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UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


OF THE 


UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 


LINCOLN 


PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 


Pi ay 


ie. My 
ta et 


a 


CONTENTS 


Dee: Vacsbiioes of Children, On the - - 


_ Conversion of Homologues of Benzol- Phenol, On the ee 


Determination of Specific Heat and Latent Heat of Vaporiza- 


4 1 tion, Onthe~ - - : - - — 


On the >) .-7-) - - 
V 
. Dikanikos Logos in Euripides, On the 


few Order of Gigantic Fossils, On a 


ee inde and Infiections of the Oyprian Dialect, On the 
; “Transparency of the Ether, On the : - 
Sha 


¥ 

a 
ty 
ark 


< 
Et a3 


co 


# 
JULY, 1888 4¢-$ No.1 
Published by the University of Nebraska 
g TINT ee 
Cy Ss 
: COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION 
ia | 9 D4 
° C. E. BESSEY _ A. H. EDGREN oe 
a a th 
e L. E. HICKS C. N. LITTLESS Tiong, wget 
14 — VNAL MYT 
“8 L. A. SHERMAN, Eoprror | 
oe 
: CONTENTS 
L| 1. ON THE TRANSPARENCY OF THE ETHER D. B. Brace . 1 
aa wy ‘ 
2. ON THE PROPRIETY OF RETAINING THE EIGHTH VERB- 
PEAS UN OANGRRID. t.4. Sd. HAGKCH oo an ee TY. 
3. On THE HisToRY OF THE AUXILIARY VERBS IN THE 
Romance Lancuaces /. A. Fontaine. . . . . 31 
; 
a Ps 


LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 


SINGLE NUMBERS, $1.00 ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION, $3.00 


J. S. Cusnine & Co., Printers, Boston 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES. 


Vor. I, JULY, :1888. ; No. 1. 


I.— Qu the Transparency of the Ether. 
By DEWITT B. BRACE. 


WHETHER light coming from the remotest members of the 
visible universe has not been enfeebled to a greater extent 
than the variation of distance would require, is still an open 
question. If there be absorption at all, it must be exceed- 
ingly small through spaces comparable with the dimensions 
of the solar system, in order that the light of these distant 
bodies may be perceived. 

It is proposed in the present paper to investigate the phe- 
nomena which would occur if the energy were absorbed by 
the ether itself through frictional forces or imperfect elastic- 
ity. If absorption does take place, there must be a differen- 
tial effect for varying wave-lengths, if the ether satisfies the 
equations of motion of elastic bodies. Several arguments 
have been advanced as proving that such an absorption 
takes place, of which those of Cheseaux, Olbers, and Struve 
are the most celebrated. Considerations on other grounds 
would seem to suggest such a conclusion. Cheseaux and 
Olbers, arguing from insufficient data as to stellar distri- 
bution, have shown that if the number of stars is infinite 
and distributed with anything like uniformity in space 
there must be absorption of light, as otherwise the sky would 
appear all over of a brightness approaching that of the sun, 


University Stupies, Vol. I., No. 1, Jury, 1888. I 


2 DeWitt B. Brace, 


since the brightness at any point depends on the depth of the 
luminous layer and the solid angle which it subtends at that 
point. 

The researches of both Herschel and Struve prove a non- 
uniformity of distribution in all directions, but a concentration 
of stars toward the medial plane of the Galaxy, more marked 
the smaller the magnitude of the star. Struve, from conclu- 
sions based on the supposition of an average uniformity of 
stellar distribution in layers parallel to this central plane, and 
on the assumption that the brightness is a measure of the 
relative distance, attempted to prove that absorption must 
take place. In fact, for a uniform distribution the number of 
calculated stars of different magnitude should vary inversely 
as their brightness. Now the number of calculated stars of 
any magnitude exceeds slightly the number observed, this 
excess being greater with the diminution of the magnitude. 
Hence it is concluded that absorption must take place to 
explain this increasing discrepancy, and that there must be 
a limit to the space-penetrating power of. a telescope much 
lower than the enfeeblement of light with the distance would 
require. Later investigations regarding the constitution of 
the visible universe show that Struve’s assumptions were 
false, and that no law of uniformity in distribution or in 
intrinsic brightness can be accepted. While it is at present 
impossible to ascertain with much accuracy the real magni- 
tudes of the stars, there are sufficient data to show that both 
their volume and their intrinsic brightness, per unit surface, 
vary between wide limits. The annual parallax of several 
stars, as measured by different observers, gives approximately 
consistent results. A comparison of the brightness and dis- 
tances of these stars with the intrinsic brightness and dis- 
tance of the sun, as made by Zollner, shows that the sun’s 
volume is but a small fraction of that of these stars, suppos- 
ing equal intrinsic brightness per unit of surface. This 
method of comparison, when applied to Sirius, gives a much 
greater volume than other methods would warrant, though 
far exceeding that of the sun in any case. It must hence 

2 


Ox the Transparency of the Ether. 3 


be concluded that the intrinsic brightness of a unit of its sur- 
face is much greater than that of the sun. The results of 
spectrum analysis point to a wide variation in the age and 
temperature of different stars, some being very much farther 
advanced in the’ process of cooling than others. It seems 
certain from these considerations that not only the absolute 
size but the intrinsic brilliancy vary within very wide limits, 
some stars emitting several thousand times as much light 
as others. 

The observations on stellar distribution indicate a much 
more complicated law than the earlier observers supposed. 
The more or less marked crowding together of stars in cer- 
tain regions, with the existing intermediate voids, and the 
only partial resolvability of these aggregations, show a ten- 
dency to some system of clustering in which the various 
orders of magnitudes are actually intermingled. In certain 
regions the more minute stars are much more sparsely scat- 
tered than in others, while the distribution should approach 
more marked uniformity with diminishing magnitude. The 
absence of vast numbers of stars, with excessive crowding of 
the smallest magnitudes which such a distribution would 
require, shows that the telescope can penetrate to the bounds 
of the system in these regions. 

The observations on the immense extent of the orbits of 
certain binary stars furnish evidence that there exists a 
connection between certain stars which have not heretofore 
been suspected as being members of the same system. The 
fact that the stars are gathered together in clusters princi- 
pally in or near the Galactic zone indicates that they must 
form a part of the Galaxy, since there is no reason why, if 
they were outside our stellar system, they should not be more 
uniformly distributed toward the poles of this zone. These 
evidences of the complexity of the laws of distribution in 
magnitude and distance furnish strong proof that the present 
stellar system is finite, and that it does not appear so from 
the ultimate absorption of the light of the remoter members 
of an infinite system. Nothing but a cosmical veil of vary- 


3 


a 


4 DeWitt B. Brace, 


ing tenuity existing in interstellar spaces and closing our view 
more or less effectually from the infinite expanses beyond, 
could possibly explain these appearances, — a supposition 
which is wholly unallowable. If there be absorption in 
space, it must be determined. by other methods than the one 
by which Struve attempted to prove it. 

If the law of the Dissipation of Energy is absolutely uni- 
versal, then it must be allowed that no distortion of the ether 
can take place without a certain loss of energy however 
small, so that the luminiferous vibrations would be gradually 
frittered down, and after an almost infinite number of such 
distortions be dissipated away so as to escape perception. 
On this hypothesis, from analogy with all known phenomena 
connected with ponderable bodies under similar conditions, a 
differential effect should be produced for different periods of 
vibrations, which would give a perceptible coloration in dis- 
tant stars. 

If an excessively diffused material substance be supposed 
scattered through space in a gaseous state, such a body could 
only absorb selectively through its atoms, its molecules being 
too widely scattered to allow of any transformation of energy 
into molecular friction. Hence the only loss, other than by 
selective absorption, would be in the ether itself. The ab- 
sorption would then take place according to the same laws 
which determine it when such a substance is not present. 

In a medium in which there were dissipative forces propor- 
tional to the rate of distortion, there would be a relative 
change in the velodity of propagation of transverse vibrations 
of different periods which, for sufficiently great distances, 
might be detected in the coloration produced by any sudden 
outburst or extinction of starlight. If the absorption were 
small, such a difference in the velocities of different rays 
would be exceedingly small, even for distances comparable 
with the greatest dimensions of the stellar system, so that the 
coloration could only last for a very short time. 

The luminiferous medium bears a close analogy to the 
ponderable substances of nature in respect to its rigidity for 


4 


On the Transparency of the Ether. 5 


high rates of distortion and its apparently perfect fluidity for 
motions of distortion of low rates. The existence of such 
apparently incompatible qualities does not seem so difficult 
to understand, when a material substance subjected to rates 
of distortion of far less range than the extreme limits at which 
these two qualities are observed to exist in the case of the 
ether appears in the one case like a rigid solid, and in the 
other like a very mobile fluid. 

Maxwell found that, by rotating a cylinder rapidly in a 
liquid and passing a ray of polarized light close to its surface, 
the plane of polarization was altered, proving clearly a state 
of strain for ordinary liquids when the rate of distortion is 
sufficently high. Sir William Thomson has also shown how 
wax or pitch may, in the one case, vibrate like ordinary 
solids, and, in the other, allow bodies to pass very slowly 
through them without appreciable resistance. The luminif- 
erous medium presents similar phenomena. For periods of 
vibration comparable with those of light, it acts like a very 
elastic solid. For low rates of distortion like those which 
the motions of the planets and comets as well as those which 
the molecules of a gas produce, there is no sensible resistance, 
and the medium seems to act like a perfect fluid. That this 
resistance is exceedingly small is shown by the fact that the 
comets, which are in general of, extreme tenuity, give no 
definite indications of a resisting medium in space. 

While the properties of the ethereal medium manifestly 
transcend those of ordinary matter, yet it seems to fulfil, in 
the qualities of elasticity and fluidity, the conditions of 
natural bodies. Very strong analogy to the ether is furnished 
by viscous substances, and these substances always dissipate 
more or less rapidly any vibrations to which they are sub- 
jected, proportionally to the rate of distortion, — at least 
for small rates. If the ether has a corpuscular structure, — 
and it is difficult to conceive of absorption otherwise, — and 
the analogy in respect to viscosity is extended to it, as well 
as the analogy in respect to its elasticity and fluidity, there 
should be a loss or transformation of radiant energy. 


5 


6 DeWitt B. Brace, 


Loss of energy may also take place in other ways depend- 
ing on imperfect elasticity alone, or the loss may arise both 
from viscous forces and from imperfect elasticity. In the 
one case we have the stress varying with the rate of distor- 
tion, and in the other, with the duration and magnitude of 
the strain. The existence of either will give a differential effect 
for the absorption of different rays. 

Suppose that absorption does take place, the amplitude of 
a periodic motion would be some function of the distance, 
wave-length or period, and of the viscosity and imperfect 
elasticity. Let it be required to find the form of the function 
for parallel rays of light, propagated in the direction of the 
y-axis and with a displacement & parallel to the a-axis. 


Let 
=e FGA ius (1) 


where Ae” represents a periodic motion at the origin, of 
amplitude A, and mw the coefficient of viscosity. When dissi- 
pative forces proportional to the relative velocities are present, 
the form of the function / is readily obtained. If the ether 
is perfectly elastic, the equation of motion for parallel rays is 


“9 
2 == (2) 


where p is the density and z the rigidity of the ether. Now 
Stokes has shown in his celebrated paper ‘On the Friction 
of Fluids in Motion’! that the expressions for the stresses 
in an isotropic solid may be obtained directly from those 
found for the case of a viscous fluid in motion by merely 
substituting the displacements &, n, € for the velocities m, v, zw, 
and the rigidity x for the coefficient of viscosity w. In the 
case under consideration, we have not only the rigidity 2, but 
a viscous coefficient ~, each of which produces a shearing 
stress independently, so that the resulting stress will be the 
sum of the two, and the equation of motion becomes 


1 Collected Papers, Vol. I. 
6 


On the Transparency of the Ether. J 


Oca 07s Oru , 
Paeae | aye? 
or, since 
Byes 
irs ar’ (3) 
Be O81 Os 
Pap aye’ Parag 


The left-hand side represents the force of acceleration per 
unit of volume; the first term of the right-hand side expresses 
the force arising from the distortion of the surrounding ether, 
and the second term the dissipative force arising from the 
rate of distortion. A particular solution of this equation is 


g=Aer™. (4) 
Substituting in equation (3), we have 
— pp’ = 8 — inpp. (5) 


Since we are dealing with simple periodic motions, # must 
be real, and 8 must therefore be complex. 
Ret 
B=—Kk+7y, (6) 


where i= Substituting in (5), and separating the real. 


and the imaginary terms, we have 


O = pp + 2K’ — ny’ — 2 py, 


: ; (7) 
oO = 2nKy + pyr? — pur 3 
whence 
E * yi 
i b Si a +p 
8 
oe ( ) 
fa a +P 


where ae is the kinematic coefficient of viscosity. Now 


xy cannot be a large quantity, since the light of stars at a 
very great distance y reaches us; hence «, and consequently 


7 


g DeWitt B. Brace, 


v, must be very small. Neglecting squares of small quan- 
tities, we have 


pe? 
Vite, 
(9) 
ban py __2m'v 
oh 2G ake 
putting for f its value 
Qr_ 27a 
= T Xv 


A very small change in the velocity may produce an ap- 
preciable retardation of different rays for very great distances. 
Expressing y to the next order of approximation, we have on 
expanding 


ae sete oe) 
oO Fe 3K, 


neglecting small quantities of higher orders than x. Since 
x is a very small quantity, we may put 


where y is a large quantity, and w has different but not large 
values. Putting 
WV Vilas 


and substituting, we have 


or 
rite 
(10) 
mw 
Re eet see = Ls nearly 


This shows that the relative retardation of the different 
rays due to viscosity is too small to be observed, even when 
the time /, necessary for light from the most distant visible 
object to reach us, is very great. i 

8 


On the Transparency of the Ether. 9 


Substituting now in (4), 


any Re ieee 
peas te at ee 


é = Ae an? ; 


or, omitting the imaginary part, 


27y omy 
SS i 2 } z 
ga Ac ® cos (2 — pr) = Ae oe cosan(?— 2), (11) 


Thus weeoee 2) approximately. (12) 


Stokes! has advanced the view that a fluid may be an ex- 
tremely plastic body which admits of “a finite, but exceed- 
ingly small amount of constraint before it is relieved from its 
state of tension by its molecules assuming new positions of 
equilibrium.” He suggests that the ether may be like a very 
plastic substance, which allows of the free motions of solids 
through it, but which also admits of small amounts of con- 
straint without permanent distortion. He instances? as an 
illustration a mixture of jelly and water in varying propor- 
tions, which will admit of a given amount of constraint with- 
out dislocation, this constraint being less and less as the 
mixture is made thinner. Now all solid bodies in nature 
seem to possess to a degree more or less marked the quality 
of “ Elastic After-effect,” as observed by Weber, Kohlrausch, 
and others, where the elastic recovery, as well as the stress 
produced by any strain, depends on the time. Extending 
this quality to the ether on the supposition that it is an ex- 
tremely plastic body and should possess the same kind of 
qualities as other plastic substances, it would seem that a loss 
of energy could take place from this cause. In thjs case 
will have a somewhat different form from (12). 

Suppose that the stress at any time is independent of the rate 
of shear, but depends on the duration and magnitude of the 
strain, as it would if the “ Elastic After-effect ’’ were present. 

1 Collected Papers, Vol. I., page 125. 
2 Collected Papers, Vol. II., page 12. 
2) 


— - eS 


10 DeWitt B. Brace, 


The exact expression for this effect would be complicated, 
depending as it does on previous strains. But for a succes- 
sion of waves of given period, the change in the stress would 
evidently be, on the whole, proportional to the distortion and 
the time, when the distortion did not vary greatly and the 
time was very small. 

Since the duration of the shortest waves in the visible 
spectrum is very small and about half that of the longest 
waves, and since the relative distortion does not vary greatly 
for the vibrations of different rays in a normal spectrum, the 
mean relative diminution in the stress, and hence the relative 
diminution in the amplitude, may be taken proportional to the 
relative distortion, and to the duration of a wave’ period, 
directly. The distortion at any time is proportional to the 
displacement directly, and to the wave-length inversely. 
Hence the change in the displacement which takes place 
during any short time 47, or in passing over a space dy, is 


€ € 
2 sA¢y=a> dy 
ig aN a 


where a is the velocity of propagation and a is approximately 
constant over wide ranges in the distortion. After passing 
over a distance y=xz4y, the displacement would be 


a 
‘ a # ars 
g ( -<49) = fe (13) 


‘ a 
Since 
ar 


powers may be neglected. Hence, since the motion is a 
periodic function of the time and distance, 


is a very small quantity, and its square and higher 


» 
oe Drie g ik oan (- ‘) a 
= 
Hence, in this case, 
a cate nearly. (15) 


On the Transparency of the Ether. II 


In the actual case of solid bodies, the decay of a vibration 
does not seem to follow either equation (14) or equation (12). 
Sir William Thompson found that the relative diminution in 
the amplitude of vibrating wires of different periods was less 
than it would be if it were due to viscosity alone, and greater 
than it would be if due to imperfect elasticity or the Elastic 
After-effect alone. However, the diminution was more rapid 
for short periods than for long ones, indicating a dependence 
on the rate of shear, as well as on imperfect elasticity. The 
law of decay, if due to both these causes, would be expressed 


by the equation 
ea 
Ware cearasy } 
é= Ae Ge =) cosan(—£), (16) 


where @, and @, are unknown, but may be determined by 
experiment for different substances subjected to different 
rates of distortion. The three formulz 


I eae Cedar (ae F 
No oT 
NL ga de *cosen(—2), : 
Z 
0, 0 
= ee bY zt 
TEE. £= Ae C 2) cosan(x—<) 


indicate the absorption as depending on the wave-length. If 
absorption takes place in the ether in a way analogous to that 
in ponderable substances, it must follow one of these laws, 
which include all modes of absorption for ordinary bodies, 
and hence coloration should occur in varying amounts with 
the distance. The equation II. represents the case of mini- 
mum coloration. 

From what is known of the decay of vibrations in material 
bodies, it seems most probable that the conditions of the 
problem are most nearly satisfied by I. When the rate of 
distortion in solid bodies is considerable, the viscous resist- 

II 


" 


12 DeWitt B. Brace, 


ance seems to increase less and less rapidly with the rate of 
shear. When this rate is diminished, the law of viscous 
resistance seems to become more and more nearly propor- 
tional to the rate. When the rate of distortion is very small, 
it is directly proportional to it. In III., then, the smaller 
the rate, the larger @, becomes relatively to @,, until finally the 
term containing 6, may be neglected. Somewhat similar 
considerations show that, if absorption depends on the rate, 
as in natural bodies, the proportional law for viscous resist- 
ance must hold in the solution of our present problem. In 
solids, the viscous resistance to finite rates of shearing is 
finite, and hence, for very small rates, the viscous resistance 
must also be very small. For luminous vibrations, the rate 
of distortion must be very great, in any case, to be percepti- 
ble. Further, the range over which this rate extends must 
be excessively wide, since, applying the law of the inverse 
distance for the amplitude to the remotest visible stars whose 
light occupies several thousand years in reaching us, it is evi- 
dent that the amplitude must be diminished many million 
times. If 4 is the original amplitude, 


: fatev G7) 


is the amplitude of a spherical wave at a distance y from the 
origin, if absorption is present ; 4 is the amplitude if it is 


not present. As y is always large, even for the nearest stars, 
« must evidently be small, in order that their light may be 
sensible. Since, for the greater amplitudes or higher rates of 
distortion, the viscous resistance of ether must be small; for 
the lower rates of distortion, the viscous resistance must be 
very small stresses proportional to the rate of shear and sub- 
ject to the principle of superposition, which has been assumed 
in deriving I. As a ray of light from such a star is dimin- 
ished to a small fraction of its original amplitude before pass- 
ing over a considerable portion of its path, it may be consid- 
ered as following this law approximately. If this law were 
12 


On the Transparency of the Ether. ng 


not followed until a further diminution in amplitude, the rela- 
tive coloration between the nearer and remoter stars, depend- 
ing on the distance, would only be the more marked, since 
the differential effect would be less for the nearer than for the 
remoter stars, } 

As the light must pass through our own atmosphere, a 
further absorption must take place, which also varies with 
the wave-length. It will be necessary to include this effect 
in the relative coloration to determine what the resultant 
appearance would be. 

et 

6a NOt ey) (18) 


represent the law of absorption, where W(\)y corresponds 
Eon thesexponents in Hy, 11.) 11l., and m(A)y’ is the corre- 
sponding exponent for atmospheric absorption through any 
thickness y’.. As both & and @ are approximately indepen- 
dent of the amplitude, they are interchangeable as regards 
sequence in absorption, and we may suppose the atmospheric 
absorption to have taken place first. Hence in every case, we 
can leave out of consideration this effect and simply apply 
Per, and. IU to spectra’ as they are.seen, to determine 
the relative coloration produced by absorption in space alone. 

We have now to apply [,, II., and III. to a normal spectrum 
to determine the amount of energy absorbed when coloration 
is perceptible. In plate I., the curve A? represents approxi- 
mately the distribution of energy in the visible portion of the 
normal solar spectrum for different wave-lengths at high sun, 
according to Langley.! The effect of space-absorption on the 
solar spectrum would be inappreciable. Let now such a 
spectrum be carried to a very great distance; suppose the 
rays parallel, and absorption present. The loss of energy can 
be represented graphically by plotting curves with values 
obtained from I., II., and III. The intensity is proportional 
-to the square of the amplitude or in I. and II. to 


1 Researches on Solar Heat, Plate I. Prof. papers of U.S. S. S., No. XV. 


13 


——— 


14 DeWitt B. Brace, 


aL 
I a. & = JAB aN 
at 

Ila. E2 a Are  , 


Curve I, represents the distribution of energy according to 
Ia. after the amplitude of a wave corresponding to .80 in the 
diagram has been diminished .o1 of its original value. Curve 
I, and II, represent this distribution according to Ia. and 
IIa. respectively after a diminution in amplitude of .10 of its 
original value for the same wave. ‘The law representing 
absorption according to III. would be a curve between these 
two. The curve A? represents what the normal distribution 
would be if no energy had been absorbed and the amplitude 
had been uniformly diminished by .10._ From these curves we 
are able to determine the proportion of the rays lacking in the 
different parts of the spectrum which would when added give 
the original spectrum. Thus from I, of the red rays about 
.006 are lacking ; of the orange and yellow, about .020; of the 
green, nearly .030; and of the violet, about .o50. In the same 
way for curve I,, about .06 of the red rays would be lacking, 
.15 of the yellow, .20 of the green, and about .50 of the violet. 
If the law of absorption is according to curve II,, about .03 of 
the red would have been absorbed to .06 of the yellow, nearly 
.10 of the green, and nearly .40 of the extreme violet. It is 
thus evident that the greater the absorption, the redder the 
spectrum will appear. 

Aubert has shown that less than one per cent of red mixed 
with white is perceptible. For sufficient intensity, curve [, 
would be within this limit, so that a hue near the orange-red 
would be perceptible. Either I, or Il, would evidently give 
a very perceptible reddish tinge. Thus from the hue it is 
possible, for a given intensity, to determine the total loss in 
intensity and the diminution in amplitude. In the curve |, 
the amplitude of the yellow rays has been diminished from 
two to three per cent. In curves I, and II, the diminution has 
been about twenty per cent and fifteen per cent respectively. 


14 


On the Transparency of the Ether. 15 


In the case of the heavenly bodies there should then be a 
coloration, becoming more marked with the distance, this col- 
oration also depending in part on the intensity. No regular 
eradation in hue is perceptible, and hence it may be concluded 
that the loss of energy is small, if any. From what is known 
of the spectra of incandescent bodies, the effect of increase of 
temperature is to displace slightly the position of maximum 
energy up the spectrum. Any irregular distribution of stars 
as regards temperature would not cause the average light of 
a certain number in one part of the heavens to differ materi- 
ally from that of another number taken anywhere else in the 
heavens. To carry the test for absorption to the utmost 
limit possible, we have only to consider those milky patches 
of light visible to the eye in the Galaxy ; or, better, those star 
clusters which are barely resolvable with the best telescopes ; 
or, going still further, to consider those nebulze whose spectra 
resemble the stellar spectra, and which consequently are 
probably resolvable into stars. From the vast number of 
stars which must constitute such a stellar mass, it may be 
concluded that if there were no absorption, the lhght with 
which such a mass would shine would be white. In travers- 
ing such vast distances, the absorption must be infinitesimal, 
not to produce a perceptible coloration. The general absence 
of gradation in color, even in the remotest visible bodies, 
shows that but a small per cent of their light can have been 
lost in space. This shows that e~*” cannot differ from unity 
by more than a small quantity. Hence xy will in general be 


less than unity, and « will not be greater than * which for the 
V 


_ distances we have been considering, is excessively small. 
Referring to equation (10), we see that z is nearly unity, and 
hence the difference in time of propagation is a very small 
quantity, even for the remotest visible bodies. 

Taking now our complete equation as it would be for plane 
polarized light propagated in spherical waves, we have for the 
intensity at any point 


Se (19) 


Re = 


16 DeWitt B: Brace. 


Thus the variation in intensity with distance becomes © 


€ 2 Ky T i 
eS =  apanoxiimately, (20) 
z 3 


- 


when y is taken as the dimension of the visible universe. 
In order that the effect of absorption might equal that due 
to the variation in distance, we should have to take a distance 
my, such that 


(eq oa (ay) 
or (21) 


I 

(Go) ieee one 

if the diminution in amplitude from absorption were ten per 
cent for a distance y. Thus z would have to be very great, 
and the system would be of dimensions z times as great as 
those of our own stellar system. To a close approximation, 
the system should have the same appearance whether absorp- 
tion were present or not. The apparent finiteness of the 
stellar universe cannot thus be due to absorption, as Struve 
supposed, his assumption of uniform distribution requiring a 
loss of as much as one-third the light of stars of the ninth 
magnitude. 


Either, then, the universe must be finite, or, if infinite in 
extent, the average density of distribution of self-luminous 
bodies outside our own system must be exceedingly small, as 
otherwise the sky would appear of a uniform brightness, 
approximating that of the sun. 


16 


Plate L. 


( . 
iy ‘o, 
ep i 
RAS 
. 4 
Phe! 
il 4 
a 
{ 
‘ 
' 
i 
‘+ 
' 
i 
x ‘ 
‘ 
' 2 
‘ 
g2 
s i 
‘ ’ ty Ae 
2 joa A a fh? Val “fe 
ee eee - ae rade ese ere 
—” 7 i o “ 2 P d 
> e ar fy ie 
; Pi 
i } if yy 
‘ 
» ’ ~ yh le Aa 
7 4 - ay y we . 
es i i | tas oAVd 
' | 5 of 
‘4 t bo 2 7 ‘ . 
( } 
cf x a 
i Pe e ; 
. ~ 
5 . } 
a4 a" 
: H | Soa 4 
‘ rae ie 
. 4 aa 
i. t 
fy s ; 
‘ 

“4 2 
iy) ‘ 
” iN 
, . a 

* 
I ‘ - ‘ h< 
1 
> pba t J 
ap . r} . av ve 
Mi , ’ 
‘- ’ { = a Ps 
Ce . ’ é ¢ 
> . t 1 te be “2 ? Le 
‘ A 7 
iw? pie 
o + 2 
A J i} “APY: 
\ ' 
i ' Hons ‘ 
i 
4 is f } vt # : 


ei ca o, i ai n : note ‘id oe at oy 


she Bal nnfatng be way mee " a 
2 ae y's ay ian 


I].— On the Propriety of Retaining the Eighth 
Verb-Class in Sanskrit. 


By Ay Ho EDGREN. 


Dousts concerning the propriety of retaining the Hindu 
classification of the so-called ¢az-verbs in a special conjuga- 
tion date as far back as Bopp. The first, however, to devote 
to the subject a careful investigation was Brugman in his 
article Dze achte conjugations-classe des altindischen und thre 
entsprechung tm griechischen (Kuhn’s Zeitschr. X XIV.), where 
he tried to prove —except for kar—the identity of the tax 
(VIII.) and sz- (V.) classes, on principles of which I shall speak 
later. He was followed by a Belgian savant, Professor Van den 
Gheyn, who also tried to establish the same identity, but on 
principles wholly different in nature from those adopted by 
Brugman. Having myself, for the preparation of my brief 
Sanskrit grammar (Triibner, 1884), made an independent in- 
vestigation of this subject of the ¢az-verbs, and for the first 
time in any similar work classified them with the sa-verbs 
as forming with these one class with the present-sign -md, 
I put my notes together in a brief paper (‘On the verbs 
of the so-called ¢av-class in Sanskrit’), which I presented at 
the meeting of the American Oriental Society in May, 1885, 
and which was subsequently reported in the proceedings of 
that society. My short remarks, in which I took issue espe- 
cially with Van den Gheyn, called forth from him, as a reply, 
a special paper in Bulletins de 1 Académie royale de Belgique 
(XI., 1886), in which he tried to refute, with all fairness and 
courtesy, the arguments adduced by myself, in so far as they 
differed from his own, and to reaffirm the position he had 
already taken. 


17 


S 


Aid Eggren: 


However improbable I judged Van den Gheyn’s mode of 
explanation, I was satisfied to dismiss the question for the 
time being. But as no agreement is yet reached with regard 
to the treatment of the /¢ax-verbs,—some, as_ especially 
Sanskrit grammarians, adhering to the Hindu classification, 
while others disagree concerning the principle on which the 
Eighth class should be given up,—§it has seemed that, an 
amplified review of my own arguments may not be useless as 
a contribution towards a definite settlement of the disputed 
question. 

The root-verbs of the Sanskrit language are by Hindu 
grammarians, as is well known, classified, according to the 
various forms of their present-stems, into ten groups or con- 
jugational classes, which are designated by the root heading 
each group in the native lists. The present-stems of the 
su and the ¢an-class (ze. of classes Fifth and Eighth) are 
said to be formed respectively by adding to the root the 
suffixes -s (su-nu-) and -u (¢an-u-), which are gunated in 
strong forms. 

The Hindu system of classification, and along with it the 
distinction made between the sa-class and the favz-class, was 
naturally enough adopted in the earlier grammars published 
in Europe. Bopp, however, who did not fail to notice that 
all the roots of the faz-class — kar alone excepted — termi- 
nate in -z, doubted the propriety of separating in principle 
the ¢an-class from the sw-class, and suggested that the tense- 
sign for both the classes was originally -z, and that this sign 
in the Zaz-class then lost its initial nasal after the nasal of 
the root. Yet his doubts did not lead him to deviate in his 
own grammar from the Hindu classification. Benfey, like- 
wise, was inclined to combine the two classes into one, and 
suggested, though, like Bopp, without special investigation of 
the subject, or practical application of the principle, that the 
nasal of the ¢az-verbs may in fact have been artificially trans- 
ferred to them from the suffix. 

Such suggestions, however, as were made by Bopp and 
Benfey were generally left unheeded by later grammarians as 

18 


= 


On the Eighth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. 3 


resting on no proofs; and the Hindu system was reproduced 
by them, either absolutely (as by Miiller, Williams, Wester- 
gaard, Kielhorn, etc.), or modified in such a way that the ¢aw- 
class, always with the suffix -~, was arranged as a sub-class 
under the sz-class (by Whitney and Harlez). 

It is really outside of the pale of the Sanskrit grammarians 
that some attempts have been made to prove by the facts of 
the language and of comparative philology the identity, in 
the main at least, of the two classes in question. Brugman 
in his above-named article, Dze achte conjugations-classe des 
altindtschen etc., assumes without farther argument, and as a 
generally admitted fact, that the zav-verbs terminating in -z 
have received that nasal by artificial transfer from the suffix, 
and turns the force of his argument on the verbs in -az, which 
he considers as forming their present system by the suffix -z0 
(zz), before which az is weakened to a (through z), according 
to his well-known theory of a nasal vowel. As for fav, he 
refers it, as irregular, to the second class (its root-formation 
being yet discernible in kus-vds, kur-mds, while karo-mz, etc., 
are formed after the analogy of kuru-thd(s), whose second #, 
however, is a mere phonetic addition, not a suffix). 

Quite a different theory was put forth by Van den Gheyn 
in an article on the verbs of the Eighth class, published in 
Bulletins de 0 Académie royale de Belgique (L., 1880), and 
further supported by two new articles in the same publication 
(VIL, 1884, and XI, 1886). Van den Gheyn endeavors to 
show in these articles by the facts of Sanskrit, and of cog- 
nate languages as well, that the final nasal of the ¢az-verbs is 
not original, but a later accretion, a transfer from the present- 
sign to the root, and that these verbs properly belong to the 
Sixth or sw-class. As for kar, he adopts the hypothesis of 
Harlez, who considers ur to be the ‘¢héme principal’ of the 
verb (cf. £urmz, epic, kurvas, kurmas), and attributes its later 
changes to analogy. As already noticed, Benfey had before 
suggested the theory of ¢a instead of ¢an-roots, and Gustav 
Meyer had likewise pointed out the analogy of forms like 
ta-td: ta-rés, Té-rTa-Ka, etc., in support of his hypothesis that 


19 


4 A. H. Edgren, 


the original root of these forms was 7a, not faz. But Van 
den Gheyn was the first to present a detailed argument 
in favor of this view, and may be considered as its chief 
advocate. 

The following considerations based, in the main, on an 
examination of the inflectional and derivative forms of the 
tan-verbs in Sanskrit, but also on the evidence of cognate 
forms in other languages, would seem to confirm, in the 
main, the position taken by Brugman, although its cor- 
rectness is not made dependent on the theory of a nasal 
vowel. 

The Hindus classified with the faz-class ten verbs, viz., 
three in -7z- arn, gharn, tarn,; one in-2z: ksin,; five in -an: 
ksan (ksan), tan, man, van, san; and one in -ar: kar,—the 
only one that does not terminate in a nasal. ‘To these have 
been added, on more or less convincing evidence from the 
Sanskrit literature, zz, han, and far. . 

As regards those three roots that terminate in -7z, the fol- 
lowing considerations are to be noticed. 

The mere fact that the root avz is said to be inflected 
exactly like the well-authenticated root ar (7), — both form- 


ing the strong and weak stems 770 and ruu,—and that the 
meaning assigned to each is the same, suggests that the for- 
mer is nothing but an artificial extension of the latter, having 


no independent existence whatever, —a suggestion which is 
corroborated by the facts in the case. In the first place, no 
verb-form whatever outside of the present system has been 
made from a radical avz. Further, among all the derivatives 
(not less than 35) that must be referred to either of the two 
roots in question, only three, a@nas, drua, rd, contain a nasal. 
But that nasal may here be explained as belonging to the 
suffix. The primitive suffix -zas, though rare, occurs beyond 
question in some words (cf. dp-xas ‘possession,’ -bharnas 
‘offering,’ etc.) formed precisely like @-vas. A primitive 
suffix -za is, indeed, hardly met with, except in participles. 
But drza ‘agitated,’ as a noun (m.) ‘flood,’ if not a participle, 
is too evidently of the same stock with d@rxas ‘flood’ to be 
20 


On the Exghth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. 5 


separated from it (cf. afua-: dpnas ‘possession, drévina: 
dravinas ‘chattel’). As for 7zdé ‘debt,’ its derivation is quite 
uncertain, but if we must resort to ar or avz, nothing better 
can be suggested than the participial form dé ‘hurt, bur- 
dened, in-debted, (z.) debt.’ Finally, not one of the kindred 
words in the sister-tongues — and the number of such words 
is quite considerable — shows any trace of a root-nasal, unless, 
indeed, as suggested by some, it be épvups, whose v, however, 
is much more likely to belong to the suffix -vu (cf. wp-op-oy, 
efe:). | 

As regards gharn, which is said to mean ‘shine,’ no verb- 
form that could be referred to such a root has been met with 
in the extant literature. It might then be left out of consid- 
eration here,“ were it not that a couple of nominal forms, 
ghrnd ‘heat’ and ghrui ‘heat,’ seem referable to the root 
gharn. As the native root-lists give also the root ghar (ghr) 
‘shine,’ as belonging to the sw-class, it is evident, however, 
that this root is the only acceptable form, and that gharn 
sustains to ghar precisely the same relation as arz to ar 
(ghr-nd, gh*é-nit being quite regular formations). This sup- 
position is decidedly favored by kindred words in related 
tongues (cf. Zend gar-ema, Gr. Pép-opat, Oép-un, O€p-os, etc. ; 
Lat. for-mus, etc.; Goth. var-myam ; Slav. gr-é-tt, etc.). 

With reference to farz, said to mean ‘graze,’ it is, like 
gharn, entirely unauthenticated ; and as there seems to be no 
support for the acceptation of any similar root in any 
other Indo-Germanic tongue, it may well be considered 
as wholly fictitious, and invented to furnish an etymology 
for the noun ¢/va (trad) ‘grass. This noun may possibly 
be a participial form (parallel with ¢7zd@) of ¢ar in the sense 
of ‘broken through,’ — viz. the soil (cf. ¢zvza-padi name of a 
plant). 

We come next to the root £szz ‘destroy,’ which has no 
more right to appear in the root-list than avz, above. Even 
here we find a shorter and well-authenticated root &sz ‘de- 
stroy’ inflected according to the sw-class (£s7-120-mz, etc.). No 
certain or authenticated example of a nasal is found either 

21 


6 Axi MEAN; 


outside of the present-system? or in derivative words. To be 
sure, we have beside the participial form fsztd also ksind 
‘destroyed, but the latter is usually understood to be one of 
the common participles in -za. The root of the correspond- 
ing Greek verb ¢@/v@ ‘perish’ is @@-, which occurs every- 
where outside the present-system. Also x«rivyvvps ‘kill’ has 
been suggested as a parallel form, and Curtius supposes its 
root to be «tv, a weakened form of «trav = Skr. &san. If the 
words are connected, the double nasal of «tévyvps may, how- 
ever, be explained as owing to a phonetic doubling between 
two vowels, —a process that is not uncommon, — or else, as 
Curtius suggests, to a special weakening in Greek. And 
even if £szz, in spite of strong evidence to the contrary, be 
considered as a genuine root, its conjugation in analogy with 
ksan, of kindred form and meaning, would not be any more 
anomalous than the inflection of nominal zz-stems in analogy 
with az-stems ; and the present formation of ksaz, as will be 
shown, is not £san-o-mz2, but ksa-no-mt. 

It is evident from these facts that aru, gharn, and ksin 
are, in all probability, mere figments or pseudo-roots, which 
the Hindu grammarians have foisted into their root-lists with- 
out any good reason, and which consequently should be 
cancelled altogether,—as, indeed, they are, very rationally, 
in Whitney’s grammar, in the enumeration of the ¢az-verbs 
($ 713, and Root-supplement). 

We come next to the five roots in -az: saz ‘destroy,’ tan 
‘stretch,’ man ‘think,’ van ‘win, like,’ saz ‘reach.’ As their 
nasal occurs not only in the present-system, but also, with 
few exceptions, outside of that system and in derivatives, it 
has been considered both by native and western grammarians 
as pertaining to the radical forms underlying the whole con- 
jugation-system of each of the verbs. Serious objections 
having been made, however, to this view by a few scholars, it 
will be necessary, before explaining the formation of the 
present stems of above verbs, to try to determine the nature 
of their nasal. 


1 Brugman quotes senzsydéz, for which I can find no authority. 
22 


On the Exghth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. y) 


It is of some importance here to distinguish between that 
stage of the Indo-European language when the radicals which 
are now deduced by comparative analysis as those underlying 
its formal and inflectional development were already evolved, 
and a yet earlier stage when these radicals had not assumed 
the form they then had. There is, indeed, every reason to 
believe that such an evolution of roots from earlier germs, or 
perhaps, in some cases, from earlier polysyllabic and com- 
pounded entymons, took place long before the language 
passed into its inflectional stage, and in some instances we 
may even yet discover the probable or evident traces of such 
a development. Thus, if seems probable enough that coup- 
lets or groups of roots like 2-22 ‘go,’ cz: cit ‘observe,’ mar 
‘grind’ : marn ‘crush’ : mard ‘grind’ : march ‘hurt,’ etc., 
are cognates of the same origin. If their original germ is 
actually represented by any one of the forms preserved to 
us, or if it is entirely lost, cannot be decided. There are 
some faint indications, indeed, that the shortest form may, 
ordinarily, be the most original, but they are after all 
uncertain.? 

Now it so happens that for every one of the roots in -az 
enumerated above has been suggested also, on more or less 
convincing evidence, a co-ordinate radical lacking the nasal 
and terminating in -a@ or, usually, in -@ Thus, cf. ksan 
‘hurt’ : *£sa (in ksapay- ‘destroy,’ tuvi-ksa ‘much destroy- 
ing, etc.), and, perhaps, &s@ ‘burn’ ;— ¢az ‘stretch’ : ¢@ (in 
the pass. ¢aydée, and in ¢dyate ‘stretches’) ;— man ‘think’ : 
(?) ma@ ‘nreasure’ ;— van ‘win, like’ : v@ ‘desire’ (in the parti- 
ciple vad and the desid. vévasatz), va (only in vastmahi) ; — san 
‘procure’: s@ ‘procure’ (in sad, sts-dsatz, etc., and in acva-sa 
‘horse-acquiring,’ etc.), sa (only in sa-sa-vdnis). It is evident 
_ that the assumption of @-roots finds a very meagre and doubt- 
ful support in these comparisons (about which later). But a 
host of forms, participles or derivatives, with a radical in -a, 


1 Cf. H. Edgren, “On the Verbal Roots of the Sanskrit Language and the San- 
skrit Grammarians,” Yournal of American Oriental Society, XI1., p. 5, etc. 


23 


8 . An He deren, 


instead of -an (ma-td, ma-tt, ta-td, ta-tva, etc.), which are by 
all grammarians and lexicographers referred directly to the 
roots in -az, have, farther, been explained by a few investiga- 
tors as made from a-roots instead. 

This apparent variation between -az, -a, and -d@-roots has 
been made use of to prove that the present Zandmzz, etc., 
was made from an a-root by adding the suffix -20d (¢a-u0-m1), 
not, as assumed by the grammarians, from ¢az by the suffix 
6 (tan-6-mt), nor, as advocated by Brugman, from faz by the 
suffix -2d, through *¢#-20d-1m2, and that the suffixal z has pene- 
trated outside the present system, or else that the so-called 
‘general tenses’ are formed from a root faz, existing at the 
side of Za. 

To this view some grave objections may certainly be made. 
Dhus': 

a. The root-forms required by the advocates of formations 
like ¢a-n0d-m1, etc., are not 7a, etc., but 7@, etc. There may, 
indeed, seem to be some plausible reasons for accepting the 
existence of the former (as do Delbriick and Brugman), in so 
far as their occurrence in various forms is not yet satisfac- 
torily explained on the basis of a phonetical change of ¢az, 
etc., and as the language after all has quite a number of 
@-roots. But there is no very plausible, and yet less con- 
vincing, reason for assuming any roots in -d, like /a, etc. 
The quoted verb-forms ksapdyati, vasimaht, sasavans are 
nowise convincing. Causatives with /# are not satisfactorily 
explained, and may come from roots in -; vaszmaht, occur- 
ring only once (R. V. XI. 72), is probably for vanstmahi ; and 
sa-sa-vans, which occurs a few times in different cases in the 
Rig and the Atharva Veda, though hard to explain satisfac- 
torily (Grassmann and Delbriick suggest that it stands for 
sasanvans, and Saussure for sasd@vans), cannot very plausibly 
be derived from sa, since no perfect-form, and in fact no 
tense-form whatever, of such a root is found in the language. 
Outside of the above forms, where analogy would require the 
nasal, if they are to be derived from roots in -z, the -a radical 
hardly occurs except where analogy would require a weaken- 


24 


Ox the Eighth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. 9 


ing of the root, especially on account of the displacement of 
the accent, as in verbal nouns in -¢d -tvd, -tya (ta-td, ta-tva, 
-ta-tya, etc.), and in nouns in -¢¢ (formed in analogy with 
participles in -¢d). 

In all other cases, and they are very numerous, we find the 
full -az-radical (¢4n-a, tan-as, tan-i, tdn-tu, tan-tra, etc.). It 
seems evident that we are here dealing with principles per- 
fectly parallel with those that have produced such root- 
variations as in Adn-ti : ha-thd ; hdn-am : ha-bhis; rajan-am : 
vaja-bhis ; ds-tt : s-thad; pitdr-am : piti-su : pi-ti-n, pitr-d, and so 
on; and it would be late in the day now to try to substitute 
for the principle of accentual influence as causing these vari- 
ations, the confusing principle of a variety of independent 
roots and stems. 

6. Since there is no evidence that the so-called ‘ general 
tenses’ are of a more recent formation than those of. the 
present-system, there is also no good reason to assume that 
the -a-roots have formed first the latter, and then with an un- 
paralleled accretion, the others. We should expect at any rate 
to find in the general tenses some trace of an earlier -a-root, 
but there is absolutely none. As for the assumption that the: 
whole conjugation-system of the various -az-verbs is consist- 
ently made up of two independent roots, which, if existing at 
all, must have been distinguished by some shade of meaning, 
peculiar to each, it would be hard to find anything parallel. 
To be sure, sporadic cases of root-mixture in the make-up of 
verb-systems occur in all languages, but they are usually of a 
different kind, consisting in the often traceable supplanting 
of an earlier form by one of a different verb (as in French of 
ére by étazs), and, in all events, they never take place so 
systematically in a whole class of verbs. 

c. If the facts of the Sanskrit language itself suggest 
clearly enough that the nasal of the ¢az-verbs is genuine, the 
evidence of cognate tongues also favors this view. To be 
sure, we find even in them radical elements corresponding 
to these roots with and without the nasal. Thus; cf. Skr. 
V ksan: Gr. Kteiv-@, KTOv-05 3 é-KTAa-TO, €-KTA-V, KTA-pEVOS ; 


25 


10 A. Hl. Edgren, 


Goth. ska-tha(?) ; — Skr. 1/tan.: Gr. tely-@, Tu-talv-o, Tév-av; 
Ta-70S, Té-Ta-Ka, €-TadOnv; Lat. ten-do, ten-eo, ten-ax ; Goth. 
than-jan ; — Skr. 1/man: Gr. pév-o, pé-mov-a, wév-os ; pav-ia; 
peé-pa-pev, we-a-T@ ; Lat. mon-co,; Goth. mun-um, ga-mun-an ; 
Skr. |/van: a-Fa-w, a-aa-tos ; Lat. ven-ta, ven-us, ven-ustus ; 
Goth. vun-an, vinn-an ; — Skr. 1/san: Gr. &-o (Fick, I. 226), 
avuw, avo; €-tTos; Lat. sénet, sen-ex ; Goth. sznz-2sta, sin-teino ; 
and so on. This variation, however, nowise favors the theory 
of independent -az and -a-roots. The nasal is rarely lacking 
except in Greek, and its absence there is frequently explain- 
able on precisely the same grounds as in Sanskrit, viz., as 
owing to an original weakening of the root: cf. ¢a/d : Ta-Tés ; 
tatt : taow,; matd : -watos; satd : éros, etc. The very fact 
that cognate forms in other languages usually retain the nasal 
where it is lost in Sanskrit or Greek, tends to show that it is 
original, having disappeared in Sanskrit and Greek under 
certain circumstances which in the cognate tongues have 
produced different results: cf. Skr. watd or mati: Gr. patos: 
Lat. mentz-, Goth. ga-mundi-; Skr. mentmad (for *12e-m'n-t-ma : 
z preserved by the following z): Gr. wéwapev: Goth. munum, 
and so on. Analogy has in all languages, as especially-in 
Greek, wrought many changes, and must account for some 
of the seemingly irregular non-nasal radicals. Concerning 
the Greek forms, compare especially Brugman’s article already 
referred to above. 

If, then, contrary to the opinion of Van den Gheyn and 
others, it seems incontestable that the nasal of the roots £saz, 
tan, man, van, and sav is genuine and original, at least with 
reference to the time when the inflectional system: of the 
. Indo-European language was developed, does it necessarily 
follow that in a stem like zamo-, the suffix must be -o and not 
-no? Not at all. The stem would have precisely the same 
appearance were we to suppose either, with Bopp, that the z 
of the original -o-suffix has been dropped, or that the root 
itself had suffered mutilation before such a suffix. Let us 
then examine whether there are any considerations that will 
warrant us in accepting either of these theories, instead of 

26 


On the Eighth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. ih 


abiding by the native theory of two distinct tense-signs for 
the sz and the ¢az-verbs. 

As regards Bopp’s theory, two strong objections may be 
urged against it. In the first place, I do not think there can 
be adduced, in the whole language, a single good instance of 
the loss of an initial nasal, or of any initial consonant what- 
ever of a suffix or an ending, whereas the disappearance (no 
matter here if by direct loss or by change) of the final nasal 
of a root ora stem before a suffix consonant isa common and 
well-known phenomenon in Sanskrit. Witness examples such 
as ta-td, ta-tud, ta-tt, -ta-tya, ha-thd, -ha-bhts, rdja-bhis, jttva-su, 
balt-bhyas, etc., for *tan-td, *tan-tva, etc. Then, such a theory 
completely ignores any influence on the root on account of the 
accentual shift in ¢azdmz, though such an influence is directly 
required not only in analogy with words of the kind quoted 
above, but also by the analogy of other sz-verbs (cf. star: str 
no-ti,; kar: kr-no-tt). 

And it is precisely in consideration of this required weak- 
ening of the root that we are forced to explain the formation 
of fandmt as arising from a weakening of the unaccented ¢az 
to ¢a before the accented suffix -z0. Whether we are to con- 
sider this weakening as consisting simply in the direct loss 
of the final nasal of the root or in its vocalization after the 
loss of the preceding a-vowel, is immaterial to the argument, 
and need not here be discussed. It may be said, ex passant, 
however, that the objections made by Van den Gheyn in his 
third paper against Brugman’s z-theory are nowise convinc- 
ing. It is true that no written language has left a trace of 
an z-vowel; but written languages never perfectly represent 
all the sounds of the spoken. No modern language has any 
sign for either a liquid or a nasal vowel, and yet such vowels 
are often met with (cf. English sadre, sable, fatten, button, 
etc., pronounced like sabr, sabl, fatin, buttn). They may 
have existed just as well, though imperfectly represented, in 
older dialects, the skilful Hindu phoneticians being the only 
ones to recognize in writing any of them (ry and /). Van den 

- Gheyn also objects that while the 7-vowel always leaves a 


27 


12 A. Hf. Edgren, 


trace of its 7, the z-vowel has entirely sacrificed its nasal in 
Sanskrit and Greek. Even here English has a lesson to 
teach. Dialectically the element of such words as father, 
mother, arbor, etc., is often omitted in both America and 
England (cf: Whitney, Orient. and Ling. Stud., II., p. 236). 
But that means virtually that those words often, instead of 
being pronounced regularly as fathr, mothr, arbr, are pro- 
nounced as fatha, motha, arba (a being here used to denote 
the indefinite 2-sound in English). The z-vowel is not then 
alone in losing its consonantal element. As, however, the 
theory of a nasal vowel is nowise’ needed for the acceptance 
of the theory that saz is weakened to ¢a in ¢a-ndmz, I will not 
insist any longer on its merits. 

The last of the roots classified by the Hindu grammarians 
with the Eighth class is kar (ér) ‘make.’ It is well known 
that this verb was regularly conjugated according to the Fifth 
class in the older language (47-y0-d2), and also in Zend (kere- 
nao-tt). Its later conjugation, however, is entirely anomalous, 
and has not yet been satisfactorily explained. The objections 
brought against Brugman’s theory by Van den Gheyn in his 
second article seem to me, on the whole, justified. Unfor- 
tunately, he offers nothing satisfactory in its place. Possibly 
the whole problem might find a solution in supposing that 
the primitive language possessed, at the side of kav, also a 
radical karu, from which the latter (classical) present-system 
was made. In fact, a root Arv (karv) is given in the Dhatu- 
patha, and analogous radicals in -v (-2) are not uncommon in 
Sanskrit (cf. carv, bharv, turv, dhurv, ranv, dhanv, and yet 
others). Probably these are all denominatives from stems 
in -z. Denominatives, to be sure, form their present-stems 
in -a or -aya, but sary, existing at the side of kruw (which 
‘was the earlier and once prevailing stem), may easily have 
come to be conjugated in analogy with it, especially as their 
suffixal vowels coincided. But why, then, the change to 
kur(u)- in the weak forms? As is well known, the syllable 
ar often alternates with wv, especially in combination with a 

28 


On the Eighth Verb-Class in Sanskrit. 13 


labial (¢.g¢. {/tar: turyama, tuturyat ; \/mar: mumurat, -mur, 
mirna,; 1/ par: pur ‘fulness,’ pur ‘fortress,’ purt, pipurantu, 
pur- before consonants; |/var: vurita, urdnas, virya; pita- 
ram : pitur, etc.). There is, then, nothing anomalous in assum- 
ing that £av, influenced by the suffixal w of the weak forms, 
changed to kur, especially when we consider that the root- 
form kur, as indicated by the epic form kurmz, had a ten- 
dency to establish itself at the side of kar. The loss of the 
suffixal -z in the first persons (u7-vds, kur-mds) accords so 
well with the usual formation of the sw-verbs (sa-n-uds, su-n- 
mas), that it is precisely what we should expect. It is harder 
to explain its loss in the optative active (fu-ydam), unless, 
indeed, we consider this tense as formed directly from zr, 
like kurmz, z.c. as borrowed from the root-class. Owing, no 
doubt, to the frequency of its use, ar shows a great mixture 
of forms (cf. auxiliaries, etc., in other languages). No other 
verb has a greater variety of stem-forms: kaz- (k7-), kara-, krno- 
(krnu-), karo-, kuru-, kur-; and hence there is certainly no 
necessity to expect its conjugation in the classical period of 
the language to be of a homogeneous nature. 

Having thus disposed of the verbs assigned to the Eighth 
class by the Hindu grammarians, little need be said of those 
arranged along with them by later discoveries, viz. : han, 7m, 
and far. As for kan, if the form anémz, occurring only once, 
is correct, it is subject to precisely the same treatment as 
tan, and must be removed with it to the Fifth class. /z 
retains its nasal even outside of the present-system. If this 
nasal is to be considered as genuine, the conjugation of z7 in 
analogy with roots in -az would not be any more anomalous 
than the inflection of nominal zz-stems in analogy with az- 
stems. As for Zar, we have only the doubtful and anomalous 
form ¢arute, occurring once in the Rig-Veda. It is too prob- 
lematic to offer any grounds for a serious argument. 


The result of the preceding investigation would then be 
that of the thirteen roots which have been referred to the 


29 


14 Ani. Bagrver: 


Eighth class, avz, ghar, tarn, and ksim are to be struck out 
as fictitious, and sav as of wholly problematic relation to the 
questionable form ¢arwte, while the remaining roots must be 
referred to the Fifth class, — ksan, tan, man, van, san, han, as 
formed perfectly regularly with the suffix -zé, but kar and 7 
as conjugated in analogy with verbs of that class. 

30 


IlIl.— Ox the Auxiliary Verbs in the Romance 
Languages. 


By JOSEPH A: FONTAINE. 


Diez in his well-known “ Grammatik der Romantschen 
Sprachen”’ has treated the question of the use of the auxiliary 
verbs in the Romance languages only in a general way, and 
much must be added, especially as concerns their history. 
Mr. Gessner in the Fakrbuch fiir romanische und englische 
Sprache und Literatur: neue Folge, I11. Band, 2. Heft, has 
made a very interesting but somewhat complicated study of 
esse, considered as an auxiliary verb, and has, moreover, no- 
ticed important facts that had escaped the attention of Diez. 
M. Camille Chabanneau in his “ Hestozre et Théorie de la con- 
jugatson francatse’’ has devoted to the auxiliaries a few pages, 
containing valuable suggestions as to their use; but as a 
general remark it may be said that he has treated this ques- 
tion too briefly. It may be simply because a full treatment 
was not airectly included in the plan of his work. It may be 
said also that, in a certain way, M. Chabanneau has explained 
the use of the auxiliaries according to tendencies prevailing 
in modern French, and has fallen into the error, common to 
most grammarians, of trying to explain the inconsistent use 
of the auxiliaries, especially with the so-called neuter verbs, in 
accordance with modern usage. So far as I am aware, no one 
has yet tried to explain the difficult problem by a thorough 
comparison of modern usage with that of Old French. 

The main idea of M. Chabanneau is that the auxiliary is 
nothing but the inflectional part of the main verb. Granting 
this to be true, such a suggestion is not an historical explana- 
tion, and does not account fully for the various and often in- 
consistent uses of auxiliaries. 

Let it be admitted that az and swzs are merely inflectional 


University Stupigs, Vou. I., No. I., Jury, 1888. 31 


2 J. A. Fontaine, 


parts of verbs. In “ye suzs venu,’” suis is considered as the 
inflectional part indicating the person, the number, and the 
tense of vexzr. But why do we use swzs rather than az, which 
is another inflectional part exercising the same function as 
suis in some other Romance languages? (Cf. Sp. He venido 
as equivalent to Fr. Fe sus venu.) This is what needs 
explanation. Whether it is possible to solve this problem I 
shall not presume to say, but shall offer on this subject the 
result of my own researches. 
My subject naturally falls under three heads, viz. : — 


Chapter I.— Auxiliaries used with Transitive Verbs ; 
Chapter II.— Auxiliaries used with Intransitive Verbs ; 
Chapter III. — Auxiliaries used with Reflexive Verbs. 


CHAPTER I.— AUXILIARIES USED WITH TRANSITIVE VERBS. 


In comparing the conjugational system of the Romance 
languages, it becomes evident that in the active voice the use 
of auxiliaries is very nearly identical. 


Fr. at chante. Pg. Hei cantado (tenho cantado). 
It. Ho cantato. Pr Ai cantat. 
Sp. He cantado (tengo cantado) Wall. Am cantat. 


All the Romance languages use the auxiliary habere,; two 
of them may exchange sabere for tenere. This interchange 
of auxiliary verbs, unknown to the other Romance languages, 
does not take place under the same circumstances in Spanish 
and Portuguese. The Spanish uses ¢exer with transitive 
verbs when a certain stress is laid on the action expressed by 
the verb, whereas in Portuguese Zev has almost completely 
superseded “aver. This discrepancy must not be overlooked, 
since it shows how independently languages develop. 

How is this production of a new auxiliary in the western 
group of Romance languages to be explained? I do not 
believe it safe to think with Diez that the Spanish and 
Portuguese have introduced their new auxiliaries from a 


32 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 3 


desire to avoid the repetition of Zadere. If such had been the 
cause in Portuguese and Spanish of that innovation, probably 
the same cause would have exerted its influence over other 
Romance languages and produced in them parallel changes. 
A strong objection to the view of Diez is found in the very 
history of Zabere in Spanish and Portuguese. Why is it that, 
during several centuries, the Spanish did not feel the neces- 
sity of using ¢ezer for haber, when the latter was used as a 
principal verb, and of reducing it toa mere inflectional part 
of other verbs, or to a mere auxiliary, as subsequently hap- 
pened? If the use of “aber from the first known period of 
the Spanish language be exhibited, it will be seen that this 
verb was treated as a principal, or true verb, side by side with 
tener, and that the instances of its occurrence as such by far 
outnumbered those of zezer ; that its use went on decreasing 
_ steadily, but slowly, till it disappeared (except when. used im- 
personally, or with the force of deder) to play the part of a 
mere verbal inflectional ending. Statistics here will not be 
out of place, and they will show better than any general 
statement the fate of haber. 


‘Haber. Tener. 
Lil libro de los Reyes a’ Orient. 


E hovieron gozo por mira. Buena casa e fuerte tenemos. 
Grant ira avia. Yo tengo tan manya cuita. 
E non ayamos de ellos duelos. 

Que nunqua mas fin non habra. 


Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaca. 


Si ayades de Dios pardon. 

E los que de Dios non an cura. 
Nos ende avremos grant lacerio. 
Que debes haber honor. 

Doce anyos hovo de edat. 

Sol que aya algo quel dar. 

Ellos avien grant sabor. 

Ella avie cinquanta vivos (amigos). 
Redondas avie las orejas. La faz tenie colorada. 
Si de Dios ayas amor. 

Non ho talente d’aqui estar. 


33 


4 J. A. Fontaine, 


Haber. 


Yo dieze, he buen corpo. 

Que non he oro ni argento. 

Non he conmigo mas que un dinero. 
Bien sé que habré pardon. 

Un nombre avemos yo é ti. 

Ave mercet de mi. 

Non es home que paraiso hoviesse. 


Dos panes é medio ha en todo su poder. 


Tres panes hovo non grandes mucho. 
Grandes avian las coronas. 
Non avian cura. 

Querie haber proprietat. 
Malas intenciones havien. 
Grant pavor havran. 

No he vestidura ninguna. 

He yo gran repintencia. 

Si la gracia non he. 

En Dios he mi creyenza. 
Ayas tu duelo de mi. 

Piedat de mi cuerpo non avré. 
Que mucho mester lo avemos. 


Tener. 


Che non tengo mas d’un dobro. 


Mas non tenemos amas una via. 


Tu tienes un tal tesoro. 


£Etl Poema del Cid. 


Avie grandes cuydados. . . . 6 
Mantoyavien eludolor sun.) se eee HLS: 
Sloviesse buen|senor ==). | 20 
Del RRey non avie gragia. . . 50 
INTES MPI GES Wer. SG A 4 ig Gg Star 
Avien los de ganancia . . . . 465 


Myedo yva aviendo . . 1079 
Valencia que avemos por heredad, 1401 
Todo el bien que yo he. 


E de mi abra perdon . 1899 
Non auredes my amor . 2029 
Tantos avemos de averes - 2529 


Tiene dos arcas lefias . . . . II3 
Dozientos marcos que tenie el rey 
Alfonso . 3246 
Cinco escuderos tiene don Martino, 187 
Todo lo tengo delant . . - 1634 


Tienen buenos cavallos. . . . 602 


Romancero del Cid. 


Hayais la muerte queel hubo . 99 
Que magiier que haya razon . . IOI 
Caballeros castellanos. 

Mudafar consigo habia. . . . 105 


Que tenia milamigos . 31. 3. 5 
Si-tengo! razon’ 0, mon). . en lS 
Que como otro bien non tengo . 39 
Vicincoshijos que tenes. s-s-wl nee 
Tiene la culpae noel duefio. . 85 
El rostro tiene turbado. . . . 87 
Que no tienen piedad . . . . 97 


4 


es 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 5 


Haber. Tener. 


Con quien amistad tenia. 

Los de a pie no tienen cabo . . 143 
Y tienan gran presuncion . . . 168 
Testigos tiengo presentes . . . 169 


Lil Libre @’ Appolonio. 


Avian ventos derechos. Tenyen viento bueno. 

Buena fija avemos. Tenemos un buen home. 
Aviemos tal senyor. Senyor destas companyas. 

Un vestido he solo. Que no tiene vestido. 

Non avie el poder de veyer. E] mar que mengua tuvo leyaltad. 


Avia grant repintencia. 


Avia placer.! 
Poema de Alexandro Magno. 


AvraidermicSolas! 6) tusk: 3. Non tenie todas oras encobadas 
Avian oranialepria ts. |) se le las manos. 
PViererant COLrAaZOn wi, o) - » EAL. WieneS gran mmejoriay | a AF 
i Gnmie iC itaieenl sll seo ids) yOrel iminnontenco el scor, 
Avie grandes virtudes . . . . 83 GUehVOSILENeCES terme N-mn amen U2 
INOnaaViElaNpAVOl) llr) wei) Weis BeOZ 
Sill Ora ANG OLAZ Olt) ten ve an GO 
A tales a los pelos cuemo faz un 
LEON eee telecast ange SES. 
Avie grant bontat. . 
Avian buenos agueros . . . . 274 
Tornadanonavremos . . . . 847 
Los nuestros pensamientos non 
hannstabulidat. <) es o-) eeveto COLO 
Ca non avria tal vulto ...ombre Tenie cara alegre. 
MA Cl Gus ec ik Measy Senet s LOA! 
Avran de vos venganza. . . . 1455 
Yo porsesoloavria. .. . . 880 Nolotengo porseso’.:. .- . 879 


Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos. 


Avie cuerpo fermoso. . . . . 128 
Non avemos dinero ninoro . . 364  Uncaballo tenemos encasa’. . 365 
Non avrasnultrabaio . .. . 663 
Avien los companneros grand 
PAVNCEY gy BOB Sb SY elo al AB 


1 T quote from “The Book of Appolonius” these few instances-only, having 
placed opposite each other instances in which hader and ¢ener are used with 
equivalent meaning, and where the one could have been used for the other. This 
will illustrate my position more forcibly. In “The Book of Appolonius ” zener is 
already used at least as often as hader. 


35 


6 J. A. Fontaine, 


Haber. Tener. 


Martyrio de San Lorenzo. 


Ovo prantialepria’) We he) Gar ere eS 
Avie en la cabeza enfermedat. . 35 


La Estoria de Senor Sant Millan. 


Avieunaazemila. . .. . . 27 El nontenie que darli. 


Signos del Juicto. 


si 0) ARN SAGAN 9 5 og 4 oo BB 
Averanitambye enon iia -nnnSS 


Cronica del Rey don Alfonso decimo. 


Non abrian tiendas ningunas. . 9 Porque tenia derecho e tenfa ver- 
E si poder avian para facer dad 

emiendas. | ey one 26 Teniendo gransentimiento del aa 
Donde avran ellos papallae e Todo el pan que tenian. 

donde los avremos nos . . . 52 El pesar que tenia por el fijo . 
Avia grande amistad con don 

Tropeelan bs sc ieee ee eee OS 
La gran guerra que ovo con el rey 

JMO oem Lael, Woe dey Ono. 7/53 


Hurtado de Mendoza. 
(La Vida del Lazarillo de Tormes.) 


El tenia una arca vieja oa 
Sin duda debia tener =pinis de 
profecia 
Tenia cargo de proveer. 
Otra cosa no tenia. 
Que casi tiene forma de loro. 
Tenia otras mil formas. 
El gran miedo que tenia 
Fingindo haber frio. Tenia poco caridad. 
Mejor vida tienes que el Papa. 
Yo no tengo dineros . 
: Mala medra teneis. 
Yo hube miedo que con aquellas Harto miedo la tengo. 
diligencidsy mite tee O 


36 


239 


2 


69 
69 


72 
77 


<4 


25 


38 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 7 


Haber. Tener. 
Antonio de Solis. 


(“tistoria de la Conguista ad? Mexico.) 


Porque tenia rara vivezade spiritu, 21 
Tenia otras . . . de su proprio 

TAU eae ereteg eh wells) Vict Nis Fhe 9 
El] poder que tenia el Cardinal . 3 
El re don Fernando solo tenia 

estes tin Ope mecmenuient mbes ahs 3 
Tenia en ella tres 6 quatro hijos. 16 
Donde tenia el vidrio tanta esti- 

JIMEKCHONAY Jee Wu vigw. payee May toe Meany 
De que tenemos algunos exemplos, 4 


Don Quixote de la Mancha. 


Menielensu.casajunajama,. +). |) Le 
Tenie el sobre nombre de quijada,__—iI. 
En que no tengo aqui dineros . IV. 


La hermosura que tengo . . XIV. 
Tengo riquezas proprias . . XIV. 
No tengas pena, amigo. . . XVII. 
E] miedo que tienes. 
Monmojtengorlavenlpane its tr v1, sa one 
Tengo aficion, tengo misericordia, 

etc. etc; 


Las Mocedades del Cid. 


En mi tendra. .. un fiel vasallo, 120 
Miene Ja) curavaisu cargo). 7. 3) B57, 
INGINS TAO 6 io Mh Mavia (8, B7e 
Honra tiene para todos. . . . 321 
Pulso tengo todavia. 

No tengo mas virtud. . . . . 2254 
Tiene prudencia y valor. 

Tiene la leche en los labios . . 785 


We see that in Don Quixote and Las Mocedades del Cid 
haber is no longer used to indicate possession. It is used 
only as an impersonal verb. Cf. Don Quixote: 


Habiendo infinitos afios delounoalootro. ... .. . . . +» XLVI 
Asegurando le que no faéria cosa que mas justo le diese que saberlo . XLVIL.; 


37 


8 J. A. Fontaine, 


or, in the sense of deber, cf. Las Mocedades del Cid: 


Que /e de poner, 710. 


On glancing through the foregoing references it becomes 
evident that Zaber has ceased to be an independent verb in 
Don Quixote and Las Mocedades del Cid, and is used as such 
only in a few instances in Hurtado de Mendoza, so that the 
sixteenth century may be considered as the time of the dis- 
appearance of Aader as a principal verb. In the above quota- 
tions I have placed side by side similar sentences, in some of 
which fader is used, and in others fexzer, thus showing that 
haber and tener could be used indiscriminately, the one for 
the other, and that no essential difference existed then between 
those two verbs. Compare :— 


Haber. Tener. 
Avien ventos derechos. Tenyen viento bueno. 
Buena fija avemos. Tenemos un buen home. 
Un vestido he solo. Que no tiene vestido, etc. 


But at the same time it must be noticed that whenever an 
abstract idea is to be expressed, as for instance in duelo, dolor, 
pardon, placer, miedo, etc., the preference is given, in most 
cases, to aber. In fact, I have only noted seventeen instances 
in which “aber was used to express a concrete idea, and these 
mostly in the earliest documents. Zewer was the verb to 
express concrete conceptions and material possession, though 
it was also frequently used to express abstract ideas ; so that, 
in fact, its use was more extensive and varied than that of its 
rival aber. This being the case, ¢exer grew in power and in 
favor, while the reverse was true of haber. Little by little 
haber was deprived even of the power of expressing an abstract 
conception, and left to play the part of a pure inflectional end- 
ing. Even here it is rivalled by ¢ezer; for whenever a par- 
ticular stress is laid on the verbal notion, fever takes the place 
of haber. 

Thus, instead of attributing the introduction of new auxili- 
ary verbs in Spanish and Portuguese to a dislike of the 


repetition of the same verb, it seems more natural to attri- 
38 


Use of Auxtliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 
oO o 


bute it, first, zo the close relation of meaning existing between 
tencre and habere, which accounts for the indiscriminate use 
of the one for the other in the beginning ; secondly, to the 
fact that haber, by its very meaning, was adapted to the ex- 
pression of abstract ideas ;. because, taking into consideration 
the great importance of that development of new auxiliaries 
in Spanish and Portuguese, it cannot be admitted that a law 
of mere euphony, as Diez suggests, has occasioned such a 
development. New auxiliaries, are not produced to avoid too 
frequent a repetition of one already existing, but really because 
new ones, more expressive and more convenient to convey the 
thoughts, offer themselves. 

In tracing the history of “aber and fener in Spanish, the 
period of the language at which the two verbs had nearly the 
same meaning and were used almost indifferently in the same 
sentences has been shown; as also the period at which they 
became distinct in use, one of them even losing its independ- 
ent existence. The same phenomenon may be observed in 
Portuguese. A few instances will suffice. 


Haber. Tener. 


Il canzoniere Portoghese (Monaci’s edition). 


Poys mal ne bem de vos noey . 18 ‘Tenheu por gram maravilha , . I10 
quanto ben auya perdi. . . . 33 Que ni ca teneste por ben. . . 128 
E po mhavedes g mdes amor . 100 

Poys no auedes merce de mi. . 108 

Q no ey en my forza ni poder . 130 

(ura tioratedes! sy er-w) sar. en G00 

Des q mespertey ouiu gra peser. Mais tenho q xha errou 0 iograr. 

Si vos pecado avedes. . . . . 470 


Per sonho mu g m vergonca ave- 
MeSt ern eeNles oh eek ae ety at OS 
In the Canzoniere, as we see, haver is by far the most in 
use; ¢er has rather the meaning of ‘esteeming, thinking,’ than 
‘ possessing.’ 
flardungs Romancetro Portugues. 


E tres irmfos que havia . . . 159 Umaséfilhaquetendes. . ..'. 16 
Choravaeraza6 havia . . . . 161 Umairmai queeutinha . .. . 31 
Ja se foram as galleras. As tres azenhas que tenho. 

Que Dom Duardos havia . .’ . 161 Tendeslos olhosbonitos . . . 97 


39 . 


10 | J. A. Fontaine, 


Haber. Tener. 


Antologia Portuguesa. 


ID AEN CME) G1 Gc Go 0 7 Quem frores d’amortem. . . . I4 
Que gram sabereuhavya. . . 9 Se mais tevesse mais daria . . . 33 
Avemos majores coidados. . . 20 ‘Tendes pie etendes mie . . . 65 
INGA IME HOMO) 6 5 6 0 4 og BY 

Ape Chum A 6 ve 8d ee | at 

Averia gran prazermigo . . . 48 

Senhoras nam ajaes medo. . . 156 

Has medo que morrerei? 

RGU eae Hag 1 tt ain See io dca eee RO 


Up to this period “aver is used more frequently than Ze7, as 
was the case in Spanish. Both bore about the same meaning, 
and could be used the one for the other in similar sentences. 
In Sa de Miranda and in Camoéns, the reverse is true. Jer 
prevails, and saver becomes more nearly obsolete, and is 
reduced to play the part corresponding to that of the French 
verb avoir in “zl y a,” or to be a substitute for conver or the 
French falloir: Het de partir (il faut que je parte). 


Sa de Miranda (Os Estrangeiros). 


Deixay me passar que nao 


Hy, contigo mada 5); 7.) .\ 2). wlO2s) lhustempcuydadoide meus mos 
Nio ajaesvosmedo... . Milo Jomo a 5G o 5 4 6 Gi 
Lucrecia avia a minha filhanome 142 -Eessasnio temspirito. . . . I15 

‘Bons pesscenhouy.) eam ery 


Pouca confianga tens en Lucrecia 129 


Os Vithalpandos. 


Mas ey miedo que nos fuya o 


WMDs o 6 o c 2 the e204 
E averemos todos conselhe see Ey NEO tGato ems 405 6 a 2S 
Cuidado aviaencasa . . 5 Ass) Demin mam 5 5 p> o & 5 SZ 
Quando aviamos mister mil mltves 220) INAo tive mais spaciencia |). ae. -N24o 


Tenho grande necessidade de ti. 192 
Tinha algun sentimiento dehomen 196 
Aiuda tu tens boas pernas. . ., 220 


Os Lusiadas. 


Que tambem della hio medo . II. 47 Victorias que tiveram . .. . 
Portugal! houveemysorte 9 =. Ul 25 ey enhanimvejage) ss nnennee 
Este porhaver fama sempiterna IV. 60 


40 


Jt 
Ww w% 


Use of Auxthary Verbs in Romance Languages. 11 


Haber. Tener. 
Quando juntas com subita alegria Poder nio tevea morte . . . I. 14 
Houveran vista da ilha namo- Por armas tem adargas. . . . I. 47 
TEA 50 9G 6 1s) B Mo “egal. Gain 


Piloto aqui tereis. 

Tempo concertado eventos tinha I. 95 
INdowfevernesistencia a) nr) cll 60 
O tu que sé tiveste piedade . II. 105 
O tu que tens humano o gesto III. 127 

As I have not had the opportunity to gather instances 
from a later period of the Portuguese language, I cannot give 
the exact date of the complete disappearance of saver as 
used to indicate possession. The sixteenth century and the 
beginning of the seventeeth may be assigned both for Spanish 
and Portuguese as the declining period of fader, though the 
change of this verb appears to have been slower in Portu- 
guese than in Spanish. 

Such has been the history of aber and haver, tener and ter 
considered by themselves. It will now be shown that, con- 
sidered as mere auxiliaries, they have passed through nearly 
the same process of development ; that is to say, Zeer is used 
to form the compound tenses in Spanish alongside with haber, 
and zer supersedes almost entirely Zaver in Portuguese. 


Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaca. 


Tanto la avia el diablo comprisa. 
Dexaré aquesta vida. 

Que mucha la he mantenida. 
Quando hovo fecho su jornada. 


Lil Libre ad’ Appolonio. 


Por el amor que yo tengo estab- 
lecido contigo. 

Des aqui adelante lograr quiero 
lo que tengo ganado. . . . 649 


Poema de Alexandro Magno. 


El infante quando ovo su cosa Pora en Pentapolim lo tengo es- 
EXER 6 aes ce ty ty Say ayy leido. 

Quando todas tierras oyo en paz Que esso que tu dices tenia yo es- 
OMECEB oy hh 8) (bal eee MAO Meets eas Nal eae LOO 


4! 


12 J. A. Fontaine, 


Haber. 
Et yo si non oviesse abiertos los 
caminos ele ee rl 28 © 
Tovieron que havian fecho bona 
conquista . . 1698 


Tener. 


Ya tenie aguisado naves é mari- 
neros. 


La Estoria de Senor Sant Millan. 


Secund esta noticia que avemos 
Contador ni, i he teas) eee OF 

Que todos estos signos que vos 
visto avedes . 


403 


Eel Poema del Cid. 


Bien los ovo bastidos . . . . 68 
Quando tal batalla avemos aran- 
(CEisOY Oi chia dul.o & wr lacc 708 


Desta batalla que avemos aran- 
cada 


Antonio de Solis. 


“Per que habia muerto su compa- 
MAO) e 6 oF oO 6 XIV. 


Las lineas que tenia tiradas  . INO 
Cuyo imperio tenia el cielo des- 
tinado par engrandecer . . Nie 


Ya tenia comprados algunos ba- 


Don Quixote. 


Tambien como otro que haya go- 
bermadoyimsulasiy-en 2) X. 
Has tu visto mas valeroso cabal- 
NST) DHE Fo 994 a 9S 5 5 X. 
Ya no he leido ninguna historia Xx 
De cinco que habia dejado en 


ella XXIII. 


xeles Aa: VIII. 
La confederacion que tenian 

hecha: \* 6. «> vp oe ae Pee 
Pero ya tenia abierto uno el 

barberoy. ytd “nn ee piesa VI. 
Lo que de la insula me tiene 

promedido. Re cee eee NALII 
No se paguen donde tengo dicho X. 
Como tenie tambien conecido el 

humor XLV. 


Thus we see that in Spanish ¢exer is used in compound 
tenses wherever there is a stress laid upon the verbal idea, or 
when the action expressed by the verb is considered as not 
belonging merely to the past, but as continuing in the pres- 


Cnc 


In a word, the tenses compounded with ¢exer denote a 
42 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 13 


more lasting and more emphatic conception. This is, of 
course, the natural result of the stronger and more concrete 
meaning of Zezer, as compared with the weaker and more 
abstract one of hader. 

A greater predominance has been accorded to the new 
auxiliary in Portuguese than in Spanish; for while in the 
latter Zexer allows haber to play a very important part in the 
conjugation of verbs, or replaces it only in special cases, ¢er 
in Portuguese has become the true auxiliary, and saver is 
very. seldom met. The following quotations will show ¢er 
superseding the auxiliary aver, as ter principal verb had 
superseded Aaver principal verb. 


Haber. Tener. 


Ll canzoniere Portoghese. 


Se qr do q lhy auia emp stado. Ora senhor tenho muyt agisado . 220 
Nostro senhor se averez guydado 130 Ora tenho guysado de marchar . 952 
Gram pecado avedes de mi coy- 
LAG OWN ernment Petes Aver ack ey me iT 
P’ quate maleylevado . | . 145 
Que muyto mel avia jurado. . 145 
Mays p'qmhamentido .. . 250 
Qlheuavyamandado . . . . 413 
Muytos anos avemos passados  . 455 
Pois me avedes preguntado . . 903 


Ca hu iudeu avedes enganado. 


Hardungs Romancetro Portugues. 


@falcio perdido havia. - .... 4%  ‘Venhowfeitojuramento . .. . =. 25 
Que nunca me has mentido . . 106 Aonde nunca tinha ido. 
_Ou grande traicio ha sido. . . 110 Acorda ja bella infanta. 


Triste sommo tens dormido . . III 
Pois tudo tendes ouvido  . . . 113 


Antologia Portuguesa. 


Um cantar d’amig ha feyto . . 10 #£D/’aver coita muita tefi’eu guisado. 46 
Mays pois m’o houveran dito. . 10 Tinhaocavallosellado ... . 63 
Ca muitos annos avemos passados_ 20 A morte tenho passada’. . . . 69 


Preguntal-o-ey porque me ha des- 
PAPA Omir te welt takl ees! NE 


14 


Haber. 


Ca lanca ha torta d’un ramo . 
Que o dormir ja o ey perdido 


Eo ouve bem servido 
Senhor que nos ha livrado. 


= 632 
44 
84 
5 ols) 


J. A. Fontaine, 


Tener. 


E tantos padecimientos tenho pas- 
Sados "0p. ue. Weieic) fea eee 


87 


Hlaver is more frequently used than Zev as an auxiliary in 
the Romanceiro, the Antologia, and especially in the Canzo- 
niere, but the balance is soon changed. 


Sd de Miranda (Os Vithalpandos). 


Que havendo tanto 44 que as 
PAGLES RVING Op mrcnma veneers 

Do licor que Lyeo prantado 
havia” 

Enchem vasos de vidro 
Hajam os Portuguezes alcan- 
Cad Ow ete toe Ra te 

Nao nego que ha comtudo 


Temos gastado muito do tempo . 78 
Quantos exercitos tenho eu s6 por 
num desbaratados . 161 
Milagros que ja tinhao feitos . 166 
Nao sabes tu que tens mudado o 
CONTE Oho sb a 6 BiG 
Escudos que tinha recebidos . 249 
Quantas vezes tenho dito. 
Seu conselho que eu avido tenho 124 
O rosto do pay a que tens errado. 
Cuida que me tem alugado  . 144 
Os Lusiadas. 
Nas aguas tem passado o duro 
he 27 Wane Gb. 6 A oe I. 28 
E tendo guarnecida a lassa 
frotads l2is.y, gy go I. 29 
I. 49  Ouvido tinha aos Fados . . Ie ati 
I. 74 Da determinagiio que tens to- 
VIII. 42 Mada. ciene RRA wey ene I. 40 
Diversos céos e terras temos 
ViStOms 4 o (he cera ewirem ne 1G Su 
Como entendido tenho. . . MG 9fe) 
Tem determinado de vir por - 
agua I. 80 
Nao menos tem mostrado es- 
forco e manha . VII. 71 
Que Amor por griio mercé lhe 
tera dado V. 46 


Ter in the Lusiadas is used in eighty-eight per cent of 
the instances of compound tenses. 


44 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 15 


Haber. Tener. 
Colleccato de Tratados (sixteenth century) por Biker. 


Algunos portugueses a que vos 
alteza tem dado credito . . . 7 
Minha ganado "Urmuzs 2.4) 25 
Enquirycdes que sobre a dita morte 
tenboutinadasies he ay i4. 12 pt as 52 
Os portos que tynheis ganhado aos 
MoaLoOSi ania athena” $a), 26 
A ilha de Maquiem que tinhao to- 
MACON My ay racer Mtoe eee ash tei) 5S 


I have found no other instances of Zaver in the first part 
of the Tratados. 


CHAPTER II. — AUXILIARIES USED WITH INTRANSITIVE VERBS. 


The question concerning the use of habere and tenere as 
independent verbs or as auxiliaries to transitive verbs, is easy 
to study. and to solve. In Italian, French, and Provenegal, 
habere is now and has always been the only auxiliary. In 
the preceding rapid sketch, it has been shown that the use 
of two auxiliaries in Spanish and Portuguese is due to the 
antagonism and particular development of two words having 
originally a similar meaning. But the question of the use of 
auxiliaries with intransitive verbs is of a quite different kind, 
and fraught with many difficulties. An historical treatment 
of that question in French and Italian needs be quite exten- 
sive. The task is easier in Spanish and Portuguese, since 
these languages, yielding more to the power of analogy in 
their conjugational system than either French or Italian, 
have employed a single auxiliary for their intransitive conju- 
gation, —at least, during the last three or four centuries. 

Let us examine the question in each of the Romance 
languages. 


Il. Auriharies used with Intransttive Verbs in French. 


Two auxiliaries are used in compound tenses of the French 
intransitive verbs: avoir and étre. The derivation of avoir 
45 


16 J. A. Fontaine, 


from Latin habere is perfectly clear and well understood. 
The different tenses of the French verb étve have been taken 
from those of the corresponding Latin verb, esse, sum, fut, etc., * 
save the imperfect ¢fazs from stabam, the present participle 
étant from stantem, and the past participle éé from sfataum. 
The Old French possessed two imperfects, eve and eséote. 
The first was used more frequently in early French docu- 
ments, and very likely continued to be employed during the 
next two centuries with decided preference, and we find it 
still in the prose of Villehardouin and Joinville; but at the 
end of the thirteenth century estoze had become the more 
important, and in the next hundred years rose to be a rival of 
ere, and even began to usurp its place. Now why did the 
French reject evam for the sake of stabam? The reason is 
similar to that given in explanation of the preference given 
by the Spanish to fexeve as contrasted with habere. Stare 
bore about the same relation to esse as tenere to habere. 
Stare in Latin could be used and was used to indicate exist- 
ence, being thus synonymous with esse. Esse has an abso- 
lutely abstract meaning, and expresses a permanent and inti- 
mate state or condition of existence of the subject, while 
stave implies a more descriptive, more external, and more 
transient one. It is especially to this last meaning of stare 
that the Spanish and Portuguese have given a _ particular 
development. In French, s/ave has entirely supplanted esse 
in its imperfect use, the imperfect being the descriptive tense 
par excellence; the keeping of é¢fant and é&é is due rather to 
a lack of corresponding forms in the Latin verb esse than to 
anything else. 

The future sev-az is generally taken from essere habeo. But 
essere habeco ought to have given us es¢v-az. This form is 
actually found in Saint Léger, 

tos consilier ia non es¢vaz (16), 
and in the Alexis, 
Chambre, dist ele ia mais n’estras parede (29). 
Could not, then, sevaz be derived from other sources? We 
shall see when we come to the Spanish. 
46 


Use. of Auxthary Verbs in Romance Languages. 17 


After these general remarks on esse in French, let us con- 
sider the use of the auxiliaries in the intransitive verbs in 
French. 

Grammarians have laid down the following rule concerning 
the use of these auxiliaries, viz.: With intransitive or neuter 
verbs the auxiliary avozr is used when the verb is considered 
as expressing an action, and the auxiliary é¢ve is used when 
the verb is considered as expressing more particularly a state 
or condition. 

M. Chabanneau adds: “Il n’y a pas a cet égard de régle 
absolue, non plus que d’usage uniforme dans les langues 
romanes.” Does this principle hold good? When I say, Ye 
suis venu vous voir; Quand je suis entré le thédtre com- 
mencatt..., Les alliés sont entrés dans la ville, vers les sept 
heures, 1 use the auxiliary ére, although the verbs venir, 
entrer, do not denote state or condition, but express clearly 
the action of coming and entering. Such a law as that stated 
above is not satisfactory. M. Chabanneau tries to illustrate 
the rule by the two following examples: Cette femme a 
accouché ce matin; Cette femme est accouchée heureusement. 
In the first example, says our author, we have in mind the 
action rather than the result of accoucher,; but in the second, 
the result rather than the action. The dictionaries of the 
French Academy and of Littré say the same thing. It would 
seem bold to oppose two such authorities. Their statement 
may be true as regards present usage, but it is not always 
true in regard to Old French. Before showing what was the 
ease with the Old French, I shall remark that M. Chaban- 
neau, in the two instances above given, limits the first verb 
by an adverbial modifier, “ce matin,” which time limitation 
obliges us to think rather of the action than of the condition, 
and modifies the second verb by an.adverb of manner, “ ew7r- 
eusement,’ pointing out a condition rather than an action. 
The example given is evidently chosen to fit the rule. But 
take the same example, omitting the modifiers referred to 
above: Cette femme a accouché d’une fille; Cette femme est 
accouchée d'une fille. Both of these expressions are, gram- 


47 


18 J. A. Fontaine, 


matically speaking, correct, and both express an action, show- 
ing that there ought to be no difference between the two 
auxiliaries. 

Littré in his dictionary says that “Elle a accouché heu- 
reusement,”’ ‘Elle est accouchée depuis un mois,” are faulty 
locutions. Why? Because the Academy says so, and be- 
cause M. Littré asserts that @ accouché expresses the action, 
and est accouchée the condition. Compare parallel expres- 
sions in Old French :— 


Ci-dessous gist estendue et couchée 
Une qu’amour si bien vaincue avoit 
Que plusieurs fois elle en fust accouchée. — SZ. Gelaz, 197. 


According to M. Littré, such a locution also is faulty, because 
plusieurs fois elle en fut accouchée expresses an action, as well 
as elle a accouché depuis un mois. Yet we have a more strik- 
ing instance of what M. Littré could have called a faulty locu- 
tion in Joinville, Wzstotre de St. Louts, p. 218: “La Royne 
acoucha d’un fil qui ot non Jehan. Le jour meism guwe elle 
fu acouchie,’ etc. Is not the verb accoucher used here in the 
same way as in Littré’s “vicieuse locution,’’ quoted above, 
and in Chabanneau’s “elle a accouché ce matin’? Hence it 
is apparent that the rule requiring é¢re to denote condition 
and avozr action is based on modern usage, and, I dare say, 
has nothing to do with the historical development of the 
auxiliary usage itself. 

It would take too long to quote in detail what other gram- 
marians have said about the use of auxiliaries in the intransi- 
tive verbs in French. Suffice it to say that they have divided 
the neuter verbs of the French conjugation, numbering about 
six hundred, in the following three classes, viz.: first class, 
comprising verbs conjugated regularly with avozr (about five 
hundred and forty); second class, comprising verbs conju- 
gated with é¢re exclusively, viz. : — 


aller avenir décéder disconvenir entrer partir rancir tomber 
arriver avorter déchoir échoir mourir provenir redevenir retomber 
atterrir choir © devenir émaner naitre rabougrir ressortir venir 


48 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 19 


and third class, comprising verbs conjugated sometimes with 
étre and sometimes with avoz7, such as 


aborder apparaitre contrevenir demeurer expirer passer resoudre 
accoucher _ baisser croitre descendre = grandir __périr résulter 
accourir cesser dégénérer disparaitre monter . rester  vieillir 


and some others. As to the verbs conjugated with é¢7e alone, 
grammarians maintain that they cannot take the auxiliary 
avoir, because they express nothing but a state or condition. 
As to the verbs conjugated with avozr or étre, grammarians 
have used all their critical acumen to explain the use of the 
one or the other. They have even censured illustrious writers 
for not adhering to the rules formulated by them. For in- 
stance, Racine said in Bérénice, A. II. Sc. I., 27 en étatt sort: 
lorsque 7 'y suits couru. If we listen to grammarians, Racine 
was wrong, and ought to have said, 7’y az couru. We shall 
see later whether Racine was wrong or not in saying 7’y szzs 
couru. Compare courir with its compound accourtr. Courir 
must take the auxiliary avozv, and accouriry may take either 
avotr or étre. Why? 

M. Girault Durivier, in his:‘‘ Grammatre des Grammatres,” 
p. 472, says: “La raison pour laquelle courir prend toujours 
lauxiliaire avoir, et accourir tantét l’auxiliaire avoir et tantdt 
lauxiliaire étre est que courir n’exprime qu'un mouvement,, 
qu'une action, au lieu que dans accourir qui signifie se mettre: 
en mouvement pour arriver promptement a son but on dis- 
tingue deux choses, l’action de se mettre en mouvement pour 
courir vers un but, et l'état qui résulte de cette action faite. 
Des que je lai entendu se plaindre, 7’ ai accouru & son secours. 
Fe suts accouru a son secours (would mean, says the author) 
J étais dans 1 état qui résulte de Paction a accourir au secours 
de quelqu’un.” The correctness of the author is not to be 
doubted, but the explanation is questionable. M. Girault 
Durivier is right, according to the modern tendency which 
dictates the use of avozr or étre in cases similar to those 
quoted. But I hardly think that the use of the one or 
the other auxiliary essentially modifies the verbal meaning. 
Other Romance languages have, in their early period, made 


49 


20 J. A. Fontaine, 


use of two auxiliaries also; but later on they were confined 
to one, without losing the power of expressing with one 
auxiliary shades of meaning that seem to require in French 
the discriminating use of two auxiliaries. Voltaire said in 
Orphelinyde la Chine; MT: 3.:—— 


Ot serais-je, Grand Dieu! si ma crédulité 
Efit tombé dans le piége 4 mes pas présenté ! 


Here Voltaire seems to be wrong, because he makes use of 
the auxiliary avozr with fomber, and tomber cannot take such 
an auxiliary. So J. J. Rousseau, according to the same gram- 
marian, was wrong when he said C’est ainsi que la modestie 
du sexe est disparue peu a peu; because here dsparaitre 
expresses an action, and not a state or condition. The same 
remarks have been made about the use of auxiliaries with 
other intransitive verbs, such as périr, échouer, accoucher, 
cesser, demeurer, apparaitre, crottre, partir, rester, etc. It 
would take too long to consider these verbs, one by one, and 
to discuss their special meaning according to the auxiliary 
with which they are conjugated. I shall only remark that 
the rules given by the grammarians are not observed in 
popular usage, where 


Il a descendu l’escalier en courant 
or 
Tl es¢ descendu l’escalier en courant 
are used indiscriminately, and convey the same meaning. 

The inconsistency of grammarians and the unsatisfactory 
explanation they have given concerning auxiliaries may serve 
as an excuse for my trying another explanation, based entirely 
on the comparison of the modern with the Old French, and 
for presenting a few considerations on, first, different kinds 
of verbs; secondly, the origin of the so-calied neuter or 
intransitive verbs ; and thirdly, the different kinds of neuter 
verbs. 


First: Different Kinds of Verbs. 


The classification here made of verbs is based on the fol- 
lowing principle: Every verb is active in its original and 
. 50 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 21 


primary meaning, and expresses an action. Every verb has 
the inherent power of being used as transitive or intransitive ; 
consequently verbs zxz¢ransitive in modern French may have 
been formerly, and can be used in the future as, transitive ; 
verbs intransitive in some of the Romance languages have 
been, are, or may be used as transitive in some other Romance 
languages. Compare jouir, prospérer, courir, obéir, dormir, 
renoncer (¢xztransitive in French), and godére, prosperare, 
corrére, ubbidire, domire, rinunciare (¢transztive in Italian). 


Ex.— Ed allora gode la fortuna (Bocce.). 
Ex.— Mal hai i tuoi maéstri ubbiditi, etc. 


A verb is not necessarily transitive or intransitive; it is 
made the one or the other according to the development of 
its own meaning 


DoD)? 


and tendency of the language in which it is used. Hence all 


and according to the peculiar genius, stage, 


verbs in their nature are active verbs, and express an action ; 
in their use they are divided into two classes, viz.: transi- 
tives, affecting an external object ; and intransitives, or semi- 
transitives, affecting the subject. For brevity’s sake, the 
verbs of the first class may be called objective-transitives ; 
and those of the second, sawdbjective-transitives. The verbs of 
the first class, expressing an activity directed towards an 
external object, are conjugated with avozr, the verbs of the 
second class, expressing an action affecting the subject itself, 
partake of the nature of passive verbs, and thus take é¢ve. 
But later on the second class of verbs was developed into 
two classes: subjunctive transitives fully expressed: Fe me 
repens , and subjunctive transitives elliptically expressed: Fe 
meurs (for Fe me meurs). Compare Spanish, Italian, Portu- 
guese. wn 
Secondly : Neuter Verbs. Their Origin. 


To the second of the above classes belong the so-called 
neuter verbs; they are nothing but elliptical reflexive verbs, 
or subjunctive transitives elliptically expressed. As a conse- 
quence, they form in several cases their compound tenses 
with é¢re, according to the principle described above. 


51 


NO 
iS) 


J. A. Fontaine, 


Thirdly: Different Classes of Neuter Verbs. 


With reference to conjugation, neuter verbs must be 
divided into three classes : — 

First, neuter verbs, the radical significance of which being 
still felt, are conjugated with é¢ve; not at all because they 
express a state or condition rather than an action, but be- 
cause they are elliptical reflexive verbs. , 

Secondly, neuter verbs still under the influence of their 
origin, but yielding in a great measure to the effect of what 
I should call the Romance tendency. Under that tendency 
Romance languages have been substituting, in a less or 
greater degree, active and reflexive for passive expressions, 
and active verbs for passive verbs; hence ,active auxiliary for 
passive auxiliary. As a consequence, the verbs under the 
influence of these two principles will have a wavering use of 
the auxiliaries é¢ve and avozr, with a slight preference for avozr. 

Thirdly, neuter verbs subject to the influence of the Ro- 
mance active tendency, and. taking the auxiliary avozr exclu- 
sively. This third Class of neuter verbs is the only class to 
be found at present in some of the Romance languages. 

