UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
VOLUME 3
FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM
EDITOR
BERKELEY
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1905
E
51
Cl5
\r.3>
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE
HUPA LANGUAGE
PLINY EAELE GODDARD
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION 9
NOUNS 13
Classified according to Form and Length 13
Monosyllabic 13
Monosyllabic with Possessive Prefix 14
Polysyllabic, without Descriptive Meaning 16
Formed by Means of Suffixes and Composition 17
Suffixes 17
Compounds 19
Verbs as Nouns 21
Active 21
Passive 21
Compounded with Nouns 22
With Prefixes 22
With Suffixes 23
Compounds with Suffixes 23
Plurals 24
Cases 24
Temporal Endings 28
PRONOUNS 29
Personal 29
Possessives 30
Demonstratives 31
Eelatives 31
Interrogatives : 31
Article 31
Adjective Pronouns 32
NUMERALS 32
ADJECTIVES 33
Comparison 34
VERBS 34
Classified ' 34
Transitive and Intransitive 34
Classes 34
Voice 35
Modes and Tenses 36
Person and Number 37
Structure 37
Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root) 39
Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction 39
Prefixes of Pursuit 66
Adverbial Prefixes of Manner 67
Prefixes Expressing Identity 1 77
Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time. ... 78
6 University of California, Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
VERBS (continued). PAGE
Conjugations (based on syllable preceding the root) 95
Class I 96
Conjugation IA
Conjugation IB *
Conjugation 1C 109
Conjugation ID H^
Conjugation IE *
Conjugation 2 116
199
Conjugation SA
Conjugation SB 131
Conjugation 4 1^4
Class II 14
Conjugation IA 140
Conjugation IB 142
Conjugation 1C 145
Conjugation ID 147
Conjugation 2 149
Conjugation SA 152
Conjugation SB 155
Conjugation 4 159
Class III 161
Conjugation 1 161
Conjugation 2 165
Conjugation 3 168
Class IV 170
Conjugation 1 170
Conjugation 3 174
Objective Conjugation 177
Conjugation of the. Passive Voice 193
Conjugation of Irregular Verbs 196
Conjugation of Adjectives 200
Roots 203
Listed in Alphabetical Order 203
Classified as to their Form 286
Classified as to their Meaning 297
Suffixes 304
Temporal 304
Temporal-Modal 313
Modal 319
Indicating the Source of Information 322
Conjunctional 395
Adverbial 327
ADVERBS 328
Place and Direction 32g
Time and Sequence 333
Manner
335
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 7
ADVERBS (continued). PAGE
Degree 337
Assent and Negation 338
PREPOSITIONS 339
CONJUNCTIONS 343
INTERJECTIONS 343
CONCLUSION , . 344
KEY TO THE SOUNDS REPRESENTED BY THE
CHARACTERS USED.
a as in father.
a nearly of the same quality, but of longer duration. It is used
as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words
from others nearly like them,
ai as in aisle,
e as in net.
e as in they but lacking the vanish,
ei the sound of e followed by a vanish,
i as in pin.
I as in pique.
6 as in note.
a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on.
01 as in boil,
u as in rule.
u nearly as in but, a little nearer to a.
Q a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting.
y as in yes.
w as in will.
w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables.
When it follows vowels other than 6 or ii it is preceded by
a glide and is accordingly written uw.
hw the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the sound
of wh in who.
1 as in let.
L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against
the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely
at one side of the tongue.
8
University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
L nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held
more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher
sound often beginning with a slight explosion. Some
speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi-
tion.
m as in English.
n usually as in English, but sometimes very short.
n as ng in sing.
h as in English but somewhat stronger.
x has the sound of jota in Spanish.
s as in sit.
z the corresponding voiced continuant ; only after d and rare.
c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t.
d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth.
t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi-
tion of d.
t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with
difficulty.
k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of
the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and I a glide is
noticeable and has been written as y.
g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rarely.
k when written before a back vowel (a, o, 6, u, u) without a
following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c
in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound
is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound.
q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels.
tc as ch in church.
dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in
English.
The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regard
to their possible morphological force, have been separated by
spaces thinner than those employed between words.
THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE
HUPA LANGUAGE
INTRODUCTION.
The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home by
the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their name
is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few
miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the
Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this
section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own
traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their
myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here,
as the tree springs from the soil.
At the taking of the first census in 1866 there were reported
to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact
with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whom their
old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding
their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older
people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the
few English words they know when communication with
white people is necessary. The younger people all employ the
Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each
other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse
with white people.
The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Karok
on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south
and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift,
comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun-
tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the
AM. AKCH. ETH. 3 2.
10 University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
traveler into places in which might lurk the foe, man or beast.
There was little necessity for travel. The salmon came up the
river in abundant numbers to the nets of the waiting fisherman.
The deer and elk, unlike the buffalo, wandered but short dis-
tances from their accustomed feeding grounds.
Trade, never extensive, was carried on by canoes with the
Yurok along the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In
return for seaweed, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea-
fish, the Hupa supplied the coast peoples with acorns and other
inland foods. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa
and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another's
dances, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con-
tests which followed them. Since these people spoke languages
totally different, communication was necessarily carried on by
and through those who knew both languages.
That the Hupa language differs widely from the other lan-
guages of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident.
How much of this difference is due directly to the non- Atha-
pascan Yurok, with whom they were so intimate, and how much
is due to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly
taking place in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at
present. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character,
several changes in the consonants and vowels having taken place ;
in the vocabulary, many new nouns, especially, having arisen;
and morphologically, verb forms having been multiplied and
extended.
On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific
Division of the Athapascan are rather closely connected and
grade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the
Umpqua, in Oregon, southward to the Klamath, where their ter-
ritory was cut through by the Yurok and Wishosk. South of these
peoples they occupied most of the valleys of Mad and Eel rivers,
as well as the intervening mountains and the coast as far as UsaL
There is no published account of other languages of this divi-
sion. Some material in manuscript, not yet thoroughly digested,
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 11
is in the possession of the Department of Anthropology concern-
ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California,
and the Wailaki and Lassik dialects spoken on the upper waters
of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino
counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the
Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand.
Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan
we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction-
naire de la Langue Dene-Dinjie, par le R. P. E. Petitot. 1 who
was for many years a missionary among the peoples near the
mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a
comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is
given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in the
above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a
paper entitled, ' ' The Dene Languages, ' ' published in the Trans-
actions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, March, 1891.
The linguistic material concerning the Southern Division is
exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a
few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho religion,
but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce
the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The
Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language
and culture.
The sources of information for the matter published in this
paper have been two. The Hupa Texts, 2 collected and published
largely for the purpose, have furnished many forms of the gram-
mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are
lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial
forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of
questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts.
1 Bibliotheque de Linguistique et <i 'Ethnographic Americaines, Vol. 2,
Paris, 1876.
2 Hupa Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, University of California Publica-
tions, American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 1, No. 2. The numbers
given after the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of
Volume 1 of this series.
12
University of California Publications. OM. AKCH. ETH.
The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by
means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the
language ; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing
part. Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes,
that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be
obtained.
In the presentation of the morphological facts the number of
examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may
be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may
be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid
to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to
obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different
from those to which they were originally applied.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 13
NOUNS.
CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO FORM AND LENGTH.
The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according
to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes.
MONOSYLLABIC.
There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part, names
of common material objects and elements. These words and
others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate
languages. Some of them are the following :
a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8.
es, fish trap, cf . es tcin. 208-5.
ya, lice. 151-10.
yon, corner, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6.
la, a seaweed, Porphyra perforata. 31.
Lin, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8.
Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7.
LOL, a strap. 278-9.
Lon, mouse. 153-15.
Lok, fish, salmon. 98-7.
LUU;, rattlesnake. 195-8.
L5, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4.
Luw, alder. 341-14.
mi, weather spirit. 79, 271-3.
mintc, a hut. 17.
munk, lake, pond. 100-7.
nin, ground, the earth.
hwa, sun, moon. 104-10.
h?iii, song. 315-5.
xai, winter. 198-1.
xai, root of conifer. 39, 41.
xon, fire. 104-15.
xaiL, load, burden. 105-16, 171-17.
xun, river. 265-9, 200-9.
sats, bear. 276-1, 198-7.
sits, skin, bark. 97-4.
dje, pitch. 150-11.
14 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. Bra.
tan, gods of the deer. 77.
te, blanket. 190-4, 204-7.
teuw, coal, charcoal. 114-4.
tin, road, trail. 102-8,106-15,121-7.
tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11.
to, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4.
tse, stone. 197-1.
tse, brush, fence. 176-9.
tseuk, fur for tying hair. 247-14.
tcint, dead things. 346-5.
tcwal, frog, toad (). 164-13, 196-1.
tcwiltc, huckleberry. 32.
tcwitc, wood, firewood. 157-2.
tcwun, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3.
kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14.
kin, a game. 61.
kos, bulbs. 110-5.
kiit, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41.
kya, woman's dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8.
kyots, sinew. 97-4, 288-5.
qo, worm.
MONOSYLLABIC WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX.
Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with-
out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class,
seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of
them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They
are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos-
sessions, and terms of relationship.
a dil la, her hand. 307-2.
adimmit, her own belly. 276-5.
adit fa, (in) his sack. 152-9,282-6.
a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2.
iLde, sisters (of each other). 169-1.
LiLLin, brothers (of each other). 140-9.
minnin, its face. 115-15.
mit tseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-4.
mit tsin, its meat. 208-13.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 15
mite tcwo, grandmother. 136-12.
mikke, its tail. 283-15.
mikkil, her brother. 189-13.
mikkin, its base. 230-6.
rniin tcwifi, 1 their mother. 135-10, 229-12.
ne xun, your husband. 210-11.
nitdje, your mind. 351-9.
nittai, your paternal uncle. 237-3.
nota, our father. 192-9.
hwauw, my sister's boy. 120-14.
httnmmit, my belly. 112-17.
hwin nin, my face. 247-12.
hwuw7 xai, my boy. 137-5.
htcit dje, my mind. 296-13.
hwikkai, my brother-in-law. 142-14.
hwmntcwin, my mother. 181-9.
xoikil, his younger brother. 150-1, 332-1.
xoikyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5.
xoi kyon, her odor. 165-4.
xoikkyuii, his mind. 102-16.
xouf, his wife. 117-15,195-1.
xo la, his hand. 96-4.
xomit, her belly. 102-15.
xonna, his eyes. 105-15.
xonnin, his face. 174-8.
xoxa, his tracks. 159-4.
xo xai, her boy. 139-9.
xo xun, her husband. 305-11.
xodje, his mind. 307-9.
xota, his father. 169-1.
xotda, his mouth. 112-14, 113-18.
xot detc, her sister. 169-13.
xotse, his daughter. 237-1.
xottseuk, its umbilical cord. 157-7.
xottsel, his biceps. 139-13.
xotctcitc, his elbows. 347-8.
word and h>un tcwin below point to dissylabic base, fin tewin
probably connected with the root -tcwe, to make.
16 University of California Publications. [ AM - ABOH. ETH -
xotcwo, his grandmother. 290-2.
xokyun, his breast. 301-1.
ketse, somebody's penis (severed from the body). 171-3.
kekai, somebody's thigh. 171-7.
kutc tcwo, its grandmother. 100-16.
POLYSYLLABIC WITHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING.
A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables,
evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them-
selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the
designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are
the following.
is de au, madrona. 96-11.
isdits, strings (verbal?). 144-7.
yiLxai, mornings (verbal?). 255-17.
wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13.
Lit tcuw, sand. 117-16.
min tsit da, smokehole. 136-3.
min kil en, menstruating women. 253-6.
mis dje, fog. 244-6.
na di yau, dentalia. 208-13.
na tses, arrows. 139-12.
nis kin, Douglas spruce. 152-16.
no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7.
xaitsa, basket-bucket. 110-16.
xea kai, baby-basket. 289-17.
xo is dai, man. 136-15.
xo Lit, noise. 241-2.
xon ta, house. 97-13.
xos saik, abalones. 347-17.
din nuw, manzanita. 200-3.
din nai, arrowpoint. 119-3.
dit tsik, acorns. 137-15.
dje 16, storage basket. 151-12.
tai kyutt;, sweathouse. 98-15.
teaxutc, girl. 189-8.
tismil, eagle. 114-8.
tsiLtin, bow. 139-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 17
tcuwlawuw, elder sticks. 118-1.
kai luw, willow. 197-2.
keL tsan, maiden. 135-2.
kixxak, net. 256-7.
kit to, paddle (verbal?). 314-4.
kostan, hat. 209-4.
kyukka, deer fat. 164-10.
FORMED BY MEANS OF SUFFIXES AND COMPOSITION.
There is a large and increasing number of nouns, formed by
suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever
present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase
of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had.
for a name, the name of some object or animal ; and the intro-
duction of new things by the white people. 1
SUFFIXES.
Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The
inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by
suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality.
Lomittaxoi, prairies among people, New River people.
110-12.
natinnoxxoi, Hupa Indians.
xoiLkutxoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12.
kit don xoi, people having evil power. 181-1.
A suffix, which does not appear as a verb, signifies that the
plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named.
yin ne tau, in the ground they are ; a bulb. 135-2.
xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14.
XOL tsai tau, dry places he lives ; a land monster. 114-18.
xonteLtau, glades, he frequents; coyote. 151-8.
Augmentatives are made by the suffix -kyo, which is evidently
connected with the adjective nikkyao. Its use is frequent to
distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble
each other.
1 Compare Amer. Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209 ; and life
and Culture of the Hupa, p. 73.
18
University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH.
selkyo Heracleum lanatum. 31.
kiLwekyo, spider. 151-13. KiL we is a small enemy c
mankind. 1
kiLmukkyo, Aralia Calif ornica.
kiLdikkikkyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-7.
kos kyo, Chlorogalum pomeridanum. 109-12.
tcimmulkyo, an herb. 295-footnote.
Diminutives are formed by adding -itc or -tc to the noun,
isdewitc, Heteromeles arbutifolia; from isdeau, the
madrona, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles.
Littsowitc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7.
L6 daitc, an herb. 310-10.
Lo katc, a straw. 158-6.
me dil itc, a small canoe. 102-9.
miLtcoLwaltc, a small axe, hatchet. 198-8.
minditc, wildcat. 222-12. Panther formerly had the
corresponding augmentative for a name.
naLtsisitc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 288-6.
nis sate din, a little way. 234-5. Compare, nissa, a
long way.
dje lote, a small dje 16, a storage basket. 158-13
Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yaut.
Lok I yauw, small salmon.
niL tuk yautc, young black oaks. 362-17.
tcim me yauw, young Douglas spruce. 283-7.
A suffix -ne wan is a very fruitful source of new nouns,
xonnewan, fire like. 329-10.
tone wan, water like; glass, black obsidian. 108-2.
tselnewan, blood like; red obsidian. 180-11.
kim mit ne wan, belly like ; watermelon,
kit tsai XUL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2.
qonewan, worm like; rice.
Compare, no nin Luk ne wan, dough put on the ground
like, 209-4, and xot tsin ne wan, carefully. 142-5.
Certain adverbial suffixes of place furnish secondary nouns.
Littcuwdin, sand place, a village. 169-1.
1 Compare Life and Culture, p. 64.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 19
mil la kin ta, its hand bases ; its wrists. 215-2.
mLtukalai, black oak tops among; a dancing place
among oaks. 174-5.
xon ta din, house place ; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5.
to din, water place ; the river,
tse din, brush place; a grave (from the ancient practice
of fencing graves with brush). 176-8.
mis kut, a slide on ; a Hupa village. 105-4.
kin tcuw hwik kut, its nose on ; a Hupa village situated
on a nose-like ridge. 135-1.
COMPOUNDS.
A) A few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition
without a subordinating possessive prefix.
The second noun qualifies the first.
LUW xan, snake river ; eel. 98-13.
Lo tse, grass stone ; a sedge. 100-8.
The first noun qualifies the second.
htciL tsiL tin LOL, my bow string. 153-15.
xon na tun, his eye leaves ( ? ) ; his eyebrows. 362-1.1.
xo tsin duk kan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1.
kin naL dun tse, kinaLdun stick. 238-7.
kix xak kin, net pole. 257-6.
B) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which
has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second.
xonna kut to, her eyes their water ; her tears. 245-11.
din nuw mu wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3.
dindai mitctcwo, flint its grandmother; a bird. 182-1.
tin muwa, trail its edge. 121-7.
kai l\iw muk kut de, willow its root. 197-2.
ki yauw me de ai, bird its scalp, woodpecker's scalp. 187-5.
kiLLaxun mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1.
c) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele-
ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it.
yauLkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1.
niL tcwin dil mai, niLtcwin gray; an herb. 283-8.
20 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH.
nin nis an Luk kai, mountain white ; Mount Shasta. 328-1.
tittauLiikkai, tittau white; a bird. 144-10.
to nuw hwon din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon.
245-17.
iun tcwin, leaves fragrant : pepper wood. 271-9.
tseL kai, stone white ; a white knife. 101-1.
tse Lit tso, stone blue ; a hard bluish stone. 114-17.
tse Lit tso, brush blue ; Ceanothus integerrimus. 319-8.
tsoyoLtel, (*) wide. 223-8.
D) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol-
lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessive
prefixes. These words, while performing the office of substan-
tives, really qualify a subject understood.
mintcuwmil, its nose pierced ( ? ); yellow-hammer.
113-12.
mis sa niL tcwin, its mouth stinks ; buzzard. 113-17.
mite tcwun tuL tan, its dung soft ; fox. 143-12.
xon tcuw ditc tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac-
ter. 150-1.
kim miL na tul tcu wol, its foot round ; bob-cat. 143-6.
kit fun dun qotc, its leaves sour ; Oxalis Oregana. 121-12.
kittsaiLkai, its ( ? ) white; bluejay. 1 120-13.
E) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for
their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or
lack of some part or quality.
mex xon tau xo len, its house it has ; wood-rat. 152-9.
mislutxolen, folds having. 364-14.
mite dje xo len, its pitch abundant; Pinus Lambertiana.
110-15.
mite dje e din, its mind lacking ; a baby. 101-14.
mite tcil le xo len, their wings they have. 317-3.
mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have ; does. 310-2.
mux xa tee xo len, its roots abundant ; Leptotaenia Cali-
fornica.
1 For the first element, compare, kit tsai XUL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2.
'Compare, xon ta e din, house without. 192-H.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 21
VERBS AS NOUNS.
Any verb in the third person present, of the active or passive
voice, seems capable of becoming a noun without changing its
form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive
substantives.
ACTIVE.
na I ya, it comes down ; rain, or it is raining. 229-3.
nas dik, over the ground it creeps ; yerba buena. 364-15.
nakedilyai, on each side they hang(*) ; beads. 190-10.
nillin, it flows; a creek. 119-17.
nistan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4.
no tab a ; big lagoon. 117-7.
nundil, they come down; snow. 170-10. Compare,
na I ya above.
xoi de il lu, they attack ; a war company. 332-5.
xot dan tee, it blows down ; a wind. 227-4.
xunneuw, it speaks; language. 110-10.
dukkan, it is on edge; a mountain ridge. 137-9.
tes deL, they came ; hoar frost. 270-5.
tciLwal, he shakes; the kinaLdufi dance. 366-2.
tcitdilye, they dance; a dance.
tciL tal, he stamps with his foot ; a dance. 366-2.
kai tim miL, he carries along ; a wood-basket. 363-11.
ken nuw ; thunder. 144-4.
kisseaqot, he works with a needle ( ? ) ; a net-headdress.
159-9.
PASSIVE.
yai kyu wil ats, they have been cut in strips ; a blanket or
dress of strips. 207-5.
wil loi, that which has been tied ; a bundle. 210-3.
Le na wil la, they have been laid together ; a fire. 109-10.
na ul mats, around it has been coiled ; a coil. 151-13.
na xo wil loi, around him it is tied ; a belt. 209-6.
no na wit tan, a long object placed; a door or cover of
boards. 203-9.
da kyu we wit tan ; fishing board.
22 University of California Publications. [A*. AKCH. BTH.
talkait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing
board. 119-18.
kin nal mats, around it is coiled ; cribs of hazel,
kin nakyuwil mate, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel.
191-4.
kitLoi, it is twined; a basket. 103-7.
COMPOUNDED WITH NOUNS.
Compounds are formed with a noun for the first element, as
subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a
verb.
estcinnauto, fish-trap (?) it comes in; a swimming deer.
162-1.
naxkekos naduwul, two its necks waving around; a
monster. 163-12.
Lekontc dittille, salt it likes; wild goose.
L6k yit dittille, fish it likes; otter. 144-8.
salutr, they are put in the mouth; food consisting of the
green stems of herbs.
sa xauw, liquid is put in the mouth ; acorn soup,
na dl yau kib tcwe, dentalia maker. 325-9.
WITH PREFIXES.
Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and
manner make substantives out of verbs.
meu na sit tan, under it sits ; a head-dress. 211-12.
me dil, in they go ; a canoe. 101-12.
miLxowitloi, with it he is tied; his belt. 120-2.
miLdakitdiLdil, with it she shakes (*); a winnowing
basket. 365-10.
miL tcoL waltc, with it he chops ; an axe. 198-8.
miLkittukkutc, with it he plays shinny; a shinny stick.
143-5.
miL kyu wo hwal, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16.
miT^ kyo xait, with it one buys ; money. 145-3.
muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven ; hazel basket ribs. 290-6.
nistankakittukgow, log along he runs; pine-martin.
222-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 23
na wit dits tin nauw, in a circle it goes around; a whirl-
pool. 120-3.
nin nu win na kis ten, world around it lies; earthquake.
143-16.
xo muk kut tsis dai, his on it he sits ; his stool. 292-3.
tekyoxolxut, from the water; a monster. 328-4.
tseuk ka yan ai, on a stone he sits ; ground-squirrel. 222-11
kiLnadil, with them they travel; a wolf. 174-7.
WITH SUFFIXES.
Suffixes of location furnish names of places
Lei din, the flowing together place ; village at the junction
of the main Trinity and its south fork. 105-13.
Lenaldin, the flowing together a second time place; the
junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16.
Nail lit din, fire runs over the ground place; a village
west of the Klamath river. 158-2.
nanatuLdin, the stepping down place; at the foot of
the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2
natetsedin, the pushing back place; the sliding door-
way. 97-17.
TakimmiLdifi, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa
village. 104-10.
Muk ka na du wul a din, upon it they come and go ; the
beach at the mouth of the Klamath, descriptive of
the surf. 355-5.
COMPOUNDS WITH SUFFIXES.
Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location
to form place names.
Sa xauw sai ke xauw din, soup eating place. 226-8.
Djictanadin, Djic ( ? ) projects place. 104-5.
Tononatcin, water's end toward. 243-5.
Tse noii a din, stone end place. 354-5.
Tcwitc no niii a din, wood across place; place of fish dam.
353-14.
Ki yauw non dii, din, birds stop place. 199-5.
24 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. BTH.
PLUEALS.
The only Hupa nouns which change their form to indicate
the plural are those which classify human beings according to
their sex and state in life ; and terms of relationship.
Only three instances of the first case have been noted.
keLtsan, virgin, maiden; plural keLtsun. 135-2, 138-5.
tsummesLdn, a fully grown woman; plural tsummes-
Lon. 98-9, 280-4.
xuxxai, a child; xuxxaix, children. 220-10,164-16.
But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals. 1
nik kil, your brother ; nik kil xai, your brothers. 191-13,
191-18.
hwittsoi, my grandchild; hwit tsoi xai, my grandchil-
dren. 222-14.
XOL tis tee, his sister ; XOL tis tee xai, his sisters. 208-12.
CASES.
To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele-
ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances,
there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the
word ends in a consonant or close vowel ; or by a vowel making a
diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most
words under this condition were once so extended and have been
curtailed.
Nouns beginning with L change that sound to the voiced 1 on
receiving the prefix. 2
mil lit de, their smoke; Lit, smoke. 116-1,3.
mit Lo we, its herb ; Lo, herb, grass. 287-7, 215-5.
mittsinne, its bones; kittsin, something's bones. 171-13.
mik kix xak ka, their nets ; kix xak, a net. 99-6.
mu wit wat de, its flour ; wit wat, flour. 200-3.
muk kut de, its roots ; kut, a root. 197-2.
nolinke, our pets; Lin, a pet, dog. 115-2.
no xon tau. our house ; xon ta, a house. 192-9.
1 Compare the similar limited use of the plural and manner of its forma-
tion among the Carrier. Eev. Father Morice, Transactions of the Canadian
Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 184.
2 Rev. Father Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier.
Trans, of the Canadian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 183.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 25
html 16 ka, my salmon ; Lok, salmon. 100-6, 15.
xolinke, his pet; Lin, a pet. 115-11.
xohwinne, her song; hwin, a song. 333-9.
xoxontau, his house; xonta, a house. 117-16.
xotitse, his cane; tits, cane. 150-8.
There are several suffixes in the Hupa language which might
be looked upon as case endings since they are not permanent
parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary-
ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also
prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are
joined to a possessive pronoun with which they form a word
standing after the nouns to which they relate.
One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a
house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or
glade in a forest.
Is din name, a place. 324-1.
Yastsimme, a place. 270-1.
Lohwufime, a place. 299-13.
Munkutme, lake place. 328-3.
niL tcwin me, a feather case. 288-3.
hwittadime, my chest. 247-14.
Xaiyame, a place. 253-4.
Xa is dil me, a place. 300-2.
xon ta me, house in. 278-8.
xon teL me, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xon teL tau.
Djeloome, a mountain. 299-8.
tai kyuw me sweat-house in. 363-7.
Taii ai me, a mountain. 300-12.
Tseyeme, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tseyedin.
208-6.
Tsenifime, a place. 299-3.
Kauw kyu wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3.
Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex-
pressed by a noun with the ending -din.
IL ba la din, a place. 364-16.
Lei din, a place. 105-13.
Le nal din, a p.lace. 158-16.
Lit tcuw? din, a place. 169-1.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 'A.
26
University of California Publications. [A*. ARCH. ETH.
Loknasaundin, a place. 317-7.
me din nun din, at one side. 361-17.
me tea xo sin din, bad places. 302-7.
min nin xun din, by the sweat-house entrance.
mis xus tun din, a place. 300-8.
mik kin din, at its base. 287-1.
nail lit din, a place. 158-2.
naLtsisdin, hanging place. 204-3.
nanatuLdin, stepping down place. 207-2.
Na de il tcwun din, a place. 328-10.
na te tse din, at the door. 98-2.
Nil lin kin din, a place. 271-13.
NiL tcwin a ka din, a place. 157-1.
nin nis an non a din, a place. 115-16.
no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8.
no nin din, at our heads. 190-5.
No tan a din, a place. 179-6.
nun dil win te din, snow always there place. 328-3.
Xaslindiii, a place. 265-1. Compare, xaslintau,
crane. 203-14.
xoLtsaidin, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, XOL-
tsai tau.
xon na din, in his eye. 118-7.
Xon xauw din, a place. 117-14.
Xon sa din, a place. 174-1.
xon din, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xontein, fire toward.
109-15.
xon ta din, to the house. 210-5.
Xo xotc din, a place. 245-4.
xe xon tau din, his house place. 195-7.
xotnundin, a place. 244-3.
Xot tin nan din, a place. 198-13.
xo qot din, knee deep. 365-11.
Sauw titc din, a place. 198-10.
Sa xauu> sai ke xauw din, soup-eating place. 226-8.
Da din mot din, a place. 300-10.
Da tcwin din, a place. 179-1.
Djictanadin, a place. 104-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 27
tai kyuw din, sweat-house. 203-9.
Ta kim miL din, a place. 104-10.
tin ta din din, in the woods. 247-3.
TseLtcedin, a place. 280-2.
Tse non a din, a place. 354-5.
Tse nun sin din, a place. 102-5.
Tse din, a place. 280-10.
Tee in di qot din, a place. 216-10.
TciL tel nal la din, a place. 365-6.
Tco xol tcwe din, a place. 98-6.
Tcwitc na nin a din, a place. 353-14.
Kai non a din, a place. 208-4.
Ki yauw non die din, bird's resting place. 199-5.
Kilaigyadin, a place. 243-17.
KiLwedin, a place. 354-12.
Ki xun nai ta din, a place. 226-10.
kit ta din, in the brush. 162-9.
KyuweLedifi, a place. 354-8.
kyu win ya in yan ta din, a place. 211-15.
The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcin
to the noun.
Yi da xo min wa tcin, to a place. 208-8.
Lo hwmn kut tcin, Bald Hill (toward). 216-15.
min sit da tcin, smoke-hole to. 329-13.
Mis kut tcin, to Miskut. 105-11.
mux xa tee tcin, to the root. 210-1.
nin nis an non a tcin, the world's end. 159-14.
nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1.
no na wit tse tcin, toward the door. 166-1.
Xai ya me tcin, to Xaiyame. 267-9.
xontatcin, to the house. 97-12.
xontcin, fire toward. 109-15.
Tee wil lin tcin, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5.
Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the
ending -kai or -ka.
miniakai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1.
min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare,
min tsit da tcin. 329-13.
28 University of California Publications. [A*. AKCH. ETH.
xoikyanaikaita, his arms (along). 347-13.
xoLtcwilakai, a marshy way. 361-12.
xonnadekaita, his legs (along) too.
xonnisteka, his throat down. 118-1.
xottselkai, from under his arm. 143-4.
xunnukka, river along. 211-14.
Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expr,
by the suffix -kut, or -ka.
Loka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8.
MI me da kut, a place. 185-1.
Mis kut, a place. 105-4.
Xowunkut, a place. 121-5.
Xotuwaikut, a place. 336-1.
denokut, the sky (this us on). 286-12.
Tse tit mil a kut, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tsetit
mil me. 299-11.
TEMPORAL ENDINGS.
The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to
exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end-
ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer
exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -ne en.
medilneen, canoes used to be. 153-17.
mit date ne en, 1 shells. 171-16.
na dl yau ne en, 1 dentalia. 171-16.
nin nis an ne en, world used to be (a hypothetical case).
343-14.
nin xos tin ne en, frost used to be. 273-7.
nik kyu win ya in yan ne en, your child used to be. 221-2.
noleneen, dam used to be. 102-11.
xoi kit Loi ne en, her basket used to be. 325-1.
xo u ne en, his wife used to be. 187-8.
xo lin ke ne en, his pet used to be. 115-14.
xo 16 ka ne en, her salmon used to be. 100-16.
xo mit ne en, his belly used to be. 121-10.
xon na kut to ne en, his tears used to be. 338-10.
1 In these cases it is possession of the object, and not the object itself,
which ceases.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 29
xonninneen, his face used to be. 143-10.
xon ta ne en, house used to be. 114-17.
xo xun ne en, her husband used to be. 308-4.
xotaneen, father used to be. 172-1.
xo kos ne en, his neck used to be. 163-18.
te ne en, blankets. 144-9.
tsit duk na we ne en, fisherskin quivers. 144-8.
kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15.
kiL La xun ne en, deer used to be. 96-8.
kim miL na tul tcu wol ne en, wildcat used to be. 143-9.
kyu wl yul ne en, food used to be. 96-8.
That the object will exist in the future, or the possession of it
will come to pass in the future, is expressed by adding the suf-
fix -te.
hwuw te te, my blanket it will be. 204-16.
mitLowete, their medicine will be. 121-15.
PRONOUNS.
PEESONAL.
The personal pronouns in their independent form are used
chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor-
poration of the object into the verb, and its inflections to show
the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words
to the minimum.
The pronoun for the first person singular is hire, which
serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a
possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have
a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is ci ; the
Carrier, si; and the Navaho, ci. The change of c or s to hw,
while rather unexpected, is regular. The plural of the first
person is nehe. It may be used of the speakers, when more
than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead
of hire and ne he, longer forms, hire en and ne he en, often
occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle
en, which points to a person, contrasting him with another,
hwe. 104-16, 151-17, 204-16.
hween, 109-4, 138-14.
30 University of California Publications. [AM. AECH. ETH.
nehe. 216-18, 334-6.
lie he en. 139-3, 165-7.
The second person singular is expressed by nin, and the
plural by no hin, or no n.
nin. 106-9.
no hin. 280-5.
It is to be thought that originally there was no personal pro-
noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon-
stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking
of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required xon occurs. This
appears to be xo-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and en
mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third
person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, yaxwen
was given. This is no doubt xon of the singular with ya, the
sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere.
xon. 96-3.
POSSESSIVES.
Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the
qualified noun to express possession. Hive and nin are repre-
sented by hw- and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form-
ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable
is completed by I or u, before y and w respectively. Before con-
sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking
over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons
plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which
may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person
singular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-,
receiving the same treatment as ~hw- and n- above, when the ref-
erence is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person
of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things m-
is also frequently used, but for the former k- seems more fre-
quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also
employed.
A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity
exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as
in the case of law- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are
given above on p. 14.)
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 31
DEMONSTEATIVES.
The demonstratives for the nearer person or object, which
must be in sight, are ded, hai ded and hai de, which do not differ
in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight
or not, is referred to by yo or hai yo.
ded, this. 96-10, 98-3.
hai de, this. 100-6.
yo, that. 151-14.
hai yo, that. 115-14.
EELATIVES.
There are no words whose special office is the expression of
relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai some-
times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162
contains a sentence which has a relative :
hai tee nin ya te ne en xonteLtau do he tee nin yai.
The he was going to coyote he did not come out.
come out
Coyote, who was going to come out, did not come out.
Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence :
hai ufikya hai tcit tes deL te.
The he saw it was the they two were to travel.
He saw it was he with whom he was to travel.
INTEEEOGATIVE.
Questions asking who are introduced by dun dan; those
asking what, by da xwed un.
dun dan, who ? 151-16.
da xwed un, what? 163-3.
AETICLE.
The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular
or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the
demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional
use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is
sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It
usually occurs before a possessive.
hai xo lin ke, ' ' the his pets. ' ' 195-8.
32 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
ADJECTIVE PKONOUNS.
The following words usually stand alone, the persons, or
things limited by them being understood from the context,
a tin, all. 96-8.
atinne, all people. 138-6.
a tin xo un te, everything. 176-16.
a tin din, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4.
atinkauntfe, everykind. 110-10, 113-3.
xo dai de he, anything,
di hwo, something. 144-8, 117-17.
di hu?e e, nothing. 153-10.
dun Lun hteon, several people,
dun Lun hied, several things. 164-16, 176-10.
dun hwe e, nobody. 109-12.
dun hw?6, somebody. 107-5.
NUMERALS.
CAKDINALS.
The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan-
guages, most of which have cognate words for five, also, which is
dissyllabic. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily
analyzed. Ten, min Lun, means, ' ' enough for it. ' ' The numer-
als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers
lying between the decimal terms ; and by multiplication for those
terms. The meaning of Laitdikkin, one hundred, is not evi-
dent, but by a variation of the first syllables the hundreds are
enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary.
The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons
differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about
by the use of an old termination, -m or -ne, which means people.
Numerals used of things.
La, one. 98-12.
nax, two. 101-9.
tak, three. 294-8.
dink, four.
tcwola, five. 101-6.
xos tan, six.
xo kit, seven.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 33
ke nim, eight,
miik kos tan, nine,
min Lim, ten. 140-9.
min Lun mil wa na La, ten by its side again one.
min Lufi mu wa na nax, ten by its side again two.
na dim min Luri, twice ten.
ta kut dim min Luri, three times ten.
din kit dim min Lufi, four times ten.
tcwo la dim min Luri, five times ten.
xos tun dim min Luri, six times ten.
xo kit dim min Luri, seven times ten.
ke nim dim min Lun, eight times ten.
muk kos ta dim min Lun, nine times ten.
La it dik kin, one hundred,
na xut dik kin, two hundred,
ta kut dik kin, three hundred.
Numerals used of persons.
Luwufi, one man. 234-1.
nanin, two men. 139-2.
takun, three men. 169-1.
din kin, four men. 234-8.
tcwo la ne, five men. 234-9.
xos tun, six men. 234-12.
xo kit din, seven men. 235-3.
ke nim min, eight men. 235-6.
muk kos tau win, nine men. 235-7.
minLun, or minLunne, ten men. 207-1.
ADJECTIVES.
The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very
closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like
verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of
the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether
the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The
conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has
been given below following the conjugation of the verbs.
These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception
to be dissyllabic.
34 University of California Publications. [An. AECH. Bra.
COMPAEISON.
The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is
expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com-
pleted in harmony with the following sound.
hai da din nes nin tuw, the longest one bring.
hai da diL Luk kau niL tuw ne, the fattest one you must
bring.
hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one.
hai da dik kya 6, the largest one.
VERBS.
CLASSIFIED.
TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE.
Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in
that they have a change "of root when the object is plural. If
the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the
weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive
verbs have -L, immediately preceding the root but affiliating
itself with the foregoing syllable.
Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a
dual or plural subject. They do not have -L preceding the root.
CLASSES.
When a large number of Hupa verbs are compared, most of
them are seen to fall into two classes, according to the presence or
absence of -L before the root. In only a few cases it may be
present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these
cases it has the power of changing by its presence an intransitive
verb to a transitive verb. TcittetaL means he stepped along;
tcitteLtaL, he kicked something along. Ke win. tan (150-12)
means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane ;
ke win tan would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast. In
a general way -L may be considered the sign of the transitive.
Its absence marks the intransitive ; and it is present in all transi-
tive verbs except a large but well marked class which express by
the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there-
fore be used without an expressed object.
yawinxan, he took up something of a liquid or smally
divided nature which must be contained in a basket.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 35
ya win an, he took up a round object as a stone,
ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick,
yawinut, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object as a
blanket.
But, also,
yawibkyos, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object.
yawiLten, he took up an animal (including man) or an
animal product.
While it is quite evident that in its past history this -L was
in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the
verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the
two forms ya win ut and ya wiL kyos could hardly stand as
synonyms. All that can be safely said is that -L is associated
with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The
last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i,
and the former, containing -L, class ii. 1
The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t.
The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where
it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs
regularly in certain cases where it is joined to a syllable already
existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three
kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur
without the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class,
verbs having the prefix na- with the iterative force of again,
and all passives formed from class i.
The fourth class has -1 preceding the root. It is composed
of a number of verbs having roots which evidently require this
sound preceding, since they do not occur without it, and all
passives corresponding to class ii.
VOICE.
The passive voice is present in the language, but not common.
It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or
author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he
does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive is
only employed when the author of the act is unknown ; or some
1 Father Morice, in the work cited, p. 194, has taken this -L as the char-
acteristic of one of his conjugations. He speaks of it as a "pronominal
consonant."
36 University of California Publications. [ AM - Ascs - ETH -
reason, usually religious, prevents reference to him. The passive
is also used as a noun.
MODES AND TENSES.
The clear cut distinction of formal grammar between modes,
on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this
language. There are special forms which affirm the act, and
others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there
are forms for the past, present and future, but one cannot have
a past tense of the Impotential mode. The same form does serv-
ice as a present indicative, a subjunctive of proposed action, and
the second person of it as an imperative. The following names
have been assigned to the existing forms. Present Indefinite,
Impotential, Imperative, Customary ; and Past Definite, Present
Definite, and Future Definite. The last and many other forms
are made by suffixes.
Present Indefinite.
This name has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider
use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the
Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com-
pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed
when such act consumes appreciable time, or of acts desired or
intended.
Impotential.
The form of this mode-tense differs from the present, only in
the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger
form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are
declared will not take place because they are impossible. The
form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by
the usual negative prefix do- and the potential force by a sort
of auxiliary which means to be or become. It seems possible that
the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent.
Imperative.
The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular
and plural, are identical with the same number and person of
the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not
occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the
person spoken to, permit or compel the third person to perform
the act.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 37
Customary.
Acts which are habitual or repeated are expressed by means
of this form. Acts or conditions which are thought of as contin-
uous or nearly so have forms with -win e suffixed to the present.
Definite Tenses.
The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi-
nite acts, or states, has forms for their expression closely related
to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past
differs from the present in the form of the root, which is longer
and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort
of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl-
lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present
by the suffixes, -te, or -teL.
PERSON AND NUMBER.
Besides the usual three numbers there is found in Hupa a
second form for the third person which is used when referring
to a Hupa child, or very aged person ; or to the members of other
tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass-
ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num-
bers, the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular
only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural,
which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed
or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a
change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all
verbs the dual form seems to have pretty nearly superseded the
plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so.
The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yii
because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable. 1
STRUCTURE OF THE VERBS.
The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre-
sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of
the sentence. Xa na is dl ya de, "if she comes back up," has
first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up
the side of a hill, in this case the river bank ; next, is found the
'According to Father Morice, the Carrier have a dual only in the first
person. Work cited, p. 190.
38 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH - ETH -
particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is
done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the
path from the river is passed over a second time ; the syllable -is-
shows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as
progressing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been
considered as being begun and not requiring progression, the
syllable -win- would have been employed. Yawinxan, "she
picked up a basket of water. But if the act had been thought
of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. N5 nin-
xan, "she put down a basket of water. These three syllables,
-is-, -win-, and -nin-, occur only in the case of single defi-
nite acts.
The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi-
cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult
Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child,
an aged person, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have
been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this
form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person
singular would be xa na sin dl ya de, in which -in of the third
syllable would indicate the person and number. The infixed
syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the
iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English "back
again." The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the
root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion
of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb
been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the
pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The
final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed
as a future certainty, -te would have been employed.
The Hupa verb is modified in various ways, as has been seen
from the preceding example.
First. By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the
motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or
not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or
completed is expressed.
Second. By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root,
the person and number of the subject is indicated.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 39
Third. By variations in the form of the root, is shown the
number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in
intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and
definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since
they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions,
show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected.
Fourth. By syllables suffixed to the root, the action may be
further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood.
It will be realized that by so many means of modification the
possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact,
a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of
course, by the logic and necessity of their use.
The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given
above.
PREFIXES AND INFIXES.
ADVERBIAL PREFIXES OF PLACE AND DIRECTION.
Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at
rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion.
Ya- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things
up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through
the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The
primary meaning seems to be, "in the air, above the surface of
the ground."
A) Relating to the sitting position.
yaaa, he sat. 150-8.
yauw hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12.
ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2.
ya win a, sitting. 162-11.
ya win a hit, when he sat. 174-6.
ya win eL, they were sitting 181-8.
yaii a, sitting. 110-14.
ya na wes a, he sat down. 165-17.
ya na win ai, he sat down. 136-6.
ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 119-16.
da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3.
40 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
da ya na wes a, it sat there. 144-11.
da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2.
The following two are used of material things, but seem to
belong here.
ya name da a, it loomed up. 121-11.
ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9.
B) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing.
ya a WUM;, he always takes on his back. 195-6.
yailluw, he picked up (a woodpecker head). 292-14.
yauwtuw, let me pick it up. 286-11.
ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4.
yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3.
ya wiL kyos, he picked up. 293-6.
ya wim meL, he took them up. 142-4.
yawinan, he picked up (a stone). 342-1.
yawifixan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6.
ya win tan, he took. 108-18.
ya win tun hit, when he picked it up. 202-6.
ya wl xauw hiv iL te, he will take it up. 295-17.
ya luw, he picked it up. 292-15.
ya nauw tuw, I will pick up. 286-9.
ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6.
ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13.
ya na ke u wuu', he used to pack up. 237-7.
ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3.
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16.
c) The following seem to imply vertical motion.
yaiimmil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2.
ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs.
342-14.
ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes ; when he lifted his
eyelids. 347-5.
ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9.
ya WIL kas, he threw up. 96-3.
ya win na hzdL de, if it raises up (the ocean) . 11 7-10.
ya wit xus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 41
ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13.
yal ton ei, it jumped off. 163-18.
ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1.
yanauw din, the going up place (said of the sun). 195-6.
yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3.
yan xuts ei, it flew up. 271-2.
D) Of horizontal motion through the air.
a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3.
ya auw hwei, he held it out. 166-5.
yai wa au? wiL fl x, it increased in blowing. 324-6.
yaitqot, it always dodged. 286-11.
yawiLwaL, he threw (through the air). 362-8.
yawimmas, he rolled over. 112-15.
yawinen, he carried. 210-4.
yawinkutc, he threw. 143-15.
ya wit qot, he tumbled. 118-15.
ya wufi xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13.
yanawifien, she carried. 172-1.
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15.
ya XOL ten, he has taken him. 151-4.
ya xon its, he shot. 166-8.
ya xos meL, he whipped him. 164-3.
yat qot, it dodged. 286-10.
ya ke wuw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yakinwm^, carry it. 105-18.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object's
being reduced to many pieces.
yai kyu wil ats, blanket of strips. 207-5.
ya na is kil, he split. 142-3, 210-2.
ya na kyu wiL tsil ML te, they (one) may split. 109-8.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space
however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes
and baskets.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 4.
42 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH - ETH -
A) Of a house.
yeinyauw, they always go in. 305-9.
yewesa, was in. 153-10.
ye win ya, come in. 305-8.
ye win ya ye xo lun, had gone in. 118-5.
ye wit qot, it fell in. 136-3.
yenaidiL, let us go in. 210-13.
ye na it dauw, he used to go in. 288-6.
yenawillos, she dragged in. 190-2.
ye na wil Lat, she ran in. 136-1.
yenawityai, he went in. 98-15.
ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6.
yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15.
ye nal Lat, she ran in. 329-8.
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16.
yenundaim 1 , come in. 98-17.
ye xoii un hit, when they ran in. 169-11.
yexotaan, they ran in. 238-9.
ye tee il lim 1 , he used to take in. 288-2.
ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2.
ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9.
yetcuwiLda, she carried in. 191-13.
ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3.
yetcuwinxan, she brought in. 209-10.
ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4.
ye kiL tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9.
ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3.
ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4.
do ye in nauw, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4.
doyeindil, never come in. 305-10.
do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12.
B) Of a mountain, spoken of as hollow.
ye i yoL, she blew in. 302-8.
ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13.
ye yu wiL kit de te, will go there. 301-9.
ye wit dje u, they went in. 299-14.
ye tcu wil lai, he took them in. 301-7.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 43
ye tcu W!L tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8.
c) Of entering the bed of a stream.
ye tcu win yai, he went up. 101-8.
yeyaxolai, they took them. 179-12.
ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9.
yewindeLte, they will go. 255-3.
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2.
D) Of landing, with a canoe or otherwise.
ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1.
yewitkaite, (a canoe) will come. 209-3.
ye wit kait din, landing place. 140-2.
ye na wiL kait, she landed. 135-12.
ye nin dil lin ye, had washed ashore. 267-12.
ye tcu wiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5.
E) Of broad spaces.
ye e il ton xo Ian, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17.
yeyinneyot, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5.
yenawodeLte, you will travel in (the underworld).
361-12.
yenaxoLwaL, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13.
yetcinnauw, they will come in (the dancing-place).
231-6.
ye tcu win ya, they came in. 231-4.
ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2.
E) Of a canoe.
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2.
yeweyate, I am going into it. 314-3.
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11.
ye tcu WIL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
ye tcu win ya din, in entering. 140-2.
F) Of a basket or small object.
ye na wiL ten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5.
yetceiLkas, he threw (into a basket). 288-7.
ye tcu WIL ten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17.
ye tcu wiL to, he slipped them (one into the other). 329-1.
yetcuwimmeL, they put into (a storage basket). 200-5.
44 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
yetcuwintan, he put in (his quiver). 96-13.
yekiLwis, he bored a hole. 197-3.
Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn-
ing.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin iats, he cut through.
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, was heated through he saw. 329-16.
Compare,
wun dim mil, going through. 144-3.
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
yu wun dim mil lei, went through. 211-5.
Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something
to a man or animal.
wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1.
wai iL tuw, he always gave. 136-12.
wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8.
miL wa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them, "with they
handed each other." 200-4.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6.
nuwananelate, I will loan you. 356-7.
nu wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7.
hwni wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11.
hwu wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7.
hwu wun tuw, hand me. 278-7.
xo wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13.
xo wa in tan, he gave him. 211-1.
xowayaintan, they gave him. 144-14.
xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8.
xo wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan him. 356-17.
xowatcillai, he gave away. 103-7.
xowatcinxan, to her she gave. 246-12.
xwa iL kit, she gave him to eat. 98-11.
xwayaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5.
xwa ya kiL kit, she fed them. 192-11.
do hwu wun nu wit lai he, don 't to me bring them. 230-13.
kyu wa na iL tuic, he who gives back. 241-4.
Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of
objects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 45
placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a
circle or a circuit in traveling.
A) Of things brought together and of people meeting.
ya Le da a din, the corner. 286-1.
Le il loi , he ties together. 334-12.
Leinnauw, they came together. 305-2.
Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Leyetcuwinyeuitf, he jammed in. 143-10.
Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
Lena nemo, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12.
Le na de eL, were joined. 347-4.
Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8.
Le na kil du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1.
Le neL te, let us meet. 174-3.
Le nu wil nes, met together. 215-6.
Le nul ditc tcwen ne xo lufi, it had grown together. 113-8.
LenunduwaL, it shut. 108-16.
Compare, Le du wil lu, he had killed several. 165-16.
LedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5.
Lekixola, gather people. 151-5.
Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10.
Linyate, they will come together. 295-1.
B) In the special sense of building a fire.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Lenailluw, she started a fire. 153-1.
Le nauw dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14.
Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9.
Le na luw, he built a fire. 235-14.
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2.
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
c) Of completing a circuit.
Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
46 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH.
Lenaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6.
Lena it dame, he used to make the rounds. 336-7.
LC na nib ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10.
Le na nin deL ei, they went clear around. 102-1.
Me- seems to have the meaning of position at ; or motion to,
against, or along the surface of something.
A) Of climbing a steep hill or a tree.
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16.
me na is di yai, he climbed. 103-12.
me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16.
me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13.
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15.
B) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
me ne men, he landed him. 162-9.
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13.
me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8.
me nun di yai, years, said of the sun 's arrival at a certain
point in its yearly journey up and down the moun-
tain ridges. 145-7.
mi nil la yei, the waves came ashore. 362-4.
mifiyai, it was nearly time. 286-6.
c) Of sticking or tying, or of being stuck or tied, against a
surface.
me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me it an, he stuck to it. 202-3.
me win an ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows).
D) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface.
me wiL waL, he beat on. 315-1.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16.
me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2.
me niL tcwit, he put aside. 234-8.
me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13.
me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11.
miL tcwit, push it. 105-18.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 47
E) Of bringing steam or heat against something to be cooked.
me wit dil na te, we will steam it. 241-11.
me na wk. na ei, he steamed them. 342-12.
What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense
appears in the following.
A) Of speaking and singing.
me ya du wil wauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1.
me ya kyii wiL tel, they sang. 234-1.
me na kyii wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15.
me dil wauw, they talked about. 340-5.
me dil wauw ta, they talked about places. 340-12.
me kyu wiL tel, singing. 235-4.
me kyu wiL tu, he sang. 234-6.
B) Of watching.
me luw, watching. 204-6.
me luw Q x, he watched it. 205-2.
me luw te, I am going to watch it. 292-9.
me nai luw te, I will watch them. 258-10.
me nauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17.
muw luw te, I will watch. 218-3.
c) Of finishing.
me neL xe, I finish. 260-15.
me neL xe teL, I am finishing. 260-4.
meniLxe, he finished it. 296-8.
D) Of desiring.
me du win tcwen, he was hungry for. 99-1.
me duw tcwin, I want. 254-12.
dd me duw tcwin, I don't want. 253-5.
Unclassified.
menaiyiyauw, they eat it down. 356-13.
me nai yi yauw> e xo Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10.
me na tcwil KL te, it will settle. 117-11.
Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except
that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is
employed of motion into.
me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5.
menonillai, in she took. 307-2.
48 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. Era.
me no nin an, lie put inside. 328-13.
me sa tin, was in it. 243-15.
me sit dit tetc, in we would be lying. 190-4.
me sit tin te, in they lie. 307-11.
me sit tun, was in it. 243-9.
metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11.
metsistetc, they lie in. 306-8.
me tee ya niL 1 6, they skinned him. 328-5.
domesaun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9.
Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the
ground or water; and of position on the earth's surface. The
primary meaning may be ' ' horizontal.
A) Of motion over the surface of the ground.
na a a, he always has (said to mean he always carries it) .
257-4.
na I ya, she used to go. 135-2.
na iL its, it is running around. 294-4.
na iL te fl x, she carried it. 290-6.
na in nel le xo Ian, he played, he saw. 186-1.
na in deL, they went. 266-9.
na is its, she ran different places. 185-6.
naisya, he walked around. 157-9.
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13.
na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15.
naisdiLLat, she ran. 185-6.
na is te, he carried it around. 282-4.
naistsu, he rolled about. 119-4.
na it dil, who go around. 305-9.
nayawitdil, they went along. 172-1.
nawaye, he goes around. 231-9.
na wa ne djox, while walking. 276-1.
na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
nanaLits, it running around. 295-10.
nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5.
nahwa, I will walk. 164-6.
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12.
na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 49
na xus din na tsu, moving she heard. 191-12.
nasete, I will go. 137-14,139-10.
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2.
nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3.
nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9.
nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16.
nas duk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4.
nas qol, it crawled around. 294-1.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
na teL dit dauw, he ran. 100-13.
nateLten, he took it along. 282-3.
na tse, rolling around. 157-4.
natciLtsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6.
na ka xas dan na tsu, someone moving. 165-18.
na kis deL, they came around. 200-2.
na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12.
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9.
ddnawa, (nobody) going about. 166-2.
do na hw?ai, I have never been. 336-11.
do nas do, they won 't dodge. 258-13.
B) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water.
na a xa, fills it, floats on its surface. 310-8.
naaxaei, fills it. 311-5.
naime, I swim in. 311-11.
naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1.
nauw me, let me swim. 97-15.
nawimme, he swam. 209-13.
na la, floating. 243-8.
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12.
na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17.
na na lat dei, it was floating. 244-9.
c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced-
ing (a and b).
nai ya din, I live place. 231-5.
na wa, were there. 209-3.
na wa x, stayed. 166-14.
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7.
nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7.
50 University of Calif ornia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2.
na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13.
na na sin ya te, you will be. 353-8.
na nas deL te, they will be. 228-2.
naniLne, how must they live. 317-1.
nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4.
nadil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7.
na dil le, they are. 211-13.
na diL, they living. 321-3.
na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15.
do na wa te, will not live. 257-11.
D) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body.
naiuwLu, I paint. 247-12.
nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3.
nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3.
na na iuw me, I bathe it. 247-1.
nanaime, I bathe. 311-8.
na na im me ei, who always bathed. 311-8.
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17.
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4.
naniLkis, he cut him. 164-1.
naxowiLme, he bathed him. 187-12.
na de LU, she marked across. 311-13.
nadeLwaL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5.
E) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground.
nawilyeuw, he rested. 119-14.
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1.
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2.
na nu win tu hwiL ne, you must lie. 343-12.
nasaunte, will lie. 226-9.
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3.
nadeLtse, are living. 217-8.
na tcil yeuw sa an din, resting place. 363-3.
na tcil yeuw din, resting place. 347-3.
xo tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in, "on her they lay."
164-9.
do nauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15.
dona sil kas, was left. 192-16.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 51
p) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur-
face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllable
beginning with d.
na na du wa al, rose up. 103-13.
na na du win a, stands. 364-14.
na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14.
na da a, stood. 150-8.
na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12.
na da ai, standing. 100-8.
naduwina, it stood up. 158-6.
naduwina, smoke came out. 197-5.
na du win a ei, stand up. 243-6.
na du win a te, it will stick up. 204-2.
na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-3.
Na-, or, nana- expresses motion downward or toward the
earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what-
ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up.
na e I ya, it used to rain. 229-2.
nailiuw, (tears) dropping. 337-14.
na il tsit, falls. 275-3.
nailtsitte eillu, would drop. 104-11.
na in xut, dropped down. 115-14.
na is xut, he tore down. 104-8.
na 61 iuw, drops first. 115-12.
na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8.
naweslenei, it falls. 104-1.
nawintau, it will settle down. 273-7.
na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5.
naliuwte, will drop. 115-13.
nal tsit, fell down. 145-2.
naneedauw, (sun) goes down. 364-4.
na na it dauw, (sun) gone down. 104-10.
na nauw daL din, gone down time. 322-9.
na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1.
na na wiL kyos, he took it down. 204-4.
na na win an, he had taken down. 176-10.
na na win un xo Km, he had taken down. 176-17.
nana win tan, he took down. 97-16.
52 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15, 174-9.
na na wit xiits, he flew back down. 114-2.
na nal de imv, dripping off. 337-5.
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4.
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9.
nanadiL, come down. 166-7.
nanatuLdin, stepping down place. 207-2.
nanatyai, (sun) had gone down. 202-9.
nanya, it rains. 229-3.
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2.
na xd wil tsit xo lun, fell. 306-15.
nadittemeL, fell. 245-11.
Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line
stretched, or of crossing a stream.
A) Of crossing a stream.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them (across). 179-11.
nanaindiyai, he came across. 103-11.
na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6.
na na ya nin deL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2.
na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6.
na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10.
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6.
na na ya xon nk, xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
B) Of horizontal position.
naL tsis, hanging. 204-12.
nan a ei, hangs there. 295-3.
na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9.
na na kin nu wk, a, he made a ridge. 104-3.
nanuwesa, run across. 363-14.
na nu wil xut, hanging for a door. 171-1.
na mi win dik, they lined up. 216-17.
Na- is used in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal
with which of the above they are connected.
A) Intransitive.
na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13.
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6.
na dil le, they are. 211-13.
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 53
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en, which was going to happen. 117-5.
na dil lu, will be. 243-2.
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, they had grown. 119-10.
nat le HL te, will become. 312-4.
na kyu win xa, grows. 364-11.
do na xos dil le te, will be no more. 228-4.
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
B) Transitive.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they made him. 196-6.
na is tcwen, he made. 110-12.
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7.
na is tcwin teL, who will make. 321-11.
naikeyunte, they will grow. 296-4.
nauw tcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3.
naya is tcwen, they made. 284-1.
naseL tcwen, I made. 296-2.
naseL tcwin, I make. 302-11.
na SCL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14.
No- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing
something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of
something, or of completing a task.
A) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest.
no a din nifi xan, she placed herself. 223-9.
no a din xauw, lay yourself down. 223-9.
no il luw, she put. 157-11.
no il La, he came running. 360-8.
no in nauw, she stopped. 158-5.
noi xwe iL LU, they throw down. 195-11.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track ( he had placed
down his foot). 292-5.
noyanindeL, they sat down. 280-5.
no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7.
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11.
no wit tuw wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12.
no na iuw xauw, I leave it. 247-3.
54 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH.
no nai ya du wit tal, lie stepped. 207-10.
no na IL kyos, she put away. 333-7.
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nauw auw, I never leave. 248-1.
non auw ne, you must put it down. 210-7.
no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9.
no na wiL dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2.
no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11.
nonaneun, I will leave it. 296-5.
no na nin an, he placed. 117-8.
no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1.
no na nin deL xo Ian, they had sat down he saw. 271-12.
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
no na XOL tuw, he had her laid. 342-8.
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11.
no na ta un hit, when she turned. 245-10.
no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10.
no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4.
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8.
no na kin nin un te, you will leave. 351-13.
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1.
nonexunte, I will put. 289-2.
no nil lai, he put. 98-2.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9, 294-10.
no niL kait, he pushed them. 139-13.
noniLkas, he threw. 185-8.
no niL kyos, he put it. 208-10.
no nin an, he established it. 273-3.
no nin ut, he threw it. 112-3.
no nin xan, she put it. 242-7, 287-7.
no nin xun te, who will set. 290-12.
no nin xuts, he dropped. 362-9.
no nin tan, he put. 210-16.
non di yan, was left. 118-11.
no nun di ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17.
no nun dim mil, rope fell back. 151-18.
nonyai, it went down. 348-3.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 55
nonxauwne, put it. 296-14.
non de mil, it fell. 143-8.
nondeqotei, it stopped. 287-2.
no du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
no ke iuw qot, I always set up. 247-4.
no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11.
B) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface.
noi iL kit, (fog) spread out. 321-7.
noi wiL kil HL te, it will be foggy. 230-6.
noiniLkit, (smoke) hangs. 337-11.
noiniLkit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8.
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10.
nowillin, it was covered (with blood). 115-16.
nonainiLkit, (smoke) settled. 96-3.
no hwe deuw; hwen nei, darkness came. 300-15.
noto Q x, water staid. 324-3.
Compare, no kin nin yow, (dentalia) scattered about.
145-3.
c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something.
no il La, he came running. 360-8.
no iL xiits, he chewed off. 288-5.
noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17.
no in nauw, she stopped. 158-5.
no it to, the water comes. 310-7.
noi ki yow din, as far as it goes. 311-6.
no win na hwiL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1.
no na il luw, she left off. 332-10.
no na in diik qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17.
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15.
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11.
no na xon tsu, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15.
no nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8.
no nin ufi hit, when he finished. 234-7.
no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3.
no nun de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6.
no nun dil lat, it floated back. 245-13.
non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2.
56 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
no xo ante hwil, they kept arriving. 208-1.
noxoninun, they fell in with them. 179-5.
no xiitt?, floats ashore. 346-5.
nodinniltcwan, they finished supper. 141-4.
notedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11.
no te diik kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
no kiL dje xa in nauto, she quit fighting. 333-6.
no kin niii yan, he finished. 209-12.
nokyuwiltaL, final dancing place. 105-6.
Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of
movement up a hillside when the speaker's standpoint is at the
top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and
motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses.
A) Of motion up along the surface of the ground.
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1,294-7.
xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2.
xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16.
xaisxunhit, when she had brought up. 99-9.
xaisten, she brought up. 99-2.
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5.
xa na is 16s, she dragged it up. 190-2.
xa na is dl yai, he came back up. 100-2.
xa iia is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6.
xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13.
xa sin nauw din, where the sun rises. 332-5.
xasindeLdiii, coming up place. 363-3.
xakiswen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4.
B) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence
from the surface of the ground or water.
xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5.
xam0 autr, I am going to take it out. 135-7.
xa wa autc hwnL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5.
xa win an, he took out. 100-10.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xa na xo iL tutc, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 57
xanaxonan, they came up again (from the grave).
360-10.
xanxenne, he came up (after diving). 210-9.
xa xo wil waL, dug-f rom-the-ground. 138-9.
xa te mas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5.
xakehwe, (she commenced) to dig. 135-2.
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3.
xa kyu witc tee ML te, from the ground the wind will
blowout. 272-10.
c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle.
xa wes a, he peeped out. 176-9.
xawitqot, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13.
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole).
158-7.
D) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a
plant.
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14.
xal a xo lun, had grown up. 121-11.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xan dik, standing. 276-10.
Xee- in the sense of "away from," as in blowing and
pushing.
xe e iL yol, he blows away. 296-15.
xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them-
selves. 181-9.
xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11.
xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8.
xe e na IL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16.
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9.
xe e du waL ei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17.
Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion
down a hill or stream.
xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8.
xotdawillai, they came down. 215-13.
xot da win yai, he went. 272-3.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 5.
58 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6.
xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8.
xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot dan yai, it went down. 281-1.
xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5.
xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3.
xot da ke I yautc, they came down the hill. 310-6.
xot dan kyu wes tee, blows (down). 227-7.
xot dat kait, they came down. 158-14.
Xot de- is used of one person 's meeting another on the trail
where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at
the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came
toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to
be the third person of the pronoun, used as an indirect object.
Compare, nit de sin nautc un, didn 't she meet you ? 165-2.
xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14.
xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8.
Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating,
drinking or biting.
sauw; titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and
note.
sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10.
sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10.
sahtrillmr, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8.
mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16.
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10.
mis sun xautc ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
ht/;is sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
xo sa win xan, her mouth he put in. 342-7.
xo sa kifi its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
kis sa wiii ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. 257-5.
Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than
the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to
rest.
A) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the
ground.
dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya win a ye, someone sitting. 337-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 59
dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3.
da ya na wes a, sat there. 144-11.
da ya na win ai, sitting. 162-2.
da ne sedate, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da nin sa, sit. 107-12.
da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2.
da no te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9.
da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1.
da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12.
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14.
B) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or lying
on something higher than the ground.
daunxus, fly (on to a tree). 114-2.
da wil Lat, it jumped on. 113-14.
da wil ton ei, it jumped. 115-9.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3.
da xo 6 auw, they jumped. 195-9.
daxonannei, they jumped. 347-18.
da tee e xus, used to light. 150-9.
da tcu wil ton, he jumped. 109-14.
da tcu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1.
c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher
than the ground.
da e iuw; tuw, I put. 247-7.
da e iL te, were on a stick. 186-11.
da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2.
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13.
danaliuwdin, it dropped place. 338-4.
danaxoLten, he put him. 108-1.
da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17.
dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4.
da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10.
da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16.
da sit tun, it sits. 246-9.
da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6.
da tcu win en, he put fire on. 119-15.
60 University of California Publications. C AM - AKCH. ETH.
D) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface.
daillel, it always swam (in one place). 266-6.
daweslal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10.
da wes lei, it swam around in one place. 266-5.
da wes dil, they waited. 252-7.
da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6.
da wit dil, live (said of fish). 365-8.
da wit diL ne en, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4.
danawillaL, it was floating there. 325-3.
da nat la le, it floated. 243-13.
Unclassified.
daeiuzckel, I held under. 337-14.
da yi kin yan e xo lufi, mouse has chewed up. 153-15.
da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6.
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
dakinyunte, to chew off. 151-9.
dakyuwestce, the wind blew on it. 348-3.
da kyu win xa ei, (a plant) stood. 242-3.
Dad-, with various meanings, a common significance being
unknown.
A) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects.
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10.
da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5.
da tcit du wiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11.
B) Of running.
da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6.
da din La, run. 176-6.
da tcit du wil Lat. he ran. 164-2.
da tcit du win Lat, he started to run. 176-11.
c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point-
ing at something.
da na diL a, shoot. 329-11.
da na du wiL a, he set another on it. 197-4.
da na du wiL a, he shot. 329-12.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 61
D) Of the bloiving of the wind.
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind blew gently. 273-1.
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6.
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4.
Ded- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire.
The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound
which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable.
de na de ime> mil, I put (in the fire). 247-9.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8.
de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13.
de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6.
de du au hwiL de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
de du wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11.
dedu wil late, he will put in the fire 255-15.
deduwimmeL, he threw in the lire. 165-10.
dedu win an, he put in incense. 266-16.
dedu win tan, he put them in. 150-4.
dedmctun, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4.
de ki dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
Du- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off.
duwinxuts, it came off. 157-7.
tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11.
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11.
tcit du wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16.
tcit duwim mite, he pulled it off. 293-16, 287-2.
Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of
wood.
dje wiL tseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11
dje wiL kil, he tore away. 176-9.
dje win tan, spread open. 289-14.
djenawiLtuw, he opened it. 109-2.
djeii yai, it opened. 108-11.
djetwaL, it opened. 281-17.
Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body
of water, with special regard to its surface.
62 University of California Publications. [ AM - A* 011 - ETH -
A) Of motion away from and out of water.
tayaishwjal, they caught. 328-4.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
tanaisdiyai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6.
ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4.
ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17.
ta nautc tu hw/iL te, I will take out. 267-18.
tanaxoautc, they jumped out. 165-6.
ta tcis wen, he carried it out. 120-10.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out the water. 365-12.
B) Of motion toward, into, or over water.
tawesa, will project (of a mountain). 255-2.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
taneL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15.
c) Of tlie coming and going of boats.
tawillai, it had started. 362-10.
ta wil la yei, they went. 362-12.
ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1.
tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9.
tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3.
ta des lat, came. 105-2.
ta des deL xo lufi, had come ashore. 101-2.
D) Of drinking.
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
tai din nun, let us drink water. 179-3.
tauw din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13.
ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7.
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win niin te, he will drink. 337-18.
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12.
Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place
permanently.
tas ya hicun, one ought to go away. 215-8.
tasyai, have left. 271-2.
tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14.
One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean-
ing with either of the above classes, ta nai xos do wei, they cut
him all to pieces 106-14, 108-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 63
Te-, unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under
its surface.
te iL auw? hi(?ei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
te wa iit te, in water I will throw. 111-17.
teweLqotcte, I will throw in (the water). 112-4.
tewiltsit, sank (of boats). 153-17.
te win eL, stand out. 283-14.
tewitqotte sillennei, in the water it seemed about to
tumble. 286-13.
tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4.
te no du win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3.
te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6.
tetcuwintan, he put in the water. 101-14.
te ke I yauw hwei, go in. 311-2.
te ke its te, I will shoot in (water) . 112-9.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
te ML qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10.
Tsin- means away from in expressions of fleeing.
tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11.
tsi yun tes dil deL, we went (away from them). 200-1.
tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
Tee- has the general meaning of "out of," and is employed
of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also
of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of
a stream. It is the correlative of ye-.
A) Of motion out of a house.
tee e auw, he took out. 333-2.
tee il qol e xo Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11.
tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5.
tee in nauw? wei, she used to go out. 136-14.
tee in diL min, them to come out for. 102-9.
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11.
tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3.
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13.
64 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH- ETH -
tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13.
tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8.
tee ne yai, I have gone out. 99-14.
teeniLkait, he put out. 153-9.
tee nin yai, he went out. 97-16.
tee nin ya ne, you must go out. 242-1.
teen ya htdL te, you will go. 356-8.
tee te deL, they went out. 141-5.
tee xo niL ten, they took him out. 278-4.
tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2.
B) Of motion out of a small receptacle.
tceilluw?, he used to take out (of a basket). 230-11.
tcenanillai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2.
teenaniLkaitdei, he poked out (of a hollow stump).
174-9.
tee na nin an, he took out (from an elder stick). 119-3.
tee na xon niL ten, he took out (from a sack). 153-7.
tcenillai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5.
tceniLten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2.
tee nin an, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15.
tceninyos, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10.
tee nin tan, he took out (from a quiver). 97-4, 329-10.
c) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into
a glade, or to the river shore.
tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2.
tee in nauw din, where he conies out. 195-3.
tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16.
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
tcenautc, smoke coming out. 170-7.
tee nail Lat, she came there. 135-9.
tee na in dl ya hit, when she went down (to the ocean).
325-8.
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9.
tee nin yai, she came down to the beach. 245-15.
tee nin yai, (he came out (of the brush). 175-14.
tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12.
tceninkutc, he threw out. 144-1.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 65
tee nin kiitc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15.
tcetcilton, he jumped out. 163-16.
D) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into
which it empties, or into the ocean.
tceyaneL, (canons) ran out. 336-2.
tceweslinte, will run out. 254-17.
tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10.
tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10.
E) Of pulling out a knot.
tee iL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
tcemLtsit, he untied the strap. 106-2.
Unclassified.
tceniLtik, he pinched out. 143-14.
tcenimmas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5.
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5.
Ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a
vertical surface.
A) Of motion against or along a vertical surface.
keisyai, he climbed up. 137-17.
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12.
ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8.
kewinxuts, he fell over (perhaps against his load).
105-17.
keniLtcwit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1.
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1.
kesLatdei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7.
B) Of position against a vertical surface.
keyanifieL, leaning up. 99-6.
kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1.
ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5.
ke ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-9.
ke nin eL, leaning up. 235-9.
c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the
fire.
ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10.
ke wiL na, she cooked them. 99-9.
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6.
ke na wiL na din, he cooked them place. 255-11.
66 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
PREFIXES OF PURSUIT.
There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search
for a person or a thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to
do a thing.
Wun- is used of looking for a thing the position of which is
unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some-
thing by persistent effort.
A) Of pursuing or seeking something.
wun na is ya, they hunt. 319-3.
wunnaisdeL, they started (to catch it). 101-17.
wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 140-11.
wun na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10.
wunnadiLte, he will hunt. 311-14.
B) Of persistent effort.
wun na I ya, he worked on it. 226-2.
wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14.
wunnaisya, he is trying to do. 116-15.
wun na is ya xo lufi, he had fixed. 170-10.
wun no xon niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13.
c) Of shooting.
wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14.
wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16.
D) Of animals feeding.
wunnaxoilyu, come to eat it. 356-12.
wun na xos yu, went to eat. 364-8.
Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is
likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the
meaning may be that of going over the trail again.
naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11.
naiLkitdei, he caught it. 152-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
naya XOL tsan, he found them. 267-15.
nayaxoteLxa, they tracked him. 170-3.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
Xa- implies the going after with the intention of getting
a thing one has never before possessed.
xainitte, she looked for it. 243-4.
xauwte, let me look for it. 104-16.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 67
xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13.
xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14.
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xanuwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9.
xan te, look for it. 243-3.
ADVERBIAL PREFIXES OF MANNER.
Iteration.
Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of
one's steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em-
ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as
in the customary acts of daily life eating, drinking, sleeping,
etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root
(class iii, p. 35), and in other cases it is used without either. No
corresponding difference of meaning has been discovered, but
the verbs have been separately listed.
A) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been
done, or of going back over the road traveled.
ye na wil 16s, she dragged it in. 190-2.
ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2.
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16.
yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7.
me nai yi yauw, they eat it down. 356-13.
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1.
me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8.
na in deL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2.
nai xon nu wiL hwxrn, it cured him. 121-13.
nai diL, let us go home. 175-16.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brush him together. 196-3.
na na in dil, they came back. 182-6.
na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6.
na na in deL, they went over. 267-6.
na no diL, go away. 266-15.
nanunya, go back. 187-6.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
nateindil, they went home. 333-13.
na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
68 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
na te los, she dragged back. 190-1.
nates deL, they started back. 176-17, 329-18.
natindauw;, you better go back. 329-3.
na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
xa na is 16s, she dragged it up. 190-2.
xanaxonan, they came up again. 360-10.
xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16.
da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6.
da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17.
tannaxoamc, they jumped out. 165-6.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
tee na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3.
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13.
tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2.
tee na nil kait dei, he poked out. 174-9.
tcenanimmeL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tee na nin an, he took out. 119-3.
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9.
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13.
tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7.
tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7.
kyu wa na iL tute, he who gives back. 241-4.
With d or t preceding the root.
a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15.
in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2.
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
yanatdjeu, they came back. 301-15.
ye na it dautc, he went back in. 288-6.
ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15.
ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6.
LC na kil du htcot, it grew back on. 164-1.
Le nun du waL, it shut. 108-16.
menaisdiyai, he climbed. 103-12.
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11.
na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 69
na IL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4.
na in di yai, he got back. 121-16, 98-6.
na in dik git, they came back. 299-9.
named! yai, I have come (back). 145-10.
na wit daL, he is coming back. 152-7.
na wit dal lit, when he came back. 116-4.
nanaindiyai, he came back across. 103-11.
nanawitxiits, he flew back down. 114-2.
na na it wmr, he used to carry it back. 237-8.
na ne it dauw?, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5.
naneitgit, they came back. 299-12.
na nit dauw? xo lufi, he had come back. 267-7.
na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5.
nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
nateitdauw?, she always went home. 237-6.
na teL dit dauw, she ran back. 157-6.
natesdiyai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3.
na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18.
nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11.
nonaitdjeu, they came back. 299-10.
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15.
no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2.
no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18.
mil diL Lat, he ran back. 115-16.
nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9.
nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9.
xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
xanaisdiyai, he came back up. 100-2.
xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12.
xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
XOL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3.
da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2.
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2.
70 University of California Publications. [ AM - ABCH. ETH.
do he in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15.
ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6.
te nai dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
tee na in di yai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13.
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately
preceding.
aL me na niL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11.
anaidiyau, (we) do this. 361-9.
a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7.
a nauw? la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5.
a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
anaxowillau, ready for a fight. 162-10.
anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5.
anadistcwen, he made himself. 101-14.
a nit dit ten, we did. 217-7.
anatcillau, he did. 106-8.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
anatcillate, he will do. 258-4.
ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10.
a da na win ate, for himself he will get. 338-9.
yanaiskil, he split it. 142-3,210-2.
ya name tuic, I will pick up. 286-9.
ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6.
yanawifiai, she sat down. 136-6.
yanawinaye, he sitting down. 120-5.
ya na win en, he carried. 172-1.
ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13.
ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2.
ya na ke u wmc, he used to pack up. 237-7.
yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3.
ya na kyu wiL tsil HL te, they may split. 109-8.
ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13.
yenawilLat, he came in. 329-9.
yenawiLten, she put it in. 136-5.
yenawiLkait, she landed. 135-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 71
ye nal Lat, ran in. 329-8.
yenaxowiHo, dressed in. 328-8.
yenaxdLwaL, he threw him. 106-13.
ye nun dauw, come in. 98-17.
yo naL tsis de, if he knows. 348-6.
yo naL tsit te, he will know. 295-13.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Lenailluw, she started the fire. 153-1.
Lenaisloi, he tied together. 210-5.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12.
Lena wil la, a fire. 170-9.
Le na luw, he built a fire. 235-14.
Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12.
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2.
Le na niL ten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10.
LenanindeL, they went clear round. 102-1.
Lenakillane, gather together. 192-8.
me nai Imp te, I will watch. 217-13.
me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10.
me nauto luw te, I will watch. 267-17.
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11.
me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12.
na a ya dis tsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11.
na iuw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11.
naixeneuwte, he will talk. 295-13.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
na is dau we a xo lufi, it had melted away. 236-1.
naistcwen, he made. 110-12.
na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
nauwtcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
72 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
na yai xoi IL tcwe, they make him. 196-3.
nayaistcwen, they made. 284-1.
nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8.
na ya nil luw ne en, which had been lost. 144-7.
nayaxoLtsan, he found them. 267-15.
na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5.
na ya tes in x, she looked. 300-17.
na will it, he nearly burned. 330-1.
na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8.
nawillitte, will be burned. 151-5.
na win Lit, she burned. 311-12.
na win kiits, he became cold. 330-4.
na wit dil HL te, we will visit continually. 177-2.
nal hw?in te, will melt away. 273-6.
nax yemc, rest. 280-5.
nanaiuwme, I bathe it. 247-1.
na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2.
na nai me, I bathed. 311-8.
nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
na na lat de, it was floating. 244-9.
na naL its, running around. 295-10.
na nan ya, studied again. 103-2.
na nan dil HL te, they wili live. 343-13.
na na sin ya te, you will be. 353-8.
na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2.
na na du wa al, rose up. 103-13.
nanaduwina, it stands. 364-14.
na na du win eL, they stuck up. 106-14.
na na kin nu WIL a, he made a ridge. 104-3.
na na kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7.
na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5.
na ne iu- hjrofi, he gets well. 196-4.
na ne IL en, she looked at. 245-14.
na ne wit dil in iL te, he will look at. 216-18.
na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14.
naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 73
na nu win htcon te, it will be good weather. 273-5.
na htcoL tsan, you see me. 230-5.
na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9.
na xo u hw?e, he will call. 283-11.
naxSwestsan, he was found. 230-3.
na xo wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6.
na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14.
na xo wiL tsai ye, creeks would dry up. 111-12.
na xon mil xu lute, they were getting ready. 116-4.
na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5.
naxoLtun, let it get soft. 233-6.
na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3.
naseLte, we will visit. 174-2.
naseLtcwen, I made. 296-2.
naseLtcwin, I make. 302-11.
na SCL tcwin te, I am doing it again. 254-4.
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6.
na dil tcwun, eating. 176-9.
na du wil ye, they danced again. 215-13.
na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1.
na duw? in, let me watch. 259-14.
natefien, he looked. 97-18.
na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
natefiinte, you will look. 356-5.
nakinneLden, she made it blaze. 288-11.
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5.
na kit te it Laic, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3.
nakitteLon, she wove another round. 305-7.
na kit te Lon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9.
na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
nakyuwinxa, it grows. 364-11.
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17.
no na iuw? xauw/% I will leave it. 247-3.
nonailluw, she left off. 332-10.
nonaiLkyos, she put away. 333-7.
no nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3.
nonaininan, he left. 355-10.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 6.
74 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nauw? autc, I never leave. 248-1.
no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9.
nonanaun, I might leave. 223-3.
no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11.
no na ne un, I will leave. 296-5.
nd na nin an, he placed. 117-8.
nonanindeL, they lived. 237-1,241-5.
no na nin deL xo Ian, they had sat down he saw. 271-12.
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
no na xon tsu, they had finished fill the grave. 175-15.
no na XOL tuw, he had her laid. 342-8.
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11.
nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10.
no na kin BMW ne, you must leave. 353-10.
no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4.
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8.
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1.
nu wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7.
nundillene, you may become. 108-3.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14.
xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xa na xd iL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
xa na ten en, she looked for them. 300-14.
xa na kyu xoi da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xax a na nu wis te te, it will be lighter. 357-6.
xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16.
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9.
xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6.
xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16.
xoinalweL, he stayed over night. 121-16.
xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7.
xon a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14.
xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8.
sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6.
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 75
da nai W!L kil HL te, fog will stay. 273-2.
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
danawillai, she put it. 308-2.
danawillax, it was floating there. 325-3.
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13.
da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1.
danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17.
da na doL a, he can shoot. 145-1.
danaduwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4.
danaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da na kin neuw eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5.
de na de iuw mil, I put. 247-9.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19.
do Lenanella, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
dominnanaluici, he never thought of. 341-5.
do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16.
do na iL tsun de, they won 't find again. 321-10.
donais tcwiil, (nobody) could make. 322-8.
do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5.
da na du wiL a ei, he hit. 145-2.
do na ya XOL tsit, they did not know him. 166-15.
do na ya XOL tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6.
do na lw/u wes tsun hirun, must not be seen again. 217-18.
do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5.
do na XOL tsun fl x xo lin, you won't see him any more.
306-6.
donasilkas, was left. 192-16.
do tco xo na wil Ian, (one of them) went away. 343-8.
dje na wiL tuw, he opened it. 109-2.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
te na wes a, into the water ran out. 365-1.
tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14.
tee na il lin xo Ian, used to run. 117-18.
tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9.
ke na wiL na, he cooked it. 260-6.
76 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
ke na ne IL a, she leaned it up. 290-1.
kenanina, leaning up. 99-5.
kinnaislal, he dreamed. 191-6.
kinnauwlaL, I dreamed. 191-8.
With d or t preceding the root.
B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has
been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre-
ceding.
a nautc di yau, I did it. 282-5.
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
a na di yau, it did that. 244-11.
a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11.
ana dil le, fix yourself. 170-1.
a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1.
ya na it xus, it kept flying up. 113-1.
yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11.
Lenaindiyai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
Le na it dauw;, he used to make the rounds. 336-7.
Le nautc dil la, I have a fire. 351-6.
Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4.
na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13.
na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17.
na wit dil HL te, we will visit continually. 177-2.
na na is dits tse, he turned around. 314-6.
na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3.
na na kit de 16s, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en, it was going to happen. 117-5.
na dil lu, it will be. 243-2.
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, they had grown. 119-7.
natleliLte, it will become. 312-4.
no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10.
no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 77
no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17.
xa ana it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on it. 204-8.
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
do na xos dil le te, it will be no more. 228-4.
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
do na ted en, she did not look around. 136-6.
ta nai win nun de, 1 if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win nun te, 1 he will drink. 337-18.
IDENTITY.
Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ-
ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different
person.
xa ai ya XOL in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa a IL in te, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9.
xa a it yau, she did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa auw di ya te, what I am going to do. 202-8.
xa a ya iL in x, they did that. 105-10.
xa a wil leL te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17.
xa a win ne IIL te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9.
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14.
xa a di yau, the way he does. 337-17.
xaadiyauei, it did that. 289-16.
xaadiyateL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xa a til teox, that strong. 294-3.
1 The third syllable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n.
78 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2.
xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a toil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1.
xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12.
xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15.
xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xa iil le, do that. 165-19.
xa dl ya te, it will do that. 254-10.
do xa autt? ne xo xo lin, I won't do that. 230-15.
do xa auw? ten, I never do that. 109-4.
d5 xa un dl yau, you don 't do that. 343-13.
DISTRIBUTION.
Te- means either that the act took place here and there in
space, or continuously over space; or that one person after an-
other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite
past, present, and future tenses by -s-.
A) Of traveling, or carrying something.
yateLkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14.
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10.
yatesyai, he went away. 360-4.
na te de qot, he tumbled. 114-15.
na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4.
na te in dil, they go home. 333-13.
na te it dame, she always went home. 237-6.
natelos, she dragged it back. 190-1.
na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16.
na teL men, he made it swim. 266-1.
nateLditdauzr, he ran. 100-13, 157-6.
na teL ten, he took along. 282-3.
na tes deL, they started back. 329-18.
na tes dl yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13.
na tes dl ya yei, he arrived. 104-3.
na tin dame, you better go back. 329-3.
na tin dl ya ne, go home. 337-18.
na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4.
VOL. 31 Groddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 79
nit to diL, come. 113-16.
hw?iL teL dauw, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11.
htciL te sin ya te, with me you may go. 187-7.
xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15.
xoLteslat, it floated with him. 315-2.
xoLtesdeL, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16.
xoteeauw?, which runs along. 363-14.
do he min teL dauw, he did not run for it. 112-13.
' do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3.
teinnauw, (dawn) comes. 310-7.
te in nauw; hw?ei, they went along. 334-4.
teindil, they flew along. 317-3.
te it tuw, it always floated,
te wiL auw? hwil, it crawls. 311-4.
teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1, 200-9.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
te se yai, I went away. 353-6.
te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9.
te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15.
tesoLtinte, you will take (my child). 222-7.
tes la, he is drowning. 210-11.
teslatdei, it floated. 244-15,245-8.
tes deL ei, (all) flew away. 159-12.
tes deL te, they will come. 252-3.
te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12.
tillu, they came. 254-12.
tin xauw ne, you take along. 246-13.
tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11.
tsiii te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15.
tcintellai, they brought (deerskins). 230-15.
tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12.
tcit te in nauw, he used to come along. 162-3.
tcit te in nauw xo Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-8.
tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15.
tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8.
80 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH- ETH -
tcit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9.
tcit teL daute, she ran up. 152-15.
tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9.
tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6.
tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6.
tcit teL qol, he crawled. 347-8.
tcittesyai, he started. 96-10.
tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13.
tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he had traveled he saw. 186-1.
tcit tes la, he is drowning. 210-11.
tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10.
tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2.
tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15.
teit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9.
tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13.
tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2.
tcit tii win na htciL de, it will pass there. 272-8.
kit te I yauw?, they come to feed. 310-10.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
kit teL tits, he walked with (for a cane). 317-7, 152-12.
kittiyautr, they came. 98-3.
B) Of doing something as one travels along.
yaxoteLxa, he tracked them. 267-15.
ya te it tcwu, they cried along. 179-12.
na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3.
tcit te it tewu, he always cried. 186-8.
tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4.
tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12.
tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10.
kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5.
kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9.
kit te hw/il, he called along. 98-4.
kit te SCL tsas te, I will whip (as I walk). 317-8.
kyateLtcwe, she heard cry. 135-9.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11.
kya tu wil tcwel, he heard crying along. 135-10.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 81
c) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move-
ments, or considerable duration for their accomplishment.
yateLwis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10.
yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12.
nain teL dik, he pecked. 113-14.
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12.
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4.
natewitstse, the door was open. 118-5.
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10.
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9.
na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10.
na kit te it Low, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9.
nit te sil lal le, you would go to sleep. 203-1.
XOL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3.
XOL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move used
to be. 342-4.
XOL te il lit, he smoked himself,
xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2.
do a du wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2.
do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited. 170-18.
do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9.
do he tel lit, it would not burn. 363-1.
tesetcwitte, I am going to measure it. 116-12.
te SUM? in, I am going to look. 171-2.
te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16.
tee xo teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17.
tcitteyos, she stretched. 158-13.
tcit teL LU, he rubbed it. 278-10.
tcit teL taL, dancing. 362-4.
tcit tes lai, he drew a bow. 144-15.
tcit te te wen, she waved fire. 242-12.
tcit tete lai, she rubbed. 307-3.
tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4.
tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16.
tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13.
kit te it Low?, one who always made baskets. 324-5.
82 University of California Publications. [AM. AKCH. ETH.
kit te yow, water flowed out. 100-11.
kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14.
kittlyotc, she made it flow. 158-12.
kit tutc hwaL, I hook. 107-5.
kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14.
D) Of a process requiring considerable time.
a til teox teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17.
ya teL tcwen, they grew. 265-1.
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
na teL ditc tcwen ne dun, she grew time. 325-6.
na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, they had grown. 119-10.
XOL teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18.
do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7.
te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2.
te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5.
teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6.
teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
teL tcwin de, when it grows. 267-5.
te sil tcwen ne duii, ever since you grew time. 337-13.
tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13.
te di yun te, they will live to old age. 227-7.
til tcwen, it grows. 296-12.
til tcwen ne en, used to grow. 233-1.
tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6.
tcit teL tcwin hmfi, he may grow. 348-6.
E) Of separate acts repeated in time or space.
ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10.
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16.
ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2.
na dit teL waL, he threw them. 109-16.
no ya te meL, they dropped them along. 179-11.
tee te xan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5.
tcit teen, he looked. 165-19.
tcit tete meL, he scattered them. 101-4.
tcit te tot, he drank (repeated draughts). 112-15.
tcittetcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 83
p) Of acts done by several persons in succession.
ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17.
yetcittedeL, they went into. 142-9.
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17.
xa te dim mil, chips flew off. 113-13.
xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7.
xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16.
da no teL te, everybody will fish. 256-9.
tetmeL, (sand) scattered. 117-16.
tee te deL, they went out. 141-5.
tcintedeL, they got there. 138-5,198-3.
tcit teL tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1.
tcit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6.
G) Of things begun.
notedukkait, people began to starve. 191-11.
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, he had killed he saw. 186-7.
tco ya te xait. they began to buy. 200-8.
kitteakutc, they begin to play. 142-16.
kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8.
H) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the
above classes they belong.
na teuw in IL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
natefien, he looked. 97-18.
na ten in iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13.
na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
na ten in te, you will look. 356-5.
do teen, I don't look. 351-8.
teien, I looked. 238-4.
ten in te, you will look. 140-7.
tcit teen, he looked. 165-19.
tcittesen, he looked. 104-4.
tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8.'
tcit te te en, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2.
K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs as a prefix or
infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to
the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for
this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies an
84 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
indefinite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others.
Because of a remark of Father Morice, 1 verbs in which the prefix
might refer to breaking, cutting or tearing have been listed
separately.
Words definitely changing their meaning because of the pres-
ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin nin un te,
' ' one should leave, ' ' carries the meaning of leaving permanently
as a present ; while n5 na nin im te, would mean to leave some-
thing of one 's own which one expects to repossess. Na kis deL,
"they came around," indicates that the persons in question
wandered among the houses of the village; naisdeL, would
have been employed if they had come back to a definite place.
Kyuw xau/, means, let me fish, but iuic xautc, let me catch it.
Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteness
of place, duration or number of the acts or states.
A) Probably employed with transitive verbs which Jiave no
expressed object.
yik kyu win yan, he ate. 319-7.
yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
ma ML kit, she fed the little one. 192-1.
ma kyuw? kit, I better feed them. 192-1.
na kin yun, come eat. 153-9, 192-7.
na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7.
do kit tl yautc, they never went out to feed. 97-11.
dokyan, she didn't eat. 157-2.
do kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4.
ke I yan, he used to eat. 237-6.
kei yun, I might eat. 98-13.
kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15.
ke UL x, she chewed. 276-3.
keyun, he had eaten. 332-6.
kin UL x, you chew. 275-2.
kin yun, eat it. 166-6.
kin nin yan nei, they came out to feed. 180-13.
kyoyun, you eat. 192-2.
'Work cited, p. 200.
VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 85
kyuwifiyan, he went to eating. 98-18.
kyuwinyunil, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5.
kyuhwunil, I ate along. 120-16.
B) Possibly having some connection with breaking.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
ya nakyuwiLtsilliLte, they may split. 109-8.
yi kis mut ei, it broke. 289-15.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin SCL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw.
329-16.
min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut open.
278-5.
minnokinkil, he opened. 113-5.
min no kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17.
na kis yow hwei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
myunkiLUL, they were cutting them. 101-2.
nin kyu wiL aL, he cut it. 266-10.
xakehwe, (she went) to dig. 135-2.
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3.
donkyuw tuw, I am splitting. 108-9.
do he xa kin yow, it did not come out. 105-5.
tee kin nin hwe, he had finished digging. 100-9.
kiL tuw? hw?a, you are splitting ? 108-7.
kit din hwe teL din, where he would dig out. 100-1.
kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2.
kit du win kil, the bank slid out. 252-4.
kit te yow, it flowed out. 100-11.
kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8.
kit te fats, he cut them. 101-1,98-16.
kit ti yow, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12.
kyuwaistcwit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7.
c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefiniteness
to the verb 's application as to time, place, or object.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kit in xo sin, it did that. 223-4.
aikyuwen, I will do. 230-16.
aikyuwillelliLte, they will do. 230-8.
86 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10.
a diL ya ML qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3.
a diL no ke IL qoic, he used to throw himself with. 202-4.
akillau, they did. 266-13.
a ML en, what they do. 322-1.
a kit tis seox, smartest. 321-11.
akyole, you do. 198-2.
yai kyu wil tats, blanket of strips. 207-5.
ya ya kin en, they packed up. 164-4.
ya na ke u wmc, he used to pack up. 237-7.
yanakillai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
yanakinen, he packed up. 238-3.
ya ke wel, carrying loads. 110-3.
ya ke wm# hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yakiLtsis, (he made) it sprinkle. 338-2.
yakinwuto, carry it. 105-18.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ya kyu wil kyan ne xo Ian, they found they were preg-
nant. 278-3.
ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11.
ye ML wis, he bored a hole. 197-3.
ye ML taL, they began to dance. 179-2.
yekiLtseL, she passed in the water. 111-9.
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3.
ye kin nen din, light shone in. 308-3.
yekyuwestce, the wind blew in. 270-4.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8.
yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2.
yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12.
yi kit tu heal, he hooks. 107-6.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5.
yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7.
wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10.
Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gather up (bones). 171-12.
Lena Ml lane, gather up (your things). 192-8.
Le na kil du hwot, it grew back on. 164-1.
Le ki xo la, gather people. 151-5.
VOL. 31 Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 87
Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10.
me ya kyu wiL tel, everybody sang. 234-1.
me na kis loi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13.
me na kyu wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15.
miL wa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them. 200-4.
miL xot da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11.
min na na kit^del kai, sitting with one leg each side. 163-7.
min noi ML dik, he pecked open. 113-15.
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4.
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12.
nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
nai kyu win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11.
na na kin nu wiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3.
nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7.
nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5.
na na kit de 16s, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7.
na ka xus din na tsu, someone moving he heard. 165-18.
na kin neL den, she made a blaze. 288-11.
na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13.
na kis le, he felt. 107-15.
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5.
nakisdeL, they came around. 200-2.
na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14.
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9.
na kit te it Low, she always made baskets. 157-3.
na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3.
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9.
na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
na kyu wil tik, he was tied with a string. 351-10.
na kyu wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11.
na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
na kyu win xa, it grows. 364-11.
nik kyo wuii, go to sleep. 294-5.
nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
noi ki yow din, as far as it goes. 311-6.
no na ya kin nifi an, they left food. 110-9.
88 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
no na kin auw? ne, you must leave. 353-10.
no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4.
no na kin nifi un te, one should leave. 215-8.
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1.
no ke iuw qot, I always set up. 247-4.
no kiL dje xa in nauw, she quit fighting. 333-6.
no kin nifi yan, he finished. 209-12.
no kin niii yow, were scattered about. 145-3.
no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11.
no kyu wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6.
hwis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
hwnk kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6.
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14.
xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15.
xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xayakiswen, they carried it up. 164-5.
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
xa kin its, (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7.
xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4.
xa kyu witc tee HL te, the wind will blow out from the
ground. 272-10.
xeenakiLwaL, he threw her away. 308-9.
xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7.
xo wun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5.
XOL ya kit wul, with him he seesawed. 107-10.
XOL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13.
xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot da ke I yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6.
xot da kyu wes tee, it blows down. 227-7.
xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1.
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
da na kin neuw eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5.
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3.
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6.
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4.
da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 89
da kyu win xa ei, it stood. 242-3.
de kit dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
do kiL tcwit, he never pushes it. 106-12.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12.
te ke I yautc hwei, go in. 311-2.
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
tee kin nin yan, they came out. 98-2.
tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8.
ke it Lo, she used to make baskets. 189-1.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
kewinxuts, he fell over. 105-17.
kinnaislal, she dreamed. 191-6.
kin nauw? laL, I dreamed. 191-8.
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13.
kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14.
kin nin in hit, when she came with the load. 238-1.
kin no de eL, they stick. 363-15.
kislete, they will catch many. 257-10.
kisxun, a tree standing. 113-7.
kis tseL tse, pounding they heard. 170-6.
kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4.
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9, 209-3.
kit tea kutc, they begin to play. 142-16.
kitteeau, he sang along. 315-5.
kit te I yauw, they came to feed. 310-10.
kit te it Low, who always made baskets. 324-5.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9.
kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7.
kittehtcil, he called along. 98-4.
kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8.
kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
kittetellai, he rubbed. 347-14.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 7.
}0 University of California Pidlications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
kittiyauw, they came. 98-3.
kittiyow, he caused to flow. 158-12.
kit tin en ne, carry them. 237-3.
kit tuw htcaL, a hook. 107-5.
kit tuk kutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14.
kyadane, they picked. 138-7.
kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6.
kyateLtcwe, she heard it cry. 135-9.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11..
kya tu wil tcwel, he was crying along. 135-10.
kyo ya win htcal, they fished. 328-3.
kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon they had been he
saw. 140-11.
kyohwalle, somebody hooking. 106-15.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5.
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
kyu wa na IL tuw, he who gives back. 241-4.
kyuwennmt?, it thundered. 144-5.
kyu wes tee ei, it blew she saw. 324-9.
kyuwilmedj, he boiled. 166-5.
kyu wil tel, it was paved. 140-6.
kyu win nai da, to hunt they traveled. 190-15.
