ku in the dual and plural. In the first person
singular noi takes the place of kii.

These independent forms of the pronoun stand in the same
relation to the verb as a noun, being connected with the verb
by the pronominal affix which is part of the verb. Hence there
are forms such as:

noi k-sili-siniwe-lin I I-wish-Mll-thee;

corresponding exactly in structure to forms such as :

ma-amelikana si-sili-siniwe-lit the-Americans they-wish-kill-me

It would not be possible to use noi, /, directly with the verb
without k-. On the other hand the prefix k-, denoting J, is
often used without noi.

DEMONSTRATIVES.

The deinonstratives are:

kai, this one; plural, kaiuwun

qblbf that one; plural, qdldwun
It will be seen that the plural ending -wun is identical with the
pronominal suffix denoting the object of the third person plural.

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40 University of California Publications. [am.abch. bth.

The following adjectival demonstratives have been found:

ki^na, this, with animate nouns
kie, kia, this, with inanimate nouns
qdld, that, with animate nouns

The article that has been described is distinct from the demon-
stratives both in meaning and in use.

NUMERALS.

The numerals are as follows:

1. paka

2. ick6m

3. masox

4. ckumu

5. yitipakas

6. yitickdm

7. yitimasox

8. malawa

9. ts'pa'
10. tciiya

The numbers from 11 to 19 are formed by putting na- before
those denoting 1 to 9. Twenty is simply two-ten, ickd'm-a-
tci'iya, thirty is three-ten, and so on regularly up to ninety.
The word for one hundred was not obtained.

The forms given above are used in counting. When used
with nouns the numerals are followed by -a.

ickdm-a xus two bears

masox-a fenerq'nerq three women

This numeral system is decimal. There is no trace of any
vigesimal method of counting, and none of a quinary one, unless
masox, three, and malawa, eight, contain a common element.
The word for four is related to that for two. Five, six, and
seven are one, two and three plus the prefix yiti-, of unknown
origin but equivalent to four.^

^Caballeria, op. eit., p. 42, says that the **iti'' forming the first part of the
nmnerals five, six, and seven in the Siujtu dialect means ^^here.**

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RADICALS.

A number of the words that denote common or natural objects
are monosyllabic and apparently irresolvable.

cuup

land

water

tuUp

mountain

5k'

lake

Xop

rock

p'o'n

wood

Xa's

sand

ma'm

house

q'si

sun

arrow

nu^

fire

bow

t6x

smoke

Uowini

ar names of animals are monosyllabic:

xus

bear

p'co'c

snake

ciw'

elk fciervoj

xcap

rattlesnake

-qo

dog

yox

watersnake

q'u'n

rabbit

caq!

tuHle

ma'

jackrdbbit

qop'

toad

naq

rat

q'loq

tadpole

slo

eagle

toq

grasshopper

crow

c-ik'

louse

X'6X

heron

s-tfep

flea

ceew

owl

kt'u't

spider

The following may have been formed by reduplication from
monosyllabic stems:

XoXau coyote

wawau crane

The more important parts of the body are frequently expressed

by monosyllabic root-like words,
only with the possessive prefixes.

Most of them seem to occur

noX'

nose

U'L

leg

tuX

eye

te'm

foot

tou

ear

qam

wing

sa'

tooth

liver

po'

cheek

paX

skin

nii

neck

fur

muut

back

XoV

penis

arm, ha/nd

se'

bone

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eleu

tongue

oXcoL

urine

vagina

eq'wai

nail

42 University of California Publications. [am.aeoh.]

The following are polysyllabic:

oqwo'n heady hair

a'tsus beard

us^i chestj heart

akcuii belly

Terms of relationship also show monosyllabic roots in most
cases; but the roots are generally either duplicated or preceded
by itc- or a-.

q6, father ma-q6qo, my father

tuq, mother ma-k-t«q, my mother

pe, elder brother ma-k-pfepe, my elder brother

is, younger brother or sister ma-k-its-is, my younger brother
tn'n, son or daughter ma-k-itc-tn'n, my son

nuc, paternal uncle k-a-nuc, my paternal uncle

ta, maternal uncle k-tata, my maternal uncle

wa, "awn^' k-a-wa, my ^^aunt"

tciiix, ^^woman^snephewffj" k-tcuix, my ^^nephew"
mu^y father- y mother-in-law k-mu«, my father-in-law
to, brother-, sister-in-law ma-k-to, my sister-in-law
ne, parent of mother k-nfene, my maternal grandparent

ma, parent of father, ma-k-mama, my paternal grand-

parent
ma, ^^grandchiW^ ma-k-a-ma, my ^^ grandchild ^^

The following do not reduce to monosyllabic roots.

ma-k-isuyix

husband

ma-k-ta'lik

wife

ma-k-sumep^pe

son- or daughter-in-law
[cf . pe, elder brother"]

k'-6na'

^' nephew'^

ma-k-itc-antiik

my friend

Verbs for the most part

, even if of simple significance, are

of two and three syllables.

Monosyllabic verbs:

na'n go

wopwuupw hit

we sleep

ike give

w(fL shoot

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Polysyllabic

1 verbs:

qoti

see

ni'qot

break

aqciik

tiXuan

scratch

axotiwiL

. talk

caXciiiC

fish

eXpfetc

sing

tiyepi

show, teach

ilukltin

sit

aLpat

run

Inkomil

stand

olXo

steal

unio

seek

aqmil

drink

xonio

hunt

kit'wo'n

go outj emerge

siniwe

kill

-nowo'n

aciin

eat

Xo-nowo'n

fly

mUXUn

hungry

Xalkli-nowo'n jump

Most adjectives are also of more than

one syllable. Pre-

positional words are all of i

Bome lengrth.

There are some words-

-nouns, adjectives, and verbs— which

are rednplieated or duplicated in their normal forms.

wopwui^pw

hit

Xul'Xul

heavy

sn-taXtaXsiin frighten

•

tcrtci

child

XopXop

gravel TXop, rockj

phpe

elder brother

mama

paternal grandparent

n^ne

maternal grandparent

liiliikun

t&p'&np'&n

kidney
SATiTNAN.

In 1861 Shea printed as volume Vll of his Library of American
Linguistics a Vocabulary of the Language of the San Antonio
Mission, Calif omia, by Father Buenaventura Sitjar (1739-1808) .
To* the vocabulary Shea has prefixed ten pages of grammatical
notes based upon it. These notes serve to give an idea of the
grammatical structure of the language.

The chief features of the San Antonio language are a strongly
developed plural, both in verbs and nouns, formed by the
suffixion or the infixion near the end of the word of a very

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variable element, which generally however contains either 1 or t;
the employment of this plural in verbs for both a plural subject
and a plural object; the pronominal conjugation of the verb by
means chiefly of prefixes for the subject and sufltses for the
object, with considerable unexplained variability of forms; a
very peculiar combination of the noun with the possessive
pronoun; the absence of cases; and the expression of local rela-
tions in the noun by means of separate prepositions. Through-
out, the language is remarkable for its apparent irregularity.

Material obtained by the writer at Jolon, upon the dialect of
San Miguel, shows this to be a closely related language with the
same general characteristics.

The independent pronouns of the San Miguel dialect are:

Singular Plural

First person ke [ek-toyove] ka° [kak]

Second person mo [mo] mom

The words in brackets are the San Antonio forms according
to Shea.

The San Miguel verbal forms obtained had these pronominal
forms suffixed. In some cases the sufOx -leu or -lew seemed
to indicate the third person singular. In San Antonio the sub-
jective pronominal elements are chiefly preflxed.

Demonstratives are na, he, and h5. Na means this; he and
h5 presumably indicate different distances of that. In San
Antonio na means this, pe that. Besides he, heuna is found in
San Miguel: he luwai and heuna luwai, that man, Hewat or
hiwet seems to be a plural of he.

The plural of nouns is formed by the same methods as in
San Antonio. The following forms iUustrate its variability.

Singular Plural

man lowai dam

woman lene lentsen

child sepxa sem'ta

old woman tcini tcintEn

house t'am t'ama^niL

dog hutcai hoste

knife f'cak t'cak^L

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saxe

saxtin

cetep

cetlip

smat

smatel

v)ot.. 2.1 Kroeber. — Langitages of the Oocyst cf Oalifomia. 45

bird
dead
beautiful

The noun is identical in form whether subject, object, or
possessor. The possessive case is expressed by the possessive
pronoun.

ticxep-o luwai foot- his man

he-menen-o lene the-hand-hers woman

Local relations in nouns are expressed by independent
prepositions.

in the waier

in the house

in the basket

over, on, above the water

on the mountain^

mumt5ke t*a
memt5ke t'am
t5ke tecaan
l^mo t'a
l^mo t'akat

The possessive pronoun is fused into one word with the noun.
The following are typical cases. The bracketed forms are San
Antonio as given by Shea in Spanish orthography.

Meaning

house

teeth

bone

Word

t'am

Is.

f^m

fule't

[ejac]

2 8.

est'me'm

t'mulet

[cimegac]

3 8.

t'hmo

fule'to

[ejaco]

Ip.

tat'^m

tafu'let

2 p.

taxffem(t)

[za ejac]

3 p.

fimftot

t'ule'tot

[zug oejac]

Meaning'

elder brother

food

eye

Word

Is.

kaiye'

lamxat

cukanit

2 8.

tumkai'

t'amlamxat

t'omsokanit

3 8.

akai'y

lamxato

Ip.

tacukanit

2 p.

talamxat

3p.

akai'yot

So in Chumash: alapa

1 I^m-O =a&o«

k-ya = a6ore, on.

alapa=«A:y.

Am. Abch

, Bth. 2. 4.

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University of California Publications, (am. aboh. bth.

Meaning
Word
Is.

2 8.

3 8.

Ip.

Meaning
Word
Is.

2 8.

3 8.

father

mother

dog

hutca'i

apai'

tl'itco*

t'mfeebex"

tmi'itco

hxo [epjo]

tritcoo

t'aebex

hand

brother

menenke

[citol]

t'umenen

[etsmitol]

meneno

[citolo]

tata"' [tm]

t'embek [cimic]

t'embeko [ecco]

tabek [za till]

knife

t'ak, teak

tEcak

t'mEcak

tEcako

The structure of these pronominal forms is very difficult to*
understand. Additional cases that were obtained do not make
the matter clearer. What contributes largely to the complexity
is the initial t* (t, tc, ts, c, s) , which occurs in many of the forms
and is absent from others. It cannot be regarded as part of the
pronominal possessive prefix because it occurs with equal fre-
quency as the first sound of many nouns in their simple non-
possessive form. Nearly three-fourths of the prefixless names of
animals and natural objects begin with t' or one of its variants.
It is possible that the initial t* is of demonstrative origin, per-
haps an article that has become incorporated. It will be remem-
bered that in Chumash the article is generally used with the
possessive prefix. If this explanation is correct, San Miguel
t-m-iitco, thy dog, would be equivalent to Chumash ma-p-qo.
Salinan otherwise shows a tendency to use demonstratives before
the possessive prefixes.'

1 Sitjar: thy mother, peHsmipeg, mats mlpeg, eHsmlpeg.

3 Sitjar gives dog as o'tcho in San Antonio, my dog as si o^teh^o or si'tch^o.
If est is kiinl, my nest sikiin, (his) nest sikiino. Stone house e*xcon, my house
oh^icono^y thy house simch^icono. his house ch^ioonou. My bed quiohe*meH, thy
bed aquimicbe*meH, his bed quiohe*me*to.

3 San Miguel:

San Antonio:

ho t'umpasi
he meneno lene
e t'omenen
na tat'dopik
na t'umkai
na t-mecak
na t'ulet, t'ulet

thy son

the woman^s hand

thy hand

our heads

thy older brother

thy knife

my teeth

peHsmipeg

pe*

na cim-lamay

thy mother

that

thy right hand

ho t'abek, t'abek our father
In the Lord's Prayer given by Duflot de Mofras, Ezpl. dn Terr, de I'Oregon,
II, 392, and quoted by Shea, na, this, occurs seven times, five of the occurrences
being before nouns to which a possessive pronoun is afflxed: na sananaol, the our
debt; natsmalog, thy will; etc.

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On the other hand the Washo language of the eastern slope
of the Sierra Nevada shows a peculiarity of structure that may
be similar to this one in Salinan. The stems of many nouns and
verbs are identical in Washo. The first person is indicated
by the prefixion of the same elements in noun and verb. The
same is true of the second person. The third person is indicated
in both noun and verb by the absence of pronominal elements.
Thus from the root anal are formed 1-anal-i, m-aual-i, anal-i, I
live^ you live, he lives, and 1-anal, m-anal, anal, my house, your
house, his house. To form the non-pronominal simple noun, a
d- is prefixed to the root. While his house is anal, house abso-
lutely or a house, the house, is d-anal. There is thus an appar-
ent but unreal formation of the third person possessive by
apocope; and there is also a large class of nouns beginning with
the element d-. As both these conditions are similar to those in
Salinan, it is not impossible that an analogous morphological
process has been operative there.

The complexity of these pronominal noun-forms is however
such that their nature cannot be positively ascertained without
extensive study. It is evident that phonetic influences have con-
tributed to bring about the irregularity.

The following are the numerals:

San Miguel

San Antoni

Hale'

Shen

d^i

tohi

tdl

ha'kec

kfigsu

caquiche

la^pai

tlfibahi

lappay

gle'ca

kesa

quicha

oltca"d

oldrato

ultrao

paiate

painel

tepa

quent6

sratel

shaanel

teditrup

tetatsoi

trupa

zoe

1 Trans. Am. Ethn. Soc., II, 126.
quality of English n in bnt.

The marked n in kflgsu and tliibahi has the

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RELATIONSHIP OP CHUMASH AND SALINAN.

There are the following lexical similarities between the Chu
mashan and the Salinan material obtained.

English

Chumash

Salinan

rabbit

q!u'n

map!

jack rahbit

ma'

g!00L

rock

Xop

c-xap

sky

alapa

l^m

work

talawaxa*

trfilxnal*

younger brother

its-is

t'-os

older sister

pepe

ground squirrel

h'mht

c-emkom

Several of these resemblances are probably only apparent.
The similarities found' between other Chnmashan and Salinan
dialects seem doubtful. There is as yet no reason to consider
the two languages genetically related.

On the other hand Chumash and Salinan are alike in the
following respects:

1. Their general phonetic character, which is not absolutely
harsh, but yet less simple and smooth than that of most Cali-
fornian languages.

2. The existence of a plural, though this is differently formed
in the two languages.

3. The employment of the pronominal elements in the form
of afltses instead of independent words; further the prefixion of
the subjective and possessive elements and the suffixion of the
objective.

4. The use with the possessive pronoun of a prefixed element
more or less demonstrative in nature.

5. The close fusion of the pronominal elements with the
noun, as evidenced in Chumash by reduplication of the pronoun
with the noun and in Salinan by the inability of analysis to
separate noun from pronoun with certainty.

6. The absence of both syntactical and local cases.

1 Perhaps Spanish.

2 A. S. Oatschet, Bep. Chief of Engineers, 1876, III, p. 553.

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VOL. 3.J Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California, 49

7. The use of independent prepositions to express local rela-
tions in nonns.

8. The numeral system, which in both languages is decimal,
not quinary, and has the words for four and two derived from the
same stem. The latter is the case also in Tokuts and Gostanoan.

The two languages differ in the following points of structure:

1. The presence of reduplication as a syntactical or formal
means in Chumash, and its absence in Salinan.

2. The presence of a plural in verbs in Salinan and its
absence in Chumash.

Some of the features enumerated are of a general nature and
of weight in showing similarity only because most of the neigh-
boring languages are difFerent. For instance, while the use of
independent prepositional words is in itself not a very specific
characteristic, it becomes so in California and the surrounding
region, where almost all the less extensive families, as well as
the larger Shoshonean, Tuman, Piman, and Sahaptian stocks,
employ case-like suffixes in place of prepositions. In general the
salient characteristics common to Chumash and Salinan are not
found elsewhere in the region, and the two languages must there-
fore be regarded as constituting a morphological group/

ESSELEN.

The Esselen people and language having become extinct, the
author is indebted to the courtesy of the Bureau of American
Ethnology for the material on which the following account is
based.

The extant material belonging to this linguistic stock is very
limited and unsatisfactory for grammatical purposes, consisting
only of several short vocabularies which include a few phrases.*
There are no texts, not even a Lord's prayer.

Two short Esselen vocabularies, one of twenty-two and the
other of thirty-one words, were collected before the close of the
eighteenth century by la P6rouse and Galiano. These have been

1 Ameriean Anthropologist, n. s. V, p. 1, 1903.

a The total number of words and phrases in all of the voeabularies is over three
hundred, but there are little more than two hundred different words.

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50 University of CkUifomia Publications, [am. aeoh. bth.

reprinted once or twice/ Dnflot de Mofras grives a set of Esselen
numerals under the heading Carmelo.* The Franciscan mission-
ary Arroyo de la Cuesta, from whom we have a Mutsun grammar
and phrase-book, wrote in 1821 a manuscript entitled ^^Idiomas
Calif omios," containing brief material from a dozen Calif omian
languages and dialects, one of which is Esselen. He gives some
fifty words and phrases. A copy of this manuscript, then in
Santa Barbara, California, was made in 1878 by Mr. E. T.
Murray for the Bureau of American Ethnology. In 1888 Mr.
H. W. Henshaw, then investigating the languages of California
south of San Francisco on behalf of the Bureau, obtained one
hundred and ten words and sixty-eight phrases of Esselen, in
part from a man named Pacifico, but mainly from an old woman
at Monterey, named Eulalia, who has since died.* Neither de
la Cuesta' s nor Henshaw' s vocabularies have been printed.
They constitute the material which has been put at the author's
disposal by the Bureau of Ethnology.* In 1902 the writer
attempted to obtain Esselen material at Monterey, but found
only an old Costanoan woman who after considerable effort
succeeded in remembering half a dozen Esselen words.

As the extant Esselen material is not likely to be increased,
and as most of it has never been printed, it is here given entire
and unchanged from the originals.

1 Neither the original account of the voyag^e of la P^rouse, nor Galiano's Bela-
eion del yiage hecho por las Goletas Sutil y Mexicana, 1802, have been accessi-
ble. The la P^rouse vocabulary, taken by Lamanon, was reprinted in the English
translation published in London in 1799, and this has been available. La P^rouse's
vocabulary was also reprinted by A. S. Taylor in the California Farmer, October 17.
1862. These two la P^rouse vocabularies show discrepancies in regard to six words*
of which one is an omission by Taylor. Of Qaliano's vocabulary a manuscript copy
from the Bureau of Ethnology has been available. Qaliano's vocabulary has been
reprinted in the Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, II, 137, and
by A. S. Taylor in the California Farmer, April 20, 1860. Of these two reprints
the former shows nine variations and one omission, and the latter seven variations,
from the Bureau manuscript copy.

2 Duflot de Mofras, Expl. du Terr, de I'Oregon, 1844, II, p. 401.

3 In the American Anthropologist, III, 45-49, 1890, under the title *^A New
Linguistic Family in California," Henshaw gives an account of the obtaining of
his Esselen material.

* De la Cuesta's vocabulary is in Spanish orthogn^hy, while Henshaw used the
Bureau of Ethnology alphabet. Galiano's spelling is Spanish, that of la P^rouse
and de Mofras French.

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Vol. i.] Kroeber.— Languages of the Coast of California.

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vou 2.J Kroeb^.-^Lomguaget of the Coast of (kUifomia.

Henshaw

de la Cuesta

mff father

maaths

My wife (mi muger, 6 espoaa)

nio-ta; nio-ta'

niBta

child

panajaeg

I wiU eat (voy a e<mer) ^

ne amlala

IwiUory(vovaUarar)

ne sia hoalala

grandfaiher J
hit him (pegate) ^

n«m-l8-mia-toi;i

metg

myt-h^e

haohilis ma

siiHf (eanta tu)

name

wood

i-i

fffvlrWrv MiVVFv

poWmo

9un

a'-ci

assi

give me (dame)

to'-h^r-sa

tagesa

take it (toma)

atone

shiefe

ihegrowUt (tierra)

mak-sa'-U

mathra

eottontaa nObit (eon^o)

t'ci'-oi

ohis

fish

kohU-kohU

oalol

he died (mwio)

moho

^n-nl

enne

you

n^m-mX

name

he(aquel)

lal

hninikl ^

lees

y«

nomeths

they (aqueUos)

laths

I eat (yo eomo)

enne ama

you eat (tu eomea)

name ama

he eats (aquel come)

hniniki ama

come with me! (ven conmigo)

iyo enemanu

I go with you (voy contigo)

ninenn nanmemann

come! (ven)

i-yu'

iyo

lookl (vete)

abscula

donU oryt (no llores)

an siahnage

I love you mu^ (te quiero mucho)

mlslayaya colo

hit me with the stone! (dame, 6

pegame eon la piedra)

pejnisma shiefeni

it is finished (se aoaho)

amomuths

there is no more (ya estd no mas)

alepus

foot (pies)

keae

hair (pelo)

haea

naiU(ufias)

nloje

body (euerpo)

menjel

heart (corazon)

masianeg

fiea (pulga)

hnojehahui

eyes (cjos)

head(cdbe0a)

ka'-ta

jissi

mouth (hooa)

catnsneg

1 The two last Towels are not qoite certain in the manuscript.

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University of California Publications, [am. asob. bth.

Henshaw de la Cuesta

ahovCf up (arriba)

ansai

under (ahajo)

jnjuliiiai

what is your name? {cofno te

Uamasf)

kiakit na mismap

speak! {habla tu)

alpa nanme

river (rio)

asum

creek {en la Soledad arroyo)

K cachon

dry creek (arroyo seoo)

aspasianag

oldwonum

u'-I-yan

a-la'-ki-n-jon

boy

S-hl-pa-na'-sis

girl

80-le'-ta

my daughter

nio-i-iea-a

UUle girl; baby

a-ka'+8-ki-ta-pa-na'-8i

Utile boy; baby

u-ku'+8-ki e-hfi'-notc

UttU whiU girl

h61-ftl-ki-pa-na

old man

la-U-he'-si

devil (other informant: dark)

tu'-mas

the devil or evil spirit

tn+mas-atc-hA-pa

you are a devil

ha-tooh^ -pa

mother-in-law

i-8i'-kl8

sister

i'-tci

niece

tut-8u'+

my son

nic-pa'-na; mis-pa'-na

said to be an oaih

at-sa'-ni-oa

a-na-i

knife

kum-mal

dizey

ti-ma'-ma

he is drunk

la-wa'-ti-ma'-ma

dandy; fop

ti-hilc-pas

to flirt

ti-hiOc-pas

joker

tdn-nl'n-paio

a nuisance; one who is in the way

tS^-H^B

bay

i-mi-lft'n-o

house

i-wa'-no

basket, water-tight

t'8i-la

bottle of wicker

ku'-uh' , ku'uh'

roasting pan of roots

io-pa-ca'-a+

winnowing basket

oa'k-a

rabbit robe

«-he'-pft8

asphaltum

ci'-kll-i

wet ground

a'-sel-Ml-ki-ta

hole

i-mu'-sa

ground-squirrel

mfi'-h^e

freshly made squin*el hole

a'-8al-h6'l.ki-ta-m8'-h8-i-mn'-8a

people

8f-fe'-hM

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Vol. 2.1 Kroeher.'-LcmguagM of the Coast of Calif omia.

** common p6ople(gm^0 d$ nuKm) "'

rat

eojfote

dog

deer

gopher {pocket)

hear {hlaek)

mountain Hon

wild eat

quaa

birds; aU birds that /Ig

crow

salmon

rattlesnake

mussels

cat

Mekon

acorn

white-oak

tule

grass roots used to usaks baskets

goodnight

gesterdag; amother dag

running water

tobacco

give me tobaooo

salt

smoke

sea, ocean

seeds of plants for food

meat

pinole

mush {ofaooms)

to eat pinole

a quantitg, much

spotted tail

neeklaee of beads

a favorite dance on feast dags

that is the truth

I am hungrg

he is hungrg

we are going to bring wood

bring water

build afire

where do gou come from

Henshaw
maU-hmi'-bft

mA'tc-kM; mfl'to-kls

oto-inAt; ha' -tea- IDAS; ean-i'-oo

a-mr-Mh*

U-DA'-nl

kol-W-U; koa-U-U

ti-lo'-ma

ko'-mul

tett'p-his

le-ka"

W-lbi; ki-li'-w&

M't-B«lk-km-mm-Uii

hA-U'k-al

ml't-kA-tM (Carmelo Ung.f)

kmi-ji'-nftp-ea

pA-la't-M

hM-K

kft-pa'-nft

M-le'-ki-it-ni*

toi-lo-ir-d
k'A'-a, k'a'-ah
kft'k-a-to-he'-M
mak-h*A-U-ii*

i-mi'-li

i-ja'm-paa

t4't-8i

a-mali* ; am-moh*

tee'r-win

hu'-I-ja-a-mah^

ma'-li-ai-ha-pa'

•Q-hu'-lol-pa-wIt

am-hft'n-ni

le'-ll-ma

man-tah* -i-te

ma-oai'-pa-dn-nl; ma-eai'-I-pa-dn-nl

la'I-ma-eai-pa

toi'-II-ha'8-la

to-Ia'-ha-sa'-na

la-oa'fl-hoh

ke'-ya-l'-ya-nft'm-ml

I "Gente de rason " denotes eiyiUsed people, the whites.
3 Or a-Io-ka/. Mannseript doubtful.
>The third vowel may be e.

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Univemty of Oalifomia Publieaiums. Lam. aboh. btb.

give me this

came to bed

get up, to get up

are you going

let us go

who knows

go away

let us go home

are you married? #

good day

haven* t got it; there' is nothing

you have arrived

bring ihe coat {of rabbit skins)

I am glad

I am mad

he is angry

he is coming to-day

women are going to bring a load

oftule
give me a drink
drink (of water)
you are nice
I am cold
eome, oome!
put it on

what are you laughing atf
talk, talk, what is the matter!
I am sleepy
to sleep

to sleep near the fire
who is ihatt
that is that
he is over there
is it your wifet
to sit down
where are you going?
where is het
to relate; to tell
to eat
food
oome
to bet
to run

Henshaw
i-yuh'

i-yuOi' -pok-a-ni'-si
ak-kih'-pi-Bi; aOc-hM-pi'-si
i-yaOt-al'
tci'-ll-yftlt-al
me^-tca'
toi-li-nSn-i
i-yak-al-i-wa'-no
mut-tl-W-wI-nttnt
sa-le'-ki a-sa't-sa
ma-ll-tah^ -pa
la-wa-l&-hA-yi-8i
i-ynOi' hi-ti'-ta
hi-la'-pa-Sn-nl
h*n-l&-h'n-lflk+fin-nl
la-wat-su'-h^ a-i'-sa
1&^ -ma-oa-pa dn-nl
a'-mis-wa-lu'-si ta-notc a-wai-a-ke-

BU-lo-hA'n-ka*
to-h* e-8a-pfik-lu+-kn*
lu'-ku
o-wd'p-pfts
Bu'-tuk-dn-nl
i'-yu-i'-yu
e-md'n-na-h^u
pa-ol'm-a-ke-na't-su
hal-pa-ma-tci'-hal-pn-mato-ka'ts-ski
a-tln-ni-a

po-ko-ni'fl-hM; ats-i-ni'-si
i'o-to-lo
ki-nik-i-la-ll
a-ka-la-li-a-ni-ki
a-ka-la-oi-ha-ni-ki
nlm-mlo-ta

ko-stLn-noh^ ; ko^-BO-ni's-h'i
kd'ts - pam -n6 -ni'-pnk
ki-ki

hu-mul-pa
a' -ma

ha-ma'k'-oa
i-yu'

8u'-I-yun-hu'
oan-oa-yi'-ai

iThe manusoript has ya- at some distance before i-yaOc-al, apparently not
****3nded to form part of it.
2Cf. "no."
3"a'-ml8-wa-la'-si — {ood oftule,^ ^^a-wai-a-ke-sn-lo-hA^n-ka^arf coming.^

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Vol. 2.] Kroeber.-^Languages of the Co(ut of Oalifomia. 57

Henshaw

to walk

nfi'n-I

to laugh

a-ke-ni-si

toting

ma-wi-pft

sing, sing!

mau'-wl

Mp, buttock

hi'8-ki-§i

nose

ho'-ote

mouVi

i'-ol

ears

tu-su's-nl-ya'

sole of foot; footprintt

orfoott

«B-ke^-U

Inme

i'-ya

your Inmes

nfi'm-ml-ci'-ya

eye

hilL-pa; a'-ha

your eyes

nft'm-mls-hi'k-pa

Scant as this material is, it allows the determination of a
number of the stmctnral traits of the langfuage.

PHONETICS.

The sounds of Bsselen are the following:

n o a e i

ai
k X

tc, ts

t n 1 c,s

p f m

w, y, h

Of the vowels, a is the most frequent, and i is nearly as com-
mon. These two sounds constitute two- thirds of the occurrences
of vowels. U and e are of about equal frequency, but o is
uncommon. There are a few cases of diphthongal ai.

Among the consonants full sonants are probably lacking.
P, an uncommon sound in America, is found several times:
nicfe, efifeh'i, lawaef , shiefe.* La P6rouse states that it is spoken
as by Europeans.

^R, given twice by Henshaw (tserwin, mush; kinianermi, who are you) is
probably not a true sooiid of the language (cf . nemmi, you). The same may be said
of Hettshaw't sporadic 9 (taetselkamathl, rattUsnahe) ^ b fmatshaiba, g^^te de
ra9<m)f and !i (lueufihufa^ build a Jlre, which probably ttlacnnznz). The ths of
de la Gnesta appears to be meant for tc. La P6rouse gtves r twice and b oncd.

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58 University of California Publicaiions. [am. aboh. kth.

There appears to be a certain correspondence between s and
h, X, k. Thus, asanax, asanas; mitci, methe, metg; eh^inutc,
ejennutek; tanotc, tanutek/

All consonants except w appear at the beginning of words
and all except t, m, ts, and w, y, h have been found at the end
of words. It is probable that in larger vocabularies t, m, and
ts would be found occurring finally.

Vowels constitute more than one-third of the initial sounds
of words, and considerably more than two-thirds of the final
sounds. The syllable of most common type therefore consists
of a consonant followed by a vowel. There are no words com-
mencing with two consonants and none ending with two. There
are no combinations of three consonants in the middle of words.
It is clear from this that the syllables of the primary elements or
radicals of the language contain no double consonants, and that
all combinations of consonants are due to composition or deriva-
tions. Part of the occurrences of double consonants can, by
analysis, be shown to result from this cause. For instance,
am-lala, es-keli, nic-fe, hatcoh*-pa, mis-katas. Nevertheless
double consonants are not rare. E, t, x, n, m, 1, s, c, ts, tc
occur as the first sound, and k, t, p, x, f, n, m, 1, w, h as the
second element in such combinations. Accordingly all the con-
sonants but y enter into combinations.

It thus appears that the phonetics of Esselen are simple and
regular.

PRONOUNS.

The Esselen prononns appear to be the following

Is.

eni, ene

2 s.

nemi, name, nanme

3 s.

lal

Ip.

lee

2 p.

nometc

3 p.

late

iThe same yariability is found in Moquelmnnan (Powers, Contr. N. A. Ethn.,
Ill, 362) and in the Dieguefio of Tuman stock. S and h, x, k are also interdialee-
tically equivalent in Moquelumnan and Costanoan, and in certain Shoshonean
dialects of Southern California.

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Vol. 2.] Kroeber.— Languages of the Coast of Odlifomia. 59

There is nothing to show whether lal and late are pronominal
or demonstrative.

The possessive forms, which are prefixed, are:

1 8. nic-

2 8. nemic-, mic-

It is possible that m- is a possessive prefix of the second per-
son.^ Parts of the body are found without affixed possessives.

Nearly all the conjugational forms of the verb show the full
unabridged pronoun.* De la Cuesta puts the pronoun separate
from the verb and before it.* Henshaw makes it follow the verb,
except in the third person.* It appears from this that Esselen
does not belong, as do Chumash and Salinan, to the type of lan-
guages characterized by incorporated pronominal elements.

There is only one doubtful occurrence of an objective pro-
noun. This form is identical with the possessive pronoun of the
same person, and like it is prefixed.^

The third person intransitive shows two forms, lal and lawa.*

Instead of lal, de la Cuesta gives winiki for A^ faquelj. A
similar form, aniki, is found once or twice in Henshaw's material
with demonstrative meaning.^ The stem of the interrogative is
ki. Who? is usuaUy kini,* and where? ke-.*

1 Of. ** mother": Henshaw, matsi; Galiano, de la P^rouse, atoia.
3 The exceptions are: ne amlala, vop a comer, ne siawalala, voy a llorar,
3ene ama, I eat, name ama, you eat; winiki ama, he eats; but alpa nanme»
habla tu,

^maoaipa eni, / am hungry; lal macaipa, he U hungry; keya iya nemi, where
do you eome fromf hilapa eni, I am glad; lawa tsnxaisa, he is angry; etc.
> mislayaya kolo, te quiero mueho, I like thee much,
>lal-macaipa he is hungry

kini-ki-laU who U thatt

lawa-timama he is drunk
lawa-tsnxaisa he is hngry
lawa-loh&yisi ^you have arrived**
7 aka-lal-i-aniki that U that
aka-lao-i-hanlki he is over there

8kini a n^me who is that fellow f {quien es esef)

kini-a-ne(r)mi who are youf

kini-ki-lali who is thatt

kiki who is hef

kiakit na mismap what is thy name? {como te llamast)
This ki- may be the same as the -ki in winiki, aniki.

> keya iya nemmi where do you eome fromf
kets-pam-nini-pnk where are you goingt

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60 Unit^erHty of California Publications. Iam. abch. Bra.

From the fact that unabridged forms of the independent pro-
noun are used in the verb conjugation, that the personal pro-
nouns can assume the case endings of nouns/ and that words
denoting parts of the body are used without possessive pronouns,
it is evident that the pronoun of Esselen is substantival rather
than syntactical.

VERBS.

The imperative seems to be formed by the stem. An optative
or imperative is expressed by tcili-.

tcili-hasla we are going to bring wood ^esla, bring J

tcili-yakal let us go Hyakal, are you going? J

tcili-neni go away!

ha-tcili-smu hit him! (pegah)

The sufllx -la may denote the future.
The negative is probably an.'

ADJECTIVES.

Adjectives appear tdmost always with a suffix -ki. If the
translations are correct, this suffix serves to render the adjective
attributive . This process is analogous to one in Costanoan . The
adjective precedes the noun.

oxusk, ukuski, uhusk small

ukuski ta-pana-si small girl, female infant

ukUs ehinutc Small hoy, male infant

heleki pana little white girl

alaki uynn black fold) woman

putuki, yakiski large

saleki asatsa good day

saleki itsu good night

NOUNS.

It is impossible to determine from the limited material whether
sjrntactical cases, either possessive or objective, existed in the
language.

I See p. 61.

2 au slawaze (for &6t), do not wtep {no lloras); luia, no; anai, nothing.

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Vol. 2.] Kroeher, — Languages of the Coast of California. 61

Of local- instrumental cases there are a few instances.

pexuisma ciefe-nn hit-me stone-withl

iyo ene-mann come me-withl

ninenu nanme-manu I-go thee-tvith

It appears that -nn is instramental and -manu eomitative.
The occurrence of these case-sufllxes, analogous to those found
in most Galifomian languages, distinguishes Esselen quite
sharply from Chumash and Salinan. The use of these suffixes
on the pronoun shows that this part of speech had much the
morphological value of a noun.

The vocabularies give several forms that purport to be plural,
but there is nothing to show that any of the forms given are
reaUy so. Such identical forms as

iya bone nemic-iya your bones
hikpa eye nemis-hikpa your eyes

may be due to real absence of a plural or to inexact translation.

There is nothing that has the appearance of being a plural suffix.
It is possible that final reduplication was used to express a

plural.

k'a, k'ax, kaka tobacco

aimoulas [for aimutast] star (la P6rouse)
amutatas stars (de la Cuesta)

tus-us-niya ears (de la Cuesta)

In Washo final reduplication expresses a category related to
the plural.

NUMERALS.

The Esselen numerals, as they may be reconstructed from the
various vocabularies, seem to be:

pek

xulax

xulep

xamaxus

pemaxala

pek-walanai

xulax-walanai

. Axon. Bth. S, 6.

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8 xulep-walanai

9 xamaxos-walanai or xamax-walanai

10 tomoila

11 pek-kelenai

12 xulax-kelenai

This system is strictly quinary. The numerals from six to
nine are formed from those for one to four by the addition of
walanai, and those from eleven to fourteen by the addition of
kelenai. Two and three show analogous forms, xulax and
xulep. Five, pe-max-ala, appears to contain the root of pek,
one^ while its last element, -ala, occurs also in the formative
walanai.

REDUPLICATION.

There are about fifteen instances of reduplication in the
Esselen vocabularies. It does not seem likely that these can all
be accidental and meaningless. Owing to the disjointed nature
of the sentences and phrases, the functions of this reduplication
are, however, not ascertainable.

amomutc

cancayisi

ne amlala

ne siawalala

mislayaya kolo

timama

lawa-timama

xuxuwai

suh-ul-ul-pawis

mamanes

lelima

kaka, k'a, k'ax

amutatas

tus-us-niya

koxlkoxl

kalul

xilaxiluk-enni

tcololosi

tsetselkamati

opopabos

it is finished fse acaboj

to run

I mil eat fvoy a corner)

I mil cry fvoy a llorarj

I like thee much

dizzy

he is drunk

under, below, (abajoj

spotted tail

fire

a dance •

tobacco

stars

ears

fish

I am angry

running water

rattlesnake

seal

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VOL.2,] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California. 63

DERIVATION.

A number of suffixes, both nominal and verbal, are discern-
ible, but the meaning of most remains conjectural,
-nex occurs on nouns:

masianex heart

katusnex mouth

aspasianax dry arroyo

anix fire

-no is also substantival:

imilano hay ^imila, ocean)

iwano house

-s is a common ending of nouns:

tumas

''devil:' dark

tse-es

nuisance^ one in the way

lotos

arrow

ehepas

rabhit'Skin robe

mutckas, matckas

coyote

tcaphis

birds

utcmas, hutcumas

dog

mis-katas

cat (Spanish)

iyampas

seeds for food

hocis

nose

tomanis

night

mamanes

fire

nic-inatas

day

opopabos

seal

panasis

boy

isikis

mother-in-law

nic-iwis

friend

xekis

panther

amutatas

stars

und both in nouns

and in verbs. In the latter case it

appears to denote a future or an optative:

tcili-has-la we will bring wood

es-la hasana bring water!

yoku-la asanax bring water!

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ink-la asanax
ne am-la-la
ne siawa-la-la
absku-la

tsila

koltala

imila

maksala

tomoila

-sa:

tohi-sa, tnxe-sa

lawa-tsuxai-sa

atsani-ca

imu-sa

kaiyina-p-ca

-pa:

macai-pa eni
lal macai-pa
malitax-pa
hila-pa eni
l&^-maca-pa eni
mawi-pa
hal-pa, al-pa
humnl-pa

hatcox-pa, atch&-pa
matshai-ba
malinaiha-pa
hik-pa

give me water!
I win eat (voy a comer)
I will cry (voy a llorarj
look! fvete)

a kind of basket

black bear

ocean

ground

ten

give me!

he is angry

an oath

hole

chicken (Spanish)

I am hungry

he is hungry

havenH got it, there is nothing

I am glad

"Ae is coming to-day^'

"to sing^^

talk, speak!

tell, relate

devil; you are a devil

whites (gente de razonj

a quantity, much

eye

One of the commoneBt suffixes is -pisi, which also appears as
-nisi, -isi, -pis. It makes substantives of verbs. Many of the
verbs given by Henshaw as in the absolute form have this suffix
and are therefore probably really nominal participles.

malpa-pic*, alpapisi hablador, gossiper, talkative ma/n

kolxala-6ic, kolhala hablador, story-teller

akix-pisi, akxi-pis get up

lawa-loho-yisi "yow" have arrived

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iyux poka-nisi

poko-nisxi

atsi-nisi

koso-Disxi

canca-yisi

ake-nisi

mepe-yisi

come to bed

sleep

sleep (atinia, I am sleepy)

sit down

run

laugh

dance (also: mep, mefpa)

Several forms in -pas are probably to be included:

tihik-pas " dandy , fop;'' ''to fliH "
tenin-paic joker
owe-pas ''you are nice''

The same suffix is perhaps present in the following nominal
forms:

lalihesi

old

man

hiskisi

hip

, buttock

tcololosi

running water

iyampas

seeds for food

ehepas

rabbit'sMn robe

COMPOSITION.

►wing instances of composition have beei

asi, aci

sun

as-atsa

day

xetsa

light (luz)

itsu

night

tumas

dark, devil

tomanis

night

tomanis-aci

moo^i

pana

child

ta-pana

daughter

pana-xuex

son

ta-pana-si

girl

ehi-pana-sis

boy

ehi-nutc

m^n

ta-notc

woman

sole-ta, ni(c)-cole-ta

girl, my daughter

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mak-sala,

matra

ground, earth

mak-xalana

salt

imi-ta

shy

imi-la

sea

kele

foot

es-keli

sole

The formation of the words for man and woman is analogous
to that in Costanoan. Night-snn for moon is common in Ameri-
can languages. The similarity of sTcy and sea is carious if not
fortuitous. In other languages sky and earth are sometimes
from the same root.

While derivation takes place through suffixes, in composition
the qualifying substantival component precedes, as is customary
in American languages.

VOCABULARY.

Verbal stems appear to be mostly disyllabic.

al-pa

speak

eat

pok-o-n

sleep

akix, akxi

get up

at(s)-i-n

sleep

can-ca

run

kos-o-n

sit dotm

mepe

dance

ak-e-n

laugh

mawi

sing

macai

hungry

iyu

come

siawa

weep

tihik

flirt

neni

go, walk

tox-i

give

moho

die

es-la

bring

hila

glad

tima

dizey

luku

drink

To facilitate comparisons the most common nouns are f

El uniform orthography.

Parts of the body

•

haka

hair, fur

tus-us-niya

ears

xisi, kata

head

kele

foot

ici, katus-nex

mouth

menxel

body

is-kotre (sic)

beard

masia-nex

heart

aur (sic)

teeth

hiskisi

hip, buttock

ka, axa, hikpa

eye

iya

bone

hocis

nose

uloxe

nails

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Persons:

exi-

man

lallhesl

old man

ta-

woman

nyan

old woman

pana

child

efehl

people

Terms of relationship:

ahai, maatc^

father

atsla, matsl

mother

milts

''brother*'

ltd

''sister*'

metce, metxe

grandfather

Isikls

mother-in-law

ta (woman J

wife

tntsn

"niece''

friend

iwls, lenoxe

friend^

Animals:

xekiR

panther

opopabos

seal

toloma

wild cat

tcaphls

birds

koltala

black bear

Icka

crow

matckas

coyote

knmal

quail

hatcmas, canoco

dog

koxlkoxl,kalul>f«A

amisax

deer

talln, kUlwa

salmon

tcici, tois

cottontail rabbit tsetselkamatl

rattlesnake

mexe

ground-squirrel halakal

mussels

makel

rat

woxewawl

flea

tanani

gopher

Various:

aci

sun^ moon

maksala, matra earth

x-etsa

light

Imlta

sky

tuma-8

dark, night

Imlla

sea

amutas

star

asanax

water

anix

fire

asnm

river

tcaxa

smoke

polomo

mountain

wood

ciefe

stone

paynnax, pag^anax

bow

pawl, lotos

arrow

knmel

knife

Iwano

house

total

meat

amux

pinole

tsewln

acorn-soup

tsUa

basket

1 haya, ahaj, aoi, maaths in the original.

2 A number of the terms of relationship are preceded in the vooabalaries by
the possessive prefixes or proclitics nic-, mic-, nemic-. It is possible that where
initial m- occurs in terms of relationship it is a possessive prefix also. The ending
-te or -tci is foond on the words for father, mother, brother, sister, g^randfather,
niece.

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68 University of Caiifamia Puhlic^Uians. [am. abch. bthl

In a few words Esselen resembles other languages, especially

Costanoan.

Unglish.

Esselen,

Costanoan}

dog

hutcmas

matean

coyote

matckan

cottontail rabbit

tcici

jack rabbit

tcleis*

meat

totsi

deer

toof

e^r

tns-us-niya

tuxs*

nose

hoc-is

wns

foot

kele

koro*

eat

am-

sleep

atin, atsin

etn

drink

luku

nkis*

These similarities do not justify an assertion of relationship
between Esselen and Costanoan. The roots utc and am for dog
and eat are found among many unrelated families in California.*
The word for ear, being found in Yokuts as well as Costanoan,
also proves little. The words for rabbit seem to be susceptible
to borrowing throughout this region, as Chumash and Salinan
also have a word in common. The Bumsien word for deer is not
found in distant Costanoan dialects, and may therefore be taken
from Esselen. Finally, such important words a^ head, eye,
mouth, bone; house; sky, sun, night, fire, water, rock, wood;
man, woman; run, dance, sing, sit; as well as the numerals;
are dissimilar in the two languages.

Esselen must therefore be regarded as an independent lan-
guage lacking a synthetic pronominal structure, possessing
case-suf&xes, and of simple phonetics, and accordingly mor-
phologically similar to the central group of Calif omian linguistic
families.

1 Rumsien dialect treated below.

* Yoknta, several dialects, tcliu.
3 Yokuts, Tnle River dialect, tak.

* Moquelunman dialect obtained at Pleasanton, Alameda county, kolo.
6 Yokuts, Tule River dialect, ukun.

>Amer. Anthropologist, n.s. V, 14, 1903.

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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languctges of the Coast of California, 69

COSTANOAN.

There exists a grammar of one of the Costanoan languages,
the Mntsnn of the mission San Juan Bautista in the north-
western part of San Benito county. This was written by Arroyo
de la Cuesta early in the nineteenth century and is accompanied
by a vocabulary.^ If the so-called Moquelumnan languages
shall prove to be related to Costanoan, as still seems possible,
Gatschet's sketch of the "Chumeto language"* spoken on
Merced river in Mariposa county must be regarded as a second
contribution to the grammatical knowledge of this stock.

The following notes on the Rumsien language, spoken about
Carmel Mission, were obtained in Monterey from three inform-
ants. The youngest of these was in his sixtieth year.
Although all three informants had forgotten more or less of the
language, some songs and a few broken mythological texts were
obtained.

PHONETICS.

Phonetically Rumsien is an unusually regular and smooth
Indian language. Consonants do not accumulate; the vowels
are pure and simple; and stressed consonants and catches are
wanting. The sounds of the language are:

u, 0, a, e, I

k fir X

t d

P h

r, 1, s, c

w, y, h

The vowels are much more often short than long, but do not
become obscure.

^ Arroyo de la Cuesta, Grammar of the Mutsnn Language, Shea's Library of
American Linguistics, IV, 1861. Ibid., Vocabulary or Phrase Book of the Mutsun
Language, Shea, VIII, 1862. F. Mliller has utilized this material for a sketch in
Qrundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, II, 257.

2 A. 8. (Htschet, Specimen of the Chumeto Language, Am. Antiq,, 1883,
pp. 72, 173.

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70 University of California Publications. [am.aboh.bth.

Of the consonants, g^ d, and b are similar to k, t, and p,
and on account of some difflcnlty in distingfuishing the two
classes they have been written with the latter characters through-
out. N occurs only before k and is therefore evidently only a
modified n. X is comparatively smooth; the h that has been
written in many words is probably the same sound. S and c
are sometimes hard to distinguish.

Except tc, which is treated by the unconscious genius of
almost all languages as a simple sound, only single consonants
occur initially. At the end of words the following combinations
of consonants have been found: kx, kc, ks, kt, tn, tk, pc, ps,
py, xs, xc, xt, ns, nk, mk, mp, rs, rx, rk, rks, rps, Is, ws, tcs, st,
ct. It will be seen that with the exception of rks and rps all of
these combinations consist of only two consonants. In the
middle of words, where composition gives favorable opportunities
for the accumulation of consonants, the following additional
double combinations have been observed: tw, nw, nts, mx, rtc,
rm, tck, sw, sm, sx, sy. E, t, p, x, n, m, s, tc, and w thus
occur in combinations as both first and last component, r and 1
as first element only, and y as second element only.

Two vowels rarely follow each other. Even diphthongs are
uncommon; and it is likely that their i and u can be referred to
a radical y and w.

THE PRONOUN.

It is known that in many American languages the pronominal
elements exist only in composition. The verb is conjugated
subjectively and often objectively by the afflxion of these
elements. In the noun possession is expressed by the affixion of
pronominal elements" which may or may not be identical with
those used with the verb-. These pronominal aflfcces are one of
the chief means by which the language has structure. Without
them, most sentences would fall to pieces syntactically. On the
other hand independent pronouns used like nouns or in place of
them are generally wanting in these languages. The words
which superficially appear to correspond to Indo-European
pronouns, and have generally been called such, are really
demonstratives or emphatic phrases. Forms that resemble thou

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and we actually mean it is thou or this we. Therefore they are
not used in ordinary constructions and are always outside the
essential structure of the sentence. This has been shown very
clearly by Seler of Mayan and by Eleinschmidt of Eskimo. The
same lb true in Dakota, Arapaho, and Nahuatl.

This specialized and characteristic type of structure is found
chiefly in a group of important and extensive langfuages occupy-
ing the eastern part of the continent. It has often been regarded,
especially by theoretical writers, as representative of all American
languages. On the Pacific side of the continent, however, there
are languages whose pronouns are complete words corresponding
in function and use to substantives. In regard to the pronoun,
two types of American languages must therefore be distinguished.
Ghumash and Salinan have been shown to belong to the former,
and Esselen probably to the latter. Costanoan, like Esselen,
lacks incorporation and has independent functionally substantival
pronouns.

There are two forms of the pronoun. The simpler is used
as subject of the verb, whether this is transitive or intransitive,
and, without any change whatever, as possessive pronoun with
the noun. The second form is used as object and is derived
from the first by the suffixion of -c.

Subjective' Possessive Objective
Is. ka kac

2 s. me mec

3 s. wa wac
Ip. mak t

2 p. makam mamac

3 p. uti utsen

Besides makam, mam and mamakam were also found. ^

^ The pronouns of San Juan Bautista and Chumeto respectively are:
San Juan Bautista ^ ChutMto

8ubj. and Po$$. Obj.

1 s. kan, ka kanise

2 8. men, me mese

3 s. wak f

1 p. makse maksene

2 p. makam, maam makanis

3 p. aisa aisane
The suffix forms of Chumeto are evidently not very closelv joined to the verb,

for the tense-suffixes interpose between the verb and them. Uti, they in Bumsien,
I many in Chumeto.

Indep.

8ul^.

P088.

kanni

•ma

•nti

-ni

•nu, -no

•hu, -ha

mahi

•mahi

-mahi

miko

•hu, ho

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The pronouns are placed before the verbs and noons to which
they refer. They do not appear to be prefixed but to be rather
closely connected with these words, much as in French. The
subject pronoun precedes the object.

ka mec xat / thee hit

wa koro his foot

THE VERB.

Tenses are formed by su£Bbces and by preposed particles.
A very frequent suffix, added directly to the root, is -n or -in.
Its meaning is not certain. In San Juan Bautista -n forms a
preterite.

A preterite suffix is -ki or -aki. This is not found in San
Juan Bautista, which employs -n, -s, -skun, -gte.

The particle ar or ara, placed before the pronoun, seems to
mean now or already and to express a perfect tense. It is used
with or without the preterite suffix -ki. In San Juan Bautista
ar is one of several adverbs that give a past meaning to the verb.
The particle ku denotes a future. It is placed after the sub-
ject pronoun but before the object pronoun. Future particles in
San Juan Bautista are et, iete, iti, munna, piny.

The negative of the verb is expressed by the particle kue or
ku. In distinction from the future particle ku this adverb is
usually placed before the subject pronoun.
Examples of tense and negative forms:
ka ritc-aki I spoke

ka ku rite / shall speak

ara makam urs-eki have ye learned
ku ka iusen not I like

isku mam ku lakun that ye not die
ku ka tuman xin not I can walk
The imperative is the stem. Amxai, xurk, eres, lupup, nenei
mean eat! swallow! bathe! dive! search! In San Juan Bautista
the imperative is formed by a suffix -ya.

The imperative with an object of the third person is formed

by the suffix -ink.

nimink kill-him!

cumink give- him!

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In San Jnan Bautista the corresponding suffix is -i, and there
are other snffibces for the plural and the first person. These
objective suffixes of the imperative are the only instance of pro-
nominal incorporation found in the language.

A noun- forming suffix of verb stems is -s:

rite speak
xurk swallow
tep-ek shoot

rites language
xorks throat
teps arrow

Words like purps, hat, and utes, lamp, are probably derived
from verbs by this suffix.

A very frequent suffix of substantival or participial force is
-St. It also often occurs on adjectives. It appears that many
adjectives of this language are at bottom verbs, and are rendered
attributive by this suffix.

lakun

die

lakuct dead

coxelon

fear

coxelost coward

artcenin

he jealous

artcest a jealous one

citim

to fight

citpist fighter

yetcem

''didblo''

yetcimect had

ixsist

fool, crazy

petcuct

talker, talkative

karsist

hlack

yurtsist

white

axelust

alone

lokest

blind

lituct

toothless

tsorekoi piri dry (was the) world
tsorkost piri (the) dry world

In the Costanoan dialects of Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, and
San Juan Bautista, -min seems to take the place of this -st.

Certain stems are indifferently used as verbs or nouns with-
out alteration.

ka ukx my friend

ka mec ukx / thee hefriend

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There appears to be a true substantive verb, a.

misix ka a well I am

misix a tsorkost piri good is (the) dry world

iim ka a kati ever I was thus

artcest ka a jealous-one I am

ka artcenin / feel-jealousy

This verb to be is however not always expressed, for forms
like otckoct ka, deaf I, occur.

To be with reference to location is expressed by rot or rote;
tcawar was also found once with the same meaning.^

anrot where-is-itf

inta rote what is-theref

an ku tcawar ka iswin where will be my children?

tea ku root me iswin here will be thy children

THE NOUN.

No plural was found. In view of the fact that San Juan
Bautista, a not very different dialect, has a plural both in nouns
and verbs,' it is not impossible that Bumsien also possesses a
plural but that defective material was obtained on this point.*
Chumeto has a prominent plural in noun and verb.

Exe, much^ is sometimes used with nouns of plural meaning.

Syntactical cases are wanting. The possessive is identical
with the subjective, as in the pronoun. The possessive relation
between two substantives is expressed either by juxtaposition

1 In Arroyo de la Cnesta rote and tsahora are said to mean to exi$t, standf or
be locally, the former being used of inanimate and the latter of animate objects.
No snch distinction seems to exist in Bumsien. Arroyo de la Guesta, while admit-
ting a third verb meaning to exist in a place, nua, denies that the language possesses
a true verb substantive. Nua, however, seems to be composed of nu, here, and a,
to be. He has the following sentences:

p. 31 : nua emetscha tsares, alii hay un hombre
p. 41 : misia imiu, todo es bonito
Elsewhere in his examples good (Bumsien misix) is given as miste and misimin.

2 Nouns in San Juan Bautista form a plural by the suiBxion of -mak or -kma;
verbs by the inflxion of -s-.

ara to give to one, to give once
arsa to give to several, to give several times
SLamanon, in la P^rouse (London, 1799» I, 409), says that the Aohastllan
(Bumsien) language has a plural.

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Vol. 2.] Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of Oalifomia. 75

or by aid of the pronoun. The regent follows its regimen unless
the possessive pronoun is used.^

ores koro bear's foot

ka ukx t'ip my friend's knife

wa-ukx ape Ms-friend my-father

wa-ruk ea latciamk her-house the woman

The objective case is also not expressed. In San Juan
Bautista the objective is expressed in both noun and pronoun by
-se, -e, -ne.* The -c of the Bumsien objective pronoun evidently
corresponds to these suffixes, but no trace of it has been found
on the noun. Only the interrogative pronoun inta, what, shows
this objective suffix in the phrase inta-ci aiiwin what did-you-
see?

Local and instrumental case relations are expressed by
suffixes.

Locative (in, on, at), -to, -tot

Introessive, -tak

Terminalis, -atk

Instrumental, -eyum

San Juan Bautista among other cases has a locative and
terminalis -tka and -tak, and an instrumental -um, -ium, -sum;
Ghumeto a locative -to, -t, and an intrumental -s.

In the texts and sentences obtained, these local case suffixes
are replaced, about as often as they are used, by another con-
struction. This consists of the simple form of the noun, with
the use before it, like a preposition, of the demonstrative adverb
xuya, there.

neku xop xuya tcipil tJten it-rose to the-hill

wasyilum xuya wa koro approached to his feet

xuya me tolc in your knee

exe poor xuya ka ruk many fleas in my house

of xuya me eten go with thy uncle

The last sentence would literally mean go there thy uncle or
go where thy uncle.

1 In San Juan Bautista the possessiye and subjective also coincide in form and
the regimen is likewise placed before its regent.

2 Chumeto forms the objective case by the ending -i.

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DEMONSTRATIVES.

The following words are demonstrative:

ne here nepe this one

nupi-akan those
pina this one, this

tea, tciya here

xu, xuya there

A suffix -kai, of unknown meaning, is mueh used with wa,
he, and pina, this, and occasionally with other words.

In San Juan Bautista there are the following demonstratives:

neppe, this, pi. nepe-an
nuppi, that, pi. nupe-an
pina, pinasset, that (eso)

A demonstrative ca, which is not far from a definite article
in meaning, is frequently used before nouns.

Interrogatives are formed from the stems an- and in-.

an wheref

amp who?

antus another

inta

whatf

inwa

\ when?

inkatce whyf

NUMERALS.

The Bumsien numerals are formed on the quinary system

Two and four are from the same root.

imxala

ut4s

kapes

uut'itim

haleis

halecaken

utxomaicaken

kapxaiscak

pak

tantsa

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REDUPUCATION.

Reduplication is not a means of expressing a grammatical
category. A few words occur normally duplicated or reduplicated.

porpor

Cottonwood' tree

polpols

pintOj varicolored

kakaru

crow

tutelun

buzzard

yeyexem

pelican

nenei

look, search

In San Juan Bautista and Chumeto reduplication is equally
restricted.

ORDER OP WORDS.

The order of words in the sentence does not seem to be
altogether fixed. The verb generally stands at the head, the
nouns follow. The personal pronouns, however, always precede
the verb. When an adjective takes the place of the verb as
predicate, it usually also stands at the head of the sentence, but
the pronouns instead of preceding it often follow.

COMPOSITION AND RADICALS.

While there is considerable composition and derivation, the
structure of words is clear. When there is sufficient comparative
material, the elements of compound words can often be deter-
mined without difficulty. Many common words are composite.
Thus the words for man, woman, boy, girl all contain the suffix
-iamk. Wherever the primary elements or radicals can be
obtained they are monosyllabic. For instance the essential
elements of the four words just referred to are muk, late, cin,
ats. Very few if any of these radicals contain double consonants.

Of parts of the body, the following are denoted respectively
by monosyllabic and disyllabic words. None of three syllables
were found.

Am. Abch. Eth. 2, 6.

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University of California Publications, [am. aboh. bth.

Mofwsyllahic:

xin

eye

wus

nose

sit

tooth'

xai

mouth

head, hair

tnxs

ear*

aw*c

chin

kafk

neck

olt

shoulder

arm

puts

finger, hand^

tols

knee

kok

tail

turs

nail

tcatc

bone

xurks

throat

Disyllabic:

uri

forehead

koro

foot

sire

liver

payan

thigh

patcan

blood

kuluc

elbow

pitin

belly

wamun feather, wing
wipcur lips
syimpur eyebrow
Since the monosyllable xurks, throat, is not a radical but a
derivative, meaning swallower, it seems probable that these
disyllabic forms are composite.

Names of animals are largely composite.
Verbal roots are usually monosyllabic. While there are
many verbs that appear polysyllabic, this is no doubt due to the
fact that the derivational and inflectional suffixes are as yet very
imperfectly known.

1 Chiimash, sa\

2 Chumash, tou.

3 ChumMh, pu, hand.

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Vol. 2.) Kroeber. — Languages of the Coast of California.

eat

pexc

cough

mut

eat

xin

walk

xurk

swallow

xis

make

wat

take

pox

go to

tcik

gather

ask

rut

pull

et'n

lie, sleep

UTB

learn

tatc

kick

wal

cut

cum

give

tcit

dance

xaw

marry

pull out

xop

rise

kiss

send

iws

like, desire

aiw

look

tat

take, grasp

cak

see

sat

roast

rite

speak

tcic

copulate

kai

say

ifk

hiccup

pate

hit with fist

rot

xat

hit

xet

flee

lik

hit

tep

shoot

There are preposed particles but no prefixes in the langfuage.

SPECIMEN TEXT.
N^ku kaii tatukima^tsan mfsix a' tso'rkost

Then udd Coyote: "€K>od is dry

ai'wis wa'tco8-ta I'nta n/tei wa'tcuc-ta Fmxala

look

pi'ri o^t'

world." «Go

a^tsiamsk

firl

ka-ii'swin

my-ehildren?"

rlyer-ln! What Is riyer-lnf" ««0ne

mrsix m^ ku xa^wan ca a^tsiamsk an ku r5^ot

pretty.** <*Toiir will-be wife this girl." <^ Where will be

xu'ya mfe do'lc wac kai'i si'irx ku'wfe kwfe mi'six ku'luc-da

**In your knee." Him udd Eagle: **No, not good." *^ Elbow-in."

kuwe mi'six syi'mpur-ta kuwe mi'six ru'usEnt kue mi'six

"Not good." «Eyebiowin." «Not good." «Baok." "Not good."

nfeku kai umun kue mi'six nh mi'six pi'tin-ta neko kai'

good belly-in.'

Then

said

Hnnuning-bird :

«Not

good!

ca 1

Ei'tsiam'k Ink

ku'

anami'

the

girl:

«How

wiU

make?

o'f

xa'wes

xawan

«Go

yon

marry!

Yonr wiU-be

wife

Here

Then said

ink ku anamI' ka I'swin

How will make my ehildrenf"

a'tsiam'k neku watin

thU

girl."

Then

went

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80 University of California Publications. Iam. aboh. bth.

huya ca a'tsiamEk kali tat'ikimatcan kas ka^xl n^^ku wac

with this girl. S«id Coyote: ^'Me louse!'' Then him

donei baTceliw neku co'xelon neku atcip ba'keliw neku

found wood-tick. Then feared. Then threw wood-tick. Then

wac u'ru tatcikimatcan ne'nei ne'nei 6'yonk ka't a'mxai ka

her seized Coyote. ** Search! search! catch-it! eat! eat my

ka^x neku kac ca a^tsiam'k xurk xork neku pai^isen ca

louse!" Then ate the girl. *^ Swallow! swallow!" Then pregnant the

atsiamEk neku co'xelon neku u'uwin ca a^tsiam'k neku xi's

girl. Then feared. Then ran the girl. Then made

misix i^nix ku ka Tusen ca Fnix

pretty road. "Not I like this road."

RELATIONSHIP OP ESSELEN AND COSTANOAN.

A few words similar in Esselen and Costanoan have been
pointed out. They fail to prove genetic affinity. But in general
phonetic system the two linguistic stocks resemble each other.
Structurally they are also alike in lacking a developed pro-
nominal incorporation, in the possession of local and instru-
mental case-suffixes, in the absence of all prefixes except perhaps
pronominal prefixes in Esselen, in the probable derivation of
attributive adjectives from verbal stems by means of suffixes,
and in a quinary numeral system. In all these respects they
differ from Chumash and Salinan.

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TYPES OF INDIAN CULTURE
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A. L. KROEBER

BERKELEY

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JUNE, 1904

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. &. ETH. VOL 2. PL. 15.

Caps. Yiirok. i.

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMEmCAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL. 2 NO. 4

BASKET DESIGNS OF THE INDIANS OF
NORTHWESTERN CALIFORNIA.

BY
A. L. EBOEBEB.

INTBODUCTOBY.

The Indians of extreme northwestern California, while show-
ing many similarities to the other tribes of California, and
some approximation to those of the north Pacific coast, are in
many ways peculiar in their culture.^ The territory occupied by
this group of tribes is very limited, comprising only Humboldt
and Del Norte and small parts of Trinity and Siskiyou counties.
Their specialized culture is found in its most highly developed
form among the tribes of the lower Klamath and Trinity rivers :
the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa. The Hupa belong to one of the
California groups of the great Athabascan linguistic stock. The
Yurok and Karok are small isolated linguistic stocks. The three
languages are as radically different in phonetics as they are
totally unrelated in vocabulary. The three tribes live in close
contact, with more or less intercourse and generally friendly
relations. In their culture they are remarkably alike.

The names of the basket designs described in this paper were
obtained from Indians of the three tribes during 1900, 1901, and
1902. .The most extensive investigations were made among the
I Yurok. This accounts for the larger number of designs obtained
among this tribe. The Yurok designs described are taken from
nearly a hundred baskets. The majority of these are now in the
Museum of the Anthropological Department of the University
of California. A number of baskets, and the names of their
designs, were collected in 1900 for the California Academy of
Sciences. Through the courtesy of the oflScers of the Academy
this material is used in the present paper. Information was

Ajf . Abch. Bth. 2. 9.

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in University of Calif omiaPubUcations. [Am. Aech. Era.

obtained among the Yurok as im the designs of a greater number
of baskets than were actually collected, the total number reach-
ing several hundred. The more common design names are
exceedingly frequent among the northwestern tribes^and, while
exact duplications of designs ordinarily do not occur, yet many
of the variations are so slight that it was often thought unneces-
sary to insure their preservation by purchase of the specimen.
All baskets having characteristic designs but uncommon design-
names were secured for the Museum of the Department. This
selection gives the Yurok design names described an appearance
of somewhat greater variety than they actually possess. Prob-
ably the fifteen most common design names constitute all but a
very few per cent of the total number. Among the Earok and
Hupa all baskets were secured about which information was
obtained as to the design. The number of such Karok baskets
is about fifty, and of Hupa twenty-five.

It was found necessary to get the names of the designs in
the native language, as many of the words are not names of ani-
mals or objects, but geometrical or descriptive terms not trans-
latable by the Indians.^

KINDS OF BASKETS.

The basketry of northwestern California is cbaEaoterized by
circular open baskets somewhat rounded at the bottom and
generally of no very great depths and by women's caps, which
are shallower than the basketry caps worn in other parts of Cali-
fornia. (Large baskets serving for the storage of food are propor-
tionally of deeper shape than the smaller baskets used for cook-
ing and eating./ Conical baskets are used for gathering seeds,
and flat circular baskets for trays, plates, and meal sifters, ^^e
acorn mortar consists of a basket hopper of the type used by the
Pomo. Conical carrying baskets, baby baskets, plates, and some
trinket baskets are made in open work. The various kinds and

^The followinff characters have been used: c = 8h, z = spirant of
k = kh, q = velar k. l = palatal or lateral 1. fi = ng; a = a as in father;
a = a as in bad; a = English aw; h and o = long open e and o; ▲, i,
I, o, u, = obscure vowels. Turok r has the peculiar qnalitj of American r
in an exaggerated degree. Karok r is clear and trilled. Yurok v is bilab-
ial, having nearly the the sound of w, and its g is always a spirant :=
g'=gh.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif ornia. 107

shapes of baskets can be seen in the accompanying plates 15 to
21, and in plates 20 to 27 published in the first volume of the
present series of University of California publications.
-V Turok names for baskets are: waxpeya, cap, if brown (Plate
15, figures 7, 8) ; aqa', cap, if the ground is covered with over-
laying (Plate 15, figures 1 to 6) ; hft'kwuts, small basket for acorn
mush, especially for eating (Plate 16, ^gure 3, and figure 6,
unfinished) ; muri'p, large basket for acorn mush, used for cook-
ing (Plate 16, figures 4, 5; Wkwuts and muri'p are called by
the Earok asip : Plate 20, figures 4, 5, 6, 8) ; perxtse'kuc, a basket
higher than Wkwuts, used for keeping small objects (Plate
17, figures 4, 5, 6; Earok cipnuk, Plate 20, figure 3) ; rumi'tsek,
an openwork trinket basket (Plate 19, figure 5, usual form; fig-
ure 6, unusual) ; qftwa'i, conical burden basket of openwork (see
P. B. Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, University of
California Publications, American Archaeology and Ethnology,
I, Plate 22, figure 1) ; terre'ks, conical basket for gathering seeds
(Goddard, op. cit., Plate 22, figure 2, of Turok provenience) ;
paaxte'kwc, basket for storing food, especially acorns, much like
perxtse'kuc but much larger (Goddard, Plate 23, figure 1, a
Yurok specimen) ; meixtso', storage basket similar in shape, but
made altogether of hazel, without overlaying or patterns ; poixko^,
large flat tray for acorn meal (Gtoddard, Plate 24, figure 2) ;
poixtse^kuc, small tray for seeds used as food (Plate 19, figures
1, 2), also small, flat, conical dipper for acorn mush (Plate 19,
figure 3, a Earok specimen) ; wetsane'p, meal sifter, flat without
appreciable curvature (Plate II, figure 2) ; laxp'ceu, openwork
plates for eating salmon (Plate 18, figures 1, 3; €k>ddard, Plate
21, figure 2, a Turtk specimen) ; mfico'lii/, larger openwork
plates on which salmon is laid; upJ'kwanu, mortar hopper (Gk)d-
dard, Plate 24, figure 1, Yurok) ; qJme'u, also called haxku'm
uperxtse'kuc, ** tobacco its storage-basket,'' tobacco basket, often
with a lid, and similar to the perxtse'kuc, though generally
smaller (Plate 17, figures 1, 3, 5, 7, Plate 19, figure 4) ; uqftm'-
t^'m, said to have been a large form of perxtse'kuc with a small
opening and a lid, used for storage of valuable property; ego'or,
an approximately cylindrical basket used in the jumping dance,
made of a rectangular sheet bent into shape of a cylinder slit

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Its University of California Publications, [Am. Arch. Era.

along the top (Plate 18, figure 4). A Hupa baby basket and
seedbeater are shown in Goddard's Plate 21, figure 1, and Plate
23, figure 2. The aqa', perxtse'kuc, terre'ks, paaxte^kwc, poixko',
poixtse'kue, wetsanJ'p, qJme'u, uqfem'ti'm, and ego'or are gene-
rally overlaid with white ; the waxpeya, hfe'kwuts, muri'p, upi'-
kwanu, and sometimes the poixtse'kue, are mostly in unover-
laid brown, but usually with a pattern in overlaying; the rumi'-
tsek, qJwa'i, laxp'ceu, meco'liL are in openwork.

MATERIALS.

The basket materials of this region and their employment
have recently been given full treatment in Dr. P. E. Goddard's
Life and Culture of the Hupa,^ and on a less localized basis by
F. V. Coville in Professor O. T. Mason's Aboriginal American
Basketry.'

According to information obtained from the Yurok, the\
warp of their basketry regularly consists of hazel twigs. The
woof is made of strands from roots of sugar pine and near the ^
coast of spruce. Redwood and willow roots are inferior but
used. Willow seems to be usual for the woof in beginning a
#^ basket.