I will now take a certain number of verbs belonging to the 
first class, and prove that they have been used in the Old 
French as true reflexive verbs. For instance, with adler, Fe 
suis allé is equivalent to Fe me suzs allé. The study of the 
verb aller in Old French literature is very interesting. The 
frequency of its use may be said not to be exceeded by that 
of any other verb. When the different ways in which adler 
is conjugated are observed, the student is at no loss to 
explain its auxiliary, and can no longer say with grammarians 
that aller takes the auxiliary é¢ve because it expresses a state 
or condition; as if any verb could express more clearly an 
action than the verb aller. This verb was used, first, in the 
reflexive form with ez: s’ex aller, secondly, in the reflexive 
form without ez: s’aller; thirdly, in the so-called neuter 
form with ex: ex aller; fourthly, in the so-called neuter form 
without ez. aller. 


52 


Use of Auxilhary Verbs in Romance Languages. 


EXAMPLES OF THE FIRST. 
Petrus dalo fors s’en aled . 
Moms enevaltGdechinantews «|< %o os oso ,e) au ‘se 
Puis s’en alat en Alsis la cité . 
Com s’en alat et com il s’en revint 


PraeCySemIrONt ova 
Li empereire s’envait desuz un pin . 
Queen France m’en alge... . 


S’en vaitasonostel. . . 
- S’en est alez li reis mA aceaprs mats 
Et lors li consaus s’en rala parler an Soudanc 


Et vous commandons que vous ralez vers notre Seignour . 


Signor, je m’en vois outre mer 


EXAMPLES OF THE SECOND. 


Que a pou se ala que il ne nous afondrerent en l’yaue 


-EXAMPLES OF THE THIRD. 


Hivemalawenealsis ar cileteumen a sn <0. 

Alez en est en un vergier . . . . 

Desuz un pin en est li roi alez 

Seignurs vous en irez ; He ashes 

Li Rois @ Ermine en ala au roy aes Tontanie 
MMETIMINASTANTOIALOV My mcmreuisie nl) cules ney Mees 


I] en ala grant pas par mi son vessel ’ 


Et bien toute la voie que li connestable et je en alames 


Eiagvoune, (oy 5G "ou aye foe iid io eS) oc 
Si nous en irons tuit en paradis . 
Qui en fut alez aprés les Sarrazins . . .... . 


EXAMPLES OF THE FOURTH. 


Ist de la nef e vait edrant a Rome . 
Est alez conquérant . 
Si Vest alez ferir 


Tant que il veist que sa chevalerie feroit, qui aloit a terre . 


Mais je dont se je aloie vers vous 


Car nous sommes alei contre le commandement Mahomet 


Car vous estes alei la sus sans mon commandement 
Qui avoit appelei contre li et estoit alez 4 Rome 


Passa China. 
Alexis 
Alexis . 
Alexis . 
Roland 
Roland 
Roland 
Roland 
Roland 
Joinville 
Joinville 
Joinville 


Joinville 


NV extSiay Weer: 
Roland 3 "% 
Roland 
Roland 
Joinville 
Joinyille 
Joinville 


Joinville 
Jlomvilley on 
Joinville, 


Alexis . 
Roland 


Joinville 
Joinville 
Joinville 
Joinville . . 
Joinville 


Cf. Italian axdarsene, andarne, andarse, andare. 


EXAMPLES’ OF THE FIRST. 


ihutemejandastive sturimaseé Seco 43))5, sa i 6) os 
HecaudGise me vaMlocantica, PLOraey ., & =) |, «- c 


@rasenwvasper wuoStretconcalle sy u.ifc1 2 ey) et) ol 


53 


Petramessae 


Dante Inf. VIII. 


Dante Inf. X 


168 


204 


29 
I 


24 J. A. Fontaine, 


Vattene omai. . . 2 GEE SSE ae te ne ee are Purg. XIX. 139 
L’ una gente s’ en va Valtra Seis yin Sag oe 5 og UDEpm lel OWL, ae 
Di-Webaidavandativseineramoe sy las) eye eae en en OCC 1) cca mmm ey 


EXAMPLES OF THE SECOND. 


BMnisuumasuamave | «iando an. Cipr! wa Nll men DOCCwDecs 2h 

I] peregrino tantosto n’ ando a quattro fratelli. . . . Bocce. Dec. ga 

Sappiendo verso che parte n’ era la fregata andata. . . Bocc. Dec. . 5.6 
EXAMPLES OF THE THIRD. 

E s’ andarono tutti allo cortiglio. . .. . . . . . Matteo Spinelli 1093 
Ma vassivallarviarsuas cy) 6h ce ret bol ts os fo | ei vivey et Lx XOXO 2 a 
EXAMPLES OF THE FOURTH. 

Da Kogeiajandaole Rey. 0). 62 ee 1) ee latteonspimelligamogg 


Remark. Adler was sometimes also conjugated with the 
auxiliary avozr, just as formerly in Italian, and now in Span- 
ish. Compare 


(Oyerepaie jon hn oro AebtRANS “5 5 59 6 o p ob © Roman de la Rose 5 
(Ital.) Egli 4 andato a lui (common speech). 


With arriver, je suis arrivé is equivalent to je me suis 
arrive. 
(Arriver used as active verb.) 
Cil a sa nef apareilée; entrent dedenz 
Tilesmena tant qu’al rocherles'arniva =< = =). . = Greg. lelGr a ros 
(Arriver used as reflexive verb.) 
Sienvallajoutremer.<. et s’ariva a Acre). 7 3 5 = Chronwd’outr. 


Et ayant dit cela s’arriva contre le corps en la fosse . . Matt. de Coucy . 738 


Compare Italian arrzvarsz. 


With extrer, je suis entré is equivalent to je me suis entré. 


Sis’ en intrat en un moustier. . . ctist va Whe) Wen) eh OES Crepe mC 
As porz d’Espeigne s’en est entré Roteat. ou ) RONCEVal ei ene! 


Compare Italian : — 


Non potea riveder d’ ond’ io m’entrassi . . . . ~. ~ Purgatorio XXVIII. 24 
Wa lune all? amor che injlons? entreali) 1.) 6) =). barad. XCllI ye mnmsey 
Ignudi amenduni se n’ entrarono nel bagno. . . . . Bocce. Dec. . .8. 10 


54 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 25 


Compare Provengal : — 


Ab aquestas paraulas lo rey s’en es intratz. 


With mourtr, je suis mort is equivalent to je me suts mort. 


Por o s furet morte a grant honestet 

Il se fut morz, dam i fud granz ayers 

Et disoit que li ennemis si soutilz que quand ie gens se 
meurent, il se travaille tant comme il puet que il 
les puisse faire mourir ° : ; 

FE alors elle se pasma, et cuida l’on qu ‘elle fut morte et 
li Roys qui cuida qu’elle se mourust retourna . 

Qu’ele li dist qu’il li donroit 

S’amor, ou ele se morroit : 

Les uns mouroient sans parler les autres se mourroient 
en parlant : 


Here it may be remarked that the Old French 


Eulalie. 

Siig WE GeASeh EN alg si 
Jomvalles sp) ey 24 
Joinville 332 


Roman de la Rose 48 


Rabelais 


WSES) SZ 


mourir in Eulalie and St. Léger to express the very act of 
dying, whereas in modern French se mouviry means ‘to be 
agonizing’ (Madame se meurt, Madame est morte. — Bossuet). 
Both meanings are found in Joinville (see above). A very 
important fact to notice is that mourir could ‘be used not 
only as a reflexive verb, but also as an active verb; and that 
not only in the French, but in all the Romance languages. 
Littré, in his long article on mourir, says nothing about the 
active meaning of this verb. 


Or véez vous bien que i vous eusse bien mort, si je 


vousisse : np ates Jomvilles 348 
Toute voiz ce ne eae eust riens or que i Tne ne les 
eussent touz mors ou champ Joinville 152 


Mes ce m’a mort que poi me dure 
Or se ce non vous m’avez morte . 


RomandelaRose 81 
Roman dela Rose 188 


Compare Italian : — 


Ne necessita conviene que la gentilissima Beatrice alcuna 


volte si muoi . 
Per una donna que s’ era morta . 
Remspalina mMOxcte||S teraNOn veil vie rs 
FE dopo alcun diarrabiatosimori . .... . 
Ettore avendo morti grandissima quantita di Greci 
I quali furono morti et cacciati 
Miiorsimsisubito melleysueybracciawas) |e) ale) 9) sas 


ae) 


Vita Nuova XXIII. 
Vita Nuova XX XIII. 


Bocce. Dec. 27 
_DinoCompagni. 506 
Ricardo Mal. 885 
Ricardo Mal. 990 
Bocce. Dec. Bh © 


26 J. A. Fontaine, 


Nella. sua vista;/e Cotallsi/moriay. 90g fe cue c-w eer erie pT om NOV 0 ote mn 
Sanar le)piaghe ce hanno [tala mortal.) 3 en cs V Ee ol 
Penlopeiustodisdepnorche v7 thamortig) ye | me) sey eacacleecaV ile meaner 


Compare Provengal : — 


Quar non puesc vezer qui t’a mort. 


With xaittre, je suts né is equivalent to je me suts né. 


IDE GSH wlTS Sle Gnemts Cl EW Joroyoatss ken GG Go EM eG 


Compare the Wallachian, where zaz¢re is only reflexive. 


Et m’am nascut la anul 1860. 


With partir, je suis parte is equivalent to je me suis partz. 


Binquanty ligiere s/emmiiremt artim mints a) Morons 5 695° tel 
Que oncques ne s’osa partir tant que il fut Sceundet au 

contedeylaymarchcyas. sis lene Sako Path vc Joinville cee © 
Et lors je me parti de Joinville sanz rentrer ou haste 

jusques&2marevenue. .. . - aren JOronnilks 6 5 6 Ge 
Mal apertement se partirent li Ture de Diamiete Heog oc fom 5 so 3 oe 
Morxtile trébuchemManieys/eneStypanticl. yyy renin omeicnal- ie \ Ol Comsat nnn 
Wa parolelest fimee et li conseil’se part” =). =. Sake xOIXe 
Seypartitdin dick Wiew.) ye Gly al ee te ea Ranier alee 5 
Semfurent:desraélpantiz ) (y=) Seat fen) ee ey lbivire desml\en marian 
Dont il s’estoient folement parti. . .. . . . . . GuillaumedeTyr. 103 
Et se partent des corslesames . . . .. =... . Romandela Rose 246 


Compare Italian :— 


Poiche la gentilissima donna fu partita . . . . . . Vita Nuova XXX. 

Messer Francesco de Loffredo partis de Tarento . . . Matteo Spinelli . 1605 
Alcuni si sono partiti del suo proprio parlare . . . . DellaVolg.Eloq. 731 
Ghemacnardassesse partitoys! fOSSei\- ie ue-lil- ili nti OCC OCC. mm mea 
RTM Cora ID Koy Clas Woy wrt joRMAK) 4 6 Goa og 0 o oF oe, ID oo 4 al. 2 
Muando)tretombreinsieme si pactirome- yen noe re) meelmicr pxOVilen weer 4 


With somber, je suis tombé is equivalent to je me suzs tombé. 


I was unable to find a reflexive example of ‘omber. 
Du Cange says: ‘‘tumber vero active sumitur pro dejicere, 
vulgo faire tomber.”” Hence, if tomber was used formerly as 
a transitive verb, there is no reason to suppose that it could 


not have been used as a reflexive verb. 
56 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 27 


Instances of ¢omber used as a transitive verb : — 
Mes la contraire et la perverse 
Quant de leur grant estat les verse 
Palesaombe autor desaroe 2°. . 2... 2) 4... . “Du Cange. 
Icellui Giraut donna au dit Manson un si grand coup sur 

Vespaule qu’il le tomba par trois foisenlacharriére Du Cange. 

miswemambentenyumfosse. . <= 9). «us + komandela Rose 52 

Now it is clear that Voltaire, in saying, “Edt tombé dans 
le piége,” was not wrong, since the verb fomdber is conjugated 
with the auxiliary avozr in Old French, and bears an active 
meaning. The sentence of Voltaire, though obsolete in the 
time he wrote, had nothing wrong in itself. 

With venzr, je suzs venu is equivalent to ze me suits venu. 

The reflexive form of this verb is generally found in con- 
nection with ez. But se venir and s’en venir must be re- 
garded, just as s’ex aller and s’aller were regarded ; that is to 
say, ez does not change the reflexive nature of venxzr and 
aller, but when that ez is found in a sentence in connection 
with venir and aller, it controls and necessitates in most 
cases the use of the reflexive form, which, however, is_per- 
fectly independent of it. It is only necessary to compare 
the instances cited above, of s’a//er, and the Italian vewzrse, 
or venirne, and venirsene. 


ia, Wea joie Meals IS WOM PONS S8 eo cl) G6 5 lll I ae a en 
Meanvienne oma che ciaitienel'confmer* 2 5 =. . Inf XxX: 5) . 1124 
Wenirisentdeye olurtra miei meschinin. Vl )eups eis 0) oe nt OCLs 
[eeurepoco/soyra mOied Star Sitvenne= jal. ¥.h pene on burg. Vile =. 93 
Semnvenme Susocd noyperleisuyormie a2. Gee sees) urge DX. 60 
Io mi vengo a star un po teco 

SinvinsSemeneeciore) earn O tant mien eet eerere + RiGardos Mallee. 1990 
Ove in Leone ad incontrar sivenne Orlando .. . . Orl. Furi.. . 46. 21 


Let us now examine a few of those verbs that take either 
étre or avoir, according to their peculiar meaning, as gramma- 
rians say. I hold, on the contrary, that when those neuter 
verbs take é¢re, they are purely elliptical reflexive verbs, just 
as those of the above list; and that when they take evozr, 
they follow the general tendency of development that pushed 
- the Romance verbal-system towards an active auxiliary. The 
Old French used such forms as é¢re apparu and étre pert very 


57 


28 J. A. Fontaine, 


frequently, whereas the modern French avoids them and 
generally prefers the active auxiliary form. 


With apparaitre, je suis apparu is equivalent to je me suis 


apparu. 


Si s’aparust et sor mon chief me mistsa main . . . . Rom.delaR. 10,347 
Tout fust il ainsi que nus ne se fust aparus contreeux . Beau... .. 54 
Wardeesse) Vestaisvap past ay lites tale itensls ire ile Wont ell ee NTTI Ose iv Oni eamad 4, 
JesustChrnstyslorieuss/appanuliueeyr nr Rite tee. eblechien: 
iangeldurseisnennsiapparut Avluig.) 3 ee). tes.) Oli ape eO) 
Wemechets/appanit Wienyenk oil Omens aye. nnn nr eLoluccidesnoicmle 

Saint Andnrsvapareuzial Ini Wy) yen shee eee) re) Guill Md eMlivieyeemEZOn 


With cesser, la plute est cessée is equivalent to la plute s est 
cessée. 


Quand ce cri fut repandu parmi l’ost tous se cesserent . Froissard II.. . 215 
Je me veux cesser de parler de faitz d’Angleterre . . . Commine. . . 3.7 


With croitre, la riviere est crue is equivalent to la riviére 
Sest crue. 


The only example found of se cro#tre is in Lacurne’s Dic- 
tionary. Se crotstre, he says, is used for s’accrottre in Pérard’s 
Histoire de Bourgogne. Very likely the reflexive use of 
croistre has been transmitted to the compound s’accrottre. 
Compare the active use of crescere in Italian. 


Madama voi dalla poverta di mio padre .. . come figliuola 
cxesciuta, mavete. 0 a ae) ds toe ep oes SB OCC 3D CC yum tam ien mes 
Bicheypiuevolte ww whalerescimtacdoglia gy ae) seu) jel mei eit te gl OXC neal ES 


With demeurer, je suis demeuré is equivalent to je me suzs 
demeure. 

The first meaning of demeurer was to ‘stop at,’ to ‘delay.’ 
(See instances of se demeurer in Lacurne’s Dictionary.) 


E si li estoient chil doy roy si prochain que a envis s’en \ 
mesloit eta) envis sien demoroit;) = =. =. .« = Hroissard) lis eeaon 
Compare Italian azmorarst : — 


Mi sono dimorato in Parigi sei anni. 


58 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 29 


With descendre, je suis descendu is equivalent to je me suds 
descendu. 


Si se descendirent et se firent leurs logis sur ces beaux prés 
SiimlaeaviererdexOondocme myer serene) suo erossard lls. 3 
Et loerent au roy que il se descendit de la nef la ot ilestoit Joinville . . . 342 
Il n’y avoit en la mer ilecques prés ancun port la ou il se 
MettCeSCe nde arrest tion Minn h cur ion tem OlnVvillesunus.sn ce aes 


With courir, je sus couru is equivalent to je me suts couru. 


We have seen that Racine’s expression, 7’y sazs couru, has 
been condemned by grammarians. But M. Littré, in his 
Dictionary, has justined the great poet in the following man- 
ner: ‘Les Grammairiens condamnent cet emploi et disent 
que couriy exprimant une action ne peut recevoir l’auxiliaire 
étre. Mais venir exprime aussi une action et ne s’en con- 
jugue pas moins avec l’auxiliaire é¢ve. Ici encore l’usage est 
pour l’auxiliaire avozry. L’auxiliaire é¢re est trés peu usité, 
mais i] est également correct, dans l’ancienne langue il était 
Ge plein usage.’ ‘Here M. Littré recognizes the fact. that 
the auxiliary é¢re is as justifiable as the auxiliary avozr in that 
neuter verb, and that everything depends on usage, — rather, 
I should say, on the development of the larfguage, as it is 
very clearly seen in the case of venuzr and courir. Conse- 
quently M. Littré ought not to defend, as he does everywhere 
in his Dictionary, the idea of grammarians who say that 
neuter verbs are conjugated with étve when they express a 
state or condition, and with avozr when they express an 
action. The rules of grammarians are rules of assertion and 
not of investigation, made for the present stage of the lan- 
guage without any reference to the past. Hence such rules 
are not always observed by great writers, nor by the people 
either. Racine was right in that particular instance, and, 
according to our own theory, 7’y szzs couru stands for je m’y 
suis couru. Compare the Old French :— 


ian resarde puis (Sse) Iniesticourm <)"; . .) 2 ‘Roland 0...) 6 53 
Chascuns y est couru la merveille esgarder . . . . . Berthe III. 

WiStse coururent sus Vespéee au pomg . . . . . .-., Montaignel.. . 256 
Il s’en court en disant: A Dieu me recommande . . . Régnier St. XI. 
Pewnauvre homme s'encourut .. ..: i... « «+ « « La Hontaine: 


59 


30 J. A. Fontaine, 


With dsparaitre, je suis disparu is equivalent to 7e me suts 
dispar. 

J. J. Rousseau’s La modestie du sexe est disparue peu a peu 
is equivalent to s'est disparue peu ad peu. Compare also 
Calvin :— 

Jésus Christ ne s’est point fait invisible mais seulement s’est disparu. 

Hence se disparattre was used even in the Middle French, 
and the grammarians have condemned Rousseau wrongly, as 
they ought to have seen in his supposed mistake a remnant 
of the old style. 

With sonter, je suis monté is equivalent to 7e me suzs monte. 


Si vint tout A pied Messire Hervé jusqu’a Abbeville, li se 
MOMESLEME fey) “ete aes Sele Mee ities ares ar Weg Mette) OE, LOISSAicla le] eae eR 


With passer, je suis passé is equivalent to je me suis passé. 


@itreySienypassewsr ual fens seen ING G co «(8s 
Si tost comme il le sot il l’alla querre, il s’en passa sans 
amende ie, (yipiy fel ed fo ey ke Bey ed oe cl BATT NONe ee 


With périr, je suzs pert is equivalent to je me suis pert. 
Périy was used in the Old French in the active voice, as 
well as mourvir. Compare :— 


Pour Dieu ne perissons mie la grant honeur que notre sire 


MOUS faite | ey teu ee ve ety os ep ul a's) ee Vall eh and eae exeiexe 
Tellement qu’elles périssent tout ce qui se trouve en ce 

destroit. ,c4 2 eke ee, a eae oe DusBellay semen 
Sire, ces seigneurs qui ci sont arcevesques, évesques m’ont ; 

dit que je vous deisse que la crestienté se périt . Joinville . . . 200 


Thus have I tried in the preceding pages to find instances 
in which verbs now used as neuter were formerly reflexive 
and therefore conjugated with the auxiliary é¢ve. Such in- 
stances certainly suggest a more satisfactory solution of the 
question of the use of auxiliaries in neuter verbs than the one 
proposed by grammarians and M. Littré, especially by the 
latter when he says of périy, “avec l’auxiliaire étre, périr 
exprime plus particuli¢rement I’état, mais cette nuance n’est 

60 


4 . 
Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 31 


pas toujours observée.” It appears, on the contrary, that 
_ with the auxiliary étve, pévir, as well as all the other verbs 
examined above, is of reflexive origin, and that with avozr 
they constitute a development towards active forms. All 
shades of meaning attributed to neuter verbs in modern 
French, according as they are conjugated with avozr or with 
étre, may. be assigned not only to a refinement of thought and 
of style, but also to the subtle distinctions of grammarians. 

In the above considerations I have taken account only of 
such neuter verbs as either retain étre exclusively, or take 
both étre and avoir, making no mention whatever of those 
conjugated with avozr alone. A couple of instances will show 
that those also were used reflexively. 


Dormir : — 

Charles se dort qu'il ne s’esveillet mie . .. .. . Role . ... 724 
Pleurer : — 

Amarement mult se ploret. . . . . .. =. - ~~ Pass. duChrist . 198 


Il. Auxiliaries used with Intransitive Verbs in Italian. 


Since the Italian system of conjugating* the neuter verbs 
presents about the same charaeter as that of the French, I 
have thought proper in the preceding to bring such parallel 
instances of Italian as I might find directly under those of 
the French. This was done to illustrate the one language 
by the other, and to bring stronger proofs to my assertion 
that neuter verbs conjugated with esse in either of these lan- 
guages are merely remnants of reflexive verbs elliptically ex- 
pressed. I may add here that in Italian authors like Matteo 
Spinelli, Ricordamo Malespini, Dino Compagni, Dante, Boc- 
caccio, and Ariosto, this alternating use of elliptical reflexives 
with full reflexive verbs is mere frequent than in any French 
author I have read. 

The Italian still uses the auxiliary essere with a few neuter 
verbs, where the French now uses the auxiliary avoir. I 
have found two striking instances of such difference in 
fuggire and vivere. 

61 


bo 


J. A. Fontaine, 


ww 


Sono fuggito is equivalent to mz sono fuggito. 
Compare : — 


SP isehaley udereahol on Mot AR NAN ue alld Ob sauhliglin Soy mbit, Ike IN. ae 

La o altrove si fosse fuggito . . . siMlieyets. 2s) 2 DOCC-7 UCC nemnn mone 

Ridendo gli contarono perché s’ eran fe eat Geo oda one sIDECy Gg og Be & 
Compare : — 

Slemiestartefuiziiesa) oie sbie ek gore code les tel Septet vol fo Guill id exis Sameer os 

IOC WSS GHvonse 5 8 4 og O46 Go 6 0 6 or ily (Geiss Ail BIE 


Sono vissuto is equivalent to mz sono vissuto. 


Compare : — 
Numuitoresivvivette nelisuoicampo).9 9... -y- , Ricord..Malbewewsose 
Gli nomini si vivono quietamente .. . . . . . . Machiavelii del Pr. III. 
Waadonnaonestamente com lnisivisse! -))- ee) e-1 us OCC. OCCri mms EG 
Ciasmi) vaveardimmuarsoxteldielice sym) if.) vel tel Neneeems este Ol eG OF 1 er TER 
Non) SO; TISPOS! MA, quam LOMMIN vaya ts fm self on tte eee) rete kal NO N00 Cnn On 


Compare Old French : — 


Par Wes) pasturerderquoidlsise) vivente yuri eim cn tu vsueen a Gc enclosure 
Sil imiadont dlse puisselvivre |). 9.) eee Rhoman|dellalNosemmmn 
Bitse font povne etisiise vivent) > 5) | es ee omamnid ellay osc iummas 


Ill. Auxiliaries used with Intransitive Verbs in Spanish. 


Just as we saw the Spanish using two verbs to indicate 
possession, so we shall find that it makes use of two different 
verbs to indicate existence: esse and stare. As to the rela- 
tion of esse to stare, I shall refer to page 16, where the rela- 
tion between the French imperfects eve and estoze was spoken 
of. The Latin starve furnished all the forms of the Spanish 
estar, but esse did not furnish those of ser in the same meas- 
ure. The infinite esse and the subjunctive sz have been 
lost in Spanish, and the corresponding forms, sedere and 
sedeam, have been taken from a verb whose transferred 
meaning denotes existence, just as stave does. In the oldest 
documents of the Spanish no traces of esse and szm can be 
found, and.if those forms were used at all, it must have been 
at a period antedating those documents. 

62 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 33 


Compare : — 
Bienseyacastigador 4%) i) jy yen wees. wi Vidaide SantasM:. Bygp: 
Seya dixeron todos puesto e otorgado 
Devie seyer en vida tal ome adorado.:. . + . Libred@App. ... . of 
Devemos seyer todos firmes en la suatenencia . Libred’App. . . . . 93 


It is, in fact, a question whether, in Old Spanish, the whole 
verb sedere was not used in all ifs tenses to denote existence, 
for besides the infinitive sedeve and the present subjunctive 
sedeam and also the gerund sedendo, I have found instances 
of the indicative present sedeo, and especially of the imperfect 
sedebam. 


De san Millan criado en lasumercedseo. . . . VidadeSt.Dom.. . 757 
Sennores e amigos quantos aquiseemos. . . . . Est. deSt. Millan . 317 
Mientre que esta duenna en tal caitasedie. . . . Vided.S.D.d.S. . 562 
itaicasa de (Onorioigue sedie escarmida) 2.95 = 3 Estiders: Milly 2 =. 108 
Como era mal apriso sedie fuertembargado . . . Est.deS.Mill. . . 333 
Sedie una eglesia non mucho aredrada. . . . =. Milag.deN.S. . . 415 
Sus gentes mui devotas sedien en oracion . . . . Milag.de N.S. . . 415 
Quando esta palabra udieron los trufanos 

Que sedien mas rabioses que carniceros canes . . DuelodelaVirg. . 39 
Hevyenuomunvelreyen)lavbatallayaaqiet. y- 2s -ee Chro, del) Rey Alp: Xj) 52 
Seyendo estas compafiias Ilegadas. . . . . . . Chro. del Rey Alp. X. 27 
Hy sedie una mesa de cobre bien labrada . . . . Sacrif.dela Misa . 9 


Now, if there can be no doubt that the Spanish ser is a 
contracted form of sedere, and that the future se7é is for 
sedere habeo, could not the French seraz be derived from: 
the same source; and ought not estraz to be considered 
as the only form coming from essere habeo? Compare 
page 106. 

After these few remarks about serv and estar, it will be 
shown how they were used in the oldest period of the 
Spanish language. 

It is recognized that in Spanish serv expresses what is essen- 
tial and permanent, whereas estar expresses an accidental and 
transitory state. Indeed, this distinction may be observed to 
have existed from the recorded beginning of the language. 
There may be some instances in which the difference is not 
observed ; but, I dare say, they are very few. 

63 


34 J. A. Fontaine, 


Ser. Estar. 
Lil Libro de los Reyes a’ Orient. 


Tu que major e mejor eres. 
Dios es sin dubdanza. 


Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaca. 


Fija tu eres de gran natura. Porque estas en mala natura. 
Di me donde eres. O como estas. 


Lil Libre @ Appolonio. 


Tu eres la raiz, tu fija el cimal. Antiocho estando en tamanya error. 
Rey yo fui esse € fuy verdadero. Estaba en tal guisa. 
Mientre ellos estaban en esta encencia. 
Dixo el marinero que en somo estaba. 
Las ondas mas pagadas estar no podien. 
Desuy6 le sangre que estaba enagada. 
No sabie do estaba. 


Poema @ Alexandro Magno. 


Tornal como se fusse su mortal Que escusa non ayas porque estas 
CUE 5 a ao 6 5 6 o AUOS desarmado! %) ~. 05 0) sees 
Quando estas irado as fiera cata- 
dutal 0 0: Soe eon 
Que estaban lidiando a una gran 
PIessuraly ka eee Co 


El Poema del Cid. 


Yo.soiRuiz, Dias... ..'.9:s «! 92%  Estandojen'Ja‘eruz’ 920 eee 
Tres reyes veo de moros derredor 


do mi estar. 


Cronica del Rey Alfonso X. 


Veyendo como era de tan poco éalos que estabanyconél . . X. 
poder =). 92 =). =. .. . Ll) a Woledordo estabalel) Rey Alfonso: 
Entonces era vivo el rey don 
Jaimes- sje tae Geta el eo Le 
Que era tuerto de un ojo . . .XIII. 


La Vida del Lazarillo de Tormes. 


Quien ere su padre. para los que estaban de parto. 
Era huerfano. pensando que yo estaba enten- 
Ser la misma ayaricia. Giendo™ 014 i) cen ean ee ET 


64 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 35 


Ser. Estar. 
Don Quixote. 
Que era hombre docto . . . . I.  Estabaconfuso mirando lo . . III. 
Aquel idolo de Mahoma que era El estaba alli pronto paro obede- 
1OUO, CS.OROMDE TS. Ov GPa 6. Ir Me cerle. 
Hombre que por ser muy gordo cuando estaba muy cansado . . Vz. 
ELAMNUY PACiiCOlln fuses 4 Le 


Now let us consider ser and adver as intransitive auxiliaries. 
The Spanish conjugated its neuter verbs or its elliptical re- 
flexives with serv and hader, mostly with sev, till the beginning 
of the thirteenth century, when “ader began, little by little, 
to supersede sev, and at last, about the middle of the sixteenth 
century, completely displaced it. It was about the same 
period of time that aber ceased to be considered as a prin- 
cipal verb; so that we may consider the beginning of the 
sixteenth century as the period when the tendencies of the 
Spanish language to use aber became exclusive. 


Ser. Haber. 
El Libro de los Reyes @ Orient. 
a Jesu Christo que era nado. Quando Erodes sopo, 
El angel fue a él venido. Que por hi non le han venido. 


Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaca. 


En Alexandria es venida. 
En tal hora hi fue entrada. 
Quando fue passada. 

Al monasterio son tornados. 


El Libre @ Appolonio. 


Ya es del siglo passado. Porque por muchas tierras no avia an- 
dado. 

porque era hi venido. Avian de la marina gran partida an- 
dada. 

Si entonces fuesse mortuo. Quando toda la hove la ribera andada. 


Foema de Alexandro Magno. 


7 


Elinfante fue venido . . . . 107" Avie tan fiera Iluvia ante noche 
passaday fos nods occ et) EOOS 

Alegre fue el rey quando fue ar- 

MACON ate oh vst urs ncaa seh ape oun 217.2 


65 


36 J. A. Fontaine, 


Ser. Haber. 
El Poema del Cid. 


Car por il aguaa passado. . . 150 


Cronica del Rey don Alfonso X. 


E soy aqui venida a pedirle 


AVEC Ap Mey ay Al as Pete ott OWA LE 

Era/venidoarecebir. =). > XVIII. 

Despues que Don Nufio fue Dos caballeros hermanos que 
ANAM |p orb eco! Oe 24. havian \passado. 9. |) eeu 
Seyendo estas companias lle- Aquel camino que avevaido antes 77 


eae ion Vanludy va io ae 27 
Supo de commo Aben Yuzaf 
Eraqpassadorurane rien. 62 


Romancero del Cid. 


A tiempo eres venido. Cuatro veces he venido . . . . I6 
Amigos salidos somos . . . . 119 Un romero habia llegado. 

Por su tiempo es pasado . . . 93 + ~#&Y iides do habeis entrado . . . 46 
Nuevas al Cid son venidas. . . 187  Venidohanenperdicion .. . 46 


Until now, neuter verbs conjugated with haber and ser 
have been found, but hereafter the auxiliary ader is univer- 
sally met in compound tenses of neuter verbs. 


Hurtado de Mendoza. 


El] qual habia muerto en la batalla. 10 

Mucha gente que le habia ido a 
SOCOrrer |) “ha! 3) bs Aen SO 

los dias que no habia muerto. 

de mi amo habia ido fuera del 


lugar Geo ion odo OY 
: porque no podria ménos de haber 
CAIdOM) 2-970 co SG sts 5 ee eT 
Bic. 
Antonio de Solis. 

Creyendo que... la voz que 
habiacorrid ons.) a ee 

Cuyo suceso habia llegado ya a 
Suu. é eae evils 


la brujula y carta que habian 
decaldox. \f hia oe, ae eee 
66 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 


Ser. 


Don Quixote. 


No habia pasado de hidalgo . 
Esta noche me ha sucedido 


Haber. 


una de las mas. 


El miedo que habia entrado 


en su corazon. 


he ya que hemos. caido en sos- 
pecho. 


al cual ya habia venido 


Las Mocedades del Cid. 


He venido. Ha venido? He 
venido. 


Ya he caido en tu pesar 


37 


XVII. 


XXIII. 
XXIV. 


1574 


To come back to my theory and prove that the above 
neuter verbs are merely elliptical reflexives, I shall give a 
few instances where the same verbs are used as full reflec- 


tives. For example :— 


Estos reyes son se tornados 

Quando desto te avras partido 

No pudo estar que non se iria 

El obispo don iheronimo se entrava 
Entraron se en la cibdad . 

Y de secreto se ha ido . ba oa: 
Encendieron su fuego que se les era muerto 
De mi mal se parte . 

Ya se iban las naves. Dee ks 

Si de nos non te partes avras mal ventura 
Que se iba para Burgos 

Commo do Fernando se venia 

Los moros que se iban con el 


Come la noche se venia, entonces se entré en la 


iglesia 
Que de mi y de elles se Mabie 0 


Para el gafe se venia. En terra se descendia . 


Mas en castillo se entraba . 

A vos me vengo . ye : 
Se habia venido a recoger aquel su cteile 2 
Donde vieron que se habia entrado 


67 


Reyes d’Orient. 
Santa M. Eg. 
Santa M. Eg. 
Poema del Cid 
Poema del Cid 


Romancero del Cid . 


Libre d’Ap. 
Alexandro. 
Alexandro. 
Alexandro . 
IE XG 
Alf, X... 
Ale Xe: 


Vida del Lazar. . 


La vida del Lazar. . 


Rom. del Cid. 
Rom. del Cid. 
Rom. del Cid. 
Rom. del Cid. 
Rom. del Cid. 


38 J. A. Fontaine, 


IV. Auxiliaries used with Intransitive Verbs in Portuguese. 


It has been shown above that in Spanish ser expresses 
what is essential and permanent, whereas estar expresses an 
accidental and transitory state. The same thing is true 
of the corresponding auxiliaries in Portuguese, and a rapid 
glance at the earliest and most important written documents 
of the Portuguese language will be proof sufficient that such 
is the case. 


Ser. Estar. 
Canzoniere Portoghese. 


SH ios GUM oo o og oF oo 37. + Poys ante vos estou aqui . . . I42 
mays de tato seede sabedor . . 1220 


Fardungs Romanceiro Portugues. 


Era esse dom Beltrfio. . . . . 6 como estas bem assentada. 
Pensando que era verdade . . . 31  #Chegando aonde elle estava . . 10 
tuésumamanaminha .. . . 64 Zamoraestavacercada ... . 17 


ja esta vam en mar largo. 


Antologia Portuguesa. 


E se era vos c’ant’o prazo saido . 15 Yomeestabaem Coimbra. . . 76 
Mélhor € de seer traedor . . . 34 JDespois de estar ja vestido . . 258 
E em que sempre cuidando seyo . 43 


Sa de Miranda. 


E este teu amigo he tao meren- , Hstas! taofdemudados ye. )m. aeeOe 
Coro vil. We) slice) 4A) Bstayvalicomoytoragde mim eee on 


Os Lusiadas. 


O mouro astuto esta confuso . I. 62 
O capit&io que a tudo estava 
attento'’.; .! J \.4,) 00s OS 


Now ser and er will be considered as intransitive auxil- 
laries. 

The Portuguese auxiliaries follow the same development 
and undergo the same changes as their Spanish equivalent, 


and, as far as I can make out, at about the same period. 
68 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 39 


Ser. Ter. 
Canzoniere FPortoghese. 


Por em mais en q mal dia fui 


MEAG, cy NG, MATA ce eine 7) 
Por semp sodes de mi partido . 834 
E se no fosse antexpo nado . . 1013 


flardungs Romancetro. 


Chegadas sio as galleras . . . 13 
Saiban quantos sio nascidos . . 15 
Que meu pae que era morto . . 100 
Mas annoediaé passado. . . 113 
Weora asaberson vindo ..,... 72 


Sd de Miranda (Os Estrangeiros). 


Atantosio chegados . ... 78 
Pois tu es vindo a salumento. . 118 
ja tudo esso he passado a Por- 


(WGA 5 io! Ga Woolton Cy, 


Os Lusiadas. 


maorchepadas =)... « -) 2.76) meio=caminho! a noite tinha 


ENIQENGKO Y's eel eo Mice Aad 2) tS) 
Sendo o capitéio chegado . . JI.104 ja tinha vindo Henrique da 
GOMAwWH 5 5 oo 6 6 WN) 
A Melinde foi chegado. . . II.57 Chegado tinha o prazo promet- : 
(SUSKONAoN cl oe Ge Nor, to te eile, 
. . antes que chegado Ou que partes do mar corrido 
S52) CRS CHIOMIO) 9 G5 0 yo 6) le Gfo) timbiane ema der en cal eile e ge rh O 


Do mar temos corrido e navi- 
gadotodaaparte. .. . I Su 
The Lusiads represent the period when serv and ¢er could 
be used equally well with neuter verbs. After that time ¢er 
must have gotten the upper hand very rapidly. I shall say 
nothing of the Provengal, since it agrees, so far as I know, 
with the French. 


CHAPTER III. — AUXILIARIES USED WITH REFLEXIVE VERBS. 


The question concerning the use of auxiliaries in the com- 
pound tenses of the reflexive verbs has been . extensively 
treated, but whether the best explanation has yet been found 


69 


40 J. A. Fontaine, 


is very doubtful. It would be too long a task to review fully, 
one after the other, the authors that have written on that 
subject. The question has been fully examined by Gessner 
(Fahrbuck fiir romanische und englische Sprache und Litera- 
tur, XV, p. 201) and by A. Mercier (De l’AHtstotre des partt- 
cipes francais). Gessner is the one author who seems to have 
treated the debated question more fully than any other. The 
principal thing to be considered in this author’s work, and by 
far the most important (Mr. Gessner himself cailing it the 
“Kernpunkt”’ of the whole question), is the assertion that 
the reflexive pronoun accompanying the verb is in the accu- 
sative, and yet not the direct object of the verb. Mr. Gess- 
ner tries to illustrate his theory for the German language by 
selecting as an instance two expressions, one refiexive and 
the other active, and showing that the former is more vivid 
than the latter, describing more intensively the actual situation 
or feeling of the subject. Who will deny that the reflexive 
pronoun adds a mild, poetical meaning to the verbal expres- 
sion? But at the same time, Mr. Gessner tries to prove that 


logically the reflexive pronoun, though in the accusative, is 


not the direct object of the verb. Let us take two French 
sentences directly representing those given by Gessner in 


German 5 =o 
Il craint le danger ; 


Ll Seffraye du danger. 


In both cases, he says, danger is the direct object of the verb; 
accordingly the reflexive pronoun cannot be the direct object 
(“dieser Accusativ kein Object ist”). As far as the meaning 
is concerned, nothing is changed in adopting that view, and 
Mr. Gessner is right; but if we take into consideration the 
syntactical connection, he is wrong. If I say simply, Ce¢ 
homme Seffraye factlement, undoubtedly we have to consider 
the reflective se as being the direct object of effrayer, just 
as the first personal pronoun me would be in Cet homme 
m effraye. 

Now if to our first sentence cet homme s’effraye,1 add du 
danger, will these few words change the relation of the reflex- 


7O 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 41 


ive pronoun to its verb so completely as to prevent it from 
being any longer the direct object of the verb? I do not 
think so. The reflexive pronoun will remain in the accusa- 
tive case and be the direct object of the verb. The words du 
danger merely explain why the subject is under the control 
of fear; and could be replaced by ex face du danger or a cause 
du danger. 

This way of looking at the logical construction of words 
seems to me the natural one. Mr. Gessner is too obscure 
when he pretends that in expressions like the above the re- 
flexive pronoun is in the accusative case and yet not the 
object of the verb, and that this accusative adds to the reflex- 
ive idea an interior intenseness, and has a tendency to de- 
prive the verbal notion of all exterior activity, reducing it to 
an especially interior expression. 

M. Littré, I think, was on the way towards a more plausible 
explanation of the difficulty, when he said in his Hestotre de 
la langue francaise, II, 317, “Se evant convers, of the Frag- 
ment de Valenciennes, presupposes the low Latin se evant 
converst.’ The explanation he gives of the connection be- 
tween convertor passive and convertor reflexive is good, but he 
fails to see that the pronouns mre, fe, se, etc., had been added 
in the low Latin to the perfect of convertor through an ana- 
lytic tendency, and in analogy with convertor reduced to me 
converto in Romance, and he concludes in saying that se is 
not an accusative case, but that it represents all the cases 
with the exception of the nominative, being “a rég7me tndeé- 
terminé sans cas adéterminé’; and that as such “Sea pu se 
joindre a des verbes neutres, tels que s’en aller, s'enfutr, se 
tative, s écrier.” 

M. Chabanneau, in his Hstotre de la conjugaison francaise, 
considers the auxiliaries as mere inflectional endings of the 
verbs in their compound tenses. Whether that inflectional 
ending be the auxiliary é¢ve or avotr, it does not change the 
mearuresot the relation of the verb to its object.. “So, M. 
Chabanneau recognizes in the reflexive pronoun not only an 
accusative case, but also a direct object of the verb; for he 


FA 


] 


42 J. A. Fontaine, 


says, “Dans je me suis frappé, par exemple, me est le com. 
plément de swzs frappé, comme il le serait de az frappé dans 
la phrase supposée plus .correcte je m’ai frappé.” We agree 
thoroughly with M. Chabanneau, and indeed a rigorous _pars- 
ing of the sentence cannot be made to yield to the reflexive 
pronoun we or se any other office (compare the “ direct 
object’ of the Latin deponent verb). It seems to me that 
M. Chabanneau is very near solving the question when he 
says (p. 5 of the work quoted above): “A l’épogue du haut 
moyen age tous les verbes déponents (du latin) suivaient 
dans la langue parlée la conjugaison active, du moins quant 
a leurs temps simples, car leurs temps composés étaient trop 
d’accord avec les tendances des langues nouvelles qui se for- 
maient pour ne pas étre maintenus, et nous les retrouvons 
parfaitement conservés dans la conjugaison de nos verbes 
refléchis et d’un grand nombre de nos verbes intransitifs.” 
Although I prefer the theory of M. Chabanneau to that of 
Mr. Gessner, as being more complete and giving a safer clue 
to the question, I by no means intend to depreciate that of 
Mr. Gessner. ‘The poetical meaning, the emphatic expres- 
siveness added to the verb by the use of the reflexive pronoun 
se cannot be doubted, and this is felt by every one who is well 
acquainted with the French language; for it is very easy to 
notice that between two expressions, the one active and the 
other reflexive, the French generally chooses the latter, be- 
cause there is in it something agreeing better with the genius 
of the language. But all this is far from explaining to us 
the difficulty presented by the reflexive verb system of the 
Romance languages, especially when we take into account 
the different tendency of some of these languages to use the 
auxiliary esse rather than the auxiliary Zadere, and that with 
either one of these auxiliaries they could convey their reflex- 
ive meaning, sometimes making use of the poetical reflexive 
pronoun and sometimes leaving it out, without causing the 
verb to undergo any change in its meaning, probably also 
without its losing any of its poetical coloring. This is espe- 
cially striking in the first centuries of the development of the 


7/2 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 43 


Romance languages, where very often one is at a loss to find 
any difference in the meaning of a verb when accompanied 
by a reflexive pronoun and when without it. Wishing now, 
after these observations, to discover why the reflexive pro- 
noun is sometimes omitted and sometimes expressed, and the 
reasons why some languages have adopted the auxiliary esse 
and some others the auxiliary Zavere, I must present, to begin 
with, a few considerations on the fate of the Latin verb itself. 

On considering what has become of the deponent and neuter 
verbs of the Latin in coming down to the Romance languages, 
and how they have been used, especially in the old stage of 
these languages as purely transitive verbs (compare se mourizr, 
mourir quelqu'un, tmuter quelqu un, étudter quelque chose, péerir, 
se périr, périr quelque chose, se naitre, se venir), it may be 
assumed that all the Latin verbs that have survived in the 
Romance languages have been handed down in an active 
form, having an active meaning and capable of expressing a 
transitive action. Among these verbs there was a certain 
number that contained in themselves a reflexive idea, that is, 
that the subject was doing the action for its own self. Such, 
for instance, are *mori0, ambulo, venio, vado, vivo, descendo, 
ascendo, etc. The idea expressed by these verbs might be 
rendered by morio me, ambulo me, venio me, vado me, vivo 
me, etc. We know that a strong analytical tendency pre- 
sided over the formative period of the verbal system in the 
Romance languages, and it was, no doubt, this tendency that 
caused them to give to Latin verbs that were intransitive in 
their synthetical state, complements, just as other comple- 
ments were given to other verbs more intransitive in their 
outward appearance. But since the verbs of the first cate- 
gory, on account of the very essence of their internal mean- 
ing (which meaning was arrived at by the disintegrating or 
analytic genius of the new languages) were left, by general 
consensus undoubtedly, to express an action especially for 
the benefit of the subject itself, without going outside of it; 
so that no other complement could be given them but a 
reflexive complement expressed by the pronouns me, fe, Se. 


73 


44 J. A. Pontaing, so, 


Hence we have the name of reflexive verbs given to me 
morio, me vivo, ne vado, me descendo, me vento, etc., which 
verbs have been used in a reflexive form in all the Romance 
languages, and are the legitimate growth and legitimate rep- 
resentatives according to the analytical tendency of the Latin 
verbs vivo, vento, morior, etc. 

Grammarians say that 7’ad vécu, je suis mort, je suis allé, je 
Suis venu, Je suis descendu, etc., are neuter verbs. Appar- 
ently they are; bit before these forms arose we had je me 
suis vécu, je me suis mort, je me suits allé, je me suis vent, Je 
me suis descendu, etc.; and these verbs are nothing but re- 
flexive verbs. When the question ‘of the conjugation of such 
verbs as me vivo, me morio, me venio arose, or, to speak more 
plainly, when these verbs came to be used in all their tenses, 
it was very easy to conjugate them in their simple tenses. 
But in compound tenses (and here let us remember what 
M. Chabanneau said in his A/zstotre, p. 5) the ditficulty was 
greatly increased. There must have been, at the time of the 
formative period, two tendencies working in the Romance lan- 
guages : one, the analytical, resolving the compound tenses 
into periphrastical by combination of the auxiliary abere and 
of the past participle of the conjugated verb. The indicative 
present being je me vats, je me descends, je me pars, the com- 
pound tenses of the preterite regularly became je m’az allé, je 
mat descendu, je mat partt. This is the most natural ex- 
planation, and this accounts for the well-known fact that a 
great number of French dialects still use the auxiliary avozr 
in combination with compound tenses of reflexive verbs, and 
that children and uneducated people do the very same thing. 
It would be of great importance to know the relative use of 
esse and habere in the different Romance dialects. Very 
likely in all of them instances of the use of both auxiliaries 
are to be found, with this difference, that they are more or 
less abundant, according to each dialect. M. Chabanneau 
has mentioned the fact that several dialects of France make 
use of avozr as well as étre. I may say, that in the Parler 
Sancerrots, and in the Berry generally, this use is very com- 


74 


Re ce in ope 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 45 


mon. For instance, it would not be rare to hear some one 
say, Fe m’avais trompé, tl Savait sauvé, je mavais plaint, tl 
sa bien donné de la peine, etc. The use of avoir is extended 
also to neuter verbs, like 2/ a tombé, etc. 

Compare also the Franco-Venetian in Romania, XIV.,177. 


PereceluibmiaverO (COMUCEI se sy ch ye ye) «= \ a)  bertae Milone: . (251 
Oreauisplucs'avoiliaprosmer.. 2)... = . -... ,bertae Milone’... 274 
iNimatmeViilon no Seisoitconsoler)) 2 °° ".9).1 . <:. . '). + Berta,e Milone 

Dapoissque de: Hranca miavi Sevrer.! 59. jos) \.  -sOrlandino.. . = 399 
Meinveronvore q iS eniaura Sevier it 7) 4 a0). - . Orlandino. . . 234: 
MeTeriatielupOLge v.0s) cL ielvich ma mmsaerr wey ce Cslandinojwe., 1 232 


But besides that tendency of analysis on the part of modern 
languages, there must have been another, not less powerful, 
which may be termed the Latinistic, by which is meant the 
tendency to conjugate deponent or reflexive verbs in accord- 
ance with the system prevailing in the Latin language. Par- 
tior had given in the preterite under the influence of the ana- 
lytical tendency, je m’az parti; the same verb will give under 
the Latin influence, je swzs partz (partitus sum). The table 
on pp. 46 and 47 will illustrate the effect of the two tendencies. 

This table shows us the analytical or active tendency of 
the modern languages, which tendency, had it not been 
checked by another, would have caused that all the com- 
pound tenses of Romance reflexive and neuter verbs should 
be conjugated with “adere, just as they are at present in 
Spanish and Portuguese. These two languages have carried 
out thoroughly the analytical tendency, though not without 
at first yielding to the syntactical influence of the Latin verb- 
system. Thus we see that the analytical and conservative 
tendencies have been working side by side, the one overrul- 
ing the other in different languages ; and as a result of that 
struggle we have a double system of conjugating reflexive 
verbs in the Romance languages, just as the struggle between 
the strong Latin conjugation and the weak Romance conju- 
gation resulted in the development of two classes of verbs. 
Which one of these tendencies was the stronger at the begin- 
ning is difficult to say; but I am inclined to think that the 

75 


i} 


46 


Latin tendency was the stronger, at least in French and 
Italian. In the Fragment de Valenciennes we find é¢ve alone 


iA. 


Fontaine, 


Portuguese. 


(or vengo) 


me venho 
(or venho) 


LatTIN. RoMANCE ANALYSIS. LaTIN. 
mortor morto rte mrortuus sume 
French . je me meurs 
(or je meurs) 
Italian : mi muoio 
(or muoio) 
Spanish . me muero 
(or muero) 
Portuguese . me morro 
(ox morro) 
partior partio me partitus sum 
French . je me pars 
(or je pars) 
Italian mi parto 
(or parto) 
Spanish . me parto 
(or parto) 
Portuguese . me parto 
(or parto) 
vento, *ventor vento me Kyenitus sum 
Cf. venitur or 
*venutus sum 
French . je me viens 
(or je viens) 
Italian mi vengo 
(or vengo) 
Spanish . me vengo 


French . 
Italian 


Spanish . 


used. In the Alexis and Chanson de Roland we find avozr 
only three times, but é¢ve very often. 


Portuguese . 


intro, *intror 


7ntro me 


je m’ entre 
(or j’entre) 
mi entro 
(or entro) 
me entro 
(or entro) 
me entro 
(or entro) 


*intratus sum 


It is very difficult to 


say how long avozr continued to be used in the conjugation 


76 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 47 


» i 


of reflexive verbs in French proper. The latest instances I 
have found occur in the Roman de la Rose and Villehardouin ; 


RoMANCE ANALOGY. Latin INFLUENCE. ROMANCE CREATION, Remon ISOS 
Full Reflexive Verbs. | Elliptical Reflex.V’bs..| or Active Tendency. ae , 
me mortuus sum morluus sume me mortuum habeo mortuum habeo 
je me suis mort je suis mort 

mi sono morto sono morto 

me soy muerto soy muerto me he muerto he muerto 

me sou morto sou morto me tenho morto tenho morto 

me partitus sum partitus sum me partitum habeo| partitun habeo 
je me suis parti je suis parti 

mi sono partito sono partito 

me soy partido soy partido me he partido he partido 

me sou partido sou partido me tenho partido | tenho partido 
mie venitus sume venitus sum me venitum habeo venitum habeo 

or or 

me venulus Sum venuUutus SUmML 

je me suis venu je suis venu ©) ye 

mi sono venuto sono venuto 

me soy venido soy venido me he venido he venido 

me sou vindo sou vindo me tenho vindo tenho vindo 

L 

me intratus sum intratus sum meintratum habeo| tintratum habeo 
je me suis entré | je suis entré 

mi sono entrato sono entrato 

me soy entrado soy entrado me he entrado he entrado 

me sou entrado sou entrado metenhoentrado| tenho entrado 


but I dare say that avozr was used with reflexive verbs in 
French about as long as ser was used in Spanish with the 
same reflexive verbs. We shall see further on when the 


77 


48 J. A, Fontaine, 


latest traces of the Spanish reflexive verb conjugated with 
ser are to be found. We see, then, that as long as the French 
and Spanish languages can be compared, the opposite pro- 
cess of development in this particular took place. Thus, 
while the Latin or conservative influence was predominating 
in the French, the modern tendency was predominating in 
Spanish. The explanation of this is plain enough. We know 
that the southwest languages of the Romance family (the 
Spanish and Portuguese) have a development totally inde- 
pendent of that of the northeast group (the French and Ital- 
ian). One of these characteristics is found in the way these 
different languages have treated their verbal system. Where- 
as, on. the one hand, the French, and yet more the Italian, 
have striven against the influence of analogy to keep alive 
the strong Latin conjugation, whether by retaining original 
Latin strong verbs, or by making weak Latin verbs strong, the 
Spanish and Portuguese have, on the other hand, transferred, 
we may say, the whole of the Latin strong conjugation to the 
weak conjugation, thus yielding to the unifying power of anal- 
ogy. Thus one may see how independently each language or 
each group of languages develops. And we must not wonder 
that the Spanish and Portuguese use “adver and ¢er with their 
reflexive verbs, and the French and Italian esse. Even in 
these two languages the development of the use of esse was 
not totally accordant. From the very beginning the French 
made no difference whether the reflexive pronoun that accom- 
panied the verb was in the accusative case or dative ; every- 
where é¢ve was made use of. The Italian, on the contrary, 
used at first avere whenever the reflexive pronoun was in a 
dative case, and essere when it was in the accusative casé; 


but later on avere yielded to essere in the dative case also. 


I have already mentioned above the great freedom of the 
Romance languages in older times to express or to leave out 
the reflexive pronoun without altering the meaning of the 
verb. How shall we account for that peculiarity, which is 
common to all the Romance languages? Here, again, I 
attribute it to two tendencies: the conservative. which was 


78 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 49 


to represent the compound tenses with szz (as in Latin) and 
the past participle, without adding to it any reflexive pro- 
noun; and the analytical tendency, which was to apply to 
compound tenses the analysis made of simple tenses. The 
former tendency had given :— 


miorior (morio me), mortuus sum, 
partior (partio me), partitus sum ; 


the latter tendency gave : — 


morior, nLorio me, (me) mortuus sum, 

partior, partio me, (me) partitus sum, 
thus carrying the use of reflexive pronouns from simple 
tenses to compound tenses. Hence there was a conflict 
between these two tendencies, the one leaving out the ana- 
logical reflexive pronoun of the compound tenses, while the 
other had introduced it. But, of course, the meaning was 
perfectly preserved, and remained the same in both cases. 

In this way could be explained the apparent inconsistencies 
of the reflexive Romance conjugation. The Latin tendency, 
which was weaker than the analytical, has gained the upper 
hand in one class of verbs, called above “elliptical reflexive 
verbs,’ and consequently the pronoun has been omitted : 
Fe me suis parti, je me suis allé, je me suis venu, have settled 
definitely into je swzs parti, je suis allé, se suts venu. 

But the tendency that had pushed the Spanish language 
towards adopting the auxiliary “aber for the conjugation of 
all the neuter verbs was also working’in French, and our first 
class of verbs having adopted, through Latin influence, é/z, 
the second class of neuter verbs adopted the auxiliary avozr. 
In yet a third class of verbs neither tendency prevailed, and 
to this very day they make use of the two auxiliaries. 
Compare : — 

Fe suis monté or j’at monte ; 

Fe suis descendu or j'ai descendu; 
Fe suis resté or jai resté; 

Fe suis passé or jai passé, etc. 

Grammarians have decided that é¢re must be employed 
when the verb marks state or condition, and avozr when it 


79) 


50 J. A. Fontaine, 


indicates an action, and generally our feeling is influenced by 
this distinction; but I have tried to show that such was not 
the case in the Old French period. 

It has already been assumed, in the first part of this trea- 
tise, that every verb is active, and consequently all the verbs 
that have come down to the Romance languages from the 
Latin mother tongue must have been verbs belonging to the 
active voice. To explain this phenomenon we must go back 
to the early period of the Latin, just as to explain the Italian 
forms struggere and traggo we have to go back to the period 
when the classical forms s¢vwere and traho were represented 
by the more primitive forms strugerc, trag(h)o. The ¢ of 
these latter forms is still preserved in the sigma perfects, 
traxt, struxt standing for trag-sz, strug-st. By going back to 
the formative period of the Latin, we shall see that the active 
voice was the only voice this language then possessed. 

It has been said (cf. Dze Verbal Flexion der lateinischen 
Sprache of Westphal and others) that the Greek constructed 
its middle and passive voices (the aorist and future excepted) 
with the same inflexional endings, mat, cat, tat, and these 
endings were originally, as the comparison with other lan- 
guages proves, endings of the middle voice, which afterwards, 
through a transfer of meaning, were used as passive endings. 
The Latin verb must have once possessed endings similar to 
the pat, cat, tas of the Greek, and with a parallel meaning ; 
but they were afterwards lost, a periphrastic expression being 
introduced in its stead. That periphrastic expression was 
made up of an active form, ¢.g. amo, and the reflexive se. 
But the Latin did not keep this new formation in its primi- 
tive state, and a fusion of the periphrastic expression into a 
single word took place, and amo se became amor(e), amas-se, 
amar(t)s, etc. Just as the endings par, cat, rat had served 
as inflexional endings to the middle and passive voices, so the 
parallel Latin endings formed its passive and deponent forms. 
Thus four periods might be distinguished in the verbal growth 
of the Latin, viz.: The first period, when the Latin had forms 
similar to that of the Greek in pat, ca, tar; the second 

SO 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 51 


period, when the active voice became middle by the independ- 
ent use of se (e.g. amo-se); the third period, when the verb 
and se combined into a single word (amo + se > amor), and 
the reflexive meaning was changed to a passive. Such trans- 
fer of a reflexive to a passive meaning was the regular devel- 
opment of human thought, which with a reflexive idea necessa- 
rily and logically associates a passive idea; so that in the 
classical period of the Latin language the same endings had 
to express a reflexive and a passive verbal notion. The new 
period having been created by a tendency towards a passive 
notion or idea, it is natural that the passive verbs should have 
been more developed in the classical Latin than the reflexive 
verbs; but at the same time the tendency was not so strong 
as to push all the more ancient reflexive verbs into passives. 
Hence we have a certain number of them reserved by classi- 
cal authors to a reflexive use exclusively ; but even these con- 
tained in themselves the power of being used passively as 
well as the others, and that power had been given them by 
the general tendency that had pushed Latin verbs from reflex- 
ives to passives. This seems the most plausible way to 
explain how deponent verbs like adhortari, admirari, consolari, 
dilargiri, meditart, partirt, sortiri, reserved by classical writers 
to deponent use, are found in the passive voice, especially in 
the past participle (compare Livy : — 

ORMISAGIVENdLISG Ue HeliquiIS! walt. Ma ter wit mets yee OXI ON 
Eearialienitate placdae partitae: yt. te\jatha ysis MBit se pale Ves” Vi. 
Compare also Draeger, Hestoriche Syntax, I., p. 156); and 
how passive verbs retained the deponent meaning and were 
used as deponent verbs (compare Livy : — 


Sed ruinaé maxime modo jumenta cum oneribus devolvebantur . . . XXI. 33 
Wtidem'in singulos annos orbis‘volveretur 4 . . . 9. - . .. |. . Jil. 10 
Priusquam hostes moverentur UCC rel salto <5 «ook Bled vo Whee eee NEL eT oNe 


The fourth period, when the passive meaning was given up 

through popular influence, and the original reflexive mean- 

ing was restored by means of decomposition resulting in the 

independent expression of the verb-form and the reflexive 

pronoun. This last change, beginning at a time when the 
81 


52 J. A. Fontaine, 


Latin language had no longer power to restrain the inde- 
pendent growth of the popular idioms, was carried out by the 
Romance languages. That decomposition was so thorough 
that abstract notions and inanimate things that can only . 
express a passive idea, were clad with active forms in such 
a way that they seem to be the agents of the verbal notion. 

Compare the French expressions: Ce Hvre se trouve sur la 
table; ce bois se fend aifficilement ; cette maison se batit lente- 
ment ; cette terre se desséeche ; cette expression s emplote ; cette 
chose se ait, ce pays se ruine, etc., ete. 

Why the Latin abandoned its middle endings would be 
difficult to say, since we have lost nearly all traces of the 
languages that surrounded the Latin in its formative period, 
but that transformation is no more surprising than a great 
number of other linguistic phenomena. Nor is the use of se 
for all the persons of passive verbs in Latin inexplainable. 
The idea contained in the word se (one’s self) is of an inde- 
finite character, and hence se can be connected with any 
person in any number. This same phenomenon is to be 
found in Scandinavian dialects, as well as among Romance- 
speaking people of a certain portion of Switzerland, the 
Rhato-romonsch. Compare Grammatica elementara dil lun- 
gatg Rhdto-romonsch, scritta da J. A. Bihler, p. 64: “Il 
pronom ‘se’ ei en tuttas formas, persunas, modas tuts temps 
ligiaus vid il verb .. . ridicul ei de voler declinar quei pronom 
‘se’ a la moda italiana e franzosa, sco p. e. j’eu mt fidel, tu te 
jidas, la flexiun de quei pronom ei en el lungatg romonsch 
buca veguida cultivada e nos ureglia romonscha sa buca vertir 
pei quei Italianismus.”’ 

Thus we see that in this particular language the reflexive 
verb takes the reflexive pronoun se in all the persons, in 
both numbers. The “se” is now yielding to me, ¢e, se, and 
that under the influence of the Italian and of the French. 
Consequently the reflexive verbs of the Romance languages 
are nothing but the legitimate representatives of the first 
Latin type amo-se, with the difference that they have under- 
gone from the very beginning the change which the Ro- 

82 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 53 


monsch is undergoing now. Their analytic tendency caused 
‘them to substitute for se alone the different pronouns we, fe, 
S€, NOS, VOS. 

After these considerations let us review the history of the 
reflexive conjugation in+the different Romance languages. 
This history has been extensively treated by Gessner and 
others in the works quoted above, for French especially ; 
and as far as the last language is concerned, we have but 
very little to add. 


I. Auxiliaries with Reflexive Verbs in French, without Direct 
Object. 

It has been already stated in the foregoing part of this 
article, that French, making no difference whether the pro- 
noun was in the accusative or in the dative case, used the 
auxiliary é/ve in conjugating its reflexive verbs. As an excep- 
tion to the above rule is found a certain number of compound 
tenses of reflexive verbs conjugated with the auxiliary avozr. 
A list of such instances is found in Chabanneau’s and Gess- 
ner's works, and in some others. Two instances nowhere 
found quoted are given here, since it is desirable that such a. 
list should be as complete as possible : 


Sai moi dedens Varchiére mis (Roman de la Rose, 22. 616); 
E quand chascun Sot a sa terre assené (Villeh. Cong. de C. 100). 


It is very probable that avozr has not been used in compound 
tenses of French reflexive verbs since the beginning of the 
fourteenth century. 


Il. Auxiliaries with Reflexive Verbs in French, with Direct 
Object. 


M. Littré, in his Wistozre de la langue francatse, p. 321, says 
that “je me suis coupé le dotgt”” ought to be considered as a 
solecism, and that the correct expression would be*‘‘7e m’az 
coupé le doigt.” But since we have considered the reflexive 
pronoun in such cases as je me suis coupé as being the direct 
object of the verb, we shall easily understand that here the 

83 


54 J. A. Fontatine, 


personal pronoun ze, being accompanied by a more explica- 
tive and descriptive object upon which finally the action 
expressed by the verb falls, yields its place to it and assumes 
a dative case. When we say je me suis coupé, me receives 
entirely the action expressed by the verb; but when we 
specify more by adding /e dozgt, the pronoun receives the 
action only indirectly, and consequently assumes the place of 
an indirect object. It is, as we see, a mere change of case, 
which does not entirely break the relation of the reflexive 
pronoun with the verb, but still leaves the latter under the 
indirect influence of the former; and hence there is not a 
sufficient ground to allow the verb to change its auxiliary. 
Indeed, in such eases the Italian, as a rule, used to change its 
auxiliary and take avere; but this fact only proves that the 
tendency towards a single type of conjugation, when a reflex- 
ive pronoun accompanied the verb, had a more powerful sway 
in French than in Italian.. But if M. Littré’s assertions that 
the French had sacrificed the rule of the grammar for the 
sake of euphony, and had been imposed upon with a solecism, 
were correct, the same thing could be said of the Italian of to- 
day, since the latter follows the same rules as the French in 
the reflexive conjugation. This will be clearly shown later on. 

Speaking of the supposed anomalous expression, “7e me suts 
coupé le doigt,’ M. Littré says: “Je ne sais si elle est ancienne, 
je suis porté a croire que non, mais je n’ai la-dessus aucun 
renseignement.” I have tried to collect a certain amount of 
material to prove that it was ancient, and as a result find 
plenty of reflexive verbs with direct object in Livre de Job, 
Sermons St. Bernard, Livre des Rois, Guillaume de Tyr, Join- 
ville, Villehardouin, but none in compound tenses. But there 
is no reason to suppose that the Old French, taking a direct 
object in the single tenses of reflexive verbs, should have 
avoided it in compound tenses. However, we find in Rabe- 
lais and Montaigne so many instances of reflexive verbs 
accompanied by a direct object in compound tenses, that it 
is impossible not to think that the same thing had been done 
a long time before them. 


84 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. § 


Crt 


Compare : — 


Il se frottait ordinairement le ventre d’un panier (Rab. 123); 
Elle 9 était fait aucun mal (Rab. 396); 

S’est rompu le coul (Rab. 747); 

Srétre avec une plume tiré un ciron de la main (Rab. 1177); 
S’étant un peu frotté le front et secoué les oreilles (Rab. 2947) ; 
Nous estant been a point sabourés Ll estomac, etc., etc. 


Ill. Auxiliaries with Reflexive Verbs tn Italian. 


In the most ancient writers of the Italian language, Matteo 
Spinelli, Ricordamo Malespini, Dino Compagni, and Dante, I 
do not find a single exception to the rules of the accusative 
and dative cases. That is to say, reflexive verbs accompanied 
by a personal pronoun in the dative case take the auxiliary 
avere, and those accompanied by the personal pronoun in the 
accusative case take the auxiliary essere. 


Matteo Spinelli. 


DATIVE CASE: — 


Ma che imprestassero allo re chilli denari che se avevano portati per le spese 
(1101).— Che s’ avesse fatta la tassa delle spese a se et a soi famigli (1069). — 
E cha isso se l’ havia recuperata per viva forza da mano di due Papi (1087).— 
Per che isso se ’ haveria tenuto come a figlio (1087).— Lo re disse cha non 
volea fare perdere la ventura a quella zitella que per la belleza si se |’ havia 
procacciata (1095). 


ACCUSATIVE CASE:— 


Che se ne erano fuggiti in Schiavonia (1079).— Che Napoli si era arrenduta 
(1085). — Li-frati della zitella se ne sariano contentati (1093).— Dove s’ era 
ritirato lo comte di Tricario (1107). — Recuperando quelle terre che s’erano 
ribellate (1107). 


Ricordamo Malespint. 
ACCUSATIVE CASE: — . 


Tl centurione si era dilungato (893). — La quale citt& non s’ era rifatta (907). 
—JI quali s’ erano recati in contado de Firenze (908).—E di poco s’ erano 
levati d’ uno poggio (931).— Allora s’ era retta la citt& sotto signoria de’ consoli 
(942). — S’ erano posti ad assedio al castello di Capraja (970). — Il suo fratello 
bastardo Manfredi se n’ era fatto vicario (976). — Manfredi s’ era coronato re di 
Cicilia (978). —S’ erano messi ad assalire tutta I’ oste dei Fiorentini (989). — 
Molta buona gente del regno di Sicilia s’ erano partiti (1024..— Il re Carlo no 
s’ era voluto imparentare con lei (1024). 


85 


56 J. A. Fontaine, 


Cronaca di Dino Compagni. 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: Cavalieri novelli s’ erano fatti (473); Niuno se sarebbe 
campato (503); Ma poi che i Bianchi si furono partiti (517); Reggio e Modena 
s’ erano rubellate (520). 


Danee. 

DATIVE CASE: — 
Quando’s'ebbe:scoperta la gran bocca’ . . . . . . «| « Inf XIgo 
Dallaltrasstaim? javea lasciataysetta, Poe) mest ls ile adel red isn ee SONG Len IE 
Tvesiiisonts? averiandatommmalivantolenmemee eieici sls t.s renner XXXI. 64 
Gualandi con Sismondi e con Lanfranchi, 

S) aveamesst dinanzidallla drontey 2 92) fer tec eo) 5) airy ot eee ION 
Rivolsersi alla luce che promessa : 
Wantorstaved sien wits webli) ltda eee) to Uiigea dela Sedition ys iars glxcuncicl aaa OS ieee 
IDS? shamans, Cy JOO GV eimais eee Ge GOAT A 6 Goo 4 ¢ XXV. 90 
Dell’ eterno Valor poscia que tanti 
SpeculiMatties? das Kose) Ape Guia tes cy Sree cot talthe' ou Bellet Pours Oe DeMRECIET 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


Considereremo come gli uomini molto onorati si siano da esse loro proprie 
partiti (Della Vol. El. 750).—Alcuni si sono partiti dal suo proprio materno 


parlare (752). 


ING ANS Cll Golo marie EE 5 Gb g 6 3a 6 a 4 6 6) Ibn WW, Te 
Expoiichtallasmantdestraisimficvoltorcimen i yet yo it Wet temo nna LO emma 
Wedivlaubarinataychers eran ttor-merc mts fen alan reimaeante rin tee X. 32 
Gredolquess#erasmeinocchionevatae- wen ee arn Seen) antes X. 54 
INeStatopua mera Rey pee ptt| ade. ceekuela ite arate sedition Ot ate ela ae ete X. 74 
E..quel medesmo, ‘che si fue‘accorto © 7°) 4 2 8 Oe ve 
(GCiliieniey aol sende deh Wore GbEOlOs 4s Seg ig Woe Go oo aed po OWI ay 
Masperch? 1osminsarel) bructatoveiCOLtion ssa) mein dette oni mn OV ETS 
@he/questay perjlarquale omni Son moOssoN in ya) ls ee wielenel henna neem amor 
IED EY Hoy ORS vitleertio mil GWOUELINMNE Goa genio Bid o a 6 o © V. 79 
Ifcombra che! sseralalegiudice raceoliaw 77.0). 9.) ee ten eaten Joma men Mem crC) 
Con Beatrice m’ era suso in cielo 

Cotanto’ gloriosamentevaccolto.., 2 7.) eae «ava eeoigae 
13, Cla? 1) inOray veo? Seay It aya EVGA, Gy 5p oo 6 6 oc 0 oO 8 XIV. 135 

Boccaccio. 


DATIVE CASE : — 

Li quali come vestiti s’ ebbe a suo dosso fatti parevano (Decam. 2. 2). — Par- 
lando s’ arebbe vitupéro recato (3.2).— Hommi posto in cuore di fargliele alcuna 
(3: 3). ——S’ avea posto in cuore di non lasciarla mai (3. 7).—In tanto che pa- 
rente né amico lasciato s’ avea che (4. 10). — Avendo si prima tirato il cappuccie 
(6. 10) — Per venire a costui che non pensa cui egli s’ ha menata a casa (7. 2). 
— Avendosel tirato un poco innanzi (7. 5).— Egli s’ avesse molto messo il cap 


86 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 57 


pucio innanzi (7.5).— Messer lo geloso s’ avea messe alcune petruzze in bocca 
(7-5). — Ma tuttavia che eglis’ abbia di me detto (7. 8).— Avendo se adunque 
questa promession fatta (7. 10).— Per non poterti vedere t’ avresti cavati gli 
occhi (8. 6).— Avendo si I’ anello di lei messo in bocca (10.9).—I panni che 
spogliati s’ avea (10. 10).— Que gli che la mi diede se I’ ha ritolta (La Fiam- 
metta, V.). 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


D’ ogni cosa opportuna a dovere . . . fornito s’ era (Decam. 3. 5).— E poi che 
egli in diverse maniere si fu molto ingegnato (3. 7).—S’ era per paura gittato 
nel canale (4. 2). — Fuggita si sarebbe del padre e venuto se ne a Gerbino (4. 4). 
—Alcuna posta vicina al cuore gli s’ era rotta (4. 6).— Della sua novella s’ era 
deliberata (6. 9).— Tu ti sei ingangato di dimostrarmi (1. 2).— Che riguardasse 
Si partito si fosse (1. 7).— Altrui s’ é di beffare ingegnato. La altrove si fosse 
fuggito (2. 2).—Si io mi fossi di cid accorto (2. 3).— Che maggiore non si saria 
potuta portare (2. 8). — Jo non avrei mai creduto che... ti fossi guardato (2. 8). 
— E quando ella si sarebbe voluta dormire (3. 4). 


Two exceptions to the rule of the accusative case are 
found in Boccaccio :— 


Che alla gelosia tu t’ hai lasciato accecare (7. 5); Poiché la donna s’ ebbe as- 
sai fatta pregare. 


Machiavelli, 


DATIVE CASE: — 


Trovando si ingannati ... di quel futuro bene que si avevano presupposto 
(1 Principe, III.).—I gentiluomini Romani si aveva guadagnato (VII. 37).— 
E tanto erano validi i fondamenti che in si poco tempo si ayeva fatti (VII.).— 
Li gradi della milizia quali... s’ aveva guadagnato (VIII.).—Onde avendo si 
creato odio (XIX.).— Tutta la gloria che si avevano nel principio acquistata (Isto- 
rie F. I]. 281).— Le quale per la morte di Messer Niccol6 si avevano acquistate 
(IL.).— Parendo gli aversi tirato addosso troppo importante nimico (VI. 229).— 
Cosimo avendo si alla sua potenza la publica et la privata via aperta (VII. 239). 
— Quella citta che non s’ avevano saputa conservare (VII. 276).— Pensando di 
godersi . . . quello stato che s’ avevano stabilito (VII. 293). 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


E quelli che se li erano gittati in grembo (II Principe, III. 17).— La virti dell’ 
animo loro si saria spenta (IV. 28).— Si non si fusse lasciato ingannare da Cesare 
Borgia (VIII.).— Si era del regno di Napoli insignorito (Istorie F. II. 281). — 
Molti ghibellini che si erano con loro accostati (II.).— E se da Francesco s’ era 
avuto poco (VII. 263). 


Just as were found in Boccaccio exceptions to the rule 
given about the use of the auxiliary when the pronoun was 
in the accusative case, so in Machiavelli was found one ex- 


87 


58 J. A. Fontaine, 


ception to the rule given when the pronoun was in the 
dative. Here, for the first time, I met with esse in the com- 
pound tense of a reflexive verb preceded by a-+pronoun in 


the dative case :— 


Per non gli potere satisfare in quel modo que si erano presupposto (II Principe, II.). 


Ariosto. 
DATIVE CASE: — 


Che piede o braccio s’ abbia rotto e smosso 

I. pit volte s’ averan rotta la fronte . 

Polinesso che gia s’ ayea proposto 

Di far Ginevra al suo amator nemica 

E composto fra te t’ hai queste cose . 

Che per dolor s’ avea dato la morte . 

Che s’ avea per non esser conosciuto 

Cambiati i panni e nascose le chiome 

Che a difender Ginevra s’ avea tolto. sii 
Dove li dui guerrier dato e risposto molto s’ aveano 


(Compare yh) 56Or 704s Oo) La) TOO 
15/305. D5. 0205 TOs GOs) TOW 700 7 talon 
ZU DS MOMMA Sn Oe AOA) Oi chee he Galie: 
2AM AN O27 Hes On aO GMOs Oy a AO soe 
BI Oot see SOc aa atom te oe aE 

32. 79; 33. 435 33. 71; 34. 413; 37. 35; 
39:57; AO.) 21 5240: 505 40.°78; Ala AL 


eile 


31. 79; 


45. 693 41. 49.) 
ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 
Pit volte s’ eran gia non pur veduti. 
Che s’ era in mar sommerso Ariodante . 
Ed armato con lui s’ era condutto 
D’ all’ onde Idaspe udita si saria 
E percheé molto dilungata s’ era . : 
Che s’ erano serbati in quegliaffanni .... . 
Ma Farrat che sin qui mai non s’ era 
Col re Marsilio suo troppo disgiunto .... . 
Che ’1 pagan s’ era tratto in quella parte . 
A caminar se gli era messo a lato 
Malgrado di Christian rimesso s’ era. 


10. 99 ; 


18: 0 fe 
25. woes 


fe ee Ny oN 
oN py eae Oe) 
N 
iS) 


bra 
ron 
-_ 


12. 


16 
57 
gt 
36 
Sse 
14. IOI 


own 


Atlee Fi 
. 16. 89 
Bikey; 46) 


(Compare £82976 5 18.915 \1Ch 1035 .21.'04)5 230 aes 
2B TOS 327.) GOS O27 O75 O27 eh TOs 27. 5 as ae 
58; 30. 80; 33. 65; 34. 41; 36. 545 37-473 38. 72; 40. 62; 


88 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs tn Romance Languages. 59 


Bae7t, 48. 6; 42. 30; 459025 ; 43. :1873''44. 89; 45. 8; 
Bee; 40. 50; 46. 63 ;-46) 77; 46. 108; 46. 120.) 

I found also in Ariosto two exceptions to the rule for 
the accusative, the first of which is undoubtedly due to 
foe thyme : — 


Non cosi strettamente edera preme 

Pianta ove intorno abbarbicata s’ abéia ; 

Come si stringon li due amanti insieme; 

Cogliendo dello spirto in sulle aééza ; 

SURES IONE a.) ila Je std ame Yo I” ain Any) Ae ei Acer ca" Lor ick cy aol Neely pee 0) 
Bapomche sol, sesee melymannmGhiso 29% 3) = c) 3s) es 34. 68 


Francesco Guicciardint. 


During the time of Guicciardini, that is to say in the latter 
part of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the six- 
teenth, several important rules must have become general in 
Italian, at least in prose-writers; for one does not find in 
Guicciardini forms in ade, ate, for @, and conditionals in avza 
like avrza for avrebbe. And it must be also about that period 
that the auxiliary essere was used to conjugate reflexive verbs 
with a pronoun in the dative case, just as it was used to con- 
jugate reflexive verbs with a pronoun in the accusative case. 
Of course avere was also used, and plenty of instances are 
found in Guicciardini himself; but we may say that from 
that time on avere was decreasing all the time in its use 
as auxiliary of reflective verbs with dative case pronouns. 
From the eighteenth century on, I do not find traces of it in 
the authors examined. 


Lstoria a’ Itaha. 

DATIVE CASE: — 

Pero poi ché lungamente si ebbe rivolto per l’ animo lo stato delle cose (I. 25). 
— Cominciassero cosi presto a non corrispondere a quel che di lui s’ aveva pro- 
messo (I. 69). — Che una famiglia sola s’ avesse arrogata la potest& (I. 136). 
—I quali Alessandro con doni s’ aveva fatti benevoli (1. 166).— Molti che s’ 
avevano proposta maggior larghezza (II. 200). — S’ avevano astutamente insino 
allora lasciata libera la facolt& di fare il contrario (II. 224). 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


Sila morte non si fosse interposta a’ consigli suoi (I. 18). — Non si sarebbe 
per avventura la pace d’ Italia perturbata (I. 26). — Desideroso di ricorreggere 


89 


60 _ J. A. Fontaine, 


quel che .. . s’ era fatto (I. 29). — Nel qual modo si erano altre volte abboc- 
cati insieme (II. 333).— Il quale quella mattina s’ era unito con Ercole, fu morto 
(III. 94). — E se ne sarebbero fuggiti molti pil (IV. 270). 


DATIVE CASE WITH £ssere - — 

Quando ben si facessero poi effetti molto maggiori di quegli che gli uomini 
prima si erano promessi (III. 68).—Si erano promessi molto prima la vittoria 
deg!’ inimici (IV. 226). 


Thus we see that in the first four books of the Istoria 
d’ Italia we find two instances that make an exception to 
the dative case rule. 


Torquato Tasso. 

DATIVE CASE: — 
Ne trattane colei ch’ alla partita 
Sceltals;avea compadgna! ay 2h fle cee sos) ve Gerusalemmealibmvileng 
Le belle arme si cinge e soppravvesta 
INuovaved straniadiicolors!haypresay jy 0. uns ves ac) ye) eee ENG EU ema 
E insanguinati |’ aquila gli artigh 
7lrostros)abbiai’ sa. l ce pct) hank ard las etre (a, MN 2) Se rena NO SOmmTIEES 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — ; 

Che s’ é d@’ Egitto il Re gia posto invia . . . . . . Gerusalemma, lib. 1. 67 
Gid) ‘aura messaggiera erasiidesta, (i. 4). 2) 2c! a ae ned 
Recato s’ era in atto di battaglia 

Giailasuerriera,c. 0 —s ob, dee Ate tae Je ten ie cw fence arom mee Lame 
Se Gmnlone Mall cohieheyAntchilay omol ero oe do 6 oo wo S 4 ollllll. 22 
IDEM) ENERO ISSO aENAIN YE 5 Soh oo o on o a)o 6 4 Neale 
‘SP (Sheet Cekell Moyen pended (Croindsoleppuresodiey B55 6 6 co a oo A a 5 0 WOE 
Mentre con tal valor s’ erano strette 

TemandacieSchenens P< N05 fe gus" ie 2 Lew” oh de dt icy tipi om ts Searels ES nee ge 
Avsuoi liberator s/era.condutto . 7.) 01.. A= «1s eo) ee 


(Amint@a.) 
ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


Poiicheisive pesto molaisomlsrano;ell? vay. eee aye) oe) arlene CCM meron 

AthiMehers’yecerto, WeCiSOae Gere, vee er Uscteie, fis, eto cen cP Sl ee ec eee 

Chesstiera: tuttoabbandonatows 2 Soe iets, el to a ee rep ene 

10) Chievin; era. .naSCoSOr ws) te Bees | Ane aye os Um. ale te eee ee 
ACCUSATIVE CASE WITH Avere - — 


er ueciderise stessoiéss? aivmamicciso., 2 ae ese ee reer cee 


This is the last exception I found in Italian to the rule 
given for the accusative case. And in this particular in- 
go 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. O61 


stance the auxiliary avere must have been used to suit the 
metre. 

From the time of Beccaria on, the use of avere as auxiliary 
of reflexive verbs must have been mostly confined to popular 
usage, and avoided by writers as being inelegant; for not a 
single instance of it is to be found in Beccaria, Goldoni, 
Silvio Pelico, Ugo Foscolo, Manzoni, Cantu, etc. 


Beccaria. 
DATIVE CASE: — 
Si € riserbato a se solo il diritto di essere legislatore e giudicé nel medesimo 
tempore (Dei delitti e delle pene). 


ACCUSATIVE CASE: — 


Per sostenere questa vana metafora molte vittime si sono sacrificate (VIII.). 
— Alcune societa si sieno astenute dal dare la morte (XV.). — Gli uomini si siano 
voluti assoggettare ai minori (XIX.). 


Ugo Foscolo. 

DATIVE CASE: — 

Mi sono assai volte dimenticato il mio Linneo sopri i sedili del giardino 
(Jacopo Ortis, 36).— Una lunga treccia di capelli che Teresa, alcuni giorni 
prima delle sue nozze s’ era tagliati senza che... (110).—S era piantato un 
pugnale sotto Ia mammella sinistra (117). — Ma se I’ era cavato dalla ferita, e gli 
era caduto a terra (117).— Poi non potendo né volendo ritrarla egli solo delle 
rapine e degli incendj, si contentO si farsi consigliero de’ capi che la moltitudine 
s’ era eletti, e s’ armo con essi (Commentario Pol. III. XV.), 


Manzont. 


In the remaining quotations I shall only mention reflexive 
verbs accompanied with a pronoun in the dative case, and 
show that they take the auxiliary essere as well as when ac- 
companied with a pronoun in the accusative : — 


DATIVE CASE: — 


Cosi dicendo, s’ era levata la chiave di tasca e andava ad aprire (i Promessi 
Sposi, II. 22). — Ah! gli disse poi vi siete perd fatto tagliare il ciuffo (III. 31). 
— Come un materialone dopo essersi cacciata in bocca stoppa (III. 33).—Le 
donne nella sua assenza dopo essersi tristamente levate il vestito delle feste 
emesso quello del giorno di lavoro (III. 34).— Non lasciava mai sfuggire un’ 
oceasione d’ esercitarne due altre che s’ era imposti da se (IV. 49). — Ma non ¢’ 


gl 


62 J. A. Fontaine, 

era quell’ allegria che la vista del desinare suol pur dare a chi se l’ 6 meritato con 
la fatica (VI. 70). — Cosi impegnandosi a ogni delitto che gli venisse comandato, 
colui si era assicurata |’ impunita del primo (VII. 81).— Dopo aver sofferto ed 
essersi morse le labbra un pezzo (X. 136).— Un piccol sentiero indicava che altri 
passeggieri s’ eran fatta una strada ne’ campi (XI. 48).— Quando Renzo si fu 


levato il farsetto (XV. 290).— Facendo tutta via litigar le dita co’ bottoni de’ panni 
che non s’ era ancor potuto levare (XV. 190).—Si trovava ancora indosso quegli 
stessi vestiti que s’ era messi per andare a nozze in quattro salti (XVII. 215). 
—E proprio del vestro paese quello che se l’ é battuta per non essere impiccato 
(XVIII. 229).—S’ € fatto scrupulo di darle una briga di pit (XVIII. 236).— ma 
appena partito costui sentendo scemare quella fermezza che s’ era comandata per 
promettere (XX. 253).— L’ innominato penso subito a rispondere a questa che s’ 
era fatta lui stesso (X XI. 269).— Dopo essersi cacciate le mani ne’ capelli (XXIV. 
306). — E di paragonarlo con Il’ idea che da longo tempo s’ eran fatta del perso- 
naggio (XXIV. 309).— Si mille volte se n’ eran fatti beffe, non era gia (XXIV. 
314).— L’ avrebbe preteso e se ne sarebbe fatto render conto (XXV. 317).— 
Della filosofia naturale s’ era fatto pi un passa tempo che... (XXVII. 348).— 
Questo aveva sempre continuato a far cid che... s’ era proposto (XXIX. 376).— 
Nessuno scrittore d’ epoca posteriore s’ é proposto d’ esaminare (XXXI. 389). — 
Andasser facendo di quegli atti che s’ erano figurati che dovessero fare gli untari 
(XXII. 413).—S’ eran promesse di non uscir dal lazzaretto (XXXVI. 470). 


Cesare Canti. 


Ora mangiavano di quel che s’ erano preparato (Margherita Pusterla, I. 6). — 
Sotto i piedi dei destrieri s’ era per alcuni minuti vista la morte ad un pelo (II. 
22).— Margherita erasi recato in mano un libriccino (III. 38). — Franciscolo ... 
si era assunta la esibita ambasceria a Mastino (IV. 58).— non mostrava d’ averli 
in quel conto ch’ e’ s’ erano ripromesso (V. 80).— Onde erasi formato un modo 
proprio di vederle (V. 83). — E's’ era fatto premura di recarli quella sera a Mar- 
gherita (V. 82).— I] cui padre lavorando s’ era acquistato pel paese un triste nome 
(VIII. 144).—i soldati eransi tolta in mezzo la Margherita (IX. 160).— Ma s’ 
erano lasciato fuggire Franciscolo (XIII. 221).— Per riparare la quale erasi cavato 
la giubba (XII. 223). — Quivi entrando Luchino, sebbene gia si fosse messa in- 
torno al cuore la calcolata freddezza (XX. 365). — E due gran mustacchi che s’ 
era acconci (conclusione), 


Nuova Antologia (Volume 48). 
Arrigo il Savio. 


E quando mi ha scritto che aveva bisogno di me, si figuri, mi sono augurato 
un bel paio d’ ali (478).— Guasti pur troppo la bella immagine che io m’ era for- 
mata dell’ amor tuo (494).— I] conte Guido non si era proposto di andare (Vol. 
49. 98). —Te lo dir uw’ altra volta quando mi sard formato una vera certezza 
intorno a certe cose (233). 


Q2 


Use of Auxthary Verbs in Romance Languages. 63 


Vita e avventure di Riccardo Foanna (Volume 52). 


Riccardo si era annodato dietro la nuca, con molta disinvoltura il tovagliolo 
bianco (690). 


Dalla culla alla tomba (Volume 54). 
Gli uomini s’ eran presi un pezzo di crescia sotto al braccio (460).— S’ eran 
messo I’ abito pit bello benché non dovesse accompagnare il battesimo (467). 
Montegu (Volume 46). 


Egli in vece si era dato ogni premura per soddisfare a tutte le richieste di danaro 
che gli venivan fatte (89).— I] rincrescimento di dover rinunciare a un tratto alla 
fama di giovinetto elegante e alla moda ch’ egli s’ era conquistata (276). — Chi 


avrebbe avuto fiducia in un uomo che s’ era mangiato il suo (280).—E che per 
conto mio me ne sarei lavate le mani (460).— Piena di freddo, sebbene si fosse 


tirate le coltri fin quasi sopra il capo (463).— Anche quella volta s’ era preso i 
guanti e il cappello (469).— II tenente Aschieri per aver detto cid, s’ era presa una 
sciabolata (479).— Bianca si era creata un mondo a parte (651).— Parendo le 
oramai di esserselo guadagnato il suo Leonardo (Vol. 47, 296).— La tutta Milano 
si era dato convegno alla corte d’ assise (87). | 


Scuola normale feminile (Volume 49). 


L’ alunna sedette soddisfatta perché almeno il suo zero se I’ era quadagnato. 


IV. Auxiliaries with Reflexive Verbs in Spanish. 


In the earliest documents of the Spanish language reflexive 
verbs are found conjugated with the auxiliaries ser and haber. 


Lil Libro de los Reyes d’ Orient. 


Ser. . Estos reyes complieron sus mandados 
By SONMSEL LOLI COSHME Ey tats sect mice nono lemers antral oeetie sure AO 


Vida de Santa Maria Egipciaca. 


Ffabey . (Quando desto te avras partido 
Nos te daremos buen marido. 


Romancero del Cid. 


memes ere) nesoy) escapacant &. Vties0 ay.) oe Ban beg et tet @ oy 60 
ArLerermvacdensecretorse hada by J1's 6s) 


93 


64. J. A. Fontaine, 


Libre ad’ Appolonio. 


Ser. .  Ancoraron las naves in ribera del puerto 


Encendieron su fuego,que se les eramuerto. - . . . 2 3 5 45S 
Ser . . Los que solia tener por amigos leyales 
Tornados se'le son enemigos mortales ~~ ° 2 2} 
Poema de Alexandro Magno. 
Ser. . Sennor dixo 1 griego tengo me por tu pagado 
Quando vassallo tuyo me soe tornado. .... .=.+ . . 873 
Sey . . ,@uemo/sabial falso que seifues arrancado >. fo 6s  -  enGe 
Ser . . (ue se se fusse ende estovies bien recaudada 
Bra-sesya tornado: 9). is. ! e's kelley @ os le Sane ee 
La Estoria de Senor Sant Millan. 
Ser . . Quese era probado por sancto muy complido . . . .. . . 322 
Milagros de nuestra Senora. 
Ser. « Mucho masilivalieraisiiseifuesse"quedado) 7 7-1) ) nis ienntememnerod 


Cronica del Rey don Alfonso. 


In this cronica reflexive verbs are conjugated with hader, 
except in the two following cases :— 


Ser . . E que dejase los arrayaces porque él oviese dellos emienda 
Bcobrase la tierra,con que se le eran alzadas) 2-5 9.) 50) 
Ser. . E él erase ido dende a le facer guerra de los castillos . . . . 46 


Hurtado de Mendoza. 
All the reflexive verbs take the auxiliary aber in this 
author. 


Haber. Que dé-miy de‘ellos'sé habiaido 2... 2 295% = 61s) eee 


Don Quixote. 


I have found only one instance of a reflexive verb conju- 
gated with sen ; 
Compare :— 
Ya se es ido el caballero (XXI. 117). 
La demas gente de casa toda se habza ido a comer. 


04 


ii 


LO ee 


. 


Use of Auxiliary Verbs in Romance Languages. 65 


Don Quixote is the last work in which any trace of a 
reflexive verb conjugated with the auxiliary ser is to be 
found. 


V. Auxtharies with Reflexive Verbs in Portuguese. 


In reading such old Portuguese texts as were obtainable, I 
found only doubtful cases of reflexive verbs having ser in 
their compound tenses. //aver is the auxiliary met with 
in Hardung’s Romanceiro and other Portuguese texts. 

Cf. A elret se ha quetxado (Romanceiro, 123). 


VI. Auxtharies with Reflexive Verbs in Provencal. 


The verbal system of the Provengal follows very closely 
that of the French. In Le Moine de Montaudon, Pierre 
Vidal, Bertrand de Born, Roman de Flamenca, I found the 
auxiliary esser always used to conjugate the compound tenses 
of reflexive verbs. 

Compare Le Moine de Montaudon. 

Qwieu m’en sui tant defendutz e loignatz. 


For de mon cor que s’es en vos mudatz. 
Que de drut s’es tornatz maritz. 


Prerre Vidal. 


De chantar m’era laissatz. 


Bertrand de Born. 


Quand lo reis Richartz s’en fou passatz outra mar. 
Dizon que trop me sui cochatz. 


Roman de Flamenca. 


Et al rei si son presentat 
E quan si fou agenolhatz. 


Roman de Faufre. 


E] reis es se meravillatz. 
Cant la vi pueis es se seinatz. 
E Jaufres s’es apareillatz. 
S’en es vengutz a Melian. 


95 


66 F. A. Fontatne. ‘ 


Gerard de Rossilion. 


S’en es issiht lo como de grand iror. 


Chronique des Albigeots. 


Car lo duc de Bergonha s’en es ladoncs crozat. 
Que el cap des castel se son tuit amagatz. 

E s’es vengutz a Roma. 

Lo reis P. d’Arago felos s’en es tornatz. 


Roman de Fierabras. 


Devas Contastinoble s’es lo rey regardatz. 
Ab aquestas paraulas lo rey s’en es intratz. 


Mireio. 
Bylo jamat's’es plus fasvelve © oy a wei de ee ate) Gale Sy eral eae a eee 
S‘eiroustide low comije-laicaraausonlet) . = s. sy. « of © sos) ee hla 
..- Untrau 
Seo we GlauHememmcehinor oo a olol o fb aad o oo) peo co. 9 JL Os 


The lack both of proper texts and time makes it necessary 
to end here the investigation of the use of the Auxiliary 
Verbs in the Romance languages. Should this article be 
found of any use or interest to the student of Romance com- 
parative grammar, it is the intention of the writer to complete 
it by further examination in the Wallachian, Catalan, Rhato- 
romonsch, and other minor Romance dialects. 