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
kyu win xa, she left standing (a tree). 289-8.
kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2.
kyu win diL tsii, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3, 152-1 .
kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8.
kyuwifiket, it creaked. 114-17.
kyu wit noL, it was blazing. 109-11.
kyu wit dai ye iL win t e, it always blossoms. 365-4.
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7.
kyu wit tcwok kai, are strung on a line. 165-8.
kyuwtewit, let me push it. 106-11.
kyun xotf tu, I am begging. 152-13.
A- introduces verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear-
ing. It seems to have no definite meaning. It is omitted in verbs
of saying and thinking whenever the direct object directly pre-
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 91
cedes the verb. It may possibly be an indefinite object for the
verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is
expressed.
A) With verbs of thinking and saying.
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
ainesen, I thought. 187-3.
ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
ai nuw sin, I thought so. 353-3.
ai xdL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13.
ai XOL den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3.
a yai XOL du wen ne, they said. 165-2.
a yai du wen ne, they said. 165-7.
ayaLdeiuwne, I told them. 301-1.
a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18.
ayan, said that. 116-17.
ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14.
aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6.
a na hwriL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3.
an tsu, he heard cry. 281-13.
a hwriL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16.
a hu?iL tcit den h-Mmii, he must tell me. 314-11.
a hunL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11.
a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7.
a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8.
adenne, he said. 97-15.
a den de, if he sings. 236-2.
a den tsu, she heard cry. 171-3.
a du win nel HI, he said. 235-4.
a ted in ne, he kept thinking. 139-4, 137-4.
a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
do ai nin sin fl x, you don 't think. 337-9.
do a htdL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12.
do a du win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1.
92 University of California Publications. C AM - A* 011 - ETH -
B) With verbs of doing or happening.*
a en nu, it does it. 275-5.
ai la te, they will catch. 253-10.
a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2.
a iL in ne en, used to chase. 322-5.
a IL in te, they will do. 266-13.
ainnu, he did. 288-9.
ainnumiL, when the sun was (here). 332-4.
aixoiille, they do with him. 196-7.
a it yau xo lun, tired he was. 346-10.
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4.
aikyuwen, I will do. 230-16.
aikyuwillelliLte, they will do. 230-8.
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
auwinneLte, it will be. 105-12.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
auwlau, I have done. 260-3.
auw la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8.
autc di ya, I might manage it. 101-11.
auwdlyau, I did. 325-17, 276-5.
auw di ya te, am I going to do this. 257-14.
auw tm ne en, I used to do. 341-7.
ayainnu, they used to have sports. 305-2.
ayaxola, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9.
a ya ten, they did. 305-5.
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1.
ayatcillau, they fixed. 172-4.
ayatcone, let them do that. 365-16.
a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11.
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11.
awinnu, one should do. 99-11.
a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3.
1 Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from
verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots they contain.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 93
a nai di yau, do this. 361-9.
a nauw? la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
anauwdlyau, I did it. 282-5, 325-12.
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
a na xo wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10.
anadiyau, it did that. 244-11.
a na dit ten, we did. 217-7.
anatcillau, he did. 106-8.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
a nun di yau, do that way. 275-1.
ahw/ola, you have treated me. 166-12.
a xo wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1.
a xo la de, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
axodilla, we could do with him. 116-16.
a di yau wei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14.
a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11.
a ten, did it.
a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5.
atinwestfe, had done. 325-10.
atfinte, (Indians) will do. 215-9.
a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5.
akillau, they did. 266-13.
a ML en, what they do. 322-1.
akyole, you do. 198-2.
akyuwillelliLte, it will do. 236-3.
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11.
xa ai ya XOL in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1.
xaaiLinte, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9.
xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa auw? di ya te, I am going to do what. 202-8.
xaayaiLinx, they did that. 105-10.
xa a wil ICL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
94 University of California Publications. [A*. ARCH. ETH.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9.
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14.
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xa a tin wes t e, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2.
xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a teil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1.
xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12.
xa a ML in te, that way they will do. 211-15.
xa a kyii wil leL te, will do that. 211-18.
da xo a di ya xo Ian, was dead they found out. 175-11.
da xo a ten, who die. 346-4.
da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16.
do xa autc ten, I don 't do that. 109-4.
doxaundiyau, you don't do that. 343-13.
do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13.
c) With verbs of appearing.
ainte, how he appeared. 209-5.
a na nu we sin te te, you will look. 357-5.
ana kin nit te, it grows. 356-10.
a ne e t e, he looked that way. 321-7.
anuweste, he looked. 143-14,182-2.
ateiniedetc, he is. 351-2.
a kit tis seox, smartest. 321-11.
Xo- prefixed to a verbal root forms a word, usually unlimited
as to person and number. Several of these are used as auxil-
iaries and suffixes.
xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 225-7.
xo win kuts, it was cold. 169-3.
xowittse, it was crowded. 238-9.
xolen, she has. 333-9.
xolin, (I wish) was. 340-7.
xo lun, he saw. 144-4, 361-16.
xo lun teL, that will do it. 328-9, 209-12.
xo Lit, a noise. 241-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 95
xos kuts miL, on account of the cold. 271-11.
do xo len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2.
do xo lin, it is gone. 141-8.
do xos le, there was none. 98-7, 322-5.
CONJUGATIONS.
When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable
immediately preceding the root in the definite tenses, they fall
into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables
which characterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite
tenses being the peculiarity of the fourth conjugation.
By far the greater number of verbs have a syllable preceding
the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial
sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first,
upon the number and person of the particular form appearing;
and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens
to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the
conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no
definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or
wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. From other
Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its use
originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view
is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in
Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind
without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a
pond of water which has been caused by rain, win xa, ' ' water
lies there ' ' ; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nan xa.
In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has
n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite
tenses. It occurs in a few cases without a prefix, where the
meaning shows that the completion of the act is in the mind of
the speaker, e.g., ninyade, "if he cornes," 334-10. Its use,
however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes
which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the
meaning of completion, as nd-, meaning the placing of some-
thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion.
Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is
made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the inflected
96
University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
syllable. In meaning, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast
with the two preceding conjugations, in that the act or state is
conceived as existing over considerable extent of time or space.
Xaisyai, "he came up the hill"; xaisxan, "he brought
water up the hill"; xa win yai, "he came out of the smoke-
hole"; xawinxan, "he took water out of a well." In some
cases where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the
forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con-
tinued act is the one meant.
After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations
have been eliminated there remains a considerable number which
differ in form from the others in that they have none of the
definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres-
ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable.
As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation,
they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its
boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than
specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking,
hearing, seeing, dying, and many others.
The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to
the phonetic changes suffered after various prefixes.
CLASS I.
Conjugation IA.
Tee xauw?, he is catching.
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
it de xau?
oxautc
ya xautfl
yai xauw?
Impotential.
Plural.
do xo lin it de xautc
oxaute
ya xautc
yai xautt?
Singular.
1. iuttfxauw
2. inxautfl
3. tcexauw;
3a. yexautc
Singular.
1. do xo lin iutc xamc
2. in xautc
3. tee xauw)
3a. ye xauw/
VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language.
97
2.
Singular.
in xauw
Imperative.
Plural.
oxauw?
3.
3a.
tco xauw
yo xauw
ya tco xauw
yai yo xauw
1.
Singular.
e iutc xauw?
Customary.
Plural.
e it de xauw
2.
e in xautfl
e 6 xauw
3.
3a.
tee e xauw
ye e xauw
ya e xauw?
yai e xauto
Present Definite.
1.
Singular,
we xun
Plural,
wit de xun
2.
win xun
wo xun
3.
3a.
tcu win xun
yu win xun
ya win xun
yai win xun
Past Definite.
1.
Singular,
wexan
Plural,
wit de xan
2.
win xan
wo xan
3.
3a.
tcu win xan
yu win xan
ya win xan
yai win xan
THE SIGNS OF PERSON AND NUMBER.
Since the verb whose conjugation is given above has no prefix,
the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person
and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form
as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the
signs of person in the first and second person singular and
plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third
person.
First Person. The sign of the first person singular appears
as iut(x The first sound, represented by i, is one of the
weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears as the support
of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding
or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by u,
is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the
position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in
98 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH - ETH -
quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by
unvoiced breath passing through the mouth, which is in the
position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the
first person singular, hwe. The other dialects of the Pacific
Division of the Athapascan languages have -ic- or -is- for
the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The
corresponding pronoun in those dialects is ci or ce. 1
First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person it de-
is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears
to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso-
nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap-
pens in the Hupa language. When the following syllable begins
with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely
related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of
post-palatal k, u is frequently employed, as it might also be
in the present case. Some speakers say itduxxautc. The
first syllable of this sign, it, seems to consist of the weak vowel
i, which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken
over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That
this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a
preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently
contracting with it.
There is no apparent connection between this sign and the
pronoun of the first person plural, ne he.
Second Person Singular. For the sign of the second person
singular in- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in-
before dentals and im- before m, the only labial. When the
sign follows a prefix ending in a vowel, n appears as the final
sound of the prefix. This sign, -n or in, is perhaps connected
with the personal pronoun of the second person singular, nin.
Second Person Plural. In this case the vowel 6- stands
alone, forming the initial syllable. It is of normal length but
somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and aspir-
ated. While it does not approach the sound of the so-called short
o in English, it impresses the ear as dull in quality. It may or
may not be related genetically with the vowel of the personal
pronoun of the second person plural, no hin.
1 This phonetic change of c to hw and utc is regular between the
other dialects of this group and Hupa.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 99
Third Person Singular. Two forms occur in Hupa for the
third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in
speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form
is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged
people; of members of other tribes and races; and of animals.
The first form begins with tc-, which are constant. Before
vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes
over the consonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant. The
vowel in that case is i, or before k, u. In the present case
the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is
written here, or u. It is equally hard to determine whether the
x belongs to both syllables or only to the last.
There is no personal pronoun from which this sign could have
been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class
would point to a demonstrative origin.
The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the
same combinations with the following sounds that tc do in
the first form, except that before vowels it has i for its vowel,
instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative
pronoun yo.
Third Person Plural. As in the singular, two forms appear.
The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural
in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra-
tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-.
The diphthong in this case has the clear, prominent sound of I
as its last element.
Imperative.
The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres-
ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may
mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only
that he announces his intention or desire to immediately begin
doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only
mean that the person spoken to is doing the thing, usually quite
unnecessary information, or they may convey the command or
exhortation to do it.
In the place of the third person of the present a different
form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third
person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is
100 University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
tco-, which characterizes both singular and plural, but with a
preceding syllable, ya-, in the plural. For all others the form
is either yd- or 6-. This third person with 6, alone or in
combination, may be connected with a future tense found in
Navaho which also has an 6.
Definite Tenses.
In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign
is w-. nothing is found different from the person and number
signs already discussed except the first person singular and the
third person singular and plural.
First Person Singular. Proceeding on the assumption that
w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e,
the vowel of the first syllable. This conclusion is borne out by
all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan-
guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is
of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the
usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but
on longer acquaintance is easily distinguished from it. except
when it is followed by y. There seems to be nothing elsewhere
in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to
connect it.
Third Person Singular and Plural. The sign of the third
person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel
u in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If
the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, in of
the middle syllable remains unexplained.
Intransitive verb, with a different root in the plural. (Irreg-
ular.)
Yetcinnauifl, he goes in.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
1. ye iuw? htcautc ye e diL ye yai diL
2. yeinyauw ye 6 diL
3. yetcinnauw yetcindiL ye ya in diL
3a. ye in nautc ye in diL ye yun diL
VOL. 31 Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 101
Singular.
1. do xo lin ye iuw hwau
2. ye in yauw?
3. ye tcin name
3a. ye in nautc
Impotential.
Dual.
do xo lin ye e dil
ye 6 dil
ye tcin dil
ye in dil
Plural.
ye yai dil
ya ya in dil
ye yun dil
Singular.
1. ye iuw? hwa
2. ye in yauw
3. ye ted ya
3a. ye o ya
Singular.
1. ye e imc
2. ye e in yanw
3. ye tee in nautc
3a. ye e in nauw?
Singular.
1. yeweya
2. ye win ya
3. ye tcu win ya
3a. ye win ya
Singular.
1. ye we yai
2. ye win yai
3. ye tcu win yai
3a. ye win yai
Imperative.
Dual.
ye e diL (yeeL)
ye 6 diL
ye tcon diL
ye on diL
Customary.
Dual,
ye e e dil
ye 6 6 dil
ye tee in dil
ye e in dil
Present Definite.
Dual.
ye we deL (yeweL)
ye wo deL
ye tcu win deL
ye win deL
Past Definite.
Dual.
ye we deL
ye wo deL
ye tcu win deL
ye win deL
Plural.
ye ya tcon diL
ye ya on diL
Plural,
ye ya e dil
ye ya in dil
ye ya in dil
Plural,
ye yai deL
ye ya win deL
ye yan deL
Plural,
ye yai deL
ye ya win deL
ye yan deL
Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same
signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive, with
the exception of the first person dual. Instead of it de, e is
found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the
first person singular of the definite tenses. The number is espe-
102 University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
cially marked by a root entirely different from that in the singu-
lar. These verbs with different roots in the singular and plural,
and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual.
The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root.
The third person plural does not have the sign of the third
person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign
of the plural, ya.
The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the
indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for
each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change,
and that the root is -yauw?, modified in the first person by the
sign for that person, hw. In the definite tenses where this
is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise
is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third
person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third
person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual
is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost
all circumstances with this root.
To this subdivision of the conjugation belong verbs without
a prefix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-.
With these prefixes no contractions take place.
yeiyoL, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8.
ye in yauw;, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9.
ye in tuL ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2.
yeweyate, fut. del 1 sing., I am going into it. 314-3.
yewinya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8.
ye win ya ye xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in.
118-5.
ye win deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in. 255-3.
ye nai diL, imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13.
yenawillos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2.
ye na wo deL te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will travel in. 361-12.
ye nun dauw, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7.
ye tee il luw, cust. 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2.
ye tcin nautc, pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6.
yetcuwimmeL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5.
ye tcu win ya, pres. def. 3 sing., they came in. 231-8.
ye tcu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 97-3, 231-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 103
ye tcu win y a hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went in.
246-5.
ye tcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10.
ye tcu win deL, past def. 3 dual, they went in. 278-4.
ye tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing, he put in. 96-13.
yi de tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9.
yuwifiyan, past def. 3a sing., she ate it. 319-5.
yu win yufi hwmn te, fut. def. 3a sing., one must eat. 233-2
yuwinyunte, fut. def. 3a sing., how are they going to
eat them? 100-14.
win yen nei, past def. 3a sing, he was able to stand. 220-11
win xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1.
winxate, fut. def. 3a sing., water will stay. 112-9.
win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4.
win tcwu, past def. 2 sing., you have cried. 337-14.
LC ye tcu win yeutc, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in.
143-10.
Lin win ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9.
LU win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9.
da tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 210-6.
da tcu win en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it. 119-15.
da tcu win xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1.
daunxus, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2.
da e iuw tuw, cust. 1 sing., I put. 247-7.
da e mw kel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14.
do tcu win xan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any.
257-9.
do tcu win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he does not catch.
256-6.
tewautte, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw.
111-17.
tewineL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14.
te tcu win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6.
te tcu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14
tu win yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1.
teewinyeuw, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed)
them. 301-5.
tcu win aL, past def. 3 sing., he chewed. 121-12, 330-4.
104 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
tcu win yan ne, past def . 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11.
tcu win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11, 203-5.
tcu win yuii sil len te, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems.
233-3.
ten win yiin teL de, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat. 267-17.
tcuwinnas, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off.
347-12.
tcu win da, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3, 165-13.
tcuwintsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8.
teu win tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6.
tcuwintcwu, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8.
Conjugation IB.
Ya mas, he is rolling over.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yauwmas ya dim mas
2. yum mas yamas
3. yamas ya yamas
3a. ya mas ya ya mas
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin yauic mas do xo liii ya dim mas
2. yum mas ya mas
3. yamas y a yamas
3a. ya mas ya ya mas
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. yum mas yamas
3. yatcomas ya yatcomas
3a. yaomas ya yaomas
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaiuicmas ya it dim mas
2. yaimmas yaomas
3. yaimmas ya yaimmas
3a. yaimmas ya yaimmas
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 105
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaimas ya wit dim mas
2. yawimmas yawomas
3. yawimmas ya yawimmas
3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yai mas ya wit dim mas
2. yawimmas yawomas
3. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas
3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas
Indefinite Tenses.
First Person Singular. The regular sign contracts with the
prefix ya-, resulting in yauw. In this case the glide u unites
with a to form the diphthong au, which is frequent in Hupa.
Second Person Singular. The ending of the first syllable, m,
is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable.
The change of vowel from a to u presents some difficulty.
The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and u, e
and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in
the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable
ya has been forced to take on n or rn to show the person,
it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One
would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause,
but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout
the singular.
Second Person Plural. Here again contraction has taken
place. The 6 has united with the prefix, producing a syllable,
ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality
as compared with that in the third person singular.
Third Person Singular. No sign for this person occurs, as is
usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic-
able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in quality, at the
apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 8.
106 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH.
a of English, while the vowel of the second person plural inclines
slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop.
The second form applicable to children and others has a
longer vowel of somewhat flatter quality.
Definite Tenses.
The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular
where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak-
ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e, which
is the sign of the first person singular in the definite tenses.
As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con-
ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-classes in
the conjugation.
Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their
roots beginning with m, or 1, or with the following weak
syllables standing before the inflected syllable ; ne or nu, de or
du, and ke or kyu. Many or all of the verbs with the weak sylla-
bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision D.
a nai du win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself.
115-7.
y aim mil, cust. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2.
ya yai wim meL tsu, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick
up their legs. 342-14.
ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15.
ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4.
ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4.
ya kyu win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11.
me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me IUM:, pres. 3 sing., it watching. 204-6.
me luw: te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9.
me nai lute te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13.
me du win tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for.
99-1.
me duw: tcwin, pres. 1 sing., I want. 254-12.
nai me, pres. def. 1 sing., I swim in. 311-11.
nai kyu win xa, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11.
nauw? me, pres. 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15.
na wim me, past def. 3 sing., he swam. 209-13.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hnpa Language. 107
nanaime, past def. 1 sing., I bathed. 311-8.
nanaimmeei, cust. 3 sing., she always bathed. 311-8.
na na ya wil lai, past def. 3 plu., they turned down their
heads. 139-1.
nanaduwina, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14.
na na du win eL, past def, 3a plu., they stuck up. 106-14.
nanu win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17
naxoikyu win an, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep.
121-9.
nadetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1.
na du win a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6.
naduwinate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2.
na du w r in eL, past def. 3 plu.. they stuck up. 106-3.
na du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18. 106-17.
na kyu win a tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard.
186-12.
na kyu win yun te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3.
nakyuwinxa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-1] .
nikkyowun, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you
sleep). 294-5.
nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep.
252-11.
noi du win taL xo lufi, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a
track. 292-5.
no na du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away.
223-11.
no du win taL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a
track he saw. 185-12.
hieikkyowun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it
put me to sleep). 121-6.
xanu white, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3.
xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7.
XOL da na du win a ei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck
up. 203-5.
xon a na du wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them-
selves. 215-11.
xo kyu win nan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1.
da yadu win an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14.
108 University of California Publications. [ AM - ABCH. ETH.
da na yai du win an, past def. 3a plu., they brought it
back. 365-15.
da na xo du win an, past def. 3 plu., they ran back. 181-6.
da na na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 203-10.
da no du win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3.
da tcit du win Lat, past def. 3 sing., he started to run.
176-11.
da kyu win xa ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3.
de wim min te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full).
253-11.
de na de iutr mil, cust. 1 sing, I put in the fire. 247-9.
de na du wil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire.
255-15.
de na du win un te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire.
258-2.
dedeimmil, cust. 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire.
165-6.
dedu wil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11.
dedu wil late, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire.
255-15.
dedu wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire.
165-10.
de du win an, past def. 3 sing., he put in incense. 266-16.
dedu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4.
deduwtun, pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire.
150-4.
do me dutf tcwin, pres. 1 sing., I do not want. 97-8.
do kyii we htf an, past def. 1 sing., I don't eat. 355-15.
duwinxuts, past def. 3a sing., it came off. 157-7.
du win teat, past def. 30 sing., it got sick. 241-9.
du win tea te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will get sick. 242-15.
duwinkunte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge.
343-13.
te no du win taL, past def. 3 sing., in the water he stepped.
120-3.
to on nu win tcwit ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., water she was
to bring. 111-3.
to on tcwit, pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 109
tcit du wim mite, past def. 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2.
tcit dti wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it
off. 287-4.
tcit du win tea te, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going to be
sick. 286-7.
tcit du win tcwit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16.
kinyufi, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6.
kit du win Ml, past def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4.
kyo ya win hieal, past def. 3 plu., they fished. 328-3.
kyoyun, imp. 2 plu., eat. 192-2.
kyohwalle, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15.
kyu win yan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18.
kyu win nan xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep.
347-1.
kyu win xa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8.
kyuwindil, past def. 3a sing., there was a ringing noise.
96-2.
kyu win diL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3.
kyu win dits te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8.
kyuwinket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3.
kyuw; tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation Ic.
Na Lit, he is burning it.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nawrLit na diL Lit
2. nun Lit nai.it
3. na Lit na ya iL Lit
3a. nai Lit na yai Lit
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo liii nauw Lit do xo lin na diL Lit
2. nun Lit na Lit
3. na Lit na ya iL Lit
3a. nai Lit na yai Lit
110
University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Singular.
2. nun Lit
3. na tco Lit
3a. nai 6 Lit
Singular.
1. na imc Lit
2. na in Lit
3. naiLLit
3a. nai IL Lit
Singular.
1. nai Lit
2. nan Lit
3. na Avin Lit
3a. nai win Lit
Singular.
1. nai Lit
2. nan Lit
3. na win Lit
3a. nai win Lit
Imperative.
Plural.
naLit
na ya tco Lit
na yai o Lit
Customary.
Plural,
na it diL Lit
na o Lit
na ya IL Lit
na yai iL Lit
Present Definite.
Plural.
na wit diL Lit
na wo Lit
na ya win Lit
na yai win Lit
Past Definite.
Plural.
na wit diL Lit
na wo Lit
na ya win Lit
na yai win Lit
Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in
the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second
person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis-
appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as
the final sound of the first syllable. The following prefixes char-
acterize verbs of this class : ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-.
a da na win a te, fut. def . 3 sing., for himself he will get.
338-9.
ya a a, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8.
ya a wmc, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6.
ya win a, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11.
ya wiii an, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1.
ya win a hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6.
ya win en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 210-4.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. Ill
ya win eL, pres. def . 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8.
yawinxan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6.
ya. win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took. 108-18.
ya win tun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he picked it up.
202-6.
yawinkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15.
yafi a, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3.
ya na win ai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6.
yanawinaye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5.
yanawinen, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1.
yanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11.
me it tan, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-3.
me win an ne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7.
mis sai xiin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth.
243-16.
mis sa win xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will
put. 243-10.
mis sun xauw ne, imp. 2 sing., its mouth put it in. 246-14.
na win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3.
na win Lit, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12.
na win kiits, past def. 3 sing., he became cold. 330-4.
nanaiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2.
na na win an, past def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-10.
na na win ufi xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down.
176-17.
nanawintan, past def. 3 sing., he took down. 97-16.
na diL, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3.
xaiunte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out. 135-5.
xauw auw?, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7.
xa win an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 100-10, 135-8.
xe e win qotc ei tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope
away. 175-8.
xot da win yai, past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3.
sawifixan, past def. 3 sing., he put it into her mouth.
278-10.
dayawinai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya win a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting.
337-2.
112 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
daya na win ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2.
da na win tan, past def. 3 sing., lie put it down. 97-13.
doxaautc, pres. 3 sing., one doesn't dig. 135-3.
do xo lin nun yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9.
dosaixauM', pres. 3a sing., one can't swallow. 141-2.
kewinxuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17.
kis sa win ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some-
body's mouth. 257-5.
Conjugation ID.
Kit us, he cuts open.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. kyutflius kitdittus
2. kintfus kyoius
3. kittus yakitius
3a. ylkitftis yaikitfus
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin kyihc t us do xo lin kit dit tus
2. kin tus kyo tfus
3. kit t us ya kit fus
3a. yi kit tns yai kit tus
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. kin t us kyoius
3. kyofus yakyoMs
3a. yikyoMs yai kyo Ms
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. keiutcfus keitdiUus
2. keinfus keoius
3. keitfus yakeit^us
3a. yikeitfus yaikeitfiis
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 113
Singular.
1. ke fats
2. kyu win fats
3. kin fats
3a. yi kin tats
Singular.
1. ke fats
2. kyu win fats
3. kin fats
3a. yi kin fats
Present Definite.
Plural.
kyu wit dit fats
kyu wo fats
ya kin fats
yai kin fats
Past Definite.
Plural.
kyu wit dit fats
kyu wo fats
ya kin fats
yai kin fats
Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have
in the present the signs of person and .number of sub-class A,
jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses
contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the
third person singular and plural. The second person singular
does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel u from the
following w.
This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before
the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial
letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There
seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given
under B above, except that those in this class always have some
prefix preceding the weak syllable, while those in B may have
such prefixes or may lack them.
yayakifien, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4.
yanakeuwuir, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7.
yanakil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7.
yanakinen, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3.
ya ke wuw? hwei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away.
162-4.
yakinwuw, imp. 2 sing., carry it. 105-18.
yakinwenne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off.
163-4.
ye kin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3.
yekinnenden, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6.
114 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
min no kin kil, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5.
naikeits, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
hicis sa kin its, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
xa kin its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7.
xo sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
dakinyunte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew off (bowstrings).
151-9.
te ke its te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9.
te kin its, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10.
kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2.
Conjugation IE.
Tco xai, he is buying.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ouwxai ode xai
2. on xai 6 xai
3. too xai tco ya xai
3a. yoxai yoyaxai
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin ouic xait do xo lin 6 de xait
2. on xait 6 xait
3. tco xait tco ya xait
3a. yo xait yo ya xait
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. ofi xai 5 xai
3. tco 6 xai tco ya 6 xai
3a. yo 6 xai yo ya 6 xai
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. 6 imc xait 6 it de xait
2. 6 in xait 6 6 xait
3. tco e xait tco ya xait
3a. yoexait yoyaxait
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 115
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. oi xai 6 wit de xai
2. on xai 6 wo xai
3. tconxai tco y an xai
3. yon xai yo yaii xai
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. oi xait 6 wit de xait
2. on xait 6 wo xait
3. tcon xait tco yaii xait
3a. yon xait yo yaii xait
A few verbs with a prefix 5- show peculiarities. In the third
person of all the tense-modes tc before the prefix 6, with which
they form a syllable, occur not only where they might be expected
in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular
one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In
the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular
and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears
only in the first and second persons of the plural.
ya xofi its, past def . 3 sing., he shot. 166-8.
yo e its, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11.
yon tan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8.
yoxai (nanakisdeL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came
back. 200-7.
yo xai xo win sen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy.
200-3.
dooilunte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5.
doyolunte, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1.
do tco wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13
do tco wil lun, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2.
do tco xo wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9.
do tco xo na wil Ian, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8.
tcoyanits, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12.
tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9.
tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3.
116
University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Conjugation 2.
No ut, he is throwing down a blanket.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1. now ut
2. nonut
3. nout
3a. noi lit
Singular.
1. doxolin notrut
2. non lit
3. no ut
3a. noi ut
Singular.
2. nonut
3. notcofit
3a. noyout
Singular.
1. noiuwut
2. no in fit
3. no e ut
3a. noi e ut
Singular.
1. nonaiit
2. noninut
3. noninut
3a. noininut
Singular.
1. nonaiit
2. noninut
3. noninut
3a. noi nin ut
Plural,
no de ut
nout
no ya ut
no yai ut
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin node lit
nout
no ya ut
no yai ut
Imperative.
Plural.
nout
no ya tco ut
no yai yo ut
Customary.
Plural.
noitdeut
no out
no ya e ut
no yai e ut
Present Definite.
Plural.
non da ut
no no ut
no ya nin ut
no yai nifi ut
Past Definite.
Plural.
non da ut
no no ut
no ya nin ut
no yai nin ut
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 117
1.
2. teen yauw
3. tee nauw?
3a. tee nauw?
Singular.
1. do xo lin
2.
3.
3a.
Intransitive with root changing for the plural.
TeenauM', he goes out.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
tee neL tee ya neL
tee no diL
tee in diL tee ya in diL
tcin diL tceyundiL
Impotential.
Dual. Plural,
do xo lin tee ne dil tee ya ne dil
teen yairw; tee no dil
tee nauw? tee in dil tee ya in dil
tee nauw tcin dil tee yun dil
Imperative.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
tee neL tceyanei.
tee no diL (tc^diL)
tee tcon di L tee ya tcon di L
tee on dii. tee ya on diL
Customary.
Dual. Plural,
tee e dil tee ya e dil
tee 6 dil
tee in dil tee ya in dil
tee in dil tee ya in dil
Present Definite.
Singular. Dual. Plural,
tee ne ya tee ne deL tee ya ne deL
2. tee nin ya tee no deL
3. tee nin ya tee nin deL tee ya nin deL
3a. tcin ya tcin deL tee yun deL
Past Definite.
Singular. Dual. Plural.
1. tee ne yai tee ne deL tee ya ne deL
2. tee nin yai tee no deL
3. tee nin yai tee nin deL tee ya nin deL
3a, tcin yai tcin deL tee yun deL
T.
2. teen yauw
3. tee tco ya
3a. tee 6 ya
Singular.
1. tee iuto hw?aui>
2. tee in yauw?
3. tee in nauw
3a. tee in nauw?
1.
118 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
The verbs of this conjugation have the same sign for person
and number which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The only
difference in form between the two conjugations is the initial n
instead of w in the definite tenses.
a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself.
302-10.
yaninyai, past def. 3 sing., he went (between two). 138-15
ya nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9.
yanindeLhit., pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16.
waiexussei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-1.
waimmil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had)
burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin SCL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated
through he saw. 329-16.
wun no kin nil lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on.
246-10.
Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12.
LC nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire
burning. 169-6.
Le na il lutr , cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1.
Lenaluir, pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14.
Lena nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10.
Le na nil la xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he
saw. 186-3.
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will build a fire. 356-4.
Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2.
Le na nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round.
102-1.
meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11.
menemen, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11.
me nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13.
me no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13.
mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4.
mi nil la yei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore.
362-4.
na ya nil lutr ne en, pres. def. 3 plu., which had been lost.
144-7.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 119
na ya xon nil lai ei, past def . 3 plu., they took them. 179-8.
na na ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (across).
172-2.
nananinan, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9.
nanifiyai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17,322-10.
naninyayei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6.
nanodiL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across?). 266-15.
nei ya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15.
neiyai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13.
neiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7.
nim meL din, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7.
ninyamtf, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3.
ninyayete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12.
niiiyade, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10.
nin ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15.
nin xuts, past def. 3a sing., it flew. 113-17.
no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself.
223-9.
no a din xam#, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9.
noilluw?, cust. 3 sing., she put. 157-11.
noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17
no it to, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7.
no u wutf, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5.
no ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5.
no na imc xauw, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3.
no nail luw>, cust. 3 sing., she left off. 332-10.
nonaininan, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10.
no nauw a~aw, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1.
non amo ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7.
no nauw nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry.
208-11.
no na ya kin nin an, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9.
nonaneufi, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5.
no na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8.
no na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5.
no na nin deL xo Ian, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down
he saw. 271-12.
nonanintse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9.
120 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
no na kin autrne, imp. 2 sing., you must leave. 353-10.
no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 3 sing., one should leave.
215-8.
no na kin nin un te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will leave. 351-
13, 357-2.
no na kin (nin) tan, past def. .3 sing., he set the wedge
again. 109-1.
no ne xun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2.
no nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put. 98-2.
no nil la yei. past def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13.
no nil lit hit. pres. def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat-
ing. 210-8.
no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3.
no nin un hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7.
noninnas, past def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3.
noninut, past def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3.
no nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7.
noninxannei, past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7.
no nin xun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12.
no nin xuts, past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9.
no nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16.
non xauic ne, imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14.
noxoniiiun. pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with them.
179-5.
no XUM-, pres. 3a sing., floats ashore. 346-5.
n6t6x, pres. 3a sing., water staid. 324-3.
no ke iuw: qot, cust. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4.
no kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12.
no kin nin yotr, past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3.
no kin nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge. 108-11 .
nu wa na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7.
nu wa nel la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353 7
niitt; au?c, pres. 1 sing., I am going to leave. 157-8.
xowaya (n) in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14
XOL noil lit. cust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4.
XOL no nil lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7.
XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating.
209-13.
VOL. 31 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 121
da no nin deL, past def . 3 dual, they sat. 179-2.
dit tse no nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe.
216-4.
dit tse no nil la xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4
ddLenanela, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire.
355-14.
do no amp, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6.
do he tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out.
162-13.
dotceauw, pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12.
do tee in nauw?, cust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3.
do tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3.
do tee nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out.
102-11.
tee e auw, cust. 3 sing., he took out. 333-2.
tceillwr, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-1.1.
tee min nin yot dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a deer.
217-16.
tcenauw;, pres. 3a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7.
tee na il liii xo Ian, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out.
117-18.
tee na ya xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3.
tcenamiL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13,
tee na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2.
tee na mm meL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown
out. 301-14.
tee na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3.
tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9.
tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13.
teeneyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8.
tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14.
tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5.
tee nil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9.
. tee nim mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5.
tee nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15.
tceniriyai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16.
tcenifiyane, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1.
tee nin ya te ne en, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come
out. 162-12.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 8.
122 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH.
tceninyos, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2.
tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they came out. 175-11.
tee nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4.
tceninkutc, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1.
tee kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-2.
tee kin nin hire, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging.
100-9.
tee kin nin hwe ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging.
100-8.
tcinnimmeL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home. 363-1.
tcin nin en, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15.
tcin nin ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1.
tcin nin ya win te, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9
tcin nin ya ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7
tcin nin win detc, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5.
kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14.
kin nin in hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the
load. 238-1.
Conjugation 3A.
Tcil loi, he is tying.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. imcloi itdilloi
2. illoi oloi
3. tcilloi yaloi
3a. yilloi yailoi
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin iiitc loi do xo lin it dil loi
2. il loi 6 loi
3. tcil loi ya loi
3a. yil loi yai loi
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. il loi 6 loi
3. tcoloi yatcoloi
3a. yoloi yayoloi
VoL - 3 1 Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 123
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. eiuwloi eitdilloi
2. eilloi eoloi
3. tceilloi yailloi
3a. yeilloi yaiilloi
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
I- seloi sitdilloi
2. silloi soloi
3. tcisloi yaisloi
3a. yisloi yaiisloi
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. seloi sitdilloi
2. silloi soloi
3. tcisloi yaisloi
3a. yisloi yaiisloi
With a prefix.
NaLe, he is painting.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nauwLe nadiLLe
2. nunLe na Le
3. na Le na ya Le
3a. nai Le na yai LC
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lifi nauw/ LU do xo lin na diL LU
2. nun LU na LU
3. naLu nayaLu
3a. nai LU na yai LU
124
University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
Imperative.
Plural.
naLe
na ya ted Le
na ya yo Le
Customary.
Plural,
na it diL LU
naoLu
na ya IL LU
na yai iL LU
Present Definite.
Plural.
nas diL Le
na so Le
na ya is Le
na yais Le
Past Definite.
Plural,
nas diL LU
na so LU
na ya is LU
na yais LU
Intransitive with the root changing for the plural.
Nawa, he is about.
Singular.
2. nunLe
3. natcdLe
3a. nayoLe
Singular.
1. naiuwLu
2. nainLu
3. naiLLu
3a. naiiLLu
Singular.
1. na se Le
2. nasinLe
3. naisLe
3a. naisLe
Singular.
1. naseLu
2. na sin LU
3. na is LU
3a.
Singular.
1. naiiw hwa
2. nun ya
3. nawa
3a. na wa
Present Indefinite.
Dual.
naidiL (naiL)
nadiL
na diL
na diL
Impotential.
Singular. Dual.
1. do xo lin name hw^ai do xo liii nai dil
2. nun yai na dil
3. na wai na dil
3a. na wai na dil
Plural,
na yai diL
na ya dii.
na ya diL
Plural,
na yai dil
na ya dil
na ya dil
VOL. 31 Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 125
Singular.
2. nun ya
3. na tco ya
3a. na 6 ya
Singular.
1. na iut> hzm
2. naiiiya
3. na I ya
3a. na I ya
Singular.
1. na se ya
2. na sin ya
3. na is ya
3a. nas ya
Singular.
1. na se ya
2. na sin ya
3. na is ya
3a. nas ya
Imperative.
Dual.
nadiL
na tco diL
na 6 diL
Customary.
Dual.
na e dil
na 6 dil
na it dil
na it dil
Present Definite.
Dual.
na se deL
na so deL
na is deL
nas deL
Past Definite.
Dual.
na se deL
na so deL
na is deL
nas deL
Plural.
na ya tco diL
na ya 6 diL
Plural,
na ya e dil
na ya it dil
na ya it dil
Plural,
na ya se deL
na ya is deL
na yas deL
Plural.
na ya se deL
na ya is deL
na yas deL
This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in
having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first,
and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding
the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation
mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says
nothing of its beginning or its end.
Except that in the second person singular of this particular
example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated
to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactly
the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be
noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have
the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but
which does not seem to be a personal sign.
126 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. Era.
In the second example given above, naLe, "he is painting."
the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions
and changes in the present are the same in all respects as those
in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite
tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa
in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second,
s, the conjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i; third, the root.
According to what the Hupa style "the old-fashioned way of
talking," one would say natcisLu. On the analogy of this,
nayisLu would be the second form. Its contraction should
give naisLii, which occurs in this case. The dropping of tc
in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second
conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes.
The other dialects of this group, it may be remarked, have only
one form for the third person singular, and that is the prefix
with s as its final sound.
aLyatesan, past def. 3 plu., with them they took. 361-1.
a. nu we sin e te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5.
anadisloi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5.
a nu wes te, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2.
innaxosan, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11.
in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5.
in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9.
is lun te, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4.
ya is len, past def. 3 plu., they both became. 187-13.
yaislenei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 110-1.
ya is loi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7.
ya wes a, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2.
ya na wes a, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17.
ya nes tetc, past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7.
yaxosmeL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3.
ya xos qot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2.
ya xo qot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12.
yatesyai, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4.
yawesa, past def. 3a sing., it was in. 153-10.
yekyu westce, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4.
ye kyu wes tee te, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow.
301-8.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 127
yis dik, past def . 3a sing., he pecked. 113-13.
yit da wes le te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will get enough. 267-4.
yd xai na na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., to buy they came
back. 200-7.
yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3 sing., she turned
over. 117-4.
yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., they ate it. 347-15.
wunnaiya, cust. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2.
wun na is ya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14.
wun na is ya xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10.
wun na is deL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17.
wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, pres. 3 plu., hunting they had
been he saw. 140-11.
wunnadiLte, fut. 3 plu., they will hunt. 311-14.
Leilloi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12.
Lenaisloi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5.
meenanesdai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching.
293-1.
meilloi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16.
menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8.
me na ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they started back. 208-16
menakisloi, past def. 3 sing., he bound it up. 145-11.
me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5.
me sit ditc tetc, pres. def. 1 dual, in we would be rying.
190-4.
medzesla, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6.
milloine, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4.
min notes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his
arm. 113-1.
na iuw loi hit, cust. 1 sing., I tie them up. 247-11.
na iuw? LU, cust. 1 sing., I paint. 247-12.
na is ya, pres. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9.
naisyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he goes. 307-13.
na is dau we a xo lun, past def. 3 sing., it had melted
away. 236-1.
na is deL, past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14.
naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6.
128 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
na is din nan, past def . 3 sing., he turned.
na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4.
naistsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4.
na ya nu wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet.
142-17.
na ya tes in x, pres. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17.
nalu, pres. 3 sing., which live. 100-7.
na na is ya e xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., she could walk.
276-11.
na na is ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6.
na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6.
na na sin ya te, f ut. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8.
na nas deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will become. 228-2.
nanakiswel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7.
nanakisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5.
na na kis le hit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6.
na ne sin dai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1.
na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2.
na nes da xo lun, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10.
nanuwesa, past def. 3 sing., ridge ran across. 363-14.
na xo tes an, past def. 3 dual, they ran around. 341-4.
nasinyate., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2.
nas ya yei, past def. 3a sing., it commenced to walk. 136-9.
nas deL, past def. 3a dual, they began to walk. 180-16.
nas deL te, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4.
na tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17.
natse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4.
na kis yotc hwei, past def. 3a sing., it flowed in a circle.
100-11.
na kisle, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15.
na kis Lon, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5.
na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2.
nakisqot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12.
nakisqotte, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to poke. 192-9.
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you.
328-6.
neittetc, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12.
niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 129
nin is deL, past def . 3 dual, they danced. 104-14.
nin tsis deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12.
kis da te, fut. def. 3a sing., it would melt away. 259-9.
htt?iL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go.
187-7.
xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1.
xaisyai, past def. 3 sing., he came up. 105-1.
xaisyadin, pres. def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2.
xaislai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16.
xaisxunhit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought
them up. 99-9.
xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2.
xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4.
xanaislos, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2.
xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4.
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5.
xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15
XOL xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3.
XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her.
341-2.
xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2.
XOL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13.
xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned
around. 278-12.
xot da na we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow
down. 227-6.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow
down. 227-5.
xotdeisyai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14.
xot de ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they met them. 110-8.
da ne se da te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8.
da tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14.
da kit du wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4.
do he nas deL Q x, past def. 3a plu., they could not walk
about. 322-7.
do he ML tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., he did not have
intercourse. 104-7.
130 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
do tcit tes ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not feel like going
on. 281-3.
ta ya is hwal, past def. 3 plu., they caught. 328-4.
ta na is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water.
325-4.
ta nai kyu we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea
with you. 228-5.
tadesla, pres. def. 3a sing., it has come. 199-3.
tadeslat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2.
ta des deL xo lufi, pres. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore.
101-2.
ta tcis wen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10.
te se yai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6.
teseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9.
teselate, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them.
253-15.
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure.
116-12.
tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11.
tes lat dei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15.
tes deL ei, past def. 3a plu., they flew away. 159-12.
tes deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will come. 252-3.
tsi yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11.
tsis loi, past def. 3 sing., he made bundles. 142-3.
tcinnesdai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11.
tcin nes da te., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14.
tcis Ian, past def. 3 sing., he was born. 96-2.
tcislen, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17.
tcis loi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4.
tcit tes en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4.
tcit tes en ne en, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8.
tcit tes in, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn't look up. 237-9.
tcit tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10.
tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had traveled
he saw. 186-1.
tcit tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11.
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10.
tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 131
tcit tes xan, past def . 3 sing., he took along. 342-2.
tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15.
tcit tes deL te, f ut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9
tcit tes tun de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13.
tcit tin diL, pres. 3 plu., they are coming. 198-2.
keisyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17.
keisyayei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12.
ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8.
kesinqotcei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree.
175-1.
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7
ML ne se tin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse
with a woman. 104-7.
kinnaislal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6.
kinnauwlaL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8.
kin neso yun te, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men.
238-13.
kislete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10.
kyu wa is tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6.
Conjugation 3fi.
Tcit tit tuL, he is stepping along.
Singular.
1. tmetuL
2. tintuL
3. tcit tit tuL
3a. yittittuL
Present Indefinite.
Plural,
tit dit tuL
to tuL
ya tit tuL
yai tit tuL
Singular.
1. d5 xo lin tuw? tul
2. tin tul
3. tcit tit tul
3a. yit tit tul
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin tit dit till
to tul
ya tit tul
yai tit tul
132
University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Singular.
2. tintuL
3. tcittotuL
3a. yittotuL
Singular.
1. teiutctul
2. te in till
3. tcit te it till
3a. yitteittul
Singular.
1. tesetaL
2. tesintaL
3. tcittetaL
3a. yittetaL
Singular.
1. tesetaL
2. tesintaL
3. tcittetaL
3a. yittetaL
Imperative.
Plural.
totuL
ya to tuL
yai to tuL
Customary.
Plural,
te it dit till
te 6 tul
ya te it till
yai te it till
Present Definite.
Plural.
tes dit taL
te so taL
ya te taL
yai te taL
Past Definite.
Plural.
tes dit taL
te so taL
ya te taL
yai te taL
This form B differs from A, given above, only in the loss of s
in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot-
ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcittesyai and
tcit tes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following
verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered
as taking place at several separate definite places in succession.
yateittcwu, cust. 3 phi., they cried along. 179-12.
ya te mite, past def . 3 plu., they pulled off. 179-10.
yatexan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16.
ye xd yun x5 lun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-17.
yexotaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9.
ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9.
VOL. 3<] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 133
me sit te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went along up. 198-13.
nadittemeL, past def. 3a plu., they fell. 245-11.
na te 16s, past def. 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1.
na te tse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9
na kit te it Low?, eust. 3 sing., she always made baskets.
157-3.
nakitteLon, past def. 3 sing., she wove another round.
305-7.
noyatemeL, past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along.
179-11.
xatemas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out of the ground.
270-5.
xowayatelai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8.
da note deL te, fut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9.
tesetcwitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure it.
116-12.
tee te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5.
tcetexan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5.
tcinteen, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19.
tcintellai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15.
tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5.
tcit te it tcwu, oust. 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8.
tcitteyos, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13.
tcit te teen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12.
tcit tete wen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12.
tcittetelai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3.
tcit te te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the meas-
ure. 226-4.
tcittetemeL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered them 101-3.
tcit te tot, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15.
tcit te tcit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16.
tcittetcwai, past def . 3 sing., she buried in several places.
192-12.
tcit te tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13.
tcoyatexait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8.
ke it L5, cust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1.
kitteakutc., past def. 3 sing., they began to play. 142-16.
kit te e au, cust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5.
134 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
kit te it Low:, eust. 3 sing., one who always made baskets.
324-5.
kit te yan nei, past def . 3 sing., they fed about. 98-4.
kit te yow/% past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11.
kit te htce, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8.
kittehicil, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4.
kit te sin kutc teL, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny.
142-12.
kit te ats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1.
kittetelai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14.
kittiyauw, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3.
Conjugation 4.
Tcit tcit, he is dying.
Present.
Singular. Plural.
1. iuwtcit itdittcit
2. in tcit otcit
3. tcit tcit yatcit
3a. tcit (yittcit) yaitcit
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo liii iuw? tcit do xo lin it dit tcit
2. in tcit o tcit
3. tcit tcit ya tcit
3a. yit tcit yai tcit
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. in tcit otcit
3. tcotcit yatcotcit
3a. otcit yaotcit
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. e imc tcit e it dit tcit
2. e in tcit e 6 tcit
3. tee it tcit ya it tcit
3a. ye it tcit yai it tcit
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 135
Past.
The past is identical in form with the present given above.
With a prefix.
Na a, he has it.
Present.
Singular. Plural.
1. nautc a na da a
2. nun a na a
3. naa nayaa
3a. nai a na yai a
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin nautc ai do xo lifi na da ai
2. nun ai na ai
3. na ai na ya ai
3a. nai ai na yai ai
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. nun a naa
3. na tco a na ya tco a
3a. nayoa nayayoa
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. naiuwa naitdaa
2. naina naoa
3. naa a nayaa a
3a. nai a a nayaiaa
Past.
Singular. Plural.
1. nauwai nadaai
2. nuiiai naai
3. naai nayaai
3a. nai ai na yai ai
Verbs of this conjugation differ from those in the preceding
conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have
a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of
136 University of California Publications. [ AM - AR CH. ETH.
the root. As will be seen from the preceding examples, the signs
of person and number are the same as for the other conjugations,
and the same contractions occur with the prefixes.
a en nu, cust. 3a sing., it does it. 275-5.
ai ye tcis lin xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., he was tired. 346-9.
ai la te, fut. 3a sing., they will catch. 253-10.
a in nu, past 3 sing., he did. 288-9.
a in nu mil,, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4.
a in te, past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5.
ai xoi il le. cust. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7.
aityaux51un, past 3 sing., tired he was. 346-10.
aityade, pres. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7.
ai kit in xo sin, pres. 3a sing., (bears) did that. 223-4.
aikyu/ren, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-16.
auw law , past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3, 302-10.
auttflate, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with it? 293-8.
awr di ya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11.
auicdiyau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17.
auwdiyate, fut. 1 sing., (what) am I going to do. 257-14
aur tin ne en, pres. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7.
ayainnu, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2.
ayatfen, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5.
a ya tin ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1.
a ya tcil lau, past 3 plu., they fixed. 172-4.
a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15.
a le ne, imp. 2 plu., you must do it. 100-18, 101-3.
anaidiyau, past 1 plu., we do this. 361-9.
anautclate, fut. 1 sing., I was intending to do. 260-3.
anauwrdiyau, past 1 sing., I did it. 282-5. 325-12.
anayadillau, past 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1.
anadlyau, past 3a sing., it did that. 244-11.
a na dil lau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11.
anadille, imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1.
a na dit ten, past 1 dual, we did. 217-7.
ana tcil lau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8.
ana tcil late, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4.
a nun di yau. past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6.
a hiro la, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 137
a xo la de, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a xo dil la, pres. 1 plu., we could do with him. 116-16.
adiya, pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6.
adiyauwei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14.
adiyate, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18.
adlyateL, fut. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11.
a if en, past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9.
a ten, past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9.
atinweste, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10.
atfinte, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9.
atcillau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5.
akillau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13,322-1.
akyole, imp. 2 plu., you do. 198-2.
e e a, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2.
eillu cust. 3a sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1.
iuitftcitte, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13.
illene, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6.
inhMttL, imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6.