While these. root fibres. givrf a colorless gray, deepening with
' age to a not unpleasant brown, designs and sometimes the entire
ground color are produced by overlaying in other materials.
The most important of these is the widely used and well known
lustrous whitish grass xerophyllum tenax. In baskets for ordi-
nary use the designs are worked in this white on the darker
ground of root-fibre woof. . In ornamental baskets the ground is
overlaid with this material, and the patterns are black, red, and
occasionally yellow. For black the outside of stems of a species
of maidenhair fern, adiantum, are used; for red, alder-dyed
fibres of a large woodwardia fern. The stems of this fern are
bruised by beating, and two flat fibres extracted from each.
These are usually dyed by being passed through the mouth after
alder bark has been chewed. Yellow is produced by dyeing with

^ Univ. Gal. PubL, Am. Arch. Ethn., I, 38 seq., 1903.
' Rep. U. 8. Nat. Mu8. 1902, 199 seq., 1904.

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VtL. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N. W. CaUfomia. If9

aJi^en^the widely used evemia vulpina. Porcupine quills dyed
yellow are rarely used.^

Besides red and yellow, black dyeing is occasionally prac-
ticed by burial of materials in mud. Part of the hazel twigs
for the warp of openwork plate baskets are sometimes treated
in this way; and rarely the woodwardia fibre for the woof of
other baskets.

\ Of the three colors used on a white ground, black most fre-
quently stands alone. Red is usually accompanied by at least

-^ a certain amount of black ornamentation, such as lines or edg-
ing. Yellow does not seem to be used without accompanying red

Vjor black, usually the latter. \ Occasionally the three colors are

used in combination on a white ground, but although pleasing

if skilfully carried out this is uncommon. Sometimes areas of

unoverlaid brown are left in colored baskets and employed in

design effects. The only baskets with unoverlaid ground whose

patterns sometimes contain black or red in addition to white, are

hats, even the plainest of which, as is only natural, show more

ornamentation than is usual in baskets for household purposes.

A somewhat greater proportion of red to black designs is

found among the Karok than among the Yurok or Hupa, due

possibly to greater scarcity of the maidenhair fern furnishing

black.

TECHNIQUE.

In regard to technique, the fundamental feature of the bas-
ketry of northwestern California is that twining is the only
method followed. Coiled weaves of any kind, except as a border
finish, are unknown. This statement can be made without quali-
fication, and all coiled baskets attributed to this region are of
erroneous provenience or obtained by the northwestern Indians
from more southerly tribes.

T# all intents these Indians practice only one weave, the
simple twining with two strands. This is used for the finest
hats, for the largest and coarsest storage baskets, for cooking

baskets, and for openwork plates, cradles, and carrying baskets.

■ ,f

^ Yurok names of basket materials and dyes: hlJi'L, hazel; paxkwo',
willow; waxpe'u, sugar pine; qlL, redwood; teiwolite'po, spruce; haamo',
xerophyllum tenaz; rego'o, maidenhair fern; paap, woodwardia fern;
were'regets, alder; mece'n, evemia lichen.

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lit University of CaUfornia PubUcations, [Am. Aeoh. Bth.

Though two-strand twining is very close to' wickerwork, differ-
ing from it only in that the two strands cross after each warp
is passed, instead of continuing parallel, these tribes do not seem
to practice wickerwork.

Three-strand twining is well known in this region and fre-
. quent in use, but apparently no baskets are made completely in
this weave. Almost all baskets begin in this weave ; the majority
have one or more courses of it where the bottom begins to turn,
and again near the top ; and occasionally a basket is finished in
it. The specific technique sefims to be simple three-strand twin-
ing, not three-strand breading. Each woof strand passes over
two warp rods on the outer or pattern side of the basket, over
one on the inside.

There is one basket in the collections of the Department of
Anthropology from this region in which the two strands of the
woof cover two rods of the warp at a time, while in the following
course they take these rods so as to alternate with the previous
one. This is the weave that has been called diagonal twining.
The basket is shown in Plate 17. At its origin it shows the usual
three-strand twining. While the alternate or diagonal weave
has been praised by Mason and Purdy as more susceptible of
developed decoration than ordinary twining, this basket is unor-
namented except by two plain bands. This poverty of decora-
tion is perhaps due to the fact that the ornamentation is pro-
duced by covering of the woof instead of by the woof itself.
One or two other baskets found are made in this weave for a
number of courses near their origin.

In two-strand twining the woof strands are usually more or
less flat, and are not twisted, the same side being turned toward
the outside of the basket continuously, whether overlaid or not.

The only usual modification of two strand twined weaving
is a multiple warp. This is common for the bottom of large
storage baskets, and is usually accompanied by a certain degree
of openness of woof. After the turn from the horizontal bottom
has been made and the sides of the basket started on their upward
course, the additional warp sticks taper out and are dropped
and the weave is continued on the main stick of each group.
Sometimes a group is so divided as to result in two single warp
sticks.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. California. Ill

Crossing of the warp sometimes occurs in openwork, most
often for one course just below the border, occasionally near the
origin.

Strengthening by means of a rod enclosed in the twining
is common. This forms the first step toward lattice twining or
the ti weave, a superimposition of coiling on twining. Mortar
baskets are strengthened by several stout rods; storage baskets
frequently show one or two near top or bottom ; and occasionally
a rod is used as a finish. The great majority of cooking baskets
have two strands, apparently of root, laid around the outside
near the top of the basket in the region of the typical design
zone, which they serve markedly to define, limit, or divide. It
is probable that their decorative effect is their chief purpose;
being pliable, they do not stiffen the basket appreciably, and
being held only by the twining of the overlaying material — ^the
body of the woof being usually completely lacking in the two
courses on which the strands are laid — ^they can scarcely be a
source of strength.

Ornamentation almost without exception is produced by over-
laying or false embroidery, and not by the use of colored or dyed
woof materials. The method of overlaying differs from that of
the Tlinkit and Thompson Indians, two strands being employed
instead of one. Among the Tlinkit 'Hhe decorative element,
instead of taking its turn to pass behind the warp, remains on
the outside and makes a wrap about the strand that happens to
be there." The Thompson Indians follow a method of "passing
a strip of . . . material entirely around the twining each time,
showing the figure on the inside.'^ In northwestern California
each of the two woof strands is faced iEis it were, in the process
of weaving, with a strand of overlaying material toward the out-
side of the basket. This facing follows the woof -strand behind
the warp, and together with it twines with the other woof -strand
and its facing. As the overlaying always faces the outside of
the backet, and not the outside of the twining, each strand of
it is half the time between warp and woof and invisible, and
the decoration does not show on the inside of the basket except
casually between turns and plies especially in coarser baskets.

^ Mason, Aborig. Amer. Basketry, Bep. U. 8. Nat. Mus. 1902, 309.

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112 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth.

Fine hats are nearly as completely free from trace of over-
laying inside as is Tlinkit work. The two overlaying strands
follow the woof strands to the edge of the design-figure, where
they are broken off on the inside of the basket, and the woof
continues on its course alone, or overlaid by strands of a differ-
ent color, until the next figure is reached. Occasionally, where
this intervening space between designs is not great, especially
where there is a small recurrent design, the overlaying is not
broken off, but brought to the rear of the woof, so as to be invis-
ible from the front, and carried along to the next figure, when
it reappears. Of course it then shows inside the basket while it
is invisible on the outside, but this occasional result seems to be
produced among the northwestern tribes not for its effect but
because in such cases it is preferable to carry on the overlaying
material rather than cut the strands to reinsert them a few
turns, sometimes only two or three, farther on.

It will be seen that this method of overlaying cannot be
** classed technically with three strand twined weaving," as
Professor Mason says of the Tlinkit process, not only because
there is a total of four strands in the woof, but because the opera-
tion is essentially one of two-strand twining with double strands.

In northeastern California, among the northeastemmost
Wintun tribes, on the McCloud river, still another process of
overlaying is practiced. Like the northwestern overlaying, this
is done with two strands, but the overlays form a separate twin-
ing around both warp and woof, which latter they entirely
enclose, never being within its plies as in the northwestern
process. The design thus shows inside the basket as well as out-
side. That the difference in this respect from the northwestern
basket is fundamental, is evidenced by the fact that in the cases
when the design appears on the inside of a northwestern basket
it does so in the intervals of its disappearance from the outside,
the inside and outside figures being the reverse of each other;
whereas in these North Wintun baskets the regular overlaying
appears inside in the same places as outside and forms identical
figures. In the northeastern weaving each strand of overlay is
evidently carried and treated as part of one of the woof strands,
as in the northwestern process, but in passing around each warp

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. &. ETH. VOL. 2, PL. 16.

Pig8. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6. Cooking baskets. Yurok. 1.
Fig. 4. Cooking basket. Karok. 1.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N. W. Calif orwia. 113

rod it is either given a half -twist to the other side of the strand
that it accompanies, or much more probably the combined woof
and overlay strand is thus half twisted.

This northern Wintun method of overlaying is used also by
the Lutuami or Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians, and perhaps
by the Achomawi, the Pit River Indians.

The overlaying materials in northwestern basketry are never
used without an underlying woof to serve them as body; but
sometimes this woof is itself of the overlaying material, either
with or without another overlay of the same or another material.
Where a pattern is worked consisting of alternate stitches of
overlaid and of undecorated woof, the whole design being merely
one of regularly disposed dots, the woof strand on which the
white overlay is carried is usually if not always itself of this
material, and sometimes of double thickness, in this case making
a woof of three flat white strands twining alternately with one
of a single strand of brown root fibre. The same process is fol-
lowed to produce a design of vertical bars only one stitch wide
and one stitch apart. It is easy to see why the single overlay
in these cases is carried on continuously with its supporting
woof; but the only explanation that seems to account for the
underlying woof itself being of overlay material is a desire to
preserve the two woof strands of the same total thickness, which,
as only one of them is overlaid, would be very difficult if the
same body material were used for both of them. The white
xerophyllum is flat and thin, so that two or three strands of it
about equal in thickness one of the more rounded root fibres
usually forming the woof.

In some baskets almost completly covered with overlay, por-
tions are sometimes entirely without woof except of overlaying
materials. The motive is apparently the desire to avoid addi-
tional strands in the twining, which would detract from fineness
of stitch ; but as different parts of a basket are sometimes incon-
sistently treated, it is difficult in all cases to follow the weaver's
purpose. A Karok basket covered with a solid pattern of contig-
uous red and white isosceles triangles alternately pointing up and
down, lacks for the major part the usual root woof. Where the
pattern in this basket is white, the red material serves as under-

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114 Univemty of CaUforniaPubUcaticyns. [Am. Aeoh. Eth.

lay, and consequently appears on the inside of the basket in an
identical red figure ; and vice versa. The purpose of this device
is explicable ; owing to a desire to continue the strands of over-
lay unbroken, the usual colorless woof was sacrificed to avoid
carrying a total of six threads, and its place taken by the overlay
temporarily not appearing in the design. The triangles in this
basket are however separated into several bands by horizontal
lines consisting of a single course of black overlaying. In two
of these courses the woof under the black material consists of
red overlay; but in several other courses the woof is the usual
colorless root fibre; and this material is used also for the woof
of one of the adjacent courses forming part of the triangle
design.

An unfinished Karok hat, the outside only of which is shown
in Plate 20, figure 7, has a red ground-surface. On this are
horizontal black courses and a certain zone, not reaching the top
or bottom of the basket, in which there is a recurrent white
design. Through the greater part of this zone the usual woof
material does not occur, its place being taken by the white of
the exterior design, and, in the design, by the red of the ground.
Two horizontal courses of black run around this zone; for the
upper one, the red overlaying serves as underlay; for the lower
there is the usual root fibre woof; and this is also the woof, with
some irregularities, for one or two of the adjacent courses form-
ing part of the red ground.

The only production of ornamentation other than by over-
laying in this region is in openwork plates. Hazel twigs are
dyed black by being buried in mud. They are then grouped so
as to form four or five narrow black sectors or rays in the cir-
cular basket, the majority of the warp rods in the tray being
the undyed white hazel shoots (Plate 18, figures 1 and 3). This
process is stamped as exceptional by the fact that the coloring
is in the warp instead of the woof. For this reason scarcely any
other pattern could be produced in it, and it is obviously applic-
able only to openwork. This method of ornamentation has been
found among the Yurok, though black dyed plates are much
less common than unomamented ones. The Earok say that they
do not employ it. The Athabascans of Eel Biver use it fre-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N. W. CdUfomia. 115

quently for openwork conical carrying baskets as well as for
plates.

The ends of the woof, and occasionally the beginnings of
introduced warp rods, are left projecting on the inside of the
basket until it is finished. They are then broken off, after the
basket has been dried by being set before a fire, by scraping;
at the present time, with the edge of a tin spoon. To even the
shape of a new backet it is sometimes set filled with damp sand.

There is usually no distinct finish for the edge, the ordinary
two-ply twining merely coming to an end. The warp ends are
cut off flush with the top of the last course of the woof. Usually
there is no projection of the warp above this. In this respect the
northwestern baskets differ from the twined Pomo baskets, which
are, in process, finished similarly, but usually have the warp ends
projecting regularly a short distance. The northern Wintun
baskets also usually do not show quite so close a cutting off of
the warp, though there is scarcely a well calculated intentional
effect as among the Pomo. Plate 16, figure 6, shows a basket
before the superfluoiis warp and woof ends have been respec-
tively cut and rubbed off.

A minority of baskets are finished in one or more courses of
three strand twining.

Large conical openwork carrying baskets and mortar baskets
usually have the edge braided or interlaced. Openwork plates
usually show only simple twining at the finish. A few baskets,
especially small openwork household and trinket baskets, have
a coiled edge, the warp sticks being bent at right angles and
then carried horizontally around the top of the basket and
wrapped.* Cradles are similarly finished along the oval edge in
front, but more by means of rods specially employed for the
multiple foundation than by a continuation of warp sticks from
the twined body of the basket.

Professor Mason's statement* that ''the McCloud Indians
in Shasta county, California, cut off the warp flush and finish
the border with what looks like plain twined weaving on the

^ Professor Mason has illustrated this border on page 265 of his Aborig-
inal American Basketrj, op. cit.

'Aborig. Amer. Basketry, op. dt., 266.

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116 University of California Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth.

edge, but a regular half knot is tied between each pair of warp
stems," is inapplicable to the MeCloud Wintun baskets in the
Department's Museum, none of which appear to show anything
that could be interpreted as a half knot. The only departure
from the simple twining of the northwestern region is that those
of the baskets that are overlaid to the edge show a half-twisting
on itself of each warp strand, independently of the other, at
each stitch, due to the northeastern method of causing the over-
laying to come to the surface both inside and out ; but the unover-
laid baskets go right on to the end in undisturbed and untwisted
two-ply twining.

OBNAMENTAL DESIGNS.

The general character of the ornamental designs on the bas-
kets of this region can be seen in the accompanying plates, and
their typical arrangement has been admirably described by Dr.
Goddard in the paper referred to.^ It vnW be noted that
the majority of baskets have the decorative pattern confined to a
comparatively narrow region extending around the basket not
far below its rim. Caps are more fully covered by ornamen-
tation, but even in these the characteristic arrangement is to
some extent observed. An arrangement of the design in several
distinct parallel bands, such as is common on Pomo and Yokuts
baskets, is not found among the northwestern tribes.

Property marks are occasionally introduced in the weaving,
certain small areas being covered with overlaying. The irreg-
ular designs on the basket shown in Plate 16, figure 6, were said
to be property marks.

There is apparently no habit among the northwestern tribes
of leaving a break in the design encircling a basket, the opening
or interruption being conceived as a passage. #ccasi«nal irreg-
ularities producing this effect in continuous designs seem to be
due to technical inability.

TBIBAL BIFFEBENOES.

The basketry of the Yurok, Earok, and Hupa is virtually
identical. No given basket could be identified with certainty
as from a particular one of the three tribes. When a large

^ Life and Culture of the Hupa, op. cit., 44.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N,W, Calif omia, 117

number of baskets from one tribe are brought together, slight
diflferentiating tendencies are discernible. Thus the Karok are
more inclined than the other tribes to use red. They seem also
more inclined to use patterns containing vertical outlines
instead of the more usual oblique. On the whole the finest work
is done by the Yurok, the Karok and Hupa baskets being gene-
rally less smooth and even. But these differences hold only as
averages. Some of the Hupa baskets are far above the ordi-
nary Yurok in quality.

YUROK DESIGNS.

One of the commonest of Yurok designs is the flint or vEnii-
gemaa* design. Its fundamental shape is that of a parallelo-
gram, generally with sides slantiilg downward to the right.
Sometimes, however, the slant of the sides of the parallelogram
is toward the left. In all the typical forms the base is consid-
erably greater than the altitude* This figure occurs singly, but
more frequently in diagonal rows. Sometimes the bases of suc-
cessive parallelograms are partially superimposed; sometimes
the parallelograms merely touch at their comers. The direction
of the slant of the row of figures is always opposite to the
direction of the slant of the sides of each individual figure. Not
infrequently sublsidiary design^, especially rows of triangles,
are combined with the^ flint design. Figure 11 shows a design
the elements of which consist of two triangles close together.
They are so placed that they may lie interpreted as a parallelo-
gram that has been^is^ted. It was f#r this reason no doubt
that the name flint was given, to the design. Sometimes rectan-
gles take the place of the oblique-angled parallelograms, though
this is uncommon (figure 12). Various forms of the flint design
are shown in figures 1 to 12 and in figures 118 to 120, where
they occur in combination with other designs.

^Yur#k design names are mostly formed by the addition of the prefix
VE-, (which, as the vowel is obscure, sometimes becomes va-, vu-, u-, o-),
and of the suffix -aa. Thus niigem, flint, vE-niigem-aa, flint design;
ts^pkw, mesh-stick, vE-tsdpkw-aa, mesh-stick design.

Niigem in Yurok means flint or obsidian. It does not mean arrow-
point, which is one of the commonest basket design names elsewhere in
California. Flint knives, and especially the long knife or spearpoint-
shaped objects of obsidian used in the deer skin dance, and regarded as
extremely valuable, are caUed niigem.

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120 University of Calif omia Publications. [-Aj^ Arch. Eth.

The sharp-tooth design or vBniirpeLaa* consists of right
angled triangles, either singly •r in combination, more usually
the latter. The essential feature of this design is however not
the right angle but the acute angle of the triangle. Figures 13
to 23 show the different forms. In figure 22 it is the two small
triangles at the ends of the Z-shaped figure which give the name
to the design. In the design shown in figure 23 the name could
have been applied only on account of the acute angles. Figure
115 shows a similarly shaped design-element used as a pattern
within larger obtuse triangles.

The vBr^ !en or sitting design is another of the very common
Yurok designs. Its various forms are shown in figures 24 to
34 and in figure 115,' J^ will l^e seen that all these designs con- \^
tain as element an <)blique feoscelcs triangle. The reason of the
application of the name "sittiAg" to these designs is not clear.
It seems however that we have to deal with A spatial or verbal *
conception, not with the representation of any object.

Figures 33 and 34 show two designs which are probably
modern but to which the name sitting was given.

The snake-nose design (vEleial^kcoopem) is identical with
the last. It is mentioned very much less frequently. Inasmuch
as the ordinary name for the obtuse isosceles triangle among the
Karok is snake-nose and among the Hupa rattlesnake-nose, it
seems that the occasional occurrence of this design name among
the Yurok must be attributed to the influence of these tribes.
A case of this design is shown in figure 35.

The waxpoo* design is shown in figures 36 to 44. The typ-
ical element of this design may be described as a trapezoid the
longer upper base of which is bisected by the apex of an inverted
isosceles triangle. This design element, however, does not
appear to be used in its isolated form, but always occurs either
in combinations as in figures 36 to 39, or in distortions as in
figures 40 to 44. The meaning of the name has not been ascer-
tained; it seems however to have some reference to **the middle,"
presumably the bisection of the base of the trapezoid by the

^Occasionally called veniir.
'Also called hazpoo.

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH.

VOL. 2. PL 17.

Tobacco and other baskets. Yurok. \.

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Ygu 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 121

apex of the triangle. This is also a very frequent characteristic
design. Figures 40 to 44 would seem to show that the trapezoid
is not an ess^itial element of the design and that any obtuse
isosceles triangle whose apex is in contact with a horizontal line
may be given this name. The design shown in figure 44 was
called sitting as well as waxpoo. The waxpoo design is also
shown in figures 116 and 117 in combination with other designs.

The snake design (vEleial^kcaa) consists of a progressive
zigzag of alternately horizontal and vertical stripes. In accord-
ance with the general trend of Yurok patterns, the horizontally
extending portions of this zigzag are usually considerably
longer than the vertical ones. In most cases the snake design
is combined with the flint design in the manner shown in figure
119. Figure 45 shows it occurring independently. The design
in figure 46 was also given the name snake. It might equally
well have received one or two other names. In figure 47 the
right angled zigzag stripe does not ascend but is alternately
directed upward and downward, thus forming a band through
the zone of ornamentation on the basket instead of nsing diag-
onally from the base to the rim of the basket. The triangles
adjacent to this design do not form part of it They were given
the name sitting.

The spread-hand or spread-finger design (okwEg^tsip) is
shown in figures 48 to 50. Its most usual form is the one it
has in figure 48. It will be noted that all the figures contain a
common element: the paired acute angles with vertical sides
parallel.

The foot design (um^tsqaa), figures 51 to 57, has for its ele-
ment a right angled triangle at the end of a bar or stem. Being
a small design, it is rarely found singly, but its application in
patterns varies considerably. Figure 52 is not uncommon. The
form shown in 53 is also not rare. The form shown in figure
57 is fairly common and suggests a design found among the
Maidu, Achomawi, and other tribes. Figure 116 shows the foot
design in combination with waxpoo and ladder.

The ladder design (vii^qimviLqimaa, also viLq^ma) is shown
in figures 58 to 63. In figure 58 the small squares were called lad-
der. This occurrence and that shown in figure 63 demonstrate that

▲m. Aboh. Bth. 2, 10.

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124 University of Calif omia PMblicdtions. [-A^* Aech. Eth.

the elemental idea of this design name is the square or rectangle.
In by far the greater number of cases, however, this element
occurs only in combination. In these cases the characteristic
feature is the step-like effect which gives the design its name.
The Yurok ladder which leads into the pit of the house consists
of a large slab or a log into which several steps have been cut.
It is interesting to note that while this design obviously takes
its name from a combination of elements in a pattern, the same
name is also used for the elements occurring singly, when real-
istically the name is inappropriate.

Not uncommon is the elk design (umeviLkaa), cases of which
are shown in figures 64 to 70. These designs may in general be
described as consisting of a rectangle placed on the middle of
another about twice its length. Essentially therefore this design
is very like the preceding ladder design, and to many designs
either name might properly be applied. It may be noted that
among the Karok and Hupa there ia only one name correspond-
ing to these two Turok designs. It has not been possible to
obtain an explanation of the reason for the use of this name.
In figure 64 the rows of vertical bars are strictly only an adjunct
to the design. The same may be said of the triangles in figures
65. Figure 68 might quite correctly have been named either
sitting or waxpoo by other individuals. For figure 69 the name
elk would hardly have been expected. This design would usually
receive the name flint, snake, or possibly ladder. There is also
no apparent reason why the design shown in figure 70 should
have been called elk, as it bears no relation to any of the other
forms of the design.

The sturgeon-back design (qaxkwilee), representing the plates
of the sturgeon, is shown in figures 71 to 75. Figure 71 shows
what may be regarded as the most typical form. Whether the
parallelograms in figure 75, which would ordinarily be called
flint, are correctly named sturgeon-back, seems doubtful. Par-
allelograms painted on the back of a bow, though arranged
somewhat differently, have however also been called sturgeon-
back.

The okrekruyaa design, which may be translated crooked or
zigzag, is rather common. A variety of its forms are shown in

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N, W. Calif omia, 125

figures 76 to 83. It will be seen that its essential constituent is
an angle. As in the ease of most other Yurok designs this
usually occurs in repetition or combination, though not neces-
sarily so. Figure 83 shows a pattern to which in most cases the
name flint or waxpoo would be given. The name crooked was
here no doubt applied to it on account of its zigzag outline. Fig-
ure 80 was called both crooked and sturgeon-back.

A very common design is called by the Yurok vRts^ !s^ !oaa.
The translation of this word is uncertain. It seems to be about
equivalent to striped. The design consists of vertical bars or
stripes. These may be attenuated to mere lines or shortened
until they become small rectangles. Figures 84 to 90 show the
different forms of this design. The grate-like lines of figure 64
were also given this name. Figure 90 is virtually the same
design as figure 57, but occurs on another basket and was inter-
preted by another woman. Figures 117 and 118 also show this
design. In both these cases there is only a single strii>e and it
is not vertical.

Somewhat less common is the design called vAnaanak. This
also consists of parallel stripes or bars but their direction is
diagonal instead of vertical. The meaning of this name is also not
clear. This design sometimes constitutes a small patch at the
bottom of a basket. Some of these occurrences may be property
marks, irregularities in design being occasionally explained in
this way. The vAnaanak design is shown in figures 91 to 94.

The meaning of the design called by the Yurok vutsierau
can also not be given. It consists simply of a narrow line.
Sometimes the name is given to the ridge, one or two courses
wide, of a strand laid on horizontally outside and encircling the
basket. Such a case is shown in figure 95. While this pattern
is very common, it is hardly a true design, and it is not impos-
sible that the name may refer only to the technique of its pro-
duction.

A design called by the Indians vBtergerpuraa is shown in
figures 96 and 97. The meaning of this name has not been
ascertained. It is however evidently of spatial or geometrical
significance, perhaps having reference to the joined apices of

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126 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am, Aech. Bth.

triangles or angles.^ Another instance in which this design
was found was on a basket showing a pattern identical with the
abnormal snake design of figure 46.

A design that is not uncommon, but is very limited in the
scope of its employment, is the tattoo (opegoixket) design. This
represents the tattooing on the chin of the women. It is found
only on openwork basketry trays used as plates for dried salmon
and similar food. Many of these trays are plain, but some con-
tain four or five figures like that shown in figure 98, radiating
from the center to the edge of the plate and produced by the
use of black-dyed warp stems.

All the remaining Yurok designs have been found only once
and must therefore be regarded as much less typical than those
that have been described.

A band consisting of a double row of rectangles (figure 99)
was given the name flying geese (qleilekvel^) by an old woman.

Figure 100 shows a design called owatsela, the small skunk
or polecat. It probably represents the markings of the animal.
A crab or crayfish design (qerLqer) is shown in figure 101.

Figure 102 is a design called maggots (viekwELkwaa). Prob-
ably the small white rectangles are to be interpreted as the
maggots.

Boxes of an approximately cylindrical shape are made by
the Yurok from elk antlers for holding dentalium money, and
of wood for larger objects. Such boxes are represented in a
design called vEtekwanekwcaa. It is shown in figure 103; the
rectangles represent the boxes.

Figure 104 shows the elbow design, uperxkricenaa.

Figure 105 shows another geometrical non-realistic design.
It was called ts^xtselaa, spreading apart. This design was also
given the name foot.

A design known as vsts^pkwaa or mesh-stick, being a repre-
sentation of the approximately rectangular flat pieces of elk
antler used for measuring net meshes, was found only once as
a basket design. It is shown in figure 106. The same name
was however found applied once or twice to carved rectangular
figures on the wooden paddles used for stirring acorn soup.

^The design shown in figure 97 was caUed TEtiifferpikwaa, ''small in
the middle."

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 127

A series of rhombi, which would ordinarily be called stnr-
geon-back, was once given the name kwerermetsaa, a chiton mol-
lusk. This design is shown in figure 107.

What was called a star design, ha&getsaa, is represented in
figure 108.

A design called swallow is shown in figure 109. It is sup-
posed to represent the tail. This name has been also found
applied to a decorative figure carved as part of an acorn-soup
paddle.

A design representing the markings of a small red snake
is shown in number 110. In this case part of the design was
executed in red.

The design shown in figure 111 was called orawoi, dove.
Ordinarily such a design would be named waxpoo and vRts^!-
ts^q !oaa. It is possible that the information supplied in regard
to this design and the two preceding may not be correct.

The following names that were each found once, seem either
to denote geometrical ideas or to be modifications of common
designs. They are:

A design called verJt!, shown in figure 112.

A design called ver^t Ikorem, consisting of the horizontal bar
in the middle of figure 54.

A design called veniirpcLaa upapelek, large ( f ) sharp-teeth,
shown in figure 113.

The same design executed in smaller size on the same basket
was called okegotir, crossed.

A design, shown in figure 120, consisting of two right tri-
angles in contact at their acutest angles, was called kiwSgik
vEler^ !en, sitting in the middle.

The term veniir okegaama, *' sharp different" or ** sharp
varying,'' was applied to the sharp-tooth design shown in figure
18, and the term vEn^g^tsiq !, interpreted as sleeping together, to
the ladder design of figure 63.

A modem design, to which no name was given because it
was of recent invention, is shown in figure 114, in order to illus-
trate its difference in character from the older designs.

Figures 115 to 120 show patterns consisting in each case of
two or more design elements. These are :

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130 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Bth.

Figure 115, sharp-tooth and sittiiig.

Figure 116, waxpoo and foot and ladder.

Figure 117, waxpoo and vBtsip Its^ !oaa.

Figure 118, flint and TEts^ Its^q !oaa.

Figure 119, flint and snake.

Figure 120, flint and kiwagik vEler^ !en.

Basket design names are the only names applied bj the
Yurok to the carved, engraved, or painted figures, predomina-
tingly of triangles, on wooden acorn-soup paddles, elkhom
spoons and purses, and network and skins. This decoration,
which is never realistic, is not made with any purpose of signi-
fication and usually is nameless ; but when a name is applied to
it, it is either descriptive, such as '^ scratched," or a name
familiar from baskets, such as sitting, sharp-teeth, sturgeon-back,
crooked, or mesh-stick.

KABOK DESIGNS.

The Earok designs are very similar to those of the Yurok,
although their names sometimes do not correspond equally.
They will be taken up in the order of the Yurok designs.^

The Earok otehaliits or flint-like design has for its element
the parallelogram. It is identical with the Yurok flint design.
Figures 121 to 124 show different forms. The design shown in
figure 124 was called oteha'hits tunueits, small flint. The oblique
parallelogram is replaced by a rectangle more often among the
Karok than among the Yurok.

The tatalctak design among the Earok corresponds to the

Yurok sharp-tooth. The etymology of this word is not known;

it seems to be derived from an adjectival or verbal root. Objects

with a row of notches are so called. A variety of the forms

assumed by the tata'ktak design may be seen in figures 125 to

133, as well as in figures 185 to 187 where this design occurs in

combination with others. A design like that shown in figure

151, which is ordinarily called spread-finger, was once named

tata'ktak. This interpretation is very natural, as the elements

of the spread-finger design always constitute the tata'ktak

figure.

^ Earok names of baskets: cooking or eating basket, large or sina)],
asip; higher basket for trinkets^ eipnnk; hat, apzan. Earok names of
ba^et materials; hazel, asis; pine roots, eamm; xerophyUum, panjara;
adiantom, ynmarekiritap; woodwardia, tiptip.

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Vol. 21 Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N, W. CaUfomia, 131

The apcuniu'fi or snake-nose design corresponds to the Yurok
sitting design. A number of forms are shown in figures 134
to 141, and in figure 184. The species of snake denoted by apcun
is not known.

The apxanko'ikoi design corresponds to the Yurok waxpoo.
The typical form is seen in figure 142. Figures 143 to 145 show
forms that are unusual among the Yurok. It will be seen that
figures 143 and 144 lack the isosceles triangle, the bisection by
whose apex of the longer base of the trapezoid appears to give
the Yurok design its name. The Karok name for the design
contains the word for basketry cap, apxan. Eoikoi, the second
part of the word, is said to mean up and down, or progressively
back and forth, or the successive placing of one thing against
another. Figures 146 and 147 show forms of this design to
which the Yurok would in most cases apply the name of the
elements constituting them, sitting. The relation of these pat-
terns to the typical forms of the design is however obvious. Fig-
ure 185 shows the apxanko^ikoi design in combination with the
tata'ktak.

These four designs — ^fiint, tata'ktak, snake-nose, and apxan-
ko'ikoi — are among the commonest of Karok designs, as their
equivalents are among the Yurok.

The design called vakaixara, long worm, shown in figures
148 and 149, corresponds exactly to the Yurok snake, even to
its usual association with the flint design. An entirely different
form is shown in figure 150. This appears to be equivalent to
the rare Yurok maggot design.

The kixtakpis or kixtapis design of the Karok corresponds
in shape to the Yurok spread-finger or hand design. A similar
significance has been obtained for the Karok word, but others
say that the fingers are used only in illustration, the meaning
being long and pointed, though not necessarily sharp. It is pos-
sible that the Yurok word okwEg^tsip also refers to the fingers
only by implication. This design is shown in figures 151 and 152.

The crow-foot design, anatcfis, corresponds to the Yurok foot
design, especially to that variety of it shown in figure 53.

A common Karok design is the cut-wood, 6n i'kiviti. This
is the equivalent of the Yurok elk and ladder designs and there-

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132 University of Calif omia Publications. [Aic. Arch. Eth.

fore needs no further characterization. It is shown in figures
153 to 160, and again in figure 184.

The ikurukur design is the equivalent of the Yurok okre-
kruyaa; apparently the name is to be translated stirred, which
may be a way of expressing the spatial idea zigzag. It is shown
in figures 161 to 163. Another form is like the Yurok variety
in figure 79.

The Earok xurip or striped design is the equivalent of the
Yurok vBts^ !siq !oaa. It is shown in figures 164 to 166 and
186 to 187.

The design corresponding to the Yurok vxnaanak seems to
be called among the Earok kutsisiva'c, spotted.^ An instance
of this design is shown in figure 167. Another form is identical
with the Yurok form shown in figure 93.

A single line or ridge encircling a basket, called among the
Yurok vutsierau, is called by the Karok uc-acip-rdvahit. This
is said to mean to put something long around, and in basketry
may refer to the technique rather than to the design. A portion
of a design given this name is shown in figure 168.

A design similar to the ikurukur design was a number
of times given the name xasi'ree. The meaning of this term
could not be obtained, which is evidence that the word is descrip-
tive and not the metaphorical application of the name of an
object. This design seems to differ from the ordinary zigzag or
crooked design in that when it constitutes a separate zigzag band
it appears to be composed of broken lines, and that when it
follows an outline of triangles, it is detached from them a little
distance. In all the cases obtained there is thus a broken or
openwork effect.* (Figures 169 to 172.) There seems to be
nothing among the Yurok corresponding to this design name.

The ^vaci or snail-back design, said also to mean to carry,
is another that is not found among the Yurok. Its element seems
to be an acute or right angled triangle. It is shown in figures
173 and 174. The two designs in figure 174 were found on the
same basket and were called by the owner of the basket both
tata^ktak and snail-back.

* The last part of this word has a resemblance to the name of the snail-
back design, esivacL

* That this is the essential feature of the design is made almost certain
by the fact that zas has recently been found to mean separated.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N, W. CdUfomia, 133

The deer-excrement design, ip'af, is also not found among
the Yurok, but occurs among the Achomawi and Wintun. Its
element is a small rectangle used in combination. It is shown
in figures 175-177. The design in figure 177 was also called
rabbit-excrement, niv'af.

A design found only once is shown in figure 178. It was
called iyu'uphit, eyes, strictly, like eyes.

A modification of the snake-nose design consists of two hori-
zontal rows of the isosceles triangular elements. The design is
then called apcuniu'fi upcantu'nvahit, snake-noses on top of each
other, or snake-noses together. Once the form apcuniu'fi upsan-
tunvaramu was given. Figures 179 to 181 show the modified
snake-nose design. It will be seen that the isosceles triangles
may be put simply above one another or joined at their apices
or along their bases. In the latter case a diamond or rhombus
results. It is in this way that the diamonds in figure 184 are
to be interpreted as snake-noses.

Figure 182, which is the same design as 181, was called by
an old woman tata'ktak tcivi^tahits. Tcivi^tahits is said to be
used of small objects in a row.

A pattern like the eye pattern of figure 178, ascending diago-
nally through two flint-parallelograms, was once called snake-
nose ikurukur. This name shows that each of the rectangles in
the design was in this case considered as consisting of two tri-
angles joined at the bases.

Figure 183 shows a design called tata^ktak iviyi'hura, tatak-
tak ascending, or thrown or moved up.

Figures 184 to 187 show combinations of designs. These are :

Figure 184, in i'kiviti and apcuniu'fi.

Figure 185, apxanko^ikoi and tata'ktak.

Figure 186, xu'rip and tata'ktak.

Figure 187, xurip and tata'ktak.

HUPA DESIGNS.

Since the drawings for this paper were made, Dr. P. B. Gtod-
dard has published a description of Hupa basket making, includ-
ing an account of the designs and their' names, in his general
paper on the Life and Culture of the Hupa referred to. His

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136 University of Calif ornia PubUcatians. [Am . Arch. Bth.

illustrated description of the various classes of baskets and of
the arrangement of their decoration shows the practical identity
of Hupa and Turok basketry, several of the pieces he figures
being in fact of Turok origin, and has rendered any lengthy
treatment of the same subject unnecessary in the present paper.
His account of the use and treatm^t of materials is particu-
larly full, and the material previously presented in this connec-
tion must be regarded as merely supplementary of his more
exact observations. Dr. Goddard names and figures a number
of Hupa designs, some of which were not obtained by the author.
In the cases where the same names were secured. Dr. Goddard 's
orthographical rendering has been adopted, except that his close
o and u are represented without diacritical marks. Where he
does not give a design name, it has been rendered according to the
phonetic system employed for native names in this paper.

So far as the Hupa designs can be paralleled with Turok
designs they will be taken up in the same order.

The common design whose elements are parallelograms is
called by the Hupa niLkfitdasaan, on top of each other. While
this design itself is generally identical in shape with the corre-
sponding Turok and Earok flint designs, its name is altogether
different. Several forms are shown in figures 188 to 191. Inas-
much as the name has reference only to the relative position of
the component elements, and not to their shape, it is i>erfectly
applicable to the pattern shown in figure 191, though this design
corresponds much rather to the Turok elk or ladder than to the
flint design.

In one case a design consisting of two oblique parallelograms
was called by a Hupa woman nesetaxkyuuLon, long mark.
According to Dr. Qoddard the second part of this word means
weave or woven. This design is shown in figure 192.

The Turok sharp-tooth and Earok tata'ktak designs are called
by the Hupa tcaxtceuiieL. Occurrences are shown in figures
193 to 196. According to Dr. Goddard this word means points
sticking up and is applicable to a series of projecting angles.
The name was obtained, however, for the design reproduced in
figure 194, which consists of an isolated triangle. Dr. Goddard
gives as the name of the single right triangle tcesLinalwiltcwel,

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. &. ETH. VOL. 2, PL. 18.

Fi^s. 1, 2, 3. Openwork and sifting tray><. Yurok.
Fi^. 4. Dance basket. Yurok. v^-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif omia. 137

said to mean sharp and slanting. The design shown in figure
195 was called miskaxe teaztceMeL with niLkHtdasaan.

A design identical with that of figure 196 is shown in figures

200 and 202, which were called swallow-tail. While this is per-
haps the more characteristic name, the acute angles in the figure
make tcaxtceuneL also applicable to it. Dr. Goddard notes the
use of both names for this design.

The obtuse isosceles triangle is called by the Hupa nearly
as by the Earok, rattlesnake-nose, Luumiintcwuti;. Two patterns
are shown in figures 197, 198. Dr. Ooddard mentions also
Luumiintcwuu; niikiitdasaan, rattlesnake noses on top of each
other, as the name of a pattern of isosceles triangles, which cor-
responds with the Earok name apcuniu'fi upcantu^nvahit, snake
noses on top of each other.

The Yurok waxpoo, the Earok apxanko^ikoi design is called
by the Hupa tea, or tcax-hultcwe (=tca-wiltcwelt). An
instance is shown in figure 199. The meaning is unknown. Tea
and the first part of tcax-hultcwe appear to occur also in tcax-
tceuneL; hultcwe in mi-kinily-ultcwe and perhaps in tcesiinal-
wiltcwel.

According to Dr. Ooddard the tea design is usually so
arranged that a series of figures encircles the basket, when the
name liCnaLdauu; is given it, signifying **it encircles."

The swallow-tail design, testcetcmikye in Hupa, has not been
found among the Earok and only once or twice among the
Yurok. It appears to be not uncommon among the Hupa. A
typical form is shown in figure 200. The pattern shown in figure

201 is from the same basket and was given the same name, but
is so unrelated in form that a mistake seems likely. Figure 202
shows the elements found in figure 200 arranged in a continuous
zigzag pattern.

The design shown in figure 53 as a Yurok foot design is usu-
ally called by the Hupa frog hand, tcwal mila. This name was
also found applied to the design shown in figure 204, but the
connection between this form and the usual one is not clear.
The typical form of the frog hand design is again shown in
figure 203, though in this case it was given the name spread-
hand, mila analeii. It thus appears that the Yurok foot design

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2. 11.

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138 University of CaUfamia P%Micati<mi, [Am . Aboh. Bth.

oorrespondfl to both the Hupa frog hand and spread-hand
designs, while the Ynrok spread-hand design is the equiTalent
of die Hupa swallow-tail.

The Ynrok elk and ladder, and the Earok eut-wood designSy
are found among the Hupa in the forms shown in figures 205
to 208. To the first two of these, which were obtained from
one individual, the name Lenouiion was given. To the two
others, which were obtained from two diflEerent individuals, the
name LenoikyuuLon was applied. According to Dr. Goddard
Le-, the first element of these names, means joined or tied
together, and is no doubt used because the design extends in a
continuous pattern around the basket; while -kyuuLon means,
as stated before, weave or woven.

The sturgeon-back design, Lokyomenkontc, was found once
among the Hupa and shows in this case the same shape as the
typical form of the Yurok design of the same name. It is repro-
duced in figure 209.

The equivalent of the Yurok crooked or zigzag design is
called by the Hupa naikyexoloxats. A form is given in figure
210. The design shown in figure 81 was also called by this name.

The Yurok vEts^q !s6q !oaa, tlie design of vertical bars, is
called by the Hupa kinesni. It is shown in figures 211 and 212.
Presumably the meaning of this design name is, as among the
Yurok and Earok, striped.

The design of slanting stripes called by the Yurok vAnaanak
is called by the Hupa kinilyu. This was translated spotted, but
this rendering may be inexact. An instance is shown in figure
213. In figure 189 the diagonal stripes, were called mikinily-
ultcwe.

In addition to the designs here figured, Dr. Qoddard gives
the following.

Mikyowe mila, grizzly bear hand, a parallelogram with pro-
jecting acute angles along the oblique sides.

**They come together," LAyuwineL, seems to be trapezoids
superimposed.

Qowitselminat, worm goes round or worm's stairway, is a
series of rectangular parallelograms superimposed so that each
higher one projects to the right of the one below it, the wl^
being bordered by a double line conforming to the outline.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs a/ N.W. California. 139

Oblique lines ninniiig through oblique angled parallelograms
are called niLkutdasaan, one on the other its scratches.

COMPABISON OP YUBOK, EABOE, AND HUPA DESIGNS.

On the whole the designs of the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa
correspond rather closely. Still there are a number of discrep-
ancies in design names. The Turok and Earok flint design,
which takes its name from the individual parallelogram, is
called in Hupa on top of each other, the name being given not
on account of the shape of the elements but on account of their
combination into a pattern. The difference between Yurok
snake and Earok long worm is of course slight. The same may
be said of Yurok ladder and Karok cut-wood, since the ladder
consists of a log or slab into which steps are cut. It should be
noted however that the Earok cut-wood and the corresponding
Hupa design have two equivalents in Yurok : ladder and elk.

The design consisting of four or more triangles at the end
of vertical stalks, those in the middle being higher than those at
the two sides, is called among the Yurok foot, after the indi-
vidual elements composing the design; among the Earok and
Wishosk crow-foot, after the design as a whole; and among the
Hupa frog-foot. The Hupa however, apply to the design a
second name, namely spread-hand. This name is found also
among both Yurok and Earok, but applied to a design consisting
of four or six vertically projecting acute angles. This design
in turn is found also among the Hupa, who have given it the
name swallow-tail. This name, finally, has not been found
among the other tribes, except for a few cases among the Yurok.
This is a characteristic instance of the degree of variability of
design names among the northwestern tribes.

All the designs so far found among the Yurok, Earok, and
Hupa are given in Table I, which is arranged so as to show the
design names that correspond among the three tribes. It will
be seen that the greater number of names found in one tribe
but missing in another, are names that are rare even where
they do occur. Some discrepancies, however, will be noted also
among the more common names, although, as previously stated,
all the designs themselves are common to the three tribes. Of

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140 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Arch. Eth.

the Yurok designs found more than once, Earok lacks five:
sturgeon-back, tattoo, vEtergerpuraa, elk, and sitting; but of
these the first three are not very common even among the Yurok,
while the elk and sitting are both second names for designs
whose other names, snake-nose and ladder, have Earok equiva-
lents. Of Earok designs found more than once, the Yurok
lacks only deer-excrement, snail-back and xasiree. Hupa, so
far as now known, lacks nearly the same Yurok design names
as Earok: snake, sturgeon-back, vEtergerpuraa, elk, and sitting.
The difference in the number of design names among the
three tribes is probably only apparent and owing to the fact that
inquiry has been fuller among the Yurok than among the other
tribes. Omitting the names found only once, and the varia-
tions of the common names, there were found among the Yurok
sixteen, among the Earok fourteen, and among the Hupa, includ-
ing the designs given by Dr. Gk>ddard, about an equal number of
characteristic common tribal design names.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 141

TABLE I.-EQUIVALBNT DESIGN NAMES.

The correBponding Torok, Karok, and Hupa names of the same flgore
are on the same line.

yUROK

KAROK

HtJFA.

flint

flint-like

on top of each other; long woven"

sharp-tooth

tataktak

points sticking up

sitting; snake-nose

snake-nose

rattlesnake-nose

wazpoo

apzankoikoi

tcaxhultewe, tea"

snake

long worm

spread-hand

spread-hand (f)

swaUow-tail

foot

crow-foot

frog hand; spread-hand"

ladder; elk

out-wood

LenouLon, LenoikyuuLon

sturgeon-hack

sturgeon-back"

okrekrujaa

ikurukur

naikyexoloxats

▼xtsdqttsdqioaa

zurip

kinesni"

kutsisivac

kinilyu'

YUtsieraa

ueaciprdvahit"

▼Btergerpnraa

tattoo

zasiree
snail-back
deer-excrement
rabbit-excrement"
eye-like" «

flying geese"

dove"

crab"

maggots"

box*

elboT»*

spreading"

meah measure"

chiton mollusc"

star*

swaUow

red snake"

skunk"'

WISHOSK DESIGNS.

The names of the designs on a few Wishosk baskets seen were

obtained, as well as the Wishosk names of a few sketches of

Turok designs. Most of the names are untranslatable. Some

may be descriptive terms instead of standard design names.

They are given for what they are worth. They are :

"Found once.

'A few variations of standard designs, such as ascending tataktak and
snake-noses on top of each other, are not included.

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142 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Bth.

Yurds foot, as in figure 53, but larger, with six to eight stalks
on each side: Wishosk gatsireweliLe or sisgoptele weliLel, crow
foot.

Turok sharp-tooth: Wishosk laget.

Turok sitting, as in figures 27, 135 : Wishosk dutematho.

Turok ysts^q !ts^ !oaa : Wishosk tciruratcgat.

Yurok sturgeon-back or Earok flint, as in figures 72, 123:
Wishosk gavoyahati.

Yurok fiint, as in figure 6: Wishosk wa'sat, put on top, or
ritve wa'sat, two put on top.

Yurok elk, as in figure 66 : Wishosk ritvelet, two 1

Yurok waxpoo, like the elements in figures 36, 142, but in
three tiers like figure 146 except that the trapezoids are solid:
Wishosk rikweritcag'atgat, three 1

Yurok waxpoo, like figure 37 : Wishosk gidacedariL or gidace-
dariL dudematho, said to mean grown up or full blown.

Long horizontal trapezoids on top of each other: Wishosk
datherowaLet, said to mean straight across horizontally.

Short vertical bars at the ends of these trapezoids : Wishosk
rakdathaligwalat, said to mean beginning to grow.

NOBTHEASTEBN WINTUN DESIGNS.

The following information as to the baskets and design names
of the Wintun of the McCloud river at the extreme northeastern
end of the territory of the stock and in contact with the Acho-
mawi or Pit River Indians, was obtained, together with the speci-
mens to which it relates, by Professor John C. Merriam and is
presented through his courtesy.

Typical baskets of this branch of the Wintun are shown in
Plate 21. In general they are of the northwestern type. The
weaves are the same except for the different method of over-
laying described, the shapes and patterns not very different,
and the materials are largely identical. The warp is of willow
in place of the northwestern hazel.^ For conical carrying bas-
kets poison oak, rhus diversiloba, is also used. The woof is of
roots of yellow pine, pinus ponderosa. The overlaying materials

' McCloud river Wintun names of baskets: puluk, large cooking basket;
dausep, small shallow cooking and drinking basket; kolom, smidl deeper
basket; kawi, mortar basket; an'kapis, con&al openwork carrying basket;
an, seed-beater; tekes, flat tray-shaped basket.

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Vol, 2] Kroeber.—Baakei Design9 of N. W, CtOtfomia, 143

are the same as in the northwest, xerophiylluin, adiantnm, and
alder-dyed woodwardia. It Ib possible that additional maierials
may be used to produce patterns. The hat shown in Plate 21,
fi^ore 3, resembles a Modoe more than a Ynrok hat in shape,
pattern, and softnesa. The warp appears to be of roots instead
of twigs ; it is said to be grass, admitted to be an unusual mate-
rial. The woof at the center or (Hrigin of thia hat is of twine,
as in Modoc hats.

In part the desi^ names collected by Professor Merriam
corroborate those given by Dr. B. B. Dixon from the upper Sac-
ramento river Wintun ;^ others are new.

The water-snake design, shown in figure 214, agrees with
ttio f <»rm given by Dr. Dixon. The diamond-shaped rattlesnake-
head design shown
in figure 215 in
continuous pattern
is also given by
Dr. Dixon. Figure
216, a row of tri-
angles, middle of
base on apex, called
sucker-tail, is also
practically ident-
ical with the Dixon
sucker-tail design.
The flying geese,
figures 217 and
224, are somewhat
different from the
Dixon design, but
there is an under-
lying similarity in
pattern effect. Fig-
ure 218 shows leaves. A more typical form is said to consist of
obtuse isosceles triangles with their bases in a row. Dr. Dixon
shows rows of triangles on each side of a diagonal, which he calls
' * leaves strung along. ' '

of the Indians of Northern California, BnlL Am.
ri, I, 17, 1902.

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144 University of CdUfarnia PubUcatians. [ Am. Aboh. Bth.

A bird's breast design is shown in figure 219. It consists
of a band of diagonal stripes. Both in form and name this sug-
gests the Pit River meadowlark neck design.^

Figure 225 shows a design that is called lizard foot or track.
A different combination of the elements constituting this design
was found by Dr. Dixon called bear-foot.*

Figure 220 shows what was called a tribal design, taken from
the woman's cap mentioned.

Figure 221 shows the arrow point design.

Figure 222 is the quail-crest design.

Figure 223 represents a form of what is called the zigzag
design.

A raft design, not figured, is square or oblong, containing
about two horizontal dividing lines.

A navel-string design on a basket for preserving a child's
navel-string, also not figured, consists of vertical parallel bars
or stripes.

8INKINB DESIGNS.

The Athabascans of lower South fork of Eel river and of the
neighboring coast region seem to call themselves Sinkine. In
the totality of their culture they are as near the Yuki and
northern Pomo as they are to the Hupa and Yurok. Their bas-
ketry, however, is distinctively of the northwestern type, though
very poorly made. The materials include hazel, redwood roots,
maidenhair fern, woodwardia fibres dyed with alder, and xero-
phyllum; and coiled baskets are not made. These Indians are
fond of introducing black radiating stripes in all their open-
work by coloring the warp, a method only occasionally practiced
by the Yurok. Much like the northern Wintun and probably
Shasta, the Sinkine tend to certain minor differences in form
of their baskets and pattern arrangements from the Yurok,
Earok, and Hupa. Large baskets have somewhat more contin-
uous curve and flare in profile than among the tribes of the
north, and the edge is more often strengthened by a thick rod.
The acorn meal sifter is shallowly concave in place of flat as
with the Yurok and Karok or somewhat conical as- with the

^ Dixon, op. cit., p. 16.
•Ibid., p. 18.

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL. 2. PL. 19.

Various basketn. Fij?8. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, Yurok. Fig. 3, Karok. f^'o-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W.CoUfornia. 146

Hupa. Openwork trays are slightly deeper than among these
tribes. The patterns are inclined to run in a large horizontal

A design of a continuous series of angles, either acute or
oblique, is called naLgos.

A pattern of alternately black and white small rectangles is
called tees 'an or tes'an, which is translated patch.

Vertical stripes or bars have the name tcinisnoi, which is
dialectically equivalent to the Hupa name of this design, kinesni.

C0MPABI80N OF BASKET DESIGNS IN NOBTHBBN CALIPOENIA.

Before proceeding to a comparison of the basket design
names of California, so far as they are known, it is desirable to
discuss briefly the geographical relations of techniques and of
pattern arrangements.

As between the two chief modes of weaving that are cus-
tomarily distinguished in western North America, the twined
and the coiled, twined weaving has perhains a wider distribution
in Califomia, but coiled weaving is the principal and more
characteristic technique of the greater number of groups.

The tribes of northernmost California, both east and west,
practice only twined weaving. South of the Yurok, Karok, and
Hupa the Wailaki are the first group that make coiled baskets.
The Indians who adjoin them on the north class them as coiled
basketry makers, while at Bound Valley, where they now live
in contact with YuM, Pomo, Maidu, and other stocks that chiefly
make coiled baskets, they are looked upon as workers in twined
weaving. The Wailaki baskets in the Museum of the Depart-
ment of Anthropology are divided between the two techniques;
and of two in the American Museum of Natural History one is
coiled and one twined. The baskets of the Shasta and Chima-
riko were undoubtedly twined. The northern Wintun of the
upper Sacramento and McCloud rivers make twined baskets
exclusively, as those of Trinity river almost certainly did. This
however must not be supposed to apply to the entire Wintun
stock. The southern Wintun east of the Pomo make coiled bas-
kets. How far north in the territory of this family the practice
of making coiled baskets extends is not certain. Coiled baskets
were made on Stony creek. The Achomawi, the Pit river basin

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14fi UnivsrsUy of CaUfemia PubUeations. [ An. Aeoh. Bth.

Iwdiiaim, according to Dixon made only twined baskets. The
Tana work is twined. The Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians
of the head waters of the Elamath river also use the twined
teelmiqne exclusivdy.

South of these tribes coiled work was found and everywhere
predominated except for larger and more specialized bas-
kets. Among the Porno twined weaving was relatively more
important than among other tribes that employed the coiled
style ; but even here the smaller and more characteristic baskets
are coiled.

In regard to the grouping of designs in patterns on Gali-
f omia baskets the following arrangements must be distiuguished :

First, horizontal^ either in continuous bands or in rows of
figures.

Second, vertical or radiating.

Third, diagonal or spiral, according as the basket is deep
or flat.

Fourth, zigzag, or diagonal alternately to the right and left.

Fifth, in blocks, where a compact cluster of designs or a
single figure occupies the greater part of the basket visible in
one view.

These terms have reference to the appearance of the ordi*
nary basket seen from the side. In the case of a flat, tray-like
basket, a horizontal arrangement would consist of circular
bands, a vertical pattern would be radiating, a diagonal one
spiral, and a zigzag one star or net-shaped.

In the baskets from the northwestern region the preponder-
ating tendency is a horizontal one. The ordinary baskets for
purposes of cooking or eating, and the hats, show in most cases
a single decorated strip extending around the basket a short
distance below its rim. In the case of caps there is generally
an additional simple subsidiary design at the center. This hori-
zontal decorative area may consist of the same figure or group
of figures three or four times repeated in the circuit of the bas-
ket, or of a more simple and more continuous pattern. The fig-
ures may be repeated in part above or below the main design
zone. Ordinarily the zone does not take the form of a distinct
band of the sort that is so common on the Yokuts and larger

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CdUfomia. 147

Porno baskets. Within this horizontal zone of decoration the
lines of the pattern sometimes run vertically, but more usually,
in connection with the common parallelograms and triangles,
diagonally.

A secondary tendency in the general pattern disposition of
northwestern baskets is a diagonal arrangement. This is found
chiefly in trinket and storage baskets. These are about equal
in height and diameter, so that in their case the style of decora-
tion which is confined to a zone near the rim would leave the
greater portion of the surface of the basket unomamentedL The
diagonal arrangement allows the design to be carried without
difSculty from the bottom to the top of the basket. The cooking
baskets and hats are considerably lower than they are wide, so
that a single horizontal zone of decoration sufficiently occupies
the visible surface.

Other methods of distributing the pattern are rare in bas-
kets of northwestern California. A vertical ornamentation is
occasionally found in small baskets and a zigzag arrangement
on large ones.

The Achomawi baskets are made in the same general style as
those of the Yurok and Hupa. The unadorned brown, the nat-
ural color of the roots employed for the woof in most north-
western baskets not intended for purposes of display, is how-
ever apparently not used among the Achomawi. The charac-
teristic Achomawi basket, even when intended for carrying or
cooking, has its entire surface overlaid with xerophyllum grass,
which by the northwestern tribes is used to such an extent only
for caps, trinket baskets, and others in which the ornamental
purpose is at least equal to the useful one. The alder-dyed red
of the northwestern region is also absent from baskets of the
Pit river region. A black, apparently the same as the maiden-
hair fern fibre of northwestern California, is used by the Acho-
mawi for making their designs on the white ground color. Some-
times a dyed black is used. The bottom of some Achomawi bas-
kets is left in a natural brown without xerophyllum overlaying,
but this is not always done.

The baskets from this region are generally somewhat higher
in proportion to the diameter than the comparatively shallow

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148 University of CdUfornia PtAlications, [ Am. Arch. Bth.

baskets characteristic of the northwestern region. The bottom
of the baskets is also squarer, the sides meeting the flat bottom
more nearly at an angle with a very short curvature, while in
the northwestern baskets the curving bottom runs very grad-
ually into the sides. Nevertheless on the whole Pit river bas-
kets and those from the lower Klamath region belong to the
same type.

In the arrangement of designs, however, the Pit river and
northwestern baskets differ fundamentally. The most common
arrangement in the Pit river region is the spiral one. Zigzag
patterns are also common. Block patterns, or single figures,
which are nearly wanting in the northwest, also occur. On the
other hand the horizontally arranged patterns of northwestern
California occur rarely.

The basketry of the Yana, who are almost extinct, is very
little known. Dr. Dixon has however described two pieces. They
seem not very different from Achomawi baskets, being twined
and overlaid with xerophyllum. Their designs also suggest the
Pit river designs.^

The baskets of the Modoc, and of the Indians often loosely
called Elamath Indians, the two tribes who constitute the Lutu-
ami stock, resemble in many ways the northwestern and Acho-
mawi baskets, belonging to the same twined overlaid type.

Both warp and woof of the Lutuami baskets are however of
tule in place of tree twigs and roots, resulting in a more flexible
basket. The basketry hats are also higher and flatter than those
of the northwestern Indians besides being begun with woof of
string.

The pattern arrangement on the Modoc-Klamath baskets is
different from the characteristic northwestern ^ arrangement.
While frequently horizontal, there is a distinct tendency to
defined bands. The pattern arrangement of hats resembles that
of Achomawi baskets, being usually zigzag or diagonal.

The northern Wintun baskets described by Dr. Dixon and
in this paper stand nearly as close to the Achomawi and Lutu-
ami baskets as to the Yurok-Karok-Hupa. They resemble the
Achomawi baskets in being less flat than the northwestern bas-

^B. B. Dixon, op. cit., p. 19.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. Calif omia. 149

kets and in that their ground color is more often in overlaid
white than in the natural color of the root fibres of the Woof.
They also lack the characteristic horizontal design-zone of the
northwestern baskets, but agree with them in showing in the
great majority of cases either a diagonal or a horizontal arrange-
menty although the vertical, the zigzag, and the block arrange-
ments are also found. The elements of the designs are for the
most part equivalent to northwestern design elements.

The Shasta seem to have made comparatively few baskets and
these resembled the Yurok and Karok baskets of poorer finish.
Most of the few baskets that can be regarded as typically Shastan
show a simple pattern of a band of vertical bars.

Among the few surviving Sinkine, the Athabascans of South
fork of Eel river, north and west of the Wailaki, baskets are
altogether northwestern in type, though crudely made. It is
noteworthy, however, that in the patterns there is a distinct
tendency toward a zigzag arrangement.

In the region where coiled basketry predominates, compris-
ing the remainder and by far the greater part of the state, three
main types of pattern arrangement may be distinguished, which
may be called the Maidu, the Southern, and the Pomo. It is
hardly necessary to say once more that this classification has
nothing to do with materials, technique, or texture.

The Maidu baskets illustrated and described by Dr. Dixon
show most commonly a zigzag arrangement. Second in import-
ance is a diagonal arrangement. Horizontal distribution of
designs is very rare and the vertical or block arrangement still
more so.

The northern Moquelumnan or Miwok baskets in the American
Museum illustrated by Dr. Dixon, show a preponderating hori-
zontal arrangement, and secondary to this is a vertical arrange-
ment of designs. The characteristic Maidu diagonal and zigzag
arrangements seem to be rare. This fact is noteworthy because
the Moquelumnan arrangement is that of the southern basketry,
so that the Maidu type of pattern arrangement would seem not
to extend southward beyond the limits of the stock, and alto-
gether to be limited to the Maidu themselves and perhaps some
of the adjacent Wintun.

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160 UmverHty of CaUfornia Publications, [ Aic Arch. Eth.

The Yokuts makers of the Tulare baskets prevailingly use
horizontal and secondarily vertical patterns, thus agreeing with
their northern neighbors the Moquelumnan Indians. EspeciaUy
among the southern Yokuts the continuous horizontal band is
however more in use than in Moquelumnan territory. A diag-
onal arrangement is not rare in these regions, but usually has
the form of a series of rectangular steps, so that the horizontal-
vertical tendency still finds expression. The Shoshonean tribes
adjacent to the Yokuts follow the same pattern arrangements.

Baskets from the coast region west and southwest of the San
Joaquin valley are very scarce. The few that are undoubtedly
from this region, almost all from Chumash territory, show a
combination of horizontal and vertical designs.

The baskets of the Shoshonean and Yuman Mission Indians
of Southern California, while different from the Yokuts types
of baskets in many ways, like them generally show horizontal
and vertical arrangements. Tray-shaped baskets frequently
show a star-shaped pattern, which should be classed as a form
of zigzag aramgement. The tribes of the desert farther east,
such as the Chemehuevi, seem to use the same types of design
arrangement.

The entire part of California south of the latitude of San
Francisco, the larger half of the state, must accordingly be con-
sidered a unit in the matter of basket-design arrangement, the
patterns being prevailingly horizontal or vertical instead of
diagonal or zigzag.

The third region in which coiled basketry predominates is
that of the coast region immediately north of San Francisco,
eictending along the coast to the northwestern region. The Pomo
are the largest group in this area.

Twined weaving is of relatively greater importance among
the Pomo than among either the Maidu or the Indians south of
the latitude of San Francisco. Besides having twined and coiled
basketry, the Pomo possess the ti weave, a superimposition of
coiling on twining. Including the minor variations, the total
number of weaves practiced by the Pomo may not be as large
as can be found among some other California groups; but
whereas other groups limit the use of their less characteristic

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YoL. 2] Kroeber.— Basket De^ns of N.W. CaUfomia. 151

weaves to parts of baskets or to certain classes or shapes of bas-
kets having special purposes, among the Porno the employment
of the several techniques is not confined nearly as rigorously to
narrow types of ware. Besides the variety of techniques there
exists much latitude of shapes, there being flat bowl-shaped bas-
kets, others whose opening is about equal in diameter to their
bases, and still others which curve inward to the top consider-
ably ; besides of course conical carrying baskets and the flat tray
baskets found all over California. The Porno have also devel-
oped the canoe shaped or oval basket which is scarcely aborig-
inal in any other region in California or at least is not usual
anywhere else. They also use the greatest variety of external
ornament. Beads, shell ornaments, quail plumes, and feathering
are employed to a far greater extent than elsewhere. Among the
northern tribes using only the twined technique sudi external
decoration is altogether wanting. The total covering of baskets
with feathers is also not found outside of the Pomo region,
though this area must probably be made to include some of the
southern Wintun, southern Yuki, and perhaps northwestern
Moquelumnan, as well as the Pomo. Complete feathering is said
not to have been practiced formerly even by the Yuki proper,
who in their general culture and their basket technique belong
to the Pomo type.

As in shape and technique, Pomo baskets show the greatest
variety of design arrangements in CaUfomia. The horizontal
and diagonal arrangements I4)parently predominate. Single fig-
ures of such size that one fills the entire visible surface of a
basket, or of such size that several are visible at one time, are
also considerably used, especially on the smaller coiled baskets.
Very often these figures are fairly elaborate, consisting of a
group of figures rather than of a design or pattern. Zigzag and
vertical patterns are also both found on Pomo baskets, and a
net-like arrangement which might be described as a combination
of two diagonal patterns slanting in opposite directions is not
uncommon.

In regard to decorative scheme and pattern arrangements
California baskets may therefore be classified as follows :

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152 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am. Aech. Eth.

A. Northwestern type, twined. Designs arranged hori-
zontally in a single pattern-zone or diagonally.

B. Northeastern or Achomawi type, twined. Arrangement
of patterns diagonal or zigzag, not horizontal.

C. Maidu type, chiefly coiled. Pattern arrangement zigzag
or diagonal.

D. Southern type, chiefly coiled. Pattern arrangement
horizontal (often in continuous bands) or vertical.

E. Pomo type, coiled and twined. Variety of design
arrangements, horizontal bands and diagonal patterns being
most frequent.

In this classification the Yana belong to the Northeastern
type, the Lutuami and northern Wintun are intermediate between
the Northeastern and the Northwestern types, the affinities of the
southern Wintun are either with the Pomo or Maidu, the Tuki
probably belong to the Pomo class, and the Southern type covers
the larger half of the state.

It will be seen that while the Northwestern and Northeastern
types resemble each other in technique, materials, and general
effect, the Northwestern and Pomo types are most similar in
pattern arrangement, whereas the Northeastern is similar in pat-
tern arrangement to the Maidu. The Maidu and the North-
western types differ most in pattern arrangement.

The considerable similarity in materials, methods of manu-
facture, and general appearance between the basketry of the
Indians of northwestern and of northeastern California must
not be interpreted as evidence of general cultural similarity.
The culture of the two groups of tribes is quite distinct. The
Lutuami and Achomawi in general resemble the tribes of the
Sacramento valley or of the great interior basin much more than
they do the Karok, Yurok, and Hupa. It is in northernmost
California that the deep and sharp difference between the culture
of the immediate Pacific coast and that of the interior, which is
so marked everywhere farther north, finds its most southerly
occurrence. South of Mount Shasta the line of ethnographical
division is transferred from the Coast Range eastward to the
Sierra Nevada; and the differences across this line become of a
different nature.

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH.

VOL. 2. PL. 20.

Figs. 1-2. Small cooking baskets. Hupa. },.
Figs. 3-8. Cooking and other baskets. Karok. A-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 153

The artistic poverty said by Dr. Dixon to characterize Pomo
basketry work must from what has been said be understood to
be only paucity of design names. That it does not extend further
even to the designs themselves, much less to the general deco-
rative and technical style, is sufficiently evident from the series
of Pomo baskets illustrated by Dr. Dixon himself. Of patterns
the Pomo have as great wealth and variety as any other Cali-
fomian group. Apart from all question of whether their work
shows a more refined taste and artistic feeling and execution
than that of other Indians, it can scarcely be disputed that they
evince freer imagination and wider range of treatment in the
decoration of their basketry than other tribes.

A classification according to meaning of Califomian basket
design names among the tribes from which adequate material
is at present available is shown in Table II. It will be seen that
names of animals^ of parts of animals, and of parts of the body
are very frequent, constituting everywhere a majority of the
total number of design names. The only exception is among
the Maidu, where the proportion of animal designs sinks to
about one-half. Instead, there is an unusually large proportion
of names of plants and parts of plants among the Maidu, these
constituting nearly a third of the designs. Elsewhere plant
designs are few, and among the Yurok and Karok are altogether
lacking. Names of natural or artificial objects are found in
about the same proportion among all the tribes. A fourth class
of design names are spatial or dynamic; these might also be
called geometrical or abstractly descriptive. Names of this sort
are lacking among the Maidu and are few among the Achomawi.
Among the Yurok and Karok they are important, constituting
more than a fourth of all the design names; and the same is
true of the northern Wintun. Among the Hupa names of this
class are more numerous than all others.

In regard to range of representation of design names, accord-
ingly, the northwestern tribes and the Maidu stand farthest
apart in that the northwestern tribes have numerous geomet-
rical designs and none representing plants, the reverse being the
case with the Maidu; while the northwestern group is inter-
mediate.

Am. Aboh. Eth. 3. 12.

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154 University of CaUfornia Publications. [Am. Ahch. Bth.

TABLE n.

AnimalB and Spatial

parts of the and dynamical
bodj. Plants. Objects. ideas.

Yurok !... 17 6 9

Karok 8 2 4

Hnpa 7 .. 12

Wintnn 12 1 1 4

Achomawi 13 2 2 1

Maida 18 11 7

In the descriptions of Yurok designs previously given it will
have been noted that almost all the names applied rather to the
simple element of design than to the pattern as a whole. . The
figure which receives the Yurok name flint is the parallelogram.
This name is applied to the design whether it consists of the
simple parallelogram standing alone or of a pattern of such
parallelograms, although the latter is more frequentiy the case
Among the Hupa the same design is named on top of each other.
This name is obviously applicable only to a pattern consisting
of two or more such parallelograms. We have here a difference
between a design-element name and a pattern name. Again,
there is a widespread design which may be described as consist-
ing of four or more triangles, or horizontal bars, at the ends of
vertical stalks arising from a horizontal base, the stalks in the
middle being longer than those at the two ends. This design
has various names, such as crow-foot among the Karok and
Wishosk, frog-foot among the Hupa, lizard-foot among the Acho-
mawi, and pine-cone among the Maidu. All of these names are
applicable only to the design as a whole. Among the Yurok the
design is called simply foot, and the application of this term
to certain other patterns shows that the name refers not to the
pattern as a whole but to the single elements constituting the
pattern, the small triangles at the ends of stalks.

The relative frequency of design names applying to design-
elements, and of those applying to composite patterns, is shown
in Table III.^

It will be seen that among the Yurok and Earok designs
named for constituent elements are in the majority. Among the

* The numbers given in Table III are fewer than the total number of
designs, owing to the difficulty of classifying certain designs.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 155

Maidu the opposite is the case. The northern Wintun agree
with the Yurok and Karok, but the Hupa form an exception
among the northwestern tribes. The Achomawi show an approx-
imate balance, but the difference is slightly in the direction of
the Maidu tendency.

TABLE III.

Deedgns named Designs named

after their after the whole
elements. pattern.

Yurok 13 8

Karok 9 4

Hupa 5 12

Wintun 10 6

Achomawi 8 9

Maidu 8 19

A summary of the Yurok, Karok, Hupa, and northern Win-
tun design names presented in this paper, and those of the Maidu,
Achomawi, and Wintun described by Dr. Dixon, together with
a few other names obtained by the author, is given in Table IV.
Only translatable design names have been included. The Wishosk
are from Humboldt Bay, the Sinkine are Athabascans from
southernmost Humboldt county, the YuM are from Round Val-
ley, the northern Yokuts are the Chuckchansi of Madera county,
the southern Yokuts the Tule river Indians of Tulare county.