96 


Vou. I. OCTOBER, 1888 No. II. 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Lublished by the University of Nebraska 


COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION 


C. E. BESSEY A. H. EDGREN ee 
L. E. HICKS CN. LITTLE -Aqysoil Sip 
ir as vy 
L. A. SHERMAN, Epiror—s# 
(ee suis 29/04 
\ 
Ne Tie, bs wy 
CONTENTS ONAL MAPS 


1. ON THE CONVERSION OF SOME OF THE HOMOLOGUES 
oF BENZOL-PHENOL INTO PRIMARY AND SECOND- 
REV OAMINES. Machel Lloyd fo go ete i gs OF 


2. SoME OBSERVATIONS UPON THE SENTENCE-LENGTH 
iN PNGiisd PROSE. 2.44. Sherman. Fe eo TAQ 


3. ON THE SOUNDS AND INFLECTIONS OF THE CYPRIAN 
bison. CF Bewngit ooo Oe os 6 AQT 


ISSUED QUARTERLY 


LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 


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ENTERED AT THE POST-OFFICE IN LINCOLN AS SEconp-cLass MATTER 


CONTENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


No. L., JuLy, 18388 


On the Transparency of the Ether 
By DEWITT B. BRACE 


On the Propriety of Retaining the Eighth Verb- Class in Sanscrit 
By A. H. EDGREN 


On the Auxiliary Verbs in the Romance Languages 
By JOSEPH A, FONTAINE 


For copies of the UNIVERSITY STUDIES, address the editor Price of single 
numbers, $1.00 Annual subscription, $3.00 


J. S. Cusuinc & Co., Printers, Boston 


vi 4 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES. 


VoL. I. OCTOBER, 7888. No. 2. 


I.— Ou the Conversion of Some of the Flomologues 
of Benzol-Phenol into Primary and 
Secondary Amines. 


BY RACH EI LLOYD. 


VaRIoUS experiments, attended with but little or no suc- 
cess, have been made by distinguished chemists at different 
periods of time to convert benzol-phenol into aniline. 

Some years since, Professor V. Merz and W. Weith! 
obtained aniline, together with diphenylamine, by heating 
benzol-phenol and_.zinc-ammonium-chloride at a temperature 
of 280-300°. Later experiments, made in the laboratory 
of Professor Merz? have shown that the above-mentioned 
changes take place more readily when ammonium-chloride is 
added to the zinc-ammonium-chloride and the temperature 
raised to 330°. Under these conditions, the three cresols 
have been converted into the corresponding mono- and dito- 
lylamines, as well as the xylenes into primary and secondary 
amines. It has been further proved that zinc-ammonium- 
bromide and ammonium-bromide produce similar results 
to those given by zinc-ammonium-chloride and ammonium- 
chloride. 


1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XIII., 1298. 
2 P. Miiller: Inaugural-Dissertation. Aarau, 1886. 


University Stupies, Vol. I., No. 2, OcroBeEr, 1888. 07 


2 Rachel Lloyd, 


In order to ascertain whether the above reactions are com- 
mon to the benzol-series, or not, I have undertaken the con- 
version of some of the higher homologues of benzol-phenol 
into primary and secondary amines, with the following 
results. 


ISOBUTYLPHENOL. 


Isobutylphenol, prepared by the method given by Lieb- 
mann,! boiling at 230° was heated in closed tubes with zinc- 
ammonium-bromide and ammonium-bromide in the propor- 
tions by weight of 1:3:1 for forty hours at a temperature 
of 320°-330°. 

The tube-contents showed indistinct layers; the upper, an 
amorphous mass of a dark-green color; the under layer, a 
semi-solid mass of a light-green color, contained an abun- 
dance of darker particles. Accompanying these was a quan- 
tity of a dark-green oily liquid. During the reaction water 
was formed in abundance in the tubes. 

The opening of the tubes showed considerable pressure. 
The escaping gas possessed an aromatic odor and burned 
with a feeble flame. 

The tubes were further heated during six hours at the 
same temperature; the contents showed no special change 
from the appearances above described, but the oily portions 
were darker in color and the layers not so distinctly marked. 
The treatment of the tube-contents was as follows, and this 
method, essentially the same as that used by Merz and 
Miiller? for the separation and quantitative estimation of 
mono-phenyl and diphenylamine and unchanged phenol from 
benzol-phenol, was followed in subsequent experiments with 
other phenols. The reactions-mass was warmed with dilute 
hydrochloric acid until complete solution took place, with the 
exception of floating charred particles. Floating on the 
surface of the green-colored solution was a dark-brown oil. 
To insure complete separation of the substances, the entire 


1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XIV., 1842. 
2 [bid. XIX., 2902. 


98 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 3 


solution was warmed with ether under reversed. condenser. 
The oil dissolved readily in the ether. The primary base 
was sought for in the acid solution, and the secondary base 
and unchanged phenol in the ether extract. 

The addition of an excess of ammonia to the acid solution 
caused the separation of a light-brown oil, which after extrac- 
tion with ether and drying over caustic potash was fraction- 
ally distilled and weighed. 


Phenisobutylamine : — 
N—H = Ci Hy, . NH.. 


The larger part of the primary base —a light-brown oil, 
had a constant boiling point of 230°-231°. The amidoisobuty- 
lamine obtained by Studer! from aniline, hydrochloric acid 
and isobutyl-alcohol, boiled at the same temperature. The 
acetyl compound of phenisobutylamine crystallized from warm 
alcohol in satiny leaflets, which melted at 170°, corresponding 
in all respects with the amine of Studer. According to the 
investigations of Pahl,? it seems evident that Studer’s base 
is a # amidoisobutylamine. 

The ether extract, separated from the acid solution by 
means of a separation funnel, was filtered to remove charred 
particles (which particles were dried and weighed), then 
thoroughly shaken with sodium hydrate to free the sought- 
for secondary amine from any unchanged phenol which might 
be present. 


Diphenitsobutylamine : — 


ae . GH = Cay H., NH. 


The so-isolated secondary amine —a thick oily liquid of a 
deep-brown color—was twice distilled with superheated 
1 Studer, Annalen 211, 236. 
2 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XVII., 1233. 
99 


4 


4 


4 Rachel Lloyd, 


steam. By this means a light golden oil was obtained, 
which became colorless after distillation in an atmosphere 
of hydrogen. A small portion distilled over at 290°—305°, a 
greater amount between 305°-315°; at 315° partial decompo- 
sition took place, yellowish white fumes were given off. 
(Under similar conditions diphenylamine boiled at 297°.) 

An analysis of the portion distilling between 305°-315° 
gave the following result : — 


I. 0.2176 gr. substance gave 0.6793 gr. carbon-dioxide and 
0.183 gr. water, corresponding to 0.18525 gr. C. and 0.02033 
aa 

II. 0.1642 gr. substance gave 8 cc. of moist nitrogen (ther- 
mometer 20° C., barometer 760 mm.) equal to 0.0090632 gr. N. 


III. 0.2737 gr. substance gave 13 cc. of moist nitrogen (ther- 
mometer 21° C., barometer 726 mm.) equal to 0.0141219 gr. N. 


Calculated for Found. 
CH Ne i IL. 
Cy — 240— 85.41 per cent.. . 85.13 per cent... .—— 
H.— 27— 9.61 it =o 0:34 e _.— 
N — 14— 4.98 2 PGs iL s - + 5eE5 percents 


281 — 100.00 


I was unable to obtain the base other than as a thick oil 
even at temperature of —15° C. A drop of nitric acid added 
to the light yellow-brown solution of diphenisobutylamine in 
concentrated sulphuric acid, produced a violet tint which 
changed rapidly to blue and then to blue-black. 

Finally, the unchanged phenol separated from the first 
ether extract was again set free by hydrochloric acid, isolated 
with ether, and distilled at 229°-233°. The investigations 
proved that in its qualitative aspects, at least, isobutylphenol 
is analogous to benzol-phenol, the cresols and the xylenes. 
The results of repeated experiments have shown that a better 
yield of primary and secondary amines is obtained by the 
action of zinc-ammonium-bromide than with zinc-ammonium- 

100 


Converston of Benzol-Phenol. 5 


chloride. With each were used twenty grams of phenol, 
sixty grams of the bromide or chloride of zinc and ammonium, 
and twenty grams of ammonium bromide or chloride, and the 
temperature was maintained at 320°—330° for forty hours. 


Zinc-ammonium-bromide. Zinc-ammonium-chloride. 
ISOBUTYLPHENOL. —= = ———— 


Il. 


Phenisobutylamine . 30 28 per cent. 


Diphenisobutylamine 4 18 


Unchanged phenol . : 44 


Carbonized substance : ; 3.9 


DERIVATIVES OF DIPHENISOBUTYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (CyH»NH . HCl).Pt. Cl,— 
was most readily obtained by adding to an alcoholic solution 
of the hydrochloric acid salt an alcoholic solution of platinum- 
chloride. An oily salt separated at first, which after standing 
changed to a granular golden-brown mass. 

The mass was with difficulty soluble in water, but dissolved 
readily in hot alcohol, from which it crystallized in golden 
needles. The twice-crystallized salt was dried over sulphuric 
acid in vacuum and at 110°, then analyzed with the following 
result : — 


I. 0.3300 gr. of the salt gave 0.0670 gr. platinum ; 


Heeonee@ erates 6 O:07137o% platinum. 


Calculated for Found. 
(Cop Hog NH . HCl). Pt Cly. is ime 
ZOOM percent, Pts, |. 220.30) 21.0 20,04 per cent, Pt. 


Acetyldiphenisobutylamine : — 


N—C, H, . C, Hy = Cys Hoy NO. 
22 H,O 


IOI 


6 Rachel Lloyd, 


To form this compound diphenisobutylamine was heated 
with an excess of acetic anhydride for two hours at a tem- 
perature of 130°. The fluid darkened in color, and upon 
neutralization of the free acid with sodium carbonate, a thick 
crystalline mass of a gray-white color separated. This mass 
was thoroughly washed, dried, and crystallized out of benzol 
by addition tof a small quantity of absolute alcohol, in glis- 
tening white leaflets, with 75° as the constant melting point. 
The crystals dissolved with difficulty in hot water, readily 
in alcohol and benzol. Efforts to obtain the base from this 
compound by heating with sodium carbonate and caustic 
soda were unsuccessful, the acetyl compound remaining unde- 
composed. The analysis gave the following result :— 

0.2895 gr. substance gave 0.2383 water, corresponding to 
0.02647 H and 0.8640 gr. carbon-dioxide to 0.23565 gr. C. 


Calculated for 


Coo Hoy NO. Found. 
Cy — 264 — 81.73 percent .... 81.39 per cent. 
H»— 29— 8.98 Be ee ely! es 
N — 14— — 4.34 ss 2 eee a 
O — 16— 4.95 = oe se See 


323 — 100.00 per cent. 


ISOAMYLPHENOL. 


The Isoamylphenol which formed the starting-point of the 
following experiments was made after the method given by 
Liebmann and distilled at 249°. The experiments were con- 
ducted similarly to those with isobutylphenol. With every 
twenty grams of phenol sixty grams of zinc-ammonium-bromide 
and twenty grams of ammonium-bromide were used. The 
substances were heated in closed tubes for forty hours at a 
temperature of 330°-340°. On opening the tubes a very dis- 
agreeable-smelling gas escaped, which burned with a feeble 
flame for a few seconds. The tube-contents were in general 

102 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. i 


appearance similar to those already described. Water was 
formed in abundance and the reaction-mass was dark-green 
in color. The bases were separated by the method used with 
isobutyl-phenol. 


Phenisamylamine : — 
N—H = Ci Hr 5 NH,, 


a dark-brown oil of weak basic character. boiled at 259°-262°. 
The distillation was continued until the temperature had 
reached 266°, when only a small amount of carbonized sub- 
stance remained. It seems probable that the oil distilling 
between 259°—262° is identical with the amido-amyl-benzol 
prepared by Calm,! by the action of chlor-zinc-aniline upon 
fermentation amylic alcohol, of which the boiling point is 
given at 256°-258°. It gave upon analysis the following 
results :— 

0.1547 gr. substance gave 0.4566 gr. carbon dioxide and 
O@1415 er. water, equal to 0.12453 gr. C. and 0.01572 ger. H. 


Calculated for 


C,,Hy,N. Found. 
Cy —132— 80.98 percent .... 80.50 per cent. 
Hy,— 17— 10.43 BY oe EOSTIG e 
N-— 14— 6:59 ne Vainie 


163 — 100.00 per cent. 


Diphenisamylamine : — 


Va Cy Hy, a C;Hy 
anets 1Bla . C; Ba => (Ces Hy NH 


was obtained as a thick dark-brown oil, which boiled at 301°— 
325°. In order to purify it, it was twice distilled with super- 
heated steam, then in an atmosphere of hydrogen, when an 
almost colorless oil distilled over between 319°—321°. 


1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XV., 1643. 
103 


8 Rachel Lloyd, 


The analysis confirmed the presence of a secondary 
amine : — 


I. 0.2529 gr. substance gave 0.7925 gr. carbon dioxide 
and 0.2350 gr. water, equal to 0.21613 sr. C. and G@e26n8 
a 


$0 


IT. 0.2291 gr. substance gave 10 cc. of moist nitrogen 
(thermometer 22° C. barometer 729 mm.) equal to 0.010854 
or IN: 


Calculated for 


Coo Hg, N. Found, 
Co —264— 85.44 percent ..... 8.45 per cent. 
Hz;— 31— 10.03 As eect GOS i 


ND Sr Sec We iceeh ft Gemas 


309 — 100.00 per cent. 


Upon standing, the amine became darker in color, and in 
concentrated sulphuric acid dissolved with an _ exquisite 
golden color which grew darker in the air ; the addition of a 
nitrite or of nitric acid to this solution changed the color, 
first to light violet, then to a deep blue. In connection 
with these bases, a considerable quantity of unchanged phenol 
was found, which was isolated and distilled. Boiling point, 
247°-250°. 

The results of corresponding experiments with the bromides 
and chlorides of zinc and ammonium are here tabulated. 
Temperature, 330°—340° ; time, forty hours. 


Zinc-ammonium-bromide. Zinc-ammonium-chloride. 


ISOAMYLPHENOL. 


Il. Ill. : iL Ill. 


Phenisamylamine. . 31 33-2 per cent. 


6c 


Diphenisamylamine . 25 18 
Unchanged phenol . Sons, 


Carbonized substance : 0.8 : 4 


104 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 9 


DERIVATIVES OF PHENISAMYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (Cy Hy, N-H Cl), Pt Cl,— 
separated as a canary colored amorphous mass, when to a 
hydrochloric acid solution of the base, platinum chloride was 
added in slight excess. The amorphous floating mass was 
dissolved with difficulty in hot water, more readily in hot 
alcohol, and was crystallized from a hot mixture of the two 
in beautiful golden needles. 

For the analysis, it was dried at 100°-110°, when it gave 
the following result : — 


0.3464 gr. of the salt gave 0.0912 gr. platinum. 


Calculated for 
(C,, Hy; N . HCl). Pt Ch. Found. 


26.43 percent Pt. ........ 20.23 pen, cent, Pt; 


Benzoylphentsamylamine : — 


ot GASH . GC Hy 
ING, HO Gri NO: 
Ss 
H 


Phenisamylamine was treated with an excess of chlorben- 
zoyl, and the reaction which commenced at once was fully 
completed in an hour. During the operation a light-brown 
crystalline mass separated, which was thoroughly washed, 
made neutral with sodium-carbonate, and crystallized from hot 
absolute alcohol. After a second crystallization, exquisite 
crystals of a leaf-like form and a mother-of-pearl lustre shot 
out from the solution in great abundance. These crystals, 
which dissolved readily in hot alcohol and in cold chloroform 
and benzol, had a constant melting-point of 148.5°. Calm ! 
gives the melting-point of the benzoyl-compound of his amido- 
amyl-benzol at 146°-149°. 


1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XV., 1645. 


105 


ite) Rachel Lloyd, 


The analysis resulted as follows : — 


0.2060 gr. substance gave 0.6101 gr. carbon dioxide and 
0.1452 gr. water, equal to 0.16638 gr. C. and 0.01613 gr. H. 


Calculated for 


Cig H,, NO. Found. 
Cig — 216— 80.89 percent .... 80.76 per cent. 
Hy,— 21— 7.87 Seth cj eetigoyss ‘ 


N — 14—. 5.25 a Soy SS 
O — 16— _ 5.99 a wee 


267 — 100.00 per cent. 


DERIVATIVES OF DIPHENISAMYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (C.. Hy» NH . HCl), Pt Cl. 

The salt was best prepared by conducting dry hydrochloric 
acid gas into an ether solution of the base. The ether was 
evaporated and an oily compound obtained which dissolved 
readily in absolute alcohol. 

The addition of an alcoholic solution of platinum-chloride 
to this solution, gave after some days’ standing a compact, 
dark-golden, slightly crystalline body, which was difficultly 
soluble in hot alcohol. After thorough washing with water 
it was dried over sulphuric acid, and finally at 100°-110°. 

The analyses were as follows :— 


I. 0.2416 gr. substance gave 0.04450 gr. platinum. 


Ty e33007" SF LO!OOS oN 
Calculated for Found. 
(Cop Hg) NH . HCl). Pt Cl,. 1. I. 
18.92 per cent Pt. 18.41 46.70: PEG Cent set. 


Acetyldiphentsamylamine : — 
We G; Ish, . Cr 18h 
N—C,; H, . Ca Gy = (Con let NO. 
CHO 


106 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. II 


In the preparation of this substance one molecule of the 
base was heated with two molecules of acetic anhydride for 
four hours at a temperature of 130°. 

The chocolate-brown resulting mass became grayish-white 
after a thorough washing with water and neutralization of 
the free acetic anhydride. It was crystallized from hot 
benzol in shining white leaflets which melted at 81°, dissolved 
readily in warm benzol and chloroform, also in hot absolute 
alcohol. 

The analysis gave the following result : — 


0.1348 gr. substance gave 0.4056 gr. carbon-dioxide and 
0.1172 gr. water, corresponding to 0.1104 gr. C. and 
@:01302 er. EI. 


Calculated for 


Cy, H33 NO. Found. 
Cy — 288 — 82.05 percent .... 81.89 per cent. 
Hs3,— 33— 9.40 % oy Agee oe OHO ge 
N — 14-—_ 3.98 ee oe ee. ee 
O — 16— 4.57 SY 2 eee “ 


351 — 100.00 per cent. 


THYMOL. 


The object of the following research was the study of the 
action of zinc-ammonium-bromide upon some of the phenols 
of a more complicated chemical structure. To this end thy- 
mol was selected as the starting-point. 

The thymol used distilled at 230°. 

The same proportions by weight of phenol, zinc-ammonium- 
bromide and ammonium-bromide I :3:1 were used as in 
former experiments, the mixture was heated for forty hours, 
and the temperature raised to 350°-360°.. The tube-contents 
presented distinctly marked layers. The upper layer, an 
amorphous mass of a dark-brown color, was intermingled 
with many lighter particles of an indistinct crystalline form. 

107 


12 Rachel Lloyd, 


The under layer, a lighter colored amorphous mass, was im- 
pregnated with a dark, oily liquid. Water was formed in 
abundance. Pressure in tubes, very slight. The contents 
of the tubes were warmed with dilute hydrochloric acid, then 
with ether under return-condenser and the bases separated 
according to previously described methods. 


Thymylamine : — 
Te Cro Hy, 
Neel = Cy Hi;NH, 
\H 


separated as a very light-colored oil, which, after two distilla- 
tions, boiled constantly at 230°. 

With sulphuric acid and potassium bichromate it gave the 
characteristic reaction ; in the degree of its solubility in the 
ordinary solvents, and in its compounds it showed its identity 
with the cymylamine obtained by Widman! from cuminol. 


Dithymlamine : — 
v Cro Hi, 
N—Cyo Hy3 = Cop Hog NH. 


Hi 

The impure secondary amine, a dark smeary mass of 
indistinct crystalline structure, was purified by repeated 
distillation with superheated steam and fractionation in 
an atmosphere of hydrogen. The greater portion of 
the oil distilled between 340°-345°; while above 346° par- 
tial decomposition took place with evolution of yellow 
fumes. 

The so-obtained, almost colorless base, which was not 
solidified at —18°C., had a pleasant aromatic odor, gave with 
sulphuric acid a golden-brown color with a tinge of red: 
slight fluorescence was noticeable. Nitric acid added to this 
solution changed the color at once to dark-blue, which re- 
mained unchanged. With a nitrite a greenish-blue tint was 
produced. 

1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XV., 166. 


108 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 13 
The presence of a secondary amine was confirmed by the 
analysis :— 


I. 0.1355 gr. substance gave 0.4264 gr. carbon dioxide and 
0.1138 gr. water, corresponding to 0.1163 gr. C. and 0.01264 
er. El: 


II. 0.1255 gr. substance gave 6 cc. moist nitrogen (thermo- 
meter 22° C., barometer 727 mm.) equal to 0.006494 gr. N. 


Calculated for 


Cop Ho, N. Found. 
Chi 240—" 85.45 per cent: : 2... $5.82" pencent. 
H,— 27— 9.61 Si vote 2088 ~ 
N — 14— 4.98 5 She el aly o 


281 — 100.00 per cent. 


Accompanying these bases was unchanged thymol, which 
was isolated and weighed. Corresponding experiments were 
made with thymol and the chloride of zinc and ammonium. 
The results of repeated experiment are here given. The 
proportion of the substances used, as well as the time and 
temperature, were the same as when the bromides were 
used. 


Zinc-ammonium-bromide. Zinc-ammonium-chloride. 


THYMOL. 
Ill. A E Mie 


Thymylamine .. . : 22.6 per cent. 


Dithymylamine . . ; 20.5 « 
Unchanged thymol . 44.3 “ 


Carbonized substance % : : 2:2 és 


DERIVATIVES OF THYMYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (C, H,; N . HCl), Pt Cl,— was 
prepared by dissolving the base in absolute alcohol, adding a 
small amount of hydrochloric acid, then an alcoholic solution 


109 


14 Rachel Lloyd, 


of platinum chloride in excess. The double salt separated at 
once in the form of golden needles. These were recrystal- 
lized from absolute alcohol. The crystals warmed with water, 
were decomposed with separation of the base. 

An analysis of the salt dried at 100°-110° gave the follow- 
ing result : — 


I. 0.1736 gr. substance gave 0.0476 gr. platinum. 


II. 0.6944 gr. i) OMOOAOQrGin Gane 
Calculated for Found. 
(Cy) H,;N'. HC, PtCl,. I Il. 


27-48 per cent Pt). ..27-4D 2 5.27.42 \per cemeae 


Acetylthymylamine : — 
Yh Cy) H,,0 
NG; H,O = Gr Hy NO. 
NET 


The compound was formed by heating the base with an 
excess of acetic anhydride for half an hour at 100°. The 
solution, which at first was almost colorless, changed to a 
light-brown; upon cooling a grayish-white crystalline mass 
separated, which was washed and neutralized with sodium 
carbonate and recrystallized from absolute alcohol, in satiny 
white needles which melted at 112.5°, closely agreeing with 
the melting-point obtained by Widman.! 


DERIVATIVES OF DITHYMYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (Cx Ho NH . HCl), Pt Cl,— 
was formed when to an ether solution of the base, acidified 
with hydrochloric acid, platinum chloride was added in excess. 
After standing for some days, a thick yellowish-brown oil 
separated, which was thoroughly washed in cold alcohol (in 
which it was not soluble) dried over paraffine and sulphuric 
acid, and finally at 100°. 


1 Berichte der Deutschen chem. Gesellschaft XV., 166. 
TIO 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 15 


The analysis gave the following result : — 
0.1630 gr. substance gave 0.03241 gr. platinum. 
Calculated for 
(Cop Hog NH . HCl)» PtCly. Found. 
BOLO Exper Comite tsi. tym Saar oi a ‘19.88 per cent Pt. 


Acetyldithymlamine : — 


y C1 His 
Cyo Hy = Cry Ho NO. 


N— 
NG. © 


This body was formed by heating together calculated 
amounts of the base and acetic anhydride at a temperature of 
130—-135°. At the end of an hour the reaction was complete. 
The product, a yellowish-white mass, was crystallized from 
benzol in white leaflets which melted at 78°, dissolved readily 
in hot benzol and ligroin, sparingly in alcohol. 

An analysis gave the following result : — 


0.1929 gr. substance gave 0.5760 gr. carbon dioxide and 
0.1589 gr. water, corresponding to 0.15708 gr. C. and 
0.1765. on. HH: 


Calculated for 


Coo Hog NO. Found. 
Cm — 2604 —. 81.73 percent... . . 81.43 per cent. 
Hy»— 29— 8.98 Sf ee ehtey Ss TOUS Re 
N — 14— 4.34 e ope WC a 
O — 16— = 4.95 e ee 


323 — 100.00 per cent. 


CARVACROL. 


From the results obtained with thymol it was natural to 


suppose that its isomer, carvacrol, would yield similar 
products. 


II! 


16 Rachel Lloyd, 


The carvacrol used was obtained from Schuchardt and 
boiled constantly at 236°. The same proportions of zinc- 
ammonium-bromide and ammonium-bromide were used as in 
the foregoing investigations and the mixture was heated for 
the same number of hours at 350°—360°. 

The reaction-mass consisted of a light golden-brown under- 
layer, and a darker overlying layer of a granular consistence, 
intermixed with a considerable quantity of a light-yellow oil. 
The sides of the tubes were covered with drops of water. 
Pressure almost none. 

In the corresponding experiments with carvacrol, zinc- 
ammonium-chloride and ammonium-chloride, the pressure in 
tubes was considerable, the escaping gas possessed an agree- 
able aromatic odor and burned with a feeble flame. In these 
experiments more carbonized substance was formed than 
when the bromine compounds were employed. The products 
were isolated by previously described methods. 


Carvacrylamine : — 


a yellowish-brown oil distilled by the first distillation at 240°— 
245°, leaving a small quantity of carbonized substance in the 
bulb; by the second, almost entirely between 241°-242°. 
The freshly distilled amine was nearly colorless, and upon 
exposure to the air turned yellow, then brown. It solidified 
and crystallized indistinctly at —16° C. 

The analysis gave the following result : — 


0.1497 gr. substance gave 0.4448 gr. carbon-dioxide, and 
0.1351 gr. water, corresponding to 0.1213 gr. C. and 0.1501 


or HH. 
Calculated for 
Cop Ho N. Found. 
Cy —120— 80.54 percent .... 81.03 per cent. 
Hy;— 1I5— 10.06 a fale te GEOLOR Gi 
N — 14—_ 9.40 comstsieibe S 


163 — 100.00 per cent. 
EIZ 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 17 


Dicarvacrylamine : — 


wy, Cy Ay; 
NC) Hyg = Cop Hog NH. 
‘NH 


The raw, dark-colored, oily, secondary amine was distilled 
with superheated steam; the oil which came over in light 
golden drops and floated on the surface of the milky distillate 
was extracted with ether, dried over caustic potash and finally 
redistilled in vacuum. The greater portion distilled at 344°- 
348°; above this temperature decomposition took place. 
The fraction so distilling was almost colorless, had a most 
pleasant odor, dissolved readily in alcohol, ether, and benzol. 
At —18° C. the body retained the consistence of an oil. With 
concentrated sulphuric acid, a golden tint was produced which 
changed by the addition of a nitrate or nitrite, first, to green- 
blue, then to blue. 

The analysis gave the following result : — 


I. 0.1856 gr. substance gave 0.5814 gr. carbon-dioxide 
and 0.1619 gr. water, corresponding to 0.15856 gr. C. and 
0.01708. gr. H. 


II. 0.2322 gr. substance gave 10.5 cc. of moist nitrogen 
(thermometer 22° C., barometer 720 mm.) equal to 0.011396 
gr. N. 

Calculated for 
Cy Ho N- Found. 
Cn — 240 — 85.41 per cent... . . 85:45 per cent. 
Hy— 27— _ 9.61 oy Sentess 4 SOLOS if 
N — 14— 4.98 - tartan ALOO i 


281 — 100.00 per cent. 


The percentages of carbonized substance, unchanged phenol 
as well as the bases obtained by corresponding experiments 
with the bromides and chlorides of zinc and ammonium, are 
here tabulated. 


113 


18 Rachel Lloyd, 


Zinc-ammonium-bromide. Zinc-ammonium-chloride. 


CARVACROL. 
Il. Ill. 


Carvacrylamine . . 25.6 per cent. 


Dicarvacrylamine. . : : 27.4 ss 


Unchanged Phenol . 5 : 40.2 yy 


Carbonized substance E ; b 4.5 fe 


DERIVATIVES OF CARVACRYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (C, H,, NH,. HCl), Pt Cl,— 
was made by precipitating a hydrochloric acid solution of the 
amine with platinum-chloride. A yellow precipitate in the form 
of needles shot out at once from the golden-colored solution. 
These needles were recrystallized from alcohol in beautiful 
prisms, grouped in clusters. The crystals were dissolved with 
difficulty in hot water, but readily in hot alcohol and benzol. 

An analysis of the salt dried at 100°-110° gave the follow- 
ing result :— 


0.5024 gr. substance gave 0.1384 gr. platinum. 


Calculated for 
(Cio Hig NH, . HCl), Pt Cly. Found. 


20,46 percents Phtshaush scthheee 2:75 (5). PEI CCNEnE ts 


Acetylcarvacrylamine : — 


/ Cr My 
N—C, HO = Cie Hy NO 
~ 
H 


was formed readily by the action of acetic anhydride upon 
a calculated amount of the base. Action began at once, the 
solution became quite brown in color. To insure complete 
reaction, the substances were warmed for an hour at 130°. 

The white mass which separated was crystallized from a 
mixture of alcohol and water in glistening white plates— 
melting at 115°. The crystals dissolved in an abundance of 
hot water, more readily in benzol than in ether, with readi- 
ness in hot alcohol. 


114 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 19 


Benzoylcarvacrylamine : — 


To form this compound a gram of the base was treated 
with an excess of benzoyl-chloride. Action took place imme- 
diately with evolution of hydrochloric acid. Upon warming, 
a further evolution of gas took place, and a crystalline mass 
of a yellowish tint was formed. Upon treating the mass with 
sodium carbonate it became white and was crystallized from 
hot benzol in shining crystals. 

The crystals had the appearance of flat rhombs and feathery 
aggregates, were insoluble in hot water, with difficulty soluble 
in cold, easily in hot alcohol, but readily soluble in ether or 
benzol. Melting point 102°. 

The analysis gave the following result :— 


0.2184 gr. substance gave 0.6455 gr. carbon-dioxide, and 
0.1500 gr. water, equal to 0.1760 gr. C. and 0.1666 gr. H. 


Calculated for 


Cy; Hy NO. Found. 
Cy, —204— 80.63 percent .... 80.58 per cent. 
Hy— I9— 7.51 shastoye 708 be 
N — 14— 5-53 Pa .. ——— 
O — 16— 6.33 ‘: Lee a 


253 — 100.00 per cent. 


DERIVATIVES OF DICARVACRYLAMINE. 


The Platinum Double Salt — (Cy H.NH . HCl), Pt Cl,— 
was prepared after the method used with the double salt of 
dithymylamine. The product so obtained was more crys- 
talline than the isomeric salt, and after thorough washing 
and drying over sulphuric acid in vacuum, granular feathery 
aggregates of a beautiful golden color were formed. 

The analysis of the salt dried at 100° gave the following 
result >— 


0.2039 gr. substance gave 0.0464 gr. platinum. 
115 


20 Rachel Lloyd, 


Calculated for 
(Cop Hog NH . HCl). Pt Cly. Found. 


20.01 MET Cent Inte s ar eemanede C 19.93 per cent Pt. 


The Aydrochloric Acid Salt — Cy Hy NH .HCl— formed 
most readily by conducting dry hydrochloric acid gas into a 
solution of the base in benzol. The salt was precipitated as 
a white granular crystalline mass, which was easily decom- 
posed by water with separation of the base. The mass was 
filtered off, washed with benzol, and dried over sulphuric 
acid in vacuum. An analysis of the salt dried at 100° gave 
the following result :— 


0.2464 gr. substance gave 0.1110 gr. silver chloride. 
Calculated for 
Cop Hog NH . HCl. Found. 
I L21o Per Cent Clie. cwseuewieds 11.15, per cent el 


Acetyldicarvacrylamine : — 


7 Ci0 His 
N—Cyy Hy; = Coo Hoy NO. 
CK ERO 


oO 


The method used in the preparation of this body was the 
same as that used with the isomeric phenols. The glistening 
white scales obtained by crystallizing the product of the 
reaction in hot benzol were easily soluble in hot alcohol and 
in hot ligroin. Melting point, 78°. 

The combustion gave the following result :— 


0.2171 gr. substance gave 0.6480 gr. carbon-dioxide, and 
0.1787 gr. water corresponding to 0.1767 gr. C. and 0.0198 
iglek 

Calculated for 
Cos Ho NO. Found. 
Cy — 264 — 81.73 per cent’. ... . 8r.38 per cent, 
H»— 29— 8.98 she Gah Agemre a 
N — 14— 4.34 be abies ss 
O — 16— 4.95 a wee He 


323 — 100.00 per cent. 


116 


Conversion of Benzol-Phenol. 21 


SUMMARY OF RESULTS. 


The above experiments have shown that primary and 
secondary amines, together with carbonized substance, are 
produced when isobutylphenol, isoamylphenol, thymol and 
carvacrol are heated to 320°-360° with an excess of zinc- 
ammonium-bromide and ammonium-bromide or with the chlo- 
rides of zinc and ammonium. 

Better results were obtained by using the bromine com- 
pounds. 

The percentage of amines reached its maximum — seventy 
per cent — with carvacrol; the three other phenols yielding 
only forty-five to sixty per cent of the original substance. 

In a manner similar to that used with the cresols and 
xylenols, these more complicated homologues of benzol- 
phenol have been converted into amines; but the bases so 
obtained have not formed chemical combinations so readily 
as the bases obtained from the phenols of simpler form. 

So far as I know, the primary base — carvacrylamine — 
has not been previously described.1_ When freshly distilled, 
it is an almost colorless oil of a disagreeable odor; boiling 
point, 241°-242°. Ina freezing mixture it became solid with 
an indistinctly crystalline structure. Its derivatives are 
beautifully crystalline. For further identification of the 
amine, its platinochloride and acetyl and benzoyl derivatives 
were studied. 

The secondary bases, namely, diphenisobutylamine, diphe- 
nisamylamine, dithymylamine and dicarvacrylamine, are oily 
liquids which boil above 300°, are nearly colorless when first 
distilled, but color on exposure to the air. The dicarvacryl 
and dithymyl bases have a most agreeable odor. In order 
to study more closely the character of these secondary 
amines, the platinum double salt and the acetyl and benzoyl 


1 Since these investigations were made, Sdderbaum and Widman have obtained 
Cymidin (Carvacrylamine) by another method. See Berichte der Deutschen 
chem, Gesellschaft XXI., 2127. 


E17 


22 Rachel Lloyd. 


compounds were prepared. With the exception of the 
platinochloride of dithymylamine, the products were well 
crystallized. 

A summary of the work would be incomplete without 
mentioning the fact, that efforts to obtain picrates of diphe- 
nisamylamine and dithymylamine were unsuccessful. An 
analysis of the products obtained by the action of an alco- 
holic solution of picric acid upon an alcoholic solution of 
the aforementioned bases corresponded quite closely with the 
theory for picric acid. In crystal form and melting point 
the substances exhibited marked differences. The products 
will be further examined, with the hope of determining what 
molecular arrangement took place. 

118 


I]. — Some Observations upon the Sentence-Length im 
Linglish Prose. 


By L. A. SHERMAN. 


So far as I am aware, no special investigation of the 
sentence-length in English has yet been made. It has 
therefore seemed on the whole worth while, pending a 
somewhat extended examination of chief authors, to publish 
some of the results already established, with statistical illus- 
trations from representative periods. 

It is, I think, usually taken for granted that there is a pro- 
gressive diminution of length in the English sentence from 
the earliest writers until the present ; in other words, that it 
is the relative modernness of an author which determines 
the lightness of his style. But, quite contrary to any such 
assumption or expectation, we find that the determining factor 
in each case is the relative capacity of the author to respond 
to what may be called the sentence-sense in his own mind. 

The English instinct of sentence-length, in effect, is this, — 
Say or write no more in one sentence than has been brought 
before the mind in a single view, or single judgment. This 
also includes all that is meant by “ Unity” in Rhetoric. 

This sense or impulse to write as one speaks and to speak 
as one thinks is obeyed in general with marvellous fidelity by 
our early poets. To take one of the most familiar of possible 
illustrations, it were hard indeed to find anywhere a more 
natural management of the sentence than in Chaucer's Pro- 
logue to his Canterbury Tales. Note how easily the scenes 
glide before the mind, and how naturally the sentence shifts 
when each is finished :— 


University Stupiegs, Vol. I., No. 2, OcropEr, 1888. II9Q 


2 L. A. Sherman, 


Whan that Aprille with hise shoures soote 
The droghte of March hath perced to the roote, 
And bathed every veyne in swich licour 
Of which vertu engendred is the flour ; 
Whan Zephirus eek with his swete breeth 
Inspired hath in every holt and heeth 
The tendre croppes and the yonge sonne 
Hath in the Ram his halfe cours yronne, 
And smale foweles maken melodye 
That slepen al the nyght with open eye — 
So priketh hem Nature in hir corages — 


Then when his protasis is complete, with equal naturalness 
the real proposition of his introduction is developed : 


Thanne longen folk to gon on pilgrimages ; 

And palmeres for to seken straunge strondes 

To fernwe halwes, kowthe in sondry londes ; 

And specially, from every shires ende 

Of Engelond, to Canturbury they wende 

The hooly blisful martir for to seke 

That hem hath holpen whan that they were seeke. 


But are these eighteen lines in reality one sentence, or 
period, as declared by the punctuation: or what shall be a 
sentence if this is not? Chaucer’s answer would seem to be, 
that each one of the clauses which help make up the whole 
passage is in itself a sentence to the reader, since it occupies 
his mind completely for the time being. But because it is 
introduced, not for the sake of the truth it contains as an end 
in itself, but in order to prepare the way for some more impor- 
tant declaration, the mind of the reader must have notice to 
continue its expectation until the final truth is reached. In 
other words, though each single clause on going into effect 
in the reader’s mind makes with its imagery a complete occu- 
pation, it does not convey all that Chaucer had in his mind at 
the time to say: his meaning is “complex.” He has certain 
single, simple situations which might have made single, sim- 
ple sentences if introduced as such; but all the while he is 
inditing these he is keeping them subordinate to an ulterior 
purpose to which he will make them preliminary or circum- 

I20 


On the Sentence-Length in English Prose. 3 


stantial. Hence are they semicolon-clauses, — exactly such 
as any writer since the invention of printing and punctuation 
would have made them. 

But this natural subordination in which Chaucer everywhere 
equals any modern appears in his poetry alone; in his prose 
the sentence-instinct fails him. No longer is there any sus- 
pension of the circumstantial clauses, but all the sentences 
are thrown together blindly, and often in co-ordinate form as 
thus: ‘Certes,” quod Melibee, “I se wel that ye enforce yow 
muchel by wordes to overcome me in swich manere that I 
shal nat venge me of myne enemys, shewynge me the perils 
and the yveles that myghten falle of this vengeance; but 
whoso wolde considere in alle vengeances the perils and yveles 
that myghte sewe of vengeance takynge, a man wolde nevere 
take vengeance; and that were harm, for by the vengeance 
takynge been the wikked men dissevered fro the goode men 
and they that han wyl to do wikkednesse restreyne hir 
wikked purpos whan they seen the punyssynge and chas- 
tisynge of the trespassours.’”” With Spenser, who writes 
almost as well in poetry as Chaucer, the case is evén worse.! 
Strange enough is it that all the earlier great English poets 
as a rule (save Milton) conform unerringly to the natural 
sentence-form in meter, but when they lay verse-forms aside 
write almost unreadable prose. With the exclusive writers 
of prose, as we shall see, the case is often even worse. There 
is clearly as yet no English sense of what a prose sentence 
should be at all. That was to be painfully and wastefully 
evolved in succeeding generations. 


1 Cf. the following average sentence from his View of the Present State of 
Treland: “These therefore, though pollicye would turne them backe agayne 
that they might the rather consume and afflicte the other rebells, yet in a pityfull 
commiseration I could wish them to be receaved; the rather for that this base 
sorte people doth not for the most parte rebell of himself, having noe harte ther- 
unto, but is of force drawen by the graunde rebells into theyr actions, and carryed 
away with the vyolence of the streame, els he should be sure to loose all that he 
hath, and perhaps his life also; the which nowe he carryeth unto them, in hope 
to enjoy them there, but he is there by the strong rebells themselves soone turned 
out of all, soe that the constraynte herof may in him deserve pardon.” 


2m 


A L. A. Sherman, 


It is to an historical outline of this development of English 
prose that the present pages are devoted. As has been said 
already, there is no regular or consistent approach to the 
modern sentence-form, each author ranging and ranking not 
according to the sense and fashion of his age so much as 
according to the quickness of his own instinct of sentence- 
propriety. Chaucer, for instance, is far in advance of any 
writer of reputation — except Bacon — until late in the seven- 
teenth century, surpassing Dryden in brevity even then ; 
while Swift and Bunyan rank almost with the moderns. 

As introductory to the following statistics of sentence- 
aggregates in representative authors, it should be said that, 
though in general clauses have been taken just as they were 
left by their authors, it has yet been necessary in some 
instances to amend their form. In some of the earlier writers 
it not infrequently happens that we are stopped by a period 
before the predicate is reached. Not infrequently also two 
independent sentences will appear as if parts of one. But 
only in such cases as these where the writer defeats his own 
purpose of pretending to have a meaning, that any hand has 
been laid upon the texts; and this with no author after 
Sidney. 

Passing over the Travels of Sir John Mandeville (which, not 
composed in English, borrows its sentence-forms from the 
French or perhaps the Latin original) we begin our examina- 
tion of English prose with Chaucer. From his superior lite- 
rary genius and his general good sense it perhaps might have 
been predicted that he would show the extraordinarily low 
averages which we find, In the Tale of Melibeus the num- 
ber of words in the first fifty sentences is 2572; in the next 
fifty, 2536; in the next fifty, 2100; and in the mex sede: 
But now in the next fifty sentences the sum rises to 2640, 
and the next stops at 2338, while of the remaining forty the 
sum is 2345. Sum total of the words in Melibeus, 16,659; 
of sentences, 340. Average of words per sentence in this 
Tale, 48333. 

But in the Persouns Tale we encounter very different 


E22 


On the Sentence-Length in English Prose. 5 


averages. In the first hundred sentences the sum of words 
is 4062, but rises in the second to 4803, and falls in the third, 
fourth, and fifth respectively to 3735, 3163, and 2905; as- 
cends again in the three remaining hundreds, 3402, 3386, and 
3834. Twenty-five sentences remain, which contribute 1215 
words. Sum total of the words in the Persouns Tale, 30,505 ; 
average of words per sentence, 368$2.1 Complete average for 
Chater, 407355. 

We next take up Sir Thomas More’s History of Richard 
Ii]. .Here’ the sense of sentenceform is of the feeblest. 
Probably not less than forty per cent of the clauses had to be 
rearranged. Instances of adverb-clauses standing alone as 
complete sentences are especially frequent. Final average 
of 24,882 words in 472 2 sentences, 524$% words. 

A partial examination of Lyly’s Euphues resulted in nearly 
the same average as that of More, namely, 52.22 words, and 
his sentences stand almost in equal need of repairs. Next 
in Roger Ascham we meet with the first real promise of a 
coming English prose-style. His writings clearly enough 
reveal that in him the sense of sentence-form is fairly awake. 
A test-examination of the Toxophilus discovers an average as 
low as 42. But in Sidney's Defense of Poesy we go back- 
ward. Here a like preliminary examination yields 50.65 
words. In Joseph Hall’s Specialties, and Hard Measure 
(written between 1640 and 1650) an average as high as 58.61 
is obtained. This nearly equals a result computed from 
Fabian (60.30), whose works were written before 1512. 

In Richard Hooker we find signs of a general advance in 
the art of writing English prose. The style of the Ecclesias- 
tical Polity of course is heavy from the nature of the subject ; 
but the sentence-average in the First Book is only 44. Hooker 


1 This disparity in sentence-length, it is believed, is unparalleled elsewhere in 
the literature. All other writers yet examined respectively accord in different 
compositions after a few hundred sentences. One is driven to conclude there 
may have been closer adherence to the original in the latter Tale. 

2 Those portions of the History not written originally by More in English, but 
translated from his similar work in Latin, were of course left out of the compu- 


tation. 
123 


6 L. A. Sherman, 


is the first English prosaist who succeeds in arranging his 
clauses so as to leave no uncertainty where the emphasis 
should rest. In Bacon we find of course not only pith and 
point, but another quality hitherto unknown, — economy of 
predication. For the most part he shows large advance from 
Hooker in sense of the proper correlation of clauses. The 
average of the Essays is only 28. 

In Dryden, though in him we first meet with the modern 
quality of readableness, we go backward towards the early 
English vice of expatiation.! A preliminary examination of 
his sentences discovers an average of 45.26 words. In like 
manner Bunyan yields 37.50. Barring the expressions by 
which he affects the style of the Bible, he easily ranks with late 
next-century authors. Much of Bunyan is wrongly punctuated, 
many semicolon-clauses being really independent statements. 
It is therefore proposed to repunctuate his works throughout, 
preparatory to acomplete computation of the sentence-average. 
This, it may confidently be predicted, will be low, probably not 
exceeding the aggregate of Bacon. In Milton we again 
find the sentence-instinct almost wanting, a fault which is 
nearly equally conspicuous in his poetry.2. For him no less 
average than 60.80 was found. A partial examination of Sir 
Thomas Browne yielded 33.40; of Thomas Fuller, 32.80. Addi- 
son in the Spectator registers 37.90; Junius descends to 31.90. 


1Cf. the following from his Zssay on Dramatic Poesy: “ And that all this is 
practicable, I can produce for examples many of our English plays: as THE 
Maip’s TRAGEDY, THE ALCHEMIST, THE SILENT WOMAN: I was going to have 
named THE Fox, but that the unity of design seems not exactly observed in it ; 
for there appear two actions in the play; the first naturally ending with the 
fourth act; the second forced from it in the fifth: which yet.is the less to be 
condenined in him, because the disguise of Volpone, though it suited not with 
his character as a crafty or covetous person, agreed well enough with that of a 
voluptuary ; and by it the poet gained the end at which he aimed, the punish- 
ment of vice, and the reward of virtue, both which that disguise produced.” — 
Malone's ed. Dryden’s Prose Works, vol. 1., pt. I1., p. 89. 

2 Cf. the opening lines of Book II. in the P. L. Here Milton has clearly no 
suspicion of his opportunity to make one of the finest periods in the poem by 
placing full stop at “sat,” or, if the emphasis is on the following phrase, at least 
at “ eminence.” 


124 


On the Sentence-Length in English Prose. 7 


We now pass to the modern age. Of course, thanks to 
the conventionalizing spirit of the eighteenth century, we 
find there is now a fashion in sentences as well as in other 
things, and no well-advised reader —not to say writer— but is 
conscious of its demands. Perhaps De Quincey may be taken 
as the best connecting name. For he is a professional and 
writes ex cathedra like those of the stately generation before 
him, yet is filled to the full with the spirit of the new century. 
He writes a somewhat long sentence, and at first seems in- 
sensible to the instinct of form. But if we examine his style 
closely we soon discover there is great economy of predica- 
tion, and of a sort very different from Bacon’s. How would 
Hooker, or Dryden, or even Bunyan have managed such 
sentences as these? “To intercept the evil whilst yet in 
elementary stages of formation, was the true policy; whereas 
I in my blindness sought only for some mitigation to the evil 
when already formed, and past all reach of interception.” — 
“With a government capable of frauds like these, and a 
people (at least in the mandarin class) trained through cen- 
turies to a conformity of temper with their government, we 
shall find, in the event of any more extended intercourse with 
China, the greatest difficulty in maintaining the first equations 
of rank and privilege.’’ De Quincey is evidently obeying an 
impulse to husband his verbs and concentrate his reader’s 
attention upon the principal predication. But he is in no 
wise burdened with the sense of obligation to write short and 
crisp and ringing sentences. He is in reality behind his age, 
hence cannot catch its spirit or be its leader. The task of 
materializing and interpreting the new English rhetorical 
impulse was to fall to the lot of a contemporary and every 
way equal genius. De Quincey’s sentence-length as exhibited 
in the first thousand sentences of the Opium Eater is 32.28. 

Who then is the true nineteenth-century leader to whom 
De Quincey gives place? A search for the sentence-mini- 
mum among the literature-makers of the day reveals him. 
It is in the style of Lord Macaulay that the new Rhetoric 
finds its interpretation and example. Hitherto had the rhe- 

125 


8 L. A. Sherman, 


torical habit and method been, as we may say, synthetic. 
Each writer, like Chaucer in the sentence from the Prologue 
above quoted, strove to mass his meaning and then express 
it in a sentence which should span its entire content. Now 
the rhetorical instinct shows a tendency to analysis. Instead 
of congesting the meaning proposed for expression Macaulay 
dissects it, summoning back to his conception as he proceeds 
to write only so much at a time as he may amply realize in a 
single view, then making out of the product in each case a 
complete period. ‘One mznd-full at a time for the author, 
and the same embodied zz each sentence for the reader’ is 
actually the rule that Macaulay obeys. And as the reader is 
manifestly at a disadvantage in the transaction as regards the 
author, the impulse was fortunately to reduce and simplify 
the imagery, — whether direct or symbolic, —to be con- 
structed by the imagination of the former, to whom the 
meaning will be most likely new. Thus is a margin saved 
for extra clearness and energy. Yet nothing of this is done 
consciously for the sake of the reader, but wholly to satisfy 
a certain something in the author’s mind. This impulse to 
analyze and energize, —to keep the author’s meaning out of 
the reach of the reader save one notion at a time, leads 
Macaulay especially in his earlier compositions to go against 
the fashion of his day and fall foul of the semicolon as a help 
to thought. Hence such sentences as these are not infre- 
quent: “ Like the former he was timid and pliable, artful and 


mean. But like the latter he had a country.” — “ Shallow is 
a fool. But his animal spirits supply, to a certain degree, 
the place of cleverness.’’ — “ There are errors in these works. 


But they are errors which a writer, situated like Machiavelli, 
could scarcely avoid.” 


1 This method of punctuation is manifestly truer to the thought, and will 
perhaps prevail in time. We are naturally about as loath to give up the eighteenth- 
century punctuation as its standard spelling. As to the excuse of subordinate con- 
junctions for making semicolon clauses, we can go back and learn something from 
old Homer. When a sentence is to follow as the explanation of the preceding 
statement, it is his favorite practice to introduce it without a ‘ because’ or ‘since,’ 


126 


On the Sentence-Length in English Prose. 9 


Thus was it that the normal English prose sentence was 
at last evolved. Everywhere the literary sense of the pro- 
gressive, best English speakers and writers endorsed and 
adopted it without question. And why not? It brought 
the language of books and the language of men together, and 
cancelled the last mischief of the Renaissance. Yet the 
reform demanded very simple things. ‘Write as you speak, 
speak as you think;’ or, more technically, ‘Bring only a 
single phase of the subject before the mind in separate view: 
utter it in a simple sentence: avoid modifying clauses if 
possible,’ — these were alike its postulates and rules, and 
they remain the essential principles of English rhetoric to-day. 
But strangely enough these were destined to be the offspring 
of a twin paternity. At the same time also in America was 
a like impulse working out the same result independently, 
through the genius of Channing.t. Though far less radical, 
subjective, and spectacular, he is yet unmistakably obedient 
to the same instinct of sentence thought and form, and walks 
shoulder to shoulder with Macaulay in the new path. Both 
are at least in earnest for reform and mean to be consistent, 
but sometimes go far astray. Whenever they despair of 
turning out a short, sharp sentence they are only too apt 
to cast off all restraint and write in the old way. In spite 
of the havoc thus made with their sentence aggregates, 
Macaulay’s average in Machiavelli is 23.65, and Channing’s 
in Self Culture, 25.42. A repunctuation of Macaulay in 
accordance with conventional rules to match Channing would 
raise the former aggregate to 25.10. 

But though Macaulay and Channing do not live up to their 
privileges, the standard at least is fixed and the way to im- 


and thus allow the reader the satisfaction of perceiving the relation for himself. 
Still Homer does not slight conjunctions: he merely avoids abusing them. 

1 Although Channing did not attract attention as a stylist until two or three 
years after he must have read Macaulay’s A//ton, he had nevertheless produced 
compositions in the same style as that of his papers on Napoleon at least fifteen 
years earlier. See especially his Duties of the Citizen in Times of Trial or 
Danger (1812), and War; Discourse before the Congregational Ministers of 
Mass. (1816). 


127 


10 L. A. Sherman, 


provement open. Searching for those who shall evince it by 
the test of sentence-shortening as before, we are brought to 
the group of the New England Transcendentalists. Here in 
Emerson we find larger meaning and less sentence, the aver- 
age of the Divinity College Address being 20.92. Emerson 
at least tries hard to keep the whole law of rhetorical single- 
ness and simplicity, but he also lapses at times egregiously. 
There is still a promise which is unfulfilled. Following the 
track of progress further, we are led on through Alcott and 
find at last the present limit of evolution and the literary 
sentence-minimum in Bartol. Here there is perhaps some- 
what of laconism, but it is wholly in the thought — not at all 
in the sentence-forms. Channing would have expressed the 
same meaning in sentences equally concise- with never the 
suggestion of staccato effect, and as a matter of fact often 
runs through a series of periods as short as Bartol’s without 
jolt or jar. The following is an average sample of the latter’s 
style: “He belonged to no class: .. Me was) not; temuamy 
system of theology or philosophy, either leader or led. He 
will be identified with no dogma or reform other or less than 
of the way of regarding and treating those whom he served. 
He is the sailor’s representative. Those other great ones 
were landsmen. He stands for the sea. He is the ereat 
delegate from the waves to the congress of intellect. In 
thousands of ships, by almost millions of mariners, to whom 
by baptism of the Holy Ghost he was father who christened 
their babes, his fame was borne to every port. The sailor 
says he has been where the United States has not been heard 
of, but never where Father Taylor had not. How did a man, 
—no discoverer in the kingdom of ideas, no martyr of principle, 
nor marshal of opinion,—so touch the common mind?” } 
But note the difference in Channing: ‘To one who reflects, 
there is something very shocking in these decorations of war. 
If men must fight, let them wear the badges which become 
their craft. It would shock us to see a hangman dressed out 


1 Radical Problems, pp. 324, 325. 


128 


On the Sentence-Length in English Prose. Il 


in scarf and epaulette, and marching with merry music to the 
place of punishment. The soldier has a sadder work than 
the hangman. His office is not to despatch occasionally a 
single criminal; he goes to the slaughter of thousands as free 
from crime as himself. The sword is worn as an ornament ; 
and yet its use is to pierce the heart of a fellow-creature. As 
well might the butcher parade before us his knife, or the 
executioner his axe or halter. Allow war to be necessary, 
still it is a horrible necessity, a work to fill a good man with 
anguish of spirit. Shall it be turned into an occasion of 
pomp and merriment?”? In the paper entitled Genzus : 
Father Taylor, from which the former passage is cited, we 
compute for Bartol the average of 15.97 words per sentence. 

But it will be evident that the evolution of sentential 
economy since Hooker has not proceeded so much in the 
way of shortening simple sentences — where natural limita- 
tions must be quickly reached —as in the decrease of modi- 
fying clauses. The decline in the use of complex (or com- 
pound) sentences is thus illustrated. In the first book of 
Hooker’s Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity there are 720 sent- 
ences, but only 93 are uninvolved: per cent of simple 
sentences, 13. In Macaulay there are properly 386 simple 
out of every 949: per cent of simple, 41. In Channing the 
ratio is 281 to 704, and the per cent, 40. In Emerson the 
per cent is 46; in Bartol, 52. Moreover in Bartol there are 
only 65 semicolon clauses in 459 periods, and only five 
sentences occur in which the semicolon is used twice. But 
in Hooker as many as six semicolons may upon occasion be 
found in a single sentence. 

There is also a further element in the movement towards 
sentential simplification, —the tendency to think and to cast 
the sentence in direct, pictorial forms rather than —as 
once —in symbolic or abstract; but the statistics of this 
change are too incomplete to quote. Moreover, to avoid 
complication, no consistent attempt has yet been made to 


1 Lecture on War (Works, vol. v.), pp. 144, 145. 


129 


12 L. A. Sherman. 


determine the sentence average in works of fiction. Here 
of course the matter is mainly narrative or descriptive, thus 
reaching the imagination of the reader more directly; also 
much of the language is quotation and in dialogue. The 
sentence average is nevertheless often high, as illustrated by 
De Foe (68; but in this author largely due to the abuse: of 
the semicolon). In the heavier sort of composition, as 
elaborate criticism, where the thought is almost exclusively 
symbolic, it is noticeable that the sentence average rises. 
The approximate aggregate of Matthew Arnold is 37; of Mr. 
Lowell, 38; of Higginson, 33; and of Walter Pater, 36.5. 

As to the implied fact of a literary sentence-rhythmus which 
remains constant in standard writers through different periods 
of composition, a few statistics further will serve both for 
illustration and evidence. Three hundred sentences will 
generally reveal the sentence-rhythm of any writer who has 
achieved a style. Finding that this for De Quincey in the 
Opium Eater (pub. 1821) is 32, we proceed to test it by 
averages of his Toryism, Whiggism, and Radicalism (1835), 
California (1852), and China (1857), and find 31.32 for the 
first, 30.20 for the second, and 31.35 for the third respec- 
tively. Again, starting with the 23.65 from Machiavelli 
(1827) for Macaulay, we find 24.36 in vol. I. of the History 
(written about 1845), 24.14 in vol. V., and 24 in the Pitt 
essay (1859). There is little variation between the respec- 
tive averages taken by the hundreds in the authors examined, 
De Quincey showing greatest range (37.09—28.97), Channing 
and Bartol least (27.48-24.13 and 17.46-14.08 respectively). 

It therefore seems clear that mathematics can be shown to 
sustain a certain relation to rhetoric, and may aid in deter- 
mining its laws. But what, as a psychological fact, sentence- 
rhythm really means, how far it is common to authors in 
English and other literatures, and hence a necessary element 
of style, are questions yet to be considered. It is in order 
to hasten their treatment by other hands that these observa- 
tions are published at the present time. 


130 


III. — Ox the Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian 
Dialect. 


By CHARLES: E. BENNETT, 


Dr. Isaac H. Hatt in the Proceedings of the American 
Oriental Society for October, 1877, stated the wants existing 
at that stage of Cyprian study as 1) a complete collection of 
inscriptions, 2) a correct syllabary, 3) a compilation of the 
best: interpretations ; after which, grammar and vocabulary. 
The first and second of these wants have been admirably 
met by Deecke’s publication of the existing inscriptions with 
an appended syllabary in Collitz’s Sammlung der Griechischen 
Dialekt-Inschriften. Bd. 1., Heft 1, 1883. The excellent foun- 
dation laid by this brilliant and thorough work has encouraged 
the present attempt at a systematic treatment of the grammar 
of the dialect. 

The inscriptions made use of, in addition to those pub- 
lished in Collitz’s Sammlung (212 in number), have been the 
following :— 

1. The two inscriptions with fragments of two others pub- 
lished by Sayce in the Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 
1884, No. 21. 

2. Three inscriptions published by Hans Voigt in the 
Studia Nicolaitana, 1884. 

3. Thirty inscriptions published by Deecke in the Berliner 
Philologische Wochenschrift, 1886, Nos. 41, 51, 52. 

4. The two bilingual inscriptions of Tamassus, published 
by Deecke in the Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1886, 
Wor 42 > 1887,:No.- 12. 

5. Meister’s new reading (suggested by Deecke) of inscrip- 
tion 41 in Collitz’s Sammlung, in the Berliner Philologische 
Wochenschrift, 1887, No. 52. 


University Stupies, Vol. I., No. 2, Ocroser, 1888. 131 


2 Charles E. Bennett, 


6. The two inscriptions published by Deecke in Sezzen- 
berger's Bettriige, xi., p. 315 f. 

7. The reading of CoLiirz 134 as published by Prellwitz 
in Bezzenberger’s Bettriige, ix., p. 172. 

The inscriptions discovered in Cyprus during the last year 
have not as yet been published. It is to be hoped that they 
may add to our knowledge of the dialect. 

As regards the inscriptions published by Deecke in Col- 
litz’s Sammlung, I have been compelled to doubt the general 
correctness of one or two of the longer ones, and mention this 
here that more weight may attach to what is urged below 
against particular forms occurring in these inscriptions. The 
inscriptions are Nos. 68, 69, and 126. * 

No. 68 is the longest of the inscriptions in the Cesnola 
collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 
The characters are quite clear in the main, to judge from 
Hall’s fac-simile (Fournal of the American Oriental Society, 
x., Plate iv., 13). The divisors are also plain. But unmis- 
takable as several of the words of the inscription seem to be, 
e.g. yalpete, line 1; Oeots, line 2; a&(v)@pw7e and Beau, line 3 ; 
ma(v)ta and a(v)Opwo, line 4, yet there are other words 
exceedingly doubtful, especially wor, eime, é¢elons in line I; 
€pepayéva and tra(v)takopactos in line 2; ov, émuotais, adX(X)’ 
érvy a «yp in line 3; and cupephvac and dpovéwi in line 4. 
These words are doubtful not only from the uncertainty of 
some of the characters contained in them, but more espe- 
cially in view of their peculiar and irregular formation (see 
below for the separate cases). Furthermore the interpreta- 
tion which Deecke seeks to establish for the whole inscrip- 
tion (see Bess. Bettr., vi., p. 78 ff.) is so forced and far-fetched, 
that I cannot believe the reading which yields such a sense 
to be correct. Several words as vote and émictais, even if 
formally correct, cannot have the signification which Deecke 
attributes to them. Even the metrical structure of the verses 
(Deecke claims four hexameters) to which Deecke appeals 
for the confirmation of his results, is extremely harsh, involv- 
ing the lengthening of the final. of zo7, the lengthening of 

132 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 3 


the « of ri, the shortening of the second syllable of érictais,} 
the crasis of Qed@s? ad(d)’, besides two striking instances of 
hiatus. 

In view of all these difficulties I cannot believe that the 
true reading of this difficult inscription has yet been reached, 
and I have therefore felt it unsafe to attempt to base any 
grammatical conclusions upon it, at least for the present. 
An irregularity or two in an inscription otherwise certain 
(e.g. aitwy COLL. 60, 14; afaau 59, 4) may be easily ad- 
mitted; but to admit the existence of irregularities in any 
number in an inscription which is thereby made to yield only 
an unsatisfactory sense, reduces the probability of the cor- 
rectness of any one word to a minimum. 

No. 69, though apparently accepted without reservation by 
Hall (Journal of the American Oriental Society, xi., p. 221), 
seems to me to be open to precisely the same objections as 
urged against No. 68, including faulty metrical structure. 

No. 126 is uncertain in several of the characters, and a 
number of the words as read by Deecke involve principles at 
variance with the usage of the dialect. The sense too is not 
convincing. 

No. 41 is now taken by Deecke (Bezz. Beztr., xi., p. 317) 
as reading from left to right, instead of from right to left as 
formerly. This gives an entirely different text, which has 
not yet been fully made out. Meister, following Deecke, has 
offered in the Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1887, 
No. 52, a new reading of the inscription. But this is largely 
conjectural and ‘to be accepted with caution. 

Nos. 122-125 have been shown by Voigt (Bezz. Beztr., ix., 
p- 168) to be in all likelihood cleverly executed forgeries, and 
will accordingly be left entirely out of consideration. 

1 This is Deecke’s explanation, but it is simpler to assume apheresis of the 
initial e. 

2 Equally harsh would be the assumption of synizesis in Gewi, with shortening 
before the initial vowel. 


133 


4 Charles E. Bennett, 


SOUNDS. 
VOWELS. 


1. 
a. 


Cyprian & corresponds in general to primitive Greek & and 
& of the other dialects; ¢,¢. a(v)ti COLL. 60, 5; Bactrevs 17, 
Teepavacule, L- 

1. SdXTov COLL. 60, 26 appears in other dialects as 6éATos, 
being derived from the name of the letter delta (ro dé\Ta). 
The Semitic name of the letter, however, is da/eth, and it is 
doubtless owing to the influence of the Phoenician dialect of 
Cyprus, that the Cyprian Greeks employed the form édXros 
while the others said 6éATos. 

2. Whether fapos as in Doric, Elean, Boeotian, Thessalian 
and Arcadian (in the latter by the side of (epds) really exists 
in Cyprian is as‘ yet uncertain. Of Deecke’s three forms 
‘Tapw(v)dav COLL. 118; (apwratos 41, 1; and japa 72, 2, the 
first is entirely uncertain, and the second no longer main- 
tained by Deecke himself (see Bezz. Beztr., xi., p. 317). Only 
the last of the three, yapa, can lay claim to serious attention. 
Whether japa can be for apa (ze. iapa; see § 18, 1) is 
extremely doubtful. The only theory on which we could 
account for the disappearance of the initial 1, would be that 
it merged in some way with the final . of the preceding 
*AvrorX(A)@ve. This may be correct in spite of the divisor, 
viz. @ po: lont: | ja-+a’. Gf COLL. 26 ¢ mi: | o dae 
—ze. possibly nut “Iodadw. Cf. Deecke, Bess. Beztr., vi, 
p. 83. 

The regular Cyprian form is (epos (iJepds); e.g. Wepevs 
CoLL. 40; lephos 38, 3, et pass. None of the forms in (ep- 
ever show any tendency to lose their initial vowel and to 
appear as Jep-. 

134 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 5 


As to the relation of the two forms (epds and (apos, it seems 
quite probable, in view, of Skrt. zszrvd-, that the latter is the 
primitive one, and that fepds is of secondary origin, with -epos 
for -apos after the analogy of @oBepos, doAEpos, Tpopmepos, etc. 
This is Osthoff’s view. See Morphologische Untersuchungen, 
ie wou 6Cp, Meyer. Gry Gr 7uo4. 

3. Katdotnoe COLL. 127 cannot be a Cyprian form for 
xkatéotace. The syllabic text seems to give ka‘ tase’ te’ se’. 
But the principles of the Cyprian syllabary would demand 
ka‘ta’sa‘te*se* to represent xatdotnoe. This has led 
Voigt (Bess. Bettr., ix., p. 170) to conjecture a mistake of the 
stone-cutter, by which the fa: and ¢e° in the second and 
fourth syllables were interchanged. In that case we should get 
ka‘te'se'ta’se’, t.e. katéotace, —the regular form, found 
frequently in other Cyprian inscriptions, e.g. COLL. 27,2; 28. 

4. Equally uncertain is za(v)taxdpactos, the reading pro- 
posed by Deecke in CoLt. 68, 2,-which he takes (Lezz. Bettr., 
vi., p. 79) for mavtaxopeotos, 2.e. an emphatic axdpeotos, for 
which Deecke compares ravtapiotos, etc. But this change 
of « toa is difficult to justify either physiologically or by any 
etymological combinations. Moreover, the word is suspicious 
in its composition. davtdapiotos, which Deecke compares, is 
not sufficiently analogous to give much probability to his 
view of the word. We ought to have instances of some 
verbal beginning with alpha privative, to which vavr- has 
been prefixed, such as mavt-aBatos, mavt-axpttos, before 
crediting so remarkable a form as tavt-a-Kdpeotos, even did 
it occur with «, and not a, as here. Hall (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., 
xi., p. 220) after a careful re-examination of the inscription in 
New York reads here wa(v)ta yopau Sas, taking Deecke's 
sa* as an 7z', which he insists is correct. But 6a>5 surely can- 
not be right. 

5. As to the possible origin of the peculiar ending -ay, in 
the acc. sing. of consonant stems, from -nv (cf. érapov for 
é-Tm-ov), see below, under /zflections, § 209, 1. 

6. The ain peuvapévor COLL. 71, 2 must be taken as short, 
if the inscription (with Allen, Verszfication in Greek [nscrif- 

135 


6 Charles E. Bennett, 


tions, p. 46) is really to be regarded as metrical, which I 
doubt. Allen’s view requires us to assume the addition of 
éyw in verse I and the interpolation of either waz or ed in 
verse 2, along with the shortening of a to & in peuvapevor. 
This seems to me improbable, especially as thereby we gain 
only rough verses at best. 

7. péFa0t, Hall's reading of Cou. 70 (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., 
xi., p. 221), which he takes as imperative of péfw (“do sacri- 
fice’’) is not in the smallest degree probable. 


2. 


a. 


Cyprian @ appears in evywAas COLL. 59, 4; éotdoav 71; 
KapvE 65, et pass. 

1. Final - (ze. -¢) sometimes appears as a by the disap- 
pearance of thes For the,examples, see below, under Dzph- 
thongs, § 11, 4, 2); 13, 3. Whether this change ever occurred 
in the interior of a word is extremely doubtful. Deecke 
thinks he finds an instance in” Aén CoLL. 126, which he takes 
for “Avéne (2.e.”Acdn). But the other difficulties of the pas- 
sage To(v) doue(v)”“A()dn(L) wrcadtw (see below, § 23, 4; 26, 3) 
are so great that small probability attaches to the correctness 
of this particular form. 


se 


€. 


Instances of regular e are yévorru COLL. 60, 29; deEtwx 37, 
2; ye 56; ovéOnxe 72, I. 

1. “Apiotoxpétns COLL. 71; Sracuxpéreos (gen.) Studia 
Nicolaitana, p. 68; Timoxpéteos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 
41, IL., vill. ; Piroxpéreos zed. vii. ; Tepoxpé[reos] Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1886, No. 52, xxi., have e where the other dialects 
have a (Aptotoxpdrns etc.). COLL. 148 has... ke* rete se’, 
apparently the conclusion of a proper name in -«pérys, the 
first part of which is lost. Tipoxpérns CoLi. 121 is very 
uncertain. Besides forms in -xpérns forms in -xpatys also 
occur, e.g. Stacixpatns COLL. 17, 1; Yracixpateos 18, 2. 

136 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 7 


These two formations represent two different forms of the 
suffix, cper- (strong) and «pat- (weak). The original inflec- 


tion 
: nom. -«pétTns, 


gen. -xpateos (for *-xpatéos, z.¢e. *-xrtécos), 


has become modified by the “levelling” process (f Wheeler, 
Analogy and the Scope of tts Application in Language, p. 21 ff.). 
In most Greek dialects the levelling took place in favor of 
the strong form -«per-. The Cyprian is peculiar in that it 
has levelled both ways, and so developed two inflections, 


-KPETNS -KpaTns 


-KPETEOS -KPATEOS 


as shown by the above examples. (Cf the Anglo-Saxon pre- 
terite sang, plural swzgun,; whence by similar levelling we 
get in modern English the two inflections sawg and sung.) 
These were probably local differences. The close relation- 
ship of the Arcadian to the Cyprian is shown by the occur- 
rence of proper names in both -KpéTns and -«pdtns in that 
dialect also, e.g. Avtoxpérns CoLL. 1246, D, 17; Kanddxxpé- 
Tns 1246, B, 15; Swxpérys 1231, C, 1; Kaddrxpéreos 1246, 
B, 3; “Apiotoxparns 1181, A, 12. 

Zee COLT. 60) 10, 23, 20. As primitive form: of this 
particle we must assume «év found in Homer and Lesbian. 
This was doubtless originally orthotone. By its side stood 
the weak form xd (2.e. xn), enclitic, preserved in Beeotian, 
Cretan; Hleraclean,;"Laconian; Elean, and’ Locrian; The 
form xe can only be explained (with Spitzer, Laut. Ark. Dial, 
p. 8, and Osthoff, Geschichte des Perfects tm Indogermant- 
schen, Pp. 328) as a compromise between these two forms xév 
and xa, a “ Contaminationsbildung.” Parallel with Doric, 
Boeotian, and Elean «dad, as weak form of «év, occurs Thessa- 
lian pa (2.é. wn) as weak form of péy, in the sense of 6€; e.g. 
COLL. 326, 3; 345, 20, e¢ pass. Cf. Prellwitz, De dialecto Thes- 
salica, p. 48; Meyer, Gr. Gr.,2 §'24, 1). So also the Homeric 
and Attic wa as a particle of asseveration, ¢.g. val a TOE 
oxnmtpov A 234; vat wa Aia Ar. Achar, 88. Even in the 


137 


8 Charles E. Bennett, 


strong form péy, we see in Homer, and occasionally in Attic, 
unmistakable evidence of the same affirmatory force, which 
was original to this particle. 

That in these latter instances a “ Contaminationsbildung”’ 
yé has not been developed, must be ascribed to the early 
differentiation in the meanings of pév and wa, and the conse- 
quent feeling that they were separate words, while «év and 
xa, as long as they existed side by side, remained identical in 
signification. 

3. Ledapcvilwv], on coins, CoLL. 176, 177, and Yerapinios, 
Sayce in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1884, No. 21, have ¢, while Lada- 
uivos, COLL. 148, represents the vulgar formation. The e is 
probably attributable to Semitic influence. Deecke (on 176) 
compares YeXapiv, a town in Galilee. “The reading of CoLt. 
121, where Deecke suggests Sadapivios, is quite uncertain. 

4. wpicetu (aor., = wpicato) COLL. 126, 1 has not devel- 
oped its « from a by any phonetic process, but is simply an 
illustration of the tendency, occasionally exhibited by the 
sigmatic aorist, to assume the thematic formation. (Cf the 
same phenomenon in Homer, e.g. émuBjoero € 78; dtceto T 
328). Perhaps the Cyprian form is due directly to Homeric 
influence, as is undoubtedly the case with a number of words 
in this dialect. See § 20, 1. 

5. océja COLL. 41, formerly taken by Deecke (Bezz. Beitr., 
vi, p. 71 f.) for ooeta, another form of doves, is now read by 
him quite differently. See Bezz. Bettr., xi., p. 317. 

6. For Deecke’s « in the inflection of nouns in -evs, 4 is 
rather to be written, e.g. Baoidjfos not Baciréfos. See 
below, under /uflections, § 28. 

7. The Cyprian name of the town of Citium was Kétuoy, as 
seen in Keriwy (gen. sing.) CoLL. 59, 1; Kerujres 60, 1. So 
also the abbreviated Keru. 57 and Ke. 195 on a coin. 


4. 
1: 
Cyprian 1 corresponds regularly to primitive Greek 1 and 
to 1 of the other dialects (except to that Attic and Ionic 1 
138 


Sounds and Infiections of the Cyprian Dialect. 9 


which has arisen from primitive Greek 4), ¢.g. Kaciyvntot 
COLL. FAs ijaTnpav 60, 3; Xtracicpatns Wy Le 

1. “Aédn is read by Deecke in Cott. 126. He takes it for 
“A(c)dn(e) (see § 2, 1; 13, 3, b). But this involves question- 
able principles in the case of the word itself, and the context 
is uncertain, so that Deecke’s reading can only be regarded 
as conjectural. If correct, the word might be referred to 
Homeric influence. See § 20, I. 

2. Moroidnwos COLL. 127 is very uncertain and can be cor- 
rect only on the assumption that it is an Ionic name. On 
KataoTnoe in the same inscription, see above, § 1, 3. 

3. éreions COLL. 68, 2, taken by Deecke (Bezz. Beztr., vi., 
p. 79) as gen. sing. of *é€rescos, 2.¢. ioos (cf Hom. vijes etoas 
for *écicar) cannot be correct in its 1. The inscription, 
moreover, has elsewhere a, according to Deecke’s own read- 
ing, e.g. Ovatois, a. On other objections to the word, see 
below, under Dzphthongs, § 12, 2. 

4. (Oovicn COLL. 41, 3, formerly taken by Deecke (Bezz. 
Bettr., vi., p. 71, 5) as for iOvvien (‘straight victory’), disap- 
pears with the changed reading of that inscription (see Lezz. 
BU; XA: 5 Pi 317). 

5. The Ionic 1 in Hall’s Evéaduwdertns (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., 
xis p.229 = CoLL. 101) cannot be correct, especially with 
the non-Ionic a in the second syllable. Tipodwprrns zbzd. 
p. 231 (CoLL. 121) is doubtful and improbable. 

6. Oentrovicw COLL. 128 is apparently correct and, if so, to 
be explained as an Ionic name. 

7. cvrnon (for cvAnon; see § 13, 3, b) CoLL. 126, 2, is to 
be referred to cudéw, not cvAda, and hence its 9 presents no 
irregularity. The tendency of verbs originally ending in -é 
to change to verbs in -é is abundantly illustrated by the 
evidence of other dialects, ¢.g. Cretan porxiwp (2.2. woryéwv) 
instead of wotxawy in the Gortynian inscription, IL, 21 ; TLpi- 
ovea (2.e. Tyséovea) for tipdovoa, Cauer, Delectus® 132, 22; 
cvnrév (2.e. curé-ev) Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 
1885, 10, 8 (¢f. Herforth, De dialecto Cretica, in Dissertationes 
Halenses, 1887, p. 279); Delphian cudéovtes Cauer, Delectus,” 
ZI}. 17, ef pass: 139 


10 Charles E. Bennett, 


8. The name of the city Idalium appears in Cyprian always 
as "Héanuov; so COL. 60, I, 27; "Hédardiwv (gen. sing.) 59, 1; 
"HSanx07 (loc.) 62,1; the inhabitants, "Hédanujres 60, 2; “Héa- 
ALHIJL 60, 31; abbreviated “Héads. 205; 206. In 60, 16, 26 
Deecke (ad /oc.) takes the syllable ¢* as standing for the adjec- 
tive Hédada or "Hdadaxd. The only reason for transcribing 
the ¢* here as ’H- instead of ’E- lies in the fact that ’IdaXcov 
as found in classic Greek always occurs with long initial 
vowel. 

9. Deecke in CoLy. 68, 1 reads eye as aor. subjunctive 
(= Att. efzw). Ahrens (PAzlologus, xxxvi., p. 17) had already 
proposed f¢éaw, which he explained as present indicative. 
Deecke suggested 77 on metrical grounds. But the word 
cannot be correct. The Cyprian form would not be fia, as 
Deecke maintains (Bezz. Bettr., vi., p. 79, 5), but rela, with e 
asin Attic. Cyprian has y only as the equivalent of the Attic 
« arising by compensative lengthening or contraction (see 
below, § 14, 7; 15) not as the equivalent of the genuine diph- 
thong «, which eézrov had. That the e did not arise here by 
contraction from *é-cé-¢em-ov or *é-¢e-pr-ov, but was the gen- 
uine diphthong e, is shown by the Old Attic EITIEN cra. iv., 
22, b, 4 (450 B.c.) and frequently (see Meisterhans, Gvam- 
matik der Attischen Inschriften\, p. 79, Anm. 648); also by 
Lesbian fetwnyv, the tradition in Alczus 55, Sappho 28 
(Bergk, Poetae Lyrict Graeci*). 

10. On y for m (Ze. y) in the 3d sing. of the subjunctive, 
see below, under Diphthongs, § 13, 3, b. 

11. On 4 arising by contraction, see § 14, 7. 

12. On y arising by compensative lengthening, see § 15. 


5. 


oO. 


Cyprian o answers regularly to primitive Greek o and to o 
of the other dialects; e.g. dartov COLL. 60, 26; ote 60, 1; 
TOE 102; dofévat 60, 5, 15; emrayomuevay 50, 2. 

1. ovd@nxeCOLL. 72, 1; 74; 2}..76, 23 120, 4. connespomds 

140 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. ig! 


to the vulgar avé0nxe. Meister’s conjecture of o(u)Salvtc] 
(Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 52, col. 1644) is not at all 
certain. 

The origin of this monosyllabic form (frequent also in Les- 
bian, ¢.g. ovréOnv COLL. 311, 8, 34; ovOévTa 311, 39, and in 
Thessalian, e.g. ovypadet COLL. 361, A, 113 B, 243; ovypaev 
345, 21) is not clear. Whether av-a, év, ov- represent three 
originally different forms of the same root (z.e. weak, strong, 
and ablaut), ov- finding its correspondent in German az, and 
av being for ny (cf. Avestan az-a, for yu-a ?) is a question too 
difficult and complicated to be entered into here. One thing, 
however, seems certain, that unless dy and ov- do stand to 
each other in the relation suggested, they are not etymologi- 
cally connected, but originally different words, like wera, veda ; 
avy, Ev. 

As to the use of dv and ov-, Meyer (Gr. Gr.,?2 § 55) thinks 
that év- was the form originally employed before consonants, 
av before vowels, and that ov- occurs before vowels, as in 
Thessalian and Cyprian, by a subsequent extension of its 
proper use. But this view lacks sufficient foundation. It is 
based upon too slender evidence, drawn from the Lesbian, 
which certainly admits of other interpretation (cf Meister, 
Griechische Dialekte, 1., p. 50). 

Beside the above-quoted Cyprian forms with ov- we find 
also avéOnxe COLL. 17, 2; 76, 1; in the second instance in an 
inscription from the same locality as 72; 74; 75, which all 
have évéOnxe; also ave-, 2.c. avéOnxe, in one of the fragments 
published by Sayce in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1884, No. 21, where 
Sayce erroneously takes ave- as dve, comparing Homeric 7jvov 
odov y 496. (Cf. Voigt, Studia Nicolattana, p. 69.) 

On tvéOnxe, COLL. 45, 3, for ovéOnxe, see below, § 9, 4. 

2. The o for v in (Oovi«n, Deecke’s earlier reading of Cott. 
41, disappears with the changed reading of that inscription 
(Gee Deze tbe7i7 xade,e ph a7). 

3. ’Amo(v)ra, Cot. 147, if correct, would speak for the sim- 
ilarity of o and v in this dialect, especially before nasals. Cf 
below, on wvéOnxKe, § 9, 4. 

I4l 


12 Charles E. Bennett, 


6. 


®. 


Except when arising from contraction or compensative 
lengthening, w corresponds regularly to primitive Greek » and 
w of the other dialects, e.g. evywras COLL. 59, 3; dexKor 60, 
16; dv@yov 60, 2. 

1. On o for w (Z.2. ») in final syllables, see § 13, 3, ¢. 

2. On » arising by contraction, see § 14, 5, 13. 


‘lis 
te 


Cyprian % corresponds in general to primitive Greek + and 
to x of the other dialects; e.g. wecOdv COLL. 60, 4; deEiwr 
BV, 2). ql 20, 15.20 Dass. 

1. In a number of words x has been changed from an origi- 
nal «, viz. émuo(v)ta COLL. 60, 9, 19, 22; fémua (Ion. écrea) 
60, 263: Grau 37, 2; O1; 75, 2; Oiov'60, 275 ie@)ra(G0,2an 
iwot 60, 31; Tépyvuja 60, 9, 18, 22; atedija 60, 23; KaTéOyav 
60, 27; Oscar Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. 

It will be seen that the phenomenon is confined to those 
cases where the e was followed by a, 0, or #; so also in Boeo- 
tian and Doric (f Boeotian @:05 COLL. 425, et pass.; avéOrav 
414, 1; Heraclean détxiwy I, 138). The yg in the Cyprian 
forms catéOujav, réryja, ateXUa, Téepyvija has been developed 
aftér the change of <« to.; see below, § 18, 1.’ C7 Pame 
phylian a(v)dpyyova for avdpedva COLL. 1267, 8. 

Forms which retain the ¢ before a, 0, w are about as fre- 
quent as those which change it to y, vz. "Eteodaya COL. 
135; Qeavop 126, 1; Ged 2; T; 3, 1}, 15). 03 103 Cean 27.eme 
AO, 25. Geois 68, 2; Geese 68,35 68, 4;°72, 2°; Oem 7A, ane ae 
Ocotiwwv 42; Ocoxr€éos 126, 1; Tipoxréceos 36; 643; Tipo- 
KrE05 35; Oeodapov 42; Xtactxpareos 18, 2; Tipoxpéreos 
Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, ii.; zbzd. viii.; Didoxpéreos 
ibid. vii.; Evga(v)@e0s COLL. 162 ; Stacixpéteos Studia Nicol- 
aitana, p. 68. 

142 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 13 


The change from ¢ toc is confined almost exclusively to the 
two inscriptions COLL. 60, 61, both from Idalion. Outside of 
these it is found only three times, always in @eds, v7z. O:du 
COLL. 37, 2; Oc[@e] 75, 2; Ocae Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 

2, col. 1323. Of these the first is from Palaipaphos, the 
second from Athienu; the last from Tamassus.  Spitzer’s 
statement therefore (Laut. Ark. Dial., p. 16) that every e¢ 
before a or o becomes 1 in Cyprian, was evidently a conclu- 
sion drawn from the Idalian Bronze Tablet (CoLL. 60) alone, 
and needs revision accordingly. 

On artery COLL. 60, 10 (acc. sing. from atedrjs, where we 
should expect atedia for atedéa; cf acc. plu. atedria in 
line 23) see below, under Contraction, § 14, 6, and Declension, 
§ 20, 8. 

2. Another peculiarity is the preposition ¢v for év. This 
occurs always in the form i(v) (see § 23, 2), v¢z. in COLL. 
17, 2; 27,2; 28; 31,4; 37:33 59,4; 60, I, 3, 8,9, 17, 20; 
31; 72, 2 (twice, once with the dative and once with the 
accusative); probably also in the compound (tvaXadopéva 
60, 26; very questionable is éw7a 126, 3. 

The closely related Arcadian dialect also has the same 
peculiarity, e.g. iv COLL. 1222, 2, 4, 20, 37, ef pass.; the com- 
pounds iyyvos (yyvos) 1222, 36; iyxexnprKor (Att. éyxeyer- 
pyKot) 1222, 12; tudaivey (Att. eudaiverv) 1222, 24. The 
Arcadian also has éy several times, e.g. év "OXvvriar COLL. 
1183; év ipavat 1235, 5, e¢ pass.; but only before a vowel. 

It is an ingenious theory of Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial., p. 14) 
that iv developed in Arcadian from éy before initial conso- 
nants, and he adduces analogies for this change from other 
languages, Old German and Latin; e.g. Lat. ¢2mgo for *tengo 
(fi téyyo), guingue (2.e. *pingue) for *penque (cf. mévte), 
though it must be confessed that such words as ventus, offen- 
dimentum (Idg. bhendh-) furnish puzzling exceptions. 

The fact that év has survived in Arcadian is sufficient evi- 
dence that ¢v developed in that dialect only under certain 
conditions (otherwise éy would have disappeared altogether), 
and Spitzer’s theory that this was before consonants is highly 


143 


14 Charles E. Bennett, 


probable. According to him the old formula év rod€uou Kat 
é€v ipavat (COLL. 1233, 5) represents the proper use of év and 
iv respectively in Arcadian. (Cf the similar relation of és and 
eis in Attic, the former of which was orzgzzally used before 
an initial consonant, the latter before an initial vowel.) At 
the same time, Arcadian iv has already begun to encroach 
upon the legitimate territory of év; ¢.g. iv dpépais COLL. 
1222, 43 lvayovTw 1222, 10. 

In Cyprian, ¢(v), when used alone as a preposition, occurs 
only before initial consonants, never before a vowel, rejecting 
iv Apu(v)rw, COLL. 41, in view of Deecke, Bezs. Beztr., xi., p. 
317. In composition we have probably one instance of é- 
before a vowel, vzz. (vaXadtopéva COLL. 60, 26. ivimra COLL. 
126, 3, is too doubtful to admit. Deecke now (Bezz. Bettr., xi., 
p. 319) reads ta‘2*ne‘ta’'lt-o't',2.e. Ta tv’ Hédarion, in Cot. 
62, in place of his previous reading fa‘z'|e*ta*li'0°7', te. Tat 
*HéaduoF (locative). This would give an instance of iv before 
a vowel. But the character which Deecke now wishes to 
take as ze *, while perhaps not a perfect e¢ ’, is certainly entirely 
different from the ordinary character for we’, as seen not 
only in Idalian inscriptions, but others as well, and the mark 
after za‘z* as given in Schmidt (Sammlung Kyprischer In- 
schriften in Epichorischer Schrift, vii., 2) which Deecke wishes 
to join with the character in question bears every evidence 
of being a divisor. I can hardly believe therefore that 
Deecke is right in this new reading, whatever may be the 
difficulties of the old one. 

The form év has not as yet been brought to light in any 
Cyprian inscription, but, under the circumstances, this must 
not be regarded as conclusive evidence that it did not exist 
side by side with ¢v just as in Arcadian. The only place in 
which év might fairly be expected to occur would be before 
an initial vowel (assuming Spitzer’s theory to be correct), and 
but a single instance (itself not perfectly certain) of this sort 
can be cited (vzz. ivaXadtopéva COLL. 60, 26), which of course 
so far as it goes contradicts Spitzer's theory when applied to 
the Cyprian. 

144 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 15 


Hall’s latest reading of CoLv. 76 (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., 
p. 223), which he has again examined in the Cesnola collec- 
tion in New York since the appearance of Collitz’s Sammlung, 
is tav getxova Ta(v)de ’v “Amro[A(A)wva], —z.e. ‘to Apollo,’ in 
which he takes ’y for ¢vy with apheeresis of the é (cf. of (v) for 
o? i(v) COLL. 60, 31). His reading, if correct, would, in view 
of the preceding ta(v)de, indicate that « had disappeared 
rather than 1, and might be taken as furnishing some slight 
evidence of the existence of év; but in view of the incom- 
pleteness of the inscription and the possibilities of combina- 
tion, Hall’s reading cannot be considered safe enough to base 
conclusions upon. Yet it is quite possible that the form év 
may have existed in Cyprian and may yet be brought to light. 
At all events, until instances of ¢v before vowels are discov- 
ered, we have no right to declare that ¢v had driven éy out of 
use in Cyprian ; any more than we should be justified in claim- 
ing the same for the Arcadian dialect on the basis of Arca- 
dian iv duépais COLL. 1222, 4, and ivaydvTw 1222, 19, assuming 
that instances of év before vowels in Arcadian had not yet 
been found. Arcadian iv apépais and ivayovtw when viewed 
in the light of év “Apxadiat COLL. 1200, 3; év (pavat 1233, 5; 
év ’Odvytriat 1183,6; év ay@ou 1231, are seen to be encroach- 
ments of ‘vy upon the domain of év. Cyprian ivaXadicpéva is 
perhaps most safely explained in the same way. 

Further light is thrown upon the question by the Cyprian 
forms pév COLL. 71 (wey éotacay) and pi COLL. I, 1; 2, 2 
(mt xatéOnxe). These forms pév and mi are unquestionably 
for pwé, the acc. sing. of the first personal pronoun. On the 
origin of wév from pé, see § 31, I. pu is certainly to be con- 
sidered as pi(v) (see § 31, 2), and as developed from pév 
before a consonant, just as ¢v from év. Only the initial vowel 
of éstacav in CoLL. 71 has preserved to us the form pév. 
Can we doubt that, if we had preserved to us instances of the 
preposition (év, ¢v) before initial vowels, it would appear as év? 

On Hall’s reading of pi(v) in CoLt. 45, 1, before an initial 
vowel and Voigt’s reading of wiv in 45, 4, also before an initial 
vowel, see § 23, 4; 9, 4. 

145 


16 Charles E. Bennett, 


3. On the u of the catéOicav (= Att. xatéOecav) COL. 
20, 2, see below, under Conjugation, § 32, 5. 


8. 


v. 


Where it occurs, i corresponds to primitive Greek 7 and 
to i of the other dialects; ¢,g. Aapovikw COLL. 151; 1790; 
"Eyetipov 38, 2; Ocotivwv 42; ins Bess. Beitr., xi., p. 316; 
qi. COLL. 135. 

1. ipwév. COLL. 60, 8; 31, if correct and to be connected 
with (epds in the sense of ‘consecrated district,’ probably 
had i which must be explained in the same way as the per- 
plexing Homeric tpos, Lesbian fpos. Osthoff (lorphologische 
Untersuchungen, iv. p. 151) assumes *ic-pos for the original 
form, as otherwise it is impossible to account for the < in Les- 
bian; a primitive *iopdés would have given *ippos in that 
dialect. 

Ahrens (Philologus, xxxv., p. 42) reads the . with the pre- 
ceding 7, 7.2. Toe pwvi, or according to his principles to? 
povi (rot locative; see below, § 27, 3) ‘2x the plain.’ 

2. didwros is Deecke’s reading in CoLL. 126, 3 for derda- 
Aés. But the change of primitive a to. in Cyprian is alto- 
gether improbable, since a whether original or of secondary 
origin is elsewhere retained; e.g. mefoex COLL. 60, 12, 25; 
fetes 59, 1; 60, 1; Eres 76, 1; aicet 60, 31; “Ametkov Berl. 
Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. Moreover, one or two 
of the characters of which the word consists are quite uncer- 
tain. 


9. 
v. 

Cyprian ¥ corresponds in general to primitive Greek # and 
to w of the other dialects; e.g. éwéruye COLL. 59, 4; Kapuv& 
65, 1; avy 60, 28; apytpa 60, 6, et pass. 

1. dugavor (for du-av-o1, with parasitic fF, see § 17, 2) COLL. 
60, 6 seems to be from the root d6u- ‘ give,’ seen in Lat. du-2m, 

146 ' 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 17 


du-int, and not to be confounded with dw-, d0-. Cf Deecke- 
Siegismund in Curtius’ S¢wdzen, vil., p. 248. 

2. Final o in Cyprian when preceded by a consonant inva- 
riably changed to v. The instances are amv COLL. 60, 8, 17; 
yévoitu 60, 29 ; €-pntacatu 60, 14; evepntacatu 60, 4; wpicetu 
020, 1.) Soin Arcadian; cesar Corn. 1222; 4;-e\nw 1222) 
40. The Thessalian and Lesbian also have amv, and the Pam- 
phylian shows the change of o to v not only in case of final o, 
but also elsewhere ; ¢,g. ¢8w@Adcetu COLL. 1267, 8; fouxvrrons 
1267, 14; Bwrrnpevus 1267, 13. 

Arcadian «atv (for cata) COLL. 1222, 11, 29, has not yet 
been found in Cyprian. Nor does xara itself occur. 

8. So also in -do the ending of the gen. sing. of masculine 
-a- stems, o usually changes to v, preparatory to undergoing 
contraction to -av, e.g. Oewiav COLL. 66; Mapaxav 29; but 
we find go- in Kuzpayopdo CoLL. 79 and Aajaticdo 58. On 
these see below, § 14, 4. 

4. wvéOnxe is read by Deecke, COLL. 45, 3, as a local varia- 
tion of dvéOnxe, 2.e. avéOnxe ; see above, § 5, 1. The only 
difficulty with this reading is that the character for «: (MA) 
has a superfluous horizontal line drawn over its top. This 
has led Voigt (Quaestiones de Titulis Cyprits, p. 282, and later 
in Bezs. Beitr., ix., p. 166) to conjecture an error of the stone- 
cutter, whereby the horizontal line was made over, instead of 
under, the rest of the character. With that change we should 
get the regular syllabic sign for mz:. This combined with 
the other characters gives ply €@ynxe, in which Voigt takes 
piv as the equivalent of wé. But 1) it seems more natural to 
regard the horizontal line above the wz* as an accidental 
scratch than as a mistake of the engraver. 

2) puv for per, z.¢. we, before an initial vowel, is not admissi- 
ble (see above, § 7, 2, ad fin.). 

3) €@nxe is not the proper word for a dedicatory inscrip- 
tion, as this evidently is. The regular word is ové@nxe or 
avé@nxe, which occurs frequently (see above, § 5, 1). 

4) Voigt’s objection to the form of the word (vv- for dv-) is 
not well founded, and is the result of a false conception of 


147 


18 Charles E. Bennett, 


the relation of ov- and av-. Voigt takes ov- as derived from 
av- by some phonetic process, and refuses to believe that av- 
after becoming ov- could still further progress to vv-. op-, 
however, must be taken as an independent form (see above, 
§ 5, 1), and that it should become vp-, in a dialect where the 
relations of o and v are confessedly very close, is not to be 
regarded as surprising. 

That these relations were close is made evident not only by 
the regular change of final -o to -v, as noted above, but also 
by “Ayo(v)ta COLL. 147, for “Apwu(v)ta (if correct ; see § 5, 3), 
and dvéOnxe for ovéOnxe. Cf. the same phenomenon in Beeotian 
"Apmovtas (for “Aptvtas) COLL. 603; Nevpelvios (for Neouedvios) 
Cot. 485, 24. It is noteworthy that in Bceotian too the 
phenomenon seems to occur chiefly before nasals. 

5. Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial., p; (17, note) cites Cypaar 
duvgavot COLL. 60, 6 as illustrating the change of o to v in 
the interior of a word. But do¢évar in the same inscription, 
lines 5, 15, certainly does not speak for this change, nor do 
other words in the dialect ; so that the reference of the word 
to root du-, as above (1), is undoubtedly correct. 


10. 
v. 
We find 6 in dwon (2.2. AUan) COLL. 60, 29; AVaas 60, 28; 
avAnon (2.c. cUAjon) 126, 2, where it corresponds to 6 of the 
other dialects, and presents no peculiarities. 