6 le, imp. 2 plu., become. 110-7.
6 le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7.
olene, imp. 2 plu., become. 109-18.
ul le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13.
ullene, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7.
un di yau, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8, 337-9.
undiyate, fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4.
un te, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15.
un te, pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18.
yana, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14.
yan ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3.
ya sil lai, past 3 plu., they were there. 180-3.
mal yeuw ai il lu, cust. 3a sing., she took care of it. 136-7.
mal yeuw a tcil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6.
mesaun, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15.
nan a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3.
nanya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3.
naii yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5.
nan xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1.
na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 10.
138 University of California Publications. [ AM - A 803 - ETH -
na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9.
na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13.
nadillene, imp. 2 plu., you may become. 166-12.
nadillete, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5.
nadillu, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2.
nin eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2.
xa ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1.
xa a in nu, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9.
xaainnu, cust. 3 sing., that happened. 340-5.
xaaityau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8.
xa a it ya xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was.
346-7.
xa BMW di ya te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what. 202-8.
xaanaityau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9.
xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing. 1 278-12.
xa a xo le ne, pres. 3a sing., he should do that. 1 163-2.
xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14.
xaadiyateL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16.
xaatfinwesfe, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always
did. 325-1.
xa a tin win te, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14.
xaatfinte, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a tcil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1.
xa a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12.
xaulle, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19.
xa di ya te, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10.
xolin, absolute form, (I wish) it was. 340-7.
xolun, absolute form, he found. 361-16.
xolunteL, absolute fut., he will be the one. 209-12.
xo tcin na sil lai, past. 3a plu., she was dressed in. 164-9.
xo tein sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4.
xwaeille, cust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6.
saun, pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13.
sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-10.
1 These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts.
They are evidently impersonal, ' ' it happened ' ' and ' ' it should be done. ' '
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 139
saanne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing. 1 164-15.
sa xan ne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13.
sillen, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2.
sil lin te, fut. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5.
sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there.
164-16.
sit dai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1.
sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8.
sittetcx, pres. 3a plu. (dual), they lay there. 322-6.
sit tin, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2.
sux xun, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7.
da xo a di ya xo Ian, past 3a sing., he was dead they found
out. 175-11.
da xo a ten, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4.
da xo un a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., they will die. 217-16.
da xo un a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5.
da xwed un ul lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3.
da xwed dafi a di yau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do.
270-6.
da xwed din na am*; tin, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing.
163-4.
da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10.
da sit tuii, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9.
da sit ten, past 3a sing., it was lying. 114-16.
do me sa un, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9.
do he tcit tcit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1.
doxaauw ten, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4.
doxaundiyau, past 2 sing., you don't do that. 343-13.
doxolen, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6.
doxolin, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8.
doxolin itdau, impot. 3a sing., they won't melt away.
254-7.
do xo liii nifi xa ten tcil lu, impot. 3 sing., it won't be rich
man he will become. 338-7.
doxolin sedai> impot. 1 sing., I can't stay. 360-11.
1 The situation of this form in the sentence after un kya requires the
present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be-
cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight.
140 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
do xo liii da xo a ten, impot. 3 sing., they won't die. 253-7.
doxosle, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5.
duwdiya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10.
tcille, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10.
tcit dei, past 3a sing., it died. 266-8.
tcit tcit xo Ian, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3.
tcit tcit dei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4.
CLASS II.
Conjugation IA.
YetciLda, he is carrying in a large object.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye iuw da ye it dil da
2. yeiLda yeoLda
3. yetciLda yeyaiLda
3a. yeyiLda yeyaiiLda
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin ye iuic da do xo lin ye it dil da
2. ye iL da ye OL da
3. ye tciL da ye ya iL da
3a. ye yiL da ye yai IL da
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. yeiLda yeoLda
3. yetcoLda yeyatcoi.da
3a. yeydLda yeyaiyoLda
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeeiuwda ye e it dil da
2. yeeiLda yeeoLda
3. ye tee IL da yeyaiLda
3. ye yeiLda yeyaiiLda
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 141
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeweLda yewitdilda
2. yewiLda yewoLda
3. yetcuwiLda yeyawiLda
3a. yeyuwiLda yeyaiwiida
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye weL da ye wit dil da
2. yewiLda yewoLda
3. yetcuwiLda yeyawiLda
3a. yeyuwiLda ye'yaiwiLda
Class II differs from Class I, in form, in having the sound L
as the final sound of the syllable immediately preceding the root.
Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa-
sioned by this invasion.
Indefinite Tenses.
It seems probable that L cannot stand after the sound w
of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in
Class I. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this
class, L apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1.
The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is
probably due to L being added to the syllable. That -n norm-
ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars,
is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as
-gum.-, g and u, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa
w and i. The second person plural adds L without any other
change. In the third person singular L unites with the weak
vowel of the sign, forming tciL- and yiL-, respectively. In
accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third
person plural, L, not finding available support, has formed a
new syllable, with the aid of i.
Definite Tenses.
The introduction of L furnishes but little difficulty. It
appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else-
where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the
syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The
142 University of California Publications. C AM - AKCH. ETH.
question arises, whether, if the L displaces the n in the second
person singular, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the
third person forced out the n which appears in Class I. The
Tolowa, which always has -gunL- in the second person singular,
has sometimes -guL- and sometimes -gunL- in the third person,
ye yu wiL kit de te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there.
301-9.
yetceiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7.
ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13.
ye tcii wiL taL ei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5.
ye tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17.
ye tcu WIL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8.
ye tcu WIL tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take them
in. 302-7.
ye tcu WIL to, past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1.
yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the
ground. 215-3.
yin ne tcu wiL tin, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they
have put. 221-3.
yooLtutc, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6.
WOL din tan, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it.
180-9.
do tcu wiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome. 220-4,
306-10.
te WCL qotc te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4.
te wiL auw; hw/il, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4.
tcu wiL tel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6.
tcu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9.
tcu wiLkil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1
tcu WIL ky os il, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9.
Conjugation IB.
Me ML te, he is singing.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. mekyuiflte mekitdilte
2. mekiLte mekyoLte
3. mekiLte meyakiLte
3a. mikiLte meyaikiLte
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 143
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin me kyuw tu do xo lin me kit dil tu
2. me ML tu me kyoL tu
3. me kiL tu me ya ML tu
3. mi ML tu me yai ML tu
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. mekiLte mekyoLte
3. mekyoLte meyakyoLte
3a. mikyoLte meyaikyoLte
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. mekeiu7/?tu mekeitdiltu
2. me ke iL tu me kyo OL tu
3. mekeiLtu meyakeiLtu
3a. mi ke iL tu me yai ke iL tu
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. me keL te me kyu wit dil te
2. me kyu wiL te me kyu WOL te
3. me kyu wiL te meyakyuwiLte
3a. mi kyu wiL te me yai kyu wiL te
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. me keL tu me kyu wit dil tu
2. me kyu wiL tu me kyu WOL tu
3. me kyu wiL tu meyakyuwiLtu
3a. mi kyu WIL tu me yai kyu wiL tu
a na dit du wiL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one
side. 108-15.
ya na kyu wiL tsil HL te, fut. def. 3 plu., they may split.
109-8.
yakiLtsis, pres. 3 sing., he made it sprinkle. 338-2.
ye na wiL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-2.
wun du wiL tcut, past def. 3 sing., he took. 96-12.
me ya kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1.
144 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
me na kyu wiL tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15.
mediiwiLa, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the
fire. 242-11.
me kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4.
me kyu wiL tu, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6.
naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3.
nai xon nu wiL hir on, past def. '3a sing., it cured him.
121-13.
na na kin nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3
naxowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12.
na xo wiL tun te. fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6.
na xo wiL tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14
na XOL tun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6.
na do WCL din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome
for. 176-2.
nin kyu WIL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10.
xo WIL tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry.
255-7.
xo wiL tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow.
259-16.
xo wiL tcweL te, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place.
XOL yai din ne WIL a, past def. 3a plu., they learned (how
to shoot). 180-13.
danadiLa, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11.
danadoLa, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1.
danaduwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it.
197-4.
da na du wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12.
da na du wiL a ei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2.
da tcit du wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away.
207-11.
de de IL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do he XOL din nu WIL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know
how. 175-4.
tcit de IL ne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12.
tcit du wiL waL ei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked off.
159-11.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 145
tcit du wiL wis, past def. 3 sing., he rolled it between his
hands. 197-4.
tcit du wiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it off.
281-16.
tco xo wiL tcwel HL te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will fix the
dance place. 211-16.
tcoduwiLxut, past def. 3 sing., she asked them. 301-17.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, past def. 3 sing., a kissing noise she
heard. 111-9.
kyo diL tsots ne, imp. 2 sing., make a kissing noise. 111-7.
Conjugation Ic.
Ya iL win., he threw into the air.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yauto WUL ya dil WUL
2. yuLwuL yaLwuL
3. yaiLwuL yayaiLwuL
3a. yaiLwuL yayaiLwuL
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lifi yauw wul do xo lifi ya dil wul
2. yuL wul yaL wul
3. ya iL wul ya ya iL wul
3a. yaiL wul ya yaiL wul
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. yuLwuL yaL WUL
3. yatcoLwuL yayatcoLwuL
3a. yaioLwuL yayaioLwuL
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaiuwwul y a it dil wul
2. yaiL wul yaoLwul
3. yaiL wul ya yaiL wul
3a. yaiiLwul yayaiiLwul
146 University of California Publications. [AM. AECH. ETH.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL
2. yaLwaL yawoLwaL
3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yaiLwaL yawitdilwaL
2. yaLwaL yawoLwaL
3. yawiLwaL yayawiLwaL
3a. yaiwiLwaL yayaiwiLwaL
yaiLwul, cust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1.
yauw; tmr , pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11.
yawiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 362-8.
yawiLtennei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3.
ya wiL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3.
yawiLkyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6.
yanauwtuw, pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9.
yenawiLten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5.
yenawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12.
waiiLtuw:, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12.
Le nai wiL dil la din, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place
351-5.
me na wiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12.
menawiLkyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4.
naiwiLxaLte, fut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17.
na na wiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4.
no na wiL dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut.
97-2.
hico iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
xa na wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10.
xeeiLyol, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15.
xeewiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11.
xeenaiLkis, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3.
xotdaiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8.
da nai wiL kil HL te, fut. def. 3a sing., fog will stay. 273-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 147
dje W!L tseL, past def . 3 sing., he pounded it. 108-11.
djewiLkil, past def. 3 sing., he tore away. 176-9.
djenawiLtuw?, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2.
tawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., he started across. 315-1.
tcwin dai wiL ten, past def. 3a sing., he spoiled. 221-13.
tcwin da wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he spoiled. 222-5.
keyawiLna, past def. 3 phi., they cooked. 266-10.
kewiLna, past def. 3 sing., she cooked them. 99-9.
ke wiL tan, past def. 3 sing., he put (pitch). 150-12.
ke na wiL na, past def. 3 sing., he cooked it. 260-6.
kyu wa na iL tuw, cust. 3 sing., he who gives back. 241-4.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal.
180-4.
Conjugation ID.
Ye ML wis, he is boring a hole.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye kyu?/; wis yekitdilwis
2. yekiLwis yekyoLwis
3. yekiLwis yeyakiLwis
3a. ye yi ML wis yeyaikii, wis
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxoliil yekyuwwis doxolifi yekitdilwis
2. ye ML wis ye kyoL wis
3. yekiLwis yeyakiLwis
3a. ye yi ML wis yeyaikiLwis
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. yekiLwis yekyoLwis
3. yekyoLwis yeyakyoLwis
3a. yeyikyoLwis yeyaikyoLwis
148 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. yekeiuwjwis yekeitdilwis
2. yekeiLwis yekeoLwis
3. yekeiLwis yeyakeiLwis
3a. yeyikeiLwis yeyaikeiLwis
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yekeLwis ye kyu wit dil wis
2. yekyuwiLwis yekyuwoLwis
3. yekiLwis yeyakiLwis
3a. ye yi kiL wis yeyaikiLwis
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yekeLwis ye kyu wit dil wis
2. yekyuwiLwis yekyuwoLwis
3. yekiLwis yeyakiLwis
3a. ye yi kiL wis ye yai kiL wis
a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with
it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw
himself with it. 202-7.
a diL no ke iL qow, cust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with
himself. 202-4.
yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4.
yenaxoLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13.
yekiLwis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3.
ye kiL taL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2,
yekiLtseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in.
111-9.
yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he
tramped them. 361-10.
ma kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1.
ma kyuw kit, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1.
miL xot da kiL waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped
down. 189-11.
min noi ML dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked open. 113-15,
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 149
naadiLwuL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3.
nai xoi iL fom, cust. 3a sing., it flew around her. 338-8.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to-
gether. 196-3.
nadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5.
myunkiLuL, pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2.
no na XOL tuw, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8.
hu?oiLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
xa na xo iL tu/, cust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out.
223-15.
xot danaya xoLxa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked
him. 3 70-3.
xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11.
da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1.
danadeLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17.
dakiLkis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3.
de xot diL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire.
120-8.
dedeiLkas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him.
166-15.
dokiLtcwit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12.
tekiLqotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw it in. 112-6.
ML tu; hica uii, pres. 2 sing, (interrogative) you are
splitting? 108-7.
kiL tuw tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5
kiLtcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14.
kyiUo tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation 2.
Me iL xe, he is finishing.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. muwxe medilxe
2. miLxe meLxe
3. me iL xe me ya iL xe
3a. miiLxe meyaiLxe
150
University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
1.
2.
3.
3o.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
Singular.
doxolin muM?xu
miL xu
me iL xu
mi iL xu
Singular.
miLxe
metcoLxe
meyoLxe
Singular.
me iuw xu
meiLxu
meiLxu
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin medilxu
meLxu
me ya iL xu
me yaiL xu
Imperative.
Plural.
meLxe
me ya tcoL xe
me ya yoL xe
Customary.
Plural.
me it dil xu
me OL xu
me ya iL xu
me yai IL xu
Present Definite.
Plural,
min dil xe
me noL xe
me ya niL xe
me yai niL xe
Past Definite.
Plural.
min dil xe
me noL xe
me ya niL xe
me yai niL xe
aL me na niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., with it she pushed
herself. 135-11.
ii, kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it.
143-2.
ya niL kait dei, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15.
wunnoLkai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14.
wun no neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16.
Singular.
meneLxe
meniLxe
rneniLxe
miniLxe
Singular.
meneLxe
meniLxe
meniLxe
miniLxe
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 151
wiin no xon niL tin te, f ut. def . 3 sing., he is going to get
him to do. 141-13.
Lena niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around.
282-10.
LC kin niL yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10.
me na niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13.
me neL xe teL, fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3.
me niL xe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8.
me niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2.
me xo niL tcwit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed
him. 109-13.
me tee ya niL 5, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5.
miL xoi niL xe, past def. 3a sing., it went on him. 308-8.
miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his
tracks. 170-4.
na niL deL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4.
naniLkis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1.
niL kai niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he
pressed. 210-17.
noi IL kit, cust. 3a sing., spread out. 321-7.
no iL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he chewed off. 288-5.
noi niL kit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place.
220-3.
noi niL kit ne wan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared.
210-10.
noi xwe iL LU, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11.
no ya xon niL ten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7.
no na iL kyos, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7.
nonainiLkit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3.
no na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11.
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up
with him. 176-11.
no na kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4.
no niL tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9.
no niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13.
no niL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8.
no niL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10.
152 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you.
356-6.
hwni wa miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7.
xoi kya niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him.
222-7.
xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him.
356-17.
XOL tee niL tsit. past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it.
108-1.
do wun no iL kait, cust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13.
do ma a din iL tcwit, eust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1.
do ma a din niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk.
276-3.
d5 no niL tin te sil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want
to leave it. 293-8.
tee iL to, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9.
tee na xon neL tin. pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down.
273-7.
tee na xon nic ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7.
tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out.
265-10.
tee niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2.
tee niL tik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14.
tee nil, tsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2.
tee niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9.
tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4.
kenaneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1.
keneiLa, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9.
ke niL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1.
ML tcwit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14.
kyutf tcwit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11.
Conjugation SA.
NaiLxut, he is tearing down.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. name* xut na dil xut
2. nuLxut naLxut
3. na iL xut na ya IL xut
3a. naiiLxut nayaiiLxut
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 153
Singular.
1. doxolin nauwxut
2. niiL xut
3. na IL xut
3. nai IL xut
Singular.
2. nULXUt
3. natcdLxut
3a. naoLxut
Singular.
1. na iuM? xut
2. naiLxut
3. naiLxut
3a. nai IL xut
Singular.
1. naseLxut
2. nasiLxut
3. na is xut
3a. naisxut
Singular.
1. naseLxut
2. nasiLxut
3. naisxut
3a. naisxut
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin nadilxut
naL xut
na ya IL xut
na yai ii, xut
Imperative.
Plural.
naL xut
na ya tcoL xut
na yai OL xut
Customary.
Plural.
na it dil xut
na OL xut
na ya iL xut
na yai IL xut
Present Definite.
Plural,
nas dil xut
na SOL xut
na ya is xut
na yais xut
Past Definite.
Plural.
nas dil xut
na SOL xut
na ya is xut
na yais xut
The form with L is similar to that of the first and second
conjugations. It will be noticed that the L disappears in the
third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s
which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable.
a na dis tcwen, past def . 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 11.
154 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself.
338-6.
a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6.
a dis tcwin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5.
iuwtcwe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7.
iLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8.
yai xostewuw, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3
ya na is kil, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2.
wun LO tcis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., about.it he laughed.
151-15.
menaisteei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10.
naii.its, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4.
naiLitsx, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10.
naiLte fl x, pres. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-6.
na is its, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6.
naismennei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1.
na is xut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8.
na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4.
na is tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12.
na is tcwen nei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7.
na is tcwin teL, fut. def. 3 sing., he will make. 321-11.
nauz^tcwe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi IL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3.
nayaisxut, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8.
naya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1.
naseL tcwen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2.
naseL tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11.
na SCL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14.
nas its ei, past def. 3a sing., it ran around. 294-3.
noi na seL tcwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6.
hwiLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3.
xai xos ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1.
xaisten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2.
ya is tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they made up (a load).
171-17.
seLwaLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick.
238-7.
SCL tcwin, pres. def. 1 sing., I will make. 290-8.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 155
seLtcwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 152-3.
do nais tcwifi, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody could make.
322-8.
tanaiswaLei, past def. 3 sing., he threw it out of the
water. 217-17.
ta na is ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out.
217-17.
ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to
pieces. 108-2.
tesoLtinte, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7.
tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3.
tciL waL win te, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2.
tcistcwen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10.
tcistcwinte, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1.
tco xos tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8.
Conjugation 3e.
TcissiLwe, he is killing.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
1. SUM; we
2. siLwe
3. tcissiLwe
3a. yissiLwe
Singular.
1. doxolin SUM; we
2. SIL we
3. tcis siL we
3a. yis siL we
Singular.
2. SIL we
3. tco SOL we
3a. yosoLwe
Plural.
sit dil we
SOL we
ya siL we
yai siL we
Impotential.
Plural.
doxoliii sit dil we
SOL we
ya siL we
yai siL we
Imperative.
Plural.
SOL we
ya SOL we
yai SOL we
156
University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
Singular.
1. seiuwwe
2. seiLwe
3. teisseiLwe
3a. yisseiLwe
Singular.
1. seseLwin
2. sesiLwin
3. tcisseLwiii
3a. yisseLwin
Singular.
1. seseLwen
2. sesiLwen
3. tcisseLwen
3a. yisseLwen
Customary.
Plural.
se it dil we
so OL we
ye se IL we
yai se IL we
Present Definite.
Plural,
ses dil win
se SOL win
ya seL win
yai SCL win
Past Definite.
Plural.
ses dil wen
se SOL wen
ya SCL wen
yai seL wen
Verbs of this group in the third person singular and plural of
the definite tenses, instead of dropping the class sign L, drop
the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example
above belongs to the prefix. Most of these verbs are similar to
those which occur without the s even in the first class where L
would not stand after it.
a til teox teL tcwen, past def . 3 sing., he is growing strong.
294-17.
yaxoseLwen, past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12.
ya xo siL we, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5.
ya xo teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15.
yateL tcwen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-1.
yateLkait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14.
yateLwis, past def. 3 plu., they were afraid (they
dodged). 179-10.
ye tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., one after the other he
stuck in. 322-2.
yis se iL we, cust. 3a sing., he killed. 136-13.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 157
yis se teL wen nei, past def . 3 sing., he commenced to kill.
136-10.
nainteLdik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14.
naideLdo, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3.
na ya xo teL xa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3.
na xo teL tcwo ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept. 210-12.
na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5.
naditteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16,
192-12.
na teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1.
na teL dit damp, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13.
na teL ditc tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1.
na teL dit tcwin xo Ian, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown.
120-12.
na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3.
ne se SCL win te, f ut. def. 1 sing., I will kill you. 151-2.
xoi na teL weL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7.
xoiteLweL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night.
198-12.
xo lun ne SCL win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn you out.
105-16.
XOL teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18
xo se seL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11,
163-10.
xo SUM; we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8.
xo dit teL xuts, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2.
seseLwinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill it. 162-7.
da na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17.
do he min teL dauw, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for
it. 112-13.
do he teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7.
do xo lin no SIL we, impot. 2 sing., you can't kill us. 165-7.
teL ate, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1.
teL ate ei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train.
200-9.
teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3.
teL tcwin xo luii, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17.
teL tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5.
158 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. Era.
tesoLtinte, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7.
tsis sir, we, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4.
tcexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11.
tee xo teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17.
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15.
tcex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her.
137-10.
tceseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11.
tcis se iL we ei, cust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5.
tcis SCL win detc, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5.
tcis SCL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16.
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he
saw. 186-7.
tcissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4.
tcit teL LU, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10.
tcit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9.
tcit teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12.
tcit teL dauw;, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15.
tcit teL taL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4.
tcit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9.
tcit teL tcwen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew.
207-1.
tcit teL tcwifi htcun, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6
tcit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6.
tcit teL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6.
tcit teL qol, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8.
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along
97-10.
kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9.
kit teL tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7,
152-12.
kit te SCL tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8.
kya teL tcwe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry: 135-9.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry.
204-9, 281-11.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 159
Conjugation 4.
Na IL tsufi, he has just found.
Present.
Singular. Plural.
1. nauwtsun nadiltsun
2. nuLtsun naLtsun
3. naiLtsun nayaiL tsiifi
3a. naiL tsun na yaiL tsuii
Impotent ial.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin nauw tsis do xo lin na dil tsis
2. nuL tsis naL tsis
3. naiLtsis nayaiLtsis
3a. naiL tsis na yaiL tsis
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. nuLtsis naL tsis
3. natcoLtsis nayatcoLtsis
3a. naoLtsis nayaoLtsis
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. naimctsis na it dil tsis
2. naiLtsis naoLtsis
3. naiLtsis nayaiLtsis
3a. naiiLtsis nayaiiLtsis
Past.
Singular. Plural.
1. nauwtsan nadiltsan
2. nuLtsan naLtsan
3. na IL tsan na ya ir> tsan
3a. naiL tsan na yaiL tsan
Two roots, possibly related, appear in the example given
above.
a iL en ka, past 3 sing., the way they do it. 227-2.
160 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
a iL in ne en, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5.
a IL in te, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13.
ai kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6.
adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7.
a de XOL kit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself.
223-14.
a diL kiL, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16.
adoimctsan, past 1 sing., I didn't find it. 243-16.
a duw? kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6.
a kiL en, what they do. 322-1.
iutctsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6.
iuwtsun, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9.
iuw tsun te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to find? 244-7.
oLtsaine, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4.
ya iL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2.
ya XOL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16.
yo XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4.
ma a ML en ne en, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11.
naiLtsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11.
naiLkitdei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6.
nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13.
na ya XOL tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15.
na hwoL tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5.
xa ai ya XOL in x, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him.
211-5.
xaaiLinte, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8.
xa a ya iL in a x, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10.
xa a kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15.
xotctsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9.
xotfl tsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3.
xwaiLkit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11.
siLtun fl x, pres. 3a sing., it lay. 266-8.
siL kyos, pres. 3a sing., it lies. 207-6.
do na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him.
152-6.
do tciL tsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10.
do IL tsun te xo lun, fut. 2 sing., you can't find it any-
where. 246-6.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 161
doyaiLtsan, past 3 plu., they did not see. 98-7.
do ya XOL tsan, past 3 sing., he did not see (them) . 238-14.
doyiLtsis, past 3a sing., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9.
donaiLtsan, past 3 sing., she did not find again. 243-16.
do na iL tsun de, pres. 3 sing., they won't find again.
321-10.
do na ya IL tsis, past 3 plu., they never saw. 191-5.
do na XOL tsuii fl x xo lun, pres. 2 pin., yon won't see him
any more. 306-6.
do he ya IL kit, past 3 plu., they did not catch. 102-3.
do he tciL tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4.
doxolifi tciLtsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13.
do xo lin nai> tsis, impot. 2 plu., never you will see. 361-11.
do tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4.
do tciL tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3.
do tco XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8.
tee XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9.
tciL tsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7.
teiLtsannei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4.
tciL kit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16.
tco XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2.
tcu himL kin ne en, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me.
176-14.
CLASS III.
Conjugation 1.
Ya de qot, he is dodging.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yauwdeqot yadukqot
2. yiindeqot yadeqot
3. yadeqot ya yadeqot
3a. yadukqot ya yadukqot
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin yaui de qot do xo lin ya duk qot
2. yiin de qot ya de qot
3. ya de qot ya ya de qot
3a. ya duk qot ya ya duk qot
162
University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Singular.
2. yun de qot
3. yatcodeqot
3a. ya ode qot
Singular.
1. yaiuM;deqot
2. ya in de qot
3. yaitqot
3a. yaitqot
Singular.
1. yauwdeqot
2. yandeqot
3. ya wit qot
3. yatqot
Singular.
1. yauw? de qot
2. yan de qot
3. ya wit qot
3a. yatqot
Imperative.
Plural,
ya de qot
ya ya tco de qot
ya ya 6 de qot
Customary.
Plural.
ya it de qot
ya 6 de qot
ya ya it qot
ya ya it qot
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya wit de qot
ya wo de qot
ya ya wit qot
ya yat qot
Past Definite.
Plural.
ya wit de qot
ya wo de qot
ya ya wit qot
ya yat qot
The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above,
are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur
without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class; and
those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na-
with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are
peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular
-utr in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these
tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of
several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is
appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone.
The first person plural lacks its characteristic syllable beginning
with d.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 163
in ta na wit yai, past def . 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12.
in ta na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he would turn back.
187-4.
yaitqot, cust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11.
ya wit xus sil lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15.
ya wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15.
yanaitxus, cust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1.
yanawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15.
yanatxutsei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10.
ya nat dje u, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15
yatmillei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11.
yat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10.
ye wit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14.
ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1.
ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat will come. 209-3.
ye wit kait din, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2
ye wit qot, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3.
ye na it dam, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6.
ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15.
ye na wit ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6.
yenawityate, fut. def. 3 sing., she will go in. 311-15.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking.
325-5.
yo du wit xul HL te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for.
296-3.
nai witinil, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5.
na 6 dm/? de xut, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10.
naya witdil, past def. 3 plu., they went along. 172-1.
nawitxusii., pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5.
na wit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7.
nawitdal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12.
nawitdallit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming
along. 100-17.
nawitdal hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7
nawitdaL, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7.
na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17.
nanaitdauw:, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10.
nanawityai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15.
164 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
na na wit xuts, past def . 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2.
na na wit diL te, fut. def. 3 phi., people will live again.
236-3.
nanatyai, past def. 3a sing., the sun had gone down.
202-9.
ninsuwitdeL, past def. 3 phi., they danced. 366-1.
hica na na wit daL din, pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening
(when the sun had gone down).
ht/?e de ai ye nat yai, past def. 3a sing., my head it came
to. 356-15.
xawitqot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13.
xe e ya xo wit meL, past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away
part of themselves. 181-9.
XOL tcu wit dil, past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1
xot da na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3.
dawitqottsu, pres. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard.
136-3.
da na du wit ya yei, past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4.
da nat la le, pres. def. 3a sing., it floating. 243-13.
da nat xuts tse, past def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8.
da na kit du wit tee iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., the wind will
blow gently. 273-1.
do ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come in.
238-12.
djetwaL, past def. 3a sing., it opened. 281-17.
tai win nun iL de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks water.
338-7.
tai din nun, pres. 1 plu., let us drink water. 179-3.
tauto din nun te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink.
111-13.
ta win nan, 1 past def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7.
ta nai win nun de, 1 pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win nun te, 1 fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink, 337-18.
tan din nan, past def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12.
tewitqotte, fut. def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed
about to tumble. 286-13.
1 These words change t to n before the root.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 165
tcuwittil, past def. 3 sing., she was holding up. 246-12.
ke it mil lei, oust. 3 plu., they drop. 180-14.
kyuwittceil, past def. 3 sing., it blew along. 324-7.
Conjugation 2.
Na nit am/;, he is bringing back.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naute de aute na ne de auw
2. nan de aute na node aute
3. nanitauie nayanitaute
3a. nai nit aute na yai nit awe
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin naute de aute do xo lin na ne de aute
2. nan de aute na no de ante
3. na nit aute na ya nit aute
3a. nai nit auie na yai nit aute
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. nan de auw na no de auw
3. na no de auie na ya no de aute
3a. nai no de aute na yai no de aute
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. na ne iute de aute na ne e de aute
2. naneindeaute na no ode aute
3. naneitdeautc na vane it aute
3a. nai ne it de auie na yai ne it aute
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nautedeun nanedeun
2. nan de un na no de un
3. naindeun nayaindeun
3a. nai nin de un na yai nin de un
166 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nau?# de an na ne de an
2. nan de an na no de an
3. na in dean nayaindean
3a. nainindean nayainindean
That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting
the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first,
from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of
the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third
from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju-
gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position
obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the
past definite, for instance, nanindean, or nanitan. would
be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this
class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the
form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to
be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent.
yu wun dim mil lei, past def. 3a sing., it went through
211-5.
wun dim mil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3.
wun dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2.
Le nai yun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire
burning. 169-6.
Le na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit.
220-8.
Le na in di ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around.
220-6.
Le na it dauir, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7
Le nau dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6.
Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16.
Lin duk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together.
295-2.
me mm di yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7.
na in de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17.
na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16.
na in di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 167
nain dlya din, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5.
naindikgit, past def. 3<z sing., they came back. 299-9.
nauw di yai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10.
nane it wmp, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it back. 237-8.
naneitdamtf, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1.
nane it git, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 233-5.
nanodiya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5.
natindiyane, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18.
no na in di tsu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8.
no na in duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump-
ing. 329-18.
nonaitdjeu, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 299-10.
nonaittse, cust. 3 sing., she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nan dit dje u, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15.
nonundexen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore.
216-6.
non di yan, past def. 3a sing., one was left. 118-11.
nonundiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will
stay. 259-17.
no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2.
no nun dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18.
non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8.
nondeqotei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2.
non dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2.
nundiyate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9.
nun duk qotc tsu, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope
back. 175-9.
XOL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him.
315-5.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut.
109-5.
XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
floated back. 315-6.
dona in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back.
306-2.
tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16.
tee na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11.
tee na in di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down.
325-8.
168
University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
tcin duk kait dei, past def. 3a sing., they came down to.
158-16.
tcin duk qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12.
Conjugation 3.
Na de qot, he is tumbling about.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nauwdeqot na duk qot
2. nun de qot
3. nadeqot
3a. na duk qot
na de qot
na ya de qot
na ya duk qot
Impotential.
Singular.
1. do xo lin nauw/ de qot
2. nun de qot
3. na de qot
3a. na duk qot
Singular.
2. nun de qot
3. natcodeqot
3a. na ode qot
Singular.
1. naiuwdeqot
2. naindeqot
3. naitqot
3a. naitqot
Singular.
1. nas duk qot
2. na sin de qot
3. naisdeqot
3a. nas duk qot
Plural.
doxolin na duk qot
na de qot
na ya de qot
na ya duk qot
Imperative.
Plural.
na de qot
na ya teo de qot
na ya 6 de qot
Customary.
Plural.
na it de qot
na 6 de qot
na ya it qot
na ya it qot
Present Definite.
Plural,
na se de qot
na so de qot
na ya is de qot
na yas de qot
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 169
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nasdukqot nasedeqot
2. na sin de qot na so de qot
3. naisdeq5t nayaisdeqot
3a. nas diik qot na yas de qdt
The noteworthy fact in the preceding paradigm is the lack,
in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the
usual signs for that person and number. If the sign has been
that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason
for its disappearance ; but if it was uw, as is found in the
other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to-
gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan
tongue.
in na imu duk kai, cust. 1 sing., I always get up. 241-1.
innaisdukka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14.
in nas duk ka ei, past def. 3a sing., it got up. 114-16.
in nas duk ka hit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8.
yu wm na na is dim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned
over. 117-4.
menaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12.
min na na se it daiw, cust. 3 sing., he always went around.
346-3.
naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6.
na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11.
na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13.
na ya nu. wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet.
142-17.
na na is dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around.
314-6.
na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6.
na des duk qot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12,
222-9.
na tes di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17.
na tes di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3.
natesdiyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14.
xa na is di yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 12.
170 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
xa na is di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up.
210-12.
xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing., if she comes up. 111-6.
xana is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13.
xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned
around. 278-12.
do na xos dil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4
do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen.
117-5.
tanaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again.
314-6.
tsisdiyan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2.
tcis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old.
325-13.
CLASS IV.
Conjugation 1.
Na il yeutc, he is resting.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nautcyeuzc nadilyeuw
2. nulyemc naLyeuu>
3. na il yemc na ya il yeuw
3a. nalyemc nayal yeuw
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin nauw? yemc do xo lin na dil yeuw
2. nul yemc naL yeutc
3. na il yeutc na ya il yemc
3a. nal yeuw: na yal yeutc
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. nulyeu^ naLyeuic
3. natcolyeuu: na ya tcol yeutc
3a. naolyeutr nayaolyeujc
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 171
Singular.
1. naiuwyeuw
2. nailyeuw
3. nailyeuw
3a. nailyeuM;
Singular.
1. nauwyeuw
2. nalyeuw
3. na wil yeuw
a. nalyeuw
Singular.
1. nauwyeuw
2. nalyeuw
3. nawilyeuw
3a. nalyeuw
Customary.
Plural.
na it dil yeuw
na OL yeuw
na ya il yeuw
na ya il yeuw
Present Definite.
Plural.
na wit dil yeuw
na WOL yeuw
na ya wil yeuw
na yal yeuw
Past Definite.
Plural.
na wit dil yeuw
na WOL yemf
na ya wil yeuw
na yal yeuw
The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana-
logs of those in Class II, the voiced 1 appearing in the place
of the surd L, except in the second person plural throughout,
where L is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due
to the strongly aspirated 6 which, as the sign of this person
and number, stands before the L and in the same syllable
with it.
In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this
class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre-
ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root,
phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No
facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the
passive forms point to morphological causes.
ya wil ton, past def . 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9.
yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18.
ya kyu wil kyari ne xo Ian, past def. 3 plu., they found
they were pregnant. 278-3.
172 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
ye e il ton xo Ian, ctist. 3a sing., (birds) used to jump in.
117-17.
yenawilLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9.
ye na wil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-1 1.
ye nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8.
y nu wil gil lil, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid
of. 235-4.
yinnelgit, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16.
yinnenalLat, past def. 3o sing., in the ground it ran.
221-12.
wunnaxoilyu, cust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12.
wut na ya xo wil yan. past def. 3 plu., they watched him.
267-10.
Lin xo wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he addressed her. 98-10.
LU win fen, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9.
me ya du wil wauie, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk
about it. 265-1.
min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2.
nailtsit, cust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3.
nailtsitte, fut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11.
na wil yemc, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14.
na wil dit tal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7.
naliuwte, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13.
nalhtt/inte, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6.
nal dit dal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along.
115-15.
nal tsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2.
naLyeim-, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5.
na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17.
nanaldeiutc, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off.
337-5.
na nal dit tsit din, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4.
na xo wil tsit xo lun, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15.
na xo de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5.
na du wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14.
na du wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13.
na tcil yeui sa an din, pres. 3 sing., the resting place.
363-3.
VOL. 31 Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 173
na tcil yeuw din, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3.
ne iuw git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5.
nul diL Lat, past def . 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16.
xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16
xo wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4.
xoLwildal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along.
115-1.
XOL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went.
223-14.
da wil Lat, past def. 3a sing., it jumped on. 113-14.
da wil ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped. 115-9.
da na du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12.
98-15.
dadeilya, cust. 3 sing., they stand around. 195-7.
da tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2.
datcuwilton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14.
do nil git he ne, imp. 2 sing., don't be afraid. 170-15.
do xwe xo yun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will be crazy. 307-10
tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17.
te nal dit do te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5.
tenadeilya, cust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4.
tee il Lade, pres. 3 sing., he is running along. 220-13.
tcinnelgit, past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2.
teit dil ye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8.
tcitdilye Q x, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7.
tcit dil ye te, fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8.
tcit dil wauw? tsu, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16.
tcit du wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16.
tcit du wil yel iL de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10
tcit du wil ye iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9
tcit du wil ye lii, te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance.
230-5.
tcit du wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-11.
tcu wil daL tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming.
176-11.
kya tu wil tcwel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10
174 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2.
minnaildal, cust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2.
noil La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8
no din nil tcwan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper.
141-4.
tee il Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2.
tee il qol e xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out.
185-11.
tee na il Lat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9.
tee tcil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16.
tcinnil qol ei, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9.
Conjugation 3.
Na dil in, he is watching for it.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. na duio in na dit dil in
2. nadilin nadoLin
3. na dil in na ya dil in
3a. nai dil in na yai dil in
Impoteritial.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxolin naduwen doxolin na dit dil en
2. na dil en na doL en
3. na dil en na ya dil en
3a. nai dil en na yai dil en
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. nadilin nadoLin
3. nadolin nayadolin
3a. naidolin nayaidoliil
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. nadeiuwen nadeitdilen
2. na de il en na do OL en
3. nadeilen nayadeilen
3a. nai de il en na yai de il en
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 175
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. naduwesin naduwesdilin
2. naduwesilin naduwesoLin
3. na du wes in na ya du wes in
3a. nai du wes in na yai du wes in
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. na du wes en na du wes dil en
2. na du we sil en na du we SOL en
3. na du wes en na ya du wes en
3a. nai du wes en na yai du wes en
As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first
person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the
usual signs found in that person and number.
anuwesie, past def. 3a sing., he looked. 143-14.
iuwyo, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16.
in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5.
in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9.
yenesgit, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4.
yenesgitte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2.
yit du wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10.
yu wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., they ate. 347-15.
wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16.
wunnaxoilyu, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12.
wun na xos yu, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8.
me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16.
me ya dzes la, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him.
182-4.
me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6.
mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4.
mi nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5.
mi nes git teL, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7.
na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch
her. 137-3.
nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1.
176 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
ne iu/ grit tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5.
nesnoi, past def. 3a sing., that stand. 220-3.
hai da tcu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes.
340-13.
xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13.
xoi na se il de qol, cust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling.
185-2.
xoinesgit, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11.
xo wut xo wes yun te, fnt. def. 1 sing., I will watch her.
137-7.
xo wut tcu xo wes van, past def. 3 sing., he watched her.
137-8.
XOL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18.
doawuntel wishe, imp. 2 sing., don't be frightened.
356-2.
do wes yd, pres. def. 1 sing., I don't like. 233-6.
do nas dd, pres. 3a sing., they won't dodge. 258-13.
donitdje teltsitne, imp. 2 sing., don't get excited.
170-18.
do tcu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7.
te sil tcwen ne dun, past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew
time. 337-13.
tes tcwin ne en tcin, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was
brought up. 117-13.
tiltsitx, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13.
til tcwen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12.
til tcwin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5.
tol tcwen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6.
tsi yun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11.
tceilyo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5.
tcu wes vote, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11.
tcuweswaL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16.
ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8.
kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language.
OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION.
First Person Singular.
Ya htciL tuw, he is picking me up.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1
_L
2.
3.
177
ya
ya ya hwiL tuw
ya ai htciL tuio
Singular.
2. yahtoiL
3. yahti/oLtuw;
3a.
Singular.
1. -
2.
3. ya hice IL tuw
3 a.
Imperative.
Plural.
ya hwoL tuw
ya ya hwoL tuw'
ya yai htroL tui6-
Customary.
Plural.
ya hw;6 OL
ya ya hwe IL
ya yai hwe IL tuw?
Singular.
I _
2. ya hwu WIL tin
3. yahtciLtin
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya hwm WOL tin
ya ya hwiL tin
ya ya hwiL tin
Singular.
Past Definite.
Plural.
1.
2. ya hivu wiL ten ya hwu WOL ten
3. yahwiLten yaya hwiLten
3a. yaihwiLten yayaihidLten
As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object
of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun
178 University of California Publications. [ A M. ARCH. ETH.
in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from
that of other weak syllables which may be inserted. 1 The position
of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im-
mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in
fact, it often forms a syllable.
Verbs having the first person singular as the direct object.
ahwola, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12.
na IHCOL tsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5.
hwnLtcwe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3.
hwik kyo wun, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it
sleep me). 121-6.
tee hw/is su wiL weL de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3.
teu hwnL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me.
176-14.
tcu hwo WIL xul HL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me
for it. 311-17.
tcu hico hire iL te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10.
tcu hwon hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12.
Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object.
anahwnLtcit dente, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say. 363-18.
ahwiLtcinne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell
me? 135-4, 363-16.
a htciL tcit du win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11.
a hwiL tcit den hwnin, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me.
314-11.
hwenatcoLxe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me.
187-2.
hw/iL teL dauw?, pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me.
114-11.
hwiL te sin ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go.
187-7.
hiriL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15.
htcin na wil IUM/ te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me.
307-18.
hwo a nun au;> imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14.
1 Compare, class ii, conjugation Id supra p. 147.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 179
IL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10.
hwni wa meL tcwit te, fut. def. 2 sing., loan me. 296-11.
hw?u wa miL tcwit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7.
hwu wiin tuw, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7.
do a hwiL tcit den de, pres. 3 sing., if he does not tell
me. 257-12.
Second Person Singular.
Yun ne tciL tuw, he is picking you up.
Present Indefinite.
Singular.
Plural.
1. yunnuw/'tuM?
yun nit dil tuw
3. yun ne tciL tuw
ya yun ne tciL tuw
3a. yun niL tuw
yai yun niL tuw
Imperative.
Singular.
Plural.
3. yunnetcoLtuw
ya yun ne tcoL tuw
3a. yunnoLtu?
yai yun noL tuw
1.
2.
3.
3a.
1.
2.
3.
3a.
Singular.
yun ne iuw tuw
Customary.
Plural,
yun ne it dil tuw
yun ne tee IL tuiv
yun ne
Singular,
yun neL tin
ya yun ne IL tuw
ya yun ne iL tuw
Present Definite.
Plural,
vun nu wit dil tin
yun ne tciL tin
yun niL tin
ya yun ne tciL tin
yai yun niL tin
180 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yunneLten yun nu wit dil ten
2.
3. yun ne tciL ten ya yun ne tciL ten
3a. yiinniLten yaiyunniLten
For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro-
noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons,
precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular
of the verb. Coming throughout immediately after the prefix
ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to yun-. This
is probably due to a shifting of accent.
Verbs having the second person singular as the direct object.
nit tcu win yun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7.
nikkyowufi, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you).
294-5.
nik kyu win nun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep.
252-11.
xo lufi ne SCL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out.
105-16.
Verbs having the second person singular as the indirect ob-
ject.
unniLdmone, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8.
unniLdenne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8.
neene sedate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you.
328-6.
niL hw;e lik te, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3.
niLxoitflik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8.
niLxotyunte, fut. 3- sing., it will be easy for you to
get. 357-7.
niLxwelikte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4.
niLteseyate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you.
356-6.
nuwananelate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7.
nuwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you.
353-7.
VOL. 3] Goddard Morphology of the Hupa Language. 181
Third Person Singular.
Ya XOL tut*?, he is picking him up.
Singular.
1. yaxowttm-
2. yaxoLtuw
3. ya XOL tuw
3a. yai XOL tuw?
Singular.
2. yaxoLtmr
3. yaxoLtuw-
3a. yai XOL tuw:
Singular.
1. y a xoi iuw? tuic
2. ya xoi IL tuw
3. yaxoiiLtuw?
3a. yai xoi iL tuw
Singular.
1. yaxweL tin
2. yaxowiLtifi
3. ya XOL tin
3a. yai XOL tin
Singular.
1. yaxweL ten
2. yaxowiLten
3. ya XOL ten
3a. yai XOL ten
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
ya,xot dil tuw
ya XOL tuw
ya ya XOL tuic
ya yai XOL tuw
Imperative.
Plural.
ya XOL tuw
ya ya XOL tuw
ya yai XOL tuw
Customary.
Plural.
ya xo it dil tuw
ya xo OL tuw;
ya ya xoi IL
ya yai xoi
Present Definite.
Plural.
ya xo wit dil tin
ya xo WOL tin
ya ya XOL tin
ya yai XOL tifi
Past Definite.
Plural.
ya xo wit dil ten
ya xo WOL ten
ya ya XOL ten
ya yai XOL ten
182 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
Verbs having the third person singular as direct object.
yaixoiiyan, cust. 3a. phi., they always eat Mm. 195-10.
yai xos tcwuic, past def. 3a. plu., they smelled of him.
165-3.
yaxowiLxaiL, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5.
ya xo win tcwai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4.
yaxoLten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4.
yaxoLtsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16.
yaxonneLen, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him.
278-3.
yaxoseLwen, past def., 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12.
yaxosiLwe, pres. 3 plu., they might kill him. 278-5.
yaxosmeL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3-
yenaxoLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13.
yex5neiLye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up.
195-10.
yo XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4.
uaxowinh^aL, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6.
miL na xo wiL we, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepy
(sleep fought with him). 121-5.
miLxoiniLxe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8.
nai xoi iL t au, cust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6.
nai xdL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13.
naixonnuwiLhicon, past def. 3a sing., it cured him.
121-13.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to-
gether. 196-3.
nayaxoteLxa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3.
na na ya xon nil, xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his
tracks. 170-4.
na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep.
121-7.
n'axowiLme, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12.
naxodeilen, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5.
na xot du wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch
her. 137-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 183
no na XOL tuw, pres. 3 sing., he had laid her. 342-8.
no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up
with him. 176-11.
xa ai ya XOL in "x, pres. 3 plu., they did that with him.
211-5.
xaixostennei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up.
239-1.
xoifltsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9.
xowtsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3.
xoneL inter,, fut. def. 1 sing., I can't look at him.
138-12.
xonneL inte, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14.
xontcwit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10.
xo se SCL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11.
xosuMMve, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8.
xot da na ya XOL xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked
him. 170-3.
xo kyu win nan, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep.
203-1.
da na XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1.
da tee xo diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him
away. 159-5.
dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the
fire. 120-8.
do yux xo il Ian, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2.
do na ya XOL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him.
152-6.
do na ya XOL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know
him. 166-15.
do na XOL tsun xo lin, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him
any longer (more). 306-6.
do he ya xon neL en, past. def. 3 plu., they could not
look at him. 139-1.
do xo lin xon ne dil en, impot. 1 plu., we can't look at
him. 139-3.
do tco XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8.
ta nai xos do wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces.
108-2.
184 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
tee na xon nil, ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out.
153-7.
tee XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9.
tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4.
tee xon des ne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11.
tcexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11.
tee xo teL waL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17.
tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15.
tcexxot ditteLen, past def. 3 sing., he watched her.
137-10.
tco XOL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2.
tco xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her.
332-12.
tco xon neLen, past def. 3 sing., he looked at him.
109-1.
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her-
333-3.
tco xon niL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him.
159-9.
tcoxondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him.
257-1.
ted xon des ne hwmn, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13.
tco xon des ne te, f ut. def. 3 sing., she will think of.
325-14.
tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3.
tcoxostcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8.
tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along.
97-10.
Verbs having the third person singular as indirect object.
aixoLne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13.
ai XOL de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3.
a. yai XOL du wen ne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2.
a XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. -97-7.
a XOL tcit den tsu, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8.
ya XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him.