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UniverHty of CaUfomia PubUcaiions, l^^- arch. Bth.

1-^

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8 -gi

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia.

157

III I'

sit s

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158

University of CaUfomia Publications, l^^- Aech. Eth.

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ii

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UNIV. CALIF. PUB. AM. ARCH. & ETH. VOL 2. PL. 21.

Fij?8. 1, 2, 4, .'), (). Baskets. Nortlu*rn Wintini. |Vy.
Fi>r. 3. Cap, Modoe ty]»e. Northern Wiiitun. J.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 159

It will be seen that although this summary covers only half
a dozen tribes or groups, occupying much the smaller part of
the state, there yet is no design name which is found in all of
them. Patterns having some reference to snakes or parts of
snakes are found among all the tribes included except the Acho-
mawi. The rattlesnake is of course especially prominent. Among
the Yokuts and Maidu its marking is represented; among the
Wintun its head; among the Hupa its nose. It is evident that
there is a tendency to use the rattlesnake for design names but
that the parts of the snake selected are as diverse as the figures
to which they are applied. There is a similar tendency in regard
to the deer. The Achomawi have the deer rib, deer gut, and deer
excrement designs. The Wintun have the deer excrement. The
Maidu lack deer designs. The northwestern tribes also have no
deer design names excepting that among the Karok the deer
excrement design is found and among the Yurok an elk design.
The arrow-point and flint designs, assuming that they may be
taken as equivalents, are of the commonest the state over. So
far however neither has yet been found among the Hupa. The
quail-plume design, which among some tribes is very common,
seems to occur chiefly on coiled basketry, to which the use of
the feather itself as an ornament is also confined. The Acho-
mawi have the design name but the northern Wintun and all the
northwestern tribes lack it.

Little of a general nature as to the relative amoimt of simi-
larity of design names among different tribes can be deduced
from the table. On coimt, the greater part of the total number
of design names of any group appears not to be found in any
other group. As far as the material goes, the northern Wintun
and Achomawi, who are territorially in contact, show the greatest
number of design names held in common.

If the designs themselves to which the names that are given
in this table are attached are compared, it will be seen that the
designs corresponding to identical names among several tribes
are in many cases very different. In the northwestern region
for instance the flint design is always a slanting parallelogram.
Among all the other tribes from which material is available the
equally common arrow-point design is always a triangle. Con-

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160 Vmversiiy of CaUfarniaPvhUcaHans. [Am. Ahch. Bra.

versely, the same pattern or design-element has among different
tribes often radically different names. To take again the paral-
lelogram, its name among the Yurok and Earok, whether nsed
singly or in combination, is flint; the Hnpa call it long mark,
or more frequently on top of each other; the Wintun, rattle-
snake head. The Achomawi and Maidu do not seem to use it as
an isolated figure but always in pairs or diagonal rows. Among
the Achomawi these rows are frequently divided by a transverse
diagonal stripe or other pattern, the parallelograms thus being
cut into triangles. The pattern running through the rows
of parallelograms is the deer rib or deer gut design and the tri-
angles resulting from the divided parallelograms are called
arrow-points. The undivided rows of parallelograms are called
by the Achomawi fl3ring geese. The Maidu call such rows vines,
or, if triangles are combined with the parallelograms, flying geese.
When the rows of parallelograms are divided by a line or pat-
tern the design is called fern or notched feather.

Another instance of diversity of names for an identioal pat-
tern is the design in which the point of a triangle rest^ on the
middle of the longer base of a trapezoid. In the northwestern
region the meaning of the names for this design are not alto-
gether certain, but among the Yurok the name appears to have
reference to the middle, among the Karok to basketry-)|at, and
among the Hupa to sharp or point. Dr. Dixon gives the same
figure from the Achomawi, but the name attributed to it by these
Indians is bushes.

Again the obtuse isosceles or equilateral triangle has, in
different arrangements, the meaning among the Maidi) of moth,
quail-tip, flower, and notched feather, among the AcJ^omawi of
arrow-point, among the Wintun of fish-tail, flying geese, and
leaves, among the Yurok of sitting.

It is not necessary to give further illustrations. The cases
cited show that there is no deep or inherent relationpihip between
the designs .of California basketry and their nam^. Of course
some names are from their nature applicable o|^y to certain
designs and must be applied either to these or drop out of use.
Most names, however, owing to the simplicity of technical repre-
sentation, are applicable to several designs and are often found

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia. 161

attached to different designs among different groups or even in
the same tribe, just as the same designs very frequently have
different names among different groups. It must be concluded
that the basket-design names of at least the greater part of Cali-
fornia are little more than conventional names of conventional
designs.

Symbolism, in the usual and historic sense of the word, does
not therefore exist in California basketry. The designs and
design names given by Dixon from the northeastern tribes and
those from the northwestern part of the state here presented,
make this fact very clear. Recent investigations on behalf of
the University by Mr. S. A. Barrett among the Pomo have
brought out the same result. The various information thus
obtained covers northern California fairly completely. As to
the rest of the state less is known at present, but there are no
indications that conditions are different. The design names of
the Yokuts at the southern end of the San Joaquin basin are
certainly of the same general character as those found in the
north of the state. The names of the designs painted by the
Mohave, still farther south, on pottery and sometimes on wood,
refer in large part to objects that do not occur among the design
names of the basket making tribes, but are as free as these of
religious or any but a conventional significance. Lack of con-
nection between basket design names and religious thought can
therefore be absolutely asserted for the greater part of California
and can safely be accepted as extremely probable for all the
remainder of the state. Certainly there is as yet no trustworthy
evidence of anything to the contrary. This condition is in entire
accordance with the almost utter lack of pictographic or realistic
representation in the art of these Indians. Symbolic expression
in actions or ritual is almost equally absent. When the general
fundamental difference in character of the California Indians
from those of the southwest and of the Mississippi valley, and
in a measure from those of the north Pacific coast, is once
clearly realized, the conventionality of their basket design names
seems entirely natural. Of course it is needless to say that no
California basket designs express modem poetical sentiments.
The California Indian calls a triangular ornament in basketry

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162

University of California Publications. E-Ajc Arch. Bth.

an arrow-point, not because this figure expresses a wish or
prayer for success in the hunt, but because it is a simple and
fitting name for a simple design. The significance of the deco-
ration of California basketry is therefore of an entirely different
nature from the symbolism of a Navaho sand-painting, a Pueblo
altar, a Plains shield, or a Haida totem pole. The designs are
primarily decorative, no doubt conditioned in part, but only
in part, by technique; and they have convenient names. These
names of course are as appropriate as possible. This simple
naming of decorative figures appears to be the analogue or repre-
sentative in California of a more prevalent tendency in mankind
to embody a deeper significance in ornaments. But in the form
in which these design names exist among the California Indians
they are free from attempts at picture writing or the expr^sion
of religious ideas.

KEY TO FIGURES OF DESIGNS SHOWN ALSO IN THE PHOTOGRAPHIOALLY
REPBOOUGED PLATES.

Ficore.

Plate.

Ficnre.

Figore.

Plate. Flcaxe.

1
3

140

142

150

152

172

179

184

192

197

199

206

209

215

216

217

218

219

220

104

221

222

118

132

225

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,— Basket Designs of N.W. CaUfomia.

163

MUSEUM CATALOGUE NUMBERS OF BASKETS ILLUSTRATED IN THE PLATES.

Numbers with numerator 1 refer to speeimeiui in the MuBeom of the
Anthropological Department of the UniTersity of California.

Numbera with numerator 40 refer to specimens in the California Acad-
emy of Sciences.

Plate

16,

figure

1
2
3

40-1675

1-1591

40-1663

2
3

1-2234
1-2016
1-1461

40-1661

Plate

19,

figure

1-1588

40-1653

1-1877

1-1609

1-1798

40-1708

1-1594

1-1496

1-1847

Plate

16,

figure

1-1579

1-1608

1-1870

Plate

20,

figure

1-1493

1-1472

1-1517

1-1761

1-1807

40-1683

1-1763

1-1481

1-1772

Plate

17,

figure

1
2
3

1-1661
1-1507
1-1888

•

6
7

1-1762
1-1778
1-1764

1-1571

Plate

21,

figure

1-2307

1-1599-1601

1-2300

40-1655

1-2305

1-1817

1-2310

40-1659

1-2308

Plate

18,

figure

40-1711

1-2303

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164

University of California Publications, i^^- Arch. Bth.

MUSEUM CATALOGUE NUMBERS OF BASKETS FROM WHICH DESIGNS ARE FIGURED.

Fig. Cftt. No.

1 40-1652

2 40-1720

3 40-1654

4 40-1663

5 40-1711

6 40-1720

7 40-1721

8 40-1659

9 40-1663
10

11 1-1434

12 1-1438

13 40-1721

14 40-1653

15 1-1571

16 40-1707

17 40-1661

18 40-1697

19 1-1636

20 40-1708

21 40-1699

22 1-1610

23 1-1442

24 40-1709

25 40-1727

26 40-1658

27 40-1660

28 40-1662

29 40-1655

30 40-1682
31

32 1-1610

33 1-1593

34 1-1592

35 40-1656

36 40-1682

37 40-1660

38 40-1661

39 1-1424

40 1-1425

41 40-1725

42 1-1417

43 1-1692

44 1-1444

45 40-1656,

1659, 1676

Pi«.
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84

85
86
87
S8
89
90

Cftt. No.
40-1724, 1720

1-1473
401664
40-1694

1-1831

40-1727
40-1607

1-1698

1-1577

1-1672

1-1880

1-1478

1-1482
40-1695

1-1672

1-1483
40-1725
40-1675
40-1662
40-1657

1-1441

1-1692

1-1606
40^1706

1-1579

1-1844

1-1828

1-1481

1-1456

40-1699, 1687
40-1684

1-1606

1-1589

1-1461

1-1440

1-1479
40-1651, 1662,

1708, 1728
40-1685
40-1712
40-1673
40-1724

1-1870

Fit.
135
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
Hi
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134

Cftt. No.

1-1586
40-1658
40-1709
40-1661

1-1472
1-1829
40-1711
1-1857
1-1474

1-1577
1-1830
1-1661
1-1590
1-1476
40-1665

1-1475
40-1700
1-1435
1-1439
1-1437
1-1578

1-1609
1-1480
1-1426
1-1784
1-1804
1-1514
1-1806
1-1596
1-1769
1-1595
1-1587
1-1799
1-1802
1-1772
1-1778
1-1765
1-1499

Pi«.
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180

Cat. No.

1-1794

1-1587

1-1782

1-1806

1-1807

1-1801

1-1764

1-1598

1-1585

1-1583

1-1788

1-1790

1-1803

1-1805

1-1764

1-1767

1-1762

1-1789

1-1584

1-1800

1-1585

1-1797

1-1805

1-1586

1-1766

1-1596

1-1776

1-1598

1-1769

1-1773
1-1597
1-1773
1-1770
1-1772
1-1771
1-1807
1-1793
1-1773
1-1791
1-1768
1-1792
1-1804
1-1761
1-1777

Pi«.
181
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
221
222
220
223
224
225

Cat. No.

1-1783
1-1763
1-1787
1-1774
11781
1-1463
1-1502
1-1494
1-2235
1-2234
1-1508
1-1500
1-1501
1-1518
1-1493
1-1509
1-1496
1-1497
1-1497
1-2233
12236
1-1495
1-1516
1-1517
1-1863
1-2232
1-1493
1-1864
1-1463
1-1503
1-1492
1-2302
1-2308
1-2308
1-2303
1-2310
1-2300
1-2310
1-2308
1-2305
1-2309
1-2306
1-2300

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THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOL. 2 NO. 6

THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH
CENTRAL CALIFORNIA.

A. L. KBOEBEB.

CONTENTS.

PAGE
iNTBODUCnON 169

I. The Yaudanohi Dialect ^ 173

Phonetic System 173

Vowels and vocalic mutations 173

Consonants 179

Structure of the syllable 181

Accent and enclitics ^ 182

Summary „ 183

Structure - 183

Means of expression of grammatical structure 184

A. Beduplication 184

B and C. SuiBxion and yocalie mutation 186

List of suffixes occurring in the language 186

Categories of grammatical form expressed 188

The Noun 189

Plural 189

Cases 193

Objective 196

Other cases 201

Cases in the plural 203

The Verb » 204

Semi-derivatives 204

Tense, mode, and voice - 208

Vocalic mutations of the stem 208

Imperative ^ 214

Future and participle 215

Continuative 216

Past tenses 217

Passive 218

Participles and verbal nouns 218

Interrogative and negative 221

Verb substantive 221

Am. Abob. Eth. 2, 13

L..

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PAGE

The Pronoun „ 221

Personal pronouns ^ 221

Demonstratives 225

Interrogatives - 228

The Adjective ^ 229

Numerals 230

Adverbs and nnsyntactical Words «... 232

Order of Words ^ 233

Vocabulary ^ „ 234

Composition ^ 234

Derivation ^ 235

Reduplication 238

General character of the vocabulary 238

List of principal words - 239

Nouns 240

Adjectives ^ 244

Adverbs and particles 245

Alphabetical list of verbs 246

Yaudanchi texts ~ 255

Tangled-Hair 256

Anaylsis 256

The Prairie-falcon's Wife 259

Partial Analysis 262

The Prairie-falcon fights 263

The Prairie-falcon loses ~ 264

Milriti „ 266

The Visit to the Dead 272

Fight with the Pitanisha 274

loi and Bluejay 275

Summary 277

II. The Yauelmani Dialect 279

Phonetics 279

Means of grammatical structure ^ 280

The Noun 282

The Verb 285

Semi-derivatives 285

Suffixes of tense, mode, and voice 285

Imperative 288

Vocalic Mutations 289

Various Suffixes ; 292

Particles 294

The Pronoun 294

Numerals 297

Composition and derivation 298

Yauelmani Sentences 299

[166]

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PAGE

in. Other Dialects and CJomparisons 308

Dialectic Divisions 309

Valley Division 310

Foot-hill Division ^ 311

Belations of Dialectic Groups 313

Lexical Belations of Dialects 316

Phonetic Belations of Dialects 328

Grammatical Relations of Dialects 333

Personal Pronouns ^ 334

Demonstratives 337

Verbal Suffixes 337

Composition and Derivation 339

Beduplication 343

Summary 346

The Various Dialects 347

Paleuyami 347

Buena Vista Group 350

Wiikchamni 351

Chukaimina and Michahai 351

Aiticha 351

Choinimni 352

Gashowu 352

Kechayi 353

Dumna 353

Toltichi ■ 354

Chukchansi 357

Chauchila 358

Hoyima 359

Wakichi , 359

Wechikhit 360

Nutunutu 360

Tachi 361

Chunut 362

Wo'lasi 363

Ghoinok 363

Texts in Various Dialects 363

Status of Yokuts Among the Languages of California 375

[1671

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 169

THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH
CENTRAL CALIFORNLA..

The Indians of ibe Yokuts linguistic family, sometimes also
called Mariposan, inhabited the southern end of the San Joaquin
basin in California. Roughly, their territory extended from the
Sierra Nevada to the Coast Range, and from the Tehachapi
mountains which shut off the San Joaquin basin on the south
from the desert, to the Fresno and Chowchilla rivers in the
north. The higher Sierras all along this territory, and certain
foothill regions in the south, were occupied by Indians belonging
to the Shoshonean family. The great level stretch of valley
throughout, and in most cases the foothills also, were occupied
by the Yokuts. A detached branch of the family, known as the
Cholovone, inhabited a small area on the east bank of the San
Joaquin, in the vicinity of Stockton, considerably nearer the
mouth of this river than the remainder of the stock. The Cho-
lovone are perhaps entirely extinct and are certainly practically
so. Their language is unknown except from one published vocab-
ulary, which shows it to have been a Yokuts dialect not very
different from the remainder of the family.

The Yokuts were divided into a large number of groups some-
what resembling small tribes. As is not uncommon in California,
each of these groups had a dialect, but, what is unusual in Cali-
fornia, each had a distinct tribal name as well. The various
dialects are on the whole closely related. Their general structure
and their phonetic system are virtually identical. There is also
considerable similarity in vocabulary. It is probable that Indians
from Kern river and from Fresno river could have conversed.

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170 University of Califorma Publications. [AM.AacH.ETH.

and that they could have learned to understand each other per-
fectly in a short time. The greatest divergences in vocabulary
were seemingly shown by small groups geographically or other-
wise more or less isolated from the others, the speech of the more
important tribes through the whole range of territory of the
family diflfering only dialectically. From many tribes vocabu-
laries have never been obtained. For this reason the grouping
of the dialects can only be determined approximately. The avail-
able evidence on this point is summed up at the end of the paper.
For the present it is enough to state that there were two main
branches of the family, which include the more divergent dialects
peculiar to small groups such as the Paleuyami of Poso Creek.
The two branches have been here called the Valley division and
the Foot-hill division, from the fact that the former includes
nearly all the valley tribes while the latter consists principally of
the hill tribes on Tule river, Kaweah river, Kings river, and Dry
creek.

The differences between the vocabularies of the many dialects
consist both of phonetic variations of words and of radical dif-
ferences. Prominent among the variations are vocalic mutations.
These seem to be similar to a scheme of vowel changes which
constitutes one of the most important means in the language of
expressing structure. The radical differences in words between
dialects that on the whole are closely related are sometimes sur-
prising, occurring frequently in the most common words, such
as man, woman, person, house, stone, eat, and sleep. A similar
tendency toward as marked a prevalence of radical as of pho-
netic differences exists in the dialects of other linguistic stocks
in California. At least one cause of this feature is certainly the
universal tabu of the names of the dead ; but it is scarcely pos-
sible that this cause alone is sufficient to explain the extent of
the phenomenon. Among the Yokuts the people speaking one
dialect generally understand and often know the radicaUy dif-
ferent words of other dialects though they do not use them.

We owe the name Yokuts to Stephen Powers. It is the word
denoting person or people in the majority of the dialects of this
linguistic family, but in the usage of the Indians its application
is not confined to individuals of their own linguistic family.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Lcmguage. 171

For this family there is, as might be expected, no native name.
The exact form of the word is usually yokotc, sometimes yokots.
Tokoch would therefore be the most accurate general orthog-
raphy, provided the vowels were given the quality of continental
open o and spoken short with the accent on the first syllable.
Yokut is of course only a false English singular.

As to the name Maripoean, it is sufficient to say that its sole
claim to acceptance rests on the employment of a rule of pri-
ority borrowed from the system of modem biological technical
nomenclature, never formally or generally accepted by anthro-
pologists, and as undesirable to attempt to introduce into eth-
nology as it will be impossible to enforce in the end. It is de-
rived from Mariposa, meaning butterfly in Spanish, the name
of a California county which was not organized until after the
American settlement. This county may once have contained some
Tokuts Indians ; but in its present smaller extent it does not cover
one square mile of what is known to have been Yokuts territory.

The dialect specially investigated is that of the people calling
themselves Yaudanchi, plural Yowechani, who inhabited the foot-
hill region of Tule river. By most of their neighbors they are
called Yaulanchi. At present they constitute a small fraction
of the one hundred and fifty Indians on Tule river reservation,
the majority being Yauelmani, a tribe originally farther south.
It has seemed best to avoid confusion by first treating this dialect
alone without reference to other dialects in regard to which less
complete information was obtained, and then to follow with com-
parative notes on such material as was obtained from these other
dialects, thus avoiding duplication of presentation as much as
possible. The first part of this paper, therefore, consists of a
discussion of the phonetics and grammar of Yaudanchi, fol-
lowed by a vocabulary and interlinear texts in the same dialect.
In part second are given comparative grammatical notes on the
Yauelmani dialect of Kern river. A third part of the paper deals
more briefly with various other dialects, and includes a number
of short texts, as well as comparisons and summaries. A compar-
ative Yokuts vocabulary, covering all the dialects from which
there is material, has been reserved for inclusion in a subsequent
publication.

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172 Umversity of Calif omia PiibUcaiions. [Am.Akch.Bth.

The investigations on which this paper is based were begun
in 1900 for the California Academy of Sciences, but were mainly
made in 1902, 1903, and 1904 in connection with the Ethnological
and Archaeological Survey of California carried on through the
liberal support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst by the Department of
Anthropology of the University of California.

Univbbsity of California,
May, 1905.

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Vol, 2] Kroeber.—The Yokut$ Language. 173

I. THE YAUDANCHI DIALECT.

Study of the Yandanchi dialect was begun with a young man
named Bob, a Wiikchamni on Tule river reservation. The Wflk-
chamni dialect is almost identical with the Yaudanchi. Most of
the material obtained, including all the texts, is from Peter
Christman, a man about sixty, who, both as a boy and as a man,
has lived for years with the whites, and speaks English fluently.

PHONETIC SYSTEM.

u, 0, a, e,

i; tt, 0, a,

0, w.

u, h, a, h.

I; «, 6, i,

8.^.

k k'

e X

tc tc'

t- t'

t t'

P P'

0,8

w, y, h.

VOWELS AND VOCALIO MUTATIONS.

The Yaudanchi vowek are of two classes, pure and impure. The
pure are the five vowels ordinarily distinguished, spoken clearly.
E and o are open whether long or short. A with the quality of
American a in bad is not found. The impure vowels will be
familiar to any one acquainted with the neighboring Shoshonean
family of languages. They are perhaps due to rounding of the
lips. Though they have a certain uniform quality, due to their
similar method of production, which makes them less easily dis-
tinguishable one from the other than are the pure vowels, they
are very different from the merely obscure brief vowek in words
like our better, cotton, madam, pencil, which almost lack quality.

Of the impure vowels, o and ii correspond to e and iBau,o, a,
do to u, o, a. This is true with a reservation. It is part of the

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2, 14.

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174 University of Calif omia Pvilicaiions. [Am.Arch.Eth.

system of vocalic harmony permeating the langoage that an
impure vowel tends to cause other vowels of the word to become
impure. While this tendency is not a universal law, yet it is so
far operative that there are few polysyllabic words containing
only one impure vowel. The impure vowels may accordingly be
either induced or radical. U and o are frequently induced; a
possibly always. V and o are more often radical than induced.
I and e are also more resistant to being made impure by the
proximity of an impure vowel than are u and o. Finally u and
appear to differ more in quality from i and e than do u and o
from u and o. Even though they lack the fullness of quality
found in French and (German closed u and o, yet they are dis-
tinctly ii and o rather than i and e sounds.

Omitting a, which is uncommon and whose relationships are
not quite clear, the nine vowels of Yaudanchi show certain group-
ings and afSnities with one another. These relationships are not
always consistent, but it is according to them that the sympa-
thetic vowel changes in which the language abounds take place.

In verb-stems the vowels besides a fall into four pairs, each
pair consisting of the two pure or of the two impure vowels
respectively higher and lower in pitch than a : u and o, u and o,
ii and o, and i and e. Upon the addition to the verb-stem of a
modal-temporal sufSx containing an a, a vocalic alteration oc-
curs in the first and sometimes in the second syllable of the stem.
The vowel of this syllable is changed to the other vowel of the
same pair. U becomes o, and o u; and similarly in the other
three pairs, as: k'uik-un, k 'oik-ad; k*on-ji, k'un-e-ad; hdn-ji,
hwn-ad ; ep-ji, ip-ac. Radical a does not change and may be re-
garded as constituting a fifth set of verb-stem vowels.^

The same vocalic alternation occurs in numerals on addition
of the sufSx -in as in verbs before an a-sufSx.

In the noun this vocalic law is, at least practically, not opera-
tive. There is observable in nouns the general tendency, already
mentioned, and not confined to this class of words, for impure
vowels to induce impurity in subsequent vowels in the same

^ In some respects a balances with i (just as the verb-soffixes are either
a or i) ; the second syllable of certain a-stems varies between i and a, agree-
ing with the soffix: amid-ji, amad-ac.

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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 175

word ; and there is a still less rigorous tendency for the second
vowel of the stem to agree with the first.

In certain ways the language seems to feel n and o, and again
i and e, to be identical. Thns there are no snffixes containing
e and o, but many with i and some with n; evidently n and o,
and i and e, are regarded as one in this respect. A change of
the possessive case-suffix -in to -un occurs as well on nouns whose
last stem vowel is u, as on those that have o preceded by u. An
occasional objective case-suffix -i takes the place of more usual
-a most frequently when the stem contains either an o or u fol-
lowed by either an e or i.

There are a few special relationships of vowels. For in-
stance, almost all suffixes have either a or i as their vowel.^
Under certain circumstances a and i also show a further corre-
spondence. The usual objective and plural suffixes are -a and -i ;
but in a number of cases these suffixes become respectively -i
and -a. A phonetic law obtaining in the plural is that the last
vowel of the noun stem becomes either i or a according as the
plural suffix is respectively -a or -i. When the plural sufiOx is
'i, this induced ultimate a of the stem may be replaced by e;
but this substitution of e can occur only when the unaflfected
ultimate vowel of the stem is a or i. Finally, disyllabic tricon-
sonantal verb stems in a have their second vowel a when the stem
is followed by an a suffix and i when followed by an i suffix.

There is some differentiation of o and u as regards their in-
fluence on case and tense sufiSxes. U in the stem, or o followed
by u, cause the possessive -in and the past -ji to become -un and
-ju. U and ii in the stem also seem to produce respectively -i^n,
-jtt, and 'Un, -jw. 0, however, and probably o and o as well, pro-
vided they are the only vowels of the stem, do not alter these
suffixes. On the other hand o in the stem, if unaccompanied by
other vowels, causes the objective suffix -a to become -o, while
u fails to produce any corresponding effect.

Vocalic changes, though most frequently induced in the stem
by suffixion, occur also in the suffix through the influence of the

^ Besides a and i, only u occurs in suffixes. E and o and all the impure
vowels do not occur in suffixes except as directly induced from a, i, or u by
stem vowels.

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176 UniversUy of California Publications. [Am.Aech.Bth.

stem vowels. As just mentioiiedy the possesdve case snffix -in
and the verbal past suffix -ji regularly become -un and -ju after
u stems or u-o stems. The objective suffix -a becomes -o after o
stems; the instrumental -in or -ni in the same circumstances
changes to -on. The future and participial ending -in is sub-
jected to the variations -en, -on, -un. Monosyllabic verb st^ns
in u that changes to o in this tense, take -en ; so do i stems, and,
for unexplained reasons, a few a stems. Monoi^llabic o stems
take -un; mono^Uabic u stems, -on; disyllabic u stems, -un;
but disyllabic o stems, and some monosyllabic ones, retain -in
unchanged. It is evident that the mutation of this verbal suffix
takes place under rules resembling those applying to the verb
stem itself when i and a suffixes respectively are added, since u
stems are followed by o or e in the suffix, o stems by u or i, i
stems by e, e stems by i, and a stems generally by what must be
regarded as the normal or unmodified vowel, i ; so that, except-
ing a, the vowel of the suffix tends to be opposed to the vowel
of the stem. The more derivational intransitive sufiOx -in- is also
subject to modification by the stem, being sometimes subjected
to the tendency of contrast and in other cases assimilated to the
stem-voweL

Laws of vocalic harmony are thus not only operative from
stem to suffix but also from suffix to stem.

The vocalic changes in suffixes are undoubtedly connected,
either as cause or as effect, with the fact that with two excep-
tions, the locative and the reflexive, all suffixes that are in any
way formal or grammatical contain only a or i as vowel. Of these
two vowels, i is susceptible to considerable change, being espe-
cially liable to assimilation by u in the stem and, where what
may be called the law of vocalic contrast in balanced pairs ob-
tains, changing to e, o, u, u, and ii. A on the other hand is much
more stable as a sufiSx vowel, being practically unmodified except
for some assimilation by stem o.

The different harmonic laws of Yokuts are, each by itself,
simple rather than intricate and observed with considerable
regularity; their complexity is due to their number. The rules
for the change of the verb-stem do not apply at all to the noun.
The addition, to certain stems, of one and the same suffix to indi-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 177

cate both the objective and the plural has quite different effects
on the stem-vowel according to the significance of the suffix.
Nibetc becomes nibfetc-i and nSbatc-i ; napac, napac-a and napic-
a; mukoc, mokc-i and muk^c-i. Similarly -i added to onmid to
denote the plural, forms onimad-i ; when added to designate the
death of the connecting relative, it makes onimid-i.* The vocalic
changes occurring in suffixes show the same degree of variability.
The possessive noun-suffix -in is changeable only to -un, and that
only by u in the stem. The verbal future-suffix -in is changed to
-en by u and i, to -on by u, to -un by o. The numeral suffix
-m is never changed. The verbal temporal-modal i suffibces -in,
-ji, -itc, change their vowels differently; for instance, buk-en,
bok-ji; t-ufi-on, t-on-ju; k'am-en, k*am-ji, k'am-atc. The change
to the opposite stem-vowel within the balanced pair occurs in
verbs before a-suflSxes; in the numeral before -in. The vocalic
mutations in the language can therefore not be regarded as due
to a single complex system of harmony which is alwayB equally
operative and differs in its results only through dissimilarity
of circumstances. It is evident that there exists a general ten-
dency toward vocalic harmony which takes form differently not
only according to phonetic influences but in accord with logical
differences, such as the grammatical categories and the distinc-
tion of the parts of speech. The Yokuts vocalic system thus is
arbitrary rather than phonetically automatic, and appears to be
influenced as much by impulses to express linguistic forms as by
purely physiological habits.

The chief vocalic changes in the stem may be summarized as
follows :

In the verb the vowels are grouped in pairs, with the same
respective relation existing between the members of each pair;
and, most regularly in monosyllables, each vowel changes to the
opposite one of its pair according as sufiOxes containing a or i
are added; as, ep-ji, ip-&c; hon-ji, hufi-&c; uk-un-ji, ok-n-&c;
hdpiMl-ji, hupod-at; yom-un( for yom-in), yum-&d.

In the numeral an identical change accompanies the suffbdon
of animate -in : cdpi-n, cup^-in ; tcudip-i, teodep-!n.

In the noun this form of harmony does not seem to exist. On

'Beep. 201.

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178 University of California PubUcaiions. [Am.Abch.Bth.

the siiffizion of -i or -a to indicate the plural, the last vowel of
the stem turns respectively to -a or -i, accompanied bj opposite
tendencies affecting the quantity and accent of the preceding
part of the stem: ne'ec, n^'c-i; o'nmid, on^'mad-i; na'at, na'it-a;
nap&^tum, na^ptim-a.

In terms of relationship, the suffixion of -i to indicate that
the person through whom the relationship or connection exists
is no longer living, turns the two last vowels of the stem, what-
ever they are, to i : onmid, onimid-i ; napatum, napitim-i ; onpoi,
unipiy-i.

Without the stimulus of sufiixion, and accompanied by no
other change, vocalic mutations occur between the forms of verbs
and nouns derived from the same radical: cokud, pierce; cikid,
arrow; muyuk, whirl; moyak, whirlwind.

Finally, vowel mutations are often the only changes occur-
ring between dialects in certain words: hitec, hutac, wood.

Accompanying the vocalic mutations and allied to them is a
frequent metathesis of vowels as regards consonants, and an ap-
pearance and disappearance of them between consonants. Hat'-
pa-ni, four, on the sufiSxion of -In becomes hat'-^p-In; the verb
root pitid with suffix -&c becomes p^td-ac; hiwet, heut-ad; the
verb stem tcadix with the intransitive derivative -in takes in
different tenses the forms tcadax-n-ad and tcadx-in-ji. The
noun-stem onmid becomes in the objective and other cases un-
imd-, in the plural on^mad-; axid becomes respectively axd-
and ax^d-. The stem ent-im, sleep, as in ent*im-ji, becomes inet-
m-ac, and analogy with other verb stems makes it possible that
even the apparent stem ent*im is transposed from a radical
fiet'im. One form of verbal reduplication, or rather monosyl-
labic stem-duplication, consists of a doubling of the syllable with
a transposition of the vowel of the second syllable between the
two stems: ka'm, ka'm-ji, ka'm-a-k'm-ac; t'uy, t'ui-ju, t'ui-t'ui,
and t'uy-u-tV-uwuc; day, dai-ji, dai-dai, and day-a-dy-ac.

On the other hand metathesis, induction, and suppression of
consonants are as rare as they are common in vowels.

Doubling of vowels as an accompaniment of length is not in-
frequently discernible, but is less marked than for instance in
Yuki and some other American languages.

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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuis Language. 179

Diphthongs maj be said scarcely to occur in the language.
Ai, au, oi, ui, eu, iu occur, but almost invariably either finaUy,
where they may be the natural result of original y or w; or
before vowels, where their second elements almost certainly rep-
resent y or w; or, if before consonants, it is in cases in which
the second element of the diphthong can be shown to be the rem-
nant of a stem y or w intermediate between two vowels; as in
heut from the stem hiwet. Two verb-stems, waik to lose and waid
to breakfast, apparently contain radical diphthongs. Quiha and
koiwoc are more doubtful cases in nouns. As waid forms waid-ji
but waad-ad, it may be that it stands for disyllabic wayid, which
should according to rule become wayid-ji and wayad-ad ; so that
even if this diphthong is radical it is treated in the application
of the system of vocalic harmony as if it were a disyllabic. Cer-
tainly the majority of the not very abundant diphthongs in the
language are resolvable into a simple vowel plus y or w.

OONSONANTS.

Surds, sonants, and aspirates are found in all the five series
of sounds that will be described. Nasals occur corresponding
to k, t, and p ; spirants exist, other than sibilants, only in the k
series. The k spirants however are both surd and sonant. W,
y, and h are the only other consonants in the language, the
Yaudanchi dialect having lost an 1 existing in most other Yokuts
dialects. The aspirates are not violently stressed, but are never-
theless easily distinguishable from the unaspirated surds. The
sonants differ less from the surds than in English but more than
in some Indian languages. They are distinguished from the
surds with less difficulty than is the case in Gostanoan, Washo,
and certain Shoshonean dialects.

The gutturals are formed far back. Unfamiliar combina-
tions of sounds pronounced with English k were reproduced by
an Indian fluently familiar with English by tc and even palatal
t-. There is a possibility than in certain words velar k (q)
sounds occur; the difference between these and the more anterior
gutturals is however in any case slight, and only one k has been
written.

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180 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth.

The palatal compound consonants tc, tc' and dj have been
here included among simple sounds because the language, like
most languages that possess these sounds, regards and treats them
as simple.

Two classes of t sounds exist, the tongue contact in one being
below and the other above that in English t. T is interdental.
T* is postalveolar or more probably even palatal, the tip of the
tongue however appearing to be bent down towards the lower
teeth. In quality this sound is quite close to tc. Very often,
as in t-e, house, t- has an r-like quality, which has caused it to
be written tr in many Yokuts vocabularies. It is not certain
whether this r-like t- represents a sound distinct from the ordi-
nary t-. Only one t- has therefore been written. It is not cer-
tain whether n, c, and j belong to the interdental or palatal class.
In a few cases c has something the quality of r-like t-, as in
c'*6opin, three, which may perhaps be coopin, with c* correspond-
ing to t- as c to t.

The sibilants are surd c and sonant j. It seems that these
represent sounds intermediate respectively between English sh
and s and zh and z ; though nearer sh and zh than s and z. Both
c and s have actually been written in recording the language.

Most Yokuts dialects possess an 1, which in Yaudanchi has
become uniformly d. L is pronounced without difficulty by the
Yaudanchi and a few words containing 1, mostly nouns, such as
limik, the prairie falcon, occur in the Yaudanchi texts obtained.
These words have entered the dialect through the interchange
of songs and traditions, and through intercourse between the
small tribal groups. This intercourse has of course been in-
creased since Indians of several dialects have lived together on
a small reservation. There is not a Yaudanchi verb, pronoun, or
adverbial particle containing an 1. Even the nouns usually pro-
nounced with 1 are accepted as correct when spoken with d; as
dimik, prairie falcon.

Probably all the sounds of the language can appear initially,
finally, or medially. A few of the less common consonants such
as g and j have not been found finally or initially, no doubt
through incompleteness of materia]. W, y, and h when final be-
come u, i, or ' ; they occur finally on stems.

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Vol. 2] Eroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 181

Just as actual diphthongs are uncommon and radical ones
probably entirely absent, so, while combinations of consonants
are moderately frequent, there is no evidence of their occurrence
in stems. Combinations of consonants never exist initially and
scarcely ever finally; and there does not seem to be a case of
their occurrence medially which cannot be either positively laid
to suffixion or which is not subject to suffering the appearance of
a vowel between the two consonants in certain grammatical forms
of the stem. As unmodifiable particles also show no double con-
sonants, and as no words ever possess combinations of three
consonants, it is clear that radically the language is without
combinations of consonants and that actual occurrences of such
are due either to composition or to the laws of vocalic interinflu-
ence and change.

Consonantal changes are as rare as vocalic mutations are fre-
quent. There are no consonantal harmonies or assimilations.
N becomes d in the objective of tacin, those: tacd-i ; as is proved
by the dual tacik, tack-i. Instances such as this are however
almost without parallels. - If tcox, skunk and tcuMt, stink, are
from the same radical, there is an instance of mutation between
spirant and surd ; but the derivation is uncertain.

STRUCTURE OP THE SYLLABLE.

Stems and words occasionally begin with vowels, and not
infrequently end in them. A few common suflSxes such as -a,
-i, -u, -ji, considerably increase the number of vocalic endings.
The typical syllable however consists of consonant, vowel, and
consonant. This is the form of the majority of verb stems:
t'uy, duy, toj, t'ic, t-un, tcup, ka'm, xatc, xot, wot-, naw, dox,
pitc', hon. Of the disyllabic verb stems the majority show the
form: consonant, vowel, consonant, vowel, consonant; as: t-anit,
kuyuk, xapit, hutok, nokum, dapay, tanay, tcadix, dadik,
dixid. Many nouns can be derived from stems of similar con-
struction, mainly disyllabic and triconsonantal : tni&uk, muk 'ac,
wit'ep, nibetc, butcon, wuton, natet, t-unot, tcayax, napaj, ontip,
podut, yawud, cokod, detcip. It would be unfounded to say that
these forms are more original, that is earlier in time, than such
len qrmmetrical forms of the same stems as -ut'y-, t-afit- and

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182 UniversUy of California PvbUcaiions. [Aic.Abch.Eth.

t^nk-. But it is clear that the nncoDscioiis feeling of the lan-
guage is that t'uy, t-anit, t-tinuk are the normal or characteristic
forms of these stems, whatever the frequency of occurrence of
modifications. And such unconscious linguistic feeling, as re-
vealed in phonetic and structural treatment, is all the basis of
existence that roots have and on which it is justifiable to try to
determine them.

AOCENT AND ENCLTnCB.

Stress accent of separate words is not very marked. It is
partly dependent on quantity of vowels. Nearly every vowel
that has been written long in the ultimate, penult, or antepenult
carries what appears to be the word accent. There are a few
exceptions such as pa^t-ujac. Unsuffixed words without long
vowels most frequently are accented on the penult, sometimes
on the antepenult. SufSxes, reduplication, and the appearances
and disappearances of stem vowels contingent upon sufSxes, af-
fect the accent considerably. From tan are formed ta^n-ji and
tan-a^c; from t'uy, tVi-ju, t'uy-u'-t'y-uwuc, and t'oy-a'-t'y-ac;
from oTmi, SIlaj and iika'c; from wi't'ep, wit'fe'p-in and wit'i'p-
hatc; from napa^tum, na^patm-a and napti^m-a; from o^ntip,
uni'tpa, on^^tapi, uni'tipi; from a'fit-u, anu't-wa; from in'jij,
ini'jaji and ine'cnad. The system of vocalic mutations charac-
terizing the dialect is more or less connected with the accent of
words, and may be causally dependent upon it.

Certain pronouns and monosyllabic particles are accentless
and more or less enclitic. They tend to draw the accent of pre-
ceding words toward themselves. Several enclitics together
form a group, the first member of which derives an accent from
the fact that it is followed by the others. Among the words
that show most tendency toward enclitism are: the personal
pronouns, which, if both subjective and objective are present,
regularly join into a group with one accent ; the possessive pro-
nouns, which, if postposed, are clearly joined to the preceding
word; and the negative, interrogative, and future particles am,
hin, and hi. Examples are: a^m-na-mam-hi duyd^n, not-I-thee-
will eat; duyd'n na-mam-hi, eat I-thee-wiU; yi'una-an, wife-his;
li^mik-na, li^mik-na, I am limik, I am limiki In these phrases

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Vou 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 183

only the marked syllables are stressed, so that a'm-na-mam-hi
duyd^n has the phonetic character of two words instead of five.
The influence of these enclitics on the accent of words ordinarily
independently accented is shown in : xi^ nim am&^ditc, he is my
helper, as compared with taxn&^d-na am&di^tc-mam, come-I (to)
help-thee. On the whole the accent of the isolated word tends to
disappear in connected speech as against the accent of the phrase
or sentence.

8UMMABY.

Altogether the Taudanchi phonetic system is regular and sim-
ple in content. It contains no difScult or violent sounds, and be-
sides the impure vowels and the palatal t* consonants none that
are uncommon in other languages. It is free from accumu-
lation of either vowels or consonants and tends to a simple alter-
nation of consonant and vowel. The consonants are unusually
permanent and unaffectable by each other or vowels. In vowels
well developed and important harmonies obtain; but these are
not so much results of meaningless phonetic interaction as means
of grammatical form.

STRUCTURE.

Structurally Yokuts is very simple. Composition exists to
an insignificant extent. A few derivational non-formal sufSxes
occur sporadically, but no precise meaning can be determined
for most of them. There is not a prefix in the language. Such
affixes to the verb as express instrument, position, motion, and
even the object in certain American languages, are entirely lack-
ing. There is no incorporation of pronouns in verb or noun.
The appositional type of structure in which pronominal affixes
hold together the sentence, or the more extreme one in which
practically every word capable of grammatical form exists only
with a pronominal afiOx, is almost without even reminiscences in
Yokuts. For an American language it shows little verbal subor-
dination, the sentence structure being quite simple. Altogether
the highly complex and synthetical structure found in some
American languages, and often thought to be characteristic of

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184 UrUversUy of CdUfomia Pvhlicaiions. [Am.Abch.Eth.

them as a group, is absent, and although certain ideas are ex-
pressed by formal means which our own languages would not
thus express, the Yokuts language on the broad lines of its struc-
ture, as compared with some of the more widely-spoken Ameri-
can languages such as Eskimo, Athabascan, Algonkin, Iroquois,
and Maya, is superficially not very different in type from the
Indo-European languages.

MEANS OF EXPRESSION OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE.

Three means are employed for the expression of form. First,
reduplication, which is relatively unimportant. Second suffixa-
tion, which though not very extensively developed is the most
used means of structural expression ; and third, vocalic mutation.
In the derivation of stems or words vocalic mutation sometimes
occurs without any further change; but as a means of gram-
matical form it exists only in conjunction with reduplication or
suflSxation, of which, strictly, it appears to be an induced accom-
paniment, though actually, in certain cases, it produces more
striking changes in words than either of these processes alone.

A, RedupUcation.

Reduplication is both material or derivational and formal or
grammatical in its function. Some nouns are already dupli-
cated or finally reduplicated in their ordmary form: pon-pon,
snow, ca-ca, eye, hon-hofi, heart, tc'im-tc'im, bat, xam-am, ribs,
naj-oj, mother, nat-et, father. Some verbs are also reduplicated,
usually finally, in their simplest form : tom-om, lie. Others are
reduplications of a shorter base with some change of meaning:
dan-an, listen, from dafi, hear; g*o-g*o-c, was, lived, from g*o-ji,
sat. There are similar adjectives: inj-ij, good, is shown by its
objective case inij-ya, for inij-a, to be a final reduplication of a
stem inij. All these forms, being ungrammatical, will not be
further considered except in the vocabulary.

Qrammatical reduplication of fixed stems, to express not
another meaning but a different aspect or relation of the mean-
ing of the word, occurs in verbs and numerals. It is absent from
nouns. In verbs it expresses iteration or repetition ; in numerals
distribution.

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Vol. 2] KroeUr.—TU YokuU Language. 186

Verbal rednplicatdon ocours most MMnmonlj in mono«yllabie
stems. As the entire stem syllable, with or without mutation or
metathesis of the vowel, is repeated, the process ii strictly one
of duplication rather than of reduplication. This duplication
takes two forms. In the imperative, which is the stem, and
before modal and temporal suffixes containing i, the stem is
duplicated without change or sometimes with a lightening of the
second vowel to i: am dai-dai min napatma, don't kick your
brother-in-law; duc-duc-wi nan, rub me; t'uy-t'uy-ut, was shot
many times ; na max-max-ci, I gathered constantly ; cap-cap-it na,
I was whipped; aj-ij nan, bite me several times. On the other
hand, before the temporal suffixes -ac and -ad, and before the
various forms of the reflexive suffix excepting the imperative
reflexive, only the first of the pair of reduplicated syllables is
identical with the normal stem syllable. This is followed by its
vowel, or sometimes, apparently through influence of the a of
the sufSx, by a. Upon this in turn follow the consonants of the
reduplicated syllable, either without any vowel or with only light
short i between them. Thus: kac-a-kc-ad na, I am whispering;
doy-a-dy-ac ma, you ate; hi&mu na t*ec-a-t'c-ac, long ago I came
out. Contrasting with t*uy-t'uy-ut are t*uy-u-t'y-uwuc and t'oy-
a-t'y-ac; with cap-cap-it, cap-i-cp-uwic ; with dem-dim-ji, dim-e-
dm-ac ; with dai-dai, day-a-dy-ac.

A third, somewhat intermediate form of reduplication, occurs
on unsufiKxed stems other than imperatives. A stressed vowel
appears between the two reduplicated syllables, but the second
of these is not deprived of its vowel, which at most is weakened
to i. Thus bok-d'-bik, tud-A'-tud, pud-o-ptid from the stems bok,
tud, and pod. Cap-a'-cap namamhi, I will whip you repeatedly,
shows this form as contrasting with cap-cap-it na and cap-i-cp-
uwic.

Reduplication in numerals affects only the first syllable of
the stem. This is entirely duplicated, with weakening of the
vowel in the second syllable to i. Po'n-oi, cd'p-in, hat'-pa'-ni,
two, three, four, form pon-pi'n-i, cop-ci'p-i, hat'-hu't'-up, two
each, three each, four each. The loss or modifications of the
syllables following the reduplicated one are not caused by the
reduplication; for the same modifications take place upon the

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186 University of CdUfornia Publications. [Am-Arch-Bth.

addition of certain suffixes, — another instance of the domination
in the language of structural motives over phonetic ones.

There is an apparent objective case reduplication in personal
pronouns, nan from na and mam from ma, which is really due to
suffixation or analogy.

B and C. Suffixian and Vocalic Mutation.

As the grammatical use of reduplication is confined, it follows
that nearly all formal expression in the language is due to snf-
fixion, extended and aided somewhat by vocalic mutation. In
view of the large part left to this process to fill, it is surprising
that altogether scarcely thirty formal suffixes have been found
in the language. As this number includes case and number
sufSxes as well as modal and temporal ones, it is evident that the
economy which the language exercises in its means of expressing
form extends also to the grammatical ideas expressed. The struc-
ture of the language is therefore necessarily simple.

List of Suffixes Occurring in the Language.

Including for the sake of completeness a few purely deriva-
tional suffixes, we have the following as the total of known Yau-
danchi sufSxes.

Non-grammatical suffixes:

-oc, forming a few nouns, such as t'uy-oc, arrow, from t'uy

shoot,
-ud, probably forming a few nouns, such as t-un-oc-ud, gate,

from t-un, close,
-it, probably meaning place of, as in inet-m-it sleeping place,
-i or -ui, perhaps forming nouns from verbs, as padit-i, pestle,

from padw-, enter, and tcuduk-ui, index finger, from

tcuduk, point, select,
-i, on certain terms of relationship, indicating that the person

through whom the relationship existed is dead,
-in-in, on terms of direction and other words, meaning people

of: xomot, south, xomt-in-in, southerners,
-am, on numerals, meaning ten and, -teen.

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Vou2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 187

Semi-formative verb sufiixes:
-da-, causative,
-ta-, frequentative,
-tcin-, -a-tcin, desiderative.
-cit-, benefactive, expressing that the verbal action is done

for the object,
-in-, intransitive,
-wic- and modifications of it, such as -wid and -umdu-wic,

reflexive.

Modal-temporal verb suffixes: .
-ji, preterite,
-ac, preterite.

-in, future or present ; also participle,
-ad, continuative.
-it, passive.

-nitc, -anitc, future passive, and active verbal object-noun,
-itc, noun agent; purposive,
-ana, participle.

Suffixes of number:

-i (-a), plural in nouns.

-n, -in, plural in pronouns.*

-k, -ik, dual in pronouns.

-C-, occurring before dual and plural suffixes of demonstra-
tive pronouns.

-ate, -hate, diminutive, plural in adjectives.

An occasional plural ending -awayi is perhaps material rather
than grammatical in meaning. Similar is -wadi, on
plurals of tribal names.

-hin, collective of inanimate nouns.

Case suffixes:

-a (-i), objective on nouns, verbs, and adjectives,
-n, objective on demonstrative pronouns,
-wa, perhaps identical with -a, found only as the objective
ending of plural personal pronouns.

^ The plural -in of pronouns and the plnral or collective animate -in of
nmnerals may be identicaL

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188 University of CdUfomia P%U>licaiion8. [Am. Arch. Bra.

-in, i>08sefisiye.
-n, -ni, instrxunentaL
-u, locative,
-nity ablative.

Suffixes of numerals and interrogative pronouns:

-in, used for animate subjective substantival numerals, pos-
sibly collective,
-id, adverbial, signifying the number of times,
-ak, makes interrogative and indefinite pronouns more indefi-
nite,
-tci, the same ; suffixed to -ak.

It is a curious fact which has already been discussed that all
the formal suffixes of the language except the locative and re-
flexive contain only the vowels a and i. That such of the suf-
fixes as change i to u after u stems, as the past -ji and the pos-
sessive -in, are really i suffixes and not of indeterminate vocalic
content becoming i or u according to the vocalic constitution of
the stem to which they are attached, is made probable by the
fact that o stems are followed by the normal i forms of these
suffixes. Analagous facts make the intransitive -in or the objec-
tive -a, which appear under circumstances as -un, -on, -o, seem
to be true normal forms subject to vocalic modification rather
than one of several equally undetermined alternative forms.
This view of course applies not to the origin and history of these
suffixes — of which nothing is known — ^but only to the feeling
evinced by the language for their vocalic content in its treatment
of them.

CATEGORIES OF GRAMMATICAL FORM EXPRESSED.

As the means of expressing grammatical form are limited, so
the morphological categories expressed in Yokuts are compara-
tively few in number. The range of these grammatical ideas
has been given by the preceding list of suffixes. It may be sum-
marized as follows. The categories finding expression to a greater
or less degree are : the plural in animate noims and in pronouns;

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language. 189

duality in the pronoun; cases, including an objective, a poases-
sive, an instrumental, a locative, and an ablative; distribution
in the numeral, and distribution or repetition in the verb; the
distinction between the combination of the first and second and
of the first and third persons in the pronoun; animation, and
the number of events, in the numeral ; and a causative, frequen-
tative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, reflexive, continua-
tive, purposive, preterite, future, passive, noun-agent, and par-
ticiple in the verb. There is no indication of gender other than
the distinction between animate and inanimate under certain
circumstances in the numeral, and no expression of person other
than by differences of stems in personal pronouns. All the gram-
matical categories enumerated are expressed by suffixes accom-
panied in most cases by vocalic mutation, except the category of
distribution or repetition, which is indicated by reduplication.

THE NOUN.

PLURAL.

All nouns that refer to persons, and only such, have a plural.
Names of animals seem to be used in the plural in certain special
circumstances. For instance the plural of nohoo, grizzly bear,
is the same, nohoo. But when bear-doctors, called simply grizzly
bears, are spoken of, the plural form is noh'ica or nohoica. Sev-
eral such plurals of names of animals have been included in the
consideration of the methods of formation of the plural, though
they are not in ordinary use. The only inanimate plural that
has been found is t-e-awayi, houses, from t*e. The suffix -awayi
occurs also in nutc-awayi, easterners, mountaineers, from the
singular nut 'a, but its true meaning is unknown. (Generally
speaking, the plural in Yokuts may be said to be confined to
words designating persons of various ages, sexes, and conditions,
to terms of relationship, to tribal names, and to noun agents
derived from verbs by the suffix -itc.

A dual found in the pronoun is without an equivalent in the
noun. To designate two persons the plural is used.

The normal plural seems to be formed by the suffix -i. About
one noun out of three however has the ending -a. What deter-

Am. Aboh. Xth. 2. 15.

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190 Univenity of California PubUcaiions. [AicArch-Btbl

mines the choice of these two vowels in each case is not very dear.
Stems with all classes of vowel-combinations ocear proportion-
ately about equally in the i-plural group and in the a-plural
group. The final sound of the stem may be of more influence.
All stems found ending in an -i or -u which appears to represent
a radical -y or -w take the ending -i. Outside of this one group,
however, there is again no regularity in the constitution of either
the -i or the -a class. The majority of stems in -t, -d, -tc, -n, and
vowels are followed by -i, the majority in -c and -m by -a, but
there are a number of cases contrary to both these tendencies.
As the number of available instances of the plural is small on
account of its restricted use, the possibility of a determination of
the rules governing the point in question seems problematical.

A number of stems ending in a vowel appear to offer diffi-
culty to the addition of the vocalic suffix, especially as the lan-
guage will not allow the plural -i suffix to become -y but insists
on treating it as a full syllable. In the majority of such cases
of vocalic stem endings not reducible to -y or -w, a c or tc is
introduced before the plural suflSx whether this is -i or -a.

Besides suffixion, stem-changes mark the plural. These follow
definite courses quite different from the phonetic changes occur-
ring in the expression of other formal categories, and must be
regarded as latent in the stem for use in the plural and induced
by the stimulus of the suffix, rather than as the direct purely
phonetic consequence of the addition of the suffix. On the suf-
fixion of -i, the last vowel of the stem — ^whatever it is — ^tums to
a; on the addition of -a, the vowel becomes i. Accompanying
the change of the last stem- vowel to a is a tendency to lengthen
the latter part of the stem, wherever possible by the introduction
of a vowel between two consonants, and to a shifting of accent
toward the suffix. Accompanying the contrasting stem-change
to i there is an opposite tendency to shorten the latter part of
the stem, the accent advancing toward the head of the word, and
a combination of consonants being frequently formed by the
dropping out of the middle vowel in trivocalic stems. These
two opposite changes occur quite regularly without exception or
noteworthy modification, except that before the -i suffix the final
stem-syllable, if a or i, may become d in place of a. The change

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VOL. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 191

of accent occurs with less regularity than that of the quality of
the final stem-vowel ; in some words the accent even appears to
alter in a manner the opposite of the usual one.

There is, especially before the -i suflSx, a secondary and less
regular tendency toward vocalic change in the first syllable of the
stem, resembling the vowel-mutation occurring in the stem syl-
lable of verbs, whereby u becomes o and o becomes u, with corre-
sponding equivalences in other pairs of vowels. In trivocalic
noun-stems this mutation accompanying the plural may extend to
the second syllable.* Ndno, plural nuni-i; nip'ii, nip'ay-i; tcu-
nut, tcunot-a-tc-i. It is not unlikely that this mutation in the
first syllable of the stem is a secondary effect of the sufi^, that is
to say, the direct result not of the addition of the suflSx but of
the alteration of the vowel of the final stem-syllable produced by
the sufi^.

In tribal names metathesis of a vowel in reference to its con-
sonants is common. Banka- becomes banek-; -tci-, -ate-; -mni-,
-man- ; bokni-, buken-.

Besides the changes enumerated there are a number of more
sporadic ones in the formation of the plural, such as the loss of
final consonants (kou*tcu-n), of vowels (hit-wai-u), and the in-
sertion of d (waksatci, wake'sdatci, unless waksatci represents
waksadtci).

The various modifications of the stem in the plural are shown
in the following list. In this list all vowels marked long bear the
word-accent. In words containing no vowel marked long, the
accent is on the penultimate vowel or diphthong unless specially
indicated.

^If stems are omitted from consideration whose first vowel is a, which
is not susceptible of this change, and if monosyllabic and biconsonantal
stems are also excluded because their vowels on account of their proximity
to the suffix are primarily affected by the law of i-a balance which most
fundamentally characterizes the plural, it may be said that the majority of
stems taking the -i suffix, and part of those with the -a suffix, undergo this
mutation of the first or second stem vowel to its opposite within its vowel-
pair.

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192

University of California Publications. [Au.Aech.Bth.

I'-PUiraU.

kou'tcnn

kou'tca-i

woman

muk'oc

muk'6c-i

joung man

ndtco

nutc^i

chief

diya'

dd'a-c-i

afit*u

afit.aw-i

widower

hupana

hopna-tc-i

older brother

nibetc

nebatc-i

younger brother

ndec

ndac-i

younger sister

ndot

ndat-i

son

butcofi

botcafi-i

daughter, child

axid

axdd-i

father's sister

giiiha

guyd'a-c-i

bear

diliizim

dffwdziin-i

panther

wdh5cit

wohoeat-i

wild cat

t'uiLod

t'uJi5ad-i

mother's brother

ftgac

ag^:i

woman's sister's child

&zi

axSy-i

maternal grandmother

t'ut'a

t'ut'5a-c-i

paternal grandmother

bap'

bap'M

great grandfather

hitw&iu

hit.dway-i

daughter-in-law

onmid

ondmad-i

mother-in-law

ontip

ondtap-i

parent of child-in-law

makci

mak^-i

man's wife's brother

nip'ei

n^p'ay-i

friend

n6tci

nudtc-i

deer

zoi

xuyte-c-i

watcher (teid, guard)

tied-itc

teid-atc-i

tribal name

yaudantci

yowedtcan-i

tribal name

baflkal&tci

bafieTdatc-i

tribal name

tcoinok

tcuydnak-i

tribal name

yokod

yuwSkad-i

tribal name

gawia

gaw6yay-i

tribal name

wetcig'it

witc^at-i

tribal name

wimiltci

wimdlatc-i

tribal name

yaudinmi

yowe'dman-i

tribal name

tcoinimni

tcuyenman-i

tribal name

bokni'nuwad

buk^nwad-i

tribal name

wdwod

wowdwad-i*

tribal name

kaw&ija

kaweije-tc-i

tribal name

tcunut

tcundta-tc-i

tribal name

tadji

tadjd-tc-ay-i

tribal name

woksatd

wake'sdatc-i*

tribal name

tedamni

tiddam-i

tribal name

badwica

baddwac-i

* Wowud means stand, from the radical wud. Wowdwadi is perhaps not
reduplicated but formed by development of -6- into -ow6-, as in y-uwd-kadi.

* Or, woke's-wadi, resembling the plurals kuma'tc-wadi and kuydt-wadi of
the tribal names kumatcesi and koydti.

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language.

193

A'Plurals,

girl

guyMum

gdyum-a

old person

mozodo

mozdi-tc-a

older sister

naat

nait-a

mother

najoj

najuj-a

father

natet

natit-a

father's brother

komo'yic

ko'myic-a

mother's sister

mo'koi

moko'i-o

grandfather

dnac

inac-a

son-in-law

napatum

napti'm-a

dog

tcd'jej

tcija'j-a

grizzlj bear

fiohoo

fioho'i-c-a*

man's sister's child

tca'yax

teayi'z-a

woman's brother's child

napac

napic-a

father-in-law

naza'mic

na'zmic-a

dancer (ka'm, dance)

ka'm-fttc

ka'm-itc-ha

tribal name

wtiktcamni

wuka'tcmin-a

tribal name

zocdm-o

z5cim-a

tribal name

monadji

monadji-c-a

tribal name

tulamni

tula'-l-min-a

Shoshonean

malta

malftta-tc-a

A collective -hin, on inanimate nouns,

occurs several tim

a text given in Part III.

bokdo-hin

where many springs

yapkan-hin

I many trees

doxmad-h^ rock-pile

tcodwon-hin plains

GASES.

Nouns are used with five case suffixes, an objective -a, a pos-
sessive -in, an instrumental -n, a locative -u, and an ablative -nit,
making with the unaffixed subjective a total of six cases. The
same suffixes are attachable to verb stems used as nouns, to verbal
derivatives, and to verbal forms used participially. That these
verb forms with case suffixes are no longer verbs but nouns is
shown by the fact that their logical subject is in the possessive
case. Adjectives take at least the objective, personal pronouns
the locative, and demonstratives and interrogatives all the suf-
fixes except the objective, for which they substitute a suffix pecu-
liar to themselves.

*0r fioh'i-c-a.

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194 University of Calif omia Publicaiions. [AM.ARCH.BrH.

The employment of these cases is on the whole indicated by
their names, there being few special idiomatic uses.

The objective seems to be used with prepositional words:
atc'e-u yapikn-a, close to the tree, padu-unun nim podt-a inside
my body, pina-u idk-a, near the water. The true nature of these
prepositional words is however not clear; padu-unun is evidently
the intransitive participle of the stem padu to enter; atc'e-u and
p^a-u seem to be locatives of unknown stems.

The possessive gives the appearance of being used as subject
in certain clauses where it is really the grammatical regimen of
a verbal noun. Thus 5kac na kou'tcun-un duy-a, I saw the man
eat, is really : saw I man's eating. It appears that after a passive
the instrumental is expressed by the possessive : aj-it na tcejej-in,
I was bitten by a dog, and waki-t yet tan watak-in, he was pre-
sented with one pine-nut. The possessive pronoun of the third
person may or may not be used in addition to the possessive case
to express possessive relation between nouns: yiuna an limk-in,
wife his prairie-falcon's; but the possessive suffix is never
omitted.

The instrumental is used in two special constructions. What
we should consider the direct object of a verb, is, when this verb
contains the suffix -cit, for the benefit of, put in the instrumental,
the person benefited being treated as the object of the verb:
max-cit-ji nan duy-ani, he-got me with-food, he got food. for me;
cuina-cti nan xi-ni, buy me with-this, buy this for me. After
waki, give, the person which we treat as dative is in Yokuts
objective, our object in the instrumental; so that waM can be
more literally rendered by our ** present" than **give'*: waki-ji
tan (obj.) ta-ni tipdi-n, he-presented her with-that mountain-
quail. No instrumental of personal pronouns has yet been found,
and it is possible that the present two constructions are merely
due to a tendency of the language to avoid the use of the instru-
mental in personal pronouns.

The locative covers a wide range of meaning — ^at, in, to, on,
in fact all locative ideas except the ablative — ^and refers to time
as well as space: copin-au opodo, in three days; nauuji wit'ep-au,
he came to the boy. It also has the meaning for, on account of :
mukc-iu xe-u toocnad doowac, on account of this woman is being

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made a battle (woman-at this-at is-making battle) ; ukn-au na
nim t-okit, I was hit for drinking (drink-at I my hit-was) ; wi
coz-ji yaka, ta-u tin tan taudjata, he-killed cattle, for-that they
him killed. The construction by which the addition of the loca-
tive suffix to the -ji past-suffix of the verb makes a dependent
temporal clause, the subject becoming possessive, has already
been referred to: tan-ji-u limk-in moxodo ent-im-ji, while-went
(went-at, at the going of) prairie-falcon, the-old-man slept; xi
nan amadac tcuxiitc-n-au nim, he me helped when I was sick
(sick-being-at my). Most names of places and the modem names
of the days of the week are locatives: tcit'at-iu, a place name
(tcit'at, a species of clover) ; xo-en-au, sitting at, Sunday. On
numeral stems the locative suffix gives an ordinal adverbial mean-
ing: hat'pani, four, hat'pa-u, the fourth time, as opposed to
hat '-pud, four times.

As some of these case suffixes, such as the objective, are en-
tirely syntactical in function, and all but the ablative are used
at times as purely sjnitactical means, they must be regarded as
true cases and not as adverbial postpositions. Their phonetic
character, their effect on the stem, and their small number, also
are evidence that their formal force and content far outweigh
their material significance. There is no trace of any of the case-
suffixes ever being used independently of a noun as an adverb
or preposition. The presence of these cases in the language is
naturally aUied to the absence of incorporation in the verb.
While similar case-suffixes are found in many Califomian lan-
guages, usually also accompanied by lack of incorporation, their
number in these languages is often larger, their sense more spe-
cific and adverbial, and the suffixes themselves in their phonetic
form are more like independent stems. The partial resemblance
of the terminatives, inessives, introessives, comitatives, simila-
tives, and other cases in Maidu, Yuki, Pomo, Washo, and other
central Califomian languages, to suffixed prepositions, cannot
be said to extend to Yokuts, except to a certain degree perhaps
in the ablative.

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196 University of California PvJ)lications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

Objective.

The objective ease presents considerable phonetic irregularity.
Normally it seems to be indicated by -a. For this, -i, -o, and
occasionally -u are substituted in not a few words, and a large
number of words show no change whatever from the absolute or
subjective form.

Like the analogous substitution of plural -a for more common
-i, the cause of the use of objective -i in place of -a is not clear.
The words found with objective -i are muk'oc, nibetc, natet,
iw^itc, kaiu, nahat-, d-oxid, owik, t-e, koyoyitc, huc-widitc, gdk-
widStc, and perhaps koc6yi and makci; there are no doubt a
number of others.

Objective -o is found on monosyllabic and disyllabic o stems
and on a few others usually containing o in the first syllable fol-
lowed by an i that disappears before the sufl&x ; so that this -o is
quite clearly due to influence of the stem. The stems taking -o
are tot-, t-ot-, tcox, najoj, ucit, odix, bokid, dopit-, [domit], cokod,
and perhaps yonho and nohoo.

Objective -u occurs on n6ot, perhaps on najoj and hutulu,
and on three stems the u of whose last syllable disappears before
the suflSx, tutuyun, dum6dumutc, and yipyeput-. This -u is,
like -o, due to the influence of stem u-o sounds.

The objective of a large number of nouns, at least one in
three, is without any suffix and identical with the subjective.
This class includes terms of relationship, names of persons, ani-
mals, parts of the body, and natural and artifleiai objects, so
that it is not in any way determined by meaning. While phonetic
form and to a certain extent probably derivational constitution
are evidently the causes of this lack of an objective suffix by
such nouns, yet a considerable proportion of them are not act-
ually explainable in these ways, as will be seen from the follow-
ing circumstances.

Most duplicated or reduplicated nouns lack the objective
suffix: tcej-ej, dog, coxcux and tcaktcak, two species of hawk,
la la*, goose, hoiihon, heart, dapdap, leaf, xam-am, rib. A few
duplicated nouns however show a suffix, such as tc'imtc'im, bat:
tc'imitc'm-a.

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The majority of nouns ending in vowels are also alike in the
subjective and objective. These include nfttco, moxodo, diya',
hupana, mokoi, mai, t'ut'a, hit-waiu, onpoi, xoi, tcitceu, coxgoi,
k'ondjedja, hoopa, hayana, upyayi, yakau, ndotci, katcau, p'anuc-
kai, woxono, t-ipni, t'ufioi, tc'aiji, oca, t'ipeni, k'aiyaat-u, t'ukoi,
tcoto. The final vowels of several of these nouns are quite
strongly resistant to suffixation, as is shown by the complete loss
of this vowel in the possessive (n6tc-in, hayan-in, tcot-in), or
by such loss of the vowel with accompanying irregular effects,
especially the addition of tc or c, in the plural (moxdi-tc-a,
hopna-tc-i, t'ut'oa-c-i). Nouns with vocalic ending taking an
objective sufBx are much less frequent than those that do not.
They include kaiu, t-e, ant-u, axi, nip'ei, tiV, matci, t-wdw, tcudui,
tci ; and probably the following, in which the final vowel seems to
be repeated to form the objective sufBx : caca, gtiiha, makci, ko-
cdyi, nohoo, yofiho, hutulu.

Finally a considerable number of nouns ending in consonants
do not change in the objective: komoyic, ^nac, t'unod, agac,
itwap, bohad, coyod, t-odd, tadxat-, djamoc, 5gnn, pootc, minitc,
k'ewSt, kicik, comot, manad, tcuyon, mod*ak, anac, kiwec, witcet,
hon-oc, tcit'at, bemamgutc, goddiikil, djitcpaapu, k'atcanat, ku-
yocud. The last half dozen of these are evidently not simple
stems; and while their origin cannot be traced, it is possible that
the same feeling of the language which usually prevents the addi-
tion of a suffix to duplicated and reduplicated nouns, may be
operative in these composite, derivative, or onomatopoetic words.
But for the great majority of the words in this list even such a
tentative explanation is not available, since stems which are ap-
parently simple and which have the same vowels as those here
given, or the same consonantal ending, take objective suffixes.

The following list of subjective and objective forms gives
the nouns found whose objective suffix is -a, those that have -o
and -u, those with -i, and shows the scope of the changes in the
stem and the extent of irregularities. The objective case less its
suflk, or sometimes Mrith it — and never the subjective or absolute
form of the noun — ^is invariably the base from which the posses-
sive, instrumental, locative, and ablative cases are formed.

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198

University of Calif omia PubUa^ions. [Am-Abch-Eth.

Engliik

SiOfjeoiive

Objedive

man

kou'tcun

kou'tcun-a

duld

wit'ep

wit'dp-a

medicine-man

afit.u

afiut*w-a

younger brother

n^-a

older gister

n§at

n§at-a

Bon

butcoft

butcoft-a

daughter

azid

azd-a

Bon-in-law

nap&tum

napat'm-a

bear

dHuxun

dtizn-a

panther

woh&sit

wohoct-a

man's sister's child

tcayax

tcayax-a

woman's sister's child

azi

axi-a

woman 's brother 's child

napac

napac-a

grandmother

bap'

bap 'a

daughter-in-law

onmid

unimd-a

father-in-law

nazamie

mother-in-law

ontip

unitp-a

brother-in-law

nip'M

nip'dy-a

mountain-sheep

diwdcip

diwecp-a

rabbit

ti'w

ti'w-a

beaver

topuk

topk-a

raccoon

kut'U

ktit.i«-a

small dark rabbit

m&tci

m&tcy-a

gopher

hung'ut

hunuzt-a

condor

witc

witc-a

hawk, sp.

cuxup

cuzp-a

prairie-falcon

Umik

limk-a

crow

aduut*

aduut-a

bird

ddtcip

ddtcp-a

bat

t^'imtc'im

tc'imitc'm-a

water-snake

yax

yax-a

quail

hummud

humumd-a

eye

caca

caca-a

nose

t.iifiuk

t.ufik-a

ear

tuk

tuk-a

forehead

t.udii

t-«du-a

skin

tcudui

tcudi-a

bone

tc'U

tc'iy-a

Hver

dip

dip-a

kidnej

tcindkit

tcindkt-a

▼agina

umut

umta

guts

doc

doc-a

excrement

bidik

bid'k-a

tail

gut

gut-a

tree

yapkin

yapikn-a

water

idik

idk-a

hunting arrow

cikid

cikd-a

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Bngh$h

Svbjectwe

ObjectiM

bow

dayap

daip-a

town

t.ipic

t.ipc-a

world

p'aan

p'&an-a

wife

yiwin

yiun-a

body

podut

podt-a

game baU

odot

pdot, odot-a

pestle

padtd

paduy-a

cane, reed

kadkid

kadikd-a

fl8h

dopit*

dopt-o

skunk

tcoz

tcox-o

squirrel

yofiho

yofiho-o

bead

t5ot.

t6ot.-o

beUy

t.ot.

t-ot-o

hole

cokod

cokd-o

mountain

domit

domt-o

fire

ucit

oct-o

pillow

odii

odx-o

spring of water

bokid

bokd-o

younger sister

n6ot

ndot-u

mother

najoj

najoj-u*

jaekrabbit

tukuyun

tukuin-u

animal sp.

dum5dumutc

dum5dumtc-u

owl

hutulu

hutulu-u

yipyeput.

yipiyapt.-u

woman

muk'oc

mok'c-i

older brother

nibetc

nibetc-i

father

natet

natdt-i *

parent of child-in-law

makd

wolf

iwdite

iwdtc-i

coyote

kaiu

kauw-i

eagle

d.ozid

d.oxd-i

bald eagle

owik

6k-i

raven

g5k-uddtc

gok-uddtc-i.

gopher-snake

huc-uddtc

huc-uddte-i

frog

koyoyite

koyoyitc-i

house

t.e

t.M

The nouns that do not change for the objective have been
previously given.