DIPHTHONGS. 


a ba I 
au. 


1. Primitive Greek a appears in aiged COLL. 60, 31; Sofévat 
(Att. dodvar, for d0(¢)évar) 60, 5, 15; (acPar 60, 3. 

2. vrais, the accepted reading in COLL. 60, 10, is taken by 
Ahrens (Piilologus, xxxv., p. 54) as from the preposition & 
(= émv; see below, § 33, 5) with the adverbial ending -as 

148 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 19 


appended. On the parasitic F see § 17, 2. This ending 
-ais, Which appears nowhere else in Greek, Ahrens identifies 
with the Skrt. termination -ds as seen in wcca7s, cdnais. But 
these are instrumentals from -o- stems (see Whitney, /zdzsche 
Grammatik, § 1112), and are formally identical with the so- 
called dat. plu. of -o- stems in -os (for *-aus, Idg. -d25; as Zevs 
for Znvs ; vads for vais, etc.; Meyer, Gr. Gv? § 298). Ona 
more probable explanation of ifais, see below, § 33, 5. 

3. Interesting is aiAwy, COLL. 60, 14, = Att. dAXwv. This 
is by epenthesis for a primitive *a@Axos (Lat. alzus), whence 
*aidsos, airos. Cf. the Hesychian gloss aidotporrov * adXot- 
otpomov and the recently discovered Cyprian form ’AvreiA@v 
(for *’Azré\x@v) in the inscription communicated by Deecke 
in the Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. 

4. & has also been assumed by Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial. 
p. 26) in preference to -w (ze. -a) as the ending of such 
singular forms as payat, Tuya, Toryiat, etc. Spitzer first 
(cb7d., p. 25) attempts to demonstrate for the Arcadian that 
the forms in -a in that dialect have the a short and not long 
(-& not -x). He is convinced that -a could not have remained 
unchanged in Arcadian, but would have lost the iota and so 
have appeared as -a. His grounds for this are that final -m 
(2.2. -y) loses its iota in Arcadian and appears as -n; ¢é.g. 
Tuyxavn, COLL. 1222, 14, for tuyyavy. He also adduces 
Arcadian ’Ayeuo, which he takes as for "Ayewou, COLL. 1185. 
But this last is by no means certain. 

Spitzer's reasoning, however, is not conclusive, since final 
a, m, o do not necessarily all develop in the same way; and 
in fact even in one and the same dialect one and the same 
diphthong sometimes retains the . and sometimes drops it ; 
e.g. lonic 7H Bovay (for tH BovryH) Erythrae, 394 B.c.; dnuo- 
ain, Mylasa, 355 B.c.; but ry duyn, Samos, 322 B.c., Cauer, 
Delectus,? 510, 6. Hence it is quite possible that the Arca- 
dian might have retained final -&, and that such forms as 
Teyéar COLL. 1222, 34; “Apxadiat 1200, 3; ‘Odvvrias 1183, 
6; Cautar 1222, 18, should be considered as ending in -w, so 
far as any phonetic necessity is concerned. The only reason 

149 


20 Charles E. Bennett, 


for not taking them as ending in -m is found in the corre- 
sponding forms from -o- stems; ¢.g. épyou COLL. 1222, 49; 
nuicoot 1222, 25. ‘These latter must necessarily be regarded 
as locatives (to explain them as datives, with -o shortened 
from -« 1s against all principles of Greek phonology), and so 
after the same analogy the forms from -a- stems are most 
naturally taken as locative, and as ending in -m A confir- 
mation of this view is found in the similar Boeotian forms 
from -o- and -a- stems; ¢.¢. dapu (2.€. ddpor) COLL. 380, 3; 
tapin (2.e. Tapiar) COLL. 385, 5. 

The above considerations, therefore, are not intended to 
show the incorrectness of Spitzer’s conclusion in regard to 
the Arcadian forms in -é&, but simply the unsafeness of his 
method in reaching that conclusion. The same theory (vz. 
that -a& cannot stand in Arcadian) applied to the closely 
related Cyprian dialect, as Spitzer (zbzd., p. 26) does apply it, 
leads to a false conclusion. Let us first look at the facts. 
We find in Cyprian the following dative forms : — 

1) forms in -a (whether -a& or -a is to be determined). 

Tuxyat alabat COLL. 37, 3; 59, 4; “Adra(u)rpyaras 60, 8; 
apovpau 60, 20; ’Adpoditat 1, 3; LToryias 61; Cae 60, 8, 17, 
24; Mandavijat 60, 17; payat 60, 3; Ladias 1, 3; medijar 
60, 18; Ilepoevras 45, 3; Tat 1, 2; 40, 2; 60, 3, 6, 8 (twice), 
17 (twice), 18, 24; Of (Cwice) ; 62, 1; Téyar 17,2627, 2eeaer 
31, 45 33, 23 37, 33°72, 2; Berl. Paik Wochs 1686niNopaae 
col. 1323; 1887, No: 12, col: 380; “Yrarar Com, o7aie wear 
31, 4; 32,2; “A@avas 17, 2; "AdXactwrat Berl. Phil. Woch., 
1887, No. 12, col. 380; "Apsorayopat zbid., 1887, No. 52, col. 
1644; de/at, Deecke’s earlier reading in Cott. 41, is now no 
longer maintained by him. (See Begs. Beztr., xi., p. 317.) 

2) forms in -a. 

"Apava COLL. 625 Tiya 74535 120, 45 Ta UZ, 2516000, aa 
62,1; 7a Iladi/a, the correct reading of Cott. 9, according to 
Hall (Four. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 212). ebywra& 27, 2 is best 
taken as nominative; “Ereodawa CoLL. 135, which Deecke 
(ad loc.) says may be taken as either dat. or gen. (with 
omitted -s; see § 20, I) is best taken as vocative; océja, 

150 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 21 


Deecke’s earlier reading in Cott. 41 is no longer maintained 
by him; see Bezz. Bettr., xi., p. 317. 

Spitzer's conclusion with regard to the above forms 
(whether he had them all before him is doubtful) is this. 
Those in -a, while used as datives, he considers may be 
morphologically either locative or dative formations. Both 
these formations, he holds, were in case of -a- stems originally 
the same, the locative -w arising from primitive a+., the 
dative -a from a+a. Either of these, according to Spitzer, 
must develop to -a in Arcadian or Cyprian. The forms in -a 
on the other hand he takes as locatives and as ending in -é. 
This -é& he regards not as a primitive locative formation, but 
as developed secondarily from the primitive locative termina- 
tion -a (for a+.), after the analogy of the locatives in -a 
from -o- stems (e.g. olxov). This may be expressed by the 
proportion : 

olk@ : olkou 2: TUXG : THUY AL. 


Against Spitzer’s theory must be urged 

1) There is no evidence that the -a- stems ever formed a 
locative in a41, which might give -u. (Cf Meyer, Gr. Gr, 
§ 351.) Hence the locatives in -é& from -a- stems are not 
the successors of an earlier locative formation in -a, but are 
best explained as entirely new formations. This being the 
case, the Cyprian forms in -a- could originate only from 
a dative -m, not from a locative -w. They are therefore 
datives. 

2) If we view the forms in -a as locatives (2.2. as ending 
in &), we shall have the anomaly of the locative taking on 
the function of the dative, and being used in precisely the 
same phrases and formulas, along with the continued use of 
the dative itself. The improbability of this fact is sufficiently 
great. Wherever one inflectional form takes on the function 
of another, it is to the exclusion of the latter, at least in the 
same function. Thus Arcadian épyor, locative used as dative, 
has supplanted épyw; ayiac similarly has supplanted fap/at. 
So also Attic te’yn, dual (borrowed from plu.), has taken its 


151 


22 Charles E. Bennett, 


place in the dual to the exclusion of the regular formation 
reiyeu (for teiyee) ; cf. Att Gevyer cia. IL, 652, B, 26 (Meister- 
hans, Grammatik der Attischen Inscriften, p. 61). But accord- 
ing to Spitzer’s view, in such an inscription as 7a@ “A@avau 
CoLt. 17, 2 we should have a dative article 7a limiting a 
locative noun. (Cf also 60, 8, 17 amv’ Tau Cas Tat Bactdijfos 
7a i(v) Te (pow, where similarly 7a, dative, would stand in 
apposition with a locative Tau fav.) 

3) The adverb zraz (cf. Doric za, Attic wn) COLL. 60, 4, 12; 
71, can only be for wa, and shows clearly that final -a in 
Cyprian did not necessarily lose its 1, and that other forms 
with -a, may therefore exist in Cyprian. 

The forms in -a are therefore to be considered as datives, 
hence as ending in -a, while those in -a are also datives, with 
the -a developed from -aw, as frequent in many dialects. 
Ahrens assumes a locative in -a, and a dative in -a and -aw. 
See below under /zflections, § 25, 5. 

5. AujaiOew(s) COLL. 74,1 (Cf AtgeiBepts 60, 21) is obscure 
in its form and probably incorrect, as the inscription seems 
to be carelessly written. 


€L. 


Cyprian « corresponds regularly to primitive Greek a and 
to a of the other dialects in aiget COLL. 60, 31; ferxdva 76, 
2; meioet (Att.1 reices) 60, 12, 25. 

1. « by epenthesis appears in the form ’Aze(Awy in the 
bilingual inscription communicated by Deecke in the Beri. 
Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. The original forma- 
tion *Avé\s@v, became first *’Age(Agwv and thence ’Azret- 
rAov. Cf. Pamphylian ’AzéA(A)wva (for *’AéAywva) COLL. 
1267, 30; Syracusan ’AqréA(A)@ve Roehl, Zuscriptiones Graecae 
Antiquissimae, 509, and the Arcadian proper name ’A7vreAAlov 
CoLL. 1190, all of which represent the same form of the 


1 Often incorrectly written ticw; but te- is the regular form of the root for 
the future and is assured by Attic inscriptions of the best period. See Meister- 
hans, Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften, p. 24, 88. 


The 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 23 


root syllable, vzz. wed. The ordinary Cyprian form ’Azo)- 
(X)@v represents the ablaut of the same root, while Thessa- 
lian "AqrAovy (ov = w), seen in “AqwdAovve COLL. 368; 372; 
"AmxXovuvos 345, 22, represents the weak form. Cf the similar 
“ Abstufung’’ in the name Ilocedwv, Laconian ooiddv (2.e. 
Ilocodam) Roehl, Luscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae, 83; 
Corinthian [lotidav zbzd., 20. 

2. The a of the form é¢etans CoLL. 68, 2 cannot be justi- 
fied. Deecke (Gezs. Bettr., vi., p. 79) takes this as the equiva- 
lent of the Homeric dion (fi vées étoat, te. *éficat). But 
assuming this to be correct the change of < to a or the oppo- 
site (see on gidwros, § 8, 2) remains to be proved for the 
Cyprian dialect. All the existing evidence shows that no 
such change took place. Moreover, the primitive form of 
the Homeric word was ¢icgos, as shown by the recently dis- 
covered Gortynian inscription. fucgopoipov x., 53; Flofov 
Prag. B, 2.) Hence the probablesreadine’ of ;the Homeric 
text is élaoas (for *é-¢iccar; the e prothetic). It is clear 
that a form é-eea¢- could not give Cyprian é-cevc-. The Ionic 
y too, of the termination, discredits the word, and the phrase, 
mot (for 7rott, 2.€. pds) ésetaons is not elsewhere found. On 
the general uncertainty of the context, see p. 2. 

3. The a in the first member of Arfe(Oeuts COLL. 60, 21, 
where some claim an old dative, is difficult of explanation. 
Attic Avestpégys cia. I, 447, III., 53, e¢ pass. is probably 
kindred. 

4, On «a arising by contraction, see § 14, 9. 


13. 
€V, OL; QL, NL, WL; av. 


1. In one or two instances ev has developed from ¢ before 
f, viz. in evepntacaru (for éepntacatu) COLL. 60, 3, and Kevev- 
fov (for xevegov; cf. Homeric xeveds) 20, 2. This points 
clearly to Ff as a bilabial and not a labio-dental spirant in 
Cyprian, as does also the development of f between ew and a 
following vowel (see below, § 17, 2); though that it points to 


153 


24 Charles E:. Bennett, 


that pronunciation of fF for all Greek dialects, as Meyer (G” 
Gr.” § 230) seems to conclude, cannot be admitted. There 
may have been a labio-dental as well as a bilabial f in Greek, 
just as in Germany in case of w. 

The v which was doubtless heard in the spoken language 
between every e and a succeeding Ff is not expressed in in- 
scriptions except in the instances above cited. Elsewhere 
we find égpntacatv COLL. 60, 14; écpeEa 71; ’Ete¢a(v)dpo 
46; 473; KatefopKay 60, 1; vefootatas 59, 2; Nuxoxdérns 
40, I. 

The same development of o to ov before F probably existed, 
but existing inscriptions show no evidence of any attempt to 
indicate this refinement of pronunciation. Cf do¢évat COLL. 
60, 5, 15; “Apiotoxogwy (questioned by Hall, Four. Am. Or. 
SEs; MIG Pys2EO)s 415, Tis 

2. o has also been assumed by Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial, 
p. 24, Note) as the termination of those forms from -o- stems 
which Deecke transcribes as -m (Z.é. -», dative). Spitzer 
takes these as locatives, holding that -o. could not remain 
unchanged in either Arcadian or Cyprian, but must always 
become -o. That -« did frequently lose its . in Cyprian is 
beyond question. This is shown clearly by the frequent 
dative forms in -» (for the instances see below, 3, c). But it 
is not true that -o. always lost its 1 any more than did -a (see 
above, § II, 4); -a and -w seem both of them to be passing 
through a sort of transition period in the dialect of our 
Cyprian inscriptions. 

Moreover if, with Spitzer, we transcribe Cyprian -o°2° 
by -o. (z.e. locative), we shall be forced to admit a serious in- 
consistency in such phrases as to@ Oem COLL. 74, 1 and tot 
Qeot TH ‘TXNdtat 27, 1, where we should have a dative article 
limiting a locative noun. There is therefore not only no 
phonetic necessity for admitting -o instead of -m, but to do 
so would lead to an absurdity. The view of Ahrens, who 
claims a locative in -o and also a dative in -« and -o, involves 
no phonetic considerations and will be considered below 
under /uflections, § 26, 3. 

154 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 25 


3. The diphthongs -a, -m, -o (Z.¢. -a, -y, -) often lose their 
. and appear as -a, -y, -o. 

a) The examples of -a for -a& have already been given above 
(see § II, 4, 2). So far as can be seen they reveal no law. 
Yet as we find forms in -@ and -a side by side in the same 
inscription, it is natural to assume a phonetic origin for the 
shorter forms. These may have originated before initial 
vowels, while -& was retained before consonants, though the 
evidence is not sufficient to make this at all certain. 

b) Final q stands regularly in the 3d sing. of the subjunc- 
tive for -m, vzz. in Avon COLL. 60, 29; cudrAnon 126, 2; 
opv&n 60, 12, 24, 25. Cf. Arcadian tuyyavyn COLL. 1222, 14; 
éyn 1222, 26; Cretan xatadin Cauer, Delectus,? 44, 609. 
Deecke’s “Ady COLL. 126, 2, which he takes for” Avdme, is not 
certain (see § 4, I). Final m is nowhere retained in Cyprian, 
so that Deecke’s suggestion of “Try as the reading of Cott. 
124, is un-Cyprian, apart from the general uncertainty as to 
the genuineness of the inscription; see p. 3. 

_It is noteworthy that while we have frequent instances 
of -a and -w in Cyprian, -q nowhere occurs, but always -y 
instead. The Cyprian accordingly exhibits the same ten- 
dency as other dialects, in which -m is the first of the im- 
proper diphthongs to lose its. Cf. in the Therean inscrip- 
tion (Cauer, Delectus,? 148), man I1., 28; 4 vi., 20; elan viil., 
g; but Ta Kowvar i1., 9; “Avdpaydpac ill., 2. This is physio- 
logically natural, as the . being more closely related in sound 
to m than to » and a, would more easily be absorbed by a pre- 
ceding y than by either of the other two vowels. (Cf Brug- 
mann, Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammatik, 1., p. 121.) 

C) -w (2.2. -w) loses the . and appears as -w in the following 
instances: tat be TO "ATrOAXWM COLL. 74, 1; TAL Dede TH 
‘Tratat 27,1; TH ‘Trdtras 28; ’Amor(A)ow TO ‘“Tratar 31, 43 
TOcipt (Ze. TH Ooipt) 45, 1; TH ATOA(A)oM TO ApiKrot 
59, 33 T@ pau Tat’ Ara(u)rpyatat 60, 8; TH (pave THL ’Hda- 
AuHjL 60, 31; TO Ocips 72, 1; Tat Oeds TH ArroArA(A)@VML 72, 2; 
Ta O.[ oe] TO Arror(A)@ve 75, 3; TO Arror(A)ove TH Mayipio 
120, 2, 3; T@ Oras Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323; 

155 


26 Charles E. Bennett, 


"Apictayopat T® Ovacifoixw Lerl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 52, 
1644. “A(u)dn(t) prcaadtw COLL. 126, 2 and 7@ a(v)OpeTe 
126, 3 are very doubtful. 

An examination of the above instances almost tempts to 
the conclusion that -» originated from -w before vowels. Re- 
jecting the last two forms as uncertain, all the others accord 
with this inference, except t@ Ot@e Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, 
No. 42, col. 1323; 7T® Maryipim COLL. 120, 3; Oe Tw 74, 1. 
But forms in -o also occur quite numerously before vowels ; 
e.g. TOL’ Anra() rpydtras COLL. 60, 8; THe Creu 60, Q; TaL ”H8a- 
MAIL 60, 31; Tat “Ameidwr Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, 
col. 1323, so that the existence of the law suggested cannot 
be established. The absence of such a law in the occurrence 
of -a and -a& (see a, above) is also opposed to its existence here. 

4, On av by contraction from -do, see § 14, 4. 


14. 
Contraction of Vowels. 


1. d+e gives a in YaoOas (for yaecPar) COLL. 60, 3 and by 
crasis in tami (for Ta él) 37, 2. 

2. +0. AvAdovos COLL. 63; diuaov 69; Aadda 83 are all 
too uncertain to be considered here. 

3. dt+w. "ABpo8dwt COLL. 129, 130; "Avaw 97; Tipo 69 
are all uncertain. 

4. d+o. Final -do in the gen. sing. of masc. -a stems (¢f 
Homeric ’Atpeiddo) contracts to -av as in Arcadian (cf Arc. 
"Atro\N@vidav COLL. 1231, B, 16), vzs. in “Apiotaydpav COLL. 
28; “Apiotgav 20, 1; Oeulav 66; Mapaxcav 29; Naciwtav 
21, 2; "Ovacayopav 60, 1, 22; Ytacijav 17, 1; Tepayopau 
Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, viii; "Ovacaycpav 2b7d., x. ; 
Xtacaydpav iv.; Hvutayepav Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 51, 
xv.; Tiuayopav zbid., xvii. 

Kutrpayépado COLu. 79 and Aajatiodo 58, however, remain 
uncontracted. Deecke on the latter regards the termination 
-ao as also diphthongal, which is perhaps correct. Cf Ionic 
aotots, TaoTa, avtov (for avtois, etc.) Cauer, Delectus,? 510. 


156 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. ay, 


"Aunviyd, COLL. 60, 18, gen. sing. from ’Ayunvijas, Apiotija 
Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 52, xx., and Evgayopo, 153, 154, 
gen. sing. of Evgayopas (cf. "Ovacayopav above), are difficult 
of explanation and due perhaps to foreign influence. See 
below, under /zféections, § 25, 3. 

5. a+ Contracts to ¢ in the gen. pl. of -a- stems.. The 
only example preserved is ésrayowevav COLL. 59, 2. Cf. 
Arcadian épywvav COLL. 1222, 47. 

6. e+a does not contract in Cyprian, but in the Idalian 
Bronze Tablet (COLL. 60) « becomes 1 according to § 7, 1, 
always with the parasitic 7 (see § 18, 1), vz. in répyvyya, COLL. 
60, 9, 18, 223 fémuja 60, 26; atertja 60, 23; KatéOujav 60, 27. 

ateAny, acc. sing. from atedjs, Deecke’s reading in Cott. 
60, 10, is no exception to the above principle. This is not 
to be taken as a contracted form for atedéa (cf. atedia 60, 
23), 2.€. atedy, with added -y, as in case of a(v)dpija(v)ta-v 
COLL. 59, 2 (see § 20, 1), but is rather the same formation as 
is seen in Lesbian dapuorérnv (from dapmorérns) COLL. 304, A, 
44 (see under /nflecttons, § 29, 8). Hence the form is to be 
written aternp. 

Instead of Deecke’s 4 xe (= et xe) COLL. 60, 10, 23, Meyer 
(Gr. Gr? § 113, foot-note) suggests 7(v) xe. (On (v) see 
§ 23, 2.) This #(v) he takes as the Cyprian contract form of 
é€av. We should thus have the same combination of «xe and 
av as in Homer; e.g. dgp’ av wév cev A 187. But it is inad- 
missible to assume contraction of ea to » and is moreover 
unnecessary. Meyer’s unwillingness to accept 7 as an inde- 
pendent particle (related to but not identical with eZ) is not 
well founded in view of the occurrence of # in this sense in 
the Cretan inscription from Gortyna, e.g. iv., 31; V., 9. 

Outside of the Bronze Tablet e« remains unchanged, wz. 
in Oedvwp COLL. 126, 1; Nea- 76. 

7. e+e gives q in Aye (for *éeye, ze. *é-cey-e), Att. eiye, 
CoL.. 60, 21. Whether the same contraction takes place in 
the infinitive of -#- verbs is uncertain. Deecke in CoLt. 60, 
10, 22 writes éyny, z.¢. for *éye-ev, Att. gyew. See below, 
under Conjugation, § 32, 11. 


157 


28 Charles E. Bennett, 


evtagette COLL. 56 which Deecke reads as contracted form 
for evtagéete (Bess. Bettr., vi., p. 148) cannot be regarded as 
a Cyprian form. 

In the group -eo- « does not contract, but the group is 
simplified by apheeresis of the first «. Instances of this are 
@coxr€éos for Oeoxréeos (2.e. Oeoxr€éceos) COLL. 126, 1; Tepo- 
Knréos 35 (cf. Arcadian Bevoxnréos for Zevoxréeos, COLL. 1246, 
B, 12; Xapixréos 1246, B, 4); omeéos, gen. sing. for *oméeos 
' (t.€. *omé-ec-0s) 31, 2; 32, 2. Deecke reads oweéws here, 
assuming contraction of e to w, but eo does not elsewhere 
contract to » in Cyprian (cf @eo«réos, Timoxréos ; Stacixpa- 
teos COLL. 18, 2, efc.), nor in the closely related Arcadian 
(see above). Hence the Cyprian form must be o7réos, even 
though the genitive thereby becomes identical with the 
nominative. 

The Cyprian accordingly bears out the general principle 
assumed by Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial., p. 37), vez. that when 
of three successive vowels the last two are incapable of con- 
traction, in the particular dialect where they occur, the first 
of the three disappears. 

In the same connection Spitzer formulates another general 
principle intended to apply to all Greek dialects. It is this: 
When of three successive vowels the two latter are capable 
of contraction, they contract and no further contraction with 
the first vowel takes place. This principle I believe to be 
unsafe and to be contradicted by an undoubted illustration 
taken from the Arcadian itself, vzz. daywopyes. This is gen- 
erally incorrectly referred to a form dapoepyds. But the 
second member of the compound as a xomen agentis demands 
the ablaut of the root, -fopy-; cf Krom-cs ‘thief’; oKxom-ds 
‘spy’; wop7r-os ‘attendant’ ete. See Meyer Gr. Gr2, § 0. 
The Homeric poems, it is true, exhibit dnyweoepycs 7 383 ef 
pass.; but this is to be regarded as of secondary origin by 
the side of *dapuso-opyes. Cf the similar relation existing 
between Att. aevrnxovt-opos ‘fifty-oared galley’ and Ionic 
TEVTNKOVT-Epos, — root ép- ‘row’. So Attic inscriptions have 
tptaxovt-epos by the side of the earlier tpraxevt-opos. See 

158 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 29 


Meisterhans, Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften}, p. 10; cf. 
Meyer Gr.-Gr,? Le. 

No dialect has preserved any instance in inscriptions of 
the original formation. -—OPTO® in inscriptions written 
im the old alphabet, ¢.¢.\ CoLu. 1170, 2 (Elean); 1470, 15 
(Locrian), if not actually for -opyos (as read by Bechtel in 
case of the latter inscription), may be taken as easily for the 
contraction of -oopyds as of -oepyds. So also Attic dyproup- 
yos points no more clearly to -oepyds than -oopyos. The 
Messenian dialect has dapropyds Cauer Delectus,? 47, 119; so 
also the Achzean, cic. 1542; Megarian, CoLL. 3094, 19; Pam- 
phylian, 1261, 3. 

In all these cases dapsopyos is to be derived from the 
primitive form *éapuo-opycs by apheresis of the first o In 
other words, we have the same law here as in the Cyprian 
forms Oeoxréos, Tiypoxréos mentioned above. The facts I 
believe authorize us to assume at least for the Arcadian and 
Cyprian the following law: When of three successive vowels 
the first and second or the second and third are repetitions 
of the same sound, one of the repeated vowels disappears. 
This law also shows evidences of its operation even to a 
wider extent than these two dialects; e.g. Cretan IIpsavorés 
for -vées CIG. 2556, 30; Ionic Bopéw for Bopéew; so also the in- 
finitives of contract verbs in -do, -€w, -dw, *Tywaev (whence Tipar) 
for *Tiudaeev; *hiréev (whence gurciv) for *pir€eev ; pic Odev 
(whence prc Oodr) for *uio Odcev. 

The above explanation of Sapuopyds not only starts from 
the form demanded by the signification of the compound but 
explains its further development by a principle simple and 
natural and abundantly illustrated in Arcadian, Cyprian, and 
elsewhere. Spitzer’s explanation (after Ahrens, De Graecae 
Linguae Dialectis, 1., p. 234) refers the word to a primitive 
dapwo-epyos, whence dapmwpyes by contraction; thence, by 
shortening of the o, damsopyes. This shortening of a long 
vowel when followed by a liquid + consonant, though main- 
tained by Brugmann (Grundriss der Vergleichenden Gram- 
matik, 1., p. 463), does not seem as certain, by any means, as 


159 


30 Charles E.. Bennett, 


the other instances of vowel-shortening adduced by Brug- 
mann in the same connection, and is to be regarded as doubt- 
ful. Even if admitted for crdpyups (from *or@p-vu-m) and 
Borropat, 2.¢e. *Bodvowar (from *Bwd-vomar), it is by no means 
certain that it operated subsequently to the disappearance of 
Ff, as must be assumed for dapuo-(F)epyos. 

Thessalian YevtopyovvtTos (2.e. -wvtos) Mitthetlungen des 
Deutschen Archiologischen Instituts, vii., 346, which is ex- 
plained by Prellwitz (De dialecto Thessalica, p. 43) by the 
shortening of w (for oe) to o, is not certain and probably incor- 
rect. Lolling, in publishing the inscription, says: ‘“ Da der 
stein hoch eingemauert, musste ich auf sicherstellung der 
zweifelhaft und undeutlich bleibenden stellen verzichten” ; 
so that confirmation of the form is needed. If correct, rez- 
Topyobvros might be referred to the influence of dapop- 
rou Tos. 

8. e+ remains unchanged in @entovikw Coir. 128. 

9. e+. may be contracted in f¢étes COLL. 60, 1; 59, 1; ere 
60, 9; éree 76, 1, though the character of the Cyprian sylla- 
bary makes it impossible to determine whether the vowels 
were contracted or spoken separately. 

10. e+0 in the Bronze Tablet becomes w in accordance 
with § 7, 1; vzz. in émto(v)ta (for éed(v)ta) COLL. 60, 9, 19, 
22; 4o(v)Ta 60, 23. 

Elsewhere eo remains unchanged, vzz. in @eoxréos COLL. 
126, 1; ‘Ereodaua 135; Ocotiuwv 42; Tipoxrg€éreos 36; 64; 
Tipoxréos 35; Xtaoixpdteos 18, 2; Xtacuxpétreos Studia 
Nicolaitana, p. 68; Tipoxpéreos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 
41, li. ; vill. ; Duroxpéteos zbzd., vii. 

One exception is found in a late inscription, Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323, where Neounvios becomes 
Nowpnuos. The same inscription is characterized by the 
v-movable, an evidence of the late period to which it 
belongs. 

11. e+ changes to w (in accordance with § 7, 1) in two, 
(for €wo1, subjunctive) CoLL. 60, 31. On Deecke’s dpovéwi 
(2.2. ppovéwar) 68, 4, see below, § 20, 2. 

160 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. ai 


12. 14+. 1in the Bronze Tablet does not contract, but becomes 
ye (in accordance with § 18, I, c), véz. in wroAwe COLL. 60, 6. 

Aw Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, ix. remains uncon- 
tracted after the disappearance of the f. Elsewhere 1+. con- 
tracts to. vs. in TOQoips (for To ’Ocipu) COLL. 45; ’Ocipe 
72. Hall (Four. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 216, 222) now reads 7rd 
‘Ovacipt and ‘Ovacips in these inscriptions, which however 
does not affect the question of contraction. 

13. o+0 contracts to , frequent in the gen. sing. of -o- 
stems ; ¢.g. apyvpw (for *apytpoo) CoLL. 60, 6; Timodduw 23, 
3; TO 29; 31, ef pass; Kkategpopxwy (for *xkate¢épKoov) 60, I. 

14. Noe COLL. 111; Pagéw 133; oor 88, 1; wTodaKGv 103 
are all too uncertain to be taken into consideration in this 
connection. 


15. 
Compensative Lengthening. 


The extent to which this prevailed in Cyprian is uncertain, 
owing to the nature of the syllabary, which does not distin- 
guish the long and short vowels. 

The question of compensative lengthening presents itself 
chiefly in the development of the group -avs and -ovs, and here 
the problem is still further complicated by the fact that the 
nasal is regularly omitted in Cyprian before a consonant in 
the same word (see § 23, 1). Hence the syllables -a*se- can 
stand for -as, -as Or even -avs. So also -o'se* may stand for 
-os, -ws OT -ovs, 

Under these circumstances it is perhaps simplest to follow 
the model of the closely related Arcadian and write a(v)@po- 
mos, acc. plu., CoLL. 60, 3 (cf Arcadian tos cumotapévos, 
Co~n 1222, °51)5 So Kamos 60, 30; Tos 60, 3; 10, 11, 23, 30; 
Kaouyyntos 60, 3, II; txymapévos 60, 3; fut. ind. &€o(v)cx 60, 
31; tw(v)or 60, 31 (cf. Arcadian xpivwvor, rapetaEwvaot COLL. 
1222, 5, 15); acc. plu. of -g stems, ras 60, 28, 29; 71; Taade 
60, 28, 29, 30; fpnTas 60, 28, 29. 

If dupwois (for dipwcos, see § 20, 2), Deecke’s reading in 
COLL. 69, were certain and the inscription really a hexameter, 

161 


32 Charles E. Bennett, 


we should thereby be forced to admit that o by compensative 
lengthening produces » in Cyprian, at least in this instance, 
since the metre requires a long syllable at that point in the 
verse. But Deecke’s transcription of the inscription is unnat- 
ural and unsatisfactory, so that his text does not afford the 
basis for valid conclusions. See p. 3. 

There is less doubt in case of the frequent e'mz:; e.g. 
Cot. I, 1; 16, 20, e¢ pass. This form, which might be taken 
for éupi-(cf. Lesbian éups, COLL. 307), in accordance with the 
Cyprian mode of writing doubled consonants singly (see 
§ 24, 2), is shown to be mi by the bilinguis, CoLL. 65, which, 
by the side of the Cyprian syllabic signs ka*vu‘xe*|e'mt’, 
has KAPVE EMI. The possibility that this latter may be 
for éupi is not absolutely excluded, since even inscriptions 
written in Greek characters, particularly in the Old Alphabet, 
sometimes have p, A, v, efc. for pp, AA, wy. 

Like ji is *"Aunvga, COLL. 60, 18. Cf Attic "Apewwias. 


16. 
Eliston, Crasis, Apheresis, Synizesis, Dierests. 


1. Certain casés of elision are few; vzz. ad’ a COLL. 59, 3; 
Kerioy cat’ "Hédariov 59, 1; mep’ EH S5adsov 60, 27; and prob- 
ably «’ wpicetu 126, I. 

The first of these ag’ ou is not to be regarded as for amd 
@t (on av as the Cyprian form of azo, see § 9, 2), since the 
elision of vy is inadmissible. The oracle in Herod. vii., 220, 

) méya aotv é€pixvdes tm avdpact Iepaeidnar, 

where the final v of dotu is elided according to Kiihner (Ams- 
Jiihrliche Grammattk, 1., p. 189), cannot be cited in support 
of such elision, since the reading is justly suspected. Cf 
Stein ad loc. ad’ wt is rather to be taken for ao wu and 
referred for its origin to the period before final o in Cyprian 
became v. Once formed, the phrase ag’ we continued as a 
stereotyped expression even after amd became amv. 

The nature of the elided vowel in Kertiwy kar ’Héariov 

162 


Sounds and [nflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 33 


CoLL. 59, I, cannot be determined, as the origin of the word 
is uncertain. (See § 34, 2.) 

mep for mepé in the third of the cases cited, wep’ "Hédaduov 
is poetical ; but the reading seems certain. Cf Pindar, Pyzh. 
lll., 42; wep avtas; Nem. xi., 51 mepodos. If with Allen 
(On Greek Versification tn Inscriptions, p. 150) we take Cott. 
71 as a metrical inscription (see Allen, p. 46), we shall then 
have elision of the final e of woré, although it is written in the 
text. This practice of writing the elided vowel is common 
even in inscriptions written in Greek characters. See exam- 
ples collected by Allen, p. 127 ff. 

anr(r)’ étvy’ & xynp COLL. 68, 3, and trot érelans 68, I, are 
omitted as too uncertain. See p. 2. 

The character of the Cyprian syllabary did not admit of the 
expression of elision except in case of words so closely con- 
nected in sense as to be written as one, like a‘po'7: = aq’ 
at, etc. But most words were not so written. Inscriptions 
which show care even separate the words by a divisor. Thus 
words ending in -xe-, -de, -ce, efc., would have to be written -e° 
-te’, -se’, even if by elision the final « disappeared, since the 
Cyprian had no way of expressing a final consonant without 
a following «. Hence the expression of elision in case of 
words written separately like ade Exepoe (0 ‘te | eke re'se’); 
mote éfpeta ( pote’ | € ‘ve're'xa*) wasa practical impossibility. 

So also in case of final -«. _ 7a(v)7 éxyev, for instance, could 
be written only pa ‘te: | e: ke ne, which would give 7a(v)Te 
exeV. 

This fact accounts perhaps for the apparent retention of 
final short vowels in cases where they might be expected to 
suffer elision. 

2. Crasis is apparently certain in razi for Ta émi COLL. 37. 
In place of Deecke’s 7OQoips (for to "Ocips) CoLL. 45, 1, 
Hall (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 216) after a re-examination of 
the inscription in New York now reads té ’Ovacipu. Yet it 
is difficult to reconcile this reading with Hall’s original fac- 
simile (Plate viii, 34) as reproduced by Schmidt (Sammlung 
Kyprischer Inschriften, xx., 6). 

163 


34 Charles E. Bennett, 


Meister, Ber/. Phil. Woch., 1885, No. 51, col. 1604, reads 
CoLL. 103 as T@TAaKO, 2.¢. To wtaxo “des Ohrenkranken,” 
and 104 as ToT@Te, 2.c. TO aTrw@Tw “des Tauben.”’ Both these 
conjectures are extremely doubtful. 

3. Apheresis of 1 is to be assumed in of (v) Ta, 2.2. of ¢(v) 
To COLL. 60, 31. Deecke also assumes apheresis of a in 
Ges ad(d)’; but a is written, and the reading labors under 
too many difficulties to be accepted as correct. So Hall's 
ta(v)de’v Amor(A)ou (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., Xi., p. 223) = COLL. 
76, cannot be regarded as certain in view of Cesnola’s plate 
(Cyprus, Plate II., 10). 

Deecke’s ov yap ti émuatais COLL. 68 is best explained by 
apheeresis of « (see Allen, Verszficatton in Greek Inscriptions, 
p- 74) rather than by assuming a hiatus and shortening of the 
. before or, though the latter is proposed by Deecke (Legs. 
Betty, Vit, p.-30): 

4, Synizesis is maintained by Deecke for Oes COLL. 68, 4, 
and @eots 68, 2, with reason, if these words really begin hex- 
ameters, which is not certain. Synizesis in yéov in COLL. 88 
is uncertain. 

5. Dizresis is claimed by Deecke, CoLt. 68, 3, in 0° vo’, 
which he takes for ov. This seems hardly possible. Dizere- 
sis in such a word would be surprising under any circum- 
stances. The parasitic Ff (see § 17, 2) is not elsewhere found 
after o, and even if it were, we should expect the last syllable 
of the word to appear as vz‘, not as vo’. The fact that no 
character has yet been found for vwz* cannot be held to sup- 
port Deecke’s view. If the sound had existed, the character 
for it would have existed also. On a similar view advanced 
by Deecke for Aaqjaticao Cott. 58; Aajadas 0” Ajapos 31,1; 
32, 1, See S182. 

CONSONANTS. 
17%. 
F. 
1. Initial f is regularly retained in Cyprian, always in the 


Bronze Tablet. The instances are rdvaé CoLL. 18, 1; 59, 2; 
164 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 35 


68, 1; abbreviated to fra‘ 154; favaa(c)as 38, 43 39; 23, 40, 
1; feuxova 76, 23 cémija (émros) 60, 26; féres 59, 1; 60, 1; 
foe (2.€. £00) 59, 3; 60, 293 folkws 60,6; folvw 73, 1; FpyTtas 
(cf. gpntpa) 60, 28, 29; favaa(c)as Bess. Bettr., xi, p. 315; 
316. 

The only exceptions are avac(c)as COLL. 33, 1; éres 76, 1; 
peCw (doubtful) 150. The absence of initial f in éXev COLL. 
60, 9, furnishes clear evidence, in view of its retention else- 
where in the same inscription, that the word has no etymo- 
logical connection with Lat. va//zs, as still maintained by 
Curtius, Grundsziige der Griechischen Etymologte,’ p. 360. 

Medial Ff is also regularly retained, always in the Bronze 
Tablet. The instances are: airei COLL. 60, 31; adAf@ 60, 9, 
18, 21 (cf. the Hesychian gloss ddova * Kot, Kumpio, where 
ov is used to represent the bilabial character of Cyprian F (see 
Sele!) a eaainnros 30; 1; 405 4751,50, 15 6G, 6,3, 171; 153; 
154; 176; 177; 178; 179; ArpeiOepts 60, 21; dSof¢évae 60, 5, 
15; €¢peEa 71 ; é-pntacatu 60, 14; Ere¢a(v)dpw 46 ; 67 ; evgep- 
yeoias 71; evgpntdcatu 60, 4; "Hdarsifes 60, 2; Odpro(v) 
60, 19; lepngos 1, 1; Katepopxwv (cf. Hom. (¢)épxos) 60, 1; 
Keveupov (2.e. Keverov; see § 13, I) 20, 2; vefootutas 59, 2; 
Nixorréens 40; Nexoxréf0s5 179; olp@e 60, 14; ‘OvacifotKos 
27, 183; Sracifouxos 193; 27; 183; Trwofapw 143; Tepo- 
Kréceos 36; 64; Apiotoravaé Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 
AI, xti.; “Apeoroxrégns Berl. Phil. Woch., 1884, No. 21; 
Tipogavaktos ibid. ; "Ovacigoixw Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 
52, col. 1644; Nexoxréens Beze. Bettr., xi., p. 3153 p. 316; 
éceke (cf. Lat. veho) Studia Nicolaitana, p. 67; Bipa (= féoa; 
cf. Bi(g)os, Lat. vvus) Prellwitz’s reading of CoLL. 134 (see 
eee pBevtr., 1X, Pp. 172). 

"Apiotoxopwv, Deecke’s reading in Cort. 45, I, i8 not cer- 
tain. Hall (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 216) after a fresh 
examination of the inscription in New York reads “Apiotoywr ; 
but this does not seem possible, judging from the copy of 
the inscription given by Schmidt (Sammlung Kyprischer 1°: 
schriften, XXx., 6 a). 

duapw COLL. 70 is extremely doubtful. 

165 


36 Charles E. Bennett, 


éfelans 68, 1, has f, but the exact form of the word is 
uncertain ; see § 12, 2. 

evCagette 56 is impossible as a Cyprian word; but the F is 
certain. 

Tur(a)ixagos Cott. 29; Tur(r)icage Berl. Phil. Woch., 
1886, No. 41, ii.; Sapagos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 12, 
col. 380, are Phoenician names. 

Zogns and “Ayaifpos communicated by Sayce in Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1884, No. 21, are doubtful, and need confirmation. 

Exceptions to the retention of a primitive medial Ff are 
more frequent than in case of initial f. We find the follow- 
ing: Bacidnos (cf. BactAjcos) COLL, 17, 15) 38; lesen 
154, 155, a, b; 156; 103; Atos (Cf ArpeiOepts) 73,1; ~ mea 
Sapa (cf. Etera(v)dpw) 135; Oceoxréos (cf. Nexoxdégns) 126, 1; 
lephos (cf. lepfeos) 38, 3; Temoxréos 35; Aut Berl. Phil. Woch., 
1886, No. 41, ix.; Bactrnos Bezz. Bettr., xi., p. 316; Nea-? 
76. Nopnvios Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323, is 
a contracted form (see § 14, 10) for Neopjwos ; of vefootatas 
Conrryso, 2:5. 

On ‘Héanuiyje CoLi. 60, 31 instead of “HédaruHeu, see § 18, 4. 

Several inscriptions seem to belong to a transition period 
and exhibit some forms with fF and some without; eg. in 
COLL. 38 Baoidijos, tepios, but ravac(c)as ; in 39 Tiwoyapiros, 
Baoidnfos, favac(c)as, but Yephos; in 40 Nexoxdé¢ns, fava- 
a(a)as, but Baowdjos ; identical with Cott. 40 is the inscrip- 
tion given by Deecke in Bezz. Bettr., xi., p. 316. 

2. In addition to the f above mentioned the Cyprian has 
developed a semi-vocalic vy between v or ev and a following a or 
«, which it also expresses by f. The instances are: dugavor 
(for dv-avou, root dv-; see § 9, 1) CoLL. 60, 6; Evgayopo 153; 
154; abbreviated Eveayo: 155 b; 157; Evga: 155 a; 156; 
159; Evga(v)@ns 163; Evga(v)Oe¢os 161; Evga(v)Ocos 162; 
EvgéXOwv 171, 172; EvgéAOo(v)tos 165; 167; 168; 169; 
KatecKevcpace 31, 3. The preposition teats, 60, 10, 22, 28, is 
also probably to be explained in the same way; see under 
Prepositions, § 33, 5. 

evfepyeoias, which Meyer (Gr. Gr.,2 § 157) refers to this 

166 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 37 


category, does not belong here, but the F is part of the root. 
(Cf. Cyprian é¢peEa COLL. 71.) Bacwrevfo(v)tos, 59, I, also 
mentioned by Meyer in the same connection, should be 
omitted.. The syllabic text gives only pa‘s¢-le'u’, tie. 
Baowrev-; -f0(v)Tos is conjectural. 

The development of this parasitic f occurs regularly be- 
tween every v and a following e or a. As an exception must 
be noted vevEdpevos (2.e. ém-evEduevos ; on v-, see § 33, 4) 
CoLu. 45, 2. Deecke’s reading here has been questioned by 
Hall (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 216), who suggests that the 
sign for z* here is a mistake of the stone-cutter for mz °, lack- 
ing simply the lower transverse stroke of the sign for that 
syllable. This wz: he takes for pe(v), with omission of the 
final y (see § 23, 2, 5), regarding it as the pronoun of the Ist 
person; see § 31, 2. But the omission of final y before a 
vowel is inadmissible ; see § 23, 4. Hence I believe Deecke’s 
reading is to be sustained. 

Meyer, Gr. Gr.,2 § 239, suggests that vev€auevos may be 
for pev&dpevos, comparing the Hesychian glosses véous (2.e. 
feats) * oTOAN; vary (2.2. FaXN)* TK@ANE. But I see nothing 
to support this hypothesis, and should be inclined to attribute 
the glosses to a later stage of the dialect. 

The above phenomenon of the development of a parasitic 
Ff is not confined to the Cyprian, but occurs also in other dia- 
lects; e.g. Boeotian Baxevpat CoLe. 458; Corcyraan apic- 
tevpovta Roehl, /uscriptiones Graccae Antiguissimae, 343. 

3. The Ff of Tipoyapigos COLL. 39, 1; 193 and Kumpoxpa- 
tifos 26 is difficult to explain. These words are both ~- stems, 
and as such their genitives should be Tiwoxdpios, Kutrpoxpa- 
twos. That f cannot have developed regularly between 1 and 
o seems clear. Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial, p. 51) suggests the 
following explanation. It is to be assumed that the inter- 
vocalic fF in Cyprian gradually lost its sound and disappeared 
as in other Greek dialects. Evidences of this have been 
given above in such forms as BaoiAjos ‘epjos, as against the 
earlier Bact ijfos, (epicos, etc. That the forms without f are 
in general the younger there can be no reason to doubt. 


167 


38 Charles E. Bennett, 


Spitzer assumes that the spelling with F was retained in these 
and similar words, as an archaism, even after the had lost 
its sound. Cf in Latin the retention of C as G in Cajus, 
Cnaeus, long after C had assumed the sound of K. So in 
Cyprian he believes that Pacudjfos efc. continued to be 
written, even after Baoiijos began to be spoken, and that 
after this analogy Tiuoydpipos and Kumpoxpdtigos arose, 
though Tiwoyapios and Kuzpoxpatios were spoken, the F 
being superfluous. 

This view of Spitzer has much to commend it, especially 
the fact that one of the inscriptions in which Tipoydpifos 
occurs (CoLL. 39) belongs clearly to the transition period 
when fF was beginning to disappear (at least in the vicinity of 
Paphos), as is evinced by the form (epfos beside ravaa(c)as 
and Bacirjpos. Cf. also CoLL. 38 and 4o. This period of 
uncertainty in the employment of fF would furnish just the 
conditions for the rise of forms like Kumrpoxpaticos and Tipo- 
Va plfos. 

IIpwrigos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 12, col. 379, if cor- 
rect, is to be explained in the same way. So also the second 
F of Evga(v)@efos (for Evga(v)@eos, nom. Evga(v)@ns) COL.. 
161, were the reading at all certain. 


18. 
if 

1. Between . and a following a, ¢« or 1, a semi-vocalic 1 
has frequently been developed, which is generally written /. 
This is often called the parasitic 7. The instances are the 
following : — 

a) j between . and a. 

"Ara(u)rpyatar COLL. 60, 8; “Apnvija 60, 18; a(v)dpu- 
ja(v)tav (cf. Att. avdpids) 59, 2; avooija 60, 29; “Apiotijav 
20, 1; ateXVa (Ion. areréa) 60, 23; AvjaiOews 74, 13 férya 
(Ion. férrea) 60, 26; lepyyyav 60, 20; aoa: 60, 3; YaThpav 
60, 3; Madavijar 60, 17; Mirxyad@wvos 59, 1; Hadijas 15, 1; 
Hapija(v) 69; medyjau 60, 18; Stacijas 18; Sracijav 17, 1; 

168 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 39 


tépyvija 60, 9, 18, 22; KatéOyav 60, 27; ’Apiotija Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1886, No. 52, xx. 

It will be seen by the above examples that this change took 
place as well after the . which developed from an original « 
(see § 7, 1) as after primitive .; cf rémya, Tépyvija, etc. 

In the Bronze Tablet this j has developed without excep- 
tion between every. and a. Elsewhere we find exceptions. 
is Madiag Cont Mal; Zt As. 5: 6758: oO; 10% Tr; 
12; Iladiae 1, 3 (cf Uadya(v) 69; Hadijas 15, 1); Toryias 
61; Avabepe(s) (cf AyatOepe(s) 74, 1) 100; a(v)dpras Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1887, No. 12, col. 380; a(v)dpta(v)tav Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. 

b) J between . and «. 

Wepevs Cor: AQ 1; eps 33, 25 WeEpnos 39; 3; Wepevs 
bese. bewtr., xi. p. 316. 

This change does not hold for the Bronze Tablet, vzz. in 
iepyjyav 60, 20. Other exceptions are (epiros 1, 23; lephos 
38, 3; Kupsevs 193; tepnos Bess. Bettr., xi., p. 315. 

j does not develop between.iandy. Thus we have’ Héan- 
inges COLL. 60, 2; "HdareAye 60, 31; Kerifjrpes 60, 1, where 
we might have expected Kerw7-, Héarujn-. Deecke writes 
these words ‘Héanuéges, Hdarréj1, Ketvéges. With that read- 
ing we should simply have additional illustrations of the 
absence of 7 between cand ¢ in the Bronze Tablet. 

c) j between i and u. 

The only example is mrodye COLL. 60, 6. On the other 
hand Au Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, ix. 

The Pamphylian exhibits precisely the same development 
of a parasitic semi-vowel between . and a following vowel. 
This it writes (with Greek letters) asu; eg. rétia (Ze. réTWVa, 
Ion. érea) COLL. 1267, 5; dua tbid.; trapotar, “Eotpé(v)dutus 
(= ’Aczrévé.i0s) 1250. 

Between . and o, or . and o, 7 never develops in Cyprian ; 
e.g. Avs COLL. 73,1; “Adpodiciw 86, 4; twor 60, 31. The 
assumption therefore of Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial. p. 51) of 
the forms Tipoyapijos 39, 1; dpovijwi 68, 4, is without foun- 
dation; and Meister’s conjecture of puvaijov as new reading 

169 


40 Charles E. Bennett, 


of Coti. 41, 3 (Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 52, col. 1644) is 
very improbable. 

2. Besides this: parasitic 7 we also find jf in the proper 
names Aajaticao COLL. 58, which Deecke suggests may be 
for Aairicao. But this is purely conjectural. Aajagdds and 
"Ajapos COLL. 31, 1; 32, 1, which Deecke previously took in 
the same way, are now read by him Bezz. Leztr., xi., p. 319, as 
TapBas and apyos. 

3. Deecke’s reading (tepéjyav in COLL. 60, 20 makes diffi- 
culty by the presence of the first 7. This might possibly be 
taken as indicating merely that the e« and . were spoken sepa- 
rately, z.¢. as ¢. But « elsewhere in the same inscription is 
not so written, vzz. in é\e, line 9; féres, line I ; and it seems 
to me better on the whole to write /epyjyav and to consider 
the y as developed from e¢, just as in case of the Doric adjec- 
tives in -nvos for -eios (see Meyer, Gr. Gr? § 67); e.g. Cretan 
mpvtavyniov CIG. 2554, 51; Delphian ‘apyva cic. 1688, 14; and 
the Ionic substantives adn@nin, wavtnin. Cf also Boeotian 
pavtetia (2.e. wavTnia) COLL. 494, 2. 

Cyprian (epyjyav is identical with these formations except 
that it retains the 7, which in the other dialects disappears in 
the preceding 4; or, we may assume that a new j has devel- 
oped between y and following u. 

4, ’Hdanuqju (Deecke writes -éc) CoLL. 60, 31 is still more 
perplexing. We should have expected here "Héancfeu, dat. 
sing. of "Hédanuets; cf. "Hédarujrpes Coy. 60, 2; Kerifres 
60, 1. The form ’Héade7e cannot be derived from ’Héanujeu 
by any phonetic process, nor can I see any plausible explana- 
tion of its origin by association or analogy. 

5. Change from 1 to 7 before a vowel has been assumed by 
Deecke in case of the diphthongs a, o, w in océ/a for ocela 
(2.2. ooiat) COLL. 41, 3; Sojae (for Sorde) 41, 3; pun (for 
guin) 126, 3. The two former of these examples are no 
longer maintained by Deecke (see Begz. Bettr., xi., p. 317), 
and the last one, guy, is not by any means certain in its 
reading. 

I believe therefore that we are not as yet justified in claim- 

170 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 41 


ing this change of . to 7 for the Cyprian. Yet the change is 
probable enough in itself and must have occurred in other 
dialects as preliminary to such forms as Arcadian troévrw 
(for moévtTw, 2.¢. TrovévtTw), COLL. 1222, 9; Lesbian dueaaws 
(for duxalws, 2.2. duxaiws) 304, A, 44. 

6. On japa for (apa, 2.e. tepa, see § 1, 2. 


19. 
t. 

In Cyprian, ¢ corresponds not only to ¢ of the other dia- 
lects, viz. in Gav (cf. Att. Saw) COLL. 60, 10, 23, 28; pete (?) 
150, but also sometimes to y of the other dialects, vzz. in 
fa (= ya) ‘earth,’ Cot. 60, 8, 17, 24 and afabos (= ayabos) 
37) 35 59 4- 

These two latter forms probably developed a parasitic + 
after the original y, and this y, then regularly became ¢. This 
change has an analogon in the word fevcac@ae (for *yzev- 
cac@at) given by Hesychius as dialectic form of yevoacOat. 
Cf. the Arcadian CérXrewy (for *yséArXevv) + Badrevv, Hesych. 


20. 
cv 


1. Final « disappears in a few instances, vz. "Ovaciwpo 
"A... (for "Ovaciwpos "A ...) CoLL. 75, 1; AyaiOeps Tae 
(for AvyaiOeuts THt) 74,1; Avadepe(s) fa... 100; Ka(s) (‘and’) 
a(v)Tt 60, 5; Ka(s) mev 71, 13 Ta(s) favac(c)as 38, 4; Ta(s) 
bynpwv 60, 5 (twice); TvA(A)ica(s) “Ovaciuddra 120, 1; in 
composition 7ro-eyduevoy (for Troc-eyomevor, 2.¢. TpoTexopevor) 
60, 19, 21; EKvga(v)On(s) 163; "Av(v)a(s) ’Apo(v)ra 147; 
Tiar(r)ixa(s) pe Studia Nicolaitana, p. 68; 6 é& opv&n COL. 
60, 12, 25 may be either for 6s é€& opvEy (with omitted -s) or 
o may be the article used as relative. 

The above data do not warrant us in drawing any positive 
conclusion as to the law of this change. Omitting 0 é& opv&y 
as capable of other interpretation, the remaining twelve in- 
stances present six cases of the disappearance of -s before 


7 


42 Charles FE. Bennett, 


vowels, five before consonants, and one where no other sound 
follows. We can hardly infer from this that the disappear- 
ance of -s took place through the medium of its change to 
the rough breathing, since in that event we should expect it 
to be confined to those cases where the following word had 
an initial vowel. Meyer (Gr. Gr.,? § 305) in judging of the 
Boeotian proper names in -e for -as assumes that the pecu- 
liarity originated before initial vowels, and was subsequently 
extended in its use. The same may be true for the Cyprian. 
But since this peculiarity is confined almost exclusively to 
proper names and in them is found in the whole field of 
Greek inscriptions, it may be better to assume a weak pro- 
nunciation of final -; in this class of words. This, however, 
would leave Cyprian 7a, «ad, and vro- unexplained. It should 
be noted that, while «a and ra (for kas and tds) are found in 
the above-mentioned instances, the full forms «as and tas 
are frequent, ¢.g. Tas avdo(c)as COLL. 33, 1; Tas eVyMAAS 59, 
3; Kas 退 60, 6. 7a ’Eveoddua- wifi Con. 135; which 
Deecke (ad loc.) suggests may be for either tas ’Eteodapuas 
or tat ’Ereoddua, is better taken with Dittenberger as 74, 
"Eteodaua, 7iO, in which 7a@ is the regular Cyprian form of 
the Homeric 74 ‘take,’ and ’Ereodawa is vocative. Cf t 347 
Kvcrto, 7H, mle oivov. This would add another illustration 
of the influence (already beyond question) of the Homeric 
diction upon the Cyprian vocabulary. Cf Deecke-Siegismund 
in Curtius’ Stwdzen, vii., p. 262; Smyth, Ox Poetical Words 
in Cyprian Prose, Am. Four. Phil., viii., 4. 

eVY@AG COLL. 27, 2, which might also possibly be taken for 
a genitive or dative (see § 25, 5), is, I believe, best taken as 
a nominative. Cf apa ’Avaw CoLL. 97; apa Au Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1886, No. 41, 1x. 

Deecke’s «xa vrott COLL. 68, 1; [xa] @varois 68, 2; and 
ol(s) (for ris) 126, 1, are doubtful. 

2. Deecke (Sez2. Letir., vi., p..81; p. 147) seeks to estab; 
lish the loss of intervocalic ¢, or at least its change to the 
rough breathing in two instances, vzz. dpovéwi (for dpovéwar) 
COLL. 68, 4 and dimewois (for *Siuwcors, ze. *dipovtyots) 69. 

172 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 43 


This change is well assured for other dialects, e.g. Laco- 
nian €v7Beats for évijBoacas Cauer, Delectus*, 17, 15; “Ayn- 
totpatos for ‘Aynolotpatos 22, 8. The Hesychian glosses 
Kavita, 1.2. KaTLYY)TH } Tada, 2.c. onoayn; twaov: Tdta€or, 
and others, given as Cyprian, also point to the change in 
question, at least for some period of the Cyprian dialect. 
But the reading in the two instances claimed by Deecke can- 
not be regarded as certain, especially in view of the numer- 
ous difficulties of the context; see pp. 2, 3. Moreover, the 
prevailing usage of the dialect in all other cases is to retain the 
« arising secondarily by assibilation of +, such as we have in 
hpovéwor and diumwaos, e.g. €EBaciw 31, 2; &€o(v)at 60, 31 
(the (v) not absolutely certain). Cf also caciyvntos 60, 14; 
Baciredvs 17, I. 

It is, therefore, impossible from existing inscriptions to 
admit the existence of any such change of ¢ to the spiritus, 
as is insisted upon by Deecke. The glosses given by Hesy- 
chius are doubtless to be referred to a much later period 
than that to which our inscriptions belong. Cf the parallel 
case of the Laconian glosses exhibiting rhotacism cited by 
Hesychius, Bovayop (7.e. Bovayds), yavop (2.e. yavos). Yet 
this change is not attested by a single pre-Christian inscription. 
See Miillensiefen, De 72tulorum Laconicorum Dialecto, p. 54 f. 

3. Meister in the Berl. Phil. Woch., 1885, No. 51, col. 1604 
(ff. Baunack, Dee Inschrift von Gortyn, p. 23), seeks by cir- 
cuitous combinations to explain another word on the above 
principle of * for «, vzz. wot in rol twtaxa, von dem Ohren- 
kranken, his proposed reading of Cory. 103. This prepo- 
sition mot he explains as follows. From primitive Greek 
moti arose in the Arcado-Cyprian dialect *sroa¢é by assibila- 
tion. Before vowels this appeared as 7rdés, e.g. Arcadian 
moaooos COLL. 1222,9. After the separation of the Arcadian 
and Cyprian, és in Arcadian excluded its sister form *zroai, 
and we accordingly find és alone; ¢.g. mos Tas 1222, 54; 
mookaTuBrawn 1222, 38. But woot and més were both 
retained in Cyprian. The latter occurs in wos Odprfo(v) CoL. 
60, 19; os tay 60, 19; os Ilacayopay 60, 21; *roai, 

UZ 


44 Charles E. Bennett, 


however, first lost its intervocalic « (for which Meister com- 
pares ¢povéwi already discussed above), becoming zo? and 
then oi. It is this latter form which Meister reads in 
Tol ToTak@® COLL. 103. This zrod, he considers, became still 
further reduced to 7ro- in 7ro-eyouevov for trot-eyopwevov COLL. 
60, 19 (cf. Arcadian moévtw for vo-évtw). This would 
remove the necessity of assuming loss of e in this word, as 
explained above, 1. 

Against this view of Meister’s is to be urged 

1) Assibilation of + in case of zro7/, though naturally to be 
expected, is not attested by any Greek dialect. We find zroré 
in Homer; *roai is unknown. 

2) If the form *roci had originated from voté we should 
expect it to remain *7roai, since the « arising in this way is 
not wont to disappear. Cf. elxkoow (primitive form ¢/xartv), 
daors (from *patus). 

3) The example, which Meister cites to illustrate the dis- 
appearance of « arising from + before u, v7z. Ppovéwi, we have 
already seen above (2) is quite doubtful and opposed to the 
clear laws of the dialect. Argive vot, which Meister cites 
(relying evidently upon Cauer, De/ectus*, 62, 9 and Etym. 
Mag. 678, 44) is not sufficiently assured. Locrian qo? rév, 
which Bechtel defends in CoLL. 1479, 14, is taken by Allen 
(De dialecto Locrensium, p.67 = Studien, iii., p. 271)and Roehl, 
Luscriptiones Graecae Antiqutssimae, 322, b, 5, as a mistake of 
the stone-cutter for wor 7év, in which zor is by apocope for 
qott. Cf. Meyer, Gr Gr? § 200, note. Allen conmipares 
Locrian KAITO, which he takes for cat 70, CoLL. 1478, 46. 

4) As to the origin of zoeyouevoy from troveyouevov by the 
disappearance of the . (through the medium of 1), such a 
change should be accepted cautiously, even were the exist- 
ence of vot proven. We have no instances of the Cyprian 
treatment of the « (7) developing from the second part of 
diphthongs (a, «, o, w) unless perchance gvjn COLL. 126, 3 
be such an instance. That certainly would not make for 
Meister’s view, but would lead us rather to expect zojexo- 
Levon. 


174 


Sounds and Infiections of the Cyprian Dialect. 45 


21. 
T. 


Indogermanic g! apparently develops irregularly as w (in- 
stead of r) before ¢ and . in several words : — 

1. weices (Idg. root gez-), COLL. 60, 12, 25, corresponds to 
Attic teicee (on this and not tices as the correct form, see 
above, § 12, ad in.), fut. ind. ‘shall pay.’ Attic revoe, repre- 
sents the regular development of g. Cyprian zeioe. has 
undoubtedly borrowed its « from other formations of the 
same root, where r was phonetically justified, e.g. *é-ou-a 
(perfect), mov ‘ pay.’ Cf. Thessalian dmmevodrtov (i.e. amo- 
Tevcdtw) COLL. 1332, 28, where the same irregularity occurs. 

2. mehapépwv, COLL. 59, 2, Ze. me(u)papepwr (see § 23, I, 
2) gen. sing. of ze(u)d-duepov, ‘five days’ period’ (cf Att. 
mevOnpepov) points to méure (Idg. penge) as the form of the 
numeral for ‘five’ in Cyprian as well as in Lesbian. Here 
also the w (for +r) owes its origin to the influence of other 
primitive formations from the stem feng-, e.g. Tewmas, where 
the « before a was regular. 

3. In dios (= Gotis; see § 22, 2) Sm is an adverbial 
formation from the pronominal root gz-, which like vre/ceu (see 
above, 1), ought regularly to appear as -rv-. The a is to be 
explained as borrowed from forms such as 67r@s, odéTepos 
etc., where x for Indogermanic g before o and w is regular. 


22 


Assibilation of + before v. 


1. This occurs as in Attic in the verbal ending -(v)o. (see 
above) for -yn, and elsewhere. The examples are €€o(v)ou 
for &ovrs (Att. over) COLL. 60, 31; iw(v)or 60, 31; €&Bacrs 
(Att. ExBacis ; see § 24, I) 31, 2; 32, 1; moots 26, 2. 

ére 73, I and a(v)ti 60, 5, e¢ pass. retain the + as in all 
dialects. 


1 Following Brugmann’s use of this character in his Grundriss der Verglet- 
chenden Grammatik. 


175 


46 Charles E. Bennett, 


«kate has been assumed by Deecke, as the full form of the 
elided «dr ‘and’ in «ar “Héadiwyv Cou. 59, 1. If this is 
correct, the form would belong with é7 and a(v)ri. At all 
events we are not justified in assuming that the form «as 
‘and’ originated from «atu by the latter’s becoming *«aaz, 
whence (before vowels) «as. 

So also és COLL. 60, 19, 20, 21 is not to be explained as 
the ante-vocalic form of *ooc (for wor), since word so far 
as known never assibilates its + The s of més must be 
explained in some other way; see § 33, 3. mor, which 
Deecke reads in CoLt. 68, 1, by elision for vrorti, is perfectly 
consistent with the existence of més in Cyprian (see § 33, 3), 
but the context is so doubtful that small probability attaches 
to this form. 

2. The indefinite cis (for tis) occurs) Colt) Go, NoOmeor 
and 67ructs 60, 29. This is irregular, since initial + before 1 is 
not assibilated ; yet the form is certain. Possibly, tis as an 
enclitic, was so closely connected with the preceding word as 
to be felt as a part of it. In this way the + became intervo- 
calic and so changed to «. This is the explanation of Meyer, 
Gr. Gr, § 299, and in support of it may be cited Att. arra, 
which developed from the primitive nom. pl. neuter of Tis, 
viz. Td, in such phrases as ypyata tra. The two words in 
such instances were so closely connected as to be treated 
like one. Hence ypojmara tya became regularly ypyyatarra. 
This was felt as ypyat’ dtta, so that dtra arose as an inde- 
pendent word. ‘The only objection that can be urged against 
this explanation of ols is that Hesychius gives us o/ as 
an interrogative pronoun in the gloss oi Bore: ti Oéres. 
Kuvmpcot. 

Deecke’s ri in COL. 68, 3, is to be rejected. The reading 
is uncertain, and the form highly improbable by the side 
of ais. 

3. Deecke reads wots CoLL. 68, 3, as vocative of zrotis, 
‘lord. The word occurs, however, in 26 as aroows, with 
regular assibilation of the +. The fact that we always find 
moots in other dialects would certainly tend under any cir- 

176 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 47 


cumstances to discredit worvs in Cyprian, especially as + in 
this dialect regularly suffers assibilation ; but the assumption 
that vrotvs existed beside vréoaus in the same dialect is entirely 
untenable. Another fact which makes against Deecke’s 
reading is that the word never has the sense of ‘lord’ in 
Greek, a sense which he attaches to it in the present in- 
stance. 


235. 
Loss of Nasats. 


1. Before a consonant in the same word the nasals y, p, y 
were always dropped. This is generally indicated by putting 
the omitted nasal in parenthesis. The instances are the 
following : — 

1) Omission of y. 

a(v)dpya(v)tav (Att. avdpravta) COLL. 59, 2; a(v)@pwros 
60, 3; a(v)Ti 60, 5, 15, 17; Apo(v)ta (?) 147; A(v)Tibapos 
83; Apiotoda(v)tos 28 ; érrid(v)Ta 60, 9, 19, 22; "Ete¢a(v) dpa 
46; 47; Ev¢a(v)0n 163 ; Evea(v) eros 161 ; 162; Eveénr@o(v) Tos 
165; 167; 168; 169; éo(v)Ta 60, 23; ‘(Ovaca(v) Tos 30; ma(v)ra 
60, 10, 10, 22; 68, 4; taAa(v)Twpr 60, 7; Td(v)de 60, 26; 76, 2; 
ewes. ro)oe. 59, 2; 60, 13; 25:5. 72,-15, Pa@)racia 81: 
a(v)dpta(v)tav Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323; 
a(v)dptas Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 12, col. 380. 

2) Omission of p. 

mTe()pauéepwv COLL. 50, 2; Ada(u)rpyatac (cf. the present 
“‘Alambra, twenty minutes’ ride west of Dali,’ Cesnola, 
Cyprus, p. 87). Meister’s conjecture of 6(u)Ra[vte] in his 
new reading of Cott. 41 (bert. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 52, 
col. 1644) is quite uncertain. 

3) Omission of y. 

Probable in "O(y)xa(v)tos COLL. 60, 9; Ila(y)«pa- 62, 2. 

In Pamphylian inscriptions y disappears similarly before + 
or § in the same word ; + under such circumstances changes 
to §, e.g. medexaidexa (2.¢. mevTexaldexa) COLL. 1267, 5 ; éEdywos 
(z.e. €Edywvtt) 1267, 16, 20; yévwdat 1267, 20; "Eoteébiyus 
(Aozrévévos) 1259. 

177 


48 Charles E. Bennett, 


2. Certain short words ending in a nasal, and closely con- 
nected in thought with the following word, omit the nasal, 
as in the interior of a word. These words are the forms of 
the article tov, Trav, Tov; the preposition ¢v; and the pronoun 
pv (= per, 2.¢. we; see § 31, 1). The instances are 

I) Tov: 

To(v) xa@pov COLL. 60, 18; To(v) ypavopwevov 60, 9; TO(r) 
xpautopevov 60, 18; To(v) moeydpevov 60, 19, 21; To(v) Apv- 
pl@v 60, 19; TO(v) Katrov 60, 20; as relative in To(v) ArgeiOepus 
60, 21; To(v) Sope(v) 126, 2 is improbable; see § 31, 4; 

2) Tap: 

Ta(v) mTdALv 60, 1; Ta(v) dadXTOv 60, 26; Ta(v) Ovdv 60, 27; 
ta(v) dipato(v) 69; Ta(v) fecxova 76, 2; 

3) Tov: 

Ta(v) maldwv 60, II, 30; TA(v) KacuyynT@V 60, 14; 

4) ww: 

iv) reyes 17,23; 27, 2; 285° 3RA 5 37,35) Suen 
Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323 ; 1887, No. 12, col; 
380; t(v) Tat COLL. 60, I, 3, 8,93 é(v) Tat 60, 8; i(v) Maravija 
60, 17; i(v) Siu(u)tdos 60, 20; of (v) T& (with apheresis of 
Le 7 SERS ilO,u3) OO; a 


pi(v) KatéOnxe 1, 2; 2, 2; probably also in ov(v) Tuya 
120, 4. 

The above words always lose the y before a consonant, 
without exception. The forms tov, trav, efc., occur only before 
vowels. 

The omission of y has also been claimed by Meyer (Gr. Gr, 
§$ 113, note) for my (ze. éav). Meyer would read 7(v) xe in 
COLL. 60, 10, 23. But the existence of 7» has already been 
shown to be improbable (see § 14, 6), and Deecke’s reading 
7» (=e) is sufficiently justified by the occurrence of 7 in 
Cretan. 

3. Loss of final vy before an initial consonant in other 
cases than those above mentioned is to be accepted with 
caution. Odprfo(v) tov COLL. 60, 19 and a@X¢o(v) Tov 60, 21 seem 
certain. But other instances given by Deecke are doubtful, 

178 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 49 


viz. vao(v) tTo(v)de COLL. 41, 2, which he no longer maintains 
(see p. 3), and ta(v) diparto(v) diuao(v) Ilapija(v) ye COLt. 69. 
This latter instance might possibly seem worthy of accept- 
ance did we thereby gain a reading which commended itself 
in other respects, which is not the case. The individual 
words of the passage are several of them strange, and the 
sense which Deecke attaches to them (Less. Beztr., vi., p. 146 f.) 
is forced and unnatural. Equally improbable is Hall’s a(v)- 
Oparrw(v) Ged. (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., Xi., p. 220), which he reads 
in place of Deecke’s a(v)@pw7e Peas COLL. 68, 3. 

4. In CoLt. 126, 2, Deecke would even maintain the disap- 
pearance of final y before a vowel in ddue(v) “Ady. This is 
also assumed by Hall (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 216) in his 
reading pi(v) ev€dpevos in place of Deecke’s vevEapevos (ze. 
émevéapmevos; see § 17, 2) CoLL. 45; further in Kuvédua(v) 
ocela (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 226) COLL. 87 ; “Avtipapo(v) 
o (zbzd., p. 225) CoLL. 83. But in none of these cases does 
any probability attach to the reading. 


24. 
Other Peculiarities. 


1. Triple consonance occurs in é€Baow Coie. 32. So also 
the preposition é& is used invariably before initial consonants, 
€& Tat 60, 5, 11, 24; && Tau 60, 6, 24. 

2. Doubled consonants are regularly written singly, vzz. in 
avda(a)as COLL. 33, 1; favac(c)as 38,4; 39,2; 40; Ap(u)ds 
61; “Av(v)as 147; ‘Amod(A)wve 31, 3; 32, 2; 59, 33 72, 
e275, 33 775 9783. 120, 2; TeX(X)txa(s) 120,71; 
Tiwr(ar)ixagos 29; Tdour(mr)os 194; Su(u)idos (2?) 60, 20; 
pap(u)omdatwp (?) 85; ¢avac(c)as Bess. Bettr., xi., p. 315; 
p. 316; Tur(a)ixags Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, ii. ; doubt- 
ful is @A(A)’ CoLL. 68, 3; Mavac(c)is Berl. Phil. Woch., 
1886, No. 42, col. 1323. 

Instead of ’Azod(X)wu the principles of the Cyprian syl- 
labary would admit ’“AwA@u (cf. Thessalian "Amdovm, Ze. 
"Amdwve COLL. 368; 372; “AmAouvos 345, 22). On the other 


179 


50 Charles E. Bennett, 


hand Cyprian e*mz: might possibly be taken for éu(p)z, 
except for the evidence of KAPV£ EMI the Greek text of 
the bilinguis CoLL. 65 (cf. § 16). 

This practice of writing doubled consonants singly is not 
peculiar to the Cyprian, but is found more or less frequently 
in most archaic inscriptions of every dialect. Cf Syracusan 
"AréXwv Roehl, /uscriptiones Graecae Antiquisstmae, 509 ; 
Megarian ’AvéAwm zb2d., 11; Pamphylian ’AvédXwva COLL. 
1267, 30; Tywageca 1267, 6 and the list given in Meyer, 
GEG 8287. 

3. N-movable is found in a few late inscriptions, vz. 
édaxev “Atrdcwpos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 12, col. 380; 
éd@Kev Kas and ovéOnxev Mavaa(ac)is Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, 
No. 42, col. 1323; in the two latter cases before an initial 
consonant. 

4, The Cyprian syllabary has no character for the rough- 
breathing, which is generally supplied in accordance with the 
vulgar usage. 

5. Initial wr for appears in mrtods COLL. 60, 2, 4, 7, 15, 
16, 27; 7ToAWL 60, 6; wroAwv 60, I, all doubtless to be referred 
to Homeric influence ; see § 20, I. 

6. Primitive pe is retained in éxepoe COLL. 32, 2, in accord- 
ance with the regular law. Cf on the other hand Arcadian 
pbépar (2.e. POnpar?) COLL. 1222, 8. 

7. Hall’s Sa (Jour. Am. Or. Soc., xi., p. 225) for Ova, ze. 
Oea, his reading in Cott. 85, cannot be admitted. The change 
of @ to « found in late Laconian (see Miillensiefen, De 7ztulo- 
rum Laconicorum Dtalecto, p. 56) is not probable for Cyprian; 
and goddess in this dialect is expressed regularly by @eos (fem. 
as well as masc.), ¢.g. COLL. 60, 27. 

8. Kupepnvat, COLL. 68, 4, if correctly taken as a collateral 
form of *xuBepyjvar, represents the same change of g to pas 
that seen in xupepyytns for cuBepyytns, Etymologicum Mag- 
num, 543, 2, where it is referred to the AdoAets. Further 
concerning the form, see § 32, 12. 


180 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 51 


INFLECTIONS. 
DECLENSION. 


25. 
Stems in -a-. 


1. On the gen. sing. in -av and -ao of proper names in -as, 
see above, § 14, 4. 

2. Feminine -a- stems have everywhere -as in the gen. sing., 
e.g. “A@dvas COLL. 60, 20; avda(c)as 33, 1; evywras 59, 3; 
favda(c)as 38, 4; 39, 2; 40, 1; "Ovacrx’mpas 34, 1; Tas I, 
1 et pass.; Tipoxvrpas 23, 1; Piroxvrpas 22, 1; ‘Apio- 
roxutpas Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, vi. No trace is 
anywhere found of a fem. gen. in -av such as occurs in Arca- 
dian (e.g. oixiav COLL. 1233, 3; Capiav 1222, 12, 25), where it 
is borrowed from the masculine. On the occasional omission 
of -s in the gen. sing., see § 20, 1. 

3. A peculiar gen. sing. of masc. -é- stems is found in 
"Aunvija COLL. 60, 18; ‘Ovacimadad 120, 1; "Apiotia Berl. 
Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 52, xx. The formation can hardly be 
Cyprian. It is possibly the result of Doric influence ; cf Cretan 
dixacta (for -ao), Iuscription of Gortyna, v. 35. This expla- 
nation at all events seems preferable to that of Deecke, who 
believes that Cyprian -a could sometimes lose its -o and ap- 
pear as -4. 

4. Evgayopo (cf. on the other hand ’Ovacayopav COLL. 60, 
I, 22) COLL. 153, 154, is referred by Meyer, G7. Gv.,? § 345, to 
the influence of the Ionic dialect, but such Ionic gens. as Aap- 
arayopew (Ednpepis “Apxyavoroyxy, 1884, p. 86) certainly do 
not speak for an Ionic Evgayopa, although -é (by contraction 
for -€w) does sometimes occur in Ionic, ¢,g.’Avvixd for ’Avvixéw 
Roehl, /uscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae, 381, Cc, 11. 

"Apv(v)t@ COLL. 41, which Meyer also explains in the same 
manner, is no longer maintained as a reading by Deecke; see 
ps3: 

181 


52 Charles E. Bennett, 


5. The dat. sing. ends sometimes in -a (¢.e. a) ; sometimes 
in -«. On the relation of these two endings to each other, 
see above, § 13, 3,a. The instances (with the immediate con- 
text) are as follows: ra “A@ava ta COLL. 62; v TUya 74, 3; 
av(v) TUXa 120, 4; Ta’ APavai 17, 2; Tat Bacrdijfos Ta 60, 8, 17; 
7a Iladia, the correct reading of Cott. g, according to Hall 
(Jour. Am. Or. Soc., Xi., p. 212). An examination of these 
examples reveals the fact that the dative in -a is more usually 
found in those cases where it 1s accompanied by another 
dative of the full form in -w. Cf the similiar use of -o for -w; 
see § 26, 3. 

Ahrens (Philologus, xxxv., p. 13 f.) considers the forms in 
-a as locative, when they are accompanied by a preposition 
of place. But the locative in Greek is not elsewhere used as 
such with prepositions, and there is no ground for recognizing 
it here. 

6. The gen. plu. in -éy (by contraction from -awv; of. 
Homeric deawr, addnotawr) occurs in érayopevav COLL. 59, 2. 

7. On the acc. plu. see § 15. 


26. 
Stems in -o-. 


1. The gen. sing. in -# (for -oo by contraction; see § 14, 13) 
is frequent, e.g. a\gw COLL. 60, 9, 18; apytpw 60, 6, 13, 15, 
17; Tipodapyo 23, 3. 

2. A peculiar gen. sing. is found ending in -wy instead of -w 
and occurring interchangeably with the latter. The instances 
are: “ABiduirixwv COLL. 59, 3; apytpwv 60, 7, 25 (cf. apyvpw 
60, 6, 15, et pass.) ; Apupiwv 60, 19; “Eyeriwov 38, 2; Hédariov 
59, 1; Peodwpav 42 ; Ocotinwv 42 ; Keriwy 50, I ; utc Pav 60, 4, 
5, 15; ‘Ovatwy 21, 1 (shown to be genitive by the recently 
discovered "Ovaros nur Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 41, iii.) ; 
‘OvacixkiTpwv COLL. 60, 2, 11, 30; "Ovacirwy 60, 243; 7e(L)- 
papépwv 59, 2; Tara(v)Twv 60, 7; vyypwv 60, 5,15; Piroxv- 
mov 60, 1; Nwpnviov Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 
1323. ta@v in COLL. 60, 11 is not to be taken as gen. sing. 

182 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 53 


(as given by Deecke, /udex to Cott. I., 1) but is rather the 
gen. plu. modifying the preceding watéwv. Cf. Tos Taidas Tos 
‘Ovacirwv 60, 23. 

The explanation of this genitive formation is exceedingly 
difficult. The view of Ahrens (PAzlologus, xxxv., 13) that an 
original formation in -ws has changed its -s to -y, for which 
Ahrens compares the Dor. ending -pes (¢.2. oumpoxapes) by 
the side of the ordinary -pev (Aéyouev) hardly needs refutation. 
The view first advanced by Deecke-Siegismund (Curtius’ 
Studien, vii., p. 232) identifying this formation with that seen 
in the Arcadian genitive twvi (COLL. 1222, 38), which they 
took as rwv-i, is hardly correct, since Arcadian tav[v]/ in the 
same inscription line 53 points to a suffix -w. The existence 
of this latter seems also to be confirmed by the Thessalian 
forms in -ve, TO-ve COLL. 345, 20, ef pass.; Ta-ve 345, 23, 45. 

More plausible than Ahrens’s view is that put forward’ by 
Deecke (Bezz. Beztr., vi.. p. 71). Deecke thinks the ending 
-ev arose by confounding the gen. sing. in -» with the gen. pl. 
The y in the latter (see § 23, 2) had an extremely weak 
sound, according to Deecke, so that the form apparently ter- 
minated in -w, at least when followed by an initial consonant. 
Hence after the analogy of a(v)Opama, 2.2. -w(v) as a pendant 
to a(v)@p@7ev in the gen. plu., we find also in the gen. sing. 
a(v)Operev as a pendant to a(v)Opwmw. Deecke refers to 
the early Latin accusatives, séd, méd, téd, which are correctly 
regarded by him as having developed from original sé, m2, ¢é 
after the analogy of the duplicate ablative forms séd, sé, ¢éd, 
té@; méd, mé. Cf. Osthoff, Zur Geschichte des Perfects tm 
Indogermanischen, p. 128; Stolz, Lateintsche Grammattk, 
§ 90. 

Against this view of Deecke’s it must be urged that except 
in the few words already mentioned above (§ 23, 2, 3) 
final y does not exhibit a tendency to vanish in Cyprian. 
Even before consonants it is regularly written, e.g. 7aldwy 60, 
11; Kaowyyytev 70, 14. Hence the assumption is not justi- 
fied that final y in the gen. plu. was characterized by the 
“4usserste Lautschwache” which Deecke claims, and the con- 

183 


54 Charles E. Bennett, 


clusion drawn from this assumption, that there existed two 
forms in the gen. plu., one in -» and one in -ey, is therefore 
equally without foundation. In the absence of these dupli- 
cate forms of the gen. plu. it is difficult to see how this could 
have furnished the motive for the new formation. 

Others, as Leskien (Lerichte der Sdachsischen Gesellschaft 
der Wissenschaften, 1884, p. 105) and Brugmann (Griechische 
Grammatik, § 94) suggest an independent ending here, - or 
-om, which appears in Eccl. Slavonic. This is improbable. 
It is not likely that the Cyprian -o- stems had two inherited 
genitive formations in regular use. The one would have 
almost inevitably supplanted the other in the ordinary lan- 
guage. Latin famzlids beside stellae is a rarity ; deabus and 
filiabus have a special reason for existing; whereas these 
two genitives in -» and -wy exist side by side in the same 
words in the same inscription. It is therefore more reason- 
able to view the gen. sing. in -ey as a purely Cyprian develop- 
ment, the result of certain influences or associations which 
cannot as yet be determined. 

3. The dat. sing. ends sometimes in -m, sometimes 1n -. 
On the relation of these two endings, see above, § 13, 3, c. 
An examination of the examples given there, reveals the fact 
that the ending -» is used only in those cases where it is 
accompanied by another dative of the full form in -w, or by 
one ending in -a or +. This fact tends to discredit Deecke’s 
reading of “A(u)dn(t) prcaat@() COLL. 126, 2 and Ta(v) a(v)- 
Opwrw(s) 262d. 3. Ahrens (Philologus, xxxv., p. 13 f.) con- 
siders the forms in -w« as locatives wherever they are accom- 
panied by a preposition, and writes them -o. Cf his view of 
the corresponding ending -& in case of the -a- stems; see 
above, § 25, 5. 

4, On the acc. plu. in -os, see above, § 15. 

5. A locative sing. in -ot seems to occur in Iladot CoLt. 56, 
1 and ’Héanuot 62, 1; possibly also in ’Apuedol 59, 2. 


184 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 55 


27. 


Stems tn --. 


mrods forms the dat. sing. wroAuwe (2.2. wrddu ; see § 18, 
I, c) Coit. 60, 2. This represents the primitive formation. 
So also the contracted ‘Ocips CoLL. 72; 45, 2: See § 14, 12. 


28. 
Nouns in -eis. 


Deecke writes the oblique cases of these as -€fos, -ét, etc., or 
with disappearance of f, as -éos, -€1, efc. He evidently assumes 
-égos to be the primitive formation. This makes a difficulty 
in explaining the long vowel in the penult of these words in 
other dialects, e.g. Boeotian @eamuetos (= Oeamujos), COLL. 494, 
16; Thessalian Baovreios (es = n) 345, 2, 11; Lesbian Baoi- 
Anas 304, A, 13; Ionic IIAourtHos cic. 2665, b; Elean Baou- 
Ades (for Bacirnes ; a for 4 as frequent in Elean) Co. 1152, 
3; Att. Bacidéws, Baciréa, Bactréas (for Bacidjos, Baoidja, 
Bacidjyjas, by quantitative metathesis; cf Old Attic olxijos, 
given in a law in Lysias 10, 19). Assuming -ێfos, efc., as the 
original formation, the long vowel in these forms can be 
explained only by compensative lengthening. But certain as 
a few instances of this phenomenon seem to be, ¢.g. dws for 
*aews (cf. Lesbian avas), yet the existence of a uniform law, 
by which a short vowel, standing before f, is lengthened 
when fF disappears, cannot be established. Such words as 
véos (for véfos), WAGos, poos, KA€os, yAUKEOS, Boos, etc., in fact, 
are so numerous as to seem rather to disprove it. 

It is better, therefore, to assume that the original stem of 
these nouns ended in -qv-, not -ev-. The nom. sing. then must 
have originally ended in -nis. This developed regularly to 
-evs ; Cf. Bods for *Bwds; vais for *vaus (Ionic vyis is of 
secondary origin after vies); Adyors for *Adyaus (cf Skrt. 
walais). See opitzer, Laut Ark. Dial., p. 30; cf. Meyer, Gz. 
Gr § 208: 

185 


56 Charles E. Bennett, 


The oblique cases were originally -jros, -Hrt, efc., and 
Deecke is therefore wrong in writing Baovdécos, Kervéres. 
The Cyprian is the only dialect which has preserved the 
primitive formation intact. All other dialects have dropped 
f. The instances of the formation are SaovdijFos COLL. 39, 
1; 463 475 59,1; 60, 6, 8,175; 153.5 2545. L705 177 yeep, 
179; "Hdareifes 60, 2; teppros 1, 1; Kerunjges 60, I. 

As to the Cyprian forms which appear without the Ff (see 
§ 17, 1), they must be considered as retaining 4, if the theory 
advanced below concerning the origin of (fepys be correct ; 
see § 20, 2. The instances are? @acthjos COLL. 17, tage 
I; 40,2; 154, 155.a, b; 156; 103; tepnos 38,3; )Bacthmos 
hess. Beitr, X., p. 316. 


29. 
Other Peculiarities of Declension. 


1. Peculiar are the accusatives (athpav (= tjathpa) COLL. 
60, 3; a(v)dpya(v)tav 59, 2; Lerl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, 
col, 1323: 

Brugmann (Grundriss der Vergleichenden Grammaittk, 1., p. 
198, and Gr. Gr, § 77) suggests that possibly the -ay of these 
forms is to be regarded as the development of -yzm- ze. the 
primitive ending -7z developed before it the vocalic #, just as 
in Sanskrit *padm became *padimm whence padam. Cf. also 
Greek wétviav (whence the secondary nom. zorwa instead of 
*qotvis; cf. Skrt. pdtni) from *otvumm. It seems much 
more natural, however, in view of the acc. sing. wé-v, wi-v (for 
mé, see § 31, 1) to regard the y as borrowed from the accusa- 
tive of the -a and -o- stems, as if to mark more closely the 
accusative character of the form. Cf Thessalian xovay (from 
Kiov) COLL. 1332, 40. The late forms vv«ra-v and avédpa-v 
which Brugmann cites admit of no other explanation. An 
analogous phenomenon is seen in the verb where a primitive 
3d plu. imperative ypawaro first inserts a pluralizing y, pro- 
ducing ypayravtw, and then adds yet another plural sign in 
ypawavtav. Cf. also Attic picO@ocavtwcap CIA. i1., 600, 45. 

186 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 57 


Fecxova COLL. 76, 2, follows the ordinary formation. 

ateAnv COLL. 60, 10, does not belong here; see below, 8. 

2. The nom. sing. eps COLL. 33, I is a collateral form of 
Wepevs (2.e. tepevs), formed probably by appending the regular 
nom. ending -s to ‘ep7-, which appeared as the stem in those 
forms of (epevs which in course of time came to drop the fF 
(see § 17, 1), as, 2g., Yeph-os, Yepy-. This new formation 
occurs also in Arcadian (e.g. ypadys COLL. 1230, 73 lepis 
1231, B, e¢ pass.), where, however, it must have originated in- 
dependently, if the above explanation of the Cyprian form is 
correct. i 

3. Proper names in -«AéFns (e.g. NexoxréFns COLL. 40, 1) 
formed the gen. sing. regularly in -«r€Feos (2.2. -KdéFe(c)os). 
This formation is seen in TcpoxdréFeos COLL. 36; 64. By 
disappearance of the fF (see § 17, 1) and hypheeresis of the 
second e (see § 14, 7) we get the forms in -és, vzz. Tupoxdéos 
35 and Oeoxréos 126, 1. Nexoxré¢0s 179 cannot be the legiti- 
mate offspring of Nuxoxr€Feos (cf. Tioxdéfeos), since ¢ befcre 
o does not disappear. I therefore prefer to regard Nexoxné- 
fos not as a form historically intermediate between NuxoxXre- 
feos and Nexoxdéfos, but as historically subsequent to both, 
and a compromise between the two. Cf. German doffelt, 
which has resulted from the combination of doppel and gedop- 
pelt. See Wheeler, Analogy and the Scope of tts Application 
nm Language, p. 8. 

4. On the nom. of proper names in -xpatns and -xpérns, 
gen. -cpateos and -xpéreos, see above, § 3, I. 

5. On Evga(v)@efos as possible gen. of Evga(v)@ns, see 
5 07, 3: 

6. yapi and dape Meister’s reading of CoLx. 41 (Berl. Phil. 
Woch., 1887, No. 52, col. 1644) for yapite and ddpate are 
quite uncertain. 

7. Twr(A)ixagos Coty. 29; Tur(r)icage Berl. Phil. Woch., 
1886, No. 41, ii. ; Sauapos Berl. Phil. Woch., 1887, No. 12, col. 
380, are Phoenician names (see Deecke on the last form) from 
nominatives [vr(A)/eas (cf. Tir(r)iea(s) COLL. 120) and Tapas. 

8. atedynv (acc. sing. of dreds) COLL. 60, 10, is formed 

187 


58 Charles E. Bennett, 


after the analogy of masculine -a stems (ds: -dv::-ns:-nv). 
Cf. Lesbian dapmoternv COL. 304, A, 44. Meister (Griechische 
Dialekte, 1...p. 54 t.) See;abovey $u4, 620, 5 


30. 
Adjectives. 


The form vefooratas COLL. 59, 2, 1s taken by Ahrens 
(Philologus, xxxv.) as for vegotatas, 2.e. superlative of vé fos 
(Att. véos). The ending -craros in that case. must be ex- 
plained as borrowed from the superlative of -ec- stems, e.g. 
acharéotatos. This occurs also in other dialects, e.g. aidoveé- 
otatos (superlative of aidotos) Pindar, OZ. 111. 76; apOovértepos 
Plato, Rep. 460, B, where the adaptation to the -ee- stems is 
more complete than in case of veg¢daratos. 


31. 
Pronouns. 


1. The acc. sing. wév for wé occurs in Cott. 71, the y appar- 
ently being added on the same principle as in Yathpav for 
ijathpa; see § 20, I. 

2; Another form of the ace: sing..is yi ‘COLL, ieee 
This form, which is for «iy with omitted final nasal (see § 23, 
2, 5), must have developed from péy, just as cv from év; see 
above, § 7, 2. pé also‘occurs CoL., 15, 2; and (elided) g26mm 
Voigt reads piv Once in COLL. 45, 3; but see § 9, 4. 

3. fot occurs as a simple pronoun of the 3d person without 
reflexive force (= avT@) in COLL. 60, 29; 59, 3. 

4. Deecke claims té(v) as demonstrative in 71d(v) dope(v) 
“Aén 126, 2, but the whole passage is extremely uncertain. 

The nom. pl. masc. of the article is of after the analogy of 
the singular o. The primitive nom. pl. toé has disappeared 
as in Attic and elsewhere. 

5. The article occurs as relative several times, vz. rov 
COLL. 60, 21; tas 71; possibly also 6, 60, 12, 25, unless this 

188 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 59 


be for 6s; with omitted final -s, according to § 20,1. td, which 
Deecke reads in 68, 4, is doubtful; cf p. 2. 

6. On ais for ris COLL. 60, 10, 23, see § 22, 2. On 6ariots 
(eats), SCEE'S"21; 3°; 22,2: 

7. Deecke claims oi(s) 1m relative sense in Co“. 126,-1, 
comparing Thessalian «is xe in Tav ovadav, KloKe yivverTer 
(= Tus dv yiyvntat) COLL. 345, 22. But the reading of the 
Cyprian form is quite uncertain. Cf § 20, 1 ad fin. 

8s. A demonstrative tévyv seems to occur in the bilingual 
in Berl. Phil. Woch., 1886, No. 42, col. 1323. 

9. -eavto, Meister’s conjecture in his new reading of 
Cou. 42 (Berl. Phil.. Woch., 1887, No. 52, col. 1644), is ex- 
ceedingly improbable. 


32. 
CONJUGATION. 


1. In Cott. 60, 1, Deecke writes xatefopxwv from an as- 
sumed present xata-fopxdw, ‘besiege’ (cf todopKéw for tronu- 
Fopxéw). Hence xatefopxeay is the regular contracted 3d pl. 
imperfect ind. for *xatefopxoov. Ahrens, however (Pz/lologus, 
XXXV., p. 34), prefers to write xatefopxov. This he refers to 
the same present, catafopxow, but thinks that this verb has 
followed in Cyprian the same tendency as the contract verbs 
in Arcadian (cf Arcadian Cay.dvtw, imperative from fapicw 
CoLL. 1222, 17; GapuovtTes 1222, 50), and has passed over 
into the -u class. But the Arcadian does not follow this 
tendency invariably, e.g. €ayrmc@m (contract), not Gapsd-cFa, 
CoLL. 1222, 28; so that Deecke’s reading seems altogether 
safer. 

2. 75 is given by Sayce (Berl. Phil. Woch., 1884, No. 21), 
imperfect ind. 3d sing. from nut He gives only this form, 
apart from any context, and without reference to the certainty 
of the text. If correct it furnishes an interesting parallel to 
Arcadian 75 (for *&eo-7, the primitive formation) CoLL. 1222, 
37. Cf. Beeotian trapeis (2.2. -)s) COLL. 500, 8. 

3. émictais, Deecke’s reading in CoLL. 68, 3, would, if 
correct, be for éwiorains, aor. opt., with the mode-sign of the 

189 


60 Charles I. Bennett, 


plural, i, instead of that of the singular. But frequent as is 
the opposite phenomenon, that of -w- instead of 7 in the dual 
and plural (e.g. otainrov, otainmev), yet instances of the re- 
verse are not elsewhere found, and we should be slow to 
credit one in the present case, the more so since the sense 
which Deecke gives this word (Sezz. Beztr., vi., p. 78, “nicht 
mochtest du dich iiber die Gottheit stellen” (u)... émiatais 
... Qedu), does not belong to édiornus, which may have the 
sense of ‘to be in command of,’ but not that of ‘to hold one- 
self superior to.’ 

4. xatéOyav COLL. 60, 27, is the plural of the unthematic 
aor. ind. of catati@nus. The root syllable appears as @¢ in- 
stead of #e- according to § 7,1; on, j see § 18, 1,a. The end- 
ing is -av. The normal formation would have been *xaréevr, 
z.¢. katéOev. Cf. Arcadian dvéfev COLL. 1229; 1230. The 
ending -ayv has been borrowed from consonant stems, where 
the primitive ending -vr became -nt and so developed regu- 
larly as -av(r), ¢.g. €d@xav, for *édmxit; édvcav for *éAvonT 
(see Meyer, Gr. Gr.,2 § 530). Identical with Cyprian caréOyav 
are Boeotian avéOe-av and avéBer-av COLL. 855; 571, 2. 