102-15.
xa a XOL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 185
xoiyexoiiyan, cust. 3 sing., she suspected her. 158-3.
158-3.
xowaiLda, past def. 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13.
xowayaintan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14.
xo wa me neL tcwit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan
him. 356-17.
xowatcinxan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12.
xo wun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5.
xo wut xo wes yim te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her.
137-7.
xo wut tcu xo wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched
her. 137-8.
xoLyakitwul, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed.
107-10.
xoLwildal, past 3 sing., with him came along. 115-1.
XOL Le nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him.
315-5.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
shut. 109-5.
XOL me mm dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
floated back. 315-6.
XOL neuw te, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12.
XOL no il lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with
him.
XOL no nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with
him). 364-7.
XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating.
209-13.
XOL xas tcwen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with
him) . 137-18.
XOL xut tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her.
341-3.
XOL xut tes nun te, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her.
341-2.
XOL da na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it
stuck up. 203-5.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 13.
186 University of California Publications. [ AM - ^CH- ETH -
xdLdenneete, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6,
139-5.
XOL ta na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went.
223-14.
XOL te il lit, eust. 3 sing., he smoked himself.
xoLteLtewen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him.
137-18.
xoLteslat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2.
XOL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL tee nil, tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it.
108-1.
xoLtciLkit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it.
107-10.
XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13.
XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18.
XOL tcit du win neL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12.
XOL tcu wit dil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1.
XOL tcu xo wil lik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13.
XOL kiL dje xa in nauic hicei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought
with her. 333-4.
xwaiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11.
xwayaiLkit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5.
xwawilxan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5.
do he XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not
know how. 175-4.
do XOL din nu wiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know
how. 176-6.
First Person Plural.
Yun no tcil luw, he is picking us up.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
2. yun no hoi Imc yimnoholim'
3. yun no tcil luw ya yun no tcil \uw
3a. yun no hil luw yai yun no hil luiv
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 187
Singular.
2. yunnoholluw
3. yunnotcoluw?
3a. yiin no ho \\iiv
Singular.
1.
2. yunnoheillmc
3. yun no tee il lute
3a. yun nd he il luw?
Singular.
1
2. yunnowilla
3. yunnotcilla
3a. yun no hil la
Singular.
2. yunnowillai
3. yun no toil lai
3a. yun no hil lai
Imperative.
Plural.
yun no ho lutr
ya yun no teo
yai yun no ho IUM;
Customary.
Plural.
yun no he 61 IUM>
ya yun no tee il luw?
yai yun no he il IUM;
Present Definite.
Plural.
yun no wo la
ya yun no tcil la
yai yun no hil la
Past Definite.
Plural.
.yun no wo lai
ya yun no tcil lai
yai yun no hil lai
When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb
is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens
that -ten the root of the singular, requires L and therefore places
the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the
plural object does not require L and its verbs belong to the
first class.
The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second
syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It
follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to
its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to
its effect on the form of the preceding prefix.
188
University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH - ETH -
Verbs having the first person plural as direct object.
do xo lin no siL we, impot. 2 sing., you can't kill us.
165-7.
Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object.
a no hoL tcit den ne, past del 3 sing., he said of us.
302-3.
no hoL tcit den ne, past def . 3 sing., they told us. 302-4.
Second Person Plural.
Yun no tcil lute, he is picking you (plural) up.
Singular.
1. yun no nwuw lute
2.
3. yun no tcil lujc
3a. yun no hil Ifitt'
Singular.
2.
3. yunnotcoluic
3a. yun no hd luw
Singular.
1. yun no he iuio luw
2.
3. yun no tee il luw
3a. yun no he il luw
Singular.
1. yun no he la
2. -
3. yun no tcil la
3a. yun no hil la
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
yun no hit dil luw
ya yun no tcil lutr
yai yun no hil luic
Imperative.
Plural.
ya yun nd tc5 luw
yai yun no ho lute
Customary.
Plural,
yun no he it dil lutr
yayunnotceil luw
yai yun no he il
Present Definite.
Plural,
yun no wit dil la
ya yun no tcil la
vai vun no hil la
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 189
Past Definite.
Singular.
1. yiin no he lai
2. -
3. yiin no tcil lai
3a. yiin no hil lai
Plural,
yun no wit dil lai
ya yun no tcil lai
yai yiin no hil lai
These forms differ from those of the first person plural of
the objective only in the forms which can logically occur. In
the case of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb
are barred; while in the case of the second person, the second
person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of
the verb it must be determined from the context whether the
object is of the first or second person.
Third Person Plural.
Ya ya xol lutr, he is picking them up.
Singular.
1- (ya)yaxowluw;
2. (ya)yaxolluw
3. (ya)yaxdlluM;
3a. ( y a ) y ai xol Itwc
Singular.
2. (ya)yaxollu^
3. (ya)yaxolluic
3a. (ya)yaixolluw
Present Indefinite.
Plural.
(ya)yaxotdillutt?
(ya)yaxoluw
(ya)yaxolluw;
(ya)yaixolluio
Imperative.
Plural.
(ya)yax6lmc
(ya)yaxollutt;
(ya)yaixolluM7
Singular.
1. (ya)yaxoiiuwhitc
2. (ya)yaxoiilluw
3. (ya)yaxoiilluw?
3a. (ya) yai xoi il luw
Customary.
Plural.
(ya) ya xoi it dil lute
(ya)yaxooluw?
(ya)yaxoiilluw
(ya)yaixoiilluw
190 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. (ya)ya xwel la (ya)ya xo wit dil la
2. (ya)ya xo wil la (ya)ya xo wo la
3. (ya)yaxolla (ya)yaxolla
3a. (ya)yaixolla (ya)yaixola
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. (ya)ya xwel lai (ya)ya xo wit dil lai
2. (ya)yaxowillai (ya)yaxowolai
3. (ya)yaxollai (ya)yaxoxollai
3a. (ya)yai xol lai (ya)yai xol lai
Since the form of the root indicates that the object is more
than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the
object and those with both are plural.
Verbs having the third person plural for direct object.
yaxosqot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2.
yaxoteLxa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15.
ya xo qot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12.
yeyaxolai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12.
yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he
tramped them. 361-10.
nayaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15.
na ya x5n nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them.
179-8.
na ya xos duk qot de, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them.
180-15.
doyaxoLtsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14.
tee na ya xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3.
Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object.
xo wa ya tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8.
XOL yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3 sing., they learned.
180-13.
XOL yaL de wim min iL., pres. def. 3a plu., they filled with
them. 153-17.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 191
XOL ya xo il lik, cust. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10.
XOL ya xo wil lik, past def. 3 plu., they told them. 180-12.
xoLyatesyai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went.
208-15.
XOL tcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them.
153-16.
xwayakiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11.
Reflexive.
Ye a diL to, he is putting himself into.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye a dmu to ye a dit dil to
2. ye a diL to ye a doL to
3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL to
3a. ye ai diL 6 ye a yai diL to
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxolifi yeaduwio doxolin yeaditdiHo
2. ye a diL 6 ye a doL 6
3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL 6
3a. ye ai diL 6 ye a yai diL 5
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
2. ye a diL to yeadoL^o
3. yeadoLtfo yeayadoL^o
3a. yeaidoLtfo yeayaidoL^o
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. ye a de iuw to ye a de it dil to
2. yeadeiLfo ye a do OL 6
3. yeadeiL^o yeayadeiL^o
3a. ye ai de IL 1 6 ye a yai de IL to
192 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeadeLtfo yeaduwitdiKo
2. yeaduwiLtfo yeaduwoL^S
3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL to
3a. ye ai diL to ye a yai diL 1 6
Past Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. yeadeLtfo yeaduwitdiKo
2. yeaduwiLtfo yeaduwoL^o
3. ye a diL to ye a ya diL to
3a. ye ai diL 6 ye a yai diL to
It will be noted that the form of the reflexive inserted ele-
ment is the same for all persons in both numbers.
The following verbs have the direct reflexive form.
anadillau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11.
anadille, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1.
a na dis loi, past def . 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5.
a na dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14.
a nai du win wat, past def. 3d sing., he shook himself.
115-7.
anayadillau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves.
170-1.
a na dit du wiL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one
side. 108-15.
a dis tcwen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6.
adistcwinte, fut. cref. 3 sing., he might make (for him-
self). 363-5.
aduxxunde, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3.
ye a diL to, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12.
no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself.
223-9.
no a din xamr, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9.
do ma a din iL tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move.
341-1.
do ma a din nil, tcwit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn't
walk. 276-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 193
Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object.
a da yis tcwin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for him-
self. 338-6.
a da na win a te, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will
get. 338-9.
adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7.
adexoLkit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself.
223-14.
a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with
it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him-
self with it. 202-7.
a diL no ke IL qoiv, cust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with
himself. 202-4.
a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself.
302-10.
a dit tcm nul luw, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3.
a du wa nun du witc tcwil liL te, fut. 3 sing., she will rub
herself.
a du wun ya teL wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they
were afraid. 179-10.
a du wun din tcwin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe.
353-7.
a du wun do tcwit te, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves.
322-11.
a du wun du win tcwit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him-
self. 319-9.
a duw kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6.
do a du wun tel wis he, imp. 2 plu., don't be frightened.
356-2.
CONJUGATION OF THE PASSIVE VOICE.
Yaxowiltin, he is carried off.
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. do xo lin ya hwel dit tuw do xo lin yun no hit luw
2. yun nel dit tuw yun no ho luw
3. yaxoldittuw? yayaxotlmo
3a. yul dit tuw ya yat luw
194
University of California Publications. C AM - AsCH - ETH -
Singular.
2. yfm nol dit tuw
3. yaxoldittiitt?
3a. ya 61 dit tuw
Singular.
1. ya h;e il dit tutc
2. yun ne il dit tu?c
3. ya xoi il dit tuzc
3a. ya e il dit tu?c
Singular.
1. ya Iwcu wil tin
2. yunnuwiltin
3. yaxowiltin
3a. yaltiii
Singular.
1. ya hicu wil ten
2. yun mi wil ten
3. yaxowilten
3a. yalten
Imperative.
Plural.
yiin no hoi dil lute
ya ya x5l dil IUM?
ya ya 61 dil lute
Customary.
Plural.
yun no he it lute
yiin no he it lute
ya ya xoi it lute
ya ya it luic
Present Definite.
Plural.
yun no wit la
yun no wit la
ya ya xo wit la
ya yat la
Past Definite.
Plural.
yun no wit lai
yun no wit lai
ya ya xo wit lai
ya yat lai
Past Persistent.
Singular. Plural.
1. ya hiu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai
2. yiin nu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai
3. ya xo wes dit ten ya ya xo wes dil lai
3a. ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai
In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and
conjugations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which
requires L and places its verbs in the second class in the active
voice, on becoming passive passes to the fourth class. The root
of the plural, not requiring L in the active, passes to the third
class on becoming passive.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 195
The definite tenses have w, the characteristic of the first con-
jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act
which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms
which have been called past persistent resemble the third con-
jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation. 1
What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they
logically possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and
imperative.
The following passives have the forms of Class III.
wittcwa, pres., buried. 192-17.
wit tcwa ta, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-11.
na wes len ei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1.
na wes mats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19.
riawesdeL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15.
no na wit ats, past def ., it is cut down. 114-17.
da xo du wes en, past persistent, one could see.. 242-13.
do 6 na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen.
151-19.
do na hwu wes tsun hM7un, 1 sing., I must not be seen
again. 217-18.
dd na xo wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he was not
longer seen. 226-5.
do kyu wit yan, past def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4.
kyu wit tcwok kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on
a line. 165-8.
The following passives have the forms of Class IV.
yai kyu wil tfats, past def., a blanket made of strips.
207-5.
willoi, past def., bundles. 210-3.
wiltcwen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11.
(dih;6)wiltewen, past def., something was made (a
grave). 221-10.
wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4.
iCompare the forms given for the third conjugation, class iv.
196 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
Lena wil la, past def., a fire. 170-9.
nawiliik, past def., a string tied. 353-4.
na wil lit, past def., he nearly burned. 330-1.
na wil lit dei, past def., he burned up. 120-8.
nawillitte, fut. def., it will burn. 151-5.
nanuwilxut, past def., hanging for a door. 171-1.
na du wil tcwan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1.
nakyuwiKik, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10.
nowillin, past def., covered. 115-16.
nokyuwiltaL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6.
htcelweLte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night.
348-2.
hicin nu wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here.
180-7.
xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along.
179-12.
xoiyalweL, past def., they camped. 175-6.
xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along.
181-6.
xoinalweL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4.
xwel weL. past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night,
da du wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried off.
150-10.
do wil tsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9.
do xo lin hicil wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over
night. 176-1.
kyuwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6.
IRREGULAR VERBS.
An, he says.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. admcne adit din ne
2. a den a don
3. an a van
3a. an a yan
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language.
197
Singular.
1. doxolin aduwne
2. a den ne
3. ane
3a. a ne
Singular.
2 a den
3. a don
3o>. a don
Singular.
1. adeiuwne
2. adeenne
3. adeinne
3a. adeinne
Singular.
1. a den
2. aduwen
3. a den
3a. aduwen
Singular.
1. adenne
2. aduwene
3. adenne
3a. a du wen ne
Impotential.
Plural.
doxolin adit din ne
a done
ayane
ayane
Imperative.
Plural,
a don
a ya don
a ya don
Customary.
Plural.
a de it din ne
a de 6 ne
a ya de in ne
a ya de in ne
Present Definite.
Plural.
a du wit din
a du wo ne
a ya den
a ya du wen
Past Definite.
Plural.
a du wit din ne
a du wo ne
a ya den ne
a ya du wen ne
The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in
the form of the root. That the root should have a short form
for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be
198 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened
form is unusual. 1
ayaiduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7.
ayan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17.
ayaduwinnel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say-
ing. 153-14.
an tsu, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13.
a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5.
a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2.
a den tsu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12.
yaduwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17.
xa a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5.
deinne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1.
din ne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17.
do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1.
donene, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3.
duwenne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13.
duwinne, it played. 100-5.
A tcon, he thinks.
Present Indefinite.
Singular. Plural.
1. ai nmc sin ai nit dis sin
2. ai nin sin ai no sin
3. a tcon ayatcon
3a. a yon ayayon
Impotential.
Singular. Plural.
1. doxolifi ainutcsin do xo lift ai nit dis sin
2. ai nin sin ai no sin
3. atcone ayatcone
3a. a yo ne a ya yd ne
1 Other forms have been given in the lists under objective conjugations
and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is
quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especially in the
third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the
definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den
and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc,
the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 199
Singular.
2. aininsin
3. a tco one
3a. ayoone
Singular.
1. aineiuwsen
2. aineinsen
3. a tco in ne
3a. ayoinne
Singular.
1. ainesin
2. ai nu win sin
3. a Icon des ne
3a. a yon des ne
Singular.
1. ainesen
2. ai nu win sen
3. a Icon des ne
3a. a yon des ne
Imperative.
Plural,
ai no sin
a ya tco o ne
a ya yd 6 ne
Customary.
Plural.
ai ne it dis sen
ai ne 6 sen
a ya tco in ne
a ya yo in ne
Present Definite.
Plural.
ai nu wit dis sin
ai nu wo sin
a ya tcdn des ne
a ya yon des ne
Past Definite.
Plural.
ai nu wit dis sen
ai nu wo sen
a ya tcdn des ne
a ya yon des ne
The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its
forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have
the root forms -sin and -sen; the third person the forms -n
and -ne.
ai yon des ne te, fut. def. 3a sing., she will think about.
104-1.
ainesen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3.
ai nin sin ne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17.
ainmosifi, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3.
a tco in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4.
atcondesne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7.
yatcondesne, past def. 3 plu., they thought. 265-2.
200 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
nin sin, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12.
hwrunnesin, pres. 2 sing., don't you remember. 163-8.
do ai nin sin Q x, pres. 2 sing., you don't think. 337-9.
tco in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8.
ted xon des ne, past def . 3 sing., he thought of him.
257-1.
teo xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him.
325-14.
CONJUGATION OF ADJECTIVES.
Nit das, . it is heavy.
Present Definite.
Singular. Plural.
1. nuz<; das nit dit das
2. nin das no das
3. tcin das ya in das
3<z. nit das ya nit das
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
1. iuicdas it dit das
2. in das 6 das
3. tco das ya tco das
3a. yodas yayodas
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. eiuwdas e it dit das
2. e in das eodas
3. tee it das yaitdas
3a. e it das yaeitdas
Past.
Singular. Plural.
1. wuiv das, or we das wit dit das
2. win das wo das
3. tcuwindas y a win das
3a. win das yandas
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 201
The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i
conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the
adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form
more frequently employed. These prefixes which consist of a
single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they
are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives
expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence
of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are :
nes, I am tall ; tee nes, he is tall ; nes, it is tall, or tall.
nuM? hwon, I am good ; tcin nu hwon, he is good ; nu hwon, it
is good.
nuttf teL, I am broad ; tcin teL, he is broad ; nit teL, it is flat.
nute tcwin, I am dirty ; tcin tcwifi, he is dirty ; nitc tcwifi ; it
is dirty.
nuw kya 6, I am large ; tcin kya 6, he is large ; nik kya 6, it is
large.
anuLkyo, (comparative form) so large it had swollen.
121-10.
win kya 6, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5.
meLkyowei, (comparative form) it was big enough.
136-9.
menawiLkyo, (comparative form) she was that big.
341-4.
nai xon nu wiL htoon. it cured him. 121-13.
na ne iuw hwon, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4.
na nu win hwon te, f ut. 3a sing., it will be good weather.
273-5.
nuwinhw/'dn, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13.
nu win htron te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16.
nu hwon Q x, adverb, good. 236-3.
nuhitfonhit, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15.
xo lun nu hMxm teL, fut.3a sing., will it be good? 295-9.
tcu win kya o we xo Ian, past def. 3 sing., large he had
become he saw. 186-6.
nitc tcwin, pres. 3 sing., dirty things. 247-15.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 14
202 University of California Publications. [Aw. ARCH. ETH.
With prefix L-.
Luk kau, fat.
Present.
Singular. Plural.
1. Luw?kau Litdiikkau
2. Lin kau Lokau
3. tcitLukkau yaLukkau
3a. Liikkau yarukkau
Impotential.
Singular.
1. do xo lin Lmc kau, I shall never be fat.
(As in the present.)
Imperative.
Singular. Plural.
1. iuwka 1 itdilka
2. ilka QLka
3. tcolka yatcolka
3a. 61 ka yaolka
Customary.
Singular. Plural.
1. eiuwkau 2 eitdilkau
2. eilkau eoLkau
3. tee il kau yailkau
3a. eilkau yailkau
Past.
Singular. Plural.
1. wuwkau witdilkau
2. wilkau woLkau
3. teu wilkau ya wilkau
3a. wilkau yalkau
Adjectives having L for their prefix in the present have 1
before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They
resemble in form the verbs of the fourth class (the passive of
the second class).
1 Let me get fat.
2 I get fat at times.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 203
The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the
less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh.
yauLkai, louse grey. 111-1.
littso, green stuff. 342-5.
Littsowitc, blue beads. 199-7.
niLtsai, dry meat. 97-7.
Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of
being confined to the present is retained in all the forms. With
the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used
with verbs, tcit til te, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs
of class iv, conjugation 3 ; while tcit tit tcit, he is tired, fol-
lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 36. With the prefix tco-,
is the adjective tcodal, he is poor (lean), which belongs with
verbs of class i, conjugation le.
ROOTS.
The term root has been applied to that part of the verb
which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person
and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots
are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred
to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider-
able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large
number indicate in addition the nature and number of the
object affected by the act.
It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still
composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant
and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con-
sonants are the remains of suffixes.
The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain-
ing them and classified as to meaning and form.
-ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The
prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object.
The syllable preceding the root states whether position is cus-
tomary, without beginning, or assumed at some definite time.
The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future
as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact.
Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force
of ''has position" to be expressed by this root.
204 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
A) Having the short form.
a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9.
eea, always lay. 292-2.
iLwaiwina, (the trail) forked. 141-16.
ya a a, he sat. 150-8.
ya wes a, she sat up. 301-2.
yawina, he sitting. 162-11.
ya Le da a din, 1 the corner. 286-1.
yana, he sitting. 110-14.
yana wes a, he sat down. 165-17.
yana me da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11.
ya na me du win a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9.
yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
ye wes a, (his face) was in. 153-10.
yi tsin eea miL, west the sun was. 333-4.
win a, (house) went. 192-13.
me du wiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11.
naaa, he always has. 257-4.
nan a ei, it hangs there. 295-3.
nanaduwina, it stands up. 364-14.
nan ate, you will have. 357-7.
na na kin nu wiL a. he made the ridge. 104-3.
nanuwesa, (ridges) run across. 363-14.
nadaa. it stood. 150-8.
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13.
(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head
used to stand up). 340-12.
naduwina, (smoke) came out. 197-5.
(xoideai) naduwiiiade, if they listen. 341-12.
na du win ate, it will stick up. 204-2.
(tin) nin a, road was there. 138-1.
nu win ate, it will be.
xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9.
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11.
xa na kyu xol da a, grown over with grass. 165-16.
XOL yai din ne wiL a, they learned. 180-13.
XOL da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5.
1 Several, mutually, at right angles, have position, place.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 205
dayawesa, he sat down. 138-3.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something).
119-16.
dayanawesa, he sat there. 144-11.
da na diL a, shoot. 329-11.
danadoLa, he can shoot. 145-1.
da na du wiL a, he set another on it. 197-4.
danaduwiLa, he shot. 329-12.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
do XOL din nu wiL a, the did not know how. 176-6.
du wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1.
tawesa, it will project. 255-2.
tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1.
tcuwaal, he carried along. 257-1.
kenaneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-1.
kenanina, it leaning up. 99-5.
keneiLa, she leaned it up. 290-9.
kit tsots yu wiL a, "tsots" they made noise like. 364-9.
B) The following have the same root under the longer
form -ai.
This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent,
rather than morphological, the result of contraction with a
suffix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form
and the verb naa, "he has," makes use of the form for its
past tense. Nearly all the examples given below occur where
the forms with the shorter root would have been expected.
y&uw htcai, I have been sitting here. 174-12.
yanai, they were sitting. 329-3.
yanawinai, he sat down. 136-6.
nadaai, it stands. 244-12.
xon ma na da ai, the post back of the fire. 363-9.
dayawinai, he was sitting. 360-6.
da ya na win ai, he sitting. 162-2.
do nauw; ai, I do not wear. 247-15.
206 University of California Publications. I>M. ARCH. ETH.
-au, -a ; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing-
ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te,
-tu, is used of dance songs.
A) The impotenlial, customary, and past definite have the
form -au.
kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -a.
yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2.
na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
-aL, -UL; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con-
nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon
and deer.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -aL.
nm kyu wiL aL, he cut it. 266-10.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -UL.
myufikiLUL, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2.
-aL, -UL ; to chew. This root may be connected with the last.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -aL.
tcuwinaL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -UL.
keuL fl x, she chewed. 1 276-3.
kin UL Q x, you chew. 275-2.
-au; meaning unknown.
Lax ya xon no au, they fooled him. 166-10.
-an, -un, -aut0 ; to transport round objects. Verbs which have
reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan
languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all
1 It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly all
cases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean-
ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing
are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their
translation into English.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 207
objects according to their size and shape. The following verbs
have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re-
ferring to houses are also included here.
A) The past definite tense has the form -an
yawifian, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1.
menoninan, he put inside. 328-13.
miLxossatan, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth
it had been put. 121-14.
na in dean, he brought. 365-17.
nanawinan, he had taken down. 176-10.
na na nifi an, he won back. 144-9.
nasaan, it was. 360-8.
nonainifian, he left. 355-10.
no na ya kin nifi an, they left food. 110-9.
no na nifi an, he placed (a house). 117-8.
no nifi an, he established it. 273-3.
xawinan, he took out. 100-10, 135-8.
xolunsaanne, there was much. 165-12.
da ya du win an, they took away. 171-14.
da na yai du win an, they brought it back. 365-15.
da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8.
da tcu win an, he placed it. 210-6.
deduwinan, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5.
te tcu win an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6.
tee na nifi an, he took out. 119-3.
tee nifi an, he took it out. 119-15.
tciLan, he had. 171-16.
B) The present definite tense (and forms with suffixes) has
the root in the form -un.
mesa mi, (nothing) was in it. 243-15.
na na win un xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17.
nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9.
nonaneun, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5.
no na ta un hit, when she turned. 245-10.
no na kin nin un te, one should leave. 215-8.
noninunhit, when he finished (when he put it down).
234-7.
208 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARC ~ a - ETH -
xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5.
sa un, standing. 110-13.
samite, it will be. 226-10.
da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
do mesa ufi, nothing was in it. 243-9.
c) Indefinite tenses have the form -autt'
yaauwhwei, he held it out. 166-5.
noauwneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12.
no nauM/ au?//% I never leave. 248-1.
nonauicne, you must put it doAvn. 210-7.
no na kin autr ne, you must leave. 353-10.
nutcamtf, am I going to leave. 157-8.
h?co a nun autc, give me. 329-14.
xauwauw, I am going to take it out. 135-7.
xa wa au? hw/iL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
deduau(ic) hwiLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
do no auir, he never put down. 259-6.
doxaauw', one doesn't dig. 135-3.
do xo lin na ta auw;, he won't carry. 258-3.
do tee aim 1 , he never took out. 230-12.
tceeauw;, he took out. 333-2.
-an, -un, -smw ; to run, to jump. This root is only employed
when the subject is in the plural.
A) Past definite with the form -an.
innaxosan, they jumped up. 169-11.
ya xon an, they jumped. 105-10.
yexotaan, they ran in. 153-16, 238-9.
naxotesan, they ran around. 341-4.
xa na xon an, they came up again. 360-10.
xotaan, they ran down. 198-4.
da na xo du win an, they ran back. 181-6.
da xon an, they jumped on. 165-5,347-18.
B) Present definite ivith the form -ufi.
ye xon ufi hit, when they ran in. 169-11.
c) Indefinite tenses with the form -auw.
no xo auir h?dl, they kept arriving. 208-1.
xo tee aim-, they run along. 363-14.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 209
da xo 6 am//, they jump on him. 195-9.
ta na xo anic, they jump out. 165-6.
te IL fmic hw;ei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
-ate; to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a
pack-train and a herd of trotting elk.
niLatc, they came (with a pack-train). 200-2.
tei. ate, a pack-train came. 200-1.
tei. ate ei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9.
-eL ; to have position. This root is used when the subject is
in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same
meaning as -ai, -a, given above.
ya win eL, they were sitting there. 181-8.
Le na de eL, they were joined. 347-4.
LedeeLta, in a corner. 270-5.
na na dii win eL, they stuck up. 106-14.
naduwineL, they stuck up. 106-3.
nineL, (everything) that is. 228-2.
xodewineL, they were dead. 181-4.
xueneL, they will go. 284-1.
da na kin neuw? eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5.
taneL, sticking out. 341-15.
tewineL, they stand out. 283-14.
tceyaneL, they ran out. 336-2.
ke ya nin eL, they were leaning up. 99-6.
ke nin eL, they were leaning up. 235-9.
kinnodeeL, they stick. 363-15.
-en, -in ; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the act
of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary seeing requires the root
-tsis.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential take the
form -en.
yaxonneLen, they looked at him. 278-3.
nayanei. en, they looked. 105-8.
naneiLen, she looked at. 245-14.
na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10.
naxodeilen, he watched him. 202-5.
210 University of California Publications. [ AM - AKCH. ETH.
natenen, he looked. 97-18.
xanatenen, she looked for them. 300-14.
xoweseniiei, one could see. 120-5.
xon ne iuw en, I am accustomed to look at. 138-13.
da xo du wes en, one could see. 242-13.
do 6 na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19.
do yu xon neL en, nobody looked at him. 362-7.
dona ted en, she did not look around. 136-6.
do nel en, she did not look at. 136-7.
do he ya xon neL en, they could not look at him. 139-1.
d5 xo liii x5n ne dil en, we can't look at him. 139-3.
do teen, I don't look. 351-8.
tei en, I looked. 238-4.
teex xot dit teL en, he watching her. 137-10.
tcin neL en, he saw. 99-4.
tcitteen, he looked. 165-19.
tcittesen, he looked. 104-4.
tcitteteen, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2.
tco xon neL en, he looked at him. 109-1.
tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, with the imperative
employ the form -in.
ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13.
min no tes iii, he is looking under his arm. 113-1.
naiwitinil, she looked. 243-5.
nayatesin fl x, she looked. 300-17.
na ne wit dil ill iL te, we will look at. 216-18.
na neL in hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15.
na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3.
na duw in, I watch. 259-14.
na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
na ten iii hit, when he looked. 96-11.
nateninxolan, you looked it was. 238-6.
na teii in te, you will look. 356-5.
neiLin, I looked at. 175-10.
neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3.
niL in, look. 356-12.
nuw in, let me look. 99-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 211
xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14.
do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at.
138-11.
ten in te, you will look. 140-7.
tesuicifi, I am going to look. 171-2.
tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4.
tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16.
tcittesifi, one does (not) look. 237-9.
-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one 's self.
A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en.
aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2.
aikyuwen, I will do. 230-16.
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11.
mal yeox a iL en, he took care of. 346-4.
B) Present and future tenses with the form -in.
aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5.
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4.
xa ai ya XOL in x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xa aiLinte, that will be done. 203-8.
xa a ya iL in a x, they did that. 105-10.
xaakiLinte, that way they will do. 211-15.
-iuw ; to drop, to fall in drops as rain,
nailiuw, (tears) dropping. 337-14.
naol(i)uw?, which drops first. 115-12.
nal (i)im'te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13.
nanaldeiuw, (water) dripping off. 337-5.
da nal iuio din, it dropped place. 338-4.
-its ; to shoot an arrow.
ya xon its, he shot. 166-8.
yikitteits, he can shoot. 144-12.
yoeits, (he shot at. 157-11.
nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2.
nakisits, they shot at a mark. 266-13.
hw is sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13.
212 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
xa kin its, it shoot up. 158-7.
xo sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14.
te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9.
te kin its, he shot it in. 112-10.
tcdyanits, they began to shoot. 144-12.
-its; to wander about, to run around.
naiLits, it is running around. 294-4.
na iL its Q x, he ran around. 185-10.
na is its, different places she ran. 185-6.
nanaLits, running around. 295-10.
nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3.
-ut; to move flat flexible objects. This root is one of those
which classify the object affected. It is employed of buckskin,
cloth, and paper. The root -kyos given below is more frequently
used and has the same meaning.
noninut, he threw it. 112-3.
te wa ut te, in the water I will throw. 111-17.
-ya; to stand on one's feet (used only in the plural). Com-
pare -yen, -yin, below.
dadeilya, they stand around. 195-7.
tenadeilya, in the water they stand. 310-4.
-yai, -ya, -ysmw ; to go, to come, to travel about. This verb is
used only in the singular and for the most part of human beings
but sometimes of animals and things.
A) The past definite tense employs the form -yai.
in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2.
yaninyai, he walked. 138-15.
yanyai, the sun was up. 308-3.
yatesyai, he went away. 360-4.
(hicedeai)yewinyai, into my head it came (I heard).
246-7.
ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15.
(hwedeai) yenatyai, my head it came to. 356-15.
ye tcu win yai, he went in. 97-3.
yi man tu win yai, he was lost across. 97-8.
yi de tu win yai, he was lost north. 342-9.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 213
Lena in dl yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8.
me na is di yai, he climbed. 103-12.
me nun dl yai, years (it came against). 145-7.
mifiyai, it was nearly time. 286-6.
mit tuk tcu yai, between he got in. 108-15.
na in dl yai, he got back. 121-16.
nautediyai, I have come. 145-10.
nanaindiyai, he came back across. 103-11.
nanawityai, he came down. 138-15.
nanatyai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9.
na nin yai, he crossed. 119-17.
nan yai, it rained. 144-5.
naditteyai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17.
na tes dl yai, he went home. 97-17.
neiyai, I came. 140-14.
nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11.
nonyai, it went down. 348-3.
xaisyai, he came up. 105-1.
xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2.
xoLyatesyai, with them he went. 208-15.
xotdawinyai, he went. 272-3.
xotdanyai, it w r ent down. 281-1.
xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14.
xo tcu win yai, he came down. 104-12.
do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12.
do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2.
d5 he tee nin yai, he did not come out. 162-13.
do xo lin nun yai. you may not live. 257-9.
doxwedeaiyenatyai, she never heard. 307-15.
do tee nin yai, she never went out. 158-3.
djefiyai, it opened. 108-11.
tana is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6.
tasyai, they have left. 271-2.
teseyai, I went away. 353-6.
tes yai, (its sound) went along. 348-5.
tu win yai, he was lost. 122-1.
tee na in di yai, he came out again. 102-13.
tee neiyai, I have gone out. 99-14.
214 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
tceninyai, he went out. 97-16.
tcittesyai, he started. 96-10.
keisyai, he climbed. 137-17.
kin dje xaii yai, they fought. 165-5, 171-11.
B) The present definite, the first and third persons impera-
tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya.
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3.
yewinya, (she saw) come in. 305-8.
(xoideai) yewinya, his head it has gone in (he has
heard). 355-8.
ye win ya ye xo lun, a person had gone in. 118-5
ye na wit y a hit, when he went in. 118-6.
vena wit yate, she will go in. 311-15.
yetcuwinya, they came in. 231-8.
ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5.
winyaL, come on. 170-12.
winyalxozr, where you came along. 120-14.
Lenaindiyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6.
Lin yate, they will come together. 295-1.
naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6.
nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6.
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6.
nanodiya, let it come back. 233-5.
nanunya, go back. 187-6.
nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14.
na tes dl ya yei, he arrived. 104-3.
natesdlyate, I will go back. 117-14.
natindlyane, go home. 337-18.
nei ya, I might go. 203-15.
neyate, I am going. 348-15.
niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4.
nifiyayete, it will come. 307-12.
niiiyade, if they come. 334-10.
ninyate, it will reach. 151-15.
no nun dl ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17.
nun dl yate, it will come back. 307-9.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 215
xa is ya din, he got up place. 272-2.
xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xowinyaL, go along. 354-3.
xolun tcenifiya, he must have arrived. 209-1.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
danaduwityayei, it went back. 234-4.
ddneyahwmn, I can't stay. 348-10.
do tcit tes ya te sillen, he did not feel like going on.
281-3.
tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14.
tasyah?run, one ought to go away. 215-8.
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9.
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1.
tii win ya yei, he got lost. 348-17.
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
tceneyate, I will go out. 332-8.
tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1.
tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1.
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7.
tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13.
tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13.
tcit tes ya din, he started place. 348-9.
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12.
kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth.
257-5.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -yauw.
yeinyauM-, they always go in. 305-9.
mit tuk in yauir, get in. 108-9.
nin yauw, go. 354-3.
xotdakeiyamtf, they came down the hill. 310-6.
te ke I yauw? hwei, they go in. 311-2.
teen ya htmL te, you will go. 356-8.
kittiyamc, they came. 98-3.
The following words have a root agreeing in meaning with
-yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the
impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form
-yai, and -yamo is not found.
216 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
a du wun xo kyun na I ya, about herself she thought.
286-5.
wunnaiya, he worked on it. 226-2.
wunnaisya, he started to make. 362-14.
wun na is ya xo IM, he had fixed. 170-10.
wun xoi kyun na I ya, she began to think about it. 276-4.
wun xoi kyun na nan ya, he began to think about it.
294-4, 117-12.
(xoi kyun) meoiya, we can make them think about.
242-16.
(xoi kyun) me nun diyate, his mind will think about.
314-9.
(xoi kyun) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9.
naelya, it used to rain. 229-2.
na I ya, he used to go. 135-2.
naiyadin, where I live. 231-5.
naisya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13.
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13.
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7.
nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
(xoi kyun) nananya, he studied again. 103-2.
nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8.
nafiya, it rains. 229-3.
( xoi kyun) nan ya, he studied. 102-17.
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2.
nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9.
keketnalya, made a creaking noise. 290-9.
-yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con-
dition or plight.
A) The past tense has the form -yau.
a it yau xo lun, he was tired. 346-10.
auicdiyau, I did. 325-17,276-5.
a nai di yau, we do this. 361-9.
a nautc di yau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5.
anadiyau, it did that. 244-11.
a nun di yau, it did this. 326-6, 275-1.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 217
a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14.
un di yau, you did. 257-8, 337-9.
xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8.
xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9.
xaadiyau, it did that. 244-14, 337-17.
xaatcityau, that he did. 280-12.
da xo un a tcit yau, that he was dead. 226-5.
daxwed dan a di yau, what is it going to do. 270-6.
do xa un di yau, you don't do that. 343-13.
B) The present tense employs the form -ya.
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
auzt'dlya, I might manage it. 101-11.
auw; di ya te, how am I going to do ? 257-14, 275-5.
adiyate, it will be. 260-18.
atcitya, he is doing. 204-14.
un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4.
xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xa auM? di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8.
xaadiyateL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7.
xo lun a di ya, it has happened. 361-6.
xo Ian a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11.
da xo a di ya xo Ian, he was dead they found out. 175-11.
da x5 un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16.
duw di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10.
-yan, -yufi, -yauw?; to eat.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -yan.
yaiwinyan, they ate them. 200-8.
yai xoi I yan, they always eat him. 195-10.
ya win yan, they ate it. 266-12.
ye I yan, they eat them. 195-9.
yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18.
yik kyu win yan, it ate. 319-7.
yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
yu win yan, she ate it. 319-5.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 15.
218 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
noininyanne, that far they ate. 347-17.
no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12.
da yi kin yan e xo lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15.
dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7.
do kyan, she didn 't eat. 157-2.
do kyu we htran, J I don 't eat. 355-15.
do kyu wit yan, without eating. 226-4.
tee kin nin yan, they came out to eat. 98-2.
tcin neL yan, he ate up. 111-5.
tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11.
ke I yan, he used to eat. 237-6.
kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
kyu win yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18.
B) The present tense, definite and indefinite, and the impera-
tive have the form -yun.
ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17.
yu wifiyimh/run te, he must eat. 233-2.
yuwinyunte, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14.
na kiii yun, eat again. 192-7,153-9.
ua kyu wiii yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
nit tcu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7.
xo yu wiii yun te, if she eats them. 253-7.
da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
tcu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3.
tcu wiii yun teL de. he would eat. 267-17.
keiyuii, I might eat. 98-13.
kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15.
kin yun, eat it. 166-6.
kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6.
kyoyun, eat. 192-2.
kyu wiii vim il, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5.
kyuh/furiil, I ate along. 120-16.
1 The syllable -httan is apparently formed by carrying over the sign of
the first person singular -uw and contracting it with -yan.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 219
c) The following seem to be from this root.
me nai yi y&uw, they eat it down. 356-13.
me nai yl yamc e xo Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
dokittiyauw, they never went out to feed. 97-11.
kit te i yauw, they came to feed. 310-10.
-yan, -yun; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt
a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not
been discovered.
A) The past tense has the form -yan.
xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16.
do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 282-4.
tsis di yan, he was old. 169-2.
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13.
B) The present tense has the form -yun.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
niL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7.
do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10.
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7.
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13.
doxo di yunhtcufi, there won't be many. 308-6.
-yan, -yun ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
A) The past, customary, and impotential tenses have the
form -yan.
wut na ya xo wil yan, they watched. 267-10.
xoi ye xoi I yan, she suspected her. 158-3.
xo wut tcu xo wes yan, he watched her. 137-8.
B) The present has the form -yun.
xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7.
-ye ; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic
meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances are referred
to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed
as: tciLtuL, "he kicks," tciL waL, "he shakes a stick."
naduwilye, they danced again. 215-13.
doLye, dance. 222-13.
tcit dil ye, to dance. 117-8.
tcit dil ye Q x, they danced. 216-7.
220 University of California Publications. [ AM - A* 011 - ETH -
tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16.
tcit du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9.
tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8.
-yetue; to rest.
na wil yeuw, he rested. 119-14.
naLyemr, rest. 280-5.
na tcil yeuic sa an din, resting place. 363-3.
na tcil yeuw din, the resting place. 347-3.
-yeutc; to rub, to knead.
Le ye tcu win yeu?r, he jammed in. 143-10.
tee win yeiiff , she rubbing them. 301-5.
-yen, -yin ;* to stand on one 's feet.
A) The past definite and the customary liave the form -yen.
winyennei, he was able to stand. 220-11.
metsisyen, who stands in. 195-11.
na win yen, he stood. 106-3.
tee I yen, he always stands. 207-6, 332-9.
tcu win yen, he stood. 109-11,203-5.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -yin.
tee I yin hit, when he stands. 258-1.
-yets; to entangle, to tie strings together.
LC kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair).
151-10.
-yo; to like, to love, to be pleased with anything.
iui yo, I like. 230-16.
yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10.
wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16.
hai da tcu wes yo, more yet he likes. 340-13.
dowesyo, I don't like. 233-6, 231-8.
do tcu wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8.
tee il yo, he liked it. 202-5.
tcu wes yd te, he shall like. 307-11.
1 There is a glotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals
which are surds.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 221
-yow ; to flow, to scatter.
na kis yow htcei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
noi ki yow din, as far as it goes. 311-6.
no kin nin ydw>, they were scattered about. 145-3.
dohexakinyow, it did not come out (said of water).
105-5.
kit te yotc, it flowed out. 100-11.
-yol, -yoL; to blow with the breath.
A) The past tenses have the form -yol.
xe e IL yol, he blows away. 296-15.
B) The present tense has the form -yoL.
yetcilyoL, she blows in.
-yos; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to
stretch.
tee nin yos, he pulled out. 118-10.
teitteyos, she stretched it. 158-13.
-yot ; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs,
ye yin ne yot, it drove by barking. 321-5.
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13.
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4.
xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10.
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. This root is only used in the
third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other
Athapascan dialects.
A) The impotential regularly has the form -wai, and it is
found in the example given below where its appearance is un-
explained.
do wun na wai, he never had done. 321-3.
B) All but the impotential have the form -wa.
wun na wane en, going after used to. 157-10.
nawa, they were there. 209-3.
nawaux, .he stayed. 166-14.
na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9.
do nawa, nobody going about. 166-2.
donawate, he will not live. 257-11.
222 University of California Publications. [ AM - AECH. ETH.
-wautr; to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em-
ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of
animals as well the confused noise of the conversation of
people.
me ya du wil wamc, they began to talk about it. 265-1.
me dil wauir , they talked about. 340-5.
me dil wautc din, they talk about place. 340-4.
me dil wamr ta, they talked about places. 340-12.
xoi du wil wautc, they talked about him. 116-14.
dilwautt'tsu, he heard croak. 112-12.
tcit dil wautc tsu, talking they heard. 170-16.
-wal, -waL : to shake a dance stick, to dance.
A) The past definite, customary and impotential have the
form -wal.
tee iL wal, they danced. 239-3.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -waL.
seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7.
tciL wax Q x, they danced. 238-10.
tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2.
-waL, -wul, -WUL; to strike, to throw, to scatter.
A) The definite tenses employ the form -waL.
yawiLwaL, he threw. 362-8.
ye na XOL waL, he threw him. 106-13.
i.e nun du waL, it shut. 108-16.
mewiLwaL, he beat on. 315-1.
miL xot da ML waL, with she dropped down. 189-11.
na ya du wil waL, they were scattered about. 109-13,
192-17, 170-11.
naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17.
na deL waL, he put it. 114-5.
naditteLwaL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16.
xaxowilwaL, ' ' Dug-f rom-the-ground. " 138-9.
xeewiLwaL, she threw away. 189-11.
xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 223
xeediiwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill.
208-17.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5.
danadeLwaL, he poured it. 281-17.
de xdt diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8.
djetwaL, it opened. 281-17.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
tcit du wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11.
tee xo teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17.
tcuweswaL, he lay (like a log). 112-16.
B) The customary and impotential have the form -wul.
yaiLwul, she always clubs them. 196-1.
c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form
-WUL.
na a din WUL, hurry (throw yourself). 354-3.
nil. yai kyo du WUL, with you let it seesaw. 107-17.
-wan, -nan, -wun, -nun; to sleep. This root usually appears
in the form of -nan or -nuri, w following fi of the preceding
syllable of the definite tenses being assimilated to it. In the
cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it
probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root
require that the persons affected appear as the object. The
subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical
miL found in the word miL na xo WIL we, ' ' he felt sleepy ' '
(sleep fought with him). 121-5.
A) The past definite has the forms -wan, -flan,
na xoi kyu win an, he went to sleep. 121-9.
xoikyuwinan, he went to sleep. 121-7.
xo kyu win nan, he went to sleep. 203-1.
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
xoik kyu win an, he went to sleep. 113-8.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the forms -wun; -nun.
nikkyowun, go to sleep. 294-5.
nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
kyo wun, I am going to sleep. 121-6.
224 University of California Publications. OM- ARCH. ETH.
-was ; to shave off, to whittle. *
no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3.
tcu win nas, he scraped bark off. 347-12.
-wat, -wa : to shake itself, said of a dog.
a nai du win wat, he shook himself. 115-7.
anaiduwa, he is shaking himself.
-weL, -wil, -wii. : the passing of night. Verbs with this root
are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean-
ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in
the place or under the circumstances mentioned. When the
verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse
of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but
seems to be darkness.
A) The definite tenses have the form -weL.
yi de yal weL. they spent a night. 200-9.
yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10.
wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15, 142-8.
wil weL miL, after night. 238-8.
wil weL hit, after night. 300-17.
wil weL din, at night. 142-9.
min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2.
htcelweLte, I will spend the night. 348-2.
xoi yal weL, they camped. 175-6, 200-7.
xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-3.
xoinateLweL, they camped. 116-7.
xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16.
XOL xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12.
xwel weL, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15:
do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1.
B) The customary and impotential have the form -wil.
eilwil, all day. 275-2.
eilwil, every day. 150-7.
eilwil miL, in a day. 336-7.
xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12.
1 Forms with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre-
ceded by fi. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 225
xoiyalwilliLta, they had camped. 181-7.
xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along-. 181-6.
ded e il lu wil, it begins to be dark. 356-10.
do xo lin hwril wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1.
c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form
-WIL, but they do not occur in Hupa Texts.
-wen, -win, -we; to kill. This root furnishes the generic
verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the
manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing.
A) The past definite has the form -wen.
yaxoseLwen, they killed him. 171-12.
yis se teL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10.
tee xo SCL wen, he killed her. 164-11.
tceseLwen, he killed. 136-11.
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, he had killed he saw. 186-7.
B) The present indefinite has the form -win.
ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2.
htoit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1.
xd lun ne SCL win, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16.
xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10.
seseLwinte, I will kill it. 162-7.
tcis SCL win detc, if he kills. 139-5.
tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we.
yaxosiLwe, they might kill him. 278-5.
yis se IL we, he killed. 136-13.
miL na xo wiL we, he felt sleepy (miL fought with him).
121-5.
xo SUM' we, let me kill him. 159-8.
xodjeyuwiLwe, she loved him (her heart fought for
him). 157-12.
do xo lin no siL we, you can't kill us. 165-7.
tsis siL we, he killed one. 319-4.
tee hifis su WIL WCL de, if he kills me. 114-3.
tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5.
tcis siL we, he killed. 106-4.
226 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-wen (-en), -win (-ifi), -wuw, -we, -wel, -weL; to carry on
the back, with or without a burden basket.
A) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en),
yayakinen, they packed up. 164-4.
yawinen, she carried. 210-4.
yanawinen, she carried. 172-1.
ya na kin en, he packed up. 238-3.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ye kin en, he brought in. 192-3.
xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5.
xakiswen, he had carried it. 166-4.
tatciswen, he carried out. 120-10.
tcin nin en, she brought. 137-15.
kin nin en, he brought it. 97-14.
B) The present definite has the form -win (-in),
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5.
c) The present tense indefinite, customary, and impotential
have the form -wuw.
yaawuw, he always takes on his back. 195-6.
ya na ke u wuw, he used to pack up. 237-7.
ya ke wuw hirei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
ya kin wuw, carry it. 105-18.
na ne it wu?>, he used to carry it back. 237-8.
ne iuw WUM? din, I bring place. 137-5.
no u wuw, he put down. 237-5.
da yit de wmv hwei, he always carries it off. 162-7.
tcinneuwmr, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7.
tcin nu wuw win te, she always brought. 157-2.
D) The third person of the imperative and, it would seem
from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite
has the form -we.
na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
E) The following verbs have the form -we plus the suffix
-1, -L.
ya ke wel, someone carrying loads. 110-3.
nanakiswel, he arranged again. 106-7.
tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the TLupa Language. 227
tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
-wen, -win, -wim-, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire.
A) The past definite has the form -wen (-en).
datcuwinen, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15.
tcittetewen, she waved (fire). 242-12.
B) The present definite has the form -win (-in), but it does
not happen to occur in Hupa Texts.
c) The customary, impotential and sometimes the present
indefinite,, and the second person of the imperative have the
form -wut<7. None of them occur in Hupa Texts.