It appears from this list that the considerable changes in the
stem occurring in the expression of the plural are not found in

* Or najoj-o.

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200 University of Calif omia PiLblications, [Am.Arch.Eth.

the objective. As a rule the quality of the stem vowels is not
aflfected by the objective suffix. There is however an inclination
to drop the last vowel of the stem before the suffix. A consid-
erable proportion of nouns, about half, indeed do not show this
shortening; but when monosyllables and stems with vocalic end-
ing, which are incapable of such change beyond softening i and u
to y and w, are omitted from consideration, at least three nouns
out of four are seen to drop their last stem vowel before the
objective suffix. Limik makes limk-a; cuxup, cuxp-a; yiwin,
yiun-a; dwxwn, dwxn-a; owik, dk-i; wohocit, wohact-a; muk'oc,
mok'c-i; ucit, oct-o. The exceptions found are butcon, put-on,
tcayax, napac, nahat-, nibetc, aduut-, odot, gdkudStc, hucudetc,
koyoyitc. Not infrequently a vowel appears in the middle of
the word to compensate for the loss of the one in the last syllable ;
or the double process may be regarded as a transposition of the
vowel. In four-consonantal stems the new vowel usually appears
between a double consonant in the middle of the word: ontip,
unitp-a; kadkid, kadikd-a; tc'imtc'im, tc'imitc'm-a; onmid,
unimd-a; hung'ut, hunuxt-a. In such cases there is occasionally
a change in vowel quality also.

The word-accent also, which is no doubt causally related to
the quantity and quality of the vowels of the word, is not af-
fected by the objective suffixes as by the plural ones. Whereas
in the plural the accent, according to the suffix added, usually
moves forward or backward in the word, in the objective it al-
most always remains in place. This immovability of the accent
before the objective suffix is no doubt connected, either as cause
or as effect, with the tendency of the normal accent to rest on
the penultimate syllable of the word, and the tendency of the last
vowel of the stem to be lost before the objective suffix as its equiv-
alent, as it were.

It will be seen that the considerable similarity between the
plural and the objective suffixes, — respectively i, sometimes a;
and a, sometimes i,^-does not extend to the forms assumed by
the stems to which these suffixes are added. On some words the
suffixes are actually identical, whereas the stems differ vocalically
according to the grammatical meaning of the suffix.

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201

Meaning

Subjective

Objective

Plural

woman

mok'oc

mok'c-i

mok'ic-i

older brother

nibetc

nibetc-i

ndnwitc-i

parent of child-in-law

makci

ma'kci-i

mak^i

naat

na'at-a

nait-a

man's nstar's child

tcajaz

tcajaz-a

tcajix-a

woman's brother's child

napac

nap&c-a

na'pic-a

father-in-law

nazamic

na'zmic-a

The diflferencee in the objective and plural forms of the above
words, which are entirely typical, show that the vocalic changes
in the stem are not due merely to the direct phonetic effect of
the suffix, but are caused rather by the general rules of formation
for these two categories; the specific influence of the suffixes, if
it ever was dominant at all, must have been more in the develop-
ment of the general methods of formation characterizing the
category, and in stimulating the active operation of a process
of analogization, than exerted on the particular forms of stems
existing at present.

An entirely similar case, which has also already been referred
to in another connection, is the difference in stem presented when
the plural suffix -i, and the derivative suffix -i denoting the death
of a connecting relative, are respectively added to the same stem :
Meaning Singular Plural Relative dead

Mother-in-law ontip ondtap-i nnitip-i

Daughter-in-law onmid ondmad-i onimid-i

Other Cases.

The four remaining cases, the possessive, instrumental, loca-
tive, and ablative, follow the objective in usually causing the
loss of the last vowel of consonantally ending stems, being in
fact formed from the stem used in the objective, and not from
the absolute or subjective stem-form. Thus : cikid, cikd-a, cikd-
an; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk-anit; limik, limk-a, limk-in, limk-au;
cuxup, cuxp-a, cuxp-un. The only exception found is cokod,
hole, objective cokd-o, locative cokod-iu. The possessive, instru-
mental, locative, and ablative agree among themselves and differ
from the objective in being always expressed by a suffix and
never identical with the subjective, as the objective is in many
words.

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202 University of Calif orrUa PubUcatians. [Am.Arch.Eth.

The possessive ending is -in. On stems whose last vowel is u,
or o following u in a preceding syllable, -in becomes -un. Mono-
syllabic o-stems, as well as those containing ultimate o preceded
by any vowel except u, and all stems whose last vowel is i, e, or a,
take -in. The only exceptions are noot and najoj, which form
noot-un and najoj-un, and which in the objective also take -u
and -o instead of more regular -o and -a. WohScit takes -un,
toddy -in.

Final vowels do not present the same resistance to the posses-
sive as to the objective suflSx. Usually the -in or -un is simply
added: diya', diya'-in; nip'ei, nip'ey-in; kiit-u, kiltu-un; la 'la',
la 'la '-in; upyayi, upyayi-in. Certain nouns impervious to the
objective and usually causing the addition of -tc- or -c- in the
plural, take the possessive sufSx after losing their final vowel.

Subjective

'Objective

Plural

Possessive

hayana

hayan-in

tcoto

tcot-in

ndtco

nutcft-i

note-in

nohoo

noh-i-c-a

noh-i-in

hupana

hopna-tc-i

hupan-in

moxodo

moxdi-tc-a

moxod-in

The instrumental, locative, and ablative seem to be based to
some extent on the objective even as regards the phonetic form
of their suflSxes. Where the objective shows what must be con-
sidered its normal form, namely -a, the characteristic endings of
the three cases at present under consideration are added directly
to this -a : duy, eating, food, objective duy-a ; duy-ani, by means
of eating, duy-au, at, for, eating; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk-
anit; tuk, tuk-a, tuk-ani, tuk-au. After monosyllables -ani re-
places -an. "Where the objective is -o, the instrumental is -on,
the locative -o. Where the objective is unexpressed by a sufl&x,
the formation of these cases varies. Some words show an instru-
mental in -ni or -in, and a locative in -iu ; others respectively -an
or -on, and au. On demonstratives which end vocalically the
instrumental is -ni, the locative -u, the ablative -nit. The follow-
ing list shows such minor variations.

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Meaning

Subjedwe

Ohjeeiive

InairumentiA

Locative

bird

detcip

detcp-a

detcp-aii

tree

japkin

yapikn-a

yapikn-au

arrow

cikid

cikd-a

cikd-aii

water

idik

idk-a

idkau

bow

dayap

daip-a

daip-aii

nose

t'UMk

tttfik-a

tiiiik-aii

t.i(fik-au

ear

tuk

tuk-a

tuk-afii

tuk-au

forehead

t.fldi*

t.fldt«-a

t.adtt-aH

t*ildtt-au

skin

tcudui

tcudi-a

tcudi-aH

tcudi-au

bone

tc^

tc'i-a

tcl-afii

tcl-au

▼agina

umut

umt-a

umt-aii

umtau

eye

caca

caca-a

caca-fii

caca-u

guts

doc

doc-a

doc-ofd

doc-ou

head

toot.

toot-o

toot-oft

toot'-o

pillow

odix

odx-o

hole

cokod

cokd-o

cokod-iu

house

t.e

t.e-i

t*e-u

breast

p^tc

p^'tc

p^tc-afi

p^tc-au

rock

yakau

yakau-afi^

yakau-au^

stick

witcet

witoet-afi

foot

wutoft

wutofi

wutofi-afi

wutofi-au

basket

katcau

katcaw-ufi

katcaw-u

sweathonse

moc

moc-au

brush

yawud

yaud-au

awl

bawuk

bauk-uii

clover sp.

tcit'at

tcit'at-iu

tongue

tadxat.

tadxat-fii

tadxat-iu

mRmm^

mdnite

mdnitc

mdnitc-fii

testicles

hofi-oc

hofioc-ift

hofioc-iu

leaf

dapdap

dapdap-iu

Cases in the Plural.

The objective of the plural is uniformly identical with the
subjective plural.

The possessive plural is formed from the subjective plural
by the suflSxion of -n. The possessive of -i plurals thus is -in,
of -a plurals -an, and of the one -o plural found, mokoi-o from
mokoi, mother's sister, it is -on, mokoi-on.

* Instrumental and locative also yakau-fi and yakaw-u.

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204 University of Calif omia PubUcatians. [AicAech.Eth.

THE VERB.

Of the traditional categories of inflection of the verb : person^
number, tense, mode, and voice, the Yokuts verb is entirely with-
out expression of person. There is not even so much change for
person as the one rudimentary inflection that persists in the verb
of spoken English. This total lack of pronominal incorporation
is perhaps the prime characteristic of the Yokuts verb.

Less frequent than pronominal incorporation, but sometimes
held to be equally typical of the principles of procedure
of American languages as a whole, is a differentiation of verb
stems for number. Such differentiation may be by inflection and
affixion, or may be radical; in transitive verbs it refers to the
number of the object This expression of number is, however,
like that of person, entirely wanting in the Yokuts verb. There is
one case of stem differentiation ; taudj means to kill one, cox to
kill more than one. How far the feeling of the language for the
difference between these two stems is a grammatical one, or how
far there is a connotation in one stem of "kill," in the other of
''exterminate," it is impossible to say.

The reduplicated verb stem occasionally has the appearance
of indicating a plurality of objects, but this is probably only
incidental, the reduplication being used to express the repetition
of the verbal act which usually is implied in a dynamic action
affecting several persons or things, rather than to express the
plurality of these persons or things themselves.

Tense, mode, and voice are all expressed by one method,
suffixation, several phonetic elements existing to designate the
various categories.

SEMI-DERIVATIVES.

Ck)ntrasting with the tense, mode, and voice suffixes is an-
other class of suffixes expressing ideas which most languages
agree in regarding as less grammatical in nature than these and
more derivative and stem-formative. Yokuts shows this same
feeling in that it treats the affixes expressing this class of ideas
differently from those relating to tense, mode, and voice. Such

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 205

semi-derivative suffixes always precede the grammatical ones,
being joined directly to the stem. They include a causative, fre-
quentative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, and reflexive.
The causative, which is not very frequent, is expressed either
by the suffix -da or by lengthening, with change, of the ultimate
stem vowel.

t'ic-da-yan, let him come out !

un-an-da, lean it !

dui-da-c, made eat

tcan na mam ka'm-da-d, I will
make you dance

t'ic.

to emerge

wn, to be leaning

duy,

to eat

ka'm

L, to dance

oilarly ok-da-d froi

udiik

sing

uk-un

drink

dawid

run

tax-in

come

xuyu

return

iidSok

make sing

uk-6on

make drink

dawaad

make run

taxaan

make come

xoyoo

bring back

Had-ad, to raise, with its intransitive had-ad-in, to rise, is
perhaps a causative formation from had-in, to rise.

The frequentative -ta is also not very common,
aj to bite aj-aj-ta-c bit often

tcabop to lie on the belly tcabop-ta-ji na I was lying on my belly
had-ad to raise hada-ta raise it several times !

damna to try daman-ta-c tried (all his arrows)

t'uy to shoot t'ui-ta-i shoot repeatedly

The desiderative is -tcin or -atcin.
tan to go na tan tan-atcin-ad I too would-like-to-go

duy to eat duy-atcin-ad na I would like to eat

oka to see wka-tein-in tan wishing to see him

t'umi to throw at tomoi-tcin-ac manan you tried to throw at me
xatc to stab xatc-atcin-ac manan you tried to stab me

The suffix -cit expresses the fact that the action of the verb
is done for the benefit of some one. The noun or pronoun desig-
nating the person thus affected is in the objective case, the object
itself in the instrumental.

Am. Abob. Eth. 2. 16.

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206 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

max to get max-cit-ji nan duy-ani brought-f or-did me f ood-

Mrith: he got me some-
thing to eat.

tuc to make tuuc-ucta nan daip-an make-for me (with-)a-

bow.

iidiik to sing udk-wct-a sing for.

cuina to buy cuina-cti nan x&ni buy me this !

bi to finish bii-cit-in tan-ji having made it for him,

he went.

The intransitive -in is frequent. Many verbs, snch as uk-un,
to drink, regularly contain this suffix. In some cases it denotes
automatic, uncaused, unintentional action : wox-ji, fell, implying
causation, wox-in-ji fell, of itself. T-ati-ji na tan, I broke it,
literally, break-did I that ; tat-i-n-ji nan xe, I broke it uninten-
tionally, literally, broke me this; na todc-ad doowac, I make
battle; nanau tooc-n-ad doowac, for-me (literally, me-at) is-made
battle. Had-ad, to raise, had-in, to rise, and had-ad-n-ad, rises.
T'on-un, to drown, twwj-wn, to become, t'uy-in, to be night, taw-
in, to be day, dok-in, to be satisfied from hunger, hic-in, to hide,
yiw-in, to marry, tax-in, to come, and other stems, show this
suffix.

The reflexive, which in phonetic detail is somewhat variable,
is an important formative. Its fundamental form is perhaps
-wic, which also appears as -uj, -wac,- woe, often with the intro-
duction of a preceding long vowel. In this supposed funda-
mental form the reflexive verb is used as an abstract noun. The
tenses of the reflexive are formed by adding the usual suffixes
to this base, forming -wici, -ucac, and -ucad or -wicad ; only the
future and participial suffix -in seems averse to being super-
added to the reflexive (as to the intransitive), so that the future
is expressed by -wic without any further suffix. A suffix related
to the reflexive, and appearing to have the force of referring
the verbal action to the body, is -wid, appearing with tense-
suffixes as wid-6n, wid-ji, wid-ed, and perhaps wita. An impera-
tive -we is perhaps connected more nearly with this form rather

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than with the -wic reflexive.* The snfSx -nmduuc or -umduwic
denotes a person accompanied by that one of his relatives desig-
nated by the stem of the word. The category of reciprocity does
not appear to be strictly distinguished from the reflexive. The
reciprocal forms obtained contain the reflexive suffix, the fre-
quentative -ta, and are usually reduplicated. It is not certain
how far these means are actually used to express the idea of
reciprocity, and in how far they are the expression of the repeti-
tion which is very apt to be implied in any plural verb with the
object **each other."

doo-wao battle

katd-uwie kated-game

tcom-woc a hiding and gnessing game

teatcn-uwie stave game

t*it-wae copulation

boyo-wae name

tafiy-uwie ceremonj of drinking jimson-weed (tafiai)

dai-wicu na I kicked mjself (day)

cap-wicu na I whipped myself (cap)

cap-a-uj-ad na I used to whip myself

cap-a-wic nihi I shall whip myself

wot-wici na I hit myself with a stick (wot*)

wot-5j-od na I used to hit myself

wot-5wic nihi I shall hit myself

dny-6wic nihi I shall eat myself (day)

tcan na tuuj-wac t'ofiotcmi I shall be t'ofiotcim (tuc, make)

tcan t'uy-u-t'y-uwnc t*aatci there will be a great battle, (people will shoot

each other, t'uy)

tooj-aij-ac woxono made herself, turned to, a log

tcanj-t2j-ac combed herself (tconic)

^ The sufSx -wid, imperative -we, is probably related to the independent
stem wid, to tell or say, also to do or make; as wid-ji nan, he said to me.
This stem appears in such words as hnc-uddtc, ' ' hush-sayer, " a species of
snake, and kux-ud^tc, kux-wid-Mtc, * * kukh-maker, " a species of hawk
which is thought to produce a sound kukh as it parts the brush in dashing
through it in pursuit of game. Hatic-wid, to sneeze, accordingly seems to
be nothing but "to say hatish," or ''to make hatish," and more obscure
forms such as tcabop-wid and tifi-tifi-wid may contain the same stem. When
Yokuts vocabularies are obtained it soon becomes noticeable that words are
frequently given followed by wi. This is especially the case when an in-
formant deliberates or app^s to a bystander; the latter will then often
mention the word followed by wi, as iUk wi, literally **8ay ilik," or **tell
him ilik," but actually perhaps nearer, in general force, to our **it is ilik."
It is doubtful from all this whether the -wid, -we suffix should really be
regarded as unconnected with the reflexive, or whether the reflexive can be
considered as probably genetically related to the verb stem wi, wid, of gen-
eralized meaning.

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t«aud-uj-ac
tcadx-uj-ac na

tcabop-we
t 'omom-we
hadad-we
dt*c-dMc-wi nan
alat-we

c&na hatic-wid-en

cana t 'omum-wid-^d

€ana tcabop-wid-en

adad-wid-ji ta mai

roj-oj-wid-ji

iam na ufl-ufi-wid-ji

iuc-dtic-wid-^n namam

\k axd-nmduwic

ak nat-umduwic
acki putcn-omduj-a
omitck-amduuc

ap-i-cp-uuj-a-ta mak
Lai-dj-uj-a-ta mak
j-aj-ta-uj-i-ta mak
g-aj-ta-uj-i-ta na

brushed herself (tanit)

I turned myself over (tcadix)

lie on your belly I

Uel

raise yourself 1

rub met

stick out your tongue!

I (shall)

I (will) lie down

I will lie on my belly

supported that person

(arrows) stuck in (his entire body)

I leaned against it

I will rub you

she and her daughter (they daughter-and-her-

self)
my father and I (we father-and-myself )
him and his son (those son-and-himself )
two cowives (cowife-and-herself )

we whip each other
we kick each other
we bite each other
I bite myself constantly

TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE.

The final suffixes of tense, mode, and voice are two preterites
n -ae and - ji ; a finite future and a present participle in -in ; a
;ontinuative, indefinite as to time, in -ad; a passive in -it; a
future passive and an active verbal objective noun in -nitc, some-
:imes -anitc; an agent in -itc; and a participial form in -ana.
The unaffixed stem is used for the imperative and sometimes in
:he indicative. Cases can be added directly to the stem treated
is a noun, as well as to some of the temporal-modal forms. The
mffix -ana may possibly be a case form of the participial ending
in; the locative -u added to the preterite -ji makes a temporal
participle.

Vocalic Mutations of the Stem.

The stem preceding these modal-temporal suffixes often un-
iergoes a vocalic change previously referred to. The form of

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the stem which may be considered the normal one occurs before
i-suffixes; a changed form before a-snffixes. The mutation as it
occurs in monosyllabic stems ending in a consonant is as follows :

Before i-sufflxes Before Orsuffixes

i e

e i

A undergoes no change. Monosyllabic stems ending in vowels
also do not change.

Disyllabic stems are fewer and their changes more compli-
cated, so that the principles governing their mutations are not
so clear. Where the stem is derivative from a monosyllabic rad-
ical, either by reduplication, by the common intransitive suffix
-in, or by some other suffix, there is a considerable tendency for
the secondary syllable to contrast, according to the pairing just
given, with the primary one, whatever the form of the stem ; so
that in these verbs the vocalic mutation is a double shift. For
instance :

Before i-suffixes Before a-sufflxes
t'on-un t'un-on

dem-dim dim-edm

hop-wd hiip-od

dotc-tin dutC'On

wo-wud wu-wod

Sometimes, on the contrary, the derivative -in assimilates with
the stem vowel. In this case, when the stem vowel changes be-
fore an a-suffix, the vowel of the derivative disappears.

Before i-sufflxes Before a-sufflxes
tid-in ted-n

uk-un ok-n

twwc-iin tooc-n

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Disyllabic stems whose Yowels are i and e interchange these
before a-suffixes; disyllabic i stems change the first i to e and
lose the second.

ent-im inet'im

ipe epi

hiwet heut

ciwex ceux

pitid petd

winis wens

xit-iu xet-u

Final vowels in disyllabic as well as monosyllabic stems are

usually not changed; the preceding vowel also sometimes does

not alter.

waki waki

hoyi hoyi

xuyu xuyu

d'ka ilka,

k^unu k'anu

t'umi t'omi

tcit'a tcet'a

Disyllabic stems with primary a do not alter this. An i in

the second syllable after an a in the first changes to a before a-
suffixes. If the first syllable ends in w, the second vowel, whether
i or a, disappears before a-suffixes.

cadik cadak

tcadx-in tcadax

amid amad

a '-in a '-an

bax-in bax-an

hawid hawad

dawid daud

tawidj taudj

awat- aut-

tawac tauc

A fundamental feature of these verbal stem changes is that
the altered stem vowel is not in direct accord or assimilation

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with the vowel of the suflSx that might be supposed to have
caused the change. While the process of stem-mutation appears
to be set in operation only when certain phonetic elements are
suffixed, the mutations are by no means directly determined from
these elements but entirely follow their own rules.

There are two apparent departures from the rule that one
form of stem is used before i-suffixes, the other before a-suffixes.
First, the stem otherwise found before a-suffixes occurs generally
before the agentive-purposive -itc. Many verbs however show
this suffix in the form -aitc, -ditc, -ate, and some of those that
have merely -itc lengthen and accent the last vowel of the stem.
It appears from these facts, and is confirmed by similar condi-
tions in the Yauelmani dialect, that the full form of the suffix
is not -itc but the equivalent of -a-itc, or -itc combined with an-
other element, possibly the causative. This explains the a-suffix
stem used.

Second, case suffixes, namely -a, -au, and -ani, are added to
the i-suffix form of the stem. The explanation of this fact is that
when provided with these case-suffixes the verb-stem is a noun,
so that the verbal laws of vocalic change are inoperative. What
seems to be the i-suffix stem-form in these case-formations is only
the normal form of the stem, as it appears for instance in the
unsuffixed imperative. This fact is typically illustrative of the
nature of the laws of vocalic harmony in the language. Were
the basis of these laws purely phonetic, that is to say physiolog-
ical, the stem duy, which becomes doy-ad and doy-anitc, should
also become doy-a and doy-ani; that it remains duy before the
case-suffixes -a and -ani is evidence that the grammatical circum-
stance, of the stem with the suffix -a or -ani being syntactically
a noun, is of more consequence than the phonetic circumstance
of the vowel of these suffixes being a; in other words that an
abstract grammatical distinction entirely suspends and again
sets in operation this concrete and physical phonetic law. That
this potent distinction is the fundamental but purely formal one
between noun and verb, is food for thought for those who have
been taught to regard American languages as, in the higher lin-
guistic sense, * 'formless."

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212 University of California Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth.

It is of course theoretically possible that this inoperativeness
of the verbal law of vocalic change before case suffixes is due to
some original but now vanished difference between the phonetic
content of the case suffixes and the modal-temporal sufSxes; in
other words, that -a and -ani fail to produce a stem-vowel change
in verbs not because they are case-suflBxes which by their pres-
ence convert the stem into a noun, but because in some former
period they differed vocalically, just as now they differ conso-
nantally, from the suffixes -ad and -anitc, and that the stem-
differentiation, which at that time occurred before the two sets
of suffixes according to physiological influences, became crystal-
lized and has survived as an apparent psychological distinction
CO this day when the suffixes no longer bear their original form.
Such an explanation is entirely possible and will no doubt be
made by those who are so inclined; nevertheless, when we do
not go beyond what we actually have knowledge of, which is the
language in its present form, it is indisputable that in this point
grammar, that is to say psychological activity, predominates over
physiological activity or phonetics.

The use of the two contrasting verb-stem forms is recapitu-
lated in the following classification.

First form of stem Second form of stem

-ji -ac

-it -ad

-in -ana

-nitc -anitc

[-itc] -itc
Unsuffixed stem, indicative. Unsuffixed stem, indicative, re-

Unsuffixed stem, imperative. duplicated,
[-a, -ani, -au, non-verbal]
[-ca, enclitic]

A number of verbs, a minority of those known, show a sec-
ondary differentiation of stem in regard to the future and
participial suffix -in and the past suffix -ji.

Monosyllabic o stems containing two consonants usually
change o to u before -in, so that the stem of this tense agrees
exceptionally with the a-suffix stem.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 213

'in 'ji

bnk bok

cux cox

dux dox

hut hot

wut« wot-

The stem of the passive in -it seems to agree with the -in form
in these verbs.

Certain disyllabic stems lose their second vowel, which is
light, before -in and the passive -it, but retain it before -ji and
in the unsuflSxed stem. This difference is evidently merely due
to the vocalic beginning of -in and -it as compared with conso-
nantal -ji. There is no approximation to the a-suffix stem, for
this tends to emphasize the second stem vowel instead o{ drop-
ping it.

-in

'it

-J*

Imperative

a-mffl

dukd-un

dukd-ut

dukud-ji

dukud

hupc-ut

hupuc-yu

hupuc

patd-in

patd-it

patid-ji

pitcw-in

pitcw-it

pitciu-ji

pitciu

amd-in

amid-ji

amid

amad-

pitd-in

pitid-ji

pitid

p^td-

Another occasional stem-diflPerence between the -in-tense and
the -ji-tense is accompanied by a double form of the -in-tense.
This difference within the -in-tense seems to be due to a distinc-
tion made between the two meanings expressed by the suflBx,
namely a finite future or present and a participle. In the verbs
in which the forms for these two ideas are not alike, the partici-
pial -in has the stem-form of the -ji-past; the stem of the future
-in differs.

waid

teap
t'ui

The temporal and modal suffixes are not much modified by
the stem. -Ji and -it follow the rule of the possessive suffix -in
in their susceptibility to the stem ; they become -ju and -ut after

•in future

'in participle
or stem

•a

'O-SUffi

waad-in

waid-in

waid-ji

waad-

htipod-

hopvd

hopud-

htipod-

tcup-an

tcop-nn

tcop-un-ju

tcop-

t'oy-an

t'uy-in

t'uy-in-ji

t'oy-

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214 Universtty of California Publications. [AicAech.Eth.

stems containing u in the final syllable and after disyllabic stems
containing u followed by o. The suffix -in undergoes greater modi-
fications, which have been described in the general discussion of
the laws of phonetic mutation. This suffix shows some tendency
to contrast the quality of its vowel with that of the stem. The
-nitc and -anitc suffixes do not change; -itc varies somewhat
irregularly, being sometimes -iitc, -aitc, -utc. After pure a-stems
it becomes -ate. The a-suffixes -ac and -ad are unmodified except
that pure o stems usually cause a change of a to o. A softening
to e on stems whose last vowel is i is also heard. -Ana is unal-
tered; it has some power of assimilating the preceding syllable
to -a-.

Imperative.

The imperative is the stem of the verb. It agrees with the
stem of the i-sufSx forms, as found most purely in the -ji past.
The singular imperative is the stem alone ; the dual, plural, and
optative are indicated by the postposed enclitics yak, yan, han,
and ca. Yak and yan are sometimes attached to other words
and may precede the verb. Han is usually heard as a separate
word. . Ca sounds much like a suflBx, but as it does not affect the
vowel quality of the verb stem as it should if a suffix, resem-
bling in this respect yak, yan, and han; and as it is always so
closely followed by the pronoun that this forms part of it as
much as the particle itself does of the verb ; there seems no reason
to regard it as anything else than an enclitic.

Yak denotes the dual, yan the plural. These forms are re-
lated to the pronouns, whose indications of dual and plural are
-k and -n. Ya, their first element, is found as an independent
adverb at the head of imperative and optative sentences. Han
indicates a modified imperative, sometimes translated ''I want
you to." Ca indicates the optative of the first person.

dox

spiUt

t.'ik

tiel

pitc'

count 1

dui

eatt

dm-ak

eatl (dual)

dui-an

eat I (plural)

tazin

come I

taxin-iak t

'ic-yak

come, come out, you two!

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^ka-jak nan
am ^a
am jan ^ka
am yak pat*uja
tau-jan zoodo
ka'm ban
ka'm han yan
nuhuk ban
teudnk ban
boll-ban xifL
ya'-mak e'p-ca-mak
ta'zin, piti'd-ca-na-mam

ka 'm-ea-mak

ja'mak t'ni-t'ui-ca-mak tacdi

jra'mai doo-ca-mai

look at me, you two!

don't lookt

don't ye lookl

don't you two figbtt •

tbere make bim sit I (plural)

I want you to danee !

I want ye to dance 1

kneel!

point at it!

I want you to smell tbis!

let us (two) swim.

come bere, I will tell you

a story (come, relate-let-

I-tbee).
let us two dance,
let us go sboot tbem.
let us (plural) play.

The future indicated by the suflSx -in, by the particle hi, or
by both, is frequently used to express the imperative.

Future and Participle.

The important suflix -in expresses both a finite tense, pri-
marily future but verging on the present, and a participle used
like the English present participle when it is adjectival to the
subject of the principal verb, as in ** he went singing." In ordi-
nary simple verbs it is the suffix -in that has both these mean-
ings; in the reflexive both significations appear to be expressed
without the suffix -in ; and only after the derived intransitive -in-
stem and in certain verbs like k'on, daka, oka is there the dis-
tinction that the future indicative is expressed by the stem but
the participle adds its proper -in. Tax-in, to come, is used for
**will come"; tax-in- ji is came, tax-in-in, coming. Dotc-wn-wn,
being cold, padtt-un-un, being inside, uk-un-un, drinking (uk-un,
will drink), are other cases.

tau akam ni hi daka, there perhaps I shall spend-the-night.

punyid daka-in am tacdi wat ukaac, twice spending-the-night,
not them anyone saw.

pin^tji bok hotc-in-in tan, he asked, wishing to find her.

hideu tanaad tawidj-in, where does-he-go dying?

cukid-ji muk'ac wka-tcin-in tan, made-a-hole the-woman see-
wishing him.

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216 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

ama ta-nit bii-cit-in tan-ji, then there-from finished-it-for-
him-having came.

ot-in-in tid-in-ji, falling he-rolled-down.

In a few verbs, namely wtad hungry, oka see, hwpod men-
struate, in which the unsuffixed indicative stem with future
meaning takes the place of the -in-suffix future, this unsufSxed
indicative stem differs from the imperative and i-suffix stem and
agrees in vocalic form with the second or a-suffix stem.

The unsuflBxed reduplicated stem is also used as a future or

perhaps an indefinite indicative. The reduplication in this case

is always of the kind with metathesis of the second vowel, and

the first syllable has the a-suffix form of the stem.

hiemzac na haja-wic to-morrow I shall-laugh (cf. baya-uc-ad)

hiemxac na ah-in to-morrow I shall-cry (cf. ahn-ad)

wica akam ni hi 70 utad soon perhaps I shaU again hanger

ta na mam uka if (lit. that) I 70a see

na ka'm-a-ki'm I dance

zit'ia hi angry will-be

tcan na tud-6-tnd zifi p'ana (future) I bum this country

The future is usually accompanied by one of two particles:
tcan, placed at the head of the sentence, perhaps meaning soon,
and denoting the immediate future; and hi, indicating a more
general future. Hi is an enclitic and is postposed to the per-
sonal pronouns. It has the effect of changing na, I, and ma, you,
to ni and mi : nilii, milii. No other similar modification of the
pronouns seems to exist.

tant-i'n namamhi I shall shake you

tca-na tux-dn I shall pull

dux-S'n mi-hi you will spill it

pitcw-in na tan I shall stop it

pitc'-ft'n na tan hi I shall count it

a'm na hootiid hawid-in ni-hi tan tcok-un

not I know doing'What I shall it extingoisb-shall

Continuative.

The suffix -ad marks a continuative and usitative, which ap-
pears to be entirely indefinite as to time, since it is sometimes
past, sometimes present, and sometimes future.

hide ma tanaad where are you going t

hunai na heutad I am just traveling (for-nothing I go)

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Past Tenses,

The past is expressed by the two suflSxes -ji and -ac. These
may perhaps be related in origin. -Ji forms the ordinary narra-
tive tense. The -ac forms do not seem to be used without being
connected with an adjacent -ji form, though they are probably
not strictly dependent or subordinate forms. Sometimes the
-ac tense occurs in what corresponds to a relative or temporal
clause in a sentence whose principal verb has the suffix -ji ; occa-
sionally the relation is the opposite; and sometimes both tenses
are distinctly finite, but the two sentences in which they occur
present a certain contrast. The -ac tense is probably in some
way analagous — ^not equivalent — ^to the Indo-European pluper-
fect, which also cannot exist without at least a logical reference
to some other past time.

ama

Then

ama

Then

ent-im-ji

he-slept.

batsyo

again

ama

Then

k'anuw-ac

he-wM-lyins

yet'-au

with

t-aud-uuj-ac

she-broflhed-henelf.

ama tik yo

Then (they two) again

woxono

a-log.

tan-ji

went.

ama yet n6no dan-an-t-a-ji c6opin nunei xay-at

Then one man heard (-what) three men (had) said.

ama tanit tanji pitanica xi-tau tud-ot-ac altinin

Then thenee went a-Pitanisha hereto-where were-boming the-people-of-Altan.

anik tannitc an

Their (A) going not

okaj pitanica

saw Pitanisha (B).

tacdi wat ukaac

those (A) anyone (B) had-seen.

ama tin

then they (A)

ama

Then

XWIU-JI

he-retnmed

hidee-nit

where-from

taxn-ae

he-had-eome.

ama tan tcfeet-ac am

Then It eloTer*8he*ate: not

tan hfeta miik-ac yo tap

it yet she-had -swallowed and

ti-ji nohoo

emerged grixzly-bear.

ama ta-nit tan t'ui-jn t-ipnin ukaac nohoo

Then there-from him he-shot np looking grizzly-bear.

There is no present tense-suflSx in the language, this tense
being expressed variously by the future, the continuative, and
the -ji-past suffixes.

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University of California PtLbUcations, [Am.Aech.Eth,

Passive.

The passive in -it is in every sense a true passive, and not
very uncommon. It is past in meaning, or present when the
present passive state implies a past action.

buk-it na I was found

dukd-ut na I am buried or I was buried

na hupc-ut I was selected

na had-ad-it I was raised (na hadinji, I rose)

pitc'-it mak we were counted

bi-it ma you are eaten (**you were finished")

Participles and Verbal Nouns.

The -itc suffix forms a noun agent: tcow, work, tcuwSitc,
worker, iiduk, sing, UdSkiitQ, singer, yiwin, marry, yuwSnitc,
husband, ka'm, dance, ka'maatc, dancer. The same form is also
used as a purposive: tan-ji t-okt-ik-itc, he went to hunt. Of
course there is no wide difference between **he went hunting,"
**he went as hunter," and **the hunter went."

taxn-a'd na amad-i'tc mam come I to-help you

xe' nim ama'd-itc he (is) my helper

The phonetic formation of this verbal is not clear, as it ap-
pears to be usually derived from the a-suffix stem of the verb
but sometimes from the i-suffix stem, and as often -itc becomes
-6itc, -aitc, or -ate, or is accompanied by lengthening of the last
stem vowel.

yuwteitc

yiwin

marry

doowitc

doo

play

UdokiitQ

udilk

sing

ipyitc

ipi

get water

hawaditc

hawid

hiutitc

hiwet

go, walk

dixeditc

dixid

make basket

amaditc

amid

help

goyuwinitc

gamble

tcit'^tc

tcit'a

eat clover

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dapyitc

dapi

pick, gather

pitc'Jitc

pitc'

count

pwdaitc

pod

cross stream

tcuwMtc

tcow

work

ka'maatc

ka'm

dance

ahanatc

ah-in

cry

ukaatc

oka

see

wdudutc

wo-wud

stand

tiSditc

teid

guard

Like -in and -itc, the suffix -nitc has two functions. It forms
a future-present or continuative passive ; and it forms an active
verbal used as the object of an indicative verb, the subject of
the verbal being rendered possessive by the substantivification.
The passive form on some stems is -anitc instead of -nitc, in
which cases the stems undergo the a-suffix mutation.

dai-nitc na
bok-nitc na
day-a-dy-a-fdtc na
watak ta patd-anitc
tcan mai cox-nitc
ha-fd mi hi hoyo-nitc

I shall be kicked
I shall be found
I am being kicked
someone was being cut open
now we shall all be killed
what-with you will named-be ?

hiam na tcun-ju nim tcowo-nitc, now I have-completed my
working.

haujad ta ma hoitcad nim tan tamna-nitc, how-many-times
that you wish my that trying (me to try it) ?

wkac na min tan dui-da-nitc, I saw you making him eat (saw
I your him eat-making).

Much like the -nitc forms in function and use are the object-
verbals formed directly from the simple verb stem with case
sufiSxes.

ifckac na min wdk-a, saw I you (your) singing.

okaj na min yiun-in ipe-i, saw I your wife's water-getting.

am-na hootcad minik wk-n-a, not-I want ye to-look.

maiaju tooj-ad an t'un-na, himself made his drown.

dana'c na min xay-a, heard I you what-said (your speech).

na hutop min xay-a, I shall-leam your language.

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220 University of California PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth.

As previously stated, other case-formations of the verb stem
are similarly used as nouns : ukn-au, at drinking, on account of
drinking; duy-ani, in order to eat, for food.

The suffix -ana forms nouns and participles. Sometimes it
has the appearance of an -in participle modified by the added -a
of the objective ; but this explanation does not cover many cases
and is problematical. Generally -ana seems to have the force of
a — one.

tcapana

half

tcop

divide

yuwana

married one

yiwin

marry, wife

hupana

widow, widower

baxana

coward

bax

fear

hixana

fat one

hSxa

fat

cinana

thin one

hayana

duck

hayin

fly

xi katcau map-ana, this basket is-fuU (a-fuU-one).
bok-ji na main t-e-i at-ad-ana, found I our house open,
bok-ji na patad-ana, found I a-disemboweled-one.
haaktci na tau bok-ji nukam-ana, something I there found
bent.

hanak tau ka dadak-ana, something there that is-hanging.

A characteristic construction of the language is a temporal
clause formed by the -ji past tense to which the locative -u is
added, the subject becoming possessive.

uksL namamhi tuyuji-u min, I shall see you when you return
(see I-you-shall retum-at your).

ama kaiu ent-im-ji modot-sy-u an

Then Coyote slept seed-gatherinc-at her.

tan-ji-u an limk-in ta moxodo ent-im-ji

Golng-away-at his Limik's that old-man slept.

xwiu-ji-u nim hiam dowactacnac

Betam-at my already a-battle-was-fonght.

yhViu p'aan-in tan-ji-u ama widji

One world's gone-at, then said. (After one year he said.)

ttka namam hi xwiu-ji-u min

See I yon shall retnm-at yonr.

t*ok-it na wduk-ji-u nim

Hit-was I singing-for my.

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Interrogative and Negative.

The interrogative and the negative are not expressed by alter-
ation of the verb, but by independent particles, hin and am,
usually placed at the head of the sentence. Sometimes ti is found
instead of hin, usually proclitic to ma, you.

Yerh Substantive.

There is no verb substantive. Two nouns or a pronoun and
noun are simply put into juxtaposition. Xi djejej, this is a dog.

THE PRONOXJN.

PEBSONAL PB0N0UN8.

The personal pronouns, which are never abbreviated,^ much
less incorporated, are differentiated for: the first and second
persons and in part for the third, for singular, dual, and plural,
for subjective, objective, possessive, and locative, and in the first
person dual and plural for inclusion and exclusion of the second
person.

Suhjectwe

Objective

Possessive

nan

nim

SifngiOaf 2

mam

min

1 excl

nak

nanak

nimgin

1 incl.

imftV

magin

Dwu

Tiiftk

TfiftTTIftk

mingin
angin

1 excl.

n&n

nanunwa

nimik

1 incl.

mai

main

Plural

mlui

minik

anik

There is no third person except in the possessive. When
there is no noun-subject the third person of the verb is either
unexpressed or is replaced by demonstratives or the particles
tik, tin. The possessive of the third person may be altogether
a formation by analogy. In other dialects, such as neighboring
Yauelmani, **his" is amin instead of an, thus differing from

^And never modified except for the change of na and ma to ni and mi
before the future enclitic particle hi: nihi and mihL

Am. Aboh. Btb. 3, 17.

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**your" only by the initial a-.* Whatever the origin of all the
pronominal forms, and this probably cannot be definitely deter-
mined, analogy has certainly been a powerful factor in shaping
them. The regularity of the series is very unusual. The objec-
tives nan and mam, me and thee, might be regarded as due to
reduplication — ^an unheard of process to indicate case, and one
that would be unparalleled in this language both in respect to
occurring in the pronoun and in being so incomplete as to lack
a second syllable— or as assimilation of a case-suffix, such as
the -n forming the objective of demonstratives, to the initial
consonants of the stems. But as the forms nan and mam are the
bases for the respective locatives, as well as for the dual and
plural objective pronouns of the first and second persons, these
views seem problematical. fJ does not enter into either the loca-
tive or plural of demonstratives ; and above all the suffixion of
a number-suffix to a case-suffix, as it might be alleged to occur
in the dual na-n-ak, is the reverse of the process found without
exception in nouns and demonstratives.* The forms nan and
mam can accordingly not be wholly explained by any of the
grammatical processes operative in the language, — suffixion, re-
duplication, and vocalic harmony. They may or may not have
been stems originally diverse from the subjective stems; analogy
however has certainly helped to shape them. This analogizing
force becomes doubly striking when one compares the possessive
forms nim and min. The absence of a third person has perhaps
contributed to this parallelism by leaving room for the balancing
of n and m to be fully carried out in the first two persons : n and
m, n-n and m-m, n-m and m-n.

The dual and plural suffixes of pronouns are in element -k and
-n, both occurring also in demonstratives. The full forms of these
Suffixes are, for the subjective -k and -n, for the objective -ak
and -un, for the possessive -g and -ik, added to the case forms of
the singular, which are thus treated as stems. In nouns and dem-
onstratives number suffixes always precede case suffixes. In the

* See the diflcussion of the comparative forms of the persomil pronouxiB of
all the Yokuts dialects in Part lU. Certain groups of dialects possess sab-
jeetive and objective forms of the third person in tiie dual and plural; but
none in the singular.

' And even elsewhere in the pronoun, as nim-g-in, ma-i-n, nan-un-wa.

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X>068668ive, the dual snflSx seems to be used, strangely enough, for
both dual and plural ; the dual is differentiated from the plural
by the further addition of -in, which is probably not the pronom-
inal plural suffix here dealt with but the usual nominal and dem-
onstrative possessive sign -in. In the objective plural there is a
final suffix -wa, which may be related to the ordinary substan-
tival objective singular case-suffix -a. The most regularly anal-
ogous forms of the first person in the dual and plural are the
exclusive ones; the inclusive dual and plural are formed from
the stem of the second person which they include. The inclusive
dual mak is like the second person dual mak;^ the inclusive
plural is mai, i)ossibly formed from the stem ma of the second
person by the substantival plural suffix -i to indicate this first
person, as opposed to the plural maan or man of the second
person itself. The objectives of the indusives were not obtained ;
their possessives, diversely from all the other pronominal posses-
sives, are formed by addition of the regular substantival posses-
sive suffix -in directly to the subjective.

The locatives of the personal pronoun are formed, as in the
noun, from the objective as a base, by suffixion of -au, iu, or -u.
So far as obtained they are :

nan-au for me, on account of me^

mam-au for you

nanak-iu for us (dual inclusive)

mamak-iu for us (dual exclusive)

nanunwa-u for us

No instrumentals of the personal pronouns have been found ;
the language appears to show some inclination to avoid them.

There is no distinction in the third person between pronouns
referring respectively to the subject and to a person or thing
distinct from the subject, — se and eum.

maiaju an yiuna t-okji himself (ipse) his wife he-hit

t-okji an yiuna tain he-hit his wife that-one 's

Before the future participle hi, na and ma become ni and mi.

^ Probably differing however in length of voweL

'In other dialects these locative forms have been found with locative
meaning: nanau, at me, here; mamau, at jou, there.

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The possessiTe pronoun of the third person may be introduced
between two nouns one of which is in the possessive case, though
this is not often done ; but such a possessive pronoun never re-
places the possessive case-sufBx, — another instance of the com-
pleteness with which syntactical case construction dominates in
the language over the necessarily largely pronominal ''incorpor-
ating" type of construction.

yiwin an limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife

yiwin limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife

The possessive pronoun is also often tautologically repeated :

hatpau an naunitcau an, fourth-time his coming-at his.
cuMdji an t*eu an muk'oc ta, pierced her house her woman
the.

When both a subjective and an objective pronoun occur in
a clause, they are closely coupled together. Except in cases of
strong emphasis, the subjective precedes. The combination pre-
cedes or foUows the verb. When it foUows, it is usually enclitic
to the verb; when it precedes, it is usually attached in similar
manner to a particle at the head of the sentence, such as tcan,
soon, at once (future), hin, the interrogative particle, or am,
not. Other particles like hi in turn generally attach themselves
to the end of the compound in the same manner; so that the
word which they all follow may carry the accent for three or
four syllables. The rule that the objective pronoun follows
immediately upon the subjective is probably more regularly ob-
served than any other governing the order of words in the lan-
guage, and there is in it possibly a faint reminiscence of pro-
nominal incorporation. That this customary coupling is however
in no sense even partial incorporation is shown by the fact that
the pronouns are not shortened or altered, that their position as
regards the verb is not at all fixed, and that on occasion the
compound can be broken up and disarranged. Both in the strict-
ness of their order among themselves and in the fixedness of
their position as regards the verb, the pronouns of French come
much nearer to being incorporated than those of Yokuts.

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k^id namam, I embrace you

ohd'n namamhi, I will look for you

tc&'namam tanft'd, I will take you with me

ca'inactid na'mamhi, I will buy-it-f or you

bin manan SkBC, did yon see met

namamhi tftn taudjad, I will kill yon too

ma'm na ohdod. You are the one I want (when

the right one appears after
several undesirable ones have
been rejected)

DEMONSTRATIVES.

There are four demonstrative stems, falling into two groups ;
the radical consonant of one group is k or z, of the other t. Xe,
xi, and ka, meaning this, this, and that, refer respectively to
the first, the second, and the third person, or to distances con-
ceived of as equivalent. When there are no persons involved,
ze refers to close proximity, zi to a short distance, ka to a longer
distance, but within sight. When an invisible object, or one
merely referred to, is spoken of, the demonstrative constituting
the second group, ta, must be used. Ta, however, does not pri-
marily mean **that invisible." It is a general indefinite demon-
strative, sometimes similar to our article the, and quite generally
used, especially in the objective, for the pronoun of the third
person. Its locative tan, there, is also liberally strewn about
sentences without much specific reference. Ta is even used of
present objects and of persons within range of speech and just
referred to by zi :

widji witc am mi hi zin yiuna nim widen

Sftid Condor: **Not yon will this wife my toll}

am mi hi tan ipein widen

BOl yon will her: *get*water' tell.''

The difFerence between ze, zi, ka, on the one hand, and ta
on the other, is therefore primarily between locally specific dem-
onstratives and a locally indefinite one; secondarily, between
prozimity and visibility as opposed to distance and invisibility.

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The four demonstrative stems form their cases and numbers
as follows. The objective is -n. The possessive, instnimental,
locative, and ablative are the noun case-sofSxes -in, -ni, -n, -nit.
The dual and plural are formed with enlargement of the stem
by -c, to which the numbernsuffixes : dual -k and plural -n, con-
nected with the -c by a vowel contrasting with the stem vowel,
are appended. This gives the subjective forms. The objective
are formed by apparent metathesis of the last vowel, or more
probably by sufSxion of -a or -i, before which the last vowel is
lost. In this process -en- becomes -cd-. Ta-nit is often contracted
to tat.

Xe and zi differ only in the subjective singular; all their
other forms are identical.

Sulj. Olj. Pass, In8tr. Loe. Abl.

Singular

zi-n x%-in x^-ni xe-u xe-nit

This (near 1. p.) xe

This (near 2. p.) xi

That (visible) ka ka-n ka-ni ka-u

That (general ) . - ^ • * -• ^ . •.

• • -1.1 \ r ta ta-n ta-m ta-ni ta-u ta-mt

invisible) J

i" xi-c-ak xi-c-k-a

* xi-c-an xi-c-d-a

Dual
This (xe)
This (xi)
That (ka) ka-c-k-i

That (ta) ta-c-ik ta-c-k-i

Plural
This (xe)
This (xi)
That (ka)
That (ta) ta-c-in ta-c-d-i

These demonstratives are used indifferently as substantives or
as adjectives, and for animate or inanimate objects.

In connected discourse tan, that, him, it, like tau, there, is
used so frequently, and with so little weight, that it occurs tauto-
logically.

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ama tan natet an widji tan wit'epa, then him father his told
the boy.

widji tan mikiti axda an, told her Mikiti daughter her.

If tan were a true pronominal element, and actually incor-
porated in the verb by affixation, we should have here incorpora-
tion of the holophrastic type.

While true relative pronouns are lacking, the demonstratives
in part fulfill their function.

ta injij mak daka, that good we spend-night (it is best that
we spend the night) .

okac na tan ndno xi nan kow-o-kw-oc, I see the man who hit
me (see I that man this me hit).

ama tan taut-aj xi tan taut-ataji an najojo, then him he-killed
this her killed his mother (he killed him who had killed his
mother) .

ama tanit tanji xi tau tud-o-td-ac, then thence he-went this
there they-were-buming-it (went where they burned).

Tik and tin, dual and plural, containing the dual and plural
suffix-elements -k and -n, are used with verbs of the third person
lacking a substantival or demonstrative subject. The number
of the subject of the verb is thus given even if the subject is
lacking, the singular of course being indicated by the absence of
the particles. While the t- of these forms seems demonstrative,
and their number-endings are undoubtedly pronominal-demon-
strative, they seem to be merely particles indicative of the num-
ber of the understood subject and of the verb, and not to be felt
as pronouns. Interpreters find difficulty in translating them
and do not give the meaning **they.''^

The imperative dual and plural particles ya-k and ya-n that
have been described contain the same dual and plural suffixes
and are somewhat of the same nature.

^ Similar eonditions obtain in other Toknts dialects which lack tik and
tin. These dialects possess subjective dual and plural forms of the pro-
noun of the third person which are used like tik and tin to indicate the
duality or plurality of the preceding noun or verb: aman, they, resembling
man, je, as amin, his (Taudanchi an), resembles min, thine. No objective
or singular forms of these dual and plural words have been found, a fact
which corroborates the conclusion, already evident from their usage, that
they are functionally not so mucb-^e equivalents of for instance the English
personal pronouns, as primarily indications of number.

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INTEBB0GATIVE8.

The interrogatiyes and indefinite pronouns are:

wat, whot, someone; objective wat-i ( t) ; possessive wat-in.
bed, hawed, which onet

han, whatt something; objective baa; instrumental b&-ni.
bide-u, where t somewhere; a locative; ablative: hide-nit.

Two suffixes serve to render these stems more indefinite : -ak
and -tci.

wat-ak, someone.

han-ak, ha-ak, something or other; h&-ak-tci, what, I wonder t

hede-ak-tci, which one, I wonder t

The verbal root baud, bawd, to do, to do something, to do
whatt, to do howt, which seems to be almost certainly related to
the stem of ha, what, forms the following in common use :

hawidin, haudinin, howt what fort thus; literally, doing
whatt doing thus.

haud-au, ever, at any time, at what timet whent; with nega-
tive, never; bauj-ud is how many times t

It will be seen that the same stems are indeterminately inter-
rogative or indefinite. When interrogative they do not require
the presence of the interrogative particle bin; they are usually
placed at the head of the sentence. It will also be seen that
whereas the demonstrative does not differentiate for animate-
ness and inanimateness, the interrogative-indefinites are divided
between two groups of stems, wat- for the animate, h-, especially
ha-, for the inanimate. Resembling the latter and probably re-
lated to it by analogy if not in origin is the interrogative particle
bin.

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229

THE ADJECTIVE.

AdjectiveB are as infrequent and comparatiyely unimportant
in Yokuts as in most American lan^^ages. It is difficult to de-
termine whether they are at bottom more properly nouns or
verbs. Their occasional use with case suffixes seems to designate
them as nouns. A plural suffix -hate appears to belong primarily
to adjectives used substantively.* A few adjectives show unex-
plained variations of form ; punun, puutcutc, small ; met*, large,
mit-amut, large ones. A few adjectives of shape are redupli-
cated : cot-ot, circular, up-up-uc, buk-buk-uc, spherical, taptap-ic,
flat (cf. dapdap leaves) ; also pun-un, puutc-utc, small, inj-ij
good. Attributive and predicate forms are alike.

badjikin red

butawaca badjiknin painted with red
small his foot
small (ones) his feet
adult

large-ones are-coming
a-child
children
I am-little

I am-little, I am-a-baby
wben-I-was-little (as-a-little-one)

I shot
I am-large
we are-large
the-house is-large
reached (they) large house
farther-off there is-a-large-one
farther-off there are-large-ones
good I am-boy
good my dog-is
good-are we

punun an wuton
punin-hetc an wuton
baha'dja

bahadj-batc taxn-ad
wit'ep
wit'ip-hatc
na punun
na puutcutc
puutcutc na t-ok-ci

na met*
nan met*
t-e met-

nau-ji tik met- t-e-i
xund tau met-
xun6 tau mit-a'mut
injij na wit'ep
injij nim djejej
injjeji mak
g'og'ocinJjaji
mononhoi

there-were good things

^ It seems, especially from the evidence of other dialects, that this suifix
hate is really a diminutive.

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NUMERALS.

The numeral system is decimal. None of the numerals below
en are analyzable, except that hat'pani, four, contains ponoi,
wo, and ywt-cin-id;, five, contains yet, one.* The numerals from
ileven to nineteen are formed from those for one to nine by the
uffixion of -am, or sometimes by addition of the words for **ten
ind." Thus, yetc-am, eleven, or t-ieu yo yet, ten and one.
Twenty is two ten, and all the tens are formed thus. Twenty-
me is two ten one. One hundred is yet pitc', one count. The
lundreds are enumerated to t-ieu pitc', ten count?, one thousand.

According to their function the numerals assume several
orms. In most of these forms certain final phonetic elements
tre lost in several of the stems. These unstable endings are :

-o- (nsoally)

-n

-fii

•nut

-i

•

-in

One suffers no loss, but is somewhat irregular. Eight, nine,
ind ten are also not shortened.

The modifications of form undergone by the numerals are the
■ollowing.

1. When the numerals are adjectives attributive to nouns,
>r are inanimate nouns in the subjective case, the full forms used
n counting are employed.

2. When the numerals are nouns in the objective case, or
idjectives modifying such nouns, the same forms are used, plus
he objective suflSx -a (-i).

3. When the numerals are animate nouns in the subjective
xase, such as **they three," **the four of them," with perhaps
he idea of collectivity prevailing, the detachable endings are

^ Even though the words for four and five so evidently contain tiie stems
>f two and one, their forms in twenty different Tokuts dialects vary only
)honetically and give no light on their composition. This is in accord with
itatements made below as to the scarcity of Yokuts words whose derivation
s explainable.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Ixmguage. 231

lost, the sufSx -In is added to the abridged stem, and the stem-
Towels, or more strictly most of them, undergo the change to the
nearest contrasting vowel familiar from verb stems, i to e, e to i,
u to 0, o to u, a to d'. The word hanj-un, how manyf may also
contain this snfSx -in.^

4. To indicate a distributive, as ** three each,** in the objec-
tive, the detachable endings are lost, and the first syllable of the
stem is duplicated, the vowel in its second occurrence being
weakened to i.

5. To indicate cardinal adverbs, such as "four times," the
numerals undergo the same loss of their detachable endings, in
addition drop the vowel that then remains in their second syl-
lable, and add the sufSx -id, which is on some of them assimilated
to -ad,- ud. Compare hauj-ud, how many times t

6. The ordinal adverbs, such as "fourth time,** are formed
like the last class, except that in place of the suffix -id they add
the locative ending -u.

So far as obtained, the numerals of these different classes are
given in the following list.

Omrdinml 0(M<m AwtmmU 2H§trib%Ui9€ AdMrMcl .^HH^JSm

1 yet yet yit-ein ylt-yit-ln yit-ate

2 pofioi pofti-o poflo-iin pofl-pifi-i pofiy-id pofly-o

3 odopin cdopin-a cnp^-iin cop-eip-i eopy-id oopy-o

4 hat'palii hat'pafky-i hat'op-iin hat'-httV-«p hat'p-nd hat'p-an

5 y«ft-cifli«t y«lt-oift-n-i yiit-eo-iin y«lt-yiit-t{o yiit-o-ud ytft-o-an

6 to'ndipi to'od^p-iin to'o-to'id-ip te'odp-id te'odp-o

7 nomtoin num^to-iin nom-nim-ito nomto-id

8 mn'noc mn'ndc-iin ma'n-mu'n-uo mn'no-ad

9 n^nip nnn^p-iin non-nin-ip nonp-id

10 tiea tieu-iin ti-t-i-w t-i-ad, tiewa

The detachable endings that are lost in certain of these cate-
gories do not represent concrete sufi&xes or sense elements, but
are determined apparently by phonetic usage. In hat'-pani,
four, -pani represents ponoi, two, but is cut in half when there is
a loss of ending, hat '-pa being retained and -ni lost.

The numerals from eleven to nineteen are formed from those
for one to nine by the suffix -am, with loss of the detachable end-

^ This suffix -in may be identical with the -in indicating the plural of pro-
nouns and demonstratives, and occurring also in the imperative and indicate
particles ya-n and t-in expressing the plural.

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232 University of Cdlifomia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth.

ingg. Stenui whose first vowel is o change -am to -om. It will
be seen that this derivative process is entirely similar to the
gramamtical ones above described.

11 yfttc-am

12 cnynkai

13 copy-om

14 hatcp-am

15 yut-c-am

16 tc'odp-om

17 nomtc-om

18 mn'nc-am

19 nonp-om

Cuyukai is said to be the proper Yaudanchi form for twelve.
Most other dialects have potcd-om, which is formed from potcot,
given by the Yaudanchi as an alternative or more correct form
for ponoi, two, but not yet found in the dialects that use potcd-
om. In Yaudanchi also potcot seems to be used only in counting;
the suflSxes are all added to the stem ponoi.

The stem yet, one, appears as yet- and yetc in certain Yokuts
dialects, and some of its Yaudanchi derivatives show the form
yetc: yetc-am, eleven, yitc-a, alone. Yet-au, literally one-in, is
together ; 6ma is first.

ADVERBS AND UNSYNTACTICAL WORDS.

Other classes of words, which we call adverbs, conjunctions,
prepositions, and interjections, are difficult to separate in Yo-
kuts, and require little comment. A few words with the appear-
ance of prepositions have been referred to in connection with the
objective case. They are of several syllables and appear to have
either a participial or a locative ending. The noun to which they
refer is in the objective.

A number o;f adverbial words such as mun-au, outdoors,
t'ic-au, in the open, bepat-iu, at the top, cik-au, in the side, hetc-
au, close, are locatives.

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^OL.2] Kroeber.—The Yokuis Language. 233

Conjunctions, bemdes 70, and, again, also, are about lacking.
Their place is taken by the subordinating constructions of the
verb, the participles and the case-suffixed verbals. Ama, then,
is a common introductory particle in narrative. Ta, that, is
sometimes used in the sense of if.

ta namam i2ka, ama namam kuwu, if I you see, then I you hit.
ta ma tan hi uka, wi padiotn mam hi, if you him wiU look-at,
then he-enter-to you will.

ORDER OP WORDS.

The order of words in the Yaudanchi sentence is rather shift-
ing. A usual order is quite perceptible, but this is often departed
from. As regards the three chief parts of the sentence, the verb
most frequently comes first, the subject next, and the object last.
Locative nouns, and similar modifiers, commonly stand at either
of the ends of the sentence. The adjective, whether attributive
or predicative, almost always precedes its noun. The personal
pronouns usually precede the verb, especially if there are nouns
in the sentence. The frequent tafi, him, her, it, and tau, there,
usually also precede the verb ; tan especially when it represents
a noun subsequently expressed in the sentence. The subject and
object pronoun form a rather close complex between which other
words do not enter, and in which the order subject-object is not
departed from except for special emphasis. The particle hi
follows the pronouns, usually immediately upon them. The nega-
tive am, the interrogative hin, and all interrogative pronouns
usually open the sentences in which they occur. A rarer inter-
rogative ti usually precedes the pronoun of the second person.
The introductory ama, then, heads the sentence in narrative.
The possessive pronoun is used either before or after its noun;
sometimes both before and after. Tik and tin follow the verb
immediately or precede it ; the same is to be said of yak and yan.

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234 University of Calif ornia Publicatiom. [Am-Argh-Bth.

VOCABULARY.

COMPOfiinON.

No certain case of full binary compoBition, like sugar-loaf,
man-killer, has appeared in the Yaudanohi dialect of Yokuts.
There are a few doubtful cases. 5fohoo ka'm, grizzly-bear dance,
was heard as two words; so was k'amun hoyowoc, no name, the
appellation by which a person whose names are tabu through
death is addressed. Yitca-xooo virgin, bachelor, is '* alone sit-
ting," and may be two words or one, a description or a name.
It is theoretically improbable that there is no binary composition
whatever in the language; but the process is certainly not of
much importance. The familiar class of words represented in so
many American languages by mouth-stone and night-sun is lack-
ing. In the place of such compounds Yokuts has for its nouns
disyllabic and trisyllabic words a very few of which are deriv-
able, more of which contain a familiar stem or suffix while the
remainder of the word does not yield to analysis, and the great
majority of which are even after some study as unassailable as
monoi^llables.^

A number of words, mainly names of birds, are formed of an
onomatopoetic element, usually duplicated, followed by widfttc,
udfetc, sayer :

huhu'-udJtc, hmhm-uditc bull roarer, huhn-sayer

o-udetc chicken

p6k6k-udJtc ground owl

g6k-uditc raven

huc-ud^tc gopher-snake

and a number of others.

^It is worthy of note that an apparently composite word like hatpafii,
four, certainly related to pofioi, two, appears in all the dialects known, of
course with phonetic variations, but never any more structurally transpar-
ent; and that under the influence of suffixes its stem is unetymologieally
reduced to hatpa- not only in Yaudanchi but in the other dialects from which
there is material.

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language.

235

DEBIVATION.

Half a dozen deriyational suffixes, all forming norms, can be
determined, though their meaning is not always clear.

-oc:
t'ny
t-ufi
mok
ho 'ft

-ud:
ttofi-oe-nd
kuy-oc-ud

shoot

Bhut

swallow

egg, hoii-hoii heart

t'ny-oc
t<ufi-oc-ud
mUk-ue
hofi-oo

a kind of arrow
door, gate
throat
testielea

door, gate (t*im, shut)
knee (kuyo, ankle)

-i, -ui, -oi:

padtf enter

hiwet go, walk

tendnk point, select

foil drown

-it, place of:

efit'im sleep \

t«it-wac eopnlate l^reAenre)

padi»-i
hiwit-i
tcndnk-ni
t'ufi-oi

ifiet*m-it
t.it-euc-it

pestle
tracks
index finger
fish net

sleeping place
hoose of prostitution

-i in terms of relationship, with vowel change, denotes that
the person through whom the relationship existed is dead:

napatom son-in-law

napitim-i

son-in-law after death
of daughter

nip'ei wife's brother

nipiyi-t-i

etc

ontip mother-in-law

onitip-i

nazamic father-in-law

naximic-i

onndd daughter-in-law

onimid-i

onpoi wife's sister,

unipiy-i

husband's brother

-inin, people of :

zomot south

zomt-inin

southerners

xucim north

zocm-inin

zocom-o, zocima,
northerners

not, not-u east

nutn-unun

nut 'a, nutca-wayi,
easterners

datu, dat'Wun west

dat*w-unun

westerners

pad-u down-stream (=inf)

padu-unun

those below (=being
insidef)

aIit,Yaudanchi grass sp.

alt-inin

people of alt-au

adit

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The case suffixes, especially the locative, serve to derive
words:

doo

battle

doo-e-id-aa

where-always-figfat
(name of a place)

aHt,adit

species of grass

alt-an

at-aUt

(name of a place)

t'ic

emerge

t'ie-an

in the open, np from
a stream

g'o

sit

g* o-en-aa

Sunday

wo-wud

stand

wod-an

Monday

pofioi

two

pofiey-afiet-

an Tuesday

c6pin

three

enpej-afiet-

au Wednesday

hat'pafii

four

hat'p-an

Thursday

ytft'cifint

five

yit'c-au

. Friday

sabado

(Spanish)

saualo

Saturday

The intransitive derivative

-in makes verbs from nouns :

wotofi

foot

wntofi-n

to track

mnk'oe

woman

mok'c-in

to lose in luck through
a. woman, to "be
womaned. ' '

yet, yet'au

one, together

yitw-in

to gather

injij

good (=inij-ij)

inej-n-ad

likes

opod-o

son

opod-n-id

sun shines

There

is some derivation by vowel change alone.

Verb

Noun

cokud

perforate

cokod

hole

Cikid

hunting arrow

hofi-hofi

breathe

hofi-hofi

heart

hofi

smeU.,

mnyak

whirl

moyak

whirlwind

There is considerable derivation between nouns and verbs,
with and without vowel changes, that cannot be classified or
explained.

zot

to rain

zotoo

rain

ciwex

to drizzle

ciwaza

drizzle

winis

ready

winatum

servant, messenger

widt

erectio penis

wicdta

elder-tree

t'ofi

drown

van-uk

thick

t'ic

emerge

t'ic-am-ya

in spring

copd

cover with blanket

copon

blanket

tcutya

carrying net

tcutui

put into carrying net

hopa

blood

hopud

menstruate

tipin

acorn-bread

tipin

to eat acorn-bread

dik

acorn-mush

dik

to eat acorn-mush

tAfiai

jimson-weed

tafiy-

to drink jimson-weed

tcit'at

a species of clover

tcit'a

to gather or eat clover

axid

daughter, child

azad

to have a child

watcam

feather-ornament for

watcim

to hold a feather-

hand

ornament

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Kroeber. — Ths Yokuts LangtLoge,

237

A number of words show possible evidences of comi)osition
or derivation, though it is not possible to determine much about
them.

tcok,t'Ok

hant, hit

tcok-oyija

wasp

imd

to cross a stream

pod-zoi

sucker

zoi

deer

p'in

world, land

p '&n-nckai

fly

k'on

f aU, alight

k'on-djedja

a large species of
lizard

pad-a

enter, in, down-

pad-euyami

tribal name

stream!

bad-wija

tribal name

zadm

north

zocomo,
pLzodma

tribal name

bok

find

bok-ninuwad

tribal name (so called
* * because they do
not give up things
that they find")

tcoin-ok

tribal name

tcoin-imni

tribal name

yawud

brush

tribal name

yaud-antci

tribal name

opdi

. day

opodo

sun*

upic

moon

toM

rattle-snake

t.uwd-um

rattle-snake medicine-
man

ho'fi .

egg

hofi-tod

fish roe

k'oco

thigh

k'oco-yi

elbow

doe

intestines

teudui

skin

tcu-doc-ui

navel

azid

dao^ter, child

azed-cat

husband

t*ipm
n5tco

top, up, on, sky
young man

t'ipni
n6tci

magical, monster,

supernatural
friend

efit.im

sleep

afiatc-wat

dream

tnk

ear

tuk-uyun

jackrabbit

pofioi

two

potcot

two

hat'pafii

four

yet

one

yiit'ciiittt

five

flaw

arrive

Unm^x

bring

already

hiam-u

long ago

hiam-zac

yesterday

and, again, also

batc-yo

again

far, wide, long

wa-wa-u

to-morrow

tcan

now (future)

tcan-um

at once

wttze

much, many

wtiz-nad

very

on-

on-tip

mother-in-law

on-mid

daughter-in-law

on-poi

wife's sister,
husband's brother

^ O'p is sun and moon in other dialects.
Am. Abob. BtHm S, 18.

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University of California Publications. [AicAbch.Eth.

REDUPLICATION.

Reduplication occurs to some extent in the formation of stems,
he forms it takes and the classes of words it affects, have been
iscussed under the general subject of reduplication ; the specific
ises will be found in the vocabulary and in the comparative dis-
cission of reduplication in the last part of the paper.

GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE VOCABULARY.

With SO little analysis of evidently and probably derived
;ems possible, with very few deriving sufiSxes determinable and
Imost no composition, the majority of Yokuts words, whatever
leir original nature, must at least be treated as stems.

Of the verb stems, the majority are monosyllabic. A third
r more are irreducible disyllables. The typical verb stem is
learly a vowel between two consonants or two vowels alternating
etween three consonants.

Of the noun stems only a small proportion are monosyllabic,
hese are :

Parts of the body:

Terms of relationship :

Persons:

tc'i

bone

ca-ca

eye

tuk

ear

gut

taU

tot.

head

tot.

belly

dip

liver

doc

guts

hon-hon

heart

neec*

younger brother

noot^

younger sister

naat^

older sister

bap'

paternal grandmother

mai

person

^ The formation of the plural would indicate that these stems are disyl-
Etbles.

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Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language.

239

Animals:

Objects:

xoi

deer

ti'w

rabbit

tcox

skiink

witc

condor

teak

blackbird

rattle-snake

yax

water-snake

lau-lau

butterfly

house

moc

sweat-house

ka'tc

arrow point

pon-pon

snow

p'an

land

dap-dap

leaf

got-

tule sp.

cax

milkweed, string-fibre

box

a shrub, string-fibre

pi'd

road

not

east

so'm

wristlet

tcok

a measure of beads

dik

acorn mush

UST OP PRINCIPAL WORDS.

The following vocabulary is incomplete, including less than
two hundred verb radicals whereas the number in the language
is presumably two or three times as great, and being deficient
in the series of noun stems also. As the most common stems are
included, some idea of the character of the words of the language
is however given. The nouns are classified in the following
groups: Words denoting persons, terms of relationship, names
of parts of the body, of animals, of plants, and of inanimate
objects, natural and artificial. The list of verbs is arranged
alphabetically by stems. Following each stem and its signifi-
cance, are given, in all cases where they have been actually found,,
the imperative, the future-participial form, the continuative, and
the two past tenses, together with other less common forms.

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Nouns:

person
people

'sons:

woman
child
youth
ft girl

old person
friend

tns of relationship:

te'atic

neighbor

t'ofi6tcim

hermaphrodite

servant, meaeenger

diya'

chief

afit*a

doctor

fee

rain-maker

t*aniian,hupana widow, widower

wdet.it

bride

father (address: opojo)

mother (address: icaja)

son, man's brother's son

daughter, child

older brother, cousin

younger brother, cousin

older sister, cousin

younger sister, cousin

older or younger brother or sister, by speaker of opposite

sex
father's brother
father's sister
mother's brother
mother's sister
woman's brother's child
man's sister's child
woman's sister's child, man's brother's daughter

[cf. azid]
grandfather, man's grandchild
paternal grandmother, woman's son's child
maternal grandmother, woman's daughter's child
greatgrandfather, man's greatgrandchild (also ghost)
greatgrandmother, woman's greatgrandchild [cf. mokoi]
husband [=marrier]
wife

father-in-law
mother-in-law

son-in-law, sister's husband
daughter-in-law
parent of child-in-law
man's wife's brother

woman's husband's brother, man's wife's sister
man's brother's wife, woman's husband's sister and

brother's wife

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Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language.