5. xatéQicav (Att. xaréPecav) COLL. 20, 2, ought regularly 
to appear as xaté0ecav. The vis to be explained as borrowed 
from the formation just mentioned, caréOyav. The termina- 
tion is of secondary origin, as in case of the Att. caréQecay, 
being borrowed from the sigmatic aor., e.g. é\ucav, where 
-cav was felt as ending. Voigt’s suspicion of this form (Bez. 
Bettr., ix., p. 165) I am unable to share. 

6. On the aor. mpicetu COLL. 126, I see § 3, 4. 

7. On the ending y for q in the 3d sing. of the aor. sub- 
junctive, see § 12, 3, b. 

8. In CoLL. 60, 26, note, Deecke takes tvadXadicpéva as 
perfect pass. participle from (v-anrif@ (2.e. év and addufw, from 
ddos, Att. AAos Snail’) hence ‘nailed up,’ ‘suspended by a 
nail.’ But this assumption of the so-called Attic reduplica- 
tion in a verb beginning with a long vowel is unwarranted. 
Deecke and Siegismund’s earlier reading in Curtius’ Studien, 
Vii, p. 255, (var(A)adiopeva (Férya) “diese ausgetauschten 

190 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dtalect. 61 


Worte”’ (from iv-ad(A)adtGw) still seems preferable, notwith- 
standing aidwy in 60, 14. 

9. épepaueva is Deecke’s reading in Cot. 68, 2. He 
explains it (Besz. Bettr., vi., p. 79) as perfect participle of 
épapar, comparing adaAnpat, adadrUKTnmac for the reduplica- 
tion. But the lengthening of & to « is unaccountable, and 
the use of so strong a word as épapav in the sense of “liebes,”’ 
as Deecke takes it, would be remarkable. Homeric pa in 
Apa béperv, which Deecke compares, probably has no etymo- 
logical connection with épapar. 

1o. An infinitive ending -féva. occurs in dofévar (from 
d1d@pt) COLL. 60, 5, 15. Cf Skrt. da-vdne. This ending is 
probably the original of that appearing in Attic dodvar (for 
*So(F)évat, Oetvar (for *Oe-(F)évar). Sowe(v) read by Deecke in 
Corl. 126; 2; is uncertain »'§ 23,4. 

11. The ending of the present infinitive of -«-verbs is 
uncertain. Whether we should transcribe this as -ey or -nv can- 
net be determined. It is perhaps safest to follow the closely 
related Arcadian (¢f Arcadian iwd@aivey COLL. 1222, 24; 
UTapyev 1222, 53) and write éyev in Cyprian in Cott. 60, 10, 
22, where Deecke gives éynv. If we read éyey, it is best to 
assume an independent infinitive suffix -y, z.c. ty-e-v, as is 
done by Spitzer (Laut. Ark. Dial., p. 56) and Brugmann 
(Griechische Grammatik, § 146, 5) in case of the Arcadian and 
Doric forms. 

12. Whether xupepnvar, Deecke’s reading in COLL. 68, 4, 
may be a Cyprian infinitive, like the Homeric dopjvai, from 
an assumed *xupepéw for *xupepaw — z.e. KuBepvaw (cf. dawaw 
beside dauvdw) as taken by Deecke (Bezz. Bertr., vi., p. 80) 
seems altogether doubtful ; see § 24, 8. 

13. The imperative wi: is found in COLL. 135. 

14. e mote &fpe€a COLL. 71 is not properly a case of 
tmesis, as Deecke (Bezz. Bettr., vi., p. 152) takes it, since a 
form evéfpeEa is an impossibility ; but é& opv& COLL. 60, 12 
(twice), 24, 25, has in each of the four instances a divisor 
between the preposition and the verb. 

15. The participles é6(v)ta CoLL. 60, 23, and ézrid(v)Ta 60, 


IQI 


62 Charles E.. Bennett, 


Q, 19, 22, ze. éovta érreovra (see § 7, 1 and cf Ion. éwv, €ovToS) 
represent the thematic formation from the strong form of the 
root éo-, in place of the primitive ovt-, which has everywhere 
disappeared. Cf. Meyer, Gr. Gv.?, § 601. 


335. 
Prepositions. 


1. amv (te. amo; see § 9, 2) occurs in Cyprian with 
the dative only, viz. awd tat Gar COLL. 60, 8, 17; ad we 
59) 3. 

2. é€& is used before consonants as well as before vowels 
(see § 24, 1), and like amv governs the dative only. The 
examples are é& tas yopar COLL. 60, 11; €& Tae mToAWe 60, 
6; €& tau Foixws 60, 5; && Tas Fat 60, 24; €E THL KaTrat 60, 
24. The form é« does not occur. 

3. mds. Reference has already been made above to the view 
of Baunack and Meister (see § 20, 3), according to which ros is 
a phonetic development from zo7é. The grounds for reject- 
ing this view were also stated in the same connection. Cf 
also, Bechtel, Bees. 5¢7i7,, x, pe 257: 

mos and vot are really independent of each other, being 
different formations from the same theme, *or. The former 
is for *zrét-s, where -s is the same suffix as seen in é€ (7.2. éx-s), 
and ay- (2.¢. a7-s-), probably the weak form of the gen. suffix 
-<s, os AS Seen in dearrérns for deu-o-rorns, Lat. fructi-s (cf. J. 
Strachan, Adstufung in Case-Endings, Bezz. Beitr, xiv., p. 
174). gort-i, on the other hand, is a locative formation. With 
the relation existing between vos and zror-i compare also that 
between zpos (2.¢. *apor-s) and mpot-i; eis (z.e. *év-s) and év-t. 

4. woccurs in COLL. 74, 3, in the sense of ézi; also in 
composition in vev£apwevos (see § 17, 2 ad fin.) 45, 2; and 
vynpwv (2.e. eruyetpou; see Ahrens, Phzlologus, xxxv., p. 30 ff.) 
60) 5, 505: 

5. In COLL. 60, 10, 22, 28 we also find the peculiar form 
vfats, which is plausibly explained by Baunack (/uschrift von 


192 


Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect. 63 


Gortyn, p. 44) as follows. From the preposition v already 
mentioned (see 4, above) was first formed v-az, the a being the 
same suffix as seen in the Homeric v7r-ai and rap-ai (cf. brat 
mova velatov B 824; mapat mooiv o 280), etc. This tas ap- 
pears in Cyprian as ifai-s. The Ff is parasitic (see § 17, 2). 
The -s is the same suffix as that already mentioned in connec- 
tion with és and mpos (see above, 3). Cf also péype-s beside 
Héexpe; apdi-s beside audi; Elean avev-s beside dvev CoLt. 
mG. 

The incorrectness of Ahrens’ view, which connects Ufais 
with the Skrt. adverbs in -a@s, has already been shown above, 
SSG ig. 

6. i(v) (see § 23, 2, 4) governs the acc. as well as the dat., 
e.g. iv) ta(v) Ody COLL. 60, 27; i(v) Tuyar 59, 4, and 
frequently. 

34. 


Conjunctions. 


1. On 7 ‘if’ see § 14,6. This is probably from the same 
root as the Doric aé and Att. ed, though the relations of the 
three forms to each other are obscure. Baunack (/uschrift von 
Gortyn, p. 50) assumes a stem svo- to which he refers e¢ (for 
*ofet) as locative (cf. olxev) and » (2.2. *ofn) as instrumental ; 
also a stem sva@- to which he refers ai (for *c¢at) as locative ; 
cf. xapat. 

2. «as ‘and’ sometimes loses its final -; and appears as xa, 
as already explained above; see § 20, 1. The relation of 
these forms to xa’ of the other dialects is obscure. Baunack 
(Iuschrift von Gortyn, p. 44) thinks that «ai was the original 
form, which before vowels became «az, then «a, and that this 
ka was extended to «a-s by the addition of -s, as in case of 
péxpi-s for wéeypt, etc. (see § 33, 5). But no traces of an ante- 
vocalic form «a are elsewhere found, and the addition of -s, 
while frequent in adverbs and prepositions, is hardly to be 
assumed for a pure conjunction like «ai. The explanation 
of xas and «a is further complicated by the existence of the 
form: xar CoLy..50, 1. Deecke (Index to CoLx. I, p. 77) 


193 


64 Charles E. Bennett. 


suggests that the elided vowel is u, 2.¢. katt. Hall (Proceed- 
ings Am. Or. Soc., X., p. Clviii.) suggests «a Te (Ze. Kat Te) in 
the sense of the usual te cai; but this is impossible. 

Assuming with Deecke that «ate was the full form of this 
word we are not justified in assuming that this developed 
to *xaou. and then to «as (before vowels), since in that event 
we should not find «are and xas side by side. Nor can we 
explain cai as developed from «are through the medium of 
*«aot, since the secondary ¢ of the latter form would not have 
disappeared, but would have remained. 

3. (dé occurs COLL. 60, 12, 24, used like the apodotic 6é to 
introduce the conclusion of a conditional sentence. In 60, 
26 it has the force of the simple 6¢. 

4. { ‘and’ is found COLL. 60, 24. 

5. mat COLL. 60, 4; 60, 12; 71 is most naturally explained 
like the Attic mas an instrumental which has assumed 
the . secondarily. Meyer, Gv Gr.,? § 388. 


194 


MOE 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Published by the University of Nebraska 


COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION 


C. E. BESSEY A. H. EDGREN 
L. E. HICKS C..N, LEGIT EE 


L. A. SHERMAN, Eprror eM IAS T/Ig) = 


UN 29 Worl 
contents eat 
Nv 


AT) nis St 

& 

1. ON THE DETERMINATION OF SPECIFIC HEA NAL MUL 
Latent HEAT OF VAPORIZATION WITH THE VAPOR 
SALORIMETER ) Y1arold) INNO MALI Be i a eS 


2, ON THE CoLor-VoCABULARY OF CHILDREN farry 
RESTO LPG N SAMMUT SSR IANS RSS ah) gee ara ahs 


3. On THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE KincG’s PEACE AND 
tHE EnciisH LocaL Prace-Macistracy George 
PE TOELEM S01 Nets | el ah eye aah ch wea r 


ISSUED QUARTERLY 


LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 


ENTERED AT THE PoST-OFFICE IN LINCOLN AS SECOND-CLASS MATTER 


eS \ 


a 


CONTENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY, STUDIES 


No. L., JULY, 1888 


I. On the Transparency of the Ether 
By DEWITT B. BRACE 


II. On the Propriety of Retaining the Eighth Verb- Class in Sansecrit 
By A. H. EDGREN 


Ill. On the Auxiliary Verbs in the Romance Languages 
By JOSEPH A. FONTAINE 


No. II., OCTOBER, 1888 


I. On the Conversion of Some of the Hlomotogues of Benzol-Phenol 
into Primary and Secondary Amines 
By RACHEL LLOYD 


Il. Some Observations upon the Sentence-Length in English Prose 
By L, A. SHERMAN 


III. On the Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian Dialect 
By CHARLES E. BENNETT 


J. S. Cusninc & Co., PrinTERS, Boston 


Dip, the Compliments 


of the 


Me ates 


UNIVERSEEY ) Si UDTES: 


Mor. I. JULY, 18090. No.3. 


I.— Ox the Determination of Specific Heat and of 
Latent Hleat of Vaporization wzth the 
me? apor Calorimeter. 


By, HAROED N. ALLEN. 


INTRODUCTION. 


Jory,! in 1886, and Bunsen,? shortly afterwards, described 
two similar pieces of apparatus intended to determine the 
specific heat of substances by means of the condensation of 
water vapor upon them. The name given by Bunsen to this 
apparatus and adopted here is vapor calorimeter. Bunsen 
also intended his instrument to be used in the determination 
of the latent heat of vaporization of various liquids, and it 
is the object of the present paper to describe experiments 
testing the steam or vapor calorimeter in this direction. 
A rough experimental instrument was first constructed, com- 
bining to a certain extent the principles of Joly and of 
Bunsen, and this proving fairly satisfactory, an apparatus 
was made by a local tinman, which, while much less ex- 
pensive than Joly’s final form, worked in a very satisfactory 
manner. 

A number of determinations of specific heat were made 
with both instruments, to which however no further im- 


1 J. Joly (Dublin), Proc. Roy. Soc., Nov. 1886. 
2 R. Bunsen, Wied. Ann. d. Chem. u. d. Phys., Band XXXI., 1887. 


University Stupigs, Vol. I., No. 3, Jury, 1890. 195 


2 Harold N. Allen, 


portance is to be attached than as showing the short time 
needed for heating the body experimented on to 100° C., 
and the very slow rate at which the weight of the sub- 
stance and condensed water changes after that time. Ex- 
periments on the latent heat of evaporation of alcohol 
remained without definite result owing to water contained 
in it, but a certain amount of success was obtained with 
bisulphide of carbon, though here too the same difficulty 
was encountered. 

I have to thank Professor F. Kohlrausch, Director of the 
Physical Institute in Strassburg, for the great help given in 
the course of these experiments, and the kindness he has 
uniformly shown me. 


THEORY OF THE METHOD. 


Suppose that a number of substances, with weights W, 
W,, W,,’etc., and specitic: heats 4S;, .S., S,, etc., and wwitheame 
common temperature #°, are plunged into the saturated vapor 
of a liquid, the latent heat of vaporization of which is dA, and 
the temperature 7. Then a certain weight zw of the liquid 
will be condensed such that the heat given up in condensa- 
tion is equal to that required to raise the temperature of all 
the bodies from 2 to 7°. 


Wr (WaSi-- WS; -WaS, mete) (i= 


This affords a means of determining the specific heat of one 
of the bodies if the specific heats of the others and the latent 
heat X are known, or of finding X if the specific heats are 
known. The great difficulty is in the determination of w,— 
the weight of the condensed liquid, —as a removal of the sub- 
stances from the vapor causes in general instant evaporation. 

Both Bunsen and Joly adopt the expedient of weighing 
the whole suspended in steam, the difference between the 
methods being that while Bunsen plunges substance and 
carrier into a vessel of steam, Joly surrounds them with 
steam as quickly as possible by suddenly passing it into the 
vessel in, which they hang. 

196 


Specific and Latent Heat of Vaporization. 3 


DESCRIPTION OF APPARATUS. 


The final apparatus used was constructed as follows: AA 
(Fig. 1) is a cylinder of sheet brass, seven centimeters in 
diameter and twenty-two in height. At the bottom of this 
is soldered the ring D, turned out of sheet brass, to which 
a cone of thin brass is fixed, carrying the tubulure L, the 
small pipes G, and the inner cylinder of thin brass BB. At 
the top of A is soldered the lower one of two flat rings of 
brass C, which are ground together and held in contact by 
means of a bayonet joint. To the upper of these rings is 
soldered a brass cone bearing the tubulures N and O. To 
the ring D are soldered three brass ears E, to which the 
wooden pillars F are scfewed, These are fixed to the round 
wooden base H provided with levelling-screws K. 

The tubulure O is filled with plaster of paris, through 
which a vertical hole of about two millimeters’ diameter is 
bored. A fine platinum wire, suspended from a lead counter- 
poise, which takes the place of one scale-pan of a balance, 
passes through this hole and carries at its lower end the 
body to be experimented on. Under this hangs a small cup 
of platinum or brass to collect the condensed liquid. In 
some cases two of these are used, one underneath the other, 
to catch any possible droppings. 

The instrument in this form is not quite as convenient as 
the second one described by Joly, but its construction is 
much easier, and it is probably lighter, and therefore more 
quickly heated by the steam. It is much higher than is 
necessary for ordinary purposes, having been designed for a 
special use. If the cylinder A were half its actual length, 
the apparatus would be much more compact and would 
probably work better. 

Figure 3 shows the complete apparatus with arrangements 
for passing any desired quantity of vapor through the calor- 
imeter and returning the condensed vapor to the boiler. 

From the boiler F the vapor passes to the tap B, the 
construction of which is shown in Figure 2. It consists 


197 


4 Flarold N. Allen, 


of a short piece of wide brass tubing A, the lower end 
being closed by a brass disc, while short brass tubulures are 
soldered over three holes in the sides. B is a piece of brass 
tubing ground into A, and having one-half of the lower part 
cut away as shown. The top is closed by a brass disc, to 
which the handle C is fixed. 

It will be seen that in the position indicated there is free 
communication between the boiler and calorimeter in the 
tap B, and between the calorimeter and still in C, which 
is constructed on exactly the same plan. If both taps are 
turned through 180°, the vapor passes direct from B to C, and 
so to the still, while by turning through a less angle part can 
be made to pass through the calorimeter, the rest going 
directly to the still. In this way the former amount can be 
regulated. 


METHOD OF DETERMINING SPECIFIC HEAT. 


The order of an experiment was as follows : — 

The upper cone was removed, the wire passed through the 
small hole in the plaster of paris, the carrier and substance P 
hooked on, the cone set in place on the instrument, and the 
upper end of the wire hooked to the arm of the balance. 
During this operation the wire was kept from rubbing against 
the plaster by means of two small pieces of brass, which 
filled the hole, leaving room for the wire in grooves on the 
surfaces where they met. The balance, the pillar of which 
was mounted on a tripod with levelling-screws, was then 
shifted until the wire hung in the centre of the hole; the 
two halves of a wooden case surrounding the calorimeter were 
pushed together, openings being left for the wire, the ther- 
mometer, the steam pipe, and the escape pipe. The instru- 
ment was then left for a long time (best over night) to take 
a uniform temperature. 

The weight of substance and carrier in air having been 
determined, and the thermometer in N read, removed, and 
replaced by a cork, steam was admitted suddenly at L by 
thrusting into the tubulure a tight-fitting brass tube, con- 

198 


Specific and Latent Heat of Vaporizatzon. 5 


nected by means of rubber tubing with a steam boiler. The 
steam passed up through B, down between B and A, and out 
through M. After the first minute the flow of steam was 
slackened so that very little came out either at M or O. 

In the first experiments M was connected with a long glass 
tube, which carried the waste steam to some distance from 
the instrument and balance. The steam or vapor escaping 
through O was removed by the method adopted by Bunsen ; 
a tube was set with its opening at right angles to O, and led 
to an iron chimney in which a gas flame was kept burning. 
In this way an air current was formed, which prevented any- 
thing from rising to condense on the balance above. After 
about five minutes the weight of the carrier and substance 
with the water condensed was determined, and this was 
repeated at intervals of five minutes for some time. 

It was found that with a good conducting substance the 
weight found at the end of ten minutes could be taken as 
correct, as after this there was little increase, and that proba- 
bly due to condensation on the suspending wire. 

The regulation of the flow of steam was attended with 
some difficulty: the least irregularity caused in the end an 
increase of weight. Where the regulation was attempted, as 
at first, by turning down the flame under the boiler, the blow- 
ing aside of the small flame during a few seconds spoiled 
several experiments. 

With the complete apparatus, provided with taps and con- 
denser, this difficulty was not felt, as the gas was full on the 
whole time. 


199 


6 Harold N. Alten, 


RESULTS. 


The following are the results obtained with the first large 
tint ed iron instrument :— 


SPECIFIC HEAT OF BRASS AND IRON. 


MATERIAL. WEIGHT. RESULT. 


Brass LO} seri. Si 100022 


Brass TOS Mcrm: S' == G:0938 


Brass TOS) eri: S = 0.0932 
Iron 123.05 grm. S == Cebit 


Iron 123.05 grm. S = 0.1148 


LATENT HEAT OF VAPORIZATION OF ALCOHOL. 


MATERIAL, WEIGHT. 


Brass in alc. vapor 


Brass in alc. vapor 


The following results were obtained with the smaller brass 
apparatus :— 
SPECIFIC HEATs. 


MATERIAL. WEIGHT. RESULT. 
Copper 40.28 S == 0.093 
Copper 40.28 9) == 0100 
Quartz 28.68 S = 0.1894 
Quartz 28.68 S == 0.980 
Quartz 28.68 =O: 1902 
Quartz 28.68 = 0.1929 
=Ouartz 28.68 S = O.1go2 
* Quartz 28.68 S'= 0,1908 
Platinum 23.95 S = 0.0315 


Specific and Latent Heat of Vaporization. 7 


In the two experiments with quartz marked * a very fine 
platinum wire was used for suspension in place of the coarser 
one used before, and it was found that this had a very large 
influence on the constancy of the balance. In the determi- 
nation of the specific heat of platinum it was found that the 
quantity taken was not enough to give an accurate result. 
The specific heat of platinum is so low that the quantity of 
water condensed was small. 


LATENT HEAT OF VAPORIZATION OF ALCOHOL. 


MATERIAL. WEIGHT. RESULT. 


Copper in alcohol 45 AX = 656.4 


Copper in alcohol 45 67 


Platinum in alcohol 40 N= GLO 


These curious results seem to be due to varying amounts 
of water mixed with the alcohol used. In the first case X is 
actually greater than in the case of water vapor. It is, how- 
ever, possible that some of the condensed alcohol may have 
dropped off, though this is hardly likely in the last case where 
the quantity condensed was small. This substance was not 
further investigated. 


201 


8 Harold N. Alten, 


LATENT HEAT OF VAPORIZATION OF CARBON 
BISULPHIDE. 


A large number of experiments were made with this com- 
pound, several different bodies being tried to condense the 
vapor. The best results were obtained with a plate of nickel, 
weighing 24.10 grams, which was rolled into a spiral and 
suspended over the lid of a platinum crucible, a shallow cup 
of platinum foil being hung beneath this. The whole weight 
of platinum was 6.98. This combination under the circum- 
stances of the experiments condensed more than 0.8 grams 
of carbon bisulphide. 

In an experiment made July 29, 1889, the initial temper- 
ature of the calorimeter was 18.9, while the temperature after 
the admission of vapor was 46.4. The thermometer used 
was compared with a standard thermometer which had been 
corrected at the Reichs-institut. 

The apparent increase of weight was 0.929 grams, and 
to this must be added a correction of 0.0083 grams due to 
reduction of the weights to vacuo. 

The equation 


(W,S,+ WS.) (T—t) = wr 
becomes 
(24.10 + 0.10916 + 6.98 X 0.0323) 27.5 =0.9373A, 
the number 0.10916 (Regnault) being taken as the specific 


heat of nickel, and 0.0323 (Violle) as that of platinum. Thus 
this experiment gives 
N= 83-70. 

The following is a list of all the successful experiments 
made with the spirally rolled nickel, two being left out which 
failed on account of the gradual increase of impurity in the 
carbon bisulphide, and one in which the draught was not at 
work. The carbon bisulphide used in the last three experi- 
ments was carefully freed from water by distillation over 
phosphorous pentoxide. Admixture of water or of some 

202 


Specific and Latent Heat of Vaporization. 9 


other impurity, perhaps sulphur, seems to lower the latent 
heat, a value as low as 76 having been obtained with impure 
substance. 


85.0 
85.30 
84.22 


84.33 
83.36 
83-79 


Mean, 84.33 


EE —————— 


CORRECTION TO VACUUM. 


Let 2 be the true weight of the nickel, 
“ce p ia a9 “ce cc é platinum, 
eG i=, i - «carbon bisulphide. 


The volume of the nickel and platinum at the air tempera- 
ture may be taken as 


240, 0008 2:03 (CC, 5 
SQ), 2125 
that of the brass weights as 
Seg 3.69 Cc. 
8.4 


The actual weight of the nickel and platinum is therefore 
n+ p = 31.06 — (3.69 — 3.03) 0.001213, 
0.001213 being the density of air at mean temperature and 
normal pressure. The volume of the nickel and platinum at 
46° has been assumed as 3.33 CC., that of 0.929 grams of CS: 
is 0.76 cc., if the density is calculated from Hirn’s formula 
for the expansion of this liquid. The volume of the platinum 
weights added in the other scale-pan. is 0.04 CC. 
203 


IO Harold N. Allen. 


Thus on one side the nickel, platinum, and carbon bisul- 
phide displace 4.07 cc. of carbon bisulphide vapor, while on 
the other 3.69 + 0.04 cc. of air are displaced. 

Then 
m+ pt+e-+ 4.07 X 0.00206 = 31.06 + 0.929 + (3.69 + 0:04) 
OOOrZz1: 


Thus ¢c =0.929 + 3.73 X 0.001213 + 0.66 X 0.001213 — 4.07 X 
| 0.00296 

= 0.9373 grams. 
The number 0.00296 for the density of carbon bisulphide 
vapor is obtained by substituting, in Clausius’ equation for 
the density of saturated vapors, the values found by Joule 


and Regnault for E and if 


In conclusion it may be remarked that the method is only 
available in the case of a few vapors, on account of the large 
amount of substance used up in the determinations. 

204 


Il.— Ox the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 
By HARRY K. WOLFE. 


THE very interesting investigations and discussions on the 
development of the color-sense in man, during historical 
times, have indirectly shown the deficiency of ancient lan- 
guages in words for simple sensations. Even if the validity 
of the inference drawn by the original investigators is more 
than doubtful, their labor has not been in vain. In seeking 
evidence for the recent evolution of the sense of color, Glad- 
stone, Geiger, and others have shown that few words denot- 
ing color are used in the earliest literature of several nations. 
Furthermore, most of the color-words found denote-shades of 
red, orange, or yellow. Violet is never named, blue very 
seldom, and green much less frequently than we might expect 
from its occurrence in nature. Quite similar results have been 
obtained from examination of the vocabularies of modern un- 
civilized peoples.t Although most tribes have names for the 
principal colors of the spectrum, the terms denoting red or 
yellow are far more numerous and much more definite than 
the others. 

The inference from these facts has been that primitive 
peoples are deficient, not merely in words for color, but also 
in color-perception. In making the perception depend on 
the name, the fact was overlooked that the conception must 
precede the name. Moreover, the latter is not invented until 
the desire arises to communicate the conception to others. 

It is not my purpose at present, however, to show that this 


1 Dr. Hugo Magnus: Untersuchung tiber den Farbensinn der Naturvilker, 
S. 43 et seg. 


University Stupigs, Vol. I., No. 3, Juty, 1890. 205 


2 Harry K. Wolfe, 


conclusion is a zon sequitur. It is now generally believed 
that other conditions than lack of discriminative power have 
caused the paucity of color-words in the languages of early 
peoples. 

No exhaustive investigation into the science of names has 
ever come to my notice. When the science of onomatology 
shall have been more completely developed, it will show, not 
merely the philological origin of our name-words, but also 
why these were coined and why others were not coined. 
Philology may show whence a word comes; why it comes at 
all must be determined by another science. 

An imperfect generalization may be formulated from a few 
simple examples. Among our immediate friends a name is 
required for each individual; but in the social world the 
family name is often sufficiently definite. In dealing with 
large bodies of men, as in military affairs, the group of one 
hundred or even of a thousand may be highly enough special- 
ized. Generally the company or regiment is known only by 
its official title, or by the name of its chief officer. In these 
cases no one suspects the cause of class-names to be weak 
discriminative power in man. We are able to discriminate 
the individuals of these aggregates, but we do not need to 
designate them. Among the lower animals it is only those 
individuals with which we come in frequent contact that re- 
ceive special names. Few men know a dozen individual dogs 
by name, or half as many cats, or even a single bird. It is 
only some peculiar circumstance that assigns names to plants, 
such as the ‘Charter Oak,’ the ‘Oak of Dodona.’ Garden 
plants are usually designated by means of their particular 
location, by reference to the source from which they were 
obtained, or by some peculiarity of the plant itself. The 
awkwardness of their names indicates that the necessity for 
individual designation is not commonly recognized. It seems 
quite ridiculous to say we do not have a separate name for 
each house-fly, because we are unable to distinguish one 
from another. If there were no other reason, this would 
doubtless be sufficient, yet no one thinks this circumstance 

206 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 3 


of the slightest importance. Our interest in the house-fly is 
not of such a nature as to require more than specific distinc- 
tion, and this the word ‘house-fly’ gives us. An example 
of the superior. interest which multiplies names is found in 
the herdsmen, who often distinguish and specially designate 
many of their cattle and horses. Long association with 
herds, convenience, and lack of other mental employment 
doubtless contribute to this result. Inanimate objects re- 
ceive individual names only when uncommon circumstances 
distinguish them from their kind. Such circumstances may 
consist in the unusual nature of the object, or in its excep- 
tional relation to ourselves. 

The languages of races peculiarly situated with regard to 
animals, plants, dr physical phenomena exhibit extraordinary 
specialization of words denoting such relations. Thus the 
Arabs are said to have at least one hundred names for lion 
and fifty for locust. The language of the Marianne Islanders 
has twenty appellations for the different stages in the growth 
of the cocoanut. The Chinese have many words for familiar 
objects, as cow, rice, etc. Among warlike people the variety 
of military terms is remarkable. On passing from material 
objects to mental phenomena it will be observed that com- 
paratively few simple sensations have names. In this re- 
spect, however, the modern languages are far superior to 
the ancient. Locke noticed and deemed it worth while to 
record this peculiarity of language.?, He furthermore remarks 
concerning the indefinite character of names that “men gen- 
erally content themselves with some few obvious qualities,” 
and adds that ‘‘in organized bodies it is usually the shape, 
and in other bodies the co/oy, that serves as a distinguishing 
mark.” ? 

In temperature, ‘hot,’ ‘warm,’ ‘tepid,’ ‘cold,’ and ‘cool’ are 
the chief terms used. For the muscular sense we employ 
‘heavy, ‘light,’ and ‘elastic.’ For touch there exist the terms 


1 Farrar: “On the Growth of Language,” Yournal of Philology, 11. 13 et seg. 
2 Essay concerning Human Understanding, Bk. II. Chap. 3, § 2. 
3 bid, Bk. III. Chap. 6, § 29. 


207 


4 flarry K. Wolfe, 


‘rough,’ ‘smooth,’ ‘slimy,’ ‘greasy,’ ‘ granular,’ ‘hard,’ ‘soft,’ 
and ‘sharp,’ besides many words taken from materials, as 
‘velvety, ‘silky,’ ‘gummy, and “furry. ‘Sour,’ ° bitterieamd 
‘sweet’ are the most important designations of tastes. Com- 
parison with the taste of better known substances is the 
chief expedient adopted to increase the definiteness of these 
descriptions. Odors are described in terms quite analogous 
to those employed for tastes. Sounds are ‘high,’ ‘loud,’ 
‘low,’ ‘shrill,’ ‘deep.’ 

It will have been noted that the words for sensations given 
above are, without exception, adjectives. Nearly all the 
corresponding abstract nouns are used; but very few con- 
crete nouns for these sensations exist. In sound, however, 
we have such concrete words as ‘tone,” ‘noise, ‘roar 
and ‘splash,’ besides many participial nouns, as ‘rumbling,’ 
and ‘singing.’ Ifa high degree of accuracy is not required, 
the combination of adjectives with substantives, or of ad- 
verbs with adjectives, takes the place of new names. In this 
case there is, of course, a comparison with definite names, 
as ‘a dark pink,’ ‘less bitter than gall.’ 

Color is the most elementary mark of distinction between 
objects. It seems to require less energy for its apprehension 
than any other quality of bodies. When used in connection 
with form it affords the most common means of describing 
any object in nature. If to these, size be added, we prob- 
ably have the complete method employed by the larger part 
of the race to describe any unfamiliar object. We are again 
reminded of Locke’s generalization. Although color is so 
universal and so constantly used in description, it is, néver- 
theless, very indefinite. In describing any object to one un- 
acquainted with it, we involuntarily attempt to give its 
color: and we nearly always find difficulty in doing so. It 
is recognized as a powerful means of vividly bringing the ob- 
ject before the mind of a listener; yet unless it is a common 
object, or unless we have decided on the name of the color 
while it was before our eyes, we are unable to name it satis- 
factorily. Our own idea of it is indefinite. We experience 

208 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 5 


no such difficulty in stating approximately the size or shape of 
the object. The cause of uncertainty doubtless lies in the 
nature of our memory for color! It is probable that the re- 
productions of color-sensations do not correspond exactly, 
even in guality, to the original impressions. 

The sense of sight, perhaps, has developed a larger vocab- 
ulary than any other sense. Its words, too, have advanced 
farthest on the way from adjectives to substantives. The 
number of color-terms in modern languages is surprisingly 
large. French is said to have more than six hundred. Giin- 
ther Wagner advertises about two hundred pigments in water 
colors, most of which have individual names (German).  In- 
cluding technical terms, the English language doubtless con- 
tains more than three hundred words denoting color; though 
the dictionaries do not contain half that number. Thirteen 
members of the senior class (1889) of the University of 
Nebraska wrote an average of twenty-six color names in five 
minutes without previous thought on the subject.?_ In these 
lists, written on the spur of the moment, there appeared 
ninety different names, about half of which are in common 
use. Most of the remainder were names of pigments. It 
may be confidently stated, I think, that an educated person 
possesses a color-vocabulary of at least twenty-five terms.? 

There seems little doubt that the practice of naming sensa- 
tions or objects tends to increase the power of discrimination. 
It must not be inferred from this, however, that paucity of 
names indicates more than an indistinctness of perception in 
regard to the finer differences. One would not conclude that 
a person is unable to distinguish geometrical figures, because 
he is ignorant of their names. It is also evident that delicacy 
of discrimination is not the only cause of the multiplication of 


1 As far as I am aware, no experiments on memory for colors have been de- 
scribed. If I am enabled to continue such a series already begun, a contribution 
to this question will soon be offered. 

? Neither colors nor names had received even incidental attention at our 
meetings, and until the test began none knew what was required. 

3 Jt will not be understood that these terms usually represent as many clear 
ideas of color-differences. ; 


209 


6 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


names. Not only are comparatively few sensations provided 
with names, but the distribution of these names is not in pro- 
portion to the delicacy of sense-discrimination. The sense of 
tone is, perhaps, even finer than that of color, yet it has not 
nearly as many terms in common use. The relation between 
the vocabularies of sight and hearing is peculiar. In sound 
there are few words for absolute pitch or intensity ; but there 
is an exact method of comparing and determining sensations 
with very slight variations. Though the nomenclature of 
music is technical, it is extensive and definite. More names 
for color than for sound are in general use; yet these are not 
so well determined, and to different people represent differ- 
ent ideas. Even the methods of science are insufficient to 
determine with satisfactory accuracy a criterion and scale in 
color. Sounds differ in intensity, purity, and quality; and 
colors have no other modes of variations. Sound forms a 
continuous scale in all these particulars; and color has pre- 
cisely the same characteristics. The distinctness of the one 
and the vagueness of the other are, nevertheless, clear to all 
observers. This may depend upon the predominating influ- 
ence of the rate of vibration which, in sound, is perhaps more 
directly apprehended, as well as objectively more easily deter- 
mined. The larger number of common names for color than 
for sound may be owing to the demand; the greater accuracy 
of the terms denoting sounds may depend upon the relative 
simplicity of auditory sensations. 

In the growth of vocabularies there appears to be a ten- 
dency to unite individual names into groups designated by 
class-words, and these into still higher groups. In these 
larger divisions there is a tendency to specialize by limiting 
the class-words. If the first names denoted individuals, it 
is evident that the generalizing tendency began very early. 
This progress towards the more general was accompanied by 
a process of degeneralization approaching individualization, 
which was carried forward not merely by means of new words, 
but also by limiting the extension of the general term. 

If we seek the conditions fixing the extent and accuracy of 

210 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. , 


any special vocabulary, they will be found in the delscacy of 
the discriminative power and the need for expressing small 
degrees of difference. The truth of this generalization is most 
clearly seen in the color-vocabulary, to which the remainder 
of this article is devoted. The eye is most sensitive at the 
red end of the spectrum. MHere also we find the greatest 
need for color-names, and by far the largest number of terms 
in use. 

Few investigations on the knowledge and use of words 
among very young children have come to my notice. The 
ease with which special information of this nature might be 
collected renders it probable that such will soon be forth- 
coming. The early development of the sense of color in the 
individual is clearly indicated in Preyer’s observations on his 
own child! During the first few days after birth, the child 
probably distinguished only light and dark, and these very 
imperfectly. On the eleventh day a burning candle seemed 
to give it pleasure, and even before this time the mild sun- 
light from the window attracted its notice and caused it to 
turn its head in that direction. The first object which, on 
account of its color, seemed to attract the attention of the 
child was a pink curtain brightly illuminated by the sun, and 
about a foot from its face. This was first observed on the 
twenty-third day. 

When Preyer began systematic experiments in the eighty- 
fifth week, no trace of ability to associate names with colors 
could be detected. There was, however, undoubtedly a per- 
ception of color apart from light and dark, as the pleasure in 
bright colors clearly indicated. Repeated attempts to have 
the child associate the name with the color were in vain, even 
when only red and green were used. On the 758th day the 
number of correct answers so constantly exceeded the incor- 
rect ones that a beginning of correct association could be 
detected. On the 763rd day almost complete association 
was established and afterwards maintained for these two 
colors in the absence of others. Yellow was added and un- 

1 Die Seele des Kindes, 2 Aufl., S. 7-16. 
2 


8 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


certainty in the first two naturally followed. Yellow was 
easily mastered and soon was more surely named than the 
others. As new colors were added, association became more 
difficult. ‘The development of the child’s mind as shown in 
mastering these associations was remarkably rapid. 

Until the thirty-fourth month the colors used and the per 
cent of correct answers were as follows: yellow 96.7, brown 
90.8, red 86.7, violet 85.3, black 84.8, pink 72.4, orange 67.1, 
gray 51.5, green 45, blue 28.8. Preyer ‘evidently {believes 
from the above results and from other observations that 
ereen and blue are not as early distinguished as yellow and 
red. The accuracy with which violet was named would seem 
to render this conclusion doubtful. 

The child had practice first in red and green, and then in 
the other colors in the following order: yellow, blue, violet, 
gray, brown, pink, black, orange. If we consider this fact, 
it will change to some degree the apparent relative ease in 
associating the name with the color. It is evident that after 
the child has had practice with certain color-words, it will be 
much better fitted to take up new ones. Had green and 
blue been introduced later, they would probably have occu- 
pied a higher relative rank. On the other hand, if yellow 
and red had first been used later, they would have occupied 
a still higher position in the scale. The other colors would 
evidently have fallen into a lower relative position had they 
been introduced earlier. It must be added that many of the 
later experiments were conducted in a different manner from 
the earlier ones. At first the child was required to select 
the color called’ for by the father. Later, the child bork 
selected and named the colors. Blue was the hardest to dis- 
tinguish. In the twilight it was often called gray when its 
true nature was quite apparent to adults. Preyer’s observa- 
tions prove conclusively that it is possible for children two or 
three years old not merely to distinguish colors, but to apply 
to them their proper designations. It is probable that ordi- 
narily children do not learn so early to associate colors and 
their names, though Preyer intimates that at three or four 


Ze 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 9 


years of age they often do name colors with accuracy, even 
when not specially instructed. He mentions the case of a 
boy four years old who, uninstructed in colors, recognized 
and named red, yellow, green, and blue in the rainbow. 
Professor Holden has given an interesting account of inves- 
tigations made to determine the vocabulary of children.1 He 
emphasizes the fact that the results show a much larger 
number of words used by the young than is generally sup- 
posed. His first case is that of a girl (M. H.). During her 
twenty-fourth month she used 483 words. In all cases Pro- 
fessor Holden excluded words not used with evident under- 
standing of meaning, and all nursery rhymes, etc., learned by 
rote. An examination of these 483 words shows not one 
referring to color. Another girl (M. M. H.) used 399 words, 
none of which indicate color. A boy (B. K.) used 173 words, 
among which occur black and white, but none other referring 
to color. It certainly is very remarkable that in none of the 
cases described by Professor Holden was there a real color- 
term employed, and in only one case was even black or white 


used. ’ 
Grant Allen’s conclusions, based on experiments which he 
does not describe, coincide with the above. ‘A child two 


years old (or a little more) knows very well the names of 
grapes, strawberries, and oranges; but for purple, crimson, 
and orange as colors it has as yet no appropriate verbal 
symbols.” 2 

Professor Holden intimates that the dcquisition of words 
about the beginning of the third year is very rapid ; hence it 
is not improbable that Preyer’s conclusion may have a quite 
general application. On the other hand, it is possible that 
children may know and use the names of colors without a 
clear perception of their differences. They may learn from 
the conversation of adults that certain objects have particu- 
lar colors. They would then be able to apply these words 


1 Trans. Am. Philol. Assoc., 1877, p. 58 e¢ seg, “On the Vocabularies of 
Children under Two Years of Age.” 
2 The Color-Sense: Its Origin and Development, p. 250. 


213 


IO Hlarry K. Wolfe, 


correctly in many instances even though no distinct percep- 
tions of color were present. Whether the name precedes 
or follows, the sharp discrimination in sensation doubtless 
depends on the environment and education of the child. 
We must carefully distinguish the ability to recognize color- 
differences from the habitual exercise of the ability. The 
average child will seldom make comparisons of colors unless 
stimulated by others. And it is only by means of compar- 
ison that the active recognition of a color’s individuality 
is awakened. If left to themselves most children will have 
in mind more color-names than clear ideas of color. They 
also will be able, perhaps, to apply these names better to 
natural objects than to artificially prepared surfaces. This 
of course indicates that the child has associated the zame of 
the color with the object, rather than with the peculiarity of 
the color. 

A few years ago while investigating the color-sense of the 
children of the public schools of Lincoln, Nebraska, it 
occurred to me that with little additional labor a test of 
ability to name colors might also be made. The results of 
such test are described in the following pages. 

The colors used were oil pigments on card-board previously 
treated with a coating of common glue. Each card was five 
and one-half centimetres square. The children were examined 
separately out of the hearing of their fellows. The cards 
were placed one at a time, and always in the same order, 
before each child. As soon as one answer was given, another 
card was placed upon the first in order to prevent comparison 
as far as possible. The question was, “ What color is that?” 
Only in a few cases was there a desire expressed on the part 
of the child to change his verdict after seeing other colors. 
Generally, after a card was covered by another, he seemed to 
forget the former and to give his whole attention to the one 
in view. In all cases only the first name is given in the 
tables unless the change was desired before another color 
was seen. In this instance the child was allowed time to 
select one name. The time given to each pupil varied 

214 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. ii 


from one to five minutes; yet it seldom exceeded three 
minutes. Slow or backward children were given time to 
think ; and all appearance of haste was avoided. While the 
child was finding one answer, I made a record of the answer 
preceding. 

Although many children five years old may be superior in 
every way to their classmates several years older, it yet 
seemed better to make age the basis of comparison rather 
than the artificial classification of the schools. Children ten 
years old and naturally bright are often classed temporarily 
with those five or six years old, because they have been 
deprived of book instruction. Their sense-perceptions may 
be as keen and as fully developed, and their vocabulary of 
terms as large, as that of children equal in age but several 
years in advance of them in the school course. 

It ought to be said that no systematic instruction about 
color had ever been given in these schools. A few teachers 
occasionally gave lessons on the “ primary ” and “ secondary ”’ 
colors. Some first-grade teachers also used colored paper 
and sticks for aids in drawing, designing, and numbers, with- 
out more than incidental attention to the colors. Compari- 
son of the city schools with a few country schools in which 
colors had never been used failed to reveal the slightest influ- 
ence of the ‘“color-teaching”’ in the city. 

As before stated, the investigation was undertaken prima- 
rily with a view to determine the accuracy of the color-sense 
in the young.! I have, therefore, excluded the answers of 
those found to be deficient in the sense of color, and shall 
tabulate them separately for comparison with the answers of 
normal children. For the purpose of comparison with the 
results given by Preyer and Holden, the ratio of correct 
answers by children five, six, and seven years old is given 
separately for each age. The results obtained from the older 
pupils are given in groups of three years each. It was not 
deemed necessary to employ more than the very common 
colors with the younger pupils. Even pink was omitted from 

1 The results obtained will soon be published. 
215 


. Wolfe, 


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Harry Kk 


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216 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 13 


the list used in several first-grade rooms. The preceding 
table exhibits the number of correct answers in a thousand 
for the more common colors by children of different ages. 
M indicates males, and F females. 

Careful study of this table yields some unexpected 
results. It will be remembered that Preyer’s child learned 
to recognize and to name colors in the following order: yel- 
low, brown, red, violet, black, pink, orange, gray, green, blue. 
These children name them in an entirely different order. 
White, black, and red were nearly always correctly named. 
Blue clearly occupies the fourth place. During the first few 
years even green precedes yellow, though on the whole this 
order is reversed. Pink uniformly falls seventh, orange eighth, 
and violet last. It is not strange that the position of orange 
and violet should be very different in the twocases. Preyer’s 
child had been specially drilled in color-names, and these 
children had, perhaps, seldom heard of orange or violet. The 
remarkable change in the absolute and relative positions of 
yellow and blue cannot be so easily accounted for. Yellow 
was most easily recognized and named by the instructed 
child. Uninstructed children, a few years older, name four 
other colors more accurately. Blue was by far the most 
difficult of ten colors to Preyer’s child. In my experiments 
it was scarcely the most difficult of four colors, being almost 
as surely named as red or black. 

The most constant progress during the first three years is 
to be observed in connection with yellow and green. It is 
found among both boys and girls. The table also shows 
that the improvement in yellow exceeds that in green. On 
the whole, the girls appear to name green more correctly 
than yellow, while the reverse is true of the boys. Whether 
this fact in any way depends upon the greater frequency of 
color-blindness among the boys, cannot be decided without 
further investigation. It ought to be said, however, that 
many writers on color-blindness have acquired the habit of 
referring to it as an absolute instead of a relative defect. 
There are, doubtless, degrees of color-perception as well as 


217. 


14 Harry K. Wolfe, 


of vision in general. It is not improbable, therefore, that the 
difference between boys and girls in naming these colors 
is due to the relative distinctness with which the sexes per- 
ceive green. The exceptions to this rule in the first few years 
may be the result of indefinite nomenclature, together with 
a larger number of terms having some resemblance to yellow. 

The relative accuracy with which these children named 
the colors employed is, therefore, as follows : white, black, » 
red, blue, yellow, green, pink, orange, violet. The younger 
pupils found green easier to designate than yellow. There 
is also a greater difference between blue and green in the 
answers of the younger pupils. I think the variation in 
these two instances is, perhaps, greater than the difference 
in familiarity with the colors would require; yet greater 
uniformity is to be expected among older subjects. It is not 
desirable to make the ability to name colors a test of indi- 
vidual development or of scholarship; but the improvement 
during the early years of childhood is worth noting. We 
should expect girls to name colors much more accurately 
than boys of equal age. Not only are the sexes very un- 
equally endowed by nature, but the opportunity for devel- 
oping this sense is afforded to woman in much the more 
attractive form. I doubt if we should expect, from general 
knowledge, that girls eight years old will, on the average, 
name the above nine colors better than boys sixteen years of 
age. The greatest improvement is in pink, and of course is 
made by the boys. At five years of age’ they give the cor- 
rect answer once in four times. At sixteen about eight- 
ninths of their answers are correct. 

Orange seems to require special instruction for general 
recognition. Its situation is peculiarly unfortunate. If the 
child decides that it is not red, he is pretty sure to say it is 
yellow. If yellow occurs to him first, he makes up his mind 
that ‘it isn’t exactly yellow,’ hence calls it red. This wav- 
ering between red and yellow was a very interesting expe- 
rience during the investigation, and will be referred to again 
when I come to treat of the nature of the incorrect answers. 

218 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 15 


Violet was very seldom correctly named. Indeed, it is 

very rarely properly conceived by more experienced people. 
t is doubtless true that the common idea of violet would 

place it among the reds, whereas a moment’s thought would 
convince most persons that it more nearly resembles the 
blues. The name seems to be comparatively unused, and 
almost never employed in every-day life to denote the real 
color. The very interesting results of the incorrect answers 
in this color will be considered presently. It will be noticed 
that the ignorance respecting violet and orange offers con- 
vincing proof of the absence of color-instruction in the schools. 
In my opinion this circumstance adds not a little to the inter- 
est of these results. 

Among the additional colors first employed with children 
ten years old, brown was by far the most readily named, and 
indeed ranks with green and yellow. Owing to the smaller 
number of individuals examined I shall merely compare the 
results with those already given, and refer the reader to the 
final tables containing the right and wrong answers of each 
separate color. Drab was correctly named by about one- 
third of the children. There was less difference between 
the accuracy of boys and girls in drab and also in purple 
(which was less surely named) than in pink and orange. 
Gray was named correctly nearly as often as purple; while 
lilac, crimson, and scarlet were reduced to the rank of violet. 
That gray and drab were named scarcely more correctly than 
purple, and much less so than brown can be accounted for 
only by their great resemblance, and by the numerous words 
used for tints closely allied to them. 

It may be interesting to give the proportion of correct 
answers to the nine chief colors, for each year and sex. 
This table will show the rate and time of improvement. 

The girls make very little progress after the eleventh year. 
The greatest gain of the boys also occurs before this age, yet 
they are still quite inferior to the girls. The boys continue 
advancing, until at seventeen there is less difference between 
the sexes than at any previous period. 


219 


16 Harry K. Wolfe, 


TAs ir 


The following tables exhibit in detail the number of cor- 
rect answers and the character of those which were incorrect 
for each color used. The numbers are absolute, as it did not 
seem advisable to reduce these results to a uniform scale. 
The most common false answers are indicated separately ; 
the less common are grouped together under “ O¢her.”’ If no 
name was given, the case was recorded under ‘ Blank.” 
Three boys were unable to name white. Four boys and 
three girls gave other names to this color, such as red, green, 
slate, blue, etc. Two boys and three girls could not give 
any name to black. Seven boys and six girls called it green. 
One boy and seven girls thought it was brown. Five boys 
and two girls assigned to it other names, as blue, red, 
white. 

From the adduced examples the method of using the tables 
will be recognized. It is believed that these complete tables 
offer material of more value than the random selection of odd 
instances. The reader may select queer cases, and surprise 
himself as taste dictates. 

220 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 7. 


TaBLeE IIL. 
No. ExaMINED. . . . |200 182/367 335 |274 303/181 177] 27 46 
{ Red. 185 180! 361 331/270 3o01| 180 175| 25 43 
| Blue. 4 DAN axons I 2 
Yellow. Way, Werteye 2 
RED. | Green. I 
Brown. 2 ‘ I I 
| Blank. 4 I 4 I 
| Other. 3 I I Pal ha! Pe 2+ «4.3 
{ Blue. 172 176/346 323/268 297/179 174| 27 45 
Green. 10 2 LO eye ae I 2 I 
Red. 3 3 I 2 I 
BLUE. { Indigo. Me AVS, Teo itersaliea hes mle alee 2 
Purple. Dai rer 6 Giierore 5 
| Blank. 9 I 3 I 
Other. AY Maye halllioctommmpet s0 Hh Ball oid oe i taesogl hoe I 
{ Yellow. 149 157/339 325/262 206/178 175| 26 44 
Green. 19 8| 14 ail) I I 
Blue. 7 Gy} 9 ait I 
Yettow. | Pink. 5 Bees Terao 
Orange. 2 2 I 6 2 i} I 
Blank. 15 3| 4 1s ee 
Other. 5 4 2 I I I 
{ Green. 166 168/329 323|258 297/174 177| 26 46 
Blue. 18 Ol) 2 il) iy 6 5 
Red. 2 I 2 I 
GREEN. j Yellow. B Zl ah- 2 
Pink. 2 2 
Blank. 8 3 2 i I me 
Other. I I I | 


i) 
i) 
+ 


18 


Flarry K. Wolfe, 


TABLE III. — Continued. 


| 
| 
as 
| 
| 


| 
VIOLET. 
| 
| 


BLACK. 


No. EXAMINED . 


Orange. 6 13 B65 71| bre) (96) 27s Omer 
Red. 80° 62139 105) ‘og! 70) V7 ear 9 
Yellow. BON Ala 59) 682) On 44) eic2 meeniey ee 2 
Pink. 18 On e27 (|) iv Gy) al @ I 
Brick. ooo BR] 2 Sin 2S 5 
Green. Oi 3 I 36 lone 
Brown. 4 al 12 3) ig AG eens il] 2 I 
Purple. I 2) 4. 2 I I 

Salmon. I I 2 B 2 2 
Drab. Bae 2 I Ace I 
Blank. Hoy “hi || 9isy nel] EO) AI || BX) |] 2 
Other. 6 ABs 4| 4 CU ie 1) 8 
Violet. 2 I 3 B 7 3 Ol ai I 
Blue. 91 88) 196 136)| 132 104) 107, 56)\SrG aes 
Purple. 28 47| 71 1561! 69 ‘174 49 TOS) eee 
Pink. 3 2121 [ue I I 
Brown. 5 4 5 I 4 I 

Red. 3 5 7 s'¢ I 

Drab. 2 GO|) 2 I I I 

Green. 4 I 2 2 6 I 

Yellow. 2 Ai|| 3) I 

Lavender. |... oie 3 I I I I 
Blank. Go B5-gi WH) 35 9| 16 5 I 
Other. 6 2 6 AL\| iA 5 2 4 

Black. 193) 177)|366 3331269) 298) 1790) 1174) 27043 
Green. 2 I I I 2 Ze 2 
Brown. I I I 2 2 I 
Blank. 2 2 I 


Other. 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 19 
TasieE III. — Continued. 
AGE. 5-7 8-10 11-13 14-16 17+ 
SEx . Mis) Sayre ey || See Ea ME RS) |S. 
No. EXAMINED . 200 182 | 367 335 | 274 303,181 177) 27 46 
White. 196 181 | 367 334/274 302/178 177| 27 46 
WHITE. 4 Blank. 2 I 
Other. 2 I I I 2 
No. EXAMINED . 145 143 |289 262 |255 279|180 175 | 27 46 
( Pink. GO IOS PLS 215 2Re0r 74) 250) t43) Tom \e2te 43 
Red. BB yale Sceemeber | eL9 Ales Aa 
Blue. 6 4 3 I 
| Yellow. 12 8| 16 Wp \\ Sua I a I 
PINK. + Purple. 4 Bal yy 4| 16 3 7 O i) 8 
White. I I I I 
Green. te I 
Blank. 24 §| 40 S|) Be WO|| nz I 
Other. I 7 I 4 2 2 2a) £2 2 
No. ExaMIneD . 19 9/116 151 /|}155 159| 27 45 
Drab. 4 All| 35) GO)|| GS Se 
Green. I 2 2 I 
Blue. 2 13 @ Shee! 
Gray. 6 All| Gasp Syl RE Boy || il 4 
Slate. 2 SH 7) |e 20m 45 | 3 3 
| 
Drag. { Lead. 3 2). 9 EU 2 
Brown. 7 Bi 8) I I 
Black. I I I 
Lavender. I I I 3 tl 2 I 
Blank. I Fi 02 BP aS 6% 2 
| Other. I 5 Alay 7! od I 


20 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


Tasle III]. — Continued. 


* No. EXAMINED . 


[i Gray. 

| Green. 

| Blue. 

| Drab. 

| Lavender. 
GRAY. White. 

Lead. 

| Slate. 

| 

{ 


Brown. 


Blank. 
Other. 


Scarlet. 
Red. 


Blank. 
Other. 


| 
SCARLET, Vermilion. 


Lilac. 
Pink. 
Purple. 
Blue. 
Lavender. 
Drab. 
Violet. 
Red. 
Blank. 
Other. 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 21 
Tas_eE ILI. — Continued. 
AGE. 5-7 8-10 11-13 14-16 yea 
SEX M. F M. F M. F M. F M. F 
No. EXAMINED . 19 9|)116 151/155 159) 27 45 
( Purple 9 DAS 37 PAA 7 7 
Red. I BN Bie AG) yp ||) 9 
| Wine. I I 2lO ie 9B 2 6 
| Blue 2 3 2 I WH owe 
Brown I] 14 3h 22) 6| 6 3 
PURPLE. 
Drab I he « 4 vil 2 
| Plum We wl 14 5 
Pink. 6 I 7 5 
| Blank Re Nod ST ASe eo y AM 7 
\ Other 5 Si Go uy § 
Crimson. if Be9 I 4) 5 Ol 2 2 
| Red. 18 Si MOO. el2T)| eo y 122) 225 a5 
Wine. Ditey dg. KEG o Ocean eek 4 
| Cherry. I 2D I 3 I 
CRIMSON. { Cardinal. 2 4 6 I 
| Pink. I 3 
Garnet. I I Bye 
| Blank. 3 2 Ee ara 
| Other. 6 A! ts) af 2 
Brown. 16 6) TOG METS 37a 14S) 2542 
Red. By) ak ita 6 (|) ii I 
Plum. 2 
Brown. { Wine. 3 4 
Purple. 2 
Blank. 3 3 I 
| Other. I 4 I 2 


NO 
bo 
UL 


22 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


It will doubtless be inferred that the mistakes in naming 
such common colors as black and white are the results of 
inattention. It seems almost incredible that children with 
sufficiently good eyesight to attend the public schools should 
be unable to recognize white and black. Scarcely less sur- 
prising is it that children could be found, who, though able 
to read, are incapable of associating the words white and 
black with the corresponding surfaces. In this connection 
several things are to be remembered if we would avoid false 
conclusions. This paper has nothing to do with the color- 
perception of the children examined. The answers of those 
found deficient in the sense of color are excluded from the 
tables. I do not believe it even possible that any child rep- 
resented in the tables would have hesitated an instant if 
black and green, for example, had been placed before him at 
the same time with the request that black be pointed out. 
The fault does not lie in the ability to discriminate present 
sensations. It exists rather in the process of association. 
The bond of association between sensation and name is so 
weak that the former fails to call up the latter. Hence also 
the false name fails to recall z¢s corresponding sensation ; 
thus the only opportunity of correction is wanting. If we 
seek a remoter cause of these results, it would doubtless be 
found in the nature of color-impressions. An approximate 
idea of what I mean may be gained by trying to determine 
from memory the difference between lilac and lavender. 
Unless specially experienced in colors and their names, we 
should find our conception of this difference quite vague. It 
is a vagueness in reproduced sensations that causes so great 
uncertainty in naming. This, in turn, is caused by the indis- 
tinctness of accustomed perceptions; the whole depending, 
of course, upon the habitual want of attention to sensations. 
The habit of indifference to simple sensations during early 
life, I believe, tends toward the formation of indefinite ideas 
on more complex subjects. It would be an interesting ques- 
tion for future investigation to determine whether all ideas 
of school children are as indistinct. The question might 

226 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 23 


profitably engage the attention of those interested in the 
improvement of methods and means of elementary educa- 
tion. If children’s conceptions of such simple sensations as 
color are so unsatisfactory, what is to be inferred regarding 
their mental pictures of more complex objects, as bird or tree; 
saying nothing of abstractions like goodness, or humanity ? 

A vagueness of perception is observed in the answers to 
all colors; though in the less common ones there are other 
elements of uncertainty, which partly conceal the lack of 
Glearmess. The practical-effect~of these results is to give 
emphasis to the advice of those educators who urge the train- 
ing of the senses in our public schools. The attention needs 
stimulation, and no other means is so well adapted to this end. 

The character of the incorrect answers to red deserves 
some attention. Why do so few of the assigned colors in 
any degree resemble red? It may be thought that they are 
merely chance names that happened to come into the minds 
of puzzled children. There must have been some determin- 
ing cause as to what words should be used. Why should 
green be substituted so often for yellow and blue, and scarcely 
at all for red? It also will be noticed that green is seldom 
given for pink, scarlet, crimson, or purple. Yellow is very 
rarely assigned to blue, or any color containing blue. In 
neither of these cases is the converse true. Hence we can- 
not conclude anything regarding the substitution of colors 
nearly complementary. <A few of the “other” names given 
to red were specific, as scarlet and cardinal. 

The results in blue clearly contradict the popular impres- 
sion that “many persons do not know the difference between 
blue and green.” Only thirty-three among more than two 
thousand called blue green. This belief in the indefiniteness 
of the two colors is owing to their proximity and inter- 
mingling. If the pigments nearly approach the types, few 
children will mistake one for the other. If seen together, no 
one with normal eyes would think them more closely related 
than red and orange. In this case the names also would be 
interchanged much less frequently than if the colors were 


22 


24 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


brought successively into view. It will be noticed that 
green is much oftener called blue than blue is called green. 
Theoretically, we might expect yellow and green to be very 
often confused, lying as they do adjacent in the spectrum. 
Practically, however, we can only be surprised that these 
two colors are ever confounded. Fifty-three children called 
yellow green. The difficulty in naming yellow is certainly 
unexpected, and to me is inexplicable. 

Orange offers some curious results. Nearly four hundred 
children were wise enough not to attempt to designate it. 
Not quite as many gave the correct name. As might be 
expected, more than half the answers belong to red and 
yellow, — red receiving about twice as many as yellow. The 
preference for red seems much strgnger among the boys than 
among the girls. Pink and brown receive a large share of 
these guesses. Among the “other” names given to orange 
are blue, gray, scarlet, crimson, cream, wine, terra-cotta, 
plum, white, pumpkin, crab, tomato, strawberry, copper, ver- 
milion, and several compound names, as reddish pink, yellow- 
ish red, etc. In all there were thirty-four distinct names 
given to orange. At least 150 answers are absurd, viz. : all 
pinks, greens, purples, drabs, and one-half those marked 
“other.” If we attempt the analysis of this matter, a curi- 
ous state of affairs is revealed. In the first place, these 
children have no clear ideas either of orange or of the colors 
whose names were given to orange. They probably have 
never learned the word ‘orange’ as the name of a color. (This 
is doubtless true also of far the larger number of the pupils 
examined.) Yet they all clearly perceived this color and, 
while looking at it, called it pink, green, purple, drab, cream, 
blue, or crimson. If their conceptions of these colors had 
been clear and closely associated with the terms, the thought 
of the word would have recalled the character of the color, 
and the absurdity would have been evident. Another result 
of studying the orange table is, that the pupils seem loath to 
confess their ignorance. Four-fifths of them attempted to 
name orange, and only one-fifth knew what it was. This 


228 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. 25 


impulse in the child to do the best he can (z.e. to guess when 
he does not know), whether natural or cultivated, is worth 
investigating, both as to its causes and effects. I suspect 
our schools favor its development, and should like to know 
how and why they do so. 

The results in violet very greatly resemble those in orange. 
Few correct answers were expected. The names of the adja- 
cent colors, blue and purple, are most frequently employed 
to designate it. The boys prefer blue, and the girls purple. 
This is easily explained by the fact that the finer discrimina- 
tion of the girls distinguishes violet from the more common 
blue. The boys seize upon the resemblance without atten- 
tion to the difference. Again, boys very seldom use the word 
purple, and girls are, perhaps, accustomed to associate this 
term with a tint more nearly resembling violet than the real 
purple. Both these causes are doubtless active, and that they 
tend in the direction indicated may be seen by observing 
that the older and hence more discriminating the girls are, 
the greater the proportion of purples to blues. There were 
also many irrelevant terms applied to violet ; ¢.g. pink, green, 
yellow, scarlet, black, and white. Fewer children gave no 
name to violet than to orange. 

The number of correct answers in pink is larger than one 
might look for. The distribution of the incorrect replies is 
also unexpected. Among the younger children (boys espe- 
cially) we should have anticipated as many reds as pinks. 
Instead of this being the case, there are comparatively few 
reds. Indeed, they are almost equalled by the sum of the 
yellows and purples. The superiority of the girls is, perhaps, 
more clearly seen in pink than in any other color. This is 
also the best general test for color-blindness. Among the 
other terms applied to pink are cream (five times), drab 
(seven times), green (seven times), besides orange, white, 
brown, gray, and blue several times each. 

The remaining colors were not given to the pupils of the 
lower grades. It would be interesting to know in what way 
young children would designate gray, brown, and lilac. 


229 


20 FHlarry K. Wolfe, 


Crimson and scarlet are, of course, red to nearly all 
observers. It is nevertheless strange that with the real red 
preceding these it occurred to so few children to assign other 
names. Nearly all the terms used for these two tints denote 
varieties of red. It is possible that more words were em- 
ployed for crimson because scarlet always preceded it, and 
the children may have attempted to avoid a repetition of red 
by seeking other expressions. I am, however, inclined to 
think that this circumstance had very little influence, for red 
preceded scarlet, and many more terms were used for red 
than for scarlet. The variety of names for crimson most 
probably depends upon the peculiar nature of the color. 
Scarlet is a bright red; whereas the crimson used was dark, 
much less positive, and hence permitted the application of 
less definite names. ‘ 

Brown was surprisingly well named. Further than this it 
offers little interest. Brown being rather a neutral color was 
often used by children with weak eyes or little discrimination 
for stronger shades, and especially for orange and violet. 

Lilac was correctly responded to by only nineteen children, 
only two of whom were boys. Pink and purple claim the 
larger share of the false answers. There seems to be no 
apology possible for so many pinks. Indefinite ideas of pink, 
together with poor discriminative power, must have been the 
causes. The common idea of purple would allow lilac to be 
called a light purple, and a sharper discrimination would have 
brought more answers under this head. The incorrect terms 
are quite numerous, and nearly all of them have some foun- 
dation. A remarkable exception, however, must be noticed 
in the case of lavender. More than fifty girls deceived them- 
selves regarding the nature of this color, being at the same 
time ignorant of the name or nature of lilac, else of both these. 

The replies to purple are pretty evenly divided between 
purple and red; wine and brown also receiving a good share. 
The blue element may be considered as represented by the 
few answers under that head. The frequent occurrence of 
drab, and especially of brown, indicates very weak discrimi- 

230 


On the Color-Vocabulary of Children. a7, 


native power. Plum is not out of place, but this is scarcely 
true of pink. It is strange that fewer children should have 
given no answer to lilac than to purple. 

The very general distribution of answers to the four colors, 
orange, violet, lilac, and purple, as also to gray and drab, yet 
to be considered, offers material of considerable interest. It 
shows in the first place how great a variety of words occurs 
to young minds for the same sensation. Not less than 
twenty children—not the same ones in each case— gave 
the name brown to each of the colors, orange, violet, purple, 
gray, and drab. No less than a dozen pupils in each case 
gave the name purple to lilac, blue, orange, pink, and violet. 
The number of colors often called blue is also large, while 
red appears among the answers to nearly all the test colors, 
eray and drab only excepted. 

Drab and gray were very similar in appearance. ie 
former was slightly darker, and contained a little blue. The 
latter was a mere mixture of black and white pigments. If 
seen side by side, no one would say they were the same color. 
Drab was correctly named oftener than gray, and also oftener 
than gray was called drab; yet gray was called drab more 
frequently than it was correctly designated. Though drab 
contained an appreciable quantity of blue, this fact is only 
slightly indicated in the tables. Nearly as many eyes saw 
blue in the gray as in the drab. Another slight recognition 
of the blue is the greater number of slate answers in drab. 
These tables show that children over eight years of age have 
many ways of designating the simple shades gray and drab. 
In all, gray received sixteen different appellations. Drab 
received all these and eight additional ones. 

In general, red appears most frequently in the answers. 
Blue and green were each given to thirteen different colors. 
Yellow was comparatively rarely used. Purple occurs very 
often, yet is seldom applied with discrimination. Alto- 
gether for my sixteen tests the children found seventy-three 
distinct names; viz. red, orange, yellow, green, blue, violet, 
black, white, pink, brown, lilac, gray, scarlet, crimson, purple, 

231 


28 Flarry K. Wolfe, 


drab, salmon, plum, cream, wine, pumpkin, ornish, indigo, 
navy-blue, lemon, Indian-red, pearl, slate, lavender, ink (vio- 
let), blue-pearl, crab, tomato, brick, vermilion, cherry, lead, 
carmine, maroon, grape, crushed strawberry, cardinal, rose- 
madder, garnet, olive, yankee brown, dove, steel, mouse, 
flesh color, terra cotta, orbid, house trimming, strawberry, 
dark, burnt Sienna, copper, mauve, gold, blood, wood, clay, 
pansy, indigo-blue, sky-blue, magenta, buff, heliotrope, scarlet- 
lake, chrome yellow, cadmium, crushed raspberry, rose, sol- 
ferino. I have admitted to the list two types (ornish and 
orbid) of many answers that were evidently results of imper- 
fect attempts to reproduce words heard, but never under- 
stood. 

Besides the above list there were sixty-six modifications or 
compounds of these elements; as, reddish yellow, pinkish 
drab, grayish blue. Some of the combinations display great 
originality. I have seldom been more amused than when 
sober-faced children, wishing to be very exact, called out, 
after thorough deliberation ‘light-white.’ It seemed impos- 
sible that anything should exceed the luminosity of this 
description of gray; but its ludicrousness was certainly ex- 
celled by the pupil who gravely replied ‘dark-white.’ Only 
one step remained, and it was soon taken. The colored chil- 
dren, for some unknown reason, frequently employed the 
adjective dark as a substantive! There are, of course, 
shades of dark. Several bright pupils, therefore, independ- 
ently invented the expression ‘light-dark. Among the 
other combinations are reddish blue, reddish pink, drabbish 
red, pinkish drab. 

The total number of questions propounded to boys was 
11,508 ; to girls, 11,797. The boys answered more than sixty- 
two per cent correctly, and the girls more than sixty-seven 
per cent. No answer was attempted by the boys to nearly 
seven per cent, and by the girls to nearly four per cent. 


1 Black was probably intended. This may be a method of designating their 
own complexion. Its relation to the popular expression for “colored person” is 
unknown to me. 


232 


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30 Harry K. Wolfe, 


The answers of the seventy-four pupils who were found to 
be more or less deficient in color-discrimination have been 
excluded from the preceding tables. For the purpose of 
comparison these results are given at length in Table IV. 
No mistakes were made in black or white; hence they are 
omitted from the table. 

It has long been held that name tests are of little value in 
the investigation of color-blindness; but, as far as I know, 
this table contains the only statistics on the manner of desig- 
nating the common types actually employed by those defi- 
cient in the sense of color. It is evident from the table, that 
by this method the detection of defects would be very difficult. 
Boys with normal eyes named correctly nearly sixty-two per 
cent of the tests. Boys more or less color-blind named cor- 
rectly about forty-four per cent. Curiously enough, even 
this small difference is not particularly prominent in the 
colors for which the color-blind eyes are especially defective. 
Nearly all were deficient in red, or green, or both; very few 
in blue or yellow; yet red was named nearly as well as blue, 
and green nearly as well as yellow. Defective vision is, per- 
haps, most clearly shown in naming pink. Much lighter 
than the red, it doubtless escaped recognition by many. 
This is especially noticeable in the four white and one gray 
answers ; scarcely less so in the thirteen answers falling to 
blue, green, and yellow, and in the eight blanks. Gray was 
called green by seven children, and green was called by some 
red, pink, brown, or drab. On the whole, the blanks are only 
slightly more numerous than with normal children ; yet green, 
pink, brown, and drab occur much more frequently in the 
answers of those with abnormal vision. 

This table indicates in a measure the difficulty of detecting 
defects in the color-sense. It also shows the possibility of 
those who are color-blind learning to associate names with 
well-saturated, typical colors. Of course this last fact 
explains why so few ever recognize a defect in their sense 
of color. 


234 


III.— Ox the Development of the K mgs Peace and 
the English Local Peace-Magistracy. 


By GEORGE E. HOWARD. 


I. EVOLUTION OF THE PUBLIC PEACE. 


Tue primary duty of government is the preservation of 
peace. There can be no society, no community, however 
loose the bond or however narrow the sphere, without some 
means for maintaining order. The genesis of government is 
the beginning of peace. The most cursory glance at the 
first Teutonic codes, and especially those of early England, 
reveals a restless anxiety to escape the violence and license 
of the times. Theft, assault, robbery appear on almost every 
page; and perjury has been well called the “ dominant crime 
of the Middle Ages.”! The Ripuarian and Salian codes are 
practically catalogues of crimes and penalties.2 The old 
English laws, from those of Atthelberht and Ine to those of 
fEthelred and Canute, consist almost wholly of police regu- 
lations. Our ancestors possessed small talent for legislation. 
Even 4#lfred the Great or the imperial Canute could do little 
more than make selection from the confused mass of customs 
relating to the peace — a confusion caused by the absorption 
of diverse tribes into the kingdom —and prescribe new or 


1 Hallam, Aiddle Ages; Forsyth, Trial by Fury, 69. On the prevalence of 
perjury in the early middle ages, cf. the interesting remarks of Bernardi, De 
L Origine et des Progrés de la Legislation Frangaise, 87-8; and those of Miche- 
let, Origines du droit Frangais, pp. lili. 

2 See Guizot, History of Civilization, I, 184 ff., for an analysis of these codes. 
For a critical examination of the Zex Salica, Das alte Recht of Waitz should be 
consulted. Behrend, Zex Salica, has provided an admirable edition of the text, 
together with a glossary. On the Lex Ribuaria, see Sohm in Zetéschrift fiir 
Rechtsgeschichte, Band 5, Heft 3. 


235 


2 George E. Howard, 


more minute penalties for specific offences. The talent for 
organization and administration is our Norman heritage. 

The Saxon codes are, in effect, handbooks for the peace 
administration, the rude precursors of those of Lambard, 
Dalton, and Burn. But between the advent of the local 
peace-magistrate, deriving his authority from the sovereign 
jurisdiction of a national king, and the dawn of the first vague 
conception of a public peace, of the state in embryo, lies the 
history of civilization. 


(a). — The Clan-Feud and the Clan-Peace. 


In the primary stage of social development —if soczaZ it 
may be called — the blood-feud ! or self-redress prevailed. If 
a murder were committed, the next of kin was the avenger; 
if any injury to life or limb were inflicted, or a right trans- 
gressed, the wronged person was the agent of justice. All 
remedies were private remedies. It was a system of self-help 
pure and simple. 

Such is the substance of current teaching as to the earliest 
condition of archaic man. But it must not be imagined that 
the blood-feud always remained a matter of personal force. 
To suppose that, would be to ignore one of the most far- 
reaching results of the study of comparative sociology — the 
disclosure of the fact that the family and not the individual 
is the unit of ancient society. Among all the races of man- 
kind the constitution of the family, in its patriarchal or some 
earlier form, is the ‘“ basis and prototype of the constitution of 
the state.”* Nevertheless, for all practical purposes, it is 

1 Anglo-Saxon fehth, Middle English fede, Modern English foe, from A. S. féh 
=hostile; cognate with Old High German /éhida, Middle High German veheae, 
from féhan, vehen = odisse, to hate; Medizeval Latin fazdz. The word feud in 
this sense should not be confused with feud, a fief, which is of northern origin and 
different meaning. See Skeat, Ltym. Dict., at feud, Grimm, Wdorterbuch, III, 
1417, at fehde; Schade, Altdeutsches Wiorterbuch, I, 174, at féhida. On the 
form and significance of the word, cf. also Kemble, Saxons, I, 267, note; Schmid, 
Glossar, 570-1; Miillenhoff, Glossary, in Waitz, Das alte Recht, 282; Wilda, 
Strafrecht, 191 ff.; Meyer, Zrstitutions Fudiciaires, 1, 43. 


2 Marquardt, Das Privatleben der Rémer,1,p.1. This theory of the origin 
of the state is already set forth by Plato, Zaws, Book III, 680-1: Jowett, Dia- 


236 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 3 


the clan with which the student of Aryan society is primarily 
concerned ; for, long before the beginning of positive history, 
the clan or gens had superseded the family as the starting- 
point of political life! But the clan was merely the expanded 
form of the family, and like the latter it was held together 


logues, IV, 209; and by Aristotle, Politics, Book I, 2: Jowett, I, 2 ff. Cf. Maine, 
Ancient Law, 120 ff., 250; Freeman, Comparative Politics, 87-90. 

“Mag auch Sokrates bei Plato den Ursprung der Staatsgemeinschaft von der 
mangelnden Selbstgeniigsamkeit oder Aristoteles denselben von dem Geselligkeits- 
triebe des Menschen ableiten, immer sind es nicht blosse Individuen, sondern 
bereits Familien, die das natiirliche oder sittliche Bediirfnis zusammenfiihrt; und 
die Familie bleibt deshalb auch fortwahrend das Vorbild fiir die grdsseren Gemein- 
schaften, zu welchen sich die Gesellschaft allmahlich erweitert. Die durch Bande 
des Bluts verkniipfte Hausgemeinde ist der natiirlichste Staatsverein, die patri- 
archalische Monarchie des Familienhauptes die urspriinglichste Regierungsform ” : 
Hermann, Lehrbuch der griechischen Antiquitéten, I, 29-30. On the patriarchal 
family as the unit of society, cf. Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 
394-5, 379 ff-; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 705-45, Il, 451-72; Gilbert, 
Handbuch der griechischen Staatsalterthiimer, 11, 302, 262; Maine, V2llage Com- 
munities, 15 ff.; Lb., Ancient Law, chap. V; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 
11t ff.; Hearn, Aryan Household, chaps. III, 1V; Leist, Al+-Arisches Fus Cen- 
tium, 37 ff., 341-2, 349, 354, 420 ff; Lange, Rdmische Alterthiimer, I, 102 ff.; 
Herzog, Romische Staatsverfassung, 1, 10-19 (an excellent account of the evolu- 
tion of Roman social groups); Miiller, Yandbuch der hlassischen Alterthums- 
Wissenschaft, IV, 17-22; Schédmann, Athenian Constitutional History, 3-12; 
Morris, Zhe Aryan Race, 107 ff. 

Morgan, Ancient Society, 383-508, traces the growth of the family from original 
promiscuity through various successive forms before the monogamian is reached. 
See also McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, for theories of promiscuity, 
endogamy, exogamy, and marriage by capture. These two works are discussed 
by Maine, Zarly Law and Custom, chap. VII, and by Lubbock, Origin of Civil- 
ization, 50-113. McLennan is criticised by Herbert Spencer, Prizciples of Soct- 
ology, Part III, and by Morgan, pp. 509 ff. The whole subject is reviewed in a 
thorough manner by Wake, 7he Development of Marriage and Kinship (London, 
1889); and preceding writers are sharply criticised by Starcke, Zhe Primitive 
family (New York, 1889), who gives a useful bibliography. For India, see the 
work of Leist already cited; also J. D. Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 35-87; 
and Lyall, Aszatic Studies, chap. VIII. On the Arab tribal groups the admirable 
book of W. R. Smith, Azzship and Marriage in Early Arabia, should be con- 
sulted. 

1 Fustel de Coulanges, Azcient City, 141 ff.; Maine, Ancient Law, 256, 123-4; 
fb., Early Law and Custom, chap. VII; Dahn, Dewtsche Geschichte, I, 183 ff. 
“With the word gens the olitical family is designated”: Puchta, Zzstitetionen, 


I, 75. 
237 


4 George E. Howard, 


by the double tie of common blood and the worship of a com- 
mon ancestor.! It was originally a state in miniature ; and 
from it were successively evolved all the higher types of 
social organization.” 

In no branch of social science has the revelation of the 
fact that primitive society was composed of groups of kindred 
had more important consequences than in the domain of 
Ancient Law. And.nowhere has ignorance or forgetfulness 
of it led to more curious errors or more fruitless speculation. 
Too often it is the ‘shifting sandbank in which the grains 
are individual men” which has occupied the mind of the in- 


1 Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 9-52, gives the best treatment of an- 
cestor worship; he is followed by Hearn, Avyan Household, 15 ff. Maine, Early 
Law and Custom, chaps. III and IV, and Morris, Zhe Aryan Race, 132 ff, 
have excellent discussions. For India, see J. D. Mayne, (/indu Law and Usage, 
55, and Lyall, Astatic Studies, chap. II, for deification of men. On the Roman 
lares, consult Duruy, History of Rome, I, 206. Cf. Starcke, Zhe Primitive 
Family, 97, 101; Wake, Jlarriage and Kinship, 384, 447. 

2 The development of the successive types of social organism appears to have 
been as follows: 

Greco-Roman. — By process of natural growth a certain number of families be- 
came united in a clan—the Roman gevs or the Ionic gezos. In like manner, in 
course of time, a union of gentes formed a curta or phratria,; and a gathering of 
curies or phratries constituted the tribe, famous examples of which are the zridus 
of early Rome and the Ionic fhu/az of the Homeric age. Finally a gathering of 
tribes became a city or polis. 

Germanic.—In the age of Tacitus the starting-point of political life was the 
mark or township (vécus), a localized clan or s¢ffe. Next in order was the gaw 
or hundertschaft (pagus), composed of a number of vici or marks; while a union 
of gawen formed the vilkerschaft or tribe-state. 

Each of these groups, in ascending series, must be regarded as successively 
representing a newer and more enlarged conception of the state: the lower being 
retained as subordinate members of the higher organism. But while the Greeks 
and the Romans of the Republic were not able permanently to pass beyond the 
city as the ultimate political unit, the Teutonic peoples advanced to the nation- 
state, in which the vé/kerschaft was retained as an administrative district — the 
English shire or the Frankish grafschaft. See Freeman, Comparative Politics, 
chap. III; Fiske, American Political Ideas, 64 ff.; Stubbs, Cosstetutional History, 
I, chap. II; and especially Sohm, Die altdeutsche Reichs- und Gerichtsverfassung, 
vol. I. This subject is discussed in detail, with citation of the principal authori- 
ties, in my /nutroduction to the Local Constitutional History of the United States, I, 
chaps. I, V, VI. 


238 


Kine's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 
oO fo) oO Jd 


vestigator.! Thus, for example, we may partially account for 
the patriotic sentimentality of Rogge concerning the “noble” 
character of the “earliest historical basis of Germanic crim- 
inal law” as compared with that of other peoples. And even 
Wilda, while criticising Rogge,® is himself at times not en- 
tirely free from the same fault. But the phenomena of 
archaic jurisprudence assume a very different aspect for the 
observer who occupies the right point of view. He at once 
discovers that he nolonger has to do with individual conduct 
absolutely unrestrained ; but with organized bodies, “ corpo- 
rations” as it were, whose very existence in some degree 
implies the reign of law. The period when unlimited fer 
sonal vengeance prevailed —if indeed it ever prevailed — 
thus recedes an immeasurable distance into the background. 

If, then, ancient society must be regarded as composed 
only of autonomous households or clan-states, we immediately 
perceive that the fact has a twofold significance. On the 
one hand, it means peace within the clan. Indeed, claw and 
peace are equivalent terms.® The essential function of the 


1 Maine, Ancient Law, 250. 

2“ Nichts war den Germanen so fremd, als ein Strafrecht: statt dessen hatten 
sie ihren Volksfrieden, und dieser bestand weder in einer schiitzenden noch in 
einer drohenden Gewalt, — denn der freie Germane liess sich nicht schiitzen noch 
drohen — sondern in dem Antheile, den das ganze Volk durch Gericht und ge- 
meine Guarantie an der VersGhnung erziirnter Freien nahm. Die 4lteste histo- 
rische Grundlage des deutschen Criminalrechts ist daher eine so edle, wie sie kein 
anderes Volk gehabt hat, und die selbst unsre Philosophen nicht einmal unter den 
moéglichen Grundprincipien eines Criminalrechts aufstellen — eine reine Ver- 
sdhnungstheorie; sehr verschieden von der Vergeltungslehre: nur Unfreie konn- 
ten eine Strafe, als die von héherer Hand geiibte Vergeltung, von ihrem Herrn 
empfangen”: Rogge, Das Gerichtswesen der Germianen, 29-30. 

3 Das Strafrecht der Germanen, 197. 

4 See, for examples, Das Strafrecht der Germanen, 150, 185. 

5 Middle High German siffe (= enlarged family; also used for geschlecht = 
gens), Old High German sda, Anglo-Saxon s74d, Gothic s¢dja = verwanatschaft, 
pax, friede, peace; cognate with Sanskrit sadha = village-house or hall for public 
meetings: later =court-house. The village community was a localized house- 
hold or s#44a, hence the name was transferred to the place where its members 
assembled. ‘Schon in den Veden findet sich vielfach erwahnt die sada, das 
Gemeindehaus. Sie ist der Versammlungsort der Dorfgenossen. Im Dorf aber 
wohnt urspriinglich vereint die zu demselben Geschlecht gehdrende nahere Ver- 


239 


6 George E. Howard, 


miniature state, without whose performance she cannot exist, 
is the preservation of order within her own limits.! The clan 
chief, or his prototype, the patriarch, thus becomes an official 
magistrate to whom belong jurisdiction and the duty of war- 
ranty or protection. Whoever injures a clansman violates 
his sund,* the peace of the clan; and, if need be, he may 
summon the clansmen to avenge the wrong. But if one of 
the kin be the aggressor, the chief and all the clan must bear 
the feud or produce the offender. The blood feud thus loses 
its individual character—it “rages” legally only between 
different clans.* The inter-clan feud assumes the dignity, so 
to speak, of international war. 


wandtschaft, die Széfe. Sippe und sabha sind sprachidentisch. Nun aber heisst 
in der Sutraperiode das Gerichtshaus : sabha”: Leist, Alt-Arisches Fus Gentium, 
360. Cf. Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und pees 394; Dahn, Deutsche 
Geschichte, 1, 185; Schade, Altdeutsches Wirterbuch, Il, 758; Lanman’s Sanskrit 
Reader, 267. See also the next note. 

1“, |. sibja bedeutet zugleich Sippe und Friede, zum deutlichen Beweise, 
dass urspriinglich der Rechtsschutz auf die Sippe beschrankt, der Ungesippe 
rechtlos, schutzlos war (hospes = hostis): nur der religidse und sittliche Schild 
des Gastrechts, nicht der Schutz des Volksrechts, dessen der Fremde nicht fahig 
war, schirmte ihn. Innerhalb der Sippe freilich sollte unverbriichlicher Friede 
walten: nicht im Waffengang der Fehde, nur im Rechtsgang sollte Streit der 
Gesippen geschlichtet werden, indem wohl von jeher das Haupt der Sippe den 
Bann, die Gesippen die Urtheilsfndung tibten. Gewaltthat unter Gesippen galt 
als so arger Frevel wider Religion, Sitte und Recht, dass die Gétterdémmerung, 
d. h. die innere Aufldsung aller sittlichen Bande in der iiberhandnehmenden Ver- 
letzung des Sippefriedens wie vorbereitet so herbeigefiihrt geschaut wird”: Dahn, 
Deutsche Geschichte, 1, 185-6. Every social union has peace for its object: cf. 
the interesting remarks of Wilda, S¢rafrecht, 225-6; and Meyer, /ustitutions 
Fudiciaires, I, 41 ff. 

2 The original meaning of wzz2a seems to be hand, but in the laws it is used 
in this sense only in the plural: Schmid, Glossav, 634. This derivation identifies 
the word with the Roman sazzs, and it was first suggested by Grimm, Rechésal- 
terthiimer, 447. Waitz, Verfassungsgeschichte, 1, 55, regards mand as equivalent 
in meaning to patria fotestas, and this was also suggested by Grimm. The view 
of Waitz is supported by Kohler, Zettschrift, VI, 321; but Leist, 4/t-Arisches 
Fus Gentiym, 586, denies that the identity of the two institutions is universal 
among the Aryan peoples. Cf. also Stubbs, Coms¢. Hist., I, 181. 

3 Of course, the prosecution of the blood-feud might exist among the nearest 
kindred; but only, it would seem, in defiance, or in abeyance, of the authority of 
the clan-chief; and it entailed a curse upon the race. Such is the significance of 
the fate of the Attridze as described in the Trilogy of Aischylos: see this worked 


240 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 7 


But if the extremely early origin of the clan-state places 
the moral condition of ancient society before us in a more 
favorable light — enables us to see that archaic men were not 
wholly given over to anarchy ; on the other hand, in the same 
fact must be sought the true explanation of the remarkably 
slow development of the modern conception of the national 
peace. The clan-state, generally speaking, is prehistoric. 
At the very dawn of history it has already been superseded 
by a much more expanded form of social organism. In the 
poems of Homer and in the earliest Italic legends the polis 
or city appears as the ultimate political unit. In the pages 
of Tacitus even the pagus or gau-state, composed of a group 
of local gentes, has already yielded to the tribe, or vélker- 
schaft as the bearer of political sovereignty. Both polis 
and vélkerschaft, though representing in some measure the 
principle of localization, are still held together by the double 
bond of kinship and religion, as was the clan from which each 
has been evolved; but in the higher group the tie is weaker, 
often artificial The clan represents that principle of exciu- 
siveness, that spirit of race isolation and religious isolation, 
which constitutes the almost insuperable obstacle to political 
development in early Aryan society. Hence it is that the 
clan, long after it has ceased to be autonomous and _ has 
become a subordinate member of a higher organization, 
clings so tenaciously to the right of administering the blood- 
feud. Hence that remarkable struggle on the part of the 
state, extending in some instances far down into the historic 
period, to wrest from the kin exclusive jurisdiction over all 
violations of the peace as offences against herself. It is not 
a struggle between the state and the untamable passions of 
individual men ; but between a new and, so to speak, usurp- 
ing authority and an old, once sovereign body, whose very con- 
stitution demands retribution for the blood of the slain, as a 
religious duty to the ancestral gods. 

Let us now trace briefly the history of that struggle among 
out by Leist, Alt-Arisches. Fus Gentium, 423 ff.; and, on the clan-peace, cf. Dahn, 
Deutsche Geschichte, 1, 185-6. 


241 


8 George E. Howard, 


the principal Aryan peoples, but particularly as it is revealed 
in our old English laws. 


(0). — The Wergeld and Arbitration. 


The first important encroachment upon the domain of the 
blood-feud was through the institution of the wergeld? and 
the resort to arbitration. And, though it is hazardous to 
speculate on a subject where so little is known, still it is 
natural to suppose that arbitration was first employed, volun- 
tarily and occasionally, as a means of settling inter-clan dis- 
putes. Be this as it may, at the very beginning of positive 
history, the state is everywhere found engaged in elaborating 
a fixed tariff of compositions whose acceptance she endeavors 
to enforce. The original measure of the wergeld was the 
degree of anger, the state of mind, of the party entitled to 
vengeance.? “It was not the amount of injury that was sus- 
tained, much less the amount likely to prevent the recurrence 
of the offence. It was simply the lowest sum that, upon the 
whole, it was likely the aggrieved party would accept.’’* 
Everywhere the system of compositions shows traces of this 
original standard of measurement. For example, a thief 
taken in the act might be killed by the captor; but one sub- 
sequently apprehended, though guilty of a tenfold greater 
offence, had many. chances for escape through the clumsy 
judicial procedure of primitive times. This is verified by 
the Saxon laws, though the difference in the severity of 
the punishment of the thief pursued and captured on the 
occasion of the theft, as compared with that of one taken 


1 An interesting chapter on the “ Evolution of Peace”? may be found in Law- 
rence, Lssays on Modern International War, pp. 234-277. According to his 
view the final phase of development will consist in the superseding of international 
war by international peace. In general, see also Maine, Anctent Law, chap. X; 
Lb., Early Fistory of Institutions, chaps. IX, X, XII, XIII; Hearn, Aryan House- 
hold, chaps. XIX, XX. 

2 Wergeld= man-money. See Wilda, Strafreché, 319; Grimm, Rechtsalterthii- 
mer, 650-3; Walter, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 1, 17; Leist, Alt-Arisches Fus 
Genttum, 296-7. 

3 Cf. Maine, Ancient Law, 365-7. 4 Hearn, Aryan Household, 439. 

242 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 9 


after a delay is not uniform. According to the Roman code 
of the Twelve Tables, the ‘‘ manifest” thief could be con- 
demned to death, if a slave, and to servitude, if a freeman.” 
But the “non-manifest”’ thief had only to refund double the 
amount stolen.? ‘The ancient law-giver doubtless considered 
that the injured proprietor, if left to himself, would inflict a 
very different punishment, when his blood was hot, from that 
with which he would be satisfied when the thief was detected 
after a considerable interval.”’* Only by slow degrees was 
the principle established that the punishment should be pro- 
portionate to the offence.® It is extremely interesting, more- 
over, to observe that this theory of the original standard of 
the wergeld finds actual expression in the words of one of 
the early German law-givers. In the code compiled about the 
year 643, the Lombard king, Rothar, declares that he has 
‘made the composition for each offence greater than it was 
with his ancestors in order that it may be accepted instead of 
the feud.® 

The general introduction of the wergeld marks a significant 
epoch in the development of the peace administration. This 
stage has already been reached both by the Indic and Hel- 
lenic races when they first come before us. In the earliest 
sacred laws of the East not a vestige of the actual blood-feud 
remains ; though its former existence is proved by elaborate 


1 Wihtraed, 25; Henry I, 12, § 1; Canute, II, 64: Schmid, Gesefze, 19, 444, 
304. Cf. Maine, Ancient Law, 367; also the references to the laws in Schmid, 
Glossar, 555-8; and particularly Wilda, Strafrech?, 180 ff., 165-6. 

2 « Poena manifesti furti ex lege XII tabularum capitalis erat. nam liber ver- 
beratus addicebatur ei cui furtum fecerat . . . ; servum aeque verberatum e saxo 
deiciebant”: Poste’s Gazus, III, § 189, p. 454. 

3 “Nec manifesti furti poena per legem XII tabularum dupli inrogatur; quam 
etiam Praetor conservat”’: Poste’s Gadus, III, § 190, p. 455. 

4 Maine, Ancient Law, 366-7. 

5 Cf. Leist, 4/+Arisches Fus Gentium, 314. 

6 “Tn omnibus istis plagis ac feritis superius descriptis, quae inter homines 
liberos eveniunt, ideo maiorem compositionem posuimus, quam antiqui nostri, ut 
faida, quod est inimicitia, post compositionem acceptam postponatur, et amplius 
non requiratur, nec dolus teneatur: sed caussa sit finita, amicitia manente”’: 
Edictum Rotharis, LXXIV: Walter, Corpus Furis Germanict, I, 693. 


243 


IO George E. Howard, 


systems of composition and expiation, whose very instructive 
development has recently been traced by. a master hand.! 
Among the Greeks of the Homeric Age the prosecution of 
the feud was condemned by moral sentiment, and the accep- 
tance of blood-money instead seems to have been the general 
rule; but it was still optional on the part of the aggrieved.” 
The action of the state took the form of arbitration, though 
in what we should now style civil causes she may already 
have possessed a limited compelling authority. Of such ar- 
bitration a most interesting picture is preserved in the often 
cited description of the shield forged for Achilles by the god 
Hephestos. Engraved upon the shield was the scene of a 
trial. ‘For two men contended for the ransom money of a 
slain man : the one affirmed that he had paid all, appealing to 
the people; but the other denied, (averring) that he had 
received nought.” The arbiters chosen were the ‘“ gerontes,” 
who “sat on polished stones in a sacred circle,” and ‘in the 
midst lay two talents of gold to give to him who should estab- 


1 By Leist, Alt+-Arisches Fus Centium, 276-446, in comparison with the 
Greeco-Italic systems. This work is a continuation of his Grédcottalische Rechts- 
geschichte (Jena, 1884). 

2 Thus, for example, Ajax tries to appease the wrath of Achilles, //ad, IX, 
632-9: Blackie, II, 300: 

*€ Man without mercy ! when a son was slain, or a dear brother, 
Blood-money oft the kinsman moved, his just revenge to smother; 
The blood-stained man within his clan remains when he hath paid 
The atoning gold; the kinsman feels his vengeful ire allayed 
By a just fine. But thou—the gods within thy breast did place 
An evil and implacable wrath, because of a fair face, 

One only. Seven more fair than she, and many gifts beside, 
Here at thy feet we fling.” 

For a discussion of various passages in the Homeric writings relating to com- 
positions, see Schémann, Aztiguities of Greece, 45-7; Freeman, Comparative 
Politics, 270 ff., 480; Grote, “story of Greece, II, 89-97; Jebb, Homer: An 
Introduction to the Iliad and Odyssey, 54; Gladstone, Fuventus Mundi, 384 ff. 
The legendary material relating to the blood-feud, comprised in the dramas of 
Aeschylos, as already stated, is critically examined by Leist, A/t-Arisches Fus 
Gentium, 423 ff. See also the last named author’s Grécottalische Rechtsge- 
schichte ; Petersen, Ursprung und Auslegung des heiligen Rechts bet den Griechen, 
in Philologus, Erster Supplementband (1860), 153-212; Hermann, Lehrbuch der 
gricchischen Antiquitéten, II, 112, IV, 369; Miiller, Aeschylos Eumeniden mit 
erlauternden Abhandlungen (Gottingen, 1838), 126-151; Platner, otiones Furis 
et Fusti ex Homert et Hesiodi Carminibus, 119 ff. 