D) The third person of the imperative and sometimes tlte
present indefinite have the form -we.
xonnauwwe, fire I wave. 248-2.
-wis ; to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body.
a du wun ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid
(they dodged). 179-10.
yekiLwis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3.
do a du wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2.
tcit du wiL wis, he rolled between his hands. 197-4.
-lai, -la, -Imp; to move or transfer a number of objects. By
means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the
objects moved or transferred are classified according to their
shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects.
When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes
are affected, the root employed is -lai.
A) The past definite has the form -lai.
yanawillai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6.
yasillai, they were there. 180-3.
ye ya xo lai, they took them. 179-12.
yetcuwillai, he took them in. 301-7.
yin ne ya xol lai, in the ground they have put them.
360-9.
yin ne tcu wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16.
Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10.
228 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
miL wa ya kin dil lai, we traded with them. 200-4.
na ya nu wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17.
na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8.
na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1.
na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6.
no nil lai, he put. 98-2, 307-2.
xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16.
xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5.
xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8.
xo wa tcil lai, he gave away. 103-7.
xo tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in. 164-9.
sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10.
sil lai, standing. 202-4.
da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2.
de du wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11.
do h? u wun nu wit lai he, don 't bring them to me. 230-13.
tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2.
tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5.
tcin tel lai, they brought. 230-15.
B) The present definite has the form -la,
a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10.
yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Le nai wiL dil la din, they build a fire place. 351-5.
Lenaiwdilla, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14.
Lena wil la, afire. 170-9.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2.
ml nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14.
sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14.
te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 229
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -luw.
a dit tcin mil Imp, on yourself put it. 175-3.
yaillmp, he picked up. 292-14.
yaluiP, he picked it up. 292-15.
yei il Imp, waves began. 102-2.
ye tee il Imp, he used to take. 288-2.
Le nail Imp, she started the fire. 153-1.
Le na Imp, he built a fire. 235-14.
na ya nil Imp ne en, which had been lost. 144-7.
niL tcin no il Imp, he put together. 334-12.
noil Imp, she put. 157-11.
no na il lute, she left off. 332-10.
sa htpil Imp, put in your mouth. 276-8.
tee il Imp, he used to take out. 230-11.
tcin ne il Imp, they always brought. 230-10.
-lai, -la, -Imp ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub,
to hand something to someone.
A) The past definite has the form -lai.
ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7.
wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10.
mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12.
kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14.
B) The present definite has the form -la.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
-lai, -la, -lutp ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some,
at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which
carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de-
rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with
it in the thought of the Hupa.
A) The past definite has the form -lai.
me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11.
me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13.
xotdawillai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13.
xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8.
dit tse no nil lai, they headed the canoe. 216-4.
ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10.
tcit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10.
230 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
B) The present definite has the form -la.
dits tse no nil la xo lun, it was pointed. 222-4.
tcuwillale, they were going along. 222-1.
It is probable that the following are connected with one of
the preceding.
ML dje xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight.
115-10, 17.
kiL dje xai yo 1m/;, let them fight. 115-2.
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4.
-lau, -la, -lu, -le; to do something, to treat somebody or
something in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or
purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and
last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible
that two like forms with related meanings have become merged.
A) The past tense has the form -lau.
auto lau, I made. 302-10, 260-3.
au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2.
a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4.
anayadillau, they fixed themselves. 170-1.
a na xo wil lau, he was ready for a fight. 162-10.
anadillau, he made himself. 152-11.
a na tcil lau, he did. 106-8, 145-11.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6.
akillau, they did. 266-13, 322-1.
ullau, what did you do ? 163-3.
Leyakixolau, he gathered the people. 151-7.
Le na ya kyu wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12.
mifi xo an na xo wil lau, for him ready to fight. 163-13.
xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1.
xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9.
xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12.
xa a tcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1.
xon a na du wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14.
xofi a du wil lau, she marked herself. 311-12, 215-11.
da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2.
da an na tcil lau, he tore down. 102-11.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 231
B) The present definite, and in some cases at least, the
present indefinite and imperative have the form -la.
ailate, they will catch. 253-10.
auto la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
ayaxola, something could befall them. 321-9.
a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11.
a late, what are you going to do? 102-15.
a nauw? la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
ah?f61a, you have treated me. 166-12.
a xo wit la, something would happen to him. 223-1.
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
axolate, they will do. 306-12.
axodilla, we could do with him. 116-16.
a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10.
Lenakillane, gather together (things). 192-8.
LC ki xo la, gather people. 151-5.
c) The customary and impotential have tlie form -lu.
mal yemo ai il lu, she took care of it. 136-7.
xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9.
D) A present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs
with -le.
aixoiille, they do with him. 196-7.
ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8.
awilleLte, he will do. 253-12.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18.
anadille, fix yourself. 170-1.
akyole, you do. 198-2.
a kyu wil lei HL te, it will do. 236-3.
ul le, take it over. 220-13.
ullene, do it. 176-7.
xa a wil ICL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xa ul le, do that. 165-19, 138-8.
232 University of California Publications. C AM - A** 03 - ETH -
-lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -lal.
nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1.
kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6.
B) The present tense has the form -laL.
kin name laL, I dreamed. 191-8.
-Ian, -lufi; with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to
desist.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -Ian.
do yux xo il Ian, they always quit. 196-2.
do ted wil Ian, she quit. 157-10, 242-13.
do ted wil Ian, he left. 343-9.
do ted xo na wil Ian, he went aw r ay. 343-8.
B) The present definite has the form -luii.
dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5.
doyolunte, they will quit. 231-1.
do yux xo il lufi, they quit him. 196-7.
do tco wil lufi, he stopped. 234-2.
-Ian, -lufi ; to be born.
A) The past tense has the form -Ian.
tcislan, he was born. 96-2.
B) The present tense has the form -lufi.
islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4.
-lat, -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objects
including dead bodies.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -lat.
nalatdei, it was floating. 243-17.
nanalatde, it was floating. 244-9.
na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16.
no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2.
xa wil lat, it floated on the water. 266-8.
XOL Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 233
XOL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
xdL tes lat, it floated with him. 315-2.
tadeslat, it came. 105-2.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -la.
nala, it floating. 243-8.
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12.
daweslal, it floated. 314-10.
da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6.
da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3.
nanatlale, it floating. 243-13.
tadesla, (a boat) has come. 199-3.
tes la, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11.
tcittesla, he is drowning. 210-11.
-le; to feel with the hands.
nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5.
na na Ids le hit, when he had felt. 106-6.
na kis le, he felt. 107-15.
xo wiin na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5.
-lei ; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands.
When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently
an extended form of -te. It may be that -lei is likewise formed
from -lai.
ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9.
-lei ; to bother.
do xo lin tcwiii yo wil lei, they won 't bother it. 267 A.
-len, -lin, -lu, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs
with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency.
A) The past definite has the form -len.
ya is len, both became. 187-13.
ya is len ei, they became. 110-1.
yasillen, they had become. 182-6.
LI sil len, they made bets. 142-16.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 16.
234 University of California Publications. [ AM - ABCH. ETH.
na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13.
nasdillenne, it had gone back. 234-7.
nas dil len ne xo lun, it had gone back. 235-1.
xolen, she has. 333-9.
sillen, he got there. 346-6.
sillen, it seems. 241-8.
sil len ne en, it came. 241-9.
sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4.
sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4.
doyax51en, they were lacking. 105-15.
doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11.
do na xo len nei, he was gone. 119-17.
do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5.
do xolen, there was none. 159-3.
do xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5.
telenexolan, it had become. 187-5.
tin name tsis len, he came to have. 348-16.
tsislen, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2.
(do) tcexolenne, he was gone. 163-6.
tcis len, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7.
kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5.
B) The present definite has the form -lin.
nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6.
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5.
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5.
sil lin teL din, it is going to be place. 104-16.
xo lin, it was. 340-7.
doxolin, it is gone. 141-8.
tsis lin te, it would become,
tsis lin nete, he will become. 338-10.
c) The customary, impotential, and a sporadic future have
the form -lu.
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11.
na dil lu, it will be. 243-2.
hice e il lu, it becomes mine. 248-1.
xodjeeitdinteeillu, he became unconscious. 223-14.
do xo lin nifi xa ten tcil lu, it won 't be rich man he will
become. 338-7.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 235
doxolin tselin tcillu, he won't have blood on him.
334-11.
D) The present indefinite and imperative of all verbs con-
taining this root, and all the tenses of some other verbs have the
form -le
il le ne, become. 109-6.
6 le, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7.
o le ne, become. 109-18.
nadille, they are. 211-13.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5.
natleliLte, it will become. 312-4.
no xos le e, he is lost. 185-8.
nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3.
xo xun xos le, she got married. 189-9.
xwaeille, he had enough. 332-6.
xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16.
do yi da il le, they do not get enough. 196-7.
do yi da le, it never satisfies them. 195-9.
do xo wil lei HL te, it will be no more. 217-15.
do xos le, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5.
do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4.
tcil le, it would be. 340-10.
tcuwilleLte, he will become. 114-4.
kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10.
-len, -lin ; to flow, to run ; said of any liquid.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -len.
na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1.
ne il len, it always flows. 336-5.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -lin.
ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12.
nau wil lin, to run. 108-19.
nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13.
236 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
no wil lin, it was covered. 115-16.
tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17.
tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10.
tee na il liii xo Ian, it used to run. 117-18.
-lit; to burn. This root is used only of the fire as acting.
The root employed in verbs meaning to cause to burn is -Lit,
evidently related to this.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16.
na wil lit, he nearly burned. 330-1.
nawillitdei, he burned up. 120-8.
na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5.
no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire
had ceased burning). 210-8.
XOL no il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4.
XOL no nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7.
XOL no kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13.
xoLteillit, he smoked himself.
xo tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7.
do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9.
do he tel lit, it would not burn.
-lite; to urinate.
de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
-lik ; to relate, to tell something.
na xoiv lik min, to tell you. 226-6.
niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11.
niL xo- lik, I am telling you. 360-8.
niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4.
xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14.
XOL ya xo il lik, he told them. 180-10.
XOL ya xo wil lik, they told them. 180-12.
XOL tcu xo wil lik, he told him. 141-13.
tco xo wil lik, she began to tell them. 181-15.
-loi, to tie, to wrap around.
anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5.
yaisloi, they wrapped. 179-7.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 237
wil loi, bundles. 210-3.
LG il loi, he ties together. 334-12.
Lena is loi, he tied together. 210-5.
me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3.
menakisloi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13.
mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4.
na iuw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11.
tsisloi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6.
tcisloi, he played (he tied with). 144-4.
-16s, to drag, to pull along.
ye na wil 15s, she dragged it in. 190-2.
na na kit de 16s, he had fixed the load. 162-10.
natelos, she dragged back. 190-1.
xanaislos, she dragged it up. 192-2.
-lu, -le; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party.
A) The past definite, customary, and the impotential have the
form -lu.
Le du wil lu, he had killed several. 165-15.
xoiduwillu, they attacked them. 152-13.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -le.
xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4.
du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3.
du wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6.
-lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water.
a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -lu.
nalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7.
do til lu, they never come. 252-3.
tillu, they come. 254-12.
B) The present and imperative have the form -le.
da il lei, it always swam. 266-6.
daweslel, it swam around in one place. 266-5.
tee nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9.
-luw, to watch, to stand guard over,
yeluw, it watching. 203-13.
238 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
me luir, watching. 204-6.
meluirx, he watched it. 205-2.
me luw te, I am going to watch. 292-9.
me nai lute te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10.
me name luic te, I will watch. 267-17.
umwluwte, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3.
-Lat, -La; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this root
are confined to the singular number and indicate rapid motion
by human beings.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -Lat.
innasLat, it ran up. 295-5.
innatcisLat, he jumped up. 171-9.
yenawilLat, she ran in. 136-1.
ye nal Lat, he ran in. 329-8.
yin ne nal Lat, in the ground it ran. 221-12.
na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16.
na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6.
nul diL Lat, he ran back. 115-16.
xa na is diL Lat, she had run up. 135-13.
xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16.
xo wil Lat, he ran. 199-4.
XOL ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14.
da wil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14.
da na du wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12, 98-15.
da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2.
tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2.
tee in Lat, she ran out. 185-5.
tee na il Lat, she came there. 135-9.
tcit du wil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11.
ke is Lat, she ran up. 158-8.
kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -La.
me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16.
na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17.
no il La, he came running. 360-8.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 239
da din La, run. 176-6.
tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13.
teuw La, let me run out. 171-9.
-Lit; to cause to burn. This root is confined to the transitive
use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in-
transitive and passive verbs.
na win Lit, she burned it. 311-12.
-LU, -Le ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough-
like material.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -LU.
na imp LU, I paint. 247-12.
nadeLu, she marked across. 311-13.
noixweiLLu, they throw down (blood). 195-11.
tcitteLLu, he rubbed it. 278-10.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -Le which does not occur in Hupa Texts.
-Lon, -Ld, -Low, -Loi ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-
making. This root is very likely related to Lo, "grass," from
the materials of which baskets are made.
A) The definite tenses have the form -Lon.
nakisLon, she made baskets. 189-5.
na kit te Lon, she wove another round. 305-7.
nakitteLon, she began to make baskets again. 325-9.
B) The indefinite tenses have the forms -Lo and Low?, which
do not seem to differ in meaning or use.
na kit te it Low;, she always made baskets. 157-3.
ke it Lo, she used to make baskets. 189-1.
keitLow?, she made baskets. 305-4.
kit te it Lou?, who always made baskets. 324-5.
c) The impotential and nouns from this root have the form
-Loi.
kit Loi, a basket. 103-7.
240 University of California Publications. [ AM - AROH. ETH.
-mas, to roll, to rotate.
ya wim mas, he rolled over. 112-15.
xatemas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5.
tee mm mas, it rolled out. 197-5.
-mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre-
ceding.
nawesmats, it was coiled. 151-19.
-me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive).
naime, I swim in. 311-11.
nam/'me, let me swim. 97-15.
nawimme, he swam. 209-13.
nawimme, she bathed. 307-2.
nanahitt'me, I bathe it. 247-1.
na naime, I bathed. 311-8.
na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8.
-men, to cause to swim.
yenawiLmen, he made it swim in. 266-2.
meniminen, he landed him. 162-9.
na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
naismennei, he made it swim. 266-1.
nateLinen, he made it swim. 266-1.
tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10.
tcit tei. men, he made it swim. 265-9.
-meL, -mil, -miL ; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having
this root are always used with a plural object. "When the object
is singular, -waL, -wul, -WUL is employed.
A) The definite tenses have the form -meL.
ya yai wim meL tsu, he heard them kick up their legs.
342-14.
ya wim meL, he took up. 142-4.
yaxosmeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several
strands). 164-3.
ye tcu wim meL, they put them in. 200-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 241
nadittemeL, they fell. 245-11.
nim meL din, the place you bring them. 210-7.
noyatemeL, they dropped them along. 179-11.
xe e ya xo wit meL, they had thrown away part of them-
selves. 181-9.
de du wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10.
tet meL, scattered. 117-16.
tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14.
tcin ne meL, he carried it home. 363-1.
tcittetemeL, he scattered them. 101-3.
B) The customary and im potential have the form -mil.
yai im mil, it kicked up. 290-2.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
yademil, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5.
yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11.
yu wim dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5.
waimmil, he always distributes them. 195-8.
wun dim mil, the going through. 144-3.
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
no nun dim mil, it fell back. 151-18.
non de mil, they fell. 143-8.
xatedimmil, chips flew off. 113-13.
denadeiuwmil, I put. 247-9.
de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6.
tcit te dim mil, they fell one after another. 208-6.
tco xo ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL.
tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13.
tee ne ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3.
-men, -min ; to fill up, to make full.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -men.
de wim men, it was filled. 191-5.
242 University of California Publications. [An. ARCH. ETH.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -min.
XOL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17.
dewimminte, they will be filled. 253-11.
-medj, to boil, to cook, by boiling,
kyuwilmedj, boiled. 166-5.
-mite, to break off, to pull off.
yatemitc, they pulled off. 179-10.
tcitdu wim mite, she broke it off. 287-2, 293-16.
tcit dii wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4.
-mut, to break out, as a spring of water; to break open,
yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15.
xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3.
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by
placing above boiling water.
me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11.
me na wiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12.
ke ya wiL na, they cooked it. 266-10.
- .-- - ,v'--
kewiLna, she cooked them. 99-9.
kenawiLna, he cooked it. 260-6.
kiL na, cook them. 237-2.
-na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con-
nected with the root next considered.
na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18.
-na, -nauw; ; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the
third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first
person of these verbs has a root -hica, -htcaujc, and the second
person one -ya, -yauzr . It is likely that this root as well as that
found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya
resulting from a preceding n.
estcinnauu', swimming deer (they come into the es,
fishdam). 162-1.
ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10.
yanaujcdifi, the going up place. 195-6.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 243
ye tcin nauw, they will come in. 231-6.
Leinnauw, they came together. 305-2.
meu na htmL de, if their time comes. 229-9.
me win na la.wi'L te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14.
na wit dits tin nam<;, whirlpool. 120-3.
ne in nau, he used to come in. 305-1.
nit de sin nauw un, didn't you meet her? (didn't she
meet you?). 165-2.
no in nautt?, she stopped. 158-5.
no win na hw/iL te, he will go. 230-1.
Compare, no kiL dje xa in name, she quit fighting. 333-6.
nu win na Im-il, he went. 282-10.
xa sin nauw din, where the sun rises. 332-5.
do ye in nauw/, no one ever comes in. 329-4.
do mit tis in nauw, it never over it reached. 314-2.
do tee in nauw, she never used to come out. 305-3.
do tin nauitf x5 Imi, he had not gone along. 174-5.
te in nauw?, he comes. 310-7.
tu win na htdL de, if it comes. 105-12.
tu win na hiciL te, it will go. 229-13.
tee in nautc wei, he used to go out. 136-14.
tee namr, it coming out. 170-7.
tcin ne in nautt?, she always comes. 101-7.
tcin nin nau0 htcei, she comes. 101-6.
tcit te in nauw, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8.
tcit tu win na hzciL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
kiL dje xa in nauw te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13.
-nan, -nuii; to drink.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -nan.
ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7.
tan din nan, you drank. 337-12.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -nun.
tai win nuii IL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
tai din nun, let us drink. 179-3.
244 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16.
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18.
tautc din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13.
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used
of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the
foetus.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -nan.
na is din nan, he turned. 278-11.
XOL xut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -nun.
XOL xut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4.
xon na is din nun hit, when he turned around. 278-12.
-ne, -n ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound,
to play an instrument.
A) The past definite, customary, impotential have the
form -ne.
aixoLne, he kept telling him. 208-13.
ai XOL de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3.
a yai XOL du wen ne, they said. 165-2.
ayaiduwenne, they said. 165-7.
a yaL de iuw ne, I told them. 301-1.
a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18.
ayaduwinnel, they were saying. 153-14.
aL tcit den ne, he talked to. 100-3.
a no hoL tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3.
a hiciL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16.
a htciL tcin ne, why does she always tell me. 135-4.
ahidLtcitduwinneL, they told me. 355-11.
a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7.
a den ne, he said. 97-15.
a den ne, it made the noise. 321-5.
adenne, she sang. 333-14.
a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 245
a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
un nil, dmr ne, I am telling you. 356-1.
unniLdenne, I told you. 163-8.
yaL tcit den ne, she told them. 299-6.
ya XOL tcit den ne, they said to him. 102-15.
ya du wen ne, they said. 109-17.
ya du win neL, they said. 361-8.
no hoL tcit den ne, they told us. 302-4.
xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2.
xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5.
xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45.
XOL tcit den ne, he said. 105-18.
XOL tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12.
deinne, he used to imitate. 182-1.
dinne, it was playing. 99-17.
do a du win ne he, don 't say that. 175-1.
donene, let it play. 100-3.
duwenne, it sounded. 108-16,189-13.
duwenneetsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3.
duwinne, it played. 100-5.
tcitdeiLne, he played on. 99-12.
tcit den ne, he said. 106-9.
B) The present definite and the present indefinite except
sometimes the first person singular have the form -n.
ai we tcin, I hear it said. 360-1.
ayan, they said that. 116-17.
a na hnuL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
antsu, he heard it cry. 281-13.
a hwnL tcit den hir un, he must tell me. 314-11.
a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8.
a den de, if he sings. 236-2.
a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
yei tcin, they say. 275-1.
htciL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15.
do a htdL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12
tcin, they say. 135-1.
tcit den de, if he says. 111-7.
246 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH. ETH.
-neuw?, -ne yeuw? ; to talk, to speak.
This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs
employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan-
guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of
sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of
some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are
employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance.
A) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form
-neiiM? with the exception of the first person singular and the
imperative forms.
yit de din ujn xun neuw, the Tolowa language. 110-11.
wa nun x5 win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 272-17.
wun xai neuw te, he will talk about. 260-12.
wun xu win ne tm/'iL te, they will talk about.
mux xun neuitf htce ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4.
nai xe neuw? te, few will talk. 295-13.
no wun nun xun neuw te, they will talk about us. 267-18.
do he tee xai neuw, he did not say anything. 113-12.
do xon no xun neuw, they never talk into her. 334-2.
tin xe neuw, who spoke the curse. 223-8.
tee xai neutc, he spoke. 105-1.
tee xa in nemc, he always said the same thing. 283-13.
tee xo win ne hwiL te, she shall talk. 289-12.
tee xun neuw, he commenced to talk. 272-6.
B) The first person singular and the imperative have the
form -neyeuw.
xun ne yeuw ne, he must talk. 227-4.
xun ne yemr de, if I talk. 217-15.
xunneyeiiwte, I will talk. 217-11.
xunninyeuw, you speak. 153-7.
With the preceding, is probably connected :
kyuwennu?, it thundered. 144-5.
-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know.
A) Tlie third person of all tenses has the form -ne.
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
atcoinne, he kept thinking. 139-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 247
a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7.
ya tcon des ne, they thought. 265-2.
do tco xo xo ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6.
tee xon des ne, he found him out. 207-11.
tcoinne, he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8.
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3.
tco x5n des ne, he thought of him. 257-1.
tco xon des ne hw;un, he shall know. 319-13.
tco xon des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14.
B) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form
-sen, -sin.
ainesen, I thought. 187-3.
ai nifi sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
ai nm sin, I thought so. 353-3.
ninsin, you think. 337-12.
hwunnesin, don't you remember. 163-8.
do ai nin sin fl x, you don't think. 337-9.
-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up.
kyadane, they picked. 138-7.
kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6.
-nel, neL; to play (said of children).
miL na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing with.
292-11.
na in nel le xo Ian, he played he saw. 186-1.
na wenellexolun, he had been playing. 292-13.
-noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This
root is confined to the plural; for the singular, -ai, -a would be
expected.
Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12.
nesnoi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3.
-noL, to blaze.
kyuwitnoL, a fire blazing. 109-11.
-nu, -ne ; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way.
A) Tlie past, customary, and impotential have the form -nu.
a en nu, it does it. 275-5.
a in nu, he did. 288-9.
248 University of California Publications. [ AM - A.RCH. ETH.
a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4.
a ya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2.
a win nu, one should do. 99-11.
xa a in nu, he always did that. 139-9.
xa a in nu, that happened. 340-5.
B) The present and imperative have the form -ne.
a ya teo ne, let them do that. 365-16.
a win ne HL te, it will be. 311-17.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11.
au win neL te, it will be. 105-12.
xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10.
xaawinneLte, it will be that way. 259-18.
tee in ne, it helps him she. 196-1.
do xa auir ne xo xo lin, I won't do that. 230-15.
-nuie; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes
into his head is used for the hearing of anything,
tceinnuw;, he heard about it. 204-13.
Compare, ke wen nuir, it thundered. 144-5.
-hwai, -hwa, -hwauic; to walk, to go, to come. This root is
found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a
modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yauw?.
A) The impotential regularly has the form -bjrai. (// is
not usual for negatives to take such a form.)
do na hw/ai, I have never been. 336-11.
B) The present and imperative have the form -hira (-htcal
ivith progressive suffix).
wiutc h?ral, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16.
nahica, I will walk. 164-6, 175-7.
c) The form -hwauw may occur in the present or customary.
nuhw/am<?, I come. 351-1.
-Iwal, -hwaL ; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook.
A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form
-hu?al.
yi kit tu hteal, nobody hooks. 107-6.
na xo win htcal, he hooked him. 107-6.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 249
ta ya is hioal, they caught. 328-4.
kyo ya win h?#al, they fished. 328-3.
kyo hwal le, somebody hooking. 106-15.
B) The present and imperative have the form -htoaL.
kit tuw hteaL, let me hook. 107-5.
-hwe, to dig.
xakehwe, to dig. 135-2.
tee kin niil hw:e, he had finished digging. 100-9.
kit din hw'e teL din, he would dig out. 100-1.
kittehwe, he began to dig. 100-8.
-hwe, -hwil, -htriL; to call by name, to name. This root is
identical with the noun xolm-e, "his name."
A) ^4.^ tenses without the progressive suffix have the form
-hwe.
na xo u hw/e, he will call. 283-11.
tee xo hire, he talked. 283-13.
tco hice iL te, they will call. 272-11.
tcu hwon hwe e te, they will call me. 272-12.
tcu htro hwe iL te, they will call. 272-10.
tcuxouhwe, he will call. 283-11.
B) The past, customary, and impotential having the pro-
gressive suffix take the form -hwil.
kitteludl, he called along. 98-4.
c) The present and imperative having the progressive suffix
take the form -hiciL.
in htciL, you call. 355-6.
hwiL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7.
-hwen, -hwin; to melt (said of frost),
nal hirin te, it will melt away. 273-6.
-hwot ; exact meaning unknown.
Le na kil du htfot, it grew back on. 164-1.
-xa, -xu, -xaiL ; 1 to track, to follow tracks.
1 The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pre-
ceding rough x. In Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but
judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been
found to contain the vowel u it is probable that in the other tenses the
vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xu; to finish, to overtake, p. 252
below.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 17
250 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH- ETH -
ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15.
na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
xot da na ya XOL xa, down they tracked him. 170-3.
tcit teL xa, he tracked it, 185-12.
ya xo wiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5.
-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid),
winxa, (a lake) lay. 101-13.
winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9.
naaxa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8,311-5.
nanxa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1, 310-1.
nafixatcin, (lake) lies toward. 364-10.
-xa, -xal, -xaL, -xun: to dawn. It is probable that this root
has a more definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no
doubt the mythical dawn maiden.
ye iL xa, mornings. 290-6.
ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14.
yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6.
nai wiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17.
Compare, naisxunte, there will be sunshine. 228-1.
-xa, -xan, -xuii; to stand (said of a tree).
nai kyu win xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11.
na kyu winxa, (medicine) grows. 364-11.
da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3.
kyu wiii xa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-8.
Ids xun, (a tree) standing. 113-7.
kis xun diil, standing place. 137-17.
-xan, -xun ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste,
xwa wil xan, he liked them. 110-5.
Compare, kiLLaxun, deer (said to mean "with it is
sweet").
-xan, xun, -xaim-; to move in a basket or other vessel any
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip
up. This is one of the roots which classify the object affected
according to its size and shape by being limited in that regard
as to its application.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 251
A) The past definite has the form -xan.
ya win xan, he picked it up. 337-6.
yatexan, he picked up. 109-16.
ye tcu win xan, she brought in. 209-10.
no a din nin xan, * she placed herself. 223-9.
no nin xan, she put it. 242-7.
xowatcinxan, to her she gave. 246-12.
xo sa win xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7.
sa win xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10.
saxanne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13.
do tcu win xan, he does not catch any. 257-9.
tee te xan, he took out. 111-5.
tcit tes xan, he took along. 342-2.
B) The present definite has the form -xun.
mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16.
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10.
no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2.
no nin xun te, if he puts. 296-6.
xa is xun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9.
xo lun se xun, must be there. 112-12.
sux xun, lying in a basket. 171-7.
do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6.
tsis sux xun, lying there. 223-11.
c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xauw/.
ya wi xaufo hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17.
mis sun xautc ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
no a din xauw, lay yourself down. 223-9.
no na iuw xautr, I leave it. 247-3.
non xauw ne, put it. 296-14.
dosaixauw;, one can't swallow. 141-2.
tin xauw; ne, you take it along. 246-13.
tceexauw, he always caught. 191-2.
-xait, -xai ; to buy.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -xait.
tcoyatexait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8.
1 This word means to place one's self (a woman) in position for inter-
course and probably is a figurative use of this root.
252 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -xai.
yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7.
yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3.
-xe, -xu ; to finish, to overtake.
me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3.
miL xoi niL xe, it went on him. 308-8.
meneLxe, I finish. 260-15.
me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8.
htce na tcoL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2.
-xen, -XUM? ; to float, used only of plural objects.
A) The past definite tense has the form -xen.
no nun de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6.
xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9.
xot dan xen, they floated down. 216-5.
tan xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9.
B) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im-
perative have the form -xuw.
no xuw, it floats ashore. 346-5.
-xut, to hang.
nanuwilxut, hanging for a door. 171-1.
-xut, to tear down.
na is xut, he tore down. 104-8.
na ya is xut, they tore down. 267-8.
Compare, na in xut, it dropped down. 115-14.
-xut, -xul ; to ask, to question.
na 6 duw de xut, I ask you for it. 296-10.
tco du wiL xut. she asked them. 301-17.
tco du wiL xut, he questioned it. 266-3.
yd du wit xul HL te, they will ask for. 296-3.
tcu hwo WIL xul HL te, she will ask for. 311-17.
-xiits, to bite, to chew.
no iL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5.
xo dit teL xuts, she felt it bite. 111-2.
-xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 253
A) The definite tenses have the form -xiits.
ya wuii xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2.
na na wit xuts, he nearly flew back down. 114-2.
nin xuts, he flew. 113-17.
noninxuts, something fell. 246-11,362-9.
xot da na wit xuts, he fell back. 152-3.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
da tcu win xuts, he flew up there. 114-1.
du win xuts, it came off. 157-7.
tco xon niL xuts, she threw after him. 159-9.
ke win xuts, he fell over. 105-17.
B) The parts of the verb other than the present and past
definite have the form -xus.
ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17.
ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15.
ya na it xus, he kept flying up. 113-1.
waiexussei, he threw at her. 333-1.
na wit xus IL, he is falling. 152-5.
na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7.
na xus, which fly. 114-9.
da un xus, fly. 114-2.
da tee e xus, it used to light. 150-9.
do he ya xo tcin te e a xus, it did not to them reach.
166-8.
tee xus, it flew up. 112-16.
tee a xus, it flew. 244-1.
-sel, -seL ; to be or to become warm.
A) The past has the form -sel.
naayadissel, they warmed themselves. 170-11.
B) The present tense lias the form -SCL.
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw.
329-16.
-sit ; to awake.
tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8.
254 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8.
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the
mind, dje, to be sorry.
tco 6 da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1.
tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7.
-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal),
ye tcu win da, she carried in. 191-13.
xo wa iL da, she handed her. 181-13.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom.
na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3.
kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4.
-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game.
A) The past definite and the impotential have the form -dai.
matsisdai, chief (the principal one who stays). 329-9.
me e na nes dai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1.
na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1.
na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2.
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15.
sit dai, he lived. 278-1.
da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12.
da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14.
do xo lin se dai, I can't stay. 360-11.
tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im-
perative have the form -da.
e it da, it lies there. 247-8.
ya sit da din, they were staying place. 299-12.
na nes da xo lun, he was sitting. 270-10.
ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6.
sin dan, you stay. 328-6.
sit da, he was staying there. 164-16.
suw da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12.
da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1.
do win da, all do not stop. 260-19.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 255
tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16.
tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5.
tsis da din, he used to stay place. 220-9.
tsis da te, he will stay. 211-7.
tee it da, she used to live. 286-2.
tcinnesdate, she will sit. 290-14.
tcu win da, he stayed. 97-3.
kyuwinnaida, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15.
-dau, -da ; to melt away, to disappear.
A) The past and the impotential have the form -dau.
na is dau we a xo luii, it had melted away. 236-1.
do xo liil it dau, they won't melt away. 254-7, 256-14.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -da.
nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away.
259-9.
-dal, -dai,, -dauttf ; to pass along, to go, to come.
A) The past tense has the form -dal.
wildallei, it coming along. 174-7.
min nail dal, she ran around. 153-2.
nawilditdal, he ran. 221-7.
na wit dal, he went. 223-12.
na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7.
nalditdal, it coming along. 115-15.
xoLwildal, with him came along. 115-1.
B) The present has the form -daL.
hwa na na wit daL din, in the evening. 99-13.
mux xun nauw; daL te, having gratified myself I will go
back. 223-13.
na nauw daL din, he was coming back. 152-7.
na nauw? daL din, sun gone down time. 322-9.
tcu wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11.
256 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH.
c) The imperative, customary, and impotential have the
form -daute.
yenaitdauir, whenever he went back in. 288-6, 336-6. '
yenundamr, come in. 98-17,192-7.
Le na it dame, he used to make the rounds. 336-7.
htciL teL dautt?, (I wish) it would travel with me. 114-11.
min na na se it damr, around he always went. 346-3.
nanaedamr, (sun) goes down. 364-4.
nanaitdamc, (sun) gone down. 104-10.
naneitdamr, he used to come back. 137-1.
na nit dame xo Ifm, he had come back. 267-7.
na te it dame, she always went home. 237-6.
na ten dit dame, she ran back. 157-6.
na tin dame, you better go back. 329-3.
do he min teL dame, he did not run for it. 112-13.
tcit teL dame, she ran up. 152-15.
-deL, -dil, -diL ; to go, to come, to travel. Verbs having this
root are restricted to the plural. The singular is expressed by
the root -yai, -ya, -yame.
A) The definite tenses have the form -deL.
ya nin deL, they went. 170-9.
ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3.
ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12.
ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16.
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10.
ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9.
ye tcu win deL, they went in. 278-4.
wunnaisdeL, they started. 101-17.
Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1.
menayaisdeL, they started back. 208-16.
me nin tsis deL, in it they danced. 216-5.
me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15.
naindeL, they got back. 181-8.
na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15.
nawesdeL, it encircles (they encircle). 364-15.
na na ya nin deL, they arrived. 172-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 257
na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6.
na nan deL, they became. 96-6.
nanandeLxolan, they had become. 119-12.
na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3.
na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2.
naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4.
nan deL, it snowed. 169-2.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
naseLte (nase deLte), we will visit. 174-2.
nas seL, they began to walk. 180-16.
nas deLte, they will stay. 253-4.
nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4.
na tes deL, they started back. 176-17.
na tes deL, they started home. 329-18.
na Ids deL, they came around, 200-2.
nin is deL, they danced. 104-14.
nin tsis deL, they danced. 215-12.
nin su wit deL, they dance. 366-1.
no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5.
no naiM nin deL, they came to marry. 208-11.
no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1.
xa sin deL din, the coming up place. 363-3.
XOL tes deL, with him they went. 110-7.
XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16.
xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8.
da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2.
da note deLte, everybody fished. 256-9.
do he nas deL fl x, they could not walk about. 322-7.
do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11.
ta des deL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2.
tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12.
tes deL te, they will come. 252-3.
tsi yun tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1.
tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10.
tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9.
tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11.
tee te deL, they went out. 141-5.
258 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5.
tcit tes deL, they went. 170-15.
tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9.
B) The customary, impotential, and past of the fourth con-
jugation have the form -dil.
ya wit dil, they are traveling. 110-8.
wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2.
muk kut nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11.
naitdil, who go around. 305-9.
na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1.
na wit dil HL te, we will visit. 177-2.
na na in dil, they came back. 182-6.
na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13.
na dil, they were living. 100-7.
nateindil, they go home. 333-13.
nin sin dil, they danced. 105-7.
XOL tcu wit dil, those following him. 208-1.
xu in dil, they will pass. 283-15.
da wes dil, they waited. 252-7.
da wit dil, they live. 365-8.
do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10.
do xo lin tin dil, they won 't go. 253-3.
do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10.
teindil, they flew along. 317-3.
tsi yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11.
tcit teindil, they traveled. 190-15.
tcu wit dil, they came along. 101-16.
tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8.
c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form
-diL.
yai diL, let us go. 142-14.
ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13.
wei diL, we will go. 207-7.
wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6.
wun nai diL xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw.
104-11.
wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14.
VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 259
LeneLte, (LenediLte), let us meet. 174-3.
naidiL, let us go. 175-16.
na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3.
nanadiL, come down. 166-7.
na niL ne, they must live. 317-1.
na no diL, go away. 266-15.
nadiL, who are living. 321-3.
nadiL Q x, they will live. 255-8.
nadiLneen, that used to live. 204-15.
na diL din, he lived place. 100-6.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na kit diL xo Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10.
nin sin diL x, they danced. 105-9.
nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14.
nit to diL, come. 113-16.
da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4.
do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1.
tin diL, it is coming. 199-5.
tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11.
tee in diL fl x, outside the door. 169-9.
tee in diL miii, for them to come out. 102-9.
tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4.
tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3.
-dil, -diL, -deL; to strike (?).
nanii.deL, he struck. 120-4.
-den, -din ; to travel in company. This root is only employed
in case of a number of persons who make a journey in company.
A) The past lias the form -den.
sa win den, they all went. 142-15.
sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6, 144-10.
B) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative
have the form -din.
sa 6 din, travel. 152-7.
sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6.
sa win diii hit, when they went out. 322-12.
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5.
260 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-den, -din; to be light, to blaze. It seems possible that the
words given below are connected in meaning. The negative with
the verb may well have the meaning of gloomy, lonesome, the
opposite of sunshine.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -den.
yekinnenden, sunshine came in. 305-6.
na kin neL den, she made it blaze. 288-11.
dea xa win den, the time was near. 226-2.
do tcu WIL den, she was lonesome. 306-10, 220-4.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -din.
yekinnendin, light shone in. 308-3.
woLdintan (-te- with some suffix), you will get used to
it. 180-9.
na do WCL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2.
-dil, -diL ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -dil.
kyu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2.
kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1.
B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -diL.
kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3.
-dik, to peck (said of a bird),
yisdik, he pecked. 113-13.
min noi ML dik, he pecked open. 113-15.
min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3.
min no kyoi, dik, pick open. 112-17.
nai neL dik, he pecked. 113-9.
naintei.dik, he pecked. 113-14.
-dik, to stand in a line.
na nu win dik, they lined up. 216-17.
-dits, to twist into rope or twine.
ya kyu win dits, they made rope. 151-11.
kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 261
-do, to cut, to slash.
nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3.
ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14.
-do, to quiver, to dodge, to draw back.
xa en nai dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
do nas do, they won 't dodge. 258-13.
te nai dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
-dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected
with dje in xo dje, his mind, etc.
na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11.
-dje u, -dje ; to fly in a flock.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential liave the
form -djeu.
ya nat dje u, they came back. 301-15.
ye wit dje u, they came in. 299-14.
no na it dje u, they came back. 299-10.
no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15.
naditcdjeu, they flew together. 299-1.
B) The present and imperative have the form -dje.
ye 6 dit c dje ne, run in. 299-13.
-djin, to come near, to bother something,
do me djin, it did not mind. 315-4.
do mite djin te, it won't mind. 315-9.
-taL, -tul, -tuL, -tal ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the
foot.
A) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL.
yin ne ya XOL taL, in the ground he tramped them. 361-10.
yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2.
ye tcu wiL ta,L ei, they landed. 362-5.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5.
no na du win taL, he stepped away. 223-11.
no du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
no kyu wil taL, the finishing dance. 104-16.
da no du win taL, he stepped. 120-3.
262 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
te no du win taL, in the water he stepped. 120-3.
tcitteLtaL, they danced. 362-3.
B) The customary and impotential have the form -till,
nayadeittul, they used to drag their feet. 207-3.
c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tuL.
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2.
nanatuLdiii, the stepping down place. 207-2.
no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10.
-tan, -tun, -tuc ; to handle or to move a long object. This is
another of the roots which classify the object affected according
to the size and shape. For some reason empty baskets are re-
ferred to by verbs having this root.
A) The past definite has the form -tan.
ya win tan, he took. 108-18.
yanawintan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13.
yetcuwintan, he put in. 96-13.
yon tan, he kept. 96-8.
Lei tan, were shut (his eyes). 337-8.
na na win tan, he took down. 97-16.
no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1.
nonintan, he put. 210-16.
no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11.
xa win tan, he drew from. 211-3.
xo wain tan, he gave him. 211-1.
xSwayaintan, they gave him. 144-14.
xo Ian de du win tan, he has put in the fire. 150-6.
da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13.
da sit tan, it was sitting there. 246-10.
de du win tan, he put them in. 150-4.
djewintan, it spread open. 289-14.
tana is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4.
ta tee nin tan, he took it out of. 107-6.
tetcuwintan, he put in the water. 101-14.
tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13.
tee nin tan, he pulled out. 329-10.
tco nan tan, he held it. 314-9.
tcoxontan, he held her. 153-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 263
B) The present definite has the form -tun.
ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6.
me sit tun, was in it. 243-9.
sit tun, it was sitting. 337-4.
siLtun fl x, it lay. 266-8.
da sit tun, it sits. 246-9.
de duw tun, let me put them in the fire. 150-4.
do de du wit tun, why don 't you cook. 171-3.
tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13.
c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im-
perative have the form -tuw.
ya nauw; tuiv, I will pick up. 286-9.
waiiLtuw, he always gave. 136-12.
hwu wun tuw, hand me. 278-7.
daeiuwtuw, I put. 247-7.
do de dit tuw, one must never put in the fire. 150-2.
djenawiLtuw, he opened it. 109-2.
-tan, -tun, -tuw ; to split.
djewintan, it spread open. 289-14.
djenawiLtuw, he opened it. 109-2.
kiLtuwtse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5.
kyuu? tuw, I am splitting. 108-9.
-tan, -tun ; to eat (used only of the third person singular).
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tan.
yaitan, he ate. 109-18.
yitan, they eat. 351-7.
he tcit tan, even he ate. 346-5.
do xo lin yi tan, she shall not eat. 253-6.
tcit tan, he ate. 106-5.
tcit tan hwun te, he shall eat. 107-8.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tun.
tcit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11.
-tan ( ? ) , -tun ; the exact meaning is unknown,
na xo wiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6.
na XOL tun, let it get soft. 233-6.
264 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH. ETH.
-te, to look for, to search after.
xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4.
xauic te, let me look for it. 104-16.
xa un te, it can be seen. 119-4.
xaneitte, she looked for it. 306-13.
xa ne te te. I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xanuwinte, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9.
xante, look for it. 243-3.
-te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and
animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root
-ten, -tin, -tiiic given below.
me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8.
naiLte Q x. she carried it. 290-6.
na is te, he carried it around. 282-4.
Compare, da e iL te, they were on a stick. 186-11.
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
-te, to remain in a recumbent position. Compare, -ten, -tin,
-tutc ; to assume such a position.
tee it te, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7.
tcinnote, he might lie. 169-4.
-ten, -tin, -tu?c ; to move or to carry in any way a person,
animal or animal product. This is another of the classifying
roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character.
For a plural object -lai, -la, -lur is employed.
A) The past definite has the form -ten.
a dit ta tcu wiL ten, he put him in his sack. 221-6.
yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3.
ya XOL ten, he has taken him. 151-4.
yanawiLten, she put it in. 136-5.
ye tcu WIL ten, she put it in. 289-17.
ye tcu wiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
yinne tcu WIL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3.
LenaniLten, he took it all the way around. 293-10.
na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4.
na IL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6.
na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 265
no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7.
no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11.
no na xon niL ten, he laid her. 342-10.
hwin nu wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7.
xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1.
xaisten, she brought up. 99-2.
xa na WIL ten, he dug it out. 221-10.
xoi kya niL ten, he took it from him. 222-7.
da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1.
dasiLten, lying on something. 186-4.
da du wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10.
da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5.
ta na is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17.
tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7.
tee niL ten, he took out. 282-2.
tee xo niL ten, they took him out. 278-4.
tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15.
tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9.
tcu WIL ten, he put him. 152-9.
tcwin dai WIL ten, he spoiled. 221-13.
ke wu teo XOL ten, somebody hid. 181-12.
B) The present definite has the form -tin.
ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
yin ne tcu wiL tin, in the ground they have put. 221-3.
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11.
no niL tin din, he put it place. 266-9.
dononiLtintesil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7.
tee na xon neL tin, I brought it down. 273-7.
c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and
present definite have the form -tuw.
yauwtuw, let me pick it up. 286-11.
yo OL tuw, put in. 362-6.
no na XOL tuw, he had her laid. 342-8.
xa na xo IL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15.
ta nautc tu hwnL te, I will take out. 267 18.
kyu wa na iL tuw, he who gives back. 241-4.
Compare, tcuwiLtel, he was bringing. 329-6.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 18.
266 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
-ten, -tin, -tuw, -te: to lie down. It seems possible that this
root is connected with the preceding. The first, however, char-
acterizes transitive verbs and has the sign of verbs of the second
class while the verbs given below are intransitive.
A) The past definite lias the form -ten.
XOL tcin nes ten, with her he lay. 223-13.
sit ten, she was lying. 145-8.
da sit ten, (dog) was lying. 114-16.
do he kiL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7.
tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5.
B) The present definite has the form -tin.
sit tiii, she lying. 117-2.
sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2.
sit tin te, (if ) they lie. 307-11.
kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman.
104-7.
c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential and the
second person of the imperative have the form -tuw.
na nu win tu hiriL ne, you must lie. 343-12.
tcin ne tiur din, she goes to bed time. 334-1.
D) The first and third persons of the imperative have the
form -te.
XOL neuic te, let me lie with her. 223-12.
tcin note, he might lie. 169-4.
-tetc, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub-
ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten, -tin. -tuw
and -te.
ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7.
win tetc, they lay there. 322-4.
me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4.
me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8.
ne it tetc, they always lay. 333-12.
sit tetc Q x, they lay there. 322-6.
tsis tetc, they were lying. 190-6.
-tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in-
terest since it is an added case of a monosyllabic noun's being
used as a root.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 267
kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7.
kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12.
-tik ; exact meaning unknown.
tee niL tik, he pinched out. 143-14.
-to, referring to the movement or position of water.
n5 it to, the water comes. 310-7.
no to fl x, water staid. 324-3.
-ton, -ton ; J to jump,
ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9.
yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18.
ye e il ton xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17.
yena wil deton, in she jumped. 135-11.
na du wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14.
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9.
datcuwilton, he jumped. 109-14.
tee tcil ton, he jumped out. 163-16.
-tot, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to,
referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare
-tsots, to kiss.
tcittetot, he drank. 112-15.
-tu, to beg.
kyun xoic tu, I am begging. 152-13.
-tu, -te, -tel; to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root
which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see
-au, -a.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tu.
me na kyu WIL tu, they sang again. 238-15.
me kyu wiL tu, he sang. 234-6.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the
suffix denoting progression -1, -L.
me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1.
me kyu WIL tel, someone singing. 235-4.
1 There is a glottal stop between the vowel and the nasals which are
surds.
268 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH. ETH.
-tuk, to count.
miL tcoL tuk te, he will count. 259-18.
-tan, to hover, to settle, to fly around.
nai xoi IL f au, it flew around her. 333-8.
na win tan, it will settle down. 273-7.
-tan, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are
wax-like.
me it fan, he stuck to (wax). 202-3.
me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
kewiLfan, he put on (pitch). 150-12.
-tats, -tns ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
A) The definite present and past have the form -tats.
yai kyu wil fats, a blanket of strips. 207-5.
min no ya kin fats te ne en, they were going to cut open.
278-5.
min no kyu wit dit fats te. we are going to cut open.
102-15.
no na wit fats, it is cut down. 144-17.
kit te fats, he cut them. 101-1,98-16.
B) The tenses other than the definite present and past have
the form -tns.
-te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature: to
be, to exist.
a in t e, how he appeared. 209-5.
ainfe, (smart) he is. 141-4.
a na nu we sin t e te, you will look that way. 357-5.
a na kin nit t e, it grows. 356-10.
a ne e t e, he looked that way. 321-7.
anuwesfe, he looked (that way). 143-14.
a tcin t e detc, he must be then. 363-17.
un te, there is. 209-15.
un t e ye, how it looked. 209-6.
unfeneen, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18.
xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14.
xax a na nu wis t e te, it will be lighter (in weight). 357-6.
tin til teox un t e, it looked very strong. 294-2.
kin tis seox un te, the smart one. 326-1.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 269
-fen, -tin ; to do, to perform an act.
A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -ten.
a ya ten, they did. 305-5.
a na dit fen, we did. 217-7.
a ten, it did it. 120-9.
a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5.
da xo a ten, who die. 346-4.
do xa auw ten, I never do that. 109-4.
do xo lin da xo a ten, they won 't die. 253-7.
B) The present and imperative have the form -tin.
aim 1 tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7.
a ya tin, they do. 198-5.
ayatfinneen, they used to do that. 306-1.
atfinwestfe, (a basket) had done. 325-10.
a tin te, he will do. 215-9.
wun no xon nil. tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-1 3.
na auw tin, ( what ) am I doing ? 163-4.
xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14.
xa a fan wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8.
xa a tin tei., that it will do. 235-1.
dodaxoaiin, would never die. 221-13.