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Parts of the body:

tdt.

heady hair, sknU

t'ufi

anal hair

Ot*0

hair

umut

▼agina

t.udtf

forehead

tcudocui

nayel

tcimdjid

eyebrows and lashes

tcuyon

urine

caca

eye

bidik

faeces

tunuk

nose

sweat

t^fiani

cheek

mafiad

tears

tnk

ear

hozutc

saHva

cama

mouth

nitet

mucus

yipyeput.

lip

t-oka

brains

tadzat.

ton^e

bac

marrow

teeth

piked

sinew

awaci

chin

kufiat

tendons

djamoc

beard

hofihoii

heart

hoeod, mitktic

throat

comot

lungs

6gaii

neck

dip

liver

t*apad

shoulder

tcin^t

kidney

pootc

breast, sternum

cupiz ^

m^nitc
t.ot.

mamma, milk
beUy

potodo (
doc j

• intestines, stoma

k'ew^t

back

betninwatc J

rib

hopa

blood

zozoic

hip

tc'ii

bone

k'ocd (yokutc)

thigh

h^za

fat

kadaca (pokn)

lower leg

tcudui

skin

kuyocud

knee

podut

body

kuyo

ankle

p'aada

fur, feathers

wutofi

foot

tcoddfiic

feathers

putofi

hand, arm

tcai

down

zapad

finger, toe

kabad

wings

kddk

nail

bumot*

beak

k'ocoyi

elbow

zicyad

scales

takatci

palm

ho'fi

egg

teda

anus

ho'fitod

roe

poto

penis

gut

.tail

hofioc

testicles

i«cad

horn

iket

glans penis

tc'inawa

shadow

put'Wid

semen

hOpod

menstruation

t*umot

pubic hair

hoyowac

name

Animals:

tcdjej

dog

bohad

ground-squirrel

duuTun

bear

yofizo,

tree squirrel

fiohoo

grizzly bear

dumddumutc

wood-rat

iwMtc

wolf

tciviyi, [tcivili] chipmunk

kaiu

coyote

atcgit

mole

au'tea

foz

hung'nt

gopher

huyaktitsi

badger

[p'icUu]

mouse

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raccoon

poh6ot

weasel

otter

wohWt

panther

beayer

t'ufiod

wildcat

skunk

diy^ip

mountain-sheep

polecat

cozgoi

elk

jackrabbit

zoi

deer

cottontaU rabbit

coyod

antelope

small black rabbit

tc'imtc'im

bat

bird

g6kuddtc

rayen

eagle

aduut*

crow

bald eagle

otcotc

magpie

condor

oiui

road-runner

buzzard

t.aicuddtc

jay

prairie-falcon

crested jay

sparrow hawk

teak

blackbird

falco columbariuB,

tcakudu

meadowlark

circus hudsonicus

paladat

woodpecker

accipiter yeloz

t'iwica

yellow-hammer

accipiter cooperi

upyayi

mourning doye

bnteo swainsoni

tcuiditna

himantapus mezieanus

buteo lineatus

wazit

crane

hawk sp.

hayana

duck generically

fish-hawk

wat'wat*

mallard duck

snowy owl

la 'la'

goose

homed owl

datcai

mudhen

glancidium gnoma

uyoiitc

wood-duck

samia ulula

hozodo

duck sp.

ground owl

hummud

quail

a small owl

t.ipdi

mountain quail

hummingbird

rattle-snake

koyoyitc

frog

water-snake

djitcpaapn

homed toad

gopher-snake

k'ondjddja

lizard sp.

king-snake

kahut*wai

lizard sp.

snake sp.

zolpdyi

lizard sp.

snake sp.

wildH

lizard sp.

turtle

k'atcanat

salamander

fish

dpic

lake ''trout"

trout

djak6mon

riyer "trout"

sucker

g6pa

perch

wasp

laulan

butterfly

yellow-jacket

tc'andkac

grasshopper

fly

b'akid

flea

blowfly

tehet.

head louse

mosquito

badad.

body louse

dragonfly

gat.uk

worm

red ant

tobak

deer-tick

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243

Plants:

japkin

yawud

tc'azic

deun

k'dmiyaz

tcimat

tdwudt

putuc

kanad

tcuiiozic

tofiac

idfiit

watak

wic^ta

cazate

eadam

aptu

topofi

we'tcip

Natural

Mpin

opodo

upic

opdi

tojono

tc'oitoe

k'udai

tcefaefi

zotoo

dwaxa

ponpon

ZOWOt'O

dag6tak

t«akaa

tcidaca

mojak

ydlyal

p'&an

ditfitft

domit

tree

brush, grass
live oak
black oak
plains oak
oak sp.
white oak
acorn
conifer sp.
sugar pine
digger pine
pine sp.
pine nut
elder

willow sp.
willow sp.
manzanita
buckeye
a small tree

objects:

sky, above, up

sun

moon

day

night

star

cloud

fog

rain

drizzle

snow

hail

rainbow

thunder

wind

whirlwind

earthquake

land, world

earth

mountain

tcozote

hoz

tcitUE

caz

h6fiatchufiatc

cuyo, got.

kadkid

tc'akac

adit

tcit'at

zodono

dapdap

Mam, ddau

h6pud

bumtana

tcodowin

wages

kuyo

yakau

witcet

hutac

wozono

idik

bokid

piaji

buyofi

ucit

mod'ak

hapac

capan

zucim

not

zomot

dat'UU

soaproot

shrub used for string

milkweed used for

string
milkweed used for

gum
tule, two sp.
cane, reed
wire-grass, basket

material
salt-grass
cloyer sp.
clover sp.
leaf
flower
root
stump

plain

sand

salt

rock

stick

wood

log

water, stream

spring

lake

ice

fire

smoke

ashes

coal

north

east, up-stream

south

west, down-stream

Artificial objects:
t*e house

moc sweat-house

pad&wa
t'Ufidcud

entrance, cave
gate, stopper

giteu

wadak

watcam

wooden hairpin
head-net

feather ornament
carried in hand

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244

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t.ipic

town, people

c^ma

head-band of eagle

copon

blanket

down

dayap

bow

so'm

wristlet of eagle down

cikid

arrow .

waiatc

necklace, garland

t'uyoc

war-arrow

tc'omis

tule case

djibaku

a kind of arrow

tcoxun

ceremonial skirt of

wuk'ud

a kind of arrow

eagle down

k'atc

arrow-point

pode, cuyut

beads

padtii

peetle

long beads

padifi

bed-rock mortar

bopoitc

needle for piercing ear

p^wac

portable mortar

cakai

asphalt

k'oiwoc

small mortar

zojojidj

white mineral paint

katcan

basket

kababafiitc

fathom

tcaiji

open-work seed-beater histH

measure of shell-

kaiadjn

sifting basket

beads (on hand)

t'aiwan

gambling tray of

tcok

half of hista

basketry

k'onomo

half of tcok

bawok

bone basket-awl

mononhoi

property

dahitci

moccasin

baut

shelled acorns

tc'ufiic

woman's dress

ip'in

ground acorns

badawufint*

pipe

tipin

acorn bread made in

85kon

tobacco

flat basket

citet

cane

kodwidin

acorn bread cooled in

tcapoi

^gg^T^ stick

water

tock[«c]

crook for gathering

caca-fiitc

acorn bread cooked in

wood

a hole

tcutia

carrying net

t'adic

soft acorn bread

odix

pillow

cooked in rocks

owon

tule boat

dik

acorn mush

huetc

walnut dice

ctoit

meat

odot

ball

udam

myth

iatet

ball stick

tibiknitc

world of the dead

tcupaiwit

swing

tcMafidu

passage to tibiknitc

pucatc

whistle

cokod

hole

manwatd

musical bow

pi'd

road

wocok

belt

Adjectives.

wuze

many

up-up-uc

spherical

k'uxnui

buk-buk-nc

spherical

met*

large

wiic

bare, naked

ptman, putcutc

small

padtfx

smooth

inj-ij

good

nuitc

crooked

dot.e

bad

badjikin

red

long

tclimat

green

at'e

short

tcodod

white

tap-tap-ic

flat

tcumgtttan

black

cot-ot

circular

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245

Adverbs and Particles.

hohu, houQ

yes (o nasal)

hunai

for nothing, in vain

k'ama

hiam

already, now

not

hiamn

long ago

penau

near

hiamxac

to-morrow

atceu

near

wawau

yesterday

munaa

outdoors

hdtd

today, now

pidan

at the door

wttxnad

very (cf . wwxe)

k'acQii

at the rear of the

akam

perhaps, it seems

honse

too, also

t'icau

in the open, up from

and, also, again

a stream

wica

after a time, after-

tdunaj

through

ward

powo

across a stream

ama

and then, then

on this side of

future particle

tdpin

up, high, above, sky

hin

interrogative particle

adid

down, low, below

interrogative particle

hitca

perhaps

dap

particle expressing the

wit'i

aUttle

unexpected or a

widitc

a Uttle while

contrast; indeed

self, of himself, by

particle expressing

itself (ipse)

indefiniteness

hntfiai

intentionally

weUI

niudi

another

hawe

well I

yitca

alone

used with the optative

yet 'an

together (=at one)

wd'patc

utinam

beta

yet

tcuk'it

look out I

tean

future particle

hide

greeting

teanum

immediately

(cf. ''where!")

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 247

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language,

249

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Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language.

253

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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The YohuU Language. 255

TAUDANCHI TEXTS.

The following Yaudanchi texts include all the myths and
tales obtained and two incomplete texts based on myths of other
Indian tribes. These two were obtained with the idea that a
Yokuts text expressing the same ideas as texts extant in other
languages might be convenient in comparisons aimed to bring
out the essential qualities of different American languages. One
of these two texts is a translation of part of an Arapaho story,
the other of the beginning of a Chinuk myth. The former is the
first text given, and illustrates the dependent constructions of
Yokuts unusually well. It is followed by a full word by word
analysis. The first lines of the second text, the story ot which
is purely Yokuts, have been analyzed in the same way. All the
texts have been left exactly as recorded as regards the division
of words. This was done because the question of the degree of
union between the pronouns and the tense and mode particles is
at once a delicate one to decide and perhaps an important one
in Yokuts, since the grouping of these words is the nearest ap-
proximation in this language to the common American charac-
teristic of incorporation. In actual discourse these pronouns
and particles are probably run together somewhat more than
shown in the texts, as the informant unquestionably sometimes
spoke with unusual slowness and distinctness for dictation. On
the whole, however, the condition of the texts in this respect will
indicate fairly the character and extent of such enclitic word
grouping. In all cases the several words heard pronounced as
one have been separated -in the Indian text by hyphens and their
English equivalents have been given as entirely separate words.
Wherever a single Indian word has had to be translated by two
or more English words in order to make its meaning clear, these
English words have been united by hyphens. In regard to ac-
cents, also, the texts have been left exactly as recorded in spite
of some inconsistencies and incompleteness. The word accent in
Yokuts is not so marked that it would be wise to indicate it un-
less special attention had been given to it, which was not the case ;.
the sentence accent, however, on account of the grouping of en-
clitic words, bears on the same question, of the degree of union

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256

University of California Publications, [Am.Aiich.Eth.

between them, that has just been referred to ; and for this reason
the accents, in spite of the imperfection of the record, have been
retained where written and not added where omitted.

jon

ta
"If

widj'-an

told hit

t-okt-ikitc

to-hnnt.

yiuna-an

wife his.

xwiuji

retamed

t-ipni

the-8upe]iuitiirml<one

taxin

eomM.

tan

him

yiuna

wife

ama

Then

TANGLED HAIR.

hi tika-wi

wlU lookat,

tanatcinin

co-wishing.

padaan

wlll-enter>to

ama

Then

d-ajd-ajtintootc

D-aJdaJUntoote*

tanit

that-from

nauji

reached

mam-hi

yonwiU."

tanji

went

tan

that

her

ama

Then

t*ea

h<mse-at

tan

that

i^ka-na-mam-hi

"See I yon will

cokdo an

hole her

wa-am-tan okaj

Long not him looked-at.

hideenit taxnac

where-from came.

tan oma nauni

(f) first arriTing-by

nannitcau-an

arriTing-at his

naunitcau-an

arriying*at his

mukac ta

woman that

ama

Then

Not

d*ajd*ajtintootc

D-aJd-ajtintoote

tan

there.

haa

anything

tcan

Soon

tiiiieju

did

xono

constantly

ama

Then

not

tan

him

hatpau-an

f onr-at his

tan

there

panknn-an

awl-with her

t-ipni

snpematnral-one.

ama

Then

t-ipni

snpematnral-one.

widji

said

xuyinjiu

retom-at

her

your."

ukaad

eTer»looked-at.

cnkidja-an

X»ieroedher

ukatcinin

see-wishing

demdam

thought:

ama

Then

tan

there

okac

looked.

ANALYSIS.

ta, if; indefinite demonstrative that, need sometimes as an equivalent of if.

ma, you.

tafi, him; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; objective suffix of demonstra-

tives, -fi.
hi, future particle.

uka, see, look. Unsuffixed stem altered from oka.
wi, interjection,
paduan, wiU enter; -in or future tense of padv, to enter.

* Based on part of the text of an Arapaho myth.

*d-aj. tangle, tin. particle of plnral, tdtc or t6t-, head, hair.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 257

mam-hiy two words: mam, objective you, thee; hi, enclitic future particle.

widj', for wid-ji, told; -ji past tense of stem wid, to tell.

an, his; possessive of third person singular; here enclitic to widj'.

yiuna, wife; objective case of yiwin, bj suffix -a.

tanatcinin, wishing to go; stem tan-, to go; a-tcin, desiderative suffix; -in,
suffix of participial-future tense.

ama, then; introductory connective.

tanit, thence; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; -nit, ablative suffix.

tanji, went; -ji past tense of stem tan, go.

t*okt*ikitc, to hunt; stem t*ok, reduplicated t*okt*ik; -itc, purposive and
agent suffix of verbs.

ama, then.

d.ajd>ajtintootc. Tangled-hair, name; composed of stem d*aj, tangle, dupli-
cated; tin, particle expressing the plurality of the subject of
the verb; tootc or tbt*, hair.

fiauji, reached, arrived; -ji past-tense of fiau, to arrive.

tafi, that; indefinite demonstrative, here adjective, ta; -fi, objective suffix
of demonstratives.

yiuna-an, his wife. Two words: yiuna, objective of yiwin, wife; and an,
his, possessive of the third person, here enclitic to yiuna.

wa-am-tafi, long not Mm. Three words: wa, far, long; am, not; tafi, indefi-
nite demonstrative that, he, ta, with objective suffix -fi.

^kaj, looked at; -ji past tense of oka, 900, look.

ama, then.

d*ajd*ajtintootc, Tangled-hair.

xwiuji, returned; -ji past tense of xwiu, to return.

hideenit, whence; interrogative-relative hide, hidee, where; -nit, ablative
suffix.

taxn-ac, came, had come; -ac past tense of stem taxn, come, probably re-
lated to tan, go.

am, not.

haa, anything; indefinite-relative something, anything.

tuilcju, did; -ji past tense of stem iuiie, make, do form.

t«ipni, supernatural being, act, or power. Evidently related to t-ipin, up,
sky, high.

tan, for tafi, herf

oma, first, adverb.

naufii, by his arrival; instrumental case, suffix -fii as in nouns, of the stem
fiau, arrive, reach.

tau, there; indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u. Tau is freely
used without specific force.

tcan, soon; adverbial particle, usually at the head of the sentence, implying
urgency or immediateness, and generally futurity.

xono, constantly.

taxin, comes; -in participial-future tense of taxn, to come. The full form
taxin-in is used only partidpially; the finite present-future
form is taxin, according to rule for -in verbs.

ama, then.

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258 University of California Publications. [Ai£.Aech.Eth.

fiaunitcau-an, at his arriyal; two words, iiaufiitcau and the enclitic an, his;
fiaufiitcau is a locative participial form, composed of fiau,
arrive; participle -fiitc; locative -u or -an.

am, not.

t.afi, Mm; objective of demonstrative ta, bj snffiz -fi.

ukaad, ever looked at; continnative -ad tense of oka, see, look.

ama, then.

hatpaoan, at his fourth; two words, hatpau, at the fourth, and enclitic an,
his; hatpau is formed bj the regular locative suffix -u from
the reduced stem of hatpa£d, four, which is derived from
pofioi, two. The locative forms of the numerals are adverbial
ordinals, denoting the nth time.

fiaufiitcau-an, at his arrival; two words, iiaufiitcau and the enclitic an, his,
tautologicallj repeated from hatpau-an; fiaufiitcau is the stem
fiau, arrive, with participial suffix -fiitc, and the usual locative
suffix -u or -an.

tau, there; locative of the demonstrative ta, that. Freelj used without
specific force in many cases.

cukidja-an, she pierced her; two words, cuMdja and enclitic an, his, her.
Cukidja is the -ji past tense form of stem cokud, to pierce, per-
forate, appearing also in cikid, arrow, and cokod, hole.

t*eu, house; locative, bj means of the regular sufiSx -u, of t>e, house.

an, her; tautological to the enclitic an in preceding cukidja-an, both being
attributive to t<eu, house.

muk'oc, woman.

ta, that; indefinite demonstrative, here attributive, implying previous men-
tion rather than location.

paukun-an, with her awl ; two words, paukufi, with awl, from bawuk, awl, and
the instrumental sufSx -ufi, -ifi, -fii; and an, her.

tikatcinin, wishing to see; participial-future -in form of the stem oka, see,
with the desiderative sufiSix -tcin.

tan, that; demonstrative ta, demonstrative objective suffix -fi; here attribu-
tive to t'ipni.

t*ipni, supernatural one; objective, identical with the subjective occurring
previously.

ama, then.

widji, said; -ji past tense of stem wid, say, tell.

an, her.

demdam, thought; stem probably dim, used only in duplicated or redupli-
cated form. Verbal forms are dim-e-dm-ad, dem-dim-ji. Dem-
dam here seems to be substantival, probably in Unexpressed
locative relation to widji : said in her thoughts. It seems less
likely that it is the subject of widji. The omission of the sign
of the locative is unusual and not explained.

iika-na-mam-hi, I shall see you; four words, ttka, see, and the three enclitics
na, I, mam, objective you, thee, and hi, future particle; these
three are in the usual order of pronominal subject, object,
and future tense particle, t^ka is the unaflBbEcd but altered
stem form oka.

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259

t*ipm, supernatural one; objective case^ identical with the subjective.

xuyiujiu, at the return, when you return; stem zwiu, return; past tense-
suffix -ji; locative suffix -u. The ending -jiu renders the verb
participial, its subject being in the possessive case, and gives
the phrase the force of a temporal or causal clause.

min, your; possessive pronoun of the second person singular, subjective ma.
Min is subject of the participle xuyiu-ji-u.

ama, then.

cokdo, hole; probably objective, possibly locative, of cokod, hole.

an, her. I

tau, there; indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u.

okac, looked; -ji past tense of oka, see, look.

THE PRAIRIE-PALCON'S WIPE.

gbg'oQ
Lived

ha^ia'na

dnek.

tin

(they)

tan

there

g*6g*0C
Uved

li'mik

prairie-falcon.

kai^in

coyote

tan

there

tan

there

widji

(he-) told

hig

kainwi

coyote:

limkin

prairie-falcon'e

cnpfeiin

three.

am-hi

« Not will

ama'

Then

ent-im

sleep!"

gbg'oe

Ured

yfet'an'

with

tanji

went

ama

Then

his

tan

him.

yiwin

wife

gbgOQ
Uved

limik

prairie*falcon.

tanit

there-from

nannji

arrived.

tiin

(they)

limik

prairie-falcon.

AUo

kn'moi

all

tanji

went.

limik

prairie-falcon

nannji

arrived.

ama

Then

also

ama

Then

modotci

seed-gathered.

nannji

arrived.

t'awi'nin

becoming-day

ama'

Then

ama

Then

again

ama

Then

widji

told

kai'nwi

coyote:

ama

Then

kai^n

coyote

witc

condor

kwanji
lit

ta'n

her

mnk'ac

woman:

tanji

went

entimji

slept

t'ipinit

above-from.

tan

her

again

yiwin

wife

his

am-hi

«NotwiU

li^mkin

prairie-falcon's.

modotcyn

seed-gathering-at

ama^

Then

a'tc'en

her.

tanit

there-from

okaj

saw

tag*i'nji

ama

Then

wi^dji

told:

t-ipin-mak

'^ Above we-two

yinna

wife

ta'n

go-wUl."

his

limkin

prairie-falcon's.

ama

Then

widji

told

a'm-ni-hi

«NotIwiU

tan

go-will."

ama

Then

tan

her

ama

Then

yiwin

wife

tlk

(they-two)

ineci'in

weU

ta'nji

went

e'nt-im

sleep!"

ama

Then

tan

her

ama^

Then

ama

Then

tan

him

wi'dji

told:

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260

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taha^n-mak

« Go-will we-two.*»

hawidin

"Wh*t-doiii«

tcab<ypwe

prottrato-yonnelf

ama

Then

tcoopunju

contented.

ama

Then

tan

him

ni-hi

I shall

taban

go-shallf"

kiwfetau-nim

b«ek-on my."

ama

Then

widji

said:

ama

Then

tik

(they-two)

cok6diu

hole-at

moxodo

old-num.

muTc'ci

wonuMi.

muTc'ci

woman.

hide'e-nim

"Where my

t-i'pin

above.

its

ama

Then

ama

Then

ama'

ama

Then

mam

oar

tik

(they-two)

tik

(they-two)

p'anin

world's.

tau

there

tik

(they-two)

tan

that-at

ama

Then

g*6g*OC
lived

ta'nji

went.

nau'ji

arrived

g*dg'oc

widji

told:

xeu-nan

** Here me

tanji

Went

wa'

far

tan

there

t-6in-tan

possessing tliat

tani-tan

there-from that

na'nuji

Then

yiwin

wife!"

arrived

ama'

Then

ama

Then

widji

said:

ama

Then

widji

said:

ho'oo

"Yes,

tik

(they-two)

hawi'dji-ma

** Did- what yon f

ent*imji-na

slept I."

tan

that

wfejinji

not-fonnd.

moxo'do

old-man

li'mik

prairie-faleon.

widji

said:

ent'imji

Slept

ama'

Then

ama'

Then

npya'yi

dove.

tik

(they-two)

am-bokci

not found.

p'a'nnckai

fly.

ama'

Then

h6'yic-yo

sent also

a'ma

tan

her

npya'yi

dove

tc'a'nkaa

bnzsard.

t^idji

guarded

ama

Then

am-na

"Not I

ti'-ma

youf"

tik

(they-two)

tik

(they-two)

am-bokji

not found.

Then

tik

(they-two)

also

amaa-tan

Then her

h6'yic

sent

ama

Then

tan

her

am-bokji

not found.

ama

Then

h6yic

■Anf.

tan

that

met-

large

k'o'ndj^dja

lizard-species.

ama

Then

tan

that

widji

said:

h6otit

know."

ama

Then

6hoc

sought.

hd'yi(5

sent

ama

Then

kot-eya

buzzard

met*

large

tik

(they-two)

k'ondj^a

lixard

tan

that

yakan'wanit

roek-from.

ama'

And

t-ipin

above

djfe'dja

tard:

met-

large

co'kod

hole

tipi'n

"Above

p'a'nuckai

fly.

ma'm

our

far."

ama

Then

ama'

Then

t-ipin

above

p'a'anin

sky's.

tin

(they)

ta'nji

went

o'kaj

looked.

ama

Then

tan

that

t-ipin

above.

ama'

And

widji

said

hftyic.

sent

ama^

Then

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261

taa

that-at

ama^

Then

tanit

that-from

widji

told

ama^

Then

nanji

anlTed

okaj

t-ipin

above

tan

that

cok6'diu

hole-at

muk'ci

woman

xu'ymji

returned.

li^mka

prairie*faloon:

tanji

went.

ama'

Then

a'm-mi-i-xin

^'Not yon wlU this

ip'fe'in

*cet-waterl'

moxc/do

old-man.

li'mik

prairie-faleon

tau-min

"There yonr

widji

Said

yi'una-nim

na'uji

arrived

g 5'og 1

witc

condor

p'a'anin

world's

p'a'nuckai

fly.

li'mkau

prairie-faleon-at.

yiuwin

wife

ma'in

onr.

ama

iknd

ama'

Then

t-i'pin

above."

tan

that

wide'n

•ay.

ama

Then

idkau

water-at.

wife my

wi-tca'-na

Well, now I

wi'd^n

say;

ta'an

80."

moxo'do

old-man:

am-mi'-i-tan

not yon will her:

tanji

went

wi'tc

condor.

ama

And

tau

that-at

ymna

wife.

ama

Then

a'm-mi-hi

"NotyonwilUticJ

mox<ydo

old-man.

tan

her

t6'jin

silent-be!"

widji

told

ama

Then

limik

prairie-falcon

yiuna

wife

widji

told

uauji

arrived

tan

that

tan

that-at

his

ama'

Then

nannji

arrived.

tanaat

gof"

widji

told:

will

h6'we

"Yes."

entimji

slept.

nanuji

arrived

ama'a

And

ama

Then

tca-na-tan

**NowI«o;"

nawin

arrive

ama'

Then

ama

Then

ta'nit

that-from

tan

that

widji

said:

widji

told

iMkau

water-at."

ama'

Then

limik

prairie-faloon

widji

said

limik

prairie-faleon

ta'nji

went.

okac

saw

limik

prairie-faleon:

tUu]unlu

became-made

moxodo

old-man:

ama'

And

hide'e

"Where

tan

that-at

yon

huna'i-na

"Only

ama

Then

his

ama'

Then

wife:

hentad

am-travellinc."

wi-ta'u-ma-nan

"Well, there you me

an-ta-yi'win

his that wife

tan

that

his

tanji'n-an

going-at his

limkin

prairie-falcon's

yinwin

wife

limkin

prairie-falcon's

yi'win

wife

limkin

prairie-falcon's

that

tanji

went.

tan

that-at

ama

Then

te'u

hoose-at.

tik

(they-two)

tanji

went.

ama'

And

tik

(they-two)

nanuji

arrived

widji

said:

moxodo

old-man

ama

Then

i'dkan

water-at.

a'n'gin

their- two

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262 University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth.

PARTIAL ANALYSIS.

g'dg'oc, lived; radical g^o, sit, be; past g'o-ji, sat; g'og'oc, lived, is a
reduplicated form with the same narrative past sofBz, =
g'o-g'o-ji.

tau, there, that-at, indefinite distant demonstrative ta, locative -a.

limik, prairie-falcon.

g'6goc, lived.

an, his.

yiwin, wife; yiwin, many.

haiana, mallard-duck. Hay- to jump, flj; -ana nominal participial suffix.
(Derivation probable.)

g'dg'oc, lived.

tau, there, that-at.

kaiiu, kaiii, coyote.

ydt'au, together- with, one-at; yet«, yit, one, -au locative.

tan, him, that-one; ta, indefinite demonstrative frequently used as pronoun
of third person; -fi, objective suffix for demonstratives.

g'dg' oc, lived.

tin, (they) ; particle indicating the plurality of the subject; -n is the plural
suffix of pronouns and demonstratives.

tau, there, that-at.

cup^n, three, three of theuL Subjective animate form, possibly collective
in meaning, derived from copin, three, by loss of final -n,
regular before suf^es, by addition of the suffix -in, and by
accompanying change of the stem-vowels to those of contrast-
ing quality: o to u and i to e.

ama, then, and then, frequent introductory or connective particle in nar-
rative.

tanji, went; stem tan, narrative past suffix -ji.

limik, prairie-falcon.

ama, then.

widji, told, said to; stem wid, narrative past suffix -ji.

kaiwi, coyote; from stem kaiu and objective suf^ -i.

am-hi, not will; two words, the second accentless and enclitic. Am, not;
hi, particle indicating the future.

efit'im, sleep ; the stem, used as imperative.

ama, then.

tanit, there-from, that-from; indefinite distant demonstrative ta, ablative
suffibc -nit.

yiwin, wife.

an, his.

limkin, prairie-falcon's, possessive case of limik, formed by regular suffix
-in, with loss of unaccented second stem voweL

tanji, went.

ama, then.

modotci, seed-gathered; stem modotc, to gather k'isin seeds, narrative past
suffix -jL

ama, then.

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263

tik, (thej-two), particle expressing the duality of the subject, as tin does
plurality ; -k is the dual suffix of nouns and pronouns.

ilauuji, arrived, reached their house; from stem fiau, flaw and narrative past
suffix -ji.

70, also, again, and.

limik, prairie-falcon.

yo, also.

fiauuji, arrived.

ama, then.

ineciin, well, probably being well, doing well, from stem inij, (from which
ioj-ij good, objective inij-ya, plural inej-aj-i), and active
participial and future suffix -in; or possibly the subjective
animate collective suffix -in of numerals as found in cup^iin.

tiin, they, = tin, particle of plurality.

kumoi, all, adjective used substantively.

fiauuji, arrived.

ama, then.

t'awinin, becoming-day; stem t'aw or taw, not found without intransitive
suffix -in; finite future tawin, active participle tawin-in, formed
by the future and participial su£^ -in which appears after -in-
only with participial meaning.

yo, again^ also, and.

tanji, went.

limik, prairie-falcon.

THE PRATEIE-PALCON FIGHTS

g*6g*

oc w'dam li'mik

g*6g*0C

ti'pic

li'mik

liired myth

prairle-faleon. Llred

Tillage, prairie-falcon

gbgoc

y'itca

ama'-tanji

i ama'

nau'uji

ti'pca

lived

alone.

Then went.

Then

arrived

town.

ama'

ta'nit

xwi'wiji

ama' yo

ta'nji

ama

And

that-from

retomed.

And iMr»in

went.

And

na'wiji

ya'kau

ama'

nawiji

t-ipi'n

tan

•rrlved

rock.

Then

arrived

top

that

yakau

tau u

I'dutaji 1

ama' o'doic an

da'ipa

rock

that

•at-on.

Then laid-on

his

bow

tan

ya'kau

t-i'pin

ama' ta'nit demdi'mji

that

rock

top.

Then that-from

thought.

ama

widji

ta-i'njij-na

cux^'n

ti'pca

ama

And

said:

"That food I

kill-wiU

village."

Then

ta'nit

ta'nji

ama pa't-ujac tca'num

t'u'ijn

that-from

went.

And

fonght. Immediately

ahot.

ama'

tca'num

tipic

xiti'ujic 1

ama'

tcanum

Then

at-onee

Tillage

angry.

And

immediately

d6'wiji

a'ma

co'xji

tipca

ama'

coxin

batUed.

Then

killed

Tillage.

Then

of-the-kllled

dadikji

anik

(/to

yapi'knau

hnnc

thelr-two

hair

tree-on.

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264

University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth.

THE PRAIBIE-PALCON LOSES.

tca'watcwac

Shouted

limik

prairie-falcon.

ama^

Then
(they two)

ama

Then

ama^

Then

domto

mountain*

bfe'pat'iu

tip-at

g*6'g*oc

were

hftyic

•ent

widji

said

ta'nji

went

g*6'g*0C
was

do'mtin

moontain's.

upya'yi

dove

k'a'iuwe

eoyote:

k'a'iu

eoyote:

do'mto

moontain.*

bftTdt

spring.

ama

Then

k'u'mui

and

t-a'uci

beat

tca'k'udo

meadow-lark.

t*a'atci

people.

ama

Then

da'wit

«GoI

h6we

"Yes.

ama

And

ama

Then

tanit

that'from

yo^m

enekold

li^mka

prairie-falcon!'

y6mu'n-a-tan-hi

enekold I him will."

taa

that-at

tanji

went

tidinji

rolled.

djoopaa

half-at

kaia

eoyote

far

limik-na

** Prairie-falcon I.

limik-na

prairie-falcon I,

nau'uji

arrived.

limik

prairie-falcon.

domtin

mountain's.

li^mik-na

<* Prairie-falcon I,

i^dkau

water-at.

xunynai

further

yo'o-tanji

again went

limik-na

prairie-faloon I

limik-na

prairie-faloon I"

ama

Then

tan

that-at

ama

Then

ama

Then

ama

And

^aj

looked

yoo

again

tat

that-from

tan

that

idka

water.

tanji

went

tidinji

roUed

limik-na limik-na

prairie-faleon I, prairie-falcon T,

ama

Then

t'ipin

bepatnit

tip-from

limik-na

prairie-falcon I."

bokdo

spring^

mi't'atc

somewhat

bJipatiu

tip-at

domtin

mountain's.

nanji-tau

Arrived that-at

ama

Then

tau

tha^at

o^aj

looked

tan

that

idka

water

yo'o

again.

bfe'patiu

tip-at

mit'atc

somewhat

ta'in

that-of

limik

prairle-falcon.

do'mtin

mountain's.

ama

Then

ama'

Then

yo tidi'nji

again rolled.

tan

that-at

idkan

water-at.

li^mik-na

** Prairie-falcon I,

ama

Then

li'mik-na li'mik

prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon."

tan oH^aj idka

that looked water.

ama

Then

ta'nit

that-from

ta'nit

that-from

nanuji

Arrived

ama

Then

* Probably locative, perhaps objective.

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265

hi'am limik

wit'a

wo'ipat-nim tan

k'a'tet

now prairie-faleon;

said:

'^ Let-there-be mj that-at

ballstick."

ama tanit

tanji

kaiu limkin t-en

ama

Then that-from

went

coyote prairie-falcon's house-to.

Then

tau k'ate'ta

itnitnta

tan camau an

t-^'in

tha^at baU-8tiek

leaned

that-at entrance-at its

house's

li'mkin ama'

widji

limkin yi'una taxa'ni-nim

prairie-falcon's. Then

told

prairie-falcon's wife. ** Bring my

o'dot ama

wi'dji

yi'win li'mkin

hide'u

ball." Then

said

wife prairie-falcon's:

«Where-at

g*6g*i tau c

/dxo

makin g*6g*i ama'

5'hoc

is!" «Tbat-at plllow-at

of-us-two is." Then

sought

tan odot ama am-tan bokji odota

ama

that ball. Then not that fonnd ball.

Then

widji li'mkin

yiwin

taxi'nin maia'ju

max

said prairie-falcon's

wife:

"Come. self

get!"

ama' t-e

paduunju tanit ka'iu

ama

Then house

entered

tha^from coyote.

Then

odxo-xin atidji

ama

tan g*og*oc ta

o'dot

pillow this opened.

Then

that-at was that

ball.

ama li'mkin

yi'nwin haudinin ma

wi'ic

Then prairie-falcon's

wife:

«Why you

left(f)»

tana'at ama

tanit

kai'iu kfe'mic-t^n

ama

coingf" Then

that-from

coyote hugced that.

Then

tan t.'i'tsyi'

tan

kaiu ti'ci tanit

ka'iu

that copulated

that

coyote. Went-out that-from

coyote

t.fe'nit wot'6'ot

gut ama' kau

nau'ji

house-from project

his

taU. Then that-at

arrived

kata'd'wictcu

hiam

t-a'uuji upya'yi

hiem

ball-stick-one-another-at.

Now

won dove.

now

t-a'oji tc'ak'u'du hiem tawinji li'mik

k'umui

won meadow-lark

:, now

lost prairie-falcon;

all

an k'5^xa t-awi'nji

limik

hU beads

lost prairie-falcon,
cl.

1 Wiic is also bare. nake<

«Fortit-3i.

Digitized by

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266

University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.:

g ogoc

Lived

tcit'aaiu*

clover-at.

ama

Then

tan

thAt-at

g*Og*OC
Lived

t'i'camyu

sprinc-in

MIKITI.

milciti*

mikiU

tik

(they two)

taa

there

and

yi'tca

alone

her

a'xid

daughter

axdu'mduwic

she-and-her-dauxhter.

boohu'tsyu

ta-a^xid-an tana^ad tcit'^itc ama

that daughter her used-to-go to*gather^over. Then

wi'ta a'm-mi-hi wa-ta'han ama

told: «Not you will far go!" Then

am wa tanji ama ta'nit

not far went. Then that-from

tci't'at

clover.

tan

that^ne

gbgoc

far

ama

Then

hide'

"Where

ta'nji

went."

am-mi'-hi

« Not you will

da'pyitc

to-gather.

hntkadnit

gather-whence

yaudan

Brush

inisya

good.

da'paiji

gathered.

tc'u'tia

carrying-net.

^'kaj

saw

mi't'atc

somewhat.

tan

that

you

ama'

Then

tan

that-at

o^kaj

saw

ama

Then

ta'u-yo

that-at again

na'muxjn

hrought.

ma'xji

got

tan

that

ama

Then

i'nisya

good

widji

told

hatcatami

began (1)

tci't'at

clover.

tcfet'aj-tan

ate-the-dover that

tci't'at

cloverf"

ama'

Then

mi'kiti

mikiti

longtime (t)

ta'nji

went

dapai'ji

gathered.

mikiti

mikiU.

wa^a-na

ama

Then

tanji

went

ta'han

go!"

ta'u-wa

ama

Then

ihat-atfar

tci't'a

taste-clover!"

wi'dji

told

tan

that

«FarI

mikiti axd-an

mikiti daughter her:

tawi'nin

being-day

yaudan wi-a-mi-hi

brush. ^ Well, not you will

mi'kiti axda'-an

mikiti daughter her.

ta'nji

went

tan

there

ama

Then

ama'

Then

ama

Then

tanji

went.

tan

that-at

tan

that

ama

Then

that-one

ama

Then

tcitat-tan

clover that.

tan

that

maxji

seized

ama'

Then

tcfe'et'aj

ate-clover.

da'paiji

gathered.

tc'utu'iju

put-into-net.

tci't'at

clover.

ama'

Then

bokci

found

tanit

that-from

tci't'at

clover

wiixi

much

ama

Then

ama

Then

bi'in-an-tan

finish her that

i'njij

^A kind of supernatural being.

wii'xuad

very

hfeta

yet
'Name of a place; tci't'at. a species of clover.

good

am-taii

Not that

tanit tan

that-from that

okati'nan

looked.

mwka'ac

swallowed

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber, — The Yokuts Language,

267

tci't'at

elover

biit

WM finished,^

dokywono

Pregnant

yo'-tap

mnd indeed

kaatc

lUMSh.*

that

emerged

kaatc

kach,

muk'ac

woman.

Qohoo

grinly-bear.

kaatc

kach.

ama

Then

ama

And

kaatc

kaeh,

miki'ti

mikiti

not

ua'nigi

arrived

hiam-na-mam

''Nowl jon

a^ngin

their-two

h5^tatac

knew«

t-e'u

honie-at.

ama

Then

wh biit-ma

somehow are-flnished yon.**

widji

said

ama

Then

tanji

went

her

bokji

found

ha'

anything

da'nji

heard

wutu'nnac

tracked.

ama

Then

o'kaj

saw

an-tau

her that-at

tan

that-at

kaatc

kaoh.

w^jinji

missed,

mikiti

mikiU:

tawi'nin

heing-day

dapi'i-tau

gather that-at

a'xdin

daughter's.

h^pa

hlood.

da'nji

heard.

yo'o

again.

ama

Then

ama'

Then

yhoc

sought

ta'nit

that-from :

k'u'mui

aU
(whistling).

xeu

thU-at.

a'm

not

Not

ama^

Then

again:

ama'

Then

again

tanji

went.

(whUtling).

ama

Then

Not

hide'u

anywhere-at

ha'

anything

tanit

that-from

again:

(whistling).

djudj'a'

daughter's ehild

ama^

Then

wanit

far-from:

(a faint long whistle).

ama

Then

k-u'mui

ama^

Then

tan

that

g*6'og*i

is."

6'ohoc

sought

ama'

Then

tan

thaMo

«Ah.

ta'nji

went

k'umai

tan

that

6'hoc

sought.

he'tanit*

not

xenit

this-from.

bo'kji

found.

tcit'a'tiu

dover-ln,

ama^

tau-ta'-nim

that-at that my

miki'ti

mikiti.

tcit'a'tiu

dover-in,

Then

ama'

Then

again:

tan

that

hetan'-xeu*

this-at

tan

that

ama^

Then

maxji

took

tan

that

h^'pa

hlood

h^^pa

blood

katca'uwn

basket-in

idkau'-an

water-at her

bokdo

spring-at.

ama'

Then

tcit'a'tin

dover-on

dapdap-tan

leaf that

Ot6'ji
put.

tan

that

da'pda'piu

leaf -on.

ta^nac

brought

ama

Then

tau

that-at

tan

that

dft'odoc

left.

(whistling).

okaj

saw

ama'

Then

t-e'u-an

house-at her.

ta'nac

took

tomji

covered

1 Devoured. * Indicating the sound of chewing.

'Padeuyami dialect for t'ut'a.

*Hita, yet. tf. above, plus -nit, -u; or xe, this, plus ta-nit. ta-u, thcre(f)

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268

University of California PvJ)lication8. [Aic Arch. Era.

tan

ama

Then

ama'

Then

katca'wun

bMketwith.

tawi'nin

dawning

ama

Then

o'kaj-tan

looked that.

tanji tat mikiti t*e^u-an

went that-from mUdtl hoose-toher.

tanit

that-from

djndj'ankel

daughter's-chUd!

ama'

Then

ta'nac

took

tau

that

da'nji

heard

hiam

Already

at-i'dji

opened

dana'nt-a

listened

k'o'xko'wi'ta* 6

tapped. **0h.

tan

that

poohu'tcn

grew

t-ipni'ni

eovering

ka'tcau

basket.

at-idin

opening.

djudj'a'nkel'

danghter'i-ehild !

djndj'ankel

daoghter's-ehild!"

ama'-tan

Then that

t-e'u-an

honse*to her.

ten-an-tan

honse-to her that

tanac

took

g*6'g*oc

lived

mu'nan

ontdoort.

ti'ik

(they two)

ama

Then

tan

' thatat.

hiam

Already

ta'nac

took

ama

Then

wit'ep

boy

djndj'ankel

maternal-grandmother I

injg

good

naa-tan

I that

ha'aktci-na

Something-or-other I

t-6kin

will hit!"

tan

that-at

tan

that

tanit

that-from

xn3m'ji

returned:

o'kfig

saw

mai

person

wit'fe'pa

ehUd.

wi't'ep

boy

djndj'ankel

^ Biatmrnal-grandmother!

gogi

was

'ma'

Then

t'ici

dfetcip

bird!

a'ma

Then

ama'-tan

Then that-one

djndj'a'nkel-an

daaghter's-«hild her.

ama

Then

cika'dnactic

made-arrows-for

ta'nit biici't'in ta'nji ama

that-from, having-flnished-fbr, went. Then

tan

that-at

o'kaj

saw

dfe'tcpa*

bird.

ama

Then

tan

that

tn'ijn

shot

ama'-tat

Then that-from

taxi'nji

came.

ama

Then

ta'ni

that-wlth.

tanji

went.

injij

"Good

ama

Then

wuxnad

very

taxi'nji

waki'ji

presented

djndj'a'nkel

my daughter's child ! **

tan

that-at

t-o'kji-tan

hit that

d^'tepan

bird-with
yo'o

again:

ama'

Then

djndj'a'nkel

^ Matemal-grandmotiier,

ha'aa'ktci'-na

something-or-other I

o'kaj

g*6^g*'-an-gi'ten

was itserest!**

wita'-tan

told that.

t'ni'jn

shot.

ama'

Then

tat

that-from

tanji

went

wit'ep

boy.

ama'

Then

t-o'kji-tan

hit that.

ama'

Then

ta't

that-from

taxinj'

came.

hn'mmnt

"QnaU,"

tan

that

ama'

Then

»"Saidk'6xk6."

* Said to be Padenyami dialect for t'nt'a-nlm. The form given for << my " by the Padeoy-
ami is gen, not kel.

'Objective; ct. the objective d&tcip above.

Digitized by

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Tokuts Langvage.

269

waki'ji

XHretented

hnmu^mda

quail.

tan

her

that

ama'

Then:

injij

cood

tuucyu*

made

xa'pi'tsyi

imlled-ont

ta^nji

went

ma-nan

you me

miki^ti

mikiti,

her

yoo

ama'

Then

djudj'a'nkel ha^'n

maternal-grandmother.'* *^What

t-i'pdi-ta

Monntain-qoall that;

ta wit^ep

that boy.

wit'ep

boy

hia^m

<" Already

tuucyat

make

tu^wsyu*

made

t.u'mot

pnblc-hair
f

t-okin

hitting;

totci-nim

bad my

niudin

another*with

t.o'kji

hit

thU

daipan

bow- with I"

daipa

bow

ta'-an

that her

ini'sya

good.

tugVcdut

bow-string.

gi'teu

creat!"

ta'nji

went

tn'iju

shot;

tan

that

hiam

now

dai^ipa

bow

mu'nonhoi

property

nnhn

"Yee.

at-i'dji

opened

k'u'mui

all

t'a'udjac-tan

UUed that.

again

ta^ham

t-andja

kill

ama

Then

ama^

taxinji

ha'aktci-na

« Something-or-other I

tan

that

daiap

bow.

ama

Then

ama^

Then

ama^

Then

5^aj

saw

wa'a-an

** Long its

da'wit

go!"

ta-nan'ji'

that-reaehed.

xund^nai-kau

farther that-at

ama'

Then

ama'

Then

ta'ni

that-wlth

t-i'pdin

tat

that-from

djudj'a'nkel

taxi^nji

monntain-Qoail-wlth maternal-grandmother

pi/hutcyu'

grew.

ama'

Then

awa'tsjd*

disliked

his.

a'n

ama'

Then

widji

said:

nim

U."

a'nkin

their-two

in^sasi

good

paha'dhain ama^

aneestors'f" Then

h(/itcad-na-nim tan

*^Wish I my that

t-i'i ama'

house.

k'amu'

«Not

widji

said

u'kna

g*yg*oc

tan

that-at was

padnu'njn tan

entered that-at

djndj'ankel

maternal-grandmother :

^FortiHZe-Ji.
sporpuhnte-Ji.

taiynp

bows

in^'sasi

good

that

Then

t'u'yoc

war-arrows

mo'nonhoi

property.

tan

that-at

c6'p'on

blankets

tat

that-from

' - tan

that

waki'ji

presented

'ma'

Then

tan

that

tixfe'

remains

miki'ti

mikiti:

ama

Then
g*6'g*OC

hu'puc

<*Seleet

wi't'ep

boy.

ha'a

what

ama

Then

you

ama'

Then

that

oh6'od

wish.

*For tau-fian'Ji, there reaehedt
^Porawa't -Ji.

k'umni

tan

that-at

widji

said

ama'

Then

Am. Aboh. Eth. 2, 20.

Digitized by

Google

270

University of CaUfomio Pvhlications. [AicArch.Bth.

ma-tan

nmthat

ma'xin ama' widji wi't'ep

take-will." Then taid boy:

hdo

•Yes.

xin-ni

ThUIwUl

maxin dai'pa

take-wiU bow

and

xin t'u'yoc

this war-arrow."

ama'

Then

ta'nit

tha^from

dama'ndao

tried

a'n-tan

hUthat

k'u'mui

all

t^u'yoc

war-arrows.

ama'-tAfi

Then that

djadj'ankel

maternal-grandmother

a'm-mi-hi xe'u

«Not yon will thU-at

not

east

ta^an

lo;

tandja'nitc mi-hii

will-be-killed yon will."

ama' ta'nit

Then that-from

ta'nji

went.

ama'

Then

tau na'unji wa'a tau gVg'oc

that-at arrived far that-at was

yalcau

roek.

ama'

Then

tau hadxi'nji

that-at aeeended.

ama' tanit

Then that-from

xwiu'ji

returned

t-e'u-an

home-to hU

ama' tau

Then that-at:

djudj'ankel wa'a-na- tanji

« Maternal-grandmother, Hr I went

no't

am hii yoo

<<Not will again

tau

that-at

tan ta'udjad-mam-hi

go; kill yon will

t'fe"n"

griady-hear.

nn ta'-ti

«0h. cannot (!)

haa t-a'udjad

anything UU

moxodo

old-one

midja'md-un* wu'ton

large (hayingf ) feet."

ama'

Then

ta'nit ta'nji

that-from went.

ama

Then

ta'nit

that-from

tca'uuji ama'

thonted. Then

taxi'nji tca'nufi *

eame Immedlalely

no'hoo

srissly-bear.

ama'

Then

tau na'uji

tha^at arrived

ta-nohoo tau

that grinly-bear that-at

wit'ft'pa

boy.

ama'-tan widji

Then that-one told

wit'ep

boy:

xuiyi'u

"Return

dawc/t

run.

a'm-na-mam ohft'od

not I you with!"

'ma'

Th«n

yo'o tca'aj

again shouted.

ama'

Then

again

tcanu'n' taxi'nji ni'udi no'hoo

immediately came another grixsly-bear.

ama

Then

tau

that-at

yo nau'ji wit'fe'pau

again arrived boy-at.

ama tan

Then that-one

widji

told

that

witep nohoo'

boy grizxly-bear

tAfi
thston*

xwiyu'-dawit

"Return run«

not

na-mam

I yon

ohft'od ama'

wish!" Then

tat

that-from

tanji xwiii'ji

went returned.

ama'

Then

again

tca'num tca'uji ama' tcanu'm

«Bh.

^ Said to be Padeuyami dialect for Aohoo, grlnly bear.
*8ald to be Padeuyami dialect; <f. met-, large.
' For teanum.

Digitized by

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language,

271

ma'm-na

you I

tcanum

Immediately

wit'fep

boy.

haii^nji

jumped-np-to
shot

mukca'u-an

throat-in his

taudjataji

had-kiUed

noTioo

crizzly-bear.
g*Og*OC

oh6'od

wish!"

tan

that-one

ama

Then

ama^

Then

hainictac

leaped-at

no'hoo tca'num i'njij

grizzly-bear immediately: '^Good.''

no'hoo ama' wodd'ic

grizzly-bear. Then dodged

yo'o

again

tan

that-one

t'ipin

high

tdpnin

yakaVau

roek-on.

uka'ao

looking

haini'ctac

leaped-at.

ama'

Then

no'hoo

griizly-bear.

ama

Then

ta'nit

that-from

far

tan

that-one

t'u'iju

shot.

his

ama'

Then

najyjo

mother.

ama- tan

Then that-one

ama'

taudjac

killed

ama'a-tafi

And that

xi-tan

this that-one

tat

that-from

Then

ta'nji

went.

yakau

rock

i'piia'u-an

water-get-at her

tcndya'n-an

skin-witii his

mikitiin

mikiti's.

tan

that

ama

Then

ama'

Then

tanji djudj'ankel

went. ^ Matemal-grandmothe r ,

djndj'ankel

daoghter's-ohild .**

tat c^'kaj

that-from saw

tanji

Went

tan

that

tain-no'h'iin

of -that grizzly-bear's.

ip'fe'i

get-water,

tat mikiti

that-from mikiti

noh'i'in

grizzly-bear's

cutu'xju

flayed

tan

tha^at

copdo'c

eovered

ama'-tat

Then that-from

da'wet

mn!"

ipyitc

to-get- water.

tcu'dya

skin.

ama'

Then

miki'ti

miUtl

xwiu'ji

returned.

do'jojojojojoj

" Doshozhozhozhozhozh/

wa'kyit

(he-) was-presented.

ama'

Then

katca'wu

basket (-in)

tanit

that-from

injg

good

da'wit

ran!"

tan

that

'ma'

Then

idilt

water;

ama'

Then

ama'

Then

dot.e

bad;

tat

that-from

tan

that

her.

awat.ji

disliked

wa'yikhunu

throw-away;

ta'h'nin

coming

ama'

Then

ta-wi't'ip

that boy.

ini'cya

yoo

again

ta'nji

went

good

ipyi'tc

to-get-water.

tan

that

ya'kan

roek

tafi

thai

t.e'n

hoose-tc

i'njij

''Good,

ama

The I

ta'nit

that-from

tcuyd'ju

urinated:

tat

that-fron

am-xi

"Notthii

i'p'ei

water-get

ama'

Then

again

ta'nit

that-from

o'kaj

saw

idkau-a'n-tau

water-at her that-at

tcudya-an

skin his

taxinji

came

again

xuyugi

returned

not

no'h'iin

grizzly-bear's

ip'feyin*

bringing-watei

* ip'^Ji. brought water, was also said.

Digitized by

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272

Umversity of Calif omia PvhUcations. [Aic Arch. Era.

i'nisya

food.

ama'

Then

na'muxju wit'fe'pa*

brought boy.

e'p'yad

are-brlncinc-water •

djudj'ankel

** Maternal-grandmother,

tannin

going

ma'gin

of-ns-twot

ta'-ta'

That that

(Thenf)

wita'a-tan

told that-one.

haa-ma-ta^u

what yon that-at

nohoo

grissly-bear

tcuyft'ju

urinated.

tan

that-one:

ama

Then

a-ma-xin

*«Not you this

ama^a-tan

Then that-one

baxa'nad

fear

taudjataji

klUed

nun

tan

that-at

i'nisya

good

piti'dsyi'

i^dkau

water-at

naj6^jo

mother."

THE VISIT TO THE DEAD.

xi-ta'pa

Thl»-[f]

mfe'tc

"true"*

tawidji-nan

die we.

ama'

Now

yuw^nitc-an

husband her

ta'nji

went.

dukdut

was-buried.

ama

Then

nauji

arrived,

ama

Then

t'ici'

emerged

ama

And

ama

Then

ama

And

ama

Then

tanji

went

ta'u-xi-ta'u

there this there

his

yiwm

wife

tan

that-at

again

tanji

went

toyo'no

night

to'yono

night.

ent'imji

slept

ynw^nitc-an

husband her.

ama

Then

tan

that-at

again

tan

that-at

tau-yo

there again

his

again

ent-imji

tlept,

yi'win

wife.

ent*imji

slept.

ama

Then

ama

Then

again

t-'andn^njac

shook-herself.

ama

And

apni

following

tanji

went

to'init

spent-the-night (t)

ama

Then

ama

And

bats-yo'

again

bats-yo

again

tanit

that-from

tan

tha^at

mn^k'ac

woman

ama'

And

widin

[»1

k'onhtcn'n-an

man her.

tieujunju

beeame-made

dj5'opan

mlddle-at

wd^wndjn

stood

tanji

went

ama

And

woxono

log

t-andn'njac

brushed-herself.

woxono

log

ama

And

tuujunju

beeame-made

g*o'oji

sat-up

tik

(they-two)

ta'watca

dead-one.

to'yono

at-night.

yo'o-tanji

again went.

ama

Then

tan

that-at

tanji

went.

toyo'no

night

yiwin-an

wlftohis.

xtt'cim

north.

tik

(they-two)

tawatca

dead-one.

ama

And

ama

And

yoo

^Orwlt'^panf
•Forpitld-li.

*Forama, theni
^Yauelmanidialeet: m^ts. ** because."

Digitized by

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language,

273

ama

Then

arose.

tik

(they-two)

far

yuwinitc-an

husband her

g'6'm

arislmc

yo-ta'nji

again went.

tibiknitca

world-of-dead.

ama'

Then

ama

Then

tudyju

bats-yo

acain

tik

(they two)

ta'nji

went

ama

t*andu'igaj

broshed-herself.

tcedanduu-tau

bridge-at there,

p6w5'n t'feidatci

across watchers.

yuwi'nitc-an

husband her

ama

And

t'ud6'ju

waS'Unable.

ti'in

(they)

nautgi

arrived

mu'k'oc

woman.

tanji-an

went his

ama

And

ama

Then

tcfe'dandu

bridge

ama

And

yiwin

wife

g*Og*OC
were

konhtcuna-an

man her

t'^idatci

watehers:

mft'kcin-ta'in

woman's that

p5ow5'o

across

ama'

«Now

k'o'uhtcun

i'dka

water.

tuuc-yaan

make [ye]

ama

And

okcg

saw

wi'dji

said

t'feidatci

watchers

madman

yon-at

yuwfe'nitc-an

husband her.

honji

smelled.

ama

Then

ta'nji

went.

t'Mdatci

watchers

tcfe'edandu

bridge!"

nau'uci-tau

arrived there.

wi'dji

said:

g*o'odo

make-him-sitl**

ama'

Then

ama

And

h6tsyu

knew

tau

there

ta'cin

those

gOOJl
sat

ti'idatci

watchers.

widji

ama

Then

yet

one.

tan

that

ama'

Then

ama'

And

t'feidatci

watchers

ama

Then

tik

(they-two)

tin

(they):

wakit

was-presented

tita'dad

"Hungry

yfet-an

one that

akam

perhaps;

wata'kin

pine-nut's

waki'-an

present his

ama

and

tan

that

ama

Then

pi'iji

finished

piyi

finished

tan

that.

ama

And

again

Wtt'Xe
many.

yoo

again.

ama

And

dd'k'inji

was-satisfied.

ama

And

again

ta'win'in

being-day,

toyo'no

night

toyo'no

night

xono-tau

beyond that-at

kam^n

dance

k'a'm'en

dance.

wi'dji

said

tin

(they):

ti'cidai-yan

"Emergemake [ye]

this

tin

(they)

xn'iyu

return.**

widji

said

ama

Then

an-tan

his that

tik

(they-two)

yi'una

wife:

xwi'yuji

returned.

•'That

tan

that

taci'n

those

ama

And

ama

Then

tau-yan

« There- [ye]

that

ama'

Then

dnya'ni

food-wlth."

duiju

ate

ama

Then

wu'xe

many.

t.aatc

persons.

ama'

Then

mo'k'ci

woman 1**

i'njij

ama

And

good

tin

they

Digitized by

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274 University of California Publications. [AicAech.Bth.

tan

widji

t'fe'idatci

a'm-mi-hi

e^nt-imin ama'

him

told

watchers:

"NotyoawUl

sleep!" Then

tik

xwi'yuji daka'

ji tik

ama tik yo

(they-two)

returned;

pftSMdnii^t (theytwo).

Than (theytwo) agsin

ta^nji

ama'

tik

yo da'kaji ama tik

went.

And

they

again camped. And (they*two)

yo'o

tanji

a^ma

e'nt-imji

ama k'anuwac

•C*in

went.

Then

8le]>t.

Then lay

yfe'etau

wo'xono

one-at

log.

FIGHT WITH THE PITANISHA

widji pit'a'nica oOcaj o'ctin m6^djak ama

Said Pltanisha-Indians: "(I) -saw fire's smoke." Then

widji pit'anica w^u-ham-na ma'x anik-tcTa

said Pitanisha: <* Would wish I get their bones."

ama tanit yet n6no da'nant-a'ji cdopin

Then that-from one man heard three

na'n^i xa'yac ama tanit tanji pit'a'nica

men had-said. Then that-from went Pitanisha.

xi-tau tudo't'ac alti'nin ama' tacdi widji

This that-at bumed-the*land Altau-people. Then those told

yet pit'a'nica wiwu-ham-nan max anik-tc'I'a

one Pitanisha: ^Wouldwlshwe get their bones,"

widji ta'cdi ama xiti'uji t.'ie'u nun^i ama'

told those. Then were-angry ten men. Then

tin widji tan pit'a'nica tan ma^n-hi tacdi

(they) told that Pitanisha: *« That-at ye will those

tanat u'nau ama widji pit'a'nica hd'n

go-eause playing-plaoe." Then said Pitanisha: "Tes.

tau-na'n hi-tan na'win na'n-i-tan cod^pinau

there we will go, arrive-will we will that-at three-in

op'o'do ca'lalwidan waidin ta'han tan ama

days; early-moming-in breakfasting go- will that-at." Then

tanji altinin punyid daka'in yet op'o'do

went Altau-people twice passing-the-night one day

a'nik ta'ngitc^ am tacdi wat ukaac ama

their going not them anyone saw. Then

* For tan-fiitcf

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The YoktUs Language,

275

tin

(they)

taxin

to."

pit'a'nica

Pttanlsha

o'kaj

saw

xeu

«Thl»-at

ama^

pit'a'nica

Pltanisluu

ama

Then

tin

(they)

widji

told

Then

taxin

that

tan

that

t'icau

open*ln,

ndno

man

ndno

xen

here

hnpuc

Mleeted

na'n-lii

wewUl

that

yet

one

pit'a'ni(5a

Pltanisha:

taxnad

ia-comlng!

wodd'yita

dodging

hokcu'-tan

met him.

tca'n-mai

Now we (incl.)

taxuin

comes.

taxnad

ftn coming.

cutawidin

«Get-ready!

co^xnitc ama

shaU-be-UUed.** Then

tcanum

immediately

a'nik

their.

ama

Then

ama

And

y6'o-xe

Also this

tapa

ffl

ama

Then

to'kji

hit

pit'a'nica

Pltanisha.

ama^

Then

t'iji

emerged

ama

And

n5no

tcanum

immediately

yet

t'uiju

shot

yaudau

brosh-in

ta-n6'no

that man

tcanum

atK>noe

Not

that

pit'a'nica

Pltanisha

taxnad

ware-going

alti'nin

Altan-person.

ama

Then

yet

one

yaudau

brosh-in

ama

Then

widji

said

huna'i

vainly

ndono

ama

Then

tcanu^m

immediately

ye't t'ii'iju

one shot-at.

t'uit'uiyut

was-shot-at-repeatedly

am-tiin-tan- to'kji

not (they) him hit.

yau'dau

bmsh-at.

xeu

this-at

tcanum

immediately

ama

Then

ama

Then

xican

these

tcanum

immediately

tanji

went

t-aa'tci

people.

ama

Then

xiti'uji

were-angry

ta-n^no

that man.

t-aa'tci

people

do'owoc

battled.

pit'a'nica

Pltanisha

t'uit'uyut

was-shot-repeatedly.

ama

And

t'u'yoc

arrows

pit'anica

Pltanisha

hetat

still

da'witji

ran*off

t'oyatyanitc

was-shot-repeatedly.

kumoi

all.

da'witji

ran.

wojojwidji

pierced

ama

Then

ama

Then

that

pot'au

body-in

ye't

one

his

hi'a

at-last

ta'witsi.

died.

lOI AND BLUEJAY.

YM y5 tc'ai'judMc nfees-an wit'ep g*5'g*oc

loi and Jay younger-brother her boy were

tak tau yitau t^oyo'no taxi'nji hitcwa'iu

(they-two) that-at. One-at night came ghost,
> Of. Boas. Chinook Texts, 181.

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an-yi'una Y^i

hit wife. lol

li cuinat tau

nrlth was-boncht. ThAt-at

^a^alwidan ta^nji

Mrly-in-mornlng went

in g*6'g*oc

l-at liTed,

cuinat

wms-boQcfat,

yfe'winji

married

Y5i

loi.

yet'in

of -one

panin

world's

ri'tcet

treea,'

hide'u

Where-at

Dfetsyi*

Aked.

yakan

stone.

aam-hi

9nwlU

ama

Then

widfetc
tan

that-at

oh6-na-nim

^'Seek-wUlImy

bok

And

mai

person

not

hnk'yjo

sister."

hotci'nin

wishing

tana^ad

tan

tanidjin

dyincf

cntcahana
t'o'yono

night.

tc'aijndetc

Jay

tanji'n

gone-at.*

pinfe'tsyi*

Asked

ama'

Then

knmni

tlin

(they)

tan

wi'dji

Said

tan

that-to

tan

to-that-one:

tanad

take."

pitidji

related.

t-awa'da

«Paj

ama'

Then

ama

Then

tan

that-one

nanji

arrived

ta'nac

took

tik

(they-two)

hitcwa'in

ghoststo.

tan

that-at

k'amn

not

tan

that-at

nannji

reached

met-

large

tcnmnan

last-at

t-M

house.

md'djak

smoke.

t.ea'waihin

of honsee.

nan

me,

tan

that

yakan'

Stone

t.ea'wayn

hooses-at.

ama

Then

nanji

reached

ama'

Then

tan

that-at

ama

Then

o'kaj

saw

tan

that-st

bokci

found.

jietsyi

asked

m-na

'Not I

aa'mnxjn

brought."

padnunju tc'aijudfetc

entered Jay.

hide' nfes-nim hidenit-ma

**Well, younger-brother my, where-from yon

tawi'dji ti-ma ama

*<died didyouf" Then

tan

that-one;

ta'widji

died;

ama

Then

yakan

stone

at-i'dji

opened

•Porplnitrji.
*PorwidJl.

nan

k'nmni

all

xeu

thifito

t.fe'wayi

houses.

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277

map'i^nxac

faU

do'momto

lay

t*eawaihm

hOQMS'

tc'i

bones

fi't'at

only.

t'6t

HMd

atce^u

ama

Then

tc'ia'ni

bonee-witht"

huk6'iju-an

to*8isterhiB

ama

Then

his

widji

told:

«Not

his

pinetsyi

asked:

huko'iju

sister

haa

«What

yoo

and

ma-xfe'ni

yon this-with

tan

that

da'idai

kick

dai'iji

kicked.

yonr

ama

Then

tan

tha^at

tcTi-yo'o

bones also.^

haudi

do- what

na'at

to-that-one elder-sister

napa^tma.

sister's-hnsbandl^

SUMMARY.

The chief characteristics of the Yaudanchi dialect,^ which
in the main apply also to all the other dialects of the Yokuts
family, are a comparatively simple phonetic system, the presence
of a series of impure vowels' more or less parallel to the usual
series, the occurrence of two classes of t-sounds, the presence of
hard sonants and of stressed surds in all series of consonants, the
absence of spirants except in the k series and among the s-sounds,
an extensive and varied development of vowel mutations, the
presence of syntactic cases and of several locative and instru-
mental ones, a plural for words denoting persons, the absence
of reduplication as a grammatical means in the noun but its
presence in the verb and numeral, the complete lack of pronom-
inal affixes in verbs, the vocalic differentiation of the verb stem
into two principal forms determined probably by the suffixes, the
indication of number in the verb by separate particles, a full and
very schematic development of the personal pronouns in singular,
dual, and plural, the absence of a personal pronoun in the third
person except in the possessive, the occurrence of number and
case suffixes in both personal pronouns and demonstratives dif-
ferent from those in nouns, the combination of personal pro-
nouns and modal and temporal particles into clusters very nearly

* « Head and bones also" = skeleton.

s See also p. 183.

' Lacking in most Yokuts dialects.

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278 Universiiy of Calif omia PubUcaiuyns, [AicArch.Eth.

equivalent to words but without abbreviation or phonetic modifi-
cation of the particles composing these clusters, and a simple
sentence structure marked by a lack of involved dependent con-
structions, the clauses occurring being either non-pronominal
participial derivatives of verbs or non-pronominal verbal nouns
with case suffixes. The number of grammatical categories in the
language is not large and the means used to express them are
still more restricted, consisting, besides a limited employment
of reduplication, only of vocalic mutation and suffixion. The
vocalic mutations are peculiar in being of a different character
in the expression of different grammatical functions. The num-
ber of suffixes used for grammatical purposes is small, probably
not exceeding thirty or forty. There are no affixes of the kind
found in many American languages and denoting shape, spatial
relation, or the instrument or object of action, all such ideas
being expressed as in English only by words or circumlocutions.
The use of suffixes for etymological derivation is restricted and
composition of two independent stems is very unusual. Many
verbs go back to monosyllabic stems, but on the whole the stems
of the language are polysyllabic.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 279

n. THE YAUELMANI DIALECT.

The material on which the following comparative sketch of
the Yauelmani dialect is based was collected in 1900. No texts
were secured at that time and the work was not carried farther
in subsequent years, except that a few songs and short formulas
were recorded in this dialect in 1903. These are included with
the texts from miscellaneous dialects in Part III. Except for
these short texts all the material obtained is from a young middle-
aged man named Jos6 Maria, at Tule river reservation.

The Yauelmani, or at least the people at present speaking
this dialect, are more numerous on Tule river reservation than
the Yaudanchi, although the reservation is situated near or in
the original territory of the latter. The Yauelmani territory
seems to have been on Eem river in the vicinity of Bakersfield
and in the plains northward. Its exact limits have not been de-
termined. On the east and south this territory was adjacent to
Shoshonean areas, on the west and north to other tribes of Yokuts
family.

In general structure the Yauelmani dialect is closely similar
to the Yaudanchi. There are however a number of distinct dif-
ferences that are structural and not merely phonetic. The rela-
tion of the vocabulary of the two dialects is discussed in Part III.
In probably a majority of words the two dialects differ either by
phonetic variations or radically.

PHONETICS.

The phonetic constituents of Yauelmani are on the whole
much the same as those of Yaudanchi. The most important dif-
ference is that Yauelmani lacks the impure vowels, especially
and u, of Yaudanchi. I takes the place of u, and e of o, as
shown by the corresponding forms of certain words. It is pos-
sible that this i and e are not exactly the same as ordinary i and
e of this dialect. Ilik means both water and sing in Yauelmani,

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80 Univemiy of California PubUcatians, [AicArch.Bth.

orresponding respectively to Yaudanchi idik and uduk. The
rauelmani informant asserted that there was a difference in the
nality of the vowels of this word according as the meaning
aried; but the difference heard was imperceptible, so that it
ould not be determined whether the distinction really exists in
he language or was due in this case to an unconscious intention
discriminate between the homonyms. Yaudanchi pd'otc is piis
Q Yauelmani. It is worthy of note that most Yaudanchi words
ontaining an impure vowel have been found represented not by
>honetic equivalents but by entirely different stems in Yaud-
aani.

sick, hurt tdixiitQ tixt-in

cloud k'udai k'ilei

beaver t'opwk t'^pik

panther wohocit weh^t

make tiiiii, tooj tic, tec

One of the chief other phonetic differentiations of the two
lialects is the occurrence in Yauelmani of 1. This is usually d
n Yaudanchi. In some cases 1 is represented by Yaudanchi n.
Jometimes y is the equivalent of d in Yaudanchi and 1 in other
lialects. 5f does not occur in Yauelmani, being replaced through-
out by n. S and c are distinguished with diflSculty in Yaudanchi
n Yauelmani the sound nearer to s was heard more frequently
han that approaching c. The difference between the two dialects
ixtends to tc, which is usually ts in Yauelmani. In some cases,
neluding the suflSxes -nitc, -atcin, and -tci, Yaudanchi tc becomes
in Yauelmani.

MEANS OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE.

The various forms of reduplication found in Yaudanchi, and
epresented respectively by the forms: t'uy-t'uy, t'uy-u-t'y, tud-
>-tud, and cop-cip-i, occur in Yauelmani.

Many Yauelmani suffixes are identical with the Yaudanchi
ones and some differ only phonetically. A few of the most im-
)ortant Yaudanchi suffixes are however lacking, and a number

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281

that have not been found in Taudanchi are important in Tauel-
mani. The following list gives the sufiSxes determined for the
two dialects.

Non-grammatical :

Taudanchi

Tauelmani

Meaning

-oc

noun formative

-ud

-it

-its!

place of

-i, -ui

noun formative

-i

death of a connecting relative

-in-in

-in-in f

people of

•at.

desirer of

-lis

habitual place off agent f

-am

•am

ten and, on numerals

Number:

-i (-a)

-i

plural, nouns

-11,-m

-n, -in, -an

plural, pronouns

.k,.ik

-k,-ik,-ak

dual, pronouns

-c

-8

connective, demonstratives

-hate

-hats

diminutive, plural of adjectives

-awayi

plural f collective!

-bin

•hal

coUective, inanimate nouns

Case:

-a (-i)

objective, nouns

-fi

-n, -in

objective, demonsti'atives (-in, nouns)

-wa

objective plural, pronouns

-in

possessive

-fii,.fi

-ni

instrumental

-u

locative

-nit

ablative

On Numerals and Interrogatives :

•in animate f collective f

-id

-il

adverbial

-am

adverbial distributive

-ak

-uk

indefinite

-tci

-ti

indefinite

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282

University of California Publications, [Aic Arch. Bra.