244 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. II 


lish his claim among them.”* This sum has been variously 
regarded as the reward of the judges,” the wager forfeited by 
the loser,? and as the wergeld and wager combined. The 
first of these views, which is supported by the authority of 
Sir Henry Maine, is on the whole most in harmony with the 
spirit of primitive jurisprudence, though weighty objections 
to it have been.advanced by Mr. Hearn. The general 
character of the proceedings, however, is clearly revealed. It 
is an action for debt ® growing out of an alleged composition 
for homicide, in which the representatives of the state, the 
“‘serontes,” appear as arbiters. And in Homeric Greece it is 
probable that the choice of the state as referee, at least in 
cases of blood-guiltiness, was entirely voluntary: she pos- 
sessed as yet no power to compel a resort to her tribunals. 
The clan was still the chief executor of the peace. 

In Roman jurisprudence there are few traces of the: blood- 
feud or of its substitute the wergeld, save as mere. sur- 
vivals ;‘ and it is a striking proof of Rome’s comparatively 
early legal development, that both these phases have already 
been passed when even her traditional history begins.2 But 
it was precisely at Rome that the gens or clan occupied a 
place unique in history. Even after the Twelve Tables, the 
sacra gentilicta® long remained of considerable social impor- 


1 iad, Book XVIII, ll. 501 ff.: Bohn 7rans., p 351. 

2 Maine, Ancient Law, 364. 3 Grote, History of Greece, II, 73. 

4 Hearn, Aryan Household, 434-5: “ For my part, I hesitate to accept a mean- 
ing which implies such a singular competitive examination in judicial ability as 
that which assigns the two talents to the most popular judge; and the more so as 
the question raised — that of payment or non-payment — did not admit of the dis- 
play of much ingenuity. The magnitude of the sum, too, even when allowance 
has been made for the exaggeration of poetry, seems to suggest that it was, or at 

~ least that it included, the blood-money for some person of rank, rather than it was 
a fee for judicial services.” 

5 See the preceding note. 6 Sch6mann, Antiquities of Greece, 47-8. 

™ The earliest is a supposed law of Numa relating to involuntary homicide: 
Clark, Early Roman Law, 47-49, 60-61; Muirhead, Historical Introduction to 
the Private Law of Rome, 43, note 2, 52-3. 

8 Mommsen, Rémische Geschichte, I, 148. 

- 9% Muirhead, Historical Introduction, 11 3-14; Hearn, Aryan Household, 118, 
122 ff.; Maine, Ancient Law, 6, 185-6. 


245 


12 George E. Howard, 


tance. And the forms of Roman judicial process for many 
centuries bore witness to their origin in an age when viola- 
tions of the peace were not thought of as injuries to the state, 
and when self-help was the only means for preserving order. 

The most interesting examples of the archaic ceremonial 
of Roman law are preserved in the /egzs actiones. The legis 
actio sacramenti,’ “the undoubted parent of all the Roman 
actions, and consequently of most of the civil remedies now 
in use in the world,’ ? is the exact analogue, with regard 
to the point under consideration, of the Homeric trial just 
considered. But here the function of the state as arbiter is 
much more developed. Here the prztor, before whom 
the issue is joined, and the decemviral court, before which 
the final trial occurs, are the agents of the state, as were the 
“gerontes” in the former instance. The action is for the 
recovery of land or other property and takes the form of a 
wager. It is especially interesting as evidence, that early 
judicial procedure grew out of and preserved the semblance 
of a personal quarrel. In the various steps of the sacramen- 
tal action is preserved in symbolical form the whole history 
of the mode of settling disputes: the violent struggle, the 
casual interference of a third party —in this case the prz- 
tor, the resort to an arbiter —the decemviral court, and the 
deposit of a sacramentum to be forfeited by the loser; the 
latter foreshadowing the modern sazctzon of the law. 

Many other traces of self-redress are preserved in the 
Roman law. Originally “if aman had sustained from an- 
other any serious personal injury, he was entitled to demand 
an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth”; and “the nearest 
agnate was the person to whom the duty of exacting this 
vengeance pertained.” * If a man’s goods were stolen and “he 

1 Poste’s Gatus, IV, §§ 13-17, pp. 495-7. 

2Maine, Zarly History of Institutions, 252. See his discussion of the sacra- 
mental action, /J., chap. IX; Ancient Law, 362-5, 

3 Cf. Hearn, Aryan Household, 435-6; Poste’s Gaius, 497-8; Hadley, Roman 
Law, 78-85; Muirhead, “zst. Int. to Private Law of Rome, 186-97; Lange, 


Rimische Alterthiimer, 1, 168, 356, 368; Puchta, /rstitutionen, 1, 469-74; Ru- 
dorff, Romesche Rechtsgeschichte, 11, 77 ff. 4 Hearn, Aryan Household, 440. 


246 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 13 


suspected that they were in another man’s house, he might 
enter and search that house in a certain specified manner,} 
without any search warrant or other authority. If he then 
and there found the stolen goods, he might proceed as if the 
thief had been taken flagrante delicto.’* And a similar right 
of private search was authorized by the Attic law.? By the 
legis actio per pignorts captonem, or distress, the creditor, with- 
out the intervention of an officer, was allowed, in certain speci- 
fied cases, to distrain his debtor’s goods, even in the latter’s 
absence, provided “the distreinor used a set form of words.” 4 
Similarly by the /egzs actio per manus tnjectionem, or arrest, 
according to a provision of the Twelve Tables, the creditor 
was his own constable in an execution for debt, and he seized 
the person and not the property of the debtor. Thus, in the 
case of a nexal debtor, that is where the obligation was en- 
gendered by the primitive zexrwm or contract per aes et libram, 
the creditor might seize the delinquent after thirty days grace 
and cast him into his own prison,® provided he first took 
the debtor before the praetor to enable him, if he could, to 
establish before five witnesses the /2beratzo next or payment 
of the debt; and at the end of sixty days the debtor cafzte 


1 Poste’s Gazus, III, § 192, p. 445: Prohibiti actio quadrupli ex edicto Praetoris 
introducta est. Lex autem eo nomine nullam poenam constituit: hoc solum prae- 
cepit, ut qui quaerere velit, nudus quaerat, linteo cinctus, lancem habens; qui si 
quid invenerit, iubet id lex furtum manifestum esse. ‘“ Prevention of search ren- 
ders liable to fourfold damages, a penalty which the edict of the preetor first 
ordained. The Twelve Tables inflicted no penalty for such an offence, but directed 
that the subsequent searcher must be naked, only wearing a girdle, and carrying 
a platter in his hands, and made the ensuing discovery of stolen goods a detection 
of theft in the commission.” 2 Hearn, Aryan Household, 441. 

3... “und selbst im dinglichen Rechtsgebiete begegnet sie (Nothwehr) uns 
noch unmittelbar in der alterthiimlichen Form der Haussuchung, welche derjenige, 
der entwendetes Gut bei einem Mitbiirger versteckt glaubte, in Person, nur, um 
seinerseits keinen Verdacht zu erregen, méglichst entkleidet vornehmen musste ” : 
Thalheim, in Hermann’s Lehrbuch der Griechischen Antiquititen, 1, 112. 

4 Poste’s Gaius, IV, §§ 26-29, pp. 510 ff. Cf. Muirhead, Ais. Znt. to the 
Private Law of Rome, 214 ff., 51; Rudorff, Rémische Rechtsgeschichte, 11, 86-7; 
Puchta, /restitutionen, I, 479. 

> On the private gaols of the usurers, see Zzvy, VI, 36; and Poste’s Gadus, 
p- 508. 


247 


14 George £. Howard, 


poenas dabat — paid the forfeit with his life or was sold into 
slavery.1 The law respecting a judgment debtor was the 
same, unless a vezdexr appeared to challenge the validity of the 
judgment. The court declared the right, but expected the 
plaintiff, under her sanction, to arrest the debtor in execution 
of her decree* The right of the creditorito, impnseawis 
nexal debtor, often exercised with great cruelty, seems to 
have survived until the enactment of the er Poetilia Papiria, ® 
about the year 428 u.c. On the other hand, the judgment 
debtor was liable to private arrest and private imprisonment 
until the first century before the Christian era; and execution 
against his person was still possible in the age of Justinian, 
though execution against his estate had long since become 
the general rule. Moreover, as late as a.p. 389, a person 
who believed himself to be the owner of lands or other prop- 
erty, might, with virtual impunity, forcibly dispossess the 
holder. In that year it was interdicted under severe penalty 
by an imperial constitution ;° and thus a final blow was struck 
“by the Roman legislator at the archaic form of remedial 
procedure — private violence or self-redress.”’ ® 

But already a new race was taking possession of the Roman 


1 The provisions of the Twelve Tables are preserved by Aulus Gellius, oct. 
Adt., XX, 1, §§ 41 ff. The best discussion of the manzs injectio is given by Muir- 
head, ist. Znt., 157-8, 201-17, whom I have here followed. His searching 
criticism goes to show that the passage in the Twelve Tables relates to zexa/ as 
well as judgment debtors. Cf. also on the manus ¢njectio and personal execution, 
Puchta, Jrstitutionen, 1, 550 ff.; Rudorff, Romische Rechtsgeschichte, I, 105, 11, 
85; Hearn, Aryan Household, 445-6; Maine, Early History of Institutions, 257. 

2 Gaius, IV, § 21: “The procedure was as follows: the plaintiff said, ‘ whereas 
you have been adjudged or condemned to pay me ten thousand sesterces which 
you fraudulently have failed to pay, therefore I arrest you as judgment debtor for 
ten thousand sesterces,’ and at the same time laid hands on him; and the debtor 
was not allowed to resist the arrest, or defend himself in his own person, but gave 
a vindex to advocate his cause, or, in default, was taken prisoner to the plaintiff's 
house, and put in chains”: Poste, p. 506. 

3 Poste’s Gaius, p. 348. Cf. Muirhead, Hist. Znt., 53, 160-1. 

4 Cf. Muirhead, “ist. Znt., 96, 160-1, 212, notes; Hearn, Aryan Household, 
446; Hunter, Roman Law, 875; Poste’s Gaius, p. 348. 

5 By a constitution of the emperors Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius: 
Cod. 8, 4, 7. Cf. Poste’s Gazus, p. 465. 5 Poste’s Gaius, p. 466. 


248 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. « 15 


world, whose social condition was more archaic than was that 
of Rome in the period of her earliest tradition. In the Com- 
mentaries of Caesar our German ancestors are seen in the 
process of transition from the pastoral to the agricultural 
life! Here and there the ultimate political unit seems to 
have been the tribe or vélkerschaft ;2 elsewhere even this 
degree of development had not yet been reached, political 
sovereignty being still vested in the gau-state, —a union of 
localized gentes or stppen. Nowhere, however, does the inde- 
pendent clan-state appear. And in the age of Tacitus, as 
we have already seen, the gau has everywhere taken its place 
as a subordinate member of the tribe.* But the tie of kinship, 
though beginning slowly to relax, still survives as a strong 
political bond ; and hence for ages after settled life began, the 
ancient family or gentile unions exerted a hindering influ- 
ence on the development of society.° 


Cesar, De Bell. Gall., VI, 22: Agriculturae non student... . Neque quis- 
quam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios; sed magistratus ac principes 
in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coierunt, quantum 
et quo loco visum est agri attribuunt, atque anno post alio transire cogunt. On 
the Suevi, /4., IV, 1. In general on the Germans as described by Cesar, see 
Meitzen, Der Boden des preussischen Staates, 1, 344; Waitz, Verfassungsgeschichte, 
I, 92-102; Thudichum, Der Altdeutsche Staat, 91 ff.; Stubbs, Cozst. Hist., 1, 12- 
17; Maurer, “inlettung, 3,5; and especially the remarkable criticism of Hanssen, 
Agrarhistorische Abhandlungen, 77 ff., 91. ; 

2 Probably the czvitas of Czsar: De Bell. Gall., 1, 12; IV, 3; VI, 23, etc. 

8 This is the view of Dahn: “Zwar liegt die Zeit des Staates der Einzelsippe 
vor aller geschichtlichen Kunde, und sogar der Staat der verbundenen Sippen ist 
in den friihesten Berichten iiber germanische Verfassung, bei Julius Casar, ein 
halb Jahrhundert vor Christus, fast schon vollstindig ersetzt durch den Gaustaat 
(pagus) der verbundenen Gemeinden; nicht mehr blosser Geschlechterzusammen- 
hang, sondern die gemeinsame Siedelung bildet die Grundlage des Staatsver- 
bandes”: Deutsche Geschichte, 1, 184. Cf. 7b., pp. 187, 190. 

4See Tacitus, Germania, 10, 12-15, 19, 25, 30, 37, 41, for the principal passages 
relating to the czvz¢as or state in its relation to the pagws or gau (hundertschaft) 
and the wzczs or mark (localized sippe). 

5 Cf. Inama-Sternegg, Die Ausbildung der grossen Grundherrschaften in 
Deutschland, 6-24; and Dahn, Deutsche Geschichte, 1, 185 ff. In general, on the 
survival of the blood-bond, see Cxsar, De Bell. Gall., V1, 22, who states that land 
was granted gentibus cognationibusqgue; and Tacitus, Germania, c. 7, who says 
the army was organized according to famzliae et propinguitates : Schmid, Glossar, 
626; Waitz, Verfassungsgeschichte, 1, 76 ff., notes ; Maurer, Einlettung, 3, 4, 133 


249 


16 George E. Howard, 


* 


Speaking broadly, throughout the entire German world, . 


when history dawns, the state or volksverband has already 
gained the acceptance of her intervention in clan disputes. 
In practice, if not in theory, the unrestricted blood-feud is 
extinct. In its place, we find a vast system of compositions 
and penalties which the clan is allowed to administer, but 
under some restraint, however feeble, of a law superior to her 
own.! A new morality, a higher ethics, is beginning to trans- 
form the popular conception of the peace. Private vengeance 
is slowly assuming the character of public vengeance. Here 
and there the wronged party may still be entitled to self- 
redress ; but, if he appeal to the state, he may exercise the 
right only when the blood-money is not paid by the trans- 
gressor in accordance with her decree.*? These generalizations 


Thudichum, Der altd. Staat, 35; Walter, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 1, 17-20; 
Laveleye, Przmztive Property, 105-6; Hanssen, Agrarhist. Abhandl., 87; Dahn, 
Urgeschichte, 103-4; Arnold, Deutsche Urzett, 340; Kemble, Saxons, I, 56 ff.; 
Inama-Sternegg, Deutsche Wirthschafisgeschichte, 73 ff.; Wilda, Das Strafrecht der 
Germanen, 125 ff. 

1 Thus Tacitus, Germania, c. 21, describes the feud and compositions: “ Sus- 
cipere tam inimicitias, seu patris, seu propinqui, quam amicitias, necesse est: nec 
implacabiles durant. Luitur enim etiam homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum 
numero, recipitque satisfactionem universa domus: utiliter in publicum; quia 
periculosiores sunt inimicitiae juxta libertatem.” 

2 Wilda, Strafrecht, 167, 189. 

3 In the earliest English laws acceptance of the wergeld, when tendered, seems 
to have been obligatory. Opinions differ as to the earliest Teutonic usage. Thus 
Siegel, Geschichte des deutschen Gerichtsverfahrens, 9 ff., holds that choice between 
the feud and judicial action for recovery of the wergeld rested wholly with the 
aggrieved. Rogge, Das Gerichtswesen der Germanen, 5-7, 19-25, likewise main- 
tains that the wronged party might take the law into his own hands; but if redress 
were sought through process of law, then choice between payment of the wergeld 
and the feud belonged wholly to the transgressor: the court could not enforce the 
payment of composition. On the other hand Wilda, the principal authority on 
early criminal law, declares that the private (clan) feud was practically extinct. 
His great work is an elaborate defence of the relatively high development of the 
peace-jurisdiction of the primitive Germanic state. See S¢rafrecht, 160 ff., 189, 
184 ff, 197. Substantially in agreement with Wilda are Wachter, Beitrdge zur 
deutschen Geschichte, 41 ff.; Waitz, Das alte Recht, 185-8; [b., Verfassungsgeschichte, 
I, 70 ff., IV, 431 ff.; and Dahn, Dewtsche Geschichte, 1, 227-40, particularly p. 238, 
though he is more conservative respecting the early victory of the state over the 
clan. The provisions relating to the feud and compositions in each of the codes 


250 


——— 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. V7, 


are fully sustained by the evidence of the folk-laws. No- 
where among the Germanic peoples does the clan-feud appear 
in so primitive a form as in the Icelandic Gragas, the earliest 
code of the Scandinavian North.t Nowhere, says Wilda, is 
the identity between manslaughter and vengeance so clear, 
nowhere is the right to slay the offender before judgment so 
extended, as in the Gragas; therefore it is all the more in- 
teresting to note that even here the execution of vengeance 
is kept within certain limits, which are exactly defined by the 
law.2, On the other hand, the oldest text of the Ler Salica is 
silent as to private vengeance before legal process; but every 
one is provided with adequate means in the form of law for 
securing such reparation as Germanic custom approves.? 

The earliest English codes reveal the state already engaged 
in developing and enforcing a tariff of compositions, minutely 
graduated both according to the rank and dignity of the 
aggrieved and according to the character of the offence. 
Every limb, every joint, every feature of the human body has 
its assessed value.* Moreover, in all cases the state, as a 


of the Continental Germans are conveniently summarized by Davoud-Oghlou, 
fiistoire de la Legislation des anciens Germains. The faida is especially promi- 
nent in Lombard laws: /é., II, 13-15. Cf., in general, Grimm, Rechésalterthiimer, 
646 ff.; Walter, Deztsche Rechtsgeschichte, 1, 18 ff.; Arnold, Deztsche Urzett, 
339 ff; Schulte, Rezchs- und Rechtsgeschichte, 30-31, 347; Meyer, Lrstitetions 
Fudiciaires, 1, 24 ff. 

1 Gragas= German Graugans. This compilation is one of the most important 
sources used by Wilda, who gives special attention to the various Scandinavian 
codes. See his general discussion of them, Das Strafrecht der Germanen, 7-61. 

2 See the proofs collected in his Strafrecht, 160-62. 

3 Waitz, Das alte Recht, 186-7. Certain passages in later additions to the Zex, 
which have been regarded as proofs that vengeance was optional on the part of 
the aggrieved, are shown by Waitz to be capable of a contrary interpretation; /0., 
186, note 2. See Behrend, Lex Salica, c. XLI-III, LIV, LXII-III, pp. 52-6, 71, 
79-80, for the principal passages relating to homicide. The greater portion of the 
entire code is concerned with compositions. 

+ See especially the Laws or Démas of A®thelberht, consisting wholly of a 
tariff of compositions arranged in ninety paragraphs: Schmid, Gese¢ze, pp. 2-10; 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws, 1, 2-25. Very similar are the codes of Hlothar and Ead- 
ric, Wihtraed, Ine, and even those of Ailfred: Schmid, Gesetze, 10-58, 98-105; 
Thorpe, Ancient Laws, I, 26-43, 91-101, 102-51. For the three systems of wer- 
geld recognized in the early English codes— those of Wessex, Mercia, and East 


ZA 


18 George E. Howard, 


recognition of her sanction of the remedial action of the clan, 
demands that a portion shall come into her hands. This is 
the w7te of the Saxon laws,! called also fredum,” from “frith, 
peace, and dannum, from its proclamation (bannan).”® The 
wite is not the state’s share in the composition. It is its fee, 
the direct counterpart of the two talents of the Homeric pro- 
cedure and the sacramentum of the Twelve Tables. It isa 
survival, in fact, of the price of arbitration.* 


Anglia, see Schmid, Gese/ze, Anhang VII, 394-99, and Glossar, 675; Thorpe, 
Ancient Laws, 1, 186-91, and Index. In general, on the old English compositions, 
see Schmid, Glossar, at fyht-wite, wer-gild, wite, etc.; Kemble, Saxons, I, 267- 
88; Forsyth, 7rial by Fury, 48-50, 52, 61; Lea, Superstition and Force, 13- 
20; Freeman, Comp. Pol., 271-78; Konrad Maurer, Avz¢, Ueb., I, 30 ff., ILI, 
26 ff.; Davoud-Oghlou, Histoire de la Legislation des anciens Germains, II, 294- 
98, 344-54; Lssays in Anglo-Saxon Law, 124, 138, 144, 166-7, 279; Wilda, 
Strafrecht, 319, 386 ff.; Leo, Rectitudines, 180 ff.; Glasson, Histoire du Droit et 
des Institutions de L’ Angelterre, 1, 304 ff. 

1 For wite, see Schmid, Glossar, 679. The wz¢e was similar to the Danish 
lahslit: Essays in Anglo-Saxon Law, 280-81. 

2 Anglo-Saxon /r7éi, cognate with Old High German /rzdu, Middle High Ger- 
man vide, Modern German /riede, medieval Latin frzdus or fredus : see Schade, 
Altdeutsches Worterbuch, 1, 224; Kemble, Saxons, 1, 270, note ; Maine, Anczent 
Law, 365; Grimm, Rechtsalterthiimer, 657; Schmid, Glossar, 584. 

3 From Anglo-Saxon éannan, to proclaim or summon: Schade, Altdeutsches 
W orterbuch, 1, 39; Kemble, Saxons, 1, 270. According to Sohm, Reichs- und 
Gerichtsverfassung, 107 ff., the bannus is to be carefully distinguished on the one 
hand from the fredus, and on the other from the faidus or blood-money. The 
bannus is the penalty for the breach of the peace imposed by the authority of the 
magistrate — Anzfsgewalt; the fredus is the penalty paid to the state for a breach 
of the people’s peace — of Volksrecht. The bannus is thus the counterpart of the 
entire composition, which consists of faidus and fredus, not of the fredus alone. 
But with the development of magisterial authority the bannus absorbs the fredus 
— it enters into the system of composition, and both are comprehended by the 
later term Gewedde. Thus Sohm, in effect, recognizes two stages in the evolution 
of the public peace: the folkspeace, for the violation of which the fredus is paid; 
and the king’s (magistrate’s) peace, for the violation of which the bannus is ex- 
acted. Cf. Miillenhoff’s Glossary, in Waitz, Das alte Recht, 282; Meyer, [nstitu- 
tions Fudiciaires, 1, 41 ff.; Wilda, Strafrecht, 319; Walter, Deutsche Rechtsge- 
schichte, II, 381-4. 

4 Vite, German Wette, a bet, suggests the very essence of the Leg’s Actio 
Sacrament. 

The general term in old English law for the composition paid to the aggrieved 
is dof; that portion of the do¢ paid for minor breaches of the law or the peace — 
those of the first class, perhaps— was zed, peace-money in the narrow sense; 


252 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 19 


But the Saxon laws did not absolutely prohibit the feud ; it 
was still possible long after the Conquest for a private person 
legally to resort to it in default of payment of the wergeld. 
The general aim was to restrain private vengeance until the 
public tribunals had passed judgment on the offender, and 
the composition had been refused. After that the clansmen 
were still the executors of the peace. In this spirit are the 
enactments of Ine, ““lfred, Eadmund, and the so-called laws 
of Henry I, a compilation probably of the twelfth century. 
It is interesting also to note the persistent survival of the 
responsibility of the £27 in the blood-feud. Under Aéthel- 
berht (568-616) and A¢lfred (871-901) a portion of the wer 
must still be paid by the magan or kinsmen.? Not until 
Eadmund (940-946) were the relatives entirely. relieved of 
such liability, on condition of severing all connection with 
the transgressor.? But this law seems to have become a dead 
letter; for the liability of the sagan is recognized in the 
legislation of A*thelred and Canute;* but in the laws of 
Henry I the enactment of Eadmund was expressly restored.® 


that portion paid for manslaughter was the wergeld. The corresponding general 
term for the fee of the state was w7/e; and, at least in later times, that portion 
thereof corresponding to the sad was sometimes called fiAdwe¢e; and the part 
corresponding to the wergeld was called mandot, and went, usually, to the lord, 
when paid for the death of a dependent. But there were many special terms 
used for the fines due the state. Cf. Konrad Maurer, Av7¢. Ued., III, 45 ff.; 
Schmid, Gesetze, 628, 679; Wilda, Strafrecht, 319, 386 ff. 

Dime SOs) lmed. 42° sHadmund, Ll, 0s) Henny If 825$ 1, 2; 835.$ 13: 
Schmid, Gesetze, 24, 42, 94, 176, 479-80. On Atlfred’s laws, see Leo, Mectetu- 
dines, 180-81. 

2 Athelberht, 23; £lfred, 27: Thorpe, Anc. Laws, I, 8, 78; Schmid, Gese/sze, 
4, 86. 

3 Eadmund, II, 1: Thorpe, Anc. Laws, I, 248; Schmid, Geseéze, 176. 

4 Atthelred, VIII, 23; Canute, I, 5, § 2: Schmid, Gese¢ze, 246, 256. 

° Henry I, 88, § 12: Schmid, Gese¢ze, 484. However, as late as the reign of 
Edward IV, we find an instance of trial by battle and of composition for the 
blood of the slain: Freeman, Com. Pol., 278. The celebrated petne forte et dure 
of the English law long marked a survival of the right of self-redress. “If a 
prisoner refused to plead, the court had no authority to try him; and a severe 
course of treatment, which subsequently degenerated into a horrible torture, was 
used to extort the required consent”: Hearn, Aryan Household, 434. The reader 
will also remember the theory of Brentano, that the gilds, particularly the frith- 


253 


20 George E. Howard, 


(c). — The Frith or Folk's Peace. 


Few things in the history of legal ideas are more remark- 
able than this protracted struggle of the state with the clan 
for supremacy: her cautious, almost painful, advance from 
the position of a mere referee to that of a sovereign, clothed 
with power to punish all transgressions of right or of the 
peace as offences against herself, requiring centuries of 
patient watchfulness for its accomplishment. Gradually, 
however, the conception of a common public peace —the 
English frzth, the volksfriede of the German writers — was 
evolved. Various were the expedients and makeshifts, some 
of them as curious as they are instructive, through which the 
state sought to eke out and expand her authority. Of these 
the more important may be conveniently arranged in three 
groups. 

The first group comprises a great variety of rules which 
are prescribed in the ancient law-books and have as their 
common object ¢he restriction of the sphere of self-redress. 
By these are carefully defined the persons by whom, the times 
when, and the circumstances under which, reparation may be 
sought.! Savage forms of punishment are forbidden. Thus 
the avenger may not poison or torture his foe.2 If he slay 
him in sudden anger or in defence of his life or his goods, he 
must not conceal the deed. The law requires that he shall 
proclaim it before his neighbors, unless he would “make 


gilds, arose in the necessity of supplementing by artificial association the family 
(clan) compact, at a time when it was in process of dissolution, and when the 
authority of the state was not as yet adequate to take its place: Zhe Origin 
of Gilds, \xix, Ixxiv, |xxix, Ixxxvi, ci ff. Cf. Kemble, Saxoms, I, 258, 231. 
Brentano’s view is criticised by Gross, Gz/da Mercatoria, 8, note 2. Cf. Spencer, 
Principles of Sociology, Il, 468 ff.; Ochenkoski, Englands wirthschafiliche Ent- 
wickelung, 54 ff.; Winzer, Die deutschen Bruderschaften des Mittelalters, 24 ff.; 
Hartwig, Untersuchungen tiber die ersten Anfainge des Gildenwesens, 163. See 
also Seligman, Two Chapters on the Medieval Cuilds of England: Publications 
of the Am. Econ. Association, 11, 397-8: “The dissolution of the bond of kinship 
furthered, but certainly did not produce the early guilds.” 
1 Wilda, Strafrecht, 162. 2 Wilda, Strafrecht, 158. 


254 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 21 


“= 


room for an oath on behalf of the dead man, that his kindred 
may exculpate him” ;* or even that he shall formally accuse 
the body of the dead in open court, in order to facilitate the 
peaceful establishment of his own innocence.” In like spirit 
the Ler Ripuaria provides that the man who commits a Jjusti- 
fiable homicide shall publicly expose the body and watch it 
for a certain number of days, to see if the kindred of the slain 
will come to challenge him for the deed.? So also the state 
strove in various ways to render the degree of vengeance 
commensurate with the offence. For example, the exact 
words which shall be regarded as mortal insults are enumer- 
ated in the statutes ;4 a blow may be avenged, so long as the 
mark of it remains;®° the thief or the ravisher, surprised in 
the act, may be slain on the spot; but if the blood of the 
aggrieved have time to cool, then he may only seize and bind 
the malefactor and carry him before the court for trial.6 In 
the North, says Grimm, if a violent house-breaker be slain 
in the act, his death remains without compensation, provided 
the feet of the corpse fall within and the head without the 
house-yard (hofzaun); but, on the contrary, if the feet fall 
without and the head within, then the slayer is responsible 
for the blood-money.’ Another Scandinavian law makes the 
slayer liable for a special fine, if at the first meeting of the 
court (ding) after the event, he provoke the wrath of his 
adversary by tendering the wergeld in a voice loud enough 
to be heard throughout the entire assembly ; while a similar 


1Ine, 21: Thorpe, Ancient Laws, I, 117. Cf. also Ine, 35: Thorpe, Azec. 
Laws, 1,125. The Gragas requires that public announcement shall be made 
even when an outlaw —Waldginger —is slain: Wilda, Strafrecht, 159, 162-3. 

2 Sachsse’s Sachsenspiegel, I, art. 69, p. 114: “ We ok enen doden man. oder 
enen gewundeden man geuangenen uor gerichte uort. unde ene to eneme urede- 
brekere bereden wil mit kamp. oder ane kamp. en beredet he sin nicht. men seal 
ouer ene richten na uredes rechte.” Cf. the extracts from the Scandinavian 
codes in Wilda, Strafrecht, 163. 

8 Lex Ripuaria, Tit. LXXVII: Walter, Corpus Furis Germ. 1, 190. Cf. 
Wilda, Strafrecht, 159. 4 Wilda, Strafrecht, 161. 

5 Wilda, Strafrechi, 161. 8 7b., 165-6. 

7 Grimm, Rech/salterthiimer, 628. See similar examples in Wilda, S¢ra/frecht, 
165. 


255 


22 George L£. Howard, 


penalty must be paid if he neglect for more then twelve 
months to offer satisfaction! By these and various other 
devices, many of them resting upon such simple principles 
of justice anl humanity as would most readily gain the as- 
sent of primitive men, was the clan-feud circumscribed, and 
the habit of appeal to a higher jurisdiction gradually estab- 
lished. 

A more important means for the attainment of the same 
end was found in the differentiation of classes of offences. 
The first class comprised minor violations of right, for which 
the state began to insist on the acceptance of composition in 
all cases, —a custom which public sentiment had, doubtless, 
long encouraged. In the second class were embraced graver 
offences against the peace, such as blood-guiltiness. The 
offender in such cases was regarded as an outlaw; private 
vengeance was not forbidden, but the feud gained a new sanc- 
tion from the state, which gave its aid to the clan in the prose- 
cution. <A third class comprehended crimes, such as treason, 
which especially imperilled the existence of the state herself. 
These offences she insisted on taking entirely into her own 
hands, leaving to the clansmen only the duty of aiding in the 
apprehension of the transgressor.2 This classification, which 
gradually came into existence, determined the course of future 
development: when the first class had absorbed all of the 
cases originally contained in the second, and the third had 
absorbed the first, then was the system of self-help entirely 
superseded by public law; private wrongs or delicts had 
become public crimes. 

Finally, by a third process, co-operating with those already 
described, the surviving jurisdiction of the clan was broken 
up, and, in the end, handed over, as it were piecemeal, to the 
control of the state. This process, beginning in a very early 

1 Wilda, Strafrecht, 182. 

2 For this classification and a masterly discussion of the Fehde, see Konrad 
Maurer in Avitische Ueberschau, Ill, 26 ff. Compare the differentiation of crimes 
and offences as seen in the ancient Indic laws: Leist, 4/+-Arisches Fus Centium, 


276-384. Especially interesting is his discussion of the evolution of murder from 
the original crime of Jarricide: Tb., 323, 443, 445, etc. 


256 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 23 


period, consisted in the gradual establishment of so-called 
higher peaces. Certain places, times, or persons, even cer- 
tain objects, such as the plough of the husbandman, were in a 
manner ‘sequestrated’ from the operation of the common 
law and placed under the sanction of superior bot and wite. 
Thus there was a special house-peace,! a church-peace,? a 
forest-peace,’ a peace for the palace, even for the temporary 
residence of the king. In like manner, during seed-time and 
harvest, market days and festivals, civil moots and the gath- 
ering of the host, a truce was declared: the clansman must 
forego the feud or seek it at his peril. Moreover, the orphan, 
the widow, and the priest were each shielded from violence 
by heavy penalties. But the higher peace is especially inter- 
esting in its relation to the king. He was its beneficiary in 
two ways. In the double capacity of folk-leader and official 
magistrate, not only was his personal safety and that of his 
entire household hedged about by the strongest guaranties, 
but the administration of the higher peaces themselves was 
largely entrusted to him and his reeves. Later, as in Eng- 
land with the rise of the feudal thegnship, all places, all times, 
and all persons were gradually brought within his jurisdic- 
tion. And thus the higher peaces, many of which were in 
their origin exceptional and artificial, representing at once 
the encroachment of the folk upon the clan and that of the 
magistrate upon the folk, appear as an important — perhaps 


1 See Schmid, Glossar, 607, for references to passages in the old English laws 
from which the house-peace may be inferred. Cf. Wilda, Strafrecht, 241-5; 
Dahn, Deztsche Geschichte, 251. 

2A. S. ciric-frith, later, ciric-grith. Cf. /Ethelberht, 1; Flfred, 2, § 5; 
Eadgar, II, 5; Aithelred, VI, 14, VIII, 1, 3, 4: Schmid, Gesefze, 2, 72, 188, 230, 
242-4; and Schmid’s Glossar, 544, 584-5. Cf. Wilda, Strafrecht, 248-53. 

3 Meyer, Lnstitutions Fudictaires, I, 42. 

4 Tam longe debet esse pax regis a porta sua, ubi residens erit, a quatuor par- 
tibus loci illius, hoc est: tria miliaria, et III quarentinae, et IX acrae latitudine, 
et IX pedes, et IX palmae et IX grana ordei. Multus sane respectus esse debet, 
ac multa diligentia, ne quis pacem regis infringat, maxime in ejus vicinia: Zeges 
fen. Primi, 16: Schmid, Gesetze, 446. Cf. 7b., Anhang XII and Anhang IV, 9, 
15, pp. 410, 384-5. 


257 


24 George L. Howard, 


the most important — expedient by which the national peace 
was transformed into the peace of the king.! 


(2). — The King’s Peace. 


In these various ways the /rzz/ or national peace came into 
existence. But what was the exact significance of the term 
peace? What idea did it convey to our predecessors? A 
great authority has thus expressed the answer which the 
sources afford: “ The bond which held individuals together, 
the legal environment (zustand) in which they lived, which 
surrounded them, was the peace according to the German 
conception. The peace is the relation in which all stand 
whilst and in so far as all continue in the union and under 
the law upon which the community rests. Whoever acts 
contrary to this commits a breach of the peace. A breach of 
the peace is unright ; the violation of right is a breach of the 
peace. Whoever thus breaks the peace, though in respect to 
a single individual, does violence to all; for he violates that 
sacred ordinance (ordnung) under which all stand and through 
which alone their union has a meaning.” ? 

How utterly incomprehensible to the archaic mind would 
have been the conception embodied in this definition! Al- 
ready, however, when our ancestors settled in Britain, they 
were beginning to be familiar with it. And the way in 
which the peace is constantly spoken of in the law-books is 
curious and instructive. It appears as a vivid, almost objec- 
tive reality. The very distinctness of the conception shows 
that it was materialized, viewed in a concrete form. It is 
another example of the psychological paradox of the Middle 
Ages, brought out by Mr. Bryce in his discussion of the 
theory of the Holy Roman Empire? The most far-reaching 
generalizations with a tendency to embody them in concrete 

1 On the higher peaces, see further Stubbs, Comst. Hist, 1, 181, ote 2; Wilda, 
Strafrecht, 224-64; Meyer, Institutions Fudiciaires, 1, 42-3; Poste’s Gazus, p. 
466; Dahn, Dewtsche Geschichte, I, 250-1. 

2 Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, 1, 391-2. 


3 Holy Roman Empire, 89-121. 
258 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 25 
symbols constitutes a strange and ever present contradiction. 
The conception of a wrong to the individual as primarily a 
crime against the state, implies an immense mental stride on 
the part of the clansman. 

An illustration of this tendency to the concrete is found in 
the history of the king’s relation to the National Peace. For 
everywhere throughout the Aryan world may be discerned 
two tendencies, often overlapping and gradually supplement- 
ing each other. The first is the tendency already described : 
with the dissolution of the gentile bond and the consequent 
expansion of the state’s dominion, the clan-peace slowly 
yields to the common peace of the folk —the mand becomes 
absorbed in the fvz¢h. On the other hand, as the source of 
all power is vested more and more in the magistrate, in a 
monarch, the frith becomes transformed into the peace of the 
king.t| Nowhere can the operation and results of this dual 
process be more instructively studied than in the growth of 
the English kingdom. Previous to the West Saxon empire 
of the tenth century, the people themselves, and not the 
king, were the source of justice. The peace was the peo- 
ple’s peace; the king was only its guardian and executor. 
But the position of the king as the dispenser of justice and 
guardian of the peace was from a very early period important 
and distinctly recognized. At least a portion of the wete 
belonged to him ;? and it rested with him to accept a com- 
mutation in money for even the most heinous crimes against 
the state? Moreover, from the very beginning, there was a ~ 
tendency to confound the state with the personality of the 
king ; to make him a visible symbol of the commonwealth. 
By degrees, as the petty tribal states were absorbed in the 


1 In this connection should be read the section in Sohm’s Reichs- und Gerichts- 
verfassung, I, 102-46, on “ Volksrecht und Amtsgewalt.”” He holds that the 
process by which the administration of the peace was vested in the king or magis- 
trate was a part of the tendency by which the customary law, js civi/e, was super- 
seded or supplemented by the law of the magistrate, Amtsrecht or jus honorarium. 

2 See, for example, AXthelberht, 6, 9; Hlothar and Eadric, 11, 12, 13, 14; 
Ine, 23, 27: Schmid, Geseéze, 2, 12, 14, 30, 32. 

8 Stubbs, Const. Hist., 1,.179-81; Konrad Maurer, AKvz¢. Ued., III, 51. 


259 


26 George E. Howard, 


so-called Heptarchic kingdoms, and these, in their turn, were 
consolidated into one empire, the prerogatives of the mon- 
arch grew and his attributes expanded. By the tenth cen- 
tury, he was not only the national landlord and the source of 
honor, but the source of justice as well. The peace was the 
king’s peace, just as the old folk-land had become practically 
terra vegis. Nay, as if to make the personification consist- 
ent, the national peace was spoken of indifferently as either 
the frith or the mund of the king.! 

This new theory that the peace belonged to the king and 
not to the people, had a curious and disastrous consequence. 
After the Norman Conquest it was held by the lawyers that 
the reign of law ceased with the death or deposition of the 
sovereign. During each interregnum crime and violence and 
all forms of anarchy ran riot and there was no power to pun- 
ish. The king was dead and the law had died with him. 
Edward I was the first monarch who reigned before he 
was regularly crowned: and even in his case there was an 
interregnum of four days. Not until many reigns later was 
the doctrine that the king never dies fully established.” 

In England as elsewhere it was in the lower range of legal 
procedure that the weakness of the royal authority was 
longest revealed. This fact may be well illustrated by notic- 
ing briefly a topic to which Sir Henry Maine has devoted two 
of the most valuable chapters of his Early History of Institu- 
tions ®— the law of pignoration or distress. The right of the 


1 Konrad Maurer, Avi¢. Ued., III, 52. On the expansion of the English king- 
dom and the rise of the king’s peace, see Stubbs, Comsz¢. //is¢., 1, chaps. VI, VII; 
Freeman, Vorman Conquest, I, 1-99; Comp. Pol., chap. 1V; Green, The Con- 
quest of England. Cf. Wilda, Strafrecht, 253-64, for the continental Germans; 

and Leist, A/+Arisches Fus Gentium, 341-72, for the genesis and development 
of the king’s jurisdiction in India. 

2 Palgrave, Commonwealth, 1, 284-5; Allen, Royal Prerogative, 44 ff.; Stubbs, 
Const. HHist., II, 103; Hearn, Aryan Household, 449. Is not the wardstaff, 
which was annually sent from town to town and from manor to manor in ancient 
Essex, as a symbol of the king’s person and of the entrance of the peace, an 
example of the tendency to incorporate abstract conceptions in concrete images? 
For the “ Tale of the Wardstaff,” see Palgrave, Commonwealth, I, clvii-clxii. 

8 Chaps. IX, X. 


260 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 27 


aggrieved to seize the chattels or other belongings of a delin- 
quent as a pledge or means for compelling the performance 
of a duty, the payment of a debt, or the reparation of a wrong, 
is everywhere recognized in primitive jurisprudence. And as 
an expedient for facilitating the peaceable settlement of dis- 
putes instead of a resort to battle, it is only second in interest 
to the wergeld itself. In modern legal systems private dis- 
tress either holds a very insignificant place, or else it has 
entirely ceased to exist. But, stated broadly, the further we 
ascend the stream of development, the greater does its rela- 
tive importance become. Thus the Roman piguoris capio, 
already mentioned, could be employed, as Gaius informs us, 
only in a few specified cases where there seemed to be urgent 
necessity for speedy action.!_ Here distress appears as a mere 
survival ; for Roman law is remarkable for its early maturity. 
On the other hand, in the East, self-redress occupies a much 
broader field. The code of Manu as interpreted by Brihaspiti 
prescribes five different modes of private execution in en- 
forcing the payment of a debt. Violence is sanctioned by 
the law. The creditor may seize the delinquent debtor, carry 
him to his own house, and force him by threats and blows, to 
satisfy the obligation ; or he may compel him to pay “by con- 
fining his wife, his son, or his cattle, or watching constantly 
at his door.’’ Only when the obligation ceases to be “ mani- 
fest” and may be contested by the defendant, does private 
execution cease and the intervention of the courts begin.? 
Connected with the custom of ‘watching constantly at 
the door” is the form of distress called ‘sitting dharna,” or 
“sitting in arrest,” still practised among Brahminical families 
of India. This extraordinary “hunger-duel,” as it is charac- 


1“ By custom,” the soldier could distrain upon his paymaster for his pay; for 
money to buy a horse; or to buy barley to feed the latter. “The Twelve Tables 
rendered liable to distress on default of payment the buyer of a victim and the 
hirer of a beast of burden lent to raise money for a sacrifice”: Gaius, IV, §§ 27-8; 
Poste, pp. 510-11. Cf. Maine, Zarly Hist. of Inst., 257 ff. 

2 See the enumeration and a discussion of the modes of procedure authorized 
by Manu, in Leist, 4lt-Avrisches Fus Gentium, 473-83; and compare Maine, 
Early Hist. of Inst., 297-8. 


261 


28 George E.. Howard, 


terized by Leist,! is thus described: “The inviolability of the 
Brahmin is a fixed principle with the Hindoos, and to deprive 
him of life, either by direct violence or by causing‘his death 
in any mode, is a crime which admits of no expiation. To 
this principle may be traced the practice called dharna. . . . 
It is used by the Brahmins to gain a point which cannot be 
accomplished by any other means, and the process is as 
follows: The Brahmin who adopts this expedient . . . pro- 
ceeds to the door or house of the person against whom it is 
directed, or wherever he may most conveniently arrest him ; 
he then sits down in dharna with poison, or a poignard, or 
some other instrument of suicide in his hand, and threatening 
to use it if his adversary should attempt to molest or pass him, 
he thus completely arrests him. In this situation the Brahmin 
fasts, and by the rigour of etiquette the unfortunate object of 
his arrest ought to fast also, and thus they both remain till 
the institutor of the dharna obtains satisfaction. In this, as 
he seldom makes the attempt without the resolution to perse- 
vere, he rarely fails; for if the party thus arrested were to 
suffer the Brahmin sitting in dharna to perish by hunger, the 
sin would forever lie upon his head.” 2 

It is a rule at the present hour all over the East, says 
Maine, ‘‘that a creditor who requires payment from a debtor 
of a higher rank than himself ‘shall fast upon him.’”’ Thus, 
in Persia, “a man intending to enforce payment of a demand 
by fasting begins by sowing some barley at his debtor's door 
and sitting down in the middle. The symbolism is plain 
enough. The creditor means that he will stay where he is 
without food, either until he is paid or until the barley-seed 
grows up and gives him bread to eat.” ® And it is remark- 
able that fasting is also recognized in the Senchus Mor, a 
collection of ancient Irish customs, the date of whose compi- 
lation is unknown. “Rather more than half” of this code is 


1 Leist, 4/t+-Arisches Fus Gentium, 478. 
2 Lord Teignmouth, in Forbes’ Ortental Memoirs, Il, 25, cited by Maine, 
Early Hist. of Inst., 299. 
3 Whitley Stokes, in Maine, arly Hist. of Inst., 297. 
262 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 29 


taken up with the law of distress; and distress there appears 
“to be the universal method of prosecuting claims of all kinds,” 
but it must be accompanied by notice, witnesses, “stays,” and 
other legal restrictions, showing that the state has already 
encroached considerably on the domain of self-redress.! 

Distress is recognized by nearly all of the early Germanic 
codes. It is forbidden by the laws of the West Goths. 
Among the Lombards it may be resorted to after simple 
demand of satisfaction; while according to the Ler Salica it 
may be used even in cases of breach of contract; but “a suc- 
cession of notices has to be given in solemn form by the 
complainant to the person of whom he complains, and whose 
property he proposes to seize. Nor can he proceed to seizure 
until he has summoned this person before the popular court, 
and until the popular officer of the court, the Thunginus, has 
pronounced a formula licensing distraint.” Still, this is ‘not 
a strictly judicial procedure, but rather a procedure regulating 
extrajudicial redress.” 2 

But nowhere can the cautious and tardy processes by which 
the state built up her jurisdiction, preserving so far as possi- 
ble the forms of self-help which she found already in use, be 
studied to better advantage than in the ancient English 
actions of distress and replevin. Although it may have had 
a broader application before the Norman Conquest, the action 
by distress, in the age of Henry III, was practically restricted 
to the seizure of the chattels of a tenant for arrears of rent 
or service; ora stranger’s cattle found trespassing on another 
person’s grounds. By the common law neither notice nor 


1 “ Notice precedes every distress in the case of the inferior grades except it be 
by persons of distinction. Fasting precedes distress in their case. He who does 
not give a pledge to fasting is an evader of all; he who disregards all things 
shall not be paid by God or man”: Senchus Mor, 1,113: Maine, Early Hist. of 
Inst., 297. 

2 Maine, Early Hist. of Inst, 270-71. See Behrend, Lex Salica, c. L, pp. 
65-8, for the text of the law. 

3 For the law of distress and replevin, see Horne, A/irroir des Justices (Lon- 
don, 1642), 156-60; Greenwood, Curia Comitatus Rediviva, 36-53; Blackstone, 
Commentaries, III, 6-13, 412; Powell, 4A Treatise of the Antiquity, etc., of the 


263 


30 George E.. Howard, 

the aid of an officer was required. The whole procedure in 
making the distress is full of significance for our present pur- 
pose. Let us avail ourselves of Mr. Maine’s vivid description 
of it: ‘The person assuming himself to be aggrieved seized 
the goods (which anciently were almost always the cattle) of 
the person whom he believed to have injured him or failed in 
duty towards him. He drove the beasts to a pound, an 
enclosed piece of land reserved for the purpose, and gener- 
ally open to the sky. Let me observe in passing that there 
is no more ancient institution in the country than the Village 
Pound. It is far older than the King’s Bench, and probably 
older than the Kingdom. While the cattle were on their 
way to the pound the owner had a limited right of rescue 
which the law recognised, but which he ran great risk in 
exercising. Once lodged within the enclosure, the im- 
pounded beasts, when the pound was uncovered, had to be 
fed by the owner and not by the distrainor; nor was the rule 
altered till the present reign. The distrainor’s part of the 
proceedings ended in, fact with the impounding.”! The 
object of the distress was simply to enforce, “extort,” pay- 
ment. Originally the distrainor had no right to sell the chat- 
tels in order to realize the amount of his claim. But if the 
owner of the cattle denied the right of the plaintiff to dis- 
train, he might avail himself of the action of ‘“replevin.” At 
his request or by command of a writ issued from chancery, 
the king’s officer, the sheriff, took the cattle out of the pound 
and gave them into the owner’s hands, on condition that the 
latter should give security to abide by the judgment of the 
court. The replevin was in fact a sort of re-distress—a giv- 
ing back? in a new form of a pledge in exchange for the 
one which the distrainor surrendered. ‘The comparative 


Ancient Courts of Leet (London, 1641), 33-7; Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, Il, 
305-11; Sullivan, Lectures on the Const. and Laws of England, 100-105. 

1 Maine, Zarly Hist. of Lnst., 263. 

2 Replevy, from Fr. re (Lat. ve), again; and A/evir, to warrant, give pledges. 
Plevir is probably from Lat. praebere, to afford, hence to offer a pledge: Skeat, 
Lim, Dict., 502. 

264 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 31 


antiquity of the various steps in the procedure are not... . 
difficult to detect. Nothing can be more archaic than the 
picture presented by its more venerable details. The seizure 
of the cattle, the rescue, and the counter-seizure belong to the 
oldest practices of mankind. ... Here, not in a city-com- 
munity, but among the ancient legal forms of a half-pastoral, 
half-agricultural people, we come upon plain traces of a foray. 
But the foray which survives in the old Law of Distress is 
not, like the combat of the ancient Roman Action (the sacra- 
mentum), a mere dramatic representation. Up to a certain 
point it is a reality, and the most probable account of its ori- 
gin is that it is a genuinely disorderly proceeding which the 
law steps in to regulate.” The king, through his tribunals, 
was as yet unable to take the whole proceedings into his own 
hands.! 


II. RISE OF LOCAL PEACE-MAGISTRATES. 


(2). — Old English Police Admintstration. 


Thus far we have been concerned primarily with the origin 
and nature of the public peace. Incidentally we have seen 
that the clan-chief, the house-father, was the original peace- 
officer. Indeed, the patriarchal authority would seem to be 
the germ from which all the magistracies of the world, from 
the constable to the king, have been evolved? Let us now 
trace the history of the agencies gradually called into being 
by the unfolding state for the purpose of maintaining her 
authority and administering her jurisdiction, particularly in 
the local communities. 

From the settlement in Britain the folk-moots were the 
only police and justice tribunals. In the tenth century these 
were the hundred and shire courts, composed each of town- 


1 Maine, Zarly Hist. of Inst., 265, 268. 

2 «Es ist zweifellos, dass der indische rajan, der italische rex, der griechische 
basileus eine historisch zusammenhingende altarische Institution sind. Des 
KGnigs Stellung ist bei allen diesen Vélkern die erweiterte des Hausvaters”’: 
Leist, A/t-Arisches Fus Gentium, 342. 


265 


32 George E. Howard, 


ship-representatives, together with all lords of land within 
the district, and having equal authority to declare folk- 
right in all cases, civil or criminal. Judgments were usually 
rendered in each by a committee of the suitors, called the 
“twelve senior thegns.” The sheriff was the peace magis- 
‘trate of the shire, exercising authority as the king’s appointed 
agent ; the ealdorman commanded the fyrd; while the tith- 
ingman and hundredman, as ministerial officers of the smaller 
communities, were the forerunners of the petty and high con- 
stables of later times. Without doubt, these started the 
“hue and cry,” and led in the pursuit of the peace breaker. 
But the people themselves were largely entrusted with police 
administration ; and as the kingdom grew and the population 
increased, special regulations for the direction of their action 
began to appear. 

One of the earliest of these preserved in the written codes 
is the law of A£thelstan (925-940) requiring that each land- 
less (lordless) man shall find a surety who shall be responsi- 
ble for his conduct.! A decree of Eadmund (940-946), quaint 
and almost pathetic in its tone, reads: “Also I thank God 
and you all that you have stood by me well,and for the peace 
which we now have in respect to theft; likewise I trust in 
you that you will render all the more aid in this matter ; as 
it is more needful for us all that it (the peace) should be 
maintained.”? Here the people are themselves still the 
keepers of the peace. 

A law of Eadgar provides, in case of any violation of the 
peace (neod), that the hundredman shall notify the tithing- 
man, and then a// are to go forth in search of the malefactor.® 
Another throws light on the great publicity of old English 
life, where everything was done openly, and communal claims 
encroached largely upon that which now is left to the dis- 
cretion of the individual. This law establishes “witnesses of 


bargains”’ in every borough and hundred, a kind of notaries, 


1 Aithelstan, II, 2: Schmid, Gesetze, 132-3. 
2 Eadmund, II, 5: Schmid, Gese¢ze, 178-9. 
3 Eadgar, I, 2: Schmid, Gesefze, 182. 


266 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 33 


without whose co-operation nothing may be bought or sold in 
the community. The man who purposes to ride forth to 
purchase an ox or a horse must tell his “neighbor” of the 
fact, and when he returns must make known who were the 
witnesses to the purchase, else he is liable to be seized as a 
thief.1 A third law of the same king is of greater historic 
importance in this connection, and may be regarded as a 
development of that of A£thelstan already cited. Every one 
is required to furnish a surety, who shall be liable in case of 
misconduct for what may seem just. Should the thief be 
produced within twelve months, the sum forfeited is to be 
restored to the surety. In case any one refuses or is unable 
to find a surety, or is persistent in wrongdoing after thrice 
being summoned to appear before the hundred moot, mem- 
bers of that body are enjoined to take him dead or alive and 
seize his goods. Out of the latter the injured is to be satis- 
fied, and what remains is to be divided between the “lord” 
and the hundred in equal parts. The open thief and the 
traitor to his lord shall have no mercy, save through the 
grace of the king.” 

The police machinery of the old English was greatly sup- 
plemented by an institution dating from the reign of /£thel- 
red (978-1016), which by some writers is regarded as the 
germ of the grand jury: Every wapentake shall have its 
moot; and the “twelve senior thegns,” together with the 
reeve, are to go forth and present all criminals, being sworn 
on the halidom to accuse none falsely and to suffer no guilty 
one to escape.? Whether this institution was permanent or 
existed throughout all England, it is impossible to say; but 
the “twelve senior thegns,”’ who acted as judges and jury in 
each hundred and shiremoot, may have performed the same 
duties.+ 

Canute (1016-1035) required every person over twelve 


1 Kadgar, IV, 3-11: Schmid, Gesefze, 196-7. 
* Eadgar, III, 6, 7: Schmid, Geseéze, 190-93. 
3 Athelred, III, 3: Schmid, Gesefzse, 213-15. 
4 Stubbs, Coms¢. Hist., 1, 102-3, 115. 


267 


34 George £. Howard, 


years of age to take an oath “not to be a thief or a receiver 
of such” ;4 and under severe penalty commanded every one 
who discovers a thief to raise the hue and cry, and all who 
hear the cry, to join in the chase.” 

But the most noteworthy law of this monarch relating to 
the peace is one which, besides enforcing the system of sure- 
ties as in the laws of Eadgar, provides that every freeman of 
whatever condition (heorthfaest or folgere), over twelve years 
of age, shall be in a hundred and ina tithing, in order to enjoy 
the protection of the law.? This probably refers, suggests 
Bishop Stubbs, “to the obligation of the hundred and the 
tithing to pursue and do justice on the thief.” * The police 
regulation of Canute just mentioned has given rise to a great 
deal of controversy. Many regard it as the origin of the 
Jrithborh or frankpledge. But the weight of authority is 
against this view. The confusion results largely from a 
similarity of names ; but the regulation of Canute may have 
been a stage in the development of the frankpledge. ‘“ The 
laws of Eadward the Confessor, a compilation of supposed 
Anglo-Saxon customs issued in the twelfth century, contain 
a clause on which the later practice of frankpledge is founded, 
but which seems to originate in the confusion of the two 
clauses of the law of Canute. By this article, which describes 
itself as a comparatively recent enactment, all men are bound 
to combine themselves in associations of ten, to which the 
name of fv7thborh is given in the South and that of tenman- 
netale in the North of England. Each association has a 
headman, a ‘capital pledge,’ dorhs-caldor or frith-borge-head, to 
manage the business of the ten. Thus constituted, they are 
standing sureties for one another: if one break the law, the 
other nine shall hold him to right; if they cannot produce 
him, the capital pledge with two of his fellows, and the head- 


1 Canute, II, 21: Schmid, Gesefze, 283. 2 Canute, II, 29: Schmid, Geseéze, 286. 

3 Canute, II, 20: Schmid, Gesetze, 280-1. 4 Stubbs, Comst. Hist., 1, 87. 

° For the literature on the question of Gesammdébiirgschaft, see Konrad Maurer, 
Krit. Ueb., 1, 87 f. See also Glasson, Histoire du Droit et des Institutions de 
L’ Angelterre, 1, 62-75. 


268 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 35 


men and two others out of each of the three nearest frz¢h- 
borhs, are to purge their association of complicity in the 
flight of the criminal, or to make good the mischief he has 
done. The association of ten is called also the tithing, and 
the capital pledge, the ¢tizzg-man.”1 Subsequently this 
system was kept in order by the local courts through what 
was called the “view of frankpledge,”’ for which purpose the 
capital pledge and others of the tithing appeared as repre- 
sentatives of the township.” 

After the Norman Conquest, in the ages preceding the 
advent of special commissions, the machinery for maintaining 
the peace was certainly formidable in appearance.’ The 
sheriff, as chief peace officer of the shire, had gained increased 
authority. On simple request, “without any writ sent unto 
him,” he might ‘command a man to find sureties of the 
peace by recognisance.” * The duties of constables of town- 
ships and hundreds were defined, though the offices were not 
created, by the writ enforcing the Assize of Arms, 1252, and 
the Statute of Winchester, 1285.° And after Richard I, 
1194, the coroner became a potent aid to the sheriff.® 

In addition to these agencies, many of the great officers of 
state were at “common law” regarded as ex officio conserva- 


1 Stubbs, Cost. Hist, 1, 87-8. 

2 For the best statement of the historical connection between the view of 
frankpledge and the presentments of the leet jury, see Mr. Maitland’s Introduc- 
tion to the Select Pleas in Manorial and other Seignorial Courts: Selden Society, 
II, xxvii-xxxviii; and for several examples of presentments by the capital pledge 
(tithingman) and his tithing, see /é., II, 161-75. Cf. Horne, Afirroir des Lus- 
tices, 109-1143; Powell, A Treatise of the Antiquity, etc., of the Ancient Courts of 
Leet, 45 ff. 

8 See particularly the classification of peace officers in Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 
11-19. Cf. Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, UI, 201-2; Stephen, Hist. of the Crim. 
Law, I, 184 ff.; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 350; Burn, Fustice of the Peace, 
421; Dalton, Country Fustice, 1-2. Wright, Zhe Office of Magistrate, 1. 

4 Lambard, Ezrenarcha, 13. 

5 For the text of these statutes, see Stubbs, Select Charters, 370 ff., 469 ff. 
The Statute of Winchester is printed in Statutes at Large, I, 230-6. Cf. Stephen, 
fist. of Crim. Law, I, 188. 

6 Gneist, II, 41; Adams, Morman Constables, 9; Stephen, Hist. of the Crim. 
Law, I, 217. 


269 


36 George E£. Howard, 


tors of the peace, and in this capacity they had police juris- 
diction. Such were the lord chancellor, the lord treasurer, 
the vice-chancellor, the lord steward, the lord high constable, 
the lord marshal, the justices of the king’s bench, and the 
king himself. These exercised authority throughout the 
whole realm. Other dignitaries were conservators within 
certain limits. Thus the justices of the common pleas and 
the barons of the exchequer were guardians of the peace 
within the precincts of their respective courts; and the 
justices of assize might ‘‘award a man to prison that break- 
eth the peace in their presence, . . . command the keeping 
of the peace under a paine, and that weapons be taken from 
the jurors or witnesses, that appear before them, if any com- 
plaint be thereupon made”; but as merely justices of assize, 
they could ‘neither take suretie of the peace, nor award any 
processe for it.’1 In like manner the marshal and the 
steward of the king’s house were conservators of the peace 
within the dwelling; as, by prescription, was the steward of 
the Marshalsea within the verge.? Finally the steward of the 
sheriff's tourn or other court leet, while in the execution of 
his office, could take presentment of any offence against the 
peace or commit to ward any one engaging in an affray in his 
presence.® 

As there were many officers, so there were various tribunals 
possessing police jurisdiction. The sheriffs’ tourn sat twice 
a year in each hundred of the shire to view frankpledge and 
try causes. The courts leet of the manors and boroughs, 
meeting also twice each year,t possessed criminal jurisdiction. 
The old county court, under presidency of the sheriff, con- 
tinued to exercise a remnant of its original power, though 


1 Lambard, Eirenarcha, 13. 2 Lambard, Zirenarcha, 13. 

8 But the steward and suitors of a court baron could not commit to custody: 
Lambard, Zirenarcha, 14. On these ex officio conservators, cf. Dalton, 7he 
Country Fustice, 1-6; Burn, Festice of the Peace, 421; Blackstone, Commentartes, 
I, 349-50. 

* Gneist, II, 166, 170. On the classification of courts in the age of Edward I, 
see Maitland’s Introduction to Select Pleas in Manorial Courts: Selden Society, 
II, pp. xv ff. 


270 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. ay, 


after magna charta, it, as well as other local tribunals, lost 
the right to try pleas of the crown, in favor of the plenus 
comitatus or full county court assembled before the king’s 
justices.! 

But all these various means for securing order were entirely 
inadequate. No court competent to punish offences was 
held save at long intervals. The view of frankpledge became 
burdensome. Complaints that the peace was not kept were 
incessant ; and even in the days of Edward I the Statute of 
Winchester discloses a deplorable state of social disorder.” 
There was need, in short, of a local and permanent peace- 
magistracy, with power to try and punish, and whose tribunals 
should be always open. And now begins an interesting 
series of experiments in the creation of special “‘ commissions.” 


(6). — Milites Assignati, Conservatores, et Custodes Pacis. 


In 1195, under Richard I, a proclamation was issued which 
marks an epoch in the history of the justice of the peace. 
All persons above the age of fifteen were required to swear 
“according to the old law of Canute, not to be thieves or 


1 Magna Charta, c. 24: Thompson, Magna Charta, 76, 77, 111; Creasy, 
Ling. Const., 127-29; Stubbs, Select Charters, 300; Const. Hist.,1, 607; Bigelow, 
ffist. of Procedure in England, 131-141. 

2 Stubbs, Select Charters, 469-74; ~ Nicholls, Mist. of Eng. Poor Law, 1, 22-23. 

8 The earliest treatise on the justice of the peace is that of Marrow published 
in the 18th year of Henry VII. This was followed in 1514 by Sir Anthony Fitz- 
Herbert’s L’ Office et Auctoritie de Fustices de Peace, an English version of which 
appeared in 1538; enlarged by Richard Compton, 1587: Alibone, Dictionary of 
Authors, sv. These two works constitute the basis of the still more celebrated 
Eirenarcha of William Lambard, which has been copied by Blackstone, Reeves, 
and other writers. The first edition of Lambard’s work appeared in 1581, and 
by 1619 it had been reprinted eleven times; references in the text are to the 
edition of 1614, a copy of which is in the author’s possession. 

More extended treatises are Zhe Country $ustice of Michael Dalton, first 
edition 1619, that of 1666 being here cited; and the Fustice of the Peace and 
Parish Officer, by Richard Burn, of which I have used the 3d edition, 1756. 
The 29th edition of this standard work, in six large volumes, was printed in 1845, 
supplemented 1852, by E. Wise: Gneist, II, 176. 

Other handbooks are Archbold’s Fustice of the Peace and Parish Officer; 


ort 


38 George E. Howard, 


robbers, or receivers of such, and to fulfil their duty of pur- 
suing the thief when the hue and cry is raised. The enforce- 
ment of the edict was committed to knights assigned (milites 
assignati) for the purpose; this is probably the origin of the 
office of conservator of the peace, out of which, in the reign 
of Edward III, the existing functions of the justice of the 
peace were developed.” ! “Assigned” knights also appear 
under Henry III, 1230 and 1252.7 

A second stage is reached in the custos pacis of the fifth 
year of Edward I, elected by the sheriff and community in 
the full county court ;? whether the office was permanent or 
occasional is not known.* 

In 1285 “conservators” were elected, probably in the same 
way, to carry out the provisions of the Statute of Winchester.® 


) 


Deacon’s Guide to Magistrates Out of Sessions; Dickinson’s Practical Guide to 
the Quarter Sessions and other Sessions of the Peace; Leeming and Cross’s The 
General Quarter Sessions of the Peace. 

Among modern historical works on the subject, by far the most elaborate treat- 
ment is contained in Gneist’s Lnglische Communalverfassung oder das System des 
Selfzovernment (Vol. II of his Luglische Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsrecht, 
Berlin, 1857-1860), several hundred pages of which are devoted to it. I have 
also derived much assistance from Stephen, //zstory of the Criminal Law of 
England ; Reeves, History of the English Law, Blackstone, Commentaries on 
the Laws of England; Wood, An Institute of the Laws of England, 1754; Stubbs, 
Select Charters and his Constitutional History; Maitland, Fustice and Police ; 
Chalmers, Local Government, Wright, The Office of Magistrate (London, 1889) ; 
Brodrick, Local Government in England, in Cobden Club publications, 1882, 
edited by J. W. Probyn; Thornton, 7wo Centuries of Magistrates Work in 
Surrey: Fort. Rev., May, 1889; Goodnow, Local Government in England: Pol. 
Science Quart., Dec. 1887; Pulling, A Handbook for County Authorities (London, 
1889); Hobhouse and Fanshawe, 7he County Councillor’s Guide (London, 
1888); Cox, Jrstitutions of the English Government; P. V. Smith, History of 
English Institutions ; Youlmin Smith, The Parish ; Nicholls, History of the Eng- 
lish Poor Law, especially, Hamilton, Quarter Sessions from Queen Elizabeth to 
Queen Anne, and the Ifiddlesex County Records, 3 vols., edited for the Middle- 
sex County Record Society by John Cordy Jeaffreson. These records are rich in 
illustrations of the social history of the 16th and 17th centuries; and many a power- 
ful sidelight is thrown on affairs of national importance. The editor has introduced 
each volume by a long preface of great value. 

1 Stubbs, Coxst. Hist., 1, 507; Hoveden, III, 299. 

2 Stubbs, Cozst. Hist, II, 272. 3 7b., 209-10, 273. 

ah Gp 2 Mek, POY 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 39 


Couservatores pacis were appointed for each county on the 
accession of Edward II, 1307, among whom was the sheriff, 
and they were enjoined to be always present in their districts.1 

On the accession of Edward III, 1327, appeared a very 
important statute providing that, in every county, “good men 
and lawful, which be no maintainers of evil or barretors in 
the country, be assigned to keep the peace.” 2 The authority 
of the magistrates thus assigned was, it is supposed, purely 
executive, “being lmited probably to suppressing disturb- 
ances and apprehending offenders, so that they were little 
more than constables on a large scale.’’? It is important also 
to observe that this ordinance marks, in another particular, a 
significant stage in the evolution of the office of justice: 
hitherto, since 5 Edward I, conservators had been usually, if 
not invariably, elected in the county court; they now lose all 
connection with that body, and henceforth bear the character 
of royal commissioners.* 

These “conservators,” or ‘“‘justices assigned,” as they are 
called in the statute, were entrusted in the following year 
with the execution of the Statute of Winchester, and they 
were authorized to examine and punish evil doers. This 
seems to be the earliest example of the exercise of judicial 
functions by justices of the peace.® 


1 Gneist, II, 42. 

2 Statutes at Large, 1, 419-20; Lambard, Zivenarcha, 19-21; Stephen, fst. 
Of OT I7E Lad ate) Reeves, 1752.07) L728, Law, Nl, 2023) Gneist, i, 425 
Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 351; Political Cyclopedia, III, 153. On the act 
of 1327 and, in general, on the causes of the rise of the justice of the peace, see 
Goodnow, Local Government in England: Pol. Science Quart., Il, 644 ff. 

3 Stephen, Hest. of Crim. Law, I, 112. 

4 “Which was as much to say,” says Lambard of this act, “that in euery shire 
the king himselfe should place special eyes and watches ouer the common people, 
that should bee both willing and wise to foresee, and be also enabled with meete 
authoritie to represse all intention of uproare and force, euen in the first seed 
thereof, and before that it should grow up to any offer of danger. So that, for 
this cause (as I think) the election of the simple Conseruators (or Wardens) of 
the peace was first taken from the people, and translated to the assignement of 
the King”: Lirenarcha, 20. 

5 Statutes at Large, 1, 424. Cf. Gneist, II, 42; Reeves, Hist. of the Eng. Law, 
III, 204; Cox, /nstitutions of the Eng. Government, 313. 


273 


40 George E. Howard, 


In 1330, by the statute of 4 Edward III, the magistrates 
assigned to keep the peace gain the additional power of taking 
indictments for trial before the justices of jail delivery ; and 
the sheriffs or other “ ministers” are prohibited from letting 
to bail or mainprise persons so indicted unless they are 
“mainpernable by the law.” ! 

A far more important step in advance was made in 1344. 
In that year it was enacted that ‘‘two or three of the best of 
reputation in the counties shall be assigned keepers of the 
peace, custodes pacis, by the King’s Commission, and at what 
time need shall be, the same, with other wise and learned in 
the law, shall be assigned by the King’s Commission, to hear 
and determine felonies and trespasses done against the peace 
in the same counties, and to inflict punishment reasonably.” ? 
By this act, it will be observed, two different commissions 
are provided for. By the first, the powers of mere wardens 
or keepers of the peace are conferred. By the second, which 
is to be issued only in case of need, the same officers are, 
from time to time, granted judicial power in specific in- 
stances ;* and in this respect —as a standing board ready 
to be employed in judicial business whenever required — 
there is a distinct gain as compared with the conservators 
of 1328. 

For the purpose of enforcing the Statute of Laborers, offi- 
cers called ‘justices of laborers”’ were created by the acts of 
23 and 25 Edward III.* But their functions were eventually 
merged in those of justices of the peace.® 

Finally in 1360, by 34 Edward III, the permanent office 
of justice of the peace was instituted ; and thus, after more 


1 Lambard, Lirenarcha, 21; Statutes at Large, 1, 431; Stephen, “7st. of the 
Crim, Law, I, 112-13; Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, 11, 203. 

2“, . gardeins de la pees par commission de Roy”: Statutes at Large, Il, 
11. Cf. Stephen, Hist. of the Crim. Law, I, 113; Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, 
III, 203; Gneist, II, 42; Stubbs, Const. Hist., II, 273. 

8 Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 22-3. 4 Statutes at Large, II, 29, 31-5. 

5 By 2 Henry V, c. 4: Statutes at Large, WII, 12. Cf. Gneist, II, 171, 43. On 
the early conservators, see Burn, Fustice of the Peace, 420-421; Dalton, Zhe 
Country Fustice, 6-13. 


274 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 41 


than a century and a half of experiment, the local peace- 
magistracy assumed its definite form and its present name.! 


Ill. THE JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. 
(a). — Character of the Office. 


By the act of 1360, in each county,?a lord and three or 
four of the most worthy, together with some learned in the 
law, were authorized to seize, examine, and punish, by com- 
mon or statute law, or according to their best judgment, all 
disturbances of the peace ; on complaint in the king’s name, 
to hear and determine felonies, or on suspicion to arrest and 
imprison all dangerous persons, or to take surety for their 
good behavior.? 

These powers constitute the broad outlines of the justice’s 
functions both in England and America even at the present 
hour. ; 

But the extent of their jurisdiction was only gradually 
determined by a great number of special statutes conferring 
particular powers upon them; and, in some instances, their 
general competence was long left undefined, except as it 
might be inferred from the general powers of local peace 
officers. Thus the right to make preliminary inquiry into 


1Tt is not certainly known when the name ‘justice’ was first given to the 
peace-magistrate. Marrow holds that the wardens were made justices by 18 
Edward III. But Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 22-3, thinks that the name dates from 
1360, as, within one or two years thereafter, it is found in use. Cf. Dalton, 7%e 
Country Fustice, 7. 

2 Lambard holds that previous to the act of 34 Edward III, it had usually 
been the practice to assign commissioners over several shires in a group: £77e7- 
archa, 21. Henceforth a separate commission for each county was issued. But 
there are some exceptional cases. Each of the three ridings of Yorkshire and 
each of the three parts of Lincolnshire has a separate commission. A separate 
commission is also issued to the liberties of Ely, Ripon, and Peterborough. 
Various boroughs, also, have separate commissions: Maitland, ustice and Po- 
lice, 94 ff.; Gneist, II, 180. 

3 Statutes at Large, II, 135. Cf. Gneist, II, 43; Reeves, Ast. of Eng. Law, 
III, 205; Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, 1, 113; Wood, Zustitute, 83-88. 


275 


42 George EL. Howard, 


crimes, with a view to further proceedings, though it had been 
given to coroners and in practice had probably always been 
exercised by justices of the peace, was not conferred upon 
the latter by statute until 1554.1 In like manner, their well- 
_ known power to issue warrants of arrest or summons to appear 
before them for examination, was not conveyed by any of 
the early laws. The latter gave them ‘‘no other authority 
for the apprehension of offenders than was by the common 
law inherent in every constable and indeed in every private 
person.” * Only in comparatively recent times has the mat- 
ter been definitely regulated by statute.® 

By the act of 1360, the total number of justices that might 
be included in the commission was left indefinite ; and this 
led, it would seem, to an abuse. ‘“ Ambition,” says Lam- 
bard, ‘so multiplied the number of ye Iustices, that it was 
afterward high time to make a contrary Law, to diminish 
them.” * This was effected in 1388 by the statute of 12 
Richard II, which reduced the number to six, besides the 
justices of assize, who were always included in the commis- 
sion; and provided further that no new justices should be 
added to the commission after it was first issued.® 

From reign to reign the enactments extending or defining 
the jurisdiction of justices of the peace constantly increased 
in number, so that already in the last quarter of the sixteenth 
century the burden laid upon the magistrate was fast becom- 


1 By 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 13: Statutes at Large, VI, 58. Cf. Stephen, 
Fiist. of Crim. Law, 1, 216-20, 497; Jeaffreson, A/iddlesex County Records, I, pp. 
XXlli-iv. 

2 Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, I, 190-91. See the opposing views of Coke 
(Fourth Inst., 176,177) and Hale discussed in Stephen, I, 191-93. According 
to the latter writer warrants are an evolution from or a substitute for the ancient 
right of local peace-magistrates to start the hue and cry. In the seventeenth cen- 
tury to “ grant a hue and cry” was in common use for granting a warrant. ist. 
of the Crim, Law, I, 190. 

3 By 9 Geo. I, 13 and 44 Geo. II., and 11 and 12 Victoria, 1848: Stephen, 
fist. of Crim. Law, I, 190-91. 

4 Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 33. 

° Lambard, Lirvenarcha, 33; Statutes at Large, I1, 303-4; Stephen, Hist. of 
Crim. Law, I, 113; Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, III, 405. 

276 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 43 


ing intolerable! And the embarrassment was increased by 
the form of the commission. The latter had been ‘“stuffed”’ 
with the substance of all the particular statutes just referred 
to, many of which were already obsolete. It thus became 
unnecessarily long; and besides, “it was otherwise full of 
defects, from recitals, repetitions, and the heaping together 
of various incongruous matters; great part of which was ren- 
dered unintelligible by repeated errors in the penning of it.” ? 

To remedy this evil, in 1590, Sir Christopher Wray, chief 
justice of the king’s bench, devised a new form of commis- 
sion, which was accepted by the chancellor, and remains 
essentially unaltered to the present hour.?® : 

The two-fold capacity in which justices of the peace offici- 
ate is distinctly recognized in the commission. The first 
general clause conveys the powers of conservators of the 
peace according to both common and statute law; and, it is 
important to observe, that it was in this last particular —the 
authority to execute all statutes relating to the peace admin- 
istration — that the new commission remedied the principal 
defect of the old. This authority was conferred upon the 
justices in general terms,‘ so that henceforth it was no longer 
necessary to particularize in the commission the various acts 
relating to their jurisdiction. 


1 “For,” says Lambard, “if Hussey (the chiefe Iustice I. H. 7. 3.) did thinke 
that it was enough to loade all the Iustices of the Peace of those daies, with the 
execution, onely of the Statutes of Winchester and Westminster, for Robberies, 
and Felonies: the Statute of Forcible entries: the Statute of Labourers, Vaga- 
bonds, Liueries, Maintenance, Embracerie, and Sherifes: Then, how many 
Iustices (thinke you) may now suffice (without breaking their backes) to beare 
so many, not Loads, but Stacks of Statutes, that haue since that time beene laide 
upon them?” Zirenarcha, 34. See also for a summary of the more important 
acts, Gneist, II, 44; Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, III, 404-5 (Rich. II), 456-7 
(Henry V), 489-90 (Henry VI). 

2 Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, V, 467; Gneist, I, 45. 

3 The Latin text of the commission is given in Gneist, II, 172-3; and Lambard, 
Eirenarcha, 35-39; Dalton, The Country Fustice, 16-22 (Latin and English). 

4 The words are ac ad omnia Ordinationes et Statuta pro bono Pacis nostrae. 
These were intended to comprehend old statutes, such as those of Westminster, as 
well as those which might be enacted in future: Lambard, Zirenarcha, 45; 
Reeves, “ist. of Eng. Law, V, 467. 


277 


44 George £. Howard, 


The second general clause grants authority to any two or 
more justices, by the oath of good and lawful men of the 
county, to hear and determine the various offences therein 
enumerated ;! provided, however, to render the proceedings 
valid, that one of them (quorum) must be of that select num- 
ber whose names are expressly repeated in the commission. 
This is the famous “ quorum clause’’; and the superior rank 
thus given to some of the magistrates has its origin in the 
provision of the act of 1360, or rather of the earlier statutes 
creating custodes and conservatores, that some versed in the 
law should be included in the commission. But the distinc- 
tion is no longer of any practical significance, as it is now 
customary to include all the commissioners in the quorum 
clause.” 

Justices of the peace, then, are county magistrates deriv- 
ing their powers from the royal commission. At present 
they are nominated by the crown on the recommendation of 
the lord lieutenant and usually hold office for life, though 
they may be removed for misconduct by the lord chancellor.’ 
The office is entirely honorary. In early days a small stipend 
was allowed, but the justices now serve without pay. The 
number of magistrates which may be appointed is unlim- 


1“... de omnibus et omnimodis Feloniis, Veneficiis, Incantationibus, Sorti- 
legiis, Arte magica, Transgressionibus, Forstallariis, Regratariis, Ingrossariis, et 
Extortionibus quibuscunque; ac de omnibus et singulis malefactis,” etc. 

For an analysis of the commission, see Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 44-51; Gneist, 
II, 173-4; Burn, Festice of the Peace, 422; Wright, Zhe Office of Magistrate, 2. 

2 Gneist, II, 178; Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 48-9. Blackstone says that in his 
day one or two were excluded from the quorum “ for the sake of propriety” : 
Commentaries, 1, 351; Maitland, Fustice and Police, 81; Glasson, Histoire du 
Droit et des Institutions de L’ Angleterre, V1, 488-9; Goodnow, Local Govt. in 
England: Pol. Science Quart., Il, 645. 

3 Chalmers, Local Government, 98-9. In Lambard’s day they were appointed 
“by the discretion of the lord chancellor.” But whether originally they were so 
nominated or by the king directly is uncertain: Ezrenarcha, 27. 

4 By 12 Rich. II, c. X, the justices are each to receive four shillings a day 
during sessions, and two shillings«a day for their clerk, paid by the sheriff out of 
the fines and amercements arising at the sessions. Cf. Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, 
III, 405. In boroughs, however, there are now paid magistrates. 


278 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 45 
ited ; and, in fact, a very large number is commissioned for 
each county.! 

The position of the English justice has always been one of 
dignity and social distinction. This is shown primarily by 
the qualifications for the office. The early laws provided 
that “good” men or the “ most worthy” should be appointed. 
Under Richard II it was enacted that they should consist of 
the “most sufficient knights, esquires, and gentlemen of the 
law” of the county.?2. But this vague requirement was inade- 
quate. A statute of Henry VI, reciting that, notwithstand- 
ing the laws for ascertaining their qualification, many justices 
were of small fortunes and necessitous, so as to become con- 
temptible, as well as guilty of great extortions, provides that 
only those shall be commissioned who have lands or tene- 
ments to the value of twenty pounds a year; unless there be 
no sufficient persons possessing lands and tenements of that 
value who are learned in the law, in which case the chancellor 
may appoint others.? The qualification at present is an estate 
in land worth one hundred pounds a year, or the occupation 
of a dwelling assessed at the same annual amount. 

The office of county magistrate is still regarded as highly 
honorable and it is much coveted. Retired capitalists, young 
men of rank, members of parliament, are ready to have their 


1 Already in the year 1592, there were at least 55 justices in Devon: Hamilton, 
Quarter Sessions, 3. 

ZaByte hich stel.c. Villissszacdenat Larce, Ul, 313: 

“ Thus then, our Parliaments (intending to make the Iustice of peace an able 
Iudge) do require, that he come furnished with three of the principall ornaments 
of a Iudge: that is to say, with Iustice, Wisdome, Fortitude, for to that summe 
the words, Good, Learned, Valiant, doe fully amount. And ynder the word Good, 
it is meant also that he loue and feare God aright, without the which he cannot 
be Good at all”: Zivenarcha, 32. 

3 Statute of 18 Henry VI, c. XI. Cf. Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, III, 489-90; 
Lambard, Zirenarcha, 31; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 352. 

4 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 81. “ But privy councillors, peers, the eldest 
sons of peers, county court judges, and some other holders of public office, need 
not have this qualification”: 74. The 100 pounds qualification was introduced 
by 18 Geo. II. Cf. Political Cyclopedia, III, 153; Glasson, Histoire du Droit et 
des Institutions de L’ Angleterre, V1, 486. An estate in reversion of 300/. also 
constitutes a qualification: Pulling, Handbook for County Authorities, 49. 


279 


40 George E. Howard, 


names included in the commission, though they may never 
exercise the functions of the position. For before a person 
nominated in the commission can be an “active” justice he 
must receive from chancery the writ of dedimus potestatem, 
and take the prescribed oaths His prestige as a magis- 
trate is a traditional distinction of the country gentlemen ; 
and it is in this capacity that the landed aristocracy have 
always rendered an important service in the community.” 


(0). — The Single Justice. 


The office of justice of the peace is peculiarly an English 
institution,? and it has been developed in a thoroughly 
English way. From generation to generation its powers 
expanded ; little by little it absorbed the functions of older 
organisms; statute after statute heaped new duties upon it, 
until it became the most important element of local govern- 


1Gneist, II, 181; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 352; Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 
52. In 1856, out of some 18,000 justices in Great Britain, only 8000 were active. 

The oath of office, the oath of allegiance and supremacy, and the oath as 
to property qualifications, are given in Gneist, II, 182-3; Burn, Fustice of the 
Peace, 484. 

The oath of office prescribed by 13 Rich. II, c. 7, is still retained. This oath, 
says Lambard, Zirenarcha, 54, “I haue seene expressed in these six Verses 
following : 1 Doe equall right to rich and poore, 

as wit and Law extends: 

2 Giue none aduise in any cause, 
that you before depends: , 

3 Your Sessions hold, as Statutes bid: 
the forfeits that befall, 

4 See entred well, and then estreat 
them to the Chequer all: 

5 Receiue no fee, but that is giuen 
by King, good vse, or right: 

6 Ne send Precept to party selfe, 
but to indifferent wight.” 

2 On the importance of the office to the landed gentry, see Brodrick, Loca/ 
Government in England, 19 f. Cf. Gneist, II, 186; and Freeman, 7he House 
of Lords and the County Councils: Fort. Rev., May, 1888, p. 601. 

3 “Tt is such a form of subordinate government for the tranquillity and quiet 
of the realm, as no part of the Christian world hath the like, if the same be duly 
exercised’: Coke, Fourth Institute, p. 170, cited by Maitland, Festice and 
Police, 93. 

280 


. 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magtstracy. 47 


ment in Great Britain. The mass of enactments relating to 
the subject is overwhelming. The “stacks of statutes” 
which seemed so formidable to Lambard have grown into 
mountains well-nigh insurmountable! The foremost writer 
on English local government seems to shrink in dismay 
before the task of subjecting them to systematic treatment.” 
“Long ago lawyers abandoned all hope of describing the 
duties of a justice in any methodic fashion, and the alphabet 
has become the one possible connecting thread.” ® 

The county magistrates act in several different capacities. 
Certain duties may be performed by one alone; others require 
the co-operation of two or more—the so-called “petty ses- 
sions”; while the more important judicial and administrative 
business, the general superintendence of county affairs, is 
reserved to the “ quarter sessions of the peace.” 4 

All these tribunals are said by English writers to possess 
both criminal and civil jurisdiction. But under “civil juris- 
diction”’ is comprehended much that is merely executive or 
administrative ; while as judicial bodies the tribunals of the 
justice of the peace are essentially criminal courts, though 
a limited amount of gwasz civil litigation may come before 
them.® First let us notice the functions which may be per- 
formed by a single magistrate out of sessions.® 

Every justice is primarily a conservator of the peace; and 
in this capacity he may apprehend offenders, issue warrants 
of arrest, take sureties of the peace or for good behavior, and 
exercise all other powers belonging to a custodian at common 
or statute law, or by his commission.’ 


1 Cf. the remarks of Maitland, Yustice and Police, 84. 2 Gneist, II, 197 ff. 

8 Maitland, Yustice and Police, 84. All recent legal treatises on the justice of 
the peace are arranged alphabetically. 

# An excellent summary of the powers of the justice in his various capacities is 
given by Goodnow, Local Govt. in Eng.: Pol. Sc. Quart., 11, 652-9. The little 
manual of Wright, Zhe Office of Magistrate, or the more elaborate work of Pul- 
ling, Handbook for County Authorities, will be found convenient. 

5 Lambard, Zirenarcha, 59; Maitland, Fustice and Police, 90. 

6 Lambard, Zirenarcha, Book II, pp. 72-308, is devoted to the duties of the 
single justice. 7 Gneist, II, 201-7; Lambard, Zirenarcha, 74 ff. 


281 


48 George E. Howard, 


As a judge the position of the magistrate is very important. 
His court is always open; here there are no long delays of 
justice as in the ancient tourn or leet. The magistrate, in 
his individual capacity, is always at his post. At an early 
day he acquired the right, for a time co-ordinately with the 
sheriff,! of conducting the preliminary examination of persons 
charged with crimes and felonies. By subsequent legislation 
this duty was imposed, sometimes upon one, sometimes on 
two justices, as the cases varied.2, At present, however, the 
first proceedings in criminal actions, except high treason, are 
usually conducted in petty sessions, though the examination 
may still be made by a single justice even when not sitting 
in open court.? 

More interesting historically is the power of the justice to 
hear and determine minor criminal causes without the aid 
of a jury. His jurisdiction in such matters is wholly the 
creation of statute. The only procedure known to the com- 
mon law in criminal cases, however insignificant, was that 
before judge and jury. And the right to such a trial was 
confirmed by magna charta.4 But experience demonstrated 
at an early day the impossibility of carrying out this principle 
in all cases. The overburdening of the ordinary criminal 
courts with petty actions, the necessity of prompt justice 
through local magistrates, precisely in such minor cases, and 
the early appearance of police ordinances relating to labor 
and trade: these were the chief reasons for the institution of 
justices of the peace.® The early statutes conferred upon the 


1 Examinations were conducted by the sheriff in his tourn until 1 Edward VI, 
when this power was taken away: Gneist, II, 170, 207. Justices first acquired the 
right by statute, though they had long exercised it, by 1 and 2 followed by 2 and 
3 Philip and Mary. Cf. Lambard, Zirenarcha, 212; Stephen, Hist. of Crim. 
Law, I, 219. 

2 Gneist, II, 207-20; Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, 1, 216-33, gives the his- 
tory of the procedure in preliminary examinations. For the procedure in exam- 
inations, see Maitland, Yestice and Police, 120 ff. 

3 Maitland, Festice and Police, 91; Wright, The Office of Magistrate, 52. But 
compare Fonblanque, How We Are Governed, 185, who states that the first pro- 
ceedings always take place in petty sessions. 

4 Gneist, II, 221. 5 Gneist, II, 221. 


282 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 49 


latter, as mere police or administrative agents, the power of 
summary punishment.! Gradually, however, the magistrate 
assumed the character of a judge; a regular procedure was 
developed ;7 and from century to century a vast number of 
enactments appeared conferring increased authority, some- 
times upon one, sometimes upon two or more justices acting 
together. Recently these tribunals, whether of one or of 
two magistrates, have received the name of “courts of sum- 
mary jurisdiction.”* And since 1879, only the smallest 
offences may be tried before a single justice. All cases 
involving a maximum penalty of more than twenty shillings 
or a fortnight’s imprisonment must come before the petty 
sessions.° 

Besides his duties as a police or criminal judge, every mag- 
istrate has been entrusted with the performance of other 
important functions, partly executive and partly judicial ; and 
the latter, though sometimes relating to civil causes, are for 
the most part concerned with offences of a penal nature. 
Thus the individual justice is employed in the execution of a 
great variety of police regulations ; such as those relating to 
defraudation of the excise, the customs, or the postal revenue ; 
those for the suppression of riots and illegal assemblies; the 
punishment of rogues and vagabonds ; the regulation of trade, 
manufacture, and commerce; the control of theatres and 
disorderly houses ; the suppression of drunkenness and unlaw- 
ful games; and those relating to alehouses, inns, lodging 
houses, coaches, hackney carriages, highways, turnpikes, and 


1 “Only in the present century have we begun to think of the summary juris- 
diction as normal, and to regulate by general statutes the mode in which it must 
be exercised”: Maitland, Fustice and Police, 89. 

2 For a history of the procedure, see Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, I, 124-5; 
Gneist, II, 208, gives a careful analysis of it. 

3 Even in Lambard’s time the single justice had jurisdiction in a large number 
of criminal and administrative matters: Zirenarcha, cap. VII, 189-205. For 
~ecent times, see the enumeration of offences, in Gneist, II, 231-35. 

4 Stephen, Ast. of Crim. Law, I, 125. 

5 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 89; Brodrick, Local Government in England, 
15. 

283 


50 George E. Howard, 


countless other matters.1 He has been aptly described as 
the “state’s man of all work.” ? 


(c). — The Petty and the Special Sessions. 


We now turn to the business of the petty sessions. The 
history of the latter affords an excellent example of the spon- 
taneous growth and quiet acceptance of an institution long 
before its recognition by the written law. ‘‘ Petty sessions” 
was the popular name originally given to the meeting of two 
or more magistrates to transact the business imposed upon 
them by statute. On the other hand, a “special session ” or 


1 See the elaborate discussion of Gneist, II, 236-330, where many acts are 
summarized; Maitland, Festice and Police, 92. 

2 Maitland, Sustice and Police, 92. 

3 It is remarkable, however, that as early as 1605 the privy council planned a 
regular subdivision of the several counties into petty sessional districts. Ina letter 
of the council dated at Greenwich, June 23, 1605, it is provided : — 

“(4) Item, that upon Conference between the Justices of Assizes and the 
Justices of the Peace of every several county at the next assizes to be holden in 
the same, convenient and apt divisions be made through every county and riding, 
and that fit Justices of the Peace be assigned to have the special charge and care 
of every such division, and these to be answerable for such defects as through 
their defaults shall happen therein. And every such division to be so made as 
none be driven to travel above seven or eight miles, that then the same part be 
assigned to the division of the county next adjoining. 

“(s) Item, that the Justices of the Peace of every such division be assigned to 
assemble themselves together once between every general Sessions of the Peace 
near about the midtime between each such sessions, at some convenient place 
within their several divisions, to enquire of, and see the due execution of these 
things following, viz.” 

(6) This section enumerates the statutes which the justices of petty sessions 
are to enforce. 

“(7) Item, that the Constable of the Hundred and Wapentake and Petty Con- 
stables and other inferior officers, touching matters of justice, inhabiting within 
any the limits aforesaid, be at the said assemblies, to deliver their knowledges 
touching the premises. And by warrant from the justices of that division to bring 
to the assemblies such as offend in remissness or otherwise touching rogues and 
idlers, or in keeping of tippling houses without lawful licence, or which do not 
observe the articles and orders prescribed unto them. 

“(8) Item, that they appoint a clerk to keep notes of their proceedings at these 
assemblies. 

“(g) Item, that the same clerk and constables of the Hundreds inhabiting 


2.84 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. Si 


‘special petty session’ was the name of a similar meeting of 
the justices residing within a certain district, for a special 
urpose, and at a time fixed by law.! In this way for a lim- 
) 
ited number of objects there arose a practical subdivision of 
the shire into legal sessional districts corresponding, for the 
most part, to the ancient hundreds. But, with this exception, 
magistrates were not limited as to place in the performance 
of their duties. By the commission they have always been 
appointed for the county at large. What may be done by 
two magistrates may be done by any two.2 A suitor may 
have his choice among all the magistrates of the shire. It 
was natural, however, that the activity of justices out of quar- 
ter sessions should be confined mainly to their respective 
neighborhoods. Thus it happened, by voluntary agreement, 
that the petty sessions for the transaction of general business, 
were held at the same time and place and for the same divis- 
ions as the special sessions. And since usually the same 
persons acted in both capacities, the two bodies became prac- 
tically identical.® 

Such was the state of affairs when the legislation of the 
present century began. By several acts, commencing in 
1828, the counties have been divided into so-called “petty 
sessional divisions,’ which are made to correspond, to some 
extent, with the “poor law unions, * The effect of this 
within every such limit certify the Justices of Assize at every assizes upon their 
oaths what Justices of the Peace were absent from any such assemblies, that the 
cause may be examined and if need be certified as aforesaid.” See the entire 
document in Hamilton’s Quarter Sessions, 67-71. 

1 Gneist, II, 331 ff.; Maitland, Hestice and Police, 88. 

2 Maitland, Festice and Police, 89. 3 See Gneist, II, 333-4. 

4 The first was 9 George IV, c. 43, which attempted to substitute more equal 
divisions for the hundreds, which varied greatly in size. This was followed in 
1836 by a new act, 6 and 7 Will. IV, c. 12, which contemplated bringing the 
petty sessional divisions into harmony, so far as practicable, with the unions. But 
since the latter may transcend the county limits while the former may not, cor- 
respondence in all cases is impossible: Maitland, Yestice and Police, 88. Other 
acts relating to the subject are 7 and 8 Vict., c. 61, 12 and 13 Vict., c. 18, 14 and 
Tig WAGES Coy 5. 

In 1860 there were 670, in 1881, 715 sessional divisions in England and Wales: 
Gneist, II, 337 ff., 21-22; Maitland, 88. 

285 


52 George LE. Howard, 


legislation has been to give the justices of each petty ses- 
sional division the dignity of a “bench,” with a clerk, elected 
chairman, and court-house of their own.! 

The petty sessions, as already seen, are the principal tribu- 
nals invested with summary jurisdiction; and by them also 
are most frequently conducted the preliminary examinations. 
In a few instances they possess a genuine civil competence.” 

Another important branch of the justices’ authority in 
petty and special sessions is their appointing or supervising 
power. Thus by the great poor law of 43 Elizabeth, it was 
provided that the overseers of the poor for each parish should 
be nominated, or more properly, confirmed, by two or more 
justices in an Easter session.? They are now appointed by 
the same body from a vestry list agreed to by the inhabitants.* 
So, too, by an act of 1842, the nomination of parish constables. 
was placed in the hands of the special sessions ;° and the petty 
sessions may confirm the appointment of the inferior county 
constables created by the act of 1856. Examiners of meas- 
ures and overseers of highways were also formerly nominated 
in special sessions.’ 

Finally, the petty sessions have been entrusted with a great 
deal of important administrative business. Among the func- 
tions of this character, as historically developed, perhaps the 
most important are the granting of licenses for the retail of 
liquors and for the establishment of theatres and billiard halls, 


1 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 89. 

2 “Tt (the court) can give a civil remedy in a dispute between employer and 
workman, within a £10 limit; a seaman’s wages if less than £50, water rates, 
gas rents, cab fares, can be recovered before it. Orders directing men to pay 
money for the support of their illegitimate children (bastardy orders) are a staple 
commodity of Petty Sessions”: Maitland, Yzstice and Police, 90. 

8 Nicholls, //ist. of the Eng. Poor Law, 1, 194; Gneist, II, 644 ff.; Toulmin 
Smith, Zhe Parish, 149-51. 

* 54 George III, c. 91. Cf. Pulling, Handbook for County Authorities, 69. 