-ten, to address with term of relationship or friendship. It
is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first
part, Lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean-
ing might be then, to make one Lin, "a relative."
Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9.
Lin xo wil ten, he addressed her. 98-10.
LU win ten, she addressed her. 181-9.
-ten, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only
with ut, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning
"wife." The remarks above connecting the last given root with
-ten, -tin, "to do," applies here also.
ut ten, he married. 210-11.
ut ten tsis lin tcin, he married. 145-13.
270 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-tfik, to encircle, to tie with a string.
min na na wil ik, a string tied around. 353-4.
nakyuwiHik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10.
-to, relating to mutual motions of one or the other of two
objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with-
drawn from it.
ya a diL to, he put on (as a shirt is put on) . 328-12.
ye na xo wil to, he was dressed in. 328-8.
yetcuwiLft), he slipped them one into the other, 329-1.
me tee ya niL to, they skinned him (as a rabbit is
skinned). 328-5.
tee ii. 6, he pulled out the knot. 332-12.
-tsai, to be or to make dry.
OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4.
na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14.
na xo wiL tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12.
xo WIL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7.
xo wiL tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16.
-tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see.
A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -tsan.
adoiutt'tsan, I didn't find it. 243-16.
iuw/'tsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6.
ya XOL tsan, they saw him. 101-16.
yo XOL tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4.
na iL tsan, he found signs. 185-11.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
na ya XOL tsan, he found them. 267-15.
na hi06L tsan, you see me. 230-5.
na xo wes tsan, he was found. 230-3.
xdw tsan, I saw him. 351-9.
do ya IL tsan, they did not see. 98-7.
do ya XOL tsan, he did not see. 238-14.
do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9.
do na IL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16.
do na ya XOL tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6.
do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 271
do he tciL tsan, he didn 't find her. 340-8.
do tciL tsan, she could not find. 159-4.
tciL tsan, she gave birth. 189-7.
tciL tsan nei, she saw. 242-4.
B) The present and imperative have the form -tsun.
iuwtsun, (I wish) I could see. 336-9.
iuwtsunte, (where) am I going to find. 244-7.
yiL tsun te, she will see. 103-15.
do iL tsun te xo lun, you can't find it anywhere. 246-6.
do na iL tsun de, they won 't find again. 321-10.
do na hwm wes tsun hwmn, I must not be seen again.
217-18.
do na XOL tsun fl x xo liii, you won't see him any more.
306-6.
-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip,
kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9.
kit te SCL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8.
-tsat, -tsa ; to sit down.
A) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat.
B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa.
danintsa, sit. 107-12.
-tse, to open or shut a sliding door.
na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5.
na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10.
na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2.
na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10.
no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1.
no nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2.
no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2.
no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9.
-tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject),
ya del se ei, they lived. 145-13.
yadeLtse, they were living. 135-1.
yin ne tcin deL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2.
na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5.
272 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
na del tse, they stayed. 102-3.
na deL tse, they are living. 217-8.
de SOL tse te, you will stay. 152-10.
des dil tsen, we better wait. 265-5.
-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL ; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is
possible that this root is connected with the noun tse, ' ' a stone, ' '
since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones.
A) The definite present and past tenses have the form -tseL.
djewiLtseL, he pounded it. 108-11.
tcit du wiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16.
kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6.
Compare ya na kyu WIL tsil lii. te. ' they may split. 109-8.
B) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil.
c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the
form -tsiL.
-tsis, to be hanging.
naLtsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12.
nanaLtsis, it hung. 207-9.
-tsis, to see, to find, to know.
yonaLtsisde, who knows. 348-6.
xotc tsis, I saw him. 353-3.
do yiL tsis, one never sees. 141-9.
do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5.
do xo lin tciL tsis, he will not see. 317-13.
do xo liri naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11.
do tciL tsis, he never found. 336-7.
do tco XOL tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8.
-tsit, to pound, as in a mortar.
ya kyu win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4.
na kyu win tsit, she pounded again. 185-4.
do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited (not your heart
pound). 170-18.
tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8.
tcu win tsit, he pounded. 319-8.
kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1.
1 The form -tsil is no doubt due to the suffix.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 273
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula.
6w tsil ML te, I will know. 272-7.
oLtsit, you know (my formula). 296-13.
yo naL tsit te, who will know. 296-7.
do na ya XOL tsit, they did not know him. 166-15.
too IL tsit, she found out. 334-5.
tcoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14.
tcoL tsit, he knew it. 340-6.
tco nax tsit, she knew. 191-15.
tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6.
tco naL tsit te, who shall know. 279-2.
-tsit, to fall, to sink.
na il tsit, it falls. 275-3.
nail tsit te, (birds) would drop down. 104-11.
naltsit, it fell. 306-16.
na nal dit tsit din, where it fell. 96-4.
na xo wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15.
tewiltsit, (canoe) sank. 153-17.
Compare, til tsit fl x, it will always be in her hands.
325-13.
-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal.
kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns.
kit ta ya wiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4.
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9.
-tsit, to pull out a knot.
XOL tee niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1.
tee niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2.
-tsit, to wait, to delay an act.
don ka tsit, hold on. 329-14,222-6.
-tsots (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one's
lips. This root is probably onomatopoetic. Kissing was not
practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by
adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5.
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
274 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
-tsu, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tsu.
na is tsu, he rolled about. 119-4.
do he kit tcin no na in dl tsu, he could not roll over. 121-8.
B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse.
na tse, rolling around. 157-4, 289-1.
na tse din, (where) he rolled. 119-5.
-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -teat.
du win teat, it got sick. 241-9.
xoideai du win teat, his head ached. 175-15.
tcit du win teat, she was sick. 286-7.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tea.
duwintcate, (babies) will get sick. 242-15.
tcit du win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7.
-tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind),
ye kyu wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4.
ye kyu wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8.
xa kyu witc tee HL te, from the ground the wind will blow
out. 272-10.
xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6.
xot da na kyu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5.
xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3.
xot da kyu wes tee, it blows. 227-7.
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6.
da kit du wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4.
da kyu wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3.
dd xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6.
ta nai kyu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5.
ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12.
te kyu wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9.
tee kyu wes tee, it blew out. 324-8.
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 275
-tcit, to die.
iuwtcitte, I will die. 346-13.
do he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1.
tcit dei, it died. 266-8.
tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6.
tcit te tcit, he was almost dead. 111-16.
tcit tcit xo Ian, he died. 347-3.
tcit tcit dei, he died. 164-4.
do iuw tcuw Jm'uii, I won't die. 346-13.
-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree.
wun do wiL tcut, he took (bark from a tree). 96-12.
-tcwai, -tcwa ; to handle or move many small pieces, such as
the soil ; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the
roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of
objects.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tcwai.
ya xo win tcwai, they buried him. 172-4.
da nai ke xon tcwai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6.
tcit te tcwai, she buried in several places. 192-12.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tcwa.
wit tcwa, (salmon) buried. 192-17.
wit tcwa ta, they are buried places. 180-11.
xa na ya wit tcwai, they dug up along. 181-7.
tco xon ne itc tcwa ei, he threw at her (a handful of
twigs). 333-3.
-tcwan, -tcwun ; referring to the eating of a meal in company.
A) The past definite tense has the form -tcwan.
na del tcwan, eating. 321-6.
na du wil tcwan, it was supper time. 141-1.
no din nil tcwan, they finished supper. 141-4.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwun.
na de il tcwun din, Tule ranch (where they always take
the meal). 328-10.
nadil tcwun, (he heard) eating. 176-9.
276 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (transitive) to make, to arrange, to
cause.
A) The past definite has the form -tcwen.
a na dis tcwen, he made himself. 101-14.
a dis tcwen, he made himself. 102-6.
ya is tcwen, they made up (loads). 171-17.
yawiLditc tcwen, they had made. 138-7.
ya na tuk kai tcis tcwen, he made come between. 144-2.
ya kiL tsis tcis tcwen, he made it sprinkle. 338-2.
wil tcwen, it was made of. 164-13, 203-11, 221-10.
wun un LO tcis tcwen, about it he laughed. 151-15.
na is tcwen, he made. 110-12.
na is tcwen, he placed it. 314-7.
naya is tcwen, they made. 284-1.
na SCL tcwen, I made. 296-2.
do he tcwitc tcis tcwen, she did not make wood. 157-5.
tcis tcwen, he made. 336-8.
tcis tcwen, he begot. 360-6.
tcoxos tcwen, he made (him). 114-8.
kit ti yo?c tcis tcwen, she made it to flow. 158-12.
B) The present definite has the form -tcwifi.
a da yis tcwin te, he makes for himself. 338-6.
a dis tcwin te, he might make. 363-5.
na is tcwin tei, he will make. 321-11.
naseL tcwin, I make. 302-11.
na SCL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14.
noi na SCL tcwin te, I will bury it. 282-6.
SCL tcwin, I will make. 290-8.
seL tcwin te, I will make it. 152-3.
do nais tcwin, nobody could make. 322-8.
do tcis tcwin hicun, he must not do. 116-15.
tcis tcwin te, she was going to make. 306-13.
tcis tcwin te, he was going to cause. 98-1.
c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im-
perative have the form -tcwe.
e iu?c tcwe, I make. 241-2.
iu?r tcwe, let me make. 278-7.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 277
IL tcwe, make it. 278-8.
yin neL in ya xoi iL tcwe, they made them to see. 180-1.
nai xoi iL tcwe ei, they make him. 196-6.
nauwjtcwe, I am going to make. 301-1.
na yai xoi iL tcwe, they make him. 196-3.
hwnL tcwe, make me. 114-3.
tciLtcwe, someone making. 102-13.
kin nuw? xo iuw tcwe, I notify him. 241-3.
D) Having a progressive suffix.
xo wiL tcweL te, who fixes the place. 229-13.
tco xo wiL tcwel HL te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16.
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe; (intransitive) to grow, to become.
A) The past definite has the form -tcwen.
a til teox teL tcwen, he is growing strong. 294-17.
ya teL tcwen, they grew. 265-1.
Le nul ditc tcwen ne xo lufi, it had grown together. 113-8.
na is tcwen nei, that grew. 287-7.
na teL ditc tcwen, he grew. 96-1.
XOL xas tcwen nei, it grew up. 137-18.
XOL teL tcwen, it grew with him. 137-18.
do he teL tcwen, it had not grown. 96-7.
te il tcwen ne dun, the time when it grew. 275-2.
teL tcwen, it grew. 96-3.
teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
te sil tcwen ne dun, ever since you grew time. 337-13.
til tcwen, (which) grows. 296-12.
tol tcwen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tcwin is
regular in this place.)
tcit teL tcwen, one after the other grew. 207-1.
B) The present definite lias the form -tcwin.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
na teL ditc tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 119-10.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
teL tcwin xo lun, it had grown. 306-17.
teL tcwin te, when it grows. 267-5.
278 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
tes tcwin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13.
til tcwin ne en, it used to grow. 233-1.
tee na il tcwin hit, when he came to life again. 347-4.
tcit teL tcwin htcun, he may grow. 348-6.
Compare, wuw tcwiL dun, when I was growing. 180-7.
-tcwen, -tcwin ; to smell, to stink, to defecate.
A) The past definite has the form -tcwen.
a xo wiL tcwen, it smells. 301-10.
tcu win tcwen, he defecated. 110-6.
B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -tcwin.
aL tcwin, you smell. 165-4.
a xo wiL tcwin, it smells. 301-12.
a xo wiL tcwin te, it will smell. 302-9.
mis sa niL tcwin, buzzard (its mouth stinks). 112-17.
Compare, yai xos tcwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3.
-tcwen, -tcwin ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire.
A) The past definite has the form -tcwen.
me du win tcwen, he wanted. 110-16.
me du win tcwen, he wanted to have intercourse. 280-6.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwin.
me duw; tcwin, I want. 254-12.
do me duw tcwin, I do not want. 97-8, 253-5.
tse me de tcwin, I feel hungry for. 97-7.
-tcwil ; exact meaning unknown.
me na tcwil HL te, it will settle. 117-11.
-tcwit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to
shoot, to rub one 's self in bathing, to bring water.
aL me na niL tcwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11.
a du wa nun du witc tcwil HL te, she will rub herself
312-3.
a du wun din tcAvin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7.
a du wun do tcwit te, bathe yourself . 322-11.
a du wun du win tcwit, he rubbed himself. 319-9.
iL kai niL tcwit, he pressed down on it. 143-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 279
on tcwit, take it. 191-13.
yit ditc tcwit, to shoot. 136-9.
me na niL tcwit, he pushed it back. 163-1.
me niL tcwit, he pushed it. 106-2.
me xo niL tcwit, something pushed him. 109-13.
miL tcwit, push it. 105-18.
na de tcwit te, I will leave it. 277-1.
na du win tcwit, he let go. 106-17, 272-18.
na du win tcwit, it was shot. 246-1.
niL kai niL tcwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17.
nu wa me neL tcwit te, I will loan you. 356-6.
hwu wa meL tcwit te, lend me. 296-11.
hw?u wa miL tcwit, loan me. 326-7.
xo wa me neL tcwit te, I would loan him. 356-17.
xon tcwit, it caught him. 346-10.
do ma a din iL tcwit, she did not move. 341-1.
do kiL tcwit, one never pushes it. 106-12.
tese tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12.
to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3.
to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2.
to on tcwit, water to bring. 110-16.
tcit du win tcwit te, he will shoot. 151-16.
tcit te te tcwit, he completed the measure. 226-4.
tcit te tcwit, he measured it. 116-13.
tcon tcwit, she took it. 181-14.
ke niL tcwit, he lifted it up. 163-1.
ML tcwit, push it. 162-14.
kyu wa is tcwit, he broke off. 317-6.
kyuw tcwit, let me push it. 106-11.
-tcwo ig, to sweep.
na yai xoi iL tcwo ig, they brushed him together. 196-3.
na xo teL tcwo ig, he swept. 210-12.
-tcwok, exact form and meaning unknown.
kyu wit tewok kei, they are strung on a line. 165-8.
-tewuM.*, to smell of.
yai xos tcwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3.
280 University of California Publications. O M - ARCH. ETH.
-tcwu, tcwe : to cry, to weep.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -tcwu.
ya win tcwu, they cried. 169-12.
ya te it tcwu, they cried along. 179-12.
win tcwu, you have cried. 337-14.
do wit tcwu we he, don't cry. 169-13.
tee itc tcwu, he always cried. 336-4.
tcit te it tcwu, he always cried. 186-8.
tcu win tcwu, he cried. 150-7, 336-8.
kya teL tcwu, it cried. 342-10.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -tcwe.
tcit tcwe Q x, he cried. 150-7.
kya teL tcwe, (she heard) it cry. 135-9.
kya tu wil tcwel. crying along. 135-10.
-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened at.
yenesgit, it frightened (they were afraid of it). 215-4.
ye nes git te, it will be afraid. 236-2.
yenuwilgillil, it kept getting afraid of . 235-4.
yin nel git, he was afraid. 114-16.
me nes git te, it will be afraid. 296-5.
ml nes git. it was afraid. 295-4.
mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7.
ne itiM? git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5.
do nil git he ne, don 't be afraid. 170-15.
xoinesgit, he was afraid. 113-11.
tcin nel git, she was afraid of. 192-2.
-git. to travel in company, as a flock of birds, or a company
of warriors.
na in dik git, they came back. 299-9.
na ne it git, they came back. 299-12.
tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16.
-kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position.
A) The customary and impotential have the form -kai.
in na iutc duk kai, I always get up. 241-1.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Ilupa Language. 281
B) The past and present definite, present indefinite and im-
perative have the form -ka.
innaisdukka, she got up. 110-14.
in nas duk ka ei, it got up. 114-16.
in nas duk ka hit, when he got up. 115-8.
do he in na na is duk ka, he did not get up. 112-15.
Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one
leg each side. 163-7.
-kan, -kiln ; to put on edge, to lean up.
A) The past definite, customary., and impotential have the
form -kan.
a na dit du wiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15.
Compare, duk kan, a ridge, and wil ka nei, a fire is burn-
ing. 151-4.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -kuii.
wuw kun HL te, I will lean up. 272-9.
duwifikunte, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13.
-kas, to throw.
yawiLkas, he threw up. 96-3.
ye tee IL kas, he threw. 288-7.
wes kas, 1 it lay. 96-4.
no nil, kas, he threw. 185-8.
ht>6 iL kas, throw me. 153-10.
xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8.
de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13.
do na sil kas, 1 nothing left. 192-16.
-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a
straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot.
A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the
form -kait.
ya niL kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15.
yateLkait, they went on. 159-14.
ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1.
1 These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is ' ' that which
has been thrown or dropped. ' '
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 19.
282 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
ye na wiL kait, she landed. 135-12.
ye tcit ten kait, one after the other he stuck (his head)
in. 322-2.
Lin diik kait de, they slid together. 295-2.
no niL kait, he put it. 108-19.
do wun no IL kait, he did not shoot. 144-13.
ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1.
te duk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16.
tee na niL kait, he poked out. 174-9.
tee niL kait, he put out (his head). 153-9.
tcin duk kait dei, they came down (by water). 158-16.
tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6.
B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have
the form -kai.
ye wit kai te, a boat will come. 209-3.
wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14.
wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16.
-kait, -kai ; to starve, to fall here and there from weakness,
note duk kait, people began to starve. 191-11.
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
-kel ; to hold in a horizontal position,
daeiutckel, I held under. 337-14.
-ket; to creak (probably onomatopoetic).
kyuwiriket, it creaked. 114-17. 140-3.
-kil, -kiL ; to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank,
ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3.
min no kin kil, he opened it. 113-5.
non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2.
do htciL djeii kil, with me it won't split. 108-9.
dje wiL kil, he tore away. 176-9.
tcuwiLkil, he split with his hands. 210-1.
kit din kil ei, it broke out. 102-2.
kit du wifi kil, the bank slid out. 252-4.
-kis, to put one 's hand on, to stab, to spear.
a di ye no na kin niL kis, under himself he put his hand.
221-4.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Eupa Language. 283
xeenaiLkis, she pushed it away. 185-3.
dakii/kis, he put his hand. 140-3.
na niL kis, he cut him. 164-1.
kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon had been he saw.
140-11.
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away,
a de iL kit, he took with himself. 270-7.
a de XOL kit, she caught against herself. 223-14.
a diL kit, take it with you. 356-16.
a duw? kit, to myself I held. 353-6.
ya iL kim min, to catch. 101-17.
ya iL kit te, they were going to catch it. 102-2.
na iL kit dei, he caught it. 152-6.
XOL tciL kit, with him he caught it. 107-10.
do he ya iL kit, they did not catch. 102-3.
tee XOL kit, he caught him. 143-9.
tciL kit, he took hold. 106-16.
tco XOL kit, he caught him. 151-2.
tcu hwnL kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke),
yei wiL kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13.
ye yu wiL kit de te, (smoke) will go there. 301-9.
noi ii, kit, it spread out. 321-7.
noi wiL kil HL te, it will be foggy. 230-6.
nonainiLkit, it settled. 96-3.
noi niL kit, smoke hangs. 337-11.
noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10.
XOL yai wiL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16.
da nai wiL kil ML te, fog will stay. 273-2.
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
makiLkit, she fed it. 192-1.
ma kyuw kit, I better feed them. 192-1.
xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 110-14.
xwa ya iL kit, they gave him. 110-5.
xwa ya ML kit, she fed them. 192-11.
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny,
yawinkutc, he threw. 143-15.
284 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
tee nin kutc, he threw out. 144-1.
tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8.
kit tea kutc, they began to play. 142-16.
kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
kit tuk kutc ei, shinny will be played. 210-14.
-kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun
kya, "dress."
menaiLkya. she wore for dress. 332-10.
-kya, to perceive by any of the senses.
un kya, he saw. 96-11, 98-14.
do un kya, they did not see. 267-7.
-kyas, to break, to cause to break.
sikkyassei, it broke. 210-17,211-1,144-15.
tcis k(y)assei, he broke it. 143-3.
-kyos, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible,
as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows
the character of the object.
ya wiL kyos, he picked up. 293-6.
nonaiLkyos, she put away. 333-7.
nanawiLkyos, he took it down. 204-4.
noniLkyos, he put it. 208-10.
siLkyos, it lies. 207-6.
da tcit du WIL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11.
tcit teL kyos, he took it along. 204-6.
teu wiL kyos sil. he taking it along. 208-9.
-kyot, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in
the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed,
tsin teL kyot, he ran away.
-qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular).
de duk qal, this one walking along (the sun) . 340-1, 343-9.
tcuk qal, walking. 96-10.
tcuk qal fl x, he walked. 319-6.
tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8.
tcuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2.
-qol, to crawl, to creep.
nasqol, it crawled around. 294-1.
xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 285
xon nat naL qol, around her it was creeping. 185-2.
tee il qol e xo Ian, it had crawled out. 185-11.
tcin nil qol ei, he had crawled. 347-9.
tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12.
tcitteLqol, he crawled. 347-8.
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
ya a qot, they always stuck them. 180-14.
ya xos qot, they stuck them. 181-2.
ya xo qot, they stick them. 180-12.
na ya xos duk qot de, if we stuck them. 180-15.
na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12.
na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9.
no ke iuw qot, I always set up. 247-4.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly.
yaitqot, it always dodged. 286-11.
ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13.
yana witqot, he jumped. 329-15.
yat qot, it dodged. 286-10.
ye wit qot, it fell. 136-3.
na wit qot, he tumbled. 118-17.
nas duk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4.
na des de qot, it tumbled around. 222-9.
na te de qot, it tumbled. 114-15.
no na in duk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18.
nondeqotei, it stopped. 287-2.
xa wit qot, he jumped. 329-13.
da wit qot tsu, it tumbling she heard. 136-3.
te wit qot te, in the water it seemed about to tumble.
286-13.
te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12.
tcin duk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12.
-qotc, -qow ; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong.
A) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotc.
a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3.
a diL ya kiL qotc hit, when he threw himself with it.
202-7.
286 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
te WGL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4.
te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6.
B) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present
indefinite and imperative, have the form -qow.
a diL no ke iL qow, to he used to throw with himself.
202-4.
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
nun duk qotc tsu, he heard him lope back. 175-9.
xe e win qotc ei tsu, he heard him lope away. 175-8.
ke sin qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1.
VARIATIONS OF BOOTS IN FORM AND LENGTH.
The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of
form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of
mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the
mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when
present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be
considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place
or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such
as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu-
tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different.
Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses
off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im-
potential are different in the form of the root from the present
indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential
alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in
the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest
of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually
longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger
vowels, a instead of u and e instead of i. Diphthongization
often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in
t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present.
A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not
change in form and many of them do not change in length.
Having Four Forms.
-wen (-en), past definite; -win, pres. def. ; -wuic, pres. indef.,
cust., impot. ; -we, 3 imp. : to carry on the back.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 287
-wen (-en), past def. ; -win (-in), pres. def . ; -wuw?, pres.
indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. ; -we, 3 imp. : to move fire, to wave
fire.
-ten, past def. ; -tin, pres. def. ; -tuw, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., 2 imp. ; -te, 1 and 3 imp. : to lie down.
-len, past def. ; -lin, pres. def. ; -lu, cust., impot. ; -le, pres.
indef., imp. : to become, to be, to be transformed.
-lau, past; -la, pres. def., sometimes pres. indef. and imp.;
-lu, cust., impot. ; -le, 1 sometimes pres. indef. and imp. : to do
something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose.
Having Three Forms.
A) Type, -an, -un, -auw.
-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -au?#, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to transport round objects.
-an, past def. ; -un, pres. def. ; -amr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to run, to jump (plural subject only).
-yan, past def., cust., impot. ; -yuii, pres. def. and indef., and
imp. ; -yauw, a few uncertain forms : to eat.
-xan, past def. ; -xufi, pres. def. ; -xauw, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or
smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up.
-tan, past def. ; -tun, pres. def. ; -tuw, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to handle or move a long object.
-tan, past def. ; -tun, pres. def. ; -tuw, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to split.
B) Type, -en, in, -uw.
-ten, past def. ; -tin, pres. def. ; -tuw;, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to move or to carry in any way a person, animal
or animal product.
1 The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that
two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or
that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present
indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual u and e pairs.
288 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
c) Type, -en, -in, -e.
-wen, past def . ; -win, pres. del; -we, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to kill.
-tewen, past def. ; -tcwin, pres. def. ; -tcwe, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to make, to arrange, to cause.
-tcwen, past def. ; -tcwin, pres. def. : -tcwe, pres. indef., cust.,
impot., imp. : to grow, to become.
D) Type, -ai, -a, -auir (-utr).
-yai, past def.; -ya, pres. del, 1 and 3 imp. ; -yauic, pres.
indef., cust., impot., 2 imp. : to go, to come, to travel about.
-lai, past def. : -la, pres. def. ; -Imr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to move or transfer a number of objects.
-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -lutr, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand
something to some one.
-lai, past def. ; -la, pres. def. ; -lui, pres. indef., cust., impot.,
imp. : to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe.
-htcai, impot. ; hw;a, pres., imp. ; -htrauw;, pres., cust. : to walk,
to go, to come.
E) Type, -aL, -ul, -UL.
-waL, past def., pres. def.; -wul, cust., impot.; -WUL, pres.
indef., imp. : to strike, to throw, to scatter.
-taL, past def., pres. def. ; -tul, cust., impot. ; -tuL, pres.
indef., imp. : to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot.
P) Type, -eL, -il, -iL.
-weL, past def., pres. def. ; -wil, cust., impot. ; -wiL, pres.
indef., imp. : relating to the passing of night.
-meL, past def., pres. def. ; -mil, cust., impot. ; -miL, pres.
indef., imp.: to strike, to throw, to drop.
-deL, past def., pres. def. : -dil, cust., impot., past ; -diL, pres.
indef., imp. : to go, to come, to travel.
-deL, past def., pres. clef.: -dil, cust., impot.; -diL, pres. in-
def., imp. : to strike.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 289
-tseL, past def ., pres. def. ; -tsil, cust., impot. ; -tsiL, pres.
indef., imp. : to pound as with a hammer or maul.
G) Unclassified.
-Lon, past, def., pres. def.; -Loi, impot.; -Lo (-Low), cust.,
pres. indef., imp. : to make baskets, to twine.
-ne, 3rd per. of all tenses; -sen, 1st and 2nd persons past def.,
cust., impot. ; -sin, 1st and 2nd per. pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to think, to know.
-hwe, any tense without suffix; -h/il, past def., cust., impot.
with progressive suffix; -hw?iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.
with the progressive suffix : to call by name, to name.
-xa, any tense without suffix ; -xal, past def. with progressive
suffix; -xaL, pres. def., past def. with progressive suffix : to dawn.
-xa, when of conjugation 1 ; -xan, past def., cust., impot.
(when of conjugation 3) ; -xun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.
(when of conjugation 3) ; to stand (said of tree).
-dal, past; -daL, pres. ; -dauir, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass
along, to go, to come.
Having Two Forms.
A) Type, -an, -un.
-yan, past def., cust., impot. ; -yun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. ; to live, to pass through life.
-yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres. indef., pres. def.,
imp. ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
-wan (nan), past de-f., cust., impot.; -wuii (nun), pres. def.,
pres. indef., imp. : to sleep.
-Ian, past def., cust., impot. ; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist.
-Ian, past def., cust., impot. ; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. ; to be born.
-nan, past def., cust., impot. ; -nun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to drink.
-nan, past def., cust., impot. ; -mm, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. ; to turn, to move.
290 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-xan, past def., cust., impot.; -xufi, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be sweet or pleasant to the taste.
-tan, 3 sing, of past def., cust., impot. ; -tun, 3 sing, of pres.
def., pres. indef., imp. : to eat.
-tan, past def., cust., impot. ( ?) ; -tun, pres. del, pres. indef.,
imp. : exact meaning unknown.
-tan, past def., cust., impot.; -tun, pres. del, pres. indef.,
imp. : relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance.
-tsan, past, cust., impot. ; -tsun, pres. imp. : to find, to see.
-tcwan, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwM, pres. def., pres. indef. ;
imp. : relating to the eating of a meal in company.
-kan, past def., cust., impot. ; -kun, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to put on edge, to lean up.
B) Type, -en, -in.
-en, past def., cust., impot. ; -in, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to look.
-en, past, cust., impot., fut. ( ?) ; -in, pres., imp. : to do, to act,
to deport one's self.
-yen, past def., cust., impot. ; -yin, pres. def., pres indef., imp. :
to stand on one's feet.
-len, past def., cust., impot. ; -lin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to flow, to run ; said of any liquid.
-men, past def., cust., impot. ; -mifi, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to fill up, to make full.
htcen, past, def., cust., impot. ; h?dn, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to melt.
-sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust,, impot. ; -sin, 1st and
2nd per. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to think, to know.
-den, past def., cust., impot.; -din, pres. del, pres indef.,
imp. : to travel in company.
-den, past del, eust., impot.; -din, pres. del, pres. indef.,
imp. : to be light, to blaze.
-ten, past, cust, impot. ; tin, pres. imp. : to do, to perform an
act.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 291
-tcwen, past def., cust., impot. ; -tewin, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to smell, to stink, to defecate.
-tcwen, past def., cust., impot. ; -tcwifi, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to want food or sexual gratification, to desire.
c) Type, -ai, -a.
-ai, past, impot. ; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust. ;
to be in position.
-yai, impot. ; -ya, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to move about, to undertake.
-wai, 3 impot. ; -wa, 3 pres. indef. : to go, to go about.
-dai, impot., past def. ; -da, past def., cust., pres. def., pres.
indef., imp. : to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game.
-tcwai, past def., impot. ; -tcwa, cust., pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to
paw the ground.
-kai, oust., imp. ; -ka, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to get up from a reclining or sitting position.
D) Type, -au, -a.
-au, past def., cust., impot. ; -a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to sing.
-yau, past, cust., impot. ; -ya, pres. imp. : to do, to follow a line
of action, to be in a condition or plight.
-dau, past, cust., impot. ; -da, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. : to
melt away, to disappear.
-au, past def., cust., impot. ; -fa, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to hover, to settle, to fly around.
E) Type, -u, -e.
-lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to make an attack, to form a war party.
-lu, past def., cust., impot. ; -le, pres def., pres. indef., imp. :
to dive, to swim under water.
292 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-LU, past def., cust., impot. : -Le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dough-like ma-
terial.
-nu, past, cust., impot. ; -ne, pres. imp. : to do, to happen, to
behave in a certain way.
-xu, cust., impot. ; -xe, past def., pres. def., pres. indef ., imp. :
to track, to finish, to overtake.
-djeu, past def., cust., impot; -dje, pres. imp.: to fly in a
flock, to beg.
-tu, past def., cust., impot. ; -te, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to sing in a ceremony or dance.
-tsu, past def., cust., impot. ; -tse, pres. indef., imp. : to squirm,
to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
-tcwu, past def., cust., impot.; -tcwe, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to cry, to weep.
p) Type, -at, -a.
-wat (-at), past del, cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres. def., pres.
indef., imp. : to shake itself, said of a dog.
-lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -la, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to float.
-Lat, past def., cust., impot. ; -La, pres. def., pres. indef.. imp. :
to run, to jump.
-xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to buy.
-tsat, cust., impot. ; -tsa, pres. indef., imp. : to sit down.
-teat, past def., cust., impot. ; -tea, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be sick, to become ill.
-kait, past def., cust., impot. ; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to
shoot.
-kait, past def., cust., impot. ; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to starve.
-kyot, past def., cust., impot. ; -kyo, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to flee, to run away.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 293
a) Type, -1, -L.
-il, past def., cust., impot. ; -iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to swim, to dive (plural only).
-yol, past def., cust., impot.; -yoL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to blow with the breath.
-wal, past def., cust., impot. ; WEL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to shake a stick, to dance.
-lal, past def., cust., impot. ; laL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to dream, to sleep.
-nel, past def., cust., impot.; -neL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to play.
-nol, past def., cust., impot. ; -noL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp.: to blaze.
-hwal, past def., cust., impot. ; hwaL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook.
-hwil, past def., cust., impot. ; hwiL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to call by name, to name.
-xal, past def., cust., impot. ; -xaL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to dawn.
-dil, past def., cust., impot. ; -diL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow.
-tsel, past def., cust., impot. ; -tseL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to be or to become warm.
-il, past def., cust., impot. ; -iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to swim, to dive (plural only).
-qol, past def., cust., impot.; -qoL, pres. def., pres. indef.,
imp. : to crawl, to creep.
H) Unclassified.
-aL, past def. ; -UL, cust., impot., pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to slit open.
-aL, past def., cust,. impot. ; -UL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to chew.
294 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH.
-ate, past def., pres. def. ; -auw, pres. indef., cust., imp.,
impot. : to move in an undulating line.
-mats, impot. ; -mas, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., cust.,
imp. : to roll, to coil.
-na, 3 imp. ; -nauw, 3 cust., impot., pres. indef. ; to go, or to
come.
-ne, past def., cust., impot. ; -n, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. :
to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an
instrument.
-neuw?, except 1 sing. pres. and imp. ; -ne, yeuw, 1 sing, pres ,
2 imp. : to talk, to speak.
-noi (a noun), -no, past def. ( ?) : to place on end, to be in a
vertical position.
-xen, past def., pres. def. ( ?) ; -xuw, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to float.
-xuts, past def., pres. def. ; -xus, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
-ats, past def., pres. def. ; us, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp. :
to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
-qotc, past def., pres. def. ; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to throw as a spear is thrown.
-qotc, past def., pres. def. ; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef.,
imp. : to lope or run like a wolf.
Unvarying in form, but varying in length.
-eL, to have position (plural only).
-yeuw;, to rest.
-yeuw, to rub, to knead.
-yets, to tie together, to entangle.
-yow, to flow, to scatter.
-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch.
-was, to shave off, to whittle.
-loi, to tie, to wrap around.
-16s, to drag, to pull along.
-luw, to watch, to stand guard over.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 295
-medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom.
-do, to dodge, to draw back.
-tetc, to lie down (plural only).
-tsai, to be dry, to make dry.
-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip.
-tse, to open or shut a sliding door.
-tcwoig (-tcwog), to sweep.
-tcwok, exact meaning unknown.
-kas, to throw.
-kyas, to break.
-kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible.
Unvarying in form and length.
-iu?c, to drop.
-to shoot an arrow.
-its, to wander about.
-ut, to move anything flat and flexible.
-ya, to stand on one's feet (plural only).
-ye, to dance.
-yo, to like.
-witc, to rock sidewise.
-le, to feel with the hands.
-lit, to burn.
-lite, to urinate.
-lik, to relate, to tell something.
-lit, to cause to burn.
-me, to swim.
-men, to swim.
-mut, to break out as a spring of water, to break open.
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire.
-ne, to gather nuts from the ground.
-hwe, to dig.
-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid).
-xut, to hang.
-xut, to tear down.
-sit, to wake.
296 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor.
-da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal).
-dik (-tfik), to peck.
-dik (-tik), to stand in line.
-do, to cut, to slash.
-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something.
-te, to look for.
-te, to carry around.
-te, to remain in a recumbent position.
-tits, to use as a cane.
-tik, exact meaning unknown.
-to, referring to the movement or position of water.
-tot. to suck, to drink.
-tu, to beg.
-tutr, to split.
-tuk, to count.
-te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to
be, to exist.
-tik. to tie with a string.
-to, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it.
-tse, to stay, to live (plural only).
-tsis, to be hanging.
-tsis, to find.
-tsit, to pound as in a mortar.
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend.
-tsit, to fall, to sink.
-tsit, to soak acorn meal.
-tsit, to pull out a knot.
-tsit, to wait, to delay an act.
-tee, to blow (said of the wind).
-tcit, to die.
-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree.
-tcwit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self,
to bring water.
-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened.
-git, to travel in company.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 297
-kis, to put one 's hand on, to stab, to spear,
-kit, to catch with the hands, to take away,
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke),
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny,
-kya, to wear a dress.
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly.
MEANING OF THE BOOTS.
In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes.
First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the
verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while
the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which
precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while
not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be-
longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third,
most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly
the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl-
edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little
access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of
many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to
the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to
the third.
Nouns as roots., expressing the means.
-lai, -la, -luw ; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to
hand something to some one. (While this root may not be
morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the
Hupa believe it to be so connected).
-Lon, -Lo, -Low ; to make baskets, to twine in basket-making.
(Probably from Lo, "grass," one of the materials used in bas-
ketry. )
-mit ; to turn over, to place one 's self belly up or down. Com-
pare, xo mit, her belly. 102-15.
-hwal, -hwaL ; to fish for with a hook.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 20.
298 University of California Publications. !>M. ARCH. ETH.
-hire, -htfril, -him, ; to call by name, to name. From xo htt?e,
his name.
-tits , to use as a cane. Compare, tits, cane. 150-9.
-to , referring to the movement of water.
-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This
root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the
maul and pestles being of stone).
-kya , to wear a dress . Compare, kya, dress. 333-8.
Roots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc.
-an, -un, -amr ; to transport round objects.
-ut , to move flat, flexible objects.
-wen, -win, -wutc, -we ; to move fire, to wave fire.
-lai, -la, -lute ; to move or transfer a number of objects.
-lei, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands.
-LU, -Le, (-Luk) ; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid
dough-like material.
-xan, -xufi, -xauif ; to move in a basket or other vessel any
liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up.
-da , to carry or move a person or animal.
-tan, -tun, -tur ; to handle or move a long object.
-ten, -tin, -tu-ir ; to move or carry in any way a person, animal,
or animal product.
-tan, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances.
-tcwai, -tcwa ; to handle or move many small pieces, such as
the soil , to dig, to bury, to paw the ground.
-kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a
skin or a piece of cloth.
Roots indicating the nature of the act.
A) Position or posture.
-ai, -a ; to have position.
-eL, to have position. (Plural only).
-ya, to stand on one's feet. (Plural only),
-yen, -yin ; to stand on one 's feet,
-noi, -no ; to place on end, to be in a vertical position.
-xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid),
-xa, -xan, -xun : to stand (said of a tree).
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 299
-xut, to hang (said of a blanket).
-dai, -da ; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game,
-dik , to stand in line,
-te , to remain in a recumbent position,
-ten, -tin, -tuw ; to lie down.
-tetc, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural
only).
-tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only).
-tsis, to be hanging.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke).
B) Motion or locomotion.
1) Over the surf ace of the ground.
-an, -iin, -auto ; to run, to jump. (Plural only) .
-its, to wander about,
-ate, to move in an undulating line,
-yai, -ya, -yauw ; to go, to come, to travel about,
-wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only).
-Lat, -La ; to run, to jump.
-na, to move.
-na, -nauw?; to go, to come. (Third person singular only),
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move.
-hwai, -hioa, -hwauw ; to walk, to go, to come. (First person
singular only).
-dal, -daL, -dauto ; to pass along, to go, to come.
-deL, -dil, -diL ; to go, to come, to travel.
-den, -din ; to travel in company.
-do, to dodge, to draw back.
-ton, -ton ; to jump.
-tsu, -tse ; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble.
-git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors.
-kai, -ka ; to get up from a reclining or sitting position.
-qal, to walk. (Third person singular only).
-qol, -qoL ; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm.
-qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly.
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
2) On the surface of or under water.
-lai, -la, -luto ; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe,
-lat, -la ; to float.
300 University of California Publications. I>M. A^CH. ETH.
-lu, -le ; to dive, to swim under water,
-me, to swim, to bathe,
-men, to cause to swim,
-xen, -xuic ; to float.
3) Through the air.
-xuts, -xut ; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw.
-dje u, -dje ; to fly in a flock.
-au, to hover, to settle, to fly around.
-tsit, to fall, to sink.
c) Acts performed specifically by the hands.
-ax, -UL ; to slit open.
-its, to shoot an arrow.
-yeutr, to rub, to knead.
-yos, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch.
-wal, -waL ; to shake a dance stick, to dance.
-waL, -wul, -WUL ; to strike, to throw, to scatter.
-was, to shave off, to whittle.
-lai, -la, -lute : to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to
hand something to some one.
-le, to feel with the hands.
-16s, to drag, to pull along.
-loi, to tie, to wrap around.
-mas, to roll, to rotate.
-meL, -mil, -miL ; to strike, to throw, to drop.
-ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up.
-dits. to twist into rope or twine.
-do, to cut, to slash.
-fats, -ius ; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels.
-iik, to tie with a string.
-tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip.
-tse, to open or shut a sliding door.
-tseL, -tsil, -tsiL ; to pound as with a hammer or maul.
-tsit, to pound as in a mortar.
-tsit, to pull out a knot.
-tcut, to strip off, to take bark from a tree.
-tcwit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to
shoot, to rub one's self in bathing.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 301
-tcwoig, to sweep,
-kas, to throw.
-kait, -kai ; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe,
-kan, -kun ; to put an edge, to lean up.
-kil, to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank,
-kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear,
-kit. to catch with the hands, to take away,
-kit, to feed, to give food to any one.
-kutc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny,
-qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to
stick, to poke.
-qotc, -qow ; to throw as a spear is thrown.
D) Acts performed specifically by the feet.
-ye, to dance.
-taL, -tul, -tuL ; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot.
E) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs.
-au, -a; to sing.
-en, -in ; to look.
-yan, -yufi ; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion.
-yd. to like, to love, to be pleased with.
-wautc, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only).
-lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep.
-lik. to relate, to tell something.
-ne, -n ; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound.
-neuw, -ne yeuw ; to talk, to speak.
-ne, -sen, -sin ; to think, to know.
-nut, to hear.
-xa, -xun ; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste.
-djin, to mind, to be bothered by something.
-te, to look for, to search after.
-tu, -te; to sing in a ceremony or dance.
-tuk, to count.
-ten, to address with a term of relationship or friendship.
-tsan, -tsun ; to find, to see.
-tsis, to find, to know.
-tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend.
-tcwen, -tcwifi ; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire.
302 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
-tcwutr , to smell of.
-git, to be afraid of, to be frightened.
-kya, to perceive by any of the senses.
P) Relating particularly to the body and its functions.
-aL, -UL ; to chew.
-yan, -yun, -yauw? ; to eat.
-yan, -yun ; to live, to pass through life.
-yeuip, to rest.
-yol, -yoL ; to blow with the breath.
-wan (-fian), -wuii (-nun) ; to sleep.
-lal, -laL ; to dream, to sleep.
-Ian, -luii; to be born.
-lite, to urinate.
-nan, -nun; to drink.
-xuts, to bite, to chew.
-sit, to awake.
-da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor.
-tan, -tun ; to eat, ( Third person singular only ) .
-tot, to drink.
-teat, -tea ; to be sick, to become ill.
-tcit, to die.
-tcwen, -tcwin ; to defecate.
-tcwu, -tcwe ; to cry, to weep.
-kait, -kai ; to starve.
G) Complex and general acts of human agency.
-en, -in ; to do, to act, to deport one 's self,
-yau, -ya ; to do, to follow a line of action,
-wen, -win, -we : to kill.
-wen (-en), -win (-in), -WUM/, -we; to carry on the back,
-wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body,
-lau, -la, -lu, -le: to do something, to arrange according to a
plan or purpose.
-Ian, -lun ; to quit, to leave, to desist.
-lu, -le ; to make an attack, to form a war party.
-Lit, to cause to burn.
-men, -mm ; to fill up, to make full.
-medj, to boil, to cook by boiling.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 303
-na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by
placing above boiling water.
-nan, -nun ; to turn, to move.
-nel, to play.
-nu, -ne ; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way.
-ht<;e, to dig.
-xa, -xaiL ; to track.
-xait, -xai ; to buy.
-xu, -xe ; to finish, to overtake.
-xut, -xul ; to ask, to question.
-tan, -tun, -tuw; ; to split.
-te, to carry around.
-tu, to beg.
-ten, -tin ; to do, to perform an act.
-fen, to marry (said of the man only).
-to, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of
which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it.
-tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal.
-tsit, to delay an act.
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to make, to arrange, to cause.
-kyas, to break, to cause to break.
H) Acts confined to animals.
-yot, to chase, to bark after.
-wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog).
-dik, to peck (said of a bird).
-qotc, to lope or run like a wolf.
i) Happening by the agency of nature and the elements.
-iuw, to drop, to fall.
-yow, to flow, to scatter.
-weL, -wil, -wiL ; the passing of the night.
-len, -lin, -lu, -le ; to become, to be transformed, to be.
-len, -lin ; to flow, to run (said of any liquid) .
-lit, to burn.
-mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open.
-noL, to blaze.
-hwen, -hwin ; to melt.
-xa, -xal, -XRL ; to dawn.
304 University of California Publications. C AM - AKCH. Era.
-dai, to bloom, to blossom,
-dan, -da ; to melt, to disappear.
-dil, -diL ; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow.
-te, to have some particular form or appearance, or nature;
to be, to exist.
-tsai, to be, or to make dry.
-tsel, -tseL ; to be or to become warm.
-tee, to blow (said of the wind).
-tcwen, -tcwin, -tcwe ; to grow, to become.
-ket, to creak.
-kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke).
-kyas, to break.
SUFFIXES.
In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs
brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syllable
preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita-
tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf-
fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional
in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and
present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional
in their nature since they can be added to any verb giving it a
definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist-
ence.
TEMPORAL.
-x or -x. This suffix is used with the forms of the present
indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent
through a limited and definitely stated length of time.
yai wa autc wiL x, it increased in blowing. 324-6.
wil weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8.
me lute Q x, he watched it. 205-2.
naiLtex, she carried it. 290-6.
na ii its x, he ran around. 185-10.
nayatesinx, she looked. 300-17.
nawaux, he stayed. 166-14.
nadiiAx, they will live. 255-8.
nin sin diL fl x, they danced. 105-9.
no to Q x, water stayed. 324-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 305
xa ai ya XOL in fl x, they did that with him. 211-5.
xaayaiLin fl x, they did that. 105-10.
siLtun fl x, it lay. 266-8.
sittetc fl x, they lay there. 322-6.
do ai nin sin fl x, you don 't think. 337-9.
do he nas deL fl x, they could not walk about. 322-7.
til tsit fl x, it will always be. 325-13.
tsim ma xos sin x, it was quiet. 322-4.
tceindiL fl x, outside the door. 169-9.
tciLwaL fl x, they danced. 238-10.
tcit dil ye x, they danced. 216-7.
tcit tcwe x, he cried. 150-7.
tcukqal fl x, he walked. 319-6.
keuL^x, she chewed. 1 276-3.
kin UL fl x, you chew. 275-2.
-win t e. The suffixing of -win te to the forms of the present
indefinite gives meaning to the verb but little different from
that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is
continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The
customary may mean that the act has been done several times
without regard to the regularity of the intervals.
xaatfinwintfe, she always did that. 136-14.
do kin naL dun win te, not yet, kin naL dun. 332-9.
tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2.
tcin nin ya win te, he always came. 231-9.
tcin nu wuw win te, she always brought. 157-2.
kyu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4.
-wes te. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same
individual with the meaning of -win te.
a tin wes te, it had done. 325-10.
xaatfinwesfe, the same thing it always did. 325-11.
-neen. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It
states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to
cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended
to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act
or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now
ceased.
306 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
aiLinneen, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
aute> tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7.
a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1.
un te ne en, used to be seen. 235-18.
ya win a ne en din, he had been sitting place. 163-5.
ya tee WCL ne en, they were carrying. 110-10.
wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16.
wunnawaneen, going after used to. 157-10.
ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11.
min no ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut them
open. 278-5.
mux xun neuw hw;e ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4.
na ya nil IVLW ne en, which had been lost. 144-7.
na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12.
(xoideai) nadaaneen, he used to listen (his head
used to stand up). 340-12.
na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5.
na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15.
noamoneen, the fire pit cover. 220-12.
no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11.
xoLxuttesnunteneen, in her was about to move. 342-4.
xo tcifi sil la ne en, on her used to be. 153-4.
sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4.
sil len ne en, it came. 241-9.
sit tin ne en din, he used to lie place. 295-2.
SUM da ne en din, I used to live place. 272-12.
da wit dii. ne en, they used to live. 259-4.
do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1.
tes tcwin ne en tcifi, where I was brought up. 117-13.
til tcwin ne en, used to grow. 233-1.
to on nu win tcwit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3.
to on tcwin ne en, water going after. 111-2.
tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5.
tee weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9.
tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12.
tee nin kutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8.
tcin nin ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 307
tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8.
tcit tun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11.
tcu wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3.
-te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre-
dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse
of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event.
It takes the place therefore of English auxiliaries, will and
shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the
definite present but changes a preceding -n to n.
A) Suffix immediately following the root.
ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1.
ailate, they will catch. 253-10.
aiLinte, they will do. 266-13.
aikiLinte, when it happens. 217-6.
ai kyu wil lei HL te, they will do. 230-8.
au win neL te, it will be. 105-12.
smiv la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8.
auw di ya te, how am I going to do ? 257-14, 275-5.
a wil ICL te, he will do. 253-12.
awinneliLte, it will be. 311-17.
a la te, what are you going to do ? 102-15.
a nauw; la te, I was intending to do. 260-3.
a na hw IL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18.
a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4.
a xo la te, they will do. 306-12.
a da na win a te, for himself he will get. 338-9.
a tcil late, he will treat. 255-10.
a kyu wil lei HL te, it will do. 236-3.
in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4.
islunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4.
un di ya te, what will you do ? 266-4.
ya wi xauw Jm-iL te, he will take it up. 295-17.
ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10.
ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3.
ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3.
yenawityate, she will go in. 311-15.
ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12.
308 University of California Publications. OM. ARCH. ETH.
yit du wes yo te, it will like. 311-10.
yikittaate, she will sing. 104-2.
yo du wit xul HL te, they will ask for. 296-3.
yu win yiin te, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14.
wa nun xo win ne hwdL te, they will talk about. 272-17.
winxate, (water) will stay. 112-9.
wunnaidiLxosinxolan, hunting had been he saw.
104-11.
wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14.
wun xai neu? te, he will talk about. 260-12.
wun xu win ne hinL te, they will talk about,
me win na him, te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14.
me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11.
me luic te, I am going to watch. 292-9.
me nai lute te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10.
me name luw? te, I will watch. 267-17.
(xoikyun) minyate, his mind will come to. 230-9.
min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3.
mis sai xun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16.
mis sa win xun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10.
muwluwte, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3.
mux xun nauzc daL te, having gratified myself I will go
back. 223-13.
naiwiLxaLte, night will pass. 242-17.
nai xe neutc te, few will talk. 295-13.
na is ya te, he goes. 307-13.
nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4.
na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5.
na wit dil HL te, we will visit. 177-2.
nal(i)u?te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13.
nai hiein te, it will melt away. 273-6.
nanaiyate, I am going to live. 218-2.
na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3.
nanandilliLte, they will live. 343-13.
nanasinyate, you will be. 353-8.
na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2.
nan ate, you will have. 357-7.
na xo wk tun te, it will be wet. 273-6.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 309
na xot du wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3.
nasaunte, it will lie. 226-9.
na seL te (na se deL te) , we will visit. 174-2.
nasete, (naseyate), I will go. 137-14.
nasinyate, you will travel. 356-2.
na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12.
nasdillinte, that was to be. 283-6.
na diL te, they will travel. 107-7.
naduwinate, it will stick up. 204-2.
na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7.
na ten in te, you will look. 356-5.
nates dlyate, I will go back. 117-14.
nat le HL te, it will become. 312-4.
na kyu win a tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
na kyu win yun te, you will eat. 356-3.
neiL in te, I am going to see. 99-3.
neyate, I am going. 348-15.
ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6.
ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2.
niLxoilikte, I will tell you. 351-11.
mL xot yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7.
niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4.
niLteseyate, I will go with you. 187-4.
ninyate, it will reach. 151-15.
nit dje kis da te, (I wish) your mind would melt away.
nik kyu win nun te, you will go to sleep. 252-11.
259-9.
no wun nun xun neuir te, they will talk about us. 267-18.
no na kin nifi un te, one should leave. 215-8.
no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2.
n5 nifi xun te, if he puts. 296-6.
nonundiyate, in one place they will stay. 259-17.
nu win ate. it will be.
nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9.
Le nai yun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6.
Lena in dlyate sillen, he got nearly around. 220-6.
Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4.
Lena nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2.
310 University of California Publications. E AM - ARCH. ETH.
LC na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1.
LeneLte, (LenediLte), let us meet. 174-3.
Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair).
151-10.
Liny ate, they will come together. 295-1.
hwiL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15.
htcit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1.
xaaiLinte, that will be done. 203-8.
xa auic di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a ML in te, that way they will do. 211-15.
xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5.
xa wa auic hwriL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1.
xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10.
xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10.
xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7.
xowillikte, he will tell. 203-14.
xo wut xo wes yun te, I will watch her. 137-7.
xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14.
XOL xut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4.
XOL kut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2.
xo se SCL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10.
xun ne yeuic te, I will talk. 217-11.
sa un te, it will be. 226-10.
sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6.
sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5.
SCL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7.
se seL win te, I will kill it. 162-7.
sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5.
sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5.
sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11.
da na du win un te, he will put in the fire. 258-2.
da ne sedate, I will go fishing. 256-8.
da note deL te, everybody fished. 256-9.
da xo un a di ya te, they will die. 217-16.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 311
da du wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to
it. 271-10.
da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9.
de wim min te, they will be filled. 253-11.
de na du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de du wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15.
de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10.
dooilunte, I will quit. 255-5.
do yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1.
do mite djin te, it won't mind. 315-9.
donawate, he will not live. 257-11.
do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4.
do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1.
do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1.
do no nil, tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
do xwe xo wil yun te, he will be crazy. 307-10.
do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on.
138-11.
do tcu win xun te, he does not catch. 256-6.
do tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at.
duwesate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1.
du wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3.
tauw; din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13.
ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18.
ta nauw tu hwiL te, I will take out. 267 18.
te wa ut te, in the water I will throw. 111-17.
te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5.
ten in te, you will look. 140-7.
teseyate, I am going away. 229-9.
te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15.
tesoLtinte, you will take. 222-7.
tesyate, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1.
tesdeLte, they will come. 252-3.
te di yun te, he will live to old age. 227-7.
tekeitste, I will shoot in. 112-9.
tu win na hwiL te, it will go. 229-13.
281-3.
tsislinte, it would become.
312 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH.
tsis da te, he will stay. 211-7.
tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17.
tee ne ya te, I will go out. 332-8.
tcenillete, they will dive out. 252-9.
teen ya htciL te, you will go. 356-8.
tee xo win ne htciL te, she shall talk. 289-12.
tcinnesdate, she will sit. 290-14.
tcis SCL win te, he will kill. 311-16.
tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8.
tcit du wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9.
tcit tan htrun te, he shall eat. 107-8.
tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9.
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3.
tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7.
tcohireiLte, they will call. 272-11.
tco xon des ne te. she will think of him. 325-14.
tcuwesyote, he shall like. 307-11.
teu win yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3.
tcu hfro WIL xul Hi. te, she will ask for. 311-17.
tcu hico h?ce iL te, they will call. 272-10.
kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15.
ML ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman.
104-7.
kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4.
ML dje xa in nautr te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13.
kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13.
kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10.
kis sa win ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth,
kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8.
kyu wit dl yun te, we shall eat. 190-5.
B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e.
These words occur mostly in formulas, the reference being
to the distant future. One Hupa informant said they were used
of less certain future predictions.
ye yu wiL kit de te, it will go there. 301-9.
nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13.
nin ya ye te, it will come. 307-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 313
xo wiL tsai ye te, it becomes shallow. 259-16.
xoLdenneete, I will call him. 139-45.
tsislinnete, he will become. 338-10.
tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13.
tcu htt'on hire e te, they will call me. 272-12.
-teL. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and
the preceding seems to be that -teL is used of events in the
nearer future.
adiyateL, it would do. 234-11.
me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3.
me tsa xo sin teL xo lun, hard it will be it seems. 341-11.
mi nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7.
na is tcwin teL, he will make. 321-11.
no te duk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18.
xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16.
xo Ian a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11.
xo lun nu Iricon teL, will it be good ? 295-9.
xo lun xa a tin teL, that will do it. 235-1.
xo lun teL, he will be the one. 209-12.
xo neL in teL, I can't look at him. 138-12.
sil lin teL difi, it is going to be place. 104-16.
du wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6.
tcin nin ya teL din, she was going place. 237-5.
tcu win ynn teL de, would eat. 267-17.
kit din h;e teL din, he would dig out. 100-1.
kit te sin kutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12.
TEMPORAL AND MODAL.
-ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre-
quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi-
vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The
younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any
change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com-
parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild
emphasis, that the act, which has several times been ineffectually
attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some-
thing which has been several times done is now done for the
last time.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 21.
314 University of California Publications. [>M. ARCH. ETH.
a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12.
a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14.
yaislenei, they became. 110-1.
yawiLtennei, she picked him up. 287-3.
ya wit xus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15.
yaltonei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18.
ya nat xuts ei, he flew away. 113-10.
ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16.
yan xuts ei, he flew up. 271-2.
ya xo wil lei lei, they took them along. 179-9.
yataaei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8.
yatmillei, they fell back. 165-11.
ya ke wutr hwrei, he used to carry it away. 162-4.
yeyaxolayei, they took them. 179-9.
yetcuwiLtaLei, they landed. 362-5.
ye tcu WIL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8.
yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18.
yinne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3.
yisseteLwen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10.
yikismutei, (a basket) broke. 289-15.
yu wun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5.
wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1.
wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7.
wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6.
win yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11.
wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2.
Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9.
meisLadei, he ran up. 217-16.
me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8.
menawiLnaei, he steamed them. 342-12.
menillayei, they landed. 216-13.
min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4.
min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13.
mi nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4.
nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11.
na IL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2.
na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6.
naindiyayei, he came back. 98-6.
VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 315
na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13.
na ya xon nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8.
naweslenei, it falls. 104-1.
nawilHt del, he burned up. 120-8.
na win ya yei din, he had lived time. 336-7.
nafiaei, it hangs there. 295-3.
nanaimmeei, he always bathed. 311-8.
nanaisyayei, he went back over. 117-6.
na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4.
na na wil La dei, he ran down. 221-17.
naninyayei, she crossed over. 135-6.
nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5.
na x5 win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11.
nasitsei, it ran around. 294-3.
nasyayei, it commenced to walk. 136-9.
na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2.
na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3.
na kis yow htcei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11.
no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13.
xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9.
xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10.
xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1.
xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9.
xeeduwaLei, (feathers) disappear over the hill.
208-17.
xo wes en nei, one could see. 120-5.
XOL me nun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6.
XOL Le nun du waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5.
XOL da na du win a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5.
xot da win ya yei, she went down. 99-8.
sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4.
da yit de wmc hi0ei, he always carries it off. 162-7.
da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9.
da na du win a ei, it stood up. 203-10.
da na du wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4.
da kyu win xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3.
do o na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19.
ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14.
316 University of California Publications. OM. AKCH. ETH.
ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17.
tanxennei, (canoe) went away. 222-9:
te IL amr hfeei, in the water crawl. 311-7.
te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4.
teLatcei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9.
tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15.
tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12.
te ke I yame htcei, they go in. 311-2.
tu win ya yei, he got lost. 348-17.
tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16.
tee in name wei, he used to go out. 136-14.
tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16.
tcin nin ya yei, he came. 97-1.
tcin nin name hwei, she comes. 101-6.
tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5.
tcit du wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16.
tcit du WIL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11.
tcit tes ya yei. she went. 98-13.
keisyayei, she climbed up. 137-12.
ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14.
kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13.
kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4.
-il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous
over time or space by adding -L, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il
for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without
increasing the number of syllables; the longer forms add a syl-
lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are
several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added.
Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the
case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or
all roots which have final 1 are secondary, having been formed by
the addition of this suffix.
Present.
A) Following vowels without increasing the number of
syllables.
au win neL te, it will be. 105-12.
a win neL te, it will be. 289-11.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 317
iL tcit du win neL, they told me. 355-11.
a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
ya xo wiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5.
yaduwinneL, they said. 361-8.
naiwiLxaLte, night will pass. 242-17.
na tciL tsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6.
xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17.
xaawinneLte, it will be that way. 259-18.
xa a kyu wil ICL te, he will do that. 211-18.
xo wiL tcweL te, who fixes the place. 229-11.
XOL tcit du win neL, he kept saying. 141-12.
danawillaL, it was floating there. 325-3.
tcowinneLte, she will think about. 312-3.
tcuwilleLte, he will become. 114-4.
B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another
syllable.
awinneliLte, it will be. 311-17.
a du wa nun du witc tcwil ML te, she will rub herself.
312-3.
ow tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7.
yawixamrhtt?iLte, he will take it up. 295-17.
yo du wit xul HL te, they will ask for. 296-3.
wa nun xo win ne IWCIL te, they will talk about. 272-17.
wun xu win ne hw;iL te> they will talk about.
na wit xus iL, he is falling. 152-5.
na wit dil HL te, we will visit. 177-2.
na nan dil HL te, they will live. 343-13.
na ne wit dil in iL te, we will look at. 216-18.
no win na htmL te, he will go. 230-1.
xa a win ne HL te, that will be done. 229-10.
xa kyu witc tee HL te, from the ground the wind will blow
da na kit du wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1.
deduau(ic) hwiLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1.
do xo wil lei HL te, it will be no more. 217-15.
tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
ta nauw tu hwnL te, I will take out. 267 18.
tee x5 win ne hwnL te, she shall talk. 289-12.
318 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
tcit tu win na htriL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
tcohtceiLte, they will call. 272-11.
ted xo wiL tcwel KL te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16.
tcu htco wiL xul HL te, she will ask for. 311-17.
tcu htco lure iL te, they will call. 272-10.
Past.
A) Following vowels without increasing the number of
syllables.
yake wel, they carrying loads along. 110-3.
yu wiL xal, mornings. 260-6.
wiuw? hw al, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16.
me ya kyu wiL tel, he sang. 234-1.
me kyu WIL tel, the singing. 235-4.
min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2.
nanaduwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13.
na kyu wil wel, he kept them shut up. 97-11.
no xo auw h?ril, they kept arriving. 208-1.
xa na ya wit tcwal, they dug up along. 181-7.
da tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
teuwaal, he carried along. 257-1.
tcu WIL tel, he was bringing. 329-6.
tcu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12.
kya tu wil tcwel, crying along. 135-10.
B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another
syllable.
a du win nel lil, he said. 235-4.
ye nu wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4.
yi kyu wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5.
naiwitinil, she looked. 243-5.
na wit xus sil, he flew along back. 204-7.
xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12.
xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6.
XOL yaL de wim min il, they filled with them. 153-17.
tcit te we in il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4.
tcoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14.
tcu wl yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
VOL. 3] Qoddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 319
teu W!L kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9.
kyu win yun il, you ate along. 121-1.
kyu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7.
kyii hwufi il, I ate along. 120-16.
MODAL.
-mifi. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in-
dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of
some act.
ya ii> kim min, to catch. 101-17.
ya xo siL we min, they might kill him for. 278-5.
na xow lik mifi, to tell you. 226-6.
tee in diL mifi, for them to come out. 102-9.
-ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to
have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying the duty or moral
necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of
acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who
directs that they be done.
ai nifi sin ne, you must think. 208-17.
a le ne, you must do it. 100-18.
a du wun din tcwin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7.
il le ne, become. 109-6.
6 le ne, become. 109-18.
OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4.
ullene, do it. 176-7.
ye in tuL ne, you must step in. 209-2.
ye o ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13.
Le na kil la ne, gather together (things). 192-8.
milloine, you must feather (arrows). 207-4.
mis sun xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14.
na niL ne, they must live. 317-1.
na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12.
natindiyane, go home. 337-18.
nonamene, you must put it down. 210-7.
no na kin auw ne, you must leave. 353-10.
non xauw ne, put it. 296-14.
nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3.
320 University of California Publications. C AM - ARCH - ETH -
xa a xo le ne, he should do that. 163-2.
donene, let it play. 100-3.
do nil git he ne, don't be afraid. 170-15.
donitdjeteltsitne, don't get excited (not your heart
djo kin ne, go ahead. 176-6.
tin xauic ne, you take it along. 246-13.
tceninyane, you must go out. 242-1.
kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7.
-hicun. To express the intention of bringing about an act
or state contrary to the wish of one's self or others -hwTun is
suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present.
a him tcit den hirufi, he must tell me. 314-11.
yu win yufi htcun te, he must eat. 233-2.
do iuj tcu: hwun, I won 't die. 346-13.
do na htcu wes tsun htcun, I must not be seen again.
doneyahwun, I can't stay. 348-10.
do XOL me tsa xo win sin hfrun, he may have no trouble.
319-14.
do xo di yun hieuii, there won't be many. 308-6.
dotcistcwinhzcun, he must not do. 116-15.
tasyahtfun, one ought to go away. 215-8.
tcit tan hfcun te, he shall eat. 107-8.
tcit teL tcwin hicun, he may grow. 348-6.
tco xon des ne hicun, he shall know. 319-13.
-sillen. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occur-
rence was imminent but did not result.
ya wun xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13.
Le na in di ya te sil len. he got nearly around. 220-6.
da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6.
do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8.
do tcit tesy ate sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3.
te wit qot te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to
tumble. 286-13.
tcu win vim sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 321
-newan. The suffix -newan indicates that the act is done,
but with difficulty.
daduwes ate newan, he could hardly hold pointed to it.
271-10.
dd tcu xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at.
138-11.
-de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed,
a it ya de, if he does. 348-7.
au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9.
axolade, if it happens. 308-1, 5.
a den de, if he sings. 236-2.
adit tcin no nil lade, if she puts with herself. 302-10.
a du win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5.
ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10.
ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7.
yo naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6.
meu na htciL de, if their time comes. 229-9.
na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3.
(xoideai) naduwifiade, if they listen. 341-12.
nin ya de, if they come. 334-10.
nit tcu win yun de, if she eats you. 266-7.
xoi kyun tcwin dan ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7.
xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7.
xun ne yeuw de, if I talk. 217-15.
xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16.
do a htcii, tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12.
do na iL tsun de, they w T on 't find again. 321-10.
tai win nun IL de, if he drinks water. 338-7.
ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16.
tu win na hi/-iL de, if it comes. 105-12.
tee il La de, he is running along. 220-13.
tee hids su wiL WCL de, if he kills me. 114-3.
tcit den de, if he says. 111-7.
tcit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13.
tcit tu win na hrciL de, it will pass here. 272-8.
tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6.
tcu win yun teL de, he would eat. 267-17.
322 University of California Publications. [ AM - AECH. ETH.
-detc. This suffix, which occurs but a few times, seems to
indicate a less probable and more general future condition.
a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17.
wa a iL tei detc, they are going to build. 109-7.
tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5.
tcis SCL win detc, if he kills. 139-5.
kit tes seox a tcin te detc, smartest he is. 351-12.
kit tis seox xow: a tcin te detc, smart he must be then.
363-17.
-mifi in ne. For the expression of the result of supposed con-
ditions contrary to fact, -min in ne is employed.
do da xo atin min in ne, people would never die it would
have been. 221-13.
Since only the above example of this suffix occurs in "Hupa
Texts, ' ' the following were obtained from an interpreter.
SCL tcwin min in ne, I ought to have made it.
do xo lifi tcin nauic min in ne, he should not go.
tcis tcwin min in ne, he ought to have made it.
te se ya min in ne, I ought to have gone,
te se ya min in ne dedeefi nanya tcade.
I would go but it rains too hard,
te se ya min in ne do nan yai ne en de,
I would have gone if it had not rained.
INDICATING THE SOURCE OF THE INFORMATION.
Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the
fact stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly
observed or only inferred from evidences.
-e. The vowel e, standing by itself or preceded by the con-
sonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob-
ject or act is within the view of the speaker.
ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4.
ye nin dil lin ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12.
me win ian ne, he stuck to it. 202-7.
na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9.
nanatlale, it floating. 243-13.
nasdillenne, it had gone back. 234-7.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 323
nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1.
noinifiyanne, that far they ate. 347-17.
no xos le e, he is lost. 185-8.
xdlunsaanne, there was much. 165-12.
da ya win a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something).
119-16.
dawillale, it was floating. 244-6.
da nat xuts tse, it lit on. 204-8.
doyaxolenne, it was gone. 111-11.
tcuwillale, they were going along. 222-1.
tcu win yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11.
ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4.
kyo hw?al le, somebody hooking. 106-15.
-tsu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or
feeling, -tsu or -tse is suffixed to the verb.
A) -tsu.
an tsu, he heard it cry. 281-13.
a XOL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8.
a den tsu, singing he heard. 186-12.
yayaiwim meLtsu, he heard them kick up their legs.
342-14.
na xus din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12
na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5.
na ka xas din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 165-18.
nillintsu, he heard a creek. 111-13.
htoiL tsu, he heard someone calling. 360-7.
xoi de il le tsu, they heard the party war. 332-4.
dilwauwtsu, he heard croak. 112-12.
du wen nee tsu, it sounded he heard. 144-3.
tcit dil wauw tsu, talking they heard. 170-16.
tcu wildaLtsu, he heard him coming. 176-11.
kya teL tcwu we tsu, it cry he heard. 204-9.
kyu win dil le tsu, they heard it ring. 152-1.
kyu win diL tsu, a jingling noise. 293-3.
B) -tse.
ul 16 tse, hot it felt. 329-12.
un kya xo Lit wil siL tse, he heard heavy footsteps. 238-9.
324 University of California Publications. C AM - A^CH. ETH.
na do WCL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2.
ne iui git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5.
kiL tuifl tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5.
kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6.
kyo du wiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9.
-xo Ian. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence,
-xo Ian is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already
completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The
verb Lena nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the
narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see
it built. But i.e na nil la xo Ian, 186-1, indicates that the father
following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that
his son had built it.
A) Suffix immediately following the root.
ya ex xus xo Ian, they fell over. 117-17.
ye e il ton xo Ian, birds used to jump in. 117-17.
wa kin nil lit xo Ian, they were burned through. 119-3.
wa kin nin seL xo Ian, it was heated through he saw.
na na win uii xo Ian, he had taken down. 176-17.
nanandeLxolan, they had become. 119-12.
na ten in xo Ian, you looked it was. 238-6.
na kit dii, xo Ian, he had been playing he saw. 140-10.
no du win taL xo Ian, it had made a track he saw. 185-12.
Le nal ditc tcwin xo Ian din, it had grown together place.
281-15.
Le na nil la xo Ian, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3.
xa a it ya xo Ian, the same he found he was. 346-7.
xal tcwin xo Ian, growing up he saw. 319-8.
da xo a di ya xo Ian, he was dead they found out. 175-11.
teL tcwen xo Ian, it had grown he saw. 97-18.
tcenaillinxolan, it used to run. 117-18.
329-16.
tcit tcit xo Ian, he died. 347-3.
kyu win nan xo Ian, he went to sleep. 347-1.
B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e.
Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 325
ya kyu wil kyan ne xo Ian, they found they were pregnant.
278-3.
me nai yi yame e xo Ian, it will be eaten down. 356-11.
na at lu e xo Ian, it had gone back. 234-11.
na in nel le xo Ian, he played he saw. 186-1.
na na is ya e xo Ian, she could walk. 276-11.
te le ne xo Ian, it had become. 187-5.
tcis se teL wen e xo Ian, he had killed he saw. 186-7.
tcit te il qol le xo Ian, it had crawled he saw. 185-12.
tcit tes ya ye xo Ian, he was walking along he saw. 185-13.
tcu win kya 6 we xo Ian, he had become large he saw.
186-6.
-xo lun. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only
in the fact that the evidence is more certain.
A) Suffix immediately following the root.
ya te yuii xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17.
wun na is ya xo lun, he had fixed. 170-10.
na nes da xo lun, he was sitting. 270-10.
na nit dauw xo Km, it had come back he. 267-7.
na xo wil tsit xo lun, it fell. 306-15.
out. 272-10.
nateLditctcwinxolun, it had grown. 119-10.
noi du win taL xo lun, he had made a track. 292-5.
xalaxolun, (grass) had grown up. 121-11.
ditstsenonil la xolun, it was pointed. 222-4.
do iL tsun te xo lun, you can't find it anywhere. 246-6.
dotinnauw xo lun, he had not gone along. 174-5.
ta des deL xo lun, they had come ashore. 101-2.
teLtcwin xolun, it had grown. 306-17.
B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e.
ye win ya ye xo lun, he had gone in. 118-5.
winaexalun, it was standing. 363-10.
miL na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing with.
292-11.
na is dau we a xo lun, it had melted away. 236-1.
326 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
na we nel le xo lun, he had been playing. 292-13.
nas dil len ne xo lim, it had gone back. 235-1.
LC nul ditc tcwen ne xo lun, it had grown together. 113-8.
sil len ne xo lun, it had become. 97-4.
da yi kin yan e xd lun, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15.
tas ya ye xo lun, they had gone. 267-14.
CONJUNCTIONAL.
-hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the effect of making
it part of a subordinate temporal clause.
ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6.
ya ten in hit, when they looked. 104-13.
ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6.
yexonunhit. when they ran in. 169-11.
ye tcu win ya hit, when she went in. 246-5.
wil weL hit, after night. 300-17.
na iuic loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11.
nawitdalhit, when he came. 223-7.
na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6.
naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15.
na ten in hit, when he looked. 96-11.
nonataunhit, when she turned. 245-10.
no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating.
noninuuhit, when he finished (when he put it down).
xaisxunhit, when she had brought them up. 99-9.
xa na is dl ya hit, when he came up. 210-12.
xon na is din nuii hit, when he turned around. 278-12.
sa win din hit, when they went out. 322-12.
te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4.
tee I yifi hit, when he stands. 258-1.
tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8.
tee na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8.
tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11.
tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4.
tcit du wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4.
tcit ten in hit, when he looked. 119-16.
tcu wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 327
-miL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit.
The examples given are few because it was usually viewed and
recorded as a separate word.
a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4.
e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7.
ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14.
yit da tcin e a miL, east the sun was then. 364-3.
yi tsin e e a miL, west the sun was. 333-4.
wilweLmiL, after night. 238-8.
win sel e miL, when it was warm. 342-7.
min nol weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2.
xot te duw hwe nim miL, when it was dark. 347-9.
sil len miL, nearly after. 319-2.
sillintemiL, nearly was. 293-1.
-tsit. This suffix which occurs but once means that the act
expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before
some other contemplated act.
kin yun tsit, eat first. 332-6.
ADVERBIAL.
-he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi-
tional statement. It is comparable to English, "in the least,"
or " a bit, ' ' or French, ' ' pas, ' ' in negative clauses.
yik kyu win yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3.
miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16.
xoi de ai na du win a he, (even if) they listen. 342-13.
do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1.
do a du wun tel wis he, don 't be frightened. 356-2.
do wit tcwu we he, don't cry. 169-13.
do hwu wun nu wit lai he, don't bring them to me. 230-13.
tcu wi yun il he, even if he eat. 233-3.
-ka, or -uk. These suffixes carry the force of "like," "in the
manner of."
aiLenka, the way they do it. 227-2.
au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8.
a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5.
na se daiuk, the way I sat. 290-15.
328 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-xo sin. Neither the context nor the explanation of the inter-
preters have satisfactorily explained the meaning or nature of
this suffix. It seems to have the meaning of "some," "many."
or "all." It is possible that it is an old auxiliary verb which
has largely lost its force.
ai kit in xo sin, (bears) did that. 223-4.
wun nai dii. xo sin xo Ian, hunting had been he saw.
104-11.
tsim ma xo sin fl x, it was quiet. 322-4.
kit taL tsit xo sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9.
kit tuk kutc xo sin xo Ian, they had been playing shinny he
saw. 140-9.
kyoL kis xo sin xo Ian, spearing salmon they had been he
saw. 140-11.
-xo win sen, -xo win sin. These have the appearance of
definite tenses of the preceding.
yo xai xo win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3.
na kyu we x5 win sen, they brought home. 145-4.
do XOL me tsa xo win sin hw'ufi, he may have no trouble.
319-14.
do XOL me tsa xo win sin te, it will be easy for them. 282-1.
tsim ma xo win sen, the noise stopped. 185-3.
tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14.
tsu ma xo win sin, it was quiet. 306-2.
kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6.
ADVERBS.
PLACE AND DIRECTION.
A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other
parts of speech; mostly connected with the cardinal points.
iL man, both sides. 104-5.
yi man, across on the other side. 135-11.
yl man yi de, across and down. 271-12.
yi man yit de, across to the north. 116-8.
yi man ne yi nuk, across to the south. 98-8.
yi man ne yi de, across to the north. 117-4.
yi man lie yit de, across to the north. 116-5.
VOL. 3] Ooddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 329
yi man ne yi tsifi, across to the west. 116-14.
yl man tcin, on the other side. 270-9.
yi man tcin tcin, on the other shore. 135-12.
yi na tcifi, from the south. 98-3.
yi nuk, south. 112-8.
yi nuk a din, farther south. 112-3.
yi nuk kai te, south along it will be. 223-5.
yi nuk kai kut tcin, above the creek. 271-6.
yi nuk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10.
yi nuk ken tcifi, to the south side. 333-1.
yin na tcin, from the south. 121-2.
yin ne, in the ground. 106-3.
yin nuk, south. 120-4.
yin nuk kai yi duk, to the southeast. 141-10.
yin nuk kut tcifi, up-river on the bank. 226-7.
yi da tcifi, from the east. 102-13.
yi da tcin, north of it. 119-13.
yi de e kut tcin tcifi, north a short way. 272-4.
yi de e din, farther north. 363-5.
yi de yi man tcin tcifi, down river across. 321-1.
yi de tcin tcifi, on the lower side. 244-12.
yi duk, east. 102-5.
yi duk en tcifi, above. 272-5.
yi duk ka kai, along the Klamath. 317-2.
yi duk ken tcin, above. 244-12.
yit da tcifi kai, up along. 267-13.
yit de, north. 105-1.
yit dee, north. 229-11.
yit de en tcin, on the north side. 332-9.
yit de yi man, down across. 321-8.
yi tsin, down. 189-11.
yit tsin, down. 104-4. k
yi tsin tcin, along up. 174-6.
me xun din, close to. 170-16.
mit duk, beside. 245-14.
mit au tcin tcifi, on the back side. 102-9.
nai, across. 179-7.
nai, from there. 265-10.
AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 22.
330 University of California Publications. [A*. ARCH. ETH.
na, back. 97-12.
nai yina tcin, back from the south. 116-4.
nai yi niik, back south. 271-13.
na yin na tein, down from the south. 104-9.
na yi nuk, south again. 105-6.
nedj5x, in the middle. 96-10.
ne djit, the middle. 241-5.
niL man, each side. 247-4.
niL man ne, each side. 306-8.
niL ne djit, a little way from each other. 207-6.
niLnedjox, near together. 229-7.
nis sa, long way. 151-14.
nis sate din, little way. 234-5.
nukkai, along. 106-15.
xat, there. 278-8.
xoi yi de, down a little. 347-2.
xiin din, close by. 170-13.
din nun, facing. 136-6.
din nun xo ye tcin, down the hillside. 272-3.
dik gyun, here. 101-13.
djenatcin, up. 166-3.
kyan, is where. 329-4.
B) Seemingly derived from demonstrative and interrogative
elements.
yeu, in the distance. 164-7.
yd xo miL, from some place. 270-13.
yot, there. 215-1.
nai yeu xo miL, from here and there a long way. 209-7.
haiyate, here it will be. 105-1.
hai ya tcin, to that place.
haiyatcinte, there it will be. 282-16.
hai yox, there. 305-8.
hai yot, over there. 226-8.
hai yuw xo yi duk, up that way. 140-7.
hai xat, where. 119-4.
hai dai dit din, where. 151-4.
hai ta, those places. 179-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 331
dai htco xo xow, somewhere. 136-14.
dai xo din xow, some place. 204-1.
dai dit din yan, where. 244-6.
dai dit din kl ante, where is it. 286-5.
dai dow hwun, where. 217-8.
dai dox, where. 164-17.
dai dox xoik ke am# uri, what place. 137-3.
da un nwe e, nowhere. 97-11.
da xun hw/e e, somewhere. 223-2.
dea xo ta, this place. 101-5.
deiik iin te din, this kind of a place. 363-7.
de now kut, to the sky. 137-18.
de now kut tcin, toward the sky. 137-13.
den tcin, this shore. 139-16.
de xo, this way. 348-3.
de xo tse xun din, he is close by. 170-7.
de de meuk, here around. 218-2.
de de xo man tcin fl x, right across from him. 186-12.
c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a
possessive.
yon yl duk, in the corner. 246-9.
yon e yl duk, back of the fire. 220-11.
min non a din, along side. 100-13.
min dai, outside. 158-5.
min dai uk, outside. 166-2.
min dai tcin din, outside. 207-11.
min kin fl x, back of the house. 165-18.
mitLa, behind. 289-14.
mitdaimiL, outside from. 238-12.
mitdaik, outside. 140-6.
mik kin din, at its base. 287-1.
mu watc, near. 210-5.
mukkus, one side. 311-5.
nin tcin, down. 117-10.
nin tcin fl x, ground toward. 306-17.
no nin din, at our heads. 190-5.
hidm mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9.
332 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
hwit La din, behind me.
xo Lan, where he was. 106-3.
xoLanye, after him. 108-16.
xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3.
xon nin din, ahead of her. 237-5.
xon non ai din, along side of him. 202-2.
xon tcin tcin, on the fire side. 307-6.
xo dje din, in front of himself. 174-10.
D) Derived from adjectives expressing number.
a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17.
a tin din, all over. 164-1.
a tin din, everywhere. 96-5.
a tin din miL, from every place. 138-5.
Laaxo, one place. 100-1.
La a ta, here and there. 120-16.
min Luii xoi, ten places. 229-6.
min Lun xo miL, ten places from. 209-8.
na La, back. 105-8.
E) Formed by means of prepositions.
a din neuk tcin tcin, back of her. 307-5.
mit ta din, among them. 307-12.
mittisdin, farther. 234-4.
mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8.
mukkut^x, over it. 242-12.
na iL kiit, one over the other. 329-1.
niLtcin, toward each other. 294-16.
xo tcin a, in front of him. 113-8.
xwen neuk kut tcin, at her back. 276-7.
tak kut, bank along. 362-2.
to tcin tcin, on the river side. 283-14.
to kut fl x, water on. 301-4.
tuk a tcin tcin, shore side. 283-16.
tuk a tcin tcin, toward the land. 314-9.
kutx, all over. 325-4.
F) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives.
IL kyu we din, all over. 365-9.
UL kyo we din, everywhere. 228-1.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 333
uLkyuwe, all over. 114-3.
win te, all the way. 363-9.
un Liin xwed din, everywhere. 159-4.
un Liifi xoi din miL, from everywhere. 230-9.
no nau tse tcin, toward the doorway. 166-1.
no na wit tse din, by the door. 332-8.
TIME AND SEQUENCE.
A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts
of speech.
min ne d jo xo miL, after a time. 137-2.
mitdiLwa, next. 106-9.
nei djox, while. 114-11.
hit djit, then.
hwa ne, always. 157-12.
xa, yet. 310-9.
xa de dun, immediately. 163-18.
xa dit dun, soon. 176-16.
xat, right. 278-8.
xat, yet. 151-19.
sa a, long time. 140-7.
don ka, not yet. 204-4.
donka, before. 342-8.
do sa a, a little while. 97-3.
dun x, again. 104-9.
dun xo, again. 221-12.
djo, now. 108-14.
ka de, after a while. 111-6.
kun, too. 97-6.
kut, now. 122-2.
kut de, soon. 306-15.
kut tin xo lietc, very quickly. 294-1.
kut tsim miL, soon. 157-8.
ki ye, again. 98-7.
ki ye din, again. 217-14.
334 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
B) Apparently derived from demonstrative and interrogative
elements.
yu wit din hit un, at last. 222-2.
yu din hit, finally. 109-15.
yudinhitun, finally. 118-11.
hai ya dun, right at that time. 343-3.
hai man, always. 138-12.
hai deox, every time. 158-1.
da un din, a long time. 174-12.
dan, awhile ago. 234-4.
da xun htco dun, long time ago. 180-7.
deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7.
de xo sin ne miL, soon. 151-12.
de xot tsit, a short time before. 186-9.
ded, still. 119-4.
ded, now. 101-6.
de de un, this time. 137-7.
de de xotc, every time. 333-4.
de do htca ne, now only. 151-5.
de dun, this time. 363-7.
ded de xoic, right now. 239-1.
det, now. 211-13.
det, this time. 217-11.
det xoic, now. 145-13.
c) Containing nouns.
LaaxuLe, all night long. 310-4.
La a djes, all day. 278-2.
La djes, every day. 226-2.
xu Le, in the night. 175-14.
xu Le ei miL, after midnight. 179-3.
xu Le dun, in the morning. 122-1.
xu Le dun miL, in the morning. 311-5.
xu Le dun din, early in the morning. 137-7.
xu Le tcm, at night. 336-5.
D) Derived from adjectives expressing number.
La a, once again. 244-11.
Laaiux, at once. 98-2.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 385
La xo win te, all the time. 186-5.
min Lun din, ten times. 216-6.
Latsaxolun, many times. 286-10.
na din, twice. 142-17.
E) Formed by means of prepositions.
meiik, when. 119-17.
miL, then. 97-3.
na miik kai din, last of all. 329-8.
na muk kai din din, the last one. 113-4.
nin nin din, ahead of you. 111-12.
na tse din, first. 112-17.
F) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms.
ye du win a miL, pretty soon. 341-2.
yis xan miL, when morning comes. 348-1.
yis xan nei, days. 105-8.
yis xun hit, in the morning. 137-16.
yis xun de, to-morrow. 137-14.
yis xun din din hit, next night after that. 238-11.
wiL dun, yesterday. 175-13.
wiL dun din, day before yesterday. 246-7.
nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12.
deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7.
do IL wut, not all the time. 196-6.
dowinsaai, a little while. 115-13.
do win sa ai miL, it was not long. 174-8.
tse ets dim miL, in a little while. 294-1.
tse ets din, a short time. 300-11.
tse es dit din, a little while. 266-6.
MANNER,
A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other
parts of speech.
il lea xutc, wonderfully. 322-12.
il lea xutc hit, wondrously fine. 341-14.
La ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8.
Lax, without reason. 136-14.
Laxokya, just like that. 314-11.
man, for that reason. 257-4.
336 University of California Publications. C AM - A* 011 - ETH -
nands Q x, in a circle. 244-9.
nas don xo, by itself. 351-6.
xo, in vain. 98-4.
xodjox, really. 235-15.
xo tsin ne wan ne, softly. 153-6.
xotc, right. 140-4.
xotc, safely. 107-8.
xotc djo xo diii, still more. 292-8.
xwed un, how. 174-13.
xwed dik kya iin te, how it looked. 210-9.
B) Apparently derived from demonstrative, interrogative,
and indefinite elements.
hai yux, this way. 296-9.
hai yux xo te, the same way will be. 356-9.
hai yuk, so. 139-1.
hai yuk hit un, this way it was. 366-1.
hai yuk ka, that way. 113-15.
hai yuk kan, that is the way. 197-6.
hai yuk ke, that way. 282-2.
dai dik ge auw; un, for that reason. 135-4.
da hjced un, why. 162-5.
daxohicee, somew r ay. 116-15.
da xo hice e kai he, somehow. 101-10.
daxok, bad way. 235-15.
da xok, someway. 117-9.
da xun hiro oir, in such a way. 109-11.
da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2.
da xwed hit, why. 150-3.
da xwed de en, why wouldn 't it work. 180-15.
da xwed dik kya, how. 223-10.
da xwed dik ki amc, how. 116-10.
da xwed duk, how. 100-14.
da xwed duk kyauw, how. 281-14.
deox, this way. 96-11.
deuk, so. 96-12.
c) Containing nouns.
yi duk a dim mit, belly up. 343-12.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 337
hw/ikka, my way. 255-4.
xo xai mil, on foot. 362-2.
D) Derived from a numeral.
LU wun nin, alone. 171-6.
E) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives.
a dex xun un, without food. 110-4.
a din na tan, not knowing it. 118-16.
a tin fl k, like he was doing. 203-3.
minnakitdelkai, a leg each side. 120-5.
nanii.diLwa, crosswise. 246-12.
nittcwinx, ill. 181-11.
ni kyaux, hard. 158-1.
nuh;6n ri x, properly. 247-11.
do ne hwon fl x, badly. 166-12.
DEGEEE.
A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other
parts of speech.
a- in a Luk kai, so white. 347-6.
minnedjit, halfway. 115-15.
Lax, almost. 104-11.
La xon ne en, so much he mourned. 175-12.
min ne gits, a little. 101-15.
hwanan, only. 336-11.
hwa ne, all. 164-9.
hw?a ne he, only. 362-6.
hwuii, only. 109-12.
xow, about. 199-2.
xo djox, more. 189-6.
daditdin, worse. 346-10.
da diL Lan, more. 238-10.
xa- in the following :
xa UL kyo, that much. 157-12.
xa UL kyo x, that much. 346-9.
xaunLun, so many. 110-12.
xa un Luii, just as many. 311-15.
xa un Lun te, it will be that much. 260-17.
338 University of California Publications. L AM - ARCH. ETH.
tin- in the following words :
xo tin un Lufi, even many. 334-10.
tin a iL das tse, very heavy. 121-8.
tin ai kin te, very long. 283-15.
tinistik, was very narrow. 314-2.
tin un Luii, very many. 305-1.
tinnikkyaux, very much. 338-6.
tin tciii hw?6n, good looking. 220-7.
B) Derived from, or resembling in form, the conjugated ad-
jectives.
uLtsa, that far. 311-7.
uLkyo, (so) big. 108-18.
Lan, much. 192-11.
min ne djox UL tsa, half way down that far. 220-4.
xon Lun, enough. 322-10.
xo da xwed un Lun, how many soever. 307-12.
da un hwow, so large. 121-10.
da xun hwow, so. 108-18.
do Lan, little. 233-2.
ta un hwow, so much. 145-3.
to. xun hwo oiv, so large. 276-5.
til teox, much. 353-10.
ASSENT AND NEGATION.
A) Assent.
an, yes. 121-1.
heiyun, yes. 102-15, 351-9.
he don, at least. 361-8.
diye, yes. 152-14.
don, it is. 104-14.
kaii, it was. 341-7.
ke, let. 104-16.
kun nan, I am the one. 205-1.
kut don, it is true. 351-9.
B) Negation.
dau, no. 106-9.
dau, not. 118-9.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 339
PREPOSITIONS.
In this case as in many others the order of the Hupa is the
reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed
after the nouns they limit, but they follow a pronoun which,
uniting with them, forms a single word,
-a, for, for the benefit of.
ya xwa, for them. 258-8.
ma, for it. 215-8.
ma, for them. 217-7.
na, for you.
neha, for us.
no ha, for you (plu).
h?a, for me. 107-12, 351-9.
xwa, for him.
xwa, for them. 110-9.
xwa xun, for whom. 165-14.
-an, out of.
xo an, out of her. 342-8.
-e, in.
me, in. 96-4, 97-11.
me, in it. 101-15.
deme, in (in this). 97-11.
e din, without, lacking.
e din, without. 257-5.
xon ta e din, house without. 192-14.
Compare, mite dje e din, without mind, infant,
-u, under, near.
meu, under. 106-13, 145-12.
meu, beside. 169-4.
xoi u, under him. 114-15.
xoi u, in front of him. 171-7.
teu, under water. 100-7.
-ye, at the foot of, under.
a di ye, under himself. 221-4.
mi ye, foot of it. 104-4.
ml ye, under. 175-6.
xoi ye, before him. 141-1.
xoi ye, near him. 150-8.
340 University of California Publications. [ AM - ARCH. ETH.
-win na, around, encircling.
mti win na, around. 104-6.
min na, around. 100-11.
-wun, to or toward ; from.
wun, for. 102-8.
wun, from it. 190-1.
no wun, from us. 162-6, 207-11.
nuwun, to you. 208-12.
hwo wun, from me. 106-6.
hied wun, tome. 113-16.
httmwun, from me. 185-8.
xo wun, to him. 97-1.
-lai, on top.
millai, on top. 166-4,208-16.
Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11.
-Ian, with the help of, in the company of.
nil Ian, help you. 107-4.
nil Ian, with you. 319-6.
hwil Ian, help me. 105-17.
xollan, with him. 319-4.
dohwillan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5.
-L, with.
iLwaux, with each. 360-2.
miL, with. 98-1.
mil., in. 101-7.
niL, with you. 275-3.
hai miL, of that, 295-4.
htciL, with me. 114-11.
XOL, with him. 116-6.
XOL, with them.
demiL, from. 208-11.
denohoL, from us. 116-5.
-na, after, to get.
xonna, for him. 117-1.
-naL, in the presence of.
htcin naL, in my presence. 117-13, 295-1.
xon naL, before him. 97-10, 337-18.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 341
-nat, around.
a din nat, around himself. 121-11.
min nat, around. 104-15.
min na, around. 100-11.
no nat, us around. 100-11.
xon nat, around her. 185-2.
-xa, for, after.
adoxa, for your stuff. 187-6.
mux xa, after it. 97-9, 119-14.
muxxa, after them. 98-13.
noxa, for us. 351-4.
noxa, after us. 192-9.
noxa, after you. 145-9.
xo xa, for him. 140-7.
-xuts, beside, near.
min xuts, beside. 118-7.
kin xuts, beside her. 118-3.
-ta, among.
mit ta, over. 118-16.
mit tax, amongst. 310-10.
mit ta din, in. 170-10.
mit ta din, among. 217-9.
-tis, over.
mit tis, over. 109-14, 276-5.
Compare, mit tis, besides. 195-10.
xo tis, over him. 121-10.
xo tis, over them. 207-10.
-tuk, between.
mittuk, between. 108-9.
no tuk, between us.
kintukkai, sticks between. 99-9.
kit te tuk, horns between. 162-2.
-ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is
found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com-
parison.
342 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
min ta kai, in tile woodroom. 182-1.
min tsit da kai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7.
xoi kyan ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed). 347-13.
xon na de kai ta, his legs too (he rubbed). 347-14.
xon nis te ka, his throat down. 118-1.
xot tsel kai, from under his arms. 143-4.
kai, through. 136-3.
kai, along. 139-13.
xunnukka, river along. 211-14.
-tcin, toward.
a dit tein, to himself. 106-16.
a dit tcin, on himself. 175-8, 153-4.
me tcin, in. 97-3.
mite tcin, to it. 111-15.
nintcin, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10.
xotcin, to him. 97-2.
xo tcin, toward her. 98-9.
xon ta tcin, houses among. 200-2.
-tcin a, in front of.
mite tcin a, in front of. 96-9, 97-2.
xotcin a, in front of him. 113-8.
-ka, or -kai, after, following,
muk ka, after. 98-4.
muk kai, on their account. 301-12.
xo ka, after her. 137-10.
xokai, after him. 96-5,174-11,135-10.
-kya, -kya tcin, away from.
mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8.
mik kya tcin, away from them. 200-1.
hicik kya, from me. 266-15.
htmk kya tcin, from me. 307-7.
xoi kya tcin, from them.
-kut, -kut tcin, on.
iL kut, one over the other. 118-1.
muk kut, on. 104-8.
muk kut, to it. 145-1.
nuk kut tcin, on you. 106-10.
VOL. 3] Goddard. Morphology of the Hupa Language. 343
kwik kut tcin, on me. 105-18, 162-14.
xo xut, on him. 159-10, 165-5.
xo kut tcin, 163-15.
kiit, on. 97-13, 159-7.
kut tcin, on. 195-4.
CONJUNCTIONS.
The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra-
tives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end
with the syllable -un. There is good reason to believe that its
absence is an omission due to rapid speech.
hai un, and. 116-2.
haiyaL, and (perhaps for hai yamiL). 96-4.
haiyaLun, and (perhaps for hai y a miLun). 97-13.
hai ya miL, and. 96-6.
haiyamiLun, and. 96-2.
hai ya hit djit un, and then. 96-5.
haiyadetc, and then. 257-3.
INTERJECTIONS,
a, 138-12.
a 16 16 16, 109-17.
e, 105-15.
ewak, poor fellow. 187-1.
I, 181-10.
ul 16, hot, a cry of pain from a burn. 329-9.
ullo, hurts. 153-14.
ye, 209-11.
ye he, 223-1.
wu, (call for deer). 195-5.
wutte, (imitation of the call of a bird). 100-5.
he, 204-13.
xe, 337-9.
xei, 241-7.
dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow). 144-3.
dul, 108-16.
djo, take it. 111-8.
tso, 153-12.
ka, (imitation of the call of the crow). 114-7.
344 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH.
CONCLUSION.
After an extended examination of the Hupa language, it is
apparent that a language having the most elaborate morphologi-
cal structure is not essentially different from an isolating lan-
guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the
simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the
sentence. In neither case does the element itself have independ-
ent value. Complete groups of elements are required to ex-
press thought. The mind seizing upon these groups classifies
them according to the analogy of their form and meaning or
function. In one case, the conjugation is composed of morpho-
logical groups, in the other of syntactical groups.
The difference is, in part, artificial, due to the method of
writing the languages. In English, I love him, is written, but
I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write
English from hearing it spoken, without a knowledge of the ac-
cepted English orthography, would write many sentences as
single words. The real difference lies in the greater degree of
phonetic assimilation, in the one case, which has taken place be-
tween the sounds brought into contact by the fixed sentence
order, and the greater vividness, in the other, in which the mind
holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to
the completed group.
The Hupa verb seems to be nothing else than a complete sen-
tence, the parts of which have become, or always were, fused to-
gether. The parts of speech occurring outside of the verb are the
noun, in every language independent in form and meaning, ap-
parently originally monosyllabic; and numeral, pronominal,
demonstrative, and inter jectional elements. These are for the
most part appositional in their use, giving greater definiteness to
the sense already fully expressed in the sentence-verb.
E California. University
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