Semi-derivative, verbal:

-da

-ta

-a-tcin

-cit

-in

-wic

-wid
-umdu-wic

-1, -u, -a

-la

-li

-ta

-a-tin

-sit

-in

-wis

causative

frequentative

desideration

benefactive

intransitive

reflexive

Mode and Tense, Verb:

-ji

•

preterite

-ac

•

preterite

-in

future

-in

-bin

participle, present

-ad

•

continuative

•an

aorist

-ahin

preterite

'fto

continuative

-g'ohin,

g' on preterite

-it

passive

-fiitc

-nit

future passive

-itc

•its

agent

-ini

agent

•ana

participle

-al

apodosis of hypothetical condition

-mi

from

-i

from, of?

-a

habitual agent f

-ban

passive in dependent clause

•wal

•

•ka

imperative
THE NOUN.

Very little material was obtained as to the plural in Yaucl-
mani. It is confined to names of persons, and is formed by the
sufi&x i with more or less vocalic alteration of the stem as in
Taudanchi.

youth n6to ndt^i

man n5no nonei

kaiina kaeni

woman
child

witep

* Lengthening of final stem vowel.

* Suffix known to be lacldng.

witip-hats

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283

A suffix -hal, apparently corresponding to Taudanchi -hin, is
used on inanimate nouns with a collective meaning.

silel-hal pile of rocks

witcet-al many sticks

Idmet-al-iu mountainous, mountain-many-at

tun-5-hal many pines

salam-hal willows

The case suffixes are the same as in Yaudanchi, with of course
the regular change of the instrumental -ni to ni, and plus an
objective form not found in Yaudanchi. The Yaudanchi objec-
tive suf&x -a or -i occurs on some words, but a number of others
in Yauelmani show a sufBx -in, the equal in form of the posses-
sive suffix. The objective suflSx for demonstratives in Yaudanchi
is -n, which in this dialect becomes -n, and it is possible that
the ending in question is to be explained as this suffix used on
nouns. Certain words which take the -in suffix, such as n6to,
young man, and n5no, man, are identical in form in the objective
and possessive. Added to final i, the ending -in changes this to
h. Occasionally the objective -in is modified to -n, -en, or -on.
Whatever the suffix -in itself, it appears that its occurrence with
objective meaning in Yauelmani must be connected with phonetic
causes ; since all words that take it end vocalically, while those
that end in a consonant take -a or -i.

Objective,

t.d-m

house (t«i)

kawayd-n

horse (kawayu)

n6to-in

youth

taut-in^-in

murderer (taut-ini)

n5no-in

man

tid.ik-1-ind-in

continued splitter

kodj-te

smaU (kudji)

tid'ak-t-in^-in

continued splitter

totce-en

bad

hay-in^-in

laugher

nohoo-n

grizzly bear

hat-ya-in

glutton

hitwaia-n

ghOBt

insana-n

lover

pimtana-in

Btump

mand-in

much (mani)

witep-a

child

paln-a

flat (paUn)

pu8-a

dog

yapikn-a

tree

ilka

water, song

and most verb
eat

stems, such as xat-a,

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284 University of California Puilicaiions, [Am.Arch.Eth.

bateikn-i

red

kaa-a-te-i

puncher (kas-a-ita)

^okot8-i

person

oxoyo-ls-i

lover

lehto-t8-i

runner

ax-ts-i

bed(azit8)

rat-a-t8-i

eater (xat-a-its)

thout object

ive suffix :

kaiina

woman

xoi

deer

frilil

rock

talap

arrow

The f ormfl taken by the other cases need no special comment.
B locative appears as -u, -iu, -au, -ou, -o, as in Yaudanchi:
u, xot-i-u (from xot-oi), ilk-au, oct-ou, lomt-o. Sili-u from
1 is scarcely an irregularity. There is a break after the second
vel of this word, apparently due to its aspiration, so that more
urately it is sili'l. Powers wrote it silekhl. Moreover, silil
y be a reduplication from sil, and this form the one used in
formation of the locative.^

The use of the cases is the same as in Yaudanchi, but one or
) idioms have been noted. An animate agent with a passive
b is put in the possessive, not in the instrumental. This holds
Yaudanchi also, and of the pronoun as well as of the noun.
3 possessive is used as the subject of verbal object clauses, the
)m in such cases being really: **I saw your eating" where
say: **I saw you eat.'' The object of such a verbal clause,
ich is itself an object, is in the instrumental. To express the
El of ''for," the possessive case is used, at least in demonstra-
». Many constructions were obtained in which the case end-
s were added directly to verb stems. In such sentences as:
see you eat," the objective -a is added to the naked stem
sining to eat. Only very few verbs, including hiwet, to walk,
to swim, and huloc, to sit, lack the objective -a in such con-
ictions and are used without any suffix. The locative is used
verbs with the meaning of **for the purpose of"; the posses-
3 with the meaning **on account of," or **from," as in tui-

a, from being struck. When a causative suffix is added to a

b, the person that is caused to perform the action is expressed
the objective, the person or object affected by the action, in

instrumental.

Like dulul, mountain, dul-au; injij, good, inij-ya; natet, father, nat-
lawic, in other dialects.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 285

THE VERB.

Number and person are not expressed in the Yauelmani verb
and the scope and methods of the expression of mode and tense
agree quite closely with those in Yaudanchi, though some of the
suffixes used differ entirely.

SEMI-DEBIVATIVES.

The causative is in some verbs expressed by -la, correspond-
ing to Yaudanchi -da, and in others by -i, -a, or -u. This latter
suffix replaces the lengthening of the last stem vowel in some
Yaudanchi verbs. Yaudanchi forms ilAok from uAvk^ to sing;
Yauelmani, ilik-i from ilik. Other occurrences are kosow-e,
lihim-e, hatam-i, ukon-o, tan-a, cilit-i.

The frequentative -ta is alike in the two languages.

The desiderative -atin is the phonetic equivalent of -atcin or
-tcin in Yaudanchi.

-sit is the Yaudanchi -cit, indicating that the verbal action
is performed for some one's benefit. The idiom by which the
object of the action is in the instrumental case is common to the
two dialects.

The intransitive -in is as frequent as in Yaudanchi and like
it varies in form to -n or -un.

The reflexive is -wis, corresponding to Yaudanchi -wic.

SUFFIXES OF TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE.

In the matter of modal and temporal suffixes there is consid-
erable difference from Yaudanchi. Of the four common tense
suffixes of Yaudanchi the two preterites in -ji and -ac and the
continuative in -ad do not occur in Yauelmani.

The future and indefinitely participial suffix -in is the only
one of the four common to the two dialects. In Yauelmani it
tak^ two slightly different forms corresponding to its two mean-
ings in Yaudanchi. The future is expressed in Yauelmani by
-in ; an indefinite or present tense, which appears however to be
finite and not participial, is expressed by -hin. In some verbs

Am. Aboh. Eth. 2. 21.

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286 UfUversity of CdUfomia Publications. [Am.Aech.Eth.

the difference between the two suffixes is further increased by a
difference in the stem, the future -in causing a lightening or
omission of the last vowel and a consequent shortening of the
stem, whereas -hin is added to the full unaltered verb stem as it
is found in the imperative. In many other cases, however, the
verb stem is alike for the two suflSxes; and as their phonetic
difference is so slight, they are frequently difficult to distinguish.

A suffix -an seems to be an aorist, sometimes past and some-
times present in meaning. Related to this suffix in its influence
on the stem is a preterite -ahin, which has some appearance of
being composed of -an and -hin.

A continuative or indefinite present is formed by the suffix
-g*6. There can be little doubt that this is the verb stem g'o, to
live or be (appearing in Yaudanchi with the additional mean-
ing **sit" and in certain northern dialects as *'house'0> which,
through being an auxiliary, has become a sufiSx. That it is at
present a suffix and not an enclitic is certain from the fact that
in some cases it causes vocalic modification of the stem. Just
as the preterite -ahin is formed from the aorist -an, so the tem-
porally indefinite -g*6 gives rise to a preterite -g*6n, also appear-
ing in the forms -g'6in and -g6hin. It seems a little curious that
the indefinite or present -hin should be used to derive the only
two distinctly past tenses in the language, -ahin and g*6n; but
there is a parallel in many Indo-European languages in the use
of auxiliaries, which are themselves in the present tense, to ex-
press a perfect in the verb. The -g*6 and -g*dn suffixes are in
some verbs added directly to the stem; in others a connecting
vowel, usually ^, is inserted. An additional reason for regarding
these two suffixes g*o and g*6n as derived from the verb-stem
g'o, is the fact that they are the only suffixes found in this dialect
with o as their vowel. It may be added that this o never under-
goes modification.

As in Yaudanchi, the future suffix -in changes its vowel,
chiefly to e or o, after certain stems. The analogous suffix, -hin,
seems to change less readily. The forms taken by the suffix -in
may be summarized as follows: After monosyllabic or disyl-
labic i or e-stems the sufBx is either -in or -en; after monosyl-
labic a-stems it is in some instances -in, in others -en; on di^l-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 287

labic stems whose first vowel is a, and the second vowel i strength-
ened to a before an a-suflix and lost entirely before the present
suffix, the form is -in; monosyllabic o-stems in some cases take
-en, in others -on; disyllabic stems containing an o followed by
an i take -en; u-stems and disyllabic stems containing o and u
take -on.

The usual suffix indicating the agent is -its, Yaudanchi -itc.
On certain verbs and after certain suffixes this form is not used,
but the agent is expressed by -ini. This difference seems to be
duf to a difference in meaning between the two suflSxes, rendering
each more appropriate for certain verbs. -Ini perhaps denotes a
more habitual agent.

As in Yaudanchi, the suffix -its is not always used in its
simple form. On disyllabic stems it appears as -its, except that
stems containing only o or u alter the sufb to -uts. Monosyl-
labic stems, on the other hand, insert a vowel between the stem
and the suffix, a after a-stems, 6 after o or u-stems, and h after
e or i-stems. This inserted vowel bears the accent. As an equiv-
alent, disyllabic stems strengthen their second vowel as they
do before a-suffixes. Some verbs in Yaudanchi have also been
found to insert a vowel before this suffix, but the phonetic pro-
cesses seem less clear in that dialect than in Yauelmani. It is
not improbable that this suffix is to be conceived as added to
the causative of the stem, one form of which is expressed in
Yauelmani by the addition of a vowel similar in quality to the
vowels of the stem, and in Yaudanchi by the strengthening of
the last stem vowel much as before the present -its suflSx on disyl-
labic verbs in Yauelmani. That this vowel-lengthening form of
the causative has not been found on all verbs in both these dia-
lects, but is replaced in some by the suffix -la, is not necessarily
an objection to this view, as the causative vowel may now be
present before the -itc suflBx merely as a. rudiment of the process
which once introduced it there, and not with any active meaning.

The agent suf&x -Ini just mentioned perhaps expresses a more
habitual agent than the suffix -itc. It is regularly found on some
verbs in place of -itc, and apparently always after the frequen-
tatives -ta and -11. It is however possible that the distinction of
use between -ini and -itc is not due to any difference in meaning

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288 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

but to phonetic causes, since the former suffix is found regularly
on all verb stems whose imperative is -k instead of -ka, and only
on such stems. It is to be observed that the f requentatives -ta
and -li also have imperatives in -k instead of -ka.

The passive is expressed by the suffix -it, identical with the
Yaudanchi form. The idiom by which the animate agent of the
passive verb is in the possessive case is common to the two
dialects.

The future passive is expressed by -nit, corresponding to
Yaudanchi -nitc.

The Yaudanchi participial form -ana has not been found, ex-
cept perhaps in ins-ana, lover, apparently from ins-is, good.

IBiPEBATIVE.

The imperative is regularly expressed by the addition of -ka,
or, in a smaller number of verbs, -k. This ending is added to
the pure forms of the stem. In Yaudanchi the imperative is
expressed by the stem without any ending. This difference is
one of the most characteristic between the two dialects, coming
to light even in a short vocabulary, and persisting throughout
the two dialectic groups of which Yaudanchi and Yauelmani
are representatives, from the southern to the northern limits of
the family. It is probable that this ending -ka is not a true
suffix. It certainly is felt as an enclitic rather than as a con-
stituent part of the word, even though its union with the stem
seems to be quite close. Were it a true suffix becoming an in-
tegral part of the verb, it would seem that the same stem-vowel
strengthening would occur before it that occurs before other a-
suffixes in the verb; but this is not the case. The stem- vowels
retain before it what may be considered their normal (or i-suffix)
form, corresponding to their form in the unsuffixed Yaudanchi
imperative. The dual and plural imperative are respectively
-ka-wik and -ka-wil. -Ik and -in are pronominal suffixes indi-
cating the dual and plural. This fact is further evidence that
the -ka preceding them is not a real suffix, for it is the distinct
tendency of Yokuts, shown not only in the present dialect but in
aU known, to avoid coupling pronominal elements with the verb
so closely as to actually combine them into a single word. In

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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yokuts Language. 289

Yaudanchi -yak and -yan indicate the dual and plural of the
imperative. These two particles also contain the pronominal
endings -ik and -in. While usually enclitic to the verb to such a
degree as to resemble suffixes, this -yak and -yan are sometimes
added to other words, a fact which proves them to be structur-
ally and syntactically independent particles. Both from inherent
evidence and from the analogues in Yaudanchi it is therefore
clear that the Yaudanchi imperative endings are not regarded as
suffixes by the language.^

The optative is expressed by the enclitic -xa or -g*a, corre-
sponding to Yaudanchi -ca, similarly used.

VOCALIC MUTATIONS.

The characteristic vowel mutations of Yaudanchi, according
to which one of the stem vowels in many verbs changes in quality
to a reciprocal vowel before certain suffixes, are found in much
the same form in Yauelmani. As in Yaudanchi, the process does
not seem quite regular, certain verbs preserving their vowels,
while others, apparently in the same phonetic circumstances,
alter theirs. In disyllabic stems the second vowel usually changes.
If i, it becomes e, or if i preceded by a, it becomes a ; if u, it be-
comes 0. A as the vowel of monosyllabic verbs, or the first vowel
of disyllabic verbs, does not change. I also shows considerable
resistance to modification. The other vowels sometimes change
and sometimes do not when they occur in monosyllabic verbs or
the first syllable of disyllabic verbs. If they change e becomes i,
becomes u, and u becomes o.

The suffixes that bring about these changes in the stem seem
to be, as in Yaudanchi, those containing an a; whereas those
containing an i, such as -in, -hin, -it, and -wis, do not cause a
change in the vowels of the stem, except that as already men-
tioned the future suffix -in sometimes causes a change in the
opposite direction, namely, a lightening or omission of the second
vowel of the stem. The a-suffixes are -an and -ahin. The im-
perative with the ending ka does not affect the stem; as ex-

^ In Chanchila the imperative ending -ka is modified to -ku and -ki after
u and i stems, so that in this dialect it can scarcely be regarded as anything
but a sufBiz.

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290 University of CaUfomia PvhUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth.

^ 11 S« I M

5.S

1 F i^ f

5 5

^ jsp-g 55 5 5 5J55 5?55 js 252 5

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Vol, 2]

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291

•2-C

^ S m

■a .-•a ^
I

'S-'s

1 ^

M O

fiA

o g

I I

H fl

o
1«

® ^ ,^08

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292 University of Calif omia Publications, [Am.Arch.Bth.

plained, probably because it is not a snflfix. The agent snflSx -its
has the same effect on the stem as an a-suffix. In Yaudanchi
this tendency of this suflSx is also observable, though it is appar-
ently less regular than in Tauelmani. The explanation of the
exceptional effect of this i-suffix as due to its including the causa-
tive suffix, or another vocalic element, has been mentioned.

The phonetic effect of the two o-suffixes, namely, g'd and
-g*6n, has not become clear on account of an insufficient number
of occurrences of these forms. At least in certain stems, such
as huloc, hiwet, and woy, the o-suffixes produce vocalic changes
from the i-suffix forms of the stem not produced in these words
by the a-suffixes.

The behavior of the verb stem under the influence of its prin-
cipal temporal and modal suffixes is illustrated in the appended
list of Yauelmani verbs giving the forms actually found.

VARIOUS SUFFIXES.

A suffix -mi, not found in Yaudanchi and used only on verb
stems, has the force of from, because of, on account of, and
sometimes, perhaps, of at or when. It is used in such cases as
**I am sick from eating."

A suflSx -i, also without known Yaudanchi parallel, has been
found a few times as a suflSx of verbs dependent on the stem
moy-in, to be tired of. The subject of the verb with this -i suflSx
is in the possessive case. The construction of these forms is
similar to that of stems with the ordinary objective suflSx -a.
That this -i is not the objective is made probable by the fact that
the stems on which it has been found also appear with the objec-
tive -a.

hiem na moyin-hin ilek-i nim, now I am-tired of -singing my.

A suffix -han has been found with a passive meaning on verbs
dependent on other verbs.

lan-a-g*o na min cil-han, hear I that-you were-seen.

An apparent suflSx -wal has been found in a few cases, always
before an imperative -ik. Its meaning is unknown and the ex-
istence of the suflSx cannot be regarded as certain, since -lik, the

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yohuis Language. 293

last part of -walik, admits in form of being the imperative of the
iterative -li.

ynx-ul-wal-ek crush it !

potox-wal-ek smash it!

A suflBx -al is used on verbs in the apodosis of conditional
sentences. Usually it is accompanied by a particle lac. The
Yaudanchi material obtained happening to be lacking in condi-
tional sentences, this suflBx or its equivalent has not been found
in that dialect.

kun-al na mam lac I should have struck you, (if )

taxn-al na lac I should have come, (if )

A suffix -a, found a few times, perhaps indicates a continuing
agent.

hat-ya, glutton (from xat, eat?),
hulc-a, one who sits in one place,
wul-a, one who stands a long time.

Another somewhat doubtful suffix, also without known Yau-
danchi equivalent, is -lis, appearing to denote the agent or place
of an action.

oxoyo-lis, lover (oxoyo, desire, seek).

hot-one-ls, fireplace (hot-one-, build a fire).^

The case suffixes of nouns are freely used on verb stems and
more instances of such constructions were obtained in this dialect
than in Yaudanchi. The objective suffix -a is added to unsuffixed
verb stems dependent as objects on another verb, as in **I saw
you eat.'' The subject of the dependent verb is in the possessive
case, showing that this dependent verb, in line with its having
a case-ending, is really regarded as a noun. This is further
borne out by the fact that its logical object is not in the objective
case but in the instrumental. Literally the construction then
is: **I saw your eating by means of meat." It has been men-
tioned that a few verb stems, such as hiwet, ep, and huloc,
appear to occur in this construction without any objective case
suffix. The locative is used with the sense of **for" as well as
**at." The possessive occurs on passive verbs with the meaning

* Cf . Tachi yoktco-lis, somebody, from yokotc, person.

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294 University of Califomia PubUcatiom. [Am.Arch.Bth.

of from : tui-t-un, from being shot. On active verbs the posses-
sive ease ending does not appear to be used, the suffix -mi, not
found on nouns and not known from Yaudanchi, taking its place
with the meaning of **from." The instrumental also occurs on
verbs. The Yaudanchi construction in which a temporal clause
is expressed by the suffixion of the locative to a verb with the
past tense ending -ji, the logical subject being in the possessive
and the whole phrase having the force of a temporal clause, is
lacking in Yauelmani on account of the absence of the -ji suffix,
and no analogous construction has been found.

PARTICLES.

The modal and temporal particles of Yauelmani are in part
different from those of Yaudanchi. The ordinary future is ex-
pressed, in addition to the suffix -in, by the particle hi, which
as in Yaudanchi tends to be enclitic to the pronouns and to alter
na and ma, I and you, to ni and mi. A particle mi, usually at
the head of the sentence, seems to correspond to Yaudanchi tcan,
which does not occur. It is used before future verbs. The nega-
tive is ohom in place of Yaudanchi am. The interrogative is ki,
which seems to correspond to Yaudanchi ti, used less frequently
in that dialect than hin, which is without a representative in
Yauelmani. If is expressed by acwa in the protasis and lac in
the apodosis.

THE PRONOUN.

The personal pronoun is used as in Yaudanchi and many of
the forms are identical. What chiefly characterizes the Yauel-
mani pronouns as distinguished from the Yaudanchi, is first the
formation of the possessive of the third person from a stem amin,
instead of Yaudanchi an, and second the fact that in the dual
and plural there are subjective and objective as well as posses-
sive forms for the third person. In Yaudanchi this is not the
case, the demonstrative pronouns being used for the object and
the particles tik and tin to indicate the duality and plurality of
the subject of the third person. These two Yaudanchi particles

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295

and the Tauelmani subjective forms of the third person, amak
and aman, render each other mutually unnecessary; so that
whereas Yaudanchi entirely lacks the pronominal forms, Yauel-
mani is without the particles. Minor diflPerences of the Tauel-
mani pronouns from the Yaudanchi are the fact that the objec-
tive ending wa is found in the dual as well as in the plural, that
the connecting vowel in the dual and plural of the objective is i
instead of a or u, and in the plural of the possessive o instead of i.
It is noteworthy that in spite of the presence in this dialect
of forms for the third person throughout the dual and plural as
weU as in the possessive, there are no forms for the subjective
and objective singular, he and him. These are, as in Yaudanchi,
either simply understood or expressed by demonstratives.

Singular S
S

Subjective

Dual

1 excl, nak

1 inch mak

^ mak

S amak

I excl.
1 incL
Plural g
3

naan
mai
t
aman

Objective

nan

mam

mamikwa

amamikwa

naninwa
t

maminwa
amaminwa

Possessive

n\n\
min
amin

nimgin
magin
mingin
amingin

nimdk, nimdkun

maiin

mindk, mindkun

amndk

The artificiality, so to speak, of the forms for the third per-
son, and their probable derivation from the second person by
analogy, are, very strongly shown by this table. So full a form
as the possessive amin without even a trace of a subjective or
objective base, either in this or in any other Yokuts dialect, and
identical but for its initial a- with the min of the second person,
is one point; another, even stronger on account of the absence
of plural forms of the third person from Yaudanchi, is the ex-
actly similar relation of the dual and plural forms to the dual
and plural of the second person. It is clear from the lack in
the singular of forms for the most common categories, the sub-
jective and objective, he and him, and from their absence in all
numbers in Yaudanchi, that the language has a feeling against

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296 University of Calif omia PubUcoitions. [AicAkch.Eth.

personal pronominal forms of the third person. Their occur-
rence in the dual and plural in Tauelmani as equivalents of
only semi-demonstrative particles in Taudanchi, stamps them as
primarily mere indications of number and case, their pronominal
content being very subsidiary. It is on this account that their
close similarity to the forms of the second person is so significant.
In the possessive relation pronominal forms are for some reason
felt as more important by the language, as is shown by their
existence in all numbers in both dialects ; but the lack of a his-
toric base to go back to is evident from the entire difference of
the forms used in the two dialects: an, unrelated to anything
else, in Yaudanchi, and amin, closely connected by analogy with
the second person min, in Yauelmani.

Three demonstratives have been found as against the four
of Yaudanchi. These are ki, ke, and ta. Ki indicates proximity,
ke a short distance, and ta a greater distance or invisibility. Ta
corresponds to Yaudanchi ta, ke probably to ka, which is not
in very frequent use, and ki to the Yaudanchi xe and xi, which
in all cases except the subjective are identical in form in that
dialect. In Yauelmani at least the locative of ki and ke, and
perhaps other cases also, are alike or distinguished only with
difficulty. The objectives of ki and ke are however distinct.
The dual and plural of the demonstratives are formed much as
in Yaudanchi, except that a greater resemblance to the suffixes
of the personal pronouns is observable, especially in the objective.

Instr. hoc.

k^-ni k^-n
ta-ni

Singular:

Sub.

Ohj.

P088.

This (close) ki
That (further) ke
That (distant) ta

TUiJil •

ki-n ^

ke-n

ta-n

k^-in
ta-in

IrmJkk,

This (ki)
That (ke)
That (ta)

VUirnJ •

ki-s-ik

This (ki)
That (ke)
That (ta)

ki-s-in
ta-s-in

ki-s-in-wa
ta-8-in-wa

ta-8-in-w-in

The interrogative and indefinite pronouns are given below.
It will be seen that almost throughout they end in -uk. This

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yohuts Language. 297

-uk seems to be the Yaudanchi suffix -ak, which in that dialect
is added only to give an idea of indefiniteness. A second Yau-
danchi suffix, -tci, is represented in Yauelmani by -ti, occurring
about as frequently as in Yaudanchi, and distinctlj^ with the
force in both dialects of making for greater indefiniteness. It
will be seen that except for this suffix -ti the -uk is always final.
Thus, the objective hanuk, what, is to be explained as the stem
ha, what, with the demonstrative objective case suffix -n, plus
-uk. The interrogative of place, hiyok or hiyuk, where, contains
the stem hiye and the same suffix -uk. Hiye is the equivalent
of Yaudanchi hide and hile of other dialects.^ The same stem
with the locative suffix, hiye-u, is the non-interrogative indefinite
** somewhere."

wat-uk who!

wat-5k-ti some one (objective)

wat-au some one

h&-uk

whatt

ha-n-uk

whatt (objective)

ha-n.5k

with what! (instrumental)

ha-uk-ti

something

ha-n-uk-ti

something (objective)

ha-wiy-uk

which, what kindt

ha-uydn-uk

what fort why!

ha-ujin-uk

how manyf

ha-wetam-uk

howl doing whatt

hiy-ok

where!

hiye-t-uk

from where t

hiye-u

somewhere

hiye-nit

from somewhere

NUMERALS.

The numerals are radically the same as those of Yaudanchi
except that another word is used for nine. The ordinary cardi-
nal forms are used both for counting and as adjectives with
nouns. Two, three, and four take the objective suffix -a. When
the numerals are suffixed or reduplicated they lose certain final
portions, which correspond exactly to those similarly lost in
Yaudanchi, and like these are determined by phonetic causes

^ Cf . teyi, tedi, and teli, teeth, in the same dialectic groups.

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and not by etymology. The animate or collective suffix -in of
Yaudanchi, and the ordinal adverbial forms produced by the
locative suffix in that dialect, perhaps occur in Yauelmani, but
have not been found. The adverbial form of the numeral ex-
pressing **the number of times'' is formed by the suffix -il, cor-
responding to Yaudanchi -id. -H is used on o-stems, -al on
i-stems, and -ul on an o-stem, monos, the first vowel of which
appears to replace an original u. The distributive is formed by
reduplication, the stem as far as the first consonant after the
first vowel being reduplicated and prefixed. The vowel of the
prefixed syllable is that of the unreduplicated stem, except that
i is strengthened to e ; the vowel of the second syllable, the orig-
inal stem, is weakened to e, except again in monos. To indicate
the adverbial distributive with the meaning **so many at a
time," the suffix -am is added to the distributive forms.

CardifuU

Oljeeiive

Adverbial

Distributive

CoUecOve

inoonnting

andM
•djeetiyes

Madjeotives

thenomber
of times

"-•tatime"

yet.

yitsai

yet.-y6t.-in

yet.-ylBt.n-am

ponoi

pony-0

pony-il

pon-p^ni

pon-peny^am

o-dopin

c.6opin-a

e-opi-il

c.op-c^pi ,

c.op-cepy-am

hotponoi

hotpony-o

hotpi-il

•hot-hdtip

hot-hetp-am

yitsinil

yit8-al

yet-y^tis

yit-yeta-am

tsolipi

tsolp-il

tsol-ts^lip

tsol-tselp-am

ndmtsil

nomts-il

nom-n^mits

nom-nemts-am

mdnoB

mons-ul

mon-mdno8

mon-mdns-am

soponhot

tieu

tiw-al

t.ei-t.Mu

t-ei-teiw-am

t-ien yo yet,

t'ieu yo ponoi

20
00

ponoi t.ien
yet- pits

COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION.

The traces of composition and derivation are as slight in
Yauelmani as in Yaudanchi. The suffix -wiya is added to un-
syntactical stems denoting shape or motion and makes of these
verbs of action. The suffix seems to be derived from the stem
wi, to do thus or to say, and its use in this way is analogous to
that of the Yaudanchi suffix -wid-^tc added to unsyntactical

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Vol. 2] Eroeber,—The Yakuts Language. 299

terms representing animal cries, thus forming names of animals,
as huc-udJte. A Yauelmani suffix -at-, -t«, or hat- added to nouns
seems to mean **he who desires." Thus, t-6-t-, kawayu-t-, mokS-
hat*, insin-hat-, one who likes to stay at home, one fond of horses,
one who desires women, a woman who desires lovers. A few iso-
lated eases of derivation or composition have been noted, such
as k'ili, cloud, k'ili-a-g*o, it is cloudy; maya-in-talap, large bows,
the name of the Shoshonean Gitanemuk of Tejon; and paaji,
lake, kuyu-paaji, ocean, literally salt lake. It is however to be ob-
served, as in analogous Yaudanchi forms, that there is nothing
to prove that such forms as the two last are true compound words
and not merely collocations or phrases.

YAUELMANI SENTENCES.

In the absence of texts, the following Yauelmani sentences
are appended. The transcription of these follows the methods
employed in giving the Yaudanchi texts. Where two or more
words, — usually all but one of them pronouns or other enclitics,
— were heard as one, they have been written as one, the com-
ponent elements of the cluster being separated by hyphens. The
English equivalents of such words have been separated. Hyph-
ens connecting English words indicate that all so connected are
to be regarded as a unit equivalent to one Indian word ; hyphens
in the Indian text, other than for the purpose mentioned, are
used in many cases to separate suffixes from the stem and from
each other, for the sake of making the structure clearer. Gener-
ally the English translation is as if interlinear, the words follow-
ing one another in the same order as their Indian originals. In
a few cases, which will be obvious, a short Indian phrase has
been more freely rendered by a longer English one and no at-
tempt made at a word for word translation.

amin t'ii, his house,
m^n t*ii, of me-and-you the-house.
nimgin t<ii, of-me-and-him the-house.
mingin t.ii, of-you-two the-house.
mindk t«ii, your (pi.) house,
nimdk t<ii, our-aud-their house.
amn5k t<ii, their house.

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300 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

amingin t<iiy of-them-two the-house.

k'iliy cloud.

k'Uiag^o, it is cloudy.

p&aji, lake.

kuju-pluiji, ocean, (salt-lake).

yaha mak huloc-xa mak, come we-two, sit let us-twol

na mamikwa cil-hin, I ye-two see.

ma naninwa cil-hin, you us-two see.

hitsi na-mam cil-en, to-morrow I you see-shalL

wa ta n5no g'o-g'o, far that man is.

cil-an-na amin uk'n-a, see I his drinking.

h5hu cilaan-ma nim zat-a, yes, see you me eat.

nim zat, my food.

hanuk na zat-an inis-a, something I eat good, what I eat is good.

Insis t'ii, good house.

na insis, I am good.

insis nim t*ii, good my house, I have a good house.

cil-hin na inisa t*dn, see I good house.

cil-hin na inisa zat-a, see I good food.

maiek t<ii, large house.

taut'a-na-kin puus-a mets-nan as-is-in, kill-shall I this dog because me

bites,
hawiy-uk puus-a ma taut-an, which dog you killed f
ta ki nan ta as-as-ahin, tan na taut-&hin, that this me that bit, that-one

I killed,
hauj-in-uk ma taut-ahin, how-many you killed f
hot'pony-o na taut-ahin, four I killed.
c*5opin-a na taut-&hin, three I killed,
hauydn-uk ma taut-fthin, what-for you did-kill-themf
h&-nd-k ma tan taut-fthin, with-what you him killed f
h&-n-uk ma cil-ahin, what you did-seef
h&-uk-ta, what (is) thatf
h&-uk-ki, what (is) thisf
h&-uk-ke, what (is) this (more distant)!
wat-uk-ma, who (are) youf
cil-hin-na h&-n-uk-ti, see I something,
ha-uk-ti tahan-an zami, something comes hither,
pat-in-hin na ha-n-ok-ti, fell-on I something,
tsup-a yokots, some people, part-of-the persons,
tsup-a silel, some-of-the stones,
ha-utsin yokots, few people,
m&ni yokots, many people,
cil-hin-na tan hat-ya-in, saw I that glutton,
cil-hin-na tan zat-a-ts-i, saw I that-one who-eats.
cil-hin-na ta-in zat-a, saw I that-one eat.
cil-hin-na ta-n zat-a, saw I that food,
taut-in^-in na cil-hin, the-killer I saw.
na n5no, I-am a-man.
ma kaiina, you-are a-woman.

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Vol. 2] Eroeber.—The Yakuts Langv4ige, 301

na hulc-a, I-am a-sitter.

na hulac-t-iini, I-am a-repeated-cdtter.

tdpin ki-n zat-a, on-top-of this food.

g'o-g'o ta-u kudjala ke-u xat-au, is there the-spoon at-this food-at.

jawalya-ky run around, look for it I

ylt-was na amaminwa, go-with I them (yit*; one, -wis reflezive).

api-na mam tahan, with I you come.

api-na-mam g'o, with I you live.

gfb'k ta-Uy live there I (a farewell greeting).

gfb-k wik ta-u, live you-two there I

g'd-k wil ta-u, live ye there!

g'd-na kft-u, live I here.

g'd-in-in-na kd-u, live I here.

gfb-g^o ki-ma k6-u, live (question) you heref

nibets nim nak y^t-iu tahan-&n, older-brother my he-and-I together come.

yit-was na puus-a nim tahan-ahin, accompanying I dog my came.

g* d-g* o-in-nak, live-together we-two.

toxil-nit na tahan-an, west-f rom I come.

xosim-na tanan, north I go.

witcet ki panan-g' o k^-u oct-ou, stick this lies this-at fire-at.

amtsau ki-n oct-o huloc-on-na, near this fire sit I.

tdpin ki-n oct-o, over this fire.

az-its, bed.

atil ki-n az-ts-i, under this bed.

tot.ii-ka, break-it!

tot.ii-li-k, break-several-pieces!

na tot<i-ld-hen, I shall-break-several.

walan-na tsdop-ahin toineu, yesterday I broke-it in-the-middle.

tsuup-un, noon.

salap-ta-g' 5n-nan walan nim5kun t>amut, shaving-were we yesterday our

beards.
cU-hin-na mindkun calp-a, see I you-plural shaving,
potox-wal-ek ySt.o yux-un-uk, smash-it-entirely, pulverize-it I
potox-potez-wal-ek amaminwa, smash them!
piwec-an aman, pound-acorns they,
piwac-ta-k, pound-acoms-intermittently!
piwic-ka, pound-acorns! (once or continuously, for a short or long time,

but without intermission),
paiic, mortar.

potox-potoz-wal-ini, one-who-mashes-everywhere.
kit.-d-kit-its, one-who-cuts.
tid.^k-its, one-who-splits.
tid.ik-1-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly.
tid.ak-t-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly.
salap-t-ini, one-who-whittles-repeatedly.
mokd-hat<, one-who-likes-women.
ins-in-hat., one-who-likes-lovers.

kawaiu-t., one- who-is-fond-of -riding-horseback (kawaiu, horse),
t^-t., stay-at-home (t-i, t-e-, house).

Am. Abch. Eth. 2, 22.

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J02 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth.

hat-ya ma, glutton you.

xat-iin ma, glutton you.

zat-&-it8 nan cil-hin, the-eater me saw.

hulc-a, one-who-sitS'in-one-place.

hulac-tft-hin na, I sit, get up, sit again, and so on.

wowul-mu-na-mam cil-hin, standing I you saw.

cil-hin-nan xat-mi, he-saw me when-he-was-eating, (from, at, eating).

hulac-t-ini nan cil-hin, he-who-sits-down-repeatedly me sees.

ohom na mam cil-aan, not I you see.

an-ki mi-hi lap-en, f you will hit-himt

hosoon ki ma, cold (question) youf

ohom, no.

inds-as-i mak, are-good you-and-I.

inds-as-i mak, are-good ye-two.

yet.0 mai inds-as-i, all-together we are-good.

lap-ka, whip I

lap-ka-wik, whip-ye-twol

lap-ka- wil, whip-ye!

kun-kun-ka-wik, hit-repeatedly-ye-twol

kun-kun-ka-wil, hit-repeatedly-yel

lap-wis-in-ma, whip-self you.

lap-wis-in, he-in^ps-himself .

lap-wis-in aman, whip-themselves they.

lap-i-lp-iis-a-g' o aman, whip-one-another they.

kun-u-kn-us-a-g' o amak, strike-each-other they-two.

lai-i-ly-is-a-g' amak, kick-each-other they-two.

wot-i-wit-is-a-g* o mak, beat-eaeh-other we-two.

xat-xa-mak, eat let me-and-you.

lap-xa-mak, whip let us- two (I and you).

lap-it nak, whipped-are we-two (I and he).

uk6n-u-k nan, drink-give me I

lap-xa na, whip let me I

tan-za-mak t«du, go let us-two house-to.

walan-na-mam ep-la-g'on, yesterday I you made-swim.

walan-na-mam lap-lap-la-g' oin, yesterday I you made-whip-repeatedly.

walan-na-mam xat-la-g* oin, yesterday I you eat-gaye.

cil-aan-na min uk-dn-u ki-n ta-ni ilk-ani, saw I your giving-to-drink him
with-that water.

cil-aan-na min xat-la ke-ni ta-n, saw I your giving-to-eat with-this to-
that-one.

cil-aan-na min cilit-i-han-an, saw I your making-him-jump.

cil-aan-na kun-a min ki-n puus-a silel-ni, saw I striking your this dog
stone-with.

cil-aahin na walan kun-a-la min ki-n n6t5-in kd-ni puus-ani silel-ni, saw
I yesterday making-strike your this youth by-means-of-this dog
stone-with (I saw you make the youth strike the dog with a stone).

hawdtam-uk ma ta-n tiic-in, how you that makef

wi-mi, thus.

ins-in-g'o na-mam, like I you.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 303

ins-in-ka mam, love me I

ines-til-sit-g' o na-mam, or ines-tal-sat-g' o na-mam, do-well-f or I you.

C'dopin cilit, three jumps.

yit. kun, one stroke.

tizt-in-hin-na hotp-il kun-t-un min, sick-became I four-times hit-being-from

of-you.
tizt-in-hin-na kun-mi, sick-am I hitting-from.
tizt-in-hin-na lap-lap-t-in amin, sick-am I repeatedly-whipped-being-f rom of-

him.
na ilak-ta-g' 5hon ama na kun-ut, I sang-a-long-time, then I was-struck.
hitsi-na ilak-ta, tomorrow I shall-sing-a-long-time.
ilak-ta-k, sing (a long time, or continually) I

taxan-&hin-na t<d-nit mdts na hosdon, came I house-from because I cold,
tizt-in-hin-na hosiuw-mi, get-sick I cold-being-from.
hosiu-ta-u-nim tizdt-an ot*o, cold-continually-from my hurts head,
mi na-mam ilik-i, shall I you sing-make,
mi na-mam hatam-i, ^all I you dance-make,
walan-na mam ilik-i-g'dn, yesterday I you sing-made,
uk-on-dhin nan, drink-he-made me.
lihim-i na-hi tan, run-make I shall him.
ta lihim-hin, he runs,
hiwlt-i na-hi tan, walk-make I shall him.
hiem-ma tan-hin, now you gof
tan-a na-mam-hi, take (make-go) I you shalL
mi-na kin tan-a, shall I this take.

mi na-mam ep-la, shall I you swim-make, or put-in-the-water.
tan-&n-ki-ma, going-are (question) youf
wiy-&an-nan, he-says-to me.

wiy-aahin nan tan-ki-mi-hi, said-to me: ''go (question) you willf "
wiy-aan nan t&n-hi, he-told me go he-would,
ma ki nan cilit-i, you (question) me jump-make f
cilit-d-hin nan, jump-makes me.
cilit-i na-mam-in-wa, jump-make I ye.
kun-a-la na mam hi, hit-make I you shall,
walan-na-mam kun-a-la-g' dn, yesterday I you hit-made,
ndtu-na wa gf o, east I far live,
tozil-ki ma g'o, west do you livef
hitsi ni-hi tau g'o, to-morrow I shall there be.
mi-na tau gf o, shall I there stay,
atil ilk-a, bottom-of water,
hatim-hin-na, dance I.
paiut^n hatim, Paiute's dance,
paiuti hatam-an, the-Paiute is-dancing.
ilik-sit-g* o-na paiutd-n, sing-for I Paiute.
tsumun-amin, end its.

tsumun amin ilk-in kon-in, end its water's fall's,
woi-ka, sleep!

walan-na wuy-^-g'dn, yesterday I slept,
c.dopin toino hiem tan-in, three nights now went.

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304 University of Calif omia Ptiblicatums. [Am.Aech.Bth.

tsum-un amin wuy-un nim, end its sleep's 1117.

insis nim wui, good-is my sleep.

ins-in-g' o-na nim wvlj-a, like I my sleep (I like to sleep).

inee-tam-na kon-in-hin, weU I descend.

dl-e-g'o-na batsikn-i ptis-a, see I red dog.

silit-hin-na t*ipin ki-n silel, jump I on this rock.

witset ki panan-g'o kd-u sili-w, stick this lies on-this rock.

cil-e-g'dhin na as-a min ta-s-in-wa, see (sawf) I biting jour those.

as-is-in nan aman, bite me they.

as-is'in na a-mam-in-wa, bite I them.

as-is-in na kin, bite I him-doee-by.

as-is-in na ken, bite I him-somewhat-near.

cil-e-g' 6n-na min lai-han-ahin xat-au-miny saw I your haying-been-kicked

eating-f or your,
cil-e-g' dn-na min as-is-(h)an-&n min uk-un-t-au, saw I your having-been

bitten your drinking-f or.
cil-aan-na ki-n puus-a xat-an, see I this dog eat.
cil-aan-na k^-in puus-un xat-a, see I this dog's eating,
kd-in puus-un zat, this dog's food.

cil-hin-na kd-in zat-a, see I this-one 's food, see I this-one eat.
ki tan n5no xat-in, this there man eats,
cil-hin-na ki tau ndno xat-an, see I this there man eat
cil-hin-na kd-in tau n5nd-in xat-a, see I this there man eat.
tijct-in-hin na mdts na ki-n xat-in, sick-am I because I this eat.
tixt-in-hin na ta-ni zat-ani, sick-am I that by-means-of-food.
tizt-in-hin-na zat-mi ki-n, sick-am I eating-from this,
tail-hin-na hatim-mi, recover I dancing-f rom.
tail-hin-na k^-ni hatm-&ni, recover I this dance-by-means-of .
mi-na hatm-in ama-na tal-an, shall I dance, then I recover-shalL
wot-it-na kd-in ndno-in, hit- was I of -this man.
pok-in-ki-ma, find did youf
wot-sit-it na min, hit-for-am I for-you.
kun-hun-na, hit-with-the-hand I.

cil-hin-na puus-un lap-lap-han-ain, see I dog's being-whipped,
cil-hin-na min kun-han-ain, see I your being-struck,
cil-it-aman, seen-are they.

lana-g' o-na-min cil-han, hear I you to-have-been-seen.
lana-ahin na min cil-a nohoo-n, heard I you saw grizzly-bear,
ilk-in kono, water-fall.

walan-na pat-an na ilk-au, yesterday I fell I water-in.
pat-n-in na ilk-au^ fall-shall I water-in.
pat-in-hin-na zoti-u, fall I ground-on.
kon-in-ka, descend!

wa-nit t.ipi-nit ilik kono-n-on, far-from high-from water falls,
lomt-o-nit tahan-an ilik, mountains-f rom comes the-water.
toxil tan-aan ilik, west goes the-water.
palu-wa g'o-g'o paaci, down far is lake.

pus na-mam wiyaan, zat-en mi-hi, ( f ) I you told, eat you would,
wut-d-g' o-na ki tan hi nono zat-en, knew I this it would man eat

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 305

wut'd-g' o na kon-on-ma-nan-hi, knew I strike you me would.

taud.ak,kmi

mi-na-mam taud*a, shall I you kilL

walan-na-tan taud'a-g' 5ii, yesterday I him killed.

hitsi-na-tan taud*a, tomorrow I him kill.

k'ehdian m^ts na tan taud*ahin, (sorry) because I him killed.

dl-hin-na amin tan taud^a, saw I his him killing.

cil-hin-no min wat-dok-ti taud^a, saw I you some-one kilL

taud*a-nit na-hi, kiUed-shall-be I shall.

ma-hi tau taud*a-nity you will there killed-be.

haiyu-wis-ka-nan, laugh-at me!

waxil-sit-ka-nan, cry-for me I

ilik-sit-g' 5-na-mam, singing-for-am I you.

tezal-sit-g' o-na-mam, speaking-f or-am I you, I interpret for you.

texal-g' o-na-mam, speaking-am I you, I talk of you.

taud'a-sit-g' o-na-mam tani, killing-f or-am I for-you that-one.

kun-sut-un-na-mam k^ni, strike-f or I for-you this-one.

mi-na tamna, shall I taste.

tamna-sit-ka nan, taste-for me I

mi-na kiy-en tan, shall I touch that.

kii-sit-g* o-na-mam, touch-it-for I for-you.

lap-lap-it-na, whipped-am I.

lap-ats, a whip.

mi-na lap-en, I shall whip.

wot. -it, he-is-hii.

wot.-wot-it-na, am-hit-several-times I.

wot'-g' o na kin pus-a, hit I this dog.

wot-en na ken pus-a, hit I that dog (at some distance, but visible).

oyog*d-na kisinwa ndndhi, seek I these men.

oyozan-nan aman, seek me they.

tasin nan n5n^i oyozo, those me men seek.

kisik nan n5n^i oyoxo, these-two me men seek.

tasin nan ins-in-g'dn, those me like.

ki talap, this bow.

nim talap, my bow.

kd-in ndno-in talap, this man's bow.

C'dopin ndn^i, three men.

tixt-in-hin-na zat-mi xoi, sick-am I eating-f rom deer.

taiil-hin-na ukun-mu ilk-a, well-am I drinking-from water.

x6no na as tixt-in-g* o, constantly 1(f) am-sick.

mi-na kin zat-en xoi, ania na tahan t<^-u-nim, shall I this eat deer, then 1 go

house-to my.
as-it-na puus-un, bitten I dog-of .
as-en-na-mam, bite-shall I you.
lai-it-na ndno-in, kicked-was I man-of .
kun-ut-na witdp-in, struck-was 1 child-of .
witdp-in sasa, child's eye.
n5no-in tinik, man's nose,
kainha-n sasa, woman's eye.

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306 University of CaUfomia Publications, [Am.Aech.Bth.

Id nan n5no cil-hin, this me man i

eil-hin na kin ndno-in, see I this man.

tixtin-hin-na eil-mi hitwaia-n, sick I seeing-from ghost.

tixtin-hin-na hitwaia-ni, sick I ghost-bj.

hitwaia nan lihim-^hen, ^ost me mn-made.

tosit-en-na-mam-hi, tell-shall I jou shalL

pus-na-mam wiyaahin, kun-kun-ut-ni-hi, (f) I jou told, stnick-be I should.

kun-ut-na, I am struck one blow.

kon-kon-ut-na, I am struck many blows or all over mj body.

cU-hin na maiek t^^in, see I large honse.

maiek pfis nan as-is-in, a-large dog me bit.

ki pus kudjii, this dog is-smalL

cil-hin na kodj^-n pfls-a, see I small dog.

ins-in-g' o-na-min ilk-a, like I your singing.

ponoi ilik, two songs.

walan-na ilek-&hin, yesterday I sang.

c*5opin nim hatim, three my dances, I have three dances.

ins-in-g'o na wiy-ain hat'm-a min, like I do-thus (the-way-of) dance yonr.

wi-ka, do-it-thusi

wiy-ain ilik-a, thus sing I

hawiyuk-min ilik, what-kind is-your songf

hawiyuk, how-does-it-look f

nd-ki, like this.

nd'pus, like a-dog.

cil-en-na-mam-hi hitsii, see I you shall to-morrow.

zat-atin-g'o na mandn, eat-like I much.

cil-hin-na zat-a min pus-a, see I eating your dog, I see yon eating a dog.

xoi-n sasa, deer's eye.

puuB-un sasa, dog's eye.

kainha-n t*inik, woman's nose.

mani witip-ats, many children.

silil, rock.

silel-hal, rocky, a lot of rocks.

yet-yet*-in nimdgon tok zoi, one-each our kill deer.

pon-pdn-i nim5gun tok zoi, two-each our kill deer.

bdpatiu ki-n lomt-o, top-at this mountain.

taud-ahin na kd-ni talap-ni, killed- (him) I this-with bow-with.

kopin ki-n deiwitc, inside this basket

ydt*o n5nM taud<a-t, all the-men were-killed (every man was kiUed).

yfet.o g* o-g* o ndndh-in yet-yet-in t.i, every is men 's one-each house.

yet'O g'og'o ta-s-in-w-in ndn^-in t*i yit*, all is of -those men's house one

(they have one house together).
yet>-yet<-n-am na amaminwa kun-kun-hun, singly I them strike,
witcet-al, many sticks lying about

mi-na ki-n tot*i-li yet-yet-n-am witset, will I this break each-singly stick.
C'dp-c*epy-am aman tazan-an, three-at-a-time they came,
kft-u, here (from ki).
kd-u, there (from ke).
kd-u tazn-en, hither he-comes.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 307

hiyok ma g'og'o, where you live!

hiye-t-uk ma tahan-an, whenee you comef (hiye-t for hiye-nit before -uk).

hiye-nit na tauac tahan-an, somewhere^rom I ( f ) come.

ki na tau gfogfo konon-on ponpon, this I there live falls snow.

bis nan ti hi watau as-en, ama na ta-n kun-on, if(f) me (t) will anyone
bite, then I him hit-will.

acwa-ma-nan as-as-&hin walan, kun-al-na-mam lac, if you me had-bitten yes-
terday, struck-should-have I you indeed(f).

acwa ma insis, wan-al-na mam nac kawaio-n, if you good, give I you indeed
(!) horse.

hot-d-g* on-na kun-on mi-hi ta-n, knew I hit you would hinh

acwa ha ma walan tazan-fthin, wan-al na mam lac xat-ani, if ( f ) you yester-
day had-come, presented-should-have I you indeed(f) with-food.

acwa ma-nan walan kun-ahin, as-al-na-mam lac, if you me yesterday had-
struck, bitten-should-have I you indeed(f)

acwa ma t>^-u gf o-g' on, tazn-al na lac ta-u, if you at-home had-been, come-
should-have I indeed(f) there.

mand-in na at-in hites, anum na tumk-un-un, much I cut wood, that I warm-
will-be.

diln-au hiwet-in ki-n lomt-o, along walk this mountain.

koyoii-koyoii-wiy-ahin amin hoiin, zigzag-going his flight.

hoiin-hin tukal-iu, he-flies straight.

tukal witset, straight stick.

mi-na hiwet-an ayan-aya-wiya, shall I walk swaying-going.

hot*dnd-hin na, make-a-fire I, keep-up-a-fire I.

hot*dne-ls, fire-place.

palam-palam-wiy-an, flames (= are-flaming).

palam-am-wiy-ahin, flames (=:were-flaming).

tul-ul-ul-wi oct-in, hissing of -fire.

tuk-tuk-wi oct-in, crackling of -fire.

salats-wiyan, daybreak.

zap-la yokots, angel (flying person).

taud<a-wis-in amak, kill-themselves they-two.

lap-i-lp-is-an amak, whip-each-other they-two.

tuy-u-ty-us-ahin amak, shot-each-other they-two.

tizt-in-hin-na min tui-t-un, sick-am I your being-shot-from.

tuy-ut-na, am-shot I.

tixt-in-hin-ma amin tui-t-un, sick-are you by-him being-shot-from.

moy-on-on na tui-tui-mu, tired I f rom-shooting.

hiem na moy-in-in nim ilek-i, now I am-tired my singing (of singing).

hiem na moy-in-in as-as-i nim, now I am-tired biting my (of biting).

hiem na moy-in-hin as-as-i nan, now I am-tired biting me (of being bitten). ^

moy-on-on na hiem kun-dw-i nan min, tired I now striking me of -you (of
being struck by you).

hiem na moy-in-hin kun-dw-i mam nim, tired I now striking you of -me (from
striking you).

wa mi-hi-tan lap-en, ta-na-mam as hi cil-en, ( f ) you will him strike, that I
you (f) shall see.

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308 University of Calif omia Publications. [Aic.Abch.Eth.

III. OTHER DIALECTS AND COMPARISONS.

This third part of the present paper deals briefly and com-
paratively with all the Yoknts dialects on which material is
available. As originally written, this part contained discussions
of six or eight dialects besides Yaudanehi and Yauelmani. Sub-
sequently an opportunity arose to make a special study of the
territory, tribal divisions, and dialectic groups of the Yokuts
family as a whole. This study was carried out in the early part
of 1906, and included among its results about twenty vocabu-
laries, of different dialects, available for systematic comparison.
This increased body of material has made possible a determina-
tion of the principal divisions of the Yokuts family. While
many dialects have become entirely extinct, it appears, from the
information obtained, that none of those thus lost was sufficiently
distinctive to exclude it from the several dialectic groups that
have been established. In other words, these groups appear to
represent all the principal divisions of the Yokuts language at
the time of its first contact with white civilization, and the dia-
lects that have been lost to differ from those known only in minor
features.

The linguistic material obtained in the last study made was
recorded at so many places, and from so many different indi-
viduals, that it was impracticable to extend it beyond vocabu-
laries, and to enter into grammatical investigations, in the time
that was available. Previous knowledge of the structure of Yau-
danehi and Yauelmani however made it possible to determine
certain structural features, such as the pronouns and the verbal
suffixes, in many cases, and the morphological information se-
cured in this way is sufficient, when combined with the more
readily obtained lexical and phonetic results, to allow of a satis-
factory general classification of all the dialects.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 309

DIALECTIC DIVISIONS.

As stated at the opening of this paper, the Yoknts dialects
were numerous, each small tribe, of which there were about forty,
possessing a dialect distinct, in at least some words, from all
others. At the same time the differentiation of even the most
diverse dialects was not very great. Barring two small special-
ized groups comprising together not more than three or four dia-
lects, all the dialects were more or less intelligible to one another.
Structurally they are very uniform, and even lexically they
differ more conspicuously by the use of different stems to ex-
press the same idea than by serious modifications of the same
stem. Altogether the dialects, including the two specialized
groups just mentioned, fall quitely clearly into two divisions, of
which the Yaudanchi and Yauelmani that have been described
are typical grammatical representatives. These two divisions
have been called the Foot-hill and Valley divisions.

The relation of these two divisions to the topography of the
Yokuts territory is, when particularly considered, quite striking.
As has been stated, the Yokuts occupied the entire southern half
of the San Joaquin-Tulare Valley, besides almost all the adja-
cent foot-hills. They did not reach high into the mountains,
which were held everywhere by Shoshoneans and, in the south,
by Chumash. The present Tule river reservation, which is sit-
uated on original Yokuts territory, is farther up in the moun-
tains than almost any other habitat of even the Foot-hill tribes,
a circumstance due probably to the presence in the Tule river
region of a well marked secondary range of the Sierra Nevada,
which served as a natural dividing line between the two stocks.
Within the Yokuts family the dialectic distinction between the
inhabitants of the plains and those of the foot-hills is equally
sharp. Not only that adjacent tribes living respectively in the
valley and in the hills spoke differently, but, with only two ex-
ceptions, all valley tribes everywhere belonged to one division, and
all foot-hill tribes to another. These two exceptions were, first,
at the extreme northern. end of the Yokuts territory, on the San
Joaquin and Fresno rivers, where dialects belonging to the Valley
division, but forming a well-marked subdivision, were spoken in

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310 University of CaUfomia PviUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth.

the foot-hills as well as on the plains.* Second, at the extreme
south of the Yokuts territory, two similar and much specialized
Foot-hill dialects were spoken about Buena Vista and Eem lakes.
While these lakes are in the great Tulare plain, and the tribes in-
habiting their shores were separated from the other tribes of the
Foot-hill division by the Valley tribes on Eem river and Tulare
lake, yet the two lakes are comparatively close to the mountains
that shut off the Tulare basin on the south ; and, as these moun-
tains, while forming part of the Coast Range, are also connected
with the southern Sierra Nevada into one long continuous system
swung about in a semi-circle, the habitat of this isolated lake
group is not so diverse from that of the remainder of the Foot-
hill division as at first appears.

In connection with the sharp differentiation of dialects spoken
in the valley and in the foot-hills, it is to be observed that almost
throughout the Yokuts territory, at least from the San Joaquin
southward, the distinction is equally sharp topographically. The
foot-hills end abruptly, in some cases quite boldly, at the edge
of the plain, and a few yards, sometimes a single step, bring cme
clearly from one zone into the other. North of the San Joaquin
river the physiography is usually quite different, as the foot-hills
slope almost imperceptibly into the valley in a long peneplain.
This is the character of the country among the northern Yokuts
tribes that live in the foot-hills but speak Valley dialects. It is
also the character of the country among the Miwok, the stock
adjoining the Yokuts on the north, and it appears that in this
family, although its range is much higher into the mountains
than that of the Yokuts, there is no such marked division into
Foot-hill and Valley dialects as exists in the latter.

VALLEY DIVISION.

The Valley division consists of two groups, a northern, and a

principal one occupying most of the valley proper.

^ The Northern group of dialects, while showing some unity and a number
of stems peculiar to itself, appears to have consisted of two sub-groups, one
comprising the tribes living in the plains, the other those in the hills. The
dialects of the plains sub-group were the nearer to those of the southern
Valley tribes. Thus even in this Northern group, which on the whole be-
longs distinctively to the Valley division, the distinction between Valley and
Foot-hill dialects is to some degree maintained.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 311

The Northern group comprised the tribes living directly on
the San Joaquin and on the streams to the north, the Fresno and
the Chowchilla. From this group material is extant from the
Chukchansi, Kechayi, Dumna, and Chauchila dialects. The dia-
lects of the adjacent Dalinchi, Hoyima, Heuchi, Pitkachi, Wa-
kichi, and perhaps Toltichi, also belonged to this group.

The main Valley group extended over the territory from
lower Kings river to lower Kern river, that is to say, the land
bordering on these streams as well as on the lower courses of
Tule and Kaweah rivers and the smaller neighboring streams,
as also on Tulare Lake. This was the largest group of Yokuts
dialects, and formed linguistically a close unit. It included
Yauelmani, Wechikhit, Nutunutu, Tachi, Chunut, Wowolasi, and
Choinok, from which there is material, besides Wimilchi, Apia-
chi, Telamni, Wowowali, Koyeti, Truhohayi, and probably others,
all or most of which are extinct.

The Chulamni, or Cholovone, occupying a detached territory
in the vicinity of Stockton on the eastern bank of the lower San
Joaquin river considerably to the north of all the remaining Yo-
kuts tribes, also spoke a dialect belonging to the Valley division.
Its aflSnities are very markedly with Chauchila, the northern-
most dialect of the Valley division, and which, while most closely
allied to the Northern dialects in the fpot-hills, such as Chuk-
chansi, shows so many special afl&nities to the main Valley group
as to make it nearly a transition between the two.

FOOT-HILL DIVISION.

The Foot-hill division occupied a smaller area than the Valley
division, and the number of tribes included in it was smaller.
The number of its subdivisions is however greater, and these sub-
divisions differ considerably more from one another. The North-
em and Valley dialects of the Valley division are practically
identical in structure and in phonetics, the differences being lex-
ical. Among the four Foot-hill groups, however, there are gram-
matical and phonetic differences, besides lexical divergences
considerably greater than those existing in the Valley division.
The four foot-hill groups were spoken respectively on Kings

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312 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

river, on Tule and Kaweah rivers, on Poso creek, and at Buena
Vista and Kern lakes.

The Kings River group is the northernmost of the Foot-hill
division, and in every way closest to the Valley division. It is,
for instance, phonetically entirely similar to the Valley dialects.
Structurally it also agrees with the Valley dialects in certain re-
spects, although other features, and these apparently more numer-
ous and distinctive ones, ally it with the adjacent Tule-Kaweah
group of the Foot-hill division. Lexically, also, it shows many
aflSnities with both the groups of the Valley division, but the
body of its words it has in common with the other Foot-hill
groups. The Chukaimina, Michahai, Aiticha, and Choinimni, as
well as probably one or two other tribes living on the immediate
Kings river drainage, such as the Toikhichi and Kocheyali, from
whom no material has been secured, formed this group. The
Gashowu of Dry creek, the next stream to the north of Kings
river, between it and the San Joaquin, also belonged to this
group, although their dialect shows a number of special affinities
with the adjacent Northern group.

The Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division comprised a
small number of tribes: the Yaudanchi, Wiikchamni, and pos-
sibly two or three others, such as the Gawia, Yokod, and Bokni-
nuwad. In this group there appear for the first time the sounds
and il and the other impure vowels that have been encountered
in Yaudanchi; also n, which may have been an original sound
of the language lost in the greater number of other dialects;
while 1 is changed to d. Lexically this group is more diflferent
than its northern neighbor, the Kings River group, from the
Valley division, and the same is true of its grammatical features.
Thus, while **his'' in all Valley dialects is **amin,'' it is **imin"
in the Kings River group, but **an'* in the Tule-Kaweah group.
This group is the central one in the Foot-hill division, and lin-
guistically also intermediate between the less specialized Kings
River group and the more specialized Poso Creek and Buena
Vista Lake groups, and may be regarded as typical of the Foot-
hill division. Accordingly Yaudanchi, which belongs to this
group, and Yauelmani, which forms part of the principal Valley
subdivision, are typically representative, although they are geo-

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 313

graphically almost in contiguity, of the two main branches of
the Yokuts family.

A much specialized group of the Foot-hill division comprised
the Paleuyami of Poso creek, and possibly one or two neighbor-
ing dialects, such as Kumachisi. This small dialectic group does
not show the o and u and impure vowels of the Tule-Kaweah
group, nor has it changed 1 to d, although it uses n. Its greatest
divergence is lexical. It possesses many stems peculiar to itself,
and where the stems which it uses are those of other dialects,
they are usually phonetically altered in Paleuyami, the vowels
being particularly modified. The pronouns are as divergent as
those of any Yokuts group ; the verbal forms resemble those of
Yaudanchi. While the distinctness of this dialectic group is con-
siderable, it clearly forms part of the Foot-hill division.

A fourth Foot-hill group, a small body on the plains around
Buena Vista and Kern lakes, seems to have consisted of only
two tribes, the Tulamni, and another the proper name of which
appears to have been entirely forgotten and which is therefore
designated by the term Klometwoli, meaning simply southerners,
applied to it by its Yauelmani and other neighbors. This small
Buena Vista Lake group is lexically still more distinctive than
the Poso Creek group, especially in the number of its stems pecu-
liar to itself. Both phonetically and structurally, however, it
appears to be about as close to the remaining Foot-hill groups,
especially the Tule-Kaweah, as the Poso Creek group. Like the
Tule-Kaweah dialects it possesses o and u and n. .

RELATIONS OP DIALECTIO GROUPS.

As can be seen, grammar, lexical content, and phonetics
usually present about similar degrees of distinctiveness in these
several dialectic groups, so that a natural classification presents
no complexities. Such a classification is illustrated in the fol-
lowing three diagrams. The first of these, figure 226, indicates
the degree of difference or similarity between dialectic groups by
the relative linear distances between the figures representing
these groups. This graphic method is of course more or less im-
perfect while confined to a representation in two dimensions. As

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314

University of CaUfomia Publications. [Am.Abch.Bth.

will be seen, the area occupied in this diagram by the four Foot-
hill groups is much greater than that covered by the two Valley
subdivisions, indicating a much greater divergence from one an-

FiG. 226.

other of the former. This contrast is further accentuated by
the fact that the closely similar Valley groups comprised a much
greater number of dialects. If the extent of territory inhabited
by the groups, and not the degree of their dissimilarity, had been
indicated in this diagram, the Valley area would have been con-
siderably larger than the Foot-hill area.

This first representation has the disadvantage that it shows
only the actual degree of difference between dialectic groups,
without any reference to the nature or cause of this difference.

YOKUTS

Fig. 227.

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language.

315

While, for instance, the Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake dia-
lects are perhaps more divergent even from their nearest ally,
the Tule-Kaweah group, than this is different from all the other
groups, even of the Valley division, yet it is not unlikely that
these so divergent dialects are comparatively recent specialized
ofehoots from a former generalized Foot-hill branch, now repre-
sented more nearly in its early state by the Kings River or Tule-
Kaweah subdivisions. With the probable original relation of the
groups in view, a second diagram in the form of a tree of rela-
tionship has therefore been arranged in figure 227. This dia-
gram expresses approximately the degree of similarity between
dialectic groups by the distances between the ends of the lines
representing them, while at the same time the branching of these
lines illustrates the presumable origin and connection of the dia-
lectic groups.

A third diagram, figure 228, has been arranged to show sche-

rio. 228.

matically the relation of the dialectic groups to the Tokuts terri-
tory. If it is borne in mind that the geography of this sketch is
only diagrammatic, and that the relationship of the dialectic
groups is indicated by the chain of figures representing them, the
meaning of the figure will be clear.

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316 University of Calif omia PubUcoHons. [Am.Arch.Eth.

LEXICAL RELATIONS OP DIALECTS.

The principal characteristic of the vocabulary of the Yokuts
dialects is the great number of totally distinct stems used in
different dialects for the same word. This feature is the more
pronounced on account of the comparatively great uniformity
of words when their stems do not change, and especially on ac-
count of the marked structural similarity pervading all divisions
of the family. The diversity of dialects as regards stems becomes
particularly apparent when, after having the conditions of Yo-
kuts in mind, one turns for comparison to the larger families of
the continent, as for instance Shoshonean. This family, adjoin-
ing the Yokuts on the east, has an immensely greater territorial
extent, reaching from Wyoming to Southern California and from
Oregon to Texas. Its dialectic groups are well marked; but as
one turns the pages of a comparative vocabulary, he is impressed
by the almost endless variability, time and again, of the same
stem, with a persistence, however, of this stem through all or
nearly all the dialects. In Yokuts the stems vary much less, and
in fact are often identical ; but instead, new radicals constantly
appear as one passes from one dialectic group to another.

It is probable that a similar comparative phonetic uniformity
but radical diversity characterizes many of the linguistic families
of California, especially those in the large Central morphological
group. This feature has been exaggerated by writers who have
received impressions of the native languages by coming more or
less in contact with the Indians without systematically collecting
linguistic material ; but, allowing for the necessary modification
on this account, these impressions are nevertheless correct. Study
shows conditions entirely similar to those of Yokuts to exist in
Yuki, Pomo, and Costanoan. Dr. Dixon's recent study of the
Shasta and Achomawi, as a result of which he has united these
two groups into a single family, deals primarily with lexical simi-
larities, but gives negative evidence of the great radical diversity
that must exist in this now unified family. The miscellaneous
published Maidu and Wintun vocabularies show quite clearly
that the same conditions exist at least to a considerable degree in

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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 317

these two stocks ; precisely to what extent, remains to be seen. All
these languages, with the exception in a measure of the Shasta-
Achomawi, are phonetically very simple and clear. In none of
them do radical syllables appear to contain two consecutive con-
sonants; in all full, simple, and naturally produced sounds pre-
dominate greatly over impure, unusual, or phonetically idiomatic
ones. In all there is very little phonetic modification, especially
of consonants, upon contact of stems in composition or deriva-
tion. Even the vowels undergo little, change in this way except
for some phonetic harmony in Maidu and Yokuts. It is evident
that with this quality of phonetic simplicity fundamentally im-
pressed upon the consciousness or rather unconsciousness of these
languages, extensive and complicated phonetic variations such as
characterize Indo-European and some of the larger American
families, cannot so well occur between dialects.

While the comparatively slight diversification of dialects
through alterations in them of the same radicals, is thus causally
directly connected with the phonetic character of the Central Cali-
fomian languages — slight as compared with the total degree of
differentiation of dialects, — ^the origin of the corresponding op-
posite characteristic of great radical diversity is less easily ex-
plained even in a general way. It is probable that this radical
differentiation is due largely to the general tendencies which
have resulted in the diversification of the languages of California
into so many families or apparent families, so far as this diversi-
fication may have arisen within California and not be due to
successive immigrations of already distinct stocks. But what
those diversifying tendencies are is not yet known. All that can
at present be conjectured is that they are connected, as they are
g>existent with, the tendencies toward phonetic and structural
simplicity that are so deeply impressed upon almost all the Cen-
tral Calif omian languages.

Borrowing of words from other families will account for the
radical diversities between dialects only to a slight extent. It is
becoming evident that there has been more or less borrowing be-
tween almost all the families of the Central Califomian group.
In a few cases the number of stems held in common by two or
more stocks is in fact so large as to raise the question whether it

Am. Abch. £th. 2, 23.

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318 University of California Publications, [Am.Akch.Bth.

does not point to their original unity. In most cases, however,
the borrowed words constitute only a small portion of the total
vocabulary of any family or dialect, and, what is more, they are
as often stems denoting special ideas as they are words of more
primitive meaning and considerable significance in linguistic
comparisons. A second cause that has no doubt been operative in
producing the differentiation of dialects, exactly to what degree
is hard to determine, is the prevailing taboo of names of the dead.
This in some cases probably has led to borrowing ; but more fre-
quently to the use of a stem properly belonging to a dialect and
cognate in meaning to, but as a radical distinct from, the one
which is temporarily or permanently dropped. This process, it
will be seen, would explain a great number of diversities in To-
kuts. It is however hard to imagine that this cause alone could
have been productive even of only a large part of the extensive
differentiation occurring. Where a siQgle dialect shows a dif-
ferent radical from the other dialects of the same group, this
explanation of the taboo as cause is reasonable enough; but when
entire groups of dialects possess different radicals from other
groups, it is evident that further factors must be taken into con-
sideration. And these factors still remain to be discovered.

Numerous instances could be given of the disappearance of
stems in one or more of the dialectic groups of Yokuts, and of
the appearance in these dialects of other stems, often utterly un-
changed from their forms in other groups but with a different
meaning.

For instance, the usual Yokuts word for house is t-i, varied
occasionally to t-e and tci. In most Northern dialects this stem
disappears and is replaced by xo. The usual meaning of xo is
to be or live, which it appears to possess in all dialects. In addi-
tion it has probably given rise to the continuative sufl3x xo foimd
in the Valley, Northern, and Kings River groups. In the Foot-
hill dialects this stem xo acquires the additional meaning of sit,
replacing entirely the Valley stem huloc.

The usual Foot-hill stem for sleep is ent-im. In Paleuyami
this is replaced by k'eneu, which is nothing but the usual Foot-
hill radical k'ttnw or k'aniu, meaning to lie. In the Valley dia-
lects sleep is expressed by woi, which is also the term for lie.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 319

The iMual Yokuts tenn for smoke is modak. In most North-
em dialects this disappears to be replaced by a stem tsehan,
which reappears in Yaudanchi as tcehen with the meaning of fog.
The same stem, tcehen, replaces the usual word for cloud, k'iedai
or k'ilei, in Wiikchamni, Aiticha, and Choinok, while in Tachi
the stem ceel, which usually has the meaning of rain, appears for
cloud. In place of this stem ceel, which is the customary one in
the Valley dialects for rain, xotoo is characteristic of the Foot-
hill dialects. But in certain special Foot-hill and Valley dialects,
such as Tulamni, Gashowu, Tachi, Chunut, and Nutunutu, a stem
gono, meaning fall, appears.

The usual stem for medicine-man is ant*u. The Northern dia-
lects show a stem teic, which is the radical having in Yaudanchi,
and iq>parently in most other dialects, the meaning of make. The
medicine-man is he who makes.

In Paleuyami the usual Yokuts words for head and hair, ot'O
and dool, are replaced by a form t-uk, which is nothing but the
Foot-hill and Northern stem tcuk, meaning in these dialects
brain.