5 Statutes at Large, UXXXII, p. 961. Cf. Toulmin Smith, 7%e Parish, HAI 56 
Maitland, Yestice and Police, 107. But already for ages, in some places, petty 
and high constables were appointed by the justices in petty sessions: Burn, $2s- 
tice of the Peace, 155. 

6 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 111. 7 Gneist, II, 341. 


286 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 53 


the issue of certificates to pawnbrokers, gang-masters, pas- 
sage brokers, emigrant runners, and dealers in game; the 
revision of jury lists; and the execution of laws relating to 
highways.! Nearly all of the administrative functions of the 
petty sessions remain undisturbed by the recent local govern- 
ment act ; and, besides, various powers may be delegated to 
them at any time by the county council.? 


(7). — The Quarter Sessions. 


The court of quarter sessions® sits four times a year, as the 
name implies. In theory it is composed of all the justices 
of the shire sitting ez danc, though any two may hold a legal 
session;* and in practice a considerable number usually 
attend.° 

This court originated as early at least as 1362, when it was 
enacted that four sessions should be held in each year: one 
in octabis of Epiphany, the second in the second week of 
Lent, the third between the feast of Pentecost and St. John 
the Baptist, and the last in octadzs of St. Michael.6 Under 
Richard II, obligation to hold four sessions a year, each for 
three days if necessary, was enjoined under sanction of pun- 
ishment at the discretion of the king and council on the stit 
of any complainant.’ 


1 Gneist, II, 341-357; Maitland, Yustice and Police, 166 (jury lists); Pulling, 
Handbook for County Authorities, 64-72, 56. 

2 51 and 52 Victoria, c. 41, sec. 28. See also Bazalgette and Humphreys, 7%e 
Law relating to the County Councils (London, 1889), p. 42; and Chambers, 4 
Popular Summary of the Law relating to Local Government, 54-5. 

3 On the quarter sessions, see Wood, Jnstitute, 505 ff.; Burn, Fzstice of the 
Peace, 643 ff.; Dalton, Country Fustice, 35 ff.; Lambard, Lirenarcha, 376-634; 
Gneist, I, 358-407 passim; Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, I, 114 ff. 

* Originally the presence of at least one member of the guorm was required. 
The number of justices necessary for the transaction of business was fixed by the 
words of the commission: Assignavimus etiam vos, et quoslibet duos vel plures 
vestrum, quorum, etc.: see text of the commission in Gneist, II, 172. Cf. Lam- 
bard, Zirenarcha, 379. 5 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 85. 

6 Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, III, 206; Statutes at Large, 11, 154; Gneist, II, 358. 

7 By 12 Rich. II, c. X. Cf. Reeves, Hist. of Eng. Law, 111, 405; Gneist, II, 358. 


287 


54 George E. Howard, 


Similar courts held by two or more justices at any time 
other than the regular quarterly terms are styled general 
sessions. This distinction grew out of an act of Henry IV, 
which provided that, besides the four annual sessions, the 
magistrates should ‘meet more frequently when necessary.’”? 
But it is of little practical significance, since the powers 
created by statute, except in a few instances, may be exer- 
cised indifferently either in general or quarter sessions ; and 
the latter name is popularly applied to both tribunals.? 

The court of quarter sessions presents a remarkable exam- 
ple of rapid development. Very soon after its creation it 
appears as the most dignified and powerful body in the shire, 
It acquired all the attributes of the “solemn bench and 
figure of judgment.” For ages it was the real centre of 
English local government ; and still more interesting histori- 
cally is the fact that it became the model for the county 
courts of the American colonies. But, from an institutional 
point of view, the process by which the new peace-magistracy 
—deriving its authority from the royal commission — gradu- 
ally acquired the powers and attributes of the ancient scirge- 
mot, is the matter of supreme importance. The popular 
county court, presided over by the sheriff, still continued to 
exist ; but it no longer possessed the wide competence of 
early days. With the rise of leet jurisdictions, comprising 
view of frankpledge, many of its suitors were excused from 
attendance; and after magna charta, the right to try all the 
more important criminal causes was transferred to the royal 
judges. But though the shire court fell into decay, it did 
not entirely perish; its ancient organization as a folkmoot 
was still preserved for the election of coroners, verderers, and 
knights of the shire. And so, after the advent of the quarter 
sessions, the county has two centres: the old scirgemot, the 
meeting of the folk, with decaying functions; and the new 
peace tribunal, a branch of the royal jurisdiction, whose 
authority and range of duties are constantly expanding. For 


"Gneist, II, 358. ? Maitland, Fustice and Police,85. % Lambard, Zirenarcha, 376. 
288 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 55 


five centuries the two courts have existed side by side; but 
the greater part of the power and prestige of the elder has 
accrued to the younger body. It is not a case of direct con- 
tinuity ; but of transference of functions, of the encroach- 
ment of one organism upon the sphere of another.!. From 
this point of view, then—the historic relation of the two 
rival authorities — our discussion will be developed. 

1.— In the first place, the remnant of criminal jurisdiction 
still belonging to the county court in the middle of the four- 
teenth century was transferred to the quarter sessions. In- 
deed, the latter also acquired the right to hear and determine 
the graver offences — plactta corone—-of which the county 
court in common with other local bodies had been deprived 
by magna charta.? By their commission jurisdiction in all 
the more heinous crimes and felonies, except treason, was 
conferred upon the justices; and the early records show that 
it was freely exercised. In the age of Elizabeth, especially, 
capital offences were tried indifferently either at the assizes 
or before the quarter sessions. Great numbers were sent to 
the scaffold by the peace magistrates.2 Later it was custom- 


1 Even as late as the 17th century, we find writers regretting the decay of the 
shiremoot, and pleading for its restoration. See, for example, the little treatise 
printed in London during the Protectorate, 1657, entitled Curza Comitatus 
Rediviva, or the Pratique Part of the County Court Revived, by W. Greenwood. 
The work contains a full discussion of the officers, jurisdiction, and procedure of 
the court, with citations from the early statutes. 

2 Similarly the functions of the sheriff’s tourn and the ancient hundred moot 
were inherited by the petty sessions. See the preceding section. 

3 Proof from the court records of Devon has been collected by Mr. Hamilton: 
“ At the Lent Assizes of 1598 there were 134 prisoners, of whom 17 were dis- 
missed with the fatal s. Z., it being apparently too much trouble to write szs. per. 
coll.; 20 were flogged; 1 was liberated by special pardon, and 15 by general par- 
don; 11 claimed ‘benefit of clergy,’ and were consequently branded and set free, 
‘legunt, uruntur, et deliberantury. At the Epiphany Sessions preceding there 
were 65 prisoners, of whom 18 were hanged. At Easter there were 41 prisoners, 
and 12 of them were executed. At midsummer there were 35 prisoners, and 8 
hanged. At the Autumn Assizes there were 87 in the calendar, and 18 hanged. 
At the October Sessions there were 25, of whom only one was hanged. Alto- 
gether there were 74 persons sentenced to be hanged in one county in a single 
year, and of these more than one-half were condemned at Quarter Sessions. As 


289 


56 George E. Howard, 


ary to reserve such cases for the assizes ;! but the jurisdic- 
tion of the sessions in capital crimes was not abrogated by 
law until the present century.2, However, the court found 
plenty of employment in the punishment of a vast number 
of offences, ranging from petty theft and minor breaches of 
the peace to recusancy and non-conformity. In the seven- 
teenth century ‘‘Seminaries,’® Quakers, and similar offend- 
ers, were continually before it; and the execution of the 
laws against rogues, vagabonds,’ drunkenness, and disorderly 
houses was enjoined by the government as a matter of the 
first importance.® 

Favorite punishments were flogging, branding, the stocks, 
and the pillory ;* while other more curious methods were the 


it may be supposed that most of them were young, if a similar ratio prevailed in 
other countries, the numbers executed must have seriously affected the increase of 
the population”: Quarter Sessions, 30-31. See also Stephen, (est. of Crim. 
Law, 1, 467 ff. During the ten years between 6 and 15 James I, 704 persons 
were hanged in Middlesex (London): Jeaffreson, AZiddlesex County Records, I, 
xvii. 

1 But the death penalty was sometimes imposed. In the reign of James I, 
great numbers of persons were condemned frem?z ad mortem, the ancient petne 
forte et dure, for refusing to plead. Thus, in the county of Middlesex, from 6 to 
15 James I, that is, during ten years, 32 persons were pressed to death: Jeaffreson, 
Middlesex County Records, Il, xviii. Cf. 70., 1, xxxii; II, xvii-xxii; III, xvii-xxiii; 
and Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 83. 

2 By 5 and 6 Victoria, c. 38, 1842, which deprived the quarter sessions of the 
power to try cases of murder, treason, capital felonies, felonies punishable by 
transportation for life, and eighteen specified offences. Cf. Gneist, II, 369; 
Stephen, /Zist. of Crim. Law, 1,114 f. At present they cannot try capital crimes, 
crimes for which a person not previously convicted may suffer penal servitude for 
life, perjury, forgery, libel, and some other offences: Maitland, Fzstice and 
Police, 85-86. 3 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 2-3, 74 ff. 

4 On the punishment of these offences, much interesting matter will be found 
in Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 2-3, 27 f., 74 f., 81, 121, 179 f., 195, 164 ff., 258, 
295 (Quakers), etc.; Lambard, Z2renarcha, 410-420. Many examples are con- 
tained in Jeaffreson’s AZiddlesex County Records: see Index. 

5 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 15, 16, 17, 104, 247, 268, etc.; Lambard, 
Eirenarcha, 442 ff. 

® Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 69, 71-74, 102, 115. 

7 « A favorite punishment for small offences, such as resisting a constable, was 
the stocks. The offender had to come into church at morning prayer, and say 
publicly that he was sorry, and was then set in the stocks until the end of evening 


290 


King's Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 57 


peculiar products of the religious sentiment of the times, and 
exactly identical with those administered by the contem- 
porary county courts of New England. Thus culprits were 
required to make confession at morning prayer or to stand in 
the pillory with a paper on the hat inscribed with the name 
of the offence. In like manner the moral and economic con- 
ceptions of the age are revealed in the character of the crimes 
which the magistrates were called upon to punish. Thus 
there were frequent sentences for witchcraft,? the use of love 
charms,’ sabbath-breaking, swearing,* and for many acts now 
regarded as sins or moral delinquencies lying wholly outside 
the jurisdiction of the state.® So also the restraint of “en- 
grossers,” “ regrators,” and “ forestallers ” was the source of 
constant anxiety.° In Surrey “ badgers,” as these speculators 
in provisions were called, seem to have been particularly 


prayer. The punishment was generally repeated on the next market-day. But 
the most common of all punishments was whipping. At every Sessions and 
Assizes there appears a long list of names to which the Clerk of the Peace 
appended the word /fage//, with a flourish at the end strongly suggestive of the 
lash. This infliction was considered peculiarly appropriate, not only to rogues 
and vagabonds, but also to women. ... In one case we find an order that a 
woman be whipped until she confess the father of her child”: Hamilton, Quarter 
Sessions, 31-32. Cf. /%., 160; and Thornton, 7wo Centuries of Magistrates’ 
Work in Surrey. Fort. Rev., May, 1889, pp. 696, 702, 710, etc. 

1 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 111, 113, 31-32. 

2 [b., 220. See Jeaffreson, AZiddlesex County Records, II, III, for many ex- 
amples. 

3 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 86, 113. * 7b., 154-5. 

5 7d.,159 f. In the reign of James I, the justices of Devon committed four 
men to prison for baptizing a mare. “In another place we have a similar 
offence described at length. Michael Jeffrye was bound over, one surety in 200/., 
and one in 10o0/., for naming a ‘dogge’ John and sprinkling of water upon him, 
and signing him with the sign of the cross, saying that it was in the name of the 
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost”: 7é., 84. 

® Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 91, 103. These terms are defined by Lambard, 
Ltrenarcha, 450-51. “An Ingrosser, is hee that ingrosseth or getteth into his 
hands by buying, contract, or promise taking (other then by demise, lease, or 
graunt of land or tithe) any Corne growing in the field, or other Corne or Graine, 
Butter, Cheese, Fish, or other dead victuall, within England, to the intent to sell 
the same againe.”’ A regrator is one who buys similar produce in a fair or market 
and “selleth the same againe in any Faire or Market kept there, or within foure 
miles thereof.” A forestaller is a person who buys or contracts for any “ Victuall 


291 


58 George E. Howard, 


troublesome, and they were denounced by a proclamation of 
the justices in 1662. ‘The practice of regrating, &c., that is, 
buying market produce to sell again at a profit—to our 
notions a perfectly legitimate proceeding — was, up to com- 
paratively recent times, a criminal offence and regarded with 
indignation by society.’ But, in spite of the indignation of 
society and the proclamation of the Surrey magistrates, the 
irrepressible badger continued to forestall, regrate, and en- 
gross; and though a few years afterward . . . the court of 
quarter sessions made a fresh effort to put down the evil by 
requiring each ‘badger,’ before he obtained his license, to 
produce a certificate of ‘having regularly attended divine ser- 
vice and taken the sacrament according to the practice of the 
Church of England,’ it was of no avail. By degrees—but 
only by degrees—more sensible views prevailed; it was 
found in practice that persecuting the badger, instead of 
diminishing, enhanced the price of food, and accordingly in 
1782 all statutes interfering with badgers were repealed. But 
the badger was not yet free. Local magistrates found a way 
of punishing him for regrating as a common-law offence. At 
length, by an act passed in 1844, all penalties against badg- 
ers, whether statutory or common-law, were abolished forever 
and free trade was established in the market.”’ ? 

The quarter sessions have also an original civil jurisdiction 
in a limited number of cases, such as contentions between 
master and apprentice. And it is worthy of remark that in 
the sixteenth century they exercised authority in civil suits 
practically co-ordinate with that of the assizes. They could 


or Wares” being carried to a market or fair, or to a city, port, or haven; or who 
in any other way attempts to enhance the price of such produce, or to prevent its 
being brought to the market to be sold. 1See the Tatler, No. 118. 

2 Thornton, Zio Centuries of Magistrates’ Work in Surrey: Fort, Rev., May, 
1889, p. 699. “ Badger” a corruption of the Fr. d/adier ; comp. “sodger” a 
vulgarism for “soldier”; d/adier, again, is from Low Latin dladarius, from bladum 
an abbreviation of ad/atwm=carried corn. “ Regrating,” from Fr. regradter, to 
bargain: /%., p. 699, motes. See also Jeaffreson, Middlesex County Records, Il, 
187, 228; I, 24, 84, 108, 165, for examples of indictment for these offences. 

8 Fonblanque, How We Are Governed, 184; Gneist, II, 374-5. 

292 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magtstracy. 59 


even try questions of settlement, affiliation, and title.’ But, 
with these exceptions and aside from their general adminis- 
trative functions, presently to be mentioned, they have always 
been essentially criminal tribunals. On the other hand, the 
civil jurisdiction of the ancient shiremoot was partially re- 
vived in the so-called ‘‘ county courts” of 1846. But in this 
instance also the connection between the old institution and 
the new is not organic. The new courts, says Brodrick, “are 
really nothing more than branches of the imperial judicature, 
since they are directed to be held in circuits which have no 
relation to county boundaries, and before judges who are 
neither paid out of the local funds, nor required to have any 
qualification of county residence. They form, therefore, no 
part of county government, which in this respect, as well as 
in others, is far less complete and self-contained than it was 
im Saxon times.” 2 

The quarter sessions may also hear appeals from the orders 
and decisions of the single justice and the petty or special 
sessions. But this authority is wholly the creation of statute. 
Previous to the Restoration appeal from a justices’ court, 
of whatever grade, lay only to the king’s bench or the com- 
mon pleas, and, in some instances, to chancery or the privy 
council.? 

2.—But the quarter sessions inherited more than the 
mere judicial powers of the scirgemot. They gained also its 
majesty and local sovereignty. The officers of county and 
hundred who once obeyed the commands of the popular 
council became the servants and ministers of the royal nomi- 
nees. The sheriff, the high constables, and the manorial 
bailiffs were required to attend them, to serve their processes 


1 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 30. 2 Brodrick, Local Govt. in Eng., 16. 

3 Gneist, II, 388 ff. “Das Appellationsrecht versteht sich daher nicht von 
selbst, tritt vielmehr nur ein, wo die einzelen Gesetze ausdriicklich einen appeal 
an die Quartalsitzung geben; wahrend umgekehrt das Abberufungsrecht der 
Reichsgerichte durch Certiorari sich von selbst versteht, wo es nicht ausdriicklich 
durch Statut weggenommen ist. Das Recht zu appelliren wird auch nicht durch 
analoge Ausdehnung (equitable construction) erweitert, sondern streng auf die 
im Gesetz speziell erwahnten Faille beschrankt”: Z¢., II, 389. 


25) 


60 George L. Howard, 


aud execute their decrees ;! while the new county constabu- 
lary, which has at length superseded the ancient police organ- 
ization, was placed directly under their control.2~ Even the 
coroner, the right to elect whom so long attested the vitality 
and surviving dignity of the shiremoot, was made accountable 
to the same body.? The county treasurer was their nominee ; 
and the custos rotulorum, who ranks as civil head of the shire, 
is himself the principal justice named in the commission. By 
him the clerk of the peace was appointed. And since the 
office of custos has usually been combined with that of lord- 
lieutenant, it happened that the military chief of the shire, 
the representative of the Saxon ealdorman— the sometime 
sovereign of an independent state— became a de facto min- 
ister of the ever encroaching authority of the magistrates.* 

3. —In another and very important capacity the quarter 
sessions gradually took the place of the county court. They 
became the real centre of local life, the efficient organ of 
local government. In the language of Parliament, they were 
made emphatically the ‘county authority.”’ Before the estab- 
lishment of county councils in 1889, the number of executive 
and administrative duties imposed upon them was indeed 
formidable.® Thus they were constituted the fiscal board of 
the shire. They were authorized to levy, assess, and super- 
intend the disbursement of the county rate.6 The treasurer 
was appointed by them and to them he rendered his account. 
This fiscal authority of the justices is unique in English his- 


1 Lambard, Zzrvenarcha, 394 ff.; Gneist, II, 362. 

2 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 107, 111. 

8 Lambard, Zzrenarcha, 395; Gneist, II, 362. The coroner is also ex officio 
justice of the peace: Chalmers, Local Government, 97. The coroner is now 
appointed by the county council: Hobhouse and Fanshawe, County Councillor's 
Cuide, 15. 

4 In 1871 the lord-lieutenant was deprived of his military powers which were 
revested in the crown: Chalmers, Local Government, 93. 

5 See the excellent summary of Gneist, II, 376 ff. 

6“ County expenditure is thus classified: (1) police, (2) prosecutions, (3) 
reformatories, (4) lunatic asylums, (5) shire halls and judges’ lodgings, (6) militia 
storehouses, (7) county bridges, (8) contributions for main roads, (9) register of 
electors, (10) salaries of county officers”: Maitland, Fustice and Police, 87, note. 


204 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. Ol 


tory —a singular instance of taxation for local purposes, not 
by elected representatives of the community concerned, but 
by the appointed agents of the crown. 

The sessions were also entrusted with the administration 
of the county property ;/ and they authorized the construc- 
tion and repair of shire halls and other public buildings. By 
them likewise county bridges were built ; and they acquired 
at length the principal jurisdiction over highways.? Until 
recently the control of county prisons was vested in them, 
and they may still appoint visiting committees to report 
abuses.? They shared in the administration of the license 
system ;* had jurisdiction over weights and measures, and 
might divide the shire into sessional, polling, highway, and 
even coroners’ districts.° They also gained control of a 
considerable local patronage. Thus they might nominate 
inspectors of weights and measures, visitors of factories, in- 
spectors of yarn,® and inspectors of slaughter houses. By 
them in like manner were appointed the chief constable, and 
sometimes the clerk of the peace.’ Moreover, the justices 
are themselves ex officio members of the board of guardians, 
the sanitary boards, and of various other local bodies.® 

Besides all these powers and many more, it is particularly 
interesting to observe that the quarter sessions became, in a 


1 The actual management, however, was devolved by the justices upon the 
clerk of the peace: Gneist, II, 377. 

2 The gradual transference to the sessions of this function of the ancient parish 
—an important part of the Saxon ¢r?zoda mecessitas—is traced by Brodrick, 
Local Government in England, 20-21; see also Gneist, II, 387-8, 781-816; 
Maitland, Fastice and Police, 87. But in some instances, the parish still retains 
its original highway jurisdiction: Phillips, Zocal Taxation in England and 
Wales, 476. 

3 Maitland, Fustice and Police, 87-8; Gneist, II, 396-407. 

4 The various statutes are enumerated by Gneist, II, 382-4. 

5 Gneist, II, 379, 381; Maitland, Hustice and Police, 87. 

6 By 42 Geo. III, c. 73, and 17 Geo. III, c. 11. Both acts—relating to the 
inspectors of yarn and factories — are probably obsolete: Gneist, II, 379. 

7 When the custos fails to appoint. 

8 Acland, County Boards, 95; Phillips, Local Taxation in England and 
Wales, 478. 


a 


295 


62 George £. Howard, 


certain sense, a legislative body. The former right of the 
shiremoot to enact by-laws is represented by that of the 
justices to issue administrative orders; such, until 1889, 
were those for the regulation of lunatic asylums and the 
establishment of fees of local officers. During the seven- 
teenth century the original records of such orders throw 
much light on the economic, religious, and political history 
of that momentous age. Especially interesting are those 
prescribing market rules,” establishing the wages of laborers 
and artisans,® fixing the price of salt,* and enforcing the laws 
against recusants, non-conformists, and dissenters.® These 
orders reveal incidentally the fact that the justices exercised 
an active coercive and supervisory authority over the parishes 
and local functionaries.® 

4.—In a fourth particular the quarter sessions acquired 
the attributes of the shiremoot. In the reign of Edward I, 
the latter body was still the meeting place of the local and 
imperial jurisdictions.’ But with the rise of the peace-magis- 
tracy the quarter sessions became the regular medium of 
communication between the crown and the people. Thus 
the plans of the central administration were at times carried 
out through letters addressed to the magistrates by the privy 
council or by the king himself. There seems to have been a 
studied effort on the part of the Stuarts through this means 
to strengthen the royal prerogative.’ By the justices, for in- 
stance, demands of purveyance were executed, and benevo- 
lences, forced loans, and ship-money collected. Perhaps from 
no other source can there be obtained so clear a conception 


1 Gneist, IT, 379-80. Cf. 51 and 52 Vict., c. 41, sec. 3, vi; sec. IIT. 

2 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 103. 

3 The records of Devon are rich in materials for economic history. See ex- 
amples in Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 10, 12, 91 f., 97, 100, 163, 272-3, etc. 

* Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 265, 272. 

5 See especially a long order passed at the Epiphany term in Devon, 1681: 
Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 182-185; also other examples in /é., 28, 138, 161, 
182, 188, 197, 212, etc. 

6 See also other evidences: Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 18, 102, 137, etc. 

7 Stubbs, Cozst. H7st., 11, 208-16. 8 Hamilton, Quarter Sessions, 79-80, 82. 


206 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 63 


of the extent and character of these encroachments of arbi- 
trary power, or so good an understanding of the mode of pro- 
cedure employed, as from the records of the quarter sessions.! 

The organization, whose extraordinary growth has now been 
sketched in bare outline, remained until a few months since 
the chief authority in the shire, although with the rise of the 
guardians of the poor law unions in 1834 its relative impor- 
tance was considerably diminished.? Moreover, the rule of the 
quarter sessions has been, on the whole, as popular as it has 
been persistent. And it seems very strange, at first glance, 
that the body upon which such vast and such heterogeneous 
powers have been conferred—-many of them so at vari- 
ance with the original object of its creation —should not be 
dependent upon the suffrage of the community which it gov- 
erns. In theory, the magistrates are simply royal commis- 
sioners —agents of the central authority. What, then, is the 
secret of their success, of the long abeyance of the form 
of local self-government? It cannot be found in the mere 
inertia of established institutions, nor in the merely selfish 
monopolization of authority by a landed aristocracy. On the 
contrary, it can largely be explained by considerations much 
more creditable to the justices. Thus the latter have usually 
been the real, if not the formal, representatives of local senti- 
ment, while, as a rule, they have been unhampered by the 
crown in their action. Again, as a fiscal board, they have 
themselves been most deeply concerned in the rates which 
they levied ; for land is the only incident of English local 
taxation. And, finally, they have administered justice hon- 
estly and with tolerable efficiency. ‘One class of the royal 
msst,’ says Freeman, writing in 1876, “the Justices of the 


1 On these abuses, for the reign of Elizabeth as well as for those of James and 
Charles, see Hamilton, Quarter Sesstons, 6-7, 9, 20 fi., 35-51, 52-56, 65, 110, etc. 

2 Brodrick, Local Government in England, 20, 22. On the borough quarter — 
sessions and paid magistrates, omitted here as not essential to our inquiry, see 
Maitland, Fustice and Police, 94 ff.; Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, 1, 116 ff.; 
Brodrick, Local Govt?in Eng., 31 ff.; Bunce, Municipal Boroughs and Urban 
Districts, 279 ff.; Gneist, II, 551-58. 

8 Phillips, Zocal Taxation in England and Wales, 502. 


297 


64 George E. Howard, 


Peace in each shire, have been so multiplied, and their char- 
acter has been so thoroughly changed, that an assembly 
of them is practically an assembly, not of royal officers, but of 
the Thegns of the shire in their local character. A court of 
Quarter Sessions has become an assembly, whose best rule 
of action could not be better described than in the words of 
Eanwene, when she bade the Scirgemot of Herefordshire to 
‘do thegnly and well.’ The shire has become an aristocratic 
commonwealth, ruled by an assembly not so very unlike what 
the gathering of the Thegns of Herefordshire must have been 
in the days of Cnut. No royal mzssws is there, except in so 
far as all the Thegns have themselves become mzssz. The 
Thegns alone can speak and vote, but the rest of the men of 
the shire may, if they think good, look on. And they now 
have means of influence and criticism, which, though less 
direct, are perhaps as effectual as the ancient right to cry 
Yea or Nay. In the judicial business of the court, popular 
juries, grand and petty, keep up the ancient right of every 
freeman to have a share in the administration of justice. 
And the judges of the court are Thegns of the shire, men 
commissioned indeed by the Crown, but whom no one looks 
on as royal officers. Indeed, whenever a cry is raised for the 
transfer of their judicial powers to other hands, it is sought 
to transfer it to men in whom the character of royal officers 
shall be more prominent.” ! 

Nevertheless, the union of judicial and general administra- 
tive powers, of so varied a character, in one body thus com- 
posed, came more and more to be regarded as anomalous. 
At length the demand for their separation and for the 
re-establishment of popular self-government in the shire 
found expression in the act of Parliament which went into 
effect April 1, 1889.2 By this act the justices in quarter 


* 1 Freeman, Vorman Conquest, V, 301-2. Cf. his The House of Lords and the 


County Councils: Fort. Rev., May, 1888, pp. 601-4; and Bowles, The Destruc- 
tion of Self-Government: Fort. Rev., April, 1888, pp. 498 ff. 

2 51 and 52 Vict.,c. 41: ‘An act to amend the laws relating to Local Govern- 
ment in England and Wales, and for other purposes connected therewith.” 
Passed, August 13, 1888. 


208 


King’s Peace and English Peace-Magistracy. 65 


sessions are allowed to retain only their judicial authority, 
together with the general execution of certain license laws, 
and a share in the management of the county police. Nearly 
all their general civil functions — the control of taxation and 
finance, the appointment of the treasurer, coroner, and other 
county officers, the supervision of county buildings and other 
public property, jurisdiction over weights and measures, the 
administration of roads and bridges—are transferred to 
county councils chosen by the people. Thus the cycle is 
complete. The royal commissioners are once more relegated 
to their original sphere as peace-magistrates; while the 
ancient shiremoot is revived, though under a new name and 
in anew form. Once more the people through their repre- 
sentatives vote taxes and enact by-laws in their own assembly, 
which again appears as the meeting-point of the national and 
local organizations. 


.1The county council gains also the management and visitation of pauper 
lunatic asylums; the establishment and control of reformatory and industrial 
schools; the division of the county into polling and coroner’s districts; and the 
power to borrow money, audit the accounts of the treasurer, and fix the table of 
fees of all county officials, save those of the clerk of the peace and the clerks of 
. justices. The appointment of the clerk of the peace, who is also clerk of the 
council; and the appointment and control of the chief constable and the county 
police force, and some other functions, are vested in a “joint committee ” of the 
quarter sessions and county council. For a summary of the powers transferred, 
see Bazalgette and Humphreys, 7he Law relating to County Councils 5-26, 43, 
111, etc.; Chambers, 4 Popular Summary of the Law relating to Local Govern- 
ment, 52 ff.; Hobhouse and Fanshawe, Coznty Councillor's Guide, 6 ff., 67 ff., etc. 


299 


JULY, 1892 
TO at 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Lublished by the University of Nebraska 


COMMITTEE oF PUBLICATION 


E. H. BARBOUR C. N. LITTLE 


C. E. BESSEY J. R. WIGHTMAN 


BMA: SHERMAN, EDITOR 


CONTENTS 
I. On a New ORDER OF GIGANTIC Fossits 


LE. Ff, 
Barbour 


301 
2. On CERTAIN Facts anp PRINCIPLES IN THE DEvVEL- 


OPMENT OF Form IN LITERATURE Z, 4. Sherman 337 


3- ON THE Accankds Adyos IN Evriprpgs JSames T. 


Lees 


367 


[4 bY¥9, 


LINCOLN, NEBRASKA 


I. 


2. 


3: 


I. 


ie 


CONTENTS OF THE U 


No. L., JULy, 1888 


On the Transparency of the Ether 
By DEWITT B. BRACE 


On the Propriety of Retaining the Eighth Verb- Clas in 
By A. H. EDGREN 


On the Auxiliary Verbs in the Romance Languages wht 
By JOSEPH A. FONTAINE 


No. II., OcroBER, 1888 


On the Conversion of Some of the Homologues of . Bens 
into Primary and Secondary Amines \ 
BY RACHEL | LLOYD 


By L. A. SHERMAN 


On the Sounds and Inflections of the Cyprian ee 
By C. E, BENNETT 


No. IIl., Jury, 1890 


Vaporization with the Vapor Calorimeter — 
By HAROLD N. ALLEN 


2. On the Color-Vocabulary of Children 


‘! 


By HARRY K. WOLFE 


Peace-Magistracy 
By GEORGE E. HOWARD 


For copies of the Unversity STupIEs, address the editor P 
numbers, oe ri) 


Mth the Lomeplieme ay 


* 


Univewity of Mebrathe 


ear he 
cu aa 
ml Bete 


UNIVERSE Y: SEUDIES: 


Vou. I. SOLY, 1s02: No. 4. 


I.— Notes on a New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 
By ERWIN HINCKLEY BARBOUR. 


How it came about that the wondrous good lands were 
ever dubbed the ‘bad lands’ can never be apparent to the 
naturalist. Still less apparent to him is the usage ‘ good bad 
lands’ for the very worst, and ‘bad bad lands’ for the best 
or least sterile. Here he finds his promised land of buried 
treasures ; or, what is quite as likely, unburied ones, dug out 
and scattered at his feet by the same Nature which covered 
them with clays and sands, or with the everlasting rocks 
themselves. Nature dug generously here ; unearthing from 
the sediment of those ancient lake-beds, great cities, as it 
were, of buttressed walls, spires, palaces, colosseums, and 
cathedrals, and, in their winding streets, the scattered bones 
of their ancient dead. 

Our first day among these fantastic ruins showed us strange 
scenes, and revealed to us gigantic fossil forms as new and as 
unlike all other forms, living or dead, as are the lands in 
which they abound unlike all other lands,—strange fossil 
forms, towering head and shoulders above the most gigantic, 
and destined to take rank with the most remarkable. 

The ground on which we walked, the vertical walls of 
neighboring cafions and ‘draws,’ the cores of ‘blow-outs,’ 
where the winds had swept away the sand, leaving bare rocks 


University StupiEs, Vol. I., No. 4, Juty, 1892. 301 


2 Erwin H. Barbour, 


exposed for many feet, — in all of these could be seen a forest 
of titanic poles, coiled around about with titanic vines ; all 
standing in the half-lithified sandstone as erect as when they 
flourished there. Some, however, coiled about an zmagz- 


rivt SouTH RIV DANOTA Ru! 


Ww 


ceece Water shed. 
ns Line of Joor-hills, 


7" hee nas NEBRASKA, 


Ede of tabld-land 


Fig. 1.— Map of Sioux County, Nebraska, 
showing, in the shaded portion, the area of 
the Daimonelix or fossil “ corkscrew”’ beds. 
Drawn from a map prepared by Judge S. 
Barker, of Harrison. 


w Region pron whch specrniens Mere taken)? 


nary axis with as great 
nicety and precision as 
the others and stood quite 
as erect. 

Among these _ ruins 
where softer strata give 
way first, the roofing 
rocks stood as if sup- 
ported by magnificent 
spiral columns.  Else- 
where these columns 
stood solitary and alone, 
or, yielding to the never- 
ending action of the ele- 
ments, toppled over and 
are going to decay. All 
the combined geological 
forces, chiefly the forgot- 
ten raindrops, incessantly 
excavate, and at the same 
time disintegrate, these 
organic columns. 

The numbers we saw in 
a region circumscribed by 
a few miles are indicative 
of the countless numbers 
that must abound in the 
broad area of the several 
hundred square miles in 
which they are found. 


Why so conspicuous a feature of the landscape has remained 
unnoticed and unmentioned hitherto, is as mysterious as the 


fossils themselves. 
302 


New Order of Gigantic Fosstls. 3 


Notwithstanding its inelegance, the name ‘Devil’s cork- 
screw,’ bestowed by the ranchmen, is appropriate and descrip- 
tive, as the illustrations, or better still, the specimens them- 
selves, will show; and in proposing the name Daimonelix, it 
is the author’s intention to preserve their early name as far 
as seems admissible. 

Colossal corkscrews they are, and they have been turned 
in a lathe almost as true as that of the veritable corkscrew 
which they so resemble. There is, however, this essential 
difference between the two: screws generally turn in the 
one conventional direction, but the fossil screw is right- 
handed, or left-handed, indiscriminately, setting heliotropism 
at variance. The name is still farther justified by the 
immense transverse piece, analogous to the handle of an 
actual corkscrew. These great transverse pieces, rhizomes 
or underground stems, or whatever they are, project in all 
directions out of the banks and bluffs like logs, with which 
they have been confounded. Some noted were as large as 
ordinary barrels, others as large as hogsheads, or three feet 
in diameter, that is as large through as old-time logs, or to 
use a commonplace measuring-rod, as thick as ordinary house 
doors are wide and several inches to spare. 

Two laws may be enunciated here. 

(1) The fossil corkscrew ts tnvariably vertical. 

(2) The so-called rhizome invariably curves rapidly upwards, 
and extends outwards an indefinite distance. 

All of this type seem cast in the same mould (Plates I, 
1a a 

As for a second type, —the simple unsupported spiral, — 
there is the same perpendicularity, but the basal or under- 
ground portion of these is in many cases entirely wanting, 
in others present, in still others present but extraordinarily 
modified. (Figs. 15, 16, and 17, respectively.) 

Several of this type, as we dug downward, blended into the 
sandstone matrix and became lost, or were cut off as abruptly 
as if shorn by the same force that had robbed the top of its 
glory. 

303 


4 Erwin H. Barbour, 


Several were attached to the familiar transverse portion, 
as in the first type, —a fact not known till the third expedi- 
tion was sent out and more exhaustive search was made, 
revealing two examples. One spiral secured on the third or 
Morrill geological expedition by Mr. Thomas H. Marsland, 
when dug out, instead of ending abruptly as if cut off, as we 
might have expected from other experiences, or instead of 
ending in a transverse portion as some do, terminated below 
in three massive spherical enlargements. (See Fig. 17.) 


a 
‘ 


oie {Te aoe 


FIG, 2,— Eagle Crag, seen from the north, showing the Daimonelix or Devil’s cork- 
screws in place. C, see Plate IV., also Fig. 4. 


Can it be, then, that these great “twisters,” instead of 
being fucoids or sponges growing from below upward, are 
roots, boring their way from above downward, and becom- 
ing so completely modified as to lose their identity as 
roots? 

The invariable perpendicularity of the Devil’s corkscrew 
suggests the possibility that sedimentation was going on at 
a far livelier rate than supposed, otherwise these specimens 
must have rotted away or toppled over in spite of any pre- 
servative quality of the water. 


304. 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 5 


These corkscrew beds are noticeably homogeneous and even 
throughout, as if the most uniform and constant conditions 
prevailed during the period of deposit. That sedimentation 
should have proceeded with such rapidity as to surround any 
organism and bury it many feet in sand during the relatively 
short season in which it is possible for an organism to pre- 
serve its integrity and equilibrium, argues for waters so 
sediment-laden that it is to be marvelled at that life could 
be sustained there at all. 


i bo a! ( - 


ae 


FIG. 3.— Eagle Crag, viewed from the east, showing Daimonelix in place. D is shown 
in Fig. 15 ; “in Fig. 7; Gin Fig. 6. 


We know of not less than fifteen feet of sediment sur- 
rounding some specimens. The fact that the tops of these 
corkscrews are always missing may be accounted for by this 
rotting away before it was incased in a bed of sand. 

Strictly speaking, these corkscrew beds can no more be 
called bad lands, than foot-hills can be called the moun- 
tains, though merging into them and of the same formation. 
Besides, it might convey the false impression that a particu- 
larly fertile region was sterile. To the contrary, these beds 
are exposed in extensive ‘blow-outs.’ Those visited were near 


305 


6 Erwin H. Barbour, 


Harrison, Nebraska. At Eagle Crag, but a mile and a half 
north of Harrison, the conditions were most favorable, and 
here our best specimens were obtained. 

I visited this spot for the first time June 30, 1891, in com- 
pany with Mr. Charles E. Holmes (Yale, ’84), securing at that 
time one specimen (see Plate I.) and marking many others ; 
intending to return and work these fields over at the end of 
our expedition in the bad lands of Nebraska and South 
Dakota. Failing in this, I returned May 1, 1892, and in 
spite of the storms and blizzards which prevailed, was enabled 
to collect and ship within a week a ton of these extraordinary 
fossils, though forced by the blizzards and drifting snow to 
abandon some which we had quarried out, and were ready to 
pack for shipment. 

The third or Morrill expedition, consisting of a party of 
six, sent out in the-interest of the State University, and at 
the expense of the Hon. Charles H. Morrill, the author being 
in charge, camped June 2Ist in these new fossil beds, opened 
and made known the previous year, and devoted a fortnight 
to their study. 

Later, these beds were explored along Pine Ridge — the 
northern limit —to Squaw Cajon, a distance of some twenty 
miles, and as far south as the Niobrara River, about twenty- 
five miles; thence along the Niobrara, the southern limit of 
the beds. 

These lines include several hundred square miles of known 
Daimonelix or Devil’s corkscrew beds. While Pine Ridge is 
plainly the northern limit, and the undetermined eastern and 
western limits are roughly the eastern and western county 
lines respectively, yet the Niobrara River, while apparently 
the southern boundary, is not strictly such. 

Viewed as a whole this is an extensive field. Its fossils are 
presented to view in the greatest numbers along the northern 
and southern borders, where the erosion and transportation is 
most extensive, and lost sight of in the grass-covered prairies 
between, save where exposed in occasional draws, bluffs, and 
blow-outs. 

306 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 7 


It was a very apparent fact —if first observations are reli- 
able —that the northern or Pine Ridge corkscrews, so pecu- 
liarly mathematical, vertical, and regular, become, on going 
south to the Niobrara, far more massive, much less regular, 
and tend somewhat to lose the characteristic perpendicularity. 

The Pine Ridge Daimonelix — specimens of such magnifi- 
cent proportions as to rank with the most gigantic fossils 
known to science — become simply huge as we follow them 
southward to the Running Water or Niobrara River. 


A “pl 


FIG. 4.— Eagle Crag, from the west. A is shown in Plate I.; 4 in Plates II. and III.; 
‘ Cin Plate IV. ; Din Fig. 15; Z in Plate V., Figs. 27, 28, 29. 


The transverse portion of some specimens noted here was 
three feet in diameter. These specimens had passed the 
limit where transportation was practicable, and no attempt 
was made to dig them out. 

Those collected, though of necessity much smaller, offered 
not a few difficulties, even when broken into smaller pieces 
for easier handling. 

If puzzled before, we were even more confused after the 
third trip. And after considerable study and repeated consul- 
tations with the foremost naturalists of the country, east and 


307 


8 Erwin H. Barbour, 


west, I believe that no one, till further facts are obtained and 
until the material now brought together is worked out, can 
make any positive statement as to what these extraordinary 
fossils are. Accordingly, I shall treat of them cautiously and 
tentatively, awaiting the discovery of additional facts, and 
shall withhold for the present the classification which I had 
hoped to offer. 

That they could ever have been formed by burrowing ani- 
mals, by geysers or springs, or by any mechanical means 


MI) 


ae i 


VA , 


if 
it 


wl 


FIG. 5.— The right bank of a small draw near Eagle Crag, showing the more impor- 
tant ones of the many corkscrews in sight when sketched. 


whatever, is entirely untenable. Neither are they accidents, 
mere freaks, or concretions. Their organic origin cannot be 
questioned, —as it seems to others who have seen them as 
well as to myself. 

If they are sponges, —as I am inclined to believe, — then 
Miocene sponges are all the more remarkable, judging by 
our present diminutive fresh-water varieties. Moreover, the 
existence of spicules is not demonstrated, though certain not 
infrequent rod-like bodies may prove such. Add to this the 

308 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 9 


improbability, if not impossibility, of sponge-growth in waters 
so laden with sediment. Besides, in a section, unmistakable 
plant cells are shown, — which cannot, however, establish 
their vegetable origin, since this slide alone out of six shows 
any such structure ; and it is quite possible that modern root- 
lets could have made their way into this particular specimen 
sectioned. On the other hand, all the slides show certain 
smooth, spindle-shaped rods, which are suggestive, at least, 
of sponge spicules. Whether we accept the animal or vege- 
table theory, the difficulties are about equal. 


Fic. 6.—“ Underground stem” of Daimonelix, showing greatly enlarged extremity. 
see.G, Fig. 3. 


Reference to the map of Sioux County, kindly furnished 
me by Judge Barker of Harrison, shows the Devil's corkscrew 
beds to cover an area equal to two or three hundred square 
miles ; the eastern and western limits being in some doubt. 
These beds, as the map (Fig. 1) will show, follow the divide 
between the White and the Niobrara rivers, which bound the 
region on the north and south respectively. While my collec- 
tions were made chiefly at Harrison at the extreme northern 
limit, and comprise very large and excellent specimens, yet 
some twenty miles south, at the well-known James Cook 
ranch at Agate Springs, these corkscrews are far larger than 
those found near Harrison. 


309 


10 Erwin H. Barbour, 


As to numbers and distribution, the fossil corkscrews are 
scattered pretty evenly throughout these beds, and wherever 
fully exposed, it is plain they flourished in thickly crowded 
forests of vast extent. In one case six grew almost in con- 
tact; in another, ten were counted in a space eight yards 
long by two yards wide. Along the well-washed banks of a 
small draw, in a space about two hundred by thirty feet, 
some forty large specimens were counted and ten dug out. 
See hig. )s: 


vat why sen ) Ss 


Fic. 7.—“ Underground stem” of Daimonelix, showing enlargement of shaft. 
See /, Fig. 3: 


Barring many other examples, it is plain that if all the 
fossil corkscrews in a given region could be exposed to view, 
it would make a forest of ornamented spiral trunks, vying 
in beauty and magnificence with the fluted columns of the 
Coal Age. An attempt has been made in Figs. 2, 3, 4, and 5, 
to show in simple outline the general appearance of the land- 
scape, the frequency of occurrence of the Devil’s corkscrew, 
likewise the part they play in the landscape at and about 
Eagle Crag. In the illustrations many corkscrews are neces- 
sarily concealed behind rocks and other obstructions. 

Viewed from the north, Eagle Crag shows corkscrews and 
their stumps, all the way from the base, in the extreme fore- 

310 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. II 


ground of the picture, to the top, a thickness of about one 
hundred feet of soft sandstone. Seen from the east (Fig. 3), 
a similar array is presented. / and G, underground stems, 
shown more in detail in Figs. 7 and 6, are almost weathered 
out and ready to fall. At /, it is interesting to observe two 
corkscrews in close proximity, one twisting to the right, the 
other to the left. At DY an excellent specimen (similar to 
Fig. 24, save the whorls were reversed, and there was no 
ridge) was dug out and buried again, the drifting snow hin- 
dering us from boxing it. 

It is from the west that Eagle Crag presents its most inter- 
esting and diversified appearance. (See Fig. 4.) The cork- 


t 


win 


~ 


Suis 


Wher a 


Cabs linings atest 


Fic, 8.—“ Underground stem” of Daimonelix, showing peculiar enlargement. 


screws are numerous and large, and especially accessible here. 
They can be seen all the way from the one in the bottom of the 
small cafion in the foreground at the left to those in the top 
of the Crag in the background, a thickness of one hundred 
feet. At A my first specimen, shown in Plate I., was taken 
in 1891. At #& is shown a large and excellent specimen, 
figured in Plates II. and III. At C an open corkscrew, nine 
feet high (plus an unknown amount not yet quarried out) 
was secured. (See Plate IV.) At Da similar one was found. 
At & (in a small blow-out) was found a corkscrew entirely 
weathered out, figured in Plate V., Fig. 27. 

Pine Ridsenisiseenat Pk. Just’ to theunght of C,.cork- 
screw logs project like so many guns in a fortress. These 


311 


12 Erwin H. Barbour, 


great underground stems arrest attention at once; for 
although the average diameter may be about eight or ten 
inches, yet I measured one here —an immense log of a fossil, 
some eighteen inches through. I have represented, in Figs. 
6, 7, and 8, several forms noticed, and others will be seen in 
Plates I., II., and III. Figs. 6, 7, and 8 show for themselves 
certain peculiarities and enlargements. Fig. 8 represents 
one thirteen feet long, with evidence of several feet more, 
having at its upper end a great, knotted, wrinkled, irregu- 
lar, sponge-like enlargement. These stems, so hard and so 
easily distinguished from the imbedding matrix, begin toward 
their extremities to graduate insensibly into the surrounding 
sandstone, just as if before fossilization the ‘ underground 
stem,” like modern ones, while growing forward, had rotted 
in the rear. The walls of these stems, which are thick and 
fairly solid and of a chalk-white color, encircle a core of 
sandstone, perforated more or less by ramifying tubes and 
tubules. 

In nearly all specimens the large tubes and cavities are 
filled with an interesting deposit of gelatinous silicic acid, of 
about the hardness and texture of paraffine or castile soap. 
Occasionally this gelatinous silica is deposited in sheets five 
to six inches wide by one and one-half inches thick, lying 
medially and horizontally in the underground stem. Its color 
ranges from aurora red to pink, blue, gray, and white, being 
highly opalescent in some cases and dendritic in others. On 
drying, the unbroken homogeneous mass is divided by shrink- 
age cracks, and losing its color, becomes white. 

What added not a little to the difficulty of the whole prob- 
lem was the discovery of a finely preserved rodent’s skeleton 
in the great stem of one specimen (Fig. 9). 

This rodent is about the size of a ‘jack rabbit’ ; its incisors 
are large proportionally; sagittal and occipital crests high and 
sharp; shoulder girdle apparently mole-like. 

How or when it came there is explained perhaps by the 
subsequent discovery of a massive fragmentary fossil cork- 
screw, found in the bluffs bordering the Niobrara. It is 

312 


New Order of Gigantic Fosstls. 13 


evident that the living corkscrew had fastened upon the sub- 
merged skeleton of a mammal about the size of a tapir or 
small rhinoceros, and spreading out and growing over it had 
bound in place vertebrae, ribs and limb bones, almost inclos- 
ing them. 

From this, then, it 
may be reasonable to 
suspect that the rodent 
already described found 
entirely within the walls 
of the ‘underground 
stem”’ of a fossil cork- 
screw, had not bur- 
rowed there, but rather 


FIG. 9. — “Underground stem” of Daimonelix, 
that its skeleton, sub- showing a skeleton of a rodent partly worked 
out. 


merged in miocene 
waters, became a suitable anchorage for the living, growing 
Daimonelix, which eventually enveloped it. 

While the organic nature of these corkscrews cannot be 
backed as yet with stronger proof than the evidence from 
certain plant-cells already mentioned, and that of certain 
scattered rod-like bodies, possibly spicules, yet no one who 
has ever seen the characteristic intricate network of minute 
silicious tubes will grant that they could ever have been the 
burrow of an animal (Plate IFI., Fig. 21). 

This incomplete, strictly provisional classification is in- 
tended to be suggestive rather than final. 


ORDER. FAMILY. GENUS. SPECIES. 
( | circumaxilis 
( Daimonelix bispiralis 
Daimonelicide + ( anaxilis 
ees, \ eet set a 2 { robusta 
} \ carinata 


14 Erwin H. Barbour, 


Daimonelix Circumacxilts, gen. et sp. nov. 


This is the largest species of the genus as far as known, 
and the first I obtained. It is characterized by a perpendicu- 
lar axis, supporting a spiral, and having a greatly enlarged, 
obliquely ascending, underground portion. The axis is reg- 
ular and often sharply defined ; the spiral, strongly marked 
and wrinkled, with trans- 
verse ridges on the supe- 
rior surface; smooth, flat, 
or square-cut on the infe- 
rior surface. (See Figs. 27, 
28, 20, Plate: Ve) 

The species is further 
characterized by an intri- 
cate net-work of silicious 
tubes, not unlike a mass 
of tangled moss, particu- 
larly conspicuous on the 
underground or transverse 
portion (see Plate III., Fig. 
21) and throughout the 
spiral. For the foregoing 
characters, see Figs. 13 to 
17, Plate I. ; Plates 1ivand 


. io 
FIG. to.—A noticeably regular specimen of III. ; also Cont AaLS Figs. 27) 
Daimonelix circumaxilis. Sketched from 28, 2Q; Plate V. 


fae as in the collection of Mr. C. E. Figs. 14, and 16, 
Plate I., give three aspects 

(viz. opposite sides and a back view), one section, and a quarry 
scene of the first specimen I secured. We dug out nearly 
seven feet of the underground portion. Finding it impossible 
to go further, and not reaching the end, we broke off about 
three feet of it, leaving the rest in the bank. This portion, 
temporarily abandoned, was secured immediately on entering 
the field with the Morrill expedition. It measured five feet 


314 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 15 


and eight inches, thus making the entire length of stem 
eight feet and eight inches long. The type specimen is now 
complete. 

One of the best and most regular specimens (dug out at £, 
Fig. 4) was procured by Mr. Holmes, and is shown in Fig. ro. 
Plates II. and III. show a large and excellent specimen ; the 
several views are sufficiently descriptive in themselves. The 
surroundings of this specimen in the quarry are shown in 
Plate II., also in Fig. 4 at B. One interesting feature of this 
specimen, in addition to those common to all, is the eccen- 
tricity of the axis with respect to the spiral. It is apparent, 
even in the greatly reduced cuts, that each whorl is full on 
one side, but scant on the other, and that it is consistent in 
this irregularity. 

It deserves passing notice that from top to bottom the 
whorls of this corkscrew varied from a plumb line but one- 
eighth of an inch in the case of one coil, in others still less. 
The corrugated upper surface, and the flattened lower sur- 
face, and other features already mentioned, are sufficiently 
explained in the several cuts of the plate. Fig. 18, Plate III, 
is a side view; Fig. 19, a view from above; Fig. 20, a view 
from below; Fig. 30, Plate V., a section from bottom. This 
is the finest specimen of the species found as yet. Several 
fragments, weathered from the top, when added, will increase 
the number of coils by one, and change the present height 
(five feet) to a full six. The transverse portion is about 
seven feet long, and in its greater diameter eleven inches. 
The net-work of silicious tubes, which is a strikingly char- 
acteristic feature, is most admirably marked in this speci- 
men, and an attempt has been made in Fig. 21 to repre- 
sent it. 

The Figs. 27, 28, and 29, Plate V., are intended primarily to 
illustrate on a larger scale the upper and lower surfaces of the 
whorls. At the same time is given in Fig. 28 a fairly accurate 
idea of a cross-section of axis and coil. I find that, although 
fused together so that post and vine are one, there is yet 
plainly a line of weakness between the two. The corkscrew 


315 


16 Erwin H, Barbour, 


of which Fig. 27 is a portion was found some seven or eight 
feet above the ground, in the nearly vertical walls of a small 
‘blow-out’ (Fig. 4, £). It was so completely weathered out 
that it fell with violence on my head with the first blow of my 
workman’s pick. But a few feet to the right of this specimen 
could be seen others, the most noticeable being an immense 
corkscrew log fully eighteen inches in diameter. 


FIGs. rr and 12.— Two views of an excellent example of Daimonelix circumaxilis. 
Sketched in the field. 


A beautifully regular and symmetrical specimen belonging 
to this genus was secured on the last expedition by Mr. 
Thomas H. Marsland. The screw enlarges noticeably from 
the bottom to the top, and with a nicety not to be portrayed 
in a drawing made in the field. (See Figs. 11 and 12.) It 
seems déserving of passing notice that the basal coil con- 
tinues for nearly two turns below the stem, a peculiarity 

316 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 17 


noticed in this specimen first. The transverse portion is 
S-shaped, a form not infrequently met, though the dominant 
form is an upward curving stem, lying in the plane of the 
spiral. 

One massive specimen, secured by the Messrs. Morrill and 
Everett on the last expedition, shows this interesting pecu- 


FIG. 13.— Specimen of Daimonelix circumaxilis, buttressed by the expanded trans- 
verse portion. 


liarity, that it is admirably braced and buttressed by the 
transverse stem, which is so expanded vertically that it abuts 
against three whorls instead of one, as is customary. (See 
Fig. 13.) 


Daimonelix bispiralis, gen. et sp. nov. 


The difference on which this species is based, is that of a 
double spiral encircling the axis. In other respects it resem- 
bles the foregoing species. Inasmuch as the specimen was 
weathered out, it is short and fragmentary, but shows its 
characters sufficiently well for all that. See Fig. 14 (found 
at i, Fig. 4): 

317 


18 Erwin H. Barbour, 


Daimonelix anaxilis, gen. et Sp. nov. 


The characteristics of this species are a plain helix without 
axis, and, as far as observed, no transverse portion; a greater 
smoothness of surface and roundness of form than in either 
circumaxilis or bispiralis; a slenderness making it fragile 
compared with the above robust species. All known indi- 


a 


ue oe sii 
uli Ne 


FIG. 14.— Daimonelix bispiralis, showing double spiral. Sketched from nature. 


viduals of this species seem to have exceedingly thin walls, 

composed like all, of silicious tubes. As this specimen was 

abandoned perforce for the time, owing to the drifting snow, 

no better figure than that from sketches in the field can be 

offered. See Fig. 15, and compare with Fig. 24, Plate IV., 
318 


New Order of Gigantic Fosstls. 19 


noting the reversed whorls. The imaginary axis about which 
the spiral is wound, is a cylinder three to four inches in 
diameter, while that of the similar form, Carizata, is an in- 
verted cone with a base two to three 
inches in diameter. 

Probably the finest and most showy 
specimen of all. as yet found, and possi- 
biy-one of the best’ that ever can be 
found, was secured on the Morrill expe- 
dition by Mr. Frederick C. Kenyon. It 
consists of a pair of fossil corkscrews 
opposed to one another, yet growing side 
by side in such close proximity as to have 
completely coalesced along the line of 
contact. 

The corkscrews of this exceptional pair 
are large and tall: the one, a nearly per- 
fect specimen, being so regular and sym- 
metrical; the other ragged and faulty, 
yet bidding fair to be of the greater inter- 
est on this very account, when the matrix 
is properly cleaned from the specimen. Fic. 15.—Daimonelix an- 
In blasting away a troublesome portion Peete eens 
of the bluff, one of the pair was slightly shown in Fig. 3, D. 
injured before it was discovered that 
there were two instead of the one we were quarrying out. 
The more nearly perfect of the two has thirteen whorls, and, 
as can be seen, expands noticeably from bottom to top, con- 
trary to others which appear to taper upwards or else main- 
tain a uniformity throughout. (See Fig. 16.) 

This specimen should probably be referred to this species. 


Daimonelix robusta, gen. et sp. nov. 


This species —and from all observations it seems a dis- 
tinct species—differs from the foregoing in its marked 
roughness, greater size, close coils, and powerfully thickened 


319 


20 Erwin H. Barbour, 


walls (see Figs. 25, 26, Plate V.). The stony walls of this 
specimen are well shown in Fig. 26, Plate V. The wall varies 
from 4 to 14 inches in thickness. The walls of most speci- 
mens of the genus resemble in appearance and texture loosely 
aggregated particles of lime. Here, however, the walls are 
quite compact and stony. This specimen, together with many 
fragments which will restore one or two more whorls, was 


FIG, 16.— Daimonelix anaxilis, as seen in the walls of a blowout when nearly quar- 
ried out. Sketched in the field. 


found weathered out. Examination of the section (Fig. 26) 
will show the wall, and the greater, and some of the lesser, 
thick-walled tubes. Tubes run all through the specimen. 
Not being confined to the surface only, how can it be a 
burrow ? 


Daimonelix carinata, gen. et sp. nov. 


This species, which is the tallest, most shapely, and inter- 
esting of the family, is distinguished by a strong carina, or 
keel, which runs along the lower edge of the upper coils, and 

320 


New Order of Gigantic Fossils. 21 


along the middle or upper edge of the lower ones. The 
imaginary axis of this great spiral is an inverted cone with a 
base of about two inches. 
As the small sections will 
show, the diameter of the 
coils increases from above, 
downward. The = speci- 
men, including fragment, 
is nearly nine feet high, 
and an unknown amount 
still remains in the ground. 
Its whole effect is that of 
some magnificent bryo- 
zoan, though on a scale 
far grander, and on a plan 
more generous and im- 
posing than that of any 
fossil Archimedes ever 
found. Toward the bot- 
tom certain rough pillars 
or posts are thrown out, 
as 1f to lend additional 
strength to the unsup- 
ported helix as the superin- FIG. 17. — Specimen of Daimonelix anaxilis, 
Brae cecieat qereiscs.. Mb mansu seo nietet aes pe 
Transverse sections are 

exhibited in Plate IV., and one on a larger scale in Fig. 18. 
Within are two large, thick-walled tubes. These extend 
through the lower fourth of the specimen. 


Daimonelix. 


This corkscrew, the smallest variety yet found, is charac- 
terized by its rapid pitch of screw. Inasmuch as the speci- 
mens in my collection, and others noted in the field, were 
fragmentary, no further description will be offered until 
Feudied further. Sec Plate V., Fis. 37. 


g20 


22 Erwin H. Barbour, 


One very peculiar form which I shall leave unnamed, and 
but briefly mentioned, awaiting further study, is shown in 
Plate VI., of which Figs. 33, 34 show enlarged views of the 
processes of such forms. 

In Fig. 33 there is a certain parallelism associated with a 
crossing and intertwining of the tubes, suggestive of the sili- 
cious framework of a 
Venus’ Flower- basket 
on a large scaley 7 ime 
wrinkled surface of Fig. 
34, quite commonly met 
with, has a sponge-like 
look, as has the whole 
specimen. Aside from 
this superficial appear- 
ance there is no evi- 


dence that these are 


FIG. 18. — Cross section of Daimonelix carinata, sponges, as I have sus- 
near the bottom. (See last section, Fig. 24, 


Plate IV.) pected them to be. The 

structure of this genus 

is identically that of the Dazmonelix. This specimen, Fig. 

32, stands as it did in the quarry. As to size, they are about 
two to three feet long, and three inches in diameter. 


——__—§5]n. 


In my collection there are six or eight individuals of .a 
form akin to the above, but not sufficiently worked out for 
more than a mere notice. They coil about and branch ir- 
regularly, maintaining in all cases a certain perpendicularity. 
They are about one-half to three-fourths of an inch in diame- 
ter, and one to two feet or more in length. The structure of ; 
this species is represented fairly well by that of Fig. 33, 
Plate VI. 


322 


New Order of Gigantic Fosstls. 23 


On entering upon the last expedition it was confidently 
hoped that the obscurity shrouding the origin and nature of 
these fossils could be cleared away. Instead, however, it was 
the decision of the members of the expedition that each day’s 
work but heightened the difficulties. 

My collections were made between the first of May and 
last of June, so the shortness of time at my disposal for their 
study, coupled with the interference of college duties, has 
rendered it impossible to understand, much less to compass, 
the subject. However, these extraordinary and anomalous 
forms are of such absorbing interest that I cannot believe 
it untimely to offer the present suggestive rather than com- 
plete paper, which, if nothing more, must direct the atten- 
tion of palzontologists to this remarkable new fossil. 

The superficial and gross structure of new forms necessa- 
rily engages attention first, and later a study of the minute 
structure will determine more definitely their place in the 
economy of nature. 


Nore. — Owing to delay of publication, it has been possible to add to this 


paper, bearing date of June Ist, brief mention of the last expedition, even after 
the article was in type. 


323 


NV 


N 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES. 


PLATE I., Daimonelix circumaxilis. A quarry scene; three aspects, and a 
gection of Daimonelix. Since the plate was made, the transverse stem has been 


dug out, and the original specimen is now complete. 


PLATE II. A quarry scene, showing a Devil’s corkscrew, Daimonelix, 


nearly worked out. A cafion to the left. See same specimen in Plate III. 


N PLATE III., Datmonelix circumaxilis. Fig. 18, side view; Fig. 19, 

viewed from above, showing corrugation on upper surface of coils; Fig. 20, 
s 

viewed from below, showing square-cut lower surface of coils; Fig. 21, the net- 


work structure of Daimonelix, about natural size. 


PLATE IV., Datmonelix carinata. F igs. 22 and 23, quarry scenes; Fig. 24, 


same cleaned. Several sections are shown. 


N PLATE V., Fig. 25, Datmonelix robusta, with section of the same showing 


thick wall and tubes. 
Figs. 27, 28, 29, show the upper and lower surface of the coils of Daimonelix, 
as well as a section of “ post” and “ coil” in 28. Fig. 30, section of Fig. 18, near 


the great stem, showing eccentricity of coils. Fig. 31, smallest Daimonelix found, 


smallest species found as yet. 


\\ PLATE VL, Undetermined sponge-like mass, with protuberances more in de- 


tail in Figs. 33 and 34. 


324 


Pilate I. 


= 


beg 


Fe 


f} 


Plate II. 


Plate II. 


Big 19. 


329 


Plate IV. 


Plate V. 


Plate VI. 


335 


” A 
iy 


_— 
é ri 


IIl.— Ox Certain Facts and Principles in the 


Development of Form in Literature. 
By L. A. SHERMAN. 


SomE ten years or more ago, on first attempting to teach 
English Literature historically, I found my attention pecul- 
iarly drawn to the differences of form between the sentences 
of More, Hooker, Lyly, and other early prosaists, and of ap- 
proved stylists in our own age. Here was clearly an organic 
and sustained development, yet without scientific recognition 
of a single fact or principle of change. It seemed that 
something might easily be done towards determining the 
course of an evolution so evident and remarkable. But I 
had, or believed I had, no leisure for serious study of the 
subject, and found my interest inadequate to more than fitful 
theorizing as to what might one day be found at bottom. 
Certain phases in the development seemed probable enough, 
and from time to time I ventured talking incidentally to my 
classes concerning the structural reforms which must have 
preceded or enabled the simplicity and energy of our best 
modern prose. This was in reality, of course, much as if 
some barber surgeon of the middle age had assayed to divine 
and declare the processes of organic chemistry or embry- 
ology, and I think I realized the absurdity of it to some 
degree. At length it occurred to me it should be no long task 
at least to ascertain approximately how much the English 
sentence had shortened since the beginnings of modern prose. 
So I began simply counting the number of words in the 
periods of Chaucer, Fabyan, Ascham, Spenser, Lyly, and 
Joseph Hall, in order to determine an average for each and 
for the period in general, as means of comparison with later 
times. In this attempt I realized at once, what I had failed 
to comprehend before, that the punctuation in early writers 
is often signally false to both form and sense, therefore could 


University Stupies, Vol. I., No. 4, Juty, 1892. 337 


2 L.A. Sherman, 


not fail to misrepresent the authors and period in hand. But 
all such considerations, until some sort of foothold might be 
reached, were disregarded; a period as found was taken as a 
period, no matter if beginning with a w/zch or when, and 
ending without principal verb. The summaries obtained were 
as follows :— 


CHAUCER. FABYAN. 
(Tale of Melibeus.) (Chronicle, Ellis’s ed., p. 362, par. 2.) 
First hundred periods nee LOS First hundred periods si oye ONS. 
Second “ 5 oy a) yas Second “ 2 ee GG:GS: 
Third “ Gs Bo 8 ASS) Mhird os <yil oi) eae One 
Remaining forty “ Siig! | a. BLS) Fourth “ “e ‘| Sige sie ODM 
Average 340 periods 48.99 ne + ty nea 
Average 500 periods 63.02 

ASCHAM. SPENSER. 

( Toxophilus.) (View of State of Ireland.) 
First hundred periods Spee LOS, First hundred periods fe eet Ona 
Second “ 5 5 0 Geni Second “ 5 5, a OOS 
kindy < se ce pO Mbird es ‘ Be ge a) OU 
Fourth “ a so 0 “pel Fourth “ sg = ie enacts 
Fifth  <‘ Gs 5 0 6 (oy0N8) latide, © ce Bae 25, “dias: 
Average 500 periods 49.60 Average 500 periods 49.82. 
LYLY. JosEPpH HALL. 

(Luphues.) (Specialties; Hard Measure; Post- 

First hundred periods . . . 39.81 ae) 
Second “ se ib io. alleyAll First hundred periods ekg eo SllASe: 
hinds a se Ei Mey aie O29 Second “ Ses a sos 
Fourth ‘ “s a go SOY eihiicclece ee Ato 2 De St 
Eich eece é sete gere WOOL Remaining seventeen . . . 8.25 
Average 500 periods 36.83 Average 317 periods 52.60: 


The average of these results was found to be 50.14 words. 
This was then to be taken tentatively as an expression for the 
length of the English sentence down to Elizabethan times. 

In selecting a like group from among modern authors, I 
took an example of the most diffuse and of the most con- 
densed or laconic style that I could find by simple inspection, 
with three writers of standard but diverse excellence between. 
De Quincey, Macaulay, Channing, Emerson, and Bartol were 
the five names. The results from each author, given in com- 
plete hundreds to show the range and variation of sentence 
lengths and structures, were these : — 


338 


OE. 


ils}5 oe 


Oe 


2B eg 


30... 


BOR 


40... 


45... 


5OP.. 


Development of Form in Literature. 


DE QUINCEY. 
( Opium- Eater.) 


70 39 44 9 73 
35 37 18 35 il7/ 
43 11 62 13 8 
36 1] 9 29 61 
35 7 44 12 40 
25 36 15 ng 63 
141 6 22 10 4 
37 43 13 76 4 
57 10 35 5 21 


53 of 38 24 5 
17 16 Es) 34 92 
40 27 6 15 6 
31 21 13 32 29 
13 28 7 20 65 


29 22 15 37 6 
38 14 5 31 13 
74 ol 23 35 24 
12 5 34 59 56 
54 28 20 5 14 


38.63 29.82 31.22 
Average 500 periods, 32.73. 


339 


LO). 


oy 


Maas 


BD ie 


SOle 


40... 


45... 


50.. 


L. A. Sherman, 


MACAULAY. 


(Essay on History.) 


26 33 oye 
23 30 24 
39 $ 15 
9 14 28 
ll 10 30 
15 10 57 
15 24 31 
13 29 49 
18 55 54 
7 57 96 
9 17 10 
24 8 97 
13 12 15 
14 29 40 
14 Tal Wi 
16 31 39 
32 20 19 
12 9 6 
12 47 358 
9 26 oii 
17 20 1; 
1] 8 17 
7 20 62 
22 10 32 
1s 4] 26 
45 1s 7 
16 5] Wf 
14 23 13 
19 24 10 
29 25 22 
16 24 49 
5 15 53 
24 22 17 
35 19 10 
22 22 45 
ll 13 17 
41 31 30 
7 13 22 
50 28 12 
12 22 11 
if 9 35 
31 9 30 
8 25 48 
21 19 So 
40 ll 18 
22 19 16 
“All 20 2 
8 43 10 
12 15 35 
27 20 22 
21.26 25.95 


1 Vee 


bi, 


PAV. <0 


25.. 


30... 


35... 


AN ie 3 


AOn. 


» 


Development of Form in Literature. 


MACAULAY — Continued. 


6 16 26 13 

6 17 50 4 

8 26 36 6 

6 24 ll 16 

19 19 8 22 
65 16 15 24 
FAA | 13 25 12 
24 10 17 66 
8 pA 13 14 

20 23 29 27 
11 50 18 17 
23 70 18 17 
7 17 24 13 

5 35 36 tZ 

42 50 fe 6 
3 19 15 11 

16 14 25 18 
7 15 23 56 

25 24 25 19 
16 28 33 18 
15 51 16 19 
58 65 9 14 
40 13 16 41 
73 52 7 10 
22 5 20 7; 
17 67 Bile 42 
17 54 44 14 
WZ 37 98 29 
19 7 36 30 
9 14 11 ES 

19 13 7 28 
33 26 16 23 
iW 23 41 29 
16 23 14 19 
11 9 10 14 
28 40 11 30 
68 7 18 42 
29 19 23 17 
6 18 6 27 

9 29 14 38 

18 13 15 50 
30 47 29 29 
9 26 32 14 

11 21 45 23 
11 16 65 58 
HS 15 25 9 
28 29 13 21 
14 33 60 54 
29 9 19 58 
i 29 16 39 

23.47 24.78 


Average 722 sentences, 23.00. 
341 


Ns 9+ 


15ya Se 


20.. 


25... 


3) s oc 


SDR 


40... 


45... 


SON 


- L. A. Sherman, 


CHANNING. 


(Self Culture. ) 


46 38 21 
18 26 7 
14 6 12 
13 31 2 
18 34 23 
27 34 11 
18 44 83 
22 26 22 
18 24 26 
43 8 29 
59 68 24 
27 88 46 
10 52 17 
31 24 41 
4 10 13 
16 23 21 
57 20 14 
15 24 32 
41 18 22 
37 13 21 
23 33 22 
28 52 15 
17 11 25 
51 21 17 
25 13 59 
14 15 30 
19 15 30 
1 19 15 
60 25 18 
35 75 15 
26 ll 38 
65 38 24 
9 15 BS 
14 16 BY 
1 20 21 
52 29 20 
43 15 16 
Wa 29 31 
28 26 10 
14 20 45 
a 24 15 
6 40 53 
) 13 15 
14 17/ 27 
22 8 Wy 
26 28 30 
26 20 28 
69 27 16 
ily 12 46 
85 12 4 
Zoso1 25.38 


OR 


US Soe 


20Ee sc 


Born. 


30... 


155 oe 


40... 


AD a 


5) Dae 


Development of Form tn Literature. 


CHANNING — Continued. 


26 12 9 14 
61 28 70 43 
10 29 9 18 
14 53 28 20 
tS 66 58 47 
33 4h 24 19 
10 18 35 11 
§ 109 22 47 

14 11 26 16 
19 29 7 16 
20 10 8 12 
Ds 7 41 23 
14 48 7A | 14 
35 68 30 31 
22 33 36 4 
13 26 26 4 
14 55 31 Mi 
37 58 7 16 
ai 31 4h 12 
28 18 30 10 
5 16 14 58 

34 25 18 39 
26 7 19 25 
9 15 6 17 

11 27 11 13 
18 22 59 5 
28 24 28 23 
44 47 19 47 
16 47 78 27 
14 40 5 of 
32 il Zo 14 
5] 22 17 37 
18 20 22, 9 
16 16 21 14 
39) 13 iS 20 
31 18 WW 7 
6 13 6 26 

20 54 19 9 
33 26 18 15 
28 10 44 29 
iy 14 13 29 
oa 10 27 22 
12 18 36 52 
10 15 21 42 
10 20 28 42 
40 20 20 60 
Zi 25 32 24 
28 23 38 46 
6 18 14 49 

52 6 16 29 
25.48 25edo 


Average 750 periods, 25.35. 
343 


LOE. 


Nery 


7A 


20)... 


30)... 


3D). 


40... 


45... 


Ober 


L. A. Sherman, 


EMERSON. 


(The American Scholar, and Divinity School Address.) 


30 
18 
24 
42 
36 


a 
on 
I 


16 31 36 
10 5 28 
vi a 68 
8 4 19 
18 6 8 
13 14 8 
18 10 19 
10 12 16 
1 5 3: 
13 5 69 
iS 9 12 
7 9 iG 
34 37 59 
19 14 10 
30 12 19 
27 9 ILS) 
8 44 8 
10 21 yal 
iS 18 21. 
14 38 7 
20 17 31 
7 8 17 
15 7 59 
8 8 qi 
5 20 10 
8 10 23 
ih Lae) 14 
21 45 25 
18 28 17 
all 14 16 
11 KO 5 Ay) 
13 77 10 
8 8 14 
15 13 6 
16 18 22 
33 5 25 
51 5 32 
19 27 33 
79 28 22 
3 25 40 
14 al 16 
ar if SM 
48 ©) ) 
21 38 26 
20 23 19 
Af 28 21 
15 43 15 
20 6 16 
82 15 8 
12 25 32 
19.8 20.22 


HOS. 


eae 


20)... 


2D sini 


aU ee 


SOs 


40... 


45... 


50... 


Development of Form in Literature. 9 


EMERSON — Continued. 


Ss) 61 ll 14 38) 

Ly 9 IS 18 58 
g) 13 a9 14 54 

15 8 Hf | 64 18 
11 st 21 33 13 
40 10 26 77 6 
23 15 30 55 7 
31 15 38 18 18 
3l 29 25 15 21 
28 4 39 24 21 
11 18 15 46 36 
15 12 17 24 Z 
17 14 20 32 13 
18 19 18 12 51 
35 26 20 31 50 
9 2) 7 17 all 

10 22 35) 14 13 
18 47 5 15 29 
10 21 24 24 11 
11 25 lar 16 30 
Ig) 42 16 Sf 51 
1] 33 14 20 19 
7 21 50 14 39 

i) 22 10 6 40 
20 54 24 ll iN 
16 20 52 3 16 
24 18 10 3 WA 
11 Bye 16 18 18 
30 13 30 13 lt 
14 6 25 Fi 14 
30 47 26 14 43 
16 UL 16 8 43 
12 a 18 9 23 
33 10 el 7 17 
6 5 36 5 8 

Wi 28 = A) 15 18 
12 15 14 3 10 
18 25 18 + 7 
15 Ze, 7 5 19 
14 3 13 5 13 
30 9 19 6 35 
13 13 5 41 16 
5 8 10 21 15 

23 14 16 14 14 
24 20 47 17 13 
31 32 38 6 48 
48 5 9 18 23 
26 WZ 3 12 22 
41 30 31 22 51 
7 58 13 41 ay] 

— 16 

20.15 21.01 17 

70 


Average 732 periods, 20.71. 


345 


LOn 


Uys 0 


20.325 


25... 


30... 


35.. 


40... 


45... 


OOF: 


L. A. Sherman, 


BARTOL. 


(Radicalism and Father Taylor.) 


20 10 
16 8 
59 4 
9 7 
30 13 
9 23 
18 30 
5 9 
20 25 
18 19 
6 12 
6 34 
10 25 
27 16 
40 7 
21 17 
21 14 
5 13 
34 4 
13 29 
12 28 
17 17 
47 5 
13 4 
12 4 
7 19 
16 10 
16 63 
15 9 
13 14 
16 23 
20 33 
18 9 
33 4 
21 17 
16 36 
8 17 
28 at 
27 12 
5 34 
9 12 
5 28 
9 8 
48 13 
20 7 
10 17 
12 8 
8 17 
25 5 
16 17 
17.49 


2a 4 
36 i 
27 6 
36 2 
Le, We 
6 18 
6 6 
35 6 
d 5 
26 2) 
7 10 
16 19 
il at 
21 6 
17 16 
5 6 
Ry) 7 
4 10 
Uf 16 
20 11 
16 13 
13 We 
8 20 
7 7 
3 US) 
3 Ze, 
7 14 
10 14 
7 9 
15 23 
35 24 
14 I) 
24 Ce 
25 10 
1] 8 
10 30 
24. 18 
10 22 
Sil 7] 
14 15 
10 y) 
22, 5 
21 13 
26 19 
5 23 
21 5 
7 tz 
9 25 
6 13 
6 IM 
14.28 


105... 


Deter 


202: 


25... 


30... 


SD. 5 


40... 


45... 


5Ose 


Development of Form in Literature. 


BARTOL — Continued. 


9 20 4 37 
23 6 5 6 
11 6 26 20 
25 6 20 7 
31 13 27 70 
10 13 26 17 
13 23 13 14 
16 19 7 20 
38 10 10 53 
15 11 7 11 
8 9 19 5 

19 38 13 6 
13 6 15 11 
10 i i 11 
28 51 35 9 
12 15 24 6 
19 17 7 13 
17 21 10 10 
28 20 15 8 
19 23 36 11 
18 16 5 10 
17 11 30 11 
12 28 11 7 
13 19 6 9 
12 10 12 10 
9 4 24 8 

8 8 23 a7 

10 3 18 12 
8 19 18 13 

29 6 20 7 
12 4 13 11 
9 9 18 7 

10 26 18 8 
13 34 6 1a 
9 28 5 12 

11 27 5 14 
12 25 10 18 
13 38 10 14 
11 33 10 19 
12 10 28 48 
24 7 25 18 
12 9 10 11 
14 16 44 6 
29 15 39 16 
6 20 5 25 

22 4 19 11 
10 9 15 23 
4 10 18 12 

7 7 12 17 

10 10 15 43 
15.49 16.21 


Average 805 periods, 16.63. 
347 


If 


12 L. A. Sherman, 


Adding now the several footings, I found 23.53 as the 
average of the selections, or very nearly half that obtained 
for the authors of the first group. The comparison thus 
turned out essentially as expected, furnishing evidence that 
the English prose sentence had dropped something like half 
its weight since Shakespeare’s times. 

But this array of figures was clearly of further interest. 
Now that the number of words in consecutive sentences 
was definitely exhibited, strange facts and features of style 
were indicated or suggested. The length of one sentence, it 
was shown, might be echoed unconsciously into the next, as 
notably in Macaulay’s groups of seventeens. Noteworthy 
was Macaulay’s failing for odd, and De Quincey’s for prime, 
numbers, as also Macaulay’s partiality to seven and nine for 
final digits. But the really remarkable thing was the appar- 
ently constant sentence average in the respective authors. 
Could it be possible that stylists as eminent and practised as 
these are subject to a rigid rhythmic law, from which even by 
the widest range and variety of sentence lengths and forms 
they may not escape? At once pushing the suspicion to a 
proof, I made, first, an extended test in Macaulay’s Essays: 
result, 23 +, the number obtained before; then in Channing: 
average again, 25. The variation in each hundred periods 
from these respectively was so slight, it seemed best to make 
special trial of the Opzwm-Eater, in which greater fluctuations 
had above been marked. The averages. of the remaining 
sentences of the work, taken by hundreds as before, were 
these :—— 


Sixthihundred’ = . 965 = = 29:09) |) Hifteenth hundredisy ys -aeeaeE One 
Seventh en tet. sn BOBO U eSixteenth Sale eats boy aK022) 
Eighth 4. wl ate se 0, 3294 "Seventeenth, |) “23: os aes 
Ninth SOM er ce Tails) |e a aeoo OCmeerehteent h SC el Ome 
Tenth OU ee se 2.80" Nineteenth eMC ci oll asst 
Eleventh “ . . . . . . 34.09 | Twentieth <C)t ) oam 
Twelfth © 2 co. » 593442 | Uwenty-first | °° 2 "5 eee 
Mhirteemth Fy sew ee 299 0|) MlWwenbyeseco nd 1 in: aml sl aa innnciceUl 
Fourteenth "2 3 8) 3) 38:58) | Remaining itwenty-hvel mi nmemmelelCG 


Complete average 2225 periods, 33.65. 
348 


Development of Form in Literature. 13 


Several other tests were next made in various writers, with 
essentially like findings. Even an author as far back as 
Hooker yielded from the first book of the Polzty, 725 periods, 
44:08, 40.84, 37.03, 41.63, 42.40, 45.14, 47.83, for the con- 
secutive hundreds. Bacon was found to be 28 consistently 
in the Essays. Milton at first seemed refractory, but was 
forced to own to no less an average than 60. Dryden reached 
45, Addison stopped at 37. Shaftesbury, Bolingbroke, /wzz1s, 
Carlyle, Newman, Beecher, Lowell, and Higginson fell into 
line regularly with the rest. No evidence appearing to the 
contrary, it seemed likely enough that sentence rhythm was a 
universal law. At any rate, it was not necessary to delay 
longer upon what was relatively an unimportant point. 
There was plenty to do ahead. The right way and the only 
way to learn the facts and principles of English prose devel- 
opment was plainly to study the literature objectively, with 
scalpel and microscope in hand. Yet, with the aid of certain 
of my students and others, I gave further a little time to the 
question whether the sentence average was constant in a 
given author for different works and periods of production. 
In Macaulay no variation was found between the J/2/ton or 
the Machiavelli and the Pztt Essay; none between the first 
and the fifth volume of the Azstory. De Quincey was seen 
to have been writing in 1852 and 1857 (“ Calzfornza”’ and 
“China” respectively) the same length of sentence as had 
been determined from the Ofzwm-Later (pub. 1821). Chan- 
ning likewise had not altered between 1812 and 1842, and 
even Carlyle showed no change for worse or better, in respect 
to sentence proportions, between the Edinburgh Zssays and 
his frederick the Great. 

On now taking up the main task with some seriousness, I 
soon found the principal lines along which the English sen- 
tence had approached its modern simplicity and strength. 
But the process of following out the various phases of the 
development appeared so complex and tedious that I was 
dismayed. It was too much to attempt without codperation. 
Having the responsibility as editor of filling the gap between 


349 


14 L. A. Sherman, 


two principal articles in the second number of our UNIVERSITY 
Srup1es, I put together certain chief facts and findings from 
the analysis in the paper “Some Observations upon the 
Sentence-length in English Prose,’ hoping to attract other 
hands to the work. But, though I outlined with some clear- 
ness the course of investigation to be followed, no one of 
those communicating with me concerning it seemed drawn to 
the task, or, as I thought, to realize the promise it held out of 
solving some or many of the mysteries of literature. Clearly, 
by study of individual styles the course of evolution in 
modern prose English might be traced. Moreover, if it were 
true that each author writes always in a consistent numerical 
sentence average, it would follow that he must be constant 
in other peculiarities, as proportion of verbs, substitutes for 
verbs, conjunctions, etc., if a sufficiently large number of 
sentences were taken as the basis. Meanwhile, in a series 
of communications to Sczexce (beginning with the issue for 
March 22, 1889) upon a kindred topic, it had been seriously 
questioned whether there could be any such thing as con- 
sistency in such cases,— except perhaps on the basis of 
many thousand sentences. The first thing therefore to be 
done was to demonstrate undeniably the fact of a constant 
numerical average. For this I chose Macaulay’s Hzstory of 
Lugland. The style of this was noticeably less stereotyped 
and regular than of the Assays, there was much curt dia- 
logue, there were long descriptions. If the findings for the 
Essays were confirmed in the A/zstory as a whole, the case 
would be closed, at least for Macaulay. I had devised a 
plan of accurately registering the results in counting, and 
had reached such facility with the method that I no longer 
dreaded the drudgery of such a task. In about three weeks 
of the summer of 1889 I finished the five volumes. The fol- 
lowing were the results obtained. Each entry is the average 
of one hundred periods in consecutive order throughout. 


350 


LON. 


ilfs)a 6 


20.. 


25. 


30.. 


35.. 


40.. 


45.. 


50.. 


30.69 
24.62 


25:39, 


24.18 


eee teste 


26.11 
26.13 
24.50 
25.84 


.29.01 


23.90 
Za59 
24.80 
a6 | 


AAT 


25.18 
24.93 
24.13 
alley) 


26.79 


23.22 
24.19 
24.60 
22.88 


. 26.38 


24.96 
25.32 
22S 
25-15 


25.24 


21.85 
20.92 
24.45 
21.93 


22.80 


21.74 
24.65 
24.04 
26.86 


se 


26.27 
25.88 
28.16 
21.61 


-25.18 


25.16 
23.06 
24.09 
24.64 


.25.90 


Development of Form in Literature. 


22d 
21.60 
27.69 
27.30 
24.41 
17.29 
17.88 
20.42 
21.01 
21.78 
20.53 
23.92 
21.44 
18.55 
Sli 
21.28 
ZO 
22.36 
24.44 
25.15 
24.51 
22.39 
17.04 
21.75 
ZENS 
21.00 
21.50 
20.69 
19.10 
Torn 
18.27 
19.01 
17.36 
22.59 
Pah ty 
18.85 
20.48 
23.07 
18.88 
30.91 
ZZ, 
23.87 
22.33 
20.79 
Zila 
24.67 
28.04 
22.65 
Berl) 
23.31 


20.93 
20.65 
22.60 
22.91 
23.06 
24.89 
23.08 
Deol 
22.97 
(Arey | 
24.76 
25.16 
29.65 
23.98 
26.00 
26.63 
24.32 
20.47 
26.77 
25.59 
23.66 
22.22 
22.58 
23.75 
22.85 
21.04 
Weel 
W722 
24.88 
21.99 
23.86 
24.68 
20.83 
25 a5 
16.32 
20.63 
22A2, 
24.86 
21.01 
18.18 
27.05 
25.76 
26.11 
24.46 
24.00 
22.44 
23.27 
19.76 
26.30 
21.89 


19.86 
16.92 
19.46 
21.21 
20.52 
19.27 
19.84 
17.87 
18.27 
23.03 
21.04 
Zot 
20.47 
21.56 
ZA, 
ZAEZO 
16.89 
19.88 
23.69 
23.85 
20.88 
elias 
30.34 
22.58 
Zoo 
Alea 
Ze, 
28.06 
24.98 
29.54 
23.83 
ZEO9) 
Zoot 
22.86 
Ze 
27.51 
25.77 
22.86 
30.21 
29.76 
Diet 
24.16 
23.74 
26.08 
21.64 
22.12 


22,61 


aes 
oY 
23.87 


21.11 
22.13 
19.33 
24.00 
21.00 
27.48 
21.02 
19.78 
22.82 
BYpY? 
24.88 
27.13 
22.87 
19.20 
26.78 
28.60 
26.95 
23.90 
24.70 
25.68 
21.55 
25.36 
21.14 
795 
23.29 
19.66 
28.04 
19.46 
24.44 
22.02 
22.78 
21.20 
21.05 
26.06 
28.45 
28.50 
VAAL 
24.07 
25.28 
Zasinyll 
Cayo 
23.48 
25.67 
24.00 
18.07 
24.06 
24.67 
7Hifelts) 
Za25 
24.96 


351 


2SZ 
wel} 
24.02 
ZA 
20.11 
23.58 
26.46 
18.16 
18.96 
19.98 
23.02 
28.07 
ZNEO2: 
23.07 
20.59 
24.26 
22.96 
Pavel tf 
22.28 
22.97 
21.66 
24.30 
19.19 
24.45 
22.40 
ZOOS 
20.03 
20.31 
21.70 
23.99 
21.28 
18.29 
17.49 
18.99 
20.73 
24.96 
25.91 
29.21 
2aeoat 
30.30 
25.49 
ZOO, 
26.52 
22.86 
24.77 
24.95 
24.71 
20.46 
21.15 
26.04 


19.30 
18.42 
20.74 
18.46 
24.36 
22.05 
19.69 
19.38 
20.24 
22.76 
23.13 
PAS) 
PX tell 
29.61 
Dihedld 
26.66 
27.31 
Peed fs) 
24.10 
23.53 
27.41 
25.46 
23.18 
21.78 
idles 
26.74 
25.70 
28.22 
24.25 
25.67 
24.81 
22.60 
23.46 
22.43 
Za 
20.99 
20.88 
2419 
22.26 
Zed 
20.90 
25.68 
2Ae 
21.78 
25.60 
26.41 
25.30 
Ze33 
20.23 
Doe 


24.43 
20.52 
25.09 
28.50 
Zech 
23.83 
22.00 
19.23 
20.28 
23.26 
23.83 
23.26 
21.83 
23.10 
22.81 
20.30 
23.75 
20.49 
24.13 
24.63 
20.27 
23.17 
23.25 
22.10 
24.85 
26.02 
23.87 
24.27 
27.90 
Psyonk 
Zaria, 
23.80 
ZD93 
28.02 
24.38 
24.68 
21.87 
24.04 
26.05 
24.72 
23.61 
25.26 
25.18 
29.45 
25.23 
26.62 
25.41 
26.64 
aw be) 
PAL ATS 


15 


Zoe 
25.62 
27.22 
24.93 
23.36 
29:95 
20.82 
25.85 
23.66 
26.63 
26.46 
23.85 
22.85 
Jd a 2 
21.26 


16 L. A. Sherman, 


The entries in the following columns are the averages of 
the consecutive thousands. The footings are the averages 
by five thousands. 


26.09 ZOMS: 23.00 19.62 22.21 21.81 20.54 23.26 
Data 22.36 25.33 Mal 25.06 23239 25.01 22.81 
24.20 20.85 21.76 25.58 2233 Pye) eel 23.9 
255i 21.08 ZALES) 25.86 24.81 Z3e7 2292, 24.92 
ibe (8)8) 23.81 24.10 23.81 24.05 24.03 Zou 25.28 


24.61 22.05 23.16 23.20 23.69 22.96 23.42 24.03 


The entries here are the averages of the consecutive thou- 
sands as before. The footings are the averages by ten 
thousands : — 


26.09 23.00 22x21 20.54 
24.21 ZDEaS 25.06 25.01 
24.20 21.76 22.39 24.97 
Zoro Z1S9 24.81 22.92 
24.99 24.10 24.05 ZS 
22S 19.62 21.81 23.26 
22.36 Ze 23.39 22.81 
20.85 25.58 (anes) 23.91 
21.08 25.06 Zones, Pan SV 
23.81 23.81 24.03 25.28 
23033 23.18 23-32, 2313 


Number of words in the remaining 1579 sentences, 38,696. Average for the 
entire History, 23.43. 


The data now in hand confirmed certain apparent differ- 
ences between the style of the Essays and of the Flistory. 
The latter is written with less “curious care”; the long sen- 
tences are much longer; curt phrases are far more numerous. 
Yet, in spite of the greater centrifugal force, the style keeps 
to its orbit. What centripetal principle could be potent 
enough to counteract all erratic tendencies so perfectly ? 
When long sentences had prevailed for a page or two, short 
were sure to follow in similar succession, as the figures 
showed. After the dialogue passages and consequent re- 
duced averages, seemingly by a sort of reaction, full-rounded 

352 


Development of Form in Literature. 17 


periods and high averages take their place. Instead of a 
lesser final aggregate for the H/zstory on account of the abun- 
dant dialogue, this was larger than for the Lssays by a 
respectable fraction. The evidence seemed to indicate the 
operation of some kind of sentence-sense, some conception or 
ideal of form which, if it could have its will, would reduce all 
sentences to procrustean regularity. A single act may or 
may not signify with respect to character, but the sum of a 
man’s deeds for a day or a week will exhibit his ideals and 
principles and other springs of action. Here, then, in this 
23.43 was the resultant of the forces which had made Macau- 
lay’s literary character. How the many short sentences are 
kept at equilibrium by the few long periods is illustrated on 
next page by a diagram of the sentence-lengths from the 
first two columns on page 4. The horizontal numberings 
indicate the sentences in order from one to one hundred; the 
vertical show the number of words in the respective periods. 
1 In the A/s¢ory was observed the same fondness for seven as a final digit as 
had appeared in the figures from the Zssay above. There was relatively a great 
number of sentences —and in one case no less than four consecutively — contain- 
ing just seven words. Thinking this might be connected in some way with the 
fact that Macaulay’s sentence average was an odd number, I went through forty 
thousand of the sentences, to ascertain whether even or odd numbers predominated. 


But I found that the sentences containing each an odd number of words were not 
more numerous than those of even, as the following summary will show : — 


In first 5000 sentences. . . . . 2455 even, 2545 odd. 
* second “ oC det TAS) 4). on GLO SOME eo 2464 “ 
Ge nonhas! cs SN i li yea TenteOR, Wee PAN oy 
<ofourthien ce aes Usui Neteot techn a toe Pasilisy’ 0 
sansa) ae cs MG AT ey a ECO 2389 2509 as 
OO Sorat) ce RUE is ain Mesa AO Othe ce 2496 * 
“* seventh “ a: SUE mUrnmtie als ARYA S S7/MT 2463 * 
fer ohithymce t Se Ge ANileed [pee a Why Aayorsec! Ne ZAOO Ws 
In 40,000 sentences. . . . . 20,001 even, 19,999 odd. 


But why should the even and the odd sentences alternate in preponderancer 
This surely could not be fortuitous merely. Other mysteries there were in plenty 
and seemingly more solvable. The lists abounded in strange runs and ranges of 
figures, in which it seemed some law should be at once discerned by the mathe- 
matically or psychologically expert. For my own part, after a few ineffectual 
attempts to decipher something, I gave up the task. 


353 


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Development of Form in Literature. 19 


In the general investigation pursued before the publica- 
tion of the article alluded to above, it was noted, first, that 
Macaulay, Channing, Emerson, and Bartol wrote a great 
number of simple sentences, while the earlier authors very 
few. Chaucer’s AZe/zbens showed but four per cent of these ; 
Hooker’s first book of the Ecclesiastical Polity, thirteen; but 
Macaulay's Essay ox History, not less than forty. It was evi- 
dent that Macaulay and his fellows were under some constraint 
to write simple sentences only. But it was further noticed 
that when any one of these writers found it necessary to use 
a long or complex period, it was likely to turn out very long 
and complex indeed; so that in this they agreed with and 
even rivalled the authors of the first era. Here then were 
in operation two active principles, one analytic, one synthetic. 
So far as appeared after an extended examination, Channing 
and Macaulay were the first to write in accordance with the 
former. The prosaists who since Chaucer had employed the 
latter appeared to show a progressive improvement, both in 
decrease of predication and in articulation, — or, as Spencer 
would say, in bringing the heterogeneous out of the homo- 
geneous. For the prose periods of Chaucer and Spenser 
abounded in codrdinate rather than subordinate constructions 
of every kind. A comparison of the prose with the poetry of 
each proved their poetic sentences much more organic and 
articulate, and much less synthetical. There were far less 
predications in the latter, the periods did not seem half so 
long. In short, their poetry seemed as simple and clear as 
anybody’s, but their prose was practically unreadable. The 
prose might really be of the same kind as the poetry, but was 
at least centuries behind it in sentential development. 

The analytical principle as observed in Channing and 
Macaulay appeared to mean, Put in a simple sentence no 
more than can be brought before the mind pictorially or sym- 
bolically in a single view. If this meaning be yet but poten- 
tial, not yet translated into successive propositions, let it be 
realized to the mind and expressed by instalments in some 
logical order, each fact or judgment, since an integral part 


355 


20 L. A. Sherman, 


of the whole, in a sentence by itself. But the synthetic prin- 
ciple amounts to an impulse to develop the whole meaning 
in some way within the limits of a single sentence. Thus 
Chaucer, at the opening of the Prologue, wishing to express 
the idea that it was the return of spring that sent palmers 
and pilgrims forth upon their journeyings, brings all the 
facts leading up or accessory to the final proposition into one 
period of eighteen lines. Spenser, too, in the Faerie Queene, 
first tells collectively all he has in mind to say of Una and 
the Red Cross Knight without halt or division, except at 
close of stanzas. He uses no short sentence until he gets 
(stanza vi.) to the Dwarf. There is no other period in the 
first ten stanzas of the poem so short as the one now met 
with. The suspicion that the reason for its brevity is in the 
matter rather than the instinct of manner, is confirmed on 
comparison with the sentences preceding. If the Dwarf had 
possessed, in Spenser’s conception, either traditions or char- 
acter — save laziness, there would in all likelihood have been 
no stop until the end of the ninth line. On the other hand 
Chaucer, beginning a few periods beyond his synthetic intro- 
duction to the Pro/ogue, writes a large per cent of as clear- 
cut analytic sentences as it would be easy to find in any modern 
prosaist. 

The question next to be settled was evidently the relation 
of the analytic sentence to the synthetic. Could it be possible 
that the one was derived from the other, or were both equally 
the products of some common principle? Did the prevalence 
of analytic sentences in modern prose mean simply the intro- 
duction of oral form into polite literature? The decrease in 
the numerical length of prose sentences was clearly only an 
incident in some sustained course of development. Just what 
that development had been could now be known if some one 
were willing to investigate diligently along one or two lines 
already indicated. Fortunately the work had not long to wait. 
In the summer of 1889 Mr. G. W. Gerwig, graduate of this 
institution that year, proposed special study in literature for 
the degree of M.A. As a subject for the thesis to be pre- 

356 


Development of Form in Literature. 21 


pared I suggested an examination into the decrease of predi- 
cation and sentence-weight since Chaucer. The investigation, 
faithfully and even enthusiastically carried through, embraced 
the principal authors in the prose side of our literature, as 
also many of the poets, and a number of prominent names 
outside of English. The averages from the several authors 
were consistent, and taken as a whole unequivocally estab- 
lished the fact of a systematic decrease of sentential complex- 
ity and weight, towards the oral norm. The thesis, with some 
subsequent extension, will be published as the second paper 
in the present series on the development of literary form, 
but the following extracts will show the general character 
of the results obtained. The exhibit includes per cent of 
predications, per cent of simple sentences, and per cent of 
predications avoided through use of present participles, past 
participles, and appositives. The authors are arranged 
according to per cent of predications. 


Per cent. 
Percent. Percent. clauses Pres. Past Apposi- 
Periods pred. sim.sent’s saved Partc. Partc. tives 


Spenser (View of S. of /.) 1069 5.44 8 (Ghir, 2s UWB es) 3 
Chaucer (Welibeus). . . 480 5.25 4 1.02 Sih Ae, Ai 
Dryden (Dramatic Poesy) 521 4.89 6 4:88 174 Hey SIAL 
Milton (4reopagitica).. . 500 4.87 6 OB oliGm me 7e2 ai 


Hooker (Zecles. Polity) . 500 4.12 12 Som cO Om nO Sm amOs 
Sidney (Defence of Poesy) 473 3.98 10 Oe 22 Om ls 6 
Bolingbroke (.S.o0f History) 500 3.72 13 3.46 figs Sey lee 
De Quincey( Opium Eater) 500 3.69 14 5.48 OA eA: 2 
Ruskin (Sesame and Lilies} 718 3.50 18 G63 peel Soe sO aa: 


Bacon (Essays) . . ..~ 500 3.12 19 2.87 GG 2G 0! 
Newman (Afologia) . . 500 2.96 16 4.34 eet : 
Channing (Se/f# Culture) . 500 2.56 31 5.82 ys Uae) AG 
Lowell (Lessing) . . 500. 2.52 23 5.78 Tea 3) 
Everett (Poetry, Coneae 

Wud UM s ciety et UO, ViZao 32 3.55 ae) AH 8 
Grant (Memoirs) . . 500 2.34 31 yey Urensy ee 1.8 
Emerson (//iséory, ae: 

REDON te torches eats 500: 2.26 af 3.81 3. 5.6 6 
Macaulay (Zssay on Hist) ZO ZALS 40 4.90 a qe, 612, 
Bartol (Radical Problems) 462 1.97 45 8.8 La | (Sh ¥) 


357 


L. A. Sherman, 


22 


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Of 


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$2 (e4 SL 


Peo 
zt 


358 


Development of Form in Literature. 23 


< 


Here was evidence in plenty of a systematic decrease in 
sentence length and weight: That the principle at work was 
something more than economy of effort in sentence-making 
seemed clear. The goal of the development was the every- 
day oral sentence structure. On reaching that the decrease 
in predication and sentence weight would doubtless cease. 
Here then was apparently the explanation of the mystery 
found in Macaulay’s style as exhibited on p. 18. The short 
analytic sentences were of the conversational kind; the long 
counterbalancing periods were of the book sort, that had 
made our earlier prosaists so hard to read. The real inter- 
pretation of the results thus far might be summarized in the 
observation that the oral sentence-sense was fast prevailing 
over the literary sentence form. Proof of this was best 
exhibited by gathering together periods of the same length 
in the authors examined. The change from De Quincey to 
Channing, for instance, is exhibited in the diagrams, on the 
page opposite, of their respective summaries from pp. 3 
and 63:7, 

The figures at the side of these and following diagrams 
indicate the number of times sentences of a given length 
occur; those at the bottom of the plates the number of 
words in sentences. The exhibit from Channing covers the 
750 periods of Se/f-culture, except two, one of 187 words and 
one of 109, the former of which could not be shown upon a 
practicable scale. The curve of De Quincey includes, in 
addition to the 500 periods exhibited on page 3, the next 
200, for fair comparison with authors following. From the 
latter diagram eight periods—of 102, 105, 141, I10, I14, 
125, 176, 114. words respectively — have been perforce ex- 
cluded. 

In marked contrast with the preceding we may compare 
the following curves respectively from Macaulay and Emer- 
son. These show their sentence length of maximum fre- 
quency as determined from the periods given on pp. 4, 5 and 
8,9. Of sentences containing more than seventy words, ten 
are here omitted from Macaulay, and seven from Emerson. 


359 


24 LSA, Sherman 


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35+ aa =FECH 

sesegueuaeereve 
30 Corr aa) aie a = cert 

stata ane 3 

soon HH ace EEE EHH 
25 Ee “A BE zi yeas 

Sreeafar a aicee eudaer Pia aceePinaee PEPE 
eo EEE CHELSIE ra EEE CREE EEE EEE EEE cI 

HOG! re Cr : coo 

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MACAULAY: L£ssay on History. 


I 
od ie) 15 20 25 30° 35 4O GS 30 55" "EO. “G5 Wa: 


EMERSON: American Scholar; Divinity School Address. 


It will at once be noted how much heavier is the bulk of 
Emerson’s sentences in lengths from 3 to 10 than Macaulay’s.. 


But compare (pp. 10, 11) Bartol’s. 
360 


Development of Form in Literature. 25 


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sien Al || A A {| 25 
EEE EE EEE EEE EEE EEE EEE EEE EER a ee at 


oy 40 15 £0 cA] 3O TS 4O 4S 50 By 6O 6S 7O 
BARTOL: Radicalism; Father T: aylor, 


What, then, was the meaning of the decrease in predica- 
tions and sentence lengths now shown? They seemed to 
indicate pretty clearly the trend of rhetorical progress in 
modern days. It is of the essence of the times to covet 
high culture, but not to exploit it. Men are becoming more 
and more specialistic, but less and less professional. Some 
of the most polished of present stylists studiously eschew 
seeming better than conversational writers. The style of 
the future is likely to be yet more informal and easy than 
the best examples of this sort now extant. It will not prob- 
ably abound in numerical averages as low as Bartol’s or 
Emerson’s, and will be less disjointed and staccato. An 
informal organic sentence need not be long, but must not 
be weighed down with predications. Effective individual 
styles not hard to find in the periodical literature of these 
days will average perhaps as high as twenty words of 
numerical length, yet show not above 1.60 predications per 
sentence, nor less than 65 per cent of simple sentences. 

361 


26 L. A. Shermai, 


Hence the exhibits from Emerson and Bartol indicate rather 
revolutionary or transitional than final forms. As has been 
already pointed out, the development is most assuredly not 
headed towards laconism and sentences averaging each three 
words or less, but towards the most organic and perfect oral 
norm. That reached, men will write, —at least in sentence 
structure, — essentially as they speak, and the gap between 
written and spoken English, except in vocabulary, will be 
closed up. The practice of dictating to stenographers and 
the increasing personal use of type-writers: by professional 
authors are unmistakably aiding and hastening this consum- 
mation.1 

The principal difference between the oral and the literary 
sentence is the greater heaviness of the latter. Much of the 
matter in books, which inexpert readers find either unin- 
telligible or ‘dry,’ is wholly within the range of their expe- 
rience or knowledge, and could be made edifying to them 
if told by word of mouth, or rewritten in oral sentences. We 
must be careful to distinguish here between /eaviness and 
weight. A man who usually talks in very easy sentences 
may, in course of a knotty argument, stiffen his periods very 
appreciably. His sentences for the time being may be 
weighty, but unless containing more predications than neces- 
sary will not be heavy. Heaviness can be properly applied 
only to what is burdensome, and, in styles, only to what 
requires conscious effort in the reading. Weighty meaning 
need not therefore be heavy; and very frequently heavy 
compositions do not contain meaning of much weight. Pop- 
ularly speaking, we of course use ‘weight’ for ‘heaviness’ 
without much risk of ambiguity, and in best styles have little 
occasion to employ it in any other sense. There are fortu- 
nately in this generation few writers of the first class who 
do. not succeed, like the best French stylists, in so casting 
strong meaning in light clauses as to keep the reader unaware 


1 A somewhat fuller, though elementary, discussion of the differences between 
oral and written English, along lines here suggested, has been attempted by the 
author in Chapter XXIV. of his Analytics of Literature ; Boston, 1892. 


362 


Development of Form in Literature. BF 


of their real weight. Also there are unfortunately too many 
writers of the second or third class who may warrantably 
remind us of the sixteenth century prosaists. But perhaps 
the best examples of heavy writing are to be found among 
the early compositions of high-school and college students. 
It would be hard to say whence they derive the synthetic 
sentence sense evinced in first attempts at literary English. 
What makes short-period styles is the oral sentence-sense 
given free play as in ordinary informal talk. The prime 
difficulty encountered by teachers of composition is in making 
students give up their stiff, elephantine sentences and write 
simply, in plain mother tongue phrases and terms. The 
whole of our rhetorical education — after we have learned to 
speak correctly —is often nothing but the process of taming 
and subduing our literary sentence-sense to practicable oral 
standards. 

Heaviness, then, is a relative term. The styles of those 
who, like Newman, address the educated exclusively, will not 
be heavy to their proper public, though unintelligible to 
common readers. Hooker is to-day hard reading for the 
audience which Newman addresses, but was apparently not 
heavy to his own narrower circle. The relative heaviness of 
Hooker and Newman is seen by comparison from the table, 
p. 21, of their respective per cents of predications and of 
clauses saved. Hooker has perhaps a slight advantage over 
Newman in preponderance of oral sentences, as would appear 
from the diagrams (p. 28), of the sentence lengths respect- 
ively from the First Book of the Po/zty, and a corresponding 
portion (first 700 periods) from the /deca of a University. As 
we descend to popular literature, the sentence of maximum 
frequency grows shorter and shorter, reaches approximately 
in Macaulay the oral length, and later passes considerably 
below. For it is evident that literary purveyors of the /zre- 
side Companion order would hardly succeed in working off 
such enormous editions if the style they write in were not 
less ‘heavy’ than ordinary talk. The readers of such Htera- 
ture are either boys not yet equal to the sentence weight 


363 


L. A. Sherman, 


364 


Development of Form in Literature. 29 


of the ‘Oliver Optic’ novels, or unprivileged older intellects 
that never will feel quite at home with ordinary newspaper 
English. Hence we shall not be surprised to find five as the 
sentence length of maximum occurrence, through 500 periods, 
in a story in Saturday Night, —as this diagram will show. 


A 0 
BIO ETIE VO AI TIO VISE FON 58 GON IS OO V6FINZO 


The analysis, therefore, which was begun so idly and in- 
consequentially, had little by little suggested conclusions of 
some moment. It had indicated the course of sentential 
simplification, as also the inorganic conditions which had 
made simplification necessary. The influence of classical 
learning had the effect of fastening a heavy unoral diction 
upon the English literary world. From that the race has 
been slowly but effectually liberating itself; so that we are 
to-day almost emancipated from medizevalism in literature as 
in all things else. We have nearly unlearned how to write 
in ponderous bookish wise, and nearly learned how to be 
as natural with the pen as with the voice. Moreover, while 
we have been lowering our sentence proportions to some- 
thing like normal spoken forms, there are writers who are 


365 


30 L. A. Sherman. 


carrying the movement to an extreme. What the oral sen- 
tence average with best speakers is it would be unsafe to say 
until considerable investigation has been made upon that 
point, — probably not much above or under twelve words. 

After the objective plan had been tried with the above 
effect, it was applied further upon prose elements and usages 
with results that can be only enumerated here. It was 
quickly apparent that our literary prose had passed variously 
through a codrdinating, a subordinating, and a suppressive 
stage, — just as each child learns to speak, and later to write, 
its mother English. The first articulate sentences of children 
are strung together by azds. At the age of eight or earlier, 
they begin to subordinate unimportant predications by the 
use of because, or if, or when, and like connectives. Finally, 
at twelve or over, they will have learned to dispense with a 
good share of their predicatives, by leaving conjunctions with- 
out verb, or by participial or absolute constructions. The 
fact last named cleared up also the remnant of the mystery 
concerning decrease in sentence weight. The same method 
of search for elements, and of development through them, 
was applied to the poetic side of our literature with not less 
success. It was quickly demonstrated that the peculiar rich- 
ness of Keats’ and Shelley’s poetry is due to the abounding 
use of phrases,— these the product of a long development, 
—and that Shakespeare’s as well as Tennyson’s and Brown- 
ing’s power lies chiefly in their use of allegoric thoughts con- 
densed to single terms. The other Teutonic literatures were 
found to exhibit also a like course of development and like 
results. A provisional and pedagogic treatment of the prin- 
ciples just designated has been given in Chapters VIII.-X., 
and XX.—-XXIII. of the work already mentioned; but com- 
plete investigation is in progress by competent hands. 

366 


III.— Ox the Aicavixds Adyos ix Euripides. 
By JAMES T. LEES. 


THE study of Greek eloquence and oratory has attracted 
many of the best minds of the ancient and of the modern 
world. Aristotle, in his Ars Rhetorica, was the first to 
enter the field, but he tries to cover too much ground, for he 
ranges over nearly the whole of Greek literature from Homer 
down. Dionysios of Halikarnassos, of the first century B.c., 
in his work entitled Treph TOV ApXalov pyTopeVv vUTouVnpaTLC- 
_poi, wrote a series of criticisms on the best Greek orators. 
Unfortunately, half of this work is lost; but the sections 
which have been preserved are worthy of careful study, 
especially his remarks on Lysias. Many writers since Dio- 
nysios, both in the days of the Greek grammarians and in 
modern times, have touched upon various phases of the 
subject. But from the time of the accomplished professor 
of rhetoric, Dio Chrysostomos, of the first and second cen- 
turies of the Christian era, down to the middle of the present 
century, no careful and scientific treatment of the subject 
was presented to the world. The treatment of the subject in 
Miller and Donaldson, ‘ History of the Literature of Ancient 
Greece, £o5o,- 1S: little more than @ mere sketch. Wester 
mann’s ‘Geschichte der Griechischen Beredsamkeit’ is prac- 
tically a bibliotheca of references. It was reserved for Dr. 
F. Blass, in (1) ‘ Die Attische Beredsamkeit von Gorgias bis 
zu Lysias,’ Leipzig, 1868, and (2) ‘Isokrates und Isaios,’ 1874, 
as well as for Professor R. C. Jebb, in ‘The Attic Orators 
from Antiphon to Isaeos,’ 2 vols., London, 1876, to make a 
careful and systematic study of this very important division 
of Greek prose literature. 


University Stupigs, Vol, I., No. 4, Juty, 1892. 367 


2 James T. Lees, 


There is still an important and interesting field of inves- 
tigation which remains practically untouched. We lack a. 
thorough and scientific treatment of the influence of Greek 
oratory on the Greek drama, and wee versa. We find a few 
pages here and there in some of the histories of Greek litera- 
ture which treat of this influence in a more or less cursory 
manner, but we have not as yet a comprehensive work on 
this subject which can be placed beside the works of Blass 
and Jebb on Attic oratory. It is hoped that the present 
article may furnish a contribution, however slight, to our 
knowledge upon that subject, and may be of some assistance 
in leading the way to a full investigation of the whole field of 
Greek tragedy and oratory in their influence upon each other. 

This paper is a rhetorical study of the long speeches in 
Euripides. The investigation was suggested by a passage 
in Aristophanes, Eirene, 533, 534: 

ov yap OeTat 
aUTN TOLNTH PHMATIMV OLKAVLKOD. 


The zrountns referred to is Euripides. 
We may compare this statement with the words of the 
same critic in Batrachoi, 771 fg.: 


ote 6) KaTHrO Kvpiuriédns, éredelevuto 

Tois AwTodUTALs Kal Tolct BaddaVTLOTOMOLS 

Kal ToloL TaTpadolatct Kal ToLYwpUYoLs, 

omep éot ev“ Atdov TAHO0s, of 5’ axpowpevor 
TOV AVTLNOYLOV Kai ARVYLTMOAV Kal oOTPOPaDV 
UTEpe“avnoaVv, Kavo“icay cobwTaTov. 


We may also compare Aristotle, De Arte Poetica, 6. 1450b. 


’ \ \ S \ a \ e rn a f f 
apX) Mev ovv Kat oiov uy) o pvGos Ths Tpaywdlas, dev- 
\ \ la f / 

Tepov d¢ Ta On. Eotiv yap ulunows mpdkews kal bia TavTnv 
4 a / fal a] 

HaXloTa TOV TPATTOVT@V. TPpiTOV bé 7) SLaVOLA. TOTO 5é €oTLV 
\ rE 80 fA) \ ,’ / \ \ e , (vA b] \ 

To Neyewv Ovvaclat Ta evovTa Kai Ta apudTToVvTa, OTrep [él 
a , an an fol / 

Tov oyov| THS TONLTLKAS Kal pyTOpLKAS épyov eativ: 
€ \ \ b] a fal / 

Ol Mev Yap apyxatot TOALTLK HS ETOLOUY A€YyorTAS, 
e \ nr rn 

ot O€ viv pnTopLKas. 


368 


Atxcavixos Aodyos 7x Euripides. 3 


Quintilian, too, has something to say on this subject, 
Pnstit, Oraton. 1, Ga): 

Namque zs [1e. Huripides| et sermone (quod ipsum repre- 
hendunt, quibus gravitas et cothurnus et sonus Sophoclis 
videtur esse sublimior) sagzs accedit oratorio generi et sen- 
tentiis densus et in lis, quae a sapientibus tradita sunt, paene 
ipsis par, et decendo ac respondendo cutlibet corum, qui fuerunt 
mn foro diserti, comparandus. 

The attacks of the conservative Aristophanes on the 
liberal Euripides are too well known to require comment. 
Every work on Greek literature, and almost every edition of 
the plays of Euripides, informs us of this fact. We are at 
a loss when we try to imagine an Aristophanes without a 
Euripides for him to attack. The comedian lampooned the 
tragedian at every opportunity, and if circumstances were 
not favorable for an attack, he made them favorable. Aris- 
tophanes sighed for the good old times, but if he had 
succeeded in bringing back the past he would have been 
dissatisfied with it. He was the champion of a past Athens, 
and it exasperated him to be met at every turn by this poet 
— this recluse who loved his books — who was the champion 
of the present, or, rather, of the future, Athens. 

The charge made by Aristophanes in the passages quoted 
above doubtless contains much truth; but whether it is to be 
regarded as a grave fault of Euripides or as an argument in 
his favor, since he tried to please his audience, scholars are 
by no means agreed. After the severe onslaught of Schlegel 
there was a united attack against Euripides, and scholars 
vied with each other in trampling him down; but now we 
know that the harsh criticism of Schlegel was unreasonable, 
and that the poet is in a fair way to receive justice. 

In preparing this investigation, the long speeches in the 
plays of Euripides have been carefully studied for the purpose 
of selecting those which might be called forensic discussions, 
either in the form of a trial, where the plaintiff, defendant, 
and judge appear on the stage, or in a less formal court 
scene, as well as the persuasive and epideictic speeches. 


369 


4 James T. Lees, 


The subject thus includes the yévos ducavxov, yévos cupov- 
NeuTiKov, and ryévos émidetxTiKov.! 

In literature the speech is as old as Homer. From the 
first speech in the Iliad until the end of the classical period 
the piovs plays an important role in all the branches of Greek 
literature, with the single exception of the Lyric. Public 
speaking was indigenous; the Greeks were born speakers. 
The popular assembly and the eloquent orator were to them 
what the quiet room and the newspaper of to-day are to us. 
Theirs was a listening, ours is a reading public. It is but 
natural, therefore, that the speech, which was so important a 
factor in the life and development of the nation, should be of 
frequent occurrence in the Epos and the Drama, as well as 
in History and Philosophy. 

In Aischylos the long pyoes are generally delivered by a 
messenger who relates some action which has taken place at 
a distance, or by a stranger who gives a description of a far- 
off country and people. The tendency to argument is very 
slight, and generally no sooner is a discussion begun than it 
is ended. In the Hept. Theb., 1026 fg., after a phous of six- 
teen lines by Antigone, the discussion is quickly brought to 
a close by a short otvyouvOla (1042 fg.). In the Eumenides, 
443 fg., the trial of Orestes naturally leads to discussion; but 
the arguments are advanced by Orestes and by the chorus, 
hence would not produce the same effect on the audience as. 
two long pices delivered by individuals on the stage, The 
parties argue in otvyouuOia, vv. 588-606, and only Apollo, 
the advocate for Orestes, speaks at any length (Eum. 614- 
621, 625-639). The poet, therefore, shows a strong tendency 
to avoid long pycecs in such discussions. 

But when we come to Sophokles we find the rhetorical 
element in a more marked degree. This change is doubtless. 
due to the fact that rhetoric and discussion had begun to 
occupy a more prominent place in Athenian life, and the 


1 Quintilian (II, 21, 23. III, 4,1; 7, 1) informs us that Aristotle was the first 


to make this triple division of rhetoric. See also Dion. Hal., De Lysia Iudicium, 
16. 


370 


Acxavixos Aoyos tx Euripides. 5 


advance in the economy of the drama by which Sophokles 
introduced three actors belongs to the same line of develop- 
ment. In at least four of the seven extant plays of Sophokles 
the rhetorical element is clearly discernible. The best exam- 
ple is in the Antigone, 639-680, 683-723, where the character 
of Haimon is manifestly that of an Athenian pleader. A dis- 
cussion, which may be compared with many in the plays of 
Euripides, is found in Soph., Elek., 516-551, 558-609. In 
this passage the pjovs of Klytaimnestra has a distinctly rhe- 
torical structure, and contains a mpooiuov, 516-522, as well 
as an émtdoyos, 549-551. The pious of Elektra in reply is 
much longer, but the divisions are not. so clearly defined. 
We also see a strong tendency to argument and discussion 
in Soph., Aiax, 1226-1263, 1266-1315, Oid. Tyr., 380-403, 
408-428. We may also add Philok., 1004-1044, 1047-1062. 
Clearly discernible in Sophokles, the rhetorical element 
becomes still more conspicuous in the dramas of Euripides. 
Tragedy and oratory, each a form of public speaking, began 
to be strongly attracted to each other. Oratory lent its 
schemes to tragedy, and the drama in turn affected oratory, 
as we see from many dramatic passages in the orators from 
Lysias in the earlier time to Aischines in the later. And as 
in Aischines we think that we can trace the effects of his 
early training as an actor, so in Euripides we can trace the 
fondness for argument and altercation to his early familiarity 
with sophistic methods, —to the influence of such men as 
Prodikos. At any rate, natural bent, sophistic training, ten- 
dency of the times, singly or combined, will suffice to explain 
the rhetorical speeches in nearly all the plays of Euripides. 
This peculiar feature of the plays of Euripides is more widely 
distributed than the “ Agon of the Old: Comedy.”! In the 
comedies of Aristophanes there are three plays without an 
Agon’;? while in the dramas of Euripides there is but one 
without a rhetorical scene.? This is the Iph. Taur., and even 


1 See Zielinski, “ Die Gliederung der Altattischen Komédie,” Leipzig, 1885. 
Also M. W. Humphreys, “The Agon of the Old Comedy,” A. J. P. VIII, 179-206. 
2 Acharnes, Eirene, Thesmophoriazousai. 3 The Rhesos is not included. 


371 


6 James T. Lees, 


in this drama, although it ‘contains no long rhetorical pyeoecs, 
some of the short speeches approach very near to forensic 
discussion. Cf. especially vv. 597-608, 674-686, 687-715.! 

In the treatment of the rhetorical speeches a brief synopsis 
of the play has been given as far as the scene in which the 
discussion occurs ; this scene is then treated more fully with 
a synopsis of the speeches of the plaintiff and defendant. 
The speeches have been divided, so far as it was found prac- 
ticable, into the four divisions tpootuov, mpobecs, Twictets, 
émidoyos, which every complete rhetorical speech contains.? 

The discussion is often referred to by the word ayor,* just 
as it is used to denote a trial or action at law in the orators. 

In Herakl. 116, before the formal pices are delivered, the 
word is used : 


Tpos TOUTOV GywWVY Apa TovdE TOV AOyoU 
barwcT av en. 


In Orest. 491, it occurs in the first line of the first pjacs : 
mpos TOVd ayav av Ti codias ein Tépt ; 


Also after ten lines of the first pjow have been delivered 
ingAndr 323%: 
dovANn KAaTETTNS Els AYOvaA. 
In Her. Main. 1311, it occurs in the lines of the chorus after 
the first pious : 


OUK é€oTLV AdrOU SatmovaY aywY GbE 
n THs Avos Sapaptos. 


It occurs at the beginning of the second pjacs in Hiket. 427: 
b) \ ed a \ \ , Ch ns) ’ 
E€TTEL r) aAYWVAaA KAL GU TOVO Y@VLO® 


akov* duihrav yap ov mpovenkas Noywv. 


1 The latter may perhaps be divided into mpooluov 687, 688, riores 689-707, 
émidovyos 708-715. 

2 See Aristotle, Ars. Rhet. III, 13 fg.; Dion. Hal., Ars. Rhet. c. X fg.; De 
Lys. Iudic. 17, 18, 19; Volkmann, Die Rhetorik der Griechen und Rémer, ch. 36; 
Réssler, Rhetorum Antiquorum de Dispositione Doctrina, p. 30 fg. 


8 This word is used in Aristophanes to refer to the formal contest in comedy. 
See A. J.P. VIII) 183 (note). 


372 


Accavixos Adyos in Euripides. 7 


In Andr. 234, it is used even after both pyoes, in the 
spirited debate which follows : 


y a > > r =) ” / 
TL oeuvomvbeis KEis AYa@V EpxEr AOywv. 


The mpooiusov can be clearly discerned in nearly all the 
longer rhetorical pyjoews. Sometimes, however, it is hardly 
worthy of the name when the first few lines of the leading 
pow are an answer to the previous words of the opponent. 
In a few passages it is omitted altogether, as, for example, 
Hek. 251, 1132; Her. Main. 170, 1313. The pootusov may 
be general or particular. There is no regular form or phrase 
used to introduce it, but in two pices we find the word itself 
used. Elek. 1060: 


Eyouw’ av: apxn S Hoe ou mpoorptov.1 
Hekabe 1195): 


/ \ \ \ e vy) ” 
Kal (Ol TO MeV TOV WE Hpoimiots Eyet. 


The wpeGecis is generally found in the first phovs of a pair 
or series of speeches, but is omitted in Hek. 251, Elek. 1017, 
Ion 589, Orest. 495, Troad. 918. Sometimes it is scattered 
through the wiotecs, as in Alkest. 633 fg., Andr. 154 fg. In 
many pyoeis it is somewhat argumentative, and extends into 
the miorecs even where the division has been made. In such 
cases it is impossible to determine exactly the dividing line. 
On the other hand, it is regularly omitted in the second 
pnovs, for either the first speaker has already stated the case, 
or the audience is acquainted with the facts from the preced- 
ing part of the drama. In this Euripides follows the custom 
of the orators, for with them the second speech on the same 
case has no mpodecis. 

The wiores form the most important part of the discussion, 
and therefore regularly extend through the greater part of 
the pots. This part is omitted but once,? Phoin. 493. 


1 Nauck brands the word mpooiuéou as “ absurdum.” 
2 The speech in Hiket. 857-917 is a funeral oration, and hence contains no 
lores. 


o75 


8 James T. Lees, 


The division between the mpe@eows and wictes is often 
clearly defined by such words as ¢épe, dye, etc. As, for 
example, Andr. 333: 

Mevérae, bépe 6 dvatrepavapev Adyous. 

Also Andr. 662 : 

Kaito. bép, ayacbar yap ovK aicypov Roryov. 

Medeia 499 : 


e f- \ A / 
ay, @ Pirw yap oVTL GOL KOLYwWoopmaL. 


The wictevs are sometimes introduced by wrpwrov or mpara. 


Hipp. 991: 
mpata © apEouar Neveu. 


Biket si: 
\ na / \ \ Ps oe , 
Kal TPO@TA MEV TE TPOS Ta TPAT apelyromar. 


Troad. 919: 


TP@TOV [LEV apyas ETEKEV K.T.D. 


Occasionally the clew to the division is given by some 
other word, as in Iph. Aul. 381, efwré wou. Ion 589, axovcov. 
Or in a more general way, as in Hek. 1196: 


mpos Tovde © Eime Kal AOyolts apelromat. 
Sometimes the speaker balances the arguments of his 
opponent with his own. Herak. 153: 
pép avtides yap. 
pests 56 6: 
dv0 yap avTides Noy. 
Phoin. 559: 
ay’, nv o épwpar S00 Aoyw Tpobeia’ dpa. 
The end of thé wiorevs can frequently be detected by some 
phrase, as, for example, Bak. 309: 
GXr’ éwot . . . od. 
The same words occur in Kyklops 309, Herak. 174. 
374 


Accavixos Adyos in Euripides. 9 


The ésridoyos is rarely wanting.! Sometimes it is a brief 
statement that the speaker has said all that is of importance 
in defence of his case. It may be a résumé of the arguments 
or a statement of the speaker’s position, as in Andr. 361 fg., 
688 fg., Hipp. 971 fg., Iph. Aul. 4oo fg., Troad. 961 fg. It 
may be a supplication for mercy, as in Herak. 226 fg.; or an 
address to a god, as in Med. 516 fg. Again it is almost pro- 
verbial, as Hek. 293 fg., Hiket. 506fg. In Elek. 1049-50, 
the first speaker bids her opponent answer the arguments, 
and this is a conclusion to the pious. 

The average length of the paces is a little less than 
fifty lines, but some of them exceed that number, as Andr. 
590-041, Hek. 1132-1182, 1187-1237, Her. Main. 170-235, 
Hiket. 195-249, Iph. Aul. 1146-1208, Med. 465-5109, 522- 
575, Orest. 544-604, Troad. 914-965, 969-1032, Phoin. 
528-585. In some discussions the two pyjceus exactly balance 
each other in the number of lines, as Hek. 1132-1182, 1187- 
1237, Elek. to11-1050, 1060-1099, Herak. 134-178, 181- 
231,2, Med. 465-519, 522-575. In Phoin. 469-585, we find 
the remarkable coincidence of twenty-seven lines by each of 
the disputants and fifty-six by Iocaste in reply, being almost 
exactly twice the number of each of the preceding pyces. 
This universal tendency to balance, which in Greek became 
a law, must not, however, be pushed too far in these speeches, 
much less be considered as ground for textual criticism. To 
do so would be to reduce poetical genius to simply mathe- 
matical ingenuity. It is much better to consider them as 
does Johann Kvitala (Eur. Stud. II, 81), who says (in his 
discussion of Hek. 1132-1182, 1187-1237): “‘ Eine Ueberein- 
stimmung der Verszahl dieser beiden Reden konnte, wenn 
die Ziffer 51 richtig ist, nicht fiir beabsichtigt gelten.” 

The two pyoers are generally separated from each other by 
two verses of the chorus, but this rule is violated in a few 
cases, as Andr. 641-645, Hek. 295-299, Hel. 943-947, Troad. 
965-969, where we have three verses. In Her. Main. 169, 

1 See Andr. 180, Hek. 331, Helen 943, 995. 
2 Vv. 220-225 are doubtless interpolated. 


S78) 


ife) James T. Lees, 


the verses of the chorus do not occur. Two passages remain 
where the rule is apparently violated, — Elek. 1050-1060, 
which is discussed later, and Hek. 1182-1187.! 

In the translation of the pices the attempt has been made 
to choose typical speeches to illustrate our author, and to 
state briefly the leading lines of thought rather than to follow 
the text verbatim. The text of Nauck, 3 ed., Leipzig, 1885- 
1887, has been taken as the basis ; but other editions have been 
freely consulted, and where other readings seemed preferable 
they have been adopted. Constant use has been made of 
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff’s ‘““Analecta Euripidea,”’ and Nauck’s 
“ Euripideische Studien.” 


I.—Ackavikot dyou. 


A.— DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN TWO SPEAKERS IN THE 
PRESENCE OF A JUDGE. 


1. HEKABE, I114-1292. ‘“Pyoes, 1132-1182, 1187-1237. 
Disputants, Polymestor and Hekabe. 
Judge, Agamemnon. 


2. HERAKLEIDAI, 120-287. ‘Poets, 134-178, 181-231. 
Disputants, Kopreus and Tolaos. 
Judge, Demophon. 


3. ORESTES, 470-716. ‘Pyoes, 491-541, 544-604, 640- 
679, (682-716). 

Disputants, Tyndareos and Orestes. 

Judge, Menelaos. 


4. TROADES, 895-1059. ‘Paes, 914-965, 969-1032. 
Disputants, Helen and Hekabe. 
Judge, Menelaos. 


' Hek. 1185, 1186, are rightly rejected by W. Dindorf. They are suspected by 
Kvicala, Eur. Stud. II, p. 83. 


376 


Acxcavixos Aoyos in Euripides. II 


ANALYSIS OF HERAKLEIDAI 120-287, AND TROADES 895-1059. 


HERAKLEIDAI, 120-287. ‘“Pyoes, 134-178, 181-231. 


A sharp discussion occurs near the beginning of this play. 
Iolaos and the children of Herakles have been banished from 
Argos, and Eurystheus has sent a herald forbidding any city 
to receive them. The fugitives have just arrived at Marathon, 
and are found clinging to the altar in front of the temple of 
Zeus. At v. 55, Kopreus, the herald of Eurystheus, arrives, 
and is about to drag the suppliants from the altar when he is 
checked by the arrival of the chorus (v. 73). To the latter 
Iolaos tells his story and begs for protection (vv. 75-08). 
After a few words between Kopreus and the chorus, the 
latter bids him state the case to the king. Kopreus then 
asks (v. 114): 


KO. tis & éotl yopas those Kal TodEws ava€ ; 


XO. écOdod ratpos trais Anuodav o Oncéas. 


Kopreus then declares the case shall be discussed before 
Demophon (vv. 116, 117). The arrival of Demophon, who is 
to be the judge, is immediately announced (v. 118 fg.), and 
the king having learned the cause of the trouble, asks for an 
explanation from Kopreus. This introduces the pyoes of 
the plaintiff and defendant. 


‘Piois OF KOPREUS, 134-178. 


1. [Ipooiusov, 134, 135: 
"Apryetos elus, ToUTO yap Oérevs pabetv * 
ed oiat & HKw Kai Tap ov réyew Oéro. 

2. Upodecis, 136-138 : 
méutres Muxnvav detpo p’ Kipvabevs avak& © 
afovta Ttovade* Trodkda 8 HAOov, @ E€ve, 
dixav ouapth Spav Te Kal éyeww Exov. 


By WE 


r2 James T. Lees, 


3. Iltarers,, 139-174: 


a. 139-143. Asa citizen of Argos I arrest Argive fugitives 
condemned by law to die, and we have a right to pass judg- 
ment upon our own subjects.! 

8. 144-146. To many other altars have they gone, but we 
have rested our case on these arguments, and no one has 
ventured to encounter danger by opposing us. 

y- 147-152. They have come here because they see some 
weakness of heart in you, or else because this is their last 
hope. 

8. 153-174. Come, weigh the arguments.? If you allow 
us to take them back, you can ally the great power of Argos 
to this city; but if you are weakened by their arguments,? 
and admit them into your city, then the case is to be set- 
tled by the sword, and you have no good reason for making 
war. 


4. ‘EnrtXoyos, 174-178 : 


But yield to my arguments,* and, without cost — simply 
allowing me to take what belongs to me— gain Mykenai. 
Do not choose the worse when you can have the better 
friends. 


At the close of Kopreus’s speech, the chorus, reflecting 
the sentiment of an Athenian audience, asks (vv. 179, 180) : 


i nN / Li Xx / 4 
Tis av Sixkny Kplvevev 7) yvoln oyor, 

\ x as) ta) A b) / lal 
Tp av tap audoiy wvdov exuabn cadas ; 


The words of the chorus are the signal for the defence. 


1V.143. Nauck reads dorol kar’ dor@y for avrol cad’ a’r&v, but the change 
is not necessary. 

2V. 153. ép dvrides yap. Cf. Orest. 551, 50 yap avrldes Noyw. 

3'V. 158. Nauck follows F. G. Schmidt in reading yéous for Néyous of the 
MSS. _ Retain Néyous. 


#V.174. Gd éuol rifod. Cf. Bak. 309 ; Kyklops 3009. 


378 


Acxavixos Adyos in Euripides. 13 


‘Paois OF IOLAOS, 181-237. 
1. I[pootweov, 181-183 : 


avaé, UmTapyer ev TOO Ev TH oH XOoVI, 
el7rety AKOUGaL T ev méepEeL TapPETTL f0L, 
Kovoels pe am@ae. TpdcVev wWamrep adXOOED. 

2. [pe@eors omitted. 

3. Uiatess, 184-219: 

a. 184-189 (é€opev). We have nothing in common with 
this man, for he is Argive, but we are not, since we have 
been banished. 

8. 189-196. Does banishment from Argos mean from all 
Greece? Not from Athens, at any rate. The Athenians 
will not drive away the children of Herakles through fear of 
the Argives. 

y- 197-204. If your arguments succeed, I declare that 
Athens is no longer free. But I know their nature, — they 
would rather die; for honor with the brave is considered of 
greater importance than life.! 

6. 205-213. You ought to save these children because 
your father and theirs were born of first cousins,” hence you 
are related. 

€. 214-219. Besides relationship they have another claim 
upon you. Their father once rescued your father from the 
murky depths of Hades, as all Greece can testify. 


1 Cf. Plato, Krito 49 C, D; Apol. 28 B-D. 

2V. 211. Nauck reads éfaveWiw for MSS. avraveviw. The correction of Resig 
avtavebiwy (= é a’ravefiwy) is much better. 

The relation of Demophon to the children of Herakles is as follows: 


PELOPS HIPPODAMIA 
| 


Pittheus Lysidike 
ee en 
ee ae 
Boe ian eee 


eye) 


14 James T. Lees, 


4. ’EmiXoryos, 226-231.1 

I beg of you do not refuse to receive the children of 
Herakles under your protection. Be to them a friend, father, 
brother, even master; for anything is better than to fall into 
the power of the Argives. 


Iliocrers OF KOPREUS. Tlicters OF IOLAOS. 


a. 139-143 answered a. 184-189. 
B. 144-146 we B. 189-1096. 
6. 153-174 ef y. 197-204. 


y- 147-152 is too weak an argument to require an answer. 
6. 205-213, €. 214-219, are independent arguments of 
5-213, + ) p S 
Iolaos, which prove to be the strongest. 
The decision of the judge is given in a few words (vv. 236, 
237) : 
/ ’ b) / a G , 
Tplacal pf avayKafovot cupdmopas 0601, 
‘JoXae, Tos cos ur) Tapwoacbar Eévovs:* 


Demophon decides in favor of the suppliants for three 
reasons : 

1. Vv. 238, 239. On the ground of religious obligation. 

2. Vv. 240, 241. On the ground of relationship and grati- 
tude. 

3. Vv. 242-246. The honor of Athens demands it. 


At v. 250, he turns to Kopreus and bids him return and 
tell Eurystheus the courts are open for him to settle his 
claims by law, but he cannot use force. Then follows a rapid 
cut and thrust between Demophon and Kopreus in a ottyo- 
pvOia of twenty verses (252-272). This form of dialogue 
generally closes such long discussions. At the close of the 
ottyouvbia the two disputants come so near to blows that 
the chorus interferes and bids Kopreus depart (v. 273 fg.). 


1 Vy. 220-225 are doubtless spurious. Vv. 221, 222 have evidently been taken 
from vv. 97, 98 of this play. Dindorf suspected vv. 223-225, and remarked that 
the words BrePor pos adrous BAéPov (225) are taken from Alkest. 390. 

*V. 237. Nauck, 3d ed., reads Néyous for E€vous. 


380 


Acxavixos Aoyos in Euripides. 15 


The herald declares that Argos will make war on Athens 
(vv. 275-283), and Demophon angrily replies (vv. 284-287) : 


pOeipov: TO cov yap “Apyos ov débatk’ éyo. 
évbévde 8 ovK Emedres aiaxvvas Epe 

* / / > > \ > / / 
ake Bia tTovad’: ov yap *Apyetwv moder 

e / / > > / ” 

UmnKOOV THVD AN €devOEpav eyo. 


This is one of the best court scenes in Euripides. The 
pyows of Kopreus contains the four principal divisions of an 
oration. The zpooiuov is very closely connected with the 
following division. The wpofecis, although short, is dis- 
tinctly marked. Demophon has just arrived on the scene, 
and this gives the orator an excellent opportunity for making 
a statement of the case. The mwioaters consist of four divisions, 
and the poet, as a trained rhetorician would have done, puts 
the weakest argument in the middle (vv. 147-152). This 
argument proves to be of so little weight that the defendant 
treats it with silent contempt. The plaintiff reserves his 
strongest argument for the last, and dwells upon it to a con- 
siderable length (vv. 153-174), recounting all the disadvan- 
tages which will follow if the judge decides the case against 
him. The ériXoyos is of average length, and, as is frequently 
the case, concludes with a piece of wholesome advice. 

In the pjow of the defendant the zpooimov is an eulogy 
on Athens and her law courts, therefore an excellent intro- 
duction to his defence. The wpo@eats, as usual in the pjous 
of the defendant, is omitted, because the judge is already 
acquainted with the circumstances of the case from the pious 
of the plaintiff. In the w/oress he answers the arguments of 
his opponent in the same order in which they were advanced, 
with the exception of y. 147-152. After answering the argu- 
ments of the plaintiff, he wins his case by a skilful introduc- 
tion of new arguments that could not be answered (vv. 205— 
219). The éidoyos ends the pjots with an appeal to the 
judge for mercy and protection. It is somewhat longer than 
usual, but is not out of balance with the whole speech. 

381 


16 James T. Lees, 


The clear and distinct manner in which the judge sums up 
the arguments and renders his decision should be especially 
noticed. His first reason for deciding in favor of the defend- 
ant is one which was barely touched upon by Iolaos (v. 196), 
but is the strongest argument in his own mind (vv. 238, 239). 
The two arguments advanced separately by Iolaos (vv. 205— 
213, 214-219) are combined by the judge and considered as 
one. The third reason for deciding as he does is a very 
common one, and is given in many similar situations both in 
actual trials and in other plays of the poet. 


TROADES, 895-1059. ‘“Proews, 914-9605, Q69-1032. 


Troy has fallen, and the Trojan women have been assigned 
to the various leaders of the Greeks. Menelaos appears (v. 
860) for the purpose of taking Helen to Greece, where she is 
to be put to death on account of the evils she has caused 
(vv. 876-879). At v. 895 Helen appears, and when informed 
she must die (vv. 901, 902), asks : 


uv > \ na 

éEeotiv ov Tpos TadT apetpacbar Aoyo, 
€ 5) / xX 

@s ov diKaiws, iv Bavw, Oavovpeba ; 


To this Menelaos replies : 
ouK eis Noyous €AnAVO’, GANA cE KTEVODV. 


But it is unjust for a person to be executed without a trial ; 
and since Hekabe (who happens to be present) believes she 
can persuade Menelaos that Helen ought to die, she asks 
that the defendant be granted a hearing, after which she 
herself will make the pou of the prosecution, and Menelaos 
can then sum up the arguments and render his decision (vv. 
906-910). We have then a criminal case involving capital 
punishment. Helen, as defendant, pleads her own case ; 


Hekabe answers her arguments; and Menelaos, as judge, 
renders his decision. 


382 


Acxavixos Aoyos tx Euripides. 17 


“Pijots OF HELEN, 914-965. 


1. Ipootpeov, 914-918 : 

Since you consider me an enemy, perhaps you will not 
answer my arguments. But I will answer the charges which 
I think you will bring against me.! 


2. Ilpe@ecrs omitted. 


3. IIlorevs, 919-960 : 

a. 919-922. In the first place, this woman was the direct 
cause of the evils because she gave birth to Paris, and Priam 
destroyed Troy because he did not kill his son. 

B. 923-931 (kadAer). Paris was the judge of the three 
goddesses. Pallas promised him Hellas; Hera promised him 
Asia and the confines of Europe;? Kypris, admiring my 
form, promised me to him if she won the prize for beauty. 
(Hence she is implicated.) 

y. 931-937. Kypris won the prize, and thus my marriage 
saved Hellas, since you are not subject to the barbarians. 
Hellas has been fortunate, but I (the cause of this) am con- 
demned. 

8. 938-950. You will say that I do not touch upon the 
real question, viz., that I left your palace by stealth. I reply, 
that the evil genius of this woman, call him Alexander or 
Paris,? came with a powerful goddess as his ally. Charge the 
crime to her. Even Zeus is her:slave. 

€. 951-960. You may maintain that after the death of 
Alexander I ought to have returned to the Greeks. This I 
tried to do, as the guards can bear witness, but I was forcibly 
detained by Deiphobos as his wife. 


1 Vy. 916 fg. A case of rpoxarddAnyus. Cf. 951 fg. 

2,V. 928. Nauck rejects this verse, and says (Eur. Stud. II, p. 150): “ Der 
eingeklammerte Vers gehért zu den absurdesten Fabricaten, mit denen jemals 
irgend ein Dichter besudelt worden ist.” 

3.V.942. For cai Idpev Nauck would read et?’ d\doropa. See his exhaustive 
comment on this verse in Eur. Stud. II, pp. 150-159. 


383 


18 James T. Lees, 


4. ’Estnoryos, 961-965 : 

rn 5 AAS aR / 2 oN 5) / , 
mas ovv é7 av OvicKoi av évdikws, Toot, 
mpos cod dixaiws, tv o pwev Bla yapel, 
Ta & olxo0ev Kelty avTi viKnTnplov 

A ) / > > \ an a a 

TiKpa@s edoUAEVT ; EL OE TOV BewY KpaTety 

/ \ / 3 / ’ / / 
Bovre, TO yXpICerv apabes eat cou Tdde. 


‘Piiots OF HEKABE, 969-1032. 


1. IIpooipuov, 969, 970: 
tais Oeatot! rpata cvppayos yevicopat 
Kal THvde delEw fu) A€youcay Evo.Kka. 


2. Ipofecrs omitted. 


3. lores, 971-1028 : 

a. 971-982. I do not believe that Hera and Pallas are so 
foolish as to subject Argos and Athens to Phrygia. Their 
rivalry in regard to beauty was mere sport, and you cannot 
make that an argument in your defence. 

8. 983-997. You maintain that Kypris assisted my son, 
but it was your own passion. All folly is attributed to 
"Adpoditn by mortals, and rightly does the name of the god- 
dess begin the word adpoovry.2_ Barbarian gold and splendor 
led you astray. . 

y. 998-1009. Again you say my son took you by force. 
Who heard your cries as you were carried away? When 
you came to Troy your affections changed as the fortunes 
of battle wavered between the two armies. 

6. 1010-1028. You declare that you tried to escape from 
Troy, but could not. On the contrary, I often urged you to 
leave the city, but this did not please you, for you preferred 
to be worshiped by barbarians.? 

1'V. 969. tats eats. MSS. Nauck, 3d ed., reads rots Oeotot. See Aristotle, 
Rieti Ul euy erse 

2V.g90. “"Eore & G&\dos... téros... Tey SeTiKOv ex TOV évavTlwy... 
ard Tov dvduatos... Ws 4 Evpuridov ‘ExdBn els rhv ’Adpodirnv” —Kal Tovvow 
6pAGs apoootvns dpxe Oeds. Aristot. Rhet. II, 23, 29. 


5 “Vy. 1020-1022 graviter laborant.”” Nauck. In Eur. Stud. II, p. 160, he 
suggests an improvement as follows: 


384 


Atkavixos Aoyos tn Euripides. 19 


4. ‘EsridXoyos, 1029-1032 : 


bet Ae) pin ial e , 
Mevéra’, tv elons ol TENEUVTIOW Adyor, 
SA TP , ‘ 
atehavwcov “EXXad’ akiws tHvde KTaVOV 
an / ‘ cr 
GavTov, vousov O€ TOVvde Tals aAXaLaL és 


El, OvnoKke Hrs a 6@ TO 
yuvacEl, OvycKelv TLS AV TPOOw TroGLv. 


IIvorets OF HELEN. Iiores OF HEKABE. 
B. 923-931 answered B. 983-997. 
Y- 931-937 : a. 971-982. 
6. 938-950 x ry. 998-1009. 
€. 95 1-Q6O i 6. 1010-1028. 


Menelaos did not enter the court-room as an impartial 
judge, for his decision had been already made (v. 905). He 
did nct hear the arguments for the purpose of giving Helen 
an opportunity of escaping sentence of death, but simply 
because he had leisure to hear both sides of the case (v. 911). 
This is, then, a court scene, with arguments advanced and 
answered as in a regular trial, but is really no trial at all. 
In other words, Euripides saw a fine opportunity for pleasing 
his audience with a mere farce of a trial, and so made the 
speakers present the arguments. The verdict of the judge 
after the pices of the defendant and plaintiff is but a repe- 
tition of his former determination. He agrees with Hekabe 
in thinking that Helen left Sparta of her own accord, that her 
argument in regard to Kypris is but xéwrov yapuv (Vv. 1038), 
and therefore she shall die (vv. 1036-1041). Helen makes a 
last appeal for mercy, but it is of no avail (vv. 1042, 1043). 
He orders the servants to conduct her to the ship, and after 
a few words with Hekabe the scene closes. 

The pos of Helen contains three of the four usual divis- 
ions, the rpd@ecis being omitted. In the zpootucov she fears 
that her opponent may not answer her arguments, but de- 
clares she will make her defence whether she is answered or 
not. The wiorews, as we should expect in a case where the 

év tots "Adekdvdpov yap UBpiferv dduors 
kal mpookuvetobar BapBdpwyv ianpérass 
méy dyabdy nv co (or Hyd). 


385 


20 James. T:. Lees; 


defendant’s life is at stake, extend through nearly the whole 
of the pjaovs. First, Helen endeavors to shift the responsi- 
bility for the evils consequent upon her marriage to Paris 
back to the parents of her Trojan husband. Then she main- 
tains that Kypris is responsible for her actions, and intro- 
duces a sophistic argument in her defence. By her elopement 
with Paris she maintains that Greece was rescued from fall- 
ing into the hands of the barbarians. In the last division of 
the wiotess she introduces and answers a plausible argument 
which may be advanced by her opponent. Her pious pre- 
sents several distinct cases of poxatddn es. In the ézriAoyos 
she turns directly to Menelaos, whom she addresses as hus- 
band, and makes an appeal for justice. 

The pjows of Hekabe in reply is in harmony with the pas- 
sionate nature of the aged ex-queen of Troy. She plunges 
at once “in medias res.” Passing over the first argument 
of Helen, which is in fact so ridiculous as to be no argument 
at all, she first answers the weakest argument, which her 
opponent had shrewdly placed in the middle of her pjacs. 
Of this reply Aristotle (Rhet. III, 17, 15) says, #yato rpa- 
Tov Tov evnbeotatov. She then takes up and answers each 
of Helen’s arguments, and in the éri/Aoyos addressing Mene- 
laos, as Helen had done, urges him to act in a manner worthy 
of himself. 

By comparing the arguments of Helen with Gorgias’ Enco- 
mion, we find some very interesting coincidences. In v. 
924 fg. Helen says: 


éxpive Tpiacov Cebyos b6€ TpLOv Dear . 
kat IladnXados pev fv “AreEdvdpw doors 
DpvEi ctpatnyotvd “EXdad éEaviotavat, 
"“Hpa @ wrécyet ’Aciad’ Etpwrns 0 épous 
[Tupavvid? &Eeuv, el che xpiverev apes}. 
Kuzrpis 5€ tovpov eidos éxmayNoupevn 
dace vTréoyeT’, eb Oeas Urepdpapot 
Kaddde. Tov evOévd ws exer oxerar Aoyor. 
vind Kuvrpis Gea. 

386 


Atcavixos Aoyos in Euripides. a 


And in v. 940: 
HO ovyl pixpav Oeov Exwv avTod péTa 
0 Thad adaoTowp. 

Also in v. 948 fg. : 


\ \ fal 
tTHv Oeov KorXabe kat Aros Kpelacwmy yevod, 
a col \ ” re ” / 

Os T@V pev adAdwV Saipmovav EXEL KPAaTOS, 
/ \ a / b] / 9 bd / 
Kelvns 6€ SodAOS eoTL. GUYyVop"n S Epmol. 


Finally, in vv. 964, 965: 
el 0€ TOV Oew@v KpaTeiv 
Bovre, TO ypntew apabes éati cor Td6e. 

This argument of Helen is quite summarily disposed of by 
Hekabe in v. 988 fg., but Gorgias with his sophistry defends 
Helen on the same grounds, and tries to prove that she is 
entirely free from guilt. For, says he (Gorg., Encom. Hel. 6) : 


“H yap tUyns BovrAyjpace Kal Gedy Bovrevwace Kai avayKns 
/ ” “A v7 x / e Lal x / 
wndicpacw émrpakev a érpakev, 7) Bia apracbeica, i) Aoyos 
fal xX wy id fal ’ \ S \ \ lal ” 
meio beica, ) Epwtt ddovca. Ki pev obv dia To mpaetov, akvos 
lal nr / 
aittacbat 6 aitiopevos. Oeod yap tpobvpiay avOpwrivy mpo- 
pnbeia advvatov Kove. TépuKE yap Ov TO KpElacoV UO TOD 
hocovos KwAvEecOal, GAA TO HocoV bTO Tod KpElcaoVOS apyxeE- 
cba Kal dyecOat, Kai TO pev KpEetoooy Hyetcbal, TO b€ HacoV 
4 \ Jato A Ca \ / \ / \ 
érecOa. Geos & avOpmrov Kpetccov Kai Bia Kai copia Kal 
lal ” , 95 a A \ a n \ >) / > / 
Tois GAXNols. El OOY TH TUXN Kai TH Dew THY aiTLav avaGeTéor, 
\ ¢ rn 
THv ‘EXévnv ths ducKdelas aTroAvUTEOP. 
Aso ani see. 15. : 
> \ BA Lo id la) / / > lal / 
el yap épws iv 6 Tatta mavta mpdkas, ov yarerras Siadev- 
Eera THY THS NEyouevns yeyovévar dpapTias aitiav. a yap 
e lal ” VL > aA e lal / > ’ A iA 
opapev, exer hiow ovy Hv mets OérXopev AAN Hv ExacTov 
eruye* Ova b€ Tis dYpews 1) Wy) Kav Tois TpOTOLS TUTOUTAL. 
In sec. 19 he finishes his arguments thus : 
a a ene y \ 
ei obv T@ TOD ’AdeEdvSpov cwpartt TO Ths Edévys dppa nabev 
6 / \ oe: ” al Ge £6 / fa} 
TpoOvupiav Kal duihrav Epwtos TH Yruyn TapEedwxKe, TL Cavpa- 
/ aA > \ \ Xx ” rn / , rn a c 
aTOV; ds e& piv Oeds (av exer) Ocdv Oeiav Sivamiv, TAS av o 


387 


22 James T. Lees, 


A ” a > Ud Q \ b) 4 @ PS) , rs > PN! 
ioowv ¢in TovToV aTw@cacBat Kai apvvacbar duvaTos ; et 
f \ n > / > c c /, 
€otlv avOpwrivov voonua Kal Wuyis ayvonua, ovY ws apap- 
/ > Sane B , / LED fa) \ e DVO 
TNMA MELTTEOV AANX WS ATUYHMA VopLaTEov* HOE yap ois NAVE 
/ / 4 
TUXNS aypevpacty, ov yvoOpuns BovrAeVpMact, Kal EPWTOS avayKals, 
ov TEXVNS Tapackevais. 


Compare the argument of Helen before Theonoée in Eur. 

Flelo2zo tes: 
jy § ‘EXAdS €\Ow KaTiBO Laaprns troté, 
KNUOVTES ElaLooVTES wS TEXVALs Fewv 
@NovT, €y@ b€ TpoddTis ovK Hunv pirav. 

Also the remarkable statement made by the “deus ex 
machina” in Elek. 1282 fg.: 

ZLevs 8, @s épis yévorto Kat hovos Bpotav, 
eldwArov “Enévns é&érrepry és “INcov. 

Such arguments as the above were common enough among 
the sophists at Athens in Euripides’ time, and no doubt the 
poet drew from them in this pyows of Helen as well as in 
other speeches, especially the pjovs of Kassandra in Troad. 


353-405, where the sophistic element is at its highest in 
Euripides. 


B.— DISCUSSIONS BETWEEN TWO OR MORE SPEAKERS. 


1. ALKESTIS, 614-738. ‘Pacers, 629-672, 675-705. 
Disputants, Admetos and Pheres. 


2. ANDROMACHE, 147-746. ‘Poe, 147-180, 183-231, 
319-363, (384-420), 590-641, 645-690, (693-726). 

Disputants, Hermione and Andromache; Andromache and 
Menelaos ; Menelaos and Peleus. 


3. BAKCHAI, 210-369. “Preis, 266-327, 330-342. 
Disputants, Teiresias, Kadmos, and Pentheus. 
4. KYKLOPS, 203-355. ‘Pyoews, 285-312, 316-347. 
Disputants, Odysseus and Kyklops. 

388 

3 


Atxcavixos Aoyos tx Euripides. 23 


5. ELEKTRA, 998-1140. ‘Pyoers, IO1I-1050, 1060-1096. 
Disputants, Klytaimnestra and Elektra. 


6. HERAKLES MAINOMENOS, 140-251 ; 1229-1357. ‘“Pyaens, 
140-169, 170-235; 1255-1310, 1313-1339. 


Disputants, Lykos and Amphitryon ; Herakles and Theseus. 


7. HIPPOLYTOS, 902-1101. ‘Pyceus, 936-980, 983-1033. 
Disputants, Theseus and Hippolytos. 


8. IPHIGENEIA EN AULIDI, 317-414. ‘Pnoews, 334-375, 
378-401. 


Disputants, Menelaos and Agamemnon. 
g. MEDEIA, 446-626. ‘Preis, 465-519, 522-575. 


Disputants, Medeia and Jason. 
10. Ion, 517-675. ‘Prous, 585-647. 
Disputant, lon. 


ANALYSIS OF ELEKTRA, 998-1140; HIPPOLYTOS, 902-1101; AND 
MEDEIA, 446-626. 


ELEKTRA, 998-1140. ‘Pyaeus, IO1I-1050, 1060-1096. 


After the murder of Agamemnon by Klytaimnestra, the 
latter gave her daughter in marriage to a poor farmer, and 
closed the doors of her palace to Elektra and Orestes. Kly- 
taimnestra is afterwards summoned to the country, the mes- 
senger alleging that Elektra has just been delivered of her 
first-born. At v. 998 the queen arrives in grand style with 
her attendants before the humble cottage of Elektra. She 
here meets the daughter, who immediately accuses her 
mother of banishing Orestes and herself from the palace of 
their murdered father. This causes Klytaimnestra to enter 
into a long argument in defence of herself, to which Elektra 
replies. 


389 


24 James EF Lees 


‘Phoits OF KLYTAIMNESTRA, IOII—I050. 


(Vv. IOII, 1012 are an answer to the preceding words of 
Elektra.) 


1. Hpootpsov, 1013-1017: 


réEw Sé* Kaito. d0& OTav AaBn Kak) 
yuvaika, yAwoon TiKpPOTHS EVETTL TLS ° 

@s pev Tap uly, ov KAS" TO TPaypya OE 
padovtas, iv pev abiws pucety éExn, 

aotuyety Sikatov: e< O€ prj, TL Seb oTUYELD ; 


2. Ipodeovs included in the TIOTELS. 


3. Hioress, 1018-1048 : 


a. 1018-1023. Tyndareos gave me in marriage to your 
father, but not that my husband might kill my children, 
which he did; for he allured my daughter from home to 
Aulis by a promise of marriage to Achilles, and there put 
her to death. 

8. 1024-1029. If he had killed her to prevent the capture 
of acity, or to save the rest of his children, it would have 
been pardonable, but he did it on account of the wantonness 
of Helen and the laches of her husband. . 

y. 1030-1034. Although I felt deeply injured by that act, 
I would not have killed my husband, had he not returned 
with a raving, god-possessed young dame to share his bed. 

6. 1035-1040. Women are foolish, I grant; but when a 
husband neglects his home-duties, it is natural for the wife 
to imitate him and secure another lover. She then has all 
the blame. 

e. 1041-1048. If Menelaos had been secretly carried away 
from home, ought I to have sacrificed Orestes in order to 
save my sister’s husband?! How would your father have 
regarded that? Ought he not to die, since he killed my 
daughter ? 


1 Example of rapddevyua. Cf. Orest. 507 fg. 
390 


Accavixos Adyos tn Euripides. 25 


4. ’Emidoyos, 1049, 1050: 
rey’ el Te ypyters KavTides Tappnola 


cc4 yA XN \ > > / 
OTT WS TEOnKE aos Ta7T1p OUK EVOLKOS- 


After a few words have passed between Elektra and Kly- 
taimnestra (vv. 1055-1059), the former delivers a pyovs in 
reply to the above arguments. 


‘Pacts OF ELEKTRA, 1060-1096. 


1. [Ipootpov, 1060, IO6I : 
réyouw’? av: apyn O de por mpoo.plov.! 
el” eiyes, @ TEKOvCa, Bertlovs pévas. 

2. [Ipd@ecxs included in the first part of the riotes. 


Iéareus, 1062-1093 (facar) : 


ww 


a. 1062-1068. Helen and yourself are worthy of praise in 
regard to beauty, but you are both sinful and unworthy of 
Kastor, for she left her husband? willingly,? and you have 
killed the noblest man of Greece under the pretext of aveng- 
ing your daughter’s death. 

B. 1069-1075. Before your daughter's death, as soon as 
your husband had departed from home, you began to arrange 
your auburn locks in front of the mirror. The wife who 
takes pains with her toilet when her husband is away from 
home has some wickedness in view. 

y. 1076-1085. You alone of all the Grecian dames were 
filled with joy when the Trojans were successful, but when 
they were defeated you were downcast because you did not 
wish Agamemnon’s return from Troy.* 

§. 1086-1093 (S@cav). What wrong have I and my brother 
done to you? After killing your husband, why did you not 
share our father’s home with us rather than marry again ? 

1V. 1060. “mpoomlov absurdum.” Nauck. J. Kviéala (Eur. Stud. I, p. 73) 
suggests mpooiuiov. 

2V. 1065. dm@xero for amwrero of the MSS. is Pierson’s conjecture, now 
generally accepted. 


3 Cf. this statement with Troad. 373, 998. 
4 Retain v. 1079. 


391 


26 James 1. Tees: 


Your present husband is not banished to avenge your son, 
nor is he killed to avenge me, although I suffer a living 
death at his hands. 


4. “EmiXoyos, 1093 (ef 6')—1096 : 
el 0 apeliretat 
/ / / > lol ’ J \ 
hovov duxalwv hovos, aToKTEVa a éy@ 
Kal mais (Opéotns tratpt Timwpovpevot ° 
> \ OL. 2) ’ o \ a ” 5 ill 
el yap olka’ éxetva, Kai Tad Evo.Ka. 


After a short conversation between Klytaimnestra and 
Elektra, in the course of which the usual orvyouvia is used 
rather sparingly (1116-1123, 1128-1131), the scene closes 
with the departure of Klytaimnestra to offer sacrifice. 

The pow of Klytaimnestra contains three distinct and 
separate divisions, the mpo@eovs being included in the first 
part of the wictess. The wpooimsov is general except v. 1015 
— os pev trap ijpiv—by which the general statement is 
applied to herself. In the wicrecs we find four arguments 
advanced in defence of her crime. The last of these is.a 
remarkable hypothetical case which corresponds in every par- 
ticular to the real one, and to this hypothesis it is implied 
there can be but one answer. The ézidoyos is short, and 
simply an invitation to the opponent to answer the argu- 
ments advanced. 

In the pijovs cf Elektra the mpootusov is very short and to 
the point. In the first verse the word zrpoo(wcov occurs, which 
is found in but one other passage in the rhetorical pices of 
Euripides. In Hek. 1195 it occurs at the end of the mpooi- 
puov. Inthe rictess Elektra has not followed the order of 
the arguments of her mother. In fact it cannot be said that 
she has answered any one of the arguments clearly and dis- 
tinctly. She barely touches upon an answer to 8. 1024— 
1029 in the words cx«iuv mpotetvova’, x.7.r. (1067 fg.), but 


1 Kirchhoff and Nauck rightly bracket vv. 1097-1101. The pjois ends far 
better with vy. 1096 than with v. 1099. Cf. rad” Evdixa (1096) with ovk évdixws 
(1050). 

392 


Arccavixos Aoyos in Euripides. 27 


says not a word in direct reply to y. 1030-1034 and e. 104I- 
1048. However, it must be said that the pjovs as a whole is 
an answer to that of Klytaimnestra, because other arguments 
are advanced to account for the crime committed by the 
defendant. So indirectly Elektra answers y. 1030-1034 and 
§. 1035-1040 by stating (1069 fg.) that her mother was false 
to Agamemnon long before he brought Kassandra to his 
palace. The émiAoyos is a peculiar one. It is the decision 
of a judge rather than the conclusion of a pjows. Elektra 
has tried her mother, as it were, and found her guilty of 
murder. She therefore renders judgment against her and 
sentence of death. 

Vv. 1051-1056, generally given to Elektra, have caused 
the commentators much trouble. Nauck’s change — d/«nv 
éxeEas* on) Sixn for dixav édeEas, 7) Sikn (1051) —helps us 
but little, and we had better retain the reading of the MSS. 
Wilamowitz, Anal. Eur. p. 71, after quoting these verses, 
says: 


“Ab Electra iusta protulisse Clytaemnestram dici non 
posse intellexerunt, correxerunt igitur, varium et inproba- 
bilem in modum. 1054 et 55 cohaerere non docuerunt. 
‘Ces vers ont été mal divisés, puis mal corriges’ dicit Wei- 
lius inprobabilia molitus, vere, at alio quam voluit sensu. 
1051-1054, chori sunt. 1055, 1056, Electrae.”’ 


This is a satisfactory explanation of a very troublesome 
passage. Besides the objection given by Wilamowitz, it can- 
not be explained why the poet should make the second 
speaker give her opinion of the arguments of her opponent 
at the very beginning, then check herself after four verses, 
and remind her mother of the last words of the previous 
pjow. There is not a parallel to this in all the rhetorical 
pynoes of Euripides. There is no doubt that vv. 1051-1054 
are far better adapted to the chorus, as reflecting the opinion 
of the audience, than they are to Elektra, and it is the gen- 
eral rule for the chorus to have two or more verses between 
such pyoecs. 


28 James T. Lees, 


HipPpoLyTos, 902-1101. “Pyoes, 936-980, 983-1033. 


This play contains two long forensic pices by Theseus 
and Hippolytos, with an introduction in the form of a dia- 
logue between father and son (vv. 903-935). After the argu- 
ments have been presented by plaintiff and defendant, the 
discussion closes with a series of distichs, vv. 1064-1089. 

Phaidra, the second wife of Theseus, has fallen in love with 
Hippolytos, the son of Theseus by his first wife. After learn- 
ing that her love has been disclosed by an old nurse and 
spurned by Hippolytos, she writes a letter, incriminating the 
young man, and then commits suicide. Theseus soon arrives, 
and after reading the letter is very angry. At v. 902 Hip- 
polytos appears, and innocently asks what is the cause of the 
disturbance. The reply of Theseus (v. 916 fg.) is couched in 
general terms, and takes the form of an invective against 
men who seem to be friends but are really foes (vv. 925-931). 
These general statements convey to Hippolytos sufficient 
meaning to arouse his suspicion, and he asks (v. 932 fg.) : 


DC) X i \ » 
arr’ Tis els cov ods pe StaBarwv éxeL 
I an ’ b) \ ¥ vy 
pirov, vorotpev & ovdev dvTES aiTLoL ; 


Theseus now speaks out clearly, and makes the definite 
charge against his son. 


‘Picts OF THESEUS, 936-980. 


1. [pootprov, 936-942 : 

If man’s audacity continues to increase, the gods must add 
another earth to the present one, in order to have a place for 
the impious and base. 

2. Hpe@ecus, 943-945 : 

oxélacbe S els Tovd’, datis e& euod yeyas 
noxXvve Taua NEKTpA KaEENeyYeTAL 
mpos THS Pavovans euhavas KaKLoTOS wD. 
3. lores, 946-970 : 
a. 946-957. Look in your father’s face. Do you boast of 
394 


Atcamkos Aoyos tx Euripides. 29 


association with gods and of chastity? I have no faith in 
your boasts and Orphic rites.! 

B. 958-965. She is dead. Do you think this will save 
you? Itis the most convincing proof of all. This is stronger 
evidence than all épxou and doyou. 

y. 966-970. Do you say that folly is in woman’s nature 
but not in man’s? Young men are no stronger against 
temptation than women are when Kypris distracts their 
mind. 


4. “Esrinoyos, 971-980: 
fal lo} / rn lal e lal a 
VUY OUY TL TAVTA GOS AMLAAXWLAL NOYOLS 
VeKpoU TrapovTos fadpTupos cadeotatou ; 


Begone, and leave my realms! If I allow myself to be 
defeated by you, my reputation will be lost. 


‘Piiots OF HIPPOLYTOS, 983-1033. 


1. [Ipooiusov, 983-991 (adetvar) : 

The case (of my opponent) has fair arguments until one 
examines it closely. I am no orator to harangue the people,” 
but nevertheless I must speak out in my own defence. 


2. Hpodecis omitted. 


3. Uiaress, 991 (wpata)—1024 : 

a. 991-1006. I will begin by answering your first charge. 
I revere the gods, and treat my friends the same at all times. 
I am wholly innocent of the charge, and have never touched 
woman. 

B. 1007-1020. If you do not believe I am innocent, you 
should prove me guilty. Did I wish to usurp your throne? 
I should be foolish to do so. But (you say) ‘it is sweet to 

1 Vv. 952,953. Nauck (Eur. Stud. II, p. 38) recommends the following 
reading: 

citos vuy avxe Kal dc aWdxou Bopas 
idv karHdev, Opdéa 7 dvaxr exwv. 


2 Vv. 988, 989. Arist. Rhet. II, 22, 3: @aciv of rounral Tos draidevTous Tap’ 
6xAW wovotkwrépws Aéyerv. Cf. also Plut., de Educ. Lib. 9, 6 B. 


395 


30 James T. Lees, 


rule.’ Not so. I prefer to be first in the Hellenic contests 
and second in the state.! 

y. 1021-1024. One argument yet remains. If I had a 
witness such as myself, and if she were alive, you would see 
by the facts of the case who is the guilty one. 


4. ’EninXoyos, 1025-1033: 


I swear by Zeus and Earth that I am innocent of the 
charge. But why she took her life I do not know.? 


Ilsorets OF THESEUS. IIldorets OF HIPPOLYTOS. 
a. 940-957 answered a. QQI-1006. 
B. 958-965 < y. 1021-1024. 
ry. 966-970 oi 8. 1007-1020. 


In the preceding discussion the pjow of Theseus is com- 
plete as an oration, and contains the four divisions distinctly 
defined. The wpoo/uioy is a general statement, but he in- 
tends it to be applied to his son. Theseus is plaintiff in the 
case, and, since he has the opening speech, states the charge 
(943-945). The aictess of each ppovs contain three divis- 
ions, and are about the same length. Each of the main 
arguments of Theseus is answered by Hippolytos, but the 
order is changed somewhat. The principal divisions of the 
pyoes are in some cases distinctly marked, as the following 
verses show: 

W BO7 k- vov ovv TL TATA Gols AMIAX@paL AOyoLs, 

9QI, 992. Tpata © apEomar NéyeLy, 
o0ev pw umTnrAOEs TP@TOV K.T.X. 
TO év ov AéXExTaL TOV EuaV, TA O AXA ExELS. 


Each éz/Xoyos begins with ‘viv’ (vv. 971, 1025). 


MEDEIA, 446-626. “Press, 465-519, 522-575. 


Jason, leader of the Argonautic expedition, married Medeia, 
who had assisted him in obtaining the golden fleece. He 


Vi LOL6) ton Ch lonio2r sta: 

2 Vv. 1034, 1035. ‘“ Halte ich es fiir wahrscheinlich dass die beiden Verse 
iiberhaupt dem Euripides fremd sind. Ihr Wegfall ist kein Verlust, sondern ein 
Gewinn.” Nauck. See his discussion of these verses in Eur. Stud. II, 39-41. 


396 


Accavixos Aoyos 7x Euripides. 31 


afterwards became enamored of Glauke, the daughter of 
Kreon, and Medeia was ordered by the king to depart from 
Korinth with her two children. After Medeia has been sen- 
tenced by the king to banishment, Jason appears, accuses 
her of having unduly abused the royal family, and declares 
that for this reason she has been banished. He comes, how- 
ever, with the offer of pecuniary aid for their children (vv. 
448-458). Medeia charges him with injustice and incon- 
stancy, and delivers a bitter invective against him. He replies 
in a pyovs of about the same length. 


‘Paots OF MEDEIA, 465-519. 


1. Ipootuiov, 465-474: 

You utter wretch, you have come, have you?! This is not 
courage or boldness, to look in the face of friends you have 
injured, but the greatest evil among men, — insolence. 


5 eo] > / , 
ev © émoinaas poor, 
eyo Te yap NéEaca Koudic Oyj compat 
\ lal / 
Wuyny Kax@s ce Kai ov AUTITEL KNVOD. 


2. [poeous, 475-498 : 
ex TOV S€ TPwWTAY TPaTOV apEomaL NEyeELV. 


I saved your life when you were sent to overcome the fire- 
breathing bulls, and I slew the dragon that guarded the 
golden fleece. I deserted home and kindred to come with 
you to Iolchos. After receiving such favors, you have deserted 
me and taken another wife. You have broken the oaths you 
made before the gods, and I am ruined. 


3. IIorews, 499-515: 

a. 499-508. Come, I will converse with you as a friend, 
— although expecting no advantage, — because when ques- 
tioned you will appear the greater villain. Where now shall 
I turn? Tothe home I abandoned? To the sad daughters 
of Pelias? A fine reception they would give me after killing 
their father. I have made enemies of my friends to help you. 


1 V. 468 is probably interpolated from v. 1324. Klotz, however, defends it. 


557 


iS) 


James T. Lees, 


Ww 


B. 509-515. For this you have made me a happy wife 
indeed, and a wonderful husband I have in you if, as an 
exile, I am driven away to wander with my children. 


4. “Esridoyos, 516-519: 
® Led, ti 6) ypvood péev Os KiBSnros 7 
Texunpe avOpwrroiow wTacas cad, 
avepav & btw xp Tov Kaxov d.ELdévat, 
OVOELS YapakTnp EUTEPUKE THMATL ; 


‘Pijots OF JASON, 522-575. 


1. IIpootueov, 522-525: 

I must not be slow to answer, but as a skilful pilot with 
close:reefed sail,! I must escape from the violent storm of 
your words. 

2. Upo8ecrs omitted. 

3. IIdorets, 526-567 : 

a. 526-533. I consider that Kypris was the person who 
saved me.2 Subtle and shrewd are your arguments, but it 
was Eros that forced you to assist me. This point, however, 
I will not press too closely. 

B. 534-544. You have received more than you gave, as I 
will prove. You live in Greece instead of among barbarians. 
You enjoy the advantage of justice and law, and are not sub- 


ject to mere force.* You have gained a reputation among 
the Greeks which otherwise you would not have. 


Vv. 545, 546: 
TocavTa mév cor TOY euaVv TrOveV Trépt 
EXeE’* GptdrXav yap ov tpovOnkas AOywv.* 


y. 547-507 (ovfcac). You blame me because I married 
into the royal family. In answer I will say that I was (1) 


1 See the scholiast and Elmsley for a different interpretation of this passage. 

2Vy. 526-528. Nauck reads émrel civ for ered); also cwrnplas vavKXnpov 
for vaukAnplas cwreipav. See Nauck, Eur. Stud. I, p. 120. 

3°V. 538. xKpdros, Nauck. Retain xdp.v of the MSS. and cf. Soph. Antig. 30. 

4V.546. Cf. Suppl. 428. 


398 


Accavixos Adyos in Euripides. 33 


wise, because I could not have gained a greater advantage 
(vv. 551-554); (2) prudent, in that I was not influenced sim- 
ply by a desire for a new wife (vv. 555-558) ; (3) a friend to 
you and my children, because we could rise from poverty to 
wealth (vv. 559-567). 

4. ‘EmiXoyos, 567-575. It is the thought of your bed that 
grates upon your feelings. 


xpnv ap adrobév rofev Bpotods 
matdas texvotaba, Ondu & ovK eiva yévos * 
YOUTwS AV OVK VY OvdeY aVOpwTrOLS KaKOD. 


“Pyots OF MEDEIA. IIiorets OF JASON. 
es ieeae 475-487 apaweted a. 526-533. 
488-498 B. 534-544. 
IIiatess =. 509-515 : y. 547-567. 


The trpootuov in the pjows of Medeia is an answer to the 
insulting Janguage of Jason immediately preceding, and at 
the same time an introduction to the rpoGecus. In this phous, 
as in that of Menelaos in Iph. en Aul. 337 fg., we find an 
elaborate wpo@ecvs, in which Medeia relates the past actions 
of Jason and her assistance to him. The wiotess contain 
little that can be called argumentative. It is not her purpose 
to persuade him to relent, but rather to prove him to be the 
utter wretch that he is. We should notice particularly vv. 
475, 545, 546, as distinctly marking the dividing lines of the 
parts of the pyjoes. The éidoyos of Medeia is excellent, 
and may be compared with the best in any of the speeches. 

Jason’s speech is rather an désxos Xoyos, but Euripidean 
sophistry gives him a fairly good argument. Almost the 
whole piavs is occupied with answering the numerous charges 
of Medeia, and in endeavoring to prove that his conduct is 
justifiable. His arguments in vv. 551-567, where he tries to 
prove that he has shown codiav, cwpPpoctvny, and didiav in 
his course of action, would be almost amusing did they not 
pertain to such a serious question and involve still more seri- 
ous consequences. The zpootmov and émidoyos, as well as 


ao9 


34 James T. Lees, 


the several parts of the wiores, are clearly defined and set 
forth with the skill of a practised lawyer. 


II]. — Ackavixol kat SvpPBovrevrcxot. 
PARTLY DISCUSSION AND PARTLY PERSUASION. 


1. HEKABE, 218-437. ‘“Prceus, 251-295, 2990-331, 342-378. 

Disputants, Hekabe and Odysseus. 

Pleader, Polyxena. 

2. HIKETIDES, 87-584. ‘Process, 163-192, (195-249), 297- 
331, 334-364, (409-425), 426-462, 465-510, 513-563. 

Pleaders, Adrastos and Aithra. 

Judge, Theseus. 

Disputants, Herald and Theseus. 

3. [PHIGENEIA EN AULIDI, 1106-1275. ‘Pxoes, 1146-1208, 
1211-1252. 

Disputant, Klytaimnestra. 

Pleader, Iphigeneia. 

Judge, Agamemnon. 

4. PHOINISSAI, 446-037. ‘“Praeus, 469-496, 499-525, 528- 
585. 

Disputants, Polyneikes and Eteokles. 

Mediator, \okaste. 


ANALYSIS OF PHOINISSAT, 446-637. 


The two sons of Oidipous, Eteokles and Polyneikes, having 
agreed to rule Thebes year by year alternately, the younger 
withdrew for a year. But at the end of the first year Eteo- 
kles proved false to his promise, and would not relinquish the 
rule. Polyneikes thereupon formed an alliance with Adras- 
tos, king of Argos, and after collecting an army marched 
against Thebes. When the invading army appeared before 
the walls of the city, Iokaste, the mother of the rival claim- 

400 


Accavxos Aoyos in Euripides. 35 


ants, persuaded them to meet and try to settle their dispute. 
Polyneikes then enters the city, and the brothers state their 
case in the presence of Iokaste. 


‘Pacts OF POLYNEIKES, 469-496. 
1. IIpooiusov, 469-472 : 
Truth is simple, and justice needs no cunning language, but 
a false argument requires sophistic expedients.! 


2. Hpodects, 473-493: 

a. 473-483. To avoid the curse of Oidipous I voluntarily 
left this land, after agreeing with Eteokles that we should 
each rule a year in turn, and thus avoid enmity and _blood- 
shed.2_ He has not kept his oath, but holds the sovereignty 
and my share of the ruling power. 

8B. 484-493. Even now I am willing to dismiss the army 
if I am granted my rights, and after ruling my allotted time 
I will resign. If this be not granted, I shall try to gain it by 
force of arms, and I call the gods to witness the justice of 
my cause. 


3. Ilicters omitted. 


’ I 
4. ‘Emridoyos, 494-496 : 
a) wf a > \ \ 
TavT av@ Exacta, mATEp, oVXL TEepiTAOKAS 
Aoywv aOpolcas eizov, Ada Kal cogois 
WN a / 7 bY ¢ b \ ~ 
Kal Tolar hovros Evdry’, ws Emo SoxKel. 


‘Piots OF ETEOKLES, 499-525. 
/ 
1. IIpootprov, 499-502: 
el Taal TAUTO Kadov epu codov O dua, 
> aN x > /- > 7 ” 
ouK HV av audirextos avOpa@rrols Epis: 
la ’ SAI. er. QO \ SAR IY “ 
vov & ov odpovov ovdéev ovT’ icov BpoTots, 
' > / \ > 4 > BA / 
TAY ovopwac, TO & Epyov ovK EcTW TOdE. 


2. IIpo@ecrs omitted. 


1 This mpooluioy is quoted by Stobaeus, Flor. XI, 12. Compare the thought 
with Hek. 1187-1194. 
2 Nauck rightly suspects v. 480. See Eur. Stud. I, p. 76. 


4Ol 


36 James T. Lees, 


3. Uiarers, 503-520: 

a. 503-508. I would do all in my power to gain the great- 
est gift of the gods, — sovereignty, —and I am unwilling to 
resign it to another. 

B. 509-514. It is cowardly to lose the greater and accept 
the less. I should feel ashamed, and the citizens of Thebes 
would reproach me, if I should yield to my brother when he 
has come in arms. 

y. 515-520. He ought to have offered to settle the ques- 
tion by arbitration rather than enforce his claims by arms. 
If he wishes to live here as a citizen he may do so, but I will 
never consent! to become his subject. 


4. ’EsrtnXoyos, 521-525 : 
Therefore come fire, sword, and chariot, for I will not give 
up my sovereignty. 
elTep yap adiKety ypy, TUpavvidos Tépt 
KaANLGTOV adlKety, TAAAA 6 EvoEBELY ypEwr. 


‘Piiots OF IOKASTE, 528-585. 
1. pooiuiov, 528-530: 7 
@ TEKVOV, OVX aTaVTA TO ynpa KQKG, 
"EredxXees, TpocecTi* aX HuTrerpia 
éxer TL AEEaL TMV véwy copwTepor. 

2. [Ipefeors omitted. 

3. ores, 531-583: 

a. 531-548.° (Addressed to Eteokles.) Why do you court 
distinction, the greatest evil of the gods, which has destroyed 
many homes and cities? It is far better to respect the law 
of equality, which binds friends to friends, cities to cities, and 
has established fair dealing among men. Even night and , 


day proceed in equal rounds, and neither one is envious of 
the other. 


TV. 519. Retain peOjooua of the MSS. 


2 This mpoofwor is also quoted by Stobaeus, Flor. XV, 1. 
8 Cf. Dio Chrysost. XVII, p. 287. 


402 


Ackavixos Aoyos in Euripides. 37 


B. 549-557. Why do you prize sovereignty so highly? It 
is but prosperity with injustice, —an empty honor. Why toil 
laboriously when you have much at home?! Wealth is but a 
name, and riches belong not to men, but to the gods. 

y. 558-565. I propose to you two alternatives. Do you 
prefer to rule or to save the city? Do you say you prefer to 
hold the throne? Then, if he is victorious, you will see 
Thebes conquered and many captive maidens ruined by your 
enemies. 

6. 568-583 :? 

Gol pev TAO avd, col dé IloAvvErKes Aéyo. 

(Addressed to Polyneikes.) Adrastos has not wisely con- 
ferred his favors, and you are foolish for coming to destroy 
the city. Suppose you take the city — Heaven forbid! — 
how can you inscribe upon the spoils: 

“@nBas, tup@cas Ttacde LlodvvetKns Oeois 
aotioas €Onke ;”’ 


On the other hand, if you are defeated, how can you return 
to Argos after leaving the dead? Many will say: 


“a Kaka pynoTevpaTa 


"Adpacte tpocbeis, dua pds vdudns yamov 
aT@XopmecGa.” 

4. ’Eminoyos, 584, 585: 

péGetov TO Niav, wéGeTov: auwaOlar dvotv, 
els TAUO Stay moANTOY, ExOtaTOV KaKOV. 

The arguments of Iokaste, powerful as they are, have no 
effect on Eteokles. He declares that words can accomplish 
nothing in the present contest (588, 589), and orders his 
brother to leave the city (593). This causes a very passion- 
ate debate to take place between the brothers in a series of 
trochaic verses (§94-624). At first the debate is conducted 
in ottyopvOia (596-002), but as their anger increases they 
change to »oriyea, and thus continue to the end (603-624). 

1V. 552. Retain év dwuacr of the MSS. On evdaiuova (the reading of 


Nauck) see Eur. Stud. I, 78. 
? Dindorf rightly condemns vv. 566, 567. Nauck puts v. 567 in brackets. 


403 


38 James T. Lees, 


In vv. 625-635 Polyneikes calls upon the gods to witness the 
injustice he receives, and as he departs Eteokles exclaims : 


&E00” ex yopas: adrnOads & dvoxa Tlodvvetkny matyp 
EOeTd cou Oela mpovola verkéwy ETo@VvUpLOD. 

There are several points in the above pyjoes that are worthy 
of special attention. The most striking peculiarity is the 
length and arrangement of the three speeches. The pious 
of Polyneikes is exactly the same length as that of his brother. 
The two pices taken together contain about the same num- 
ber of verses as one pyocs in other discussions. In the pious 
of Polyneikes also the miores are wanting. The mpodeaus is 
the part that is generally omitted, but here we find the whole 
pjows is practically limited to the wpoOeors or diyjynows. The 
pjow of Eteokles, on the other hand, is nearly all occupied 
with the mwiotess. The poet has skilfully placed the best 
arguments last, in order to leave as good an impression as 
possible of this unjust side of the case. The srpooiusov and 
€midoyos are clearly defined in each pyows. Another peculiar 
feature is that Iokaste is not a judge to decide the contest, 
but acts as mediator, and the pyjows which she delivers is 
almost exactly the length of both the preceding combined. 
She addresses the last speaker first, refutes every argument 
he has advanced, then turns to the first speaker and urges 
him not to make war on his own city. Her arguments, how- 
ever, are of no avail. 

The scholiast has the following interesting observation on 
the pjovs of Iokaste: 


’ i > NV al / 4 lal \ 
év ToUTOLS ovdeY ‘loxactn cupBeBovrEvKE TOls Talal KOLVW- 
/ \ ee \ / n a A 
heres. adAa TH pev NEyeL, Els TL hidoTLh Tupavvetv ; TO Oé, 
/ na \ / rn lal 
els TU TONEMELS THY TaTpida ; eypHyv € TOUTOLS GUUBoUrEvCAL, 
\ lal \ an 
dueouévous Ta TaTp@a, Kai THY Bacirelav ravoacOa THs 
/ a (2 / an 
diwyootacias, OTws Uréotncav €E& apyns ava pépos apyeu. 
\ \ > n a 4 a 
Kal yap €wl T@ TolNnTH Hv Tolmoa avTovs pn TEeLOomévous, 
ied \ a e / / / iv4 \ >’ \ ’ 
OTS TA THS LaTOplas wévyn BéBaia. elpapTo yap avTovs adXN- 
/ fa \ \ an lal 
NOKTOVOUS YEvoMEVOUS, KATA Tas apas TOD TaTpos amobavelv. 
vov O€ ovdev TOUTWY TETFOLNKEDV. 


404 


Atcavixos Aoyos in Euripides. 39 


IIT. — SupBovdevrikds. 
PERSUASION WHOLLY. 
1. HELEN, 865-1029. ‘Prjces, 894-943, 947-995, 998- 
1020. 
Pleaders, Helen and Menelaos. 
Judge, Theonoe. 


IV. — ’Emdecxrikés. 


1. TROADES, 353-405. 
Speaker, Kassandra. 


V. —’Emirdduor. 


1. HIKETIDES, 857-917. 
Speaker, Adrastos. 


2. TROADES, 1156-1206. 
Speaker, Hekabe. 


DIVISIONS OF THE PRINCIPAL SPEECHES IN EURIPIDES. 


ALKESTIS. 
TPOOLLLOV ampo0erts TLOTELS emiAoyos 
SZQ-H3 se hy) eS oe 633-668 669-672 
G75—OSOM ao. Scene 68 1-702 703-705 
ANDROMACHE. 
[i Se eh a a TSG Fooes ys achows 
Hos—tOm ss ek 192-228 229-231 
319-323 324-329 333-360 361-363 
645-654 657-6061 662-687 688-690 
BAKCHAI. 
266-271 272-287 288-321 322-327 
SIS CR I Sac gc ORONO 333-340 341-342 
HEKABE. 
teed GE eae Dany caps hs 251-285 286-295 
POO= FOO ete fore shat S01 se a YO et ckese oh 
tees 342-348 349-368 369-378 
Shc 1132-1136 1136-1174 1175-1182 
TSE Of LOA ame ol. Narciectatis 1195-1232 1232-1237 


405 


40 James T. Lees, 


HELEN. 


Trpooiw.ov atpo0eots 


ELEKTRA. 


ROWMI=NOL7 = 9 8) a) besewount 
MOOO=NCOe = = = —§ Souoe 


HERAKLEIDAI. 
134-135 
iMopiijay a held 

HERAKLES MAINOMENOS. 
LAO=14e Ty) Se Bete 


HIKETIDES. 
163-167 
2O7— BOO wel Sn) Bete tata ice 


OOM, a me»)! @ rn Pacers 


857-859 
NOSO—NOSOM Mn ann erete 


HIPPOLYTOS. 


936-942 943-945 
GOZ=GON FW (es. >.) owe 


IPHIGENEIA EN AULIDI. 
334-336 337-365 
B70 BOO ms | ee iehaaicc 
1146-1147 
T2TMEL AUS A yy ee tat hes eeu 
ION. 
Lely) I og Bie 
IK YKLOPS. 
265-200. Ne Sy Seinen. 
Z16=317) Pee 


406 


awloTeELS 
894-943 
947-995 


1018-1048 
1062-1093 


1305174 
184-219 


144-164 
174-226 
1258-1298 
1313-1337 


184-189 
301-325 
409-422 
429-455 
476-505 
517-557 


1087-1107 


946-970 
9Q9I-1024 


366-372 
381-399 
1166-1205 
1216-1248 


589-644 


290-309 
318-344 


émiAoyos 


1049-1050 
1093-1096 


174-178 
226-231 


165-169 

227-235 
1299-1310 
1338-1339 


190-192 
326-331 
423-425 
456-462 
506-510 
558-563 
999-917 

1108-1113 


97 1-980 
1025-1033 


S/n 

400-401 
1206-1208 
1249-1252 


644-647 


309-312 
345-346 


Acxavixos Aoyos in Euripides. 41 
MEDEIA. 

Tpooip.tov ampd0ects TLOTELS éridoyos 
465-474 475-498 499-515 516-519 
G22—525 ee. | oan 526-567 567-575 

ORESTES. 
491-495 se ee 496-533 534-541 
Baa SAS ys kehenef: 549-599 600-604 
O40=60TI So el A Meare 642-677 678-679 
TROADES. | 
353-364 365-369 370-402 403-405 

OPAGTOR Tay hs Vic icutse 919-960 961-965 
GOG—G70W) “PR ets. 971-1028 1029-1032 

LN OS Oy i, rs are 1158-1199 1200-1206 

PHOINISSAI. 

469-472 AS AGGe IS Pe. -ck 494-496 
to oy, 6 ll Lanner ts 503-520 521-525 
2S 5GOW wales, 0) ye ooas os 531-583 584-585 


RHETORICAL INDEX TO THE SPEECHES OF EURIPIDES. 


*Avaditdwots; Alk. 677, Andr. 319, 650, 651, (656), 678, Hek. 328, Hel. 916, 
952, Herak. (225), 229, Hiket. 857, 1108, 1109, Iph. Aul. 1174, 1175, 1252, 
Kykl. 322, Phoin. 536, 537, 552. 

*Avadhopa; Her. Main. 143, 144, 148-150, 170, 171, 1301, 1316, 1317, Med. 467, 
Phoin. 521, 585. 

*Avtibeots; Alk. 685, 692, Hiket. 902, 908, Med. 469-472 (et passim). 

Eixora; Bak. 288 fg., Elek. 947, 1036, Hek. 271 fg., 282, 1207, Her. Main. 
1314 fg., lon 594-611, Hipp. 1008, Orest. 532. 

Hipovela; Alk. 699 fg., Med. 472, 504, 510, Troad. 353 fg., 365 fg., 386 fg. 

*Edarteots; Andr. 186, Hek. 1237, Med. 532, Orest. 544, Troad. 384. 

"EXeyxos; Alk. 640, 679 fg., 696, Elek. 1069 fg., Hek. 1199 fg., Herak. 184 fg., 
Her. Main. 162, 190 fg., Hipp. 944, Iph. Aul. 335, Med. 566. 

*Epornotis; Alk. 689, 691, 698, 702, Andr. 193, 195, 198, 200, 202 (ef passim). 

Maprvpia; Herak. 219, Her. Main. 176, Hipp. 944, 960, 972, 977, 1022, Iph. 
Aul. 1158, Med. 517, 532, Phoin. 491, Troad. 955. 

Tlapadeiypara; Andr. 215 fg., 333 fg., 645 fg., 663 fg., 668 fg., Elek. 1041 fg., 
Herak. 144 fg., 207 fg., Her. Main. 1316, Med. 508, Orest. 507 fg. 

Tlictwois; Hek. 299, Hiket. 476, Hipp. 1025 fg., Troad. 916 fg. 

IIpokaradn is; Hiket. 184 fg., 314 fg., Ion 629, Troad. 916 fg., 938 fg., 951 fg. 

Texprpia; Alk. 634, 653 fg., Andr. 677, Elek. 1041, 1086, Hek. 1206, Hel. 920 fg., 
Herakl. 142, Iph. Aul. 1185 fg., Troad. 961, 962, 970. 


407 


James T. Lees. 


LITERATURE. 


1. Aristotle. Ars Rhetorica, Liber III. 


© OW ANA 


Io. 


hw h 


. Blass. Die Attische Beredsamkeit. Leipzig, 1868. 
. Cyranka. De Orationum Thucy. Elocutione cum Trag. Comparata. Breslau, 


1875. 


. Dio Chrysostomus. Oratio 52. 
. Dionysius Halicarnassensis. Ars Rhetorica, c. X. 
. Jebb. Attic Orators, Vol. I. 


Jebb. The Speeches of Thucydides. Oxford, 1880. 


. Moulton. The Ancient Classical Drama. Macmillan & Co., 18go. 
. Miller. Dispositionen zu den Reden bei Thucydides. Paderborn und 


Miinster, 1887. 
Volkmann. Die Rhetorik der Griechen und Rémer. Leipzig, 1868. 


For TExTUAL CRITICISM. 


. Cobet. Variae Lectiones. Ed. II. Lugduni-Batavorum, 1873. 
. Kvitala. Studien zu Euripides. Wien, 1879. . 
. Nauck, Euripideische Studien. St. Petersburg, 1859-1862. 

- Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. Analecta Euripidea. Berlin, 1875. 


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