Such instances could be indefinitely multiplied, and were the
Yokuts languages known more thoroughly an even greater nimi-
ber of radical diversities could no doubt be explained in this
manner than is now the case. At the same time there is evidently
a large element of diverse stems whose origin cannot be explained
in this way. Such stems may also once have taken their rise
through dialectic shifting of meaning, but the process and the
fact can no longer be traced or determined.

To illustrate the degree of uniformity and diversity of the
stems in the several dialectic groups of Yokuts, a comparative
vocabulary of a few selected terms is here given. The fuller
vocabularies from which this table is drawn will be presented in
a future publication dealing specifically with the tribal divisions
and dialects of the family.

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320

University of Calif omia Publications. [Am.Abch.Eth.

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language.

321

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322 University of Calif omia PubUcaiions. [AM.ABCH.E>rH.

Of about two hundred and twenty-five common words on
which there is sufficient material for comparisons in the vocabu-
laries obtained, one hundred and fifty, or fully two-thirds, show
two or more distinct radicals in the totality of dialects. Of the re-
mainder, forty-three, or barely a fifth, go back to the same radical
in all six dialectic groups. In the case of about thirty words only
one stem appears in the dialectic groups from which there is
material, but information is lacking in regard to one or two
groups. As these are usually the specialized Poso Creek and
Buena Vista Lake groups, in which divergent radicals most fre-
quently appear, a certain part of these thirty words would no
doubt have to be added, were the information complete, to the
one hundred and fifty showing two or more stems. In any case
it is clear that at least two-thirds of the most common linguistic
ideas, including nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and numerals,
and excluding only personal and demonstrative pronouns, are
expressed by diverse stems in one or more of the six structurally
so closely united dialectic groups of Yokuts.

The respective proportion of words showing uniform and
diverse stems is very different in the several classes of words.
The figures are given in the accompanying table. It will be seen
that the numerals are conspicuously uniform. Only the word
for nine differs; but for this there are four distinct st^ns. Of
next greatest uniformity are adverbial and interrogative pronom-
inal stems. The proportion of uniform stems does not vary very
much in the different classes of nouns and verbs, being twenty-
seven per cent for verbs ; thirty-two per cent, the highest propor-
tion, for parts of the body ; twenty-nine per cent for the names
of a few of the more important artificial objects ; twenty-four per
cent for natural objects, including the cardinal directions and
names of plants ; and twenty-two per cent for mammals. Words
denoting birds and animals other than mammals, indeed appar-
ently show a very high frequency of uniform stems, amounting
to about one-half, but this circumstance is due to two factors;
first the accident of an unusually large number of gaps among
these words in the vocabularies from the more specialized dialects ;
and second the greater predominance in this class than in others
of onomatopoetic terms. It is notable that the proportion of

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 323

words derived from diverse steins is greatest in nouns denoting
persons and in adjectives, in both of which classes the percentage
of uniform stems is nothing.

Identical Items
in all
in <ai so far as
groups knoum

Different Percentage
Stems of total
formed by
identioal stems

Numerals

Nouns

Persons

—

Parts 0} the Body

Artificial Objects

Natural Objects

Mammals

Birds and other Animals

Adjectives

—

Adverbs and Interrogatives

Verbs

Total 43 30 150 33

These proportions are of general interest in three points.
First, in the comparatively small number of uniform verbal
stems, showing that verb stems in this language are not more
primary, original, or less subject to change than noun stems.
Second, in the fact that the uniformity of stems in words denot-
ing parts of the body is not materially greater than among nouns
of other meaning, which is contrary to the usual supposition,
which is no doubt often correct, that terms denoting parts of the
body are less subject to alteration in dialectic differentiation
than are other classes of substantives. Third, in the great uni- .
formity existing among the numerals. This uniformity among
numerals is indeed paralleled by the conditions existing in many
languages, but is exceptional for California.*

The principal words found which go back to a single stem in

all the Yokuts dialects are the following: The numerals from

one to eight, ten, ear, eye, nose, mouth, eyelid, tooth, beard,

' In Costanoan and Tuki the numerals vary enormously in different dia-
lects, and in Porno, Chumash, and other families there are also great varia-
tions of a radical nature. Many of these variations are due to the com-
posite nature of the numerals above three, and occur most frequently in
languages whose numeral system is quinary or quaternary. The decimal
system of Yokuts, like most decimal systems, is less transparent as to origin.
It is however noteworthy that those of the Tokuts numerals liiat are clearly
derivative, such as four and five, show as great a uniformity in the various
dialects as those that go back directly to a simple radical.

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324 University of Calif omia PubUcations. [Am.Aech.Bth.

woman's breast, bone, tears, sweat-house, boat, road, north, south,
night, fire, water, panther, skunk, condor, goose, fish, louse, far,
who, what, where, drink, give, and laugh. The following are
radically alike in all the dialectic groups from which there is
information, but may show different stems in those groups which
are not represented in these words in the vocabularies: Lips,
navel, ankle, faeces, urine, sinew, arrow-point, hail, star, leaf,
tobacco, plains oak, manzanita, polecat, otter, beaver, bald eagle,
magpie, blackbird, bluejay, mountain quail, pigeon, woodpecker,
yellowhammer, road-runner, crane, kingsnake, lake trout, spider,
up, and stand. As stated, most of the names of birds are onoma-
topoetic. The words which show radically different stems in one
or more of the dialectic groups are too numerous to be listed, but
include nine, person, man, woman, child, old man, old woman,
father, mother, chief, friend, head, hair, tongue, neck, hand,
fingernail, belly, back, foot, heart, blood, liver, brain, skin, house,
bow, arrow, pipe, meat, name, west, sun, moon, day, cloud, rain,
snow, smoke, ash, ice, earth, world, stream, mountain, rock, salt,
wood, willow, tule, dog, bear, coyote, wolf, fox, wildcat, deer, elk,
antelope, hare, rabbit, ground-squirrel, gopher, raccoon, badger,
bird, eagle, buzzard, homed owl, raven, crow, humming-bird,
quail, lizard, frog, fly, worm, white, black, red, large, small, good,
bad, all, much, down, to-morrow, yesterday, no, eat, run, dance,
sing, sleep, talk, see, kill, sit, lie, walk, and cry.

To determine the relative degrees of affinity or specialization
of the several dialectic groups, computations have been made of
the number of stems they respectively have and have not in com-
mon with other groups. The Kings River group of the Foot-hill
division shows similarities to the Valley division, and was there-
fore compared with both the groups of this division as well as
with the nearest group, the Tule-Kaweah, of the Foot-hill divi-
sion. Excluding on the one hand words possessing identical
stems in the four groups, and on the other hand words showing
stems peculiar to the Kings River group, the Bangs River group
agrees with the Tule-Kaweah group fifty-four times and differs
from it thirty-three times; and agrees with the Northern and the
principal Valley groups respectively thirty-five and thirty-three
times and differs from them fifty-two and forty-eight times. The

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language, 325

proportion of words of the Kings River group going back to the
same stem as the corresponding words in the Tule-Kaweah group
is thus about sixty per cent., whereas the proportion between
Kings River and the two Valley groups is only forty per cent.
While the Kings River group makes the nearest approach within
the Foot-hill division to the Valley division, it thus clearly be-
longs with the Tule-Kaweah group to the former.

Within the Kings River group the Gashowu, spoken on Dry
creek, between Kings river and the San Joaquin, shows the most
specialization, and many of its differentiations are in the direc-
tion of the forms found in the Northern group, which is on the
San Joaquin. A computation, however, shows forty-six stems
agreeing with Kings River forms and differing from Northern
forms, and only twenty of opposite affinity. While Gashowu
therefore has something of a transitional character, and must be
regarded as the one of all the Foot-hill dialects approaching most
nearly to the Valley division, it yet belongs distinctively to the
Kings River group.

Chauchila, which, as the only plains dialect in the Northern
group from which there is material, may be taken as repre-
sentative of these, differs in a number of cases from the foot-hill
dialects in this group, and in these cases almost always agrees
with the forms of the main Valley group. The proportion of its
agreements and disagreements with these two groups — ^the main
Valley and the Northern as typified by the dialects spoken in the
foot-hills — is nearly equal, but somewhat in favor of the North-
em group by about nineteen cases to fifteen. The sub-group of
Northern dialects spoken in the plains, to which besides Chau-
chila the isolated Chulamni of the region about Stockton is
known to have belonged, as well as probably Hoyima, Heuchi,
Pitkachi, and Wakichi, thus formed a true transition between
the principal Valley group and the sub-group of Northern dia-
lects spoken in the foot-hills : Chukchansi, Dalinchi, Kechayi, and
Dumna. Of course all these groups and sub-groups, the principal
Valley, the Northern of the plains, and the Northern of the hills,
belong to the Valley division.

The Northern group, including both its plains and foot-hill
sub-groups, shows the following result on comparison with the
other five groups of the family :

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326

University of California PubUccitions. [AitABCH-Bra.

Northern Oroup,

Oroup

JdenHeal sieme

Different

Percentage of

stems

identical stems

Buena Vista

Foso Creek

TuU-Kaweak

Kinge Bwer

raUey

In addition there are thirty-six words in which the majority
of the Northern dialects show stems peculiar to themselves. It
is evident from this table that the Northern group forms part of
the Valley division, that within the Foot-hill division its nearest
relative is the Kings River group, to which it is contiguous ; and
that the Buena Vista Lake group is apparently the most special-
ized of all Yokuts groups.

Finally a computation was made as to the respective degrees
of specialization of Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake, the most
modified groups, and their relationship to other groups. Paleu-
yami, representing the Poso Creek group, showed thirty-eight
words radically distinct from the corresponding words of other
dialects, or, if words are excluded which were not represented in
all groups, thirty-two. The two dialects representing the Buena
Vista Lake group showed sixty-seven words of radical disrtinct-
ness, or, omitting the words not fully represented in all dialects,
fifty-five. The relation of these two groups to the other groups
of the family is shown by the following table. In this table the
thirty-two to thirty-nine and fifty-five to sixty-seven stems pecu-
liar respectively to the two groups in question, have been included
in the series of figures expressing the number of words found
showing stems different from those of the other dialects.

Buena Vista

Poso

Buena Vista

Foso

Tule-Kaweah

Kings

Valley

Northern

Stems in
Common

29
36
24
18
12

Stems Percentage Stems in Stems Percentage
Different in Common Common Different in Common

71
83
93
95
106

29
30
21
15
10

54
43
38

55
67
66

50
39
37
27

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Vol. 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuts Language. 327

It will be seen that the proportion of stems held in common
with other groups is throughout higher for Paleuyami than for
the Buena Vista Lake dialects. The order of afl&nity is the same
in both cases, namely, first with Tule-Kaweah, next with Kings
River, and then with the two groups of the Valley division, the
principal Valley group coming before the Northern. As regards
the relation of the two dialects to each other, while the percentage
of stems held in common by the two is of course the same for
both of them, their position toward each other in their respec-
tive ranks of affinity is diflferent. To the Poso dialect the Buena
Vista group is among those presenting the fewest similarities,
showing in fact, next to the distant Northern, the smallest num-
ber of stems held in common. This fact must be interpreted as
proof of a really great divergence from each other of these two
specialized groups. To the Buena Vista group, on the other
hand, the Poso Creek group ranks very high in the scale of affini-
ties, the proportion of common stems being almost as great as
with the Tule-Kaweah group, which is the Buena Vista group 's
nearest relative. This apparently contradictory circumstance is
due to the fact that the great degree of specialization of the
Buena Vista group has lowered the proportion of all its other
similarities, thus giving Poso Creek an unduly high apparent
degree of resemblance to it. The number of stems common to the
two groups and peculiar to themselves is only six. If the two
groups were a common offshoot from the main Yokuts stock, and
only of comparatively late differentiation from each other, the
number of such stems would certainly be very much greater.

It thus appears that the Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake
groups are independent divergences from the Foot-hill division
of the Yokuts family and probably from the Tule-Kaweah group
or its progenitor; that they have comparatively little in common
with each other; and that Buena Vista is the more specialized of
the two, differing more than any other group in its lexical content
from the remaining Yokuts groups.

In all the above computations words showing the same stem in
all dialectic groups have been entirely excluded from consider-
ation.

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328 University of California Ptthlications. [Am.Aech.Bth.

PHONETIC RELATIONS OF DIALECTS.

The phonetic changes and equivalences of th^ Yokuts dia-
lectic groups are few and simple. There are only three affecting
entire groups with any frequency. These are, first a change of
usual 1 to d, confined to the Tule-Kaweah group, within which it
is universal ; second the occurrence of o and ii in the Tule-Ka-
weah and Buena Vista groups ; and third the occurrence of n in
the Tule-Kaweah, Buena Vista, and Poso Creek groups. It will
be seen that all these phonetic specializations are confined to the
Foot-hill division and that the northernmost group within this
division, the Kings River, is free from them and agrees phoneti-
cally with the groups of the Valley division. While the first of
these three mutations, the change of 1 to d, holds universally in
the dialects in which it occurs, the substitution of the other
sounds, n for n and o and ii for e and i, is only partial in the
dialectic groups in which they appear. But obversely n, o, and il
are universally replaced by n, e, and i in those groups in which
they do not appear.

The change of 1 to d in the Tule-Kaweah group requires no
particular discussion. The fact that it is confined to only one of
the six groups in the family, and that one a small group, shows
this d to have been almost certainly a comparatively late develop-
ment from a more original 1. It is possible that this change of 1
to d is due to Shoshonean influence, for the Mono division of the
Shoshonean family entirely lacks 1. The case for this supposition
is however not very strong, for the Kings River and Northern Yo-
kuts groups are also in contact with the Mono and have retained
1, whereas within the Tule-Kaweah group, which has made the
change to d, only the tribes on Kaweah river, such as the Wuk-
chamni, are in contact with Shoshoneans of the Mono division,
the Tule river tribes, such as the Yaudanchi, having been in
closer touch with the Shoshoneans of the distinct Kern River
group, whose dialect contains 1.

Of course d, corresponding to t as g does to k, appears in all
Yokuts dialects irrespective of whether or not they possess 1.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 329

As regards the second principal phonetic peculiarity, the ap-
pearance of and u and the so-called impure vowels in the Tule-
Eaweah and Buena Vista groups, it is almost certain that Sho-
shonean influence must be reckoned with. This o and il, and per-
haps other impure o and u sounds, are characteristic of the Sho-
shonean family, being found in all its dialectic branches except
the southernmost of those in southern California. The.Shosho-
nean family occupies almost the entire territory extending along
the eastern side of the Sierra Nevada, and thence south and west-
ward through southern California to the ocean. The four purely
Califomian families with which the Shoshoneans come in terri-
torial contact along this stretch, the Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, and
Chumash, all show these impure d and u sounds. Moreover these
four families are, so far as known at present, the only ones in
California that possess these sounds. The case could not well be
stronger for the territorial continuity of characteristics due to
interinfluence. It is rendered still stronger by the circumstance
that one division of the Miwok or Moquelumnan family, which is
separated from the remainder of the stock, and out of reach of
direct Shoshonean influence, in the northern Coast Range of the
state, appears to lack these d and il sounds in question. Yokuts
would appear to have been influenced less than the three other
stocks, since the great majority of its dialects, including many
of those in the foot-hills in direct contact with Shoshoneans,
lack the o and il. The two dialectic groups possessing 6 and u
probably had closer relations with the neighboring Shoshoneans
than any other groups excepting that on Poso creek. The Tule-
Kaweah group was in contact with both the Mono and Kern
River divisions, and the Buena Vista group in close proximity to
the Kern River, Kawaiisu, and Serrano divisions, besides being
in direct contact with the northeastemmost Chumash. Why the
Paleuyami of Poso creek, who were probably more intimately
associated with Shoshoneans than any other Yokuts group, should
lack these sounds is difficult to understand. The Paleuyami dia-
lect, however, often pronounces its vowels, especially i, e, o, and
u, with a quality somewhat different from that which they have
in other dialects; i and u especially are open to the point of
sounding impure. In the dialects lacking 5 and w, e and i always

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330 University of California Puilications. [Am.Abch.Eth.

replace them. The other impure vowels, which, as has been
stated of Yaudanchi, are frequently only induced by o and w,
are replaced by the ordinary simple vowels in other dialects.
Whether o and ii are original in the words in which they occur,
or only subsequent wwwliftrfct i nns of e and i, is not certain ; but
the great preponderance of dialects IsekiBg 6 and ii, and the
proximity of the dialects possessing these sounds to nTinHhanrnn
territory, makes the latter explanation more probable ; so that in
this respect also the Valley and Kings River dialects seem to
represent a more original state of the language than the southern
Foot-hill groups.

The sound n, occurring in the three southern Foot-hill groups
and replaced in all others by n, is the most difficult to under-
stand. The evidence for influence of other families is not very
strong. Mono and the other Shoshonean divisions in contact with
the Yokuts, excepting the Kern River group and some of the
southeastern Mono, all lack n, as does Chumash. This fact would
accord with internal circumstances which tend to show that this
sound is an original one in Yokuts. If this is the case, the n oc-
curring in the Kem River division of Shoshonean is probably due
to Yokuts influence.

Whereas n is invariably replaced by n in the Valley and
Kings River dialects, n of these dialects is replaced by n in only
a certain number of words in the three southern Foot-hill groups.
Of a hundred Valley or Kings River words containing n medi-
ally, about forty southern Foot-hill words have n; of one hun-
dred containing n finally, about twenty-five in the Foot-hill group
replace it by n ; of one hundred beginning with n, not more than
five or ten show initial n in the southern Foot-hill groups. While
there is thus a marked tendency for n to appear finally and espe-
cially medially, it is clear that its appearance is not entirely or
directly due to its position in words. An examination of its rela-
tions to the vowels of the words in which it appears also brings
out no definite conclusions. There is thus no apparent internal
cause for the appearance of n. This circumstance, coupled with
the fact that a stem containing n and appearing in several of the
Foot-hill dialects invariably shows n and not n in all the dialects
of these groups in which it occurs, makes it probable that this

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Vol. 2]

Kroeber. — The Tokuts Language.

331

sound goes back to the period when these three groups, and per-
haps all the groups of Yokuts, were not yet fully differentiated.
As the three southern Foot-hill groups are now so much special-
ized, they cannot have been separated very recently. It is there^
fore clear, first that n is almost certainly a sound oi some an-
tiquity in the dialects in which it oeenn^ and second that it
may have been an original genaral Tokuts characteristic which
has been lost in those three of the Yokuts groups that now contain
the greater number of dialects.

Other than these three dialectic equivalences there are none
in* Yokuts that are general enough to be of much comparative
significance in our present knowledge of the language. In a few
words 1 and y correspond interdialectally. Usually the Valley
group shows y.

EngUsh

P080

Buena
Vista

TaU-
Kawedh

Kings

Northern

Falley

where

heli-

hel

hide-

hile-

hiye-

tooth

tile

teli

tedi

teli

teyi

white

toodod

tooyoyi

(djolol)

djolol

tale

kololis

koyis

buzzard

Chunut:
Tauelmani:

got.ela
: kot-eya

bow

dayap

dalip

t.alap

There is some irregular accordance between t, t-, and tc.
Some of the principal instances are shown in the following table.
It will be seen 4;hat the Valley dialects show most tendency to
palatalize t sounds formed at the teeth in other dialects. While t
and t- sound much alike to the untrained Indo-European ear,
they are quite distinct to the Yokuts, and it seems strange that
these equivalences between them should exist. It is however sig-
nificant that these equivalences of t, t-, and tc are on the one
hand infrequent and on the other hand not always in the same
direction, although in the case of any one word all the dialects
of one group are usually a unit in regard to the sound they show.

English

Poso

Buena
Vista

Tule-
Kaweah

Kings

Northern

Valley

one

yit

yet

yetc

yet

yet, yeto

belly

t.ot

tooto

t.ot.

tot.

bow

dayap

dalipi

t.alap

earth

xotol

xotsoi

xot'Oi

sweat

damkun

t-umon

toamak

topox

rabbit

tin

ten

teu

toiu

^ Some dialects : d.alip.

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332 University of California Publications. [Am.Arch.Eth.

Several instances of equivalences of t, t-, and tc between Yau-
danchi and Yauelmani have been given in the diacnssion of the
phonetics of the latter dialect.

There are some correspondences between s and t-. In most
words there are only one or two dialects which sporadically show
one of these sounds in place of the other.

Mouth : cama ; Gashowu, t-ama.

Eye : caca ; Gashowu, Choinok, t-at-a.

Nose : t-inik ; Chukchansi, sinik.

Beard: Southern Foot-hill, d-amoc, djamoc; Kings River
group and Valley division, damut-.

Testicles : Tule-Kaweah, honoc ; Valley, honot-, honoc.

Badger : t-aniu, t-anau ; Choinimni, sanau.

Pish : lopit- ; Chukchansi, lopis.

In a few cases x and k correspond. The usual form for finger-
nail, xecix, becomes kecik in the Tule-Kaweah group. Horn,
usually koyec, is xoyec in Gashowu and Dumna. In the Valley
division the demonstrative stems indicating proximity are hi and
ki, in the Kings River group of the Foot-hill division ke, and in
the three southern Foot-hill groups xi, or xe and xi.

As has been said in the discussion of Yaudanchi, it is not
quite clear whether s and c are two distinct sounds in Yokuts or
only one. If distinct, the two are certainly much alike. There
is some individual variation. Women especially are apt to pro-
nounce s and ts much more sharply and clearly than men, from
whom c and tc are more frequently heard. There is probably
also some slight dialectic difference in this respect, as in certain
Valley dialects, such as Yauelmani, s and ts are almost always
heard.

While, as has been shown, radical differences between dialects
are much more conspicuous in Yokuts than phonetic ones; and
while regular phonetic mutations between dialects are but
slightly developed; there yet are, as might be expected, many
stems that, in an apparently irregular fashion, assume more or
less different forms in the six groups and even in individual dia-
lects. Only, these differences are neither very striking nor of
such nature or degree as to have any appreciable significance in
the present state of the study of the language. The kind and

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 333

extent of these ** irregular'' differences are represented in the se-
lected comparative vocabulary given. Onomatopoetic words seem
particularly liable to such irregular and certainly often mean-
ingless modification, as a few examples of names of animals will
illustrate.

Hummingbird: bSmamgutc, dSmamtcui, d^mamuku, dJmai-
tcu, b^manduts, b^mamtcui, b^max, gtlmax. The accent is in all
forms on the first syllable.

King-snake: godonkid = golonkil, golonki, gololki, golonti,
golwonti, golontil.

Species of lizard: kondjedja, kondjedjwi, kondjodjuwi, kon-
djedji, kondjowi.

There are a few cases, but only a few, where the initial con-
sonant of stems becomes lost or altered in certain dialects, so
much so that the identity of the stem could not be asserted were
it not for transitional forms in other dialects. The principal in-
stances observed of this nature are the following.

Forehead: Valley, pit-iu; Poso Creek, peleu; other Foot-hill
groups, tiliu.

Tongue : Northern and Valley, talxat- ; Tule-Kaweah, tadxat- ;
Poso, talapis ; Buena Vista, aladis ; Kings, madat*.

Belly: Northern, balik; Kings, olok'; Gashowu, luk'in.

Brains: Northern, Tule-Kaweah, Buena Vista, tcoga, tcok;
Chauchila, oka ; Kings, hoga ; Valley, hop, hup.

Saliva : Poso, keljd ; Buena Vista, gwlwyi ; Kings kilet-, kelit- ;
Choinok, helawat; Northern, hedjil; Gashowu, Chauchila, hexil.

Bear : Dumna uyun ; Chauchila, Tachi, ului ; Choinok, Yauel-
mani, moloi.

GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS OF DIALECTS.

As has been said, a comparative grammatical examination of
the Yokuts dialects closely corroborates their classification on
lexical grounds. There is evident the same primary distinction
between Foot-hill and Valley dialects, with a greater diversity
in the former and with particular specialization in the Poso
Creek and Buena Vista Lake groups. The structural features
most readily available for comparison are, first, the pronouns,
Am. AmoH. Sth. 2. 24.

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334 University of California Publications. [Am, Arch. Era.

especially the personal ones; and, second, the verbal suffixes of
mode and tense.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS.

In at least seven-eighths of the Yokuts dialects the personal
pronouns are remarkably uniform, the extent of the variations
being shown by the two full tables previously given of the Yau-
danchi and Yauelmani forms. In the great mass of dialects
there are no variations of moment from these forms, and the
more elementary forms, such as the subjective, objective, and
possessive of the singular of the first two persons, na, ma, nan,
mam, nim, and min, are absolutely identical. The third person
shows more variation. In all dialects it lacks subjective and ob-
jective singular forms. The possessive, his, in all Valley dialects
is amin, clearly related through analogy to the possessive of the
second person, min. In the Foot-hill division the Kings River
dialects show the form nearest the Valley form, namely, imin.
The Tule-Kaweah group has an, made familiar from Yaudanchi,
while the Poso Creek and Buena Vista forms are not known.
There is a further difference between the Valley and Foot-hill
divisions in that the former possesses subjective forms of the
third person in the dual and plural, amak and aman, which at
least the Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division lacks.
These subjective Valley forms of the third person are, however,
not true pronouns. They are not used as the equivalent of
English **they,'' but merely as an indication of number, fre-
quently with nouns as well as verbs, so that thev equal in func-
tion the Yaudanchi number-particles tik and ti» -

The Poso Creek and Buena Vista groups 6» .w the greatest
peculiarities in the forms of their pronouns. Their singular
subjective and objective forms are indeed identical with those
of all other dialects : na, ma, nan, and mam ; but their possessive
forms vary from the usual ones, — ^principally through the in-
troduction of a k sound into the forms for the first person. Poso
Creek says gen for **my," Buena Vista mik. Poso Creek has
men for the possessive of the second person, while the Buena
Vista group has the usual min. It will be seen that while the
forms used in these two groups vary from aU others, and from

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 335

each other, there yet is within each dialect a parallelism of form
between the first and second persons, similar to the parallelism
existing in all other dialects : Poso Creek, gen and men ; Buena
Vista, mik and min ; other groups, nim and min.

The k appearing in the possessive pronoun of the first person
of these two southernmost groups is interesting because it would
seem to be due to the influence of extraneous linguistic stocks.
K is the radical element expressing the first person in the Chu-
mash languages, with which the Buena Vista dialects were in im-
mediate territorial contact. K is also found in the pronouns of
the first person in the Kern River branch of the Shoshonean fam-
ily, the branch of the family with which the Paleuyami of Poso
creek were undoubtedly in closest relation. The general Sho-
shonean radical indicative of the first person is n, which appears
in the Kern River dialects with the addition of k : nogi or noki,
instead of usual nit. It is scarcely to be supposed that the two
southern Yokuts groups directly borrowed their k pronominal
forms from the adjacent Shoshonean and Chumash stocks. Such
borrowing is both highly improbable on general grounds and
unlikely because these Yokuts dialects show the k only in the
possessive pronoun, the subjective and objective elements of the
first person being the usual Yokuts n. It is rather to be imag-
ined that acquaintance with languages of contiguous families,
and the unconscious influence of these, stimulated or reawakened
a tendency that led to the use of these k forms in the affected
Yokuts dialects. While such tendencies may seem intangible
and vague, and it must be admitted that we as yet know prac-
tically nothin"- 'f their real nature, there nevertheless is evidence
that they exis d. It is well known, for instance, that the great
majority of the numerous linguistic families of North America
have either n or m or both for the roots of their pronominal
stems of the firit and second persons. This wide-spread agree-
ment can scarcely be interpreted as an indication of original
relationship of these families, many of which are as utterly dis-
tinct in fundamental structure and general phonetic character
as they are totally diverse in their words. Neither can the phe-
nomenon be attributed to accident, for the number of cases is
far too great. It can also scarcely be imagined that pronominal

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336 University of California Publications. [AicAech-Bth.

forms are above all others particularly liable to direct borrowing
in American languages. It is accordingly necessary to conceive
of a certain deep-seated tendency, not yet well understood, which
either results in the production of pronominal forms in n and m
by most stocks, and their adherence or reversion to such forms;
or which renders most stocks particularly susceptible to external
influence in the phonetic shaping of their pronominal stems.
Conditions are certainly very remarkable in California as re-
gards this wide-spread uniformity, as has been previously
pointed out.^ Of twenty-one families now recognized, seventeen
or eighteen have m as the primary constituent of their pronom-
inal stem denoting the second person ; nine, or nearly half, show
n in the first person, and four show k. The distribution of these
four families is also instructive. They are Miwok, Costanoan,
Salinan, and Chumash, occupying a continuous area in central
California practically enclosing the Yokuts territory. As to
these four families must be added the contiguous southernmost
dialectic groups of Yokuts, and the also contiguous Kern River
Shoshonean dialectic group; and as the sound k does not else-
where in California appear as an expression of the first person,
except that in Yurok, far in the north, it is used in combination
with n in the form nek; it is evident that this occurrence of k
to denote the first person is not accidental, but due to the inter-
influence of territorially adjacent stocks. Even if it is held that
this argument is weakened by the probable superficiality of the
diversity of the families at present recognized as distinct in Cali-
fornia, the explanation of this k as due to an original identity
of the several stocks possessing it, cannot be accepted, for while
some or many of the Califomian linguistic families may ulti-
mately prove to be related, this c€ui safely be affirmed not to be
true of the stocks here in consideration. Chumash and Salinan
are in morphological type and phonetic character quite distinct
from Costanoan, Yokuts, Miwok, and the remaining families of
California.^ The large and well defined Shoshonean family can
also certainly not be regarded as genetically related to the minor
and diverse Califomian stocks. It is therefore clear that at least

» Amer. Anthr., n. b. V, 17, 1903.
"Ibid., 18.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 337

part of the occurrefnce of k stems to denote the first person in
California is due to the influence upon each other of distinct but
geographically adjacent families.

DBMONSTBATIVBS.

The demonstrative forms are also a ready means of distin-
guishing the Yokuts dialectic groups. The indefinite demonstra-
tive ta, expressive of reference rather than of distance, but when
referring to distance indicating remoteness and not proximity,
seems to be used in all dialects without variation ; but the forms
of the several stems more or less definitely expressing distance
vary phonetically. The usual stem of the demonstrative specifi-
cally indicating remoteness without invisibility is ka, found prob-
ably in all the dialects of the Valley division and in the Tule-
Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division. In the Kings River
group of the Foot-hill division the similar form gai is used. The
two southern Foot-hill groups show somewhat aberrant forms,
Poso Creek ko, and Buena Vista xuntu. The demonstratives in-
dicating propinquity are sometimes one and sometimes two in
number, but in the latter case always quite similar in form. The
fundamental form is perhaps ki, corresponding to the ka indi-
cating remoteness. The Valley division shows two forms, hi and
ki, the former apparently indicating greater nearness. The prin-
cipal Valley differs from the Northern group in using the hi
stem in reduplicated form. In the Foot-hill division the Kings
River group has ke. The three southern groups of this division
all show xi, with the addition at least in Tule-Kaweah of xe. The
relation of these forms indicating proximity may be briefly ex-
pressed thus : xi forms in the three southern Foot-hill groups are
replaced by ki and hi forms in the most northern Foot-hill group
and in the Valley division.

VERBAL SUFFIXES.

The structural factors most important in the classification of
the Yokuts dialects are the tense and mode suffixes of the verbs.
Prominent among these, both on account of the imif ormity with
which it coincides with the divisions and on account of the readi-
ness with which it is obtained in securing information, is the

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338 University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Bth.

imperative. When asked to translate an English verb stem into
their language, the Yokuts, like people of many other lingoistic
stocks, are likely to give the imperative form. Accordingly, once
the imperative ending is known, almost any Yokuts vocabulary
containing half a dozen verbs, no matter how inaccurately ren-
dered, is almost certain to be suflScient to show to which division
of the family the dialect in question belongs. The Valley dia-
lects throughout use a form -ka, while the Foot-hill dialects all
lack any suffix. So far as known this rule suffers no exceptions.
The -ka ending, as has been brought out in the discussion of
Yaudanchi, does not, like the usual a-suflfixes, affect the quality
of the stem vowels of the verb. There is therefore some reason
for regarding it as being an enclitic particle in the inward con-
sciousness of the language, rather than a true sufKx. The -ka
ending itself is subject to but little dialectic modification, other
than becoming -ga in some dialects, or lightening its vowel until
its form is almost -k. Of the known dialects Chauchila alone
shows a tendency to vary the a of this ending to harmonize with
the vowels of the stem of the verb : -ka, -ku, -ki, etc.

The true tense and mode suffixes of Yokuts are of two kinds.
First those which like the future and present -in, the reflexive
-wic, and the agentive -itc, appear to be found in all dialects with
no alteration except slight phonetic modification ; and second the
remainder, of which each is confined to certain groups of dialects.
Of this class the most prominent are the past suffixes -ji and -ac
and the continuative -ad or -al, which are characteristic of the
Foot-hill division, and the past -an and continuative -xo charac-
teristic of the Valley division. The scant Poso Creek material
does not show the continuative -al, but on the other hand there
is no evidence that it is absent. The only exception to the gen-
eral appertainment of these suffixes respectively to the two divi-
sions is that the Kings River group lacks the -al continuative of
the other Foot-hill groups and replaces it by the typical VaUey
form -xo. In addition to these two classes of sufKxes correspond-
ing to the two divisions of the family, there is a verbal form -am,
or -mi, of a significance not yet determined, which is character-
istic of the Northern and probably also the Kings River dialects,
but is lacking in the main Valley and the Tule-Kaweah group.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language. 339

A means of determining whether any dialect belongs to the
Foot-hill or Valley division, with apparently as much certainty
and readiness as by the imperative suflftx, is furnished by the
negative, no. All Valley dialects have the form ohom, all Foot-
hill dialects k'amu, except that the Buena Vista group shows
u°hu° or a°ha°.

COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION.

In the discussion of Yaudanchi a particular point was made
of the apparent scarcity of evidences of composition and deriva-
tion in this dialect, although many of its words were of several
syllables and of a length and appearance which in other lin-
guistic families would be almost prima facie evidence of their
derivative nature. The statement to this efiPect was written when
but few of the dialects of the family were known to the writer.
As the subsequent accessions of material have brought the num-
ber of dialects represented by considerable vocabularies to more
than twenty, and as these have been systematically compared, it
might be expected that evidence of the composite structure or
derivative nature of many stems had thereby been obtained to
a suflScient degree to necessitate a modification of the statement
previously made. This is however not the case, for the collation
of the various vocabularies not only fails to explain the origin
of the Yaudanchi words, but makes it clear that derivative pro-
cesses are of small significance in the etymology of all the
branches of the Yokuts family. Three or four derivative suffixes
are indeed visible in the compared vocabularies; but these suf-
fixes are nearly all derivable from an inspection of the Yau-
danchi material alone, are of indefinite significance, are applied
to a comparatively small number of words, and make the orig-
inal meaning of the stems to which they are appended, many of
which are poly^llabic, no clearer than before. As has been said
before, the lexical differentiation of the Yokuts dialects takes
place primarily through the employment of radically different
stems, and secondarily through minor phonetic modifications
which are clearly not of structural or derivational significance.
Etymological differences between dialects are so few because deri-
vation is a factor of negligible significance in Yokuts.

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340 University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Eth.

A striking instance of the failure of dialectic comparisons to
shed any light on the origin of Yokuts words is furnished by the
numerals four and five. These words are undoubtedly deriva-
tive, four, hat-pani or hoto-ponoi, being certainly formed from
ponoi or ponoi, two, and yit-cinil, five, from yet, one. This being
the case, it might be supposed that in so great a number of dia-
lects as have been examined, and these belonging to six distinct
groups, there would be a certain number which showed forms
for four and five containing the elements two and one in combi-
nation with other elements than the dialects previously known,
or containing the same elements in a phonetic form that would
make them identifiable with stems of known significance. This
supposition is however not a fact. The twenty-one dialects show
forms for these two numerals that are in their elements abso-
lutely identical and that present variations which are clearly only
phonetic, that is to say, in themselves meaningless. It is there-
fore clear that, while it cannot be doubted that these two words
are composite in origin, this original composition yet goes back
to an earlier stage of the language ; and that in its present stage,
as proved by their unity in the most diverse dialectic groups,
these composite forms are regarded and treated by the language
purely as radical stems. The same fact is emphasized by the
words for fourteen and fifteen, which are formed from the ab-
breviated stems for four and five by the addition of the suffix -am.
As stated in the presentation of Yaudanchi, the abbreviation of
these two numerals before this decimal suffix runs counter to
their etymology, the second element of each being, as it were, de-
liberately cut in two and the final portion lost before the suffix.
Hat-pani becomes hatc-p-am, and yit-cinil yit-c-am. These two
forms hatc-p-am and yit-c-am have been found not only in YatP
danchi but in five other dialects, representing all the principal
groups of the family; and their forms in these six dialects are,
except for variations in the quality of their vowels, absolutely
identical. Here again it is clear that the derivational process has
long since become crystallized, and that the derived form is
treated by all dialects alike as a radical unit. In other words,
while there is some etymological derivation in Yokuts, the pro-
cess is a completed rather than an active one, and the fluidity of

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokuts Language. 341

elementary parts and the possibility of their free combination so
characteristic of many American languXges, is entirely wanting.
The following are the principal derivational suffixes apparent
in the comparative vocabularies.

-ate, 'tie, diminutive; Yaudanchi -hate, apparently a plural of
adjectives when used substantively.

akd-atc, child in Michahai, Choinimni, Gashowu, and Dumna,
from axid, daughter, child.

got-etc, small in Northern dialects, from got-i, large,
mets-ots, small in Buena Vista, from stem met*, large,
gu-itc, beads in Wiikchamni.
-ic, 'Uc:

Tail: Foot-hill, gut; VaUey, gut'-uc.
Liver: dip; Kings River, dalap-ic.
Arrow: t'uy-oc; t'ui, shoot.
Woman: Valley, muk'-Ma; Foot-hill, muk'-ec.
Tongue : talxat- ; Poso and Buena Vista, talap-is, alad-is.
Thigh: k'oh-ic, k'ow-i, gow-i.

Sun, moon: Valley, o'p; Kings and Tule-Kaweah, up-ic,
up-uc.

Wood: hit'-ec; hit*-el, ash.
Ash : Tule-Kaweah and Poso, hap-ac.
Sand: Tule-Kaweah and Kings, wak'-ac.
Digger-pine : ton, Tule-Kaweah, ton-ac.
'U, 'id:

awaic-il, awatc-il, chin ; some dialects, awac, awadji.
tcimec-il, eyebrow; some dialects, d-imit-.
gepc-il, shoulder; some dialects, gapsai.
kuyo-c-il, knee ; kuyo, ankle,
cayat-el, foot, in Paleuyami.

hacp-el, Choinok; hacpay-al, Yauelmani; has-oski, Tachi:
lungs.

getsn-il, gatsin-il, bow, in Paleuyami and Buena Vista,
humn-ul, quail,
hit '-el, ash; hit'-ec, wood.
'Ui, 'tcui:

Navel: tcutkuc; Buena Vista, tsotus; Yaudanchi, tcudoc-ui.
Knee: upuc; Choinimni, poc-opc-ui.

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Kidney: tsiliuxai; Tachi, tsilamg-ui.

Hummingbird: bftmamgutc, etc.; b^mam-tc-ui, d^mam-tc-ni;
Tachi, ho-ho-tc-ui.

Butterfly: wal-ap-tc-ui, dab-a-dap-tc-ui ; wal-wal, butterfly,
dap-dap, leaf.
-na:

Snake sp. : delits-delits-na.

Hummingbird: kum-kum-na.

Homed owl ; hi-hi-na.

The most conspicuous indications of composition or deriva-
tion other than by these suffixes are found in the following words :

Pour: hat-pani, hoto-ponoi; ponoi, ponoi, two.

Five: yit-cinil, yit-icnil; yit, yet, one.

Man : Buena Vista, kohotc ; Tule-Kaweah, kouhtc-un ; Kings,
butc-on.

Woman: Foot-hill, muk*-ec; Valley, muk'-ftla

Girl: Northern and Valley dialects, various, gai-na, woman,
girl, gai-ta, girl, little girl.

Old man, old woman: mox-elo, mok-djo, mok-nitc, motc-atc,
motc-odo ; Poso, nem-halatci, nem-a, large.

Father: no-pop; Tule-Kaweah, na-tet; no- is possibly origi-
nally the possessive pronoun of the first person ; cf . mother, no-
om, na-joj.

Sweat-house: moc; Poso, muc-an.

Pipe : baum, etc. ; Poso, bam-un ; other dialects, cuk-ut, cuk-
mai.

Belly: balik, olok', luk'-in.

Sun, moon, day; o'p, op-odo, up-ic, op-di, ob-ol-iu.

Snow : ponpon ; some Valley dialects, hayau ; Poso and Buena
Vista, caway-an.

Large : Tule-Kaweah, met- ; Valley, mat-ek, may-ek.

Jackrabbit: Poso, tok-coc; Yaudanchi and Yauelmani, tuk-
uyun ; tuk, ear.

Rabbit: tiu, tciu; Poso, yem-tseu.

Plat tule : got- ; Poso, gats-wei ; Buena Vista, gats-iwi.

Dog: tcec-ec; Northern, tce-xa.

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REDUPLICATION.

The failure of extended comparative material to show any
considerable processes of derivation by composition or afBbcation
in Yokuts is repeated in the similar failure of this material to
throw much light on processes of derivation by reduplication. A
considerable number of duplicated and reduplicated words are
evident, but in a very great majority of the cases these retain
their reduplicated form, often with more or less phonetic modi-
fication, through all the dialectic groups. Where such a redupli-
cated form is not shown by one or more groups, it is usually the
stem itself that fails to appear in these groups, not the redupli-
cation of the stem. Dul-ul, mountain, and inc-ic, good, exist in
these reduplicated forms in all dialects in which they appear at
all.^ In the dialects in which they are not found, they are re-
placed by the entirely distinct stems lomit and met-, or similar
forms. It is evident that reduplication like composition is no
longer an active word-forming process in the language, but that
the forms which it has produced are usually treated by the lan-
guage as simple stems.

Of course the purely grammatical process of reduplication in
the numeral and verb to express distribution and iteration, which
can be applied at will to any stem of these two parts of speech
provided that its significance allows, is of a different character
from the etymological reduplication here discussed, and must not
be confused with it.

The etymological reduplication found in the Yokuts dialects
takes several different forms. First there is simple duplication,
usually of monosyllabic steins, as in dapdap, leaf. Second there
is a form resembling this, in which the first syllable of a disyl-
labic or polysyllabic word is repeated, including at times the con-
sonant following as well as preceding the vowel of the duplicated
syllable. If the words in which this form of reduplication occurs
can be regarded as composite, then the first monosyllabic con-
stituent of the words is entirely repeated, and the process must

^ At the same time there are found such unredaplicated forms of the same
stems as the objective inic-ya and the locative dul-au. Similar forms, such
as sil-iu from sil-il and nat-umduwic from nat-et, are evidence of some ten-
dency especially for final reduplication to disappear before suffization.

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344 University of California Publications, [Am.Arch.Bth.

be considered as a duplication of an entire stem or word-element.
If however such words are not composite, then the process is to
be regarded as merely a phonetic reduplication of the first syl-
lable of a word. Such forms as pud-pud-ui and yip-yap-ut- are
examples. Third, there occurs a process that has the appearance
of final reduplication. This differs from the two preceding
methods in that the reduplicated portion of the word seems never
to contain more than one consonant, whether this be initial or
final. Thus we have inc-ic and wile-li. Fourth and finally, there
are a few words showing duplication or initial reduplication with
a shifting of the vowel of the second of the reduplicated syllables
to a position between the two duplicating syllables. Thus poc-
o-pc-ui, knee, undoubtedly related to a form upuc found in other
dialects ; and dab-a-dap-tcui, butterfly, probably related in origin
to dap-dap, leaf. This form of reduplication also occurs, as has
been mentioned, in connection with grammatical reduplication in
the verb. It is infrequent as an etymological factor. Redupli-
cation of the first two types, or full duplication and initial re-
duplication, is the most frequent, thirty-five or forty instances
having been noted, mostly of the first of these two classes. Final
reduplication has been found in about twenty-five words.

Duplication,

Man : nd-no, V, N.
Eye : ca-ca.

Heart : hon-hon, hon-hon.
Arrow: g'el-g'el, P.
Earthquake: yel-yal.
Cloud: p'ia-p'ai, BV.
Snow: pon-pon.
Ice : gan-gen, P.
Ocean : h6u-ho, N.
Leaf: dap-dap.
Ducksp.: k'ui-k'ui.
Snake sp. : dMam-dMam

delits-delits-na.
Butterfly : lau-lau.

wal-wal.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yokuts Language, 345

Worm: k Was-k 'ewas, N.

wek-wik, V.
Hawk sp. : watc-watc.
Mallard duck: wat-wat-.
Duck sp. : con-cen, P.
Duck sp. : ox-ox, BV, ox-ux-um, P.
Road-runner: oi-ui.
Goose: la '-la*.
Bluejay : t^ai-t-ai, etc.
Homed owl : him-him, etc.
Magpie : otc-otc.
Walk:tiu-tiu, P.

Initiai Reduplication.

Lips : yip-yap-ut-, yibebit-, yebit-.

Lower leg : pud-pud-ui, bul-bul-ui.

Long beads : tca-tca-yal, BV.

Thunder: mi-mi-at-.

Stand : wo-wu-L

Turtle : koi-koy-ot.

Bird : we-wu-tsoi, V, wi-wi-tsi, P.

Homed owl : hi-hi-na, him-him.

Small owl : gu-go-tcup.

Hummingbird: kum-kum-na, K, ho-ho-tcui, Tachi.

Duck sp. : ox-ux-um, P, ox-ox, BV.

Final Beduplic(Uion,

Father: no-p-op, na-t-et.

Mother: na-j-oj.

Throat : so-lo-lo, K, N.

Fingers: xal-al-nit, xal-il-it, K; xapal, V, T, BV.

Foot: dadat- (t).

Mountain : dul-ul, dul-au ; gop-up-at, BV.

Plain : wal-al, V.

Rock: sil-il, N, V, P; odox-ix, BV.

Tule sp. : kol-ol-is, P, koy-us, koy-is, N.

White : djol-ol, tcoy-oi.

Good: inc-ic.

Lie : ban-an-.

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346

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Dog : tcec-ec, PH.

Weasel : cam-im, N, K.

Duck sp. : teo-gu-gu, to-gu-gu, V.

Lizard sp. : kon-dje-dja, etc.

wi-le-li, wu-lo-lu.
Frog: o-gu-ku.
Butterfly: wo>ge>gi.
Woodpecker: pal-ad-at, pal-ag-ak.
Small owl : co-li-li.
Ground owl : we-dji-dji.
Hummingbird : bem-am-guts, etc.
Dove : up-la-li, up-ya-yi.

Reduplication with Change of Vowel,
Knee : poc-opc-ui, K.
Wood-rat : dum-6-dum-utc, T.
Snake sp. : cap-a-cip-itc, lap-a-lip-it-.
Butterfly : dab-a-dap-tcui.

SUMMARY.

For convenience, the principal phonetic and grammatical dif-
ferences and correspondences of the six dialectic groups are re-
viewed in the following table.

Foothill

Valley

Bu6na
Vista

Poso
Creek

TuXe-
Kaweak

Kings
Biver

Northern

VaUejf

o,n

0,tt

e,i

o,tl

e,i

Imperative

—

-ka

Preterite

-ji

—

Preterite

-ac

—

Preterite

—

-an

Continuative

-al

-ad

—

Continuative

—

-xo

Put., Partic.

-in

Reflexive

-wic

Agent

-itc

mik

gen

nim

Thy

min

men

min

His

imin

amin

This
This

xe
xi

hi
ki

hihi
ki

That

xnntu

gai

kaf

That

Where

hel

heli-u

hide-u

hile-u

hiye-uk

a'ha-

k'ami

k'amu

ohom

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347

THE VARIOUS DIALECTS.

PALEUYAMI.

Phonetically, Palenyami m mxsch q^edalized. Its vowels par-
tkmlariy have been affected, and with an apparent perversity
that has an aspect of unconscious deliberateness. Words con-
taining two similar vowels in other dialects, often have one al-
tered in Paleuyami so as to contrast with the other : ilik becomes
elik. On the other hand in a smaller number of words diverse
vowels are assimilated in Paleuyami, usually to i: tc'olipi be-
comes tc'ilipi. Metathesis of vowels is frequent: xecix becomes
xisex. Finally there are simple changes of single vowels. The
most frequent of these changes is to e, most often from a or i.
The contrary changes, to a and i, are few; o, or i following o,
sometimes becomes a, and e followed by a becomes i. Between o
and u, change to the former is more frequent, just as e is favored
over i. U followed by i becomes o followed by o.

Similar vowels differentiated in Paleuyami:

yet-sili

yit-sinil

t-enik

tinik, t-unwk

pietc

piic, pootc

elik

ilik

xelul

silil

tihet-

tihit-

tepid

tipdi, tcipit

piel

pi'l

tcicuc

tcecec

tiel

teel, t-ood

honhen

honhon, honhon

ent vowels assimilated in Paleuyami :

tc'ilipi

tc'olipi

minits

menit-

wihicit

wehecit, wohd'cit

wiwitsi

wewutsoi

opto

apt-u

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Metathesis of vowels in

Paleuyami :

menuc

munac

teiu

tieu

weteip

witcep

teimicel

tcimecil

tilei

teli

xisex

xecix

ecil

icel, ticad

k'eli

k'ilei, k'wdai

isen

esin, osun

heliu

hileu

etis

hit'ec, hwt'ac, hit'ic

wexi

wwxe, wixe

dibek

tepik-, topiik

Paleuyami changes to e

sextel

sitxil

keiu

kaiu

wiwel

wowul

wa'en

wa'n, wan

k'eneu

k'aniu, k'wnu

det-i

dot'i

wetek

watak

ent-eu

ant-u, ant-u

ceca

caca

cema

cama

gepcU

gapcai

keyn

kuyn, kuyo

menal

manal

xowet-

xowot-

djamec

d-amoc

hetpeni

hatpani, hotoponoi

Paleuyami changes to o :

tok

tuk

got

gut, gut'uc

tsoyotis

tcayatac, tcoitoc

xocom

xucim, xucum

opoc

upic, upuc

ocot

ucit, ucut, ocit

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Vol. 2]

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349

Paleuyami changes to

hiba

hfepa, h5pa

hig'a

h^xa

gixa

gjxa, k'dxa

yit

yet

k'ami

k'amu

Paleuyami changes to

nut

not, notu

mut-ka

modak

humnol

humnul

Paleuyami changes to

lopat-

lopit-

lomat

lomit

comat

comot

xotai

xotoi

gats-wei

got-

Orammatical Forms.

Pronouns:

S 1

na, na'en, poss. gen.

S 2

ma,

ma 'en, poss. men.

D 1

mak

P 1

mai

Demonstrative forms :

xi, xiu, xeu, xien; ko, xota, go-awe; ta, ta-in (or ta-en, his).

han-ta, what t

wat-entex, who?
Verbal forms:

hiem toyon-si, it is (already) night.

na-an ti ma, will you eatt

tsaa na na-an, I will eat.

hel ma tawaca, are you thirsty t

ama na tawaca, I am not thirsty.

heliu ma tanawi, where are you going!

k'eneu-ji, xai-si.

lolh-in.

wod-oyits, hatam-its, dancer, singer.

ui-ui-wil-eits, road-runner.

ho', wiwel, tiutiu, sit, stand, walk!

Am. Aboh. Bth. 2. 25.

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Miscellaneous :

kumui-tein, all ; waxe-tein, many,
notci-gen, my friend,
tok-men, your ear.
citcil-hal, deer.

BUENA VISTA GROUP: TULAMNI AND KHOMETWOLL

Pronouns :

SI na nan mik

S 2 ma mam min

D 1 ex. nak

D 1 in. mak

P 1 ex. nimak

P 1 in. mayi

P 2 man

P 3 aman

Aman, they, is a Valley form. Yaudanchi lacks it.
Demonstratives :

xi, this, plural xi-san ; xi-ts, here, xi-ten, there.

xuntu, that, plural xunto-s-an; xuntu, xonto, and xata were
also given as equivalents of Yauelmani ke-in, this one's, his.

ta, that.

han-wil, what t

Forms of nouns:

sas, sas-al, eye, probably eyes, in other dialects caca.

suk'-al, **ear,'' probably ears; in other dialects tuk.

This -al is evidently the occasional Yauelmani plural-collec-
tive suffix of inanimate nouns -hal.

Cases: locative, hulas-iu, tsidjests-iu, tcapan-au; possessive,
got-eya-n.

Verbal forms:

lui', eat! (imperative).

luy-on, biy-en.

luy-os, tawatc-ac.

haa-1, tana-al, tawatc-al, xahayaw-al, oho'-l, gune-al.

malac-itc, hiwet-atc.

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WUKCHAMNI.

Except for some lexical differences, this dialect is practically
identical with Yaudanchi.

Pronouns: na; nim, min, an.

Demonstratives: xi; ka; ta-n; han.

Adjectives : puunun, pudjidj, little.

Nouns : t-i, t«eu.

Verbs : wokiy-ad, tan-aad, taut-a-d ; daid-ji ; duy-on ; hai-wuc,
hoyo-woc ; can-can-wid-eitc, kux-wud-eitc.

The locative mam-au, at you, is used in the phrase xi-mamau,
this, or here, near you. A form xi-ne-u, here, differs from Yau-
danchi xe-u, but has northern analogues.

CHUKAIMINA AND MICHAHAI.

Pronouns : na, nim ; ma, mam, min ; imin ; mak.

Demonstratives :

ke, this, locative keu, keua, possessive kin.
kai, gai, that, locative kau, gau, possessive kan.
ta, that,
han, whatt

Nouns:

nihin-au, dul-au.

Numerals :

yetc-am, eleven, potcd-om, twelve, etc., as in Yaudanchi.

Verbs :

tah-an, nah-an, xo-on.
tawat-a, dead,
yuwanwaca, marry,
hayn-ac, waxal-ac, tawat-ac.
laha-itc, moccasins.

AinCHA.

Pronouns :

SI na nan nim

S 2 ma min

S 3 imin

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Demonstratives :

ke, this, objective ki-n.
gai, that, possessive ka-n.
ta, that,
han, what!

Verbs :

hoitcuc, tawat*a-c.
ukun kin, drink this !

CHOINIMNI.

Pronouns :

nim-a, my [sic] ; min-a, thy [sic] ; imin, his.

Demonstratives :
ke, this, ke-u, here,
gai, that, ganiu, there,
ta, that, tan, there,
han, what?

[Numerals:

The suflfix -am is used for eleven to nineteen as in Yaudanchi.

Verbs:

wan-ac, elk-ac, xahi-ac, ika-ac, taut-a-c, wowol-ac, k'anuw-ae,
veaxal-ic.
. xoot-xo, dau'hali-xo.

GASHOWU.

Pronouns :

S 1

nan

nim

S 2

mam

S 3

amin

D 1 ex.

nimgin

D 1 in.

mak

P 1 in.

mai

main

P 2

man

P 3

aman

Cf : wixi aman dumna, many the (lit., they) Dumna.

The form for his, amin, is that of the Valley and* Northern
iialeets ; the Kings River dialects have imin.

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^oh. 2] Kroeber.—The Yokuts Language. 353

Demonstratives :

ke, this, obj. kin, poss. kSin, loc. ke (for keut).
gai, that, loc. gani, ganiu.
ta, that,
han, what!

Numerals :

yetcam, eleven; potcdom, cophiom, hatcpam, yit-tcam, tcol-
pom, nomtcom, muntcom, nonpom, twelve to nineteen.

Verbs:

tah-an.

wan-aac, wan-ei; ika-ac, eka-ci; hatam-ic, xahi-ae, hoitc-ic,
tauta-e, xoo-oc, k'anuw-ae, heut-ic, waxal-ie, ukn-ae, nah'-ae,
pan-ae, lok'6n-oc (luk'in).

dawliali-xo.

haya-wic-ac, tcaplu-wic.

kam-ini, tcic-ini.

xo-mi, wownl-mu, banana-mi.

KBOHATI.

Of the few pronominal forms obtained, the one of most in-
terest is amungun, their.

Demonstratives found were hi, plural hi-c-in, locative he-u,
and gi, locative g-eu.

The imperative shows the ending -ka or -ga.

DUMNA.

Pronouns :

SI na nan nim

S 2 ma iham min

S 3 amin

D 1 in. mak

P 1 in. mai

P 2 man

Demonstratives:
hi, this; heu, here,
ki, gi, this; geu, here,
kini, this ( ?) ; Mneu, geneu, here ( ?).
han, whatt

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354 University of CaUfomia PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth.

Norms:

ton, digger-pine, plural tun-aa; ut'u, tree, ut'd-a, timber.
These plurals of inanimate nouns are unexampled in all other
dialects that are grammatically known. Ndnei, plural of n5no,
man, occurs in other dialects also.

cutcon-au, (in the) brush.

ak*d-atc, child ; poyod-atc, old man.

Adjectives :

got-etc, small, apparently from got-i, large.

Numerals :

yetcam, eleven, potcdom, twelve; copiom, hatc'pam, yit'tcam,
tcolpom, nom'tcom, mun'tcam, non'pom, thirteen to nineteen.

Verbs :

lihim-ga, run, holoc-ga, sit, wowul-ga, stand, ugun-ga, drink,
wan-ga, give, yet-ka, speak — all imperative.

ogon-an, drink, wiy-an, say, tac-an (taic), see.

tanyuc-a-xon.

tcapli-wic, moccasin ; dat«la-wac, stepping-ceremony.

hacaw-ana, dead.

ma ti-ma wihi, did you say itt

TOLUCHI.

A divergent northern dialect, which has become extinct, was
the Toltichi, spoken by the Yokuts tribe living farthest up the
San Joaquin river. The last person actually using this dialect,
a woman, is said by the Yokuts informants to have died thirty
years ago. She was related to the old woman from whom the
Dimina material used in the present paper was obtained, and
from this Dumna informant a brief vocabulary of the Toltichi
dialect was secured. This vocabulary, however, raises some
doubts, and for this reason the dialect has not been included in
the general consideration of the others. The fifty or sixty Tol-
tichi words obtained show forms that go back quite clearly to
stems characteristic of the northern Yokuts group. There are
however two marked peculiarities, one phonetic, the other lexical.
First, there are uniform consonant changes : s, c, and h to x, and

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Yakuts Language, 355

n, 1, y, tc and sometimes t to w. Second, the numerals are pecu-
liar in not being Yokuts at all, nor Miwok or Shoshonean nor
apparently of any other known linguistic family. These diver-
gent numerals render the Toltichi dialect very puzzling. It is
beyond doubt that the set of numerals obtained existed some-
where in this region, for a second informant among the northern
Yokuts was sufficiently acquainted with the series to state that
it was correct. On general grounds, however, it seems highly
improbable that a dialect diflfering from the other northern Yo-
kuts dialects principally only in regular phonetic mutations
should possess a numeral system radically peculiar to itself. It
is possible that this numeral system belonged to a distinct lin-
guistic family on the upper San Joaquin, almost extinct at the
coming of the whites, and that these people, through intercourse
with the neighboring Yokuts, were familiar also with Yokuts,
which, on account of the phonetic characteristics of their own
language, they barbarously distorted ; but there is no direct evi-
dence whatever to support such a conjecture. A further compli-
cation is caused by the fact that the phonetic mutations charac-
terizing the bulk of the Toltichi material obtained are so extreme
and consistent that they differ totally in nature from all known
phonetic equivalences and changes of Yokuts dialects and dia-
lectic groups. The informant evidently held a strong impression
of the phonetic peculiarity of the language, particularly its
roughness, for she pronounced its k's as far back in the throat
as possible and emphasized as strongly as possible both the gut-
tural and the spirant character of the x with which she replaced
the s of her own dialect. As she spoke this it still bore some
audible resemblance to s, and was formed with the lower lip
drawn into the mouth. It seems very unlikely that any language
was actually thus spoken. It must therefore be concluded that
the phonetic peculiarities of this dialect have been exaggerated
in the record obtained. Once this exaggeration is accepted, it
becomes doubtful to what extent it was carried. It may be con-
cluded that the dialect differed from the neighboring Yokuts dia-
lects in the directions indicated by the material obtained; but
whether only slightly, or to the degree shown by this vocabulary,
must be doubtful.

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356

University of Calif omia Publications. [AicAacH.ETH.

If, accordingly, the Toltichi were Yokuts,* and not people of
another linguistic family whose distortion of Yokuts has been
imitated in the scant material secured, they must be regarded as
a specialized offshoot of the northern group. If their language
is at all fairly represented by the vocabulary, it possessed suffi-
cient distinctness to entitle it to be regarded as a separate branch,
and the number of Yokuts dialectic groups would have to be in-
creased from six to seven. After all considerations, however, the
internal nature of the information secured raises so many doubts,
that it has seemed best to regard the available material as only
tentative, and to refrain from definitely regarding the Toltichi
as forming a distinct Yokuts dialectic group.

The material obtained is here given, together with the Dumna
equivalents. It will be seen that the presence of the imperative
suffix -ka, and of the form amin for the possessive pronoun of
the third person, if correct, place Toltichi close to the other north-
em Yokuts dialects.

English

Toltichi

Dumna

n&8

yet

bis

punoi

nayo

86opin

&min

hatepanai

hie

yiteeinil

otol

tc'oUpi

makatc

nomtc'in

tc'eitemak

mon'oc

wa'ditc

n5nip

wadi'tc

ts'ieu

person

wokotc

yokotc

men

woVM

n5nei

woman

mok'dwa

mok'dU

child

k'ow-itc

ak'd-atc

ear

xuk"

tuk

eye

zaxa

easa

nose

winik'

tinik

mouth

zama

cama

hand

p'ofLox

b'onoo

foot

ta'wau'

dad<at8

back

katauw*

gadai, cotox

'It may be said that several northern Yokuts informants were unani-
mous in declaring the Toltichi to have been a Yokuts tribe, and the one
farthest up the San Joaquin river.

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357

English

Toltichi

Dumna

house

c&mc, z&mx

samic

acorn

ktimin

k'inim

berries sp.

waxato

taxati

son

zapiu (hot)

xapil, op

fire

ocit, ozit

ocit

water

iwix

ilik

creek

waktai

wakai

earth

xowai

xotsoi

world

' ho'gli

hoM'

dog

k^za

tc^xa

grizzly bear

wox'o

nohoo

coyote

x'aiu

kaiu

deer

xow

xoi

elk

xoxgoi

soxgoi

eagle

wo 'ucul

wi'usul

buzzard

x'ots

hots

rattlesnake

wat'it*

nat.it.

small fish

wopit.

lopits

salmon

g&waxit

g&yaxit

eat

xat-ga

drink

ugun-ga

sleep

woxi-ka

woi-ka

talk

wat-ka

yet-ka

run

lihim-ga

stand

xwoxwul-ka

wowul-ga

sit

howox-ka

holoc-ga

greeting

xawaxan

hawaan

where f

xiw'eu

hUeu

where are you

xiw'eu ma

hileu ma t&ne

going f

tan'i(n)

his

am*in

amin

CHUKOHANSI.

Pronouns:

S 1

nim

nan-au

S 2

min

S 3

amin

amam-au

P 1 in.

mai

P 3

amungun

The locatives nan-au, by me, and amam-au, at him, were
translated **here'' and ''there." It is not probable that the
hypothetical objective of the third person singular, amam, to
which amam-au points, has any actual existence. Yauelmani

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358 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Bra.

amam-in-wa, them, has the same hypothetical base, and tins base
does not occur in Yauelmani.

Demonstratives :
hi, locative he-u.
[ki, not obtained], locative ki-n-eu.

Nouns:

op-in, sun's.

nasi-n, rattlesnake's.

hoyim-h-an, of the Hoyima.

tcaucil-h-an, of the Chauchila.

The locative in -u, -au, -iu is frequent.

Verbs:

-ka, imperative: winis-ka, hulos-ka, xat-ka, woi-ka, gun-ka,
taic-ka, adj-idj-ka; heu-ne-k, pana-k.

-xon, continuative : yuncun-xon, quakes, honhon-xon, breathes,
paix-im-xon, menstruates (honhon, heart, payax, blood).

-an, past : tac-an, panai-an.

-it, passive : tuy-han-it, be shot.

-wic, reflexive : dani-wis-an, dui-wac, puxpux-wac.

-in, intransitive: heu-n-en, thus, heu-ne-k, do thus!

CHAUCHILA.

Pronouns :

S 1

nan

nim

S 2

mam

min

D 1 in.

magin

P 1 in.

mai

main

Demonstratives :

he, this, poss. he-n-in, loc. he-u.
ke, that, loc. k-eu.
wat, who, some one.
hileu, where?

Nouns:

nopop-in father's.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The Tokvis Language, 359

Verbs :

-ka, imperative.

-in, future-present.

-am (?)

-xo, -6-xo, continuative.

-wie, reflexive.

The vowels of the three suflSxes -ka, -in, -am are assimilated
to the vowels of the stem. This is exceptional in Tokuts. Usually
it is the stem-vowels that are affected by the suffix. When the
sufl&x vowel is altered, in other Yokuts dialects, it is as frequently
to contrast with the stem-vowels as to agree with them. The as-
similation of the vowel of the imperative -ka is especially note-
worthy, as in Yauelmani and other dialects this ending appears
to be an enclitic rather than a true suffix, and fails to aflfect the
vowels af the stem as a-suffixes do.

-ka : lui-ku, ukun-ku, tui-ku, gun-ku, lihim-i-ki, cilit-ki.

-in : ac-ac-an, woy-on, hiwet-en, ciel-en, tay-en.

-am : dauc-am, thirsty ; wok-om, kill.

-xo : etil-xo, tay-e-xo.

-wic : wok-woc, hoyo-wuc, lon-i-wic.

HOYIMA.

A few phrases of this dialect were given by Chauchila and
Chukchansi informants. They appear not to be strictly accurate.

helo naxon dut, Chauchila hileu nexo ux (?), what do you
say (t)

haulen dut, Chauchila hileu nen ux ( ?), Chukchansi ha weta,
what do you say?

etel-am na, Chauchila etil-xo na, I am hungry.

haul ma dut, Chukchansi haual ma du, when was that?

wiy-en, Chukchansi heu-n-en, thus.

WAKICHI.

A few Wakichi phrases were obtained from the Dumna in-
formant. The differences that these show from the equivalent
Dumna phrases have probably been exaggerated.

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360 UniversUy of CaUfornia PubUcaiicms. [Am. Arch. Bra.

wi-hin, say.

wiy-ftahin, said; Dumna, wiy-an.

ut-upa ma wi-hin, Dunma ma ti-ma wi-hi, did you say itt

hau bin duta, Dumna hawa an dita, what is the matter T

Wakichi, Pitkat-i, and Hoyima were said to use buuc, not
tc^xa, for dog. This would include them with Chauehila, Chu-
lamni, and probably Heuchi in the valley half of the Northern
group, as contrasting with Chuckchansi, Dalinchi, Eechayi, and
Dumna of the foot-hill half of the same group.

Pronouns:

WJSUMUiHlT.

SI na nim

S 2 ma min

S 3 amin

D 1 ex. numdgin

•

D 1 in. mak

P 1 in. mai

P 2 man

Demonstratives :

behi, this, hetam, here ; ga, that, gau, there ; wat-oku, han-uku.

hiye-uku or hiye-uk, who? what? where?

Nouns :

p'an-in,

world's.

Verbs:

holuc-k,

sit ! wan-ka, give !

tauta-xo, kill ; tcow'-xo, work.

tan, go.

-in suffix : xat-en, lihim-en, hatm-en, wipil-en, texal-en, sil-en,

ugn-on, woy-on, wow'l-on.

-wic reflexive : tAnyu-wis, hoyo-woc, datla-wac.

NUTUNTJTU.

Pronouns : na, ma, mak, nim, min, amin.
Demonstratives: hehe-n, apparently possessive; heham, here;
gau, there.

Verbs: xat-k, ugun-k, cil-k; wooi-an, huits-in, tsow-on.

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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 361

TACm.

S 1

nan

nim

S 2

mam

min

S 3

amin

D 1 in.

mak

makin

P 1 in.

mai

Demonstratives :

hihi, hehi, this (near).

ki, this, poss. ke-in, loc. ke-u.

ka, ga, that.

wat-nk, who?

han-uk, what?

hancun-uk, how many?

hiye-uk, hiye-k, where?
Numerals :

11 yJtc-am 16 tcolp-om

12 batsd-om 17 nomtc-^m

13 copi-om 18 munc-am

14 hotep-om 19 coponhot-min

15 yitc-am
Nouns :

tatei, pi. tatcitcayi.
t-uxoxi, pi. t-ux6xayi.
teunut, pi. tcundtati.
(wimiltei), pi. wimJlatei.
(weteixit), pi. witcSxatci.
(wowol), pi. wow6woli.
(nutunutu), pi. nutant-ic-a.
witep, child, pi. witip-ate, witip-hat.
Possessive: -in.
Locative: -u.
Instrumental : -ni.
Verbs :

Imperative: -k, -g.
Continuative : -xo, -e-xo.
Preterite : -ahin.
Future-present: -in.

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Agent : -itc.

(Future passive) : -nitc, -nit-.

Reflexive : -wic.

Causative; -la.

Future particle : min.

Negative particle : ohom, 6m.

Tachi phrases :
k^in pane
puue-un dadat*
min mai oj-in &wo

hilata 6m na min hot'-6*xo hojowoc

hiek ma xo h^tci

k6*u na xo tozil

6m na mam cil-ahin hi&mi

hiek ma ta

k6*n na tan nim tce-n

hik min id

k6-u na x6-n nibet-in nim tce-u

6m nim t*a witip-hat ndec

c.oy61-in pil

jokote

7oktco-lis

n6tco-iny mokela-n

xocima-n

t6c-ite

xohot-itc

y6t-au

dat-la-wac

munoi
munuj-uwuc

his dog.

dog's foot.

shall we move across, we shall move to
the other side.

( f ) not I your know name.

where jou live nowf

there (this-at) I live west.

not I you saw long.

where you gof

there I go my house-at.

where your house f

there I live older-brother's my
house-at.

not my ( f ) children younger-
brother's.

antelope's road, milky way.

person.

somebody.

man's, woman's.

of the northerners.

a kind of medicine man (maker).

ceremonial down.

all (one-at).

rattlesnake ceremony (making-step,
= dai-da-fiitc).

jimson-weed (tanai).

jimson-weed-drinking ceremony
(tany-uwis).

CHUNUT.

Pronouns : na, I, ma, thou, mak, we two.

Demonstratives: hetam, here, apparently from stem hi; ki,
this, ke-u, there; ga, that; wat-uk, who; han-uk, what, hiye-uk,
where.

Nouns: toino-in op, night's luminary, moon.

Verbs : The imperative ending was usually heard as -ga. The
continuative -xo appears in oho-xo na I like; -an in tah-an; -wic
in hoyo-woc ; -itc in tsalai-wiy-feits.

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wo 'lasi.

Pronouns found are na, ma, mak, nim, min, amin.
The demonstrative ta appears as ta-n, him, ta-in, his.
Who? is wat-uk; where? hiye-uk or hiydko.
The imperative usually ends in -k, sometimes in ka or ke.

CHOINOK.

Demonstratives:

ki, this J ka, that; hiy-uk, where?

Veri»:

xat-ka, ukun-ka, woi-ka, tui-ka.
taut-a-k, tcowo-k.
got-on, strike,
gon-in-hin, fall.
san-san-wi-Jitc, tree-squirrel.

TEXTS IN VARIOUS DIALECTS.

The following short texts have three sources. Numbers 1 to

27 are all transcriptions of phonographic records of songs ob-
tained from Peter Christman, the principal Yaudanchi infor-
mant employed. Many of the songs were said by him to be in
Yauelmani, Tachi, and other dialects. How far they may be
mixed with Yaudanchi forms, or translated into the latter, is in
many cases not certain ; so that they can be used as material for
a comparative study of dialects only with reservations. Numbers

28 to 35 were obtained from an old man called Chalola, by birth
half Wowol, but speaking the Yauelmani dialect. The first five
of these, numbers 28 to 32, are songs from a myth, and were
recorded without the aid of a phonograph; the last three, num-
bers 33 to 35, are prayers or ceremonial speeches. All the mate-
rial from this informant is good Yauelmani. Lastly, numbers
36 to 38, three short ceremonial speeches, are Tachi, obtained
from a Tachi informant named Tom. The transcription and
translation of the texts resemble those of the Yaudanchi texts.
Translations in parentheses are given on the authority of the
informant.

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364 University of Calif omia Publications. [Am-Abch-Bth.

1. Mourning-ceremony song.

yiw6 yiw6
ahan^

2. The same.

yd wax&le
ahand

3. The same. Last song of the ceremony.

ySuyahd

wiahi
Ah is Yaudanchi for crying in mourning, waxil in other dia-
lects ; youyahS is said to be from yuy, to thrust or motion toward,
as during this song the dancers motion toward the fire ; wiahi is
said to be from the stem wi, to say.

4. Ohowish ceremony song. Wiikchamni.

¥rita

Mid

VopUk yo

beaver and

nahaal

otter

wita

said

tan WO oh6witc-u t'uiju

ma-nan

yon me

ama oh6witc maya

then ohowlih-medldne-inMi self

ma-nan

you DM

t'uijn

shot

5. Rattlesnake

ceremony song.

wita

told

tan golonkil

him klnc-make

t'Ood
to-rattletnake

am-nan

not m«

pitciu*

toneh

a-ma

not yon

haa hawad'i

anything ean-do

dok'ou

bellyfoU

tcixac

(lie)

doxmadhin t-od'A

(roek-pile) rattlesnake

am-nan

not me

pitciu

tonch

wita

said:

a-ma haa

not you anything

hawad'i

can-do

tinelhan ma tood

sqnirrel-hole-many you rattlesnake

* Handle, catch, take, stop.

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Vol. 2] Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language. 865

dok'on

belly.fuU •

tcixac-ma

(lie) you

am -nan

not me

pitciu

touch

ma ti-nan

you (what) me

haudihi

can-do r

yapkanhin

many-trees

t-ood

rattlesnake

tc'ineu

shade

tcixac

(Ue)

a-ma haa

not you anythlnff

hawad'i

can-do

am-nan

not me

pitciu

touch

am-nan

not me

pitciu

touch

tc'odwonhin t-dod

plains rattlesnake

tc'ododin

white

you

caca

eye

opodnid

sun-thines-on

min

your

am-nan

not me

pitciu

touch

The language is Taudanchi. Several interesting forms occur.
Opodnid is perhaps the continuative of an intransitive derivative
from the word sun : opodo, -in, -ad. The collectives in -hin and
-han have not been found otherwise in Yaudanchi, but recall the
inanimate collective -hal of Yauelmani. The informant once
said tinel-hal for tinel-han. The latter he translated ** squirrel
town." In addition to the forms given in the song, namely,
yapkan-hin from yapkin, and doxmad-hin and tc'odwon-hin, he
also used the word bokdo-hin, * * where many springs. ' ' As spring
is bokid, the ending -hin is in this word added to the locative
suffix. None of the nouns in question are capable of taking an
ordinary plural. The forms -hin and -han have some appearance
of being possessives.

Am. Arch. Eth. 2, 20.

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366

University of California Publications, [Am.Aech.Eth.

6. Dancing song, said to be in archaic Ghunut dialect.

wehe

yoho

kiitcau

hoyoji

named

p'ana

earth

kalaga¥riw

(invisible)

widata

not'

east

walan-iho

yesterday

7. An old dancing song of the Tachi Indians.

hanuk-u

who

yfeha

yeha

xom6t-i

sonth

yfeha

yeha

pinfet'iux

ask

tcipin-ewe

braTef

may-a

tan-iyo

tcay-e

down-feather

Tcipin, Yaudanchi t-ipni, is wonderful, supernatural.
8. Said to be a Tachi song.

xami

(come!)

xami wuala k^ na

(oome!) stand (this) I

nan

ki ma

(this) yoa

panahin tcipni

(arrive) sapematoral-power

nayu

nayn

d to be

a Tachi song.

w^hfe

wehe

yoho

nan-a

ge ma

yon

ha wiihin

(do not mind)

^kak

see

tcan-a witcfepa

(that-distant) child

A very barbarous Tachi. Ekak is the Yaudanchi stem oka,
not found in the Valley dialects, with the imperative ending -ka

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<^'Etb. Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The YokuU Language. 367

or -k found only in the Valley dialects. Child in Tachi is not
witcep but witep. Tean-a seems to be similarly formed, by sub-
stitution of to for t, from tan, Yaudanchi tan, objective of ta,
that.

10. A medicine man's song for dancing. He dreamed that
his father said to him :

lanaka nan-a

listen to-me

may^mai

(name of the eonaposer of the song)

notu na keu

east I there

teicin-fe wfehfe

shall-emerge wehe

w^ mukulau

we (turning)

hi sonolo wfehfe

hi hand-feather-omament wehe

11. From the informant's grandfather.

y6-nono pana

again (pursues)

piwaca nan yo-nona pana

grizzly-bear me again (pursues)

For piwaca compare the Tachi form biwacw and Tulamni
biawas. For pana compare song 8.

12. Dreamed by a man the night after he had seen a water
monster.

watin xe t'uit'ai dupit-

whose this shoot flshf

wi xi min ta watcam ahadad

well, this your that feather-hand-omament is-panting

13. Grizzly-bear-doctor's song, learned from the bears by the
informant's father-in-law.

mfeedjin xol6non

(noise of scratching)

tcuyuak ma ha tala taaji

(even if you enter)

yakiuhaaliu

at the rocks

ta-na-mam otokotooji

that I yon (raise)

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University of Calif omia Publications. [AM.AacH.ETH.

Yakiuhaalin is the locative of the collective -hal, which has so
far been found only in Yauelmani, suffixed to the Yaudanchi
stem yakau, rock, for which Yauelmani uses silil. The 1 in this
and other words points to a Valley dialect.

14. Eagle song, for dancing. Dreamed by the informant's
grandfather. Clearly a Valley dialect.

yileyalfe

eartliQiiake

silika

nim

teicau

see

my emerg«nee-at

walaliu

tcoxil-a

mayu

«t-open-plaoe

eagle

15. Dancing song. The informant's grandmother dreamed

that she learned it from a coyote.

mam

wiliteyau

muyukun

you

(In-front-of)

whirl

yfeha

7«h«

uyayet

tc^kfeya mayin p'aanin

(moum-for)

that

8trlxi£ our world^s

Said to be Yauelmani ; and in fact tcikei, string, and ke, that,
are Yauelmani but not Yaudanchi forms. Cf . 1 in wiliteyau.

16. Coyote song. For dancing.

kaiu

coyote

na
I

naan

ama

then

ama

then

kaiu

coyotes

p'an

earth

p'au

earth

a-ma-nan-hi

not yon me will

widji

told

widji

told

k'uyak'tad

scratch

tacki

those

17. Coyote song. For dancing,
yawud

(do-thns)

na t-ipinit

I from-above

kaiiu-na

coyote I

ama

then

kaiiu-na

coyote-I

161^nac

(twirled)

yaud

(do-thns)

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Vol. 2] Kroeher.—The Yakuts Language. 369

18. Coyote song. For dan^cing.

kaiiu wita

eoyote said

hanham-na kaiiu-na

what-am If eoyote I

wi idkau-un na

well, water-in I

hanham-na

what-am I?

kaiin-na

coyote I

This song is said to be from the Kings River or Northern
Yokuts.

19. Coyote song. For dancing. The deer says :

xeu nan t'ui eik'au-nim

here me shoot side-in my

kaiyuwin mam ta t'uyoe

ooyote*8 you that arrow

20. Dancing song; about the deer.

wat-a nan

who me

t'uyon

shoots f

t'ipinit

from-above

t'uyon

shoots f

yfeitcai

once

t'uyon

shoots!

w^hfen

wehen

21. Dancing song about the deer.

xuyiu naan

return we

n6tu naan xuyiu

east we return

tahitcipau

to-Tehachapi

p'aanin

land's

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I University of California Publications. [Am.Akch.Eth.

22. Mountain-sheep song.

hiyeu-na nkunumu
or: hideu-na ukun

where I drink-will

wa na d6mto ukun

far I mountain-lit drink-will

23. Ground-squirrel song. When the ground-squirrel, pohad,
s buckeyes, it becomes crazy.

ama watcimji otcotc t-ipin

Then swnnff-in-his-hand magpie high

muyukju

whirled

watcimin otcotco

Bwinging-in-his-hand magpie

Watcam is a feather ornament held in the hand, watcim is to
d or move it ; otcotc, magpie, appears to mean magpie feathers.

!4. Road-runner's song. Yauelmani or a Valley dialect. The
udanchi equivalent words as given by the informant are added.

oyuoyu

nan

o^-uy

nan

road-ranner

here

limini

mai

dawit-sa

mak

let-ran

ns-two

hiam-a

tcokonit

hiam

tcokit

now

am-hit

tcokunau

nim

tcoxiiau

nim

feather-belt-in

25. Otter song.

Yaudanchi.

nahait-

hahi

dawit

yaudau

otter

(said):

"run

in-brash!"

danaad-na

yaudau dawit

hear I:

«in-

brush run

26. Water's song. Dreamed by a female relative, of his
ndfather's generation, of the informant. The present version
n Yaudanchi. The original song is said to have been in the

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Kroeber. — The Yakuts Language,

371

Yokol dialect. In this the first line ran : yo ki-mi-nana taxenen,
and the last: tolomit na ilekin.

yo ti-ma

taxin

again do yon

oome!

wa ha

mai kitewin

far something

we will-go

wa na

kitiu

far I

todomit na

idkin

do-not-flnd I

water's

27. Pleiades song. Dreamed by a relative of the informant's
father.

guyfepa nana

(spin-aronnd we

guy^pa

spin-aronnd)

haini hamana

(fly what-we!)

m&xnmxai

(Pleiades)

Said to be in Paleuyami dialect.

28.

Song from a myth about the pra:

xoiyu nan

return to-mef (wef)

xoiyn nan

return ibid

ama nim huwut-

then my gambling

t-awe nan

beat me

dokoi-nim

game my

29.

Another.

hiweti

yo na
hiweti

again I
go

naamtayo
laniyo
hilal^kiyo
t-awat-e

beat

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372

University of California PubUcations. [Am.Abch.Eth.

30.

Another.

yah! lulumai
yahimai lulumai
sawawa kanama
taniyo

yapiwipiwimai
tawana tsiniyo
hilallkiyo
t-awati t-awat-

31.

Another.

hila ma ta

you

hayawiyn

(ridicule)

Iftkoyowani

(ignorant)

waatin

whose

humuyn hile

32.

Another.

h6simi

cold

hosiwimine

cold

wanit wilima

from-far (t)

lana-na-ma

hear

hdsimi

cold

33. A prayer for good fortune. Yauelmani. Evidently a
fixed formula. Spoken rapidly, rhythmically, and monotonously,
with motions of the arms, alternately and together, to the heart
and out again. Seven deities are addressed. The impure vowels
found in the names of these deities do not occur in Yauelmani.
The r occurring in pitswriut is npt a Yokuts sound at all.

silkawil nan

■•••ye me

silka-nan tdueixxt

»•• me name (=maker)

silka-nan bamaciut

silka-nan yoxaxait

see me xuune (^crasher!)

silka-nan etc^pat

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Vol. 2] Kroeber.—The YoTcvis Language. 373

silka-nan pitsuriut

gee me name

silka-nan tsukit

see me name

silka-nan nkat

(=looker!)

y%t*a man amlin nan

together ye help me

nim yfet-au t-ikexo texal

my together ii-tied talk

maiayiu lomto

with-the-large mountain

maiayiu silelhaliu

with-the-large rooks

maiayiu witsetaliu

with-the-large trees (woods)

y^t'au polut-nim

together body my

ucuk-nim

heart my

y^t • au-ma-nan amalan

together ye me help

t-^pani

supernatural

y6-ma

and yon

daak

day

y6-ma

and yon

toino

night

yet*a-man

together ye

nan-silfexo

me see
and

yet.au ki

together this

p'aan

world

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374

University of California Publications, [Am-Abch-Bth.

34. Prayer to the panther for success in hunting deer. Yauel-
mani. Down and kas3rin seeds are deposited on the ground dur-
ing the prayer.

ya wehdsit

wokitska-nan t-iimi

wehfesit

hanas

yiitsa

wokitska-nan tiimi

weh^it

yiitsa

hanas

ya, panther

(give) me (now)

panther

hunter

you

alone

(give) me (noW)

panther

you

alone

hunter

35. Speech made by the old man in charge of the tanyuwis,
the jimson-weed ceremony, to the novices. With each phrase he
motions with the basket of liquid as if to give it. After the third
phrase he hands the basket. Tauelmani dialect.

ukunka

kin

ilka

t^syutin

drink

this

w»ter

for-TSiiahint

ukunka

kin

ilka

k^in

bamasyutin

drink

this

water

for-that

Bamashint

ukunka

kin

Uka

kfein

yuxaxaitin

drink

this

water

forthat

Tukhakhait

36. Tachi formula spok

en when

one comes

to strange water.

When this formula is said,

the beings in the water allow one to

take of it.

mak

heham

xoin

hiamu

pana

here

Uve

ions

world

hehi

makin

ilik

this

our

water

37. Tachi formula, sung, accompanied by dancing, by an old
woman at an eclipse of the sun.

heucitka-nan mit^ni op6ni

leave me with-a-little sun

an^ nan yfet-au tcomcot'k (or tcom'k)

(not) for-me altogether eat-it

heucit nan mit^ni

leave me with-a-little

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Vol. 2] Kroeber, — The Yakuts Language. 375

38. Tachi formula spoken to the dead, to prevent their return
as ghosts.

miin ma 5yin lakil p'aana

7<m go (another) land

huyetcim tan p'aan

(like) that land

ohom ma heha xoyi

not yon here live

STATUS OP YOKUTS AMONG THE LANGUAGES
OF CALIFORNIA.

From what has been said, most fully of Yaudanchi, it appears
that Yokuts forms one of a group of linguistic families occupy-
ing the greater part of the state of California, especially its cen-
tral region. This group of families, which has been defined in
a general discussion of the types of structure of the languages of
California,^ is marked by simple phonetics, the lack of incor-
poration, the presence of cases, and a simple transparent struc-
ture, and in addition to Yokuts includes Costanoan, Esselen,
Maidu, Wintun, Yuki, Pomo, and perhaps other languages, be-
sides showing certain general resemblance of type to Shoshonean,
Lutuami, and Sahaptin. In certain respects Miwok or Moque-
lumnan, bordering Yokuts on the north, seems also to belong to
this type. Chumash and Salinan, however, which are territo-
rially in contact with Yokuts, occupying the adjacent coast, be-
long to another group, the Southwestern, which comprises only
these two families and is marked by disagreement from the large
Central Califomian group in all the points that have been men-
tioned as typical of this.^ The characteristics that probably
distinguish the morphology of Yokuts most sharply from that
of the other linguistic families belonging to the same Central
group, are its development of systems of vocalic mutation as an

^ B. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, The Native Languages of California,
American Anthropologist, n. s. Y, 1, 1903. The families in one group are
not etymologically or genetically related, but are structurally similar.

'Ibid., and Languages of the Coast of California South of San Fran-
cisco, p. 48 of this volume.

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376 University of Calif omia PubUccUions. [Am.Arch.Eth.

accompaniment or means of grammatical expression, the pre-
dominance of polysyllabic stems, and the slight development of
derivation by affixion and composition. It seems that these three
features are all more or less related. Most of the other languages
of the group of which it forms part show no vocalic mutation
other than perhaps an occasional harmonizing of vowels. Esselen
and Costanoan are probably,* and Yuki and Pomo certainly,
free from any developed vocalic mutation. The last two lan-
guages are characterized by great distinctness of stems, which
are in large measure monosyllabic. This distinctness is not so
apparent to the ear as it becomes visible on analysis. Most Yuki
and Pomo words are actually composed of several stems, either
independent or aflixes, which scarcely aflfect each other's phonetic
shape by being brought in contact, other than perhaps for inser-
tions of euphonic vowels. In consequence, the words of three or
four syllables in Yuki and Pomo almost always differ from those
of equal length in Yokuts in being built up of a number of con-
stituent parts, but on account of the comparative phonetic im-
mutability of the parts the structure of the words remains trans-
parent. Maidu shows vocalic harmony to a considerable extent
and it will be interesting to know whether the scope and forms
of this are similar to those of Yokuts harmony, especially as there
seems to have been some borrowing of words between the two
languages, indicating the possibility that they may at some time
have been in closer contact. Maidu, however, appears to re-
semble Yuki and Pomo in that its words possess a transparent
though sometimes elaborate structure. Wintun is too little known
to allow anything definite to be said about it in this regard, but
it seems that its structure, like that of Esselen and Costanoan, is
simple, or if complex, clear, and that vocalic mutation is not de-r
veloped. In its grammatical cases Yokuts resembles the other
families of the Central group except in that it possesses only one
local case that is specific, the ablative, whereas in the other lan-
guages a large niunber of specialized locative cases are usually
found. A considerable diversity exists among the languages of
the Central Californian group in regard to the expression respec-
tively by characterizing aflSxes, or by descriptive phrases, of ideas
* Pp. 49, 69 of this volume.

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Vol, 2] Kroeber,—The Yokuis Language. 377

of shape, motion, direction, or instrument. The former method
is found in a number of languages outside of California. Within
the state it is known to occur in Washo, Maidu, and Pomo ; and,
on account of its intermediate geographical relation, it is not
unreasonable to look for this feature also in Wintun. On the
other hand some languages of the Central group do not show
such afiSxes. This is certain of Yokuts and Yuki, and probable
of others. The extent of the development of the plural in Yokuts
is very similar to that occurring in certain other families in the
Central Califomian group, such as Yuki. Some families, such as
Pomo, show practically no plural, and others, like Miwok, a con-
siderably more extensive one than Yokuts. The importance of
reduplication is also about the same in Yokuts and in the other
families of its tj'pe. The same may be said of such features as
the absence of articles and the frequency but grammatical in-
definiteness and unimportance of demonstratives. The resem-
blances between distinct families belonging to one morphological
type can of course be only general. With this in view, it is clear
that Yokuts forms part of the Central Califomian group of lan-
guages, its most marked peculiarity within this group being its
correlated features of vocalic harmony, polysyllabic stems, and
lack of structural composition.

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INDEX.

Ablative case in Yokuts, 201, 202,

226.
Accent in Yokuts, 182, 255.
Acculturation in California, 82.
Achastlian, 74.
Achomawi, 113, 121, 133, 142, 145,

152, 154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 316;

baskets, 147, 148.
Aoipenser medirostris, 8.
Acorns, 82, 86.
Adiantum, 108, 143.
Adjective, 38, 60, 229, 230, 244,

323.
Adverbs in Yokuts, 232, 245.
Africans, 90.
Agentive in Yokuts, 218, 285, 290,

346.
Agriculture in California, 102; in

Southern California, 100.
Aiticha dialect of Yokuts, 312, 319.
Alaska, 86.

Alder, 144, 147; dyeing, 108.
Alphabet, 30, 106.
American Anthropologist, 30, 49.
American Ethnological Society,

Transactions of l£e, 50.
American Indians, 84.
American Museum of Natural His-
tory, 145.
Analogy in Yokuts pronouns, 221,

295.
Analysis of texts in Yokuts, 256,

262.
Ancestor myths, 94.
Ancestors, 87.
Andamanese, 90.
Animal design names, 153, 154t
Animals, in Indian mythology, 91;

names of, in Yokuts, 239, 241.
Animate in Yokuts, 230.
AntUocapra, 21.

Antroeous paUidus paoificus, 17.
Apiachi dialect of Yokuts, 311.
Apladontia major n. subsp., 17.
Appositional structure lacking in

Yokuts, 183.
Appositions to the holophrastic

verb, 33.
Apzank6ikoi design, 131, 137, 141.
Arapaho, 71, 94, 255.
Arctamys sp., 17.
Arctotheriumf 11, 12, 21.
Arctotherium simum, 11, 17.
Arizona, 100.

Arnold, Balph, 19.

Arrowpoint design, 144, 158, 159,
160, 162.

Article, 36, 40, 76.

Article in languages of California,
377.

Artistic poverty of Pomo basketry,
153.

Arts in California, 83, 86, 102.

Arvicola sp. div., 21.

Aspirates in Yokuts, 179.

Athabascan family, 105 ; tribes, 85.

Athabascans, 85, 100, 149; of Eel
river, 114, 144.

Australians, 90.

Baby baskets, 106, 108.

Babylonia, 91.

Baird, 3; formation, 22; shales, 22.

Bakersfield, 279.

Barrett, S. A., 161.

Ba88ar%8cu8 raptor, 17.

Basket, designs found once, 141;
materials, 108, 149, 152.

Basketry, 83, 87; caps, 106, 116,
148, 160; hats, 146, 147; in Cal-
ifornia, 102; of northwtetem
California, 106; plates, 106.

Bautista, mission San Juan, 69;
dialect, 71, 73, 74, 75, 77.

Beads, 88; design, 158; on baskets,
151.

Bear, 2.

Bear-foot design, 144, 156.

Bear Mountain, 23.

Beginning-to-grow design, 142.

Bella Coola pantheon, 92.

Benef active in Yokuts, 205, 285.

Bent-elbow design, 156.

Bent-knee design, 156.

Big-tongue design, 157.

Bird bones, 18.

Birds, 18.

Bird's-breast design, 144, 156.

Birth, 85.

Bison antiqumy 20.

Bisor^ sp., 18.

Black-dyed warp stems, 126.

Black dyeing, 109, 114.

Blackf eet, 87, 94.

Black-oak design, 157.

Blind spiders, 2.

Block pattern arrangement, 146,
148, 149, 151.

Blood-clot-,boy, 94.

[379]

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Index.

Body demgn names, 153, 154.

Bokiiinuwad dialect of Tokots, 312.

Box design, 126, 141, 158.

Boxes, 87.

Braiding, three-strand, 110.

Break in basket designs, 116.

Bnison, W. C, 3.

Buena Bista and Kern Lakes, 310.

Buena Vista Lake group of Tokuts
dialects, 312, 313, 326, 329, 331,
350.

BuU's Head Point, 20.

Bureau of American Ethnology, 29,
49, 50.

Burial, 87; in Santa Barbara re-
gion, 99.

Buried galleries, 8.

Burning, 84.

Bush design, 157, 160.

Butterfly design, 157.

Caballeria, 31.

California Academy of Sciences,
105, 163, 172.

California, Ethnological and Arch-
aeological Survey of, 29, 81, 172 ;
morphological grouping of lin-
guistic families of, 30 ; Southern,
316, 329; University of, 81.

California Farmer, 50.

California Indians, 161.

Callospermophilus chrysodeirtts, 17.

Camelid, 18, 20.

Camelops kansawaay 21.

Camelops sp. max., 21.

Camelops vitakerianus, 21.

Camels, 21.

Canis cf. occidentaHSf 21.

Cants indianensiSf 17.

Canis latrans, 21.

Canoes, 86; in Santa Barbara re-
gion, 99.

Canoe-shaped basket, 151.

Capture, 88.

Carmelo, 50.

Carrying baskets, 106, 115, 151.

Carving, 83, 87.

Carvings of cetaceans in Santa
Barbara region, 99.

Cases, 38, 61, 74; in Yokuts, 193,
226, 277; in the plural in Yo-
kuts, 203.

Case suffixes, 281; in Yokuts, 211,
236, 277, 282, 293.

Castor, 21.

Cantor sp., 21.

Castor odes, 21.

Castoroides sp. 21.

Catalogue numbers of baskets illus-
trated, 163, 164.

Categories of grammatical form
expressed in Yokuts, 188.

Causative in Yokuts, 205, 285.

Cave fauna, 16.

Central California, 88, 89, 101, 103.

Central group of linguistic families
of CaUfomia, 317, 375, 376.

Ceremonies, 88, 89; in California,
84.

Ceremonial tendency of myths, 90.

Chalola, 363.

Charcoal, 10, 15.

Chauchila dialect of Yokuts, 289,
311, 325, 333, 338, 358, 359, 360.

Chemehuevi, 150.

Cherokee, 94.

Chiefs in California, 84.

Chimariko, 85, 145.

Chinuk myth, 255.

Chiton design, 127, 141, 157.

Choinimni dialect of Yokuts, 312,
332, 341, 352.

Choinok dialect of Yokuts, 311,
319, 332, 333, 341, 363.

Cholovone, 169; dialect of Yokuts,
311 [see Chulamni].

ChowchiUa river, 169, 311.

Chukaimina dialect of Yokuts, 312,
350.

Chukchansi, 155; dialect of Yo-
kuts, 311, 325, 332, 360; vocabu-
lary, 357.

Chulamni dialect of Yokuts, 311,
325, 360 [see also Cholovone].

Chumash, 45, 46, 59, 61, 71, 80, 100,
102, 150, 309, 323, 329, 330, 335,
336, 375; adjective^ 38; article,
36, 40; cases 38; collective 36;
combinations of consonants, 32;
consonants, 32 ; continuative, 37 ;
demonstratives, 39, 40; distribu-
tive, 36; duplication, 36; inde-
pendent pronouns, 39; instru-
mental relations, 38; iterative,
37; Kasua dialect of, 31; lin-
guistic family, 31; local eases,
38; noun-agent, 38; numerals,
40; numeral system quinary, 40;
objective pronouns, 33; objec-
tive suffix, 39; phonetics, 31;
plural, 36; possessive prefix, 39;
possessive pronoun, 38; pronoun,
39; pronominal elements, 33;
pronominal prefixes, 33; subjec-
tive prefix, 39; radicals, 41; re-
duplication of nouns with pos-
sessive prefix, 37; polysyllabic
words, 42; terms of relationship,
42; verb, 33; vowels, 31.

[380]

Digitized by

Google

Index,

Chumashan, 30.

Chumeto language, 69, 71, 74, 75,
77.

Chunut dialect of Yokuts, 311, 319,
362.

Clan origin legends, 93.

Clans, 87.

Classification of California baskets
as to pattern arrangement, 152.

Coast Range, 152, 169, 310, 329.

CoUed baskets, 87, 144, 149, 159;
coiled weaves, 109; coiled weav-
ing, distribution of^ 145.

Collective, 36; in Yokuts, 193, 282.

Collectivity in Yokuts, 230.

Color in basketry patterns, 109.

Colorado river tribes, 100.

Columbia river, 86.

(/ombinations of consonants, 32, 58,
70; in Yokuts, 181.

Come-together design, 158.

Comitative, 61.

Comparison of basket designs in
Northern California, 145.

Composition, 65, 77; in Yokuts,
234, 278, 298, 339, 376, 377.

Concepcion, Point, 85, 99.

Conditional sentences in Yokuts,
293.

Conical baskets, 106.

Conjunctions in Yokuts, 232.

Consonants, 32, 57, 70; of Yokuts,
179.

Continuative, 37, 216, 246, 285, 286,
290.

Conventional names, 161.

Ck^nventionality of basket design
names, 161.

Cooking baskets, 106, 111, 146, 147.

Cope, E. D., 2.

Correspondences of Yokuts dia-
lects, summary of, 346.

Costanoan, 30, 49, 60, 66, 69, 316,
323, 336, 375, 376; article, 76;
cases, 74; combinations of con-
sonants, 70; composition, 77;
consonants, 70 ; demonstrative,
75, 76; disyllabic words, 78; In-
dians, 97; linguistic family, 69;
local cases, 75; monosyllabic
words, 77, 78; noun, 74; numer-
als, 76; numeral system quinary,
76; order of words, 77; phonet-
ics, 69; plural, 74; prepositions,
75; pronoun, 70, 71; radicals,
77; reduplication, 77; tenses,
72; text, 79; verb, 72, 74; ver-
bal roots, 78; vowels, 69.

Coville, F. v., 108.

Coyote, 97, 101.

Crab or crayfish design, 126, 141,
157.

Creation myths, 89, 93; in Califor-
nia, 98, 102.

Creator in American mythology,
91 ; in Central California, 97.

Creek, 94.

Cremation, 87; in Southern Cali-
fornia, 100.

Crimes, 88.

Crooked design, 124, 125, 130, 138,
158.

Crook-stick design, 158.

Crossed design, 127, 158.

Crossing of the warp. 111.

Crossways design, 158.

Crotalus, 11, 19.

Crotalus sp., 18.

Crow-foot design, 131, 139, 141,
142, 154, 156.

Cry, 84.

Cultural similarity, lack of between
northwestern and northeastern
California, 152.

Culture hero, 91, 93, 97; in cen-
tral California, 97; in northwest-
ern California, 95.

Curtin, 96.

Cut-wood design, 131, 138, 139, 141,
158.

Dakota, 71.

Dalinchi dialect of Yokuts, 311,
325, 360.

Dance-basket, 107.

Dance of the dead, 84.

Dances, 88; in California, 84.

Dead, burned in Southern Califor-
nia, 100; taboo of names of, 170,
318 ; Tachi formula for, 375.

Death, 85; origin of, 97.

Debt, 88.

Decorative basket designs, 162.

Deer, 21; designs, 159; excrement
design, 133, 140, 141, 156, 159;
foot design, 156 ; gut design, 156,
159, 160; rib design, 156, 159;
skins, 88.

Deer-skin dance, 85.

de la Cuesta, Arroyo, 50, 57, 59, 69,
74.

Delaware, 94.

Del Norte County, 105.

Demonstratives, 39, 40, 44, 48, 59,
75, 76; in languages of Califor-
nia, 377; in Yokuts, 225, 296,
337, 346.

Dentalia, 88.

[381]

Digitized by

Gqogle

Index,

Derivation, 63, 66; in Yokuts, 278,
298, 235, 339, 376.

Derivational suffixes in Tokuts,
235.

Derivatives in Yokuts verb, 204.

Descriptive design names, 153.

Desiderative in Yokuts, 205, 285.

Design element names, 154.

Development of ari» in Santa Bar-
bara region, 99.

Diagonal or spiral pattern arrange-
ment, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151.

Dialectic divisions of Yokuts, 309.

Dialectic groups, relations of, of
Yokuts, 313.

Dialects of Yokuts, 308; composi-
tion in, 339; demonstrative pro-
nouns in, 337 ; derivation in, 339;
imperative in, 338; lexical rela-
tions of, 316; numerals in, 340;
phonetic relations of, * 328; pro-
nouns in, 334; reduplication in,
343; texts in various, 363.

Dieguenos, 100.

Diller, J. 8., 3, 23, 26.

Diminutive in Yokuts, 229.

Diphthongs in Yokuts, 179.

Dipper for acorn mush, 107.

Distributive^ 36; in Yokuts, 231,
298.

Disyllabic words, 78.

Diving of animals, 90.

Dixon, B. B., 30, 143, 146, 148, 149,
153, 155, 161, 316, 375.

Doak, D. P., 3.

Dorsey, J. O., 87.

Dove design, 127, 141, 156.

Dry creek, 170, 325; dialect of Yo-
kuts, 312.

Dual in Yokuts, 189, 221, 222, 226,
227, 277.

Duck-wing design, 156.

Dunma dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325,
332, 333, 341, 353, 360; vocabu-
laiy, 356.

Duplication, 36; in Yokuts, 185,
344.

Dutematho design, 142.

Dyed woof materials, 111.

Dynamic design names, 153, 154.

Eagle as creator in Central Cali-
fornia, 97.

Earthworm design, 157.

Eel river, 85, 149.

Eclipse of the sun, Tachi formula
for, 374.

Egypt, 91.

Elbow design, 126, 141, 156.

Elements ot designs, 154, 155.

Elephas, 19, 21.

Elephas primigetUiu, 18, 20, 22.

Elephas pritnigenim columbi, 21.

Elk design, 124, 131, 138, 139, 140,
141, 156> 159.

Emeryville shell mound, 13; bone
implements from, op. p. 12.

Encircles design, 158.

Enclitics in Yokuts, 182.

Environment, favorable in Califor-
nia, 81.

Epiphragmophora mormonum, 19.

Equivalent design names, table of,
among Yurok, ELarok, and Hupa,
141.

Eqwus, 21; n. sp., 21; oceidenialU,
18, 20; paeificm, 18, 20, 21, 22;
sp., 20.

Eacluxtius conidens, 21.

Eskimo, 71, 81, 85, 93, 95; myths,
93.

Esselen, 71, 375, 376; adjective,
60; cases, 61; demonstratives,
59; derivation, 63, 66; combina-
tions of consonants, 58; compo-
sition, 65; consonants, 57; inde-
pendent pronoun, 60; linguistic
family, 49; noun, 60; numerals,
50, 61; numeral system quinary,
62; phonetics, 57; plural, 61;
prefixes, 59; pronouns, 58; redu-
plication, 61; suffixes, 63; verb,
59, 60; vocabularies, 49; vocab-
ulary, 66; vocabulaiy, general
combined, 51; vowels, 57.

Esselenian, 30.

Eticeraiherium, 15, 21; ooIltnuiH,
12, 18; collinwn n. gen. and sp.,
18.

Euphonic vowels, 32.

Eutamias aenex, 17.

Evemia vulpina, 109.

Exogamy, 87.

Extinct dialects of Yokuts, 308.

Extraneous races in California, 82.

Eye design, 133, 156.

Eye-like design, 141.

False embroidery. 111.

Fauna, 20.

Fauna of Silver Lake, 20.

Feathered baskets, 151, 159.

Feather dance costume, 85.

Felts near hippolestea, 17.

Feli8 n. sp., 17; sp. indet., 20.

Fern design, 157, 160.

Fetishism, 84; in California, 102.

Fiber, 21 ; eibethicm, 21.

Final sounds in Yokuts, 180.

Fir-branch design, 158.

[382]

Digitized by

Google

Index,

Fish-tail design, 157, 160.
Fish-teeth design, 157.
Flint design, 117, 124, 125, 130,
131, 136, 139, 141, 142, 158, 159,
160.
Flint-like design, 130, 141, 158.
Flood, 90.

Flower design, 157, 160.
Fly design, 157.
Fljing geese design, 126, 141, 143,

156, 160.
Foot design, 121, 130, 139, 141, 156.
Foot-hill division of Tokuts dia-
lects, 170, 309, 3*10, 311, 324, 388.
Formulas, 88, 89.
Fossils,

Acipenser medirostriSf 18.

AntUocapra, 21.

Antrosous pallidas pacificus,
17.

Aplodantia major n. subsp., 17.

Arotomys sp., 17.

Arctotherium, 11, 12, 21.

Afctothervam aimum, 11, 17.

Arvicola sp. div., 21.

Bassariscus raptor, 17.

Bear, 2.

Birds, 18.

Bison antiquus, 20.

Bison sp., 18.

Callospermophilus chrysodeirus,
17.

Camelid, 18, 20.

Camels, 21.

Camelops Icansanus, 21.

Camelops sp. max., 21.

Camelops vitakerianus, 21.

Cants cf . occidentalis, 21.

Cants indianensis,

Canis latrans, 21.

Castor, 21.

Castor sp., 21.

Castoroides, 21.

Castoroides sp., 21.

Crotalus, 11, 19.

Crotalus sp., 18.

Deer, 21.

Elephas, 19, 21.

Elephas primigenius, 18, 20, 22.

Elephas primigenius columhi,
21.

Epiphragmophora mormonum,
19.

Equus, 21.

EqwM n. sp., 21.

Equus ocddentdlis, 18, 20.

Equus pacificus, IS, 20, 21, 22.

Equus sp., 20.

Eschatius conidens, 21.

Euceratherium, 15, 21.
Euceratherium collinum, 12,

18.
Euceratherium collinum n. gen.

and sp., 18.
Eutamias senex, 17.
Felis near hippolestes, 17.
Felis n. sp., 17.
Felis sp. indet., 20.
Fiber, 21.

Fiber eibethious, 21.
Qeomys, 21.
Geomys sp., 21.
Haplocerus, 19, 24.
Haplocerus montanus, 18.
Large carnivore genus and sp.

indet, 20.
Lepus, 19.

Lepus caXifomicus, 17.
Lepus klamathensis, 17.
Lepus near audoboni, 17.
Lepus sp., 17, 21.
Lwtra, 21.

Lutra canadensis, 21.
I^Vfu; fasdatus, 17, 19.
Lj^fur fasdatus n. subsp., 17.
Ifarparitana, 15.
Margaritana falcata, 19.
Mastodon americanus, 18, 20.
Megalonyx, 19, 21.
Megalonyx jefersonU, 18.
Megdtonyx n. sp., 18.
Megalonyx sp., 18.
Megalonyx wheatleyi, 18.
Jfep^ttM oc<nd«ntaZt«, 17.
JficrotiM califomicus, 17.
MorotTi^rwm gigas, 20.
Mylodon, 19, 22.
Mylodon soddtis, 21.
Mylopharodon conocephalus,

18.
Myriapod, 17.
Ms^tiZiM edati«, 19.
Neotoma fuscipes, 17.
Odocoileus, 19.
Odocoi{eiM sp. a., 18.
Odocoileus sp. b., 18.
Ostrea conchapUa, 19.
Ostrea lurida, 19.
Platygonus, cf. vettw, 21.
Platygonus sp., 18.
Platj^^oniM sp. minor, 21.
Pt^c^c^tfiZiw grandis, 18.
Pwtornw ari£ron&n«t«, 17.
Scapanus califomicus, 17.
/fifctttroptertM /;2amat/i«n»i«, 17.

*t«, 17.
/9permopftiZiw doi«^l(Mi, 17.

[383]

Digitized by

Google

Index.

SpUogale n. 8p., 17.

Tagelus calif omuma, 19.

Taxidea n. sp., 17.

Teonoffia n. sp., 17.

Thamomys leucodon, 17.

Thomamys montiooia, 17.

Thomamys n. sp., 17.

Thamomys ap., 21.

Tortoise, 19.

Urocyon townsendi, 17.

I7r«t«, 11, 21.

Ursus n. sp., 17.

Ursus sp. indet.y 20.

Vulpes cascadensiSf 17.

Vulpes cf. pcniwyivaniciw, 21.
Frequentative in Yokuts, 205, 285.
Fresno river, 169, 309, 311.
Frog, 101; foot design, 139, 154;
hand design, 137, 138, 141, 157.
Furlong, E. L., 2, 27.
Future in Yokuts, 215, 223, 285,

290, 346.
Gabrielinos, 100.
Galiano, 49, 50, 59.
Gaahowu cUalect of Yokuts, 312,

319, 325, 332, 333, 341, 352.
Gatschet, 31, 69.
Gavovabati design, 142.
Gawia dialect of Yokuts, 312.
General character of the vocabu-
lary in Yokuts, 238.
Genera] cultural qualities of Cali-
fornia Indians, 103.
Gentile names, 87; organisation,
83; organization in California,
102.
Geometrical design names, 153.
Geomys, 21.
Geomys sp., 21.
GidacedariL design, 142.
Gitanemuk, 299.
Goddard, P. E., 108, 116, 133, 137,

140.
Gods in American mythology, 91.
Grammatical expression in Yokuts,

means of, 376.
Grammatical relations of Yokuts

dialects, 333.
Grammatical structure in Yokuts,

means of, 280.
Grasshopper-leg design, 157.
Gray-squirrel-foot design, 156.
Great Basin, 101.
Greece, 91.

Grizzly-bear-hand design, 138, 156.
Grown-up design, 142, 158.
Guardian spirit, 89, 93.
Haida, 87, 162.

Hale, 47.

Haplocertis, 19, 24; H. montanus,
18.

Hay Springs, Nebraska, 20, 21.

Hazel, 108, 109, 142, 144.

Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., 2, 29, 81,
172.

Helper, supernatural, 89.

Henshaw, H. W., 50, 57, 59.

Hershey, O. H., 25, 26.

Heuchi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325,
360.

Hidatsa, 94.

Hide-wrench-out design, 158.

Holmes, W. H., 29.

Horizontal pattern arrangement,
146, 148, 149, 150, 151.

Hornet design, 157.

Horse Mountain, 22, 24.

House design, 158.

Houses, 83, 86; in Santa Barbara
region, 99.

Hoyima dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325,
359, 360.

Humboldt bay, 85, 155 ; county, 85,
105.

Hunt, 89.

Hupa, 85, 88, 95, 105, 106, 124, 144,
145, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156,
159, 160; baskets, 107, 109; bas-
ketry, 116, 136, 139; basket de-
signs, 133; basket making, 133.

Hyphens in transcription of Yo-
kuts, 255.

Idiomas Califomios, 50.

Ikurukur design, 141.

Ikxareya, 95.

Imperative in Yokuts, 246, 288, 290,
338.

Imperative particles in Yokuts, 227.

Implements, 12.

Impure vowels, 32; in linguistic
families of California, 329; in
Yokuts, 173, 277, 279, 312; in
Shoshonean, 329.

Incorporated pronominal elements,
59.

Incorporation, 71; in Yokuts, 183,
204, 224, 227, 255.

Independent pronoun, 39, 60.

India, 91.

Indo-European, 70, 317.

Initial sounds in Yokuts, 180.

Initiation, 88.

Initiation rites in California, 102.

Inlaid work in Santa Barbara re-
gion, 99.

In-middle design, 158.

[384]

Digitized by

Google

Index.

Instrumental, 61, 75; prefixes lack-
ing in Tokuts, 183; case in Yo-
kuts, 194, 201, 202, 203, 223, 226,
284, 293; prefixes in languages
of California, 377; relations, 38.

Interjections in Tokuts, 232.

Interrogative in Yokuts, 221, 228,
294.

Interrogative particle in Yokuts,
228.

Intransitive in Yokuts, 206, 236,
285.

loi and Bluejay, Yokuts text, 275.

Iroquois, 87.

Iterative, 37.

John Day region, 20.

Johns Creek, 22.

Jolon, 44.

Jordan, David Starr, 2.

Karok, 85, 95, 105, 106, 124, 144,
145, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159,
160; baskets, 109; basket de-
signs, 130; basketry, 113, 114,
116; names of baskets, 130.

Kasua dialect of Chumash, 31.

Kawaiisu, 329.

Kaweah river, 170, 311, 328.

Kechayi dialect of Yokuts, 311,
325, 353, 360.

Kennett, 23.

Kern river, 169, 279, 310, 311.

Kern river group of Shoshonean
family, 328, 329, 330, 335, 336.

Khometwoli dialect of Yokuts, 350.

E^hometwoli group of Yokuts dia-
lects, 313.

Kinesni design, 138, 141, 145.

Kings river, 170, 311, 325; group
of Yokuts dialects, 311, 312, 324,
325, 326, 331.

Kinilyu design, 138, 141.

Kixtakpis design, 131.

Kixunai, 95.

Klamath Indians, 148.

Klamath Lake Indians, 95, 113,
146.

Klamath river, 85, 105.

Kleinschmidt, 71.

Kmukamtch, 95.

Kocheyali dialect of Yokuts, 312.

Kofoid, C. A., 2, 16.

Koyeti dialect of Yokuts, 311.

Kumachisi dialect of Yokuts, 313.

Kutsisivac design, 141.

Kwakiutl, 87.

Ladder design, 121, 124, 130, 131,
138, 139, 140, 141, 158.

Laget design, 142.

Lamanon, 50, 74.

Languages of California, 102.

Languages of the Coast of Califor-
nia, map of, opp. p. 29.

Languages of the Coast of Califor-
nia South of San Francisco, 29;
cited, 375.

Large carnivore genus and sp. in-
det., 20.

Large sharp-teeth design, 127.

Lattice twining, 111.

Lawson, A. C, 20, 26.

Leaves design, 157.

Leaves strung along design, 143.

Legends, local, 87.

LenaLdauw design, 137.

LenoikyuuLon design, 138, 141.

LenouLon design, 138, 141.

LepuSf 19; califomumSf 17; Jclama-
thensis, 17; near attdoboni, 17;
sp., 17, 21.

Lexical similarities of Chumash
and Salinan, 48.

Library of American Linguistics,
43.

Linguistic diversity in California,
82.

Linguistic family, 31, 43, 49, 69.

Linguistic families of California,
102.

Lizard-foot design, 144, 154, 157.

Local cases, 38, 48, 75.

Locative case in Yokuts, 194, 201,
202, 203, 221, 223, 226, 232, 236,
284, 293.

Loew, 31.

Long design, 158.

Long mark design, 136, 160.

Long worm design, 131, 139, 141,
157.

Long woven design, 141.

Lord's Prayer, 31, 46, 49.

Los Angeles county, 99.

Luisenos, 100.

Lutra, 21 ; canadensis, 21.

Lutuami, 113, 148, 152, 375.

Lydekker, R., 16.

LyTix fasdatus, 17, 19; n. subsp.,
17.

Madera county, 155.

Maggot design, 126, 141, 157.

Maidenhair fern, 108, 109, 144, 147.

Maidu, 97, 121, 145, 149, 150, 153,
154, 155, 156, 159, 160, 316, 317,
329, 375, 376, 377 ; type of pat-
tern arrangement, 152.

Maori, 89.

Marble Creek, 23.

Margaritana, 15; falcata, 19.

Mariposa county, 69, 171.

[385]

Digitized by

Google

Index.

Maripoean, 169^ 171.

Marriage, 88.

Maaon, O. T., 108, 115.

Mtuiodon amerteamu, 18, 20.

Matthew, W. D., 20, 21.

Maya, 71.

McCloud Indians, 115; limestone,
3, 22; river, 3, 112, 145; 240-
foot terrace, 24, 25; 150-160 foot
terrace, 24; 90-foot terrace, 25.

Meadowlark neck design, 144, 156.

Meal sifter, 107.

Means of expression of grammati-
cal stractnre in Yokuts, 184.

Medial sounds in Toknts, 180.

MegaUmyx, 19, 21; jeffersorUi, 18;
n. sp., 18; sp., 18; wheatleyif 18.

Mendocino, Cape, 85, 99; countv,
86.

Mephitis occidentalis, 17.

Merced river, 69.

Mercenary temper, 88.

Mercer's cave, Calaveras county,
19.

Merriam, C. Hart, 2.

Merriam, J. C, 2, 20, 142.

Mesh-stick design, 126, 130, 141,
158; on wooden paddies, 126.

Metathesis bf vowels in Yokut?,
178.

Method of counting, vigesimal, 40;
quinary, 40.

Mexicans, 92.

Michahai dialect of Yokuts, 312,
341, 350.

Microtus cdlifornicus, 17.

Migration traditions, 94; in South-
em California, 101.

Mikinilyultcwe design, 138.

Mikiti, Yokuts text, 266.

Millipede design, 157.

Mission Indians, 150.

Mississippi Valley Indians, 85, 161.

Miwok, 149, 310, 329, 336, 375, 377.

Mode in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285.

Modem design, 127.

Modoc, 113, 143, 146, 148.

Mofras, Duflot de, 31, 46, 50.

Mohave, 101, 161; mythology, 100.

Mono, 329, 330.

Monosyllabic stems in Yokuts^ 238,
278; in languages of California,
376.

Monosyllabic words, 41, 77, 78.

Monsters, 93.

Monterey, 50.

Moquelumnan, 69, 150, 375; bas-
kets, 149; northwestern, 151.

Morotherium gigas, 20.

Morphological group consisting of
Chuma^ and Salinan languages,
49.

Morphological groups of linguistic
families of California, 316, 375.

Mortar baskets, 106, 111, 115.

Moth design, 157, 160.

Mountain design, 158.

Mountains and clouds design, 158.

Mourning ceremony, 88; in Cali-
fornia, 84, 102 ; in Southern Cali-
fornia, 100.

Multiple warp basketry, 110.

Murray, E. T., 50.

Mussel-tongue design, 157.

Mutsun, 69; grammar and phrase
book, 50.

Mylodon, 19, 22; sodalia, 21.

Mylopharodon conocephalus, 18.

Myriapod, 17.

Mysticism, 89.

Mythological specialization charac-
teristic of American Indians, 98.

Mythologies of California, 89; gen-
eralized, 98.

Mythology an attempt at science,
90.

Myths, 89.

Mytilus ediUia, 19.

Nahuatl, 71.

Naikyexoloxats design^ 138, 141.

NaLgos design, 145.

Names attached to different de-
signs among different groups,
161.

Names in California, 85.

Native Languages of California,
30; cited, 375.

Navaho sand-painting, 162.

Navel-string design, 144, 156.

Negative in Yokuts, 221, 294.

Negative particle in Yokuts dia-
lects, 339, 346.

Neoioma fu8cip€s, 17.

New Mexico, 100.

NiLkfitdasaan design, 139.

NobiUty, 84.

Nobles, 87.

Northeastern California, 112.

Northeastern or Achomawi type of
pattern arrangement, 152.

Northern group of Yokuts dialects,
310, 311, 312, 325, 326, 331.

North Pacific Coast, 92, 105, 161.

North Pacific Coast Indians, 85, 86,
87, 88.

[386]

Digitized by

Google

Index.

Northwestern CaHf ornia, 86, 87, 88,
102, 105; culture area, 85; tribes,
101; type of pattern arrange-
ment, 152.

Norway, 91.

Notched feather design, 158, 160.

Noun, 45, 60, 74; in Tokuts, 189,
282, 323.

Noun-agent, 38; in Tokuts, 287.

Number in Yokuts verb, 204.

Number of design names among
tribes, 140.

Number suffixes, 281.

Numerals, 40, 47, 61, 76; in Yo-
kuts, 230, 297, 323, 339; cardi-
nal adverbs in Yokuts, 231 ; ordi-
nal adverbs in Yokuts, 231.

Numeral system, 49, 62, 76; deci-
mal, 40.

Nutunutu dialect of Yokuts, 311,
319, 360.

Object design names, 154.

Objective case in Yokuts, 194, 196,
203, 221, 226, 230, 283.

Objective pronouns, 33.

Objective suffix, 39.

Objects, names of, in Yokuts, 239,
243, 323.

Obsidian implements, 88.

OdocoileWf 19; sp. a, 18; sp. b, 18.

Okrekruyaa design, 124, 141.

Onomatopoetic words in Yokuts,
234.

On top of design, 158.

On top of each other design, 136,
139, 141, 154, 158.

Openwork, 111, 114; baskets, 106,
109; trays, 126, 145; plate, 107.

Optative in Yokuts, 289.

Oregon, 87, 316; Indians, 85, 86.

Order of words, 77; in Yokuts, 233.

Origin myths, 88.

Origin of death, 97; of the earth,
90.

Ornamentation, 87.

Ornament in California, 83.

Ostrea conchaphila, 19.

Ostrea lurida, 19.

Oval basket, 151.

Overlaying, 108, 142; in basketry,
111, 112, 113.

Ovibos, 18.

Owl-daw design, 156.

Paddles, 83, 87.

Palatal consonants in Yokuts, 180.

Palatal L, 32.

Paleuyami, 170; dialect of Yokuts,
313, 318, 329, 335, 341, 347.

Participle in Yokuts, 215, 218, 220.

Particle in Yokuts, 245, 277, 294.

Parts of the body, 41; in Yokuts,
238, 241, 323.

Passive in Yokuts, 218, 219, 288,
290, 292; future, 288.

Past tenses in Yokuts, 217, 246,
286, 290, 346.

Patch design, 145, 158.

Pattern designs, 155; names, 154.

Patterns, 154; composite, 154.

Payments, 88.

Perouse, de la, 49, 50, 57, 59, 74.

Person in Yokuts, 204.

Personal pronouns in Yokilts, 221.

Persons, names of, in Yokuts, 240,
323.

Peter Christman, 363.

Philosophical tendency in mjrths,
90.

Phonetic changes in Yokuts, 328;
character, 48; immutability in
languages of California, 376;
system of Yokuts, 173, 183, 277.

Phonetics, 31, 57, 69; of Yokuts,
279.

Pictography among California In-
dians, 161.

Picture writing in California, 83;
in California basketry, 162.

Piman, 49.

Pine-cone design, 154, 157.

Pinole, 20.

Pinus ponderosa, 142.

Pipes, 83, 87.

Pitanisha, Fight with the, Yokuts
text, 274.

Pitkachi dialect of Yokuts, 311,
325, 360.

Pit river baskets, 148; Indians, 85,
113, 142, 144, 147.

Plains Indians, 94, 98; shield, 162.

Planks, 86.

Plant, design, 157; design names,
153, 154; food, 82.

Plants, names of, in Yokuts, 243.

Platygonus, cf. vetw, 21; sp., 18;
sp. minor, 21.

Plural, 36, 44, 48, 61, 74; in lan-
guages of California, 377; in
verbs, 49; in Yokuts, 189, 199,
201, 221, 222, 226, 227, 277, 282;
stem changes in Yokuts, 190.

Pocket deposits, 9.

Poetical sentiments in basket de-
signs, 161.

Point Concepcion, 85, 99.

Points-sticking-up design, 141, 158.

Poison oak, 142.

Polecat design, 126.

[387]

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Index,

Pol^rnesians, 90, 91.

Poljsyllabic stems in Yokats, 376,
377; words, 42.

Polytheism, 91.

Porno, 84, 86, 106, 144, 145, 146,
149, 150, 151, 161, 316, 323, 375,
376, 377; basketiy, 116; baskets,
115; Domber of weaves practiced
bj, 150 ; type of pattern arrange-
ment, 152 ; variety of pattern ar-
rangement, 151.

Porcupine quills, 109.

Poso creek, 170, 329 ; group of Yo-
kuts dialects, 312, 313, 326, 331.

Possessive case, 45 ; in Yokuts, 194,
201, 202, 203, 221, 224, 226, 284,
293; prefix, 39, 45, 59; pronoun,
38 48

Potlatch, 81, 88.

Potter creek, 3, 22.

Potter Creek Cave, 1.

Pottery, 161; in California, 83,
102; in Southern California, 100.

Powers, Stephen, 81, 170.

Prairie-falcon Fights, Yokuts text,
263.

Prairie-falcon Loses, Yokuts text,
264.

Prairie-falcon's Wife, Yokuts text,
259.

Prayers and formulas, Yokuts, 374.

Prayers in basket designs, 162.

Prayer, Yokuts, 372.

Prefixes, lacking in Yokuts, 183 ; of
terms of relationship, 37.

Prepositions, 45, 49, 75; in Yokuts,
232.

Preseut tense in Yokuts, 217, 285,
290.

Previous race, 95.

Priest, 89.

Procellio scaber, 16,

Pronominal, affixes, 70; elements,
33, 48; close fusion of elements
with the noun, 48 ; prefixes, 33.

Pronoun, 39, 44, 58, 70, 71 ; in Yo-
kuts, 221, 277, 294, 346; combi-
nations of in Yokuts, 224, 277;
demonstrative in Yokuts, 225,
296; interrogative in Yokuts,
228, 296; personal in Yokuts,
221, 294, 334; possessive in Yo-
kuts, 221, 224, 227, 295; relative
in Yokuts, 227; indefinite in Yo-
kuts, 228, 296.

Pronouns of American languages
containing n, m, and k, 3&.

Property, 84; marks in basketry,
116; rights in California, 84.

Prosaic character of CaUf omia
myths, 97.

PtychocheUus grandis, 18.

Pueblo, 87, 100; altar, 162; myths,
94.

Pueblos, 81.

Pulled around design, 158.

Purchase, 88.

Purdy, 110.

Purses of elkhom, 87.

Putnam, P. W., 2.

Put on top design, 142.

Putoriui arieanenais, 17.

Quail, crest design, 144, 156; de-
sign, 156; plume design, 159; tip
design, 160.

Babbit excrement design, 141, 156.

Raccoon design, 156.

Radical diversity of Yokuts dia-
lects, 170, 316, 319.

Radicals, 41, 77.

Raft design, 144, 158.

Rainbow design, 158.

Rattlesnake, 159; head design, 143,
156; markings design, 1^; noM
design, 137, 141, 156; noses on
top of each other design, 137.

Raven, 93.

Realism in art of California In-
dians, 102, 161.

Realistic representation, 87.

Red Bluff, 26; terrace, 25, 26.

Red-snake, design, 127, 141, 157;
markings design, 157.

Reduplication, 49, 61, 77; in lan-
guages of California, 377; in
Yokuts, 238, 277, 278, 280, 343;
etymological, in Yokuts, 343;
final, in Yokuts, 345; initial, in
Yokuts, 345; in Yokuts numer-
als, 185; in Yokuts verb, 204; of
nouns with possessive prefix, 37;
with change of vowel in Yokuts,
346.

Redwood, 108, 144; creek, 85.

Refiexive in Yokuts, 206, 285, 290.

Relationship of Chumash and Sa-
linan, 48; of Esselen and Costa-
noan, 68, 80.

Religious ideas in basketry, expres-
sion of, 162.

Religious significance of basket de-
signs, 161.

Rhus diversiloba, 142.

Richardson, J. A., 2, 4.

Rikweritcag* atgat design, 142.

Ritualism, 84, 89; in California,
102.

Ritvelet design, 142.

[388]

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Index.

Robertson, Alice, 20, 21.

Root fibres, 108.

Round Valley, 145.

Rumsien dialect, 69, 74, 75.

Sacramento river, 145; valley, 152.

Sacramento valley Indians, 85.

Sacred numbers, 89.

Sahaptian, 49.

Sahaptin, 375.

Salinan, 30, 43, 59, 61, 71, 80, 336,
375; demonstratives, 44; family,
102; initial t*, 46; linguistic
family, 43; noun, 4^; numerals,
47; possessive case, 45; posses-
sive prefixes, 45; plural, 444
prepositions, 45; pronouns, 44;
pronominal forms, 46. .

Salinas Valley, 102.

Salmon, 86.

San Antonio dialect, 43, 44, 45, 46,
47; Mission, vocabulary of the
language of the, 43.

San Benito county, 69.

San Francisco, 30; latitude of, 150.

San Joaquin valley. 150; basin,
161, 169; river, 169, 309, 310,
311, 312, 325.

San Lucas, Cape, 99.

San Miguel dialect, 44, 46, 47.

San Pablo Bay quaternary, 19.

Santa Barbara, 30, 31, 50, 98, 100,
102; region, 101, 102.

Santa Clara, 73.

Santa Cruz, 73.

Santa Ynez, 31.

Scapanua calif omious, 17.

Scientific explanation in myth, 93.

Sciuropterus klamathensis, 17.

Sciurus hudsonums albolimbatus,
17.

Scratches design, 158.

Secret society, 88; in California,
84.

Seedbeater, 108.

Seler, 71.

Semi-derivatives in Yokuts verb,
204.

Semi-derivative suffixes, 282; in
Yokuts, 285.

Sentence structure in Yokuts, 183,
278.

Sentences, Yauelmani, 299.

Serrano, 329.

Shamanism, 89.

Sharp different design, 127; sharp
slanting design, 158 ; sharp tooth
design, 120, 130, 136, 141, 156.

Shasta, 85, 144, 145, 316; Mount,
85, 152; county, 115; baskets,
149.

Shasta-Achomawi, 317.

Shea, 43, 46, 47.

Shoshonean, 30, 32, 49, 279, 316,
328, 329, 330, 335, 375; family,
169, 173; tribes, 150.

Shoshoneans, 100, 101, 299, 809.

Sierra Nevada, 47, 85, 152, 169,
309, 310, 329.

Significance of decoration of Cali-
fornia basketry, 162.

Silver Lake, Oregon, 20; beds of,
20; fauna, 22.

Singing ceremonies in Southern
California, 100.

Sinkine, 144, 149, 155, 158.

Sinkyone or Sinkine, 144.

Siskiyou county, 105; range, 86.

Sitting design, 120, 124, 130, 140,
141, 158, 160.

Sitting in the middle design, 127.

Sitjar, Buenaventura, 43.

Siujtu rancheria, 31.

Skunk design, 141, 156.

Skunk-nose design, 156.

Slaves, 84, 88.

Sleeping together design, 127.

Small flint design, 130.

Smith river, 85.

Snail-back design, 132, 140, 141,
157.

Snake, design, 121, 124, 130, 139,
140, 141, 157; head design, 160;
nose design, 120, 131, 140, 141,
156; noses on top of each other
design, 133; patterns, 159.

Social organization, 87, 88 ; in Cali-
fornia, 83, 102.

Social rank, 84.

Sonants, 32; in Yokuts, 179, 277.

Song, Chunut, dancing, 366; from
a Yokuts myth, 371 ; Tachi, danc-
ing, 366; Tachi, 366; Wiikcham-
ni, Ohowish ceremony, 364; Yau-
danchi, otter, 370; Yokuts, coy-
ote, 368, 369; Yokuts, dancing,
368, 369; Yokuts, eagle, 368;
Yokuts, grizzly-bear doctor's,
367 ; Yokuts, ground-squirrel,
370; Yokuts, medicine man's,
367; Yokuts, mourning cere-
mony, 364; Yokuts, mountain
sheep, 370; Yokuts, Pleiades,
371; Yokuts, rattlesnake cere-
mony, 364; Yokuts, road-run-
ner's, 370; Yokuts, water's, 370.

Southern California, 101.

Southern type of pattern arrange-
ment in basketry, 149, 152.

Southwestern California, 102.

[389]

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Index.

Southwestern group of linguistic
families of California, 375.

Southwestern myths, 94.

Southwest India^nsy 161.

Spanish speaking Indians, 30.

Spatial design names, 153, 154.

Specialisation, of California In-
dians, 103 ; of culture in Califor-
nia, 86.

SpermophUua dougUui, 17.

Spiders, 17.

SpQogale n. sp. 17.

Spiral pattern arrangement, 148.

Spirants in Toknts, 179, 277.

Spoons, 87.

Spotted design, 132, 138, 158.

Spread finger design, 121, 130.

Spread-hand design, 137, 138, 139,
141, 156.

Spreading apart design, 126.

Spreading design, 141, 158.

Spruce, 108.

Star design, 141, 158.

Star-sha^d pattern, 150.

Stems, different, in Tokuts dia-
lects, 323; identical, in Tokuts
dialects, 323.

Stirred design, 132, 158.

Stockton, 169, 311, 325.

Stone bowls in Santa Barbara re-
gion, 99.

Stony creek, 145.

Storage baskets, 106, 107, 110, 111,
147.

Straight across design, 142.

String, 83.

Striped design, 125, 132, 138, 145,
158.

Structure, of Yokuts, 186; of the
syllable in Yokuts, 181; trans-
parence of in languages of Cali-
fornia, 376.

Sturgeon-back design, 124, 125,
127, 130, 138, 140, 141, 142, 157.

Subjective case in Yokuts, 221.

Subjective prefix, 39.

Sucker-tail design, 143, 157.

Suffixes, 63; in Yokuts, 278, 280;
list of, 186, 281; verbal, 292, 337.

Suffixion in Yokuts, 184, 186, 278.

Sugar-pine, design, 157; roots of,
108.

Sun, 93.

Surds in Yokuts, 179, 277.

Swallow, design, 127, 141, 156; tail
design, 137, 138, 139, 141, 156.

Sweat-house, 83, 86.

Symbolism, 89, 162; in California,
102; in basketry, 161.

Syntactical cases, 48.

fi^thetieal structure of Yctets,
183.

Tachi, dialect of Yokuts, 311, 319,
333, 341, 342, 361, 363, 367, 374;
phrases, 362.

Tagelu$ ealifomiem, 19.

Tales of adventures, 93.

Tanked Hair, Yokuts text, 256.

Tanyuwis, jimson-weed ceremony
of Yokuts, 374.

Tattoo design, 126, 140, 141, 156.

Taxidea n .sp., 17.

Taylor, A. a, 50.

Tea design, 137, 141.

Tcaxhultcwe design, 137, 141.

TcaxtcefifieL design, 136, 137.

Tcesiifialwiltcwel design, 136.

Tcinisnoi design, 145.

Tciruratcgat design, 142.

Technique, 162; of basketry, 152;
of basketry of northwestern Cal-
ifornia, 109; of baskets, 149.

Tehachapi, 85; south of, 99, 100;
north of, 102 ; mountaiJis, 169.

Tejon, 299.

Telamni dialect of Yokuts, 311.

Temperamental characteristics of
Cidifomia Indians, 103.

Temporal clauses in Yokuts, 220.

Tense in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285.

Tenses, 72.

Teanoma n. sp., 17.

Terms of relationship, 42; in Yo-
kuts, 178, 201, 235, 238, 240.

Territorial continuity of character-
istics, 329.

Texas, 316.

Text, 79.

Texts in Yokuts, 255, 279, 363.

Texture of baskets, 149.

Theft, of fire, 97; of the sun, 97.

Theory as to the fundamental na-
ture of American mjrths, 96.

They come together design, 138.

Thomomys leucodan, 17 ; monticola,
17; n. sp., 17; sp., 21.

Thompson Indians, 111.

Throwing stick in Southern Cali-
fornia, 100.

Tied design, 158.

Ti weave, 111, 150.

TUnkit, 111, 112.

Tobacco basket, 107.

Toikhichi dialect of Yokuts, 312.

Tolowa, 85.

Toltichi, dialect of Yokuts, 311,
354; vocabulary, 356.

Tomales Bay, 20.

[390]

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Index,

Tom, Taehi inf ormaDt, 363.

Tongs design, 158.

Tornit, 95.

Tortoise, 19.

Totem, 87.

Totemic gentile system in Southern
California, 100.

Totemism in California, 102.

Totems, 81.

Tracks design, 156.

Tray, baskets, 106, 151; for acorn
meal, 107.

Tree design, 157.

Tribal, ceremonies in California,
84; design, 144; differences in
northwestern basket designs, 116 ;
names in California, 169.

Tribes of California, 81, 83.

Tribute, 88.

Trickster, 93, 95.

Trinity county, 105; river, 85, 105,
145.

Trinket basket, 107, 147.

Truhohayi dialect of Yokuts, 311.

Tulamni group of Yokuts ^alects,
313; dialect of Yokuts, 319, 350,
367.

Tulare, basin, 310; baskets, 150;
county, 155; lake, 310, 311.

Tule, 83, 86; as basket material,
148; raft in Santa Barbara re-
gion, 99.

Tule river, 170, 311, 328; Indians,
155; reservation, 279, ^09.

Tule-Kaweah group of .Yokuts dia-
lects, 311, 312, 313, 324, 325, 326,
329.

Turning around design, 158.

Turntable creek, 22.

Twined, baskets, 145 ; basketry, 87 ;
weaving, 150; weaving, distribu-
tion of, 145.

Twining, 109; diagonal, 110; two-
strand,' 110, 112; three-strand,
110, 112, 115.

Types of Indian culture in Califor-
nia, 81.

Typical culture area of California,
82.

Ucaciprftvahit design, 141.

Uhle, Max, 13.

Uniformity of general type of cul-
ture in California, 82.

United States fishery station, 3.

University of California, 81.

Unwarlike nature of California In-
dians, 103.

Upper San Pedro series, 19.

Urocyon totvnsendi, 17.

Ursus, 11, 21; n. sp., 17; sp. indet.,

20.

Valley division of Yokuts dialects,
170, 309, 310, 311, 324, 325, 326,
331, 338.

VAnaanak design, 125, 138, 141.

Velar gutturals, 32.

Velars in Yokuts, 179.

Ventura, 98.

Verb, 33, 59, 60, 72, 74; in Yokuts,
204, 246, 285, 323; stems in Yo-
kuts, 238, 246; substantive in
Yokuts, 221.

Verbal, nouns in Yokuts, 218, 278;
roots, 78.

Verett design, 127.

Veretlkormen design, 127.

Vertical pattern arrangement, 146,
147, 149, 150, 151.

VEtergerpuraa design, 125, 140,
141.

VBtseqttseqIoaa design, 125, 127,
130, 138, 141.

Village, 87, 88; in California, 83;
communities, 84, 87.

Vine design, 157, 160.

Visit to the dead, Yokuts text, 272.

Vocabulary, 51, 66; of Yokuts, 234,
239, 316; selected comparative,
of 21 Yokuts dialects, 320.

Vocalic, changes in Yokuts, 177;
harmony in Yokuts, 176, 377;
harmony in Maidu, 376; muta-
tion, in languages of CaUfomia,
376; mutation in Yokuts, 170,
173, 182, 184, 186, 208, 278, 289,
375.

Voice in Yokuts, 204, 208, 285.

Volcanic ash, 5, 6, 7.

Vowel, change in Yokuts, 236; mu-
tations in Yokuts, 277.

Vowels, 31, 57, 69; of Yokuts, 173;
quantity of, 182.

Vulpes cascadensis, 17.

Vulpes cf. pennsylvanicus, 21.

Vutsierau design, 125, 141.

Waghe, 95.

Wailaki, 145, 149.

Wakichi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 325,
359, 360.

War, 88.

Warclub in Southern California,
100.

Washo, 47, 61, 101, 377.

Water-snake design, 143, 157.

Waxpoo design, 120, 121, 124, 125,
127, 130, 137, 141, 142.

Wealth, 87, 88, 89; in California,
102.

[391]

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Index.

Wechikhit dialect of Yokuts, 311,
360.

White-oak deeign, 157.

Wichita, 94.

Willow, 108, 142.

Wimilchi dialect of Yokuts, 311.

Wintun, 112, 133, 149, 164, 155,
156, 159, 316, 375, 376, 377; bas-
ket designs, 142; baskets, north-
ern, 115, 148; names of baskets,
142; northern, 112, 113, 144, 145,
152, 153, 155, 159; of the Mc-
Cloud river, 142; of upper Sac-
ramento river, 143 ; southern, 145,
151, 152.

Wishosk, 85, 156, 158; basket de-
signs, 141.

WoMasi dialect of Yokuts, 311, 363.

Wolf's eye design, 156.

Wood-billets design, 158.

Woodpecker scalps, 88.

Woodwardia fern, 108, 109, 143,
144.

World, explanation of the, 89; ori-
gin of, 90.

Worm goes around design, 138, 157.

Wowol dialect of Yokuts, 363.

Wowolasi [see Wolasi].

Wowowali dialect of Yokuts, 311.

Wiikchamni dialect of Yokuts, 173,
312, 319, 328, 341, 351.

Wyoming, 316.

Xasiree design, 132, 140, 141.

Xerophyllum tenaz, 108, 113, 143,
144, 147, 148.

Xurip design, 141.

Yana, 146, 148, 152, 156, 158.

Yaudanchi dialect of Yokuts, 171,

173, 312, 319, 328, 332, 342, 365,

368.
Yauelmani dialect of Yokuts, 171,

279, 311, 312, 332, 333, 341, 342,

363, 365, 368.
Yaulanchi, 171.
Yellow dyeing, 108.
Yellow-pine, 142; design, 157.
Yoked [see Yokol].
Yokol dialect of Yokuts, 312, 371.
Yokuts, 32, 33, 49, 84, 146, 150,

155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161; bas-
ketry, 116; origin of name, 170;
part of Central Califomian
group of languages, 377; rela-
tion of to languages of Califor-
nia, 375; territory, 309.

Yuki, 33, 86, 97, 144, 145, 152, 155,

156, 158, 316, 323, 375, 376, 377.
Yuman, 30, 49, 150; family, 100.
Yurok, 85, 89, 95, 105, 106, 144,

145, 147, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156,
159, 160, 336; basket designs,
117; basketry, 114, 116, 136;
baskets, 107, 109; names of bas-
kets, 107; southern, 151.
Zigzag, design, 124, 144, 158; pat-
tern arrangement, 146, 147, 148,
149, 150, 151.

[393]

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